LIBRARY OF
T. V. MOORE.
No. In. Vol.
INSTITUTES
or
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
ANCIENT AND MODERN,
IN FOUR BOOKS,
MUCH CORRECTED, ENLARGED, AND IMPROVED FROM THE
' PRIMARY AUTHORITIES.
BY JOHN LAWRENCE VON MOSHEIM, D.D.,
CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTTINGEN.
A NEW AND LITERAL TRANSLATION, FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN, WITH
COPIOUS ADDITIONAL NOTES, ORIGINAL AND SELECTED.
BY JAMES MURDOCH. D. D.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED.
NEW-YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF-STREET.
1839.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1839, by JAMES MURDOCH,
in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Connecticut District.
IMS
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
To produce a general history of the Christian church, adapted es-
pecially to the wants of the younger clergy, but suitable for intelligent
readers of all classes, a history so comprehensive as to touch on all
the more important facts, briefly indeed, but distinctly, with suitable
enlargement on the points of peculiar interest, and a constant reference
to authorities and to the writers who give more full information, so
that the work, while itself affording a good general knowledge of the
whole subject, might serve as a guide to more thorough investigations ;
—such was the design of Dr. Mosheim in the following work, and
such has been the aim of the present translator.
The great need of such a work at the present day, when every other
branch of theology is much cultivated, is so generally felt, that it is
unnecessary to say anything to evince its importance or to excite an
interest on the subject. The only things, therefore, which here claim
attention, are the character and history of Dr. Mosheim, the reasons
for giving a new translation of his work, and the additions made to it
by way of notes.
John Lawrence von Mosheim was nobly born at Lubec, October 9,
1694. His education was completed at the university of Kiel, where,
at an early age, he became professor of philosophy. In his youth he
cultivated a taste for poetry ; and he actually published criticisms on
that subject. But pulpit eloquence, biblical and historical theology,
and practical religion, were his favourite pursuits. He published seven
volumes of sermons, and left a valuable treatise on preaching, which
was printed after his death. The English and French preachers, par-
ticularly Tillotson and Watts, Saurin, Massillon, and Flechier, were his
models. The Germans admit that he contributed much to improve the
style and manner of preaching in their country. While a professor
at Kiel, he gained such reputation that the King of Denmark invited
him to a professorship at Copenhagen. But the Duke of Brunswick
soon after, in the year 1725, called him to the divinity chair at Helm-
stadt, which he filled with great applause for twenty-two years. In
1747, when George II. king of England, the founder of the university
of Gottingen, wished to place over that institution men of the highest
rank in the literary world, Dr. Mosheim was deemed worthy to be its
chancellor, and the head of the department of theology. In this hon-
ourable station he remained eight years, or till his death, September
9, 1755. His works were very numerous ; consisting of translations
into Latin or German of various foreign works, Italian, French, Eng-
iv TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
lish, and Greek, with learned notes ; an immense number of disqui-
sitions relating to historical, dogmatic, and moral subjects ; besides
orations, sermons, letters, &c. On church history, in which he most
distinguished himself, he published, among other works, two volumes
of essays on detached subjects ; and a compendious church history, in
two volumes, 12mo ; a full church history of the first century, 4to ;
Commentary on the affairs of Christians till the times of Constantine,
4to ; and he had just published the revision and enlargement of his
compendious church history, under the new title of Institutes of Ec-
clesiastical History, ancient and modern, in one volume, 4to, when he
was removed by death, at the age of 61.
The character of Dr. Mosheim is thus given by his disciple and
translator, /. R. Schlegel. " We may have had, perhaps, biblical in-
terpreters, who, like Ernesti and Michaelis, expounded the Scriptures
with more philosophical and critical learning ; perhaps, also, theolo-
gians and moralists who have treated dogmatic and practical theology
with more metaphysical precision ; we may likewise have had, arid
perhaps still have, pulpit orators, who, among the many unsuccessful
imitators of Mosheim's method, have even rivalled him, and perhaps
come nearer to that ideal perfection which he wished to see realized.
But in ecclesiastical history, the merits of Mosheim are so decisive
and peculiar, that I will not venture to compare him with any who
preceded or followed him in this department of learning. He is, as
Schroeckh says, our first real historian in church history."* Dr.
Maclaine informs us that, after he had commenced his translation, he
received a letter from Bishop Warburton, saying, " Mosheim's com-
pendium is excellent, the method admirable ; in short, the only one
deserving the name of an ecclesiastical history. It deserves and
needs frequent notes"
Mosheim's Institutes, as well as most of his other historical works,
being written in Latin, were accessible to learned foreigners. And
Dr. Archibald Maclaine, the son of a dissenting minister in the north
of Ireland, and himself an assistant minister to an English congrega-
tion at the Hague, published an English translation of these Institutes
so early as the year 1764, only nine years after the appearance of
the original. Dutch and French translations were also made ; but I
know not by whom or at what time. In 1769, J. A. C. von Einem,
a pious but not profound German minister,, commenced his German
translation of the Institutes. His design was to bring down the
work to the capacities of the unlearned, and to render it an edifying
book for common Christians. Accordingly, he omitted nearly all the
marginal references and discussions, and introduced much religious
biography and historical detail. His translation fills six vols. 8vo,
and the continuation of the history three additional volumes. In the
year 1770, John R. Schlegel, rector of the gymnasium of Heilbronn,
a learned and judicious man, commenced another German translation,
which is very literal and close, free from all interpolations, and ac-
* Schlcgel'3 Mosheim, vol. i., Preface.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. v
companied with learned notes. This translation, in four large volumes
8vo, was completed in 1780; and a continuation of the history, in
two volumes, appeared in 1784 and 1788.
The lectures and the printed works of Mosheim on ecclesiastical
history kindled up such ardour for this science in Germany, that, in
the course of fifty years, Baumgarten, Sender, Schroeckh, Henke, and
Schmidt, severally, produced large and valuable church histories. Of
these, the most full and complete is that of Schroeckh, a pupil of Mo-
sheim, continued by Tzschirner, in forty-five vols. 8vo. And next,
that of Henke, continued by Vater, in nine vols. 8vo. Nor has the
ardour for this branch of theology yet subsided in Germany ; for Pro-
fessor Neander, of Berlin, is now publishing a profound and philosoph-
ical church history, which, if completed on the plan commenced, will
probably fill twenty-five or thirty volumes 8vo. The limits assigned
to this preface will not allow a discussion of the merits of these sev-
eral successors of Mosheim. Suffice it to say, that a careful exami-
nation of them all has resulted in the decided conviction that Mo-
sheim's history, in a form similar to that given to it by Schlegel, is
the best adapted to the wants of this country, and the most likely to
meet general approbation among the American clergy.
The necessity for a new English version of the Institutes arises
principally from the unauthorized liberties taken by the former trans-
lator, under the mistaken idea of improving the work and rendering
it more acceptable to the public. He says in his preface : " The
style of the original is by no means a model to imitate in a work de-
signed for general use. Dr. Mosheim affected brevity, and laboured
to crowd many things into few words : thus his diction, though
pure and correct, became sententious and harsh, without that harmony
which pleases the ear, and those transitions which make a narration
flow with ease. This being the case, I have sometimes taken con-
siderable liberties with my author, and followed the spirit of his nar-
rative without adhering strictly to the letter : and have often added
a few sentences to render an observation more striking, a fact more
clear, a portrait more finished." Thus Dr. Maclaine frankly owns,
that his chief design was to render the work interesting to those
superficial readers who delight in that harmony which pleases the ear,
and in those transitions which make a narration flow with ease ; and
that he often added a few sentences of his own, to give more vivacity
and point to the sentiments of his author, or more splendour to their
dress. And whoever will be at the pains of comparing his translation
with the original, may see that he has essentially changed the style,
and greatly coloured and altered in many places the sentiments of
his author ; in short, that he has paraphrased rather than translated
a large part of the work. The book is thus rendered heavy and te-
dious to the reader by its superfluity of words, and likewise obscure
and indefinite, and sometimes self-contradictory, by the looseness of
its unguarded statements. Its credibility also as a history of facts is
impaired, and it fails of carrying full conviction to the mind, because
vi TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
it is stripped of its native simplicity, precision, and candour. For no
wise man will confide in a writer who appears intent on fabricating
sonorous and flowing periods, who multiplies splendid epithets, and
habitually deals in loose and unqualified assertions. Nor is this all,
for the old translation has actually exposed Dr. Mosheim to severe and
unmerited censure from different quarters : and Dr. Maclaine has
long stood accused before the public as a translator " who has inter-
woven his own sentiments in such a manner with those of the original
author, both in the notes and in the text, that it is impossible for a
mere English reader to distinguish them ; and in diverse instances
he has entirely contradicted him. This (add the accusers) will be
evident to all, if a literal translation of Mosheim shall ever be pub-
lished."* It is not strange, therefore, that so large a portion of the
community have been dissatisfied with Dr. Maclaine's Mosheim, and
have desired a more faithful and literal version of this valuable author.
If the translation here offered to the public, is what it was intended
to be, it is a close, literal version, containing neither more nor less
than the original, and presenting the exact thoughts of the author in
the same direct, artless, and lucid manner, with as much similarity in
the phraseology and modes of expression as the idioms of the two
languages would admit. That all the elegances of the Latin style
and diction of the author have been retained, is not pretended. The
translator can only say he has aimed to give Mosheim, as far as he
was able, the same port and mien in English as he has in Latin.
But writing out an entirely new and independent translation of the
Institutes has not been half the labour bestowed on the work. Every-
where the statements of Mosheim have been compared with the
sources from which they were drawn, and with the representations of
other standard writers of different communities, so far as the means
of doing this were at hand. The reasonings also of Mosheim have
been weighed with care. And nothing has been suffered to go before
the public, without first passing an examination by the best criteria
within the reach of the translator. Often days and weeks have been
consumed in such examinations, when the results were, that Mosheim's
statements needed no correction, or at least that no palpable errors were
discovered in them, and it was therefore thought advisable to allow him
to express his own views without note or comment. But, in many
instances, the translator supposed that he discovered such mistakes
or defects in his author as called for animadversion. In these cases
he has given, in the form of notes, such statements and criticisms as
he deemed necessary. Numerous other instances occurred in which
Mosheim was found to differ from other standard writers, or to have
simply omitted what the translator or others deemed worth inserting;
and in such cases the opinions or statements of other writers have
been given, that the reader might be able to compare them, and the
omitted matter has been supplied. In the history of the primitive
church, for two or three centuries, the translator deemed almost every-
* See the New- York edition of Maclaine's Mosheim, in 1824, vol. iv., p. 284.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. vii
thing interesting which can be learned with any degree of certainty.
Accordingly, his notes and animadversions here are more frequent
and minute than in the subsequent parts of the work. — In regard to
what are called the fathers, especially those of the four first centuries,
and likewise the leading men in the church in all ages, he has deemed
it proper greatly to enlarge the account given by Mosheim ; not so
much by minutely tracing the history of their private lives, as by more
fully stating their public characters and acts, and mentioning such
of their works as have come down to us. In no one respect has
the history been more enlarged than in this. Through all the ages
down to the reformation, the eminent men, whom Mosheim thought
proper to name particularly, have each a distinct note assigned them,
containing all of much importance which can be said of them ; and
in each century, at the close of Mosheim's list of eminent men, nearly
a complete catalogue of all those omitted by him is subjoined, with
brief notices of the most material things known concerning them.
— On the controversies and disputes among Christians, especially such
as related to religious doctrines, much and critical attention has been
bestowed. So also the reputed heresies, and the different sects of
professed Christians, which Mosheim had treated with great fulness
and ability, have been carefully re-examined and subjected to critical
remarks. Here great use has been made of the writers who suc-
ceeded Mosheim, and particularly of the younger Walch. — The prop-
agation of Christianity, especially among the nations of Europe in
the middle ages, and among the Asiatics by the Nestorians, has been
the subject of frequent and sometimes long notes. — The origin and
history of the reformation, particularly in countries not of the Augs-
burg confession; also the contests between the Lutherans and the
Reformed, and the history of the English and Scotch churches, and
of the English dissenters, have received particular attention ; and the
occasional mistakes of Mosheim have been carefully pointed out. Yet
the enlargements of the history since the times of Luther, and partic-
ularly during the seventeenth century, have been the less considerable,
because there was danger of swelling the third volume to a dispro-
portionate size, and because another opportunity is anticipated for
supplying these omissions.
These remarks may give some idea of the extensive additions to
the original by way of notes. All additions to the work are carefully
distinguished from the original by being enclosed in brackets. They
are also accompanied by a notice of the persons responsible for their
truth and correctness. What the translator gives as his own, he sub-
scribes with a Tr. When he borrows from others, which he has done
very largely, he either explicitly states what is borrowed, and from
whom, or subjoins the name of the author. Thus several notes are bor-
rowed directly from Maclaine; and these are not only marked as quo-
tations, but they have the signature Mad. annexed. A few others are
translated from Von Sinew's Mosheim ; and these have the signature
Von Ein. affixed. But the learned and judicious Schlegel has been
viii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
taxed for the greatest amount of contributions. Throughout the work
his notes occur, translated from the German, and with the signature
Schl. annexed.
The work is now divided, perhaps for the first time, into three
volumes of nearly equal size, each embracing a grand and distinct
period of church history, strongly marked with its own peculiar char-
acteristics ; and, being furnished with a separate index, each volume
is a complete and independent work of itself.
A continuation of the history to the present time is deemed so .im-
portant, that the translator intends, if his life and health are spared, to
attempt a compilation of this sort as soon as the printing of these
volumes shall be completed.
New-Haven, February 22, 1832.
ADVERTISEMENT
TO THE SECOND EDITION.
THE first edition of this work, consisting of fifteen hundred copies,
was published i)y A. H. Maltby, a worthy bookseller of New-Haven,
towards the close of the year 1832. At the same time, two stereotype
editions of Dr. Maclaine's Mosheim were thrown before the public,
at very reduced prices ; and no pains were spared by the interested
booksellers to give them currency. But notwithstanding this stren-
uous competition, and the supervening commercial embarrassments
of the country, with no special efforts to give it circulation, and no
patronage but what was voluntarily afforded by the friends of theo-
logical science and by a discerning and candid public, the new Mo-
sheim had a regular and constant sale, at its original price, till the
whole edition was exhausted; and the work is now received with fa-
vour in all parts of the country, and is adopted as a text-book in near-
ly every Protestant theological seminary on this side the Atlantic.
For this very kind reception of his work, the author feels himself
under great obligations to the enlightened public who have passed so
favourable a judgment upon it : and he would now offer them the best
return he can make, a new edition of the work, carefully revised, and
somewhat enlarged, and, as he hopes, more worthy of approbation,
and better suited to the wants of students in this branch of theology.
The translation has been again compared with the original, through-
out, sentence by sentence, and subjected to a rigid criticism. In a
very few instances, it was discovered, that a word or clause of the
original had been overlooked in the translation ; and that in several
instances, the import of the original had been inadequately or ob-
scurely expressed. Yet no very important departure from the sense
of the original author, has been discovered. Nearly all the numerous
alterations and changes, therefore, relate to the phraseology, or to the
choice of words and the structure of the sentences. The difficulty
of combining a neat and perspicuous anglicism with a close adhe-
rence to the sense and to the very form of thought in the original,
throughout so large a work, must be obvious to all who have had ex-
perience in the business of translating; and they will not need to be
told, that numberless corrections and improvements will always occur
to a translator, who revises his work after a lapse of several years.
In this manner, the diction and the style of this edition, it is believed,
have been considerably improved, without any sacrifice of fidelity in
VOL. I.— B
X ADVERTISEMENT.
the translation. If it be nob so, more than half a year's labour has
been expended unsuccessfully.
The references, to a considerable extent, and where the means
were at hand, have been verified ; and a considerable number of er-
rors, some occasioned by the transcription, but more by the mistakes
of the printers, have been corrected. Many new references to au-
thorities and to modern authors, have also been added, in various
parts of the work ; and these, it is hoped, will add considerably to
the value of the present edition.
Several topics have likewise been subjected to further investiga-
tion : and some new notes, of no inconsiderable length, have been
added, especially in the first vol. of the work. See, for example the
notes on the Meletian controversy, p. 269, &c. ; — on the origin o: the
Christian festivals, and particularly that of Christmas, p. 279, &c. ;
— on the life and labours of St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, p.
316, &c. ; — and on the character and life of Mohammed, the progress
of his religion, and the sects among his followers ; both in ths text
and in the notes, p. 427-434.
The new matter in this edition amounts, probably, to fifteen or
twenty pages in the three volumes. At the same time, by enlarging
the pages a little, by greater economy in regard to blank spaces, and
by giving the text in a type a trifle smaller, the number of pages in
each of the volumes is less than in the former edition. The notes
are also printed in double columns, which is not only favourable to
economy in the printing, but will render the perusal of the longer
notes less laborious to the eye.
Lastly, the exclusive publication of the work during ten years,
having been assigned to one of the most distinguished publishing
houses in America, and that house having undertaken to stereotype
the work ; great pains have been taken, both by the publishers and
the author, to secure more accuracy in the printing of this edition,
than was attained in the former edition^
New-Haven, 1839.
THE
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
MY Institutes of Christian History (\) having been long out of
print, the worthy person at whose expense they were published has
often requested me to give a new edition of them, somewhat improved
and enlarged. This request I for many years resisted ; for I was re-
luctant to suspend other works then on my hands, which were deemed
more important; besides, I must acknowledge that I shrunk from
the irksome task of correcting and enlarging a book which needed so
much amendment. The importunities of the publisher, however, and
of other friends who joined with him, at length overcame my tardi-
ness ; and now, after the leisure hours of two years have been spent
on the work, it is brought to a close ; and these Institutes of Eccle-
siastical History now make their appearance, not only in a new form
and dress, but so materially changed as to be almost entirely a new
work.
The distribution of the materials under certain heads, which I once
deemed the best form for the learner, is still retained ; for, notwith-
standing weighty reasons have occurred to my mind for preferring a
continuous and unbroken narration, I have chosen to follow the judg-
ment of those excellent men whom experience has led to prefer the
former method. And, indeed, a little reflection must convince us,
that whoever would embrace in a single book all the facts and obser-
vations necessary to a full acquaintance with the state of the church
in every age of it, must, of course, adopt some classification and dis-
tribution of those facts ; and as such was the design of the following
work, I have left its primitive form unchanged, and have directed my
attention solely to the correction, improvement, and enlargement of the
work, so as to render it a more useful book.
My principal care has been to impart fidelity and authority to the
narration. For this purpose I have gone to the primary sources of
information, such as the best writers of all ages who lived in or near
the times they describe ; and I have consulted them with attention,
and have transcribed from them, whenever they were sufficiently con-
cise, and, at the same time, clear and nervous. It is often the case,
that those who write summaries of history only abridge the more
voluminous historians ; and this method I myself before pursued to
a considerable degree. But such a procedure, though sometimes
(1) [A work in 2 vols. 12mo, rirst pub- by J. P. Miller, in 1 vol. 12mo. Hamb.,
lished in 1737-41 ; and afterward abridged 1752.— Tr.}
xii THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
justifiable and not to be wholly condemned, is attended with this evil,
that it perpetuates the mistakes which are apt to abound in very large
and voluminous works, by causing them to pass from a single book
into numerous others. I had long been apprized of this danger; but
I felt it, with no little mortification, when I brought the testimony of
the best authorities to pour their light on the pages of my own work.
I now perceived, that writers pre-eminent for their diligence arid fidel-
ity are not always to be trusted ; and I found, that I had abundant oc-
casion for adding, expunging, changing, and correcting in every part of
my book. In performing this task, I know that I have riot been want-
ing in patience and industry, or in watchfulness and care ; but whether
these have secured me against all mistakes, which is confessedly of
no easy accomplishment, I leave them to judge who are best informed
in ecclesiastical affairs. To aid persons disposed to institute such
inquiries, I have, in general, made distinct reference to my authori-
ties ; and if I have perverted their testimony, either by misstatement
or misapplication, I confess myself to be less excusable than other
transgressors in this way, because I had before me all the authors
whom I quote, and I turned them over, and read, and compared them
with each other, being resolved to follow solely their guidance.
This effort to render my history faithful and true, that is, exactly
coincident with the statements of the most credible witnesses, has
caused many and various changes and additions throughout the work;
but in no part of it are the alterations greater or more noticeable than
in the Third Book, which contains the history of the church, and
especially of the Latin or Western Church, from the time of Charle-
magne to the reformation by Luther. This period of ecclesiastical
history, though it embraces great events, and is very important on
account of the light it casts on the origin and causes of the present
civil and religious state of Europe, thereby enabling us correctly to
estimate and judge of many things that occur in our own times, has
not hitherto been treated with the same clearness, solidity, and ele-
gance, as the other parts of church history. Here the number of
original writers is great ; yet few of them are in common Vise, or of
easy acquisition, and they all frighten us either with their bulk, the
barbarity of their style, or their excessive price ; not a few of them,
too, either knowingly or ignorantly, corrupt the truth, or at least ob-
scure it by their ignorance and unskilfulness ; and some of them have
not yet been published. It is not strange, therefore, that many things
in this part of ecclesiastical history should have been either silently
passed over or less happily stated and explained, even by the most
laborious and learned authors. Among these, the ecclesiastical annal-
ists and the historians of the monastic sects, so famous in the Roman
church, as Baronius, Raynald, Bzovius, Manriquez, Wadding, and
others, though richly supplied with ancient manuscripts and records,
have often committed more faults and fallen into greater mistakes,
than writers far inferior to them in learning, reputation, and means of
information. Having therefore bestowed much attention during many
THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. xiii
years on the history of the church from the eighth century onward,
and believing that I had obtained, from works published or still in
manuscript, a better and more correct knowledge of many events
than is given in the common accounts of those times, I conceived that
I might do service to the cause of ecclesiastical history by exhibiting
to the world some of the results of my investigations ; and that, by
throwing some light on the obscure period of the Middle Ages, I
might excite men of talents and industry to pursue the same object,
and thus to perfect the history of the Latin Church. I persuade my-
self that I have brought forward some things which are new, or before
little known ; that other things, which had been stated incorrectly or
obscurely, I have here exhibited with clearness, and traced back to the
proper authorities ; and, claiming the indulgence allowed an old man
to boast a little, that some things, which were accredited fables, I have
now exploded. Whether I deceive myself in all this, or not, the dis-
cerning reader may ascertain by examining, and comparing with the
common accounts, what I have here said respecting Constantino's do-
nation, the Cathari and Albigenses, the Beghards and Beguines, the
Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit (that pest to many parts of
Europe during four centuries), and of the Fratricelli [or Little Breth-
ren], the controversies between the Franciscans and the Roman pon-
tiffs, the history of Berengarius and of the Lollards, and several other
subjects.
If, in these enlargements of ecclesiastical history, and while giving
•views either partially or wholly new, I had used the same brevity as
on the subjects well stated and explained by many before me, I
should neither have satisfied the inquisitive reader nor have done
justice to myself. For I should have appeared to many, as a writer
of fables ; and their apprehensions on these subjects would have been
indistinct, useless, and fallacious. Therefore, when I have departed
widely from the common statements, or advanced apparent novelties,
I have not only aimed to be very explicit, but, in order to give credi-
bility to my narration, have gone into more ample disquisitions and
citations of authorities, because full statements and demonstrations,
though out of place in an epitome of history, were here indispensable.
In addition to these causes for changing- materially the character,
and swelling the size, of my book, another occurred soon after I com-
menced its revision. I had before designed my work especially for
lecturers on church history, who need a compendious text for the basis
of their instructions ; and had therefore only touched upon many things
which I supposed would be dilated and explained more fully by the
lecturer. But when I began to revise and correct the work for a
new edition, it occurred to me that it would be more satisfactory to
many, and better subserve the cause of sacred learning, if the book
were adapted not merely to the convenience of lecturers, but also to
the wants of those who attempt without a teacher to gain a general
knowledge of ecclesiastical history. As soon as this thought occurred,
my views were changed ; and I began at once to supply omissions,
xiv THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
to explain more fully what was obscure, and to give greater precision
and distinctness to the whole narration. And hence it is that, in de-
scribing the calamities in which the Christians of the first ages were
involved, more pains are taken than is commonly done to state pre-
cisely the truth ; and in tracing the origin and progress of the sects
which disturbed the church, greater accuracy is attempted ; so, like-
wise, the new forms of religion, devised by those who love new
things, are calmly and candidly described, and with all possible fideli-
ty ; and religious contests and disputes are more clearly stated, and
their importance more carefully determined ; and the history of the
Roman pontiffs after the times of Charlemagne, their conflicts and their
enterprises, have received more careful attention. I mention these
as specimens only of what has been attempted, for the advantage of
those who cannot pursue a regular course of church history from their
want of books or leisure, and who yet wish to obtain a clear and cor-
rect view of the principal facts and transactions. The book, for the
most part, may be safely trusted by such readers ; and it will afford
them as much knowledge as will satisfy one that reads only for prac-
tical purposes ; and, besides, it will direct to the authors from whom
more full information may be obtained.
It would be folly, and would betray ignorance of human imperfec-
tion, if I should suppose that no errors could be detected, and that
nothing needed correction in all the details of so large a history ; yet,
conscious of my own integrity and good faith, and of the pains I have
taken to avoid mistakes, I cannot but hope, that I have rarely so failed
that serious evils will result from my errors.
I could add some other prefatory remarks, which would, perhaps,
not be useless ; but nothing more need be added to enable those to
judge correctly of the present work, who will be candid and ingenu-
ous, and who are competent judges in such matters. I therefore
conclude by offering the just tribute of my gratitude to Almighty God,
who has given me strength, amid the infirmities of age and the pres-
sure of other labours and cares, to surmount the difficulties and bear
the fatigue of completing the work now given to the public.
Gottingen, March 23, 1755.
I N T R O D U C T.I O N.
<j 1. Ecclesiastical History defined. — § 2. Its Divisions. — § 3. The External History of
the Church, — § 4. which treats of the prosperous — § 5. and the adverse Events. —
$ 6. The Internal History, — f) 7. which treats of (I.) Ministers. — § 8, 9. (II.) Doctrines.
— § 10. (III.) Worship.— § 11. (IV.) Heresies. — § 12. Events must be traced to their
Causes. — § 13. Means of discovering these Causes, general — § 14. and particular; in
the external — § 15. and internal History. — § 16. The Sources of Ecclesiastical History.
— () 17. Qualities of the Historian. — $ 18. He must be free from all Prejudices. — § 19.
Faults of Historians. — <) 20. Uses of Ecclesiastical History, general — § 21. and special.
— § 22, 23. Method in Ecclesiastical History. Division into Periods — <) 24. Distribution
under Heads.
§ 1. The Ecclesiastical History of the New Dispensation is a clear and
faithful narrative of the external condition, and of the internal state and
transactions, of that body of men who have borne the name of Christians ;
and in which events are so traced to their causes, that the providence of
God may be seen in the establishment and preservation of the church, and
the reader's piety, no less than his intelligence, be advanced by the perusal.
§ 2. The best form of such a history seems to be that, which considers
the whole body of Christians as constituting a society or community, sub-
jected to lawful authority, and governed by certain laws and institutions.
To such a community many external events must happen, which will be
favourable to its interests or adverse to them : and, since nothing human
is stable and uniform, many things will occur in the bosom of such com-
munity tending to change its character. Hence its history may very suit-
ably be divided into its external and its internal history. In this manner
the history of the Christian community, in order to its embracing all the
details and promoting the greatest usefulness, should be divided.
§ 3. The external history of Christians, or of the Christian community,
is properly called a history of the church : and it embraces all the occur-
rences and changes which have visibly befallen this sacred society. And
as all communities are sometimes prosperous and sometimes meet with
adversity, such also has been the lot of Christians. Hence this part of
ecclesiastical history is fitly divided into an account of the prosperous and
of the calamitous events which Christians have experienced.
§ 4. The prosperous events, or those tending to the advancement and
progress of the Christian interest, proceeded either from the heads and
leaders, or from the subordinate members of this community. Its heads
and leaders were either public characters, such as kings, magistrates, and
sovereign pontiffs ; or private individuals, the doctors, the learned and in-
fluential men. Both classes have contributed much, in all ages, to the in-
crease of the church. Men in power, by their authority, laws, benefi-
cence, and even by their arms, have contributed to establish and enlarge
the church. And the doctors, and men of learning, of genius, and emi-
nent piety, by their vigorous and noble efforts, their travels, their writings,
and their munificence, have successfully recommended the religion of
xvi INTRODUCTION.
Christ to those ignorant of it. And common Christians, by their faith,
their constancy, their piety, their love to God and men, have induced many
to become Christians.
§ 5. The calamitous events which have befallen the church, arose either
from the fault of Christians, or from the malice and stratagems of their ad-
versaries. There is abundant evidence that Christians themselves, and
especially those who presided in the church, have brought much evil upon
the body by their negligence, their unholy lives, and their strifes and con-
tentions. The enemies of Christ's kingdom were also either public or
private men. Public enemies, namely, kings and magistrates, by their
laws and penalties, obstructed the progress of Christianity. Private men,
the philosophers, the idol-worshippers, and the despisers of all religion,
assailed the church with false accusations, stratagems, and hostile writings.
§ 6. The internal history of the Christian church, treats of the changes
to which the church in every age has been exposed, in regard to its dis-
tinguishing characteristics as a religious society. It may not unsuitably
be called the history of the Christian religion. The causes of these inter-
nal changes are found, for the most part, in the rulers of the church.
These often explained the principles and precepts of Christianity to suit
their own fancy or convenience. And as some acquiesced and were sub-
missive, while others frequently resisted, divisions and contentions were
the consequence. To all these subjects the intelligent ecclesiastical his-
torian must direct his attention.
§ 7. The first subject in the internal history of the church, is the history
of its rulers and of its government. Originally, the teachers and the peo-
ple conjointly administered the affairs of the church. But, in process of
time, these teachers assumed a loftier spirit, and, trampling on the rights
of the people, they claimed sovereign power, both in sacred and secular
affairs. At last, things gradually came to this, that one person held su-
preme power over the whole church, or, at least, affected to hold it.
Among these prefects and guides of the church, some obtained by their
writings pre-eminent fame and influence ; and as they were by after ages
regarded as oracles, and blindly followed, they ought to rank among the
governors of the church, whether they held offices in it or not.
§ 8. The history of the laws by which this religious society was gov-
erned, naturally follows the history of its ministers. The laws peculiar
to the Christian community are of two kinds. Some are divine, proceed-
ing from God himself ; and these are found written in those books which
Christians very properly believe to be divinely inspired. Others are hu-
man, or are enactments of the rulers of the community. The former are
usually called doctrines, and are divided into two species, namely, doc-
trines of faith, which are addressed to the understanding, and moral doc-
trines, which address the heart or will.
§ 9. In the history of these laws or doctrines, it should be our first in-
quiry, In what estimation was the sacred volume held from age to age, and
how was it interpreted 1 For in every period, the state of religion among
Christians has depended on the reverence paid to the sacred volume, and
on the manner of expounding it. We should next inquire how these di-
vine instructions and laws were treated ; in what manner they were incul-
cated and explained, defended against gainsayers, or debased and corrupted.
The last inquiry is, how far Christians were obedient to these divine laws,
INTRODUCTION. xvii
or how they lived, and what measures were taken by the rulers of the
church to restrain the licentiousness of transgressors.
§ 10. The human laws of which we speak, are prescriptions relating to
the external worship of God, or religious rites, whether derived from cus-
tom or from positive enactment. Rites either directly appertain to religion,
or indirectly refer to it. The former embrace the whole exterior of re-
ligious worship, both public and private. The latter include everything,
except direct worship, that is accounted religious and proper. This part
of religious history is very extensive, on account of the variety and the fre-
quent changes in ceremonies. A concise history, therefore, can only
touch upon the subject, without descending into details.
§ 11. As in civil republics wars and insurrections sometimes break out,
so, in the Christian republic, serious commotions have often arisen on ac-
count of both doctrines and rites. The leaders and authors of these sedi-
tions are called heretics ; and the opinions for which they separated from
other Christians are called heresies. The history of these commotions or
heresies should be written with much care. The labour, if expended
wisely and with impartiality, will well repay the toil : but it is arduous
and difficult. For the leaders of these parties have been treated with much
injustice, and their doctrines are misrepresented ; nor is it easy to come
at the truth in the midst of so much darkness, since most of the writings
of those called heretics are now lost. Those, therefore, who approach this
part of church history, should exclude everything invidious from the name
of heretic, and should consider it as used in its more general sense, to de-
note those who were the occasion, whether by their own or others' fault,
of divisions and contests among Christians.
§ 12. In treating of both the external and the internal history of the
church, the writer who would be useful, must trace events to their causes ;
that is, he must tell us not only what happened, but likewise how and why.
He who narrates the naked facts, only enriches our memory and amuses
us ; but he who at the same time states the operative causes of events,
profits us, for he both strengthens our judgment and increases our wisdom.
Yet it must be confessed that caution is here necessary, lest we should fabri-
cate causes, and palm our own waking dreams upon the men long since dead.
§ 13. In exploring the causes of events, besides access to ancient tes-
timony and the history of the times, a good knowledge of human nature is
requisite. The historian who understands the human character, the pro-
pensities and powers, the passions and weaknesses of man, will readily
discover the causes of many things attempted or done in former times.
No less important is it, to be acquainted with the education and the opinions
of the persons we treat of; for men commonly regard as praiseworthy and
correct, whatever accords with the views and practices of their ancestors
and their own sect.
§ 14. To explore causes in the external history, a historian should con-
sider the civil state of the countries in which the Christian religion was
either approved or rejected ; and also their religious state, that is, the opin-
ions of the mass of the people concerning the Deity and divine worship.
For, it will not be difficult to determine why the church was now prosper-
ous and now in trouble, if we know what was the form of government,
what the character of the rulers, and what the prevailing religion at the time.
§ 15. To dispel obscurities in the internal history, nothing is more con-
VOL. I.— C
xviii INTRODUCTION.
ducive than a knowledge of the history of learning, and especially of phi-
losophy. For, most unfortunately, human learning or philosophy has in
every age been allowed more influence in regard to revealed religion than
was fit and proper, considering the nature of the two things. Moreover,
a good knowledge of the civil government and of the ancient superstitions
of different countries, is useful to the same end. For through the prudence,
or, rather, the indiscretion of the presiding authorities, many parts of the
discipline and worship of the church have been shaped after the pattern
of the ancient religions, and no little deference has been paid to the pleas-
ure of sovereigns and to human laws in regulating the church of God.
§ 16. From what sources all this knowledge must be drawn, is quite
obvious ; namely, from the writers of every age who have treated of Chris-
tian affairs, and especially from those contemporary with the events ; for
testimony or authority is the basis of all true history. Yet we ought not
to disregard those who, from these sources, have compiled histories and
annals. For to refuse proffered assistance, and despise the labours of
those who before us have attempted to throw light on obscure subjects, is
mere folly.(l)
§ 17. From all this, it will be easy to determine the essential qualifica-
tions of a good ecclesiastical historian. He must have no moderate ac-
quaintance with human affairs in general ; his learning must be extensive,
his mind sagacious and accustomed to reason, his memory faithful, and his
judgment sound and matured by long exercise. In his disposition and
temperament, he must be patient of labour, persevering, inflexible in his
love of truth and justice, and free from every prejudice.
$ 18. Persons who attempt this species of writing are liable to preju-
dice, especially from three sources ; namely, times, persons, and opinions.
First, the times in which we live often have such ascendency over us, that
we measure past ages by our own ; we conclude that what does occur, or
can not occur, in our day, in like manner did occur, or could not occur, in for-
mer ages. Secondly, the persons with whose testimony we are concerned,
especially if for ages they have been highly revered for their holiness
and their virtues, acquire such an authority with us, as to lead us blindfold.
And, thirdly, our attachment to the opinions and doctrines we espouse, often
so paralyzes our judgment that, unconsciously, we misapprehend facts.
]\ow from this triple bondage the mind must, as far as possible, be set free.
§ 19. But from this rule, and from others equally obvious and important,
how widely ecclesiastical historians of all ages have departed, is too well
known. For, not to mention the many who think themselves great historians
if they have a good memory, and to pass by those who are governed more
by their private interests than by the love of truth, few are the writers,
•whom neither the sect to which they belong, nor the venerated names
(t) To acquaint us with all the writers on (in German), vol. ii., and by J. A. Nosselt
ecclesiastical history was the professed ob- and C. F. L. Simon, Guide to a knowledge
ject of Sen. Walth. Sluterus, in his Propy- of the best works in every branch of theolo-
laeum Historic Christians, Luneb., 1696, gy, (in German), 2 vols. 8vo, 2d ed., Leipz.,
4to ; and of Gasp. Sagittarius, Introduc- 1800-13. Valuable notices of the principal
tio ad Historiam Eccles., singulasque ejus writers are to be found in J. G. Watch,, Bib-
Sartes ; especially vol. i. [2 vols. 4to, liotheca theol. selecta, tomo 3tio, and in his
ena, 1694, 1718. — A good account of the* Historia Eccles. Novi Test. ; also in the
most important writers is given by G. J. (German) Church History of J. M. Schrockh,
Planck, Introduction to theological science, vol. i., Introd. pt. iii. — TV.]
INTRODUCTION. xix
of some ancient authors, nor the influence of the age in which they live,
can disarm and divert from the truth. In the present age especially, the
spirit of the times and the prejudice of opinions, have incredible influence
with many. Hence the following arguments so often occurring in the
writings of learned men : These are true sentiments ; therefore we must
suppose the ancient Christians embraced them. This is correct practice ac-
cording to Christ's precepts ; therefore, doubtless, the earlier Christians so
lived. This does not now take place ; therefore it did not in ancient times.
§ 20. Ecclesiastical history, if written by persons free from these and
other faults, cannot fail to be greatly beneficial to mankind at large, but es-
pecially to the teachers and guides of the church. Whoever shall con-
sider attentively the numerous, the varied, and threatening dangers which
the Christian religion has happily surmounted, will doubtless find himself
more established in the belief of this religion, and better prepared to with-
stand the assaults, the cavils, and insidious attacks of the irreligious and
profane. The many illustrious examples of virtue with which this history
abounds, are admirably suited to awaken pious emotions, and to instil the
love of God into lukewarm minds. Those wonderful revolutions and
changes which have occurred in every age of the church, originating often
from small beginnings, proclaim aloud the providence of God, and the in-
stability and vanity of all human things. Nor is it of small advantage, to
know the origin of the numerous and absurd opinions, superstitions, and
errors, which still prevail in many parts of the Christian world. For such
knowledge will enable us to discover the truth more clearly, to prize it
more, and to defend it better. Of the entertainment afforded by this and
other parts of church history, I shall say nothing.
§ 21. But public teachers especially, and the ministers of religion, may
from this study derive great assistance, in acquiring that practical wisdom
which they so much need. Here, the numerous mistakes of even great
men, warn them what to shun if they would not embroil the Christian
church ; there, many illustrious examples of noble and successful effort,
are patterns for their imitation. And for combating errors, both those in-
veterate by age and those of more recent growth, nothing, except the holy
Scriptures and sound reason, can be compared with this kind of history. I
pass over other advantages which will be found by experience to result
from this study ; nor will I mention its subserviency to other branches of
knowledge, particularly to that of jurisprudence.
§ 22. The two parts of church history, the external and the internal,
require a method or arrangement of the work suited to both. The external
history, being a long and continued narrative, extending through many cen-
turies, requires a distribution into certain intervals of time, for the benefit
of the understanding and memory of the reader, and for the preservation
of order. Various divisions of time may be adopted. I have preferred
the customary one into centuries, because it is the most approved, though
it is not free from objections.
§ 23. No small part of these objections, however, will be removed if
•we superadd a more general division of time, or one into longer periods,
bounded by certain great revolutions and changes in the state of the church.
Accordingly, the whole of the following history is divided into four books.
The first contains the history of the church of Christ from its commence-
ment to the time of Constantine the Great. The second extends it from
XX INTRODUCTION.
Constantine to Charlemagne. The third continues it to the time when
Luther began the reformation in Germany. The fourth and last brings it
down to our own times [or, rather, to the year 1700 ; with a sketch merely
of the first part of the 18th century. — TV.].
§ 24. Moreover, ecclesiastical history treats, as we have already seen,
of various distinct but kindred subjects ; which may properly be arranged
under separate heads. Historians have adopted different classifications,
such as their fancies or their designs in writing pointed out. The distri-
bution which we prefer has been already indicated [in § 4-11, of this In-
troduction], and need not be here repeated.
INSTITUTES
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
UNDER THE
NEW TESTAMENT.
BOOK I.
CONTAINING
THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH
FROM THE
BIRTH OF CHRIST TO CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.
CENTURY FIRST.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
i
THE CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS STATE OP THE WORLD AT THE BIRTH OF
OUR SAVIOUR.
$ 1. State of the Roman Empire.— § 2. Its Evils.— $ 3. Its Advantages. — $4. Then in
Peace. — § 5. Other Nations. — § 6. All were Idolaters. — $ 7. They worshipped different
Gods. — § 8. They were Tolerant. — § 9. Most of their Gods were deceased Heroes. —
$ 10. Pagan Worship. — $ 11. It was confined to Times and Places. — § 12. The Mys-
teries— <) 13. Paganism not the Parent of Virtue. — <J 14. Its Votaries sunk in Vice. —
(f 15. How supported by the Priests. — $ 16. The Roman and Grecian Religions. — $ 17.
The mixed Religions of the Provinces. — § 18. Religions beyond the Roman Empire
classed. — § 19. Philosophers unable to Reform the World. — $ 20. The Oriental and the
Grecian Philosophy. — $ 21. Some Philosophers subverted all Religion.— $ 22. Others
debased it; e.g., Aristotelians. — § 23. Stoics. — § 24. Platonics.— '$ 25. The Eclectics.
— $ 26. Use of this Chapter.
§ 1. AT the time when God became incarnate, a great part of the world
was subject to the Romans. Their remoter provinces they either ruled by
means of temporary governors and presidents sent from Rome, or suffered
to live under their own kings and laws, subject to the sovereign control of
the Roman republic. The Senate and people of Rome, though they hud
not lost all appearance of liberty, were really under the authority of one man,
Augustus ; who was clothed with the titles of emperor, sovereign pontiff,
censor, tribune of the people, proconsul ; in a word, with every office which
conferred general power and pre-eminence in the common wealth.(l)
§ 2. The Roman government, if we regard only its form and laws, was
•sufficiently mild and equitable. (2) But the injustice and avarice of the
nobles and provincial governors, the Roman lust of conquest and dominion,
and the rapacity of the publicans who farmed the revenues of the state, (3)
brought incalculable evils on the people. The magistrates and publicans,
on the one hand, fleeced the people of their property ; and, on the other,
this lust of dominion required numerous armies to be raised in the provin-
(1) See Aug. Campianus de officio et po- posth. works, vol. i., p. 1-48. Lend.,
testate magistratuum Romanor. et jurisdic- 1726, 8vo. — Scip. Maffei Verona illustrata,
tione, lib. i., cap. 1, $ 2, p. 3, &c. Gene- lib. ii, p 65. [Pelro Giannone, Istoria civ-
va, 1725, 4to. [Memoirs of the court of ile del regno di Napoli, lib. i., princip. —
Augustus, by Thn. Blackwcll, vol. i, ii., TV.]
4to. Edinb", 1753 .—Schl.~\ (3) [See P. Burmann, de Vectigalibus
(2) See Sir W. Moyle's Essay on the con- populi Romani, cap. ix., p. 123, &c. — .ScA/.]
stitution of the Rom. government, in his
24 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I— CHAP. I.
ces, which was oppressive to them, and was the occasion of almost per-
petual wars and insurrections.
§ 3. Still, this widely-extended dominion of one people, or, rather, of one
man, was attended with several advantages. First, it brought into union
a multitude of nations differing in customs and language. Secondly, it gave
freer access to the remotest nations. (4) Thirdly, it gradually civilized
the barbarous nations, by introducing among them the Roman laws and
customs. Fourthly, it spread literature, the arts, and philosophy in coun-
tries where they were not before cultivated. All these greatly aided the
ambassadors of our Lord in fulfilling their sacred commission. (5)
§ 4. At the birth of Christ the Roman empire was much freer from com-
motions than it had been for many years. For though I cannot agree with
them who think, with Orosius, that the temple of Janus was then shut, and
the whole world in profound peace,(6) yet there can be no doubt that the
period when our Saviour descended on earth, if compared with the prece-
ding times, was peculiarly peaceful. And, according to St. Paul, (7) this
peace was very necessary for those whom Christ commissioned to preach
the Gospel.
§ 5. Of the state of those nations which lay without the Roman empire,
historic records will not allow us to give so full an account. Nor is it
very necessary to our purpose. It is sufficient to know, that the Oriental
nations were pressed down by a stern despotism, which their effeminacy
of mind and body, and even their religion, led them to bear with patience ;
while the northern nations enjoyed much greater liberty, which was pro-
tected by the rigour of their climate and the consequent energy of their
constitutions, aided by their mode of life and their religion. (8)
§ 6. All these nations were plunged in the grossest superstition. For
though the idea of one supreme God was not wholly extinct, (9) yet most
nations, or, rather, all except the Jews, supposed that each country and
province was subjected to a set of very powerful beings, whom they called
gods, and whom the people, in order to live happily, must propitiate with
various rites and ceremonies. These deities were supposed to differ ma-
terially from each other in sex, power, nature, and offices. Some nations,
indeed, went beyond others in impiety and absurdity of worship, but all
stood chargeable with irrationality and gross stupidity in matters of religion.
§ 7. Thus every nation had a class of deities peculiar to itself, among
which one was supposed to be pre-eminent over the rest, and was their
king, though subject himself to the laws of fate or to an eternal destiny.
(4) See Nic. Bergier, Histoire des grands que imperia penes eos fuere populos, qui
ehemins de 1'empire Remain, 2d ed., Brus- mitiore ccelo utuntur: in frigora septentri-
eels, 1728, 4to> and Everard Otto, de Tutela onemque vergentibus, immansueta ingenia
viarum publicarum, pt. ii., p. 314. sunt, ut ait pceta, suoqne simillima ccelo.
(5) Origen, among others, acknowledges (9) [See Christopher Meiners1 Historia
this : lib. ii., adv. Celsum, p. 79, ed. Can- doctrinae de vero Deo, omnium rerum auo
tabr. [See also Heilmann, Comment, de tore atque rectore, 2 parts, Lemgo., 1780,
florente litterarum statu et habitu ad relig. p. 548, 12mo, where, from a critical inves-
Christi initia. — Schl.] tigation, proof is adduced that the ancient
(6) See Joh. Massoni Templum Jani, pagan nations were universally ignorant of
Christo nascente, reseratum. Roter., 1706, the Creator and Governor of the world, till
8vo. Aitaxagoras, about 450 years before Christ,
(7) See 1 Tim. ii., 2, &c. and afterward other philosophers, conceived
(8) Seneca, de Ira, lib. ii., cap. 16. Opp. that the world must have had an intelligent
torn, i., p. 36, ed. Gronovii : Fere ita- architect. — TV.]
STATE OF THE WORLD. 25
For the Oriental nations had not the same gods as the Gauls, the Germans,
and the other northern nations ; and the Grecian deities were essentially
different from those of the Egyptians, who worshipped brute animals,
plants, and various productions of nature and art.(10) Each nation like-
wise had its own method of worshipping and propitiating its gods, differing
widely from the rites of other nations. But, from their ignorance or from
other causes, the Greeks and Romans maintained that their gods were uni-
versally worshipped ; and they therefore gave the names of their own gods
to the foreign deities, which has caused immense confusion and obscurity
in the history of the ancient religions, and produced numberless errors in
the works of very learned men.(ll)
§ 8. But this variety of gods and religions in the pagan nations, pro-
duced no wars or feuds among them, unless, perhaps, the Egyptians are
an exception. (12) Yet the Egyptian wars, waged to avenge their gods,
cannot properly be called religious wars, [not being undertaken either to
propagate or to suppress any one form of religion]. Each nation, without
concern, allowed its neighbours to enjoy their own views of religion, and
to worship their own gods in their own way. Nor need this tolerance
greatly surprise us. (13) For they who regard the world as being divided,
like a great country, into numerous provinces, each subject to a distinct
order of deities, cannot despise the gods of other nations, nor think of
compelling all others to pay worship to their national gods. The Romans
in particular, though they would not allow the public religions to b? changed
or multiplied, yet gave the citizens full liberty to observe foreign religions
in private, and to hold meetings and feasts, and to erect temples and groves
to those foreign deities in whose worship there was nothing inconsistent
with the public safety and the existing laws.(14)
§ 9. The greater part of the gods of all nations were ancient heroes,
famous for their achievements and their worthy deeds ; such as kings,
generals, and founders of cities ; and likewise females who were highly
distinguished for their deeds and discoveries, whom a grateful posterity
had deified. To these some added the more splendid and useful objects
(10) This was long since remarked by Roman deities and Brahma, Vishnoo, Siva,
Athanasius, Oratio contra gentes, Opp., torn, and the other gods of Hindostan. And as
i., p. 25. [See Le Clerc, Ars critica, pt. the classic writers give very imperfect de-
ii., sect, i., c. 13, $11, and Bibliotheque scriptions of foreign deities, and leave us to
Choisie, torn vii., p. 84. W. Warbur(on's infer most of their characteristics from the
Divine legation of Moses demonstrated, names assigned them, it is evident that Dr.
torn, ii., p. 233, &c. And, respecting the Mosheim's remark is perfectly just. — TV.]
Egyptian gods, see P. E. Jablonsky, Pan- (12) See what Laur. Pignorius has col-
theon ^Egyptiorum, Francf. ad Viadr., 1750, lected on this subject, in his Expositio men-
8vo. F. S. von Schmidt, Opuscula, quibus s» Isiaeae, p. 41, &c.
res antiquae, prsecipue JCgyptiaca explanan- (13) [Though extolled by Shaftsbury
tur. 1765, 8vo. — Schl.} among others, Characteristics, vol. ii., p.
(11) [Dr. Madaine here subjoins a long 166, and vol. iii., p. 60, 86, 87, 154, &c.
note, asserting that the gods worshipped in — Schl.]
different pagan countries were so similar, that (14) See Corn, a Bynckershoeckh, Dis-
they might properly be called by the name sert. de cultu peregrins religionis apud Re-
names. He therefore thinks, that Dr. Mo- inanos, in his Opuscula, L. Bat., 1719, 4to.
sheim has overrated the mischief done to the [ Warburton's Divine legation of Moses, vol.
history of idolatry by the Greek and Roman i., p. 307. Compare Livy, Hist. Rom., lib.
writers. But there was certainly little resem- xxv., 1, and xxxix., 18, and Valer. Max., i.,
blance between Woden and Mercury, Thor 3. — Schl. See also N. Lardner, Credib. of
and Jupiter, Friga and Venus; or between the Gospel Hist., pt. i., b. i., c. 8, $ 3-6. — Tr.]
26 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
in the natural world, among which the sun, moon, and stars, being pre-
eminent, received worship from nearly all ; and some were not ashamed
to pay divine honours to mountains, rivers, trees, the earth, the ocean, the
winds, and even to diseases, to virtues and vices, and to almost every con-
ceivable object, or, at least, to the deities supposed to preside over these
objects. (15)
§ 10. The worship of these deities consisted in numerous ceremonies,
with sacrifices, offerings, and prayers. The ceremonies were, for the
most part, absurd and ridiculous, and throughout debasing, obscene, and
cruel. The sacrifices and offerings varied, according to the nature and
offices of the different gods. (16) Most nations sacrificed animals, and,
shocking to relate, not a few of them likewise immolated human victims. (17)
Their prayers were quite insipid, and void of piety, both in their form and
matter. (18) Presiding over this whole worship, were pontiffs, priests, and
servants of the gods, divided into many classes, whose business it was to
see that the rites were duly performed. These persons were supposed to
enjoy the friendship and familiar converse of the gods, and they basely
abused their authority to impose on the people.
§ 11. The religious worship of most nations was confined to certain
places or temples,(19) and to certain times or stated days. In the temples
[and groves] the statues and images of their gods were located, and these
images were supposed to be animated in an inexplicable manner by the
gods themselves. For, senseless as the worshippers of imaginary gods
truly were, they did not wish to be accounted worshippers of lifeless sub-
stances, brass, stone, and wood, but of a deity which they maintained to
be present in the image, provided it was consecrated in due form. (20)
§ 12. Besides this common worship to which all had free access, there
were, among both Orientals and Greeks, certain recondite and concealed
rites called mysteries, to which very few were admitted. Candidates for
initiation had first to give satisfactory proof to the hierophants of their
good faith and patience, by various most troublesome ceremonies. When
initiated they could not divulge any thing they had seen, without exposing
their lives to imminent danger.(21) Hence the interior of these hidden
rites, is at this day little known. Yet we know that, in some of the myste-
ries, many things were done which were repugnant to modesty and decen-
cy, and in all of them, the discerning might see that the deities there wor-
shipped were more distinguished for their vices than for their virtues.(22)
(15) See the learned work of G. J. Vos- 1711, 8vo. [and Sauberlus, ubi supra, p.
sius, de Idololatria, lib. i.-iii. [and La my- 343, &c. — Schl.]
thologie et les fables expliquees par 1'histoire, (19) ["Some nations were without tern-
par 1'Abbe Banter, Paris, 1738-40, 8 vols. pies, such as the Persians, Gauls, Germans,
12mo, and Fr. Creulztrs1 Symbolik u. My- and Britons, who performed their religious
thologie der alten Vb'lker, besonders der worship in the open air, or in the shady re-
Griechen. Leipz. u. Darmst., 1810-12, 4 treats of consecrated groves." — Mad.]
vols. 8vo. — Tr.] (20) Arnobius, adv. Gentes, lib. vi., p.
(16) See J. Saubertus, de Sacrifices vete- 254, ed. Heraldi Augustine, de Civitate
rum; republished by T. Crenius, L. Bat., Dei, lib. vii., c. 33, Opp., torn, vii., p. 161,
1699, 8vo. ed. Benedict. Julian, Misopogon., p. 361,
(17) See H. Columna, ad Fragmenta En- ed. Spanheim.
nii, p. 29, and J. Saubertus, de Sacrifices (21) See Jo. Meursius, de Mysteriis
Vet., cap. xxi., p. 455. Elensyniis ; and David Clarkson, Discourse
(18) See Matt. Browerius a Niedeck, de on Liturgies, § iv.
Adoratkmibus veterum populorum. Traj., (22) Cicero, Disput. Tusculan., lib. i.,
STATE OF THE WORLD.
27
§ 13. The whole pagan system had not the least efficacy to excite and
cherish virtuous emotions in the soul. For, in ihejtrst place, the gods and
goddesses to whom the public homage was paid, instead of being pat-
terns of virtue, were patterns rather of enormous vices and crimes. (23)
They were considered, indeed, as superior to mortals in power, and as
exempt from death, but in all things else as on a level with us. In the
next, place, the ministers of this religion, neither by precept nor by ex-
ample, exhorted the people to lead honest and virtuous lives, but gave them
to understand, that all the homage required of them by the gods was com-
prised in the observance of the traditional rites and ceremonies.(24) And,
lastly, the doctrines inculcated respecting the rewards of the righteous and
the punishments of the wicked in the future world, were some of them du-
bious and uncertain, and others more adapted to promote vice than vir-
tue.(25) Hence the wiser pagans themselves, about the time of the Sav-
iour's birth, contemned and ridiculed the whole system.
cap. 13 ; [and de Leg., cap. 24. Varro,
cited by Augustine, de Civitate Dei, lib.
iv., cap. 31. Eusebius, Praepar. Evangel.,
lib. ii., c. 3. — Schl. See also Warlurtori's
Divine legal., vol. i., lib. ii., sec. 4 ; who
is confronted by J. Leland, Advantages
and necessity of the Christian Rev., vol. i.,
ch. 8, 9, p. 151-190. C. Meiners, iiber die
Mysterien der Alien ; in his Miscel. phil-
os. works, vol. iii., Leipz., 1776. The
Baron de Sainte Croix, Memoires pour ser-
vir a 1'histoire de la religion secrete des an-
ciens peuples, &c., Paris, 1784, 8vo ; and
(P. J. Vogel's) Briefe uber die Myslerien,
which are ihe 2d collodion of Lellers on
Freemasonry, Nuremb., 1784, 12mo. Il
has been maintained, lhal ihe design of at
leasl some of these mysleries was to incul-
cate the grand principles of natural religion,
such as the unity of God, the immortality of
the soul, the importance of virtue, &c., and
to explain the vulgar polytheism as symbol-
ical of these greal truths. Bui ihis certainly
needs better proof. It is more probable lhal
the later pagan philosophers, who lived after
the light of Christianity had exposed Ihe
abominations of polytheism, were ihe princi-
pal aulhors of Ibis moral inlerprelation of
the vulgar religion, which they falsely pre-
tended was laughl in the mysteries, while,
in reality, Ihose mysleries were probably
mere supplemenls lo Ihe vulgar mylhology
and worship, and of the same general char-
acter and spirit. See an elaborale essay in
the Quarterly Chrislian Speclalor, vol. ix.,
No. III., for Sept, 1837, p. 478-520, where
one of the most profound Greek schol-
ars of our country ably mainlains ihe fol-
lowing proposilion : " thai, so far as any-
thing can be known of them, ihey [the mys-
teries] were nol essenlially different from
the public worship of heathenism ; that their
importance did nol consist in teaching exalted
doctrines concerning God and the soul ; that,
in truth, no secret doctrines properly per-
tained to ihem ; and that, whatever high
truths may have been suggested to any of
the initiated, those truths were of ' private
inlerprelalion,' or were sewed on lo the
mysteries after ihe rise of philosophy." —
2>.]
(23) Ovid, de Tiistibus, lib. iL, v. 287,
&c.
Quis locus esl lemplis auguslior 1 haec quo-
que vitet,
In culpam si qua esl ingeniosa suam.
Cum steterit Jovis aede : Jovis succurret in
aede,
Quam multas matres feceril ille Deus.
Proxima adoranli Junonia lempla subibit,
Pellicibus mullis hanc doluisse Deam.
Pallade conspecta, nalum de crimine virgo
Sustuleril quare, quaerel. Erichlhonium.
[Compare Plato, de Leg., lib. i., p. 776,
and de Republ., lib. ii., p. 430, &c., ed.
Ficini ; Isocrates, Encom. Busiridis, Oratl.,
p. 462 ; and Seneca, de Vila beala, cap. 26.
— Sc«.]
(24) See J. Barbeyrac, Preface to his
French translation of Puffendorf's Law of
nature and nalions, § vi. [Yet Ihere were
some inielligenl pagans who had belter views,
such as Socrates and ihe younger Pliny. The
laller, in his Panegyric on Trajan, cap. 3, n.
5, says : Anima<lverto, — etiam Deos ipsos,
non tarn accuratis adoranlium precibus, quam
innocenlia el sanclitate Ixtari ; gratioremque
cxistimari, qui delubris eorum puram cas-
tamque mentem, quam qui medilalum car-
men intulerit. — Schl.]
(25) [Whal Ihe Greeks and Romans said
of ihe Elysian Fields, was nol only fabulous
in its very aspect, but it held out the pros-
pect of voluptuous pleasures, opposed to
true virtue. The more northern nations
28 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
§ 14. And hence a universal corruption of morals prevailed; and crimes,
which at this day cannot be named with decency, were then practised
with entire impunity. (26) Those who would see proof of this, may read Ju-
venal and Perseus among the Latins, and Lucian among the Greeks ; or, if
this seems too painful, let them reflect on the gladiatorial shows, the sodomy
and unnatural lusts, the facility of divorce, both among Greeks and Romans,
the custom of exposing infants and procuring abortions, and the stews con-
secrated to the gods ; against all which the laws raised no obstructions. (27)
§ 15. Men of but common discernment, could see the deformity of these
religions ; but they were met by the crafty priests with two spurious argu-
ments. First, the miracles and prodigies which were affirmed to have
taken place, and still to be daily witnessed, in the temples and before the
shrines of the gods ; and, secondly, the divination and oracles, by which
these gods were said to have foretold future events. In regard to both,
the common people were miserably imposed upon by the artifices of the
priests, and the discerning saw it. (28) But the latter had to laugh with
caution in order to be safe. For the priests stood ready to accuse of trea-
son against the gods, before a raging and superstitious multitude, all such
as exposed their religious frauds.
§ 16. At the time chosen by the Son of God for his birth among men,
the Roman religion, as well as arms, pervaded a large part of the world.
To be acquainted with this religion, is nearly the same as to be acquainted
•with the Grecian superstition. (29) Yet there is some difference between
them ; for, besides the institutions of Numa and others, invented for polit-
ical ends, the Romans superadded to the Grecian fables some Italic and
Tuscan fictions, and also gave the Egyptian gods a place among their
deities.(30)
promised a happy immortality, only to those work, The advantage and necessity of the
who distinguished themselves by a martial Christian Revelation, shown from the state
spirit and the slaughter of numerous foes ; of religion in the ancient heathen world ; by
that is, to the enemies of mankind. And J. Leland, D.D., 2d ed. Dublin, 1765, 2
the eternal bliss which they promised to vols. 8vo. — Tr ]
these warriors, was only a continued indul- (28) [Schlegel here introduces a long note,
gence in vile lusts. How could such hopes showing that Dr. Mosheim, till towards the
excite to virtue 1 Moreover, the doctrine close of his life, did not utterly reject that
of even these rewards and punishments, was common opinion of the ancients, that evil
not an article of faith among the Greeks and spirits sometimes aided the pagan priests,
Romans, but every one believed what he particularly in regard to their oracles. But
pleased concerning it ; and, at the time of Dr. Mosheim did, we are told by his pu-
Christ's birth, the followers of Epicurus pil, come at last into the opinion now gen-
were numerous ; and while many denied, erally admitted, namely, that the pagan ora-
most others doubted, the reality of future cles were all mere cheats, proceeding from
retributions. Polybius, Hist., lib. vi., c. the craft of the priests. See Van Dale, de
54. Sallust, Bell. Catil. — Schl.] Oraculis ethnicorum ; among his Diss. Am-
(26) Cyprian, Epiet. i., p. 2, ed. Baluz., stel., 1696, 4to ; and Bern. Fontendle, His-
describes at large the debased morals of the toire des oracles, 1687 ; with the Jesuit, J.
pagans. See also Cornelii Adami Exercit. F. Baltus, Reponse a 1'histoire des oracles,
de malis Romanorum ante prsedicationem &c., Strasb., 1707, 8vo ; and Suite de la
Evangelii moribus, in his Exercitt. Exeget. Reponse, &c., 1708, 8vo. — Tr.]
Exercit. V. Grb'ning., 1712, 4to ; [and, (29) See Dumys. Halicar., Antiquitatt.
what is still better authority, St. Paul to the Romanor., lib. vii., cap. 72, torn, i., p. 460,
Romans, chap, i., passim. — Tr.] ed. Hudson.
(27) [On the subject of this and several (30) See Sam. Petitus, ad Leges Atticas,
preceding sections, the reader may find sat- lib. i., tit. i., p. 71. [Lactantius, Divin*-
iifactory proof in that elaborate and candid rum lustitutt., lib. i., cap. 20. — Schl.']
STATE OF THE WORLD. 29
§ 17. In the Roman provinces, new forms of paganism were gradually
produced, compounded of the ancient religions of the inhabitants and that
of their Roman conquerors. For these nations, who, before their subjuga-
tion, had their peculiar gods and religious rites, were persuaded by de-
grees to adopt many of the Roman usages. This was good policy in the
Romans, whose interests were promoted by the extinction of the inhuman
rites of the barbarous nations ; at the same time, the levity of those na-
tions, and their desire to please their masters, favoured the object.(31)
§ 18. The most prominent religions beyond the bounds of the Roman,
empire, may be divided into two classes, the civil and the military. To
the first class belong the religions of most of the Oriental nations, espe-
cially of the Persians, the Egyptians, and the Indians. For whoever care-
fully inspects their religions, will see that they are adapted merely to an-
swer political objects ; to protect the dignity and authority of kings, to
preserve the public tranquillity, and to promote the civil virtues. To the
second class must be referred the religions of the northern nations. For
all that was inculcated among the Germans, Britains, Celts, Goths, &c.,
respecting the gods and the worship due to them, was evidently suited to
awaken and to cherish the military virtues, fortitude, bravery, and contempt
of death. A careful examination of these religions will evince the truth
of these statements.
§ 19. No nation was so rude and barbarous, as not to contain some per-
sons capable of discerning the absurdity of the popular religions. But
among these men some lacked the power and authority, others the dispo-
sition, and all the wisdom, necessary to produce a reformation. This
could not well be better exemplified, than it actually is, by the attempts of
the Greek and Roman philosophers to reform the vulgar superstitions.
They advanced many tolerably correct ideas respecting the divine nature
and moral duties, and they exposed, with some success, the errors of the
prevailing religion ; but all was so intermixed with wild and baseless
speculations, as clearly to show that it belongs to God only, and not to men,
to teach the truth undebased and free from errors.
§ 20. Among the more civilized nations at the time the Son of God ap-
peared, two species of philosophy prevailed ; namely, the Grecian, which
was also adopted by the Romans, and the Oriental, which had many fol-
lowers in Persia, Syria, Chaldea, Egypt, and among the Jews. The for-
mer was appropriately called philosophy; the latter, by such as spoke
Greek, was called •yvwcr^, that is, knowledge (ss. 0e«) of God ; because its
followers pretended to restore the lost knowledge of the supreme God. (32)
The advocates of both kinds of philosophy, were split into numerous con-
tending sects ; yet with this difference, that all the sects of Oriental phi-
losophy set out with one and the same fundamental principle, and there-
fore, were agreed in regard to many points of doctrine ; but the Greeks
were not agreed about the first principles of human wisdom. Of the Ori-
ental philosophy we shall give account hereafter ; of the Grecian philoso-
phy and its sects notice will be taken here.
(31) [Strabo, Geograph., lib. iv., p. 189, in regard to the existence and prevalence of
&c. — Schl.] an Oriental philosophy, going under the name
(32) St. Paul mentions and disapproves of yvucrif, so early as the days of Christ and
both kinds of philosophy ; namely, the Gre- his apostles. On this subject more will be
cian, Colos. ii., 8, and the Oriental, or said hereafter. See cent, i., pt. ii., ch. i.,
yvuatf, 1 Tim. vi., 20. [Dr. Mosheim has n. 7. — TV.]
been censured for his confident assertions
30
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
§ 21. Some of the Grecian sects declared open war against all religion ;
others admitted, indeed, the existence of God and of religion, but they ob-
scured the truth rather than threw light upon it. Of the former class were
the Epicureans and the Academics. The Epicureans maintained, that the
world arose from chance ; that the gods (whose existence they did not
dare to deny) neither did nor could extend their providential care to hu-
man affairs ; that the soul was mortal ; that pleasure(33) was to be sought
as man's ultimate end ; and that virtue was to be prized only for its sub-
serviency to this end. The Academics denied the possibility of arriving
at truth and certainty, and therefore held it uncertain whether the gods ex-
isted or not ; whether the soul is mortal or survives the body ; whether
virtue is preferable to vice, or the contrary.(34) At the birth of Jesus
Christ, these two sects were very numerous and influential, being favoured
by the men of rank and by nearly all the opulent. (35)
(33) [" The ambiguity of the word pleas-
ure has produced many disputes in the ex-
plication of the Epicurean system. If by
pleasure be understood only sensual gratifi-
cations, the tenet here advanced is indispu-
tably monstrous. But if it be taken in a
larger sense, and be extended to intellectual
and moral objects, in what does the scheme
of Epicurus, with respect to virtue, differ
from the opinions of those Christian philoso-
phers who maintain that self-love is the only
spring of all human affections and actions 1"
— Macl. Epicurus distinguished between
corporeal pleasure and mental. But he ac-
counted both sensitive, because he held the
soul to be material. His conceptions of
pleasure did not extend beyond natural pleas-
ures ; the chief of which he supposed to be
a calm and tranquil state of mind, undis-
turbed by any fear of God or by any solici-
tude about the future, and attended with
freedom from bodily pain. His system,
therefore, denied the very idea of moral or
religious pleasures, and it required atheism
as its foundation. See Staudliri's Geschich.
d. Moralphilos., p. 236, &c. Hanov., 1822,
8vo.— TV.]
(34) [The Academics or Platonists be-
came indeed skeptical, especially those of
the Middle Academy. Some real Pyrrhon-
ists likewise assumed the name of Academ-
ics. Still it is probable the great body of
Academics, like Cicero, who is accounted
one of them, merely held that all human
knowledge is imperfect, that is, falls short
of certainty ; that, of course, we are obliged
in all cases to act upon probabilities, of
which there are different degrees. — 7V.]
(35) The Epicureans were the most nu-
merous of the two. See Cicero, de Finibus
honor, et malor., lib. i., cap. 7, lib. ii., cap.
14, and Disput. Tuscul., lib. v., cap. 10.
Hence Juvenal, Satyr, xiii., v. 86, &c., thus
complains of the many atheists at Rome :
Sunt in fortunae qui casibus omuia ponant,
Et nullo credant mundum rectore moveri,
Natura volvente vices et lucis et anni :
Atque ideo intrepidi quaecunque altaria tan-
gunt.
[Dr. Mosheim, in these sections, is giving
the dark side of pagan philosophy. Like
his other translators, therefore, I would aim
so to soften his pictures, that the less in-
formed reader may not be misled. This, I
am persuaded, Dr. Mosheim would himself
approve, as may be inferred from the follow-
ing long note, inserted apparently for such
a purpose in the parallel passage of his
Comment, de Reb. Christ, ante Constant.,
p. 17, 18. "I cannot agree with those who
maintain, that every one of the philosophers
of those times, even such as discoursed well
on religious subjects, was hostile to all re-
ligion. I think those learned moderns have
gone too far, who have endeavoured to prove
that every sect of the philosophers, either
openly or covertly, aimed to rip up the foun-
dations of all religion. Are we to believe
that not one of the many great and worthy
men of those times, however free from ill
intentions, was so fortunate as to make a
proper use of his reason 1 Must all those
who professed theism, and spoke sublimely
of the divine perfections, be regarded as
impostors, who said one thing and meant
another 1 Yet the celebrated and acute W.
Warburton, to mention no others, lately ex-
pended much ingenuity and learning to bring'
us to such conclusions. See his very elab-
orate and noted work, entitled The divine
Legation, &c., vol. i., p. 332, &c., and p.
419, &c. He would have us think, that all
the philosophers who taught the immortality
of the soul, secretly denied it ; that they
held Nature to be the only Deity, and human
souls to be particles severed from the soul
of the world, to which they return at the
death of the body. But not to mention that
he cites only Grecian philosophers, while
other nations had their philosophers also dif-
STATE OF THE WORLD. 31
§ 22. To the second class belong the Aristotelians, the Stoics, and the Pla-
tonics: none of whom spoke of God, religion, and moral duties, in a man-
ner to be of much service to mankind. The god of Aristotle, is like the
principle of motion in a machine. He is a being regardless of human af-
fairs, and happy in his own contemplations. Such a god, differing but lit-
tle from the god of Epicurus, we have no reason either to love or to fear.
Whether this philosopher held the soul to be mortal or immortal, is at least
doubtful. (36) Now what solid and sound precepts of virtue and piety can
that man give, who denies the providence of God, and not obscurely inti-
mates that the soul is mortal ?
§ 23. The god of the Stoics has a little more of majesty ; nor does he
sit musing supinely, above the heavens and the stars. Yet he is described
as a corporeal being, united to matter by a necessary connexion ; and,
moreover, as subject to fate : so that he can bestow neither rewards nor
punishments. (37) That this sect held to the extinction of the soul, at
death, is allowed by all the learned. Now such doctrines take away the
strongest motives to virtue. And accordingly, the moral system of the
Stoics is a body that is fair and beautiful, but without sinews and active
limbs. (38)
§ 24. Plato seems to have exceeded all the other philosophers in wisdom.
For he held the world to be governed by an independent, powerful, and in-
telligent God ; and he taught men, what to fear and what to hope for, after
death. Yet his doctrines not only rest on very slender foundations, and
are exceedingly obscure, but they represent the supreme Creator as des-
titute of several perfections,(39) and as limited to a certain place. His
fering widely from the Grecian, the renowned plan all wise and perfect, and from which, of
author depends not on plain and explicit tes- consequence, the supreme Being, morally
timony, which seems necessary to justify so speaking, can never depart. So that when
heavy a charge, but merely on conjectures, Jupiter is said by the Stoics to be subject
on single examples, and on inferences from to immutable fate, this means no more than
the doctrines held by certain philosophers, that he is subject to the wisdom of hia own
If this kind of proof be allowed, if single in- counsels, and acts ever in conformity with
stances and inferences are sufficient to con- his supreme perfections. The following re-
vict men of duplicity when no shadow of markable passage of Seneca, drawn from the
suspicion appears in their language, who fifth chapter of his book de Providentia, is
will be found innocent 1 Though but an sufficient to confirm the explication we have
ordinary man, and far inferior to Warburton, here given of the Stoical fate. Ille ipse
yet I could prove that all the theologians in omnium conditor et rector, scripsit quidem
Christendom disbelieve utterly what they fata, sed sequitur. Semper paret, semel
teach in public ; and that they covertly aim jussit." — Mad. This fine apology will not
to instil the poison of impiety into men's bear a strict scrutiny. The Stoics them-
minds ; if I might be allowed to assail them selves differed in opinion, and they generally
in the manner this learned writer assails the had indistinct notions. But most of them
philosophers." — TV.] held fate to be rather a physical than a moral
(36) See the notes on my Latin transla- necessity ; though some of them, at times,
tion of R. CvdicorlK's Intellectual System, confounded it with Jove, nature, or a pan-
torn i., p. 66, 500 ; torn, ii., p. 1171 ; and theistic god, as Seneca does in the passage
Mich. Mourgues, Plan theologiquc du Fyth- quoted. — 7V.]
agorismc, torn, i., p. 75, &c. (38) These remarks receive some illus-
(37) [" Thus is the Stoical doctrine of tration from my note on Cudworth's Intel.
fate generally represented, but not more gen- Syst., torn, i., p. 517.
erally than unjustly. Their fatum, when (39) [He ascribed to God neither omnip-
carefully and attentively examined, seems to otence, nor omnipresence, nor omniscience,
have signified no more, in the intention of the — Schl. But Dr. Maclaine here enters his
wisest of that sect, than the plan of govern- dissent. He says, " All the divine pt-rfrc-
ment formed originally in the divine mind, a tions are frequently acknowledged In that
32
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
doctrine concerning demons and the human soul, is singularly adapted to
produce and encourage superstition. (40) Nor will his system of morals
command very high estimation, if we examine it in all its parts, and in-
quire into its first principles. (41)
§ 25. As all these sects held many things inconsistent with sound rea-
son, and were addicted to never-ending contentions and debates, some
moderate and well-disposed men concluded to follow none of them impli-
citly, but to glean from all whatever was good and consonant to reason, and
reject the rest. Hence originated in Egypt, and particularly at Alexandria,
a new mode of philosophizing called the eclectic. One Potamon, of Alex-
andria, has been represented as its author; but the subject has its difficul-
ties.(42) That this sect flourished at Alexandria in the age of our Saviour,
is manifest from the Jewish Philo, who philosophized according to its prin-
ciples.(43) These Eclectics held Plato in the highest estimation ; but
they unscrupulously modified his doctrines by incorporating what they
pleased from the other philosophers. (44)
§ 26. It will be easy to see, what inference should be drawn from this
account of the lamentable state of the world at the time of Christ's birth.
It may serve to teach us, that the human race was then wholly corrupt,
and that a divine teacher was needed to instruct mankind in the true prin-
ciples of religion and morality, and to recall the wanderers into the paths
philosopher." I wish he had given proof of
this assertion, if he was able to make it good.
—TV.]
(40) [He believed, that God employs good
and evil demons in the government of the
world, and that men can have commerce
with these demons. A person believing this,
may easily be led to regard idolatry as not
very irrational. — Schl.]
(41) The defects of the Platonic philoso-
phy are copiously, but not very accurately,
depicted by Fran. Baltus, in a French work,
Defense des peres accuses de Platonisme ;
Paris, 1711, 4to. [Plato has, moreover,
been accused of Spinozism. For Bayle
(Continuation des pensees diverses sur la
Comete, &c., cap. 25) and Gundling (in
Otiis, fasc. 2, and in Gundlingianis, th. 43
and 44) tax him with confounding God with
matter. But Zimrnermann (Opusc., torn, i.,
p. 762, &c.) and the elder Schelhorn ( Amoe-
nitatt. literar., torn, ix., xii., and xiii.) have
defended the character of Plato. — ScA/.]
(42) [J. Brucker, Historia crit. philos.,
torn, ii., p. 193, has shown, that in regard to
the controversies maintained by Heumann,
Hasaeus and others, respecting this nearly
unknown Potamon, the probability is, that he
lived about the close of the second century ;
that his speculations had little effect ; and
that Ammonius is to be regarded as the
founder of the Eclectic sect. Yet this will
not forbid our believing, what Brucker him-
self admits, that there were some Grecian
philosophers as early as the times of Christ,
who speculated very much as the Eclectics
afterward did, though the few followers they
had did not merit the title of a sect. — Schl.~]
(43) [For he philosophized in the manner
of Clemens Alex., Ongen, and the other
Christian doctors, who were certainly Eclec-
tics. For 'the most part he follows Plato,
and hence many account him a pure Platon-
ist. But he often commends the Stoics,
Pythagoreans, and others, and adopts their
opinions. — ScA/.]
(44) See Godfr. Olearius, de Philosophia
Eclectica, James Brucker, and others. [On
the philosophy, as well as the vulgar poly-
theism of the ancient pagans, the best work
for the mere English reader, seems to be
that already mentioned, J. Ldand's Advan-
tage and necessity of the Christian revela-
tion, shown from the state of religion in the
ancient heathen world, second ed , 1765, 2
vols. 8vo. The history of philosophy among
the ancients has not been critically and ably
written in English, nor by Englishmen.
Stanley's lives, &c., 1655, 4to, is full of
mistakes ; and Enficld's abridgment of
Brucker, is quite superficial. The best gen-
eral works are J. Brvcker's Historia critica
philosophise, Lips., 1741-67, 6 vols. 4to, and
the more recent German works by Tiede-
mann (6 vols. 8vo, 1791-97), Buhle (7
vols. 8vo, 1796-1804), Tennemann (12
vols. 8vo, 1798-1820), and Rimier, 3 vols.
8vo, 1822. The history of moral philoso-
phy or ethics, is well treated by Cp. Meinen
(krit. Geschichte, 2 vols. 8vo, 1800-1) and
C. F. Staudlin, Gesch. der Moralphiloso-
phie, 1822, p. 1055, 8vo.— Tr.]
STATE OF THE JEWS. 33
of virtue and piety. And it may teach those who before were ignorant of
it, how great advantages and supports, in all the circumstances of life, the
human family have derived from the advent of Christ, and from the religion
which he taught. Many despise and ridicule the Christian religion, not
knowing that to it they are indebted for all the blessings they enjoy.
CHAPTER II.
THE CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS STATE OF THE JEWS AT THE BIRTH OF
CHRIST.
$ I. Herod the Great then reigned. — § 2. State of the Jews after his Death. — § 3. Their
Troubles and Calamities, — § 4. which were increased by their leading Men. — § 5. Their
Religion greatly corrupted, both among the Common People — § 6. and among their
Teachers, who were divided into three Sects. — 6 7. Their Dissensions. — § 8. Their
Toleration of each other. — § 9. The Essenes. — § 10. The Therapeutae. — § 11. Moral
Doctrines of these Sects. — § 12. Low State of Religion among the People. — $ 13. The
Kabbala, a Source of Error. — 1} 14. Their Form of Worship, debased by Pagan Rites. —
9 15. Causes of the Corruption of the Nation. — § 16. Yet Religion not wholly ex-
tinct.— § 17. The Samaritans. — § 18. State of the Jews out of Palestine.
§ 1. THE state of the Jewish people, among whom the Saviour chose
to be born, was little better than that of other nations. Herod, whose
crimes procured him the title of the Great, then governed, or, rather, op-
pressed the nation, being a tributary king under the Romans. He drew on
himself universal hatred by his cruelties, jealousies, and wars ; and he ex-
hausted the wealth of the unhappy nation by his mad luxury, his excessive
magnificence, and his immoderate largesses. Under his administration
Roman luxury and great licentiousness spread over Palestine.(l) In re-
ligion he was professedly a Jew, but he copied the manners of those who
despise all religion.
§ 2. On the death of this tyrant, the Romans allowed Archelaus, his son,
with the title of Exarch, to reign over half of Palestine [viz., Judea, Samaria,
and Idumea] ; the other half was divided between two other sons of Herod,
Antipas and Philip. Archelaus copied after the vices of his father ; and
therefore, in the tenth year of his reign, he was publicly accused before
Augustus and deprived of his crown. (2) The countries he had governed
were now reduced to the form of a Roman province, and were annexed to
Syria. This change in the form of government, brought heavy troubles
and calamities upon the Jews, and at last destroyed the nation.
§ 3. The Romans did not, indeed, wholly prohibit the Jews from retain-
ing their national laws, and the religion established by Moses. Their re-
ligious affairs were still conducted by a high priest, with priests and Le-
(1) See Christ. Noldii, Historia Idumaea, larius, Historia Herodum, inhisDiss. Acad.,
in Havercamp's edit, of Josephus, torn, ii., p. part, i., and especially the Jewish histori-
333, &c. Ja. Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, an, Flavins Josephus, in his Wars of the
torn, i., part i., p. 27, &c. H. Noris, Cosn- Jews.
otaph. Pisan., ii., 6. H. Prideaux, Con- (2) [Josephus, Antiq. Jud., lib. rvii., cap.
nexions, &c., part, ii., lib. viii. Chr. Cel- 13, and de Bello Jud., lib. ii., cap. 6. — Schl.]
VOL. I.— E
34 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART L— CHAP. II.
vites under him, and by their national senate or Sanhedrim. The exte-
rior of their worship, with a few exceptions, remained unaltered. But the
amount of evil brought upon this miserable people, by the presence of the
Romans among them, whom they viewed as polluted and detestable, by
the cruelty and avarice of the governors, and by the frauds and rapacity
of the publicans, is almost incalculable. Unquestionably, those Jews lived
more comfortably who were subject to the other two sons of Herod.
§ 4. But the measure of liberty and comfort allowed to the Jews by
the Romans, was wholly dissipated by the profligacy and crimes of those
who pretended to be patriots and guardians of the nation. Their principal
men, their high priests, as we learn from Josephus, were abandoned
wretches, who had purchased their places by bribes or by deeds of in-
iquity, and who maintained their ill-acquired authority by every species of
flagitious acts. The other priests, and all who held any considerable of-
fice, were not much better. The^ multitude, excited by such examples,
ran headlong into every sort of iniquity, and by their unceasing robberies
and seditions they armed against themselves both the justice of God and
the vengeance of men. (3)
§ 5. Two religions then flourished in Palestine, viz., the Jewish and
the Samaritan; between the followers of which a deadly hatred pre-
vailed. The nature of the former is set forth in the Old Testament. But
in the age of the Saviour, it had lost much of its primitive form and char-
acter. The people universally were infected with certain prevalent and
pernicious errors, and the more learned were at variance on points of the
greatest moment. All looked for a deliverer ; not, however, such a one as
God had promised, but a powerful warrior and a vindicator of their national
liberties. (4) All placed the sum of religion in an observance of the Mo-
saic ritual, and in certain external duties towards their own countrymen.
All excluded the rest of mankind from the hope of salvation, and, of course,
whenever they dared, treated them with hatred and inhumanity. (5) To
these fruitful sources of vice, must be added various absurd and supersti-
tious opinions concerning the Divine nature, genii, magic, &c., which they
had partly brought with them from the Babylonian captivity, and partly
imbibed from the neighbouring Egyptians, Syrians, and Arabians. (6)
§ 6. The learned, who pretended to a superior knowledge of the law
and of theology, were divided into various sects and parties,(7) among
(3) [See Josephus, de Bello Jud., lib. v., (6) [See Th. Gale, Observv. ad Jambli-
cap. 13, § 6, and Basnage, Histoire des chum, de Myster. Aegypt., p. 206, and G.
Juifs, torn, i., cap. 16. — Schl.'] Sale, Preface to his Eng. transl. of the Ko-
(4) [This is proved by J. Basnage, Hist, ran, p. 72. Even Josephus, Antiq. Jud.,
drs.luifs, torn, v., cap. 10. That not only the lib. iii., c. 7, § 2, admits that the Jewish
Pharisees, but all Jews of whatever sect, religion was corrupted among the Babyloni-
both in and out of Palestine, were expecting ans. — Schl.}
a Messiah, is shown by Dr. Mosheim, in his (7) Besides these three more noted sects,
Commentt. de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 40, there were, undoubtedly, others among the
from the following texts, John i., 20-25 ; x., Jews in the time of Christ. The Herodians
24, &c. ; xii., 34. Matt, ii., 4-6 ; xxi., 9 ; are mentioned in the sacred volume, the
xxvi., 63, &c. — Schl.~\ G'aulonites by Josephus, and other sects by
(5) [Hence other nations, not without rea- Epiphanius, and by Hegesippus in Eusebi-
son, regarded the Jews as enemies of man- us ; all of which cannot be supposed to be
kind. See the examples collected by J. mere fictions. [Dr. Mosheim's additional
Eisner, Observatt. Sacr. in N. T., torn, ii., remarks on this subject, in his Commentt.
p. 274.— Schl.] de Reb. Chr. ante C. M., p. 43-45, well de-
STATE OF THE JEWS.
35
which three were most numerous and influential ; namely, the Pharisees,
the Sadducees, and the Essenes. The two first are often mentioned in the
Scriptures : but for a knowledge of the Essenes we are indebted to Josephus,
serve insertion here. They are as follows.
" To vindicate my assertion, that Epiphani-
«»' account of the Jewish sects, in the begin-
ning of his book de Haresibus, is not, prob-
ably, altogether untrue, I will offer a con-
jecture, which, the more I consider it, the
more important it appears. I propose it for
the consideration of the learned. It may,
perhaps, serve to remove some obscurities
from ancient ecclesiastical history. Epipha-
nius states, that there was among the Jews a
sect of Hemerobaptists, who had this pecu-
liarity, that they washed themselves daily.
The same sect is mentioned by an ancient
writer, Hegesippus, quoted by Eusebius,
Hist. Eccles., lib. iv., cap. 22, and by Jus-
tin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryph., p. 245, ed.
Jebb., though the latter abridges the name,
calling them Baptists. Nor is this sect
omitted in the Index of Heresies falsely as-
cribed to Jerome. The author of the Clem-
entina, homil. ii., c. 23, says, the founder of
the sect was named John, and had twelve
apostles and thirty chief men to aid him.
The same account occurs in the Epitome
gestorum Petri, § 26, which is subjoined to
the Clementina. Either no credit is due to
any ancient history, or these numerous and
very ancient witnesses, who cannot be sus-
pected of fraud or ignorance, must be be-
lieved when they assert that there was a
sect among the Jews called Hemerobaptists.
Epiphamus' whole story, therefore, is not to
be accounted fabulous.
" The descendants of these Hemerobap-
tists, I suspect, are still existing. The learn-
ed well know, that there is in Persia and In-
dia, a numerous and widespread community,
who call themselves Mendai Ijahi, Disci-
ples of John. The Europeans call them
Christians of St. John, because they have
some slight knowledge of Christ. By the
Oriental writers they are called Sabbi or
Sabbiin. Concerning them, Ignatius a Jesu,
a Carmelite monk who lived long among
them, has written a book, entitled Narratio
originis, rituum et errorum Christianorum
S. Johannis, &c. Rome, 1652, 8vo. It is
no contemptible performance, and contains
many things deserving attention, though it
is ill digested and unpolished in its style.
Besides this Ignatius, Bart. Herbdot (in
Biblioth. Orient, voce Sabi), Asseman (Bib-
lioth. Orient. Clement. Vat.), Thcvenot and
Tavernier (in their Travels), Engelb. Kaemp-
fer (Amcenitatt. e.xot., fasc. ii., cap. 11), and
very recently, Fourmont (Hist, of Paris.
Acad. of Inscriptions), aud others, havo
written largely concerning this people. Tk.
Sig. Bayer proposed writing a book respect-
ing them, which, perhaps, was unfinished at
his death. The origin and true character of
this sect are still unsettled. That they can-
not be classed among Christians, is now
clear. For what they know of Christ they
have learned from the Chaldean Christians,
among whom many of them live ; nor do
they worship or honour Christ. Most of
the moderns incline to regard them as de-
scended from those Sabians, who are so
often mentioned in the Koran of Mohammed,
and by Maimonides. But their customs and
their doctrines are wholly different from those
attributed to the Sabians ; and from their
being called Sabians by the Mohammedans,
nothing can be inferred, because it is well
known that the Arabians apply this name to
all who 'reject their religion.
" I am inclined to look upon these Chris-
tians of St. John, as descendants of those
Hemerobaptists who were a Jewish sect
about the time of Christ. For this opinion
I offer the following arguments : First, they
profess to be Jews ; and say, their ancestors
lived on the banks of the Jordan, whence
they were driven by the Mohammedans.
This argument I consider as overthrowing
the hypothesis which makes them to be Sa-
bians. Secondly, they place their depend-
ance for pardon and salvation on their fre-
quent bodily ablutions ; which was also the
distinguishing error of the Hemerobaptists.
At this day the Disciples of John, as they
call themselves, are solemnly baptized by
their priests but once a year ; whereas the
Hemerobaptists daily purified themselves
with water. But it is a fixed principle with
them all to this day, that, the oftener they
baptize, the holier and more happy they are ;
and they therefore would all receive baptism
every month, nay, every day, if they could.
The avarice of their priests, who will not
baptize them without a fee, has rendered the
repetition of the nte less frequent. Thirdly,
the founder of this sect, like that of the He-
mcrobaplists, was named John ; and he has
left a book, which is preserved with rever-
ence as being divine. It is commonly sup-
posed, that this John was John the Baptist,
Christ's forerunner mentioned in the Scrip-
tures. Hence many conclude, that the Sa-
bians are descended from the disciples of
John the Baptist. So thought Ignatius a
Jesu ; Narratio de Chr. St. Johan, &c., cap.
ii., p. 13, &c. But what this sect relate of
their John, as stated by Ignatius himself,
36 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
Philo, and others. These principal sects agreed, indeed, respecting the
fundamental principles of the Jewish religion ; and yet, respecting ques-
tions of the highest importance, and such as relate to the salvation of the
soul, they were engaged in endless contentions. The pernicious effects
of these dissensions of the learned on the common people may be easily
conceived.
§ 7. They disagreed, first respecting the law itself, or the rule which
God had given them. The Pharisees superadded to the written law an
oral or unwritten law, handed down by tradition, which both the Sadducees
and the Essenes rejected, adhering only to the written law. They differed
also respecting the import of the law. For the Pharisees held to a double
sense of the Scriptures, the one obvious and literal, the other recondite and
figurative, while the Sadducees held only to the literal sense of the Bible.
Many of the Essenes, dissenting from both, maintained that the words of
the law are of no authority, but that the things expressed by them are im-
agery, indicative of sacred and divine things. To these contests concern-
ing the law, were added others on subjects of the highest moment, and par-
ticularly respecting the punishments and rewards announced in the law.
The Pharisees supposed them to affect both the body and the soul, and to
extend beyond the present life, while the Sadducees held to no future ret-
ributions. The Essenes took a middle course, admitting future rewards
and punishments, but confining them to the soul. The body they held to
be a malignant substance, and the temporary prison of the soul. (8)
§ 8. Notwithstanding these sects contended about points of such vast
moment, it does not appear that they resorted to religious persecution of
each other. Yet this forbearance and moderation, no one acquainted with
clearly show him to be diverse from the Bap- ciet. reg. scient, Getting., 1780. The most
list. For they deny, that their John suffered probable conclusion is, that these people are
death under Herod ; they say, he died a nat- not to be classed among either Jews, Chris-
ural death in a town of Persia, called Scius- tians, or Mohammedans ; but are of uncer-
ter, and was buried in the adjacent fields of tain origin, and have a religion of their own,
that town. They state also, that he had a compounded of Judaism, Christianity, Par-
wife and four children. Only a few of the sism, and Islamism. For a list of the wri-
things they relate of their John, accord with ters who treat of them, see Nossell's An-
what our Scriptures relate of John the Bap- weisung, &c., § 474, and Stdudlin's kirchl.
tist ; and these few things, like what they Geographie, vol. ii.. p. 705. See also A.
also say of Christ, they doubtless learned Neander, Kirchengesch., b. i., abt. ii., § 646,
from those Christians with whom they asso- note 2 ; and Gieseler's Text-book of Eccl.
ciated to avoid the oppressions of the Mo- Hist., translated by Cunningham, Boston,
hammedans; and finding these things not 1836, vol. i., p. 40, note 4; and the Art.
inconsistent with their faith, and being un- Safer, in the Conversations-Lexicon. — Tr.}
able, from their extreme ignorance, to refute (8) [For an account of the three Jewish
them, they embraced and still retain them, sects, see Ja. Tngland, Syntagma Trium
"What degree of weight this supposition of Scriptorum illustrium (viz., Jo. Scahgcr,
mine deserves, will better appear when the Joh. Drusius, and Nicol. Serarius), de Ju-
sacred books of this people, and especially the deorum Sectis. Delft, 1702, 2 vols. 4to.
book said to be written by their founder John, After these, Ja. Basnage and Hum. Pri'
shall be published. These were, a few years dcdux (in their Jewish histories), the authors
since, introduced into the king's library at of Introductions to the books of the N. Test.
Paris ; so that we may hope the learned will (and of works on Jewish Antiquities), and
sooner or later have access to them." These many others, have described these sects,
sacred books of the Sabians of Hedshar in some more and some less successfully. Mo-
Persia, have been examined with consider- shcim, de Reb. Christianor. ante C. M., p.
able care ; see, among others, M. Norberg, 46. — See also Jost's Algem. Gesch. p. Is-
de religione et ling. Sabaeorum, in Com. So- rael. Volkes, vol. i., p. 517, &c; — Tr.}
STATE OF THE JEWS. 37
the history of those times will ascribe to noble and generous principles.
The Sadducees were supported by the leading men of the nation, and the
Pharisees by the common people, and, of course, neither sect could rise
up in hostility against the other without the most imminent hazard. Be-
sides, on the least appearance of tumult or sedition, the Romans would
doubtless have punished the ringleaders with severity. We may add that
the Sadducees were of accommodating, gentlemanly manners, and, from
the principles of their sect, were averse from all broils and altercations.(9)
§ 9. The Essenes could more easily avoid contention with the other
sects, because they lived, for the most part, in retired places, and remote
from intercourse with mankind. They were scattered over Syria, Egypt,
and the neighbouring countries ; and, holding religion to consist in silence
and meditation, they endeavoured, by a strict mode of life, and by various
observances, borrowed probably from the Egyptians, (10) to raise themselves
to higher degrees of virtue. They were not all, however, of the same sen-
timents. Some lived in celibacy, and made it their care to instruct and
educate the children of others. Others married wives ; not to gratify their
natural propensities, but solely to propagate the human race.(ll) Those
living in Syria held that God may be propitiated by sacrifices, yet they
believed that they must be offered in a manner very different from the
common mode among the Jews : hence it appears that they did not reject
the literal sense of the Mosaic law. But those who inhabited the deserts
of Egypt maintained that no sacrifice should be presented to God, except
that of a composed mind, absorbed in the contemplation of divine things ;
which shows that they put an allegorical sense upon the whole Jewish
law. (12)
§ 10. The Therapeutas, of whom Philo wrote a whole book, (13) are
commonly reckoned a branch of the Essene family ; whence the well-
known distinction of practical and theoretical Essenes. But whether this
classification is correct, may be doubted. For nothing is discoverable
in the customs or institutions of the Therapeutae which evinces abso-
lutely that they were a branch of the Essenes ; nor has Philo so repre-
sented them. Who can deny, that other fanatical Jews besides Essenes
may have united together and formed a society ? But I agree entirely
with those who regard the Therapeutae as being Jews who claimed to be
true disciples of Moses, and as being neither Christians nor Egyptians.
In reality, they were wild and melancholy enthusiasts, who led a life in-
congruous alike with the law of Moses and with sober reason. (14)
(9) [See Commentt. de Reb. Chr. ante C. Essay, de Vera notione coenae Domini, p. 4,
M., p. 48, where Dr. M. proves from Jose- subjoined to his Intellectual System.]
phus (Antiq. Jud., 1. xviii., c. 1, and 1. xiii., (13) Philo, de Vita contemplativa, in his
c. 10) that the Sadducees were all men of works, p. 889.
wealth ; and (from his Bell. Jud.. 1. ii., c. 8) (14) The principal writers concerning the
that they had little sympathy for others. Dr. Therapeutae are mentioned by J. A. Fabri-
M. thinks he finds the picture of a Sadducee cius, Lux Salutar. Evang. toti orbi esor,
in the rich man described in Luke xvi., 19. cap. iv., p. 55. [The more ample account of
— ScAJ.] the Therapeutae, given by Dr. Mosheim in
(10) See Lu. Holstenius, Notes on For- his Commentt. deKeb. Chr., &c., p. 55, &c.,
phyry, de Vita Pythagoras, p. 1 1, ed. Kuster. is thus abridged by Schlegel. " The Thera-
(11) [See Josephus, de Bello Jud., lib. ii., peutas wished to pass for disciples of Moses,
c. 8, $ 13. — Schl.] notwithstanding their wide departure from
(12) [See Mosheim's note on CudwortK's him. They gave up all their property, and
38
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
§ 11. It was not possible that any one of these sects should inculcate
and diffuse the true principles of virtue and piety. The Pharisees, as our
Saviour often laid to their charge, disregarded internal purity ; and by a
vain ostentation and an austere life, sought for popular applause ; and
also ascribed more authority to their vain traditions, than to the holy com-
mandments of God, Matt, xxiii., 13, &c. The Sadducees gave a stimu-
lus to iniquity, and to every lust, by discarding all future rewards and
punishments. The Essenes, a fanatic and superstitious tribe, made piety
to consist in a holy indolence and a dislike of mankind ; and thus they
sundered the ties of society.
§ 12. When those who assumed the name and the prerogatives of the wise
were involved in such darkness and such altercations, who can doubt that
the religion and piety of the common people were in a low and debased
state ? They were sunk in deplorable ignorance of divine things, and
they supposed that they rendered themselves acceptable to God by their
attention to sacrifices, ablutions, and the other ceremonies prescribed by
Moses. From this twofold source [the ignorance of the people and the
blindness of their leaders] flowed those polluted morals and that profligate
life which characterized the greater part of the Jews while Christ was
among them. (15) Hence our Saviour compared the people to wandering
sheep, who had no shepherd, Matt, x., 6 ; xv., 24 ; and their teachers to
blind men, who attempt to show others the way when they cannot see it
themselves, Matt, xv., 14 ; John ix., 39.
betook themselves to retired situations,
where they lived in solitary huts, without
sacrifices, without any external worship, and
without labour ; mortifying l&eir bodies by
fasting and their souls by unceasing contem-
plation, in order to bring their heaven-born
spirits, now imprisoned in bodies, into light
and liberty, and fit them better for the celes-
tial mansions after death. They assembled
together every seventh day of the week,
when, after hearing a discourse and offering
prayers, they ate together, feeding on salt,
and bread, and water. This meal was fol-
lowed by a sacred dance, which they pro-
tracted through the night and till the dawn
of day. At first the men and women danced
apart ; afterward, guided by inspiration, they
danced together, and laboured by violent
movements, outcries, songs, and voices, to
express the love of God then working in their
souls. Into such follies can human reason
fall when it has mistaken notions of God
and of human nature. It is still debated
whether these Therapeutae were Christians,
or Jews, or heathen philosophers. Eusebius
(Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 17) regarded them as
Christian monks, established in Egypt by St.
Mark ; and many R.omish writers, to support
the high antiquity of monkery, zealously de-
fend this opinion. The whole of this con-
troversy may be seen in the Lettres pour et
centre la fameuse question, si les solitaires
appelles Therapeutes, dont a parle Philon le
Juif, etoient Chretiens. Paris, 1712, 12mo.
The chief advocates of this opinion are B.
de Montfaucon, in the Notes to his Fr. trans-
lation of Philo, and M. le Quien, Christianus
Oriens, torn, ii., p. 332. On the other hand,
Scaligcr, Ckamier, Lightfoot, Daille, the
two Basnages, Prideaux, Ittig, Buddeus,
Mosheim, Baumgarten, and recently J. A.
Orsi (His. Eccles., vol. i., p. 77) and Mangey
(Preface to Philo's Works) have maintained
that they were Jews, and of the sect of Es-
senes. J. J. Lange, in a Dissert., published
in 1721, maintained, upon very slender
grounds, that they were Oriental philoso-
phers, of melancholy temperament, who had
imbibed some Jewish notions. And Ja-
blonsky, in an Essay on the subject, makes
them to be Egyptian priests, addicted to as-
trology and other sacred sciences of the
Egyptians." Dr. Mosheim pertinently ob-
serves (Com. de Reb., &c., p. 50), " The
Christian monks, who evidently originated
in Egypt, borrowed their peculiarities from
the practical Essenes ; for nothing can be
more similar than the rules and regulations
of the ancient monks and those of the Es-
senes, as described by Joscphus. On the
other hand, the Christian solitaries, called
Eremites, copied after the theoretical Es-
senes, or Thcrapeuta." — TV.]
(15) [A striking passage relative to the
vicious lives of the Jews, in our Saviour's
time, occurs in Josephus, Bell. Jud., lib. v.,
c. 13, $ 6.— Schl.]
STATE OF THE JEWS. 39
§ 13. To all these stains on the character of the Jews in the time of Christ's
advent, must be added the attachment of many to the Oriental philosophy,
in regard to the origin of the world, and to the indubitable offspring of that
philosophy, the Kabbala. That many Jews were infected with this sys-
tem is placed beyond all doubt, both by the sacred books of the New Tes-
tament and by the early history of the Christian church.(16) It is certain
that the founders of several of the Gnostic sects were Jews. And the
followers of such systems of philosophy must have differed widely from
the other Jews, in their views of the God of the Old Testament, and in their
views of Moses, of the creation, and of the Messiah. For they held the
world's creator to be a different being from the supreme God, and that his
domination over the human race was to be destroyed by the Messiah.
From such opinions would originate a monstrous system, widely different
from the genuine religion of the Jews.
§ 14. The outward forms of worship established by Moses were less
corrupted than the other parts of religion. Yet men of the greatest learn-
ing have observed that various rites were introduced into the temple itself,
which we search for in vain in the divine ritual. It appears that the Jews,
on becoming acquainted with the sacred rites of the neighbouring nations,
and with those of the Greeks and Romans, were so captivated with a
number of the ceremonies practised in idol worship, that they did not hes-
itate to adopt them, and to superadd them as ornamental to the rites of
God's appointment.(17.)
§ 15. For this great corruption of a nation, which God had selected for
his peculiar people, various causes may be assigned. In the first place,
their fathers had brought back with them from Chaldea and the adjacent
countries, and had introduced into Palestine, many foolish and vain opin-
ions wholly unknown to the founders of the nation. (18) And from the
time of the conquest of Asia by Alexander the Great the customs and
dogmas of the Greeks were disseminated among the Persians, the Syrians,
the Arabians, and likewise among the Jews, who before were rude in let-
ters and philosophy. (19) The excursions, also, which many Jews were
accustomed to make into the neighbouring countries, especially into Egypt
and Phoenicia, in pursuit of wealth, caused various errors and fancies of the
pagan nations to spread among the Hebrews. And lastly, Herod the Great
and his sons, and likewise the Roman procurators and soldiers, undoubt-
edly planted in the country many foreign institutions and pollutions. Oth-
er causes will readily occur to those acquainted with the Jewish history
after the times of the Maccabees.
§ 16. But, notwithstanding their numerous faults, the people generally
manifested the strongest attachment to the law of Moses, and were very
careful of its honour and authority. Hence they erected throughout the
country houses of worship, with the Greek appellation of Synagogues ; in
which the people assembled for prayer, and to listen to the public ex-
pounders of the law. Schools also were established in the principal
(16) See J. C. Wolf, Biblioth. Ebraica, (18) See Tho. Gale, on Jambhchits de
vol. ii., 1. vii., c. i., § 9, p. 206. mysteriis Aegyptiorum, p. 206. Nor docs
(17) See John Spencer, de Legibus ritual. Josephus conceal this fact, Antiq. Jud.. 1.
veter. Ebrfflorum, torn, ii., lib. iv., where iii., c. 7, § 2.
he treats particularly of Jewish rites bor- (19) [Le Clerc, Epist. crit. ix., p. 250.
rowed from the Gentiles and not to be found — Schl.]
in the law of God.
40 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
towns, where literary men instructed the youth in both divine and human
knowledge. (20) That these institutions had considerable influence to
preserve the law inviolate, and to check in some degree the progress of
wickedness, no one can hesitate to believe.
§ 17. The Samaritans, who worshipped on Mount Gerizim, and who
lived in virulent hostility with their neighbours the Jews, were equally op-
pressed, and were, in an equal degree, the authors of their own calamities.
It appears, from the history of those times, that the Samaritans suffered as
much as the Jews from the machinations of factious and unprincipled men ;
although they had, perhaps, not so many religious sects. That their re-
ligion was less pure than the Jewish, Christ himself has testified, John iv.,
22. And yet they seem to have had more correct views of the offices of the
Messiah than the mass of the Jews had, John iv., 25. Though we are not
to believe all that the Jews have said respecting their opinions, yet it is
undeniable, that the Samaritans adulterated the pure doctrines of the Old
Testament with profane mixtures of pagan errors. (21)
§ 18. The narrow limits of Palestine could not contain the very numer-
ous nation of the Jews. Hence, when our Saviour was born, there was
almost no considerable province which did not contain a large number of
Jews, who employed themselves in traffic and the mechanic arts. These
Jews, in the countries beyond Palestine, were protected against the vio-
lence and abuse of the inhabitants by the public laws, and by the injunctions
of the magistrates. (22) Yet they were in most places exceedingly odious
to the mass of people, on account of their singularity as to religion and
customs. The special providence of God is undoubtedly to be recognised
in the dispersion of this people (who were the depositaries of the true re-
ligion, that which inculcates the worship of the one God) over nearly the
whole world, so that their example might put superstition to shame, and
in some measure prepare the way for the Christian religion.
(20) See Camp. Vitringa, de Synagoga ten, Geschichte der Religionspart., p. 274,
Vetere, 1. iii., c. v., and 1. i., c. v., vii. &c. — Schl.']
[Prideaux, Connexions, &c., pt. i., b. vi., (22) See Ja. Gronovius, Decreta Romana
anno 445. — TV.] et Asiatica pro Judasis, ad cultum divinum
(21) The principal writers concerning the perAsiae Minoris urbes secure obeundum.
Samaritans are enumerated by J. G. Carp- Lugd. Bat., 1712, 8vo. [For a candid and
zov, Critica Sacra Vet. Test., pt. ii., cap. vi., faithful account of the state of the Jews, both
p. 595. [The most valuable are Chr. Cel- in Palestine and out of it, the English reader
larius, Hist, gentis Samarit., in his Diss. is referred to Lardner's Credibility of the
Acad., p. 109, &c. John Morin, Antiq. ec- Gospel History, pt. i., vol. i., ch. ii.-vi. See
cles. orient. Ja. Basnage, Histoire des Ju- also J. M. JosCs Algem. Gesch. des Isra-
ifs, torn, ii., lib. ii., c. 1-13. H. Reland, elit. Volke., b. viii., vol. ii., p. 1, &c., Ber-
de Samaritanis, in his Diss. Miscell., pt. ii., lin, 1832. — TV.]
(H. Prideaux, Connexions), and Baumgar-
LIFE OF JESUS CHRIST.
41
CHAPTER III.
THE LIFE OF JESUS CHRIST.
$ 1. The Birth of Christ.— $ 2. His Childhood and Youth.— $ 3. His Precursor, John B.—
$ 4. His subsequent Life. — § 5. He appoints twelve Apostles, and seventy Disciples. —
§ 6. Reason of this Number. — § 7. Fame of Christ out of Judea. — § 8. Success of his
Ministry. — $ 9. His Death. — t) 10. His Resurrection and Ascension to Heaven.
§ 1. So many and so virulent diseases of the human race demanded the
aid of a divine physician. Therefore the Son of God himself descended
from heaven upon Palestine, in the close of the reign of Herod the Great ;
and joining himself to human nature, he showed himself to mortals, a teacher
that cannot err, and at once their sponsor at the court of Heaven and their
king. In what year this salutary light rose upon the world, the most per-
severing efforts of the learned have not been able fully to ascertain. Nor
will this surprise us, if we consider that the earliest Christians knew not the
day of their Saviour's birth, and judged differently on the subject.(l) But
of what consequence is it that we know not the year or day when this light
(1) Most of the opinions of the learned,
concerning the year of Christ's birth, are
collected by J. A. Fabricius, Bibliographia
Antiquar., cap. vii., § ix., p. 187.
[Respecting the year of Christ's birth, the
inquisitive reader is remitted to the elaborate
chronologists, Scaliger, Petavius, Usher,
&c., and to the more voluminous eccles.
historians, Natalis Alexander, Pagi, &c.
But, not to leave the common reader wholly
uninformed on the subject, a few general
observations will here be made. The birth
of Christ was first made an era, from which
to reckon dates, by Dionysius Exiguus,
about A.D. 532. He supposed Christ to
have been born on the 25th December, in
the year of Rome 753, Lentulus and Piso
consuls. And this computation has been
followed, in practice, to this day ; notwith-
standing the learned are well agreed that it
must be incorrect. To ascertain the true
time of Christ's birth, there are two principal
data afforded by the evangelists. I. It is
clear, from Matth. ii., 1, &c., that Christ
was born before the death of Herod the Great,
who died about Easter, in the year of Rome
749 or 750. (Lar drier, Credibil., pt. i., vol.
ii., appendix.) Now, if Christ was born in
the December next before Herod's death, it
must have been in the year of Rome 748 or
749 ; and, of course, four, if not five, years
anterior to the Dionysian or vulgar era. II.
It is probable, from Lu. iii., 1, 2, 23, that
Jesus was about thirty years of age in the
VOL. I.— F
fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Casar.
Now the reign of Tiberius may be consid-
ered as commencing at the time he became
sole emperor, in August of the year of Rome
767 ; or (as there is some reason to suppose
that Augustus made him partner in the gov-
ernment two years before he died) we may
begin his reign in the year of Rome 765.
The 15th year of Tiberius will therefore be
either the year of Rome 781 or 779. From
which deduct 30, and we have the year of
Rome 751 or 749 for the year of Christ's
birth ; the former two, and the latter four
years earlier than the Dionysian computa-
tion. Comparing these results with those
obtained from the death of Herod, it is gen-
erally supposed the true time of Christ's
birth was the year of Rome 749, or four
years before the vulgar era. But the con-
clusion is not certain, because there is un-
certainty in the data. (1) It is not certain
that we ought to reckon Tiberius's reign as
beginning two years before the death of Au-
gustus. (2) Luke says " about thirty years
of age." This is indefinite, and may be un-
derstood of twenty-nine, thirty, or thirty-one
years. (3) It is not certain in which of the
two years mentioned Herod died ; nor how
long before that event the Saviour was born.
— Respecting the month and day of Christ's
birth, we are left almost wholly to conjecture.
The disagreement of the early fathers, is evi-
dence that the day was not celebrated as a
festival in the apostolic times. — TV.]
42 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. III.
first shone, since we fully know that it has appeared, and that there is no
obstacle to our enjoying its splendour and its warmth ?
§ 2. An account of the birth, lineage, family, and parents of Christ, is
left us by the four inspired writers who give the history of his life. But
they say very little respecting his childhood and youth. When a young
child he was rescued from the cruelty of Herod by the flight of the family
into Egypt, Matthew ii., 13. When twelve years of age he disputed pub-
licly in the temple with the most learned Jewish doctors upon religious
subjects. Afterward, till he was thirty years of age, he lived with his pa-
rents as a dutiful and affectionate son, Luke ii., 51, 52. Divine wisdom
has not seen fit to give us more particulars ; nor is it certain, though many
think it so, that Christ worked at the trade of his foster-father, Joseph, who
was a carpenter. Yet there were certain vain and deceitful persons in for-
mer times, who ventured to fill up this obscure part of our Saviour's life with
extravagant and ridiculous fables. (2)
§ 3. In the thirtieth year of his age he entered on the offices for which
he came into the world. To render his ministry more useful to the Jews,
John, the son of a Jewish priest, a man grave and venerable in his whole
manner of life, was commissioned of God to proclaim the advent of the
Messiah who had been promised to the fathers. He called himself the
precursor of the Messiah ; and being full of holy zeal, he exhorted the Jews
to amend their lives and purify their hearts, and thus prepare themselves
for the coming, or, rather, for the actual presence of the Son of God ; and
those who professed repentance and reformation, he initiated in the ap-
proaching kingdom of the Saviour, by immersion in the Jordan, Matthew
iii., 2, &c. ; John i., 22, &c. Jesus himself, before commencing his pub-
lic ministry, chose to receive a solemn lustration in the waters of Jordan
at the hands of John ; in order, as he tells us, that he might not appear to
neglect any part of the Jewish law and religion. (3)
§ 4. It is not necessary to enter here into a particular detail of the life
and actions of Jesus Christ. All Christians know that for more than three
years, amid great trials and afflictions, and surrounded by snares and perils,
he instructed the Jewish people in the counsels and purposes of the Most
High ; that he omitted nothing that could allure both the ignorant multi-
tude and the well informed ; that he led a life so spotless and holy, that no
suspicion whatever could attach to him ; and that, by stupendous miracles
of a salutary and beneficial character, and such as accorded with the na-
ture of his mission, he placed the truth of the religion he taught beyond all
controversy.
§ 5. As this religion was to be propagated throughout the world, it was
necessary for him to select some persons to be his constant companions and
intimates ; who should be able to state and testify to posterity and to the re-
(2) See a collection of these fables by J. A. (3) [See, concerning John the Baptist,
Fabricius, Cod. Apoc. N. T., torn. i. [The Ckr. Cellaring, two Diss. de Vita, carcere
works here referred to, are the Gospel of the et supplicio Jo. Bapt. in his Diss. Acad., pt.
nativity of Mary ; the Previous Gospel, ascri- i., p. 169, and pt. ii., p. 373. Tho. Ittig,
bed to James ike Just ; the Gospel of the in- Historiae eccles. Imi. Saeculi Selects Capita,
fancy of Christ, ascribed to Thomas; theGos- cap. 8, sect. 4, and Witsius, Miscell. Sacra,
pel of the Infancy, &c., translated from the torn, ii., p. 464, &c. — Schl. Also G. B.
Arabic ; all of which are stuffed with marvel- Winer, Biblisches Realworterbuch, Article
bus tales of miracles and prodigies, fit only to Johannes. — 2Y. J
amuse the ignorant and superstitious. — TV.]
LIFE OF JESUS CHRIST. 43
molest nations, with the greatest assurance and authority, the events of his
life, his miracles, and his whole system of doctrine. Therefore, from the
Jews about him, he chose twelve messengers whom he distinguished from
others by the title of Apostles. They were plebeians, poor, and illiterate ;
for he would not employ the rich, the eloquent, and the learned, lest the
success of their mission should be ascribed to natural causes and to hu-
man means, 1 Corinthians i., 21. These he once sent forth among the
Jews during his lifetime, Matthew x., 7 ; but afterward he retained them
constantly near him, that they might witness all that he said or did. (4)
But, that the people might not lack religious instruction, he commissioned
seventy other disciples to travel at large through Judea, Luke x., 1.
§ 6. The learned have inquired, why the Saviour appointed just twelve,
neither more nor less, to be apostles, and just seventy to be disciples ; and
various conjectures are offered on the subject. But it being manifest from
the words of Christ himself, Matthew xix., 28; Luke xxii., 30, that the
number of the apostles had reference to the number of the tribes of Israel,
there can scarcely be a doubt that he wished to indicate to the Jews that
he was the supreme Lord and Pontiff over the whole Hebrew race, which
was divided into twelve tribes. The seventy disciples were just equal in
number to the senators composing the Sanhedrim or the grand council of
the nation ; and this justifies the conjecture that Christ intended by the
choice of the seventy, to admonish the Jews that the authority of their
Sanhedrim was now at an end, and that all power in religious matters was
vested in him alone.(5)
§ 7. Jesus himself gave instruction to none but Jews ; nor did he allow
his disciples to travel among other nations as teachers while he continued
on earth, Matthew x., 5, 6 ; xv., 24. Yet the extraordinary deeds he per-
formed leave us no room to doubt, that his fame very early extended to
other nations. There are respectable writers who state that Abgarus,
king of Edessa, being dangerously sick, sent a letter to Christ imploring
(4) [Dr. Mosheim has a long note in the an. ad Haeres., xxx. P. Wesseling, de Ar-
parallel passage of his Comment, de Rebus chontibus Jud., p. 91. Walch (of Gottin-
Chr. ante C. M., p. 49, the substance of gen), Hist. Patriarch. Jud., and Suicer, The-
which is this: The title Apostles was giv- saur. Eccles., torn, i., p. 477. — TV.]
en to those principal men whom the high (5) [There are two factitious lists of the
priests retained as their private counsel- seventy disciples now extant, which are
lors, and whom they occasionally sent as falsely ascribed to Hippolytus and to Dorithe-
their legates to the foreign Jews, either to us. They may be seen in various works ; e.
collect the yearly tax for the temple or to ex- g., J. A. Fabricius, Lux. Evang., &c., p.
ccute other commissions. We have not, in- 115-118, and annexed to the books de Vita
deed, a .direct testimony at hand, proving et morte Mosis, ed. Fabricius ; and in T.
that the title of apostles was given to such Ittig, Hist, eccles. Imi Saecul., p. 472. That
legates of the high priests in the days of no sort of credit is due to them, is shown by
Christ. Yet there is intimation of this in Jtliff, ubi supra ; by D. Blondell, de Episcopis
Gal. i., 1, and Jerome so understood the et Presbyt., p. 93, and by others. Eusebius,
passage. See his Comment!., &c., Opp., Hist. Eccles., i., 12, expressly declares that
torn, ix., p. 124. And that after the de- no catalogue of the seventy disciples was to
struction of Jerusalem, the legates of the be found any where in his day. The two lists
Jewish patriarchs (who stood in the place nearly agree ; and they are evidently made
of high priests) were called apostles, is fully up by collecting together, without the least
proved. See Jerome, ubi supra, and Euse- judgment, nearly all the names of Chris-
bius on Isa., ch. xviii., 2. See also Ja. tians mentioned in the N. Testament, and
Gothofred on Cod. Theodos., torn, vi., p. particularly those in the salutations of Paul.
251, ed. Kitter. Dion. Pctavius, on Epiph- — TV.]
44 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. III.
his assistance, and that Christ not only wrote an answer to the king, but also
sent him his picture. (6) It is the prevailing opinion that not only the let-
ters of Christ and Abgarus, but likewise the whole story, are a fabrica-
tion^?) And I would by no means take upon me to support the credit of
the letters ; yet I see no very weighty reason for rejecting altogether the
whole story.
§ 8. The numerous proofs of the divine authority of Christ, induced
very many of the Jews to revere him as the Son of God : but the leading
men, especially the Pharisees and the chief priests, whose vices and crimes
he freely reproved, plotted against his life ; because they were fearful of
losing their honours and privileges, if Christ should continue publicly to
teach. For a long time the machinations of these ungodly men were in-
effectual. But at last, his ungrateful disciple, Judas, disclosing the place
of his master's nocturnal retirement, he was seized by soldiers at the com-
mand of the Sanhedrim, and ordered to be tried for his life.
§ 9. He was first arraigned before the Jewish high priest and senate,
where he was accused of having violated the law, and blasphemed the
majesty of God. Thence he was dragged to the tribunal of Pilate, the
Roman procurator ; and there accused of sedition, and of treason against
Caesar. Neither of these accusations could have satisfied fair and upright
judges. But the clamours of the people, which were instigated by the ir-
religious priests, compelled Pilate, though reluctantly, to pass sentence of
death upon him. As he had come into our world to make expiation for
the sins of men, and as he knew that all the objects of his abode among
men were accomplished, he voluntarily submitted to be nailed to a cross,
on which he yielded up his spotless soul to God.
§ 10. On the third day after his burial he reassumed that life which he
had voluntarily laid down ; and by showing himself alive, he made it man-
ifest that man is no longer insolvent to divine justice. He now continued
forty days with his disciples, employing the time very much in giving them
instruction. To his enemies he would not show himself visibly ; among
other reasons, because he knew that those unprincipled men, who had be-
fore accused him of sorcery, would impudently affirm that it was only a
spectre that appeared, bearing his likeness, and produced by the power of
the devil. At length he ascended up to heaven in the full view of his
disciples, after commissioning them to preach the Gospel to all nations.
(6) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. i., c. 13. Historia Edessena et Osroena, 1. Hi., p. 104.
[Here is the earliest notice of these Letters. J. S. Asseman, Biblioth. orient. Clem. Vat.,
For the earliest history of the picture, see torn i., p. 554. ["As to the picture, which
Evaffrius, Hist. Eccles, 1. iv., c. 27. See is still preserved, and shown at Rome, Is.
the Letters themselves, with notes, in] J. Beausobre has fully exposed the fable, in his
A. Fabricius, Codex Apocryphus N. Test., Dis. des Images de main divine ; in the
torn, i., p. 317. Biblioth. Germanique, torn, xviii., p. 10,"
(7) See Ja. Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, &c. Mosheim, de Rebus Christ., &c., p.
torn, i., c. 18, p. 500. Theoph. Sigf. Bayer, 73.]
PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 45
CHAPTER IV.
THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
§ 1 . Effusion of the H. Spirit on the Apostles. — § 2. They preach to Jews and Samari-
tans.— $ 3. Election of a new Apostle. — $ 4. Paul's Conversion. — § 5. Attention to
the Poor, and a Community of Goods, in the Church. — $ 6. Many Churches planted
by the Apostles. — § 7. Respect for Christ among the Pagans. — $ 8. Causes of the
rapid Progress of Christianity. — $ 9. Extraordinary Gifts of the early Christians. —
§ 10. Fictitious Causes assigned for the Progress of Christianity.
§ 1. WHEN Jesus was seated at the right hand of the Eternal Father,
the first proof he gave of his majesty and power was on the fiftieth day(l)
after his death, by the effusion of the Holy Spirit upon his disciples and
friends on earth, Acts ii., 1, &c. On receiving this celestial gift and
teacher, they were freed from all their former ignorance and blindness of
mind, and endued with astonishing alacrity and power to fulfil the duties
of their office. With these mental endowments was joined the knowledge
of various foreign languages, which was indispensable to them in giving
instruction to different nations ; and also a firm reliance on the promise of
Christ, that God would aid them as often as should be necessary by mira-
cles.^)
§ 2. Relying on these divine aids, the disciples, in accordance with the
Saviour's injunctions (Luke xxiv., 47 ; Acts i., 8 ; xiii., 46), first laboured to
bring the Jews to subject themselves to Christ. Nor was this labour with-
out effect, for many thousands of them soon became Christians, Acts ii.,
41 ; iv., 4. Next they proceeded to the Samaritans, which also accorded
with their instructions, Acts i., 8. And here, too, they gathered a Christian
church, Acts viii., 14. Lastly, after spending many years at Jerusalem,
and regulating and confirming the churches of Christ in Palestine and the
neighbouring regions, they travelled abroad among various nations, and
their labours were everywhere attended with the greatest success. (3)
§ 3. The first care of the apostles after the Saviour's ascension, was to
complete the number of twelve apostles established by Christ, by electing
(1) [From the terms here used by Dr. (3) [It appears from the book of Acts,
Mosheim, it would seem that he supposed that the apostles, or, at least, most of them,
the effusion of the Holy Spirit on the day of remained in and near Jerusalem for several
Pentecost, took place on the Jewish Sabbath, years after the ascension ; but how long they
or Saturday, and not on Sunday, as many continued together is uncertain. There was
have supposed. — Tr.] anciently a tradition, which Eusebius states
(2) [In his Comment, de Rebus Christ.1 (Hist. Eccles., v. 18) on the authority of
ante C. M., p. 76, Dr. Mosheim states, that Apollonius, a writer of the second century,
he does not account the power of working as does Clemens Alex, (Strom, vi., c. 5)
miracles among the supernatural gifts, be- from a spurious work, Prcedtcatio Pelri, that
cause such power neither was, nor could be, the Saviour enjoined upon his apostles not to
conferred on men, Omnipotence alone being leave Jerusalem till twelve years after his as-
able to work miracles ; so that /at/A to pray cension. About so long they probably con-
for them, and to expect them, at the hands tinued there ; and their being divinely guided
of God, was all that the H. Ghost actually in most of their movements might give rise
imparted to the Apostles. — Tr.] to the tradition. — Tr.]
46 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. IV.
a more worthy person to the place of Judas, who had laid violent hands on
himself. Therefore, the little company of Christ's servants at Jerusalem
being assembled, two men, the most noted for their piety and faith in
Christ, Barsabas and Matthias, were proposed as the most worthy of that
office. One of these, Matthias, being designated by lot — as it is commonly
supposed, or elected by the major vote of all the persons present, was con-
stituted the twelfth apostle, Acts i., 15, &c.(4)
§ 4. As these twelve ambassadors of Christ were all of them plain, il-
literate men, and as the Christian community, now in its infancy, needed
a man who could attack and vanquish the Jewish doctors and the pagan
philosophers with their own weapons, Jesus Christ himself, by a voice
from heaven, soon after appointed a thirteenth apostle ; namely, Saul, who
afterward assumed the name of Paul, a man who had been a most virulent
enemy of the Christians, but who was well skilled in the Jewish learning,
and not ignorant of the Grecian, Acts ix., 1, &c. To this truly admirable
man, whether we consider his courage, his force of mind, or his patience
and perseverance in trials and labours — how much the Christian world is
indebted, is manifest from the Acts of the Apostles and from his own
Epistles.
§ 5. The first of all the Christian churches founded by the apostles,
was that of Jerusalem ; and after the form and model of this, all the others
of that age were constituted. That church, however, was governed im-
mediately by the apostles ; to whom the presbyters and the deacons or
overseers of the poor were subject. Though the people had not with-
drawn themselves from the Jewish worship, yet they held their own sep-
arate meetings ; in which they were instructed by the apostles and pres-
byters, offered up their united prayers, celebrated in the sacred supper the
memorial of Jesus Christ, of his death, and the salvation he procured, and
afterward manifested their mutual love, partly by their liberality to the
poor, and partly by those temperate repasts, which from their design were
called love-feasts, Acts ii., 42.(5) Among the virtues for which this
primitive church of Christ was distinguished, the care of the poor and
needy is most conspicuous. For the rich liberally supplied the wants of
all the brotherhood, and with such promptitude and tenderness that, Luke
says, they had all things common, Acts ii., 44 ; iv., 32. But it is manifest
from the expressions used by Peter in Acts v., 4, as well as from other
considerations, that the declaration of Luke should not be understood, as it
generally has been, of their possessing in common, but only of their using
in common.(6)
(4) [Dr. Mosheim has a long note in the C. Mag., 113-116. If Mosheim's interpre-
parallel place in his Comment, de Rebus tation of that text is erroneous, as most in-
Christ., &c., p. 78-80, in which he aims to terpreters think it is, this account of the
prove that ISuKav K?^povg avruv, in Acts i., mode of worship in the apostolic church
26, signifies they gave their voles ; and not, rests on a slender basis. — 7V.]
as it is commonly understood, they cast their (6) ["It is an ancient opinion, though
lots. But his interpretation is very general- not older than the fourth century, that in the
ly rejected. — TV.] church of Jerusalem there was such a com-
(5) [Dr. Mosheim understood Acts ii., munity of goods, as existed among the an-
42, as descriptive of the several parts of cient Essenes, and afterward among the
the ordinary public worship of these primi- monks. But this opinion is destitute of any
tive Christians, rather than of their Chris- solid foundation, resting solely on the decla-
tian character and conduct in general. See ration of Luke, that they had all things com-
his Comment, de Rebus Christianorum ante mon. See my Diss. de Vera natura com-
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
47
§ 6. The ambassadors of Christ on leaving Jerusalem travelled over a
great part of the world, and in a short time collected numerous religious
societies in various countries. Of the churches they founded, not a small
number is mentioned in the sacred books, especially in the Acts of the Apos-
tles^?) Besides these, there can be no doubt they collected many others,
both by their own efforts and by the efforts of their followers. But how far
they travelled, what nations they visited, or when and where they died, is
exceedingly dubious and uncertain.(8) The stories often told respecting
their travels among the Gauls, the Britons, the Spaniards, the Germans, the
Americans, the Chinese, the Indians, and the Russians, are too recent and
fantastic to be received by an inquisitive lover of the truth. (9) A great
munionis bonorum in Ecclesia Hierosolym.,
which is the first in the second volume of
rny Dissertt. ad Historiam Eccl. pertinen-
tes." — Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., &c., p.
118.]
(7) [The names of these churches are col-
lected by P. J, Harlmann, de Rebus gestis
Christianor. sub Apostolis, cap. vii., p.107;
and by J. A. Fabricius, Lux Evangelii toti
orbi exoriens, cap. v., p. 83, &c.]
(8) [" It is a very ancient and current re-
port, confirmed by many witnesses, that all
the apostles suffered public martyrdom ; with
the exception of St. John, who died a nat-
ural death at Ephesus. And this opinion is
so firmly believed, by many who would
not be thought credulous, that to call it in
question, is to run some hazard of being
charged with slandering those holy men.
Such as please, may believe the account ;
but let them not be offended if I declare
the martyrdom of most of the apostles to be
less certain than they suppose. That Peter,
Paul, and James died violent deaths, I be-
lieve, on the testimony of the numerous an-
cient authors ; but that the other apostles
did so, I cannot feel so certain. As my
first ground of doubt, a very ancient wri-
ter of the second century, Heracleon, a Val-
entinian indeed, but no contemptible man,
cited by Clemens. Alex., Strom., 1. iv., c. 9,
denies that Matthew, Philip, Thomas, Levi,
and others confessed Christ before magis-
trates, and were put to death for so doing.
He is urging that the public confession of
himself required by the Saviour, Matt, x.,
32, may be made by a holy and Christian
life, as well as by a public avowal before a per-
secuting magistrate ; and he states as proof,
'Ot> yap TTuvrtf 61 ou^o/ievai
TTJV OLU T;;C (jiuvTJf ufio^oyiav, KOL
'E£ uv Mardutoc, *t/.tff7rof, Acvtf, /cat
U.7.7MI •noJ./.vt., for not all that were saved,
made that confession in words (before ma-
gistrates) and so died. Of this number was
Matthew, Philip, Thomas, Levi, and many
others. Clement, though he disapproves
several things in the passage he quotes,
leaves this statement to stand as it is ; which
is proof that he had nothing to allege against
it. Philip is expressly declared not to have
suffered martyrdom, but to have died and
been buried at Hierapolis ; so says Poly-
crates, in his Epistle to Victor, in Eusebius,
Hist. Eccl., v. 24. Baronius indeed, (An-
nals, A.D. 35, § 141), and after him many
others maintain, that this was not Philip the
apostle, but Philip one of the seven deacons
of Jerusalem. But Poly crates says express-
ly, that he was one of the twelve apostles. A
still stronger argument is, that all the wri-
ters of the three first centuries, and among
them, such as contended for the high digni-
ty of the martyrs in opposition to the Valen-
tinians, viz., Tertullian, Clemens Alex., and
Origen, never mention but three of the apos-
tles as being martyrs ; namely, Peter, Paul,
and James the elder. See Tertullian, Scor-
piace, cap. xv. I am therefore led to be-
lieve, that the common reports respecting
the sufferings of Christ's ambassadors were
fabricated after the days of Constantine.
And two causes might lead to such reports.
(1) The extravagant estimation in which
martyrdom was held, made it seem neces-
sary to rank the apostles among the martyrs.
(2) The ambiguity of the word /wiprvp,
martyr, which properly signifies a witness, in
which sense Christ himself called his apos-
tles [tuprvpts (Acts i., 8, see also Acts ii.,
32), might lead the more ignorant to believe
and to amplify these fables." Mosheim, de
Rebus Christ, ante C. M.,p. 81-84, abridg-
ed considerably. — TV.]
(9) ["There is not one of the European
nations that does not glory, in either an apos-
tle or some one of the seventy disciples, or
at least in some early saint commissioned
by an apostle, as having come among them
and collected a Christian church. The Span-
iards say, that the apostles Paul and James
the elder, with many of the seventy disciples
and other assistants of the apostles, intro-
duced the light of the gospel into their coun-
try. And a Spaniard would bring himself
into trouble, if he should confront this opin-
48
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. IV.
part of these fabulous stories were got up after the days of Charlemagne ;
when most of the Christian churches contended as vehemently about the
antiquity of their origin, as ever did the Arcadians, the Egyptians, or the
Greeks.
ion. The French contend that Crescens, a
disciple and companion of Paul, Dionysius
the Athenian Areopagite, Lazarus, Mary
Magdalene, &c., first brought their country-
men to profess Christ. Among the Italians
there is scarcely a city which does not pro-
fess to have received the gospel and their
first minister from Paul or Peter. See
P. Giannone, Histoire civile du royaume
de Naples, torn, i., p. 74, 75. And at this
day, a man could not escape the charge of
heresy, who should raise a question on this
subject. See J. Lamy, Deliciae eruditorum,
torn, viii., Pref, and torn, xi., Preface. The
Germans assert that Maternus, Valerianus,
and many others were sent among them by
the apostles ; and that these legates of St.
Peter and of the other apostles baptized a
large number of persons. The British
think that St. Paul (as they infer from
Clemens Rom. first Epistle to the Corinthi-
ans), Simon Zelotes, Aristobulus, and espe-
cially Joseph of Arimathea, were the found-
ers of their church. The Russians, Poles,
and Prussians, honour St. Andrew as the
founder of their churches. All this and
much more passed for sober truth, so long
as sacred and human learning lay buried in
shades and darkness. But at this day the
most learned and wise admit, that most of
these stories were fabricated after the age
of Charlemagne, by men who were ignorant
or crafty, and eager to secure distinction to
their churches. See Aug. Calmefs His-
toire de Lorraine, torn, i., p. xxvi. Le Beuf,
Diss. sur 1'histoire de France, torn, i., p. 192,
<fec. Jo. Launoi, Diss. qua locus Sulpitii
Sever! de primis Galliae martyribus defendi-
tur, Opp., torn, ii., pt. i., p. 184. I commend
these writers, yet cannot agree with them
in dating the commencement of this foolish
zeal for the antiquity of their churches, after
the days of Charlemagne. It began much
earlier. See Gregory Turon. de Gloria
martyrum, cap. xii., p. 735." Mosheim, de
Reb. Christ., &c., p. 84-86. — It must not
be inferred, from what Dr. Mosheim says of
the foolish pretensions of the modern Euro-
pean nations to a high Christian antiquity,
that we are to reject all that the ancient fa-
thers relate concerning the labours of the
apostles after Christ's ascension. Dr. Mo-
theim was too judicious to do this. He says,
ubi supra, p. 80, 81 : "As to what we are
told respecting the transactions of the apos-
tles, their travels, miracles, and deaths, if
we except what is gathered from the New
Test, and a few other ancient monuments,
a large part is dubious and uncertain. Some
things, however, have more credibility and
verisimilitude than others. I would not re-
ject all that is clearly attested by Origen,
Eusebius, Gregory Nazianzen, Paulinus,
Jerome, Socrates, and some other ancient
writers quoted by Eusebius ; but what is at-
tested only by authors subsequent to these, or
unknown, I would not readily believe, unless
facts offer themselves to corroborate the testi-
mony." Following these judicious rules of
Mosheim, we may believe that Peter, after
preaching long in Judea, and other parts of
Syria, probably visited Babylon, Asia Minor,
and finally Rome, where he was crucified.
PauVs history is given in the Acts to about
A.D. 64. He was probably released from
captivity, visited Judea, Asia Minor, and
Greece, and returning to Rome, was there
beheaded about A.D. 67 or 68. John re-
mained many years in Judea, and afterward
removed to Ephesus, where he lived to la
very advanced age, dying about A.D. 100.
He was banished to Patmos about A.D. 95,
and was greatly revered. James the elder,
(brother of John) was put to death by Herod
Agrippa, about A.D. 44, (Acts xii., 1).
James the younger, the son of Alphaeus,
spent his life in Judea, long presided over
the church of Jerusalem, and there suffered
martyrdom, a little before the destruction of
Jerusalem. Andrew probably laboured on
the shores of the Black Sea, near the mod-
ern Constantinople, and perhaps in Greece.
Philip, either the apostle or the evangelist, is
reported to have ended his days at Hierapolis,
in Phrygia. Thomas seems to have travelled
eastward, to Parthia, Media, Persia, and In-
dia. Bartholomew took perhaps a more
southern course, and preached in Arabia.
Matthew is also reported to have travelled
east, in the modern Persia. Of Simon the
Canaanite, nothing to be relied on can be
said. Thaddeus, Lebbeus, or Jude the
brother of James, the author of an epistle,
is reported to have preached at Edessa, in
the north of Syria. Of the companions of
the apostles, Timothy, after accompanying
Paul many years, is said to have been sta-
tioned at Ephesus, where he suffered mar-
tyrdom under Domitian or Nerva. Titus,
another companion of Paul, is reported to
have been stationed in Crete, where he died.
Mark, or John surnamed Mark, attended
Paul, and afterward Peter, and probably
preached the gospel in Egypt. Of Luke,
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
49
§ 7. That many persons who were unwilling to adopt entirely the reli-
gion of Christ, were yet induced, by the fame of his deeds and the sublime
purity of his doctrines, to rank him among men of the highest excellence,
and even among the gods, is evinced by numerous documents. With
great veneration many preserved pictures of Christ in their houses, and
also the pictures of his apostles. (10) It is said that even a Roman em-
peror, viz., Tiberius, proposed to have Christ enrolled among the gods of
the empire ; but that the Senate rejected the proposal. Though many at
the present day think this to be quite improbable, yet there are distin-
guished men who are led by weighty reasons to a different opinion.(ll)
§ 8. The causes must have been divine which could enable men des-
titute of all human aid, poor and friendless, neither eloquent nor learned,
fishermen and publicans, and they too Jews, that is, persons odious to all
other nations, in so short a time to persuade a great part of mankind to
abandon the religions of their fathers, and to embrace a new religion which
is opposed to the natural dispositions of men. In the words they uttered
there must have been an amazing and a divine power controlling the minds
of men. To which may be added, miracles, prophecies, the detection of
men's secret designs, magnanimity in the midst of perils, contempt for all
little can be said, except that he accompanied
Paul, and wrote his history, viz., the book
of Acts, and a Gospel. Of Barnabas, no-
thing can be said worth relating, except
what is learned from the N. Testament.
See J. A. Fabricius, Lux Evangelii, &c.,
ch. v., p. 95-1 15. From this account, im-
perfect as it is, we may conclude that the
apostles and their companions scarcely ex-
tended their labours beyond the boundaries
of the present Turkish empire. — Tr.~\
(10) Eusebius, Historia eccles., 1. vii., c.
18. Ireruzus, Haeres., lib. i., c. 25, p. 105,
edit. Massuet.
(11) [" Of the favourable disposition of the
Roman emperors towards Christianity, there
is a noticeable testimony in the apology of
Melito Sardicensis, addressed to Marcus An-
toninus, which is preserved by Eusebius,
Hist. Eccl., iv., 26. Melito here informs the
emperor that his predecessors not only tolera-
ted Christianity among the other religions,
but also honoured it : r)v KOI ki irpbyovol
crnv irpdf raif aJifaiif tipr/aKciaif tripr/aav,
which sect if your progenitors honoured icith
the other religions. He adds, that Nero
and Domitian were the only emperors who
allowed the counsels of certain adversaries,
to influence them to make Christianity a
criminal thing. If what Melito here says of
Nero be true, namely, that he was influenced
by the counsels of malevolent persons to
persecute the Christians, then there may be
some foundation for what John of Antioch
says, in Excerptis Valesianis, p. 808, &c.,
that Nero was favourable to the Christians
and to Christ, in the beginning of his reign.
— Tertullian, Apologet., cap. v., p. 57, ed.
VOL. I.— G
Havercamp, speaks of Tiberius' desire to
have Christ enrolled among the gods as of
a thing universally known. Eusebius (Hist.
Eccles., ii., 2), Orosius (Chron. Pascal., vii.,
4), and others afterwards, repeat the story, re-
lying chiefly on the authority of Tertullian.
See Fr. Baldwin, Comment, ad. edicta Ve-
terum Principum Romanorum de Christia-
nis, p. 22, 23, and J. A. Fabricius, Lux
Evangelii, &c., p. 221. But very learned
men in this age have deemed this wholly in-
credible, and not at all compatible with the
character of Tiberius and with the state of the
empire at that time. In what manner men
equally learned and ingenuous have repelled
their arguments, may be seen in the Essay
of Theod. Hasaus, de decreto Tiberii, quo
Christum referre voluit in numerum deorurn,
Erfurt, 1715, 4to, and in the French letter
of J. C. Iselius on this subject, in the Bib-
liotheque Germanique, torn, xxxii., p. 147,
and torn, xxxiii., p. 12." Mosheim, de Reb.
Christ., &c., p. 91, &c. — See also Allmann,
Disquisitio historico-critica, de Epistola Pi-
lati ad Tiberium, &c., Bern, 1755, 8vo. In
this essay Professor Altmann maintains, (1)
That Pilate was actually informed of the
resurrection of Christ by the guard. (2)
That he did really send to Tiberius an ac-
count of the death and resurrection of Jesus,
though not such an account as the one now
extant. (3) That Tiberius actually proposed
in the senate that Jesus should be honoured
as a god. This subject is also examined
by Dr. Lardner, Collection of Jewish and
Heathen testimonies, vol. iii., p. 599, etc.,
ed Lond.,1815, 4to.— Tr.]
50 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. IV.
the objects of ordinary ambition, a patient and cheerful endurance of suf-
ferings worse than death, as well as of death itself, and, finally, lives of the
purest and most unblemished character. That the ambassadors of Jesus
Christ were in fact thus furnished for their work, is a truth perfectly clear
and obvious. And if we suppose them not to have been so furnished, no
probable reason can be assigned for so rapid a propagation of Christianity
by this small and feeble band.
§ 9. To these their personal endowments, must be added the ability pos-
sessed by these divine ambassadors of transferring the power of working
miracles to their disciples. Many persons, as soon as they were baptized
according to Christ's directions, and consecrated to God by prayer and the
imposition of hands, were able forthwith to express their thoughts in for-
eign languages which they had never learned, to foretel future events, to
heal the sick by pronouncing the name of Jesus, to call the dead to life,
and to perform other deeds above the power of man. (12) What must
have been thought of the men who had ability to confer such wonderful
powers on others !
§ 10. Those who fabricate other causes for this surprising revolution
in the religious state of the world, offer to us mere dreams, which can never
satisfy an attentive observer of human affairs. Some tell us that the kind-
ness of Christians towards the poor, induced a multitude of idle and vicious
persons to embrace Christianity. They do not consider that those who em-
braced Christianity put their lives in jeopardy ; nor do they recollect that
idle, profligate, lazy persons were not tolerated among the early Chris-
tians [2 Thess. iii., 6-12]. Equally groundless is the representation of
others, that the flagitious and profligate lives of the pagan priests caused
many to turn Christians. But the vile character of these priests, though
it might bring the ancient systems of religion into contempt, could not pro-
duce attachment to Christianity, which exposed its votaries to the loss of
character, property, and life. The man must be beside himself who could
reason thus : " The priests of the religion in which I was educated lead
profligate lives ; I will therefore connect myself with persons contemptible
and condemned by the public laws, and will thus put my life and fortune to
the most imminent hazard."(13)
(12) See, among others, Tab. Pfanner, quires men to forsake the institutions and
de Charismatis sive donis miraculosis anti- sentiments of their ancestors, and to abandon
quse ecclesiaa, Francf., 1683, 12mo. their chosen enjoyments. This is confirmed
(13) ["Others have supposed that the by the example of those 'very apostles who
virtues of the apostles and their early follow- are said to have converted the world by tho
ers, their sobriety, their contempt of wealth, purity of their characters ; nay, by the ex-
their fortitude, their patience, &c., induced ample of the Lord of those apostles, who
multitudes to put themselves under their re- was the most perfect pattern of virtue. I
ligious guidance. Integrity and virtue cer- can believe, that the blameless lives of the
tainly have influence on the mind of the be- apostles induced individuals among all na-
holder ; nor would I deny that the holy lives lions not to lay violent hands on them, nor
of the apostles produced some effect. But to show them any abuse ; but to believe, that
we know, if we are acquainted with our- merely by their strict morals and their disre-
selves and with human nature, that purity gard for the common objects of human attach-
of morals and integrity of life, though they ment, they induced many thousands to recog-
create respect and reverence, rarely produce nise as the Saviour of the world, a person
imitation, and never do, if manifest disgrace whom the Jews had caused to be crucified,
and danger will follow that imitation. We and persuaded them to follow their example,
know that virtue, and even the most perfect and to suffer death rather than renounce these
virtue, awakens entire disgust, when it re- principles ; this, I say, no one can persuade
ADVERSE EVENTS.
51
CHAPTER V.
THE ADVERSE EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
$ I. Persecutions of Christians by the Jews in Palestine. — $ 2. By Jews out of Palestine.
— § 3. Divine Judgments on the Jews. — § 4. Ten Persecutions by the Pagans. — § 5.
Laws against the Christians. — t) 6. Causes of Hostility to them. Charged with Hatred
to Mankind. — § 7. Other Causes of Persecution. — $ 8. Slanders against Christians. —
<) 9. Modes of Trial and Punishment. — $ 10. The Martyrs and Confessors. — § 11. Num-
ber of them. — § 12. Acts of the Martyrs. — § 13. Persecution by Nero. — § 14. Its Ex-
tent.— § 15. Persecution under Domitian.
§ 1. THOUGH the disciples of Christ were distinguished for the excel-
lence of their doctrines arid the purity of their lives, yet the Jewish priests
and rulers not only treated them with extreme contumely and abuse, but
put to death as many of them as they could. This appears from the mar-
tyrdom of Stephen, Acts vii., 55, of James the son of Zebedee, Acts xii., 1,
2, and of James the Just, who presided over the church at Jerusalem. Jo-
sephus, Antiq. Jud., 1. xx., c. 8, and Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 23.
The true cause of this hostility of the Jewish priests and doctors, undoubt-
edly, was their envy, and their fear of losing their personal advantages
and their consequence, if Christianity prevailed.
me to believe. And, not to protract these
remarks, whence, and by what means, did
the apostles themselves acquire that admira-
ble virtue and sanctity, which alone was able
to produce in others an invincible determi-
nation to fly to Christ, and to cleave to him
as the only anchor of their salvation 1" —
" Others, following the example of Celsus,
Julian, Porphyry, and other ancient ene-
mies of Christianity, bid us consider, that
the churches gathered by the apostles were
composed of plebeian characters, servants,
labourers in the fields and workshops, and
women ; that is, of persons deficient in in-
telligence, rank, and wealth, who might easi-
ly be persuaded to believe almost any thing
by persons of but moderate talents. But
this, which is here so confidently asserted,
was, in the first place, not altogether true.
For the Scriptures inform us, that among
those converted to Christianity by the apos-
tles, many were affluent, well-informed, and
of respectable rank. That there were per-
sons of wealth, see 1 Tim. ii., 9, and 1 Pe-
ter iii., 3. That there were men of teaming
and knowledge of philosophy, see 1 Tim.
vi., 20 ; Col. ii., 8. And that there were
some, though not many, noble, see 1 Cor.
i., 26. The names of illustrious persons who
embraced Christ in the earliest ages of the
church, are collected by D. Blondell, de
Episcopis et presbyteris, p. 235, and by J.
R. Wetstein, Praefatio ad Originis Dial, con-
tra Marcion., p. 13. Secondly, those who
are not ignorant of the world, know that per-
sons in the lower walks of life not only value
themselves, their lives, and their enjoyments,
as much as others do, but they much more
ardently embrace and cling to the customs,
opinions, and religion of their ancestors, than
men of genius and influence, the opulent,
and persons of rank. Ignorance and timid-
ity produce and nourish superstition. Hence
the more ignorant and timid a person is, a
stronger hold has superstition of his mind.
So that it is an easier thing to eradicate su-
perstition from the minds of ten men, than
of one woman, from a hundred well-informed
and ingenuous minds, than from ten igno-
rant, stupid ones. Villany nowhere reigns
more than in servants and persons of abject
condition. It would be easier, therefore, to
purge from iniquity a multitude of the in-
genuous and well-born, than even a small
number of slaves. Hence, those who make
the churches gathered by the apostles of
Christ to have been composed of persons of
no respectability or rank, of slaves, women,
and the illiterate, in my judgment, increase,
rather than diminish, the glory achieved by
those inspired men." — Mosheim, de Reb.
Christ., p. 90-92.]
52 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. V.
§ 2. No less cruelty was shown to the innocent disciples of Christ, by
those Jews who lived out of Palestine, in the Roman provinces. It appears
from the Acts of the Apostles and from other credible records, that they
spared no pains to instigate the magistrates and the populace to destroy
the Christians. To this madness they were excited by the high priest
and the elders of the Jews living in Palestine ; who, as we are informed,
sent messengers to the foreign Jews, exhorting them to avoid all connexion
with the Christians, and to persecute them as far as was in their power.(l)
To give their base designs a specious exterior, they gave out that the
Christians had treasonable designs against the Roman government ; as ap-
peared by their acknowledging as their king one Jesus, a malefactor,
whom Pilate had most justly punished with death. This rage against the
Christians was propagated from father to son, through successive genera-
tions ; so that the church in after ages had no more bitter enemies than
the Jews. (2)
§ 3. But God himself visited this perfidious nation with the sorest
judgments, on account of their cruelties to the Saviour and his friends.
For he suffered Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine, together with the tem-
ple, to be razed to their foundations by the Roman emperor Vespasian and
his son Titus, about forty years after Christ's ascension, and an innumer-
able multitude of the people to perish by the sword, and most of the survi-
vers to be sold into slavery. A more distressing scene than this — which
is described at large by Josephus,(3) himself a Jew — is perhaps nowhere
to be found in the records of history. And from this time onward, the
Jews have been everywhere, even more than before, objects of hatred and
abhorrence to all nations.
§ 4. The gentiles, who were polytheists, brought upon the Christian
church far greater calamities than the Jews, whose power was not equal
to their malice. The persecutions of the Christians by the Romans, have
for many ages been accounted ten in number.(4) But the ancient history
of the church does not support precisely this number : for if we reckon
only the general and more severe persecutions, they were fewer than ten ;
but if we include the provincial and more limited persecutions, the num-
ber will be much greater than ten. Some Christians of the fifth century
were led by certain passages of the Scripture, especially by one in the
Apocalypse, ch. xvii., 12-14, to believe that it was decreed, the Christian
church must pass through ten grievous persecutions ; and to this opinion,
they afterward endeavoured to accommodate in different ways the dissent-
ing language of history.(5)
(1) See Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Try- (5) See Sulpitius Severus, Historia sacra,
phone, p. 51-53, 109, 138, 318, ed. Jebbs. lib. ii., c. 33, p. 387, ed. Horn. Augusti-
(2) [Passages from early Christian writers, nus, de Civit. Dei, 1. xviii., c. 52. [In the
•who complain of the Jewish persecutions, fourth century the number of the persecu-
are collected by J. A. Fabricius, Lux. Evang. tions had not been denned. Lactantius, de
toli orbi exoriens, ch. vi., $ 1, p. 121. See Mortibus persecutorum, reckons up only six.
also the Epist. of the church of Smyrna, de Eusebius, Hist. Er.dcs., does not state their
Martyrio Polycarpi, § xii., xiii. — Schl.] number; yet we might make out nine from
(3) [In his history of the Jewish War. this writer. This is the number given by
See also Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, torn, i., Sulpitius Severus, in the fifth century. But
cap. 17. — Schl.] in his times originated the opinion of just ten
(4) The writers on these persecutions are persecutions ; and Sulpittus, to make out
enumerated by J. A. Fabricius. Lux. Evang. that number, includes the persecution of An-
toti orbi exoriens, cap. vii., p. 133, &c. tichrist in the end of the world. See Mo-
ADVERSE EVENTS. 53
§ 5. Nero first enacted laws for the extermination of Christians. Do-
mitian next did the same ; and afterward Marcus Antoninus, the philoso-
pher, then Severus, and the other emperors who were hostile to the Chris-
tians. Yet these decrees were not all equally severe, nor all founded on
the same causes. A celebrated lawyer of the name of Domitius, anciently
collected all the imperial laws against the Christians, in his treatise de
Ojficio Proconsulis ;(6) which, if it were now extant, would doubtless
throw much light on the history of the church under the pagan emperors.
Now very much is left wholly to conjecture.
§ 6. As the Romans were not accustomed to trouble any people on ac-
count of their religion, and as they suffered the Jews in particular to live
according to their own laws, it is not improperly asked, what could have
induced them to heap so many evils on the heads of Christians, whose re-
ligion was so holy and so friendly both to public and private happiness !
The first cause of this cruelty I conceive to be, that the Christians con-
temned and abhorred the public religion of the state, which was so closely
connected with the form and administration of the government. For the
Romans, though they tolerated all the religions from which the common-
wealth had nothing to fear, yet would not suffer the ancient religion of
their nation, as established by the laws, to be derided, and the people to
be withdrawn from it. Yet both these the Christians dared to do. Nor
did they assail the Roman religion only, but likewise the religions of all
other nations. Hence the Romans concluded, that the Christian sect was
not only arrogant beyond all measure, but likewise unfriendly to the public
peace and tranquillity, and calculated to excite civil wars. This, if I do
not mistake, is that odium generis humani, with which Tacitus taxes the
Christians ; and is the true ground of his denominating Christianity a de-
structive superstition, as well as of the epithet malignant (malefica), ap-
plied to it by Suetonius. C!}
§ 7. Another cause of the Roman hostility to Christianity, was, that the
Christian worship had none of the things that were common to all other
religions. For the Christians offered no sacrifices, and had no temples,
no statues, no oracles, no order of priesthood ; and the inconsiderate mul-
titude deemed those who were without these, to be destitute of all religion,
or to be atheists : and by the Roman laws, atheists were regarded as the
pests of human society. Besides, the worship of so many pagan deities
afforded support to a countless throng of priests, augurs, soothsayers, mer-
chants, and artists ; all of whom were in danger of coming to want, if
Christianity should prevail ; and therefore, with united strength, they rose
up against it, and wished to exterminate its followers. (8)
sheim, de Rebus Christ, ante Con. Mag., p. ligion of the Romans, nor those of all the
98, &c. — Schl.] world, seemed to be the foes of mankind,
(6) Sec Lactantius, Instil. Divinar., lib. and to indulge hatred towards all nations,
v., c. 11. What remain of these laws, are (8) See the account of Demetrius the sil-
illustrated by Fran. Baldwin, Comment, ad versmith, Acts xix., 24. Pliny, Epistt., lib.
edicta veter. princip. Romanor. de Chris- x., ep. 97. " The temples, which were al-
tianis ; republished by N. H. Gundling, most deserted, begin to be frequented again ;
with Baldwin's Constant. Magnus, Halle, and the sacred rites, which had been long
1727* 8vo. neglected, are again performed. — The vic-
(7) See Tacitus, Annals, lib. xv., c. 34. tims which hitherto had found almost no
Suetonius, Nero, cap. 16. Because such as purchasers, begin to come again to the mar-
could not endure the sacred rites and the re- ket," &c.
54 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. V.
§ 8. Those who were interested to arrest the progress of Christianity,
in order to effect their object the sooner, disseminated among the vulgar
the basest calumnies against the Christians and their religion. These
slanderous stories were too easily credited by the people, who were fickle
and credulous. What the stories were, may be learned from the writers
of apologies for Christianity in the early ages. (9) The same persons cun-
ningly persuaded the multitude, that all the calamities, wars, tempests, and
diseases that afflicted mankind, were sent upon them by the angry gods,
because the Christians, who contemned their authority, were everywhere
tolerated. (10) Other and less weighty causes are here omitted.
§ 9. The various kinds of punishment, both capital and corrective,
•which were inflicted on those that venerated Christ, are described by
learned men in works professedly on that subject.(ll) The manner of
proceeding before the tribunals, may be seen in the Acts of the Martyrs,
in the letters which passed between Pliny and Trajan, and in other an-
cient documents. (12) But it is clear, that the mode of proceeding in the
courts, was not always the same. For the laws and the rescripts of the
emperors, by which the magistrates were to be guided, were different at
different periods. Thus, at one period, the Christians were carefully sought
after ; at another, the judges waited till some one came forward to accuse
them. Sometimes the confessing or convicted Christian was hurried forth-
with to execution, if he did not renounce his religion ; at other times the
magistrates laboured, by various species of torture and cruelty, to induce
them to apostatize.
§ 10. Those who fell in these perilous days of the church, being put
to death in different ways, were called Martyrs ; a term borrowed from
the sacred writings, and denoting that they were witnesses for Christ.
Those who were bold to profess Christ before the magistrates, and for his
sake incurred the loss of health, or goods, or honours, were denominated
confessors. Both obtained immense veneration and influence among the
Christians ; and they enjoyed prerogatives and honours which were alto-
gether peculiar and extraordinary, and such as would furnish matter for a
volume that would be useful in various respects. These prerogatives were
undoubtedly conferred on the martyrs and confessors, to induce others
more readily to encounter all evils for Christ's sake. (13) But as honours
and prerogatives among men, from the defects of human nature, often be-
(9) This subject is nearly exhausted by Protest., torn, iv., lib. v., Decretal., tit. i.,
Chr. Kortholt, Paganus Obtrectator, seu de § 32.
Calumniis gentilium in Christianos, in three (13) [This seems quite too philosophical
books, Kilon., 1698, 4to. To which add J. an account of this matter. The early Ghris-
J. Huldrich, de Calumniis gentilium in tians did not thus coldly calculate distant
Christianos, Tiguri, 1744, 8vo. consequences and effects, in order to de-
(10) See Arnobius, adversus Gentes. termine what place in their affections, and
[and Tertullian, Apologet., c. 40. — ScA/.] what rank in the church, they should give to
(11) Anton. Gallonius, and Casp. Sagit- their brethren and pastors who suffered death
tarius, de Cruciatibus Martyrum ; the latter for their religion. Nature, religion, and all
printed at Jena, 1673, 4to ; the best edition the ties which united them to Christ, to the
of the former is, Antw , 1668, 12mo. [Both church, and to one another, combined to ren-
contain mixtures of the doubtful with the der these holy men and consistent Christians
true : for the Acta Martyrum, now extant, venerable and lovely in their eyes ; and of
cannot be relied on. — Mosheim, de Reb. course to procure them a rank and privileges
Chr., &c.] in the church altogether peculiar. Who-
(12) See J. H. Bcehmer, Jus. Eccles. ever reads the most authentic accounts of
ADVERSE EVENTS. 55
come sources of evil, so also these were frequently misapplied, and af-
forded encouragement to superstition and to other evils.
§11. That a great number of persons, of both sexes and of every class
and rank, suffered death for the cause of Christ during the first three or
four centuries, no impartial person who is acquainted with the history of
those times can hesitate to believe. But since H. DodweWs attempt to
invalidate this ancient opinion, (14) many have agreed with him; and have
maintained that only a few actually suffered death on account of the Chris-
tian religion. They have, however, met with strenuous opposers, who re-
gard this opinion as derogatory to the divine power which sustained the
martyrs in their conflicts. Those who take the middle path between the
two,extremes, will probably come nearest to the truth. The martyrs were
not so numerous as they were anciently supposed to be, and as some still
account them ; but they were more numerous than Dodwell and his friends
suppose them. And I apprehend, those persons will readily come into
this opinion, who shall learn from the ancient writers that even in the most
calamitous times of the church, not all Christians everywhere were perse-
cuted and arraigned for trial. Persons in the humbler conditions of life
were generally more safe ; while greater danger impended over the rich
(whose wealth had charms for the judges), and over the learned, the doc-
tors and heads of churches, and over the eloquent and influential. (15)
§ 12. The words and actions of the martyrs, from the time of their ar-
rest till their last moments, were carefully committed to writing, in order
to be read over on certain days for the edification of their successors in
the church. But a few only of these Act a Martyrum have reached us ;(16)
much the greater part of them having been committed to the flames, during
the ten years' war of Diocletian against the Christians ; for, at that time,
the emperor required all the books and papers of Christians to be collect-
ed and burned. From the eighth century onward, both the Greeks and
the Latins took great pains to compile lives of the ancient martyrs ; but the
more discerning, even in the Romish church, now admit, that the greater
part of these accounts are mere fables dressed up in a style of affected
oratory. Nor is more credit due to those catalogues of saints, called Mar-
tyrologies, which were either compiled by ignorant and incompetent men,
or have since been much falsified. Hence, this part of ecclesiastical his-
tory enjoys very little light.*
§ 13. Nero was the first emperor that persecuted the Christians; and
his cruelty was extreme. He accused those innocent people of a crime
which he himself had committed, namely, that of setting fire to the city
of Rome. And to make the punishment correspond with the crime, he
caused the streets of the city to be illuminated, through the night, by the
the ancient martyrs, of Polycarp for instance, xiv., p. 10 and 23, ed. Benedict., and many
will see abundant evidence of the operation others. — Mosheim, de Reb. Christ, ante C.
of these causes ; but nothing of that calcu- M., p. 106.]
lating policy, of which Dr. Mosheim speaks. (16) Such of them as were not wholly
— TV.] unworthy of credit, were collected in a mod-
(14) In his noted Dissertation, de Pauci- erate sized folio, by Theod. Ruinart, Selects
tate martyrum, which is the eleventh among et sincera Martyrum Acta, Amstelod., 1713.
his Dissent. Cyprianicae. * [See Adrian Baillet, Discours sur
(15) [See Martyrium Polycarpi, § 12. 1'histoire de la vie des saints; prefixed to
Acta Fructuosi, in RuinarPs Acta Martyr, his Vies des Saints, Paris, 1704, 4 tomes,
sincera, p. 219. Cyprian, Epiett. v. and fol. — TV.]
56
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. V.
burning bodies of many of them, [whom he had sewed up alive in garments
covered with pitch.] Others were put to death in a different manner.
This persecution began in the middle of November, A.D. 64.(17) In the
course of it, the ancients tell us, Paul and Peter suffered death at Rome :
but many cannot believe the fact, because of its repugnance to chronolo-
gy.(18) This persecution terminated at the death of Nero; who is well
known to have been his own executioner, A.D. 68. During about four
years, therefore, the Christians suffered every species of cruelty at his
hands.
§ 14. Ho w/ar the persecution under Nero extended, is not agreed among
the learned. For while the greater number suppose it spread over the whole
Roman empire, there are those who think it was confined to the city of Rome.
The former opinion, which is the more ancient,(19) appears to us the best
(17) See the two French dissertations of
Alph. de Vignoles, on the Cause and the
Commencement of Nero's persecution ; in
Phil. Masson's Histoire critique de la Re-
publique des Letters, torn, viii., p. 74-117,
and torn, ix., p. 172-186. See also Toinard
on Lactantius de mortibus persecutorum, p.
398.
(18) Sebast. Tillemont, Histoire des Em-
pereurs, torn, i., p. 564, &c., and Baratier, de
Successione Romanor. Pontiff, cap. v.,p. 60.
— [All agree that both these apostles, Paul
and Peter, were put to death in the reign of
Nero: but in respect to the year and the
place, there is controversy. Many question
whether both suffered at the same time.
They believe, according to the testimony of
Prudentius, (Peristephan. de passione bea-
tor. Apostolor. Petri et Pauli, v. 5, 6) that
Peter suffered one year earlier than Paul;
but on the same day. As to the day on
which Paul suffered, some make it the 29th
of June ; and others, the 23d of February.
The year is, by some, determined to A.D.
64 ; so von Henschen, Acta Sanctor. April.,
torn. i. D. Papebroch, Propylaeum ad Acta
S. May ; by others, A.D. 65 ; so Anton. Pa-
gi, Critica. in Annal. Baron., torn, i., p. 51,
52 ; and again by others A.D. 67 ; so Baum-
garien ; and lastly by others A.D. 68 ; so
John Pearson, Annales Paulini, p. 25, which
is the most probable opinion. The day, when
both apostles suffered, was probably the 22d
of February. That Paul was beheaded du-
ring Nero's persecution, is supported by the
testimony of Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. ii., c.
25, and of Lactantius, de Morte Persecuto-
rum, cap. ii., p. 1375, ed. Biinemann. As
to the place, an obscure writer, Ulr. Velenus,
in a book, Quo Petrus Romam non venisse
demonstratur, 1660, 4to, p. 40, denies that
either apostle suffered at Rome ; and en-
deavours to prove that their martyrdom waa
at Jerusalem : which also Bale maintains in
regard to Peter, Centur. Scriptor. Britan., p.
16. This opinion is confuted by various
writers, who are mentioned in Watch's Bib-
lioth. theol. Selecta, torn, iii., p. 458. On
this whole subject, consult W. Cave, Life
of Paul, c. vii., $ 9, p. 424 of his Antiq.
Apostol. Tillemont, Mem. pour servir a
Thistoire de 1'Eglise, torn, i., pt. ii., note 42,
p. 768, and Fabricius, Codex Apocryph. N.
T., pt. i., p. 450. On the fabulous circum-
stances related of Paul's martyrdom, see J.
G. Watch's Hist. Eccles. N. T., p. 277.—
Schl. On the chronology of Paul's life and
labours, see Witsii Meletemata Leidensia,
1703, 4to. Pearson, Annales Paul., the In-
troductions to the N. T. by Eichhorn, Ber-
tholt, Horne, &c., and other works referred to
in Winer's Biblischesrealw, art. Paul. — Tr.]
(19) The first who rejected the common,
opinion, so far as I know, was Fran. Bald-
win, [an eminent civilian of Paris, who died
A.D. 1573,] in his Comment, ad edicta Im-
perator. in Christianos, p. 27, 28. After
him, Jo. Launoi, in Diss. qua Sulpitii Severi
locus de prima martyrum Gallise epocha vin-
dicatur, $ 1, p. 139, 140, torn, ii., pt. i. of his
works. Still more learned, and on the same
side, was Henry Dodwell, Diss. xi., in his
Dissertt. Cyprianicae, $ xiii., p. 59, whom
many others have followed ; [among whom
are Jo. le Clerc, Histor. Eccles. N. Test.,
century i., p. 428. Joach. Lange, Hist.
Eccles., p. 360. Nicol. Gurtler, Syst. the-
ol. prophet., p. 491. Baumgarlen, Auszug
der Kirchengesch., vol. i., p. 376 (who sup-
poses the persecution extended only so far
as the jurisdiction of the praetorian prefect) ;
D. Sender, Sel. Capita. Hist. Eccles., torn,
i., p. 24. (Also J. E. C. Schmidt, Hand-
buch der christl. Kirchengesch., vol. i., p.
120; and A. Neander, Algem. Gesch. d.
christl. Kirche, vol. i., pt. i., p. 137. — Tr.)
The arguments for both opinions are stated
in /. G. Walch, Hist. Eccles., p. 548, who
thinks the question to be altogether doubtful.
Jablontky was of the same sentiment, Insti-
ADVERSE EVENTS.
57
supported. We do not hesitate to join with those who think, that public laws
were then enacted against the whole body of Christians, and were sent
abroad into the provinces. To this opinion we are led, among other rea-
sons, by the authority of Tertullian, who clearly intimates that Nero, as
well as Domitian, enacted laws against the Christians, which laws Trajan
in part repealed or annulled. (20) The noted Spanish or Portuguese in-
scription, in which Nero is commended for having purged the province of
the new superstition, is suspected by the Spaniards themselves ; and I place
no reliance on it. (21) The Christians moreover were condemned, not so
much for their religion, as on the charge of having set fire to Rome.(22)
But who can suppose that a religious sect, which the emperor himself
charged with so great a crime, would be quietly tolerated by him beyond
the limits of Rome ?(23)
tutt. Historite Christ, antiq., p. 40. — Schl.
But see note (23) below. — TV.]
(20) Tertullian, Apologet., cap. iv., p.
46, edit. Havercamp.
(21) This inscription may be seen in J.
Gruterus, Inscriptionum, torn, i., p. 238, n.
9. [It is this : " Neroni, ob provinciam la-
tronibus et his, qui novam generi humano su-
perslitionem inculcabant, purgatam." — TV.]
But the best Spanish writers do not venture
to defend the authority of this inscription ;
because it has not been seen by any one ; and
Cyriac of Ancona, who first produced it, is
acknowledged by all to be unworthy of credit.
I will subjoin the decision of that excellent
and judicious historian of Spain, Jo. de Fer-
reras, Histoire generale d'Espagne, torn, i.,
p. 192. " I cannot refrain from remarking
that Cyriac of Ancona was the first that
published this inscription, and that from him
all others have derived it. But as the cred-
ibility of this writer is suspected, in the judg-
ment of all the learned, and as not a vestige
nor any recollection of this inscription re-
mains, in the places where it is said to have
been found, and no one knows now where to
find it ; every one may form such opinion
of it as he pleases."
(22) See Theod. Ruinart, Praef. ad Acta
Martyrum sincera et selecta, p. 31, &c.
(23) [Nearly all the facts relating to this
persecution, except the martyrdom of Peter
and Paul, we owe to Tacitus, the Roman
historian. Annals, lib. xv., c. 44. After
describing the conflagration, which utterly
consumed three of the fourteen wards, and
spread ruin in seven others ; and likewise
the efforts of Nero to sooth the indignant
and miserable citizens ; he says, " But no
human aid, no munificence of the prince, nor
expiations of the gods, removed from him
the infamy of having ordered the conflagra-
tion. Therefore, to stop the clamour, Nero
falsely accused and subjected to the most
exquisite punishments a people hated for
VOL. 1.— H
their crimes, called Christians. The found-
er of the sect, Christ, was executed in the
reign of Tiberius, by the procurator Pontius
Pilate. The pernicious superstition, re-
pressed for a time, burst forth again ; not
only through Judea, the birthplace of the
evil, but at Rome also, where every thing
atrocious and base centres and is in repute.
Those first seized, confessed ; then a vast
multitude, detected by their means, were con-
victed, not so much of the crime of burning
the city, as of hatred to mankind. And in-
sult was added to their torments ; for being
clad in skins of wild beasts, they were torn to
pieces by dogs ; or affixed to crosses to be
burned, were used as lights, to dispel the
darkness of night, when the day was gone.
Nero devoted his gardens to the show, and
held Circensian games, mixing with the rab-
ble, or mounting a chariot, clad like a coach-
man. Hence, though the guilty and those
meriting the severest punishment, suffered ;
yet compassion was excited, because they
were destroyed, not for the public good, but
to satisfy the cruelty of an individual." — It
appears from this account, that a rasl multi-
tude (multitude ingens) suffered at Rome, —
and suffered in a most inhuman manner; —
that they were falsely accused, and by Nero's
instigation ; not because he had any thing
against them, but because they were a de-
spised people, and he hoped to avert the pub-
lic odium from himself. But the case was
too plain ; their innocence was known, and
Nero's fiendlike merriment only raised com-
passion towards them, and increased the
odium against him. It is clear, from this
account, that the Christians, in the opinion
of Tacitus, deserved to be exterminated for
their religion ; yet that Nero did not proceed
on this ground, but on the false charge of
their having kindled the fires of Rome. Lac-
tantius, then, (de Morte persecutorum, cap.
ii.) erred in attributing other designs to Nero,
namely, the extermination of the Christian
58
BOOK L— CENTURY I.— PART I.— CHAP. V.
§ 15. Nero being dead, the fury of this first war against the Christians
ceased. But in the year 93 or 94, (24) a new assault was made upon,
them by Domitian, an emperor little inferior to Nero in baseness of char-
acter and conduct.(25) The cause of the persecution, if we give credit to
Hegesippus, was the fear of losing his empire ; for the emperor had learned
in some way that a person would arise from among the relatives of Christ,
who would attempt a revolution, and would produce commotion in the em-
pire.(26) This persecution undoubtedly was severe : but it was of short
continuance, as the emperor was soon after murdered.(27) The principal
religion. The commencement of this perse- supposes it began A.D. 93. Toinard, (ubi
cution is determined, by the time of the con-
flagration, which Tacitus says, (Annals xv.,
33, 41), began the 18th of July, A.D. 65,
(orxiv. Kalend. Sextiles, C. Lecanio, and M.
Licinio Coss.), and lasted six days. Some
time after, but in the same year, the perse-
cution broke out. But how long it contin-
ued is uncertain. If Paul and Peter suffer-
ed in the very last year of Nero's reign, as
the fathers state, (Eusebius, Chronicon ; and
Jerome, de Viris illustr., c. i. and v.), the per-
secution doubtless ceased, only on Nero's
death. But if they suffered earlier, then we
have no proof of the continuance of the per-
secution so long. — As to the extent of the
persecution, it is wholly in the dark. If we
consider simply the description of it, or the
causes from which it originated, and the feel-
ings of Nero towards the Christians, we have ,
no reason to suppose it extended beyond the
city of Rome and its neighbourhood. Yet
the general impression in former ages, and
the belief of many in this age, make the per-
secution a general one. The only argument
of much plausibility for this opinion, is de-
rived from a passage in Tertullian, (Apolo-
get., cap. iv., p. 46, ed. Havercamp.) where
he speaks of the persecuting laws of the em-
pire, as being enacted by the very vilest and
most odious among the emperors, and men-
tions Nero as the first that " drew the sword"
against the Christians ; and Domitian as the
second who did so. Whence it is inferred,
that Nero, as well as Domitian, must have
enacted public laws against the Christians ;
and, of course, that the persecution in Nero's
reign must have been general, or throughout
the empire. But considering the fervid,
rhetorical style of Tertullian, this seems to
be a slender foundation, on which to ground
a conclusion that has no support from well
attested facts. — TV.]
(24) [The precise year in which the per-
secution by Domitian began, is not certain.
Toinard has discussed the point, in his holes
on Lactantius, de Morte Persecutorum, chap,
iii. That it raged in the year 95, is stated
by Eusebuis, Hist. Eccles., iii., 18, but how
long before this it commenced, is not clear. —
Pagi (Grit, annal. Baron., torn, i., p. 85, 87),
supra), A.D. 94 ; and Dodwell, (Diss. Cy-
prian, xi., p. 71), A.D. 95. Mosheim, (de
Reb. Christ, ante C. M.), says, A.D. 94 or
95.— Tr.]
(25) See Theod. Ruinart, Praef. ad Acta
Martyrum, p. 32. [Thorn. Itlig, Selecta
Hist. Eccles. capita, saecul. i., cap. 6, § 11,
p. 531.— Schl.]
(26) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iii., c. 19,
20. [In this simple, unvarnished story, there
is nothing difficult to be believed. It is
therefore credible, that some enemy of both
Jews and Christians, suggested to the em-
peror that the Jews were expecting a king
of David's line, who would give laws to the
world ; and that the Christians likewise be-
lieved that Christ would reappear and set up
a splendid kingdom ; that from both these
classes of people, insurrections and trouble
were to be feared ; and that the tyrant, en-
raged by the suggestions of the insidious foe,
ordered all the posterity of David to be
sought out and to be put to death ; and to
prevent the Christians from making disturb-
ance, he commanded them to be put under
restraints, or to be punished with severity.
— Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 111.]
(27) [The termination of this persecution
is stated differently by the ancients. Some
say that Domittan himself put an end to it be-
fore his death. Hegesippus, (in Eusebius,
Ecc. Hist., 1. iii., c. 20), states that Domitian
having learned that there were Christians of
the lineage of David, and kinsmen of Christ,
still living in Palestine, had them brought to
Rome, and interrogated them closely re-
specting their pedigree, their wealth, and the
future kingdom of Christ. And from their
answers and their whole appearance, he
concluded he had nothing to fear from them,
and dismissed them ; and thereupon he pub-
lished a decree, terminating the persecution.
So likewise Tertullian, (Apologet, cap. v.,
p. 60), says of Domitian : " He receded
from his attempt, and recalled those he had
banished." But Lactantius, (de Morte per-
secutorum, cap. 3), represents his acts and
edicts as repealed, after his death, and that
then it was the church recovered its former
state. And Xiphilin, on Nerva, (Dion Cas-
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. 59
martyrs named, are Flavins Clemens, a consul, and his niece or wife, Fla-
via Domitilla.(28) In the midst of this persecution, John the apostle, was
banished to the isle of Patmos ; but whether he was first cast into a cal-
dron of boiling oil by order of the emperor, and came out alive and unhurt,
though asserted by Tertullian and others, has appeared to many to be un-
certain.^)
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE STATE OF LEARNING AJfD PHILOSOPHY.
1) 1. The State of Philosophy in the East, little known.— § 2. Philosophy of the Persians,
Chaldeans, and Arabians. — <J 3. Jewish and Egyptian Wisdom. — § 4. The proper Orien-
tal Philosophy. — § 5. Its first Principles. — § 6. Its Patrons not agreed in their Opinions.
— § 7. Its Precepts concerning God. — § 8. Concerning the Origin of the "World. —
$9. Concerning Human Souls. — $ 10. The Jewish Philosophy. — 5 11. Grecian Learn-
ing.— § 12. Roman Learning and Philosophy. — <J 13. Attention to Science in other
Nations.
§ 1. IF it were known what opinions were advanced and maintained by
the men of most intelligence among the Oriental nations, at the time when
the Christian religion began to enlighten mankind, many things in the early
history of the church might be more fully and more accurately explained.
But, only a few fragments of Oriental philosophy, as all know, have come
down to us ; and those which have reached us, still need the labours of a
learned man to collect them all together, to arrange them properly and ex-
pound them wisely.(l)
§ 2. The prevailing system in Persia, as is well known, was that of the
Magi, who held to two principles or deities, governing the universe, the
sius, 1. Ixviii., c. 1, abridged by Xiphilin), the Rev. Mr. Heumann and myself, in my
says, that " Nerva recalled those banished Syntagma Diss. ad Historiam eccles. perti-
for impiety," i. e., the Christians. Perhaps nentium, torn, i., p. 497-546. [The whole
Domitian published an edict favourable to controversy seems to rest on a passage in
the Christians a little before his death, the Tertullian, de Prescript, adv. haeret., c. 36,
benefits of which they began to enjoy, first, as the only original authority for the story,
after his decease. — »S'cA/.] which is in itself improbable. All the more
(28) [See Euscbius, Hist. Eccl., 1. iii., c. discerning, of late, either doubt or deny the
18, and Chronicon, ann. 95. Some have sup- truth of the story. — TV.]
posed, that the wife and the niece of Clem- (1) There is extant an English work of
ens both had the same name ; and that the Thomas Stanley, on the history of Oriental
first was banished to the island Pandataria, philosophy, which J. le Clerc translated into
near Italy ; and the second, to another island Latin. But that learned man has left the
called Pontia. Si-c Tillemont, Mem. pour field of Oriental philosophy not to be gleaned
servir al'histoire dc Peglise, torn, ii., p. 124, or.ly, but to be reaped by others. He is
&c., and Flcury, History of the church, lib. much inferior both in genius and erudition
ii., § 52. — SchL] to Ja. Brucker ; whose history of philosophy
(29) See the amicable discussion between should by all means be consulted.
60
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP I.
one good, the other evil. The followers of this system however were not
agreed, in respect to the precise nature of these first principles.(2) Nev-
ertheless this doctrine spread over no small portion of Asia and Africa, and
particularly over Chaldea, Assyria, Syria, and Egypt, though under differ-
ent modifications ; nor did it leave the Jews untinctured with its princi-
ples.(3) The Arabians of that and the subsequent ages, were more remarka-
ble for strength and courage than for intellectual culture ; for they attained
to no celebrity for learning, before the times of Mohammed, This their own
writers do not deny. (4)
§ 3. The Indians, from the earliest times, were much famed for their
love of profound knowledge. Of their philosophical tenets, we could per-
haps form an opinion at the present day, if their very ancient sacred book
which they denominate Veda or the law, were brought to light, and trans-
lated into some language better known. The accounts given by travellers
among the Indians concerning this book, are so contradictory and fluctua-
ting, that we must wait for further information. (5) The Egyptians were
(2) See Tho. Hyde, Historia religionis
veterum Persarum, Oxon., 1700, 4to, — a
very learned work, but ill digested, and
full of improbable conjectures.
(3) See Jo. Christoph. Wolf, Manichzis-
mus ante Manichaeos, Hamb., 1707, 8vo, —
also Mosheim, Notes on CudwortKs Intel-
lectual System, p. 328, 423, &c.
(4) See Abulpharajus, de Moribus Ara-
bum, p. 6, published by Pocock.
(5) I have recently learned, that this most
desirable book has been obtained by some
French Jesuits residing in India ; and that
it has been, or will be, deposited in the king
of France's library. See Lettre du P. Cal-
mette a M. de Cartigny, dans les Lettres
edifiantes et Curieuses des Miss. Etrangeres,
xxi., Recueil, p. 455, &c., and xxiii., Rec.,
p. 161. — [The Hindoo literature and theol-
ogy were little known, when Dr. Mosheim
wrote. Since that time, and especially
since the establishment of the Asiatic Soci-
ety at Calcutta, by Sir Wm. Jones, in 1793,
this field of knowledge has been explored
with equal industry and success. See the
Asiatic Researches, 13 vols. 4to ; Sir Wm.
Jones's Works, 6 vols. 4to ; Rev. Wm.
Ward's View of the Hist., &c., of the Hin-
doos, 3 vols. 8vo, and numerous other
works. — But it is not true, that the Vedas
have been brought to Europe, as Dr. Mo-
sheim had been informed. On the contrary,
Mr. Holbrooke, in the 8th vol. of the Asiatic
Res., describes them as not worth transla-
ting. He says : " They are too voluminous
for a complete translation of the whole ; and
what they contain would hardly reward the
labour of the reader, much less that of the
translator." The Vedas are four in number,
called Rig Veda, Yajush Veda, Saman Veda,
and Alharvan Veda. The first consists of 5
sections, in 10,000 verses ; the second is di-
vided into 80 sections, in 9000 verses ; the
third consists of 1000 sections, and 3000
verses ; the fourth, of nine sections, with
subdivisions, and 6000 verses. Besides the
four Vedas, the Hindoos have 14 other sa-
cred books of later date and inferior author-
ity ; viz., four Upavedas, six Angas, and
four Upangas. All these were supposed to
be the productions of divine persons, and to
contain all true knowledge, secular as well
as sacred. The commentaries on these
books, the compilations from them, and di-
gests of their principles, are almost innu-
merable, and constitute the whole encyclo-
paedia of the Hindoos. Several of these
have been translated into European lan-
guages ; namely, L'Ezour- Vcdam, or ancien
commentaire du Vedam, &c., a Yverdon,
1778, 2 vols. 12mo.— The Shaguat-Geeta,
or Dialogues of Kreeshna and Arjoon, in
eighteen lectures, with notes by Cha. Wil-
kins, Lond., 1785, 4to. — Bagavadam, ou
doctrine divine, ouvrage Indien canonique
sur PEtre supreme, les dieux, les geans, les
hommes, les diverses parties de 1'univers,
(by Foucher d' Obsonville), a Paris, 1788,
8vo. — Oupnekhut, h. e. Decretum legen-
dum, opus ipsa in India rarissimum, conti-
nens antiquam et arcanam, seu theolog. et
philosoph doctrinam, e quatuor sacris In-
dorum libris — excerptam — e Persico idio-
mate — in Latinum versum — studio et opera,
Anquetil du Perron, 1801-2, 2 vols. 4to. —
Institutes of Hindoo Law, or the ordinances
of Menu, translated by Sir Wm. Jones,
Lond., 1796, 8vo. The last is supposed to
follow next after the Vedas in age. Sir
Wm. Jones thinks it was, most probably,
compiled about 880 years before Christ, and
the Vedas about 300 years earlier. The
other sacred books of the Hindoos are much
later ; yet all are now ancient. From the
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY.
61
unquestionably divided into various sects, disagreeing in opinion ;(6) so
that it is a vain attempt which some have made, to reduce the philosophy
of this people to one system.
$ 4. But of all the different systems of philosophy that were received in
Asia and in a part of Africa in the age of our Saviour, none was so detri-
mental to the Christian church, as that which was styled yvtiois or science ;
i. e., the way to the knowledge of the true God ; and which we have above
called the Oriental philosophy, in order to distinguish it from the Grecian.
For from this school issued the leaders and founders of those sects, which
during the three first centuries disturbed and troubled the Christian church.
They endeavoured to accommodate the simple and pure doctrines of Chris-
tianity to the tenets of their philosophy ; and in doing so, they produced
various fantastic and strange notions, and obtruded upon their followers
systems of doctrine which were in part ludicrous, and in part marvellously
obscure and intricate. The ancient Greek and Latin fathers, who contend-
ed against these sects, supposed indeed that their sentiments were derived
from P~latto ; but those good men, being acquainted with no philosophy but
the Grecian, and ignorant of everything oriental, were deceived by the
resemblance between some of the doctrines of Plato and those embraced
by these sects. Whoever compares the Platonic philosophy carefully with
the Gnostic, will readily see that they are widely different.(7)
(6) [See Dr. Mosheim's notes on Cud-
worth's Intellectual System, torn. i.,p. 415.]
(7) [Dr. Mosheim in this and the four fol-
lowing sections describes an Oriental philos-
ophy, the supposed parent of the Gnostic
systems, as if its existence was universally
admitted, and its character well understood.
Yet the system here described is of his own
formation ; being such a system as must
have existed, according to his judgment,
in order to account for the Gnosticism of
the early ages. In his Comment, de Rebus
Christ., &c., p. 19-21, and in his Diss. de
Causis suppositorum librorum inter Chris-
tianos Saeculi pritni et secundi, $ 3-6, (inter
Dissertt. ad Hist. Eccles. pertinentes, vol.
i., p. 223-232), he confesses, that he has lit-
tle evidence, except the necessity of the
supposition, for the existence of this philos-
ophy. He also admits, that the fathers knew
nothing of it ; and he might have added, that
they testify that Gnosticism had no exist-
ence till the days of Adrian, in the second
century. Since Dr. Mosheim wrote, some
have believed with him ; others have re-
jected his hypothesis altogether ; and oth-
ers again have taken a middle course,
which is probably the nearest to the truth.
These last suppose, that the Jews and the
Greeks of Asia and Egypt, imbibed some-
thing of the spirit common to most, of the
Asiatic wise men, and which shows itself in
the Braminic, the Zoroastrian, and the Sufi
or Persian speculations ; namely, a disposi-
tion to indulge the imagination, and to de-
pend on contemplation rather than ratiocina-
similarity of views between the Hindoo
philosophers and those of Greece, it has
been thought, that they must have had some
intercourse, or that one borrowed from the
other. The ideas of the fathers in the
Christian church, and of some moderns,
would make the Greeks indebted to the
Orientals — but Christoph. Meiners, (Histo-
ria doctrinae de uno Deo), and others, would
reverse the stream of philosophic knowledge,
by supposing it followed the march of Alex-
ander's army from Greece to India. This
intercourse between the Indians and the
Greeks seems not to have been of long con-
tinuance. If it commenced with Alexan-
der's Indian expedition, it can scarcely have
lasted 80 years ; for the conquest of Media,
Persia, and Babylonia, by the Parthians
about 250 years before Christ, and the es-
tablishment of their empire in those coun-
tries, formed a strong barrier to all further
intercourse ; and the subversion of the king-
dom of the Seleucidae by the Romans, B.C.
65, must be suppdsed to be the utmost lim-
its to which it could extend. If we consider
the nourishing state of the Grecian philoso-
phy before the Asiatic conquests of Alexan-
der, and the silence of the western philoso-
phers respecting their intercourse with India
during the period supposed, it would seem
more probable, that the Indian philosophy
was derived from the Grecian, than the latter
from the former. It is to be hoped, this sub-
ject will receive more light from the investi-
gations which are going forward with such
success in the present age. — Tr.]
62
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
§ 5. The first principles of this philosophy seem to have been dictated
by reason itself. For its author undoubtedly thus reasoned: There is
much evil in the world ; and men are hurried on as by the instinct of na-
ture, to what reason condemns. Yet that eternal Mind, from whom all
other spirits emanated, is doubtless perfectly free from evil, or is infinitely
good and beneficent. Hence the source of the evils with which the world
abounds, must be something external to the Deity. But there is nothing
external to him, except what is material : and therefore matter is to be re-
garded as the source and origin of all evil and all vice. From these prin-
ciples the conclusion was, that matter existed eternally, and independently
of God ; and that it received its present form and organization, not from
the will or fiat of God, but from the operations of some being of a nature
inferior to God ; in other words, that the world and the human race came
from the forming hand, not of the Supreme Deity, but of one of inferior ca-
pacity and perfections. For who can believe that the supreme God, who
is infinitely removed from all evil, would mould and fashion matter which
is in its nature evil and corrupt, and would impart to it any portion of his
rich gifts ? But attempting to go farther, and to explain how, or by what ac-
cident or operator, that rude and malignant substance, called matter, be-
came so skilfully arranged and organized ; and especially, how souls of
celestial origin became joined with bodies composed of it, both reason and
common sense forsook them. They therefore resorted to their imagina-
tive faculty, or to mere fables, in order to explain the origin of the world
and of mankind.
§ 6. But as those, who undertake to explain what is obscure and diffi-
cult of solution by means of mere conjecture, can very seldom agree ; so
those who attempted to solve this difficulty, split into various sects. Some
conceived there must be two eternal first principles, the one presiding over
tion, as the means of arriving at truth.
Something of this spirit appears also in the
Platonic philosophy, especially in the later
or Eclectic Platonism. Besides, the Asiat-
ics in all ages, like the early Grecian philos-
ophers, were much inclined to limit their
philosophical speculations to cosmogony ;
and likewise to adopt, as the supposed first
or grand operative cause, a physical rather
than an intelligent principle ; or, in other
words, to attribute the origin of all things
to generation, vegetation, emanation, attrac-
tion, or some such natural operation, rather
than to the contrivance and the fiat of an
almighty and intelligent Spirit. Hence the
Jews and some early Christian sects, with-
out embracing the peculiar tenets of the
Magi or of any other philosophers, oriental
or occidental, yet imbibing the Asiatic spir-
it of searching after wisdom by means of
contemplation rather than ratiocination, and
at the same time leaning towards the su-
premacy of physical causes, were led to
frame systems of philosophical divinity alto-
gether peculiar. Such was, probably, the or-
igin of the Jewish Kabbalistic system ; and
also of those multifarious systems which
bore the common name of Gnosticism.
Elaborate attempts have been made to trace
these systems back to some species of pa-
gan philosophy as their legitimate source ;
but with very little success. They seem to
have originated in the speculations of Jews
and Christians, who indulged their own fan-
cies, and explained the principles of revealed
religion in a manner peculiar to themselves.
That Gnosticism, as such, had no existence
in the first century, and that it is in vain
sought for in the N. Testament, appears to
be satisfactorily proved by C. C. Tittmann,
Tractatus de vestigiis Gnosticorum in N. T.
frustra quaesitis, Lips., 1773, p. 253, 12mo.
That, notwithstanding many points of re-
semblance can be traced, it is materially dif-
ferent from any system of either Grecian or
Oriental philosophy, it is the object of F.
Ant. Lewald to show, Comment, ad histo-
riam, &c., de doctrina Gnostica, Heidelb.,
1818, p. 157, 12mo. For very ingenious
and profound speculations on the subject
generally, see Aug. Neandcr, Allgem.
Gesch. der christl. Religion und Kirche, vol.
i., pt. ii., p. 627-670.— TV.]
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. 63
light, the other over matter ; and by the contests between these principles,
they accounted for the mixture of good and evil in our world. Others as-
signed to matter, not an eternal lord, but an architect merely ; and they
supposed, that some one of those immortal beings whom God produced
from himself, was induced by some casual event to attempt the reduction
of matter, which lay remote from the residence of God, into some kind of
order, and moreover to fabricate men. Others again, imagined a sort of
Triumvirate ; for they distinguished the Supreme Deity from the prince of
matter and the author of all evil on the one hand, and from the architect
and builder of the world on the other. When these three systems came
to be dilated and explained, new controversies unavoidably arose, and
numerous divisions followed ; as might be expected from the nature of the
case, and as the history of those Christian sects which followed this phi-
losophy, expressly declares.
ty 7. Yet, as all these sects set out upon one and the same first prin-
ciple, their disagreements did not prevent their holding certain doctrines and
opinions in common, respecting God, the world, mankind, and some other
points. They all, therefore, maintained the existence from eternity of a
Being, full of goodness, wisdom, and the other virtues, of whom no mortal
can form a complete idea; a Being, who is the purest light, and is diffused
through that boundless space to which they gave the Greek appellation of
Plerbma ; that this eternal and most perfect Being, after existing alone and
in absolute repose during an infinite period, produced out of himself two
spirits, of different sexes, and both perfect resemblances of their parent ;
that from the marriage of these two spirits, others of a similar nature ori-
ginated ; that successive generations ensued ; and thus, in process of time, a
celestial family was formed in the Plerdma. This divine progeny, being im-
mortal and unchangeable in their nature, these philosophers were disposed
to call 'Aitiveg , Aeons ; a term which signifies eternal, or beyond the in-
fluence of time and its vicissitudes. (8) But how numerous these Aeons
were, was a subject of controversy among them.
$ 8. Beyond the region of light where God and his family dwell,
exists a rude and unformed mass of matter, heaving itself continually in
wild commotion. This mass, one of the celestial family, either acci-
dentally wandering beyond the Pleroma at a certain time, or sent out by
the Deity, first reduced to order and beauty, and then peopled it with
human beings and with animals of different species, and finally endowed
(8) The word aiuv properly signifies an of the day; like an hour I must exist, and
infinite, or at least indefinite duration, and then pass away. — It was therefore not a
is opposed to a finite or a temporary duration, novel application of the term aiuv by the
But by metonomy, it was used to designate Gnostics, to use it as the designation of a
immutable beings who exist for ever. It celestial and immortal being. And even the
was so used, even by the Greek philosophers, fathers of the ancient church apply the term
about the commencement of the Christian to angels, both good and bad. That all who
era ; as appears from a passage in Arrian, were addicted to the Oriental philosophy,
Diss. Epictet., lib. ii., § 5, where aiuv is whether Greeks or not, used the term in this
opposed to uvdpuirof or to a frail, changea- sense, appears from a passage in Manes, the
ble being. 'On yap hfu aiuv dW wv&pu- Persian, who, as Avgustine testifies, called
TTOf, ftepof ruv TTUVTUV, uf upa tyucpflf, kv- the celestial beings uiuvef, or, as Augustine
arf/vai fie iel of TTJV upav, KCU Trapeh-d-elv translates it, scecula. Some have supposed
cif upav. I am not an Aeon, (an eternal it so used even in the New Test., e. g.,
and unchangeable being), but a man; and Ephes. ii., 2, and Heb. i., 2. — Moshcim, de
a part of the universe, as an hour is a part Reb. Christ, ante C. M., p. 30.]
64 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
and enriched it with some portions of the celestial light or substance.
This builder of the world, who was distinct from the supreme God, they
called the Demiurge, He is a being, who, though possessed of many
shining qualities, is arrogant in his nature, and much inclined to domina-
tion. He therefore claims absolute authority over -the new world he has
built, as being properly his right, to the exclusion altogether of the supreme
God ; and he requires of mankind, to pay divine honours exclusively to
him, and to his associates.
§ 9. Man is composed of a terrestrial, and therefore a vicious body ;
and of a celestial soul, which is in some sense a particle of the Deity
himself. The nobler part, the soul, is miserably oppressed by the body,
which is the seat of base lusts ; for it is not only drawn away by it from
the knowledge and worship of the true God, and induced to give homage
and reverence to the Demiurge and his associates, but it is likewise filled
and polluted with the love of terrestrial objects and of sensual pleasures.
From this wretched bondage, God labours to rescue his offspring, in vari-
ous ways ; and especially by the messengers whom he often sends to them.
But the Demiurge and his associates, eager to retain their power, resist
in all possible ways the divine purpose of recalling souls back to himself,
and labour with great pains to obscure and efface all knowledge of the
supreme Deity. In this state of conflict, such souls as renounce the
framers and rulers of the* world, and, aspiring after God their parent, sup-
press the emotions excited by depraved matter, will when freed from the
body ascend immediately to the Pleroma : while those which continue in
the bondage of superstition and of corrupt matter, must pass into other
bodies, till they shall awake from this sinful lethargy. Yet God will ulti-
mately prevail ; and having restored to liberty most of the souls now im-
prisoned in bodies, he will dissolve the fabric of the world ; and then the
primitive tranquillity will return, and God will reign with the happy spirits
in undisturbed felicity to all eternity.
§ 10. The state of learning and especially of philosophy among the
Jews, is manifest from what ha,s already been said respecting the condition
of that nation. It appears from the books of the New Testament, that the
recondite science which they called Kabbala, was even then taught and
inculcated by not a few among them. This science was in many respects,
very similar to that philosophy which we have called Oriental; or rather,
it is this philosophy itself, accommodated to the Jewish religion, and tem-
pered with some mixture of truth. Nor were the Jews, at that time,
wholly ignorant of the doctrines of the Grecian sages ; for from the days
of Alexander the Great, they had incorporated some of them into their re-
ligion. Of the opinions which they had adopted from the Chaldeans, the
Egyptians, and the Syrians, I shall say nothing. (9)
$ 11. The Greeks are regarded by most writers, as continuing to hold
the first rank in learning and philosophy. There were among them at
that time, and especially at Athens, acute and eloquent men, who taught
the precepts of philosophy, as held by the ancient sects founded by Plato,
Aristotle, Zeno, and Epicurus ; and who also instructed youth in the prin-
(9) See J. F. Buddeus, Introductio in ca, torn, iii., [but especially, Brucker's Hist,
historian* philos. Hebraeorum ; and the wri- crit. philos., torn, ii., period ii., pt. i., 1. ii.,
ters named by Wolfius, Bibliotheca Hebrai- c. i., p. 652. — Schl.]
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. 65
ciples of eloquence, and in the liberal arts. Hence those who were eager
for learning, resorted to Greece from all quarters. At Alexandria in Egypt,
likewise, Grecian philosophers and rhetoricians were no less numerous ;
so that thither also, there was a general resort of scholars, as to a literary
market.
^12. Among the Romans of this age, every branch of learning and
science was cultivated. The children of good families were, from their
earliest years, instructed carefully in Grecian literature and eloquence;
they next applied themselves to philosophy and the civil law ; and at last
repaired to Greece, to complete their education. (10) Among the sects of
philosophers, none were more acceptable to the Romans than the Epicu-
reans and Academics, whom the leading men followed in great numbers,
in order to indulge themselves in a life of pleasure without fear or remorse.
So long as Augustus reigned, the cultivation of the fine arts was held in
high honour. But after his death, the succeeding emperors being more
intent on the arts of war than those of peace, these studies gradually sunk
into neglect.
$ 13. The other nations, as the Germans, Celtes, and Britains, were
certainly not destitute of men distinguished for their genius and acumen.
In Gaul, the inhabitants of Marseilles had long been much famed for their
attention to learning :( 1 1) and they had, doubtless, diffused some knowledge
among the neighbouring tribes. Among the Celtes, the Druids who were
priests, philosophers, and legislators, were renowned for their wisdom ;
but the accounts of them now extant, are not sufficient to acquaint us with
the nature of their philosophy. (12) The Romans moreover introduced
literature and philosophy into all the countries which they brought under
their subjection, for the purpose of softening their savage tempers, and
promoting their civilization.(13)
(10) See Paganini Gaudentii, liber de Germains — par Sim. Pelloutier, augmente
Philosophiae apud Romanes initio et pro- par M. de Chiniac, Paris, 1771, 8 vols.
gressu, in the 3d vol. of the Nova variorum 12ino, and 2 vols. 4to ; also Freret, Obss. sur
scriptorum collectio, Halle, 1747, 8vo, 2d la nature et les dogmes — de la relig. Gau-
edition. loise ; in the Histoire de 1'Acad. des In-
(11) See the Histoire litteraire de la scrip., tome xviii. ; and his Obss. sur la relig.
France, par des Religieux Benedictins, Diss. des Gaulois, &c., in the Memoires de Litte-
prelim., p. 42, &c. rature, tires des registres de 1'Acad. des In-
(12) Ja. Martini, Rolipion des Gaulois, script., tome xxiv., Paris, 1756. Also the
liv. i., cap. 21, p. 175, and various others, Introductory part of Alsatia lilustrata — au-
who have written concerning the Druids, tore J. Dan. Schocpflino, torn, i., $ 96,
[This work of Martin is said to be far info- Colmar, 1751, fol. — TV.]
rior to the following; viz., Histoire des (13) Juvenal, Satyra xv., 110-113.
Celtes et particulierement des Gaulois et des
VOL. I.— I
GO BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS, AND OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH,
$ 1. Necessity of Teachers in the Church. — §2. Extraordinary Teachers. — $3. Author-
ity of the Apostles. — § 4. The seventy Disciples. — § 5. Christ nowhere determined the
Form of his Church. Constitution of the Church of Jerusalem. — § 6. Rights of the
People. Contributions for the Public Expense. — § 7. Equality of the Members. Rites
of Initiation. Catechumens and the Faithful. — § 8. Order of Rulers. Presbyters. —
$ 9. Prophets. — § 10. Deacons of the Church at Jerusalem. Deaconesses.— § 11,
Bishops. — § 12. Character of Episcopacy in this Century. — $ 13. Origin of Dioceses,,
and rural Bishops. — § 14. Whether there were Councils and Metropolitans in the first
Century. — § 15. The principal Writers ; the Apostles. — § 16. Time of Completion of
the Canon. — 1) 17. Apocryphal Writings and Pseudepigrapha. — <J 18. Clemens Roma-
mis. — § 19. Writings falsely ascribed to him. — § 20. Ignatius of Antioch. — § 21. Pol-
ycarp, Barnabas, Hernias. — § 22. Character of the Apostolic Fathers.
§ 1. As it was the design of our Saviour, to gather a church from among
all nations, and one which should continue through all ages, the nature of
the case required him first to appoint extraordinary teachers, who should
be his ambassadors to mankind, and everywhere collect societies of Chris-
tians ; and then, that he should cause to be placed in these societies ordi-
nary teachers, and interpreters of his will, who should repeat and enforce
the doctrines taught by the extraordinary teachers, and keep the people
steadfast in their faith and practice. For any religion will gradually be
corrupted, and become extinct, unless there are persons continually at
hand, who shall explain and inculcate it.
§ 2. The extraordinary teachers, whom Christ employed in setting up
his kingdom, were those intimate friends of his whom the Scriptures de-
nominate apostles ; and those seventy disciples of whom mention was made
above. To these, I apprehend, must be added those who are called evan-
gelists ; that is, as I suppose, those who were either sent forth to instruct
the people by the apostles, or who of their own accord, forsaking other
employments, assumed the office of promulgating the truths which Christ
taught. (1) And to these, we must further add those, to whom in the in-
fancy of the church, God imparted ability to speak in foreign languages
•which they had never learned. For he on whom the divine goodness con-
ferred the gift of tongues, ought in my judgment, to infer from this gift,
that God designed to employ his ministry in propagating the Christian re-
ligion.^)
§ 3. Many have undertaken to write the history of the apostles, — a his-
tory full of fables, doubts, and difficulties, if we pursue it farther than the
books of the N. Test., and the most ancient ecclesiastical writers are our
guide. (3) An apostle was a man who was divinely instructed; and who
(1) Ephes. iv., 11. See Eusebius, Hist, troductio ad Historiam eccles., cap. i., p. 2,
eccles., lib. iii., c. 37. and by J. Fr. Buddeus, de Ecclesia Apos-
(2) 1 Corinth, xiv., 22, &c. tolica, p. 673, &c. [Some notices of their
(3) Writers of the lives of the apostles, lives are given above, in notes (8) and (9),
are enumerated by Casp. Sagittarius, In- p. 47. — TV.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
67
was invested with the power of making laws, of punishing the guilty and
wicked when there was occasion, and of working miracles when they were
necessary ; and who was sent by Christ himself, to make known to man-
kind the divine pleasure and the way of salvation, to separate those who
obeyed the divine commands from all others, and to unite them in the bonds
of a religious society. (4)
§ 4. Our knowledge of the seventy disciples of Christ, is still more im-
perfect than that of the apostles ; for they are but once mentioned in the
N. Test., Luke x., 1. Catalogues of them, indeed, are extant ; but these
being fabricated by the Greeks in the middle ages, have little or no au-
thority or credibility. Their mission was, as appears from the words used
by Luke, solely to the Jewish nation. Yet it is very probable, that after
the Saviour's ascension to heaven, they performed the duties of evangelists ;
and that they taught in various countries, the way of salvation which they
had learned from Christ. (5)
§ 5. As to the external form of the church, and the mode of governing
it, neither Christ himself nor his apostles gave any express precepts. We
are therefore to understand, that this matter is left chiefly to be regulated
as circumstances from time to time may require, and as the discretion of
civil and ecclesiastical rulers shall judge expedient. (6) If however — what
(4) See Fred. Spanhcim, de Apostolis et
Apostolatu, torn, ii., Opp., p. 289, &c. In
ascribiii r powers to the apostles,
I have proceeded considerately, and as I
think, on good grounds. I am aware that
eminent men at this day, deny them this
power ; but perhaps they differ from me,
more in words than in reality. [Dr. Mo-
shcim founded his opinion on Matt, x., 20 ;
John xiii., 20 ; Luke x., 16 ; 1 Tim. iii., 1 ;
1 Cor. xi., 34; xiv., 34; and Titus i., 5.
See his Instil, hist. Christ, majores, p. 158,
&c.— Schl.]
(5) Catalogues of the seventy disciples
are extant, subjoined to the libri iii. de vita
et morte Mosis, elucidated by Gilbert Gaul-
min; and again published by J. A. Fabri-
cius, Bibliotheca Grseca, p. 474. [See an
account of these'catalogues in note (5), p.
43, above.— Tr.]
(6) [" Those who imagine that Christ
himself, or the apostles by his direction and
authority, appointed a certain fixed form of
church government, are not agreed what that
form was. The principal opinions that have
been adopted upon this head, may be reduced
to the four following. The first is, that of
the Roman Catholics, who maintain that
Christ's intention and appointment was, that
his followers should be collected into one
sacral empire, subjected to the government
of St. Peter and his successors, and divided,
like the kingdoms of this world, into several
provinces ; that, in consequence thereof,
Peter fixed the seat of ecclesiastical domin-
ion at Route, but afterward, to alleviate the
burden of his office, divided the church into
three greater provinces, according to the di-
vision of the world at that time, and ap-
pointed a person to preside in each, who was
dignified with the title of patriarch; that the
European patriarch resided at Rome, the
Asiatic at Antioch, and the African at Alex-
andria ; that the bishops of each province,
among whom there were various ranks, were
to reverence the authority of their respect-
ive patriarchs, and that both bishops and pa-
triarchs were to be passively subject to the
supreme dominion of the Roman pontiff.
See Leo Allatius, de perpetua consensu
Eccles. Orient, et Occidentalis, lib. i., cap.
ii., and Morin, Exercitat. ecclesiast., lib. i.,
exerc. i. This romantic account scarcely
deserves a serious refutation. The second
opinion concerning the government of the
church, makes no mention of a supreme
head, or of patriarchs constituted by divine
authority ; but it supposes that the apostles
divided the Roman empire into as many ec-
clesiastical provinces as there were secular
or civil ones ; that the metropolitan bishop,
i. e., the prelate who resided in the capital
city of each province, presided over the
clergy of that province, and that the other
bishops were subject to his authority. This
opinion has been adopted by some of the
most learned of the Romish church ; (Petrus
de Marca, De concord, sacerd. et imperil,
lib. vi., cap. i. Morm, Exerc. Eccles., lib.
i., exerc. xviii., and Pagi, Cntica in Annal
Baronii, ad. ann. 37, torn, i., p. 29), and ha*
also been favoured by some of the most em-
inent British divines ; (Hammond, Diss. de
Episcop. Beverege, Cod. Canon, vet. EC-
68 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
no Christian can doubt, the apostles of Jesus Christ acted by a divine com-
mand and guidance, then that form of the primitive churches which they
derived from the church of Jerusalem, erected and organized by the apos-
tles themselves, must be accounted divine: but still it will not follow that
this form of the church was to be perpetual, and unalterable. In those
primitive times, each Christian church was composed of the people, the pre-
siding officers, and the assistants or deacons.(7) These must be the com-
ponent parts of every society. The principal voice was that of the people,
or of the whole body of Christians ; for even the apostles themselves incul-
cated by their example, that nothing of any moment was to be done or de-
termined on, but with the knowledge and consent of the brotherhood, Acts
i., 15 ; vi., 3 ; xv., 4 ; xxi., 22. And this mode of proceeding, both prudence
and necessity required, in those early times.
§ 6. The assembled people, therefore, elected their own rulers and
teachers, or by their free consent received such as were nominated to them.
They also by their suffrages rejected or confirmed the laws, that were
proposed by their rulers, in their assemblies ; they excluded profligate and
lapsed brethren, and restored them ; they decided the controversies and
disputes that arose ; they heard and determined the causes of presbyters
and deacons ; in a word, the people did everything that is proper for those
in whom the supreme power of the community is vested. In return for all
these rights, the people supplied the funds necessary for the support of the
teachers, the deacons and the poor, for the public exigencies and for un-
foreseen emergencies. These funds consisted of voluntary contributions
in every species of goods, made by individuals according to their ability,
at their public meetings ; and hence they were called oblations.
§ 7. Among all members of the church of whatever class or condition,
there was the most perfect equality ; which they manifested by their love-
eles vindic., lib. ii., cap. v., torn. ii. Patr. all enjoy the same rank and authority, with-
Apostol., and Usher, de origine Episcop. et out any sort of pre-eminence or subordina-
Metropol., p. 20). Some Protestant writers tion, or distinction of rights and privileges,
of note have endeavoured to prove, that it is The reader will find an ample account of
not supported by sufficient evidence ; (Bos- these four different opinions with respect to
nage, Hist, de PEglise, torn, i., livr. i., cap. church government, in Dr. Mosheim's larger
8. Boehmer, Annot. ad Petrum de Marca history of the first century."
de concordia sacerd. et imperii, p. 143). — " The truth of the matter is, that Christ,
The third opinion is that of those who ac- by leaving this matter undetermined, has, of
knowledge, that when the Christians began consequence, left Christian societies a dis-
to multiply exceedingly, metropolitans, pa- cretionary power of modelling the govern-
triarchs, and archbishops were indeed crea- ment of the church in such a manner as the
ted, but only by human appointment and au- circumstantial reasons of times, places, &c.
thority ; though they confess, at the same may require ; and, therefore, the wisest gov-
time, that it is consonant to the orders and ernment of the church is the best and the
intentions of Christ and his apostles, that most divine ; and every Christian society
there should be, in every Christian church, has a right to make laws for itself ; provided
one person invested with the highest authori- that these laws are consistent with charity
ty, and clothed with certain rights and privile- and peace, and with the fundamental doc-
ges, above the other doctors of that assembly, trines and principles of Christianity." —
This opinion has been embraced by many Macl.]
English divines of the first rank in the learn- (7) [Eusebius, (Demonstratio Evang., 1.
ed world ; and also by many in other coun- vii., c. 2), omits the deacons, unless he in-
tries and communions. — The f mirth and eludes them among the rulers ; for he di-
last opinion, is that of the Presbyterians, vides a church into ijyafj.Eva^, TUOTOVC, and
who affirm that Christ's intention was, that Ka.Tt}xov/j.fvovc, the rulers, the faithful, and
the Christian doctors and ministers should catechumens. — Schl.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 69
feasts, by their use of the appellatives brethren and sisters, and in other
ways. Nor in this first age of the church, was there any distinction be-
tween the initiated and the candidates for initiation. For whoever pro-
fessed to regard Jesus Christ as the Saviour of the world, and to depend
on him alone for salvation, was immediately baptized and admitted into
the church. But in process of time, as the churches became enlarged, it
was deemed advisable and necessary, to distribute the people into two
classes, the faithful and the catechumens. The former were, such as had
been solemnly admitted into the church by baptism ; and who might be
present at all the parts of religious worship, and enjoy the right of voting
in the meetings of the church. The latter, not having yet received bap-
tism, were not admitted to the common prayers, nor to the sacred supper,
nor to the meetings of the church.
§ 8. The rulers of the church were denominated, sometimes presbyters
or elders, — a designation borrowed from the Jews, and indicative rather of
the wisdom than the age of the persons ; and sometimes, also, bishops ; for
it is most manifest, that both terms are promiscuously used in the N. Tes-
tament of one and the same class of persons, Acts xx., 17, 28; Phil, i.,
1 ; Tit. i., 5, 7; 1 Tim. iii., 1. These were men of gravity, and distin-
guished for their reputation, influence, and sanctity, 1 Tim. iii., 1, &c. ;
Tit. i., 5, &c. From the words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. v., 17, it has been in-
ferred, that some elders instructed the people, while others served the church
in other ways. But this distinction between teaching and ruling elders, if
it ever existed, (which I will neither affirm nor deny), was certainly not of
long continuance ; for St. Paul makes it a requisite qualification of all
presbyters or bishops, that they be able to teach and instruct others, 1 Tim.
iii., 2, &c.(8)
§ 9. As there were but few among the first professors of Christianity, who
were learned men and competent to instruct the rude and uninformed in
divine things, it became necessary that God should raise up in various
churches extraordinary teachers, who could discourse to the people on re-
ligious subjects in their public assemblies, and address them in the name
of God. Such were the persons, who in the New Testament are called
prophets, Rom. xii., 6 ; 1 Cor. xii., 28 ; xiv., 3, 29 ; Ephes. iv., 11. The
functions of these men are limited too much, by those who make it to
have been their sole business to expound the Old Testament scriptures,
and especially the prophetic books. (9) Whoever professed to be such a
herald of God, was allowed publicly to address the people ; but there were
present among the hearers divinely constituted judges, who could by in-
fallible criteria, discriminate between true and false prophets. The order
of prophets ceased, when the necessity for them was past.
$ 10. That the church had its public servants or deacons, from its first
foundation, there can be no doubt; since no association can exist without
(8) See concerning the word presbyter, (9) [See Moshcim's Diss. de illis, qui
Camp. Vttringa, de S\ na£ro<ra vetere, lib. iii., prophetae vocantur in N. T., in the 2d vol.
p. i., cap. i., p. 609, and J. 'Bcncd. C/irpzov, of his Diss. ad Hist. Eccl. pertinentes, p.
Exercit. in cpist. ad Hebraeos ex Philone, 125, &c. ; also Wilsius, Miscell. Sacra,
p. 499. On the thing itself, or rather the torn. i. ; Koppe, Excurs. iii. in Epistolam ad
persont designated by this title, see J. Fr. Ephes. ; Schleusner, Lexicon in N. Test.,
Buddcus, Ecclesia Apostol., cap. vi., p. 719, art. Trpo^r^f, no. 10, and Neandcr's Gesch.
and Chnstoph. Matt. Pfaf, de Onginibus der PHantzung, tier christl. Kirche durch die
Juris eccles., p. 49. Apostol., p. 32, 116.— 2V. J
70
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
its servants ; and least of all, can such associations as the first Christian
churches, be without them. Those young men, who carried out the corpses
of Ananias and his wife, were undoubtedly the deacons of the church at
Jerusalem, who were attending on the apostles and executing their com-
mands, Acts v., 6. lO.(ll) These first deacons of that church were cho-
sen from among the Jewish Christians born in Palestine ; and as they ap-
peared to act with partiality in the distribution of alms among the native
and foreign Jewish Christians, seven other deacons were chosen by order
of the apostles, out of that part of the church at Jerusalem which was
composed of strangers, or Jews of foreign birth, Acts vi., 1, &c. Six of
these new deacons were foreign Jews, as appears from their names ; the
other one was from among the proselytes ; for there was a number of pros-
elytes among the first Christians of Jerusalem, and it was suitable that they
should be attended to as well as the foreign Jews. The example of the
church of Jerusalem, was followed by all the other churches, in obedience
to the injunctions of the apostles ; and of course, they likewise appointed
deacons, 1 Tim. iii., 8, 9. There were also, in many churches, and es-
pecially in those of Asia, female public servants, or deaconesses ; who were
respectable matrons or widows, appointed to take care of the poor, and to
perform several other offices. (12)
(11) Those who may be surprised, that. T
should consider the young men who interred
the bodies of Ananias and Sapphira, to be
the deacons of the church at Jerusalem, are
desired to consider, that the words veurepoi
and veavianoi, young men, are not always
indicative of age ; but often, both among
the Greeks and Latins, indicate a function
or office. For the same change is made in
these words as in the word presbyter ; which
every one knows is sometimes indicative of
age, and sometimes merely of office. As,
therefore, the word presbyter often denotes
the rulers or head men of a society or associa-
tion, without any regard to their age ; so also
the terms young men and the younger, not
unfrequently denote the servants or those
that stand in waiting; because ordinarily
men in the vigour of life perform this office.
Nor is this use of the word foreign from the
N. Testament. The Saviour himself seems
to use the word vsurepoc. in this sense, Luke
xxii., 26, 6 fj.ei£uv kv V/J.LV, yevea'&a uc, 6 veu-
repof. The word [teifav, he himself explains
by qyov/nevoc., so that it is equivalent to ruler
or presbyter : and instead of veurepoc, he in
the next clause uses 6 diaKOvuv, which places
our interpretation beyond all controversy.
So that fiei^uv and veurepof are not, here, in-
dicative of certain ages, but of certain offi-
ces ; and the precept of Christ amounts to
this : " Let not him that performs the office
of a presbyter or elder among you, think
himself superior to the public servants or
deacons." Still more evident is the pas-
sage, 1 Peter v., 5, upoiuc. veurepoi viroTa-
irpeopvTEpoif. It is manifest from
what goes before, that presbyter here is in-
dicative of rank or office, denoting teacher
or ruler in the church ; therefore its coun-
terpart, veurspoc, has the same import ; and
does not denote persons young in years, but
the servants or deacons of the church. Pe-
ter, after solemnly exhorting the presbyters
not to abuse the power committed to them,
turns to the deacons, and says : " And like-
wise ye younger, i. e., ye deacons, despise
not the orders of the presbyters, but perform
cheerfully whatever they require of you." In
this same sense the term is used by Luke,
Acts v., 6, 10, where veurepoi or veaviaKOi
are the deacons of the church at Jerusalem,
the very persons whom, a little after, the
Hellenists accused before the apostles of not
distributing properly the contributions for
the poor. I might confirm this sense of the
term young men, by numerous citations from
Greek and Latin writers, both sacred and
profane ; but this is not the place for such
demonstrations.
(12) For an account of the deacons and
deaconesses of the ancient churches, see
Casp. Ziegler, de diaconis et diacoriissis,
Wittemb., 1678, 4to. Sam,. Basnage, An-
nales polit. eccles. ad ann. 35, torn, i., p. 450.
Jo*. Bingham, Origincs Ecclesiast., book
ii., ch. 20, [and Mosheim, de Rebus Christ,
ante Constan. M., p. 118, &c., where he
defends, at great length, his somewhat pe-
culiar views respecting the seven deacons of
the church at Jerusalem. See, concerning
deacons and deaconesses, Neander's Gesch.
der Pflantzung, p. 26, 27, 29, &c., 131.—
TV.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 71
$ 11. In this manner, Christians managed ecclesiastical affairs so long
as their congregations were small, or not very numerous. Three or four
presbyters, men of gravity and holiness, placed over those little societies,
could easily proceed with harmony, and needed no head or president. But
when the churches became larger, and the number of presbyters and dea-
cons, as well as the amount of duties to be performed, was increased, it
became necessary, that the council of presbyters should have a president,
a man of distinguished gravity and prudence, who should distribute among
his colleagues their several tasks, and be as it were the central point of the
whole society. He was, at first, denominated the angel ; (Apocal. ii. arid
iii.) (13) but afterward the bishop ; a title of Grecian derivation, and indic-
ative of his principal business. It would seem that the church of Jerusa-
lem, when grown very numerous, after the dispersion of the apostles among
foreign nations, was the first to elect such a president ; and that other
churches, in process of time, followed the example. (14)
§ 12. But whoever supposes that the bishops of this first and golden age
of the church, corresponded with the bishops of the following centuries,
must blend and confound characters that are very different. For in this
century and the next, a bishop had charge of a single church, which might
ordinarily be contained in a private house ; nor was he its lord, but was in
reality its minister or servant ; he instructed the people, conducted all parts
of public worship, and attended on the sick and necessitous, in person ; and
what he was unable thus to perform, he committed to the care of the pres-
byters ; but without power to ordain or determine any thing, except with the
concurrence of the presbyters and the brotherhood. (15) The emoluments
of this singularly laborious and perilous office, were very small. For the
churches had no revenues, except the voluntary contributions of the peo-
ple, or the oblations ; which, moderate as they doubtless were, were divi-
ded among the bishop, the presbyters, the deacons, and the poor of the
church.
$ 13. It was not long, however, before the extent of episcopal jurisdic-
tion and power was enlarged. For the bishops who lived in the cities,
either by their own labours or by those of their presbyters, gathered new
churches in the neighbouring villages and hamlets ; and these churches
continuing under the protection and care of the bishops by whose ministry
or procurement they had received Christianity, ecclesiastical provinces
were gradually formed, which the Greeks afterward denominated dioceses.
The persons to whom the city bishops committed the government and in-
struction of these village and rural churches, were called rural bishops, or
chorepiscopi, [TT/C #wpac STTIGKOTTOI, episcopi rurales,se\i villani], i. e.,bish-
(13) [The title of angel occurs only in the Jerusalem than in any other church during
Apocalypse, a highly poetic book. It was the first ages, that the church of Jerusalem
not, probably, the common title of the pre- must be supposed to have had bishops car-
siding presbyter ; and, certainly, was not an Her than any other. Such reasoning is by
dldi-r title than that of bishop, which is so no means conclusive. — 7V.]
often used by St. Paul in his epistles, which (15) [All that is here stated, may be
were written long before the Apocalypse, clearly proved from the records of the first
See Schickel' H note here. — 7V.] centuries; and has been proved by Jos.
(14) [Dr. Mtmhfim, de Reb. Christ, ante Jiin-Juun, Ontrines Ecclesiast. H
C. M., p. 134, has a long note in which he regc, Codex Canon, primit. ecclcsiae, and
argues from the traditional accounts of a others. — Mutt/tcim, de Reb. Chr., &c., p.
longer catalogue of bishops in the church of 136. — TV.]
72 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
ops of the suburbs and fields. They were an intermediate class, between
the bishops and the presbyters ; being inferior to the former, [because sub-
ject to them], and superior to the latter, [because intrusted with discretion-
ary and permanent power, and performing nearly all the functions of bish-
ops].(16)
§ 14. All the churches, in those primitive times, were independent bod-
ies ; or none of them subject to the jurisdiction of any other. For though
the churches which were founded by the apostles themselves, frequently
had the honour shown them to be consulted in difficult and doubtful cases ;
yet they had no judicial authority, no control, no power of giving laws. On
the contrary, it is clear as the noonday, that all Christian churches had
equal rights, and were in all respects on a footing of equality. Nor does
there appear in this first century, any vestige of that consociation of the
churches of the same province, which gave rise to ecclesiastical councils,
and to metropolitans. But rather, as is manifest, it was not till the second
century, that the custom of holding ecclesiastical councils first began in
Greece, and thence extended into other provinces.(17)
§ 15. Among the Christian doctors and ecclesiastical writers, the first
rank is most clearly due to the apostles themselves, and to certain disciples
of the apostles, whom God moved to write histories of the transactions of
Christ and his apostles. The writings of these men are collected into
one volume, and are in the hands of all who profess to be Christians. In
regard to the history of these sacred books,(18) and the arguments by
which their divine authority and their genuineness are evinced,(19) those
authors are to be consulted who have written professedly on these subjects.
§ 16. As to the time when and the persons by whom the books of the
New Testament were collected into one body or volume, there are various
opinions or rather conjectures of the learned : for the subject is attended
with great and almost inexplicable difficulties, to us of these latter times. (20)
It must suffice us to know, that before the middle of the second century
(16) [Learned men, who have written tive times. An ecclesiastical council is a
largely on the subject, have debated whether meeting of delegates from a number of con-
the chorepiscopi ranked with bishops or with federate churches.
presbyters. See J. Morin, de Sacris ec- (18) See, on this subject, J. A. Fabricius,
cles. ordinatt., pt. i., exerc. iv. D. Blondcl, Bibliotheca Graeca, 1. iv., c. v., p. 122-227,
de Episc. et Presbyt., sec. iii. W. Beve- [and Jer. Jones, Method of settling the ca-
rege, Pandect. Canon., torn, ii., p. 176. C. nonical authority of the N. T., 3 vols. 8vo ;
Zicglcr, de Episcopis, 1. i., c. 13, p. 105, &c. and the modern Introductions to the books
Peter de Marca, de Concordia sacerd. et im- of the N. T., in English, by G. Home, and
perii, 1. ii., cap. 13, 14. Bahmcr, Adnott. J. D. Michaels, ed. Marsh; and in Ger-
ad Petrum de Marca, p. 62, 63. L. Tho- man, by Hacnlin, Krug, Bertholdt, Eich-
massin, Disciplina eccles. vet. et nova,pt. i., horn, &c. — TV.]
1. ii., c. 1, p. 215. — But they did not belong (19) The [early] writers in defence of the
entirely to either of those orders. — Mosheim, divine authority of the N. T. are enumerated
de Reb. Christ, ante Const. M., p. 137.] by J. A. Fabricius, Delectus argumentorum
(17) It is commonly said, that the meeting et Syllabus Scriptor. pro verit. relig. Chris-
of the church in Jerusalem, which is described tianae, cap. 26, p. 502. [On the subject it-
Acts xv., was the first Christian council, self, the modern writers are numerous, and
But this is a perversion of the import of the generally known. Lardncr and Palcy still
term council. For that meeting was a con- hold the first rank among the English. — Tr.]
ference of only a single church, called to- (20) See Jo. Ens, Biblioth. Sacra, seu
gether for deliberation ; and, if such meet- diatriba de Libror. N. T. canone, Amstel.,
ings may be called ecclesiastical councils, a. 1710, 8vo ; and Jo. Mills, Prolegom. ad
multitude of them were held in those primi- N. T., sec. i., p. 23, &c.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
73
had passed, most of the books composing the New Testament were in
every Christian church throughout the known world ; and they were read,
and were regarded as the divine rule of faith and practice. And hence it
may be concluded, that it was while some of the apostles were still living,
and certainly while their disciples and immediate successors were every-
where to be met with, that these books were separated and distinguished
from all human compositions. (21) That the four Gospels were combined,
during the lifetime of the apostle John, and that the three first Gospels
received the approbation of this inspired man, we learn expressly from the
testimony of Eusebius.('22) And why may we not suppose, that the other
books of the New Testament were collected into one body at the same time ?
§ 17. There certainly were various causes, requiring this to be done at
an early period ; and particularly this, that not long after the Saviour's ascen-
sion, various histories of his life and doctrines, full of impositions and fables,
were composed, by persons of no bad intentions perhaps, but who were
superstitious, simple, and piously fraudulent ; and afterwards, various
other spurious writings were palmed upon the world, falsely inscribed
with the names of the holy apostles. (23) These worthless productions
(21) See Jo. Frick, de Cura veteris ec-
clesiw circa canon., cap. iii., p. 86, &c.
(22) Eitseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. iii., cap.
24.
(23) Such as remain of these spurious
works, have been carefully collected by J.
A. Fabricius, Codex Apocryphus N. Test.,
2 vols. 12mo, p. 2006, Hamb., 2d ed.,
1719. Many learned remarks on them oc-
cur in Is. de Bcausobrc, Histoire critique
des dogines de Manichee, liv. ii., p. 337,
&c. [For the information of those who
have not access to these spurious books, the
following remarks are introduced. No one
of all the books contained in the Codex
Apocryphus N. T. of Fabricius, speaks
disrespectfully of Christ, of his religion, his
apostles and followers, or of the canonical
books of the N. T. They were evidently
composed with a design to subserve the
cause of Christianity. They aim to supply
deficiencies in the true Gospels and Acts, or
to extend the history by means of oral tradi-
tions and supplementary accounts, profess-
edly composed by apostles or by apostolic
men. At least, this is true of those books
which bear the title of Gospels, Acts, and
Epistles. These were all designed, either,
first, to gratify the laudable curiosity of
Christians, and to subserve the cause of
piety ; or, secondly, to put to silence the
enemies of Christianity, whether Jews or
pagans, by demonstrating from alleged facts
and testimony, that Jesus was the Messiah,
his doctrines divine, his apostles inspired,
&c. ; or, lastly, to display the ingenuity of
the writer, and to gratify the fancy by a
harmless fiction. The only parts of this col-
lection which do not seem to me to fall un-
VOL. I.— K
der one or other of these classes, are such
as by mistake, have been ascribed to the
apostles and evangelists ; such are the Lit-
urgies, the Creed, and the Canons, which
go under their names. Of those which are
lost, no judgment can be formed but by tes-
timony. Perhaps some of them were com-
posed with hostile views towards the ca-
nonical scriptures. — The following account
of the contents of the Codex Apocryphus
N. T. may not be unacceptable or useless
to many. On opening the first volume, we
meet with (1) "The Gospel of the Nativity
of Mary," Latin, in 10 sections, p. 19-38.
— (2) " The Previous Gospel, (Protevange-
lium), ascribed to James the Just, the broth-
er of our Lord," Gr. and Lat., in 25 sect.,
p. 66-125. — (3) "The Gospel of the Infan-
cy of Christ, ascribed to Thomas the apos-
tle," Gr. and Lat., in 7 sect., p. 156-167.
— (4) " The Gospel of the Infancy, transla-
ted from the Arabic, by Henry Sikes,"
Latin, in 55 sect., p. 168-211. It is the
aim of all these to supply deficiencies in the
beginning of the true Gospels, by acquaint-
ing us more fully with the history of the
Virgin Mary, Joseph, Eltzabc/h, &c., and
with the birth, infancy, and childhood of
Christ.— Next follow (5) " The Gospel of
1 ; IKS," or, as it is sometimes called,
" The Acts of Pilate," relating to the cruci-
fixion and resurrection of Christ, Latin, in
27 sect., p. 238-298.— (6) Three " Epistles
of Pilate to Tiberius the emperor," giving
account of the condemnation, death, and
resurrection of Christ, Latin, about 2 pages.
— (7) " The Epistle of Lcntutus to the Ro-
man senate," describing the person and
manners of Christ, Latin, one page. — The
74
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
would have worked great confusion, and would have rendered both the
history and the religion of Christ uncertain, had not the rulers of churches
seasonably interposed, and caused the books which were truly divine and
which came from apostolic hands, to be speedily separated from that mass
of trash, and collected into a volume by themselves.
$ 18. Next after the apostles, Clement, the bishop of Rome, obtained
very high reputation as one of the writers of this century. The accounts
we have at this day of his life, actions, and death, are, for the most part,
uncertain.(24) There are still extant, two epistles to the Corinthians
three last, (No. 5, 6, 7), were intended to
be valuable appendages to the true Gospels,
and to contain irrefragable proofs, that Jesus
was the Messiah, and clothed with divine
authority. — Then follow, the writings as-
cribed to Christ himself; viz., his corre-
spondence with Abgarus, king of Edessa ;
which is to be found in Eusebius, Hist. Ec-
cles., 1. i., c. 13, and in various modern
works. These letters seem to have higher
claims to authenticity, than any other pieces
in this collection ; and yet few, if any, of the
judicious, will now admit them to be genu-
ine.— Fabricius next gives a catalogue of
about forty apocryphal Gospels, or of all the
spurious Gospels, of which the slightest no-
tice can be found in antiquity. These are
all, of course, now lost, or buried in the rub-
bish of old libraries, except the few which
are contained in the previous list. — Vol. i.,
pt. ii., begins with " The apocryphal Acts
of the Apostles, or the history cf their con-
flicts ; ascribed to Abdias, the first bishop
of Babylonia," libri x, Latin, p. 402-742.
This history summarily recounts what the
canonical books relate of each of the 12 apos-
tles, and then follows them severally through
their various travels and labours, till their
death or martyrdom. It was probably com-
piled in the middle ages, (it is first men-
tioned by James, a bishop of Geneva, in the
13th century), and by a monk, who was well
acquainted with the ancient legendary tales,
and who had good intentions ; but who never-
theless was incompetent to distinguish what
was true from what was false. — Then fol-
lows a catalogue of all the ancient biogra-
phies of individual apostles and apostolic
men, which Fabricius could hear of; in all,
36 in number. Many of these were profess-
edly compiled several centuries after the
apostles were dead, and all of them that still
remain are mere legends, of little or no value.
Most of those that have been published, are
to be met with in the Martyrologies and in
the Acta Sanctorum. — Fabricius next gives
us apocryphal Epistles, ascribed to the Vir-
gin Mary, to Paul, and to Peter. — Mary's
letters are but three, and those very short.
One is addressed to St. Ignatius, in 9 lines ;
another, to the people of Marseilles, in 11
lines ; and the third, to the people of Flor-
ence, in 4 lines. To St. Paul is attributed
a short Epistle to the Laodiceans, Gr. and
Lat. It is a tolerable compilation from his
genuine epistles. Then follows a gentle-
manly but vapid correspondence, in Latin ;
said to have passed between St. Paul and
Seneca, the Roman philosopher. It com-
prises 14 short letters, full of compliments
and of very little else. — Paul's third Epistle
to the Corinthians has not had the honour
to be published. — There is one epistle of the
apostle Peter, addressed to the apostle
James, still extant in the Clementina, or
spurious works of Clemens Romanus. — Of
spurious Revelations, Fabricius enumerates
twelve ; most of which are either lost, or
have not been judged worth publishing.
The Shepherd of Hennas and the ivth book
of Esdras, are the two best known, and the
most valuable. — The 2d vol. of the Codex
opens with the ancient Liturgies, going un-
der the names of the apostles and evangelists.
They are six; viz., those which bear the
names of St. James, St. Peter, St. John,
St. Matthew, and St. Luke ; together with
a short prayer, ascribed to St. John. These
Liturgies, doubtless, are quite ancient. We
may believe them to have been actually used
by different churches, which supposed they
were in accordance with the instructions of
their favourite apostles. — To these Liturgies
are subjoined nine Canons or ecclesiastical
laws, said to have been adopted in a council
of the apostles, held at Antioch ; and finally,
the Apostles' Creed, which many of the an-
cients supposed, was formed by the apostles
themselves. — The Appendix to the Codex
gleans up some fragments and additional no-
tices of the pieces before mentioned, and
then closes with the Shepherd of Hernias,
accompanied with notes. — TV.]
(24) Subsequent to Tillcmont, [Memoires
pour servir a 1'histoire de 1'Eglise. torn, ii.,
pt. i., p. 279], Cotelier, [Patres Apostol.j,
and Grabe, [Spicileg. patrum, saec. i.,p. 264.
&c.], Philip Hiiniliniitns has collected all
that is known of this great man, in the first
of his two books, de S. Clemente, papa et
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
75
bearing his name, written in Greek ; of these, it is generally supposed that
the first is genuine, and that the second is falsely palmed upon the holy
man by some deceiver. (25) Yet even the first epistle seems to have been
corrupted by some indiscreet person, who was sorry to see no more marks
of erudition and genius in a production of so great a man. (26)
§.19 The other works which bear the name of Clement, namely, the
apostolic Canons, the apostolic Constitutions, the Recognitions of Clement,
and the Clementina ; were fraudulently ascribed to this eminent father, by
some deceiver, for the purpose of procuring them greater authority. This,
all now concede. (27) The apostolic Canons are LXXXV ecclesiastical
Laws ; and they exhibit the principles of discipline received in the Greek
and Oriental churches, in the second and third centuries. The VIII
Books of apostolical Constitutions, are the work of some austere and
melancholy author, who designed to reform the worship and discipline of
the church, which he thought were fallen from their original purity and
sanctity, and who ventured to prefix the names of the apostles to his pre-
cepts and regulations, in order to give them currency. (28) The Recog-
martyre, ejusque Basilica in urbe Roma, Lond., 1753, and Herm. Venema followed,
in three printed letters, 1754. Wetstein re-
plied to the former ; but dying in March,
1754, he left the controversy with the latter
to Andrew Galand. who prosecuted it in his
Bibliotheca vet. Patrum, dissert, ii., cap. ii. j
also in Sprenger's Thesaurus rei Patrist.,
torn, i., p. 60, &c. These epistles are not
mentioned by any writer till near the end
of the fourth century. They were probably
composed in the Oriental church, at the
close of the second century, or in the third ;
and for the double purpose of recommending
celibacy, and reprehending the abuses of such
Rome, 1706, 4to. [See also .Sewers' Lives
of the Popes, vol. i., p. 14-20, ed. 2d.
Clemens was, perhaps, the person mention-
ed by Paul, Philip, iv., 3. He was one of
the most distinguished Roman Christians,
became bishop of Rome towards the close
of the century, and is said to have lived till
the third year of Trajan's reign, or about
A.D. 100.— 7V.]
(25) The editions of ClemenCs epistles to
the Corinthians are mentioned by J. A. Fa-
bricius, Biblioth. Graeca, lib. iv., c. 5, p. 175,
&c., to which must be added the edition of
Hen. Wotton, Cantab., 1718. 8vo, which is
preferable to the preceding editions, in many
respects. [The English reader may find
them both, together with some account of
this author, in Abp. Wake's genuine epistles
of the Apostolical Fathers, translated, &c.
An ample account of them is given by N.
Lardner, Credibility of the Gospel History,
pt. ii., vol. i., p. 283, ed. Lond., 1815.— TV.]
(26) See J. B. Cotclicr, Patres Apostolici,
torn, i., p. 133, 134, and Edw. Bcrnhard,
Adnotatiunculae ad Clementem, in the last
edition of the Patres Apostol., by J. le Clerc.
These annotations H. Wotton has in vain
attempted to confute in his notes on the
epistle of Clement. — [Besides the two epis-
a life. See A. Nca.nder's Kirchengeschichte,
vol. i., pt. iii., p. 1103, &c.— TV.]
(27) For the history and various editions
of these works, see Thorn. Ittig, Diss. de
Patribus Apostol., prefixed to his Bibliothe-
ca Patrum Apostol., and his Diss. de Pseud-
epigraphis Apostol., annexed to his Appendix
ad Librum de Haeresiarchis aevi Apostol. ;
also J. A. Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, 1. v.,
cap. i., p. 31, &c. ; and 1. vi.,cap. i.,p. 4, &c.
[The best edition is that of Cotelicr, repub-
lished by Le Clerc, 2 vols. fol., Amstel.,
1724.— Tr.\
(28) The various opinions of the learned
respecting the apostolic canons and constitu-
tions, are collected by J. F. Buddcus, Isag-
tlcs to the Corinthians, there are extant, in oge in Theologiam, pt. ii., cap. v., p 746.
Syriac, two other epistles ascribed to Clem-
ent, entitled de Virginitate, seu ad Virgines.
They were first brought to Europe by Sir
James Porter, British ambassador at Con-
stantinople ; and were published, with a Lat-
in translation accompanying the Syriac text,
by J. J. Wetstein, at the end of the 2d vol.
of his very learned Gr. N. Testament, Lugd.
Bat., 1752. Dr. N. Lardner assailed their
genuineness iu a Diss. of 60 pages, 8vd,
[Sir Up. Beoeregc, Notes on these Canons,
and his Codex Canonum eccles. prim, vin-
dic. et illustratus, Lond., 1678, 4to. — The
canons themselves make a part of the Cor-
pus Juris Canonici, and are also inserted in
Binnis' and other large histories of the coun-
cils. They are valuable documents respect-
ing the order and discipline of the church,
about the third century. The apostolic con-
stitutions seem to have undergone changes
76
BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.—CHAP. II.
nitions of Clement, which differ but little from the Clementina, are ingeni-
ous and pretty fables ; composed by some Alexandrine Jewish Christian
and philosopher, of the third century, to meet the attacks of the Jews,
Gnostics, and philosophers upon the Christian religion, in a new manner.
A careful perusal of them, will assist a person much, in gaining a knowl-
edge of the state of the ancient Christian church. (29)
$ 20. The Apostolic Fathers as they are called, are those Christian
writers who were conversant either with the apostles themselves, or with
their immediate disciples. Among these, the next after Clement was
Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, a disciple and companion of the apostles.
He suffered martyrdom under Trajan ; being exposed to wild beasts, in
the theatre at Rome. (30) There are extant several epistles bearing his
name ; and concerning which the learned have had long and sharp con-
tests. The seven, written while he was on his way to Rome, as published
A.D. 1646, by J. Vossius, from a Florentine MS., are by most writers
accounted genuine ; but the others are generally rejected as forgeries.
To this opinion I cheerfully accede ; and yet I must acknowledge, that
the genuineness of the epistle to Polycarp, on account of its difference in
style, appears to me very dubious ; and indeed the whole subject of the Ig-
natian epistles in general, is involved in much obscurity and perplexity. (31)
since their first formation, and probably by
Arian hands in the fourth century. They
are voluminous and minute regulations, re-
specting ecclesiastical discipline and wor-
ship. They are of considerable use in de-
termining various points of practice in the
church, during the third, fourth, and fifth
centuries. — Tr.]
(29) See Mosheim's Diss. de turbata per
recentiores Platonicos ecclesia, in the first
vol. of his Dissertt. ad Historiam Eccl.
pertinentes, § 34, p. 174, &c. [The Apos-
tolic Canons and Constitutions were ascribed
to Clement as the collector and publisher
only. The Recognitions, Clementina, &c.,
are ascribed to him as the author. — The
writings belonging to this latter class, are
three different works on the same subject,
and written after the same general plan.
They all, doubtless, had one and the same
author, who rewrote his own work, for the
sake of giving it a better form. The sub-
stance of them all, is, Clement's history of
his own dissatisfaction with paganism ; his
first and slight knowledge of Christianity,
which induced him to journey from Rome
to Palestine ; there he met with Peter, and
for some time resided and travelled with
him, heard his public discourses, and wit-
nessed his combats, particularly with Simon
Magus; and in private conversations with
the apostles, everything pertaining not only
to Christianity, but to cosmogony, physics,
pneumatology, &c., was fully explained to
him. The three works often relate precisely
the same things, and in the same words ;
but they not unfrequently differ in the fulness
of the details, and in many of the minor points
both of doctrine and of fact. The first is en-
titled Sti dementis Romani Recognitiones.
The original is lost ; so that we have only
the Latin translation of Rufinus. It is di-
vided into 10 books, and fills 111 large folio
pages. The second is the Clementina, (ra
Khr/pevTiva), first published Gr. and Lat. by
Cotclier, in 146 folio pages. It commences
with an epistle of Peter, and another of
Clement, addressed to the apostle James.
The body of the work, instead of being di-
vided into books and chapters like the Rec-
ognitions, is thrown into 19 discourses or
homilies, (6fj.Mai), as delivered by Peter,
but committed to writing by Clement. The
third is the Clementine Epitome, or abridged
account of the acts, travels, and discourses
of Peter, together with the epistle of Clement
to James, Gr. and Lat., 52 p. fol. This is,
as its title implies, a mere abridgment of the
two preceding works. — Tr.]
(30) See Seb. de Tillemont, Memoires
pour servir a 1'histoire de 1'Eglise, torn, ii.,
pt. ii., p. 42-80.
(31) In regard to these epistles, consult
J. A. Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, lib. v,
cap. i., p. 38-47. [Eusebius, Hist. Eccl.,
iii., 36, makes very honourable mention of
Ignatius and his epistles ; and describes his
conduct while on his way to Rome the place
of his martyrdom. The account of his mar-
tyrdom, which is printed along with his epis-
tles, gives a still fuller account of this emi-
nent father. It is clear that he suffered
death in the reign of Trajan ; but whether
A.D. 107 or 116 is uncertain. Rome was
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
77
§ 21. Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, suffered martyrdom at an extreme
age, in the middle of the second century. The epistle addressed to the
Philippians, which is ascribed to him, is by some accounted genuine, and
by others spurious : which of these are in the right, it is difficult to deter-
mine.(32) The Epistle of Barnabas as it is called, was, in my judgment,
the production of some Jewish Christian who lived in this century, [or the
next], who had no bad intentions, but possessed little genius and was in-
fected with the fabulous opinions of the Jews. He was clearly a dif-
ferent person from Barnabas, the companion of St. Paw/. (33) The book
entitled the Shepherd of Hermas, (so called, because an angel, in the form
and habit of a shepherd, is the leading character in the drama), was com-
posed in the second century by Hermas, the brother of Pius the Roman
bishop. (34) The writer, if he was indeed sane, deemed it proper to forge
the place of his martyrdom, and wild beasts minibus circumferuntur, Genevae, 1666, 4to.
his executioners. On his way from Antioch,
he was enraptured with his prospect of dying
a martyr, and wrote, probably, all his epistles.
Eusebius says : " He confirmed the churches
in every city through which he passed, by
discourses and exhortations ; warning them
most especially, to take heed of the heresies,
which then first sprung up and increased."
— From Smyrna, (according to Eusebius),
he wrote four of his epistles ; viz., to the
churches of Ephesus, Magnesia, Trallis, and
Rome. The last of these was, to entreat the
Roman Christians not to interpose and pre-
vent his martyrdom. From Troas he wrote
three other epistles; viz., to the churches
of Philadelphia and of Smyrna, and to his
friend Polycarp. Of these seven epistles,
there are duplicate copies still extant ; that
is, copies of a larger and of a smaller size.
The latter are those which many suppose to
be genuine. Besides these, there are extant
five other Greek epistles, and as many more
in Latin ; which are now universally re-
jected : viz., ad Mariam Cassibolitam, ad
Tar senses, ad Antiochenos, ad Hcroncm
Antiochenum Diaconem, ad Phillipcnses ;
also, in Latin, one from the Virgin Mary to
But each of these is supported by a host of
able polemics. The truth is, that the exter-
nal evidence, or that from ancient testimony,
makes much for the genuineness of these
epistles, though equally for the larger as for
the smaller. The internal evidence is di-
vided ; and, of course, affords ground for
arguments on both sides. Moderate men
of various sects, and especially Lutherans,
are disposed to admit the genuineness of the
epistles in their shorter form ; but to regard
them as interpolated and altered. An Eng-
lish translation of them and of the martyr-
dom of Ignatius, may be seen in Archbishop
Wake's genuine Epistles of the Apostolic
Fathers.— TV.]
(32) Concerning Polycarp and his epistle,
see Tillemont, Memoires pour servir a 1'His-
toire de 1'Eglise, torn, ii., pt. ii., p. 287, and
J. A. Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., lib. v., cap. i.,
p. 47. [Also W. Cave, Life of Polycarp,
in his Apostolici, or, Lives of the Primitive
Fathers, Lond., 1677, fol. The epistle of
Polycarp, (the genuineness of which, if not
certain, is highly probable), and the epistle
of the church of Smyrna, concerning- the
martyrdom of Polycarp, (which few if any
Ignatius, and his reply ; two from Ignatius now call in question), are given in English,
to St. John ; and one of Maria Cassibolita in Arch. Wake's Genuine epistles, &c. See
to Ignatius. — It is the singular fortune of J. E. C. Schmidt, Handbuch der Kircheng.
the seven first epistles of Ignatius to have Giessen, 1824, vol. i., p. 128, 424. — TV.]
become the subject of sectarian controversy (33) Concerning Barnabas, see Tillemont,
among Protestants. In these epistles, the Memoires, <kc., tome i., pt. iii., p. 1043.
dignity and authority of bishops are exalted Thorn. Ittig, Selecta historiae eccles. capita,
higher than in any other writings of this age. sec. i., cap. i., <J 14, p. 20, and J. A. Fabri-
Hence, the strenuous advocates for the apos- ciu-s, Biblioth. Gr., lib. iv., cap. v., $ 14, p.
tolic origjn of episcopacy, prize and defend 173, and lib. v.,jcap. i., $ 4, p. 3, and va-
these epistles with no ordinary interest ;
while the reformed divines, and especially
those of Holland, France, and Switzerland,
assail them with equal ardour. The most
prominent champions are Bishop Pearson, in
his Vindicia epistolarum Ignatii, Cantabr,
rious others. [This ancient monument of
the Christian church, is likewise translated
by Archbishop Wake, Genuine Epistles. &c.
Its possible genuineness is maintained by J.
E. C. Schmidt, ubi sup., vol. i., p. 416, &c.
— but is confuted by A. Ncnnder, Kirehen-
1672, 4to, and John Dailli, de Scriptis quae gesch., vol. i., pt. iii., p. 1100, &c. — TV.]
sub Dionysii Areop. et Ignatii Antioch. no- (34) This is now manifest from the very
78 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
dialogues held with God and angels, in order to insinuate what he re-
garded as salutary truths, more effectually into the minds of his readers.
But his celestial spirits talk more insipidly, than our scavengers and por-
ters.(35)
§ 22. All these writers of this first and infantile age of the church, pos-
sessed little learning, genius, or eloquence ; but in their simple and un-
polished manner they express elevated piety. (36) And this is honourable
rather than reproachful to the Christian cause. For, that a large part of
the human race should have been converted to Christ by illiterate and im-
becile men, shows that the propagation of Christianity must be ascribed,
not to human abilities and eloquence, but to a divine power.
CHAPTER III.
"HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINES AND RELIGION.
$ 1. The Nature and the Standard of the Christian Religion. — $ 2. Interpretation of the
Scriptures. — § 3. Mode of teaching Christianity. — $ 4. The Apostles' Creed. — $ 5.
Distinction between Catechumens and the Faithful. — § 6. Mode of instructing Cate-
chumens.—-§ 7. Instruction of Children ; Schools and Academies. — t) 8. Secret Doc-
trine.— f) 9. Lives and Characters of Christians. — t) 10. Excommunication. — t) 11.
Controversies among Christians. — § 12. Contest about the Terms of Salvation. — <j 13.
Judaizing Christians.
§ 1. THE whole of the Christian religion is comprehended in two parts ;
the one of which teaches what we are to believe, in regard to religious sub-
jects ; and the other, how we ought to live. The former is, by the apos-
tles, denominated the mystery (juv^r/piov), or the truth (akrf&eia) ; and the
ancient Fragment of a Treatise on the Can- (36) The writers above named are denom-
on of the Holy Scriptures, published a few inated the Apostolic Fathers ; and they are
years ago by Lud. Antony Muratori, (from often published together. The best editions
an ancient MS. found at Milan), in his an- are by J. Bapt. Cotelicr, Paris, 1672, re-
tiq. Italicar. medii. aevi, torn. iii.,Diss xliii., edited by J. le Clerc, Antw., 1698, and
p. 853, &c. [But the genuineness and au- again at Amsterd., 1724, 2 vols. fol., with
thority of this treatise itself, are now very numerous notes by both the editors and by
much questioned by the learned ; so that the others. [This last and best edition, Gr. and
true author of the Shepherd of Hermas is Lat., contahis all that has been ascribed to
still \mknown. — IV.] the Apostolic Fathers, whether truly or false-
(35) For the best edition of Hermas we ly. The portions which Archbishop Wake
are indebted to /. A. Fabricius, who sub- regarded as genuine, he translated and pub-
joined it to the third vol. of his Codex Apoc- lished with a preliminary discourse of 136
ryph. N. T. He also treats of this writer in pages, 2d ed. Lond., 1710, 8vo — The value
his Biblioth. Graeca, 1. v., cap. ix., $ 9, p. of the genuine works of these fathers, is to
7. See also Tho. Ittig, de Patribus Apos- learned theology very small ; but as affording
tolicis, () 55, p. 184, &c. [and in his Selecta us acquaintance with the true spirit and sen-
historiae eccles. capita, $ 1, p. 65, and 155- timents and reasonings of Christians in the
179. The Shepherd of Hermas is translated very first ages after the apostles, they are of
by Archbish. Wake, Genuine Epistles, &c., inestimable value. — If any one wishes to
and though wild and fanciful, yet, from the know what was the simplicity and godly
pious spirit which it breathes, and the insight sincerity of that first and infantile age of the
it gives us into the speculations of the early church, let him read the Apostolic Fathers.
Christians, it is not a useless book. — TV.] — Tr.]
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 79
latter godliness or piety (evoe6eta); 1 Timothy iii., 9; vi., 3; Titus i., 1.
The rule and standard of both, are those books which God dictated to cer-
tain individuals, either before or after the birth of Christ. These books it
has long been the custom to denominate the Old and the New Testaments.
§ 2. Provision therefore was early made, both by the apostles and their
disciples, that these books should be in the hands of all Christians ; that
they should be publicly read in their assemblies ; and be applied both to
enlighten their minds with truth, and to advance them in piety. Those
who expounded the Scriptures, studied simplicity and plainness. Yet it is
not to be denied, that even in this century the perverse Jewish custom of
obscuring the plain language of Scripture by forced and frigid allegories,
and of diverting words from their natural and proper meaning in order to
extort from them some recondite sense, found some admirers and imitators
among Christians. Besides others, Barnabas, whose epistle is still extant,
is proof of this.
§ 3. The manner of teaching religious truths was perfectly simple, and
remote from all the rules of the philosophers, and all the precepts of human
art. This is manifest, not only from the epistles of the apostles, but from
all the monuments of this century which have come down to us. Nor did
any apostle or any one of their immediate disciples, collect and arrange
the principal doctrines of Christianity in a scientific or regular system.
The circumstances of the times did not require this ; and the followers of
Christ were more solicitous to exhibit the religion they had embraced, by
their tempers and their conduct, than to explain its principles scientifically,
and arrange them according to the precepts of art.
§ 4. There is indeed extant, a brief summary of Christian doctrines,
which is called the Apostles1 Creed; and which, from the fourth century
onward, was attributed to Christ's ambassadors themselves. But at this
day, all who have any knowledge of antiquity, confess unanimously that
this opinion is a mistake, and has no foundation.(l) Those judge far more
wisely and rationally, who think that this creed arose from small begin-
nings, and was gradually enlarged as occasions required in order to ex-
clude new errors from the church.(2)
(1) See J. Fr. Bitddcus, Isagoge ad The- rial change ; as appears from comparing the
ologiam, 1. ii., c. ii., § 2, p. 441, and J. G. formulas of faith given by Irentens, A.D.
. Introduct. in libros symbolicos, 1. i., 175, (adv. Ha?r. i., 10, and iii., 4), and by
cap. ii., p. 87, &c. Terlullian, A.D. 192, (de Virgin, veland.,
(2) This is shown, with no less learning cap. i. — contra Praxeam, cap. ii. — Pres-
than ingenuity, by Peter King, History of criptt. adv. Haeret., cap. xiii.), with the forms
the Apostles' Creed ; which G. Olearius of the Creed in all subsequent writers down
translated into Latin, and published, Lips., to the present time. See these forms col-
1704, 8vo. But those who read this book lectedby C. G. F. Walch, in his Bibliotheca
should be apprized, that the noble author symbolica vetus, Lemgo, 1770, 8vo. Yet
often gives us conjectures instead of argu- there were some variations in its form, as
ments ; and that his conjectures do not al- used by different churches ; and additions
ways deserve to be implicitly received. — [A I- were made to it from time to time. — Besides
though the Apostles' Creed was not compo- serving as the general test of Christian ortho-
sed in a council of apostles, as was supposed doxy, the principal use of this creed, in the
in the days of Rufamx (Ruf. de Symbola; third and following centuries, was to guide
subjoined to Cypriani Opera), yet it appears catechists in training and instructing the
to have been the general Creed of the Chris~ catechumens in the principles of Christian-
a/arc Chuirh, from, at least, the close of the ity. See Cyril of Jerusalem, (Catechesis,
second century down to the reformation, passim), Ri< fonts, (de Symbola), and. lupus-
Nor did it undergo any very great or mate- tine, (Sermo i., ad Catechum., Opp., torn.
80
BOOK L— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
§ 5. At the first promulgation of the gospel, all who professed firmly to
believe that Jesus was the only redeemer of mankind, and who promised
to lead a holy life conformable to the religion he taught, were received
immediately among the disciples of Christ : nor did a more full instruction
in the principles of Christianity precede their baptism, but followed after it.
But afterwards, when churches were everywhere established and organized,
for very just reasons this custom was changed ; and none were admitted
to the sacred font unless previously well instructed in the primary truths
of religion, and affording indubitable evidence of a sincere and holy char-
acter. And hence arose the distinction between catechumens, or such as
were in a course of instruction and discipline under the care of certain
persons, and the faithful, who were admitted to all the mysteries, having
been initiated and consecrated by baptism. (3)
§ 6. The instruction given to the catechumens was different, according
to their genius and capacity. For those of feeble minds were instructed
only in the more general and fundamental principles of religion ; while
those who appeared capable of grasping and comprehending all Christian
knowledge, were instructed in every thing that could render a Christian sta-
ble and perfect according to the views of that age. The business of in-
vi., p. 399-405, ed. Benedict). — It is a most
valuable monument of the church ; because
it shows what in the early ages were consid-
ered as the great, the peculiar, and the es-
sential doctrines of the gospel ; viz., those
all important facts which are summarily re-
counted in this creed. The common form
of it in the fourth century, as used in most
churches in Europe, Asia, and Africa, ex-
cept some slight verbal discrepances, was
the following.
In Greek. Tit^evu etf deov (iraTcpa)
ffavTOKpaTOpa. nai e.iq %pi?ov lijattv, viov
avra TOV [iovoyevq (fj.ovo-ysvvr]TOv), TOV KV-
piov 7/uuv, rov yevvrj&evTa EK Trvciy/arof
dyia K.O.I Moptaf TTI$ irapdevts, TOV e?u liov-
rta HihaTit faupotfevra, (nai) ra^cvra,
(/cat) ri) rpiry rjfiepa ava^avra EK. (TUV) VEK-
puv, avaGavra eif TUf upavtic., (/cat) na&ri/uE-
vov ev Se^ty. TU irarpof, 6$ev spheral Kpcvat
(Kpiveiv) Cwvraf /cat vt/cpsc. /cat etf (TO) dy-
tov TTVEV/J.U, dyiav EKKhr/aiav, a<j>eaiv dfiap-
TIUV, aapKO? ava?aaiv.
In Latin. Credo in Deum Patrem om-
nipotentem. Et in Christum Jesum, uni-
cum filium ejus, Dominum nostrum : qui
natus est de Spiritu Sancto ex Maria vir-
gine ; crucifixus sub Pontio Pilato, et sepul-
tus. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis ; as-
cendit in ccelos, sedet ad dextram Patris ;
inde venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos.
Et in Spiritum Sanctum : sanctam ecclesi-
am ; remissionem peccatorum, carnis resur-
rectionem.
In English. I believe in God, the Fa-
ther, almighty ; and in Jesus Christ, his
only begotten son, our Lord, who was born
of the Virgin Mary by the Holy Ghost, was
crucified vmder Pontius Pilate, buried, arose
from the dead on the third day, ascended
to the heavens, and sits at the right hand of
the Father ; whence he will come, to judge
the living and the dead ; and in the Holy
Spirit ; the holy church ; the remission of
sins ; and the resurrection of the body.
A few centuries later, it attained in the
Romish church its ampler form, in which it
has since been adopted by most Protestant
churches : as follows. " I believe in God,
the Father, almighty, maker of heaven and
earth : and in Jesus Christ, his only son, our
Lord ; who was conceived by the Holy-
Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered
under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead,
and buried, he descended into hell, the third
day he arose again from the dead, ascended
into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of
God, the Father, almighty ; from thence he
shall come to judge the quick and the dead.
I believe in the Holy Ghost, the holy cath-
olic church, the communion of saints, the
forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the
body, and the life everlasting. Amen."
Besides those mentioned by Mosheim, the
principal writers on this Creed, are Cyril,
Rufinus, and Augustine, as above ; and G.
J. Vossius, (de Tribus Symbolis, Opp.,
torn, vi., p. 507, &c.) Archbishop Usher ;
(de Rom. Eccles. aliisque Fidei Symbolis) ;
Bishop Pearson, (on the Creed) ; C. Sui-
cer, (Thesaur. Eccles. voce Sv/ifio/lov), and
J. Bingham, Antiq. Eccl., lib. x. — TV.]
(3) [See /. Bingham, Orig. Eccles., lib.
iii., cap. iv.. and Tab. P fanner, de Catc-
chumiuis veterum, Viuariae, 1688, 12mo. —
2V.]
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 81
structing those of superior capacity and genius, was committed to men of
gravity and erudition in the larger churches. Hence the ancient doctors
generally divide their flocks into two classes of persons, the one compri-
sing such as received solid and thorough instruction, the other embracing
the more ignorant. Nor do they conceal the fact, that different modes of
teaching were adopted in reference to these two classes. (4)
§ 7. There can be no doubt, but that the children of Christians were
carefully trained up from their infancy, and were early put to reading the
sacred books and learning the principles of religion. For this purpose,
schools were erected everywhere from the beginning. From these schools
for children, we must distinguish those seminaries of the early Christians,
erected extensively in the larger cities, at which adults and especially such
as aspired to be public teachers, were instructed and educated in all branch-
es of learning both human and divine. Such seminaries, in which young
men devoted to the sacred office were taught whatever was necessary to
qualify them properly for it, the apostles of Christ undoubtedly both set
up themselves and directed others to set up ; 2 Timothy ii., 2. St. John.
at Ephesus, and Polycarp at Smyrna, established such schools.(5) Among
these seminaries, in subsequent times, none was more celebrated than,
that at Alexandria ; which is commonly called a catechetic school, and was
said to be erected by St. Mark.(6)
§ 8. What many tell us, that the ancient Christians had their popular
and their secret doctrines, and did not communicate to all classes the same
instructions ; may be admitted as true if it be rightly explained. For,
those whom they would induce to embrace Christ, were not introduced at
once to the high mysteries of religion which exceed the grasp of the hu-
(4) [See Origen, adv. Celsum, lib. iii., p. of any sort, in the early church, — Justin
143. The apostles themselves seem to have Martyr, a converted philosopher in the mid-
been the authors of this practice, of which die of the second century, being the first
we have vestiges, 1 Cor. iii., 2 ; Heb. v., learned writer after the apostles ; — it seems
12. — Schl.] most probable, that till past the middle of
(5) Irentzus, adv. Hser., 1. ii., c. 22, p. the second century, the means of education
148, ed. Massuet. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., among Christians were very slender; and
lib. v., c. 20. — [The proofs referred to here by no means so general and so ample as Dr.
.nd in the text, are quite insufficient to Mosheim supposes. — Tr.]
ivince, that in theirs/ century, or even in the (6) See J. A. Schmidt, Diss. de schola
former part of the second, Christians estab- catechet. Alexandr., prefixed to^the tract of
lished regular schools for their children, and A. Hyperius, de Catechesi ; also Dom. Au-
academics for their young men. Paul's di- lisius, delle Scuole sacre, lib. ii., c. i., ii., p.
rection to Timothy, (2 Epis., ii., 2), "The 5-17, and c. xxi., p. 92, &c. Concerning
things thou hast heard of me, — the same the larger schools of Christians in the East,
commit thou to faithful men, who shall be at Edessa, Nisibis, Seleucia, and concerning
able to teach others also ;" seems to have the ancient Christian schools in general,
no distinct reference to a regular public see J. S. Asseman, Biblioth. orient. Clem.
school, either for boys or young men. And Vat., torn, iii., p. ii., p. 914—919. — [The an-
the passages in Irentzus and Eusebius re- cient tradition, preserved by Jerome, (de
ferred to, speak only of the general instruc- Scriptor. Illustr., cap. 36), that St. Mark
(ion and advantages, which the neighbouring was the founder of the catechetic school at
clergy and others derived from the apostle Alexandria, deserves but little credit ; since
John; and of the interesting conversations all antiquity is silent respecting a Christian
of Polycarp. If we consider the poverty and school there, or any teacher, or student, in
embarrassments of the first Christians, we it, till the days of Pantaenus and his pupil
can hardly suppose, they could have erected Clemens Alex., near the close of the second
such schools and academies. And from the century. See Schroeckh, Kirchengesch.,
great penury of writers, and of learned men vol. iii., p. 188, &c. — Tr.]
VOL. I.— L
82 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
man mind, but were first instructed in the doctrines which reason can com-
prehend, till they were able to bear the more sublime and difficult truths.
And afterward, those who ranked among believers, were not all instructed
in the same manner ; but one was directed to study and treasure up in his
mind more or fewer things than another. Whoever would understand
more than this by the secret doctrine of the first century, should beware
lest he confound the faults of subsequent ages with the excellences of
this.(7)
§ 9. Most authors represent the lives and morals of Christians in this
age, as patterns of purity and holiness, worthy of the imitation of all sub-
sequent ages. This representation, if it be understood of the greater part
of the professed Christians, and not of all, is undoubtedly true. But who-
ever supposes the primitive churches were perfectly free from all vices
and sins, and estimates the lives of all the Christians by the conduct of
some of them, and by the precepts and exhortations of their teachers, as
most of those writers have done whose books and tracts concerning the
innocence and holiness of the early Christians are extant; may be con-
futed by the clearest evidence of both testimony and facts. (8)
§ 10. The visible purity of the churches was much promoted, by that
law which deprived of ordinances and excluded from the community per-
sons of vile character, or who were known to be vicious ; provided they
would not reform on being admonished. Such a law, we know was es-
tablished by the apostles, soon after churches began to be formed. (0) In
the application and enforcement of this law, the teachers and rulers gen-
erally pointed out the persons who seemed to merit exclusion from the
church, and the people sanctioned or rejected the proposal at their discre-
tion. Excluded sinners, although they had committed the highest offences,
if they gave satisfactory evidence of penitence for their faults, and of their
leading better lives in future, were allowed to return to the church, at least
in most places ; yet but once only. For those who were restored, if they
returned to their former bad practices, and were again excluded from the
brotherhood, had no more a prospect of forgiveness. (10)
(7) Concerning this secret doctrine, much of religion in the seven churches of Asia
is collected by Chr. Matt. Pfaff, Diss. pos- about A.D. 96. Judging from these repre*^
terior de Praejudiciis Theolog., § 13, p. 149, sentations, it would seem that the characters^
&c., in his Primitia Tubingensia. of the Christians of that age, presented a sin-
(8) [For a knowledge of the state of piety gular combination of excellences and de-
and morals among the Christians of the first, fects ; that, in some respects, they were iiv
century, we are dependant nearly altogether deed patterns for all after ages ; but, in other
on the Holy Scriptures : for all the apostolic respects, and especially certain churches, a*
fathers, except Clement, lived and wrote in Corinth, Galatia, Sardis, and Laodicea, by
the second century. Besides, their writings no means deserved imitation. — TV.]
state very few facts, and acquaint us with (9) [See 1 Cor. v.) For the discussions
almost nothing, except what relates to the that have taken place respecting this law,
views and feelings of the writers themselves, see Chr. Matt. Pfaff, de Originibus Juris
Clement wrote upon occasion of a broil in Ecclesias,t., p. 10, 13, 71, 98.
the church of Corinth; and he aims to set (10) See Jo. Morin, Commentar. de
home Paul's exhortations to them on former disciplina poenitentiae, lib. ix., cap. 19, p.
occasions. From the N. T., and especially 670, and others. [Natal. Alexander, Hist,
from Paul's epistles, we learn many things Eccles. N. T., saec. iii., diss. vii. ; and J.
respecting the state of morals and piety Aug. Orsi, Dis. qua ostenditur, cathol. ec-
ainong Christians, from the first planting of clesiam tribus prior, saeculis capital, crim.
the churches till about A.D. 68. And from reis pacem et absolut. neutiquam denegasse,
the Apocalyptical epistles, we learn the state Milan, 1730, 4to. But all these writers
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. . 83
§ 11. As the Christian churches were composed of both Jews and Gen-
tiles, between whom there had been an inveterate aversion, and as those re-
cent Christians retained many erroneous impressions, received and cher-
ished from their infancy, it could not be but that various disagreements and
contests would early arise among them. The first of these contests re-
lated to the necessity of observing the law of Moses. It broke out in the
church of Antioch ; and its issue is stated by Luke, Acts xv. This con-
troversy was followed by many others ; partly with Jewish Christians, too
much attached to their national religion ; partly with persons captivated
with a species of fanatical philosophy ; and partly with some who abused
the Christian doctrines, which they ill understood, to the gratification of
their appetites and lusts.(ll) St. Paul and the other apostles, o^pn men-
tion these controversies ; but so cursorily and concisely, that we can hardly
ascertain the exact points controverted.
§ 12. Of all these contests, the greatest and most important seems to
have been, that relating to the way of attaining to justification and salva-
tion, which Jewish teachers excited at Rome and in other Christian church-
es. For while the apostles everywhere inculcated, that all hopes of jus-
tification and salvation should be placed solely on Jesus Christ and his
merits, these Jewish teachers ascribed to the law and to the works which
Christ enjoined, the chief influence in procuring everlasting happiness.
This error not only led on to many others, which were prejudicial to the
religion of Christ, but was connected with the highest dishonour to the
Saviour. For they who maintained that a life regulated according to the
law, would give a title to eternal rewards, could not hold Christ to be the
Son of God, and the Saviour of mankind ; but merely a prophet, or a di-
vine messenger among men. It cannot therefore appear at all strange,
that St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans and elsewhere, took so much
pains to extirpate this capital error.
§ 13. The controversy respecting the necessity of the Mosaic rites in
order to salvation, was wisely decided by the apostles, Acts xv. But
great as the apostolic influence was, that deep-rooted love of the Mosaic
law which was handed down from their fathers, could not be wholly erad-
icated from the minds of the Jewish Christians, and especially of those
living in Palestine. It diminished a little, after the destruction of Jerusa-
lem and the prostration of the temple by the Romans ; yet it did not wholly
subside. Hence it was, as we shall see hereafter, that a part of the Jew-
ish Christians separated from the other brethren, and formed a distinct
sect attached to the law of Moses.
describe rather the practice of the second and xi.( p. 952. [J. F. Buddcus, Ecclcsia
third centuries, than that of the first.— TV.] Apostolica ; and, still better, Ch. W. Fr.
(11) Conducive to the illustration of these Walch, Volstandige Historic der Ketzcreien,
controversies, are the investigations of Herm. Spaltungen, u. s. f.,vol. i,, p. 68, &c. ; and
Witmus, Miscellanea Sacra, torn. ii., exerc. A. Ncandcr, Geschichte dcr Pflantzung nnd
xx., xxi., xxii., p. 668, &c. Camp. Vi- Leitung dcr christl. Kirche durch die Apos-
tringa, Observatt. sacra., lib. iv., c. ix., x., tel, Hamb., 1832.— Tr.]
84 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF RITES AND CEREMONIES.
1. Baptism and the Lord's Supper appointed by Christ. — $ 2. Rites instituted by the
Apostles. — § 3. The Jewish Rites retained. — § 4. Public Assemblies of Christians, and
Times for Meeting. — § 5. Places of Meeting. — § 6. Mode of Worship. — $ 7. Lord's
Supper and Agapae. — § 8. Baptism.— § 9. Anointing the Sick.— $ 10. Fasting
1. AL
LTHOUGH the Christian religion has the greatest simplicity, and
requires nothing but faith and love ; yet it could not wholly dispense with
external rites and institutions. Jesus himself established but two rites,
which it is not lawful either to change or to abrogate ; viz., baptism and the
Lord's supper. Yet these are not to be considered as mere ceremonies,
or as having only a symbolical import ; but as having also a sanctifying
influence on the mind. That he chose to establish no more rites, ought to
convince us, that ceremonies are not essential to the religion of Christ ;
and that the whole business of them, is left by him to the discretion and
free choice of Christians.
§ 2. Many considerations leave us no reason to doubt, that the friends
and apostles of the Saviour, sanctioned in various places the use of other
rites ; which they either tolerated from necessity, or recommended for
good and solid reasons. Yet we are not to suppose that they have any-
where inculcated and established any permanent system of clerical rights
and prerogatives ; nor that they prescribed the same rites and forms in all
churches. On the contrary, various things go to show, that Christian
worship was from the beginning regulated and conducted differently, in
different places ; and this, no doubt, with the approbation of the apostles
and their coadjutors and disciples ; and that in this whole matter, much
regard was shown to the former opinions, customs and laws of different
nations. (1)
(1) [It appears that even so late as the very probable that John, for certain reasons,
third and fourth centuries, there was consid- did ordain in Asia, that the feast of Easter
erable difference in the mode of conducting should be kept at the time the Jews kept it ;
religious worship among Christians. See and that Peter and Pawl ordered otherwise
Iren&us, quoted by Eascbius, Hist. Eccles , at Rome. Further, the Greek and Latin
1. v., cap. 24. Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., 1. churches had a contest on the question,
vii., cap. 19. Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. v., whether leavened or unleavened bread should
cap. 22. Augustine, Epist. 54, Opp., torn, be used in the sacred supper. And both
ii., p. 93. A part of this difference in rites churches claimed to have their customs
and ceremonies, appears to have come down handed down to them from the apostles ;
from the apostolic times. For when a con- and, for the reasons before mentioned, both
test arose in the second century, between were probably in the right. — Even the Cath-
the Oriental and the Occidental Christians, olics often admit this diversity of ceremonies
respecting the day on which Easter should be in the apostolic church; e. g, Jo. Bana,
observed ; we are informed by Euscbius, Rerum Liturg., 1. i., c. 7, § 2, Opp., p. 208,
(Hist. Eccl., 1. v., cap. 23, 24), that the and the Jesuit Jo. Harduin, makes no scru-
former maintained, that John was the author pie to assert that Paul enjoined on the
of their custom ; and the latter, that Peter Greeks one form for the consecration of
and Paul were the authors of theirs. Both priests ; and Peter on the Romans another.
churches were probably correct ; for it is His book is entitled : La Dissertation du P.
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 85
§ 3. I am therefore induced to dissent from those, who think that the
Jewish rites and forms were everywhere transferred by the apostles and
their disciples to the Christian assemblies. In those churches, indeed,
which were composed either wholly or principally of Jews, I can easily
believe, the Jewish rites were so far retained as the different characters
of the two religions would permit. And this may be evinced by a good
many examples. But that the same took place in other churches, in which
either no Jews or only a few were found, is not merely uncertain, but in-
credible. Because it was proper that the rituals of those early times should
be variously modelled, according to the peculiarities of genius and charac-
ter in different nations.
§ 4. As there was diversity in the practice of Christians, it will be very
difficult to make statements relative to their mode of worship and other
customs and regulations, which will be equally applicable to all the coun-
tries in which Christianity flourished. Yet there are a few regulations
which may be considered as common to all Christians ; and of these, we
shall give a brief account. — The Christians of this century, assembled for
the worship "of God and for their advancement in piety, on the first day of
ike week, the day on which Christ reassumed his life ; for that this day was
set apart for religious worship by the apostles themselves, and that, after;
the example of the church of Jerusalem, it was generally observed, we
have unexceptionable testimony .(2) Moreover, those congregations which
either lived intermingled with Jews, or wore composed in great measure
of Jews, were accustomed also to observe the seventh day of the week, as
a sacred day :£3) for doing which the other Christians taxed them with
no wrong. — As to annual religious days, they appear to have observed two ;
the one, in memory of Christ's resurrection ; the other, in commemoration
of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles. (4) To these may be
added, those days on which holy men met death for Christ's sake ; which,
it is most probable, were sacred and solemn days, from the very commence-
ment of the Christian church.(5)
le Couraycr sur la succession des Evesques devoted but one slated day to their public
Anglois et sur la validite de leur ordination, worship ; and, beyond all controversy, that
refutee, torn, ii., p. 13, Paris, 1725, 8vo, was what we call the Lord's day, or the first
[add A. Krazer, de Apostolicis, nee non day of the week.
antiquis eccl. Occident. Liturgiis, sect, i., (4) Although some have doubted whether
cap. i , § 2, p. 3, ed. Augusts Vind., 1786.] the day called Pentecost (Whitsunday) was
See Moshcim's Institut. majores hist. Christ, a sacred day so early as the first century,
p. 375. — Schl.] (see J. Bingham, Origines Eccles., lib. xx.,
(2) Ph. J. Hartmann, de Rebus gestis cap. 6) — yet I am induced, by very weighty
Christianor. sub Apostolis, cap. xv., p. 387. reasons, to believe that, from the beginning,
J. //' //. Bokmer, Diss. i., Juris eccles. anti- it was held equally sacred with the Passover
qui de stato die Christianor., p. 20, &c. (or Easter day). Perhaps, also, ( Good Fn-
[See, also, Acts xx., 7 ; ii., 1 ; 1 Cor. xvi., day), the Friday on which our Saviour died,
1, 2; Apoc. i., 10. Pliny, Epist., lib. x., was, from the earliest times, regarded with
ep. 97, n. 7. — Schl ] more respect than other days of the week.
(3) Stcph. Curcellaeus, Diatriba de esu See J. (intlmfrcil, in Codicem Theodos.,
sanguinis ; Opp. Theol., p. 958. Gabr. torn, i., p. 138. Asscman, Biblioth. orient.
Albaspmaeus, Observatt. Eccles., lib. i., Vatican., torn, i., p. 217, 237. Martene,
obs. xiii.,p. 53. In vain some learned men Thesaur. Anecdotor., torn, v., p. 66.
labour to persuade us, that in all the early (5) [These were called nnlalitia marly-
churches both days, or the first and last rum (the martyrs' birthdays). See Casp.
days of the week, were held sacred. The Sagittarius, de Natalitiis martyrnm, repub-
churches of Bithynia, mentioned by Pliny, lished by Crcnius, syntagma i., djss. philol.,
86 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
§ 5. The places of assembling were, undoubtedly, the private dwelling-
houses of Christians. But as necessity required that when a congregation
was formed and duly regulated, some fixed uniform place for its meetings
should be designated ; and as some furniture was requisite for their accom-
modation, such as books, tables, and benches, which could not conveniently
be transported from place to place, especially in those perilous times ; it
was undoubtedly the case, that the place of their assemblies soon became,
instead of a private room, a sort of public one. (6) These few remarks, I
conceive, are sufficient to determine that long controversy, whether the ear-
ly Christians had temples or not ?(7) If the word temple may denote a
dwelling-house, or even a part of one, which is devoted to the public exer-
cises of religion, yet without any idea of holiness attached to it, and which
is not separated from all profane or secular uses ; then I can readily admit,
that the earliest Christians had temples.
§ 6. In these public assemblies of Christians, the holy scriptures were
read ; which, for that purpose, were divided into portions or lessons. Then
followed an exhortation to the people, neither eloquent nor long, but full of
warmth and love. If any signified that they were moved by a divine af-
flatus, they were allowed successively to state what the Lord commanded ;
the other prophets who were present judging how much authority was due
to them, 1 Cor. xiv., 16. Afterwards, the prayers which constituted no
inconsiderable part of public worship, were recited after the bishop.(S) To
these succeeded hymns ; which were sung, not by the whole assembly,
but by certain persons, during the celebration of the sacred supper and the
feasts of charity. The precise order and manner of performing all these
parts of religious worship, in the various Christian churches, cannot be
fully ascertained ; yet it is most probable, that no one of these exercises
was wholly omitted in any church. (9)
§ 7. The prayers of Christians were followed by oblations of bread, wine,
and other things, for the support of the ministers of the church and the poor.
For every Christian who had any thing to spare, brought his gift and of-
fered it in a sense to the Lord. (10) From these gifts, so much bread and
wine as were requisite for the Lord's supper, were set apart, and conse-
crated by prayers offered solely by the bishop, to which the people respond-
ed amen.(ll) The distributers of the sacred supper were the deacons.
1699. In the second century these natalitia 39. Jos. Bingliam, Origines Eccles., lib.
were everywhere observed ; and they are viii., ch. i., and others.
often mentioned by Tertullian and Cypri- (8) See Justin Martyr, Apologia secun-
an. And in the epistle of the church of da, p. 98, &c.
Smyrna to Philomelius, in Eusebius, Hist. (9) This must be understood of the church-
Eccles., lib. iv., c. 15, the observance of the es that were fully established and regulated.
day of Polycarp's martyrdom is mentioned. For in the nascent churches, which had not
— Schl.] become duly regulated, I can believe one or
(6) See Camp. Vitringa, de Synagoga other of these exercises might be omitted,
vetere, 1. i., pt. iii., cap. i.," p. 432. [It may (10) See Christ. Matt. Pfaff, Dissertt.
be inferred from Acts xix., 8 ; 1 Cor. xi., de oblatione et consecratione Eucharistica ;
22 ; xiv., 35, and Ja. ii., 2, that Christians in his Syntagma Dissertt. Theolog., Stut-
then had certain determinate places for hold- gard, 1720, 8vo.
ing public worship. — Schl.~\ (11) Jusiyn Martyr, Apologia. Secunda,
(7) See Dav. Blondell, de Episcopis et p. 98, &c. The writers on the ceremonies
Presbyt., sect, iii., p. 216,243, 246. Just, of the sacred supper, are mentioned by Jo.
Hen. Bohmer, Diss. ii., Juris eccles. antiq. de Alb. Fabricius, Bibliograph. antiquaria, cap.
Antelucanis Christianorum coetibus, § iv., p. xi., p. 395, &c.
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 87
This most holy ordinance was followed by sober repasts, which, from their
design, were denominated agapae, feasts of charity. (12) The various dif-
ficulties which occur in the accounts respecting these feasts, will, undoubt-
edly, be solved with ease, by admitting that the earliest Christians were
governed by different rules, and did not everywhere celebrate either this or
other institutions in the same manner.
§ 8. In this century baptism was administered in convenient places,
without the public assemblies ; and by immersing the candidates wholly in
water. (13) At first, all who were engaged in propagating Christianity, ad-
ministered this rite: nor can it be called in question, that whoever per-
suaded any person to embrace Christianity, could baptize his own disciple.
But when the churches became more regulated, and were provided with
rules of order, the bishop alone exercised the right of baptizing all the new
converts to Christianity ; though in process of time, as the limits of his
church were enlarged, he imparted this right to the presbyters and chor-
episcopi ; reserving however the confirmation of those baptisms which were
administered by presbyters. ( 14) As to the ceremonies, which in this early
period were superadded to baptism for the sake of order and decency, we
are not able to say any thing with certainty ; nor do we think it safe to es-
timate the rules of that age, by the customs of subsequent times.
$ 9. The Grecian Christians, when dangerously sick, sent for the elders
of the church, agreeably to Ja. v., 14 ; and after the sick man had confess-
ed his sins, the elders commended him to God in devout supplication, and
anointed him with oil. Many things in regard to this rite, may be, and
have actually been, subjects of controversy. But the silence of the ancient
writers, prevents our coming to any certain conclusions. For though there
is no reason to doubt that this rite prevailed extensively among Christians,
yet it is rarely mentioned in the writings of the ancients. (15)
§ 10. No law was enacted by Christ and his apostles concerning fasts ;
but the custom obtained, that most Christians occasionally and privately
joined abstinence from their food with their prayers ; and especially when
engaged in undertakings of great importance, 1 Cor. vii., 5. How much
time a man should spend in this exercise, was left to the private judgment
of each individual ; nor did a person expose his character at all, if he thought
it sufficient for him to observe only the rules of strict temperance. (16) Of
(12) The writers concerning the agapac, ccrning this custom, are collected by Jo.
arc mentioned by Tho. Ittig, Selecta Histor. Launoi, de Sacramento unctionis infirmo-
Eccles. capita, saecul. ii., cap iii., p. 180, rum, cap. i., p. 444, Opp., torn. i. Among
&c., and Christ. Matt. Pfaff, de Originibus these passages, very few are to be found in
Juris Eccles., p. 68. the writers of the first centuries ; yet there
(13) See Gcr. Jo. Vossius, de Baptismo, is here and there one, which has escaped
disp. i., thcs. vi., p. 31, &c., and the authors the notice of this very learned man. [The
recommended by J. A. Fabricius, Bibliogr. principal writers on this subject, are men-
Antiquar., cap. xi., <J xxv., p. 389, &c. tioned by J. C. Wolf, Curae Philol. et Crit.,
(14) These remarks, I conceive, go to torn, iv., on Ja. v., 14. — Tr.]
elucidate and determine the questions so (16) Shepherd of Hernias, lib. iii., Simi-
strenuously debated among the learned, con- lit. v., p. 931, 935. ed. Fabricii, at the close
cerning the right of administering Imp/ism. of vol. iii. of his Codex Apocryph. N. T.
See Just. H< n. tfodbMT, Diss. xi.. Juris [The best writer on this subject, is John
cedes, antiqui, p. 500, &c. Jo. Ic Clerc, Daille, de Jejuniis et Quadragesimo, Da-
Biblioth. uruverselle et historique, tome iv., vent., 1654, 8vo, against whom, however,
p. 93, &c. Ben rt'jr brings some objections, in Codex
(15) Most of the ancient testimonies con- Canon, vind. — SchL]
.
88 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
any solemn public fasts, except only on the anniversary day of the cruci-
fixion of Christ, there is no mention in the most ancient times. Gradually,
however, days of fasting were introduced ; first by custom, and afterwards
by legal sanction. Whether any thing of this nature occurred in the first
century, and what days were devoted to fasting, we have not the means of
deciding. And yet I would not deny, that very specious arguments are
adduced by those who think, that while the apostles were still living,
or soon after their decease, the Christians in most places abstained from
food, either wholly or partially, on the fourth and on the sixth days of the
week.(17)
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS SEPARATIONS OR HERESIES.
$ 1. Sects sprung up in the very Times of the Apostles. — § 2. They gradually increased.
— $ 3. Sect of the Gnostics. — § 4. It originated from the Oriental Philosophy. — $ 5.
They occasioned various Errors in regard to the Holy Scriptures and other Subjects. —
$ 6. Gnostic Opinions concerning Christ. — $ 7. Their Moral Doctrines. — $ 8. How they
supported their Doctrines. — § 9. Causes of Disagreement among themselves. — § 10.
Dositheus. — $ 11. Simon Magus was not a Heretic. — § 12. His History. — § 13. His
Doctrines. — § 14. Menander. — § 15. Whether there was a Sect of Nicolaitans.— § 16.
Cerinthus, and the Cerinthians. — § 17. Nazareans and Ebionites, properly belong to
the Second Century.
§ 1. CHRISTIAN churches had scarcely been gathered and organized,
when here and there men rose up, who, not being contented with the
simplicity and purity of that religion which the apostles taught, sought
out new inventions, and fashioned religion according to their own liking.
This appears, from various passages in the epistles left us by the apostles,
and particularly from Paul's epistles. For in these, there is frequent
mention of persons, who either endeavoured to mould the Christian doc-
trines into conformity with that philosophy or yv£)Gig,(l) to which they
were addicted ; or who were disposed to combine with Christianity Jewish
opinions, customs, and institutions. Several of these corrupters of religion
are likewise expressly named ; as Hymenaeus and Alexander, Philetus,
Hermogenes, Phygellus, Demas, and Diotrephes.(2) If, however, from this
list, Alexander, Hymenaeus, and Philetus be excepted, the others appear
to be, rather apostates from the practice of religion, than corrupters of its
principles. (3)
(17) See Wil. Beverege, Codex Canon, viii., p. 84. J. Fr. Buddcus, de Ecclesia
vindic., torn, ii., Pair. Apostol., p. 166. Apostolica, cap. v., p. 292, &c. — [As to
(1)1 Tim. vi., 20, and ch. i., 3, 4 ; Tit. iii., Hymenaeus and Philetus, we are informed
9 ; Coloss. ii., 8. by St. Paul, 2 Tim. ii., 17, 18, comp., 1
(2) [Concerning Diotrephes, there is a Tim. i., 19, 20, not only in general, that
particular tract by Stemler, 1758. — Schl.~\ they had swerved from sound doctrine; but
(3) 2 Tim. ii., 18, and elsewhere. See their particular error is pointed out. They
also the elaborate discussions concerning taught that a resurrection of the dead was no
these men, by Camp. Vitringa, Observ. Sa- longer to be anticipated, it being already
crae, lib. iv., cap. ix.,p. 952. Thomas Ittig, passed; and they laboured to make prose-
de Haeresiarchis aevi Apostol., sect, i., cap. lytes to this opinion. See J. G. Watch,
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 89
§ 2. So long as the greater part of the apostles were alive, to watch
over the churches, these innovators were not very successful, and seem
to have had no great number of followers. But gradually, they acquired
more influence ; and before the decease of all those whom Christ had
himself instructed, they laid the foundations of those sects, which after-
wards exceedingly disturbed the Christian community and gave rise to so
many contests. The history of these sects is very obscure ; indeed, the
most obscure part of ecclesiastical history. This obscurity arises, partly
from the deficiency of ancient records ; partly, from the tenets of these
sects, which for the most part were singularly caliginous and remote from
common apprehension; and partly, from the ignorance and hostility of
those who have written concerning them. This however is perfectly
clear, that no one who loves the truths which the Bible inculcates, can
find any thing to commend in the peculiarities of these sects. (4)
§ 3. At the head of all the sects which disturbed the peace of the
church, stand the Gnostics ; who claimed ability to restore to mankind
the lost knowledge (yv&oif;) of the true and supreme God ; and who an-
nounced the overthrow of that empire, which the creator of the world and
his associates had set up. It is, indeed, the common opinion, and sup-
ported by the testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus, (Stromat., 1. vii., c. 17.,
p. 898, 899,) that the Gnostic sects first arose after the decease of the apos-
tles, in the reign of Adrian ; and that previously, no discords had produced
separations from the church. But the sacred scriptures themselves — to
say nothing of other ancient documents — put it beyond controversy, that
even in the first century, in various places, men infected with the Gnostic
leprosy began to erect societies distinct from the other Christians ; 1 John
Exercitat. de Hymenaeo et Phileto ; in his written ; by Thorn. Ittig, de Haeresiarchis
Misccll. Sacra., lib. i., p. 81, &c. — As to aevi Apostolici et Apostolico proximi, Lips.,
Alexander, it is still contested whether the 1690, 4to, and an Appendix, Lips., 1696,
Alexander in 1 Tim. i., 20, and 2 Tim. iv., 4to ; by Rcnatus Massuetus, Dissertt. Ire-
14, and in Acts ix., 33, be one and the same naeo praemissae ; and by Sebast. le Xain de
person. The greater part believe the affirm- Tillemont, Me'moires pour servir a 1'histoire
ative. But Neumann, (Expos, of the New de 1'Eglise. But all these, and others whom
Test., vol. vi., p. 363), and Dr. Moshcim, 1 pass over, have rather collected materials
(Comment, de Rebus Christ, ante C. M., p. for a history of these sects, than written the
178), support the negative ; being inclined history itself. Among the Lutherans Abr.
to believe that there were two persons of this Hinckclmann, Ja. Thomasius, Jo. Hen. Hor-
name. The younger Walch, (Entwurf der Uus, and among the Reformed Ja. Bas-
Ketzereyen, p. 127), prefers abiding by the nage and Henry Dodwell have either prom-
common opinion. — Hermogcnes and Phygcl- ised the world such a history or attempted
lus are accused by Paul, 2 Tim. i., 15, of to write it ; but have done no more. We
only having forsaken him when he was im- must therefore still wait for some person of
prisoned at Rome, which was inconstancy, adequate sagacity, fairness, and skill in an-
but not heresy. — As to Demos, Paul tells cient philosophy and literature to accom-
us, 2 Tim. iv., 10, that, from love to the plish this difficult undertaking. [This has
world, he had forsaken him. But this gives been since attempted by C. W. F. Walch,
no ground for charging him with being a her- Entwurf einer vollstandigen Historic der
etic. — Diotrephcs, mentioned in the 3d Ep. Ketzereyen, &c., 11 vols. 8vo, 1762-85.
of John, is accused of a twofold fault ; viz., JV. Lardner, Hist, of the Heretics, Lond.,
refusing to receive those whom the apostle 1780, 4to. F. A. Lcwald, de Doctrina
recommended to his kind offices ; and set- Gnostica, Heidelb., 1818, 8vo. A. Ncan-
ting himself in opposition to the apostle, der, Genetische Entwickelung d. vornehm-
But neither of these offences is sufficient to sten gnost. Systeme, Berlin, 1818, 8vo, and
constitute him a heretic. — Schl.] still better, in his Algem. Gesch. der Chr.
(4) Professed histories of the sects which Relig. u Kirche, vol. i., pt. ii., p. 602— 859.
arose in this and the next century have been — TV.]
VOL. I.— M
90 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
ii., 18; 1 Tim. vi., 20; Col. ii., 8. (5) Yet these stray flocks did not
become distinguished for their numbers, or for their fame and notoriety,
till the times of Adrian. Under the appellation of Gnostics, are included
all those in the first ages of the church, who modified the religion of
Christ, by joining with it the Oriental philosophy, in regard to the source
of evil, and the origin of this material universe. The leading principles
of this philosophy, have already been stated.
§ 4. All those eastern philosophers, believing that rational souls be-
came connected with matter and the inhabitants of bodies, contrary to the
will and pleasure of the supreme God, where in expectation of a mighty
legate from the Deity, possessed of consummate wisdom and power ; who
would imbue, with a knowledge of the true God, the spirits now oppressed
with the load of their bodies, and rescue them from their bondage to the
lords of this material world. When therefore some of them perceived,
that Jesus and his friends wrought miracles of a salutary character, they
were ready to believe that Jesus was that mighty legate of God, come to
deliver men from the power of the Genii who governed this lower world,
and to rescue souls from their unhappy connexion with material bodies.
This supposition being admitted into minds polluted with gross errors,
they interpreted or rather perverted whatever Christ and his disciples
taught, so as to make it harmonize with their other opinions.
§ 5. Hence there necessarily arose among them a multitude of opin-
ions, which were extremely foreign from the precepts of Christ. Their
belief, that the world was not created by the supreme God in whom is all
perfection, but by one or more inferior deities of a bad or at least of an
imperfect character, would not allow them to admit the divine authority
of the O. T. scriptures ; and it led some of them to venerate and extol the
serpent, the prime author of sin among men, and likewise several of the
vilest persons mentioned in the Jewish scriptures. The same belief in-
duced them to contemn Moses, and the religion he taught ; and to represent
him as instigated to impose such hard and unsuitable laws on the Jews,
by the world's Creator, who had no regard for human happiness, but only
for his own glory and authority.' Their belief that matter is eternal and
the source of all evil, prevented them from putting a due estimate upon the
human body ; and from favouring marriage, whereby bodies are produced ;
and also from admitting the doctrine of the future resurrection of the body.
Their belief, that malevolent genii ruled over the world, and that from
them originated all the diseases, wars, and calamities of men, led them,
almost universally, to addict themselves to magic, or the art of weakening
and paralyzing the power of those genii. I omit many other points, as not
compatible with so summary a history as this.
§ 6. Their principles required, that while they admitted Christ to be
the Son of the supreme God, and a messenger sent from the Plerdma or
upper world where God and his family dwell, for the benefit of miserable
souls, they should yet hold most unworthy sentiments concerning his per-
(5) [The reader will recollect that Dr. who laboured to pervert the truth, and not
Mosheim's opinions concerning a matured of any associations of professed Christians
Oriental philosophy existing so early as the which they had already organized into church-
Apostolic age, have been much questioned, es upon their principles, and which consti-
(See note (7), p. 61.) Moreover, the texts tuted regular heretical bodies. — 7Y.J
he quotes, speak only of certain false teachers
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 91
son and offices. They could not admit him to be truly God, nor truly man.
Not truly God, because they held him, though begotten of God, to be yet
much inferior to the Father : nor truly man, because everything concrete
and corporeal, they believed to be intrinsically and essentially evil. So
that most of them divested Christ of a material body, and denied him to
have suffered for our sakes, what he is recorded to have endured. The
cause of Christ's coming among men, they said, was simply to strip the
tyrants of this world, those impotent genii, of their power over the virtu-
ous and heaven-born souls of men ; and to teach men, how to withdraw
their divine minds from these impure bodies, and fit them for a union with
God.
§ 7. Their systems of morals, we are informed, were widely different.
For most of them recommended abstinence and austerity, and prescribed the
most severe bodily mortifications ; in order that the soul, whose ill fate it
was to be associated with a body, might enjoy greater liberty, and be able
the better to contemplate heavenly things. For, the more this depraved
and grovelling habitation of the soul is weakened and attenuated, the less
will it be able to withdraw the mind from the contemplation of divine ob-
jects. But some of them maintained, on the contrary, that we may safely
indulge all our libidinous desires ; and that there is no moral difference in
human actions. (6) This contrariety of opinions need not surprise us : be-
cause one and the same principle naturally produced both systems. For
persons who believed that their bodies were the very essence of evil, and
calculated only to hold their souls in bondage, might, according as they
were of a voluptuous or of a morose and austere disposition, either fall into
the conclusion, that the acts of the body have no connexion with the* soul
when it has once attained to communion with God ; or, on the contrary,
believe that the body must be strenuously resisted and opposed, as being
the enemy of the soul.
§ 8. As these extraordinary opinions required proof, which it was not
easy to find in the writings of the apostles, recourse was had to falsehoods
and impositions. Therefore when asked, where they had learned what
they so confidently taught ; some produced fictitious books, under the names
of Abraham, Zoroaster, and Christ, or his apostles ; some pretended to
have derived their principles from a concealed and secret doctrine taught
by Christ ; some affirmed that they had arrived at this high degree of wis-
dom, by an innate energy which existed in their own minds ; and some
pretended that one Theudas, a disciple of St. Paul, or Matthias, one of
Christ's disciples, had been their teacher. Those of them, who did not
wholly reject the books of the New Testament, either interpreted them
very absurdly, neglecting the true import of words, or corrupted them most
basely, by retrenching what they disliked and adding what they pleased.
§ 9. It is easy to see, how these persons, after assuming the name of
Christians, became divided into numerous sects. In the first place, it ap-
pears from what has been already stated, that they held very different
opinions before they attended to Christianity. Hence, as each one en-
deavoured to accommodate his own philosophical opinions to the Christian
religion, it was the necessary consequence, that various systems of reli-
gion were produced. Moreover, some of them were born Jews, as Cerin-
(6) See Clemens Alex., Stromat.,lib. iii., cap. v., p. 529, ed. Potter.
92 BOOK L— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
thus and others, and did not wish to appear contemners of Moses ; while
others were wholly estranged from the Jewish religion, and could indulge
themselves in liberties, which the former could not. And lastly, this whole
system of philosophy and religion was destitute of any fixed and solid ba-
sis, being the creature of their own fancy ; and who does not know, that
systems and projects which are the productions of the imagination, never
have uniformity.
$ 10. The heads and leaders of the philosophical sects which troubled
the church in the first century, next come to be considered. The first
place among them is, by many, given to Dositheus, a Samaritan. And it
is sufficiently proved, that there was a man of this name among the Sa-
maritans, about the times of our Saviour ; and that he left a sect behind
him. But all the accounts we have of him, clearly show that, he is to be
ranked, not among those called heretics, but among the enemies of the
Christian name ; or, if it be thought more correct, among the delirious and
insane. For he wished to be thought to be himself the Messiah, or that
Prophet whom God had promised to the Jews ; and he therefore could not
have held Jesus Christ to be a divine ambassador, or have merely cor-
rupted his doctrines. (7)
§ 11. What I have said of Dositheus, I would likewise say of Simon
Magus. This impious man is not to be ranked among those who corrupted
Christianity by an intermixture of errors, or among the heretics ; but is to
be classed among those who declared open war against Christianity ; and
this notwithstanding nearly all the ancient and modern writers make him
to ha.ve been the head, the father, and the ringleader of the whole heret-
ical camp. For it is manifest from all the records we have of him, that
after his defection from the Christians, he ascribed to Christ no honour at
all; but set himself in opposition to Christ, and claimed to be himself the
supreme power of God. (8)
§ 12. What the ancients relate of the life and opinions of Simon, are so
different and inconsistent, that some very learned men have concluded they
could not all relate to one person ; and thus they would make out two Si-
mons ; the one Simon Magus, who abandoned the Christian religion ; and
the other a Gnostic philosopher. On this point men will judge as they
(7) Ja. Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, 1. ii., cient accounts simply mention him among
cap. xiii., p. 307. Rich. Simon, Critique de the founders of sects ; as Hegesippus, in
la Bibliotheque des Auteurs Eccles., par M. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. iv., c. 22. — It is
du Pin, torn, iii., cap. xiii., p. 304. [Mo- said, his followers accounted him the Mes-
skeim, Inst. hist. Chr. major., p. 376. C. siah ; (Photius, Biblioth. cxxx.), and that he,
W. F. Walch, Ketzerhistorie, i., p. 182. at first, claimed to be so ; but afterwards
All the accounts make Dositheus to have retracted, in presence of his pupil Simon
lived among the Samaritans ; one writer rep- Magus; (Clemens, Recogn., 1. ii., 8, &c.)
resents him, as an apostate Jew. Accord- — Eulogius, bp. of Alexandria in the sev-
ing to Origen, (Philocal. i.), he was a rigor- enth century, wrote against the Dositheans,
ous observer of the law of Moses ; and par- (according to Photius, Biblioth. cxxx.), and
ticularly, allowed no one to move from the besides his pretended messiaship, he attrib-
spot where the Sabbath overtook him. Ac- utes to Dositheus various errors ; all of
cording to Epiphanius, (Haeres., lib. i., pt. i., which coincided with either Sadducean or
hser. 13, previous to the Christian heresies), Samaritan opinions. See J. E. C. Schmidt,
he was an apostate Jew, whose ambition be- Handb. d. christl. Kirchengeschichte, vol. i.,
ing disappointed, he retired among the Sa- § 50, p. 214, &c. — TV.]
maritans, lived in a cave, and fasted so rig- (8) See Origen, adv. Celsum, lib. v., p.
orou.sly as to occasion his death. Other an- 272, ed. Spencer.
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 93
please ; bxit to us it appears neither safe nor necessary to reject the testi-
mony of the ancients that there was only one Simon. (9) He was by birth
either a Samaritan or a Jew ; and after studying philosophy at Alexan-
dria^ 10) he professed to be a magician, as was common in that age ; and
by his fictitious miracles, persuaded the Samaritans among others that ho
had received from God the power of controlling those evil spirits which
afflict mankind; Acts viii., 9, 10. On seeing the miracles which Philip
performed by divine power, Simon joined himself to Philip, professed to
be a Christian, and hoped to learn from the Christians the art of working
miracles. When cut off from this hope by the pointed reproof of Peter,
Acts viii., 9, 10, he not only returned to his old course of sorcery, but
wherever he went, he laboured to obstruct the progress of Christianity.
The accounts of his tragical death, and of a statue decreed him at Rome,
are rejected with great unanimity by the learned at the present day. They
are at least uncertain and improbable. (11)
§ 13. Simon undoubtedly belonged to that class of philosophers who
admitted as co-existent with the supreme and all-perfect God, not only
eternal matter, but an evil deity who presides over it.. And if I mistake
not, he was one of those in this class who believed matter to have been
eternally animated, and at a certain period to have brought forth, by its in-
herent energies, that depraved being who now rules over it, surrounded by
numerous attendants. From this opinion of Simon, the other gross errors
ascribed to him by the ancients concerning fate, the indifference of human
actions, the impurity of the human body, the power of magic, &c., would very
naturally follow.(12) The most shocking of all his abominations was, his
(9) See the Dissertation by G. C. Voel- gratiate himself with Nero, he attempted to
ger, revised and published by Moshcim, fly, being assisted by evil spirits ; but that
Diss. ad Histor. Eccles. Pertinentes, vol. by the prayers of St. Peter, the evil spirit*
ii., p. 55, dec., de uno Simone Mago. [The were compelled to let him fall, which either
idea of two Simons, the one a Samaritan killed him outright, or broke his bones and
mentioned in Acts viii., the other a Jewish so mortified him, that he killed himself; is
philosopher in the reign of Domitian and the too improbable, and has too much the as-
father of all the Gnostic sects; was first pect of fiction, to gain credit in this enlight-
thrown out as a conjecture, by Camp. Vi- ened age. — And the mistake of Justin Mar-
tringa, Observ. sacrar., 1. v., c. 12, § 9, p. tyr, Apol. i., c. 34, who says he saw a pub-
159, and afterwards defended by C. A. Heu- lie statue, inscribed to Simon, on an island
mann, Acta erudit., Lips., for April, A.D. in the Tiber at Rome ; has been satisfacto-
1717, p. 179, and J. de Beausobre, Diss. rily accounted for, since the discover)' in the
sur les Adamites, pt. ii., subjoined to UEn- year 1574, of a stone in the Tiber at Rome,
/ant's Histoire de la guerre des Hussites, bearing this inscription : Semoni Sanco, Deo
$ 1, p. 350, &c. — But this hypothesis is Fidio. For this inscription, which Justin,
now generally given up. — TV.] being an Asiatic, might easily misunder-
(10) Clementina, homil. ii., in Patr. stand, was undoubtedly intended for an an-
Apostol., torn, ii., p. 533. cient pagan god. — TV.]
(11) See /*. de Beausobre, Histoire de (12) The dissertation of Jo. Hen. Horbius,
Manichee, p. 203, 395. Anth. van Dale, de Simone Mago, though a juvenile produc-
Diss. de Statua Simonis ; annexed to his tion and needing correction in style, I pre-
book de Oraculis, p. 579. Sal. Deyling, fer to all others on this subject. It will be
Observatt. sacrar., 1. i., observ. xxxvi., p. found republished by Jo. Voiglius, in the
140. Scb. Tillcnumt, Memoires pour servir Biblioth Haeresiologica, torn, i., pt. iii., p.
a 1'histoire de 1'Eglisc, torn, i., p. 340, and 511. Horbius treads closely in the steps of
numerous others. — [What Arnobms, adv. his preceptor, Ja. Thomas lit s ; who very
Gentes, 1. ii., p. 64, ed. Herald, and after clearly saw the source of those numerous er-
hiin many others relate, with some variety, rors'by which the Gnostics, and especially Si-
concerning Simon's death ; viz., that while mon, were infected. The other writers who
practising magic at Rome, in order to in- have treated of Sunon, are enumerated by
94 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
pretence that the greatest and most powerful of the divine Aeons of the
male sex, resided in himself; and likewise, that another Aeon of the fe-
male sex, the mother of all human souls, resided in his mistress Helena ;
and his proclaiming that the supreme God had despatched him down to
this world, to break up the empire of the world's creator, and to deliver
Helena out of that tyrant's hands.(13)
§ 14. From Simon Magus it is said, Menander, who was also a Samar-
itan, learned his doctrine ; which is no more true than what the ancients
relate, that all the heretical sects derived their origin from this Simon.
Menander is to be stricken from the list of proper heretics, and to be classed
among the lunatics and madmen, who foolishly arrogated to themselves the
character of saviours of mankind. For it appears from the testimony of
Iren&us, Justin Martyr, and Tertullian, (\4c) that he wished to be thought
one of the Aeons sent from the upper world, or the Pleroma, to succour
the souls that were here suffering miserably in material bodies ; and to af-
ford them aid against the machinations and the violence of the demons who
govern our world. As he erected his religious system on nearly the same
fundamental principles as Simon did his, the ancients supposed that he
must have been a disciple of Simon.
§ 15. If those now mentioned are excluded from the number of the her-
etics of the first century, the first place among the Christian sects, and also
among those denominated Gnostics, seems to belong to the Nicolaitans ;
of whom Jesus Christ himself expressed his detestation, Apoc. ii., 6, 14,
15. It is true the Saviour does not tax them with errors in matters of faith,
but only with licentious conduct, and a disregard of the injunction of the
apostles to abstain from meats offered to idols, and from fornication, Acts
xv., 29. But the writers of the second and the following centuries, Ire-
nasus, Tertullian, Clemens Alex., (15) and others, declare that they taught
the same doctrines with the Gnostics, concerning tuio principles of all
things, and concerning the Aeons, and the origin of the present world.
Whether this testimony is to be admitted, or whether we are to suppose
that .the ancients confounded two different sects which bore the same name ;
the one the Apocalyptical Nicolaitans, and the other a Gnostic sect of the
second century, founded by a man named Nicolaus ; is a question which ad-
mits of doubt.(16)
Voigtius, ubi supra, p. 567. [See C. W. F. (16) [See Demonstratio Sectae Nicolaita-
Walch, Historic der Ketzer., vol. i., p. 152, rum, adv. doctiss. ejus oppugnatores, cum
&c. The English reader will find a full, Supplemento, in Mosheim's Diss. ad His-
but not very accurate account of Simon in tor. Eccles. pertinent., vol. i., p. 389-495.
Calmet's Dictionary of the Bible. — Tr.~\ Also Mosheim's Institut. Hist. Christ, ma-
(13) Some very learned men, I am aware, jor, p. 46 ; and Comment, de Reb. Christ.
have supposed that the ancient accounts of ante Constant. M., p. 195 ; and especially
Simon's Helena should be interpreted alle- C. W. F. WaJch, Entwf d. Gesch. d. Ket-
gorically ; and that Simon intended, by the zereyen, vol. i., p. 167. All the ancients,
name of Helena, to indicate matter, or the except John Cassianus, (Collatio xviii., c.
soul, or something, I know not what. But 16), supposed that Nicolaus of Antioch, the
for such an allegorical interpretation, it would deacon, (Acts vi., 5), was either the founder
be easy to show, there is little foundation. or the accidental cause of this sect. Irenezus
(14) [Ireruzus,lib. i.,c. 23. Justin Mar- makes him to have been the founder of it.
tyr, Apol. ii., p. 69. Tertullian, de Anima, But Clemens Alex, states that an incautious
cap. 50, and de Resurrect., c. 5. — Tr.] speech or act of his gave occasion only to
(15) [Irerueut, lib. iii., c. 2, and 1. ii., c. this sect. For he being one day accused
37. Tertull., de Prescript., c. 46. Clem, of too much attention to his wife, when he
Alex., Strom., 1. iii., c. 4. — Tr.} came to defend himself he publicly divorced
SCHISMS AND HERESIES.
95
§ 16. With greater propriety we may reckon among the Gnostics, Ce-
rinthus, a Jew by birth, (1 7) but educated and taught philosophy at Alexan-
dria.(18) Though some of the learned have chosen to assign him rather
to the second century than to the first, (19) yet it appears that it was while
St. John was still living, that he endeavoured to form a new sect and to
inculcate a singular system of religion, compounded of the doctrines and
principles of Jesus Christ, and those of the Gnostics and Jews. From the
Gnostics he borrowed the notions of a Plerdma, Aeons, a Demiurge, <fcc.,
but these he so modified that they appeared not wholly inconsistent with
the opinions of the Jews. Therefore, to the creator of this world, whom
also he acknowledged to be the sovereign and the lawgiver of the Jewish
nation, he ascribed a nature possessed of the highest virtues and derived
from the true God ; but which, he affirmed, had gradually receded from
its primitive excellence and deteriorated. Hence God had determined to
subvert his power, by means of one of the blessed Aeons whose name was
Christ. This Christ had entered into a certain Jew named Jesus, (a very
righteous and holy man, the son of Joseph and Mary by ordinary genera-
tion), by descending upon him in the form of a dove, at the time when he
was baptized by John in the river Jordan. After his union with Christ,
this Jesus vigorously assailed the God of the Jews, the world's creator ;
and by his instigation Jesus was seized by the rulers of the Jewish nation
forms of worship, than is common for the
Gnostic heretics. Watch's Entw. der His-
torie der Ketz., vol. i., p. 250. — Schl.']
(18) Thcodorct, Fabul. Haeret., lib. ii.,
cap. 3, Opp., torn, iii., p. 219.
(19) See Sam. Basnage, Annal. polit.
eccles., torn, ii., p. 6. Peter Faydit,
Eclaircisements sur 1'histoire eccles. de
deux premiers siecles, cap. v., p. 64 ; and
others. — With these, Jo. Fr. Buddeus con-
tends, de Ecclesia Apostol., cap. v., p. 412 ;
[and Tillemont, Me"moires pour servira 1'his-
toire de I'Eglisc, tome ii., p. 436 : and Mo-
sheim, Institut. Hist, eccles. major., sec. i.,
p. 439, &c. They who place Cerinthus in
the second century, rely chiefly on two argu-
ments. The first is, that the ancient writers
who treat of the heretics, set down Cerinthus
after Marcion, [rather after Carpocrates. —
Tr.] The other rests on a spurious letter of
Pius, bishop of Rome, [in the middle of the
second century. — Tr.], to Justus, bishop of
Vienne ; in which Pius laments that Cerin-
thus was at that time making many prose-
lytes. The epistle may be found in Con-
stant. Epistol. Pontific., Append., torn, i., p.
19, [and in Binius, Concil. Gen., torn, i., p.
124. — Tr.] But the first argument proves
nothing, because the historians of the here-
sies pay no regard to chronological order ;
and the second falls, because the epistle is
not genuine. — Schl.] — But, see on this sub-
ject, Fr. Ad. Lampe, Commentar. in Johan.
Proleg., lib. ii., c. 3, $ 13, &c., p. 181, &c.
-Tr.]
her, using the expression, on
•&ai TT) aapul Ah, it is proper to abuse the
flesh ; i. e., to subdue its corrupt propensi-
ties. This speech was afterward perversely
applied by a Gnostic association to justify
their abominations. To this account, agree
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. iii.,c. 29. Ttieod-
oret, Hceret. Fab., 1. iii., c. 1, torn, iv., Opp.,
p. 226 ; and Augustine, de Hares., cap. 5.
Now the question arises, whether there ac-
tually was in the time of St. John, a hereti-
cal party holding different fundamental prin-
ciples from the orthodox, and distinguish-
ed by the name of Nicolaitans. Some say
there was ; others say there was not. Dr.
Mosheim takes the affirmative, on account
of the historical credibility of the fathers,
and the literal import of the words used
in the Apocalypse. The next question is,
Who was the founder of this sect 1 Here,
some follow Irenarus ; others follow Cle-
mens Alex. ; and some, among whom is Dr.
Mushcim, think it probable there were two
persons of the name of Nicolaus. If this
supposition be admitted, it will be easy to
account for the fact, that the Nicolaitans of
the fathers are accused of Gnosticism, while
there is no mention of it in the Apocalypse.
— Baumgartcn's Auszug der Kirchenges-
chichte, th. i., p. 458.— Schl.]
(1.7) [For Efriphanius states, Hares.
xxviii., t) 3, that he was circumcised; and
Johannes Dainasccnus, de Hares., cap. 8,
that his followers were Jews. His doctrines,
also, show a higher respect for the Jewish
96 BOOK I.— CENTURY I.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
and nailed to the cross. But when Jesus was apprehended, Christ flew
away to heaven ; so that only the man Jesus was put to death. Cerinthus
required his followers to worship the supreme God, the father of Christ,
together with Christ himself; but to abandon the Jewish Lawgiver, whom
he accounted the creator of this world ; and while they retained some parts
of the Mosaic law, to regulate their lives chiefly by the precepts of Christ.
He promised them a resurrection of their bodies ; which would be suc-
ceeded by exquisite delights in the millenary reign of Christ ; and then
would follow a happy and never-ending life in the celestial world. For
Cerinthus supposed that Christ would hereafter return, and would unite
himself again with the man Jesus, in whom he had before dwelt, and
would reign with his followers during a thousand years in Palestine. (20)
§ 17. Those who maintained the necessity of the Mosaic law and cer-
emonies in order to eternal salvation, had not proceeded so far in this
century, as to have no communion with those who thought differently.
They were of course accounted brethren, though weaker ones. But after
the second destruction of Jerusalem in the reign of Adrian, when they
withdrew from the other Christians and set up separate congregations,
they were regarded as sectarians, who had deviated from the true doctrines
of Christ. Hence arose the names, Nazareans(2l) and Ebionites ;(22) by
which those Christians, whose errors originated from an attachment to the
Mosaic law, were discriminated from the other Christians, who held that
the Mosaic ceremonial law was abrogated by Christ. These Nazareans
or Ebionites, though commonly set down among the sects of the apostolic
age, in reality belong to the second century, in which they first became a
distinct sect.
(20) [The doctrines of Cerinthus are gion of Christ. Of these Nazareans, Mo-
stated in full, by C. W. F. Walch, Entwurf shcim treats largely, Institut. Hist. Christ.
der Gesch. d. Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 260, major., p. 465, and Comment, de Rebus
&c., and by Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Christ. Christ, ante Const. M., p. 328 ; as also C.
major., p. 445, and Comment, de Reb. W. F. Walch. Entw. d. Gesch. d. Ketzer-
Christianor. ante Constant. M., p. 196 — It eyen, vol. i., p. 101, &c. — SchL]
may be remarked, that Ircnaus, adv. Hae- (22) [The origin of this name is still a
res., 1. iii., c. 3, says he had heard from va- subject of controversy. Some derive it from
rious persons, that Polycarp told them that a founder of this sect, who was called Ebion.
the apostle John once met Cerinthus in a Others think the name Ebionites, to be equiv-
public bath at Ephesus, and instantly fled alent to the Hebrew word Q^JV^X poor
out, saving he was afraid the bath would fall
on that enemy of the truth and kill him. Pe°Pk : but. ^ a™ not a?r*ed «% thls
This story may be true; notwithstandmg name was given to the sect. Others again,
Irenaus had it from third hand testimony [e8ard lhfe whole subJcct af a historical prob-
But the addition to it, that Cenntlms was lem' that carn never be f lvfed wlth absolu'e
actually k.lled by the fall of the building, "rta'nt-^ /' " ***** ,°f W* ^ G'
as soon as John was gone out, was first an- W- F Wdc^. Entw^ der ,Gf ch,/,Ket'
ncxed in modern times by the Dominican fre.yen> ™}~ '". P- J,1,0; and by Moshcim
Bernhard of Luxemburg, in his Catalogus Ins,tltu''. "istonae Christ, major., p. 477,
Haereticorum ; and it deserves no credit, and mhisDiss. qua ostenditur, certohod.eet
See Walch, ubi supra, p. 255.— Schl.] explorate constitui non posse, utrum Ehon
(21) [This name the Jews first gave by q™lam novae Sectae auc tor ex Went ohm
way of reproach, to the disciples of Christ; mter Christianos, nee ne ? in his Dissertt. ad
because he was a citizen of Nazareth. Acts J18t- ,Ecc'eLs P??"1!?*'' V°L '" P 547> &c'
xxiv., 5. Afterwards the name was applied ?ee also Chr' Alb' Doederlcm, Commentar.
especially to a Christian sect, which endeav- de Eblonaeis e n"!!!lroQhostlu^ ^,hnnstl
oured to unite the Mosaic law with the reli- mendls> Buzow> 1770> 8vo—
CENTURY SECOND.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
$ 1. Character of the Roman Emperors. — § 2. Propagation of Christianity in the Roman
Empire. — § 3. Countries enlightened by Christianity. — (/ 4. Conversion of the Germans.
— 6 5. The Gauls converted. — § 6. Translation of the N. T. — § 7. Apologies and other
Writings of Christians. — § 8. Miracles and Extraordinary Gifts. — $ 9. Miracle of the
Thundering Legion. — § 10. It is uncertain. — § 11. Sedition and Slaughter of the Jews.
— $ 12. Philosophers become Christians.
§ 1. MOST of the Roman emperors of this century were of a mild and
equitable character. Trajan, [A.D. 98-1 17 j, though too eager for glory,
and not always sufficiently considerate and provident, was humane and
equitable. Adrian [A.D. 117-138] was more severe, yet not absolutely
bad and tyrannical ; his character was a compound of virtues and vices.
The Antonines [Pius A.D. 138-161, Marcus Aurelius the P/iilos. A.D
161-180, with Verus A.D. 161-169, and Commodus A.D. 169-192] were
models of excellence and benignity. Even Severus, [A.D. 193-211],
who afterwards assumed another character, was at first oppressive to no
one, and to the Christians mild and equitable.
§ 2. Through this lenity of the emperors, Christians living in the Ro-
man empire suffered far less, than they would have done if they had been
under severer lords. The laws enacted against them were indeed suffi-
ciently hard ; and the magistrates, excited by the priests and the populace,
often made considerable havoc among them, and frequently went much be-
yond what the laws required. Yet for these evils some relief was commonly
attainable. Trajan would not have the Christians to be sought after ; and
he forbid any complaints being received against them, without the names of
the accusers tuuuxed.ll.) And Antoninus Pius even decreed, that their ac-
cusers should be punished.(2) Some in one way, and others in another,
(1) See Pliny'1 s Epistles, lib. x., ep. 98. itself. For we know from history, that the
(2) Etiscbiits, Hist. Eccles., lib. iv., cap. earthquakes mentioned in the edict, happen-
13, [where the law of Antoninus is given at ed under Pius. Sec Cap'lnlums, Life of
length, from the Apology of Mclito. Some Antoninus Pius, cap. 9. Besides, if Afore**
indeed, have supposed that it. was Marcus himself had published this edict, Mclito could
Antoninus, and not Antoninus Pius, who. have had no occasion, by this Apology, to im-
issued this decree. (So Valesius in loc.) plore the grace of this emperor in favour of
But this is contrary to the express testimony the Christians. See Moshcun, de Rebus*
of Eimcliiiis, and to the contents of the edict Christ, ante Constant. M., p. 210. — Schl.)
VOL. I.— N
98
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
protected them against the evil designs of the populace and the priests.
Hence the Christian community increased, and became vastly numerous
in this century. Of this fact we have the clearest testimony of the ancients,
which some have in vain attempted to call in question. (3)
$ 3. On what particular countries, both within the Roman empire and
beyond it, the light of heavenly truth first shone in this century, the defects
in the ancient records will not allow us to state with precision. There are
unexceptionable witnesses who declare, that in nearly all the East, and
among the Germans, the Spaniards, the Celts, the Britons, and other na-
tions, Christ was now worshipped as God.(4) But if any inquire, which
of these nations received Christianity in this century, and which in the
preceding, it is not in my power to answer. — Pantacnus, master of the
school at Alexandria, is said to have instructed the Indians in Christian-
ity.(5) But these Indians appear to have been certain Jews, living in
(3) See Walt. Moyle, de Legione fulmi-
natrice ; a Latin translation of which, with
notes, I have annexed to my Syntagma Diss.
ad sanctiores disciplinas pertinent., p. 652—
661. See also an additional passage in Jus-
tin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryphone, p. 341.
(4) Irenaus, adv. Hceres., 1. i., c. 10. Ter-
tullian, adv. Judseos, cap. 7. [The testi-
mony of the former is this : " Neither do
those churches, which are established among
the Germans, believe or teach otherwise ;
nor do those among the Hiberii, or among
the Celts ; nor those in the East ; nor those
in Egypt ; nor those in Libya ; nor those
established in the central parts of the world."
— The language of Tertullian is rhetorical ;
and the statement, undoubtedly, somewhat
too strong. He says : " In whom, but the
Christ now come, have all nations believed 1
For, in whom do all other nations (but yours,
the Jews) confide ; Parthians, Medes. Elam-
ites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, Ar-
menia, Phrygia, Cappadocia, and inhabitants
of Pontus and Asia, and Pamphylia ; the
dwellers in Egypt, and inhabitants of the re-
gion beyond Gyrene 1 Romans and stran-
gers ; and in Jerusalem both Jews and pros-
elytes ; so that the various tribes of the Ge-
tuli, and the numerous hordes of the Mauri ;
all the Spanish clans, and the different na-
tions of Gauls, and the regions of the Brit-
ons inaccessible to the Romans but subject
to Christ, and of the Sarmatians and Daci-
ans, and Germans, and Scythians, and many
unexplored nations, and countries, and isl-
ands unknown to us, and which we cannot
enumerate : — in all which places, the name
of the Christ who has already come, now
reigns." — Tr.]
(5) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. v., c. 10.
Jerome, de Scriptoribus Illustr., c. 36. [Ac-
cording to Euselnus, the zeal of Pantanus
prompted him to undertake a voluntary mis-
sion among the Indians. But according to
Jerome, (de Scriptor. illustr., c. 36, and
Epist. 83, Opp., torn, iv., pt. ii., p. 656, ed.
Bened.), he was sent out by Demetrius, bp.
of Alexandria, in consequence of a request
made by the Indians for a Christian teacher.
Perhaps Pantanus first spontaneously trav-
elled among the nearer Arabians ; and, upon
the request of the people here called Indians
for a teacher, Demetrius directed him to
visit that people. — As it is well known, that
the Greek and Latin writers give the name
of Indians to the Persians, Parthians, Medes,
Arabians, Ethiopians, Libyans, and many
other nations, to them little known ; the
learned have inquired, who were the Indians
visited by Pantcmus 1 Many think, they
were those we call the East Indians, inhab-
iting the country about the river Indus.
Jerome so thought ; for he represents him
as sent to instruct the Brachmans. Hen.
Valesius and Lu. Holstenius and others
suppose, they were the Abyssinians or Ethi-
opians ; who are often called Indians, who
were near and always had intercourse with
the Egyptians. See S. Basnage, Annal. po-
lit. eccles., torn, ii., p. 207. Valesius, Ad-
notat. ad Socratis Hist. Eccles., p. 13. Oth-
ers incline to believe them Jews, resident in
Yemen or Arabia Felix, a country often called
India. That they were not strangers to Chris-
tianity, is evident from their having Mat-
thew's Gospel among them, and from their
desiring some one to expound it to them.
Their applying to the bp. of Alexandria,
shows that Egypt was to them the most ac-
cessible Christian country ; and their having
the Gospel written in Hebrew, as Jerome
testifies, is good proof that they were Jews ;
because no other people understood that lan-
guage. Besides, Bartholomew had formerly
been among them ; the field of whose la-
bours has been supposed to be Arabia Felix.
See Tillcmonfs life of Bartholomew, in his
Memoires pour servir a 1'histoire de 1'Eglise,
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
99
Arabia Felix ; among whom the apostle Bartholomew had previously intro-
duced the Christian religion. For Pantaenus found among them, according
to the testimony of Jerome, the Gospel of St. Matthew, which they had re-
ceived from their first teacher Bartholomew.
§ 4. From Gaul, it would seem, the Christian religion must have spread
into Germany on the left of the Rhine, which was subject to the Romans,
and also into Britain over against Gaul. (6) Yet certain churches in Ger-
many have been accustomed to deduce their origin from the companions
and disciples of St. Peter and other apostles ;(7) and the Britons, follow-
ing the account given by Beda, would fain believe, that their king Lucius
sought and obtained Christian teachers from Eleutherus the Roman pontiff,
in this second century, and during the reign of Marcus Antoninus. (8) But
torn, i., p. 1160, 1161.— See Mosheim, de
Reb. Christ, ante C. M., p. 206, 207.— Tr.]
(6) On the origin of the German church-
es, mentioned by Tertullian and Irenaus as
existing in this century, Jo. Hen. Ursinus,
Bcbclius, and others have written ; and still
better, Gabriel Liron, Singularitez histori-
ques et littcraires, torn, iv., Paris, 1740, 8vo.
— The common and popular accounts of the
first preachers of the Gospel in Germany,
are learnedly impugned by Aug. Calmet,
Histoire de Lorraine, torn. i. Diss. sur les
Eveques de Treves, p. 3, 4. Holland, Acta
sanctorum, January, torn, ii., p. 922. Jo.
Nic. de Hontheim, Diss. de aera episcopal.
Trevirensis ; in Histories Trevirensis torn. i.
(7) [It is said, St. Peter sent Eucherius,
Valerius, and Maternus into Belgic Gaul ;
and that they planted the churches of Co-
logne, Treves, Tongres, Liege, and some
others, and presided over them till their
death. See C/iristo. Browcr, Annales Tre-
virenses, 1. ii., p. 143, &c., and Acta Sane-
tor. Antwerpiensia, 29th of January, p. 918.
— But Calmet, Bolland, and Hontheim, (ubi
supra), have proved satisfactorily, that these
pretended founders of the German churches,
did not live earlier than the third or fourth
century ; and that they were first repre-
sented as being legates of the apostles, in
the middle ages. — See Mosheim, de Reb.
Christ., &c., p. 212.— Tr.]
(8) See Ja. Usher, Antiquitates Eccle-
siar. Bntannicar., cap. i., p. 7. Francis
(inilirin, de Conversione Britann., cap. i., p.
7. Rapm de Thoyras, History of England,
vol. i. [ Wil. Burton, Adnotat. ad Clem-
entix Rum. Epist. ad Corinth., in Patribus
Apostol., torn, ii., p. 470. Edw. Stilliiiir.
fieet, de Antiquitate Ecclesiar. Britann.,
cap. i. Fred. Spanhcim, Historia Eccles.
major, saecul ii., p. 603, 604. — The first
publication of the Gospel in Britain, has been
attributed to James the ton of Zebedec,
whom Herod put to death, (Acts xii., 1), to
Simon Zclctes, another apostle, to Aristo-
bulus, (mentioned Rom. xvi., 10), to St.
Peter, &c., by some few legendary writers,
who are cited by Usher, Ecclesiar. Britann.
Primordia, cap. i. — But rejecting these ac-
counts, William of Malmcsbury, and after
him, many other monks maintained that
Joseph of Arimathea with twelve others,
were sent from Gaul, by St. Philip, into
Britain A.D. 63 ; that they were successful
in planting Christianity ; spent their lives in
England ; had twelve hides of land assigned
them by the king at Glastonbury, where they
first built a church of hurdles, and afterward
established a monastery. By maintaining
the truth of this story, the English clergy
obtained the precedence of some others, in
several councils of the 15th century, and
particularly that of Basil A.D. 1434, (Ush-
er''s Primordia, ch. ii., p. 12-30). Since
the reformation, this story has been given
up by most of the English clergy. But, as
Eusc/iius, (Demonstrat. Evang., 1. iii., c. 5),
and Theodorct, (Graecar. Curatio Affectio-
num. 1 ix.), name the Britons among others,
to whom the Apostles themselves preached
the Gospel, some have maintained, that St.
Paul must have visited that country ; and
they urge that Clemens. Rom says, that this
apostle travelled eiri TO rippa rf/f dvatut; to
the utmost bounds of the west. They also
urge, that among the many thousand Romans
who passed over into Britain in the reign of
Claudius and his successors, there were
doubtless some Christians, who would spread
the knowledge of Christ there. But the
principal reliance has been on the reported
application of king Lucius to pope Eleuthe-
rus for Christian teachers, about A.D. 150,
or rather 176. (Usher, Primordia, ch. iv.,
p. 44, &c.). — On all these traditions Dr.
Mtixh>'hn passes the following judgment.
"Whether any apostle, or any comg^nion of
an apostle, ever visited Britain, cannot be
determined ; yet the balance of probability
rather inclines towards the affirmative. The
story -of Joseph of Arimathea, might arise
from the arrival of some Christian teacher
from Gaul, in the second century, whose
too
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
these ancient accounts are exposed to much doubt, and are rejected by the
best informed persons.
§ §. Transalpine Gaul, which is now called France, perhaps received
some knowledge of the Gospel before this century, either from the apos-
tles or from their friends and disciples. But unequivocal proofs of the ex-
istence of churches in this part of Europe, first occur in the present cen-
tury. For in it Pothinus, a man of distinguished piety and devotedness to
Christ, in company with Irenteus and other holy men, proceeded from Asia
to Gaul, and there instructed the people with such success, that he gath-
ered churches of Christians at Lyons and Vienne, of which Pothinus him-
self was the first bishop. (9)
name was Joseph. As the Gauls, from Di-
onysius, bp. of Paris in the second century,
made Dionysius the Areopagite to be their
apostle ; and as the Germans made Mater-
nus, Eucherius, and Valerius, who lived in
the third and fourth centuries, to be preach-
ers of the first century, and attendants on
St. Peter ; so the British monks, I have no
doubt, made a certain Joseph, from Gaul, in
the second century, to be Joseph of Arima-
thea. — As to Lucius, I agree with the best
British writers, in supposing him to be the
restorer and second father of the English
churches, and not their original founder.
That he was a king, is not probable ; be-
cause Britain was then a Roman province.
He might be a nobleman, and governor of a
district. His name is Roman. His appli-
cation, I can never believe was made to the
bp. of Rome. It is much more probable,
that he sent to Gau) for Christian teachers.
The independence of the ancient British
churches on the see of Rome, and their ob-
serving the same rights with the Gallic
churches, which were planted by Asiatics,
and particularly in regard to the time of East-
er ; show that they received the Gospel from
Gaul, and not from Rome. — See Mosheim,
de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 213, &c.— Tr.]
(9) Peter de Marco,, Epistola de Evan-
gelii in Gallia initiis ; published among his
Dissertations, and also by Valesius, subjoin-
ed to Eusebii Historia Eccles. Jo. Launoi,
Opuscula, in his Opp., torn. ii. — Histoire
Litteraire de la France, torn, i., p. 223.
Gabr. Liron, Singularitez historiques et lit-
teraires ; the whole fourth volume, Paris,
1740, 8vo, and others. — [The most eminent
French writers have disputed about the ori-
gin of their churches. Three different opin-
ions have been advanced. The first is that
of Jo. JSbunoi, (ubi supra), whom many
writers of eminence at this day follow. It is,
that, if we except the Asiatic colonists of
Lyons and Viennc, among whom there were
Christian churches formed about A. D. 150 ;
the first propagation of Christianity among
the Transalpine Gauls was by missionaries
from Rome, about A.D. 250. This hypothe-
sis is founded chiefly on the testimony of
three ancient writers ; viz., Sulpicius Seve-
rus, Historia Sacra, lib. ii., c. 32, where,
speaking of the persecution at Lyons and
Vienne, under Marcus Antoninus, (A.D.
177), he says; Ac tune primum inter Gal-
lias martyria visa ; serins trans Alpes Dei
religione suscepta : these were the first mar-
tyrs among the Gauls ; for the divine reli-
gion was not received till late beyond the
Alps. The next testimony is that of the
author of the Acts of Saturninus, bishop of
Toulouse, who suffered under Decius. The
author is supposed to have written in the
beginning of the fourth century. He says :
Raras tertio saeculo in aliquibus Galliap civita-
tibus ecclesias paucorum Christianorum de-
votione consurrexisse : scattering churches
of a few Christians arose in some cities of
Gaul in the third century. See T. Ruinart,
Acta Martyr, sincera. p. 130. The third
testimony is that of Gregory of Tours, the
father of French history, (in the Historia
Francor., lib. i., cap. 27, and de Gloria Con-
fessorum, cap. 30, ed. Ruinart, p. 399.) He
says : sub Decio septem viros ad prasdican-
dum Roma in Galliam missos esse : under
Decius, (A.D. 248-251), seven missionaries
were sent from Rome to preach in Gaul.
Now these seven missionaries are the very
persons, who are said to have been sent thith-
er by St. Paul, and St. Peter; viz., Tro-
phimus bishop of Aries, Stremonius bishop
of Clermont, Martial bishop of Limoges,
Paul bi.shopof Narbonne, Saturninus bishop
of Toulouse, Gratian bishop of Tours, and
Dionysius bishop of Paris. — The second
opinion is, that of the strenuous advocates for
the apostolic origin of the Gallic churches,
Peter de Marca, (ubi supra), Natalis Alexan-
der, (Histor. Eccles., saecul. i., diss. 16, 17,
vol. iii., p. 356-420, ed. Paris, 1741, 4to),
and others. They consider St. Paul and
St. Peter as the fathers of their church.
Paul, they think, travelled over nearly all
France, in his supposed journey to Spain ;
and also sent St. Luke and Crescens into
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
101
§ 6. This rapid propagation of Christianity, is ascribed by the writers of
the second century almost exclusively to the efficient will of God, to the ener-
gy of divine truth, and to the miracles wrought by Christians. Yet human
counsels and pious efforts ought not to be wholly overlooked. Much was
undoubtedly effected by the activity of pious men, who recommended and
communicated to the people around them the writings of Christ's ambassa-
dors ; which were already collected into one volume. All people, indeed,
were not acquainted with the language in which these divine books were
composed ; but this obstacle was early removed by the labours of translators.
As the language of the Romans was extensively used, many Latin transla-
tions were made at an early period, as we are informed by Augustine. (10)
that country. For the last they allege, 2 Tim.
iv., 10, " Crescens to Galatia," or rather to
Gaul, according to Epiphanius and others,
who, for Tahariav, would read Fa/U-tav.
St. Peter, they suppose, sent Trophimus his
disciple into Gaul. St. Philip, also, they
suppose, laboured in Gaul. And the seven
bishops above mentioned, they say, were
sent by the apostles from Rome. — Very few
at this day embrace this opinion entire. It
rests principally on very suspicious testimony,
or on conjectures and vulgar traditions. —
The third opinion takes a middle course be-
tween the first and the second, and is that
which is maintained by Gabr. Liron, Diss.
sur 1'etablissement de la religion Chretienne
dans les Gauls, in the fourth volume of his
Singularitez historique, &c., Paris, 1740,
8vo. It admits what Launoi, Sirmond, and
Tillemont have fully proved, that Dionysius
the first bishop of Paris, was not Dionysius
the Areopagite, mentioned A cts xvii. , 34, but
a man who lived in the third century. It
also gives up the story of St. Philip, and of
most of the pretended apostolic missionaries
to Gaul. But it maintains the probability
of Paul's travelling over Gaul on his way to
Spain ; and of his sending Luke and Cres-
cens to that country ; and affirms that in the
second, century, there were many flourishing
churches in Gaul, besides those of Lyons
and Vienne.
Dr. Mosheim, (De Rebus Christ, ante
C. M., p. 208, &.c.), thinks neither of these
opinions is fully confirmed in all its parts.
The second, he gives up wholly. The third-,
be conceives, lacks evidence. Particularly,
Paul's journey to Spain, is itself questiona-
ble ; and, if admitted, there is no proof that
he passed through Gaul. For St. Luke's
mission to Gaul, there is no evidence but the
declaration of Epiphanius, (Haeres., 1. i., t)
11), who, to say the least, is not the best au-
thority ; and, besides, might possibly mean
Cisalpine Gaul, lying between Dalmatia and
Italy. The mission of Crescens to Gaul,
mentioned by Epiphanius in the same con-
nexion, depends entirely on the contested
reading of TaWiav for T afar iav, 2 Tim. iv.,
10, and which, if admitted, might be under-
stood of Cisalpine Gaul. If there were many
flourishing churches in Gaul, before Pothinus
went there, (which perhaps was the case),
this will not prove them to have been planted
by the apostles and their companions, which
is the point contended for. — As to the first
opinion, namely, that Pothinus and his com-
panions first preached the Gospel in Gaul,
it is not fully substantiated. Sulpicius Sev-
erus only affirms that it was late, before the
Gospel was preached there ; and not, that it
never was preached there till the times of Po-
thinus. The testimony of the Acts of Sa-
turninus only shows, that the progress of the
Gospel in Gaul was so slow, that there were
but few churches there in the third centu-
ry ; which might be true, even if the apostles
had there erected one or two churches. The
testimony of Gregory Turonensis, fully dis-
proves the apostolic age of the seven Gallic
missionaries ; and shows that the Christians
in Gaul were few in number, before the reign
of Deems : but it does not show when the
Gospel was first preached in that country.
On the whole, Dr. Mosheim thinks it prob-
able, the Gospel was preached in Gaul before
the second century, and possibly by Luke or
Crescens, or even by some apostle. But he
thinks Christianity, for a long time, made
very little progress in that country, and that
probably the churches there had become al-
most extinct when Pothinus and his com-
panions from Asia planted themselves at
Lyons and Vienne, about A.D. 150. Nearly
the same opinion was embraced by Tillemont,
Memoires pour servira 1'histoire de 1'Eglise,
tome iv., p. 983.— Tr.J
(10) Augustine, de Doctrina Christiana,
lib. ii., cap. 11, and cap. 15. [Qui Scrip-
turas ex Hebraea lingua in Graecam verterunt,
numerari possunt, Latini autem interpretea
nullo modo. Ut enim cuique, primis fidei
temporibus, in manus venit codex Graecus,
et aliquantulum facultatis sibi utriusque lin-
guae habere videbatur, ausus est interpretari.
— In ipsis autem interpretatiombus, Itala
102 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
Of these, that which is called the Italic Version,(ll) was preferred to all
others. The Latin version was followed by a Syriac, an Egyptian, an
Ethiopic, and some others. But the precise dates of these several trans-
lations cannot be ascertained.(12)
§ 7. Those who wrote apologies for the Christians, and thus met the
calumnies and slanders by which they were unjustly assailed, removed
some obstacles to the progress of Christ's religion, and in this way contrib-
uted not a little to the enlargement of the church. For very many were
prevented from embracing Christianity, solely by those detestable calum-
nies with which ungodly men aspersed it.(13) Another support to the
Christian cause, was furnished by the writers against the heretics. For
the doctrines of these sects were so absurd, or so abominable, and the
morals of some of them so disgraceful and impious, as to induce many to
stand aloof from Christianity. But when they learned from the books
against the heretics, that the true followers of Christ held these perverse
men in abhorrence, their feelings towards them were changed.
§ 8. It is easier to conceive than to express, how much the miraculous
powers and the extraordinary divine gifts which the Christians exercised
on various occasions, contributed to extend the limits of the church. The
gift of foreign tongues appears to have gradually ceased, as soon as many
nations became enlightened with the truth, and numerous churches of Chris-
tians were everywhere established ; for it became less necessary than it
was at first. But the other gifts with which God favoured the rising church
of Christ, were, as we learn from numerous testimonies of the ancients,
still conferred on particular persons here and there.(14)
caeteris prseferatur ; nam est verborum tena- [The principal testimonies of the second and
cior cum perspicuitate sententiae.] third centuries, are Justin Martyr, Apol.
(11) See J. G. Carpzov, Critica Sacra V. ii., c. 6, Dial. cum. Tryph., c. 39 and 82.
T., p. 663, [and the Introductions to the Irenaus, \. ii.,c. 31, and 1. v., c. 6; and in
N. Test, by Michaelis, Home, and others. Euseb. H. E., 1. v., c. 7. Tertull., Apol-
— TV.] og.,c. 23,27, 32, 37; ad Scap., c. 2. Or-
(12) See Ja. Basnage, Hist, de 1'Eglise, igen contra Gels., 1. i., p. 7, and 1. vii., p.
liv. ix., cap. 1, tome i., p. 450. 334, ed. Spencer. Dionys. Alex., in Euseb.
(13) ["Nothing more injurious can be H. E., lib. vi., c. 40. Minucius Felix, Oc-
conceived than the terms of contempt, indig- tav., p. 361, ed. Paris, 1605. Cyprian, de
nation, and reproach, which the heathens em- Idol, vanit., p. 14, ad Demetrian., p. 191,
ployed in expressing their hatred against the ed. Brem. — That what are called the mirac-
Christians, who were called by them atheists, ulous gifts of the Holy Spirit, were liberally
because they derided the heathen polythe- conferred, not only in this but also in the
ism •, magicians, because they wrought mir- following century, especially on those en-
acles ; self-murderers, because they suffered gaged in propagating the Gospel ; all who
martyrdom cheerfully for the truth ; haters are called Christians, believe, on the unani-
of the light, because, to avoid the fury of mous and concordant testimony of the an-
the persecutions raised against them, they cient writers. Nor do we, in my opinion,
were forced at first to hold their religious hereby incur any just charge of departing
assemblies in the night ; with a multitude of from sound reason. For, as these witness-
other ignominious epithets employed against es are all grave men, fair and honest, some
them by Tacitus, Suetonius, Celsus, dec. of them philosophers, men who lived in dif-
See Bingham, Antiquities of the Christian ferent countries, and relate not what they
church, book i., ch. ii.,p. 5." — Mad. ] heard, but what they saw, call God to wit-
( 14) Collections of these testimonies have ness the truth of their declarations, (see Or-
been made, by Tab. Pfanntr, de donis mi- igen contra Celsum, 1. i., p. 35, ed. Spen-
raculosis ; and by W. Spencer, Notes on cer), and do not claim for themselves, but at-
Origen against Celsus, p. 5, 6 ; but the most tribute to others, these miraculous powers ;
copious is by Mammachius, Origines et An- what reason can there be, for refusing to be-
tiquitates Christianas, torn, i., p. 363, &c. lieve them] Yet a few years since, there
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
103
§ 9. I wish we were fully authorized to place among the miracles, what
many ancient writers have recorded concerning a certain legion of Chris-
tian soldiers in the army of Marcus Antoninus, in his war against the Mar-
appeared among the Britons, a man of no
ordinary genius and learning, Conyers Mid-
dleton, who published a considerable volume,
accusing the whole Christian world of cre-
dulity, in this matter ; and boldly pronoun-
cing all that was said or written by the nu-
merous ancients, concerning these extraor-
dinary gifts of the Holy Spirit, to be false.
See A free Inquiry into the miraculous
powers, &.C., London, 1749, 4to. The his-
tory of this famous book, and of the sharp
contests it produced in England, may be
learned from the British, French, and Ger-
man Literary Journals, and from the Ger-
man translation and refutation of the work,
which has been recently published. I shall
here offer only a few observations on this, in
many respects most important subject. The
apostolic age, the learned Middlcton himself
acknowledges, to have been fruitful in mir-
acles and extraordinary gifts. But he de-
nies their continuance after the decease of
the apostles ; and concludes that whatever
accounts exist of miracles in the second and
third centuries, are the invention of crafty
impostors, or the dreams of weak and delu-
ded men. And he attributes great import-
ance to this opinion ; because the pretended
miracles of the Romish saints, rest on the
same supports and arguments, as these mir-
acles of the early ages ; so that the former
can never be disproved, if the latter be ad-
mitted. This looks honest and worthy of a
sound Christian man ; for the divine origin
of the Christian religion does not depend on
the truth of the miracles reported to have
been wrought in the second and third centu-
ries, but is sufficiently proved, if it can be
made evident that Christ and his apostles
had power to suspend the laws of nature.
But the discerning reader of the book will
perceive, that the author has assailed the
miracles of Christ and the apostles, by his
attack on those of subsequent date ; and
that he intended to weaken our confidence
in all events, which exceed the powers of
nature. For, the objections he raises
against the miracles of the second and third
centuries, are of such a nature as to be read-
ily applied to those of the first. — The sub-
stance of his eloquent and learned argu-
mentation, is this. All the writers of the
three first centuries, whose works are ex-
tant, were ignorant of criticism, and not suf-
ficiently guarded and cautious, but some-
times too credulous. Therefore all that they
state, concerning the miracles of their ovtn
times, and even of miracles which they saw
with their own eyes, ought to be regarded
as a fable. As if it were a conceded point,
that no man, unless he is a good critic, can
distinguish a true miracle from a false one ;
and, that he must always mistake and err,
who sometimes yields his assent sooner than
he ought. If this great man had only said,
that some of the supernatural events which
are reported to have happened in the early
ages, are very questionable, the position
might be admitted : but to aim, by one such
general argument, which is liable to innu-
merable exceptions, and destitute of a ne-
cessary and evident conclusiveness, to over-
throw the united testimony of so many pious
men, and men sufficiently cautious in other
things ; indicates, if I do not greatly mis-
take, a mind of high daring, and covertly
plotting against religion itself. It is fortu-
nate that this distinguished man, a little be-
fore his death, (for he died the last year
[A.D. 1750,]) appears to have learned, from
the arguments of his opposers, the weakness
of his opinions. For in his last reply, pub-
lished after his death, namely, A Vindica*
tion of the free Inquiry, &c., Lond., 1751,
4to, though he is here more contentious and
contumelious than was proper, he plainly
acknowledges himself vanquished, and sur-
renders the palm to his antagonists. For
he says, he did not mean to affirm, that no
miracles were wrought in the ancient Chris-
tian church, after the death of the apostles ;
on the contrary, he concedes, he says, that
God did confirm the truth of Christianity, as
occasion required, by repeated manifesta-
tions of his infinite power : all that he aimed
to show, was, that the power of working
miracles constantly and perpetually was not
exercised in the church, after the apostolic
age ; and therefore, that credit is not to be
given to the statements of those ancient de-
fenders of Christianity, who arrogate such
a perpetual power ; that is, if I can un-
derstand him, — among the doctors of the
second and third centuries, there was not
one that could work miracles, whenever he
pleased. But this is wholly changing the
question. The learned author might have
spared himself the labour of writing and de-
fending his book, if this was all he intended
when he commenced writing. For, so far
as I know, it never came into the head of
any Christian, to maintain that there were
men among the Christians of the second,
third, and fourth centuries, to whom God
gave power to work miracles, as often as
they pleased, and of what kind they pleased,
104 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
comanni, [A.D. 174], which by its supplications procured a shower of
rain when the Roman troops were ready to perish with thirst. But the re-
ality of this miracle is a subject of controversy among the learned ; and
those who think that the Christian soldiers misjudged, in regarding that
sudden and unexpected shower by which the Roman army was saved, as a
miraculous, divine interposition, are supported not only by very respectable
authorities, but by arguments of no little weight.(lo)
§ 10. It is certain, that the Roman army when reduced to the greatest
straits was relieved by a sudden shower ; and that this shower was regard-
ed both by the pagans and the Christians as extraordinary and miraculous ;
the latter ascribed the unexpected favour to Christ's being moved by the
prayers of his friends, while the former attributed it to Jupiter, or Mercury,
or to the power of magic. It is equally certain, I think, that many Chris-
tians were then serving in the Roman army. And who can doubt that these,
on such an occasion, implored the compassion of their God and Saviour ?
Further, as the Christians of those times looked upon all extraordinary
events as miracles, and ascribed every unusual and peculiar advantage en-
joyed by the Romans to the prayers of Christians, it is not strange, that the
salvation of the Roman emperor and his army, should be placed among the
miracles which God wrought in answer to the prayers of Christians. But,
as all wise men are now agreed that no event is to be accounted a miracle
if it can be adequately accounted for on natural principles, or in the com-
mon and ordinary course of divine providence ; and as this rain may be
easily thus accounted for ; it is obvious what judgment ought to be formed
respecting it.
§ 11. The Jews, first under Trajan, [A.D. 116], and afterwards under
Adrian, [A.D. 132], led on by Bar Chochebas who pretended to be the Mes-
siah, made insurrection against the Romans ; and again suffered the great-
est calamities. A vast number of them were put to death ; and a new city,
called Aelia Capitolina, was erected on the site of Jerusalem, which not
an individual of the miserable race was allowed to enter.(16) This over-
throw of the Jews confirmed in some measure, the external tranquillity of
at all times, and in all places. Bella geri tium. See also P. E. Jablonski, Spicile-
placuit, nulla hahitura triumphos. — Thus gium de legione fulminatrice ; in the Mis-
Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 221, &c. cellan. Lipsiens., torn, viii., p. 417, where
• — Very candid remarks on this subject, may in particular, the reasons are investigated,
also be found in Schrocckh, Kirchengesch., which led the Christians improperly to class
vol. iv., p. 380, &c. ; and in Jortin's Re- this rain among the miracles. — [See also
marks on Eccl. Hist., vol. i., passim. — Jr.] Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 249, &c.
(15) The arguments on the two sides of — The most important among the ancient
the question may be seen in Herm. Witsius, accounts of this matter are, on the side of
Diss. de Legione fulminatrice, subjoined to the pagans, Dion Cassius, Historia Roma-
bis Aegyptiaca; he defends the reality of na, lib. Ixxi., c. 8. Julius Capitolinus, Life
the miracle : and Dan. Laroque, Diss. de of Marcus Antonin., cap. 24. Aclius Lam-
Legione fulminat., subjoined to the Adver- prid., Life of Heliogabalus, cap. 9. Clau-
saria Sacra, of his father Matth. Laroque ; diem, Consulat. vi., Honorii v. — and on the
who opposes the idea of a miracle: — but side of the Christians, Tertullian, Apologet.,
best of all in the controversy concerning the cap. 5, ad Scapulam, cap. 4. Eusebius,
miracle of the thundering legion, between Hist. Eccles., 1. v., cap. 5, and Chronicon,
Peter King [rather the Rev. Richard King, p. 82, 215. Xiphilinus, on Dion Cassius,
of Topsham— TV.] and Walter Moyle • lib. Ixxi., cap. 9, 10. — Tr.]
which I have translated into Latin, and pub- (16) Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Tryph., p.
lished, with notes, in my Syntagma Disser- 49, 278. [Dion Cassius, Hist. Rom., 1. 69,
tationum ad disciplinas sanctiores pertinen- cap. 12-14. — Tr.}
ADVERSE EVENTS. 105
the Christian community. For that turbulent nation had previously been
everywhere the accusers of the Christians before the Roman judges ; and
in Palestine and the neighbouring regions, they had themselves inflicted
great injuries upon them, because they refused to aid them in their opposi-
tion to the Romans. (17) But this new calamity rendered it not so easy
for the Jews, as formerly, to do either of these things.
$ 12. The philosophers and learned men, who came over to the Chris-
tians in this century, were no inconsiderable protection and ornament to
this holy religion by their discussions, their writings, and their talents.
But if any are disposed to question whether the Christian cause received
more benefit than injury from these men, I must confess myself unable to
decide the point. For the noble simplicity and the majestic dignity of the
Christian religion were lost, or, at least, impaired when these philosophers
presumed to associate their dogmas with it, and to bring faith and piety
under the dominion of human reason.
CHAPTER II.
THE ADVERSE EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
$ 1, 2. The Persecution of Trajan. — § 3. That of Adrian. — § 4. That of Antoninus Pius.
— $ 5. That of Antoninus Philosophus. — § 6. Its Calamities. — § 7. The Reigns of
Commodus and Severus. — $ 8. Calumnies against Christians.
$ 1. IN the beginning of this century there were no laws in force against
the Christians ; for those of Nero had been repealed by the senate, and
those of Domitian by his successor Nerva. But it had become a common
custom to persecute the Christians, and even to put them to death, as often
as the pagan priests, or the populace tinder the instigation of the priests,
demanded their destruction. Hence, under the reign of Trajan, otherwise
a good prince, popular tumults were frequently raised in the cities against
the Christians, which were fatal to many of them.(l) When therefore such
tumults were made in Bithynia, under the propraetor Pliny the younger,
he thought proper to apply to the emperor for instructions how to treat the
Christians. The emperor wrote back that the Christians were not to be
sought after, but if they were regularly accused and convicted, and yet re-
fused to return to the religion of their fathers, they were to be put to death
as being bad citizens. (2)
§ 2. This edict of Trajan, being registered among the public laws of the
Roman empire, set bounds indeed to the fury of the enemies of the Chris-
tians, but still it caused the destruction of many of them, even under the
best of the emperors. For whenever any one had courage to assume the
odious office of an accuser, and the accused did not deny the charge [of
(17) [Justin Martyr, Apolog. i., p. 72. which epistles many learned men have illus-
— Schl.] tratcd by their comments, and especially
(1) Eutebius, Historia Eccles., lib. iii.f Vossius, Bochmer, Baldwin, and Hevmann.
cap. 32. [See Mitncr's Hist, of the church of Christ,
(2) Pliny, Epistol. lib. x., epist. 97, 98 ; century ii., ch. i. — 7V.]
VOL. I.— O
106 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART L— CHAP. II.
being a Christian], he might be delivered over to the executioner, unless
he apostatized from Christianity. Thus by Trajan's law, perseverance in
the Christian religion was a capital ofTence. Under this law, Simeon the
son of Cleophas and bishop of Jerusalem, a venerable old man, being ac-
cused by the Jews, suffered crucifixion. (3) According to the same law,
Trajan himself ordered the great Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, to be thrown
to wild beasts. (4) For the kind of death was left by the law to the pleas-
ure of the judge.
$ 3. Yet this law of Trajan was a great restraint to the priests, who
wished to oppress the Christians ; because few persons were willing to
assume the dangerous office of accusers. Under the reign of Adrian, there-
fore, who succeeded Trajan A.D. 117, they evaded it by an artifice. For
they excited the populace, at the seasons of the public shows and games,
to demand with united voice of the presidents and magistrates, the destruc-
tion of the Christians ; and these public clamours could not be disregarded,
without danger of an insurrection.(5) But Serenus Granianus the proconsul
of Asia, made representation to the emperor, that it was inhuman and un-
just to immolate men convicted of no crime, at the pleasure of a furious
mob. Adrian therefore addressed an edict to the presidents of the prov-
inces, forbidding the Christians to be put to death, unless accused in due
form, and convicted of offence against the laws ; i. e., as I apprehend, he re-
instated the law of Trajan.(Q] Perhaps also the Apologies for the Chris-
tians, presented by Quadratus and Aristides, had an influence on the mind
of the emperor.(7) — In this reign, Bar Chochebas a pretended king of the
Jews, before he was vanquished by Adrian, committed great outrages on
the Christians, because they would not join his standard. (8)
§ 4. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the enemies of the Christians as-
sailed them in a new manner ; for as the Christians, by the laws of Adrian,
were to be convicted of some crime, and some of the presidents would not
admit their religion to be a crime, they were accused of impiety or atheism.
This calumny was met by Justin Martyr, in an Apology presented to the
(3) Eusclius, Hist. Eccl., lib. iii., cap. 32. munity ; as we are expressly taught by Eu-
(4) See the Acta martyrii Ignatiani ; pub- sebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. iv., cap. 7. — See Mo-
lished by Ruinart, and in the Patres Apos- sheim, de Rebus Christ., &c., p. 236. — Tr.]
tolici, and elsewhere. [See above, p. 92, (6) See Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. iv., c. 9,
note (31), and Milner's Hist, of the Chh., and Fr. Baldwin, ad Edicta Principum in
cent, ii., ch. i., p. 138. — TV.] Christianos, p. 73, &c. [This edict is also
(5) [It was an ancient custom or law of given by Justin Martyr, Apolog. i., § 68,
the Romans, of which many examples occur 69. It was addressed, not only to Minutius
in their history, that the people when assem- Fundanus the successor of Serenus, but to
bled at the public games, whether at Rome the other governors of provinces ; as we
or in the provinces, might demand what they learn from Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. iv., c.
pleased of the emperor or magistrates ; which 26. — Schl.~\
demands could not be rejected. This right, (7) [These Apologies are mentioned by
indeed, properly belonged only to Roman Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c. 3, and Je-
citizens. but it was gradually assumed and rome, Epist. ad Magnum, Opp., torn, iv., p.
exercised by others, especially in the larger 656, ed. Benedict, and de Viris Illustr., c.
cities. Hence, when assembled at the pub- 19, 20. — From this indulgence of the em-
lie games, the populace could demand the peror towards the Christians, arose the sus-
destruction of all Christians, or of any indi- picion that he himself inclined to their reli-
viduals of them whom they pleased ; and gion. Lampridius, Vita Alexandri Severi,
the magistrates dared not utterly refuse these cap. 43. — Schl.]
demands. — Moreover, the abominable lives (8) Justin Martyr, Apolog., ii., p. 72, ed.
and doctrines of certain heretics of this age, Colon. [Jerome, de Viris Illustr., cap. 21.
brought odium on the whole Christian com- — TV.]
ADVERSE EVENTS. 107
emperor. And the emperor afterwards decreed that the Christians should
be treated according to the law of Adrian. (9) A little after, Asia Minor
was visited with earthquakes ; and the people regarding the Christians as
the cause of their calamities, rushed upon them with every species of vio-
lence and outrage. When informed of this, the emperor addressed an edict
to the Common Council of Asia, denouncing capital punishment against ac-
cusers of the Christians, if they could not convict them of some crime.(lO)
§ 5. Marcus Antoninus the philosopher, whom most writers extol immod-
erately for his wisdom and virtue, did not indeed repeal this decree of his
father, or the other laws of the preceding emperors ; but he listened too
much to the enemies of the Christians, and especially to the philosophers,
who accused them of the most horrid crimes, and particularly of impiety,
of feasting on the flesh of murdered children, (Thyestearum epularum), and
of incest, (Oedipodei incestus). Hence no emperor, after the reign of Nero,
caused greater evils and calamities to light on Christians than this emi-
nently wise Marcus Antoninus ; nor was there any emperor, under whom
more Apologies for the Christians were drawn up, of which those by Justin
Martyr, Athenagoras and Tatian, are still extant. (11)
§ 6. In the first place, this emperor issued unjust edicts against the Chris-
tians, whom he regarded as vain, obstinate, deficient in understanding, and
strangers to virtue ;(12) yet the precise import of these edicts is not now
known. In the next place, he allowed the judges, when Christians were
accused of the crimes already specified, by servants and by the vilest of
persons, to put their prisoners to torture ; and notwithstanding their most
constant denial of the charges alleged against them, to inflict on them cap-
ital punishments. For, as the laws would not allow the Christians to be
executed without a crime, the judges who wished to condemn them, had
to resort to some method of making them appear to be guilty. Hence un-
der this emperor, not only were several very excellent men most unjustly
put to death, (among whom were Polycarp, the pious bishop of Smyrna,
and the celebrated philosopher Justin, surnamed Martyr),(\3) but also sev-
(9) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c. 26, p. 151, &c., and J. C. I. Gieseler's Text-
{where Mdito tells Marcus Aurelius, that Book of Eccles. Hist, by Cunningham,
his father (Anton. Pius) wrote to the Laris- Philad., 1836, vol. i., p. 79, note 4. — TV.]
scans, the Thessalonians, the Athenians, (11) [Dr. Mosheim, de Rebus Christ.,
and to all the Greeks, not to molest the &c., p. 244, characterizes Marcus Antoni-
Christians. — Schl.] nus as a well-disposed, but superstitious
(10) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c. 13, man ; a great scholar, but an indifferent em-
f where the edict is given at length. It may peror. His persecutions of the Christians
also be seen in Milner, Hist of the Chh., arose from his negligence of business, his
cent, ii., ch. ii, vol. i., p 158, &c., ed. ignorance of the character of Christians and
Boston, 1822, where several pious reflec- of Christianity, and from his easy credulity
tions are subjoined. — It has been questioned and acquiescence in the wishes of others. —
whether this edict was issued by Marcus His character is also given by Milner, Hist.
Anri-liiis, or by his father, Antonnnix Pins, of the Church, cent, ii., ch. 4, and very
Y<ili:iins (on Euseb., H. Eccl., 1 iv., c. 13), elaborately, by A. Neander, Kirchengesch.,
decides for the former; and Mosheim (de vol. i., pt. i., p. 154, &c. — TV.]
Reb. Christ., &c., p. 240, &c.) is as deci- (12) See Mdito, as quoted by Eusebius,
sive for the latter. Others have little doubt, Hist. Eccl., 1. iv., c. 26.
that the whole edict is a forgery of some (13) The Acta Martyrii of both Polycarp
early Christian. For this opinion they urge, and Justin Martyr are published by Kuin-
that its language is not such as the pagan art, in his Acta martyr, sincera. [The for-
emperors uniformly use, but is plainly that mer also, in the Patres Apostol. The life
of an eulogist of the Christians. See A. and martyrdom of Polycarp, are the subject
Ncandcrs Kirchengeschichte, vol. i., pt. i., of the 5th chapter of Milnefs Hist, of the
108 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
eral Christian churches, and especially those of Lyons and Vienne in
France, A.D. 177, were by his order nearly destroyed and obliterated, by
various species of executions. (14)
§ 7. Under the reign of Commodus, his son, [A.D. 180-192], if we ex-
cept a few instances of suffering for the renunciation of paganism, no great
calamity befel the Christians (15) But when Severus was placed on the
throne, near the close of the century, much Christian blood was shed in
Africa, Egypt, and other provinces. This is certain from the testimonies
of Tertullian,(l6) Clemens Alexandrinus,(l7) and others; and those must
mistake the fact, who say that the Christians enjoyed peace under Severus,
up to the time when he enacted laws that exposed them to the loss of life
and property, which was in the beginning of the next century. For, as
the laws of the [former] emperors were not abrogated, and among these,
the edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus were very unjust; it was in
the power of the presidents to persecute the Christians with impunity
whenever they pleased. These calamities of the Christians near the end
of this century, were what induced Tertullian [A.D. 198] to compose his
Apologeticum, and some other works. (18)
§ 8. It will appear less unaccountable, that so holy a people as the
Christians should suffer so much persecution, if it be considered that the
patrons of the ancient superstition continually assailed them with their rail-
ings, calumnies, and libels. Their reproaches and calumnies, of which we
have before spoken, are recounted by the, writers of the Apologies. The
Christians were attacked, in a book written expressly against them by Cel-
sus ; the philosopher whom Origen, in his confutation of him, represents
as an Epicurean, but whom we for substantial reasons believe to be a Pla-
tonist of the sect of Ammonius.(lQ) This miserable sophist deals in slan-
der, as Origeri's answer to him shows ; nor does he so much attack the
Christians, as play off his wit ; which is not distinguished for elegance and
refinement. Fronto, the rhetorician, also made some attempts against the
Christians ; but these have perished, with the exception of a bare mention
Chh., century ii., vol. L, p. 176, &c., ed. martyrs of Scillita in Africa, A.D. 200, in
Boston, 1822, as those of Justin Martyr, Ruinarfs Acta Martyr. Baronius Ann.,
are of ch. iii. of the same vol., p. 161, &c. A.D. 200, and Milner, Hist, of the Chh.,
—Tr.] vol. i., p. 236.— 7V.]
(14) See the Letter of the Christians at (18) I have expressly treated of this sub-
Lyons giving account of this persecution, ject in my diss. de vera aetate Apologetici
in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. v., cap. 2, Tertulliani et initio persecutionis Severi ;
[also in Fox, Book of Martyrs, and in Mil- which is the first essay in my Syntagma
ner's History of the Church, cent, ii., ch. Diss. ad hist, eccles. pertinentium.
vi., vol. i., p. 185, &c., ed. Boston, 1822. — (19) [See Mosheim's preface to the Ger-
Tr.~\ man translation of Origen's work. — Tr.
(15) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. v., cap. " The learned Dr. Lardner does not think
24, and 16, 18, 19. it possible, that Cclsus could have been of
(16) [Tertullian, ad Scapulam, cap. 4, the sect of Ammonius ; since the former
and Apologet., cap 5., which show that See- lived and wrote in the second century, where-
erus himself was, at first, favourable to the as the latter did not flourish before the third.
Christians. But the same Apologeticum, And indeed, we have from Origen himself,
cap. 35, 49, and 7, 12, 30, 37, shows that that he knew of two only of the name of Cel-
Christians suffered before the enactment of sus, one who lived in the time of Nero, and
the laws. — SchL] the other in the reign of Adrian, and after-
(17) [Clemens Alex., Stromat, 1. ii., p. wards. The latter was the philosopher, who
4-94. — ScM. See also the account of the wrote against Christianity." — Macl.~\
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. 109
of them by Minutius Felix.(2Q) To these may be added Crescens, a
Cynic philosopher, who, though he seems to have written nothing against
the Christians, yet was very eager to do them harm, and in particular did
not cease to persecute Justin Martyr, till he compassed his death. (21)
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE STATE OF LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY.
§ 1. State of Learning in general. — (j 2, 3. Learned Men. — § 4. Rise of the New Pla-
tonics.— § 5. Eclectics at Alexandria. — § 6. Approved by the Christians. — () 7. Ammo-
nins Saccas. — § 8. His fundamental Principles. — $ 9. His principal Doctrines. — § 10.
His austere System of Moral Discipline. — § 11. His Opinions concerning God and
Christ. — § 12. Ill Effects of this Philosophy on Christianity. — § 13. The State of Learn-
ing among Christians.
§ 1. ALTHOUGH literature seemed in some measure to recover its for-
mer dignity and lustre, during the reign of Trajan,(l) yet it could not long
retain its influence under the subsequent emperors, who were indisposed to
patronise it. The most learned among these Roman sovereigns, Marcus
Antoninus, showed favour only to the philosophers, and especially to the
Stoics ; the other arts and sciences, he, like the Stoics, held in contempt. (2)
(20) Minutius Felix, Octavius, p. 266, cd. addicted to it; the pagan philosophers per-
Herald. — [Minutius mentions this calum- ceiving their reputations and their interests
niator in two passages, -namely, chap. 10, p. to be at stake, now joined the populace and
99, and chap. 31, p. 322; in the former of the priests in persecuting the Christians in
which, he calls him Cirtensis noster ; im- general ; and they especially assailed the
plying, that he was of Cirta, in Africa ; in Christian philosophers with their calumnies
the latter passage, he speaks of him as an and accusations. Their chief motive was,
orator, indicating what profession he follow- not the love of truth, but their own reputa-
ed. It has been supposed by the learned, tion, influence, glory, worldly interest, and
and not without reason, that this Pronto was advantage ; just the same causes as had be-
Cornclius Pronto the rhetorician, who in- fore moved the pagan priests. This war of
structed Marcus Antoninus in eloquence, the philosophers commenced in the reign of
(and whose works were first published A.D. Marcus Antoninus, who was himself addict-
1816, by Aug. Maius, Frankf. on Mayn, in ed to philosophy. And it is easy to See,
2 parts). So. long as the Christian commu- what induced him to listen to his brother
nity was made up of unlearned persons, the philosophers, and at their instigation to al-
philosophers despised them. But when, in low the Christians to be persecuted. See
the second century, some eminent philoso- Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 256, &c.
phers became Christians, as Justin, Athe- — Tr.J
naporas, Pantacnus, and others, who retain- (21) Justin Martyr, Apologia ii., p. 21,
ed the name, garb, and mode of living of phi- ed. Oxon. Tatian, Oral, contra Graecos,
losophers, and who became teachers of youth, p. 72, ed. Worthii.
and while they gave a philosophical aspect to (1) Pliny, Epistles, lib. iii., ep. 18, p. 134,
Christianity, exposed the vanity of the pagan 135, ed. Cortii et Longolii.
philosophy, and the shameless lives of those (2) Marcus Antoninus, Meditations, or,
110 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
Hence the literary productions of this age among the Romans, are far infe-
rior to those of the preceding century, in elegance, brilliance, and good taste.
^ 2. Yet there were men of excellent genius, among both Greeks and
Romans, who wrote well on almost every branch of learning then cultiva-
ted. Among the Greeks, Plutarch was particularly eminent. He was a
man of various, but ill-digested learning ; and besides was tainted with the
principles of the academics. Rhetoricians, sophists, and grammarians had
schools in all the more considerable towns of the Roman empire ; in which
they pretended to train up youth for public life, by various exercises and dec-
lamations. But those educated in these schools, were vain, loquacious,
and formed for display ; rather than truly eloquent, wise, and competent to
transact business. Hence the sober and considerate looked with contempt,
on the education acquired in the schools of these teachers. There were
two public academies, one at Rome founded by Adrian, in which all the
sciences were taught, but especially jurisprudence ; the other at Berytus in
Phenicia, in which jurists were principally educated. (3)
§ 3. Many philosophers of all the different sects, flourished at this time ;
but to enumerate them belongs rather to other works than tothis.(4) The
Stoic sect had the honour of embracing two great men, Marcus Antoninus,
the emperor, and Epictetus.(5) But each of them had more admirers than,
disciples and followers ; nor were the Stoics, according to history, held in
the highest estimation in this age. There were larger numbers in the
schools of the Platonists ; among other reasons, because they were less
austere, and because their doctrines were more in accordance with the
common notions respecting the gods. But no sect appears to have numbered
more adherents than the Epicureans ; whose precepts led to an indulgent,
secure and voluptuous life. (6)
§ 4. Near the close of this century, a new philosophical sect suddenly
started up, which in a short time prevailed over a large part of the Roman
empire, and not only nearly swallowed up the other sects, but likewise did
immense injury to Christianity. (7) Egypt was its birthplace, and partic-
ularly Alexandria, which for a long time had been the seat of literature and
every science. Its followers chose to be called Platonics. Yet they did
not follow Plato implicitly, but collected from all systems whatever seemed
to coincide with their own views. And the ground of their preference for
the name of Platonics, was, that they conceived Plato had explained more
correctly than all others, that most important branch of philosophy which
treats of God and supersensible things.
§ 5. That controversial spirit in philosophy, which obliges every one to
ad se ipsum, lib. i., § 7, p. 3, 4, $ 17, p. 17, &c., treats of M. Antoninus ; and ibid., p,
ed. Lips. 260, &c., of Epictetus.— TV.]
(3) M. Antoninus, Meditations, or, ad se (6) Lucian, Pseudomantis ; Opp., torn, i.,
ipsum, lib. i., $ 7, 10, 17, p. 4, 7, 16, ed. p. 763.
Lips. [See Giannone, Istoria Civile di Na- (7) [See Dr. Mosheim's Cornmentat. de
poli, lib. i., c. 10. — TV.] turbata per recentiores Platonicos ecclesia,
(4) Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Trypho., in his syntagma Diss. ad Hist. Eccles. per-
Opp., p. 218, &c. Many of the philoso- tinent., vol. i., p. 85, &c. ; and Brucker's
phers of this age are mentioned by M. An- Hist. cnt. Philos., torn, ii., p. 162, &c. —
toninus, Meditat., or, ad se ipsum, lib. i. Schl. And, on the contrary, C. A. T. Keil,
(5) [Concerning Marcus Antoninus, see Exercitatt. xviii. de Doctoribus veteris ec-
Brucker's Hist. crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 578, cles. culpa corrupts per Platonicas senten-
and for Epictetus, ibid., p. 568.— Schl. tias theologiae, liberandis, Lips., 1793-1807,
Staeudlin, Gesch. der Moralphilos., p. 265, 4to. — TV.]
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. Ill
swear allegiance to the dogmas of his master, was disapproved by the more
wise. Hence among the lovers of truth, and the men of moderation, a new
class of philosophers had grown up in Egypt, who avoided altercation and a
sectarian spirit, and who professed simply to follow truth, gathering up what-
ever was accordant with it in all the philosophic schools. They assumed
therefore the name of Eclectics. But notwithstanding these philosophers
were really the partisans of no sect, yet it appears from a variety of testi-
monies, that they much preferred Plato, and embraced most of his dogmas
concerning God, the human soul, and the universe. (8)
§ 6. This philosophy was adopted by such of the learned at Alexandria,
as wished to be accounted Christians, and yet to retain the name, the garb,
and the rank of philosophers. In particular, all those who in this century
presided in the schools of the Christians at Alexandria, (Athenagoras, Pan-
taenus, and Clemens Alexandrinus,) are said to have approved of it. (9)
These men were persuaded that true philosophy, the great and most salu-
tary gift of God, lay in scattered fragments among all the sects of philoso-
phers ; and therefore that it was the duty of every wise man, and especial-
ly of a Christian teacher, to collect, those fragments from all quarters, and
to use them for the defence of religion and the confutation of impiety. Yet
this selection of opinions did not prevent their regarding Plato as wiser
than all others, and as having advanced sentiments concerning God, the
soul, and supersensible things, more accordant with the principles of Chris-
tianity than any other.(lO)
§ 7. This [eclectic] mode of philosophizing was changed near the close
of the century, when Ammonius Saccas with great applause, opened a
school at Alexandria, and laid the foundation of that sect which is called
the New Platonic. This man was born and educated a Christian, and per-
haps made pretensions to Christianity all his life.(ll) Being possessed
(8) [See Brucker's Hist. crit. Philos., who were attached to the ancient simple
torn, ii., p. 189, &c. — Schl.] faith, as taught by Christ and his apostles;
(9) The title and dignity of philosopher so for they feared what afterward actually hap-
much delighted those good men, that, when pened, that the purity and excellence of di-
made presbyters, they would not abandon the vine truth would suffer by it. Hence the
philosopher's cloak and dress. See Origan's Christians were divided into two parties, the
letter to Euscbius, Opp., torn, i., p. 2, ed. • friends of philosophy and human learning,
de la Rue. [Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Try- and the opposers of them. The issue of the
pho. initium. For proof that Pantanus long contest between them, was, that the
studied philosophy, see Origen, in Euscbius, advocates of philosophy prevailed. — Traces
Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c. 19. Jerome, de of this controversy may be seen in Eusebius,
Scriptoribus Illustr., cap. 20. The prori- Hist. Eccles., 1. v., c. 28 ; and in Clemens
ciency of Athcnagoras in philosophy, ap- Alex., Stromat., lib. i., cap. 1-5. — See Mo-
pears from his Apology, and his Essay on shcim, de Rebus Christ, ante Constant. M.,
the Resurrection. That Clemens Alex, was p. 276, &c. — TV.]
much addicted to philosophy, is very evi- (11) [The history of the philosopher Am-
dent ; see his Stromata, passim. — Concern- moitius is involved in great obscurity. All
ing the Alexandrian Christian school, see that could be gathered from antiquity re-
Hcrm, Conrmgiut, Antiquitates Academi- specting him, is given by Bruckcr, Historia
cae, p. 29. J. A. Schmidt, Diss. prefixed crit. philos., torn, ii., p. 205. See also J.
to A. Hyperii Libellum de Catechesi. Do- A. Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, lib. iv., c.
min. Aulisius, delle Scuole sacre, libr. ii., 26. "Whether Ammonius continued a pro-
cap. 1, 2, 21. Geo. Langemacfc, Historia fessed Christian, or apostatized, has been
Catechiemorum, pt. i., p. 86. — See Moshctm, much debated. Porphyry, who studied un-
de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 273, &c. — Tr.] der Plotinus, a disciple of Ammonius, (as
(10) [This cultivation of philosophy by quoted by Eusefnus, Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c.
Christian teachers, greatly displeased those 19), says, he was born of Christian parents,
112 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
of great fecundity of genius as well as eloquence, he undertook to bring all
systems of philosophy and religion into harmony ; or, in other words, to teach
a philosophy, by which all philosophers, and the men of all religions, the
Christian not excepted, might unite together and have fellowship. And
here especially, lies the difference between this new sect, and the eclectic
philosophy which had before flourished in Egypt. For the Eclectics held
that there was a mixture of good and bad, true and false, in all the systems ;
and therefore they selected out of all, what appeared to them consonant
with reason, and rejected the rest. But Ammonius held that all sects pro-
fessed one and the same system of truth, with only some difference in the
mode of stating it, and some minute difference in their conceptions ; so that
by means of suitable explanations, they might with little difficulty be brought
into one body. (12) He moreover held this new and singular principle,
that the popular religions, and likewise the Christian, must be understood
and explained according to this common philosophy of all the sects ; and
that the fables of the vulgar pagans and their priests, and so too the inter-
pretations of the disciples of Christ, ought to be separated from their re-
spective religions.
§ 8. The grand object of Ammonius, to bring all sects and religions into
harmony, required him to do much violence to the sentiments and opinions
of all parties, philosophers, priests, and Christians ; and particularly, by
means of allegorical interpretations, to remove very many impediments out
of his way. The manner in which he prosecuted his object, appears in
the writings of his disciples and adherents ; which have come down to us
in great abundance. To make the arduous work more easy, he assumed
that philosophy was first produced and nurtured among the people of the
East ; that it was inculcated among the Egyptians by Hermes,(13) and
but when he came to mature years, embraced openly renounce Christianity, but endeavour-
the religion of the laws, i. e., the pagan re- ed to accommodate himself to the feelings of
ligion. Eusebius taxes Porphyry with false- all parties ; and therefore he was claimed by
hood in this ; and says, that Ammonius con- both pagans and Christians. Hence, if he
tinued a Christian till his death, as appears was a Christian, he was a very inconsistent
from his books, one of which was on the ac- one, and did much injury to its cause. — See
cordance of Moses with Jesus Christ. Je- Mosheim, de Rebus Christ., &c., p. 281. —
rome, de Scriptoribus Illustr., cap. 55, says Tr.]
nearly the same. Valesius, Bayle, Bus- (12) [The views of this sect are very
nage, and Dr. Mosheim, (when he wrote his clearly expressed by Julian, who was a
essay de ecclesia turbata per recentiores Pla- great devotee of this philosophy, Oral, vi.,
tonicos), agreed with Eusebius and Jerome, contra Cynicos, Opp., p. 184. — Schl. In
But when he wrote his Commentarii de Reb. accordance with the prevalent views of the
Christ., Dr. Mosheim fell in with the opin- oriental Platonists, " these philosophers, like
ion of Fabricius, Brucker, and others, (and the Christian Gnostics, supposed all essen-
which is now the general opinion), that Eu- tial truth to be derived, not from a process
sebius and Jerome confounded Ammonius of thought, but from direct inward percep-
the philosopher, with another Ammonius, the tion. " Gieseler's Text-book, translated by
reputed author of a harmony of the Gospels, Cunningham, vol. i. , p. 112. See also
and other works ; because it can hardly be Tennemanri's Grundriss der Gesch. der
supposed, that this enthusiastic admirer of Philos., ed. Leipz., 1829, § 200-202. — TV.]
philosophy, would have found time or incli- (13) [This appears from the writings of
nation for composing such books. Besides, all his followers, Plotinus, Proclus, Porphy-
it is said, Ammonius the philosopher pub- ry, Damascius, Simplicius, and others,
lished no books. Still the question remains, And the learned, not without reason, con-
what were the religious character and creed jecture that all the works of Hermes and
of this philosopher, in his maturer years T Zoroaster, which we now have, originated in
Dr. Mosheim thinks it probable, he did not the schools of these New Platonics. — Schl.}
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. 113
thence passed to the Greeks ; that it was a little obscured and deformed
by the disputatious Greeks ; but still by Plato, the best interpreter of the
principles of Hermes and of the ancient oriental sages, it was preserved
for the most part entire and unsullied ;(14) that the religions received by
the various nations of the world were not inconsistent with this most ancient
philosophy ; yet that it had most unfortunately happened, that what the an-
cients taught by symbols and fictitious stories in the manner of the Orien-
tals, had been understood literally by the people and the priests ; and thus,
the ministers of divine providence, (those demons whom the supreme Lord
of all had placed over the various parts of our world), had erroneously been
converted into gods, and had been worshipped with many vain ceremonies ;
that therefore the public religions of all nations should be corrected by this
ancient philosophy : and that it was the sole object of Christ to set bounds
to the reigning superstition, and correct the errors which had crept into
religion, but not to abolish altogether the ancient religions.
§ 9. To these assumptions he added the common doctrines of the Egyp-
tians, (among whom he was born and educated), concerning the universe
and the deity, as constituting one great whole, [Pantheism ;](15) concern-
ing the eternity of the world, the nature of the soul, providence, the gov-
ernment of this world by demons, and other received doctrines, all of which
he considered as true and not to be called in question. For it is most ev-
ident that the ancient philosophy of the Egyptians, which they pretended
to have learned from Hermes, was the basis of the New Platonic or Am-
monian ; and the book of Jamblichus, de Mysteriis Aegyptiorum, is sufficient
evidence of the fact. In the next place, with these Egyptian notions he
united the philosophy of Plato ; which he accomplished with little diffi-
culty, by distorting some of the principles of Plato, and by putting a false
construction on his language. (16) Finally, the dogmas of the other sects
he construed, as far as was possible, by means of art, ingenuity, and the
aid of allegories, into apparent coincidence with these Egyptian and Pla-
tonic principles.
§ 10. To this Egyptiaco-Platonic philosophy, the ingenious and fanati-
cal man joined a system of moral discipline apparently of high sanctity
and austerity. He permitted the common people, indeed, to live accord-
ing to the laws of their country and the dictates of nature ; but he directed
the wise to elevate, by contemplation, their souls, which were the off-
spring of God, above all earthly things ; and to weaken and emaciate their
bodies, which were hostile to the liberty of their souls, by means of hun-
ger, thirst, labour, and other austerities ;(17) so that they might in the pres-
(14) [Jamblichus, de Mysteriis Aegyptio- Pror.lus, Simplicius, Jamblichus, and all the
rum, 1. i., c. 1, 2. — Sclil.] New Platonics. See, for example, Porphyry,
(15) [On this principle the whole philos- in his life of Plotinus, cap ii., p. 94. — SchL]
ophy of the ancient Egyptians was founded ; (16) [The principle of the Ammonian and
and on it Ammonius erected his system. Egyptian philosophy, that God and the
The book which goes under the title of Her- world constitute one indivisible whole, it
metis TrisiHCgisli Sermo de Natura Deo- cost him much labour to reduce to harmony
rum, ad Asclepium, which is extant in Latin with the system of Plato ; who, as we learn
among the works of Apulcius, the supposed from his Timanis, taught the eternal exist-
translator, is evidence of this fact. See also ence of matter, as a substance distinct from
Euscfiins, Pracparatio evangel., lib. iii., c. 9, God. SceProclus on the Tmiacus of Plato,
and the note on Cudworth's Intell. System, — Schl.]
torn, i., p. 404, &.c. And the same funda- (17) [See Porphyry, de Abstinentia, lib.
mental principle is assumed by Plottmts, i., c. 27, &c., p. 22-34. — SM-]
VOL. I.— P
114
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
ent life, attain to communion with the Supreme Being, and might ascend
after death, active and unencumbered, to the universal parent, and be for
ever united with him. And, being born and educated among Christians,
Ammonius was accustomed to give elegance and dignity to these precepts
by using forms of expression borrowed from the sacred scriptures ; and
hence these forms of expression occur abundantly in the writings of his
followers.(18) To this austere discipline, he superadded the art of so pur-
ging and improving the imaginative faculty, as to make it capable of seeing
the demons, and of performing many wonderful things by their assistance.
His followers called this art Theurgy. (19) Yet it was not cultivated by all
the philosophers of Ammonius' school, but only by the more eminent.(20)
§ 11. That the prevailing religions, and particularly the Christian, might
not appear irreconcilable with his system, Ammonius first turned the whole
history of the pagan gods into allegory,(21) and maintained that those whom
the vulgar and the priests honoured with the title of Gods, were only the
ministers of God, to whom some homage might and should be paid, yet
such as would not derogate from the superior homage due to the Supreme
God ;(22) and in the next place he admitted that Christ was an extraordi-
nary man, the friend of God, and an admirable Theurge.(23) He denied
that Christ aimed wholly to suppress the worship of the demons, those
ministers of divine providence ; that, on the contrary, he only sought to wipe
away the stains, contracted by the ancient religions ;(24) and that his dis-
ciples had corrupted and vitiated the system of their master.(25)
(18) [See examples in Hicrocles, on the
golden verses of Pythagoras ; and in Sim-
plicius and Jamblichus. See also Mosheim's
Diss. de studio Ethnicorum Christianos
imitandi, in vol. i. of his Diss. ad Hist. Ec-
cles. pertinent, p. 321. — Schl.]
(19) (This worthless science is very sim-
ilar to what has been called allowable magic,
and which is distinguished from necromancy,
or unlawful magic. It was undoubtedly of
Egyptian origin. As the Egyptians ima-
gined the whole world to be full of good and
evil spirits, they might easily be led to sup-
pose there must be some way to secure the
favour of these demons. See Augustine,
de Civil. Dei, 1. x., c. 9, Opp., torn, vii., p.
187. — Schl. " Theurgy is the science con-
cerning the gods and the various classes of
superior spirits, their appearing to men and
their operations ; and the art, by means of
certain acts, habits, words, and symbols, of
moving the gods to impart to men secrets
which surpass the powers of reason, to lay
open to them the future, and to become vis-
ible to them. This theurgy, which goes
farther and rises higher than philosophy, was
first imparted and revealed to men in ancient
times, by the gods themselves, and was
afterwards preserved among the priests. So
it is described in the book which bears the
name of Jamblichus, de Mysteriis Aegyptio-
rum, lib. i., c. 26-29." Staeudlin, Ges-
chicbte der Moralphilosophie, p. 462. — TV.]
(20) [See concerning the moral system
of the new Platonics, in all its material parts,
Staeudlin, Geschichte der Moralphilosophie,
p. 435, &c.—Tr.]
(21) [See, for example, Porphyry, de
Antro Nymphar. apud Homerum de styge,
&c.— Schl.]
(22) [Paul Orosius, Historia, lib. vi., cap.
1, p. 364, 365.— Schl.}
(23) [It cannot be denied that the sect of
Ammonius embraced some, who were ene-
mies of Christ and of the Christians. The
emperor Julian, and some others, are proof
of this. But Ammonius himself honoured
Christ. And Augustine contended against
some philosophers of his time, who, as fol-
lowers of Ammonius, honoured Christ, yet
maintained that the Christians had corrupted
his doctrine ; de Consensu Evangelistarum,
Opp., torn, iii., pt. ii., lib. 1, c. 6, § 11, p.
5, and c. 8, $ 14, p. 6, and c. 15, p. 8. —
Schl.]
(24) [Augustine, de Consensu Evangel.,
lib. i., c. 16, p. 8, and c. 24, p. 18. Yet
they admitted that Christ abolished the
worship of certain demons of an inferior
order, and enjoined upon men to pray to
the celestial gods, and especially to the Su-
preme God. This is evident from a passage
of Porphyry, quoted by Augustine, de Civ-
itate Dei, lib. xix., c. 23, § 4, Opp., torn.
vii., p. 430.— Schl.]
(25) What we have stated in these sec-
LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY. 115
t 12. This new species of philosophy, imprudently adopted by Origen
ana other Christians, did immense harm to Christianity. For it led the
teashers of it to involve in philosophic obscurity many parts of our religion,
wuch were in themselves plain and easy to be understood ; and to add
t< the precepts of the Saviour not a few things, of which not a word can be
f)und in the Holy Scriptures. It also produced that gloomy set of men,
tailed mystics ; whose system, if divested of its Platonic notions respect-
iig the origin and nature of the soul, will be a lifeless and senseless corpse.
It laid a foundation, too, for that indolent mode of life, which was after-
vards adopted by many, and particularly by numerous tribes of monks;
.nd it recommended to Christians various foolish and useless rites, suited
mly to nourish superstition, no small part of which we see religiously ob-
served by many even to the present day. And finally, it alienated the minds
*f many in the following centuries, from Christianity itself, and produced
a heterogeneous species of religion, consisting of Christian and Platonic
priiciples combined. And who is able to enumerate all the evils and inju-
rious effects, which arose from this new philosophy ; or, if you please,
iron [this Syncretismus] this attempt to reconcile true and false religions
with each other ?
§ ' 3. The number of learned men among the Christians, which was
small ;n the preceding century, was larger in this. And yet we scarcely
find anong them, rhetoricians, sophists, and orators. Most of those who
obtained some reputation among them by their learning, were philosophers :
and they as before stated, followed the principles of the Eclectics, and
gave Plcf.o preference before others. But all Christians were not agreed
as to the Jtility of learning and philosophy. Those who were themselves
initiated ii the mysteries of philosophy, wished that many, and especially
such as aspired to the office of pastors and teachers, might apply them-
selves to U.e study of human wisdom, so that they might confute the ene-
mies of truth with more effect, and teach and instruct others with more
success. Biit a great majority thought otherwise ; they wished to banish
all reasoning ind philosophy out of the confines of the church ; for they
feared that suchlearning would injure piety. At this time, therefore, broke
out the war between faith and reason, religion and philosophy, piety and in-
telligence ; which \ias been protracted, through all succeeding centuries,
down to our own tines, and which we by all our efforts cannot easily bring
to an end. By degrees, those obtained the ascendency, who thought that
philosophy and erudi;ion were profitable, rather than hurtful to religion and
piety ; and rules were at length established, that no person entirely illiter-
ate or unlearned, should be admitted to the office of teacher in the church.
Yet the vices of the philosophers and learned men, among other causes,
tions respecting the doctrines of Ammonius, New Platonics constantly affirm to have
we have collected from the books and dis- been the author of their philosophy. — [Dr.
cussions of his followers, who are called Mos)ic.im, in his Commentarii de Rebus
New Platonics. Ammonius himself left no Christ, ante Constantin. M., § 27-32, p.
writings; and he forbid his followers ever 280-298, has given a more full account of
publishing his doctrines, but they did not Ammonius and his doctrines, and has cited,
obey him. See Pwjihi/ry, Vita Plotim, cap. particularly, his chi^f authorities ; but the
3, p. 97, ed. Fnf>ricii, lib. iv . Uihlijt.h. substance of his statements is contained in
Graeca. Yet there can be no doubt, that the preceding sections, and his most impor-
all we have stated was invented by Ammo- tant authorities are referred to in the notes of
tints himself, whom the whole family of the Scklcgel, which are all here preserved. — 7V.J
116 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
prevented the opposite party from ever being destitute of patrons and ^d-
vocates. Ample proof of this will be found in the history of the following
centuries. ?
CHAPTER II. £
HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS AND OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCft-,
^
4 1. The form of Church Government. — § 2. Union of Churches in a Province. Origin,
of Councils. — § 3. Their too great Authority gave rise to Metropolitans and Patriarchs.
— § 4. Parallel between the Jewish and Christian Priesthood. — § 5. The principal^
Writers. ft
*t
§ 1. THE form of church government which began to exist in the p*te-
ceding century, was in this century more industriously established and cf-in-
firmed, in all its parts. One president, or bishop, presided over each church.
He was created by the common suffrage of the whole people. With Uie
presbyters for his council, whose number was not fixed, it was his business
to watch over the interests of the whole church, and to assign to each pres-
byter his station. Subject to the bishop and also to the presbyters.1, were
the servants or deacons, who were divided into certain classes, bec'ause all
the duties which the interests of the church required, could not Veil be at-
tended to by them all. S,
§ 2. During a great part of this century, all the churches continued to
be, as at first, independent of each other, or were connected by n/o consoci-
ations or confederations^ 1 ) Each church was a kind of small in dependent
republic, governing itself by its own laws, enacted or at least /sanctioned
by the people. But in process of time, it became customary, for all the
Christian churches within the same province, to unite and fo cm a sort of
larger society or commonwealth ; and in the manner of confederated repub-
lics, to hold their conventions at stated times, and there deliberate for the
common advantage of the whole confederation. This cv.stom first arose
among the Greeks, with whom a [political] confederation of cities, and the
consequent conventions of their several delegates, had been long known ;
but afterwards the utility of the thing being seen, the custom extended
through all countries where there were Christian churches. (2) Such
(1) [Yet by ancient custom, peculiar re- Christiani magna veneratione celebratur.
spect was paid to the churches founded and From this passage of Tertullian, which was
governed by the apostles themselves j and written near the beginning of the third cen-
such churches were appealed to in contro- tury, Dr. Mo.<!icim(A& Rebus Christ., &c.,
versies on points of doctrine, as most likely p. 266, &c-), infers, 1, that provincial coun-
to know what the apostles had taught. See cils had not then been held in Africa, nor
IreruEit-s, adv. Haeres., lib. iii., c. 3, and anywhere except among the Greeks : 2, that
Tertullian, de Praescript. adv. Haeres., c. councils v/ere considered as human institu-
36. Thus Moshcim, de Reb. Christ., &c., tions, and as acting only by human authority;
p. 258. — TV.] 3, that \he provincial councils were held al-
(2) Terlidlian, de Jejuniis, cap. 13, p. 711, ways in the same places — ccrtis in locis ;
[where we have this very important state- 4, that they did not interfere with the private
ment : Aguntur praete.rea per Graecias, ilia concerns of individual churches, which were
certis in locis Concilia ex universis ecclesiis, left to their own management ; but conferred
per quae et altiora quaeque in commune trac- only on greater matters, or such as were
tantur, et ipsa repreeentatio totius nominis of common interest — altiora — tractantur ; 5,
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 117
conventions of delegates from several churches assembled for deliberation,
were called by .the Greeks Synods, and by the Latins Councils ; and the
laws agreed upon in them, were called canons, that is, rules.
§ 3. These councils, — of which no vestige appears before the middle
of this century, changed nearly the whole form of the church. For by
them, in the first place, the ancient rights and privileges of the people
were very much abridged ; and, on the other hand, the influence and au-
thority of the bishops were not a little augmented. At first, the bishops
did not deny, that they were merely the representatives of their churches,
and that they acted in the name of the people ; but by little and little, they
made higher pretensions, and maintained that power was given them by
Christ himself, to dictate rules of faith and conduct to the people. In the
next place, the perfect equality and parity of all bishops, which existed
in the early times, these councils gradually subverted. For it was neces-
sary that one of the confederated bishops of a province should in those
conventions be intrusted with some authority and power over the others;
and hence originated the prerogatives of Metropolitans. And lastly, when
the custom of holding these councils had extended over the Christian world,
and the universal church had acquired the form of a vast republic com-
posed of many lesser ones, certain head men were to be placed over it in
different parts of the world, as central points in their respective countries.
Hence came the Patriarchs ; and ultimately a Prince of Patriarchs, the
Roman pontiff.
§ 4. To the whole order of men who conducted the affairs of the
church, no small honour and profit accrued, from the time they succeeded
in persuading the people to regard them as successors of the Jewish priests.
This took place not long after the reign of Adrian, when, upon the second
destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews lost all hope of seeing their common-
wealth restored. The bishops now wished to be thought to correspond
with the high priests of the Jews ; the presbyters were said to come in
place of the priests ; and the deacons were made parallel with the Levites.
Those who first drew this parallel between offices so totally different, proba-
bly made the misrepresentation, not so much from design as from ignorance.
that the attending bishops acted as represent- called, as occasion required. Originally
atives of their churches, and not as men these councils had no jurisdiction ; but were
-clothed with authority from heaven, by vir- mere conventions of delegates, met to con-
tue of their office —rcprcsenlatio totius no- sider and agree upon matters of common
minis Chrisliani. From Greece, the cus- concernment. But they soon began to claim
torn of meeting in councils extended into power ; to enact and enforce laws, and to
Syria and Palestine. Euscb., Hist. Eccl., 1. hear and decide controversies. And the
v., c. 23. We have no certain accounts of lishopn, instead of appearing as the represent-
any councils till after the middle of the sec- atives of their churches, claimed authority
mul century. The earliest of which we from Christ, to bind and control the church-
have authentic notice, were those which de- es. See W. C. Zeigler, on the Origin of
liberated concerning the Montanists, about Synods, in Menken's Neuen Magazin, band
A.D. 170 or 173, (Euscb., H. E., v. 16), i., st. i. G. J. Planck's Geschichte der
and the next were those assembled to con- christl. kirchl. Gesellschafts-Verfassung, pe-
sider the proper time for Easter. — (Euscb., riod ii., chap, v., vol. i., p. 90, &c. C. W.
H. E.,v. 23.) All these councils are placed F. Walch, Historic der Kirchenversamml.,
by Euscbius, under the reign of Commodus, Introd., § 3, 4, and b. i., ch. i., sect, ii., p.
or A.D. 180-192. In the third century, 82, &c., ch. ii., p. 118, &c. — Jos. Bmgham,
councils became frequent. Provincial coun- Origines Eccles., vol. vii., p. 45, &c., and
cils were now held, perhaps throughout the Sir P. King, Constitution, &c., of the Prim.
Christian world ; and special councils were Church, ch. 8. — TV.]
118
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
But this idea being once introduced and approved, drew after it other er-
rors, among which I will mention only this, that it established a wider dif-
ference between teachers and learners than accords with the nature of the
Christian religion,(3)
§ 5. Among the doctors of this century, whose writings rendered them
particularly famous in after ages, was Justin Martyr ; a converted phi-
losopher, who had dipped into nearly every sect in philosophy. He was
pious, and possessed considerable learning, but he was sometimes an in-
cautious disputant, and was ignorant of ancient history. We have among
other works of his, two Apologies for the Christians, which are justly held
in great estimation.(4) Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons in France, whose only
(3) [This comparison of Christian teach-
ers with the Jewish priesthood, among other
consequences, led the former to lay claim to
tithes and first fruits ; of which we find
mention, before the times of Constantine.
Perhaps a desire to increase their revenues,
which were both small and precarious, led
some of the bishops to apply Jewish law to
the Christian church. That they claimed
first fruits, as of divine right, in this centu-
ry, is clear from Ireneeus, contra Haeres., 1.
iv., c. 17 and 34. That tithes were not yet
claimed, at least in the Latin church, appears
from the latter of these passages in Ireneau.
Yet in the Greek and Oriental churches,
tithes began to be claimed earlier than among
the Latins ; and probably in this second cen-
tury, for the Greek writers of the third cen-
tury, and the apostolic constitutions, (which
seem to contain the ecclesiastical laws of
the Greek church), mention tithes as a thing
then well known. — See Moshcim, de Rebus
Christianor., &c., p. 271.— Tr.]
(4) [Justin Martyr, was the son of Pris-
cus and grandson of Bacchius, pagan Gre-
cians, settled at Flavia Neapolis, (Naplous),
the ancient Sichem in Samaria. See Apol-
og. L, c. i. He had successive masters in
philosophy, Stoic, Peripatetic, Pythagorean,
and lastly Platonic. He travelled much, and
was very eager in the pursuit of knowledge,
and especially respecting the Divine Being.
When about 23 years old, as is conjectured,
and about A.D. 137, he was converted to
Christianity, in consequence of being direct-
ed by an aged Christian, to go to the Bible,
as the source of true philosophy. He after-
wards spent most of his time at Rome ;
where he lived as a Christian philosopher, and
devoted all his talents to the furtherance of the
gospel. At last, about A.D. 168, he suffered
jnartyrdom, one Cresccns, a pagan philoso-
pher, being his accuser, and on the simple
charge of his being a Christian. His wri-
tings are numerous, erudite, all of them theo-
logical, and all of a polemic character. His
style is harsh and inelegant, his temper is ar-
dent and decisive, and his arguments and
opinions not always satisfactory. Yet being
the first of the learned divines, and a very zeal-
ous and active Christian, he merits our par-
ticular attention. His life and writings are
described by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c.
11, 12, 16-18. Jerome, de Scriptor. Illustr.,
c. 23. Photius, Biblioth., ccxxxii., and oth-
ers among the ancients ; and by Cave, Du
Pin, Longerue, Maran, Milncr, (Hist, of the
Chh., vol. i.,p. 161, &c.,ed. Boston, 1822.)
J. Kaye, (account of the writings and opin-
ions of Justin Martyr, Lond., 1829, 8vo), a
writer in the Christian Examiner, for Nov.,
Cambridge, 1829 ; and others among the
moderns. — About A.D. 140, or as some
think, much later in life, he composed two
learned treatises against the pagans, as we
learn from Eusebius, (Hist. Eccl., iv., 18),
and Jerome, (ubi sup.), which are generally
supposed to be the Cohortatio ad Graecos,
and Oratio ad Graecos, still found in his
printed works. The substance of the for-
mer, which is the largest, is this : " The
Greeks have no sources of certain and sat-
isfactory knowledge of religion. What their
poets state concerning the gods is ridiculous
and absurd. Jupiter, for example, accord-
ing to Homer, would have been incarcerated
by the other gods, if they had not feared
Briareus. And Jupiter himself betrayed
his weakness by his amours. Mars and Ve-
nus were wounded by Diomede, &c. Tha-
Ics derived all things from water ; Anaxi-
menes, from air ; Heraclitus, from fire, &c.
But it is not possible for the human mind to
search out divine things ; it needs aid from
above ; it must be moved by the divine Spir-
it, as the lyre must by the plectrum. This
was the fact with the Hebrew prophets ;
who besides, were much older than the
Grecian poets, lawgivers, and philosophers.
Even the heathen writers admit the high anti-
quity of the Jewish legislation, e. g., Polemon,
Appion, Ptolemy Mendesius, Hellanicus,
&c., and Philo, Josephus, and Diodorus Sic-
ulus confirms it. An Egyptian king, Ptolemy
(Philadelphus), therefore, caused the ancient
Hebrew books to be translated into Greek,
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
119
remaining writings are his five Books against the Heretics ; which, though
preserved only in a Latin translation from the original Greek, are a splen-
the sick in a wonderful manner ; Christians
assert the same of Christ, &c. The ground
of this correspondence lies in this, that the
demons, who are the authors of the pagan
religions, and to whom the pagan worship'is
paid, copied beforehand the history of Christ,
in order to prejudice the truth. Yet they
omitted to copy the cross, which is the ap-
propriate sign of the power of Christ ; (and
therefore it is found indispensable in nature,
e. g., in the yards of a ship.) Also, by the
ascent of Simon Magus to heaven, they
sought to imitate the ascension of Christ ;
and since the Romans themselves have erect-
ed a statue to this Simon as a god ; they
should more readily do the same to Christ.
Christianity is true. This is demonstrable
from the prophecies of the Old Testament.
(Here again, the antiquity of the Old Tffsta-
ment is asserted ; and the principle main-
tained, that the Greeks borrowed from the
Hebrews.) Also, the prophecies of Christ,
concerning his ascension to heaven, and the
destruction of Jerusalem, which have been
fulfilled, prove the truth of Christianity.
Christ is the Logos, (the reason or intel-
ligence) of which all men participate ; so
that every one who has ever lived according
to Logos, (reason), was a Christian. The de-
mons, whose worship is prostrated by Chris-
tianity, are the authors of the persecutions
against Christians." — Some points in this
Apology are here omitted, because contain-
ed in the other summaries.
The shorter Apology commences with an
account of some persecutions ; which are
ascribed to the malice of the demons. It
then gives reasons why Christians do not
shun martyrdom ; and also, why God per-
mits persecution. " God intrusted the gov-
ernment of the world to angels : these af-
terwards apostatized from God, and taking
human wives, begat the demons ; and by
them and their offspring, the human race is
now oppressed and ruined. God would be-
fore this have destroyed the world, had he
not spared it for the sake of the Christians.
Yet it is to be destroyed hereafter, and by
fire. Jesus Christ is superior to Socrates ;
for no one ever died for the doctrine of the
latter. The constancy of Christians under
persecution is evidence of their innocence."
— These summaries of Justin's Apologies
are specimens of the ground taken by all the
ancient Apologists, whose works have come
down to us. — Besides the four works now
mentioned, Justin wrote a book, de Monar-
chia Dei, proving the divine unity in oppo-
sition to polytheism, by testimonies from the
by 70 men, who were enclosed in as many
separate cells ; when they had finished their
translations, they were found perfectly agree-
ing, not only in the sense but in the words.
Justin himself had seen the vestiges of
these cells. The Greeks derived their best
thoughts from the Hebrews. Thus Orpheus,
Homer, Solon, Pythagoras, and Plato, are
known to have acquired their best knowl-
edge in Egypt. Hence, Orpheus, the Sib-
yls, Homer, Sophocles, &c., were enabled
to write about the unity of God, the judg-
ment after death, &c. When Plato, for in-
stance, says : Virtue must be given to men
by the Deity ; he borrowed the idea from
the prophets ; and to conceal the fact, he
substituted virtue in place of the Holy Spirit.
When he says : Time began with heaven ;
it is clear that he borrowed from Moses' wri-
tings, &c. Since therefore, the Grecian
philosophers themselves confess their igno-
rance, and the Sibyls direct to the coming of
Christ, men should go to the prophets, as to
the source of all truth." — The shorter work,
entitled Oratio ad Graecos, is similar in its
contents. Indeed, this may serve as a fair
specimen of the ground taken by the Chris-
tian fathers generally, in their controversies
with learned pagans. About A.D. 150, or
as some think, 10 or 12 years earlier, Justin
presented his earliest or long Apology for
the Christians to the emperor Antoninus Pi-
us : and a little before his death, or after
A.D. 160, his other Apology, an imperfect
copy of which is improperly called his first
Apology. The substance of the larger Apol-
ogy, which is written with little method,
is this : " Why are Christians condemned
merely for their name, without inquiry wheth-
er they are malefactors 1 Let this be inves-
tigated ; then punish the guilty, and let the
innocent go free. The Christians are ac-
cused of atheism; but unjustly. They wor-
ship God the Father, the Son, and the pro-
phetic or divine Spirit. They offer indeed
no sacrifices ; but they believe God requires
none. Christians are ridiculed for expect-
ing a kingdom of Christ ; but unjustly. The
kingdom which they expect, is not an earthly
kingdom ; if it were, how could they so
cheerfully meet death 1 Christianity is not
so totally unlike everything believed by the
pagans. The pagans expect a judgment af-
ter death ; so do the Christians. The for-
mer make Rhadamanthus the judge ; the lat-
ter, Jesus Christ. The pagans believe, that
many men were sons of Jupiter ; Christians
believe, that Jesus was the Son of God.
The pagans assert, that jEsculapius healed
120
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
did monument of antiquity. (5) Athenagoras was no contemptible phi-
losopher ; and his Apology for the Christians, and his treatise on the resur-
rection of the body, display both learning and genius. (6) Theophylus,
Old Testament and likewise from pagan
writers, (Eusebius, H. E., iv. 18). The
latter part of the book probably is preserved.
— Against the Jews he composed, in the
latter part of his life, his Dialogus cum Try-
phone JudEEo. He defends Christianity
against the Jews, chiefly by arguments from
the ancient prophecies and types of Christ
in the Old Testament. He also wrote a
book against Marcion, and another against
all the heresies ; both of which are unfortu-
nately lost. So are his book concerning the
soul, (in which he collected the opinions of
the philosophers on that subject), and his
book entitled, Psaltes. There are several
other works now extant under his name,
which are either doubted or denied to be
his : namely, an Epistle to Diognetus ; and
another to Zenas and Serenus ; 146 Ques-
tions and their solutions, to the Orthodox ;
Exposition of the true Faith (on the Trin-
ity) ; Metaphysical Questions (Questiones
Graecanicae) and answers ; Questions to the
Greeks, and their answers refuted ; a con-
futation of some Aristotelian doctrines, &c.
Justin's works make a considerable folio
volume. They were well edited, Paris,
1636, reprinted Cologne, 1636 : but still
better in the Benedictine ed., by Prudent.
Maran, Paris, 1742. Thirl by* s ed. of the
dialogue, Lond., 1722, fol., is good. The
two Apologies, with those of Tertullian
and Minutius Felix, are given in English
by W. Reeve, Lond., 1707, 2 vols. 8vo.—
TV.]
(5) [Irenmis, who was active during the
last half of this century, was bom and edu-
cated in Asia Minor, under Poly carp and
Papias. About A.D. 150, Pothinus and
others went from Asia Minor to Lyons and
Vienne in France ; and Iren&us, then a
young man, is supposed to have been one
of those missionaries. He remained a pres-
byter till the death of Pothinus, A.D. 177,
when he succeeded him in the episcopal
chair at Lyons, which he filled till about
A.D. 202, the time of his martyrdom.
While a presbyter he was sent to Rome by
his church, concerning the affair of Monta-
nus. He is supposed to have composed
the letter written in the name of the church-
es of Lyons and Vienne, giving the graphic
account of their persecution in A.D. 177.
He likewise took an active part in the con-
troversy respecting Easter, A.D. 196 ; and
wrote to Victor, bishop of Rome, on the
' subject ; and also to the presbyter Blastus,
who was deposed at Rome during that con-
test. Eusebius has also preserved part of
a letter of his to Florinus, an apostate to
Gnosticism, with whom Ircnceus had been
intimate in his youth. Some other small
works of his are mentioned by the ancients.
See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. v., c. 15,
20, 24, 26. Jerome, de Scriptor. illustr.,
cap. 35. — But the great work of Iren&us
is his Examination and Confutation of the
misnamed (yvtiaif ) knowledge, in v. Books,
commonly called Libri contra Hsereses.
The work is altogether polemic ; and is di-
rected particularly against Valcntinus ; yet
so as to be a confutation of all the Gnostics,
and a defence of the catholic faith against
most of the heretics of that age. The book
contains much information, respecting the
early heretics, their origin, sentiments, and
characters ; also respecting the state of the-
ological science in that age, the doctrines
generally received and taught, and the man-
ner of stating and defending them. But un-
fortunately, the original Greek is lost, ex-
cept the extracts preserved by Eusebius,
Epiphanius, and others ; and the Latin
translation, which is very ancient, is ex-
tremely barbarous, and sometimes scarcely
intelligible. — Irenaus was an ardent and
sincere Christian, and a discreet and amiable
man. He possessed considerable learning
and influence ; but his mind does not ap-
pear to have been one of the highest order.
As an interpreter of Scripture, like all the
early fathers, he was too fond of tracing al-
legories ; and as a theologian, few of the
moderns will account him entirely correct in
principle, or perfectly conclusive in his rea-
sonings.— See, concerning his life and wri-
tings, Cave, Du Pin, Massuet, (works of
Irenaeus), the Acta Sanctor., torn. v.. June,
p. 335. Histoire litteraire de la France,
torn, ii., p. 51 ; and Milner, Hist, of the
Chh., century iii., ch. i., vol. i., p. 215, ed.
Boston, 1822. — The best editions of his
works, are, by Grabc, Lond., 1702, fol. ;
and the Benedictine, by Massuet, Paris,
1710, and Venice, 1734, 2 tomi, fol.— TV.]
(6) [Athenagoras, one of the most elegant
and able writers the church has produced,
is scarcely mentioned by any of the fathers.
Methodius, about A.D. 285, quoted from
him ; (See Epiph. Haeres., 65), Philip Si-
detes, about A.D. 400, gives some account
of him ; (in DodwcWs Diss. on Irenaeus, p.
408), and Photius, (Bibliotheca), in the ninth
century, speaks of him. This is all the fa-
thers tell us. It appears from the title of his
apology, that he was a Christian philosopher
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
121
bishop of Antioch, has left us three Books, addressed to one Autolycus, in
defence of Christianity, which are erudite but not well digested. (7) Clem-
ens Alexandrinus, a presbyter and head of the catechetic school at Alex-
andria, was a man of extensive reading, and especially in the works of
ancient authors. This is manifest from the works of his that remain,
namely, his Stromata, his Paedagogus, and ad Graecos Exhortatio. But
he was infected with very great errors, into which he was betrayed by his
excessive love of philosophy : nor are his works to be recommended, as
exhibiting good arrangement and perspicuity of style. (8) In the Latin
of Athens ; and that he wrote his Apology
in the reign of the emperors Marcus and
Commodus. — Philip Sidctes, who is a wri-
ter of little credit, says, he presided in the
school at Alexandria, before Pantaenus ;
which is contradicted by Euxcliiits ; and that
he was converted to Christianity, by reading
the Scriptures with a design to confute them ;
which may be true. Dr. Moshcim, in his
Diss. de vera aetate Apologetici Athenag.
(Dissertt. ad Hist. Eccles., vol. i., p. 269,
&c.), has proved, that the Apology was
written A.D. 177, the very year of the per-
secutions at Lyons and Vicnne. Athcnag-
oras descants on the same topics as Justin
Martyr, and employs the same arguments ;
but his composition is immensely superior
as to style and method. — His other work, de
Resurrectione, is written with equal ele-
gance, and contains the arguments used in
that age, to support the doctrine of the res-
urrection of the body against the objections
of philosophers. — His works, besides being
printed separately by Edw. Dcchair, Oxford,
1706, 8vo, are commonly subjoined to those
of Justin Martyr ; and the best editions are
those of Grabe, Lond., 1802, and Massuct,
Paris, 1710.— Tr.]
(7) [Theophylus was made bishop of Anti-
och in Syria, A.D. 168, and died about A.D.
182 or 183. The best accounts of him by the
ancients, are those of Eusebius, Hist. Ec-
cles, 1. iv., c. 20, 23, and Jerome, de Scriptor.
Illustr, c. 25. — He appears to have been a
converted pagan, a man of reading, a decided
and active Christian pastor, sound in faith,
and zealous for the truth. He is not meta-
physical, but still is rather a dry and argu-
mentative writer. He composed a book
against Hermorreiirs ; and another against
Marcion ; and a Commentary on the four
Gospels ; all of which are lost. His great
work, and the only one which has reached
us, is his three Books, addressed to his pagan
friend Aittoh/nm, in vindication of Christian-
ity. Here he takes much the same ground
with Justin Martyr and the other Apolo-
gists ; but he descends more into detail, in his
proofs from Scripture and from history. He
is fond of allegorical and fanciful interpreta-
VOL. I.— Q
tions, and on them rests a large part of his
arguments. For example : about the middle
of the second book, he makes (kv upxy) in
the beginning, Gen. i., 1, to mean, by Christ.
The constitution by which vegetables spring
up from seeds and roots, was designed to
teach the resurrection of our bodies. The
dry lands surrounded by seas, denote the
church surrounded by enemies. The sun
is a type of God ; as the moon is of man,
that frail, changeable creature. The three
days preceding the creation of the sun and
moon, (rviroi elaiv rpiudof ra 6e£), are
typical of the Trinity of God and his Word
and his Wisdom. (This is said to be the
earliest occurrence of the word Trinity, in
the writings of the fathers. ) The fixed stars,
among which the sun moves, indicate righ-
teous and holy men who serve God ; and the
planets denote heretics and apostates, &c.,
&c. — Yet the work is not all of this charac-
ter. It contains much that is instructive
and solid ; and is written in a plain, familiar
style.— Tr.]
(8) [Titus Flavins Clemens, whether bom
at Athens or Alexandria, was a pagan in early
life, and devoted himself to philosophy. He
travelled in Greece, in south Italy, in Coelo-
Syria, in Palestine, and lastly in Egypt,
where he was a pupil of Pantaenus the mas-
ter of the Christian school at Alexandria.
Becoming a Christian, he was made a pres-
byter of the Alexandrian church, and suc-
ceeded his preceptor Pantaenus, as master
of the catechetic or divinity school. He
taught with great applause during the reign
of Sevcrus, (A.D. 193-21 1 ), and had Ongen
and other eminent men of the third century,
for pupils. About A.D. 202, he retired into
Palestine and Syria, for a short time, to
avoid persecution. He is supposed to have
died about A.D. 220.— Clement had vast
learning, a lively imagination, great fluency,
considerable discrimination, and was a bold
and independent speculator. That he had
true piety, and held the essential truths of
the Gospel, is admitted by all ; but no one
of the fathers, except Origen, has been more
censured in modern times, for an excessive
attachment to philosophy or metaphysical
122
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
language, scarcely any writer of this century elucidated or defended the
. Christian religion, except Tertullian. He was at first a jurisconsult, then
a presbyter at Carthage, and at last a follower of Montanus. We have va-
rious short works of his, which aim either to explain and defend the truth,
or to excite piety. Which were the greatest, his excellences or his de-
fects, it is difficult to say. He possessed great genius ; but it was wild
and unchastened. His piety was active and fervent ; but likewise gloomy
and austere. He had much learning and knowledge ; but lacked discre-
tion and judgment : he was more acute than solid. (9)
theology. He was a true Eclectic, which he
also professed to be ; that is, he followed no
master implicitly, but examined and judged
for himself. Yet his education and the at-
mosphere in which he lived, led him to lean
towards Platonism and Stoicism. His great
error was, that he overrated the value of phi-
losophy or human reason, as a guide in mat-
ters of religion. He also indulged his ima-
gination, as all the learned of his age did, to
excess ; and construed the Bible allegori-
cally, and fancifully. — His three principal
works, which have reached us, constitute
one whole. His Exhortatio ad Graces was
intended to convince and convert pagans.
It exposes the nakedness of polytheism, and
demonstrates the truth and excellence of
Christianity. His Paedagogus, in iii. Books,
was intended to instruct a young convert in
the practice of Christianity. It is an indif-
ferent performance, dwells much on trivial
rules of conduct, and does not go to the
bottom even of external morality. His
Stromata, in viii. Books, (the last of which
is not the genuine 8th Book), are written
without method, or in a most discursive
manner. In them Clement attempts to give
the world his most profound thoughts and
speculations on theology, and on the kindred
sciences. — He has also left us a practical
treatise, entitled Quis dives ille sit, qui sal-
vetur ; in which his object is to show to
what temptations and dangers the rich are
exposed. There are ascribed to him, and
printed with his works, Extracts from the
writings of Theodotus and the Oriental philos-
ophy, (the contents of some one's note-book,
respecting the Gnostics) ; and Selections
from the Prophets, (of no great value), which
may have been taken from the loose papers
of Clement, yet are dubious. — Eusebius and
Jerome mention works of his, which are now
lost. Of these the principal, are libri viii.
Hypotyposeon, a compendious exposition of
the 0. and N. Testament. The others were
tracts ; de Paschate, de Jejunio, de Obtrec-
tatione, Exhortatio ad Patientiam, and Can-
on Ecclesiasticus, or de Canonibus Eccle-
$iasticis. — The character and writings of
Clement, have been elaborately investigated
by various persons, among whom are -ZV. le
Nourry (Apparat. ad Biblioth. Pair) ; J. G.
Walch (Miscellanea Sacra) ; J. Brucker,
(Hist. crit. philos.) ; and A. Neander, Kir-
chengesch., vol. i. — The best edition of his
works, is that of Potter, Oxon., 1715, fol.
-TV.]
(9) Those who wish further information
concerning these writers, their defects, and
their works, are directed, — and the direction
is given once for all, — to consult those au-
thors, who treat professedly of the Ecclesi-
astical Writers ; namely, J. A. Fabricius,
Bibliotheca Graeca, and Biblioth. Latina.
W. Cave, Historia Litteraria Scriptor. Ec-
cles. L. Ellies du Pin and Remigius Cel-
lier, in their Bibliothecas of Eccles. Writers
in French ; and others.
[ Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus
was the son of a pagan centurion of procon-
sular rank, and born at Carthage about A. D.
160. He was bred to the law ; but becom-
ing a Christian, was made a presbyter in the
church of Carthage, where he appears to
have spent his whole life. About A.D. 200,
he embraced the sentiments of the Montan-
ists ; which he afterwards defended with his
usual ardour. He is said to have lived to a
§reat age ; and yet he is supposed to have
ied about A.D. 220. — Jerome, de Scriptor.
Illustr., c. 53. Eiisebius, Chronicon. ann.
16 Severi, and others, give him a high char-
acter. Jerome tells us, that Cyprian, bp. of
Carthage, was, accustomed to read some por-
tions of his works daily ; and in calling for
this author, used to say : Da magistrum,
bring my master. He wrote with great
force, and displayed much both of erudition
and acuteness ; but his style is concise,
harsh, and extremely difficult for modern
readers. His diction and his spirit too, it has
been supposed, were extensively propagated
in the Latin church. — His works consist of
about 30 short treatises, and are nearly all
of a polemic cast, argumentative, vitupera-
tive, and severe. They may be divided into
three classes ; namely, apologetic, or in con-
troversy with pagans and Jews ; — doctrinal,
or confutations of heretics ; — and moral, in
defence or confutation of certain practices
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
123
or rules of conduct. — Of the first class are
his Apologcticum, and ad Nationes Lihri ii.
These are only different editions of the
same work ; and were composed about A.D.
198 : — de Tcstimonio animce. ; the testimony
of conscience or common sense to the truths
maintained by Christians : — ad Scapulam,
a pagan magistrate ; an expostulation with
him, (A.D. 211) : — adversus Judaeos ; pro-
ving from the O. T. that Jesus was the
Messiah, and Christianity true. — In all these,
he takes the same ground with Justin Mar-
tyr and the other apologists of that age. —
Of the second or doctrinal class, are : de
Baptismo ; against one Qumtilla, who re-
jected baptism altogether : de Prascription-
ibvs hcercticorum ; a confutation of all her-
esies collectively, on general principles :
Ltbri v. adv. Marcionem, (A.D. 207), and
single books against the Valcntinians, Prax-
eas and Hermogencs : — Scorpiace, or Scor-
piacum, adv. Gnoslicos, or de bono martyrii ;
that is, an Antidote against the Scorpions,
i. e., the Gnostics, who have no martyrs
among them : de Came Chnsti ; that Christ
truly died on the cross ; maintained against
the Docetae : de Resurrectione ; of the same
tenour with the last : de Anima ; against
the philosophers ; their notions of the soul
confuted. — In attacking the heretics, he
takes much the same ground with Ircnams.
— Most of his works of the third class, were
written after he became a Montanist, and are
in defence of the rigid principles of that
sect, or in opposition to the opinions and
practice of Christians in general. The two
first, however, were written in his early life,
and are of a different character : viz., de
Oratwne ; on prayer in general, and the
Lord's prayer in particular : Liber ad Mar-
tyres ; designed to comfort and animate
them in their dying moments : de Spectacu-
lis, and de Idololatria ; warnings to Chris-
tians against attending theatres, and other
idolatrous rites : Libn ii. ad uxorem ; warn-
ing her against a second marriage, if she
should become a widow ; and especially
against marrying a pagan : — de Pvenitentia ;
on penance and humiliation for sin : de Pa-
tientia. — All the preceding of this class,
were probably written before he became an
avowed Montanist : — de corona militis ; jus-
tifying and commending a soldier who re-
fused a military crown, and was punished
for it : — de velandis virginibus ; against the
custom of the young ladies appearing abroad
unveiled : — de habitu muliebri ; reprehension
of the ladies for their attention to dress :
de Cultu faminarum ; much the same ;
on their adorning their persons : — de Fiiga in
persecutione ; that no one should retire for
•afety in time of persecution : Eihortatio
Castitatis, and de Monogamia; two tracts
on the same subject ; namely, the criminality
of second marriages : de Jejuniis adv. Psy-
chicos ; against the orthodox, in defence of
the Montanist principles about fasting : de
Pudicitia ; that offenders, especially by un-
chastity, should never be restored to com-
munion in the church : de Pallio ; against
wearing the Roman toga, and recommend-
ing in place of it, the Grecian pallium or
cloak. — These are all the works of Tertul-
lian, which have reached us. Among his
lost works, were seven Books in defence of
the Montanists ; one on the Believer's hope ;
one on Paradise, and one on Aaron's gar-
ments. The best editions of his works, are,
by Rigaltius, Paris, 1634, and 1641, fol. ;
and by Semler, Halle, 1769-73, 5 vols. 8vo,
with a 6th vol. by Windorf, containing in-
dices and a glossary, 1776.
Besides the writers above mentioned,
whose works have been preserved, there
were many others in this century, of whose
works we have only extracts preserved by
the fathers. Of these, a catalogue embra-
cing such as are mentioned by Eusebius in
his Eccles. History, and by Jerome, de Scrip-
toribus Illustribus, is here subjoined.
Papias, bp. of Hierapolis in Phrygia, con-
temporary with Ignatius, in the beginning of
the century. He wrote five Books, contain-
ing traditional accounts of Christ, his apos-
tles, and others of the primitive times. He
is said to have advocated the doctrine of the
Millennium. Euseb., iii. 39. Jerome, c. 18.
Quadratus, bp. of Athens. He wrote an
Apology for the Christians, presented to the
Emperor Adrian, A.D. 123 or 131. Euseb.,
iv., 3. Jerome, c. 19.
Aristides, an eloquent Christian philoso-
pher of Athens, at the same time presented
an Apology. Euseb., iv., 3. Jerome, c. 20.
Agrippa Castor, contemporary with the
two last. He was " a very learned man ;"
and wrote a confutation of the 24 Books of
Basilidcs the heretic. Euseb., iv., 7. Je-
rome, c. 21.
Hegesippus, a converted Jew, who resided
at Corinth and at Rome. He wrote about
A.D. 160, five Books of Eccles. Memoires,
from the crucifixion of Christ to his own
times. Euseb., iv., 8, 22, and iii., 19, 20,
32. Jerome, c. 22.
Melito, bp. of Sardis. He wrote an Apol-
ogy, besides various short works ; namely,
de Pascha (the time of Easter) ; de Vita
Prophetarum ; de Ecclesia ; de Die Domin-
ica ; de Sensibus ; de Fide ; de Plasmate ;
de Anima et Corpore ; de Baptismate ; de
Veritate ; de Generatione Christi ; de Pro-
phetia ; de Philoxenia ; a book entitled Cla-
vis ; de Diabolo, de Apocalypse Joannis, da
124
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
Corporali Deo. Euseb., iv., 26. Jerome,
c. 24.
Apollinaris, bp. of Hierapolis in Phrygia,
A.D. 170. He wrote an Apology ; five
books against the pagans ; de Veritate, libri
ii. ; adv. Cataphrygas ; adv. Judaeos, libri
ii. Euseb., iv., 27. Jerome, c. 16.
Dionysius, bp. of Corinth, from about
A.D. 170. He was an active and influen-
tial man, and wrote valuable epistles to sev-
eral churches and their bishops ; namely, to
the churches of Sparta, Athens, Nicomedia,
Gortyna and others in Crete, Amastris and
others in Pontus ; and to Pinitus, a Cretan
bp., and Victor, bp. of Rome. Euseb., iv.,
23. Jerome, c. 27.
Talian, a rhetorician, and disciple of Jus-
tin Martyr. After the death of Justin, he
swerved from the common path, and-became
founder of a rigorous sect called Encratites.
He flourished about A.D. 170, and wrote an
Apology, under the title of Oratio contra
Graecos, which is still extant and usually
printed with the works of Justin Martyr.
He is said to have composed many other
works ; among which a Diatessaron, or Har-
mony of the four Gospels, and a treatise on
Perfection after the pattern of Christ, are
particularly mentioned. Eusebius, iv., 29.
Jerome, c. 29. Clem. Alex., Strom, iii., 12.
Musanus, of the same age, wrote against
the Encratites. Jerome, c. 31. Eusebius,
iv., 23.
Modestus, of the same age, wrote a book
against Marcion, which Eusebius says ex-
ceeded all other confutations of that heretic.
Eusebius, iv., 25. Jerome, c. 32.
Bardesanes, a Syrian of Edessa, of the
same age, an eloquent and acute reasoner.
He was first a Valentinian ; but afterwards,
wrote against that and other sects. His
works were numerous, which his admirers
translated from Syriac into Greek. His
dialogues against Marcion, and his treatise
on Fate, are particularly commended. — Eu-
sebius, iv., 30. Jerome, c. 33.
Victor, bp. of Rome, A.D. 194-203. His
zeal respecting the right day for Easter, led
him to write several epistles on that subject.
Eusebius, v., 24. Jerome, c. 34. Nothing
of his remains ; though two spurious epistles
with his name, are still extant.
Panta;nus, a Christian philosopher of Al-
exandria, and head of the Catechetic school
there, before Clement. He was a learned
and active Christian ; and wrote much, par-
ticularly in explanation of the Scriptures ;
but none of his works remain. He visited
India, or Arabia Felix, as a missionary, and
had vast influence in the church. Euseb.,
v., 10. Jerome, c. 36.
Rhodon, an Asiatic Greek, but educated
at Rome under Tatian. He wrote much ;
and in particular, on the Hexaemeron, (the
six days of creation) ; a treatise against Mar-
cion ; and another against the Phrygians or
Cataphrygians, the disciples of Montanus.
Euseb., v., 13. Jerome, c. 37.
Miltiadcs, who flourished in the reign of
Commodus, A.D. 180-192. He wrote an
Apology ; a work against the Cataphrygians ;
two books against the pagans ; and two oth-
ers against the Jews. Euseb., v., 17. Je-
rome, c. 39.
Apollonius, an eloquent Greek writer, au-
thor of a long and much valued confutation
of the Cataphrygians. Euseb., v., 18. Je-
rome, c. 40.
Serapion, ordained bp. of Antioch A.D.
191. He wrote an epistle concerning the
Montanists or Cataphrygians ; another to
Domninus, an apostate to Judaism ; and a
tract concerning the spurious Gospel ascri-
bed to Peter. Eusebius, vi., 12. Jerome,
c. 41.
Apollonius, a Roman senator and martyr
under Commodus. His eloquent defence at
his trial, was committed to writing. Euse-
bius, v., 21. Jerome, c. 42.
Under the reigns of Commodus and Seve-
rus, or A.D. 180-211, lived several writers,
mentioned summarily by Eusebius, v., 27,
and by Jerome, c. 46-51 : namely, Heracli-
tus, author of a Commentary on Paul's Epis-
tles ; Maximus, who wrote on the Origin of
Evil and the Creation of Matter ; Candidus
and Appion, who wrote on the Hexae'meron,
(Gen., ch. i.) ; Scxtus wrote on the resur-
rection ; and Arabianus composed some
docrinal tracts.
All the preceding wrote in Greek, except
Bardesanes, who composed in Syriac, and
Victor and Apollonius the martyr, who
wrote in Latin. — TV.]
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 125
CHAPTER III.
HISTORY OF RELIGION AND THEOLOGY.
§ 1. Religion yet Simple. — § 2. Was gradually Changed. — § 3. This proved by an Exam-
ple.— § 4. Attention to the Scriptures. — §. 5 Faults of Interpreters. — § 6. State of Dog-
matic Theology. — $ 7. Polemics of this Age. — § 8. Excellences and Defects of the Con-
troversialists.— t) 9. Writers on Practical Religion. — t) 10. Merits of the Fathers in re-
gard to Practical Religion. — § 11. Twofold System of Practical Religion. — § 12. Hence
the Ascetics. — § 13. Causes of their Rise. — § 14. Their Progress. — § 15. Origin of
pious Frauds. — § 16. Lives of Christians, and the Discipline of Offenders. — § 17. Pub-
lic Penitence modelled according to the Rules of the Pagan Mysteries.
§ 1. THE whole Christian system was still comprised in a few precepts
and propositions ; nor did the teachers publicly advance any doctrines be-
sides those contained in what is called the Apostles' creed. In their man-
ner of handling these doctrines, there was nothing subtile, profound, or dis-
tant from common apprehension. This will not appear strange, if we re-
flect that no controversy had yet been moved, respecting those important
points of religion about which contests afterwards arose, and that the bish-
ops were generally plain, unlearned men, more distinguished for their piety
than for their genius and eloquence.
§ 2. Yet from this venerable simplicity, insensibly, there was a consid-
erable departure ; many points were more critically investigated, and more
artificially stated ; many principles also were imprudently adopted, which
were derived from philosophy, and that too not of the most solid character.
This change arose from two principal causes. The first lay in the dispo-
sition of certain teachers, who wished to make Christianity appear in har-
mony with the decisions of philosophy, and who thought it elegant to state
Christian precepts in the language of philosophers, jurists, and rabbis.
The other cause is found in the discussions with the opposers and corrupt-
ers of the truth. To meet these, the Christian doctors were sometimes
under a necessity to state with precision what was before undefined, and
to exhibit their views with more discrimination.
§ 3. Whoever wishes for an example, need only consider what began
to be taught in this age respecting the state of souls when separated from
the body. Jesus and his apostles simply taught, that the spirits of holy
men on leaving the body were received to heaven ; and that those of the
wicked went to hell. And this satisfied the first disciples of Christ, in
whom there was more piety than curiosity. But this plain doctrine was
materially injured, when Christians were induced to agree with the Platon-
ics and others, that only the souls of heroes and men of distinguished
abilities were raised to heaven ; while those of others, being weighed down
by their sensual propensities, sunk to the infernal regions, and could never
attain to the world of light till cleansed from their pollutions.(l) From
the time that this opinion began to prevail, the martyrs only were repre-
(1)1 have treated largely of these senti- Platonics, in my notes on R. Cud-worth' t
jnents of the ancients, and especially of the Intellectual System, torn, ii., p. 1036.
126 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
sented and believed to be happy immediately after death ; and others were
assigned to some obscure region, in which they were detained till the
second coming of Christ, or at least, till their impurities which disqualified
them for heaven should be removed from them. From this source, how
numerous and how vast the errors ? — what vain ceremonies ? — what mon-
strous superstitions took their rise ?
§ 4. But they all revered the holy scriptures, as the rule of faith and
the standard of truth ; and therefore they wished them to be in the hands
of all. Of the translations of the scriptures into other languages, we have
already spoken. We shall here speak only of the expositors. The first
Christian who composed explanations of the sacred volume, if I mistake
not, was Pantanus, the master of the Alexandrine school. But divine
providence has so ordered, that none of his writings have reached us.
The Hypotyposes also, of Clemens Alexandrinus, in which he is said to
have expounded detached passages from all the sacred books, have been
lost ; and likewise his Commentaries on the canonical Epistles. Tatian
composed a Harmony of the Gospels, which has [not] escaped the ravages
of time. (2) Justin Martyr explained the Apocalypse ; Theophilos of An-
tioch elucidated the four Gospels ; and [several] others expounded the
Mosaic account of the creation. All these works are now lost.
§ 5. But this loss is the less to be regretted, since it is certain that no
one of these expositors could be pronounced a good interpreter. They
all believed the language of scripture to contain two meanings, the one ob-
vious and corresponding with the direct import of the words, the other re-
condite and concealed under the words, like a nut by the shell ; and neg-
lecting the former, as being of little value, they bestowed their chief at-
tention on the latter ; that is, they were more intent on throwing obscurity
over the sacred writings by the fictions of their own imaginations, than on
searching out their true meaning. Some also, and this is stated especial-
ly of Clement, attempted to make the divine oracles teach and support the
precepts of philosophy. The excessive and almost divine authority ascri-
bed to the Alexandrine version of the Old Testament, called the Septua-
gint, was a great obstacle to any valuable and suitable interpretation of that
part of the Bible.
§ 6. A system of Christian theology, so far as we can learn, was com-
posed by no one in this age. The tracts of Arabianus, (de dogmate
Christiano), having been all lost, we cannot tell what they were. The
five Books of Papias, (de Dictis Christi et Apostolorum, or, Explanatio
oraculorum dominicorum), so far as can be learned from Eusebius,(3)
must be regarded rather as a historical than a doctrinal work. Melito of
Sardis is said to have written, de Fide, de Creatione, de Ecclesia, and de
Veritate : but it does not appear from these titles, whether they were po-
lemic or doctrinal treatises. Some points in theology were stated and de-
fended, by those who engaged in religious controversies. But the doc-
(2) [I cannot but think there must be a cap. xii., § 5, 6, prefixed to his edition of
great typographical error in the original of Justin Martyr, &c., and republished by
this sentence. For it is not easy to believe, Sprenger, Thesaurus Rei Patristicae, torn,
that Dr. Mosheim held to the long exploded ii. — TV.]
notion, that either of those Harmonies of the (3) [Euscbius, Hist. Eccles., lib. iii., c.
four Gospels, which we have in the Biblio- 29. See also Irenaus, adv. Haeres., 1. v.,
theca Patrum, could be the genuine work of c. 33. Jerome, de Scriptoribus Illustr., cap.
Tatian. See Prudentius Maran, Diss. xiii., 18. — Tr.]
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 127
trines which were not brought into controversy, were for the most part not
so distinctly treated by the writers of that age, as to enable us fully to un-
derstand what their views were. It is therefore not strange, that all sects
of Christians can find in what are called the Fathers, something to favour
their own opinions and systems.
§ 7. The controversial writers who distinguished themselves in this
century, encountered either the Jews, or the worshippers of idol gods, or the
corrupters of the Christian doctrine and the founders of new sects, that is,
the heretics. With the Jews, contended in particular Justin Martyr, in his
dialogue with Trypho ; and likewise Tertullian ; but neither of them, in
the best manner ; because they were not acquainted with the language and
history of the Hebrews, and did not duly consider the subject. The^a-
gans were assailed by those especially, who wrote Apologies for the
Christians ; as Athenagoras, Melito, Quadratus, Miltiades, Aristides, Ta-
tian, and Justin Martyr ; or who composed Addresses to the pagans ; as
Justin, Tertullian, Clement, and Theophilus of Antioch. All these vanquish-
ed paganism, and answered the calumnies cast upon the Christians, solid-
ly and dexterously ; but they were less able and successful in explain-
ing the nature of the Christian religion, and in demonstrating its truth and
divine origin. At least, we perceive that much is wanting in the explana-
tions they give of Christian doctrines, and in the arguments they use in»
confirmation of religious truth. Those who chastised the heretics, make
a numerous body ; but we have few of their writings left. The whole
host of heretics were attacked by Iren&us in a work expressly against
them ; by Clement in his Stromata ; and by Tertullian, de Praescriptionibus
adversus htereticos ; not to mention Justin Martyr, whose confutation of
them has been lost. Those who wrote against particular sects of heretics,
it would be tedious to enumerate ; besides, the works of most of them are
not preserved.
$ 8. In these disputants there was something more of ingenuousness and
good faith, than in those who undertook the support of truth in the follow-
ing centuries. For the convenient wiles of sophistry and the dishonourable
artifices of debate, had not yet gained admittance among Christians. Yet
a man of sound judgment who has due regard for truth, cannot extol them
highly. Most of them lacked discernment, knowledge, application, good
arrangement, and force. They often advance very flimsy arguments, and
such as are suited rather to embarrass the mind than to convince the un-
derstanding. One, laying aside the divine scriptures, from which all the
weapons of religious controversy should be drawn, bids us consult the
bishops of those churches which were founded by apostles. Another, as
if contending about the title or the boundaries of lands in a court of law,
with an ill grace pleads prescription against his adversaries. A third imi-
tates the silly disputants among the Jews, who offered as arguments the
mystic powers of numbers and words. (4) Nor are those wholly in error,
who think that the vicious mode of disputing which afterwards obtained
the name of economical, was sometimes used even in this century. (5)
(4) Examples may be seen in Ja. Bus- 21. [To do, or to say anything, /car* OIKO-
nagc, Histoire des Juifs, tome Hi., p, 660, vofiiav, or ouovoftucuf, is to use deception
694. or good policy, rather than fair honest deal-
(5) R. Simon, Histoire critique des prin- ing ; yet with good intentions, or for a good
cipaux Commentateurs dn N. T., cap. ii.,p. end. See Suicer, Thesaur. Ecclesiast.,tom.
12S BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
§ 9. The principal parts of practical religion or morality, are treated of
by Justin Martyr, or whoever it was that composed the Epistle to Zenas
and Serenus, found among the works of Justin. Others took up particular
duties in set treatises. Thus Clemens Alexandrinus composed tracts on
Calumny, Patience, Continence, and other virtues ; which have not escaped
the ravages of time. But the tracts of Tertullian on practical duties,
namely, on Chastity, on Flight from Persecution, on Fasting, on Theatri-
cal Exhibitions, on the Dress of Females, on Prayer, &c., have come safely
to our hands ; and would be perused with greater profit, were it not for
the gloomy and morose spirit which they everywhere breathe, and the
excessively artificial and difficult style in which they are written.
§ 10. In what estimation these and other ancient writers on Christian
morals ought to be held, the learned are not agreed. Some hold them to
be the very best guides to true piety and a holy life ; others, on the con-
trary, think their precepts were the worst possible, and that the cause of
practical religion could not be committed to worse hands. (6) Competent
judges will decide the question for themselves. To us it appears that
their writings contain many things excellent, well considered, and well
calculated to enkindle pious emotions ; but also many things unduly rigor-
ous, and derived from the Stoic and Academic philosophy ; many things
vague and indeterminate ; and many things positively false, and inconsis-
tent with the precepts of Christ. If one deserves the title of a bad master
in morals, who has no just ideas of the proper boundaries and limitations of
Christian duties, nor clear and distinct conceptions of the different virtues
and vices, nor a perception of those general principles to which recur-
rence should be had in all discussions respecting Christian virtue, and
therefore very often talks at random, and blunders in expounding the di-
vine laws ; though he may say many excellent things, and excite in us
considerable emotion ; then I can readily admit that in strict truth, this
title belongs to many of the Fathers.
§ 11. In this century there was admitted, with good intentions no doubt,
yet most inconsiderately, a great error in regard to morals, and pernicious
to Christianity ; an error, which through all succeeding ages to our times,
has produced an infinity of mistakes and evils of various kinds. Jesus our
Saviour, prescribed one and the same rule of life or duty to all his disci-
ii., p. 459. See also note 11, cent, iii., pt. Librum Jo. Barbeyraci, Libnrni, 1767, 4to.
ii., ch. iii. — TV.] Fassonius excuses the fathers for the fol-
(6) On this subject in our day, the learned lowing opinions, charged upon them as er-
and ingenious Jo. Barbeyrac held a con- rors by Barbeyrac ; namely, that they con-
troversy with Remigius Cellier, a Benedic- demned taking interest for money loaned ;
tine monk. A history of the controversy, placed too high a value on virginity, and ac-
with his own opinion of it, is given by J. F. counted celibacy a more holy state than mat-
Buddeus, Isagoge ad Theologian, lib. ii., rimony ; forbid husbands sleeping with their
cap. iv., $ iv., p. 553, &c. Afterwards wives while pregnant ; deemed it unsuitable
Barbeyrac published a more full defence of for clergymen to marry, and excluded from
the severe judgment he had passed upon the the ministry such as married a second time ;
fathers, under the title of Traitfi de la Morale — commended a monastic life; made two
des Pe'res, Amsterdam, 1723, 4to, which is systems of duty, one for the more perfect,
well worth reading by those who wish to in- and another for common Christians ; — and
vestigate the subject ; yet T think, he charges held it lawful to persecute heretics with fire
the fathers with some faults, which may easily and sword Most of the other faults charged
be excused. [Liberatus Fassonius, a Cath- on the fathers by Barbeyrac, Fassonius
olic, published an answer to Barbeyrac, in a maintains, should be charged solely on the
Latin work, de inorali Patrum doctrina, adv. heretics. — Tr.]
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 129
pies. But the Christian doctors, either by too great a desire of imitating
the nations among whom they lived, or from a natural propensity to aus-
terity and gloom, (a disease that many labour under in Syria, Egypt, and
other provinces of the East), were induced to maintain that Christ had
prescribed a twofold rule of holiness and virtue ; the one ordinary, the other
extraordinary ; the one lower, the other higher ; the one for men of busi-
ness, the other for persons of leisure, and such as desired higher glory in
the future world. They therefore early divided all that had been taught
them either in books or by tradition, respecting a Christian life and morals,
into Precepts and Counsels. They gave the name of Precepts to those
laws which were universally obligatory, or were enacted for all men of all
descriptions ; but the Counsels pertained solely to those who aspire after
superior holiness and a closer union with God.
§ 12. There soon arose therefore a class of persons, who professed to
strive after that extraordinary and more eminent holiness, and who of
course resolved to obey the Counsels of Christ, that they might have in-
timate communion with God in this life, and might, on leaving the body,
rise without impediment or difficulty to the celestial world. They sup-
posed many things were forbidden to them, which were allowed to oth-
er Christians ; such as wine, flesh, matrimony, and worldly business.(7)
They thought they must emaciate their bodies with watching, fasting, toil,
and hunger. They considered it a blessed thing to retire to desert places,
and by severe meditation to abstract their minds from all external objects
and whatever delights the senses. Both men and women imposed these
severe restraints on themselves, with good intentions, I suppose, but set-
ting a bad example, and greatly to the injury of the cause of Christianity.
They were of course denominated Ascetics, ^.-nsdaloc, rE/cAfKTOi, and also
philosophers ; and they were distinguished from other Christians, not only
by a different appellation, but by peculiarities of dress and demeanour.(S)
Those who in this century embraced this austere mode of life, lived in-
deed only for themselves, but they did not withdraw themselves altogether
from the society and converse of men. But in process of time, persons
of this description at first retired into deserts, and afterwards formed them-
selves into associations, after the manner of the Essenes and Therapeutae.
§ 13. The causes of this institution are at hand. First, the Christians
did not like to appear inferior to the Greeks, the Romans, and the other
people ; among whom there were many philosophers and sages, who were
distinguished from the vulgar by their dress and their whole mode of life,
and who were held in high honour. Now among these philosophers, (as
is well known), none better pleased the Christians than the Platonists and
Pythagoreans ; who are known to have recommended two modes of living,
the one for philosophers who wished to excel others in virtue, and the
other for people engaged in the common affairs of life. (9) The Plato-
nists prescribed the following rule for philosophers : The mind of a wise
(7) A/hrnfifforas, Apologia pro Christian- (9) They made a distinction between liv-
is, cap. 28, p. 129, ed. Oxon., and others. ing according to nature, C#v Kara <j>voiv, and
(8) See C. Siilnumiiis, Comment, in Ter- living above nature, Criv inrep <j>vaiv. See
tullian. de Pallio, p. 7, 8, [S f!a:aru.f. in Theophrasto, p. 29, ed.
Exercit. de Ascetis Vet. in Observ. Sacr., Barthii. The former was the rule for all
1. iii., and Jos. Bingham, Antiq. Eccles., men; the latter, only for philosophers who
vol. iii., p. 3, &c. — Schi] aimed at perfect virtue.
VOL. I.— R
130 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART IL— CHAP. III.
man must be withdrawn, as far as possible, from the contagious influ-
ence of the body. And as the oppressive load of the body and social in-
tercourse are most adverse to this design, therefore all sensual gratifica-
tions are to be avoided ; the body is to be sustained, or rather mortified,
with coarse and slender fare ; solitude is to be sought for ; and the mind
is to be self-collected, and absorbed in contemplation, so as to be detach-
ed as much as possible from the body. (10) Whoever lives in this manner,
shall in the present life have converse with God ; and, when freed from
the load of the body, shall ascend without delay to the celestial mansions,
and shall not need, like the souls of other men* to undergo a purgation.
The grounds of this system lay in the peculiar sentiments entertained by
this sect of philosophers and by their friends, respecting the soul, demons,
matter, and the universe. And as these sentiments were embraced by the
Christian philosophers, the necessary consequences of them were of course
to be adopted also.
§ 14. What is here stated will excite less surprise, if it be remember-
ed, that Egypt was the land where this mode of life had its origin. For
that country, from some law of nature, has always produced a greater
number of gloomy and hypochondriac or melancholy persons than any
other ;(11) and it still does so. Here it was that long before the Saviour's
birth, not only the Esscnes and Therapeutae, — those Jewish sects, com-
posed of persons affected with a morbid melancholy, or rather partially
deranged, — had their chief residence ; but many others also, that they
might better please the gods, withdrew themselves as by the instinct of
nature from commerce with men and from all the pleasures of life. (12)
From Egypt, this mode of life passed into Syria and the neighbouring coun-
tries, which in like manner always abounded with unsociable and austere
individuals :( 13) and from the East it was at last introduced among the
nations of Europe. Hence the numerous maladies which still deform the
Christian world ; hence the celibacy of the clergy ; hence the numerous
herds of monks ; hence the two species of life, the theoretical and mystical;
hence the many other things of a like nature, which we shall have occa-
sion to mention in the progress of our work.
§ 15. To this great error of the Christians may be added another, not
indeed of equal extent, but a pernicious one and productive of many evils.
The Platonists and Pythagoreans deemed it not only lawful but commend-
able to deceive and to lie, for the sake of truth and piety.(14) The Jews
living in Egypt, learned from them this sentiment before the Christian era,
as appears from many proofs. And from both, this vice early spread among
the Christians. Of this no one will doubt, who calls to mind the numerous
forgeries of books under the names of eminent men, the Sibylline verses, ( 15)
(10) Consult here, by all means, that most Exhortatione castitatis, cap. 13. Athanasi-
distinguished Platonist, Porphyry, irepl ano- us, Vita Antonii, Opp., torn, ii., p. 453.
Xijf, or, on Abstinence from flesh, lib. i., $ (13) Jo. Chardin, Voyages in Perse,
27 and 41, p. 22, 34, where he formally lays tome iv., p. 197, ed. Amsterd., 1735, 4to.
down rules for these duties of a philosopher. (14) [Moshcim, on this subject, in his
(11) See Bcned. Maillet, Description de Comment, de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 231, re-
1'Egypte, tome ii., p. 57, &c., Paris, 1735, fers us to his Diss. de turbata per recentiores
4to. Platonicas ecclesia, $ 41, &c. — Tr.~\
(12) Herodotus, Historiar., 1. ii., p. 104, (15) [Concerning the Sibylline verses,
ed. Gronov. Epiphanins, Expos, fidei, $ which were composed about "A.D. 138, /.
13, Opp., torn, ii., p. 1092. Tertullian, de A. Fabricius has treated largely, Biblioth.
THEOLOGY AND RELIGION. 131
and other similar trash,(16) a large mass of which appeared in this and
the following centuries. I would not say that the orthodox Christians
forged all the books of this character ; on the contrary, it is probable that
the greater part of them originated from the founders of the Gnostic sects.
Yet that the Christians who were free from heterodox views were not
wholly free from this fault, is too clear to be denied.
§ 16. The more the boundaries of the church were enlarged, the great-
er the number of vicious and bad men who thrust themselves into it ; as
may be proved by the many complaints and censures of the writers of this
age. The well-known custom of excluding transgressors from the commu-
nion, was a barrier against the more flagrant and notorious crimes. Of all
sins, those accounted the most heinous and the greatest, were these three,
murder, idolatry, and adultery ; which terms, however, must here be under-
stood in the broadest sense. Those guilty of these crimes, were in many
churches cut off for ever from communion ; in other churches, they were
received back after a long, severe, and painful probation. (17)
§ 17. It is worthy of particular notice, that this custom of excluding bad
characters from the society of Christians, and of not receiving them back
except upon full proof of reformation, was at first a simple process, or at-
tended with very little formality ; but by degrees, the regulations for it
.were greatly amplified and deformed by many rites borrowed especially
from the discipline of the pagan mysteries. (18) That it was proper for
the Christian bishops to increase the restraints upon the licentiousness of
transgression, will be readily granted by all who consider the circumstances
of those times. But whether it was for the advantage of Christianity, to
borrow rules for this salutary ordinance from the enemies of the truth, and
thus to consecrate, as it were, a part of the pagan superstition, many per-
Graeca; torn. i. The latest editor of the Hist. Eccles. See Mosheim, do Rebus
verses, is Servat. Gallaeus, who has cor- Christ., &c., p. 230. See also the refer-
rected the text, and added copious notes, ences in Gicsder's Text-book, by Cunning-
Amsterd., 1689, 4to. He has subjoined the ham, vol. i., p. 99, note 4. — TV.]
Magic Oracles ascribed to Zoroaster and (16) [That the books now circulated under
others ; in which are many things of Chris- the name of Hermes, and particularly the
tian origin. That the Sibylline verses were one called Pcemander, were a Christian for-
fabrioated by some Christian, in order to gery, was first shown by 7*. Casaubon, Ex-
bring idolaters to believe in the truth of ercit. 1, in Baronium. § 18, p. 54, and after-
Christianity, has been well shown by Dav. wards by H. Conringius, Beautobre, Cud-
Blondell, among others ; and with a very worth, Warburton, and many others. Some
few exceptions, there is no learned man at however, suppose the books were originally
the present day, who thinks otherwise, composed by Platonists ; and afterwards in-
BlondelVs work which is in French, was terpolated and corrupted by some Christian.
first published under the title : Des Sibylles See Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., p. 230. — TV.]
celebrees tant par 1'Antiquite payenne, que (17) In this manner I think, we may rcc-
par les saints Peres, Charenton, 1649, 4to. oncile the different opinions of learned men
Two years after, the title was changed ; on this subject. See Jo. Morin, de Disci-
doubtless to allure purchasers ; Traite, dela plina pcenitentiae, lib. ix., cap 19, p. 670,
Creance des Peres touchant 1'Etat des ames &c. Ja. Sirmond, Historia poenitentiae pub-
apres cette vie, &c., a 1'occasion de 1'Ecrit licse, cap. i., Opp., torn, iv., p. 323, and the
attribue aux Sibelles, Charenton, 1651, 4to. recent Dissertation of Jo. Aug. Orsi, de
— That the pagans were indignant at this Criminum capitalium per tria priora saecula
forgery, which they attributed to the Chris- absolutione, Mediolani, 1730, 4to.
tians, appears from Origen, contra Celsum, (18) See Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bibliogra-
lib. v., p. 272, ed Spencer ; Lactantius, In- phias Antiquariae, p. 397. Jo. Monn, de
stit. Divinor., 1. iv., c. 14 ; and Constantinc Poenitentia, lib. i., cap. 15, 16, &c.
the Great, Oratio ad Sanctos, in Euscb.,
132 BOOK L— CENTURY II— PART IL— CHAP. IV.
sons very justly call in question. The more candid will appreciate the
good intention of those who introduced this sort of rules and ceremonies ;
all beyond this they will ascribe to human weakness. x
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF CEREMONIES.
$ 1. Ceremonies much Increased. — $2. Reasons; I. Desire to enlarge the Church. —
§ 3. II. Hope that they would silence Calumnies. — f) 4. III. Abuse of Jewish Terms.
— 5. IV. Imitation of the Pagan Mysteries. — § 6. V. Mode of Instructing by Symbols.
— § 7. VI. Habits of the Converts. — $ 8. The Assemblies for Worship. — $ 9. Con-
tests about the Time for Easter. — § 10. Their Importance. — 11. The Asiatics and the
Romans, the principal Parties. — § 12. Celebration of the Lord's Supper. — $ 13. Baptism.
§ 1. IT is certain that to religious worship, both public and private, many
rites were added, without necessity and to the great offence of sober and
good men.(l) The principal cause of this, I readily look for in the per-
versenes.s of mankind, who are more delighted with the pomp and splen-
dour of external forms and pageantry, than with the true devotion of the
heart, and who despise whatever does not gratify their eyes and ears. (2)
But other and additional causes may be mentioned, which, though they
suppose no bad design, yet clearly betray indiscretion.
§ 2. First, there is good reason to suppose that the Christian bishops
purposely multiplied sacred rites for the sake of rendering the Jews and
the pagans more friendly to them. For both these classes had been ac-
customed to numerous and splendid ceremonies from their infancy, and had
made no question of their constituting an essential part of religion. And
hence, when they saw the new religion to be destitute of such ceremonies,
they thought it too simple, and therefore despised it. To obviate this ob-
jection, the rulers of the Christian churches deemed it proper for them to
be more formal and splendid in their public worship.(3)
(1) Tertullian, Liber de creatione, -Opp., ritum vulgus in simulacrorum cultus errors
p. 792, &c. permaneret — permisit eis, ut in memoriam
(2) [To illustrate the influence of splendid ac recordationem sanctorum martyrum sese
ceremonies on mankind, Dr. Maclaine here oblectarent et in letitiam effunderentur, quod
states ; that, " The late Lord Bolingbroke, successu temporis aliquando futurum esset,
being present at the elevation of the host in ut sua sponte ad honestiorem et accuratio-
the Cathedral at Paris, expressed to a noble- rem vitae rationem transirent. — When Greg-
man who stood near him, his surprise that ory perceived, that the ignorant and simple
the king of France should commit the pur- multitude persisted in their idolatry, on ac-
formance of such an august and striking cer- count of the sensitive pleasures and delights
emony to any subject." — 7V.] it afforded — he allowed them in celebrating
(3) It will not be unsuitable to transcribe the memory of the holy martyrs, to indulge
here, a very apposite passage, which I acci- themselves, and give a loose to pleasure, (i.
dentally met with, in Gregory NysserCs life e., as the thing itself, and both what pre-
of Gregory Thaumaturgus, in the Works of cedes and what follows, place beyond all
Thaumaturgus, as published by Vossius, p. controversy, he allowed them at the sepul-
312, who gives the Latin only: Cum ani- chres of the martyrs on their feast days, to
madvertisset, (Greporius), quod ob corporeas dance, to use sports, to indulge conviviality,
delectationes et voluptates simplex et impe- and to do all things that the worshippers of
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 133
§ 3. Secondly, the simplicity of the worship which Christians offered to
the Deity, had given occasion to certain calumnies, maintained both by
the Jews and the pagan priests. The Christians were pronounced Athe-
ists, because they were destitute of temples, altars, victims, priests, and
all that pomp, in which the vulgar suppose the essence of religion to con-
sist. For unenlightened persons are prone to estimate religion by what
meets their eyes. To silence this accusation, the Christian doctors thought
they must introduce some external rites, which would strike the senses of
people ; so that they could maintain that they really had all those things
of which Christians were charged with being destitute, though under dif-
ferent forms.
§ 4. Thirdly, it is well known, that in the books of the New Testa-
ment, various parts of the Christian religion are expressed in terms bor-
rowed from the Jewish laws, or are represented as in some measure par-
allel with the Mosaic rites. This language, the Christian doctors and wri-
ters not only imitated, but extended still farther ; and in this there was lit-
tle to censure. But in process of time, either from inconsideration or from
ignorance, or from motives of policy, the majority decided that such phra-
seology was not figurative, but accordant with the nature of the things, and
to be understood in its proper sense. The bishops were at tirst innocent-
ly called high priests, and the presbyters, priests, and the deacons, Levites.
But in a little time, those to whom these titles were given abused them ;
and maintained that they had the same rank and dignity, and possessed the
same rights and privileges with those who bore these titles under the Mo-
saic dispensation. Hence the origin of Jirst fruits, and next of tithes;
hence the splendid garments, and many other things. In like manner, the
comparison of the Christian oblations with the Jewish victims and sacri-
fices, produced many unnecessary rites ; and in time corrupted essentially
the doctrine of the Lord's supper, which, ere they were aware of it, was
converted into a sacrifice.
§ 5. Fourthly, among the Greeks and the people of the East nothing was
held more sacred than what were called the Mysteries. This circumstance
led the Christians, in order to impart dignity to their religion, to say, that
they also had similar mysteries, or certain holy rites concealed from the
vulgar ; and they not only applied the terms used in the pagan mysteries to
the Christian institutions, particularly baptism and the Lord's supper ; but
they gradually introduced also the rites which were designated by those
terms. (4) This practice originated in the eastern provinces ; and thence,
after the times of Adrian, (who first introduced the Grecian mysteries
among the Latins), (5) it spread among the Christians of the West. A
idols were accustomed to do in their temples, ed. Obrechti. [ Spartian speaks only of the
on their festival days), hoping, that in pro- £/«m'mare Mysteries, into which Adrian was
cess of time, they would spontaneously initiated at Athens. These, it may be, that
come over to a more becoming and more Adrian first introduced among the Latins ;
correct manner of life. yet he was not the first Roman initiated in
(4) Examples are given by Is. Casaubon, them. — That some Mysteries had before this
Exercit. xvi., in Annales Baronii, p. 388. time, been introduced into the Roman wor-
Ja. Tollius, Insignibus itineris Italici, notes ship, appears from the Epislles of Cicero to
p. 151, 163. Ez. Spanheim, Notes to his Atticus, 1. v., 21, end; lib. vi., 1, end; 1.
French translation of Julian's Caesars, p. xv., 25. Gronovius indeed understands
133, 134. Dav. Clarkson, Discourse on these (mysteria Romana) to be the worship
Liturgies, p. 36, 42, 43, and others. of the goddess Bona Dea. See his (Jbsei v ,
(5) Spartianus, Hadrian, c. 13, p. 15, 1. iv., c. 9. But on this worship, no male
134 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
large part therefore of the Christian observances and institutions, even in
this century, had the aspect of the pagan mysteries.
§ 6. Fifthly, many ceremonies took their rise from the custom of the
Egyptians and of almost all the eastern nations, of conveying instruction
by images, actions, and sensible signs and emblems. The Christian doc-
tors, therefore, thought it would be advantageous to the cause of Christian-
ity to place the truths which are necessary to be known in order to salva-
tion, as it were before the eyes of the unreflecting multitude, who with dif-
ficulty contemplate abstract truths. The new converts were to be taught,
that those are born again, who are initiated by baptism into the Christian
worship, and that they ought to exhibit in their conduct the innocence of
little infants ; and therefore milk and honey, the common food of infants,
was administered to them. Those who obtained admission to the king-
dom of Christ, from being the servants of the devil, became the Lord's
freed men ; and, like newly enlisted soldiers, swore to obey their com-
mander. And to signify this, certain rites were borrowed from military
usages, and from the forms of manumission. (6)
§ 7. Lastly, not to be tedious ; whoever considers that the Christians
were collected from among the Jews and from the pagan nations who
were accustomed from their earliest years to various ceremonies and su-
perstitious rites, and that the habits of early life are very hard to be laid
aside ; will perceive, that it would have been little short of a miracle, if
nothing corrupt and debasing had found its way into the Christian church.
For example ; nearly all the people of the East, before the Christian era,
were accustomed to worship with their faces directed towards the sun
rising. For they all believed that God — whom they supposed to resem-
ble light, or rather to be light, and whom they limited as to place, — had
his residence in that part of the heavens where the sun rises. When they
became Christians they rejected indeed the erroneous belief; but the cus-
tom that originated from it, and which was very ancient and universally
prevalent, they retained. Nor to this hour, has it been wholly laid aside.
From the same cause originated many Jewish rites, which are still reli-
giously maintained by many Christians, and especially by those who live
in eastern countries.(7)
§ 8. The rites themselves, I shall state only summarily ; for this ex-
tensive subject deserves to be considered by itself, and can not be fully
discussed in the narrow limits of our work. The Christians assembled
for the worship of God in private dwelling-houses, in caves, and in the places
where the dead were buried. They met on the first day of the week ;
and here and there, also on the seventh day, which was the Jewish Sab-
bath. Most of them likewise held sacred the fourth and sixth, the former
being the day on which our Saviour was betrayed, and the latter that on
which he was crucified. The hours of the day allotted to these meetings,
person might attend ; and I see not why Ci- ad S. Baptismum translatis, Altdorf, 1738,
cero should inquire so particularly of his and J. G. Zentgrav's Diss. at Jena, under
friend, (as he does), about the time of these Dr. Wa!ch, 1749, de Ritibus Baptismalibus
mysteries, if they were nothing but the wor- saeculi secundi. — Schl.]
ship of a deity, in which none but females (7) See Jo. Spencer, de Legibus ritualibus
ever bore any part. — Sf.hl.] Ebraeor. Prolegom., p. 9, ed. Cantab., and
(6) See Edm. Merill, Observations, lib. all those who have explained the rites and
iii., cap. iii. [C. G. Schwartz, Diss. de rit- usages of the Oriental Christians,
ibus quibusdam formulisque a manumissione
RITES AND CEREMONIES.
135
varied according to times and circumstances ; very many of them could
assemble only in the evening, or in the morning before the dawn of day.
When the Christians were assembled, prayers were recited ; (the purport
of which, Tertullian gives us) ;(8) the holy scriptures were read ;(9) short
discourses on Christian duties were addressed to the people ; hymns were
sung ; and at last, the Lord's supper and the love-feasts were celebrated,
the oblations of the people affording them the materials. (10)
§ 9. The Christians of this century consecrated anniversary festivals,
in memory of the Saviour's death and resurrection, and of the descent of
the Holy Spirit upon the apostles. The day in remembrance of Christ's
dying and expiating the sins of men, was called the Passover or Easter,
(Pascha), because they supposed that Christ was crucified on the same
day in which the Jews kept their Passover. But in observing this festi-
val, the Christians of Asia Minor differed from other Christians, and espe-
cially from those of Rome. Both fasted on what was called the great
week, that on which Christ died ;* and in remembrance of the last supper
of our Saviour, they held a sacred feast or ate the paschal lamb, just as the
Jews did ; which feast, as well as the time of Christ's death, they denom-
inated the Passover or Easter. Now the Asiatic Christians held their pas-
chal feasts on the fourteenth day, or full moon, of the first Jewish month,
which was the very time on which the Jews ate their Passover ; and on
the third day after this supper they kept the memorial of Christ's triumph
(8) Tertullian, Apologeticum, cap. 39.
(9) [That other religious books, besides
the canonical scriptures, were read in several
churches, appears from Eusebius, Hist. Ec-
cles., lib. iv., 23, and iii., 3, who informs us,
that the first Epistle of Clement, and that of
Soter, bishops of Rome, were publicly read in
the church of Corinth ; as was the Shepherd
of Hermas, in very many churches. — TV.]
(10) [Pliny, (Epistolar., 1. x., ep. 97),
gives some account of the public worship of
the Christians, in the beginning of this cen-
tury : and Justin Martyr, near the close of
that Apology which he presented to Antoni-
nus Pius, A.D. 150, gives the following more
full and authentic account : " On the day
which is called Sunday, all, whether dwelling
in the towns or in the villages, hold meet-
ings ; and the Memoires (cnrouvvfiOveiiuaTa)
of the apostles, and the writings of the
prophets, are read, as much as the time will
permit ; then, the reader closing, the Presi-
dent in a speech, exhorts and excites to an
imitation of those excellent examples ; then
we all rise, and pour forth united prayers ;
and when we close our prayer, as was before
said, bread is brought forward, and wine, and
water ; and the President utters prayers and
thanksgivings, according to his ability, (OCTT;
tvvu.fj.if dvrw), and the people respond, by
saying amen ; and a distribution and parti-
cipation of the things blessed, takes place to
each one present, and to those absent, it is
sent by the Deacons. And those who are
prosperous and willing, give what they
choose, each according to his own pleasure ;
and what is collected, is deposited with the
President ; and he carefully relieves the or-
phans and widows, and those who from sick-
ness or other causes are needy, and also those
in _prison, and the strangers that are residing
with us, and in short, all that have need of
help. We all commonly hold our assemblies
on Sunday, because it is the first day on
which God converted the darkness and mat-
ter, and framed the world ; and Jesus Christ
our Saviour, on the same day, arose from the
dead." — Justin makes no mention here of
sin»hi!T, as a part of the public worship of
Christians. But Pliny in his Epistle assures
us ; " Quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem
convenire ; carmcnyue Christo, quasi Deo,
dicere sccum invicem:'' and both the N.
Testament, and all antiquity, recognise sing-
ing as a part of Christian worship. — TV.]
* [Dr. Mosheim seems to say, that all
Christians agreed in observing the entire
week preceding Easter Sunday as a fast.
But there was in fact great diversity among
them. For Ircnteus, in his Epistle to Victor,
bp. of Rome, (quoted by Eusebius, H. E.,
v. 24), says expressly : " There is dispute
not only respecting the day, but also respect-
ing the form (£t<5«c) of the feast. For some
think they ought to fast one day, others tiro
days, others still more, and some limit their
fast to twenty-four hours diurnal and noctur-
nal." See Valetius, notes in locum. — TV.]
136 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
over death, or of his resurrection. This custom, they said they had re-
ceived from the apostles John and Philip ; and they moreover supported
it by the example of Christ himself, who celebrated his paschal feast, at
the same time with the Jews. But the other Christians put off their
Passover, that is, their paschal feast, until the evening preceding the festal
day sacred to Christ's resurrection, [or Saturday evening], and thus con-
nected the memorial of Christ's death, with that, of his resurrection. And
they cited Peter and Paul as authors of their custom.
§ 10. The Asiatic custom of celebrating Easter, had two great incon-
veniences, which appeared intolerable to the other Christians, and espe-
cially to the Romans. First, by holding their sacred feasts on the very
day, on which they supposed Christ ate the paschal lamb with his disci-
ples, they interrupted the fast of the great week ; which appeared to the
other Christians to fall little short of a crime. Again, as they always
kept the memorial of Christ's rising from the dead, on the third day after
their paschal supper, it unavoidably happened, that they more commonly
kept, on some other day of the week than the first or Sunday, called the
Lord's day, the festival of Christ's resurrection, which in after times was
called and is now called the Passover or Easter. Now the greater part of
the Christians deemed it wrong to consecrate any other day than the
Lord's day, in remembrance of Christ's resurrection. Hence great con-
tention frequently arose from this difference between the Asiatic and the
other Christians. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, about the middle of
this century, A.nicetus bishop of Rome, and Polycarp bishop of Smyrna,
investigated this subject with great care at Rome. But the Asiatics
could not be induced by any considerations, to give up their custom, which
they believed to be handed down to them from St. John.(ll)
§ 11. Near the close of the century, Victor bishop of Rome, was of
opinion that the Asiatic Christians ought to be compelled by laws and de-
crees, to follow the rule adopted by the greater part of the Christian world.
Accordingly, after ascertaining the opinions of foreign bishops, he sent an
imperious letter to the Asiatic bishops admonishing them to follow the
example of other Christians in observing Easter. They replied with
spirit, by Polycrates bishop of Ephesus, that they would not depart from
the holy institution of their ancestors. Irritated by this decision, Victor
excluded them from his communion, and from that of his church, (not
from that of the universal church, which he had not power to do), that is,
he pronounced them unworthy to be called his brethren. The progress
of this schism was checked by IrencBus bishop of Lyons, in letters wisely
composed, which he directed to Victor and others, and by the Asiatic bish-
ops, who wrote a long letter in their own justification. And thus both par-
ties retained their respective customs, until the council of Nice, in the
fourth century, abrogated the Asiatic usages. (12)
(11) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. iv., c. he treats of the controversy indeed, but he
14, and 1. v., c. 24. misunderstood the precise subject of it. — •
(12) What is here stated briefly, is more The venerable Heumann's tract on this con-
fully explained in my Comment, de Rebus troversy, is republished in the Sylloge of his
' Christianor. ante Constantinum M., p. 435, minor works. — [Dr. Moshcim thinks the true
&.c. I there said, p. 439, that Peter Faydit statement of this controversy is that which
saw the mistake in the common accounts of he has given ; and that many writers have
this controversy. But my memory failed mistaken the points at issue, from not dis-
me. On consulting the book, I find, that tinguishing between the ancient and the
RITES AND CEREMONIES.
137
§ 12. When the Christians celebrated the Lord's supper, which they
were accustomed to do chiefly on Sundays, they consecrated a part of the
bread and wine of the oblations, by certain prayers pronounced by the
president, the bishop of the congregation. The wine was mixed with
water, and the bread was divided into small pieces. Portions of the con-
secrated bread and wine were commonly sent to the absent and the sick,
in testimony of fraternal affection towards them. (13) There is much evi-
dence that this most holy rite was regarded as very necessary to the attain-
ment of salvation : and 1 therefore dare not accuse of error, those who be-
lieve that the sacred supper was, in this century, given to infants. (14)
Of the love-feasts, the notice before given, may be sufficient.
§ 13. Twice a year, namely, at Easter and Whtteuntide,(l5) (Pascha-
tis et Pentecostis diebus), baptism was publicly administered by the bishop,
or by the presbyters acting by his command and authority. The candidates
for it were immersed wholly in water, with invocation of the sacred Trin-
ity, according to the Saviour's precept, after they had repeated what they
called the Creed, (Symboluni}, and had renounced all their sins and trans-
gressions, and especially the devil and his pomp. The baptized were
signed with the cross, anointed, commended to God by prayer and impo-
sition of hands, and finally directed to taste some milk and honey. (1 6)
The reasons for these ceremonies, must be sought in what has already
been said respecting the causes of the ceremonies. Adults were to pre-
pare their minds expressly, by prayers, fasting, and other devotional exer-
cises. Sponsors or godfathers were, as I apprehend, first employed for
adults, and afterwards for children likewise.(17)
more modem application of the term Pass-
over or Easter. — See Eusclnus, H. E., v.,
c. 23, 24. Socrates, H. E., v., c. 22. A.
Neander. Kirchengesch., pt. ii., p. 517, &c.
H. Pridcaux, Connexions, pt. ii., b. v., ann.
162. Adr. Baillet, Histoire des Festes, p.
9, &.c.— Tr.-\
( 13) See Henry Rixner, de Ritibus vete-
rum Christianor. circa Eucharistiam, p. 155,
&c., [and the quotation from Justin Martyr,
in note 10 of this chapter. — Jr.]
(14) See Jo. Fr. Mayer, Diss. de eucha-
ristia infantum ; and Peter Zornius, Histo-
ria eucharistise infantum, Berol., 1736, 8vo.
(15) See W. Wall, History of infant
Baptism, vol., i., p. 277, 279, of the Latin
edition by Schlosscr: Jos. Vicecomes, de Riti-
bus baptism!, Paris, 1618, 8vo.
(16) See especially, Tertnliian, de Bap-
tismo, [and respecting the honey and milk,
Tertullian, de Corona, c. 3 ; and Clemens
Alex., Paedaa., 1. i., c. 6.— Schl.]
(17) See Ger. van Mustncht, de Suscep-
toribus infantium ex baptismo, edit. 2d,
Frankf., 1727, 4to. He thinks sponsors were
used for children, and not for adults ; p. 15.
See also W. H'«//, Hist, of infant Baptism,
vol. i., p. 69, 474, &c. — [The manner of
receiving new converts into the churches,
about the year 150, is thus minutely de-
Bcribed by Justin Martyr, in his (so called)
VOL. L— S
second Apology, towards the conclusion.
" In what manner we dedicate ourselves to
God, after being renewed by Christ, we will
now explain ; lest by omitting this, we should
seem to dissemble in our statement. Those
who believe and are persuaded, that the things
we teach and inculcate are true, and who
profess ability thus to live, are directed to
pray, with fasting, and to ask of God the
forgiveness of their former sins ; we also
fasting and praying with them. Then we
conduct them to a place where there is
water ; and they are regenerated [baptized],
in the manner in which we have been re-
generated [baptized] ; for they receive a
washing with water, in the name of the
Father of all, the Lord God, and of our
Saviour, Jesus Christ, and of the Holy
Spirit. For Christ said ; Except ye be re-
generated, ye shall not enter into the king-
dom of heaven." — " This washing is likewise
called illumination ; because the minds of
those who have learned these things, are en-
lightened. And whoever is enlightened, is
washed in the name of Jesus Christ, who
was crucified under Pontius Pilate ; and in
the name of the Holy Spirit, who by the
prophets foretold all that relates to Christ."
— " And after thus washing the convinced
and consenting person, we conduct him to
where the brethren as we call them are as-
138 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS SEPARATIONS OR HERESIES.
$ 1. Discord among the Jewish Christians. — $ 2. Hence the Nazareans and Ebionites. —
§ 3. Their Impiety. — § 4. The Sects originating from the Oriental Philosophy. — () 5.
Elxai and Elcesaites. — $ 6. Saturninus ; his Extravagances. — § 7. Cerdo and Marcion.
— $ 8. Bardesanes. — § 9. Tatian and the Encratites. — <J 10. Peculiar Sentiments of the
Egyptian Gnostics. — § 11. Basilides. — <J 12. His Enormities. — () 13. His Moral Princi-
ples.— $ 14. Carpocrates. — § 15. Valentinus. — § 16. His Extravagances. — § 17. Vari-
ous Sects of Valentinians. — () 18. The minor Sects of Valentinians. — f) 19. The Ophites.
— § 20. Monarchians and Patripassians. — § 21. Theodotus, Artemon. — I) 22. Hermoge-
nes. — § 23. The illiterate Sects. Montanus. — § 24. The Success of Montanus, and
his Doctrine.
§ 1. AMONG the Christian sects that arose in this century, the first place
is due to those Jewish Christians, whose zeal for the Mosaic law severed
them from the other believers in Christ. (I) The rise of this sect took
place in the reign of Adrian. For, when this emperor had wholly destroyed
Jerusalem a second time, and had enacted severe laws against the Jews, the
greater part of the Christians living in Palestine, that they might not be
confounded with Jews as they had been, laid aside the Mosaic ceremonies,
and chose one Mark, who was a foreigner and not a Jew, for their bishop.
This procedure was very offensive to those among them, whose attach-
ment to the Mosaic rites was too strong to be eradicated. They therefore
separated from their brethren, and formed a distinct society in Peraea, a
part of Palestine, and in the neighbouring regions ; and among them, the
Mosaic law retained all its dignity unimpaired. (2)
sembled ; and there offer our united suppli- partake of the bread and the wine and water,
cations, with earnestness, both for ourselves over which thanks were given : and to those
and for the enlightened person, and for all not present, the Deacons carry it. And this
others every where ; that we may conduct food is called by us the Eucharist ; which it
ourselves as becomes those who have re- is unlawful for any one to partake of, unless
ceived the truth, and by our deeds prove ' he believes the things taught by us to be
ourselves good citizens, and observers of true, and has been washed with the washing
what is commanded us ; so that we may be for the remission of sins in regeneration, and
saved with an eternal salvation. And on lives according to what Christ has taught."
ending our prayers, we salute each other — TV.]
with a kiss. Then, there is placed before (1) [The origin, names, and diversity of
the President of the brethren, bread, and a opinion, of this class of sects, are well stated
cup of water and wine ; which he taking, by A. Neartder, Kirchengesch., vol. i., part
offers praise and glory to the Father of all, ii., p. 603-626. — TV.]
through the name of the Son and of the (2) See Sulpitius Scverus, Historia sacra,
Holy Spirit, and gives thanks at great length, 1. ii , c. 31, p. 245, &c., [p. 381, ed. Hornii,
that such blessings are vouchsafed us ; and 1647. He says : " Adrian stationed a re-
when he ends the prayers and the thanks- giment of soldiers as a constant guard, to
giving, all the people present respond, amen, prevent all Jews from entering Jerusalem ;
Now the word amen, in the Hebrew tongue, which was advantageous to the Christian
signifies so be it. And after the President faith ; because, at that time, nearly all [the
has given thanks, and all the people have ut- Jewish Christians] believed in Christ as
tered the response, those whom we call God, yet with an observance of the Law." —
Deacons, distribute to every one present, to Tr. ]
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 139
§ 2. This body of people who would unite Moses and Christ, was again
divided into two classes, differing widely in their opinions and customs, the
Nazareans and the Ebionites. The former are not reckoned, by the an-
cient Christians, among heretics ;(3) but the latter are placed among those
sects which subverted the foundations of religion. Both sects used a his-
tory of Christ or a Gospel, which was different from our Gospels.(4) The
word Nazarean was not the name of a sect, but was equivalent to the word
Christian. For those who bore the title of Christians among the Greeks,
were among the Jews called Nazareans ; and they did not esteem it a
name of disgrace. Those who after their separation from their brethren,
retained this original name imposed on the disciples of Christ by the
Jews, believed Christ to be born of a virgin, and to be in some way united
with the divine nature. And although they would not discard the ceremo-
nies prescribed by Moses, yet they would not obtrude them upon the Gen-
tile Christians. They moreover rejected the additions to the Mosaic
ritual, made by the doctors of the law and by the Pharisees. (5) It is
therefore easy to see, why the other Christians in general judged more
favourably of them.
§ 3. Whether the Ebionites derived their name from a man [called
Ebiori\, or were so denominated on account of their poverty either in re-
gard to property or sentiment, is uncertain. (6) But they were much worse
than the Nazareans. For though they supposed Christ to be an ambas-
sador of God and endowed with divine power, yet they conceived him to
be a man, born in the ordinary course of nature, the son of Joseph and
Mary. They maintained that the ceremonial law of Mows must be ob-
served, not by the Jews only, but by all who wished to obtain salvation ;
and therefore, St. Paul, that strenuous opposer of the law, they viewed
with abhorrence. Nor were they satisfied with the mere rites which
Moses appointed, but observed with equal veneration the superstitious
rites of their ancestors, and the customs of the Pharisees which were ad-
ded to the law. (7)
(3) The first that ranked the Nazareans (6) See Falricius, ad Philastr. de haeresi-
among the heretics, was Epiphanius, a bus, p. 81. Thorn. Ittig, de hseresibus aevi
writer of the fourth century, of no great Apostolici, [also note (22) on cent, i., part
fidelity, or accuracy of judgment. [.4. Ne- ii., ch. v., p. 96, and A. Ncandcr, Kirchen-
ander, Kirchengesch., vol. i., part ii., p. 619, gesch., vol. i., part ii., p. 612, &c. — Tr.]
620, thinks the Nazareans, described by (7) Irenaus, contra Haereses, lib. i., cap.
Epiphanius, were descendants of the Ebi- 26. Epiphanius treats largely of the Ebi-
onites, who had now imbibed some Gnostic onites, in his Panarium, haeres. xxx. But
principles. The names Ebionites and A'a:- he is worthy of no credit ; for he acknowl-
areans are often confounded, both by an- edges, ($ 3, p. 127, and § 14, p. 141), that
cients and moderns. — Tr.] he has joined the Sampsacans and the El-
(4) See J. A. Falririus, Codex Apoc- ccsaites with the Ebionites, and thai the first
ryph. N. T., torn, i., p. 355, &c., and Mo- Ebionites did not hold the errors which he
sheim, Vindicine, contra Tolandi Nazarenurn, attributes to the sects. — [The correctness of
p. 112, &c. [Jones, on the Canon of the Epiphanius, as a historian, is often called in
New Test., vol. i., and the authors of Intro- question ; and perhaps justly. But if the
ductions to the New Test. — 2V.] term Elrionites designated a variety of minor
(5) See Mich, le Quien, Adnotatt. ad Da- sects, all of them Jewish Christians ; and if
mascenum, torn, i., p. 82, 83, and his Diss. some of these sects had, in the 4th century,
de Nazarenis et eorum fide ; which is the imbibed Gnostic sentiments, unknown to the
7th of his dissertations subjoined to his edi- original Ebionites ; then Epiphanius may
tion of the Works of Damascenus. [ C. W. here be entirely correct ; which others sup-
F. Walch, Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. i., pose to be the fact. See Ncander, as cited
p. 101, &c.— ScU.1 above, note (3).— TV.]
140 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 4. These little and obscure sects were not very detrimental "to the
Christian cause. Much greater disturbance was produced by those, whose
founders explained the doctrines of Christianity agreeably to the precepts
of the Oriental philosophy in regard to the origin of evil. These lat-
ter sects, concealed and unnoticed previously to this century, came forth
from their obscurity during the reign of Adrian, (8) and gathered churches
of considerable magnitude in various countries. A long catalogue of these
semi-Christian sects, might be gathered out of the writings of the ancients :
but of the greater part of them, we know no more than their names ; and
perhaps some of them differed only in name, from each oiher. Those
which acquired notoriety beyond others, may be divided into two classes.
The first class originated in Asia, and maintained the philosophy of the
East in regard to the origin of the universe, (if I may so say), pure and
uncorrupt; the other class, founded among the Egyptians, and by Egyp-
tians, mingled with that philosophy many monstrous opinions and princi-
ples current in Egypt. The systems of the former were more simple
and intelligible ; those of the latter were much more complicated, and more
difficult of explication.
§ 5. In the Asiatic class, the first place seems to belong to Elxai, a Jew,
who is said to have founded the sect of the Elcesaites in the reign of Tra-
jan. Though he was a Jew, and both worshipped one God and revered
Moses ; yet he corrupted the religion of his fathers by many false notions
derived from the philosophy and superstition of the Orientals, and, after
the example of the Essenes, expounded the Mosaic law according to rea-
son, or in other words, made it an allegory. But Epiphanius, who had
read one of Elxafs books, acknowledges himself in doubt whether the El-
cesaites should be reckoned among the Christian sects, or among the Jew-
ish. Elxai mentions Christ in his book, and speaks honourably of him ;
but he does not add enough to make it manifest, whether Jesus of Naza-
reth was the Christ of whom he speaks. (9)
§ 6. If Elxai be not reckoned, Saturninus of Antioch will justly stand
at the head of this class ; at least he lived earlier than all the other Gnos-
tic heresiarchs, [having taught his doctrine in the reign of Adrian. — TV.]
He supposed two first causes of all things, the good God, and matter ; the
latter, evil in its nature, and subject to a Lord. The world and the first
men were created by seven angels — that is, by the rulers of the seven plan-
ets, without the knowledge of God, and against the will of the lord of mat-
ter. But God approved of the work when it was completed, imparted ra-
tional souls to the men who before had only animal life, and divided the
entire world into seven parts, which he subjected to the seven creators, of
whom the God of the Jews was one, reserving however the supreme pow-
er to himself. To these good men — that is, men possessed of wise and good
souls, the Lord of matter opposed another sort of men, to whom he imparted
a malignant soul. And hence the great difference between good and bad
men. After the creators of the world had revolted from the supreme God,
(8) Clemens Alex., Stromat, 1. vii., c. [Of these Elcesaites, who were also called
17, p. 898. Cyprian, epist. Ixxv., p. 144, Sampsaeans, every thing afforded by antiqui-
and others. ty, that is important, has been collected by
(9) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c. 38. C. W. F. Watch, Historie der Ketzereyen,
Epiphanius, Haeres. xix., § 3, p. 41. The- vol. i., p. 587, dec. He justly accounts
odoret, Fabul. haeret., lib. ii., c. 7, p. 221. them enthusiasts. — Schl.]
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 141
he sent down Christ from heaven, clothed, not with a real body, but with
the shadow of one, that in our world he might destroy the kingdom of the
Lord of matter, and point out to the good souls the way of returning back to
God. But this way is a hard and difficult one. For the souls that would
ascend to God after the dissolution of the body, must abstain from flesh,
wine, marriage, and from all things which either exhilarate the body or de-
light the senses. — Saturninus taught in Syria, which was his native coun-
try, and especially at Antioch ; and he drew many after him, by his great
show of virtue.(lO)
fy 7. In the same class of Asiatic Gnostics, must be placed Cerdo, a
Syrian, and Marcion, the son of a bishop of Pontus. The history of these
men is obscure and uncertain. It appears, however, that they first began to
found their sect at Rome ; that Cerdo taught his principles there before
the arrival of Marcion ; that Marcion, failing to obtain some office in the
church at Rome in consequence of some misconduct, went over to the
party of Cerdo, and with great success they propagated their tenets over
the world. In the manner of the Orientals, Marcion taught that there are
two first causes of all things, the one perfectly good, the other perfectly evil.
Intermediate between these two deities, ranks the Architect of this lower
world, whom men worship, and who was the God and the Lawgiver of the
Jews : for he is neither perfectly good nor perfectly evil, but of a mixed
nature, or, as Marcion expressed it, he is just ; and therefore he can dis-
pense punishments, as well as rewards. The evil Deity and the Creator
of the world are perpetually at war. Each wishes to be worshipped as
God, end to subject the inhabitants of the whole world to himself. The
Jews are the subjects of the Creator of the world, who is a very powerful
spirit or demon ; the other nations, which worship many gods, are subjects
of the evil deity. Each is an oppressor of rational souls, and holds them
in bondage. In order therefore to put an end to this war, and to give free-
dom to human souls which are of divine origin, the Supreme God sent
among the Jews Jesus Christ, who is very similar to himself in nature, or
his Son, clothed with the appearance or shadow of a body, which would
render him visible ; with commission to destroy both the kingdom of the
world's Creator and that of the evil deity, and to invite souls back to God.
He was assailed both by the prince of darkness [the evil deity], and by
the God of the Jews, or the world's Creator ; but they were unable to hurt
him, because he had only the appearance of a body. Whoever will ab-
stract their minds from all sensible objects, according to his prescriptions,
and, renouncing as well the laws of the God of the Jews as those of the
prince of darkness, will turn wholly to the supreme God, and at the same
time subdue and mortify their bodies by fasting and other means, shall, after
death, ascend to the celestial mansions. The moral discipline which Mar-
don prescribed to his followers was, as the nature of the system required,
very austere and rigorous. For he condemned marriages, wine, flesh, and
whatever is grateful and pleasant to the body. — Marcion had numerous fol-
(10) Ircnaus, 1. i., c. 24. Euscb., Hist. Historie der Ketzereyen,vol. i., p. 274, &c.
Eccl., 1. iv., c. 7. Epiphan., Haeres. xxiii. lit iff, de Haeresiarch. saecul. ii., c. 1.
Theodoret, Fabul. haeret., 1. i., c. 2, and the Tillcmont, Memoires pour servir a I'histoire
other writers on the heresies. [Among the de 1'Eglise, torn, ii., p. 215, and A. Nran-
modern writers, see Mosheim, de Reb. dcr, Kirchengesch., vol. i.,pt. ii., p. 759, <kc.
Christ., &c., p. 336, &c. C. W. F. Walch, —Tr.}
142 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
lowers ; among whom Lucan, or Lucian, Severus, Blastes, and others, but
especially Appelles, are said to have deviated in some respects from the
opinions of iheir master, and to have established new sects.(ll)
§ 8. Bardesanes and Tatian are commonly supposed to have been of
the school of Valentinus the Egyptian, but erroneously ; for their sys-
tems differ in many respects from that of the Valentinians, and come
nearer to the Oriental principle of two first causes of all things. Barde-
sanes was a Syrian of Edessa, a man of great acumen, and distinguished
for his many learned productions. Seduced by his attachment to the Ori-
ental philosophy, he placed in opposition to the supreme God who is ab-
solute goodness, a prince of darkness who is the author of all evil. The
supreme God created the world free from all evil, and formed men possess-
ed of celestial souls and of subtile, ethereal bodies. But when the prince
of darkness had induced those first men to sin, God permitted the author
of all evil to invest men with gross bodies formed out of sinful matter, and
also to corrupt the world, in order that men might suffer for the iniquity
they had committed. Hence the struggle between reason and concupis-
cence in man. Jesus therefore descended from the celestial regions,
clothed not with a real but with a celestial and ethereal body, and taught
men to subdue their depraved bodies, and to free themselves from the
bondage of vicious matter, by means of abstinence, meditation, and fast-
ing ; and whoever will do so, shall on the dissolution of the body ascend
to the mansions of the blessed, clothed in their ethereal vehicles or their
celestial bodies. Bardesanes himself afterwards returned to sounder sen-
timents ; but his sect long survived in Syria. (12)
§ 9. Tatian, by birth an Assyrian, a distinguished and learned man,
and disciple of Justin Martyr, was more noted among the ancients for his
austere moral principles, which were rigid beyond measure, than for
the speculative errors or dogmas which he proposed as articles of faith to
his followers. Yet it appears from credible witnesses, that he held mat'
ter to be the source of all evil, and therefore recommended the abhorrence
and the mortification of the body ; that he supposed the Creator of the
world and the true God were not one and the same being ; that he denied
to our Saviour a real body ; and corrupted Christianity with other doc-
trines of the Oriental philosophers. His followers, who were numerous,
were sometimes called from him, Tatiani or Tatianists ; but. more fre-
quently they were designated by names indicative of their austere morals.
For, as they discarded all the external comforts and conveniences of life,
and held wine in such abhorrence as to use mere water in the Lord's sup-
per, fasted rigorously, and lived in celibacy ; they were denominated
(11) Besides the common writers on the ander, Kirchengeschichte, vol. i., pt. ii., p.
heresies, as Irerueus, Epiphanius, Theodo- 779-807. — Tr.J
ret, &c., see Tertulliari's five Books against (12) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c. 30,
Marcion ; and the Poem against Marcion, and the writers on the ancient heresies. Or-
also in five Books, which is ascribed to igen, Dial, contra Marcionitas, 1) 3, p. 70, ed.
Tertullian; and the Dialogue against the Wetstein. Fred. Strunzius, Historia Bar-
Marcionites, which is ascribed to Origen. desanis et Bardesanistar. Wittemb., 1722,
Among the modern writers, see Massuet, the 4to. Beausobre, Hist, du Manicheisme, vol.
editor of Irenaeus ; Tillemont ; Is. de Beau- ii., p. 128, dec. [Moshcim, de Reb. Christ.,
sobre, Histoire du Manicheisme, torn, ii., p. &c., p. 394, &c. C. W. F. WaJch, His-
69, &c. [C. W. F. Walch, Historie der torie der Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 407-424. A.
Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 484-537. Mosheim, Neander, Kirchengesch., vol. i., pt. ii., p.
de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 401-410. A. Ne- 743, &c.— TV.]
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 143
Encratitae or abstainers, Hydroparastatae or Water-drinkers, and Apotac-
titae or Renouncers.(l3)
§ 10. The Gnostics of the Egyptian class, differed from those of the
Asiatic, by combining the Oriental with Egyptian philosophy, and more
especially in the following particulars. (I.) Although they supposed mat-
ter to be eternal, and also animated ; yet they did not recognise an eter-
nal prince of darkness and of matter, or the malignant deity of the Per-
sians. (II.) They generally considered Christ, our Saviour, as consisting
of two persons, the man Jesus, and the Son of God, or Christ : and the
latter, the divine person, they supposed entered into Jesus the man, when
he was baptized in Jordan by John, and parted from him, when he was
made a prisoner by the Jews. (III.) They attributed to Christ a real, and
not an imaginary body ; though they were not all of one sentiment on this
point. (IV.) They prescribed to their followers a much milder system of
moral discipline ; nay, seemed to give precepts which favoured the cor-
rupt propensities of men.
§ 11. Among the Egyptian Gnostics, the first place is commonly as-
signed to Basilides of Alexandria. He maintained, that the supreme and
all perfect God produced, from himself, seven most excellent beings or
Aeons. Two of these Aeons, namely Dynamis and Sophia, (Power and
Wisdom), procreated the angels of the highest order. Those angels built
for themselves a residence or heaven, and produced other angels of a na-
ture a little inferior. Other generations of angels succeeded, and other
heavens were built, until there were three hundred and sixty-five heavens,
and as many orders of angels ; that is, just as many as there are days in
a year. Over all these heavens and angelic orders, there is a Prince or
Lord, whom Basilides called Abraxas ; a word which was doubtless in use
among the Egyptians before Basilides, and which, when written in Greek,
contains letters that together make up the number 365, i. e., the number
of the heavens. (14) The inhabitants of the lowest heaven, contiguous to
(13) The only work of Tatian that has Graecse, 1. ii., c. 8, p. 177, &c., and others,
reached us, is his Oratio ad Graecos. His Learned men almost universally, think those
opinions are spoken of by Clemens Alex., gems originated from Basilides; and hence
Strom., 1. iii., p. 460. Epiphanius, Haeres., they are called gemms Basilidianae. But
xlvi., c. 1, p. 391. Origen, de Oratione, c. very many of them exhibit marks of the most
13, p. 77, ed. Oxon., and by others of the degrading superstition, such as cannot be at-
ancients : but no one of them has attempted tributed even to a semi-Christian ; and like-
to delineate his system. [Of the moderns, wise very manifest insignia of the Egyptian
see C. W. F. Walch, Historic der Ketzer- religion. They cannot all therefore be at-
eyen, vol. i., p. 445-447, and A. Neander, tributed to Basilidcs, who, though he held
Kirchengesch., vol. i., pt. ii., p. 762-766. — many errors, yet worshipped Christ. Those
It should be remembered, that the names only must refer to him, which bear some
Encratites, Apotactites, (E'y/cpar?rai, 'ATTO- marks of Christianity. The word Abraxas,
TOKTOI), were applied to all the austere was unquestionably used by the ancient
sects ; so that, though all Tatianists were Egyptians, and appropriated to the Lord of
Encratites, yet all Encratites were not To.- the heavens ; so that Basilides retained it
tiantsts. — Tr.] from the philosophy and religion of his coun-
(14) A great number of gems still exist, try. See Is. de Bcausobre, Histoire duMan-
and quantities of them are daily brought to icheisme, vol. ii., p. 51. Jo. Bapt. Passeri,
us from Egypt, on which, besides other fig- Diss. de Gemmis Basilidianis ; in his splen-
ures of Egyptian device, the word Abraxas did work de Gemmis stelliferis, torn, ii., p.
is engraved. See Jo. Macarius, Abraxas 221, &c , ed. Florent., 1750, /bl. P. E.
seu de gemmis Basilidianis disquisitio ; en- Jabhnski, de Nominis Abraxas significa-
larged by Jo. Chiftet, ed. Antwerp. 1657, tione ; in the Miscellan. Lipsiens. novis,
4to. Bern, de Mantfaucon, Palaeograph. torn. vii. Passeri contends that none of
144 BOOK I.-CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
eternal matter which is an animated and malignant substance, formed a
design of constructing a world out of that disorderly mass, and of fabri-
cating men. God approved the work when it was finished ; and imparted
rational souls to the men whom the angels had formed, whereas, before
they had only sensitive souls : he also gave to the angels, dominion over
men. The Prince of these angels chose the Jewish nation for his sub-
jects ; and he gave them a law by Moses. The other angels presided
over other nations.
§ 12. The angels who created and governed the world, gradually be-
came corrupt ; and they not only laboured to obliterate the knowledge of
the supreme God, in order that they might themselves be worshipped as
gods, but they waged war with each other, for the enlargement of their
respective territories. The most arrogant and restless of them all, was
he who governed the Jewish nation. Therefore the supreme God, in
compassion to the souls endowed with reason, sent down from heaven his
Son, or the prince of the Aeons, whose name is Nus, \yovq, mind], and
Christ; that he, joining himself to the man Jesus, might restore the lost
knowledge of his Father, and overturn the empire of the angels who gov-
erned the world, and especially of the insolent Lord of the Jews. The
God of the Jews perceiving this, ordered his subjects to seize the man
Jesus, and put him to death: but against Christ, he had no power.(15)
The souls that obey the precepts of the Son of God, will ascend to God
•when their bodies die : the rest will pass into other bodies. All bodies
return back to vicious matter, whence they originated.
§ 13. The moral system of Basilides, if we believe most of the an-
cients, favoured concupiscence, and allowed every species of iniquity.
But from much surer testimony it appears, that he recommended purity of
life and the practice of piety, and condemned even an inclination to sin.
Still there were some things in his moral precepts which greatly offended
other Christians. For he held it lawful to conceal our religion, to deny
Christ when our life is in danger, to participate in the pagan feasts which
followed their sacrifices ; and he detracted much from the estimation and
honour in which the martyrs were held, and maintained that they were
greater sinners than other men, and were visited by divine justice for their
iniquities. For it was a principle with him, that none but sinners suffer
any evil in this life. And hence arose the suspicions entertained respect-
ing his system of morals, suspicions which seemed to be confirmed by
the flagitious lives of some of his disciples. (16)
these gems have reference to Basilides : he our Saviour had not a real body ; and that
makes them all refer to the magicians, or Simon the Cyrenian was crucified in place
the soothsayers, sorcerers, conjurers, and of him. But that this is erroneous, and that
fortune-tellers. But this learned man, it ap- Basilides supposed the man Jesus and
pears to me, goes too far ; for he himself Christ, united, to constitute the Saviour, is
acknowledges, (p. 225), that he sometimes demonstrated in the Comment, de Rebus
found on them some vestiges of the Basi- Christianor., &c., p. 354, &c. It may be,
lidian errors. These celebrated gems still that here and there a follower of Basilides
need an erudite, but cautious and judicious held otherwise.
interpreter. [See the references in Giese- (16) Besides the ancient writers on the
ler's Text-book, by Cunningham, vol. i., p. heresies, Basilides is particularly treated of,
84, note 1. — TV.] by Ben. Massuet, Dissert, in Irenaeum ; and
(15) Many of the ancients tell us, on the /*. de Beausobre, Histoire du Manicheisme,
authority of Irenceus, [adv. Hsereses, i., c. vol. ii., p. 8, &c. [C. W. F. Walch, His-
23], that, according to Basilides' opinion, torie der Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 281-309;
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 145
§ 14. But much viler than he, and said to be the worst of all the Gnos-
tics, was Carpocrates, also of Alexandria, [who lived in the reign of Adrian].
His philosophy did not differ in its general principles, from that of the oth-
er Egyptian Gnostics. For he held to one supreme God, Aeons the off-
spring of God, eternal and malignant matter, the creation of the world from
evil matter by angels, divine souls unfortunately enclosed in bodies, and
the like. But he maintained that Jesus was born of Joseph and Mary in
the ordinary course of nature, and that he was superior to other men in no-
thing but fortitude and greatness of soul. He also not only gave his disci-
ples license to sin, but imposed on them the necessity of sinning, by teach-
ing that the way to eternal salvation was open to those souls only, which
committed all kinds of enormity and wickedness. — But it exceeds all cred-
ibility, that any man who believes there is a God, that Christ is the Saviour
of mankind, and who inculcates any sort of religion, should hold such sen-
timents. Besides, there are grounds to believe that Carpocrates, like the
other Gnostics, held the Saviour to be composed of the man Jesus and a
certain Aeon called Christ ; and that he imposed some laws of conduct on
his disciples. Yet undoubtedly, there was something in his opinions and
precepts that rendered his piety very suspicious. For he held that concu-
piscence was implanted in the soul by the Deity, and is therefore perfectly
innocent ; that all actions are in themselves indifferent, and become good
or evil only according to the opinions and laws of men ; that in the purpose
of God, all things are common property, even the women, but that such
as will use their rights are by human laws accounted thieves and adulter-
ers. Now if he did not add some corrective to the enormity of these prin-
ciples, it must be acknowledged, that he wholly swept away the foundations
of all virtue, and gave full license to all iniquity. (17)
§ 15. Valentinus, also an Egyptian, exceeded all his fellow-heresiarchs
both in fame and in the multitude of his followers. His sect had its birth
at Rome, grew to maturity in the island of Cyprus, and with wonderful
celerity traversed Asia, Africa, and Europe. Valentinus held the general
principles common with his brother Gnostics, and he assumed the title of
a (inostic ; yet he held several principles peculiar to himself. In the
Pleroma, (which is the Gnostic name for the habitation of God), he sup-
posed thirty Aeons, fifteen males, and as many females. Besides these,
there were four unmarried ; namely, Horus, \opoq], the guardian of the con-
fines of the Pleroma, Christ, the Holy Spirit, and Jes*s. The youngest
of the Aeons, Sophia, (Wisdom], fired with vast desire of comprehending
the nature of the supreme Deity, in her agitation, brought forth a daughter
Moshrim, dc Rebus Christ., &c., p. 342- wrote a book, from which the world have
361 ; and A. Ncandcr, Kirchengesch., vol. had to learn what they could of the tenets
i., pt. ii., p. 679-704. Sec also Gieselers ot Carporrdtes. It is doubtful whether he.
Text-book, by Cunningham, vol. i., p. 84, ought to be called a Christian. He was an
&c. — 7V.] Egyptian philosopher, who had perhaps bor-
(17) See Ircnteus, contra Haores., 1. i , rowed some notions from the Christians,
c. 25. Clemens Alex., Stromat., 1. iii., p- but still his philosophy was his cynosure.
511, and the others. [Moshcim, de Rebus Two inscriptions, in the true spirit of this
Christ., &c., p. 361-371. C. W. F. Watch, philosopher, recently discovered in Cyrene
Historic dcr Krt?rr., vol. i., p. 309-327. in Africa, have given rise to a conjecture',
nder, Kirchent'csch , vol i., part ii., that his sect continued till the sixth century.
p. 767-773. — Carpoerates left a young son, See the inscriptions, with comments, in the
Eprpkanes, to propagate his system ; and Christmas Prograrnm of Dr. W. Gcscnius,
this son, though he died at the age of 17, A.D. 1825.— TV.]
VOL. I.— T
146 BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
called Achamoth [niDJn, the sciences or philosophy], who being excluded
from the Pleroma, descended to the rude and shapeless mass of matter,
reduced it to some degree of order, and by the aid of Jesus brought forth
Demiurgus, [A^juwpyo^, Artificer], the builder and lord of all things. This
Demiurgus separated the more subtile or animal matter, from the grosser
or material ; and out of the former he framed the world above us, or the
visible heavens, and out of the latter, the lower world, or this earth. Men he
compounded of both kinds of matter ; and his mother, Achamoth, added to
them a third substance which was celestial and spiritual. This is a brief
outline of the complicated and tedious fable of Valentinus. It appears
that he explained the origin of the world, and of the human race, in a more
subtle manner than the other Gnostics ; yet that he did not differ from
them in reality. And the same is true of the other parts of his system.
§ 16. The Architect of the world, gradually became so inflated, that he
either thought himself to be, or at least wished men to regard him as the
only God ; and by his prophets whom he sent among the Jews, he arroga-
ted to himself the honours of the supreme God. And herein the other an-
gels, who presided over parts of the created universe, imitated his exam-
ple. To repress this insolence of Demiurgus, and to imbue souls with a
knowledge of the true God, Christ descended, being composed of an animal
and spiritual substance, and moreover clothed with an ethereal body. He
passed through the body of Mary, just as water through a canal ; and
to him Jesus, one of the highest Aeons, joined himself, when he was
baptized in Jordan by John. The Architect of the world, who perceived
that his dominion would be shaken by this divine man, caused him to be
seized and crucified. But before Christ came to execution, not only Jesus
the Son of God, but also the rational soul of Christ, forsook him ; so that
only his sentient soul and his ethereal body were suspended on the cross.
Those who renounce, as Christ directs, not only the worship of the pagan
deities, but also that of the Jewish God, and surrender their sentient and
concupiscent soul to reason, to be chastened and reformed, shall with both
their souls, the rational and the sentient, be admitted to the mansions of the
blessed near the Pleroma. And when all particles of the divine nature, or
all souls, shall be separated from matter and purified, then a raging fire
shall spread through this material universe, and destroy the whole fabric
of nature. For the whole Oriental philosophy and the system of the Gnos-
tics, may be reduced to this epitome : This world is composed of both
good and evil. Whatever of good there is in it, was derived from the
supreme God, the parent of light, and will return to him again ; and when
this takes place, this world will be destroyed.(18)
(18) Of the Valentinian system, we have cate and absurd system of Valentinus. See
a full account in Irenaus, contra Haeres., Souvcrain, Platonisme devoile, cap. viii., p.
lib. i., c. 1-7. Tcrtullian, Liber contra 63. Camp. Vilrmga, Observatt. Sacrae,
Valentinianos ; Clemens Alex., passim ; and lib. i., c. ii., p. 131. Beausobre, Histoire
in all the ancient writers on the heresies, du Manicheisme, p. 548, &c. Ja. Basnage,
Among the moderns, see Jo. Fr. Buddeus, Hist, des Juifs, tome iii., p. 729, &c. Peter
Diss. de Haeresi Valentiniana ; subjoined Fayd.it, Eclairciss. sur 1'Hist. Eccles. des ii.
to his Introductio in Historiam philosoph. premiers siecles, p. 12, who also contempla-
Ebraeorum ; which Diss. has occasioned ted writing an Apology for Valentinus. I
much discussion respecting the origin of this pass by Godfrey Arnold, the patron of all
heresy. Some of the moderns have attempt- the heretics. B ut how vain all such attempts
ed to give a rational explanation of the intri- must be, is proved by this, that Valentinus
SCHISMS AND HERESIES.
147
§ 17. The ancients represent the school of Valentinus as divided into
many branches. Among these were the Ptolomaitic sect, whose author
Ptolomy differed from his master respecting the number and nature of the
Aeons ; the Sccundian sect, established by Secundus, one of the principal
followers of Valentinus, who seems to have kept more closely to the Orien-
tal philosophy, and to have held to two first causes of all things, light and
darkness, or a prince of good, and a prince of evil ; the sect of Heracleon,
from whose books Clement and Origen quote much ; the sect of Marcus
and Calarbasus, called Marcosians, who, according to Irenasus, added much
that was senseless and absurd, to the fictions of Valentinus, though it is
certain, that they did not maintain all that is attributed to them. 1 pass by
other sects, which appear to have originated from the Valentinian system.
But whether all the sects which are called Valentinian, actually originated
from disciples and followers of Valentinus, appears very doubtful, to such
as consider how great mistakes the ancients have made in stating the or-
igin of the heretics. (19)
§ 18. Of the smaller and more obscure Gnostic sects, of which the an-
cients tell us little more than the names and perhaps one or two detached
sentiments, it is unnecessary to say anything. Such were the Adamites,
who are said to have wished to imitate the state of innocence :(20) the
Cainites, who are represented as paying respect to the memory of Cain,
Corah, Dathan, the inhabitants of Sodom, and Judas the traitor :(21)
the Abelites, whom the ancients represent as marrying wives, but rais-
ing up no children :(22) the Sethitcs, who regarded Seth as the Messi-
himself professed that his religion differed
fundamentally from that of the other Chris-
tians. [Besides the authors above referred
to, see Mosheim, de Rebus Christ., &c., p.
371-389 ; C. W. F. Walch, Hist, der Ket-
zereyen, vol. i., p. 335-386 ; and Aug.
Ncander, Kircheng., vol. i., pt. ii., p. 704-
731 ; also Gieseler's Text-book, by Cun-
ningham, vol. i., p. 85, &c. — Tr.]
(19) Besides Irenaus, and the other an-
cient writers ; see, concerning these sects,
Jo. Ern. Grabe, Spicilegium Patrum et hae-
reticorum, saecul. ii., p. 69, 82, &c. On
the Marcosians, Ireneeus is copious, lib. i.,
cap. 14. That Marcus was out of his senses,
is unquestionable ; for he must have been
deranged, if he could hold even the greater
part of the strange fancies, which are said to
belong to his system. [Among the moderns
who have treated of these sects, see C. W.
F. .Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. i.,
p. 387-401 ; and A. Neandcr, Kirchenges-
chichte. vol. i. pt. ii., p. 731-746.— TV.]
(20) [See, for an account of them, Clemens
Alex., Stromat, lib. i., p. 357, lib. iii., p. 525,
lib. vii., p. 854 : Tertullian, Scorpiacum, in
Opp., p. 633, and contra Prax., cap. 3:
Epiphanhis, Macros. Iii , Opp., torn, i., p.
459 : Thcodoret, Haeret. Fabul., lib. i., c. 6 :
Augustine, de Haeres., c. 31 : John Dam-
ascfn, Opp., torn, i., p. 88 ; and among the
moderns, C. W. F. Walch, Hist, der Ket-
zereyen, vol. i., p. 327-335. P. Bayle, Dic-
tionnaire historique, art. Adamites and Pro-
dicus .- Tillemont, Memoires, &c., torn, ii.,
p. 256 : Bcausobre, Diss. sur les Adamites ;
subjoined to Lenfanfs Histoire des Hus-
sites.— The accounts of the ancients are con-
tradictory ; and several of the moderns doubt,
whether there ever was a sect who perform-
ed their worship in a state of nudity. — 7V.]
(21) [All the ancient writers mentioned
in the preceding note, except John Damas-
ccn, speak of the Cainites ; but what they
state is very brief, and contradictory. The
correctness of their accounts, is justly doubt-
ed by Bayle, (Dictionnaire Historique, art.
Cainites), and by others. Origen, (contra
Celsum, lib. iii., p. 1 19), did not regard them
as Christians. Yet they might be a sect of
Gnostics, who holding the God of the Jews
for a revolter from the true God, regarded
Cain, Dathan, Corah, and others who resist-
ed him, as being very praiseworthy. — Tr.]
(22) [The Abeltles are mentioned only by
Augustine, de Haeres., cap. 87 ; and by the
author of the book, Praedestinatus, cap. 87.
It is represented, that every man married a
female child, and every woman a little boy,
with whom they lived, and whom they made
their heirs ; hoping in this way to fulfil liter-
ally, what Paul says, 1 Cor. vii., 29, that
" They that have wives, be as though they
had none." — The sect is treated of by C.
148
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
ah :(23) the Florinians, who originated at Rome, under Florinus and Blast-
us ;(24) and many others. Perhaps the ancient Christian doctors divided
one sect into several, deceived by the fact of its having several names ;
they may also have had incorrect information respecting some of them.
§ 19. Among the Gnostics of the Egyptian class, no inconsiderable
place must be assigned to the Ophites or Serpentians ; a senseless sect, ot
which one Euphrates is said to be the father. The sect originated among
the Jews, and before the Christian era. A part of them became professed
Christians ; the rest retained their former superstition. Hence there were
two sects of Ophites, a Christian sect, and an anti-Christian. The Chris-
tian Ophites held nearly the same notions, with the other Egyptian Gnos-
tics, concerning Aeons, the eternity of matter, the creation of the world
without the knowledge or consent of the Deity, the rulers of the seven
planets who presided over the world, the tyranny of Demiurgus, the de-
scent of Christ joined to the man Jesus into our world to overthrow the
kingdom of Demiurgus, &c. But they held this peculiarity, that they
supposed the serpent which deceived our first parents, was either Christ
himself, or Sophia, concealed under the form of a serpent : and this opin-
ion, is said to have induced them to keep some sacred serpents, and to pay
them a species of honour. Into such absurdities men might easily fall, if
they believed the Creator of the world to be a different being from the su-
preme God, and regarded as divine whatever was opposed to the pleasure
of Demiurgus. (25)
W. F. Watch, Hist, der Ketzer., vol. i., p.
607 ; who doubts whether it were not alto-
gether an imaginary sect. — TV.]
(23) [The Sethites are mentioned by the
author of Praedestinatus, cap. 19, and Phi-
lastrius,de Haeres., cap. 3. But Rhenferd,
(Diss. de Sethianis, in his Opp. philolog., p.
165); and Zorn, (Opuscul. sacra, torn, i.,
p. 614), consider this to be an imaginary
sect. See C. W. F. Walch, loc. cit., p. 609,
&c., and A. Ncander, Kirchengesch., vol. i.,
pt. ii., p. 758, &c.-— TV.]
(24) [Florinus and Blastus were by the
ancients, reckoned among the Valentinians.
Both were presbyters of Rome, intimate
friends, and excommunicated by the Roman
bishop Eleutherius. (Euseb., H. E., v. 15.)
As Florinus in early life enjoyed the instruc-
tion of Polycarp at Smyrna, and as Irenceus
wrote a letter to Blastus, concerning the
schism at Rome about Easter day ; C. W.
F. Walch, (loc. cit., p. 404), supposes they
both, and particularly Blastus, were opposed
to the views of the Romish church respecting
Easter. He also considers it most probable,
that Florinus was inclined towards Gnos-
ticism ; for Ircnaus wrote a book against
him, concerning the eight Aeons ; and he
actually had some followers. — Schl. That
Florinus was a Gnostic, is clear from Euse-
bius, Hist. Eccles., lib. v., c. 20. That
Blastus was so, is not so certain. — TV.]
(25) The "history and doctrines of this
sect, so far as they are known, I have stated
in a German work, printed at Helmstadt,
1746, 4to, [bearing the title : Erster Versucb
einer unpartheyischen und griindlichen Ket-
zergeschichte. Afterwards, J. H. Schuma-
cher published an Explanation of the obscure
and difficult Doctrinal Table of the ancient
Ophites ; Wolfenbiittel, 1756, 4to. — Schu-
macher maintained, that the doctrine of the
Ophites embraced neither metaphysics nor
theology, but merely the history of the Jew-
ish nation couched in hieroglyphics. — C. W.
F. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. i.,
p. 447-481, has epitomized both works;
and we here give his leading thoughts, in
further illustration of this sect. — These peo-
ple, called in Gr. Ophites, in Latin Serpent-
ians, were by the Asiatics called Nahassians
or Naasians. Iren&us, (1. ii., c. 34) ; the
author of the supplement to Tertullian's
book, de Praescript. haeret., (c. 47) ; Epi-
phanius, (Haer. xxxvii.) ; Theodoret, (Hae-
rct. Fabul., 1. i., c. 14) ; and Augustine, (do
Haeres., c. 17) ; account them Christian
heretics. But Origen, (contra Celsum, 1.
vii., $ 28), holds them to be not Christians.
Yet he speaks of them as pretended Chris-
tians, in his Comment, on Matth , torn, iii., p.
851, &c. — Philastrius makes them more an-
cient than Christianity. It is most probable,
they were Jewish Gnostics, and that some of
them embraced Christianity ; so that the sect
became divided into Jewish and Christian
SCHISMS AND HERESIES.
149
§ 20. The numerous evils and discords, which arose from combining
the Oriental and Egyptian philosophy with the Christian religion, began to
be increased about the middle of this century, by those who brought the
Grecian philosophy with them into the Christian church. As the doctrines
held by the Christians respecting the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, and
respecting the twofold nature of the Saviour, were least of all at agree-
ment with the precepts of this philosophy, they first endeavoured so to ex-
plain these doctrines, that they could be comprehended by reason. This
was attempted by one Praxeas, a very distinguished man and a confessor,
at Rome. Discarding all real distinction between the Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit, he taught that the whole Father of all things joined himself
to the human nature of Christ. Hence the followers were called Monar-
chians and Patripassians. Nor was the latter an unsuitable name for
them, if Tertullian correctly understood their sentiments. For they de-
nominated the man Christ, the Son of God ; and held that to this Son, the
Father of the universe or God so joined himself, as to be crucified and
endure pangs along with the Son. Yet Praxeas does not appear to have
erected a distinct church.(26)
§ 21. Nearly allied to this opinion, was that which was advanced about
the same time at Rome, by Theodotus, a tanner, yet a man of learning
Ophites. There are two sources of inform-
ation on this part of ecclesiastical history.
The first is, the accounts of Irenceus, Epi-
phanius, and others. The second is, what
Ongen tells us (contra Celsum, lib. vi., §
33, &c.) concerning the Diagram of the
Ophites. This Diagram was a tablet, on
which the Ophites depicted their doctrines,
in all sorts of figures with words annexed.
It probably contained the doctrines of the
Jewish Ophites ; and is dark and unintelli-
gible, unless we may suppose this symboli-
cal representation contained that system, the
principal doctrines of which are stated by the
ancients. The theological system both of
the Jewish and the Christian Ophites, cannot
be epitomized, and must be sought for in
Walch, p. 461. — Their serpent-worship con-
sisted in this ; they kept a living serpent,
which they let out upon the dish, when cel-
ebrating the Lord's supper, to crawl around
and over the bread. The priest to whom the
serpent belonged, now came near, brake the
bread, and distributed it to those present.
When each had eaten his morsel, he kissed
the serpent, which was afterwards confined.
When this solemn act, which the Ophites
called their perfect sacrifice, was ended, the
meeting closed with a hymn of praise to the
supreme God, whom the serpent in para-
dise had made known to men. But all the
Ophites did not observe these rites, which
were peculiar to the Christian Ophites, and
confined to a small number among them.
This worship must have been symbolic.
The Ophites had also Talismans. — Schl.
See a lucid account of the Ophites, in A.
Neandcr's Kirchengesch., vol. i., pt. ii., p.
746-756.— TV.]
(20) See Tertullian, Liber contra Prax-
eam ; and compare Peter Wesseling, Proba-
bilia, cap. 26, p. 223, &c. [" Tertullian (to
whom we are indebted for all certain knowl-
edge of the views of Praxeas), was not only
an obscure writer, but also a prejudiced one
in regard to Praxeas. He not only rejected
his doctrine, but hated him ; because Prax-
eas had alienated the Roman bishop Victor
from Montanus, whose partisan Tertullian
was. Hence Tertullian, in his censures on
Praxeas, is often extravagant and insulting.
The opposition of Praxeas to Montanus,
doubtless led the former into his error.
Montanus had treated of the doctrine of
three persons in the divine essence, and had
insisted on a real distinction between the
Father, Son, and Hdly Spirit. (Tertullian
contra Praxeam, c. 13, p. 644.) Praxeas,
who was hostile to Montanus, published his
own doctrine in opposition to Montanus.
From Tertullian, moreover, it appears clear-
ly, that Praxeas discarded the distinction of
persons in the divine essence ; and, as Ter-
tulhan expresses it, contended for the mon-
archy of God. But how he explained what
the Scriptures teach, concerning the Son and
the Holy Spirit, is not so clear. Of the va-
rious conceptions we might gather from Tcr-
tullidii, Moshcim gives a full investigation,
in his Comment, de Rebus Christ., &c., p.
426. See also C. W. F. Walch, Hist, der
Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 537-546." — Schl.
See also A. Neandcr, Kirchengesch., vol. i.,
pt. iii., p. 994, &c.— TV.]
150
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
and a philosopher ; and by one Artemas or Artemon, from whom originated
the Artemonites. For, so far as can be gathered from not very distinct
accounts of these men left us by the ancients, they supposed, that when
the man Christ was born, a certain divine energy or some portion of the
divine nature (and net the person of the Father, as Praxeas imagined)
united itself to him. Which of these men preceded the other in time ; and
whether they both taught the same doctrine, or differed from each other ;
cannot at this day be decided, so few and obscure are the ancient accounts
we have of them. But this is unquestionable, the disciples of both applied
philosophy and geometry to the explication of the Christian doctrine. (27)
§ 22. The same attachment to philosophy induced Hermogenes, a painter,
to depart from the sentiments of Christians, respecting the origin of the
world and the nature of the soul, and to cause disturbance in a part of the
Christian community. Regarding matter as the source of all evil, he could
not believe, that God had brought it into existence by his omnipotent voli-
tion. He therefore held, that the world and whatever is in the world, and
also souls and spirits, were formed by the Deity out of eternal and vicious
matter. There is much in this doctrine very difficult to be explained, and
not in accordance with the common opinions of Christians. But neither
Tertullian who wrote against him, nor others of the ancients, inform us
how he explained those Christian doctrines which are repugnant to his
opinions.(23)
(27) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. v., c.
28. Epiphanius, Haeres. liv., p. 464. P.
Wesseling, Probabilia, c. 21, p. 172, &c.
[Several persons occur in the history of the
heretics, bearing the name of Theodotus.
( 1 ) Theodotus of Byzantium, a tanner ; of
whom above. (2) Theodotus the younger,
disciple of the former, and founder of the
sect of Melchizedekians. This sect derived
its name from its holding, agreeably to the
doctrine of the elder Theodotus, that Mel-
chizedek was the power of God, and supe-
rior to Christ ; and that he sustained the of-
fice of an Intercessor for the angels in heav-
en, as Christ did for us men on earth. (3)
Theodotus, the Valentinian. (4) Theodotus,
the Montanist. — Our Theodotus had saved
his life, during a persecution at Byzantium,
by a'denial of Christ; and thus had incur-
red general contempt. To escape from dis-
grace, he went to Rome. But there his of-
fence became known. To extenuate his
fault, he gave out that he regarded Jesus
Christ as a mere man, and that it could be
no great crime to deny a mere man. He
was therefore excluded from the church, by
Victor the bishop. Thus Theodotus came
near to the system of the Sociuians, and held
Christ fora mere man, though a virtuous and
upright one. Whether he held the birth of
Christ to have been natural or supernatural,
the ancient accounts are not agreed. He
rejected the Gospel of John ; and held his
own doctrine to be apostolical, and that of
the eternal divinity of Christ to be a novel
doctrine. See C. W. F. Watch, loc. cit.,
p. 546-557. — Artemon has, in modern times,
become more famous than Theodotus ; since
Samuel Crell assumed the name of an Ar-
temonite, in order to distinguish himself from
the odious Socinians, whose doctrines he did
not fully approve. (See his book, with the
title : L. M. Artemonii Initium Evangelii Jo-
hannis ex antiquitate restitutum ; and his
other writings. ) The history of this Artemon
is very obscure. The time when he lived
cannot be definitely ascertained ; and the
history of his doctrine is not without diffi-
culties. It is not doubted that he denied
the divinity of Jesus Christ, as held by or-
thodox Christians. But whether he swerved
towards the system of the modern Socinians,
or to that of Praxeas, is another question.
Dr. Mosheim believed the latter ; de Rebus
Christ., &c., 491. But, as this rests on the
too recent testimony of Gennadius of Mar-
seilles, (de Dogm. Eccles., c. 3), Dr. Walch
(p. 564) calls it in question. See also Jo.
Erh. Happen, Diss. de hist. Artemonis et
Artemonitarum, Lips., 1737. — Schl. See
also A. Neander, Kirchengesch., vol. i., part
iii., p. 996-1000.— TV.]
(28) There is extant a tract of Tertullian,
Liber contra Hermogenem, in which he as-
sails the doctrine of Hermogenes concerning
matter and the origin of the world. But an-
other tract of his, de Censu animae, in which
he confuted the opinion of Hermogenes con-
SCHISMS AND HERESIES. 151
& 23. In addition to these sects which may be called the daughters of
philosophy, there arose in the reign of Marcus Antoninus, an illiterate
sect, opposed to all learning and philosophy. An obscure man of weak
judgment, named Montanus, who lived in a poor village of Phrygia called
Pepuza, had the folly to suppose himself the Comforter promised by Christ
to his disciples, and to pretend to utter prophecies under divine inspira-
tion.(29) He indeed attempted no change in the doctrines of religion ;
but he professed to be divinely commissioned to perfect and give efficiency
to the moral discipline taught by Christ and his apostles : for he supposed
that Christ and his apostles had yielded uptaany points to the weakness
of the people of their age, and thus had given only an incomplete and im-
perfect rule of life. He therefore would have fasts multiplied and extend-
ed, forbid second marriages as illicit, did not allow churches to grant ab-
solution to such as had fallen into the greater sins, condemned all decora-
tion of the body and all female ornaments, required polite learning and
philosophy to be banished from the church, ordered virgins to be veiled,
and maintained that Christians sin most grievously, by rescuing their lives
by flight or redeeming them with money in time of persecution. I pass
by some other of his austere and rigid precepts.
§ 24. A man who professed to be a holier moralist than Christ himself,
and who would obtrude his severe precepts upon Christians for divine com-
mands and oracles, could not be endured in the Christian church. Be-
sides, his dismal predictions of the speedy downfall of the Roman repub-
lic, &c., might bring the Christian community into imminent danger. He
was therefore, first by the decisions of some councils and afterwards by
that of the whole church, excluded from all connexion with that body.
But the severity of his discipline itself led many persons of no mean con-
dition, to put confidence in him. Pre-eminent among these, were two
cerning the soul, is lost. [Tertullian is ex- them ; and held, that under the name of the
ceedingly severe upon Hcrmogenes, who Paraclete, Christ indicated a divine teacher,
was probably his contemporary, and fellow who would supply certain parts of the,reli-
African. Yet he allows that he was an in- gious system which were omitted by the Sav-
genious and eloquent man, and sound in the iour, and explain more clearly certain other
principal doctrines of Christianity. Itseems, parts which for wise reasons had been less
the morals of Hermogenes gave most offence perfectly taught. Nor was Montanus alone
to Tertullian. He had married repeatedly, in making this distinction. For other Chris-
and he painted for all customers what they tian doctors supposed the Paraclete, whose
wished. To a Montanist these things were coming Christ had promised, was a divine
exceedingly criminal. There is no evidence messenger to men, and different from the Ho-
that Hermogenes founded a sect. — See Mo- ly Spirit given to the apostles. In the third
sheim, de Rebus Christ., &c., p. 432, &c. century, Manes interpreted the promise of
C. W. F. Walch, Hist, der Ketzer., vol. i., Christ concerning the Paraclete in the same
p. 476, &c., and ^4. Neander, Kirchengesch., manner; and boasted that he himself was
vol. i., part iii., p. 976, &c. — Tr.] that Paraclete. And who does not know,
(29) They doubtless err, who tell us that that Mohammed had the same views, and
Montanus claimed to be the Holy Spirit, applied the words of Christ respecting the
He was not so foolish. Nor do those cor- Paraclete to himself! Montanus, therefore,
rectly understand his views, whom I have washed to be regarded as the Paraclete of
heretofore followed, and who represent him Christ, and not as the Holy Spirit. The
as asserting, that there was divinely impart- more carefully and attentively we read Ter-
ed to him, that very Holy Spirit or Comfort- tullian, the greatest of all Montanus' disci-
er, who once inspired and animated the pies, and the best acquainted with his sys-
apostles. Montanus distinguished the Par- tern, the more clearly will it appear that such
achtt promised by Christ to the apostles, were his views,
from the Holy Spirit that was poured upon
152
BOOK I.— CENTURY II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
opulent ladies, Priscilla and Maximilla ; who themselves, with others, ut-
tered prophecies, after the example of their master, whom they denomi-
nated the Paraclete, or Comforter. Hence it was easy for Montanus to
found a new church, which was first established at Pepuza, a little town
of Phrygia, but which spread in process of time through Asia, Africa, and
a part of Europe. Of all his followers, the most. learned and distinguish-
ed was Tertullian, a man of genius, but austere and gloomy by nature ;
who defended the cause of his preceptor, by many energetic and severe
publications. (30)
(30) See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. v.,
cap. 16, and especially Tertullian, in his
numerous books ; and then all the writers,
both ancient and modern, who have treated
professedly of the sects of the early ages.
Quite recently, and with attention and great
erudition, the history of the Montanists has
been illustrated by Theoph. Wernsdorf, in
has Commentatio de Montanislis saeculi se-
cundi vulgo creditis haereticis, Dantzik,
1751, 4to. — [The Montanists were also
called Phrygians, or Cataphrygians, from
the country where they resided and origi-
nated ; also Pepuzians, from the town
where Montanus had his habitation, and
which he pretended was the New Jerusa-
lem spoken of in the Revelation of St. John.
It appears likewise, that, from Priscilla they
were called Priscillianists ; though this
name, on account of its ambiguity, has in
modern times been disused. Tertullian de-
nominated those of his faith, the Spiritual,
(Spirituales) ; and its opposers, the Carnal,
(Psychikoi); because the former admitted
Montanus'' inspirations of the Holy Spirit,
which the latter rejected. — The time when
Montanus began to disturb the church, is
much debated. Those who follow Eusebi-
us, who is most to be relied upon, place
this movement in the year 171, or 172.
Wernsdorf's conjecture, that Montanus was
the Bishop of Pepuza, is not improbable.
He and Priscilla and Maximilla pretended
to have divine revelations, which the Com-
forter imparted to them, in order to supply
by them what further instruction the Chris-
tian church needed. The instruction, said
they, which the Holy Spirit gives to men, is
progressive. In the Old Testament, instruc-
tion was in its infancy. Christ and his
apostles advanced it to its youthful stature.
By Montanus and his coadjutors, it is
brought to its perfect manhood. In the Old
Testament God conceded much to the hard-
ness of the people's hearts, and Christ was
indulgent to the weakness of the flesh, but
the Comforter is unsparing to both, and
presents the virtues of Christians in their
full splendour. — Their revelations related to
no new doctrines of faith, but only to rules
of practice. Some of them also were his-
torical. But all these revelations seem to
have been the effect of their melancholy
temperament, and of an excessively active
imagination. — See, concerning Tertullian,
Hamberger's account of the principal wri-
ters, vol. ii., p. 492, and J. G. Walch, Hist.
Eccles. N. Test., p. 648, &c., and concern-
ing the Montanists, C. W. F. Walch, His-
toric der Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 611, &c. —
Schl. Also A. Neander, Kirchengesch.,
vol. i., pt. iii., p. 870-893.— TV.]
CENTURY THIRD.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
§ 1. Rights and Immunities of Christians enlarged. — $ 2. Under various Emperors. Good-
will of Alexander towards Christ. — §3. Other Emperors favourable to the Christians.
The Religion of the Emperor Philip. — § 4. The Number of Christians augmented : from
Causes, partly Divine, — § 5. and, partly human. — § 6. Countries added to the Kingdom
of Christ. — $ 7. State of the Church in France, Germany.
§ 1. THAT Christians suffered very great evils in this century, and were
in perfect security during no part of it, admits of no controversy. For,
not to mention the popular tumults raised against them by the pagan priests,
the governors and magistrates could persecute them, without violating the
existing imperial laws, as often as either superstition or avarice or cruelty
prompted. Yet it is no less certain, that the rights and liberties of the
Christians were increased, more than many have supposed. In the army,
in the court, and among all ranks, there were many Christians whom no
one molested at all ; and under most of the Roman emperors who reigned
in this century, Christianity presented no obstacle to the attainment of pub-
lic stations and honours. In many places also, with the full knowledge of
the emperors and magistrates, they had certain houses in which they regu-
larly assembled for the worship of God. Yet it is probable, or rather is
more than probable, that the Christians commonly purchased this security
and these liberties with money ; notwithstanding some of the emperors
had very kind feelings towards them, and were not greatly opposed to their
religion.
§ 2. Antoninus, surnamed Caracalla, the son of Severus, came to the
throne in the year 211 ; and during the six years of his reign, he neither
oppressed the Christians himself, nor suffered others to oppress them.(l)
Antoninus Heliogabalus, [A.D. 218-222], though of a most abandoned
moral character, had no hostility towards the Christians. (2) His succes-
(1) [From a passage in Tertullian, (ad that he was half a Christian, and on thatac-
Scapul., cap. 4), asserting that Caracalla had count was indulgent to the followers of
a Christian nurse : lacte Christiano educatum Christ. But it is much more probable, that
fuisse ; and from one in Spartinns, (life of they purchased his indulgence with their
Caracalla, in Scriptor. Histor. Aug., vol. L, gold. See Mosheim,de Rebus Christ., &c.,
p. 707, cap. 1), asserting that he was much p. 460. — TV.]
attached to a Jewish playfellow, when he (2) Lampndius, vita Heliogabali, cap. 3,
was seven years old ; it baa been inferred p. 796. [Dicebat praeterea (Imperator) Ju-
VOL. I.— U
154 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
sor, Alexander Severus, [A.D. 222-235], an excellent prince, did not in-
deed repeal the laws which had been enacted against the Christians, so
that instances occur of Christians' suffering death in his reign ; yet from
the influence of his mother, Julia Mammaea, to whom he was greatly at-
tached, he showed kind feelings towards them in various ways, whenever
occasion was offered, and even paid some worship and honour to our Sa-
viour. (3) For Julia entertained the most favourable sentiments of the
Christian religion ; and at one time invited to the court, Origen, the cele-
brated Christian doctor, that she might hear him discourse. But those
who conclude that Julia and Alexander actually embraced Christianity,
have not testimony to adduce, which is unexceptionable. Yet it is cer-
tain, that Alexander thought the Christian religion deserved toleration, be-
yond others ; and regarded its author as worthy to be ranked among the
extraordinary men who were divinely moved. (4)
§ 3. Under Gordian [A.D. 238-244], the Christians lived unmolested
and tranquil. His successors, the Philips, father and son, [A.D. 244-249],
showed themselves so friendly to the Christians, that by many, they were
supposed to be Christians. And there are some arguments which might
render it probable, that these emperors did, though secretly and covertly,
embrace Christianity. But as these arguments are balanced by others
equally strong and imposing, the question respecting the religion of Philip
the Arabian, and his son, which has exercised the sagacity of so many
learned men, must be left undecided. (5) At least, neither party has ad-
duced any evidence, either from testimony or from facts, which was too
strong to be invalidated. Among the subsequent emperors of this century,
Gallienus, [A.D. 260-268], and some others likewise, if they did not di-
rectly favour the Christian cause, they at least did not retard it.
§ 4. This friendship of great men, and especially of emperors, was un-
doubtedly not the least among the human causes, which contributed to en-
large the boundaries of the church. But other causes, and some of them
daeorum et Samaritanorum religiones et to hear him discourse on religion. But nei-
Christianam devotionem illuc(Romam) trans- ther of them intimates, that she obeyed his
ferandam, ut omnium cultarum secretum precepts and adopted the Christian faith.
Heliogabali sacerdotium teneret : which Dr. And in the life of Julia, there are clear in-
Mosheim, (deReb. Christ , &c., p. 460), un- dications of superstition, and of reverence
derstands to mean, that Heliogabalus wished for the pagan gods. — Scld. from Mosheim,
the Jewish, Samaritan, and Christian reli- deReb. Christ., &c., p. 46].]
gions to be freely tolerated at Rome, so that (4) See Fred. Spanheim, Diss. de Lucii
the priests of his order might understand all Britonum regis, Juliae Mammaeae, et Philip-
the arcana of them, having them daily before porom conversionibus, Opp., torn, ii., p. 400.
their eyes. — Tr.] P. E. Jablonski, Diss. de Alexandro Severo
(3) See Lampridius, de Vita Severi, c. sacris Christianis per Gnosticos initiato, in
29, p. 930, and Car. Hen. Zeibich, Diss. de Miscellan. Lips, nov., torn, iv., p. 56, &c.
Christo ab Alexandro in larario culto ; which (5) See Spanheim, de Christianismo Phil-
is found in the Miscell. Lips, novae, torn, iii., ipporum, Opp., torn, ii., p. 400. (P. de la
p. 42, &c. [Most of the modern writers Faye), Entretiens historiques sur la Chris-
make Julia Mammaea to have been a Chris- tianisme de 1'Empereur Philippe, Utrecht,
tian. See J. R. Wetstein's preface to Ori- 1692, 12mo. Mammachius, Origines et An-
gen's Dial, contra Marcionitas. But the an- tiq. Christianae, torn, ii., p. 252, &c. See
cient writers, Eusebius, (H. E., vi., 21), and J. A. Fabriaus, Lux Evangelii toti orbi ex-
Jerome, (de Scriptor. Illustr., c. 54), express oriens, p. 252, &c., [and Masheim, de Re-
themselves dubiously. The former calls her bus Christ., &c., p. 471. — The most impor-
•&£Off£/3£aTUTrjv, and the latter rdigiosam, tant ancient testimonies, are Euseb., H. E.,
(devout) ; and both state that she invited Or- vi., 34, and Chronicon, ann. 246. Jerome,
igen to her court, then at Antioch, in order de Script. Illust., c. 54. — Tr.]
PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 155
divine, must be added. Among the divine causes, besides the inherent en-
ergy of heavenly truth and the piety and constancy of the Christian teach-
ers, conspicuous is that extraordinary providence of God, which, as we are
informed, by means of dreams and visions, excited many persons who be-
fore were either thoughtless or alienated from Christianity, to come out at
once and enrol their names among the followers of Christ. (6) To this
must be added, the curing of diseases and other miracles which very many
Christians still performed, by invoking the name of the Saviour.(7) Yet the
number of miracles was less in this age than in the preceding ; which may
be ascribed not only to the wisdom of God, but also to his justice, which
would not suffer men to make gain by the powers divinely given them. (8)
§ 5. Among the human causes which aided the progress of Christianity,
may doubtless be reckoned the translation of the Scriptures into various
languages, the labours of Origen in disseminating copies of them, and the
various books composed by wise men. No less efficacy is to be ascribed
to the beneficence of Christians, even towards those whose religion they
abhorred. The idolaters must have had hearts of stone, not to have been
softened and brought to have more friendly feelings towards the people,
whose great sympathy for the poor, kindness to enemies, care of the sick,
readiness to redeem captives, and numerous other kind offices, proved them
to be deserving of the love and gratitude of mankind. If, what I would
not pertinaciously deny, pious frauds and impositions deserve a place
among the causes of the extension of Christianity, they doubtless hold the
lowest place, and were employed only by a few.
§ 6. That the boundaries of the church were extended, in this century,
no one calls in question ; but in what manner, by whom, and in what
countries, is not equally manifest. Origen taught the religion he professed
to a tribe of Arabs : I suppose, they were some of the wandering Arabs,
who live in tents. (9) The Goths, a ferocious and warlike people, that in-
habited Moesia and Thrace, and made perpetual incursions into the neigh-
bouring provinces ; received a knowledge of Christ from certain Christian
priests whom they carried away from Asia. As those priests, by the sanc-
tity of their lives, and their miracles, acquired respectability and great in-
fluence among these marauders, who were entirely illiterate ; such a
change was produced among them, that a great part of the nation professed
Christianity, and in some measure laid aside their savage manners. (10)
(6) See Origen, adv. Celsum, lib. i., p. (10) Sosomen, Hist. Eccles., lib. ii., c. 6.
35. Homil. in Lucae vii. Opp., torn, ii., p. Paul Diaconus, Hist. Miscellan., 1. ii., c. 14.
216, ed. Basil. Tcrtullian, de Anima, cap. Philostorgius, Hist. Eccles., lib. ii., c. 5.
14, p. 348, ed. Rigaltii. Eusebius, Hist. [Ptiloftorgnu says, that Ulphilas, who in
Eccles., lib. vi., c. 5, and others. [See also, the fourth century translated the Christian
note (14) on cent, ii., pt. i., ch. i., p. 102, Scriptures into the Gothic language, was a
&c., of this work. — TV.] descendant of the captives carried off by the
(7) Ongen, adv. Celsum, 1. i., p. 5, 7. Goths from Cappadocia, in the reign of Gal-
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 1. v., c. 7. Cyprian, lienus ; which is not improbable. By the
Ep. i. ad Donatum, p. 3, and the note of S. influence of their Christian captives, the
Rahizc, there, p. 376. Goths were induced to invite Christian teach-
(8) W. Spencer, Notes on Origen adv. ers among them ; and numerous churches
Celsum, p. 6, 7. were collected. A Gothic bishop, named
(9) Eusebins, Hist. Eccles., lib. vi., cap. Thcophtlus, subscribed the Acts of the coun-
19. [But Sender, Hist. Eccl. selecta cap., cilof Nice, (Socrates, Hist. Eccl , ii.. c.41).
vol. i. , p 59, supposes they were not wander- Yet there is indubitable evidence, that a large
ing Arabs. — TV.] part of the nation remained pagans, long after
156 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
§ 7. To the few and small Christian churches in France, erected by
certain Asiatic teachers in the second centjury, more and larger ones were
added in this century, from the times of Decius, [A.D. 249]. For it was in
the reign of this emperor, those seven devout men, Dionysius, Gratian,
Trophimus, Paul, Saturninus, Martial, and Stremonius, migrated to this
country ; and amid various perils founded the churches of Paris, Tours,
Aries, [Narbonne, Toulouse, Limoges, Clermont], and other places. And
their disciples gradually spread the Christian doctrine throughout Gaul.(l 1)
To this age, likewise, must be referred the origin of the German churches,
of Cologne, Treves, Metz, [Tongres, Liege], and others; the fathers of
which were Eucharius, Valerius, Maternus, Clement, and others. (12)
The Scotch also say, that their country was enlightened with the light
of Christianity in this century ; which does not appear improbable in it-
self, but cannot be put beyond controversy by any certain testimony. (13)
CHAPTER II.
THE ADVERSE EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
$ 1. The Persecution of Severus. — $ 2. Of Maximinus, the Thracian. — § 3. The Cruelty
of Decius led many Christians to deny Christ. — f) 4. Controversies in the Church on
this Subject, Libelli Pacis. — 5. Persecutions of Gallus and Volusian. — f) 6. Of Valerian.
— t) 7. State of the Church under Gallienus, Claudius, and Aurelian. — § 8. Attempts
of the Philosophers against the Christians. — § 9. Comparisons of some Philosophers with
Christ. — § 10. Injury thence arising. — § 11. Attempts of the Jews against the Chris-
tians.
§ 1. IN the commencement of this century, the Christians were variously
afflicted in many of the Roman provinces ; but their calamity was in-
creased in the year 203, when the emperor Severus, who was otherwise
not hostile to them, enacted a law that no person should abandon the re-
ligion of his fathers, for that of the Christians, or even for that of the
Jews.(l) Although this law did not condemn the [existing] Christians,
but merely restrained the propagation of their religion, yet it afforded to
rapacious and unjust governors and judges great opportunity for troubling
the Christians, and for putting many of the poor to death, in order to in-
duce the rich to avert their danger by donations. Hence, after the pass-
ing of this law, very many Christians in Egypt, and in other parts of both
Asia and Africa, were cruelly slain ; and among them were Leonidas, the
father of Origen ; the two celebrated African ladies, Perpetua and Felici-
this period. See Mosheim, de Rebus Christ., tome i., Diss. i., p. 7, &c. Jo. Nicol. de
&c., p. 449. — TV.] Hontheim, Historia Trevirensis. [See also
(11) Gregory Turonens., Historia Fran- notes (6) and (7) on cent, ii., part i., ch. i.,
cor., lib. i., c, 28, p. 23. Theod. Ruinart, p. 99 of this work. — TV.]
Acta Martyrum sincera, p. 109, &c. [See (13) See Usher and Stillingflcet, on the
note (9), on cent, ii., part i., ch. i., p. 100 Origin and Antiquities of the British church-
of this work ; where the origin of the Gallic es ; and Geo. Mackenzie, de Regali Sco-
or French churches, is considered, at some torum prosapia, cap. viii., p; 119, &c.
length. — Tr.] (1) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. vi., c. i.
(12) Aug. Calmet, Histoire de Lorraine, Spartianus, Vita Severi, cap. 16, 17.
ADVERSE EVENTS. 157
tas, whose Acts [martyrdom] have come down to us ;(2) also Polamiena,
a virgin ; Marcella, and others of both sexes, whose names were held in
high honour in the subsequent ages.
§ 2. From the death of' [Septimus] Severus, till the reign of Maximin,
called Thrax, from the country which gave him birth, [or, from A.D. 211
to A.D. 235], the condition of Christians was everywhere tolerable, and
in some places prosperous. But Maximin, who had slain Alexander Sev-
erus, an emperor peculiarly friendly to the Christians, fearing lest the
Christians should avenge the death of their patron, ordered their bishops,
and particularly those that he knew had been the friends and intimates of
Alexander, to be seized and put to death.(3) During his reign, therefore,
many and atrocious injuries were brought upon the Christians. For al-
though the edict of the tyrant related only to the bishops and the ministers
of religion, yet its influence reached farther, and incited the pagan priests,
the populace, and the magistrates to assail Christians of all orders. (4)
§ 3. This storm was followed by many years of peace and tranquillity.
[From A.D. 237-249.] But when Decius Trajan came to the imperial
throne, A.D. 249, war in all its horrors, again burst upon the Christians.
For this emperor, excited either by fear of the Christians, or by attach-
ment to the ancient superstition, published terrible edicts, by which the
governors were commanded, on pain of forfeiting their own lives, either
to exterminate all Christians utterly, or bring them back by pains and tor-
tures to the religion of their fathers. During the two succeeding years, a
great multitude of Christians, in all the Roman provinces, were cut oif by
various species of punishment and suffering. (5) This persecution was
more cruel and terrific than any that preceded it ; and immense numbers,
dismayed, not so much by the fear of death, as by the dread of the long-
continued tortures by which the magistrates endeavoured to overcome the
constancy of Christians, professed to renounce Christ; and procured for
themselves safety, either by sacrificing, i. e., offering incense before the
idols, or by certificates purchased with money. And hence arose the op-
probrious names of Sacrifaers, Licensers, and the Certificated, (Sacrifica-
tores, Thurijicatores, and Libellatici), names by which the lapsed were
designated.(G)
(2) Thcod. Ruinart, Ada martyrum sin- might have prompted him. — The persecuting
cera, p. 90, &c. [See an affecting account Edict is not now extant ; that which was
of the sufferings of these and other martyrs, published by Mcdon, Toulouse, 1664, 4to,
in the reign of Severus, in Mil-tier's Hist, of is probably unauthentic. See Moshcim, de
the Church, cent, iii., ch. v., p. 231, &c., Reb. Christ., &c., p. 476, &c.— TV.]
ed. Boston, 1822. — Tr.] (6) See Prudentms Maran, Life of Cy-
(3) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. vi., c. prian, prefixed to Cypriani Opp., $ vi., p.
28. Orosms, Histor. lib. vii.,c. 19, p. 509. 54, &c. [For an interesting account of the
(4) Origen, torn, xxviii. in Matth., Opp., sufferings of Christians in this persecution,
torn, i., p. 137. Firmilian, in Opp. Cypri- the English reader is referred to Milncr's
ani, ep. 75, p. 140, &c. Hist, of the Church, cent. iii.,ch. 8, p. 257,
(5) Eusctrius, Hist. Eccles., lib. vi., c. and ch. 11, p. 293, ed. Boston, 1822, vol. i.
39-41. Gregory Nyssen, Vita Thauma- — This persecution was more terrible than
turgi, Opp , torn, iii., p. 568, &c. Cyprian, any preceding one, because it extended
de Lapsis, in Opp., p. 182, &c. [Euscbms over the whole empire, and because its ob-
attributes the persecution by Dccuts, to his ject was to worry the Christians into apos-
hatred of Philip, his predecessor, whom he tacy by extreme and persevering torture. —
had murdered, and who was friendly to the The Certificated, or Libellatici, are supposed
Christians. Gregory attributes it to the to be, such as purchased certificates from the
emperor's zeal for idolatry. Both causes corrupt magistrates, in which it was declared,
158 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART L— CHAP. II.
§ 4. From the multitude of Christians chargeable with defection in the
reign of Decius, great commotions and sharp contests arose in different
parts of the church. For the lapsed wished to be restored to Christian
fellowship, without submitting to that severe penitence which the laws of
the church prescribed ; and some of the bishops favoured their wishes,
while others opposed them. (7) In Egypt and Africa, many persons, to
obtain more ready pardon of their offences, resorted to the intercession of
the martyrs, and obtained from them letters of recommendation, (libellos
pacts), that is, papers in which the dying martyrs declared, that they con-
sidered the persons worthy of their communion, and wished them to be
received and treated as brethren. Some bishops and presbyters were too
ready to admit offenders, who produced such letters. But Cyprian, bishop
of Carthage, a decided and strenuous man, though he was not disposed to
derogate at all from the honour of the martyrs, was nevertheless opposed
to this excessive lenity, and wished to limit the effects of these letters of
recommendation. Hence there arose a sharp contest between him and the
martyrs, confessors, presbyters, the lapsed, and the people, which ended in
his gaining the victory.(S)
§ 5. The successors of Decius, namely, Gallus and his son Volusian,
[A.D. 251-253], renewed the persecution against the Christians, which
seemed to be subsiding :(9) and, as their edicts were accompanied by
public calamities, particularly by a pestilential disease which spread
through many provinces, the Christians had again to undergo much suf-
fering in divers countries. (10) For the pagan priests persuaded the pop-
ulace, that the gods visited the people with so many calamities, on account
that they were pagans, and had complied with such letters was unquestioned, and their in-
the demands of the law, when neither of these fluence very great. Yet the abuses of them
was fact. To purchase such a certificate were felt by the more discerning. Dr. Mo-
was not only to be partaker in the fraudulent sheim, (de Rebus Christ., &c., p. 490-497),
transaction, but it was to prevaricate before has collected the following facts, respecting
the public in regard to Christianity, and was their misuse. (1) They were given, with
inconsistent with that open confession of little or no discrimination, to all applicants.
Christ before men, which he himself requires. Cyprian, ep. 14, p. 24; ep. 10, p. 20. — (2)
On the purport of these letters, see Mosheim, They often did not express definitely the
de Rebus Christ., &c., p. 482-489. — Tr.J names of the persons recommended, but
(7) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. vi., c. said : " Receive A. B. (cum suis) and his
44. Cyprian, Epistolae, passim. friends." Ibid., ep. 10, p. 20, 21. — (3)
(8) Gab. AlbaspincBUS, Observat. Eccles., Sometimes a martyr, before his death, corn-
lib, i., obs. xx., p. 94. Jo. Dallaus, de po- missioned some friend, to give letters in his
enis et satisfactionibus humanis, 1. vii., c. name, to all applicants. Ibid., ep. 21, p.
16, p. 706. The whole history of this con- 30 ; ep. 22, p. 31. — (4) Some presbyters
troversy must be gathered from the Epistles obeyed these letters, without consulting the
of Cyprian. [ Tertullian, de Pudicitia, cap. bishop, and thus subverted ecclesiastical
22, and, ad Martyres, cap. 1, makes the ear- order. Ibid., ep. 27, p. 38 ; ep. 10, p. 20 ;
liest mention of these letters : whence it is ep. 40, p. 52 ; ep. 22, p. 31, 32. It is easy
conjectured, that they first began to be used to see what effects would follow, when the
about the middle of the second century. — almost deified martyrs, of every age and sex
By martyrs here, must be understood, per- and condition, felt themselves to possess
sons already under sentence of death for authority almost divine, and were besieged
their religion, or at least, such as had en- by a host of persons writhing under the rig-
dured some suffering, and were still in prison ours of the ancient discipline. — Tr.]
and uncertain what would befall them. In (9) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. vii., c.
that age, when martyrs were almost idolized, 1. Cyprian, ep. Ivii., Iviii.
and the doctrines of repentance towards (10) See Cyprian, Liber ad Demetrianum.
God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, [Milner's Hist.. of the Church, cent, iii., ch.
imperfectly understood; the propriety of 12, p. 308. — TV.]
ADVERSE EVENTS. 159
of the Christians. The next emperor, Valerian, stilled the commotion,
A.D. 254, and restored tranquillity to the church.
§ 6. Till the fifth year of his reign, Valerian was very kind to the Chris-
tians ; but suddenly, in the year 257, by the persuasion of Macrianus, a
most bigoted pagan who was his prime minister, he prohibited the Chris,
tians from holding meetings, and ordered the bishops and other teachers
into exile. The next year he published a far more severe edict ; so that
no small number of Christians, in all the provinces of the Roman empire,
were put to death, and often exposed to punishments worse than death.
Eminent among the martyrs in this tempest, were Cyprian, bishop of Car-
thage, Stilus, bishop of Rome, Laurentius, a deacon at Rome, who was
roasted before a slow fire, and others. But Valerian being taken captive
iu a war against the Persians, his son Gallienus, in the year 260, restored
peace to the church. (11)
§ 7. Under Gallienus, .therefore, who reigned with his brother eight
years, [A.D. 260-268], and under his successor Claudius, who reigned
two years, [A.D. 268-270], the condition of the Christians was tolerable,
yet not altogether tranquil and happy. Nor did Aurelian, who came to
the throne A.D. 270, undertake to disquiet them, during four years. But
in the fifth year of his reign, prompted either by his own superstition or
by that of others, he prepared for war against them. But before his edicts
had been published over the whole empire, he was assassinated in Thrace,
A.D. 275. (12) Hence, few Christians were cut off under him. The re-
mainder of this century, if we except some few instances of injustice, ava-
rice, or superstition in the governors,(13) passed away, without any great
troubles or injuries done to Christians living among Romans.
§ 8. While the emperors and provincial governors were assailing Chris-
tians with the sword and with edicts, the Platonic philosophers, before de-
scribed, fought them with disputations, books, and stratagems. And the
more was to be feared from them, because they approved and adopted
many doctrines and institutions of the Christians, and, following the exam-
ple of Ammonius their master, attempted to amalgamate the old religion
and the new. At the head of them in this century, was Porphyry, a Syr-
ian, or Tyrian ; who composed a long work against the Christians, which
was afterwards destroyed, in obedience to the imperial laws. (14) He was
undoubtedly an acute, ingenious, and learned man, as his works which are
extant evince ; but he was not a formidable enemy to the Christians. For
he had more imagination and superstition, than sound argument and judg-
(11) Eusebius, Hist. Ecclcs., 1. vii., cap. (14) See Lu. Holstcin, de Vita Porphyrii,
10, 11. Ada Cypriani, in Hainan's Acta cap. 11. J. A. Fabricius, Lux. Evang. toti
martyrum sincera, p. 216. Cyprian, epist. orbi exoriens, p. 154. J. F. Buddaus, Isa-
Ixxvii., p. 17S ; epist. Ixxxii., p. 165, ed. goge in Theologiam, lib. ii., p. 877, &c.,
Baluz. [Milncr's Hist, of the Chh., cent, [and Ja. Brucker's Hist. crit. Philos., torn,
iii., ch. xvi, vol. i., p. 347. — TV.] ii., p. 236, <fcc. His fifteen books against
(12) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. the Christians were condemned to be burned,
30. Lactantius, de Mortibus persequutor. by Theodosius II. and Valentinian HI.,
cap. 6. A.D. 449, (see the Codex Justin, de Sum-
(13) One example is, the iniquity of the ma Tnnitate, 1. i., tit. i., cap. 3.) The work
Caesar, Galerius Maximian, near the end was answered by Methodius, Eusebius,
of the century, who persecuted the soldiers Apollinaris, and Philostvrgius ; but the
and servants of his palace that professed answers are lost. Of the work of Porphyry,
Christianity. See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., extracts are preserved by Eusebius, Jerome,
lib. viii., cap. 1 and 4. and others. — Tr.]
160 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
ment ; as his books that remain and the history of his life will show,
without recurrence to the fragments of his work against the Christians,
which are preserved and which are unworthy of a wise and upright man.
§ 9. Among the wiles and stratagems, by which this sect endeavoured
to subvert the authority of the Christian religion, this deserves to be par-
ticularly mentioned, that they drew comparisons between the life, mira-
cles, and transactions of our Saviour, and the history of the ancient phi-
losophers ; and endeavoured to persuade the unlearned and women, that
these philosophers were in no respect inferior to Christ. With such
views, Archytas of Tarentum, Pytliagoras, and ApoUonius Tyanaeus, a
Pythagorean philosopher, were brought again upon the stage, and exhib-
ited to the public dressed very much like Christ himself. The life of
Pythagoras was written by Porphyry.(15) The life of ApoUonius, whose
travels and prodigies were talked of by the vulgar, and who was a crafty
mountebank, and the ape of Pythagoras, was composed by Philostratus,
the first rhetorician of the age, in a style which is not inelegant. The
reader of the work will readily perceive, that the philosopher is compared
with our Saviour ; and yet he will wonder, that any man of sound sense
could have been deceived by the base falsehoods and fictions of the wri-
ter.(16)
10. But as nothing is so irrational as not to find some patrons among
the weak and ignorant who regard words more than arguments, there
were not a few who were ensnared by these silly attempts of the philoso-
phers. Some were induced by these stratagems to abandon the Christian
religion, which they had before embraced. Others, being told that there
was little difference between the ancient religion, rightly explained and
restored to its purity, and the religion which Christ really taught, not that
corrupted form of it which his disciples professed ; concluded it was best
to remain among those who worshipped the [old] gods. Some were led
by those comparisons of Christ with the ancient heroes and philosophers,
to frame for themselves a kind of mixed or compound religion. Witness,
among others, [the emperor] Alexander Severus ; who esteemed Christ,
and Orpheus, ApoUonius, and the like, to be all worthy of equal honours.
§ 11. The Jews were reduced so low, that they could not, as formerly,
excite in the magistrates any great hatred against the Christians. Yet
they were not wholly inactive, as appears from the books written by Ter-
tullian and Cyprian against them. There occur also in the Christian fa-
thers several complaints of the hatred and the machinations of the Jews. (17)
During the persecutions of Severus, one Domninus abandoned Christianity
for Judaism ; undoubtedly, to avoid the punishments that were decreed
against the Christians. Serapion endeavoured to recall him to his duty,
(15) [And in the next century, by Jam- 42, &c. N. Lardncr^s Works, vol. viii., p.
blichus. That both biographers had the 256-292. — ApoUonius was born about the
same object, is shown by Lud. Kuster, Ad- beginning, and died near the close of the first
not. ad Jamblich., cap. 2, p. 7, and cap. 19, century. He travelled over all the countries
p. 78. — Schl.] from Spain to India ; and drew much atten-
(16) See Godfr. Olearius, Praefat. ad tion by his sagacious remarks, and by his
Philostrati vitam Apollonii ; and Mosheim, pretensions to superhuman knowledge and
Notes on CudworMs Intellectual System, powers. He was a man of genius, but vain-
p. 304, 309, 311, 834, [also J. Brucker's glorious and a great impostor. — Tr.}
Historia crit. philos., torn, ii., 98, &c., and (17) Hippolytus, Sermo in Susann. et
EnfieWs Abridgment of Brucker, vol. ii., p. Daniel., Opp., torn, i., p. 274, 276.
STATE OF LEARNING. 161
by some epistles.(lS) This example shows, that while the Christians
were in trouble, the Jews were in safety : and therefore, though greatly
depressed, they had not lost all power of doing injury to the Christians.
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
STATE OF LEARNING AND SCIENCE.
$ 1. Decay of Learning. — $ 2. State of Philosophy, especially the Platonic. Plotinus. —
$ 3. This Philosophy prevails everywhere. — $ 4. Different Sects of it. — $ 5. State of
Learning among Christians.
§ 1. LITERATURE, which had suffered much in the preceding century,
lost in this nearly all its glory. Among the Greeks, with the exception
of Dionysius Longinus, an excellent rhetorician, Dion Cassius, a fine his-
torian, and a few others, scarcely any writers appeared who can be recom-
mended for their genius or their erudition. In the western provinces, still
smaller was the number of men truly learned and eloquent, notwithstand-
ing schools continued here and there devoted to the cultivation of genius.
For very few of the emperors favoured learning ; civil wars kept the em-
pire almost constantly in commotion ; and the perpetual incursions of the
barbarous nations into the most cultivated provinces, extinguished with
the public tranquillity even the thirst for knowledge. (1)
§ 2. As for the philosophers, about every sect of Grecian philosophy
had some adherents that were not contemptible, and who are in part men-
tioned by Longinus.(2) But the school of Ammonius, the origin and dog-
mas of which have been already stated, gradually cast ^a\\ others into the
back ground. From Egypt it spread in a short time over nearly the
whole Roman empire ; and drew after it almost all persons inclined to at-
tend to metaphysical studies. This prosperity of the sect was owing espe-
cially to Plotinus, the most distinguished disciple of Ammonius, a man of
intellectual acumen, and formed by nature for abstruse investigation. For
lie i;mght, first in Persia and afterwards at Rome and in Campania, to vast
concourses of youth ; and imbodied his precepts in various books, the
greater part of which have come down to us. (3)
§ 3. It is almost incredible, what a number of pupils in a short time
issued from the school of this man. But among them, no one is more cel-
(19) Euscbius, Historia Eccles., lib. vi., (3) See Porphyrii VitaPlotini, republish-
cap. 12. ed by J. A. Fabricius, in Biblioth. Graeca,
(1) See Histoire Littcraire de la France, vol. iv., p. 91. Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire,
par les Moines Benedictins, torn, i., part ii., torn, iii., art. Plotin, p. 757 ; and the learn-
p. 317, &c. ed Ja. Brucker, Historia crit. philos., torn.
(2) In Porphyry's life of Plotinus, cap. ii., p. 217, &c.
20, p. 128, ed. Fabricii.
VOL. I.— X
162 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. L
ebrated than Porphyry, a Syrian ; who spread over Sicily and many other
countries, the system of his master, enlarged with new discoveries and
sedulously polished. (4) At Alexandria, almost no other philosophy was
publicly taught, from the times of Ammcnius down to the sixth century.
It was introduced into Greece by one Plutarch, who was educated at Al-
exandria, and who re-established the Academy at Athens, which subse-
quently embraced many very renowned philosophers who will hereafter
be mentioned. (5)
§ 4. The character of this philosophy has already been explained, as
far as was compatible with the brevity of this work. It is here proper to
add, that all who were addicted to it, did not hold the same opinions, but
differed from each other on several points. This diversity naturally arose
from that principle, which the whole sect kept in sight ; namely, that truth
was to be pursued without restraint, and to be gleaned out of all systems.
Hence the Alexandrian philosophers would sometimes receive, what those
of Athens would reject. Yet there were certain leading doctrines, which
were fundamental to the system, and which no one that claimed the name
of a Platonist, dared to call in question. Such were the doctrines of one
God, the source of all things, of the eternity of the world, of the depend-
ence of matter on God, of the nature of the soul, of the plurality of Gods,
of the method of explaining the popular superstitions, and some others.
§ 5. The estimation in which human learning should be held, was a
question on which the Christians were about equally divided. For while
jnany thought that the literature and writings of the Greeks ought to re-
ceive attention ; there were others who contended, that true piety and re-
ligion were endangered by such studies. But gradually the friends of
philosophy and literature acquired the ascendency. To this issue Origen
contributed very much ; for having early imbibed the principles of the
new Platonism, he inauspiciously applied them to theology, and earnestly
recommended them to the numerous youth who attended on his instruc-
tions. And the greater the influence of this man, which quickly spread
over the whole Christian world, the more readily was his method of ex-
plaining the sacred doctrines propagated. Some also of the disciples of
Plotinus, connected themselves with the Christians, yet retained the leading
sentiments of their master :(6) and these undoubtedly laboured to dissem-
inate their principles around them, and to instil them into the minds of the
uninformed.
(4) Lu. Holstenius, Vita Porphyrii, repub- of this philosopher, that he attached himself
lished by Fabricius, in Biblioth. Gr. — ["For- entirely to him. See Plotin., Vit., p. 3.
phyry was first the disciple of Longinus, au- Eunap., c. 2, p. 17." — Mad.]
thor of the justly celebrated Treatise on the (5) Marinus, Vita Procli, cap. 11, 12, p.
Sublime. But having passed from Greece 25, dee.
to Rome, where he heard Plotinus, he was (6) Augustine, Epistola Ivi., adDioscor.,
so charmed with the genius and penetration Opp., torn, ii., p. 260.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 163
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE TEACHEES AND THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHUBCH*
§ 1. Form of Church Government. — § 2. What Rank the Bishop of Rome held in this
Century. — $ 3. Gradual Progress towards a Hierarchy. — § 4. The Vices of the Clergy.
— $ 5. Hence the Inferior Orders of the Clergy. — § 6. Marriage of the Clergy. Their
Concubines.— $ 7. The principal Writers ; Grecian and Oriental. — § 8. Latin Writers.
§ 1. THE form of the ecclesiastical constitution and government which
had been introduced, was more and more confirmed and strengthened,
both as it related to individual churches and in regard to the whole reli-
gious community. He must be ignorant of the history and the monuments
of this age, who can deny that a person bearing the title of bishop presided
over each church in the larger cities, and that he managed its public con-
cerns with some degree of authority ; yet having the presbyters for his
council, and taking the voice of the whole people on subjects of consider-
able moment.(l) It is equally certain, that one bishop in each province
was pre-eminent over the rest in rank and in certain prerogatives. This
was necessary for maintaining that consociation of churches, which had
been introduced in the preceding century, and for the more convenient
celebration of the councils. Yet it must be added, that the prerogatives
of these principal bishops were not everywhere accurately ascertained ;
nor did the bishop of the chief city in a province, always hold the rank of
first bishop. This also is beyond controversy, that the bishops of Rome,
Antioch, and Alexandria, as presiding over the primitive and apostolic
churches in the greater divisions of the empire, had precedence of all oth-
ers, and were not only often consulted on weighty affairs, but likewise en-
joyed certain prerogatives peculiar to themselves.
§ 2. As to the bishop of Rome in particular, he was regarded by Cfyp-
rian,(2) and doubtless by others likewise, as holding something of primacy
in the church. But the fathers who with Cyprian ascribed this primacy
to the Roman bishop, strenuously contended for the equality of all bishops,
in respect to dignity and authority ; and disregarding the judgment of the
(1) Authorities are cited by David Elan- ep. v., p. 11 ; ep. xiii., p. 23; ep. xxviii.,
dell, Apologia pro sententia Hieronimi de p. 39 ; ep. xxiv., p. 33 ; ep. xxvii., p. 37,
episcopis et presbyteris, p. 136, &c. — [and 38. — To the objection, that Cyprian did
still more amply, by James Boileau, under himself ordain some presbyters and lectors,
the fictitious name of Claudius Fonteius, in without the consent of his council and the
his book de antique jure presbyterorum in laity, it is answered, that the persons so ad-
regimine ecclesiastico, Turin, 1676, 12mo. vanced were confessors, who, according to
The most valuable of these testimonies, are usage, were entitled to ordination without
from the epistles of Cyprian, bishop of Car- any previous election. Cyprian, ep. xxxiv.,
thage, who was a warm advocate for episco- p. 46, 47 ; ep. xxxv., p. 48, 49. Tcrtullian,
pal pre-eminence, yet did not presume to de- de Anima, c. 55, p. 353. &c. — See Moskeim,
termine any question of moment by his own Commentt. de Reb. Christ., &c., p. 575-
authority, or without the advice and consent 579. — 7V.J
of his presbyters, and was accustomed to (2) Cyprian, ep. Ixxiii., p. 131 ; ep. lv.,
take the sense of the whole church on sub- p. 86 ; de Unitatc ecclesise, p. 195, ed. Ba-
jects of peculiar interest. See Cyprian, luze.
164 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
bishop of Rome, whenever it appeared to them incorrect, had no hesitation
in following their own judgment. Of this Cyprian himself gave a striking
example, in his famous controversy with Stephen, bishop of Rome, con-
cerning the baptism of heretics. Whoever duly considers and compares
all their declarations, will readily perceive that this primacy was not a pri-
macy of power and authority, but only of precedence among associated
brethren. That is, the primacy of the Romish bishop in regard to the
whole church, was the same as that of Cyprian in the African church,
which did not impair at all the equality of the African bishops, or curtail
their liberties and rights, but merely conferred the right of convoking
councils, of presiding in them, and admonishing his brethren fraternally,
and the like. (3)
§ 3. Yet while the ancient mode of church government seemed in gen-
eral to remain unaltered, there was a gradual deflection from its rules, and
an approximation towards the form of a monarchy. For the bishops
claimed much higher authority and power than before, and encroached
more and more upon the rights not only of the brotherhood, but also of the
presbyters. And to give plausibility to these usurpations, they advanced
new doctrines concerning the church and the episcopal office ; which how-
ever were so obscure for the most part, that it would seem they did not
themselves understand them. The principal author of these innovations
was Cyprian, the most bold and strenuous defender of episcopal power that
had then arisen in the church. Yet he was not uniform and consistent,
for in times of difficulty, when urged by necessity, he could give up his
pretensions, and submit everything to the judgment and authority of the
church. (4)
(3) See Stephen Baluze, Annott. ad Cyp- bernatione, et de actu nostro judicandi. —
riani Epistt., p. 387, 389, 400, &c. And The passages referred to in the preceding
especially Cyprian himself, who contends note, in which Cyprian not very intelligibly
strenuously for the perfect equality of all speaks of a unity in the church and of a cer-
bishops. — Ep. lxxi.,p. 127. [Nam nee Pe- tain primacy of the Roman pontiff, must be
trus — vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter, aut so understood as not to contradict these very
arroganter assumpsit se primatum tenere, et explicit assertions of the absolute equality of
obtemporari a novellis et posteris sibi opor- all bishops. — See Mosheim, de Reb. Christ.,
tere.] — Ep. Ixxiii., p. 137. [Unusquisque &c., p. 579-587. — Tr.]
Episcoporum quod putat facial, habens ar- (4) [No man can speak in higher terms
bitrii sui liberam potestatem.] — Ep. lv., ad of the power of bishops, than the arrogant
Cornelium Rom., p. 86. [Cum statutum — Cyprian — that very Cyprian, who, when not
et equum sit pariter ac justum, ut uniuscu- fired by any passion, is so condescending to-
jusque causa illic audiatur, ubi est crimen wards presbyters, deacons, and the common
admissum, et singulis pastoribus portio gre- people. He inculcates, on all occasions,
gis sit adscripta, quam regat unusquisque et that bishops derive their office, not so much
gubernet, rationem sui actus Domino reditu- from their election by the clergy and people,
rus. — Cyprian's address at the opening of as from the attestation and decree of God.
the council of Carthage, A.D. 255, in his See ep. lii., p. 68, 69 ; ep. xlv., p. 59 ; ep.
Works, p. 329, ed. Baluze. Neque enim lv.,p. 82; ep. lxv.,p. 113 ; ep. Ixix ,p. 121.
quisquam nostrum Episcopum se esse Epis- He regards bishops as the successors of the
coporum constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad apostles, ep. xlii., p. 57. So that bishops
obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, are amenable to none, but to God only ;
quando habeat omnis Episcopus pro licentia while presbyters are amenable to the reli-
libertatis et potestatis suae arbitrium pro- gious society, ep. xi., p. 19. — Deacons were
prium, tamque judicari ab alio non possit, created by the bishop ; and therefore they
quam nee ipse potest alterum judicare. Sed can be punished by him alone, without the
expectemus universi judicium Domini nostri voice of the society, ep Ixv., p. 114. — Bish-
Jesu Christi, qui unus et solus habet potesta- ops have the same rights with apostles, whose
tern et praeponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gu- successors they are. And hence, none but
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 165
§ 4. This change in the form of ecclesiastical government was followed
by a corrupt state of the clergy. For although examples of primitive
piety and virtue were not wanting, yet many were addicted to dissipation,
arrogance, voluptuousness, contention, and other vices. This appears dis-
tinctly from the frequent lamentations of the most credible persons of those
times. (5) Many bishops now affected the state of princes, and especially
those who had charge of the more populous and wealthy congregations ;
for they sat on thrones, surrounded by their ministers, and other ensigns
of their ghostly power, and perhaps also dazzled the eyes and the minds
of the populace with their splendid attire. The presbyters imitated the
example of their superiors, and neglecting the duties of their office, lived
in indolence and pleasure. And this imboldened the deacons to make en-
croachments upon the office and the prerogatives of the presbyters.
§ 5. And hence, in my opinion, originated those minor orders of the
clergy, which in this century were everywhere added to the bishops, pres-
byters, and deacons. The words suhdeacons, acofythi, ostiarii, lectors, ex-
orcists, and copiatae, designate officers, which I think the church would
have never had, if the rulers of it had possessed more piety or true reli-
gion. But when the honours and prerogatives of the bishops and pres-
byters were augmented, the deacons also became more inflated, and refused
to perform those meaner offices to which they once cheerfully submitted.
The offices designated by these new titles, are in great measure explained
by the words themselves. The exorcists owed their origin to the doctrine
of the new Platonists, adopted by the Christians, that evil spirits have a
strong desire after the human body, and that vicious men are not so much
impelled to sin by their natural depravity and by the influence of bad ex-
amples, as by the suggestions of some evil spirit lodging within them. (6)
The copiatae were employed in the burial of the dead.
God can take cognizance of their actions, apostles. But some of the most learned wri-
op. Ixix., p. 121. — The whole church is ters of the Romish communion, and the Prot-
fonndod on the bishop ; and no one is a true estants generally, maintain that they were
member of the church, who is not submissive first instituted in the third century. See
to his bishop, ep. Ixix., p. 123. — Bishops rep- Cardinal Bona, Rerum Liturgicar., 1. i., c.
resent Christ himself, and govern and judge 25, § 16, 17. Morin, de Ordinatione, pt. hi.,
in his name, ep. lv., ad Cornel., p. 81, 82. — Exerc. 14, c. 1, and Bingham's Orig. Ec-
Hence all bishops, in the following ages, cles., vol. i. G. J. Plane!;, Gesch. der
styled themselves Vicars of Christ. See /. christl. kirchl. Gesellschafts-Verfanung., vol.
Binpharri's Orig. Eccles., vol. i., p. 81, &c. i., p. 143-149. Not one of these orders is
In the ninth century, a bishop of Paris is so even named by any writer who lived before
styled in a letter of Servaius Luput, ep. Terticllian ; nor are all of them named by
xcix , p. 149, ed. Baluze. After the ninth him. Cyprian, in the middle of the third
century, the bishops of Rome assumed the century, mentions hypodiaconi, acolythi, and
exclusive right to this as well as other hon- lectores. See his Epp., 14, 24, 36, 42, 49,
orary episcopal titks. — Schl. from Moshetm, 79, ed. Baluz. And Cornelius, bp. of Rome,
de Rebus Christianor., p. 588, &c.] contemporary with Cyprian, in an epistle
(5) Ongen, Comment, in Matthoeum, pt. which is preserved by Eusebius, H. E., vi.,
i., Opp., p. 420, 441, 442. Eusebius, His- c. 43, represents his church as embracing
toria Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 1, p. 291. and 46 presbyters, (^peodvrip^) • 7 deacons,
others. [Cyprian, in many of his epistles. (<5«zK<*rttf); 7subdeacons. (t'To&a/coi'Sf) ; 42
— Tr."\ acolythi, («KoA«$fcf) ; and exorcists, (ffop**-
(6) See J. Godofredus, ad Codicem The- fQf ), readers, (uvayvofOf), with doorkeepers,
odosianum, torn, vi., p. 48. [Several of the (irv/iupolf), together 52 — The particular
Catholic writers, as u. p., Baroniits, Bcllar- functions of these inferior orders are but im-
min, and Schelstrate, believed these minor perfectly defined by the writers of the third
orders of the clergy were instituted by the century. From the epistles of Cyprian above
166
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
§ 6. Marriage was allowed to all the clergy, from the highest rank to
the lowest. Yet those were accounted more holy and excellent, who lived
in celibacy. For it was the general persuasion, that those who lived in
wedlock were much more exposed to the assaults of evil spirits than oth-
ers :(7) and it was of immense importance to the Christian cause that no
impure or malignant spirit should assail the mind or the body of one who
was to instruct and govern others. Such persons therefore wished, if pos-
sible, to have nothing to do with conjugal life. And this many of the
clergy, especially in Africa, endeavoured to accomplish with the least vio-
lence to their inclinations ; for they received into their house, and even to
their beds, some one of those holy females who had vowed perpetual chas-
tity, affirming however, most religiously, that they had no disgraceful in-
tercourse with these holy sisters. (8) These concubines were by the
Greeks called ovveiadiCTOi, and by the Latins mulieres subintroduciae.
Many of the bishops indeed sternly opposed this shameful practice ; but it
was a long time before it was wholly abolished.
§ 7. Of the writers of this century the most distinguished for the celeb-
rity of his name and for the extent of his writings, was Origen, a presbyter
and catechist of Alexandria, a man truly great, and a luminary to the
Christian world. Had his discernment and the soundness of his judgment
been equal to his genius, his piety, his industry, his erudition, and his other
accomplishments, he would deserve almost unbounded commendation. As
he is, all should revere his virtues and his merits. (9) — The second was
cited, it appears that subdeacons and acoly-
thi, singly or together, were frequently the
bearers of public letters to and from bishops ;
and that readers were employed to read the
scriptural lessons in time of public worship.
The writers and councils of the fourth centu-
ry describe more fully the duties of all these
petty officers. — TV.]
(7) Porphyrius, mpt UTTO;^, lib. iv., p.
417.
(8) See H. Dodwell, Diss. tertia Cyprian-
ica ; and Lud. Ant. Muratorius, Diss. de
Synisactis et Agapetis, in his Anecdota Grae-
ca, p. 218 ; Steph. Baluze, ad Cypriarii
Epistol., p. 5, 12, and others. — [This shame-
ful practice commenced anterior to this cen-
tury. Slight allusions to it are found in the
Shepherd of Hcrmas and in Tertullian ; but
the first distinct mention of it is in Cyprian,
who inveighs severely against it in some of
his epistles. — It is to be remembered, that
none but virgin sisters in the church, and
they under a vow of perpetual chastity, be-
came avveiauKTOi. With these some of the
single clergy attempted to live, in the manner
in which certain married people then lived, —
dwelling and even sleeping together, but
with a mutual agreement to have no conjugal
intercourse. Such connexions they consid-
ered as a marriage of souls, without the mar-
riage of bodies. See Mosheim, de Rebus
Christianor., &c., p. 599, &c.— Tr.]
(9) See P. D, Huet, Origeniana, a learn-
ed and valuable work ; Lud. Doucin, Histoire
d'Origene et des movemens arrivees dans
1'egliseau sujet de sa doctrine, Paris, 1700,
8vo ; and Boyle, Dictionnaire, torn, iii., art.
Origene ; and many others. — [Origen, sur-
named Adamcmtius, was an Alexandrian
Greek, born of Christian parents A.D. 185.
His father Lconidas was a man of letters, a
devout Christian, and took great pains with
the education of his son, especially in the
holy scriptures, some portion of which he
required him daily to commit to memory.
His education, begun under his father, was
completed under Clemens Alexandrinus, and
the philosopher Ammonius Saccas. Ori-
gen was distinguished for precocity of ge-
nius, early piety, and indefatigable industry.
When his father suffered martyrdom A.D.
202, Origen, then 17 years old, was eager to
suffer with him, but was prevented by his
mother. He wrote to his father in prison,
exhorting him to steadfastness in the faith,
and to be unsolicitous about his family. The
whole property of the family was confiscated,
and Origen, with his widowed mother and
six younger sons, were left in poverty. But
the persecution having exterminated or driv-
en away all the Christian schoolmasters, Or-
igen found no difficulty in procuring a school,
for which his talents so well qualified him.
The next year, A.D. 203, Demetrius, bp. of
Alexandria, advanced him to the mastership
of the catechetic school, though he was then
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
167
Julius Africanus, a very learned man, most of whose labours and works
but 18 years old. His talents as an instruct- Demetrius assembled two councils against
er, his eminent piety, and his assiduous at- him, the first of which banished Origen from
tention to those who suffered in the persecu- _Alexandria, and the second deprived him of
tion, procured him high reputation and nu- his clerical office. Demetrius also wrote
inerous friends among the Christians ; but letters to Rome and elsewhere, to excite odi-
his great success in making converts to um against this unoffending man. Heraclas
Christianity and forming his pupils to be in- now succeeded him in the school at Alexan-
telligent and devoted Christians, rendered
him odious to the pagans, who watched about
his house and hunted him through the city,
in order to assassinate him. The austerity
of his life was great. He fed on the coars-
est fare, went barefoot, and slept on the
ground. He spent the whole day in teaching
and in active duties, and devoted most of the
night to his private studies and to devotion,
dria, and Origen retired, A.D. 231, to Caes-
area in Palestine. Here he resumed his
office of instructor, and continued to write
expositions of the Bible. But in the year
235, a persecution in Palestine obliged him
to flee to Caesarea in Cappadocia, where he
lived concealed for two years. After his
return to Palestine, he visited Athens ; and
about the year 244, was called to attend a
About this time he sold his large and valua- council at Bostra in Arabia, against Beryllus
ble collection of pagan authors, for a perpet- bp. of that place, who was heretical in re-
spect to the personal existence of Christ
previous to his incarnation. Origen con-
ual income of four oboli (about seven cents)
per diem, which he regarded as a competent
support. Construing the passage in Matth.
verted him to the orthodox faith. Dcmetri-
xix., 12, literally, he emasculated himself, in us his persecutor died A.D. 232, and was
order to avoid temptation in his intercourse succeeded by Heraclas, a disciple of Origen,
with his female pupils. About the year 212, after whom Dionysius the Great filled the
he made a short visit to Rome. On his re- see of Alexandria from A.D. 248 to 265.
turn he took his former pupil Heraclas to be The persecution of Origen died with his per-
his assistant in the school, so that he might sonal enemy Demetrius ; and he was greatly
devote more time to theology and the expo- beloved and honoured by all around hum till
sition of the Scriptures. Many learned per- the day of his death. His residence was now
sons, pagans and heretics, were converted by fixed at Csesarea in Palestine ; but he occa-
him ; and among them, Ambrose, a Valenti- sionally visited other places. His time was
nian and a man of wealth, who became a occupied in an extensive correspondence, in
liberal patron of Origen, and at last died a preaching, and in composing books explana-
martyr. In the year 215, the persecution tory of the Bible, and in defence of Christi-
under Caracalla obliged Origen to flee from anity. Against the more learned pagans
Alexandria. He retired to Caesarea in Pal- and the heretics of those times, he was a
estine, where he was received with high re- champion that had no equal ; he was also
spect ; and though not even a deacon at that considered as a devout and exemplary Chris-
time, the bishops of Caesarea and Jerusalem tian, and was, beyond question, the first bib-
allowed him to expound the Scriptures pub-
licly in their presence. The next year, De-
nfiriu-s called him back to Alexandria and
to his mastership of the catechetic school.
About this time an Arabian prince invi-
ted him to his court, to impart to him Chris-
tian instruction. Afterwards, Mammaea the
lical scholar of the age. He was master of
the literature and the science of that age,
which he valued only as subservient to the
cause of Christ ; but he was more skilful in
employing them against pagans and here-
tics, than in the explanation and confirma-
tion of the truths of revelation. In the latter
mother of the emperor Alexander Severns, part of his life, during the Decian persecu-
sent for him to Antioch, in order to hear him tion A.D. 250, he was imprisoned for a con-
siderable time, and came near to martyrdom,
which he showed himself willing to meet.
He was however released, but his sufferings
preach. In the year 228, he was publicly
called to Achaia, to withstand the heretics
who disturbed the churches there. On his
return through Palestine, Thcoctistus bp. of in prison, added to his intense literary la-
Caesarca, and Alexander bp. of Jerusalem,
who had before treated him with marked at-
bours, had broken down his constitution,
and he died A.D. 254, at Tyre, in the 69th
tention, ordained him a presbyter, to the great year of his age. — His winning eloquence,
offence of Demetrius, who was envious of his great learning, his amiable temper, and
the growing reputation of his catechist. De- his reputation for sincere and ardent piety,
metrins had little to object against Origen, gave him immense influence, especially
except that he was a eunuch, and that foreign among the well-informed and the higher
bishops had no right to ordain his layman, classes in society. No man, since the apos-
Controversy ensued, and in the year 230, ties, had been more indefatigable, and no
168
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
The name of Hippolytus ranks very high among both the
intended especially for the learned. A col-
lection of Origen's Scholia, and scattered
remarks on Scripture, compiled by Basil the
Great and Gregory Nazianzen, is extant,
bearing the title of ^fn/lo/ca/Ua. A large part
of his Homilies and Commentaries are whol-
ly lost, and some of the others have come to
us only in the Latin translation of Rufinus.
are lost. (10)
one had done more to diffuse knowledge and
make the Christian community intelligent,
united, and respectable in the view of man-
kind. He was in general orthodox, accord-
ing to the standard of that age ; but, unfet-
tered in his speculations and unguarded in
his communications, he threw out some
crude opinions, which the next age gathered
up and blazoned abroad, and for which he — The earlier editions of Origen's works are
was accounted by some a heretic,. The
principal errors ascribed to him, are derived
from his four Books nepl apx&v, (de princip-
iis, on the first principles of human knowl-
edge), and are ( I) the pre-existence of hu-
man souls, and their incarceration in mate-
rial bodies, for offences committed in a for-
mer state of being : (2) the pre-existence of
Christ's human soul, and its union with the
chiefly in Latin, and of little value. P. D.
Huet, a Benedictine monk, first published,
A.D. 1668, in 2 vols. fol., the expository
works of Origen, Greek and Latin, with
notes, and a valuable introduction entitled
Origeniana. Bern, de Montfaucon, another
Benedictine, collected and published what
remains of his Hexapla and Tetrapla, Paris,
1714, 2 vols. fol. But the best edition of
divine nature anterior to the incarnation of all his works, except the Hexapla, is that of
Christ : (3) the transformation of our ma- the Benedictines Charles and Charles Vin-
terial bodies into ethereal ones, at the res- cent, de la Rue, Paris, 1733-59, 4 vols. fol.
urrection : (4) the final recovery of all men — The text of this edition, Gr. and Lat., with-
and even devils, through the mediation of out the notes and dissertations, was repub-
Christ. — Origen could number among his lished by OierMiir, Wiirtzburg, 1780-93, 15
pupils many eminent martyrs and divines, vols. 8vo. — The principal modern writers
among whom Firmilianus of Cappadocia, concerning Origen, besides Huet and the de
Gregory Thaumaturgus, and Dionysius the la Rues, are Tillemont, Mem. a 1'Hist. de
Great, bp. of Alexandria, are best known 1'Eglise, torn, iii., p. 216-264. Bayle, Diet.,
at the present day. — His life and history art. Origene ; Cave, Hist. Lit., vol. i., p.
are best related by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl.,
lib. vi., passim ; and by Jerome, de Viris
Illustr., cap. 55, and ep. 41 or 65. The
united work of Pamphilus and Eusebius
in defence of Origen, in six Books, is un-
112, &c. Lardncr, Credibility, pt. ii., vol.
ii., p. 161, &c. Haloix, Defence of Origen ;
Doucin, Histoire d'Origene, Paris, 1700,
8vo. Mosheim, de Reb. Christ., p. 605-
680 ; Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. iv., p.
fortunately lost, except the first book, of 29-145. Neander, Kirchengesch., vol. i.,
which we have a translation by Rufinus.
Epiphanius, Haeres. 64, gives a philippic
upon Origen and his followers. Photius,
Biblioth. cxviii., affords us some knowledge
of his lost works. — Origen was a most volu-
minous writer. Eusebius says he collected
100 Epistles of Origen ; and that when 60
years old, Origen permitted stenographers to
write down his extempore discourses. — Be-
sides these he composed eight Books against
Celsus, in defence of Christianity, which are
still extant ; four Books Trepl apjuv, extant
in a Latin translation by Rufinus ; ten Books
entitled Stromata, which are lost : his Hex-
apla and Tetrapla, of which little remains ;
and tracts on prayer, martyrdom, and the
resurrection. But his principal works are ex-
positions of the scriptures. It is said he
wrote on every book in the Bible, except the
Apocalypse. His allegorical mode of inter-
part iii., p. 1172-1214. Milner's account of
Origen, Eccl. Hist., cent, iii., ch. 5, 6, 15, is
not impartial. — Tr.]
(10) [Julius Afncanus, for erudition, and
as an interpreter of scripture, is ranked with
Clemens Alex, and Origen; by Socrates,
Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 35. The best ac-
count of this distinguished man, is derived
from Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., vi., c. 31,
and Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 63. He was
probably of Nicopolis, once called Emmaus,
in Judea, and is supposed to have died, when
a man in years, about A.D. 232. — Of his
life little is known, except that he once vis-
ited Alexandria, to confer with Heraclas,
head of the catechetic school after Origen ;
and that, the city of Nicopolis having been
burned about A.D. 221, Africanus was
sent as envoy to the emperor, with a peti-
tion that it might be rebuilt. — His principal
preting scripture is described by Mosheim, work was Annals of the world, from the cre»
in the next chapter. Origen's expositions ation down to A.D. 221, in five Books,
are of three kinds ; (1) Homilies, or popu-
lar lectures ; (2) Commentaries, divided into
Books, which are full, elaborate, and learn-
ed expositions ; (3) Scholia, or short notes,
This work, of which only fragments now
remain, was highly esteemed by the ancients,
and was the basis of many similar works,
namely, the Chronicons of Eusebius, Syn-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
169
writers and the martyrs ; but his history is involved in much obscuri.
ty.(ll) The writings now extant bearing the name of this great man,
are not without reason regarded by many as being either spurious or at
least corrupted. Gregory, bishop of New Caesarea [in Pontus], was sur-
named Thaumaturgus, on account of the numerous and distinguished mir-
acles which he is said to have wrought. But few of.his writings are now
extant; his miracles are questioned by many at the present day.(12) I
haps he spent part of his life in the East, and
part in the West. That he was a martyr,
is generally conceded : though the poem of
Prit/lentius on the martyrdom of Hippo/ytus,
refers to another person, who was a Roman
presbyter. — Eusebius, 1. c., gives this ac-
count of his writings : " Besides many other
works, he wrote a treatise concerning Eas-
ter, in which he describes the succession of
events, and proposes a paschal cycle of 16
years ; the work terminates with the first
year of the emperor Alexander," (Severus,
A.D. 222). " His other writings which
have reached me, are these : on the Hexae-
meron" (Gen., ch. i.) ; "on what follows
the Hexaemeron ; against Marcwn; on the
Canticles; on parts of Ezekiel ; concerning
Easter ; against all the heresies." Besides
these, Jcrume mentions his Commentaries on
Exodus, Zechariah, the Psalms, Isaiah, Dan-
iel, the Apocalypse, Proverbs, and Ecclesi-
astes ; and tracts concerning Saul and the
witch, Antichrist, the resurrection ; and his
discourse in praise of our Lord and Saviour.
Some other works of Hippoly/us are enu-
merated in an inscription on the base of his
statue, dug up near Rome in the year 1551 ;
also by Photius, Biblioth., No. 121 and 122 ;
and Ebedjesus, in Assemani, Biblioth. Ori-
ent., torn, iii., pt. i. His Paschal Cycle is
his only work that has come down to us en-
tire. The dialogue concerning Christ and
Antichrist, still extant, if really his, does
him little credit as a theologian. The con-
cluding part of his work against all the her-
esies, still remains, and gives us the best ac-
count we have, though a lame one, of the
heresy of Noitus. — All that remains of him,
genuine and adulterated, and all that is as-
cribed to him, are well edited by Fubricius,
in two thin volumes fol., Hamb., 1716-18.
— For a more full account of him and his
writings, besides the Histoire Litt. de la
France, and Fabriaus, ad Hippol. Opera,
see Tillemont, Memoires a 1'Hist. Eccles.,
torn, in., p. 104 and 309, &c. Care, Hist.
Lit., vol. i., p. 102, &c. Lardner, Crcdib.,
pt. ii., vol. ii., p. 69, &c. Schroeckh, Kir-
chengesch., vol. iv., p. 154, &c. Neander,
Kircheng., vol. i., pt. iii., p. 11-17, &c. — TV.)
(12) See Anton, van Dale, Preface to his
book de Oraculis, p. 6. [Schroeckh, Kir-
chengesch., vol. ii., p. 351, &c., and p. 330
cellits, Malala, Theopkanes, Cedrenus, and
others. He was author of a letter to Aris-
tides, reconciling the two genealogies of our
Saviour. Of this work we have a long ex-
tract in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., i., 7, and a
fragment in Routes Reliquiae Sacrae, vol.
ii., p. 115. Africanus supposed Matthew
to give the true descent of Joseph from Da-
vid by Solomon, and Luke to give his legal
descent from the same by Nathan, accord-
ing to the law for raising up seed to a de-
ceased brother. Jacob and Heli, the two
reputed fathers of Joseph, he supposed, were
half -brothers, having the same mother, but
different fathers ; and Heli dying childless,
Jacob married his widow and begat Joseph,
whom the law accounted as the son of the
deceased Heli. — Another letter of Africa-
mis, addressed to Ongen, is still extant in
the works of Origen, vol. i., p. 10-12, ed.
de la Rue. The object of this letter is, to
prove the history of Susannah spurious, and
the work of some person much younger than
Daniel. His chief argument is, that the
writer makes Daniel play upon the Greek
words axlvof and Trpii'Of, in verses 54, 55,
68, 59, while examining the witnesses
against Susannah. — Eusebius and others as-
cribe to Africanus another and larger work,
entitled Kearoi. It is a miscellany, and un-
worthy of a Christian divine. Valcsius
thinks Eusebius mistook, attributing the
work of some pagan bearing the same name,
to this Christian father. Others suppose it
might have been written by Africanus, in
his youth, or before his conversion. Many
fragments of it have been collected by The-
venot, and published in his Collection of the
writings of the ancient Greek mathemati-
cians, Paris, 1693, fol.— TV.]
(11) The Benedictine monks have, with
great labour and erudition, endeavoured to
dispel this darkness. See Histoire Litter.
de la France, torn, i., p. 361, &c., Paris,
1733, 4to.— [Both Eusebius, Hist. Eccles.,
vi., c. 20, 22. and Jerome, de Viris Illustr.,
c. 61, make him to have flourished in the
reign of Sererus, A.D. 222, &c., and to have
been a bishop, but of what city they could
not learn. Subsequent writers \\ < re divided,
some representing him as an Arabian bishop,
and others as bishop of Ostia near Rome,
whence he is snruamcd Poriue?isis. Per-
VOL. I.— Y
170
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
could wish that many writings of Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, were
now extant ; for the few fragments which have reached us, show that he
was a man of distinguished wisdom and mildness of disposition, and prove
that the ancients used no flattery when they styled him Dionysius the
Great.(13) Methodius was a man of piety, and had some weight of char-
—392, and Lardner, Credibility, pt. ii., vol. moderns who give us his history, and enu-
ii., p. 450, <fec. — Gregory of New Caesarea merate his works, see Tillemont, Memoires
in Pontus, whose original name was Theo- — a 1'Hist. Eccl , torn, iv., p. 131, &c., and
dorus, was born of heathen parents at New Notes sur St. Greg. Thaum., p. 47. Du
Caesarea near the beginning of this century.
His family was wealthy and respectable.
family
After the death of his father, which was
when he was fourteen years old, his mother
and the children became nominally Chris-
tians. But Gregory was a stranger to the
Bible, and ambitious to make a figure in the
world. About the year 231, he left Pontus,
intending to study law in the famous law
school at Berytus, but meeting with Origen
at Caesarea, he was induced to change his
purpose. He applied himself to the study
of the' Bible, was baptized, assumed the
name of Gregory, and continued under the
instruction of Origen eight years, except that
he fled to Alexandria for a short time to
avoid persecution. He was now a devoted
Christian, and a man of great promise. On
leaving Origen, he composed and read in a
public assembly an eulogy on his instructor,
in which he gives account of his own past
life and of the manner in which Origen had al-
lured him to the study of the scriptures, and
changed all his views. Taking an affection-
ate leave of his master, he returned to Pon-
tus, and became bishop of his native city,
New Caesarea, where he spent the remain-
der of his life. He was a laborious and
successful pastor, and highly respected for
his talents and piety, as well as for numer-
ous miracles which he is said to have wrought.
When created bishop, he found but seven-
teen Christians in his very populous diocese.
When he died, there was only about the
same number of pagans in it. He and his
flock endured persecution in the year 250.
He attended the first council of Antioch,
against Paul of Samosata in the year 264
or 265, and died soon after. — Some account
of him is given by Euscbius, Hist. Eccles.,
vi., 30, and vii., 14, 28. Jerome, de Viris
Illustr., c. 65, and Ep. ad Magnum. But
his great eulogists among the ancients, were
the two brothers Basil the Great, and Greg-
ory Nyssen, whose grandmother sat under
the ministry of Greg. Thaum., and furnished
her grandchildren with an account of him.
Basil speaks of him in his book on the Holy
Spirit, and in his Epistles, No. 28, 110, 204,
207, or 62, 64, 75, 63 ; and Nyssen, in his
life of Gregory Thaum., inter Opp. Greg.
Nys., torn, iii., p. 536, &c. Among the
Pin, Nov. Biblioth. des Aut. Eccles., torn,
i., p. 184, &c. Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr.,
vol. v., p. 247, &c. Cave, Hist. Lit., vol. i.
A. Neandcr, Kirchengesch., vol. i., p. 1224,
&c. Schroeckh, ubi supra, Lard., ubi su-
pra, and Milner, Eccles. Hist., cent, iii., ch.
18. — The only genuine works of Gregory,
that are extant, are his Eulogy on Origen,
which has been mentioned ; a Paraphrase
on Ecclesiastes ; a short Confession of faith,
(the last part of which some have ques-
tioned) ; and a Letter, containing counsel
for the treatment of the lapsed. — The spuri-
ous works attributed to him, are, Capita xii.
de Fide, with anathemas ; — in Annuntia-
tionem Sanctissimae — Mariae Sermones
tres ; in Sancta Theophania, sive de appari-
tione Dei, et Christi Baptismo, Sermo ; de
Anima disputatio ad Tatianum ; Expositio
Fidei, (fj Kara fiipo^ mfif), relating only to
the Trinity. — All these were collected and
published, with learned notes, by Gerard
Vossius, Mayence, 1604, 4to, and Paris,
1622, fol., with the works of Macarius, Ba-
sil of Seleucia, and a tract of Zonaras, sub-
joined.— TV.]
(13) The history of Dionysius is carefully
written by Ja. Basnage, Histoire de 1'Eglise,
tome i., livr. ii., cap. 5, p. 68. — [He was
probably born of heathen parents, but early
converted to the Christian faith by Origen,
under whom he had his education at Alex-
andria. He became a presbyter there ; and
succeeded Hcradas, as head of the cate-
chetic school, about the year 232, and on
the death of Heraclas, A.D. 248, he again
succeeded him in the episcopal chair, which
he filled till his death in the year 265. We
know little of his history while a catechist,
except that he then read carefully all the
works of heretics and pagans, and made him-
self master of the controversies of the day.
(Euseb.,H. E.,lib. vii.,c. 7). As a bishop he
was uncommonly laborious and faithful. He
lived in stormy times, was called to almost
continual contests with errorists, and had
little rest from persecution, in which he and
his flock suffered exceedingly. These suf-
ferings are described in the copious extracts
from his writings, preserved by Euscbius, in
his Eccles. History, book vi. and vii. In
the year 249, the pagans of Alexandria made
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
171
acter ; but the few works of his yet remaining, prove him not to have
been a man of an accurate and discriminating mind. (14)
insurrection against the Christians, murdered personality to his divine nature. Dionysius
several, assaulted, and plundered, and drove distinguished two persons, as well as two
into hiding-places most of the rest. The
next year the general persecution under
natures in Christ ; and affirmed that the ac-
tions and sufferings of the human nature
Decius commenced, and Dionysius was could not be predicated of the divine nature.
under arrest, and suffered much, with his
flock, for a year and a half. Soon after his
release, the pestilence began to' lay waste
— Natalis Alexander has a dissertation (Hist.
Eccles., saecul. iii., Diss xix.), in vindication
of the orthodoxy, though not of all the phra-
the church and the city, and did not entirely seology of Dionysius. — For a knowledge of
cease till the end of twelve years. About
the same time, Nepos an Egyptian bishop,
embraced and disseminated millenarian prin-
ciples; but was at length reclaimed by Dio-
nysius. The warm contest respecting the
rebaptism of converted heretics, about the
year 256, was submitted by both parties to
him, and drew forth several able productions
from his pen. Not long after, he had to
withstand the Sabellians, in a long and ar-
duous controversy. In the year 257, the
persecution under Valerian commenced ;
and for about two years, Dionysius was in
banishment, transported from place to place,
the life and writings of Dionysius, the chief
original sources are Eusebius, Hist. Eccles.,
1. vi., c. 29, 35, 40-42, 44-46 ; 1. vii., c. 1,
4-11, 20-28. Praepar. Evang., 1. xiv., c.
23-27. Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 69, and
Prefatio ad Lib. 18, Comment, in Esaiam ;
Athanasius, de Sententia Dionysii ; and de
Synodi Nicasnse Decretis ; Basil, de Spiritu
Sancto, c. 29. Epist. ad Amphiloeh., and
Epist. ad Maximum. — Of his works, only
two short compositions have come to us en-
tire ; namely, his very sensible letter to No-
vatian, (apud Eusebii Hist. Eccles., vi.,
45), and his Epistola Canonica ad Basili-
and subjected to great sufferings. After his dem, in which he gives his opinion respecting
return, in the year 260, there was insurrec-
tion among the pagans, and civil war and
famine raged at Alexandria. Scarcely was
quiet restored, when this aged and faithful
servant of God was solicited to aid in the
controversy against Paul of Samosata. His
infirmities prevented his attending the coun-
the proper hour for terminating the fast be-
fore Easter, and the obligation of Christians
to observe certain Jewish laws respecting
personal uncleannesses. But we have val-
uable extracts from many of his letters and
books. Euselnus gives portions of the fol-
lowing ; namely, his epistle to Gcrmanus,
cil of Antioch in 265, where Paul was con- giving account of his flight and sufferings
demned ; but he wrote his judgment of the
controversy, sent it to the council, and died
soon after, in the close of that year. — In his
controversy with the Sabellians, he was — to
say the least — unfortunate. For in his zeal
to maintain a -personal tiistinetion between
the Father and the Son, he let drop expres-
sions which seemed to imply, that the latter
was of another and an inferior nature to the
in the Decian persecution. (H. E., vi., 40,
and vii., 11.) — Ep. to Fabius bishop of An-
tioch, describing the sufferings of his flock
in the same persecution. (H. E., vi., 40-
42, 44.) — Ep. to Hermammon, on the char-
acters of the emperors Decius and Valerian.
(H. E., vii., 1, 10, 23.)— Ep. to Stephen
bishop of Rome, on the peace after the per-
secution of Callus. (H. E., vii., 4, 5.) — Ep.
former. This led the Sahellians to accuse to Domitius and Didymus, describing the
him" of heresy ; and a council assembled at Decian persecution at Alexandria, (H. E.,
Rome, called on him to explain his views, vii , 11.) — Ep. to Hicrax, describing the se-
He replied in several books or letters, ad- dition at Alexandria, (H. E., vii., 21.) — Ep.
dressed to Dionysius bishop of Rome, which to Sixtits bishop of Rome, on rebaptism of
pretty well satisfied his contemporaries.
Afterwards, when the Arians claimed him,
Athanasius came forth in vindication of his
orthodoxy. Dr. Mosheim, (de Rebus Chris-
tianor., p. 696, &c.), supposes that Dio-
heretics,. and on the Sabellians, (H. E., vii.,
5, 6.) — Another ep. to the same, on rebap-
tism, &c., (H. E., vii., 9.)— Ep. to Phile-
mon, a Roman presbyter, on the same sub-
ject, (H. E., vii., 7.) — Ep. to Dtonysius,
nysius differed from the orthodox on the one then a presbyter at Rome, on the same sub-
hand, and from Sabelliuson the other, in the ject, and concerning Novatian, (H. E., vii.,
following manner. They all agreed, that in 7, 8.) — Two Books against Nepos and the
Jesus Christ, two natures, the human and Millenarians, on the promises to the saints
the divine, were united. The orthodox in the Apocalypse, the nature of that book,
maintained, that both natures constituted and its author, (H. E., vii., 24, 25 )—Ep. to
but one perxcm, and denied personality to his own flock, after the plague, consolatory,
the human nature. Sabcllius admitted the (H. E., vii., 22.) — Libri iv. de Nature,
.union of two natures in Christ, but denied against Epicurean doctrines, dedicated to
172
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
§ 8. Of the Latin writers of this century, Cyprian bishop of Carthage,
deservedly stands first. The epistles and tracts of this distinguished and
eloquent man, breathe such a spirit of ardent piety, that almost no one
can read them without feeling his soul stirred within him. Yet Cyprian
would doubtless have been a better writer, if he had been less studious of
rhetorical ornaments, and a better bishop, if he had been more capable of
controlling his temper and of discriminating between truth and error. (15)
his son, (Euseb., Praep. Evang., xiv., 23-
27.) — Athanasius also gives extracts from
various of his works. — Eusebius mentions
seyeral works of Dionysius, from which he
gives no extracts, (H. E., vi., 46, and vii.,
26) ; namely, Epistles to the brethren in
Egypt, de Pcenitentia — to Cornelius bishop
of Rome, de Pcenitentia — to his own church,
a monitory epistle — to Origen, on Martyr-
dom— to the brethren of Laodicea — to the
brethren in Armenia — to Cornelius bishop
of Rome, concerning Novatian — to the
brethren at Rome, three epistles concerning
the office of a deacon, concerning peace, and
de Pcenitentia — to the confessors at Rome,
who favoured Novatian — to the same, after
they returned to the church, two letters — to
Sixtus and the church at Rome, on rebaptism,
&c. — to Dionysius of Rome, concerning Lu-
cian — and various Paschal Epistles, (a spe-
cies of pastoral letters), addressed to Fla-
vins— to Domitius and Didymus — to his own
presbyters — to his flock, after the persecution
of Valerian — to the brethren in Egypt, &c.]
(14) [Methodius, Patarensis, Eubulius,
was bp. of Olympus, or of Patara, in Lycia,
and afterwards of Tyre. He lived during
the last half of the third century ; and died a
martyr, at Chalcis in Greece, probably A.D.
311, during the Diocletian persecution. Je-
rome, (de Viris Illustr., c. 83), ranks him
among the popular writers, and commends
him especially for the neatness of his style ;
but Socrates, (in his Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c.
13), represents him as one of those low and
contemptible scribblers, who endeavour to
bring themselves into notice by assailing the
characters of their superiors. His works, as
enumerated by Jerome, are (1) Two Books
against Porphyry, (a large work, now lost)
— (2) Feast of the Ten Virgins, (a dialogue
of pious females, in praise of celibacy. It is
still extant, though perhaps corrupted ; but
it does its author little credit) — (3) On the
resurrection of the body, against Origen,
opus egregium. (It is but an indifferent
work ; much of it is preserved by Epipha-
nius, Haeres. Ixiv. Phofius, Bibl. ccxxxiv.,
&c.) — (4) On the Witch of Endor, against
Origen ; (not extant) — (5) On free will (and
the origin of evil ; not from matter, but from
abuse of human liberty. Extracts from it
remain) — (6) Commentaries on Genesis and
Canticles, (almost wholly lost) — (7) Many
other popular works, (not described by Je-
rome).— The works of Methodius, so far as
they remain, were edited with those of Am-
•philochius and Andreas Cretcnsis, by Fran-
cis Cambefis, Paris, 1644, fol. But the
Feast of Virgins first appeared in the original
Greek, in Combejis, Auctar. noviss. Biblioth.
Pair. Grsec., part i. — Several discourses of
the younger Methodius, patriarch of Constan-
tinople in the 9th century, have been ascribed
to the senior Methodius. — 7Y.J
(15) [Thascius Cacilius Cyprianus was
born of heathen parents, and probably about
the year 200, at Carthage in Africa. He
was rather dissipated, but was a man of ge-
nius, and a teacher of rhetoric. In the year
244 or 245 he was converted to Christianity,
by Ccecilius a presbyter of Carthage, whose
name he assumed. An account of his con-
version, we have in his tract, de Gratia Dei,
ad Donatum. As soon as he became a
Christian, he distributed all his property in
charity to the poor, devoted himself much to
the study of the Bible and of his favourite
author Tcrtullian, and showed a zeal and
earnestness in religion seldom equalled. He
was made a presbyter a few months after his
conversion, and was advanced to the episco-
pal chair in the year 248. As a bishop he
was indefatigable and efficient. Few men
ever accomplished so much in a long life, as
Cyprian did in the ten years of his episco-
pacy. In the year 250 the Decian persecu-
tion obliged him to leave Carthage, and live
in concealment for more than a year. Du-
ring his exile he wrote 39 epistles, which
are extant, addressed to his church, to its
officers collectively or individually, to other
bishops, and to various individuals. On his
return to Carthage A.D. 251, he had much
to do to collect and regulate his flock : a
controversy arose respecting the reception of
the lapsed to Christian fellowship ; and Cy-
prian had personal contests with some of his
presbyters, who were opposed to hirn. He
was also drawn into the Novatian contro-
versy. The persecution was soon after re-
newed by the emperor Callus ; and pesti-
lence and famine spread wide ; and incur-
sions of barbarians from the desert laid waste
the back country. Cyprian wrote and
preached incessantly ; and in the year 253,
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
173
The Dialogue of Minucius Felix, which he entitled Octavius, answers the
arguments by which the Christians were commonly attacked by their ad-
versarics, in a manner so spirited and so handsome, that it cannot be dis.
regarded except by those who are willing to be ignorant of the state of
the church in this century.(16) The seven Books of Arnobius, the Afri.
can, against the Gentiles, are more full and copious, and though obscure
in several places, will not be read without both pleasure and profit. Yet
this rhetorician, who was superficial in his knowledge of Christian doc-
called a council and roused up the African
churches to great efforts for redeeming
Christian captives. For several years he
was most laboriously employed in preach-
ing, composing tracts, and directing the ec-
clesiastical affairs, not only of Carthage and
Africa, but of other countries. In the year
257, the persecution under Valerian broke
out, and Cyprian was banished to Curubis.
The persecution was severe in Africa : many
were imprisoned, condemned to the mines, or
put to death. Cyprian gave what aid he
could to his suffering brethren. The next
year, A.D. 258, he was recalled from ban-
ishment, summoned before the ne'.v gov-
ernor, Maximum, and condemned to be be-
headed.— Cyprian lived but 12 years after
he embraced Christianity, and during 10 of
these he was incessantly engaged in active
duties. It was impossible therefore, that he
should become a very learned theologian.
Though a man of genius, he was not a meta-
physician or philosopher, and seems not
formed for abstruse speculations. He was
an orator and a man of business, rather than
a profound scholar. The practical part of
Christianity, and the order and discipline of
the church, most engaged his attention. Nat-
urally ardent, and poring daily over the wri-
tings of Tcrtullian, he imbibed very much
the spirit and the principles of that gloomy
Montanist : and having high ideas of episco-
pal power, and great intrepidity of character,
he was an energetic prelate, and a severe
disciplinarian. — The best original sources for
the history of this distinguished man, are his
own numerous letters and tracts, and the
Passio S. Cypriani, or account of his mar-
tyrdom, written by Pontius, one of his dea-
cons. He is very honourably mentioned by
many of the fathers ; and Gregory Naz. wrote
a professed eulogy of him. The moderns
also, especially the Catholics and the English
Episcopalians, have written elaborately con-
cerning his history, his works, and his opin-
ions. See bp. Pearson's Annales Cyprian-
ici, and H. DodweWs Dissertationes Cypri-
anicae, in the Oxford edition of Cyprian's
works, 1682; Tillcmont,Memoiies— a 1'His-
toire Eccles., torn, iv., p. 19, &c , and Notes
BUT St. Cyprien, p. 10, &c. ; Prud. Maran,
Vita S. Cypriani, prefixed to Opp. Cypr., ed.
Paris, 1726, p. 38-134; and J. Milner's
Church Hist., cent, iii., ch. 7-15. — His
works consist of 81 Epistles, and 14 Trea-
tises, which are accounted genuine. They
are nearly all practical, — hortatory, contro-
versial, and official or friendly letters. — His
style is neither perspicuous nor chaste, but
ardent and animated. He and Laclantius,
it has been said, were the fathers of eccle-
siastical Latinity. — The earlier editions of
his works by Erasmus and others, arranged
his letters in Books, without regard to their
dates or subjects. Tlie edition of Pamclius,
1556, rcpublished by Rigaltius, 1664, at-
tempted to arrange them in chronological
order. The Oxford edition by bp. Fell, 1682,
fol., perfected this arrangement. The edi-
tion prepared by Bc.luze, and published by
Prudentius Maran, Paris, 1726, fol., retains
the order of Pamelius. The two last are
the best editions. — Tr.]
(16) [Minucius Felix was a respectable
Christian barrister at Rome, and is supposed
to have been contemporary with Tertullian,
and to have flourished about the year 220.
He is mentioned by Jerome, de Viris Illustr.,
c. 58, and by Lactantius, Institut. Divinar.,
1. i., c. 11, and 1. v., c. 1. Little is known
of his history. His elegant Dialogue, be-
tween Ctecilius a pagan and Octanus a
Christian, recounts the principal arguments
urged for and against Christianity at that
time, in a clear, concise, and forcible man-
ner. The Latinity is pure and elegant. Je-
rome informs us that another tract, de Fato
vel contra Mathematicos, was ascribed to
him ; but from its style, it was probably not
his. This tract is now lost. In the middle
ages, the Octavius of Minucius was mistaken,
for the 8th Book (Liber Octavus) of Arnobi-
us ; and it was so published in the earlier
editions. It has been often republished. The
best editions, cum notis variorum, arc those
of Gronovius, Ley den, 1709, 8vo ; and of
Davis, Cambridge, 1707 and 1711, 8vo.
The Germans are fond of the edition of Cel-
lar ins, 1698, 8vo, republished by Lindcr,
1760, and by Ernest:, 1773, 8vo.— It has
been translated into French, Dutch, and
English ; the last, by Reeves, among his
Apologies in defence of the Christian reli-
gion, vol. h'., Lond., 1709, 8vo. — Tr.]
174
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
trines, has intermixed great errors and great truths, and has set forth a,
strange philosophical kind of religion, very different from that ordinarily
received. (17) The writers of less eminence, I leave to be learned from
those who have professedly enumerated the learned men among Chris-
»tians.(18)
(17) [Arnobius, senior, was a teacher of
rhetoric at Sicca in Africa, during the reign
of Diocletian. See Jerome, de Viris Illustr.,
c. 79. He was at first an open adversary of
the Christian religion, but at length being
fully convinced of its truth, he undertook to
defend it in a learned and elaborate work.
But, either his knowledge of Christianity was
then very limited, or he had studied the
Scriptures only in private, and without seek-
ing instruction from the Christian teachers,
for he entertained many singular opinions.
Jerome reports, (Chron. ad. ann. xx. Con-
stantini), that when Arnobius applied to the
bishop for baptism, the latter refused him,
from doubts of the sincerity of his conver-
sion ; and that Arnobius wrote his book to
satisfy the mind of the bishop. This account
is called in question by some. See Lardner,
Credibility, &c , pt. ii., vol. iv., p. 7, and
Neandcr, Kirchengesch., vol. i., p. 1161,
&c. He probably wrote in the beginning
of the 4th century, and died perhaps about
A.D. 326.— The best early editions of his
work, are those printed at Ley den, 1651 and
1657, 4to. The latest edition is that of
Ore//, Lips., 1816, 8vo, in 2 parts, with an
Appendix, 1817, 8vo.— TV.]
(18) [The following notices of other lead-
ing men in this century, may be interesting
to the literary reader.
Caius, a learned ecclesiastic of Rome, in
the beginning of this century, is mentioned
by Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 59, and is
quoted repeatedly by Eusebius. In his work
against Proculus the Montanist, he assailed
the Chiliasts, and ascribed but 13 epistles to
St. Paul. Euseb,, H. E., ii., 25, iii., 28,
and vi., 20. He has been supposed by some
to be the author of the book against Artemon,
quoted by Euseb., H. E., v., 28.
Just before A.D. 200, Theophilus bp. of
Antioch, Bacchylus bp. of Ccesarea in Pal-
estine, and Polycrales bp. of Ephesus, called
councils on the controversy respecting East-
er day, and composed synodic epistles. See
Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 43-45, and Eu-
seb., H. E., v., 23 and 25. From the epistle
of Folycratcs, valuable extracts are made by
Jerome, I. c., and Euseb., H. E., iii., 31,
and v., 24.
At the commencement of this century,
lived Hcraclitus, Maximus, Candidus, Ap-
pion, Sextus, and Arabianus, who were dis-
tinguished as writers, according to Jerome,
de Viris Illustr., c. 46-51, and Euscb., H. E.,
v., 27. — Hcraclitus commented on Paul's
Epistles ; Maximus wrote concerning the
origin of evil, (irepl TTJS v^t/f, from which we
have a considerable extract, in Euseb. , Prae-
par. Evang., vi., 22) ; Candidus and Appion
explained the Hexaemeron, or six days'
work, Gen., ch. i. ; Sextus wrote on the res-
urrection ; and Arabianus composed some
doctrinal tracts.
Judas, of the same age, undertook a com-
putation of the 70 weeks of Daniel ; and
brought down his history of events to A.D.
203. See Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 52,
and Euseb., H. E., vi., 7.
Ammonius was probably an Egyptian
Christian, nearly contemporary with Origen ;
and not the apostate philosopher Ammonius
Saccas under whom Origen studied, though
confounded with him by Euseb., H. E., vi.,
19, and by Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 55.
See Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., iv., p. 161 and
172, and Mosheim, de Reb. Christianor., p.
281, &c. He wrote a book on the agree-
ment of Moses with Jesus, which is lost, and
a Harmony of the four Gospels, which is
supposed to be one of those still extant in
the Biblioth. Max. Patrum. But whether
the larger Harmony, in torn, ii., pt. ii., or the
smaller, in torn, iii., is the genuine work, has
been doubted. See Lardner, Credibility,
&c., pt. h , vol. ii., p. 106, &c.
Tryphon, a disciple of Origen, is said
by Jerome (de Viris Illustr., c. 57) to have
been very learned in the scriptures, and to
have written many epistles and tracts, and
particularly a treatise concerning the red
heifer, in the book of Num., ch. xix. ; and
another, on the dividing of the birds, in Abra-
ham's sacrifice, Gen. xv., 10. Nothing of
his is extant.
Symmachus, originally a Samaritan, then
a Jew, and at last an Ebionite Christian,
gave a free translation of the 0. T. into
Greek ; and also defended the principles of
the Ebionites, in a Commentary on Mat-
thew's Gospel. See Euseb., H. E., vi., 17.
Narcissus was made bp. of Jerusalem
A.D. 196. After four years of faithful ser-
vice, he was falsely accused of immoral con-
duct ; and, though generally accounted in-
nocent, he voluntarily abdicated his office,
and lived in retirement till A.D. 216, when
he resumed his office and continued in it till
his martyrdom, A.D. 237. It is stated, that
he was then 116 years old. See Euseb., H.
E., vi., c. 9, 10, 11.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
175
Alexander succeeded Narcissus, A.D.
237, and held the chair 14 years. This em-
inent man was bishop of a church in Cappa-
docia, when called to the see of Jerusalem.
He was a great patron of Origen ; and
wrote several epistles, from which extracts
are preserved. After important services to
the church, he died a martyr, A.D. 251.
See Jerome, do Viris Illustr., c. 62, and
Euseb., H. E., vi., 11, 14, 19, 26, 39, and
46.
Firmilian, bp. of Caesarea in Cappado-
cia, was a disciple and a great admirer of
Origcn. He was a man of high eminence
in the church, and died at Tarsus, on his
way to the second council of Antioch against
Paul of Samosata, about A.D. 266. A long
and able epistle of his to Cyprian, on the
rebaptism of Heretics, is preserved in a
Latin translation, among the works of Cyp-
rian, Ep. 75. See Euseb., H. E., vi., 26,
27, 46, and vii., 5, 29.
Pontius, a deacon of Carthage, attended
Cyprian at his death, and wrote an account
of his martyrdom, which has reached us,
though perhaps interpolated. It is prefixed
to Cyprian's works, and is found in Ruinart,
Acta Selecta Martyrum. See Jerome, de
Viris Illustr., c. 68. — Pontius himself, it is
said, suffered martyrdom shortly after ; of
which an account is extant, professedly writ-
ten by his fellow- deacon Valerius ; apud Ba-
luzii Miscell., torn, ii., p. 124.
Cornelius, bp. of Rome, was elected June
2, A.D. 251, in opposition to Novatian ; and
after 15 months, died in banishment at Cen-
tumcellae, (Civita-Vecchia), Sept. 14, A.D.
252. In the works of Cyprian, there are
extant two epistles of Cornelius to Cyprian,
and ten ep. of Cyprian to Cornelius. Cyp-
rian describes him (Ep. 52, ed. Baluz.) as
an unimpeachable character, a pious, sensi-
ble, modest man, well qualified to be a bish-
op. Jerome, (de Viris Illustr., c.'66), men-
tions four epistles of Cornelius to Fabius bp.
of Antioch; and Euseb. gives us a long and
valuable extract from one of them, H. E.,
vi., 43. — See Bower's Lives of the Popes,
vol. i.
Novatian, first a presbyter, and then the
schismatical bp. of Rome, wrote, (according
to Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 70), de Pas-
cha ; de Sabbatho ; de Circumcisione ; de
Sacerdote ; de Oratione ; de Cibis Judaicis,
(extant, inter Opp. TertuSuma) ; de Instan-
tia ; de Attalo ; de Trinitate, (a large book,
being an abridgment of a work of Ten
extant, inter Opp. Tertul. ), and many other
works. An epistle written by him to Cyp-
rian, in the name of the Roman clergy, A.D.
250, is likewise extant, (inter Opp. Cypri-
ani, ep. 31, ed. Baluz.), and shows that he
was a man of talents, and a good writer.
His rival, Cornelius, describes him as a very
bad man ; see Euseb., H. E., vii., 43.
Stephen, bp. of Rome, A.D. 253-257, is
chiefly famous for his presumptuous attempt
to excommunicate Cyprian and many other
bishops of Africa and the East, for rebapti-
zing converted heretics. See Euseb., Hist.
Eccl., vii., 2-5, 7. Cyprian, Ep. 70-75.
Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. i.
Sixtus II., bp. of Rome A.D. 257, 258,
and a martyr, was more conciliatory than his
predecessor. Euseb., vii., 5, 9 ; Bower's
Lives of the Popes, vol. i. — Various suppos-
ititious writings are extant under his name.
The most noted is a series of 460 moral Ap-
othegms, translated by Rufinus. Jerome, (on
Ezek., c. 18, and elsewhere), and Augustine,
(Retract., 1. ii., c. 42), pronounce them the
work of Sixtus, a pagan philosopher ; which
they probably are, notwithstanding U. G.
Sieber, their editor, (Lips., 1725, 4to), has
laboured hard to fix them on this Roman
bishop.
Dionysius, bp. of Rome A.D. 259-269,
was a learned man, and a good bishop. See
Basil, ep. 220, and de Sp. Sancto, c. 29.
Euseb., H. E., vii., 7. He wrote an ep.
against the Sabellians, of which Athanasius
(de Synodi Nicaenae Decretis) has preserved
an extract ; also an ep. to Dionysius of Alex-
andria, acquainting him with the dissatisfac-
tion of a council of bishops at Rome, with
some expressions concerning the Trinity
used by that patriarch, and requesting of him
an explanation ; which was given in four
Letters or Books. Athanasius, pro senten-
tia Dionys. Alex., and Euseb., H. E., vii.,
26. — See Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. i.
Malchion, a presbyter and a teacher of phi-
losophy at Antioch. He greatly distinguish-
ed himself in the third council against Paul
of Samosata, A.D. 269. Two previous
councils had been unable to convict the
crafty heretic ; but in this, Malchion en-
countered him in presence of the council,
while stenographers took down their dia-
logue. Paul was now convicted ; and the
Dialogue was published. Eusebius, H. E.,
vii., 29. Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 71.
Commodianus, a Christian poet, was prob-
ably an African and contemporary, or nearly
so, with Cyprian. See Dodwell's Diss. de
aetate Commodiani. He had a smattering
of Greek and Latin learning ; but was a
weak, though well-meaning man. His book
comprises eighty paragraphs, called Instruc-
tions. It is written acrostically, and in a
loose kind of hexameter. The style is rude,
and the matter trite. The first half of the
book is directed against the pagans ; next h*
assails the unbelieving Jews ; and then at,
176
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
tempts to instruct all classes of Christians,
and all ranks of ecclesiastical functionaries.
It was first published by Rigaltius, subjoin-
ed to Cyprian's works, AD. 1650; and
again in 1666. The editions with notes, by
Schurtzflcisch, 1710, and of Dam's, subjoined
to his Minutius Felix, Cambr., 1711, 8vo,
are the best.
Anatolius, a very scientific ecclesiastic of
Alexandria, who, by his address, once deliv-
ered his townsmen from a siege. He was
made bishop of Laodicea in Syria, about
A.D. 270, and published canons for ascer-
taining Easter, from which Eusebius, (H.
E., vii., 32), has preserved an extract ; and
Institutes of Arithmetic, in ten books, of
which some fragments still remain. — Euse-
lius (1. c.) gives a long account of him.
See also Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 73. — •
What remains of his works, has been pub-
lished, Gr. and Lat., by Bucherius, in his
Doctrina Temporum, Antw., 1634, fol.
Archelaus, bishop of Carrha in Mesopo-
tamia, flourished about A.D. 278. He wrote
in Syriac his disputation with Manes the
heretic ; which was early translated into
Greek, and thence into Latin. See Jerome,
de Viris Illustr., c. 72. A large part of the
Latin copy, was first published by Valcsius,
subjoined to Socrates, Historia Eccles., af-
terwards, together with what remains of the
Greek, by Zaccagnius, in his Collection of
rare works of the Greek and Latin church,
Rome, 1698, 4to, p. 1-102: and lastly, by
Fabricius, ad finem Opp. S. Hippolyti, 2
Tols. fol.
Pierius, a presbyter, and perhaps, cate-
chist of Alexandria. He was of Origcn's
school, very learned in the Scriptures, and
wrote many discourses and expositions in a
neat and simple style. He was called Origen
Junior. His long discourse on the prophet
Hosea, is particularly noticed by Jerome,
Pholms (Biblioth. cxix.) mentions twelve
books of his expositions. He was of an as-
cetic turn, lived considerably into the fourth
century, and spent his latter years at Rome.
Nothing of his remains. See Jerome, de
Viris Illustr., c. 76, and Eusebius, H. E.,
vii., 32.
Thcognostus, of Alexandria, a friend of
Origen, and perhaps successor to Pierius
in the catechetic school. He wrote seven
books of Hypotyposes ; of which Photius
(Biblioth. cvi.) has preserved an abstract.
Photius deemed him heretical, in regard to
the Trinity : but Alhanasius makes quota-
tions from him, in confutation of the Arians.
See Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. ix., p. 408.
Lucian, a learned presbyter of Antioch.
He adhered for some time to Paul of Samos-
ata. To him most of the churches from
Syria to Constantinople, were indebted for
corrected copies of the Septuagint. Jerome
mentions him as the author of several theo-
logical tracts and letters ; and a confession
rff faith, drawn up by him, is still extant, in
Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 10, and in
Walch's Biblioth. Simbol. Vetus, p. 29, &c.
He was a very pious man, and suffered mar-
tyrdom at Nicomedia, A.D. 311. — See Eu-
sebius, H. E., viii., 13, and ix., 6, and Je-
rome, de Viris Illustr., c. 77.
Hesychius, an Egyptian bishop and mar-
tyr, was famous at the same period for set-
ting forth correct copies of the Septuagint in
Egypt. Whether he was that Hesychius,
who compiled a useful Greek Lexicon, still
extant, is uncertain. He died a martyr,
A.D. 311. SeeEuseb.,H. E., viii., 13, and
Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. iv., p. 554, &c.
Pamphylus the martyr, was a native of
Berytus, but a presbyter of Cassarea in Pal-
estine, where he established a school, and
collected a theological library, which has
been of immense service to the Christian
world. This library afforded to Eusebius,
Jerome, and many others, the means of be-
coming learned divines, and of benefiting
the world by their writings. To this estab-
lishment, ecclesiastical history and biblical
learning, are peculiarly indebted. — Pamphy-
lus was a pupil of Pierius, an admirer of
Origen, and the great friend and patron of
Eusebius. He transcribed most of the works
of Origen, with his own hand ; and he com-
posed a biography and vindication of Origen,
in "five books, to which Eusebius added a
sixth book. Only the first book is now ex-
tant ; and that in a Latin translation of Ru-
finus, printed inter Opp. Originis. — Pam-
phylus took great pains to multiply and spread
abroad correct copies of the Holy Scriptures.
— His life was written by Eusebius, in three
books, which are lost. He suffered martyr-
dom, A.D. 309, at Cssarea in Palestine.
See Euscbms, de martyribus Palasstinae, c.
10 and 7, and H. E., vi., 32, vii., 32, and
viii., 13. Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 75.
Victorinus, bishop of Petavio in Upper
Pannonia, (Petau in Steyermark,) wrote
Commentaries on Gen., Exod., Levit., Isa.,
Ezek., Habak., Eccles., Can tic., and the
Apocalypse ; also a book against all the Her-
esies. He died a martyr, A.D. 303. Je-
rome says, he understood Greek better than
Latin ; and therefore his thoughts are good,
but his style bad. — Dr. Cave (Histor. Lit.,
vol. i.) published a fragment of his Com-
mentary on Genesis. Whether the Com-
mentary on the Apocalypse, now extant un-
der his name, be his, has been much doubt-
ed ; because this comment is opposed to
Chiliasm, whereas Jerome (de Viris Illustr.,
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
1/7
CHAPTER III.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
§ 1. State of Christian Theology. — § 2. Sources of the Mystical Theology. — § 3. Thence
the Monks and Eremites. — § 4. Attention to the Holy Scriptures. — t) 5. Origen's Prin-
ciples of Interpretation. — § 6. Other Interpreters. — § 7. State of Dogmatic Theology.
— $ 8. Moral or Practical Theology. — § 9. Polemic Divines. — § 10. Faults of the Dis-
putants.— § 11. Spurious Books. — § 12. The Chiliastic Controversy. — § 13. Contro-
versy respecting the Baptism of Reclaimed Heretics. — § 14. Disputes concerning Origen,
§ 1. To the common people, the principal truths of Christianity were
explained in their purity and simplicity, and all subtilties were avoided ;
nor were weak and tender minds overloaded with a multitude of precepts. (1)
But in their schools, and in their books, the doctors who cultivated litera-
ture and philosophy and especially those of Egypt, deemed it elegant and
exquisite, to subject divine wisdom to the scrutiny of reason, or rather to
bring under the precepts of their philosophy, and to examine metaphysi-
cally, the nature of the doctrines taught by Christ. At the head of this
class of divines was Origen, who being fascinated with the Platonic phi-
losophy, ventured to apply its laws to every part of religion, and persuaded
himself that the philosophy which he admired, could assign the causes and
grounds of every doctrine, and determine its precise form and nature. (2)
c. 18) says, that Victorinus favoured the sen-
timents of Ncpos and the Chiliasts. — See
Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 74. — TV.]
(1) See Origen, in Proef. libror. de Prin-
cipiis, torn, i., Opp., p. 49, and lib. i., de
Princip., cap. vii., p. 69, ed de la Rue ; also
(Irr.rron/ Neocjesar. Expositio Fidei, p. 11,
Opp., ed. G. Vossii.
(2) In his Stromata, which are lost, and
in his work d<~ I' fipiit, which is pn
in the Latin tranM.ition of Rn_finus — [See a
long note of Dr. Mosneim, on the philosophy
and the theology of Ongcn, in his Comment.
de Rebus Christianor., p. 604, &c. — It does
not appear that Oriyrn rp^arded reason or
philosophy as of higher authority than reve-
lation. He believed indeed that there is a
true philosophy as well as a false, and that
the die' farmer are to be received
and confided in. But he also believed that
the scriptures contain a divine revelation,
which is to be received and followed with
implicit confidence ; and that no philosophy
is true which contradicts the plain declara-
tions of the scriptures. At the same time
he believed, that the scriptures for the most
part only state the simple truths and facts of
religion, without explaining the grounds and
reasons of them ; and that they state these
truths and facts in a plain and popular man-
VOL. I.— Z
ner, without acquainting us with the meta-
physical nature of the subjects. In his opin-
ion, it was the proper business of reason or
philosophy to investigate more fully the
causes and grounds of these religious truths
and facts, and to examine and determine
their metaphysical nature. — Such, it ap-
pears, were Origen's fundamental principles.
And how few are they, who in this or in any
age, have adopted more consistent views ?
Yet he erred ; and erred, just as theologians
have ever been prone to do, by relying too
confidently on the correctness and certainty
of what he regarded as the conclusions of
true philosophy. For an illustration of the
nature and extent of Origen's errors, let it
be observed, that in the beginning of his
book de Principiis, f) 3, p. 47, he gives the
following list of fundamental truths, which
he considers as plainly taught in the scrip-
tures, and of course as never to be called in
question; viz. (1) There is one God, the
creator and father of all. (2) He, in these
last days, sent Christ to call first the Jews
and then also other people. (3) Jesus
Christ was begotten of the Father before all
creatures, and he aided (was the instrument
of) the Father in the whole work of creation.
(4) The same Christ becoming man, was
incarnate, though he was God ; and having
173 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
He must be acknowledged, indeed, to have proceeded in this matter, for the
most part, with timidity and modesty ; but his example sanctioned this
faulty mode of treating theology, and led his disciples to burst the barriers
he established, and to become very licentious in explaining divine truths
according to the dictates of philosophy. To these divines as the parents,
that species of theology which is called philosophic or scholastic, owes its
birth ; but it afterwards assumed various forms', according to the capacity
and erudition of the men who delighted in it.
§ 2. It is a singular circumstance, that another species of theology which
has been denominated mystic, and which has a natural tendency to destroy
the former, originated from the same sources, and nearly at the same time.
Its authors are unknown ; but its causes and the process of its formation
are manifest. Its originators assumed that well-known doctrine of the
Platonic school, which was approved also by Origen and his followers, that
a portion of the divine nature was diffused through all human souls ; or to
express the same thing in other words, that reason in us is an emanation
from God himself, and comprehends the elements or first principles of all
truths human and divine. Yet they denied that men, by their own efforts
and care, can excite this divine spark within them ; and therefore they disap-
proved of the endeavours of men to gain clear perceptions of latent truths
by means of definitions, discrimination, and reflection. On the contrary
they maintained, that silence, inaction, solitude, repose, the avoidance of
all active scenes, and the mortification and subjugation of the body, tended
to excite this internal word [Aoyof or reason] to put forth its hidden ener-
gies, and thus to instruct men in divine things. For the men who neglect
all human affairs, and withdraw their senses and their eyes from the con-
tagious influence of material objects, do spiritually, or with the mind, re-
turn back to God ; and being united with God, they not only enjoy vast
pleasure, but they see in its native purity and undisguised that truth, which
appears to others only in a vitiated and deformed state. (3)
become man, he remained God, as he was tion for a moment. Yet, as before obser-
before ; he assumed a body like to ours, and ved, their metaphysical nature and the
differing only in this, that it was born of the grounds and reasons of them, he supposed
virgin and of the Holy Spirit ; he really and it the proper business of reason or philosophy
truly suffered, died, and rose again. (5) to investigate. And his errors were nearly
The Holy Spirit, in honour and dignity, is all in relation to religious philosophy, or on-
joined with the Father and the Son. (6) All tology and metaphysics. He reasoned, and
rational minds possess entire freedom of believed, according to the reigning philoso-
choice and volition, and when separated from phy of the age and country in which he lived,
the body will be punished or rewarded ac- He therefore believed in the pre-existence
cording to their merits. (7) Our bodies will of human souls, and their incarceration in
be raised in a far more perfect state. (8) bodies, for offences previously committed ;
The devil and his angels are realities, and that the senses are polluting to the soul, arid
they seek to involve men in sin. (9) This must be all mortified ; that all rational be-
world will be dissolved. (10) The scrip- ings are left of God to follow their own
tures were dictated by the Spirit of God ; choice, and are restrained only by motives,
and they contain a double sense, the one the most powerful of which is punishment ;
manifest, the other latent. (11) There are and that ultimately God will thus bring all
holy angels and powers, who minister to the his creatures to be wise and holy and happy,
salvation of men. These Origen gives as — TV.]
specimens only ; for he says : Hae sunt spe- (3) [In hi? Comment, de Rebus Christia-
cies (sorts or specimen*) eorum, quae per nor., p. 658-667, Dr. Mosheim endeavours
praedicationem Apostolicam manifeste tra- to show, that Origen, by his religious phi-
duntur. Now euch general truths as these, losophy, laid the foundations of mystic the-
Origen did not permit to be called in que*- ology in the Christian church. But the e»i-
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. l?d
§ 3. By such reasoning many in this age were induced to retire into
deserts, and to emaciate their bodies by fasting and hardships. And by
such motives, rather than by fear of the Decian persecution, I suppose
Paul the hermit was led to roam in the deserts of Thebais, and to lead a
life more proper for an irrational animal than for a human being.(4) This
Paul is said to be the author of the institution of Eremites. But this mode
of life prevailed among Christians long before Paul the hermit ; in fact it
was practised long before the Christian era, in Egypt, Syria, India, and Mes-
opotamia, and it still exists among the Mohammedans, no less than among
the Christians, in those arid and burning climates. (5) For the heated at-
mosphere which overspreads those countries naturally disposes the inhab-
itants to repose and indolence, and to court solitude and melancholy.
§ 4. Among those who laudably employed themselves on the sacred
volume, the first place is due to those who took earnest care, that copies
of the Bible might everywhere be found accurately written and at a mod-
erate price ; that it might be translated into other languages, and that
amended and faultless editions might become common. Many opulent
Christians of those times are known to have expended no small portion of
their estates in furtherance of these objects. In correcting the copies
of the Septuagint version, Pierius and Hesychias in Egypt, and Lucian at
Antioch, employed themselves with laudable industry. Nor should the
nearly similar efforts of Pamphylus the martyr, be passed without notice.
But Origen surpassed all others in diligence and patient labour in this way.
His Hexapla, though [nearly] destroyed by the ravages of time, will re-
main an eternal monument of the incredible application, with which that
great man laboured to subserve the interests of the church. (6)
dence he adduces is by no means conclusive. (6) The fragments of this Herculean work
— TV.] which are preserved, have been collected
(4) His life was written by Jerome. [See and published by that ornament of the once
also the Acta Sanctorum, Antwerp, torn, i., learned Benedictines, Bernh. de Montfau-
January 10, p. 602. — Schl.] con, Paris, 1713, 2 vols. fol. See also J.
(5) See the Travels of Paul Lucas, A.D. F. Buddcus, Isagoge in Theologiam, torn.
1714, vol. ii., p. 363. [The reader will rec- ii., p. 1376, &c., and J. G. Carpzov, Crittca
olloct the Drrvises and Fakirs, who roam Sacra Vet. Test., p. 574. — [Origen pub-
over the whole country from the shores of lished both a Tctrapla and a Hcxapla, that
the Mediterranean to the Ganges. — Jerome is, a fourfold and a sixfold Bible. The
reports, in the preface to his life of Paul of former contained, in parallel columns (1)
Thebais, on the questionable authority of Aquila's Gr. version ; (2) that of Symma-
Amalhas and Miu-tirins, two disciples of St. chus ; (3) the Septuagint version; (4) the
Anthony, that Paul the hermit of Thebais, Gr. version of Theodolion. The Hcxapla.
was the first who practised this mode of life, contained, throughout, six columns, gener-
But high ideas of the sanctity of renouncing ally eight, and occasionally nine; thus ar-
social and civilized life and dwelling in des- ranged, (1) The Hebrew text in the Hebrew
erts among beasts, were prevalent, before character ; (2) the Hebrew text in Greek
the middle of this century, when Paul turned characters ; (3) Aquild's version ; (4) that
hermit. Thus Narcissus, bishop of Jerusa- of Symmachus ; (5) the Septiiagint ; (6) that
lem, obtained great reputation in the close of Theodotion ; (7) and (8) two other Greek
of the second century, by secreting himself versions, whose authors were unknown ; (9)
many years in the desert. Eusebius, H. E., another Greek version. The three last, be-
lib. vi., c. 9, 10. The origin of religious ing anonymous versions, are denominated
eremitism may perhaps be traced back to the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Greek ver-
the i-arly pagan philosophers ; for Porphyry sions. — The most useful parts of Montfau-
(irtpl (nrc\fic, <J 35) assures us, that the an- con's Hexapla, with additions, corrections,
cicnt Pythagoreans were distinguished for and notes, have been published in two vols.
their attachment to this mode of life. — 8vo, by C. F. Bahrdt, Lips., 1769-70.
TV.] TV.]
180 BOOK I.-CENTURY III.-PART II.— CHAP. III.
& 5. The same Origen, unquestionably, stands at the head of the inter,
preters of the Bible in this century. But with pain it must be added, he
was first among those who have found in the scriptures a secure retreat
for all errors and idle fancies. As this most ingenious man could see no
feasible method of vindicating all that is said in the Scriptures, against the
cavils of the heretics and the enemies of Christianity, provided he inter-
preted the language of the Bible literally, he concluded that he must ex-
pound the sacred volume in the way in which the Platonists were accus-
tomed to explain the history of their gods. He therefore taught, that the
words, in many parts of the Bible, convey no meaning at all ; and in some
places, where he acknowledged there was some meaning in the words, he
maintained that under the things there expressed, there was contained a
hidden and concealed sense, which was much to be preferred to the literal
meaning of the words. (7) And this hidden sense it is, that he searches
(7) Here may be consulted the Preface of
Charles de la Rue to the second volume of
Origen' s works, ed. Paris, 1733, fol. With
greater fulness and precision I have stated
and explained Origen's system of biblical
interpretation, in my Comment, de Rebus
Christianor., &c., p. 629, &c., where also
his philosophy, his theology, and his contest
with Bishop Demetrius, are formally taken
Tip and discussed. — [With this may be com-
pared the observations of that distinguished
philologist, Professor Ernesti, in his Disser-
tatio de Origene, interpretationis librorum
S. S. grammaticae auctore, written A.D.
1756. Ernesti shows that the merits of this
Christian father, in regard to the criticism
and exposition of the O. and N. Testaments,
were by no means small. — The leading
thoughts of Dr. Mosheim, as stated in his
Commentaries de Rebus, &c., are the fol-
lowing. Origen was not the inventor of the
allegorical mode of expounding the Scrip-
tures. It was in use among the Jews, before
the Christian era. (Ernesti goes farther,
and seeks its origin in the schools of the
prophets). Philo was a great allegorist, and
Pantaenus and Clemens Alex, were the first
Christian allegorists. Origen took greater
liberties in this mode of interpretation ; and
it was not simply his resorting to allegories,
but his excesses in them, that drew upon
him enemies. Before his day, all interpret-
ers explained the narrations and the laws
contained in the Bible, according to their lit-
eral meaning. But Origen perversely turned
a large part of biblical history into moral fa-
bles, and many of the laws into allegories.
Probably he learned this in the school of Am-
monius, which expounded Hesiod, Homer,
and the whole fabulous history of the Greeks
allegorically. The predecessors of Origen,
who searched after a mystical sense of scrip-
ture, still set a high value on the grammati-
cal or literal sense ; but he often expresses
himself, as if he attached no value to it.
Before him, allegories were resorted to, only
to discover predictions of future events, and
rules for moral conduct : but he betook him-
self to allegories, in order to establish the
principles of his philosophy on a scriptural
basis. All this must have been offensive to
many Christians. His propensity to allego-
ries must be ascribed to the fertility of his
invention, the prevailing custom of the Egyp-
tians, his education, the instructions he re-
ceived from his teachers, and the example
both of the philosophers, of whom he was an
admirer, and of the Jews, especially Philo,
To these may be added other causes. He
hoped, by means of his allegories, more easily
to convince the Jews, to confute the Gnos-
tics, and to silence the objections of both.
This he himself tells us, de Principiis, 1. viii.,
c. 8, p. 164, &c. But we must not forget
his attachment to that system of philosophy
which he embraced. This philosophy could
not be reconciled with the Scriptures, except
by a resort to allegories ; and therefore the
Scriptures must be interpreted allegorically,
that they might not contradict his philoso-
phy. The Platonic idea of a twofold world,
a visible and an invisible, the one emble-
matic of the other, led him to search for a
figurative description of the invisible world,
in the biblical history of the nations of the
earth. He also believed that it was doing
honour to the Holy Scriptures, to consider
them as diverse from all human compositions,
and as containing hidden mysteries. See
his Homil. xv., on Genesis, Opp., torn, ii.,
p. 99, and Homil. on Exod., Opp., torn, ii.,
p. 129. And finally, he thought many of
the objections of the enemies of religion,
could not be fully answered, without recur-
rence to allegories. — His general principles
for the interpretation cf the sacred volume,
resolve themselves into the following posi*
tions. (1) The Scriptures resemble man.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
181
after in his commentaries, ingeniously indeed, but perversely, and generally
to the entire neglect and contempt of the literal meaning. (8) This remote
sense he moreover divides into the moral, and the mystical or spiritual ; the
former containing instruction relative to the internal state of the soul and
As a man consists of three parts, a rational
mind, a sensitive soul, and a visible body ;
so the Scriptures have a threefold sense, a
literal sense, corresponding with the body, a
moral sense, analogous to the soul, and a
mystical or spiritual sense, analogous to the
rational mind. Homil. v., on Levit, $ 5,
Opp., torn, ii., p. 209. — (2) As the body is
the baser part of man, so the literal is the
K\s* worthy sense of Scripture. And as the
body often betrays good men into sin, so the
literal sense often leads us into error. Stro-
mata, 1. x., quoted by Jerome, b. iii. Com-
ment, on Galat., ch. iii., Opp., torn, i., p. 41.
(3) Yet the literal sense is not wholly use-
less. De Principiis, 1. iv., § 12, p. 169, and
§ 14, p. 173. — (4) They who would see
farther into the Scriptures than the common
people, mcst search out the moral sense.
(5) And the perfect, or those who have at-
tained to the highest degree of blessedness,
must also investigate the spiritual sense.
De Principiis, 1. ir., $ 2, p. 168.— (6) The
moral sense of Scripture instructs us relative
to the changes in the mind of man, and gives
rules for regulating the heart and life. (7)
The spiritual sense acquaints us with the
nature and state and history of the spiritual
world. For, besides this material world,
there is a spiritual world, composed of two
parts, the heavenly and the earthly. The
earthly mystical or spiritual world, is the
Christian church on earth. The heavenly
mystical world is above, and corresponds
in all its parts with the lower world, which
was formed after its model. (8) As the
Scripture contains the history of this twofold
mystic world, so there is a twofold mystic
sense of Scripture, an allegorical and an an-
agogical. (9) The mystic sense is diffused
throughout the Holy Scriptures. (10) Yet
we do not always meet with loth the alle-
gorical sense and the anagogical, in every
passage. (11) The moral sense likewise
pervades the whole Bible. (12) But the
literal sense docs not occur everywhere : for
many passages have no literal meaning.
(13) Some passages have only two senses,
namely, a moral and a mystical, [the mys-
tical being either allegorical or anna
rarely both], other passages have three senses,
[the moral, the mystical, and the literal.}
(14) The literal sense is perceived by
every attentive reader. The moral sense is
somewhat more difficult to be discovered.
(15) But the mystic sense none can discover,
with certainty, unless they are wise men, and
also taught of God. (16) Neithercan even
such men hope to fathom all the mysteries
of the sacred volume. (17) In searching
for the anagogical sense, especially, a person
must proceed with peculiar care and caution.
— Schl. Dr. Mosheim states the following
as Origen's general rule for determining
when a passage of scripture may be taken
literally, and when not ; viz., Whenever the
words, if understood literally, will afford a
valuable meaning, one that is worthy of God,
useful to men, and accordant with truth and
correct reason, then the literal meaning is to
be retained : but whenever the words, if un-
derstood literally, will express what is absurd,
or false, or contrary to correct reason, or use-
less, or unworthy of God, then the literal
sense is to be discarded, and the moral and
mystical alone to be regarded. — This rule
he applies to every part both of the Old Test.
and the New. And he assigns two reasons
why fables and literal absurdities are admit-
ted into the sacred volume. The first is,
that if the literal meaning were always ra-
tional and good, the reader would be apt to
rest in it, and not look after the moral and
mystical sense. The second is, that fabu-
lous and incongruous representations often
afford moral and mystical instruction, which
could not so well be conveyed by sober facts
and representations. De Principiis, 1. iv.,
$ 15, 16 ; torn, x., Comment, in Job. — TV.]
(8) Origcn, in his Stromata, 1. x., cited
by Ch. de la Rue, Opp., torn, i., p. 41, says:
Multorum malorum occasio est, si quis in
came Scripture maneat. Qute qui fecerint,
regnum Dei non consequentur. Quamobrem
spiritum ScriptursB/rwc/M-syKc qusramus, qui
non dicuntur manifesti. He had said a little
before : Non valde cos juvat Scripture, qui
earn intelligunt, ut scriptum est. Who
would suppose such declarations could fall
from the lips of a wise and considerate
person 1 But this excellent man suffered
himself to be misled by the causes mention-
ed, and by his love of philosophy. He could
not discover in the sacred books all that he
considered true, so long as he adhered to the
literal sense ; but allow him to abandon the
literal sense, and to search for recondite
meanings, and those books would contain
Plti/n. Aristotle, Zcno, and the whole tribe
of philosophers. And thus, nearly all those
who would model Christianity according to
their own fancy or their favourite system of
philosophy, have run into this mode of inter-
preting Scripture.
182 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
our external actions, and the latter acquainting us with the nature, the
history, and laws of the spiritual or mystical world. He fancied that this
mystical world was also twofold, partly superior or celestial, and -partly in-
ferior and terrestrial, that is, the church ; and hence he divided the mysti-
cal sense of scripture into the terrene or allegorical, and the celestial or
anagogical. This mode of interpreting scripture, which was sanctioned
by Jewish practice, was current among Christians before the times of Ori-
gen. But as he gave determinate rules for it, and brought it into a sys-
tematic form, be is commonly regarded as its originator.
§ 6. Innumerable expositors in this and the following centuries, pur-
sued the method of Origen, though with some diversity ; nor could the
few who pursued a better method, make much head against them. The
commentaries of Hippolytus, which have reached us, show that this holy
man went wholly into Origen's method. And no better, probably, were
the expositions of some books of the Old and New Testaments, composed by
Victorinus, but which are now lost. But the Paraphrase on the book of
Ecclesiastes, by Gregory Thaumaturgus, which is still extant, is not liable
to the same objection, although its author was a great admirer of Origen.
Methodius explained the book of Genesis, and the Canticles ; but his labours
have not reached us. Ammonius composed a Harmony of the gospels.
§ 7. Origen, in his lost work entitled Stromata, and in his four
Books de Principiis, explained most of the doctrines of Christianity, or, to
speak more correctly, deformed them with philosophical speculations.
And these his Books de Principiis were the first compendium of scholastic
— or, if you please — philosophic theology. Something similar was at-
tempted by Theognostus, in his seven Books of Hypotyposes ; for a knowl-
edge of which we are indebted to Photius,(9) who says, they were the
work of a man infected with the opinions of Origen. Gregory Thauma-
turgus, in his Expositio Fidei, gave a brief summary of Christian doc-
trines. Certain points of the Christian faith were taken up by various in-
dividuals, in reply to the enemies or the corrupters'of Christianity. Tracts
on the Deity, the resurrection, antichrist, and the end of the world, were
composed by Hippolytus. Methodius wrote on free will ; and Lucian on
the creed. But as most of these treatises are no longer extant, their char-
acter is little known.
§ 8. Among the writers on moral subjects, (or practical theology),
passing by Tertullian, who was mentioned under the preceding century,
the first place belongs perhaps to Cyprian. From the pen of this extra-
ordinary man, we have treatises on the advantages of patience, on mor-
tality, on alms and good works, and an exhortation to martyrdom. In these
works there are many excellent thoughts, but they are not arranged neatly
and happily, nor sustained by solid arguments. (10) Origen wrote, among
other works of a practical nature, an exhortation to martyrdom ; a topic
discussed by many in that age, with different degrees of eloquence and per-
spicacity. Methodius treated of chastity, but in a confused manner, in his
(9) [Photius, Biblioth., cod. cvi., p. 279. him, Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., 1. v., c. 1, vol.
Photius represents him as erring, with On- v., p. 276, and 1. v., c. 38, vol. ix., p. 408.
gen, in regard to the character of the Son — Schl.]
of God. But G. Bull defends him against (10) See J. Barlcyrac, de la Morale des
this charge, in his Defensio Fidei Nicaenae, Peres, c. viii., p. 104, &c,
sec. 2, c. 10, § 7, p, 135.— See concerning
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 18S
Feast of Virgins. Dionysius of Alexandria wrote on penance and on temp,
iatvms. To mention other writers in this department would be needless.
§ 9. Of polemic writers, a host might be mentioned. The idolaters
were assailed by Minucius Felix, in his dialogue entitled Octavius ; by
Origen, in his eight Books against Celsus ; by Arnobius, in his seven Books
against the Gentiles ; and by Cyprian, in his tract on the Vanity of Idols.
The Chronicon of Hippolytus, written against the Gentiles, and the work of
Methodius in opposition to Porphyry, who attacked Christianity, are lost.
We may also place among polemic writers, both those who wrote against
the philosophers, as Hipjidytus, who wrote against Plato ; and those who
treated of fate, of free will, and of the Origin of Evil, as Hippolytus, Me-
thodius, and others. Against the Jews, Hippo/ytus attempted something,
which has not reached us ; but the Testimonies [from scripture] against the
Jews by Cyprian, are still extant. Against all the sectarians and here-
tics, assaults were made by Origen, Victorinus, and Hippolytus ; but no-
thing of these works has come down to us. It would be superfluous here
to enumerate those who wrote against individual heretics.
§ 10. But it must by no means pass unnoticed, that the discussions in-
stituted against the opposers of Christianity in this age, departed far from
the primitive simplicity, and the correct method of controversy. For the
Christian doctors, who were in part educated in the schools of rhetori-
cians and sophists, inconsiderately transferred the arts of these teachers
to the cause of Christianity ; and therefore considered it of no importance,
whether an antagonist were confounded by base artifices, or by solid ar-
guments. Thus that mode of disputing, which the ancients called econom-
ical,(ll) and which had victory rather than truth for its object, was almost
universally approved. And the Platonists contributed to the currency of
the practice, by asserting that it was no sin for a person to employ false-
hood and fallacies for the support of truth, when it was in danger of being
borne down. A person ignorant of these facts will be but a poor judge
of the arguments of Origen, in his book against Celsus, and of the others
who wrote against the worshippers of idols. Terlullian's method of con-
futing heretics, namely, by prescription, was not perhaps altogether un-
suitable in that age. But they who think it always proper to reason in
this manner, must have little knowledge of the difference which time and
change of circumstances produce. (12)
(11) Souvcrain, Platonisme devoile, p. heretics, or Presumptions against them.
244. J. Daille, de vero usu Patrum, 1. i., The author attempts to confute alt the her-
p. 160. J. C. Wolfo, Casauboniana, p. 100. etics at once, and by means of an historical
On the phrase, to do a thing /car' otKOvopiav, argument. He maintains that the orthodox
Tho. Gataker has treated largely, in his churches were founded by the apostles and
Notes on M. Antoninus, 1. xi., p. 330, &c. their approved assistants, who ordained the
[It signifies to do a thing artfully and dex- first pastors of these churches, and establish-
terously, or with cunning and sagacity, as a ed in them all, one and the same faith, which
shrewd manager of a household (biKovo/jtof) must of course be genuine Christianity ; and
controls those under him. See note 4, p. that this faith, having been handed down
126. — Tr.~\ pure and uncorrupted, is now contained in
(12) See Fred. Spanheim, Diss. de Prae- the creeds and inculcated in the assemblies
scriptione in rebus Fidei ; Opp., torn, iii., p. of these churches. But that not one of these
1079. — [Tertullian's book was entitled de things can be said of the heretical churches,
Praescriptione haereticorum, or Praescripti- which had not such an origin, and embrace
onibus adversus haereticos ; which might be various differing creeds, and creeds derived
translated, on the Presumption in regard to from other sources. Being bred an advo-
184 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
§ 11. This vicious inclination to circumvent and confound an adversa-
ry, rather than confute him with sound argument, produced also a multi-
tude of books falsely bearing on their front the names of certain distin-
guished men. For the greater part of mankind, being influenced more by
the authority of names, than by arguments and scripture testimony, the
writers conceived they must prefix names of the greatest weight to their
books, in order to oppose successfully their adversaries. Hence those canons
which were falsely ascribed to the apostles :(13) hence those Apostolic Consti-
tutions, which Clemens Romanuswas reputed to have collected :(14) hence
too, the Recognitions of Clement,(15) as they are called, and the Clem-
entina,(l6) and other works of the like character, which a too credulous
world long held in high estimation. By the same artifice, the Mystics, as
they are called, sought to advance their cause. Having no answer to
give to those who demanded, who was the first author of this new sort of
wisdom, they alleged that they received it from Dionysius, the Areopagite
of Athens, a contemporary with the apostles ; and to give plausibility to
the falsehood, they palmed upon this great man, books void of sense and
rationality. (17) Thus they who wished to surpass all others in piety,
deemed it a pious act to employ deception and fraud in support of piety.
cate, and familiar with the proceedings of
courts, he gives a forensic form to his argu-
ment, not only by using the law term Prae-
scriptio, but by maintaining that the orthodox
were, and had always been, in right and law-
ful possession of that invaluable treasure,
true Christianity ; and that of course, the
heretics, who were never in possession of it,
in vain attempt now to oust them of what they
thus hold by legal prescription. — Tr.]
(13) [The Apostolic Co/nans are eighty-
five ecclesiastical laws or rules, professedly
enacted by the apostles, and collected and
preserved by Clemens Romanus. The mat-
ter of them is ancient ; for they describe the
customs and institutions of Christians, par-
ticularly of the Greek and Oriental churches,
in the second, and third, centuries. But the
phraseology indicates a compiler living in the
third century. See W. Beveridge's notes
on these canons, and his Codex canonum
eccles. primitivae vindicatus et illustrat.,
London, 1678, 4to.— Schl.]
(14) [The Apostolic Constitutions fill
eight books. They prescribe the constitu-
tion, organization, discipline, and worship of
the church, with great particularity ; and
avowedly are the work of the apostles them-
selves. But they are supposed to have been
compiled in the eastern or Greek church, in
the latter part of the third or beginning of
the fourth century. Some place them in
the fourth or fifth century. They bear marks
of an Arian hand. As describing the form,
discipline, and ceremonies of the church
about the year 300, they are of considerable
value. These constitutions may be seen in
Cotelerii Patres Apostohci, torn, ii., and ia
Wm. Whiston's Primitive Christianity Re-
vived, Lond., 1711, 4 vols. 8vo, where much
learned labour is wasted in the vain attempt
to prove them to be " the most sacred of the
canonical books of the New Test." — Tr.]
(15) [The Recognitions, of which we have
only the Latin translation of Rufinus, com-
pose ten books, and describe the travels of
the apostle Peter, and his contests with Si-
mon Magus. The work is a pleasant one
to read, and helps us to understand the doc-
trines of the Gnostics. Dr. Mosheim, (Diss.
de turbata per recentiores Platonicos eccle-
sia., § 34), conjectures, with much probabil-
ity, that it was composed by an Alexandrian
Jew, who was opposed to the Gnostics, but
himself full of errors, under the forged name
of Clemens Romanus. — Schl.]
(16) [The Clementina are nineteen Hom-
ilies, first published, Gr. and Lat., by Cote-
Her, in his Patres Apostol., torn, i., p. 603,
&c. They are supposed to have been the
work of some Ebionite. — Schl. The Clem-
entina and the Recognitions are works of a
similar character. Both profess to give us
the history of St. Peter's contests with Si-
mon Magus, and his private instructions to
his particular friend.s, respecting the myste-
ries of nature and the deep things of theolo-
gy. They are downright romance ; yet not
uninteresting, as specimens of the specula-
tions of semi-Christians of a philosophic
turn, who lived about A.D. 200. — Tr.]
(17) [The spurious works ascribed to
Dionysius the Areopagite, (who is men-
tioned Acts xvii., 34), are the following : de
Coelesti Hierarchia, lib. i. ; de Ecclesiastica
Hierarchia, 1. i. ; de Divinis Nominibus, 1. i. ;
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
185
§ 12. Among the controversies which divided Christians in this cen-
tury, the most considerable were, concerning the millennium, the baptism
of heretics, and concerning Origen. That the Saviour is to reign a thou-
sand years among men, before the end of the world, had been believed by
many in the preceding century, without offence to any : all, however, had
not explained the doctrine in the same manner, nor indulged hopes of the
same kind of pleasures during that reign. (18) In this century the mil-
lenarian doctrine fell into disrepute, through the influence especially of
Origen, who strenuously opposed it, because it contravened some of his
opiuions.(19) But Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, attempted to revive its au-
de Mystica Theologia, 1. i., together with
four epistles to Cams, one to Dorothcus,
one to Sosipatcr, one to Polycarp, one to
Demophylus, one to Titus, one to Apolloph-
anes, and two to St. John the apostle. They
all relate to mystic theology, and breathe
a devout spirit, but are exceedingly obscure
and difficult of comprehension. It is suppo-
sed they were written in the fouth or fit'lh
century, as they bear marks of that period,
and are not mentioned by any writer prior to
the sixth century. During the middle ages
they were held in high estimation, and their
genuineness scarcely if at all questioned.
The more devout Catholics and most of the
early Protestants, received them and relied
upon them as genuine. In the 17th century,
their spuriousness was abundantly demon-
strated, and they are now universally re-
garded as supposititious. The best edition
of these works, Gr. and Lat., with copious
notes, is that of Balthazar Cordcrius, Ant-
werp, 1634, 2 vols. fol., embracing the Gr.
echolia of St. Maximus the martyr, (A.D.
659), and the paraphrase of George Pachym-
eras, (A.D. 1280.) The MS. copies of these
works are found in most of the great libraries
of Europe.— TV.]
(18) [" vSee the learned Treatise concern-
ing the true millennium, which Dr. \Vlii tin/
has subjoined to the second volume of his
Commentary upon the New Testament. See
also, for an account of the doctrine of the an-
cient Millenanans, the fourth, fifth, seventh,
and ninth volumes of Lardncr's Credibility,
&c.'' — Mad. Also H. Corodi's kritische
Geschichte des Chiliasmus, 2d ed., 1794, 3
vols. 8vo. — Tr.]
(19) See Origen, de Principiis, lib. ii.,c.
11, Opp.,tom i.,p. 104, [and Prolog. Com-
ment, in Cantic. Canticor., torn, iii., p. 28.
— The Cerinthians, Marciunites, Monta-
nists, and Meletians, among the heretical
sects, and among the orthodox fathers Pa-
pias, Justin Martyr, and Ircna-u.t, held to a
.millennial reign of Christ, and Irr.ti,
derstood it in a very gross sense. Dr. Mo-
sheim, in his Comment, de Rebus Christia-
nor.,&c., p. 721, believed the doctrine had
VOL. I.— A A
a Jewish origin ; and he supposed the
Christian doctors received, or at least tol-
erated it, because they hoped by it to make
the Jews more willing to embrace Christian-
ity. But Dr. Walch, in his Entwurf einer
vollstandigen Hist, der Ketzereyen, vol. ii.,
p. 143, is more discriminating, and main-
tains that the question, whether a millennial
reign of Christ is to be expected, had a bib-
lical origin, the earlier Chiliasts relying on
the testimony of the Apocalypse : but the
explanation of the doctrine, he admits, was
derived from the Jewish opinions. There
were two kinds of Chiliasts, the gross and
the refined. The latter placed the chief dif-
ference between the millennial reign of
Christ and his present reign, in the higher
enjoyment of spiritual advantages and pleas-
ures, yet without wholly excluding the pleas-
ures of sense. But the former expected, in
the millennium, all kinds of sensual delights,
and the free indulgence of all, even the most
exorbitant lusts. And these gross Chiliasts
are to be found not merely among the here-
tics ; they may be found also among the or-
thodox, as the example of Irenceus proves.
According to the account of Gennadms of
Marseilles, de Dogmatt ecclesiast., c. 55, p.
3ii. the Chiliasts may be divided into /our
classes. The first class were the most mod-
erate. They are called Meletians ; and they
expected a fulfilment of the divine promises
here on the earth, without attempting to de-
fine the nature of the bliss to be enjoyed
during the millennium. The second class
expected not only to enjoy the indispensable
gratifications of the senses, but also marriage
pleasures, and every species of sensual in-
dulgence. The third class promised them-
selves indeed sensitive delights, and these
too as rewards for foregoing them now, and
as a compensation for the outward sufferings
of saints ; but they excluded from them the
carnal pleasure of sexual intercourse. The
fourth was composed of Nepos and his fol-
lowers. The millennial doctrine did not pre-
vail everywhere, and uncontradicted. Yet
the believers and the rejecters of the doctrine
treated each other with affection, and a per-
186 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
thority, in a work written against the allegorists, as he contemptuously
styled the opposers of the millennium. The book and its arguments were
approved by many in the province of Arsinoe, and particularly by Co-
radon, a presbyter of some respectability and influence. But Dionysius
of Alexandria, a disciple of Origen, allayed the rising storm, by his oral
discussions and his two Books on the divine promises. (20)
§ 13. As no law had determined in what manner those, who came over
from heretical churches to the Catholic Christians, were to be received, dif-
ferent customs prevailed in different churches. Many of the Oriental and
African Christians classed reclaimed heretics among the catechumens, and
admitted them to the Christian ordinances by baptism. But most of the
European Christians regarded the baptism administered by errorists as
valid ; and therefore received reclaimed heretics, simply with imposition
of hands and prayer. This diversity long prevailed, without giving rise
to contention. But in this century the Asiatic Christians determined in
several councils, what before had been left at discretion, that all heretics
coming over to the true church, must be rebaptized.(21) This com-
ing to the knowledge of Stephen, bishop of Rome, he with little humanity
or prudence, excluded those Asiatics from his fellowship and from that
of his church. Notwithstanding this rashness of Stephen, Cyprian with
other Africans, in a council called on the subject, embraced the opinion of
the Asiatics, and gave notice of it to Stephen. Upon this, Stephen was
very indignant ; but Cyprian replied with energy, and in a new council
held at Carthage, again pronounced the baptism administered by heretics
to be wholly invalid. The rage of Stephen now waxed hotter, and he
most unjustly excluded the Africans from the rights of brotherhood. But
the discord was healed, partly by the moderation with which the Africans
conducted themselves, and partly by the death of Stephen. (22)
son might believe or discard it, without bring- Christ, must be understood literally, and as
ing his orthodoxy under suspicion. The first promising corporeal and sensitive pleasures.
open opposer of Chiliasm, that we meet with, But he does not appear to have defined
was Cains, a teacher in the church of Rome, clearly what these pleasures were to be,
towards the end of the second century, though he excluded eating, and drinking,
On this ground, he denied that the Apoca- and marriage, as Dr. Mosheim supposes, 1.
lypse was written by John, and ascribed c., p. 726. The very obscure and defective
it rather to Cerinthus. But he effected history of Ncpos, and the controversy with
very little. Origen was a more powerful him, is explained, as far as it can be. by Dr.
opposer of the doctrine. He did not, like Wcdch, \. c., p. 152-167. — Schl. See also
Caius, deny the canonical authority of the W. Muenscher's Handbuch der Dogmeng.,
Apocalypse, but explained the passages in it vol. ii., p. 408-434, and A. Neander's Kirch-
which describe the millennial reign of Christ, eng., vol. i., pt. iii., p. 1088-1096. — TV.]
allciforically, as referring to spiritual delights, (21) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles , vii., c. 5
suited to the nature of spirits raised to per- and 7. Firmilian, Epist. ad Cyprianum,
fection, and these to be enjoyed, not on the inter Epp. Cypriani, 75. — [The councils
earth, but in the world to come. See Mo- which decided this point, before Stephen's
sheim. Comment, de Rebus Christianor., p. rash procedure, were (1) the council of Car-
720, &c., and Dr. WaLch, Historic der Ket- thage, about A.D. 215. See Epp. Cypr.
zereyen, vol. ii.. p. 136-151. — Schl.] 71 and 73 — (2) that of Iconium in Phrygia,
(20) See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. vii., A.D. 235, Epp. Cypr. 75. Eusebius, H.
24, and Gennadius Massiliensis, de Dog- E., vii., 4 — (3) that of Synada, and (4)
matibus ecclesiasticis, cap. 55, p. 32, ed. some others, which are barely mentioned in
Elmenhorst. — [Ncpos held the Apocalypse Epp. Cypr. 75, and Eusebius, uhi supra,
to be an inspired book ; and he maintained, See Wnlch, Historic der Kirchenversamml.,
in opposition to the allegorists, that the pas- >p. 91, 94, and 96. — Tr.J
sages which speak of a millennial reign of ' (22) Cyprian, Epp. 70 and 73, and sev-
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 187
§ 14. The contests concerning Origen were moved by Demetrius bishop
of Alexandria ; who is reported by the friends of Origen, to have been in-
fluenced by envy and hatred ; which however is very doubtful. In the pro-
ceedings of Demetrius against Origen, one may discover marks of a mind
exasperated, impassioned, arrogant, and unreasonable, but none scarcely of
envy. (2.3) In the year 228, Origen took a journey to Achaia, and on his
way suffered himself to be ordained a presbyter by the bishops of Csesarea
and Jerusalem. At this, Demetrius was greatly offended ; because he
deemed Origen unfit for such an office, on account of his having emascu-
lated himself; and because, being master of a school under him, he had
been ordained without his knowledge and consent. The matter however
was compromised, and Origen returned to Alexandria. But not long
after, from some unknown cause, new dissension, arose between him and
Demetrius, which became so great, that Origen left Alexandria and the
school in the year 231, and removed to Csesarea [in Palestine]. Deme-
trius accused him in his absence, before an assembled council, and de-
prived him of his office without a hearing ; and afterwards, in a second
council, divested him of his ministerial character. It is probable that De-
metrius accused Origen before the council, particularly the last one, of
erroneous sentiments in matters of religion ; which it was easy for him to
do, as Origen's book de Principiis, which was full of dangerous sentiments,
had been published not long before. The decision of the council at Al-
exandria was approved by the majority of the Christian bishops, though
rejected by those of Achaia, Palestine, Phenicia, and Arabia.(24)
eral others, ed. Baluze. Augustine, de Bap- ginal sources, especially from EuseUus, H.
tismo contra Donatistas, 1. vi. and vii., Opp., Eccles., vi., 23. P/iolius, Bibliolh., cod.
torn, ix., where he gives the Acts of the cxviii. Jerome, de Viris Illustr., and Ori-
council of Carthage, A.D. 256. Prudent, gen himself. It differs in some respects
Maran, vita Cypriani, p. 107, and all the from that given by the common writers, Dow-
writers of the life of Cyprian. [The whole cm, Huet, and others. — [That Demetrius ac-
history of this controversy is discussed at cused Origen of erroneous sentiments, is a
large by Dr. Mosheim, Comment, de Rebus, conjecture of Dr. Mosheim. and others, which
&c., p. 540-547, and still more fully by Dr. however is expressly denied by Jerome, (Ep.
Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 29, ad Paulam, Opp., vol. iv., t. ii., p. 68
328-384.— Schl.] and 480, ed Martianay), Damnatur a Deme-
(23) [Dr. Moaheim is singular in this opin- trio episcopo ; exceptis Palx>stinse et Arabia
ion ; which he defends at great length, in et Phosnices atque Achaiae sacerdotibus, in
his Comment, de Rebus, &c., p. 671, &c., damnationem ejus (leg. orbis) consentit :
in opposition to the express testimony of urbs Roma ipsa contra hunc cogit senatum,
Eusebins, H. E., vi., 8, and Jerome, Epist. non propter dogmafum novitatem, non prop-
29, Opp., torn, iv., part ii., p. 68. If Dcmc- tcr hctresiit, ut nunc rabidi canes simulant,
trius was not envious of the growing repu- sed quia gloriam eloquentia? ejus et scientise
tation of Origen, or otherwise affected by ferre nonpoterant, et illo dicente omnes muti
personal antipathy, it seems impossible to putabantur. — Neither is it certain, that De-
account for the rancour he manifested. — metrius assembled two councils in the case
Tr.] of Origen. See C. W. F. Walch, Historie
(24) This account is derived from the ori- der Kirchenversamml., p. 92, &c. — Tr.]
188 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
CHAPTER IV.
HISTOKY OF RELIGIOUS RITES.
$ 1. Rites multiplied. — § 2. Public Worship. — § 3. Administration of the Sacred Sup-
per.— § 4. Baptism. — § 5. Various other Rites.
§ 1. ALL the monuments of this century which have come down to us,
show that there was a great increase of ceremonies. To the causes here-
tofore mentioned, may be added the passion for Platonic philosophy, or
rather, the popular superstition of the Oriental nations respecting demons,
which was adopted by the Platonists, and received from them by the Chris-
tian doctors. For from these opinions concerning the nature and the pro-
pensities of evil spirits, many of these rites evidently took their rise.
Hence arose the public exorcisms, the multiplication of fasts, and the aver-
sion to matrimony. Hence the caution not to have intercourse with those
who were either not yet baptized, or had been excluded from the commu.
nion of the church, because such were considered as under the power of
some evil spirit. And to pass over other things, hence the painful auster-
ities and penances which were enjoined upon oifenders.(l)
§ 2. That the Christians now had in most provinces certain edifices in
which they assembled for religious worship, will be denied by no candid
and impartial person. Nor would I contend strenuously, against those
who think these edifices were frequently adorned with images and other
ornaments.(2) As to the forms of public worship, and the times(3) set
apart for it, it is unnecessary here to be particular, as little alteration was
made in this century. Yet two things deserve notice. First, the public
discourses to the people underwent a change. For not to mention Origen,
who was the first so far as we know that made long discourses in public,
and in his discourses expounded the sacred volume, there were certain
bishops, who being educated in the schools of the rhetoricians, framed
their addresses and exhortations according to the rules of Grecian elo-
quence, and their example met the most ready approbation. Secondly ;
the use of incense was now introduced, at least into many churches. Very
learned men have denied this fact ; but they do it in the face of testimony
which is altogether unexceptionable. (4)
§ 3. To the celebration of the Lord's supper, those who conducted re-
(1) Whoever desires to look farther into (4) Wm. Beveridge, ad Canon, iii. Apos-
this subject, may consult Porphyry, on Ab- tol., p. 461, and his Codex Canon, vindica-
stinence from flesh, and various passages in tus, p. 78. [The Christians originally ab-
Eusebius, Prseparat. Evang., and Theodoret ; horred the use of incense in public worship,
and compare them with the Christian insti- as being a part of the worship of idols. See
tutions. Tcrtullian, Apolog., c. 42, and de Corona
(2) [Yet there is most ground for the neg- militis, c. 10. Yet they permitted its use
ative. — Von Ein.] at funerals, against offensive smells. After-
(3) [The regular seasons for public wor- wards it was used at the induction of magis-
ship were all Sundays, Good Friday, Easter, trates and bishops, and also in public worship,
and Whitsunday. See Origr.n,ag. Celsus.b. to temper the bad air of crowded assemblies
viii., p. 833. The anniversaries of the local in hot countries, and at last it degenerated
martyrdoms were also observed. — Von Bin.] into a superstitious rite. — SchL]
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 189
ligious worship annexed longer prayers and more of ceremony ; and this,
I suppose, with no bad intentions. Neither those doing penance, nor those
not yet baptized, were allowed to be present at the celebration of this or-
dinance ; which practice, it is well known, was derived from the pagan
mysteries. (5) That golden and silver vessels were used in the ordinance,
is testified among others by Prudentius ;(6) and I see no reason to doubt
the fact in respect to the more opulent Christian churches. The time of
its administration was different, according to the state and circumstances
of the churches. Some deemed the morning, some the afternoon, and
some the evening, to be the most suitable time for its celebration. (7)
Neither were all agreed, how often this most sacred ordinance should be
repeated. (8) But all believed it absolutely necessary to the attainment of
salvation ; and therefore they universally wished infants to partake of
it. (9) In some places the sacred feasts preceded, and in others followed
the Lord's supper. (10)
§ 4. Baptism was publicly administered twice a year, to such candi-
dates as had gone through a long preparation and trial ;(11) and none
were present as spectators, but such as had been themselves baptized.
The effect of baptism was supposed to be the remission of sins : and it was
believed that the bishop, by the imposition of hands and by prayer, confer,
red those gifts of the Holy Spirit which were necessary for living a holy
life. (12) Of the principal ceremonies attending baptism, we have before
spoken ; [Century II., Part II., Ch. IV., § 13, p. 137]. A few things how.
ever must here be added. None were admitted to the sacred font, until
the exorcist, by a solemn menacing formula, had declared them free from
bondage to the prince of darkness and now servants of God. For when
the opinion had become prevalent among Christians, ihat rational souls
originated from God himself, and were therefore in themselves holy, pure,
and possessed of free will, either the evil propensities in man must b^ con-
sidered as arising from the body and from matter, or some evil spirit
must be supposed to possess the souls of men, and impel them to sin. The
(5) [See Christ. Matth. Pfaff, Diss. 2 de Antiquitates Eccles., b. xv., ch. 4, $ 7. —
praejudic. theolog., § 13, p. 149, &c., and Schl.]
Jos. Btngham, Antiquitates Eccles., 1. x., (10) [Ckrysostom, Homil. 22, oportet
c. 5. — Schl.] haereses esse, Opp., torn, v.— Schl.]
(6) Tlcpl fetiav. Hymn, ii., p. 60, ed. (11) [In the Apostolic Constitutions, b.
Hei.isii, [and Optatu-* Mi'evit. de schismate viii., ch. 32, a three years' preparation was
Doridti-t., c. 12, p. 17. — Sr.hl.] enjoined; yet with allowance of some ex-
(7) [See Cyp~ian,ep. 63, p. 104.— Schl.] ceptions.— SchL]
(8) [It was commonly administered every (12) This may be placed beyond all con-
Sunday, as well as on other festival days ; troversy by many passages from the fathers
and in times of persecution, daily. See Cyp- of this century. And as it will conduce
rian, de Oralione Domin., p. 209 ; ep. 56, much to an unders;and;ng of the thcolog-/ of
p. 90 ; cp. 54, p. 78 ; ed. Baluze. — Schl.] the ancieiits, which diffeied in many respect*
(9) [They believed that this ordinance from ours, I will adduce a single passage
rendered persons immortal ; and that dueh from Cyprian. It is in his Epist. 73, p.
as never partook of it, had no hopes of a res- 131 Manifestum est autem, ubi et per
urrection. Hence Dionysius Alex., (cited quos rcmissa peccatorum dari poss:t, quae in
by Euxcb., H. E., vii., 11), calls it aiatiijrriv baptismo scilicet datur. — Qui vero praepos-
fitTu. r» Kvpi* <rn>^yvyf;v. That children itis ecclesiae orTeruntur, per noslram oratio-
a!so pa-took of it, is testified by Cyprian, de ncm et rnar.us impositionem Spiritnm Snnc-
Lapsis, p. 184 and 189 ed. Baluze See turn ccmsequuntur. See also a passage from
1'. Ztrrfs Historia Eucharist, infartum, c. Dionyfiu* Alex. iaEusebius, Hist. Lccles.,
4, $ 1, &.c., and c. 6, $ 3 ; also J. Bingham, 1. vii., c. 8.
190 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
Gnostics all embraced the first supposition ; but the Catholics could in no
wise embrace it, because they held that matter was created by God and
was not eternal. They had therefore to embrace the second supposition,
and to imagine some evil demon, the author of sin and of all evil, to be
resident in all vicious persons. (13) The persons baptized returned home,
decorated with a crown and a white robe ; the first being indicative of
their victory over the world and their lusts, the latter of their acquired in-
nocence.(14)
§ 5. To fasting greater sanctity and necessity were now attributed,
than heretofore ; because it was the general belief that demons laid fewer
snares for the abstemious and those who fared hard, than for the full fed
or such as lived generously. (15) The Latins were singular in keeping
every seventh day of the week as a fast ;(16) and as the Greek and Ori-
ental Christians would not imitate them in this, it afforded abundant matter
for altercation between them. — Ordinarily Christians prayed three times a
day, at the third, sixth, and ninth hours, [9 A.M., 12 Noon, and 3 P.M.]
as was the custom of the Jews. Besides these regular hours of prayer,
they prayed much and often ; for they considered it the highest duty of a
religious man to hold converse with God. (17) On joyful and festive oc-
casions, while giving thanks to God, they thought it suitable to pray stand-
ing, thus expressing their joy and confidence by the posture of their bod-
ies. But on sorrowful occasions and seasons of fasting and humiliation,
they were accustomed to make their supplications on their bended knees
or prostrate, to indicate self-abasement. (18) That certain forms of prayer
were everywhere used, both in public and in private, I have no doubt ;(19)
but I am likewise confident, that many persons poured out the feelings of
their hearts before God in free and unpremeditated effusions. In the sign
of the cross, they supposed there was great efficacy against all sorts of
(13) That exorcism was not annexed to (19) [In the earliest times, exclusive of
baptism, till some time in the third century, the short introductory salutation : Pax vo-
and after the admission of the Platonic phi- biscum, &c., no established forms of prayer
losophy into the church, may almost be were used in public worship, but the bishop
demonstrated. The ceremonies used at or presbyter poured forth extempore prayers,
baptism in the second century, are described See Justin Martyr, Apology ii. The Lord's
by Jus/in Martyr, in his second apology, and prayer was used, not only as a pattern, but
by Tertullian, in his book de Corona militis. also as a formula of prayer. Yet only the
But neither makes any mention of exorcism, baptized, and not the catechumens, might
T'.is is a cogent argument, to prove that it utter it. Tertullian, de Oratione, c. 1, 9.
was admitted by Christians, after the times Cyprian, de Oratione Domin. Constilutt.
of these fathers, and of course in the third Apostol., 1. vii., c. 44. Afterwards various
century. Egypt perhaps first received it. forms were gradually introduced, and partic-
(14) [Perhaps also of their freedom. — See ularly short prayers, derived from passages
C. G. Sckwarz, Diss. de ceremoniis et for- of scripture. When greater uniformity in
mulis a veterum manumissione ad Baptis- the churcb.es as to ceremonies was intro-
mum translatis. Cyprian refers to the white duced, the smaller churches had to regulate
garments ; de I.apsis, p. 181. — SchL] their forms of prayer conform ib!y to those
(15) Clementina, Homil. ix., $ 9, p f>88, of the larger churches, and of course to adopt
&c. Porphyry, de Abstine.itia, lib. iv., p. the formulas of the metropolitan churches.
417, &c., and others. Origen, contra Celsnin, 1. vi., and Homilia
(16) [See Concilium Eliberitanum, Can- xi. in Jerem. EuseUus, de Vita Constan-
on 26.— Schl.] tini Mag., 1. iv., c. 19, 20, 17. Hist. EC-
(17) [See Cyprian, de Oratione, p. 214. cles., !. ii., c. 17. Lauantius. de Morte
• — Schl.] persecutor., c. 46, 47. See Baumgarteri's
(19) [See Cyprian, de Oratione, p 214, Erliiuterung der christlichen Alterthiimer, p.
and Constitute Apostol., 1. ii., c. 59.— ScU.] 432. — Schl.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 101
evils, and particularly against the machinations of evil spirits ; and there-
fore no one undertook anything of much moment, without first crossing
himself. (20) — Other ceremonies I pass without notice.
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF DIVISIONS OR HERESIES IN THE CHURCH.
$ 1. Remains of the Ancient Sects. — $ 2. Manes and the Manichaeans. — $ 3. His Prin-
ciples.— § 4. His Doctrine concerning\Man. — $ 5. Concerning the Nature of Christ and
of the Holy Spirit. — $ 6. Concerning the Offices of Christ and the Comforter. — $ 7.
Concerning the Purification and Future Condition of Souls. — $ 8. Concerning the State
of Souls not Purified. — $ 9. His Opinion of the Old and New Testaments — 10. The
Seventy of his Moral Principles, and the Classification of his Followers. — $ 1 1 . The
Sect of the Hieracites.— <J 12. The Noetian Controversy. — § 13. gabellius. — $ 14. Be-
ryllus. — § 15. Paul of Samosata. — § 16. Disturbances in Arabia. — $ 17. Novatian Con-
troversy.— § 18. Severities of the Novatians towards the Lapsed.
§ 1. MOST of the sects which disquieted the church in the preceding
centuries, caused it various troubles also in this. For the energies of the
Montanists, Valentinians, Marcionites, and other Gnostics, were not wholly
subdued by the numerous discussions of their tenets. Adelphius and Aqui-
linus of the Gnostic tribe, but very little known, endeavoured to insinuate
themselves and their doctrines into the esteem of the public at Rome and
in Italy.(l) But these and others of the same clan, were resisted by Plo-
linus himself, the coryphaeus of the Platonists of this age, and by his disci-
pies, with no less boldness and energy than the orthodox Christians w^re
accustomed to manifest. For the philosophical opinions of this faction, con-
cerning God, the origin of the world, the nature of evil, and other subjects,
could not possibly meet the approbation of the Platonists. These united
forces of the Christians and the philosophers, were doubtless competent to
bring the Gnostics, gradually, to lose all credit and influence among the
well informed.(2)
(20) [The Christians at first used the sign and Lactantiiis, Institut., 1. iv., c. 27, 28.
of the cross, to bring to remembrance the — Schl.]
atoning death of Christ on all occasions. (1) Porphyry, Vita Plotini, c. 16, p. 118,
Hence Tcrtullian, de Corona militis, c. 3, &c.
p. 121, says: ad omnem progressum atque (2) The book of Plotinus against the Gnos-
promotum, ad omnem aditum et exitum, ad tics, is still extant among his works. En-
vestit'jrn, ad calciatum. ad lavacra, ad men- nead ii., lib. ix., p 213, &c. [Dr. Semler,
s"s, ad lumina, ad cubilia, ad scdilia, quae- in his Historiae Eccies. Selecta Capita, vol.
cunque nos conversatio exercct, fro-.item cru- i., p. 81, conjectures, and not without reason,
cis sigraculo terimus. Compare alsq his that the Gnostics, and all the assailants of
work, ad Uxorem, lib. ii. So Icte as the t!<e Gu' Tes'a.i.cnt, lost their power, after
second ccnt-iry. the Ohristiars attached no Ori^en introduced the allegorical and tropo-
partinidr virtue to the sign of the n.roas, and logica. m^dc or PT- oundiug Scripture, and
they paid it. no adoration. See Tertuiliar, extended it in soiiie measure to the history
Apologet., c. 16, and ad Naticnes, c. 12. of Chri.-t. And as he further supposes, the
But afterwards, powerful ffficacy began to labours of Dionysius Alex, and other !eam-
be ascribed to it. See Cyprian, Testimo- ed fathers, e. g. Dorothcus, a presbyter of
nia adv. Judaeos, 1. ii., c. 21, 22, p. 294, Aniioch. (who understood the Hebrew ; z?tf
192
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 2. While the Christians were struggling with these corrupters of the
truth, and were on the point of gaining the victory, [a little past the mid-
dle of the century], a new enemy, more fierce and dangerous than those,
suddenly appeared in the field. .Manes,(3) whom his disciples also called
Manictuzus,(ty a Persian,(5) educated among the Magi, and himself one
of the Magi before he became a Christian, was instructed in all the sci-
ences and arts that were in repute among the Persians and the adjacent
nations, and was an astronomer, (though a rude one), a physician, a paint-
er, and a philosopher ; but he had an exuberant imagination, and, as ap-
pears very probable, was delirious and fanatical. This man adventured
to combine the principles of the Magi with Christianity, or rather to ex-
plain the latter by the former. To facilitate the accomplishment of this
object, he gave out that Christ had left the way of salvation imperfectly
explained, and that he himself was the Paraclete whom the Saviour prom-
ised to send to his disciples when he left the world. Many were seduced
by his eloquence, his grave aspect, and the simplicity and innocence of his
life ; and in a short time he established a sect. But at last, he was put to
death by Varanes I., king of the Persians. The cause, time, and manner
of his execution are variously stated by the ancients. (6)
sebius, H. E., vii., 32), may have contributed
much to diminish the Gnostic party, as they
carried investigation farther, and more lucid-
ly confuted the Jesvish notions, and at the
same time approximated a little towards the
Gnostic doctrines concerning the Son of
God. Hence it is, we hear no more about
the Gnostics in this century ; and the few
who still remained, united themselves with
the Manichaeans. — Schl.]
(3) [The Oriental writers call him Mani ;
(Hyde, de Relig. vet. Persarum, c. 21, and
de Herbelot, Bibliotheque Oriertale, art. Ma-
ni) ; but the Greeks and Latins call him Ma-
vris, Mavftf, and Manes. See Dr. Walch,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 691. —
SM.]
(4) [See the Acta Archelai, c. 5, 49.
Augustine, de Haeresib., c. 46, and contra
Faustum, lib. xix., c. 22. — SchL]
(5) [Notwithstanding the Greek and Ori-
ental writers represent Manes as being a
Persian, Dr. Walch, (Historic der Ketzer-
eyen, vol. i ,p. 71)8), and Beausobre, (Histoire
critique de Maniche°, tome i., p 66), think
it more probable that he was a Chaldean ;
because Ephraim Syrus expressly so states,
Opp. Syro- Latin-, torn, ii., p 468, and be-
cause Arr.hdaus, in his Acta cum Manete,
c. 36, charges Manes with understanding no
language but that of the Chaldees. — Schl.]
(6) All that is extant concerning the life,
the deeds, and the doctrines of this very
singular genius, has been carefully collect-
ed, and reviewed ingeni 'jsly — though often
with more ingenuity and copiousness than
weie necessary — by James dc Beausobre, in
his Histoire critique de Maoichee et du Ma-
nicheisme, published at Amsterdam, 1734-
39, 2 vols. 4to. — [Whoever would gain the
best acquaintance with the history of Manes
and the Manic fueans, may consult, besides
Beausobre, ubi supra, the long essay of
Dr. Mosheim, in his Comment, de Rebus,
&c., p. 728-903 ; Jo. Christ. Wolf, Maui-
chaeismus ante Manichaeos, &c., Hamb.,
1707, 8vo ; Nath. Lardner's Credibility of
the Gospel History, part ii., vol. iii., p. 364—
753; and Dr. C.'W. F. WalcWs Entwurf
einer vollstandigen Historic der Ketzereyen,
vol. i., p. 685-814. These principal writers
being consulted, all the rest may be neglect-
ed. The last of these works has the great
advantage, that it concentrates, arranges
properly, criticises acutely and solidly, and
expresses in a lucid and agreenbli stj le, all
that has been said on the subject by the
useful Wolf, the agreeable and learned but
prolix Beausobre, the acute Mosheim, and
the solid and critical Lardner. — Von Ein.
More recent writers may be consulted, viz.,
A.Neander, Kirchengesc!)., bd. i., abth. ii.,
s. 813-856, and K. A. Frcih. v. Keichlinn
Meldcgg, die Theclogie des Magiers Manes
und ihr Ursprung, Frankfort a. M., 1825,
8vo — Tr.
The original sources for the history of
Manes and his sect according to Mosheim,
Comment, de Rebus, &c.,p. 729, &c., are,
besides the ancient historical writers, Epi-
phanius, Augustine, Euscbius, Theodoret,
Darnascenus, and Philastrius, (I.) what re-
mains of the writings of Manes himself and
his followers ; viz.. (a) Manctis Epistola
Fundamenti, in Augustine, contra Ep. Fun-
damenti ; (b) a fragment of his Sermo de
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
103
§ 3. The religious system of Manes is a compound of Christianity and
Fide, in Epiphanius, Hacrcs. Ixvi., 14 ; (c)
his Epistola ad Marcellum, in the Acta Ar-
chclai cum Manete, p. 6, ed. Zaccag. ; (d)
some fragments of his Epistola, ad Menoch.
in Augustine, adv. Julianum Pelagian. ; (e)
several extracts from his Epistles, in J. A.
Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. v., p. 284 ; (f )
Acta disputationis Archclai, Eptsc. Mcso-
pot. cum Manete, inter Collectanea monu-
mentor. veteris Eccles. Graecae et Latinae,
published by L.A. Zaccagnius, Rome, 1698,
4to ; also, inter Opp. Hippolyti, vol. ii , ed.
Fabricii. (The genuineness of these Acta is
questioned by Beausobre ; but without good
reason); (g) many quotations from Faus-
tus the Manichaean, in Augustine's thirty-
three Books contra Faustum Manichaeum ;
(h) various statements of his antagonists,
contained in Augustine's two Books, de Ac-
tis cum Felice Manichaeo ; and in his book
contra Fortunatum Manichaeum. — (II.) the
writings of the fathers, who attempted to
confute Manes and his followers ; viz. (a)
divine impulse. The king of Persia threw
him into prison ; but for what cause is un-
known. The Greek writers, (especially Ar-
chclaus, in his Acta cum Manete, who fur-
nished the other Greek and Latin writers
with nearly all the historical facts they state),
represent that he was imprisoned, because,
having promised to cure the king's son, he
failed, and caused the death of the young
prince. A different account is given by the
Oriental writers, (Persian, Syrian, and Ara-
bian, cited by De Herbelot, Bibliotheque Ori-
ent., art. Mani ; Tho. Hyde, Historia relig.
veter. Persarum, c. 21. Euscb. Rcnaudot,
Historia Patriarch. Alexandrinor., p. 42.
Edw. Pocock, Specimen Hist. Arabum, p.
149, &c.) They state that Manes, coming
to the court of King Sapor, was received
kindly ; and that his doctrines were em-
braced by the monarch. Hereupon Manes
became so bold as publicly to attack the Per-
sian religion. This drew on him persecu-
tion, and so endangered his life that he was
^.vuauiiv .i'*U'/ti*o otiu ma twHwwyAV , *J£>. V / nv/u, ai*u o^ ^iiuaii±'(»iv\j 1110 u*v t-uafc lie, n 09
Augustine, de Haeresibus, and in the works obliged to flee into Turkistan. Here he col-
above mentioned, (I. a, g, and h.) — (b) Tilus
of Dostra, libri iii., contra Manichaeos, Gr.
and Lat., inter Lectiones Antiquas, ed. Ca-
nisii; et denuo. J. Basnagii, torn, i., p. 156,
&c. ; (c) Didymus Alexandrinus, Liber con-
tra Manichaeos, Gr. and Lat., in the same
Lectiones Antiq., torn, i., p. 197 ; (d) Al-
exander Lycopolitanus, the philosopher, Li-
ber contra Mamchaei opiniones, Gr. and Lat.,
in the Auctarium noviss. Biblioth. Patr., ed.
Combejis, torn, ii., p. 260.— Tr.
In regard to the history of Manes, there is
much disagreement between the Oriental and
Grecian writers. Yet in the particulars sta-
ted in the text, there is no disagreement.
We will extract from Moshciin's Comment-
aries, p. 734, &c., so much as is necessary
to give a full history of this extraordinary
man. — Manes, on meeting with the books of
the Christians, found that the religion they
contained, coincided with his philosophy in
some respects, and contradicted it in others.
He determined to unite the two together, to
enlarge and improve the one by the other,
and thus to give the world a new religion.
He began by giving out that he was the
Paraclete, (6 irapu.K?.i]Toc, John xvi , 7, 13,
&c.), and perhaps he really supposed he
was so. But he was not so deranged and
carried away by his imagination, as to be
unable to frame a consistent system, and to
discover what would tend to confirm it, and
what to weaken it. He therefore rejected or
altered snch books of the Christians as con-
travened his opinions, and substituted others
in their place, particularly those which he
pretended were written by himself under a
VOL. I.— B B
lected many followers, and spent a whole
year in a cave, where he composed his book
entitled Erteng or Arzeug, i. e., the Gospel,
and which is adorned with splendid paintings.
This book he represented to be a gift of God.
In the mean time Sapor died, and was suc-
ceeded by his son Hormisdas ; who was so
favourable to Manes, as to embrace his reli-
gion, and to allow him to build a castle in
which he might be safe from all plots. Per-
haps Hormisdas was a favourer of Manes,
in the lifetime of his father. And Dr. Mo-
sheim conjectures. (Comment., &c., p. 739),
that the Grecian story of his fatal attempt to
cure the king's son, was an Oriental allego-
ry, which the Greeks construed literally ;
that the disease was ignorance, the medicine
instruction, the physician the teacher, and
the death of the patient his apostacy from the
religion of his progenitors : [all of which is
very improbable, and indeed inconsistent ;
for the king, having himself embraced the
doctrine of Manes, would not have impris-
oned him, for converting his son to the same
religion.] — After the death of Hormisdas,
Veranes I. succeeded to the throne. He
was at first well disposed towards Manes,
but soon turned against him and determined
on his destruction. For this purpose he al-
lured him from his safe retreat, under pre-
tence of a disputation with the Magi, and
caused him to be put to death as a perverter
of the true religion. This took place in the
year 278 ; or, according to Dr. Walch,
(Hist, der Ketzereyen, vol. i. p. 724), in the
year 277. — The shocking fate of Manes,
rather animated than terrified his follower*.
1&4 BOOK I.— CENTURY HI.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
the ancient philosophy of the Persians, which he had imbibed in early life.
What the Persians relate concerning their Mithras, Manes applied to Christ.
According to his views and those of the Persians, there are two first princi-
ples of all things, a subtile and very pure substance or light, and a gross
and corrupt substance or darkness. Over each of these a Lord has reigned
from all eternity. The Lord of light, is denominated God ; the regent of
the world of darkness, is called Hyle [yXr], matter}, or dcemon [the devil.]
These two lords are of opposite natures and dispositions. The Lord of
light, as he is himself happy, so he is beneficent ; the Lord of darkness,
being himself miserable, is malignant, and wishes others also to be miser-
able. Each has produced a numerous progeny of his own peculiar char-
acter, and distributed them over his empire.
§ 4. For a long period of time, the Prince of darkness was ignorant
of the existence of light, and of the world of light. But on occasion of a
war that arose in his kingdom, he gained some knowledge of the light ; and
on discovering it, he was eager to get possession of it. The Lord of light
opposed him with an army ; but the general of the celestial army, whose
name was The first Man, was rather unsuccessful ; and the troops of dark-
ness succeeded in getting possession of a considerable portion of the ce-
lestial elements, and of light itself, which is an animate substance ; and
these they mixed with depraved matter. The next general on the side of
the world of light, called The living Spirit, conducted the war more suc-
cessfully ; yet he was unable to liberate the celestial substance that was now
in combination with the vicious elements. The vanquished Prince of dark-
ness produced the parents of the human race. The men who are born of
this stock, consist of a body formed from the depraved matter of the world
of darkness, and of two souls, the one sensitive and concupiscent which
they derived from the Prince of darkness, the other rational and immortal,
it being a particle of that divine light which was plundered by the army
of darkness and immersed in matter.
§ 5. Men being thus formed by the Prince of darkness, and minds,
which were the daughters of eternal light, being enclosed in their bodies,
God now, by the living Spirit who had before vanquished the Prince of
darkness, formed this our earth out of vicious matter, that it might be-
come the residence of the human race, and might afford God advantages
for gradually delivering souls from their bodies, and separating the good
matter from the bad. Afterwards God produced from himself two majestic
beings, who should afford succour to the souls immured in bodies ; name-
ly, Christ and the Holy Spirit. Christ is the being, whom the Persians
call Mithras : he is a most splendid substance, consisting of the purest light
of God, self-existant, animate, excelling in wisdom, and having his resi-
dence in the sun. The Holy Spirit likewise is an animate and lucid sub-
stance, which is diffused through the whole atmosphere that encompasses
our earth, warms and enlightens the souls of men, fecundates the earth, eli-
cits gradually from it the latent particles of divine fire, and wafts them up-
ward, that they may return to their native world.
The most able and eloquent of them roamed lytes. And notwithstanding all the persecu-
through Syria, Persia, Egypt, Africa, and tions that have befallen them, their descend-
over most parts of the world ; and by the ants exist to this day, in the mountains be-
severity of their morals and the simplicity of tween Persia and India. — Schl.]
their religion, they everywhere made prose-
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 195
§ 6. After God had, for a long time, admonished the captive souls im-
mured in bodies, by the ministry of angels and by men instructed by him-
self; he at length, in order to accelerate their return to the heavenly coun-
try, directed Christ his son to descend from the sun to this our world. He
being clad in the form and shadow of a human body, but not joined to a
real body, appeared among the Jews, pointed out the way in which souls may
extricate themselves from the body, and proved his divinity(7) by his mir-
acles. But the Prince of darkness instigated the Jews to crucify him.
This punishment however he did not actually endure, because he had not
a body ; but the people supposed he was crucified. Having accomplished
his embassy, Christ returned to the sun, his former residence ; and left in
charge to his apostles to propagate the religion he had taught them, through-
out the world. Moreover, when about to depart, he promised to send, at
some time, a greater and more perfect apostle whom he called the Para-
clete, who should add many things to the precepts he had delivered, and
dispel all errors in regard to religious subjects. This Paraclete promised
by Christ, was Manes the Persian, who by command of God explained the
whole doctrine of salvation, perfectly, and without any ambiguity or con-
cealment.
§ 7. The souls which believe Jesus Christ to be the Son of God, cease
from worshipping the God of the Jews, (who is no other than the Prince
of darkness), obey the laws which were given by Christ and enlarged and
explained by Manes the Paraclete, and perseveringly resist the lusts of the
evil soul, these shall gradually become purified from the contaminations
of base matter. Yet the entire purgation of the soul cannot be effected
in the present life. Therefore souls, when freed from the body, must un-
dergo a twofold purification after death, before they are admitted into the
world of light ; the first purification is by sacred water, and the second by
sacred fire. They first go to the moon, which consists of sacred water,
and are there purified during fifteen days ; thence they proceed to the sun,
whose \\o\yjire entirely removes all their remaining pollution. The bod-
ies which they left behind, being formed of base matter, revert back to
their original mass.
§ 8. But the souls which have neglected the means for their purgation,
will, after death, pass into other bodies, either of animals or of other be-
ings, until they become cleansed. Some also being peculiarly depraved,
will be delivered over to the evil demons inhabiting our atmosphere, to be
tormented for a season. When the greater part of the souls shall be lib-
erated and be restored to the world of light, then, at the command of God,
infernal fire will burst from the caverns in which it is contained, and
will burn up and destroy the fabric of this world. After these events, the
Prince and powers of darkness will be compelled to retire to their wretch-
ed country, where they must remain for ever. For to prevent their again
waging war against the world of light, God will encompass the world of
darkness with an invincible guard. That is to say, the souls whose sal-
(7) [Not his Divinity : for this, in the true p. 69. They believed that the light of the
and proper sense of the word, the Manichae- Son might be obscured by intervening mat-
ans could not predicate of Christ, nor of the ter, but that the light of the Father could
Holy Ghost. They held neither of them to not. See Moshcim, Comment, de Rebus,
be more ancient than the world. See For- <tc,, p. 775, &c. — SchL]
tunatus, in his dispute with Augustine I.,
196 BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
vation has become desperate, will keep watch like soldiers about the world
of darkness, so that its miserable inhabitants can no more go out.
§ 9. To give some plausibility to these monstrous opinions, Manes re-
jected nearly all the sacred books, in which the Christians believed their
religion was contained. The Old Testament especially, he pronounced to
be the work, not of God, but of the Prince of darkness, whom he represent-
ed the Jews as worshipping in place of the true God. The four histories
of Christ which we call Gospels, he either denied to have been composed
by the apostles, or he maintained that if they were so, they had been cor-
rupted, interpolated, and stuffed with Jewish fables by crafty and deceitful
men. In place of them he substituted another Gospel, which he denom-
inated Erteng, and which he affirmed had been dictated to him by God him-
self. The Acts of the Apostles he wholly rejected. The Epistles which
are ascribed to St. Paul, he admitted to have been written by him, but
maintained that they were adulterated. What he thought of the other books
of the New Testament, we are not informed.
§ 10. The rules of life which Manes prescribed for his followers, were
peculiarly rigorous and severe. For he directed them to mortify and ma-
cerate the body, which he regarded as the very essence of evil, and the
work of the Prince of darkness ; to deprive it of every convenience and
gratification, to extirpate every sensual appetite, and to divest themselves
of all the propensities and instincts of nature. But as he foresaw that he
could expect few to embrace his system, if he imposed upon all without
discrimination such severe rules of life, he divided his followers into two
classes, the elect and the hearers, that is, the perfect Christians and the imper-
fect.(8) The former, or the elect, were to abstain from flesh, eggs, milk,
fish, wine, and every inebriating drink, from marriage, and from every indul-
gence of sexual passions, to live in the most abject poverty, to sustain their
emaciated bodies with bread, herbs, pulse and melons, to abstain from all
active life, and to be devoid both of love and hatred. A milder rule was pre-
scribed for the hearers. They might possess houses, lands, and goods, eat
flesh, though sparingly, and marry wives : yet even these indulgences had
their limitations. The whole body of Manichaeans were subjected to one
president, who represented Jesus Christ ; with him were connected twelve
masters, or rulers, who represented the twelve apostles ; next to these, there
were seventy-two bishops, corresponding with the seventy-two disciples of
Christ ; and under each bishop, there were presbyters and deacons. All
these officers were from the class of the elect.(9)
(8) [The elect were also called t\& faithful, der Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 685-814. From
or believers; and the hearers were called cat- both, we extract the following notices, re-
echumens. The former were either baptized, specting the worship of this sect. They rev-
or unbaptized. If baptized, they could not erenced the sun and the moon, though they
change their condition ; if unbaptized, they did not account them deities. Their worship
might return to the class of hearers, if they was so simple, that they claimed to be farther
found themselves unable to endure the rig- removed from paganism, than all other Chris-
orous discipline of the perfect. See Mo- tians. They had no temples, no altars, no-
sheim, Comment, de Rebus Christianor., images, no oblations, and no burning of in-
&c., p. 896, &c. — Schl.] cense. They observed Sundays, which they
(9) All these particulars are more fully kept as fasts. But they observed none of
stated, and supported by citations from anti- the Christian festivals, which relate to the
quity, in my Comment, de Rebus Christia- incarnation and baptism of Christ. They
nor., &c., [pa. 728-903— with which, the celebrated the memorial of Christ's death,
reader should compare Dr. Walch's Historie but with little of devotion. Whether they
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 197
§11. The sect of the Hieracites was formed in Egypt, near the close
of this century, by Hierax of Leontopolis, who was a bookmaker by
trade, a man of learning and venerable for the visible sanctity of his de-
portment. Many have supposed that this sect was a branch of the Man-
ichaean family, but erroneously ; for though Hierax held some notions in
common with Manes, yet he differed from him in many respects. He be-
lieved it was the great business of Christ to promulge a new law, more
perfect and more strict than that of Moses. And hence he concluded that
Christ had prohibited to his followers, marriage, flesh, wine, and whatever
was grateful to the senses or the body : which things had been allowed of
by Moses, but were abrogated by Christ. Yet if we duly consider all ac-
counts, we shall conclude that Hierax, as well as Manes, did not suppose
these severe injunctions were imposed by Christ on all his followers, but
only on those who aspired after the highest attainments in virtue. To
this radical error, he added others either growing out of it, or originating
from other sources. For example, he excluded infants, who died before
they came to the use of reason, from the kingdom of heaven ; because di-
vine rewards could be due to none but such as had actually passed through
regular conflicts with the body and its lusts. He also maintained, that
Melchisedek, the king of Salem who blessed Abraham, was the Holy Spirit.
The resurrection of the body, he denied ; and the whole sacred volume,
especially its historical parts, he obscured with allegorical interpreta-
tions.^)
§ 12. The controversies respecting the divine Trinity, which commenced
in the preceding century, from the time when Grecian philosophy got into
the church, had a wider spread in this century, and produced various meth.
ods of explaining that doctrine. First, [in the early part of the century],
Noetus, a man of whom little is known, a native of Smyrna, maintained
that God himself, whom he denominated the Father, and held to be abso-
lutely one and indivisible ; united himself with the man Christ, whom he
called the Son ; and, in him, was born and suffered. From this dogma of
Noetus, his adherents were called Patripassians ; i. e., persons who held
that the great Parent of the universe himself, and not merely some one per-
son of the Godhead, had made expiation for the sins of men. Nor were
they unfitly denominated so, if the ancients correctly understood their
views.(ll)
observed Easter, is uncertain. But they ob- exception, all they state. [See Moshcim, de
served the anniversary of Manes' death, Rebus Christianor., &c., p. 903-910. Dr.
which they called Bama, (/3^a), with great Walck, Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. i., p.
devotion. Fasting was one of their most 815-823. Tillemont, Mem. pour servir a
important religious exercises. They kept 1'Hist. Eccles., torn, iv., p. 411, and Lardr-
sacred Sundays and Mondays. They made ner^s Credibility of the Gospel Hist., pt. ii.,
use of baptism; but did not baptize either vol. vi , p. 76, &c. — Schl. Also A. Nean-
children, or grown persons who were only der, Kirchengesch., b. i., abth. iii., s. 1218-
hearers ; and even to the elect, it was left 1223. — Tr.]
optional, whether they would be baptized (11) See Hippolytus, Sermo contra Hae-
or not. The elect observed likewise the resin Noeti, in his Opp., torn, ii., p. 5, ed.
Lord's Supper ; though it is not known what Fabricii; Epiphanius, Haeres. Ivii., Opp.,
they used in place of wine, which was with torn, i., p. 479; Theodoret, haeret. Fabul.,
them altogether prohibited. — ScW.] 1. iii., c. 3, Opp., torn, iv., p. 227. — [Noe-
(10) Eptphanius, Haeres Ixvii., [and An- tus so held the unity of God, as to discard
gvstine, de Haeresib., c. 47], from whom the orthodox opinion of a plurality of persons
nearly all others have borrowed, with little in the Godhead. In fact he acknowledged
198
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 13. After the middle of the century appeared Sabellius, an African
presbyter or bishop, at Ptolemais, the principal city in Pentapolis, a province
of Libya Cyrenaica. He explained what the scriptures teach concerning
the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, in a manner somewhat different from
Noetus ; and notwithstanding he was confuted by Dionysius of Alexandria,
he gathered a number of followers. Noetus had supposed that God the
Father, personally, assumed the human nature of Christ ; but Sabellius held
that only a certain energy, put forth by the supreme Parent, or a certain
portion of the divine nature, being separated from it, became united with
the Son or the man Christ. And the Holy Spirit he considered as being
a similar portion or part of the eternal Father. (12) Hence it appears,
but one person; who is designated in the
Scriptures by the title of the Father. Noe-
tus therefore was a Unitarian, as respects
the doctrine of three persons ; but in regard
to the character of Christ, he held better
views than the Socinians. So far as relates
to two natures united in one person, in Christ,
he agreed with the orthodox ; but the divine
person, which was united with the human
nature, according to Noetus'' views, was no
other than the person of the Father, because
there was no other person in the Godhead.
See Mosheim, de Rebus Christianor., p.
681-687 ; and Dr. Walch, Historic der Ket-
zereyen, vol. ii., p. 1-13. — Schl.]
(12) Most of the ancients who wrote
against the heretics, speak of Sabellius ; [es-
pecially Epiphanius, Haeres. Ixii., and The-
odorct, haer. Fabul., 1. ii., c. 9.— Tr.] To
these, add Eusebius, Hist. Eccl , 1. vi., c. 6.
Athanasius, de sententia Dionysii ; [and
Basil the Great, Ep. 210 and 235.— Tr.]
Nearly all that is written by the ancients,
has been collected by Christopher Wormius,
in his HistoriaSabelliana, Francf. and Lips.,
1696, 8vo, a learned work, only a small part
of which relates to Sabellius. — [See Mo-
tkeim, Comment, de Rebus Christianor.,
<kc.. p. 688-699. (J. Beausobre, Histoire
de Manichee, &c., tome i., p. 533, &c. N.
Lardner, Credibility of the Gosp. Hist., pt.
ii., vol. , p. 553, «fec.), and Dr. Walch, His-
torie der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 14—49. —
The last of these differs some from Dr.
Mosheim, in his description of the Sabellian
doctrine. We would place the two accounts
side by side, without attempting to decide
so difficult a question. — The most common
opinion respecting the Sabellian doctrine,
was this : Sabellius admitted but one person
in the divine essence ; or he denied that the
Father was one person, the Son another per-
son, and the Holy Spirit a third ; of course
he discarded the inherent distinction of three
persons. He admitted a difference only of
names, and of some external relations to
creatures, in regard to the government of
the world aud of the church ; and he ascribed
to the Son, those works which we regard aa
the personal acts of the Father; and on the
other hand, he ascribed to the Father, the
acts and the sufferings of the Son. Now
Dr. Mosheim concedes, that Sabellius taught
there was but one divine person ; but he
maintains also, that Sabellius admitted a
Trinity, and a real difference between the
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ; though this
difference was neither an essential, nor a per-
sonal one ; the divine three were not three
distinct persons, but three portions of the di-
vine nature, all depending on God, and at
the same lime differing from God, and from
each other. That portion, by which God
made the world, is the Father ; and is also
the father of Christ, inasmuch as it formed
him in the womb of Mary. That portion,
which united itself with the man Christ, in
order to redeem men, is the Son ; inasmuch
as it dwelt m the Son of God, (a designa-
tion, which refers to his miraculous concep-
tion), and by him gave instruction, wrought
miracles, and, in a sense, made one person
with him. The third portion of the divine
nature, which imparts life to all living beings,
enlightens men, regenerates them, and
prompts them to what is good, is the Holy
Ghost. These three are, in one view, sep-
arate from God ; but in another, they are
united with him. — After a critical examina-
tion of the correctness of this scheme, Dr.
Walch cannot fully accord with the views
of chancellor Mosheim. He therefore states
the doctrine of Sabellius thus : the ancients,
one and all, say that the Sabellian system
marred the true doctrine concerning God,
and concerning all the three persons. And
so it appears to be proved, by the ancients,
that Sabellianism was one of two directly
opposite errors, of which Arianism was the
other ; and that the true doctrine occupied
the middle ground between them : indeed
Arius, by pushing his opposition to Sabel-
lius too far, was led into his error. It hence
follows, that Subellius, who did not deny
the existence of the Father, Son, and Holy
Ghost, made too little distinction between
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
199
that the Salettians must have been denominated Patripasgfuns by the
ancients, in a different sense of the word from that in which the Noetians
\\cn- so called. Yet the appellation was not wholly improper.
§ 14. Nearly at the same time, [about A.D. 244], Beryllus, bishop of
Bo.stra in Arabia, a pious and learned man, taught that Christ, before his
birth of the Virgin, had no distinct divinity, but only had the divinity of the
Father. This proposition, if we duly consider what is reported concern,
ing him by the ancients, contained the following sentiment ; that Christ
had no existence before he was born of Mary ; that at his birth, a soul
originating from God himself, and of course superior to all human souls,
being a particle of the divine nature, entered into and was united with the
them; while Arius made the distinction too
wide. It is clear, that Sabctlius acknowl-
edged but one person, and considered the
Son of God as not being a distinct person :
so that he could not have taught a personal
distinction m the Trinity. By the Word
(Aoyof), Sabellius understood an energy,
by which the man Christ performed his
works. So long as Christ remained on
earth, this divine energy was in him ; but
afterwards it ceased. It was therefore like
a sunbeam, which operates on bodies and
produces the effects of the sun, without be-
ing itself a person. So also is it with the
Holy Ghost, by which we are to understand
the operations of God in men, tending to
further their knowledge of the truth and
their advancement in virtue. The manner
of God's putting forth his energy, by which
the Son was produced, and by which the
Holy Ghost is still produced and continued,
the ancients expressed by the words, to
spread out, or extend (^Mruvca^ai, proten-
dere, extendere), to send forth (TTf/iTreen^at),
and to transform, or change one's form and
appearance (ueTa.uopQetT&ai, /j.ETaa^rj/j.aTi-
&iv). From what has now been stated, it
may be perceived, how Sabellms could have
taught the existence of three forms or as-
pects (rpia TrpoauTTa) in the divine essence,
without admitting the reality of three differ-
ent persons ; and how his opposers could
infer, that he admitted but one distinction
under three different names. The greatest
difficulty is in this, that according to some
representations, Sabellius taught there was
a difference or separation (diaipsaiv) between
the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ; but ac-
cording to other accounts, he maintained
such a unity, as was inconsistent with it.
This difficulty is the most easily surmount-
ed, by supposing the former to refer to an
imagined or conceived distinction, and not
any real one. — Such are Dr. Watch's views
• of the Sabellian system ; [and very similar
are those of Dr. Neander, Kirchengesch.,
vol. i.. pt. in , p. 1018-1025.— TV.] Dr.
Walch thinks, that Salellius ought not to be
called a Patripassian : for these held Christ
to be one person, in whom two natures were
personally united ; and believed that, not the
divine nature of the Son, as a person, but
the divine nature of the Father who was the
only person, was united with the human na-
ture in Christ. Now as Sabellius held the
Son to be no real part of the Father, and
held still less to a personal union of two na-
tures in Christ ; he cannot truly be called a
Patripassian. According to Sabellius1 opin-
ion, Christ was a mere man, in whom re-
sided a divine power, that produced those
effects which we regard as the acts of the
divine nature united to the human. — Among
the opposers of Sabellius, Dionysius of Al-
exandria attracted the most notice. Yet the
opposition made by this bishop, was not sat-
isfactory to all. Offensive passages were
found in his epistles against the Sabellians.
As he there brought forward the doctrine of
Christ's incarnation, and from that deduced
his proof of the real distinction between the
Father and the Son ; he was understood as
holding, that the Son, in so far as he was a
divine being, was a created one, or as deny-
ing, that the Father and the Son were of the
same essence. Dionysius defended him-
self, and showed that he had been misunder-
stood. Notwithstanding this, the Anans,
after his death, claimed him as on their side ;
which obliged Athanasius to vindicate the
reputation of Dionysius against them. Still
there continued to be some, to whom this
defence appeared insufficient ; Basil the
Great is an example. There can be no
doubt that Dionysius thought with Athana-
sius, in regard to the Trinity, but he used
the language of Arius. In regard to the
person of Christ, he expressed himself in
the manner of Nettorius ; for he carried the
distinction between the divine and the hu-
man natures of Christ, so far, as wholly to
exclude the former from a participation in
those changes in the latter which were the
result of the personal union of the two na-
Dr. Walch, Historic der Ket-
zcrcyi-n, vol. li ., p. 50-63.— Schl.]
200
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
man. Beryllus was so lucidly and energetically confuted by Origen, in a
council assembled at Bostra, [A.D. 244], that he gave up the cause, and
returned into the bosom of the church.(13)
& 15. Very different from him both in morals and in sentiment was
Paul of Samosata, a bishop of Antioch [in Syria], and at the same time
clothed with the civil office of a ducenarius.(\£) He was an ostentatious
man, opulent and arrogant ;(15) and he greatly disquieted the eastern
church, soon after the middle of this century, by his novel explanations of
the doctrine concerning the divine nature and concerning Christ. The
sect which embraced his opinions, were called Paulians or Paulianists.
So far as can be judged from the accounts that have reached us, he sup.
posed the Son and the Holy Spirit to exist in God, just as reason and ac-
tive power do in a man ; that Christ was born a mere man, but that the
wisdom or reason (A,<5yoc) of the Father descended into him, and enabled
him to teach and to work miracles ; that on account of this union of the
divine Word (Adyoo) with the man Christ, we might say Christ was God,
though not in the proper sense of the word. He so concealed his real sen-
timents under ambiguous forms of speech, that repeated ecclesiastical coun-
cils were wholly unable to convict him ; but at last, in the council assem-
(13) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. vi., c.
20 and 33. Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c.
60. Socrates, Hist. Eccles., lib. iii., c.
7. Among the moderns, see Jo. le Clerc,
Ars Critica, vol. i., pt. ii., sec. i., c. 14.
Chaufepied, Nouveau Dictionnaire histoire
crit., tome i., p. 268, &c. [See Mosheim,
Comment, de Rebus Christianor., &c., p.
699, &c., and Dr. Walch, Historic der Ket-
zereyen, vol. ii., p. 126-136.— Dr. Walch
indeed does not place Beryllus among the
heretics, because he is not chargeable with
obstinacy in his errors, nor with establishing
a sect or party ; both of which are necessary
to constitute a heretic. Concerning his sen-
timents, little is known, except that he main-
tained that Christ, before his incarnation,
did not exist as a divine person ; but that
after his incarnation, he was a man in whom
God, namely the Father, dwelt. — Dr. Mo-
sheim's assertion, that Beryllus represented
Christ as possessing a soul derived from the
divine essence, is a mere conjecture that can
not be supported by proof. — Schl. Dr. Ne-
ander, Kirchengesch., vol. i., pt. iii., p. 1014,
&.C., places Beryllus among that class of
Patripassians, who considered the person-
ality of the Son of God as originating from
a radiation or emanation, from the essence
of God, into a human body. He therefore
places Beryllus and Sabellius in the same
class.— Tr.]
(14) [The duccnarii were a species of
procurators for the etnperor in the provinces,
whose salary was two hundred sestertia,
[dur.ena sestertia, equal to $7193,60], from
which sum, these officers derived their title.
See Dion Cassius, lib. 53. Suetonius,
Claudian, c. 24, and Salmasius, Notes on
Capitolinus, Pertinax, p. 125. From Sel-
ler's Antiquities of Palmyra, Lond., 1696,
8vo, p. 166, &c., it appears, that this office
was much used in the province of Syria :
and Dr. Mosheim conjectures, (Comment, de
Rebus, &c., p. 705), that Paul obtained it
by means of Zenobia, who had a high es-
teem of him. — Schl.}
(15) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 30.
[Eusebius here gives copious extracts from
the circular letter of the council, which con-
demned Paul and ordained Domnus, his
successor. The council characterize Paul,
as having risen from poverty to opulence by
extortion and bribery ; as proud, and inso-
lent, and ostentatious ; as choosing to be
addressed by his civil title, and appearing in
public attended by guards and all the splen-
dour of worldly rank ; as affecting splendour
and power, and abusing authority as an offi-
cer in the church ; as intolerably vain, and
coveting the adulations of the multitude ; as
decrying the fathers of the church, exalting
himself, and abolishing the hymns in com-
mon use, and appointing women to sing
psalms in praise of himself; as sending out
bishops and presbyters to sound his praise,
and to extol him as an angel from heaven ;
as keeping several young and handsome
women near his person, whom he enriched
with presents, and as living in luxury with
them. — How much of colouring there may
be in this picture, we have not the means of
determining. But there can be little doubt,
that the character of Paul was such as did
not become a bishop. — Tr.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
201
bled A.D. 269, Makhion, a rhetorician, drew him from his concealment;
and he was convicted and divested of his episcopal office. (16)
§ 16. In a very different way some little philosophers in Arabia, the
disciples of a man unknown, marred a part of the Christian system. They
denied the soul to be immortal ; maintaining that it died with the body, and
that it would be resuscitated with it by the power of God.(17) The be-
lievers in this doctrine were called Arabians, from the country in which
they lived. Origen being sent from Egypt, disputed against them with
such success in a full council, that they renounced their error.
§ 17. Among the sects which arose in this century, that of the Nova,
tians is placed last. They did not indeed corrupt the doctrines of Christi-
anity ; but by the severity of the discipline to which they adhered, they pro-
duced a lamentable schism. Novatian,(l8) a presbyter in the church of
Rome, a man of learning and eloquence, but of a stern and austere char-
acter, maintained, that such as had fallen into the more heinous sins, and
especially such as had denied Christ during the Decian persecution, ought
never to be admitted again to the church. Most of the other presbyters,
as well as Cornelius, whose influence was very great, were of a different
opinion. Hence, in the year 250, when a new bishop was to be chosen
(16) See Epistolam Concilii Antiocheni
ad Paulum, in the Bibliotheca Patrum, torn,
xi., p. 302, ed. Paris, 1644, fol., and Dio-
nysii Alexandrini Ep. ad Paulum, ibid., p.
273, and Decem Pauli Samosateni Quaes-
tiones, ibid., p. 278. — [See also Dr. Mo-
sheim, Comment, de Rebus Christianor.,
etc., p. 701-718, and Dr. Watch, Historic
der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 64-125. From
the hst writer, we extract the following, to
give a more full and correct view of the
Samosatenian doctrines. 1. Paul of Sa-
mosata taught, that there is but one God,
who in the Scriptures is denominated the
Father. 2. He did not deny, that the
Scriptures speak of the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost. 3. What he understood by
the Holy Ghost, we do not know ; and
Dr. Mosheim has attempted to supply this
defect, by a mere conjecture. 4. Concern-
ing the Word and the Wisdom of God, he
has spoken largely : but whether he distin-
guished between the Word in God, (Aoyof
evdiu&erof), and the Word produced from
God, (Aoyof wpo0op£«6f), is doubtful. 5.
This Word or Wisdom in God, is not a sub-
stance or a person. 6. But it is in the di-
vine mind, as reason is in men. 7. Christ
was a mere man. 8. He first began to ex-
ist, when he was born of Mary. 9. Yet in
this man, dwelt the divine Word or Wit-
dom ; and it was operative in him. 10. The
union commenced, when Christ was con-
ceived in the womb of Mary. 11. By
means of this Wisdom of God in him, Christ
gradually acquired his knowledge and his
practical virtues. By it, he became at once
God and the Son of God ; yet both, in an
VOL. I.— C c
improper sense of the terms. 12. This di-
vine wisdom withdrew from him when he
suffered. — From this account it appears,
that Photian, in the next age, came very
near to Paul of Samosata, not indeed in his
statements and expressions, but rather in
his grand error, namely, that Christ was a
mere man, and superior to other men only
on account of his pre-eminent gifts. — Schl.
See also A. Neandcr, Kirchengesch., bd. i.,
abth. iii., p. 1007-1014 — Tr.]
(17) Eiisebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c. 37.
[See Mosheim, Comment, de Rebus Chris-
tianor., &c., p. 718, and Dr. Walch, Histo-
ric der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 167-171. —
As Euscbius, who is the only witness we
have in regard to this sect, gives a very brief
account of them, the learned in modern
times have entertained two opinions con-
cerning their system. Some suppose they
held that the soul, though immaterial, sleep*
while the body is m the grave : which how-
ever, the words of Eusebius seem to contra-
dict, for they describe the soul as dying, and
being dissolved with the body, avvairo'&v^a-
neiv rotf ouuaai KOI ovvdia(f>-&cipEodai.
Others suppose more correctly, that they
were Christian materialists, who regarded
the soul as being a part of the body. And
Dr. Mosheim conjectures, that their error
originated from their combining the Epi-
curean philosophy with Christianity. —
Schl.]
(18) [The Greeks always write his name
Novatus or Navatus ; but the Latins gener-
ally write it Novafianus, perhaps to distin-
guish him from Novatus of Carthage, the
names being really the same. — Tr.]
202
BOOK I.— CENTURY III.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
at Rome in place of Fabian, Novatian strenuously opposed the election of
Cornelius. Yet Cornelius was chosen, and Novatian withdrew from com-
muuion with him. On the other hand, Cornelius, in a council held at Rome
A.D. 251, excommunicated Novatian and his adherents. Novatian there-
fore founded a new sect, in which he was the first bishop. This sect had
many adherents who were pleased with the severity of its discipline ; and it
continued to flourish in many parts of Christendom, until thejifth century.
The principal coadjutor of Novatian in this schism, was Novatus, a pres-
byter of Carthage, who fled to Rome during the hsat of this controversy,
in order to escape the wrath and the condemnation of Cyprian his bishop,
with whom he was in a violent quarrel. (19)
(19) [Dr. Walch, Historie der Ketzerey-
en, vol. ii., p. 220, &c., after surveying the
original accounts, gives the following con-
nected view of these events. A great num-
ber of those who in the Decian persecution
had fallen from their steadfastness, having
afterwards repented of their fall, arid sought
to be admitted again to the communion
of the church, gave rise to the question of
conscience, how they ought to be treated.
The episcopal chair at Rome was at that
time vacant, in consequence of the death of
Fabian ; and the clergy were divided in re-
gard to this question, some advocating mild,
and others more rigorous measures. Among
the latter was Novatian, among the former
Cornelius, both of them elders in the church
of Rome. On the side of Novatian were
several confessors ; that is, persons who had
endured various corporeal punishments du-
ring the persecution, without denying the
faith ; and these were haughty and overbear-
ing towards their fallen brethren. While
this subject was in agitation at Rome, news
came from Carthage, that the lapsed there
would be received again, but only after en-
during a long penance ; though, if in immi-
nent danger of death, and they desired it,
they might be restored without delay And
these principles were approved at Rome, in
an epistle composed by Novatian, (inter
Epistolas Cypr., ep. 31). Now came on the
election of a bishop of Rome ; and here the
two parties were divided. Novatian sol-
emnly declared, that he did not desire the
office ; and Cornelius was chosen by a ma-
jority of the votes. But as Cornelius was
one of the milder party, not only Novatian but
also the confessors and several of the elders,
were dissatisfied with his election ; and, it
would seem, separated themselves from him.
About this time Novatus arrived from Car-
thage. He had fallen out with Cyprian, his
bishop ; and perhaps knew, that Cyprian
was a friend of Cornelius ; but the former
did not commit himself. Cornelius ac-
quainted Cyprian with his election. Infor-
mation had already reached Carthage, that
Cornelius was not approved by all at Rome ;
and Cyprian did not venture at once to de-
clare in his favour, but sent two African bish-
ops, Caldonius and Fortunatus, to Rome,
with a letter addressed not to Cornelius as
bishop, but to the clergy there, and to the
neighbouring bishops who were present at
the election. The Cornelian party again
stated, that his election was regular; and
the African envoys, with two envoys from
Rome who accompanied them home, affirmed
the same thing. Hereupon Cornelius was
recognised at Carthage, as being the bishop
of Rome. But at Rome the business was
not so easily settled. The dissatisfied party
urged on a new election ; and Novatus and
Evaristus were the most suitable persons to
persuade Novatian to consent to receive or-
dination. As at least three bishops must
impose hands on a bishop- elect, three such
clergymen were drawn from some small
towns in Italy, and by deception induced to
perform this act. The ordination was also
performed at an unusual hour. Novatian
appears to have reluctantly consented to it ;
but he afterwards endeavoured to support
himself in office. He sent letters every-
where, and twice despatched envoys to Af-
rica. These could get no hearing from Cyp-
rian and his adherents ; yet their mission
was not without effect. In other countries
likewise, he found persons, who considered
his dissatisfaction with Cornelius and with
his conduct towards the lapsed, as being
well founded. In the mean time Cornelius
held a council at Rome, which approved of
the milder principles of discipline. Novatian
was present, and resisted those principles
before the council ; but he was excommuni-
cated by it, together with his adherents.
This caused his party to diminish, many of
his friends choosing rather to be on the
strongest side : and hence he may have been
induced, when administering the sacrament
of the supper to his follower.", to make them
promise not to forsake him. — Schl. As the
dissensions at Carthage about the same time,
had some connexion with those at Rome,
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
203
§ 18. Respecting the fundamental articles of the Christian faith, there
was no disagreement between the Novatians and other Christians. Their
peculiarity was, that they would not receive into the church persons, who
after being baptized fell into the greater sins. They did not however exclude
them from all hopes of eternal salvation. They considered the Christian
church, therefore, as a society of innocent persons, who from their entrance
into it had defiled themselves with no sin of any considerable magnitude ;
and hence it followed, that all associations of Christians, which opened the
door for the return of gross offenders, were in their view unworthy of the
name of true churches of Christ. And hence they assumed the appellation
of Catliari, that is, the pure ; and what was still more, they rebaptized such
as came over to them from the Catholics. For such influence had the error
they embraced upon their own minds, that they believed the baptism of
those churches which readmitted the lapsed, could not impart to the sub-
jects of it remission of sins. (20)
and also tend to show the state of the church
in the middle of this century ; the following
account of them is extracted from Mosheim's
Comment, de Rebus, &c., § xiii , p. 497,
&c., and § xiv., p. 50:), &c. Novatus, a
presbyter at Carthage, even before the De-
cian persecution, had disagreed with Cyp-
rian his bishop, and formed a party who were
dissatisfied with him, and who would not
yield to all his wishes. According to the
representations of his adversaries, Novatus
was not only arrogant, factious, vain, and
rash, but chargeable with many offences and
crimes. Cyprian therefore resolved to bring
him to a trial, and to excommunicate him.
The day for trial was appointed ; but the
imperial edict [for the persecution] unexpect-
edly intervened ; and as Cyprian was obli-
ged to retire into concealment, Novatus con-
tinued safe in his office. This was the first
act in the long tragedy. While Cyprian
was in retirement, and the African magis-
trates fiercely persecuting the Christians,
these contests were suspended. . But when
the violence of the storm from without was
past, and Cyprian was preparing to return
to his church, Novatus fearing, r.o doubt,
that the bishop would renew the prosecution
against him, which was commenced before
his retirement, deemed it necessary to raise
a party against the bishop, which should pre-
vent his reluming to his church, and thus de-
prive him of the power of doing him harm.
fey means of Fdicissimus, therefore, whom
he had made his deacon, contrary to the will
of the bishop, Nmatus alienated a part of
the church from Cyprian. Fdicissimus,
aided by one Augcndus, prevented the exe-
cution of the plans of the bishop in regard to
the poor. Many of the people came over to
his party ; and also five presbyters, who had
long been at variance with Cyprian. This
turbulent party were able to retard a little,
but not to prevent the return of Cyprian.
After some delay, which prudence dictated,
the bishop returned to Carthage ; and having
assembled a council on the subject especially
of the lapsed, he punished the temerity of
his adversaries, and excommunicated Feli-
cissimus, the author of the revolt, together
with the five presbyters his associates. No-
Tatus was not of the number, as he was ab-
sent, having fled to Rome as soon as he
found Cyprian would come to Carthage.
The excommunicated persons, despising the
censure passed on them, instituted a new
church at Carthage, in opposition to that of
Cyprian, and established as the bishop of it,
Fortunatus, one of the presbyters whom
Cyprian had condemned. But the party
had more resolution than ability, and the
schism was probably extinguished not long
after its birth ; for no mention is made of its
progress by any of the fathers. — TV.]
(20) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c. 43.
Cyprian, in various of his Epistles, as Ep.
49, 52, &c. Gabr. Albaspinaeus, Observat.
Eccles., lib. ii., c. 20, 21. Jo*. Aug. Orsi,
de criminum capital, inter veteres Christ.
Absolutione, p. 254, &c. Steph. Kenckel,
de haeresi Novatiana, Argentor., 1651, 4to ;
[also, Moshcim, Comment, de Rebus Chris-
tianor., &c , p. 512-537, and Dr. Walck,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. ii , p. 185—
288.— Schl. And A. Neatidrr, Kirchen-
gesch., bd. i., abth. i., s. 387-407.— TV.]
INSTITUTES
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
UNDER THE
NEW TESTAMENT.
BOOK II.
EMBRACING
EVENTS FROM CONSTANTINE THE GREAT
TO CHARLEMAGNE.
CENTURY FOURTH.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHTTRCH : EXHIBITING BOTH THE PROSPER-
OUS AND THE ADVERSE EVENTS OF IT.
$ 1. Peaceful State of Christians at the beginning of the Century. — § 2. Persecution of
Diocletian. — $ 3. The Causes and the Severity of it. — () 4. The Christian Cause re-
duced to great Extremities. — § 5. Tranquillity restored on the Accession of Constan-
tino to Supreme Power. — § 6. Defeat of Maxentius — § 7, 8. Different Opinions con-
cerning the Faith of Constantine. — § 9. The Cross seen by him in the Heavens. —
§ 10. Persecution of Licinius. — <J 11. State of the Church under the Sons of Con-
stantine the Great. — § 12. Julian persecutes the Christians. — § 13. His Character. —
<) 14. The Jews attempt to rebuild their Temple in vain. — $ 15. State of the Church after
the Death of Julian. — § 16. Remains of the Pagans. — $ 17. Efforts of the Philosophers
against Christianity. — § 18. Injuries it received from them. — § 19. Propagation of
Christianity among the Armenians. — § 20. The Abyssinians and Georgians. — § 21. The
Goths.— $ 22. The Gauls.— § 23. The Causes of so many Revolutions.— § 24. Slight
Persecutions in Persia.
§ 1. THAT I might not separate too much those facts which are inti-
mately connected with each other, I have determined here to exhibit the
prosperous and the adverse events, not as heretofore in distinct chapters,
but combined in one series, following as much as possible the order of
time. — In the beginning of this century, the Roman empire had four sover-
eigns ; of whom two were superior to the others, and bore the title of
Augustus, namely, [ Valerius] Diocletian, and [Marcus Aurelius Valerius]
Maximianus Herculius : the two inferior sovereigns, who bore the title of
Caesars, were Constantius Chlorus, and Galerius Maximianus [Armentarius].
Under these four [associated] emperors, the state of the church was peace-
ful and happy.(l) Diocletian, though superstitious, indulged no hatred to-
wards the Christians. (2) Constantius Chlorus, following only the dictates
of reason in matters of religion, was averse from the popular idolatry,
and friendly to the Christians. (3) The pagan priests therefore, from well-
(1) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., c. 1. sembled without fear : and they had nothing
[Eusebius here describes th? prosperous to wish for, unless it were that one or more
state of the Christians, and their consequent of the emperors might embrace their reli-
security and vices. The imperial palaces gion. — Schl.~\
were full of Christians, and no one hindered (2) [He had Christians in his court, who
them from openly professing Christianity, understood how to lead him, and who would
From among them, men were chosen to the probably have brought him to renounce idola-
offices of imperial counsellors, provincial try, had not the suggestions of their enemies
governors, magistrates and generals. The prevailed with him. His wife Prisca was,
bishops and other clergy were held in honour, in reality, a concealed Christian ; and also
even by those who adhered to the old religion his daughter Valeria, the wife of Galcnus
of the state. And the number of Christians Murimianus. See Lactantius^ de Mortibus
was seen to be increasing daily. Hence in Persequutorum, c. 15. — Schl.~\
all the cities, spacious buildings were erected (3) [Some go still farther, and make him
for public worship, in which the people as- to have been actually a Christian. But from
208
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
grounded fears lest Christianity to their great and lasting injury should
spread far and wide its triumphs, endeavoured to excite Diocletian, whom
they knew to be both timid and credulous, by means of feigned oracles
and other impositions to engage in persecuting the Christians. (4)
§ 2. These artifices not succeeding very well, they made use of the
other emperor, Galerius Maximianus, who was son-in-law to Diocle-
tian, in order to effect their purpose. This emperor, who was of a fe-
rocious character and ill-informed in everything except the military art,
continued to work upon his father-in-law, being urged on partly by his
own inclination, partly by the instigation of his mother, a most super-
stitious woman, and partly by that of the pagan priests, till at last, when
Diocletian was at Nicomedia in the year 303, he obtained from him an
edict, by which the temples of the Christians were to be demolished,
their sacred books committed to the flames, and themselves deprived
of all their civil rights and honours. (5) This first edict spared the
lives of the Christians ; for Diocletian was averse from slaughter and
bloodshed. Yet it caused many Christians to be put to death, particu-
larly those who refused to deliver, up their sacred books to the magis-
the representations of Eusebius, Hist. Ec-
cles., lib. viii., c. 13, no more can be inferred
than that he was disposed to look favourably
upon the Christian religion. — Sold.]
(4) Eusebius, de Vita Constantini, lib. ii.,
c. 50. Lactantius, Institut. Divinar., lib.
iv., c. 27, and de Mortibus Persequulor., c.
10. [According to Eusebius, \. c., it was
reported to the emperor, that the oracle of
Apollo had declared, that he was prevented
from giving true responses by the righteous
men on the earth ; and this the pagan priests
interpreted when questioned by the emperor,
the Platonic philosophers had some influence
in exciting the emperor's hostility ; for they
represented the many sects among the
Christians in a most odious light, and taxed
them with having apostatized from the reli-
gion of the early Christians. Eusebius,
Hist. Eccles., viii., c. 17. But political
considerations may likewise have influenced
him. Galerius contemplated getting rid of
his colleagues, and making himself sole em-
peror. The Christians, who were attached to
Constantius Chlorus and his son, seemed to
him to stand in the way of his designs ; and
with reference to the Christians. According he wished to weaken their power, or rather
to Lactantius, ubi supra, while Diocletian
was at Antioch, in the year 302, the priests
who inspected the entrails of the consecrated
victims, declared that they were interrupted
in their prognostications by the sign of the
cross made by several of the emperor's ser-
vants. — SchL]
(5) Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor.,
c. 1 1 . Eusebius, Hist Eccles., 1. viii., c. 2.
[This persecution should, properly, be named
to annihilate it as far as practicable. But
Diocletian was not disposed to further his
cruel project. He was willing to exclude
Christians from the palace and the army,
and to compel all who served him at court
or in the armies, to offer sacrifices to the
gods ; but not to suspend over them penal
laws and executions. Galerius would have
them all brought to the stake. A council
was called, composed of learned civilians
that of Galerius Maximianus, and not that of and officers in the army, which declared
Diocletian. For Diocletian had much the against the Christians. To this decision,
least hand in it, and he resigned his authority Hierocles, the governor of Bithynia, the man
before the persecution had continued quite who afterwards wrote against the Christians,
moreover Maximianus, in his
two years ;
edict for putting an end to the persecution,
a little before his death, acknowledges that
he himself was the author of it. See Euse-
bius, Hist. Eccles., viii., 17, and Lactantius,
de Mortib. Persequutor., c. 34. Romufia,
the mother of Galerius, who was a very su-
perstitious and haughty woman, and who
was offended that the Christians would not
allow her to be present when they celebrated
the Lord's supper, contributed to inflame the
contributed not a little. But Diocletian
would not yet give up entirely. He would
consult the oracle of Apollo at Miletus ;
which likewise directed to the extirpation of
the Christians. But even Apollo could not
move the superstitious emperor to the ex-
treme of cruelty. He decreed indeed a per-
secution ; but it was to cost no blood. It
commenced with the demolition of the
Christian temple at Nicomedia, and the burn-
ing of the books found in it. See Mo.ihcim,
rage of her son against them. Perhaps ^also Com. de Reb., &c., p. 916-922. — SchL]
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
209
trates.(6) Seeing this operation of the law, many Christians, and several
even of the bishops and clergy, in order to save their lives, voluntarily
surrendered the sacred books in their possession. But they were re-
garded by their more resolute brethren as guilty of sacrilege, and were
branded with the name of Traditors.(l)
§ 3. Not long after the publication of this first edict, there were two
conflagrations in the palace of Nicomedia ; and the enemies of the Chris-
tians persuaded Diocletian to believe, that Christian hands had kindled
them. He therefore ordered many Christians of Nicomedia to be put to
the torture, and to undergo the penalties due to incendiaries.(8) Nearly
at, the same time, there were insurrections in Armenia and in Syria ; and
as their enemies charged the blame of these also upon the Christians, the
emperor by a new edict ordered all bishops and ministers of Christ to be
thrown into prison ; and by a third edict, soon after, he ordered that all
these prisoners should be compelled by tortures and punishments to offer
sacrifice to the gods :(9) for he hoped, if the bishops and teachers were
once brought to submission, the Christian churches would follow their ex-
ample. A great multitude therefore, of excellent men, in every part of
the Roman empire, Gaul only excepted, which was subject to Constantius
Chlorus,(W) were either punished capitally, or condemned to the mines.
§ 4. In the second year of the persecution, A.D. 304, Diocletian pub-
lished a. fourth edict, at the instigation of his son-in-law and the other ene-
mies of the Christians. By this edict the magistrates were directed, to
compel all Christians to offer sacrifices to the gods, and to use tortures
for that purpose. (11) And as the governors yielded strict obedience to
(6) Augustine, Breviculum collat. cum
Donatistis, c. 15, 17, in his Opp., torn, ix.,
p. 387, 390, and Baluse, Miscellan., torn.
ii., p. 77, 92.
(7) Optatus Milevit. de Schismate Dona-
tist., 1. i., § 13, p. 13, ed. Du Pin.
(8) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii., c. 6.
Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor., c. 14.
Constantine the Gr. Oratio ad Sanctorum
coetum, c. 25. — [After the second confla-
gration, Gcderius left Nicomedia, pretending
to be afraid of being burned up by the Chris-
tians. Diocletian also compelled his wife
and daughter to sacrifice to the gods, in proof
that they were not Christians ; and caused
many Christians of his household and court
to be cut off, and Lonthimus the bishop of
Nicomedia, with many of the clergy and
common Christians, to undergo cruel deaths,
because they refused to offer sacrifices to
the gods. — Schl.]
(9) Ensebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii., c. 6,
and de Marty nbus Palaestinae, [Introduc-
tion.]— [Some degree of probability could
be attached to the charge against the Chris-
tians of causing the insurrections, from the
fact that their inconsiderate zeal sometimes
led them to deeds which had an aspect of
rebellion. At the commencement of this
persecution, for example, a very respectable
Christian tore down the imperial edict against
VOL. I.— D D
the Christians, which was set up in a public
place. See Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii.,
c. 5 —Schl.]
(10) Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequuto-
rum, c. 15. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii.,
c. 13, IS. — [Constantius Chlorus presided
over Spain and Britain, as well as Gaul. In
Spain there were some martyrs, because
Constantius not being present there in per-
son, he could not prevent the rigorous exe-
cution of the decree of the senior emperor.
But in Gaul, where he was personally pres-
ent, he favoured the Christians as much as
sound policy would permit. He suffered
some of the churches to be demolished, and
most of them to be shut up. And when the
last edict of Gcderius against the Christians
was promulgated, he enjoined upon all his
Christian servants, to relinquish either their
mode of worship or their offices ; and when
they had made their election, he deprived all
those of their offices who resolved to adhere
to Christian worship, and retained the others
in his service. — Schl.]
(11) Eusebius, de Martyr. Palaestinae, c.
3. — [Diocletian was not yet willing the
Christians should be put to death outright ;
his orders to the governors were couched in
general terms, that they should compel the
Christians, by all kinds of corporeal suffer-
ings, to give honour to the heathen gods.
210
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
these orders, the Christian church was reduced to the last extremity. (12)
Galerius Maximianus therefore no longer hesitated to disclose the secret
designs he had long entertained. [A.D. 305.] He required his father.
in-la\v, [Diocletian], together with his colleague, [Valerius] Maximianus
Herculius, to divest themselves of their power, and constituted himself
emperor of the East ; leaving the West to Constantius Chlorus, whose
health he knew to be very infirm. He also associated with him in the
government, two assistants, of his own choosing; namely, [C. Galerius]
Maximinus, his sister's son, and [Flavins'] Severus ; excluding altogether
Constantine, afterwards styled the Great, the son of Constantius Chlorus. (13)
This revolution in the Roman government restored peace to Christians in
the western provinces, which were under Constantius :(14) but in the east-
ern provinces, the persecution raged with greater severity than before. (15)
See Eusebius, de Vita Constantini, 1. ii., c. consisted of weak, poor, and timorous per-
51 ; compare Lactantius, Instit. Divinar., 1.
v., c. 11. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. ix., c.
9, and 1. viii , c. 12. Hence, according with
the disposition of the several governors, was
their execution of the imperial edict. Some
only sent the Christians into banishment,
when the attempt to make them offer sacri-
fices failed. Others deprived them of an
eye, or lamed one of their feet by burning
it : and others exposed them to wild beasts ;
or lacerated their bodies with iron hooks or
with the scourge ; and afterwards sprinkled
vinegar and salt on the wounds, or dropped
melted lead into them. In Phrygia, a whole
city with all its inhabitants was burned to
ashes, because not an individual in it would
offer sacrifice. Lactantius, Instit. Divinar.,
lib. v., c. 11. Some Christians also brought
death upon themselves, by holding religious
meetings contrary to the emperor's prohibi-
tion, or by voluntarily presenting themselves
before the governors and requesting to be
martyred. Sulpitius Severus, Hist. Sacra,
lib. ii., c. 32, and Eusebius, de Martyr. Pal-
aestinae, c. 3. — Schl.]
(12) Lactantius, Instit. Divinar., lib. v., c.
11. — [With the exception of Gaul, streams
of Christian blood flowed in all the provinces
of the Roman empire. Everywhere the
Christian temples lay in ruins, and all as-
semblies for worship were suspended. The
major part had forsaken the provinces, and
taken refuge among the barbarians. Such
as were unable or unwilling to do this, kept
themselves concealed, and were afraid for
their lives if they appeared in public. The
ministers of Christ were either slain, or mu-
tilated and sent to the mines, or banished
the country. The avaricious magistrates
and judges had seized upon nearly all their
church property and their private possessions.
Many, through dread of undergoing torture,
had made away with their own lives, and
many had apostatized from the faith ; and
what remained of the Christian community,
sons. — Schl.]
(13) Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor.,
c. 18, 20. — [Galerius Maximianus was in
more fear of the young prince Constantine,
than of his father Constantius ; the latter
being a mild and sickly sovereign, while
Constantine was of an ardent temperament,
and at the same time greatly beloved by the
people and the soldiers. Yet Galerius had
this prince in his power ; for he detained
him at his court in Nicomedia, and if he
found occasion, might have put him out of
his way by assassination or some other
means. Indeed Galerius attempted this, es-
pecially in the year 306. Lactantius, de
Mortib. Persequutor., c. 24. But Constan-
tine saved himself by flight, and repaired to
his father in Britain. This sagacity of the
prince overset the whole plan of the empe-
ror, and was the means of rescuing the
Christian religion from its jeopardy. See
Mosheim, Comment, de Reb., &c., p. 942,
&c.— Schl.}
(14) Eusebius, de Martyr. Palaestinae, c.
13. — [Eusebius says expressly that Italy,
Sicily, Gaul, Spain, Mauritania and Africa,
enjoyed peace, after the two first years of
the persecution. Nor was this strange ; for
Constantivs Chlorus, who governed Britain,
Spain, and Gaul, was a friend to the Chris-
tians ; and Scrterus, who in the character of
a Caesar, held the other western provinces,
was obliged to show deference to Constan-
tino as the emperor of the West. Neither
was the debauched Severus, of himself, in-
clined to cruelty. Yet the Christians en-
joyed less freedom under him, than under
Constantius. See Optatus Milevilanus, de
Schismate Donatist., 1. i., c. 14, comp. c.
16.— Schl.]
(15) Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor.,
c. 21. — [Lactanlius here states, that Gait-
nun Maximianus gave orders, that such
Christians as could not by tortures be in-
duced to sacrifice, should be roasted over a
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
211
§ 5. But divine providence frustrated the whole plan of Galerius Max.
imianus. For Constantius Chlorus dying in Britain the year 306, the sol-
diery by acclamation made his son Constantine, who afterwards by his
achievements obtained the title of the Great, Augustus or emperor : and
the tyrant Galerius was obliged to submit, and even to approve this ad-
verse event. Soon after, a civil war broke out. For, Maxentius [the son
of the ex-emperor, Valerius Maximianus Herculius, and] the son-in-law
of Galerius Maximianus, being indignant that Galerius should prefer Sev-
erus before him, and invest him with imperial power, himself assumed
the purple ; and took his father, Valer. Maxim. Herculius for his colleague
'in the empire. In the midst of these commotions, Constantine, beyond
all expectation, made his way to the imperial throne. The western Chris-
tians, those of Italy and Africa excepted, enjoyed a good degree of tran-
quillity and liberty, during these civil wars. (16) But the Oriental church-
es experienced various fortune, adverse, or tolerable, according to the po-
litical changes from year to year. (17) At length Galerius Maximianus,
who had been the author of their heaviest calamities, being brought low
by a terrific and protracted disease, and finding himself ready to die, in
the year 311 issued a decree which restored peace to them, after they
had endured almost unbounded sufferings. (18)
slow fire. Maximin, who governed Syria
and Egypt, at first showed himself quite
mild towards the Christians. Eusebius,
Hist. Eccles., 1. ix., c. 9. But afterwards,
he seemed to wish to surpass all other en-
emies of the Christians, in cruelty towards
them. See Mosheim, Comment, de Reb.,
&c., p. 945, &c.— Schl.~\
(16) [Constantine, as soon as he came
into power, gave the Christians full liberty
to profess and to practise their religion.
Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor., c. 24,
and Institut. Divinar., 1. i., c. 1. This he
did, not from a sense of justice or from mag-
nanimity, and still less from any attachment
to the Christian religion, but from principles
of worldly prudence. He wished to attach
the Christians to his party, that they might
protect him against the power and the mach-
inations of Galerius Maximian. His broth-
er-in-law, Maxentius, imitated his example,
and with similar views ; and therefore the
Christians under him in Africa and Italy, en-
joyed entire religious liberty. See Optatus
Milevitanus, de Schismate Donatist., 1. i.,
c. 16, and Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii.,
c. 14. See Mosheim, Comment, de Reb.
Christianor., p. 952, &c. — Schl.]
(17) [In the eastern provinces, which were
under the government of Galerius Maximi-
anus and C. Galerius Maximinus, Chris-
tians were the most cruelly persecuted ; as
is manifest from various passages in Euse-
bius. Yet C. G. Maximin did not at all
times treat them with equal severity. Ac-
cording to Eusfb., (de Martyr. Palaestinae,
c. 9), in the year 308, the persecution seem-
ed to be at an end in Syria and Palestine :
but it soon after recommenced, with in-
creased severity. The cause of these vicis-
situdes is to be sought in the political state
of things. In this year, C. G. Maximin
assumed the title of Casar in Syria, against
the will of Galerius Maximianus ; and the
latter appeared about to declare war against
the former ; who therefore was indulgent to-
wards the Christians, in order to secure their
friendship. But as Galerius Maximianus
was appeased, C. G. Maximin became more
severe against the Christians, in order to in-
gratiate himself more effectually with the
emperor. After a while, however, he abated
his severity ; and towards the end of the
year 309 and in the beginning of 310, the
Christians enjoyed great freedom : (Euseb.,
de Martyr. Palaestinae, c. 13), for Galerius
Maximianus was now in declining health,
and in such circumstances, C. G. Maximin
wished not to alienate the Christians from
himself. Yet when the governor of the
province informed him, in the year 310, that
the Christians abused their freedom, Maxi-
min renewed the persecution. But soon
after Galenus Maximianus was seized with
his last and fatal sickness, and C. G. Maxi-
min being apprehensive that the imperial
power could be secured only by a success-
ful appeal to arms, policy required him again
to desist from persecuting the Christians.
Ettsebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii., c. 16. See
Mosheim, Comment, de Reb. Christianor.,
p. 955, &c.— Schl.]
(18) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. viii., c.
16. Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor.,
212
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
§ 6. After the death of Galerius Maximianus, [A.D. 311], C. Gale-
rius Maximinus and C. Vol. Licinius, [who was created Augustus by Ga-
lerius Maximianus, after the death of Flavins Severus, A.D. 307], divided
between themselves the provinces which had been governed by Galerius.
At the same time Maxentius, who held Africa and Italy, determined to
make war upon Constantine who governed in Spain and Gaul ; in order
to bring all the West under his authority. Constantine, anticipating his
designs, marched his army into Italy in the year 312, and in a battle fought
at the Milvian bridge near Rome, routed the army of Maxentius. In the
flight, the bridge broke down, and Maxentius fell into the Tiber, and was
drowned. After this victory, Constantine with his colleague C. Vol. Li-
cinius, immediately gave full liberty to the Christians of living according
to their own institutions and laws ; and this liberty was more clearly de-
fined the following year, A.D. 313, in a new edict drawn up at Milan. (19)
C. Gal. Maximin indeed, who reigned in the East, was projecting new ca-
lamities for the Christians,(20) and menacing the emperors of the West
with war ; but being vanquished by Licinius, he put an end to his own life
by swallowing poison, at Tarsus, in the year 313.
c. 33. — [The decree is given us, in Greek, in their city ; and then granted them their
by Euseb., Hist. Eccles., 1. viii., c. 17, and petition. Other cities followed this exam-
in Latin, by Lactantius, de Mortib. Perse- pie, and thus a new persecution was set on
quutor., c. 34. — Schl.] foot. Perhaps Lactantius and Eusebius
(19) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. x., c. 5.
Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequutor., c. 48.
[It is the second edict, or that of Milan,
which is found in the passages here referred
to : Eusebius gives it in Greek, Lactantius
in Latin. The first edict is wholly lost ; yet
from the second, we may learn what was ob-
scure or indefinite in the first. The first
edict gave religious freedom, not only to the
Christians, but to all other sects ; yet it for-
bid any person's abandoning the religion in
which he had been born and brought up.
erred, in representing Maximin as the origi-
nal cause of these applications to himself.
Such petitions were in fact presented ; and
as the emperor was about engaging in war
with Constantine, he used every means to
secure the fidelity of cities in the East to
himself ; and as the persecution of the Chris-
tians was one of the means to be used,
therefore he gratified their wishes. Subse-
quently, when the first edict of Constantine
and Licinius was brought to him, in the
year 312, he would not suffer it to be pub-
This prohibition operated disadvantageous- lishcd in his provinces ; probably from pride,
ly to the Christian cause ; and occasioned
many, who had recently embraced Christiani-
ty, to return to their former religion, in obedi-
ence to the imperial edict. This prohibition
therefore, with all other restraints, was re-
moved in the second edict. See Mosheim,
Comment, de Rebus Christianor., p. 959. —
Schl ]
(20) [C. Gal. Maximin did not at first
venture to contravene the edict of Gal. Max-
imianus, (giving full toleration to the Chris-
tians), yet he did not publish it in his prov-
inces ; but afterwards, by underhanded eva-
sions he violated it. For if we may believe
Lactantius, (de Mortib. Persequutor , c. 36),
he deeming it unsuitable, for him to be the
publisher of edicts given out by persons
whom he regarded as his inferiors in rank.
Yet, according to Eusebius, (Hist. Eccles.,
1. ix., c. 9), he sent a letter to his governors
of provinces, which was very favourable to
the Christians, and in which he requested
his subjects to treat them kindly and tender-
ly. The Christians however, put no confi-
dence in this letter, and were still afraid
openly to profess their religion. But. after
he had been vanquished by Licinius, in the
year 313, he published a new edict in favour
of the Chiistians ; (Euseb., Hist. Eccles.,
1. ix., c. 10), in which he laments that the
he slyly so managed, that what some cities judges and magistrates had misinterpreted
petitioned for, namely, that the Christians
might be prevented from erecting temples
within their walls, was effected. Eusebius
relates, (Hist. Eccles., 1. ix., c. 2), that
through the medium of one Theotecnus, he
induced the Antiochians to petition to him,
the former law ; and he now expressly gives
the Christians liberty to rebuild their tem-
ples, and commands that the property taken
from them should be restored. Soon after
this, he died ; and the ten years' persecution
ended. See Mosheim, Comment, de Rebus
that no Christian might be allowed to reside Christianor., p. 961, &c. — Schl.]
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
213
§ 7. About this time Constantine the Great, who was previously a man
of no religion, is said to have embraced Christianity, being induced there-
to, principally, by the miracle of a cross appearing to him in the heavens.
But this story is liable to much doubt. For his first edict in favour of the
Christians, and many other things, sufficiently evince indeed that he was
at that time well disposed towards the Christians and their worship, but
by no means that he regarded Christianity as the only true and saving re-
ligion ; on the contrary, it appears that he regarded other religions, and
among them the old Roman religion, as likewise true and useful to man-
kind ; and he therefore wished all religions to be freely practised through-
out the Roman empire. (21) But as he advanced in life, Constantine made
progress in religious knowledge, and gradually came to regard Christianity
as the only true and saving religion, and to consider all others as false and
impious. Having learned this, he now began to exhort his subjects to em.
brace Christianity ; and at length he proclaimed war against the ancient
superstitions. At what time this change in the views of the emperor took
place, and he began to look upon all religions but the Christian as false,
cannot be determined. This however is certain, that the change in his
views was first made manifest by his laws and edicts, in the year 324, after
the death of Licinius, when Constantine became sole emperor.(22) His
purpose however, of abolishing the ancient religion of the Romans and of
tolerating only the Christian religion, he did not disclose till a little be-
fore his death, when he published his edicts for pulling down the pagan
temples and abolishing the sacrifices. (23)
21) [This is evident from Eusebius, de
Vita Constantini, 1. i., c. 27. In the com-
mencement of the war with Maxcntius, he
was still at a loss to what God he should
trust himself and his affairs. He at length
determined to honour that one God only,
whom his father had worshipped, and to show
no reverence to the ancient Roman deities.
The grounds on which he came to this deci-
sion, were feeble ; namely, the good fortune
of his father who adhered to this worship ;
and the ill fortune and lamentable end of
Diocletian, Galerins Maximian, and other
emperors, who had worshipped the pagan
deities. And according to Eusebius (de
Vita Constantini, 1. i., c. 28), he knew so
little of the God of his father, that he prayed
he might be able to know him. He was a
deist of the lowest class, who considered
the God of his father as a limited being,
though more benevolent and powerful than
any of the Greek and Roman deities. This
is manifest from his regulations in favour of
the Christians, and from his laws tolerating
the pagan haruspices. Codex Theodos., 1.
is., tit. 16, leg. 1, 2, and 1. xvi., tit. 10,
leg. i. Compare Zosimus, lib. ii., p. 10,
ed. Oxford, 1679, 8vo. See Mosheim,
Comment, de Rebus Christianor., p. 971,
&c —Schl.]
(22) Eusebius, de Vita Constantini, 1. ii.,
c. 20 and 44. [In this year, 324, all those
who for their adherence to Christianity du-
ring the preceding persecution had become
exiles, or been sent to the mines, or been
robbed of their property, were restored to
their country, their liberty, and their posses-
sions ; and the Christian temples were or-
dered to be rebuilt and enlarged. — Schl.]
(23) See Ja. Gothofrcd, ad Codicem The-
odos., torn, vi., pt. i., p. 290, &c. [The
statement of Zosimus (lib. ii., p. 104) is
not to be wholly rejected. He says that af-
ter the death of Licinius, a certain Egyp-
tian came to Rome from Spain, and convin-
ced the emperor of the truth of the Chris-
tian religion. No reason can be assigned,
why Zosimus should have fabricated such a
story. This Egyptian was probably Hos-ius,
the bishop of Corduba ; who was a native
Egyptian, and was then at the court of Con-
stantine very probably soliciting the res-
toration of the church goods which had
been confiscated. At least, it is expressly
stated that the money destined for Africa,
was paid in consequence of his efforts.
This conjecture is favoured by Baumgarten,
Aus7.ug der Kirchengesch., vol. ii., p. 691.
The later Greeks ascribe the emperor's con-
version to a courtier named Euphrates ;
of whom however, the ancients make no
mention. Theodoret, (Hist. Eccles., 1. i.,
c. 17), ascribes it to the influence of Helena
hit mother; but she was brought to em-
214
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
& 8. That the emperor was sincere and not a dissembler in regard to
his conversion to Christianity, no person can doubt, who believes that men's
actions are an index of their real feelings. It is indeed true, that Constan-
tine's life was not such as the precepts of Christianity required ;(24) and
it is also true that he remained a catechumen all his life, and was received
to full membership in the church by baptism at Nicomedia only a few days
before his death. (25) But neither of these is adequate proof, that the em-
peror had not a general conviction of the truth of the Christian religion,
or that he only feigned himself a Christian. For in that age many persons
deferred baptism till near the close of life, that they might pass into the
other world altogether pure and undefiled with sin ;(26) and it is but too
notorious, that many persons who look upon the Christian religion as in-
dubitably true and of divine origin, yet do not conform their lives to all its
holy precepts. — It is another question, whether worldly motives might not
have contributed in some degree, to induce Constantine to prefer the Chris-
tian religion to the ancient Roman, and to all other religions, and to rec-
ommend the observance of it to his subjects. Indeed it is no improbable
brace Christianity by her son, according Christianae. torn, ii., p. 232, &c. [Valesi-
to Eusebius, de Vita Constantini, 1. hi., c. us, in his notes on Eusebius, de Vita Con-
47. — Zosimus relates that Constantine stantini, 1. iv., c. 61, where Eusebius relates,
asked the pagan priests to absolve him from that Constantine first received imposition of
the euilt of destroying Licinius, Fausta, hands, previous to his baptism, a little before
his death ; infers, that the emperor then first
became a catechumen, because he then first
received imposition of hands. But the bish-
ops laid hands on the catechumens, at vari-
ous times, and for various purposes : and the
connexion here shows, that Eusebius refers
to that imposition of hands, which immedi-
ately preceded, and was connected with bap-
tism. See Tertullian, de Baptismo, c. 20.
It will not follow, therefore, that Constan-
tine had never before received imposition of
hands, for other purposes. But suppose he
had not, still we do not know that the only
mode of constituting a catechumen, in that
age, was by imposition of hands : and if it
and Crispus ; and when they told him this
•was impossible, the Egyptian before men-
tioned, undertook to show that the Chris-
tian religion offered the means of cleansing
away his guilt ; and this it was, induced the
emperor to embrace Christianity. There
is perhaps some degree of truth in this
story ; perhaps Constantine did, in fact,
after the death of Licinius first learn, either
from this Egyptian or from some others,
that the blood of Christ was expiatory for
believers therein. It is at least certain, that
in the first years after his victory over Max-
entius, he had very incorrect ideas of Christ
and of the Christian religion ; as is manifest
from his Rescript to Anulmus, in Eusebius,
Hist. Eccles., 1. x., c. 7. See Mosheim,
Comment, de Rebus Christianor., p. 976,
&c.— Schl.]
(24) [He put to death his own son Cm-
pus, and his wife Fausta, on a groundless
suspicion ; and cut off his brother-in-law
Licinius, and his unoffending son, contrary
to his plighted word ; and was much addict-
ed to pride and voluptuousness. — Schl.]
(25) Eusebius, de Vita Constantini, lib.
iv., c. 61, 62. — -Those who, in reliance on
more recent and dubious authorities, main-
tain that Constantine received Christian bap-
tism at Rome, in the year 324, and from the
hands of Sylvester, then the bishop of Rome,
do not at this day gain the assent of intelli-
gent men, even in the Roman Catholic
church. See Henry Noris, Historia Dona-
tist., in his Opp., torn, iv., p. 650. Tho.
Maria Mamachius, Origines et Antiqq.
was, so great an emperor might be excused
from the ceremony, which could plead no
divine authority. That Constantine long
before this time, declared himself a Chris-
tian, and was acknowledged as such by the
churches, is certain. It is also true that he
had for a long time performed the religious
acts of an unbaptized Christian, that is, of a
catechumen ; for he attended public worship,
fasted, prayed, observed the Christian Sab-
bath and the anniversaries of the martyrs,
and watched on the vigils of Easter, &c.,
&c. Now these facts show that he had, in
fact, long been a catechumen ; and that he
did not first become so, at the time hands
were laid on him in order to his baptism.
See Mosheim, Comment, de Rebus Christi-
anor., p. 965, &c.— Tr.]
(26) [See Ant. Fred. Busching's Disput.
de Procrastinatione Baptismi apud veteres,
ejusque Causis. — Schl.]
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
215
conjecture, that the emperor had discernment to see that Christianity pos-
sessed great efficacy, and idolatry none at all, to strengthen public author,
ity and to bind citizens to their duty.(27)
§ 9. The sign of the cross, which Constantine most solemnly affirmed
he saw in the heavens in broad daylight, is a subject involved in the greatest
obscurities and difficulties. It is however an easy thing to refute those who
regard this prodigy as a cunning fiction of the emperor, or who rank it
among fables :(28) and also those who refer the phenomenon to natural
causes, ingeniously conjecturing that the form of a cross appeared in a so-
lar halo, or in the moon :(29) and likewise those who ascribe the transac-
(27) See Eusebius, de Vita Constantini,
1. i., c. 27. [The Romans had then lost
nearly all their former virtue, fidelity, good
sense and valour ; and in their place, tyran-
ny, profligacy, and shameful vices and crimes
succeeded and became prevalent, especially,
during the persecution of the Christians.
Among the more intelligent, very little of the
ancient superstitious spirit remained ; so ef-
fectually had the Christian and pagan phi-
losophers exposed the turpitude of the old re-
ligion. But among the Christians, who were
spread far and wide in the Roman empire,
and here and there had brought over some
of the neighbouring nations to their religion,
great firmness and stability of mind was
manifest, together with good faith and hon-
esty. Hence Constantine the Great might
readily see, that the Christian religion would
contribute much more to the tranquillity of
the empire, and to the establishment of his
dominion, than the old religion could do. —
Schl.]
(28) Joh. Hornbeck, Comment, ad Bui-
lam Urbani viii., de Imaginum cultu, p. 182,
&c. Ja. Oiselius, Thesaurus Numismat.
antiquor., p. 463. Ja. Tollius, Preface to
his French translation of Longinus ; and in
his notes on Lactantius, de Mortib. Perse-
quutor., c. 44. Christ. Tkomasius, Obser-
vat. Hallens., torn, i., p. 380 ; and others.
[There is difference of opinion as to the
time when, and the place where the emperor
saw this cross. Some follow Eusebius, (de
Vita Constantini. 1. i., c. 28), and believe
that he saw it while in Gaul, and when ma-
king preparations for the war with Maxen-
tius. Others rely on the testimony of Lac-
tantius, (de Morlib. Persequut., c. 44), and
believe that he saw the cross on the 26th
day of October, A.D. 312, [the day before
the battle, in which Maxentius was van-
quished near Rome.] So thought Stephen
Bduze ; (see his notes on this passage in
Lactantius) ; whom Pagi, Fabncius, and
.others have followed. The point is a diffi-
cult one to decide ; and the brothers Balle-
rini, (Observ. ad Norisii Hist. Donatist.,
Opp., torn, iv., p. 662), would compromise
it, by supposing there were two appearances
of the cross, both in dreams, the first in Gaul
and the last in Italy : which is a miserable
shift. — Among those who regard the whole
story as a fabrication, some suppose it was
a pious fraud, and others that it was a trick
of state. The first supposition is most im-
probable. For at the time the cross is said
to have appeared to him, Constantine thought
nothing about spreading the Christian re-
ligion, but only about vanquishing Maxen-
tius. Besides he was not then a Christian,
and did not use the event for the advance-
ment of Christianity, but for the animation
of his troops. The other supposition has
more probability ; indeed, Licmius once re-
sorted to something like this, according to
Lactantius, de Mortib. Persequut., c. 46. —
But Constantine solemnly averred the real-
ity of this prodigy ; and if he had been in-
clined to use artifice in order to enkindle
courage in his soldiers, he would far more
probably, as his army was made up chiefly
of barbarians and such as were not Chris-
tians, (see Zosimus, 1. ii., p. 86), have rep-
resented Mars or some other of the vulgar
deities as appearing to him. See Mosheim,
Comment, de Rebus Christianor., p. 978,
&c.— Schl.]
(29) See Joh. Andr. Schmidt, Diss. do
Luna in Cruce visa, Jena, 1681, 4to, and
Joh. Albert. Fabncius, Diss. de Cruce a Con-
stantino visa, in his Biblioth. Gr., vol. vi.f
cap. i.,p. 8, &.c. — [This opinion also has its
difficulties. Fabricius himself admits, that
on his hypothesis the appearance of visible
words in the air cannot be explained. And
he resorts to a new exposition of the lan-
guage of Eusebius for relief, and believes
that the words by this conqueror, (£v raru
vim?., hoc vince), were not actually seen,
but that the sense of them was emblemati-
cally depicted, in a crown of victory that ap-
peared in the heavens. But (1) if the em-
peror intended to say this, he expressed him-
self very obscurely. (2) It is certain, that
Constantine did not intend to be so under-
stood ; for he caused the very words men-
tioned to be affixed to the standards (Labara)
216
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
tion to the power of God, who intended by a miracle to confirm the wa.
vering faith of the emperor.(30) And these suppositions being rejected,
of the legions, and to the medals and other
monuments of the event ; which he would
not have done, had he not designed it should
be understood that these words were actually
seen in the heavens. (3) All the ancient
writers so understood the account given by
Eusebius. (4) Such a halo about the sun,
as that described by the emperor, has never
been seen by man. For he did not see the
sign or form of a real cross, but the Greek
letter X. intersected perpendicularly by the
letter P; thus, ;§. [Euseb., de Vita Con-
stant., 1. i., c. 31. ] See Mosheim, Comment.
de Rebus Christ., p. 985.— Schl.~\
(30) [Eusebius alone, (de Vita Constanti-
ni, 1. i., c. 28-31), among the writers of that
age, gives us any account of the vision of
the cross ; though Lactantius, (de Mortib.
Persequutor., c. 44), and others speak of the
" dream," in which Constantine was direct-
ed to use the sign of the cross. Eusebius1
account is as follows : " He conceived that
he ought to worship only the God of his fa-
ther. He therefore called upon this God in
prayer, entreating and beseeching him, to
manifest to him, who he was, and to extend
his right arm on the present occasion.
While he was thus praying with earnest
entreaty, a most singular divine manifesta-
tion (tieoffrjuia Ttf Trapado^oruT^) appeared :
which, perhaps, had another declared it,
would not easily be credited ; but the victo-
rious emperor himself having related it to us
who write this, when we had a long time af-
terwards the privilege of knowing and con-
versing with him, and having confirmed it
with an oath ; who can hesitate to believe
the account 1 and especially, as the subse-
quent time [or the events which followed]
affords evidence of its truth 1 He said that,
about the middle hours of the day, as the
sun began to verge towards its setting, he
saw in the heavens, with his own eyes, the
sun surmounted with the trophy of the cross,
(inrepKeiuevov rS TjMufavpa rponaiov), which
was composed of light, and had a legend (ypa-
<j»)v) annexed, saying, by this conquer. And
amazement seized him, and the whole army,
at the sight, (km ru deupari), and the be-
holders wondered as they accompanied him
in the march. And he said, he was at a
loss what to make of this spectre, (rt Trore
iiri TO (ftdafia), and as he pondered and re-
flected upon it long, night came upon him
by surprise. After this, as he slept, (v-nvuvn
&VT$), the Christ of God appeared to him,
together with the sign before seen in the
heavens, and bid him make a representation
of the sign that appeared in the heavens, and
to use that as a protection (
Xprjo&cii) against the onsets of his enemies.
As soon as it was day, he arose, related the
wonder (rb aTroppr/Tov) to his friends ; and
then assembling the workers in gold and
precious stones, he seated himself in the
midst of them, and describing the appearance
of the sign, (r« a^fieia), he bid them imitate
it in gold and precious stones. This we
were once so fortunate as to set our eyes
upon." Eusebius then goes into a long de-
scription of this sacred standard, which was
called the Labarum. Its shaft was a very
long spear, overlaid with gold. On its top,
was a crown composed of gold and precious
stones, and containing the sacred symbol,
namely, the Greek letter X, intersected with
the letter P. Just under this crown, was a
likeness of the emperor, in gold ; and below
that, a crosspiece of wood, from which hung
a square flag, of purple cloth embroidered
and covered with precious stones. — Now if
this narrative is all true, and if two connect-
ed miracles were actually wrought, as here
stated ; how happens it that no writer of that
age, except Eusebius, says one word about
the luminous cross in the heavens 1 — How
came it, that Eusebius himself said nothing
about it in his Eccles. History, which was
written twelve years after the event, and
about the same length of time before his Life
of Constantine 1 Why does he rely solely
on the testimony of the emperor, and not
even intimate that he ever heard of it from
others ; whereas, if true, many thousands
must have been eyewitnesses of the fact ? —
What mean his suggestions, that some may
question the truth of the story ; and his cau-
tion not to state anything as a matter of
public notoriety, but to confine himself sim-
ply to the emperor's private representation
to himself! — Again, if the miracle of the lu-
minous cross was a reality, has not God
himself sanctioned the use of the cross as
the appointed symbol of our religion ! so that
there is no superstition in the use of it, but
the Catholics are correct and the Protestants
in an error on this subject 1 — If God intend-
ed to enlighten Constantine's dark mind and
show him the truth of Christianity, would he
probably use for the purpose the enigma of a
luminous cross, in preference to his inspired
word or a direct and special revelation ]
Was there no tendency to encourage a su-
perstitious veneration for the sign of the
cross, in such a miracle 1 — And can it be
believed, that Jesus Christ actually appeared
to the emperor in a vision, directing him to
make an artificial cross, and to rely upon that
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
217
the only conclusion that remains is, that Constantine saw, in a dream while
asleep, the appearance of a cross, with the inscription, by this conquer.(3l)
Nor is this opinion unsupported by competent authorities of good credit.(32)
§10. The happiness anticipated by the Christians from the edicts of
Constantine and Licinius, was a little afterwards interrupted by Licinius,
who waged war against his kinsman Constantine. Being vanquished in
the year 314, he was quiet for about nine years. But in the year 324,
this restless man again attacked Constantine, being urged on both by his own
inclination and by the instigation of the pagan priests. That he might se-
cure to himself a victory, he attached the pagans to his cause by severely
oppressing the Christians, and by putting not a few of their bishops to
death.(33) But all his plans failed. For after several unsuccessful bat-
tles, he was obliged to throw himself upon the mercy of the victor ; who
nevertheless ordered him to be strangled in the year 325. After his vic-
tory over Licinius, Constantine reigned sole emperor till his death ; and
by his plans, his enactments, his regulations, and his munificence, he en-
deavoured as much as possible to obliterate gradually the ancient super-
stitions, and to establish Christian worship throughout the Roman em-
pire.(34) He had undoubtedly learned from the wars and the machina-
as his defence in the day of battle 1 — But
how came the whole story of the luminous
cross to be unknown to the Christian world,
for more than twenty-five years, and then to
transpire only through a private conversation
between Eusefnus and Conslantine 1 — Is it
not supposable, that Eusebius may have mis-
understood the account the emperor gave
him, of a singular halo about the sun which
he saw, and of an affecting dream which he
had the night after, and which induced him to
make the Labarum, and use it as his stand-
ard 1 — Such are the arguments against this
hypothesis. — 7V.]
(3 1 ) [Lactantius mentions only the dream ;
and the same is true of Sozomen, lib. i., c.
3, and Rvfinus, in his translation of the Ec-
cles. History of Eusebius ; and likewise, of
the author of the Chronicon Orientale, p. 57.
Indeed the appeal of Eusebius to the solemn
attestation of the emperor, (de Vita Constan-
tini, 1. i , c 29), and the statement of Gela-
sius Cyzicenits, (Acta Concilii Nicaeni, lib.
i., c. 4, in Harduin's Concilia, torn, i., p.
351), that the whole story was accounted
fabulous by the pagans, confirm the suppo-
sition that it was a mere dream. For the
appeal of Eusebius would have been unne-
cessary, and the denial of its reality by the
pagans would have been impossible, if the
whole army of Constantine had been eyewit-
nesses of the event. — Schl.]
(32) The writers who treat of Conxtantine
the Great, are carefully enumerated by Joh.
Alb. Fabncius, Lux salutaris Evangelii toti
orbi eroriens, c. 12, p. 260, &c. [The la-
test and by far the best, (says Hceren, An-
cient Hist., p. 475, ed. Bancroft, 1828), is,
VOL. I.— E E
Leben Constantin des Grossen, von J. C.
F. Manso, Bresl , 1817.] Fabricius more-
over, (ibid, c. 13, p. 273, &c.), describes
the laws of Constantine relating to religious
matters, under four heads The same laws
are treated of by Jac. Golhofred, Adnot. ad
Codicem Theodosianum ; and in a partic-
ular treatise, by Francis Baldwin, in his
Constantinus Magn. seu de Legibus Con-
stantini Ecclesiast. et civilibus, librii ii., ed.
2d, by B. Gundling, Halle, 1727, 8vo.
(33) Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 1. x., c. 8,
and de Vita Constantini, I. i., c. 49. Even
Julian, than whtfm no one was more preju-
diced against Constantine, could not but
pronounce Licinius an infamous tyrant who
was sunk in vices.and crimes. See Julian's
Caesares, p. 222, ed. Spanheim. — I would
here observe, what appears to have been
overlooked hitherto, that Aurelius Victor
mentions this persecution of Licinius, in his
Book de Caesaribus, c. 41, p. 435, ed. Arnt-
zenii, where he says : Licinio ne insontium
quidem ac nobillium philosophorum servili
more cruciatus adhibiti modum fecere. The
Philosophers, whom Licinius is here said to
have tortured, were doubtless Christians ;
whom many, from their slight acquaintance
with our religion, have mistaken for a sect
of philosophers. The commentators on Au-
rclius have left this passage untouched ;
which is apt to be the case with those, who
are intent only on the enlargement of gram-
matical knowledge derived from ancient
writers.
(34) [Constantine doubtless committed
errors, which in their consequences were in-
jurious to the cause of Christianity. He
218 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
tions of Licinius, that neither himself nor the Roman empire could remain
secure while the ancient superstition continued prevalent, and therefore
from this time onward, he openly opposed the pagan deities and their wor-
ship, as being prejudicial to the interests of the state.
§ 11. After the death of Constantine, which happened in the year 337,
his three surviving sons, Constantine II., Constantius, and Constans, agree-
ably to his pleasure, assumed the empire, and were all proclaimed Augusti
and emperors by the Roman senate. There were still living two brothers
of Constantine the Great, namely, Constantius Dalmatius and Julius Con-
stans, and they had several sons. But nearly all these were slain by the
soldiers at the command of Constantine's sons, who feared lest their thirst
for power might lead them to make insurrections and disturb the common-
wealth. (35) Only Gallus and Julian, sons of Julius Constans, escaped
the massacre ;(36) and the latter of these afterwards became emperor.
Constantine II. held Britain, Gaul, and Spain ; but lost his life A.D. 340,
in a war with his brother Constantius. Constans at first governed only
Illyricum, Italy, and Africa ; but after the fall of his brother Constantine II.
he annexed his provinces to his empire, and thus became emperor of all
the West, until he lost his life A.D. 350, in the war with Maxentius a
usurper. After the death of Constans, Maxentius being subdued, the third
brother Constantius, who had before governed Asia, Syria and Egypt, in
the year 353 became sole emperor, and governed the whole empire till the
year 361, when he died. Neither of these brothers possessed the disposi-
tion or the discernment of their father ; yet they all pursued their father's
purpose, of abolishing the ancient superstitions of the Romans and other
pagans, and of propagating the Christian religion throughout the Roman
empire. The thing itself was commendable and excellent ; but in the
means employed, there was much that was censurable. (37)
§ 12. The cause of Christianity which had been thus flourishing and
gave to the clergy the former privileges of livelong; and Julian, being but eight years
the pagan priests ; and allowed legacies to old, created no fear. Some years after, they
be left to the churches, which were every- were sent to a remote place in Cappadocia,
where erected and enlarged. He was grat- where they were instructed in languages, the
ified with seeing the bishops assume great sciences, and gymnastics, being in a sense
state ; for he thought, the more respect the kept prisoners ; and were at last designed
bishops commanded, the more inclined the for the clerical office, having been made lee-
pagans would be to embrace Christianity : tors or readers. Am.mia.nus MarcelL, 1.
and thus he introduced the love of pomp and xxii., c. 9. — ScW.]
display among the clergy. — SchL] (37) [Coercive measures were adopted,
(35) [" It is more probable, that the prin- which only made nominal Christians. A
cipal design of this massacre was to recover law was enacted, in the year 342, that all
the provinces of Thrace, Macedon, and the heathen temples should be shut up, and
Achaia, which in the division of the empire, that no person should be allowed to go near
Constantine the Great had given to young them. All sacrifices, and all consultations
Dalmatius, son of his brother of the same of the oracles and the soothsayers, were pro-
name, and Pontus and Cappadocia, which he hibited on pain of death and confiscation of
had granted to Annibalianus, the brother of property : and the provincial magistrates
young Dalmatius. Be that as it will, Dr. were threatened with the same penalties, if
Mosheim has attributed this massacre equal- they were dilatory in punishing transgressors
ly to the three sons of Constantine ; whereas of the law. This was to compel the con-
almost all authors agree, that neither young science, and not to convince it. The his-
Constantine, nor Constans, had any hand in tory of these emperors may be found in the
it at all." — Mac!.] Universal History, and in Le Beau's History
(36) [Because they were despised: Gallus of the Eastern Empire.— <ScA/.]
being sickly, it was supposed he would not
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS. 219
prosperous, received immense injury and seemed on the brink of ruin,
when Julian, the son of Julius Constans, brother of Constantine the Great,
now the only surviving branch of the Constantinian family,(38) after a sue-
cessful campaign in Gaul A.D. 360, was hailed emperor by his soldiers,
and on the death of Constantius, A.D. 361, obtained possession of the whole
empire. For Julian, though educated in the Christian religion, yet influ-
enced partly by hatred of the Constantinian family, which had murdered
his father, brother, and all his relatives, and partly by the artifices of the
Platonic philosophers, who deceived this credulous and vainglorious prince
with fictitious miracles and prophecies, apostatized from Christianity to
paganism, and laboured to restore idolatry now ready to become extinct,
to its former splendour. Julian seemed to abhor all violent measures, and
to wish to give full liberty to the citizens of choosing their religion, and of
worshipping God in the manner they pleased ; but at the same time he
artfully and dexterously cut the sinews of the Christian cause, by abroga-
ting the privileges granted to this religion and to its ministers, by shutting
up the Christian schools in which philosophy and the liberal arts were
taught, by not only tolerating but even encouraging and animating all
sectarians, by writing books against the Christians, &c. He likewise had
many projects in contemplation ; and would, doubtless, have done immense
harm to Christianity, if he had returned victorious from the Persian war,
which he undertook directly after he came to the throne. But in this war,
which was both undertaken and carried on with little discretion, he fell by
a wound received in battle, A.D. 363, when just entered the thirty-second
year of his age, and after reigning sole emperor only twenty months from
the death of Constantius. (39)
§ 13. Those who rank Julian among the greatest heroes the world has
produced, nay, place him the first of all who ever filled a throne — which
many at this day do, and among them are persons of learning and discern.
incut — (40) must either be so blinded by prejudice, as not to see the truth ; or
(38) [For, Gallus, who had been created the history of his life. He was born A.D.
Caesar, was previously slain by order of Con- 331 ; and lost his mother Basilina, the same
stantius, because of his cruelty, and being year ; and his father, Julius Constantius, a
charged with aspiring after the supreme pow- few years after. Mardonius, a eunuch, and
er. Ammian. MarcclL, 1. xiv.,c. 11. — Schl.] Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, were his
(39) See, besides Tillcmont ; [the Uni- first instructers. When Gallus was made a
versal History ; Le Beau, Histoire du bas Caesar, Julian obtained permission to come
Empire, torn, iii., livr. xii-xiv.J ; and other to Constantinople, where he attended the
common writers ; the accurately written public schools ; afterwards he went to Bi-
work of Bletterie, Vie de Julien, Paris, thynia, and everywhere attached himself to
1734, and Amsterd., 1735, 8vo ; the Life the most noted teachers. He read and imi-
and Character of Julian the Apostate, il- tated the orations of Libanius, a pagan
lustrated in vii. Dissertations, by Des Voeux, sophist, whom he was strictly forbidden to
Dublin, 1746, 8vo; Ez. Spanhcim, Preface hear. At Pergamus he became acquainted
and Notes to the Works of Julian, Lips., with Acdc.iiits, an aged Platonic philosopher;
1696, fol., and Joh. Alb. Fabricius, Lux and heard his scholars, Eusebius and Chry-
salutaris Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, cap. santhes, as also Maximus of Ephesus ; which
xiv., p. 294, &c. [Add Aug. Neander, last initiated him in theurgia, brought him to
iiber Kayser Julianus und sein Zietalter, apostatize from Christianity, and presaged
Hamb., 1812, 8vo — TV.] his elevation to the throne. This change in
(40) Montesquieu, Esprit des I^oix, livr. his religion, he was obliged to conceal from
xiiv., c. 10, says: II n'y a point eu apres Constantius and Gallus. Julian therefore
lui de Prince plus digne de gotiverner des devoted himself to a monastic life, assumed
hommes. [To form a correct judgment of the tonsure, and became a public reader in
Julian, it is necessary cursorily to survey the church at Nicomedia. In the year 354,
220
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
they must have never read attentively Julian's writings which still remain ;
after the death of Gallus, he was deprived
of his liberty, and carried to Milan. After
being in custody there seven months, by the
intercession of the empress Eusebia, he ob-
tained a release, and liberty to travel into
Greece, where he applied himself at Athens
to the sciences and to eloquence, and be-
came acquainted with Basil and Gregory
of Nazianzen. In the year 355, he was
proclaimed Csesar, and had Gaul, Spain, and
Britain intrusted to him. But Constantius
greatly limited his power, and nominated
not only the military commanders there, but
also the officers of Julian's court, who were
to keep strict watch over him. To this his
elevation, Eusebia contributed much, she
being anxious about the succession to the
throne, on account of her continued barren-
ness : and the rebellion of Sylvanus, which
took place in the beginning of this year, as
also the continual incursions of the bordering
nations which required a general in Gaul,
favoured the measure. Julian performed
some successful campaigns in Gaul, which
procured him the affections not only of the
soldiery, but of all the Gallic subjects. This
awakened the jealousy of Constantius, who,
under pretext of the Persian war, recalled a
great part of the troops from Gaul. In the
spring of 360, the soldiers proclaimed Julian
Augustus, and compelled him to assume
that dignity. A reconciliation was attempted
in vain. Constantius insisted upon it, that
Julian should resign. Julian prosecuted
the German war successfully, and strength-
ened and fortified the frontiers ; and after
vanquishing the Germans, whom Constan-
tius had excited against him, and subduing
Illyria and Italy, he marched unencumbered
against Constantius ; who came forward to
meet him, but was taken sick on the way,
and died in Cilicia. Julian now took quiet
possession of the whole Roman empire ;
caused Constantius to be honourably bu-
ried ; but called his principal officers to ac-
count before a special court, as the authors
of numerous acts of violence. He likewise
attempted great reforms in the court, in
which prodigality and pomp had risen to a
great height. He also dismissed many use-
less officers : and filled his court with phi-
losophers and soothsayers, to whom he
showed particular respect. During the II-
lyrian campaign, in the year 36 1, he publicly
sacrificed to the gods ; and after the death
of Constantius, he let it be distinctly known,
that it was his purpose to reinstate idolatrous
worship. But as he was aware of the ill
consequences which formerly resulted from
direct persecution, and wished to avoid the
repetition of them, and coveted the reputa-
tion of being magnanimous and benevolent,
and as, in prospect of his Persian campaign,
he stood in fear of the numerous body of
Christians ; he endeavoured to assail and
to undermine them, by artifice. For this
purpose, he adopted the following measures.
First, he endeavoured to reform the pagan
idolatry, and to introduce improvements in
it derived from the Christian worship. With
this view, he attended to his official duties
as Pontifex Maximus, with more earnestness
than any of his predecessors, and even treated
them as of more consequence than the gov-
ernment of the empire. He offered sacrifices
daily, in his palace and garden ; attended the
public sacrifices on all the pagan festivals,
and officiated personally in them, without
the least regard to decorum, even as to the
meanest service. He re-established the
public sacrifices of the cities and provinces.
Where there were no temples, or where the
destroyers of the ancient temples could not
be found or were his own predecessors, there
he erected temples at his own cost, and gave
to the idolatrous priests high rank and large
revenues. As he had been converted to
paganism by philosophers, who were of the
new Platonic School, and who held much to
theurgia, magic, divination, and apparitions,
and were willing to borrow from Christian-
ity ; hence originated many burdensome pu-
rifications, and prolix ceremonies of worship,
together with a considerable aping of Chris-
tian institutions. He was strenuous for the
virtuous behaviour, the morality and benefi-
cence of the priests ; and he forbid their
going to theatres, or having much intercourse
with those in civil authority. He wished
to place the reading of useful books, giving
public exhortations, and taking care of the
poor, the sick, and funerals, on the same
footing as they were among the Christians ;
and he required, that the priests in many
places should annually be supplied with
corn, and wine, and money, which they
were to distribute to the poor. Secondly,
he supported and extended wider the inter-
nal divisions among the Christians. For he
restored all silenced and ejected teachers,
and required that such parties as had been
laid under ecclesiastical censures, should be
reinstated in their privileges. He wrote let-
ters to the most noted and most restless here-
tics, and encouraged them to disseminate
their doctrines. He allowed the leading
members of the different parties to come to
him, and under colour of attempting to recon-
cile their differences, he inflamed them more
against each other. Thirdly, he deprived
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
221
or lastly, they do not know what constitutes true greatness and excellence.
If we set aside genius — which however, as his writings show, in him was
not above mediocrity — military courage, love of learning, acquaintance
with that fanatical and vain philosophy called modern Platonism, and lastly
patience of labour ; all that remains in Julian was certainly little and un-
worthy of commendation. His excellences were counterbalanced by very
great defects ; first, a monstrous and almost anile superstition — the surest
indication of a little mind — then, a puerile pursuit of applause and vulgar
popularity, extreme credulity and instability, a disposition to use dissimu-
lation and underhanded means, and finally, ignorance of solid and sound
philosophy. I will grant, that in some respects, he was superior to the
sons of Constantine the Great ; but in many respects, he was inferior to
Constantine himself, whom he censures so immoderately.
§ 14. As Julian affected to appear unwilling to trouble any of his sub-
jects on account of their religion, and opposed to no sect whatever, he
showed so much indulgence to the Jews, as to give them liberty to rebuild
the temple of Jerusalem. The Jews commenced the work, but were
obliged to desist before even the foundations were laid. For balls of fire
issued from the ground, accompanied with a great explosion and a tremen-
dous earthquake, which dispersed both the materials that were collected
and the workmen. The fact itself is abundantly attested ;(41) though the
year 363, and in part during his Persian
campaign, is lost. Indeed the Marquis dj
Ar 'gen's, in the Defense du paganisme, par
1'Empereur Julien, en Grec et Fran9ois,
avec des Dissertations et Notes, Berlin,
1764, 8vo, has endeavoured to recover this
work, by means of the Confutation of it by
Cyril. But the recovery is very incomplete.
Yet these remains of it show, that the book
was more likely to injure Christianity by the
style in which it was written, and by the
perversion of scripture, than by either the
strength or the originality of its arguments
and objections. Ninth, and lastly, the em-
peror showed much partiality to the Jews,
and allowed them to rebuild the temple of
Jerusalem, in order to confute by facts the
prediction of Christ. Immediately after,
the clergy of the franchises and permanent
incomes, which they had enjoyed under the
former emperors ; especially, of their ex-
emption from burdensome civil duties, and
of the distribution of corn to the churches
from the emperor's storehouses ; and he
compelled the monks and the ministers
of religion by force, to perform military
duty. Fourthly, he excluded the Christians
from all promotions, and in terms of bitter
sarcasm, forbid their access to the public
schools, their studying the Greek authors
and sciences, and their practising physic.
Fifthly, he commanded the idolatrous tem-
ples, images, and altars, to be rebuilt, at the
cost of those who had pulled them down.
Sixthly, acts of violence done by pagans to
Christians, he either did not punish at all, or
punished very slightly, only requiring them
to make restitution. On the contrary, every
tumult among Christians was punished most
severely ; and commonly, the bishops and
the churches were made accountable for
them. Seventhly, he connected idolatry
with all solemn transactions, and with the
manifestations of respect due to himself, and
made a participation in it unavoidable. The
soldiers for instance, when extraordinary
gratuities were presented to them, must
strew incense upon an altar ; and to all the
publicly exhibited pictures of the emperor,
idolatrous deities were attached. Eighthly,
he ridiculed the Christians and their wor-
ship, scornfully ; and wrote books in confu-
tation of their doctrines. His work against
there were banishments, tortures, and execu-
tions of Christians, under pretence that they
had showed themselves refractory against
the commands of the emperor ; and there
were many, especially in the eastern provin-
ces, who became apostates. Yet there were
not wanting resolute confessors of the Chris-
tian religion. See Baumgar ten's Auszug
der Kirchengesch.,vol. ii., p. 763, 780, 792,
&c.— Sr.hL]
(41) See Joh. Alb. Fabricius, Lux salu
tar. Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, p. 124,
where the testimonies are collected. See
also the acute English knight, Walter Moyle,
Posthumous works, p. 101, &c. [The prin-
cipal authorities cited by Fabrieius are,
Chrysostom, Homil. v. adv. Judaeos, et ali-
Christianity, which was composed in the bi, saepius ; Ammianus Marccll., lib. uiu.,
222
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
Christians as often happens in such cases, appear to have inconsiderately
amplified it with some additional miracles. As to the causes which pro-
duced the event, there is room for debate, and there is debate. All how.
ever who weigh the subject with an impartial mind, will easily perceive,
that they must join with those who ascribe the phenomenon to the omnip-
otent will of God ; and that they who choose to ascribe it to natural causes
or to artifice and fraud, offer no objections which are insurmountable. (42)
§ 15. The soldiers elected Jovian to succeed Julian. He died in the
year 364, after reigning seven months ; and therefore accomplished but
little. (43) The other emperors of this century, who reigned after Jovian,
were Flav. Valentinian I. [in the West, from A.D. 364-375, with] Flav,
Valens [in the East, from A.D. 364-378], then Flav. Gratian [in the
West, A.D. 375-383, with] Flav. Valentinian II. [also in the West, A.D.
375-392, and Theodosius the Great, in the East, A.D. 379-395], Hono-
rius, [in the West, A.D. 395-423, with Arcadius, in the East, A.D. 395
—408]. All these were Christians, and did much to advance the religion
they professed. They all endeavoured, though not with equal zeal, to ex-
tirpate wholly the pagan religions. In this particular, Theodosius the
Great, the last emperor of this century [in the East, except Arcadius], ex-
c. i. ; Gregory Naz., orat. iv. ; Ambrose,
Ep. 40, (al. 29, written A.D. 388) ; Socra-
tes, H. E., lib. iii., c. 20 ; Sozomen, H. E.,
lib. v., c. 21 ; Thcodoret, H. E., lib. iii., c.
20 ; Riifinus, H. E., lib. i., c. 37 ; Philostor-
gius, H. E., lib. vii., c. 9, 14 ; Hist. Eccles.
Tripartite, 1. vi., c. 43 ; Nicephorus, 1. x., c.
32 ; Zonaras, 1. xiii., c. 12 ; Rabbi David
Gantz, Zemach David, pt. ii., p. 36; Rab-
bi Gedaliah, Schalschelct Hakkabala, p.
109. — Dr. Lardncr, (Collection of Jewish
and heathen Testimonies, vol. iv., p. 57-
71, ed. Lond., 1767), maintains the whole
story to be false. His chief arguments are
that Julian only purposed to rebuild the
temple, after his Persian expedition ; that
he needed all his resources for that expedi-
tion ; the silence of some of the fathers,
living near the time ; and the decoration of
the story by others of them. But these ar-
guments seem wholly insufficient, against
the explicit testimony of so many credible
witnesses, Christians and pagans, and several
of them contemporary with the event — TV.]
(42) Ja. Basnage, in his Histoire des
Juifs, torn, iv., p. 1257, &c., contests the
reality of this miracle. Against him appear-
ed Gisb. Caperus, in his Epistolae, p. 400,
edited by Bayer. Recently, Wm. Warbur-
ton has maintained the reality of the mira-
cle, sometimes with an excess of ingenuity,
in an appropriate treatise, entitled : Julian,
or a Discourse concerning the earthquake and
fiery eruption, which defeated that emperor's
attempt to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem ;
London, 1750, 8vo.
(43) See Blettcrie, Vie de Jovien, 2 vols.
8vo, Paris, 1748, in which work he com-
pletes the history of Julian, and gives a
French translation of some of Julian's wri-
tings.— [The following notices are worth in-
serting. Both during the lifetime of Julian,
and after his death when the soldiers made
him emperor, Jovian openly declared him-
self on the side of Christianity. For when
Julian gave orders to all the military officers
who were Christians, to either quit the ar-
my, or renounce their religion ; Jovian chose
to relinquish his office. But Julian would
not release him, but gave him promotion du-
ring the Persian war. When chosen empe-
ror, Jovian would not accept the office,
until the army had declared themselves in
favour of Christianity. When he arrived at
Antioch, he repealed all the laws of Julian,
adverse to Christianity : (Rufinus, lib. xi.,
c. 1, and Sozomen, 1. vi., c. 3), and wrote
to all the provincial governors, commanding
them to take diligent care that the Chris-
tians should not be disturbed in their public
assemblies. He restored to the churches,
to the clergy, and to widows, all the fran-
chises and privileges, which had been grant-
ed them by Constantine and his sons, but
which Julian had taken from them. He like-
wise restored the use of the Labarum, or the
standard with a cross : and he compelled one
Magnus to rebuild the church of Bervtus, at
his own cost, he having commanded it to be
demolished. (Theodoret, lib. iv., c. 19.)
In regard to the religious controversies of
that day, he joined with the orthodox against
the Arians ; and he treated Athanasius with
peculiar respect. See Baumgartcri1 s Aus-
zug der Kirchenhistorie, vol. ii., p. 805, and
the Universal History. — SchL]
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS. 233
ceeded all the rest. He came to the throne A.D. 389 — and died A.D.
395. And during his whole life, he did all he could to extirpate idolatry
through all the provinces of the empire, and enacted severe laws against
the adherents to it. The same design was prosecuted by his sons Arcadi-
us and Honorius ; so that in the close of this century, the ancient super-
stitions were ready to expire, and had lost all their respectability.(44)
§ 16. Yet this severity of the government could not prevent the exist-
ence of some pagan fanes and ceremonies, especially in the remoter prov-
inces. Indeed, these rigorous laws against the worshippers of the pagan
deities, seem to have been aimed rather against the common people, than
against persons of rank and distinction. For it appears, that during the
reign of Theodosius, as well as after his death, individuals filled the highest
offices, and continued in them till old age, who are known to have been
averse from Christianity and attached to paganism. Of this Libanius is
an example, who was very hostile to the Christians, and yet was made
prefect of the praetorian guards by Theodosius himself. Perhaps greater
indulgence was shown to philosophers, rhetoricians, and military com-
manders, than to other people, on account of their supposed usefulness to
the commonwealth.
§ 17. Yet these very rhetoricians and philosophers, whose schools were
supposed to be so profitable to the community, exhausted all their ingenu-
ity, both before the days of Constantine the Great, and afterwards, to ar-
rest the progress of Christianity. In the beginning of this century, Hiero-
cles, the great ornament of the Platonic school, composed two books against
the Christians; in which he had the audacity to compare our Saviour witli
Apollonius Tyanaeus, and for which he was chastised by Eusebius [Csesa-
riensis] in a tract written expressly against him. (45) Lactantius speaks
(44) See the laws of these emperors, in disciples, as disseminators of falsehood ; and
favour of the Christian religion, and against he accuses them of being rude and illiterate
the professors and friends of the ancient re- persons, because some of them had lived by
ligion, in the Codex Theodosianus, torn, vi., fishing." — " He affirms, that Christ was out-
and Peter and Jerome Ballcrini, Diss. i. in lawed by the Jews ; and that he afterwards
Zenonem Veronensem, p. 45, &c., Veronae, collected a company of 900 banditti, and
1739, fol. became a robber." — " Also, wishing to over-
(45) [Hicrocles, who flourished about A.D. throw his miracles, (which he does not pre-
303, was governor of Bithynia, and after- tend to deny), he attempts to show, that
wards prsefect of Egypt. He was a zealous Apollonius had performed as great, and even
persecutor of the Christians, and wielded greater." — " I do not say, (he adds), that the
both the sword and the pen against them, reason why Apollonius was never account-
His character and his two Books addressed cd a God, was, that he chose not to be so
to the Christians, are thus described by Lac- regarded : but I say, that we are wiser, — in
tantius, Institut. Divinar., 1. v., c. 2, 3. not attaching at once the idea of divinity to
" He was one of the judges, and was the the working of miracles, — than you are, who
principal author of the persecution [under believe a person a God, merely on account
Diocletian]. But not content with this of a few wonderful acts." — " Having poured
crime, he also attacked with his pen the peo- out such crudities of his ignorance, and hav-
ple he persecuted : for he composed two ing laboured utterly to extirpate the truth,
Books, — not against the Christians, lest he he has the temerity to entitle his nefarious
should seem to address them as an enemy, Books, which are hostile to God, (fytiaXr)-
— but to the Christians, that he might appear $«f), devoted to the truth." — Eusebius, Li-
friendly to them and anxious for their good, her contra Hieroclem, Gr. and Lat., is sub-
In these books he endeavours to prove the joined to his Demonstratio Evangelica, ed.
falsehood of the scriptures, by making them Paris, 1628. — See Lardner's Works, vol.
appear full of contradictions." — " He partic- viii., and Bayle, Dictionnaire Histor. et
ularly assailed Fe/erand Paul and the other Crit., art. Hierocles (2d). — TV.]
224
BOOK IL— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
of another philosopher who endeavoured to convince the Christians they
were in error ; but his name is not mentioned. (46) After the reign of
Constantine the Great, Julian wrote a large volume against the Christians,
and Himerius(<n) and Libanius(48) in their public declamations, and Eu-
napius in his lives of the philosophers, zealously decried the Christian re-
ligion. (49) Yet no one of these persons was punished at all, for the li-
centiousness of his tongue or of his pen.
§18. How much harm these sophists or philosophers, who were full of
the pride of imaginary knowledge, and of hatred to the Christian name,
did to the cause of Christianity in this century, appears from many exam-
ples, and especially from the apostacy of Julian, who was seduced by men
of this stamp. Among those who wished to appear wise, and to take mod-
erate ground, many were induced by the arguments and explanations of
these men, to devise a kind of reconciling religion, intermediate between
the old superstition and Christianity ; and to imagine that Christ had en-
joined the very same things, which had long been represented by the pagan
priests under the envelope of their ceremonies and fables. Of these views
were Ammianus Marcellinus, a very prudent and discreet man,(50) Chal-
(46) Lactantius, Institut. Divinar., lib. v.,
c. 2.
(47) See Photius, Biblioth. Cod. clxv.,
p. 355. [The works of Himerius are lost.
-TV]
(48) [Libanius, the sophist, was born at
Antioch about A.D. 314, and lived proba-
bly till about the end of the century. He
taught rhetoric and declamation at Nice, Ni-
comedia, Constantinople, Athens, and An-
tioch. His schools were large, sometimes
amounting to more than 80 pupils ; and rival
sophists envied him. The emperor Julian,
when young, was forbidden to attend the
school of Libanius ; but he obtained and
read his writings, and made them his model
as to style. When Julian came to the
throne he offered Libanius a public office,
which the sophist proudly refused. Yet the
emperor and he were very good friends.
Libanius was an inflated, pedantic man, full
of himself, yet independent in his feelings,
and free in the expression of his opinions.
He was an avowed pagan, yet a strenuous
advocate for religious toleration. His nu-
merous writings still remain, consisting of a
prolix Life of himself, a large number of eu-
logies and declamations, and more than a
thousand letters. They seldom contain ei-
ther profound or original thought, or display
research ; and the style is concise, affected,
and pedantic. Yet they are of some use, to
throw light on the times in which he lived.
They were published, Gr. and Lat., vol. i.,
Paris, 1606, and vol. ii., by Morell, 1627,
fol. The most complete edition of his epis-
tles, is by Wolf, Amsterdam, 1738, fol. A
volume containing 17 of his Declamations,
was published at Venice, 1755. — See his
Life, written by himself, in his Works, vol.
ii., p. 1-84. Eunapius, Vitae Philos. et
Sophistarum, p. 130, &c., and among the
moderns, Tillemont, Histoire des Empe-
reurs, torn, iv., p. 571, dec. Fabricius,
Biblioth. Gr., torn, vii., p. 376-414. Lard-
ner, Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv., p. 127—
163, and Gibbon, Decline and Fall of Rom.
Emp., ch. xxiv. — TV.]
(49) [See Eunapius, Lives of Aedesius,
Maximus, &c. Eunapius also wrote a
chronicle, to which he frequently refers in
his Lives of the Sophists ; the first edition
of which is full of reproaches against the
Christians and Constantine the Great ; the
second edition is more temperate. Both edi-
tions were extant in the times of Photius :
see his Biblioth. Codex Ixxvii. — Schl.]
(50) [Ammianus Marcellinus, a celebrated
Latin historian of Grecian extract, was a sol-
dier for at least twenty years, from A.D. 350
onward, and served in the honourable corps
called Protectores Domestici. On retiring
from military life, he fixed his residence at
Rome, where he lived perhaps till the end
of the century. There it was he composed
his faithful and valuable history. The work
originally consisted of thirty-one books, and
gave the Roman history from the accession
of Neroa, (where Suetonius ends), to the
death of Valens. The first 13 books, which
must have been very concise, are lost. The
last 18, which are more full, include the pe-
riod from A.D. 353-378. The style is harsh
and unpolished, and sometimes difficult ;
but the fidelity and accuracy of the narration
render the work highly valuable. Marcclli-
nus was probably a real pagan ; but he was
not a bigot, and he was willing to give every
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
225
cidius, a philosopher,(51) Themistius, a very celebrated orator,(52) and
others who conceived that both religions were in unison, as to all the more
important points, if they were rightly understood; and therefore held, that
Christ was neither to be contemned, nor to be honoured to the exclusion
of the pagan deities. (53)
§ 19. As Constantine the Great, and his sons and successors, took much
pains to enlarge the Christian church, it is not strange that many nations,
before barbarous and uncivilized, became subject to Christ. (54) Many
circumstances make it probable, that the light of Christianity cast some of
its rays into both Armenias, the greater and the less, soon after the estab-
lishment of the Christian church. (55) But the Armenian church first re-
ceived due organization and firm establishment, in this century, near the
beginning of which, Gregory the son of Anax, commonly called the Illumi-
nator, [</>&>c7/pa], because he dispelled the mists of superstition which be-
clouded the minds of the Armenians ; first persuaded some private individ-
uals, and afterwards Tiridates the king of the Armenians, as well as his
nobles, to embrace and observe the Christian religion. He was therefore or-
dained the first bishop of Armenia, by Leontius bishop of Cappadocia ; and
gradually diffused the principles of Christianity throughout that country. (56)
§ 20. In the middle of this century, one Frumenlius proceeded from
one his due, according to his best judgment.
The best editions of his work, are, that of
v.rcpublishcd by Granovius, Leyden,
1693, fol. and 4to, and that of Erncsti, Lips.,
1775, 8vo. See Bayle, Dictionnaire histor.
et critique, art. Marcellin. — TV.]
(51) [Chalcidius, a philosopher of the 4th
century, was author of a Latin translation of
the Timaeus of Plato, and of a Commentary
on it, which were published by J. Mcnrxn/x,
Ludg. Bat., 1617, 4to. Dr. Mnsheim's opin-
ion of his religious faith is farther developed
in his Diss. de turbata per recentiores Pla-
tonicos Ecclesia, (f 31, and in his notes on
rtfi's Intellectual System, vol. i., p.
732, <Scc. J. A. Fabricius, (in his notes on
Chalcidius, passim, and in his Biblioth. Lat-
ina, 1. hi., c. 7, p. 557, &c.), and some oth-
ers, hold that Chalcidins was a pagan. —
Brucker (Hist. crit. Philos., torn, iii,, p.
472, &c.) makes him a Christian, though
infected with the new Platonism of his age.
—3V.]
(52) [Themistius, a Greek philosopher of
Paphlagonia, called Euphrades, (the fine
speaker), from his eloquent and command-
ing delivery, was made a Roman senator,
and enjoyed the favour of Constantius, Ju-
lian, and the succeeding emperors, down to
Theodosius the Great, who made him prae-
fect of Constantinople, and appointed him
tutor to his son Arradivs. He wrote, when
young, some commentaries on Aristotle,
fragments of which are still extant, and 33
of his Orations. His works arc best edited
by Harduin, Paris, 1684, fol. He was a
strenuous advocate for the free toleration of
VOL. I.— F F
all religions, as being all good, and tending
to the same result by different ways. Con-
cerning him and his religious views, see
Brucker's Historia crit. philos., tome ii., p.
484, &c.— Tr.]
(53) [This favourite opinion of Dr. Mo-
shcim, he defends more at length in his Dis.
de turbata per recenliores Platonicos eccle-
sia, () 30, 31, 32 ; among his Dissert, ad Hist.
Eccles. pertinentes, vol. i., p. 85-216, Al-
tonae, 1733. — But it seems not necessary to
adopt this hypothesis, which has but slender
support from argument ; because the Eclec-
tic or new Platonic philosophy, might easily
lead its votaries to speak in terms of moder-
ation, and even of commendation, of the
Christian religion, especially in an age when
it prevailed almost universally, and was the
religion of the state and of the imperial court.
— 7V]
(54) Gaudenth/s, Vita Philastrii, $ iii.
Philastrius, de Haeres., Praef., p. 5, ed.
Fabricii. Socrate.s, Hist. Eccles., 1. i.,c. 19.
Gconrius Ccdrenus, Chronograph., p. 234,
ed. Paris : and others.
(55) [For Eusebius, (Hist. Eccles., 1. vi.,
c. 46), informs us that Dionysius of Alex-
andria, about the year 260, " wrote concern-
ing penance, to the Brethren of Armenia,
over whom Mcruzanes was bishop:" and,
according to the Acta Martyrum, some Ar-
menians suffered martyrdom in the persecu-
tions under Decius, (A.D. 250), and Diocle-
tian. (A.D. 304).— Schl.]
(56) See Narratio de Rebus Armenise, in
Fr Combcfis, Auctarium Biblioth. Pair.
Graecor., torn, ii., p. 287, &c. Mich, le
•226 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
Eoypt into the neighbouring country of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, the inhab-
itants of which were called Auxumita, from their capital city Auxuma, and
baptized both the king of the country, and very many of the nobles. Af-
terwards returning to Egypt, he was consecrated by St. Athanasius, first
bishop of the Auxumitae. From this circumstance, the Ethiopic church,
even to this day, is dependant on that of Alexandria, and receives its
bishop from it. (57) — In Iberia, a province of Asia, which is now called
Georgia, a Christian woman who had been carried captive into that coun-
try, partly by the sanctity of her life, and partly by miracles, induced the
king and his queen to renounce idolatry and embrace Christ, and also to
send for priests from Constantinople, from whom they and their people
might gain a more accurate and full knowledge of the Christian religion. (58)
§ 21. A part of the Goths inhabiting Thrace, Mcesia, and Dacia, [now
the northeast part of Rumelia, with Bulgaria and Walachia, on the Dan-
ube], had embraced Christianity before the commencement of this centu-
ry ;(59) and Theophilus their bishop was present at the Nicene council.(GO)
Constantine the Great, after having vanquished them and the Sarmatians,
engaged great numbers of them to become Christians. (61) But still a
large part of the nation remained estranged from Christ, until the times of
the emperor Valens ; who permitted them to pass the river Ister, [or Dan-
ube], and to inhabit Dacia, Mcesia, and Thrace, on condition that they
would be subject to the Roman laws, and would embrace Christianity ; to
which condition their king Fritigern consented. (62) The bishop of the
Goths inhabiting Moesia, in this century, was the much celebrated Ulphilas ;
who, among other laudable deeds, gave his countrymen an alphabet of
his own invention, and translated the Bible for them into the Gothic lan-
guage.(63)
Quien, Oriens Christianus, torn, i., p. 419 (61) Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. i., c. 18.
and 1356. J. J. Schroderi, Thesaur. Lin- (62) Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c. 33.
Siae Armenicae, p. 149, &c. [Sozomen, Le Quien, Oriens Christ., torn, i., p. 1240.
ist. Eccles., ii., 8. Moses Choronensis, Eric Benzel, Praef. ad iv. Evangelia Gcth-
Historia Armenica, lib. iii., ed. Whistoni, ica, (ascribed to Ulphilas), c. \., p. zviii.,
Lond., 1736, 4to, p. 256, &c. Memoires &c., ed. Oxon., 1750, 4to.
hist, et geogr. sur 1'Armenie, par M. I. St. (63) Joh. Jac. Mascovii, Historia Ger-
Martin, Paris, 1818, 8vo. — Tr.] manor., torn, i., p. 317, torn, ii., note, p.
(57) Athanasius, Apologia ad Constan- 49. Acta Sanctor., March, vol. iii., p. 619.
tium, Opp., torn, i., pt. ii., p. 315, ed. Bene- Eric Benzel, loc. cit, cap. viii., p. xxx. [J.
diet. Socrates, Hist. Eccles., lib. i., c. 19. C. Zahn, Eirileitung in Ulfilas Bibeliiber-
Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. , lib. ii.,c. 24. The- setzung, p. 4, &c., ed. Weissenfels, 1805,
odoret, Hist. Eccles., I i., c. 23. Job Lu- 4to, where is condensed, all that is stated
dolf, Comment, ad Histor. Aethiopic., p. of Upkilas, and his translation, by the an-
281. Jerome Lobo, Voyage d'Abissinie, cients, viz., Philostorgins, H. Eccl., 1. ii.,
tome ii., p. 13, &c. Justus Fontaninus, c. 5. Socrates, H. Eccl., 1. ii., c. 41, and
Historia litterar. Aquileiae, p. 174. [J. 1. iv., c. 33. Snzomen, H. Eccl., 1. iv., c.
Bruce, Travels in Abyssinia, ed. 2d, Edinb., 24, 1. vi., c. 37. Theodoret, H. Eccl., I.
1804, vol. v., p. 4, &c., and vol. vii., p. iv., c. 37, and others. — Ulphi/as,(or UljUa,
73, &c. — Tr.] Urphilas, Gilfulas, &c., but should, accord-
(58) Rufinus, Hist. Eccles., 1. i., c. 10. ing to JornaWes.be written Wuljtta, i.e.,
Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 7. Le Wolftein, diminutive of Wulf or Wolf, a
Quien, Oriens Christianus, toni. i , p. 1333, wolf), is said by Fkilosstorpius, to have de-
&c. [Theodoret, H. E., i., c. 24.— Tr.] scended from Christian Greeks of Sadagol-
(59) [Philostorgius, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., tina in Cappadocia, who were carried into
c. 5. — SchL] captivity by the Goths in the year 266.
(60) f Joh. Harduin, Conciliorum tomus Others suppose, from his name, that he was
i., p. 319. — Schl.] of Gothic extract. Philostorgius also makes
PROSPEROUS AND ADVERSE EVENTS.
227
§ 22. In the European provinces of the Roman empire, there still re-
mained a vast number of idolaters ; and though the Christian bishops en-
deavoured to convert them to Christ, the business went on but slowly. In
Gaul, the great Martin, bishop of Tours, was not unsuccessful in this work ;
for travelling through the provinces of Gaul, he by his discourses, and by
his miracles (if we may believe Sulpitius Severus), everywhere persuaded
many to renounce their idols and embrace Christ ; and he destroyed their
temples, and threw down their statues. (64) He therefore merited the title
of the Apostle of the Gauls.
§ 23. It is very evident that the victories of Constantine the Great, and
both the fear of punishment and the desire of pleasing the Roman emper-
ors, were cogent reasons, in the view of whole nations as well as of individ-
uals, for embracing the Christian religion. Yet no person well informed
in the history of this period, will ascribe the extension of Christianity whol-
ly to these causes. For it is manifest, that the untiring zeal of the bish-
ops and other holy men, the pure and devout lives which many of the Chris-
tians exhibited, the translations of the sacred volume, and the excellence
of the Christian religion, were as efficient motives with many persons, as
the arguments from worldly advantage and disadvantage were with some
others. As for miracles, I cheerfully unite with those who look with con-
tempt on the wonders ascribed to Paul, Antony, and Martin.(65) I also
him first bishop of the Goths ; and says, he
was ordained by the Arian, Euscbius of Ni-
comedia, in the reign of Constantine the
Great. Others make him to have succeeded
Theophilus, and to have flourished from the
year 360 to 380. He was a man of talents
and learning, an Arian, (at least in the lat-
ter part of his life), and possessed vast and
salutary influence, among the Goths in Da-
cia, Moesia, and Thrace. He was at the
Arian Synod of Constantinople, in the year
359 ; and was twice sent on embassies by
the nation to the imperial court. His last
embassy was in the reign of Valens, A.D.
376, to obtain permission for the Goths to
pass the Danube and settle in Moesia. He
was successful ; and 200,000 Goths were
admitted into the Roman empire, on condi-
tions of obeying the Roman laws and join-
ing the Arian interest. It is not known
when he died ; but some time in the reign
of Thcodosins the Great, (A.D. 379-395),
he was succeeded in his episcopal office by
Theotimus, or, as some report, by Selinns.
He was author of a translation of the whole
Bible, except the books of Kings, from
Greek into the language of the Goths of
Mcesia. The books of Kings were omitted
by him, lest their history of wars and bat-
tles should inflame the already too great
thirst of the Goths for war and carnage.
The alphabet he used, was of his own de-
vising, and formed chiefly from the Greek
and Latin. Nothing remains of this trans-
lation, except a single copy, somewhat mu-
tilated, of the iv. Gospels, called the Codex
Argenteus, because written in letters of sil-
ver, now at Upsal in Sweden ; and a few
fragments of the Epistle to the Romans, re-
covered from an erasure of a MS. of the
eighth or ninth century. Ulphila's Gospels
were first published by Fr. Junius, Dort,
1665, 2 vols. 4to ; afterwards at Stockholm,
1671, 4to ; and very learnedly, Oxford, 1750,
fol., and lastly, in a very convenient Ger-
man edition, by J. C. Zahn, Weissenfels,
1805, 4to, with a complete Apparatus in the
German language. — TV.]
(64) See Sulpitius Sevcrus, Dial, i., de
Vita Martini, c. 13, 15, 17. Dial, ii., p.
106, &c., ed. Hier. a Prato, Verona, 1741,
fol. — [This Martin was born in Sabaria in
Pannonia, and brought up at Pavia in Italy.
He embraced Christianity, contrary to the
will of his parents ; and served in the army,
following the occupation of his father. He
afterwards left the military life, and commit-
ted himself to the instruction of Hilary of
Poictiers. From the Arians he suffered
much persecution ; and he was principally
instrumental in the introductven of monasti-
cism among the Gauls. [He was ordained
bishop of Tours, A.D. 374, and died in the
year 397, aged 81.] For other particulars
of his life, see his biographer, Sulpitius Sev-
erus ; also Tillemont, Memoires pour ser-
vir a 1'Histoire de 1'Eglise, tome x. ; and
the Histoire Litteraire de la France, torn,
i., pt. ii., p. 413. — SM. The English read-
er may consult Miner's church history,
cent, iv., ch. 14. — TV.]
. (65) Hieran. a Prato, in his preface to Sul-
229 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART I.
grant, that many events were inconsiderately regarded as miracles, which
were according to the laws of nature ; not to mention likewise pious frauds.
Still I cannot join with such as believe, that in this age, God did never
manifest his power by any extraordinary signs among Christians.(66)
§ 24. Although the Christian church within the Roman empire was in-
volved in no severe calamities, from the times of Constantine the Great on-
ward, except during the commotion of Licinius and the short reign of Ju-
lian, yet slight tempests sometimes beat upon them in certain places.
Athanaric, for instance, a king of the Goths, fiercely assailed for a time
that portion of the Gothic nation which had embraced Christianity. (67)
In the more remote provinces also, the adherents to idolatry often defend,
ed their hereditary superstitions with the sword, and murdered the Chris-
tians, who in propagating their religion were not always as gentle or as
prudent as they ought to have been. (68) Beyond the limits of the Roman
empire, Sapor II. surnamed Longavus, the king of Persia, waged three
bloody wars against the Christians in his dominions. The first was in the
eighteenth year of his reign, [A.D. 317] ; the second was in the thirtieth
year ; and the third, which was the most cruel, and destroyed an immense
number of Christians, commenced in his thirty-first year, A.D. 330, and last-
ed forty years, or till A.D. 370. Yet religion was not the ostensible cause
of this dreadful persecution, but a suspicion of treasonable practices among
the Christians : for the Magi and the Jews persuaded the king to believe,
that all Christians were in the interests of the Roman empire, and that
Symeon, the archbishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, sent to Constantinople
intelligence of all that passed in Persia. (69)
pitius Scverus, p. xiii., &c., contends zeal- 8vo, and Church's Vindication of the mirac-
ously for the miracles of Martin and the ulous powers, in answer to Middleton, 1750,
others in this century. [An account of the 8vo ; likewise Dr. J. Jortin's Remarks on
miracles of St. Martin, may be found in Eccles. History, vol. i., ed. Lond., 1805. —
Sidpit. Sever., Vita Martini ; and Epistles TV.]
I. — III., and Dialogues II., III. The mira- (67) See Theod. Ruinart, Acta Martyrum
cles of some contemporary monks of Egypt sincera ; and among these, the Acta St i. Sa-
and the East, are the subject of Dialogue I. bae, p. 598, &c.
For the history of Paul, see Jerome, de Vita (68) See Ambrose, de Officiis, lib. i., c.
Sti. Pauli Eremitae, in his Opp., torn, i., and xlii., § 17 ; where is a noticeable statement,
for that of Antony, see Athanasius, de Vita (69) See Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., lib. ii.,
Sti. Antonii Eremitae, in his Opp., torn, ii., c. 1-13, [where is a full account.] These
ed. Paris, 1627. — TV.] Persian persecutions are expressly treated
(66) See Eusebius, Liber contra Hiero- of in the Biblioth. Oriental. Clement. Vati-
clem, c. iv., p. 431, ed. Olearii ; Henr. can., torn, i., p. 6, 16, 181, and torn, iii.,
Doddwcll, Diss. ii. in Irenaeum, § Iv., p. 195, p. 52, &c., with which however, should be
[also Dr. Conyers Middleton's Free Inquiry compared Steph. Euod. Asseman, Praef. ad
into the miraculous Powers, which are said Acta Martyrum Oriental, et Occidental.,
to have subsisted in the Christian Church, splendidly edited, Rome, 1748, 2 vols. fol.,
&c , Lond , 1747, 4to : and in defence of p. Ixxi., &c. He has published the Marty'
miracles, Dr. Wm. DoddweWs Answer to rologium Persicum, in Syriac, with a Latin
Dr. Middleton's Free Inquiry, &c., 1751, translation, and excellent Notes.
STATE OF LEARNING.
i
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
HISTORY OF LITERATURE AND SCIENCE.
§ 1. State of Literature. — $ 2. Progress of the Platonic Philosophy. — § 3. Its Fate. — $ 4.
State of Learning among Christians. — $ 5. Many illiterate Christians.
§ 1 . THE Greeks and Romans of this century, who wished to pass for
the literati of the age, devoted themselves particularly to eloquence, poetry,
and history, among the fine arts. And not a few of both nations might be
named, who acquired some reputation in these arts. Yet they all fell very
far short of the highest excellence. The best of these poets, as Ausoni-
«*,(!) if compared with those of the Augustan age, are harsh and inele-
gant. The rhetoricians, abandoning wholly the noble simplicity and ma-
jesty of the ancients, taught the youth how to speak ostentatiously and de-
ceptively on all subjects. And most of the historians were less attentive
to method, perspicuity, and fidelity, than to empty and insipid ornaments.
§ 2. Nearly all who attempted philosophy in this century, were of the
sect called Modern Platonists. It is not strange therefore, that some Pla-
tonic notions are to be met with in the works of the Christians, as well as
others. Yet there were fewer of these philosophers in the West, than in
the East. In Syria, Jamblichus of Chalcis expounded Plato, or rather
palmed his own conceptions upon that philosopher. (2) His writings show,
that he was superstitious, cloudy, credulous, and of ordinary intellectual
powers. He was succeeded by Aedesius,(3) Maximus,(£) and others ; of
(1) [Decius (or Decimus) Magnus Auso- by Dr. Mosheim. He was a pagan, an en-
nius, was a Latin poet, well born and edu- thusiast, and a great pretender to superior
cated at Bourdeaux, who flourished in the talents and learning. Of his works, there
last half of this century. He was probably remain a Life of Pythagoras, published Gr.
a nominal Christian, was a man of poetic and Lat.,with Notes, by Kuster, Amstelod.,
genius, and much caressed and advanced to 1707, 4to ; — Exhortation to the study of
high honours by those in authority. His Philosophy ; Three Books on mathematical
poems were chiefly short pieces, Eulogies, learning ; Commentary on Nicomachus ; In-
Epigrams, &c., and not devoid of merit, stitutes of Arithmetic : and a Treatise on
Yet the style attests the declining age of the Mysteries of the Egyptians and Chalde-
Roman literature. Some of the pieces are ans of Assyria; published Gr. and Lat., with
also very obscene. Edited by Tollitis, Notes, by Tho. Gait, Oxon., 1678, fol. See
Lugd. Bat., 1671, 4to: and Lat. and Fr. Bruckcr, Hist. crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 260-
by Joubert, Paris, 1769, 4 vols. 12mo. — 270. Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr , vol. iv., p.
TV.] 282, &c., and Lardner's Works, vol. viii.
(2) [Jamblichus. There were three of this — TV.]
name; the first lived early in the second (3) [Aedesiusof Cappadocia, a disciple of
century ; his works are now lost : the second Jambhchus, and like his master, a devotee
probably died about the year 333, and wrote of theurgia. See Bruckcr, Hist. crit. Phi-
largely ; the third was contemporary with los., torn, ii., p. 270. &c. — TV.]
Julian, and wrote the life of Alypius the (4) [Maximus of Ephesus, called the Cyn-
musician. The second is the one intended ic, another pretender to superhuman knowl-
230 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
whose follies Eunapius gives us an account. In Egypt, Hypatia,(5) a dis-
thifuished lady, Isidorus,(6) Olympiodorus,(7) Synesius a semi-Christian,(8)
and others of less fame, propagated this kind of wisdom, or rather, folly.
& 3. As the emperor Julian was a passionate admirer of this philoso-
phy, (as his writings clearly show), very many were induced by his influ-
ence to vie with each other in their endeavours to set it forth in the most
alluring dress. (9) But when Julian died, a dreadful storm burst upon the
Platonists, during the reign of Valentinian ; and several of them were ar-
raigned and tried for their lives, on the charge of practising magic, and
other crimes. In these commotions, Maximus the preceptor of Julian,
among others, suffered death. (10) But it was rather the intimacy of these
men with Julian, whose counsellors they had been, than the philosophy
they embraced, which proved their ruin. Hence the rest of the sect, which
had not been connected with the court, were exposed to very little danger
or loss, in this persecution of the philosophers.
§ 4. The Christians, from the times of Constantine the Great, devoted
much more attention to the study of philosophy and the liberal arts, than
they had done before. And the emperors omitted no means which might
awaken and cherish a thirst for learning. Schools were established in
many of the towns ; libraries were formed, and literary men were encour-
aged by stipends, by privileges, and by honours.(ll) All this was requi-
site to the accomplishment of their object of gradually abolishing pagan
idolatry ; for the old religion of the pagans derived its chief support from
the learning of its advocates : and moreover, if the Christian youth could
find no instructers of their own religion, there was danger of their apply-
edge. He is said to have persuaded Julian er, Hist. crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 490. —
to apostatize ; and he certainly had great in- Tr.]
fluence over that emperor. He was put to (8) [Synesius, of Gyrene in Africa, studied
death, for practising magic, in the reign of under Hypatia ; resided at Constantinople
Valens. See Brucker, Hist. crit. Philos., from A.D. 397-400, as deputy from his na-
tom. ii., 281, &c. Eunapius, (de Vitis live city; was made bishop of Ptolemais,
Sophistarum), gives account of Jamblichus, A.D. 410. He wrote well for that age;
Aedesius, and Maximus. — Tr.] though he was too much infected with the
(5) [Hypatia of Alexandria, a lady who reigning philosophy. His works, as edited
was thought to excel all the philosophers of by Petavius, Gr. and Lat., Paris, 1612 and
her age, and who publicly taught philosophy 1631, fol., are de Regno, ad Arcadium Im-
with great applause, flourished in the close peratorem ; — Dio, vel de ipsius vitae insti-
of this century, and the first part of the next, tuto ; — Calvitii encomium ; Aegyptius, sive
She was murdered in a tumult, A.D. 415. de Providentia ; de Insomniis ; Epistolae
See Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 15. civ.; and several Discourses and Hymns. —
Suidas, Art. 'Tirana, torn, iii., p. 533. TV.]
Tillemont, Memoires, &c., a 1'Histoire EC- (9) See Ez. Spanheim, Praefatio ad Opp.
cles., torn, xiv., p. 274. Menage, Hist. Juliani, et ad versionem Gallicam Ccesarum
mulier. philosoph., $ 49, &c., p. 494, &c., Juliani, p. iii., et Adnotat., p. 234. Blet-
and Brucker, Hist. crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. terie, Vie de 1'Empereur Julien, livr. i., p.
351.— Tr.] 26, &c.
(6) [This Isidoru* was surnamed Gazae- (10) Ammianus Marcellin., Histor., lib.
us, from Gaza in Palestine the place of xxix.,c. 1, p. 556, ed, Valesii ; and BirMerie,
his birth. Concerning him, see Brucker, Vie de Julien, p. 30, &c., 155, 159, &c. ;
Hist. crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 341, &c. — and Vie de Jovien, tome i., p. 194.
Sett.] (11) See Ja. Gothofred, on the Codex
(7) [Olympiodorus, author of a Commen- Theodos. Titles, de Professoribus et Arti-
tary upon Plato, still preserved in MS. at bus liberalibus ; Fran. Balduin, Constanti-
Paris ; and of a Life of Plato, of which a Lat- nus Magn., p. 122, &c. Herm. Conringius,
in version has been published. There were Diss. de studiis Romae et Constantinop.,
several persons of this name. See Bruck- subjoined to his Antiquitatt. Academicae,
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 231
ing to the pagan teachers of philosophy and rhetoric, to the injury of the
true religion.
§ 5. Yet it must not be supposed, that the Christian church was full of
literary, wise, and scientific men. For there was no law as yet, to pre-
vent the ignorant and illiterate from entering the sacred office ; and it ap-
pears from explicit testimony, that very many of both the bishops and presby-
ters were entirely destitute of all science and learning. Besides, the party
was both numerous and powerful, who considered all learning, and especially
philosophical learning, as injurious and even destructive to true piety and
godliness. All the ascetics, monks, and eremites, were inclined towards
this party ; which was also highly favoured, not only by women, but by
all those who estimate piety by the sanctity of the countenance, the sor-
didness of the dress, and the love of solitude — that is, by the many.
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH, AND OF ITS TEACHERS.
§ 1, 2. Form of the Christian Church. — § 3. Conformed to the Civil Establishment. —
$ 4. Administration, Internal and External, of the Church. — t) 5. Rank of the Bishop of
Rome. — $ 6. Limits of his Jurisdiction. — § 7. The Bishop of Constantinople. — § 8.
Vices of the Clergy. — $ 9. Distinguished Writers in the Greek Church. — f) 10. Prin-
cipal Writers in the Latin Church.
§ 1. CONSTANTINE the Great let the form or organization of the church
remain, substantially, as it had been ; yet he attempted in some respects to
improve and extend it. While therefore, he suffered the church to continue
to be, as before, a sort of republic within yet distinct from the political body,
he assumed to himself the supreme power over this sacred republic, and the
right of modelling and controlling it in such a manner as would best sub-
serve the public good. Nor did any bishop call in question this power of
the emperor. The people therefore, in the same manner as before, con-
tinued to elect their own bishops and tcaclu-rs; and the bishops severally
in their respective districts or cities, directed and regulated all eccl<
tical affairs, using their presbyters as their council, and calling on the peo-
ple for their assent. The bishops also met together in conventions or
councils, to deliberate on the subjects in which the churches of a whole
province were interested, on points of religious controversy, on the forms
and rites of worship, and others of like import. To these minor councils
of one or more provinces, there were now added, by authority of the em-
peror, assemblies or grand councils of the whole church, called oecumeni-
cal or general councils, the emperor having first summoned one of this
character at Nice. For he deemed it .suitable, (very probably at the sug-
gestion of the bishops), that causes of great moment, and affecting either
the church universally, or the general principles of Christianity, should be
examined and decided in conventions of the whole church. There were
never, indeed, any councils held, which could strictly and properly be called
universal; those however, whose decrees and enactments were received
and approved by the whole church, or by the greatest part of it, have been
commonly called oecumenical or general councils.
232 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
§ 2. Most of these rights and privileges, however, were gradually di-
minished very much, from the time when various disturbances and quar-
rels and threatening contests arose here and there, respecting ecclesiasti-
cal affairs, religious doctrines, or the elections of bishops. For as the
weaker parties generally appealed to the court, this afforded to the emper-
ors the best opportunity of restricting the power of the bishops and the
liberties of the people, and of variously changing the ancient customs of
the church. The bishops likewise, whose wealth and influence were not
a little augmented from the times of Constantine, gradually subverted and
changed the ancient principles of church government. For they first exclu-
ded the people altogether from having a voice in ecclesiastical affairs, and
then deprived the presbyters of their former authority, so that they might con-
trol everything at their discretion, and in particular appropriate the eccle-
siastical property to themselves, or distribute it as they pleased. Hence,
at the close of this century, only the shadow of the ancient form of church
government remained ; and the former rights of the presbyters and the
people were engrossed chiefly by the bishops ; while those of the whole
church passed into the hands of the emperors or their provincial govern-
ors and magistrates.
§ 3. Constantine, to render his throne secure and prevent civil wars,
not only changed the system of Roman jurisprudence, but likewise altered
in many respects the constitution of the empire.(l) And as he wished,
for various reasons, to adapt the ecclesiastical administration to that of the
commonwealth, it became necessary that new grades of honour and pre-
eminence should be introduced among the bishops. The princes among
the bishops, were those who had before held a pre-eminent rank, namely,
the bishops of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria; with whom the bishop of
Constantinople was joined, after the imperial residence was transferred to
that city. These four prelates answered to the four prcetorian prefects
created by Constantine, and perhaps even in this century bore the Jewish
title of Patriarchs. Next to these were the exarchs, corresponding with
the civil exarchs, and presiding each over several provinces. The metro-
politans came next, who governed only single provinces. After them
ranked* the archbishops, who had the inspection only of certain districts of
country. The bishops brought up the rear ; whose territories were not
in all countries of the same extent, being in some countries more exten-
sive, and in others confined to narrower limits. To these several orders
of bishops, I should add that of the chorepiscopi or rural bishops, the su-
perintendents of the country or suburbial churches, were it not that the
bishops, in order to extend their own power, had caused this order to be
suppressed in most places. (2)
(1) See Bos, Hist, de la Monarchic Fran- following account of the civil distribution
Soise, torn, i., p. 64. Giannone, Hist, de copied from an ancient Notitia Imperii, said
Naples, torn, i., p. 94, 152. to have been written before the reign of Ar-
(2) This is shown by Lutlm. Thomassi- cadius and Honorius, or before A.D. 395.
nus, Disciplina ecclesias. vet. et nova cir- See Pagi, Critica in Barronii Annal. ad.
ca beneficia, torn, i., various passages. — Ann. 37, torn, i., p. 29, &c.
[Though the ecclesiastical divisions of the I. Praefectus Practorio Orientis : et sub
Roman empire, did not coincide exactly eo Dioeceses quinque, ss.
with the civil divisions, yet a knowledge of 1. Dioecesis orientis, in qua Provinciae
the latter will help us to form a better idea xv. nempe, Palaestina, Phoenice, Syria, Ci-
of the former. Accordingly, we annex the licia, Cyprus, Arabia, Isauria, Palaestina Sal-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
233
§ 4. The administration of ecclesiastical affairs, was divided by Con.
utaris, Palaestina ii., Phoenice Libani, Eu-
phratensis, Syria Salutaris, Osrhoena, Mes-
opotamia, et Cilicia ii.
2. Dioecesis Aegypti, in qua Provinciae
vi. ncmpe, Libya superior, Libya inferior,
Thebais, Aegyptus, Arcadia, et Augustan-
ica.
3. Dioecesis Asiae, in qua Provinciae x.
nempe, Pamphylia, Hellespontus, Lydia, Pi-
sidia, Lycaonia, Phrygia Pacatiana, Phrygia
Salutaris, Lycia, Caria, et Insulae.
4. Dioecesis Ponti, in qua Provinciae x.
nempe, Galatia, Bithynia, Honorias, Cappa-
docia i., Paphlagonia, Pontus Polemoniacus,
Helenopontus, Armenia i., Armenia ii., et
Galatia Salutaris.
5. Dioecesis Thraciae, in qua Provinciae
vi. nempe, Europa, Thracia, Hemiomontis,
Rhodope, Moesia ii., et Scythia.
II. Praefectus Praetorio Ely rid : et sub
eo Dioeceses duae, ss.
1. Dioecesis Macedonia^ in qua Provin-
ciae vi. nempe, Achaia, Macedonia, Greta,
Thessalia, Epirus vetus, et Epirus nova.
2. Dioecesis Daciae. in qua Provinciae v.
nempe, Dacia Mediterranea, Dacia Ripensis,
Moesia prima, Dardania Praevalitiana, et
Pars Macedoniae Salutaris.
III. Praefectus Praetorio Italiae : et sub
eo Dioeceses tres, ss.
1. Dioecesis Italiae, in qua Provinciae
xvii. nempe, Venetiae, Aemilia, Liguria,
Flaminia et Picenum Annonarium, Tuscia et
Umbria, Picenum Suburbicarium, Campania,
Sicilia, Apulia et Calabria, Lucania et Brutii,
Alpes Cottiarum, Rhaetia prima, Rhaetia se-
cunda, Samnium, Valeria, Sardinia, et Cor-
sica.
2. Dioecesis Ulijrici, in qua Provinciae
vi. nempe, Pannonia secunda, Savia, Dalma-
tia, Pannonia secunda, Noricum Mediterra-
neum, et Noricum Ripense.
3. Dioecesis Africae, in qua Provinciae
vi. nempe, Byzacium, Numidia, Mauritania
Sitifensis, Mauritania Caesariensis, Tripolis,
et Africa Proconsularis.
IV. Praefectus Praetorio Galliarum : et
sub eo Dioeceses tres, ss.
1. Dioecesis Hi.ipaniae, in qua Provin-
ciae vii. nempe, Boetica, Lusitania, Gallae-
cia, Tarraconensis, Carthaginensis, Tingi-
tania, ct Baleares.
2. Dioecesis Galliarum, in qua Provin-
ciae xvii. nempe, Viennensis, Lugdunensis
i., Germaniai., Germania ii., Belgicai., Bel-
S'ca ii., Alpes Maritimae, Alpes Penninaeet
raiae, Maxima Seijuanorum, Aquilania i.,
Aquitania ii., Novempopuli, Narbonensis i.,
Narbonensis ii., Lugdunensis ii., Lugdunen-
sis iii., et Lugdunensis Senonia.
VOL. L— G G
3. Dioecesis Britanniarum, in qua Pro-
vinciae v. nempe, Maxima Caesariensis, Va-
lentia, Britannia i., Britannia ii., et Flavia
Caesariensis.
Thus the civil division of the Roman em-
pire was, in this century, into iv. prefec-
tures containing 13 dioceses, which em-
braced lift provinces. The ecclesiastical
division of the empire, though founded upon
the civil division, was by no means so com-
plete and so regular. The civil provinces
were generally ecclesiastical provinces, and
under the inspection severally of the metro-
politans or archbishops of those provinces.
Yet there were many bishops, who were ex-
empt from the inspection or jurisdiction of
the metropolitans, and were therefore called
avTOKE^a^OL independent. They also bore
the title of archbishops and of metropolitans ;
although they had no suffragans cr bishops
depending on them. Above the rtnk of me-
tropolitans, there were properly none other
than the patriarchs. For the exarchs of
Asia, Cappadocia, and Pontus, were only the
first metropolitans of those civil dioceses,
while they belonged to no patriarchate. And
the primates of certain countries, in after
ages, were only the metropolitans that rank-
ed first, or had precedence, among the me-
tropolitans of their respective countries. —
Hence there were not properly fiee orders
of bishops, above the rank of chorepiscopi,
as Dr. Mosheim represents ; but only three,
namely, patriarchs, metropolitans or arch-
bishops, and simple bishops. — Before the
times of Constantnie, provincial councils
were common ; and these gave rise to the
order of metropolitans. Among the metro-
politans, those of Rome, Antioch, and Alex-
andria stood pre-eminent in honour and influ-
ence. During the reign of Constantine the
Great, the powers of these three metropoli-
tan* were enlarged ; but whether they bore
the title, or possessed the authority, of patri-
archs, at that time, is not certain. They
however became patriarchs, both in name
and in power, before a century had elapsed.
And these were the three original patriarchs.
Towards the close of this century, the bish-
ops of Constantinople obtained rank next to
those of Rome, and extended their authority
over several dioceses not subject to the other
patriarchs. In the next century, the bishops
of Jerusalem became independent of the pa-
triarchs of Antioch ; and thus there were
five patriarchates formed. Their respective
limits were as follows. The patriarchal au-
thority of the bishops of Rome, did not at
first extend beyond Italy, perhaps not over
the whole of that. For the bishops of Alii-
234
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
stantine into the external and the internal. (3) The latter, he relinquished
to the bishops and to councils. It embraced whatever was purely reli-
gious, religious controversies, forms of worship, functions of the priests,
the irregularities of their lives, &c. The external administration he took
upon himself. It included whatever relates to the external condition of
the church, or to its discipline, and also all contests and causes of the
ministers of the church, both of the higher and of the lower orders, which
did not respect religion and sacred functions, but property, worldly hon-
ours, and privileges, and offences against the laws, and the like. (4) Hs
therefore and his successors, assembled councils, presided in them, as-
signed judges for religious disputes, decided contests between bishops and
their people, determined the limits of the episcopal sees, and by the ordi-
nary judges heard and. adjudged the civil causes and common offences
among the ministers of the church ; but the ecclesiastical causes he left to
the cognizance of the councils and bishops. Yet this famous partition of
the ecclesiastical government into the external and the internal adminis-
trations, was never clearly explained and accurately defined. Hence, both
ca, Spain. Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum, ac-
knowledged no ecclesiastical head or ruler,
except their own metropolitans. But after
the dissolution of the western empire, the
bishop of Rome found means to bring all the
bishops and metropolitans of the West under
his authority. This he justified, partly by
claiming to be patriarch of all the West, and
partly by virtue of his assumed supremacy
over the whole church. The patriarchs of
Constantinople claimed dominion over the
civil dioceses of Asia, Pontus, and Thrace,
which belonged to the prefecture of the East,
and also over the two dioceses composing
the prefecture of Illyricum. No one of these
dioceses had before belonged to any patri-
archate ; the three former having been gov-
erned by provincial councils, in which the
metropolitans of Ephesus, Csesarea in Cap-
padocia, and Heraclea i» Thrace, had the
precedence of all other metropolitans. The
two other dioceses, those of Macedonia and
Dacia, had been governed in a similar man-
ner ; and being afterwards claimed by the
bishops of Rome, were the cause of long and
violent contests between those ambitious
prelates. But the patriarchs of Constanti-
nople retained them, and thereby extended
their dominions northward over the Russian
empire. The patriarchate of Anlioch em-
braced, originally, the whole diocese of the
East, and likewise extended over the church-
es beyond the limits of the Roman empire in
Asia, quite to India. But in the year 451,
the patriarchate of Jerusalem was created
out of it, embracing the whole of Palaestina
i , ii., and iii., or Salutaris, and thence to
Mount Sinai and the borders of Egypt. The
patriarchate of Alexandria embraced the civil
diocese of Egypt ; and thence extended into
Abyssinia. — Such were the territorial limits
of the five patriarchates, from the 5th centu-
ry onward to the reformation. In the llth
century, Nilus Doxopatriiis, of Constantino-
ple, gives them substantially the same bound-
aries. From him we learn, that the patriarch
of Constantinople then presided over 52 me-
tropolitans, who had under them 649 suffra-
gan bishops ; and over 13 titular metropoli-
tans, i. e., bishops who were called metro-
politans and uvTOKE<t>a2,oi, but had no suffra-
gans ; and likewise 34 titular archbishops.
The patriarch of Antioch presided over 13
metropolitans, with 139 suffragans, besides
8 titular metropolitans, and 13 titular arch-
bishops. The patriarch of Jerusalem presi-
ded over 4 metropolitans with suffragans,
and 25 titular archbishops. And the patri-
arch of Alexandria presided over 7 metro-
politans with suffragans, and 5 titular me-
tropolitans and archbishops. The number
of suffragans in the two last patriarchates
is not given. The civil distribution of the
empire is given by Pictro Giannone, Istoria
civile di Napoli, lib. ii., cap. i., and the ec-
clesiastical distrib., ibid., lib. ii., cap. viii.
See also Bingham's Origines Ecclesiast., I.
ix., c. i., $ 5, 6.— Tr.]
(3) Eusebms, de Vita Constantini Magn.,
lib. iv., c. 24.
(4) See the imperial laws, in both the Jus-
tinian and Theodosian Codices ; and, among
others, Ja. Gothofrcd, ad Codicem Theodos.,
torn, vi., p. 55, 58, 333, &c. [This whole
system resulted, in part, from the office of
Pontifex Maxtmus, which was retained by
Constantine and all his successors till into
the fifth century ; and, in part from the con-
ception of Constantine, that the church was
a society existing independently of the state.
See Bos, Diss. de Pontificatu maximo Ira-
perator. Christianor. — Schl.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 235
in this and in the following centuries, we see many transactions which do
not accord with it, but contravene it. For the emperors, not unfrequent-
ly, determined matters relating to the interior of the church ; and on the
other hand, councils and bishops often enacted laws respecting things
which seem to belong to the external form and affairs of the church.
§ 5. The first among the bishops, in respect to rank and dignity, was
the bishop of Rome. And this pre-eminence was not founded solely on
popular feeling and prejudice of long standing, to which various causes
had given rise, but also on those grounds, which commonly give priority
and greatness in the estimation of mortals. For he exceeded all other
bishops, in the amplitude and splendour of the church over which he pre-
sided, in the magnitude of his revenues and possessions, in the number of
his assistants or ministers of various descriptions, in the weight of his in-
fluence with the people at large, and in the sumptuousness and magnif-
icence of his style of living.(5) These indications of power and worldly
greatness were so fascinating to the minds of Christians, even in this age,
that often most obstinate and bloody contests took place at Rome, when a
new pontiff was to be created, by the suffrages of the priests and people.
A shocking example of this is afforded by the disturbance at Rome in the
year 366, after the death of Liberius. When they came to the choice of
a new bishop, one party was for placing Damasus, and another for ap-
pointing Ursicmus, a deacon, over the widowed church : and the conten-
tion issued in a bloody warfare, in which there was fighting, burning of
buildings, and many lost their lives. Damasus came off victorious in the
contest ; but whether his claims were better, or his cause more righteous,
than those of Ursicinus, does not appear. (6) I dare not pronounce either
of them a good man.
§ G. It is however abundantly attested, that the bishops of Rome did
not, in this age, possess supreme power and jurisdiction in the church.
They were citizens of the commonwealth ; and though higher in honour,
they obeyed the laws and the mandates of the emperors, just like other cit-
izens. The more weighty religious causes were determined, either by
judges appointed by the emperor, or in ecclesiastical councils ; minor
causes were decided by individual bishops. The laws relating to religion,
were enacted either by the emperors or by councils. No one of the bish-
ops acknowledged, that his authority was derived from the plenary power
of the Roman bishop, or that he was constituted a bishop by the favour of
the apostolic see. On the contrary, they all maintained, that they were
the ambassadors and ministers of Jesus Christ, and that their authority
was derived from above. (7) Yet it is undeniable, that even in this age,
(5) Ammianus Marcellinus, Hist., 1. Peter de Marca, de Concordia Sacerdotii et
xxvii., c. 3. Imperil; L. E. du Pin, de antiqua ecrlesiie
(6) See the writers of Lives of the Popes, Disciplina ; and especially, Dav. Bloridell,
among whom Arch. Bower has stated this de la Primaute dans 1'Eglise, — a very learned
matter ingenuously and impartially, in his work : [also Fred. Spanherm, Diss. de Pri-
Hist. of the Popes, vol. i , p. 180, &c., ed. matu Paps, et Canone vi. Nicaeno. — Schl.
2, Lond., 1749. [Ammianus Marccllin., The sixth canon of the council of Nice,
Hist., 1. xxvii., c. 3, says, that 137 corpses A.D. 325, gave to the bishops of Alexan-
of the slain, were found in one day, in the dria, Rome, and Antioch, severally, the same
church of Sicminus. — Tr.] pre-eminence over their respective surround-
(7) All these points are discussed at large, ing bishops. Melctius had encroached upon
by many writers, among whom I will name the prerogatives of his metropolitan of Alex-
236 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
several of those steps were laid, by which the Roman pontiffs afterwards
mounted to the summit of ecclesiastical dominion ; and this, partly by the
imprudence of the emperors, partly by the sagacity of the pontiffs them-
selves, and partly by the hasty decisions of certain bishops. Among these
steps however, I would assign either no place, or only the very last, to the
fourth canon of the council of Sardica, in the year 347, to which the friends
of the Roman pontiff assign the first and the most important place. For, not
to mention that the authority and regularity of this council are very du-
bious, and that not without reason the enactments of this council are re-
garded by some as coming to us corrupted, and by others as forged ;(8) it
can never be made to appear from that canon, that the bishops assembled
at Sardica decided, that in all cases an appeal might be made to the Ro-
man pontiff, as the supreme and final judge. But suppose they had so de-
cided— which yet can never be proved — how weak must that right be,
which is founded only on the decision of a single obscure council. (9)
§ 7. Constantine the Great, by transferring the imperial residence to
Byzantium and there founding the new city of Constantinople, undesign-
edly raised up against the rising power of the Roman pontiff a powerful
competitor, in the bishop of the new metropolis. For as the emperor
wished his Constantinople to be a new Rome, and had endowed it with all
the privileges and honours and elegances of old Rome ; the bishop of so
great a city, which was the imperial residence, also wished to be thought
every way equal to the bishop of old Rome in rank, and to have precedence
of all other bishops. Nor did the emperors disapprove of this ambition,
because they considered their own dignity as involved in that of the bish-
op of their metropolis. Therefore in the council of Constantinople, as-
andrfa : and therefore the council ordain, were not confirmed by several subsequent
(according to the translation of Dionysius councils, nor received by the whole church.
Exiguus), Antiqua consuetude serveter per See De Marca, de Concordia Sacerdotii,
^Egyptum, Libyam, et Pentapolim, ita ut &c., lib. vii., c. 4, 5, 11, 12, 15. By the
Alexandrinus Episcopus horum omnium ha- 3d canon in the Greek or the 4th in the
beat potestatem ; quia et Romse Episcopo Latin translation by Isidorus, it was or-
parilis mos est. Similiter autem et apud dered. that if any bishop shall think himself
Antiochiam, caeterasque provincias, suis unjustly condemned, and wish for a new
privilegia serventur ecclesiis. To recon- trial, his judges shall acquaint the bishop of
cile this canon with the papal claims of uni- Rome therewith, who may either confirm the
versal empire, the Romanists tell us, it re- first judgment, or order a new trial before
lates merely to the patriarchal or metropoliti- such of the neighbouring bishops as he may
cal power of the bishop of Rome, and not to choose to name. The 4th canon, according
his power as pope : — a distinction, which to the Greek, adds that in such case the see
does not appear to have occurred to the Ni- of the deposed bishop shall remain vacant,
cene fathers. See Nat.alis Alexander, Hist, till the determination of the bishop of Rome
Eccles.. cent, iv., Dissert, xx. — Tr.] is known. By the 5th canon, according to
(8) See Mich. Geddes, Diss. de Canoni- the Greek, and the 7th of Isidorus, it is or-
bus Sardicensibus ; among his Miscellaneous dered, that if a condemned bishop apply to
Tracts, vol. ii.. p. 415; [and Arch. Bower, Rome for relief, the bishop of Rome may,
Lives of the Popes, — Pope Julius, vol. i., if he see fit, not only order a new trial, but
p. 120, &c., ed. 2, Lond., 1749, 4to. — TV.] if the aggrieved bishop desire it, he may send
(9) [This council was got up by Julius, one of his presbyters to sit and have a voice
bishop of Rome ; and was designed to be a in the second trial See De Marca, loc. cit.,
general council, and was therefore held at cap. 3 — Thus these canons do not give the
Sardica in Illyricum, as accommodating both bishop of Rome even an appellate jurisdic-
the East and the West ; but as most of the tion, but only the power to decide whether an
eastern bishops withdrew from it, it was injured bishop shall have a new trial.—
rather a council of the West. Its decrees Tr.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 237
sembled in the year 381 by authority of the emperor Theodosius the
Great, the bishop of Alexandria not being present, and the bishop of Rome
being opposed to it, the bishop of Constantinople, by the third canon, was
placed in the first rank after the bishop of Rome ; the bishops of Alexandria
and Antioch, of course, to take rank after him. The bishop who had this
honour conferred on him, was Nectarius. His successor, John Chrysostom,
went farther, and subjected all Thrace, Asia, [the Diocese of the western
part of Asia Minor], and Pontus to his jurisdiction. (10) The subsequent
bishops of Constantinople gradually advanced their claims still farther.
But this revolution in the ecclesiastical government, and the sudden ele-
vation of the Byzantine bishop to high rank, to the injury of others, in the
first place fired the Alexandrine prelates with resentment against those of
Constantinople ; and in the next place, it gave rise to those unhappy con-
tests between the pontiffs of old and new Rome, which, after being pro-
tracted through several centuries with various success, finally produced a
separation between the Latin and the Greek churches.
§ 8. The vices and the faults of the clergy, especially of those who of-
ficiated in large and opulent cities, were augmented in proportion to the
increase of their wealth, honours, and advantages, derived from the em-
perors and from various other sources : and that this increase was very
great, after the times of Constantinej is acknowledged by all. The bish-
ops had shameful quarrels among themselves, respecting the boundaries
of their sees and the extent of their jurisdiction ; and, while they trampled
on the rights of the people and of the inferior clergy, they vied with the
civil governors of provinces, in luxury, arrogance, and voluptuousness. (11)
The presbyters, in many places, arrogated to themselves a dignity and au-
thority equal to bishops. Of the pride and effeminacy of the deacons, we
often meet with various complaints. Those especially who ranked first
among the presbyters and deacons, were unwilling to be considered as be-
longing to the same order with the others ; and therefore, they not only
assumed the titles of archpresbyters and archdeacons, but they thought
themselves authorized to assume far greater liberties, than were allowed
to the others.
§ 9. Among the eminent writers of this century who were an ornament
to the eastern provinces and to Greece, the most distinguished were those
whose names here follow. Eusebius Pamphili, bishop of Cacsarea in Pal-
estine, a man of vast reading and erudition, and one who has acquired im-
mortal fame by his labours in ecclesiastical history, and in other branches
of theological learning. Yet he was not free from errors and defects ;
and he leaned towards the side of those who think there is subordination
among the three persons in the Godhead. Some rank him among the
(10) See Peter de Marca, Diss. de Con- post Romanum Episcopum, proptcrca quod
stantin. Patriarchatus institutione ; annexed ait nova Roma." — TV.]
to his work, de Concordia sacerdotii et im- (11) See Sulpitius Severus, Historia Sa-
perii, vol. iv., p. 163, &c., ed. Bamb., 1789. era, lib. i., c. 23, lib. ii., c. 32, 51, Dialog, i.,
Mich. Ic Quien, Oriens Christianus, torn, i., c. 21. Add to this the account given by
p. 15, &c. Sam. Porter, An account of the Dao. Clarkson, in his Discourse on Litur-
Government of the Christian Church for the gies, p. 228, (of the French edition), of the
first six hundred years, p. 245, Lond., 1683, extremely corrupt state of morals among the
8vo. [The canon of the council was thus clergy ; and in particular of the eagerness of
expressed: " Constant inopolitanae civitatis the bishops to extend the boundaries of their
Episcopum habere oportet primatus honorem authority, p. 150, &c.
238
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
Arians ; but they certainly err in so doing, if they intend by an Arian,
one who embraces the opinions taught by Arius, the presbyter of Alex-
andria.(12) Peter, bishop of Alexandria, who is highly extolled by Eu-
(12) No one has with more zeal and learn-
ing accused Eusebius of Arianism, than Joh.
le Clerc, in his Epistolae Ecclesiast. annexed
to his Ars Critica, ep. ii., p. 30, &c. To
him, add Natalis Alexander, Hist. Eccles.
N. Test., Saec. iv., Diss. xvii. All how-
ever that these and others labour to prove is,
that Eusebius thought there was some dis-
parity and a subordination among the per-
sons of the Godhead. And suppose this to
have been his opinion, it will not follow that
he was an Arian, unless the term be taken in
a very extensive and improper sense. It is to
be lamented that so many abuse this term,
and apply it to persons who, though in error,
are very far from holding the opinions of
Arius. — [Eusebivs Pamphili (ss. amicus,
<J>itof) was born, probably, about the year
270, and at Caesarea, where he spent nearly
all his life. Till about forty years of age, he
lived in great intimacy with the martyr Pam-
phylus, a learned and devout man of Caesa-
rea, and founder of an extensive library there,
from which Eusebius derived his vast stores
of learning. Pamphylus was two years in
Erison, during which Eusebius was constant-
/ with him. After the martyrdom of his
friend, in the year 309, Eusebius fled first
to Tyre, and thence to Egypt, where he
lived till the persecution subsided. After
his return to Caesarea, about the year 314, he
was made bishop of his own city. In the
year 325, he attended the council of Nice,
was appointed todeliver the address to the em-
peror on his entering the council, and then to
be seated at his right hand. The first draught
of the Nicene creed was made by him ; to
which however, the term ououaiov and the
anathemas were added by the council, and
not without some scruples on the part of Eu-
sebius. Afterwards Eusebius appeared to
belong to a moderate party, who could not
go all lengths with either side. About the
year 330, he was offered the patriarchal chair
of Antioch; which he refused, because the
ancient customs forbid the removal of bish-
ops from one see to another. He died about
the year 340. — The opinion advanced by
Dr. Mosheim, respecting the Arianism of
Eusebius, is supported at length, by Socra-
tes among the ancients, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii ,
c. 21, and by W. Cave, in his Diss. de Eu-
sebii Caesarien. Arianismo, adv. Joh. Cler-
icum ; and in his Epistola apologet. ad eun-
dem ; both are annexed to his Historia lite-
rar. Scriptor. Ecclesiast. — Of the numerous
works of Eusebius, the following have been
preserved.
1. Chronicon: originally in two parts;
the first, a brief history of the origin and rev-
olutions of all nations ; and the second, a full
chronological table of the same events. Lit-
tle of the original Greek remains ; but we
have the Latin translation of the second part,
by Jerome ; which, with what could be glean-
ed of the Greek, and considerable additions
from other ancient chroniclers, was published
by Jos. Scaliger, 1606, fol., and a 2d ed. by
Morus, 1658. The entire Chronicon has
been preserved in an Armenian translation ;
and was published, Armen. and Lat., with
notes, Venice, 1817, 2 torn. fol.
2. Prceparatio Evangelica, in 15 books;
intended to prepare the minds of pagans to
embrace Christianity, by showing that the
pagan religions are absurd, and far less wor-
thy to be received than the Christian. It is a
learned and valuable work ; published, Gr.
and Lat., by F. Vigerus, Paris, 1628, fol.,
and again, Cologne (Leipsic), 1688.
3. Demonstratio Evangelica, in 20 books,
of which the last 10 are lost. This is an at-
tempt to demonstrate the truth of the Chris-
tian religion, by arguments drawn from the
Old Test., and was therefore intended espe-
cially for the Jews. It is far less valuable
than the former : ed. Paris, 1628, and Co-
logne, 16S8, fol.
4. Contra Hieroclem Liber ; in defence
of Christianity, against the attack of that
pagan philosopher. See the article Hie.ro-
cles, supra, p. 223, note (45). It is pub-
lished Gr. and Lat., annexed to the Demon-
stratio Evang., and by Go/if. Otcarius, with
the works of the two Philostratus, Lips.,
1709, fol.
5. Historia Ecclesiastica, in 10 books,
from the birth of Christ, to the death of Li-
cinius in 324. A most valuable treasure ;
though less full and complete, than could be
wished. Eusebius was an impartial histo-
rian, and had access to the best helps for
composing a correct history which his age
afforded. See Ch. Aug. Kestncr, Com-
mentatio de Eusebii Historiae Eccles. con-
ditoris Auctoritate et Fide diplomatica, sive
de ejus Fontibus et Ratione, qua eis usus
est ; Gotting., 1816, 4to. — This work, with
the three following, was best edited, Gr. and
Lat., by Valesius, Paris, 1659 and 1671 ;
Amsterd., 1695, and with improvements by
W. Reading, Cambridge, 1720, 3 vols. fol.
— including the other Gr. Ecclesiastical his-
torians ; namely, Socrates, Sozomen, The-
odoret, Evagrius, Theodorus Lector, and
Philostorgius. Those of Euseb., Socrat.,
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
239
sebius.(l3) Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, famous, among other writings
and acts, for his very strenuous opposition to the Arians.(14) Basil, sur-
Sozom., and Evag., with the three following
works, were translated into English, Cambr,
1683, 1 vol. fol.
6. De Martyribus Palaestinae Liber : usu-
ally appended to the eighth Book of his Hist.
Eccles. It gives account of the sufferers in
the East and in Egypt, during the persecu-
tion of Diocletian, or A.D. 303-313.
7. De Vita Constantini Magni, libri iv. ;
a panegyric, rather than a biography.
8. Oratio de Laudibus Constantini ; de-
livered on the emperor's vicennalia, A.D.
335.
9. Contra Marcellum. libri ii. ; composed
by order of the council of Constantinople,
A.D. 336, by which Marcellns was con-
demned as a Sabellian : annexed, Gr. and
Lat., to the Paris edition of the Praep.
Evang., 1628.
10. De Ecdcsiastica Theologia, libri iii.
This also is in confutation of Marcellus'
opinions ; and is printed with the former,
Gr. and Lat., subjoined to the Praep. Evang.
11. De Lncis Hehraicis ; a kind of Bib-
lical Gazetteer of Palestine : edited with the
Latin translation of Jerome, by Bonfrerius,
Pans, 1631.
12. Expositio in Canlica Canticorum ;
ed. by Meursivs, Leyden, 1617, 4to.
13. Vitae Prophetarum, ascribed to Eu-
seb., Gr. and Lat., Paris, 1580, fol., with
the Comment of Procopius in Isaiam.
14. Canones sacrorum Evangeliorum : ta-
bles showing what portions of the Gospel
History are narrated by one, by two, by
three, or by four Evangelists. The Latin
translation of Jerome was published in the
Orthodoxographia, in the Works of Jerome,
and in Biblioth. Patrum.
15. Apologiae pro Origene liber primus ;
(the other live Books are wholly lost) ; the
Latin translation of this, by Rufinus, is pub-
lished among the works of Jerome.
16. Cvmmcntarii in Psalmos cl. (but all
beyond ps. 119 is lost), published, Gr. and
Lat., by Montfaucon, Collect. Nov. Gr. Pa-
trum, torn, i., Paris, 1706, fol.
17. Comment arii in Isaiam ; ed., Gr. and
Lat., by Montfaucon, ubi supra, torn. ii.
18. Fourteen Latin Essays or Discourses
against Sabellianism, &c., were published
by Sirmond, Paris, 1643, 8vo, under the du-
bious title of Eusebii Caesariensis Opuscu-
la, xiv.
19. Eclogarum propheticarum de Christo,
libri iv., (a collection and explanation of the
O. T. prophecies concerning Chrtsi), is said
to exist in MS. in the Bibliotheca Viennensis.
20. Epistola ad Cacsancnsct ; a letter to
his own church, concerning the Nicene creed;
extant, Gr. and Lat., in Socrates, Hist. Ec-
cles., 1. i., c. 8. Theodoret, Hist. Eccles., 1.
i., c. 12, et inter Opera Athanasii, torn, i., p.
238, ed. Paris.
Eusebivs wrote many other works which
have not reached us : namely, de Praepara^-
tione Ecclesiastica libri aliquot ; de Demon-
stratione Ecclesiast. — contra Porphyrium,
libri xxv. ; de Evangeliorum dissonantia ;
irepl QfoQaveiac, libri v. ; Comment, in i.
Epist. ad Corinth. — irepi TOTTIKUV OVO/J.UTUV,
liber primus, (the first part of No. 11) ; — de
vita PamphUi, libri iii. ; Confutationis et
Apologias, libri ii., (probably, a defence of
himself against the charge of Arianism) ; —
Antiquorum Martyriorurn Collectio, (said to
be in eleven Books) ; Acta Martyrii Sti. Lu-
ciani ; Descriptio Basilicae Hierosolym. — Do
Festo Paschale Liber ; Epistola ad Constan-
tiam de imagine Christi ; Epistola ad Alex-
andrum Ep. Alex, de Ario ; Epistola adEu-
phrationem, (extracts from these 3 Epistles
are found in the Acta Concilii Niceui ii.
Actione 6ta). — Tr.J
(13) Eusebivs, Hist. Eccles., lib. ix., c.
6. — [Peter succeeded Thomas in the chair
of Alexandria, in the year 300 ; was impris-
oned in the year 303, and whether released
or not, before his martyrdom in 311, is un-
certain. He is represented as a very learn-
ed, pious, and active bishop. Of his wri-
tings, nothing remains but some rules re-
specting penance, and other points of eccle-
siastical discipline, to be found in the col-
lections of the ancient canons and decrees
of councils. — TV.]
(14) The accounts given of Alhanasius
by the oriental writers, are collected by
Euseb. Renaudot, in his Historia Patriarch.
Alexandrinorum, p. 83. All the works of
Athanaxius were splendidly published in
three volumes folio, by the Benedictine
monk, Bernh. de Monifaucon. — [Alhanasius
was born at Alexandria about the year 298.
He had a good education, and early dis-
played great strength of mind, and uncom-
mon sagacity as a disputant and a man of bu-
siness. He was ordained a deacon in 319,
and became the confidant and chief coun-
sellor of his bishop Alexander, whom he ac-
companied to the council of Nice in 325.
In that council he was very active, and ac-
quired great reputation. In the year 326,
Alexa.ni.tr died ; and from his recommenda-
tion, Alhanasius succeeded to the see of
Alexandria, when only 27 or 28 years old.
For half a century, he was the head of the
orthodox party in the Arian controversy.
240
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
named the Great, bishop of Csesarea [in Cappadocia], who was inferior to few
of this century in felicity of genius, skill in debate, and eloquence.(15) Cy.
This rendered him extremely odious to the
Arians, and involved him in controversy and
sufferings nearly all his life. False accusa-
tions were raised against him ; and a coun-
cil was held at Ca?sarea A.D. 334, before
which he was summoned, but would not ap-
pear. The next year, by peremptory com-
mand of the emperor Constantine, he ap-
peared before the council of Tyre, and an-
swered to the charges of murder, unchastity,
necromancy, encouraging sedition, oppres-
sive exactions of money, and misuse of
church property. Though his defence was
good, he could not obtain justice ; and he
therefore fled to Constantinople, imploring
the protection of the emperor. Here a coun-
cil was assembled in 336, and a new charge
falsely preferred against him, namely, that he
prevented the shipments of corn from Alex-
andria to Constantinople. He was unjustly
condemned, and banished to Treves in Bel-
gium. Arius died that year, and Constan-
tine the Great the year following. In the
year 338, the sons of Constantine allowed
Athanasius to return to Alexandria. He
immediately began to displace Arians, and
to recall the churches to the faith. Dis-
turbances ensued ; Athanasius was again ac-
cused ; and he made application to the bp.
of Rome for aid. In 341, the council of
Antioch decreed, that no bishop who had
been deposed by a council, ought ever to
return to his see ; and on this ground, the
see of Alexandria was declared vacant, and
one Gregory of Cappadocia appointed to it.
Gregory took forcible possession of it, and
Athanasius fled to Rome for protection.
A provincial council held there, acquitted
him on all the charges of his adversa-
ries ; and three years after, A.D. 344, a
much larger council held at Sardica, did the
same. In 347, after an exile of 7 or 8
years, Athanasius was permitted by the
Arian emperor Constant.ius, to return to his
see. But in 350, on the death of Constans,
he was again accused and persecuted. Con-
stantius caused him to be condemned in a
council at Aries in 354, and at the council
of Milan in 355. Athanasius concealed
himself at Alexandria two years, and then
retired among the hermits of Egypt, till the
death of Constantius in 361. In this retire-
ment, he wrote most of his best works. On
the accession of Julian, in 361, he returned
to his flock. But the next year, the pagans
joining the Arians, induced Julian to banish
him again. But Julian died the same year,
and Athanasius returned immediately to his
see. In the year 367, the Arian emperor
Valens made some attempts to remove him,
but without success. He died A.D. 373,
aged about 75, having been a bishop 46 years.
He was truly a great man, a good bishop, and
a most able, persevering, and successful de-
fender of the orthodox faith, in respect to
the Trinity. His works are chiefly contro-
versial, and in relation to that one doctrine.
They consist of numerous letters and tracts,
together with some brief expositions of the
Scriptures, and a Life of St. Anthony. His
four Orations, or Discourses, against the
Arians, and his Discourse against the pagans,
which are his largest works, were translated
into English by Sam. Parker, and printed at
Oxford, 1713, 2 vols. 8vo. His works, Gr.
and Lai., two volumes in 3 parts, were best
published by Montfaucon, Paris, 1698 ; and
Padua, 1777, fol. But a great number of
letters, tracts, comments, and narratives, the
production of subsequent ages, are falsely
ascribed to him, and printed with his works.
Among these, beyond all question, is the
creed, quicungue vult, falsely called the
Athanasian Creed. See Cave, Historia Lit-
terar., i., p. 189. Oudin, de Scriptor. Ec-
cles., torn, i., p. 312. Fabricius, Biblioth.
Gr., vol. v., p. 297. Montfaucon, Praef. ad
Opp. Athanasii ; and Schroecfch, Kirchen-
gesch., vol. xii., p. 93-252. Also Gibbon's
Decline and Fall of the Rom. Empire, ch.
xxi., vol. ii , p. 258-275, ch. xxiii., p. 355,
&c., ch. xxiv., p. 406, &c., ed. 1826, in 6
vols. 8vo.— Tr.]
(15) His works are published by the
Benedictine monk, Julian Gamier, Paris,
[1721-1730], 3 vols. fol. [Basil \\as born
at Cassarea in Cappadocia, about A.D. 329,
and died archbishop of that church, A.D.
379, act. 50. His first instruction in reli-
gion was from his grandmother Maerina, a
hearer and admirer of Gregory Thaumatur-
gus. His father, whose name was Basil,
instructed him in the liberal arts. Thence
he went to Constantinople or to Caesarea in
Palestine, and studied under Libanius, the
philosopher and rhetorician. Next he stu-
died at Athens, under Himerius and Proac-
resius, having Gregory Naz. and Julian the
apostate, for fellow-students in language, el-
oquence, poetry, history, and philosophy.
In the year 355, he returned to Cappadocia,
taught rhetoric a short time, and then re-
tired for 13 years to a monastery in Pontus.
From this time he became a most rigid as-
cetic, and a very zealous monk. He found-
ed several monasteries, and composed rules
and regulations for monks. In 363 he was
called to Caesarea, and ordained a presbyter ;
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
241
rillus, bishop of Jerusalem, has left us some catechetical discourses, which he
delivered at Jerusalem ; but many suspect him of intimacy with the Semi-
arians.(16) John, for his eloquence surnamed Chrysostom, a man of ge-
nius, who presided over the church of Antioch and that of Constantinople,
and has left us various specimens of his erudition, among which his pub-
lie discourses which he delivered with vast applause, stand conspicuous. (17)
the next year, falling out with his bishop,
Euscbius, he retired to his monastery, but
was soon recalled by the bishop. He was
now a very popular and efficient preacher.
On the death of archbishop Euscbius, in the
year 370, Basil was raised to the archiepis-
copal chair. He still dressed and lived like
a monk, but was a most active and effi-
cient bishop. He reformed the morals of the
clergy, established rigid discipline in the
churches, promoted orthodoxy and harmony
in that jarring age, established almshouses
for the sick and indigent ; and died triumph-
antly, on the first of January, 379. Eulogies
of him were composed by Gregory Nai.,
Gregory Nyssen, (who was his brother),
Ephracm Syrus, and Amphylochius. He
was a fine belles lettres scholar, an elegant
writer, and a good reasoner. His works
that remain are numerous, consisting of near
a hundred discourses, sermons, and homilies,
365 epistles, various ascetic tracts, contro-
versial pieces, a liturgy, &c. One of his
best pieces is, his treatise on the person
and offices of the Holy Spirit. He is un-
equal in his performances, and comes much
short of Chrysostom as an orator. Yet his
enthusiasm, his flexibility of style, and his
clear and cogent reasoning, notwithstanding
the gloomy austerity of his monastic char-
acter, entitle him to that high rank among
the ancient clergy, which has ever been as-
signed him. See Godf. Hcrmant, Vie de S.
Basile le Grand, Archeveque de Cesaree en
Cappadoce, et celle de S. Gregoire de Na-
zianze, Archev. de Constantinople, Paris,
1679, 2 vols. 4to. Ftibricius. Biblioth. Gr.,
vol. viii., p. 60, &c. Jul. Gamier, Vita Sti.
Basilii, prefixed to the 3d vol. of his Opp.
Basilii, Paris, 1730 ; and Schrocckh, Kir-
chen., vol. xiii., p. 1-214. Milner's Church
History, cent, iv., ch. 23. For his charac-
ter as a pulpit orator, see Bernh. Eschen-
berg, Gesch. der Religionsvortrag, p. 150
-162, Jena, 1785, 8vo. and J. W. Schmidt,
Anleitung zum popularen Kanzelvortrag, pt.
iii., p. 87-90, ed. 2. Jena, 1800, 8vo.— "TV.]
(16) The later editions of his works, are,
in England, by Tho. Mtllcs, [Oxford, 1703,
fol.] and in France, by the Benedictine Au-
gust. Touttcc, [Paris, 1720, fol.— Cyril is
supposed to have been born at Jerusalem
about the year 315 He was made dea-
con in the church of Jerusalem about A.D.
VOL. I.— H H
335, and presbyter, perhaps 3 years after.
On the death of Maximus the bishop, Cyr-
il was raised to the episcopal chair. But
the Arian controversy, and his contest with
Acacius of Caesarea respecting the priori-
ty of their episcopal sees, caused him to
be twice deposed, (A.D. 357 or 358, and
360), and to be expelled from his see by
the emperor Valens in 367. But he re-
turned after short intervals to his charge ;
and from 378, sat peaceably in his chair, till
his death A.D. 386. — He appears to have
been truly orthodox, though not disposed to
fo to extremes. (Thcodoret, Hist. Eccles.,
ii., c. 26, and 1. v., c. 9.) Of his works,
we have 23 Lectures to Catechumens ; the
first 18, on the creed of his church, (which
was very nearly the same with what we call
the Apostles' Creed), and the other 5, to
the newly baptized, on the ordinances, bap-
tism, chrism (or confirmation), and the
Lord's Supper. These lectures, though
written when Cyril was a young man, and
only a presbyter, about the year 348 or 349,
are an invaluable treasure to us ; as they
are the most complete system of theology,
and most circumstantial account of the rites
of the church, which have reached us from
so early an age. They are plain, didactic
treatises, well adapted to the object for
which they were written. See Tzschirncr,
de Claris Vet. Eccl. Oratoribus, Commenta-
tio vii., Lips., 1821, 4(o. Besides these lec-
tures, a letter of his to the emperor Con-
stantius, giving account of a marvellous ap-
pearance of a luminous cross in the heav-
ens, A.D. 351 ; and a discourse he deliver-
ed at Tyre ; are preserved. See Cave,
Histor. Litterar. Tmtitcc, preface to Cyr-
r/'s Works ; and Sckroeckh, Kirchengesch.,
vol. xii., p. 343-444.— TV.]
(17) For the best edition of the entire
works of this most elegant and gifted man,
in 11 [13] large folio volumes, we are in-
debted to the industry of Bernh. de Mont-
faucon, [Paris, 1718-38. — John Chrysostom
was the son of a respectable military gentle-
man of Antioch in Syria, named Secundui.
He was born in the year 354, and lost his
father in his childhood. Early displaying
marks of uncommon genius, his mother An-
thusa, a pious and excellent woman, pro-
cured for him the best instructers in all
branches of learning. After spending three
242
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
Epiphanius, bishop of Salamina in Cyprus, has described the various sects
of Christians, as far down as his own times, in a large volume ; which
however contains many defects and misrepresentations, arising from the
credulity and ignorance of the author. (18) Gregory of Nazianzus, and
years in the family, and under the religious exile. — " When driven from the city, I cared
instruction of Meletius the bishop of Anti-
och, he attended the schools of Libanius,
in rhetoric, of Andragathias, in philosophy,
and of Carterius and Diodorus, (afterwards
bishop of Tyre), in sacred literature, who
taught him to construe the scriptures literal-
ly. Distinguished as a scholar, he was also
early pious ; and about the age of twenty,
embracing a monastic life, he retired to the
mountains and spent four years in the soci-
ety of an aged hermit, and two years more
in a solitary cave. Nearly worn out by his
austerities, he was obliged to return to An-
tioch, where he was made a deacon in 381,
and commenced author at the age of 26.
Five years after he was ordained a presby-
ter, and began to preach. During twelve
years he wrote and delivered an immense
number of sermons, orations, and homilies.
In A.D. 398, he was made patriarch of Con-
stantinople, and in that station laboured and
preached incessantly. But his life was too
austere, his preaching too pungent, and his
discipline too strict, for that corrupt metrop-
olis. The empress, the lax clergy, and
many courtiers combined against him. In
the year 403, he was summoned before an
irregular council, to answer to 46 frivolous
or false charges ; and refusing to appear, he
was condemned, deposed, and banished, for
contumacy. But his people were so tumul-
tuous, that his enemies were compelled to
recall him. The next year, however, A.D.
404, he was forcibly removed to Cucusus
in Armenia, to the unspeakable grief of all
good men. Here he suffered extremely,
his health failed, and being removed to Pi-
tyus in Colchis, he died on the road thither,
the 14th of September, 407, aged 52 years
and 8 months. For overpowering popular
eloquence, Chrysostom had no equal among
the fathers. His discourses show an inex-
haustible richness of thought and illustration,
of vivid conception, and striking imagery.
His style is elevated, yet natural and clear.
He transfuses his own glowing thoughts and
emotions into all his hearers, seemingly
without effort, and without the power of re-
sistance. Yet he is sometimes too florid,
he uses some false ornaments, he accumu-
lates metaphors and illustrations, and carries
both his views and his figures too far. The
spirit of the man, and some idea of his style,
may be learned from the following literal
translation of a paragraph in one of his pri-
vate letters to a friend, written during his
nothing for it. But I said to myself, if the
empress wishes to banish me, let her banish
me : — the earth is the Lord's, and the ful-
ness thereof. If she would saw me in sun-
der, let her saw me in sunder : — I have Isa-
iah for a pattern. If she would plunge me
in the sea: — I. remember Jonah. If she
would thrust me into the fiery furnace : — I
see the three children enduring that. If she
would cast me to wild beasts : — I call to
mind Daniel in the den of lions. If she
would stone me, let her stone me : — I have
before me, Stephen the protomartyr. If she
would take my head from me, let her take
it : — I have John the Baptist. If she would
deprive me of my worldly goods, let her do
it-: — naked came I from my mother's womb,
and naked shall I return. An apostle has
told me, ' God respecteth not man's per-
son ;' and ' if I yet pleased men, I should
not be the servant of Christ.' And David
clothes me with armour, saying, ' I will speak
of thy testimonies before kings, and will not
be ashamed.' " — The works of Chrysostom,
(including some falsely ascribed to him),
consist of about 350 sermons and orations,
on a great variety of subjects and occasions ;
about 620 homilies, or exegetical discourses,
on different books of the Old and New Tes-
taments ; and about 250 letters ; together
with several tracts on monasticism, and a
treatise on the Priesthood, in six Books.
There is also a Liturgy which bears his
name, being that used at Constantinople,
and which perhaps received some alterations
from his hand. — For an account of his life
and writings, see Cave, Histor. Litteraria ;
Tillemont, Memoires — a THist. Eccles.,
torn, xi., p. 1-405, 547-626. Schrocckh,
Kirchengesch., vol. x., p. 245-490. Mont-
faucon, Opp. Chrysost, torn, xiii., p. 1-177.
For the sentiments, character and influence
of the man, see A. Neander's Johannes
Chrysostom. und die Kirche in dessen Zeit-
alter, Berlin, 1821-22, 2 vols. 8vo.— Tr.~\
(18) His works, with a Latin translation
and notes, were published by the Jesuit, Di-
onys. Petavius, [Paris, 1622, 2 vols. fol.,
and Cologne (Lips.), 1682]. His life is
given in a good sized volume, by Ja. Gerva-
sius, Paris, 1738, 4to. [Epiphanius, of
Jewish extract, was born at Bezanduca, a
village near Eleutheropolis, some twenty
miles from Jerusalem, about the year 310.
He became a monk in early life, visited
Egypt, fell into the toils of the Gnostics,
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
243
Gregory of Nyssa, obtained much renown among the theologians and dis-
putants of that age ; and their works show, that they were not unworthy to
be held in estimation. (19) But after ages would have prized them higher,
escaped, was intimate with St. Antony ;
and returning to Palestine in his 20th year,
about 330, became a disciple of Hilanon,
established a monastery near his native vil-
lage, called Ancient Ad, where he lived more
than thirty years. He read much, and was
ordained a presbyter over his monastery. In
the year 367, he was made archbishop of
Constantia (formerly Salamu) in Cyprus,
but still lived by monastic rules. — He en-
gaged in all the controversies of the times,
was an active and popular bishop, for 36
years, and regarded as a great saint, and
worker of miracles. In 376, he was at An-
tioch, on the Apollinarian heresy ; and in
382, at Rome, on the Meletian controversy.
He had a long and fierce contest with John
bishop of Jerusalem, respecting Origcmsm,
which he regarded with strong abhorrence.
His friend Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria,
having expelled some monks from Egypt, on
the charge of Origenism, in the year 401,
Epiphamus held a provincial council of Cy-
prus, against that error ; and as the expelled
monks fled to Constantinople, Epiphamus
followed them in 402, intending to coerce
Chrysostom into a condemnation of those
monks and of Origenism. But his enter-
prise wholly failed, and he died on his way
home, A.D. 403, aged above 90 years. He
became an author when turned of 60. His
first work, Anchoratus, (The Anchor), was
written A.D. 374 ; to teach the world gen-
uine Christianity, in opposition to the prevail-
ing and especially the Arian heresies. Soon
after he composed his great work contra oc-
toaginta Haereses, in 3 Books, divided into
7 parts or tomi. He also made an Epitome
of -this work ; and wrote a treatise on (scrip-
ture) Weights and Measures ; a Letter to
John bishop of Jerusalem ; another to Je-
rome ; and some other works of little value. •
It is said, he understood five languages, He-
brew, Syriac, Egyptian, Greek, and Latin.
His learning was great, his judgment rash,
and his credulity and mistakes very abun-
dant.— See Cave, Histor. Litterar., p. 231-
234 ; and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. x.,
p. 1-100.— Tr.]
(19) Tolerable editions of the writings of
both these men, were published in France,
duriiiLr the 17th century; but better editions
are anticipated from the Benedictines. [Af-
ter long delay, the first vol. of the e.\|
Benedictine edition of Gregory Na:i<in:>n'x
works appeared at Paris in 1778, edited by
Clemencet, large fol. Of the old editions,
the best is that of Billius, Gr. and Lat.,
Paris, 1609, 1630, and Cologne (Lips.),
1690, 2 vols. fol. His works, as here pub-
lished, consist of about 50 Orations, or Ser-
mons ; near 250 Epistles ; and about 140
poems. Besides these, Muratori has pub-
lished 228 Epigrams and short poems of his ;
in his AnecdotaGr.,p. 1-117, Petav., 1709,
4to. Some of the orations are violent at-
tacks upon Arians and others ; many others
are eulogies on his friends and on monks ;
and a few are discourses on practical sub-
jects. Of the poems, one of the longest is
an account of his own life. Most of them
were written after he retired from public
life, and are of a religious character, but of
no great merit as specimens of genius. As
an orator Gregory Naz. is considered supe-
rior to Basil, for strength and grandeur. He
also possessed a fertile imagination. But he
has little method, and he abounds in false
ornament. — He was born about the year 325.
His father, who was also named Gregory,
was bishop of Nazianzus in Cappadocia for
about 45 years, from A.D. 329 to 374. His
mother Nonna, like the mother of Samuel,
devoted her son to the Lord before he was
born. His education was begun at Caesarea
in Cappadocia, continued at Caesarea in Pal-
estine and at Alexandria, and completed at
Athens, at the age of 30, A.D. 355. He
was at Athens about five years ; and there
commenced that intimacy with Basil the
Great, which lasted through life. On his
return to Nazianzus, m 356, he was baptized,
and betook himself to a retired and studious
life, for which he always manifested a sirong
predilection. In 361, his father compelled
him to receive ordination as a presbyter ;
and the next year he preached his first ser-
mon. On the death of Julian, who had been
his fellow-student at Athens, he composed
two invectives against him. His friend,
archbishop Basil, in the year 372, offered
him the bishopric of Sasima. which he re-
fused with indignation, on account of his
aversion to public life. Yet he afterwards
consented to be ordained as assistant to his
aged father, on condition of not being obliged
to succeed him. Soon after the death of his
father, in 374, he retired to Seleucia, and
spent three years in obscurity. In 379, be-
ing pressed beyond the power of resistance,
he went to Constantinople to preach to the
remnant of the orthodox there. His success
in converting Arians was here very great :
and he was so popular, that the general coun-
cil of Constantinople, and the emperor The-
odosius, constrained him to accept the patri-
244
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
if they had been less attached to Origenism, and more free from the false
eloquence of the sophists. Among the Syrians, Ephraim has given im-
mortality to his name by the sanctity of his life, and by a great number of
writings, in which he confutes heretics, explains the scriptures, and treats
on religious duties.(20) Among those of whom but few works have reach-
ed us, are, Pamphylus, the martyr and intimate friend of Eusebius ;(21)
archal chair of that metropolis. But before
the council rose, it being objected to him,
that it was irregular for a bishop to be trans-
ferred from one see to another, he gladly re-
signed. Returning to Nazianzus, he dis-
charged the episcopal functions there for a
short time. But in 383, he retired altogeth-
er from public life, and after about seven
years spent chiefly in writing religious poetry,
he closed life, about A.D. 390. See Cave,
Histor. Litteraria ; and Schroeckh, Kirchen-
gesch., vol. xiii., p. 268-458.
Gregory, bishop of Nyssa in Cappadocia,
and younger brother of Basil the Great, was
probably born about 331, at Caesarea in Cap-
padocia. Of his early education little is
known. He was no monk, and at first
averse from the ministry. He was made
bishop of Nyssa in Cappadocia, about the
year 372. But soon after he was driven
from his see, by the persecution of the Ari-
ans, and for several years, travelled from
place to place. In 378 he returned to his
see. Afterwards, he was much employed
on councils, and was greatly esteemed by
the orthodox. The council of Antioch, 379,
appointed him to visit the churches in Ara-
bia, and restore order there. On his way he
visited Jerusalem, and was disgusted with
the profligate morals there. In the year
381, he wrote his great work, against Euno-
mius the Arian, in xiii. Books, which pro-
cured him great reputation. At the gen-
eral council of Antioch, in the same year,
he is reported to have made the new draught
of the Nicene creed, which was afterwards
•universally adopted by the, orthodox. He
was also at the council of Constantinople in
394, and probably died not long after. He
was a man of considerable acumen, a zeal-
ous polemic, and an extravagant orator. His
works consist of polemic discourses and
treatises, orations, eulogies, letters and hom-
ilies ; and were published, Gr. and Lat., by
Pronto le Due, Paris, 1615, 2 vols. fol., to
which Gretser added a third voi, Paris, 1618.
The 3 vols. were reprinted, but less correctly,
Paris, 1G38, fol. A better edition has long
been desired. See Cave, Histor. Litter.,
and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xiv., p.
3-147.— TV.]
(20) An elaborate account is given of him,
by Jos. Simon Asseman, in his Biblioth.
Oriental. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 24, &c. The
English published several of his works, in
Greek, at Oxford [by Edw.Thwa.ites, 1709,
fol.] The same were published in a Latin
translation by Gerh. Vossius, [Rome, 1589-
97, 3 vols. fol.] His works were published
in Syriac, a few years since, at Rome, by
Stcph. Euod. Asseman. [Six volumes in
all ; vol. i., ii., iii., Gr. and Lat., 1732-43-
46 ; vol. iv., v., vi., Syriac and Lat., 1737-
40-43, fol. — Ephraim Syrus, a monk and
deacon of the church at Nisibis in northern
Syria, was born and spent his whole life in
and near that city. When elected bishop
there, he feigned himself deranged and ab-
sconded, to avoid promotion. He was a
most ardent devotee of monkery, a man of
genius, and a prolific writer. His works
consist of essays and sermons, chiefly on the
monastic and moral virtues, commentaries*
on nearly the whole Bible, and hymns and
prayers. A few of his essays are polemic.
All his works were written in Syriac, and
were so popular in Syria as to be read in
public after the Scriptures, and being early
translated into Greek, were held in high es-
timation in that age. It is said, his hymns
and prayers are still used in the Syriac
churches. He died A.D. 378. See Je-
rome, de Scriptor. Illustr, c. 115. Sozo-
men, Hist. Eccles., 1. iii., c. 16. Theodo-
ret, Hist. Eccles., ii., c. 30, and iv., 29.
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. viii., 255,
&c., and xv., 527, &c. Milner's Church
History, cent, iv., ch. 21. — TV.]
(21) [Pamphylus, a presbyter of Csesarea
in Palestine, was born at Berytus, studied
under Picrius of Alexandria, and spent his
life at Csesarea. He was a learned, benevo-
lent, and devout man, and a great promoter
of theological learning. He procured an ex-
tensive theological library, which he gave to
the church of Caesarea. Most of the works
of Origen, he transcribed with his own hand,
and particularly the corrected copy of the
Septuagint in Origen's Hexapla. One of
these transcripts, P. D. Huet states, is still
in possession of the Jesuits of Clermont.
He wrote a vindication and biography of
Origen, in 5 Books, to which Eusebius added
a sixth Book. The whole are lost, except
a Latin translation of Book first, made by
Rufinus. During the persecution he was
imprisoned two years, and then put to death.
Eusebius, his great admirer, wrote his life
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
245
Diodorus of Tarsus ;(22) Hosius of Corduba ;(23) Eustathius of Anti-
och ;(24) Didymus of Alexandria ;(25) Amphilochius of Iconium ;(26) Pal-
in iii. Books, which are lost. See Jerome,
de Scriptor. Illustr., c. 77. Eusebius, Hist.
Eccles., 1. vi., c. 32. Cave, Historia Litte-
rar.— Tr.]
(22) [Diodorus, or Theodoras, bishop of
Tarsus, was head of a monastic school and
a presbyter at Antioch, where he had Chry-
sostom for a pupil. He became bishop of
Tarsus in 378, sat in the general council at
Constantinople 381, and was succeeded at
Tarsus by Phalcrius A.D. 394. He was a
learned man, and a voluminous, though not
an elegant, writer. His works were chief-
ly scientific and controversial, in opposition
to errorists and unbelievers, and explanato-
ry of the Scriptures, which he construed lit-
erally. None of his works remain entire ;
but abstracts and numerous extracts are
preserved by Photius and others. See Sui-
das, voce AtoJu/joc. Socrates, H. E., vi.,
3. Sozomen, H. E., 'viii., 2. Thcodo-
ret, H. E., iv., 25. Jerome, de Scriptor.
Illustr., c. 119. Cave, Histor. Litterar.
Fabricius. Biblioth. Gr , vol. viii., p. 358,
&c. Tt/lemont, Memoires — a 1'Hist. Ec-
clcs., tome viii., p. 558, &c., 802, &c.
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. x., p. 247-
251.— Tr.}
(23) [Hosius, bishop of Corduba in Spain,
was born about the middle of the preceding
century, became a bishop before the end of
it, and sat in the council of Illiberis, A.D.
305. He was chief counsellor, in ecclesias-
tical affairs, to Constantine the Great ; who
summoned him to the council of Aries in
314, and sent him to Egypt, to settle the
religious disputes of that country in 324.
He stood at the head of the council of Nice
in 325 ; and presided in that of Sardica in
347. By the Arian Council of Sirmium
356, he was banished, when near a hundred
years old ; and unable to resist, he now
signed an artfully-drawn Arian creed ; and
died A.D. 361, having lived more than 100
years, and been a bishop during about 70.
Nothing written by him remains, except an
epistle to the emperor Constantius, preserved
by Athana&ius, in his Historia Arianor. ad
Monachos. See Cave, Histor. Litterar.
Tillcmont, Memoires — a I'Hist. Eccles.,
tome vii., p. 300-321, and Fabricius, Bib-
lioth. Gr.. vol. viii., p. 399. — Tr.]
(24) [Eustathius, a native of Side in Pam-
phylia, was bishop of Beaea (now Aleppo)
in Syria, and promoted to the patriarchate
of Antioch by the council of Nice, A.D.
325. He had previously distinguished him-
self as an opposer of Arianism ; and in that
council, he acted a conspicuous part. This,
together with his libri viii. contra Arianos,
rendered him extremely obnoxious to the
abettors of Arianism, who procured his con-
demnation in one of their councils, about
the year 330. Eustathius appealed in vain
to the emperor, Constantine the Great : he
was banished to Trajanopolis in Thrace,
where he died about the year 360. His
only entire works now extant, are his treatise
on the Witch of Endor, in opposition to Ori-
gen, and a short address to the emperor, de-
livered at the council of Nice. These, to-
gether with a treatise on the Hexaemeron,
which is ascribed to him, were published by
Leo. Allatius, Lyons, 1629, 4to. What re-
mains of his viii. Books against the Arians,
was published by Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr.,
vol. viii., p. 170, &c. He was highly es-
teemed by the orthodox of his times. See
Jerome, de Siriptor. Illustr., c. 85. Chry-
sostom, Laudatio Eustathii, Opp. Chrysost.,
torn, ii., p. 603. Athanasius, Epist. ad Sol-
itaries. Cave, Histor. Litterar. Du Pin,
Biblioth. des Auteurs Eccles., vol. iii.
Fabricius, ubi supra, p. 166, &c., and
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. v., p. 275,
&c.— Tr.]
(25) [Didymus, a learned monk of Alex-
andria, and head of the catechetic school
there, was the preceptor of Jerome and Ru-
finus. He lost his eyesight when young,
yet became very conspicuous as a scholar and
a theologian. He was born before the year
311, and was alive A.D. 392, then more
than 83 years old. Of his numerous works,
only three have reached us ; namely, de
Spiritu Sancto Liber, preserved in a Latin
translation of Jerome, (inter Opp. Hieronymi,
torn, iv., pt. i., p. 493, &c.), Scholia on the
canonical Epistles, also in a Latin translation.
Both these are given in the Biblioth. Patr.,
torn, v., p. 320, 338. Liber adversus Man-
ichaeos ; Gr. and Lat., in Combefis, Aucta-
rium noviss. Biblioth. Patr., pt. ii., p. 21,
&c. Besides these, he wrote commentaries
on the greater part of the Bible ; and, de
Trinitate lib. iii. ; contra Arianos libri ii. ;
and a comment on the four Books of Origen
de Principiis, in defence of Origen's senti-
ments. See Jerome, de Scriptor. Illustr.,
c. 109; and Care, Historia Liueraria. — Tr.]
(26) [Amphilochius, after being a civil
magistrate, and living a while with Basil
and Gregory Naz. in their monastery, was
made bishop of Iconium in Lycaoma, about
the year 370 or 375. He sat in the second
gen. council at Constantinople, A.D. 381 ;
and in the same year, was appointed by the
emperor Theodosius, inspector of the clergy
246
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
ladius, author of the Lausiac History ; (27) Macarius, senior and junior ;(28)
in the diocese of Asia. Two years after,
wishing to persuade the emperor to enact
severer laws against the Arians, he appeared
in his presence, without showing respect to
his son, the young Arcadius. At this the
emperor was indignant. The bishop replied :
" Sire, are you offended because indignity is
offered to your son 1 Then, be assured,
God must abhor those who treat his Son with
disrespect." The argument was irresistible ;
and the emperor granted his request. He
probably died A.D. 395. Ten short pieces,
chiefly orations, and various fragments, were
published as his works, (though most of them
are of dubious origin), by Combejis, Gr. and
Lat., Paris, 1644, fol., including the works
of Methodius Patarens. and Andreas Creten-
sis. A few other tracts are extant under his
name ; and a considerable number mentioned
by the ancients, cannot now be found. See
Fabricivs, Biblioth. Gr., vol. vii., p. 500-
507. Oudin, Commentar. de Scriptor. Ec-
clesiast., torn, ii., p. 216, &c. Cave, His-
tor. Litterar., and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch.,
vol. xii., p. 67-70.— TV.]
(27) [Palladius of Galatia, born A.D.
368, at the age of 20 went to Egypt, to get
a practical knowledge of monkery. After
residing among the monks of Egypt several
years, his health failed, and he returned to
Palestine, still leading a monastic life. In
the year 400, going to. Bithynia, Chrysostom
ordained him bp. of Hellenopolis, which he
afterwards exchanged for Aspona in Galatia.
After the fall of Chrysostom in 404, Palladi-
us was banished, and died in exile about A.D.
431. His great work was composed about
the year 420, and contains the history of the
principal monks of his own times, with many
of whom he was personally acquainted. Be-
ing written at the request of Lausus, the em-
peror's lord of the bedchamber, it was called
Historia Lausiaca. It is the honest state-
ment of a credulous monk, who almost adored
the heroes of his story. Several Latin edi-
tions have been published. In Greek it ap-
peared, Lugd. Bat., 1616, 4to ; and Gr. and
Lat. in the Auctar. Biblioth. Patr., Paris,
1624, torn, ii., p. 893-1053, fol., and in Bib-
lioth. Patr., Paris, 1624, torn, xiii.— The oth-
er works ascribed to him are, Dialogi de
Vita S. Joh. Chrysostorrd, inter Palladium
Ep. Hellenopolitanum et Theodorum eccle-
Biae Romanae diaconum, (extat inter Opp.
Chrysost.), and de gentibus Indiae et Brach-
manibus Liber. — See Fabricius, Biblioth.
Gr., vol. ix., p. 2, &c. Du Pin, Biblioth.
des Auteurs, &c. Cave, Historia Litterar.
Tilllemont, M6moires — a 1'Hist. Eccles.,
vol. i., p. 500, &c.— Tr.]
(28) [Macarius senior, or the Great, called
the Egyptian Macarius, a native of The-
bais, was born A.D. 302, early addicted him-
self to a monastic life, at the age of thirty
retired to the wilderness of Scetis and the
mountains, Nitria, where he lived a hermit
for 60 years. He became a presbyter at the
age of 40, and died at the age of 90, A.D.
391. Much is related of his austerities, his
virtues, his wisdom, and his miracles. To
him are ascribed, and it is probable correctly,
seven opuscula and fifty homilies or dis-
courses ; all upon practical and experimen-
tal religion ; edited, last, by J. G. Pritius,
Gr. and Lat., Lips., 1714, 2 vols. in one,
12mo, p. 285 and 566. — Macarius junior,
called the Alexandrian Macarius, because
he was born and spent the first part of his
life at Alexandria, was contemporary with
Macarius senior, with whom he is often con-
founded. He was born about A.D. 304,
pursued traffic some years, became a monk,
retired to the wilderness of Scetis, was bap-
tized at 40, became a presbyter, headed a
numerous band of monks in the mountains of
Nitria, and died about A.D. 404, aged 100
years. He was no less distinguished for his
virtues and his miracles, than the other Ma-
carius. Both copied after St. Antonius, both
were hermits, inhabited the same region of
country, and lived at the same time. But
the senior Macarius was unsocial, especially
with strangers ; whereas the younger was
very affable, and often visited the city Alex-
andria ; whence he was called TroAm/coo, the
citizen. The younger wrote nothing, but a
single letter to his disciples. The code of
30 monastic rules, ascribed to him, was
probably the production of a later age. Both
are mentioned by most of the contemporary
writers, as Jerome, Rufinus, Socrates, So-
zomcn, and especially Palladius, (Lausiac
History, c. 19, 20), who was a disciple of the
younger Ma.carius. But their history is lit-
tle more than an account of their rules of life,
their conversations, their miraculous deeds,
the admiration in which they were held, and
the crowds of visitors and disciples which
attended them. See Socrates, Hist. Eccl.,
1. iv., c. 23. Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, c.
19, 20. Rufinus, Vitae Patrum, c. 28. Cas-
sianus de Coenobior. Institut., 1. v., c. 41,
and Collat., v., c. 12, xv., c. 3, xxiv., c. 13.
Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., 1. iii., c. 14, 1. vi.,
c. 29. Theodorct, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c.
21. Tillemont, Memoires — a 1'Hist. Ec-
cles., torn, viii., p. 243, 264, 357. Fabri-
cius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. vii., p. 491, &c.
Cane, Histor. Litterar. — Tr.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
247
ApolHnaris, senior ;(29) and a few others,(30) are most frequently men-
tioned on account of their learning and their achievements.
(29) [ApolHnaris, or Apollinarius, senior,
was born at Alexandria, taught grammar at
Berytus, and at Laodicea in Syria, where he
became a presbyter. He associated with
Epipkanius the sophist, a pagan, and attend-
ed his lectures ; for which, both he and his
son, the younger ApolHnaris, were excom-
municated. But repenting, they were re-
stored. In the year 362, when the emperor
Julian prohibited the Christians from read-
ing the classic poets and orators, ApolHnaris
and his son undertook to compose some sa-
cred classics, to take the place of the pagan.
The father took up the Old Testament, and
transferred the Pentateuch into heroic verse,
in imitation of Homer ; and also, according
to Sozomen, he formed the rest of the Old
T. history into Comedies, Tragedies, Lyrics,
&c., in imitation of Mcnandcr, Euripides,
and Pindar. The son laboured on the New
Test., and transferred the Gospels and the
canonical Epistles into Dialogues, in imita-
tion of those of Plato. Nearly all, if not
the whole, of these sacred classics, are lost.
Yet there is extant a poetic Gr. version of
the Psalms, bearing the name of ApolHnaris.
The Tragedy of Christ suffering, published
among the works of Gregory Naz., is also
by some ascribed to the elder ApolHnaris. —
The younger Apollinaris, wrote likewise,
adversus Porphyrium Libri 30 ; de Veritate,
adv. Julianutn et philosophos ; contra Euno-
mii apologiam Liber; Commentarii breves
in Isaiam ; Hymni et Cantica sacra ; de In-
carnatione Libellus ; de Fide Libellus ; and
several Epistles, of which two perhaps are
extant. Of all the rest of his works, only
fragments remain. — The younger Apollina-
ris believed, that the divine nature in Christ
did the office of a rational human soul ; so
that God the Word, with a sensitive soul
(ij>vxr/) and a body, constituted the person
of the Saviour. For this, he was accounted
a heretic, and condemned by public councils.
He died between A.D. 380 and 392.— Both
were learned and excellent men, and strenu-
ous opposers of the Arian creed. Jerome,
de Viris Illustr., c. 104. Socrates, Hist.
Eccl., ii., 46, and iii., 16. Sozomen, H. E.,
v., 18, and vi., 25. Philost&rg., H. E., viii.,
11-15. Fabncius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. vii.,
p. 659, &c., viii., p. 332. Tillemont, Me-
moires — a 1'Hist. Eccles., vol. vii. Cave,
Histor. Litteraria.— Tr.]
(30) [Less distinguished than the forego-
ing, were, in the eastern or Greek church,
the pseudo-.D0ro//iet«, a fabled bishop of
Tyre, who was a confessor in the Diocletian
persecution, and a martyr under Julian, aged
more than 100 years. To him is attributed
the Epitome of the Lives of the Prophets,
Apostles, and the 70 Disciples of Christ ; ex-
tant in the Biblioth. Patr., torn, iii., p. 421.
See Cave, Historia Litterar.
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, A.D.
312-325, famous as beginning the controver-
sy with Arius, who was his presbyter. Of
more than 70 epistles, written by him on the
Arian controversy, only two are extant ; pre-
served, one by Theodoret, Hist. Eccles., 1. i.,
c. 4, and the other by Socrates, Hist. Eccles.,
1. i., c 6.
Constantine the Great, emperor A.D. 306
-337. He wrote many epistles and some
orations, which his secretaries translated into
Greek. Of these, 24 epistles and two ora-
tions are preserved, by Eusebius and others,
and among the Acts of councils. Many of
his edicts are also preserved in the Codex
Theodosianus.
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomcdia, and after-
wards court bishop of Constantinople, and the
stanch patron of Arius. He was condemned
in the council of Nice, and banished by the
emperor ; retracted and was restored ; be-
came the great supporter of Arianism ; and
died A.D. 342. A single epistle of his, has
been preserved by Theodoret, Hist. Eccles.,
1. i., c. 6.
James, bishop of Nisibis in Syria ; a con-
fessor in the Diocletian persecution, an as-
sessor in the Nicene council, and died in the
reign of Constantius. He probably wrote
wholly in Syriac ; but his works were first
published, Armenian and Latin, by N. An-
tonelli, Rome, 1756, fol., containing 19 es-
says and discourses, chiefly on moral and
practical subjects.
St. Antonius, a renowned Egyptian monk,
who flourished about A.D. 330. His life,
written by Athanasius, is still extant ; like-
wise, his monastic rules, his remarks on ca-
ses of conscience, and about 20 Discourses.
These opuscula were published, in a Latin
translation from Arabic, Rome, 1646, 8vo.
Asterius of Cappadocia. a fickle and am-
bitious man, in the period next following the
Nicene council, and a zealous Arian. He
was never admitted to the clerical office,
possessed some talent, and wrote comments
on the Scriptures, and tracts in favour of
Arianism ; of which, only fragments remain.
Marcelhu, bishop of Ancyra in Galatia.
He held a council at Ancyra in 315, and
was conspicuous in the orthodox ranks at the
council of Nice. Afterwards his zeal against
Arianism, carried him into Sabellianism. He
was condemned and deposed in 335, acquit-
248
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
§ 10. Among the Latin writers, the following are most worthy of no.
tice. Hilary, bishop of Poictiers, famous for his twelve Books on the
ted in 347, but still regarded with suspicion.
He died A.D. 370. Many wrote against
him ; and he wrote much, but nothing but
what time has consumed.
Theodorus, bishop of Heraclea in Thrace
A.D. 334-344, a Semiarian, and a zealous
opposer of Athanasius. He died about the
year 358. His commentaries on various
parts of the Bible, are highly commended by
Jerome and others, for their style and erudi-
tion. All are lost, except his commentary
on the Psalms, which is prefixed to the Ca-
tenae Veterum Patrum in Psalmos, ed. An-
twerp, 1643, 3 vols. fol.
Acacius, bishop of Casarea in Palestine
A.D. 340-366, successor to Eusebius, whose
secretary he had been ; a man of learning
and eloquence, but unstable, and fluctuating
between Arianism and orthodoxy. He wrote
much, particularly in explanation of the Scrip-
tures ; but nothing that has been preserved.
Triphilus of Ledris in Cyprus, flourished
A.D. 340. He was bred to the bar, and was
considered one of the most elegant writers
of his age. He wrote on the Canticles, and
the life of Spiridon, his bishop ; but nothing
of his remains.
Eusebius, bishop of Emessa in Phenicia,
was born at Edessa, studied there, and at
Alexandria in Egypt, and Antioch in Syria.
As early as 312, he was distinguished for
scholarship and for unassuming modesty.
He refused the bishopric of Alexandria in
341 ; but soon after accepted that of Emes-
sa, and died about A.D. 360. He leaned
towards Semiarianism ; wrote much and el-
egantly, on the scriptures, and against the
Jews. What has been published as his, has
been much questioned.
George, bishop of Laodicea, a stanch Ari-
an, and active in all their measures, from
A.D. 335 to 360. He wrote against the
Manichaeans ; the life of Eusebius Emesse-
nus ; and several epistles, one of which is
preserved by Soznmen, H. Eccl , 1. iv., c. 13.
Pachomius, (died 350), Theodorus, his
successor, and Oresiesis. were distinguished
contemporary monks of Tabbennesis in The-
bais, Egypt. They flourished from A.D.
340-350. Monastic rules, some epistles,
and several discourses, are extant under the
names of one or more of them.
Serapion, a monk of Thebais, distinguish-
ed for his learning and eloquence, was the
friend of Athanasiu.t, who made him bishop
of Thmuis. He died about A.D. 358. Of
his once popular writings, only his Liber
contra Manichaeos is extant ; Latin, in the
Biblioth. Patr., torn, iv., p. 160.
Basil, bishop of Ancyra, from 336 to 360,
was a Semiarian, highly esteemed by Con-
s/antius, and very active against the ortho-
dox. Contention between him and Aca-
cius, preceded his deposition and banishment
to Illyricum in the year 360. He wrote
much, and in particular, against Marcellus
his predecessor ; but none of his works are
extant.
Leontius, the Arian bishop of Antioch,
A.D. 348-358, a crafty and deceptive man,
who was active in the contentions of his
times. Of his writings, only a fragment of
one discourse remains.
Marcus, an Egyptian bishop, and a friend
of Athanasius, banished in 356 by George
bishop of Alexandria. He wrote an oration
against the Arians, which is published with
Origen's tract on the Lord's prayer, by
Wetstein, Amsterd., 1695, 4to.
Aetius of Syria, a goldsmith, physician,
deacon at Antioch, bishop somewhere, and
finally a heretic. He held Christ to be a
mere creature. He died about the year 366.
His book de Fide, in 47 chapters, is trans-
cribed and refuted, in Epiphamus, Haer. 76.
Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia on the
Euphrates, and (356) of Antioch, and (360)
of Constantinople ; died A.D. 370. He was
successively an Arian, a Semiarian, and an
Aetian ; a learned, but a verbose and obscure
writer. Large fragments of his discourse
de Incarnittione Dei Verbi, are extant.
Eunomius, the secretary and disciple of
Aetius, but more famous than his master.
He was made bishop of Cyzicum A.D. 360,
banished soon after, wandered much, and
died about A.D. 394. He wrote on the
epistle to the Romans ; many letters ; his
own creed, and an Apology for it. Only the
two last are extant. He held Christ to be
a created being, and of a nature unlike to
that of God.
Meletius, bishop of Sebaste in Armenia,
and (360) of Antioch. He was banished
A.D. 361, returned under Julian ; was ban-
ished again under Valens, and restored by
Gratian, and died while attending the gen-
eral council of Constantinople A.D. 381, at
an advanced age. There is extant, (in Epi-
phanius, Haeres. 73, c. 29-34), an able
discourse, which he delivered at Antioch in
361, when, holding up three fingers, and
then closing two of them, he said : " We
conceive there are three persons, but we ad-
dress them as one."
Titus, bishop of Bostra in Arabia, xvas
driven from his see, under Julian, A.D. 362 ;
returned under Valentmian; and died about
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
249
Trinity, and for other writings. He possessed a considerable degree of
perspicacity and ingenuity ; but he was often disposed to borrow from
Tertullian and Origen, whom he greatly admired, rather than to tax his
own genius. (31) Lactantius, the most eloquent of the Latin Christians in
the year 371. He wrote contra Manichaeos ilies. The homilies are printed among the
libn iii., which are extant in a Latin transla-
tion, in Biblioth. Patr., torn. iv. A discourse
likewise, on the branches of palm, Gr. and
Lat., and a commentary on Luke, in Latin,
have been published under his name, but are
questioned.
Paphnutius, a celebrated Egyptian monk,
who flourished A.D. 370. He wrote the
life of St. Onyphnus, and of several other
monks ; still extant.
Caesarius, younger brother of Gregory
Nazianzenus, was a learned physician of
Constantinople, and was elevated to civil
office. He is said to have written several
works, and particularly a treatise against the
pagans. There are extant under his name,
iv. Dialogues, Gr. and Lat., on 195 ques-
tions in theology ; in Pronto le Due's Auc-
tanum Biblioth. Pair., 1624, torn. i. But
they are supposed not to be his, as they show
the hand of a well-read theologian.
Evagnus, archdeacon of Constantinople
in 381, and after 385, an Egyptian monk.
He was a pious and learned man, and a con-
siderable writer. Several of his devotional
and practical works are extant, in the differ-
ent collections of the works of the fathers.
Nemcsius, bishop of Emessu, after being
a Christian philosopher. He flourished A.D.
380, and with Origen, held to the pre exist-
ence of human souls ; as appears from his
book, de Na/vra Hoimnis, extant in the Auc-
tarium Biblioth. Pair., 1624, torn, ii., also
printed Gr. and Lat., Oxford, 1671, 8vo.
N'C/nnus, bishop of Constantinople A.D.
381-398, orthodox and pious. One of his
discousses is extant, inter Opp. Chrysostomi,
who was his successor.
Flavianus, a monk, and bishop of Antioch
A.D. 381-403. He first divided the choir,
and taught them to sing the Psalms of Uuvid
responsively. He was strenuous against the
Arians ; but fragments only of his discourses
and letters remain.
Theop/nlus, bishop of Alexandria A.D.
385-412, was famous for his contention with
the Nitric monks, and for his opposition to
Origenism. Of his works only a few epis-
tles, and considerable extracts from his other
writings, are extant.
John, bishop of Jerusalem A.D. 386-416,
famous for his contests with Ejjijiharnus
and svith Jerome, respecting Origen s char-
acter. Numerous works, perhaps without
foundation, are published as his. They con-
works of Chrysostom : and the whole are
published as his works, Brussels, 1643, 2
vols. fol.
Hieronymus of Dalmatia, a presbyter, and
monk, who flourished A.D. 386. He is au-
thor of Lives of the Egyptian monks ; the
original Greek, though preserved, has not
been published ; because the Lausiac His-
tory of 1'alladius is nearly a literal translation
of it.
Sophronius, the friend of Jerome, and
translator into Greek of some of his works,
particularly of his book, de Viris Illuslnbus.
He flourished about A.D. 390 ; and was, as
Jerome says, apprime eruditus ; yet he is
little noticed bv oilier contemporary writers.
-2V.]
(31) Concerning Hilary, the Benedictine
monks have given an accurate account, in
their Histoire Litteraire de la France, tome
ii., [lome i., partie ii.J p. 139-193, [a Paris,
1733, 4to.] The best edition of his works,
is that of the French Benedictines, [by Cou-
tant, Paris, 1693, fol., revised and improved
by Sap. Ma/ei, Verona, 1730, 2 vols. fol.
— Hilary of Pmcticrs in France, was a na-
tive of Gaul, of respectable parentage, and
well educated. He was a pagan, till he had
attained to manhood. His consecration to
the episcopal office, was about the year 350.
For 20 years he stood pre-eminent among
the Gallic bishops, and did much to arrest
the progress of Arianism in the West. In
the council of Bessieres, A.D. 356, he han-
dled the Arian bishops, (Saturninus, Ursa-
cms, Valens, and others), so roughly, that
they applied to the emperor Constantius,
and had him banished to Phrygia. During
the four years he was an exile in Asia, he
wrote most of his works, and was so active
in opposing Arianism there, that the hereti-
cal clergy, to get rid of him, procured his
release from banishment. He returned to
his church, a more able and more successful
antagonist to the Gallic Arians than he was
before. He was the principal means of roll-
ing back the Arian current, which was
sweeping over the West. — His great work
is his de Tnmtale Libri xii. He also wrote
three different tracts addressed to the emper-
or ; an account of the synods held in the
;,iinst the Arians ; concerning the
councils of Arimini and Selciicia, and the
events that followed to the year 366 ; Com-
mentaries on Matthew, and on the Psalms.
sist of commentaries on scripture and horn- Besides these, he wrote several works which
VOL. I.-Ii
250
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
this century, assailed the superstition of the pagans, in his pure and ele-
gantly written Divine Institutions ; and likewise wrote on other subjects.
But he is more successful in confuting the errors of others, than in correct-
ing his own. (32) Ambrose, first a governor, and then bishop of Milan, is not
rude in diction or conception, nor is he destitute of valuable thoughts ; yet
he is chargeable with the faults of the age, a deficiency in solidity, accu-
racy, and good arrangement.(33) Hieronymus, a monk of Palestine, has
formance, extant as the work of a fabled
Symposium. The Carmen de Phoenice, is
perhaps his. His lost works are, Grammat-
icus ; odoiiropmbv, a poetic account of his
voyage to Nicomedia ; ad Asclepiadem libri
ii. ; ad Probum Epistolarum libri iv. ; ad
Severum Epistolarum libri ii. ; ad Demetria-
num Epistolarum libri ii. — See Jerome, de
Viris Illustr., c. 80. Cave, Historia Lit-
terar. Lardner, Credibility, &c., vol. vii.
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. v., p. 220-
262.— Tr.]
(33) The Benedictine monks of France,
published his works in 2 large folio volumes,
[1686-1690.— Ambrose was the son of a
praetorian prefect of the same name, who
was governor general of Gaul, Britain, and
Spain. After a good education for civil life,
he became an advocate, counsellor to Prolrus
his father's successor, and at last governor
of Liguria and Aemylia, resident at Milan.
In the year 374, Auxentius, bp. of Milan,
died ; and the Arians and orthodox became
tumultuous in the church, when met to elect
a successor. Ambrose entered the church
to quell the riot, and a little child happening
to say "Ambrose, bishop," the mob presently
cried out, " let him be the bishop." — He was
constrained to submit ; gave up all his prop-
erty, and his wordly honours, was baptized,
and became a laborious and self-denying
bishop. An irruption of barbarians in 377,
obliged him to flee ; and he went to Illyri-
cum, and thence to Rome. In the year 381,
he presided in the council of Aquileia. In
383, the emperor Valentinian sent him as
ambassador to Maximus the usurper in Gaul.
Next came his contest with Symmachus,
prefect of Rome, respecting the rebuilding
the pagan altar of Victory in that city. In
386, he had much contention with the Arians
of Milan. Afterwards he was sent on a
second embassy to Maximus. Three years
after, he debarred the emperor Theodosius
the Great from Christian ordinances, and
required him to do penance, for the slaughter
of the citizens of Thessalonica by his order.
In 392, civil war obliged him to leave Milan
for a time. He soon returned, but died A.D.
397, aged 64 years. He was devout, ener-
getic, orthodox, and a very useful bishop.
His knowledge of theology was not great ;
but he was able to read the Greek fathers, and
are lost, such as commentaries, hymns, epis-
tles, &c. — See Jerome, de Viris Illuslr., c.
100. Fortunatus, de Vita Hilarii, Libri ii.
(prefixed to the Opp. Hilarii ed. Bened.)
Coutant, Life of Hilary, prefixed to the Ben-
edictine edition of his works. Tillemont,
Memoires — a 1'Hist. Eccles., tome vii., p.
442, &c., 745, &c., and Schroeckh, Kirch-
engesch., vol. xii., p. 253-342. — Hilary was
learned, but his style is exceedingly swollen
and obscure. — 7V.]
(32) Of Lactantius also the Benedictines
have given an account, in their Histoire Lit-
teraire de la France, torn, ii., p. 65, &c.
His works have been through numerous edi-
tions ; the latest and best are by the cele-
brated Bunemann, [Lips., 1739, 8vo], the
venerable Neumann, [Getting., 1736, 8vo],
and Lenglet du Frenoy, [Paris, 1748, 2 vols.
4to, and Zweyb., 1786, 2 vols. 8vo. — Lucius
Cczcilius Lactantius Firmilianus was prob-
ably a native of Italy ; studied under Arno-
bius in Africa ; removed to Nicomedia in the
reign of Diocletian, and opened a school for
rhetoric, in which he had but few pupils.
He was made private tutor or governor to
Crispus, the oldest son of Constantine the
Great, when an old man ; and probably died
a little before A.D. 330. He was learned,
though not a profound theologian, and the
most elegant of all the Latin fathers. Some
think him the best writer of Latin, after the
days of Cicero. — His works still extant, are,
Divinarum Institutionum libri vii., written
about the year 320. This is his great work.
It may be called a Guide to true Religion ;
being designed to enlighten the pagans, and
convert them to Christianity. Institutionum
Epitome ; or an abridgment of the prece-
ding. It is imperfect, extending over the
three last books only. De Ira Dei ; and de
Opificio Dei, or on the works of creation,
particularly on the physical structure and
powers of man. These two works are,
properly, a continuation of the first ; being
written in furtherance of the same designs.
De Mortibus Persecutorum ; an account of
persecutors and persecutions, from Nero to
Maxentius, A.D. 312. Some have ques-
tioned its genuineness. An English trans-
lation of this valuable treatise, with a long
preface, was published by Gilb. Burnet,
1637, 18mo. Symposium; a juvenile per-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
251
undoubtedly merited the esteem of the Christian world, by various of his
productions ; but at the same time, his bitterness towards those who dif-
fered from him, his eagerness after fame, his choleric and ungovernable
temper, his unjust aspersions on good and innocent persons, his extrava-
gant commendation of superstition and false piety, and other defects of
character, have disgraced him not a little, in the view of those who are
neither uncandid nor incompetent judges. Among his various writings,
those which interpret the holy scriptures, and his epistles, are the most
valuable. (34) Augustine, bishop of Hippo in Africa, is one whose fame
he knew the world. His writings were nu- Rufinus. In 373 he left Aquileia, and em-
On the Scriptures he wrote much, barked for Syria, in company with several
friends, and carrying his own large collection
of books. Landing in Thrace, he passed
the Bosphorus, and travelled over land to
Antioch. Here his friend Innoccntius died,
and he himself was dangerously sick. After
recovering, he was induced by a dream to
renounce for ever the reading of the pagan
classics. From Apollinans the younger, he
obtained farther instruction in biblical inter-
pretation. In 374, he retired into the wil-
derness eastward of Antioch ; and supported
by his friends, he there spent about four
years in the character of a learned hermit
and author, yet held correspondence with the
world, and took part in the passing religious
controversies. In 378 or 379, he returned
to Antinch, and was ordained a presbyter.
The next year he visited Constantinople, to
enjoy the instructions of Gregory Nazianzen.
Here he continued two or three years, formed
a better acquaintance with the Greek fathers,
and translated some of their works, in par-
ticular, Eusclius' Chronicon, which he con-
tinued down to A.D. 378, and Origen's
Homilies on Jeremiah. In 382, he accom-
panied Paulinus and Epiphanius to Rome,
respecting the contests in the church of An-
tioch. Damasus, bishop of Rome, was much
pleased with him, employed him occasionally
as a private secretary, and prompted him to
write on several biblical , subjects, and at
length, to undertake a correction of the vul-
gar Latin Bible. Jerome likewise did much
to promote monkery in Italy. But the ar-
dour he kindled up, on this subject, among
the Roman ladies, created him enemies
among the other sex. He also gave offence
to the clergy of Rome, and thought it best
to leave Italy in 385, and return to the East,
with Paula and Eustocknu* her daughter,
wealthy Roman ladies, whom he had ren-
dered enthusiastic in regard to monastic in-
stitutions. He first went to Antioch, and
thence \.o Jerusalem, where he and his ladies
performed a winter's pilgrimage. In the
spring of 386, they went to Alexandria, and
thence to visit the Nitric monks. Return-
ing the same year to Palestine, they took
up their permanent residence at Bethlehem.
merous.
but nothing that is valuable. He wrote sev-
eral treatises and discourses on monkery ;
de Officiis, libri iii. ; de Mysteriis Liber;
de Sacramentis, libri v., which are greatly
corrupted, if not altogether supposititious;
de Pcenitentia, libri ii., also de Fide, or de
Trinitate, libri v. ; and de Spiritu Sancto,
libri iii. ; the two last were in great meas-
ure compilations from Greek fathers, and
were addressed to the emperor Gratian.
Several discourses and eulogies, and about
90 epistles of his production are extant ; be-
sides a great number of short sermons, scholia
on the canonical epistles, and tracts of dif-
ferent kinds, which are falsely ascribed to
him. — His life, written by Paulinus his
private secretary, is stuffed with accounts
of miracles and wonders, performed by him.
See Opp. Ambrosii, torn, ii., Appendix, ed.
Benedict. Cave, Historia Litterar. Tille-
mont, Memoires — a 1'Hist Eccles., torn, x.,
p. 78-306, 729. &c. G. Hcrmant, Vie de
S. Ambroise, a Paris, 1678, 4to. Schroeckh,
Kirchengesch., vol. xiv., p. 148-332, and
Jos. Milner, Church History, cent, iv., ch.
12-16, 18.— Tr.]
(34) The defects of Jerome, are learnedly
exposed by Jo. le Clerc, in his Quaestiones
Hieronymianz, Amstelod., 1700, 12mo. His
works have been published by the Benedic-
tines, ed. Martianay, [Paris, 1693-1706], in
five volumes folio. This edition was repub-
lished, with considerable additions [and im-
provements in the arrangement, the prefaces,
and the explanatory notes], by Vallarsius,
Verona, [1734-43, xi. vols. fol. — Hierony-
mns Stridonensis, or Jerome of Stridon in
Dalmatia, was born of Christian parents,
about the year 331. His father, Eusebius,
gave him the best advantages for education.
He was early sent to Rome, where he studied
many years, and under the best masters.
About the year 363, he was baptized, and
left Rome to travel for improvement in knowl-
edge. He journeyed through Gaul, and re-
sided a few years at Trcrcs, where he be-
came a monk, and devoured many books.
On his return he spent some time at Aqmlcia,
where he formed a close friendship with
252
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
is spread throughout the Christian world. And he certainly possessed
many and great excellences, a superior genius, a constant love and pur-
suit of truth, admirable patience of labour, unquestionable piety, and acute-
ness and discrimination by no means contemptible. But his power of judg-
ing was not equally great ; and often the natural ardour of his mind car-
ried this excellent man farther, than his reason and distinct comprehen-
sion could go. He has therefore afforded to many, much ground for con-
troversy respecting his real sentiments, and to others, occasion to tax him
with inconsistency, and with hastily throwing upon paper thoughts, which
he had not himself duly considered. (35) Optatus of Milevi, an African, has
Here Paula erected four monasteries, three
for nuns, and one for monks. In this last,
Jerome passed the remainder of his days, in
reading, composing books, and contending
with all who presumed to differ from him, on
any subject in which he took interest. He
is said to have died on the 30th of Septem-
ber, A. D. 420, aged 90 years. — Jerome was
the best informed of all the Latin fathers, in
sacred literature. The Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew languages, were all familiar to him ;
and he had a very extensive acquaintance
with the best writers of both the Latin and
the Greek churches. He likewise possessed
genius, industry, and literary enterprise, in
no ordinary degree. He was also acute and
discriminating ; but his vivid imagination,
and his choleric temper which scorned all
restraint, rendered him one of the most
caustic and abusive controversial writers
that ever pretended to be a Christian. When
he has no antagonist, and sees no enemy, he
is a charming writer ; yet enthusiastic, and
often hasty and injudicious. The greater
part of his works, and particularly his trans-
lations and commentaries on the Bible, were
written while he resided at Bethlehem. As
given to us in the Benedictine edition, in
five volumes ; vol. i. contains his transla-
tions of the whole Bible ; namely, the ca-
nonical books of the 0. T. from the He-
brew ; also, Job, Psalms, Tobit, and Esther,
translated from the Greek ; and the whole
N. T., with copious notes, from the Greek.
Vol. ii. contains some glossaries, and nu-
merous tracts arid letters on a variety of
subjects in sacred literature. Vol. iii. con-
tains his commentaries on all the prophets.
Vol. iv. contains his commentary on Mat-
thew, and on the Epp. to the Gal., Ephes.,
Titus and Philemon ; and about 120 letters
and essays, narrative, polemic, apologetic,
&c. The vth. vol. contains only works
falsely ascribed to Jerome. See Cave. Histo-
ria Litterar. Tillemont, ^femoires — al'Hist.
Eccles., torn, xii., p. 1-356. Martianay, Vie
de St. Jerome, Paris, 1 706, 4to. J. Stilling,
Acta Sanctor. Septembris, torn, viii., p. 418-
688, Antw., 1762, fol. Schroeckh, Kirchen-
gesch., vol. xi., p. 3-239. J. Milner, Church
Hist., cent, iv., ch. 10. — Tr.~\
(35) After the edition by the theologians
of Louvaine, [Antwerp, 1577, x. vols. fol.],
the Benedictine monks gave a neat and ac-
curate edition of Augustine's work ; [Paris,
1679-1700, xi. vols. fol.] This was reprint-
ed with enlargements, in Holland, or, as the
title says, at Antwerp, under the eye of Jo.
le Clerc, with the assumed name of Jo. Phc-
reponus, [1700-1703, xii. vols. fol., printed
at Amsterdam. It was also reprinted at
Venice, 1729-1735.] But the Jesuits cen-
sure many things in the Benedictine edition.
[They think the editors leaned too much to-
wards the Jansenists, between whom and
the Jesuits there was a long and violent con-
troversy respecting the sentiments of Au-
gustine.— Aurelius Augustinus was born
Nov. 13, A.D. 354, at Tagaste, an obscure
village in Numidia. His father Patricius,
was a pagan till near the close of life. His
mother, Mania, was eminently pious. He
had a good school education in grammar and
rhetoric ; but he would not study Greek.
At 15, he came home, and lived idle and vi-
cious. At 17, he was sent to Carthage,
where he shone as the first scholar in the
rhetorical school. But he was dissipated,
and became a Manichaean. He kept a mis-
tress, who bore him a son when he was but
18. This son, named Adeodatus, was well
educated, became pious, was baptized at the
same time with his father, at the age of 15,
and died soon after. While a student at
Carthage, Augustine lost his father. By
reading Cicero's Hortensius, he became en-
amoured with philosophy ; and began to read
the Bible, in search of it ; but he could not
there find that sublime system of which Ci-
cero had given him an ideal, and he threw
aside the sacred volume. At the age of 20
he had read and mastered nearly all the lib-
eral sciences, as they were then taught. He
now returned to Tagaste, and there opened
a school for rhetoric. About the year 380,
he again settled at Carthage, where he
taught rhetoric about three years. During
this period, his attachment to Manichaeism
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
253
obtained considerable reputation, by his handsomely written work on the
Schism of the Donatists. (36) Paulinus of Nola, has left us some epistles and
poems, which are neither very bad nor very good (37) Rufmus, a presbyter
diminished. He was restless, debauched,
and unprincipled ; yet was a fine scholar, and
quite popular. In 383 he went to Rome, and
the next year to Milan, in the character of a
teacher of rhetoric. The eloquence of Am-
brose drew him to attend public worship ;
and under the discourses of that able and
faithful preacher, Augua tint's rnind was
gradually enlightened, and his conscience
awakened. He had sharp and painful con-
victions, arid became altogether a new man.
He was baptized A.D. 337, set out for Af-
rica the same year, buried his mother, stop-
ped at Rome, and did not reach Africa till
A.D. 388. He sold his estate, and devoted
the avails to charitable purposes ; and for
three years, lived as a recluse, with a few
devout young men ; and spent much time on
scientific and metaphysical subjects. In the
year 391, he went to Hippo rcgius, (now
Bono, in Algiers), where he was made a
presbyter, and preached and laboured with
great success. Four years after, Valerius
his aged bishop, who was a native Greek,
and who felt the need of such an assistant
as the now renowned presbyter of Hippo,
caused him to be ordained his colleague bish-
op. From A.D. 395 to A.D. 430, Augus-
tine, as bishop of Hippo, was indefatigable
in preaching, writing, combating error and
vice, and infusing h'fe and spirituality into
the churches and clergy far and near. He
died on the 28th of August, A.D. 430, aged
76 years. See Cave, Histor. Litterar. Til-
lemont, Memoires — a THist. Eccles., vol.
xiii., ed. Paris, (it is omitted in the Brus-
sels ed.) J. Stilling, Acta Sanctor. Augus-
ti, torn, vi., p. 213-460. Scfiroeckh, Kirch-
enges,vol. xv., p. 219-530. Jos. Mil tier's
Church Hist., century v., ch. 2-9 ; and es-
pecially, Aiifrustini Confessionum libri xiii. ;
written about A.D. 400, Opp., torn, i., ed.
Benedict. — The works of Augustine are so
numerous, that even their titles cannot be
here enumerated. Volume first, of the Ben-
edictine edition, contains his Retractions,
or corrections of his own works, in 2 books,
written A.D. 426 ; his Confessions, in 13
books ; and 13 works composed before he
was a presbyter, on scientific, moral, and
polemic subjects. Vol. second contains 270
epistles. Vol. third contains 16 treatises
on biblical questions and subjects. Vol.
fourth contains his exposition of the Psalms.
Vol. fifth contains 394 of his popular ser-
mons ; and 317 falsely ascribed to him.
Vol. sixth contains 31 tracts on moral, mo-
nastic, and practical subjects. Vol. seventh
is occupied by his 22 books de Civitate Dei,
or history of the visible kingdom of God,
from the creation, to the author's own times ;
— a most learned work. Vols. eighth, ninth,
and tenth, contain his polemic works ; viz.
vol. 8th, against the Manichees, theArians,
the Antitrinitarians, the Origenists, and the
Jeu'S ; vol. 9th, against the Donatists ; and
vol. 10th, against the Pelagians. The elev-
enth vol. contains his life, indices, 6tc. —
2V.]
(36) After the edition of Gab. Albaspini-
us, [Paris, 1631 and 1679, fol.], Lud. Ell.
du Pin, doctor of the Sorbonne, published
the works of Optatus, with judicious illus-
trations, [Paris, 1700, fol. — Of Optatus,
about all that is known, is stated by Jerome,
de Viris Illustr., c. 110, namely ; "that he
was an African and bishop of Milcvi, who
was on the side of the Catholics ; and that he
wrote, during the reign of Valentinian and
Valens, (A.D. 364-375), six books against
the slander of the Donatists ; in which he
maintains that the wrong doing of the Dona-
tists is erroneously charged on us." — His
work is entitled, Contra Parmcnianum sec-
tae Donatisticae apud Carthaginem episco-
pum, de Schismate Donatistarum, libri vii.
It is a polemic work, in answer to a book
published by Parmenianus ; and contains
much of the history of that schism, as well
as of the arguments by which each party
maintained its own principles, and defended
its own conduct. — Tr.]
(37) The best edition of Paulinus, is that
published by Jo. Bapt. le Brun, Paris, 1685,
4to, [in 2 volumes : which L. A. Muratori
republished, with some additions, Verona,
1736, fol. — Meropius Pontius Anicius Pau-
linus, a Roman of patrician rank, was bom
at Bourdeaux in France, A.D. 353. He
first studied under the poet Decius Ausvni-
us ; then went to Rome, became a popular
advocate, and was made consul about the
year 375. About 379, he commenced his
travels or wanderings in Italy, Gaul, and
Spain, accompanied by his pious wife The-
resia. During this period he formed ac-
quaintance with St. Ambrose, St. Martin,
and many other eminent saints. He was
baptized at Bourdeaux A.D 391 ; and grad-
ually parting with most of his large, estate,
which he bestowed in charity, he retired to
Barcelona in Spain, where he lived some
years as a recluse or monk. In 393 he was
ordained a presbyter at Barcelona. The
next year he removed to Nola in Campania,
where he had a small estate, near to the
254
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
of Aquileia, acquired fame by translating, into Latin various works of the
Greeks, particularly of Origen ; by his bitter contests with Jerome ; and by
some expositions of the holy scriptures. He would have held no contempt-
ible rank among the Latin writers of this century, had it not been his mis-
fortune to have the powerful and foul-mouthed Jerome for his adversary.(38)
grave and the church of St. Felix ; at which
numerous miracles were supposed to take
place, and which of course was a great re-
sort of the admirers of sacred relics and won-
ders. Here Paulinus in the year 402, erect-
ed an additional church, which he adorned
with emblems of the Trinity and other reli-
gious devices. In 409 he became bishop of
]NTola, and remained in that office till his
death in 431. He was esteemed one of the
greatest saints ; and was undoubtedly very
religious, though his piety was of a super-
stitious cast. His writings consist of about
50 letters to his friends, written with a pleas-
ing simplicity of style, and exhibiting a true
picture of his devout mind, yet containing
little that is of much importance ; also 32
poetic effusions, of a similar character with
his letters, 15 of which are in praise of St.
Felix. He was highly esteemed by his con-
temporaries, and by the pious in after ages.
For an account of him and his works, see
Gennadius, de Viris Illustribus, c. 48, with
the Notes of Fahricius in his Biblioth. Pa-
tristica ; Le Brun, Vita Paulini, in his Opp.
Paulini ; Cave, Hist. Litterar. ; Schroeckh,
Kirchengeschichte, vol. vii., p. 123-132 ;
Jos. Milner, Church Hist., century v., ch.
13.— Tr.]
(38) Richard Simon, Critique de la Bib-
liotheque des Auteurs Ecclesiast., par M. du
Pin, tome i., p. 124, &c. A particular and
full account is given of him, and his reputa-
tion is defended, by Justus Fontaninus, His-
toria Litteraria Aquileiensis, lib. v., p. 149.
[See also P. Th. Cacciari, Dissertatio His-
torica de Vita, Fide, &c. Rufini, subjoined
to his edition of Rufinus' Hist. Eccl. ; and
De Rubeis, Dissertt. de Tyrannic Rufino
Presbytero, &c., Venice, 1754, 4to. — Gen-
nadius, de Viris Illustr., c. 17. Schroeckh,
Kirchengesch., vol. x., p. 112-133. Cave,
Histor. Litter.— Rujlnus Toranus, or Ty-
rannius, was probably born at Concordia,
near Aquileia, about A.D. 330. After liv-
ing several years in a monastery at Aquileia,
and forming acquaintance with Jerome, he
was baptized there in 371. Soon after, the
fame of the Oriental monks led him to visit
them. Landing at Alexandria, he became
acquainted with a rich Roman lady, named
Melania, who was as great an admirer of
monkery as himself. She became his pa-
Iron, supported him, and travelled with him,
through the remainder of his life. During
his six years' residence in Egypt, he spent
some time among the monks in the Nitric
wilderness, and also heard lectures from
the famous Didymus of Alexandria. About
the year 378, he and Melania removed to
Jerusalem, where they spent many years.
Melania occupied a nunnery, in which she
supported a considerable number of devout
sisters. Rufinus resided with other monks,
in cells about the Mount of Olives ; was
much respected, often visited by pilgrims,
and lived in the greatest intimacy with Je-
rome, who then resided at Bethlehem. About
the year 390, he was ordained a presbyter,
by John bishop of Jerusalem ; and soon after,
the quarrel between him and Jerome, re-
specting Origen's orthodoxy, commenced.
In the year 397, that controversy seemed to
subside ; and shortly after, Rufinus and Me-
lania removed to Rome. Here his publica-
tions concerning Origen, rekindled the quar-
rel with Jerome ; and both Origen and Ru-
finus were pronounced in the wrong by Anas-
tasius the Roman pontiff. In the year 399,
Rufinus removed to Aquileia; where he
spent several years in translating works of
Origen, and writing apologies for him and
for himself. At length, after Alaric and his
Goths began to lay waste all Italy, Rufinus
and Melania set out for Palestine, and got
as far as Sicily, where Rufinus closed his
life A.D. 410. — Rufinus was a man of re-
spectable talents, of considerable learning, a
handsome writer, and a very diligent scholar.
His orthodoxy and his piety ought never to
have been called in question. The abusive
treatment he received from Jerome, will ac-
count for the irritation of his feelings at
times, without supposing him destitute of
grace. — His work which is most frequently
quoted in modern times, is his ecclesiastical
history. The first nine Books are a free
translation of the ten Books of Euscbius,
with considerable omissions in the latter part,
and some additions in the first seven Books.
The two last Books, (the 10th and llth),
are a continuation by Rufinus. This work
has been very severely censured ; but of late,
it is held to be of some value. The first
good edition of it was, by P. Th. Cacciari,
Rome, 1740, 2 vols. 4to. — Besides this, Ru-
finus wrote Vitae Patrum, or a history of
the eastern monks ; often published, and of
about the same value as the other works of
the kind ; also an exposition of the Creed ;
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
255
For an account of Philastrius,(39) Damasus,(W) Juvencus,(^l] and
other writers of less note, the reader is referred to those who professedly
treat of all the Christian writers. I will, however, just mention Sulpitius
Severus, a Gaul, the best historian of that age ;(42) and Prudentitis, a
Spaniard, and a poet of considerable merit. (43)
the best that has reached us, from so early an
age : — two Apologies for Origen, and a
translation of Pamphylus1 Apology for him :
— two defences of himself against Jerome ;
one of which is lost : — Commentaries on 75
of the Psalms, and on Hosea, Joel, and
Amos, if they are genuine. — He translated
the works of Josephus ; the Recognitions of
Clement ; various Commentaries of Origen,
and his iv. Books de Principiis ; several
works of Basil the Great, of Gregory Nazi-
anzen, Anatolius and Evagrius. — An im-
perfect collection of his works was published
by DC la Barre, Paris, 1580, fol. A much
better edition in 2 vols. fol., was commenced
at Verona, by Domin. Vallarsi, of which the
first vol. appeared in 1745. — TV.]
(39) [Pkilas trius, or Philastcr, bishop of
Brescia in the north of Italy, A.D. 379-387.
While a presbyter, he is said to have trav-
elled nearly all over the Roman empire,
combating and endeavouring to convert er-
rorists of every sort, and especially Arians.
At Milan he was severely handled by Aux-
entius the Arian bishop. Ambrose, the suc-
cessor of Auxentius, showed him kindness,
and ordained him bishop of Brescia. His
praises are told by Gaudcjitius, his immedi-
ate successor in the see of Brescia. His
only work is, de Haercsibus Liber, in 150
chapters. It enumerates more heresies than
any of the other ancient works ; but no one
considers it an accurate and able work.
Philastrius was doubtless a pious and a
well-meaning man ; but he was incompetent
to the task he undertook. See Cave, His-
toria Litterar., and Schroeckh, Kirchen-
gesch., vol. ix., p. 362-384. The work is
extant in the Biblioth. Pair., torn, iv., p. 701,
and ed. Helmstadt, 1611, 4to, and by J. A.
•us, Harnb., 1721, 8vo, and among
the collected Works of the early bishops of
Brescia. Brixiae, 1738, fol.— TV.]
(40) [Damasus, bishop of Rome A.D.
366-384, is said to have been of Spanish
extract, but his father was a presbyter of
Rome, and he was probably born there about
the year 305. On the death of Felix, A.D.
366, there was great competition for the
episcopal chair ; and two bishops were cho-
sen and ordained, namely, Damasiir and
Ursinus or Ursirinus. Much confusion and
even bloodshed followed. But the party of
Damasus finally triumphed. Damasus was
active in putting down Arianism in the
West ; and being requested, he aided the
eastern churches in healing their divisions.
For these purposes he held several councils,
and wrote several letters, some of which are
extant. Two synodic epistles and a con-
fession of faith are preserved by Theodoret,
Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 22, and 1. v., c. 10,
11. An epistle to Paulinus bishop of An-
tioch, and about 40 epitaphs, inscriptions,
epigrams, &c., are also extant. His book
de Virginitate is lost. Several spurious
epistles, as well as the Liber Pontificalis, or
Brief History of the Popes, are falsely as-
cribed to him. The best edition of his
works is that by A. M. Merenda, Rome,
1754, fol. See Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c.
103. Cave, Histor. Litterar. Bower, Lives
of the Popes, vol. i., p. 179-233, ed. 2d,
Lond., 1749. Merenda, in his ed. of the
works of Damasus, and Schroeckh, Kirchen-
gesch , vol. viii., p. 107-122.— TV.]
(41) [Cams Vettius Aquilinus Juvencus.
Nearly all that is known of the man, is told
by Jerome, de Viris Illustr., c. 84. He says :
" Juvencus, of noble extract, a Spaniard, and
a presbyter, composed four books, in which
the four Gospels are put into hexameter
verse, almost verbatim ; also some poems in
the same measure, relating to the order of
the sacraments. He flourished under the
emperor Constantine." The four books of
Evangelical History are of the nature of an
imperfect Harmony of the Gospels, on the
basis of Matthew. Juvcncus possessed con-
siderable poetic genius, and understood ver-
sification very well. His lines are flowing
and easy ; but he was more solicitous to
give the history, truly, and as nearly as pos-
sible in the language of the Bible, than to
decorate the narrative by flights of fancy and
poetic imagery. The best edition is that of
Erh. Rcusch, Francf. and Leips., 1710, 8vo.
The other poems mentioned by Jerome, are
lost. But in the Nova Collectio vett. Mon-
umentorum, torn, ix., p. 15, &c., by Edw.
Martcnf, Paris, 1724-33, there is a poetic
version of the book of Genesis, which bears
the name of Juvcncus. See Cave, Historia
Litterar., and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol.
v., p. 262-265.— TV.]
(42) [Siil pi tins Severus was born in Aqui-
tain Gaul, of noble extract, and brought up
under Phabadius bishop of Agen in Guienne.
In his youth he studied eloquence, and after-
wards became an advocate, and married a
256
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
lady of consular rank. Subsequently he be-
came a monk under St. Martin, and a pres-
byter at Primulum, a village between Nar-
bbnne and Toulouse. He was intimate with
St. Martin of Tours, Paulinus of Nola, and
Jerome. In his old age, Gennadius tells us,
he was entangled by the metaphysics of the
Pelagians ; but recovering himself, he ever
after kept silence. He is supposed to have
died about A.D. 420, far advanced in life.
His style is chaste and neat, much beyond
the age in which he lived : whence he has
been called tlie Christian Sallust. His best
work is a Church History, (Historia Sacra),
in two books, from the creation to A.D. 400.
It is a condensed narrative, in a very classic
style, and composed with some ability and
fidelity. Besides this, he wrote the Life of
St. Martin ; three epistles concerning him ;
and three dialogues on the miracles of the
Oriental monks, and on those of St. Martin.
Several epistles of his are lost. To him
Paulinus of Nola addressed 14 epistles,
which are still extant. His works have been
often printed. The last edition, perhaps, is
that of G. Hornius, Lugd. Bat., 1647, 4to ;
often reprinted, 8vo. See Gennadius, de
Viris Illustr., c. 19. Cave, Historia Litte-
raria.— Tr.]
(43) [Aurelius Prudcntius Clemens, of
Spain, was born A.D. 348 ; but whether at
Tarragona, Callahorra, or Saragossa, is not
settled. In his youth he studied eloquence,
and afterwards managed causes and filled
civil offices, as an unprincipled man. He
was openly vicious, and he served some time
in the army. At length, when turned of 50,
he became thoughtful, his whole character
was changed, and he devoted himself to wri-
ting moral and religious poetry. In the year
405, he wrote Katiripepivuv, or 12 Latin
hymns, adapted to our daily devotions. His
other poems are, "ttfljo/HJ^ta, or the conflict
between virtuous and vicious passions ; Tepi
f£(f>tlvuv, or fourteen elegies on various mar-
tyrs ; axodeuaif, or on the divine nature, in
opposition to pagans and heretics ; dfiapriye-
veia, or the origin of sin ; two Books against
Symmachus, and the worship of idols ; and,
(if it be genuine). oVrro^atov, or a dessert,
taken from the Old and New Testaments ;
some write it foVri^ov, the Diptyc or list of
saints in the Old and New Testaments.
His commentary on the Hexaemeron is lost.
Prudentius was something of a poet ; but
has been greatly overrated by many. His
diction is not pure, nor his versification cor-
rect, and his thoughts are often flat prose,
and drag along to excessive length. A good
critic has observed, that he was a better
Christian than poet. Yet he has many
agreeable passages, and some that are really
fine. He also serves to illustrate the history
and the religious views of the age in which
he lived. His collected works were pub-
lished, by Weitzen, Hanov., 1613, 8vo ; with
notes by Heinsius, Amstelod., 1667, 12mo;
and in usumDelphini, Paris, 1687, 4to. — See
Gennadius, de Viris Illustr., c. 13. Cave,
Hist. Litterar. Schroeckh, Kirchengesch.,
vol. vii., p. 100-123.
The Latin writers of inferior note, omitted
by Dr. Mosheim, are the following.
Anastasia, a noble Roman lady, the wife
of Publius, and a martyr in the Diocletian
persecution A.D. 303. Two letters address-
ed from her prison to Chrysogmus, a con-
fessor, are extant under her name. See Sui-
das, in voce xpvaoyovos.
Theonas, a bishop, but where is not known.
An excellent letter of his, addressed to Lu-
cian the emperor's chamberlain, is extant in
Dacherii Addit. ad Spicileg., torn, xi., or the
new ed., torn, iii., p. 297. It is supposed to
have been written about A.D. 305. But
whether the present Latin is the original, or
only a translation, is uncertain. See Cave,
Histor. Litterar., vol. i., p. 172, 173.
Rlieticius, bishop of Autun in France.
He was in high esteem during the reign of
Constantine ; and wrote a commentary on
the Canticles, and a great volume against
the Novatians ; both of which are lost. Je-
rome, de Viris Illustr., c. 82.
Donatus, an African bishop, from whom
the Donatisf. faction took its name. Accord-
ing to Jerome, (de Viris Illustr., c. 93), he
wrote many tracts in support of his sect ;
and likewise a book on the Holy Spirit, which
accorded with Arian views. None of his
works are extant. He was expelled from
Carthage A D. 356.
Julius, bishop of Rome, A.D. 337-352, a
strenuous opposer of the Arians, and a pa-
tron of Athanasius. Two of his epistles are
extant, one addressed to the Oriental bishops,
and the other to the Alexandrians, in favour
of Athanasius. Both are preserved in the
works of Athanasius, and the latter also by
Socrates, Hist. Eccl., lib. ii., c. 22. See
Cave, Histor. Litterar., and Bcnccr, Lives of
the Popes.
Julius Firmicus Maternus, probably was
first a pagan, and then a Christian. He
wrote a book on the falsehood of the pagan
religions, addressed to the emperors Con-
stantius and Constans, which has been often
printed. There are extant, likewise, eight
books on astronomies or mathematics, which
bear his name.
Fortunatianus, born in Africa, and for
many years bishop of Aquileia in Italy. Af-
ter contending long and strenuously against
the Arians, he joined with them in 354, and
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
257
became as active against the orthodox. He
wrote commentaries on the Gospels : but
nothing of his remains.
Vitellius, an African Donatist, who flour-
ished about A.D. 344. He wrote on the
world's hatred to the servants of God ;
against the pagans ; against the Catholics
as traditors ; and some other tracts. See
Gennadius, de Viris Illustr., c. 4. Nothing
of his remains.
Macrobius of Africa. As a Catholic pres-
byter, he wrote a book addressed to confes-
sors and virgins ; afterwards, as a Donatist
bishop resident at Rome, he composed the
martyrdom of Maximianus and Isaac, two
Donatists. A large fragment of the last, is
extant in Mabillon, Analect., torn. iv. He
flourished A.D. 344.
Liberius, bishop of Rome, A.D. 352-366.
He had a warm discussion with the emperor
Constantino, in the year 355, at Milan, re-
specting the persecution of the orthodox by
the Anans ; for his opposition to whom, he
was banished. During his exile, he relapsed,
signed an Arian creed ; and was restored,
A.D. 358. His dialogue with the emperor
at Milan, is extant, in Theodoret, Hist. Eccl.,
1. ii., c. 16 ; and 16 of his epistles are collect-
ed in the Acta Concilior., torn, ii., col. 743.
Euscbtus Vercellensis, was a native of
Sardinia, and first a lector at Rome, then
bishop of Vercelli in the north of Italy, and
flourished A.D. 354. For his vigorous op-
position to the Arian cause, he was banished
in 355, first to Scythopolis in Syria, thence
to Cappadocia, and afterwards to Thebais
in Egypt. Under Julian he regained his
liberty, travelled extensively in the eastern
provinces, was at several councils, and re-
turning to Italy, died A.D. 371. He trans-
lated the commentary on the Psalms by Eu-
scbiux Csesariensis, into Latin ; but it is lost ;
and wrote four letters which are still extant.
A manuscript of the four evangelists, accord-
ing to the old Italic version, written with his
own hand, is preserved in the archives of
the church of Vercelli, and was published by
J. A. Inci, Milan, 1748.
Lucifer Caralitanus, a bishop in Sardi-
nia, contemporary with Eusebius Vercellen-
sis, and his companion in exile. He was
founder of the sect called Luciferians, who
held no communion with Arians, or even
with such as had been Arians. Lucifer was
a man of violent passions, and bold even to
rashness. He addressed two indecorously
written books to the emperor Constantius ;
and wrote likewise, On apostate Princes ;
On having no intercourse tcith heretics ; On
showing no indulgence to offenders against
God ; That life is tn be sacrificed for the
Son of God ; and a short Epistle to Florcn-
VOL. I.— K K
this. These were published, Paris, 1568,
8vo, and in the Biblioth. Patr., torn, iv., p.
181 ; but the best ed. is by Joh. Dominic
and J*. Coleti, Venice, 1778, fol.
Hilarivs, a native of Sardinia, deacon at
Rome, and associated with Eusebius Ver-
ccll. and Lucifer Caralit. in an embassy to
Constantius, and by him sent with them into
exile. He became a Luciferian. To him
are attributed — though without sufficient
proof — the Questions on the Old and New
Testaments, printed among the works of
Augustine, vol. iv., and the Commentaries
on the Epistles of Paul, published among
the works of Ambrose.
Phoebadius, bishop of Agen in the south
of France, from at least 359-392. He was
famous, in connexion with the three pre-
ceding, in the Arian contests in the West.
His book against the Arians, is still extant
in the Biblioth. Patr., torn, iv., p. 300, ed.
Paris, 1589 ; and by Casp. Barth, Francf.,
1623, 8vo.
Zeno, bishop of Verona, who flourished
about A.D. 390. To him are ascribed 90
sermons on various texts and subjects, which
were compiled from Basil, Hilary, and oth-
ers. They are in the Biblioth. Patr., torn,
iii., p. 359.
Fabius Marius Victorinus, of African
birth, was a distinguished pagan rhetorician
at Rome, who became a convert to Christi-
anity about the middle of this century, and
died about A.D. 370. While a pagan he
wrote or translated several treatises on phi-
losophy, grammar, and rhetoric ; most of
which are lost. After his conversion, he
wrote, on the holy Trinity ; against the Ari-
ans, iv. books ; to Justin the Manichaean ;
(against the Manichaean principle of two first
causes) ; on the commencement of the day ;
(whether it be at evening, or in the mom-
ing) ; on the generation of the divine Word ;
against Candidus the Arian ; three hymns ;
(on embracing the homoousian faith) ; a
Poem on the seven Maccabees ; and Com-
mentaries on some of Paul's epistles ; which
were never published. His style is intricate,
obscure, and inelegant. Most of what he
wrote after his conversion, is extant in the
Biblioth. Patrum, torn, iv , p. 293. See Je-
rome, de Viris Illustr., c. 101, with the Notes
of J. A. Fabricius.
Candidus, an Arian, who flourished about
A.D. 364. He composed a book on the di-
vine generation, addressed to F. M. Victo-
rinus, which, with the answer of Victorinus,
was published by Andr. Rivinus, Gothae,
1656.
Pacianus, bishop of Barcelona in Spain,
who flourished about the year 370, and died
before A.D. 390. He w'rote a book called
2S8
II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II,— CHAR II.
9f which is lost ; also three epistles
against the Novatians ; an Exhortation to
penitence ; and a tract on Baptism, address-
ed to catechumens : all of which were pub-
lished, Paris, 1533, 4to, Rome, 1564, fol.,
Biblioth. Patrum, torn, iv., and still better,
in Aguirrc, Collectio Max. Concil. Hispan.,
torn, ii., p. 79, &c.
Anicia Falconia Proba, a noY»le lady of
Home, distinguished for her rank, hes piety,
and her beneficence. She flourished about
A. IX 370. After the d-eath of her husband,
she lost most of her property by the incursion
ef the Goths, and fell into the hands of Ata~
ric, who carried her to Africa, where she
died in the first part of the fifth century.
Her Cento Virgilianus de rebus divinis, is
extant in the Bib. Pair., torn. v.,p. 1218, and
Cologne, 1601, 8vo, and Halle, 1719, 8vo.
Faustinas, a presbyter among the Luci-
fcrians at Rome, flourished A.D. 384. He
wrote a petition to the emperors Valentiniun,
Tlieodosius, and Arcadius ; to which is pre-
fixed a confession of faith ; and subjoined is,
»he Rescript of Theodosius. He also wrote
a book on the Trinity, against the Arians.
His works are in the Bib. Patrum, torn, v.,
j>. 673, and were printed, Oxford, 1678, 8vo.
Siricius, bishop of Rome A.D. 385-398,
is the earliest Roman pontiff whoss Decretal
Epistles are allowed to be genuine- Five of
his Epistles are in the Acta Concilior., torn.
ii., but the 4th, which is addressed to the
bishops of Africa, is dcmonstrably spurious.
See Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. viii., p.
122-129 ; and Bower, Lives of the Popes,
vol. i., p. 233-277.
Idacius Clarus was a Spanish bishop, per-
haps of Merida, and flourished A.D. 385.
He was conspicuous as an opposer of the
Priscillianists ; suffered banishment ; and
wrote an Apologeticum, which is lost ; a
book against Vinmundus, an Arian deacon ;
Explanation of some difficult passages of
scripture ; and other tracts against heresies :
all of which are extant in the Biblioth. Pa-
trum, torn, v., p. 726.
Gaudcnlius, bishop of Brescia in northers
Italy, (a different person from Gaud.cnt.ius,
a contemporary Donatist bishop of Tamuga-
da in Africa), was travelling in the Asiatic
provinces, when he was elected successor to
Pfiilastnus bishop of Brescia, and was com-
pelled to return and accept the office. He
brought with him from the East, relics of
about 40 saints ; and served the church till
A.D. 410, or, as some say, till 427. He
wrote 15 discourses o« tracts on various sub-
jects- ; also. On the unjust steward ; On the
text, My Father is greater than I ; and the
Life »f Philas&ius :• all published, Petav,,
1720, 4to.
AurelmSf bishop of Carthage A.D. 390-
426, was a ina>n cf much influence, and
wrote, A.D. 419, a circular Epistle on the
condemnation of Pclagius and Cocleslius ;
whielv with the letter of the emperor Hoiio-
rius to- him, on the same subject, is in Ba-
ronms, Annals, A.D. 419, t. v., p. 455, and
in the Concilior. Collect., torn, ii., col. 1609.
Tichonius, or Tychonius, flourished A.D.
390. He was a learned, moderate Dona-
tist ; and wrote vii. Rules for interpreting
scripture, (extant in the Biblioth. Patrum^
torn, vi., p. 49) ; iii. Books on intestine war ;
Explanation of divers causes ; and a Com-
mentary on the Apocalypse. Some have
supposed, the 18 Lectures on the Apocas
lypse, printed among the works of Angastine^
to be this Commentary of Tuhonrtes.. See
Gcnnadius, de Viris IUustr.yc. 18'. Augus-
tine, de Doctrina Christiana, }. iii., c. 30 ;
and Schroeckh, Kircheagesch., vol. xi., p.
374-382.
Pelilianus, a leading Donatist bishop in
Numidia, flourished A.D. 399. He wrote,
de uno Baptismo ; and a circular Epistle to
his party : to both which Augustine wrote
formal answers. His works are lost.
Faustus, a Manichaean bishop in Africa,
flourished A.D 400. He wrote a book
against the orthodox faith ; which Augustins
quotes entire, and refutes at large, in 33
Books. — Tr.]
OF THKOLOUY.
CHAPTER III.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
§ 1 . State of Theological Learning. — § 2. Increase of Superstition. — «i 3. Hence innft-
nicrable Pious Frauds. — <J 4. Interpreters of the Sacred Volume. — § 5. Mode of ex-
plaining the Christian Doctrines. — t) 6. Doctrinal Writers. — § 7. State of Controver-
sial Theology. — $ 8. Disingenuous Methods of Disputing. — $ 9. The principal Dispu-
tants.— <J 10. Practical Theology. — $ 11. Faults of the Moral Writers. — () 12. The
Number of Mystics increased, and their Doctrines established. — $ 13, 14. Monkish So-
cieties.— <J 15. Different Orders of Monks. — $ 16. Two pernicious Moral Doctrine6.
— $ 17. Lives and Morals of Christians. — $ 18. Controversy with Meletians. — § 19.
The Eustathian Troubles. — $ 20. The Luciferians. — $ 21. The A erian Controversy. —
§ 22. Jovinianus. — $ 23. Controversies relating to Origen. — § 24. Their Extension
"-'$ 25. Controversy respecting his Writings.
$ 1. THAT the elementary principles of the Christian religion were
preserved entire and inviolate, in most churches, is certain : but it is
equally certain, that they were very often unskilfully and confusedly ex-
plained and defended. This is manifest from the discussions concerning
the three persons in the Godhead, among those who approved the decis-
ions of the council of Nice. There is so little clearness and discrimina-
tion in these discussions, that they seem to rend the one God into three
Gods. Moreover those idle fictions, which a regard for the Platonic phi--
losophy and for the prevailing opinions of the day had induced most theo-
logians to -embrace even before the times of Constantine, were now in va*
rious ways confirmed, extended, and embellished. Hence it is that we
see, on every side, evident traces of excessive veneration for departed
saints, of a purifying fire for souls when separated from the body, of the
celibacy of the clergy, of the worship of images and relics, and of many
other opinions, which in process of time almost banished the true religion>
or at least very much obscured and corrupted it.
§ 3. Genuine piety was supplanted by a long train of superstitious ob«
scrvances, which originated partly from opinions inconsiderately em*
braced, partly from a preposterous disposition to adopt profane rites and
combine them with Christian worship, and partly from the natural predi*
lection of mankind in general for a splendid and ostentatious religion. At
first, frequent pilgrimages were undertaken to Palestine, and to the tombs
of the martyrs ; as if, thence men could bear away the radical principles
of holiness, and certain hopes of salvation.(l) Next, from Palestine and
(1) See Gregory Nyssen, Oratio ad cos signal for these religious journeys. Atleast,
qui Hierosolymam adeunt, Opp., torn, iii., it is stated by Socrates, Hist. Eccl , I. i., c.
p. 568. Hiertmymug, Ep. xiii., ad Pauli- 17, and by Theodore/, H> E., lib. i., c. 18,
num, de institut. Monachi, Opp., torn, i., p. that she was instructed by a dream to go to
66. Ja. Gothofred, ad Codicem Theodos., Jerusalem, and that she wished to find the
torn, vi ., p. 65, &.c. Peter Wesseling, Diss. grave of Chrigt ; that she actually did find
decaussis peregrinat. Hierosolymit., prefixed three crosses, with a superscription ; that
to the Itincrarium Burdigalense ; among the one of them instantly cured a dying woman,
Vetcra Rornanor. Itincraria, p. 537. — [Hel- and was therefore concluded to be the cross
««a, the mother of Constantine the Great, of Christ. She gave a part of it to the city
Kcetna to have been the tint who gave the of Jerusalem ; and scut the other part to lh«
260 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
from places venerated for their sanctity, portions of dust or of earth were
brought ; as if they were the most powerful protection against the assaults
of evil spirits ; and these were bought and sold everywhere at great
prices. (2) Further, the public supplications by which the pagans were
accustomed to appease their gods, were borrowed from them, and were
celebrated in many places with great pomp. To the temples, to water
consecrated in due form, and to the images of holy men, the same efficacy
was ascribed and the same privileges assigned as had been attributed to
the pagan temples, statues and lustrations before the advent of Christ.
Images indeed were as yet but rare, and statues did not exist. And
shameful as it may appear, it is beyond all doubt, that the worship of the
martyrs, — with no bad intentions indeed, yet to the great injury of the
Christian cause, — was modelled by degrees into conformity with the wor-
ship which the pagans had in former times paid to their gods. (3) From
these specimens the intelligent reader will be able to conceive, how much
injury resulted to Christianity from the peace and repose procured by
Constantine and from an indiscreet eagerness to allure the pagans to em-
brace this religion. But the plan of this work will not admit of long de-
tails respecting such enormities.
§ 3. This unenlightened piety of the common people opened a wide
door to the endless frauds of persons who were base enough to take ad.
vantage of the ignorance and errors of others disingenuously to advance
their own interests. Rumours were artfully disseminated of prodigies
and wonders to be seen in certain edifices and places, (a trick before this
time practised by the pagan priests), whereby the infatuated populace
were drawn together, and the stupidity and ignorance of those who looked
upon everything new and unusual as a miracle, were often wretchedly
imposed upon. (4) Graves of saints and martyrs were supposed to be
•where they were not ;(5) the list of saints was enriched with fictitious
names ; and even robbers were converted into martyrs. (6) Some buried
blood-stained bones in retired places, and then gave out that they had been
informed in a dream, that the corpse of some friend of God was there in-
terred.^) Many, especially of the monks, travelled through the different
provinces, and not only shamelessly carried on a traffic in fictitious relics,
but also deceived the eyes of the multitude with ludicrous combats with
evil spirits. (8) It would require a volume to detail the various imposi-
tions which were, for the most part successfully, practised by artful knaves,
after genuine piety and true religion were compelled to resign their do-
minion in great measure to superstition.
emperor, who encased it in his own statue, naenm, $ 56, p. 196, &c. Jo. le Clerc, in
and regarded it as the Palladium of his new his Append. Augustiniana, p. 492, 550, 575.
city ; and that the people used to assemble (5) Concilium Carthagin. v. Canon I4r
around this statue with wax candles. See torn. i. Conciliorum, p. 988, ed. Harduin.
J. Andr. Schmidt, Problem, de crucis Do- (6) Sulpitius Sevcrus,de Vita S. Martini,
minicae per Helenam Constantini Imp. ma- cap. 8.
trern inventione, Helmst., 1724.— ScA/.] (7) Augustine, SermoSIS, $ 1, Opp.,tomv
(2) Augustine, de Civitate Dei, 1. ixii., v., p. 886, ed. Antwerp.
c. 8, $ 6, and many others. (8) See Ja. Gothofred, ad Codicem The-
(3) This is shown at length, by It. de odos., torn, iii., p. 172. Augustine, de
Beausobre, Histoire du Manicheisme, torn, opere Monachorum, cap. 28, $ 36, Opp.,
ii., p. 642, &c. torn, vi., p. 364. Jerome, Epistola ad Ru»-
(4) Henry DodweWs Dissertat. ii., in Ire- ticum, Opp.r torn, i., p. 45.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
261
§ 4. Many laboured earnestly, few successfully, on the sacred volume.
Jerome, a man of great industry and not unskilful in the languages, made
a new Latin translation of all the sacred books ; which was more lucid,
and considerably better than any of the numerous old Latin versions. (9)
He also took much pains to set forth a more correct edition of the Greek
version by the Seventy : and the same thing, we are told, was undertaken
by Eusebius, Aihanasius, and Eulhatius.(lti) The expositors of scrip-
ture form a long list ; among whom the most distinguished are Jerome,
Hilary, Eusebius, Diodorus of Tarsus, Rujinus, Ephraim Syrus, Theodo.
rus of Heraclea, Chrysostom, Athanasius, and Didymus. Yet few of these
have correctly discharged the duty of interpreters. Rujinus, indeed, The-
odorus of Heraclea, Diodorus, and a few others, followed the literal sense
of scripture :(11) the rest, after the example of Origen their guide, search
for recondite meanings ; and accommodate, or rather constrain the half-
understood language of the Bible, to speak of sacred mysteries and a Chris-
tian life. (12) Augustine and Tychonius, wished to establish rules for in-
terpretation ; but neither of them had ability to do it. (13)
§ 5. The doctors, who were distinguished for their learning, explained
the sacred doctrines after the manner of Origen, (on whom they all fixed
their eye), in accordance with the principles of that philosophy which
they learned in their youth at school, namely, the Platonic philosophy as
corrected by Origen. Those who wish to get a full insight into this sub-
ject, may examine Gregory Nazianzen among the Greeks, and Augustine
(9) See Jo.. Fran. Buddcus, Isagoge ad
Theologiam, torn, ii., p. 1332, &c.— [That
there were many Latin versions extant in the
fourth century, is very clearly stated by Au-
gustine, de Doctrina Christiana, 1. ii., c. 11.
Of these, (as Augustine tells us, loc. cit.),
one was called (Itala) the Italic. But it has
become usual to apply this designation to
every ancient Latin version, which was not
amended by Jerome; and this has given oc-
casion to many mistakes. See Mosheim, de
Reb. Christianor. ante Const. M., p. 225-
229. Jerome mentions a version, which he
calls (VuJgata) the vulgar, and which coun-
sellor Michaclis takes to be that used at
Rome in the days of Jerome. These trans-
lations, in respect to their diction, were nei-
ther classical nor tolerable ; yet they may be
of use to those who wish to become ac-
quainted with the Latin language in its full-
est extent. They contain an immense num-
ber of Hebraisms, or rather Syriasms ; which
leads to the conjecture, that their authors
were in great measure Jews. These ver-
sions fell into great disorder, in which no
two copies were alike ; because different
translations were in fact blended together,
the expressions of one evangelist were trans-
ferred into the narrative of another, and many
glosses were incorporated into the text. This
induced the Roman bishop Damasus to com-
mit the improving of these ancient versions to
Jerome, who undertook the business in the
year 384. He erased the false and incor-
rect readings, and improved the translations,
which came into his hands very faulty, uni-
formly guiding himself by the original text
This improved version of Jerome is, a few
alterations excepted. that Vulgate which is
held in so high estimation by the Catholic
church. The really new translation of the
Bible by Jerome, was published from manu-
scripts, by the Benedictine monks Jo. Mar-
tianay and Ant. Pou<rct, Paris, 1693, under
the title: Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi divina
Bibliotheca, hac tenus inedita. Their Pro-
legomena are worth reading. See Rich.
Simon, Histoire critique des Versions du
nouveau Test., cap. 7-12, and Michaelis,
Introduction to the N. T. — Schl.]
(10) Jo. Fric/c, de Canone Novi Testm-
menti. p. 180.
(11) Rich. Simon, Critique de la Biblio-
theque des Auteurs Ecclesiast., par M. da
Pin, torn. i.. p. 51, 90, 129, and torn, iv., p.
335, &c., and Histoire critique des princi-
paux Commentateurs du N. T., cap. vi.,
&c., p. 88, &c.
(12) See Gregory Nazianzen, Carmen dc
se ipso ; in Ja. Tollii, Insignib. Itineris
Italici, p. 27, 57. He very much commends
this method.
(13) Augustine, in hisvi. Books de Doc-
trina Christiana ; Tychonius, in his vii. Rules
of Interpretation ; which are extant in the
Biblioth. Patrum maxima, torn, vi., p. 48.
269 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.-CHAP. 111.
among the Latins ; who were regarded in the subsequent ages as the only
patterns worthy of imitation, and may be fitly styled, next to Origen, the
parents and supporters of philosophic or scholastic theology. They were
both admirers of Plato, and held as certain all his decisions which were
not absolutely repugnant to the truths of Christianity ; and proceeding
upon these as their first principles, they drew from them many and very
subtile conclusions. Yet there was another class of theologians, which
daily increased in number ; namely, that of men who supposed the knowl-
edge of divine things was to be acquired, not by reasoning about them,
but by contemplation, and by recalling the mind from its converse with ex-
ternal objects to a concentration on itself. These are commonly called
mystics. That these abounded, appears from several considerations, and
particularly from the numerous herds of monks who were spread nearly
all over the Christian world , and from the works of Diouysius, (that Co-
ryphaeus of the mystics), which were produced, it seems, in this age, and
by some one of this class.
§ 6. Among the writings of this age, in which the doctrines of Chris-
tianity are stated and explained, the first place is justly due to the cate-
chetical Discourses of Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem. For those who would
persuade us, that these Discourses were the production of a subsequent
age, are so blinded by zeal for a party, as, not to discern the truth. (14)
Many would also here place the Divine Institutions of Lactantius ; but im-
properly, because these Institutes were designed rather to confute those
who still adhered to polytheism, than to unfold the truths taught by inspi-
ration. The System of Doctrine addressed to the clergy and laity, which
is ascribed to AtJMnazius, appears to have been the production of a later
age. (15) There are however, in the works of Athanasius, Chrysostom, the
Gregories, and others, as now extant, many passages from which we may
learn how the best informed men of this age handled the leading topics
of the Christian religion. On the Trinity in particular, we have the twelve
Books of Hilary of Poictiers. The Ancoratus of Epiphanius explains the
doctrine concerning Christ and the Holy Spirit. On baptism, we have the
work of Pacianus, addressed to catechumens ; and a work of Chrysos.
torn, on the same subject, in two Books. The wyorks of Jerome, Augus-
tine, and others, which were designed to impart correct views on reli-
gious subjects, and to confute the opposers of the truth, are here omitted.
§ 7. From the disputes with those who were regarded as opposed to,
divine truth, the ancient simplicity had nearly taken its flight : and in
place of it, dialectical subtilties and quibbles, invectives, and other disin-
genuous artifices had succeeded, more becoming the patrons, than the op-
posers of error. Censures of this habit, by men of eminence, are still ex-
tant^ 16) I pass in silence those rhetorical figures and flourishes, by
which many endeavoured to parry the weapons of their adversaries, and
to involve in obscurity the question under discussion ; likewise the incli-
nation to excite odium against their antagonists, so common to many ;
and the disregard of proper arrangement and of perspicuity, and other
(14) See Jo. Fecht, Comment, de originc (16) Methodius, cited by Epiphanius,
Missarum in honorem Sanctorum, p. 404, <fec. Ha?resis 64, Opp., tome i.. page 563 ;
(15) [It is not so much a treatise on dog- Gregory Nazianzen, in many places: aud,
matics, as one on morals, containing rules of others,
life, especially for monks, — S<M.]
5IISTORY OF THEOLOGY. <X53
"habits which wore no better in their discussions. Yet so far were some
writers of this century from disguising these faults, that they rather claimed
praise for them. It must be owned, however, that their antagonists made
use of tin- same weapons.
§ 8. With the ancient form of discussion, new sources of argument
were in this age combined. For the truth of doctrines was proved by the
number of martyrs who had believed so, by prodigies, and by the confes-
sions of devils, that is, of persons in whose bodies some demon was sup.
posed to reside. The discerning cannot but see, that all proofs drawn
from such .sources are very fallacious, and very conveniejit for dishoiicsJ
men who would practise imposition. And I greatly fear, that most of
those who at this lime resorted to such proofs, notwithstanding they were
grave and eminent men, may be ju.-st.Jy charged with the dangerous pro-
pensity to use deception. Ambrose, in -controversy u'ith the Arians, brings
forward persons possessed with devils, who, when the relics of Gerxasius
and Protasius arc produced, are constrained to cry out, that die doctrine
of the Nicene council concerning three persons in the Godhead, is true
and divine, and the doctrine of the Arians false and pernicious. This
testimony of the prince of darkness, Ambrose regards as proof altogether
unexceptionable. But the Arians openly ridiculed the prodigy and main-
tained, that Ambrose had bribed these infernals to bear testimony in his
favour.(17) And many, I am aware, will be more inclined to believe the
Arians, than to give credit to Ambrose • notwithstanding he is enrolled
among saints, and they araong heretics. (18)
§ 9. Besides Apollinaris, Gregory Nazianzen, Cyril of Alexandria, and
others, who confuted the emperor Julian ; the adherents to idolatry were
vigorously and successfully encountered by Lactantius, by Atlianasius, br
Jii/iu>t Firmiciis j\lcitrrnns, by the younger Apollhiaris, whose books a,gainst
Porphyry are unhappily lost, by Augustne, in his twenty-two Books oil
the City of God, and in bis three lost Books against the pagans, and above
all, by Eusebhis of Ciesarea. in his Evangelical Preparation, and in his
book against Hierocks. Attempts to convert the Jews were made by Eu-
scliins of Em/.:ssa, by Dwdorus of Tarsus, and by Chrysostom, in his six
Books *'Ji!l oxtant. Against all the heresies, Ephraim Syrus,(19) James
of Nisihls, Didymue, and And en Hits took up the pen. So did EpiphafttUg,
in his extensive work on the heresies, which he denominated Panarium:
and Gregory Na-Kianzen, more -concisely, in his Oration on the Faith.
The short works of Augustine and Philastrius, rather enumerate the here-
>ies. than confute them.
§ 10. The state of moral or practical theology would have been very
flourishing, if the progress of any branch of knowledge could be meas-
ured by the number of the writers on it; for very many laboured to per-
fect and inculcate practical religion. Among the Orientals, the eflorte of
James of jV/.y/'/i/.v, or as some say, of Sanigaj(W) and Ephritim Syrus,
(17) Amfirosc, Epist. xiii., p. 878, &c. {19) See Jos. -Sim. Assema.n, Biblioth.
J'dnlimix, tie Vita Ambrosii, p. 81. Orient. Clement. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 118,
(18) See Jo. If. C'lrrc, Ap|>cndix Angus- 125. &c. From his extracts, it appears that
tiniana, p. 375. More examples of this kind Ephraim, though a pious man, was not a
might he mentioned. See -Gregory Nysscn, dexterous polemic.
<le Vita Grejjorii Nro-Ca^aricnsis. Opp .torn. (20) Jos. Stm. Assertion, in his Biblioth.
ii., p. 977, 978. Sulpilius Seccrus, Histo- Orient.. &c.. torn. i.. p. 17, thinks, that the
cia JSarra, 1. iL, <:- 38, j>. 201. waitings ascribed to James of Xifihix, sbouU
264 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
were very considerable in this department. What we meet with respect-
ing the life and duties of a Christian, in the writings of Basil the Great,
Gregory Nyssen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Augustine, and others, can neither
be altogether approved, nor wholly condemned. Many give the prefer-
ence to the three Books of Ambrose, on the duties of ministers of the
church, which are written after the manner of Cicero : and they certainly
deserve commendation, so far as the intentions of the writer and the ele-
gance of his thoughts are concerned ; but they contain many things, which
may be justly censured. Perhaps, before all others who wrote on practi-
cal piety, the preference is due to Macarius, the Egyptian monk ;(21)
from whom, after deducting some superstitious notions, and what savours
too much of Origenism, we may collect a beautiful picture of real piety.
§ 11. About all the writers in this department, are defective in the fol-
lowing respects. First, they pay no regard to method and a just arrange-
ment of their thoughts on the subject they attempt to explain. They rare-
ly define, and never divide their subject, but pour out promiscuously what-
ever comes up in their pious but not very clear and correct minds. In
the next place, they either neglect to trace the duties of men back to their
sources and to their first principles, or they derive them from precepts
and doctrines which are either manifestly false or not well ascertained.
Lastly, when they come to the proof of their positions, most of them do not
resort to the law of God for arguments to enforce duty and put down vice,
but to airy fancies, to frigid allegories, and fine spun subtilties, better
suited to tickle the imagination than to awaken and overpower the con-
science.
§ 12. But still their works are far more tolerable, than that combina-
tion of the precepts of Christ with the precepts of Plato, (or rather with
those of the Alexandrine philosophers the followers of Ammonius Saccas),
and that twofold kind of piety, the one more perfect and complete, and
the other less so, which almost all now embraced. How very much these
views of religion had gained ground, may appear from the fact, that those
who had long cried up a sort of recondite and mysterious knowledge of
divine things, wholly different from the common knowledge of the vulgar,
ventured in this century to carry out their views and reduce them to a
regular system. For it is most probable, that it was among the Greeks of
this century, (though some think it was earlier, and some that it was later),
lived that fanatic, who assumed the name and the character of Dionysius
the Areopagite, the disciple of St. Paul ; and who under the cover of this
shield gave laws and instructions to those that wished to become separated
from the world and to bring back the soul — that sundered particle of the
divine nature — to its pristine state by contemplation. (22) As soon as the
rather be ascribed to a person of Saruga. Judicium de scriptis Dionysii, Opp., torn.
But in his addenda, p. 558, he modifies his ii.,pt i , p. 562. Matur. Veissdela Croze,
opinion in some measure. in his Histoire du Christianisme d'Ethiopie,
(21) See the Acta Sanctorum, Januarii, p. 10, &c., endeavours to prove that Syne-
torn, i., p. 1005. [See the brief account sius, a celebrated philosopher and bishop in
of him and his writings, in note (28), p. 246, Egypt, of the fifth century, was the author of
supra. — Tr.] the Dionysian writings ; and that he designed
(22) Those who have written concerning by them to support the doctrine of but one
this deceiver, are enumerated by Jo. Fran, nature in Christ. But he uses feeble argu-
Buddeus, Isagoge ad Theologian, 1. ii., c. ments. Nor are those more substantial, by
iv., $ 8, p. 602, &c. See also Jo. Launoi, which Jo. Phil. Baratier (in his Diss. sub-
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 265
writings of this man spread among the Greeks and Syrians, and especially
among the solitaries and monks, it is not easy to describe, how much dark-
ness came over the minds of many, and what an accession of numbers was
made to those who maintained that converse with God is to be had by mor-
tifying the senses, withdrawing the thoughts from all external objects, sub-
duing the body with hunger and hardships, and fixing the attention on God
and eternal things, in a kind of holy indolence.
§ 13. The truth of these remarks is evinced, by that vast multitude of
monks and sacred virgins who, as soon as peace was given to the Chris-
tians, spread themselves with astonishing rapidity over the whole Chris-
tian world. Many persons of this description had long been known among
the Christians, living as solitaries, in the deserts of Egypt. But Antony
was the first who, in the year 305, collected them into an associated com-
munity in Egypt, and regulated their mode of living by fixed rules. (23)
His disciple Hilarion, the next year, undertook the same thing in Pales-
tine and Syria. About the same time, Aones or Eugenius, with his asso-
ciates Gaddana and Azyzo, introduced this mode of life into Mesopotamia
and the neighbouring countries. (24) These were imitated by many others,
with so much success, that in a short time all the East swarmed with per-
sons who, abandoning the occupations and conveniences of life and all in-
tercourse with society, pined away amid various hardships, hunger and
sufferings, in order to attain to a more close communion with God and the
angels. The Christian church would have remained free from these nu-
merous tortures of the mind and body, had not that great and fascinating
doctrine of the ancient philosophy gained credence among Christians, that
to attain to happiness and communion with God, the soul must be freed
from the influence of the body, and for this purpose, the body must be sub-
dued.
§ 14. This austere discipline passed from the East into the West, and
first into Italy and the adjacent islands, though it is uncertain who conveyed
it thither.(25) Afterwards, St. Martin, the celebrated bishop of Tours,
joined to his book de successione Romanor. eleven epistles. These, with the comment-
Episcop., p. 286), endeavours to prove, that aries of some of the later Greek theologians,
Dicmysius of Alexandria was the true author and notes by the moderns, were printed
of those writings. — [The real author of these Gr. and I,at., Antwerp, 1634, and Paris,
works is wholly unknown. That he was 1644, 2 vols. fol. See Cave, Historia Lit-
not Dionysius the Arcopagite, mentioned terar. Daillf, de Scriptis Dionysii Areopa-
Acts xvii., 34, as he pretends to be, and was gitae. Genevae, 1666, 4to. Bp Pearson,
generally believed to be, from the sixth cen- Vindiciae Ignatianae, p. i., c. 10. — TV. ]
tury on to the fifteenth, is certain. That he (23) Antony and his regulations are treat-
was a Greek who lived some time in the ed of in the Acta Sanctor. ad diem 17, Jan-
fourth century, is generally admitted; though uarii, torn. ii.. p. 107.
some place him a century later. That he (24) See Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth.
was Apollinaris senior, or junior, of Laodi- Orient. Clement. Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. ii.,
cea, several have laboured to evince; but p. 48, &c.
without much success. He was orthodox, (25) The majority follow Barmiivs, main-
pious, and certainly not destitute of talent, taining that it was St. Atftanasius who, about
His works consist of single Books, on the the year 340, transplanted the monastic in-
Ccelestial Hierarchy, or the invisible world, stitution from Egypt into Italy, and erected
the church above ; on the Ecclesiastical Hi- the first monastery at Rome. See Makillon,
erarchy, or the visible church of God on the Praefatio ad Acta Sanctor. Ord. Benedict.,
earth, its order, worship, and ordinances; torn, i., p. ix., &c. But Lud. An/. Mnritian
on the Divine Names, or the designations opposes this opinion, and contends that the
of God in the Scriptures ; on Mystical The- 'first European monastery was built at Milan.
ology, or on the perfections of God ; and Antiq. Italicar. wedii aevi, torn, v., p. 364.
VOL. I— L L
260
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART H.— CHAP. III.
erected some monasteries in Gaul ; and his example and his discourses pro-
duced such eagerness to embrace a monastic life, that two thousand monks
are said to have assembled together at his funeral. (26) From thence this
mode of life gradually extended over the other countries of Europe. Those
studious of such matters however, must know, that there has always been
a wide difference between the monks of the West and those of the East ;
and that the former could never be brought to bear the severe rules, to
which the latter voluntarily submitted. For our part of the world is not
so filled with persons who are by nature austere, morose, delirious, and
fanatical, as those Oriental regions are ; nor will our bodies endure that
abstemiousness in regard to nourishment, which those will which were
born under a dry and burning atmosphere. It was therefore rather the
name and the shadow of that solitary life which Antony and others institu-
ted in the East, than the thing itself, which was brought into the countries
of Europe.(27)
§ 15. These monks(28) were not all of the same kind ; for first, they
were divided into Coenobites and Eremites. The former lived and ate to-
gether in the same house, and were associated under a leader and head,
whom they called Father, or in the Egyptian tongue, Abbot.(29) The lat-
Again, Just. Fontinanus, in his Historia edacity, and goes on to say : " I perceive
Litterar. Aquileiens., p. 155, &c., maintains that he refers rather to the Oriental monks,
that the first society of monks was collected than to the occidental ; for edacity in the
at Aquileia. None of these writers adduces Greeks [and Orientals] is gluttony; in the
unexceptionable proof. The first convent of Gauls it is nature." Immediately, there-
nuns was erected at Verona, near the close fore, on the introduction of the monastic in-
of this century, and by Ze.no the bishop of stitution into Europe, the occidental monks
Verona ; if we may give credit to the broth-
ers Ballcrini, in their Diss. ii. ad Zenonem
Veronens., p. 115, &c.
(20) See Sulpilius Severus, de Vita Mar-
tini, cap. x., p. 17, ed. Veron., where the
differed widely from the Oriental in their
customs and mode of living, and were taxed
by them with voraciousness and gluttony.
(28) [The word monk, (fiovaxoc, from /w-
vufetv, to live alone), first occurs in the fourth
mode of life "adopted by these Martinian century; and has some similarity with as-
monks is particularly described. See also crttc [<WWFW, from UOKEU, to practise, to ex-
ercise.] At least, the monks were also call-
the Histoire litteraire de la France, torn, i.,
pt. ii., p. 42, and others.
(27) This difference between the Oriental
and the occidental monks, as to their mode
of living, and the cause of it, are pleasantly
noticed by Sulpitt.us Scverus, Dial. i. de
Vita Martini, c. 2, p. 65, ed. Verona. Sul-
pitrus, one of the interlocutors, having de-
scribed the dry and sparing diet of the Egyp-
tian monks, turned to his Gallic friend, and
said :
herbs and half a loaf, as a dinner for five
men 7" The Gaul, reddening a little on be-
ing so rallied, replied : " You are at your
ed ascetics ; though all ascetics were not
monks : for the name ascetic denotes a
Christian who devotes himself to severe re-
ligious exercises, and particularly to absti-
ways existed among Christians ; but these
were not always monks. The word ascetic
is a generic term ; the word monk denotes
a species under that genus. This is con-
, ceded by the Catholics, Valesius (notes on
How would vou like a bunch of -& , Jr,- ,. T? , , ,4
Luseb., Hist. Jbccles., 1. XL, c. 17, and de
Martyr. Palaest., c. 11), and by Pa<?i, Crit-
ica in Annal. Baronii, ad ami. 62, $ 4, torn,
p. 48 — The males among the monks
.*f • 0 i ... /• i . i., it. -*u 1 nc UIOIGB auiwu" uic mviiivn
old practice, bulmtms, lor you neglect no n i ;v • i »u r i »T
. V, .* 6rr, ,,. were called A onm, and the females Nonnac.
op[)ortunuy that occurs, to tax us [Gallic
monks] with voracity. But it is cruel in
you, to require us Gauls to live in the man-
ner of angels. — But let that Cyrenian [monk]
content himself with such a dinner, since it
is his necessity or nature to go hungry. —
We, as I have often told you, are Gauls."
See Jerome, Ep. 18, ad Eustoch., Opp., torn,
iv., pt. ii., p. 34, ed. Martianay. Erasmus
derives the term nonnus from the Egyptian
language : Gcrh. Jo. Vossius derives it from
the Hebrew p^, a son; de Vitiis Sermo-
nis. 1. i., c. 6, p. 9, 1. ii., c. 13, de Orig.
In the same diatomic, cap. 4, p. 69, 70, he Idolol., 1. i., c. 24. — SchL]
taxes Jerome with accusing the monks of (29) [The cocnoliles derived their name
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
267
tcr, the Eremites, led a cheerless, solitary life, in certain parts of the coun.
try, dwelling in hovels among the wild be;ists.(30) Still more austere than
the Eremites, were those who were called Anchorites. These lived in
desert places, with no kind of shelter ; fed on roots and plants ; and had
no fixed residence, but lodged wherever night overtook them, so that visit-
ers might not know where to find them. (31) The last class of monks
were the Vagrants, called by the Egyptians Sarabaitae, who roamed about
the provinces, and from city to city, and got their living without labour, by
pretended miracles, by trafficking in relics, and by other impositions. (32)
Among the Coenobites, many were vicious and profligate ; but not so many
as among the Sarabailes, most of whom were knaves and villains. Of the
Eremites, the greater part were delirious fanatics, who were not in their
right mind. (33) All these monks were hitherto laymen, or separate from
the clerical order, and under the care and protection of the bishops. But
many of them were now admitted into the rank of clergymen, even by the
command of the emperors ; and so great was their reputation for sanctity,
that bishops were often chosen from among them.(34)
§ 16. To these defects in the moral system of the age, must be added
two principal errors now wcllnigh publicly adopted, and from which af-
terwards immense evils resulted. The first was, that to deceive and lie,
is a virtue, when religion can be promoted by it. The other was, that er-
rors in religion, when maintained and adhered to after proper admonition,
ought to be visited with penalties and punishments. The first of these
from [KoivoCiiov] cocnobium, (K0tv6f ftiof), a
habitation in which several monks lived to-
gether. The ancients discriminated between
a cocnobium and a monastery. The latter
was the residence of proper and solitary
monks ; the former, of associated monks,
who lived together in a society. The hab-
itation of a single, solitary monk, might be
called a monastery, but not a cocnobium.
Sec Cassianus, Collat. xviii., c. 10, Opp.,
p. 525, and compare Jerome, Ep. 95, ad
Kusticum monachum, Opp., torn., iv., pt.
ii., p. 775, and Gregory Na?.., Orat. xxi.,
Opp., torn i., p. 384.— The nuns also had
their presidents, who were called Mothers.
See Jerome. Ep. 20. Opp., torn, iv., pt. ii.,
p. 51. See also Hin»hnm. Origines Eccle-
siast.. vol. iii., p W.—Schl ]
(30) [From a passage in the beginning of
the Historia Lansiaca of Palladins, it may
be inferred, that in the most ancient times,
the eremites and the anchorites were the
same ; for he speaks of the dvo^upi^ruv TIJV
IT r/i !'!»';/tt;>. I3nt subsequently, a distinc-
tion was made between them. — Srlil. The
terms monks, ercmi/cs, and anchorites or an-
achorilcs, were at first, all used as synony-
mous ; and were applied indiscriminately to
those Egyptian ascetics, who urax'-ipnaar re-
tired from the world, and lived solitary fio-
vaxoi (from ftovof, alone) in the \ftldernttl
tv ry fpfifiM, for the sake of practising (tia-
Kttv) their religious exercises without inter-
ruption. The words ascetic and monk con-
tinued to be generic ; and were applied to
all, who devoted themselves to a religious
life, and subjected themselves to strict rules
of living. The other terms acquired more
appropriate significations, when the monks
became distributed into various classes or
sorts.— TV.]
(31) See Sulpi/ius Srrr.rus, Dial. i. de
Vitn Martini, c. ix , p. 80, &c., ed. Verona.
[When several anchorites lived in the same
wilderness, only a little separated from each
other, they were collectively called a J^aura.
See Eva/rrius, Historia Ecclcs.. 1. i., c. 21,
and Valerius, note on the passage. See
also Walch's Hist. Eccles. N. T ., p. 1670.
— Sckl.]
(32) [Concerning the Sarabai/ca, see Jo.
Ciissianus, Collat. xviii., c. 7, Opp., p. 731,
&c., and the notes of Gazaeits, there. — TV.]
(33) On the vices of the monks of this
century, sec Snl/>ilins Nrrcrtis, Dial. i. de
Vita Martini, cap iv., p. 69, 70. cap. xiv.,
p. £8. where he chastises in particular, the
pride of those who coveted the honours of
clergymen. Dial, ii., c. viii., p. 112; Dial,
iii., c. xv., p. 144, 145 ; also the Consultatio
Apollonii et Zachaei, published by Lu,
Duchrry, in Spicileg., torn, i., 1. iii., c. 3, p.
35, &c.
(34) See Ja. Gotkofrcd, on the Codex
Tbcodos., torn, vi., pt. i., p. 76, 106, ed.
Hitter.
268 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
principles had been approved in the preceding centuries ; and it is almost
incredible, what a mass of the most insipid fables, and what a host of pious
falsehoods have, through all the centuries, grown out of it, to the great
detriment of true religion. If some inquisitive person were to examine the
conduct and the writings of the greatest and most pious teachers of this cen-
tury, I fear, he would find about all of them infected with this leprosy. I
cannot except Ambrose, nor Hilary, nor Augustine, nor Gregory Naz., nor
Jerome. And perhaps it was this same fault that led Sulpitius Severus,
who was in other respects no incompetent historian, to ascribe so many
miracles to St. Martin. The other principle, from the very time when
Constantine gave peace and security to the Christians, was approved by
many ; and in the conflicts with the Priscillianists and Donatists, it was
corroborated by examples, and unequivocally sanctioned by the authority
of Augustine, and transmitted down to succeeding ages.
§ 17. If we look at the lives and morals of Christians, we shall find,
as heretofore, that good men were commingled with bad ; yet the number
of the bad began gradually to increase, so that the truly pious and godly
appeared more rare. When there was no more to fear from enemies
without, when the character of most bishops was tarnished with arro-
gance, luxury, effeminacy, animosity, resentments, and other defects ; when
the lower clergy neglected their proper duties, and were more attentive to
idle controversies, than to the promotion of piety and the instruction of the
people ; when vast numbers were induced, not by a rational conviction, but
by the fear of punishment and the hope of worldly advantage to enrol
themselves as Christians ; how can it surprise us, that on all sides. the vi-
cious appeared a host, and the pious, a little band almost overpowered by
them ? Against the flagitious and those guilty of heinous offences, the
same rules for penance were prescribed, as before the reign of Constan-
tine. But as the times continually waxed worse and worse, the more hon-
ourable and powerful could sin with impunity, and only the poor and the
unfortunate felt the severity of the laws.
§ 18. This century was fruitful in controversies among Christians ; for
as is common with mankind, external peace made room for internal dis-
cords and contentions. We shall here mention the more considerable
ones, which did not give rise to obstinate heresies. In Egypt, soon after
the century began or about the year 306, commenced the long-continued
schism, which from the author of it was called the Meletian controversy.
Peter, the bishop of Alexandria, deposed Melctius the bishop of Lycopolis
in Thebais. The cause is involved in uncertainty. The friends of Peter
represent Meletius as one who had sacrificed to the gods, and had com-
mitted other crimes. (35) Others say, he was guilty of no offence, but that
of excessive severity against the lapsed.(36) Meletius disregarded the
sentence of Peter, and not only continued to exercise the functions of his
office, but assumed to himself the power of consecrating presbyters ; a
right which, according to established usage in Egypt, belonged exclusively
to the bishop of Alexandria. The partisans of this energetic and elo-
quent man were numerous, and at length not a few of the monks espoused
(35) Athanasius, Apologia secunda, Opp., note on Epiphan., torn, ii., p. 274 ; and Sam.
torn i., p. 777, &c. Basnage, Exercitatio de Rebus sacris contra
(36) Epiphanius, Haeres. Ixviii., Opp., Baronium, p. 305, &c.
torn, i., p. 716, &c. See Dion. Petavius,
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
260
his cause. The Nicene council attempted in vain to heal this breach.
The Mcleiians on the contrary, whose chief aim was to oppose the au-
thority claimed by the bishop of Alexandria, afterwards joined themselves
to his great enemies, namely the Arians. Thus a contest which at first
related only to the limits of the Alexandrine bishop's powers, became,
through the influence of heated passions, a controversy respecting an ar-
ticle of faith. The Meletian party was still existing in the fifth cen-
tury.(37)
(37) [Two widely different accounts of the
origin and cause of the Meletian schism have
reached us. The one is from the pen of
Aihanasius, their avowed foe ; the other is
from Epiphanius, the historian of the early
heresies. The Romish writers prefer the
statement of Athanasius ; but the most learn-
ed Protestant writers of late, generally follow
Epiphanius. (See Walch. Historic der Ket-
zereyen, vol. iv., p. 355-410. Henke, Kir-
chengesch., vol. i., p. 196, &c. Rchroeckh,
KJrchengesch., vol. v., p. 265-273. Nean-
der, Kirchengesch.,vol.ii.,pt. i.,p. 463-471,
and Gieseler'g Text- book, translated by Cun-
ningham, vol. i., p. 166.) The statement of
Athanasius, (Apolog. ad Imperat. Constanti-
num, Opp., torn, i., p. 777, ed. Colon., 1686),
is as follows : Peter, a bishop among us before
the persecution, and an acknmcledged martyr
in it, deposed in a common council of bish-
ops an Egyptian bishop called Meletius, who
stood convicted of many crimes, and especially
of sacrificing to idols. Meletius did not ap-
peal to another council, nor endeavour to
purge himself before Peter's successors, but
created a schism, and his followers, instead
of being called Christians, are called Mcle-
tians to this day. He at once began to utter
reproaches against the bishops, and first he
calumniated Peter, then his successor Achil-
les, and after him Alexander ; and he did this
irith craftiness after the example of Absalom,
that by calumniating the innocent he might
hide the shame of his own deposition. Such
is the invective of their avowed adversary.
On the contrary Epiphanius, who spent sev-
eral years in Egypt, some of them probably
in the lifetime of Meletius, and certainly while
the schism excited great attention, and who
passed the rest of his life in the neighbour-
hood of Egypt, and had constant communica-
tion with it, gives us a full and apparently
very candid history of the schism, which is
too long to be transcribed, but which is sub-
stantially as follows. (Hser. 68, Opp., torn,
i., p. 716, seq., ed. Petav. Colon.) During
the persecution under Diocletian and Maxim-
ian, Peter the archbp. of Alexandria, and Me-
letius an eminent bp. in Thcbais, (who rank-
ed next to Peter in the archiepiscopate, and
under him managed ecclesiastical affairs),
and many others, were imprisoned by the gov«
ernors of the country. When they had been
long in custody, and several had suffered
martyrdom, while others had yielded to their
fears and saved themselves by sacrificing to
idols, these principal bishops were continued
in prison, being reserved for the last victims.
The lapsed, some of whom were soldiers and
others clergymen of different orders, became
anxious for reconciliation to the church ; and
they besought the confessors who were still
in prison to interpose their authority. Disa-
greement and warm debate arose among
these confessors. Meletius and others held,
that the lapsed ought to be excluded from
the church till the end of the persecution,
and afterwards if they appeared worthy, to
be admitted to penances proportionate to
their offences. But Peter maintained that
it was not advisable to wait for the end of
the persecution, and that the repentant should
at once be admitted to suitable penances and
so be restored. Both parties showed them-
selves to be influenced by laudable motives ;
the one by love of the truth and religious
zeal, the other by compassion and sympathy.
At length, Peter finding his compassionate
measures balked by the excessive zeal of
Meletius and the others, hung out his man-
tle in the midst of the prison for a standard,
and made proclamation, that such as agreed
with him should assemble around it, and that
such as agreed with Meletius should repair
to him. Hereupon the mass of the bishops,
monks, and presbyters gathered around Me-
letius, and only a very few repaired to the
standard of Peter. From this time the two
parties worshipped separately, and the schism
became complete in the prison. (This waa
in the year 306, according to Baronius, A fi-
nales, ann. 306, n. 44 ; or in the year 301,
according to I'agi, Critica Baron., ann. 306,
n. 29.) Peter afterwards suffered martyr-
dom ; but Meletius and others were trans-
ported from place to place, sometimes shut
up in the mines, and sometimes banished to
distant regions ; and everywhere Meletiu*
spread his principles, ordained bishops, pres-
byters, and deacons, and erected separate
churches, his followers having no communion
with the others. Peter's successors retained
the ancient churches, which were called the
churches of the Catholics, while the new
870
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART IL— CHAP. III.
§ 1&. Not long after Melctius, one Eustathius excited great commo-
tions in Armenia, Pontus, and the neighbouring countries, and was there-
churches erected by the Meletians bore the
title of the martyrs' churches. — According
to this account of the origin of the schism,
the only crime of Mclctius was, that he
erected separate churches, and ordained bish-
ops and curates over them, not subject to the
abp. of Alexandria and not holding commun-
ion with the Catholics. Nor is any other
crime alleged against him by the council of
Nice which censured him, nor by the four
bishops and martyrs (Hesychius, Pachomius,
Theodoras, and Phileas), who remonstrated
with him for his conduct. (See their letter
in Maffei Osservazioni Letterarie, torn, iii.,
Verona, 1738; comp. Euseb., H. E., lib,
viii., c. 13.) What therefore Athanasnis
charges upon him as his greatest offence, and
that for which especially Peter deposed him,
namely, that he offered sacrifices to idols, is
not only inconsistent with the explicit state-
ment of Epiphanius, that Meletius was a con»
fessor in bonds at the time the schism com*
menced, and for a long time both before and
after ; but is also highly improbable, not to
say impossible, from the fact that the Mele-
tian party owed its existence to its peculiar
rigour against the lapsed ; for such a party
cannot be supposed to have been formed and
guided from its commencement by the most
notorious of all the lapsed, and one already
deposed for this very crime. While they
separated from the Catholic church as being
impure, because it tolerated lapsed Chris-
tians, could they have a lapsed bishop for
their founder and leader, and so admire and
honour him as to call themselves after his
name 1 or would such a bishop wish to get
up a sect to bear testimony against his own
sin and shame 1 It is incredible. And as
this is the only crime which Athanasius spe-
cifies, we may suppose that the many crimes
besides this, which he does not specify, were
no other than the numerous ordinations and
establishment of churches above stated. That
Melctius was entirely sound in the faith, or
was never at any time chargeable with any
heresy, is stated repeatedly and explicitly by
Epiphanius. — As this schism withdrew a
large number of bishops and churches from
the jurisdiction of the Egyptian primate, and
greatly curtailed his power, Peter and his
successors regarded it as a sore evil ; and
the pious generally must have been pained
to see such divisions and strife among Chris-
tians. The subject was therefore brought
before the council of Nice in 325. And that
assembly decreed that the abp. of Alexandria
should have jurisdiction, as formerly, over
all the churches and clergy in Egypt, Libya,
and Pentapolis ; that Meletius should retain
the rank and honours of a bishop, but with-
out the power of ordaining, and that he
should perform no episcopal functions what-
ever out of his own diocese ; and that those
whom he had ordained should take rank after
such as had been ordained by the archbishop,
and might succeed them only on being duly
elected and confirmed by the primate. (See
the letter of the council to the African clergy,
in Socrates, H. E., lib. i., c. 9.) — On the
return of abp. Alexander from the council,
he demanded of Meletius a list of all the
bishops he had ordained anywhere, and also
of the presbyters and deacons whom he had
ordained in Alexandria and its suburbs. The
object of the abp. was, to be able to detect
any future ordinations by Meletius. Such
a list was readily given ; and it embraced
the names of 28 bishops with their places of
residence, and 4 presbyters and 5 deacons at
Alexandria. (Athanasius^ Apolog. ad Imp.
Constantinum, Opp., t. i., p. 788-9.) From
this we may form some idea of the extent of
the Meletian schism ; for Athanasius says,
(ibid., p. 788), that there were in Egypt,
Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly 100 bishops in
his communion. And if Meletius and 23
others were schismatics, they must have con-
stituted almost one fourth part of all the
bishops. But after the council of Nice, sev-
eral submitted to the archbishop, so that tho
number probably diminished — Meletius did
not long survive his censure ; and after his
death, Alexander resorted to coercive meas-
ures in order to bring the Meletians to sub-
mission. This induced them to despatch
Paphnutius, a celebrated anchorite and saint,
John, their chief bishop, a very venerable
man, Callmicus, a bishop in Pelusium, with
some others of their number, as venvoys to
the emperor Constantino to supplicate the
protection of the government. But the offi-
cers of the palace, who knew nothing of the
Meletian sect, refused the envoys all access
to the emperor. After waiting some time,
they applied to Eusebius bp. of Nicomedia,
who promised to assist them, provided they
would associate freely with Anus, who had
just given a specious statement of his faith.
They consented ; and by the assistance of
Eusebius they obtained from the emperor the
privileges of a tolerated sect whom none were
to molest. But the Meletians were thus
brought into an alliance with the Arians, and.
of course became involved in their contests,
and shared in their odium. It happened to
them, says Epiphanius, according to the
proverb ; In flying from the smoke, they fell
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
271
fare Condemned in the council of Gangra, which was held not long aftef
the Nicenc council. Whether this man was Ewtatkhu, the bishop of Se-
baste in Armenia, who was the coryphuuus of the'Semiarians, or whether
the ancients confounded two persons of the same name, is debated with
about equal weight of argument on both sides. (38) The founder of the
Eustathian sect is charged, not so much with unsoundness in the faith, as
with unreasonable practical notions. For he is said to have prohibited mar-
riage, the: use of flesh and wine, love-feasts, &c., and to have recommend-
<:d immediate divorce to all married persons, and to have granted to chil-
dren and servants the liberty of violating commands of their parents and
masters, under pretext of religion. (39)
§ 20. Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia, a man of decision, stern-
ness, and vigour, who was driven into exile by the. emperor ConsUmline
for defending the Niccne doctrine of three persons in one God, first sep-
arated from Eusebius of Vercelli, in the year 363, because the latter was
displeased that the former had consecrated Paulinus bishop of the church
of Antioch ; and he afterwards separated himself from the communion of the
whole church, because it had decreed that absolution might be granted to-
into the fire. And from that time onward,
by associating with the Arians, many of them
embraced the sentiments of Arius. (See
Epiplianius, Haeres. 68, and Sozomen, H.
E., lib. ii., c. 21.) On the death of abp
Alexander, (A.D. 326) the Meletians elected
One Tkeonas to succeed him. But Theonas
died three months after, and Athanasius took
quiet possession of the chair. During half
a. century he was in open war with the Ari-
nns and Meletians, who combined against
him, and were a chief cause of his frequent
and long banishments, and of all the vexa-
tions he endured. (Epiphanius, Haeres. 68.
Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., lib. ii., c. 22, 23.)
-Tr.]
(38) See Sam. Basnage, Annales Politi-
co-Ecclcsiast., torn, ii., p. 840, &c.
(39) Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 43.
Sozomcn, Hist. Eccles., 1. iii , c. 14, 1. iv.,
c. 24. Epiphannts, Haeres. Ixvi., p. 910.
Philottargnu, Hist. Eccles., 1. iii., c. 16.
Wolfg. Gundlinir, Notae ad Concilium Gan-
grense, p. 9, &c. — [The younger Walch, in
his Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 536-
577, has treated circumstantially and solidly
concerning the Eustathians. See also his
Historic der Kirchenversammlungen, p. 216,
&c. The chief sources for a history of the
Eustathians, are the documents of the coun-
cil of Gangra, consisting of a synodical epis-
tle and 20 canons. From these sources both
Socrates and Sozomcn derived their informa-
tion. The author of the Life of St. Hasil,
which is prefixed to the third vol. of the
works of Basil, maintains, (ch. 5, § 4, &c.),
that the founder of this party was not Eusta-
thius, but rather Acrius ; and that of course
the persons \vith whom the council of Gan-
gra had to do, should not be called Eusta-
thians, but Aerians. But his arguments are
not so powerful as to compel a reflecting
reader to abandon the common opinion.
Whether the bishop of Scbaxtc in Armenia,
who is so famous in the history of the Ariaii
heresy, and who had some connexion with
Aerius, or another Eustathius, was the au-
thor of this controversy, cannot be deter-
mined with certainty. Yet the argument?)
for the first supposition seem to preponder-
ate. This 'Euslatkiits was a pupil of A r.nus,
and a lover of monkery. Many different
councils passed their judgment on him,
some putting him down, and others regard-
ing him as a valuable man. He has been
accused of instability in his belief; but he
seems properly to have been a Semiarian,
His character is described to us by some
impartial writers, as being very commenda-
ble. The synodical epistle of the council of
Gangra is addressed to the bishops of Arme-
nia, and censures various faults, which for
the most part relate to monkish usages : and
the canons enjoin the opposite of the new
regulations. The Eustathians so abhorred
matrimony as to maintain that a married lady/
though pious, conld not be saved if she con-
tinued to cohabit with her husband. They
forbid eating flesh, or receiving the holy
supper from a married priest, on pain of
forfeiting salvation. They contemned tho
buildings erected for public worship, and
held their meetings in private. They al-
lowed a woman to forsake her husband, pa-
rents their children, and children their j»-
rents, on pretence of devoting themselves to
a stricter mode of life, &c. — Sthl.}
272
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
those bishops who under Constantius had deserted to the Arians.(40) At
(40) Rufinus, Hist. Eccles., lib. i., c. 30.
Socrates, Hist. Eccles., lib. iii., c. 9. See
also Tillemont, Memoires pour servira 1'His-
toire de PEglise, tome vii., p. 521, ed. Paris :
— [and, above all others. Watch, Historic
der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 338-377. From
him, we shall enlarge the account given by
Dr. Mosheim. When the orthodox party,
under Co7istantius, and after the to them
adverse result of the council of Aries, found
themselves in great danger, and were de-
liberating about requesting the emperor to
summon a new council, Lucifer proceeded
to Rome, and being constituted envoy of the
Romish bishop Liberius, he thence repaired
to the imperial court in Gaul, and obtained
of the emperor the council of Milan ; by
which however the emperor intended to
further his own purposes. And as Lucifer
was one of those who in that council zeal-
ously espoused the cause of the orthodox, he
fell under the emperor's displeasure, and was
sent among others into banishment. When
the death of the emperor left him at liberty
to return from exile, he became involved in
the Meletian controversy at Antioch, and
this occasioned his falling out with Eusebius
bishop of Vercelli. For he brought forward
and consecrated the aged Paulimis as bp.
of Antioch ; which Euscbius greatly disap-
proved, because, according to the decrees of
the council held at Alexandria by Athana-
sius, he with Lucifer were commissioned to
heal the divisions at Antioch, which were
now widened still farther by the unwise step
of Lucifer. The same council had also de-
creed that the Arian bishops, and still more
those who had only held communion with
such bishops, might, after acceding to the
Nicene creed, be received into the church
and remain in their offices. The refusal of
Eusebius to approve of his proceedings at
Antioch, and the mild regulations of the
Alexandrian council respecting those whom
Lucifer accounted apostate bishops, which he
could by no means approve, induced him to
break off all church communion with such
as approved those regulations ; and thence
arose the schism which bears his name.
After this separation he continued to exer-
cise his functions at Cagliari for nine years,
and at last died at an advanced age. — Schl.
See, for account of his writings, note, p. 257.
The following more full account of the
Meletiar. controversy at Antioch, is given by
Schlegel from Dr. Watch's Hist, der Ketzer-
eyen.— After the council of Nice, Eusta-
thius bishop of Antioch very strenuously op-
posed the progress of Arian doctrines, and
was therefore deprived of his office, and
another was elected in his place who was
more favourable to the Arians, and after him
succeeded others, all holding Arian senti-
ments. The last of these was Eudoxius,
who was removed to Constantinople on the
deposition of Maccdonius bp. of that city,
(A.D. 360). Meletius of Syria, was now
chosen bishop of Antioch by a council. He
had before been bishop of Sebaste. and the
heads of the Arian party supposed him to
hold the Arian sentiments. He at least held
communion with Arians, and had by his vir-
tuous life obtained a high reputation. At
first Meletius concealed his sentiments, and
in his public discourses treated only on
practical subjects. But as one part of his
hearers were orthodox, and the other part
Arians, he did not long leave them in uncer-
tainty, but acknowledged to them his con-
viction of the correctness of the Nicene faith.
This acknowledgment was the source of
much suffering to Meletius. The Arians
resented it very highly, that he should disap-
point their expectations ; and as he would
not retract, they deprived him of his office
A.D. 362, by the aid of the emperor Con-
stantius, and banished him from the country.
Meletius now left Antioch and went to his
native city Melitene. In his place, Euzoius
one of the oldest friends of Arius, was ap-
pointed. But the orthodox, who would not
acknowledge him as a bishop, now wholly
ceased to worship with the Arians, which
they had done up to this time. Thus there
were now three parties at Antioch. The
Arians who acknowledged Euzoius for their
bishop ; the Eustathians, who, ever since the
deposition of Eustatluus (A.D. 327), whom
they regarded as the legitimate bishop of
Antioch, had ceased to worship with the
Arians, and held their separate meetings
without making disturbance ; and the Mele-
tians, who were the majority, and who ac-
knowledged Meletius for the legitimate bish-
op. The Meletians were willing to unite
with the Eustathians, on condition that they
would look upon Meletius as themselves did.
But the Eustathians refused to do so, and
would not acknowledge the Meletians for
brethren, because they considered both them
and their bishop as not pure enough from the
Arian infection. Athanasius, Eusebius of
Vercelli, and Lucifer attempted to reconcile
these divisions. Lucifer afterwards (A.D.
362) consecrated a new bishop of Antioch ;
whom however the Eustathians only would
receive. Meletius now came back to Anti-
och ; and thus there were two orthodox bish-
ops of Antioch, Paulinus (the Eustathian
bishop), and Meletius; and the difficulties
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
273
least this is certain, that the little company of his followers, or the Lucife*
rians, would have no intercourse with the bishops who joined themselves
to the Arian sect, nor with those who had absolved these bishops after con.
fessing their fault ; and thus they renounced the whole church. (41) They
are likewise reported to have held erroneous sentiments respecting the hu-
man soul, viewing it as generated from the bodies of the parents, or as
transfused by the parents into their children. (42)
§ 21. About the same time, or not much after, Aerius, a presbyter,
monk, and Seniiarian, rent Armenia, Pontus, and Cappadocia, by opinions
wide of those commonly received, and thus founded a sect. First he main-
tained that (jure divino), by divine appointment, there was no difference
between bishops and presbyters. Yet it is not very clear, how far he
carried this sentiment, though it is certain that it was very pleasing to many,
who were disgusted with the pride and arrogance of the bishops of that
age. In the next place, Aerius disapproved of prayers for the dead, the
stated fasts, the celebration of Easter, and other things which most persons
regarded as the very soul of religion.(43) He seems to have aimed to re-
were increased rather than settled by the stored. Flavianus was acknowledged by
procedure of Lucifer. The foreign bishops the foreign bishops as the bishop of Antioch.
took part in this controversy. Athanasius Yet there remained a little handful of Eu-
looked on Paxlinu-s as the most orthodox, ttathiatis, who did not unite with the general
and therefore he and the greater part of the church till Flavianus was succeeded by other
West, with the Island of Cyprus, took the .bishops. See Walch, Ketzerhistorie, vol.
side of Paulinits. The eastern bishops were
on the side of Meletius ; who was exiled by
iv., p. 410-502.— Sc A/.]
(41) See the petition addressed lo Theo-
the emperor Valens, but returned after that dosius by Marcdlinus and Faustinus, two
emperor's death, arid suddenly died, (A.D. Luciferians ; in the Works of Is. Sirmond,
381). The Greek and the Latin churches
enrolled him among the saints, after his
torn, ii., p. 229, &c.
(42) See Augustine, de Haeres., c. 81 ;
death. As respects the Latin church, this and on that passage, Lamb. Danaeu-s, p. 346.
was a very extraordinary transaction. Me- [This account is very uncertain ; and Au-
letuis died entirely out of communion with gustinc himself does not state it as a matter
the Romish see; and yet he is numbered of certainty. See Walch, 1. c., p. 368. —
Schl.]
among their saints ! Either the pope then
must be not infallible, or the Romish church
(43) Epiphanius, Haeres. Ixxv., p. 905,
worships as saints, persons who, according &c. Augustine, de Haeres., c. 63, and
to her own principles, arc unworthy of wor- some others. [The last is not a witness of
ship. The death of Mdctius did not restore much weight. He had no acquaintance with
peace at Antioch. The Mclctians, instead the Aerians, but took one part of his state-
of acknowledging Paulmus for a legitimate ment from Epiphanius, (ubi supra), and the
bishop, elected Flavianus, an orthodox and other from Ptiilastrius, de Haeres., c. 72, p.
irreproachable character, for a successor to 140. Epiphanius had it in his power to get,
Mdfinm. This Flaviaitus was supported and did get, better information respecting
by the bishops of Syria, Palestine, Phceni- the Oriental controversies than Philastrius
cia, Cappadocia, Galatia, the lesser Asia, could. The latter speaks of Aerius, as of
and Thrace ; on the side of Paulinus were one unknown to him ; the former, as of one
the bishops of Rome and Italy, and of Egypt whose history he well knew, and who was
and Arabia, who wished for the deposition of then alive. Epiphanius knew the Encra-
Flavianus. Paulinas died (in 389) ; but tiles very well, and he distinguishes them
instead of giving peace to the church, in- from the A erians ; but Philastrius confounds
fluonced probably by a fanatical obstinacy, them. A'irivs was a native of Pontus, or
he before his death consecrated over his lit- of the lesser Armenia, an eloquent man, and
tie party one Eragrius as his successor, a friend of the well-known Seniiarian Eutta-
Soon after, (A.D. 393), Eeagrius died : but thius, afterwards bishop of Sebaste, with
the disunion still continued. Finally, through whom he lived at the same time among
the pru'.lence and the pacific temper of the monks. The elevation of Eustalhiu* to
Chrysostom, peace and ecclesiastical com- the see of Sebaste, first awakened envy in
munion between 'he two parties were re- Airiut, he having himself aspired after that
VOL. I.— M M
274
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
duce religion to its primitive simplicity, a design which in itself considered
was laudable, though in the motives and the mode of proceeding there were
perhaps some things censurable.
§ 22. There were various persons of this sort in the fourth century, who
were disgusted with the progress of superstition and of errors respect-
ing the true nature of religion, and who opposed the general current ; but
the only fruit of their labour, was, that they were branded with infamy.
Eminent among them was Jovinian, an Italian monk, who taught first at
Rome and then at Milan, near the close of the century, and persuaded
many, that all persons whatsoever, if they keep the vows they make to
Christ in baptism and live godly lives, have an equal title to the rewards
of heaven ; and consequently, that those who spend their lives in celibacy
or macerate their bodies by fasting, are no more acceptable to God, than
those who live in wedlock, and nourish their bodies with moderation and
sobriety. These sentiments were first condemned by the church of Rome,
and then by Ambrose in a council held at Milan in the year 390. (44) The
emperor Honorius enacted penal laws against persons holding such senti-
ments, and Jovinian he banished to the island Boa. (45) Jovinian pub-
promotion. To allay that feeling, Eustathi-
us made his friend a presbyter, and commit-
ted to his care the superintendence of a
house for the reception of strangers. But
the good understanding between them was
of short continuance. Aerius could be re-
strained by nothing from his restless conduct
towards his bishop, whom he accused of av-
arice and misappropriation of the funds for
the poor. At last they came to a breach.
Aerius abandoned his office and his hospi-
tal, and acquired many adherents ; who how-
ever nowhere found indulgence, as the dispo-
sition to persecute was then almost universal
among the clergy. Aerius maintained, that
in the times of the apostles, there was no
difference between a bishop and a presbyter ;
and this he solidly proved from passages in
Paul. He was not disposed to abolish the
human rights of bishops, but only to rescue
the presbyters from episcopal oppression in
the exercise of their legitimate functions.
He held the prayers and the alms of the liv-
ing for the dead, to be useless and danger-
ous ; and discarded the regular, prescribed
Christian fasts on certain days. The festival
of Easter he did not wholly discard, as it is
commonly supposed, but only the ceremony
of slaying a lamb at Easter, which according
to ancient custom was practised by some
Christians. This appears from the argument
by which he supported his opinion. For he
says : " Christians should keep no Passover,
because Paul declares Christ, slain for us,
to be our Paschal Lamb." This reasoning
would be insipid, if Aerius proposed by it
blameable. See the younger Walch, His-
torie der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 321-338.
— Schl.]
(44) Hieronymus, in Jovinianum, Opp.,
torn. ii. Augustine, de Haeres., c. 82. Am-
brose, Ep. vi., &c. [Jovinian lived at Rome,
when he advanced the doctrines which were
so strenuously opposed. Yet it is uncertain,
whether Rome or Milan was his native place.
He was not unlearned, and he lived a single
life. To the preceding doccrines of Jovin-
ian, the following may be added. That
Mary ceased to be a virgin by bringing forth
Christ, which some denied : — that the de-
grees of future blessedness do not depend on
the meritoriousness of our good works ; —
and that a truly converted Christian, so long
as he is such, can not sin wilfully, but will
so resist the temptations of the devil as not
to be overcome by him. For these doctrines,
Jovinian was accused by some Christians at
Rome before Siricius the Roman bishop.
A council was assembled by Siricius, by
which Jovinian was condemned and excom-
municated. He then retired with his friends
to Milan. There they were condemned by
a council which Ami/rose assembled. By
such persecution, the party was soon crush-
ed. See Walck, Historic der Ketzereyen,
vol. iii., p. G35-682.— Schl.}
(45) Codex Theodosianus, torn, iii., p.
218, torn, vi., p. 193.— [This law is dated
in the year 412. But according to the rep-
resentation of Jerome, Jovinian must, in the
year 406, have been dead some considerable
time. The law therefore must either have
to put down altogether the whole festival of been aimed against altogether a different
Easter. Aerius was therefore in the right,
and his opposers in the wrong. Only his
obstinacy in pushing matters to a schism, is
person — and there appear in it no traces of
the complaints brought against Jovinian — or
the date of it must be erroneous, as was con-
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 875
lished his opinions in a book, against which Jerome in the following cen-
tury wrote a most bitter and abusive treatise, which is still extant.
§ 23. Of all the religious controversies [among the orthodox], those
concerning Origen made the greatest noise and continued the longest.
Though Origen had long been accused of many errors, yet hitherto most
Christians had regarded his name with veneration. But now the Arians,
cunningly looking on every side for support, maintained that this great man
had been of their party. Some believed them, and therefore indulged the
same hatred towards Origen, as towards the Arians. Yet some of the
most eminent and best informed men resisted the charge, and strove to
vindicate the reputation of their master against these aspersions. Among
these Eusebius, bishop of Csesarea, stood pre-eminent, in consequence of
his written Apology for Origen. And I believe, this storm raised against
the honour of a man to whom the whole Christian world paid respect,
would have soon subsided, if new commotions had not arisen, which pro-
ceeded from another source.
§ 24. All the monks, and especially those of Egypt, were enthusiastic
admirers of Origen ; and they spared no pains to disseminate everywhere
the opinions which they imbibed from him. Yet they could not persuade
all to believe that those opinions were sound and correct. Hence first ap-
peared a kind of smothered disagreement respecting the character of Ori-
gen's doctrines, which advanced gradually till it became an open flame.
Among many others, John the bishop of Jerusalem was in favour of Ori-
gen ; and as Epiplianius and Jerome were from other causes hostile to
John, they endeavoured to excite odium against him on this ground. He
defended himself in such a way, as to protect the reputation of Origen, and
at the same time to have the whole swarm of monks and innumerable oth-
ers on his side. From this beginning, arose those vehement contests re-
specting the doctrines of Origen, which pervaded both the East and the
West. In the West they were fomented especially by Rujinus, a presby-
ter of Aquileia, who translated some of Origen's books into Latin, and who
showed not obscurely that he was pleased with the sentiments those books
contained. (46) He therefore now incurred the implacable wrath of Je-
rome. But at length, Rujinus being dead, and men of high reputation in
the West opposing the progress of Origenism both by their influence and
their writings, these commotions seemed to subside in the West.
§ 25. In the East, far greater troubles came upon the church on ac-
count of Origenism. Theophilus bishop of Alexandria, who was for vari-
ous reasons hostile to some of the monks of Scetys and Nitria, taxed them
with their Origenism, and ordered them to throw away the books of Ori-
gen. The monks resisted his command, alleging sometimes that the objec-
jectured by Tillemont, tome x., p. 229, 753. About the year 404, Vigilantius, a presby-
See WaJch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. ter of Barcelona, appeared a still more fa-
iii., p. 664, &c. — Schl. Jminian was con- mous reformer. See below, cent, v., pt. ii.,
demned at Rome and Milan, about the year ch. iii., § 14, p. 348, and Gieselcr's Text-
388, and with him these eight persons, Aux- book, tr. by Cunningham, vol. i., p. 310.—
entnts, Gcnmlis, Gcrminator, Fflix, Proti- Tr.]
*-.«, Mnrtiamis, Januarius, and Jngcninxus. (46) See especially, Just. Fontaninus,
About the vear 396, Sarmatio and Barbati- Historia litteraria Aquilciens., lib. iv., c. 3,
anus, two monks of Milan, advanced similar &c., p. 177, &c., where he gives an elabo-
doctrines at Vercellae, (Ambrose, Ep. 63, rate history of Rujinus.
[al. 82, al. 25], ad Vercellensem ecclesiam).
276 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
tionable passages in the writings of that holy man were interpolations of
the heretics, and sometimes that it was improper to condemn the whole
together on account of a few censurable passages. Theophilus therefore,
after condemning the Origenists in a council assembled at Alexandria, in
the year 399, employed military force to drive the monks from the mount-
ains of Nitria. They fled first to Jerusalem, and thence removed to Scy-
thopolis ; but finding themselves insecure there likewise, they set sail for
Constantinople, intending to lay their cause before the imperial court.(47)
The remainder of their history belongs to the next century. But it is
proper to remark, that those who are denominated Origenists in the wri-
tings of this age, were not all of one character. For this ambiguous term
sometimes denotes merely a person who was friendly to Origen, one who
looked upon his books as corrupted, and did not defend the errors of which
he was accused ; but at other times it designates persons, who admitted
that Origen taught all that he was charged with teaching, and who reso-
lutely defended his opinions. Of this latter class were many of the monks.
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF CEREMONIES AND RITES.
4 1, 2. Ceremonies multiplied. — $ 3. Form of Public Worship. — $ 4. Some Parts of it
changed. — $ 5. Festal Days. — § 6. Fasts. — § 7. Administration of Baptism, — § 8. and
of the Lord's Supper.
§ 1. WHILE the fostering care of the emperors sought to advance the
Christian religion, the indiscreet piety of the bishops obscured its true na-
ture and depressed its energies, by the multiplication of rites and ceremo-
nies. The observation of Augustine is well known, That the yoke once
laid upon the Jews was more supportable, than that laid on many Christians-
in his age.(l) For the Christian bishops introduced, with but slight al-
terations, into the Christian worship, those rites and institutions by which
formerly the Greeks, Romans, and other nations had manifested their piety
and reverence towards their imaginary deities ; supposing that the people
would more readily embrace Christianity, if they saw that the rites handed
down to them from their fathers still existed unchanged among the Chris-
tians, and perceived that Christ and the martyrs were worshipped in the
same manner, as formerly their gods were. There was, of course, little
difference, in these times, between the public worship of the Christians
and that of the Greeks and Romans. In both alike there were splendid
(47) See Peter Dan. Huet, Origeniana, troversy is given by the senior Walch, Hi*-
lib. ii., cap. 4, p. 196, &c. Ludov. Doucin, toria Eccles. N .T., p. 1042, &c.—Schl.
Histoire de 1'Origenistne, liv. hi., p. 95, The history itself, but without naming au-
&.c. Hieron. a Prato, Diss. vi., in Sulpi- thorities, is given by A. Neander, in his
tium Severum de Monachis ob Originis Chrysostomus und dessen Zeitalter, liter
nomen ex Nitria totaque Aegypto pulsis, p. Band, s. 163, &c. — TV.]
273, Veron., 1741, fol. These writers cite (1) Augustine, Epist. 119, ad Januariunv
the ancient authorities ; but they make some according to the ancient division,
mistakes. [The literary history of this con-
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 277
robes, mitres, tiaras, wax tapers. crosiers,(2) processions, lustrations,
images, golden and silver vases, and numberless other things.
§ 2. No sooner had Constantine renounced the religion of his ancestors,
than magnificent temples were everywhere erected, which were adorned
with pictures and images, and which both in their external and their in-
ternal form were very similar to the fanes and the temples of the gods. (3)
These temples were of two kinds. Some were erected at the graves of
the martyrs, and were called Martyria : the people assembled in these only
at stated times. Others were intended for the ordinary and common
meetings for religious worship ; and were afterwards called by the Lat-
ins Tit.uli.(4:) Both were consecrated with great pomp, and with rites
borrowed in great measure from the ancient pontifical code of the Ro-
mans. And what is more strange, a great part of religion was supposed
to consist in the multitude of churches ; and the right of patronage, as it
is called, was introduced among Christians, for no other reason than to in-
duce opulent persons to build churches. (5) Thus, in this particular the true
religion evidently copied after superstition. For the ancient nations sup-
posed, that a country or province would be the more prosperous and secure,
the more temples, fanes, and chapels were there erected to the gods and
heroes ; because those gods would be ashamed not to show themselves pa-
trons and defenders of the people who worshipped and honoured them
with so much zeal. The same sentiment prevailed among the Christians.
They supposed, the more temples there were dedicated to Christ, to his
servants and his friends, the more certain they might be of assistance from
Christ and his friends. For they supposed God, Christ, and the inhabi-
tants of heaven, equally with us wretched mortals, to be delighted and cap-
tivated with external signs and expressions of respect.
§ 3. The Christian worship consisted in hymns, prayers, reading the
holy scriptures, a discourse to the people, and then closed with the cele-
bration of the Lord's Supper. But these exercises were accompanied with
various ceremonies, which were better calculated to please the eye than
(2) [The crosier or bishop's staff, was ex- the division into the holy of holies, the holy
actly of the form of the lituus, the chief en- place, and the court ; from which came the
sign of the ancient augurs. See Cicero, de chancel, the nave, and the porch. (/J/y/ia,
Divinatione, 1. i., c. 17. — Tr.] vadf, and vupdr/g.) — Schl.]
(2) See Ezek. Spanheim, Preuves sur les (4) Joh. Mabillon, Museum Italic., torn.
Cesars de Julien. p. 47; but especially, ii., in Comment, ad ordin. Roman., p. xvi.,
Peter le Brun, Explication litterale et histor. &c. [The Tituli, of the middle ages, were
des ceremonies de la Messe, tome ii., p. 101, properly the parish churches, under the care
&c. For a description of such a temple, of presbyters, who derived their titles from
see Eusebius, de Vita Constantini Magni, their respective churches. See Du Gange,
1. iii., c. 35, &c. Plates representing their Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis,
interior form, are given by Wm. Bcveridffe, voce Titulus. — TV.]
Adnotatt. ad Pandectas Canonum, torn, ii., (5) Just. Hcnn. Boehmer, Jus Eccles.
p. 70, and by Fred. Spanheim, Institutt. Protestant., torn, iii., p. 466, &c. Biblio-
Hist. Eccles., in his Opp., torn, i., p. 860. theque Italique, tome v., p. 166, &c. [Who-
Some parts of the Christian temples were ever erected to any god either a larger or a
after the pattern of the Jewish temple. See smaller temple, had the right of designating
Camp. Vitringa, de Synagoga veteri, lib, iii., the priests and attendants on the altar who
p. 46G. [Some of these temples were new should officiate there. And whoever erected
buildings erected by the emperors; others a Christian temple, possessed the same right
were pagan temples transmuted to Christian in regard to those who should minister there,
churches. See Codex Theodos., lib. ix., This induced many persons to build churches,
tit. xvii., leg. 2, and Jerome, Chronicon, — Schl.]
ann. 332. From the Jews was borrowed,
278 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.—PART II.— CHAP. IV.
to excite true devotion. (6) But all congregations did not, by any means,
follow one and the same rule or form. Each individual bishop according to
his own views, and as the circumstances of times, places, and persons
suggested, prescribed to his own flock such a form of public worship as
he judged best. Hence that variety of liturgies, which were in use be-
fore the Roman pontiff arrogated to himself supreme power in religious
matters, and persuaded people that they ought to copy after the principal
church, the common mother of them all, as well in doctrine as in their
modes of worship.
§ 4. It would be tedious to go over all the parts of public worship ; I
will therefore content myself with a few observations. The prayers lost
much of their primitive simplicity and dignity, and became turgid and
bombastic. Among the public hymns, the Psalms of David were now re-
ceived.^) The public discourses, among the Greeks especially, were
formed according to the rules for civil eloquence, and were better adapted
to call forth the admiration of the rude multitude who love display, than to
amend the heart. And that no folly and no senseless custom might be omit-
ted in their public assemblies, the people were allowed to applaud their ora-
tors, as had been practised in the forums and theatres ; nay they were in-
structed both to applaud and to clap the preachers.(S) Who would suppose,
that men professing to despise vainglory, and who were appointed to show
to others the emptiness of all human things, would become so senseless ?
§ 5. The first day of the week, (on which Christians were accustomed
to meet for the worship of God,) Constantine required by a special law, to be
observed more sacredly than before. (9) In most congregations of Chris-
tians, five annual festivals were observed ; namely, in remembrance of the
Saviour's birth, of his sufferings and death for the sins of men, of his resur-
rection, of his ascension to heaven, and of the descent of the Holy Ghost
upon his ministers. Of these festivals, that of the fourteen days sacred to the
memory of Christ's return to life, was observed with much more ceremony
(6) The form of public worship, or the Theodos., torn, i., p. 135. [See Eustlius,
liturgy of this age, may be very well learned de Vita Constantini, lib., iv., c. 18, 19, 20,
in general from Cyril of Jerusalem, Catcche- 23. Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., 1. i., c. 8.
sis xxii. ; and from the Apostolic Constitu- The principal laws of Constantine and his
tions, which are falsely ascribed to Clemens successors, in regard to the Lord's day and
Roman. These writers are explained and the other festivals, are collected in the Co-
interpreted by Peter le Brun, Explication dex Justinianus, lib. iii., tit. xii., leg. 1-11.
litterale et historique de la Messe, torn, ii., The Lord's day and the other festivals were
p. 53, &c., which is a very learned work, placed on the same level. On them all, the
[See also Dr. Ernesti's Antimurator., p. 13, courts of justice and the public offices were
&c. — Schl ] to be closed, except in certain urgent cases.
(7) Beausobre, Histoire du Manicheisme, Constantine, in the year 321, required the
torn, ii., p. 614, &c. [They were sung in inhabitants of cities and all mechanics to
course, or in their order. Joh. Cassiamis, suspend their business on the Lord's day ;
Institut., lib. ii., c. 2, 4, lib. iii., c. 3. Yet but he allowed such as resided in the coun-
for the public worship on certain occasions, try, full liberty to pursue their agriculture,
particular Psalms were appointed •, (Aufrus- because it was supposed necessary for them
tine on Ps. xxi.) ; and it lay with the bishop to sow their fields and prop their vines when
to designate what Psalms he would have the weather and the season best suited. The
sung. Athanasius, Apolog. ii. Augustine emperor Leo, however, in the year 469,
on Ps. cxxxviii. — Schi.] thought agriculture required no exception ;
(8) Fran. Bernh. Ferrarius, de veterum and therefore he included farmers under the
acclamationibus et plausu, p. 66. same prohibition with mechanics. See Imp.
(9) Ja. Gothofred, Notes to the Codex Leonis Novellae Constitut. 54.— TV.]
RITES AND CEREMONIES.
279
than the rest. (10) The Oriental Christians kept the memorial of the Sa-
viour's birth and of his baptism, on one and the same day, namely the sixth
day of January; and this day they called Epiphany. (11) But the occi-
dental Christians seem always to have consecrated the 25th of December
to the memory of the Saviour's birth. For what is reported of the Ro-
man pontiff Julian I. that he transferred the memorial of Christ's birth
from the 6th of January to the 25th of December,(12) appears to me very
(10) Gothofred, Notes on the Codex The-
odos., torn, i., p. 143.
(11) See Beausobre, Histoire du Maniche-
isme, torn, ii., p. 693, &c.
(12) See Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth.
Orient. Clement. Vaticana, torn, ii., p. 164.
Alph. du Vtgnoles, Dissert, in the Biblioth.
German., torn, ii., p. 29. [Additional re-
marks on the origin of the festivals. — The
first Christians, being chiefly Jews who were
accustomed to assemble at Jerusalem on the
great festivals, found it advantageous after
their conversion to continue to meet in that
city on the two great feasts of the Passover
and Pentecost. While thus assembled at
Jerusalem, they would naturally recognise
with thrilling emotions the recurring anni-
versaries of their Lord's crucifixion, resur-
rection from the dead, ascension to heaven,
and sending down the H. Spirit upon them
on the day of Pentecost. All these days
occurred during the Jewish feasts of the
Passover and Pentecost, or in the interval
between them ; and they answer to the fes-
tivals of Good Friday, Easter Sunday, As-
cension Day, and Whitsuntide. These four
days having been observed from the earliest
times with peculiar interest, were at length
considered as Christian festivals which apos-
tolic usage had introduced, and they were
accordingly sanctioned by the authority of
general councils. And St. Augustine (Ep.
54, al. 118, c. i.) mentions them as the only
festivals which were regarded, in his times,
as having such an origin and such a sanction.
He admits, indeed, that the Christians of his
age observed also Christmas or the day of
Christ's nativity as a festival, but he consid-
ers it as of later origin, and less sacred than
the four above mentioned. (Augustine, Ep.
55, al. 119, c. i.) As Augustine represents
Christmas as neither derived from apostolic
usage nor sanctioned by any general council,
Adr. Battlet very candidly says, (Vies des
Saints, t. iii., p. 298), there can be no rea-
sonable doubt, that it had its rise after the
council i>f Nice. Such a conclusion is the
more probable from the omission of the An-
tenicene fathers to speak of any such festival
in the church, and from their great indiffer-
ence about ascertaining the day of the Sa-
viour's birth. The following passage from
Clemens Alex., (Stromata, 1. i., p. 340, al.
249), is almost the only genuine passage of
an Anteniccne writer, which can be suppo-
sed to allude at all to such a festival ; and
as it states the different conjectures in that
age respecting the day of Christ's birth, and
manifests the indifference with which even
the learned treated the subject, the passage
is worth repeating entire. Clement had just
given a list of all the Roman emperors till
the death of Commodus, A.D. 192, and had
stated in what years of certain emperors the
Saviour was either born, or baptized, or cru-
cified. He then says : " There are some
who over curiously (irepiepyorepov) assign
not only the year, but also the day of our
Saviour's nativity, which they say was in the
28th year of Augustus, on the (25th of Pa-
chon) 20/A of May. And the followers of
Basilides observe also the day of his baptism
as a festival, spending the whole previous
night in reading ; and they say, it was in the
15th year of Tiberius Cssar, on the (15th of
Tybi) I Oth of January ; but some say it
was on the (llth) 6th of that month. Among
those who nicely calculate the time of his
passion, some say it was in the 16th year of
Tiberius Caesar, the (25th of Phamenoth)
22d of March; others say, the (25th of
Pharmuthi) 21st of April ; and others, that
it was on the (19th of Pharmuthi) 15th of
April, that the Saviour suffered. Nay, some
of them say that he was born in (Pharmuthi)
April, the (24th or 25th) 20/A or 2lst day."
— -After the establishment of Christianity by
Constantine, and among the new institutions
which were intended for the benefit of the
church, we seem authorized to place the
commemoration of Christ's advent. This the
Oriental Christians generally assigned to the
6th of January, on which day they supposed
both the birth and the baptism of Christ oc-
curred, and in reference to both they called
it Epiphany. But the western Christians
observed the 25th of December as their festi-
val of the nativity. According to an epistle
of John, abp. of Nice, (in the Auctar. Bibl.
Pair., ed. Combefis, t. ii., p. 297), and an
anonymous writer cited by Cotelerius, (ad
Constitut. Apostol., v., 13), it was Julian I.
(bp. of Rome A.D. 337-352) who first as-
certained this to be the right day : and
though this authority is not the best, yet it
is generally admitted that the designation of
280
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
questionable. The unlucky success of the age in finding the dead bodies
of certain holy men. increased immensely the commemoration of martyrs.
Devout men would have readily consented to the multiplication of festivals,
if the time that Christians consumed in them had been employed to ad-
vance them in true holiness. But the majority spent the time rather in
idleness, and dissipation, and other vices, than in the worship of God. It
is well known, among other things, what opportunities of sinning were of-
fered to the licentious by the Vigils, as they were called, of Easter and
Whitsuntide, [or the nocturnal meetings, held on the nights preceding the
Paschal and Pentecostal festivals.]
§ 6. It was believed that nothing scarcely was more effectual, to repel
the assaults of evil spirits and to placate the Deity, than fasting. Hence
it is easy to discover, why the rulers of the church ordained fasts by ex-
press laws, and commanded as a necessary duty, what was before leil at
discretion. The Quadragesimal [or Lent] fast, as it was called, was con-
sidered more sacred than all the rest ; though it was not as yet fixed to a
determinate number of days. (13) But it should be remembered, that the
the 25th of December for the festival, was of the follies and censurable practices which
first made about the middle of the fourth
century. Afterwards the Oriental churches
gradually came into the Roman custom, and
most of them before the end of the century.
And on the other hand, the western church-
es adopted the Oriental Epiphany, on the
6th of January, as the proper festival of
Christ's baptism. The motives which led
the western churches to place the festival of
the nativity on the 25th of December, are
not clearly ascertained. Some among the
Catholics, (e. g., John Harduin), and many
among the Protestants, (e g., Hospinian, Ja-
blonski, Eisenschmid, Gieseler, &c.), think
that day was chosen, because it was the day
on which the Romans celebrated their festi-
val of natalis soils invicti, or of the sun's
passing the southern solstice and beginning
to return northward — a fit emblem of the ap-
proach of the Sun of Righteousness to mor-
tals ; (see the orations of Augustine and
Chrysostom on the nativity of Christ) : and
because the establishment of a Christian fes-
tival of several days, at that season of the
year, might supplant the Saturnalia and oth-
er corrupting festivals of the pagans. But
other reasons may be stated. As the true
day of the nativity was then unknown, and
as divers hypothetical arguments were ad-
vanced which led to different conclusions,
there were doubtless many persons in that
age, as there are in this, who believed that
the 25th of December was the most probable
day. And all might have felt it desirable, to
have a Christian festival at some other sea-
son of the year, than the 50 or 60 days next
after the vernal equinox, into which all the
older festivals were clustered. — From the
first institution of this festival, the western
nations seem to have transferred to it many
prevailed in the pagan festivals of the same
season, such as adorning the churches fan-
tastically, mingling puppet-shows and dramas
with worship, universal feasting and merri-
making, Christmas visits and salutations,
Christmas presents and jocularity, and
Christmas revelry and drunkenness. For
from the days of Augustine and Chrysostom
down to our own times, we find many de-
vout persons deprecating the heathenish
manner in which the festival was kept, and
labouring to give it a more Christian charac-
ter. The Christmas holydays, — which by a
law of Theodosius the Gr., (emperor A.D.
383-395), were to comprise 14 days, or the
seven days before Christmas and the seven
days after, (Codex Justinian., lib. iii., tit. xii.,
leg 2), — have borne so close a resemblance,
wherever they have been observed, to the
Roman Saturnalia, Sigillaria, &c., and to
the Juel feast of the ancient Goths, as to af-
ford strong presumption of an unhappy alli-
ance between them from the first. — (See
Air. Ba.il/et, Vies des Saints, Dec. 25, torn,
iii., p. 295, &c. G. B. Eisenschmid, Ges-
chichte der Sonn-und Festage, Lips., 1793,
p. 99, &c. R. Hospinian, de Orig. Festor.
Christ., ed. 1684, p. 168, &c. A. Neander,
Kirchengesch., vol. i.. pt. ii., p. 527, &c., and
his Chrysostomus und dessen Zeitalter, vol.
i., p. 236, &c , 259, &c., 288, &c. M.
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. x., p. 349,
&c. J. Bingham, Origines Ecclesiast.,
book xx., ch. iv.) — Tr.]
(13) Joh. Daille, de Jejuniis et Quadra-
gesima, lib. iv. [The Quadragesimal fast
was at first of only 40 hours ; afterwards, it
was extended to several days, and even
weeks ; and at last settled at 36 days. In
the Oriental churches, Lent commenced with
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 281
fasts of this age differed much from those observed by Christians in
preceding ages. Anciently, those who undertook to observe a fast, ab-
stained altogether from food and drink ; in this age, many deemed it suf-
ficient merely to omit the use of flesh and wine :(14) and this sentiment
afterwards became universal among the Latins.
§ 7. For the more convenient administration of baptism, sacred fonts
or baptisteria(l5) were erected in the porches of the temples. This sa-
cred rite was always administered, except in cases of necessity when the
rule was dispensed with, on the vigils of Easter and Whitsuntide, accom-
panied with lighted wax candles, and by the bishop, or by the presbyters
whom the bp. commissioned for that purpose. In some places, salt, a
symbol of purity and wisdom, was put into the mouth of the baptized ;
and everywhere, a double anointing was used, the first before and the other
after the baptism. After being baptized, the persons appeared clad in
white gowns during seven days. The other rites, which were either of
temporary duration, or confined to certain countries, are here omitted.
§ 8. The instruction and discipline of the catechumens were the same
in this century as the preceding. That the Lord's Supper was adminis-
tered twice or three times a week, (though in some places only on Sunday),
to all who assembled for the worship of God, appears from innumerable
testimonies. It was also administered at the sepulchres of the martyrs,
and at funerals ; whence arose, afterwards, the masses in honour of the
saints, and for the dead. The bread and wine were now everywhere ele-
vated, before distribution, so that they might be seen by the people, and be
viewed with reverence ; and hence arose, not long after, the adoration of
the symbols. Neither catechumens, nor penitents, nor those who were sup-
posed to be under the power of evil spirits, were allowed to be present at
this sacred ordinance ; nor did the sacred orators, in their public discour-
ses, venture to speak openly and plainly concerning the true nature of it.
The origin of this custom was not very honourable, as has been stated be-
fore ; yet many offer an honourable excuse for it, by saying, that this con-
cealment might awaken eagerness in the catechumens to penetrate early
into these mysteries
the seventh week before Easter, because (14) See Joh. Barbeyrac, de la Morale
two days in each week they suspended the des Peres, p. 250, &c.
fast; but in the western churches, it com- (15) [The Baptisteries were properly
menced with the sixth week, because they buildings adjacent to the churches, in which
fasted on the Sundays. Finally, Gregory the the catechumens were instructed, and where
Great, in the sixth century, or as others say, were a sort of cisterns, into which water was
Gregory II. in the eighth century, added let at the time of baptism, and in which the
four days more to this fast, so as to make it candidates were baptized by immersion. See
full 40 days. In the fourth century, however, Banmparten's Erlauterung der christlichen
the Lent fast was in a degree optional ; and Alterthiimer, p 388. — Schl. See also Rob.
the people were exhorted with entreaties to Robertson's History of Baptism, ch. 12, p.
its observance. See Rauntpartcn's Erlaut. 67-73, ed. Benedict, 1817.— Tr.}
der christ. Alterthiimer, p. 329, &c. — Schl.]
VOL. I.— N N
282 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF THE HERESIES.
$ 1. Remains of the former Sects. — § 2, 3. Origin of the Donatist Controversy. — $ 4.
History of the Donatists. — § 5, 6. Origin of the Circumcelliones. — § 7. State of the
Donatists under the Emperors Julian and Gratian. — § 8. Their principal Crime. — § 9.
The Doctrine of this Age concerning the sacred Trinity. — $ 10. The Rise of Arianism.
— $ 11. Its Progress. — $ 12. The Nicene Council. — $ 13. History of Arianism after
that Council, — $ 14. under the Sons of Constantine, — $ 15. under Julian, Jovian, &c.
— $ 16. Sects among the Arians. — § 17. Heresy of Apollinaris. — $ 18. Marcelius of
Ancyra. — $ 19. Heresy of Photinus. — $ 20. That of Macedonius. The Council of Con-
stantinople.— $ 21, 22. The Prise ill ianists. — § 23. The minor Sects. Audaeus. —
§ 24, 25. Messalians, or Euchites.
§ 1. THE seeds and remains of those sects which were conspicuous in
the preceding centuries, continued in this, especially in the East ; nor did
they cease to make some proselytes, notwithstanding the absurdity of their
opinions. The Manichaean sect beyond others, and by its very turpitude,
ensnared many ; and often, persons of good talents also, as appears by the
example of Augustine. This wide-spreading pestilence, the most respect-
able doctors of the age, and among them Augustine when recovered from
his infatuation, made efforts to arrest ; some indeed with more learning
and discrimination, and others with less, but none of them without some
success. But the disease could not be wholly extirpated, either by books
or by severe laws,(l) but after remaining latent for a time, and when most
people supposed it extinct, it would break out again with greater violence.
For the Manichaeans, to avoid the severity of the laws, assumed successively
various names, as Encratitcs, Apotactics, Saccophori, Hydroparastites, Sol-
iiaries, &c., and under these names, they often lay concealed for a time ;
but not long, for the vigilance of their enemies would find them out. (2)
§ 2. But the state had little to fear from these people, whose energies
were gradually impaired and oppressed in the Roman empire by penal
laws and persecutions. A much more threatening storm arose in Africa,
which though small in its commencement, kept both the church and the
state in commotion for more than a century. Mensurius the bishop of
Carthage in Africa dying in the year 311, the majority of the people and of
the clergy elected Ccecilian the archdeacon to the vacant chair ; and he was
(1) See in the Codex Thcodosianus, torn, merated by Dr. Walr.h, in his Historie der
vi., pt. i., ed. Ritter, various and peculiarly Ketzereyen, vol. i., p. 808, &c. — SrM.]
severe laws of the emperors against the Ma- (2) See the law of Theodosius, in the Co-
nichaeans. In the year 372, Valentinian dex Theodos., torn, vi., p. 134, 136-138. —
senior forbid their holding meetings, and laid [The popular names assumed by the Mani-
their preachers under heavy penalties, p. 126. chaeans, were, kyKparlTat, Continents, from
In the year 381, Theodosius the Great pro- their condemning marriage ; UTTOTUKTIKOI, set
nounced them infamous, and deprived them apart or consecrated to God ; aaicKoQopoi,
of all the rights of citizens, p. 133. See wearers of sackcloth ; v6poTrapa.fu.Tai, pre-
other laws even more severe than these, p. senters of water, from their using water only
137, 138, 170, &c. [The writers who con- in the eucharist ; and Solilarii, Solitaries or
futed the Manichaeans, are very fully enu- monks. — Tr.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 283
consecrated immediately, without waiting for the bishops of Numidia, by the
bishops of Africa [Proper, or the province of which Carthage was the capi-
tal]. The Numidian bishops, who according to custom should have been
present at the consecration, were highly offended at being excluded from the
ceremony ; and therefore, having assembled at Carthage, they summoned
Cacilian to appear before them. The feelings of these excited bishops were
still more inflamed, by the efforts of certain presbyters of Carthage, especially
of Botrus and Celesius the competitors of Ccecilian ; and by an opulent lady
named Lucf/la, who was unfriendly to Cacilian (by whom she had been
reproved for her superstition) and who distributed large sums of money
among those Numidians that they might vigorously oppose the new bishop.
When therefore Cacilum refused to appear before the tribunal of these
bishops, they, seventy in number, and headed by Secundus bishop of Tigi.
sis, with the approbation of a considerable part of the clergy and people of
Carthage, pronounced Ca>ci.Uan unworthy of his office, and created Majo-
rinus his deacon bishop of Carthage. Hence the Carthaginian church was
divided into two factions, headed by the two bishops Ccecilian and Majo-
rinus.
§ 3. The Numidians stated two grounds of their sentence against Cat.
cilian. (I.) That the principal bishop concerned in his consecration, Fe-
lix of Aptunga, was a traditor ; that is, that during the persecution of Di-
ocletian he had delivered up the sacred books to the magistrates to be
burned, and therefore that he was an apostate from Christ, and of course
could not impart the Holy Ghost to the new-made bishop. (II.) That
CcRciUan himself when a deacon had been hard-hearted and cruel to the
witnesses for Christ, or the martyrs, during the Diocletian persecution, and
had forbidden food to be carried to them in prison. To these two causes
they added the contumacy of Ccecilian, who being summoned to a trial be-
fore them refused to appear. Among these Numidian bishops, no one was
more ardent and violent than Donatus the bishop of Casae Nigrae, whence,
as most writers suppose, the whole party opposed to C&cilian were from
him called Donatists ; though there are those who think the name was de-
rived from another Donatus, whom the Donatists called the Great. (3) In
a very short lime this controversy was diffused over the whole not only of
Numidia but even of Africa, and most of the cities had two bishops, one ta-
king sides with Caecilian and the other with Majorinus.
§ 4. The Donatists having brought this controversy before Constantinc
the Great in the year 313, the emperor committed the examination of it to
Melchiades the Roman bishop, with whom as assessors he joined three
(3) In the Donatist contests, two persons ceived several names. In the commence-
of the name of Donatus distinguished them- ment of the schism, they were called (pars
selves ; the one was a Numidian. and bishop Majorini) the Party of Mojnrinus. After-
of Casae Niprae ; the other was the second wards they were called Donattan» and Do-
leader of the Donatists, succeeded Majnrinut natistt ; though they would not allow of this
as bishop of Carthage, and on account of his name, which was given them by the orthodox,
learning and virtues was honoured by his Finally they were called (Montenses) Mount-
partisans with the title of the (irftit. The aineert, (a name which they bore only it
learned have raised the question, from which Rome, and either because they held their
of these men did the Donatists derive their meetings in a mountain or because they re-
name 1 Arguments of about equal strength sembled the Mrmtanistt), also Camjntae,
may be adduced on both side? of this unim- and Rtipitac [or Kupilani, because they »t-
portant question. I should think the name sembled on the plaint and among the clefts
was derived from both. [The Donatists re- of the >oc**.]— Schl.]
284 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
bishops from Gaul. In this court Cacilian was acquitted of the charges
alleged against him ; but the allegations against Felix of Aptunga who had
consecrated him, were not examined. The emperor therefore, in the year
314, committed the cause of Felix to the separate examination of Aelian
his proconsul for Africa, by whom Felix was pronounced innocent. But
the Donatists raised many exceptions against the decisions of Melchiades
and Aelian, and especially they objected to the small number of bishops
who were joined with Melchiades as judges. They said, a formal decision
of seventy venerable bishops of Numidia, ought undoubtedly to have far
more weight than a decree of nineteen bishops — the number present at
Rome(4) — and they but partially acquainted with African affairs. To
quiet these murmurs the emperor, in the year 314, appointed a much larger
tribunal to meet at Aries, composed of bishops from the provinces of
Italy, Gaul, Germany, and Spain. Here again the Donatists lost their
cause, and appealed to a trial before the emperor himself. He did not re-
ject the appeal, but in the year 316 examined the cause at Milan, the par-
ties being present before him. His decision also was against the Dona-
tists ;(5) and this contumacious party now cast reproaches on the emperor
himself; and complained that Hosius the bishop of Corduba, who was the
friend both of the emperor and of Ccecilian, had corrupted the mind of the
former to give an unrighteous decision. This moved the emperor's indig-
nation ; and he now (in the year 316) ordered their temples to be taken
from them in Africa, and the seditious bishops to be banished, and some of
them also — perhaps for the licentiousness of their tongues and pens — to be
put to death. Hence arose violent commotions and tumults in Africa, for
the Donatist party was very numerous and powerful ; and the emperor in
vain strove to allay these tumults by his envoys.
§ 5. It was unquestionably amid these terrible commotions, that those
called Circumcelliones(6) first originated ; a furious, headlong, sanguinary
(4) [" The emperor, in his letters to Mel- peace the bishop of Rome did nothing, and
chiades, named no more than three prelates, the emperor everything. In the numerous
yiz., Maternus, Rketicius, and Marinus, transactions the bishop Melchiades appears
bishops of Cologne, Autun, and Aries, to sit only once, and then not as supreme head of
with him as judges of this controversy ; but the church, but merely as the emperor's corn-
afterwards he ordered seven more to be added missioner charged with the execution of his
to the number, and as many as could soon commands. No papal ordinance, no appeal
and conveniently assemble ; so that they to the court of Rome, no dernier decision is
were at last nineteen in all." — Mncl.~\ conceivable here. Of course the ecclesias-
(5) No proofs could be more clear than tical law of Africa in that age had no article
those afforded by this whole controversy, of respecting the authority of the pope. On
the emperor's supreme power in matters of the contrary, from the commencement till
religion. Indeed, no person in those times the final subjugation of the Donatists, we
thought of a single supreme judge over the everywhere meet with the emperor, imperial
whole church appointed by Chn.it himself, trials, imperial commissioners, imperial laws,
The conventions at Rome and Aries arc com- imperial punishments, imperial executive of-
monly called councils; but whoever views ficers, all in full operation " — Schl.]
them impartially will perceive that they were (6) [They were called Cirr.umceltiones (va-
not properly councils, but rather courts held grants), or by contraction Circellrones, from
by special judges appointed by the emperor, the (cel/ae) cottages of the peasants around
or to speak in the language of modern times, which they hovered, without having any fixed
High Commissions. [To this opinion Dr. residence. They styled themselves Agonis-
Walch subscribes, in his Historic der Ket- lid (combatants), pretending that they were
zereyen, vol. iv., p. 343, &c., where he says : combating and vanquishing the devil. Dr.
" The whole history speaks out plainly, that Walch, loc. cit., p. 157, thinks it cannot be
in settling this controversy and restoring proved that the Circumcclliones appeared on
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 285
set, composed of the peasantry and rustic populace, who espousing the
cause of the Donatists defended it by the force of arms, and roaming
through the province of Africa filled it with slaughter, rapine and burn-
ings, and committed the most atrocious crimes against the adverse party.
This mad throng, which disregarded death and every evil, nay, faced death
when there was occasion with the greatest alacrity, brought extreme odium
upon the Donatists : and yet it does not appear from any unexceptionable
documents, that the Donatist bishops, and especially those possessed of any
measure of good sense and religion, approved or instigated their pro-
ceedings. The storm continuing to increase and seeming to threaten a
civil war, Constantine after attempting a reconciliation without effect, at
the suggestion of the prefects of Africa, repealed the laws against the
Donatists, [A.D. 321], and gave the African people full liberty to follow
either of the contending parties at their own option. [The Donatists
soon became very numerous throughout Africa. In sOme places they out-
numbered the Catholics. In the year 330, one of their councils consisted
of no less than 270 bishops. See Augustine, Ep. 93.]
§ 6. After the death of Constantine the Great, his son Constans, to
whom the African provinces were assigned, in the year 348, sent into
Africa Macarius and Paulus as his lieutenants, to heal this deplorable
schism, and to persuade the Donatists to a reconciliation with the orthodox.
But the chief Donatist bishop Donatus, whom his sect denominated the
Great, strenuously opposed a reconciliation ; and the other bishops fol-
lowed his example. The Circumcelliones still contended furiously, with
slaughter and war, in support of the party whose interest they espoused.
After Macarius had vanquished these in battle at Bagnia [or Bagaja], he
no longer recommended, but commanded peace and reconciliation. A few
Donatists obeyed ; the majority either fled or were sent into banishment,
and among them Donatus the Great ; but many suffered the severest pun-
ishments. In this persecution of the Donatists, which lasted thirteen years,
many things were done, as the Catholics themselves concede,(7) which no
upright, impartial, and humane person can easily say were righteous and
just. And hence the numerous complaints made by the Donatists of the
cruelty of their adversaries. (8)
§ 7. Julian on his accession to the government of the empire in the
year 362, permitted the Donatists to return to their country and to enjoy
their former liberty. After their return, they in a short time drew the
greater part of Africa into their communion. (9) Grratian enacted indeed
the stage before the time of Constans. — all of it cannot by any means be approved
Schl.] or justified.
(7) I will here give a quotation from Op- (8) See the Collatio Carthagin. diei ter-
talus of Melevi, whom none will refuse as a tiae, $ 2n8, at the end of Optaius, p. 315.
witness in this case, (de Schismate Dona- (9) [When the Donatists returned by the
tistor., lib. iii., () 1, p. 51, ed. Du Pin), permission of Julian, they demanded of the
" AbOpcrariisunitatis" (the imperial legates orthodox the restoration of their churches.
Macarius and Paulus) " multa quidem as- And as the latter were not willing to giver
pere gesta sunt. — Fugerur.t omnes Episcopi them up, and as little could be expected from
cum clericis suis, ahqui sunt mortui : qui the civil authorities, the Donatists felt justi-
forfiorcs fuerunt, capti et longe relegati fied n relying upon their own resource*,
sunt." Through this whole book, Optatus The most unhappy proceedings ensued,
is at much pains to apologize for this severi- which have brought lasting disgrace upon the
ty, the blame of which he casts upon the Donatists. Bloodshed, merciless denial of
Donatists. Yet he docs not dissemble, that the necessaries of life, violatiou »f females,
286 BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V,
some laws against them, and especially in 377 commanded all their
temples to be taken from them, and all their assemblies even in the fields
and private houses to be broken up. (10) But the fury of the Circumcel-
liones who were the soldiery of the Donatists, and the fear of producing
intestine war, undoubtedly prevented the vigorous execution of these laws :
for it appears that in the conclusion of this century the Donatist commu-
nity was so extensive in Africa as to have more than 400 bishops. As
the century drew to a close however, two things impaired not a little the
energies of this very flourishing community. The one was a great schism
in it, occasioned by one Maximinus ;(11) which afforded the Catholics great
advantage in opposing the Donatists. The other was the zeal of Augustine,
who was first a presbyter and then bishop of Hippo. For he assailed them
most vigorously in sermons, in conferences, by his advice, by his admoni-
tions, and his activity in conventions ; and being very ardent and en-
ergetic, he roused against them not only Africa but all Christendom, as
well as the imperial court. (12)
§ 8. That the Donatists were sound in doctrine, their adversaries ad-
mit ; nor were their lives censurable, if we except the enormities of the
Circumcelliones which were detested by the greatest part of the Donatists.
Their fault was, that they regarded the African church as having fallen
from the rank and the privileges of a true church, and as being destitute
of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, in consequence of its adherence to Ccecilian,
notwithstanding his offences and those of his consecrator, Felix of Ap-
tunga ; and all other churches also which united and communed with that
of Africa, they looked upon as defiled and polluted ; and believed that
themselves alone, on account of the sanctity of their bishops, merited the
name of the true, pure, and holy church ; and in consequence of these
opinions, they avoided all communion with other churches in order to
escape defilement. This error led them to maintain, that the sacred rites
and administrations of the Christians who disagreed with them were des-
titute of all efficacy, and not only to rebaptize those who came over to
them from other societies, but either to exclude from the sacred office or
to reordain those ministers of religion who joined their community. This
schismatic pestilence scarcely extended beyond Africa ; for the few small
in a word, the worst excesses of an oppressed (12) [A full catalogue of the writings of
party, which after long-continued sufferings Augustine against the Donatists, is given by
felt itself authorized to take unsparing re- Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iv.,
venge, attended the restoration of the Dona- p. 254, &c., and of his other efforts against
lists ; and by craft and violence their con- them, an account is given, ibid., p. 181, &c.
gregations were enlarged. The orthodox We will make here the single remark, that
made resistance, and would not tamely suffer it was during these contests Augustine first
abuse. And hence arose those tumultuous exhibited in his writings that horrid princi-
scenes, which the magistrates reported to pie, that heretics are to be punished with
the court ; and very probably, had Julian temporal punishments and death ; — a prin-
lived a little longer, persecuting laws would ciple wholly inconsistent with Christianity,
have been issued by the government. See and one which in after ages served as an
Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. excuse il>r inhuman cruelties. Only read
iv., p. 175. — Schl.] Augustine's 48th Epistle, ad Vincent., and
(10) [Codex Theodos., 1. ii., ne sanct. his 50th, ad Bonifac., and several others;
Bapt. iteretur. — Schl.] and you will there meet with all the plausi-
(11) [On this schism among the Dona- ble arguments, which the spirit of persecu-
tists, and others of less magnitude, see Dr. tion in after ages so dressed up — to the dis-
Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iv., p. grace of Christianity — as to blind the eyes
258-267.— Schl.} of kings.— Schl.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. . 287
congregations which they formed in Spain and Italy had no permanence,
and were soon broken up.(13)
§ 9, Not long after the commencement of the Donatist controversy, or
in the year 317, another storm of greater consequence and more perni-
cious, arose in Egypt, and spread its ravages over the whole Christian
world. The ground of this contest was, the doctrine of three persons in
the Godhead ; a doctrine which, during the three preceding centuries, had
not been in all respects defined. It had indeed often been decided, in op-
position to the Sabellians and others, that there is a real difference between
the Father and the Son, and also between them and the Holy Spirit, or as
we commonly express it, that there are three distinct persons in the God-
head. But the mutual relations of these persons, and the nature of the
difference between them, had not been a subject of dispute, and therefore
nothing had been decreed by the church on these points. Much less was
there any prescribed phraseology, which it was necessary to use when
speaking on this mystery. The doctors therefore explained this subject in
different ways, or gave various representations of the difference between
the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, without offence being taken. The ma-
jority in Egypt and the neighbouring countries, had on this subject as well
as others, followed the opinions of Origen, who taught that the Son is in
God, what reason is in man, and that the Holy Spirit is nothing else but
the divine energy or power of acting and working ; which opinion, if it be
not cautiously stated, may lead among other difficulties to the subversion
of any real distinction between the divine persons, or in other words to
Sabellianism.
§ 10. Alexander the bishop of Alexandria, — it is uncertain on what oc-
casion,— expressed himself very freely on this subject in a meeting of his
presbyters ; and maintained among other things, that the Son possesses
not only the same dignity as the Father, but also the same essence. (14)
But Arius, one of the presbyters, a man of acuteness and fluency, influ-
enced perhaps and actuated by ill-will towards his bishop, (15) at first de-
(13) A more full account of the Donatists (14) See Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. i.,
is given by Hen. Valesiu.i, Diss. de schis- c. 5. Theodoret, Hist. Ecdes., 1. i., c. 2.
mate Donatistarum, which is subjoined to (15) [A historian should be cautious of
his edition of Eusebius' Historia Ecclesias- judging of the motives of human actions ;
tica : — by Tho. Ittig, Historia Donatismi, in for there are cases, in which a man's mo-
an appendix to his book de Hsresibus aevi tives are discernible only to the eye of Om-
Apostolici, p. 241, — by Hr.rm. Wttsins, niscience. The present is such a case.
Miscellaneor. sacror. torn, i., lib. iv., p. 742, Here we can express only a dubious ''per-
— by Hen. Noris, Historia Donatiana, a haps," when we impartially survey the
posthumous work, which the brothers Bal- sources of the history of Arius We com-
lerini enlarged and published, Opp., torn, iv., monly read, it is true, that ambition led
p. xlv., &c., — and by Tho Long, History Arius to contradict his bishop, having been
of the Donatists, Lond., 1677, 8vo. The his rival when the see was vacant. But
narrative we have given above, is derived this cannot be proved by credible testimony :
from the original sources ; and if our life is and his opposers, Alexander and Alhanagitu,
spared, it will in due time be corroborated who would surely have used this fact to his
by a statement of the requisite testimonies, disadvantage if it had been known to them,
[What chancellor Mosheim was prevented observe a profound silence on the subject.
from fulfilling by his death, his successor in On the contrary, Philostorgius relates,
the professorial chair of church history, Dr. (Hist. Eccles., \. i , c. 3), that Ariujt,
Walch, has now accomplished, to the satis- when the votes of the electors were very
faction of all the friends of this branch of favourable to himself, modestly directed the
knowledge, in the fourth volume of his His- choice on Alexander. Philostorgms, it must
tone der Ketzereyen, p. 1-354. — Schl.] be owned, was an Anan in sentiment, and
288
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
nied the truth of Alexander's positions, on the ground that they were al-
lied to the Sabellian errors which were condemned by the church, and then
going to the opposite extreme, he maintained that the Son is totally and
essentially distinct from the Father ; that he was only the first and noblest
of those created beings whom God the Father formed out of nothing, and
the instrument which the Father used in creating this material universe,
and therefore, that he was inferior to the Father both in nature and in dig-
nity.(16) What were his views of the Holy Spirit, is not equally mani-
his testimony is of no great weight. But
the direct contrary to what he states, is not
capable of proof. The motives therefore,
which actuated Arius in opposing his bishop,
must be regarded as dubious. Probably
something of human infirmity was found on
both sides. The conduct of Arius in the
contest itself, betrays pride, a conceit of
learning, and a contentious disposition. On
the other hand, the Arians complain that
Alexander was actuated by envy and per-
sonal hatred of Arius, because the great
popularity of Arius had excited his jealousy.
See Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen,
vol. ii., p. 395, &c.— Schl.]
(16) [Both Alexander and Arius have left
•us statements, each of his own doctrinal
views, and also of what he understood to be
the sentiments of his antagonist. The state-
ments are in their private letters, written
after long and public discussions at Alexan-
dria, and when Arius and his friend? were
castoutof the church. The letter of Alexan-
der is addressed to his namesake, Alexander
of Byzantium, since Constantinople ; and
that of Arius is to his friend Eusebius of
Nicomedia. Both are preserved by Thcod-
oret, Hist. Eccles., I. i., c. 4, 5. It may
gratify the reader who has not access to the
original, to peruse the following extracts,
containing the grand points as originally
contested in the great Arian controversy
and in the language of the first combatants.
— Alexander states that Arius and his ad-
herents, denying the divinity of cur Sav-
iour, pronounced him rolr nuaiv laov etvai
on a level with all other creatures. He says
that they held, there was a time when the
Son of God was not ; and he who once hail
no existence, afterwards did exist ; and from
that time was, what every man naturally is :
for (say they) God made all things of no-
thing, including the Son of God in this cre-
ation of all things both rational and irra-
tional : and of course, pronouncing him to
be of a changeable nature, and capable of
virtue and of sin. — The doctrine just risen
up in opposition to the piety of th-e church,
is thai of Ebion and Arlcmas, and is an im-
itation of that of Paul of Samosata. Alex-
ander then gives his own views, as fellows :
We believe, as t'te Apostolic church docs, in
the only unbcgotten Father, who derived his
existence from no one, and is immutable and
unalterable, always the same and uniform,
unsusceptible of increase or diminution ; the
giver of the law and the prophets and the
gospels ; Lord of the patriarchs and apostles
and of all saints : and in one Lord, Jesus
Christ, the only begotten Son of God, not
begotten from nothing, but from the living
Father ; and not after the manner of ma-
terial bodies, by separations and effluxes of
parts, as Sabcllius and VaJ.entinian suppo-
sed ; but in an inexplicable and indescribable
manner, agreeably to the declaration before
quoted : Who shall declare his generation 1
For his existence (imo^aaif) is inscrutable
to all mortal beings, just as the Father is
inscrutable; because created intelligences
are incapable of understanding this divine
generation from the Father. — No one know-
eth what the Father is, but the Son ; and no
one knowcth what the Son is, but the Father.
— He is unchangeable, as much as the Fa-
ther ; lacks nothing ; is the perfect Son, and
the absolute likeness of the Father, save only
that he is not unbcgotten. — Therefore to the
unbcgotten Father, his proper dignity (OIKSLOV
u^iuua) must be preserved. And to the Son
also suitable honour must be given, by as-
cribing to him an eternal generation (dvap%ov
•ysvvnaiv) from the Father. Such is the
statement of Alexander. — The letter of Arius
is as follows : To his very dear lord, that
man of God, the faithful, orthodox Eusebius ;
Arius, who is unjustly persecuted by the bp.
Alexander, on account of that all-conquering
truth which thou also dcfendcst, greeting in
the Lord. As my father Ammonius is going
to Nicomedia, it seemed proper for me to ad-
dress you by him, and to acquaint the native
love and- affection which you exercise towards
the brethren for God and his Christ's sake,
that the bishop greatly oppresses and perse-
cutes us, putting everything -in motion
against us ; and so as to drive us out of the
city, as if we were atheists ; because we do
not agree with him, publicly asserting that
God always was, and the Son always was ;
that he was always the Father, always the
Son; that the Son was OF God himself;
and. that because your brother Eusebius of
Casarca, and Thcodotus, and Paulinus, and
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
289
fest. That his views of the Son of God were combined with some other
opinions differing from the common sentiments of Christians, cannot be
doubted :(17) but no one of the ancients has left us a connected and sys-
tematic account of the religion professed by Arius and his associates. (18)
§ 11. The opinions of Arius were no sooner divulged, than they found
very many abettors, and among them men of distinguished talents and rank,
both in Egypt and the neighbouring provinces. Alexander on the other
hand accused Arius of blasphemy, before two councils assembled at Alex-
andria, and cast him out of the church. (19) He was not discouraged by
Atlianasius, and Gregory, and Aetius, and and the way in which sinners are saved, that
all they of the East, say that God was be-
fore the Son, and without beginning, they
are accursed ; except only Phtlogonius, and
Hellanicus, and Macarius, unlearned and
heretical men, who say of the Son, one of
them, that he is an eructation ; another, that
he is an emission; and another, that he is
equally unbegotten ; which impieties we could
not even hear, though the heretics should
threaten us with a thousand deaths. As to
what we say and believe, we have taught, and
still teach, that the Son is not unbegotten,
nor a portion of the unbegotten, in any man-
ner : nor was he formed out of any subja-
cent matter, but that in will and purpose, he
existed before all times and before all worlds,
perfect God (ir^prif $eof ) the only-begotten,
unchangeable ; and that before he was be-
gotten, or created, or purposed, or established,
he was not ; for he was never unbegotten.
We are persecuted, because we say, the Son
had a beginning, but God was without begin-
ning. We arc also persecuted, because we
say, that he is from nothing (ef «« OVTUV
t?iv) ; and this we say, in as much as he is
not a portion of God, nor formed from any
subjacent matter. Therefore we are persecu-
ted. The rest you knmr. I bid you adieu in
the Lord. — According to these statements,
both the Arians and the orthodox considered
the Son of God and Saviour of the world, as
a derived existence, and as generated by the
Father. But they differed on two points.
I. The orthodox believed his generation was
from eternity, so that he was coeval with
the Father. But the Arians believed, there
was a time when the Son was not. II. The
orthodox believed the Son to be derived of
and from the Father ; so that he was ououoioc.
of the same essence with the father. But
the Arians believed, that he was formed out
of nothing r? «/c OVTUV hvat, by the creative
power of God. Both, however, agreed in
calling him God, and in ascribing to him di-
vine perfections. As to his offices, or his
being the Saviour of sinful men, it does not
appear that they differed materially in their
views. (See page 290, note 21.) Indeed
so imperfect and fluctuating were the views
of that age respecting the offices of Christ
VOL. I.— O o
he was, for aught they could see, an equally
competent Saviour, whether he were a finite
creature, or the infinite and all-perfect God.
Hence both the Arians and the orthodox then
embraced the same system of theology in
substance ; and the chief importance, in a
theological view, of their controversy re-
specting the Sonship of Christ, related to
the assigning him that rank in the universe
which properly belonged to him. — TV.]
(17) [This conjecture of Dr. Mosheim,
(which his former translator has swelled into
a strong affirmation), appears to be gratui-
tous. See the preceding note. — Tr.]
(18) The history of the Arian contests is
to be drawn from Eusebius, de Vita Con-
stantini Magni ; from various tracts of Atha-
nasius, Opp., torn. i. ; from the Eccles.
Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theod-
orct ; from Epiphanius, Hseres. Ixix. ; and
from other writers of this and the following
century. But among all these, there is not
one whom we may justly pronounce free
from partiality. And the Arian history still
needs a writer of integrity, and void alike of
hatred and love. There were faults on both
sides ; but those who hitherto have described
this controversy, could discover the faults
of only one of the parties. [This has now
ceased to be absolutely true ; since Dr.
Walch, in the 2d vol. of his Hist, der Ketzer-
eyen, p. 385-700, has so treated the history
of Arius and his followers, that a man must
himself be in the highest degree partial, if he
can deny the honour of impartiality to Dr.
Walch. — Schl.] It is a common opinion,
that Arius was too much attached to the
sentiments of Plato and Origen. See Dion.
Petavius, Dogmat. Theol., torn, ii., 1. i., c.
8, p. 38. But those who think so, are cer-
tainly in an error. For Origrn and Plato
differ widely from Arius ; on the contrary, it
cannot well be doubted, that Alexander, the
opposer of Arius, in his explanation of the
doctrine of three persons in one God, close-
ly followed the footsteps of Origen. See
Ralph Cudworth's Intellectual System, vol.
i., p. 676, &c.
(19) [Alexander first employed milder
measures ; for he sent a letter, which was
290
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
this disgrace, but retiring to Palestine he wrote various letters to men
of distinction, in which he laboured to demonstrate the truth of his doc-
trines, and with so much success that he drew over immense numbers to
his side, and in particular Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, who was a man
of vast influence. (20) The emperor Constantine, who considered the dis-
cussion as relating to a matter of little importance and remote from the
fundamentals of religion, at first addressed the disputants by letter, admon-
ishing them to desist from contention.(21) But when he found that no-
subscribed by the clergy of Alexandria, to
Arius and the other clergymen united with
him, warning them to abandon their error.
(Athanasius, Opp., torn, i., pt. i.. p. 396.)
When this measure failed, he brought the
subject before the bishops of his party. He
first held a council at Alexandria (A. D. 321),
composed of Egyptian and Libyan bishops ;
and then another assembly, composed only
of the presbyters and deacons of the city of
Alexandria and the province of Mareotis.
The first was properly a council ; the other
was not. And hence it is, that some histo-
rians speak of but one council of Alexandria.
See Dr. Walctis Historic der Kirchenver-
sammlungen, p. 140, and his Historic der
Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 424, &c. — Schl.']
(20) [These bishops held a council in Bi-
thynia, probably at Nicomedia. in which 250
bishops are reported to have been present.
Of their acts and decisions we know nothing
more, than that they sent letters to all the
bishops of Christendom, entreating them not
to exclude the friends of Arius from their
communion, and requesting them to inter-
cede with Alexander that he would not do
so. — " This first Arian council is either
wholly overlooked by modern writers, or is
confounded with that of Antioch in the year
330. Sozomen gives account of it, Hist.
Eccles., 1. i., c. 15. See Nicetas, in Bibli-
oth. Max. Pair., torn, xxv., p. 151, and
Ceiller's Histoire des Auteurs, tome in., p.
566." Thus C. W. F. Walch, Historic der
Kirchenversamml., p. 142. But Dr. Walch
mistakes in saying that this council is over-
looked by modern writers. It is mentioned
by Maimbourg, Le Clerc, Du Pin, Fleury,
Cave, Whitby, and Tillemont.— TV.]
(2 1 ) [ Constantine not only wrote a letter
in the year 324, but he sent with it as his
envoy, the famous Hosius bishop of Cordu-
ba. What part the envoy acted, is unknown ;
but the letter is extant, fully, in Eusebius, de
Vita Constantini M., lib. ii., c. 64-72, and
with some curtailment, in Socrates, Hist.
Eccles., 1. i., c. 7. The most important part
of this singular document, which however
shows the feelings of one more solicitous for
the great cause of our common Christianity,
than for absolute perfection in speculative
theology, is as follows.
" I learn then, that the origin of the pres-
ent controversy was thus. Whereas you,
Alexander, inquired of the presbyters, what
each believed on one of the subjects con-
tained in the law, or rather on a point of a
vain controversy ; and whereas you, Arius,
inconsiderately advanced what ought not to
have entered your mind, or if it did, should
have been smothered in silence ; hereupon
dissension arose between you, communion
has heen denied, and the most holy people
being split into two parties, the harmony of
the whole body is destroyed. Wherefore,
mutually forgiving one another, follow ye the
counsel here fitly offered you by your fellow-
worshipper [of the true God.] And what is
it 1 It is, that it was unsuitable, at first, to put
a question on such subjects ; and when it was
put, it was unsuitable to answer it. For such
questions, being required by no law, but
prompted by the contentiousness of unprofita-
ble leisure, — though they may be proposed for
the exercise of our natural powers, — ought
to be kept to ourselves, and not rashly to
be brought before public meetings, nor be
inconsiderately trusted to the ears of the
people. For, how few are there that can
accurately comprehend and suitably explain
the nature of so great and so exceedingly
difficult subjects 1 Yet if any one thinks
he could easily do this, how large a part of
the people will he persuade to think so 1 or
who can urge the critical examination of
such questions, without hazarding a fall 1
Wherefore prating on such subjects is to be
restrained ; lest, either from the imbecility
of our natures we should be unable to explain
the subject proposed, or from the dulness of
apprehension in our hearers they should not
be able to comprehend exactly what is
spoken ; and lest, from one or the other of
these causes, the people should incur the dan-
ger either of blasphemy or schism. There-
fore let an unwise question in the one, and
an inconsiderate answer in the other of you,
mutually pardon each other. For the con-
troversy between yon, is not about the chief
of the precepts of our law (the holy scrip-
ture) ; nor have you introduced any new
heresy relating to practical religion ; but
you both have one and the same views, so that
you may easily come together in the bonds
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
291
thing was effected by this measure, and that greater commotion was daily
rising throughout the empire, he in the year 325 summoned that famous
council of the whole church, which met at Nice in Bithynia, to put an end
to this controversy. In this council, after various altercations and con-
flicts of the bishops, the doctrine of Arius was condemned, Christ was pro-
nounced to be (6/zo«(T£oc) of the same essence with the Father, Arius was
sent into exile in Illyricum, and his followers were compelled to assent to
a creed or confession of faith, composed by the council. (22)
of fellowship. While you thus contend consent on this very unwise and undefinable
question. For the high privileges of com-
munion may be preserved to you unimpaired,
and the same fellowship may be kept up
among you all, though there may be among
you partial disagreement about some trivial
point. For we do not all choose alike, nor is
there one and the same disposition and judg-
ment in us all. Therefore concerning the di-
vine providence, let there be one faiih, one
understanding, and one covenant with God.
But as for those trivial questions, which ye
so elaborately discuss, though you should
not think exactly alike, it is fit that the fact
remain within your own cogitations, and be
kept as a secret in your own breast. Let
the privileges of mutual friendship, and the
belief of the truth, and the precious worship
you
about little and exceedingly unimportant
points (inrep fiinpuv KUI faav fXajjfwv), it
is not suitable for so numerous a body of
God's people to be under your guidance, on
account of your dissension ; indeed, it is not
only unsuitable, but it is believed to be ab-
solutely unlawful. That I may admonish
your sagacity, by a smaller instance, I will
say ; all those philosophers who profess one
system of doctrine, you know, very often
differ on some part of their positions. But
though they disagree in the perfection of
their knowledge, yet on account of their
union as to the system of their doctrine, they
come together again harmoniously. Now if
they do so, how much more reasonable is it
for you, the appointed ministers of the great
_________________ , ________ , ________ ______ r
God, to be of one heart in the profession of of God, and the observance of his law, re-
the same religion. Let us look more atlen- main unimpaired among you. Return again
lively and closely into what is now advanced.
7s it right, on account of the little vain dis-
putes about words among you, for brethren
to array themselves against brethren, and
the precious assembly to be rent asunder by
the ungodly strife of you who thus contend
about trifles of no consequence 1 (inrep ju-
Kpuv KTU /cat [tr/da/ius dvaynaiuv ; ) This
is vulgar and despicable : it is more befitting
the folly of children, than the discretion of
priests and wise men. Let us spontaneously
depart from the temptations of the devil.
Our great God, the common preserver of us
all, hath extended to all the common light ;
and allow me his servant, under his provi-
dence, to bring my efforts to a successful
issue, that by my admonitions, diligence, and
earnest exhortations, I may bring his people
to have fellowship in their meeting togeth-
er. For since, as I said, ye both have one
faith (jiia rif tfiv Vfj.iv irifif), and one and
the same understanding of our religion (/ecu
filav T7/f nod" T)HU$ uipeaeuf avveaiv) ; and
since the requirement of the law, in its va-
rious parts, binds all to one consent and pur-
pose of mind ; and as this thing, which has
produced a little strife among you, does not
extend to the power and efficacy of the whole
gospel, (fii) irpof rrrv r« iravrof dovapiv
avt'jKci), let it not at all produce separations
and commotions among you. And these
things I say, not to compel you to a perfect
to mutual friendship and charity ; give to all
the people their proper embraces ; and,
having purified as it were your ewn minds,
do ye again recognise each other : for friend-
ship, when it returns to a reconciliation,
after ill-will is laid aside, often becomes
more sweet than before. And restore to me
also serene days, and nights void of care ;
so that there may be in reserve for me the
enjoyment of the pure light, and the pleas-
ures of a quiet life. If this fail, I must un-
avoidably sigh and be bathed in tears, and
spend the residue of my days unquietly.
For while the people of God, my fellow-wor-
shippers, are so rent asunder by unreasonable
and hurtful contentions, how can my mind be
at ease and my thoughts at rest!" — Tr.]
(22) This creed is illustrated from ancient
records, in a learned work on the subject, by
Joh. Christ. Suicer, Utrecht, 1718, 4to.
[The creed used in the Catholic, Lutheran,
and English churches, and called the Nicene
creed, is in reality the creed set forth by the
council of Constantinople in the year 381.
It is considerably more full than the original
Nicene creed ; which is here subjoined, to-
gether with a translation. T\.i?i-voptv kif
Iva •&EOV irarepa travTOKpdropa, irdvruv
6pUT(JV T£ Kdl aOpUTUV TTOUJT^V. Kttt tlf
h>a iciipiov '\na6v Xpifbv, rov iitov TU deu,
ra irarpof (lovoytvfi, rttriftv,
ifftof T* Trarpdf, tisov tit dti, fuf
293
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 12. No part of church history perhaps, has acquired more celebrity,
than this assembly of bishops at Nice to settle the affairs of the church ;
and yet, strange as it may appear, scarcely any part of ecclesiastical history
has been investigated and explained more negligently.(23) The ancient
writers are not agreed as to the time and year, nor the place, nor the num.
ber of the judges, nor the president of this council, nor as to many other
particulars. (24) No written journal of the proceedings of this venerable
on most of these points. There is scarcely
a dissenting voice as to the year, which was
A.D. 325 ; though there is a disagreement
as to the month when the council first met,
namely, whether it was the 13th of the
Kalends of June or July, that is, the 20th
of May or the 19th of June. All agree that
the council closed on the emperors Vicen-
nalia, in July of that year. As to the place,
there is overwhelming proof that it was the
central hall or building in the imperial palace
at Nice in Bithynia ; which the emperor
caused to be fitted up especially for the pur-
pose. Some moderns however maintain,
that this hall must have been a church ; be-
cause they cannot believe, so holy a body
would assemble any where except in a
church duly consecrated. As to the num-
ber of members of which the council was
composed, Eusebius indeed, (de Vita Con-
stantini, iii.,c. 8), says "they exceeded 250
bishops." But the MS. here is believed
to be corrupted ; for Socrates, (Hist. Ec-
cles., i., c. 8), expressly quoting this pas-
sage of Eusebius, says " they exceeded
three hundred bishops." There is satisfac-
tory proof that there were 318 members of
the council, besides a vast number of clergy-
men and others who attended from curiosity
or for their own improvement in knowledge.
The ancient writers make no mention what-
ever of any president or scribe of the coun-
cil. They represent the council as assem-
bling, and the emperor as entering, advan-
cing to the upper end of the hall, and upon a
signal from the bishops, taking his seat,
which was a golden chair ; after which the
whole council was seated, several of the
principal bishops on the right and left of the
emperor, and the main body of them arranged
on the two sides of the hall. Before this
formal opening of the council, there were
several rencounters of the bishops of differ-
ent parties, and also of members of the
council with the philosophers and others
who were assembled in the city. Of these
private contests, pompous accounts are left
us by Gelasius and others. But when the
council assembled in form, they did no busi-
ness but remained silent, till the emperor
carne in. He was then addressed either by
Eustathius of Antioch, or by Eusebius of
Csesarea, or by both, in short complimentary
ivra « rroirj'&EVTa, buo&oiov TU Trarpl,
6i' 6 TU Ttdvra EJEVETO, TU, re ev TU apavy
Kai ra ev r?/ yy, rbv dC TJUU^ r«f dvi?p(jTT8f
teal 6ia TTJV j]jj,ET£pav vuTTjpiav /care/l$6vra
Kai oapKudevTa, kvavdpuirrjaavTa, ira&ovTa
xal avafdvTa r-y rpirri tj/j.epa, uveTi.'&ovTa eif
sf Kai £pxbfj.£vov Kplvat fuvraf Kai
Kai «f TO ayiov miEv/ia. T»f <3e
c, on f/v TTOTE ore «« TJV, Kai irplv
ai «K Jjv, Kai on et; «/c OVTUV
rj e£ irspaf VTro^dcnof fj saiac,
^xiffKOVTEf hvai, rj KTI^OV TpenTov tj aAAoi-
UTOV rbv vibv TU $es, ava&EuaTi&i ff
KaduhiKri EKK^naia. See Walch, Biblioth.
Symbol. Vetus, p. 75, 76. Translation :
We believe in one God, the Father, al-
mighty, the maker of all things visible and
invisible : and in one Lord, Jesus Christ,
the Son of God, begotten of the Father,
only-begotten, (that is), of the substance of
the Father ; God of God, Light of Light,
very God of very God ; begotten not made ;
of the same substance with the Father ; by
whom all things were made, that are in
heaven and that are in earth : who for us
men, and for our salvation, descended, and
was incarnate, and became man ; suffered,
and rose again the third day, ascended into
the heavens ; and will come to judge the
living and the dead : and in the Holy Spirit.
But those who say, that there was a time
when he was not, and that he was not, be-
fore he was begotten, and that he was made
out of nothing, or affirm that he is of any
other substance or essence, or that the Son
of God is created, and mutable or changea-
ble, the Catholic church doth pronounce ac-
cursed.— Tr.]
(23) See Tho. Ittig, Historia Concilii
Niceni, published after his death, [Lips.,
1712, 4to.] Jo. h Clerc, Bibliotheque his-
torique et universelle, tome x., p. 421, and
tome xxii., p. 291. Is. de Beausobre, His-
toire de Manichee et de Manicheisme, tome
i., p. 520, &c. The accounts left us by
the Orientals of this council, are contained
in Euscb. Rcnaudot, Historia Patriarchar.
Alexandrinor., p. 69, &c. [To the prece-
ding works, may be added Chr. W. Fr.
WalMs Historic der Kirchenversammlun-
gen, p. 144-158.— Sckl.]
(24) [Yet there is not great disagreement
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
293
tribunal was kept ; at least none has reached us. (25) How many and
what canons or ecclesiastical laws, were enacted, is not agreed on by the
Oriental and the occidental Christians. The latter tell us they were only
twenty in number ; but the Orientals make them far more numerous. (26)
speeches; after which, he himself harangued the general approbation of the council, was
the council ; and having thrown into the fire,
unread, all the private petitions and com-
plaints which had been previously handed
him, he bid them proceed to business. A free
discussion now ensued ; but it would seem,
without the formalities observed in modern
deliberative assemblies. Individuals of dif-
ferent sentiments offered their opinions ; and
the emperor heard, remarked, commended,
or disapproved, and so influenced the whole
proceedings as to bring about a good degree
of unanimity. Yet he did not act the dictator
or judge, but left the bishops to decide all
committed to writing, and confirmed by the
subscription of each member." Whence
Valesius infers, that nothing was committed
to writing by the council, except the results
to which they came, and which they individ-
ually subscribed, namely, the creed, the can-
ons, and the synodic epistle, which was ad-
dressed to the church of Alexandria and the
brethren in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.
He therefore supposes, the council kept no
Journal or had no written Ada, Concilii, in
the technical sense of the phrase. And in-
deed, we have no intimation that they kept
the questions respecting faith and discipline, any journal of their proceedings, or had any
uncontrolled : for he regarded them as the r\mnor ^,-iVio nf /»•>,, >i/-;i iX/v.of oro /><aii<Ji
divinely constituted judges of such matters.
He only wished them to come to some agree-
ment ; which as soon as they had done, he
regarded their decision as final, and as obli-
gatory on himself as well as all others. How
many sessions were held, we are not told.
But after all the business was finished, on
the 24th of July, when the emperor entered
on the 20th year of his reign, he celebrated
his Vicennalia with the council, in a splendid
banquet in his own palace. On that occa-
sion, Euscbius of Cassarea delivered an ora-
tion in praise of Constantine, which is lost.
After the feast, the bishops were dismissed
with presents and exhortations to peace and
love. They returned, as they came, by the
public conveyances, having been supported
by the emperor from the time they left their
homes. See Eusebius, de Vita Constantini,
1. iii., c. 6-22. Socrates, Hist. Eccles., i.,
8-11. Sozomcn, H. E., i., 17-25. The-
odoret, H. E., i., 7, 9, 10, 12. Rufinus,
H. E., lib. i. Gelasius Cyzicenus, Com-
ment, de Synodo Nicseno, libri iii., in Har-
duin's Concilia, torn i., p. 345, &c. Acta
Concilii Nicaeni, in Combejis' Auctarium
Bibliolh. Patr., torn, ii , p. 573. Renaudot,
Historia Patriarch. Alexandria, p. 69, &c. ;
various Treatises in the first volume of the
works of Athanasius, especially his Epistola
di- N'icasnis Decretis ; and several detached
passages in Epiphanius, contra Hareses, lib.
iii. These are the only authentic sources
for the history of this council. — TV.]
(25) See Henry Valesius, Note on Eu-
aeb., de Vita Constantini M., lib. iii., c. 14.
Maruthas, a Syrian, wrote a history of this
council ; but it is lost. See Jos. Sim. As-
teman, Biblioth. Oriental. Clement. Vatic.,
torn, i., p. 195, &c. [Eusebius, in the pas-
sage just referred to, says : " What met
proper scribe of council. What are called
the Acta Concilii, as given us by Gelasiut
and others, are an account of various discus-
sions between individual members of the
council and certain philosophers or sophists,
together with the creed, the canons, the syn-
odic letter, several epistles of the emperor,
one of Eusebius to his church of Caesarea,
and various extracts from ancient authors. —
7V.]
(26) Thorn. Ittig, Supplem. Opp. Cle-
mentis Alex., p. 191. Jos. Sim. Asseman,
Biblioth. Orient. Clement. Vatic., torn, i.,
p. 22, 195, &.c. Euseb. Renaudot, Histo-
ria Patriarchar. Alexandrinor, p. 71, and
many others. [The 20 Nicene canons, and
those only, were received by the ancient
church. Some attempts indeed were made
by the bishops of Rome, in the fifth century,
to make certain canons of the council of Sar-
dica pass for canons of the council of Nice.
On that occasion the African bishops resist-
ed, and sent to the patriarchs of Alexandria,
Antioch, and Constantinople, for complete
copies of all the Nicene canons which they
knew of. The returns showed that these 20
canons, and these only, were then recognised
in the Greek church. See the acts of the
6th council of Carthage, A.D. 419. Theod-
oret also, (H. E., i., 8), and Gelasius Cyzic-
enus, (lib. ii., c. 31), expressly affirm, that
the number of the Nicene canons was 20.
But in the 16th century, an Arabic copy of
80 canons, including these 20, was brought
from Alexandria to Rome, and soon after-
wards translated and published. At first
there was some doubt ; but in a short time
all the learned were fully satisfied, that the
additional CO canons were not of Nicene ori-
gin, though now regarded as such by most of
the eastern sects. See Natahs Alexander,
Hist. Eccles., cent, iv., dissert, xvui., vol.
294
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
From the canons universally received and from the other monuments of
the council, it appears, not only that Arius was condemned by this coun-
cil, but that other things were decreed, with a view to settle the affairs of
the church. In particular, the controversy respecting the time of celebra-
ting Easter, which had long perplexed Christians, was terminated ; the
Novatian disturbance, respecting the readmission of the lapsed to commu-
nion, was composed ; the Meletian schism, with its causes, was censured ;
the jurisdiction of the greater bishops was defined ; and several other mat-
ters of a like nature determined.(27) But while the prelates were eager
vii., p. 501-511, ed. Paris, 1742, 4to.—
These 20 canons, (or 22, as some divide
them), are extant in Beveridge's Pandect.
Canon., torn, i., p. 58, &c., and in all the lar-
ger collections of councils. — The substance
of them is as follows : The 1st canon for-
bids the admission of voluntary or self-made
eunuchs to the sacred ministry. The 2d for-
bids the hasty ordination of new converts to
Christianity ; agreeably to 1 Tim. iii., 6,
Not a novice, &c. The 3d forbids clergy-
men of all ranks, from having subinduced
females or housekeepers ; except only their
nearest blood relations. The 4//i directs that
ordinations be generally performed by all
the bishops of a province ; and never by less
than three "bishops ; and requires the con-
firmation of the metropolitan, in all cases.
The 5th requires that an excommunication
either of a clergyman or a layman by the
sentence of a single bishop, shall be valid
every where, till it is examined and judged
of by a provincial council ; and requires such
a council to be held, for this and other ob-
jects of general interest, twice a year, once
in the autumn and once a little before Eas-
ter. The 6th secures to the patriarch of Al-
exandria all the rights which he claimed by
ancient usage, over the bishops and churches
of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis ; also to
the patriarchs of Rome and Antioch, their
prerogatives ; and gives to metropolitans,
generally, a negative on all elections to the
episcopal office within their respective prov-
inces. The 7th gives to the bishop of Aelia
(or Jerusalem) the rank of a metropolitan ;
but without depriving Caesarea, the ancient
metropolis, of its dignity. The Btk permits
Novatian bishops and clergymen to return
to the church and retain their rank and offi-
ces, on their assenting to the rules of the
church respecting second marriages and
communion with the lapsed. The 9th and
10th require that presbyters, who before their
ordination had lapsed or had committed any
other offence which was a canonical disqual-
ification for the sacred office, be deprived of
their office as soon as the disqualification is
ascertained. The 11/A requires the lapsed
during the late persecution under Licinius,
first, to do penance three years without the
doors of the church ; secondly, six years in
the porch among the catechumens ; and
thirdly, to be allowed to witness but not
join in the celebration of the eucharist for
two years more. The 12th requires flagrant
apostates to go through the same course ;
but they must spend ten years in the second
stage. Yet the bishops are to exercise dis-
cretionary power in regard to the length of
time. The 13th allows the sacrament to be
given to any penitent who seems to be dying ;
but if he recovers, he is to rank only with
the penitents in the third stage. — By the
14/A, lapsed catechumens are to spend three
years in the first stage, or among those who
worship without the doors of the church.
By the 15^ h, the translation of bishops, pres-
byters, and deacons from one church to an-
other, is forbidden. By the 16th, presbyters
or deacons, forsaking their own church and
going over to others, are to be denied com-
munion and be sent back : bishops also are
forbidden to ordain the subjects of other
bishops, without their consent. The 17th
requires the deposition of all clergymen who
loan money or goods on interest. By the
18^, deacons are forbidden to present the
bread and wine to the presbyters or to par-
take themselves, before the bishop ; or to sit
among the presbyters. By the 19lh, the fol-
lowers of Paul of Samosata, on returning to
the church are to be rebaptized ; and to be
reordained before they can officiate as cler-
gymen. The 20<A disapproves of kneeling
at prayers on the Lord's day, and from Eas-
ter to Pentecost. — Tr.]
(27) [The synodic epistle, which is pre-
served by Socrates, H. E., i., 9, and by The-
odoret, H. E., i., 9, acquaints us with the
principal transactions of the council ; and
also shows the spirit of that venerable body.
It is as follows : " To the great and holy,
by the grace of God, the church of the
Alexandrians, and to the beloved brethren
of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, the bish-
ops assembled at Nice, and composing the
great and holy synod, send greeting in the
Lord.
" Forasmuch as, by the grace of God, the
most pious emperor Constantine having call-
ed us together from various cities and prov-
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
295
to correct the faults of others, they narrowly escaped falling into a great
one themselves. For they were on the point of imposing celibacy on
the clergy by an express law ; but they were prevented by Paphnutius,
who had himself lived all his days in celibacy. (28)
inces, a great and holy synod is assembled
at Nice ; it seemed altogether necessary that
an epistle be sent to you, in the name of the
sacred synod ; that you may have means of
knowing what things have been moved, and
examined, and what have been sanctioned.
First of all then, an inquiry was made in the
presence of the most pious emperor Constan-
tine, into the impiety and iniquity of Arius
and his associates ; and it was determined
by the voice of all, that his impious doctrine
is to be anathematized, as also the blasphe-
mous words and terms he used ; he having
blasphemously said, that the Son of God was
from nothing, and that there was a time
when he was not, and saying that the Son of
God, by the arbitrament of his will, is capa-
ble of either virtue or vice ; and pronouncing
him a creaJure and a work : all which the
holy synod hath anathematized, not enduring
so much as to hear this impious doctrine
or rather madness, and these blasphemous
words. What was the issue of the pro-
ceedings against him, ye have heard already,
or will hear ; lest we should seem to insult
over a man who has received the deserved
recompense of his wickedness. But his im-
piety prevailed so far as to involve in de-
struction with him Theonas of Marmarica,
and Secundus of Ptolemais ; for they receiv-
ed the same sentence. After the grace of
God had delivered us from that evil doctrine
and impiety and blasphemy, and from the
persons who dared to raise discord and di-
vision among a once peaceable people, there
yet remained the rashness of Mcletius and
of those ordained by him. And what the
synod decreed on this subject, beloved breth-
ren, we now inform you. It was determined
that Mcletius (whom the synod treated with
more lenity, for according to the strictness
of law he deserved no indulgence) should
remain in his own city ; but should have no
authority either to ordain, to nominate for
office, nor be seen in any other city or place
on such business, but should only possess
the naked title of honour. As for those
raised to office by him, after being confirmed
by a more solemn consecration, fellowship
is to be given them ; yet on the condition,
that they so hold their office and ministry,
as always to take rank after all in every par-
ish or church who were examined and or-
dained previously by our dearest colleague
Alexander ; and moreover thet they have no
authority to elect or to nominate such per-
sons as they like, or indeed to do any thing,
without the consent of some bishop of the
Catholic church who is Alexander's suffra-
gan. But those who, by the grace of God
and by your prayers, have never been found
in any schism but have remained blameless
in the Catholic church, shall have power to
nominate and elect such as are worthy of the
sacred office, and in general, -to do every
thing that accords with law and ecclesiasti-
cal usage. And if it happen that any of
those now [bishops] in the church should be
removed by death, then let those lately ad-
mitted be advanced to the honours of the de-
ceased ; provided always, that they appear
deserving, and the people choose them, and
that the bishop of Alexandria concur in the
election and confirm it. A nd this privilege is
conceded to all others ; but not so in regard
to Mcletius personally, to whom, on account
of his former irregularity and his headlong
rashness of temper, it is judged, no power or
authority should be given, he being capable
of again exciting the same disorders. And
these are the things which relate particularly
and especially to Egypt, and to the most
holy church of Alexandria. But if any other
canon or decree shall be made, as our lord
and most precious fellow minister and broth-
er is present with us, when he shall arrive
he will give you a more exact account, for
he will have been an actor and co-operator
in the things done. We also .announce to
you the harmony there is in regard to the
most holy paschal feast ; that this matter is
happily settled, through the assistance of your
prayers, so that all the brethren in the East,
who before kept the festival with the Jews,
will hereafter keep it in harmony with the
Romans, with us, and with all those who
from ancient times have kept it with us.
Therefore, rejoicing in the happy issue of
affairs and the peaceful harmony that exists,
and that all heresy is extirpated, do ye re-
ceive, with greater honour and more ardent
love, our fellow minister and your bishop,
Alexander, who has gladdened us with his
presence, encountering so great labour in
his advanced age, that peace 'might be re-
stored among you. And pray for us all, that
whatever has been well determined upon,
may remain steadfast, through our Lord Jesus
Christ, being done, as we trust, according
to the good pleasure of God the Father, in
the Holy Spirit : to whom be glory for ever
and ever. Amen." — TV.]
(28) Socrates, Hist. Eccles., lib. i., c.
1 1 . Compare Fran. Baldwin's Constantmua
296
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 13. But the passions of men were more efficient, than either the de-
crees of the Nicene council, or the authority of the emperor. For there
were those who, though they did not fall in with the doctrine of Arius, yet
were dissatisfied with some things in the decrees and the creed of the coun-
cil ;(29) and the Arians left no means untried, to free themselves from the
evils inflicted on them by those decrees. And the issue was agreeable to
their wishes. For in a few years after the Nicene council, an Arian pres-
byter, whom Constantia the emperor's sister at her death had recommend-
ed to the care of her brother, succeeded in persuading Constantine the
Great that Arius had been unjustly oppressed by his enemies. Accord-
ingly, in the year 330, the emperor recalled Arius from exile, rescind-
ed the decrees passed against his associates and friends, and permitted
Eusebius of Nicomedia, the principal supporter of Arius, and his powerful
faction now thirsting for revenge, to persecute the defenders of the Nicene
council.(30) They assailed no one more fiercely than Allianasius, the
Magnus, p. 76, and Gear. Calixtus, de con-
jugio Cleric., p. 170, &c.
(29) [The word 6//o«<nof (of the same es-
sence) was in particular, not agreeable to all.
At first seventeen bishops hesitated to sub-
scribe the creed and the condemnation of
Arius, because they wished to shun the ap-
pearance of favouring the Sabellian error ;
and they objected, that the word o/zoscuof
had been disapproved of in the time of Paul
of Samosata. (Socrates, H. E., i., c. 8, 23,
&c. Basil, Ep. 360.) And in fact, Paul
of Samosata had misused the' word 6/j.ouaioc.,
so as to controvert any other distinction be-
tween the Son or. Word and the Father, ex-
cept the difference of names, and of external
relations in reference to the divine manifes-
tation. And though it is not fully proved
that this term, in the Samosatian sense of it,
was rejected by a council at Antioch in the
year 269, (which decision at Antioch is pro-
nounced fabulous, by Dr. Feuerlein, in his
Dissert, on the question : Dei filium patri
esse ofjuouaiov antiqui ecclesiae doctores in
concilio Antiocheno utrum negaverintl Got-
ting., 1755) — yet it is certain, that the Arians
had before alleged this Antiochian decree,
and no one had charged them with mistake
in so doing. Nevertheless those who were
not pleased with the creed, were generally
brought to acquiesce in it ; partly by the
threats of the emperor to banish all who
would not subscribe, and partly by the ad-
vice of the princess Constantia. Only Ari-
us, with the bishops Thconas and Secun-
dus, persevered in a refusal. Yet some,
[namely, Eusebius of Nicomedia, and The-
ognis, bishop of Nice], subscribed only the
creed itself, and not also the anathema. —
(30) [So sudden a change was not to be ex-
pected. The council of Nice had taken ev-
ery precaution to prevent the further spread of
Arianism ; and its decrees had been approved
by other councils in distant provinces, and thus
had obtained the authority of decrees of the
whole church. The emperor had superad-
ded to the sentence of the bishops civil pen-
alties, appointing exile to recusants ; and had
condemned the writings of Arius to the
flames, and commanded them to be delivered
up on pain of death. [See the emperor's
letter to the bishops and people, in Socrates,
H. E., i., 9.] Thus the Arian party seemed
to be wholly suppressed. But it only seem-
ed to be so. Four years after, the atmo-
sphere about the court of Constantine at once
became clear and serene to the Arians ; and
the causes of so great a change are not well
known, for the history of Constantine here
has a chasm of three years. The princess
Constantia seems actually to have had a
band in this great revolution. The bishops
who were favourably disposed towards Ai-
us, had recommended themselves to her, by
yielding in the Nicene council, and subscri-
bing the creed, very much in compliance
with her recommendation. (Pfiilostorgius,
H. E., i., c. 9.) This attention shown her,
would naturally open a way for them to the
confidence of the princess. And therefore
the statement of Socrates (1. i., c. 25), and
Sozomen (1. iii., c. 19) is not improbable;
namely, that it was by her. and by an Arian
priest whom she at her death recommended
to him, that Constantine was brought to en-
tertain more favourable views of the Arians.
At the instigation of this priest, the emperor
despatched a gracious letter to Arius, bid-
ding him come to the court. Arms hasten-
ed to Constantinople with his friend Euzoi-
us, and was graciously heard by the emperor,
whom he satisfied as to his orthodoxy. At
the requisition of the emperor, they both
presented a confession of their faith, which
was so artfully drawn up as to conceal their
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
297
bishop of Alexandria. When he could in no way be brought to restore
Arius to his former honours and ecclesiastical standing, Athanasius was
first deprived of his office, in a council held at Tyre A.D. 335, and then
banished to Gaul ; while in the same year, by a numerous council held at
Jerusalem, Arius and his friends were solemnly admitted to the communion
of the church. But by none of these proceedings could the Alexandrians
be induced to receive Arius among their presbyters. Accordingly the
emperor called him to Constantinople in the year 336, and ordered Alex-
ander the bishop of that city, to open the doors of his church to him. But
before that could take place, Arius died at Constantinople in a tragical man-
ner.(31) And the emperor himself closed life shortly after.
real sentiments under orthodox phraseology.
In this way Arius obtained permission to
return to Alexandria. Antecedently to this,
Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, and Tkeog-
•MS bishop of Nice, had obtained complete
reinstatement in their offices ; and the for-
mer now commenced persecuting the ortho-
dox party, and especially Athanasivs. The
deposition of Athanasius was decreed by the
council of Tyre ; but his banishment was by
order of the emperor, before whom he was
accused of threatening to prevent the expor-
tation of grain from Egypt to Constantinople.
As Arms met with more opposition at Alex-
andria than he expected, and as his presence
there caused commotions which seemed al-
most to amount to an insurrection, he was
called back to Constantinople. Here he
had another hearing before the emperor, and
swore to a formula of faith presented by him-
self, which sounded very orthodox. The
emperor was so well satisfied by this exhi-
bition of Anus, that he sent for Alexander
the bishop of Constantinople, and earnestly
enjoined upon him to admit Arius the next
Sunday to his communion. The terrified
bishop retired to the church of St. Irene, and
there prayed that the calamity might be avert-
ed. On the day appointed, Anus, accom-
panied by Eusebius of Nicomedia and others
of his adherents, proceeded through the prin-
cipal streets of the city, in order to enter the
chuvh in triumph, and entertained his friends
with playful discourse. But as he passed
along, the calls of nature obliged him to step
aside. He entered one of the public offices
erected for such purposes, and left his ser-
vants waiting at the door ; and here he died
with a violent colic. See Dr. Walch's His-
torie der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 486, &c. —
Sehl.]
(31) Some of the moderns are disposed
to call in question this account of Arttuf
death ; but without good reason, since it is
attested by such unexceptionable witnesses
as Socrates, Sosomen, Athanasius, and oth-
ers. Yet the cause of his sudden and ex-
traordinary death — for the miserable man is
VOL. I.— P P
said to have discharged his own bowels — is
a subject of much controversy. The an-
cients, who tell us that God being moved
by the prayers of holy men miraculously
avenged the wickedness of the man, will
hardly find credit at this day among candid
persons well acquainted with Arian affairs.
When I consider all the circumstances of
the case, I confess that to me it appears
most probable, the unhappy man lost his life
by the machinations of his enemies, being
destroyed by poison. An indiscreet and
blind zeal in religion has, in every age, led
on to many crimes worse than this. [•' The
preceding account of Arius' death and of the
circumstances attending it, is given by Atha-
nasius, (Ep. ad Serapion de morte Arii, p,
522, &c., Opp., torn, ii., ed. Commelin), by
Socrates, (Hist. Eccles., 1. i., c. 37, 38),
Sosomen, (Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 29, 30),
by The.odorct, (Hist. Eccles., 1. i., c. 15),
and by several other writers of the fourth
century. The first in this list, and with him
most of the others, draw a frightful picture
of the manner of Arius1 death, making him
to have died by the falling out of all his
bowels. Most of them regard it as a mira-
cle, by which God punished him for his per-
jury, or hearkened to the prayers of bishop
Alexander, who with others returned thanks
to God for this deliverance. It is not
strange that some moderns have moved the
question, whether this whole narration, the
chief source of which is found in the wri-
tings of the most strenuous opposer of Arius,
and which respects a man then very much
hated, may not be a fabrication. Yet the
story is told with such uniformity as to the
principal facts, by those who differ in the
minor circumstances of it, and the spot where
he died was so generally pointed out even
in the fifth century, according to Socrates,
that we are not authorized to doubt the truth
of the general statement. Yet it can by no
means be proved, nor indeed be made to ap-
pear probable, that the sudden death of Ariu»
was miraculous, or a punishment inflicted
by God. Sozomen himself tells us, that
298
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 14. After the death of Constantine the Great, one of his sons, Constan-
tius the emperor of the East, with his wife and his court, was very partial
to the Arian cause ; but Constantine and Constans, in the western parts
where they governed, supported the decisions of the Nicene council. Hence
there were no bounds and no end to the broils, the tumults, the conspira-
cies, and the wrongs ; and councils were arrayed against councils by both
the contending parties. Constans died in the year 350 ; and two years
after, a great part of the West, particularly Italy and Rome, came under
the dominion of his brother Constantius; and this change was most disas-
trous for the friends of the Nicene council. For this emperor, being de-
voted to the Arians, involved them in numerous evils and calamities, and
by threats and punishments, compelled many of them, (and among others,
as is well attested, the Roman pontiff Liberius, A.D. 357), to apostatize to
that sect to which he was himself attached. (32) The Nicene party made
no hesitation to return the same treatment, as soon as time, place, and op-
portunity were afforded them. And the history of Christianity under Con-
stantius, presents the picture of a most stormy period, and of a war among
brethren, which was carried on without either religion, or justice, or hu-
manity.(33)
§ 15. On the death of Constantius, in the year 362, the prosperous days
of the Arians were at an end. Julian had no partiality for either, and
some at the time regarded it as the conse-
quence of a disease, which directly affected
the heart ; others believed, that his sudden
joy at finding his affairs issuing so happily,
brought on him this speedy death. Very
and others, that Liberius boldly resisted the
Arians, and was therefore banished to Be-
roea in Thrace ; that, at the end of two
years, his eagerness to return to his bishop-
ric led him to consent to the condemnation
much is requisite to justify the ascription of of Athanasius, and to subscribe the Arian
an event, which may be explained by natural
causes, to a supernatural cause, or to the
hand of God inflicting a divine punishment.
But under such circumstances, Christians
have in all ages been too ready to make up
creed set forth by the third council of Sir-
mium. This weakness in a Roman bishop
has furnished the Protestants with an argu-
ment against the Romish doctrine of papal
infallibility, which they have not failed to
such inconsiderate judgments. Besides, the urge successfully, and to the great annoy-
death of Arms is painted as being as extra- ance of the Catholics. See, among others,
ordinary as possible ; and it is not obscurely
compared, by Athanasius in particular, with
that of Judas the traitor ; and on the other
hand, the strange prayer of bishop Alexander
against him, is not only passed without cen-
sure, but is represented as being a holy
prayer which Heaven answered. The ad-
herents of Arius maintained, that his ene-
mies compassed his death by magical arts ;
and in very recent times, discerning writers
have conjectured that he was poisoned.
This however is merely a conjecture, and
one which is often made on occasion of the
sudden and unexpected death of persons who
had many or powerful enemies. Nothing
more, therefore, can be regarded as certain,
than that Anus died a sudden death, but
the cause of it is unknown." Translated
from Schroeckh, Kirchengeschichte, vol. v.,
p. 386, 387.— TV.]
Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. i., p. 136,
&c.— TV.]
(33) [The orthodox and the Arians were
constantly in the field, and they often came
to bloodshed. The imperial brothers fre-
quently patched up an external peace with
each other ; but the Christians, who from
the principles of their holy religion shfluld
have been united in the closest bonds of
brotherhood and in unbroken peace, were
engaged in unceasing war, during the reign
of these emperors. The victorious party
bore down upon the vanquished with false
accusations, banishments, deprivations of
office, anathemas of councils, artifice and
violence. For proof, the reader is referred
to Athanasius, Apolog. ad. Constant., p.
307, &c., and Historia Arianor. ad Monach.,
p. 373, &c., p. 393, &c. Sozomen, H. E.,
lib. iv., c. 9, 19. Socrates, H. E., lib. ii.,
(32) [It appears from the Letters of Li- c. 37, and the dark picture of the state of the
berius, which are still extant, and from the church, by Vincentius Lerinensis, in his
testimony of Hilary of Poictiers, Jerome, Commonit., c. 6. — Schl.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
299
therefore patronised neither the Arians nor the orthodox. (34) Jovian
[A.D. 363-364] espoused the orthodox sentiments ; and therefore all the
West, with no small part of the East, rejected Arian views, and reverted to
the doctrines of the Nicene council. (35) But the scene was changed under
the two brothers, Valentinian [in the West] and Valens [in the East], who
were advanced to the government of the empire in the year 364. Valen-
tinian adhered to the decisions at Nice ; and therefore, in the West, the
Arian sect, a few churches exceptcd, was wholly extirpated. Valens on
the contrary, took sides with the Arians ; and hence, in the eastern prov-
inces, many calamities befell the orthodox. (36) But when this emperor
had fallen in a war with the Goths, A.D. 378, Gratian [who succeeded Val-
entinian in the West in the year 376, and became master of the whole em-
pire in 378], restored peace to the orthodox.(37) After him Theodosius
the Gr., [A.D. 383-395], by depriving the Arians of all their churches, and
enacting severe laws against them,(38) caused the decisions of the Nicene
council to be everywhere triumphant ; and none could any longer publicly
profess Arian doctrines, except among the barbarous nations, the Goths,(39)
(34) [Julian, who wished to make him-
self popular, and to ruin the Christian church
by its internal contests, not only gave all
sects of Christians entire liberty of con-
science, but recalled all the banished. And
this was greatly for the advantage of the or-
thodox, especially in the West, where the
churches again recovered their bishops, and
such of them as had renounced orthodoxy
through fear, returned again to the profes-
sion of it. — SchL]
(35) [The Arians in the East, took great
pains to draw Jovian over to their side ; but
as these attempts proved fruitless, various
individuals of them, and in particular Aca-
cius, were induced to yield assent to the Ni-
cene creed. The Arians of Alexandria also,
in vain laboured to bring Atltanasius into
disgrace ; but he was in high favour, till the
emperor's death. — SchL]
(36) [The persecution of Valens extend-
ed not only to the orthodox, but also to the
Semiarians and other minor parties ; and
the Semiarians, after much negotiation, re-
sorted to the unexpected measure of sending
messengers to Rome, and by subscribing to
the Nicene creed, attempted to form a coali-
tion with the occidental Christians. But
this coalition was frustrated, partly by the
repugnance of some of the Semiarians to the
word 6fioaaiof. and partly by the exertions
of the powerful Arians at court, and a new
persecution ensued. The orthodox ventured
to make a representation to the emperor Va-
lens, and for this purpose sent a delegation
composed of 80 clergymen to the court at
Nicornedia. The emperor cruelly ordered
Mudesius the praetorian prefect, to put them
all to death, but without noise ; which he
accomplished by putting them on board a
vessel, and when at sea, causing the vessel
and all the unhappy men to be burnt. Such
cruelty, perhaps, is without a parallel among
the persecutions by the pagans. See Soc-
rates, H. E., iv., c. 15. Sozomen, H. E.,
vi., c. 13. Theodorct, H. E., iv., c. 21, and
Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. ii.,
p. 543, &c.— SchL]
(37) [ Gratian granted religious freedom
to all his subjects, in the commencement of
his reign, and excluded only the Manichae-
ans, the Photinians, and the Eunomians from
the liberty of holding assemblies for worship.
He also recalled all the bishops whom Va-
lens had banished. Some of the Semiarians
now again held their own synods, and re-
newed their confession of faith, that the Son
is of Like essence [oftotuotoc] w'ln tne Father,
in a council held at Antioch in Caria. On
the other hand, the orthodox again set up
public worship at Constantinople, and ob-
tained the zealous Gregory Nazianzen for
their bishop. Gratian, at length, forbid the
assemblies of the heretics, without distinc-
tion. Codex Theodos., 1. v., de Haeret.,
and the Notes of Gothofred, torn, vi., p. 12S.
Walch, Hist, der Ketzer., vol. ii., p. 547, &c.
— Schl.]
(38) See Codex Theodos., torn, vi., p. 5,
10, 130, 146, and Gothofred, Notes on these
laws. [See also Dr. Walch, Historic der
Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 549, &c. — SchL]
(39) [The Goths were entangled in the
Arian heresy on the following occasion.
Being driven by the Huns from their former
residence on the Tanais, they sent an em-
bassy to the emperor Valens, and obtained
liberty to plant themselves on the banks of
the Danube ; promising not only to serve
the Romans in their wars, but to embrace
300
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
the Vandals,(40) and the Burgundians.(41) That there were great faults
on both sides, in this long and violent contest, no candid person can deny ;
but which party was guilty of the greatest wrong, it is difficult to say. (42)
§ 16. The Arians would have done much more harm to the church, if
they had not become divided among themselves after the Nicene council,
and split into sects which could not endure each other. The ancients
enumerate as Arian sects, the Semiarians, the Euselians,(k$) the Aetians,
the Christian religion, as soon as teachers
should be sent among them. Ulphilas was
one of their ambassadors, who was himself
an Arian, and Valens also gave him only
Arian teachers for his assistants. It was
not strange, therefore, that the Arian doc-
trine obtained so great currency among this
people. The subsequent history of Arian-
ism among them, is related by Dr. Walch,
Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 553. —
SchL]
(40) [Neither the time nor the circum-
stances, in which this people embraced Chris-
tianity, can be ascertained. Only thus much
is certain, that they were in great measure
believers in Christianity before they came
into France ; (Salvianus, de Gubernatione
Dei, lib. vii., p. 845 and 228). And from a
passage in Jornandes, (de Rebus Geticis, c.
25), it is probable, that they got their first
knowledge of Christianity from their neigh-
bours the Goths, and according to the Arian
principles. They were persecutors of the
orthodox ; which can not be said of the
Goths. See Walch, Historie der Ketzere-
yen, vol. ii., p. 559, &c. — Sr.hL]
(41) [These first settled permanently in
Gaul, during the next century, and there they
first embraced the Christian religion, and ac-
cording to the orthodox system. (Orosius,
lib. viii., c. 32. Socrates, H. E., vii., 30,
and the history of the fifth century, infra, pt.
i., chap, i., § 4.) But their intercourse with
the neighbouring Arians, the West Goths,
infected them with the leaven of Arianism.
Yet under the successors of their king Gun-
debold, the orthodox doctrine again got the
upper hand ; and under the domination of
the Franks, the adherents to Arian princi-
ples were wholly rooted out. See Walch,
Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. ii., p. 564, &c.
(42) [The judgment pronounced by Dr.
Walch, in the 2d vol. of his Historie der
Ketzereyen, p. 698, is so sound and im-
partial, that I cannot refrain from inserting
it here without alteration. " The modern
Arians in England blacken the character of
Athanasius too much, in order to discredit
bis doctrine : other writers, too much pre-
possessed with the idea that a kalendar saint
must be an angel, represent this man and
his adherents as absolutely faultless. If we
would judge impartially, both parties were
chargeable with the dreadful consequences
of this contest. There was a total want of
moderation throughout ; every where the
mistaken notion reigned, that it is right to
exercise control over the consciences of oth-
ers ; every where private matters were treat-
ed as public affairs of the church ; every
where the authority of ecclesiastical councils
was misused ; and still more, that of civil
magistrates ; every where therefore, a per-
secuting spirit was cherished and maintain-
ed. In particular, we believe that these
faults commenced on the side of the ortho-
dox ; that other bishops too hastily became
linked in with [the Constantinopolitan] Al-
exander ; and that in the council of Sardica,
too little respect was paid to the wishes of
the Oriental bishops in respect to Athanasi-
us, which were that he might not sit and
vote in the council, because he was the ac-
cused person. But the Arians were guilty
of still greater offences. Arius was in fault
for so zealously endeavouring to create a
party ; but Eusebius of Nicomedia was, in
our opinion, the real firebrand, which set
the whole in a flame ; and the suspicion, that
pride and love of distinction led him to de-
fend Arius, and produced that obstinacy in
supporting the side he took, appears to us
well founded. In short — this history very
forcibly inculcates the necessity of uniting
true benevolence towards men, with our zeal
for the truth, and the avoiding of all person-
al animosities, by presenting to us so many
lamentable occurrences and so very unhap-
py consequences, arising from the neglect of
these Christian duties." Walch, ubi supra.
— Schl.J
(43) [These derived their name from two
bishops named Eusebius, the one of Caasa-
rea, and the father of church history, the
other of Nicomedia, and afterwards of Con-
stantinople, an intimate with Constantine
the Great. These belonged to the class of
Semiarians, called at this day Subordination-
ists, because they maintained a subordina-
tion among the persons of the Godhead.
Yet this name was applied to all who op-
posed the Nicene doctrine, and who disap-
proved either of the word 6fj.o6ai.of only, or
also the idea it was used for. — Schl.}
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
301
the Eunomians, the Acacians,(44) the Psaihyrians,(±b) and others. But
they may all be reduced to three classes. The first class embraces the
old and genuine Arians ; who, rejecting all new terms and modes of ex-
pression, taught explicitly, that the Son was not begotten by the Father, but
was created or formed out of nothing. (46) From these, on the one side, de-
viated the Semiarians ; and on the other, the Eunomians or Anomoeans, that
is, the disciples of the acute Eunomius, and of A'etius. The former class
maintained, that the Son of God was 6/wisatov, i. e., of like essence with
the Father ; yet not by nature, but only by grace. The leaders of this par-
ty were George of Laodiceh, and Basil of Ancyra.(47) The latter, who
were also called pure Arians, Aetians(4:8) and Exucontians,(4:9) contended,
(44) [These bore the name of Acacius, a
bishop of Caesarea and successor of Eusebius
Pamptnli. He allowed that the Son was like
the Father ; but only in respect to his will.
—Sc/it.]
(45) [This word imports pastry-cooks ;
because a person of this occupation, a Syr-
ian named Thcoktistus, was particularly zeal-
ous in defending one of the minor parties of
Arians in Constantinople, which maintained
that God the Father existed before the Son
had a being. — SM.]
(46) [Arms maintained that there were
three substances in God, namely, the Fa-
ther, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. The
first is the only eternal God. There is, ab-
solutely, none like him ; and his essence is
incomprehensible. He is called the Father,
in a sense corresponding with that in which
the Son is called the Son ; and as the latter
was not always the Son, so the former was
not always the Father. The second sub-
stance is the person, who in the scriptures is
denominated the Son, the Word, and the
Wisdom of God. He is absolutely a crea-
ture of God ; and one whom God created,
as he did the other creatures, immediately
from nothing. This creation of the Son,
the scriptures denominate a generation ; and
this creature is called the Son of God, in a
figurative sense of the word, because God
has adopted him. The terms Word and
Wisdom of God, are ambiguous ; for they
sometimes denote certain powers or attri-
butes of God, and sometimes a person,
namely, the Son. In the former accepta-
tion, they are inherent in God naturally, and
necessarily, but not so in the latter accepta-
tion. God, of his voluntary choice, pro-
duced this person, to be an instrument in
his hand in the creation of the world. The
Son therefore is, in his essence, totally dif-
ferent from the Father. As a rational crea-
ture, he possesses free will, is changeable,
and so might become either vicious or vir-
tuous ; though by his diligence and his long
practice, he has acquired permanent habits
of virtue. And God has chosen for his Son,
this most virtuous of all the created spirits.
Thus the Son, according to Anus1 views, is
not truly God, not eternal, not omnisciqpt.
Somethings are mysteries to his understand-
ing ; and he does not comprehend clearly
the essence of the Father, nor his own na-
ture. Yet God has graciously imparted to
him pre-eminent gifts. Thereby he has be-
come the Son of God ; nay, obtained for
himself the name of God ; though not in the
proper sense of the word. Such is Dr.
Watch's representation of the doctrine of
Arius, in his Historic der Ketzereyen, vol.
ii., p. 589, &c.—Schl.]
(47) See Prud. Maran, Dissert, sur lea
Semiarians ; which has been reprinted by
Joh. Voigt, in Biblioth. Haeresiolog., torn.
ii., p. 119, &c. [The Semiarians were also
called moderate Arians ; and likewise Eu-
sebians, because the Eusebiuscs, especially
the one of Caesarea, supported this party ;
and Homoeousians, from the word 6/j.oi8aiof,
which was, as it were, their symbol. — George
of Laodicea, was a native, of Alexandria, and
a very learned man. He had personal diffi-
culties with bishop Alexander, and obtained
the bishopric of Laodicea, through the Eu-
sebian party, to which he devoted himself.
Basil, bishop of Ancyra, had the reputatio-
of an upright and learned man, and was in
great favour with the emperor Constantius.
He can be taxed with no other fault, than
that of not tolerating the word opouaiof. He
drew on himself much persecution by his
zealous opposition to Photinus, and to the
genuine Arians ; and was deprived of his
office by the Acacians. — Schl.]
(48) [They had this name from their chief
person, A'etius of Antioch. This man ap-
plied himself to the sciences at Alexandria,
and acquainted himself with the medical art,
as well as with theology. As all his instruct
ors were of Arian sentiments, he also ap-
plied his talents and his dexterity in debate to
the vindication of the Arian doctrines. He
was made a deacon at Antioch ; but as the
Semiarians and the orthodox hated him, he
was deposed and banished, in the reign of
302
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
that Christ was irepouotov or avopoiov, i. e., dissimilar, both in essence and
in other respects, to the Father.(50) Under each of these classes, there were
other subordinate sects, whose subtilties and refinements have been but
obscurely developed by the ancient writers. This discord among the Arians
was as injurious to their cause, as the confutations and the zeal of the or-
thodox.
§ 17. Unhappily the Arian contests, as was very natural, produced some
new sects. Some persons, while eager to avoid and to confute the opin-
ions of Arius, fell into opinions equally dangerous. Others, after treading
in the footsteps of Arius, ventured on far beyond him, and became still
greater errorists. The human mind, weak, powerless, and subject to the
control of the senses and the imagination, seldom exerts all its energies to
comprehend divine subjects, in such a manner as to be duly guarded against
extremes. To the former class, I would reckon Apollinaris the younger,
bishop of Laodicea, though otherwise a man of great merit, and one who
in various ways rendered important service to the church. (51) He man-
fully asserted the divinity of Christ, against the Arians ; but by philoso-
phizing too freely and too eagerly, he almost set aside the human nature of
the Saviour. He maintained, that Christ assumed only a human body,
endowed with a sentient soul, but not possessed of intellect ; and that the
divine nature in Christ did the office of a rational soul or mind ;(52) whence
it seemed to follow, that the divine nature became mingled with the hu-
man,(53) and with the human nature suffered pain and death. This great
Constantius. Julian recalled him, and gave
him a bishopric. He had the surname of the
Atheist. Socrates, H. E., i., c. 35. Sozo-
men, H E., iii., c. 15, &c., and iv., c. 23.
— Schl.]
(49) [This name is derived from the Greek
words ef a/c bvruv. They said, that the
Son of God might indeed be called God, and
the Word of God ; but only in a sense con-
sistent with his having been brought forth
ef a/c OVTUV [from nonexistences] ; that is,
that he was one of those things, which once
had no existence ; and of course, that he was
properly a creature, and was once a nonent-
ity.— SchL]
(50) See Ja. Basnage, Diss. de Eunomio,
in Henr. Cunisius, Lectiones Antiquae, torn.
i., p. 172, &c., where are extant the creed
and an apology of Eunomius. See also Jo.
Alb. Fabricius, Bibliotheca Gr., vol. viii.,
p. 100-148, and Codex Theodos., torn, vi.,
p. 147, 155, 157, 167, 200, &c. [Euno-
mius, a Cappadocian, was a scholar of Aeti-
us, and was made bishop of Cyzicurn by his
partisans. But he was soon displaced, and
his whole life was full of unpleasant occur-
rences. He was peculiarly lucid in his style,
and his writings are, on that account, the
most valuable documents for the history of
Arianism. — Schl. See note, p. 248. — TV.]
(51 ) [See a sketch of his life and writings,
above, p. 247, note (29).— Tr.J
(52) [Apollinaris believed that Christ
had no need of a rational soul, because the
divine nature was competent to all the ra-
tional and free acts which the Saviour per-
formed ; and he could see no good reason
why Christ must have had two intelligent
natures and two free wills. He supposed
further, that a rational human soul, as being
the seat of sinful acts, must be liable to moral
changes ; and therefore that Christ, if he
had possessed a rational human soul, could
not have had an unchangeable, that is, a sin-
less human nature. And he supported his
opinion by the many passages of scripture
which speak of Christ's becoming man, in
which only the word cap!- (flesh) is used
for the human nature ; e. g., Joh. i , 14.
These arguments needed an answer ; but
his opposers replied to them very imperfect-
ly. They showed indeed, from the Bible,
that Christ had a rational human soul. But
their proof was defective in this, that they
did not show, that by the word ^v^rf in the
Scriptures must necessarily be understood
a rational soul. And what they brought
forward besides this, were either the bad
consequences that would follow, or occasions
for logomachy, which rather retarded than
furthered the discovery of truth See Walch,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 186,
&c.— Schl.]
(53) [This consequence, however, Apolli-
naris did not admit. He was indeed ac-
cused of denying the actual distinction of
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
303
man was led astray, not merely by the ardour of debate, but likewise by
his immoderate attachment to the Platonic doctrine concerning a twofold
soul ; from which if the divines of that age had been free, they would have
formed more wise and more correct judgments on many points. Some
among the ancients attribute other errors besides this, to Apollinaris ; but
how much credit is due them is doubtful. (54) The doctrine of Apol-
linaris met the approbation of many, in nearly all the eastern provinces ;
and being explained in different ways, it became the source of new sects.
But as it was assailed by the laws of the emperors, the decrees of coun-
cils, and the writings of learned men, it gradually sunk under these united
assaults.
§ 18. To the same class must be reckoned Marcellus, bishop of Ancy-
ra in Galatia ;(55) if confidence may be placed in Eusebius of Cassarea,
and in his other adversaries, who tell us that he so explained the mystery
of the holy Trinity, as to fall into the Sabellian and Samosatenian errors.
Yet there are many who think, that both Eusebius of Nicodemia, and Eu-
sebius of Csesarea, unfairly represent his sentiments, because he gave of-
the two natures, and of holding to such a con- tions taken by the Arians in their councils ;
fusion of them, as Eulyches afterwards main- and this drew on him a severe persecution,
tained. But he rejected the term mixture ; In the year 336, the Arian bishops assembled
and expressly taught, that he did not subvert at Constantinople deposed him, as one con-
the doctrine of two distinct natures in Christ, victed of the Sabellian or Samosatenian her-
but that the divinity remained divine, and esy, and elected Basil in his place. After
the flesh remained flesh. See Dr. Walch, the death of Constantius, he recovered his
Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 193, &c. see ; but lost it again almost immediately,
— SM.]
as the Eusebians again got the ascendancy.
(54) See Ja. Basnage, Historia haere- He now fled to Rome, and exhibited a con-
sis Apollinaris ; which is republished with fession of his faith to the bishop Julius, by
learned additions, by Jo. Voigt, Biblioth.
Haeresiologica, torn, i., fascic. i., p. 1-96.
See also ibid., torn, i., fascic. iii., p. 607.
The laws against the Apollinarians, are ex-
whom, with the other bishops of the Atha-
nasian party assembled at Rome, he was
recognised as orthodox, and as a sufferer for
the truth. On the other hand, the eastern
tant in the Codex Theodos., torn. vi. , p. bishops persevered in their criminations of
him. In the year 347, the western bishops
at the council of Sardica, again pronounced
him innocent. But when Phottnus, a pupil
144, &c. See likewise (Chanfepic), Nou-
veau Dictionnaire hist, et crit., torn, i., p.
304, &c. [" See an account of Apollinaris,
and his heresy, in the English edition of of Marcellus, commenced his disturbance,
Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Apollina- Athanasius now first threw out some suspi-
re."— Mad. Concerning this sect, Dr. cions, that his doctrine was not pure ; but
Walch has treated most solidly, and with he soon dropped them. Basil the Great,
the application of impartial criticism, in his however, was more decided in his opposition
Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 119- to Marcellus, and held him to be actually a
229.— Schl.]
(55) [This Marcellus was a person of
heretic. Yet he afterwards acknowledged
himself in the wron. Maraellus and his
weight in the Nicene council ; and he there friends took pains to procure testimony,
opposed the Arians with a zeal and energy from influential men and from whole church-
wriich procured him praise from his own es, to their orthodoxy ; and they were not
party, and hatred and obloquy from the oppo- unsuccessful. Marcellus was in reality not
site side. (See Epiphamus, Haeres. Ixxii., without considerable learning ; buthisjudg-
c. 2. Athanasius, Apolog. contra Arian., ment was weak, and he had the habit of talk-
torn, i., pt. ii , p. 143, 150, and Constan- ing at random, and was at the same time
tine, Epistt. Pontiff., p. 379, 383.) Asteri- very bitter against his antagonists. It is
us, a defender of the Arian doctrine, at- therefore, not only possible, but also very
tacked him in writing, and accused him of probable, that he often let drop faulty ex-
Sabellianism. Marcellus in reply wrote a pressions, which in the view of his enemies
book to defend the true doctrine respecting contained dangerous errors. See Walch,
the subordination of Jesus Christ to the Fa- Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 232,
ther. He likewise discarded all the posi- &c. — Schi]
304
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
fence by the severity of his attacks upon the Arians and upon the bishops
who favoured them. But admitting that his accusers were influenced in
some respects by their hatred of the man, yet it is certain, that their ac-
cusations were not altogether groundless. For it appears from a careful
examination of the whole subject, that Marcellus considered the Son and
the Holy Spirit as two emanations from the divine nature, which, after per-
forming their respective offices, were to return back into the substance of
the Father : and whoever believed so, could not, without self-contradiction,
hold the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit to differ from each other in the man-
ner of distinct persons. (56) Marcellus increased the odium and suspicions
against him, by refusing, in the last years of his life, to comdemn Photinus
his disciple. (57)
§ 19. At the head of those whom the contests with Arius led into still
greater errors, may undoubtedly be placed Photinus, bishop of Sirmium,(58)
who in the year 343, advanced opinions concerning God, equally remote
from those of the orthodox and those of the Arians. On well considering
what the ancients have stated without much perspicuity or uniformity, it
appears, that he supposed Jesus Christ was born of the virgin Mary, by
the Holy Spirit ; that with this extraordinary man, a certain divine emana-
tion which he called the Word became united ; that, on account of this
union of the Word with the man Jesus, he was called the Son of God, and
also God, and that the Holy Spirit was a virtue or energy proceeding from
God, and not a person.(59) The temerity of the man was chastised not
(56) [It is nevertheless uncertain, wheth-
er Marcellus really denied the personal dis-
tinctions in the Trinity. The accusations
of his opposers are not credible evidence in
this case. Marcellus and his friends con-
stantly denied that they were Sabellians.
He denied indeed, that there were three
turofacreif, affirming that there was but one
inrofaoic,. But this word had then so inde-
terminate a meaning, that nothing certain
can be inferred from it. For it denoted,
sometimes what we should call substance,
and at other times was equivalent to person.
Dr. Walch (ubi supra, p. 290) thinks it
probable, as Marcellus always strenuously
contended, and with justice, that the Father,
Son, and Holy Spirit are udiaipeTus and
u^wpi'f"? (inseparably) united, he must have
regarded the word VTtofdaic, as equivalent
to the phrase, imofuaif fiisftiaa, a different
substance. Yet clearly he often used un-
suitable descriptions and comparisons, re-
specting the eternal generation of the Son,
and the procession of the Holy Spirit from
the Father and the Son ; and such as seem
to show, that he understood by these persons
only certain attributes and acts of God. But
perhaps these were only unfortunate expres-
sions, or errors of the moment, from which
he would give back when the heat of contest
subsided. — Schl.]
(57) See Bernh. de Montfaucon, Diatribe
de caussa Marcelli ; in the Nova Collectio
Patrum Grsscor., torn, ii., p. li., &c. [re-
published, with some notes, by Voigt, Bib-
lioth. Haeresiologica, vol. i., fascic. ii., p.
297.— SM.], and Ja. Gcrvaise, Vie de S.
Epiphane, p. 42, &c. [Add also, Walch,
Hist, der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 229-299,
and Chr. Hen. VogeVs Disputation at Got-
tingen, 1757, de Marcello Ancyrae Episco-
po. — Schl.~\
(58) [Yet Photinus was not a native of
Sirmium, as some have supposed, being mis-
led by a faulty Latin version of a passage
in Epiphanius, de Hseres. Ixxi., <J 1. fie
was rather a Galatian, (Jerome, de Viris II-
lustr., c. 107, and Socrates, H. E., ii., c. 18),
and most probably of Ancyra. He was an
author ; but his writings are lost. And he
was eloquent, and had an excellent faculty
of securing the affections and making prose-
lytes among his hearers. See Dr. Walch,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p. 9, &c.
— Schl.]
(59) [To give a more distinct view of the
opinions of Photinus, we will here state
them, as they are arranged by Dr. Walch,
loc. cit., p. 34. Photinus had (I.) errone-
ous views of the Trinity. On this subject,
he taught thus : The Holy Scriptures speak
indeed of the Father, the Son, and the Holy
Spirit ; but we are to understand by them,
only one person, who in Scripture is called
the Father. What the Scriptures call the
Word, of God, is by no means a substance
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
303
only by the orthodox, in their councils of Antioch A.D. 345, of Milan
A.D. 347, and of Sirmium,(60) but also by the Arians, in a council held at
Sirmium A.D. 351. He was deprived of his office, and died in exile in the
372.(61)
§ 20. After him, Macedonius bishop of Constantinople, a distinguished
Semiarian teacher, being deprived of his office through the influence of
the Eunomians, by the council of Constantinople in the year 360,(62) in
or a person. Still less is it a person begot-
ten by the Father, and therefore called the
Son. For with God there can be no gener-
ation ; and of course he can have no Son.
Neither is the Word the person who made
the world ; but the Word is properly the
understanding of God ; which comprehends
the designs of God, in all his external opera-
tions, and is therefore called God. The
Holy Spirit also is not a person, but an at-
tribute of God. Hence followed (II.) erro-
neous ideas of the person of Christ. He
maintained, that Jesus Christ was a mere
man ; that before his birth, he had no exist-
ence, except in the divine foreknowledge ;
and that he began to be, when he was born
of Mary by the Holy Spirit. Yet he receiv-
ed the special influences of divine power,
whereby he wrought miracles. This is the
indwelling of the Word. On account of
these excellent gifts, and his perfect virtue,
God took this man into the place of a son ;
and therefore he is called the Son of God,
and also God. Therefore it must be said,
that the Son of God had a beginning. —
Schl.]
(60) [Concerning the time and succession
of these councils, there has been much de-
bate between Pctavius, Sirmond, La Roque,
and others ; of which an account is given
by Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. hi.,
p. 5, &c. We will only add, in correction
of Dr. Moshcim's statements, 1st, that the
earliest of these councils was held in the
year 343 ; as appears from three documents
first brought to light by Maffci ; and Zdly,
that it was held by the Semiarians. So
that the first orthodox council against Photi-
nus, was that of Milan. In that of Sirmi-
um the eastern bishops were assembled ;
and they pronounced Pfiotinus a heretic.
Photinus, when adjudged to be deprived of
his office and sent into exile, made applica-
tion to the emperor, and obtained leave pub-
licly to defend his doctrine. Basil, bishop
of Ancyra, was appointed to dispute with
him, and a formal discussion took place.
Both parties became angry. But the vic-
tory was adjudged to Basil ; and the former
decision was affirmed. See Walch, loc. cit.,
p. 51, &c.— Schl.]
(61) Matth. dc la Roque, de Photino ejus-
que multiplici damnatione, Geneva, 1670,
VOL. I.— QQ
8vo. Tko. Ittig, Historia Photini ; in his
Hcptas Dissertationum. subjoined to his
Diss. de Haeresiarchis aevi Apostolici. [We
may add, Petaxius, Diss. de Photino haeret-
ico, ejusque damnatione ; in his Rationari-
um Temporum, 3d edit., and among the
Opuscula of Peter de Marca, [vol. v., p.
183, &c., ed. Bamberg, 1789 ; where it is
accompanied with the two Diatribae of Sir-
mond, respecting the councils of Sirmium] ;
and Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen,
vol. iii., p. 1-70.— SchL]
(62) [There were several persons of the
name of Macedonius, who should not be
confounded with this man. The most noted
of them were, Macedonius of Mopsueste, a
contemporary with our Macedonius, and also
involved in the Arian contests : (Socrates,
Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 19) : and Macedonius,
likewise bishop of Constantinople in the
reign of the emperor Anastasius, [A.D. 491-
518], by whom he was banished for his zeal
against the Eutycheans. The election of
our Mactdonius was attended with disorders
which merit notice. This metropolis had
had one Paul for its bishop, who was de-
posed by the emperor Constantius, and Eu-
sebius of Nicomedia was chosen in his place.
After the death of Eusebius, the orthodox
replaced Paul in his office ; but the Euse-
bian bishops appointed Macedonius. The
emperor Constantius was displeased with
the movement of the orthodox, and ordered
his general Herm.oge.nes to drive Paul from
the city. And as his adherents made op-
position, and the general had to use force,
there was a general insurrection, which cost
both sides much blood. The orthodox pop-
ulace set fire to the general's house, and
dragged him about the streets, with a rope
around his neck, and finally killed him. The
emperor now came himself to Constantino-
ple, drove Paul from the city, and punished
the people. And he also refused to estab-
lish Macedonius in the office, because he
had given occasion to the bloodshed : but he
allowed him to remain in the city, and to
hold worship in one of the churches which
was assigned him. (Socrates, H. E., ii., c.
13, and Sozomen, H. E., iii., c. 8.) Paul
returned again to Constantinople, and was
again chased away by the soldiery ; and on
the other hand, Macedonius was in the year
306
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
his exile founded the seel of the Pneumatomachi. For he now openly pro.
fessed, what he had before concealed, that the Holy Spirit is a divine ener-
gy diffused throughout the universe, and not a person distinct from the
Father and the Son. (63) This doctrine was embraced by many in the
Asiatic provinces. But the council of Constantinople, assembled by The-
odosius the Great in the year 381, and which is commonly considered as
the second oecumenical council, early dissipated by its authority this young
and immature sect. One hundred and fifty bishops present in this coun-
cil, defined fully and perfectly the doctrine of three persons in one God, as
it is still professed by the great body of Christians, which the Nicene coun-
cil had only in part performed. They also anathematized all the heresies
then known ; assigned to the bishop of Constantinople, on account of the
grandeur of the city over which he presided, a rank next after the bishop
342 reinstated by an imperial general ; which
occasioned another massacre, in which more
than 3000 persons lost their lives. But as
Constantius was compelled by his brother
Constans, to reinstate the orthodox bishops,
Paul shared in this good fortune, and Ma.ce,-
donius with his adherents had to content
themselves with a single church to worship
in. After the death of Constans, Paul was
again displaced, and Macedonius once more
seated in the episcopal chair. Here, confi-
ding in the protection of the emperor, he
stirred up a general persecution against the
adherents to the Nicene creed, which ex-
tended to the provinces adjacent to Constan-
tinople. (Socrates, H. E., ii., c. 26, 27, 38,
and Sozomen, H. E., iv., c. 20, 26.) In
the year 356, that church at Constantinople
in which was placed the coffin of Constan-
tine the Great, seemed ready to fall down ;
and Macedonius therefore would" remove the
coffin. Some, among whom were the or-
thodox, maintained that this removal was
improper and irregular ; being influenced
partly by respect for the deceased emperor,
and partly by hatred against Macedonius.
But as Macedonius notwithstanding pro-
ceeded to the removal, and had brought the
coffin into another church, the two parties
came to blows in the latter church, and such
a slaughter was there made, that the porch
was filled with dead bodies. This unfortu-
nate step drew upon Macedonius the em-
peror's displeasure. (Socrates, H. E., ii.,
c. 38. Sozomen, H. E., iv.,c. 21.) About
this time, the disagreement among the op-
posers of the Nicene faith, came to an open
rupture ; and Basil of Ancyra, the leader of
the Semiarians, drew Macedonius over to
his party. (Philostorgitts, Hist. Eccles.,
iv., c. 9.) From this time onward, Mace-
donius held a high rank among the Semiari-
ans, and supported their cause in the coun-
cil of Seleucia. But he thus drew on him-
self such hatred from the whole Arian party,
that they, in the year 360, with Acacius and
Eudoxius at their head, deprived him of his
office at Constantinople. Macedonius was
very restless under this, and laboured to es-
tablish the Semiarians by defending their
opinions ; and this gave occasion for the
Semiarians to be sometimes called Mace-
donians. He died soon afterwards. • See
Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii.,p.
74, &c.— Schl.1
(63) Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv., c. 4.
[For a more full exhibition of the Macedo-
nian doctrines, we will subjoin the statement
of Dr. Walch, loc. cit., p. 96. As to their
doctrine concerning the Son of God, some
Macedonians agreed with the adherents to
the Nicene fathers ; but others, and among
them Macedonius himself, coincided with
the mildest form of the Semiarian creed.
In regard to the Holy Spirit, they departed
wholly from the opinions of the orthodox.
Some indeed did not declare themselves, in
regard to the divinity of the Holy Spirit.
They did not expressly deny that he was
God ; and yet they hesitated to affirm it.
And this was no unusual thing. Even Ba-
sil the Great, would not recommend to have
the name of God used of the Holy Spirit in
public, nor condemn those who refused thus
to use it. Nor would Gregory disapprove
this. See Petavius, Dogma. Theolog., lib.
i., de Trinitate, c. 10, torn, ii., p. 45, 64,
and Semlcr, Einleitung zum 3ten Theil der
Baumgarteri's Polemik, p. 173, 183. Others
who did declare themselves, affirmed that
the Holy Spirit was not a person in the
Godhead ; that he was not, what the Father
and the Son are ; and therefore no divine
honours were due to him. Some held the
Holy Spirit to be a creature ; and therefore
did not deny his personality. Others denied
his personality, and regarded him as a mere
attribute of God. — SchL]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
307
of Rome ; and made such other regulations as the general interests of the
church seemed to require. (64)
§ 21. The phrensy of the ancient Gnostics, which had been so often
confuted, revived again in Spain. In the beginning of this century, one
Murk, a native of Memphis, introduced it from Egypt, and communicated
it first to a few individuals. It had proceeded considerable lengths, and
had infected some persons in reputation for their learning and piety, when
Priscillian, a man of birth, fortune, and eloquence, and afterwards bishop
of Avila, imbibed it. Being accused by some bishops before the emperor
Gratian, Priscillian and his followers were banished from Spain : but he
returned soon after. Accused again in the year 384, before Maxanus,
(the usurper in Gaul, after the assassination of Gralian), he was condemned,
with several of his associates, and executed at Treves in the year 385.
The instigators of this capital execution for heresy were, however, re-
garded with abhorrence by the bishops of Gaul and Italy : for it was not
yet considered among Christians as a pious and righteous act, to deliver
heretics over to the civil power to be punished. (65) Priscillian being
(64) Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. v., c. 8.
Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 7. [The
Macedonians led an externally good and
strict life ; and by promoting monkery, they
obtained such reputation for piety, agreeably
to the taste of that age, as contributed much
to their popularity in Constantinople and its
vicinity. After their separation from the
Arians, and after their attempt to unite them-
selves with the orthodox had failed, they
spread themselves considerably, especially in
Thrace, along the Hellespont, and in Phry-
gia. In the western provinces they were
not found. At Constantinople, they had
their own churches and bishops. Among the
attempts to reclaim the Macedonians from
their errors, the most noticeable was that of
the second general council at Constantinople.
The emperor Thcudoxius hoped they might
be won over more readily than the Arians,
because they differed less from the orthodox.
He therefore called Macedonian bishops to
the council. There were 36 of them pres-
ent ; and much pains was taken to persuade
them to embrace the Nicene decisions. .But
all efforts were vain ; they declared that they
would sooner embrace the Arian than the
Nicene faith. And hence their doctrine was
opposed in this synod, by an addition made
to the Nicene creed, and by expressed forms
of condemnation. With these ecclesiastical
weapons against the Macedonians, worldly
ones were combined. In the statutes of the
elder Theodosms, (Codex Thcodos. de Hae-
reticis, leg. 11, 12, 13), they are mentioned
by name ; and in those of the younger The-
adiisiitx, which are inserted in the Codex
Theodosianus, (leg. 59, 60, 65), it will be
seen, that they still existed, but could hold
worship only in the principal cities. These
civil regulations gave the ill-disposed bish-
ops too much liberty to manifest their per-
secuting spirit towards the Macedonians, and
enabled them wholly to exterminate them,
it would seem, under these emperors. See
Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p.
70-1 18 ; and, respecting the council of Con-
stantinople, his Historic der Kirchenver-
sammlungen, p. 224, &c. The decrees of
this council are given in Bfveridge's Pan-
decta Canonum, torn, i., p. 85. — Sclil. The
first decree respects the creed, and anathe-
mas ; the second, confines bishops to their
provinces ; the third, gives the bishop of
Constantinople the rank of second patriarch.
The four remaining decrees are of less im-
portance.— TV.]
(65) See Sulpitius Severus, Hist. Sacra,
1. ii., c. 46, 51, and Dialog, iii. de Vita Mar-
tini, c. 15. [Priscillian had ability to pre-
sent his doctrine with so much dexterity and
eloquence, that he gained many friends both
among the high and the low ; and his senti-
ments were soon spread through all Spain.
Among his adherents there were some bish-
ops, particularly Insiantius and Salcianus,
and many ladies of respectability. Hyginus
bishop of Corduba, who afterwards went
over to the Pmcillianists, was the first to
oppose his doctrine ; and for this purpose
made a representation of it to Idacius the
bishop of Merida, who by his rash violence
against bishop Instantius. blew the fire of the
Pnscillianist war into a great flame. After
many and long contests, a council was held
at Sara^ossa in 380, at which the Priscillian-
ist doctrine was condemned, and the bishops
In.itiintius and Salt-ui>ius, with the i
Elpiiiius and I'risnllinn, were excommuni-
cated. This measure rendered the sect
more resolute and determined ; and Prtt-
ciilian, that he might be more safe, was
303
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
slain, his opinions were not at once suppressed, but spread far and wide in
Spain and Gaul : and even in the sixth century, the Priscillianists caused
much trouble to the bishops of those provinces.
§ 22. No one of the ancients has accurately described the doctrines of
the Priscillianists ; on the contrary, some of them have perplexed and ob-
scured the subject. It appears however from authentic records, that the
Priscillianists came very near in their views to the Manichaeans. For
they denied the reality of Christ's birth and incarnation ; maintained that
the visible universe was not the production of God, but of some demon or
evil principle ; preached the existence of Aeons or emanations from God ;
declared human bodies to be prisons for celestial minds, fabricated by the
author of evil ; condemned marriages ; denied the resurrection of the
body, &c. Their rules of life were very severe : for what many state con-
cerning their flagitious and libidinous practices, rests on no credible testi-
mony. That the Priscillianists used dissimulation, and eluded their ene-
mies by deceiving them, is true ; but that they regarded all kinds of lying
and perjury as lawful, as is commonly reported of them, has not even the
appearance of truth. (66)
raised by the party from a layman to a bishop
of Avila. — The civil power was put in mo-
tion against the sect ; and Idacius obtained
from the emperor Gratian a decree, by
which this sect, as well as others, was ban-
ished the country. This decree dispersed
them for a time. The leaders of the party
took their course towards Rome ; and while
passing through France, they seduced many,
especially in Aquitain Gaul. Although they
got no hearing at Rome, yet they found
means to obtain a rescript from Gratian, by
which the former decree was repealed, and
these bishops were restored again to their
offices. When Maximus had seized the
government, he issued, at the instigation of
Idacius, a command to the Priscillianist
teachers, to appear before the ecclesiastical
council of Bourdeaux. Here Instantius, who
readily and frankly answered the interroga-
tories of the council, was deposed : but
Priscillian appealed to the emperor. Bish-
op Martin of Tours, saw with concern a
civil judge about to pass sentence in an ec-
clesiastical affair, and made representations
on the subject to the emperor, who assured
him that no blood should be shed. Yet the
emperor was finally persuaded by some bish-
ops, to commit the investigation of the sub-
ject to his minister of state Evodius, a stern
judge. He in the year 385, at Treves, put
Priscillian to the rack, and extorted from
him a confession that he had uttered impure
principles, and held nscturnal meetings with
base females, and prayed naked ; and after
the facts had been reported to the emperor,
Priscillian and some of his adherents were
put to death, and others were punished with
banishment. This is the first instance of a
criminal prosecution for heresy. The Pris-
cillianists regarded these executions as a
martyrdom ; while their opposers sought in
this bloody way to exterminate them ; and
the emperor had it in contemplation to send
military officers into Spain, with full power
to search out the heretics, and deprive them
of life and property. But here again bishop
Martin showed himself in an amiable light.
He repaired to Treves, and there made such
representations as prevented the execution
of the emperor's designs. Yet the people
shed the blood of heretics in many places ;
and some bishops had such unchristian views
as to approve of it. Yet others, on the con-
trary, disapproved of it, and had great dis-
sension with the former in regard to it. The
Priscillianists, however, still continued to be
numerous in Spain, especially in Gallicia ;
and in the fifth century, when the irruption
of the barbarians into Spain threw the ec-
clesiastical affairs into great disorder, it af-
forded this sect opportunity again to spread
itself very much. And in the sixth century,
Aguirre has inserted in the Concil. Hispan.,
torn, ii., p. 269, &c., a letter of Montanus
bishop of Toledo in the year 527, from which
it appears, that many persons of this sect
then lived in Valencia ; and in the year 561,
a council was held against them at Braga.
From this time onward, no more is heard
of them ; and they must either have gradu-
ally wasted away, or have sunk at once on
the irruption of the Saracens. See Dr.
Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii., p.
387-430.— ScA/.]
(66) See Simon de Vries, Diss. critics de
Priscillianistis, Trajecti, 1745, 4to, in which
the principal fault is, that he follows too
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
309
§ 23. To these larger sects, certain minor ones may be added. One
Audaeus, an honest man, and ejected from the church in Syria for too
freely reproving the corrupt lives of the clergy, collected a congregation
and became its bishop. Being banished by the emperor into Scythia, he
went among the Goths and there propagated his sect with- good success.
As to the time when this sect arose, the ancients are not agreed. In
some of their practices they deviated from other Christians, among which,
this is especially noticed by the ancients, that contrary to the decree of
the Nicene council, they celebrated the feast of Easter on the same day
with the Jewish Passover. It is also said, that they attributed to the
Deity a human form ; and held some other opinions which were erro-
neous.(67)
the stars. They denied the personal dis-
tinction of the three persons in the Godhead.
It is very probable, that they controverted
the human nature of Christ ; and it is still
more probable, that they denied him a real
body, than that they denied him a human
soul. From these principles it would follow,
that they did not believe in a resurrection of
the body. The same principles led them to
disapprove of marriage, and of the procrea-
tion of children ; and to forbid the eating of
flesh. Their moral principles were in gen-
eral, strict, and tended to produce an ascetic
life. And on this account, the accusation
of shameless debauchery, brought against
them by their adversaries, is very improba-
ble. Whether they all held prevarication,
lying, and perjury, to be allowable, even in
cases where one's religion is to be avowed,
is uncertain. Yet it is very certain that
some of them held this dangerous principle ;
as for instance, Dictinnius, from whose book
Augustine quotes the arguments used to jus-
tify lying, which he also confutes in his book
de Mendacio ad Consent. Yet that Pris-
cillian and his first set of followers did not
think so, appears from their suffering mar-
tyrdom.— Schl.~\
(67) Epiphanius, Hacres. Ixx., p. 811.
Augtuttne, de Haeres., cap 1. Thcodorct,
Fabul. Haeret., lib. iv., c. 9, [H. E., iv., 10].
Jo. Joach. Schroder, Diss. de Audaeanis ;
which is in Joh. Voigfs Biblioth. Hist. Hae-
resial., torn, i., part iii., p. 578, [and Dr.
Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii.,
p. 300-321.— The founder of this sect, is
called both Audius and Audaeus ; and his
followers are likewise called both Audiani
and Audacani ; and not unfrcquently An-
thropomorphifcs, because they were taxed
with attributing to God a human form.
Audar.us was of Mesopotamia, and stood in
high estimation among the Syrians, on ac-
count of his holy life, and his great zeal for
the honour of God. The last was so great
that he publicly punished his own brother ;
and he would not flatter the avaricious and
closely Beausobre's History of the M«ni-
chees, taking every thing there asserted to
be true. Fran. Girvesii Historia Priscil-
lianistarum chronologica, Romae, 1750, 8vo.
In Angeli Calogerae Opusculi scientifici,
torn, xxvii., p. 61, &c., occurs; Bachiarrus
illustratus, seu de Priscilliana haeresi Diss.,
which however is less occupied in illustra-
ting the affairs of the Priscillianists, than
[the work of] Bachiarius, [a learned Span-
iard, who composed a short treatise de Fide,
first published by Muratori, (Anecdota Lat-
inorum, torn, ii.), and which some consider
as a polemic tract against the Priscillianists.
To these must be added Walch, loc. cit., p.
378-481. — To ascertain the real doctrines
of the Priscillianists, is very difficult, and
perhaps impossible. The quotation from an
epistle of Priscillian, which Orosius has
preserved, (in his Commonitorium, inter
Opp. Augustim, torn, viii., p. 431), is so
obscure, that it would be very natural to
suppose, his contemporaries did not correctly
understand him. Hence we cannot rely en-
tirely on the testimony of the ancients, even
if they appear to have been impartial writers.
Still it appears unquestionable, that Priscil-
lian embraced Gno.tlic and Manichacan er-
rors ; that he misconstrued the Scriptures,
and perverted them by allegorical interpre-
tations ; that he relied on apocryphal books,
as of divine authority ; that he believed in
the eternity of matter, and held that the evil
angels were not creatures of God ; that he
also believed the world was not the work of
God, and that all changes in the material
universe originated from the evil spirits.
Concerning the soul, he taught that it is a
particle of the divine nature, separated from
the substance of God. The human body, as
all other flesh, according to the Priscilliamstic
doctrine, came from the devil. And even
the production of man, by the union of a
soul with a body, was the work of evil spir-
its. They believed in an unconditional ne-
cessity for the changes a man undergoes,
and which they ascribed to the influence of
310
BOOK II.— CENTURY IV.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 24. To this century also, the Greeks and Orientals refer the origin
of the sect called Messalians and Euchites ; and indeed clear traces of
them first appear in the latter part of this century, though their princi-
ples were much more ancient, and were known before the Christian era, in
Syria, Egypt, and other countries of the East. These persons, who lived
secluded from intercourse with the world in the manner of monks, derived
their name from their praying. For they believed, that an evil demon
naturally dwells in the mind of every man, which can be expelled no other-
wise than by continual praying and singing : and that this demon being
once expelled, the soul will return to God pure, and be again united to the
divine essence, of which it is a fraction. To this leading principle, as
may readily be supposed, they added many other strange notions, closely
allied to the sentiments of the Minichaeans, and derived from the same
source from which the Manichaeans derived their doctrines, namely, the
Oriental philosophy. (68) In short, the Euchites were a sort of mystics
luxurious bishops, for which he endured per-
secution, hatred, and reproach. But he was
undismayed, and bore it all with patience.
Yet when at last the hatred of his enemies
went so far as often to beat him and his
friends, he separated himself from the church,
(though, previously, some had refused him
communion), formed a party and got himself
ordained its bishop. This step made the
separation complete ; for it was contrary to
all ecclesiastical law, which required at least
three bishops to solemnize an ordination, and
also forbid the ordination of any schismatical
bishop. The orthodox bishops entered a
complaint against him before the emperor,
who banished him at an advanced age into
Scythia. This occasioned his going among
the Goths, and converting many of that na-
tion to Christianity. He erected monaster-
ies among them, recommended the monas-
tic life, ordained bishops ; and died before
the general persecution by Alhanarick. Au-
daeus held a few errors. He believed that
God possessed, not a perfect human body but
a human shape, and of course the form of hu-
man limbs ; and that the fashion of the human
body was copied from the divine shape, to
which the Scriptural term image of God is
to be referred. In respect to worship his
followers were strict separatists, and would
not worship at all with those Christians who
were of an irreligious life, or who held church
communion with the irreligious. Nay, they
discarded the name of Christians, for that
of Audaeans ; because many of them had
abused the name of Christians, jn order to
secure their safety. In regard to the feast
of Easter, they were Quartodecimanians ;
that is, they kept this festival at the time the
Jews did ; and they defended the practice, by
appealing to the Apostolical Constitutions.
They held apocryphal books, and had their
own system of church discipline. In gen-
eral it may be said, they were rather fanatics
than proper heretics. Their errors were
proof rather of a weak head than of a per-
verse heart ; and their defence of their er-
rors and contempt for other Christians were
the effects of their [religious or] fanatical
pride. — Schl.]
(68) Epiphanius, Haeres. Ixxx., p. 1067.
Theodoret, Haeret. Fabul., lib. iv., c. 10,
[and H. E., iv., 11]. Trmothcus Presbyter,
de Receptione Haereticor. in Joh. Bapt.
Cotdier^s Monumenta Ecclcs. Graecae, torn,
iii., p. 403, &c. Ja. Tollius, Insignia Itin-
eris Italici, p. 110, &c. Asseman, Bibli-
oth. Oriental. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 128, torn,
iii., part ii., p. 172, &c., and others : [in
particular, Dr. Walch, Historic der Ket-
zereyen, vol. iii., p. 481-536. The names
Messalians and Euchites signify prayers or
praying brethren. The first is Syriac [or
Aramaic, from the root iO2, oravit, whence
the participle y?!?'?, prccantes, Ezra, vi.,
10. — TV.], and the latter is Greek, ['Ev%i~
rai or 'Efj^TOt, from fvxq, oratio. See Sui-
cer, Thesaur. Eccles., torn, i., p. 1285, &c.,
and Theodoret, Hist. Eccles., iv.,c. ii. — 7V.]
They were so called, because they believed
the essence of religion to consist in prayer ;
that is, in that tranquil state of mind, in
which a person neither thinks nor has voli-
tions. They were also called Enthusiasts,
because they pretended to be inspired and to
hold converse with the Holy Spirit ; Cho-
rcutae (%op£VTui, dancers), from the motion
of their bodies which they commonly used ;
the spiritual (nvevfiariKoi.), which was the
name they gave to themselves ; also Lam-
pctians, Adclphians, and Marciaiusts, from
certain of their leaders. There were both
pagan and Christian Messalians. The for-
mer acknowledged indeed a plurality of
Gods, yet they worshipped but one whom
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
311
who, according to the Oriental notion, imagined that two souls resided in
man, the one good and the other evil ; and who laboured to expedite the
return of the former to God, by contemplation and prayer. This sect
drew over many to its ranks by its outward show of piety, and the Greeks
waged war with it, through all the subsequent centuries. Yet it should
be remembered, that the names Messalians and Euchites were used with
great latitude among the Greeks and the Orientals, and were applied to
all who endeavoured to raise the soul to God by recalling it from all in-
fluence of the senses, though these persons often differed very materially
in their religious opinions.
§ 25. Towards the close of this century, Arabia and the adjacent coun-
tries were disturbed by two opposite sects, the Antidico-Marianites and
the CoUyridians. The former contended, that the virgin Mary did not
remain always a virgin ; but that she had intercourse with her husband
Joseph, after the birth of our Saviour. The latter, whom the ladies es-
pecially favoured, went to the opposite extreme : they worshipped St. Mary
as a goddess, and thought she ought to be honoured and appeased with
libations, sacrifices, and offerings of cakes [/coAAvp/def, in Latin collyri-
dae.](Q9) The more obscure and unimportant sects, I pass without
notice.
they called 6 iravroKparup the Almighty.
These were more ancient than the Chris-
tians, built houses for worship similar to the
Christian churches, and assembled morning
and evening with many torches and candles,
and employed their time in praising God ;
whence they were called Euphcmites. The
Christian Messalians were so named from
the coincidence of their practice with that
of the pagans : they seem to be the offspring
of monkish enthusiasm, and to have first ap-
peared in Mesopotamia, and thence to have
spread into Syria ; but their origin cannot
be traced with more particularity. They
seem not to have been a party who had de-
terminate, fixed principles of faith peculiar
to themselves. Their number also appears
never to have been great. They were all
ascetics, though they were not all monks in
the proper sense of the word. Their reli-
gious theory was founded on an impure mys-
tii'./xm, like to what is common to nearly all
fanatical persons and communities, and which
originated, like the system of Manes, from
the principles of the Oriental philosophy.
Yet the Messalians, like all enthusiasts, ap-
pear to have relied more upon spirits, appa-
ritions, and revelations, than upon the Ori-
ental system of metaphysics. Their princi-
ples did not necessarily lead to vicious con-
duct ; yet they might afford occasion for
practising vice. And in fact there were
•among them many vicious persons, whom
idleness and spiritual pride led into gross of-
fences. And there were not wanting among
them real villains, who abused the mystical
stupidity of others, to subserve their own
wicked purposes. Heretics in the strict
sense, they were not ; although led astray
by their pernicious mysticisms, they em-
braced wrong fundamental principles in re-
gard to practical and experimental religion ;
and actuated by these, they at least in part
fell into heretical opinions. — Schl.~\
(69) See Epiphanius, Haeres. Ixxviii.,
Ixxix., p. 1033 and 1057. [Among the
moderns, Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzer-
eyen, vol. iii., page 577, &c. Dr. Walch
makes mention, (loc. cit., p. 598), of one
Bonosus ; concerning whom he also publish-
ed a dissertation at Gottingen, 1754, de Bo-
noso haeretico. This Bonosus was proba-
bly bp. of Sardica in Illyricum, near the end
of this century. He was accused of main-
taining, that Mary did not always remain a
virgin, but bore several children. And this
charge seems not to have been a false one.
[See Siricii, Ep. 9, ad Anys., &c., inter
Epist. Ambrosii, ep. 79, (s. 5). — Tr.j But
whether Bonosus denied also the divinity of
Christ, and taught that he was the Son of
God only by adoption, is very dubious. Yet
so much is certain, that in the fifth and sixth
centuries, there were opposers of the doc-
trine of the Trinity and of the divinity of
Christ, who in France and Spain were known
by the name of Bonosians. But still, it is
uncertain whether they derived the name
from this or from some other Bonosus. The
reader may consult Ittig's Supplementum
operum Clementis Alexandrini; where, in
the annexed Fascic. Observat. miscellan. ad
Hist. Eccles., p. 242, there is an Essay, de
Haeresi Bonosi. — The Collyridianac (for
CENTURY FIFTH.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
$ 1. State of the Roman Empire. — § 2. Farther Decline of Idolatry. — § 3. Nations con-
verted to Christianity. — § 4. Conversion of the German Nations. — $ 5. The Franks.
— § 6. The Irish. — § 7. Causes of these Conversions.
§ 1. To understand the causes which affected the condition of Chris.
tians in this century, it is necessary to keep in view some part of the
civil history of the period. We shall therefore first observe concisely,
that the Roman empire at the commencement of this century was di-
vided into two parts, one of which embraced the eastern, and the other
the western provinces. Arcadius, the emperor of the East, resided at
Constantinople. Honorius, who governed the West, lived at Ravenna
in Italy. The latter, distinguished by nothing but the mildness of his
disposition, was negligent of the affairs of the empire. Hence first the
Goths repeatedly laid waste Italy, and plundered Rome in a distressing
manner. And this first defeat of the Romans was followed by others
still more grievous, under the succeeding emperors. For the ferocious
and warlike people of Germany overran those fairest provinces of Eu-
rope, Italy, Gaul, and Spain, and set up new kingdoms in them. At last the
Heruli in the year 476, under Odoacer their chief, having vanquished Rom-
ulus Augustus, who is commonly called Augustulus, overturned the empire
of the West, and brought Italy under their subjection. Sixteen years after,
Theodoric king of the Ostrogoths settled in Illyricum, invaded these un-
Epiphanius makes them all females) were from paganism. While they were mere pa-
women, who carried their respect for the gans, they were accustomed to bake and pre-
mother of Jesus so high, that they were just- sent to the goddess Venus, or Astarte (the
ly charged by the orthodox fathers with su- Moon), certain cakes which were called col-
perstition and idolatry. They came from lyrii.es. And when they became Christians,
Thrace and the yet more distant regions of they thought this honour might now be best
Scythia into Arabia. It was their practice shown to Mary. The doctor had in his eye
to dress out a car, or a square throne (/cept- perhaps, a passage in Jeremiah (viii., 18),
Kot>), spread over it a linen cloth, and on a where the prophet speaks of such a sort of
clear day, once a year, place on it during the worship : and in general, it is well known
day a loaf of bread, or a cake («o/U,i>p{f), that the offering of cakes in the pagan wor-
which they offered to the virgin Mary. Dr. ship was a customary thing. See Dr.
Moshcim (in his Lectures) considered them Walch, loc. cit , p. 625, &c., and Tillemont,
as a set of simple persons, who had consid- Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire Eccles.,
erable heathenism about them ; and he sup- tome xii., p. 83. — ScldJ
posed this offering of a cake was derived
PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 313
welcome intruders, by the authority of the Greek emperor, and vanquished
them ; in consequence of which, the kingdom of the Ostrogoths was es-
tablished in Italy, in the year 493, and continued with various fortune till
the year 552.(1) These new kings of the West professed to respect the
authority of the emperors resident at Constantinople, whom they acknowl-
edged as sovereigns over them ; but in reality they were quite independ-
ent, especially Theodoric in Italy, a man of distinguished abilities, and they
left nothing to the emperors but the shadow of supremacy. (2)
§ 2. Amid these wars and the dreadful calamities they produced, the
cause of Christianity suffered much. Yet the Christian emperors, espe-
cially those of the East, continued their efforts to extirpate what remained
of the ancient idolatry. In particular, Theodosius the younger [A. D. 408
—450] has left us striking proofs of his zeal in this matter ; for we have
still extant various laws of his, requiring the idolatrous temples to be ut-
terly destroyed, or to be dedicated to Christ and the saints, abrogating the
pagan ceremonies and rites, and excluding the adherents to paganism from
all public offices. (3) Yet in the western parts, the efforts of this kind
were somewhat less ; and we therefore find the Saturnalia, the Lupercalia,
the gladiatorial shows, and other idolatrous customs observed with impu-
nity both at Rome and in the provinces, and men of the highest rank and
authority publicly professing the religion of their ancestors. (4) But by de-
grees this liberty was confined to narrower limits, and those spectacles
which were most inconsistent with the sanctity of the Christian religion
Were every where suppressed. (5)
§ 3. The limits of the Christian church were extended, both in the East
and in the West, among the tribes addicted to idolatry. In the East, the in-
habitants of the two mountains Libanus and Antilibanus, being extremely an-
noyed by wild beasts, sought aid against them from the famous Simeon Styli-
tes, of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter. Simeon told them,
that their only remedy was to forsake their ancient superstitions and em-
brace Christianity. These mountaineers obeyed the counsel of the holy
(1) For a fuller account, see the Abbe de found in Latin, in the Opp. Chrysostomi,
Bos, Histoire Critique de la Monarchic torn, xi., and in French, in the Memoires de
Francois, torn, i., p. 558, &c., and Jos. Jo. 1'Acad des Inscript. et des Belles Lettres,
Mascov's History of the Germans, written torn. xx. , p. 197, &c. [The pagans traced
in German. [Also Edw. Gibbon's History the calamities of the empire to the prevalence
of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Em- of Christianity. Therefore in the year 408,
pire, chap. 29-31, 33-36. — TV.] at the instigation of the Tuscan soothsayers,
(2) Car. du Fresne, Diss. xxiii. ad. His- idolatrous sacrifices were again established
tor. Ludovici S., p. 260. Muralori, Antiq. at Rome, in order to procure success against
Ital., torn, ii., p. 578, 832, and Annal. Ital- Alaric ; and the existing bishop, Innocen-
iae : Giannone, Histoire de Naples, torn, i., tius, who was apprized of the measure, al-
p. 207. Joh. Cockiaci, Vita Theodorici lowed it to take place, if we may believe
Ostrogothorum regis, with the observations Zosimus, on condition that the sacrifices
of Joh. Perini>skiold, Stockholm, 1699, 4to. should be offered without noise. See Zosi-
(3) See Codex Theodos., torn, vi., p. 327, mus, lib. v., cap. 41. — To confute this ac-
331, &c. cusation of the populace against Christianity,
(4) See Macrobius, Saturnalia ; in par- was the design of Augustine's twenty-two
ticular, lib. ii., p. 190, ed. Gronovii : Scipw Books de Civitate Dei, addressed to Mar-
Ma/ei, delli Anfiteatri, lib. i., p. 56, 57. cellinus. — Schl.]
Pierre le Brun, Histoire critique des pra- (5) Near the close of the century, Anat-
tiques siiperstitieuses, torn, i., p. 237, and tastus in the East, prohibited the combats
others ; but especially Bernh. de Monlfau- with wild beasts, and the other shows. See
con, Diss. de monbus tempore Theodosii Jo*. Simon Asseman, Biblioth. Oriental.
M. ct. Arcadii ex Chrysostomo ; which id Clement. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 268, 272.
VOL. I.— R R
314 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
man ; and having become Christians, they saw the wild beasts flee from
the country — if writers tell us the truth. The same Simeon, by his in-
fluence, (for I doubt the existence of any miracle), caused a part of the
Arabians to adopt the Christian worship. (6) In the island of Crete, a con-
siderable number of Jews, finding that they had been basely imposed upon
by one Moses of Crete, who pretended to be the Messiah, voluntarily em-
braced Christianity.(7)
§ 4. The German nations who rent in pieces the western Roman em-
pire, were either Christians before that event, as the Goths and others, or
they embraced Christianity after establishing their kingdoms, in order to
reign more securely among the Christians. But at what time, and by
whose instrumentality, the Vandals, the Suevi, the Alans, and some others
became Christians, is still uncertain, and is likely to remain so. As to
the Burgundians, who dwelt along the Rhine and thence passed into Gaul,
it appears from Socrates,(S) that they voluntarily became Christians, near
the commencement of the century. Their motive to this step was the
hope that Christ, or the God of the Romans, who they were informed was
immensely powerful, would protect them from the incursions and the rava-
ges of the Huns. They afterwards [about A.D. 450] joined the Arian par-
ty ; to which also the Vandals, Suevi, and Goths were addicted. All these
warlike nations measured the excellence of a religion by the military suc-
cesses of its adherents, and esteemed that as the best religion, the profess-
ors of which were most victorious over their enemies. While therefore
they saw the Romans possessing a greater empire than other nations, they
viewed Christ, the God of the Romans, as the most worthy of their homage.
(6) Jos. Sim. Asscman, Biblioth. Orient, ed by Fleury, Histoire de 1'Eglise, liv. xxiv.
Clement. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 246, &c. Yet it is certain, that the Jews even in that
(7) Socrat.es, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 38, age often imposed on the Christians, by pre-
11 where the account is, in brief, that in the tending to have favourable views of Christi-
time of Theodosius the younger, an impostor anity. This appears from the Codex Theo-
arose, called Moses Cretensis. He pre- dos., lib. xvi., tit. 8, leg. 23. And Socrates,
tended to be a second Moses, sent to deliv- (Hist. Eccles., 1. viii., c. 17), mentions a
er the Jews who dwelt in Crete, and prom- Jew, who received baptism with a consider-
ised to divide the sea, and give them a safe able sum of money, successively, from the
passage through it. They assembled to- orthodox, from the Arians, and from the
gether, with their wives and children, and Macedonians, and finally applying to the
followed him to a promontory. He there Novatians for baptism, was detected by the
commanded them to cast themselves into miracle of the disappearance of the water
the sea. Many of them obeyed and perished from the font. Although this miracle may
in the waters, and many were taken up be doubted, and the impostor may have been
and saved by fishermen. Upon this, the de- detected by an artifice of the Novatian bish-
luded Jews would have torn the impostor op, yet it appears from the story, that what
to pieces ; but he escaped them, and was is practised by many Jews at the present
seen no more. Likewise in the island of day is no new thing. — Schl.~\
Minorca, many persons abandoned Judaism. (8) Hist. Eccles., lib. vii., c. 30. [They
Yet their conversion does no great honour sent for a bishop from Gaul, who directed
to the Christians ; for it was in consequence them to fast seven days, and baptized them
of great violence done to the Jews, of level- on the eighth Dr. Semler (in his Hist,
ling their synagogue with the ground, and Eccles. Selecta Capita, torn, i., p. 203)
taking away their sacred books. See the supposes this event took place about the
account of their conversion, by the bishop of year 415. And in this year it was, accord-
the Balearean Islands: Snoerus, Epist en- ing to the Chronicon of Prosper, that the
cycl. de Judaeorum inhac insulaconversione Burgundians took possession of a part of
et demiraculis ibidem factis ; published from Gaul on the Rhine, with the consent of the
a MS. in the Vatican library, by Baronius, Romans and their confederates, having prom-
in his Annales Eccles. A.D. 418, and abridg- ised to embrace Christianity. — Schl.]
PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 315
§ 5. It was this motive which produced the conversion of Clovis, [Chlo-
dovaeus, Hludovicus, Ludovicus], or Lewis, king of the Salii, (a tribe of
the Franks), who conquered a large part of Gaul, and there founded the
kingdom of the Franks, which he endeavoured to extend over all the Gal-
lie provinces ; a valiant prince, but cruel, barbarous, selfish, and proud.
For in the year 496, in a battle with the Allemanni at Tolbiacum,(9) when
his situation was almost desperate, he implored the aid of Christ, whom his
wife ClotiZdis, a Christian and daughter of the king of the Burgundians,
had long recommended to him in vain ; and he made a vow, that he would
worship Christ as his God, provided he obtained the victory. Having be-
come victorious, he stood to his promise, and in the close of that year was
baptized at Rheims.(lO) Some thousands of Franks followed tne exam-
ple of their king. It has been supposed that, besides the exhortations of his
wife, the expectation of an extension of his dominions, contributed to in-
duce him to renounce idolatry for Christianity ; and it is certain, that his
professing Christianity was very subservient to the establishment and en-
largement of his kingdom. The miracles reported on this occasion are
unworthy of credit ; in particular, that greatest of them, the descent of a
dove with a vial full of oil, at the baptism of Clovis, is either a fiction, or,
as I think more probable, a deception craftily contrived for the occasion.(ll)
For such pious frauds were much resorted to in that age, both in Gaul and
Spain, in order to captivate more readily the minds of the barbarous na-
tions. It is said, that the conversion of Clovis gave rise to the custom of
addressing the French monarchs with the titles of most Christian Majesty,
and Eldest Son of the Church :(12) for the kings of the other barbarous na-
tions which occupied the Roman provinces, were still addicted to idolatry,
or involved in the errors of Arianism.
(9) [" Tolbiacum is thought to be the confirm the wavering mind of the barbarous
present Zulpick, which is about 12 miles and savage king, artfully contrived to have a
from Cologne." — Mac/.] dove let down from the roof of the church
(10) See Gregory of Tours, Historia bearing a vial of oil, at the time of the king's
Francor., 1. ii., c. 30, 31. Henry Count de baptism. Similar miracles occur in the
Bunau, Historia imperil Romano-Germanici, monuments of this age. — [The possibility of
torn. i.,p. 588, &c. Alibi de Bos, Histoire the event is made conceivable in this way.
critique de la monarchic Franchise, torn, ii., Yet there still remain weighty historical ob-
p. 340, &c., [and J. G. Watch. Dissert, de jections to the reality of the fact. The story
Clodovaeo M. ex rationibus politicis Christi- rests solely on the authority of Hincmar, a
ano, Jena, 1751. — Schl. Clovis, once hear- writer who lived 300 years after the time,
ing a pathetic discourse on the sufferings Avitvs, Anastasius, and even Gregory of
of Christ, exclaimed: Si ego ibidem cum Tours, and Fredegativs are wholly silent on
Francis meis fuissem, injurias ejus vindicas- the subject. Besides, Hincmar's narrative
sem : Had I been there icilh my Franks, contains the improbable circumstance, that
/ would have avenged his wrongs. See the clergy who should have brought the oil
•arius, Epitom.,c. 21. Aimoin,\. i., that was wanting, could not get near the
c. 16, and Chronicon St. Dionysii, 1. i., c. font, on account of the pressure of the crowd;
20. — TV.] but as anointing with oil was then practised
(11) Against this miracle of the vial, Joh. at every person's baptism, it is improbable
Jac. Chiflct composed his book, de Ampulla that on so solemn an occasion as this, due
Rhemensi, Antw., 1651, fol. The reality of preparation for this part of the service would
the miracle is defended, among many others, have been neglected. — Schl.]
by the Abbf. Verio/. Memoires de I'Acadomie (12) See Gabr. Daniel's and the Abbe de
des Inscript. et des Belles Lettres, torn, iv., p. Camp's Diss. de titulo Regis Christianissi-
350, &.c. After considering all the circum- mi; in the Journal des S^avans, for the year
stances, I dare not call the fact in question. 1720, p. 243, 404—448, 536. Memoires de
13ut I suppose, St. Kcmigius, in order to 1'Acad. des Inscript., tome ii., p. 466, &c.
316
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
§ 6. Ccelestine the bishop of Rome, first sent into Ireland to spread Chris,
tianity among the barbarians of that island, Palladius, whose labours were
not crowned with much success. After his death, in the year 432, Cce-
lestine sent Succathus a Scotchman, whose name he changed to Patricius
[Patrick], a man of vigour and, as appears from the event, not unfit for
such an undertaking. He was far more successful in his attacks upon idol-
atry ; and having converted many of the Irish to Christianity, he in the
year 472 established at Armagh the see of an archbishop of Ireland.(13)
(13) See the Acta Sanctorum, torn. ii. erre, he was appointed to succeed Palladius
Martii, p. 517, torn, iii., Februar.,
p. 01Y, torn. 111., rebruar., p. 131,
179, &c. Joe. Waracus, Hibernia Sacra,
p. 1, &c., Dublin, 1717, folio. The same
Ware published the Opuscula Sti. Patricii,
with notes, London, 1656, 8vo. The syn-
ods held by St. Patrick, are given by Dav.
Wilkins, Concilia magnae Brit, et Hiberniae,
torn, i., p. 2, &c., [and thence republished
in Harduin's Collection, torn, i., p. 1790,
&c.] Concerning the famous cave, called
the purgatory of St. Patrick, see Peter le
Brun, Histoire critique des pratiques super-
stitieuses, tome iv., p. 34, &c. [A minute
account of St. Patrick and his labours in
Ireland, is given by archbishop Usher, Ec-
clesiar. Britannicar. Primordia, cap. xvii.,
p. 815, &c., and a more neat and succinct
account by Adr. Baillet, Vies des Saints,
torn, i., March 17, p. 215, &c. According
to the latter, St. Patrick was born near Dun-
briton in Scotland, about A.D. 377. At the
age of 1 6 he was seized by some Irish ma-
rauders and sold as a slave in Ireland. After
five or six years' captivity, he escaped and
returned to Scotland. His thoughts were at
that time turned towards efforts for the con-
version of the pagan Irish. After a few
months, he set out with his parents for Bre-
tagne in France. On the way, his father and
mother both perished ; and he himself was
twice made a prisoner, first by the Picts, and
then by pirates who carried him to Bour-
deaux and sold him. Being set free, he re-
paired to the monastery of Marmoutier, be-
came a monk, and after three years' study
determined to return to Scotland and become
a missionary. But meeting obstructions on
his way, he returned to France, and from
there went to Italy, where he spent nearly
seven years in different monasteries and holy
places, was ordained a priest, and resided
three years with the bp. of Pisa. Still thirst-
ing for the conversion of the Irish, he repair-
ed to Ireland and began to preach to those
pagans. But meeting with no success, he
was led to question his call to such a work ;
and he returned to France to consult his
friends. He remained at Auxerre six years,
and then passed nine years in the monastery
at Lerins. At length in the year 432, by the
recommendation of St. Germain bp. of Aux-
in the Irish mission, ordained by Clement I.,
and sent forth by Sixtus III., with a com-
petent number of assistants. He passed
through Auxerre, and after making some
converts in Wales and Cornwall, landed on
the coast of Ireland the same year. He
commenced his missionary labours in Lage-
nia, a province in the north of Ireland ; and
his preaching being accompanied by appa-
rent miracles, his success was very great.
In 434, leaving that province to the care of
his assistants, he passed into the province of
Ultonia, where he was equally successful,
founded a monastery near the city of Down,
built many churches, and ordained many
bishops and priests. Wherever he went new
converts flocked to him, casting away their
idols and demolishing their temples. But his
old master Milcon he could not convert ;
and judgment overtook the wretch for his
hardness, for his house took fire, and he with
his whole family were burned up in it. In
436, Patrick left Ultonia, and proceeded to
Media (Meath) and Connacia (Connaught);
and for several years he travelled on foot
from place to place, slept on the ground, and
toiled incessantly to spread the gospel in all
parts of the island. In the year 444, he
made a journey to Rome, to confer with the
pope and obtain more assistants. On his
return the next year, he spent some time in
the west of England, and, as some say, es-
tablished there several monasteries. Re-en-
tering Ireland with a large re-enforcement of
priests, whom he distributed in the provinces
of Lagenia, Media, and Connacia, he took
his station in Ultonia, and there erected the
church of Armagh about the year 450. To
obtain more labourers, he passed over to
Britain, and while there reclaimed many
Pelagians and Arians. A great number of
priests accompanied his return, whom he
distributed in Ireland and the adjacent isl-
ands. He himself, it is said, spent some
years in the province of Momonia, in which
Cashel was a chief town. In 455 he again
visited Rome, and was constituted abp. of
Armagh and primate of all Ireland. In 456
he held the first Irish council, at which Aux-
ile and Wernin appeared prominent among
the bishops. From this time onward, being
PROSPEROUS EVENTS. 317
Hence St. Patrick, although there were some Christians in Ireland before
his day, has been justly called the Apostle of Ireland and the father of the
Irish church, and is held in high veneration to this day.
§ 7. The causes which induced all these pagan nations to abandon the
religion of their ancestors and profess Christianity, may be gathered from
what has been already said. The man must lack discernment, who can
deny that the labours, the perils, and the zeal of great and excellent men,
dispelled the clouds of darkness from the minds of many ; and on the other
hand, he must be short-sighted and not well versed in the history of this
age, who is unable to see, that the fear of the vengeance of man, the hope
of temporal advantages and honours, and the desire of obtaining aid from
Christians against their enemies, were prevalent motives with many to
abandon their gods. How much influence miracles may have had, it is
difficult to say. For I can easily believe, that God was sometimes pres-
ent with those pious and good men, who endeavoured to instil the princi-
ples of true religion into the minds of barbarous nations :(14) and yet it
is certain, that the greatest part of the prodigies of this age are very sus-
picious. The greater the simplicity and credulity of the multitude, the
more audacious would be the crafty in playing off their tricks :(15) nor
could the more discerning expose their cunning artifices, with safety to
their own lives and worldly comfort. (16) It is commonly the case, that
when great danger attends the avowal of the truth, then the prudent keep
silence, the multitude believe without reason, and the architects of imposi-
tion triumph.
infirm from age and excessive toil, St. Pat- his tomb. Such is the account of the Ro-
rick led a more stationary life at Armagh mish writers. — See Neander, Kirchengesch.,
and at his favourite monastery of Sabhull vol. ii., pt. i., p. 259-267. — Tr.]
near Down. Yet he preached daily, supy- (14) There is a remarkable passage con-
intended the affairs of all the churches, held cerning the miracles of this century, in the
a council annually, laboured to civilize the Tkeophratus, seu de Immortalitate animae,
nation, imparted to them letters, and per- of the acute jEneas Gazaeus, p. 78, ed.
formed every duty of a good shepherd, till, Barthii. Some of these miracles, he tells
worn out with age and toil, he died about us, he himself had witnessed, p. 80, 81.
A.D. 460, at the age of 83. Some how- (15) The Benedictine monks speak out
ever, by placing his birth earlier and his freely on this subject, in the Histoire Litte-
death later, make his mission to continue 60 raire de la France, torn, ii., p. 33. It is a
years, and his whole life 120, and some even fine saying of Livy, Histor., lib. xxiv., c. 10,
132 years. He is said to have erected 365 $ 6 : Prodigia multa nuntiata sunt, quae
churches, consecrated almost as many bish- quo magis credebant simplices ac religiosi
ops, and to have ordained nearly 3000 priests, homines, eo plura nuntiabantur.
He was buried in his monastery near Down ; (16) Sulpitius Severus, Dial, i., p. 438,
and miracles are said to have occurred at Ep. i., p. 457. Dial, iii., cap. ii., p. 487.
318 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
CHAPTER II.
THE CALAMITIES OF THE CHURCH.
§ 1. The Evils suffered by the Christians in the Roman Empire. — $ 2. Attempts of the
Pagans against them. — $ 3. Their Persecutions. — $ 4. In Persia. — § 5. Individual En-
emies of Christianity.
§ 1. IT has been already observed that the Goths, the Heruli, the Franks,
the Huns, the Vandals, and other fierce and warlike nations, who were for
the most part pagans, had invaded and miserably rent asunder the Roman
empire. During these commotions, the Christians at first suffered extreme-
ly. These nations were, it is true, more anxious after plunder and do-
minion, than for the propagation of the false religions of their ancestors,
and therefore did not form any set purpose to exterminate Christianity ;
yet the worshippers of idols, who still existed everywhere scattered over
the empire, neglected no means to inflame the barbarians with hatred
against the Christians, hoping by their means to regain their former liber-
ty. Their expectations were disappointed, for the greatest part of the
barbarians soon became Christians themselves ; yet the followers of Christ
had everywhere first to undergo great calamities.
§ 2. The friends of the old religion, in order to excite in the people the
more hatred against the Christians, while the public calamities were daily
increasing, renewed the obsolete complaint of their ancestors ; that all things
went well before Christ came, but since he had been everywhere embraced,
the neglected and despised gods had let in evils of every kind upon the
world. This weak attack was repulsed by Augustine, in his Books on the
city of God ; a copious work and full of erudition. He also prompted Oro-
sius to write his Books of History, in order to show that the same and
even greater calamities and plagues afflicted mankind before the Christian
religion was published to the world. In Gaul the calamities of the times
drove many to such madness, that they wholly excluded God from the
government of the world, and denied his providence over human affairs.
These were vigorously assailed by Salman, in his Books on the government
of God.
§ 3. But the persecutions of the Christians deserve to be more partic-
ulaily noticed. In Gaul and the neighbouring provinces, the Goths and
Vandals, who at first trampled upon all rights human and divine, are re-
ported to have laid violent hands on innumerable Christians. In Britain,
after the fall of the Roman power in that country, the inhabitants were
miserably harassed by the neighbouring Picts and Scots who were bar-
barians. Having therefore suffered various calamities, they in the year
445 chose Vortigern for their king ; and he finding his forces inadequate
to repel the assaults of the enemy, in the year 449 called the Anglo-Sax-
ons from Germany to his aid. But they landing with their troops in Brit-
ain, produced far greater evils to the inhabitants than they endured before ;
for these Saxons endeavoured to subdue the people whom they came to as-
sist, and to bring the whole country into subjection to themselves. This
ADVERSE EVENTS. 319
produced an obstinate and bloody war between the Britons and the Saxons,
which continued with various fortune during 130 years, till the Britons
were compelled to yield to the Anglo-Saxons, and take refuge in Batavia
and Cambria [the modern Holland and Wales], During these conflicts,
the condition of the British church was deplorable ; for the Anglo-Saxons,
who worshipped exclusively the gods of their ancestors, almost wholly
prostrated it, and put a multitude of Christians to a cruel death. (1)
§ 4. In Persia the Christians suffered grievously, in consequence of the
rash zeal of Abdas bishop of Suza, who demolished the Pyraum, a temple
dedicated to fire. For being commanded by the king Isdegerdes to re-
build it, he refused to comply ; for which he was put to death, in the year
414, and the churches of the Christians were levelled to the ground. Yet
this conflict seems to have been of short duration. Afterwards Vararanes
the son of Isdegerdes, attacked the Christians with greater cruelty, in the
year 421, being urged to it partly by the instigation of the Magi, and part-
ly by his hatred of the Romans, with whom he was engaged in war. For
as often as the Persians and the Romans waged war with each other, the
Christians resident in Persia were exposed to the rage of their monarchs ;
because they were suspected, and perhaps not without reason, to be favour-
ably disposed towards the Romans, and to betray their country to them. (2)
A vast number of Christians perished under various exquisite tortures du-
ring this persecution. (3) But their tranquillity was restored when peace
returned between Vararanes and the Romans, in the year 427. (4) The
Jews likewise, who were opulent and in good credit in various parts of
the East, harassed and oppressed the Christians in every way they could. (5)
None of them was more troublesome and overbearing than Gamaliel their
patriarch, who possessed vast power among the Jews ; and whom there-
fore Theodosius junior restrained by a special edict, in the year 41 5. (6)
§ 5. So far as can be learned at this day, no one ventured to write books
against Christianity and its adherents during the fifth century ; unless per-
haps, the Histories of Olympiodorus(l) and of Zosimus,(8) are to be con-
(1) See Beda and Gildas, among the an- (3) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori-
cients ; and among the moderns, Ja. Usher, ental. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 182, 248. [See
Britannicarum Ecclesiar. Antiquitates, cap. also Theodoret, as above. The most distin-
xii., p. 415, &c., and Rapin Thoiras, His- guished sufferers in this persecution, were
tory of England, vol. i., b. if., p. — , &c. Abdas the bishop of Suza ; Hormisdas, a
[The Saxons were not directly persecutors Persian nobleman and son of a provincial
of the Christians, but only involved them in governor ; Benjamin, a deacon ; James,
the common calamities of their slaughtered who apostatized, but repented ; and Sevencs,
and oppressed countrymen. — Tr.] who possessed 1000 slaves. — 2V.]
(2) Theodoret, Hist. Eccles., 1. v., c. 39, (4) Socrales, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 20.
[where is a full account of the conduct of (5), Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 13
Abdas, and of the sufferings of the Christians and 16; and Codex Theodos., torn, vi., p.
during the persecution. — Tr.] Bayle, Die- 265, &c.
tionnaire historique, article Abdas, vol. i., p. (6) In the Codex Theodos., torn, vi., p.
10. Barbeyrac, de ia Morale des Peres, p. 262, &c.
320. [An account of the manner in which (7) Photius, Biblioth., cod. Ixxx., p. 178.
Christianity obtained free toleration and an [Olympiodorus was a native of Thebes ia
extensive spread in Persia, at the commence- Egypt, a poet, historian, and an ambassa-
ment of this century, through the influence dor to the king of the Huns. He flourished
of Maruthas, a bishop of Mesopotamia who about the year 425 ; and wrote Historinrum
was twice an ambassador to the court of Ltbrix.su., addressed to Theodosius junior,
Persia, is given by Socrates, Hist. Eccles., and containing the Roman History, particu-
1. vii., c. 8.— Tr.} larly of the West, from A.D. 407 to 425.
320 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
sidered of this character, the latter of whom is frequently sarcastic and
unjustly severe upon the Christians. Yet no one can entertain a doubt
that the philosophers and rhetoricians, who still kept up their schools in
Greece, Syria, and Egypt, secretly endeavoured to corrupt the minds of
the youth, and laboured to instil into them at least some of the principles
of the proscribed superstition. (9) The history of those times, and the
writings of several of the fathers, exhibit many traces of such clandestine
machinations.
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE HISTORY OF LITERATURE AND SCIENCE.
§ 1. State of Learning among Christians. — § 2. In the West. — § 3. State of Philosophy
in the West. — § 4. In the East. — § 5. The Younger Platonists. — § 6. Aristotelian Phi-
losphy revived.
§ 1. ALTHOUGH the illiterate had access to every office both civil and
ecclesiastical, yet most of the persons of much consideration were persua-
ded that the liberal arts and sciences were of great use to mankind. Hence
public schools(l) were kept up in the larger cities, as Constantinople, Rome,
Marseilles, Edessa, Nisibis,(2) Carthage, Lyons, and Treves ; and masters
competent to teach youth were maintained at the expense of the emperors.
Some of the bishops and monks also of this century, here and there imparted
to young men what learning they possessed. (3) Yet the infelicity of the
times, the incursions of barbarous nations, and the penury of great ge-
niuses, prevented either the church or the state from reaping such advan-
tages from the efforts to promote learning, as were desired by those en-
gaged in them.
§ 2. In the western provinces, especially in Gaul, there were some men
of learning, who might have served as patterns for others to follow. Such
among others were Macrobius, Salman, Vincentius of Lerins, Ennodius, Sz-
The work is lost, except the copious extracts (1) [The history and progress of schools
preserved by Photius, ubi supra. — TV.] among Christians, are the subject of an ap-
(8) [Zosimus was a public officer in the propriate work, by George Gottl. Revfel,
reign of Thr.odosius junior, and wrote His- Helmst., 1743, 8vo. — «ScW.]
toriarum Libri vi. in a neat Greek style. (2) [The schools at Edessa and Nisilis,
The first book gives a concise history of Ro- are noticed by Valesius, on Thcodori Lr.c-
man affairs from Augustus to Diocletian; toris Hist. Eccl., 1. ii., p. 164, b. — Schl.]
the following books are a full Roman histo- (3) [On the episcopal and cloister schools,
ry, down to A.D. 410. The best editions in Africa, Spain, Italy, and Gaul, remarks
are by Cellaring, Jena, 1728, 8vo, and by are made by Ludov. Thomasinus, de Disci-
Reitemier, Lips., 1784, 8vo. — TV.] plina Ecclesiae, torn, i., part ii., lib. ii., p.
(9) Zacharias Mitylen. de Opificio Dei, 27, &c. — Schl.]
p. 165, 200, ed. Barthii.
LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. 321
donius Apollinaris, Claudianus Mamertus, and Draconlius ; who as writers
were not indeed equal to the ancient Latin authors, yet neither altogether
destitute of elegance, and who devoted themselves to the study of antiqui-
ties and other branches of learning. But the barbarians who laid waste
or took possession of the Roman provinces, choked these surviving plants
of a better age. For all these nations considered arms and military cour-
age as the only source of all glory and virtue ; and therefore they despised
learning and the arts. Hence wherever they planted themselves, there
barbarism insensibly sprung up and flourished, and the pursuit of learning
was abandoned exclusively to the priests and monks. And these, surround-
ed by bad examples and living in the midst of wars and perils, gradually
lost all relish for solid learning and renown, and substituted in place of it
a sickly spectre and an empty shadow of erudition. In their schools, the
boys and youth were taught the seven liberal arts ;(4) which being com-
prised in a few precepts, and those very dry and jejune, as appears from the
treatises of Augustine upon them, were rather calculated to burden the
memory than to strengthen the judgment and improve the intellectual pow-
ers. In the close of this century therefore, learning was almost extinct,
and only a faint shadow of it remained.
§ 3. Those who thought it expedient to study philosophy — and there
were but few who thought so — did not in this age commit themselves to
the guidance of Aristotle. He was regarded as too austere a master,
and one who carried men along a thorny path.(5) Perhaps more would
have relished him, had they been able to read and understand him. But
the system of Plato had for several ages been better known ; and it was
supposed, not only to be less difficult of comprehension, but to accord bet-
ter with the principles of religion. Besides, the principal works of Plato
were then extant in the Latin translations of Victorinus.(6) Therefore
such among the Latins as had a taste for philosophical inquiries, contented
themselves with the decisions of Plato ; as will appear to any one who
shall only read Sidonius Apollinaris. (7)
§ 4. The state of learning among the Greeks and the people of the
East, both as respects elegant literature and the severer sciences, was a lit-
tle better ; so that among them may be found a larger number of writers,
who exhibit some marks of genius and erudition. Those who prosecuted the
science of jurisprudence, resorted much to Berytus in Phenicia, where was a
celebrated law-school,(8) and to Alexandria.(9) The students of medicine
and chymistry resorted also to Alexandria. The teachers of eloquence,
(4) [These comprised, I., the Trivium, (9) Zacharins Mitylen. de Opificio Dei,
namely, Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic ; p. 179. [Among the moderns may be con-
an-1 II., the Quadrivium. or Arithmetic, Mu- suited J. Andr. Schmidt's Preface to Andr.
sic, Geometry, and Astronomy. See below, Hypcrius de Schola Alexandrina catecheti-
century xi., part ii., ch. i., § 5. — TV.] ca, Helmst., 1704, 8vo. Hen. Dodicdl, ad
(5) Passages from ancient writers in proof, fragmentum Philippi Sidetae ; at the end of
ere collected by Joh. Launoi, de varia Aris- his Dissertations on Irenaeus. Lud. Tho-
totehs fortuna in Academia Parisiensi masinus, de Discipl. Eccles., torn, i., part i..
(6) See Augustine, Confessionum lib. i., I. ii., c 10, p. 210, &c. Joh. Geo. Michtz-
C. 2, <) 1, Opp., torn, i., p. 105, 106. Us, Exercit. de Scholae Alexandrinae sic
(7) See his Epistles, lib. iv., Ep. iii., xi., dictae Catecheticae origine. progressu, et
and lib. ix., Ep. ix., and others. praecipuis doctoribus ; in torn, i., Symbolar.
(8) See Ja. Hcxaeus, liber de Academia litter. Bremens., p. 195, &c., zndJos. Ring-
Jureconsultorum Berytensi ; and Zachanas ham, Antiq. Eccles., lib. iii., c. 10, $ 5. — >
Mitylen. de Opificio Dei, p. 164. Schl.}
VOL. I.— S s
322 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
poetry, philosophy, and the other arts, opened schools almost everywhere;
and yet the teachers at Alexandria, Constantinople, and Edessa, were sup-
posed to excel the others in learning and in the art of instructing. (10),
§ 5. The sect of the younger Platonists sustained itself and its philoso-
phy, at Athens, at Alexandria, and in Syria, with no small share of its an-
cient dignity and reputation. Olympiodorus,(ll) Hero,(I2) and other men
of high reputation, adorned the school of Alexandria. At Athens, Plu-
tarch,(13) and his successor Syrianus,(\£) with Theophrastus, procured
for themselves fame and distinction. From them Proclus received in-
struction, became the prince of the Platonists of this century, and acquired
for himself and for the species of wisdom which he professed so much ce-
lebrity among the Greeks, that he seems almost the second father of the
system. (15) His disciples, Marinus of Neapolis, Ammonius the son of
Hermias, Isidorus, Damascius, and others, followed eagerly in the foot-
steps of their instructor, and left many followers who copied their exam-
ple. Yet the laws of the emperors, and the continual advances of Chris-
tianity, gradually diminished very much the fame and the influence of these
philosophers. (16) And as th'ere was a sufficient number now among the
Christians, who cultivated and were able to teach this species of wisdom
so much confided in at that day, it naturally followed that fewer persons
than formerly frequented the schools of these heathen sages.
§ 6. But though the philosophy of Plato appeared to most persons more
favourable to religion and better founded than that of Aristotle, yet the lat-
ter gradually emerged from its obscurity, and found its way into the hands
of Christians. The Platonists themselves expounded some of the books
of Aristotle in their schools, and particularly his Dialectics, which they
recommended to such of their pupils as were fond of disputation. The
Christians did the same, in the schools in which they taught philosophy.
This was the first step made by the Stagyrite towards that universal em-
pire which he afterwards obtained. Another and a more active cause
was found in the Origenian, Arian, Eutychian, Nestorian, and Pelagian
contests, which produced so much evil in the church during this century.
Origen, it was well known, was a Platonist. When therefore he fell under
public censure, many, that they might not be accounted his adherents, ap-
plied themselves to the study of Aristotle, between whom and Origen there
had been little or no connexion. In the Nestorian, Arian, and Eutychian
controversies, both sides had recourse to the most subtile distinctions, di-
(10) JEneas Gazttus, in his Theophras- Marinus, de Vita Procli, c. 12, p. 27, and
tus, p. 6, 7, 16, &c., passim. Zacharias Suidas, article Plutarch Nestorii, p. 133. —
Mitylen. loc. cit., p. 164, 179, 217, &c., Schl.~\
and others. (14) [Concerning Syrianus, see Brucker,
(11) [See note (7), supra, p. 319. — Tr.] Historia crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 315. —
(12) Marinus, de Vita Procli, c. 9, p. 19, Schi.]
ed. Fabricii. [Hero was a preceptor of Pro- (15) His life was written by Marinus, and
dus, and is the second of the three of his was published with learned notes, by Jo.
name mentioned by Brucker in his Historia Alb. Fabricius, Hamb., 1700, 4to. [See
crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 323. — Schi.] also Bruckcr, Historia crit. Philos., torn, ii.,
(13) [This Plutarch, in distinction from p. 318, &c.— Schi]
the elder Plutarch, who was more of a his- (16) See JEneas Gazaus, in his Theo-
torian than a philosopher, is denominated phrastus, p. 6, 7, 8, 13, ed. Barthii. [Among
Plutarchus Nestorii, or Plutarch the son of the moderns, Brucker (Historia crit. Philos-
Nestorius. See concerning him Brucker, ophiae, torn, ii., p. 337) has treated of all
Historia crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 312, &c. these disciples of Proclus. — Schi]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 323
visions, and ratiocinations ; and with these they were supplied by the philos-
ophy of Aristotle, and not at all by that -of Plato, who never trained men to
disputation. The Pelagian doctrines had great affinity with the opinions
of Plato concerning God and the human soul. Many therefore ceased to
be Platonists, as soon as they perceived this fact, and they suffered their
names to be enrolled among the Peripatetics.
CHAPTER II.
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH, AND ITS TEACHERS.
$ 1, 2. The outward Form of Church Government somewhat Changed. — $ 3. The Prerog-
atives of Patriarchs. — $ 4. Evils arising from their Authority. — $ 5. Contests between
them. — 1) 6. The Power of the Roman Pontiff. — $ 7. Vices of the Clergy. — $ 8.
Causes thereof. The Saints.— $ 9. Monks. — § 10. Teachers in the Greek Church. —
$11. In the Latin Church.
$ 1. FROM the operation of several causes, the outward form of govern,
ment in the church experienced some change. The power of the bishops,
particularly of the higher orders, was sometimes augmented and some-
times diminished, according as times and circumstances altered ; yet the
caprice of the court and political considerations had more influence in this
matter, than any principles of ecclesiastical law. These changes, however,
were of minor importance. Of much more consequence was the vast in-
crease of honour and power acquired by the bishops of New Rome, or Con-
stantinople, in opposition to the most strenuous efforts of the bishop of an-
cient Rome. In the preceding century, the council of Constantinople
[A.D. 381] had conferred on the bishop of New Rome the second rank
among the highest bishops of the world, on account of the dignity and pre-
rogatives of the city where he presided. The Constantinopolitan bishops
(with the consent no doubt of the court) had likewise extended their juris-
diction over the provinces of [proconsular] Asia, Thrace, and Pontus. In
this century, with the consent of the emperors, they not only acquired the
additional province of eastern Illyricum, but likewise a great amplification
of their honours and prerogatives. For in the year 451, the council of
Chalcedon, by their twenty-eighth canon, decreed that the bishop of New
Rome ought to enjoy the same honours and prerogatives with the pontiff
of ancient Rome, on account of the equal dignity and rank of the two cit-
ies ;(1) and by a formal act they confirmed his jurisdiction over the prov-
inces which he claimed. Leo the Great, bishop of ancient Rome, and some
other bishops, strenuously resisted this decree ; but in vain, for the Greek
emperors supported the cause of their bishops. (2) After the period of this
(1) [Yet it appears, from the words of the (2) Mich, le Quien, Oriens Christianus,
canon, that the bishop of Constantinople, torn, i., p. 30, &c. [See also C. W. F.
though made equal in power and authority Walck, Historic der Kirchenversammlunprn,
with the bishop of Rome, was to yield to p. 310 ; and Historic der Papste, p. 106.
him a precedence in rank ur honour ; be- — Schl. ; and Arch. Bower, Lives of the
cause New Rome took rank after her older Popes, vol. ii., p. 64-84, ed. Lend., 1750,
aister, dwrepav /*er' tueivijv inrapxttv. — 4to. — TV.]
2V.]
324 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
council, the Constantinopolitan bishops began to contend fiercely for su-
premacy with the Roman bishops, and encroached on the privileges and
dignity of the bishops of Alexandria and Antioch. In particular, A cacius
of Constantinople is said to have exceeded all bounds in his ambitious pro-
jects.^)
§ 2. It was nearly at the same time, that Juvenal bishop of Jerusalem,
or rather of Aelia, attempted to withdraw himself and his church from the
jurisdiction of the bishop of Caesarea, and affected to rank among the first
prelates of the Christian world. His designs were rendered practicable
by the high veneration entertained for the church of Jerusalem, as being
not only founded and governed by apostles, but as a continuation of the
primitive church of Jerusalem, and in a sense the mother of all other Chris-
tian churches. Therefore Juvenal, the emperor Theodosius junior favour-
ing his designs, not only assumed the rank of an independent bishop over
the three Palestines, or that of a patriarch, but likewise wrested Phenicia
and Arabia from the patriarchate of Antioch. And as this produced a
controversy between him and Maximus bishop of Antioch, the council of
Chalcedon settled the dispute, by restoring Arabia and Phenicia to the see
of Antioch, and leaving Juvenal in possession of the three Palestines,(4)
with the title and rank which he had assumed. (5) In this manner there
were five principal bishops over the Christian world, created in this cen-
tury, and distinguished from others by the title of patriarchs. (6) The
Oriental writers mention a sixth, namely, the bishop of Seleucia and Ctesi-
phon; to whom, they say, the bishop of Antioch voluntarily ceded a part
of his jurisdiction. (7) But they can bring no proof, except the Arabic de-
crees of the Nicene council, which are well known to have no authority.
§ 3. Thene patriarchs had great prerogatives. To them belonged the
consecration of the bishops of their respective provinces. They annually
convoked councils of their districts, to regulate and settle ecclesiastical af-
fairs. If any great or difficult controversy arose, it was carried before the
patriarch. The bishops, accused of any offences, were obliged to abide by
his decision. And finally, to provide for the peace and good order of the
remoter provinces of their patriarchates, they were allowed to place over
them their own legates or vicars.(8) Other prerogatives of less moment
are omitted. It was the fact, however, that some episcopal sees were not
subject to the patriarchs ; for both in the East and in the West, certain
bisliiQps were exempt from partriarchal jurisdiction, or were independent. (9)
(3) Nouveau Dictionnaire hist, crit., tome (7) Asseman, Biblioth. Oriental. Vaticana,
i., article Acacius, p. 75, &c. [Dr. Mo- torn, i., p. 9, 13, &c.
sheim here speaks cautiously ; for in fact (8) David Blondell, de la Primaute de
Acacius, when all circumstances are consid- 1'Eglise, cap. xxv., p. 332, &c. Theod.
ered, was to be justified. See below, ch. v., Ruinart, de pallio Archi-Episcopali, p. 445 ;
$ 21. — Schl.] torn. ii. of the Opp. posthuma of Joh. Mabil-
(4) Concerning the three Paleslines, see Ion.
Carolus a S. Paulo, Geographia sacra, p. (9) Edw. Brercwood. de veteris ecclesiae
307, &c. gubernatione patriarchale, a tract which is
(5) Mich, le Quien, Oriens Christianus, subjoined to Jn. Usher's Opuscula de Epis-
tom. iii., p. 110, &c. copor. et Metropolitanorum origine, Lond.,
(6) See the writers who have treated of 1687, and Bremen, 1701, 8vo, p. 56-85.
the patriarchs, as enumerated by Jo. Alb. [The metropolitans and bishops who were
Fabricius, Bibliograph. Antiquar., cap. xiii., subject to no patriarch, were by the Greeks
p. 453, &c. [See also note (2) p. 233, &c. called UVTOKK^O^OL Of this description
of this volume. — Tr.\ were the metropolitans of Bulgaria, Cy-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 325
Moreover the emperors, who reserved to themselves the supreme power
over the church, listened readily to the complaints of those who thought
themselves injured ; and the councils also, in which the majesty and the
legislative power of the church resided, presented various obstacles to the
arbitrary exercise of patriarchal power.
§ 4. The constitution of ecclesiastical government was so far from con-
tributing to the peace and prosperity of the Christian church, that it was
rather the source of very great evils, and produced boundless dissensions
and animosities. In the first place, the patriarchs, who had power either
to do much good or to cause much evil, encroached without reserve upon
the rights and privileges of their bishops, and thus introduced gradually a
kind of spiritual bondage ; and that they might do this with more freedom,
they made no resistance to the encroachments of the bishops on the an-
cicnt rights of the people. For the more the prerogatives and the honours
of the bishops who were under their control were increased, the more was
their own power enlarged. In the next place, they designedly excited dissen-
sions and fomented controversies of bishops with one another and with oth-
er ministers of religion, and also of the people with the clergy ; so that they
might have frequent occasions to exercise their authority, be much appealed
to, and have a multitude of clients around them. Moreover, that the bishops
might not be without intestine foes, nor themselves destitute of strenuous de-
fenders of their authority, they drew over to their side the numerous tribes of
monks, who were gradually acquiring wealth, and attached them to their
interests by the most ample concessions. And these monks contributed
much — perhaps more than any other cause — to subvert the ancient disci-
pline of the church, to diminish the authority of the bishops, and to increase
beyond all bounds the power of their patrons.
§ 5. To these evils must be added the rivalship and ambition of the pa-
triarchs themselves ; which gave birth to abominable crimes and the most
destructive wars. The patriarch of Constantinople in particular, elated
with the favour and the proximity of the imperial court, on the one hand
subjected the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch to a subordination to
himself, as if they were prelates of a secondary rank, and on the other
prus, Iberia, Armenia, and also of Britain ly to him ; and the Romish patriarch had in
before the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons almost all his countries, (e. g , in Germany,
by the Romish monk Augustine. For the at Bamberg and Fulda), bishops who were
Britons had their archbishop of Caerleon, subject to no archbishop or primate, but
(Episcopus Caerlegionis super Osca), who dependant immediately on himself. There
had seven bishops under him, but acknowl- were also certain bishops, who were subject
edged no superintendence from the patriarch neither to any archbishop nor to a patriarch ;
of Rome, and for a long time made opposition as was the case with the bishop of Toinis in
to him ; and in Wales as well as in Scot- Scythia, according to Snzomen, Hist. Eccl.,
land and Ireland, this independence contin- 1. vi., c. 21. The churches in countries ly-
ued for many centuries. The church of Car- ing without the Roman Empire, at first had
thane also was properly subject to no other no bishops dependant on the bishops within
church; as appears from Lcydeckcr^s His- the empire ; as e. g., the churches in Persia,
toria Eccles. Africanae, and from the wri- Parthia, and among the Goths ; and these
tings of Capell and others, de appellationi- did not come under the power of Romish
bus ex Africa ad sedem Romanam. Some patriarchs, until they fell under the civil pow-
common bishops likewise, were subject to er of the Romans. Most of the conversions
no metropolitan, but were under the imme- of pagans by missionaries from Rome, were
diate inspection of their patriarch. Thus the in the western provinces of the empire. Sec
patriarch of Constantinople had 39 bishops Buumparterfs Erlautenmg der christl. Al-
m his diocese, who were subject immediate- terlhums, p. 158, &c. — Schl.]
326 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
hand he boldly attacked the Roman pontiff, and despoiled him of some of his
provinces. The two former, from their lack of power and from other
causes, made indeed but feeble resistance, though they sometimes produced
violent tumults and commotions ; but the Roman pontiff, possessing much
greater power and resources, fought with more obstinacy, and in his turn
inflicted deadly wounds on the Byzantine prelate. Those who shall care-
fully examine the history of events among Christians from this period on-
ward, will find that, from these quarrels about precedence and the bounda-
ries of their power, among those who pretended to be the fathers and guar-
dians of the church, chiefly originated those direful dissensions which first
split the eastern church into various sects, and then severed it altogether
from the church of the West.
§ 6. No one of these ambitious prelates was more successful than the
Romish patriarch. Notwithstanding the opposition of the Constantino-
politan bishop, various causes enabled him to augment his power in no
small degree ; although he had not yet laid claim to the dignity of supreme
lawgiver and judge of the whole Christian church. In the East, the Al-
exandrine and Antiochian patriarchs, finding themselves unequal to con-
tend with the patriarch of Constantinople, often applied to the Roman
pontiff for aid against him;(10) and the same measures were adopted by
the ordinary bishops, whenever they found the patriarchs of Alexandria
and Antioch invading their rights. To all these the pontiff so extended
his protection, as thereby to advance the supremacy of the Roman see. In
the West, the indolence and the diminished power of the emperors, left
the bishop of the metropolis at full liberty to attempt whatever he pleased.
And the conquests of the barbarians were so far from setting bounds to
his domination, that they rather advanced it. For these kings, caring for
nothing but the establishment of their thrones, when they saw that the peo-
ple obeyed implicitly the bishops, and that these were dependant almost
wholly on the Roman pontiff, deemed it good policy to secure his favour
by bestowing on him privileges and honours. Among all those who gov-
erned the see of Rome in this century, no one strove more vigorously and
successfully to advance its authority, than Leo who is commonly surnarned
the Great. But neither he, nor the others, could overcome all obstacles to
their ambition. This is evident, among other examples, from that of the
Africans, whom no promises or threats could induce to allow their causes
and controversies to be carried by appeal before the Roman tribunal.(ll)
(10) [This is illustrated, among other ex- vol. iv., p. 558, &c., as cited by Von Einem,
amples, by the case of John Talaia, patriarch in a note on this page of Mosheim. They
of Alexandria, who being deposed, (A.D. were appointed by the emperors to decide
482), applied to the Roman bishop Simpli- causes in the western churches ; they en-
cius for protection. See Liberatus Diaco- couraged appeals to themselves ; they as-
TIUS, Breviarium, c. 18 — Schl. ; and Bower, sumed the care of all the churches, as if it
Lives of the Popes, vol. ii., p. 189, &c., were a part of their official duty ; they ap-
194, ed. Lond., 1750. — TV.] pointed vicars in churches, over which they
(11) Lud. Ell. du Pin, de antiqua Eccles. had no claims to jurisdiction; where they
Disciplina, Diss. ii., p. 166, &c. Mctch. should have been only mediators, they as-
Leydecker, Historia Eccles. Africanae, torn, sumed to be judges ; they required accounts
ii.. diss. ii., p. 505, &c. [A concise view to be sent them of the affairs of foreign
of the steps by which the bishops of Rome churches ; they endeavoured to impose the
mounted to the summit of their grandeur, is rites and usages of their own church upon
thus given by/. Andr. Cramer, in his German all others, as being of apostolic origin ; they
translation of Bossuefj Universal History, traced their own elevation from the pre-em-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
327
§ 7. Of the vices of the whole clerical order, their luxury, their arro-
gance, their avarice, their voluptuous lives, we have as many witnesses,
as we have writers of integrity and gravity in this age whose works have
come down to us. The bishops, especially such as were distinguished for
their rank and honours, employed various administrators to manage their
affairs, and formed around themselves a kind of sacred court. The dig-
nity of a presbyter was supposed to be so great, that Martin of Tours did
not hesitate to say at a public entertainment, that the emperor himself was
inferior to one of that order. (12) The deacons were taxed with their
pride and their vices, in many decrees of the councils. (13) These stains
on the character of the clergy, would have been deemed insufferable, had
not most of the people been sunk in superstition and ignorance, and had
not all estimated the rights and privileges of Christian ministers, by those
of the ancient priests both among the Hebrews and among the Greeks and
Romans. The fierce and warlike tribes of Germans, who vanquished the
Romans and divided up the empire of the West among themselves, after
they had embraced Christianity could bear with the dominion and the vices
of the bishops and the clergy, because they had before been subject to the
domination of priests ; and they supposed the Christian priests and minis-
ters of religion possessed the same rights with their former idolatrous
priests. (14)
§ 8. This corruption among an order of men whose duty it was to incul-
cate holiness both by precept and example, will afford us less surprise,
inence of St. Peter; they maintained that
their fancied prerogatives belonged to (.hern
by a divine right ; they threatened with ex-
communication from the church, those who
would not submit to their decrees ; they set
up and deposed metropolitans, in provinces
over which they never legally had jurisdic-
tion ; and each successive pope was careful,
at least not to lose anything of the illegal
usurpations of his predecessors, if he did not
add to them. The truth of this representa-
tion is abundantly confirmed with the evi-
dence of historical facts, by various Protest-
ant writers ; and, among others, by Arch.
Bower, in his Lives of the Popes, 7 vols.
4to, London, 1749, &c.— TV.]
(12) Sulpititis Scverus, de vita Martini,
cap. xx., p. 339, and dial, ii., cap. vi., p. 457.
(13) See Dav. Blondell, Apologia pro sen-
tentia Hieronymi de Episcopis et Presbyte-
ris, p. 140.
(14) [That these pagan nations had been
accustomed to treat their idolatrous priests
with extraordinary reverence, is a fact well
known. When they became Christians,
they supposed they must show the same re-
spect to the Christian priests. Of course
they honoured their bishops and clergy, as
they had before honoured their Druids ;
and this reverence disposed them to bear
patiently with their vices. Every Druid
was accounted a very great character, and
was feared by every one ; but the Chief
Druid was actually worshipped. When
these people became Christians, they sup-
posed that the bishop of Rome was such a
Chief Druid ; and that he must be honoured
accordingly. And this was one cause, why
the Roman pontiff obtained in process of
time, such an ascendancy in the western
countries. The patriarch of Constantinople
rose indeed to a great elevation ; but he
never attained the high rank and authority of
the Roman patriarch. The reason was, that
the people of the East had not the same ideas
of the dignity of a Chief Priest as the peo-
ple of the West had. The eastern clergy
also practised excommunication as a punish-
ment of transgressors ; but it never had
such an influence in the East as it had in
the West ; and for this reason, that the ef-
fects of a pagan exclusion from religious
privileges, never were so great in the East
as in the West. The effects in the latter
are described by Julius Casar, de Bello
Gallico, 1. vi., c. 13, n. 6, dec. Si quis aut
pnvatus aut populus eorum decreto non
stetit, sacrifices interdicunt. Haec poena
apud eos est gravissima. Quibus ita est in-
terdictum, ii nurnero impiorum ac scelera-
torum habentur ; ab iis omnes decedunt, adi-
tum eorum sermonemque defugiunt, ne quid
ex contagione incommodi accipiant : neque
iis pctentibus jus reddilur, neque honos oliuj
communicatur. — Schl. ]
328 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
when we consider that a great multitude of persons were everywhere ad-
mitted, indiscriminately-- and without examination, among the clergy ; the
greater part of whom had no other object than to live in idleness. And
among these, very many were connected with no particular church or
place, and had no regular employment, but roamed about at large, procu-
ring a subsistence by imposing upon the credulity of others, and sometimes
by dishonourable artifices. Whence then, some may ask, those numerous
saints of this century, who are reported to us by both the eastern and the
western writers ? 1 answer, they were canonized by the ignorance of the
age. Whoever possessed some excellence of talents and ingenuity, if
they excelled considerably as writers or speakers, if they possessed dex-
terity in managing affairs of importance, or were distinguished for their
self-government and the control of their passions ; these persons, in an age
of ignorance, appeared to those around them to be not men, but gods ; or
to speak more correctly, were considered as men divinely inspired and
full of the Deity.
§ 9. The monks, who had formerly lived only for themselves, and who
had not sought to rank among the clergy, gradually became a class dis-
tinct from the common laity, and acquired such opulence and such high
privileges, that they could claim an honourable rank among the chief sup-
ports and pillars of the church. (15) The reputation of this class of per-
sons for piety and. sanctity was so great, that very often when a bishop
or a presbyter was to be elected he was chosen from among them ;( 16)
and the erection of edifices in which monks and nuns might conveniently
serve God, was carried beyond all bounds. (17) They did not, however,
all observe one and the same system of rules ; but some followed the rules
of Augustine, others those of Basil, and others those of Antony, or Atha-
nasius, or Pachomius, &c.(18) Yet it must have been the fact that they
(15) Epiphanius, Exposit. Fidei, Opp., Tabennesis into a kind of society ; and
torn, i., p. 1094. Joh. Mabillon, Reponse henceforth most monks became associated
aux Chanoines reguliers, Opp. posthum., hermits, having separate cells, but living un-
tom. ii., p. 115. der chiefs called abbots. Basil the Great
(16) Sulpitius Severus, de vita Martini, improved on the plan of Pachomius, by erect-
c. x., p. 320. Add, Dial, i., c. xxi., p. 426. ing houses in different parts of the country,
(17) Sulpitius Severus, Dial, i., p. 419. in which monks might live together in a
Henr. Noris, Historia Pelagiana, lib. ii., c. kind of family state. He also made his mon-
3, in Opp., torn, i., p. 273. Histoire litte- asteries schools for the cultivation of sacred
raire de la France, torn, ii., p. 35. learning. Si. A'hanasius, according to some,
(18) [A monk was one who professed (see note 26, p 265, above), while resident
wholly to renounce this world, with all its in Italy, taught the people of that country
cares and pleasures, and to make religion how to form and regulate these associations
his sole business. The particular manner in of monks. And St. Augustine first estab-
which he proposed to employ himself, was lished a kind of monastery in his native
called his rule. The early monks, of the town in Africa ; and afterwards, when bish-
third century, were called Eremites or her- op of Hippo, he and some of his clergy formed
mils ; that is, they retired from all human an association for religious purposes, which
society, and lived in solitude in the des- gave rise to the regular Canons, a species of
erts and mountains. Such in particular clergy whose private life was that of monks.
were the Egyptian monks. In the fourth During the fifth century, the passion for mo-
century they became so numerous in Egypt, nastic life was very great, and monks and
as to turn their favourite desert into a pop- nuns became extremely numerous in the
ulous country ; and St. Antony, a leading West as well- as the East. Yet, hitherto
man among them, induced great numbers to there had not been required of monks any
adopt his particular rule. St. Pachomius vows of perpetual, celibacy, poverty, and obe-
about the same time organized the monks of dience, nor of adherence for ever to any one
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
329
were all very remiss and negligent in the observance of their rules, since
the licentiousness of monks had even in this century become proverbial ;(19)
and these armies of lazy men, we are told, excited in various places dread,
ful seditions. From the enactments of the councils of this century, it
clearly appears, that all monks of every sort were under the protection of
the bishops in whose dioceses they lived ; nor did the patriarchs, as yet,
arrogate to themselves any jurisdiction over them. (20)
§ 10. Among the Greek and Oriental writers of this century, the most
distinguished was Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, very famous for his differ-
ent controversies and writings. No impartial person will divest him of
all praise ; yet no good man will excuse his quarrelsome temper, his rest.
less spirit, and his very great transgressions. (21) Next to him must be
rule of life ; but every one was free to con- (20) See Joh. Launoi, Inquisitio in char-
tinue a monk or not, and to pass from one tarn immunitatis B. Germani, in his Opp.,
society or class of monks to another, at his torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 3, &c., 38, &c. In the
option. Different monasteries had different ancient records posterior to this century, the
rules, according to the will of their founders
or governors ; but in all, the written rules,
if they had any, were few and simple, the ab-
bots possessing despotic power over their
little kingdoms. The diversity which then
prevailed among the monasteries as to their
rules, is thus described by father Mabillon,
(Annales Benedictini, lib. i., $ 13, torn, i.,
p. 6, &c.), " As well in the East as in the
West, there were almost as many different
forms and rules, as there were different cells
and monasteries, says Cassianus, Institut.,
1. ii., c. 1. In some, the pleasure of the ab-
bot was the only rule ; in others, the mode
of life was regulated by custom and former
usage ; in most however, there were written
rules. And, because all monastic rules,
whether written or not, aimed at one and the
same object, viz., to withdraw men from all
worldly concerns, and from all worldly
thoughts, so that they might be wholly de-
voted to God and religion ; the monasteries
were not in general so confined to any one
rule but that they could adopter superinduce
another, at the discretion of the abbot ; and
this, without changing their profession, and
without harm. Hence in the same monas-
tery, diverse written rules were observed at
the same time, with such modifications as
were necessary to adapt them to particular
times and places. And yet, amid this great
diversity of rules, there was the greatest har-
mony among all the monks, who constituted
in reality but one society and one body, and
were distinguished from each other by no pe-
culiarities of dress. Removal also from one
monastery to another, and mutual abode with
each other, were easy and free ; and not only
where both monasteries were of Latins, but
also where one was of Latins and the other
of Greeks."— TV.]
(19) Sulpitius Severus, Dial, i., cap. viii.,
p. 399, &c.
VOL. 1.— T T
monks are often called (clenci) clergymen.
See Joh. Mabillon, Praefatio ad Saecul. ii.
Actor. Sanctor. Ord. Benedicti, p. xiv. And
this is evidence, that they then began to be
ranked among the clergy, or ministers of the
church.
(21) The works of Cyril were published
by Joh. Aubertus, at Paris. 1638, 6. vols.,
[in vii. parts], folio. — [St. Cynllus was
nephew to Theuphilus, and his successor in
the chair of Alexandria from A.D. 412 to
444. Soon after his election, he persecuted
the Novatians ; assumed the direction of po-
litical affairs ; quarrelled with Orestes, the
governor of Egypt ; and is said to have oc-
casioned several insurrections and much
bloodshed at Alexandria ; to have instigated
the murder of Hypatia, an eminent female
philosopher ; and to have pulled down the
Jews' synagogue, plundered it, and chased
the Jews from the city. See Socrates, Hist.
Eccles., 1. vii., c. 7, 13, 14, 15, and Dama-
sius, in Suidas, Lex. voce t>—<ma. From
the year 429, he was the most zealous and
efficient opposer of Nestorius and his doc-
trines ; wrote against him ; condemned his
doctrines in a synod at Alexandria, in his
noted xii. chapters ; presided in the council
of Ephesus, where Nestorius was condemn-
ed and deposed A.D. 431. His zeal against
Nestorius drew on himself deposition, by
some Oriental bishops ; but he was soon re-
stored. With the bishop of Rome, he wa»
always on the most friendly terms. He was
certainly a man of talents, and his volumi-
nous writings display much acuteness and
learning, though the style is unpolished and
not very clear. More than half of them are
expositions of the scriptures; viz., of the
Pentateuch, Isaiah, the Minor Prophets, and
the Gospel of John. The others are po-
lemic treatises, against Arians, Nestorians,
and others, who erred in respect to the Trin-
330
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
placed Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, an eloquent, copious, and learned wri-
ter, whose merits in every branch of theological learning are by no means
contemptible, notwithstanding he is said to have imbibed some part of the
Nestorian doctrine. (22) Isidorus Pelusiota has left us [numerous, short]
Epistles, which display more piety, ingenuity, erudition, and judgment, than
the large volumes of some others. (23) Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria,
ing to his diocese, he devolved most of his
episcopal duties on Hypatius, and devoted
himself to writing books, till the year 457,
when he died, aged about 71. He was
frank, open-hearted, ingenuous, had elevated
views and feelings, was resolute and unbend-
ing, yet generous, sympathetic, and ardently
pious. His learning was great, his genius
good, and his productions among the best of
that age. The first and second volumes of
his works embrace his Commentaries on the
greater part of the Old Testament. Volume
third contains Comments on all the Epistles
of Paul ; Hist. Ecclesiastica, in five books ;
(a continuation of Eusebius, from A.D. 320
to A.D. 427, written in a style elevated,
clear, and well adapted to history) ; Philo-
theus, or Historia Religiosa; (eulogies of
30 distinguished monks) : and 146 epistles.
Volume fourth contains four books or dia-
logues, entitled Eranistes, or Polymorphus ;
(polemic, on the person of Christ) ; Hsereti-
carum Tabular, lib. v (an account of the
ancient Heresies) ; de Providentia Orationes
x. adversus Gentes, or Graecarum affectio-
num curatio, (an apology for Christianity),
in 12 books ; and some other small pieces.
The fifth volume contains some other exposi-
tory pieces, several sermons, 34 epistles, and
seven dialogues against the Arians, Macedo-
nians, and Apollinarists. — All his works, Gr.
and Lat., with Notes, were republished by J.
L. Schulze, Halle, 1768-74, in five volumes,
in nine, 8vo. See his life, in Schroeckh,
Kirchengesch., vol. xviii., p. 355—432. — Tr.]
(23) The best edition of these letters, is
that of the Jesuit, Andr. Schott, Paris, 1638,
fol. — [Isidorus was probably a native of Al-
exandria, but he spent his life in a monas-
tery near Pelimium, now Damietta, on one
of the mouths of the Nile ; and hence his
surname of Pelusiota. He flourished about
A.D. 412 ; but was active and conspicuous
from the year 388 to 431. As a monk he
was very austere in his mode of living ; and
retiring from the noise and bustle of the
world, he devoted himself to reading and ex-
pounding the Scriptures, and to the practice
and the promotion of piety and virtue. He
chose the epistolary form of writing ; and
has left us 2013 short letters, which are di-
vided into five books. In most of them a
question is proposed, and answered by the ex-
position of a text of Scripture. The object
ity and the person of Christ. ; 10 Books
against Julian ; about 50 Sermons ; and
near 60 Letters. See his life, in Schroeckh.,
Kirchengesch., vol. xviii., p. 313-354. —
2>.]
(22) For a fine edition of the whole works
of Theodoret, we are indebted to the Jesuit
Jac. Sirmond, who edited them at Paris,
1642, in 4 vols., folio. The Jesuit Jo. Gar-
trier, afterwards added a fifth volume, Paris,
1685, folio. [Thcodorel or Theodorit, was
born at Antioch about the year 386, of weal-
thy and pious parents. He was their only
child, and like Samuel, the son of their vows ;
and therefore named Theodoretus, given of
God. When not quite seven years old, he
was placed in a neighbouring monastery for
education, where he had for associates Nes-
torius and John, who became the patriarchs
of Constantinople and Antioch ; and for in-
structers, Theodorus bishop of Mopsuestia,
and Chrysoslom, from whom he learned elo-
quence and sacred literature. He became
early pious, was first made lector, and then
deacon, in the church of Antioch ; and in
the year 420, was ordained bishop of Cyrus,
a considerable city in Syria, near the Eu-
phrates, where he is said to have had the
charge of 800 churches. The country was
overrun with antitrinitarian sectarians and
with Marcionites, of whom he nearly purged
his diocese, having, as he says, baptized no
less than 10,000 Marcionites. In the year
429, his early friend Nestorius broached his
errors respecting the person of Christ, and
was condemned by Cyril of Alexandria.
Theodoret espoused the cause of his friend ;
which involved him in a quarrel with Cyril
as long as they lived. He was one of those,
who in the year 431 deposed Cyril at Ephe-
sus ; for which he was sent home in dis-
grace by the emperor Thcodosius junior.
Cyril died in 444 ; and Theodoret expressed
his joy at the event, which so enraged the
emperor, that he confined him to his house.
In 449, he was deposed in the second synod
of Ephesus, and applied to the bishop of
Rome, who now espoused his cause. The-
odosius died in 450, and his successor re-
stored Theodoret to his see ; and afterwards
summoned him to be a member of the coun-
cil of Chalcedon in 451, where he professed
his orthodoxy, and was reluctantly brought
to condemn Nestorius. After this, return-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
331
has left us very little in writing ; but he has perpetuated his name, by his
opposition to Origen and his followers. (24) Palladius,on account of his
Lausiac History, and his Life of Chrysostom, deserves a place among the
respectable and useful writers. (25) Notwithstanding Theodoras of Mop-
sucstia was accused after his death of the grossest errors, yet every one
who has examined the extracts from his writings by Photius, will regret
that his works are either entirely lost, or exist only in Syriac among the
Nestorians.(26) Nilus composed many works calculated to excite reli.
is to expound the Scriptures, and to incul-
cate the doctrines and duties of religion.
He was an admirer of Chrysostom ; and of
course had difficulty with Theophilus and
Cyril, the patriarchs of Alexandria. But
he feared no man, whenever he thought duty
called him to defend truth or to censure vice.
-TV.]
(24) See Euscb. Renaudot, Historia Pa-
triarchar. Alexandrinor., p. 103. [Theophi-
lus, bishop of Alexandria from the year 385
to the year 412, was a man of a strong, ac-
tive, courageous mind ; but crafty, unscru-
pulous, selfish, and ambitious. He proba-
who opposed the Anthropomorphites, drove
them from Egypt, and followed them with
persecution, and also all who befriended
them, and in particular Chrysostom, whom
he deposed in the year 403. See Socrates,
H. E., vi., 7-17. So:omcn,\iii., 11-19.—
His works are not numerous, and have never
been collected and published by themselves.
They consist of three Paschal Letters, or
Episcopal Charges ; several Letters ; and
considerable extracts from different polemic
treatises. — 7V.]
(25) [Palladium was born in Galatia, in
the year 368. In his 20th year, he went to
bly spent some of his early years among the Egypt, and spent several years among differ-
monks of Nitria. Afterwards he became ent tribes of monks. The failure of his
a presbyter of Alexandria, wrote a Paschal
Cycle in 380, and was made bishop in 385.
In the year 388, when Theodosius senior
waged war in Italy upon Maximus the usurp-
er, Theophilus sent his legate Itidonu to
Rome, with letters and presents to both em-
perors ; but with instructions to await the
issue of the battle, and then to present only
the letter and presents directed to the victor.
(Suzumcn, Hist. Eccl., 1. viii.,c. 2.) In the
health obliged him to return from the wil-
derness to Alexandria, and thence to Pales-
tine. In the year 400, Chrysostom made
him bishop of Helenopolis in Bithynia ;
which he exchanged some years after, for
Aspona in Galatia. The time of his death
is unknown ; but it is supposed to have been
before A.D. 431. Palladium was a man of
moderate talents and erudition, but pious, a
devoted monk, and a perspicuous, unassuming
writer. His works are, (I.) Historia Lausi-
year391, he solicited and obtained of the
emperor leave to persecute the pagans of aca, sen dc SS. Putnun vilis, ad Luusum
Alexandria, and proceeded to demolish their cubiculi Prafcctum ; (Biography of 30 of
temples and seize whatever was valuable
in them. Insurrections and bloodshed, and
the flight of the philosophers from Egypt,
were the consequence. (Socrates, Hist. Ec-
cles., 1. v., c. 16.) The major part of the
ignorant monks of Nitria had such gross
ideas of the Supreme Being, as to suppose
he literally had eyes and feet and hands, and
were therefore called AnthropomorpkUct.
But the better informed monks held, that
these expressions were to be taken mela-
the most famous monks) ; written about the
year 421 ; edited, Gr. and I>at., by Fronto
'le Due, in his Auctarium Biblioth. Patr.,
torn, ii., p. 893-1053, Paris, 1624, fol.
Some editions were afterwards published by
Cotelicr, Monument. Eccl. Gr., torn. iii.
Several Latin translations are extant, often
published. — (II ) Dialog-its dc Vita S. Jo-
han. Chrysostomi, inter Palladium Ejii.tc.
Hellcnopolitannm et Theodorum, (Life or
Eulogy of John Chri/sostom), first publish-
phorically, as Ongen had always interpret- ed, Gr. and Lat., by Emer. Bipot, Paris,
ed them. And thus this controversy resolv-
ed itself into a contest respecting O
correctness as a theologian. At first, The-
ophilus favoured the Origenists ; but the
Anthropomorphites came upon him tumult-
uously, about the year 399, and compelled
him to change sides. From this time, he
was a zealous persecutor of all Origenists.
.(notwithstanding he continued to read and
admire Ins works), and he actually made
1680, and again 1738, 4lo ; with some other
works. Whether the Palladius who wrote
this, was the same as the author of the Lau-
siac History, has been questioned — (III.)
'.tins Indue, ct Rrachmannis Liber, is
extant under his name : but it is not sup-
posed to be genuine. — TV.]
(26) See Jo*. Sim. Asscman, Biblioth.
Oriental. Clement. Vaticana, torn, iii., pt.
ii.. p. 227. [and ibid., pt. i , p 3-362, where
bloody crusade against those Nitric monks we have Ehrd Jisit's catalogue of his works.
332
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
gious emotions, but more commendable for the pious intentions of the wri-
ter, than for his accurate and laboured thoughts. (27) Our designed brev-
ity obliges us to pass over what might be worthy of notice in Basil of Se-
leucia,(28) Theodotus of Ancyra,(29) Gelasius of Cyzicum,(30) and oth-
ers.(31)
— Thcodorus was born and educated at An-
tioch, where he was some time a presbyter,
and where he and Chrysostom instructed
youth in a monastery, and had for pupils
Theodorct, the famous Ncstorius patriarch
of Constantinople, and John patriarch of An-
tioch. In the year 392, he was made bish-
op of Mopsuestia in Cilicia, where he spent
36 years, with great reputation as a preacher,
a bishop, and especially as an author. Af-
ter his death, which happened in the year
428, he was accused of Nestorian and like-
wise of Pelagian sentiments ; and was con-
demned as a heretic, in the fifth general coun-
cil, at Constantinople A.D. 553. His wri-
tings were very numerous, embracing literal
expositions of nearly the whole Bible, elab-
orate polemic works, against the Anans, Eu-
nomians, Apollinarists, &c., with many ser-
mons and epistles, and a liturgy. A Latin
translation of the last, is in Renaudot, Lit-
urgiar. Oriental. Collectio, torn, ii., p. 616-
625. His Expositio Fidei entire, and co-
pious extracts from many of his other works,
are extant in the Acts of the fifth general
council, apud Harduin, torn, in., in the
works of Marius Mercator, and of other fa-
thers, and in the Catenae Patrum, especially
the Catena in Octateuchum, Lips., 1772, 2
vols. fol., and in Miinter's Fragmenta Patr.
Gr., fascic. i., p. 79, &c., Copenhag., 1788,
8vo. See Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol.
xv.( p. 176-218, and Lardner, Credibility,
&c., vol. ix., p. 389, &c.— TV.]
(27) [Nilus was born of a noble family,
at Constantinople, where he became prefect
of the city. Under the preaching of Chry-
sostom, he became pious, renounced the
world, separated from his wife, and, taking
one of his two sons with him, retired among
the monks of Egypt, where he spent the re-
mainder of his days. By robbers he lost all
his property, and had his son captured ; but
he recovered his eon. He was made a pres-
byter, and probably lived till near the middle
of this century. His numerous writings have
been read with pleasure by the lovers of mo-
nastic piety. His 355 epistles were publish-
ed, Gr. and Lat., by Leo Allatius, Rome,
1668, fol. ; and his Opuscula, (21 treatises
on moral and ascetic subjects), Gr. and Lat.,
by Jos. Maria Suares, Rome, 1673, folio.
-TV.]
(28) [Basil was bishop of Seleucia in
Isauria before the year 448, and continued
so till after the year 458. He possessed
some talents ; but he was an unstable man.
In the council of Constantinople A.D. 448,
he voted with the orthodox, and condemned
Eutyches. The next year, in the council of
Ephesus, he openly sided with the Eutychi-
ans, and anathematized the orthodox. And
two years after, in the council of Chalcedon,
he appeared again on the orthodox side, and
said he had been compelled to act with the
Eutychians ; but he had much difficulty to
persuade the orthodox of his sincerity, and
to allow him his episcopal office. — His
works were published, Gr. and Lat., sub-
joined to those of Gregory Thaumaturgus
and Macarius the monk, Paris, 1622, fol.
They consist of 43 orations ; of which 17
are on the Old Testament, and 26 on the
New ; written in a lofty style, and tolerably
perspicuous, but excessively flowery. The
Demonstration that Christ has come, against
the Jews, founded on the 70 weeks of Dan-
iel, and the two books on the Life of St.
Thecla, the virgin and martyr, though print-
ed among his works, are supposed by many
to be not genuine. — TV.]
(29) [Theodotus, bishop of Ancyra in Ga-
latia, flourished about the year 430. Little
is known of him, except that he acted a con-
spicuous part in the council of Ephesus,
which condemned Ncstorius in the year 431.
Three Orations, which he then delivered at
Ephesus, (two on Christmas day, and one
against Nestorius), are extant, Gr. and Lat.,
among the Acts of that council, torn, iii., p.
988, 1008, 1024. Another of his orations
was published with the works of Amphi/ochi-
us, Paris, 1644. His Exposition of the Ni-
cene creed, or Confutation of Nestorius, was
published, Gr. and Lat., by Combejis, Paris,
1675, 12mo. 7'hcodotus, in the close of
the last-mentioned work, refers to his three
Books on the Holy Spirit, which are lost ;
as are his seven Books against Nestorius,
addressed to Lausus. He has been ac-
counted a good polemic writer. — Tr.]
(30) [Gelasius Cyzicenus was a native of
Cyzicus, an island in the Propontis, where
his father was a presbyter. He flourished
about A.D. 476. and was bishop of Caesarea
in Palestine. He is known chiefly by his
History of the Nicene Council, or as the Gr.
MSS. style it, his Ecclesiastical History, in
iii. Books. Theirs/ Book contains the af-
fairs of Constantine, till the death of Lici-
7iius in 324. The second contains subse-
quent events, the calling of the council, and
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
333
the transactions in it and during it, especially
the disputes of the philosophers and Arians
with the Nicene fathers. The third Book,
which is now lost, contained the subsequent
life and deeds of Constantine. As for the
sources from which he drew his information,
he tells us, that when a boy at Cyzicus he
met with an old MS. history of the Nicene
council, written by one Dalmatius a former
bishop of Cyzicus ; that he then made large
extracts from it ; and many years after, com-
posed his history from these extracts, and
from the writings of Eusebivs, Rufinus, &c.
This work of Gelasius, once in high repute,
is now little esteemed ; in particular, the ac-
count of the disputes of the philosophers and
Arians, which constitute the greater part of
the second book, are considered very ques-
tionable. The two surviving books were
published, Gr. and Lat., by R. Balf. Scot,
Paris, 1599, 8vo ; and in the Collections of
Councils, by Hardmn, torn, i., p. — . — TV.]
(31) [The Greek and Oriental writers,
passed by in silence by Dr. Mosheim, are
very numerous. As some knowledge of
them is useful, and indeed necessary for a
theologian, a tolerably complete catalogue
of them, extracted from Cave's Historia Lit-
teraria, is here subjoined.
Asterius, bishop of Amasea in Pontus ;
flourished about A.D. 401 ; an eloquent and
popular preacher. More than twenty of his
Homilies are published, by Combefis and Co-
telier.
Marcus, a monk of Nitria, Egypt ; flour-
ished A.D. 4-01. Seven tracts on practical
piety, written with great simplicity, are ex-
tant in Fronlo Ducaeus, Auctuar. Biblioth.
Pair., torn. i.
Victor of Antioch, a contemporary of
Chrysostom ; wrote a Commentary on
Mark s Gospel ; extant, Lat., in the Biblioth.
Patr., torn, iv., p. 370.
Severianus, bishop of Gabala in Syria ;
flourished A.D. 401 ; a turgid writer, but a
popular preacher. Twelve of his orations
are extant, among the works of Chrysostom.
Heraclides, a monk of Constantinople ;
flourished A.D. 402. Rewrote Paradisus,
or Lives of the monks ; much of which is
copied into the Lausiac History of Pallatli-
us, and the remainder was published by Co-
telier, Monument. E™cl. Gr., torn. iii.
Atticus, bishop of Constantinople, A.D.
406-427 ; an enemy of Chrysostom, but
famed for learning, address, and piety. Two
of his letters, and some fragments, are extant.
Polychronius, bishop of Apamea ; flour-
ished A.D. 410-427 ; was brother to Theo-
dorus of Mopsuestia. His exposition of the
Canticles, and fragments of his Commentary
on Ezckiel and Daniel, are extant.
Nonnus, a converted pagan poet, of
Egypt ; flourished A.D. 410. His Dionys-
iaca, in 48 Books, written before his con-
version, have been often published ; e. g.,
Hanover, 1605, 8vo. His poetic version of
John's Gospel, was published, Gr. and Lat.,
by Heinsius, 1627, 8vo, and his Collectio et
Expticatio Historiarum, by R. Montague,
Eton, 1610, 4to. He was a scholar, but a
turgid writer.
Synesius, a philosopher, statesman, poet,
and after A.D. 410, bishop of Ptolemais, in
Gyrene, Africa ; a man of fine talents, and
a devoted bishop ; but more of a philosopher
than theologian. Besides several treatises,
philosophical, political, and historical, he has
left us 155 Epistles, 10 Hymns, and some
sermons ; all published, Gr. and Lat., by Pe-
tavius, Paris, 1612 and 1633, fol.
Philip of Side in Pamphylia, a friend of
Chrysostom, and candidate for the see of
Constantinople in 427. He wrote a reli-
gious History, from the creation to his own
times, in 36 Books ; a prolix and tedious
work, of which only extracts remain.
Eudocia, a learned Athenian lady, born
A.D. 401, converted to Christianity at 20,
and soon after married to the emperor Thc-
odosius II. ; proclaimed empress in 432 ;
divorced, for a slight cause, in 445 ; then
retired to Jerusalem, and spent her life in
works of charity and beneficence ; and in
composing Centones Homend, poetic para-
phrases of the Bible, and other religious
poems. She died A.D. 459, aged 58.
Philostorgius, born in Cappadocia A.D.
368, well educated at Constantinople, a
Eunomian or Semiarian in principle. He
composed, about the year 425, an Ecclesi-
astical History in xii. Books, extending from
the first rise of Arianism, to A.D. 425. The
work itself is lost ; but an epitome of it by
Photius, was edited by Valesitts, among the
Greek Ecclesiastical Historians. His work
was partial to the Arians, and is therefore
censured by Photius and others.
Sabvnus, bishop of Heraclea in Thrace -r
flourished A.D. 425. He was of the sect of
Maccdonius ; and published a Collection of
the acts of the councils, from A.D. 325 to
425. The work is lost, except some ex-
tracts, preserved by Socrates and others.
John, bishop of Antioch, A.D. 427-441.
He at first supported his early friend Nestori-
us ; but afterwards abandoned him and his
sect. Six of his Epistles are extant, Gr.
and Lat., in Collect. Concilior., torn, iii.;
and fifteen more, Latin, in Lupus* Collection
of Ephesine Epistles.
Nestorius, presbyter at Antioch, and bish-
op of Constantinople, A.D. 428-431. A»
a bishop, he was very zealou* to suppress ail
334
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
the prevailing heresies ; but he soon incurred
the charge of heresy himself, by maintaining
that in the person of Christ, the two natures
were not so united as to form but one per-
son ; and that it was improper to call Mary
tfeoroKOf, (he mother of God; though she
might be called ^piforo/coc, the mother of
Christ. For this opinion, he was condemn-
ed and deposed, in a council at Ephesus,
A.D. 431. Afterwards, the emperor con-
fined him to a monastery near Antioch ; and
then banished him to the deserts of Egypt,
where he wandered several years, suffered
much, and at last died. He was a popular
preacher, and an active bishop, but, accord-
ing to Socrates, (H. E., viii., 32), not a very
profound man. Besides numerous extracts
from various of his works, several entire
Epistles and some Sermons are extant, in
the Collections of councils, in Lupus' Ephe-
sine Epistles, and in the works of Chrysos-
tom, Mcrcator, &c.
Mdetius, bishop of Mopsuestia, A.D. 428
and onward ; a stanch Nestorian, deposed
and banished for this heresy. Eleven of his
Epistles are in the Ephesine Collection.
Isaac, a converted Jew, flourished A.D.
430, author of a treatise on the Trinity, and
the incarnation of Christ, in bad Greek ;
extant among the Opuscula Veterum dog-
matica ; published by Sirmond, Paris, 1630,
8vo.
Acacius, a monk, and bishop of Beraea,
from about 378 to 436. He was a man in
high repute, and has left us three epistles.
Acacius, bishop of Melitene in Arme-
nia ; a stanch opposer of Nestorius in the
council of Ephesus A.D. 431. A homily
he delivered there, and an Epistle, are ex-
tant ; in the Concil., torn, iii., and in Lupus'
Collection of Ephesine Epistles.
Dorotheus, bishop of Martianopolis in
Moesia ; a bold defender of Nfstorius at
Ephesus A.D. 431, and therefore deposed,
and at last banished, four of his Epistles
are in the Ephesine Collection.
Alexander, bishop of Hierapolis in Syria;
a defender of Nestorius at Ephesus A. D. 43 1 ,
and therefore deposed and banished. He has
23 Epistles in the Ephesine Collection.
Maximinus, bishop of Anazarbum in Ci-
licia ; a defender of Nestorius at Ephesus
A.D. 431 ; but afterwards renounced him.
He has three Epistles in the Ephesine Col-
lection.
Helladius, for sixty years abbot of a mon-
astery near Antioch, and then bishop of
Tarsus. While a bishop, he defended Nes-
torius in the council of Ephesus, and for
some time after; I Jt at length renounced
him. Six of his Epistles are in the Ephe-
sine Collection.
Euthcnus, archbishop of Tyanea ;• de-
fended Nestorius in the council of Ephesus,
though not a Nestorian in sentiment. He
was deposed and banished. Five of hia
Epistles are extant in the Ephesine Collec-
tion ; and seventeen of his Sermons, against
various heresies, Gr. and Lat., among the
works of Athanasius.
Paul, bishop of Emesa ; a defender of Nes-
torius in the Ephesine council ; but he after-
wards retracted. He has left us a confession
of his faith, two Homilies, and an Epistle.
Andreas, bishop of Samosata ; a defendei
of Nestorius from the year 429 to 436, when
he renounced him. He has eight Epistlea
in the Ephesine Collection.
Proclus, amanuensis to Chrysostom, and
to Atticus ; and the bishop of Constantino-
ple, A.D. 432-446. He was a very pious
man, a good scholar, and a popular preacher.
His works, consisting of twenty Sermons,
and six Epistles, were published, Gr. and
Lat., by Ricardi, Rome, 1630, 4to.
Ibas, from about A.D. 436, bishop of
Edessa. He was accused of Nestorianism,
and acquitted in 448 ; but was accused
again and condemned in 449 ; and restored
in 451. The greater part of a valuable let-
ter of his, containing a history of the Nesto-
rian contests, is extant, Gr. and Lat., in the
Concilior., torn, iv , p. 661.
Socrates, Scholasticus, a barrister at Con-
stantinople ; flourished A.D. 440. He com-
posed a faithful Ecclesiastical History, from
the accession of Constantme the Great, to
A.D. 439, in vii. Books ; which is edited by
Valesius, among the Greek Eccl. Historians.
Hernias Sozomenus, also a Constantino-
politan barrister, and an author of an Eccle-
siastical History, from A.D. 324 to A.D.
439, in ix. Books. He is a more vivacious
writer than Socrates, but is deemed less ju-
dicious. Yet writing after Socrates, he has
supplied some of his deficiencies. The work
was edited by Valesius, among the Greek
Ecclesiastical Historians.
Irenaeus, Count of the empire, and the
emperor's commissioner at the council of
Ephesus in 431. He favoured the Nesto-
rians in that council ; and defended their
cause all his life ; and therefore, was ex-
cluded the court in 435, became bishop of
Tyre in 444, was deposed by the emperor
in 448 : and then commenced writing a co-
pious Memoir of the Ephebine council, and
of ecclesiastical p.ft'airs in the East for about
twenty years. The work is lost, except the
old Latin translation of certain parts of it,
which was published by Christian Lupus,
Louvain, 1682, 4to, under the title of Va-
riorum Patrum Epistolae ad Concilium
Ephcsinum pertinentes.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
335
§ 11. Among 'the Latin writers, tlie first place is due to the Roman
pontiff Leo I., surnamed the Great ; a man of eloquence and genius, but
immoderately devoted to the extension of the limits of his power. (32)
Flavianus, bishop of Constantinople, A.D.
447-449. He has left us two Epistles, and
a Creed ; extant in Baluze, Nov. Collect.
Concilior.
Eutyckes, the heretic, a presbyter of Con-
stantinople. He so opposed Nestorianism,
as to confound the two natures, as well as
the two persons of Christ. This error he
broached in the year 448. He was con-
demned the same year ; appealed to a gen-
eral council, and was again condemned in
451. A Confession of his faith, with a few
of his Letters, is extant.
Euscbius, first a civilian at Constantino-
ple, and then bishop of Dorylaeum in Phry-
gia. He was the public accuser of Nesto-
nus, of Euiychcs, and of Dioscorus ; from
the year 430 to 451. His Libels, and some
other of his documents, are extant.
Diadochus, bishop of Photice in Epirus ;
flourished A.D. 450. He has left us some
treatises on practical religion ; ed. Gr., at
Florence, 1578 ; and Lat., in Bilioth. Pa-
trum, torn. v.
Eulhalius, a deacon in Egypt ; flourished
perhaps A.D. 458. He wrote an analytical
Introduction to the books of the New Testa-
ment, published, Gr. and Lat., by Zacag-
nius, Rome, 1698, 4to.
Acacius, bishop of Constantinople, A.D.
471-488 ; very ambitious and active for the
aggrandizement of his see. He has left us
only two Epistles.
Nestorianus, a Greek chronographer, who
flourished about the year 474. He wrote
Lives of the Rontqn emperors, to A.D. 474.
The work was highly commended by John
Malnla. ; but it is lost.
Johannes JEgeaies, a Nestorian ; flour-
ished A.D. 483, or later ; and wrote an Ec-
clesiastical History, in 10 Books ; of which,
(says Pholius), thence first Books reached
from A.D. 428 to 479. Only some extracts
of it remain.
Sabas, a Syrian monk and abbot, born
in 439, died 531. He wrote a Typicum, or
the order of prayer for the whole year ; which
was adopted in all the monasteries about
Jerusalem, and is still extant.
Justin, a bishop in Sicily, A.D 484 ; au-
thor of some epistles, and, (as Dodwell sup-
poses), of the Qu&stiones ad Orthodozos,
published among the works of Justin Mar-
tyr.
JEneas Gazaeut, a sophist and a Plato-
nisl, and then a Christian ; flourished about
A.D. 488. He was the author of a noted
dialogue entitled Tficophrastus, or on the
immortality of souls and the resurrection of
the body ; ed., Gr. and Lat., by Barth, Lips.,
1658, 4to.
Athanasius junior, or Cclctes, bishop of
Alexandria A.D. 490-497; a fine biblical
scholar, an active and good bishop, and a
devout man. He is supposed to be the au-
thor of several of the works ascribed to
Athanasius the Great, and published as
such: namely, (1) Sacrae Scripturae Sy-
nopsis ; (2) Quaestiones et Responsiones ad
Antiochum ; (3) the two tracts, de Incarna-
tione Verbi Dei ; (4) Syntagma doctrinae,
ad Clericos et Laicos ; (5) de Virginitate,
sive Ascesi.
Zacharias, a rhetorician, flourished A.D.
491. He wrote an Ecclesiastical History,
from A.D. 450-491, which is often quoted
as well as censured for partiality, by Eva~
grius, in his Historia Ecclesiastica.
Eustathius, of Syria, flourished A.D. 496.
He wrote Chronicorum Compendium, from
^Eneas to Anastasius, or A.D. 496, in ix.
books, which are lost.
Malchus, a Byzantine sophist, flourished
A.D. 496. He composed a Roman History,
from Constantine the Great to the emperor
Anastasius. Two large extracts only are
extant.
Basil of Cilicia, first a presbyter at Anti-
och, and then bishop of Irenopolis in Cilicia ;
flourished A.D. 497. He wrote an Ecclesi-
astical History in iii. books, extending from
A.D. 450 to A.D. 527 ; also, contra Johan-
nem Scythopolitanum, Libri xvi., accusing
him of Mamchaeism. Neither work is ex-
tant.
Candidus, a scrivener to the governors of
the province of (sauna, flourished A.D. 496.
He wrote Historiarum Lihri iii., extending
from A.D. 457 to A.D. 491. Some extracts,
by Photius, are all that remain.
Andreas, bishop of Caesarea in Cappado-
cia, flourished about A.D 500. He wrote
a Commentary on the Apocalypse, which is
extant, Gr. and Lat , inter Opp. Chrysosto-
m,, toin. viii., ed Morcll; a\so Thcrapeutica
Spiritualis, of which only some fragments
remain. — 7Y.]
(32) The entire works of Lfo I., [com-
prising 100 sermons and 141 epistles], were
' dited with great care bv the celebrated pres-
byter of the Oratory, Pasrh. Qucsnctl, Ly-
ons, 1700, 2 vols. fol [This edition be-
ing proscribed by the pope, because the edi-
tor defended the cause of Hilary of Aries,
and the liberties of the Gallican church
against Leo ; a new edition was published
336
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
[Paul] Orosius acquired fame by his History, written with a view to con-
fute the cavils of the pagans, and by his books against the Pelagians and
Priscillianists.(33) [John] Cassianus, an unlearned and superstitious man,
by his oral communications, his writings, and his institutions, acquainted
the Gauls with the mode of living pursued by the monks of Syria and
Egypt ; and was a leading teacher among those denominated Semipela-
gians.(34) The Homilies of Maximus of Turin, which are still extant, are
short, but generally neat and pious. (35) Eucherius of Lyons, ranks not
empire under the reign of paganism, as un-
der that of Christianity. (2) Apologeticus
by Cacciari and the brothers Ballerini.
Leo was a man of extraordinary talents, a
good writer, an indefatigable bishop, and contra Pelagianos de arbitrii libertate. These
very successful in promoting the glory of '
the see of Rome. It has been said, that he
possessed every virtue that was compatible
with an unbounded ambition. He was bish-
op of Rome from A. D. 440 to A.D. 461. In
the beginning of his reign, he persecuted the
sectarians of Africa, who took refuge in Italy
on the conquest of Africa by the Vandals.
In 445 commenced his controversy with Hi-
lary archbishop of Aries, whom he divested
of his rights as a metropolitan, in violation
of the liberties of the Gallican church. He
also obtained from Valentinian III. a de-
cree confirming his usurpations over the
Gallic church. In 451 he showed the vio-
lence of his passions and the excess of his
two works are in the edition of Haverr.amp.
(3) His written statement to Augustine, in
the year 413, which is published among the
works of Augustine, and is entitled, Com-
monitorium sive consultatio ad S. Augusti-
num, de errore Priscillianistarum et Ongen-
istarum. — Tr.]
(34) Histoire litteraire de la France, tome
ii., p. 215, &c. Rich. Simon, Critique de
la Bibliotheque Ecclesiast., par M. du Pin,
tome i., p. 156. The works of Cassian,
with a prolix Commentary, were published
by Alar A. Gazacus, latest edition Francf.,
1722, fol. — [John Cassianus, of Scythian
extract, was born at Athens A.D. 351. He
early devoted himself to a monastic life ;
ambition, by his opposition to that decree of which he pursued, first at Bethlehem, then
the council of Chalcedon, which raised the
bishop of Constantinople to the rank of a
patriarch, and very much extended his juris-
diction. In the year 455, he was a protec-
tion to the city of Rome, when it was
pillaged by Genseric, king of the Vandals.
See M. Schrocckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xvii.,
p. 90-169; and A. Bower, Lives of the
Popes, vol. ii., p. 7-140.— Tr.]
(33) Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, tome iii.,
voce Orose. The works of Orosius have at
length been published, with some medals,
by Sigb. Havercamp, Leyden, 1738, 4to. —
[Paul Orosius was a presbyter of Tarragona
in Spain. In the year 413, he was sent into
Africa to consult Augustine respecting the
rising sect of the Pnscillianists. Augustine
then put him upon writing his history, which
he completed four years afterwards. In the
year 415, Augustine sent him to Palestine
to visit Jerome and learn his opinion respect-
ing the origin of souls. He was present at
some councils in Palestine, and there op-
posed the errors of Pelagius. On his return
to Africa, he brought with him the relics of
St. Stephen, which were highly valued. He
afterwards returned to Spain. The time of
his death is unknown. His works, written
in good Latin, comprise (1) Historiarum
adversus Paganos Libri vii. ; in which he
endeavours to show from the Roman history,
that as great calamities had happened in the
at Nitria in Egypt, next at Constantinople,
where Chrysostom made him deacon of a
church. On the banishment of Chrysostom
A.D. 404, the clergy of Constantinople sent
Cassianus to Italy to solicit aid to their
cause from the Roman pontiff. At Rome,
Cassianus was ordained a presbyter, and
there he remained till A.D. 410, when, on
the capture of Rome by the Goths, he retired
to Marseilles in France. Here he erected
two monasteries, one for males and one for
females ; and thenceforth devoted himself to
the furtherance of monkery in Gaul. He
commenced author in 424, and died A.D.
448, aged 97 years. He was not a great
man, but he was active, pious, and sincere.
He was a leading man among the Semipela-
gians, and held, perhaps, nearly the same
sentiments respecting original sin, and grace,
and human ability, with the Remonstrants
or Arminians of Holland in the 17th century.
His works are, (1) de Institutis Ccenobiorum
Libri xii., of which the iv. first books de-
scribe the form and regulations of a monas-
tery ; aiid the viii. following treat of as many
principal sins. (2) xxiv. Collationes Patrum ;
discourses or rather Colloquies, chiefly on
monastic virtues (3) de Christi incarna-
tione adversus Nestorium Libri vii. — Tr.]
('35) [Maximut was bishop of Turin in
Piedmont, from A.D. 422 to A.D. 465.
Little is known of his life. His works con-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
337
last among the Latins of this century who treated moral subjects eloquent,
lyand well. (36) Pontius [Paulinus] of Nola, highly esteemed by the an-
cients for his piety, has recommended himself to posterity by his poems,
and by some other things. (37) Peter, bishop of Ravenna, acquired the
surname of Chrysologus on account of his eloquence ; and his discourses
are not entirely destitute of genius. (38) Salvianus was an eloquent but a
gloomy and austere writer, who in the vehemence of his declamation
against the vices of the times, unwarily discloses the weaknesses and de-
fects of his own character. (39) Prosper of Aquitain,(40) and Marius
sist of 85 short homilies or sermons. Of
these 32 were published among the works of
Ambrose, and 8 among the discourses of
Augustine. Theoph. Raynaud collected
and published 73 of them under the name of
the real author, in a volume containing the
works of Leo I. and of Peter Chrysologus ;
Lyons, 1652, and Paris, 1671, fol. After-
wards, Mabillon collected 12 more, which
he published in his Musaenm Italicum, torn,
i., pt. ii., p. 1, &c. And Bruno Bruni pub-
lished the whole together, Rome, 1784, fol.
—2V.]
(36) Concerning Euchcrius, the Benedic-
tine monks treat largely, in Histoire litteraire
de la France, tome ii., p. 275. [He was of
an honourable family in Gaul, fond of monk-
ery in his youth, and resided some time in a
monastery in the island of Lerins. But he
afterwards married, and had two sons, Salo-
nius and Veranius, who became bishops.
He was bishop of Lyons from A.D. 434 to
A.D. 454. His most admired work is his
Epistle to Valerianus, on contempt of the
world and secular philosophy. Besides this,
he wrote in praise of monkery, instructions
for his sons, and several homilies. Several
works are falsely ascribed to him. The
whole were published, Basil, 1531, and
Rome, 1564, 4to, and in the Biblioth. Pair.,
torn. vi. — ZV.]
(37) See the Histoire litteraire de la
France, tome ii., p. 179. The works of
Paulinus were published by J. Bapt. le
Brun, Paris, 1685, 2 vols. 4to. [See note
(37), p. 253, on the preceding century, where
he is particularly desciibed. — TV.]
(38) See Agnelli, Liber Pontificalis ec-
clesiae Ravennatensis, torn, i., p. 321, ed.
Bachinii. — [Peter Chrysologus was an Ital-
ian, of a noble family. He was bom at Imo-
la, and educated under the bishop of that
see. In the year 433, he was made bishop
of Ravenna, where he died about A.D. 450.
He has left us 147 short Homilies or Ser-
mons ; and one Epistle, addressed to Euty-
ches the heretic, in the year 449. His works
have been often published ; the latest edi-
tion is, perhaps, that of Venice, 1742, fol. —
TV.]
VOL. I.— U u
(39) See Histoire litteraire de la France,
tome ii., p. 517. [" The authors of the his-
tory, here referred to, give a different ac-
count of Salvian's character. They ac-
knowledge, that his declamation against the
vices of the age in his Treatise against Av-
arice, and his Discourse concerning Provi-
dence, are warm and vehement : but they
represent him notwithstanding as one of the
most humane and benevolent men of his
time." — Macl. Sahian was a native of
Gaul, probably of Cologne ; lived long at
Treves, and married a pagan lady, who how-
ever became a Christian after marriage ; had
one child, a daughter. At length he remo-
ved to the south of France, and became a
presbyter at Marseilles, where he lived to a
great age. He flourished as early as 440 ;
but was alive, though an old man, in the
year 495. See Gennadius, (who was a con-
temporary presbyter of Marseilles), de Scrip-
toribus Ecclesiasticis, cap. 67. The works
of Salman, now extant, are, ( 1 ) On the Prov-
idence and Government of God, and his
righteous temporal judgments, viii. books.
(2) Nine Epistles. (3) Against Avarice, es-
pecially in clergymen and bishops, iv. books.
His style is barbarous, yet vivid and ener-
getic. His conceptions are clear, his rea-
soning pungent, and his sentiments for the
most part correct. Yet his descriptions are
coarse, and often too high coloured, and his
positions sometimes untenable. The works
of Salvian have been often published. The
best edition is that of Steph. Baluze, Paris,
1669, 8vo.— TV.]
(40) For a good account of Prosper, see
the Histoire litteraire de la France, torn, ii.,
p. 369. — [Tiro Prosper, a layman, but a
learned theologian, of Aquitain in Gaul, flour-
ished A.D. 444. He was a great admirer
and an able defender of the doctrines of Au-
gustine, respecting original sin, predestina-
tion, and free grace. In the year 426, he
addressed a letter to Augustine, acquainting
him with the incipient progress of Pelagian
errors in Gaul, and soliciting him to write
against them. In 431, he visited Italy, to
procure the aid of the Roman pontiff against
these errors ; and retunied strengthened by
338
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART IL— CHAP. II.
Mercator,(4:l) are names familiar to every one who has paid much atteii-
tion to the Pelagian and other controversies of this century. Vincentius
of Lerins has continued his name to posterity, by a short but elegant tract
against the sects, which he entitled Commonitorium.(42) I designedly
pass over Sidonius Apollinaris, a tumid writer, though not destitute of el-
oquence ;(43) Vigilius of Tapsus ;(44) Arnolius junior, who commented
a doctrinal letter addressed to the bishops of
Gaul. In 433, he wrote his strictures on
the 13th Collatio of John Cassianus, which
is an able performance. In 443, Leo I.
called him to Rome, and made him his pri-
vate secretary, and employed him in the Pe-
lagian contests of Italy. He was alive in
455 ; but the time of his death is unknown.
He was a man of strong reasoning powers,
soundly orthodox, and a good model in con-
troversial writing. Most of his works are in
defence of the doctrines of original sin, pre-
destination, and free grace ; and especially
his two books, (if indeed they are his), de
Vocatione Gentium, (on the offer of salvation
to all men), will be read with interest by the
modem theologian. He also composed a
Chronicon, continuing that of Euscbius down
to A.D. 455 ; a Commentary on the last 50
Psalms; several letters; and some poems.
His works were published, Paris, 1711, fol.,
and by Salina, Rome, 1732, 8vo.— Tr.]
(41) [Manus Mercator was probably an
African, yet may have lived some time in It-
aly. He was undoubtedly a layman, a friend
and admirer of Augustine, and an active de-
fender of his doctrines, from A.D. 418 to the
year 451. His works are almost wholly
translations from the Greek fathers, particu-
larly Nestorius, Theodoras of Mopsuestia,
Cyril of Alexandria, Produs, Theodoret,
&c., accompanied with prefaces and notes
or strictures by the translator. They are all
designed to confute either the Nesforian or
the Pelagian errors : and were edited with
copious notes, by Joh. Gamier, Paris, 1673,
fol., and still better by Steph. Baluze, Paris,
1684, 8vo.— TV.]
(42) A good account of Vincentius of
Lerins, is found in the Histoire litteraire de
la France, torn, ii., p. 305. [He was born
of a noble family, at Toul in the French
Netherlands ; became a soldier, and after-
wards a monk at Lerins, where he was
made a presbyter. He flourished A.D. 434,
and died before the year 450. He was
probably a Semipelagian ; as may be in-
ferred from his Objections against the wri-
tings and doctrines of Augustine, which
(though lost) are confuted by Prosper of
Aquitain. His only surviving work is his
Commonitorium adversus Haereticos. This
he re-wrote, but lost the copy, and therefore
added notes to the first draught. It is an
attempt to confute all heresies at once, by
showing what are the marks of the true
church, as distinguished from all errorists.
It has been often published ; e. g , by Ba-
luze, subjoined to Salman's works, Paris,
1669, 8vo, and Cambridge, 1687, 12mo.—
TV.]
(43) [C. Sollius Apollinaris Sidonius
was born of a noble family at Lyons in
France, A.D. 431. His father and grand-
father both bore the name of Apollinans, and
both were praetorian prefects of the Gallias.
After an expensive education, he became a
soldier, married the daughter of Avitus, who
was afterwards emperor, had three children ;
was captured at the siege of Lyons, A.D.
457 ; yet was advanced to honour by the
new emperor Majorianus, whom he eulo-
gized in 458 ; had a statue erected to him,
and was advanced to the dignity of count.
In the year 467, he went to Rome as legate
from the city of Clermont ; pronounced a
eulogy on the emperor Anthemius ; was
made prefect of Rome, and performed his
duties so faithfully that he had another statue
decreed him, was made a patrician and a
senator of Rome. In the year 472, he was
almost compelled to accept the office of bish-
op of Clermont in France. He now laid
aside all his civil honours, gave up his prop-
erty to his son, and devoted himself to sa-
cred studies and to his episcopal functions.
His influence among the clergy and the
churches was very great. When the Goths
attacked Clermont, he put himself at the
head of the citizens, as their military com-
mander ; and when the city was captured in
480, he retired in safety, was restored to his
see, and died in the year 482 He has left
us numerous Epistles, which he himself di-
gested into nine books ; in which form they
are published, with one Sermon and 24 po-
etic effusions interspersed. Several of his
works in prose and verse, are lost. His
works were published by Jac. Sirmond,
Paris, 1614, 8vo, and with additional notes,
Paris, 1652, 8vo. His Epistles are useful,
as throwing light on the history of his times.
-TV.]
(44) [ Vigilius bishop of Tapsus in Africa,
flourished A.D. 484, at which time he was
summoned to appear at Carthage before Hun-
neric, the Arian king of the Vandals, and
give an account of his faith. He boldly pro-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
339
on the Psalms of David ;(45) Draconlius ;(46) and others ;(47) who were
of a secondary rank.
fessed orthodoxy ; but the persecution which
followed, obliged him to quit Africa, and he
retired to Constantinople, and after somo
years removed to Italy, where he composed
several, perhaps the greater part, of his
works. To conceal himself from his perse-
cuting enemies, he composed much under
borrowed names, and especially that of Ath-
anasius. During the middle ages, he was
confounded with Vigilius of Trent, who
flourished at the beginning of this century.
His works are, five Books against Nestorius
and Eutyches ; two Dialogues, between
Athanasuis and Anus, supposed to have
been held at the council of Nice ; three Di-
alogues between the same ; twelve Books
on the Trinity ; a Dialogue on the Trinity,
between Augustine and Felicianus, an Ari-
an ; on the Trinity, against Varimadus ; one
Book against Palladium, an Arian ; Answers
to Arian objections ; Dialogue between Au-
gustine and Pascentius, an Arian. He is
likewise supposed to be the author of that
Confession of Faith, which is commonly
called the Athanasian Creed. His works
were first published as his by P. F. Chijjlet,
Dijon, 1664, 4to.— TV.]
(45) An account of Arnobius junior, is
given in the Histoire litteraire de la France,
torn, ii., p. 342. [He is called junior, to
distinguish him from the African Arnobius,
who lived at the beginning of the preceding
century. This Arnobius junior, is supposed
to have lived in Gaul. He flourished about
A.D. 461, and wrote a Commentary on the
Psalms ; Notes on some passages in the
Gospels ; and a Dispute with Serapion of
Egypt, respecting the Trinity, the person of
Christ, and the consistency of grace with
free will. He was a Semipelagian. His
works are in the Biblioth. Patr., torn, viii.,
p. 203, &c.— TV.]
(46) [Dracontius was a presbyter and a
poet, probably of Spain, who flourished A.D.
440, and was alive in 450. He has left us
a Heroic Poem on the Creation, or the Hex-
aemeron ; and an Elegy on Theodosius II. :
both published by J. Sirmand, Paris, 1619,
8vo ; and in the Biblioth. Pair., torn, ix., p.
724, 729.— Tr.]
(47) [Catalogue of Latin writers omitted
by Dr. Mosheim, extracted chiefly from the
Historia Litteraria of Dr. Cave.
Chromatius bishop of Aquileia, a friend
of Rufinus, and a defender of Chrysostom ;
flourished A.D. 401, and died 410. He has
left us some Homilies on the beatitudes,
Matt, v., and a few Epistles.
Innocent I. bishop of Rome A.D. 402-
417, a firm friend of Chrysostom, and stren-
uous against the Ncstonans and Pelagians.
Of 34 epistles published as his, the genuine-
ness of nearly all is questioned.
Zosimus, of Greek extract, bishop of
Rome A.D. 417-418; famous for his at-
tempt to subject the African churches to his
see. He has left us 13 epistles.
Boniface bishop of Rome A.D. 418-423,
prosecuted the attempt of Zosimus. We
have three of his epistles.
•Severus bishop of Minorca, flourished
A.D. 418. His epistle, describing the con-
version of the Jews of Minorca, was pub-
lished by Baronius, Annals, ad. ann. 418.
Julian, an Italian bishop, born before A.D.
386, and died about the year 440 or 450.
He studied under Pdagius ; became a dea-
con, lector, husband, and bishop of a small
town among the Hirpini. In the year 417,
he came out an open defender of Pelagian-
ism ; in 420 he was condemned ; went- to
Constantinople, and thence to Cilicia, where
he lived long with Theodorus of Mopsuestia,
and devoted himself to writing in defence
of his sentiments. In 423, he was con-
demned by a synod of Cilician bishops ; re-
turned to Italy in 424, hoping to recover his
see ; failed, and went again to Constantino-
ple, to beg the interference of the emperor ;
but here Mcrcator^s Commonitorium to The-
odosius II. met him, and blasted his pros-
pects. Being driven from Constantinople,
and condemned in a council at Rome A.D.
431, he pretended to renounce his errors,
and applied to the Roman pontiff in 439 to
restore him to his see ; but in vain. — He
was a man of superior talents, well acquaint-
ed with the Scriptures, and so eloquent that
he was styled the Roman Demosthenes. He
was likewise famed for his piety and his be-
nevolence to the poor. But he was accused
of dissembling as to his sentiments, and of
using bitter language towards his adversa-
ries. Large extracts are preserved from his
Epistles, his Commentary on the Canticles,
and his twelve books against the first and
second books of Augustine on marriage.
Priscus Fastidius, a British bishop, flour-
ished A.D. 420. He has left us a tract on
a Christian life and widowhood, addressed to
a pious widow ; extant among the works of
Augustine, torn. ix.
Evodius, bishop of Uzala in Africa, an in-
timate friend of Augustine, flourished A.D.
420. Four of his Epistles to Augustine,
and one Book de Fide contra Manichaeos,
are extant, among the works of Augustine.
Isidorus, bishop of Cordova in Spain,
340
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
flourished A.D. 420, and died A.D. 430.
He was probably the author of four books of
allegories, or commentaries on all the Books
of Kings, extant among the works of Isido-
rus Hispalensis.
Calestine, bishop of Rome A.D. 423-432,
and active in the Nestorian contests. He
has left us 14 epistles.
Lupus, bishop of Troyes in France, flour-
ished A.D. 427. He was sent by the Gal-
lic bishops to Britain in 429, to root out Pe-
lagianism ; was successful, and returned in
430 ; and died A.D. 479. He has been
pronounced one of the greatest men of his
age. Two of his epistles are extant.
Pisidius or Possidonius, bishop of Cala-
ma, near Hippo in Africa ; flourished A.D.
430. He was an intimate friend of Augus-
tine ; and wrote his life, and a catalogue of
his works, still extant among the works of
Augustine.
Hilary, bishop of Aries, born A.D. 401,
became a monk of Lerins, and was made
bishop in 430, and died in 449. As metro-
politan of Aries, he deposed Cdidonius bish-
op of Vienne ; who appealed to Rome, and
•was supported by Leo. I. ; which involved
Hilary in war with Leo all their lives. He
wrote the Life of St. Honoratus, his prede-
cessor ; Heroic Poems on Genesis ; one
Epistle to Euchcrius of Lyons ; two others
to Augustine ; and an account of the mira-
cles of St. Genesius : all which were pub-
lished by the Benedictines, Paris, 1693, fol.,
and by Joh. Salina, Rome, 1731, 8vo.
Capreolus, bishop of Carthage, flourish-
ed A.D. 431. His Epistle to the council
of Ephesus, and another to the Spanish bish-
ops, against Nestorius, are extant in Baro-
nius, and in other collections.
Sixtus III., bishop of Rome A.D. 432-
440, has left us several epistles. The three
books on riches, chastity, false teachers, cj-c.,
are erroneously ascribed to him.
Adrian, who lived perhaps about A.D.
450, wrote an Isagoge (Introduction) in S.
Scripturam, which is extant in the Critic!
Londinenses, torn. viii.
Maximus, a Gallic monk, abbot of Lerins
in 426, and bishop of Riez in France A.D.
433, lived till 451 or longer, and wrote sev-
eral Homilies, which are extant among those
of Eusebius of Emesa, and Eucherius of
Lyons.
Claudius Marius Victor, or Victorinus,
a rhetorician and poet of Marseilles ; flour-
ished A.D. 434, and died before A.D. 450.
He wrote a poetic commentary on Genesis,
to the death of Abraham ; a poetic epistle
to the abbot Solomon, on the corrupt morals
of the age; both extant, Paris, 1560, 8vo,
and in the Bibh'oth. Patr., torn, viii., p. 580.
Ceslius Sedulius, a Scotchman and poet,
who flourished A.D. 434. He studied in It-
aly, became a presbyter, and perhaps a bish-
op. His works were collected, by Tur. Ruf.
Asterius, towards the close of the century ;
comprising Carmen Paschale, (on the mira-
cles of Christ), in five books ; Veteris et
Novi Test. Collatio, an Elegiac poem ; P<z-
an Alphabeticus de Christo, in Iambic meas-
ure, (on the Life of Christ) ; and Paschalis
Opcris Libri v., in prose. An Exposition of
all the Ep. of Paul, is falsely ascribed to
him. The works of Sedulius have been
published repeatedly, and are to be found in
the Biblioth. Patr., torn. vi.
Valerianus, a bishop in the Maritime Alps ;
flourished A.D. 439, and was alive in 455.
His 20 Homilies and an Epistle, were pub-
lished by Ja. Sirmond, Paris, 1612, 8vo,
also in the Bibliotheca Patrum, torn. viii.
Eustathius, flourished A.D. 440, the neat
Latin translator of St. Basil1 s nine Homilies
on the Hexaemeron ; extant among the
works of Basil the Great.
Philippus, a presbyter, and disciple of Je-
rome ; flourished A.D. 440, and died A.D.
455. He wrote a Commentary on Job, in
three books ; published, Basil, 1527, 4to
and fol. It has been ascribed both to Beda
and to Jerome.
Idatius or Hydatius, a Spanish bishop,
who flourished A.D. 445, and died A.D.
468. He wrote a Chronicon, from A.D.
379 to A.D. 428, and afterwards continued
it to A.D. 467 ; first published entire, by
Ja. Sirmond, Paris, 1619, 8vo ; and since,
in the works of Sirmond, Paris, 1696, and
Venice, 1729. It is barbarous in style, and
frequently inaccurate as to facts ; yet affords
valuable aid in tracing the movements of the
Goths and Suevi.
Zachaeus, the reputed author of iii. Books
of discussion, between Zachaeus a Christian,
and Apollonius a pagan, in regard to Chris-
tianity. The book was probably written
about A.D. 450, and is published in L. Da-
cherii Spicilegium, torn. x.
Salonius, son of Euchcrius bishop of
Lyons, and himself a Gallic bishop, flour-
ished A.D. 453. He wrote an Exposition
of the Parables of Solomon ; and a mystical
Paraphrase on Ecclcsiastes ; both extant in
the Orthodoxographia, and in Biblioth. Patr.,
torn. viii.
Victories or Victorinus, a Gallic mathe-
matician, flourished A.D. 457 ; author of a
Paschal Canon, in two parts ; the first part
exhibits the principles and the method of
calculating Easter ; the second is a table of
Easter days, from A.D. 28 to A.D. 457.
This Canon was recommended by the coun-
cil of Orleans A.D. 541, and was first pub-
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
341
lished by Aegid. Buchcrius, Antwerp, 1634,
folio.
Hilary, bishop of Rome A.D. 461-467.
He was the bishop of Rome's legate to the
council of Ephesus in 449. Twelve of his
Epistles are extant
Paulinus Petricordius, or Vesuntius, (i. e.,
of Besan<jon), a Gallic poet, who flourished
A.D. 461, and is often confounded with
Paulinus of Nola. He wrote, de Vita Sti.
Martini Libri vi., an uninteresting poem ;
extant in the Biblioth. Pair., torn, vi., and
published by Daunius, with notes, Lips.,
1686, 8vo.
Claudius Mamertus, a Gallic poet, a pres-
byter, and assistant to the bishop of Vienne ;
flourished A.D. 462. He wrote de Statu
Animi Libri iii. ; two Epistles ; a Poem
against various errors ; and a Hymn on the
Crucifixion ; all extant in the Biblioth. Patr.,
torn. vii.
Simplicius, bishop of Rome A.D. 467-
483. He was much engaged in contests
with the eastern patriarchs, and has left us
19 Epistles ; extant in Concilior., torn. iv.
Ruricius senior, bishop of Limoges, in
France, flourished A.D. 470, but was alive
in 506. He has left us ii. Books of Epistles ;
published by H. Canisius, Antiq. Lectiones,
torn. v. (or torn. i. of new ed.), and in the
Biblioth. Patr., torn. viii.
Remigius, bishop of Rheims A.D. 471-
533. He baptized Clovis, king of the
Franks, with many of his lords ; was a man
of note ; and has left us five Epistles, toge-
ther with his will. The Exposition of Paul's
Epistles, attributed to him, is not his.
Faustus, abbot of Lerins, and then bishop
of Ries in France, A.D. 472-480 or 485 ;
a Semipelagian. His works are, de Gratia
Dei et libero Arbitrio, Libri ii., with several
Sermons, Epistles, and Tracts ; collected in
Biblioth. Patr., torn. viii.
Falix, bishop of Rome A.D. 483-492 ;
was much in controversy with the eastern
patriarchs. Fifteen of his Epistles are extant.
Victor Vitensis, an orthodox African bish-
op, who fled to Constantinople A.D. 487 ;
and there composed a History of the perse-
cutions in Africa under Genseric and Hun-
ncric, kings of the Vandals. It was pub-
lished, with Optatus Milevitanus, Paris,
1569, 8vo ; with Vigilius Tapscnsis, Dijon,
1664, 4to ; and in the Biblioth. Patr., torn.
viii.
Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus, bishop of Cler-
mont A.D. 490-523. He has left us five
poetic Books, on the creation and fall of man,
the flood, and the passage of the Red Sea ;
a poem in praise of Virginity ; 87 Epistles ;
and some Sermons ; published by Ja. Sir-
mond, Paris, 1643 ; and in the Biblioth. Pa-
trum, torn. ix.
Gelasius, bishop of Rome A.D. 492-496.
Sixteen of his Epistles, and fragments of va-
rious other works, are extant. The famous
decree of a Roman council, A.D. 494, de
Libris Canonicis, Ecclesiasticis, ct Apocry-
phis, ascribed to Gelasius, is of dubious
authenticity.
Genjiadius, a presbyter of Marseilles,
flourished A.D. 495, and wrote de Scriptor-
ibus ecclesiasticis, or a catalogue of authors,
continuing Jerome's Catalogue, from the
year 393 to A.D. 495. His book de Fide,
and his Life of Jerome, are also extant. But
his eight Books against all the heresies, his
six Books against Nestorius, his three Books
against Pelagius, his Tract on the Millenni-
um, and his translations from the Greek fa-
thers, arc lost.
Rusticus Elpidius, physician to Thcodoric
king of the Goths, flourished about A.D.
498, and has left 24 Epigrams on scriptural
facts, and a Poem on the Benefits of Christ.
Julianus Pomerius, of Mauritania ; a
teacher of rhetoric at Aries, and a presbyter
there ; flourished A.D. 498. His viii. Books
de Anima, and several smaller works, arc
lost. But his iii. Books, de vita Contem-
plativa, are extant, among the works of
Prosper ; to whom they have been wrongly
ascribed.
Symmachus, bishop of Rome A.D. 498-
514, famous for his excommunication of the
emperor Anastusius, has left us 12 Epistles.
-TV.]
342 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
CHAPTER III.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
$ 1. Many Points in Theology better ascertained. — § 2. Increase of Superstition. — § 3.
Interpretation of the Scriptures. — $ 4. Most of the Interpreters incompetent. — $ 5. Some
were more able. — § 6. State of Dogmatic Theology. — § 7. Theological Disputants. —
§ 8. Their Faults. — $ 9. Hence, supposititious Books. — $ 10. Moral Writers. — § 11.
Mystics. — § 12. Superstition of the Stylites. — § 13. Further Defects of the Moralists.
— § 14. Jerome's Controversy with Vigilantius. — § 15. Controversies respecting Origen.
§ 1. IN the controversies which in this century agitated nearly all Chris,
tendom, many points of theology were more fully explained and more ac-
curately stated and denned, than they had been before. Thus it was with
the doctrine concerning Christ, his person and natures ; and those of the
innate depravity of the human soul, the natural ability of men to live and
act as the law of God requires, the necessity of divine grace in order to
salvation, human liberty, and the like. For that devout and reverential
simplicity of the first ages of the church, which taught men to believe when
God speaks, and to obey when God commands, appeared to most of the doc-
tors of this age to be unphilosophical and becoming only in the vulgar.
Many of those however who attempted to explain and illustrate these doc-
trines, opened the way rather for disputation than for a rational faith and a
holy life ; for they did not so much explain, as involve in greater obscurity
and darken with ambiguous terms and incomprehensible distinctions, the
deep mysteries of revealed religion. And hence arose abundant matter
for difficulties, contentions, and animosities, which flowed down to succeed,
ing ages, and which can scarcely be removed by the efforts of human pow-
er. It hardly need be remarked, that some, while pressing their adversa-
ries, incautiously fell into errors of an opposite character which were no
less dangerous.
§ 2. The superstitious notions and human devices, by which religion
was before much clogged, were very considerably augmented. The aid
of departed saints was implored with supplications by vast multitudes, and
no one censured this absurd devotion. Nor did the question which after-
wards occasioned much debate, namely, in what way the prayers of mor-
tals could reach the ears of residents in heaven, present any difficulties to
the Christians of those times. For they did not suppose the souls of de-
parted saints to be so confined to the celestial mansions, as not to have
liberty of paying visits to mortals, and of travelling over various regions at
their pleasure. These unimbodied spirits were supposed very frequently
to visit and to be much attached to the places where their bodies were buried.
And this opinion, derived to Christians from the Greeks and Romans, drew
a great conflux of supplicants to the sepulchres of the saints.(l) The im-
(1) Lactantius, Divinar. Instil., lib. i., p. 512. JEntas Gazaeus. Theophrastns, p.
164. Hesiod, Opp. et Dier., v., 122. With 65. Macarius, in Jo.. ToUii Insignia itine-
which compare Sulpitius Severus, Epist. ii., ris Italici, p. 197, and other writers of that
p. 371, Dial, ii., c. 13, p. 474, Dial, iii., p. age.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 343
ages of those who were in reputation for sanctity while alive, were now
honoured with extraordinary devotion in several places ; and there were
those who believed, what the pagan priests had maintained respecting the
statues of Jupiter and Mercury,(2) namely, that those inhabitants of heaven
kindly afforded their presence in these their images. The bones of mar-
tyrs and the sign of the cross, were supposed to be the most sovereign rem-
edy against the assaults of demons and all other calamities, and to have
power not only to heal diseases of the body but likewise those of the
mind. (3) Of the public processions, the holy pilgrimages,(4) the super,
stitious services paid by the living to the souls of the dead, the multiplica-
tion and extravagant veneration of temples, chapels, and altars, and innu-
merable other proofs of degenerate piety, I forbear to speak particularly.
As no one in those times objected to Christians' retaining the opinions of
their pagan ancestors respecting the soul, heroes, demons, temples, and the
like, and their transferring them into their devotions ; and as no one proposed
utterly to abolish the ancient pagan institutions, but only to alter them
somewhat and purify them ; it was unavoidable, that the religion and the
worship of Christians should in this way become corrupted. This also I
will add, that the doctrine of the purification of souls after death by means
of some sort of fire, which afterwards became so great a source of wealth
to the clergy, acquired in this age more development and a more imposing
aspect.(5)
§ 3. The number of those who devoted their talents to the explanation
of the Scriptures, was not so great as in the preceding century when there
was less of controversy among Christians ; and yet the number was not
small. I pass over those who expounded but one or only a few books of
scripture ; Victor of Antioch, Polychronius, Philo of Carpathus, Isidore of
Cordova, Salonius, and Andreas of Ca2sarea. The two most distinguished
interpreters of this century, who explained a great part of the sacred vol-
ume and not altogether without success, were Theodoret bishop of Cyrus,
and Thcodorus of Mopsuestia. Both possessed genius and learning, and
neither would follow in the footsteps of preceding expositors without some
reason. The expositions of the former are before the public ;(6) those of
the latter lie concealed in the East among the Nestorians, and for various
reasons are worthy to see the light.(7) Cyril of Alexandria deserves a
(2) Clementina, Homil. x. in Pair. Apos- (5) On this subject, Augustine deserves
tol., torn, i., p. 697. Arnobius, adv. Gentes, especially to be consulted, de octo quaestion-
lib. vi., p. 254, &c. Casp. Barthius, ad ibus ad Dulcitium Liber, c. xiii., Opp., torn.
Rutilium Numantian., p. 250. vi., p. 128 ; de fide et operibus, c. xvi., p.
(3) Prudcntius, Hymn. xi. de Coronis, 182; de fide, spe et caritate, § 118, p. 222.
p. 150, 151. Sulpitius Severus, Epist. i., Exposition of Psalm xxxv., <j iii., &c.
p. 364. jEneas Gazaeus, Theophrastus, p. (6) See Rich. Simon, Histoire critique
173, ed. Earth. des principaux Commentateurs du N. Test.,
(4) [These pilgrimages were then so com- cap. xiii., p. 314, and Critique de la Bib-
mon.that some Christians fell into absurdities liotheque Ecclesiast., par M. du Pin, tome
truly ridiculous. They journeyed quite to i., p. 180, [and note (22), p. 330, above. —
Arabia, in order to see the dunghill on which TV.]
the diseased Job sat, and to kiss the ground (7) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori-
which had absorbed his precious blood ; as ental. Clement. Vaticana, torn, iii., § ii.. p.
Chrysostom informs us, (Homily v. to the 227. Rick. Simon, Critique de la Bibli-
Antiochians), where he says, in his rhetorical oth. Ecclesiast., par M. du Pin, tome i., p.
way, that the dunghill of Job was more ven- 108, 677. [See also note (26), p. 331,
erable than the throne of a king. — Schl.] above. — TV.]
344 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
place among the interpreters ; but a far more honourable one is due to
Isidore of Pelusium, whose Epistles contain much that tends to elucidate
and explain the Holy Scriptures. (8)
§ 4. Most of these interpreters, whether Greeks or Latins, every where
copy after Origen ; and despising the genuine and obvious meaning of the
scriptures, search after abstruse senses or what the Latins of that age called
mysteries, in the plainest passages and sentences of the Bible. Some of the
Greeks indeed, and in particular Theodoret, laboured not unsuccessfully in
explaining the pages of the New Testament : which we may ascribe to
their skill in the Greek language, with which they had been familiar from
their infancy. But upon the Hebrew Scriptures, neither the Greeks nor
the Latins cast much light. Nearly all who attempted to explain them,
making no use of their judgment, applied the whole either to Christ and
his benefits, or to Anti-Christ and his wars and desolations, and to the kin-
dred subjects.
§ 5. Here and there one, however, more wise and sagacious than the
rest, ventured to point out a safer path. This is evident from the Epistles
of Isidore Pelusiota, who in various places, censures in a pertinent man-
ner those who disregarding the historic sense referred all the narrative and
prophetic parts of the Old Testament to Christ : and yet he himself was
by no means entirely free from the fault of his age, the love and pursuit
of allegories. No one went farther in censuring the imitators of Origen,
than Theodorus of Mopsuestia. He not only wrote a book concerning Al-
legory and History, against Origen ;(9) but also in his own Commentaries
on the Prophets of the Old Testament, ventured to explain most of their
predictions with reference to events in ancient history. (10) And this his
method of explaining the Old Testament, raised as much ill-will against
him, perhaps, as those other sentiments which brought on him the charge
of heresy. The example of this excellent man was followed especially
by the Nestorians ;(11) nor have they yet ceased to follow it, for to this
day they preserve his books with care, and venerate the man as a saint of
the highest order.
§ 6. It is very evident, that the doctrines of religion were not propound-
ed by most persons with due simplicity and purity, but were sometimes ex-
panded beyond what is revealed, were anatomized with too great art and
subtilty, and were supported not so much by scriptural evidence as by the
authority and reasonings of the ancient doctors. I know of no one who
gave a complete system of Christian doctrines in a single work, unless Nicce-
as of Romacia did so, in the six books of instruction for Neophytes which he is
(8) Concerning both, see Rich. Simon, tury, who is known to have been a Nestori-
Histoire des principaux Commentateurs du an. For he says, in his Topographia, lib.
N. Test., c. xxi., p. 300, &c. [For some v., (p. 224, 225, of the Collectio nova Pa-
account of Cyril, see note (21), p. 329, and trum Graecor. published by Bernh. Montfau-
concerning Isidore, note (23), p. 330, above, con) : " Among all the Psalms of David,
— TV.] only four refer to Christ:'" and to confirm
(9) Facundus Hermianensis, de tribus this sentiment, he does not hesitate to de-
capitulis, lib. iii., c. 6. Liberates, Brevia- clare, (p. 227), " That the writers of the New
rium, c. xxiv. Testament, when they apply the prophecies
(10) Acta Concilii Constantinop. ii., seu of the Old Testament to Jesus Christ, follow
Oecumenici v., in torn, iii., p. 58. Concil- the words rather than the sense." [See also
ior., ed. Harduin. C. W. F. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen,
(11) One witness, among others, is Cos- vol. v., p. 880. — TV.]
mas Indicopleustes, a writer of the 6th cen-
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 345
said to have composed. (12) But it has been already observed, that vari-
ous doctrines of religion were laboriously explained, especially in the con.
troversial works against the Nestorians, Eutychians, Pelagians, and Arians.
§ 7. Of controversial writers, a great number can be mentioned : and
indeed many such were required, by the great number of controversies.
The worshippers of the pagan gods and images, were vigorously assailed
by Thcodoret, in his book De curandis Gr&corum ajfectionibus, which dis-
plays much genius and erudition ; by Orientius, in his Commonitorium ; and
by Evagrius, in his Disputation between Zachaeus and Apollonius.(13)
To these may be added Philip of Side, and Philostorgius ; of whom the
former wrote against Julian, and the latter against Porphyry. (14) The
Jews were confuted by Basil, of Seleucia ;(15) by Gregentius, in his Dispu-
tation with Herbanus ; and by Evagrius, in his Dialogue between Theophi-
lus and a Jew. Against all the heretics, something was attempted by Vo-
conius, an African ; by Syagrius, in his tract de Fide ; by Gennadius of
Marseilles ; and, best of all, by Theodoret,(I6) in his work de Fabulis H<z~
reticorum. Those who attacked only individual sects are here omitted.
§ 8. Those who contended against the Christian sectaries, followed the
rules of the ancient sophists, and strangely, also the practice of the Ro-
man courts, rather than the examples and instructions of Christ and his
apostles. In the Roman courts, very difficult and doubtful points were
decided according to the opinions of certain ancient jurists. If these
happened to disagree, that opinion was preferred which was maintained
by the greatest number, or by the jurists of most learning and reputa-
tion.(17) It was very prejudicial to the interests of truth, that this usage
of the Roman courts was adopted as a rule in the controversies of Chris-
tians on subjects of religion, and followed in the deliberations of the coun-
cils of this century. For by it, that was sanctioned and regarded as con-
firmed, which had been judged true and certain by the majority or by the
most learned and distinguished of the doctors of former times. This ap-
pears from nearly all the Acts of Councils now extant. The other faults
of the theological disputants, may be easily inferred from what has now
been stated.
§ 9. This imitation of the Roman courts in religious discussions, stim-
ulated very much the base audacity of those, who did not blush to palm
(12) Gennadius Massiliens. de Scriptori- and a disciple of St. Martin. His Alter-
bus Ecclesiast., cap. 22, p. 14, ed. Fabric, catio Simonis Judaei el Theophili Christi-
f The work is lost ; but from the account of am, is found in Martene's Anecdota ; and
Gennadius, it was no System of Theology, his Consultaliones, sen Deliberationes Za-
— Tr.] chad Christiani et Apollonii Philosophi, is
(13) For an account of Orientius and in the Spicilegium of D' 'Archery, torn. x. —
Evagrius, see the Histoire litteraire de la Schl.]
France, torn, ii., p. 121 and 252. [Ori- (14) [Neither of the works here mentioned
entius, called also Orontius and Oresius, is extant. — Tr.]
was bishop of Aux in France, perhaps also (15) [For some account of this Basil, and
of Tarragona, in Spain. His Commonitori- of his writings, see note (28), p. 332, above.
um, which is written in heroic verse, was — Tr.]
published, Book I., by Martin Delrio, Ant- (16) [An account of Thcodoret, and of his
werp, 1600, and Book II., by Edm. Mar- writings, is given in note (22), p. 330, above.
tene, in his Nova Collectio operum ecclesi- — Tr.]
ast. Vet., Paris, 1700. — This Evagrius is (17) See Codex Theodosianus, lib. i., tit.
not the noted Evagrius Scholasticus of iv., de respousis prudentum, p. 32, ed. Rit-
the sixth century, but was a French priest, tcr.
VOL. I.— Xx
346 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
their own spurious productions on the great men of former times, and even
on Christ himself, and his apostles ; so that they might be able, in the
councils and in their books, to oppose names against names and authori-
ties against authorities. The whole Christian church in this century wag
overwhelmed with these disgraceful fictions. And this, it is said, occa-
sioned the Roman pontiff Gelasius, to assemble at Rome a convention of
bishops from the whole western empire, and after examining the books
which were professedly the works of persons of the highest authority, to
draw up that famous decree, by which so many apocryphal books are
stripped of their false reputation. That something of this kind was ac-
tually done, cannot well be denied ; but men of superior learning main-
tain, that this pretended Decree of Gelasius is of no better authority than
those books which it condemns ; that is, they believe that it was not the
production of Gelasius, but of some one who abused his name. (18)
§ 10. Among those who treated on the subject of morals, Eucherius,
Salvian, and Nilus stand conspicuous. The epistle of Eucherius espe-
cially, on Contempt of the World and Secular Philosophy, will recommend
itself to every good man, both by its style and its matter. The short
pieces of Mark the hermit, breathe a spirit of piety ; but do not give pleas-
ure by either the selectness of the matter, the justness of the arrangement,
or the solidity of the reasoning. Fastidius composed various tracts con-
cerning moral duties and virtues, which are all lost, [except his tract on a
Christian Life and Widowhood, addressed to a pious widow ; which is pre-
served among the works of Augustine, torn. ix. — Tr.] The productions
of Diadochus, Prosper, and Severianus in this department, are interesting,
with a few exceptions, for the truth and terseness of the thoughts ; but
they will afford little satisfaction to one fond of solid argumentation and
well-digested composition. Indeed, it was a fault common to nearly all
the moral writers of those times, that they had no idea of a regular dis-
tribution of their subject into parts, nor of a recurrence to first principles.
§ 11. But the candid might put up with this fault, and ascribe it to the
infelicity of the times, did they not see other injuries done to the cause of
piety by inconsiderate men. In the first place, the Mystics as they are
called, who pretended to be more perfect than other Christians, drew many
every where among the weak and thoughtless, and especially in the east-
ern provinces, who were allured by the appearance of their extraordinary
and self-denying piety, to become of their party. And it is incredible,
what rigorous and severe laws they imposed on themselves, in order to
appease God and deliver the celestial spirit from the bondage of this mortal
body. To live among wild beasts, — nay, in the manner of these beasts ;
to roam about like madmen, in desert places, and without garments ; to
feed their emaciated bodies with hay and grass ; to shun the converse and
even the sight of men ; to stand motionless in certain places, for many
(18) Jo. Pearson, Vindiciae Ignatianae, some books, which were not in being, in the
pt. i., c. iv., p. 189, &c. Wm. Cave, His- age of Gelasius. And it contains some sen-
toria Litter. Scriptor. Ecclesiast., p. 260. timents and arguments which savour of a la-
Urb. Godofr. Siberus, Praef. ad Enchiridion ter age. — It may be found in perhaps all the
Sexti, p. 79, and others. [This decree is -larger Collections of Councils ; in Binnius,
ascribed, by most of the MSS. to Gelasius vol. ii., in Labbi, vol. iv., in Harduin, vol.
I., but by some to Damasus, and by others ii., in Mansi, Supplem., vol. i., also in the
to Hormisdas. It is not quoted by any Corpus Juris Canonici, Decret. Gratian. pt.
writer before the 9th century. It mentions i., distinct, xv., cap. hi. — Tr.]
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
347
years, exposed to the weather ; to shut themselves up in confined cabins,
till life ended ; — this was accounted piety ; this, the true method of elicit,
ing the [spark of] Deity from the secret recesses of the soul. (19) The
greater part of these people were influenced, not so much by arguments
and assignable reasons, as by either a natural propensity to melancholy
and austerity, or by the example and opinions of others. For there are
diseases of the mind as well as of the body, which can spread like a pes-
tilence. Yet there were some who gave systematic precepts for this
austere mode of living ; for instance, among the Latins, Julianus Pome-
rius, in his three Books de vita contemplative^ ; and among the Syrians,
many ; whose names it would be needless to mention.
§ 12. Among these examples of religious fatuity, none acquired greater
veneration and applause, than those who were called Pillar-Saints (Sancti
Columnares), or in Greek, Stylitae ; persons of a singular spirit and genius
who stood motionless on the tops of lofty columns during many years,
and to the end of life, to the great astonishment of the ignorant multitude.
The author of this institution in the present century, was Simeon of Sisan,
a Syrian ; who was first a shepherd, and then a monk ; and who, in order
to be nearer heaven, spent thirty-seven years in the most uncomfortable
manner, on the tops of five different pillars, of six, twelve, twenty-two,
thirty-six, and forty cubits elevation ; and in this way, procured for him-
self immense fame and veneration. (20) His example was afterwards fol-
(19) See Moschus, Pratum spirituale ;
Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca ; Sulpilius Sev-
erus, Dial, i., and others.
(20) See the Acta Sanctor. for the month
of January, torn, i., p. 261, &c., where (p.
277) the very reason I have mentioned for
his living in this manner is expressly stated.
Thcodoret also indicates the same, by saying
that Simeon desired gradually to increase
the altitude of his pillar, that he might get
nearer to heaven. Tillemont, Memoires
pour servir a 1'Histoirede 1'Eglise, torn, xv.,
p. 347, ed. Paris. The Acta S. Simr.onis
Sti/h/ac, are most fully related, in Steph.
Euod. Assemari's Acta Martyrum Oriental.
et Occidental., vol. ii., p. 227, Rome, 1748,
fol. — [This Simeon, we are told, was born
at Sisan in Syria, about A.D. 390. At the
age of 13, while tending his father's sheep,
he heard a public exposition of Luke vi., 21,
25, (" Blessed are ye that weep now, <fa.
But wo unto you tliat laugh now, <fc."),
which determined him to become a monk.
Having therefore passed a novitiate of two
years, ne removed to a monastery near An-
tioch, where he lived 10 years. Here his
abstinence and his voluntary mortifications
were so excessive, as to draw on him cen-
sure from the other monks. He once swath-
ed himself from his loins to his neck, with a
rigid well-rope of palm, during 10 days ;
which caused his whole body to fester and
discharge blood. Being expelled the mon-
astery for such austerities, he retired to the
adjacent mountain, and let himself down into
a dry cave. After five days, the repenting
monks sought him out, drew him forth from
the cavern, and restored him to their fellow-
ship. But not long after, he retired to a lit-
tle cell, at tl\p foot of a mountain near An-
tioch, and there immured himself three years.
During this period, having caused his den to
be stopped up with earth, he remained buried
for 40 days, without eating or drinking ; and
when disinterred was found nearly dead.
So pleased was he with this experiment, that
he afterwards kept such a fast annually, as
long as he lived. He next removed to the
top of the mountain, where he chained him-
self to a rock for several years. His fame
had now become very great ; and crowds of
admiring visiters of all ranks and characters
thronged around him. He instructed them,
healed their diseases, and converted heretics,
pagans, and Jews, in great numbers. In-
commoded by the pressure of the crowd, he
erected a pillar on which he might stand ;
elevated, at first, six cubits ; then, 12, 22,
36, and at last 40 cubits. The top of the
pillar was three feet in diameter, and sur-
rounded with a balustrade. Here he stood,
day and night, and in all weathers. Through
the night, and till 9 A.M., he was constantly
in prayer, often spreading forth his hands,
and bowing so low that his forehead touched
his toes A by-stander once attempted to
count the number of these successive pros-
trations ; and he counted till they amounted
to 1244. At 9 o'clock A.M. he began to
address the admiring crowd below, to hear
348 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
lowed, though not fully equalled, by many persons in Syria and Palestine,
who were led to it either by their ignorance of true religion or by their
love of fame ; and this stupid form of religion continued in the East, quite
down to the 12th century, when at length it was entirely abolished. (21)
The Latins had wisdom enough not to copy after the Syrians and Orient,
als in this matter. And when one Wulfilaicus built himself such a pillar
in the German territory of Treves, and wished to live upon it in the man-
ner of Simeon, the neighbouring bishops pulled down the pillar, and forbid
the man from pursuing his object. (22)
§ 13. Those who undertook to give religious instruction to the less
advanced Christians, were at more pains to inculcate and recommend the
external signs of religion and exercises of the body, than to promote that
real holiness which has its seat in the soul. And in this, many went so
far, that they enjoined an extreme of austere virtue little short of the
senseless piety of the Mystics. According to the sentiments of Salman
and others, no one can become truly and perfectly holy, unless he aban-
dons altogether his property and honours, contemns matrimony, banishes
all hilarity from his mind, and subjects his body to a variety of mortifica-
tions and painful sensations. As there were few who could bear the se-
verity of these rules, veneration for the senseless or fanatical persons, the
pious fools, to whose temperament these rules were adapted, advanced as-
tonishingly, and saints sprung up like mushrooms.
§ 14. Some few dared to strike at the root of the growing superstition,
and to recall men from vain and fictitious piety to that which is genuine.
But these were soon bidden to hold their peace, by others who were more
numerous, in higher reputation, and possessed of greater influence. (23)
An example we have in Vigilantius, a presbyter of Gallic extract but
resident in Spain, a learned and eloquent man. After a journey to Pales-
tine and Egypt, returning home near the beginning of this century, he
issued several tracts, in which he taught and inculcated many things con-
trary to the opinions of the age. Among other things, he denied that the
and answer their questions, to send messa- ally enclosed with chapels and monasteries
ges and write letters, &c., for he took con- for some ages. Simeon was so averse from
cern in the welfare of all the churches, and women, that he never allowed one to come
corresponded with bishops and even with within the sacred precincts of his pillar,
emperors. Towards evening he suspended Even his own mother was debarred this priv-
his intercourse with this world, and betook ilege till after her death, when her corpse
himself again to converse with God, till the was brought to him ; and he now restored
following day. He generally ate but once her to life, for a short time, that she might
a week ; never slept ; wore a long sheepskin see him and converse with him a little be-
robe, and a cap of the same. His beard was fore she ascended to heaven. — Such is the
very long ; and his frame extremely emaci- story, gravely told us by the greatest writers
ated. In this manner, he is reported to have of that age ; and as gravely repeated, in
spent 37 years ; and at last, in his 69th year, modern times, by the Catholic historians. —
to have expired unobserved, in a praying at- TV.]
titude, in which no one ventured to disturb (21) See Url. Godofr. Siber, Diss. de
him till after three days ; when Antony, his Sanctis Columnaribus, Lips., 4to, and Car-
disciple and biographer, mounting the pillar, ol. Majell, Diss. de Stylitis ; in Asseman's
found that his spirit was departed, and his Acta Martyr. Orient, et Occident., torn, ii.,
holy body was emitting a delightful odour, p. 246, where there is a copperplate of Sim-
His remains were borne, in great pomp, to eon's pillar.
Antioch, in order to be the safeguard of (22) Gregory Turonensis, Historia Fran-
that unwalled town : and innumerable mir- cor., lib. viii., c. xv., p. 387, &c.
aclee were performed at his shrine. Hispil- (23) Augustine himself complains of this,
lar also was so venerated, that it was liter- in his noted epistle cxix. ad Januarium.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 349
tombs and the bones of the martyrs were worthy of any religious wor-
ship, and therefore censured pilgrimages to places accounted sacred : he
ridiculed the miracles reported as occurring in the temples consecrated to
martyrs, and condemned the practice of keeping vigils in these temples :
he said, that the custom of burning wax candles in the daytime at the
sepulchres of the martyrs, was unwisely borrowed by Christians from the
ancient superstition of the pagans : he maintained, that prayers addressed
to departed saints, were fruitless : he treated with contempt the [prevail-
ing] fasts, the celibacy of the clergy, and the monastic life : and he main-
tained, that neither those who distributed all their goods among the poor
and lived in voluntary poverty, nor those who sent portions of their prop-
erty to Jerusalem, performed an act pleasing and acceptable to God. To
some of the Gallic and Spanish bishops these sentiments were not offen-
sive. But Jerome, the most renowned monk of that age, attacked this
bold religious reformer with so much acrimony, that he readily saw he
must be silent, if he would have his life and safety. This effort therefore
to check the reigning superstition, was crushed in its commencement. (24)
The good man's name still remains in the catalogues of heretics, admitted
by such as follow the decisions of antiquity rather than their own judg-
ment or the decisions of the holy scriptures.
§ 15. The contests, moved in Egypt near the close of the preceding
century respecting Origen, were in this century prosecuted at the court
of Constantinople with little of either prudence or decency. Some monks
of Nitria, being banished from Egypt on account of Origen, took refuge
at Constantinople ; and were treated by John Chrysostom, the bishop of
that city, with candour and kindness. As soon as this was known by
Theophilus of Alexandria, he began to plot against Chrysostom ; and send-
ing the renowned Epiphanius with several other bishops to Constantino-
ple, he endeavoured to deprive that most eloquent prelate of his office.
The time was a favourable one for his purpose ; for Chrysostom, by the
strictness of his discipline and by the severity with which he lashed
the vices of the times, and particularly those of some ladies of the court,
had incurred the most violent resentment of many, and especially of Eu-
doxia, the wife of Arcadius the emperor. Eudoxia therefore, being en-
raged, invited Theophilus and the Egyptian bishops to come to Constanti-
nople, to assemble a council, and inquire into the religious sentiments,
the morals, and the official conduct of Chrysostom. This council, which
was held in the suburbs of Chalcedon in the year 403, and had Theophilus
for its president, declared Chrysostom unworthy of the episcopal office,
and decreed his banishment, assigning, among other causes, his too great
partiality for Origen and the followers of Origen. The people of Con-
stantinople, who were exceedingly attached to their bishop, became tu-
multuous, and impeded the execution of this unjust sentence. But the
tumult subsiding, the same judges the next year, A.D. 404, in order to
(24) Peter Baylc, Dictionnairc historique, ought to be erased from the list of heretics,
Article Visrilantius. Jean Barbcyraf, de la appears highly probable, from a candid ex-
Morale cles Pores, p. 252. Gcrh. Joh.Vos- animation of the whole subject. See C. W.
sius, Theses Historico-Thcologicre, p. 170. F. Wii/i-h, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iii.,
Histoire littcraire de la France, tome ii., p. p. 673-704, and VogcVs Disputation before
57, &c. [That Vigilantms was an honest Dr. Walch, Gottingen, 1756, de Vigilantio
and correct theologian, and that his name haeretico orthodoxo.— 7Y.J
350 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
gratify their own enmity and that of Eudoxia, renewed their sentence
under another pretext ; and Clirysostom, surrendering himself to his ene-
mies, went into banishment at Cucusus, a city of Cilicia ; where he died
three years after. (25) His departure was followed by a great insurrec-
tion of the Johannists, (for so his partisans were called), which the edicts
of Honorius with difficulty suppressed.(26) That the proceedings against
Chrysostom were most unjust, no one doubts ; yet it was a fault in him,
that he determined to avail himself of the elevation decreed to the bishops
of his see by the council of Constantinople, and to assume the preroga-
tives of a judge in the contest between Theophilus and the monks ; which
greatly exasperated the Alexandrine prelate. The monks of Nitria, hav-
ing lost their patron, sought a reconciliation with Theophilus : but the
Origenist party still continued to flourish in Egypt, Syria, and the neigh-
bouring countries, and Jerusalem became the centre and rendezvous of
the sect. (27)
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF CEREMONIES AND EITES.
$ 1. Rites greatly augmented. — § 2. General Description of them. — $ 3. Love-feasts.
Penitence.
§ 1. To recount all the regulations made in this century respecting the
mode of worship and religious rites and institutions, would require a vol-
ume of considerable size. The curious in these matters are referred to
the Acts of the Councils, and to the works of the principal writers of those
times. There were some however among these writers, who were not so
corrupted by the bad examples of their age, but that they could ingenuous-
ly acknowledge true piety to be oppressed by such an enormous mass
of ceremonies. This evil originated in part from the degeneracy and in-
dolence of the teachers, in part from the calamities of the times which
were unfavourable to mental cultivation, and in part from the innate de-
pravity of man, which disposes him more readily to offer to God the ser-
vice of his limbs and his eyes, than of his heart.
§ 2. Public worship everywhere assumed a form more calculated for
show and for the gratification of the eye. Various ornaments were added
to the sacerdotal garments, in order to increase the veneration of the peo-
ple for the clerical order. The new forms of hymns, prayers, and public
fasts, are not easily enumerated. In Gaul particularly, were instituted
(25) See the authors mentioned in the (26) See his three Laws, with the notes
preceding century ; to whom add the writers of Gothofred, in the Codex Theodosianus,
on the Life of Chrysostom, viz., Tillemont, torn, v., p. 83, 113, &c.
Hermant, and others : and Nouveau Die- (27) See Cyrilli Vita Sabae, in Cotelier,
tionnaire historique et crit., tome i., 79, 80. Monumenta Eccles. Gnecse, torn. ii.,p. 274.
[See also note (17), p. 241, above; and Jos. Sim. Asscman, Biblioth. Oriental. Vat-
Socrates, Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c. 9-19. So- icana, torn, ii., p. 31, &c.
zomen, H. E., lib. viii., c. 13-22.— Tr.]
RITES AND CEREMONIES.
351
the Rogations, or public fasts and supplications, which precede the festal
day of Christ's ascensional ) In some places it was appointed, that the
praises of God should be sung perpetually, day and night, the singers sue-
ceeding each other without interruption ;(2) as if the Supreme Being took
pleasure in clamour and noise, and in the flatteries of men. The magnif-
icence of the temples had no bounds. (3) Splendid images were placed in
them ; and among these, after the Nestorian contests, the image of the
virgin Mary holding her infant in her arms, occupied the most conspicu-
ous place. Altars and repositories for relics, made of solid silver if possi-
ble, were procured in various places ; from which may easily be conjec-
tured, what must have been the splendour and the expense of the other
sacred utensils.
§ 3. On the contrary, the Agapae or Love-feasts were abolished ; be-
cause, as piety diminished gradually and continually, these feasts gave to
many persons occasions for sin. (4) Among the Latins, grievous offend-
ers, who before had to confess their sins in public, were relieved from this
unpleasant duty ; for Leo the Great gave them liberty to confess their
crimes privately to a priest selected for that purpose. In this way the
ancient discipline, the sole barrier against shameful and indecent conduct,
was removed ; and the actions of men were subjected to the scrutiny of
the clergy, which was greatly for their interest. (5)
(1) See Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist., lib.
v., epist. 16, and lib. vi., epist. ]. Martene,
Thesaurus Anecdotor., torn, v., p. 47. [The
three days immediately preceding Ascension
Day, that is, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednes-
day, it is said, were first observed as days of
public fasting, with solemn processions and
supplications, by order of Claudius Ma.mc.r-
tus, bp. of Viennu, in the year 469, upon
occasion of a succession of temporal calam-
ities befalling that city. From that diocese,
the custom of keeping annually this three
days' fast spread over Gaul. The Spanish
churches adopted it in the following century ;
but they selected for it the Thursday, Friday,
and Saturday next after Whitsunday. In
Italy, it was not adopted till the close of the
eighth or beginning of the ninth century,
when Leo III. ordained its universal observ-
ance, as the appropriate means for securing
the blessing of heaven on sinful men. The
three days are called Rogation Days, and
the week Rogation Week, and the Sunday
preceding Rogation Sunday, from the Roga-
tions or Litanies chanted in the processions
on these days. See Adr. Baillet, Vies des
Saints et PHistoire des Festes, torn, iv., p.
92, &c.— Tr.]
(2) Gervais, Histoire de Suger, tome i.,
p. 23. [This custom probably originated in
the East. There, in the beginning of the
fifth century, one Alexander, under the au-
spices of Gcnnadius, the patriarch of Con-
stantinople, established the Order of Acoe-
metae (aKoifi^rot) or the Sleepless, who so
regulated their worship that it was never in-
terrupted, by day or by night, one class of
the brethren succeeding another continually.
This order obtained afterwards the name of
Studites, from a rich Roman counsellor of
the name of Studius, who went to Constan-
tinople, and erected a cloister appropriately
for this order. — Schl.]
(3) See an example, in Zacharias of Mity-
lene, de Opificio Mundi, p. 165, 166.
(4) [The abolition of the Love-feasts was
in part effected in the fourth century. The
council of Laodicea (Canon 28), first ordain-
ed, that they should no longer be held in the
churches. A similar decree was passed in
the year 397, by the third council of Car-
thage, Canon 20, [30]. Yet the custom
was too firmly established, to be at once
rooted out. Hence we find that in the times
of Augustine, Love-feasts were still kept
in the churches. (Augustine, contra Faus-
tum, 1. xx., c. 20, 21. Confess., 1. vi., c. 2,
and Epist. Ixiv.) Yet he there informs us,
that all kinds of feasting had been excluded
from the church of Ambrose. In the Gallic
churches, Love-feasts were prohibited by
the council of Orleans, A.D. 541 ; and, as
here and there some relics of them appear in
the 7th century, the council tn Trullo [A.D.
692, Can. 74] was induced to confirm the
canon of the Laodicean council, by annexing
the penalty of excommunication. — Schl.]
(5) [That the strictness of the ancient dis-
cipline was greatly relaxed, admits no ques-
tion. But that all public testimony against
particular offenders, all public penances, and
public censures, were commuted for private
352
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS SCHISMS AND HERESIES.
$ 1, 2, 3. Old Heresies remaining. The Donatists. — § 4. State of the Arians. — $ 5. Ori-
gin of the Nestorian Sect. — § 6, 7. The Occasion of it. — § 8. The Council of Ephesus.
— § 9. Opinion respecting this Controversy. — $ 10. Progress of Nestorianism after this
Council. — $ 11, 12. Its Propagator, Barsumas. — § 13. Eutychian Sect. — § 14. The
Council called Conventus Latronum. — § 15. Council of Chalcedon. — § 16. Subsequent
Contests. — § 17. In Syria and Armenia. — § 18. Troubles occasioned by Peter the Fuller.
Theopaschites. — § 19. The Henoticon of Zeno — § 20. produces new Contests among
the Eutychians, — <J 21. and among the Defenders of the Council of Chalcedon. — § 22.
The Doctrines of Eutyches and the Monophysites. — § 23. The Pelagian Controversy. —
§ 24. Its Progress. — § 25. The Predestinarians. — § 26. The Semipelagians. — § 27.
Various Controversies concerning Grace.
§ 1. SOME of the earlier sects, acquiring new vigour, dared to disquiet
the church. I will pass in silence those inauspicious names of former
days, the Novatians, the Marcionites, and Manichaeans, notwithstanding a
numerous progeny of them appeared here and there ; and will confine my
remarks to those two pests of the preceding century, the Donatists and
the Arians.
The Donatists had hitherto been prosperous. But near the commence-
ment of this century, the Catholic bishops of Africa, led on principally by
St. Augustine of Hippo, put forth all their energies to crush and destroy
confession before priests, and for private
penances, (as Dr. Mosheim seems to inti-
mate), is contrary to the voice of history.
All public offenders, and all such as were
proved guilty of gross crimes, were still lia-
ble to public censures. But the ancient
practice of voluntary confession before the
church, of private offences and secret sins,
had for some time gone into desuetude. In-
stead of such confessions before the church,
in most places both of the East and the
West, these voluntary confessions were
made only to a priest, in private ; and he
directed the persons to such a course as he
deemed proper. In some churches however
in Campania and the vicinity, the practice
was, for the priests to write down these vol-
untary disclosures, and if the persons were
directed to do penance, their confessions
were also read in public. It was to correct
this public disclosure of voluntary confes-
sions, that Leo I., in the year 460, wrote the
Epistle to the bishops of Campania, Pice-
num, and Samnium, to which Dr. Mosheim
refers. See his works, Epist. 130, or in
some editions, Ep. 80. It is cited also in
Baronius, Annales, Ann. 459, sub. finem.
The following is a literal translation : " We
also decide, that it is every way proper to
rescind the practice so contrary to the apos-
tolic rule, which I learn has been lately fol-
lowed by some. Let not written statements
concerning the nature of the particular sins,
be any longer rehearsed in public ; since it
is sufficient to disclose the accusations of
the conscience to the priests, by a private
confession. For although that abundance
of faith may seem commendable, which, from
reverence of God, does not hesitate to take
shame before men ; yet as the sins of all
are not of such a nature that the penitents
have no fear to publish them, let this cen-
surable practice be abolished ; lest many
should be kept back from doing penance,
because they are either ashamed or afraid to
disclose their deeds before their enemies, by
whom they may be troubled with processes
of law. For that confession is sufficient,
which is made first to God, and then also to
the priest, whose business it is to pray over
the sins of the penitent. For then, more
persons can be induced to do penance, if
the [private] consciousness of the confessing
person is not published in the ears of the
people." — See also Bower's Lives of the
Popes, Leo I., vol. ii., p, 124, &c., ed.
Lond , 1750.— TV. J
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 353
this sect ; which was not only very troublesome to the church, but through
the Circujnccllion.es who were its soldiers, pernicious also to the common,
wealth. Accordingly, in the year 404, the council of Carthage sent dep-
uties to the emperor Honorius, petitioning that the imperial laws against
heretics might be extended to embrace explicitly the Donatists, who de-
nied that they were heretics ; and also that the fury of the Circumcelliones
might be restrained.(l) The emperor therefore, first imposed a fine upon
all Donatists who should refuse to return to the church, and ordered their
bishops and teachers to be banished. (2) The following year, additional
and more severe laws were enacted against the Donatists ; which were
usually called (edicta unitatis) Acts of Uniformity.^} And as the magis-
trates were perhaps somewhat remiss in executing these laws, the council
of Carthage in the year 407 sent a new deputation to the emperor, by
which they requested and obtained the appointment of special executors
of these Acts of Uniformity. (4)
§ 2. The weakened party recovered some strength and courage in the
year 408, when Stilicho was put to death by order of Honorius ;(5) and
still more in the year 409, when Honorius issued a law that no one should
be compelled in matters of religion.(G) But the council of Carthage in
the year 410 again sent a deputation to the emperor, and obtained a re-
peal of this law,(7) and likewise the appointment of Marcellinus, a tribune
and notary [or imperial secretary], to visit Africa in the year 411, with
full power to bring this long and pernicious controversy to a conclusion.
Accordingly Marcellinus, about the feast of Easter A.D. 411, in that sol-
emn trial which is called a conference, formally examined the cause, and
after a three days' hearing of the parties, gave sentence in favour of the
Catholics.(S) Before this court, two hundred and eighty-six Catholic bish-
(1) [The documents of this transaction and Tillemont suppose the before-mention-
may be found in Mansi, Collectio Concilior. ed laws, (1. 38, de haeret., and 1. 3, ne
ampliss., torn, iii., p. 1157, and in Harduirfs Bapt. iterand.), were included among them.
Collection, torn, i., in Cod. eccles. African., — Schl.]
Can. 92, &c., p. 915, &.C., and in Du Pin, (4) [The documents are found in Du Pin ;
Monument, vet. ad Donatist. histor. perti- and the laws in the Codex Theodos., 1. 41
nent., p. 216. Compare also Augustine, and 43, de haeret. — Schl.]
Ep. 93, arid among the moderns, Dr. Walch, (5) [See Augustine, Ep. 97, $ 2, <kc.,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iv., p. 192, Ep. 100, $2, Ep. 105, $ 6.— Schl-]
&c.—Schl.] (6) [This law is in the Codex Theodos.,
(2) [Even before the arrival of the depu- I. 50, de haeret., and in DM Pin, Monument.,
ties from the council, the emperor had de- p. 224. — Schl.]
termined vigorously to persecute the Dona- (7) [See Noris, Historia Donatistor., p.
lists, and to compel them to a union with 533. — Schl.]
their opposers ; and had issued a law, by (8) See Fran. Baldwin, (who was a law-
which the refractory bishops and clergy yer), Historia CollationisCarthag., subjoined
were to be banished, and the laity to be to Optatus Milcvitanus, ed. Du Pin, p. 337.
fined. The character of this law may be This meeting called by Marccllinut, is im-
learned from Augustine, Epist. 185, § 25, properly denominated a conference or a free
&c., and Epist. 88, 6 7. The law itself is discussion ; for the Donatists and Catholics
probably lost. The edict which was issued did not enter intoa discussion, and each party
after the petition of the council, is in the endeavour to vanquish the other by argu-
Codex Theodos. de haeret., 1. 38. — Schl.] ments. It was truly and properly a legal
(3) [These Edicts of Uniformity are men- trial; in which Marcellinus, as the judge of
tioned in the Codex Theodos., 1. 2, de re- this ecclesiastical cause appointed by the
ligione ; and in the Decree of the council of emperor, after a three days' hearing of the
Carthage A.D. 407, in Cod. eccles. African., parties, pronounced sentence authoritatively.
Can. 99, and by Du Pin, p. 220. Gothofred It appears therefore, that no one at that time
VOL. I.— Y y
354 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
ops and two hundred and seventy-nine Donatist bishops were assembled.
The vanquished Donatists appealed indeed to the emperor ; but it was in
vain. The principal actor in all these scenes was the celebrated Angus,
tine ; who by his writings, his counsels, and his admonitions, controlled
nearly the whole African church and the leading men of the country. (9)
§ 3. By the Conference at Carthage, the Donatist party lost a large
part of its strength ; nor could it ever recover from the shock, notwith-
standing the revolutions in the country. Through fear of punishment,
very many submitted to the will of the emperor, and returned to the church.
On the contumacious the severest penalties were inflicted, such as fines,
banishment, confiscation of goods, and even death upon the more obstinate
and seditious. (10) Some escaped these penalties by flight, others by con-
cealing themselves, and some by a voluntary death ; for the Donatists
were much inclined to practise self-immolation. The Circumcelliones es-
caped by violence and arms, travelling up and down the province, and every
where venting their rage. To the Donatists their former liberties and re-
pose were indeed restored by the Vandals, who under Genseric their king
invaded Africa in the year 427, and wrested this province from the Ro-
mans. But the edicts of the emperors had inflicted such a wound on the
sect, that though it revived and grew a little under the Vandals, it could
never recover the amplitude and strength it formerly possessed.(ll)
§ 4. The Arians, oppressed and persecuted by the imperial edicts, took
refuge among those barbarous nations who gradually overturned the Ro-
man empire in the West, and found among the Goths, Heruli, Suevi, Van-
dals, and Burgundians, a fixed residence and a quiet retreat. Being now
safe, they treated the Catholics with the same violence, which the Catho-
lics had employed against them and other heretics, and had no hesitation
once thought of any supreme judge in the the side of those who would pursue mild
church appointed by Christ. And the bish- measures ; for he himself made representa-
ops of Africa in this case made their appli- tions to the imperial court against punishing
cation solely to the emperor. — [For an ac- the Donatists with death. Yet these repre-
count of this Conference, the reader may sentations are founded, not on correct views
consult with advantage Dr. Walch's Histo- respecting toleration, but on the current
rie der Ketzereyen, vol. iv., p. 198, &c. principle that it is unseemly for Christians
As to the sources of knowledge concerning to bear a part in the execution of criminals,
it, see the Gesta Collationis Carthagine ha- — Schl.]
bitae, published in Du Pin's Monument, vet. (10) [By virtue of the law, (Codex Theo-
ad hist. Donatist., p. 225, &c., and in Har- dos. de haereticis, 1. 52), all Donatists with-
duiri's Collectio Concil., torn, i., p. 1043, out distinction, and even their wives, if they
&c. ; also Augustine. Brevicul. Collationis would not unite with the orthodox, were to
cum Donatistis, in his Opp., torn, ix., p. 371, be fined, according to the wealth of each in-
&c. — Schl.] dividual. Such as would not be reclaimed
(9) [His writings against the Donatists fill by this means, were to forfeit all their goods;
the whole ninth volume of his works, ac- and such as protected them, were liable to
cording to the Amsterdam impression of the the same penalties. Servants and country
Benedictine edition. His recommendations tenants were to undergo corporeal punish-
in the Donatist contest were not always the ments by their masters and lords, or on the
best In his Epistles to Vincentius and to other hand suffer the same pecuniary mulcts.
Boniface, he speaks in such a manner about The bishops and all the clergy were to be
punishing heretics, that he must be regarded banished to different places, yet always be-
as the man whose writings afforded most yond the province of Africa ; and all Dona-
support to that spirit of persecution, which list churches were transferred to the oppo-
laid waste the church in after ages more than site party. — Schl.~]
in his times. In the contest with the Do- (11) [See Witsius, Histor. Donatist., c.
natists, he seemed often to show himself on viii., $ 9. — Schl.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
355
about persecuting the adherents of the Nicene doctrines in a variety of
ways. The Vandals, who had established their kingdom in Africa, sur-
passed all the rest in cruelty and injustice. At first Genseric their king,
and then Hunneric his son, demolished the temples of such Christians as
maintained the divinity of the Saviour, sent their bishops into exile, muti-
lated many of the more firm and decided, and tortured them in various
ways.(12) And they expressly stated, that they were authorized to do so
by the example of the emperors, who had enacted similar laws against the
Donatists in Africa, the Arians, and others who dissented from them in
religion. (13) During this African persecution, God himself is said to have
confuted the Arians by a great miracle, causing by his Almighty power
the persons whose tongues had been cut out by order of the tyrants, to
speak distinctly notwithstanding, and to proclaim the glory and the praises
of Christ. The fact itself no one can well deny, for it rests on power-
ful testimony ; but whether there was anything supernatural in it, may be
questioned. (14)
(12) See Victor Vitensis, de Persecutions
Vandalica, libri iii. ; published by Theod.
Ruinart, in connexion with his-own Historia
Persecutionis Vandal., Paris, 1694, 8vo,
[and reprinted, Venice, 1732.]
(13) See the edict of King Hunneric, in
Victor Vitc?isis, lib. iv., c. ii., p. 64, where
much is said on this subject.
(14) See Ruinart, Historia Persecut.
Vandal., pt. ii., c. 7, p. 482, &c. , and the
recent and acute discussions of some Eng-
lishmen respecting this miracle. Biblio-
theque Britannique, tome iii., pt. ii., p. 339,
&c., torn, v., pt. i., p. 171, &c. [Dr. Mac-
laine has here a long note, in review of the
discussions respecting this alleged miracle,
by Abbadie, Berriman, Chapman, and Dod-
icell, who defend the miracle ; and by an
anonymous writer, Middleton, and Toll, who
controvert it. The discussion turned on
four points, (1) the credibility of the testi-
mony ; (2) the degree in which the men
were mutilated ; (3) the possibility of speak- _
ing with imperfect, and even with no tongues ;
and (4) the probability that God would work
a miracle to decide such a theological dispute.
— Schlegefs note is more historical, and
though long, may be worth inserting entire.
Hunnenc (he says) in the beginning of his
reign was very indulgent to the orthodox,
and at the request of the emperor Zcno, al-
lowed them to choose a bishop of Carthage,
on condition that the Arian churches in the
Koman empire should be allowed the same
privilege. The orthodox did actually choose
Eugemus for their bishop. (Victor Viten-
sis, de Persecut. Vandal., lib. ii.,- cap. 7.)
But by the instigation of the Arian bishops,
Hunnenr. afterwards changed his course. He
forbid any person, in a Vandal dress, attend-
ing the orthodox worship; and disn
euch of the orthodox as were in his service,
and condemned them to labour in the fields.
In the year 483, he banished to the deserts
a great number of their, teachers, together
with their adherents, on pretence of a viola-
tion of the royal statutes. In the year 484,
in February, a formal conference of both
parties was appointed ; when the orthodox
handed in a long confession of their faith,
but without gaining a hearing from the Van-
dal patriarch Cyrila. After this, Hunneric
forbid by a severe law all public worship
among the orthodox ; ordered their books to
be burned ; caused the 466 bishops who had
been called to Carthage, to be arrested and
banished to different countries ; and endeav-
oured to compel all his subjects to become
Arians. Many confessors then endured the
most distressing sufferings, and a great num-
ber of them were cruelly put to death. At
Typasus in Mauritania, most of the inhabi-
tants fled to Spain, because Cyiila determin-
ed to force upon them an Arian bishop. Such
as stayed behind refused to accept the bish-
op, and kept up their own separate worship.
Hunneric therefore caused their tongues
to be cut out by the roots, and their right
hands to. be chopped off. They were able,
notwithstanding, to speak distinctly. Victor
expresses himself with so much assurance
on this subject, that he says, whoever doubts
the fact, need only go to Constantinople,
where he will now meet with a subdeacon
named Reparatus, who, although his tongue
was cut out, nevertheless speaks without
any effort, clearly, and distinctly, and is on
that account in high esteem in the court of
the emperor Zeno, and especially with the
empress. JEneas of Gaza, a Platonic phi-
losopher who then lived at Constantinople,
and was an eyewitness, (in his Dialogue on
the Resurrection, entitled Theophrastux, p.
81), says he had himself seen these people,
356 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 5. A new sect, which was the source of lamentable evils to the church,
was produced by Nestorius, a Syrian by birth, and bishop of Constantino-
ple. He was a pupil of the celebrated Theodorus of Mopsuestia, a man of
eloquence, and not without learning, but arrogant and indiscreet. That
Christ was truly God, and at the same time truly man, had been placed
beyond all controversy by the decrees of former councils ; but as to the
mode and the effects of the union of these two natures in Christ, hitherto
there had been no discussion among Christians, and nothing had been de-
cided by the councils. The Christian doctors were therefore accustomed
to express themselves differently respecting this mystery. Some used ex-
pressions, which seemed to separate the Son of God from the Son of man
too much, and to make out two persons in Christ. Others seemed to con-
found the Son of God with the Son of man, and to make both natures in
Christ coalesce and constitute one compound nature. The Syrian and
Oriental doctors differed from those of Alexandria and Egypt, from the
time of the rise of the sect of Apollinaris, who taught that the man Christ
was without a proper human soul, and that the divine nature in Christ
supplied the place of a rational soul ; whence it followed that the two na-
tures were commixed. The Syrians therefore, in order to oppose the fol-
lowers of Apollinaris, carefully distinguished the man from the God in
Christ, and used phraseology which might lead to the supposition, that
they divided the person of Christ into two persons. On the contrary, the
Alexandrians and the Egyptians were accustomed to adopt modes of ex-
pression, which might be charged with favouring Apollinarism, and which
seemed to imply a confusion of the two natures. Nestorius being bred in
the Syrian schools, and extremely anxious for the extermination of all the
sects and especially that of the Apollinarists, discoursed of the two^iatures
in Christ after the manner of his instructors, and directed his hearers to
make a distinction between the Son of God and the Son of man, and care-
fully to discriminate the actions and sensations of the one from those of
the other. (15)
and had heard them, to his amazement, de officio praefecti praetorio Africae), says :
speak distinctly ; that he would not trust " We have seen venerable men, with their
his ears, but ascertained the fact by ocular tongues cut out from the roots, lamentably
proof ; that he made them open their mouths, describing their sufferings." One must
and then found that their tongues were cut therefore carry historical skepticism quite
out at the roots. Prncopius testifies, that too far, if he would question the reality of
many of those whose tongues had been cut the fact. But whether it be not possible,
out, were living at Constantinople in his that a man should speak distinctly without
times, and that they spoke very distinctly, a tongue, and also whether that which took
The count Marcel/inns, who was chancellor place in Africa during this persecution was
to Justinian, and compiled his Chronicle a real miracle, or not, are more properly
from the records of the judicial courts, says : physical than historical questions. — 7V.]
Se vidisse mutum quondam, ita natum, post (15) A History of Nesforianism was
abscissam linguam statim locutum, refutasse written in French, by the Jesuit, Lewis Dou-
Arianorum haeresin et de fide Christiana tin, Paris, 1716, 4to. But it is such a one
veras voces emisisse. Isidorus, in his as might be expected from a person who
Chronicle, testifies also to the fact ; as does was obliged to rank Cyril among the saints,
Evagrws, in his Hist. Eccles , lib. iv., c. 4. and Ncsiorius among the heretics. [A bet-
See Valesius on these passages ; and So.- ter account is given by C. W. F. Watch,
gitlarins, de Crucial. Martyr., p. 296. and in his Historic der Ketzereyen. vol. v., p.
Juh. And. Schmidt, Diss. de elinguatis mys- 289, &c., to the end of the volume.] The
terium Trinitatis praedicantibus ; in his De- ancient writers on both sides are mentioned
cas Dissert, hist, theol., No. 7. Even Jus- by J. F. Buddeus, Isagoge in Theologiam,
tinian himself, (Codex Justin., lib. i., tit. 27, torn, ii., p. 1084, &c. In what manner the
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 357
§ 6. The occasion for this controversy was given by Anastasius, a
presbyter and th* intimate friend of Neslorius. In a public discourse de-
livered A.D. 428, Anastasius opposed the use of the word tfeord/eoc, or
mother of God, which was now more frequently applied to the mother of
Christ in discussions with the Arians than formerly, and to which the
Apollinarists were exceedingly attached ; alleging that the Holy Virgin
could only be called ^ptcoroKoc, mother of Christ, because God could nei-
ther be born nor die, so that only the Son of man was born of Mary.
Nestorius approved this discourse of his friend, and in several addresses
explained and defended it. (16) Some monks at Constantinople made op.
position, maintaining that the son of Mary was God incarnate, and they
excited the populace against Nestorius. But most persons were pleased
;vith his discourses ; and when they were carried to the monks of Egypt,
these were so moved by his arguments that they embraced his opinions
and ceased to denominate Mary the mother of God.(ll)
§ 7. Cyril, a man of a most restless and arrogant spirit, was then
bishop of Alexandria, and of course jealous of the increasing power and
authority of the Constantinopolitan prelate. On hearing of this contro-
versy, he first reprimanded both the monks and Nestorius. But as the
ktter would not retract, after advising with Ccelestine the bishop of Rome,
Cyril resolved on war ; and calling a council at Alexandria A.D. 430, he
hurled twelve anathemas at the head of Nestorius, who finding himself
accused of blasphemy against Christ, returned as many anathemas against
Cyril, accusing him of the same crime, and of Apollinarianism, and of con-
founding the two natures of Christ. (18) This contest between two bish-
Oriental writers relate the matter, is stated p. 5, &c., accompanied with the observations
by En.<scb. Renaudot, Historia Patriaichar. of Joh. Gamier. [See also Socrates, Hist.
Alexandrinor., p. 108, and by Jos. Sim. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 32. — Tr.]
Asseman, Bibliotheca Oriental. Vaticana, (17) [Cyril, against Nestorius, lib. i , and
torn, iii., pt. ii., p. Ixvii., &c. [For the in his Epistles to the monks, to Nestorius,
sources of knowledge, and a list of the wri- and to Cadestine. — Schl.]
ters on this controversy, see Watch, loc. (18) See Joh. Harduin, Concilia, torn. i.t
cit., p. 304, &c. See also Schroeckh, Kir- p. 2199. Other anathemas against Nestori-
chengesch., vol. xviii., p. 183, &c. Muns- us, different from the published ones, are set
cher, Dogmengesch., vol. iv., p. 53-78. forth by Jos. Sim. Asscnian, Biblioth Orient.
Gieseler's Text-book, by Cunningham, vol. Vatican., torn, iii., part ii., p. 199, &c. —
i., p. 228-237. — For testimony to the per- [A more circumstantial account of the events
securing spirit of Neslonus, see Socrates, touched on in this section, drawn from Dr.
Hist. Eccles., 1. vii., c. 29, &c., where we Walch, is contained in the following note of
are told, that on the very day of his instal- Von Einem. The Epistle of Cyril to the
lation, he thus publicly addressed the empe- Egyptian monks was brought to Constanti-
ror : " Give me a country purged of heretics, nople, and it justly gave offence to Nestori-
and I will recompense you with heaven ; aid us and his friends ; for Cyril might at least
me to conquer the heretics, and I will aid have sought a friendly correspondence with
you to conquer the Persians." And five Nestorius. The epistle was refuted by Nes-
days after, he commenced his work, by de- torius. Cyril then wrote to Nestorius; who
molishing the Arian. house of worship, and answered him shortly, and gave him to un-
proceeded to persecute the Novatians, the derstand, that he had as little inclination for
Quartodfdmani, and the Macedonians. He a controversy, as to have Cyril for a judge
was undoubtedly a rash zealot ; yet a person in this matter. Dorothcut bishop of Mar-
of some talents, sincere, and by no means cianople, was so indiscreet as to anathema-
inclined to be a heresiarch. See a general tize publicly in the church the doctrine that
account of him, in note (31), p. 333, &c., Mary was the mother of God; and this in-
above. — Tr.] flamed Cynl the more, as he supposed that
(16) See these discourses of Neslorivs, the opposite party meant to anathematize
in the works of Marias Mercator, torn, ii., him. In the mean time, some Alexandrians
358
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
ops of the highest order, and originating rather from the depraved pas-
sions of the mind than from a sincere love of truth, w«s the parent and
the cause of immense evils.
§ 8. The feelings of the parties being so exasperated by their recipro-
cal excommunications and letters that there was no prospect of an amica-
ble termination of the controversy, the emperor Theodosius II. assembled
a council at Ephesus in the year 431, which is accounted the third general
council. Cyril, the adversary of Nestorius, presided ; and he wished to
, have the cause examined and decided, before John the bishop of Antioch
and the other bishops of the East should arrive. Nestorius maintained,
that both circumstances were contrary to equity ; and therefore, when
summoned to trial, he refused to appear. But Cyril, pressing the business
forward, without a hearing of the cause, and a great part of the bishops
being absent, Nestorius, whom the council compare with Judas the be-
trayer of the Saviour, was condemned as guilty of blasphemy, deprived of
his office, and sent into banishment, where he closed his days. (19) That
at Constantinople accused Cyril of various
offences, the nature and grounds of which
are not known. Cyril therefore became
suspicious of Nestorius ; and conducted to-
wards him in an offensive manner. Both
prelates now wrote to each other, using se-
vere language. Cyril also sent prolix state-
ments to the emperor, and to the princesses
Pulchcria, Arcadia, and Marinia: which
thing however was not relished by the em-
peror, who supposed Cyril aimed to produce
disagreement in the emperor's family. The
contest now reached Ccdestine, bishop of
Rome. Nestorius wrote to him first, and
although on another matter, yet he gave him
incidentally an account of the disturbances
at Constantinople, but without even men-
tioning Cyril. He also sent his discourses.
But as Cadestine did not understand Greek,
(a poor commendation of a bishop of Rome ! )
the discourses were laid by unread, and the
letter was not answered. Nestorius repeat-
ed his letters, but without mentioning Cyril,
or attempting to prejudice Cozlestine against
him. Cyril however, fearing such a thing,
sent Possidonius to Romte, with the writings
of Nestorius, and his correspondence with
him translated into Latin ; and invited Cce-
lestine to join him against Nestorius. Ca-
lestine acknowledges, that his first acquaint-
ance with the heresy of Nestorius was de-
rived from the statement of Cyril. He held
a council at Rome, and made a decree that
Nestorius should be deposed, unless he re-
canted within ten days after receiving his
letter. Besides the letters to Nestorius and
Cyril, (to the latter of whom he committed
the execution of his decree), he sent a let-
ter to the clergy and people of Constantino-
ple, and a circular letter to the other patri-
archs and bishops. Cyril forwarded the cir-
cular, accompanying it with additional let-
ters ; but the letter to the chief men of Con-
stantinople be kept back. John bishop of
Antioch, sent the letter he received from
Cyril to Nestorius ; and accompanied it
with such observations as were an honour
to him, and which made such an impression
on Nestorius that he explained himself well
in public discourses, merely rejecting the er-
roneous meaning of the phrase, mother of
God. Whether Cyril was made acquainted
with this change in the circumstances of the
case, is not knowji. He now called a coun-
cil at Alexandria, in which a letter was
drawn up addressed to Nestorius, and also
twelve condemnatory propositions for him to
subscribe as the formula of his retractation.
A letter was also directed to the officers and
members of the church at Constantinople,
exhorting them to rise against their patriarch.
A third letter was addressed to the monks.
Four bishops were appointed to deliver to
Nestorius the letter of the council, and also
the still retained letter of Ccelcstrne to him.
Nestorius did not speak with these delega-
ted bishops, nor comply with the demands
of the letters ; but his public discourses be-
came more imbittered. The retaliatory an-
athemas which he now published, were un-
doubtedly designed to bring Cyril under sus-
picion as holding erroneous opinions con-
cerning the person of Christ. John of An-
tioch, and many Oriental bishops with him,
actually judged the propositions of Cyril to
be erroneous. Nestonus, on the contrary,
was declared by John to have explained
himself in an orthodox manner. In the mean
time Nestorius was proceeding with zeal,
and excommunicated many persons. — See
Dr. Walch's Historic der Ketzereyen, vol.
v., p. 700, &c.— Von Em.]
(19) Concerning this council, the principal
work to be consulted is the Variorum Pa-
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
359
base artifices and dispositions were very operative in this council, and that
Cyril was influenced more by his passions than by justice and piety, no
trum Epistols ad concilium Ephesinum per-
tinentes, which Chr. Lupus published from
MSS. at Cassino and in the Vatican, Lou-
vain, 1682, 4to. Ncstorius was first trans-
ported to Pctra in Arabia, then to Oasis, a
desert place in Egypt, where he probably
died in the year 435, [or rather, after A.D.
439.] The accounts of his lamentable
death, given by Evagrius, Hist. Eccles., 1.
i., c. 7, and by Thcodorus Lector, Hist. Ec-
cles., 1. ii., p. 565, are undoubtedly fables
deserving no credit. — [On the council of
Ephegus, see Dr. Walch, Historic der Kir-
chenversamml., p. 275, &c., and Historic
der Ketzereyen, vol. v., p. 452, &c. ; from
which the following account is taken. — The
emperor called the council ; Nestorius was
one of the first that arrived. With him came
two imperial ministers of state, one of whom
was accompanied by soldiers to protect the
council, and was commanded by the empe-
ror to remain with the council. Cynl of
Alexandria appeared also, attended by a
number of Egyptian bishops, who, with Mem-
non bishop of Ephesus, were of his party.
From the western provinces appeared only
three deputies from the see of Rome, and
one deacon deputed by the bishop of Car-
thage. Cyril presided, though a party.
Nestorius with the imperial commissioners,
made the reasonable request that the open-
ing of the council might be deferred till the
arrival of John of Antioch and the other
eastern bishops, and also of the Italian and
Sicilian members. But neither prayers nor
tears, nor commands in the name of the em-
peror, could move the fiery Cyril to delay ;
although it was affirmed that John and the
other eastern bishops were within five days'
travel of Ephesus. The council was open-
ed June 22. The imperial commissioner
gave his public protest against the proceed-
ing, and then retired. Ncstorius was cited
three times to appear ; but he refused to
stand before a court thus illegally sitting,
and from which he had so little reason to ex-
pect justice. He was therefore on the same
day, pronounced a heretic by an irregular
outcry. The condemnation was not found-
ed on the Holy Scriptures, but on the wri-
tings of the fathers. The next day, the de-
cision was communicated to Nestorius ; and
an account of it was sent to Constantinople,
with a letter recommending the immediate
choice of a new bishop. Candidianus the
imperial commissioner, and Ncstorius trans-
mitted an account of the whole procedure to
the emperor ; and the former endeavoured,
though in vain, to arrest the irregular pro-
ceedings at Ephesus. The arrival of John
and the eastern bishops on the 27th of June,
made the state of things 'worse rather than
better. They were offended with the coun-
cil for not waiting for their arrival ; and they
united themselves with a considerable part
of the council, who opposed the violent
measures against Nestorius, and who ac-
cused Cyril of many errors. Whether the
two parties had afterwards any communica-
tion with each other is uncertain. John pre-
sided over the dissenting party, who met in
the house where he lodged, and who in their
precipitancy declared Cynl and Mcmnon to
be deposed, and to be banished. From this
time there were two councils sitting at Ephe-
sus, the one under Cyril and the other under
John, as the presidents. The latter was
supported by the imperial commissioner.
But both committed such extravagances, as
show that the spirit of meekness did not rest
upon these fathers. These intemperate pro-
ceedings threatened to kindle a flame in the
church, and even to disturb the public peace.
The emperor therefore thought it necessary
to bring the matter before his court, and to
proceed rather upon principles of good policy
than of strict justice. He confirmed the
decisions of both parties against each other,
in regard to Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon ;
and sent another of his ministers to Ephe-
sus, to expel these three bishops from the
city, and to admonish the others to unite and
act together. In the mean time the bishops
of CyriVs party had held no less than six
sessions ; in the three first of which, the ar-
rival and formal accession of the delegates
from Rome to all the proceedings of Cyril
against Nestorius, and the making out an
account of these proceedings to be sent to
the emperor, were the principal transactions.
The three subsequent sessions tended far-
ther to widen the breach, as the eastern bish-
ops were publicly excommunicated by the
party of Cyril, and a new confession of faith
was framed by them. The imperial minis-
ter now arrived, and put Cyril and Memnon
under arrest ; but he laboured in vain to
unite the fiercely contending parties. Both
concluded to send their respective deputies
to the court, which was then at Chalcedon.
Historians tell us, that the court people were
friendly to Ncstorius. If so, it will be dif-
ficult to assign the cause of the unexpected
revocation by the emperor of his former de-
cree which deprived Cyril and Memnon of
their offices, while he still condemned Nes-
torius to banishment. The party of Cyril,
indeed, when they found things not proceed-
SCO
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
wise and good man will readily deny ; but the doctrine established by the
council, that Christ consists of one divine person, yet of two natures most
closely united, but not mixed and confounded, has been approved and ac-
knowledged by the great body of Christians.
§ 9. To pass by the minor errors which were attributed to Nestorius,
he is said to have divided Christ into two persons, and to have held that
the divine nature joined itself to the full formed man, and only aided him
during his life. But Nestorius himself, as long as he lived, professed him-
self utterly opposed to such sentiments.(20) Nor were such sentiments ever
directly stated by him, but only inferred by his adversaries from his rejection
of the epithet mother of God, and from some incautious and ambiguous
terms which he used. Hence, very many both among the ancients and
the moderns think, that he held the same sentiments that the Ephesine fa-
thers did, though he expressed himself in a different manner ; and they
cast the whole blame of this most destructive contest upon the restless
spirit of Cyril, and his malignant disposition towards Nestorius. (21) Al-
ihg according to their wishes at Ephesus, be alleged against Ncsloriits, is carefully col-
made every effort to meet the investigation lected by Jo*. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori-
of the case before the imperial court. And
their movements were not unsuccessful.
The outcry of the more worthless clergy and
the monks against Nestorius, may have made
ental. Clement. Vatican., torn, iii., pt. ii., p.
210, &c. [C. W. F. Walch, (Historie der
Ketzereyen, vol. v., p. 778, &c.), after a
careful investigation, states the sentiments
considerable impression, producing fear of of Nestorius in the following propositions,
an insurrection if Cyril were punished. Be- ( 1 ) The doctrine of three persons in the one
sides, Nestorius fell under the displeasure of divine essence, as stated in the Nicene
Pvlcheria, the emperor's sister, who had vast
influence over him. And Cyril co-operated
by means, — always very efficacious in courts,
— the bribery of the ministers. It is strange,
that the subsequent ages should have regard-
Creed, is true and certain. (2) In particu-
lar, the second Person the divine Word, is
true God, eternally begotten of the Father,
and of the same essence with him. (3) Yet
Christ is not only true God, but likewise a
ed the Ephesine assembly as ranking among complete man ; that is, he had a body and a
councils of the highest order ; since in re- rational soul, just as we have. (4) His
gard to the principal points, it decided nothing body he derived from the virgin Mary, and
happily, and what was done was in reality in her womb. (5) Nothing therefore is more
done by the emperor. — SchlegeVs abridg- certain than, that Christ possessed two na-
ment of Walch, corrected by the original. — tures, a divine and a human. (6) Yet there
TV.] are not, on this account, two persons, two
(20) See Marius Mercalor, Opp., torn. Sons, two Christs, two Lords ; but he is erne
ii., p. 286, ed. Gamier : and Fragments of person, one Christ, one Son, one Lord. (7)
the Epistles of Nestorius, written a little be- There was therefore a union between the
fore his death ; in Jos. Sim. Asseman, Bib-
lioth. Oriental. Vatican., torn, ii., p. 40, 41.
perfect God the Word, and the perfect man ;
and this union may be expressed by various
(21) Among the moderns, Luther first terms, among which cwu<j>eia [connexion]
held such sentiments, and inveighed bitterly
against Cyril : de Conciliis, in his Opp., torn,
vii., ed. Altenb., p. 265, 266, 273, &c. He
was followed by innumerable others ; as Pe-
ter Bayle, Dictionnaire, torn, iii., [and iv.,]
artic. Nestorius and Rodon : Christ. Aug.
Salig, de Entychianismo ante Eutychem, p.
200 : Otto Fred. Sckutz, de Vita Chytraei,
lib. ii., $ 29, p. 190, 191 : Jo. Voipt, Bibli-
oth. Historiae Haeresial., torn, i., pt. iii., p.
457 : Paul. Fran. Jablonshy, Exercitat. de
Nestorianismo, Berlin, 1720, 8vo: Thesau-
rus Epistolicus Crozianus, torn, i., p. 184,
&c., torn, iii., p. 175 : Jordan, Vie de Mr. la
Croze, p. 231, and many others. What may
is the best, but IVUGIS [union] is not to
be rejected. (8) To the question, What
was united 1 Nestorius answered, God and
man, the divinity and humanity, the two na-
tures, or two substances and hypostasies ;
but not two persons. (9) This union did
not consist in this, that the natures ceased
to possess their peculiar properties ; for the
essential difference of the two natures re-
mained, without the least change or com-
mixion. (10) Yet the union was insepara-
ble, so that the Word was never afterwards
without the assumed man, nor the man
without the Word. (11) The union of the
two natures commenced with the existence
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
361
lowing these to judge correctly, still Neslorius must be pronounced guilty
of two faults : first, that he was disposed rashly, and with offence to many,
term mother of God, nor indeed the other
expressions, utterly and perseveringly, ex-
cept under the limitation of, being so and so
understood ; otherwise he acknowledged and
professed the correctness and harmlessness
of them. (22) The next expression is, the
sufferings, the death, and burial of Christ.
Ncstorius did not deny that it was God, or
man in union with God, i. e., one Christ,
that was crucified, suffered, died, and was
buried. But he did deny that Christ, in so
far as he was God, was the subject of these
changes ; because he was, in his divine na-
ture, unchangeable, and incapable of suffer-
ing and dying. (23) The third expression
is resurrection. On this, his views were
the same as on the preceding. As he had
borrowed the word temple from John ii., 19,
&c., he insisted that Christ there distinguish-
es the temple from him who raises it up.v
Yet this distinction he would understand to
imply, not a division of persons, but only a
difference of natures. (24) To the second
class belong such as relate to the doctrine of
a communication of the properties of the di-
vine nature to the human. And here Nes-
torius did not deny that the man Christ pos-
sessed divine properties ; but only that he
possessed them of himself, or not by virtue
of the union. (25) He conceded, that lo
Christ as to his human nature, the divine
names and titles were pertinent ; bnt with
the limitation again, not of himself, but on
account of the union. (26) He admitted,
that to the man Chnxt divine worship be-
longed ; but again, not for his own sake, but
on account of the union. (27) The species
of communication of attributes, which our
theologians call apotrles matte, (attributing
the mediatorial acts of the Redeemer in his
official capacity, cither to the complex person,
or to either of his natures indiscriminately),
Ncstorius fully recognised : and it is not
true, that he regarded the work of redemp-
tion as the work solely of the human nature.
(28) Hence it follows, that Nestorius un-
derstood well, and expressed distinctly, the
unity of the person of Christ, and also the
diversity and union of the two natures, with
its consequences ; yet that he was always
anxious for excluding the use of such ex-
pressions, as obscured and rendered undis-
cernible the distinction of the two natures.
Hence, when he spoke of Christ, he prefer-
red using a name expressive of his complex
person. Thus he would rather say xPlfOTO~
KOf, mother of Christ, than say deoroKOf,
mother of God ; or if the latter could not be
avoided, he would add something to qualify
of the human nature, when he was conceived
in the womb of his mother. (12) It is there-
fore correctly said, the Word became man
and was made flesh. (13) It is also cor-
icctly said, the Son of God took upon him
Kan. (14) It is easy to state what kind of
union Nestorius did not admit ; but it can-
not be proved, that he distinctly believed as
bishop John states. (15) To explain the
connexion of the two natures of Christ as
suited in one person, Nestorius said : The
Son of God dwells in the man ; and the flesh
is the temple of God. Yet he explained
himself by saying, that he did not under-
stand such an indwelling; as the indwelling
of God in the faithful and in the prophets.
(16) Nestorius called the human nature an
mslrument, by which the Son of God work-
ed ; and a garment, with which he was clad ;
and said, God carried and bare the man. (17)
He also admitted a communion or intercourse
of the two natures. (18) And at the same
time, held to the so called personal proper-
ties. (19) In respect to the communication
of attributes, Nestorius held that in the
scriptures, names are used in reference to
our Saviour, which indicate the union of the
two natures, but not one nature as distinct
from the other ; names, with which we must
connect the idea of the entire Christ ; e. g.,
Jmmanud, Christ, Jesus, Son, Only Begot-
ten, Lord. (20) Nestorius admitted that
the scriptures attribute to Christ both divine
and human attributes and acts. And he
states this rule for interpreting them : Every
attribute and act which the scriptures ascribe
to Chris/, must be understood indeed of the
one person, yet not of both his natures ; but
the sublime and God-befitting must be re-
ferred to the divine nature, and the inferior
to the human nature. (21) In the writings
of Nestorius, noticeable passages occur re-
lating to the expressions which denote the
participation or communication of attributes,
and which are indicative of his real senti-
ments on the subject. They may be divided
into two classes. To the first class belong
the expressions, by which the properties and
changes of the human nature are referred to
Christ in his divine nature, or (according to the
customary phraseology of those times) to the
Word that was God. The first expression
is that of being born. It is undeniable that
Nestorius (though not likewise his friends,
a few only excepted) rejected the use of
the term mother of God ; as also the expres-
sion. Mary bore the Deity, or what was born
of Mary, was God. Yet it is equally unde-
niable, that Nestonus did not reject the
VOL. I— Z z
363 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
to abolish the use of a harmless term(22) which had been long current ;
and secondly, that he presumed to express and explain by unsuitable phrases
and comparisons a mystery which exceeds all human comprehension. If
to these faults be added the excessive vanity and impetuosity of the man,
it will be difficult to determine which was the principal cause of this great
contest, Cyril or Nestorius.
§ 10. The council of Ephesus was so far from putting an end to these con-
tentions, that it rather extinguished all hope of the restoration of harmony.
John bishop of Antioch, and the other eastern prelates, whose arrival Cyril
would not wait for, assembled at Ephesus ; and they issued as severe a
sentence against Cyril, and his friend Memnon bishop of Ephesus, as they
had issued against Nestorius. Hence a violent and troublesome contro-
versy arose between Cyril and the Oriental bishops who had John of An-
tioch for their leader. It was indeed partially adjusted in the year 433,,
when Cyril acceded to a formula of faith prescribed by John, and rejected
the use of certain suspicious phrases. Yet the commotions it produced
continued long in the East. (23) And no means could prevent the friends
and disciples of Nestorius from spreading his doctrines through various
provinces of the East, and every where gathering churches which rejected
the Ephesine decrees. (24) The Persians in particular were averse from
any reconciliation with Cyril, and persevered in maintaining, that Nestorius
was rashly condemned at Ephesus, and that Cyril subverted the distinction
between the two natures of Christ. The propagation of the Nestorian
doctrines was still more successful, after the introduction of those doctrines
into the celebrated Persian school which had for some time flourished at
Edessa. For the teachers in this school not only taught Nestorian prin-
ciples to their pupils, but likewise translated from Greek into Syriac the
writings of Nestorius and his master Theodoras of Mopsuestia, as well as
of Diodorus of Tarsus, and spread them throughout Assyria and Persia. (25)
§ 11. To no one of all its patrons is the Nestorian doctrine more in.
debted than to Barsumas. Ejected from the school of Edessa with his as-
sociates, and in the year 435 created bishop of Nisibis, he laboured from
the year 440 to the year 485 with incredible assiduity and dexterity, to
procure for Nestorianism a permanent establishment in Persia. Maanes,
bishop of Ardaschir, was his principal coadjutor. His measures were so
it, as mother of the God-Man. — Dr. Walch (23) See Christ. Aug. Salig, de Euty-
ia*one who thinks the whole controversy be- chianismo ante Eutychen, p. 243, &c., [and
tween Nestorius and his accusers was a Dr. Watch's Historic der Ketzereyen, vol.
mere dispute about words and phrases. But v., p. 619, &c. — SchL]
Dr. Hofmann, in a dispute at Wittemberg, (24) [The Roman provinces, in which
A.D. 1725, maintained, that the Nestorian Nestorianism most prevailed, were the two
controversy was not a mere logomachy. — Syrias, the two Cilicias, Bithynia, Moesia,
Schl ] Thessaly, Isauria, and the second Cappado-
(22) [" The title mother of God, applied cia.— TV.]
to the virgin Mary, is not perhaps so inno- (25) See Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth.
cent as Dr. Mosheim takes it to be. To the Oriental. Clement. Vatican., torn, i., p. 351,
judicious and learned it can present no idea &c.. torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 69. From which,
at all, and to the ignorant and unwary it may with other passages, we should correct the
present the most absurd and monstrous no- account of the early history of Nestorianism,
tions. The invention and use of such mys- given by Eus. Renaudot, (Liturgiarum Ori-
terious terms as have no place in scripture, ental., torn, ii., p. 99, &c.), and by others.
are undoubtedly pernicious to true religion." See also Theodorus Lector, Hist. Eccles.,
— Mad.] lib. ii., p. 558.
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
363
successful, that all the Nestorians in Chaldea, Persia, Assyria, and the
neighbouring countries, deservedly venerate him only to this day as their
parent and founder. He persuaded the Persian monarch Pherozes, to
expel the Christians who adhered to the opinions of the Greek fathers, and
not only to admit Nestorians in their place, but to allow them to make
the first cities in Persia, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, their primary seat ; which
their patriarch or Catholic has occupied quite to our times. He also
erected the famous school at Nisibis, from which issued those who in this
and the following century carried the Nestorian doctrines into Egypt, Syria,
Arabia, India, Tartary, and even to China. (26)
§ 12. Before this sect became fully formed and established, there was
some difference of opinion in it. Some said, that the manner in which
the two natures in Christ were combined, was wholly unknown ; and some
denied any other connexion than that of will, operation, and dignity. (27)
But this disagreement wholly disappeared, from the time that the Nestorian
(26) All these transactions are well illus-
trated, by the before-mentioned Jos. Sim.
Asseman, Biblioth. Orient. Clement. Vati-
can., torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 77, &c. [The Nes-
torwns are not called by this name in the
East, for they regard their doctrines as apos-
tolic, and they never had any connexion with
the person of Nestorius ; but are generally
called Chaldaic Christians, because their
principal or head church is in the ancient
Chaldea ; and in some part of the East In-
dies, St. Thomas Christians, because they
suppose they received Christianity from the
apostle Thomas. — They constitute a large
Christian community, which has no con-
nexion with others ; have their own forms
of worship, their own bishops, and their
own ecclesiastical councils. Their church
extends through all Asia, and exists partly
in the Persian, partly in the Turkish, and
partly in the Mogul empires. The patri-
arch resides in a monastery not far from
Mosul, and has a great many bishops under
him. The enmity of the Persians, and af-
terwards of the Mohammedans and Sara-
cens against the Romans, contributed much
to further the spread of this sect ; for they
received all refugees from the Roman em-
pire, and extended full protection to such
Christians as were not tolerated in the Ro-
man provinces, and whom of course they
could not suspect of any understanding with
the Romans Jbas bishop of Edessa, was
one of the greatest defenders of Nestorius
among the Orientals ; and on that account,
his epistle to Marin the Persian bishop of
Ardaschir, was rejected by some councils.
But the chief persons among them were
Barsumas and his assistant Maartcs. After
the- death of Barsumas, the archbishop of
Seleucia, Babacus, became the head of the
party ; and from this time onward, the pa-
triarchs (catholici or Jacchck) resided at Se-
leucia, until, under the califs, Bagdat and
Mosul were selected for that purpose. This
Babacus held a council in the year 499, in
which not only the whole Persian church
professed itself to belong to the Nestorian
community, but regulations were also made
that all bishops and priests must be married,
and second marriages of the clergy were not
merely permitted but declared to be neces-
sary. (See Asseman, Biblioth. Orient., torn,
iii., pt. ii., p. 177.) The Nestorians differ
from other Christians in the following par-
ticulars : that they will not call Mary the
mother of God ; and wholly reject the ex-
pressions, God was crucified and died ; that
they admit no natural and personal, but only
a friendly union of the Word that was God
(for so they speak) with the man Jesus;
that they teach, there are in Christ two na-
tures and two substances, each of which has
its own personality : that they reject the
council of Ephesus ; execrate Cyril, as be-
ing a wicked wretch ; and venerate Nesto-
rius and Theodorus of Mopsuestia, as being
saints : that they worship no images ; and
perform their worship, which is very simple,
in the Syriac language. Together with bap-
tism, which they generally administer on the
40th day after the birth, and the Lord's sup-
per, in which they use leavened bread, they
make the consecration of priests to be a sac-
rament. They also practise anointing with
oil, as a ceremony of worship, and likewise
in slight diseases, and even in commencing
journeys, as a sort of consecration. See
Baumgartcn's Geschichte der Religionspar-
theyen, p. 586. — Sr.hl.]
(27) Leontius Byzanlinus, adv. Nestoria-
nos et Eutychianos ; in Hni Cinnsii Lec-
tiones Antiquar, torn, i., 537, and Jo. Bas-
nage, Prolegom. ad Canisium, lorn, i., cap.
ii., p. 19, &c.
364 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
community became duly consolidated. For it was decreed by synods as-
sembled at Seleucia, that there were in the Saviour of mankind two per-
sons or vTiOgdoeig, namely a divine that of the Word, and a human that of
Jesus ; yet that both persons constituted but one Aspect, or as they (fol-
lowing Nestorius) expressed it, one Barsopa, that is, -npoounov : that this
union of the Son of God with the Son of man, took place at the moment
of conception, and would never end : but that it was not a union of natures
or persons, but only of will and affection ; Christ therefore, must be care-
fully distinguished from God, who (in the language of Nestorius) dwelt in
Christ as in his temple ; and that Mary should never be called the mother
of God, but only the mother of Christ. They reverence Nestorius as a
holy man, and worthy of everlasting remembrance ; but they maintain that
his doctrine was much more ancient than he, being derived from the ear-
liest ages of the church ; and therefore they wish not to be called Nesto-
rians. And it appears in fact, that Barsumas and his associates did not
inculcate on their followers precisely the doctrines taught by Nestorius ;
but they in some measure polished his imperfect system, enlarged it, and
connected with it other doctrines which Nestorius never embraced.
§ 13. While avoiding the fault of Nestorius, many ran into the opposite
extreme. The most noted of these was Eutyches, abbot of a certain con-
vent of monks at Constantinople ; from whom originated another sect, di-
rectly opposite to that of Nestorius, but equally troublesome and mischiev-
ous to the interests of Christianity, and which like that spread with great
rapidity throughout the East, and acquired such strength in its progress
that it gave immense trouble both to the Nestorians and to the Greeks,
and became a great and powerful community. In the year 448, Eutyches,
now far advanced in years, in order more effectually to put down Nesto-
rius to whom he was a violent foe, explained the doctrine concerning the
person of Christ in the phraseology of the Egyptians, maintaining that
there was only one nature in Christ, namely, that of the Word who became
incarnate. (28) Hence he was supposed to deny the humanity of Jesus
(28) That Cyril had so expressed himself, Sckroeckh has treated the subject well in his
and had appealed to the authority of Atha- Kirchengeschichte, vol. xviii., p. 433-636,
nasius to justify the phraseology, is beyond Lips., 1793, 8 vo. See also Muenscher, Dog-
controversy. But whether Athanasius ac- mengesch., vol. iv., p. 79-122; Gicseler's
tually used such language, is doubtful; for Text-book, by Cunningham, vol. i , p. 237,
many think the book in which it occurs was &c., 315, &c. The points in controversy
not a production of Athanasius. See Mich, between Eutyches and his friends on the
le Quien, Diss. ii. in Damascenum, p. 31, one part, and their antagonists on the other,
&c., and Christ. Aug. Salig, de Eutychi- during the first period of the contest or till
anismo ante Eutychem, p. 112, &c. That the council of Chalcedon in 451, according
the Syrians used the same phraseology, be- to Dr. Walch, (loc. cit., vol. vi., p. 611-
fore Eutyches' times, and without offence, 619), were in amount, as follows. Both
is shown by Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. held alike, (1) the perfect correctness of the
Orient. Vatican., torn, i., p. 219. — We are Nicene Creed. And of course, (2) both
yet in want of a solid and accurate history held the doctrine of a trinity of persons in
of the Eutychian troubles ; which howev- the Godhead ; (3) that God the Word was
er, Christ. Aug. Salig left in manuscript, made flesh ; (4) that Christ was truly God
[This has not yet been published ; but Dr. and truly man united ; and (5) that, after
Ch W. Fr. Walch has given a very elabo- the union of the two natures he was one
rate and full history of the Eutychian and person. .But Eutyches maintained, (6) that
Monophysite sects, filling the whole 6th, 7th, the two natures of Christ after the union,
and 8th volumes of his Historic der Ket- did not remain two distinct natures, but con-
zereyen, Lips., 1773, 76-78, 8vo, and AT. stituted one nature ; and therefore, (7) that
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
365
Christ ; and was accused by Eusebius of Doryleum, before a council called
by Flavianus, perhaps in this very year, at Constantinople. And as £u-
tyches refused to give up his opinions at the bidding of this council, he was
cast out of the church and deprived of his office ; and he not acquiescing
in this decree, appealed to a general council of the whole church.(29)
§ 14. The emperor Theodosius therefore, in the year 449, convoked at
Ephesus such a council as Eutyches had requested, and placed at the head
of it Dioscorus bishop of Alexandria, a man as ambitious and restless as
Cyril, and as hostile to the bishop of Constantinople. In this council the
business was conducted with the same kind of fairness and justness, as by
Cyril in the council of Ephesus against Nestorius. For Dioscorus, in
whose church nearly the same things were taught as Eutyches had ad-
vanced, so artfully managed and controlled the whole of the proceedings,
that the doctrine of one nature incarnate was triumphant, and Eutyches was
acquitted of all error. On the contrary, Flavianus was severely scourged,
and banished to Epipa, a city of Lydia, where he soon after died. (30)
The Greeks call this Ephesine council, avvodov ^T]gpiKf]v, an Assembly of
Robbers, to signify that everything was carried in it by fraud and violence.
Yet this name would be equally applicable to many councils of this and
the subsequent times.
§ 15. But the scene changed soon after. Flavianus and his adherents
engaged Leo the Great, the Roman pontiff, on their side, — a course which
was commonly taken in that age, by those who were foiled by their ene-
it was correct to say, Christ was constitu-
ted of or from two natures ; but not that he
existed in two natures. For (8) the union
of the two natures was such that, although
neither of them was lost or was essentially
changed, yet together they constituted one
nature ; of which compound nature, and not
of either of the original natures alone, must
thenceforth be predicated each and every
property of both natures. He accordingly
denied, (9) that it is correct to say of Christ,
that as to his human nature he was 6//o«<rtof
(of the same nature) with us. It is to be
remembered, that Eutyches was solicitous
chiefly to confute Nestorius, (who kept the
two natures almost entirely distinct, and
seemed to deny any other union than that
of purpose and co-operation, and who in par-
ticular disliked all phrases which predicated
the acts and sufferings of the human nature,
of the divine nature) ; and to enable him to
overturn this error, Eutyches so blended the
two natures, that they could not afterwards
be distinguished. — TV.]
(29) [This was an occasional council, as-
sembled for other purposes, before which
Eusclnus appeared and accused Eutyches.
The council peremptorily required him to
give up his opinions ; and on his refusal,
proceeded at once to excommunicate him.
See the Acts of this council, in Hur/hnn's
Coll., torn, ii., p. 70, &c. See also Wakh,
Hist, der Ketz., vol. vi., p. 108-158.— TV.]
(30) See Jo. Harduin, Concilia, torn, i.,
p. 82, &c. Liberatus, Breviarium, c. xii.,
p. 76. Leo Magnus, Epist. xciii., p. 625.
Niccphorus, Hist. Eccles., lib. xiv., c. 47,
p. 550, &c. [ Walch, Historic der Kirchcn-
versammlungen, p. 301, &c., and Historic
der Ketzereyen, vol. vi., p. 175-264. Bow-
er's Lives of the Popes, (Leo), vol. ii., p. 42-
48, ed. Lond., 1750, 4to. The aged em-
peror Theodosius II. was managed by the
Eutychians ; and therefore he called such a
council as would accomplish their wishes.
In the council, Eutyr.hes offered a confession
of faith, which did not touch the point in
debate ; and this was accepted, without al-
lowing his accusers to be heard. By ac-
clamation the doctrine of two natures in the
incarnate Word was condemned. Diosco-
rus then proposed to condemn Flavianus
and Eusebius. Here opposition was made :
and Dioscorus called on the imperial com-
missioners, who threw open the doors of the
church ; a band of soldiers and an armed
mob rushed in. The terrified bishops no
longer resisted. Every member (in all 149)
sigiu-d the decrees. Flavianus was deposed
and banished. Eusrkius of Doryleum. The-
odoret of Cyprus, Dvmnu* of Antioch, and
several others, were also deposed. The de-
cisions of this council were ratified by the
emperor, and ordered to be everywhere en-
forced.—Tr.]
366 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
mies, — and also represented to the emperor, that an affair of such magni-
tude demanded a general council to settle it. Theodosius however, could
not be persuaded to grant the request of Leo, and call such a council.
But on his death, Martian his successor, summoned a new council at Chal-
cedon in the year 451, which is called the fourth general council. In this
very numerous assembly, the legates of Leo the Great, (who had already
publicly condemned the doctrine of Eutyches, in his famous Epistle to Fla-
vianus), were exceedingly -active and influential. Dioscorus therefore was
condemned, deposed, and banished to Paphlagonia, the Acts of the Ephe-
sine council were rescinded, the Epistle of Leo was received as a rule of
faith, Eutyches, who had already been divested of his clerical dignity and
exiled by the emperor, was condemned though absent, and, not to mention
the other decrees of the council, all Christians were required to believe,
what most to this day do believe, that in Jesus Christ there is but one per-
son, yet two distinct natures no way confounded or mixed. (31)
§ 16. This remedy, which was intended to heal the wounds of the
church, was worse than the disease. For a great part of the Oriental
and Egyptian doctors, though holding various sentiments in other re-
spects, agreed in a vigorous opposition to this council of Chalcedon, and
to the Epistle of Leo the Great which the council had adopted, and con-
tended earnestly for one nature in Christ. Hence arose most deplorable
discords, and a violence of parties almost exceeding credibility. In Egypt,
the excited populace, after the death of the emperor Marcian, [A.D. 457],
murdered Proterius the successor of Dioscorus; and appointed in his
place Timotheus Aelurus, a defender of the doctrine of one incarnate na-
ture. And although Aelurus was expelled from his office by the em-
peror Leo, yet under the [second succeeding] emperor Basihscus, he re-
covered it. After his death, [A.D. 476], the friends of the council of
Chalcedon elected Timotheus surnamed Salopliaciolus ; and the advocates
for one nature, chose Peter Moggus. But in the year 482, Salophaciolus
being dead, Moggus, by order of the emperor Zeno and by the influence
(31) [See the entire Acts of this council rational soul and a body; of like essence
in all the Collections of Councils; e. g., (6/«>8<7to?) with the Father, as to his God-
Binnius and Harduin, torn, ii., p. 1, &c. head ; and of like essence (6fiosatof) with
See also Evagrius, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. us, as to his manhood ; in all things like us,
2, 4. Cave, Historia Litteraria, vol. i., p. sin excepted ; begotten (yevvijtieif) of the
482-487. Walch, Historic der Kirchenver- Father from all eternity, as to his Godhead ;
sammlungen, p. 307-314, and Historic der and of Mary, the mother of God (i?eoroK«)
Ketzereyen, vol. vi., p. 293-489. Bower, in these last days, for us and for our salva-
Lives of the Popes, (Leo I.), vol. ii., p 56— tion, as to his manhood ; recognised as one
100, ed. Lond., 1750, 4to. Muenscher, Christ, Son, Lord, Only-begotten; in two na-
Dogmengesch., vol. iv., p. 96, &c. Giese- tures, unconfounded, unchanged, undivided,
ler's Text-book, by Cunningham, vol. i., p. inseparable (aavyxvrus, arpeTrruf, udtai.p£-
240. — The exposition of faith in the 5th ac- ruf, &roptfti() ; the distinction of natures not
tion of this council, was designed to guard at all done away by the union ; but rather, the
against both Eutychian and Nestorian errors, peculiarity (idiorr/f) of each nature preserv-
After recognising the Nicene and Constan- ed, and combining (ovvTpcx&w'jf) into one
tinopolitan creeds, with Leo's Letter to Fla- substance (vrrofaaiv) ; not separated or di-
vianus, &c., they say: "Following there- vided into two persons (TrpoauTra) ; but one
fore these holy fathers, we unitedly declare, Son, Only-begotten, God the Word, the
that one and the same Son, our Lord Jesus Lord Jesus Christ : as the prophets before
Christ, is to be acknowledged as being per- [taught] concerning him ; so he, the Lord
feet in his godhead, and perfect in his hu- Jesus Christ, hath taught us, and the creed
inanity; truly God, and truly man, with a of the fathers halh transmitted to us." — Tr.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 367
of Acacius bishop of Constantinople, obtained full possession of the see of
Alexandria ; and John Talaia, whom the Chalcedonians had elected, was
removed. (32)
§ 17. In Syria, the abbot Barsumas, (a different person from Barsu~
mas of Nisibis who established the Ncstorian sect), having been con-
demned by the council of Chalcedon, went about propagating the doctrine
of Estyches : and by means of his disciple Samuel, he spread this doctrine
among the neighbouring Armenians, about the year 460. Yet the Syri-
ans are commonly represented as afterward giving up this harsher form of
the Eutychian doctrine, under the guidance of Xenaias or Philoxenus, the
bishop of Mabug [or Hierapolis], and the famous Peter [the Fuller], Gna-
pheus in Greek and Fullo in Latin. For these men denied, what Eutyches
is said to have taught, that the human nature of Christ was absorbed in the
divine ; and simply inculcated, that Christ possessed one nature, which yet
was a twofold or compound. Still, as this doctrine was equally incon-
sistent with the decrees of the council of Chalcedon, the believers in it
most steadfastly rejected that council. (33)
§ 18. Peter, who was surnamed the Fuller because while a monk he
pursued the trade of a fuller, got possession of the see of Antioch ; and
although he was often ejected and condemned on account of his opposi-
tion to the council of Chalcedon, yet in the year 482 he obtained a full
establishment in it, by authority of the emperor Zeno, through the influ-
ence of Acacius bishop of Constantinople.(34) This man, who was
formed to promote discord and controversy, occasioned new contests, and
\\.is thought to aim at establishing a new sect called the Theopaschites ;
because he recommended to the eastern churches an addition to the hymn
called Trisagium, by inserting after the words O Holy God, O Holy Al-
mighty, 0 Holy Eternal, the clause who wast crucified for us. He un-
doubtedly made this addition with sectarian views, intending to establish
men more firmly in his beloved doctrine, that of but one nature in Christ.
But his adversaries, especially Felix of Rome, and others, perverted his
meaning ; and maintained that he intended to teach, that all the three per-
sons in the Godhead were crucified ; and therefore snch as approved this
form of the hymn were called Theopaschites. The consequence of this
dispute was, that the western Christians rejected this form of the hymn,
which they understood to refer to the whole Trinity, but the Oriental
Christians continued to use it constantly, even down to modern times,
without offence, because they refer the hymn to Christ only, or to but
one person in the Trinity.(35)
(32) See Liberates, Breviarium, cap. 16, Ketzereyen, vol. vi., p. 796, &c., 825-832,
17, 18. Evagnus, Hist. Eccles., lib. ii., — TV.]
c. 8, lib. iii., c. 3. Mirti. le Quicn, Oricns (34) Hen. Valesius, Diss. de Pctro Ful-
Christianus, torn, ii., p. 410, &c. lone et de Synodis adversus eum collectis ;
(33) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Orient, annexed to his Scriptores Histor. Eccles.,
Vatican., torn, ii., p. 1-10, and his Diss. de torn, iii., p. 173, &c.
Manophysitis, prefixed to this tome, p. ii., (35) See Hen. Noris, de uno ex Trinitate
&c. [According to Dr. Walch, the parties came passo liber, in his Opp., torn, iii., Diss.
were continually coming nearer together in i., c. 3, p. 782. Jos. Sim. Asseman, Bibli-
doctrine, so that the theological dispute was oth. Orient. Vatican., torn, i . p. 518, &c.,
sinking fast into a mere logomachy. But torn, ii., p. 36, 180, &c., [Walch, Historic
several questions of fact, or acts of the par- der Ketzereyen, vol. vii., p. 237, &c., 329,
ties, became the subjects of lasting dispute &c., 339, &c., and Suicer, Thesaurus Ec-
and contention. See WaicHt Historie der cles., torn, ii., p. 1310, <Scc. — TV-]
308
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 19. To settle these manifold dissensions, which exceedingly dis-
quieted both the church and the state, the emperor Zeno in the year 482,
by advice of Acacius the bishop of Constantinople, offered to the con-
tending parties thai formula of concord which is commonly called his He-
noticon. This formula repeated and confirmed all that had been decreed
in the councils of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, against
the Arians, Nestorians, and Eutychians ; but it made no mention of the
council of Chalcedon. (36) For Zeno had been led by Acacius, to be-
lieve that the opposition of the disaffected was, not to the doctrine of the
council of Chalcedon, but to the council itself. This formula of concord
was subscribed by the leaders of the Monopliysite party, Peter Moggus
bishop of Alexandria, and Peter Fullo bishop of Antioch. It was like-
wise approved by Acacius of Constantinople, and by all the more moderate
of both parties. But the violent, on both sides, resisted it ; and complained
that this Henoticon did injustice to the council of Chalcedon. (37) Hence
arose new controversies, as troublesome as those which preceded.
§ 20. A considerable part of the Monophysites or Eutychians considered
Peter Moggus as having committed a great crime, by acceding to the He-
noticon ; and therefore they united in a new party, which was called that
of the AcephaH, because they were deprived of their head or leader. (38)
Afterwards this sect became divided into three parties, the Anthropomor-
(36) Evagrius, Hist. Eccles., lib. iii., c.
14. Liberatus, Breviarium Histor., c. 18,
[in both of which the Henoticon is given.
Dr. Mosheim's description of this famous
decree is very imperfect. In it the empe-
ror explicitly recognises the creed of the Ni-
cene and Constantinopolitan councils, as the
only established and allowed creed of the
church ; and declares every person an alien
from the true church, who would introduce
any other. This creed, he says, was re-
ceived by that council of Ephesus which
condemned Nestorius ; whom, with Euly-
chcs, the emperor pronounces to be heretics.
He also acknowledges the 12 chapters of
Cyril of Alexandria, to be sound and ortho-
dox ; and declares Mary to be the mother of
God, and Jesus Christ to possess two na-
tures, in one of which he was ououcrioc. of
like substance with the Father, and in the
other OjUosertof with us. Thus he fully rec-
ognised the doctrines of the council of Chal-
cedon, without alluding at all to that body ;
and affirming that these doctrines were em-
braced by all members of the true church,
he calls upon all Christians to unite on this
sole basis, and " anathematizes every per-
eon who has thought or thinks otherwise,
either now or at any other time, whether at
Chalcedon or in any other synod whatever ;
but more especially the aforesaid persons,
Nestorius and Eutyches, and such as em-
brace their sentiments :" and concludes with
renewed exhortations to a union on this ba-
sis.— This formula of union was happily cal-
culated to unite the more considerate of both
parties. It required indeed some sacrifice
of principle on the part of the Monophysites,
or at least of their favourite phraseology;
but it also required the dominant party to
give up the advantage over their foes which
they had obtained by the general council of
Chalcedon. In Egypt, the Hcnoticon was
extensively embraced ; but the bishops of
Rome were opposed to it, and were able to
render it generally inefficient. — TV.]
(37) See Facundus Hermianensis, De-
fcnsio trinm Capitulorum, 1. xii., c. 4.
(38) Evagnus, Hist. Eccles., 1. iii.,c. 13.
Lcontius Byzant. de Sectis, torn, i., Lec-
tion. Antiquar. Hen. Canisii, p. 537. Ti-
motheus Presbyter, in Joh. Bapt. Cotelerius,
Monument. Ecclesiae Graecae, torn, iii., p.
409. [From the time of the council of
Chalcedon, the Eutychians gradually rece-
ded from the peculiar views of Eutyches,
and therefore discarded the name of Euly-
chians, and assumed the more appropriate
one of Monophysites, which indicated their
distinguishing tenet, that the two natures of
Christ were so united as to constitute but
one nature. The whole party therefore,
having long renounced Eutyches as their
leader, when some of them also renounced
Peter Moggus, they were indeed Acephali,
without a head. Yet all the branches of this
sect continued to bear the name of Monoph-
ysites, till late in the sixth century, when
Jacobus Baradaeus raised them up from ex-
treme depression through persecution, and
they assumed the name of Jacobites, a name
which they bear to this day. — Tr.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 369
phites, the Barsanupliites, and the Esaianists. And these sects were sue-
ceeded, in the next age, by others of which the ancients make frequent men-
tion.(39) Yet the inquirer into the subject must be informed, that some
of these Eutychian sects are altogether imaginary ; that others differed,
not in reality, but only in terms ; and that some were distinguished, not
by their sentiments, but by some external rites and other outward circum-
stances. And they were all likewise of temporary duration ; for in the next
century they all became extinct, through the influence especially of Jaco-
bus Baradaeus.(<lQ)
§21. The Roman pontiff Felix III. with his friends, attacked Acacius
the bishop of Constantinople, who had favoured the Henolicon, as a betrayer
of the truth, and excluded him from church communion. To justify this
hostility, Felix and his successors taxed Acacius with favouring the Mo-
nophysites and their leaders, Peter Moggus and Peter Fullo ; with contempt
for the council of Chalcedon ; and with some other things. But in reality,
as many facts demonstrate, Acacius became thus odious to the Roman pon-
tiffs, because he denied by his actions the supremacy of the Roman see,
and was extremely eager to extend the jurisdiction and advance the honour
of the see of Constantinople. The Greeks defended the character and
memory of their bishop, against the aspersions of the Romans. This con-
tost was protracted till the following century, when the pertinacity of the
Romans triumphed, and caused the names of Acacius and Peter Fullo to
be stricken from the sacred registers, and consigned as it were to perpet-
ual infamy.(41)
§ 22. The cause of this so great a series of evils, appears to be a very
small thing. It is said that Eutyches believed, that the divine nature of
Christ absorbed his human nature ; so that Christ consisted of but one na-
ture, and that the divine. Yet whether this was the fact or not, is not suf-
ficiently clear. This sentiment, however, together with Eutyches, was
abandoned and rejected by the opposers of the council of Chalcedon, who
were guided by Xenaias and Peter Fullo ; and therefore, they are more
properly called Monophysites than Eutychians. For all who are des-
ignated by this name, hold that the divine and human natures of Christ
were so united as to constitute but one nature, yet without any conversion,
confusion, or commixture : and that this doctrine may not be understood
differently from their real meaning, they often say, there is but one nature
in Christ, yet it is twofold and co/npownrf.(42) With Eutyches they dis-
claim all connexion; but they venerate Dioscorus, Barsumas, Xenaias,
and Peter Fullo, as pillars of their sect ; and reject the decrees of the
(39) These sects are enumerated by Ja. Histoire de 1'Eglise, torn, i., p. 301, 380,
BasnaffC, Prolegom. ad Hen. Canisii Lee- 381, &c. Nouveau Dictionnaire Hist. Grit.,
tiones Antiquas, cap. iii., and Jos. Sim. As- torn, i., Article Acacius, p. 75, &c. Don.
scman, Diss. de Monophysitis, p. 7, &c. Blondcll de la Primaute dans 1'Eglise, p.
(40) [For an account of Jacobus Bara- 279, &c. Acta Sanctorum, torn, iii., Feb-
daens, and his labours in resuscitating the niarii, p. 502, &c. [Bcncer's Lives of the
fallen sect of the Monophysites, see below, Popes, (Felix III.), vol. ii., p. 198, &c., ed.
cent, vi , part ii., chap, v., $ 6, p. 417, &c., Lond., 1750, 4to.— TV.]
and Walcli, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. (42) See the quotations from works of
viii., p. 481-491. — TV.] the Monophysites, by that excellent, and at
(41) Hen. Valcsiu.t, Diss. de SynodisRo- times sufficiently ingenuous writer, Jos.
manis, in quibus damnatus est Acacius ; Sim. Asscman, iBiblioth. Orient. Vatican.,
subjoined to the third vol. of his Scriptores torn, ii., p. 25, 26, 29, 34, 117, 133, 135,
Histor. Eccles., p. 179, &c. Ja. Basnage, 277, 297, &c.
VOL. I. — A A A
370
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
council of Chalcedon, together with the epistle of Leo the Great. The
doctrine of the Monophysites, if we may judge from the language they use,
appears to differ from the doctrine established by the council of Chalce-
don, only in the mode of stating it, and not in reality. (43) Yet if we at-
tend carefully to the metaphysical arguments and subtilties by which they
support their views, (44) perhaps we shall conclude, that their controversy
with the Chalcedonians was not wholly a strife about words.
§ 23. Other troubles from the West, invaded the church in this century,
and continued down through subsequent ages Pelagius(4:5) and Ccules-
Zms,(46) the former a Briton, and the latter an Irishman, both monks living
at Rome, and in high reputation for their virtues and piety, conceived that
the doctrines of Christians concerning the innate depravity of man and the
necessity of internal divine grace in order to the illumination and rcnova-
(43) Many learned men consider this
controversy as a mere strife about words.
Among the Monophysites themselves, Greg-
ory Abulpharajus, the most learned of the
sect, was of this opinion. Asscman, Bibli-
oth. Orient. Vatican, torn, ii., p. 291. Add
the Biblioth. Italique, torn, xvii., p. 285.
Matur. Veis. la Croze, Histoire du Chris-
tianisme des Indes, p. 23, and Hist, du
Christ. d'Ethiopie, p. 14, &c. Even Asse-
man, (loc. cit., p. 297), though living at
Home, came near to avowing this opinion.
[See above, note (28), p. 364, &c., and note
(33), p. 367.— Tr.]
(44) See the subtile disputation of Abul-
pharajus, in Asseman, torn, ii., p. 288.
(45) [Pelagius, the heresiarch, was prob-
ably a Welchman, whose real name it is
said was Morgan or Marigena, which was
translated Tre/ltiytof, Pelagius. He was a
British monk, went to Rome about the year
400, imbibed the opinions of Origen, and be-
gan to publish his heretical sentiments con-
cerning original sin and free grace, about A .D.
405. In the year 408, when the Goths were
laying waste Italy, he and Ccclestius retired
to Sicily ; and in 41 1, to Africa. Calestius
remained there, but Pelagius proceeded on
to Egypt, to visit the monks of that country.
In 415 he removed to Palestine, where he
enjoyed the protection of John, bishop of
Jerusalem. Orosius (being then in the East)
impeached him ; but he so far purged him-
self before the council of Diospolis in 417,
as to be acquitted. But the next year he
was condemned by the councils of Carthage
and Milevi, as well as by the popes Innocent
and Zosimus : and the emperor Honor ius
ordered him and his adherents to be expelled
from Rome. Thcodotus of Antioch now
held a council, which condemned him. His
subsequent history is unknown. — He was a
man of distinguished genius, learning, and
sanctity. Yet he was accused of dissem-
bling as to his real sentiments. — He wrote
fourteen Books of Commentaries on Paul's
Epistles ; — (perhaps the very books pub-
lished among the works of Jerome, and as-
cribed to that father) ; also an Epistle to De-
metrias, de Virginitatc, A.D. 413 ; (falsely
ascribed both to Jerome and to Augustine,
and published as theirs) ; a Confession of his
faith, addressed to Innocent bishop of Rome,
A.D. 417. — His last works are, de Fide
Trinitatis, libri iii. — Liber kvhoyiuv sive
Tcstimoniorum ; (Collections from Scrip-
ture, in support of some doctrines) ; — de li-
ber o Arbitrio, libri iv. — de Natura Liber;
and several Epistles. — See Cave's Historia
Litteraria, torn, i., p. 381, &c. — Tr.]
(46) [Calestius, of honourable birth, was
a student at Rome when Pelagius arrived
there. Embracing the views of his fellow-
islander, he accompanied him to Sicily in
408, and to Africa in 411, where he re-
mained some years. In 412 he was accused
before the bishop of Carthage for heresy,
and condemned by a council there. He ap-
pealed to the bishop of Rome ; but went to
Ephesus, where he became a presbyter. He
afterwards disseminated his errors widely in
Asia and the islands. In 416 he went to
Constantinople, and the next year to Rome,
when he so far satisfied Zosimus, as to ob-
tain from him a recommendation to the bish-
ops of Africa to restore him. But in 418 he
was condemned by a synod at Rome, and
was banished from the empire by the empe-
ror. He now concealed himself in the East.
In 429 the emperor forbid his coming to
Constantinople. In 430, a synod at Rome
condemned him ; and also the council of
Ephesus in 431. From that time we hear
no more of him. He wrote a confession of
his faith, several Epistles, and some short
pieces : but none of his works have reached
us entire, except his confession of faith, and
perhaps some Epistles among those of Je-
rome. See Cave, Historia Litteraria, torn,
i., p. 384, &c.— Tr.-}
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
371
tion of the soul, tended to discourage human efforts, and were a great im-
pediment to the progress of holiness, and of course ought to be rooted out of
the church. They therefore taught, that what was commonly inculcated
and believed, respecting a corruption of human nature derived to us from
our first parents, was not true ; that the parents of the human race sinned
only for themselves, and not for their posterity; that men are now born as
pure and innocent, as Adam was when God created him ; that men there-
fore can, by their natural power, renovate themselves, and reach the high,
est degree of holiness ; that external grace is indeed needful, to excite men
to efforts ; but that they have no need of any internal divine grace. (47)
(47) [According to Dr. Walch, (Historie
der Ketzereyen, vol. iv., p. 735, &c.), as
abridged by Schickel, the system of Pelagi-
us was as follows. ( 1 ) Men as they now
come into the world, are, in respect to their
powers and abilities, in the same state in
which Adam was created. (2) Adam sin-
ned ; but his sin harmed no one but himself.
(3) Human nature therefore, is not changed
by the fall ; and death is not a punishment
for sin ; but Adam would have died, had he
not apostatized. For death is inseparable
from our nature ; and the same is true of the
pains of childbirth, diseases, and outward
evils, particularly in children. (4) Much less
is the guilt of Adam's sin imputed to his
offspring ; for God would be unjust, if he
imputed to us the actions of others. (5)
Such imputation cannot be proved by the
fact that Christ has redeemed infants ; for
this redemption is to be understood of their
hcirship to the kingdom of heaven, from
which, an heirship to another's guilt, will not
follow. (6) Neither does the baptism of in-
fants prove such an imputation ; for they
thereby obtain the kingdom of heaven, which
( '/tnst has promised only to baptized persons.
(7) "When children die without baptism, they
are not therefore damned. They are indeed
excluded from the kingdom of heaven, but
not from eternal blessedness. For the Pe-
lagians held to a threefold state after death :
damnation, for sinners ; the kingdom of heav-
en, for baptized Christians who live a holy
life, and for baptized children ; and eternal
life, for unbaptized children, and for uubap-
tized adults who live virtuous lives. (8)
Much less is human nature depraved, in con-
sequence of the fall of Adam. There is
therefore no hereditary sin. (9) For, though
it may be granted, that Adam is so far the
author of sin, as he was the first that sinned,
and by his example has seduced others ; yet
this is not to be understood of a pro/*-
of sin by generation. (10) This supposed
propagation of sin is the less admissible, be-
cause it would imply a propagation of souls,
which is not true. (11) Neither can such
a propagation be maintained, without im-
peaching the justice of God, introducing un-
conditional necessity, and destroying our
freedom. (12) It is true, there are in men
sinful propensities ; in particular, the pro-
pensity for sexual intercourse ; but these are
not sins. (13) If sin was propagated by
natural generation, and every motion of the
sinful propensities and every desire therefor
were sinful, then the marriage state would
be sinful. (14) As man has ability to sin,
so has he also, not only ability to discern
what is good, but likewise power to desire
it and to perform it. And this is the free-
dom of the will, which is so essential to man,
that he cannot lose it. (15) The grace,
which the Scriptures represent as the source
of morally good actions in man, Pelagius
understood to denote various things. For
he understood the word (a) of the whole con-
stitution of our nature, and especially of the
endowment of free will : (b) of the promul-
gation of the divine law : (c) of the forgive-
ness of past sins, without any influence on
the future conduct: (d) of the example of
Christ's holy life, which he called the grace
of Christ : (e) of the internal change in the
understanding, whereby the truth is recog-
nised ; which he called grace, and also the
assistance of the Holy Spirit : (f) and some-
times grace, with him, was equivalent to
baptism and blessedness. (16) Man is as
capable of securing salvation, by the proper
use of his powers, as of drawing on himself
damnation by the misuse of them. (17)
And therefore God has given men a law ; and
this law prescribes nothing impossible. (18)
God requires from men a perfect personal
obedience to his law. (19) Actions origina-
ting from ignorance or forgetfulness, are not
sinful. (20) So also natural propensities or
the craving of things sinful, is not of itself
sinful. (21) Therefore perfect personal obe-
dience to the law, on the part of men, is
practicable, through the uncorruptness of the
powers of nature. (22) And by grace, (con-
sisting in external divine aids, the right use
of which depends on men's free will), good
works are performed. They did not deny all
internal change in men by grace ; but they
372
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
These doctrines and those connected with them, the above-mentioned
monks secretly disseminated at Rome. But in the year 410, on account
of the invasion of the Goths, they retired from Rome, and going first to
Sicily and thence to Africa, they more openly advanced their opinions.
From Africa, Pelagius went to Egypt ; but Ccekstius continued at Car-
thage, and solicited a place among the presbyters of that city. But his
novel opinions being detected, he was condemned in a council at Carthage
A.D. 412 ; and leaving the country, he went to Asia. From this time,
Augustine the famous bishop of Hippo, began to assail with his pen the
doctrines of Pelagius and Ccelestius ; and to him chiefly belongs the praise
of suppressing this sect at its very birth. (48)
confined it solely to the understanding, and
controverted all internal change of the will.
They also limited the necessity of this grace,
by maintaining that it was not indispensable
to all men ; and that it only facilitated the
keeping of God's commandments. (23)
This possibility of performing good works
by the free use of our natural powers, they
endeavoured to prove, by the existence of
virtuous persons among the pagans : and
likewise (24) from the saints mentioned in
the Old Testament ; whom they divided into
two classes, the first from Adam to Moses,
who like the pagans had only natural grace ;
the second from Moses to Christ, who had
the grace of the law. Some of the saints
who had the law, were all their lifetime with-
out sin ; others sinned indeed, but being con-
verted, they ceased to sin, and yielded a per-
fect obedience to the law. (25) The grace
whereby perfect obedience becomes possible,
is a consequence of precedent good works ;
(26) and such obedience is absolutely neces-
sary to salvation. (27) Sins originating from
a misuse of human freedom, and continued
by imitation and by custom, were forgiven,
under the Old Testament, solely on account
of good works ; and under the New Testa-
ment, through the grace of Christ. (28)
Their idea of the way of salvation, then, was
this. A man who has sinned, converts him-
self; that is, he leaves off sinning, and this
by his own powers. He believes on Christ ;
that is, he embraces his doctrines. He is
now baptized ; and on account of this bap-
tism, all his previous sins are forgiven him,
and he is without sin. He has the instruc-
tions and the example of Christ, whereby
he is placed in a condition to render perfect
obedience to the divine law. This he can
do, if he will ; and he can either withstand
all temptations, or fall from grace. (29)
Moreover they admitted conditional decrees ;
the condition of which was, either foreseen
good works, or foreseen sin. — Tr.~\
(48) The history of the Pelagians has been
written by many persons : as by Ja. Usher,
in his Antiquitat. ecclesiae Britan. Joh. a
Laet, a Netherlander ; Ger. Joh. Vossius ;
Hen. Noris ; Jo. Gamier, in his Supple-
ment to the works of Thcodoret ; Cornel.
Jansen, in his Augustinus ; and others.
The French Jesuit, Jac. de Longuer.al left
a MS. Historia Pelagiana. See his Preface
to the 9th vol. of his History of the Galli-
can church, p. iv. But among so many
writers, no one yet has exhausted the whole
subject, or shown himself free from undue
partiality. [This partiality is to be attribu-
ted to the renewal of these controversies.
In all ages there have been some in the
Christian church, who coincided, either whol-
ly or partially, with Pelagius, and who op-
posed the doctrine of Augustine. On the
other hand, the scholastics adopted the great-
est part of Augustine's sentiments. And
these two parties have never been at rest.
The affair with Gotteschalcus, and the con-
tests between the Thomists and the Scotists,
kept up these disquietudes ; and in the times
of the reformation, the commotions were in-
creased, when Luther and Erasmus came
upon the arena, and the council of Trent
made a considerable part of the Pelagian
system to be articles of faith. From that
period onward, the Protestants have main-
tained, that the Catholic church holds, not
•wh&tAugustine taught, but what Pelagius, or
at least the Semipelagians inculcated ; and
the Catholic doctors endeavour to maintain
the contrary. The Dominicans and the Jes-
uits, and also the Jansenists and Jesuits, have
moved controversies within their own church
respecting Pelagianism and the opinions of
Augustine ; and among the Protestants, the
charge of Pelagianism has been brought
against the Arminians, and likewise against
various individual doctors. No wonder
therefore, if all these learned writers of the
Pelagian history are often betrayed into
errors by the prejudices of their party. —
Schl. Dr. Watch's account is full and can-
did, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. iv.,p. 519
-846, and for the Semipelagians, vol. v , p.
3-228. Mimscher's statement of the opin-
ions of the different parties is lucid and
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 373
§ 24. Pelagius was more fortunate in the East. For under the patron,
age of John bishop of Jerusalem, who considered the doctrines of Pelagius
as according with the opinions of Origen, to which John was attached,
Pelagius freely professed his sentiments, and gathered disciples. And al-
though he was impeached in the year 415, by Orosius a Spanish presbyter,
whom Augustine had sent into Palestine, yet a convention of bishops at
Jerusalem dismissed him without censure ; and a little after, in a council
held at Diospolis in Palestine, he was entirely acquitted of crime and er-
ror.(49) The controversy being removed to Rome, Zosimus, (who was
made pontiff in the year 417), misled partly by the ambiguous and appa-
rently sound confession of faith which Cceleslius then residing at Rome
offered, and partly by the flattering and insidious letters and protestations
of Pelagius, pronounced sentence in favour of these monks, and decided
that wrong had been done to men of correct sentiments by their adversa-
ries.(50) But the Africans, led by Augustine, continued perseveringly to
assail them with councils, books, and letters. Zosimus therefore being
better informed, changed his opinion, and severely condemned those whom
he had before extolled. Afterwards, that Ephesine council which hurled
its thunders against Nestorius, also condemned them ; and now the Gauls,
the Britons, and the Palestinians, by their councils, and the emperors by
their laws and penalties, crushed the sect in its commencement. (51)
§ 25. These unhappy contests produced, as is often the case, other dis-
sensions equally hurtful. As Augustine did not at first state with suffi-
cient uniformity and clearness, his opinions respecting the divine grace
necessary to salvation, and the decrees of God in regard to the future
condition of individual men, he gave occasion to certain monks of Adru-
metum and to some persons in Gaul, to believe that God has predestinated
well vouched ; Dogmengeschichte, vol. iv., but neither of them present. They sent in a
p. 122-262. — TV.] long list of errors, which they said Pelagius
(49) See Gabr. Daniel, Histoire du Con- and his followers had taught. Pelagius re-
cile de Diospolis, among the shorter works plied, that these were not his opinions, that
of this eloquent and learned Jesuit, published, he anathematized them, and that he believed
Paris, 1724, 3 vols. 4to, in torn, i., p. 635 what the Catholic church had always held.
-671. [Our whole information respecting With this the council were satisfied. But
these councils is derived from the opposers the sentence of the Africans still remained
of Pelagius, Orosius, Augu-stinc, &c. The in force ; and therefore Pelagius and Cacles-
first was held at Jerusalem, in the month tius both sought the interference of the bish-
of July, 415. It was merely an assemblage op of Rome. — 7V.]
of presbyters, with bishop John for president. (50) See Jo. Frick, Zosimus in Clements
us and the council spoke Greek ; but xi. redivimiis, Ulm, 1719, 4to, [and Bower,
Ornmus the accuser, Latin only. This gave Lives of the Popes, (Zosimus), vol. i., p. 334,
great advantage to Pelagnu. Orosius sta- &c., ed. Loud., 174'J, 4to. — TV.]
ted what had been done in Africa : Pelagius (51) See Ger. Jo. Vossius, Historia Pe-
said,he had no concern with those councils, lagiana, 1. i., c. 55, p. 130. There are also
•A' was called upon to make his charges some learned remarks on this controversy
specific against Pelagnis. He then stated, in the Bibliotheque Italique, torn, v., p. 74,
that he had heard .iflirm, that a &c. The writers on both sides are enu-
tnan may become sinless if he will ; and that merated by Jo. Fr. Buddcus, Isacjoge ad
it is an easy thing to obey the law of God per- Theol., torn, ii., p. 1071. IV. Wau has
fectly. Pelagius explained, that he meant it likewise given a neat and learned, though
should be understood, with the aids of dinne imperfect history of the Pelagian contest, in
grace. The council were satisfied with this his History of Infant Baptism, vol. i., ch.
explanation. The second council, which sat 13, [p. 192-282, ed. Lond., 1705], which
fct Diospolis or Lydda, in December, 415, his learned translator [into Latin, J. L.
was composed of 14 bishops. The accusers Schlosscr] has enriched with excellent re-
were two Gallic bishops, Hcros and Lazarus, marks.
374
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
the wicked, not only to suffer eternal punishment, but aho to commit sin and,
incur the guilt which will merit that punishment ; and of course to believe,
that both the good and the sinful actions of men were, from all eternity, di-
vinely predetermined and fixed by an inevitable necessity. These persons
were called Predestinarians. Yet this doctrine did not spread far ; for
Augustine more clearly explained his views, and the councils of Aries and
Lyons publicly rejected it. (52) There are however very learned men,
who deny that such a sect of Predestinarians ever had existence ; and
who maintain, that the followers of Augustine inculcated his doctrines
truly and correctly, and were slanderously reproached by the Semipela-
gians with these so great errors. (53)
(52) See Ja. Sirmond, Historia Praedes-
tinatiana, torn. iv. of his Opp., p. 271, &c.
Ja. Basnage, Histoire de 1'Eglise, torn, ii.,
liv. xii., cap. ii., p. 698. Dion. Petavius,
Dogmat. Theol., torn, vi., p. 168, 174, &c.
[According to W. Miinscher, (Dogmenges-
chichte, vol. iv., p. 164, &c., 215, &c.), all
the fathers, before Augustine, held to a con-
ditional election, that is, an election founded
on the foreseen good works of men. So
Basil the Great, Gregory Nyssen, Chrysos-
tnm, Hilary of Poictiers, Ambrose, Jerome.
They likewise held, that Christ died for all
men ; and were strangers to the idea of an
atonement made only for the elect. So
Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius, Basil the
Great, Gregory Nyssen, Chrysostom, Am-
brose, and Jerome. They also held that the
saints may, and do, fall from grace and per-
ish. So Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius,
and Hilary. Even Augustine himself, in
the earlier part of his ministry, held election
to be conditional. But as early as the year
397, he discovered that such an election was
inconsistent with man's entire dependance
on grace for ability to perform good works ;
a doctrine which he held most firmly. He
therefore advanced the new theory, that
God's electing some to everlasting life de-
pended upon his mere good pleasure, in view
of reasons known only to himself; that God
from eternity predestinated some to repent-
ance, faith, good works, and ultimately to
salvation ; while others he left to go on in
sin, and perish everlastingly ; that the num-
ber of the elect is fixed unalterably and for
ever ; that this election of some to salvation
through grace, while others are left without
grace, and perish in their sins, is no injus-
tice on the part of God ; because all men
deserve to be left in their sins. He denied,
that God really wills the salvation of all
men ; and he justified preaching the Gos-
pel to all, on the ground that we know not
who are elected and who are not. — When
this theory was advanced by Augustine, it
met with opposition; and it was not, by those
who embraced it, always stated as guarded-
ly as it was by its author. Hence, those op-
posed to it, drew the frightful picture of it
which has been called Prcdestinarianism.
This system, as stated by Dr. Miinscher,
(ibid., p. 257), embraced the following posi-
tions ; namely, that the wicked are predes-
tinated, not only to punishment, but also to
commit sin ; that baptism does not remove
all sin ; that the godliness of the righteous
does not profit them ; nor will the wicked
be damned on account of their sins ; that
in general, God will not judge men accord-
ing to their deeds ; that it is useless to ad-
dress exhortations either to saints or sin-
ners. Dr. Miinscher subjoins : All these
were consequences drawn from the doctrine
of unconditional decrees taught by Augus-
tine ; but they were consequences which he
expressly rejected. — Tr.J
(53) See Gilb. Maugv.in, Fabula prae-
destinatiana confutata ; which he subjoined
to a Collection of various authors who wrote
in the ninth century concerning predestina-
tion and grace, vol. ii., p. 447, &c., Paris,
1650, 4to. [Mauguin was a French states-
man, who with much theological and histor-
ical learning maintained with the Jansenists
against the Jesuits, that there never were
any Predestinarians. — Schl.~\ Fred. Span-
heim, Introduct. ad Historian! Eccles. in his
Opp., torn, i., p. 993. Ja. Basnage, Adnot.
ad Pros-peri Chronicon, and Praefat. ad
Faustum Regiensem, in Hen. Canisii Lec-
tion. Antiquar., torn, i., p. 315, 348. The
author of the Life of Jo. Launoi, in his
Works, torn, iv., pt. ii., p. 343, namely
Granet. informs us, that Sirmond encour-
aged Launoi to undertake a refutation of
Mauguin; but that Launoi, having exam-
ined the subject, fell in with the opinions of
Mauguin. [Father Sirmond was a champi-
on among the Jesuits, who were charged by
the Jansenists with departing from the opin-
ions of Augustine ; and he hoped to confute
this charge, if he could only demonstrate in-
controvertibly that there really was a sect
of Predestinarians existing in the times of
Augustine. Sirmond had published an an-
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
375
§ 26. On the other hand, John Cassianus, (a monk who came to Mar.
seilles in France from the East, and established a monastery there), and
certain others, about the year 430, endeavoured to modify in some measure
the system of Augustine.(54:) Many persons falling in with their views,
cient book, at Paris, 1643. bearing the title :
Praedestinatus, sive Praedestinatorum haer-
esis, et libri S. Augustino tetnere adscript!
refutatio. The work consists of three Books.
The first contains a list of heresies, of which
that of the Predestinarians is the ninetieth.
The second Book bears the superscription :
Liber secundus, sub nomine Augustini con-
fictus, nonagesimam haeresin continens,
quae asserit, Dei praedestinatione peccata
committi. The third Book contains a refu-
tation of the pretended tract of Augustine.
This work is certainly ancient, and most
probably to be ascribed to the younger Arno-
bius. But the credibility of its statements
is much impaired, by the fact that its author
was a Semipelagian, and wrote more as a
polemic than as a historian. — Schl.] — This
petty dispute, whether there was in ancient
times a sect of Predestinarians, when thor-
oughly examined, will perhaps turn out to be
a contest about terms. [To the question,
whether there existed in the fifih and sixth
centuries a sect of Predestinarians, some
of the learned have answered, yes ; and oth-
ers, no. Those who answer in the latter
manner, believe the sect of Predestinarians
was a fiction of the Semipelagians, who used
this artifice in order to bring odium on Au-
gustine and his followers. This opinion
was embraced by the Jansenists, the Re-
formed, and among the Lutherans by Dr.
Semler in his History of religious doctrines,
prefixed to the 3d vol. of Baumgarten's Po-
lemic Theology. Those who answer the
question affirmatively, are divisible into two
classes. They admit directly, that there
were Predestinarians who were condemned
by the orthodox church ; yet they deny that
Augustine taught, what they admit to have
been the errors of this sect. Of this opinion
were the Jesuits and the early Lutheran di-
vines. Others, while they admit all this,
add that the opposers of the sect were
principally Semipelagians, who aimed to
bring contempt on the Augustinian doctrine.
They hold that only a few individual per-
sons (as a few monks of Adrumetum and
Lucidus) fell into these errors ; and there-
fore they never constituted a distinct sect
or heretical community. This opinion has
been defended by Noris and Graveson
among the Catholics, by the two Basnages
among the Reformed, and in the Lutheran
' church by Pfaff, Buddcus, the elder Wakh,
and by Dr. Bernhold in a disputation at Alt-
dorf, 1737 ; and it is admitted by the young-
er Walch, in his Historie der Ketzereyen,
vol. v., 280, &c. Among those who regard
the whole question, respecting the existence
of a Predestinarian sect, as a contest about
words, besides Dr. Moslieim, may be reck-
oned Weismann, in his Memorabil. Hist.
Eccl., torn, i., p. 410, &c. And in fact,
there is something like a contest about
words, in the dispute whether there was
really a Predestinarian sect. For very much
depends on the definition of the word sect
or heresy. If the term is used to denote a
society of persons who have a particular
mode of worship, then a Predestinarian
sect never had existence. But if the term
denote a set of religious opinions, embraced
and defended by individual persons here and
there, but who never separated from the
general church, then it may be said there
was a sect of Predestinarians. When we
view the controversy in all its extent, we
can by no means regard it as a controversy
about words. See Walch, Hist, der Ket-
zer., vol. v., p. 218-283.— Schl.]
(54) [The views of John Cassianus are
exhibited in his Collatio xiii. Patrum, Opp.,
p. 491, &c., and are well abridged by Dr.
Muenscher (Dogmengesch., vol. iv., p. 246,
&c.) as follows. As John Cassianus is the
only writer of those times who has exhibit-
ed a connected view of the doctrines of the
so called Massilians, from his works alone
can the deviations of these teachers from the
opinions of Augustine be derived. His pri-
mary object was, to exhibit the true worth
and the necessity of divine grace, but with-
out overthrowing the freedom of the human
will. Man, said he, needs at all times di-
vine aid ; and he can do nothing to secure
his salvation, without it. But he must not be
inactive on his part. All men have indeed
original sin, and are subject to death ; but a
knowledge of God, and their free will, they
have not lost. It can neither be maintained
that the commencement of what is good in
us always originates from God, nor that it
always originates from ourselves. Some-
times it is of God, who first excites good
thoughts and purposes in us. But somc-
i is the man, who takes the first step,
and whom God then meets with his assist-
ance. In either case, it is God who, when
he sees the spark of goodness glimmering in
the soul, or has himself li«hti-d it up by his
own working, cherishes and sustains this
376
BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
a sect arose which its adversaries have called that of the Semipelagians.
The sentiments of the Semipelagians are represented differently by those
that oppose them. The greater part however, represent them as holding,
that men do not need internal preventing grace ; but that every man can,
by his natural powers, commence the renovation of his soul ; and can
have and exercise faith in Christ, and a purpose of living a holy life : yet
that no man can persevere in the begun course, unless he is constantly
supported by divine assistance and grace. The disciples of S. Augustine
in Gaul, contended warmly with this class of men ;. but they could not
vanquish them. (55) For as their 'doctrines coincided with the modes of
spark. God's unchangeable will is, that all
men may be saved ; and when any one is
lost, it is contrary to his designs. At all
times therefore the grace of God is co-oper-
ating with our will, and strengthens and de-
fends it ; yet so, that he sometimes waits
for or requires from us some efforts to choose
what is good, that he may not seem to con-
fer his gifts on the indolent and inactive.
The grace of God however is always un-
merited, as it bestows on the weak and
worthless efforts of men such valuable fa-
vours and such unfading glory. The ways
in which God brings men to possess good-
ness, are manifold and incomprehensible ;
but he always treats each individual, accord-
ing to his character and desert. Yet this
is not to be understood, as if grace was im-
parted to each one according to his merits.
On the contrary, the grace of God far trans-
cends all human desert, and sometimes
transcends the unbelief of men, (i. e., brings
the unbelieving to have faith). — From these
propositions, (which are arranged differently
from what they are by the author, but are
expressed in almost his own words), it ap-
pears, that Cassian rejected unconditional
election, the inability of man to do good, ir-
resistible grace, and the Augustinian idea
of the saints' perseverance. Dr. Muenscher
adds, that the principal point in which the
Massilians departed from the adherents to
Augustine, lay in this, that man has, in his
freedom of will, some power to do good ; by
exerting which he does not indeed merit the
grace of God, yet he makes himself fit to
receive it ; and that God, in view of these
human efforts, has determined to bestow his
grace and eternal bliss. — The evidence by
which the Massilians supported their opin-
ions, was various. Their chief argument
was this, that in the scriptures faith and vir-
tue are sometimes required of men, and
sometimes represented as the gift of God ;
and these different passages cannot be recon-
ciled, unless it be allowed that faith and vir-
tue come principally from God, and yet that
free will has some part in them. This doc-
trine moreover, they said, coincided with the
standing belief of the church ; while the op-
posite doctrine was new, and also objection-
able, because it annihilated human freedom,
introduced an unavoidable necessity in hu-
man actions, and by holding up the idea that
a man's own efforts were of no avail, en-
couraged men to remain inactive. — Tr.]
(55) Jas Basnage, Histoire de 1'Eglise,
tome ii., liv. xii., cap. i. Histoire litteraire
de la France, tome ii., Pref, p. ix, &c.
Vossius, Historia Pelagiana, lib. vi., p. 538,
&c. Ircnaeus Veronensis, i. e., Scipio
Maffei, de Haeresi Setnipelagiana, in the
Opuscula scientifica of Angela Calogera,
torn, xxix., p. 399, &c. [As soon as Au-
gustine was informed by Prosper and Hil-
ary, of the existence of these opposers of
his system at Marseilles, he wrote his two
pieces designed to confute them, de Prae-
destinatione Sanctorum Liber, and de Do-
no perseverantiae Liber, both addressed to
Prosper and Hilary. Soon afterwards, A.D.
430, Augustine died ; and Prosper and Hil-
ary carried on the controversy. In 431,
they visited Rome, and obtained the patron-
age of Coelestine the pontiff: but not suc-
ceeding by means of councils and popes,
Prosper applied himself to writing against
the errorists. His strictures on Cassian's
13th Collation is a valuable performance.
The Libri ii. de vocatione Gentium , (i. e.,
on the universality of the call to embrace
the Gospel salvation), seems not to be his :
for it does not come up fully to his views,
as expressed in his reply to Cassian.
Though it concedes more to the Semipela-
gians than Augustine and Prosper did, still
it was on the same side. The majority in
France, as well as nearly all the Greeks,
were in sentiment with the Semipelagians.
About the year 472, one Lucidus a presby-
ter, having avowed pure Augustinianisrn,
Faustus the bishop of Reiz in Gaul, wrote
him a letter, and afterwards accused him
before the council of Aries, A.D. 475. The
council disapproved the sentiments of Luci-
dus, who retracted ; and they encouraged
Faustus to write his ii. Books de libero Ar- .
bitro, in opposition to Augustine's views.
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
377
thinking of the majority of people, and particularly of the monks, and were
approved by the most respectable authors, especially among the Greeks,
and as Augustine himself and his friends did not venture utterly to reject
and condemn them, as pernicious and impious, no efforts could prevent
them from spreading far and wide.
§ 27. From this time therefore, began those knotty controversies con-
earning the nature and the mode of that divine agency or grace which
men need in order to salvation, which have unhappily divided Chris,
tians in every subsequent age, and which are still protracted, to the grief
of all pious and good men. Many in all ages have followed the system
of Augustine, who ascribed everything to the grace of God, and nothing
to human sufficiency ; yet they differed in the manner in which they ex-
plained this system. But a still greater number have agreed with Cos-
sian; whose system, though differently explained, has spread from the
schools of the Gallic monks over all the nations of Europe. The Greeks
A few months after, a synod at Lyons also de-
cided in favour of Semipelagian sentiments.
But early in the following century, Casari-
us of Aries, came out a zealous Augustinian ;
and with the aid of some Scythian monks and
some others, he caused that doctrine to spread
and to gain the ascendency. The synods of
Orange and Valence, A.D. 529, declared in
favour of it. The opposers of Augustinian-
ism were in that age denominated Pelagi-
ans ; from their leaning towards the senti-
ments of Pelagius ; also Massilians, from
the residence of their principal writers at
(Miisxilia) Marseilles. It was the school-
men of after ages who denominated them
Semipelagiaiu. — According to Dr. Walch,
they admitted original sin ; but probably
confined its effects to our liability to tempo-
ral death. They supposed all the posterity
of Adam have ability to discern what is right,
and freedom of will to choose it : yet that
none can be saved, but by grace, through
Christ, or by means of his blood and a Chris-
tian baptism ; that Christ died for all men ;
that God wills the salvation of all ; and there-
fore proffers his grace to all ; so that all men
may be saved, if they will. The way of
salvation, they supposed, is, to believe, to
practise virtue, and to persevere in it to the
end. Faith i.s, believing that God has de-
termined to save all that obey the Gospel.
This faith originates altogether from our free
will. From the same source, and from the
use of our natural powers, originate the be-
ginnings of a right temper, the desiring,
. and knocking. Yet neither this
faith, nor these beginnings of a right temper,
are good works ; that is, they have no prop-
er efficacy to merit the assistance of God,
or that uracc which is necessary to the per-
formance of good works ; and yet they may
induce God to impart his grace. Thus it is
God who gives the grace, by which faith is
VOL. J.— BUB
strengthened and good works performed ;
yet its due influence must be allowed to free
will, and not everything be ascribed to grace.
The connexion and co-operation of both are
very necessary ; for grace only helps or as-
fn.\/x. True faith may be lost ; its retention
depends solely on man's free will ; and it is
not true, that divine grace imparts to man a
special gift of perseverance in goodness.
God has a twofold decree, respecting man's
salvation ; first, his general desire that all
may be saved ; and secondly, his design ac-
tually to save those who shall persevere in
holiness to the end. Augustine's doctrine
of predestination is very objectionable ; it
wholly subverts man's freedom, makes God*
the author of sin, and renders it vain to ex-
hort sinners to repent or saints to persevere
in religion. Election to salvation is condi-
tional, depending on the foreseen conduct
of men in regard to obedience to the divine
commands. To the puzzling question of
their opposers, what becomes of so many
baptized children who die before they are
competent to exert their free will, and of so
many adults who never were favoured with
a knowledge of the Gospel ; they replied,
first, that baptized children dying in infancy,
are saved on the ground that God foresaw
they would persevere in religion if their lives
had been prolonged ; and secondly, that so
many children as die without baptism, are
deprived of that ordinance, and so many
adults as are deprived of a knowledge of
the Gospel, (both being doomed to damna-
tion), suffer these privations, because God
foresaw that the former would not live vir-
tuously, and that the latter would not em-
brace the Gospel, if they had an opportunity.
See Dr. Walch's ample account of this re-
ligious party, in his Historic der Ketzereyen,
vol. v., p. 3-218.— TV.]
378 BOOK II.— CENTURY V.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
and the other Orientals held the same views, before Cassian ; nor have they
departed from them to this day. The opinions of Pelagius appeared to
most persons too bold and loose, and therefore were never openly avow,
ed by large numbers. Yet in every age some may be found, who ascribed
to man, as it is said Pelagius did, full power by his own strength to keep
the whole law of God.
CENTURY SIXTH.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.
§ 1. Progress of Christianity in the East, — $ 2. and in the West. — § 3. Jews converted
in several Places. — § 4. The Miracles of this Century.
§ 1. IT is evident from the historical records of the Greek empire, that
several barbarous tribes, particularly some residing near the Black Sea,
were converted to Christianity by the efforts of the Greek emperors and
the bishops of Constantinople. Among these were the Abasgi, a barba-
rous nation inhabiting the shores of the Euxine and as far as Mount Cau-
casus, who embraced Christianity under the emperor Justinian. (1) The
Heruli, who dwelt along the other side of the Istcr [or Danube], became
Christians under the same reign :(2) also the Alani, the Lazi, and the
Zani, and some other tribes, whose residence is not definitely known at the
present day. (3) But there is abundant evidence, that nothing was re-
quired of these nations except externally to profess Christ, cease from of-
frriiig victims to their gods, and learn certain forms to be repeated: the
imbuing their minds with true religion and piety, was not even thought of.
It is certain, that after their conversion they retained their rude and sav-
age manners, and were famous for rapines, murders, and every species of
iniquity. In most provinces of the Greek empire, and even in the city of
Constantinople, many idolaters were still lurking in concealment. A
great multitude of these were baptized, during the reign of Justin, by John
bishop of Asia.(4)
§ 2. In the West, Remigius bishop of Rheims, who has been called
the Apostle of the Gauls, laboured with great zeal to convert idolaters to
Christ ; and not without success, especially after Clovis the king of the
Franks had embraced Christianity. (5) In Britain, Ethelbert king of Kent,
(1) Procopius, de Bello Gothico, lib. iv., ubi sup. Neander, Kirchengesch., vol. ii.,
c. 3. Le Quicn, Oriens Christianus, torn, i., part i., p. 247. — 7V.]
p. 1351, &c. [Their adoration (like that of (2) Procopius, de Bello Goth., 1. ii., c. 14.
the ancient Germans) had been previously (3) [See Evagrius, Hist. Eccles., 1. iv.,
given to forests and lofty trees. The em- c. 20, 22, 2:5. All these conversions took
peror Juxtmian sent priests among them, place near the commencement of the reign
and erected a church for them dedicated to of Justinian, about A.D. 530. — TV.]
the Virgin Mary ; and he rendered the peo- (4) Jos. Sim. Assouan, Biblioth. Orient,
pie more inclined to become Christians, by Vatican., torn, ii., p. 85.
prohibiting their king from carrying on a (5) Histoire litteraire de la France, tome
shameful traffic in eunuchs. See Procoptut, iii., p. 155, &c.
380
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
the most distinguished of the seven Anglo-Saxon kings among whom the
island was then divided, married near the close of this century a Christian
wife named Bertha, the daughter of Cherebert king of Paris ; and she,
partly by her own influence, and partly by that of the ministers of religion
whom she brought with her, impressed her husband favourably towards
Christianity. The king being thus prepared for it, Gregory the Great, at
the suggestion undoubtedly of the queen, sent forty Benedictine monks,
with one Augustine at the head of them, into Britain, in the year 596, to
complete the work which the queen had begun. This Augustine, with
the queen's assistance, converted the king and the greatest part of the in-
habitants of Kent to Christian worship, and laid the foundation of the mod-
ern British church. (6) Among the Picts and Scots, Columbas an Irish
(6) Beda, Histor. Eccles. gentis Anglor.,
lib. i., c. 23, p. 55, &c., ed. Chiflet. Rapin
Thoyras, Hist. d'Angleterre, torn, i., p. 222,
&c. Acta Sanctor, torn, iii., Februar., p.
470, where is an account of Etkclbcrt, king
of Kent. [The marriage of Bertha, is said
to have been consummated A.D. 579. It
had been stipulated, that she should enjoy
her own religion and worship. She therefore
had her private chaplain, and a small church.
Gregory the Great, before he was made pope,
was so captivated with the beauty of some
English youth offered for sale at Rome as
slaves, that he wished to go himself as a
missionary to England ; but the Roman peo-
ple restrained him. He was created pontiff
in 590 ; and in 596 he persuaded Augustine,
abbot of St. Andrew's at Rome, to undertake
the conversion of the English nation. Au-
gustine, with a small retinue of monks, set
forward ; but he scarcely reached France,
before the courage of the whole party failed,
and Augustine returned to obtain leave to
abandon the enterprise. Gregory however
would not give it up ; he exhorted Augustine
to proceed, assigned him more assistants,
gave him letters of introduction to bishops
and princes on the way, and dismissed him.
Augustine now proceeded through France,
crossed the channel, and landed with his 40
monks on the isle of Thanet in Kent. There
king Ethclbcrt met him, learned his object,
gave him access to the country, promised
him protection and sustenance, but refused
to embrace the new religion till after further
examination. Augustine and retinue then
marched to Canterbury the capitol, with a
waving banner and a silver crucifix, chant-
ing : 0 Lord, we beseech thee, in thy great
mercy, to remove thy fury and thy wrath
from, this city, and from thine house, for we
have sinned : hallelujah. For a considera-
ble time, Augustine and his monks worship-
ped in the queen's chapel ; and fasted, and
prayed, and chanted hymns almost constant-
ly. The next year, A.D. 597, the king had
his mind made up, was baptized, and allowed,
but did not compel, any of his subjects to
follow his example. In a short time howev-
er, all Kent was nominally Christian. Hav-
ing been so successful, Avgustine this year
went to Gaul, and was ordained archbishop
of Canterbury and primate of all England ;
and returned with a fresh accession of monks.
In the year 598, he sent two monks, Lauren-
tius and Peter, to Rome to inform Gregory
of the prosperous state of the mission. Greg-
ory exulted in its success, and sent back the
messengers, with additional labourers, the
pall for the new archbishop, numerous pres-
ents for the cathedral, including holy relics,
letters to the king and queen, &c. He con-
firmed Augustine's jurisdiction over all Eng-
land, exhorted him to proceed with his work,
advised him not to demolish the pagan tem-
ples, but to convert them into churches, pu-
rifying them with holy water ; for the pagans
would love to worship in the places long held
. sacred ; yet the idols must be destroyed.
He also advised, that the people be allowed
on festal days to assemble around the church-
es, erect booths, and there feast themselves,
much as during their pagan state, yet without
sacrificing to their idols. Gregory likewise
answered several questions of Augustine,
advising him and his associates to continue
to live in monasteries, to use such a liturgy
as should seem best suited to the country ;
and instructing him how thieves should be
treated, how many bishops must concur in
the ordination of a bishop, how he must de-
mean himself among the Gallic bishops, and
what was to be thought of some ceremonial
impurities. In 602, Augustine built his ca-
thedral at Canterbury ; and he erected a mon-
astery in which to train men for the ministry.
In the year 604, he attempted to bring under
his jurisdiction and to a conformity with his
churches, all the clergy and churches of the
ancient Britons whom the Saxons had con-
quered and driven chiefly into Wales. A
council was held for the purpose. But as
Augustine was quite bigoted and somewhat
overbearing, nothing was effected. In the
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
381
monk, began the work of administering Christian baptism. (7) In Ger-
many, the Bohemians, the Thuringians, and Bavarians are said to have
received Christianity ;(8) which to many, however, appears extremely
doubtful. Of these sacred enterprises among the heathen, no one will
form a high opinion, after learning from the writers of this and the fol-
lowing ages that these nations still retained a great part of their former
paganism, and that they so worshipped Christ as to reject his instructions,
by their lives, their deeds, and their allowed practices. (9)
§ 3. That a great many Jews in various places, made a profession of
Christianity, is certain. In the East, Justinian persuaded those resident
at Borium a city of Libya, to acknowledge Christ.(W) In the West,
many Jews yielded to the zeal and efforts of the kings of Gaul and Spain,
and to those of Gregory the Great and Avitus [bishop of Clcrmont]. But
it should be added, that far more were induced to make profession of
Christianity, by the rewards offered by the princes and by the fear of
punishment, than by the force of arguments. In Gaul during the reign
of Childeric, the Jews were compelled to receive baptism : and the same
thing was done in Spain.(ll) But Gregory the Great wished this prac-
tice to be discontinued. (12)
mean time, the conversion of other Saxons
beyond the kingdom of Kent, proceeded suc-
cessfully ; and several bishops were ordained,
particularly a bishop for London, and another
for Rochester. St. Paul's church in London
was now founded ; and the next year the
West monastery ( Westminster) adjoining
London. In the year 607, Augustine died,
and was succeeded in the see of Canterbury
by Laurejitius. See Beda, Hist. Eccl. Brit.,
lib. i., c. 23, &c., and lib. ii., c. 2, 3. Ma-
billon, Annal. Benedict., torn, i., ann. 596-
607. The legendary history of Augustine,
both in a larger and a smaller form-, by Gos-
celin a monk of the llth century, may be
found in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ord. Ben-
edict., torn, i., p. 485-543.— 7V.]
(7) Beda,, Histor. Eccies., lib. iii., c. 4,
p. 134. — [Some rays of light had penetrated
the southernmost counties of Scotland at an
earlier period. Ninia or Nirtian, was bish-
op of Whit-hern on the borders of Scotland,
in the year 400 ; and his successors some-
times extended their labours as far north as
Glasgow. Indeed Kentigcrn is said to have
actually removed his chair from Whit-hern
to Glasgow, before the arrival of Columbas,
and to have invited this Irish missionary to
visit him there. It was in the year 563
that Columbas, with twelve other monks,
removed from the north of Ireland to lona,
Hii, I, or I-calm-kill, an islet on the outer
shore of Mull, one of the larger of the Heb-
rides or Western isles. The Scottish king
of Argyle, Brude or Bride, favoured his en-
terprise ; and Aida.n, a successor of Brude,
paid him the highest reverence. Columba*
Lad the sole jurisdiction of his little island,
which became covered with cloisters and
churches, and was the residence of a nu-
merous and learned body of monks. For
several centuries lona was the centre of the
Scottish church, and the place where most
of her clergy were educated. There also
the Scottish kings, for many generations,
were interred. Columbas died in the year
597. His memorable acts were recorded by
Cummencus Albus, (abbot of lona. from 657
to 669), and may be seen in Mabillon, Acta
Sanctor. Ord. Benedict., torn, i , p. 342,
&c., and his life at large, in iii. Books, was
written by Adamnanus, who presided at
lona from 679 to 704. See Usher, Britan-
icar. Ecclesiar. Antiq., cap. xv., p. 687-
709.— TV.]
(8) Henry Canisius, Lectiones Antiquae,
torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 208. Avinlinus, Annal.
Boiorum ; and others.
(9) As to the Franks, the Benedictine
monks express themselves ingenuously ;
Histoire litteraire de la France, tome iii.,
Introd., p. 8, 11, 13. As to the Anglo-
Saxons, see what Grrpnry the Great him-
self allowed of, Epistolar. lib. xi., ep. 76,
Opp., torn, ii., p. 1176, ed. Benedictine.
Among other things, he permitted the peo-
ple on festival days, to offer to the saints
such victims as they had before offered to
their gods. Dar>. Wilkins, Concilia Mag-
nae Britan., torn, i., p. 18, dec.
(10) Procopius, de Aedificiis Justiniani,
lib. vi., cap. 2.
(11) Gregory of Tours, Historia Fran-
corum, lib. vi., c. 17. Jo. Launoi, de ve-
teri more baptizandi Judaeos et infideles,
cap. i., in his Opp., torn, ii., pt. ii., p. 700,
382 BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART L— CHAP. II.
§ 4. If credit were to be given to the writers of this age, these con-
versions of barbarous nations to Christianity must be ascribed principally
to the prodigies and miracles that were wrought. But an inspection of the
converted nations themselves, will forbid our believing so ; for had these
nations seen so many wonderful deeds with their own eyes, they would
have had a stronger faith in Christianity, and would have more religiously
obeyed its precepts. With the major part, the example and influence of
their kings presented the chief argument for changing their religion.
Nor were more solid reasons much needed ; for the first preachers of
Christianity among them, required of them nothing very difficult or cross-
ing to their inclinations ; they were only to worship the images of Christ
and of holy men, instead of those of their gods, and for the most part
with the same ceremonies ; and to commit to memory certain Christian
formulas. Some preachers moreover, as might easily be proved, deemed
it lawful and right to delude the senses of the ignorant people, and to
palm on them natural events for Divine interpositions.
CHAPTER II.
ADVERSE EVENTS AND OCCURRENCES.
§ 1. Pagans still remaining among the Christians. — § 2. Writers opposed to Christianity.
— <) 3. Persecutions and Vexations.
§ 1. ALTHOUGH the imperial laws ordained, that no public office should
be held by any one who would not abjure paganism, yet there were many
learned and respectable men, who in the midst of the Christians followed
the old religion. The illustrious compiler of |he civil law, Tribonianus, (1)
704. [All these Jewish conversions were a such converts seldom persevered, and there-
victory, which did the Christians little hon- fore exposed themselves to a heavier pun-
our. Avi/us, for instance, the bishop of ishment in the other world than if they had
Clermont, baptized 500 Jews. But the cir- never been baptized, charity to them requi-
cumstances were these ; a Jew, having vol- red that they should not be compelled to re-
untarily received baptism, was proceeding ceive baptism. — Tr.]
home in the customary white robe, when, (1) [Tribonianus was a native of Side in
meeting with other Jews, one of them poured Pamphylia, flourished about A.D. 530, and
some fetid oil on his white robe. The peo- died about A.D. 546. Richly furnished
pie soon kindled into a rage, and pulled with Greek and Roman literature, he applied
down the synagogue ; and the bishop sent himself especially to the study of law. He
word to the Jews, that they must all submit was advanced to various civil offices, and
to be baptized, or must quit the place. In was in favour with Justinian, on account of
this dilemma, 500 preferred receiving bap- his eminent talents and his obsequiousness,
tism ; and the rest removed to Marseilles. The Codex Justinianus was the joint work
See Gregory of Tours, Hist. Francor.,1. v., of Tribonianus and others ; but the compi-
c. 11. — Schl.~\ lation of the Pandects and Institutes was
(12) See his Epistles, lib. i., ep. 47, in committed to him as chief, with others to
his Opp., torn, ii., p. 541, ed. Benedict., [or assist him. Tribonianus was avaricious and
the extract from it in Baronius, Annal. ad irreligious. He has been accused of atheism
ann. 591, torn, viii., p. 26, 27, ed. Antw., and paganism. The truth probably was, that
1600. Gregory commends the intentions he had no fixed religious principles. See .7.
of the Gallic bishops, but thinks, that as H. Hermann, Historia Juris Romani et Jus-
ADVERSE EVENTS.
383
is thought by some, to have been averse from the Christian religion. Of
Procopius,(2) the celebrated and intelligent historian, the same suspicion
is entertained by not a few. And it is still more certain that Agathias(3)
of Smyrna, an advocate at the bar, and also a historian, was an idolater.
Indeed, as is commonly the case every where, the rigour of the laws fell
only on those who had neither birth, nor wealth, nor the favour of the
great to protect them.
§ 2. It is still more strange, that the Platonists who were universally
known to be hostile to Christianity, should have been allowed publicly to
instil their principles which were totally inconsistent with our religion,
into the minds of the youth both in Greece and in Egypt. This class of
men affected indeed a high degree of modesty, and for the most part, so
qualified their language as to make the pagan idolatry appear not very re-
mote from Christianity. This is evident from the examples of Chalcidius(£)
and Alexander of Lycopolis.(5) Yet there were some among them who
did not hesitate openly to attack the Christian religion. Damascius, in
his life of his master Isidore, and elsewhere, casts many reproaches on
the Christians. (6) Simplicius, in his Expositions of Aristotle, not obscurely
tiniani, lib. ii., c. i., § 27, &c., and Gibbon, Systema Intellectuale Universi, torn, i., p.
Decline and Fall, ch. xliv., vol. iv., p. 260,
&c., ed. N. York, 1826.— Tr.]
(2) [Procopius of Caesarea, (different from
Procopius of Gaza), was a rhetorician, sena-
tor, and historian. He was secretary to the
famous general Belisarius, from 533 to 542,
during his campaigns in Asia, Africa, and
Italy ; and afterwards, being made a Roman
senator, resided at Constantinople, and de-
voted himself to writing the civil history of
his own times ; viz., de Bello Persico, 1. ii.,
de Bello Vandalico, 1. ii., and de Bello Goth-
ico, 1. iv. His narration is elaborate and
exact, and the style not unacceptable. He
also wrote de Edificiis Justiniani, 1. vi., in
which he displays the munificence and great-
ness of that emperor : likewise Anecdota,
sive Historia arcana, in which he describes
the vices and crimes of Justinian and his
Empress Theodora. Procopius was alive in
the year 562. Some accuse him of leaning
towards paganism. He was probably a man
of no religion ; but externally, a conformist
to Christianity. His works were published,
Gr. and Lat., by C. Maltrd, Paris, KiG2, 2
vols. fol. See Cave, Historia Litteraria,
torn, i., p. 510 —Tr.}
(3) [Agathias, an advocate at Smyrna,
continued the history of Procopius, from the
year 553 to A.D. 559, in five Books, written
in an easy but florid style. He also wrote
80 epigrams. His works were published,
Gr. and Lat., Paris, 1660. fol. His history
and that of Procopius are both in the Corpus
Historiae Byzantinae Scriptorum, torn, ii.,
iii See Lardner, Works, vol. ix , p. 85. —
2>.]
(4) Concerning the religion of Ckalcidius,
I have spoken in my notes on R. Cudwortfi's
732. [Chalcidius flourished about A.D.
330, and wrote his Lat. translation of Plato's
Timaeus, with a Commentary, at the sug-
gestion (as is reported) of Hosius of Cordu-
ba. Some make him to have been archdea-
con of Carthage. See above, cent, iv., pt.
i., § 18, with note (51), p 225; and Cave,
Hist. Lit, torn, i., p. 199. — Tr.]
(5) The treatise of this philosopher, contra
Manichueos, in Greek, was published by
Fran. Combe/is, Auctarium Noviss. Bibli-
oth. Patrum, torn. ii. Concerning his reli-
gion, Is. de Beausobre has given a critical
dissertation, Histoire de Manichee et Mani-
cheisme, pt. ii., Discours prelim., $ 13, p.
236, &c. [Alexander of Lycopolis in The-
bais, Egypt, flourished probably about A.D.
350. Fabricius supposes, (Biblioth. Gr.j
torn, v., p. 290), that he was first a pagan
and a Manichee, and afterwards a Catholic
Christian. Cave is of the same opinion
(Hist. Lit., torn, ii., de Scriptor. incertae
aetatis). Beausobre (ubi supra) thinks he
was a mere pagan. Lardner (Works, vol.
iii., p. 384, vol. viii., p. 349, &c.) thinks he
was a gentile, but well acquainted with the
Manichees and other Christians ; and that he
had some knowledge of the O. and N. Tes-
taments, to which he occasionally refers.
He speaks with respect of Christ, and the
Christian philosophy ; and appears to have
been a learned and candid man. — Tr.]
(6) Photius, Bibliotheca, cod ccxlii., p.
1027. [Diimascius was a native of Damas-
cus, but studied and taught philosophy both
at Athens and Alexandria. From the latter
he fled to Persia, during the persecution of
the pagan philosophers by the emperor Jus-
tinian, about the year 530. Hia subsequent
384 BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
carps at the Christian faith. (7) The Epicheiremata xviii. contra Christi-
anos, written by Produs,(S) were in everybody's hands ; and therefore
received a confutation from John Philoponus.(9) So much license would
not have been allowed to these men, had there not been among the magis-
trates many who were Christians in name and outward appearance rather
than in reality.
§ 3. The Christians in several places had occasion, even in this centu-
ry, to complain of the barbarity and cruelty of their enemies. During the
greater part of it, the Anglo-Saxons who had seized upon Britain, brought
every kind of calamity and suffering upon the former inhabitants of that
country, who were Christians. (10) The Huns having made an irruption
into Thrace, Greece, and other provinces, during the reign of Justinian,
treated the Christians with cruelty ;(11) yet they appear to have been in-
fluenced, not so mi>ch by a hatred of Christianity, as by hostility to the
Greek empire. A great change in the state of Italy, took place about the
middle of this century, under Justinian I. For this emperor, by Narses
his general, overturned the kingdom of the Ostrogoths in that country,
after it had stood ninety years, and annexed Italy to his empire. But un-
der the emperor Justin, the Lombards, a very warlike German tribe under
their king Alboin, accompanied by some other German nations, broke into
Italy from Pannonia in the year 568 ; and having possessed themselves
of the whole country, except Rome and Ravenna, founded a new kingdom at
Pavia. Under these new lords, who were not only barbarians but averse
from Christianity, the Italian Christians for a time endured immense evils
and calamities. But the first rage of the conquerors gradually subsided,
and the Lombards became more civilized. Autharis, their third king,
made a profession of Christianity in the year 587 ; but he embraced the
history is unknown. He wrote the lives of published in Greek, Venice, 1535, fol., and
Isidorus and others, Commentaries on Pla- in Latin, Lyons, 1557, fol. — TV.]
to, and four books on extraordinary events : (9) See J. A. Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr.,
all of which are lost. Phntius calls him vol. iii., p. 522, &c., [and Brucker, Historia
ki£ uKpov Svcraedr/t;, superlatively irreligious, crit. philos., torn, ii., p. 491, with Hamber-
(Codex clxxxi.), and gives an epitome of ger's zuverlassigenNachrichten, torn, iii., p.
his life of Isidore, Cod. ccxlii.— TV.] 391.— Schl.]
(7) [Simplicius, a native of Cilicia, adis- (10) Jo.. Usher, Index Chronolog. Antiq.
ciple of Damascius, and an eclectic philoso- Eccles. Britan., ad ann. 508, p. 1123, [and
pher, was one of those who fled into Persia, still more to the purpose, ad ann. 511, p.
about the year 530. He returned a few 1125, and ad ann. 597, p. 1151, &c. At
years after, and wrote Commentaries on the beginning of this century, the Saxons
some of the philosophical and physical works held only Kent and Sussex, embracing about
of Aris/olle ; also a Commentary on the three counties in the southeast part of Eng-
Encheiridion of Epictctus ; both edited, Gr. land ; all the rest of the country was inhab-
and Lat., by H. Wolf, Leyden, 1640, 4to. — ited by Christian Britons. But during this
TV.] century, the Saxons gradually extended their
(8) [Proclus was born at Constantinople conquests ; and before the century closed,
A.D. 410, studied at Alexandria and at the Britons were shut up among the mount-
Athens, and became head of the philosophi- ains of Wales and Cornwall, except a few
cal school in the latter place, in the year 450. in Cumberland on the borders of Scotland,
He died A.D. 435. He was a man of much or were driven to take refuge beyond seas,
philosophical reading, a great enthusiast, a Over all the rest of England paganism reign-
bold and whimsical speculator, and a most ed : the churches were demolished or con-
voluminous writer. His eighteen Arguments verted into idolatrous temples, and the public
against the Christians, are so many proofs worship of the true God had ceased. — TV.]
that the world was eternal. This work, with (11) Procopius, de Bello Persico, lib. ii.,
the confutation of John Philoponus, was c. 4.
LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. 385
Arian creed. His successor however, Agilulph, was induced by his queen
Theodelinda, to abandon the Arian sect, and join the Catholics of the Ni-
cene creed. (12) But Chosroes the king of Persia, exceeded all others in
barbarity ; for he publicly declared that he would make war, not upon
Justinian, but upon the God of the Christians ; and he cut off an immense
number of Christians by various modes of execution. (13)
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
HISTORY OF LITERATURE AND SCIENCE.
§ 1. The State of Learning in the West. — $ 2. The Sciences badly taught. — $ 3. The
Study of Philosophy. — $ 4. State of Learning among the Greeks, — $ 5. and in the
East.
§ 1. EVERY one knows, that the irruption of the fierce and barbarous
nations into most of the provinces of the West, was extremely prejudicial
to literature and to every species of learning. All the liberal arts and
sciences would have become extinct, had they not found some feeble pro-
tection among the bishops and monks. To most of those churches which
are called cathedrals, schools were annexed, in which either the bishop
himself or some one appointed by him, instructed the youth in the seven
liberal arts as a preparation for the study of the sacred books.(l) The
monks and nuns were nearly all required by the founders of their houses, to
devote some portion of every day to the reading of the works of the ancient
fathers of the church, who were supposed to have exhausted the fountains
of sacred knowledge. (2) It was therefore necessary that libraries should
be formed in the monasteries, and that books should be multiplied by being
transcribed. This labour of transcribing books was generally assigned to
the more feeble-bodied monks, who were unable to encounter severe labour.
To these establishments we owe the preservation of all the ancient authors
that have come down to us, both sacred and profane. Moreover, in most
of the monasteries schools were opened, in which the abbot or some one
(12) Paulus Diaconus, de gestis Longo- Hist. Eccles., diss. iii., $ 21, p. 205, &c.
bardorum.l. ii.,c. 2, and c. 27, p. 219, 231, — Tr.] Histoire litteraire de la France,
ed. Lindenbrog. Muratori, Antiq. Italiae, tome iii., Introd., § xxxii., p. 12, &c. Herm.
torn, i., p. 14, torn, ii., p. 297, &c., and Connngius, Antiquit. Academicae, p. 66-
Annales Italici. Giannone, Histoire de Na-, 167, ed. Heumann. [Gregory of Tours,
pies, [lib. iv., cap. 3], torn, i., p. 302, &c. lib. vi., c. 36. — Schl.]
(13) Procopius, de Bello Persico, 1. ii., (2) Benedict of Anian, Concordia Regu-
c. 26. larum, lib. ii., p. 55, 64, 75. 77, 80, 100,
(1) Claude Fleury, Discours sur 1'His- lib. iii., p. 16-41, &c., ed. Hug. Menard.
toire ecclesiastique depuis 1'an. 600, &c., Jo. Mabiilon, Praef. ad Saecul. i., Actor.
$ xxi., &c., in his Histoire Eccles., tome Sanctor. Ord. Benedict., p. xliv., <$tc.
xiii., p. 56, [and among his Dissert, viii., in
VOL. I.— C c c
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. I.
of the monks instructed the children and youth that were devoted to a
monastic life. (3)
§ 2. But, not to mention that many of the bishops and others who had
control over the monks, were inattentive to their duty, and that others had
prejudices against learning and science, which they apprehended to be haz-
ardous to piety, — a fault commonly attributed to Gregory the Great, bishop
of Rome, who, it is said, wished to have many of the ancient authors com-
mitted to the flames ;(4) — not to mention also, that some of the bishops of
set purpose, cultivated ignorance and barbarism, which they confounded
with Christian simplicity ;(5) to pass over these considerations, it remains
to be stated, that the branches of learning taught in these schools were
confined within very narrow limits ;(6) and that the teachers were igno-
rant and incompetent. Greek literature was almost every where neglected :
and those who professed to cultivate Latin, consumed their time on gram-
matical subtilties and niceties ; as is manifest from the examples of Isido-
rus and Cassiodorus. Eloquence had degenerated into rhetorical blustering,
with motley and frigid figures, and barbarous phraseology ; as is shown by
those who composed with most elegance, such as Bofthius, Cassiodorus,
Ennodius, and others. The other liberal arts, as they called them, con-
tained nothing elevated and liberal ; but consisted of only a few precepts,
and those very dry.
§ 3. Philosophy was wholly excluded from the schools which were under
the direction of the clergy, for nearly all supposed that religious persons
could do very well without it, or rather ought never to meddle with it.
(3) Benedict, Concordia Regular., lib. ii.,
p. 232. Joh. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ord.
Benedict., torn, i., p. 314, &c. [And yet
it is certain, that these monkish schools kept
aloof from the sources of real learning, I
mean the ancient classic authors ; and that
the best interpreters of scripture among the
fathers, such as Origen and Theodorus of
Mopsues'tia, were left to moulder in the
dust. On the contrary, the young monks
were occupied with reading and transcribing
the most silly fables and legends, by which
their understandings and their imaginations
were injured past recovery. In the Rule of
Isidore, it is expressly stated : Libros gen-
tilium et haereticorum legere nefas. — Schl.]
(4) Gabr. Liron, Singularites historiques
et litter., tome i., p. 166, &c. [That Greg-
ory was opposed to all secular learning, ap-
pears incontrovertibly, from his conduct to-
wards Desiderius bishop of Vienne. This
bishop was a man of great merit, virtues,
and learning. But he instructed some of
his friends in grammar and the fine arts, and
read with them the pagan poets. Gregory
looked upon all this as horrible wickedness ;
and therefore hesitated about sending him
the pall, and reproved him very sharply in
an epistle which is still extant. (Gregory,
Epist., lib. ix., ep. 48.) " Because (says
the honest pope, who esteemed it no wrong
to praise extravagantly the greatest villains
and the cruellest murderers), the praises of
Christ and those of Jupiter cannot have
place in the same mouth. And consider,
how enormous a crime it is for a bishop to
sing ! which would be unbecoming even in
a religious layman. The more horrible this
is in a priest, the more earnestly and faith-
fully should it be inquired into. — If it should
hereafter appear clearly, that the reports
which have reached me are false, and that
you do not study vanities and secular litera-
ture (nee vos nugis et secularibus literis
studere), I shall praise God, who has not
permitted your heart to be defiled with the
blasphemous praises of abominable deities."
— But whether it be true, as John of Salis-
bury states, (de Nugis Curialium, lib. ii., c.
26, and lib. viii., c. 19), that he caused the
Palatine or Capitoline library to be burned ;
or as Antoninus of Florence tells us, (see
Vossius de Historicis Latinis, p. 98), that
he committed to the flames Livy's History ;
must be considered uncertain, as the wit-
nesses are so modern. Yet it would not be
improbable, in a man of such flaming zeal
against the pagan writers. — Schl.]
(5) Jo. Mabillon, Praef. ad Saecul. i. [Ac-
tor. Sanctor. ordinis] Benedicti, p. xlvi.
(6) See Marcus Aurelius Cassiodorus,
de septem Disciplines Liber ; among his
Works.
LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. 387
The most eminent, and indeed almost the only Latin philosopher of this
age, was the celebrated Boethius, privy counsellor to Theodoric king of the
Ostrogoths in Italy. He embraced the Platonic system ;(7) but like most
of the younger Platonists, approved also the precepts of Aristotle, and il-
lustrated them by his writings. He is therefore not improperly regarded
as the man, whose labours brought the Aristotelian philosophy into higher
repute among the Latins than it had before been.
§ 4. Among the Greeks, the liberal arts were cultivated in several
places with more zeal, and some of the emperors encouraged all branches
of learning with honours and liberal rewards ;(8) yet the number of the
men of genius appears much smaller than in the preceding century. When
this century commenced, the younger Platonism was flourishing in full
splendour. The schools of Alexandria and Athens were under masters of
high reputation, Damascius, Isidore,(9) Simplicius, Eulamius, Hermias, Pris-
dan, and others. But when the emperor Justinian forbid by an express
law the teaching of philosophy at Athens,(10) (which is undoubtedly to
be understood of this species of philosophy), and also manifested peculiar
displeasure against those who would not renounce idolatry, all these phi-
losophers removed and took residence among the Persians, the enemies of
the Romans.(ll) They indeed returned afterwards, on the restoration of
peace between the Persians and the Romans in the year 533 ;(12) but they
were never able to recover their former credit, and they gradually ceased
to keep up their schools. Such was the termination of this sect, which
had been a most troublesome one to the church for many centuries. On
the contrary, the Aristotelian philosophy gradually emerged from its ob-
scurity, and received elucidation especially from the commentaries of John
Philoponus. And it became necessary for the Greeks to acquaint them.
selves with it, because the Monophysites and the Nestorians endeavoured
to confute the adherents to the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, by ar-
guments suggested by this philosophy.
§ 5. For the Nestorians as well as the Monophysites, living in the East,
kept their eye upon Aristotle, and, to enable their adherents to be good dis-
putants, translated his principal works out of Greek into their vernacular
tongues. Into the Syriac language, Sergius Rasainensis, a Monophysite
(7) This will be evident to any one who, inated him from Isidore Mercator, Hispalen-
with some knowledge of the views of the sis, and Peleusiota. — Schl.~\
younger Platonists, takes up his Books de (10) Johannes Malala, Historia Chronica,
Consolatione philosophiae. See also Renat. pt. ii., p. 187, ed. Oxon. Another testimony
VaJJinus, Notes, p. 10, 50. Luc. Holsteni- to the same point, derived from I know not
us, de Vita Porphyrii, p. 7, ed. Cantabr. ; what unpublished Chronicon, is adduced by
likewise, Jo. Jos. Mascov, Historia Germa- Nicol. Alemannus, ad Procopii Historians ar-
norum. torn, ii., p. 102, &c. [Bruckcr, His- canam, cap. 26, p. 377, ed. Venetae. [Also
toria crit. Philos., torn, iii., p. 524, &c., and Agathias, cap. 2, and Suidas, Article irpea-
Hamberger's zuverlassige Nachrichten, vol. (3vf, torn, iii., p. 171, seem to refer to this
iii., p. 317, &c. — Schl.] event, by saying: Damascius, Simplicius,
(8) See the Codex Theodos., torn, ii., lib. Eulalius, Priscianus, Hermias, Diogenes,
vi., p. 113, &c. Herm. Conringius, de and Isidorus, retired to Persia, because they
Sludiis urbis Romae et Constantinop., an- could not live according to their inclina-
nexed to his Diss. de Antiquit. Academicis. tions. — Sell.}
(9) [See Brucker's account of Isidore in (11) Agathias, de Rebus Justiniani, 1. ii.
his Historia crit. Philos., torn, ii., p. 341. Corpus Byzant., torn, iii., p. 49, ed. Venetac.
Isidore was called Gazaeus, from his native (12) Consult the excellent Peter Wessrl-
place, Gaza in Palestine ; and this discrim- ingius, Observat. yaiiar., lib. i., c. 18, p. 117.
388 BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
and a philosopher, translated the writings of Aristotle.(13) In Persia, one
Uranius a Syrian, propagated his doctrines ; and even instilled them into
the mind of Chosroes the king, who was studious of such matters. (14)
Another'who was doubtless of the Nestorian sect, (for no other in this age
prevailed in Persia, the Greeks being excluded), presented the same king
with a Persian translation of Aristotle. (15) Yet there were among these
Christians, some who rejecting both Plato and Aristotle, chose to philoso-
phize or speculate according as their own genius led them. Such was the
Nestorian Cosmas, called Indicopleustes ; whose opinions were quite pecu-
liar, and more consentaneous with those of the Orientals, than with those
of the Greeks.(16) Such also was the writer, from whose Exposition of
the Octateuch Photius has preserved some extracts. (17)
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS IN THE CHURCH.
$ 1. Contests between the Bishops of Constantinople and Rome. — $ 2. Endeavours of
the latter to obtain Supreme Power. — § 3, 4. Corrupt Lives of the Clergy. — § 5. The
Monks. — $ 6. Order of Benedict. — § 7. Its Propagation. — § 8. Principal Authors among
the Greeks. — § 9. Latin Writers.
§ 1. IN the constitution of the Christian church there was no impor-
tant change. But the two prelates who considered themselves and were
regarded by others as standing at the head of the whole church, the bish-
ops of Rome and Constantinople, were incessantly contending for priority,
and about the extent of their territories and jurisdiction. The bishop of
Constantinople not only claimed the primacy in the eastern churches, but
maintained that his see was in no respect inferior to that of Rome. But
(13) Georgius Abulpharajus, Historia whence he got the name of Indicopleustes,
Dynastiar., p. 94, 172, ed. of Pocock. an India Navigator. After many years
(14) Agalhias, de Rebus Justiniani, lib. spent in this manner, he took up residence
ii., p. 48. That this Uranius applied the in a monastery in Egypt, and devoted him-
precepts of Aristotle to the Eutychian con- self to composing books. His chief work is
troversies, appears from this, that Agathias Topographia Christiana, sive Christiano-
represents him as disputing about the passi- rum opinio de. mundo, in xii. Books. It is
bility and immiscibility of God, /cat TO irad- his great aim to prove the earth not spherical,
rjrbv Kal a^vyxvTOV. [ Uranius was in so but a vast oblong plain ; the length east and
high esteem with king Chosroes, that he had west, being double the breadth. He argues
him constantly at his table. He wished to be from scripture, reason, testimony, and the
accounted a skeptic ; but he may more justly authority of the fathers. But while pressing
be ranked among the Nestorians, than among his main point, he introduces much valuable
the proper philosophers. — Schl.] geographical information, which he had col-
(15) Agathias, de Rebus Justiniani, lib. lected in his voyages. He flourished, and
ii., p. 48, ed. Venetae. probably wrote, about A.D. 535. The best
(16) Bern, de Montfaucon, Praef. ad Cos- edition is that of Mcmtfaucon, Gr. and Lat.t
mam, p. x., &c., in his Collectio Nov. Pair, in Collect. Nov. Patr. Gr., torn, ii., Paris,
Graecorum, torn. ii. [This Cosmos was an 1706. See Cave's Historia Litteraria, torn.
Egyptian monk. In early life he was a mer- i., p. 515, &c. — TV.]
chant, and drove a traffic through the whole (17) Photius, Biblioth. Cod., rxxvi.. p.
length of the Red Sea, and quite to India : 22, 23.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
389
the pontiffs of Rome were exceedingly disturbed at this, and contended
that their see held a rank and pre-eminence above that of Constantinople.
In particular, the Roman pontiff Gregory the Great, did so in the year
587 ; when John of Constantinople, surnamed the Faster on account of
the austerity of his life, had by his own authority assembled a council of
eastern bishops at Constantinople to decide on charges brought against
Peter [Gregory] bishop of Antioch, and on this occasion had arrogated to
himself the title of oecumenical or universal bishop.(l) For although the
bishops of Constantinople had long used this title, which was capable of
a harmless interpretation, yet Gregory concluded from the time and the
occasion on which it was now used, that John was aiming at a supremacy
over all Christian churches ; and he therefore wrote letters to the em-
peror and to others, in which he vehemently inveighed against this title.
But he could effect nothing : and the bishops of Constantinople continued
to assume it, though not in the sense which -Gregory supposed. (2)
§ 2. Persevering in his opposition, the bishop of Rome excited com.
motion everywhere, in order to bring the Christian world under his own
control. And he was in some degree successful, especially in the West ;
but in the East, scarcely any would listen to him, unless actuated by hos-
tility to the bishop of Constantinople ; and this last was always in a con-
dition to oppose his ambitious designs in that quarter. How greatly the
ideas of many had advanced respecting the powers of the bishop of Rome,
cannot better be shown than by the Example of Ennodius, the insane
flatterer of Symmachiis ; who, among other extravagant expressions, said,
the pontiff judges in the place of God, vice Dei judicare.(3) But on the other
hand, there are numerous proofs, that the emperors as well as some whole
(1 [Dr. Mosheim here confounds dates,
names, and transactions. Gregory (not Pe-
ter) bishop of Antioch, being accused of in-
cest and other crimes, appealed from the tri-
bunal of the governor of the East to the em-
peror Mauritius : and the emperor (not the
patriarch John) called a council, or appoint-
ed a court of Commissioners at Constanti-
nople in 587, composed of patriarchs, (or
their delegates), Roman senators, and metro-
politans, to hear and decide the case. (See
Evagrius, Hist. Eccles., 1. vi., c. 7. Eva-
grius was himself Gregory's counsellor at
the trial, and has given us nearly all the in-
formation which has reached us respecting
this council.) On this occasion, it is said,
John the patriarch of Constantinople, was
honoured with the title of universal bishop,
— a title which had for some time been used
by the bishops of that see. The decisions
of this council being sent to Pelapius II.,
(not to Gregory the Great), bishop of Rome,
Pelagius confirmed the acquittal of Gregory
of Antioch, but remonstrated strongly against
the title given to John. His letters on the
occasion are lost, but they are mentioned by
his successor. In the year 590, Pelagius
died, and was succeeded by Gregory the
Great ; and he, finding that John continued
to use this title, took up the business in ear-
nest about the year 595, and for some years
laboured by entreaties and threats, and con-
tinued applications to the emperors and to the
other eastern patriarchs, to divest the Con-
stantinopolitan patriarchs of a title which he
maintained to be profane, Antichrislian, and
infernal, by whomsoever assumed. See
Gregory the Great, Epistolar. lib. iv., ep.
36. 38, and lib. vii., ep. 69. Bower's Lives
of the Popes, (Pelagius II.), vol. ii., p.
459, and (Gregory) vol. ii., p. 505, 511,
517, ed. Lond., 1750. Natalis Alexander,
Hist. Eccles., Saecul. vi., cap. ii., art. 12,
13. torn, x., p. 18, 25, &c., ed. Paris, 1743.
-TV.]
(2) Gregory the Great, Epistolar. lib. iv.,
v., vii. All the passages in these epistle*,
relating to this important subject, are col-
lected and illustrated by Jo. Launoi, Assertio
in privilegium S. Medardi, Opp., torn, iii.,
pt. ii., p. 266, <kc. See Mich, le Quien,
Oriens Christianus, torn, i., p. 67, dtc. Chr.
Matth. Pfaf, Diss. de titulo Oecumenicm ;
in the Tempe Helvetica, torn, iv., p. 99, and
the authors there mentioned.
(3) See his Apologeticum pro Synodo, in
the Bibhoth. mag. Pair., torn, xv., p. 248,
ed. Paris.
390
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
nations, would not patiently bear this new yoke. (4) The Gothic kings in
Italy, would not allow the bishop of Rome to domineer excessively there ;
nor would they allow any one to be considered as pontiff, whom they had
not approved ; and they wished to have his election controlled by their de-
cisions. (5) These kings also enacted laws relative to religious matters, ar-
raigned the clergy before their tribunals, and summoned ecclesiastical
councils. (6) And the pontiffs themselves paid homage to these sover-
eigns, and afterwards to the emperors, in a submissive manner ; for they
had not yet become so lost to all shame, as to look upon temporal sov-
ereigns as their vassals.(7)
§ 3. The clergy were previously in possession of high privileges, and
great wealth ; and the superstition of this century added considerably to
both. For it was supposed, that sins might be expiated by munificence
to churches and to monks ; and that the prayers of departed saints, which
were most efficacious with God, might be purchased, by presents offered
to them and by temples dedicated to their names.(8) This increase of
wealth and privileges was accompanied with an equal increase of the
vices usually attendant on affluence, in the clergy of all ranks from the
highest to the lowest ;(9) as is manifest even from the laws enacted by
councils and by the emperors to regulate the lives and morals of the
clergy.(lO) For what need was there of guarding the morals of these
men with such ramparts of laws, if they exhibited some degree of love
(4) See, particularly respecting Spain,
Mich. Geddes, On the Papal supremacy,
chiefly with relation to the ancient Spanish
church ; published among his Miscellaneous
Tracts, vol. ii., p. 1. &c.
(5) See Joh. Ja. Mascov, Historia Ger-
manorum, torn, ii., note, p. 113.
(6) Ja. Basnage, Histoire des Eglises Re-
formees, torn, i., p. 381, &c. [Thus, e. g.,
Theodoric assembled the Italian bishops at
Rome, to settle the contested election of
Symmachus to the papal chair. (Walch,
Historic der Kirchenversamml., p. 347.)
The council of Orleans, in 511, was held by
order of Clovis, (ibid., p. 351.) Another
at Orleans in 533, by order of Childebert,
(ibid., p. 367.) And in the year 549, (ibid.,
p. 375.) And at Clermont, by order of
Theudebert, (ibid., p. 368.)— Schl.]
(7) See the collections from Gregory the
Great, by Jo. Launoi, de Regia potestate in
matrimon., Opp., torn, i., pt. ii., p. 691, &c.,
and Assertio in privilegium S. Medardi,
Opp., torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 275. Giannone,
Histoire de Naples, torn, ii., p. 282, &c. ;
[and lib. iii., cap. vi., § 6. — TV.]
(8) [Thus, e. g., Gregory (in cap. xv.
Jobi, 1. xii., c. 23) says : " Whenever, af-
ter committing a crime we give alms, we do
as it were compensate for our wicked ac-
tions." So also in his Epistles (lib. ix., ep.
38) : " The intercessions in heaven of him,
whose body you have covered on earth, will
protect you from all sins," &c. — Schl.]
(9) [Tkeophanes, (on the second year of
Justinian's reign), states that Esaias bish-
op of Rhodes, and Alexander bishop of Di-
ospolis in Thrace, were for the crime of sod-
omy deprived of their offices and castrated
by order of the emperor, and then carried
about as a show, with a herald proclaiming :
" All ye bishops, beware of disgracing your
venerable office." So in the epistles of
Gregory the Great, many proofs occur of
impure conduct among the clergy : e. g., 1.
viii., ep. 1 1 ; 1. iii,, ep. 26 and 9 ; 1. i., ep.
18, 42.— Schl.]
(10) [Thus, e. g., in the council of Agde
in Gaul, (can. 41), it was enacted, that a
clergyman who should get drunk, should be
excluded the church for 30 days, or under-
go corporeal punishment : and (can. 42) the
clergy were forbidden to exercise the art of
fortune-telling. Harduin's Concilia, torn,
ii., p. 1002. Other laws forbid simony, con-
cubinage, perjury, usury, and gaudy dress,
in the clergy. In Harduin's Concilia, torn,
iii., p. 529, mention is made of many nuns,
at the head of whom were two princesses,
Chrotildis and Basine, who broke from the
nunnery at Poictiers, and who were a part
of them found pregnant, and also committed
the most shameful acts of violence. And
in page 531, he mentions one Aegidius bish-
op of Rheims, who used forged documents
before the council of Metz ; and for treason-
able practices, was removed from office.
See Fieury, Ecclesiast. History ; the Ger-
man translation, vol. v., p. 413, 417, lib.
xxxv., $ 5-8.— Schl.]
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
391
for virtue and piety ? Yet the efficacy of these laws was slight ; for so
great was the reverence for the clergy, that their most atrocious offences
were visited with the gentlest chastisements ; and this imboldened them
to perpetrate any iniquity.
§ 4. What sort of men the bishops of Rome were, who wished to be
thought the chiefs and fathers of the whole Christian church, and also the
body of the clergy under them at Rome, best appears from the long and
violent contest between Symmachus and Laurentius, which broke out in
the year 498, and was at length settled by the Gothic king Theodoric.
Each maintained, that himself was the regularly-constituted pontiff; and
each accused the other of the most abominable crimes, and not without
an appearance of truth. Three councils assembled at Rome, were not able
to terminate the dreadful quarrel ; in the fourth, soon after the commence,
ment of the century, Theodoric having taken up the business, Symmachus was
at length pronounced innocent. But the adverse party continued to deny
that justice had been done them by this decision ; and this led Ennodius of
Pavia to write his Apology for the council and for Symmachus. (11) From
this treatise, which abounds in rhetorical colouring, we may clearly learn,
that the foundations of that exorbitant power which the pontiffs afterwards
obtained, were already laid ; but not that Symmachus had been inconsid.
erately and unjustly accused.
§ 5. The progress of monkery was very great, both in the East and
in the West. In the East, whole armies of monks might have been en-
(11) This Apology is extant in the Bibli-
oth. Magn. Pair., torn, xv., p. 248, &c., [and
in most of the Collections of Councils. —
This contest may be worth describing more
fully. — On the death of the pontiff Alkana-
sius in the year 498, not only the clergy, but
the people and the senate of Rome, were
divided about a successor. Symmachus a
deacon, and Laurentius the archpresbyter,
were both chosen on the same day by their
respective partisans ; and so eager were
both parties to carry their point, that the
whole city was in an uproar, and many bat-
tles and much bloodshed took place in the
streets and in the public places. To end
the dire contest, the leading men on both
sides agreed to refer the contested point to
the decision of Theodoric, the Arian king
resident at Ravenna. He decided, that the
one who should be found to have had most
votes, and to have been elected at the earli-
est hour, should be considered the legal pon-
tiff. This secured the election of Symma-
chus. The king likewise ordered the bish-
ops to make regulations for the election of
future popes, which should prevent the re-
currence of similar difficulties. This was
done in the year 499. But the party of Lau-
rentius were not yet quiet. In the year 500,
they accused Symmachus of several heinous
crimes before the king ; and the tumults and
civil wars of Rome were renewed, with in-
creased violence. Some senators informed
the king of the state of Rome, and request-
ed him to send a Visiter to Rome, with full
power to settle all the difficulties. Peter,
bishop of Altino, was appointed. He re-
paired to Rome, and at once suspended
Symmachus, and took the goods of the
church into his own hands. This enraged
the partisans of Symmachns to madness,
and prostrated all order and subordination.
Being apprized of the state of things, tho
king now repaired to Rome in person, and
spent six months in tranquillizing that dis-
tracted city. He ordered all the bishops of
Italy to meet in council, and decide on the
charges against Symmachus. The council
held several meetings in that and the follow-
ing years. Symmachus, when sent for, set
out to go to the council, attended by a mob ;
a battle ensued in the streets ; several were
killed ; Symmachus himself was wounded,
turned back, and refused to appear before
the council. The council, after some delay,
proceeded in his absence ; decreed that the
witnesses being slaves, were incompetent to
prove any thing ; and therefore dismissed
the complaint. The friends of Laurentius
protested against the decision. The coun-
fil met again, and adopted as their own the
apology tor them drawn up by Ennodius.
See Bower's Lives of ihe Popes, (Symma-
chus), vol. ii.,p. 248-261, ed. Lond., 1750.
Hardntn, Concilia, torn, ii., p. 961, &c.,
975, 983, 989.— TV.]
392
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
rolled, without a sensible diminution of the number any where. In the
West, this mode of life found patrons and followers almost without num.
ber, in all the provinces : as may appear from the various rules, drawn
up by different individuals, for regulating the lives of monks and nuns. (12)
In Great Britain, one Congal is said to have persuaded an immense num-
ber to abandon active life and spend their days in solitude, according to a
rule which he prescribed. (13) His disciples filled Ireland, Gaul, Ger-
many, Switzerland, and other countries, with convents of monks. The
most famous of them was Columbanus, who has left us a rule of his own,
distinguished for its simplicity and brevity. (14) The whole monastic or-
der abounded with fanatics and profligates. But in the Oriental monas-
teries, there were more fanatics than knaves ; while in the occidental the
knaves outnumbered the fanatics.
§ 6. A new order of monks, which in time absorbed all the others in
the West, was established at Mount Cassino in the year 529, by Benedict
of Nursia, a devout and a distinguished man according to the standard of
that age. His Rule is still extant ; and it shows that it was not his aim
to bring all monks under his regulations, but rather to found a new
society, more stable, of better morals, and living under milder rules
than the other monks, the members of which should lead a retired and
holy life, employed in prayers, reading, manual labour, and the instruc-
tion of youth. (15) But his followers departed widely from the princi-
(12) Most of these Rules are extant, in
Lu. Holsteiri's Codex Regularum, pt. ii.,
published at Rome, 1661, in 3 vols. 4to.
Add Edm. Martene and Ursin. Durand,
Thesaurus novus Anecdotorum, torn, i., p. 4.
(13) Ja. Usher, Antiq. Eccles. Britan., p.
132, 441, 911. [Comgallus or Congcllus,
was an Irish monk, who founded several
monasteries ; the most important of which
was that of Banchor or Bangor, (on the south
shore of Carrickfergus Bay, in the northeast-
erly part of Ireland), erected about A.D.
530. Congal is said to have ruled over 3000
monks, living in different monasteries and
cells. See Usher, loc. cit. — Tr.]
(14) Ja. Usher, Sylloge antiquar. Episto-
lar. Hibernicarum, p. 5-15. Lu. Holstein,
Codex Regular., torn, ii., p. 48, &c. Ma-
billon, Praef. ad Acta Sanctor. Ord. Bened.,
Saecul. ii., p. iv. [St. Columbanus, (a dif-
ferent person from Columbas the apostle of
Scotland, mentioned p. 381, supra), was born
in Leinstcr, Ireland, about the year 559.
After a good education in the literature of
that age, he became a monk, in the monas-
tery of Bangor, under Congal. In the year
589, with 12 companions, he passed through
England into Gaul ; and settled in Burgun-
dy, where he built the monastery of Luxucl,
or Luxovium; and there spent about 20»
years, with great reputation. But in the
year 610, having offended Theodoric the
king, by reproving his vices, he was banished
that territory ; and after wandering a few
years in different parts of Gaul and Germany
along the Rhine, and spending three years
near Bregentz in Helvetia, he went into
Italy ; was received kindly by Agilulph the
Lombard king, built the monastery of Bobio
near Pavia, presided over it one year, and
then died, about A.D. 615. He was a man
of superior genius, and possessed vast influ-
ence. His works yet remaining, are his
monastic rule ; his monastic discipline ; some
poems and epistles; and 17 discourses ; all
which were published at Louvain in 1667,
by Patrick Fleming, an Irish monk. His
life, written by Jonas, an abbot of Bobium,
while several contemporaries of Columba-
nus were yet living, is extant in Mabillon,
Acta Sanctor. Ord. Bened., torn, ii., p. 2—
26.— Tr.]
(15) See Jo. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor.
Ord. Bened., torn, i., and Annales Ord. Ben-
edict., torn. i. Helyot [Histoire des Ordres
monastiques religieux et rnilitaires, &c., in
8 vols. 4to, Paris, 1714-19], and the other
historians of the monastic orders. — [Bene-
dict was born of reputable parents, at Nur-
sia in Italy, A.D. 480. At the age of four-
teen, he was sent to Rome for education ;
but, disgusted with the dissipations of the
city and the school, he soon ran away, and
concealed himself three years in a cave, at
Sublacum about 40 miles from Rome. At
length he was discovered, and his cell be-
came much frequented. He was now chosen
abbot of a monastery in the vicinity ; but
the rigour of his discipline gave offence, and
he relinquished the office, and returned to
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
393
pies of their founder ; for, after they had acquired immense riches by the
liberality of princes and pious individuals, they gave themselves up to lux-
Sublacum, where he continued till about the
year 529. Many monks here joined him,
and he had 12 cells, each containing 12
monks, under his jurisdiction. Many of the
first Roman families placed their sons under
his instruction ; and his reputation for piety
and for miracles procured him almost un-
bounded respect. But his fame excited the
envy of some clergymen, and led to plots
against his life. After 25 years spent at Sub-
lacum, he retired to Mount Cdssino, about
50 miles south of Sublacum and about as
far from Naples. Here he converted a body
of pagan mountaineers, and turned their tem-
ple into a monastery, in which he spent the
remainder of his days in quietude and honour.
He died about A.D. 543. His life was writ-
ten by Pope Gregory the Great, and consti-
tutes the second Book of his Dialogue : it is
also inserted in Mabillon's Acta Sanctor.
Ord. Ben., torn, i., p. 1-25. — According to
the Rule of Benedict, the monks were to rise
at two A.M. in winter, (and in summer, at
such hours as the abbot might direct), repair
to the place of worship, for vigils ; and then
spend the remainder of the night in commit-
ting psalms, private meditation, and reading.
At sunrise they assembled for matins ; then
spent four hours in labour ; then two hours
in reading ; then dined, and read in private
till half past two P.M., when they met again
for worship ; and afterwards laboured till
their vespers. In their vigils and matins, 24
Psalms were to be chanted each day ; so as
to complete the Psalter every week. Besides
their social worship, seven hours each day
were devoted to labour, two at least to pri-
vate study, one to private meditation, and
the rest to meals, sleep, and refreshment.
The labour was agriculture, gardening, and
various mechanical trades ; and each one
was put to such labour as his superior saw
fit ; for they all renounced wholly every spe-
cies of personal liberty. They ate twice a
day, at a common table ; first, about noon,
and then at evening. Both the quantity and
the quality of their food were limited. To
each was allowed one pound of bread per
day, and a small quantity of wine. On the
public table no meat was allowed, but al-
ways two kinds of porridge. To the sick,
flesh was allowed. While at table, all con-
versation was prohibited ; and some one read
aloud the whole time. They all served as
cooks and waiters by turns, of a week each.
Their clothing was coarse and simple, and
regulated at the discretion of the abbot.
Each was provided with two suits, a knife,
a needle, and all other necessaries. They
VOL. I.— DDD
slept in common dormitories of 10 or 20, in
separate beds, without undressing, and had
a light burning, and an inspector sleeping in
each dormitory. They were allowed no con-
versation after they retired, nor at any time
were they permitted to jest, or to talk for
mere amusement. No one could receive a
present of any kind, not even from a parent ;
nor have any correspondence with persons
without the monastery, except by its passing
under the inspection of the abbot. A porter
always sat at the gate, which was kept locked
day and night ; and no stranger was admitted
without leave from the abbot ; and no monk
could go out, unless he had permission from
the same source. The school for the chil-
dren of the neighbourhood was kept without
the walls. The whole establishment was
under an abbot, whose power was despotic.
His under officers were, a prior or deputy,
a steward, a superintendent of the sick and
the hospital, an attendant on visiters, a por-
ter, dec., with the necessary assistants, and
a number of deans or inspectors over tens,
who attended the monks at all times. The
abbot was elected by the common suffrage
of the brotherhood ; and when inaugurated,
he appointed and removed his under officers
at pleasure. On great emergencies, he sum-
moned the whole brotherhood to meet in
council ; and on more common occasions,
only the seniors ; but in either case, after
hearing what each one was pleased to say,
the decision rested wholly with himself. For
admission to the society, a probation of 12
months was required ; during which the ap-
plicant was fed and clothed, and employed
in the meaner offices of the monks, and
closely watched. At the end of his proba-
tion, if approved, he took solemn and irrev-
ocable vows of perfect chastity, absolute
poverty, and implicit obedience to bis supe-
riors in every thing. If he had property, he
must give it all away, either to his friends or
the poor, or to the monastery ; and never
after must possess the least particle of private
property, nor claim any personal rights or
liberties. For lighter offences, a reprimand
was to be administered by some under offi-
cer. For greater offences, after two admo-
nitions, a person was debarred his privileges,
not allowed to read in his turn, or to sit at
table, or enjoy his modicum of comforts. If
.still refractory, he was expelled the monas-
tery ; yet might be restored on repentance.
See the Rule, at large, in Hospinian, Opp.,
torn, iv., (de Monachis, libri vii.), p. 202-
222. ed. Genev., 1669. fol., and as abridged
by Flcury, Histoire Eccles., lib. xxxii., $
394
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART IT.— CHAP. II.
ury, idleness, and every vice, became involved in civil affairs and the ca-
bals of courts, were intent on multiplying vain and superstitious rites, and
most eager to advance the authority and power of the Roman pontiffs.
None of these things were enjoined or permitted by St. Benedict ; whose
Rule, though still highly extolled, has for many ages ceased to be ob-
served.(16) Yet the institution of Benedict changed the state of monkery
in the West, in various respects ; not the least important of which was,
that the application and profession made by the monks, bound them for
ever to observe his rules ; whereas previously, the monks changed the
rule and regulations of their founders at pleasure. (17)
§ 7. Only a short time elapsed, before this new order of monks was in
a most flourishing state in all the western countries. In Gaul, it was prop-
agated by St. Maurus , in Sicily and Sardinia, by Placidus and others ;
in England, by Augustine and Mellitus ; in Italy and in other parts, by
Gregory the Great, who is reported to have lived some time in this order.(18)
14—19. Yet it is questionable whether the
Rule as there laid down was precisely what
Benedict prescribed. — TV ]
(16) [The modern Benedictines are them-
selves obliged to admit, that the Rule of
their founder is no longer fully obeyed. But
they resort to a convenient distinction. The
Rule, say they, has its essential and its acci-
dental parts. That the monks should labour,
earn their own bread, and live frugally, be-
longs to the accidental part. The essential
parts are the vofw.i ; which we observe reli-
giously, a few faults excepted. We admit
freely, that the order is richer than in the
days of its founder. Father Benedict would
be amazed, should he rise out of his grave,
and instead of the miserable huts which he
erected on Mount Cassino, find there a pal-
ace, in which kings and princes might re-
side ; and see the abbot transformed into a
prince of the empire, with a multitude of
subjects, and an income of five or six hun-
dred thousand ducats. — Sckl.~]
(17) See Mabillon, Praef. ad Saecul. iv.,
p. i., [Actor. Sanctor. Ord. Benedict., torn,
v.], p. xviii., &c. [Benedict changed the
state of monkery by restraining the instabil-
ity of the monks, and rendering their vows
irrevocable. It was not strange that the
order spread far and wide. His Rule was
better calculated than any other for Euro-
peans, and the first Benedictines were virtu-
ous, upright, and useful people. Wherever
they came, they converted the wilderness
into a cultivated country ; they pursued the
breeding of cattle and agriculture, laboured
with their own hands, drained morasses, and
cleared away forests. These monks — taking
the word Benedictines in its largest extent,
as embracing the ramifications of the order,
the Carthusians, Cistersians, Praemonstra-
tensians, Camaldulensians, &c. — were of
great advantage to all Europe, and particu-
larly to Germany. By them Germany was
cultivated and rendered a fruitful country.
They preserved for us all the books of anti-
quity, all the sciences and learning of the
ancients. For they were obliged to have
libraries in their monasteries, because their
rule required them to read during a portion
of each day. Some individuals were occu-
pied in transcribing the books of the an-
cients ; and hence came the manuscripts,
which still exist here and there in the libra-
ries of monasteries. The sciences were
cultivated nowhere but in their cloisters.
They kept up schools there for the monks,
and for such as were destined to be monks.
And without their cloisters they also had
schools, in which the people of the world
were instructed. From these monasteries
proceeded men of learning, who were em-
ployed in courts as chancellors, vice-chancel-
lors, secretaries, &c., and these again pat-
ronised the monasteries. Even the children
of sovereign princes were brought up among
the Benedictines, and after they came to
their thrones retained attachment and rev-
erence for the order, to whom they were
indebted for their education. The Bene-
dictines were esteemed saints, and their
prayers were supposed to be particularly
efficacious. All this rendered the order
powerful and rich. But as soon as they be-
came rich, they became voluptuous and in-
dolent, and their cloisters were haunts of
vice and wickedness. In the seventeenth
century, this order began to revert back to
its original design, especially in France ; and
it performed essential sen-ice to the republic
of learning, in particular by publishing beau-
tiful editions of the Fathers. — ScA/.j
( 18) See Jo. Mabillon, Diss. de vita monas-
tica Gregorii Magni ; annexed to Hadr. Va~
lesius, Analect. veter., torn, ii., and Mabil-
lon's Praef. ad Saecul. i., [Actor. Sanctor.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
395
In Germany, Boniface afterwards caused it to be received. (19) This rap.
id progress of their order, the Benedictines ascribe to the miracles of St.
Benedict and his disciples, and to the holiness and superiority of the rules
which he prescribed. But those who more critically examine the causes
of events, have very nearly all united in the opinion, that the favour shown
them by the Roman pontiffs, to whose glory and exaltation this whole order
was especially devoted, contributed more than all other causes to its wide
extension and grandeur. Yet it was not till the ninth century that all
other rules and societies became extinct, and the Benedictines alone
reigned.(20)
§ 8. Among the Greek and Oriental Christians, the most distinguished
writers of this century were the following : Procopius of Gaza, who ex-
pounded some books of the Bible not unhappily. (21) John Maxentius, a
monk of Antioch, who, besides some books against the sects of his times,
wrote Scholia on Dionysius Areopagita.(22) Agapetus procured himself a
place among the wise men of the age, by his Scheda Regia, addressed to
the emperor Juslinian.(23) Eulogius, a presbyter of Antioch, was ardent
Ord.] Benedict., p. xxix., &c. Yet some de-
ny this, as Anton. Gallonius, [deMonachatu
Gregorii, &c.], on whose book, see Rich.
Simon, Lettres choisies, torn, iii., p. 68.
[Yet the monkery of Gregory the Great,
after the investigations of Mabillon, seems
no longer liable to doubt. He established
six monasteries in Sicily, and assigned them
out of his great riches as much landed estate
as was necessary for their support. A sev-
enth monastery he founded at Rome, in his
own house, dedicated to S/. Andrew ; which
still exists, and is in the hands of the Ca-
maldulensians. See Flevry, Histoire Ec-
cles., liv. xxxiv.. $ 34. — Schl.]
(19) Anton. Dandini Al tessera, Origines
rei monasticae, lib. i., cap. 9, p. 33. On
the propagation of the Benedictine Rule in
the various countries of Europe, Jo. MuM-
lon has a particular treatise, Praef. ad Sae-
cul. i.. [Actor. Sanctor. Ord.] Benedict., and
Praef. ad Saecul. iv., p. i., [Actor. Sanctor.
Ord. Benedict , torn, v.], p Ixii., &c. [St.
Mnitrus, whose name a distinguished con-
gregation still bears, was one of the most
famous disciples of Benedict ; though some
nave questioned his existence, Placidus
was a historian of this order. Of Augustine,
notice has already been taken. Mellitus
preached to the east Saxons, and was after-
wards archbishop of Canterbury, and very
active in propagating the order. — The great
and rapid dissemination of this order was
wonderful. Many particular and new orders,
distinguished from each other by their dress,
their caps, and forms of government, origi-
nated from it. The Carthusians, Cistersians,
Ccelestines, Grandimontensians, Praemon-
stratensians, Cluniacensians, Camaldulen-
sians, &c., were only branches growing out
ble and renowned men were trained up in
it. Volaterranus enumerates 200 cardinals,
1600 archbishops, 4000 bishops, and 15.700
abbots and men of learning, who belonged
to this order. — V. Eincm.}
(20) Ja. I' Enfant, Histoire du Concilede
Constance, tome ii., p. 32. 33.
(21) See Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bib-
liotheque Ecclesiast. de M. du Pin, tome
i., p. 197. [Procopius, a teacher of elo-
quence at Gaza in the reign of Jvstinian,
A.D. 520, &c., has left us several Com-
mentaries on the scriptures, which are chief-
ly compilations from earlier writers : viz.,
on the Octateuch, (extant only in Latin) ;
on the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chroni-
cles, Gr. and Lat., Lugd. Bat., 1620, 4to ;
on Isaiah, Gr and Lat., Paris, 1580 ; on
Proverbs, and the twelve Minor Prophets;
never published. Also many neat Epistles,
published by Aldus.— Tr.]
(22) [John Maxentius was a Scythian
monk, a presbyter of Antioch, and flourished
about the year 520. Several of his epistles
and tracts, defending the doctrine that one
of the Trinity was crucified, and opposing
the Pelagian errors, are extant in Latin, in
the Bibliotheca Patrum, torn. ix. His scho-
lia on Dionysius the Areopagite, are publish-
ed, Gr. and Lat., with that author. — TV.]
(23) [Agapetus, a deacon in the great
church at Constantinople, flourished A.D.
527, in which year he composed his Instruc-
tions for a prince, addressed to the emperor
Justinian, then recently invested with the
purple. The book contains 72 heads of ad-
vice, displaying good common sense, but not
profound. It has been often published : as,
Venice, 1509, 8vo, and with a commenta-
ry, Franeker, 1608, 8vo, Francf., 1659, 4to,
of this principal stock. The most respecta- Lips., 1669, 8vo. — Tr.]
396
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART IT.— CHAP. II.
and energetic in opposing the heresies of the times.(24) John, bishop of
Constantinople, called the Faster on account of the austerity of his life,
distinguished himself by some small treatises, and particularly by his Pan.
itential.(25) Leontius of Byzantium has left us a book against the heretics,
and some other writings. (26) Evagrius Scholasticus has furnished us
with an Ecclesiastical History ; but it is disfigured with fabulous tales. (27)
Anastasius Sinaita is generally supposed to be the author of a well-known
yet futile book, entitled Hodegus contra Acephalos (a Guide against the
Acephali).(28)
(24) [Eulogius of Antioch, was made
bishop of Alexandria in the year 581. A
homily of his is extant, Gr. and Lat., in
Combe/is, Actuar. Nov., torn, i., and large
extracts from his vi. Books against Nmatus,
his ii. Books against Timotheus and Sevcrus,
his Book against Theodosius and Severus,
and another against the compromise between
the Theodosians and the Gainaites, are in
Photius, Biblioth. Codex, Nos. 182, 208,
225-227.— Tr.]
(25) [John the Faster was a native of Cap-
padocia, and bishop of Constantinople from
585 to 596. The title of universal bishop
given him in the council of 589, involved
him in trouble with Pelagius II. and Grego-
ry I., bishops of Rome. Two of his Homi-
lies are extant, Gr. and Lat., among those
of Ckrysostom ; and his Pcenitential, (or
rules for treating penitents), and a discourse
on confessions and penitence, are published,
Gr. and Lat., by Morin, de Poenitentia,
Appendix, p. 77, 92.— Tr.]
(26) [Leontius of Byzantium, was first an
advocate, and then a monk in a monastery in
Palestine, and flourished A.D. 590 and on-
ward. Cyril (in his life of St. Sabas, cap.
72) says he was accused of Origenism. Vos-
sius (de Hist. Gr., 1. iv., c. 8) thinks he was
the same as Leontius, bishop of Cyprus. He
wrote de Sectis Liber, Gr. and Lat., in Auc-
tuar. Biblioth. Patr., Paris, 1624, torn, i., p.
493 ; likewise adv. Eutychianos et Nestoria-
nos, 1. iii., adv. Fraudes Apollinaristar., lib.
ii. Solutioties Argumentorum Severi : Du-
bitationes et Definitiones contra eos, qui
negant in Christo duas naturas ; extant in
Latin, Biblioth. Patr., torn. ix. ; also an Ora-
tion on the man blind from his birth, Gr. and
Lat., in Combefis, Auctuar. Nov., torn, i., and
some other tracts, never published. — Tr.]
(27) [Evagrius Scholasticus was born
at Epiphania in Syria, A.D. 536. At four
years of age he was sent to school ; after
grammar, he studied rhetoric, and became
an advocate at the bar in Antioch. He was
much esteemed, and especially by Gregory
bishop of Antioch, whom he often assisted
in difficult cases. The emperor Tiberius
made him a quaestor ; and Maurice, an hon-
orary prefect. His only work that has
reached us, is his Ecclesiastical History, in
vi. Books. It is a continuation of the histo-
ries of Socrates and Sozomen, from the
council of Ephesus in 431, to the year 594.
Its chief faults are those of the age, credulity,
and an over estimation of monkish legends
and other trash. It was published, Gr. and
Lat., by Valesius, among the other Gr. Ec-
cles. Historians ; and has been translated
into English, Cambridge, 1683, fol.— Tr.]
(28) See Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bib-
liotheque Eccles. de M. du Pin, tome i., p.
232, and Barat, Bibliotheque choisie, tome
ii., p. 21, &c. [There were three persons
called Anastasius Sinaita. The first, after
being a monk in the monastery on Mount
Sinai, was made patriarch of Antioch A.D.
561, but was banished in the year 570, for
opposing the edict of Justinian respecting
the incorruptibility of Christ's body. He
was restored in 592, and died in 599. He
was a learned and orthodox man, and a con-
siderable writer. The second of this name,
was the immediate successor of the first in
the see of Antioch, from A.D. 599 to A.D.
609, when he was murdered by the Jews.
He translated the work of Gregory the Great
on the Pastoral office, from Latin into Greek :
but the translation is lost. — The third Anas-
tasius flourished about A.D. 685. He was
a mere monk of Mount Sinai. He wrote a
compendious account of heresies, and of the
councils that condemned them, from the ear-
liest times to the year 680 ; which still ex-
ists in MS. — The'Qdriybf, or Guide to shun
the Acephali, is a rhapsody without method
and without merit. It has been ascribed to
the third Anastasius ; because it contains
several allusions to events posterior to the
times of the two first of this name. Yet as
it relates to controversies in which the first
Anastasius is known to have been much en-
gaged, some have supposed it was originally
composed by him or from his writings, with
subsequent additions or interpolations. It
was printed, Gr. and Lat., by Gretser, In-
golst., 1604, 4to. — The 154 Questions and
Answers respecting biblical subjects, ascri-
bed to the first Anastasius, and published, Gr.
and Lat., by Gretser, 1617, 4to, also bear
marks of a later age. Cave supposes they
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
397
were compiled from the works of the first
Anastasius. His xi. Books of Contempla-
tions on the Hcxaemeron were published in
Latin, Paris, 1609. Dr. Atix published the
12th Book, Gr. and Lat., Lond., 1682, 4to.
His five doctrinal Discourses, (on the Trini-
ty, incarnation, &c.), together with all the
works just enumerated, are extant in Latin,
Biblioth. Patr., torn. ix. Six of bis Homilies
are extant, Gr. and Lat., in Combefis, Auc-
tuar. Nov., 1648, torn. i. Another tract of
his. on the three Quadragesimae, is extant,
Gr. and Lat., in Cotelier, Monum. Eccl. Gr.,
torn. iii. Various other tracts of his exist
only in MS., and a considerable number of
others are lost.
The following is a catalogue of the Greek
and Oriental writers of this century, omitted
by Dr. Mosheim.
Olympiodorus, a deacon at Alexandria,
who probably flourished at the commence-
ment of this century. He wrote several
commentaries on the scriptures. His short
Comment on Ecclesiastes is extant, Gr. and
Lat., in Pronto Ducaeus, Auctuar., torn. ii.
His Comment on Lamentations, Lat., Rome,
1598, 4to, and his Commentary on Job, is
preserved almost entire in the Catena on
Job, published, Gr. and Lat., by Pair. Ju-
mus, Lond., 1637, fol.
Julian, bishop of Halicarnassus in Caria,
a Eutychian who flourished under Anasta-
sius A.D. 510, and was active in the con-
tests of his times. On the accession of Jus-
tin, A.D. 518, he fled to Alexandria ; where
he advanced the idea that Christ's body was
always incapable of corruption, and produ-
ced a division and a party among the Mo-
nophysites. He wrote a Commentary on
Juti, which is often quoted in the Catena on
Job, published. Lond., 1637, fol.
Timotheus, bishop of Constantinople A.D.
511-517, distinguished for his hatred of his
predecessor Macedonius. He wrote a book
on the various heresies, which is extant, Gr.
and Lat., in Combejis, Auctuar. Nov., torn,
ii., and more perfect in Cotelier, Monum.
Eccles. Gr., torn, iii., p. 377.
Severug, a leading man among the Aceph-
ali or Monophysites, was in his youth a
pagan, and studied in the law school at Be-
rytus ; afterwards he became a monk at
Gaza, and embracing and propagating Eu-
tychian principles, was expelled the monas-
tery. He repaired to Constantinople, and
insinuated himself into the graces of the
emperor Anastasius, who favoured the Eu-
tychians. In the year 513, on the expulsion
of the orthodox Flavian, he was made pa-
triarch of Antioch, subscribed the Henoti-
con of Zeno, and condemned the council of
Chalcedon. Some bishops withdrew from
his communion ; but aided by Jews hn vio-
lently persecuted the orthodox, and especially
the monks of Palestine, of whom he slew
350, and left their bodies to be consumed
by beasts of prey. On the death of Anasta-
sius and the accession of Justin to the em-
pire in 518, he was proscribed, and fled to
Egypt, where he lived many years. Here
he became involved with Timothy patriarch
of Alexandria, and Gainus his deacon, by
asserting that the body of Christ, previously
to its resurrection, was corruptible. He
next went to Constantinople, and persuaded
Anthimus the patriarch to embrace Euty-
chian principles ; and was producing great
commotions, when two councils condemned
both him and Anthimus A.D. 536. His sub-
sequent history is little known. He was a
man of talents, ambitious, restless, little
careful to maintain consistency in conduct
or belief, a great writer, and possessed of
vast influence among the Eutychians. He
wrote an immense number of epistles, many
homilies and tracts, and extensive Commen-
taries on scripture ; none of which are pub-
lished entire, his works having been pro-
scribed and ordered to be all burned by
authority of the emperor. Yet numerous
extracts are preserved, and some whole trea-
tises are supposed to exist still in the East.
The Ritual for baptism and public worship
in the Syrian church, which is extant, Syr.
and Lat , Antw., 1572, 4to, has been attribu-
ted to him. His Commentaries are often
quoted in the Catena Patrum. See Cave,
Histor. Litter., torn, i., p. 499, &c.
John of Cappadocia, patriarch of Con-
stantinople A.D. 517-520. He condemned
Severus of Antioch in 518; and the next
year, by order of the emperor Justin, be-
came reconciled with the Roman pontiffs.
Five of his Epistles are extant in the Con-
cilia, torn. iv. and v.
Theodoras Lector, flourished at Constan-
tinople A.D. 518. He compiled an eccles.
history from Socrates, Sozomen, and Theod-
orct, in ii. Books : to which he annexed a
Continuation, in ii. additional Books. Large
extracts from the Continuation, by Nicepho-
rus Calistus, are preserved, and published,
Gr. and Lat., among the Gr. Eccl. Histo-
rians, by Valcsnis.
Timotheus III , patriarch of Alexandria
A.D. 519-535, a warm Eutychian, and a pro-
tector of Severus and Julian, till he fell out
with them respecting the corruptibility of
Christ's body. He wrote numerous ser-
mons and theological tracts, large extracts
from which are preserved by Cosmos Indi-
copleustes.
Epiphanius, patriarch of Constantinople
A.D. 520-535. He confirmed the recon-
398
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
ciliation between the sees of Rome and Con-
stantinople, made by John his predecessor ;
and approved the council of Chalcedon. Five
of his Epistles to Hormisdas. bishop of Rome,
are extant in the Concilior. Collect., torn. iv.
Ephraim, patriarch of Antioch A.D. 525-
546. He was a native of Syria, a civil ma-
gistrate and count of the East, when made
bishop. He wrote pro Ecclesiasticis dog-
rnatibus et Synodo Chalcedonensj, libri iii. :
which are lost, except copious extracts from
the two first Books, in Photius, Biblioth.
Cod. 228, 229.
Simeon, Stylites junior. In his childhood
he mounted his pillar, near Antioch, which
he occupied 68 years, A.D. 527-595. He
is often mentioned by Evagrius, who knew
him well. His fifth Epistle to the emperor
Justinian is extant, Gr. and Lat., in the
transactions of the second Nicene council,
Actio v. Concilior. torn. vii. Some other
tracts of his exist in MS. in the Vatican
library.
Zacharias Scholasticus, archbp. of Myti-
lene. He was first a lawyer at Berytus, then
a bishop, and flourished A.D. 536. While
at Berytus, he wrote a Dissertation or dia-
logue against the philosophers who maintain
that the world is eternal ; extant, Gr. and
Lat., Lips., 1654, 4to, and in FT. Ducaeus1
Auctuar., torn. i. He also wrote a dispu-
tation against the two first principles of all
things, held by the Manichaeans ; extant,
Lat., in Henr. Cards. Antiques Lection., torn.
v., and both works in Biblioth. Patr., torn. ix.
Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador to the
Saracens, the Auxumitae, and the Homer-
ites, about A.D. 540. He wrote a history
of his travels ; from which Photius has pre-
served extracts, Biblioth. Cod. 3.
Isaac, bishop of Nineva,who turned monk,
and travelled as far as Italy. He flourished
about the year 540, and wrote 87 ascetic
discourses, which still exist in MS. A bad
Latin translation of 53 of them, much gar-
bled, was published in the Biblioth. magn.
Patr., torn. xi.
Arethas, archbishop of Csesarea in Cappa-
docia, is supposed to have lived about A.D.
540. He compiled from Andreas Caesari-
ensis an Exposition of the Apocalypse ; ex-
tant, Gr. and Lat , annexed to Occumcnius,
Paris, 1631.
Gregentius, archbp. of Taphar, the me-
tropolis of the Homerites in Arabia Felix,
flourished A.D 540, and died 552. An ac-
count of his dispute with Htrbanus, a learn-
ed Jew. is extant, Gr. and Lat., Paris, 1586,
8vo, and in Fr. Ducaens, Auctuar., torn. i.
He also compiled a code of civil laws for
the Homerites, by order of Abram their king ;
which still exists in MS.
Barsanuphius, an anchorite of Gaza, in
the middle of this century, composed a large
amount of ascetic writings, which still exist ;
but are not thought worth publishing.
Eutychius, a monk, and bishop of Con-
stantinople A.D. 553-585. In the year 564
he was deprived of his see and banished by
Justinian, for not admitting the incorrupti-
bility of Christ's body while he was on earth ;
but he was restored in the year 578, and
died in 585, aged 73. One epistle of his
to pope Vigilius, is extant among the Acts
of the fifth general council, A.D. 553, Con-
cil., torn, v., p. 425.
Cyril, a monk of Palestine who flourished
A.D. 557. He composed the lives of sev-
eral monks, as of St. John the Silenliary,
of St. Euthymius, and of St. Sabas ; all of
which are still extant.
Paul Cyrus Florus, a poet who flourished
about A.D. 555. His poetic description of
the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople,
built by Justinian, is still extant, Gr. and
Lat., by Carol, du Fresne, Pans, 1670, sub-
joined to the history of Cinnamus.
John, surnamed Climacus from his book,
and Sinaita from his residence, and also
Scholasticus, was a monk of Mount Sinai,
who flourished about A.D. 564. He wrote
Scala Paradisi, in 30 chapters, each marking
a grade of virtue ; also Liber ad Pastorem :
both published, Gr and Lat., by Matt.h. Ra-
der, Paris, 1633, fol.
John Scholasticus, a presbyter at Antioch,
deputy to Constantinople, and bishop there
A.D. 564-578. He wrote Collectw Cano-
num in 50 Titles, which included the 85
Canons of the Apostles ; also Nomocanon,
which, besides a collection of Canons, con-
tained an epitome of the civil laws concern-
ing ecclesiastical affairs ; likewise, Capita.
Ecclesiastica. All these tracts were pub-
lished, Gr. and Lat., in JusteWs Biblioth.
Juris Canon., torn, ii., p. 499, 603, 660, ed.
Paris, 1662.
Theodorus, bishop of Tconium, about A.D.
564, wrote the martyrdom of Julitta and her
son Cirycus, only three years old, in the per-
secution of Diocletian ; published, Gr. and
Lat., by Combejis, Acta Martyr, antiq., Par-
is, 1660, 8vo, p. 231.
Eustratius, a presbyter of the great church
at Constantinople, under Eutychius the pa-
triarch, about A.D. 578. He wrote a book
in confutation of those who say, the soul is
inactive when separated from the body ; pub-
lished, Gr. and Lat , by Leo Allat. in his
historical work concerning purgatory, Rome,
1655. 8vo, p. 319-581. He also wrote the
Life of Eutychius the patriarch , published,
Gr. and Lat., by Surius and by Papebroch.
Theophanes of Byzantium, flourished A.D.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
399
§ 9. Among the Latin writers, the most distinguished were the follow,
ing : Gregory the Great, Roman pontiff; a man of good and upright inten-
tions for the most part, but greatly lacking in judgment, superstitious, and
opposed to all learning, as his Epistles and Dialogues show. (29) Ccesari-
580, and wrote a History of the^vvars of the monasteries and to a more religious life ;
and attempted to eradicate the prevailing
Romans with the Persians, A.D. 567-573,
in x. Books ; and some other parts of the
history of his own times. Only extracts re-
main.
John Maro, a very prominent man among
the Maronitcs, who nourished about A.D.
580. He wrote Commentaries on the Lit-
urgy of St. James, which are still extant in
Syriac, and have been much quoted by Abr.
Echellensis, Morin, Nairon, and others.
Leontius, bishop of Neapolis or Hagiopo-
lis in Cyprus, who flourished about A.D. 600,
and died about A.D. 620 or 630. He wrote
an Apology for the Christians against the
Jews ; of which a large part is preserved in
the fourth Act of the second Nicene council ;
Concilior. torn, vii., p. 236. He also wrote
some homilies, and biographies of saints. But
it is not easy to distinguish his writings from
those of Leontius of Byzantium. — TV.]
(29) His works were published by the
French Benedictine, Denys de St. Marthe,
in four splendid volumes, fol., Paris, 1705.
For an account of him, see the Acta Sane-
tor., tom. ii., Martii, p. 121, &c. [Gregory
the Great, of senatorial! rank, was born at
Rome about A.D. 540. After a good edu-
cation, being a youth of great promise, he
was early admitted to the senate, and made
governor of the city before he was thirty
years old. The death of his father put him
in possession of a vast estate, which he de-
voted wholly to pious and charitable uses.
Renouncing public life, he became a monk,
built and endowed six monasteries in Sicily,
vices of the clergy, simony and debauchery.
He was instrumental in converting the Ari-
an Lombards to the orthodox faith, and in
restraining the ravages of that warlike peo-
ple. He interfered in the discipline of for-
eign churches ; remonstrated against an im-
perial law forbidding soldiers to become
monks ; laboured to effect a peace between
the Lombards and the emperors ; and at-
tended to every interest of the church and
the people under him. Yet he claimed no
civil authority ; but always treated the em-
perors as his lords and masters. In 595 he
commenced his long contest with the pa-
triarchs of Constantinople, who had assu-
med the honorary title of universal bishops.
This title Gregory maintained to be blasphe-
mous, antichristian, and diabolical, by whom-
soever assumed. But he could not induce
any of the Orientals to join with him. In 596,
he sent Augustine and other monks to con-
vert the Anglo-Saxons ; which they accom-
plished. In 601, he defended the use of
images in churches ; allowed the Saxons to
retain some of their pagan customs ; and
endeavoured to extend the power of Augus-
tine over the ancient British churches. In
the same year, when Phocas the usurper
murdered all the imperial family, and cloth-
ed himself with the purple, Gregory obse-
quiously fluttered him, and submitted to his
usurpation. At length, worn out with cares
and disease, he died in March, A.D. 604,
having reigned thirteen years and a half.
and a seventh at Rome, in which he himself Gregory was exceedingly active, self-deny-
lived under the control of the abbot. In
579, he was drawn from his monastery, or-
dained a deacon, and sent as papal legate to
the court of Constantinople, where he resi-
ded five years, and became very popular.
Returning in 584 with a rich treasure of rel-
ics, he retired to his monastery and to his
favourite mode of life. In 590 he was rais-
ed to the papal chair, much against his will ;
and for 1 3 years and a half was an indefat-
igable bishop, a zealous reformer of the cler-
gy and the monasteries, and a strenuous de-
fender of the prerogatives of his see. He
ing, submissive to his superiors, and courte-
ous, sympathetic, and benevolent to all ; yet
he was an enthusiast for monkery, and for
the honour of his see. His writings are
more voluminous than those of any other
Roman pontiff. His letters amount to 840 ;
besides which, he wrote 35 Books on Job,
called Gregory's Morals ; a Pastoral, or
treatise on the duties of a pastor, in 4 Books ;
22 Homilies on Ezekiel ; 40 Homilies on
the Gospels ; 4 Books of Dialogues To
him are ascribed also, an Exposition of the
first book of Samuel, in vi. Books ; an Ex-
failed in his attempt to coerce the Illyrian position of the seven penitential Psalms ;
bishops to condemn the three chapters ; but and an Exposition of the Canticles. His
succeeded in disturbing the harmony be- best works are his Pastoral and his Moral*.
tween the orthodox and the Donatists in His Dialogue is stuffed with monkish tales ;
Africa. He discouraged all coercive meas- and the Exposition of the penitential Psalms
ures for the conversion of the Jews ; en- breathes the spirit of later times, and has
deavoured to confine the monks to theii been ascribed to Gregory VII. The beat
400
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
us of Aries, composed some tracts on moral subjects, and a Rule for Holy
Virgins. (30) Fulgentius of Ruspe, contended valiantly, in numerous books,
against the Pelagians and the Arians in Africa ; but his diction is harsh
and uncouth, like that of most Africans.(31) Ennodius of Pavia was not
contemptible among the writers of this age, either for prose or poetry ;
but he was an infatuated adulator of the Roman pontiff, whom he exalted
to supreme power on earth, maintaining that he was amenable to no au-
thority of mortals. (32) Benedict of Nursia, whose name is immortalized
by his Rule for a monastic life, and the numerous families of monks who
edition is said to be that of St. Marthe ; but
that of De Sousainvillc, Paris, 1 675, 3 vols.
fol., is esteemed : the latest edition is that
of Joh. Bapt. Galltcciolli, Venice, 1768-76,
in 17 vols. 4to. — His liTe by Paulus Diaco-
nus, of the 9th century ; and another by
John, deacon at Rome, about 880, in iv.
Books, are in Mabillon's A eta Sanctor.
Ord. Bened., torn, i., p. 378-484. Among
the moderns, besides Du Pin, Boyle, and
Oudin, we have Maimbourg's Histoire du
Pontifical de S. Gregoire le Grand, Paris,
1686, 4to : Denys de St. Marthe, Histoire
de S. Greg, le Gr., Rouen, 1698, 4to, and
in the Opp. Greg. M., torn, iv., p. 199-305.
See also Bower, Lives of the Popes, (Greg-
ory I.), vol. ii., p. 463-543, ed. Lond., 1750,
and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xvii., p.
243-371.— Tr.]
(30) The Benedictines have recently giv-
en a learned account of Casanus, in their
Histoire litteraire de la France, torn, iii., p.
190. [His life, written by his pupils, Cypri-
an, Messian, and Stephan, in two Books, is
extant in Mabillan, Acta SS. Ord. Benedict.,
torn, i., p. 636-654. He was born in Gaul,
A.D. 469. While a boy, he ran away, and
entered the monastery of Lerins ; where he
lived many years, and became the butler.
His health failing, he retired to Aries ; of
which place he was made bishop in the year
502. In the year 506, he was falsely ac-
cused of treason, and banished by Alaric
king of the Visigoths, to Bourdeaux ; but he
was soon recalled. In 508, Theodoric king
of the Goths, summoned him to Ravenna to
answer a similar charge. Being acquitted,
he visited Italy, and returned to Aries. He
presided at the council of Aries in 524 ; and
at that of Valencia in 529, he triumphantly
maintained the principle, that a man cannot
obtain salvation without preventing grace.
He died A.D. 542, aged 73. He was zeal-
ous for monkery, and a strenuous advocate
for the doctrines of Augustine respecting
free grace and predestination. He has left
us 46 Homilies, a Rule for monks, another
for nuns, a treatise on the ten virgins, an ex-
hortation to charity, an Epistle, and his Will.
He also wrote two Books on grace and free
will, against Faustus, which are lost. His
works are printed in the Biblioth. Pair., vol.
viii. and vol. xxvii. See Cave, Hist. Lit-
ter., torn, i., p. 492. — TV.]
(31) See, concerning Fulgentius, the Acta
Sanctor., torn, i., Januarii, p. 32, &c. [He
was born at Carthage about A.D. 468. His
father who was a senator, died while he was
young ; but his mother gave him an excel-
lent education. While a boy, he had all
Homer by rote, and could talk Greek flu-
ently. He was early made procurator of
the city. But soon weary of public life, he
retired to a monastery, became a monk and
an abbot, changed his monastery, endured
persecution from the Arians, went to Syra-
cuse, and thence to Rome in the year 500 ;
returned to Africa again, was elected bishop
of Ruspe in 507, was banished to Sardinia
by Thrasimund the Arian king of the Van-
dals, recalled by Hilderic the succeeding
king, and ruled his church till his death in
533. He was one of the most learned, pi-
ous, and influential bishops of his age. He
wrote three Books ad Monimum, (on pre-
destination and the kindred doctrines) ; one
Book against the Arians ; three Books ad
Thrasimundum regem, (on the person and
offices of Christ) ; ten Sermons on divers
subjects ; de Fide orthodoxa Liber ad do-
natum ; de Fide Liber ad Petr. Diacon.
eleven Epistles ; de Trinitate Liber ; on
Predestination and Grace, three Books ; and
various other Tracts and Homilies ; all of
which were published, Paris, 1684, 4to.
Among his lost works were seven Books on
grace and free will, addressed to Faustus ;
and ten Books on predestination and grace,
against Fabian. See Cave's Hist. Lit.,
torn, i., p 493.— Tr.]
(32) See the Histoire Litteraire de la
France, torn, iii., p. 96, &c. [Ennodius was
born A.D. 473, of a proconsular family. He
married young ; was afterwards deacon at
Pavia, and subsequently at Rome ; was
twice papal legate to the emperor at Con-
stantinople ; was made bishop of Pavia in
511, and died in 521. He wrote nine Books
of Epistles, or 297 in number, which are un-
published, and of little use to the history of
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
401
have followed it.(33) Dionysius, surnamed Exiguus on account of hia
lowliness of mind, has deserved well of his own age and of posterity, by
his collection of ancient canons and his chronological researches. (34) Ful-
gentius Fcrrandus, an African, procured himself reputation by some small
treatises, especially by his Abridgment of the canons; but his diction has
no charms. (35) Facundus of Henniane was a strenuous defender of the
three chapters, of which an account will be given hereafter. (36) Arator
versified the Acts of the Apostles, in Latin, not badly.(37) Primasius of
Adrumetum wrote Commentaries on the epistles of Paul, and a book on her-
esies; which are yet extant. (38) Liberatus, by his Breviarium or con-
cise history of the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, merits a re-
his times ; also a Panegyric on Theodoric,
king of the Ostrogoths ; an Apology for
the Synod of Rome, A.D. 503 ; the life of
Epiphanius, his predecessor at Pavia ; life
of Antony, a monk of Lerins ; two Books
of poems or epigrams ; and various other
little pieces ; all of which were published
by Ja. Sirmond, Paris, 1611, 8vo ; and in
the Works of Sirmond, vol. i., Paris, 1696 ;
also in the Biblioth. Patr., torn. ix. — 7V.]
(33) [See above, p. 392, $ 6, and note
(15). He has left us nothing in writing, ex-
cept his monastic regulations, two Epistles,
and two discourses ; which are in the Bib-
lioth. Patr., torn, ix., p. 640, &c.— 7>.]
(34) [A monk of Scythian extract, who
flourished at Rome A.D. 533, and died before
A.D. 556. He was intimate with Cassiodo-
rus, who gives him a high character for intelli-
gence and virtue. Being familiar with Greek,
he collected and translated a body of canons,
including the first 50 Apostolic Canons, and
those of the councils of Nice, Constantinople,
Chalcedon, Sardica, and some in Africa ; he
also made a collection of the decrees of the
Roman pontiffs, from Siricius to Anastasius
II. : both are extant in Justcll's Biblioth.
Juris Canonici, torn. i. He likewise trans-
lated a synodic epistle of Cyril of Alex., a
paschal epistle of Prctcnus, the life of St.
Pachomius, an Oration of Proclus, Gregory
Nyssen de opificio hominis, and a history of
the discovery of the head of John the Bap-
tist : and composed a Paschal Cycle of 97
years, commencing A.D. 527, of which only
a fragment remains. In the last work, he
proposed that Christians should use the time
of Christ's birth as their era; which propo-
sal was soon followed universally. Hence,
the Christian era is called the Dionysian era.
But Dionysius miscalculated the time of
O/im/'* birth, placing it four years (as most
writers suppose) too late. — 7Y.J
(3o) [Fulgcnlius Fcrrandus was a pupil
of Fitl^cntius Ruspensis, and a deacon at
Carthage. He flourished A.D. 533 and on-
ward. His Abridgment of the canons is
a short digest of ecclesiastical law, reduced
VOL. I. — E E E
to 232 heads ; it is in JusleWs Bibliotb. Juris
Canon., torn. i. He also wrote the life of
Fulgentius of Ruspe, and seven doctrinal
Epistles. All his works were published by
Chifflct, Dijon, 1049, 4to, and then in the
Biblioth. Patr., torn, ix.— TV.]
(36) [Facundus was bishop of Henniane
in Africa, but spent many years at Constan-
tinople, as a representative of the African
churches at the imperial court. It was here,
and in the years 546 and 547, that he com-
posed his twelve Books pro defensione trium
Capitulorum, which he presented to the em-
peror Justinian. He also wrote a book
against Atutianus Scholasticus, who had in-
veighed against the African churches for re-
fusing communion with Vigilius. These,
together with an Epistle in defence of the
three chapters, were published by Ja. Sir-
mond, Paris, 1629, 8vo, and annexed to Op-
tatus of Milevi, Paris, 1675, fol., and thence
in the Bibl. Patr., torn, x., p. 1, 109.— TV.]
(37) [Aralor was first an advocate, then
one of the court of king Athalaric, and finally
a subdeacon at Rome. He flourished from
A.D. 527 to 544; in which latter year he
presented his poetic version of the Acts in
two Books, to Vigilius the Roman pontiff.
He was much esteemed and honoured both
by Athalaric and Vigilius. The poem was
first published, with a commentary, at Sala-
manca in 1516 ; and afterwards in the Bib-
lioth. Patr., torn, x., p. 125.— TV]
(38) [Primasius, bishop of Adrumetum
or Justinianopolis in Africa, was a delegate
to the court of Constantinople, A.D. 550
and 553, and defended the three chapters.
His Commentary on the Epistles of Paul,
was compiled from Jerome, Ambrose, Au-
. and others. He likewise composed
a mystical Exposition of the Apocalypse, in
five Books. Both are in the Biblioth. Patr.,
torn. x. He moreover wrote de Haertsibu*,
libri iii. ; which are lost, unless they are
those published in the Biblioth. Patr., torn.
xxvn , the author of which has been so much
disputed. See Cave, Hist. Litterar., torn,
i., p 525, &c — TV.]
402
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
spectable place among the writers of these times. (39) Fortunattts pos-
sessed a happy vein for poetry, which he employed on various subjects,
and is read not without pleasure at the present day. (40) Gregory of Tours,
the father of French history, would have been in higher esteem with the
moderns, if jjis Annals of the Franks and his other writings did not exhibit
so many marks of weakness and credulity. (41) Gildas of Britain is not
to be passed over, because he is the most ancient of the British writers,
and because his little book on the destruction of Britain contains many
things worth being known. (42) Columbanus of Ireland acquired celebrity
(39) [Liberatus was archdeacon of the
church of Carthage. He was sent twice as
a legate to Rome, in 534 and 535. His
Breviarium is esteemed very authentic and
correct, though not elegant. It contains the
history of that controversy for 125 years,
or to about A.D. 553 ; and was the result
of great research and labour. It was pub-
lished by Gamier, Paris, 1 675, 8vo, and in
most of the Collections of Councils. — TV.]
(40) Histoire Litteraire de la France,
torn, iii., p. 464. [Venantius Honorarius
Clementianus Fortunatus was born in Italy,
and educated at Ravenna. About the mid-
dle of the century, having been cured of
his diseased eyes by St. Martin of Tours,
he determined to visit the tomb of that saint.
From Tours he went to Poictiers, where he
lived to the end of the century ; wrote much,
became a presbyter, and at last bishop of
Poictiers. His poetic works are, two Books
of short poems, dedicated to Gregory of
Tours ; four Books on the life of St. Mar-
tin ; and several other short poems. They
are in the Biblioth. Pair., torn, x., and were
published by Brower, Mogunt., 1603 and
1616, 4to. His prose writings are short
Explanations of the Lord's Prayer and of the
Apostles' Creed ; and the lives of eight or
ten Gallic saints; viz., St. Albinus, bishop
of Angers ; St. Gcrmanus, bishop of Paris ;
St. Radegund, a queen ; St. Hilarius, bish-
op of Poictiers ; St. Marcellus, bishop of
Paris ; St. Amanlius, bishop of Rodez ;
St. Remigius, bishop of Rheims ; and St.
Paternus, bishop of Avranches. The two
following are doubtful ; St. Mauritius, bish-
op of Angers ; and St. Medard, bishop of
Noyon. All these are extant either in Su-
rra*' or Mabillon's collections. — TV.]
(41) A particular account is given of him,
in the Histoire Litteraire de la France, torn.
p. 372. For an account of his faults,
see Fran. Pagi, Diss. de Dionysio Paris.
$ xxv., p. 16, annexed to his Breviar. Pon-
tif. Romanor., torn. iv. But many of his
defects are extenuated by Jo. Launoi, Opp.,
torn, i., pt. ii., p. 131, &c. [Georgius
Florentinus Gregorius was born of noble
parentage, at Auvergne, A.D. 544. After
an education under his bishop, he went to
Tours in the year" 556, became deacon in
569, and bishop in 573, and died in 595,
aged 52. He was much engaged in coun-
cils and in theological disputes, and at the
same time a great writer. Orthodox, active,
and rather indiscreet, he was frequently in-
volved in difficulties, for he was deficient in
judgment and acumen. His great work, An-
nalcs Francorum, (sometimes called Chron-
ica, Gesta, Historia, and Historia Ecclesi-
astica Francoruni), in ten Books, gives a
summary history of the world, from the cre-
ation to the establishment of the kingdom of
the Franks ; and afterwards a detailed histo-
ry, to the year 591. He also wrote Mirac-
ulorum libri vii. ; containing the miracles
of St. Martin, in four Books ; on the glory
of Martyrs, two Books ; and on the glory of
Confessors, one Book. Besides these, he
wrote de vitis Patrum (monks) Liber unus ;
de vita et morte vii. dormientium ; and an
Epitome of the history of the Franks, com-
posed before he wrote his Annales. All his
works, collectively, were best edited by
Theod. Ruinart, Paris, 1699, fol. They are
also in the Biblioth. Pair., torn. xi. — TV.]
(42) Concerning Gildas and Columbanus,
none have treated more accurately than the
Benedictines, in the Histoire Litteraire do
la France, torn, iii., p. 279 and 505. [Gil-
das was surnamed the Wise, and also Bado-
nius, from the battle of Badon (Bath) about
the time of his birth, which was A.D. 520.
By these epithets he is distinguished from
Gildas Albanius, who lived a little earlier.
He was well educated, became a monk of
Bangor, and is said to have visited and la-
boured some time in Ireland. On his return
he visited the monastery of Lhancarvan,
lately founded by a nobleman of South
Wales ; whose example Gildas urged oth-
ers to imitate. He spent some time in the
northern part of Britain ; visited France and
Italy ; and returned and laboured as a faith-
ful preacher. He is supposed to have died
at Bangor, A.D. 590 ; though some place
his death 20 years earlier. His only entire
work, now existing, is his Epistola de excidio
Britanniae, et castigatione Ordinis Ecclesi-
astici ; in which he depicts and laments over
the almost total ruin of his country, and the
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
403
by his Rule for monks, some poems, and uncommon zeal for the erection
of monasteries. (43) Isidorus of Seville, (Hispalensis), composed various
grammatical, theological, and historical works ; but shows himself to have
lacked a sound judgment. (44) The list of Latin authors in this century
may well be closed by two very learned men, the illustrious Boethius, a
philosopher, orator, poet, and theologian, who was second to no one of hia
times for elegance and acutcness of genius ;(45) and M. Aurelius Cassio-
dorus Senator, who was indeed inferior in many respects to the former,
yet no contemptible author.(46) Both have left us various productions of
their pens. (47)
profligacy of manners then prevailing. It
was first published by Polydore Virgil, in
1525; but the best edition is that of Tho.
Gale, in the first vol. of his Historiae Brit-
annicae, Saxonicae, &c., Scriptores quinde-
cim, Lond., 1691, fol. He also wrote sev-
eral letters, and perhaps some other pieces,
of which only extracts remain. See Cave,
Hist. Litter., torn, i., p. 538, &c. — TV.]
(43) [For a notice of Columbanus, see
above, p. 392, note (14). — Tr.]
(44) [Isidorus Hispalensis, or junior, was
the son of Severian, prefect of Carthagena
in Spain, and brother of Fulgcniius bishop
of Carthagena, and of Leander, whom he
succeeded A.D. 595, as bishop of Seville.
He presided in the council of Seville in 619,
and in that of Toledo A.D. 633, and died
A.D. 636. He was a voluminous writer;
and has left us a Chronicon, from the crea-
tion to A.D. 626 ; Historia Gothorum, Van-
dalorum, et Suevorum ; Originum, sive
Etymologiarum, Libri xx. ; de Scriptorilms
ccclesiasticis, (a continuation of Jerome and
Gennadius, embracing twenty-three wri-
ters) ; de vita, et morte Sanctorum utriusque
Testament! Liber ; de dtvinis sive ecclesi-
aslicis Offifiis, Libri ii. ; de differentiis sive
proprietate verborum, Libri ii. ; Synonymo-
ntm sive soliloquiorum, Libri ii. ; de natura
rerum sive de mundo. Liber philosophicus ;
Liber pracmiorum. ad libros utriusque Testa-
ment! ; Commentaria in libros historicos
Veteris Test, (a compilation) ; AU.cgvria.rum
quarundam S. Scripturae Liber ; contra ne-
giiitiamJitdacarum, Libri ii. ; Sententiarum,
sive de summo bono, Libri iii. ; Regula
Monachorum ; de conflictu Tittoriim et vir-
tutum Liber ; Expositio in Cantica Canti-
corum ; several Epistles and minor treatises.
To him is falsely ascribed a collection of
councils and decretals. His works were best
published, Paris, 1601, fol., and Cologne,
1617, fol.— Tr.]
(45) [Aniciws Manlius Torquatus Scve-
riflus Boethivs, born of an illustrious fam-
ily at Rome, about A.D. 470, was sent in
his childhood to Athens for education, where
he spent eighteen years ; and then returned
to Rome, the most learned man of the age.
He was consul in the years 510 and 522.
Soon after his return to Rome, he was made
a patrician, and admitted to the senate.
When Theodoric king of the Goths entered
Rome, A.D. 500, Boethius was appointed
by the senate to address him. The king
soon after made him one of his council, and
master of his palace. After faithfully serv-
ing the king and his country for more than
twenty years, he was in 523 falsely accused
of a treasonable correspondence, condemned
on suborned testimony, and sent to Pavia,
where he was kept in close confinement a
year or more, and then privately put to death
by order of the king. He was a voluminous
writer. Besides more than forty Books of
translations and commentaries on Aristotle,
Porphyry, and Cicero, he wrote two Books
on arithmetic, five Books on music, two
Books on geometry, and several tracts
against the Eutychians, Nestorians, and oth-
er errorists. But his most famous work
was de consolatione philosophiae, Libri v.,
written while in prison at Pavia. This was
translated into Saxon, by Alfred the Great,
(printed, Oxford, 1698) ; and into English
by Chaucer, and by queen Elisabeth. It
was composed partly in verse, and partly in
prose ; and has the form of a dialogue be-
tween Boitlnus himself, and Philosophy per-
sonified ; who endeavours to console him
with considerations, derived not from Chris-
tianity, but from the doctrines of Plato,
Zeno, and Aristotle. The works of Boithius
were published with notes, Basil, 1570, fol.
See Care, Hist. Litterar., torn, i., p. 495,
&c., and Brufker, Hist. crit. Philos., torn,
iii. Genaise, Histoire de Boece, Paris,
1715, 2 vols. 8vo, and Schroeckh, Kirchen-
gesch., vol. xvi., p. 99-121.— Tr.]
(46) See Rich. Simon, Critique de la
Bibliotheque eccles. de M. du Pin, tome L,
p. 211, &c. [Senator was part of the name,
and not the title of Cassiodorus. This em-
inent statesman and monk was bom of
honourable parents, at Squillace in the king-
dom of Naples, probably before A.D. 470.
Odoacer, in 491, made him Comes rerum
404
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
privatarum et sacrarum largitionum. ' Two
years after, Thcodoric became master of It-
aly, and made him his private secretary ;
and subsequently governor of Calabria ; but
soon recalled him to court, and made him
successively quaestor of the palace, master
of the offices, consul, and praetorian pre-
fect. The death of Theodoric in 526, did
not deprive Cassiodorus of his high rank ;
but in 539, being now about 70 years old,
he retired to a monastery, founded by him-
self near his native town in Calabria, where
he lived more than twenty years in honour-
able retirement, devoted to literature and re-
ligion. His works are voluminous ; viz.,
Epistolarum Libri xii. (his official letters) ;
Historiae Eccles. Tripartitae Lib. xii., (an
abridgment from the Latin translations of
Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, made by
Epiphanius Scholasticus) ; Chronicon, ab
Adamo usque ad annum 519 ; Computus
Paschalis ; de Rebus Gestis Gothorum, Lib.
xii., (which we have, as abridged by Jor-
nandes ; the original is supposed still to ex-
ist in MS.) ; Expositio in Psalmos Davidis ;
Institutionis ad divinas lectiones lib. ii. ;
de Orthographia Liber; de vii. Disciplinis
Liber, (on the seven liberal arts ; viz., the
trivium, or grammar, rhetoric, and logic ;
and the quadrimum, or arithmetic, music,
geometry, and astronomy) ; de Anima Li-
ber ; de Oratione, et viii partibus Orationis ;
short Comments on the Acts, the Epistles,
and Apocalypse, (published separately by
bishop Chandler, Lond., 1722, 8vo). Most
of the other works are in the Biblioth. Pair.,
torn, xi., and all of them were well edited
by the Benedictines, in 2 vols. fol., Rouen,
1679. See Cave, Histor. Litterar., torn, i.,
p. 501, and Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol.
xvi., p. 128-154.— TV.]
(47) [The following are the Latin writers
omitted by Dr. Mosheim.
Paschasius, deacon of the church of
Rome, who took sides with Laurentius in
his contest for the pontificate in 498, and
died in 512. He has left us an Epistle to
Eugyppius ; and ii. Books on the Holy
Spirit, against Macedonius ; which are in the
8th vol. of the Biblioth. Patrum.
Laurentius, bishop of Novara in the north
of Italy, flourished about A.D. 507. Two
of his Homilies, on penitence and alms, are
in the Biblioth. Pair , torn. ix.
Epiphanius Scholasticus, an Italian, who
flourished about A.D. 510. He translated
the Ecples. Histories of Socrates, Sozomen,
and Theodoret, into Latin ; that Cassiodorus
might thence make out his Historia Eccles.
Tripartitia, in xii. Books. The original
translations are lost.
Eugyppius, abbot of a monastery near
Naples about A.D. 511. He wrote the life
of St. Severimis, the apostle of Noricum ;
published by Surius.
Hormisdas, Roman pontiff A.D. 514—
523 ; who made peace, after a' long contest,
between the Oriental and Western churches.
He has left us eighty Epistles, and some
Decretals, in the Concilior., torn. iv.
Orentius, or Orientius, bishop of Eliberis
in Spain A.D. 516. He wrote Commoni-
torium fidelibus, metro Heroico, in ii. Books.
The first Book is in the Bibhoth. Patr., torn,
vii. ; and both, with other short poems, in
Edm. Martene's Thesaur. Anecdot., torn, v.,
Paris, 1717..
Peter, a deacon, who vigorously aided the
deputation of Oriental monks at Rome, A.D.
520, and wrote de Incarnatione et gratia D.
N. Jesu Christi, Liber ; extant among the
works of Fulgentius, and in Biblioth. Patr.,
torn. ix.
Felix IV., Roman pontiff A.D. 526-530.
Three Epistles, in the Concilior. torn, iv.,
are ascribed to him ; but the two first are
spurious.
Justinianl., emperor A.D. 527-565. Be-
sides the Corpus Juris Civilis, (viz., Insti-
tutionum lib. iv. Pandectar. sive Digesto-
rum, lib. 1. Codicis lib. xii., A.D. 528-535 ;
and Novella, after A.D. 535), he issued six
Decrees and Epistles relating to ecclesiasti-
cal affairs, which are in the Concilior. torn. v.
Nicetius, of Gallic extract, a monk, abbot,
and archbishop of Treves A.D. 527-568.
He was distinguished for piety, and the con-
fidence reposed in him. Two of his tracts,
de Vigiliis Servorum Dei, and de Bona Psal-
modia, were published by Dacherius, Spi-
cilegium, torn, iii., (ed. nova, torn. i.,p. 221,
223) ; and two of his letters, (to the empe-
ror Justinian, and to queen Chlosuinda), are
in the Concilior. torn. v.
Justus, bishop of Urgel in Catalonia,
Spain, flourished A.D. 529, and died about
A.D. 540. His Commentary on the Can-
ticles is in the Biblioth. Patr., torn. ix. Two
epistles of his are also extant.
Boniface II., Roman pontiff A.D. 530-
532, has left us two Epistles ; in the Con-
cilior. torn. iv.
Cogitosus, an Irish monk, grandson of St.
Brigit, and supposed to have lived about
A.D. 530. He wrote Vita Sanctae Brigi-
da ; which is published by Canisius, Su-
rius, and Bolland.
Montanus, archbishop of Toledo in Spain,
during nine years, about A.D. 531. He has
left us two Epistles ; extant in the Concil-
ior. torn. iv.
John II., Roman pontiff A.D. 532-535-
At the request of Justinian, he solemnly
sanctioned the orthodoxy of the expression :
CHURCH OFFICERS AND TEACHERS.
405
One of the Trinity suffered crucifixion. One
spurious and five genuine Epistles of his,
are in the Concilior. torn. iv.
Marcellinus, Comes of Illyricum, flour-
ished A.D. 534. His Chronicon, (from the
yc-ar 379, where Jerome's closes, to the year
534), has been often published ; and is in
the Biblioth. Pair., torn. ix.
Agapctus, Roman pontiff A.D. 535. 536.
Seven of his Epistles (one of them spurious)
are in the Concilior. torn, iv., and one in
torn. v.
\'ii.nlius, Roman pontiff A.D. 537-555.
He obtained his see by intrigue and duplici-
ty ; conspired against his predecessor whom
he brought to the grave ; and when confirm-
ed in his see, showed himself supremely am-
bitious, and ready to sacrifice consistency,
conscience, the truth itself, to promote his
own selfish designs. He issued the most
solemn declarations, both for and against the
three chapters. In 547 Justinian called him
to Constantinople, where he detained him
seven years, and compelled him to condemn
the three chapters, and himself also, for hav-
ing repeatedly defended them. We have 18
Epistles, and several of his contradictory
Decretals, in the Concilior. torn. v.
Gordianus, a monk of Messina, carried off
by the Saracens in the year 539, when they
burned and plundered that monastery. Gor-
dian escaped from the Saracens and returned
to Sicily, where he wrote the life ofPlacidus,
the Benedictine abbot of Messina, who, with
many others, was slam in the capture of that
monastery. It is extant in Sunus, and in
Mabillon, Acta Sanctor., torn. i.
Victor, bishop of Capua about A.D. 545.
He translated into Latin Ammonius' Har-
mony of the iv. Gospels, falsely ascribed to
Tatinn ; and extant in the Biblioth. Patr.,
torn, iii., p. 265.
Cyprianus, a Gaul, and pupil of Casarius
of Aries. He flourished A.D. 546, and wrote
theirs/ book of the life and achievements of
Casarius. Both books are in Surius, and
in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor., torn. i.
Mutianu-s Scholasticus. flourished A.D.
550. At the suggestion of Cassiodorus, he
translated 34 Homilies of Chrysostom on the
Epistle to the Hebrews into Latin ; printed
at Cologne, 1530.
Kusticjts, a deacon at Rome, who accom-
panied pope Vigilius to Constantinople in
547, and showed more firmness than his
bishop. His Dialogus sive disputatio ad-
rersus Acephalos, (in which he inveighs
against Vigilius), is extant in the Biblioth.
Patr., torn. x.
Junilius, an African bishop, who lived
about A.D. 550, has left us de Partibux Di-
vintt Lcgts, Libri ii., in the Biblioth. Patr.,
torn, x., p. 339.
Jornandes, or Jordanus, of Gothic ex-
tract, bishop of the Goths at Ravenna. His
one Book de Rebus Geticis, or Historia.
Gothorum, from the earliest times to A.D.
540, is an abridgment of the 12 books of
I <>r us on the same subject. His de
Regnorum et Temporum successions Liber,
is transcribed from floras. Both works are
extant in Muratori, Rerum Italicar. Scrip-
tores, torn, i., 1723.
Eugyppius, an African presbyter and ab-
bot, who flourished about A.D. 553. He
compiled from the works of St. Augustine
a collection of sentences on various subjects,
in 338 chapters ; printed, Basil, 1542.
Vtctur, bishop of Tunis in Africa, a reso-
lute defender of the three chapters, was in
prisons and banishments from A.D. 555 to
565. He wrote a Chronicon, from the crea-
tion to A.D. 566 ; but the last 122 years of
it are all that remain ; published by Scaliger,
with the Chronicon of Eusebius.
Germanus, (St. Germain), born at Autun,
France, A.D. 496 ; deacon, 533 ; presbyter,
536 ; and bishop of Paris, A.D. 555-576.
An epistle of his to queen Brunechild, writ-
ten A.D. 573, is in the Concilior. torn. v.
His life, written by Venantius Fortunatus,
is in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ord. Bened.,
torn, i., p. 222, &c.
Pelagius I., Roman pontiff A.D. 555-
559. He was papal legate at Constantino-
ple A.D. 535-545 ; and a strenuous oppo-
ser of the three chapters. Sixteen of his
Epistles are in the Concilior. torn. v.
Martin, a monk, born in Pannonia. He
travelled in Palestine, preached and became
an abbot in Spain, and finally bishop of Bra-
ga in Portugal, A.D. 563-583. He has left
us Colleclto Canonum, (extant, in Concil-
ior. torn, v., and in JusleWs Biblioth. Juris
Canon., torn, i.) ; Sent cntitz pat rum JEgyp-
tiorum, (in Kosiriyd, de vitis Patr.) ; and
Formula honcstct vita, extant in the Bibli-
oth. Patr., torn, x., p. H
Pclagius II., Roman pontiff A.D. 579-
590. He had much contention with the
western bishops, who defended the three
chapters ; and after A.D. 589, with John,
bishop of Constantinople, who assumed the
title of universal bishop. Ten of his Epis-
tles, and six decrees, are extant in the Con-
cilior. torn. v.
•is, bishop of Avenches in Switzer-
land for 20 years, flourished A.D. 581. H-^
has left us a Chronicon, continuing that of
Prosper, from 455 to 581.
Licinmnus, bishop of Carthagena in Spain
A.D. 584. He has left us three Epistles ;
in de Aguirre, Collect, max. Concil. His-
pan., torn. ii.
John, a Spanish Goth, educated at Con-
stantinople, returned to Spain A.D. 584,
40G BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
CHAPTER III.
. •
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
X
§ 1. Continued sinking of Theology. — § 2. This Exemplified. — § 3. State of Exegetical
Theology. — § 4. Faults of the Interpreters. — § 5. Dogmatic Theology. — $ 6. Practical
Theology. — § 7. Lives of Saints. — $ 8. Polemic Theology. — § 9. Contests about Ori-
genism. — § 10. About the Three Chapters. — § 11. The fifth general Council. — § 12.
Contests about one of the Trinity being Crucified.
§ 1. THE barriers of the ancient simplicity and truth being once viola-
ted, the state of theology waxed worse and worse ; and the amount of the
impure and superstitious additions to the religion of Christ, is almost inde-
scribable. The controversial theologians of the East continued to darken
the great doctrines of revelation by the most subtle distinctions and I know
not what philosophical jargon. Those who instructed the people at large,
made it their sole care to imbue them more and more with ignorance, su-
perstition, reverence for the clergy, and admiration of empty ceremonies ;
and to divest them of all sense and knowledge of true piety. Nor was
this strange, for the blind, — that is, persons for the most part grossly igno-
rant and thoughtless, — were the leaders of the blind.
§ 2. Whoever wishes to gain more distinct information on this subject,
need only read what occurs in the epistles and other writings of Gregory
the Great, among others, respecting the worshipping of images and de-
parted saints, the fire which purifies souls after death, the efficacy of good
works, that is, of human prescriptions and devices for attaining salvation,
the power of relics to remove defects both of soul and body, and other
things of the like character. A man of sense cannot help smiling at the
generosity of the good Gregory in distributing his relics ; but at the same
time he must feel pity for the simple, stupid people, who could be persua-
ded that oil taken from lamps burning at the sepulchres of the martyrs, pos-
sessed uncommon virtues and efficacy, and added both holiness and secu-
rity to its possessors.(l)
§ 3. To give directions for expounding the holy scriptures, was the ob-
ject of Junilius in his two Books on the parts of the divine law. (2) The
treatise consists of a few questions, neither scientifically arranged nor ju-
became an abbot, was persecuted by Lewi- A.D. 593, and wrote the life of St. Maximus,
gild the Arian king, and died early in the bishop of Reiz ; and the life of St. Manus,
seventh century. He has left a Chronicon abbot of Bobi.
from A.D. 565 to 590. Eutropius, a monk, and bishop of Valen-
Leander, archbishop of Seville (Hispal- cia in Spain, flourished A.D. 599. One of
ensis) in Spain, flourished A.D. 583, and his Epistles is preserved by Lu. Holstenius,
died 595. He was a monk, an ambassador Codex Regular., Paris, 1663. — TV.]
to Constantinople, and a principal means of (1) See the List of sacred oils which Greg-
the conversion of the Arian Goths of Spain ory the Great sent to queen Theodtlinda ;
to the Catholic faith. A monastic Rule is in Theod. Ruinart, Acta martyr, sincera et
all we have of him ; unless he was author selecta, p. 619, [and in Muratori, Anecdota
of the Missa Mozarabum. Latina. torn, ii., p. 194. — Schl.~\
Dynamius, collector of the revenues of (2) See Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bib-
the Romish church in Gaul. He flourished liotheque de M. du Pin, torn, i., p. 229.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY. 497
Viciously considered ; for the author lacked the learning necessary for his
undertaking. Cassiodorus likewise laid down some rules for interpreta-
tion, in his two books on the divine laws. Among the Syrians, Philoxenua
translated the books of the New Testament and the Psalms of David into
Syriac.(3) The number of interpreters was considerable. Among the
Greeks, the besf were Procopius of Gaza, (rather a pleasing expositor),(4)
Severus of Antioch, Julianus, and some others. Among the Latins, the
more prominent were Gregory the Great, Cassiodorus, Primasius,(5) Isi-
dorus of Seville,(6) Bellator,(7) and a few others.
§ 4. All these expositors, (a few only excepted and particularly the
Nestorians in the East, who, following the example of Theodorus of Mop-
suestia, searched for the true sense and meaning of the words), are scarce-
ly worthy of the name of interpreters. They may be divided into two
classes. Some merely collected the opinions and interpretations of the
earlier doctors, in works which afterwards obtained the name of Catenae
(or Chains) among the Latins.(8) Such is the Catena of Olympiodorus
on Job, that of Victor of Capua on the four Gospels, and the Commentary
of Primasius on the Epistle to the Romans, compiled from Augustine, Je-
rome, Ambrose, and others. Nor is Procopius of Gaza to be wholly ex.
eluded from this class, although he -sometimes followed his own judgment.
The others follow the footsteps of Origen, and neglecting wholly the literal
meaning, run after allegories and moral precepts, deducing whatever they
wish or desire from the sacred books by the aid of a roving imagination.
Of this class, is Anastasius Sinaita, whose Analogical contemplations on the
Hexaemeron expose the ignorance and credulity of the author ; likewise
Gregory the Great, whose Morals on Job were formerly extolled undeserv-
edly ; also Isidorus of Seville, in his Book of allegories on Scripture ; and
Primasius, in his Mystic exposition of the Apocalypse ; and many others.
§ 5. An accurate knowledge of religious doctrines and a simple and
lucid exposition of them, no one will expect from the teachers of these
times. Most of them reasoned, as blind men do about colours ; and thought
they acquitted themselves nobly, when they had thrown out some crude and
indigested thoughts, and overwhelmed opposcrs with the artillery of words.
Yet among the writers of this age, may be clearly discovered the marks
and germinations of that threefold manner of treating theology, which still
prevails both among the Greeks and the Latins. For some collected to-
ircthcr sentences from the ancient doctors and councils, backed by cita-
tions from the Scriptures. Such was Isidore of Seville, among the Latins,
whose three Books of sentences are still extant ; and among the Greeks, Le~
ontius of Cyprus, whose Loci Communes, or Commonplace-book, compiled
from the works of the ancients, have been commended. From these ori-
(3) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Orient. Cassiodorus, and flourished A. D. 550. He
Vatican., torn, ii., p. 83. wrote numerous Commentaries ; viz., vi.
(4) See Rich. Simon, Lettres choisies, Books on Esther, v. Books on Tobit, vii.
torn, iv., p. 120, of the new edition. Books on Judith, viii. Books on the Wisdom
(5) Rich. Simon, Histoire critique des of Solomon, and x. Books on the Maccabees ;
principaux Oommentateurs du N. T., cap. all of which are now lost. — TV.]
ixiv., p. 337, and Critique de la Biblioth. de (8) See Stcph. le Moyne, Prolegom. ad
M. du Pin, torn, i., p. 226. Varia Sacra, p. 53, &c., and Jo. Alb. Fabri-
(6) Rich. Simon, Critique de la Biblio- cius, Biblioth. Graca, lib. v., cap. 17, or
theque de M. du Pin, tome i., p. 259. vol. vii., p. 727, &c.
(7) [Bellator was a presbyter, a friend of
408 BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
ginated that species of theology, which the Latins afterwards called Pos-
itive Theology. Others attempted to unfold the nature of religious doc-
trines, by reasoning ; which was the method generally adopted by those who
disputed against the Nestorians, Eutychians, and Pelagians. These may
be fitly called Scholastics. Others again, who believed that all divine truth
must be learned by internal feeling and by contemplation, assumed the
name of Mystics. This threefold method of treating religious subjects, has
continued down to the present day. A proper and complete system of
theology, no one of this age produced ; but various parts of theology were
occasionally illustrated.
§ 6. To explain and inculcate piety and Christian duty, some gave pre-
cepts, while others employed examples. Those who gave precepts for a
pious life, endeavoured to shape the Christian character either of persons
engaged in the business of active life, or that of the more perfect who re-
tire from the contagious influence of the world. A Christian life in the
former case, they represented as consisting in certain external virtues and
the badges of piety ; as appears from the homilies and exhortations of Cce-
sarius, the Monitory Chapters of Agapetus, and especially from the Sum-
mary of a virtuous life, by Martin of Braga.(9) In the latter case they
aimed to withdraw the soul by contemplation from the intercourse and
contagion of the body ; and therefore advised to macerate the body by
watching, fasting, constant prayer, and singing of hymns ; as is manifest
from Fulgentius on fasting, Nicetius on the Vigils of the servants of God,
and on the advantages of Psalmody. The Greeks, for the most part, fol-
lowed as their leader in these matters Dionysius, denominated the Areop-
agite ; on whom John of Scythopolis, during this age, published annota-
tions. How exceedingly defective all these views were, is visible to every
one who is acquainted with the Holy Scriptures.
§ 7. To inculcate piety by examples, was the aim of all those who wrote
Lives of the Saints. The number of these, both among the Greeks and
the Latins, was very considerable. Ennodius, Eugyppius, Cyril of Scy-
thopolis, Dionysius Exiguus, Cogitosus, and others, are well known. Nearly
all these entertain their readers with marvellous and silly fables ; and they
propose for imitation none but delirious persons or those of perverted
minds, who did violence to nature, and adopted austere and fantastic rules
of life. To endure hunger and thirst without repining, to go naked about
the country like madmen, to immure themselves in a narrow place, to ex-
pect to behold with their eyes closed an indescribable divine light ; this
was accounted holy and glorious. The less any one resembled a man of
a rational and sane mind, the more confidently might he hope to obtain an
honoured place among the heroes and demigods of the church.
§ 8. In efforts to settle theological controversies, many were diligent,
and none successful. Scarcely an individual can be named who contend-
ed against the Eutychians, the Nestorians, or the Pelagians, Avith fairness,
sobriety, and decorum. Primasius and Philoponus treated of all the here-
sies : but time has swept away their works. A book of Leontius on the
sects is extant ; but it deserves little praise. Against the Jews, Isidore of
Seville, and Leontius of Neapolis, engaged in controversy : but with what
degree of skill, may easily be conjectured by those who reflect on the cir-
(9) See Acta Sanctor. Martii, torn, iii., p. 86, &c., [and Biblioth. Patr., torn, x., p. 382.
-TV.]
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
409
cumstanccs of the age. It will be better therefore to proceed to a brief
account of the controversies themselves which disturbed the church in this
century, than to treat in detail of these miserable disputants.
§ 9. Although Origen lay under condemnation by many public senten-
ces and decrees, yet the attachment of many to him, especially among the
monks, scorned all limitation. In the West, one Bellator translated va-
rious books of Origen into Latin. (10) In the East, particularly in Syria
and Palestine which were the principal seats of Origenism, the monks
were exceedingly zealous : and they had the approbation of certain bishops,
especially of Theodoras of Csesarea in Cappadocia, in defending the correct-
ness and the authority of Origen's sentiments.(ll) The subject was
brought before the emperor Justinian ; and he issued a long and full edict
addressed to Mennas the bishop of Constantinople, in which he strongly con-
demned Origen and his opinions ; and forbid his opinions' being taught.(12)
The contest about the three Chapters commencing soon after, Origenism
not only revived in Palestine, but it spread and gathered strength. These
commotions were brought to a termination by the fifth [general] council,
at Constantinople, assembled by Justinian in the year 553, when Origen
and his adherents were again condemned. (13)
(10) [This is founded on a conjecture of
Huet, (Origeniana, p. 252), who ascribes the
Latin translation of Origen's Homilies on
Matthew, in particular, to this Bellator. —
Sckl.]
(11) See Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Sa-
bae ; in Jo. Bapl. Cotelier, Monumenta
Eccles. Graecae, p. 370, &c., and Hen. No-
ris, Diss. de Synodo quinta, cap. i., ii., in
his Opp., torn, i., p. 554.
(12) This decree is extant in Jo. Harduin,
Concihor. torn, iii., p. 243, &c. [It was
first published by Baronius, Annal. Eccl.
ad ann. 538 ; and thence passed into all the
collections of Councils. — 7Y.J
(13) See the decree of the council in Jo.
Harduin, Concilior. torn, iii., p. 283, &c.
See also Evagnus, Hist. Eccles., lib. iv., c.
38 ; and on this whole subject, see Ja. Bas-
nage, Histoire de 1'Eglise, lorn, i., lib. x., c.
6, p. 517, &c. Pet. Dan. Huet, Origeniana,
lib. ii., p. 224. Lud. Doncm, Diss. sub-
joined to his Historia Origeniana, p. 345,
&c. [Sckroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xviii..
p. 40-58, but especially C. W. F. Walch,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. vii., p. 618
-760. — This contest respecting Origen
commenced among the Palestine monks
about the year 520. One Nonnus and three
other monks, belonging to the new Laura
(or cluster of cells), were discovered to hold
and to be propagating the opinions of Origen.
Sabas, abbot of the old Laura, and supervi-
sor of all the Palestine monks, opposed the
schismatics. They were rejected from the
Laura, but were restored again ; and in spite
of opposition and persecution, they brought
over many in both Lauras to their views.
VOL. I.— F F F
The commotion became violent, and expul-
sions, fighting, and bloodshed ensued. Still it
was only a contest among a few monks, liv-
ing in two little societies or neighbourhoods
in Palestine. Justinian's decree addressed
to Mennas, was probably issued about the
year 540 ; and it has been supposed, that
the council of Constantinople which anathe-
matized 15 errors of Origen, was an acci-
dental council held about the year 541, and
not the general council held in 553. How-
ever that may be, the death of Nonnus in the
year 546, caused the Origenist party among
the monks to become divided, and to fall into
a declining state. The fullest enumeration
of errors held by these Origenists, which has
come down to us, is that of the 15 anathe-
mas by the council of Constantinople. Yet
Justinian's decree or letter to Mennas is
nearly as full ; and it is more precise and
lucid, as well as better substantiated by ref-
erences to the works of Origen. In this de-
cree, after a concise introduction, the em-
peror proceeds like a theologian, through ten
folio pages, to enumerate and confute the
errors of Origen. He then directs the patri-
arch Mennas to assemble what bishops and
abbots could be found at Constantinople, and
to condemn the subjoined list of Origenian
errors ; their doings to be afterwards trans-
mitted to all bishops and abbots for their con-
firmation, so that after this general consent
shall be obtained, no bishop or abbot may be
ordained without condemning Origenism a*
well as the other heresies. The list of er-
rors to be condemned is then subjoined, as
follows. — (1) "If any one says or believes,
that human souls prc-cxuled, i.e., were once
410
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
§ 10. This controversy produced another which was much more lasting
and violent, but which, as to the subject of it. was far less important. The
emperor Justinian burned with zeal to extirpate the more strenuous Mo-
nophysites, who were called Acephali. On this subject he took counsel
with Theodorus of Ccesarea, who was a friend to Origenism and also a
Monophysite : and Theodorus, in order to procure tranquillity to the Ori-
genists by stirring up a new controversy, and also to fix some stigma upon
the council of Chalcedon and inflict an incurable wound on the Nestorians,
persuaded the emperor to believe that the Acephali would return to the
church; provided the Acts of the council of Chalcedon were purged of
those three passages or three Chapters, in which Theodorus of Mopsues-
tia, Theodoret bishop of Cyrus, and Ibas of Edessa, were acquitted of er-
ror ; and provided that certain writings of these men, favourable to the
Nestorian errors, were condemned. The emperor believed this ; and in
the year 544, ordered those three chapters to be expunged, but without
prejudice to the authority of the council of Chalcedon. (14) But this edict
mere spirits, and holy ; that having become
weary of divine contemplation, they were
brought into a worse condition ; and that,
because they inrotlivxEiaac, i. e., cooled down
as to the love of God, they were therefore
called in Greek i/Ji^uf, that is, souls ; and
were sent down to inhabit bodies, as a pun-
ishment ; let him be anathema.. — (2) If any
one says or believes, that the soul of our
Lord pre-existed ; and that it was united to
God the Word before his incarnation and
birth of the virgin ; let him be anathema. —
(3) If any one says or believes, that the body
of our Lord Jesus Christ was first formed in
the womb of the blessed virgin as those of
other men are ; and that afterwards God the
Word and the pre- existent soul became united
with it ; let him be anathema. — (4) If any
one says or believes, that God the Word
was made like to all the celestial orders, that
to the Cherubim he was made a Cherub, and
to the Seraphim a Seraph, and to all the
celestial Virtues one like them ; let him be
ana/.hema. — (5) If any one says or believes,
that in the resurrection, the bodies of men
will be raised orbicular, and does not confess
that, we shall be resuscitated erect ; let htm
be anathema. — (6) If any one says or be-
lieves, that Heaven, the sun, the moon, the
stars, and the waters above the heavens, are
animated, and are a sort of material Vir-
tues ; let him be anathema. — (7) If any one
says or believes, that Christ the Lord is to
be crucified in the future world for the dev-
ils, as he was in this for men ; let him be
anathema. — (8) If any one says or believes,
that the power of God is limited, and that
he created all the things he could compre-
hend ; let him be anathema. — (9) If any one
saye or believes, that the punishment of dev-
ils and wicked men will be temporary, and
will have an end, or that there will be a re-
covery and restoration of devils and wicked
men; let him be anathema. — (10) And
Anathema to Origen, who is called Ada-
mantius, together with his nefarious, execra-
ble, and abominable doctrine ; and to every
one who believes it, or in any manner pre-
sumes at all to defend it at any time : in
Christ Jesus our Lord, to whom be glory
for ever and evef. Amen." — TV.]
(14) This decree is extant in Jo. Harduin,
Concilior. torn, iii., p. 287, &c. Evagri-
us, Hist. Eccles., lib. iv., c. 38. [It is call-
ed Justinian's Creed ; and professes to de-
fine the Catholic faith, as established by the
four first general councils, (those of Nice,
Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon),
and to condemn the opposite errors. — Dr.
Mosheim's description of the three chapters
would lead us to suppose that certain chap-
ters, sections, or paragraphs, in the Acts of
the council of Chalcedon, were the three
things condemned by Justinian. But this
was not the fact. His decree does not avow-
edly condemn anything contained in the Acts
of that council ; nor does it use the phrase
three Chapters. The phrase was afterwards
brought into use, and denoted three subjects,
(capitula, /ce^uAata), which were condemned
by this decree of Justinian; viz., (1) the
person and writings of Theodorus bishop of
Mopsuestia, whom the decree pronounced a
heretic and a Neslorian; (2) the writings
of Theodoret bishop of Cyrus ; not univer-
sally, but only so far as they favoured Nes-
torianism, or opposed Cynl of Alexandria
and his 12 anathemas; and (3) an Epistle
said to have been written by Ibas, bishop of
Edessa, to one Maris a Persian, which cen-
sured Cyril and the first council of Ephesus,
and favoured the cause of Nestorius. The
council of Chalcedon had passed no decree
respecting Theodorus ; and it had left all the
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
411
met with opposition from the bishops of the West and of Africa, and es-
pecially from Vigilius the Roman pontiff, who maintained that great injury
was done by it both to the council of Chalcedon and to deceased worthies
who died in the communion of the church. (15) Justinian summoned Vigil,
ius to Constantinople, and compelled him to condemn the three Chapters.
But the African and Illyrian bishops, on the other hand, compelled Vigilius
to revoke that condemnation. For no one of them would own him for a
bishop and a brother, until he had approved those three chapters. Jus.
tinian again condemned the three chapters, by anew edict in the year 551.
§ 11. After various contentions, it was thought best to refer the con-
troversy to the decision of a general council. Justinian therefore, in the
year 553, assembled at Constantinople what is called the Jifth general
council. In this council, the opinions of Origen,(W) as well as the three
Chalcedonian Chapters, according to the wishes of the emperor were
judged to be pernicious to the church; yet it was a decision of the east-
ern bishops, for very few from the West were present. Vigilius, then
at Constantinople, would not assent to the decrees of this council. He
was therefore treated indignantly by the emperor, and sent into banish-
ment ; nor was he allowed to return till he acceded to the decrees of
this fifth council.(17) Pelagius his successor, and the subsequent Roman
three bishops in good standing, though the long and severely : and at length this pre-
Epistle of Ibas and some of the writings of cipitate act of the emperor, being sanction-
Theodorel received censure. Hence Justin-
ian's decree did not openly and avowedly
contravene the decisions at Chalcedon ;
though virtually, and in effect, it did so.
To understand the contest about the three
Chapters, it should be remembered, that the
Nestorians, who separated the two natures
of Christ too much, and the Eutychians or
Monophysites, who commingled them too
much, were the two extremes ; between
which the orthodox took their stand, con-
demning both. But the orthodox themselves
did not all think alike. Some, in their zeal
against the Nestorians, came near to the
ed by the requisite authority, had the effect
to shape the creed of the Catholic church
from that day to this. See Walch, Histo-
ric der Kelzereyen, vol. viii., p. 3-468, but
especially p. 437, &c. — Tr.~\
(15) Hen. Noris, de Synodo quinta, cap.
x., &c. ; Opp., torn, i., p. 579. Ja. Bas-
nage, Histoire de PEglise, torn, i., 1. x., c.
vi., p. 523, dec., [also Dr. Walch, ubi supra.]
(16) [According to the acts of this coun-
cil, as they have come down to us, Origin
was no otherwise condemned by this general
council, than by having his name inserted in
the list of heretics collectively anathematized
Monophysite ground ; and these of course felt in the llth anathema. — The celebrated 15
willing to condemn the three Chapters. Oth- anathemas of as many Origenian errors, said
ers, zealous only against the Monophysites,
were not far from being Nestorians ; and
these of course defended the three Chapters ;
for Theodoras, Theodnret, and Ibas had been
leading men of this very character. Hence
the interest shown by the Oriental bishops
in this controversy. But in the West, where
the Nestorian and Eutychian contests had
been less severe, and where the persons and
writings of Theodoras, Ibas, and Thcodoret
were little known, the three Chapters were
felt to he of little consequence ; except as
the condemning them seemed to impair the
authority of the decrees of Chalcedon, and
to asperse characters once held venerable in
the church. — It was doubtless a most rash
thing in Justinian to condemn the three
Chapters. But having done it, he resolved
to persevere in it. The church was agitated
to have been decreed by this council, are
found in no copy of its Acts, nor are they
mentioned by any ancient writer. Peter
Lambecius first discovered them in the im-
perial library at Vienna, in an old MS. of
Photius' Syntagma Canonum, bearing the
superscription, " Canons of the 165 holy
Fathers of the fifth holy council at Constan-
tinople ;" and published them with a Latin
translation ; whence Balu.se first introduced
them into the Collections of Councils. But
Cave, Walch, Valesius, and others, suppose
they were framed in a council at Constantino-
ple, about A.D. 541. See note (13) above,
p. 409 ; Cave, Hist. Litterar., torn, i., p.
558 ; Walch. Historic der Ketzereyen, vol.
vii., p. 644, 761 ; Valesius, note on Evagri-
us, Hist. Eccles., lib. iv., c. 38.— TV.]
(17) See Peter de Marca, Diss. de decre-
412
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
pontiffs, in like manner, received those decrees. But neither their au-
thority, nor that of the emperors, could prevail with the western bishops
to follow their example. For many of them, on this account, seceded
from communion with the Roman pontiff; nor could this great wound be
healed, except by length of time. (18)
§ 12. Another considerable controversy broke out among the Greeks
in the year 519 ; namely, whether it could properly be said, that one of the
Trinity was crucified. Many adopted this language, in order to press
harder upon the Nestorians, who separated the natures of Christ too
much. Among these were the Scythian monks at Constantinople, who
were the principal movers of this controversy. But others regarded this
language as allied to the error of the Theopaschites or Eutychians ; and
therefore rejected it. With these, Hormisdas bishop of Rome, when con-
sulted by the Scythian monks, coincided ; and great and pernicious al-
tercations ensued. Afterwards, the fifth council, and John II., a succes-
sor of Hormisdas, by approving of this language, restored peace to the
church. (19) Connected with this question was another; whether it was
proper to say, Christ's person was compounded : which the Scythian monks
affirmed, and others denied.
to Vigilii pro confirmatione Synodi quintae ;
among the Diss. subjoined to his work, de
Corcordia sacerdotii et imperil, p. 207, &c.,
[and Bower's Lives of the Popes, ( Vigilius),
Tol. ii., p. 382-413, ed. Lond., 1750.— Tr. J-
(18) See, in preference to all others, Hen.
Noris, de Synodo quinta Oecumenica ; yet
Noris is not free from all partiality. Also
Christ. Lupus, Notes on the 5th Council,
among his Adnotat. ad Concilia.
(19) See Hen. Noris, Historia controver-
sise de uno ex trinitate passo ; Opp., torn,
iii., p. 771. The ancient writers who men-
tion this controversy, call the monks with
whom it originated, Scythians. But Matiir.
Veiss. la Croze, (Thesaur. Epistolar., torn,
iii., p. 189), conjectures that they were Scetic
monks from Egypt, and not Scythians.
This conjecture, has some probability. [But
Dr. Walch, Historic der Ketzereyen, vol.
vii., p. 296, 297, says of this conjecture :
" it is not only improbable, but is certainly
false." And the documents relative to the
controversy, (of which he had there just closed
the recital), do appear, as Dr. Walch affirms,
" adequate to prove, that these men were
really from Scythia." Together with the
two modes of expression relative to the Trin-
ity, which they advocated, these monks were
strenuous opposers of Pelagianism. Hav-
ing had disagreement with some bishops of
their province, particularly with Paternus
bishop of Tomis, a deputation of them went
to Constantinople with their complaint.
Among these deputies, John Maxentius, Le-
ontius, and Achilles, were the principal.
The emperor rather favoured them ; but the
bishops of the East were not agreed. The
emperor obliged the pope's legates at the
court to hear the cause. But they were not
disposed to decide it ; at least, not as the
monks wished. A part of them now repair-
ed to Rome, where they stayed more than a
year. Hormisdas disapproved their phrase-
ology, but was not very ready to condemn
it outright. While at Rome, these monks
wrote to the exiled African bishops in Sar-
dinia, and by taking part in their controver-
sy, obtained their friendship. They certain-
ly had many friends ; but the ancient histo-
rians have transmitted to us only some slight
notices of their history. See Walch, His-
toric der Ketzereyen, vol. vii., p. 262-313.
Bower, Lives of the Popes, (Hormisdas), vol.
ii., p. 306-309.— TV.]
RITES AND CEREMONIES. 413
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF RITES.
$ 1. Rites Multiplied. — $ 2. Explanation of the Ceremonies. — $ 3. Public Worship.
The Eucharist. Baptism. — t) 4. Temples. Festivals.
§ 1. IN proportion as true religion and piety from various causes de-
clined in this century, the external signs of religion and piety, that is, rites
and ceremonies, were augmented. In the East, the Nestorian and Eu-
tychian contests occasioned the invention of various rites and forms,
which might serve as marks to distinguish the contending sects. In the
West, Gregory the Great was wonderfully dexterous and ingenious in de-
vising and recommending new ceremonies. Nor will this appear strange
to those who are aware, that Gregory supposed the words of the holy
' scriptures to be images of recondite things. For whoever can believe
this, can easily bring himself to inculcate all the doctrines and precepts
of religion by means of rites and signs. Yet in one respect he is to be
commended ; namely, that he would not obtrude his ceremonies upon
others : perhaps he would not, because he could not.
^ 2. This multitude of ceremonies required interpreters. Hence a
new kind of science arose, both in the East and in the West, the object
of which was to investigate and explain the grounds and reasons of the
sacred rites. But most of those who derive these rites from the sugges-
tions of reason and religion, betray their imbecility, and exhibit rather -the
fictions of their own brains than the true causes of things. If they had
been acquainted with ancient opinions and customs, and had examined the
pontifical laws of the Greeks and Romans, they would have taught us
much more correctly from what sources many of the rites which the
Christians regarded as sacred were derived.
§ 3. The public worship of God was still celebrated in the vernacular
language of each nation ; but it was everywhere amplified with various
hymns and other circumstantial things. The new mode of administering
the Lord's supper, magnificently, and with a splendid apparatus, or the
Canon of the Mass, as it is called, was a prescription of Gregory the
Great ; or, as some would say, he enlarged and altered the old Canon.
But many ages elapsed, before the other Latin churches could be prevailed
on to adopt this Romish form.(l) Baptism, except in cases of necessity,
(1) See Theod. Chr. Lilienthal, de Canone man canon was introduced partially in the
Missae Gregoriano, Lugd. Bat., 1740, 8vo, llth, and more fully in the 13th and follow-
and the writers on liturgies. [Different ing centuries. In England, the ancient
countries had different missals. Not only Britons had one liturgy, and the Anglo-Sax-
the East differed from the West, but in both ons derived another from their apostle Au-
there were diversities. In Gaul, the old lit- gustine and his companions, and this not
urgy continued till the time of Charlemagne, precisely the Roman. See Krazcr, de Li-
In Milan, the Ambrosian Liturgy (so named turgiis, sec. ii., chap. 2-6. Gregory the
from St. Ambrose bishop of Milan) is not Great introduced the responsive chant ; and
yet wholly abandoned. In Spain, the Mo- he established a school for church music,
sarabic or ancient Spanish, is still used oc- which was in existence at Rome as late as
casionally in certain places, though the Rio- the 9th century. — TV.]
414
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
was conferred only on the feast days, and those too of the highest class,
or the greatest festivals.(2) As for the so called Litanies to the Saints,(3)
the various kinds of supplications, the stations of Gregory,(4) the formu-
las of consecration, and other rites invented in this century to captivate
the senses with a show of religion, we shall pass over them, to avoid pro-
lixity. This subject requires the labours and investigations of a special
treatise.
§ 4. The temples erected in memory and to the honour of the saints,
were immensely numerous, both in the East and the West. (5) There
had long been enough houses of worship to accommodate the people ; but
this age courted the saints, by offering them these edifices as a kind of
presents ; nor did they doubt at all, that the saints took under their imme-
diate protection and care, the provinces, cities, towns, and villages, in
which they saw such residences prepared for them. (6) The number of
feast-days almost equalled that of the churches. In particular, the list of
festivals for the whole Christian church was swelled, by the consecration
of the day of the purification of the Holy Virgin Mary, so that, the people
might not miss their Lupercalia, which they were accustomed to celebrate <
in the month of February,(7) — and by the day of the Saviour's concep-
tion,^) the birthday of St. John,(9) and some others.
(2) [Especially Christmas, Epiphany,
Easter, Whitsuntide, and St. John the Bap-
tist ; at least in Gaul. See Gregory of
Tours, de Gloria Confessor., c. 69, 76, and
Historia Francor., lib. viii., c. 9. — Schi]
(3) [The Litanies, of which there were the
larger and the smaller, the common and the
special, were in the previous centuries ad-
dressed only to God ; but superstition now
led men to address them to Mary, and to the
other saints. — Von Ein.] ^
(4) [Stations denoted in early times fasts;
but afterwards the churches, the chapels, the
cemeteries, or other places, where the people
assembled for worship. (See du Cange,
Glossar. Med. et Infim. Latinitat., sub hac
voce.) Gregory discriminated the different
times, occasions, and places of public wor-
ship, and framed a service for each. This
is the principal cause of the vast multiplica-
tion of liturgical formulas in the Romish
church.— Tr.]
(5) [See Procopius, de Bello Gothico,
lib. iv. and v. ; also de Aedificiis Justiniani ;
where is mention of many churches erected
to the virgin Mary. — Schl.]
(6) [Thus the Lombard queen Thcodelin-
da built a church for John the Baptist, that
he might pray for her and her people. (Paul
Diacon., Hist. Longobard., 1. iv., c.7.) And
the French king Clothaire built a splendid
temple to St. Vincent ; because he believed
that saint had helped him to vanquish the
Goths. (Siegbert, Chronic.) For the same
reason, rich presents were made to the church-
es. Thus Childebert, after conquering Ala-
ric, gave to the church sixty cups, fifteen
dishes, and twenty cases for the holy Gos-
pels ; all of the finest gold, and set with cost-
ly gems. (Gregory of Tours, Historia
Francor., 1. iii., c. 10.)— SchL]
(7) [This was instituted by Justinian,
A.D. 542, and fixed to the 2d day of Febru-
ary. The Greeks called it imavTi) or inra-
iravrrj, meeting; because then Simeon and
Anna met the Saviour in the Temple. The
Latins call it the feast of Si. Simeon, the
presentation of the Lord, and Candlemass ;
because many candles were then lighted up ;
as had been done on the Lupercalia, the fes-
tival of the ravishment of Proserpine, whom
her mother Ceres seatehed for with candles.
See Hospinian, de Festis Christianor.,' p.
52, &c., and Adr. Baillet, Vies des Saints,
torn, i., Febr., p. 22, &c.— Tr.]
(8) [This feast is generally celebrated the
25th of March ; and is called by the Greeks
rj/jtpa aaTraapS, sive evayyeluafiS, the day
of the salutation, or of the annunciation ;
because-on this day the angel Gabriel an-
nounced to Mary that she should bring forth
the Saviour. The Latins absurdly call it,
the annunciation of Mary. To avoid inter-
rupting the Lent fast, the Spaniards cele-
brated it on the 18th of December, and the
Armenians on the 5th of January ; the other
churches kept it on the 25th of March. It
is mentioned in the 52d canon of the council
in Trullo, A.D. 691, as a festival then fully
established and known ; but at what time it
was first introduced is uncertain. See Sui-
cer, Thesaur. Eccles., torn, i., p. 1234, and
Adr. Baillet, Vies des Saints, torn, i., March,
p. 315, &c.— Tr.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 415
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF HERESIES AND SEPARATIONS FROM THE CHURCH.
§ 1. Remains of the Ancient Sects. Manichaeans. Pelagians. — § 2. Donatists. — $ 3.
Arians. — § 4. State of the Nestorians. — $ 5. Eutychian Contests. Severus. — $ 6.
Jac. Baradaeus, the Father of the Monophysites. — $ 7. Their State. — $ 8. Controver-
sies among them. — $ 9. The Agnoetae. — § 10. Tritheists.
§ 1. THE ancient sects, though harassed in numberless ways, did not
cease to raise dangerous commotions in various places. Among the Per-
sians, the Manichaeans are said to have become so powerful as to seduce
the son of Cabades the monarch ; but the king avenged the crime by a
great slaughter among them. They must also have been troublesome in
other countries ; for Heraclianus of Chalcedon deemed it needful to write
a book against them.(l) In Gaul and Africa, the contests Between the
Semipelagians and the followers of Augustine continued.
§ 2. The Donatists were comfortably situated, so long as the Vandals
reigned in Africa. But when this kingdom was overturned, in the year
534, their condition was less fortunate. Yet they not only kept up their
church, but near the close of the century, or from the year 591, ventured
to defend and propagate their principles with more earnestness. These
efforts of theirs were vigorously opposed by Gregory the Great, who, as ap-
pears from his Epistles,(2) endeavoured in various ways to depress the
sect now raising its head again. And his measures doubtless were suc-
cessful ; for the Donatist church became extinct in this century, at least
no mention is made of it after this time.
§ 3. The Arians, at the commencement of this century, were triumphant
in certain parts of Asia, Africa, and Europe. Not a few of the Asiatic
bishops favoured them. The Vandals in Africa, the Goths in Italy, many
(9) [I know not what induced Dr. Mosheim 8vo), and the latter used, about this time,
to place the introduction of this feast in this [the 24th of June], to keep the feast of
century. If the superscriptions to the horn- Vesta, with kindling a new fire amid dances
ilies of Maxtmus of Turin (who lived A.D. and other sports. — Schl. Adr. Batllet, (Viet
420) are correct, this feast must have been des Saints, torn, ii., June, p. 296), proves
common in the fifth century ; for three of from the sermons of St. Augustine, that this
these homilies are superscribed, as being festival was considered as of long standing
composed for this feast. Perhaps Dr. Mo- in the church in the days of that father. Au-
sheim had his eye on the 21st canon of the gvstine himself has left us seven sermons,
council held at Agde, A.D. 506, (Harduin's which he preached on the festival. — TV.]
Collection, torn, ii., p. 1000), where the (1) SeePhotius, Bibl. Cod. cxiv.,p. 291.
festival of St. John is mentioned among the (2) See his Epistolar. lib. iv., ep. 34, 35,
greater feasts. Yet as it is there mentioned p. 714. 715, and lib vi., ep. 65. p. 841, ep.
as one already known, it must have been in 37, p. 821, and lib. ix., ep. 53, p 972, and
existence some years. — Heathenish rites lib. ii., ep 48, p. 611, Opp., torn. ii. [The
were likewise mixed with this feast. The emperor Mauritius issued penal laws against
feast of St. John and the dancing around a them, in the year 595. It is a probable con-
tree set up, were usages as well of the Ger- jecture of Witsius, (Historia Donatist., cap.
man and northern nations as of the Romans, viii.. $ 9), that the conquests of the Saracens
The former had their Noodfyr, (on which in Africa, in the 7th century, put an end to
Joh. Reiske published a book, Francf., 1696, the Donatist contest. — Schl.]
416 BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
of the Gauls, the Suevi, the Burgundians, and the Spaniards, openly espoused
their interest. The Greeks indeed, who approved of the Nicene council,
oppressed and persecuted them wherever they were able ; but the Arians
returned the like treatment, especially in Africa and Italy.(3) Yet this
prosperity of the Arians wholly ceased, when, under the auspices of Justin-
ian, the Vandals were driven from Africa and the Goths from Italy.(4)
For the other Arian kings, Sigismund king of the Burgundians, Theodimir
king of the Suevi in Lusitania, and Reccared king of Spain, without vio-
lence and war suffered themselves to be led to a renunciation of the Arian
doctrine, and to efforts for its extirpation among their subjects by means
of legal enactments and councils. Whether reason and arguments, or
hope and fear, had the greater influence in the conversion of these kings,
it is difficult to say. (5) But this is certain, the Arian sect was from this
time dispersed, and could never after recover any strength.
§ 4. The Nestorians, after they had obtained a fixXed residence in Per-
sia, and had Jocated the head of their sect at Seleucia, were as successful
as they were industrious in disseminating their doctrines in the countries
lying without the Roman empire. It appears from unquestionable docu-
ments still existing, that there were numerous societies in all parts of Per-
sia, in India, in Armenia, in Arabia, in Syria, and in other countries under
the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Seleucia, during this century. (6) The
Persian kings were not indeed all equally well affected towards this sect ;
and they sometimes severely persecuted all Christians resident in their do-
minions ;(7) yet generally they showed a marked preference for the Nes-
torians, before those who adhered to the council of Ephesus : for they sus-
pected the latter to be spies sent among them by the Greeks with whom
they agreed as to religion.
£ 5. The sect of the Monophysites was no less favourably situated ; and it
drew over to its side a great part of the East. In the first place, the em-
peror Anastasius [A.D. 491-518] was attached to the sect and to the
dogmas of the Acephali or the more rigid Monophysites ,-(8) and he did
(3) Procopius, de Bello Vandal., 1. i., c. of Hermengild a West Gothic prince, by his
8, and de Bello Gothico, lib. i., c. 2. Eva- French wife Ingunda. — Schl.']
grius, Historia Eccles., 1. iv., cap. 15, &c. (6) Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia
(4) See Joh. Ja. Mascmii Historia Ger- Christiana, lib. ii., p. 125 : in Bern, de
manor., torn, ii., the subversion of the Van- Montfaucori's Collectio nova Patrum Grae-
dalic kingdom, p. 76, a"nd that of the Goths, cor., of which the Preface, p. xi., &c., is
p. 91. On the accession of the barbarians worth reading.
to the Nicene faith respecting God, see Ac- (7) Jos. Sim, Asseman, Biblioth. Orien-
ta Sanctor., torn, ii., Martii, p. 275, and torn. tal. Vatic., torn, iii., pt. i., p. 109, 407, 411,
ii., Aprilis, p. 134. 441, 449, and torn, iii., pt. ii., cap. v., § 2,
(5) [The latter is to me the most proba- p. Ixxxiii., &c.
ble. The kings of these nations were very (8) Evagrius, Histor. Eccles., lib iii., c.
ignorant ; and made war rather than science 30, 44, &c. Theodorus Lector, Historia
their trade. Among such a people, convic- Eccles., lib. ii., p. 562. A catalogue of the
tion of the understanding is little to be ex- Works of Severus, collected from MS. cop-
pected. Arguments of expediency would ies, is in Bernh. de Montfaucori's Biblioth.
have more effect. They were surrounded Coisliniana, p. 53, &c. [According to
by orthodox Christians, who would deprive Evaprius, loc. cit., Anastasius was not zeal-
them of their territories, on the ground that ous for any party, but was a great lover of
they were heretics. If therefore they would peace, and determined neither to make nor
enjoy peace and quietude, they must make to suffer any change in the ecclesiastical
up their minds to embrace the Nicene faiih. constitution ; that is, he adhered to the He-
Many of these conversions also were brought noticon of Zcno his predecessor. This was
about by ladies ; for instance, the conversion taking the middle ground; for the more
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
417
not hesitate, on the removal of Flavianus from the chair of Antioch in 513,
vate to that sec Severus, a learned monk of Palestine, who was devoted
to that sect, and from whom the Monophysites had the name of Severians.(9)
This man exerted all his powers to destroy the credit of the council of
Chalccdon in the East, and to strengthen the party which professed but
one nature in Christ ; and his zealous efforts produced most grievous com-
motions. (10) But the emperor Anastasius dying in the year 518, Severus
was expelled from his see ; and the sect which he had so zealously propa-
gated, was restrained and depressed by Justin and the succeeding emper-
ors, to such a degree that it seemed very near being ruined ; yet it elect-
ed Sergius for its patriarch, in place of Severus.(ll)
§ 6. When the Monophysites were nearly in despair, and very few of
their bishops remained, some of them being dead and others in captivity ;
an obscure man, Jacobus surnamed Baradceus or Zanzalus, to distinguish
him from others of the name, restored their fallen state. (12) This indi-
gent monk, a most indefatigable and persevering man, being ordained bish-
op by a few bishops who were confined in prison, travelled over all the
East, on foot, constituted a vast number of bishops and presbyters, revived
every where the depressed spirits of the Monophysites, and was so efficient,
by his eloquence and his astonishing diligence, that when he died, in the year
578, at Edessa, where he had been bishop, he left his sect in a very flour-
ishing state in Syria, in Mesopotamia, in Armenia, in Egypt, Nubia, and
Abyssinia, and in other countries. (13) He extinguished nearly all the
strenuous Monophysites rejected the Henot-
icon, and insisted on an explicit condemna-
tion of the council of Chalcedon ; while the
more rigid Catholics, who also disliked the
Henoticon, were for holding fast every tittle
of the decisions of Chalcedon. See Walch,
Historic der Ketzereyen, vol. vi., p. 930,
946, 947, 948.— TV.]
(9) See Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth.
Orient. Vatican., torn, ii., p. 47, 321, &c.
Euseb. Rcnaudot, Historia Patriarchar. Al-
exandrinor..p. 127, 129, 130, 135, 138, &c.
[See a notice of Severus, above, ch. ii.,
note (28), p. 397.— Tr.]
(10; Evagrius, Hist. Eccles., lib. hi., c.
33. Cynllus, Vita Sabae, in Joh. Bapt.
Catcher's Monumenta Ecclesiae Graecae,
torn, iii., p. 312. Nouveau Dictionnaire his-
tor. critique, torn, i., Article Anastasius.
[There is some ambiguity in Dr. Moshcim's
statement. Who was this man, that exert-
ed all his powers against the council of Chal-
cedon 1 Dr Maclainc understood Moshcim
to refer to the emperor Anastasius. But
other translators preserve the ambiguity.
Historical facts show, that it was Severus,
rather than Anastasius, who persecuti'J the
Chalcedonians. See Evasrius, as referred
to above, lib. iii., c. 33 — 7V J
(11) SecAbulpharnjits, Series Patriarch.
Antiochen., in Asseman, Biblioth. Orient.
Vatican., torn, ii., p. 323. [For a full and
minute examination of the Monophysite his-
VOL. I.— GGG
tory, see WalcWs Historic der Ketzereyen ;
namely, during the reign of Anastasius, vol.
vi., p. 936-1054 ; under Justin, vol. vii., p.
52-128 ; and under Justinian, ibid., p. 128-
362.— Tr. ]
(12) See Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth.
Oriental. Vaticana, torn, ii., cap. viii., p. 62,
72, 326, 331, 414, &c. Euseb. Rcnaudot,
Historia Patriarch. Alexandrinor., p. 119,
133,425, &c., and Liturgiae Oriental., torn,
ii., p. 333, 342. Faustu* Nairon, Euoplia
fidei Catholicae ex Syrorum monumentis,
pt. i., p. 40, 41. [ Wtlch, Historic der Ket-
zereyen, vol. viii., p- 481-490. Jacobus
Baradaus was a Syrian monk, and a pupil
of Severus archbishop of Antioch. His or-
dination is placed by some in the year 545,
by others in 551. His death, all place in
the year 578. Some call him bishop of
Edessa, others make him to have been bish-
op at large. The number of bishops, priests,
and deacons ordained by him, is reported to
be 100,000. That he put an end to the di-
visions and contests among the Monophy-
sites, as Dr. Moshcim asserts, is not stated
in any of the authorities quoted by Walch.
As the Monophysites all over the East are
to this day called Jacobites, from this Jaco-
bus Baradaus ; so the orthodox Greeks are
called Melchjtcs, from the Synac Mclcha, a
kinar ; as being adherents to the religion of
the imperial court. — Tr.]
(13) For the Nubians and Abywinians,
418 BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
dissensions among the Monophysites ; and as their churches were so widely
dispersed in the East, that the bishop of Antioch could not well govern
them all, he associated with him a Maphrian or primate of the East, whose
residence was at Tagritum on the borders of Armenia. (14) His efforts
were not a little aided, in Egypt and the neighbouring regions, by Theodo-
sius of Alexandria. From this man as the second father of the sect, all
the Monophysites in the East are called Jacobites.
§ 7. Thus the imprudence of the Greeks and their inconsiderate zeal
for maintaining the truth, caused the Monophysites to become consolidated
into a permanent body. From this period their whole community has
been under the government of two bishops or patriarchs, one of Alexandria
and the other of Antioch, who, notwithstanding the Syrians and Egyptians
disagree in some particulars, are very careful to maintain communion with
each other by letters and by kind offices. Under the patriarch of Alex-
andria, is the primate or Abbuna of the Abyssinians ; and under the patri-
arch of Antioch, stands the Maphrian or primate of the East, whose resi-
dence is at Tagritum in Mesopotamia. The Armenians have their own
bishop, and are distinguished from the other Monophysites by some pecu-
liar rites and opinions.
§ 8. Before the sect of the Monophysites had acquired this strength and
consistency, various disagreements and controversies prevailed among
them ; and particularly at Alexandria, a difficult and knotty question was
moved concerning the body of Christ. Julian of Halicarnassus,(15) in
the year 519, maintained that the divine nature had so insinuated itself
into the body of Christ, from the very moment of his conception, that this
body changed its nature, and became incorruptible. With him agreed Ca-
janus [or Gaianus] of Alexandria ; from whom the believers in this senti-
ment were called Caianists.(l6) The advocates of this doctrine became
subdivided into three parties ; two of which disagreed on the question,
whether Christ's body was created or uncreated ; and the third maintained,
that Christ's body was indeed corruptible, but, on account of the influence
of the divine nature, never became in fact corrupted. This sect was vig-
orously resisted by the celebrated Severus of Antioch, and by Damianus; both
of whom maintained that the body of Christ, before his resurrection, was cor.
ruptible, that is, was liable to all the changes to which human bodies in
general are. Those who agreed with Julian, were called Aphthartodoce-
tce, Doceta, Phantasiasta, and also Manichaeans ; because from their opin-
ion it might be inferred, that Christ did not really suffer, feel hungry, fall
asleep, and experience the other sensations of a man ; but that he only
appeared to suffer, to sleep, to be hungry, thirsty, &c. Those who agreed
see Asseman, loc. cit., torn, ii., p. 330. andria, under the patriarch Timotheus III. ;
Hieron. Lobo, Voyage d'Abyssinie, torn, ii., and on his death in the year 534, was elect-
p. 36. Job Ludolph, Comment, ad Histori- ed patriarch of Alexandria, by the monks
am Aethiop.,p. 451, 461, 466. Fortheoth- and the populace, in opposition to Thcodo-
er countries, see the writers of their history, sius the bishop of the court party. Great
(14) Jo*. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Orient, commotions now existed in Alexandria;
Vatic., torn, ii., p. 410, 414, 418, likewise and Gaianus was soon deposed. He fled
his Dissert, de Monophysitis, prefixed to torn, first to Carthage, and then to Sardinia ; and
ii. of his Bibliotheca. we hear little more about him. It is not
(15) [Julian is noticed among the writers known that he wrote any thing. See Libe-
of the century, above, p. 397, note (28). — ratus, Breviar., cap. 20, and Leonlius, de
Tr.] Sectis, Art. v.— Tr.]
(16) [Gaianus was archdeacon of Alex-
HERESIES AND SCHISMS. 419
with Severus, were called Phthurtolatra, and Ktistolatra or Creaticote.
This controversy was agitated with great warmth, in the reign of Justin,
ian, who favoured the Aphthartodocetcz ; but it afterwards gradually sub.
sided. ( 17) A middle path between the two parties, was taken by Xenaias,
or Philoxenus of Maubug [or Hierapolis] ; for he and his associates held,
that Christ really suffered the ordinary sensations of a man ; but that in
him this was not the effect of nature, but of choice. (18)
§ 9. Some of the Corrupticolae, as they were called, particularly The-
mistius a deacon of Alexandria, and Theodosius bishop of that city, in the
ardour of disputation fell upon another sentiment towards the close of this
century,(19) which caused new commotions. They affirmed that, while
all things were known by the divine nature of Christ, to his human nature
which was united with it many things were unknown. As they held to
but one nature in Christ, [or were Monophysites], others inferred from their
doctrine, that they made the divine nature to participate in this ignorance :
and hence they were called AgnoeUe.(2Q) But this new sect was feeble;
and therefore it declined and became extinct, sooner than might have been
anticipated from the animated eloquence of the disputants.
§ 10. From the controversies with the Monophysites, arose the sect of
the Tritheists. Its author was one John Ascusnage, a Syrian philosopher,
and a Monophysite.(21) This man supposed, that there are in God three
numerically distinct natures or subsistences, all perfectly alike and con-
nected by no common vinculum of essence ; from which dogma, his adver-
saries deduced Tritheism. Among the patrons of this opinion, no one was
more celebrated than John Pkiloponus, a grammarian and philosopher of
great fame at Alexandria ; and hence he has by many been accounted the
founder of the sect, and the members of it have been called Philoponists.(22)
(17) Timolheus, de Receptione haereticor., torico-theol., lib. iii.,cap. 19, p. 119. Pho-
in Jo. Ba-pt. Catcher's Monumenta Eccle- tius, Biblioth., Cod. ccxxx., p. 882. [Watch
sioe Gr., torn, iii., p. 409. Liberates, Bre- has given a full and satisfactory account of
viarium Controv., cap. 20. Jo. Forbes, In- the Agnoita. or Themistiam, in his Historie
structiones historico-theologicae, lib. iii , c. der Ketzcreyen, vol. viii., p. 644-684. It
18, p. 108, &c. Asseman, Biblioth Orien- appears that the Agnoctce merely denied that
tal., torn. iii.,pt. ii., p. 457. [The contests the human nature of Christ became omnia-
respectino1 the corruptibility of Christ's body, dent, by being united with the divine nature ;
both amonw the Monophysites and the ortho- — a doctrine which few at this day will con-
dox, are fully examined in Walch, Historie demn. Nor did their contemporaries in gen-
der Ketzereyen, vol. viii., p. 550-644. — eral understand them to go farther. But the
Tr.} writers of the middle ages represent them
(18) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Orient, as denying altogether the omniscience of
Vatic., torn, ii., p. 22, and p. 168, &c. Christ ; and many of the moderns, till quite
(19) [This controversy began before the recently, had similar views of this sect. See
middle of the century ; for Themis tins was Walch, loc. cit., p. 675-679. — Tr.]
a deacon under Timolheus III., who died (21) See Gregory Abulpkarajus, in Jos.
in the year 535. Theodosius succeeded in Sim. Assertion's Biblioth. Oriental. Vatic.,
that year; but was removed about A.D. torn, i., p. 328, &c. [This is the only an-
537. The heat of the controversy seems to cient writer that mentions this John Ascus-
have been about A.D. 550 or 560 ; yet it nage ; and his statement is, that this John
was rife in the time of Gregory the Great, was a disciple of Samuel Peter, a Syrian
and the sect existed till some time in the philosopher who taught philosophy 20 years
seventh century. — Tr.] at Constantinople ; that John succeeded him
(20) Jo. Bapt. Cotelier, in the Monumenta in the school ; but having advanced his new
Ecclesiae Gr., torn, iii., p. 641. Mich, le doctrine, he was banished by the emperor
Quien, on Damascenus de Haeresibus, torn. Justinian. — Tr.]
i., p. 107. Jo. Forbes, Instructions his- (22) See Joh. Alb. Fabriaus, Biblioth.
420
BOOK II.— CENTURY VI.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
As the sect advanced, it became divided into two parties, the Philoponists
and the Cononites ; the latter so named from its leader, Conon bishop of
Tarsu£.("23) These parties agreed respecting the doctrine of three per-
sons in the godhead, but became at variance on the exposition of the doc-
trine of the resurrection of the body. For Philoponus maintained, that
both the matter and the form of all bodies were generated and corruptible,
and therefore, that both would be resuscitated at the resurrection ; but
Conon held that the matter only, and not the form of bodies, was corruptible
and to be resuscitated. (24) To both these stood opposed the Damianists ;
so named from Damianus, [the Monophysite patriarch] of Alexandria.
These discriminated between the divine essence, and the three persons of
the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. In other words, they denied that each
person considered by himself, and in nature, was God ; but maintained, that
the three persons had a common God or divinity, by an undivided participa-
tion of which, each one was God. The Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, they
denominated Hyposlases [or persons] ; and what was common to them, God,
substance, and nature. (25)
Gr., lib. v., c. 37, torn, ix., p. 358. Jo.
Harduin, Concilia, torn, iii., p. 1288. Tim-
otheus de Receptions Hsreticor., in Jo.
Baft. Catcher's Monumenta Ecclesiae Gr.,
torn, iii., p. 414. John Damasccnus, de
Hseresibus, Opp., torn, i., p. 103, ed. Le
Quien. [John Philoponus was born, and
probably spent his life, at Alexandria. He
was a literary layman, and deeply read in
the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy.
Yet he was a Christian, and a Monophysite,
as most of the Alexandrians in his day were.
The time of his birth and death is unknown ;
but it appears, that he was a writer from
about A.D. 560, till several years into the
seventh century. Whether his own reflec-
tions, or the books of John Ascusnage, first
led him to his Tritheism, is uncertain. His
works now extant are, a Book on the Hex-
aimeron ; another on Easter ; one against
Proclus, to prove the world not eternal ; a
Book on the Gr. dialects ; and Commenta-
ries on various works of Aristotle. His lost
works were, on the Resurrection ; against
the council of Chalcedon ; against the senti-
ments of John archbishop of Constantino-
ple, respecting the Trinity ; against Jam-
blichus de Simulacris ; against Scverus ;
and a Book on Union, entitled AICLITTITTK
sive Arbiter, a valuable extract from which
is preserved. See Cave, Hist. Litteraria,
torn, i., p. 267, and Walch, Historie der Ket-
zereyen, voL viii., p. 702, &c. — Tr.]
(23) Photius, Biblioth. Codex xxiv. As-
seman, Biblioth. Oriental. Vatic., torn. ii.r
p. 329, &c.
(24) [For a full account of the disagree-
ment between the Cononites and the other
Phtloponists, respecting the resurrection of
the body, see Walch, Historie der Ketzerey-
en, vol. viii., p. 762-778.— Tr.]
(25) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori-
ental. Vatic., torn, ii., p. 78, 332, &c. [The
controversies respecting the Trinity in unity
which are the subject of this section, are
minutely investigated by Walch, Historie
der Ketzereyen, vol. viii., p. 685— 762. He
concludes, that Philoponus and his sect were
really, though perhaps unconsciously, Tri-
theists : for Philoponus held to a merely
specific unity in God, and not to a numer-
ical unity ; that is, he taught that the three
persons in the Trinity had a common nature,
iu the same sense that Paul and Peter had
a common nature, and as all the angels have
a common nature. (Walch, \. c., p. 728,
&c.) The Damianists on the contrary, re-
jecting the idea of a mere specific unity in
God, held the three divine persons to be
numerically one, except as distinguished by
certain characteristic marks : so that he was
really on Sabellian ground. (Walch, loc.
cit., p. 753-757.) See also Miinschcr'a
Dogmengeschichte, vol. iii., p. 512-516,
ed. Marp., 1818.— Tr.]
C E N T U R Y SEVENTH.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
THE PROSPERITY OF THE CHURCH.
$ I. Christianity propagated in China. — §2. The English converted. — ^ 3- Also the Gauls,
Suevi, Frieslanders, Franks, and Helvetii. — $ 4. Judgment concerning these Apostles.
— § 5. Jews compelled to embrace Christianity.
§ 1. THE Christian religion was in this century diffused beyond its for-
mer bounds, both in the eastern and western countries. In the East, the
Nestorians witli incredible industry and perseverance laboured to propa-
gate it from Persia, Syria, and India, among the barbarous and savage na-
tions inhabiting the deserts and the remotest shores of Asia ; and that
their zeal was not inefficient, appears from numerous proofs still existing.
In particular, the vast empire of China was enlightened by this zeal and in-
dustry, with the light of Christianity. Those who regard as genuine and
authentic the Chinese monument of Sigan which was discovered in the sev-
enteenth century, believe that Christianity was introduced into China in
the year 636, when J.esujabas of Gadala presided over the Nestorian com-
munity.(1) And those who look upon this as a fabrication of the Jesuits,
(1) This celebrated monument has been of the inscription, with a comment and some
published and explained by several persons, notes, is given in the Appendixto Moshcim's
in particular by Athan. Kircher, China il- Historia Eccles. Tartarorum, p. 2-28. The
lustrata, p. 53. Amir. Miiller, in a distinct monument is said to be a marble slab, ten
treatise, Berlin, 1672, 4to. Euseb. Renau- feet long and five broad ; dug up in the
dot. Relations anciennes des Indes et de la year 1625, at a town near Si-ngan-fii, capital
Chine de deux yoyageurs Mahometans, p. of the province Sficn-si. The top of the
228-271, Paris, 1718, 8vo. Jos. Sim. As- slab is a pyramidal cross. The caption to
.tfinan, Biblioth. Oriental. Vaticana, torn, the inscription consists of nine Chinese
iii., pi. ii., c. iv., $ 7, p. 538, &c. A more words, formed into a square, and is thus
accurate copy, with notes, was expected from translated : " This stone was erected to the
the very learned Theophtius Stgefr. Bayer, honour and eternal memory of the Law of
much distinguished for his knowledge of Light and Truth brought from Ta-cin, [Ju-
Chinese literature. But his premature death dea, or Syria], and promulgated in China.'*
frustrated the expectation. I see no reason The principal inscription is m ('Linfse char-
why I should not regard this monument as acters, and consists of twenty-eight columns,
genuine ; nor can I conceive what advan- each containing sixty-two words. It first
tage the Jesuits could have promised them- states the fundamental principles of Christi-
selves from a fabrication of this sort. See anity ; and then recounts the arrival of the
Gabr. Liron, Singularites historique et litte- missionaries in 636, their gracious reception
raires, tome ii., p. 500. dec [See also by the king, their labours and success, and
Tho. Yrutes, Indian Church History, p. 85- the principal events of the mission for 144
96, Lond., 1818, 8vo. Kirckcr's translation years, or till A. D. 780. There were two
422
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
may be fully satisfied by -other and unexceptionable proofs that China, es-
pecially the northern part of it, contained in this century or perhaps even
earlier numerous Christians, over whom presided during several subsequent
centuries a metropolitan sent out by the patriarch of the Chaldeans or Nes-
torians.(2)
§ 2. The attention of the Greeks was so engrossed with their intestine
dissensions, that they were little solicitous about the propagation of Chris-
tianity among the heathen. (3) In the West, among the Anglo-Saxons,
Augustine, till his death in 605, and afterwards other monks sent from
Rome, laboured to extend and enlarge the church. And the result of their
labours and efforts was, that the other six Anglo-Saxon kings, who had
hitherto continued in paganism, gradually came over to the side of Chris-
tianity, and all Britain became professedly Christian. (4) Yet we need not
believe that this change was wholly owing to the sermons and the exhor-
tations of these Roman monks and teachers ; a great part of it is rather
to be ascribed to the Christian wives of the kings and chiefs, who employed
various arts to convert their husbands ; and likewise to the rigorous laws
enacted against the worshippers of idols ;(5) not to mention other causes.
persecutions, in the years 699 and 713.
Soon after the second persecution, some
new missionaries arrived. Then follows the
date and erection of the monument, in A.D.
782. On the one side of this principal in-
scription there is a column of Chinese char-
acters ; on the other side, and at the bottom,
is a Syrian inscription in the Estrangelo char-
acter, containing catalogues of priests, dea-
cons, and others, with a bishop, arranged in
seven different classes. — TV.]
(2) See Renaudot, loc. cit., p. 51, 68,
&c., et passim. Asseman, loc. cit., cap. ix.,
p. 522, &c. Thcophilus Sigefr. Bayer tells
us, (Praefat. ad Museum Sinicum, p. 84),
that he possesses some testimonies, which
put the subject beyond controversy. [It is
the constant tradition of the Syrian Chris-
tians, that St. Thomas the apostle made an
excursion to China ; and the Christians of
Malabar celebrate this event in their ordi-
nary worship ; and their primate styled him-
self metropolitan of Hindoo and China, when
the Portuguese first knew them. See Tho.
Yeates, Indian Church Hist , p. 71-84. See
also M. de Guignes, Diss. in the 30th vol.
(p. 802, &c.) of the Memoires de Litterature,
threes des Registres de 1'Academie Royale
des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres : which
contains a defence of the genuineness of the
Sigan monument, against the objections of La
Croze and Bcausobre. Likewise Schroeckh,
Kirchengeschichte, vol. xix., p. 291-298. —
2V.]
(3) [Yet Constantius Porphyrogenitus
states, (de Administrando Imperio, c. 31, in
Bandurius' Imperium Orientale, p. 97, ed.
Paris), that the Chrobatcs, (the Croatians),
who then inhabited Dalmatia, from which
they had expelled the Avares by order of
Herachus, made application to that emperor
for religious instructers ; and that he pro-
cured priests for them from Rome, who bap-
tized them, and one of whom became their
archbishop. See Sender's Selecta Cap. Hist.
Eccles., torn, ii., p. 20. Lucius de Regno
Dalmatiae, 1. i., c. 11. Muratori, History
of Italy, torn, iv., p. 78, of the Germ, trans.,
and Jos. Sim. Asseman, in Calendar. Ec-
cles. universae, torn, i., p. 499, &c. — Schl.]
(4) Beda, Historia Eccles. gentis Anglor.,
lib. ii., cap. iii., p. 91, &c., cap. xiv., p. 116,
lib. iii., cap. xxi., p. 162, ed. Chiflet. Rapin
de Thoyras, Histoire d'Angleterre, torn, i.,
p. 222, &c.
(5) See Dan. Wilkins, Concilia magnae
Britanniae, torn, i., p. 61. [According to
Beda, De Thoyras, and the other writers on
English church History, the progress of
Christianity among the Anglo-Saxons, in
this century, was as follows. In the year
601, pope Gregory confirmed Augustine as
the archbishop of Canterbury ; and advised
him to appoint twelve suffragans under him-
self, and to send a bishop to York, who
should in time become archbishop, and have
also twelve suffragans. Yet Canterbury, or
rather (on the death of Augustine) London,
was to hold the primacy of all England.
This arrangement was prospective, for the
conversion of but a small part of the Saxons
was as yet achieved. In 604, Augustine
appointed Justus first bishop of Rochester
in Kent, and Mcllitus first bishop of London
among the East Saxons, and named Lau-
rentius to succeed himself in the see of Can-
terbury. Augustine died the next year, hav-
ing been in England but eight years, and hav-
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
423
§ 3. In this century, many of the Britons, Scotch, and Irish, eager to
propagate the Christian religion, visited the Batavian, Bclgie, and German
ing extended Christianity little farther than
over Kent, and part of the present counties
of Essex and Middlesex. Laurentius suc-
ceeded him. On the death of Eihel.bert the
first Christian king of Kent, in 616, his son
and successor Eadbald, married his own
mother-in-law, and renounced Christianity.
Most of his subjects followed him in his
apostacy. Sebert also, the Christian king
of Essex, was succeeded by pagan sons ;
who expelled Christianity from their domin-
ions, and obliged Mellitus the bishop to
take refuge in Kent. The three English
prelates, in despair, now resolved to quit
England ; and two of them actually retired
to the Continent. Laurentius, while pre-
paring to remove, pretended to receive, one
night, a flagellation and a severe reprimand
from St. Peter, for thus deserting the sheep
of Christ and leaving them among wolves.
The next morning he reported the matter to
king Eadbald, and showed him his fresh
wounds. The king was so moved, that he
annulled his incestuous marriage, returned
to the Christian faith, recalled the exiled
bishops, and re-established Christianity in
his dominions. Thus Kent became perma-
nently Christianized. The East Saxons
were not so easily reclaimed ; nor were they
the next to embrace Christianity. — In the
year 625, Edwin king of Northumberland,
including all the north of England, married
Ethelburga, sister of Eadbald king of Kent
and daughter of queen Bcrtka.
tolerate her religion. She took with lu-r I'au-
linus, who was ordained bishop for that pur-
pose. The consequence was, that king Ed-
win, Coify his pagan high-priest, his nobles,
and most of his subjects, embraced Chris-
tianity ; and I'auhnus, in the year 627, bap-
tized 12,000 Nor'iiumhrians in one iliv, in
the river Swale, near Richmond. J'
became archbishop of York, and pro;
Christianity to some extent in East
which included the counties of SunV
folk, Cambridge, and the isle of Ely. But
in 633, king Edwin was slain in battle, and
a great apostacy ensued. Paulinas, in de-
spair, returned to Kent, and became bis-hop
of Roches! er. Soon after, Oswald mount-
ed the throne of Northumberland, after a long
exile among the monks of Scotland. He
being a Christian, laboured to restore Chris-
tianity. The Scottish monks sent him first
Carman, and then the famous Aiilan, bish-
op of Lindisfarne or Holy Island, to assist
him. Thus Christianity became permanent-
ly established in Northumberland. — The
people of East Anglia also returned to the
Christian faith about the year 636, their ex-
iled king Sigebert, having brought with him
from France Felix a Burgundian priest, who
became bishop of Dumnoe, now Dunwich.
Oswald and Sigebert are said to have patro-
nised learning and set up schools throughout
their dominions. — The kingdom of Wessex,
including seven counties in the southwest of
England, was converted about A.D. 635, by
Bcnnus, a missionary directly from Rome,
who became bishop of Dorchester.—
bert II., king of the East Saxrms, who occu-
pied the counties of Essex, Middlesex, and
part of Hertfordshire, was persuaded by his
friend Osory king ofx Northumberland, to
embrace Christianity ; and he, by the aid of
Chad or Cedda, a Northumbrian prelate who
was translated to London, permanently re-
stored Christianity among the East >
about the year 660. — Afercia, including
about seventeen of the midland counties,
gradually became Christian, after the mid-
dle of the century. Peada the prince be-
came a Christian, in the lifetime of his pagan
father king Pcnda, at the instigation of his
wife Alchflida, daughter of Oswi the king
of Northumberland ; and he spread Christi-
anity in the provinces over which he ruled.
When made king, he soon brought the
whole territory to embrace Christianity. —
The last Saxon kingdom, Sussex, including
the counties of Surry ami .is con-
verted about the year 686, by Wilfrid an ex-
iled bishop of Northumberland. — A great
dispute arising about the tonsure of priests,
(whether only a considerable spot, or the
whole head except a circular margin, should
be shaved), and also about the time of East-
er, those north of the Thames following the
Irish or Gallic ritual, and :i of it,
nun ; a conference was held o:
subjects at Whitby. in the year fiijl Hero
king of Northumberland, learning
from the Romish party that St. Peter had
the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and that
the other party rould not deny that fact, de-
clared he would not offend St. Peter, lest
when he should arrive at the gates of heav-
en he should find the doorkeeper would not
open to him. Td :ght decided
the question with the majority. Still, how-
ever, the controversy continued ; and sev-
r riil bishops retired in disgust, or were re-
moved from their >
op elect, being sent to Rome for ordination
as primate of England, died by the way ; and
the pope ordained and sent Theodarut, a
native of Tarsus, and a man of talents.
Theodoras arrived at Canterbury in 669, and
424
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. I.
tribes, and there founded new churches. And this it was that led the
Germans afterwards to erect so many monasteries for Scots and Irishmen :
some of which are still in being.(6) Columlanus an Irishman, with a few
companions, had already, in the preceding century, happily extirpated in
Gaul and the contiguous regions, the ancient idolatry, the roots of which had
previously struck deep every where ; and he persevered in these labours
till the year 615, in which his death is placed, and with the aid of his disci-
ples, carried the name of the Saviour to the Swabians, Bavarians, Franks,
and other nations of Germany.(7) St. Gall, one of his companions, im-
parted a knowledge of Christianity to the Helvetians and Swabians. (8)
St. Kilian, a Scotchman, converted a great many to Christ among the [Fran-
for twenty-one years was indefatigable in his
efforts to regulate the ecclesiastical affairs of
England. For the furtherance of his designs,
he held a council or synod at Hertford in
673, when annual synods were agreed upon,
and other ecclesiastical regulations adopted.
Another synod at Hatfield, in 680, estab-
lished the faith of the English churches,
on the basis of the five first general coun-
cils.— Hitherto there had been but one bish-
op in each kingdom of the Heptarchy, ex-
cept Kent, which had two bishops ; but now,
the ambition of ruling induced the primate
and some of the kings to divide bishoprics,
in order to diminish the power of the lordly
prelates. Hence, about the end of the cen-
tury, the Heptarchy contained sixteen bish-
oprics : viz., Canterbury and Rochester, in
Kent ; London, in Essex ; Dunwich and
Elmham, in East Anglia ; Winchester and
Sherburn, in Wessex ; Litchfield, Leicester,
Hertford, Worcester, and Synacester, in
Mercia ; and York, Lindisfarne, Hexam, and
Withern. in Northumberland. — The Irish
and Scotch churches were in a very pros-
perous state during this century. — TV.]
(6) See Acta Sanctor., torn, ii., Februar.,
p. 362.
(7) Jo. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Ben-
edict!, torn, ii., p. 560, &c., torn, iii., p. 72,
339, 500, and elsewhere. Adamanni, lib.
iii. de S. Columbano, in Hen. Canisii Lec-
tiones Antiquae, torn, i., p. 674. — [See a
brief account of St. Columbanus, above, p.
392, note (14).— TV.]
(8) Walafrid Strabo, Vita Sti. Galli, in
Jo. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Benedicti,
torn, ii., p. 228, [ed. Venice, p. 215, &c.]
Hen. Canisii Lectiones Antiquae, torn, i.,
p. 783. [St. Gall, or St. Gallus, was born
in Ireland, of religions parents, who early
committed him to Columbanus for education.
He became a monk of Bangor, under Co-
lumbanus, and was one of the 12 Irish
monks, who left Ireland with Columbanus,
about the year 589, travelled through Eng-
land to the Continent, and erected the mon-
astery of Luxeul in Burgundy. When Co-
lumbanus, 20 years after, was driven from
this monastery, St. Gall accompanied him in
exile. Ascending the Rhine, they penetra-
ted the heart of Switzerland, about the year
610, and took residence among the pagans
at Tuggen, at the head of the lake of Zu-
rich. Attacking idolatry, St. Gall here burn-
ed the pagan temple, and cast their offerings
into the lake. This enraged the people, and
the monks had to flee. Travelling through
the canton of St. Gal!, they came to Arbon,
on the shores of the lake of Constance. Here
Willimar, the presbyter of the place, treated
them kindly, and aided them to form a set-
tlement at Bregents, at the eastern extremi-
ty of the lake. Here the monks attempted
to convert the surrounding pagans, and were
not without some success. But at the end
of two years, the unconverted procured an
order from the duke for the monks to quit
the country. Columbanus and the rest now
retired to Bobbio, in Italy ; but St. Gall was
left behind, sick. When recovered, he re-
tired into the wilderness with a few adhe-
rents, and erected the monastery of St. Gall,
in the province of the same name. Here he
spent the remainder of his days, in great rep-
utation and honour. He refused the bish-
opric of Constance, which he conferred on
his pupil John. His monastery flourished
much, and spread light over the surrounding
country. St. Gall died at Arbon, but was
interred in his monastery, at the age of 95,
according to Mabillon. His sermon at the
ordination of John at Constance, and some
epistles, are published by Canisius, loc. cit.
His life by Walifrid Strabo, from which this
notice is extracted, though full of legendary
tales, is written in a far better style than the
ordinary monkish biographies. — It appears,
according to Strabo, that Switzerland was
almost wholly pagan when first visited by
Columbanus in 610, but that Christianity
had then made considerable progress in Ger-
many, from the lake of Constance all along
the right bank of the Rhine. — TV.]
PROSPEROUS EVENTS.
425
conians or] Eastern Franks.(9) Near the close of the century, in the year
690, Willebrord, by birth an Anglo-Saxon, accompanied by eleven of his
countrymen, viz., Suidbert, Wigbert, Acca, Witibald, Unibald, Lebwin, the
two Ewalds, Wcrenfrid, Mtircr///n, and Adalbert, crossed over to Batavia
lying opposite to Britain, with a view to convert the Frieslanders to Chris-
tianity. From thence, in the year 692, they went to Fosteland, which most
writers suppose to be the island of Heligoland : being driven from there by
Radbod the king of the Frieslanders, who put Wigbert one of the company
to death, they wandered over Cimbria and the adjacent parts of Denmark.
Returning to Fricsland in the year 693, they attacked the superstition of
the country with better success. Willebrord was now created by the Ro-
man pontiiF, archbishop of Wilteburg, [since called Utrecht], and died at
an advanced age among the Batavians. His associates spread a knowledge
of Christianity among the Westphalians and the neighbouring nations. (10)
(9) Vita S. Kiliani, in Henr. Canisii Lec-
tiones Antiquae, torn, iii., p. 171, &c. J. Pet.
de Ludcwig, Scriptores rerum Wiirtsbur-
gens., p. 966. [See also the Life of St. Kil-
ian, in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bene-
dict., torn. ii., p. 951-953, ed. Venice, 1733.
According to these authorities, St. Kiliu/i,
Chilian, Cylian, Cilnin, or Kylloia, was an
Irishman, of honourable birth and good edu-
cation. In early life he had a great thirst
for knowledge ; and being very pious, and
possessing a perfect knowledge of missionary
enterprises, he planned one of his own.
Taking with him Coloman, Gallon, and Ar-
neval, presbyters, Donatus a deacon, and
seven others, he penetrated into Franconia,
which was wholly pagan, and took residence
at Herliipolis or Wurtzburg. Finding their
prospects good, Kilian, Coloman, and Tot-
nan went to Italy to obtain the papal sanc-
tion to their enterprise ; which having readily
obtained from Conon, (who was pope 1 1
months, ending Sept , 686), they returned to
Wiirtzburg, converted and baptized Gosbert
the duke, and a large number of his subjects.
But afterwards, persuading the duke that it
was unlawful for him to have his brother's
wife, Geilan, she seized an occasional ab-
sence of her husband, and murdered all the
missionaries. This cruel act is placed in
the year 696. But the massacre did not
prevent the progress of Christianity ; for the
duchess became deranged, the assassins re-
pented, and ,S'/ Kilian became the tutelar
saint of Wiirlzburg. — TV.]
(10) i Willebrordi, in Jo. Ma-
bdlun, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn, iii.,
p. 604. &c., [559, &c., ed. Venice]. Jo.
Molleri Cimbria Litterata, torn, ii., p. 980,
&c. [Bcda, Histor. Eccles., 1. v., c. 11. 12.
This famous missionary was born in Nor-
thumberland about A.I) (i.V.i, of pious pa-
rents. Educated in the monastery of Ripon
(Hirpensis), in Northumberland, at the age
VOL. I.— H H ir
of 20 he went to Ireland, where he studied
12 years. At the age of 33 he commenced
his mission, and sailed up the Rhine to
Utrecht, in the dominions of Radbod the pa-
gan king of the Friesians. Soon after he
went to France, and by advice of king Pcpin,
visited Italy, and obtained the sanction of
pope Scrgius to his enterprise. Returning
to Utrecht, he in vain attempted the conver-
sion of Radbod and his subjects. Therefore
proceeding northward, he landed at an island
called Fositdand, which was on the confines
of Denmark and Friesland, and so sacred
that its fruits, its animals, and even its wa-
ters were holy, and whoever profaned them
was to be punished with death. Willibrod
and his company wholly disregarded the sa-
credness of the place, violated the laws, were
arraigned before Radbod, who cast lots on
their destiny, by which one was doomed to
death, and the others dismissed. They now
penetrated into Denmark. On their return
to the confines of France, Pcpin, who in 693
had vanquished Radbcd. sent \Villibroil again
to Italy to be consecrated archbishop of
Utrecht. Pope Serg:us now gave him the
name of Clemens. Returning clothed with
dignity, his friend Pcpin aided him in his
work ; and for about 50 years from h;-
ing England, he laboured, and with much
success, as the apostle of the Frii'slanders.
He died about the year 740. at the advanced
age of 81. Thus far Alcttin's narrative goes.
Of his followers, it is said, that the two
v. (the one called the white, and the
other the black Ewald), were put to death
by a Saxon king, and their bodies cast into
the Rhine ; that Suidbfrt preached to the
Bructeri near Cologne, and at last ;
>-th on the Rhine, where he died A.D.
713; that \VilHbald became bishop of Eich-
sttiilt in Bavaria ; and Marccllinus bishop of
the country along the Issel. — TV.]
426 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
§ 4. Of these and other expeditions undertaken for the extension of
Christianity, an impartial man who adheres to truth will not pass an in-
discriminate judgment. That some of these preachers were men of hon-
est simplicity and piety, no one can doubt. But most of them show man-
ifest proofs of various sinful passions, of arrogance, avarice, and cruelty ;
and having received authority from the Roman pontiff to exercise their sa-
cred functions among the barbarians, they did not so much collect holy
congregations of devout Christians, as procure for themselves a people among
whom they might act the part of sovereigns and lords. I cannot therefore
strongly censure those, who suspect that some of these monks, being de-
sirous of ruling, concealed for a time their vicious propensities under the
veil of religion, and imposed upon themselves various hardships, that they
might acquire the rank and honours of bishops and archbishops.
§ 5. Of the Jews, very few, if any, voluntarily embraced Christianity.
But the Christians compelled many of them in different places, by means
of penalties, to make an outward profession of belief in Christ. The em-
peror Heraclius being incensed against them, as is reported, by the influ-
ence of Christian doctors, made havoc of the miserable nation, and ordered
vast numbers of them to be dragged reluctantly to baptism.(ll) The kings
of Spain and Gaul had no hesitation to do the same, notwithstanding the
Roman pontiffs were opposed to it. (12) Such evils resulted from ignorance
of the true principles of Christianity, and from the barbarism of the age.
CHAPTER II.
ADVERSITIES OF THE CHURCH.
() 1. Persecutions of the Christians. — § 2. Mohammed. — § 3. Judgment concerning him.
— § 4. Causes of the Rapid Progress of his Religion. — $ 5. Disposition of the Mohamme-
dans towards the Christians. — § 6. Sects among them.
§ 1. THE Christians suffered less in this than in the preceding centuries.
By the Persian kings, they were at times persecuted ; but the rage against
them soon subsided. In England some of the petty kings oppressed the
new converts to Christianity ; but soon after, these kings themselves became
professed Christians. In the East, especially in Syria and Palestine, the
Jews sometimes rose upon the Christians with great violence ;(1) yet so
unsuccessfully as to suffer severely for their temerity. Those living among
the Christians who secretly consulted about restoring the pagan religions,
were too weak to venture on any positive measures.
§ 2. But a new and most powerful adversary of Christianity, started up
in Arabia, A.D. 612, in the reign of Heraclius. MoJiammed was indeed
an illiterate man ;(2) but still an Arab nobleman, naturally eloquent, and
(11) Eutychius, Annales Ecclesiae Alex- (1) Eutyrhius, Annales, torn, ii., p. 236,
andr., torn, ii., p. 212, &c. &c. Jo. Henr. Hot/inner, Historia Orien-
(12) [See some authorities on this subject, talis, lib. i., c. iii., p. 129, &c.
quoted by Baronius, Annales Eccles. ad (2) Mohammed himself professed to be
ann. 614, sub fin., torn, viii., p. 239, &c., destitute of science and learning, and even
ed. Antw., 1600. — Tr.] to be unable to read and write : and his fol-
ADVERSE EVENTS.
427
possessing great acuteness of mind. (8) He proclaimed that he was sent
of God, to overthrow all polytheism ; and also to purge and reform, first,
the religions of the Arabs, and next, those of the Jews and the Christians :
and having framed a law which is called the Koran,(£) after gaining some
lowers have deduced from this his ignorance,
an argument for the divinity of the religion
which he taught. But it is hardly credible,
that he was so rude and ignorant a man.
And there are some among his adherents,
who question the reality of the fact. See
Jo. Chardin, Voyages en Perse, torn, iv.,
p. 33, 34. Indeed, when I consider that
Mohammed for a long time pursued a gainful
commerce in Arabia and the adjacent coun-
tries, I think he must have been able to read
and write and cast accounts, for merchants
cannot dispense with this degree of knowl-
edge. [Dr. Mosheim here reasons in the
very manner which he himself condemns ;
viz., such a thing does not occur at this day,
and therefore it did not in ancient times.
(See the Introd., § 19, p. xix., supra). Ac-
cording to the Koran and all the Mohamme-
dan writers, the times preceding Mohammed
were times of ignorance among the Arabs.
The tribe of Hamyar in Yemen had indeed
for some centuries possessed a rude alpha-
bet ; but the use of it was not publicly taught,
nor suffered except with special permission.
The Arab Jews and Christians, likewise, un-
doubtedly had the use of letters ; but all the
pagan Arabs of the Ishmaelitish stock, in-
cluding the tribe of Koreish as well as others,
were without letters, previously to the intro-
duction of the Cufic character in which the
Koran was first written. This alphabet was
invented at Cufah in Irak, a little before the
times of Mohammed, and was first taught at
Mecca, as it is said, by Bashar the Kendian,
iust before the institution of the Mohamme-
dan religion. (See Sale's Koran, Prelim.
Diss., () i., p. 35.) Hence the best educa-
ted men in his tribe, up to the time he ap-
peared, were unable to read and write ; and
was about 12 years before he assumed the
character of a prophet. Now that such a
man should be among the very first in Mecca
to loarn the use of letters, is not to be ex-
pected. Much less can we infer from his
occupation, that he must have been able to
read and write. That he employed his son-
in-law AH, as his scribe in committing the
Koran to writing, is the constant testimony
of his followers. And that he should appeal
in that book to his own ignorance of letters,
as proof that he did not write it out and pol-
ish it in his closet, seems to be good evi-
dence of such ignorance. For his intimate
acquaintances must have known whether that
ignorance was real or not ; and, as most of
them were slow to admit his pretensions to a
divine mission, it cannot be supposed that
he would jeopardize his reputation as a man
of veracity and of common sense, by refer-
ring them to what they knew to be false, as
good evidence of his inspiration. See Sale's
Koran, ch. i., vol. i., p. 192, and ch. xxix.,
vol. ii., p. 256. See also Gibbon's Decl. and
Fall of Rom. Emp , ch. 1., not. 70, vol. v., p.
147, &c. And on the other side, White's
Sermons, p. 203, 204, and notes p. xxvi.-
xxxviii. ; also G. Bush's Life of Mohammed,
p. 38, 39.— TV.]
(3) The writers on his life and religion
are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, De-
lectus et Syllabus Argumentor. pro veritate
religionis Christiana?, cap. 1., p. 733, dec. To
which may be added count Boulainvilhers,
Vie de Mahomet, Lond., 1730, 8vo, which
however is rather a romance than a history.
Jo. Gagnicr, Vie de Mahomet, 2 vols. 12mo,
Amsterd., 1732, is commendable for the in-
genuousness of the author, yet the style is
dry. George Sale, a distinguished and very
much more the camel drivers and the men judicious author, in his Preliminary discourse
prefixed to his version of the Koran, sec. ii.,
[p. 45, &c.,ed. Lond., 1825. II. I'
Life of Mahomet, 1697, 8vo. Geo. Bush,
Life of Mohammed, N. York, 1834. 18mo.
','ibbon, Hist, of the Decl. and Fall of
the Rom. Emp., ch. 1., vol. v., p. 145, &c.,
York, 1826. P. Bai/lr, Dictionnaire
Historique, art. Mahomet . Hopae-
dia, art. Mahomet. Andr. Cnchtor,'
tory of Arabia, N. Y., 1834, vol. i., ch. vi.
Abulfcda, Annales Muslrm.. Ar. and Lat.,
2 vols. 4to, Hafnis, 1790. Abulfcda, de
Vita et Rebus Gestis Mohammed is, Arab,
and Lat., Oxon., 1723 Schrocckh, Kirch-
engesch., vol. xix., p. 327—405 — TV.]
(4) For an account of the Koran, see, in
active life, such as Mohammed was.
Though of noble birth, he was an orphan
child, whose whole patrimony was five cam-
els and a female slave His uncle, Abu Td-
leb, who brought him up, twice sent him in his
caravan to Syria, first when he was 13 and
then when about 20 years old. In the inter-
val he went on a military expedition against
a neighbouring tribe. And this is all we
know of him till the age of 25, when he was
recommended to a rich widow of Mivca
named Cadijah, to be her factor ; and she
sent him in that capacity to Damascus and
the adjacent parts of Syria. On his return
she gave him her hand and her fortune, and
he became an opulent citizen of Mecca. This
428
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
victories over his enemies, he compelled an immense multitude of persons,
first in Arabia, and then in the neighbouring countries, to assent to his doc-
trines. Elated with this unexpected success, he now began to think of
founding an empire ; and he effected his object with no less felicity than
boldness, so that at his death he saw himself the sovereign of all Arabia,
and of several of the neighbouring countries. [After his marriage with Ca-
dijah, Mohammed resided at Mecca, which was at that time the principal
seat of Arabian idolatry, and much frequented by pilgrims on account of
its famous temple called Caaba. Here he conceived the idea of reclaim-
ing his countrymen from idolatry, and of restoring the primitive and only
true religion, which had been taught by Abraham and Ishmael, by Moses
and the prophets, and by Jesus Christ and his apostles. Retiring frequently
to a cave near the city for solitude and meditation, he at length persuaded
himself, or at least professed to believe, that he had divine revelations, and
was a prophet whom God commissioned to reform mankind. He first sta-
ted his pretensions to his wife, who readily came into his views. She com.
municated the secret to her cousin Warakah, who being a Christian and
somewhat acquainted with the Scriptures, yielded to her arguments, and
assured her that the same angel who in ancient times appeared to Moses
was sent to converse with Mohammed. His next convert was Zeid his ser-
vant, whom he now set free. AH the son of Abu Taleb next believed, and
preference to all others, Geo. Sale's very
learned Preliminary Discourse, prefixed to
his English version of that book. Add Vcr-
tot, Discours sur 1'Alcoran ; annexed to the
third volume of his History of the Knights
of Malta, in French : Jo. Chardin, Voyages
en Perse, torn, ii., p. 281, new ed. The
book which the Mohammedans call the Ko-
ran, is a collection of papers and discourses
discovered and published after the death of
Mohammed ; and is not that Law, which he
so highly extolled. Perhaps some parts of
the true Koran are still found in the modern
Koran : but that the Koran or Law, which
Mohammed prescribed to the Arabians, dif-
fered from the present Koran, is manifest
from the fact, that Mohammed in our Koran
appeals to and extols that other the true Ko-
ran. A book which is commended and ex-
tolled in any writing, must certainly be dif-
ferent from that in which it is commended.
May we not conjecture, that the true Koran
was an Arabic poem, which Mohammed re-
cited to his adherents, and wished them to
commit to memory, but which he did not
\vrite out? Such, it is well known, were
the laws of the Gallic Druids ; and such is
said to be that Indian law, which the Brah-
mins learn and preserve in their memories.
[These conjectures of Dr. Mosheim appear
to be wholly without foundation. There is
no reason to believe, that there ever was a
Koran essentially different from that we now
have , or that Mohammed declined commit-
ting his pretended revelations to writing.
The only argument adduced by Dr. Mo-
sheim is of no force at all, considering the
manner in which the Koran came into exist-
ence. The book itself professes to have
been composed by God, in the highest heav-
ens, and thence sent down to the lower heav-
ens by the angel Gabriel, who communica-
ted it by parcels to Mohammed, during the
twenty-three years that he claimed to be a
prophet. Moreover, the parcels revealed
last, often revoked or modified what had
been revealed before, and likewise replied
to the objections of infidels against the book.
See Sale's Koran, vol. i., ed. Lond., 1825,
ch. vi., p. 159 ; and vol. ii., ch. x., p. 31 ; ch.
xvi., p. 107 ; ch. xxv., p. 213 ; ch. xcvii., p.
497. The Mohammedan doctors say, the
Koran existed, together with the decrees of
God, from all eternity, engraven on a table
of stone hard by the throne of God, and
called the Preserved fable ; that God sent
the angel Gabriel, with a transcript of the
entire Koran, down to the lowest heavens,
where, during 23 years, he revealed it by
parcels to Mohammed ; that Mohammed
caused these parcels to be written down by
his scribe, as they were received, and pub-
lished them at once to his followers, some of
whom took copies, while the greater part got
them by heart ; that the original MSS. of
the scribe, when returned, were thrown pro-
miscuously into a chest, whence they were
taken, after the prophet's death, and pub-
lished collectively, in their present form and
order, which is wholly without regard to
dates, or a classification of subjects. See
Sale's Prelim. Disc., $ iii., p. 77-95.— TV.]
ADVERSE EVENTS. 429
afterwards Abubeker, Othman, Abd'alrdhman, Saad, al Zobeir, and Telha —
all his relatives and principal men of Mecca. At the end of three years,
he concluded to make known his pretensions to all his family connexions
assembled at a grand entertainment. But they turned the whole into rid.
icule. He. was not discouraged, but proceeded directly to proclaim his mis-
sion in public to the people". They resisted him at once, and becoming irrita-
ted, began to plot his ruin. Aba Tdleb, though far from becoming his disciple,
yet protected his nephew from violence. At the i :M! of live years, his lew
adherents met with so much abuse, that most of them fled the country, and
are said to have retired to Ethiopia. In the sixth year, lie gained some
important converts; but the following year there was a grand conspiracy
against him, and his own tribe became divided into hostile factions. In the
tenth year of his mission, his powerful protector Abu Tdleb died, and also
his wife Cadijah. The violence of his enemies was now so great, that he
deemed it advisable to retire from Mecca. He went to Tayef ; but being
soon driven from that city by the populace, he ventured to return to Mecca,
where he pi cached so successfully to the assembled pilgrims that he gained
a number of converts, and among them six inhabitants of Yathreb, ;:
wards named Medinat al Nabi, (city of the prophet), or simply Medina,
who were of the Jewish tribe Khazrai. In the twelfth year, no less than
twelve men of Medina came to Mecca, and by a solemn oath pledged them-
selves to adhere to Mohammed. On their return to Medina, accompanied
by the preacher Masdb, the new religion was propagated so successfully
at .Medina, that a large part of the people became Mohammedans. The
following year, which was the thirteenth of his mission, seventy-three con-
verts of Medina came to Mecca, and entered into a covenant with Mo.
hammed to protect and defend him by force of arms against all assailants.
This was the first step towards the employment of the sword in support of
his doctrine. He however dismissed them, and remained at Mecca with
his few friends there. As soon as they were gone, all the tribes of Mec-
cans banded together to assassinate him in his house. But he found means
to escape out of the city, and to make his way to Medina. This was the
famous flight of Mohammed, sixty-eight days after the commencement of
the Arabic lunar year that began on Friday, July 16, 622, and .vhieh the
Mohammedans called the year of the ///•//// or the Hegira. Hitherto Moham-
med had appeared only in the character of a prophet, — a character which
he had sustained by a life of self-denial, purity, and devotion, as well as by
ardent zeal to enlighten and reform his fellow-men. But he i;»u assumed
the character of a temporal sovereign as well as a prophet, and claimed to
have absolute power in civil as well as religious matters. Arguments and
entreaties were no longer the only means he used in making converts, but he
pretended to have a command from God to propagate the truth and to sup."
press all false religions by the power of the sword. He accordingly led
his followers to battle, waged offensive as well as defensive wars in support
of his religion, and gave to idolaters no alternative but death or the pro-
fession of Islamism. In the course of eleven years he brought all Arabia
under his dominion, and purged it of idolatry. He also gave himself up
to excessive venery, and claimed to have divine permission to marry as
many wives as he pleased, and whom he pleased, without regard to the laws
which are binding on other men. Yet he continued t6 exhibit the sn mi-
religious zeal as before, and seemed not at all sensible of any incongruity
430 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
between his pretensions and his conduct. He died at Medina in the year
632, while preparing to extend his conquests into foreign countries ; and
died, as he had lived, apparently with a self-approving conscience, and in the
full persuasion that he had faithfully discharged the duties of his prophetic
office, and was going to receive a rich reward. — See the writers mentioned
in note (3), supra. — Tr.]
§ 3. No one can at this day form a perfect judgment of the entire char-
acter, views, and designs of Mohammed. For we cannot safely rely on
the Greek writers, who made no hesitation to load their enemy with slan-
ders and falsehoods ; nor can we trust to the Arabians, who are the very
worst historians, who conceal all his vices and crimes, and depict him as
altogether a divine person. Besides, a very considerable part of his life,
and that too from which the motives and secret springs of his conduct
would best appear, lies concealed from us. It is very probable, however,
that abhorrence of the superstition in which he saw his countrymen involved,
so wrought upon him as to throw him into a disordered state of mind ; and
that he really believed, that he was divinely commissioned to reform the
religion of the Arabs, and to reinstate among them the worship of the one
true God. But it is also certain, that afterwards, when he saw his attempts
going into successful operation, he deluded the fickle and credulous multi-
tude with impious tricks and impositions, in order to strengthen his cause ;
and even feigned divine revelations, whenever occasion seemed to require
it or any great difficulty occurred. Nor was this fraud inconsistent with
his being a fanatic ; for most fanatics look upon the deception which seems
necessary to their success, to be holy and approved of God ; and they of
course resort to deception, when they can do it safely.(5) The religion
which he inculcated, is not what it would have been if his designs had not
been opposed. The pertinacity with which the Arabians adhered to the
opinions and customs of their ancestors, and the hope of gaining over the
Jews and the Christians to his cause, undoubtedly led him to approve and
to tolerate many things which he would have rejected and abrogated if he
had been at liberty to pursue his own choice.
§ 4. The causes of the rapid propagation of this new religion among so
many nations, are not difficult to be discovered. In the first place, the ter-
ror of arms which Mohammed and his successors carried with great suc-
cess into different countries, compelled vast multitudes to receive his law.
In the next place, his law itself was admirably adapted to the natural dis-
positions of men, and especially to the manners, the opinions, and the vices
prevalent among the people of the East ; for it was extremely simple, pro-
posing very few things to be believed ; nor did it enjoin many and difficult
duties to be performed, or such as laid severe restraints on the propensi-
ties of men. (6) Moreover, the consummate ignorance, which characterized
(5) This, in my judgment, is the best way ran, sec. ii., [p. 53, &c., ed. Lond., 1825.
of deciding the controversy, which has been Schrocckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xix., p. 380,
agitated by learned men of our age ; whether &c. — Tr.]
Mohammed was a fanatic or an impostor"! (6) See Hadr. Rcland, de rcligione Ma-
See Peter liayle, Dictionnaire Historique, humedica, Libri.ii., Utrecht, 1717, 12mo.
torn, iii., article Mahomet, note K. Sim. Geo. Sale, Prelim. Dissert, to the Koran,
Ockley, Conquest of Syria, Persia, and sec. iv., v., vi. [Han. More, Dictionary of
Egypt, by the Saracens, torn, i., p. 68, all Religions, art. Mahometans, ed. 1817.
Lond., 1708, 8vo. George Sale, Prelitni- H. Hallam's View of Europe in the middle
nary Discourse to his translation of the Ko- ages, vol. ii., p. 402, &c., ed. Philad., 1821.
ADVERSE EVENTS.
431
for the most part the Arabians, the Syrians, the Persians, and other nations
of the East, gave a bold and eloquent man easy control over the minds of
immense numbers. We may add, that the virulent contests among the
Christians — Greeks, Nestorians, Eutychians, and Monophysites, which fill.
ved a large part of the East with carnage and horrible crimes, rendered
their religion odious in the eyes of many. And further the Monophysites
and Nestorians, whom the Greeks oppressed most grievously, gave assist-
ance to the Arabians and facilitated their conquest of certain provinces,
and thus secured the preponderance to their sects in those regions. (7)
Other causes will readily suggest themselves, to such as consider attentively
the state of the world and the character of the Mohammedan religion.
§ 5. After the death of Mohammed in the year 632, his followers issu-
ing forth from Arabia with their native fortitude stimulated by a furious
fanaticism, and aided, as has already been observed, by those Christians
who were persecuted by the Greeks, extended their conquests over Syria,
Persia, Egypt, and some other countries. (8) Nor could the Greeks, har-
assed with intestine commotions and various wars, put forth sufficient en-
ergy to check their rapid career. The victors at first used their prosper-
ity with moderation, and were very indulgent towards the Christians, es-
pecially to those who opposed the decrees of Ephesus and Chalcedon.
But as is common with those enjoying uninterrupted success, they insensi-
bly swerved from this moderation into severity, and so loaded the Chris-
tians with taxes and other burdens and injuries, that their condition more
resembled that of slaves than of citizens. (8*)
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch., vol. xix., p. 356,
&c.— TV.]
(7) See Euseb. Renaudot, Historia Patri-
arch. Alexandr., p. 163, 169, [and Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, &c., ch. li., where this is
shown by the conduct of the Copts, or Jacob-
ites in Egypt. — TV.]
(8) See Simon Ockley, Conquest of Syria,
Persia, and Egypt, by the Saracens, vol. i.,
Lond , 1708, and vol. ii., Lond., 1717, 8vo ;
[also Gibbon, Decline and Fall, &c., ch. 1.,
li.— TV.]
(8*) [Mohammed framed the Koran to be
the basis of civil government, as well as of
religion, among his followers ; and in all
ages they have so regarded it till the present
time. Church and state, religion and civil
policy, are so united and blended by the Ko-
ran, that they cannot be separated, but must
stand or fall together. And hence the per-
manence and unchangeable character of the
Mohammedan religion, in all countries where
it has become established. For to attempt
to change the religion of a Mohammedan
country, or even to convert any of its citi-
zens, is to plot against the state, — it is high
treason, and must be punished as such. — Mo-
hammed united in his own person the two
characters of an absolute monarch, and of a
sovereign pontiff or high-priest ; and the
Koran made no provision for these two of-
fices ever to be separated. At the same
time he named no one to succeed himself,
nor pointed out the manner in which this
complex office should descend from one per-
son to another. Hence his ghostly empire
was in imminent danger of dissolution at his
death. But the religious enthusiasm of his
followers preserved and perpetuated it. Abu-
beker, one of his fathers-in-law, was made
Kalif, or successor to the prophet. After
his death in 634, Omar held the kalifate till
644 ; then Othman till 655 ; then AH, the
son-in-law of Mohammed, till 661. These
all reigned at Medina. In the year 661 AH
was assassinated, and soon afterwards his son
Hasan ; and Moarciyah of the family of Om-
miyah, who was governor of Syria, grasped
the kalifate. He made Damascus the seat
of empire ; and his family reigned there as
kalifs for 91 years, or till A.D 752. After-
wards, the family of Abbas held the kalifate,
and reigned at or near Bagdad till A.D. 934 ;
when this empire of the Saracens, which had
previously been dismembered, sunk alto-
gether, and the Moslem countries fell under
the dominion of various Mohammedan sover-
eigns, each absolute in his own dominions.
It was under the kalifs who reigned at Me-
dina and Damascus, or during the first cen-
tury of Islamism, that the Saracens made the
greater part of their foreign conquests. Du-
ring his lifetime Mohammed demanded of
the Persians, the Greeks, and other bordering
432
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
§ 6. The civil dissensions among the Mohammedans, which aroso soon
after the death of their prophet, were not a little injurious to the success
of their enterprises. Abubeker the father-in-law, and All the son-in-law
of Mohammed, had hard contention about the right to the throne, which
each claimed to himself; and this controversy being handed down to pos-
terity, divided the whole race into two great parties, separated not only by
a difference in opinions and practices, but also by deadly hatred. The two
sects are called, the one Sonniles, and the other Shiites. (9) The former
contend that Abubeker was the true Kalif ' ; the latter, that Ali was the le-
gitimate Kalif or successor of Mohammed. Both regard the Koran as of
divine origin, and as the authoritative rule in religion ; but the Sonniles
unite with it the Sonna, a sort of oral law, derived from Moliammed, and
serving to explain the Koran ; which the Shiites wholly discard. The
Turks, Tartars, Africans, and most of the Indians, are Sonnites ; the Per-
sians and Mogores are Shiites ; yet the Mogores seem to belong to neither
sect. (10) Besides these two grand divisions, there are among the Moham-
medans four principal sects and a great many subordinate ones, which con-
tend sharply respecting various subjects in religion, yet practise mutual
toleration.(ll)
nations, to receive and obey his religion. He
likewise sent an army, and at length inarch-
ed himself with 10,000 troops, to make con-
quests on the confines of Palestine ; but he
failed of success. His successors vigorously
prosecuted foreign conquests, by sending ar-
mies of enthusiastic Arabs under the com-
mand of able generals, who became the gov-
ernors of the provinces they subdued. Syria
and Palestine were conquered under Abube-
ker and Omar, by Abu Abcidah, Calcd, and
others, between the years 632 and 639.
Egypt was subdued by the valiant Amrou, in
the kalifateof Omar, A.D. 640 ; and Persia,
Mesopotamia, and Armenia, about the same
time. From Egypt the Saracens traversed the
whole northern shore of Africa, but were half
a century in bringing it under entire subjec-
tion. From Africa they passed into Spain in
the year 709, under Tank and Musa, in the
kalifate of Walid, and completed their con-
quests there in the space of three or four
years. The country beyond the Oxus in
Asia, was conquered under the same kalif. —
In most of their wars the Saracens were the
assailants ; and they offered no other excuse
for declaring war, than their desire to propa-
gate their religion. Hence, before they at-
tacked any city or fortress, they proposed
three things to the choice of the persons in
it, either to embrace the Mohammedan reli-
gion, or to submit to tribute, or to be con-
quered and enslaved. The second proposi-
tion was not made to any pagans or idola-
ters, but only to Christians, Jews, Magians,
and Sabians, or such as had books of real
or pretended revelation. For the pagans,
the only alternative was conversion or sla-
very and death. To such as embraced the
first proposal, they granted at once all the
privileges of fellow-citizens with themselves ;
and to those who preferred the second, they
were generally faithful to perform their en-
gagements. Those who preferred a resort
to the sword, were treated with great cruelty
when conquered. The men were generally
butchered if they did not instantly become
Mussulmans, and the women and children
were made slaves. See the references in
the preceding note. — TV.]
(9) See Adr. Rcland, de Religione Tur-
cica, lib. i., p. 36, 70, 74, 85 Joh. Char-
din, Voyages en Perse, torn, ii., p. 236, &c.
(10) The principles of the Sonnites may
be learned from the tract published by Adr.
Reland, de Relig. Turcica, lib. i. The re-
ligion and opinions of the Shiites are clearly
stated by Joh. Chardin, Voyages en Perse,
tome iv., the whole.
(11) On the Mohammedan sects, see Jo.
Hcnr. Hottinffcr, Historia Orientalis. lib. ii.,
cap. vi., p. 340. Ricaut, Etat de 1'Empire
Ottoman, lib. ii., p. 242. Jo. Chardin, Voy-
ages en Perse, torn, ii., p. 236. Ceo. Sale,
Preliminary Discourse to the Koran, sec.
viii., p. 207, &c. — [The following account
of the Moslem sects is abridged from Sale,
ubi supra. The Sonnites, or believers in the
traditions of Mohammed, are divided into
four principal sects, which are accounted or-
thodox, and have their several oratories in
the temple of Mecca. They derive their
names from the celebrated doctors, whose
dogmas they embrace : viz., I. The Han-
cfites, so named from Abu Hanifa of Bag-
dad, who was born A.D. 699, and died in
ADVERSE EVENTS.
433
767. These are distinguished from the other
sects by adhering less to the traditions, and
by making more use of reason in their dis-
cussions. Formerly they resided chiefly in
Irak, but now they abound every where
among the Turks and the Tartars. — II. The
Mcdchites follow Malec Ebn Ans of Medina,
who was born about A.D. 710, and died
about 794. He was distinguished for the
most scrupulous adherence to the traditions,
and for extreme distrust of his own opinions.
This sect abounds in Barbary and Africa.
— III. The Shafeites follow Mohammed Ebn
Edns al Shafe:i, who was born in Palestine
A.D 767, educated at Mecca, and died in
Egypt A.D. 819. He was a well-educated
man, an enemy of scholastic divinity, and
the first who systematized the Mohammedan
jurisprudence. His followers live chiefly in
Arabia and Persia. — IV. The Hanoalites fol-
low Ahmed Ebn Hanbal of Bagdad, who
was born A.D. 780, and died A.D. 855.
He was distinguished for his strictness in
adhering to the letter of the law. About
the year 924 his followers were very nu-
merous at Bagdad, and so zealous against
the use of wine and all joviality, that they
would break into houses and disperse com-
panies indulging themselves in wine and mu-
sic. But edicts were published to restrain
them, and they have dwindled to a few in-
dividuals living chiefly in Arabia.
The sects which the Sonnites account he-
retical, because they differ from themselves
in points esteemed fundamental, are said to
be seventy-three in number. Their hereti-
cal opinions relate principally to the meta-
physical nature of the divine attributes, pre-
destination, the sins of believers, and the
offices of prophets and leaders of the faith-
ful. According to their belief on these sub-
jects, they may all be brought under the four
following denominations, each embracing
several minor sects or subdivisions. — I. The
Motazalites or separatists originated from
Wasel Ebn Ata of Basra, in the latter part
of the seventh century. Their departure
from Islam orthodoxy related chiefly to the
following articles. (1) In regard to the di-
vine attributes, the Sonnites held that God
existed from eternity, clothed with various
essential attributes, omniscience, omnipo-
tence, &c. ; but the Motazalites, in order to
defend more effectually the doctrine of the
divine unity, denied all eternal attributes,
and predicated eternity of God's essence
only. They said, God knows by his essence,
and not by his knowledge ; wills by his es-
sence, and not by his will ; and so of his
other attributes. They were charged with
divesting God of his attributes, in order to
maintain his unity. (2) In regard to the
VOL. I— I I I
Koran, the Sonnites maintained that it was
eternal and uncreated ; but the Motazalites
affirmed the contrary ; and some of them
said, if it were eternal it would be God, and
then there would be a plurality of Gods. —
(3) In regard to decrees and free agency,
the Sonnites were rigid predestinarians ;
maintained the necessity of human actions,
and denied free will to man ; but the Mo-
tazalites denied absolute decrees, and main-
tained the doctrine of free will and of the
contingency of human actions. (4) In re-
gard to Moslem believers, the Sonnites held,
that none of them would be condemned to
everlasting punishment for their sins ; but
the Motazalites held, that if a Moslem were
guilty of any grievous sin and died without
repentance of it, he would be punished ever-
lastingly, though less intensely than an un-
believer.— (5) The Motazalites denied all
vision of God in paradise by the corporeal
eyes. — On all these subjects the Motazalites
held the general positions above stated, in
opposition to the Sonnites ; but they dif-
fered greatly among themselves in the ex-
position of their views, and thus became di-
vided into more than twenty minor sects,
named after the several doctors whom they
followed. — II. The Sefatians or attnbutists,
at first agreed entirely with the Sonnites as
to the nature of the divine attributes, but af-
terwards they began to talk of a new class
of attributes called declarative, because they
are ascribed to God in narrations and decla-
rations of his proceedings. They are such
as hands, face, eyes, feel, &c. At first the
Sefatians merely said, that these attributes
were given to God in the Koran, and there-
fore they also affirmed them, but without
explaining them. Afterwards, they adopted
such explanations as seemed to make God
a material and corporeal being. In regard
to most of the other points in which the
Motazalites differed from the orthodox, the
Sefatians either took middle ground, or
agreed more with the orthodox than with
the Motazalites. Among themselves they
were divided into jive subordinate sects,
some of which approximated to the views
of Christians, and some advanced very gross
and vulgar conceptions. — III. The Karejite*
or revolters, were the oldest of all the Mo-
hammedan sects. In the 37th year of the
Hegira, A.D. 658, when the Kalif Ali was
contending with his rival Moawiyah, and
after the battle of Seffein agreed to submit
his cause to arbitration, 12,000 of his fol-
lowers revolted from him, because he sub-
mitted a question to human decision, which
should have been left to God alone to de-
termine. Most of these were indeed slain
in battle in the following year ; but they
434
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART I.— CHAP. II.
afterwards propagated their sentiments in
Persia, Mesopotamia, and Arabia, and be-
came considerably numerous, being divided
into six or seven subordinate sects. Though
differing in various other points, they all
agreed in excluding both Othman and Ali
from the list of true kalifs, in accounting
every person who commits any grievous sin
as really an infidel and to be treated as such,
and in regarding it as an imperious religious
duty to resist forcibly any Imam who devi-
ates from the law. The first Karejites main-
tained, that any fit man, though not of the
Koreish tribe, might be constituted Imam
or prince of the faithful ; that for malcon-
duct, an Imam might be deposed and even
put to death ; and that it was not absolutely
necessary there should be any Imam. As
to Ali, they not only accused him of sin in
submitting his cause to arbitration, but even
pronounced him an infidel and accursed for
this crime. — IV. The Shiites are the antip-
odes of the Karejites. They almost deify
the true and legitimate kalifs ; among whom
they regard Ali as the first, and his posterity
the only lawful successors. Yet they differ
exceedingly on other points. Some are Mo-
tazalites in doctrine, others come near to
the Sonnites, and so great is the diversity
of their sentiments that they constitute a
very great number of sects. Yet they all
differ from the Sonnites in the following par-
ticulars. They hold Abubeker, Omar, and
Othman, or the three first kalifs, to have
been usurpers ; they make All equal to Mo-
hammed himself in merits and authority ;
they accuse the Sonnites of corrupting and
disobeying the Koran ; and they wholly re-
ject the Sonna or book of traditions, as hav-
ing no authority whatever.
Besides these numerous sects, heretical
and orthodox, into which the Moslem com-
munity is divided, its repose has been dis-
turbed by a series of pretenders to inspira-
tion, who, like Mohammed, claimed to be
prophets sent to restore religion to its pris-
tine purity. Two of these were competitors
with Mohammed, in his lifetime, viz., Mo-
seilama and Al Ashwad. The former was
of the tribe of Honeifa in the province of
Yamama. In the year 629 he headed an
embassy from his tribe to Mohammed, and
professed himself a Moslem. But on his
return home, he concluded to set up for a
prophet himself, and offered Mohammed to
join in a partnership with him. His propo-
sal was of course rejected ; and Moseilama
gathered numerous followers, but was slain
in battle, with most of his adherents, by the
Mohammedans under the intrepid Caled,
A.D. 632. Al Ashwad was also an apostate
Mohammedan, who set up for himself in Ye-
men, but was slain in his palace in the same-
year, and about the time of Mohammed's
death. Other prophets and prophetesses
started up about the same time, but were
put down by the power of the kalifs. Nor
has any long period passed from that time
onward, without the appearance of some new
prophet among the Mohammedans. The
following are mentioned by Sale as the most
noted in the earlier centuries. About A.D.
775 appeared Hakem Ebn Hashem of Khora-
san, who arrogated to himself divine honours.
In the year 816 appeared Babec in Aderbi-
jan, who was with much difficulty subdued.
About A.D. 849, one Mahmud Ebn Faraj
pretended, to be Moses returned from the
other world. About A.D. 89], the fanatical
sect of Karmatians spread themselves in
Mesopotamia and about Cufah, following one
Karmata as their guide ; who seems to have
verily thought that he had divine revelations
and was a prophet. After his death, other
leaders of the sect pretended to have revela-
tions. Subsequently, the kindred but more
ferocious sect of Ismadians, called by the
crusaders Assassins, appeared in Asia, under
an Imam said to be of the family of Ali ; and
about the year 1095 they spread themselves
in the Persian Irak, where they were com-
manded by Hasan Sabah and his posterity
during 170 years. The celebrated Arab
poet Abu'l Teyyeb Ahmed, surnamed Mota-
nabbi, who died A.D. 965, for some time
laid claim to divine inspiration, and attracted
followers, till the civil arm compelled him to
renounce his pretensions and content himself
with being a mere poet. In the year 1240,
a Turkman named Baba set up for a prophet,
at Amasia in Natolia. He gathered an army
of 6000 horse, and made war upon all who
would not say, There is no god but God,
and Baba is the prophet of God. See Sale's
Prelim. Diss., sect, viii., p. 207-255 ; and
Sir Paul Rycaut, Turkish History, vol. ii.,
p. 61-66.— TV.]
LITERATURE AND SCIENCE. 435
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
HISTORY OF LITERATURE AND SCIENCE.
$ 1 . State of Learning. The Monks its Patrons. — § 2. Ignorance of the Bishops. — $ 3.
History and other Sciences, corrupted. — 6 4. State of Philosophy.
§ 1. THE profound ignorance and barbarism of this century, will hardly
appear credible to those who have not personally examined its literary
productions. What little of learning and knowledge still remained, with
a few exceptions, was confined to the cloisters of the monks, especially in
the western or Latin church. The laws forbid any one to be made an
abbot, unless he had some learning. The monks were required to devote
certain hours to reading ; and that they might derive greater profit from
this exercise, they were required, hi most monasteries, to converse to-
gether at stated times on what they had read.(l) It was their business
also to educate young men destined for the sacred office. But all the
institutions of this sort were of little service to the cause of learning and
to the church ; because very few had any just conceptions of the nature
and utility of the liberal arts and sciences ; and the majority were more
intent on the perusal of worthless writers and the lives of saints, than on
the study of valuable authors. The best among them studied the works
of Augustine and Gregory the Great ; and scraps gathered from these fa-
thers, constitute the best productions of the Latin church in this century.
§ 2. Kings and noblemen were attentive to every thing rather than to
the cause of learning. The rude and unlearned bishops suffered the
schools, which had been committed to their care, to languish and become
t-xtinct. (2) It was very rare to find among them persons able to compose
their own public discourses. Such of them as possessed some genius,
garbled from Augustine and Gregory a parcel of jejune addresses, a part
of which they kept for their own use, and the rest they imparted to their
more dull and stupid colleagues, so that they also might have something to
say. This is manifest from the examples of Casarius of Aries, and of
Eligius of Noyon. There is likewise extant a Summary of Theology,
which was unskilfully compiled by Tajo of Saragossa, from the writings
of Augustine and Gregory; and this insipid performance was so highly
esteemed, that the other bishops did not hesitate to pronounce its author
the true salt of the earth, and n dirinf luminary in the church. (3) Many
such proofs of the ignorance of the times may be easily collected, by any
. (1) Jo. Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ord. Ben- (3) Jo. MabiUon, Analecta veteris teri,
edict., torn, ii., p. 479, 513, et passim. torn, ii., p. 77.
(2) Hist. litt. de la France, par les Moins
Benedict. Sept. Siecle.tom iii., p 428, &c.
436 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
one disposed to examine the writers of this century. England however
was in a happier state, in this respect, than the other countries of Europe :
for Theodorus, a Cilician and bishop of Canterbury, of whom more will be
said hereafter, introduced into that country some attachment to letters and
learning. (4)
§ 3. The Greeks who attempted to write either poetry or in prose, ob-
scured very plain and simple subjects, by their tumid and fustian style.
The style of the Latins, with a few exceptions, was so base and corrupt
that it was not even capable of the same fault. History was wretchedly
degraded and perverted, both by the Greeks and the Latins. Among the
former Moschus, Sophronius and others, and among the latter Braulio, Jo-
nas an Hibernian, AudoenusorDado, and Adamannus, have transmitted to
us biographies of several saints, which are insipid and ridiculous, and des-
titute alike of an air of probability and of elegance of composition. The
Greeks led the way in committing to writing the floating traditions con-
cerning the more ancient times, without discrimination ; and hence origi-
nated those medleys of fables, which the Latins afterwards so greedily
caught up and retained.
§ 4. Philosophy, among the Latins, was at an end. Those who were
unwilling to neglect it altogether, were satisfied with committing to mem-
ory a few words and sentences taken from BoetMus and Cassiodorus. For
they were not disposed to reason on the subject, and they were unable to
consult the Greeks, from ignorance of their language. The Greeks,
abandoning Plato to certain of the monks, betook themselves to Aristotle ;
whose precepts were nearly indispensable in the theological contests of
the age with the Monophysites, Nestorians, and Monothelites, for all these
resorted to the Stagyrite for aid whenever they were called to the combat.
Hence James of Edessa, a Monophysite of this century, translated Aris-
totle's Dialectics into Syriac.(5)
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS, AND OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH,
$ 1. Disputes about Pre-eminence between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople. —
$ 2. The former opposed by many . — $ 3. Vices of the Clergy. — $ 4. State of the Monks.
— $ 5. Greek Writers. — $ 6. Latin Writers.
§ 1. THE contest for pre-eminence between the Roman and Constanti-
nopolitan prelates, had gained such a height in this century, that we may
clearly discern the commencement of that unhappy schism which after-
wards separated the Latins from the Greeks. It is commonly asserted,
and by men of the greatest learning and best acquainted with ancient his-
tory, that the Roman pontiff, Boniface III., prevailed on that abominable
tyrant Phocas, who, after murdering the emperor Mauritius, mounted the
(4) Dav. Wilkins, Concilia magnae Bri- (5) See Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori-
tanniae, torn, i., p. 42. Herm. Conringius, ent. Vatican., torn, i., p. 498.
Antiquitates Academicae, p. 277.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 437
imperial throne, to divest the bishop of Constantinople of the title of cecu.
menical bishop, and to confer it on the Roman pontiff. But this is
solely on the authority of Baronius ;( 1 ) for no ancient writer has given
such testimony. Yet Plwcas did something analogous to this, if we may
believe Anastasius and Paul Diaconus.(2) For whereas the bishops of
Constantinople had maintained, that their church was not only fully equal
to that of Rome but had precedence of all other churches, Phocas forbid
this, and determined that the priority of rank and dignity should be given
to the church of Rome.
§ 2. The Roman pontiffs used indeed every means to retain and to en-
large the power and dignity which they had acquired ; yet the history of
this period affords many proofs, not only that emperors and kings but that
nations also, resisted those attempts. Various proofs of the superiority
of the regal power in religious matters, and even over the pope himself,
may be collected from the Byzantine history, and from the Formulas 6f
Marculfus. The Roman writers indeed tell us, that Conslanline Pogona-
tus formally relinquished the right of confirming the election of a Roman
pontiff; and they cite Anastasius as a witness, who states that Pogonatus
ordered that a Roman pontiff elect should be ordained forthwith and without
delay.(3) But this testimony does not reach the point to be proved. It
appears however to have been the fact, that this emperor in the time of
the pontiff Agatho, remitted the customary payment to the court of a sum
of money for the confirmation of a pontifical election. (4) The ancient
Britons and Scots could not be moved, for a long time, either by the
threats or the promises of the papal legates, to subject themselves to the
Roman decrees and laws ; as is abundantly testified by Beda.(5) The
(1) [Baronius, Annales, ad ann. 606, No. diet), in Muratori, Scriptor. rerum Italic.,
2. — Schl.] torn. iii.,p. 146. [The words of Anastasiu*
(2) Anastasius, de Vitis Ponlificum, are : concessit, ut persona, quae electa fue-
(Bonifacius III.). Paulus Diaconus, de Re- rit in scdcm Apostolicam, e vcstigio absque
bus gestis Longobardor., lib. iv., cap. 37, in tarditate Pontifex ordinaretur. That is, it
Muratori, Scriptores rerum Italicar, torn, should not be necessary to write to Constan-
i., part i., p. 465. [Anastasius sa.ys, that tinople, but merely to obtain liberty from
" whereas the church of Constantinople had the emperor's vicegerent, the exarch of Ra-
claimed to be the first of all the churches, venna, previously to the ordination. More-
liniiiface obtained from the emperor Phocas, over history shows, that succeeding emperors
that the Romish church, the apostolic seat did not respect this privilege. — Si hi.]
of the blessed apostle Peter, (caput esset om- (4) Anastasius, de Vitis Pontif. (Aga-
tiiuin ecclf.siarum), should be the head of all tho), p. 144. Compare Jo. Ja. Mascov,
the churches." Paul Diaconus says :" This Historia Germanor., torn, ii., note, p. 121,
emperor Phocas, at the request of pope Bon- &.c. [According to Anastasius, the emper-
ifur.r, decreed that the see of the Roman or did not wholly remit, but only diminish
and apostolic church should be the first, the amount of the payment ; relevata esi
(primam csse), whereas the Constantinopoli- quantitas, quae solita est dari ; and this too,
tan had before assumed to be the first of all." with the express injunction that the ancient
— By being the first and the head, both the rule should be observed, and that no ordina-
bishops of Constantinople and the usurper tion should take place, till the, consent of the
Phocas seem to have understood merely pri- emperor should be obtained from court. Sea
ority of rank, and not that supreme authority Bower's Lives of the Popes, (Agatho), vol.
and dominion which* the Roman pontiffs af- iii., p. 131, «kc., ed. Lond., 1754. — TV.]
terwards claimed. It was intended as a (5) [BcJa, Hist. Eccles., 1. ii., c. 2, 1.
compliment; but it was construed into a iii.,c.2o. — Schl. The case of Wilfrid bish-
grant of unlimited power. See Bower's op of York, who being deposed and banished
Lives of the Popes, (Boniface III.), vol. ii., by the Saxon king in 678, appealed to Rome,
P. 546, <fcc., ed Lond., 1750. — Tr.] and returned acquitted, but was imprisoned
(3) Anastasius, de Vitis Pontif. (Bene- nine months, and then banished the king-
438
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
Gauls and the Spaniards, as no one can deny, attributed only so much
authority to the pontiff, as they supposed would be for their own advan-
tage.^) Nor in Italy itself, could he make the bishop of Ravenna and
others bow obsequiously to his will. (7) And of private individuals, there
were many who expressed openly their detestation of his vices and his
greediness of power. Nor are those destitute of arguments who assert,
that the Waldenses even in this age had fixed their residence in the val-
leys of Piedmont, and inveighed freely against Roman domination. (8)
§ 3. That the bishops of inferior rank and all who were intrusted with
sacred offices, as well those in the monasteries as those without, lived in
the practice of many enormities, is expressly admitted by every writer of
any note in this century. Eveiy where simony, avarice, pious frauds, in-
tolerable pride, insolence to the people at large, and even vices worse than
these, might be seen reigning in the places consecrated to holiness and vir-
tue.(9) Between the monks and the bishops, many pertinacious quarrels
existed in different places. For the latter laid their greedy hands on the
rich possessions of the monks, that they might support their own luxury.
And the monks feeling this very sensibly, first applied to the emperors and
kings, and not finding their protection adequate, resorted to the Roman
pontiff.(lO) He therefore readily took them under his care, and gradually
dom, is a strong case in point. See Bow-
er's Lives of the Popes, (Agatho), vol. iii.,
p. 98-105.— TV.]
(6) [It is well known, that the French
kings often deposed bishops, whom the popes
by all their efforts were not able to restore ;
and that in Spain, Julianus the bishop of
Toledo, freely censured pope Benedict II.
for sending into Spain his disapprobation of
a synodic letter, and accused his holiness
of ignorance, negligence, and jealousy. Yet
this Julianus is a canonized saint. See the
15th council of Toledo, in Harduin, Concil.,
torn, iii., p. 1761, &c.— Schl.~\
(7) Mich. Geddes, Miscellaneous Tracts,
vol. ii., p. 6, &c., [and Muratori, Hist, of
Italy, vol. iv., p. 157 ; where is a diploma
of the emperor Constan/ine IV., in which
he releases Maurus archbishop of Ravenna,
from obedience to the pope. At his death
this archbishop warned his clergy not to sub-
ject themselves to the Roman pontiff, but to
apply to the emperor for a pall for the new
archbishop. And to the present time the
archbishops claim a kind of independence of
the Romish see. Even the abbot St. Co-
lumbanus defends the ancient Irish manner
of keeping Easter, against the popes, with
great intrepidity, and likewise the subject of
the three Chapters, and this, at the instiga-
tion of king Agilulph. He maintains that
Vigilius was not watchful enough, and that
the pope ought to purge the seat of St.
Peter from all errors, from which it was not
now free. See his five Epistles, in the Bib-
lioth. max. Patr. Lugd., torn, xii., p. 1, &c.
(8) Anton. Leger, Histoire des Eglises
Vaudoises, lib. i., p. 15, &c., [and Spanheim,
Introduct. plen., tom.ii.,p. 598, &c. — ScA/.]
(9) [Thus we read of Desiderius a noble-
man, that he assumed the garb of a beggar,
and conducted Brunechild, who was expelled
the court of Theodebert, in safety to the
court of Burgundy. At her solicitation, her
faithful conductor was advanced to the bish-
opric of Auxerre ; (Daniel, History of
France, vol. i., p. 351 of the German trans-
lation); a worthy candidate for the episcopal
office ! To the simony of the clergy, the
national synod of Toledo, A.D. 653, can. 3,
bears testimony : to their avarice, the pro-
vincial synod of Merida in Spain, (Harduin,
torn, iii., p. 997) ; to their violence, the coun-
cil of Braga, A. 13. 675, where they were for-
bidden to inflict blows. In the same year,
a council at Toledo commanded the clergy
to read the Bible, on pain of excommunica-
tion, (Harduin, torn, iii., p. 1017), and re-
quired every new bishop to make oath, that
he had neither paid nor promised to pay mon-
ey for his bishopric. Even the papal chair
was not free from simony. To the pious
frauds must be reckoned the multitude of
fables, which were emulously fabricated.
Quite a collection of them is exhibited by
Dr. Semler, Historiae Eccles. selecta Cap-
ita, torn, ii., p. 55, &c., 60, &c. — Schl.]
(10) See Jo. Launoi, Assertio inquisitio-
nis in Chartam immunitatis S. Germani ;
Opp., torn, iii., part i., p. 50, &c. Baluze,
Miscellan., torn, ii., p. 159, torn, iv., p. 108,
Muratori, Antiquit. Italicamm torn- U-i Pt
944, 949, &p.
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT. 439
exempted them from the jurisdiction of the bishops. The monks, in return,
defended the interest of the pontiff as if it were their own ; and they rec-
ommended him as a sort of God to the ignorant multitude, over whom
their reputed sanctity gave them great influence. That these exemption*
of the monks were the cause of many of their vices and disorders, is ad-
mitted by several of the best writers.(ll)
§ 4. In the mean time the monks, from the favour of the pontiff and
their display of fictitious piety, were every where making surprising prog-
ress, especially among the Latins. Parents eagerly consecrated their
children to God, with good portions of their property made over to the mon-
asteries ; that is, they devoted them to what was esteemed the highest bliss
on earth, a life of solitude. (12) Those who had spent their lives in guilty
deeds, hoped to expiate their crimes, by conferring the greater part of their
property on some company of monks. And immense numbers impelled by
superstition, robbed their heirs of their richest possessions in order to ren-
der God propitious to them through the prayers of monks. Rules for mo-
nastic life were drawn up by Fructuosus, Isidorus, John Gerundinensis, Co-
lumbanus, and others among the Latins ;(13) for the Rule prescribed by
St. Benedict was not as yet become the universal and the only rule.
§ 5. Among the writers, few can be named who possessed much genius
or erudition. The best among the Greeks were the following : Maxi-
mus, a monk, who contended fiercely against the Monothelites, and wrote
some explanatory works on the scriptures, was by no means destitute of
native talent ; but he wns a man of a violent spirit, and in that respect un-
happy.(14) Isycliius bishop of Jerusalem, expounded some books of Scrip-
ture, and has left us a few Homilies and other minor works. (15) Dorothe-
(11) See Jo. Launoi, Examen privilegii was acquitted; but refusing to promise si-
S. Germani ; Opp., torn, hi., part i., p. 282. lence in the controversy then raging with the
Dav. Wilkins, Concilia magnae Britanniae, Monothelites, he was banished to Thrace
torn, i., p. 43, 44, 49, &c. and confined in different places till the year
(12) Gervais, Histoire de 1'Abbe Suger, 662, when he died in the castle of Schemra,
tome i , p. 9-16. on the confines of the Alans. His collect-
(13) Lucas Holstcnius, Codex Regular., ed works, published, Gr. and Lat., by Fran.
torn, ii., p. 225, &c. Combcfis, Paris, 1675, 2 vols. fol., consist
(14) [Ufazimus was born of noble parent- of about fifty small treatises, answers to Bib-
age at Constantinople, about A.D. 580. The lical questions, polemic and dogmatic tradts,
emperor Heraclius made him his secreta- moral and monastic pieces, and letters. Be-
ry. and intended he should write the civil sides these, he has left us Commentaries on
history of his times. But the emperor fall- the Canticles, on Dionysius Areopagita, and
ing into the heresy of the Monothelites, on some parts of Gregory Nyssen. He is
which Maximus abhorred, either disagree- an inelegant, obscure, metaphysical and my»-
ment between them or the propensity of Max- tical writer, yet learned and zealous. — Tr.]
imus to a monkish life, led him to retire (15) Sec Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bib-
from court and take residence in a monastery liotheque Ecclesiast. de M. du Pin, torn, i.,
at Chrysopolis near Constantinople. Here p. 261. [Hesychius or Isyckius, first a
Maximus became the abbot. Before the presbyter, and then bishop of Jerusalem,
year 640, the prevalence of Monothelitic flourished about A.D. 601. A Commentary
principles or the political disquietudes of the on Leviticus in vii. books, is extant in a Lat-
country, led him to travel. He went to in translation ; about which there has been
Egypt, where he had warm disputes with the much discussion, whether it was a produc-
prtncipal Monothelites. In the year 645 he lion of this Hcsychms or of some other,
went to Rome, and enjoyed the intimacy of See Labbf, Dis. Hisiorica, in Bellormm, de
pope Martin I. In 653 the emperor Con- Scriptor. Ecclesiast., p. 227, &c., ed. Ven-
etans II., who was a Monothelite, caused ice, 1727. The works of Hesychius, which
him to be arrested and brought to Constanti- are extant in Greek, are, Arguments to the
uop e, to be tried for seditious conduct. He twelve Minor Prophets and Isaiah ; two
440
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
us, an abbot in Palestine, acquired fame by the Ascetic Dissertations, with
which he would instruct monks how to live. (16) Antioclms, a monk of
St. Sabas in Palestine, composed a Pandect of the Holy Scriptures, that is,
Institutes of the Christian religion, a work of no great merit.(17) So-
phronius, bishop of Jerusalem, acquired the veneration of after ages, by
his conflicts with those reputed in his day as heretics, especially with the
Monothelites. (18) He was evidently the cause of the whole Monothelite
controversy. Andreas of Crete has left us several Homilies, which are nei-
ther truly pious, nor eloquent, and which some therefore suspect were false-
ly ascribed to him.(19) Gregory Pisides, a Constantinopolitan deacon, be-
sides a History of Heraclius and of the Avares, composed a few poems and
other short pieces. (20) Theodorus of Raithu is author of a book against
the free exercise of their religion, and hav-
ing given orders for erecting the mosque
of Omar on the site of the temple, retired
to Arabia. Sophronius died a few months
after, in the same year. His works are, the
Epistle or Dissertation above mentioned,
four Homilies, an account of the labours
and travels of the apostle Paul, the Life of
Si. Mary an Egyptian, and a tract on the
Incarnation. The best account of him and
his writings is said to be that of J. Alb. Fa-
bricius, Biblioth. Gr., vol. viii., p. 199, &c.
See Caw, Hist. Lit., torn. i.,p. 519.— Tr.]
(19) [Andreas was a native of Damas-
cus, became a monk at Jerusalem, a deacon
at Constantinople, and at last archbishop of
Crete. His age is not certain, but he was
contemporary with Sophronius of Jerusalem,
A.D. 635, and lived some years after. Fr.
Combefis published, as his works, Paris,
1644, in fol., Gr. and Lat., seventeen Hom-
ilies, nine Triodia, Canons or church Hymns,
and several shorter Hymns adapted to dif-
ferent festivals. He afterwards published
three more Homilies, and some poems, in
his Auctuar. Nov., torn. i. and ii. A Com-
putus Paschalis, ascribed to Andreas, was
published, Gr. and Lat., by Dionysius Peta-
tnus, de Doctrina Temper., torn. iii. The
genuineness of some of these pieces is sus-
pected.— Tr.]
(20) [Gregory, or rather George, of Pisi-
da, was first a deacon and chartophylax of
the great church of Constantinople, and then
archbishop of Nicomedia. He flourished
about A.D. 640 ; and has left us Cosmo-
poiea, an iambic poem on the Hexaemeron,
now in 1880 lines ; and another poem in 261
iambic lines, on the vanity of life ; both pub-
lished by Morel, Paris, 1585, 4to. Three oth-
ers of his poems, (Eulogy of Heraclius, on his
Persian wars, and the assault of the Avares
on Constantinople), were promised to the
public by Claud. Maltret ; but they were
not published. Schroeckh, Kircheng., vol.
xix., p. 106, &c. Cave, Hist. Lit., i., p.
583.— Tr.]
hundred Sentences on temperance and vir-
tue ; seven Homilies ; a Life of St. Longi-
nus ; an Introduction to the book of Psalms ;
and a Comment. onPs. 77-107, and 118.
He also wrote an Eccles. History, and some
other Commentaries, which are lost. See
Cave, Hist. Lit., torn, i., p. 571, &c. — Tr.]
(16) [Dorotheus probably lived about
A.D. 601. He wrote twenty-four ethical
and ascetic dissertations, (6i6aGKa?Jai seu
Doctrinae, de vita recte et pie instituenda),
and several Epistles ; which are extant, Gr.
and Lat., in the Orthodoxographia, and in
Pronto DUCCBUS, Auctuarium, torn. i. — Tr.]
(17) [Antiochus flourished A.D. 614, and
was alive in 629. His Pandecte divinae
Scripturae, or Compendium of the Christian
religion and of the holy scriptures, compri-
sed in 130 Homilies, is extant in Pronto Du-
ctzus, Auctuarium, torn. i. He also wrote
de vitiosis Cogitationibus liber, and de Vila
S. Euphrosyni. — Tr.]
(18) See the Acta Sanctor., torn, ii., Mar-
tii, ad diem xi., p. 65. [Sophronius was a
native of Damascus, and for some time a
sophist or teacher of philosophy and elo-
quence. He afterwards became a monk in
Palestine ; and in this character he sat in
the council of Alexandria held by Cyrus the
patriarch of that see, in the year 633, for the
purpose of uniting the Monothelites and the
Catholics. Here Sophronius zealously op-
posed the 7th of the nine propositions which
Cyrus wished to establish. From Alexan-
dria he went to Constantinople, to confer
with Sergius the patriarch of that see on the
subject. Soon after, he was made patriarch
of Jerusalem, and wrote his long Epistle or
Confutation of the Monothelites, addressed
to Honorius the Roman pontiff and to the
other patriarchs. But his country was now
laid waste. The Saracens having conquer-
ed all the northern parts of Syria, laid siege
to Jerusalem in 637. The city capitulated
to the Kalif Omar, who entered Jerusa-
lem, treated Sophronius with much respect,
promised him and the Christians safety and
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
441
those sects which were considered as corrupting Christianity by their doc-
trines concerning the person of Jesus Christ. ('21)
§ 6. The most distinguished Latin writers were the following : Ilde-
fonsus of Toledo, to whom the Spaniards falsely ascribe certain treatises
concerning the Virgin Mary. (22) Two Books of Epistles by Desiderius
(21) [Theodorus, a presbyter in the Laura
Raithu, in Palestine, flourished A.D. 646,
and wrote a short treatise on the incarnation
of Christ, in opposition to the heresies of
Manes, Apollinaris, Theodorus Mopsuest.,
Nestorius, Eutyches, Julian Halicar., Seve-
rity, and others. It is extant, Gr. and Lat.,
in Fronto Ducaus, Auctuarium, torn, i., and
in Latin, in the Biblioth. max. Patr., torn,
viii.— TV.]
[The following Greek writers of this cen-
tury are passed over by Dr. Moshcim, viz. :
John Malala, a native of Antioch who
probably flourished about A.D. 601. He
wrote Histona chronica, from the creation to
the death of Justinian I., AD. 565, which
was published, Gr. and Lat., by Humphr.
Hody, Oxon., 1691, 8vo. See Cave, Hist.
Litter., i., p. 568, &c.
About the same time lived Eusebius bish-
op of Thessalonica, Conon an opposer of
John Philoponus, and Theimslius surnamed
Calonymus ; all polemic writers on the side
of the Catholics. But only fragments of
their essays and epistles have reached us, in
Photius and the Acts of Councils.
Serums, patriarch of Constantinople A.D.
608-639, was a favourer of the Monothelite
doctrine, and instigator of the famous Ec-
thesis of Honorius. He has left us three
Epistles, extant in the Concilia, torn. vi.
Cyrus, bishop of Phasis A.D. 620, and
patriarch of Alexandria A.D. 630-640. He
held a synod at Alexandria in 633, in which
he proposed a Libcllus satisfactions in nine
chapters, designed to unite the Theodosians
or Severians to the Catholics. But his 7th
chapter or position, containing the doctrine
of the Monothelites, was opposed, and led
to fierce contests. He also wrote three
Epistles to his friend Sergius of Constanti-
nople. All these are extant in the Concilia,
torn. vi.
Thcophylactus Simocatta, an Egyptian, a
sophist, and a prefect, who flourished A.D.
61 1-629. He wrote Historise rerum a Mau-
ritio gestarum libri viii., from the year 582
to 602, edited, Gr. and Lat., Ingolst., 1603,
4to, and Paris, 1648, fol. ; also 85 short
Epistles, (inter Epistolas Graecanicas, Au-
rel. Allobrog., 1606, fol ), and Problema
physica, Gr. and Lat., Antw., 1598, 8vo.
Georgius, an abbot in Galatia A.D. 614,
wrote the life of his predecessor Theodorus ;
in Surius and other collectors of pious lives.
VOL. I.— KKK
George, patriarch of Alexandria A.D. 620-
630. He wrote the life of John Chrysos-
toni, which is published with Chrysostom's
works.
About the year 630, that valuable but
anonymous work, called the Chronicon Al-
exandrinum, Fastus Sicult, and Chronicon
Paschale*, was composed, perhaps by George
Pisides, or by George Patr. of Alexandria.
It extends from the creation to A.D. 628.
The best edition is that of Du Fresne, Paris,
1689, fol.
John Moschus, Eviratus, or Eueratus, a
monk of Palestine who flourished A.D. 630,
after travelling extensively, wrote his monk-
ish history entitled Pratum spirituale, HOT-.
tulus novus, Lim/marium, and Vtridanum,
extant in FT. Ducaus, Auctuar., torn, ii., and
in Cotelier, Monum. Eccl. Gr., torn ii.
Thaltis silts, abbot of a monastery in Libya
about A.D. 640, wrote several tracts, name-
ly, de sincera Charitate, de ViUe continentia
et mentis regimine, sententiarum Hecaton-
tadas iv., extant in Lat. in the Biblioth. max.
Patr., torn, xii., and Gr. and Lat. in FT. Du-
cceus, Auctuar., torn. ii.
Theodorus, bishop of Pharan in Arabia,
near Egypt, a Eutychian and Monothelite
controversial writer, from whose tracts large
extracts are given in the Acts of the Late-
ran and 6th councils ; Concilia, torn. vi.
John, archbishop of Dara in Syria, who has
been placed in the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th cen-
turies, and perhaps lived about A.D. 650,
wrote Commentaries in Syriac, on the works
of Dionysius Areopagita, and on the Apoca-
lypse ; extracts from which have been pub-
lished by Abr. Ecchcllens., Jno. Monn, and
F. Nanon.
Basil, bishop of Thessalonica, say some,
of Caesarca in Cappadocia, say others, and
who flourished perhaps A.D. 675, wrote
Scholia on fifteen Orations of Gregory Na-
zianzcn.
Macarius a Monothelite, patriarch of An-
tioch about A.D. 680, whose Confession of
Faith, and extracts from other works, are
extant, Concilia, torn. vi.
John, archbp. of Thessalonica A.D. 680,
has left us one Oration, part of another, a
fragment of a Hymn, and parta of a Dialogue
between a pagan and a Christian. — TV.]
(22) See the Acta Sanctor. Januarii, torn.
ii., p. 535. [Edefonsus was nobly born at
Toledo, educated at Seville, and after being
442
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
of Cahors, were edited by Hen. Canisius.(23) Eligius of Limoges, has
left us some Homilies, and other productions. (24) The two books of Ec-
clesiastical Formulas, by Marculphus a Gallic monk, help us much to dis-
cover the wretched state of religion and learning in this age. (25) The
Englishman Aldhelm composed with no great success, various poems on
subjects relating to a Christian life. (26) Julianus Pomerius confuted the
Jews, and has left us some other specimens of his genius, which are neither
to be highly praised nor utterly contemned. (27) To these may be added
Cresconius,(28) whose Abridgment of the Canons is well known, Fredegari*
us,(29) and a few others.(30)
a monk and abbot at Agli, became archbish-
op of Toledo A.D. 657-667. His ten spu-
rious homilies and discourses, and one spu-
rious tract concerning the virgin Mary, with
one genuine tract on the same subject, were
published by Feuardentius, Paris, 1576, and
afterwards in the Biblioth. max. Patr., torn,
xii. We have from his pen a tract on the
ecclesiastical writers, in continuation of Je-
rome, Gennadius, &c., two Epistles, and a
tract de cognitione Baptismi. Several other
tracts and letters, and a continuation of Isi-
dore's Gothic History, are lost. — Tr.]
(23) [Desiderius was treasurer to Clothair
II. A.D. 614, and bishop of Cahors in France
A.D. 629-652. His First Book of Epistles
contains those which Desiderius wrote to his
friends, the second contains those addressed
to him. They are extant in Canisius, Lec-
tion. Antique, torn, v., and in Biblioth. max.
Patr., torn. viii. — Tr.]
(24) [Eligius was born near Limoges, be-
came a goldsmith there, and was esteemed
the best workman in all France. In 635,
king Dagobert sent him as ambassador to
Brittany. While a layman, he erected sev-
eral monasteries and churches. He was
bishop of Noyon A.D. 640-659, and still
continued to found monasteries and church-
es, and also laboured to spread Christianity
among the Flemings, the Frieslanders, and
the Swabians. He has left us a tract de
rectitudine Catholicae conversationis, (which
has been ascribed to Augv,stine), and an
Epistle to Desiderius of Cahors. Of the
sixteen Homilies ascribed to him, and extant
in the Biblioth. max. Patr., torn, xii., the
greatest part, if not the whole, are supposed
to be spurious. They are compilations from
the fathers, and several of them bear marks
of the ninth and tenth centuries. — Tr.]
(25) Histoire Litteraire de la France, torn,
iii., p. 565. [About the year 660, Marcul-
phus, then seventy years old, at the request
of the bishop of Paris compiled this book of
formulas of different instruments and writings
used in ecclesiastical courts, and elsewhere,
in the transaction of ecclesiastical affairs and
in the management of church property. It
was published, Paris, 1665, 4to, and 1667
by Baluze, in Capitull. Regum Francor.,
torn, ii., p. 369. — Tr.]
(26) [" This prelate certainly deserved a
more honourable mention than is here made
of him by Dr. Moshcim. His poetical tal-
ents were by no means the most distinguish-
ing part of his character. He was profound-
ly versed in the Greek, Latin, and Saxon
languages. He appeared also with dignity
in the Paschal controversy, that so long di-
vided the Saxon and British churches. See
Collier's Eccles. Hist., vol. i., p. 121." —
Mad. Aldhelm was grandson to Ina king
of the West Goths. When young he trav-
elled over Gaul and Italy, and pursued study
with such ardour that he became one of the
most learned men of the age. Returning to
England, he lived first as a monk, and then
for thirty-four years as the abbot of Malms-
bury ; afterwards, he was bishop of Sher-
burne A.D. 705-709. Beda (lib. v., c. 19)
says, he was undecunque doctissimus. While
abbot, he wrote by request of an English
synod, a book in confutation of the senti-
ments and practice of the ancient Britons
and Scots in regard to Easter ; which is now
lost. He also wrote a tract in praise of vir-
ginity, both in prose and in verse ; likewise
a Book on the eight principal virtues ; and
1000 verses of Enigmas. These and some
other poems were published at Mayence,
1601, 8vo, and in the Biblioth. max. Patr.,
torn. xiii. — Tr.]
(27) [Julianus Pomerius was bishop of
Toledo A.D. 680-690. He wrote com-
mentaries on Joshua ; a demonstration that
Christ has come, against the Jews, in three
Books ; on death, the place of departed souls,
the resurrection and final judgment, three
Books ; on the discrepances in the Scrip-
tures, two Books ; a history of king Wam-
ba's expedition against Paul, the rebel duke
of Narbonne ; and an Appendix to Ildcfon-
sus de Scriptor. Ecclesiast. His works are
in the twelfth vol. of the Biblioth. max. Patr.
-Tr.]
(28) [ Cresconius was an African bishop,
and flourished A.D. 690. His Breviarium
CHURCH OFFICERS AND GOVERNMENT.
443
Canonum, is a methodical Index to the can-
ons of councils and decrees of the Roman
pontiffs, digested under 300 heads. He af-
terwards wrote Concordia scu Liber Ca.no-
num, which is the same thing, except that
the canons and decrees are here recited at
length. Both works are in Voellus, and Jus-
teWs Biblioth. Juris Canon. — Tr.']
(29) Histoire Litteraire de la France, vol.
iii., p. 506. [Fredegarius Scholasticus was
a Gallic monk, who flourished A.D. 640.
He compiled a Chronicle, from the creation
to the year of Christ 641, in five' Books.
The three first Books, which reach to A.D.
561, are a compilation from Julius Africa-
nus, Euscbius as translated by Jerome, and
others. The fourth Book, comprising A.D.
561-584, is an abridgment of Gregory Tu-
ronensis' History of the Franks. The fifth
Book, from 584 to 641, was composed by
Fredegarius. The Chronicon was after-
wards continued by other hands to A.D.
768. The fifth Book is published among
the Scriptores rerum Francicar. The other
Books are partly in Canisius, Lectiones An-
tiq., torn, ii., and partly in Gregory Turon.,
Histor. Francor. — Tr.]
(30) [The following catalogue embraces
the Latin writers omitted by Dr. Mosheim.
Paterius, pupil of Gregory the Great, and
bishop of Brescia about A.D. 601. He
wrote a Collection of Scripture testimonies,
in three Books ; two from the Old. Test,
and one from the New : — published with the
works of Gregory the Great.
Faustus, a monk brought up by St. Ben-
edict, and sent into Gaul with St. Maurus.
He wrote, A.D. 606, the life of St. Maurus ;
and the life of St. Severinus. Both are ex-
tant in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened.,
torn. i.
Marcus, a disciple and companion of St.
Benedict, and versifier of the life of Bene-
dict by Gregory the Great : fl. A.D. 606.
Boniface IV., pope A.D. 606-615, has
left us an epistle to king Ethelbcrt of Kent ;
and a Synodic Decree : in the Concilia,
torn. v.
Bulgaranus, a Spanish Goth and count,
A.D. 610. Six of his Epistles still preserv-
ed, have been often consulted but never
published.
Sisebutus, a Gothic king in Spain A.D.
612-621. Several of his Epistles are pre-
served ; and likewise his life and martyrdom
of St. Desidenus.
Boniface V., pope A.D. 620-626. His
Epistle to Justus bishop of Rochester, an-
other to Edwin king of Northumberland, and
a third to Edilburg, Edwin's queen, are ex-
tant in Baronius, Annales, ad ann. 618 and
(525 ; also in the Concilia, torn. v. .
Nennius, a British monk and abbot of
Bangor, about A.D. 620, and often con-
founded with the Irish Gildas. He wrote
de Gestis Britonum Liber, sive Breviarium,
or a History of the Britons ; the MS. of
which is still preserved at Westminster and
at Cambridge. See Cave, Hist. Lit., torn.
i., p. 620.
Honorius, pope A.D. 626-638. He was
a Monothelite. Eight of his Epistles, which
fully prove the fact, are extant in the Con-
cilia, torn. v. See Joh. Forbes, Instruct.
Hist. Theolog., lib. v., and Schrocckh, Kir-
cheng., vol. xx., p. 401, 442, &c., 446, &c.
Braulio, bishop of Saragossa A.D. 627-
646. He wrote the life of St. Aemilian a
monk, which is in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor.
ord. Bened., torn. i. ; also two Epistles to
Isidore Hispal., and a short Eulogy of Isi-
dore, which are published with the works of
Isidore.
Jonas, an Irish monk, and abbot of Lux-
ueil, flourished about A.D. 630. He wrote
the Lives of St. Columbanus Bobiensis, of
Eustasius abbot of Luxueil, of Attala ab-
bot of Bobio, of Bcrtulph abbot of Bobio, of
St. John the founder and abbot of a monas-
tery, and of St. Fara or Burgundofara first
abbess of York. Most of these lives are
in Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Benedict.,
torn. ii.
Cummianus or Comminus, surnamed
Fata or Fada, i. e., tall, son of Fiacna the
king of west Momonia in Ireland ; born
A.D. 592, died 661. He was a monk, abbot,
and some add bishop in Ireland : and wrote
an Epistle to Segienus, abbot of Hy, on the
paschal controversy, (in Usher1* Sylloge
Epistolar. Hibernicar., p. 24), and a book de
ppenitentiarum mcnsura, which is in the
Biblioth. max. Patr., torn. xii.
John IV., pope A.D. 640-641. He wrote
an Epistle to the Scotch bishops, concerning
the paschal controversy ; another to the em-
peror Constantine III., in apology for pope
Honorius ; and a third to Isaac, bishop of
Syracuse. These are extant in the Concil-
ia, torn. v.
Audoenus or Dado, archbishop of Rouen
A.D. 640-683. He lived to the age of 90,
and wrote the life of St. Eligius of Noyon,
in iii. Books ; published, imperfect, by Su-
rius ; and perfect, by L. Dachier, Spicileg.,
torn. v. ; also an Epistle.
Theodorus I., pope A.D. 642-649. He
has left us two Epistles ; in the Concilia,
torn, v., and in the Biblioth. max. Pair.,
torn. xii.
Eugcnius, archbishop of Toledo A.D.
646-657. He composed some tracU in
verse and prose, which are extant in the Bib-
lioth. max. Patr., torn. xn.
444
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. II.
Tajo or Tago, bishop of Saragossa, flour-
ished A.D. 646. He was a great admirer
of the works of Gregory the Great ; went
to Rome to obtain copies of them ; and
compiled five Books of Sentences from them.
Martin I., pope A.D. 649-655. For his
opposition to a decree of the emperor Con-
stans, called his Typus, Martin was seized
by an armed force in 653, carried prisoner
to Constantinople, kept in jail a long time,
tried, and banished. He ended his days at
Cherson, an exile. Seventeen of his Epis-
tles are extant ; 11 of them, Gr. and Lat.,
are in the Concilia, torn. vi.
Anastasius, deacon and apocrisiarius of
the Romish church. He adhered to St.
Maximus, and shared in his fortunes. The
year before his death, A.D. 665, he wrote a
long letter, giving account of the sufferings
and exile of himself, Maximus, and Anasta-
sius patriarch of Constantinople, and defend-
ing their tenets in opposition to the Monoth-
elites. It is in the Biblioth. max. Patr.,
torn, xii., and also prefixed to the works of
St. Maximus.
Fructuosus, of royal Gothic blood, bishop
of Braga A.D. 656-675. He was founder
of many monasteries, and particularly that
of Alcala, and drew up two Rules for monks,
one in twenty-three chapters, the other in
twenty. Both are published by IM. Holste-
nius, Codex Rugular. , pt. ii.
Vitalianus, pope A.D. 657-671. In the
year 668, he and Maurus the archbishop of
Ravenna, mutually excommunicated each
other. Six of "his Epistles are in the Con-
cilia, torn. vi.
Syricius, bishop of Barcelona about A.D.
657. He wrote two Epistles, which are
extant in Lu. Dachier, Spicileg., torn, i., or
new ed., torn. iii.
Cummeneus, surnamed Albus ; an Irish
monk, and abbot of Hy A.D. 657-669. He
wrote the life of St. Columba, the first abbot
of Hy ; which may be seen in Mabillon,
Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn. i.
Jonas, a disciple of St. Columbanus, and
an abbot somewhere. He wrote about A.D.
664, the life and miracles of St. John, abbot
Reomaensis, in ii. Books. The latter Book
is in Mabillon, Acta, &c., torn. i.
Theodorus, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia,
whom the pope made archbishop of Canter-
bury A.D. 668. He was a man of learning,
and very efficient in action. Introducing a
fine library of Greek and Latin works into
England, he gave an impulse to learning
among the Anglo-Saxon clergy. He also
did much to bring the British and Scotch
clergy to adopt the Roman method of keep-
ing Easter. His only work, except an epis-
tle, is his Poenitentiale, or directory for deal-
ing with offenders in the church.
Agatho, pope A.D. 680-681, has left us
three Epistles ; which are in the Concilia,
torn. vi.
Adamnanus or Adamannus, a Scotch-
Irish monk, and abbot of Hy A.D. 679-704.
He was very active in bringing the Scotch and
Irish to adopt the Roman practice respecting
Easter. His life of St. Columbanus, in three
Books, is given by Canisius and Surius ;
and his topographical description of Jerusa-
lem and other sacred places, as he learned
them from Arculphus a Gallic bishop and
traveller, in three Books, was published by
Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., sa^cul.
iii., pt. ii., or torn iv., p. 456-472.
Ceolfrid, abbot of Weremuth or "VVire-
muth, in England, about A.D. 680, and pre-
ceptor to Beda. He visited Rome, obtained
of pope Sergius privileges for his monastery,
and brought home books for the use of his
monks. A long Epistle of his to Naiton,
king of the Picts, in defence of the Roman
method of keeping Easter, is extant in Bcda,
1. v., c. 22, and in the Concilia, torn. vi.
Aphonius, very little known, but supposed
to have lived about A.D. 680, wrote a Com-
mentary on the Canticles, in vi. Books ;
which is extant in the Biblioth. max. Patr.,
torn. xiv.
Valerius, a Spanish monk and abbot in
Gallicia about A.D. 680. His life of St.
Fructuosus, is extant in Mabillon, Acta
Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn. ii. Some other
lives and treatises exist in MS.
Leo II., pope A.D. 682-684. Five Epis-
tles ascribed to him, are extant in the Con-
cilia, torn. vi. But Baronius and others
think them spurious, because they represent
pope Honorius to have been a Monothelite.
Benedict II., pope A.D. 684-686. He
has two Epistles in the Concilia, torn. vi.
Bobolenus, a. monk and presbyter, who
probably lived about A.D. 690. He wrote
the life of St. Germanus, first abbot Gran-
divallensis in the bishopric of Basle, who
was slain about A.D. 666 ; extant in Ma-
billon, Acta Sanctor. ord. Bened., torn. ii.
-3V.]
RELIGION AND THEOLOGY.
CHAPTER III.
HISTORY OF RELIGION AND THEOLOGY.
$ 1. Miserable state of Religion. — § 2. Expositors of the Scriptures. — $ 3. Dogmatic
Theology. — § 4. Practical Theology. — § 5. Renewal of Penitential Discipline. — $ 6.
State oi Polemic Theology.
§ 1. DURING this century true religion lay buried under a senseless mass
of superstitions, and was unable to raise her head. The earlier Christians
had worshipped only God and his Son ; but those called Christians in this
age worshipped the wood of a cross, the images of holy men, and bones of
dubious origin. (1) The early Christians placed heaven and hell before the
view of men ; these latter talked only of a certain fire prepared to burn off
the imperfections of the soul. The former taught that Christ had made
expiation for the sins of men, by his death and his blood ; the latter seemed
to inculcate, that the gates of heaven would be closed against none who
should enrich the clergy or'the church with their donations.(2) The for-
mer were studious to maintain a holy simplicity, and to follow a pure and
chaste piety ; the latter placed the substance of religion in external rites
and bodily exercises. Did any one hesitate to believe ? Two irrefragable
arguments were at hand ; the authority of the church, and miracles, for the
working of which in these times of ignorance but a moderate share of dex-
terity was requisite.
§ 2. Few either of the Greeks or Latins, applied themselves to the in-
terpretation of the Holy Scriptures. There remain some commentaries
(1) I will here quote a passage, well cal- lemnities return, keeps himself for some days
culated to illustrate the piety of this age, before pure even from his own wife, so that
taken from the Life of St. Eligius bishop of he may come to the altar of God with a safe
Noyon, in Lu. Dachier's Spicilegium veter. conscience; and who finally has committed
Scriptor., torn, ii., p. 92. " The Lord con- to memory the Creed, or the Lord's Prayer,
f erred upon this most holy man, among other — Redeem your souls from punishment,
miraculous gifts, that, while searching and while ye have the means in your power —
praying after them with the most ardent present oblations and tithes to the churches,
faith, the bodies of the holy martyrs which bring candles to the holy places, according
had lain concealed for so many ages, were to your wealth — and come often to the church,
discovered." This most successful carcass- and beg suppliantly for the intercession of the
hunter of saints, therefore, discovered the saints.. If ye do these things, ye may come
bodies of Qumtin, Piato, Crispin, Crispin- with confidence before the tribunal of the
ian, Lucian, and many others ; as his biog- eternal God, in the day of judgment, and
rapher minutely narrates. Such ability to say: Give, Lord, for we have given." ["We
find the concealed bones of saints and mar- see here a large and ample description of the
tvrs, was claimed by most of the bishops character of a good Christian, in which there
who wished to be esteemed by the people is not the least mention of the love of God,
and to amass riches. resignation to his will, obedience to his laws,
(2) St. Eligius, a great man of this age, or justice, benevolence, and charity towards
says, (in Dachier, Spicilegium, torn, ii., p. men ; and in which the whole of religion is
96), " He is a good Christian who comet made to consist in coming often tothrchun h,
often to church, and brings his offering to be bringing offerings to the altar, lighting can-
laid on the altar of God ; who does not taste dies in consecrated places, and such like
of his produce till he has first offered some vain services."— Mad.]
of it to God ; who, at often at the holy so-
446 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. III.
of Isychius of Jerusalem, on certain books of the Old Testament, and on
the epistle to the Hebrews. Maximus composed sixty-five questions on the
Holy Scriptures, and some other works of like character. Julianus Pome-
rius showed his wish and his inability to reconcile passages of Scripture
between which there is apparent contradiction, and also to explain the
prophecy of Nahum. Compared with these writers, the worst of modern
interpreters are manifestly to be preferred. The Greeks, especially those
who would be thought adepts in mystic theology, ran after fantastic allego-
ries ; as may be seen by the Questions of Maximus above mentioned. The
Latins had too little self-confidence even to venture on such a course, and
therefore only culled flowers from the works of Gregory and Augustine ; as
is manifest, among other works, from the Explanations of the Old and New
Testament collected by Paterius from the works of Gregory the Great. (3)
Thomas of Heraclea gave to the Syrians a new translation of the New
Testament. (4)
§ 3. As among the Latins philosophy was nearly extinct, and among
the Greeks only certain points of theology were brought under discussion,
QO one thought of reducing the doctrines of religion to a regular system and
of stating them philosophically. Yet one Antiochus, a monk of Palestine,
composed a short summary of religious doctrines, which he called the Pan-
dect of the Holy Scriptures. But the rank and influence due to this author,
may be inferred from the mournful verses subjoined to this work, in which
the author deplores in sorrowful strains the loss of the wood of the [true]
cross, which the Persians were said to have carried away. Of the Latin
theology of this age, a more neat and judicious summary has not come
down to us than that in Ildefonsus' book de Cognitione Baptismi, lately
brought to light by Baluze ; — a work indeed which we do not need, but one
that contains some valuable testimonies for truths which were afterwards
discarded. (5) Tajo or Tago, bishop of Saragossa, compiled jive looks of
sentences, which are a dry and insipid body of theoretical and practical di-
vinity taken from Gregory the Great, though Augustine is sometimes taxed
for contributions ; yet that age esteemed it an admirable performance, and
deserving immortality.(6) On certain parts of Christianity, a few individ-
uals employed their pens ; as Maximus, who wrote on theology, and on the
manifestation of the Son in thefesh, and likewise on the two natures in Christ ;
and Theodoras of Raithu, who wrote on the incarnation of Christ. But
those acquainted with the character of that age, will easily conjecture what
sort of doctors these were.
§ 4. The lamentable state of practical theology, is manifest from every
writer on the subject in this age. The best of them were, Dorotheus in
(3) This useless performance has been 137, p. 99) — that the sacred volume was
usually printed with the works of Gregory read by all Christians, (ch. 80, p. 59) — and
the Great ; and therefore the Benedictine other facts of the like nature. Ildefonsus
monks inserted it in their recent and splendid carefully excludes philosophy and reason as
edition of Gregory's works, vol. iv., pt. ii., authorities in religion ; and teaches that there
but with no advantage to the public. are but two sources of theology, namely, the
(4) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Orient, holy scriptures and the writings of the an-
Vatican., torn, ii., p. 93, 94. cient doctors, or as he expresses himself (p.
(5) See Baluze, Miscellanea, torn, vi., p. 14, 22), divinae institutionis auctoritatem, et
1, &c. From this book it clearly appears, sacrae paternitatis antiquitatem.
among other things, that the doctrine of (6) See Jo. Mabillon, Analecta veteris
transubstantiation as it is called, was un- Aevi, torn, ii., p. 68, &c.
known to the Latins in the 7th century, (ch.
RELIGION AND THEOLOGY. 447
his Ascetic Dissertations, Maximus and Aldhelm in some tracts, Hesychius
and Tkalassius in their Sentences, and a few others. But in them how
many and how great the defects ! how numerous the marks of supersti-
tion ! what constant indications of a mind vacillating and unable to grasp
the subject ! The laity as they were called, had no cause to tax their
teachers with excessive severity ; for it was customary to confine the ob-
ligations of men to a very few virtues, as is manifest from Aldhelm's tract
on the eight principal vices. And those who disregarded these few duties,
were to incur no very formidable punishment for their neglect. A life of
solitude as practised by the monks, though adorned by no marks of true
piety, was esteemed sufficient of itself to atone for all kinds of guilt ; and
it was therefore called by the Latins a second Baptism.(l) This one fact
is sufficient to show how little the precepts of Christ were understood in
this age. Among the swarms of Greek and Oriental monks, very many
laboured to attain perfection by means of contemplation ; and these en-
deavoured to transfuse into their own souls the spirit of Dionysius, that
father of the Mystics.
§ 5. Theodoras the Cilician being a Grecian monk, restored among the
Latins the discipline of penance as it is called, which had fallen into neg-
lect, and enforced it by strict rules borrowed from the Grecian ecclesias-
tical jurisprudence. This man being unexpectedly raised to the see of
Canterbury in England, A.D. 668, among many other laudable deeds, re-
duced to a regular system that part of ecclesiastical law which is called
disciplina paenitentiaria. For by publishing his Penitential, a kind of
work such as the Latin world had never before seen, he taught the priests
to discriminate between more heinous and lighter sins, and between such
as are secret and such as are open, and likewise to measure and estimate
them according to the circumstances of time, place, the character and
disposition of the sinner, his sorrow, &c., and pointed out the punishment
due to the several kinds of sins and faults, the proper modes of consoling,
admonishing, and absolving, and in short, marked out the whole duty of
those who hear confessions. (8) This new discipline of penance, though
it was of Grecian origin, was very acceptable to the Latins ; and in a
short time it was diffused from Britain over the whole Latin world, and
enforced by other Penitentials drawn up after the pattern of the original
one by Theodorus. Yet it gradually declined again in the eighth century,
and was at length wholly subverted by the new law of what are called in-
dulgences.
§ 6. Those who wrote against the religious sects which departed from
the common faith, are scarcely worthy of being named ; and they would
not be worth reading, were it not that they serve to elucidate the history
(7) [See in Harduin's Concilia, torn. Hi., cording to the decision of the fathers, and all
p. 1771; the Capitula of Theodore of Can- sin* are forgiven, as in baptism.— Schl.]
terbury, where we read : At the ordination (8) The Penitential of Theodorus is still
of monks the abbot ought to say mass, and extant, though mutilated ; published by Ja.
utter three prayers over his head, and the Petit, Paris, 1679, 4to, with learned Disser-
monk should veil his head with a cowl seven tations and notes. We have also the one
days ; and on the 7th day the abbat should hundred and twenty Capitula ecclesiastica
remove the veil from the monk's head. As of the same Theodorus, in Docker, Spicile-
in baptism the presbyter removes the infant's gium, torn. ix. Harduin, Concilia, torn, ui-,
veil on the 7th day, so bhould the abbot do p. 1771, and elsewhere,
to the monk ; for it is a second baptism, ac-
448 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.
of their times. Against the pagans, Nicias composed two Books ;(9) and
Photius mentions a person unknown to us, who he says contended against
them with a great array of arguments drawn from the fathers. (10)
Against the Jews contended Julianus Pomerius. All the heresies are
described and assailed in the little work of Timotheus on the Reception
of Heretics. Of the theological contests among the orthodox them-
selves, little can be said. In this age were scattered the seeds of those
grievous contests, which afterwards severed the Greeks from the Latins ;
nor were they merely scattered, but likewise took root in the minds of
the Greeks, to whom the Roman domination appeared altogether insuffer-
able. In Britain, the ancient Christians of the country contended with
the new or Romish Christians, namely, those of the Saxon race, whom
Augustine converted to Christ. They contended respecting various things,
as baptism, and the tonsure, but especially about the time for the celebra-
tion of the feast of Easter.(ll) But these controversies did not relate to
religion itself; and they were settled and determined in the eighth cen-
tury, by the Benedictine monks, and in accordance with the views of the
Romans.(12)
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF RITES AND CEREMONIES.
$ 1. Rites Multiplied. — $ 2. Some Examples.
§ 1. IN the council which is called Quinisextum, the Greeks made vari-
ous enactments respecting religious rites and forms of worship, in which
there were several deviations from the Roman usage. These canons were
publicly received in all the churches within the territories of the Greek em-
perors, and likewise by all churches which accorded in doctrine and wor-
ship with the Greeks, though situated in the dominions of barbarian kings.(l)
Nearly all the Roman pontiffs likewise, added something new to the ancient
ceremonies ; as if they had supposed that no one could teach Christianity
with success, unless he could delight a Christian assembly with rare shows
and mummery. These rights and usages were in the time of Charlemagne
(9) [Of this man, nothing more is known (1) [This council was held at Constantino-
than that he was a monk, and that he wrote pie A.D. 692, and was composed chiefly of
a book against the seven chapters of Phil- Oriental bishops, of whom more than 200
oponus. — Schl."] were assembled. The place of the sessions
(10) Photius, Bibl. Codex clxx., p. 379. was a hall in the imperial palace, called
(11) Cummanus' Epistle, in Ja. Usher's Trullus ; whence the council was denomi-
Sylloge epistolar. Hibernicar., p. 23, &c. nated Concilium Trallanum, and Concilium
Beda, Historia Eccles. gentis Angler., lib. in Trullo. It was properly the seventh
iii., c. 25. Dav. Wilkins, Concilia magnae general council, and supplied canons for
Britann., torn, i., p. 37, 42. Acta Sanctor. the church, which the fifth and sixth had neg-
Februarii, torn, iii., p. 21, 84. [See also lected to make. Being thus a kind of sup-
Dr. Warner's Ecclesiastical History of plement to the fifth and sixth general coun-
England, book ii. and iii. — Mad.] cils, it was called Concilium Quinisextum,
(12) Jo. Mainllon, Praef. ad Acta Sane- See chap, v., $ 12, below.— Tr.}
tor. ord. Bened., torn, iii., p. ii., &c.
RITES AND CEREMONIES.
419
propagated from Rome among the other Latin churches ; for the arrogance
of the Roman pontiffs would not suffer any of the western churches to de-
viate from the Roman usage.
§ 2. A few specimens may serve for examples. The number of festi-
vals, which was already oppressively great, was increased by the addition
of a day consecrated to the wood of the cross on which the Saviour hung ;(2)
and another to the commemoration of his ascent to heaven. (3) Boniface V.
invested the churches with those rights of asylum, which afforded to all vil-
lains a license to commit crimes without much danger.(4) The art of or-
namenting churches magnificently, Honorius laboured most earnestly to
bring to perfection. (5) For as neither Christ nor his apostles had enjoined
any thing on this subject, it was but reasonable that their vicar should con-
Mary and all the martyrs, as it had before
been sacred to all the gods, and particularly
to Cybcle. On this occasion he ordered the
feast of all the apostles to be kept on the 1st
of May, which was afterwards assigned only
to Philip and James, and the feast of all the
martyrs on the 12th of May. But this last
feast being frequented by a large concourse
of people, Gregory IV. in the year 834
transferred it to a season of the year when
provisions were more easily obtained, that
is, to the first day of November, and also
consecrated it to All Saints. See Baum-
garten's christl. Alterthuemer, p. 313 —
Schl. ; and Gicseler's Text-book, by Cun-
ningham, vol. ii., p. 60, n. 11. — TV.]
(4) [Temples were anciently among the
pagans, places of safety for valuable goods,
and for men in times of war or oppression.
Among the Christians, at first only the altar
and the choir enjoyed this privilege. After-
wards the nave of the church, and finally the
whole enclosure participated in it. All per-
sons under prosecution, whether in civil or
criminal causes, might there be secure till
their case *as investigated. But public
debtors, Jews, runaway slaves, robbers, mur-
derers, banditti, and adulterers, were prohib-
ited oy law from this right of sanctuary. Yet
ir the western churches, this right of asylum
degenerated into a source of the most shock-
ing disorders, and to these disorders this reg-
ulation of Boniface especially gave occasion.
Anastasius Bibliothecarius says of him : He
ordained, that no person who had taken ref-
uge in a church, should be delivered up. —
Schl.]
(5) [See Anastaiius, in his Life of this
pontiff. He says of him among other things,
that he covered the Confessional of St. Peter
with pure silver, ichich weighed 187 •pounds.
He overlaid the great doors at the entrance
of the church, which were called Mcdianuc,
with silrcr weighing 975 pound*. He also
M /»</<• liro largf silrrr candlesticks, of equal
dnni nxions, weighing each 62 pounds. He
likarise made for the church of St. Andrew,
(2) [This festival was instituted by the
emperor Hcraclius in the year 631, after he
had vanquished the Persians and recovered
from them the real cross, which Cosroes
their king had carried off fourteen years be-
fore. The festival was established by pope
JHonorius, and was introduced into the West
in this century. For the Roman pontiffs
were then under the dominion of the Greek
emperors, and afterwards began gradually to
•withdraw themselves from their jurisdiction.
The earliest mention of this festival, which
the Greeks call favpoijtuveia, [and the Lathis
cxaltatio crucis, kept Sept. 14. See Ba.ro-
nius, Annales, ad ann. 628. — Tr.], occurs in
the Collatio of St. Maximus with Theodo-
sius, bishop of Cffisarea A.D. 650. See
Baumgarten's Erlauterung der christl. Al-
terthiimer, p. 310. — Schl.]
(3) [It is to be wished, that Dr. Moshcim
had here given his authority for placing the
origin of the feast of Ascension in this cen-
tury. Among the 50 days next following
Easter, this festival had been observed by
the Christians with peculiar solemnity, ever
since the fourth century ; as may be infer-
red from Augustine, Epist. 118, ad Januar.
Chrysostom, Homil. 62, torn, vii., and Hom-
il. 35, torn. v. Constitutiones Apostol., 1.
viii., c. 33, 1. v., c. 19, and especially from
the Concil. Agathense, A.D. 506, where the
21st Canon says : Pascha, Natale Domini
Epiphania, Asccnsionem Domini, Pentec»s-
ten et natalem S. Johannis Baptistee, vel si
qui maximi dies in festivitatibus haientur,
nonnisi in civitatibus aut in parocAiis tene-
ant. (Harduin, torn, ii., p. 1000.) Instead
of this festival, we might mention the Feast
of All Saints as originating in this century,
under pope Boniface. In the eastern churches
it had indeed been observed ever since the
4th century, on the 8th day after Whitsun,-
day, and was called the Feast of all the Mar-
tyrs. But in the western churches it had the
following origin : Boniface in the year 610
obtained by gift the Pantheon at Rome, and
consecrated it to the honour of the virgin
VOL. I. — L L L
450 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
fer this favour on mankind. Of the sacerdotal garments, and the rest of
the apparatus which was deemed necessary in the celebration of the Lord's
supper, and for giving dignity and grandeur to the assemblies for public
worship, I shall say nothing.
CHAPTER V.
HISTORY OF HERESIES.
$ 1, 2. Remains of the Earlier Sects. — § 3. Nestorians and Monophy sites. — $ 4. Monotfi-
elites. — § 5. Their prosperous Circumstances. — § 6. Their Adversities. — § 7. Con-
tests arising out of the e/c#e<7tf and the rimof. — § 8. The Sixth General Council. —
§ 9. Sum of the Controversy. — 1) 10. Different Opinions among that Sect. — § 11. Their
Condition after the Council of Constantinople. — t) 12. The Council called Quinisextum.
§ 1. THE Greeks, during this century and especially in the reigns of
Constans, Constantine Pogonatus, and Justinian II., were engaged in fierce
combat with the Paulicians, whom they considered as a branch of the
Manichaeans, and who lived in Armenia and the adjacent countries. The
Greeks assailed them not so much with arguments, as with military force
and with legal enactments and penalties. It was during the reign of Con-
stans that one Constantine resuscitated this sect, then exhausted and ready
to become extinct, and propagated its doctrines with great success.(l)
But the history of the sect, which is said to have originated from two
brothers, Paul and John, will be stated more explicitly under the ninth
century, at which time its conflicts with the Greeks came to an open and
bloody war.
§ 2. In Italy, ti*> Lombards preferred the opinions of the Arians to the
doctrines of the Niceue council. In Gaul and in England, the Pelagian
and Semipelagian controversies still produced some disquietude. In the
East the ancient sects, which the imperial laws had repressed but had by
no means subdued and extinguished, assumed courage in several places
and were able to secure adherents. Fear of the laws and of punishment
induced these sects to seek a temporary concealment, but when the power
of their foes was somewhat abridged they again resumed courage.
§ 3. The condition of the Nestotians and Monophysites, under those
new lords of the East the Saracens, was far happier than before that con-
quest ; indeed, while the Greeks were oppressed and banished, both these
sects were every where preferred before them. Jesujabas the sovereign
pontiff of the Nestorians, concluded a treaty first with Mohammed and
afterwards with Omar, by which he obtained "many advantages for his
Sect.(2) There is likewise extant an injunction, or Testament as it is com-
monly called, that is, a diploma of Mohammed himself, in which he prom-
ises full security to all Christians living under his dominion : and though
a silver table before the Confessional, as p. 41, &c. George Cedrenus, Compend.
aJ>ove,whichweighed73 pounds, $c. — Schl.'] Histor., p. 431, ed. Venice.
(1) Photius, contra Manichaeos, lib. i., p. (2) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Orient.
61. Peter Siculus, Historia Manichaeor., Vaticana, torn, iii., part ii., p. xciv, &c.
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
; .j
some learned men doubt the authenticity of this instrument, yet the Mo-
hammedans do not call it in question.(3) The successors of Mohammed
in Persia, employed the Nestorians in the most important affairs and bu-
siness both of the court and of the provinces ; nor would they sulfur any
patriarch, except the one who governed this sect, to reside in the kingdom
of Babylon.(4) The Monophysites in Egypt and Syria were equally for-
tunate. In Egypt, Amrou having taken Alexandria in the year 644, di-
rected Benjamin the Monophysite pontilF to occupy the see of Alexan-
dria ; and from that time for nearly a century, the Melchites, or those who
followed the opinions of the Greek church, had no prelate.(S)
§ 4. Among the Greeks who were otherwise greatly distracted, there
arose a new sect in the year 630, during the reign of Heraclius, which soon
produced such commotions that both the East and the West united to put
it down. An ill-timed effort at peace produced war. The emperor He-
radius, considering the immense evils resulting to the Greek empire from
the revolt of the Nestorians to the Persians, was exceedingly desirous of
reconciling the Monophysites to the Greek church, lest the empire should
receive a new wound by their departure from it. He therefore, during his
war with the Persians, first had a conference in the year 622 with one Paul
a principal man among the Armenian Monophysites, and afterwards in the
year 629, at Hicrapolis, with Anasiasius the Calholicus or patriarch of the
Monophysites, respecting the means of restoring harmony. Both of them
suggested to the emperor, that the believers in one nature of Christ might
(3) This famous Testament of Mohammed
was brought into Europe from the East, in
the 17th century, by Pacifccus Scaliger a
Capuchin monk ; and was first published,
Arabic and Latin, by Gabriel Sionita, Paris,
1630 ; and afterwards the Lutherans, John
Fabricius A.D. 1638, and Hinckelmann
A.D. 1690, published it in Latin. See Jo.
Henr. Hottinger, Histor. Oriental., lib. ii.,
c. 20, p. 237. Asscman, Biblioth. Orient.
Vatican., torn, iii., part ii., p. xcv. Renau-
dot, Histor. Patriarchar. Alexandr., p. 168.
Those who with Grotius reject this Testa-
ment, suppose it was fabricated by the monks
living in Syria and Arabia, to circumvent
their hard masters the Mohammedans. Nor
is the supposition incredible. For the monks
of Mount Sinai formerly showed a similar
edict of Mohammed, which they said he drew
up while a private man ; an edict exceeding-
ly favourable to them, and beyond all con-
troversy fraudulently drawn up by them-
selves. The fraud was sufficiently manifest ;
yet the Mohammedans, a people destitute
of all erudition, believed it was a genuine
ordinance of their prophet, and they believe
so still. This imposition is treated of by
Dcmetr. Cantimir, Histoire de 1' Empire Ot-
toman, tome ii., p 269, &c. The argument
therefore which RenauAot and others draw
in favour of the Testament in question, from
the acknowledgment of its authenticity by
the Mohammedans, is of little weight ; be-
cause, in things of this nature no people
could be more easily imposed upon than tho
rude and illiterate Mohammedans. Nor is
the argument of more force, which the oppo-
sers of the Testament draw from the differ-
ence of its style from that of the Koran. For
it is not necessary to suppose that Moham-
med himself composed this Testament ; he
might have employed his secretary. But
however dubious the Testament itself may
be, the subject matter of it is not doubtful.
For learned men have proved, by powerful
arguments, that Mohammed originally would
allow no injury to be offered to the Chris-
tians, and especially to the Nestorians. —
[This Testament is a formal compact be-
tween Mohammed on the one part, and the
Nestorians and Monophysites on the other.
He promises to them his protection ; and
they promise to him loyalty and obedience.
He promises them entire religious freedom ;
and they promise him support against his
enemies. Mohammed might have deemed
it sound policy to conclude such a treaty
with these sectaries ; that, by tfeir aid, he
might subdue the countries of Asia subject
to the Greek emperors. — Schl.]
(4) Asscixan, Biblioth. Orient. Vatican.,
torn, iii., part ii., p. xcvii., &c. Euscb. Rc-
naitdot, Historia Patriarch. Alexandrinor., p.
163, 169.
(5) Euscb. Rcnaudot, Historia Patriarch.
Alexandrinor., p. 168.
452 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
be induced to receive the decrees of the council of Chalcedon and be rec.
onciled to the Greeks, provided the Greeks would admit and profess, that
in Jesus Christ, after the union of the two natures, there was but one will
and one voluntary operation. Heraclius stated what he had learned from
these men, to Sergius the patriarch of Constantinople, who was a native of
Syria and descended from parents that were Monophysites. This prelate
gave it as his opinion, that it might be held and inculcated, without preju-
dice to the truth or to the authority of the council of Chalcedon, that, after
the union of two natures in Christ, there was but one will and one opera-
tion of will. Heraclius therefore, in order' to terminate the discord both
in church and state, issued a decree, in the year 630, that this faith should
be received and taught. (6)
§ 5. At first the affair seemed to go on well. For although some re.
fused to comply with the imperial edict, yet the two patriarchs of the East,
Cyrus of Alexandria and Atlianasius of Antioch, did not hesitate to obey
the will of the emperor ; and the see of Jerusalem was then vacant.(7)
The consent of the Latin patriarch or the Roman pontiff was perhaps not
deemed necessary, in an affair which related so exclusively to the Oriental
church. Cyrus, whom the emperor had promoted from the see of Phasis
to that of Alexandria, assembled a council, by the seventh decree of which
the doctrine of Monothelism, which the emperor wished to have introduced,
was solemnly confirmed. (8) And this modification of the decree of Chal-
cedon was so influential with the Monothelites in Egypt, Armenia, and
other provinces, that a great part of them returned to the church. They
seem however to have explained the doctrine of one will in Christ, — which
was certainly equivocal, according to their own views, and not according
to the general sentiments of their sect.
§ 6. But this fair prospect of union was blasted, and a formidable con-
test was excited by a single monk of Palestine named Sophronius. He
being present at the council of Alexandria held by Cyrus in the year 633,
strenuously resisted the article which related to one will in Christ. And
the next year, (634), being made patriarch of Jerusalem, he assembled a
council in which he condemned the Monothelites, and maintained that by
their doctrine, the Eutychian error respecting the amalgamation and con.
fusion of natures in Christ, was revived and brought into the church. He
(6) The writers who give account of this (8) [The documents of this council are in
sect, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Harduin's Concilia, torn, iii., p. 1327, &c.
Biblioth. Graeca, vol. x., p. 204. The ac- The intention of Cyrus was good. He
count which I have given in the text is de- wished to unite the Severians and the The-
rived from the original sources, and rests on odosians, who composed a large part of the
the most explkit testimony. [The most im- Christians of Alexandria ; and he considered
portant of the ancient documents are found the doctrine of one will and one operation
in the Acts of the council of the Lateran as the best means for this end. He there-
A.D. 649, and in those of the sixth general fore, in several canons, spoke of one single
council, h^ld at Constantinople A.D. 681, theandric operation in Christ, (viav kvepySv-
682. Among the modern writers, the most ra rd ^eoTvpewij KOI av&puiuva flip •&eav-
full and candid is Dr. Walch, Historie der dpiufi tvepyela), yet for the sake of peace, he
Ketzereyen, vol. ix., p. 3-667. See also refrained from affirming either one or two
Schroeckh, Kircheng., vol. xx., p. 386-453, wills and. operations. This step, though
and Bower's Lives of the Popes, from Ho- taken with the best intentions, gave occa-
norius on to the end of this century. — TV.] won afterwards to the most violent theologi-
(7) See Le Quien, Oriens Christianas, cal contests. — Sett.]
torn, iii., p 264.
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
453
drew over many, particularly among the monks, to his sentiments ; and he
made special efforts to gain over Honorius the Roman pontiff to his side. (9)
But Scrgius of Constantinople wrote a long and discreet letter to Honorius,
which induced him to decide, that those held sound doctrine who taught
that there was one will and one operation in Christ. (10) Hence arose se-
vere contests, which divided the commonwealth as well as the church into
two parties.
§ 7. To quiet these great commotions, Heraclius published in the year
639, an Ecthesis, i. e., a formula of faith, drawn up by Sergius, in which,
while he forbid all discussion of the question whether there were only one,
(9) [Sophronius was most sincere and
decorous in his opposition to the doctrine of
Monothdism. In the council of Alexandria
he fell down before Cyrus, and entreated
him not to sanction such a doctrine. But
he was alone in his opposition. Cyrus treat-
ed him tenderly, advised him to confer with
Sergius the patriarch of Constantinople on
the subject, and wrote a letter to Sergius for
Sophronius to carry. When arrived at Con-
stantinople, Sergius endeavoured to sooth
him, represented the point as unessential,
agreed to write to Cyrus not to allow any
controversy on the subject, but to leave ev-
ery one at full liberty to speculate as he
pleased about it. Sophronius now agreed
to keep silence. But when made patriarch
of Jerusalem, his conscience would not let
him rest. Whether he assembled a provin-
cial synod, as Dr. Moshcim asserts, is ques-
tionable. But his circular epistle to the oth-
er patriarchs on occasion of his consecra-
tion, contained an elaborate discussion of the
subject, and a host of quotations from the
fathers, in proof that the doctrine of two
wills and two operations was the only true
doctrine. See the letter in Harduin's Con-
cilia, torn, iii., p. 1257. — TV.]
(10) This the adherents to the Roman
pontiffs have taken the utmost pains to dis-
prove, lest one of the pontiffs should seem
to have erred in a matter of such moment.
See, among many others, Jo. Harduin, de
Sacramento altaris, in his Opp. sclecta, p.
255, &c. An 1 indeed, it is not difficult ei-
ther to accuse or to excuse the man. For he
appears not to have known what to think on
the subject, and to have annexed no very
definite ideas to the words which he used.
Yet he did say that there was but one will
and one operation of will in Christ. And
for this he was condemned in the council of
Constantinople. He was therefore a heretic,
beyond all controversy, if it be true that uni-
versal councils cannot err. See Ja. Benig.
Bossuet, Defensio declarations quam clerus
Gallicanus, Anno 1682, de potestate Eccle-
siastica sanxit, pt. ii., lib. xii., cap. 21, &c.,
p. 182, &c. Add Ja. Basnagc, Histoire de
1'Eglise, torn, i., p. 391, &c. [Honorius was
made acquainted, by Scrgius in the above
mentioned letter, with the origin and whole
progress of the controversy ; and such was
his impression, that, in his answer to Ser-
gius, (which is in Harduin's Concilia, torn.
iii., p. 1319, &c.), he so far agreed with Ser-
gius as to disapprove the affirmation of either
one or two operations and divine wills ; yet
he did very clearly maintain but one will in
Christ, expressed his disapprobation of So-
phronius, and declared the whole controver-
sy to be unimportant and mere logomachy.
There is extant also, (ibid., p. 1351), an ex-
tract from a second letter of Honorius to
Sergius, in which he still farther confirms
his opinion. The friends of the Romish
church have iaken great pains to justify this
mistake of Honorius. The Acts of the sixth
general council, say they, are corrupted, and
the name of Honorius has been wickedly
foisted into them. Honorius was not con-
demned for heresy, but for his forbearance.
He meant to deny only that there were two
opposite wills in Christ. He wrote only
as a private person, and not as a bishop,
and also when ill-informed by Sergius ; and
moreover retracted afterwards his opinion.
But even Catholic writers have confuted
these subterfuges ; e. g., Richer, Hist Con-
cil. general, p. 296, &c. Du Pin, Bibli-
oth., torn, vi., p. 67, &c. Honorius was con-
demned not only in the sixth general coun-
cil, but also in the seventh and eighth, and
in that in Trullo, and likewise by his own
successors, (Agatho, Leoll., Hadrian, &c.),
and is named in several Rituals, and partic-
ularly in the Breviary and m the festival of
Leo II., as being, together with Scrgius and
Cyrus, a person damnattz memori<jc. This
is manifest proof that no one then even
thought of an infallibility in the Romish
jiojios. notwithstanding in modern times the
name of Honorius has been erased from the
Breviaries. — Schl. See Bower's Lives of
the Popes, (Agatho), vol. iii., and Gieseler't
Text-book, transl. by Cunningham, vol. i.,
p. 369, note 17.— TV.]
454
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
or a twofold action or operation in Christ, he clearly stated that there was
but one will in Christ.(ll) This new law was approved by not a few in
the East, and first of all by Pyrrhus of Constantinople, who on the death
of Sergius succeeded to that see in the year 639. (12) But the Roman
pontiff John IV., in a council held this year at Rome, rejected the Ecthe-
sis, and condemned the Monothelites.(13) As the controversy still con-
tinued, the emperor Constans in the year 648, with the consent of Paul of
Constantinople, published a new edict, called the Typus ; by which the EC-
thesis was annulled, and silence enjoined on both the contending parties,
as well with regard to one will as with regard to one operation "of will in
Christ. (14) But the impassioned monks looked upon silence as a crime ;
and by their instigation, Martin the bishop of Rome in a council of 105
bishops in the year 649, anathematized both the Ecthesis and the Typus,
(but without naming the emperors), and likewise all patrons of the Monothe-
§ 8. The audacity of Martin in anathematizing the imperial edicts,
provoked Constans to issue orders for the arrest of the pontiff by the ex-
arch Calliopas, and for his transportation in the year 650 to the island of
Naxia. Maximus, the ringleader of the seditious monks, he banished to
Bizyca ; and others, not less factious, were punished in different ways. (16)
(tl) [This Ecthesis is in Harduin's Con-
cilia, torn, iii., p. 791, &c. — Schl.]
(12) [Previously to this, Sergius assem-
bled the clergy at Constantinople, and not
only established the new Concordat, but or-
dained that all clergymen who should not
adopt it should be liable to deposition, and
all monks and laymen be liable to excom-
munication. Extracts from the Acts of this
council are given in the Acts of the Lateran
council [A.D. 649], in Harduin, torn, iii., p.
795, &c. Pyrrhus the successor of Sergius,
likewise received this formula in an assem-
bly of the clergy A.D. 640, and commanded
all bishops whether present or absent to sub-
scribe to it. See the extracts from the Acts
of this council, in Harduin, torn, iii., p. 797.
— SchL]
(13) \_Heraclius transmitted the Ecthesis
to pope Severinus at Rome, by the exarch
Isaacius. (Harduin, torn, iii., p. 803.)
Whether Severinus submitted to it, is un-
certain. But that his envoys, who were
sent to Constantinople to obtajn the confirm-
ation of his election, could not succeed till
they had engaged he should receive it, is
certain. His successor John IV. rejected
it soon after his elevation to office, in a Ro-
mish council of which we have only very
dubious accounts. On the side of this pope
stood the island of Cyprus, and Numidia
Byzicena, the Provincia Proconsularis, and
Mauritania ; from all of which provinces
synodal epistles are still extant, showing
that the bishops there passed resolutions
against the Ecthesis. They are in Hardu-
in's Concilia, torn, iii., p. 727, &c. — Schl.]
(14) [This Typus is in Harduin's Con-
cilia, torn, iii., p. 823, &c. — Schl.]
(15) [This council was held in the church
of St. John of the Lateran, and was thence
called the Lateran Council. The Acts of
it are in Harduin's Collection, torn, iii., p.
626-946. The year before, pope Theodore
had held a council at Rome, in which he
condemned Pyrrhus who had lost the patri-
archate of Constantinople in consequence of
his taking part in the civil commotions of
that city at the election of a new emperor,
together with his successor Paul ; and had
mingled some of the sacramental wine with
the ink in signing their condemnation. See
Watch's Historic der Kirchenversamml., p.
419. The emperor Constans hoped by
means of his Typus, to put an end to all
these commotions ; and he would undoubt-
edly have succeeded, if he had had only can-
did and reasonable men to deal with. But
at Rome a determined spirit of self-justi-
fication prevailed ; and unfortunately pope
Martin was a man who sought to gain a rep-
utation for learning by metaphysical wran-
gling. He in this council condemned the
opinions of an Arabian bishop, Thcodorus of
Pharan, a zealous Monophysite ; but he
touched so lightly on the doctrines of Hono-
rius, as not even to mention his name. —
Schl.-]
(16) [To give the proceeding a less ex-
ceptionable aspect, pope Martin was accu-
sed of various crimes. He was charged with
being a partisan of the rebel exarch Olym-
pius, with sending supplies of money to the
Saracens, &c. From Naxia he was brought
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
455
The succeeding Roman pontiffs, Eugenius and Vitalianus, were more dis-
creet and moderate ; especially the latter, who received Constans, upon
his arrival at Rome in the year 663, with the highest honours, and adopt-
ed measures to prevent the controversy from being rekindled.(lT) It
therefore slept in silence for several years. But as it was only a con-
cealed fire that burned in secret, and as new commotions hazardous to the
public peace were constantly to be feared, Constaniine Pogonatus the son
of Constans, having advised with the Roman pontiff Agatlio, summoned a
general council in the year 680, which is called the sixtli of the oecumeni-
cal councils ; and here he permitted the Monothelites and the Roman
pontiff Honorius to be condemned, in the presence of Agatha's legates ;
and he confirmed the decrees of the council with the sanction of penal
laws.(18)
§ 9. It is very difficult to define the real sentiments of the Monothe-
lites, or to tell what it was their adversaries condemned. For neither
party is uniform in its statements, and both disclaim the errors objected
to them. I. The Monothelites disclaimed all connexion with the Eutychi-
to Constantinople, and there subjected to a
judicial trial. He would certainly have lost
his head, as a traitor, had not the dying pa-
triarch Paul moved the emperor to commute
his punishment into banishment to Cherson,
where he soon after died in great distress.
See his 14th and following Epistles, in Lab-
be, Concilia, torn, vi., and Concilia regia,
torn. TV. ; also Muratori, History of Italy,
vol. iv., p. 125, &c. — Schl. Also Bower's
Lives of the Popes, vol. iii. — TV.]
(17) [ Vitalianus, as soon as he was elect-
ed, despatched his envoys to Constantino-
ple, and by them sent the customary con-
fession of his faith to the patriarch. The
discreet procedure of the pope and the polit-
ical circumstances of the times, caused his
envoys to be well received, and to be sent
back to Rome by Constantine with splendid
presents. The patriarch of Constantinople
also, in his letter of reply, expressed warm
desires for union and harmony. When the
emperor Constans came to Rome in the year
663, in his campaign against the Lombards,
the pope showed him more honour than it
became his papal character to show to one
who had murdered his own brother ; for the
emperor, a few years before, had put to death
his own brother, the deacon Theodosius.
The pope, with all his clergy, went out to
meet him two miles from Rome, and escort-
ed him into the city. But all the honours
he showed to the emperor did not prevent
him from carrying off to Constantinople all
the brass which ornamented the city, and
even the plates which covered the roof -»i
the Pantheon. See Anastasitts, de ^ita
Vitaliani ; and Paulus Diaconus, Historia
Longobardor., lib. v., c. 6, 7. — S«A/.]
(•18) [This council was summoned by the
emperor, who presided in it in person. The
number of bishops was small at first, but in-
creased to near 200. There were eighteen
sessions, from the 7th Nov. 680 to the 16th
Sept. 681. No one of the ancient councils
was conducted with more decorum and fair-
ness. Yet not the Bible, but the decrees of
former councils and the writings of the fa-
thers, were the authority relied upon. All
the great patriarchs were present, either per-
sonally or by their representatives. At first
the two parties were nearly balanced. But
in the 8th session, March 7th, George the
patriarch of Constantinople went over to the
side of the orthodox, and was followed by
all the clergy of his diocese. Macarius the
patriarch of Antioch, who stood firm at the
head of the Monothelites, was new outvoted,
condemned, and deprived of hi* office. The
Monothelites, as soon as the? were adjudged
to be heretics, lost their sests ; and therefore
the decrees of the council were finally car-
ried by a unanimous vote. Theodorus of
Pharan, Cyrus of Alexandria, Sergins, Pyr-
rhus, and Paul of Constantinople, Honoriu*
of Rome, MacarMS of Antioch, and some
others, were condemned as heretics ; and
the doctrine of two wills, a human and di-
vine, and two kinds of voluntary acts in
Christ, defined and established. The Acts
of this council, Gr. and Lat., are in Har-
duin's Concilia, torn, iii., p. 1043-1644, and
thej are not falsified, as some Catholics for-
nzerlv asserted. See Combefis, Diss. apol-
ogei. pro Actis vi. Synodi, in his Auctuar.
Biblioth. Patr. Nov., torn. ii.. p. 65. Jo.
Forbes, Instructio hist. Theol., 1. v., c. 10.
Du Pin, Biblioth. des Auteurs Eccles., torn.
vi.,.p. 61. Cave, Hist. Lit., torn, i., p. 605.
Rower, Lives of the Popes, (Agatha), vol.
iii.— TV.]
456 BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
ans and the Monophys-ites ; and confessed that there. were in Christ the
Saviour two natures, so united, without mixture or confusion, as to consti-
tute but one person. II. They admitted that the human soul of Christ was
endowed with a will, or the faculty of willing and choosing ; and that it
did not lose this power of willing and choosing in consequence of its union
with the divine nature. For they held and taught, that Christ was perfect
man as well as perfect God ; and of course, that his human soul had the
power of willing and choosing. III. They denied that this power of
willing and choosing in the human soul of Christ, was inactive or inoper-
ative : on the contrary, they conceded that it operated together with the
divine will. IV. They therefore, in reality admitted two wills in Christ,
and also that both were active and operative wills. (19) Yet, V. they
maintained that in a certain sense, there was but one will and one opera-
tion of will in Christ.
§ 10. But these positions were not explained in precisely the same man-
ner, by all who were called Monothelites. Some of them, as may be fully
proved, intended no more than that the two wills in Christ, the human and
the divine, were always harmonious, and in this sense one ; or that the hu-
man will always accorded with the divine will, and was therefore always
holy, upright, and good. And in this opinion there is nothing censura-
ble. (20) But others approaching nearer to the Monophysites, supposed that
the two wills in Christ, that is, the two powers of willing, in consequence
of the personal union (as it is called) of the two natures, were amalgamated
and became one will: yet they still admitted that the two wills could be,
and should be, discriminated in our conceptions. The greatest part of the
sect and those possessing the greatest acumen, supposed that the will of
Christ's human soul was the instrument of his divine will : yet when moved
and prompted to act, it operated and put forth volitions in connexion with
the divine will.(21) From this supposition, the position so obstinately
maintained by the Monothelites was unavoidable, that in Christ there was
but one will and one operation of will. For the operation of an instrument,
and of him \vho uses it, is not twofold but one. Setting aside therefore
the suspicion of Eutychianism, and other tilings connected with that ques-
tion, the point hi controversy was, whether the human will of Christ some-
times acted from 'ds own impulse, or whether it was always moved by the in-
stigation of the divine nature. — This controversy is a striking illustration of
the fallacious and hazardous nature of every religious compromise, which
is made to rest on ambiguous phraseology. The friends of the council of
Chalcedon endeavoured to ensnare the Monophysites, by means of a propo-
' (19) [They admitted two focuses or vol- (21) [According to Dr. Walch, Historie
untary powers, a human and a divine ; but der Ketzereyen, vol. ix., p. 594, &c., the sub-
maintained, that when brought into action, ordination of the human will to the divine in
they operated conjunctly and as ii they were Christ, was explained by some to be alto-
but one. By the expression one wiU there- gether voluntary, or a consequence of the
fore, they seem to have intended one vditiov. pious resignation and the faith of the man
or act of the will, and by one operation, ihey Christ Jesus ; but others supposed that it
intended one mode of acting. See Walch, resulted from the nature of the union, by
Historie der Ketzereyen, vol. ix., p. 584, &c. wV.ich the human nature became the instru-
— Tr.] mewl with which the divine nature worked ;
(20) [See Walch, Historie der Ketzerey- and thty illustrated the subject by the sub-
en, vol. ix., p. 592, &c., where he names (in jection of man's bodily members to the em-
Anm. 1. p. 593) Sergius, Honorius, and pire of his mind or soul. — Tr.]
the Ecthesis, as giving these views. — Tr.]
HERESIES AND SCHISMS.
457
sition of dubious interpretation ; and they thus imprudently involved the
church and the state in long-protracted controversies.
§11. The doctrine of the Monothelites thus condemned and exploded by
the council of Constantinople, found a place of refuge among the Mardaiies,
a people who inhabited the mountains of Libanus and Ant'dibanus, and who
about the conclusion of this century received the name of Maronites, from
Jo. Maro their first bishop, a name which they still retain. No one of the
ancients indeed has mentioned this man as being the person who brought
the Libaniots to embrace Monothelism ; but there are strong reasons for
believing, that it was this John whose surname of Maro passed over to the
people of whom he was bishop. (22) This however is demonstrable, from the
testimony of William of Tyre and of other unexceptionable witnesses,(23)
that the Maronites were for a long time Monothelites in sentiment ; and
that it was not till the twelfth centuiy, or till they became reconciled with
the Romish church in the year 1182, that they abandoned the error of
one will in Christ. The most learned of the modern Maronites have very
studiously endeavoured to wipe off this reproach from their nation, and
have advanced many arguments to prove that their ancestors were always
obedient to the see of Rome, and never embraced the sentiments either of
the Monophysites or of the Monothelites. But they cannot persuade the
learned to believe so, for these maintain that their testimonies are fictitious
and of no validity. (24)
(22) The surname of Maro was given to
this monk, because he had lived in the cele-
brated monastery of St. Maro on the river
Orontes, before he took residence among
the Mard-aitcs on Mount Lebanon. A par-
ticular account is given of him, by Jo. Sim.
Asscman, Biblioth. Oriental. Clement. Vat-
ican., torn, i., p. 496. [Gabriel Sionita, de
Urbibus et moribus Oriental, cap. 8, derives
the name of Maronites from an abbot Maron,
whom he extols for his holiness and his vir-
tues ; but he will acknowledge no heretical
Maro. — Schl. Gieselcr, in his Text-book
of Eccl. Hist., transl. by Cunningliam, vol.
i., p. 373, note 5, thinks the history of the
Maronites has been obscured, by identifying
that people with the Mardaites ; and refers
us to Anquctil Duperron, Recherches sur les
migrations des Mardes, ancien peuple de
Perse, in the Memoires de 1'Acad. des In-
script., tome 50, p. 1, "showing that the
Mardaites, or Mards, a warlike nation of Ar-
menia, were placed as a garrison on Mount
Libanus by Constantine Pogonatus A.D.
676, (Thcophanes, p. 295), but withdrawn
A.D. 685 by Justinian II., (Theoph., p.
302)."— TV.]
(23) [The passage of William of Tyre
is in his Historia rerum in partibus transma-
rinis gestar., lib. xxxii., c. 8, and is this:
" A Syrian nation in the province of Pheni-
cia, inhabiting the cliffs of Lebanon near
the city Biblos, while enjoying temporal
peace, experienced a great change in its
state. For having followed the errors of one
VOL. I.— M :i M
Maro a heresiarch for nearly 500 years, and
so as to be called after him Maronites, and
to be separated from the church of the faith-
ful and maintain a separate worship ; through
divine influence returning now to a sound
mind, they put on resolution and joined them-
selves to Aimericus the patriarch of Anti-
och." — The Alexandrian patriarch Eutychi-
us, whose Annals Pocock has translated from
the Arabic, likewise mentions a monk Ma-
run, "who asserted, that Christ our Lord
had two natures and one will, one operation
and person, and corrupted the faith of men ;
and whose followers holding the same sen-
timents with him, were called Maronites,
deriving their name from his name Maro."
—Schl.]
(24) The cause of the Maronites has been
pleaded by Abrah. Ecchellcnsis, Gabriel Sio-
mta, and others of the Maronite nation ; but
by none of them more fully than by Faustus
Nairon, both in his Dissertt. de origine, nom-
ine et religione Maronitarum, Rome, 1679,
8vo, and in his Euoplia fidei Catholics ex Sy-
rorum et Chaldasorum monumentis, Rome,
1694, 8vo. Yet Nairon induced none to be-
lieve his positions, except Ant. Pagi, (in his
Critica Baroniana, ad ann. 694), and P. de la
I-ttiK/iir, in whose Voyage de Syrie et de
Montliban, tome ii., p. 28-128, there is a
long Dissertation concerning the origin of
the Maronites. Even Asscman, who being
a Maronite, spared no pains to vindicate the
character of his nation, (Biblioth. Oriental.
Vatican., torn, i., p. 496), yet does not deny
458
BOOK II.— CENTURY VII.— PART II.— CHAP. V.
§ 12. Neither the sixth [general] council which condemned the Monoih.
elites, nor the fifth which had been held in the preceding century, enact-
ed any canons concerning discipline and rites. Therefore a new assem-
bly of bishops was held by order of Justinian II., in the year 692 at Con-
stantinople, in a tower of the palace which was called Trullus. This
council, from the place of meeting, was called Concilium Trullanum ; and
from another circumstance, Quinisextum, because the Greeks considered
its decrees as necessary to the perfection of the Acts of the fifth and sixth
councils. We have one hundred and two canons sanctioned by this as-
sembly, on various subjects pertaining to the external part of worship, the
government of the church, and the conduct of Christians. But as six of
these canons are opposed to the Romish opinions and customs, therefore
the Roman pontiffs have refused to approve the council as a whole, or to
rank it among the general councils, although they have deemed the great-
est part of its canons to be excellent. (25)
that much of what has been written by Nai-
ron and others, in behalf of the Maronites,
is without weight or authority. See Jo.
Morin, de Ordinal, sacris, p. 380, &c. Rich.
Simon, Histoire Critique des Chretiens Ori-
entaux, cap. xiii., p. 146. Euseb. Renaudot,
Historia Patriarchar. Alexandrinor., p. 149,
and Praefat. ad Liturgias Orientales. Peter
le Brun, Explication de la Messe, torn, ii.,
p. 626, &c., Paris, 1726, 8vo. The argu-
ments on both sides are stated, and the read-
er is left to form his own judgment, by Mich,
le Quien, Christianus Oriens, torn, iii., p.
10, &c. [See also Walch, Historic der
Ketzereyen, vol. ix., p. 474-488.— Tr.]
(25) See Franc. Pagi, Breviarium Pon-
tiff. Roman., torn, i., p. 486. Chr. Lupus,
Diss. de Concilio Trullano ; in his Notes
and Dissertations on Councils, Opp., torn,
iii., p. 168, &c. The Romans reject the
5th canon, which approves of the eighty-five
Apostolic Canons, commonly attributed to
Clement : — the 13th canon, which allows
priests to live in wedlock : — the 55th canon,
which condemns fasting on Saturdays, a cus-
tom allowed of in the Latin church : — the
67th canon^which strictly enjoins abstinence
from blood and from things strangled : — the
82d canon, which prohibits the painting of
Christ in the image of a lamb : — and the
8Qth canon, concerning the equality of the
bishops of Rome and Constantinople. [The
eastern patriarchs of Constantinople, Jerusa-
lem, Alexandria, Antioch, and Justiniana,
with more than 200 bishops, attended this
council. The Roman pontiff had no proper
legate there. Yet his ordinary representa-
tives at the imperial court sat in the council
and subscribed its decisions ; and Basil the
archbishop of Crete says in his subscription,
that he represented the patriarch of Rome
and all the bishops under him. The emperor
attended the council in person and subscri-
bed its decrees. In the original a space was
left for the subscription of the Roman pon-
tiff; but when it was sent to Rome by the
emperor, and pope Sergius was called on to
subscribe, he showed such a refractory spirit
as nearly cost him his liberty. The reason
was, he found the above-mentioned canons
to be contrary to the principles and usages
of his church. For the same reason, the
admirers of the Romish bishop to this day
are not agreed whether the whole council,
or only the canons which have the misfortune
to displease them, should be rejected, al-
though at an early period pope Adrian ap-
proved of it. On the other hand, this coun-
cil was recognised by the Greeks as a valid
one, and was classed among the general
councils. See Dr. Watch's Historic der
Kirchenversammlungen, p. 441. — Schl.]
INDEX
TO THE FIRST VOLUME.
A.
Abasgi, converted in sixth century, 379.
Abbots, their origin and office, 266, 328, n. (18).
Abdas, bp. of Suza, 5th century, 319.
Abelites, sect, in 2d cent., 147, n. (22-).
Abgarusj king of Edessa, 1st cent., 43, &c.
Abraxas, a term used by Basilides, 143, n. (14).
Abyssinians or Ethiopians, converted, 4th
cent., 226.
Acaciiis, bp. of Caesarea,4th cent., 248, n., 301,
n. (44).
, bp. of Berea, 5th cent., 334.
, bp. in Armenia, 5th cent., 334.
, bp. of Constantinople, 5th cent., 324, n.
(3), 335, n., 367, 368, 369.
Academics, their doctrines, 30, n. (34), 65.
Academies in Roman Empire, 2d cent., 1 10.
Acephali, sect, in 5th cent., 368, 410, 416.
Acolythi, an order of clergy, 165.
Acoemeta, aicoi/irJTai, 5th cent., 351, n. (2).
Ada Martyrum, what, 55.
Acts of Uniformity, 5th cent., 353.
Adamites, sect, in 2d cent., 147.
Adamnanus, Irish monk, 6th cent., 436, 444.
Adrian, emp. in 2d cent., 97, 104, 106, 138.
, a writer in 5th cent., 340.
jEdesius, a philosopher in 4th cent., 229.
jiElia Capitolina, Jerusalem, 104.
JElian, proconsul of Africa, 4th cent., 284.
JRneas Gazeus, 5th cent., 335, n.
./Eon, 'A.ti>v, what, among Gnostics, 63, n. (8),
94, 95, 143, 144, 145.
Aerius, a Semiarian, 4th cent., 273, &c., n.
(43).
Aetius, Arian, 4th cent., 248, n., 301, n. (48).
Agapetus, do aeon at Constantinople, 6th cent.,
395, n. (23), 408.
, bp. of Rome, 6th cent., 405.
Agathias, historian, Cth cent., 383, n. (3).
Agatho, bp. of Rome, 7th cent., 444, 455.
Agnoeta, sect, in 6th cent., 419, n. (20).
Agrippa Castor, writer in 2d cent., 123.
Aidan, bp. in England, 7th £ent., 423, n.
Alans, converted in 6th cent., 379.
Aldhrlm, Eng. bp., 7th cent., 442, n. (26), 447.
Alexander, bp. of Jerusalem, 3d cent., 175.
Severus, emp., 3d cent, 154, 156, 160.
,bp. of Alexandria, 4th cent., 247, n. (30),
287, &c. ; his epistle, 288, n. (16).
, bp. of Hierapolis, 5th cent., 334.
• of Ly copolis, a philosopher, 4th cent., 383,
n. (5).
Alexandria, patriarchate of, 233, &c., n. (2).
All Saints, feast 7th cent., 449, n. (3).
Ambrose, bp. of Milan, 4th cent., 250, n. (33),
263, 264.
Ammianus Marcellinus, 4th cent., 224, n. (50).
Ammonius Saccas, a philosopher, 2d cent.,
Ill, &c.,n. (11).
, a Christian writer, 3d cent., 174, n., 182.
Amphilochius of Iconiurn, 4th cent., 245, n.
(26).
Amrou, Saracen conqueror of Egypt, 451.
Anastasia, a martyr in 4th cent., 256.
Anastasius, a presbyter of Constantinople, 5th
cent., 357.
Sinaita ; three of this name, 396, n. (28),
407.
, emperor, 6th cent., 416.
Apocrisiarius, 7th cent., 444.
, Monophysite patriarch of Antioch, 451.
Anatolivs, bp. of Laodicea, 3d cent., 176.
Andreas, bp. of Samosata, 5th cent., 334.
, bp. in Cappadocia, 5th cent., 335, n.
, bp. of Crete, 7th cent., 440, n. (19).
Andrew, the apostle, 48, n.
Anchorites or Anachorites, 267, n. (30), (31).
Anglo-Saxons, converted, 6th cent., 380, n. (6),
and 7th cent, 422, &c., n. (5).
Annunciation, feast, 6th cent., 414, n. (8).
Anomceans, sect, in the 4th cent., 301.
Antidico-Marianites, sect, 4th cent., 311.
Antioch, patriarchate of, 233, &c., n. (2).
Antiochus, monk of Saba, 7th cent., 440, n.
(17), 446.
Antonines, emperors, their character, 97.
Antoninus, Marcus, emp., 97, 107, 110.
— - Pius, emp., 2d cent., 97, 106.
Antony, monk, Egypt, 4th cent., 247, n., 265.
Aphonius, writer in the 7th cent., 444.
Apocrypha of the N. Test., 73, n. (23).
Apollinaris, bp. of Hierapolis, 2d cent., 124.
of Antioch, senior and junior, 4th cent.,
247, n. (29), 263, 302, n. (52).
Apollinarian heresy, 4th cent., 302, n. (52).
Apollonius Tyaneus, 1st cent., 160, n. (16).
, a Gr. writer, 2d cent., 124.
Apologies of Christians, 102, 106, 107, 127.
of Justin Martyr, 118, n. (4).
Apostles, 43, n. (4), 45-48, 66, 72.
Apostles' Creed, 79, n. (2), 125.
Apostolic Canons and Constitutions, 75, 184,
n.(13),(14).
Fathers. 76-79.
Appion, Gr. writer, 2d cent., 124, 174, n.
Arabians, converted, in 2d cent., 98, 99 ; in 3d
cent., 155, 201 ; in 5th, 314.
Arabianus, writer of 2d cent., 124, 126.
Arator, a poet of 6th cent., 401, n. (37).
Archbishops, 117. 163, 232, 233, &C., n. (2).
Archdeacons, Archpresbyters, origin of, 237.
Archelavs, son of Herod, 33.
460
INDEX.
Archelaus, bp. of Carrha, 3d cent., 176, 193, n.
Arethas, abp. in Cappadocia, 6th cent, 398.
Arians, origin of, in 4th cent., 287, &c. Sects
of, 300, &c. — retire among the Goths, in 5th
cent., 299, &c., 354, &c. State of, in 6th
cent., 415, &c., 384, &c. ; in 7th cent., 450.
Arius, 287, &c., 301,. n. (46); his letter, 288,
n. (16) ; his death, 297, n. (31).
Aristides, apologist, 2d cent., 106, 123.
Aristotelian philosophy, 31 ; in 2d cent., 110;
in 3d cent., 161 ; in 4th, 229 ; in 5th, 321,
322 ; in 6th, 387; in 7th, 436, 450.
Aristotle, his opinion of God and the soul, 31.
Armagh, see of, erected in 5th cent., 316.
Armenians, converted in 4th cent., 225.
Arnobius, senior, 3d cent., 173, &c., n. (17).
183.
, junior, 5th cent., 338, n. (45).
Artemon, heretic, 2d cent., 150, n. (27).
Arts, the seven Liberal, what, 321, n. (4).
Ascension, feast, when instituted, 449, n. (3).
Ascetics, 129, 265, 266, n. (28).
Ascusnage, John, 7th cent., tritheist, 419, n.
(21).
Asterius of Cappadocia, 4th cent., 247, n.
of Pontus, in 5th cent., 333.
Asylum, right of, in churches, 7th cent., 449,
n. (4).
Athanaric, Gothic k., 4th cent, persecutor, 228.
Athanasius, bp. of Alexandria, 4th cent., 239,
n. (14), 262, 263, 265, n. (26), 296, &c.
, junior, or Celetes, 5th cent., 335, n.
, bp. of Antioch, 7th cent., 452.
Athanasian Creed, spurious, 240, n. (14).
Athenagoras, apologist, 2d cent., 107, 111, 120,
n. (6).
Atticus, bp. of Constantinople, 5th cent., 333.
Audceus, 4th cent., reformer, 309, n. (67).
Audentius, writer of 4th cent, 263.
Audcenus, or Dado, abp. of Rouen, 7th cent,
436, 443.
Augustine, bp. of Hippo, 4th cent, 252, n. (35),
261, 263, 282, 286, 318, 352, 354, n. (9), 372,
373, 374, 377.
, monk, apostle of Britain, 5th cent., 380,
n. (6), 422, n. (5).
Augvstulus, emp., 5th cent, 312.
Augustus, emp., 1st cent, 23, 65.
Avitus, bp. of Clermont, 5th cent, 341, 381, n.
(11).
Aurelian, emp., 3d cent, 159.
Aurelius, bp. of Carthage, 4th cent, 258.
Ausonius, a poet, 4th cent, 229, n. (1).
Autharis, king of Lombards, 6th cent, 384.
'Auro«0oAos, independent bp., 233, n., 324, n.
(9).
Aujcumitae, Ethiopians, converted, 226.
B.
Babacus, Nestorian abp. of Seluecia, 5th cent,
363, n. (26).
Baptism, in 1st cent, 84, 87 ; in 2d, 134, 137,
n. (17) ; in 3d, 189 ; in 4th, 281 ; in 6th, 413,
&c.
Baptism of heretics, 186, 203, 286.
Baptismal fonts, in 4th cent, 281.
Barad&us, Jacobus, 6th cent, 369, 417, &c., n.
(12).
Bar-Cochebas, Jewish impostor, 2d cent, 104,
106.
Bardesann, heretic, 2d cent., 124, 142.
Barnabas, St., 1st cent., 49, n. (9), 77.
Barsabas, 1st cent, 46.
Barsanuphius, of Gaza, 6th cent, 398.
Barsumas, bp. Nisibis, 5th cent, 362, &c.
, Eutychian monk, 5th cent, 367.
Bartholomew, St., preached in Arabia, 48, n..
99.
Basil the Great of Cappadocia, 4th cent, 240,
n. (15), 264.
of Ancyra, 4th cent., 248, n., 301, n. (47).
of Cilicia, 5th cent, 335, n.
of Seleucia, 5th cent., 332, n. (28), 345.
of Thessalonica, 7th cent, 441, n.
Basilides, 2d cent, his heresy, 143, 144.
Believers and Catechumens, 69.
Bellator, writer, in 6th cent, 407, n. (7), 409.
Benedict, St., of Nursia, 6th cent, 392, n. (15),
400.
, bp. of Rome, 7th cent, 444.
Benedictine monks, 392, &c. Their rule, 393, n.
Berinus, bp. of Dorchester, Eng., 7th cent.
423, n.
Bertha,, patroness of Augustine, 7th cent, 330.
Beryllus of Bostra, 3d cent, 199, &c.
Bishops, origin and history of, in 1st cent, 69,
71, &c. ; in 2d cent, 116, &c., 136; in 3d,
163-165 ; in 4th, 231, 232, &c., 237 ; in 5th,
323, 327 ; in 6th, 385, 386, 390 ; in 7th, 435,
438, &c.
in Great Britain, 324, n. (9), 424, n. (5).
Bobio, monastery, established, 6th cent, 392,
n. (14).
Bobolenus, monk and writer, 7th cent, 444.
Boethius, a Christian philosopher, 6th cent.,
387, 403, n. (45), 436.
Boniface I., bp. of Rome, 5th cent, 339, n.
II., , 6th cent, 404.
III., , 7th cent, 436, &C.,
, 7th cent., 443.
, 7th cent, 443, 449.
Bonosus, heretic, 4th cent, 311, n. (69).
Braulio, bp. of Saragossa, 7th cent, 436, 443, n.
Britons, state of, in the two first centuries, 65,
99, n. (8) ; in 3d cent, 156 ; in 5th, 318, &c. ;
in 6th, 380, 384 ; in 7th, 422, n. (5), 437.
Bulgaranus, count, 7th cent., 443.
Burgundians, converted, 5th cent., 314.
C.
Cceciliav, bp. Carthage, 4th cent. 282, &c.
Casarius of Constantinople, 4th cent, 249, n.
of Aries, 6th cent, 377, n., 400, n. (30).
Cajanus, Gajanus, or Gainus, bp. of Alexan-
dria, in 6th cent, 418, n. (16).
Cainites, sect., in 2d cent, 147.
Caius, presbyter, Rome, 3d cent, 174, n. (18).
Calumnies against the Christians, 54, 102, 106,
107, 108, 209.
Candidus, Gr. writer, 2d cent, 124, 174, n.
, Arian writer, 4th cent., 257.
•, historian, 5th cent, 335, n.
Candlemas, feast, 6th cent, 414, n. (7).
Canon of the N. Test, when settled, 72, 73.
of the mass, what, 4)3, n. (1).
Canons of the Apostles ; see Apostolic Canons.
of Nice, 236, n. (7), 293, &c., n. (26).
of Sardica, 236, n. (9).
of Chalcedon, 323.
Capreolus, bp. of Carthage, 5th cent., 340.
Caracalla, emperor, 3d cent, 153.
INDEX.
461
Carpocrates, a Gnostic, 2d cent., 145.
Cassianus, John, 5ih cent., 336, n. (34), 375, n.
(54).
Cassiodorus Senator, 6th cent., 386, 403, n. (46),
436, 407.
Castor, Agrippa, 2d cent., 123.
Catechumens, 69, 80, 281.
Catena Patrum, what, 407.
Cathari, in 3d cent., 203.
Celibacy of clergy, in 3d cent., 166 ; in 4th,
259, 295.
Celsus, opposed Christianity, 3d cent, 108,
183.
Celts, their state in 1st cent., 65.
Cent. I., external Hist., 23 ; internal, 59.
II.,
III.,
IV.,
• V.,
VI.,
VII..
97;
153;
207;
312;
379;
421;
109.
— 161.
— 229.
320.
385.
— 435.
Ceolfrid, English monk, 7th cent., 444.
Cerdo, heretic, 2d cent., 141.
Ceremonies and Rites, history of, in 1st cent.,
83, 84-88 ; in 2d cent., 132-137 ; in 3d, 188-
190 ; in 4th, 276-281 ; in 5th, 350, &c. ; in
6th, 413, &c. ; in 7th, 448, &c.
Cenrinthus, heretic, 1st cent., 95, 96.
Chains, Catenae Patrum, 407.
Chalcedon, councils of, 5th cent., 349, 3f>fi.
Chalddiws, philosopher, in 5th cent., 225, n.
(51), 383, n. (4).
Chaldaic Christians, Nestorians, 363, n. (26).
Chapters, the three, what, 410, &c., n. (14).
Chiliasts, Millennarians, 185, &c., n. (19).
China, enlightened by Nestorians, 7th cent.,
421.
Chorepiscopi, 71, 72, 232.
Chosroes, king of Persia, 6th cent., 385, 388.
Christ, the history of, 41, &c. ; revered by
pagans, 43, 49 ; compared with philoso-
phers, 160, 223 ; disputes respecting his
body in 6th cent., 418, &c.
Christian Era, 41, n. (1).— Called the Diony-
sian era, 401, n. (34).
Christianity, its nature, 78, &c. — Causes of
its rapid progress in 1st cent., 49, 50 ; in 2d,
101 ; in 3d, 154, &c. ; in 4th, 217, &c., 225,
227 ; in 5th, 315, 317, 381, 382 ; in 7th, 422,
426.
, History of its progress in 1st cent., 45,
47, n. (9); in 2d, 98-100; in 3d, 155, 156;
in 4th, 225, &c. ; in 5th, 313, &c. ; in 6th,
379, &c. ; in 7th, 421, &c.
Christians, character of, in 1st cent., 46, 82,91 ;
in 2d cent., 128, &c. ; in 3d, 179 ; in 4th,
259, &c., 268 ; in 5th, 348, &c. ; in 6th, 407,
&c. ; in 7th, 445, 446, &C.
Christmas, origin of, 4th cent., 279, &c., n. (12).
Chrobates or Creations converted, 7th cent.,
422, n. (2).
Chromatius, bp. of Aquileia, 5th cent., 339, n.
Chronicon Alexandrinum, 441. n.
Chrysostom, John, of Constantinople, 241, n.
(17), 263, 349, &c.
Church, its organization and government in
1st cent., 46, 67, 68. n. (6) ; in 2d, 116, &c. ;
in 3d, 163, 164 ; in 4th, 231, &c. ; in 5th,
323, &c. ; in 6th, 388, &c. ; in 7th, 436, &c.
Churches (buildings), history of, 86, 134, 188,
277, n.f3), 351,414 449.
Cimbriatif, heard the gospel in 7th cent., 425.
Circumcelliones, sect of, 4th cent., 284, &c
286, 353, &c.
Claudius, emperor, 3d cent., 159.
Clemens Romanus, 1st cent., 74, 75.
Alexandrinus, 2d cent., Ill, 121, n. (8).
126, 128.
Clementina, Spurious, 75, 76, 184, n. (16).
Clergy, character and state of, in 1st cent., 68,
&c. ; in 9d. 117, 118; in 3d, 165, 166; in 4th,
231, 237 ; in 5th, 327, &c. ; in 6th, 390, n.
(9), (10); in 7th, 438, n. (9).
Clovis, king of Salii, converted, 5th cent., 315.
Ccelestine, bp. of Rome, 5lh cent., 316, 340,
358, n. (18), 376, n. (55).
Ccelestius, the Pelagian, 5th cent., 370, &c., n.
(46).
Coenobites, what, 266.
Cogitosus, an Irish monk. 6th cent., 404.
Collyridians, sect, in 4th cent, 311, n. (69).
Columbas, monk of Hii, 6th cent, 381, n. (7).
Columbanus, an Irish monk and missionary in
6th cent, 392, n. (14), 402, 424, 438, n. (7).
Commentators, the principal in 2d cent, 126 ;
in 3d cent, 180, &c. ; in 4th, 261, &c. ; in
5th, 343, &c. ; in 6th, 406, <kc. ; in 7th, 445,
&c.
Commodianus, a poet, 3d cent, 175, &c.
Commodus, emperor, 2d cent, 97, 108.
Community of goods, in prim, church, 46, 70.
Concubinage of the clergy in 3d cent, 166, n.
(8).
Confessions, private to priests, 5th cent, 351,
n. (5).
Confessors, who, 54.
Confirmation, rite of, 87, 189.
Congal, Irish monk, 6th cent, 392, n. (13).
Conon of Tarsus, his sect, 6th cent, 420,441, n.
Consecration of churches, 4th cent, 277.
Consociation of churches, 72; in 2d cent., 116
n. (2); in 3d, 163.
Constans I., emperor, 4th cent, 218, 298.
II., emperor, 7th cent, 454, 455.
Constantine I. or the Great, 210 ; gives liberty
to Christians, 211, n. (16), 212, (19); his
conversion, 213; abolishes Paganism, 213;
sees a luminous cross, 213, 215, &C., n. (29) ;
his regulations for the church, 217, n. (34),
231-234, 278, 283, &c. ; his writings, 247,
n ; his letter to Arius and Alexander, 290,
&c.,n. (21).
Constantine II., emperor, 4th cent, 218, 298.
I V., Pogonatus, 7th cent., 437, 455.
Constantinople, patriarchate of, 233, n., 236, &c :
the patriarchs' contest with Roman Pontiff
in 4th cent, 237 ; in 5th cent, 323, 325, &c. ;
in 6th, 388, &c. ; in 7th, 436, &c.
Constantinopolitan councils, general, A.D. 381,
p. 306; A.D. 553, p. 409, 411 ; A.D. 680, p.
455 ; A.D. 692 or in Trullo. p.' 458.
Constantaa, Chlorus, 207, 209, n. (10), 210,
211.
I., emperor, 4th cent, 218, 298.
Constitutions of Apostles : see Apostolic Can-
ons.
Controversies among Christians ; in 1st cent,
83 ; in 2d cent, 127 ; in 3d, 158, 185, &c. ;
in 4th, 268, &c. ; in 5th, 349, &c. ; in 6th,
409 ; in 7th, 448.
Copiote, what their office, 165.
Corndiut, bp. of Rome, 3d cent, 175, 202, n.
462
INDEX.
Corrupticol<e, sect, in 6th cent., 419.
Cosmos, Indicopleustes, 6th cent., 388, n. (16).
Councils, none in 1st. cent., 72, n. (17); ori-
ginated in the 2d cent., 72, 116, 117 ; at first
provincial, 116, n. (2).
, general or oecumenical, 231.
, the first, A.D. 325, at Nice, 291-295.
, the second, A.D. 381, at Constantinople,
306, &.c.
, the third, A.D. 431, at Ephesus, 358, n.
(19).
, the fourth, A.D. 451, at Chalcedon, 366,
n.(31).
, the fifth, A.D. 553, at Constantinople,
411.
, the sixth, A.D. 680, at Constantinople,
455, n. (18).
, the seventh, A.D. 691, in Trullo, 448, n.
(1), 458, n. (25).
Creaticolae, a sect, in 6th cent., 419.
Creed, Apostles', 81, &c., n. (2).
, Nicene, 291, &c., n. (22).
Crescens, opposed Christianity, 2d cent., 109.
Cresconius, bp. in Africa, 7th cent., 442, n. (28).
Crosier, the lituus of augurs, 277, n. (2).
Cross, sign of, 190, &c., n. (20), 259, n. (1).
Cyclus Paschalis of Dionysius Exiguus, 401 ,
n. (34).
Cummianus, Irish monk, 7th cent., 443.
Cummeneus Albus, Irish monk, 7th cent., 444.
Cypriam, bp. of Carthage, 3d cent., 158, 159,
163, n. (I), 164. n. (3), (4), 172, n. (15), 182,
183, 186, 202, n.
, Gallic monk, 6th cent., 405.
Cyril, bp. of Jerusalem, 4th cent., 241, n. (16).
262.
, bp. of Alexandria, 5th cent., 329, n. (21).
343, 357, &c.
, monk of Palestine. 6th cent., 398, 408.
Cyrus, bp. of Alexandria, 7th cent., 441, n.,
452.
D.
Dado or Audoenus of Rouen, 7th cent., 436,
443.
Damascius, a philosopher, 6th cent., 383, n. (6).
Damasus, I. bp. of Rome, 4th cent., 235, 255,
n. (40).
Damianus and Damianists, 6th cent., 420.
Deaconesses, their office, 70.
Deacons, in 1st cent., 46, 68, 69, 70; in 2d
cent, 116, 117; in 3d cent., 165; in 4th cent.,
237; in 5th, 327.
Dechis, emperor, 3d cent., persecutor, 157, &c.
Deities, the pagan, 24-27.
Demos, mentioned by Paul, 88, n. (3).
Demetrius, bp. of Alexandria, 3d cent., 187.
Demiurge of oriental philos., 64, 95, 141, 146.
Demoniaa: in the 4th cent., 263.
Desiderius, bp. of Vienne, 6th cent., 386, n. (4).
, bp. of Cahors, 7th cent., 442, n. (23).
Diadochus, bishop in Illyricum, 5th cent., 335,
346.
Didymus of Alexandria, 4th cent., 245, n. (25),
263.
Diocetes, episcopal, origin of, 71 .
Diocletian, emperor, 4th cent., persecutor, 207-
209.
Diodorus or Theodoras, bp. of Tarsus, 4th cent.
245, n. (22), 261, 263.
Dion Cattius, historian, 3d cent., 101.
Dionysius, bp. of Corinth, 2d cent., 124.
Dionysius or Denys, bp. of Paris, 3d cent., 156.
— the Great, bp. of Alexandria, 3d cent.,
170, n. (13), 183,186, 199, n.
— , bp. of Rome, 3d cent., 175.
Areopagita, 184, n. (17), 264, n. (22).
Exiguus, 6th cent., 40), n. (34), 408.
Dioscorus, bp. of Alexandria, 5th cent., 365,
366.
Jiotrephes, 1st cent., 88, n. (3).
disciples, the 70, of Christ, 43, n. (5), 66, 67.
"Divinity : see Theology.
Jocelai, Gnostic sect, described, 141, t) 7.
, sect in 6th cent., 418.
Doctrine, secret, of early Christians, 81, 82.
, two-fold, or two-fold rule of life, 128,
&c., 264, &c., 408.
Domitian, emperor, 1st cent., persecutor, 53,
58, &c.
Domitilla, Flavia, 1st cent., martyr, 59.
Donatists, sect of, its history, in 4th cent. ,282-
286 ; in 5th, 352-354 ; in 6th, 415.
Donatus, a Donatist bp., 4th cent., 256, 283, n.
(3), 285.
Dorotheus, pseudo, 4th cent., 247, n. (30).
, bp. of Martianople, 5th cent., 334, 357, n.
(18).
, abbot, 7th cent., 440, n. (16), 446.
Dositheus, heretic, 1st cent., 92, n. (7).
Dracontius, poet, 5th cent., 339, n. (46).
Druids, 65, 327, n. (14).
Ducenarius, what, 200, n. (14).
Dynamius, a writer of 6th.cent., 406, n.
E.
Eadbald, king of Kent, 7th cent., 423, n.
East Anglia converted, 7th cent., 423, n.
East Saxons converted, 7th cent., 423, n.
Easter, disputes about it, in 2d cent., 135,
&c. ; 4th cent., 294 ; 7th cent., 423, n., 448.
Ebionites, sect, 2d cent., 96, 139.
Eclectic philosophy, 32, 110, &c., 224.
Ecthesis of Heraclius, 7th cent., 453, &c.
Economical method of disputing, 155, n. (5),
183, n. (11).
Edwin, king of Northumberland, 7th cent., 423,
n.
Elcesaites, sect., 2d cent., 140.
Eligius or Eloi, bp., 7th cent,, 435, 442, n. (24),
445, n. (2).
Elpidius, Rusticus, of 5th cent., 341.
Elxai, heretic, 2d cent., 140.
Empire, Roman, state of, at Christ's birth, 23,
&c. ; favourable to the propagation of
Christianity, 24 ; its civil and ecclesiastical
divisions and provinces in 4th cent., 232, n.
(2).
Encratites, sect, 2d cent., 143 ; 4th cent., 282.
England, when first converted, 99, &c.,n. (8).
Ennodius, bp. of Pavia, 6th cent., 389, 391,
400, n. (32), 408.
Ephesine general council, A.D. 431. p. 358, n.
(19).
council of robbers, A.D. 449, p. 365.
Ephraim, Syrus, 4th cent., 244, n. (20), 263.
, patriarch of Antioch, 6th cent., 398.
Epictetus, Stoic philosopher, 2d cent., 110.
Epicureans, 30, n. (33), 65, 110.
Epiphanius, bp. in Cyprus, 4th cent., 242, n.
(18), 262, 263, 275, 349.
, bp. of Constantinople, 6th cent., 397.
INKEX.
463
s Scholasticus, eccl. hist., 6th cent.,
404, p..
Epiphany, day of, fixed, in 4th cent., 279.
Episcopacy : see Bishops.
Eremites or Hermits, in 3d cent., 179 ; in 4th,
266, &c., 328, n. (18) ; in 5th, 346.
Extents, Jewish sect, 36, 37.
Ethelbert, king of Kent, 6th cent., 379, &c.
Ethiopians converted, 4th cent., 226.
Ei-agrius, archdeacon of Constantinople, 4th
cent., 249, n.
, a Gallic presbyter, 6th cent., 345, n. (13).
Scholasticus, eccL historian, 6th cent.,
396, n. (27).
Evangelists, who so called. 66, 67.
Eucherius, op. of Lyons, 5th cent., 333, 336, n.
(36), 346.
Euchites or Messalians, 4th cent., 310, &c.
Eudocia, empress and writer, 5th cent., 333.
Eudoxia, empress, opposed Chrysostom, 349.
Eudoxius, bp. of Constantinople, 4th cent.,
248, n.
Eugenius, abp. of Toledo, 7th cent, 443.
Eugyppius, monk of Italy, 6th cent., 404, 408.
, monk of Africa, 6th cent., 405.
Eulogius, presbyter of Antioch, 6th cent., 395,
&c., n. (24).
Eunapius, pagan philosopher. 4th cent., 224.
Eunomius and Ewiomians, 4th cent., 248, 301,
&c.,n. (50).
Evodius, bp. in Africa, 5th cent., 339, n.
Eusebians, a party in 4th cent., 300.
Eusebius Pamphili, bp. of Caesarea, 4th cent.,
237, &c., n. (12),'263, 275, 300, n. (43).
, bp. of Nicotnedia, Arian, 4th cent., 247,
n., 290, 296, 300, n. (43).
, bp. of Emessa, 4th cent., 248, n., 263.
of Vercelli, 4th cent., 257, 271, &c., n.(40).
of Doryleum, 5th cent., 335, n., 365.
of Thessalonica, 7th cent., 441, n.
Eustathians, sect in 4th cent., 270, &c., n. (39).
Eustathius of Antioch, 4th cent., 245, n. (24).
of Armenia, 4th cent., 270, &c., n. (39).
of Sebaste, 4th cent., 271, n. (43).
of Syria, 5th cent., 335, n.
, Latin writer, 5th cent., 340.
Eustratius of Constantinople, 6th cent., 398.
Euthalius, deacon in Egypt, 5th cent., 335, n.
Eutherius, abp. of Tyanea, 5th cent., 334.
Eutropius, bp. of Valencia, 6th cent., 406, n.
Eutyches, heretic, 5th cent., 335, n., 364, &c.
Eutychians, sect, 5th cent., 364, &c.
Eiitychius, bp. of Constantinople, 6th cent., 398.
Euzoius, Arian, bp. of Antioch, 4th cent., 272, n.
Ewald, two English missionaries, 7th cent.,
425, n. (10).
Exarchs, ecclesiastical, 232.
Excommunication, in 1st and 2d cent., 82, 131 ;
in 3d, 158, 203 ; in 4th, 291 ; in 5th, 327, n.
(14).
Exorcism before baptism, 3d cent., 189, &c., n.
(13).
Exorcists, in 3d cent., 165, 189, &c., n. (13).
Exposition of Scriptures : see Theology, exe-
getic.
Exucontians, Arians, 4th cent., 301, &c., n. (49).
F.
Facundus, African bp., 6th cent., 401, n. (36).
Fastidius, Priscus, Bnton, 5th cent., 339, n.,
346.
Fasting, in 1st cent., 87, &c. ; in 2d, 151 : in
3d, 190 ; in 4th, 280 ; in 5th, 351.
Fathers, Apostolic, 76-78.
Faustinus, a Luciferian, 4th cent., 258.
Faustus, a Manichaean, 4th cent.. 258.
, bp. of Riez, 5th cent., 341, 376, n. (55).
, disciple of St. Benedict, 443.
Felicitas, a martyr, 3d cent., 156, 157.
Felix, bp. of Aptunga, 4th cent., 283, &c.
I., bp. of Rome, 5th cent., 341.
- III., bp. of Rome, 5th cent., 367, 369.
IV., bp. of Rome, 6th cent., 404.
, bp. of Dunwich, England, 7th cent., 423,
n.
Festivals, in 1st cent., 85 ; in 2d, 135, 136; in
4th, 278, &.C., n. (12) ; in 6th, 414 ; in 7th,
449.
Firmillian of Cappadocia, 3d cent., 175.
Flavia Domitilla, a martyr, 1st cent., 59.
Flavianus, bp. of Antioch, 4th cent., 249, n.
, bp. of Constantinople, 5th cent., 335, n.,
365.
Flavins Clemens, a martyr, 1st cent., 59.
Florinians, sect, 2d cent., 148.
Florus, Paul Cyrus, a poet, 6th cent., 398.
Fortunatianus, bp. of Aquileia, 4th cent., 256.
Fortunatus, bp. of Poictiers, 6th cent., 402, n.
(40).
Fosteland, island of, 425, n. (10).
Franks in Gaul, converted, 5th cent., 315.
Franconians converted, 7th cent., 425, n. (9).
Frauds, pious, in 1st cent, 73, 74; in 2d, 130,
&c., 155 ; in 3d, 184 ; in 4th, 260, 267, &c. ;
in 5th, 346.
Fredrgarius, a French historian, 7th cent., 442,
&c., n. (29).
Frieslanders converted, 7th cent., 425.
Fronto assails Christians, 2d cent., 108, n. (20).
Fructuosus, abp. of Braga, 7th cent., 439, 444.
Frumentius converts the Abyssinians, 4th cent.,
225, &c.
Fulgentius of Ruspe, Africa, 6th cent., 400, n.
(31), 408.
Ferrandus, 6th cent, 401, n. (35).
Ftdlo, Peter, 5th cent., 367, &c.
G.
Gajanus, or Gainus, or Cajanus, bp. of Anti-
och, in 6th cent., 418, n. (16).
Gall, St., 7th cent., his life, 424, n. (8).
Galerius Maximin. 3d cent., persecutes, 208,
&c.
Galliemts, emperor, 3d cent., 154, 159.
Gallus, emperor, 3d cent., persecutes, 158.
Gamaliel, Jewish patriarch, 5th cent., 319.
Gaudentius of Brescia, 4lh cent., 258.
Gauls, state of, in 1st cent., 65 ; converted, in
2d cent., 99, 100, n. (9) ; in 3d, 156 ; in 4tb,
227.
Gdasius I., bp. of Rome, 5th cent., 341, 346.
of Cyzicum, 5th cent., 332, n. (30V
Gtnnadius of Marseilles, 5th cent., 341, 345.
Genseric, Vandal king in Africa, Arian, perse-
cutes, 355.
George, bp. of Laodicea, 4th cent., 248, n.
, monk of Galatia, 7th cent.. 441, n.
, bp. of Alexandria, 7th cent., 441, n.
Georgians converted in 4th cent., 226.
Germanus, (St. Germain,) of Paris, 6th cent ,
405.
Germany, state of, in 1st cent., 65 ; in 2d, 99 ,
464
INDEX.
in 3d, 156 ; in 5th, 314 ; in 6th, 381 ; in 7th,
423, &c.
Gifts, extraordinary : see Miracles.
Gildas the Wise, Briton of 6th cent., 402, n.
(42).
Gnostics, in 1st cent., 73, 89, &c. ; in 2d, 140-
148 ; in 3d, 191 ; in 4th, 307, &c.
rvu<ns, what, 29, 61, &c., 88, &c.
Godfathers or sponsors, 2d cent., 137.
Gordianus, Bened. monk, 6th cent., 405.
Goths, conversion of, 155, 226, 299, &c., n.
(39H41).
Grace, contests about, in 5th cent., 370, &c.,
375, &c., 377 ; in 6th cent., 415 ; in 7th, 450.
Granianus, proconsul, Asia, 2d cent., 106.
Gratian, 3d cent., preached in Gaul, 156.
• , emperor, 4th cent., 285, &c., 299 n. (37).
Greeks and Latins at variance, 7th cent., 436,
&c.
Gregentius, ahp. in Arabia, 6th cent., 345, 398.
Gregory Thaumaturgus, 3d cent., 169, n. (12),
182.
Illuminator, Armenia, 4th cent., 225.
Nazianzen, 4th cent., 242, &c., n. (19),
261,263.
Nyssen, 4th cent., 243, n. (19).
the Great, bp. of Rome, 6th cent., 380, n.
(6), 386, n. (4), 389, n. (1), 394, 395, n. (18),
399, n. (29), 406, 407, 4)2.
, bp. of Tours, 6th cent., 402, n. (14),
or George, Pisides, 7th cent., 420, n. (20).
H.
Hadrian : see Adrian.
Heathen: see Pagan.
Hegesippus, eccles. hist., 2d cent., 123.
Helena, mother of Constantine, 4th cent., 259,
n. (1).
Heliogabalus, emperor, 3d cent., 186.
HMadius, bp. of Tarsus, 5th cent., 334.
Helvetians converted in 7th cent., 424, n. (8).
Hemerobaptists, Jewish sect, 34, &C-, n. (7).
Henoticon, an edict of Zeno, 5th cent., 368, n.
(36).
Heraclian of Chalcedon, 6th cent., 415.
Heradides, monk of Constantinople, 5th cent.,
333.
Heraclitus, Greek writer, 2d cent., 124, 174, n.
Heraclius, emperor, 7th cent., 451, 452, 453.
Heresies, what, xvii., in 1st cent., 88-96 ; in 2d,
138-152 ; in 3d, 191-203 ; in 4th, 282, &c. :
in 5th, 352, &c. ; in 6th, 415, &c. ; in 7th,
450, &c.
Hernias, Shepherd of, 77, 78.
Hermes, ancient pagan philosopher, 112, 131, n.
(15).
Hermits or Eremites, in 3d cent., 179 ; in 4th,
266, &c.
Hermogenes of 2d cent., 150, n. (28).
Hero, Platon. philos., 5th cent., 322, n. (12).
Herod the Great, 33, 39.
Heruli invade Italy, 5th cent., 312.
converted, 6th cent., 379.
Hesychiiu of Egypt, 3d cent., 176, 179.
Hesychius, bp. of Jerusalem, 7th cent., 439, n.
(15), 446, 447.
Hexapla of Origen, 179, n. (6).
Hierarchy, its origin, 1 16-1 18. See more under
Church, government of.
Hierax and Hieracites, 3d cent., 197.
Hierocles, philosopher, 4th cent., 223, n. (45).
Hieronymus : see Jerome.
Hilarion, Syrian monk, 4th cent., 265.
Hdary, bp. of Poictiers, 4th cent., 248, &c., n.
(31).
, bp. of Aries, 5th cent., 340, 376, n. (55).
Hilary of Rome, Luciferian, 4th cent., 257.
, bp. of Rome, 5th cent., 341.
Hindoo Literature, 60, n. (5).
Hippolytus of 3d cent., 168, &c., n. (11), 182,
183.
History, ecclesiastical, what, xv. ; external and
internal, xvi., xvii. ; how to be treated, xvii.,
&c. ; dangers to be avoided, xviii. ; its uses,
xix.
Honorius, emperor, 4th cent., 222, 312, 353.
I., bp. of Rome, 7th cent., 443,449; he
was not infallible, 453, n. (10). 455.
Hormisdas, bp. of Rome, 6th cent., 404, 412.
Hosius of Corduba, 4th cent., 245, n. (23), 213,
n. (23), 284.
Huneric, Arian king of Vandals in Africa, 5th
cent., persecutes, 355.
Huns, in 6th cent., 384.
Hyle, i'\rj, of the Manichaeans, 194.
Hypatia, fern, philos., 4th cent., 230, n. (5).
I & J.
Jacobites or Monophysites, 417, 418.
Jacobus, Baradaeus, restorer of the Monoph-
ysites, in 6th cerit., 417, &c., n. (12).
Jamblichus, Platonic philosopher, 4th cent.,
229, n. (2).
James, son of Zebedee, martyr, 48, n. (9).
the Just, or the less, martyr, 48, n. (9).
, bp. of Nisibis, 4th cent., 247, n., 263.
, bp. of Edessa, 7th cent., 436.
Ibas, bp. of Edessa, 5th cent., 334, 363, n. (26),
410, n. (14).
Iberians, converted, 4th cent., 226.
Idacius, Clarus, a Span, bp., 4th cent., 258.
Idatius or Hydatius, Span, bp., 5th cent., 340.
Jerome or Hieronymus, monk, 4th cent., 249, n.
, monk, presbyter, and learned father, 251,
n. (34), 261, 275, 349.
Jerusalem, first church there, 46 ; demolished
by the Romans, A.D. 70, p. 52 ; rebuilt, and
called sElia Capitolina, in 2d cent., 104 ;
captured by the Saracens, 7th cent., 440, n.
(18) ; patriarchate of, 233, n. (2).
Jesujabas, a Nestor, patr., 7th cent., 421, 450.
Jews, civil and religious state, at Christ's birth,
33-40; notices of, in 1st cent., 51, 52, 64 ;
in 2d cent., 104, 106, 138 ; in 3d, 160 ; in 4th,
221 ; in 5th, 314, n. (7), 319 ; in 6th, 381 ;
in 7th, 426.
Ignatius, bp. of Antioch, 2d cent., 76, n. (31),
106.
Idlefonsus of Toledo, 7th cent., 441, n. (22),
446, n. (5).
Image-worship, in 4th cent., 260, 270 ; in 5th,
343, 351 ; in 6th, 406 ; in 7th, 445.
Incense, in worship, 3d cent., 188, n. (4).
Independence of primitive churches, 72, 116.
Indians (Arabs), converted by Pantaenus, 98.
Innocent I., bp. of Rome, 5th cent., 339, n.
Interpreters of Scripture : see Commentators.
John the apostle, martyr under Domitian, 48,
n. (9), 59.
the Baptist, 42; his festival instituted,
414, n. (9).
, bp. of Jerusalem, 4th cent., 249, n., 275,
373.
INDEX.
465
John Chrysostom : see Chrysostom.
— — , bishop of Antioch, 5th cent., 333, 358,
&c., n. (18), (19), 362.
JEgeates, 5th cent., 335, n.
the Faster, bishop of Constantinople, 6th
cent., 389, n. (1), 396, n. (25).
, bishop of Constantinople, 6th cent., 397.
Climacus, Sinaita, 6th cent., 398.
Maro, 6th cent., 399, n. (28).
Philoponus, 6th cent., 384, 387, 408, 419,
n. (22 .
Scholasticus, bishop of Constantinople,
6th cent., 398.
of Scythopolis, 6th cent., 408.
II., bishop of Rome, 6th cent., 404, 412.
, monk of Spain, 6th cent., 405.
Ascusnage, 6th cent., 419, n. (21).
Malala, historian, 7th cent., 441, n.
Moschus, monk of Palestine, 7th cent.,
436, 441, n.
, archbishop of Dara, 7th cent., 441, n.
, archbishop of Thessalonica, 7th cent.,
441, n.
IV.. bishop of Rome, 7th cent., 443, 454.
lona, Hii, or I-calm-kill. 6th cent., 381, n. (7).
Jonas, an Irish monk, 7th cent., 436, 443.
, disciple of Columbanus, 7th cent., 444.
Jornandes or Jordanes, historian, 6th cent., 405.
Jovian, emperor, 4th cent., 222, n. (43), 299.
Jovinian, Italian monk and reformer, 4th cent
274, n. (44.)
Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, 2d cent., 100, 118.
&c., n.(5), 136.
, count, and bishop of Tyre, 5th cent., 334.
Irish nation, converted in 5th cent., 316.
Isaac, a converted Jew, 5th cent., 334.
, bishop of Ninive, 6th cent., 398.
Isidorus of Pelusium, 5th cent., 330, n. (23),
344.
of Corduba, 5th cent., 339, n., 343.
of Seville, 6th cent., 403, n. (44), 407, 408.
of Gaza, a philosopher, 230, 387, n. (8).
Isychius or Hesychius, bishop of Jerusalem,
'7th cent., 439, n. (15), 4-16, 417.
Judas, a writer of 3d cent., 174, n.
Julia Mammsa, 3d cent., 154, n. (3).
Julian, emperor, 4th cent., 218, 219, &c., n.
(40), 224, 285, 298.
, a Pelagian bishop and writer, 5th cent.,
339. n.
, bishop of Halicamassus, 6th cent., 397,
407,418.
, archbp. of Toledo, 7th cent., 438, n. (6).
Pomefius, 5th cent., 341, 347.
, 7th cent., 442, n. (27), 446, 44a
Julius Africanus, 3d cent., 167, 168, n. (10).
I., bishop of Rome, 4th cent., 256.
Firrnicus Maternus, poet, 4th cent., 256,
263.
Junilius, bishop in Africa, 6th cent., 405, 406.
Justification, contest on, 1st cent., 83.
Justin Martyr, 2d cent., 107, 118, n. (4), 126,
127, 128; his Apologies, 118, &.C., n. (4).
, bishop in Sicily, 5th cent., 335, n.
Justinian I., emperor, 6th cent., 384, 387, 404,
409,410,411.
Justus, a Spanish bishop, 6th cent., 404.
, bp. of Rochester, 7th cent., 422, n. (5).
Juvenal, bishop of yElia (Jerusalem), 5th cent.,
324.
Jtcvncus, Spanish poet, 4th cent., 255, n. (41).
VOL. I. — NNN
K.
Kabbala, Jewish, 39, 64.
Kalifs, Mohammed's successors, 431, n. (8*);
extend their empire, ibid.
Kent, kingdom of, converted, 7th cent., 380,
422, &c., n. (5).
Kilian, Irish missionary, 7th cent., 424, &c., n.
Kneeling in prayer, 3d cent., 190.
Koran, its origin and preservation, 427, n. (4).
L.
Labarum, sacred standard of Constantine, 216,
n. (30).
Lactantius, writer of 4th cent., 249, &c., n.
(32), 262, 263.
Lapsed Christians, 157, 158, n. (8), 201, &c.,
n. (19), 294.
Laura, of monks, what, 409, n. (13).
Laurentius, a martyr, 3d cent., 159.
, bishop of Rome, 6th cent., 391.
, bishop of Novara, 6th cent., 404.
, bishop of Canterbury, 7th cent., 422, n.
(5).
Leander, archbishop of Seville, 6lh cent., 406,
note.
Learning, state of, in 1st cent., 59-65 ; in 2d,
109-116; in 3d, 161-162; in 4th, 229-231 ;
in 5th, 320, &c. ; in 6th, 385, dec. ; in 7th,
435, &c.
Lectors or readers, 1 65.
Legion, thundering, in 2d cent, 103, 104.
Lent, in 4th cent., 280, n. (13).
Leo LI the Great, bishop of Rome, 5th cent.,
323, 326, 335, n. (32), 351, 365, &c.
II., bishop of Rome, 7th cent., 444.
Leonidas, father of Origen, 3d cent., 156.
Leontius, Arian bishop of Antioch, 4th cent
248, n.
of Byzantium, 6th cent., 396, n. (26), 408.
— of Neapolis, Cyprus, 6th cent., 399, n.
(28), 407, 408.
Libaniots, converted, 5th cent., 313.
Libanius, sophist, 4th cent., 223, 224, n. (481
Libellatici, what, 157, n. (6).
Liberatus of Carthage, 6th cent., 401, &c. n.
(39).
Liberius, bishop of Rome, 4th cent., 257, 298.
Licinianus, bishop in Spain, 6th cent., 405.
Licinius, emperor, 4th cent., 217.
Litanies to the saints. 6th cent., 414, n. (3).
Liturgies, 86, 190, n. (19), 278, 413. n. (1).
Lombards, occupy Italy A.D. 568, and become
Christians A.D. 587, p. 384, 450.
Lord's prayer, use of, 190, n. (19).
Lord's supper, in 1st cent., 46, 84, 86 ; in 2d,
137 ; in 3d, 188, &c. ; in 4th, 281 ; in 6th,
413.
Love-feasts, aycJjrai, 46, 68, &.C., 87, 137, 351, n.
(4)'.
Lucian of Antioch, 3d cent., 176, 179, J 82.
Lucifer of Cagliari, 4th cent., 257, 271, &c., n.
(40).
Lucifenaiu, sect, 4th cent., 257, 271, &c.
Lucius, king of England, 2d cpnt., 99, n. (8).
Lupus, bishop of Troyes, 5lh cent., 340.
Lyons and Vienne, persecution in 2d cent, 108.
M.
Macarna, senior and junior, monks of Egypt,
4th cent., 246, n. (28), 264.
466
INDEX.
, Monothelite patriarch, 7th cent., 441, n.,
455, n. (18).
Macedonius, and Macedonians, 4th cent., 305,
&c., n. (62), (63).
Madame, his translation of Mosheim, p. v., &c.
Macrobius, Donatist bishop, 4th cent., 257.
Magians of Persia, 59, &c.
Magus: see Simon Magus.
Mahomet : see Mohammed.
Majorinus, Donatist bishop of Carthage, 4th
cent., 283.
Malchion, a rhetorician, 3d cent., 175, 201.
Malchus, a Byzantine historian, 5th cent., 335,
note.
Mamertus, Claudius, poet, 5th cent., 341, 351,
n. (1).
Manes or Manichaus, heretic, 3d cent., 192,
&c., n. (6).
Manichceans, sect of, in 3d cent., 192-196 ; in
4th, 282, 352; in 6th, 415; in 7th, 450.
Maphrian, or primate of the Monophysites, 41 8.
Marcella, a martyr, 3d cent., 157.
Marcellinus, Ammianus, historian, 4th cent.,
224, n. (50).
, governor of Africa, 5th cent., 353.
, count, a writer, 6th cent., 405.
, English missionary, 7th cent., 425, n.
(10).
Marcellus of Ancyra, 4th cent., 247, n., 303,
&c., n. (55), (56).
Marcion and Marcionites, 2d cent., 141, &c.,
352.
Marculfus, Gallic monk, 7th cent., 442, n. (25).
Marcus, a Gnostic, 2d cent., 147.
, bishop in Egypt, 4th cent., 248, n.
, a Gnostic in Spain, 4th cent., 307.
S a hermit, 5th cent., 333, 346.
, a disciple of St. Benedict, 7th cent., 443.
Mardaites, 457. See Maronites.
Marius Mercator, 5th cent., 338, n. (41).
, bishop in Switzerland, 6th cent., 405.
Maro, John, 7th cent., 457, n. (22), (23).
Maronites, 457, n. (22), (23), (24).
Martin, bishop of Tours, 4th cent., 227, n. (64),
265, &c., 308, n. (65).
, bishop of Braga, 6th cent., 405, 408.
I., bishop of Rome, 7th cent., 444, 454,
n. (15), (16).
Martyrs, 47, n. (8) ; their number and esti-
mation, 54, 55, 125, &c., 158, 280.
Mary, St., worshipped, 4th cent., 311 ; her
images, in churches, 5th cent., 351 ; called
the Mother of God, 5th cent., 357.
Musses for the dead, 4th cent., 281.
Massilians, 375, &c. See Semipelagians.
Matthew, the apostle, 48, n.
Matthias, the apostle, 46.
Mourns, St., a Benedictine monk, 6th cent.,
394.
, archbishop of Ravenna. 7th cent., 438,
n. (7).
Maxentius, John, 6th cent., 395, n. (22).
Maximian, emperor, 3d cent., persecutes, 208,
&c.
Maximitta, a Montanist, 2d cent., 152.
Maximin, emperor, 3d cent., persecutes, 157,
212.
Maximin, bishop in Cilicia, 5th cent, 334.
Maximvjt, Greek writer, 2d cent, 124, 174, n.
Maxim-us, a pagan philosopher, 4th cent., 229,
&c., 11. (4).
Maximus of Turin, 5th cent, 336, n. (35).
of Riez, 5th cent, 340.
of Constantinople, 7th cent, 439, n. (14),
446, 447.
Melchiades, bishop of Rome, 4th cent., 283.
Melchisedcckians, sect, 2d cent, 150, n. (27).
Melchites, who so called, 417, n. (12), 451.
Meletian contest in Egypt, 4th cent, 268, &c.,
n. (37), 294, &c., n. (27).
Meletian controversy at Antioch, 4th cent,
272, n.
Meletius, bishop of Sebaste, 4th cent, 248, n.,
272, n.
of Mopsuestia, 5th cent, 334.
Melito, bishop of Sardis, 2d cent, 123, 126.
Mellitus, first bishop of London, 7th cent, 422,
n. (5).
Menander, heretic, 1st cent, 94.
Mennas, bishop of Constantinople, 6th cent,
409.
Mercator, Marius, 5th cent, 338, n. (41).
Mercia, kingm. of, converted, 7th cent, 423, n.
Messalians or Euchites, 4th cent, 310, &c.
Methodius, 3d cent, 170, 171, n. (14), 182, 183.
Metropolitans, origin of, 71, 117, 163, 232.
Millennial controversy, 3d cent, 185, n. (19).
Miltiades, 2d cent., 124.
Ministry, public, necessary, 66.
Minucius, Felix, 3d cent, 173, n. (16), 183.
Miracles, in 1st cent, 45, n. (2), 50; in 2d,
101, 102, &c., n. (14); in 3d, 155; in 4th,
215, &c., 221, &C..227; in 5th, 315, n. (11),
317, 355 ; in 6th, 382 ; in 7th, 445.
Mithras of the Persians, 194.
Modestus, Greek writer, 2d cent, 124.
Mohammed, his early life and education, 426,
n. (2) ; writers who treat of him, 427, n. (3) ;
professes to be a prophet and reformer, 428 ;
his first converts, 428, &c. ; meets opposi-
tion, 429; his flight, 429 ; employs force, and
subdues Arabia, 429 ; his death and charac-
ter, 430 ; his testament, 450, &c., n. (3).
Mohammedan religion, its character, 430 ; caus-
es of its progress, 430, &c. ; its propagation,
431, n. (8*).
Mohammedan sects, the Sonnites and Shiiles,
432 ; the subordinate sects, 432, &c..n. (11).
Mohammedan prophets, 434, n.
Monarchians, sect of, 2d cent,, 149.
Monkery, in 1st cent, 38, n. (J4) ; in 2d, 115,
129, &c. ; in '3d, 179; in 4th, 265, &c.; in
5th, 328, &c., 346, &c. ; in 6th, 385, 391,
&c. ; in 7th, 438, 439.
Monophysites, in 5th cent, 367, 368, &c., n.
(38), (43); in 6th, 387, 410, 416, &c. ; in
7th, 450, &c.
Monothelites, rise of, in 7th cent, 452 ; their
tenets, 455, &c. ; and history, 456-458.
Montanus, a schismatic, 2d cent., 151, 152.
, archbishop of Toledo, 6th cent, 404.
Moralists and morals : see Theology, practical.
Morality of the fathers, ]28, n. (6).
Moschus, John, a monk, 7th cent, 436, 441, n.
Moses, a Jewish fanatic of Crete, 4th cent,
314, n. (7).
Mosheim, his life and character, p. iii., &c.
Musanus, a writer of 2d cent, 124.
Mutiantis Scholasticus, 6th cent, 405.
Mysteries, the pagan, 26 ; copied by Christians,
133.
Mystics, in 2d cent, 115; in 3d, 178, &c., 184 ;
INDEX.
461
in 4th, 262, 264, &c.; in 5th, 34C; in 6th,
408 ; in 7th, 447.
N.
Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem, 3d cent., 174, n.
Nations, state of, at Christ's birth, 23-33.
Nazareans, sect in 2d cent., 96, 139.
Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, 4th cent.,
249, n.
Nemesius, bishop of Emessa, 4th cent., 249, n.
Nennius, a British monk, 7th cent., 443.
Nepos, bishop in Egypt, 3d cent., 185, 186.
Nero, emperor, 1st cent., persecutes, 49, n. ( 1 1 ),
53, 55-58.
Nestorianus, a chronographer, 5th cent., 335, n.
Nestorius, heresiarch, 5th cent., 333, &c., 356,
<kc.
Nestorianism, what, 360, &c., n. (21) ; history
of, in 5th cent., 356, &c. ; in 6th, 387, 416 ; in
7tb, 450, &c.
NiccBas of Romacia, 5th cent., 344.
Nice, council of, A.D. 325, p. 291-295, notes.
Nicetius, archbishop of Treves, 6th cent., 404,
408.
Ninas, a writer of 7lh cent., 448.
Nicolaitans, sect, in 1st cent., 94, n. (16).
Nih>s of Constantinople, a writer, 5th cent.,
331, n. (27), 346.
jVmt'an, English bishop in 5th cent., 381, n. (7).
Koetus, and Noetians, 3d cent., 197, n. (11).
Nonnosus, writer of 6th cent., 398.
Nonnus, Egyptian poet, 5th cent., 333.
, monk of Palestine, 6th cent., 409, n. (13).
Northumberland, converted in 7th cent., 423, n.
Novation or Novatus, 3d cent., 175, 201 ; his
sect, 201-203, 294, 352.
Novatus of Carthage, 3d cent., 202, &c.,n. (19).
O.
Oblations, in 1st cent., 68, 71, 86; in 2d cent.,
135.
Odoacer, king of the Heruli, conquered Italy,
A.D. 476, p. 312.
(Economical method of disputing, 155, n. (5),
183, n. (11).
(Ecumenical, or general Councils : see Councils.
(Ecumenical or universal bishop, 389, n. (1),
437.
Olympiodorus, a Platonic philosopher, 4th cent.,
230.
, a historian, 5th cent., 319, n. (7), 322.
, a commentator, 6th cent., 397, 407.
Omar, kalif, captured Jerusalem, 7th cent.,
440, n. (18), 450.
*O/io(«<Noj, of like essence, 301, n. (47).
'O//o«<7iof, of the same essence, 291, 296, n. (29).
Ophites, sect of, 2d cent., 148, n. (25).
Optatus of Milevi, 4th cent., 253, n. (36).
Oracles, the pagan, 28, n. (28).
Oresiesis, monk of Egypt, 4th cent., 248, n.
Orientius, Orontius, Oresius, bishop of Aux,
5th cent., 345, n. (13).
, bishop of Eliberis, 6th cent., 404, n.
Orieenof Alexandria, 3d cent., 155, 162,206,
n (9), 177-183, n. (2)-(8), 187, 188, 200,201,
261, 275, 287.
Origenists, 275, 349, 409, n. (13).
Orosius, Paul, historian, 5th cent., 318, 336,
n. (33), 373.
Ostiarii, their office, 3d cent., 165.
Ostrogoths, A.D. 492 invade Italy, 312.
Oswald, king of Northumberland, 7th cent
423, n.
Oswi, king of Northumberland, 7th cent., 423,
note.
P.
Pachomius, Egyptian monk, 4th cent., 248, n ,
328, n. (18).
Pacianus, bishop of Barcelona. 4th cent., 257.
262.
Paganism, its character, 24, &c. ; remains o.
it in 4th cent., 217, &c., 223, 227; in 5th
cent., 313, 318 ; in 6th, 349, 382, &c. ; in
7th, 426.
Palestine, provinces of, 233, n., 324.
Palladium, monk, 4th cent., 246, n. (27), 331, n.
(25).
, missionary to Ireland, 5th cent., 316.
Pamphylus, the martyr, 3d cent., 176, 179, 244,
n. (21).
Pantamus of Egypt, 2d cent., 93, n. (5), 111,
124, 126.
Pantheism of Ammonius Saccas, 113.
Papal power, in 3d cent., 163, 164, n. ; in 4th,
163, &c., 235, &c., 284, n. (5); in 5th, 322,
&c., 326, n. (11), (14); in 6th, 389; in 7th,
437.
Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, 2d cent., 123, 126.
Paphnutius, monk of Egypt, 4th cent., 249, n.,
295.
Paraclete of Montanus, &c., 151, n. (29), 192,
195.
Paschasius of Rome,, 6th cent., 404.
Paterius, commentator, 7th cent., 443,446.
Patriarchs, origin of, 117, 232, &c., 323, &c.
Patricius, (St. Patrick, Succathus), apostle of
Ireland, 5th cent., 316, n. (13).
Patripassians, sect, in 2d cent., 149 ; in 3d, 197,
198, &c.
Patronage, right of, its origin, 4th cent., 277, n.
(5).
Paul, the apostle, 46 ; his martyrdom, 47, n.
(8), 48, n., 56, n. (18).
— , the hermit of Egypt, 3d cent., 179.
of Samosata, 3d cent., 200, n. (15), 201,
n. (16).
, bishop of Emessa, 5th cent., 334.
, a Monophysite, 7th cent., 451.
Paulicians, sect, 7th cent., 450.
Paitlinus, bishop of Antioch, 4th cent., 271, &c.,
n. (40).
of Nola, 253, n. (37), 337.
Petricordius, a poet, 5th cent., 341.
, 1st bishop of York, 7th cent., 423, n.
Peada, king of Mercia, 7th cent., 423, n.
Pelagius, the heretic, 5th cent., 370, &c., n.
(45).
I., bishop of Rome, 6th cent., 405, 411.
II., bishop of Rome, 6th cent., 405.
Pelagians, in 5th cent., 370, &c. ; in 6th, 415 ;
in 7th. 450.
Penance, in 1st cent., 82; in 2d, 131 ; in 4th,
268 ; in 5th, 351, n. (5) ; in 7th, 447.
People, rights of, in primitive church, xv., 68,
69; in 2d cent., 116, 117; in 3d, 163, &c. ;
in 4th, 231, 232.
Perpttua, a martyr, 3d cent., 156.
Persecution*, whether just ten, 62 ; those in lit
cent., 51, &c., 97 ; iti 2d, 105 ; in 3d, 156-
100 ; in 4th, 20 -4-'.' 1 1 . 217. 819, 228, 284, &c.
n. (12), 2196, 298, dtc., 307 ; in 5th, 313, 318,
468
INDEX.
&c., 353, 354; in 6th, 384, 415-417 ; in 7th,
426.
Persia, persecutions there, 228, 319, 426.
Peter, the apostle. His martyrdom, 47, n. (8),
48,n.,56, n. (18).
, bishop of Alexandria, 4th cent., 239, n.
(13), 268, &c.
Chrysologus, bishop of Ravenna, 5th
cent., 337. n. (38).
Fullo, bishop of Antioch, 5th cent., 367,
&c.
Moggus, bishop of Alexandria, 5th cent.,
366, 368.
, a deacon of Rome, 6th cent., 404.
Petilianus, a Donatist writer, 4th cent., 258.
Phantasiasta, sect, 6th cent., 418.
Pharisees, Jewish sect, 35, 36.
Philastrius, bishop of Brescia, 4th cent., 255,
n. (39), 263.
Philetus, mentioned by St. Paul, 88, n. (3).
Philip, emperor, 3d cent., whether a Christian,
154.
of Side, 5th cent., 333, 345.
, a friend of Jerome, 5th cent., 340.
Philo, the Jew. 1st cent., 32, 37.
of Carpathus, 6th cent., 343.
Philosophy, state of, in 1 st cent., 29, 59-65 ; in
2d, 109, &c. ; in 3d, 161, 162; in 4th, 223,
229, &c. ; in 5th, 321, &c. ; in 6th, 386,
&c. ; in 7th, 446.
, Oriental, 29, 39, 61-64, 90, &c.
, its influence on theology, 61, 105, 111,
115, 125, 129, &c., 149, 162, 188, 261.
Philostorgius, ecclesiastical historian, 5th cent.,
333, 345.
Philostratus, a philosopher, 3d cent., 160.
Pkiloxenus or Xenaias, bishop of Hierapolis or
Mabug, 6th cent., 367, 407, 419.
Phocas, emperor, 7th cent., 436, &c., n. (2).
Phmbadius, bishop in France, 4th cent., 257.
Photinus, bishop of Sirmium, 4th cent., 304,
&c., n. (58), (59).
Picts, converted, in 4th cent., 380, &c., n. (7).
Pierius of Alexandria, 3d cent., 176, 179.
Pilgrimages, in 4th cent., 259, n. (1) ; in 5th
cent., 343.
Pisides, Gregory or George, 7th cent.; 440, n.
(20).
Placidus, Benedictine monk, 6th cent., 394.
Plato, and Platonic philosophy, 31, &c. ; in
2d cent., 110, &c., 119, &c. ; in 3d, 159, &c.,
161, &c. ; in 4th, 229, &c. ; in 5th, 321, &c. ;
in 6th, 383, 387 ; in 7th, 436.
Pliny the younger, 105.
Pleroma of the Gnostics, 63, 95, 145.
Plolintis, a philosopher, 3d cent., 161, 162, 191.
Plutarch of Chaeronea, a philosopher, 2d cent.,
110.
, a philosopher of 3d cent., 162.
Nestorii, philosopher, 5th cent., 322.
Pneumatomachi, sect, 4th cent., 300.
Polemic, : see Theology, polemic.
Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, 2d cent., 77, 107
136.
Polychronius, bishop of Apamea, 5th cent.
333, 343.
Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, 2d cent., 136
174, n. (18).
Pomerius, Julianus, 5th cent., 341, 347, 446
448.
Pontius, deacon of Carthage, 3d cent., 175.
Pontius or Paulinus of Nola, 253, n. (37), 337.
^opery : see Papal power.
Porphyry, a philosopher, 3d cent., 159, 162, n.
(I).
°ossidonius or Pisidius, 5th cent., 340.
°othinus, missionary to Gaul, 2d cent., 100.
°otamiena, a martyr, 3d cent., 157.
9otamon, a philosopher, 2d cent., 32.
Praxeas, a confessor and Monarchian, 2d cent.,
149, n. (26).
Prayers, hours of, in 3d cent., 190.
Preaching, mode of, in 1st cent., 86 ; in 3d, 188 ;
in 4th, 278 ; in 7th, 435.
Predestinarian controversy, 5th cent., 373, &C.,
n. (52), (53).
Presbyters, 46, 69, 71, 116, 117, 163, 165, 231,
232, 237, 273, n. (43), 327.
Prescription against errors, in 2d cent., 127;
in 3d cent., 183, n. (12).
Priesthood, Jewish, imitated, 2dcent, 117, 118,
133.
Primasius of Adrumetum, 6th cent., 401, n.
(38), 407, 408.
Prisdlla, and Priscillianists, 2d cent., 152, n.
(30).
Priscillian, and Priscillianists, 4th cent., 307,
&c., n. (65), (66).
Proba, Anicia Franconia, 4th cent., 258.
Proclus, bishop of Constantinople, 5th cent.,
334.
, a philosopher, 5di cent., 322, 384, n. (8).
Procopius of Gaza, 5th cent., 395, n. (21), 407.
of Caesarea, historian, 6th cent., 383, n.
(2).
Prophets of the New Testament, 69.
Prosper of Aqmtain, 5th cent., 337, n. (40),
346, 376, n. (55).
Prudentius, a poet, 4th cent., 256, n. (43).
Psalms of David, used in 4th cent., 278.
Psathyrians, party in 4th cent., 301, n. (45).
Ptolomceus, Gnostic heresiarch, 2d cent., 147.
Purgatory, in 2d cent., 126 ; in 3d cent., 195;
in 4th cent., 259 ; in 5th, 343; in 6th, 406;
in 7th, 445.
Pyrrhus, bishop of Constantinople, 7th cent.,
454.
Q.
Quadragesimal or Lent fast, 4th cent., 280, n.
(13).
Quadratus, bishop of Athens, 2d cent., 106, 123.
Quadriiiium, what, 321, n. (4).
Quinisextum consilium, 7th cent., 448, 458.
R.
Radbod, king of Friesland, 7th cent., 425, n.
(10).
Recognitions of Clement, 75, 76, n. (29), 184,
n. (15).
Relics, venerated, in 4th cent., 260; in 5th,
343 ; in 6th, 406 ; in 7th, 445.
Religion, state of, in the world, 24, 34, &c. ;
among Christians, in 1st cent , 78, &c., 82,
n. (8) ; in 28, 125, &c. ; in 3d, 177, &c. ; in
4th, 259, 268 ; in 5th, 342, &c. ; in 6th, 406 ;
in 7th, 445, 447.
Remigius, archbishop of Rheims, 5th cent., 341,
379.
Rheticius, bishop of Autun, 4th cent., 256.
Rhodon, a writer, 2d cent., 124.
Rites : see Ceremonies.
INDEX.
469
Rogation Sunday, &c., 351. n. (1).
Rufinus of Aquiieia, 4th cent., 254, n. (38), 261,
215.
Ruling Elders, 1st cent., 69.
Ruridus, senior, bishop of Limoges, 5th cent.,
341.
Rusticus, deacon at Rome, 6th cent., 405.
S.
Sabas, a Syrian monk, 5th cent., 335, n.
SabeUius of Africa, 3d cent., 198, n. (12).
Sabians : see Hemerobaptists.
Sabinus, bishop of Heraclea, 5th cent., 333.
Sacred Classics of Apollinaris, 247, n. (29).
Sadducees, a Jewish sect, 35. 36.
Saints, worshipped, in 5th cent., 342, &c. ; in
6th, 390, 406, 414 ; in 7th, 415.
Saloniiis, bishop of Lyons, 5th cent., 340.
Salvianus, 5th cent., 318, 337, n. (39), 346, 348.
Samaritans, nation of, 34, 40.
Samosateans : see Paul of Samosata.
Sapor II., king of Persia, 4th cent., persecutes,
228.
Sarabaites, vagrant monks, 267.
Saracens, their conquests, 7th cent., 431, n.
(8*).
Sardica, council, its 4th canon, 236, n. (9).
Saturninus of Antioch, heretic, 140, 141.
Sckisms : see Heresies, and Controversies.
Scholastic theology, its origin, 178, 182,262;
its nature, 408.
Schools, Christian, in 1st cent., 81, n. (5) ; in
2d, 111; in 3d, 162, 177; in 4th, 219, 230 ;
in 5th, 320, &c. ; in 6th, 385, 387 ; in 7th,
435.
Science: see Learning.
Scotland, state of, in 3d cent., 156; in 6th,
381, n. (7).
Scriptures, how regarded, in 1st cent., 79 ; in
2d, 126 ; in 4th, 261.
Sects : see Heresies.
Secundians, Gnostic sect, 2d cent, 147.
Seduliits, a Scotch poet, 5th cent., 340.
Semiarians, in 4th cent., 300, &C.
Semipelagians, in 5th cent., 375, &c. ; in 6th,
415; in 7th, 450.
Septuagint, how regarded, in 2d cent, 126 ; in
4th cent, 261.
Serapion, bishop of Antioch, 2d cent, 124.
Serapion, bishop of Thmuis, 4th cent., 248, n.
Sergius, patriarch of Monophysites, 387, &c.,
417.
, bishop of Constantinople, 7th cent, 441,
n.. 452, 453, n. (9).
Sethitfs, a sect, in 2d cent., 147, &c.
Sextus, Greek writer, 2d cent, 124, 174, n.
Sfi'erianus, bishop of Gabala, 5th cent, 333
346.
Secerns, emperor, in 2d cent, 53, 97, 108.
, Alexander, emperor, 3d cent, 154, 156,
160.
, Sulpicius, ecclesiastical historian, 4tb
cent, 255, n. (42).
, bishop of Minorca, 5th cent, 339, n.
, bishop of Antioch, 6th cent, 397, 407
417, 418.
Shiites, a Mohammedan sect, 432, 431, n.
Sibylline Oracles, 2d cent, 130, n. (15).
Sidonius, Apollinaris, 5th cent, 338, n. (43).
Sigan, monument of, China, 421, n. (1).
Simeon, bishop of Jerusalem, 2d cent, 106.
Simeon Stylites, senior, 5th cent, 313, 347,
n. (20).
Simeon Stylites, junior, 6th cent., 398.
Simon Magus, 92-94.
Simplicius, bishop of Rome, 5th cent, 341.
, a philosopher, 6th cent, 383, n. (7).
Siricius, bishop of Rome, 4th cent., 258.
Sisebutus, Gothic king in Spain, 7th cent, 443.
Sixtus II., bishop of Rome, 3d cent, 159, 175.
III., bishop of Rome, 5th cent, 340.
Socrates, ecclesiastical historian, 5th cent, 334.
Sonnites, Mohammedan sect, 432, n. (10), (11).
Sophronnis, monk of Palestine, 4th cent, 249, n.
, bishop of Jerusalem, 7th cent, 436, 440,
n. (18), 452, &.C., n. \9).
Sozomen, ecclesiastical historian, 5th cent,
334.
Spurious Gospels, Acts, Epistles, 73, &c., n.
(23).
Stations, among Romanists, what, 414, n. (4).
Stephen 1., bishop of Rome, 3d cent., 175, 186.
Stoic philosophy, 31, n. (37), 110.
Stylites, or pillar saints, 5th cent, 347, &c.
Sub-deacons, their office, 165.
Sulpicius Severus, ecclesiastical historian, 4th
cent, 255, n. (42).
Sunday, observance of, 85, 134, 135, n. (10),
278.
Superstition, increase of, in 3d cent, 188; in
4th cent, 259, &c.; in 5th, 342; in 6th, 406;
in 7th, 439, 445.
Supplications, public, 4th cent, 260.
Sussex, kingdom of, converted, 7th cent, 423,
note.
Syagrius, writer, Slh cent, 345.
Symmachus, translator of Old Testament, 3d
cent, 174, n.
, bishop of Rome, 6th cent, 341, 391.
Synagogues, Jewish, 39.
Synesius, bishop in Cyrene, 5th cent, 230, n.
(8), 333.
Synod: see Councils.
Syrianus, a philosopher, 5th cent, 322.
Syricius, bishop of Barcelona, 7th cent, 444.
T.
Tajo or Tago, bishop of Saragossa, 7th cent,
435, 444, 446.
Tatian, and his sect, 2d cent, 107, 124, 142 ;
his harmony of the Gospels, 126, n. (2).
Talaia, John, bishop of Alexandria, 5th cent.,
367.
Tartars, enlightened by Nestorians, 7th cent,
421, &c.
Temples, dedicated to saints, 6lh cent, 414.
Tertullian, 2d cent, 108, 122, n. (9), 127, 128,
152, 183.
Testament, New, translations of, 101, &c.,
155, 407, 446.
Thalassius, a monk, 7th cent, 441, n., 447.
Themistius, a philosopher, 4th cent, 225, n.
(52).
Themistius and Themistians, 6th cent, 419, n.
(20).
Calonimus, 7th cent. 441, n.
Theodoret, or Theodorit, bishop of Cyprus, 5th
cent, 330, n. (22), 343, 344, 345, 410, n. (14).
Thfodoric, king of Ostrogoths, 5th cent., 312,
391.
Theodoras of Mopsuestia, 4th cent, 331, n.
(26), 343, 410, n. (14).
470
INDEX.
Theodorus Lector, eccles. hist., 6th cent., 397.
of Iconium, 6th cent., 398.
of Pharan, 7th cent.. 441, n.
I., bishop of Rome, 7th cent., 443.
of Raithu, 7th cent., 420, n. (21), 446.
— of Tarsus, archbishop of Canterbury, 7th
cent., 423, n., 436, 444, 447.
Theodosius the Great, emp., 4th cent,, 222, 299.
II., emperor, 5th cent., 313, 319, 358,365.
, bishop of Alexandria, 6th cent. ,418, 419.
Theodotus of Rome, 2d cent., 149, 150, n. (27).
of Ancyra, 5th cent., 332, n. (29).
Theognostus of Alexandria, 3d cent., 176, 182.
Theology, Positive, Scholastic, and Mystic,
407, 408.
, exege.tic, in 1st cent., 79 ; in 2d, 126 ;
in 3d, 179, &c. ; in 4th, 261 ; in 5th, 343,
&c. ; in 6th, 406, &c. ; in 7th, 445, &c.
, didactic, in 1st cent., 78, &c. ; in 2d,
125, 126.; in 3d, 177, &c., 182; in 4th, 259,
261, &c. ; in 5th, 342, 344 ; in 6th, 407, &c. ;
in 7th, 446, &c.
, practical, in 1st cent., 78, 80 ; in 2d, 128 ;
in 3d, 182 ; in 4th, 263, &c. ; in 5th, 346,
348 ; in 6th, 408 ; in 7th, 446, &c.
, polemic, in 1st cent., 83 ; in 2d, 127 ; in
3d, 183. &c. ; in 4th, 262, &c. ; in 5th, 345 ;
in 6th, 408, &c. ; in 7th, 447, &c.
Theonas, bishop in 4th cent., 256.
Theopaschites, sect, 5th cent., 367, 412.
Theophanes of Byzantium, 6th cent., 398, &c.
Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, 2d cent., 120,
121, n. (7), 126.
, bishop of Alexandria, 5th cent., 275, &c.,
330, n. (24), 349.
• , bishop of the Goths, 4th cent., 226.
Theophrastus, a philosopher, 5th cent., 322.
Theophylact, Simocatta, 7th cent., 441, n.
Therapeutee, a Jewish sect. 37, n. (14).
Theurgy, what, 114, n. (19).
Thomas, the apostle, 48, n. ; visited India, and
some say, China, 422, n. (2).
of Heraclea, 7th cent., 446.
Thundering Legion, 2d cent., 103, 104.
Thurificatores, who, 157.
Tiberius, emperor, 1st cent., 49.
Tichonius of Africa, 4th cent., 258, 261.
Timothy, companion of St. Paul, 48, n.
111., bishop of Alexandria, 6th cent., 397
— — , bishop of Constantinople, 6th cent., 397.
, a writer of the 7th cent., 448.
Tithes, 118, n. (3), 133.
Tituli, what, 277, n. (4).
Titus, companion of St. Paul, 48, n.
— of Bostra, in 4th cent., 248, n.
Toleration among pagans, 25, 53.
Traditors, who, 209, 283.
Trajan, emperor, 2d cent., 97, 105, 106.
Tnbonianus, a jurist, 6th cent., 382, n. (1).
Trinity, disputes on, in 2d cent., 149, 150 ; in
3d, 197-200 ; in 4th, 287, &c. ; in 5th, 356
&c. ; in 6th, 412, 419, &c.
Triphilus of Cyprus, 4th cent., 248.
Tritheists, in 6th cent., 419, &c.
Trivium, what, 321, n. (4).
Tryphon, Greek writer, 3d cent., 174, n.
Tychonius or Tichonius, 4th cent., 258, 261.
Typua, edict of emp. Constans, 7th cent., 454
V.
Valena, emperor, 4th cent., 226, 299.
Valentinian, emperor, 4th cent., 299.
Valentinus, and his sect, 2d cent., 145-147.
Valerian, emperor, 3d cent., 159.
, bishop in 5th cent., 340.
Valerius, Spanish monk, 7th cent., 444.
Vandals, when converted, 300, n. (40) ; per-
secute in Africa, 5th cent., 354, &c.
Vararanes, king of Persia, 5th cent., 319.
Veda of the Indians, 60, n. (5).
Vernacular liturgies, 6th cent., 413.
Victor I., bishop of Rome, 2d cent., 121, 136.
of Antioch, 5th cent., 333, 343.
or Victorinus, a poet, 5th cent., 340.
- Vitensis, 5th cent., 341.
- of Tununum, 6th cent., 405.
of Capua. 6th cent., 405, 407.
Victorinus of Petau, 3d cent., 176, 182, 183.
Fabius Marcus, 4th cent., 257.
Victorius or Victorinus of Gaul, 5th cent., 340.
Vigilantius, a reformer, 5th cent., 348, &c.
Vigilius of Tapsus, 5th cent., 338, n. (44).
, bishop of Rome, 6th cent., 405, 411.
Vincentius of Lerins, 5th cent., 338, n. (42).
Vitalianus, bishop of Rome, 7th cent., 444, 445.
Vitellius, a Donatist writer, 4th cent. , 257.
Ulphilas or Ulfilas, bishop of the Goths, 4th
cent., 155, n. (10), 226, n. (63), 300, n. (39).
Unction, extreme, 2d cent., 87.
Voconius of Africa, 5th cent., 345.
Volusianus, emperor, 3d cent., 158.
Uranius, Nestor, philos., 6th cent., 388, n. (14).
Ursicinus, bishop of Rome, 4>th. cent., 235.
Vulgate Bible, what, 261, n. (9).
W.
Waldensianc, perhaps in 7th cent., 438.
Wessex, kingn. of, converted, 7th cent., 423, n.
Whitby, council of, 7th cent., 423, n.
Wilfrid, bishop of York, 7th cent., 423, n.,
437, n. (5).
Willibrord, Engl. miss., 7th cent., 425, n. (10).
World, state of, when Christ came, 23-33.
Worship, public, of Christians, in 1st cent.,
84, &c. ; in 2d, 134, n. (10),; in 3d, 188;
in 4th, 260, n. (25), 276, 277, &c. ; in 5th,
350, &c. ; in 6th, 413, &c. ; in 7th, 448.
Writers, Greek and Oriental, in 1st cent., 72,
&c. ; in 2d, 118, &c. ; in 3d, 166, &c. ; in
4th, 237, &c. ; in 5th, 329, &c. ; in 6th, 395,
&c. ; in 7th, 439, &c.
, Latin, in 1st cent., none ; in 2d, 122,
&c. ; in 3d, 172, &c. ; in 4th, 248, &c. ; in
5th, 335, &c. ; in 6th, 399, &c, ; in 7th, 441,
&c.
Wulfilaicus, eremite of Treves, 5th cent., 348.
X.
Xenaias : see Philoxenus.
Z.
Zacharias, eccles. histor., 5th cent. ,335. n.
, archbishop of Mitylene, 6th cent., 398.
Zachaeus, fictitious author, 5th cent., 340.
Zeno, bishop of Verona, 4th cent., 257.
, emp., 5th cent. ; his Henot., 368, n. (36).
Zosimvs, pagan historian, 5th cent., 319, &c.,
n. (8), 373.
, bishop of Rome, 5th cent , 339, n., 373.,
END OF VOL. I.