Institutes of Ecclesiastical history : ancient and modern, in four books, much corrected, enlarged, and improved from the primary authorities

'

INSTITUTES

*

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,

.

ANCIENT AND MODERN,

IN FOUR BOOKS,

MUCH CORRECTED, ENLARGED, AND IMPROVED FROM THE
PRIMARY AUTHORITIES.

BY JOHN LAWRENCE VON MOSHEIM, D.D.,

CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTT1NGJSN.

A NEW AND LITERAL TRANSLATION, FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN, WITH
COPIOUS ADDITIONAL NOTES, ORIGINAL AND SELECTED.

BY JAMES MURDOCK, D.D.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. Ill;

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED.

NEW-YORK:

HARPER & BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF-STREET.
1839.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1839, by JAMES MURDOCK,
in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Connecticut District.

Annex

SKv

IMS'.

INSTITUTES

OF

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,

UNDER THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

BOOK IV.

EMBRACING

EVENTS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION BY
LUTHER, TO THE YEAR A.D. 1700.

INTRODUCTION.

$ 1. The Order of the Narration must be changed. — § 2. The History divided into the
General and the Particular. — § 3. The general History. — § 4. The particular History. —
$ 5. History of the Reformation.

§ 1. IN narrating the ecclesiastical affairs of modern times, the same
order cannot be followed as was pursued in the preceding periods. For
the state of the Christian world having undergone a great change in the
sixteenth century, and a much greater number of associations than former-
ly being found among the followers of Christ, differing widely in doctrines
and institutions, and regulating their conduct by different principles ; all
the various transactions among professed Christians, can by no means be
exhibited in one continued series, and so as to form one well-arranged pic-
ture. On the contrary, as the bond of union among Christians was sev-
ered, their history must be distributed into compartments, corresponding
with the division of the Christian world into its principal sects.

§ 2. Yet many events occurred, which affected the whole Christian
world, and the state of religion generally, or were not confined to any par-
ticular community. And as the knowledge of these general facts, throws
much light on the history of the particular communities, as well as on the
general state of the Christian world, they ought to be stated separately and
by themselves. Hence the work before us will be divided into two prin-
cipal parts ; the one, the general history of the Christian church, and the
other, the particular.

§ 3. The general history will embrace all those facts and occurrences,
which may be predicated of the Christian religion as such, or absolutely
considered ; and which in some sense, affected the whole Christian world,
rent unhappily as it was by divisions. Of course, we shall here describe
the enlargement of the boundaries of Christendom or their contraction, with-
out regard to the particular sects that were instrumental in these changes.
Nor shall we omit those institutions and doctrines which were received by
all the Christian communities, or by the principal part of them, and which
thus produced changes very extensive and general.

§ 4. In the particular history, we shall take a survey of the several com-
munities into which Christians were distributed. And here we may prop-
erly make two classes of sects. First, we may consider what occurred in
the more ancient communities of Christians, whether in the East, or in the
West. Secondly, what occurred in the more recent communities, those that
arose after the reformation of both doctrine and discipline in Germany. In
describing the condition and character of each particular sect, we shall pur-
sue as far as practicable, the method pointed out in the general Introduc-
tion to these Institutes. For according to our conceptions, the less a per-
son recedes from this method, the less will he probably omit of what is ne-
cessary to a full knowledge of the history of each individual community.

6 INTRODUCTION.

§ 5. The most important of all the events that occurred among Christ-
ians, after the fifteenth century, nay, the greatest of all events affecting the
Christian world since the birth of the Saviour, was that celebrated religious
and ecclesiastical revolution called the Reformation. Commencing from
small beginnings in Saxony, it not only spread in a short space of time over
all Europe, but also affected in no slight degree the other quarters of the
globe ; and it may be justly regarded as the first and principal cause of all
those great ecclesiastical, and even those civil revolutions and changes, which
have rendered the history of the subsequent times quite to the present day so
interesting and important. The face of all Europe was changed, after that
event ; and our own times are experiencing, and future times will experi-
ence, both the inestimable advantages that arose from it, and the vast evils
to which it gave occasion.(l) The history of such an event therefore, an
event from which all others in a measure took their rise, demands a dis-
tinct and a prominent place. We now proceed to give a compendious
view of the modern history of the Christian church, according to the meth-
od here proposed. (2)

(1) [See C. Villiers, on the Spirit and
Influence of the Reformation ; from the
French, 1807, 8vo.— TV.] V

(2) [Dr. Mosheim still proceeds by cen-
turies. On the sixteenth century, he divides
his history into three Sections. I. The his-
tory of the Reformation ; in four chapters.
II. The general history of the church ; in a
single chapter. III. The particular history
of the several sects or communities ; in two
Parts. Part first embraces the ancient com-
munities ; viz., the Latin, and the Greek or
Oriental churches, in distinct chapters. Part

second includes, in separate chapters, the
history of the Lutheran, the Reformed, the
Anabaptist or Mennonite, and the Socinian,
churches. — On the seventeenth century, he
makes but two sections. I. The general
history, in a single chapter. II. The par-
ticular history, divided into Parts and Chap-
ters, as in the preceding century ; except,
that among ' the modern sects, he assigns
distinct chapters to the Arminians, the
Quakers, and an additional chapter to sev-
eral minor sects. — Tr.]

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

SIXTEENTH CENTURY

SECTION I.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

ARRANGEMENT OF THIS SECTION.

THE history of the Reformation is too extensive, to be comprehended in
one unbroken narrative, without wearying the learner. For the conve-
nience therefore of such as are just entering on the study of church history,
and to aid their memories, we shall divide this section into four parts [or
chapters].

The FIRST will describe the state of the Christian church at the commence-
ment of the Reformation.

The SECOND will detail the history of the incipient Reformation, till the
presentation of the Augsburg Confession to the emperor.

The THIRD will continue the history from that period, till the commence-
ment of the war of Smalcald.

The FOURTH will carry it down to the peace granted to the friends of the
Reformation-, A.D. 1555. — This distribution arises naturally from the his.
tory itself.(l)

(1) The historians of the Reformation, 863, [also by Walch, Biblioth. Theol., torn,

as well the primary as the secondary, and iii., p. 618]. The principal of these histo-

both the general and the particular, are enu- rians must be consulted, by those who de-

merated by Phil. Fred. Hane, (who is him- sire proof of what we shall briefly relate in

self to be ranked among the better writers this section. For it would be needless, to

on this subject), in his Historia sacrorum a be repeating every moment the names of

B. Luthero emendatorum, part i., cap. i., Sleidan, Seckendorf, and the others, who

p. 1, &c., and by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his stand pre-eminent in this branch of history.
Centifolium Lutheranum, pt. ii., cap. 187, p.

BOOK IV.-CENTURY, XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

CHAPTER I.

STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH WHEN THE REFORMATION COMMENCED.

$ 1. At the Beginning of the Century, all was tranquil. — $ 2. Complaints again'st the
Pontiffs and the Clergy, were ineffectual. — $ 3. Revival of Learning. — $ 4. The
• Pontiffs Alexander VI. and Pius III.— $ 5. Julius II. — $ 6. The Council of Pisa.—
§ 7. Leo X. — § 8. Avarice of the Pontiffs. — § 9. They are inferior to Councils. —
$ 10. Corruption of the inferior Clergy.— $ 11. State of the Monks. — § 12. The
Dominicans. — $ 13. State of the Universities and of Learning. — § 14. Theology. —
$ 15. Liberty to dispute about Religion. — t) 16. The public Religion. — § 17. Misera-
ble Condition of the People. — § 18. A Reformation desired. — i) 19. The Mystics.

§ 1. WHEN the century began, no danger seemed to threaten the pon-
tiffs. For those grievous commotions, which had been raised in the pre-
ceding centuries by the Waldenses, the Albigenses, the Beghards, and
others, and afterwards by the Bohemians, had been suppressed and extin-
guished by the sword and by crafty management. The Waldenses who
survived in the valleys of Piedmont, fared hard, and had few resources ;
and their utmost wish was, that they might transmit as an inheritance to
their posterity, that obscure corner of Europe which lies between the Alps
and the Pyrenees. Those Bohemians who were displeased with the Romish
doctrines, from their want of power and their ignorance, couid attempt
nothing ; and therefore, were rather despised than feared.

§ 2. Complaints indeed were uttered, not only by private persons but
by the most powerful sovereigns, and by whole nations, against the haughty
domination of the Roman pontiffs, the frauds, the violence, the avarice, and
the injustice of the court of Rome, the insolence, the tyranny, and the ex-
tortion of the papal legates, the crimes, the ignorance, and the extreme
profligacy of the priests of all orders, and of the monks, and finally of the un-
righteous severity and the partiality of the Romish laws ; and desires were
now publicly expressed, as had been the case in generations long gone by,
that there might be a Reformation of the church, in its head and in its mem-
bers, and that the subject might be taken up in some general council. ( 1 ) But
these complaints the pontiffs could safely set at defiance. For the authors
of them entertained no doubts of the supreme power of the sovereign pon-
tiffs in matters of religion ; nor did they themselves go about the work they
so much desired, but concluded to wait for relief either from Rome itself or
from a council. Yet it was manifest, that so long as the power of the pon-
tiffs remained inviolate, the opulence and the corruptions of the church and
of the clergy could not be diminished in any considerable degree.

(1) These accusations have been collected ing the wrongs done by the pontiffs and the

in great abundance, by the most learned wri- clergy, are exhibited by Jac. Fred. Georgius,

ters. See, among many others, Vol. Ern. in his Gravamina Imperatoris et nationis

Loscher's Acta et Documenta Reformatio- German, adversus eedem Roman., cap. vii.,

nis, torn, i., cap. v., &c., p. 105, &c., cap. p. 261, &c. Nor do the more intelligent

ix.,p. 181, &c., and Ern. Salam. Cyprian's and candid among the adherents to the pon-

Preface to William Ern. TenzeVs Historia tiffs, at this day deny that the church, before

Reformat., Lips., 1717, 8vo. The com- Luther arose, was grossly corrupt.
plaints of the Germans in particular, respect-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 9

§ 3. Nor were the pontiffs any more alarmed, by the happy revival of
learning in many countries of Europe, and the consequent vast increase of
well-informed men. The revival of learning, by dissipating the clouds of
ignorance, awakened in many minds the love of truth and of liberty ; and
among the learned men, there were many, who as appears from the exam-
pie of Erasmus and others, facetiously ridiculed and satirized the perverse
conduct of the priests, the superstitions of the times, the corruptions of the
court of Rome, and the rustic manners and the barbarism of the monks.
But the root of all the evil and of the public calamity, namely, the jurisdic-
tion of the pontiffs, which was falsely called canonical, and the inveterate
prejudice respecting a vicegerent of Christ located at Rome, no one dared
resolutely attack. And the pontiffs very justly concluded, that so long as
these ramparts remained entire, their sovereignty and the tranquillity of the
church would be secure, whatever menaces and assaults some persons might
offer. Besides, they had at their disposal, both punishments with which to
coerce the refractory, and honours and emoluments with which to concili-
ate the more daring and contentious.

§ 4. Hence, the bishops of Rome reigned securely, and free from all
fear ; and they indulged their lusts, and all their vicious propensities, as
freely as their innate depravity demanded. Alexander VI., a monster of a
mai\, and inferior to no one of the most abandoned tyrants of antiquity,
marked the commencement of the century' with his horrid crimes and vil-
lanies. He died suddenly, A.D. 1503, from poison which he had prepared
for others, if the common report is true, or from old age and sickness, if
others are to be believed.(2) His successor, Pius III., died at the end of
twenty-six days ; and was followed by Julian de Roveria, under the name
of Julius II., who obtained the pontificate by fraud and bribery.

§ 5. That this Juliys II. possessed, besides other vices, very great fe-
rocity, arrogance, vanity, and a mad passion for war, is proved by abun-
dant testimony. In the first place, forming an alliance with the emperor
and the king of France, he made war upon the Venetians. (3) He next
laid siege to Ferrara. And at last, drawing the Venetians, the Swiss, and
the Spaniards to engage in the war with him, he made an attack upon
Lewis XII. the king of France. Nor, so long as/ he lived, did he cease
from embroiling all Europe. Who can doubt, that under a vicar of Jesus
Christ that spent his time in camps, and was ambitious of the fame of a
great warrior, everything both in church and state must have gone to ruin,
and both the discipline of the church and the very spirit of religion have
become prostrate 1

§ 6. Yet amid these evils, there appeared some prospect of the ardently
and long-wished-for reform. For Lewis XII. king of France, published a
threat stamped upon the coins he issued, that he would completely over-
throw the Romish power ; which he designated by the name of Babylon.(4)

(2) See Alexander Gordon's Life of Alex- (3) See Du Bos, Histoire de la Ligue du

ander VI., French from the English, Am- Cambray, Hague, 1710, 2 vols. 8vo.

sterd., 1732, 2 vols. 8vo ; also another life of (4) See Christ. Sigism. Liebc's Commen-

him, by a very learned and ingenious man, tatio de numis Ludovici XII. epigraphe ;

written with more candour and moderation, PBRDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN, insigmbus,

and, together with a Life of Leo X., subjoin- Lips., 1717, Svo. Compare, however, the

ed to the first volume of the Histoire du droit Thesaurus Epistolicus Crozianus, torn, i,, p.

public ecclesiastique Francois, par Mr. D.B., 238, 243. Colonia's Histoire litter, de la

Land., 1752, 4to. ville de Lyon, torn, ii., p. 443, die., and oth-
VOL. III.— B

10

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

Moreover some of the cardinals of the Romish court, relying on the author.
ity of this king and of the emperor, summoned a council at Pisa in the year
1511, to curb the madness of the pontiff, and to deliberate on measures for
a general reformation of the inveterate corruptions in religion. But Ju-
lius, relying on the power of his allies and on his own resources, laughed
at this opposition. Yet not to neglect means for frustrating these designs,
he called another council to meet in the Lateran palace, A.D. 1512. (5)

the pope.) Yes. — 6. If the pope and a
prince disagree, whether a case between
them belongs to the ecclesiastical or the civil
jurisdiction, and the prince wishes to leave it
to referees, and the pope will not consent but
draws the sword, may the prince stand on
the defensive, and call on his allies to help
himl Yes. — 7. If a pope pronounces an un-
just sentence against a prince, [with whom
he is at variance, and who cannot safely ap-
pear at Rome to defend his cause], is that
sentence binding 1 No. — 8. If the pope in
such a case should lay the prince and his
realm under an interdict, what is to be done 1
Answer : Such an interdict would be itself a
nullity. [See the questions and answers, at
full length, in Gerdes' Historia Evangelii
Saeculo xvi. per Europam renovati, torn, iv.,
Append. No. 1. — TV.] After these prepara-
tory steps, Lewis went still farther, and pur-
posed to have a general council called against
the pope. The emperor Maximilian united
in the measure, and three cardinals lent their
aid to the business. The council was open-
ed at Pisa, A.D. 1511, and after a few ses-
sions, removed to Milan. The pope was ci-
ted by the fathers to appear at Milan ; and
was afterwards suspended. But as the pope
had now brought about a reconciliation with
the emperor, and as nearly all the assembled
prelates were from France, the decrees of
this council were no where received except
in France. The council assembled by the
pope in the Lateran church at Rome, to op-
pose that of Pisa, was somewhat larger than
the other, yet quite too small for a general
council ; and besides, was composed almost
exclusively of Italians. It may therefore be
regarded rather as a provincial than as a gen-
eral council. It held 1 1 sessions in all. In
the first, it was determined to take up the
subjects of the division caused by the coun-
cil of Pisa, the reformation of the church, a
pacification among Christian princes, and a
war against the Turks. In the second, the
convention at Pisa was declared to be irreg-
ular. In the third, the emperor having now
sided with this council, severe bulls were
issued against France. In the fourth, the
abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction was
taken up. In the fifth, simony in the elec-
tion of popes was forbidden, and the French
church cited to appear on the subject of the

ers ; for it is well known, that there has been
much dispute respecting these coins, and the
object of them. [Liebe has given engravings
of these coins. On the one side was the
king's likeness, and his title ; on the other
side, the arms of France surrounded with the
inscription : Perdam Babillonis (instead of
Babylonis) Nomen ; or also simply, Perdam
Babillonem. Harduin understood Babylon
here, to denote the city of Cairo in Egypt ;
and he explained the coin of a military expe-
dition, which Lewis contemplated against the
Turks. But Lie.be has fully confuted this in-
genious Jesuit ; and has shown, that Babylon
means Rome together with the pope, and that
the threatened vengeance was aimed by the
king against the pontiff. And that the French
church was not opposed to the designs of the
king, appears from the conclusions of the
council of Tours, which are mentioned in the
following note. See Du Pin's Nouvelle
Bibliotheque des Auteurs ecclesiast., torn,
xiii., p. 13, 14, and Gerdes, Historia Evan-
gelii seculo xvi. per Europam renovati, torn,
iv., Append. No. 1. — SchL]

(5) Jo. Harduin's Concilia, torn, ix., p.
1559, &c. [Lewis XII. was not an enemy
to be despised. He made preparations for a
war against the pope, which were certainly
great and imposing. He assembled the cler-
gy of France, first at Orleans and then at
Tours, (see Harduin, 1. c., p. 1555), and
proposed to them the following questions. —
1. Is it lawful for the pope to make war upon
temporal princes, whose territories do not
belong to the church 1 No. — 2. May the
prince in such a case, lawfully oppose force
to force, and fall upon the territories of the
church, not to conquer and retain them but
to disable the pope from carrying on the war 1
Yes. — 3. May a prince refuse obedience to
a pope, who is his enemy and who makes un-
just war upon him 1 Yes : so far as is ne-
cessary for his own security and that of his
people. — 4. In that case, how are those af-
fairs to be conducted which ordinarily are
referred to the decision of the pontiff! An-
swer : in the manner prescribed by the Prag-
matic Sanction. — 5. May a Christian prince
defend with arms another prince who is un-
der his protection, against the assaults of the
pope 1 (This question referred to the duke
of Ferrara, who was involved in war with

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 11

In this body, the acts of the assembly at Pis.a, were spiritedly condemned,
and annulled : and undoubtedly, severe anathemas would have followed
against Lewis and others, if death had not overtaken the audacious pontiff
in his preparatory steps, A.D. 1512.

§ 7. His successor, Leo X., of the family of Medici, who was elected in
the year 1513, was of a milder disposition, but no better guardian of religion
and piety. The friend of learned men, and himself learned according to the
standard of that age, he devoted a part of his time to conversation with lit-
erary men, but a larger portion of it to the gratification of his appetites and
to amusements, and was averse from all cares and business, prodigal, lux-
urious, and vain ; perhaps also, according to a current report, positively im-
pious. Yet he did not neglect the interests and the grandeur of the Ro-
mish see. For he took good care, that nothing should be sanctioned in
the Lateran council which Julias had assembled and left sitting, favoura-
ble to the long-wished-for reformation ; and at Bologna, A.D. 1515, he
persuaded Francis I. king of France, to allow the abrogation of the ordi-
nance called the Pragmatic Sanction, which had long been odious to the
pontiffs, and to cause another, called the Concordate, to be imposed on his
subjects with their extreme indignation. (6)

§ 8. Besides the intolerable thirst for dominion and for oppressing every-
body, which tormented these pontiffs, they had an insatiable craving for
money ; which they caused to flow from every province of the Christian
world towards Rome, in order to support their power and to purchase them
friends. And it would seem not preposterous or unsuitable, for the heads
of the Christian republic to demand tribute from their subjects. For who
can deny, that the sovereign ruler of a commonwealth (and such the pon-
tiffs claimed to be) is entitled to a revenue from the whole state 1 But as
the term tribute was too offensive, and would excite the indignation of the
temporal sovereigns, the pontiffs managed the affair more discreetly, and
robbed the unwary of their money, by various artifices concealed under an
appearance of religion. (7) Among these artifices, what were called indul*

above-named Sanction. Soon after, Julius land, vol. iii., p. 3. C<es. Egasse de Bow-
died ; and in the sixth and seventh sessions, lay's Historia Acad. Paris., torn. vi.. p. 61-
the council was adjourned, both by the new 109. Du Clos, Histoire de Louis XI. ; His-
pope Leo X. and by the votes of its mem- toire du droit Ecclesiastique Frangois, tome
bers. In the eighth session, Lewis XII. i., Diss. ix., p. 415. Add, Menagiana, torn,
was present by his envoys ; and the pope iii., p. 285. [See also the preceding vol-
forbid the studying of philosophy, more than ume, p. 435, note (24). — Tr.~\
five years, without proceeding to theology (7) [Whoever would learn the whole art
and jurisprudence. The ninth and tenth and mystery of the financial concerns of the
sessions were devoted to trivial matters, Romish court, may consult Le Bret's Mag-
which did not satisfy the expectations raised azine for civil and ecclesiastical history, and
concerning a reformation of the church. At the ecclesiastical laws of Catholic states, vol.
length the council closed, in its eleventh ses- ii., p. 605, and vol. iii., p. 3, where is an
sion, May 16th, 1517.— Schl.~\ essay, entitled, History of the Romish chan-
(6) The Pragmatic Sanction of the French, eery regulations; and also an essay by a
is extant in Harduin's Concilia, torn, viii., learned Neapolitan, on the Romish chancery
p. 1949. The Concordate is in the same regulations and the reservation of benefices,
work, torn, ix., p. 1867 ; also in Godfr. Will. And if any one wishes to form an idea of the
Leibnitz, Mantissa Codicis Diplomat., pt. i., productiveness of these chancery regulations,
p. 158, &c. Add pt. ii., p. 358, &c. For a he need only compute the part of them re-
history of the Pragmatic Sanction, and of the lating to Annates. Of these Luther made
Concordate that succeeded it, see Gilbert a computation, in his tract entitled, Legatio
Burners History of the Reformation of Eng- Adriani papae, &c., which contains an essay

12 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

gences, that is, liberty to buy off the punishments of their sins by contribu-
ting money to pious uses, held a distinguished place. And to these re-
course was had, as often as the papal treasury became exhausted, to the
immense injury of the public interests. Under some plausible, but for the
most part false pretext, the ignorant and timorous people were beguiled
with the prospect of great advantage, by the hawkers of indulgences, who
were in general base and profligate characters. (8)

§ 9. But notwithstanding the reverence for the sovereign pontiffs was ex-
tremely high, yet the more intelligent, especially among the Germans, the
French, English, and Flemings, denied their entire exemption from error,
and their superiority to all law. For after the period of the Councils of
Constance and Basil, the belief prevailed, among all except the monks, the
Romish parasites, and the superstitious vulgar, that the pontiff's authority
was inferior to that of a general council, that his decisions were not in-
fallible, and that he might be deposed by a council, if he was guilty of
manifest errors and gross crimes, or plainly neglected the duties of his sta-
tion. And hence arose those high expectations and those intense desires
for a general council, in the minds of the wiser portions of the age ; and
those frequent appeals to such a future council, whenever the Romish court
committed offences against justice and piety.

§ 10. The subordinate rulers and teachers of the church, eagerly fol-
lowed the example of their head and leader. Most of the bishops, with
the canons their associates, led luxurious and jovial lives, in the daily com-
mission of sins, and squandered in the gratification of their lusts those
funds, which the preceding generations had consecrated to God and to the
relief of the poor. Most of them likewise treated the people subject to
their control much more rigorously and harshly, than the civil magistrates
and princes treated their dependants. The greater part of the priests, on
account of their indolence, their unchastity, tkeir avarice, their love of
pleasure, their ignorance, and their levity, were regarded with utter con-
on the nature of Annates ; Wittemb., 1538, chastity, under the most abominable circum-
4to. A still fuller account may be seen in stances. The ingenuous French Catholic
the tract published by Marcellus Silber, at divine, Claude Espcnce, in his Comment, in
Campo Flore near Rome, 1514, under the Epist. ad Titum, Opp., torn, i., p. 479, in-
title of Taxa cancellarise Apostolicae et Taxa dignantly wrote concerning this book : Pro-
sanctae poenitentiae ; and which was repub- stat et veluti in quaestu pro meretrice sedet
lished at Cologne by Colini, 1515, and at palam, &c., that is, " there is abook extant,
Paris, 1520, and afterwards in the Supple- which like a venal prostitute appears openly
ment to the Councils, vol. vi. It occurs before the public here at Paris, and is now
also in the Oceanus Juris, or the Tractatus for sale, as it long has been, entitled Taxa
Tractatuum, torn, xv., part i., p. 368, &c. camera? seu cancellariae apostolicae ; from
[It was frequently published, with notes and which more crimes can be learned, than from
comments, and some diversity in the text ; all the writings concerning the vices ; and
whence the Catholics placed it in the list of in which license is promised to very many,
books prohibited, as being perverted by the and absolution offered to all purchasers." —
Protestants. See Bayle's Dictionnaire hist. Sckl."]

crit., articles Pinet, and Bank (Lawrence). — (8) [The German princes and states both
TV.] It contains the tariffof dues to be paid Catholic and Lutheran, assembled in the diet
to the papal chancery for all absolutions, dis- at Nuremburg, A.D. 1522, complained loudly
pensations, &c. According to this book, a of the papal indulgences, as exhausting the
dean may be absolved from a murder, for resources of the country, and subverting
twenty crowns. A bishop or abbot, for three piety and good morals; in their Centum
hundred livres, may commit a murder when- Gravamina nationis Germanics, No. 4, &c.
ever he pleases. And for one third of that — Tr.]
sum, any clergyman may be guilty of un-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 13

tempt, not only by the wise and the good but likewise by the common
people. (9) For as sacred offices were now every where bought and sold,
it was difficult for honest and pious men to get possession of any good living
in the church, but very easy for the vicious and unprincipled.

§11. The immense swarms of monks produced every where great
grievances and complaints. Yet this age, which stood midway between,
light and darkness, would patiently have borne with this indolent throng,
if they had only exhibited some show of piety and decorum. But
the Benedictines, and the other orders which were allowed to possess
lands and fix"ed revenues, abused their wealth, and rushed headlong into
every species of vice, regardless altogether of the rules they professed.
The Mendicant orders on the contrary, and especially those who professed
to follow the rules of Dominic and Francis, by their rustic impudence,
their ridiculous superstition, their ignorance and cruelty, their rude and
brutish conduct, alienated the minds of most people from them. They all
had a strong aversion to learning, and were very unfriendly to the proceed,
ings of certain excellent men who laboured to improve the system of edu-
cation, and who assailed the barbarism of the times, both orally and in
their writings. This is evident from what befell Reuchlin, Erasmus, and
others. (10)

§ 12. No order of monks was more powerful and influential, than that of
the Dominicans. For they filled the highest offices in the church, they
presided every where over the terrible tribunal of the Inquisition, and in
the courts of all the kings and princes of Europe they had the care of
souls, or held the office of confessors. Yet about this time they incurred
very great odium among all good men, by various things but especially by
their base artifices and frauds ; (among which, the tragedy at Berne A.D.
1509, stands conspicuous :)(!!) likewise by persecuting the learned and

(9) See, besides others, Cornelius Au- by a Franciscan monk of Bern, in the year
relius Gaudanus, Apocalypsis seu Visio 1509. The substance of it is this. A Do-
mirabilis super miserabili statu matris ec- minican monk named Wigand Wirt, preach-
clesias ; in Cusp. Burmann's Analecta His- ing at Frankfort A.D. 1507, so violently as-
torica de Hadriano VI., p. 245, &c., Utrecht, sailed the doctrine of the immaculate con-
1727, 4to. ception of the virgin Mary, (the favourite

(10) [Reuchlin or Capnio, was the great doctrine of the Franciscans), that he was
promoter of Hebrew and Rabbinic learning summoned to Rome to answer for his con-
in Germany. The Dominicans of Cologne, duct. His brethren of the Dominican order,
to bring it into disgrace, prompted John in their convention at Wimpfen formed a
Pfefferkorn, a converted Jew, to publish a plan to aid him, and to convince the world
work on the blasphemies contained in the that the Franciscan doctrine of the immacu-
books of the Jews. This induced the em- late conception was false. Bern was se-
peror Maximilian, in the year 1509, to or- lected for the scene of their operations. The
der all Jewish books to be burned ; which prior, subprior, preacher, and steward of the
however Reuchlin happily prevented from Dominican cloister at Bern, undertook to
taking place. — Erasmus published the Greek get up miracles and revelations for the oc-
New Testament, as well as many works of casion.. A simple honest rustic, by the
the fathers ; by which the ignorant monks name of John Jetzer, who had just entered
represented him as sinning against the Holy upon his novitiate in the monastery, was se-
Ghost. — Schl.~\ lected as their tool. The subprior appeared

(11) On the notorious imposition of the to him one night, dressed in white, and pre-
monks of Bern, see, among many others, tending to be the ghost of a friar who had
Jo. Henr. Hottinger's Historia Eccles. been a hundred and sixty years in purgatory.
Helvet, torn, i., p. 334, &c. [Historia He wailed, and entreated of Jetzer to afford
Eccles. Nov., ssecul. xvi., pt. i., p. 334, &c. him aid. Jetzer promised to do it, as far
The narrative there inserted, was drawn up as he was able ; and the next morning re-

14

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

the good, and branding them as heretics ; and also by extending their own
privileges and honours at the expense of others, and most unjustly oppress,
ing their adversaries. (12) It was these monks especially, who prompted
Leo X. to the imprudent step of publicly condemning Martin Luther.

§ 13. Many of the mendicant monks held the principal chairs in the
universities and schools ; and this was the chief reason why the light of
science and polite learning, which had begun to diffuse itself through most
countries of Europe, could not more effectually dispel the clouds of igno-

ported his vision to his superiors. They en-
couraged him to go on, and to confer freely
with the ghost, if he appeared again. A
few nights after, the ghost made his ap-
pearance, attended by two devils, his tor-
mentors ; and thanked Jelzer for the relax-
ation of his sufferings, in consequence of
Jctser's prayers, fasting, &c. He also in-
structed Jetzer respecting the views enter-
tained in the other world, concerning the
immaculate conception, and the detention
of some pontiffs and others in purgatory, for
having persecuted the. deniers of that doc-
trine ; and promised Jetzer that St. Barbara
should appear to him and give him farther
instruction. Accordingly, the subprior as-
sumed a female garb on a succeeding night,
and appeared to Jetzer. She revealed to
him some parts of his secret history, which
the preacher his confessor, had drawn from
him at his confessions. Jetzer was com-
pletely duped. St. Barbara promised, that
the virgin Mary should appear to him. She,
or the subprior personating her, did so ; and
assured him, that she was not conceived free
from original sin, though she was delivered
from it three hours after her birth ; that it
was a grievous thing to her, to see that er-
roneous opinion spread abroad. She blamed
the Franciscans much, as being the chief
cause of this false belief. She also an-
nounced the destruction of the city of Bern,
because the people did not expel the Fran-
ciscans, and cease from receiving a pension
from the French king. She appeared re-
peatedly, gave Jetzer much instruction, and
promised to impress on him the five wounds
of Christ ; which she declared were never
impressed on St. Francis, or any other per-
son. She accordingly seized his right hand,
and thrust a nail through it. This so pained
him, that he became restive under the opera-
tion ; and she promised to impress the other
wounds without giving him pain. The con-
spirators now gave him medicated drugs,
which stupified him ; and then made the
other wounds upon him, while senseless.
Hitherto the subprior had been the principal
actor. But now the preacher undertook to
personate St. Mary ; and Jetzer knew his
voice, and from this time began to suspect

the wViole^to be an imposition. All attempts
to hoodwink him became fruitless ; he was
completely undeceived. They next endeav-
oured to bring him to join voluntarily in the
plot. He was persuaded to do so. But
they imposed upon him such intolerable aus-
terities, and were detected by him in such
impious and immoral conduct, that he wished
to leave the monastery. They would not let
him go ; and were so fearful of his betraying
their secret, which was now drawing crowds
to their monastery and promised them great
advantage, that they determined to destroy
him by poison. Jetzer, by listening at their
door, got knowledge of the fact, and was so
on his guard, that they could not succeed,
though they used a consecrated host^s the
medium of the poison. He eloped from the
monastery, and divulged the whole transac-
tion. The four conspirators were appre-
hended, tried for blasphemy and profaning
holy ordinances, delivered over to the civil
power, burned at the stake in 1509, and
their ashes cast into the river near Bern. —
Such is an outline of the story, which the
Franciscan narrator has drawn out to a te-
dious length, with great minuteness, and not
a little esprit du corps. — 7V.]

(12) See Bilib. Pirckheimcr's Epistle to
the pontiff Hadrian VI., de Dominicanorum
flagitiis ; in his Opp., p. 372, whence Dan.
Gerdes copied it, in his introduct. ad His-
toriam renovati Evangelii, torn, i., Append.,
p. 170. [This learned and candid civilian
and Catholic of Norimberg, who correspond-
ed with all the leading men of Germany,
both Catholics and Protestants, a few years
before his death, (which was in 1530), wrote
a respectful and excellent letter to pope
Adrian VI., in which he endeavours to ac-
quaint him with the true state of things in
Germany. The grand cause of all the com-
motions there, he supposed to be the Domin-
icans, who by their persecution of Capnio
and of all literary men, and by their pride
and insolence and base conduct, particularly
in trumpeting the papal indulgences, aliena-
ted almost all the intelligent and honest from
the church, and then by their violent meas-
ures drove them to open opposition to the
pontiffs. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 15

ranee and stupidity. Most of the teachers of youth, decorated with the
splendid titles of Artistce, Grammatici, Physici, and Dialectici, in a most
disgusting style, loaded the memories of their pupils with a multitude of
barbarous terms and worthless distinctions ; and when the pupil could re-
peat these with volubility, he was regarded as eloquent and erudite. All
the philosophers extolled Aristotle beyond measure, but no one followed
him, indeed none of them understood him. For what they called the phi-
losophy of Aristotle, was a confused mass of obscure notions, sentences,
and divisions, the import of which not even the chiefs of the school could
comprehend. And if among these thorns of scholastic wisdom, there was
any thing that had the appearance of fruit, it was crushed and destroyed
by the senseless altercations of the different sects, especially the Scotists and
Thomists, the Realists and Nominalists, from which no university was free.

§ 14. How perversely and ineptly theology was taught in this age, ap-
pears from all the books it has transmitted to us, which are remarkable for
nothing but their bulk. Of the Biblical doctors, or expounders of the
precepts of the Bible, only here and there an individual remained. Even
in the university of Paris, which was considered as the mother and queen
of all the rest, not a man could be found, when Luther arose, competent
to dispute with him out of the Scriptures. (13) Such as remained of this
class, neglected the literal sense of the Scriptures, which they were utterly
unable to investigate on account of their ignorance of the sacred languages
and of the laws of interpretation, and insipidly wandered after concealed and
hidden meanings. Nearly all the theologians were Positivi and Sententi-
arii ; who deemed it a great achievement both in speculative and practical
theology, either to overwhelm the subject with a torrent of quotations from
the fathers, or to anatomize it according to the laws of dialectics. And
whenever they had occasion to speak of the meaning of any text, they
appealed invariably to what was called the Glossa Ordinaria ; and the
phrase Glossa dicil, was as common and decisive in their lips, as anciently
the phrase ipse dixit, in the Pythagorean school.

§ 15. These doctors, however, disputed among themselves with suffi-
cient freedom on various points of doctrine, and even upon those which
were considered essential to salvation. For a great many points of doc-
trine had not yet been determined by the authority of the church, or as
the phrase was by the holy see ; and the pontiffs were not accustomed,
unless there was some special reason, to make enactments that would
restrain liberty of opinion on subjects not connected either with the sover-
eignty of the holy see or the privileges and emoluments of the clergy.
Hence many persons of great eminence might be named, who safely ad-
vanced the same opinions and not without applause, before Luther's day,
which were afterwards charged upon him as a crime. And doubtless, Lu-
ther might have enjoyed the same liberty with them, if he had not attacked
the system of Roman finance, the wealth of the bishops, the supremacy
of the pontiffs, and the reputation of the Dominican order.

(13) [This was not strange. Many of the heretic, and as exposing Christianity to great

doctors of theology in those times, had never danger by making the New Testament

read the Bible. Carolostadt expressly tells known. Many of the monks regarded the

us, this was the case with himself. When- Bible as a book which abounded in r.umer-

ever one freely read the Bible, he was cried ous errors. — Von Ein.]
out against, as one making innovations, a

16 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. I.

§ 16. The public worship of God consisted almost wholly in a round of
ceremonies ; and those for the most part vain and useless, being calculated
not to affect the heart but to dazzle the eye. Those who delivered ser-
mons, (which many were not able to do), filled the ears of the people with
pretended miracles, ridiculous fables, wretched quibbles, and similar trash,
thrown together without judgment.(14) There are still extant many ex-
amples of such discourses, which no good man can read without indigna.
tion. If among these declaimers there were some inclined to be more
grave, for them certain commonplace arguments were prepared and made
out, on which they vociferated on almost all occasions, by the hour ; such
for instance, as the authority of the holy mother church, and the obedience
due to it ; the influence of the saints with God, and their virtues and merits ;
the dignity, glory, and kindness of the virgin Mary ; the efficacy of relics ;
the enriching of the churches and monasteries ; the necessity of what they
called good works in order to salvation ; the intolerable flames of purga-
tory ; and the utility of indulgences. To preach to the people nothing but
Christ Jesus our Saviour and his merits, and that pure love of God and
men which springs from faith, would have added little to the treasures and
emoluments of good mother church.

§17. From these causes there was, among all classes and ranks in
every country, an amazing ignorance on religious subjects ; and no less
superstition, united with gross corruption of morals. Those who presided
over the ceremonies willingly tolerated these evils, and indeed encouraged
them in various ways, rather than strove to stifle them, well knowing that
their own interests were depending on them. Nor did most of them think
it advisable to oppose strenuously the corruption of morals ; for they well
knew that if the crimes and sins of the people were diminished, the sale
of indulgences would also decrease, and they would of course derive much
less revenue from expiations and other similar sources. (15)

(14) [The Easter sermons in particular, a restoration to fellowship by a public pen-
are proof of this ; in which the preachers ance, in which they entreated the brethren to
were emulous to provoke laughter among the forgive their offence, standing before the
audience, by repeating ludicrous stories, low door of the church clothed in the garb of
jests, and whimsical incidents. This was call- mourning. This ecclesiastical punishment,
ed emphatically, Easter laughter ; and it still which was regarded as a sort of satisfaction
has its admirers in some portions of the made to the community, and was called by
Catholic church. John CEcolampadius in that name, and which prevented much irreg-
the year 1518, published at Basil, a tract of ularity among Christians, was afterwards
32 pages 4to, entitled : De risu paschali, moderated, and sometimes remitted, in the
CEcolampadii ad W. Capitonem theologum case of infirm persons ; and this remission
epistola. See J. C. Fussliri's Beytrage was called indulgence, indulgentia. Origi-
zur Kirchen-Reformationsgesch. des Sweit- nally therefore, indulgences were merely the
zerlandes, vol. v., p. 447, &c. — Schl.] remission of ecclesiastical punishments, im-

(15) [Schlegel here inserts the following posed on the lapsed and other gross offend-
history of popish indulgences, according to ers. When persecutions ceased, and the
the views of Dr. Mosheim ; derived un- principal ground for this ecclesiastical reg-
doubtedly from his public lectures, which ulation no longer existed, these punishments
ScAZeg-eZ himself had heard, and has frequent- might have been laid aside. [Not so : for
iy referred to. — Tr. The origin of indul- relapsing into idolatry, was only one among
gences must be sought in the earliest history the many offences, for which penance was
of the church. In the first centuries of the imposed ; and as persecutions ceased and
Christian church, such Christians as were the church became rich and corrupt, other
excluded from the communion, on account sins were multiplied ; so that the ground for
of their relapses in times of persecution, or inflicting church censures rather increased,
on account of other heinous sins, had to seek than diminished. — Tr.] They continued;

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

17

§ 18. Yet the more ruinous the evils prevalent throughout the church,
the more earnestly was a reformation longed for, by all who were governed
either by good sense and solid learning or by a regard to piety. Nor was
the number of these in the whole Latin world, by any means small. The
majority of them did not indeed wish to see the constitution and organiza-

and the doctrine gradually grew up, that
Christ had atoned for the eternal punishment
of sin, but not for its temporary punishment.
The temporary punishment they divided into
that of the present life, and that of the future
life or of purgatory. It was held, that every
man who would attain salvation, must suffer
the temporary punishment of his sins, either
in the present world, or in the flames of purga-
tory ; and that the confessor to whom a man
confessed his sins, had the power to adjudge
and impose this temporary punishment. The
punishment thus imposed consisted of fast-
ing, pilgrimages, flagellation, &c. But among
the persons liable to such punishments, were
frequently persons of distinction and wealth.
And for these, the principle of admitting sub-
stitutes was introduced. And there were
monks, who for compensation paid them,
would endure these punishments in behalf of
the rich. But as every man could not avail
himself of this relief, they at last commuted
that penance into a pious mulct, pia mulcta.
Whoever, for instance, was bound to whip
himself for several weeks, might pay to the
church or to the monastery, a certain sum
of money, or give it a piece of land, and then
be released from the penance. Thus Pepin
of France, having, with the consent of the
pope, dethroned the lawful monarch of that
country, gave to the church the patrimony
of St. peter. As the popes perceived that
something might be gained in this way, they
assumed wholly to themselves the right of
commuting canonical penances for pecuniary
satisfactions, which every bishop had before
exercised in his own diocese. At first they
released only from the punishments of sin in
the present world ; but in the fourteenth cen-
tury, they extended this release also to the
punishments of purgatory. Jesus, they said,
has not removed all the punishments of sin.
Those which he has not removed, are either
the punishments of this world, that is, the
penances which confessors enjoin, or the
punishments of the future world, that is, those
of purgatory. An indulgence frees a person
from both these. The first, the pope remits
by his papal power as sovereign lord of the
church ; just as the sovereign of a country
can commute the corporeal punishment,
which the inferior judges decree, into pecu-
niary mulcts. The last, he remits, (as Ben-
edict XIV. says in his bull for the jubilee),
jure suffragii ; that is, by his prevalent inter-
cession with God, who can deny nothing to

VOL. III.— C

his vicegerent. Yet this release from the pun-
ishments of sin, cannot be bestowed gratis.
There must be an equivalent, that is, some
money, which is given to the pope for reli-
gious uses. Princes indeed never release a
man from corporeal punishment, unless he
petitions for it. But the vicegerent of Christ
is more gracious than «ther judges, and
causes his indulgences to be freely offered
to the whole church, and to be proclaimed
aloud throughout the Christian world. These
principles carried into operation drew im-
mense sums of money to Rome. When
such indulgences were to be published, the
disposal of them was commonly farmed out.
For the papal court could not always wait to
have the money collected and conveyed from
every country of Europe. And there were
rich merchants at Genoa, Milan, Venice, and
Augsburg, who purchased the indulgences
for a particular province, and paid to the pa-
pal chancery handsome sums for them . Thus
both parties were benefited. The chancery
came at once into possession of large sums
of money ; and the farmers did not fail of a
good bargain. They were careful to employ
skilful hawkers of the indulgences, persons
whose boldness and impudence bore due pro-
portion to the eloquence with which they im-
posed upon the simple people. Yet that this
species of traffic might have a religious as-
pect, the pope appointed the archbishops of
the several provinces to be his commissaries,
who in his name published, that indulgences
were to be sold, and generally selected the
persons to hawk them, and for this service
shared the profits with the merchants who
farmed them. These papal hawkers enjoy-
ed great privileges, and however odious to
the civil authorities, they were not to be
molested. Complaints indeed were made
against these contributions, levied by the
popes upon all Christian Europe. Kings
and princes, clergy and laity, bishops, mon-
asteries, and confessors, all felt themselves
aggrieved by them ; tb<3 former, that their
countries were impoverished, under the pre-
text of crusades that were never undertaken,
and of wars against heretics and Turks ; and
the latter, that their letters of indulgence
were rendered inefficient, and the people re-
leased from ecclesiastical discipline. But at
Rome, all were deaf to these complaints ;
and it was not till the revolution produced
by Luther, that unhappy Europe obtained the
desired relief. — Sckl.]

18 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVL— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

tion of the church altered, nor the doctrines which had become sacred by
long admission rejected, nor the rites and ceremonies abrogated ; but only,
to have some bounds set to the power of the pontiffs, the corrupt morals
and the impositions of the clergy corrected, the ignorance and errors of
the people dispelled, and the burdens imposed on the people under colour
of religion removed. But as none of these reforms could be effected, with-
out first extirpating various absurd" and impious opinions which gave birth
to the evils, or without purging the existing religion from its corruptions,
all those may be considered as implicitly demanding a reformation of reli-
gion, who are represented as calling for a reformation of the church both
in its head and in its members.

§ 19. What* little of real piety still remained, existed as it were under
the patronage of those called Mystics. For this class of persons, both by
their tongues and by their pens, avoiding all scholastic disputations, and
demonstrating the vanity of mere external worship, exhorted men to strive
only to obtain holiness of heart and communion with God. And hence
they were loved and respected, by most of those who seriously and earnest,
ly sought for salvation. Yet as all of them associated the vulgar errors
and superstitions with their precepts of piety, and many of them were led
into strange opinions by their excessive love of contemplation, and were
but little removed from fanatical delirium, more powerful auxiliaries than
they, were necessary to the subjugation of the inveterate prejudices.

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE COMMENCEMENT AND PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION,
TILL THE PRESENTMENT OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION ; [OR FROM A.D.

1517-1530.]

$ 1. The beginning of the Reformation. — $ 2. Luther. — I) 3. John Tetzel preaches In-
dulgences, in 1517. — $ 4. State of the Question between these two Persons. — $ 5. The
Opposers of the former, and Patrons of the latter. — $ 6. Conference of Luther with
Cajetan at Augsburg.— $ 7. The Issue of it.— $ 8. Proceedings of Miltitz. All Plans
for Peace frustrated. — $ 9. The Discussions at Leipsic. Eckius. Carolostadt. — $ 10.
Philip Melancthon. — $ 11. Beginning of the Reformation in Switzerland. — $ 12. Luther
is Excommunicated by the Pope, in 1520. — $ 13. He withdraws from the Communion
of the Romish Church. — $ 14. The Rise of the Lutheran Church. — $.15. The Diet of
Worms, in 1521. — $ 16. The Events of it. Luther is Proscribed. — $ 17. His Pursuits,
after leaving the Castle of Wartburg. — $ 18. Hadrian VI. The Diet of Nuremberg in
1522.—$ 19. Clement VII. A.D. 1524.—$ 20. Carolostadt. Zwingle.— $ 21. War
of the Peasants in 1525. — $ 22. Death of Frederic the Wise. John his Successor. —
$ 23. The Diet of Spire in 1526. — $ 24. Subsequent Progress of the Reformation. —
$ 25. The Diet of Spire in 1529. The Protestants.— $ 26. Their Alliance.— $ 27. The
Conference at Marpurg, in 1529. — $ 28. The Diet to be assembled at Augsburg. — $ 29.
The State of the Reformation in Sweden, about the year 1530. — $ 30. Reformation ef-
fected in Denmark by Christiern. — $ 31. It was completed by Frederic and by Chris-
tian III. — $ 32. A Discrimination to be made, in regard to the Swedish and Danish
Reformation. — :$ 33. The Reformation in France. — $ 34. Reformation in other Coun-
tries in Europe.

§ 1. WHILE the Roman pontiffs supposed all was safe and tranquil, and
the pious and good were every where despairing of the much-longed-for

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 19

/reformation of the church, unexpectedly a little obscure monk of Saxony a A
province in Germany, Martin Luther of Eisleben, born of reputable but hum- j
ble parentage, of the order of the Augustinian Eremites which was one of /
the four mendicant orders, and a professor of theology in the university of
Wittemberg, which Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony had established a
few years before, with astonishing intrepidity opposed himself alone to the
whole Romish power. It was in the year 1517, when Leo X. was at the
head of the church ; Maximilian I. of Austria, governed the German Ro-
man empire ; and Frederic, for his great wisdom surnamed the Wise, ruled
over Saxony. Many applauded the courage and heroism of this new op-
poser ; but almost no one anticipated his success. For it was not to be
expected, that this light-armed warrior could harm a Hercules, whom so |
many heroes had assailed in vain.

§ 2. That Luther was possessed of extraordinary talents, uncommon
genius, a copious memory, astonishing industry and perseverance, superior J
eloquence, a greatness of soul that rose above all human weaknesses, and
consummate erudition for the age in which he lived, even those among his/
enemies who possess some candour, do not deny. In the philosophy then
taught in the schools, he was as well versed as he was in theology ; and
he taught both, with great applause, in the university of Wittemberg. In
the former, he followed the principles of the Nominalists, which were em-
braced by his order, that of the Augustinians ; in the latter, he was a fol-
lower for the most part of St. Augustine. But he had long preferred the
holy scriptures and sound reason, before any human authorities or opin-
ions. No wise man indeed will pronounce him entirely faultless ; yet if
we except the imperfections of the times in which he lived and of the reli-
gion in which he was trained, we shall find little to censure in the man.(16)

(16) All the writers who have given the miner of Mansfield. He was born at Eisle-
history of Luther's life and achievements, ben, A.D. 1483. After attending the schools «
are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his of Magdeburg and Eisenach, he studied
Centifolium Lutheranum, of which the first scholastic philosophy and jurisprudence at
volume appeared at Hamburg in 1728, and Erfurt, and at the same time read the ancient
the second volume, in 1730, 8vo. [Me- Latin authors. But his intimate friend being
lancthon, de Vita Lutheri, ed. Heumann, killed, and himself completely stunned, by a
Getting., 1741, 4to. Schroeckk's Kirchen- clap of thunder, he joined himself, much
gesch. seit. der Reformation, vol. i., p. 106, against the will of his father, to one of the
&c. J. and /. Milner's Church History, most rigid orders of mendicants, that of the
cent. xvi. Alex. Bower's Life of Luther, Augustinian Eremites. In this situation he
Edinb., 1813, and numerous others ; among so conducted himself, that his superiors were
which the following are particularly recom- well satisfied with his industry, good temper,
mended by Schlegel. — Tr. J. G. Walch's and abilities. In the year 1508, John von
Ausfiirliche Nachright Von D. Mart. Luther, Staupitz, his vicar-general, sent him from
prefixed to the 24th vol. of his edition of Lu- Erfurt to Wittemberg, contrary to his incli-
ther's works, p. 1-875, which exceeds all oth- nations, to be professor of philosophy. He
ers in fulness and learned fidelity. The ear- now applied himself more to biblical theolo-
lier work of F. S. Keil, merkwiirdige Leben- gy, discovered the defects of the scholastic
sumstande D. Mart. Luther's, Leipsic, 1764, philosophy, and began to reject human au-
4 vols., contains much that is good, with thorities in matters of religion ; and in these
some things that are censurable. Also, from views, his baccalaureate in theolgy, which
its historical connexion, C. W. F. Walch's he took in the year 1 509, confirmed him still
Gesch. der Frau Catharina Von Bora, Mar- more. A journey to Rome, which he un-
tin Luther's Ehegattin, 2 vols., Getting., dertook in the year 1510 on the business of
1753-54, 8vo, and Prof. Schroeckh's Life of his order, procured him knowledge and ex-
Luther, in his Abbildungen der Gelehrten. perience, which were afterwards of great use
From these writings we adduce these prin- to him. After his return, he took in the year
cipal circumstances. — Luther's father was a 1512, his degree of doctor in divinity ; and

20

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 3. The first occasion for publishing the truths he had discovered, was
presented to this great man, by John Tetzel, a Dominican monk void of
shame, whom Albert the archbishop of Mentz and Magdeburg, had hired
on account of his impudence, to solicit the Germans, in the name of the
Roman pontiff Leo X., to expiate with money their own sins and those of
their friends, and future sins as well as past ones, or in other words, to preach

he now applied himself diligently to the study
of the Greek and Hebrew languages. All
these pursuits were preparations for that
great work, which divine Providence intend-
ed to accomplish by him ; and they procured
him a degree of learning, that was great for
those times. He was not inexpert in philos-
ophy, and he understood the Bible, better
than any other teacher in the Catholic
church ; he had critically read the writings
of the fathers ; and had studied, among the
modern writers, especially William Occam
and John Gerson, together with the Mystics
of the two preceding centuries, and particu-
larly John Tender ; and from the two former,
( Occam and Gerson), he learned to view the
papal authority, differently from the mass of
people ; and from the latter, (the Mystics),
he learned many practical truths relating to
the religion of the heart, which were not to
be found in the ordinary books of devotion
and piety. Of church history he had so
much knowledge, as was necessary for com-
bating the prevalent errors, and for restoring
the primitive religion of Christians. In the
Belles Lettres also, he was not a novice.
He wrote the German language with greater
purity, elegance, and force, than any other
author of that age ; and his translation of
the Bible and his hymns still exhibit proof,
how correctly, nervously, and clearly, he
could express himself in his native tongue.
He possessed a natural, strong, and moving
eloquence. These acquisitions and talents
resided in a mind of uncommon ardour, and
of heroic virtue in action ; and he applied
them to objects of the greatest utility, both
to mankind at large, and to the individual
members of society. He saw religion to be
disfigured with the most pernicious errors,
and reason and conscience to be underintoler-
able bondage. He chased away these errors,
brought true religion and sound reason again
into repute, rescued virtue from slavish sub-
jection to human authorities, and made it
obedient to nobler motives, vindicated the
rights of man against the subverters of them,
furnished the state with useful citizens by
removing obstructions to marriage, and gave
to the thrones of princes their original power
and security. By what means he gradually
effected all this good for mankind, will ap-
pear in the course of this history. It is true,

the man who performed these heroic deeds
for Europe, had his imperfections. For he-
roes are but men. But his faults were not
the fruits of a corrupt heart, but of a warm,
sanguine, choleric temperament, and the ef-
fects of his education and of the times in
which he lived. He answered his opposers, .
even when they were kings and princes,
with too great acrimony, with passion, and of-
ten with personal abuse. He acknowledged
this as a fault, and commended Melancthon
and Brentins, who exhibited more mildness
in their conversation and writings. But it
was his zeal for the truth that enkindled his
passions : and perhaps they were necessary
in those times ; perhaps also they were the
consequence of his monastic life, in which
he had no occasion to learn worldly courte-
sy. And, were not the harsh and passionate
terms which he used towards his opposers,
the controversial language of his age 1 We
do not say this, to justify Luther : he was a
man, and he had human weaknesses ; but he :
was clearly one of the best men, known in
that century. This is manifest, among other
proofs, from his writings : the most important
of which, we snail here enumerate. Theses
de indulgentiis, or, Disputatio pro declara-
tione virtutis indulgentiarum, 1517. A ser-
mon on indulgences and grace. 1518. Res-
olutiones Thesium de indulgentiis. Among
his exegetical writings, his Commentary on
the epistle to the Galatians, and that on Gen-
esis, are the most important. In his own,
estimation, his best work was his Pastilles,
which were published in 1527. His essays
de libertate Christiana, de captivitate Baby-
lonica, and, de votis monasticis, are very
polemic ; as also his book against J^rasmvs,
de servo arbitrio, in which he closely fol-
lows Augustine in the doctrine concerning
grace, while the earliest among the Reformed
defended universal grace. His translation
of the Bible, which was first published by
parcels, and appeared entire, for the first
time in 1534; his larger and smaller Cate-
chisms; the seventeen Articles of Schwa-
bach ; the Articles of Schmalkald ; and his
Letters, are very noticeable. The best edi-
tion of his writings, is that of Halle, 1737-
53, in twenty-four volumes, 4to, to which
the immortal counsellor Walch has imparted
the greatest possible perfection. — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

21

indulgences. (17) This fraudulent declaimer conducted the business, not
only in dereliction of all modesty and decency, but in a manner that impi-
ously detracted from the merits of Jesus Christ. Hence Luther, moved
with just indignation, publicly exposed at Wittemberg, on the first day of
October A.D. 1517, ninety-five propositions ; in which he chastised the
madness of these indulgence-sellers generally, and not obscurely censured
the pontiff himself, for suffering the people to be thus diverted from looking
to Christ. This was the beginning of that great war, which extinguished
no small portion of the pontifical grandeur.(lS)

(17) The writers who give account of ter, arid acknowledged to him very gross
Tclzel and of his base methods of deluding sins. And when he laid upon them heavy

the multitude, are enumerated by Jo. Alb.
Fabricius in his Centifolium Lutheranum,
pt. L, p. 47, and pt. ii., p. 530. What is said
of this vile man, by Jac. Echard and Jac.
Quetif, in their Scriptores ordinis Praedica-
torum, torn, ii., p. 40, betrays immoderate
and ignoble partiality.

(18) [The pope offered as a pretext for
this new spiritual tax, the completion of the
church of St. Peter; which had been com-
menced by Julius II., and he appointed for
his first commissary in Germany, Albert arch-
bishop of Mentz and Magdeburg and mar-
grave of Brandenburg, who from the expen-
siveness of his court, had not yet paid the
fees for his pall, and was to pay them out
of his share of the profits of these indul-
gences. The second commissary was Jo.
Angelus Arcimbald. In Saxony, John Tet-
zel, who had before been a succcessful
preacher of papal indulgences, was appoint-
ed to this service. He was a profligate
wretch, who had once fallen into the hands
of the Inquisition in consequence of his
adulteries, and whom the elector of Saxony
rescued by his intercession. He now cried
up his merchandise, in a manner so offensive,
so contrary to all Christian principles, and so
acceptably to the inconsiderate, that all up-
right men were disgusted with him ; yet
they dared to sigh over this unclerical traffic
only in private. He pursued it as far north
as Zerbst and Jiiterbock, and selected the
annual fairs for its prosecution. He claimed
to have power to absolve, not only from all
church censures, but likewise from all sins,
transgressions, and enormities, however hor-
rid they might be, and even from those of
which the pope only can take cognizance.
He released from all the punishments of pur-
gatory, gave permission to come to the sac-
raments, and promised to those who pur-
chased his indulgences, that the gates of
hell should be closed and the gates of para-
dise and of bliss open to them. See Herm.
von der Hardt, Hist. Utter. Reformat., pt. iv.,
§ 6, 14, &c. Some Wittembergers, who
had purchased his wares, came to Luther as

ecclesiastical penances, they produced Tet-
zeVs letters of indulgence, and demanded
absolution. But he declined giving them
absolution, unless they submitted to the pen-
ance, and thus gave some evidence of re-
pentance and amendment ; and he declared,
that he put no value upon their letters of in-
dulgence. These sentiments he also pub-
lished in a discourse from the pulpit ; and
he complained to the archbishop of Mentz,
and to some of the bishops, of this shameful
abuse of indulgences ; and published his
theses or propositions, against Tetzel ; in
which he did not indeed discard all use of
indulgences, but only maintained that they
were merely a release by the pope from the
canonical penances for sin, as established by
ecclesiastical law, and did not extend to the
punishments which God inflicts ; that for-
giveness of sins was to be had only from
God, through real repentance and sorrow,
and that God requires no penance or satis-
faction therefor. The enemies of the refor-
mation tell us, that Luther was actuated by
passion, and that envy between the Domini-
cans and the Augustinians was the moving
cause of Luther's enterprise. They say, the
Augustinians had previously been employed
to preach indulgences, but now the Domin-
icans were appointed to this lucrative office ;
and that Luther took up his pen against Tet-
zel, by order of John von Staupitz, [provin-
cial of the order], who was dissatisfied be-
cause his order was neglected on this occa-
sion. The author of this fable was John
Cochl&us ; (in his Historia de actis et scrip-
tis Mart. Lutheri, p. 3, 4, Paris, 1665, 8vo),
and from this raving enemy of Luther, it has
been copied by some French and English
writers, and from them by a few German
writers of this age. But the evidence of
this hypothesis, is still wanting. It is still
unproved, that the Augustinians ever had
the exclusive right of preaching indulgences.
(See Fred. Will. Kraft, de Luthero contra
indulgentiarum nundinatores haudquaquam
per invidiam disputante, Gotting., 1749,
4to.) Luther was far too openhearted not

he wa« sitting in the confessional of his clois- to let something of this envy appear in his

22 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 4. This first controversy between Luther and Tetzel, was in itself of no
great importance, and might have been easily settled, if Leo X. had pos-
sessed either the ability or the disposition to treat it prudently. For it
was the private contest of two monks, respecting the limits of the power
of the Roman pontiffs in remitting the punishment of sins. Lutlier ac-
knowledged that the pontiff* could remit the human punishments for sin, or
those appointed by the church or the pontiffs ; but denied his power to ab-
solve from the divine punishments, either of the present or the future
world ; and maintained, that these divine punishments must be removed,
either by the merits of Jesus Christ, or by voluntary penance endured by
the sinner. Tetzel on the contrary, asserted that the pontiff could release
also from divine punishments, and from those of the future as well as of
the present life. This subject had in preceding times been often discussed,
and the pontiffs had passed no decrees about it. But the present dispute
being at first neglected, and then treated unwisely, gradually increased, till
from small beginnings it involved consequences of the highest importance.

§ 5. Luther was applauded by the best part of Germany, who had long
borne very impatiently the various artifices of the pontiffs for raising mon-
ey, and the impudence and impositions of the pontifical tax-gatherers.
But the sycophants of the pontiffs cried out ; and none more loudly than
the Dominicans, who, in the manner of all monks, considered their whole
order as injured by Luther, in the person of Tetzel. In the first place,
Tetzel himself forthwith attacked Luther, in two disputes at the university
of Frankfort on the Oder, upon occasion of his taking his degree of doc-
tor in theology. The following year, A.D. 1518, two celebrated Domini-
cans, the one an Italian named Sylvester Prierias the general of his order
at Rome, and the other a German, James Hoogstrat of Cologne, assailed
him with great fury. They were followed by a third adversary, a great
friend of the Dominicans, John Eckius a theologian of Ingolstadt. To
these adversaries Luther replied with spirit, and at the same time he ad-
dressed very modest letters to the Roman pontiff himself and to some of
the bishops ; to whom he endeavoured to evince the justice of his cause,
and promised to change his views and correct his opinions, if they could
be shown to be erroneous. (19)

writings, if he really was urged on to action which had a design to draw into its own cof-

by it ; and his enemies were far too sharp- fers the religious property situated in Saxo-

sighted, if they had even the slightest sus- ny : an objection, which the whole series of

picion of it, not to have reproached him with subsequent events will refute. Luther at

it in his lifetime. Yet not one of them did first, had no thought of overthrowing the

this. For what Cochltzus has said on this papal hierarchy ; and Frederic the Wise,

subject, did not appear till after Luther's who was opposed to all innovations in eccle-

death. (See a long and well-written note siastical or religious matters, would evidently

on this subject, in Madame1 s translation of be one of the last persons to form such a

Mosheim, on this paragraph ; and which Vil- plan. — Schl.]

Icrs has subjoined, as an Appendix, to his (19) [Luther attended the general conven-
Essay on the reformation by Luther. Pal- tion of the Augustinians at Heidelberg, in
lavicini, in his Historia concilii Trident., pt. the year 1518 ; and in a discussion there, he
i., lib. i., c. 3, § 6, &c. Graveson, Historia defended his Paradoxes, (so he entitled his
Eccles., saecul. xvi., p. 26, and other Cath- propositions), with such energy and applause,
olics, though enemies of the reformation, ex- that the seeds of evangelical truth took deep
pressly deny and confute this charge against root in that part of the country. See Mar-
Luther. — TV.) Others tell us, with as little tin Bucer's Relatio de disputatione Heidel-
evidence of truth, that Luther was prompted bergensi, in Dan. Gerd.es, Append, ad torn,
to take this step by the court of Saxony ; i. Historiae Evangelii renovati, No. 18, p.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

23

§ 6. Leo X. at first disregarded this controversy ; but being informed
by the emperor Maximilian I. that it was an affair of no little consequence,
and that Germany was taking sides in regard to it, he summoned Luther
to appear at Rome and take his trial. (20) Against this mandate of the
pontiff, Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony interposed, and requested that
Luther's cause might be tried in Germany, according to the ecclesiastical
laws of the country. The pontiff yielded to the wishes of Frederic ; and
ordered Luther to appear before his legate, cardinal Thomas Cajetan,
[ Thomas de Vio of Gceta], then at the diet of Augsburg, and there defend
his doctrines and conduct. The Romish court here exhibited an example
of the greatest indiscretion that appeared in the whole transaction. For
Cajetan being a Dominican, and of course the enemy of Luther, and an as-
sociate of Tetzel, a more unfit person could not have been named to sit as
judge and arbiter of the cause.

§ 7. Luther repaired to Augsburg in the month of October A.D. 1518,
and had three interviews with Cajetan the pontifical legate. (21) But if Lu-
ther had been disposed to yield, this Dominican was not the person to bring
a high-spirited man to accomplish such a purpose. For he treated him
imperiously, and peremptorily required him humbly to confess his errors,
without being convinced of them by argument, and to submit his judgment
to that of the pontiff. (22) And as Luther could not bring himself to do

1 75, &c. After his return from Heidelberg,
he wrote to the pope in very submissive
terms. See his works, ed. Halle, vol. xv.,
p. 496. He also wrote to Jerome Scultetus,
bishop of Brandenburg, to whose diocese
Wittemberg belonged ; and likewise to Stau-
pitz ; using in both instances very modest
language. — Schl.]

(20) [Here is undoubtedly a slip of the
memory. Before Maximilian's letter arri-
ved at Rome, Leo had cited Luther to appear
within 60 days, at Rome, and take his trial
before Jerome bishop of Ascoli, and his en-
emy Sylvester Prierias, as his judges. See
Seckendorf s Historia Lutheranismi, p. 41,
and Luther's Works, vol. xv., p. 527, &c.
Maximilian, was himself friendly to Luther ;
but was now pushed on by some of his cour-
tiers.— Schl.}

(21) Of Cajetan a full account is given by
Jac. Quetif and Jac. Echard, in their Scrip-
tores ordin. Praedicator., torn, ii., p. 14, &c.
[He was born, A.D. 1469, at Gata, in Latin
Cajeta, (whence his surname Cajetanus), in
the territory of Naples ; at the age of 29, he
wrote a book to prove that a general coun-
cil could not be called without the authority
of a pope ; and was rewarded with the bish-
opric of Gaeta, and then with the archbishop-
ric of Pisa ; and in 1515, with a cardinal's
hat. In 1522, he was papal legate to Hun-
•gary ; and died A.D. 1534, age,d 65. Ca-
jetan was fond of study, and wrote much on
the Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theol-
ogy, and in the latter years of his life, exten-
sive commentaries on the scriptures. — Tr.]

(22) Cajetanus proceedings with Luther
were dissatisfactory even to the court of
Rome. See Paul Sarpi's Historia concilii
Trident., lib. i., p. 22. Yet Echard apol-
ogizes for Cajetan, in his Scriptores ordin.
Praedicator., torn, ii., p. 15 ; but I think, not
very wisely and solidly. The court of Rome
however erred in this matter, as much as Ca-
jetan. For it might have been easily fore-
seen, that a Dominican would not have treat-
ed Luther with moderation. [Cajetan was
one of the most learned men of his church ;
but he was a scholastic divine, and under-
took to confute Luther by the canon law and
the authority of Lombard. The electoral
court of Saxony proceeded very circumspect-
ly in this affair. Luther was not only fur-
nished with a safe conduct, but was attend-
ed by two counsellors, who supported him
with their legal assistance. The cardinal
required Luther to revoke, in particular, two
errors in his Theses ; namely, that there was
not any treasury of the merits of saints at
Rome, from which the pope could dispense
portions to those that obtained indulgences
from him ; and that, without faith, no for-
giveness of sin could be obtained from God.
Luther would admit of none but scripture
proofs ; and as the cardinal, who was no bib-
lical scholar, could not produce such proofs,
Luther held fast his opinions ; and when the
cardinal began to be restless and to threaten
ecclesiastical censures, Luther appealed £
Pontifice male informato ad melius infor-
mandum ; — a legal step, which was no wise
harsh, and one which is resorted to at the

24 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

this, the result of the discussion was, that Luther previously to his depar-
ture from Augsburg, in perfect consistency with the dignity of the pontiff,
appealed from the pontiff ill-informed, to the same when better inform.
ed.(23) Soon after, on the 9th of November, Leo X. published a special
edict, requiring all his subjects to believe, that he had power to forgive
sins. On learning this, Luther perceiving that he had nothing to expect
from Rome, appealed at Wittemburg November 28, from the pontiff' to a
future council of the whole church.

§ 8. The Romish court seemed now to be sensible of its error in ap-
pointing Cajetan. It therefore about the same time, appointed another le-
gate, who was not a party in the case, and who possessed more knowledge
of human nature, to attempt to reconcile Luther to the pontiff. This was
Char7.es von Miltilz, a Saxon knight who belonged to the court of Leo X.,
a discreet and sagacious man. The pontiff sent him into Saxony to pre-
sent to the electoral prince Frederic the consecrated golden rose, which the
pontiffs sometimes gave to distinguished men whom they were disposed to
honour ; and also to negotiate with Luther for terminating his contest with
Telzel, or rather w.ith the pontiff himself. And he managed the business,
not without some success. For immediately, in his first interview with
Luther at Altenburg in the month of January, 1519, he prevailed on him
to write a very submissive letter to Leo X., dated March 3d, in which he
promised to be silent, provided his enemies would also be silent. Miltitz
had other discussions with Luther in October of this year, in the castle of
Liebenwerda; and in the following year, 1520, October 12th, at Lichten-
berg.(24) Nor was the prospect utterly hopeless, that these threatening
commotions might be stilled. (25) But the insolence of Luther's foes, and
the haughty indiscretion of the court of Rome, soon afterwards dissipated
all these prospects of peace.

§ 9. The incident which caused the failure of ]\£iltitz's embassy, was a
conference or dispute at Leipsic, in the year 1519, from the 27th of June
to the 15th of July. John Eckius, the celebrated papal theologian, disa-
greed with Andrew Carolostadt a friend and colleague of Luther, in regard
to free will. He therefore challenged Carolostadt, according to the custom
of the age, to a personal dispute, to be held at Leipsic ; and also invited
Luther, against whom he had before wielded the pen of controversy. For
the martial spirit of our ancestors had made its way into the schools, and
among the learned ; and heated dissentients on points of religion or litera-
ture were accustomed to challenge one another to such single combats, like
knights and warriors. These literary combats were usually held in some

present day, by persons who do not question (24) The documents relating to the em-

the infallibility of the pope. By this appeal, bassy of Miltitz, were first published by Em.

he recognised the jurisdiction of the pope, Salom. Cyprian, in his Additiones ad Wilh.

and at the same time secured this advantage, Ern. Tenzelii Historiam Reform., torn. i. et

that the cardinal as a delegated judge, had ii. They are also contained in Val. Ern.

no longer jurisdiction of the case. — SeA/.] Lascher's Acta Reformat., torn, ii., c. xvi.,

(23) See Christ. Fred. Earner's Diss. de and torn, iii., c. ii., &c.

colloquio Lutheri cum Cajetano, Lips., 1722, (25) Leo X. himself wrote a very kind let-

4to ; also among his Dissertations collected ter to Luther, in the year 1519 ; whichmem-

in one volume ; and Vol. Ern. Lcescher's orable document was published by Lascher,

Acta et documenta Reformat., torn, iii., c. in his Unschuldigen Nachrichten, 1742, p.

xi.,p. 435, &c , and Jo. Geo. Wa/eA'sNach- 133. It appears clearly from this epistle,

richt von Luthero, in the Works of Luther, that no doubt of a final reconciliation was

vol. xxiv., p. 409, &c. entertained at Rome.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

25

distinguished university, and the rector of the university with the masters,
were the arbiters of the contest and adjudged the victory. Carolostadt
consented to the proposed contest, and on the day appointed he appeared
on the arena, attended by Luther. After Carolostadt had disputed warm-
ly for many days with Eckius, before a large and splendid assembly in the
castle of Pleissenburg, on the powers of free will ; Luther engaged with the
same antagonist, in a contest respecting the supremacy and authority of
the Roman pontiff.(26) But the disputants accomplished nothing ; nor
would Hoffmann the rector of the university of Leipsic, take upon him to
say, which party was victorious ; but the decision of the cause was referred
to the universities of Paris and Erfurth.(27) Eckius however carried away
from this contest feelings entirely hostile to Luther, and to the great detri-
ment of the pontiff and the Romish church, was resolved on ruining him.

§ 10. Among the witnesses and spectators of this dispute, was Philip I
Melancthon, professor of Greek at Wittemberg ; who had hitherto taken
no part in the controversies, and from the mildness of his temper and his
love of elegant literature was averse from such disputes, yet he was friend-
ly to Luther and to his efforts for rescuing the science of theology from
the subtilties of the Scholastics. (28) As he was doubtless one of those who
went home from this discussion, more convinced of the justice of Luther's
cause, and as he afterwards became, as it were, the second reformer next
to Luther, it is proper here to give some brief account of his talents and
virtues. All know, and even his enemies confess, that few men of any age
can be compared with him, either for learning and knowledge of both hu-
man and divine things, or for richness, suavity, and facility of genius, or

(26) [Eck (or Eckius) was a great talker,
and one of the most ready disputants of his
times. In one of his theses proposed for
discussion, he had asserted that the pope
was, by divine right, universal bishop of the
whole church ; and that he was in possession
of his ghostly power before the times of
Constantine the Great. In this disputation,
Luther maintained the contrary, 'from pas-
sages of Scripture, from the testimony of the
fathers and from church history, and even
from the decrees of the council of Nice. And
when from the subject of the pope they came
to that of indulgences, Luther denied their
absolute necessity ; and so of purgatory, he
acknowledged indeed that he believed in it,
but said he could find no authority for it in
the Scriptures, or in the fathers. In fact,
it was in the year 1530, that Luther first
pronounced purgatory to be a fable. The
dispute with Carolostadt, related to free-
dom in the theological sense, or to the nat-
ural power of man to do the will of God.
Carolostadt maintained, that since the fall,
the natural freedom of man is not strong
enough to move him to that which is morally
good. Eck on the contrary, asserted that
the free will of man produces good works,
and not merely the grace of God ; or that
our natural freedom co-operates with divine
grace in the production of good works, and

VOL. III.— D

that it depends on man's free power, whether
he will give place to the operations of grace
or will resist them. It thus appears, that
Carolostadl defended the doctrine of Augus-
tine in regard to divine grace. Eck claimed
to himself the victory ; and he gave a very
unjust account of this dispute ; which occa-
sioned many controversial pamphlets to be
published. The chief advantage he gained,
was, that he drew from Luther assertions
which might hasten his condemnation at
Rome : assertions, which a man of more
worldly cunning than Luther, would have
kept concealed a long time. But still he
lost much of his popularity by this discus-
sion ; and on the other hand, the truth gained
more adherents, and Luther's zeal became
more animated. — Schl.']

(27) A very full account of this dispute
at Leipsic, is in Vol. Ern. Lcescher's Acta
et documenta Reformat., torn, iii., c. vii.,
p. 203. [The English reader will find a
neat summary of the dispute in Bower's Life
of Luther, ch. v., p. 126-130.— Tr.]

(28) See his letter on this conference, in
Val. Ern. Lcescher's Acta et Documenta
Reformat., torn, iii., c. viii., p. 215, [and in
Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, torn. :.,
Append., p. 203-209. It exhibits a lucid
and candid statement of the whole proceed-
ing.—Tr.J

26 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVL— SECT. I.— CHAP. II.

for industry as a scholar. He performed, for philosophy and the other lib-
eral arts, what Luther performed for theology ; that is, he freed them from
the corruptions they had contracted, restored them, and gave them currency
in Germany. He possessed an extraordinary ability to comprehend, and
to express in clear and simple language, the most abstruse and difficult sub-
jects and such as were exceedingly complicated. This power he so hap-
pily exerted on subjects pertaining to religion, that it may be truly said, no
literary man, by his genius and erudition, has done more for the benefit of
those subjects. From his native love of peace, he was induced most ar-
dently to wish that religion might be reformed without any public schism,
and that the visible brotherhood among Christians might remain entire.
And hence it was. that he frequently seemed to be too yielding. Yet he
by no means spared great and essential errors ; and he inculcated with
great constancy, that unless these were clearly exposed and plucked up by
the roots, the Christian cause would never flourish. In the natural tern-
perament of his mind, there was a native softness, tenderness, and timidity.
And hence, when he had occasion to write or to do any thing, he pondered
most carefully every circumstance ; and often indulged fears, where there
were no real grounds for them. But on the contrary, when the greatest
dangers seemed to impend, and the cause of religion was in jeopardy, this
timorous man feared nothing, and opposed an undaunted mind to his ad-
versaries. And this shows, that the power of truth which he had learned,
had diminished the imperfections of his natural temperament, without en-
tirely eradicating them. Had he possessed a little more firmness and for-
f titude, been less studious to please every body, and been able wholly to
cast off the superstition which he imbibed in early life, he would justly de-
serve to be accounted one of the greatest of men. (29)

(29) There is a Life of Melancthon, his life, from his love of peace, he manifested
written by Joach. Camerarius, which has more indulgence towards the Reformed, than
been often printed. But the cause of liter- was agreeable" to the major part of the di-
ature would be benefited by a more accurate vines of our church ; and his followers were
history of this great man, composed by some therefore called Philippisls, to distinguish
impartial and discreet writer ; and also by a them from the more rigid Lutherans. In
more perfect edition of his whole works than the year 1 530, he did not entertain such
we now possess. [This great man (whose views. There is a letter of his to John
German name was Schwartzerde, in Gr. Lachmann, a preacher at Heilbron, in which
Melancthon. — Tr.) was born at Bretten, in he warns him to beware of the leaven of
the lower Palatinate, A.D. 1497, studied at Zwingle ; and says : Ego non sine maximis
Heidelberg, and was teacher of Belles Let- tentationibus didici, quantum sit vitii in,
ters at Tubingen, when he was invited, A.D. dogmate Cinglii. Scis mihi veteram cum
1518, by Reuchlin and Luther, to become (Ecolampadio amicitiam esse. Sed optarim
professor of Greek at Wittemberg. He cum non incidisse in hanc conjurationem.
taught, wrote, and disputed, in furtherance Non enim vocari aliter libet, quia prtetextu
of the same objects with Luther ; but with ejus dogmatis vides, quos tumultus excitent
more mildness and gentleness than he. He Helvetii. See Dr. Biittinghausen's Bey-
composed, so early as 1521, the first system trage zur Pfalzischen Geschichte, vol. ii.,
of theology that appeared in our schools, p. 138, &c. But the death of'Luther, cor-
under the title of: Loci communes rerum respondence with Calvin, his own timid and
theologicarum ; (which passed through sixty mild character, and perhaps also political
editions, in his lifetime. — Tr.) and greatly considerations, rendered him more indulgent,
helped forward the reformation. He also Among the superstitious notions imbibed in
composed the Augsburg Confession, and the his youth, and of which he could not wholly
Apology for it. During the reformation, he divest himself, was his credulity in regard to
rendered service to many cities of Germany, premonitions and dreams, and his inclination
He was also invited to France and England, towards astrology, with which he even in-
but declined going. In the latter years of fected some of his pupils, (The most learned

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

27

§ 11. While the empire of the pontiffs was thus tottering in Germany,
another mortal wound was inflicted on it, in the neighbouring Helvetia, by
the discerning and erudite Ulrich Zwingle, a canon and priest of Zurich.
The fact must not be disguised, that he had discovered some portion of the
truth, before Luther openly contended with the pontiff. But afterwards,
being excited and instructed by the example and thev writings of Luther, he
not only expounded the holy scriptures in public discourses, but in the year
1519 successfully opposed Bernardin Samson of Milan, who was impudent.
ly driving among the Swiss, the same shameful traffic, which had awakened
Luther's ire. (30) This was the first step towards purging Switzerland of

men of that age, Melancthon, Chemnitz, Ne-
ander, were believers in this art ; indeed,
such as were not, could scarcely pass for
learned men. Henke's Kirchengesch., vol.
iii., p. 580.) He died in 1560. His works
were published, collectively, A.D. 1562 and
onward, 4 vols. fol. See also Theodore
StrobeVs Melancthoniana, Altdorf, 1771,
8vo.— SchL]

(30) See Jo. Hen. Hottinger's Helvet-
ische Reformationsgeschichte, p. 28, &c., or
his Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, torn, ii.,
lib. vi., p. 28, &c. For the former (which
is often published separately) differs very
little from the latter ; though it is often sold
as being the first part of the latter work.
[Also his Historia Ecclesiast. N. Test.,
sscul. xv., pt. ii., p. 198, &c. — Jr.] Abram
Ruchafs Histoire de la Reformation de la
Suisse, tome i., livr. i., p. 4, &c., p. 66, &c.
Dan. Gerdes, Historia renovati Evangelii,
torn, ii., p. 228, &c., [or rather torn, i., p.
99, &c.— TV.] Jo. Conrad Fiiislm's Bey-
trage zu der Schweitzer-Reformations Ges-
chichte, in five Parts. [Schroeckhs Kir-
chengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. i., p.
103, &c., and H. P. C. Henke's Algem.
Geschichte der christl. Kirche., vol. iii., p.
74, ed. Brunswick, 1806. — Luther and his
followers had long and severe contests with
Zwingle and the Reformed, respecting the
corporeal presence of Christ in the eucharist ;
and this caused much alienation and preju-
dice between the two bodies, during the
whole of the sixteenth century ; nor has en-
tire harmony been restored between them to
this day. Hence, for more than two centu-
ries, the Lutherans and the Reformed, con-
tended, whether Luther or Zwingle was en-
titled to the honour of leading the way to the
reformation. Mosheim manifestly gives the
precedence to Luther. Hottinger, Gerdes,
and others, give it to Zwingle. Schroeckh,
Henke, Schlegel, Von Einem, and others, of
.the Lutheran church, now divide the praise
between them. The facts appear to be these.
Zwingle discovered the corruptions of the
church of Rome, at an earlier period than
Luther. Both opened their- eyes gradually,

and altogether without any concert ; and
without aid from each other. But Zwingle
was always in advance of Luther in his
views and opinions ; and he finally carried
the reformation somewhat farther than Lu-
ther did. But he proceeded with more gen-
tleness, and caution, not to run before the
prejudices of the people ; and the circum-
stances in which he was placed, did not call
him so early to open combat with the powers
of the hierarchy ; Luther therefore, has the
honour of being the first to declare open war
with the pope, and to be exposed to direct
persecution. He also acted in a much wider
sphere. All Germany, and even all Europe,
was the theatre of his operations. Zwingle
moved only in the narrow circle of a single
canton of Switzerland. He also died young,
and when but just commencing his career of
public usefulness. And these circumstances
have raised Luther's fame so high, that Zwin-
gle has almost been overlooked. Luther,
doubtless, did most for the cause of the
reformation, because he had a wider field of
action, was more bold and daring, and lived
longer to carry on the work. But Zwingle
was a more learned, and a more judicious
man, commenced the reformation earlier,
and in his little circle carried it farther. —
Ulrich Zwingle was born at Wildhausen,
county of Toggenburg, and canton of St. Gall,
A.D. 1484. At the age of ten, he was sent
to Basle, for education ; and afterwards to
Berne. Here the Dominicans endeavoured
to allure him into their order ; to prevent
which, his father sent him to Vienna. Re-
turning to Basle at the age of eighteen, he
became a schoolmaster ; and prosecuted
theology at the same time, under Thomas
Wittenbach, who was not blind to the errors
of the church of Rome, and who instilled
principles of free inquiry into his pupils.
He preached his first sennon in 1506 ; and
was the same year chosen pastor of Glarus,
where he spent ten years. He had been
distinguished in evejy branch of learning to
which he had applied himself, and particu-
larly in classical and elegant literature.
He now devoted himself especially to Greek

28

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

superstition. Zwingle now vigorously prosecuted the work he had begun ;
and having obtained several learned men, educated in Germany, for his as-
sociates and fellow-labourers in the arduous work, he with their assistance
brought the greatest part of his fellow-citizens to renounce their subjection
to pontifical domination. Yet Zwingle proceeded in a different way from
Luther ; for he did not uniformly oppose the employment of force against
the pertinacious defenders of the old superstitions ; and he is said to have
conceded to magistrates more authority in religious matters, than is con-
sistent with the nature of religion. (31) But in general he was an upright
man, and his intentions are worthy of the highest praise.

§ 12. We now return to Luther. While Miltitz was negotiating with
him for a peace, and with some prospect of success, John Eckius, burning
with rage, after the debate at Leipsic, hurried away to Rome, in order to
hasten his destruction. Taking as associates the most powerful Dominicans
in the pontificial court, and particularly their two first men, Cajetan and
Prierias, he pressed Leo to excommunicate Luther forthwith. For the
Dominicans most eagerly thirsted to avenge the very great injury which
they conceived Luther had done to their whole order, first in the person

and Hebrew ; and had no respect for hu-
man authorities in theology, but relied wholly
on the Scriptures, which he read and ex-
plained to his people from the pulpit, with
great assiduity. His fame as a preacher and
divine rose high. In 1516, he was removed
to the abbey of Einsiedlin, as a field of
greater usefulness. He had before cau-
tiously exposed some of the errors of the
Romish church, and he now more openly
assailed the doctrines of monastic vows,
pilgrimages, relics, offerings, and indul-
gences. The next year he was chosen to a
vacancy in the cathedral of Zurich ; and be-
fore he accepted the office, stipulated that he
should not be confined in his preaching to the
lessons publicly read, but be allowed to ex-
plain every part of the Bible. He continued
to read the best Latin and Greek classics,
studied diligently the more eminent fathers,
as Augustine, Ambrose, and Chrysostom,
and pressed the study of Hebrew and the
kindred dialects. He now publicly ex-
pounded the Scriptures, as the Gospels, the
Epistles of Paul and Peter, &c., and incul-
cated, that the Bible is the only standard of
religious truth. While he was thus leading
the people gradually to better views of re-
ligion, in the year 1518 Samson came into
Switzerland to sell indulgences, ; and the
year following, on his arrival at Zurich,
Zwingle openly opposed him, and procured
his exclusion from the canton. The prog-
ress of the people in knowledge was rapid,
and the reformation went forward with great
success. Luther's books were circulated
extensively, and by Zwingle's recommenda-
tion, though he chose not to read them him-
self, lest he should incur the charge of being
a Lutheran. He was however assailed by

the friends of the hierarchy, and at 4ength
accused of heresy before the council of Zu-
rich, Jan. 1523. He now presented sixty-
seven doctrinal propositions before the coun-
cil, containing all the fundamental doctrines
since held by the Reformed church ; and of-
fered to defend them against all opposers, by
Scripturei His enemies wished to bring tra-
dition and the schoolmen to confute him. But
the council declared, that the decision must
rest on the Scriptures. Zwingle of course
triumphed ; and the council decreed, that he
should be allqjved to preach as heretofore, un-
molested ; and that no preacher in the can-
ton should inculcate any doctrine, but what
he could prove from the Scriptures. The
next year, 1524, the council of Zurich re-
formed the public worship, according to the
advice of Zwingle. Thus the reformation
of that canton was now completed. Zwingle
continued to guide his flock, and to lend aid
to the other portions of the church, till the
month of October, 1531 ; when a Catholic
force from the popish cantons, marched
against Zurich ; and Zwingle, according to
the usage of his country, bore the standard
amid the citizens that attempted to repel
them. The enemy were victorious, and
Zwingle was slain near the commencement
of the battle, and his body cut to pieces and
burned to ashes. See the writers before re-
ferred to, particularly Hottingcr, Gerdes, and
Schroeckh; also the aiticle-Zuringle, in Re es'
Cyclopaedia. — His works were printed, Zu-
rich, 1544-45, 4 vols. fol.— TV.]

(31) [This charge against Zwingle in both
parts of it, appears to be wholly groundless.
See Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, torn,
i., p. 287, Supplementa. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 29

of their brother Tetzel, and then in that of Cajetan. Overcome by their
importunate applications, and by those of their friends and abettors, Leo
X. most imprudently issued the first bull against Luther, on the 15th of
June, 1520 ; in which forty one of his tenets were condemned, his writings
adjudged to the flames, and he was commanded to confess his faults within
sixty days, and implore the clemency of the pontiff, or be cast out of the
church. (32)

§ 13. As soon as Luther heard of this first sentence of the pontiff, he
consulted for his own safety by renewing his appeal from the pontiff to the
supreme tribunal of a future council. And foreseeing that this appeal
would be treated with contempt at Rome, and that as soon as the time
prescribed by the pontiff was elapsed he would be excommunicated by
another bull, he soon formed the resolution to withdraw from the Romish
church, before he should be excommunicated by the new rescript of the
pontiff. In order to proclaim this secession from the Romish community,
by a public act, he on the 10th of December, 1520, caused a fire to be
kindled without the walls of the city, and in presence of a vast multitude
of spectators, committed to the flames the bull issued against him, togeth-
er with a copy of the pontifical canon law. By this act, he publicly signi-
fied that he would be no longer a subject of the Roman pontiff; and con.
sequently, that the second decree, which was daily expected from Rome,
would be nugatory. For whoever publicly burns the statute-book of his
prince, protests, by so doing, that he will no longer respect and obey his
authority; and one who has excluded himself from any society, cannot
afterwards be cast out of it. I must suppose, that Luther acted in this
matter with the advice of the jurists. Luther withdrew however, only
from the Romish church which looks upon the pontiff as infallible, and not
from the church universal, the sentence of which pronounced in a legiti-
mate and free council, he did not refuse to obey. And this circumstance
will show, why wise men among the papists who were attached to the lib-
erties of Germany, looked upon this bold act of Luther without offence. (33)

(32) The friends of the pontiffs confess, tus ; valde enim timent, ne res latius serpat.

that Leo erred greatly, in this matter. See Hsec causa fuit, cur bulla tarn atrox emanav-

Jo. Fred. Mayer's Diss. de Pontificiis Leo- erit, multis bonis et prudentibus viris recla-

nis X. processum adversus Lutherum impro- mantibus, qui suadebant maturius consulen-

bantibus ; which is a part of the work he dum, et Martino potius modestia et rationi-

published at Hamburg, 1698, 4to, with the bus quam detestationibus occurrendum esse,

following title : Ecclesia Romana reforma- hoc enim decere mansuetudinem, illud vero

tionis Lutherans patrona et cliens. And tyrannidem sapere, et rein mali exempli vi-

there were at that time, many wise and cir- deri. — Schl.]

cumspect persons at Rome, who did not (33) [Some modern jurists, as Schickel
hesitate publicly to avow their disapproba- tells us, have condemned this act of Luther,
tion of the violent counsels of Eckius and the as being a treasonable act against the estab-
Dominicans, and who wished to wait for the lished laws of the land. But it was not so,
issue of Miltitz's embassy. [See Riederer's in that age. For the canon law contained
Nachrichten zur Kirchen-Gelehrten-und Bu- enactments only of the popes and councils,
chergeschichte, Stuck ii., n. 18, p. 178, with which the civil powers were supposed
where there is an anonymous letter from to have no concern. It was the statute-book
Rome to Pirkheimer, saying : Scias nemi- of a foreign and spiritual sovereign, who
n,em Romae esse, si saltern sapiat, qui non claimed jurisdiction equally over the tempo-
certo certius sciat et cognoscat, Martinum ral sovereigns of Germany and over their sub-
in pluribus veritatem dicere, verum boni ob jects. To burn this book therefore was trea-
tyrannidis metum dissimulant, mali vero, son against that foreign sovereign, the pope ;
quia veritatem audire coguntur, insaniunt. but not so, against the temporal sovereigns
Inde illorum oritur indignatio pariter et me- of Germany. — Luther's motives for this act,

30 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

Before one month after this heroic deed of Luther had elapsed, on the 4th
day of January, 1521, the second bull of Leo against Luther was issued ; in
which he was expelled from the bosom of the Romish church, for having
violated the majesty of the pontiff.(34)

§ 14. When these severe bulls had been issued against the person and
the doctrines of Luther and his friends, nothing remained for him but to
attempt to found a new church opposed to that of Rome, and to establish
a system of doctrine consonant to the holy scriptures. For to subject
himself to the dominion of his most cruel enemy, would have been mad-
ness ; and to return again, contrary to the convictions of his own mind, to
the errors he had opposed and rejected, would have been base and dishon-
est. From this time therefore, he searched for the truth with redoubled
ardour, and not only revised and confirmed more carefully the doctrines he
had already advanced, but likewise boldly attacked the very citadel of the
pontifical authority, and shook it to its foundation. In his heroic enter-
prise, he had the aid of other excellent men in various parts of Europe, as
well as of the doctors at Wittemberg who joined his party, and especially
of Philip Melancthon. And as the fame of Luther's wisdom and heroism,
and the great learning of Melancthon, drew a vast number of young men
to Wittemberg, the principles of the reformation were spread with ama-
zing rapidity through various nations.(35)

§ 15. In the mean time, [January 12th, 1519], the emperor Maximilian
I. died ; and his grandson Charles V. king of Spain, was elected his suc-
cessor, on the 28th of July A.D. 1519. Leo X. therefore reminded the
new emperor of the office he had assumed of advocate and defender of the
church, and called upon him to inflict due punishment upon that rebellious
member of the church Martin Luther. On the other hand, Frederic the
Wise of Saxony, counselled him not to proceed rashly and improperly
against Luther, but to conduct the whole business" according to the rights
of the Germanic churches and the laws of the empire. Charles was un-
der greater obligations to Frederic, than -to any other of the German prin-
ces. For it was principally by his efforts and zeal, that Charles had ob-
tained the imperial dignity, in preference to his very potent rival, Francis
I. king of France. (36) In order therefore to gratify both this friend, (to
whom he owed, every thing), and likewise the pontiff, he determined to give
Luther a hearing before the diet to be assembled at Worms, prior to the

he himself stated in a tract on the subject, of this appeal, the pope could no longer have
Among them were these, first, that his en- jurisdiction of the case. Hence the number
emies had burned his books, and he must of Luther 's friends increased the more, after
burn theirs in order to deter the people from the publication of this bull. — ScW.]
reverencing them and being led astray by (35) On the rapid progress of the refor-
them ; and secondly, that he had found thirty mation in Germany, Dan. Gerdes treats par-
abominable assertions, in the canon law, ticularly, in his Historia renovati Evangelii,
which rendered the book worthy of the flames, torn. ii. ; also Benj. Groscti, in his Verthei-
— TV.] digung der Evangelischen Kirche gegen Ar-

(34) Both these Bulls are in the Bullarium, nold, p. 156, &c.

[ed. Cherub., Luxemb., 1742, torn, i., p. 610, (36) [During the six months of the inter-

&c., p. 614, &c. — Tr.] and also in Christ, regnum, Frederic had been at the head of

Matth. Pfajfs Histor. Theol. litter., torn, ii., the Germanic empire, had refused the impe-

p. 42, &c. [The excommunicating bull was rial crown offered to himself, and had great-

an attack upon the rights of the German ly exerted himself to secure the election of

churches. For Luther had appealed to an Charles. — TV.]
ecclesiastical council ; and in consequence

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

31

passing of any decree against him. It may seem strange, and contrary to
ecclesiastical law, for an ecclesiastical cause to be discussed and subject-
ed to examination before a diet. But it must be recollected, that as the
archbishops, bishops, and some of the abbots, had seats among the princes,
those Germanic diets were at the same time provincial councils of the
German nation, to which, according to ancient canon law, the trial of such
causes as that of Luther properly belonged.

§ 16. Luther therefore appeared at Worms, protected by a safe conduct
from the emperor, and on the 17th and 18th of April boldly pleaded his
cause before the diet. Being called upon and admonished to renounce
the opinions he had hitherto defended, and to become reconciled to the
pope ; he replied with great constancy, that he would never do so, unless
first convinced of error, by proofs from the holy scriptures or from sound
reason. And, as neither promises nor menaces could move him from his
purpose, he obtained indeed from the emperor the liberty of returning
home unmolested, but after his departure, on the 27th of May, by the joint
voices of the emperor and the princes, he and his adherents were proscri-
bed and declared to be enemies of the Roman- Germanic empire. His
prince, Frederic, foreseeing this storm, caused him to be intercepted on
his return near Eisenach, by persons in disguise, and to be conducted to
the castle of Wartburg; (perhaps with the -privity of the emperor) ; and
in that castle, which he called his Patmos, he lay concealed ten months,
beguiling the time very profitably with writing and study. (37)

(37) See the writers, mentioned by Jo.
Alb. Fabricius, Centifolium Lutheranum, pt.
i., cap. xliii., p. 79-84, and pt. ii., p. 563,
&c. [This journey to Worms was a very
perilous undertaking for Luther. His friends
advised him not to go ; and even the elec-
toral prince his sovereign, did not allow him
to go, till he had obtained for him a safe con-
duct from the emperor. This safe conduct
however, would have afforded him no pro-
tection against the operations of the papal
bulls and the snares of his enemies, if the
high-minded emperor had been willing to lis-
ten to those who whispered in his ear the
inhuman and unchristian maxim, that a man
is not to keep his promise to a heretic. But
the emperor had nobler views ; and Luther
himself was so unshaken, that he would let
nothing deter him from the journey ; and
when arrived in the territory of Worms, and
some persons in the name of his friend Spal-
atin warned him of his danger, he replied,
that he would go thither, if there were as
many devils there, as tiles on the roofs of
their houses. He therefore proceeded fear-
lessly to Worms, and when there, showed
indescribable fortitude. He was conducted,
in his monkish dress, from his lodgings to
the assembled diet, by the marshal of the
empire, Von Pappenheim; and two ques-
tions were now put to him by the official of
the archbishop of Treves, namely, whether
he acknowledged those books, that were laid

upon a bench before him, to be his produc-
tions ; and whether he would recall the opin-
ions contained in them. To the first ques-
tion, Luther was on the point of answer-
ing at once affirmatively ; but Dr. Jerome
Schurf, a jurist of Wittemberg, who had
been assigned to him as his counsellor, re-
minded him that he should first ascertain
whether there were not some books among
them that were not his. So he heard the
titles read over ; and then answered to the
first question, Yes. But to the second ques-
tion, at the suggestion of his counsellor, he
requested to be allowed till the next day, to
Qonsider of his answer. The following day
he appeared, and the question being repeat-
ed, he answered by making distinctions.
Some of his writings, he said, treated of a
Christian's faith and life, others were direct-
ed against the papacy, and others against pri-
vate individuals, who defended the Romish
tyranny, and assailed his holy doctrines. As
for the first, he could not renounce them, be-
cause even his enemies admitted that they
contained much good matter ; nor could he
renounce the second, because that would be
lending support to the papal tyranny ; in
those of the third class, he freely acknowl-
edged, that he had often been too vehement ;
yet he could not at once renounce them, un-
less it were first shown, that he had gone too
far. As the official now demanded of him
a categorical answer, whether he would re-

BOOK IV.- CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 17. From this his Patmos, Luther returned to Wittemberg in the
month of March, 1522, without the knowledge or consent of the elector
Frederic ; being influenced by the commotions which, he was informed,
Carolostadt and others were producing hurtful to religion and the common,
wealth. For in Luther's absence, Andrew Carolostadt a doctor of Wittem-
burg, a man of learning and not ignorant of the truth, whom the pontiff at
the instigation of Eckius had excommunicated in conjunction with Luther,
but a man of precipitancy and prone to an excess of ardour, had begun to
destroy images, and had put himself at the head of a fanatical sect who in
several places greatly abused, as is common, the dawning of liberty. (38)

nounce, or not ; he replied, that he could not,
unless he was first convicted of error, either
by scripture, or by reason. And the official
alleging, that he must have erred, because
he had contradicted the pope and the coun-
cils ; he answered : The pope and ecclesi-
astical councils have often erred, and have
contradicted themselves. He at last closed
I with this declaration: Here Island: I can
say no more : God help me. Amen. After
this, Luther appeared no more before the
diet ; but the emperor caused him to be in-
formed, that as he would not be reconciled
to the church, the emperor would do as law
required ; he must however repair to his usual
residence, within 21 days. On the eighth
of May, the bill of outlawry was drawn up
against him ; which was published, a few
days after his departure. (Pallamcini says,
Hist, concil. Trident., lib. i., c. 28, § 7, that
the bill was drawn up May 25th, and signed
May 26th, but dated back to May 8th. The
reason, it is said, was, that the bill was
passed at the close of the diet, and when
many of the members had retired, and it was
wished to disguise that fact. — TV.) By
virtue of this bill, after the 21 days of the
safe conduct expired, no man might har-
bour or conceal Luther, on pain of treason ;
but whosoever might find him, in any place,
was to apprehend him, and deliver him up
to the emperor ; and all his adherents were
to be seized in the public streets, imprisoned
and stripped of all their goods. This arbi-
trary decree of the emperor contravened all
the laws of humanity, as well as the rights
of the German churches. For it required a
man to renounce what he was not convinced
was wrong ; and on the assumption of the
infallibility of the pope, condemned him,
against an intervening appeal to a council.
This bill of outlawry however, produced very
little effect ; and indeed, the emperor does
not seem to have been much in earnest in
respect to it. For although the perplexed
state of his affairs, the political movements
of Europe, and the internal disquietude of
his private territories, might call his atten-
tion to very different subjects from the ex-

ecution of the edict of Worms, yet it is
difficult to comprehend how Luther could
safely return to Wittemberg, and there
preach, and write, and teach, if the emperor
did earnestly wish to give him trouble. Nay,
he might easily have discovered his retreat
at Wartburg. But probably the emperor
took no pains to discover him, in order to
avoid collision, either with the pontiff or the
elector of Saxony. At Wartburg, Luther
prosecuted the study of the Hebrew and
Greek languages, commenced his German
translation of the scriptures, expounded some
portions of the Bible, composed his Postills,
and some other works. — Schl.~\

(38) [Andrew Bodenstcin, born at Carl-
stadt in Franconia, (and hence called in Latin
Carolostadius), was a doctor of biblical
learning, a canon, and archdeacon of the
church of All Saints at Wittemberg, and pro-
fessor in the university there. He support-
ed Luther in me work of reformation, as ap-
pears from the history of the conference at
Leipsic, and was highly esteemed by him,
and is mentioned with praise in his writings.
But in respect to the manner of effecting the
reformation, these two men had very dif-
ferent views. Carolostadt would have the
abuses of popery abolished at once, but Lu-
ther preferred a gradual process. The monks
of Luther 's fraternity at Wittemberg, the Au-
gustinians, had, during his absence, begun
to reform their monastery, and to abolish the
mass ; and they now wished to effect the
same reform in the city. But the court were
afraid lest it should give offence both to other
princes and cities and also to the citizens
themselves ; and the elector therefore, called
for the opinion of the professors at Wittem-
berg. Their opinion was in favour of abol-
ishing the mass ; but this did not satisfy the
court. Luther, whose opinion was also ask-
ed, assumed the rational principle, that the
reformation should commence, not with the
pictures, nor with other external things,
among which he accounted the mass, but
with the understandings of the people ; and
to his opinion, all the professors now subscri-
bed, except only Carolostadt. He gathered

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

33

He therefore first energetically repressed the impetuosity of this man,
wisely declaring that errors must first be extirpated from people's minds,
before the insignia of those errors can be advantageously removed. And
to establish this principle by facts and by his own example, inviting certain
learned men to aid him, he proceeded gradually to perfect and to finish the
German translation of the Bible, which he had commenced.(39) The
event confirmed the excellence of his plan ; for the parts of this work be-
ing successively published and circulated, the roots of inveterate errors
were soon extirpated from the minds of vast numbers.

§ 18. In the mean time, Leo X. died, A.D. 1522. Hadrian VI. of
Utrecht, succeeded him, by the aid of Charles V., whose tutor he had been.
He was an honest man, and so ingenuous as to confess that the Christian
church laboured under ruinous maladies, and to promise readily that he
would correct them.(40) By his legate to the diet of Nuremberg, A.D.

around him the common people ; and as soon
as he thought himself strong enough, he
broke out, and with a throng of enthusiastic
followers rushed into the cathedral church,
destroyed the pictures and the altar, and hin-
dered the clergy from any longer saying mass.
Mdancthon was too timid to control this
uproar. Luther therefore came forward,
preached against these violent innovations,
and restored tranquillity. From that time
onward, there was a coldness between Lu-
ther and Corolostadt, which at length broke
out into hostilities that were no honour to
either of them. — Sc/il. Luther has been
taxed with opposing Carolostadt, from mo-
tives of ambition, or from unwillingness that
another should take the lead in any thing.
And tins censure is repeated by Maclaine,
Bower, &c. But Seckendorf (Historia Lu-
theranismi, lib. i., <$ 121, p. 197, 198), seems
to have confuted the charge ; which has no
support, except a single sentence in one of
Luther's letters, in which he charges Carolo-
stadt with wishing to be foremost ; a charge,
which Melancthon advanced in quite as strong
terms. For an account of Carolostadt prior
to 1522, see Gerdes, Miscellan. Groning.,
torn, i., p. 1, &c.— Tr.]

(39) A history of Luther's German trans-
lation ofHhe Holy Scriptures, which contrib-
uted more than any thing else to establish
the Lutheran church, was published by Jo.
Fred Mayer, Hamb., 1701, 4to. A much
fuller history was long expected from Jo.
Melchior Kraft, than whom no one laboured
upon the subject with greater care, assiduity,
and success, during many years. But a
premature death frustrated our expectations.
Compare Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Centifolium
Lutheranum, pt. i., p. 147, &c., and pt. ii.,
p. 617, &c. [What Kraft was prevented
by a premature death from accomplishing,
has since been performed, by Jo. Geo. Palm,
in his Historie der teutchen Bibeliiberset-
VOL. III.— E

zung Lutheri; which was published, with
notes, by Jo. Melchior Gotze, Halle, 1772,
4to, and Gottl. Christ. Giese, historische
Nachricht von dieser Bibeliibersetzung ;
published by Reiderer, Altdorf, 1771, 8vo.
— Schl.-]

(40) See Casper Burmann's Hadrianus
VI. sive Analecta historica de Hadriano VI.
Papa Romano ; Utrecht, 1727, 4to. [This
is a collection of historical papers relating to
the life of this pope. Hadrian was of hum-
ble parentage, but of great attainments in
scholastic theology ; and therefore had long
filled the office of a professor at Louvain.
He had a natural aversion to pomp, extrava-
gance, and luxury, and a very upright dispo-
sition. He therefore did not grasp the fire
and sword, in order to still the complaints
of the Germans, but commenced with the
reformation of his own court, curtailed his
own table, dismissed all superfluous servants,
and required of the cardinals a more retired
life, and retrenchment in their expenses.
But this was so displeasing to the Romans,
that they not only lampooned him much, du-
ring his lifetime, but spoke very ill of him
after his death. Indeed it has been suspect-
ed, that they were instrumental of his death.
So gratifying to the Romish populace was
his decease, that the night after it took place,
the front door of his principal physician was
decorated with a wreath of flowers, sur-
mounted with the inscription : For the deliv-
erer of his country. — Schl. This pontiff
was deeply sensible of vast corruption in the
Romish church, and he was sincerely re-
solved to reform it, as fast as possible. In
his instructions to his legate to the diet of
Nuremberg, A.D. 1522, he authorized him
to say : Scimus in hac sancta sede aliquot
jam annis multa abominanda fuisse, abusus
in spiritualibus, excessus in mandatis, et
omnia denique in perversum mutata. Nee
minim si segritudo a capite in membra, a

34 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

1522 and onward, Francis Cheregati, he indeed earnestly entreated that
the punishment decreed against Luther and his adherents by the edict of
Worms might no longer be delayed, but at the same time he showed him.
self ready to correct the evils, which had armed so great an enemy against
the church. The German princes deeming this a favourable opportunity,
while the emperor was absent in Spain, demanded a free council, which
should be held in Germany, and should deliberate in the ancient manner
on a general reformation of the church. They also exhibited a list of
one hundred grievances, of which the Germans complained as proceeding
from the Romish court ; and they passed a decree, forbidding any further
innovations in religious matters, till the council should decide what ought
to be done. (41) For so long as the princes of Germany were ignorant of
the plans under consideration in Saxony for establishing a new church in
opposition to that of Rome, they were pretty well united in opposing the
pontifical power, which they all felt to be excessive ; nor were they much
troubled about Luther's controversy with the pontiff, which they regarded
merely as a private affair.

§ 19. The honest pontiff Hadrian, after a short reign [of two years and
eight months], died [September 24th] in the year 1523 ; and was suc-
ceeded on the 19th of November, by Clement VII., a man less ingenuous
and open hearted.(42) By another legate Laurentius Campegius, in the
same diet, A.D. 1524, Clement censured immoderately the lenity of the
princes in tolerating Luther, at the same time craftily suppressing all no-
tice of the promise of a reformation made by Hadrian. The emperor sec-
onded the demands of Campegius, requiring1 by his minister that the de-
cree of Worms should be confirmed. Overcome by these remonstrances
the princes changed indeed the language of the decree, but in reality cor-
roborated it. For they engaged to enforce the edict of Worms to the ex-
tent of their power, but at the same time renewed their demand for a
council, and referred all other questions to the next diet to be held at
Spire. After the diet, the pontifical legate retired with a number of the
princes, most of whom were bishops, to Ratisbon ; and from them he ob-
tained a promise, that they would enforce the edict of Worms in their
territories.

§ 20. While the religious reformation by Luther was thus daily gather-
ing strength in almost all parts of Europe, two very serious evils arose to
retard its progress, the one internal, and the other external. Among
those whom the Romish bishop had excluded from the privileges of his
community, a pernicious controversy, respecting the manner in which the
body and blood of Christ are present in the sacred supper, produced very

summis pontificibus in alios inferiores prae- tis VII., in Jo. Geo. Schelhorri's Amoenitates

latos descendant. Omnes nos (the prelates) Hist. Eccles., torn, ii., p. 210, &c. [Clem-

et ecclesiastic! declinavimus, unusquisque in enl VII. was a kind of Leo X., and was pre-

vias suas, nee fuit jam diu, qui faceret bo- viously called Julius de Medicis. He was

num, non fuit usque ad unum. See Ray- of a very different spirit from Hadrian, was

nald's Annales Eccles., ad ann. 1522, § 70. crafty and faithless, and made it his great

— TV.] aim through his whole reign to advance the

(41) See Jac. Fred. George, Gravamina interests of the pontifical chair. He there-
Germanorum adversus sedem Roman,, lib. fore took all pains to thwart the designs of
ii., p. 327. [The Gravamina are also insert- the Germans in regard to a general council
ed in Flaciu.t, Catalogus Testium veritatis, for reforming the abuses of the papal court.
No. 187.— Schl.~] See Wafer's Hist, der RSmischen Papste,

(42) See Jac. Zieglcr's Historia Clemen- 379, &c.~ScA/.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

35

great disunion. Luther and his adherents, while they rejected the dogma
of the Romish school that the bread and wine are transmuted into the
body and blood of Christ, yet maintained that persons coming to the sacred
supper participated truly, though in an inexplicable manner, of the body and
blood of Christ, together with the bread and the wine. (43) His colleague
Carolostadt, held a different opinion. (44) And after him, Ulricli Zwingle
much more fully and ingeniously maintained in his publications, that the
body and blood of the Lord are not present in the holy supper ; but that the
bread and the wine are merely symbols or emblems, by which people should
be excited to commemorate the death of Christ and the blessings resulting
to us from it.(45) As this doctrine was embraced by nearly all the Swiss,

(43) [Luther denied transubstantiation,
that is, a transmutation of the substance of
the bread and wine into the flesh and blood
of Christ ; yet he held consuls tantiation, that
is, a real and corporeal presence of the
body and blood of Christ in, under, or along
with, the bread and wine ; so that the sacra-
mental substances, after consecration, be-
came each of them twofold ; namely, the
bread became both bread and the flesh of
Christ, and the wine became both wine and
the blood of Christ. Sometimes however
he represented the union of the two sub-
stances in each element as constituting but
one substance, just as the union of the divine
and human natures in Christ, still constitu-
ted but one person. The ubiquity of Christ's
body was an obvious consequence of his doc-
trine, and one which he did not hesitate to
admit. See Hospiniari's Historia Sacra-
mentaria, pt. ii., p. 5, &c. — Tr.]

(44) [Carolostadt supposed that when
Christ said, This is my body, he pointed
to his body ; so that the affirmation related
solely to his real body and not to the sacra-
mental bread. His foes charged him with
denying any' kind of presence of Christ in the
sacrament, even a spiritual or sacramental
presence. See Hospinian, 1. c., p. 50, &c.
—Tr.]

(45) See Val. Ern. Loscher's Historia
motuum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos,
part i., lib., i., cap. ii., p. 55. And on the
other side, Abrah. Scultetus, Annales Evan-
gelii ; in Herm. von der Hardfs Historia
litterar. Reformat., p. 74, &c. Rud. Hos-
pinian, [Historia Sacramentaria, pt. ii.], and
the others among the Reformed, who give
account of the origin and progress of the
controversy. — [The Romish doctrine of the
real or corporeal presence of Christ in the
eucharist, which was brought into the church
principally by the efforts of Paschasius Rad-
bert, in the ninth century, (see above, vol.
ii., p. 89, &c.), but which was warmly
contested by Berengarius in the eleventh
century, (see above, vol. ii., p. 193, &c.),
and openly denied by Wickliffe in the fif-

teenth, (see above, vol. ii., p. 381, note 34),
was too absurd, not to engage the attention
of the reformers. As early as A.D. 1513,
Conrad. Pelican and Wolfg. Fabr. Capita,
in a private interview, disclosed to each other
their conviction of the absurdity of this doc-
trine. (See Gerdcs, Historia Evang. renov.,
torn, i., p. 113). Luther however, while he
denied the Romish doctrine of transubstan-
tiation, yet held to the real presence, in the
way called consubstantiation. Most of the
other reformers, especially in southern Ger-
many and Switzerland, disbelieved the real
or corporeal presence of Christ, and main-
tained only a spiritual presence. Yet they
did not think it expedient to write or preach
on the subject, till the public mind should
be ripe for such a discussion. Indeed they
were not fully settled in their own minds,
what form to give to the doctrine, or what in-
terpretation to put upon the texts relied on
in proof of the real presence. In the month
of Jan., 1524, Zwingle offered to the senate
of Zurich 67 doctrinal theses ; in No. 18 of
which he declared the eucharist to be not a
sacrifice (non esse sacrificium), but a com-
memoration of the sacrifice once offered on
the cross, and a seal of the redemption by
Christ (sed sacrificii in cruce semel oblati
commemorationem et quasi sigillum redemp-
tionis per. Christum). (See Gcrdes, 1. c.,
Append., p. 223.) These theses were cor-
dially adopted by the senate of Zurich ; and
they met the general approbation of the Re-
formed in that vicinity. As early as the year
1521, Cornelius Hone a learned Dutch jurist,
in a letter which was privately circulated,
explicitly denied the corporeal presence, and
maintained that the word is, in the declara-
tion of Christ, This is my body, is equivalent
to represents or denotes. (See the Letter,
in Gcrdes, 1. c., Append., p. 228-240.)
This letter Zwingle first read in 1524 ; and
approving of it perfectly, he the next year
caused it to be published. In the same
year, 1524, Zwingle wrote a letter to a
friend, in which he fully declares his belief
that the bread and wine were merely em-

36

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

and by not a few divines in upper Germany, and as Luther and his friends
on the other hand strenuously contended for his doctrine, a long and pain-

blems or representatives of Christ's body
and blood : but he charged his friend not to
make the letter public, lest it should produce
commotion. The letter however was pub-
lished the nest year. At Wittemberg, Ca-
rolosfadt was the first to reject and impugn
the doctrine of the real presence. After his
rebuke from Luther, (for destroying the al-
tars and images at Wittemberg in 1522), he
retired to Orlamund, not far from Leipsic ;
and there becoming a parish minister, he in-
veighed against images and the mass, and
denied the doctrine of the real presence.
The people fell in with his views, to the
great dissatisfaction of the elector and Lu-
ther, Therefore in Aug., 1524, Luther was
sent to reclaim the wandering people. At
Jena he declaimed against the innovators,
with great warmth. Carolostadt was pres-
ent, and feeling himself injured by this public
attack, went to Luther's lodgings and com-
plained of his abuse. Hard words were
used on both sides. Carolosladt taxed Lu-
ther with erroneous doctrine, particularly in
regard to the real presence. Luther chal-
lenged him to a public controversy on the
subject. Carolostadt accepted the challenge ;
but being soon banished from Saxony, and
retiring first to Strasburg and then to Basle,
it was from the last of these places he issued
his first publication. (See the account of
the dispute at Jena, in Luther's works, vol.
ii., fol. 446, &c., ed. Jena, 1580.) Among
the tracts here published by Carolostadt, one
was entitled : On the words of Christ, This
is my body. He supposed Christ to have
pointed to his body, when he uttered these
words ; and to have intended to indicate,
that the sacramental bread was an emblem
of his body. Luther now wrote to the Stras-
burgers, against Carolostadt. Capita and
Bucer both published tracts on the dispute
between Luther and Carolostadt, endeavour-
ing to exhibit the difference in doctrine as
not material, and to stop controversy on the
subject. But early the next year, 1525, Lu-
ther issued his full and keen reply to Carol-
ostadt, entitled, Against the heavenly Proph-
ets, in two Parts. (Ecolampadius, Zwingle,
and others in South Germany and Switzer-
land, viewed Carolostadt as substantially
correct in doctrine, but not happy in his
statements and reasonings. Zicingle com-
pared hitn to a new recruit, who did not
know how to put on his armour. And as
the subject of the eucharist was now under
discussion, and the writings of both Lutfwr
and Carolostadt circulating around them,
they deemed it proper to engage in the con-

troversy, and endeavour to enlighten and
guide their people to right conclusions. Both
(Ecolampadius and Zwingle therefore pub-
lished their views of the controversy. And
in March, 1525, Zwingle published his Com-
mentarius de vrra et falsa religione ; in
which he distinctly, but concisely, stated his
views of the eucharist. And in June fol-
lowing, he enlarged on that point, in his
Subsidium de eucharistia. (Ecolampadius' »
principal publication was in the form of a
letter addressed to his friends in Swabia, and
entitled a Genuine exposition of the words
of our Lord, This is my body, according to
the most ancient authors. Zwingle and
(Ecolampadius both maintained the bread
and wine to be mere symbols or representa-
tives of Christ's body and blood. But they
differed as to the interpretation of the words,
This is my body. Zwingle adopted Hone's
opinion, that the word is, is used catachres-
tically, for represents; but (Ecolampadius
placed the trope on the word body, supposing
•it to be used metonymically, for memorial or
emblem of my body. Bugenhagius of Wit-
temberg, now wrote against Zwingle and
(Ecolampadius ; and Zwingle replied to
him. In the year 1526, Brentms and four-
teen other ministers of Swabia replied to
(Ecolampadius, in a work entitled Syngram-
ma Suevicum ; which was soon translated
into German, ar>d published with a harsh
preface by Luther. (Ecolampadius and
Zwingle both replied to Luther's preface.
Luther now published his sermon against the
Enthusiasts ; to which Zwingle wrote two
letters in reply. Martin Bucer also wrote
to Brentius and the other Swabians, censu-
ring their indiscreet zeal. On the other side,
Jo. Pomeranus of Wittemberg published a
letter against Zwingle and the Reformed ; to
which Zwingle and also Michael Cellarius
of Augsburg replied. Conrad Pellican and
Leo Juda appeared on the side of the Re-
formed ; and Erasmus, Bilianus, and Osi-
ander, on that of the Lutherans. In the year
1527, Zwingle addressed a work to Luther,
entitled Arnica exegesis, id est, expositio
eucharistise negotii. And about the same
time Lvther published his very severe Ger-
man work, entitled, That the words of Christ,
This is my body, still stand fast, against the
enthusiastic spirits. (Ecolampadius replied,
and also Zwingle : the latter, in a German
work, entitled, That the words of Christ,
&c., will ever have their ancient and only
meaning, and that M. Luther, in his last
work, has not substantiated his and the pope's
sense. In this year Pomeranus, Pirkhcimc-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

37

ful controversy commenced in the year 1524, which at last, after many
fruitless attempts at a compromise, produced a lamentable schism among
those that seceded from the papal jurisdiction.

§ 21. Extraneous to the Lutheran community, there arose in the year
1525, like a sudden tornado, an innumerable multitude of seditious and de-
lirious fanatics, in various parts of Germany, who declared war against
the laws and the magistrates, and spread rapine, conflagration, and slaugh-
ter through the community. The greatest part of this furious rabble con-
sisted of peasants, who were discontented under the government of their
lords ; and hence this calamity has been commonly called the war of the
peasants. (MS) Yet it is manifest, there were not a few persons of various

rus, Clicktovius, and bishop Fisher of Eng-
land, came out against the Reformed ; but
Regius and Billicanus espoused their cause.
In 1528, Luther published his most method-
ical work on this subject, entitled a Confes-
sion of faith respecting the Lord's Supper :
to which both CEcolampadius and Zwingle
replied ; the latter in a long and elaborate
work, addressed to John elector of Saxony
and Philip landgrave of Hesse. Bucer also
replied to it. And CEcolampadius wrote to
Melancthon, requesting him to use efforts
for moderating the hostility of the Lutherans
towards the Reformed, who only claimed
toleration and brotherly affection. In 1529,
several letters passed between CEcolampadi-
us and Melancthon. The Strasburgers and
Erasmus also exchanged polemic letters on
the doctrine. In September of this year,
Philip landgrave of Hesse, invited the Lu-
theran and Reformed champions to a friend-
ly conference at Marpurg. The Lutherans
reluctantly attended, being resolved not to
make peace with those who should deny the
real presence, and despairing of convincing
the Reformed on that subject. Luther, Me-
lancthon, and Justus Jonas, from Saxony,
Andrew Osiander of Nuremberg, Brentius
of Halle in Swabia, and Stephen Agricola of
Augsburg, were present, on the side of the
Lutherans. On the side of the Reformed,
Zwingle, CEcolampadius, Bucer and Hedio,
attended without hesitation. In the discus-
sion, Luther and CEcolampadius were pitted
against each other ; and also Zwingle and Me-
lancthon. They agreed perfectly, on fourteen
essential articles of faith ; but could not agree
respecting the real presence. The landgrave
wished them, nevertheless, to view each
other as brethren. Zwingle and his friends
heartily consented ; but Luther refused. In
November of this year, the Lutheran states
entered into an alliance, called the league of
Smalcald ; but refused to admit the Stras-
burgers and the other Reformed cities and
states into it. In 1530, the Lutherans, the
Strasburgers, and also Zwingle, severally
presented confessions of their faith to the

diet of Augsburg ; all drawn up with mod-
eration and care. The princes perceived
their agreement in all essential points, and
were disposed to admit the Reformed to the
league. But Luther and Melancthon op-
posed it, and prevailed. Philip however,
landgrave of Hesse, entered into a league
with the Reformed for mutual defence against
the papists. And Strasburg, Zurich, Basle,
and Bern formed an alliance for the same
purpose, for fifteen years. In this year, Me-
lancthon published his testimonies from the
fathers in favour of the real presence ; and
CEcolampadius replied elaborately in the form
of a dialogue. In 1531, Zwingle and CEco-
lampadius both died ; and the Reformed
weakened by the loss of these two great men,
and pressed with danger from the papists,
against whom their Lutheran brethren would
not befriend them so long as they denied the
real presence, began to waver and try to
swallow the Lutheran creed. Bucer led the
way ; and the Strasburgers followed him.
The controversy subsided in a great meas-
ure. Yet the Swiss and numerous others
continued to deny the real corporeal pres-
ence of Christ in the eucharist. This con-
troversy it was, produced the division of the
Protestants into the two great bodies of Lu-
therans and Reformed. See, for the facts
here condensed, the authors mentioned at
the beginning of this note, and SchroeckKs
Kirchengeschichte seit der Reformation, vol.
i., p. 351, &c., and p. 420, &c. — TV.]

(46) Such insurrections of the peasants
had been very common, before the times of
Luther ; as appears from numerous exam-
ples. Hence the author of the Chronicon
Danicum, published by Jo. Pet . a Ludewig,
Reliquar. Manuscriptor. torn, ix., p. 59, calls
them the common evil (commune malum).
See also p. 80 and 133. This will not ap-
pear strange, if it be recollected, that the
condition of the peasants in most places,
was much more insupportable than at the
present day ; and that the oppression of
many of the barons, prior to the reformation,
was really intolerable. [In many places the

38 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

descriptions engaged in it ; some were fanatics, others vicious and idle
persons allured by the hope of living comfortably on the fruits of other
people's labour. This sedition, at its commencement, was altogether of a
civil nature ; as appears from the paper published by them : for these peas-
ants only wished to be relieved of some part of their burdens, and to enjoy
greater freedom. Respecting religion, there was no great dispute. But
when the fanatic Thomas Munzer, who had before deceived several by his
ficticious visions and dreams, and some other persons of a similar charac-
ter, had joined this irritated multitude, from being a civil commotion, it
became, especially in Saxony and Thuringia, a religious or holy war.
The sentiments however of this dissolute and infuriate rabble were very
different. Some demanded an unintelligible freedom from law, and the
abrogation of all lordships ; others only wished to have their taxes and
their burdens as citizens made lighter ; others contemplated the formation
of a new and perfectly pure church, and pretended to be inspired ; and
others again were hurried away by their passions and their hatred of the
magistrates, but without having any very definite object in view. Hence,
though it must be admitted that many of them misunderstood Luther's
doctrine concerning Christian liberty, and thence took occasion to run
wild, yet it is a great mistake, to ascribe to the influence of Luther's doc-
trines all the blame of this phrensy. Indeed Luther himself sufficiently re-
futed this calumny, by publishing books expressly against this turbulent
faction. The storm subsided, after the unfortunate battle of the peasants
with the army of the German princes, at Mulhausen A.D. 1525, in
which Munzer was taken prisoner and subjected to capital punishment.(47)

peasants were treated as slaves or serfs, and commenced in the year 1524, and in Swabia,

bought and sold with the lands to which they where some subjects of the spiritual princes,

were attached. And the landlords, the bar- civil dukes, %nd nobles, complained of their

ons, bishops, abbots, and priests, were gen- heavy burdens and feudal services, and de-

erally disposed to oppress and grind their manded a relaxation. Their lords repulsed

tenants to the utmost. Hence they were them harshly, cast some of them into prison,

perpetually rebelling, in one place and an- and even put some to death. This enkin-

other. Thus A.D. 1492, the Netherland died their rage ; and presently a host of

peasantry appeared in arms, to the number peasants were to be seen in Swabia and

of 6000 ; and about the same time, there Franconia, who roamed from one district to

was an insurrection against the abbot of another, and united the disaffected to their

Kempten in Swabia. In the bishopric of standard. Their rulers now gave them kind

Spire, there was another in 1503; and one words: but it was too late ; and they refused

at Wittemburg, in 1514. The next year, to lay down their arms, till certain articles

there was one in the Austrian dominions, in were conceded to them. Among these, the

which 2000 peasants were slain. It spread first was, the right of electing their own

into Hungary and some other countries, 400 preachers. And this was the only article

of the nobility and gentry were butchered by that related to religion. They wished for

the insurgents ; and the whole number that preachers, who would have no respect of

perished on both sides, was estimated at persons. Yet they afterwards dropped this

70,000. In 1517, there was another on the demand. They demanded, further, the ab-

borders of Austria and Croatia. See Seek- olition of personal slavery. The tithe of pro-

endwf's Comment, de Lutheranismo, lib. duce they were willing to pay ; but it must

ii., sec. 1. — Tr.] go to the support of the preachers and the

(47) Peter GnodaJius, Historia de sedi- poor, and to promote the public interests of

tione repentina vulgi, praecipue rusticorum the people and the country. From the tithe

A.D. 1525, tempore verno, per universam of cattle, or the lesser tithe, they demanded

fere Germaniam exorta ; Basil, 1570, 8vo. to be made free. They also demanded, that

See also Ern. Salorn. Cyprian's additions hunting and fishing should be free in the pub-

to TenzeVs Historia Reformat., torn, ii., p. lie forests, seas, and rivers ; and the cutting

331, &c. [This commotion of the peasants of timber likewise ; and required a diminu-

HIST6RY OF THE REFORMATION.

39

§ 22. When this alarming insui-rection was at its height, Frederic the
Wise, Elector of Saxony, closed life A.D. 1525. While he lived he had
been a kind mediator between the Roman pontiff and Luther ; nor would
he give up the hope, that a righteous and honourable peace might final-
ly be established between the contending parties, without the formation
of separate communities under different regulations. Hence he did not
thwart, but even favoured Luther 's designs of purifying and reforming the
church ; yet he took little pains to organize and regulate the churches in
his territories. John his brother and successor, was of a very different
character. Being fully satisfied of the truth of Luther's doctrines, and
clearly perceiving that either those doctrines must be sacrificed or the pa-
pal authority be discarded, he assumed to himself the entire jurisdiction in
religious matters ; and had no hesitation to establish and organize a
church totally distinct from that of the pontiff. He therefore caused
regulations in regard to the constitution and government of the churches,
the form and mode of public worship, the official duties and the salaries
of the clergy, and other things connected with the interests of religion, to
be drawn up by Luther and Philip Melancthon, and to be promulgated in

tion of the personal services to be rendered
to their landlords ; and a reduction of the
fines and penalties imposed, &c. At the
same time, they declared that they would
withdraw their demands, and return to obe-
dience to their lords, if it could be shown
that their demands were unreasonable ; for
they were not insensible, that the scriptures
required obedience to magistrates. (See
their own statement of their grievances, in
Luther'1 s works, ed. Jena, 1580, vol. iii., folio
111, followed by Luther'1 s comments and ex-
hortations to the peasants. — Tr.) They
named Luther for their arbiter ; and he en-
deavoured to enlighten them, by his sermons
and writings. But the rulers themselves
were the cause of the spread and prevalence
of tKe insurrection. Fair promises were
made to such as would lay down their arms ;
but the promises were not fulfilled ; nay,
many were violently seized, and put to death.
In this state of things, fanatics came among
them, and prompted the irritated multitude
to renew their first demand, to aim higher,
and to wage war against the clergy and no-
bility with the greatest cruelty. The most
prominent of these fanatics were Thomas
Munzer, and one Pfci/er, a renouncing Prae-
monstratensian monk. Munzer was a friend
of those visionaries, Nicholas Stork, Mark
Stubner, and Martin Cellarius, who had
commenced the disturbances at Wittemberg
under the patronage of Carolostadt, but who
were expelled from Wittemberg on Luther's
return thither from Wartburg. He had been
a preacher at Zwickau and at Altstadt, and
had clearly shown, by his writings and his
sermons, that he was not satisfied with Lu-
ther's reformation. (See Lcescher's Stroma-

ta, sec. x., p. 218, &c., and Fuessli's Bey-
trage, vol. v., p. 136, 410.) He wished to
abolish all distinctions of rank, and all sub-
ordination, and to introduce a perfect equality
in society ; and he believed, that Christ him-
self would soon come and set up the heavenly
Jerusalem on the earth, in which there would
be no civil laws, no penalties, no burdens im-
posed, &c. As he met with resistance gen-
erally, in Saxony, he travelled over Thurin-
gia, Franconia, and Swabia, as far as the
boundaries of Switzerland ; and he blew the
fire of insurrection every where by his influ-
ence, until it finally burst into a flame. —
Schl. Meeting opposition at the south, he
returned to the north and headed the insur-
gents of Thuringia, hoping for co-operation
from those of Swabia. But the Swabian in-
surgents were attacked and slaughtered in
their several camps, to the number, it is said,
of 70,000. In the mean time, those of Thu-
ringia, to the number of 8000, were assem-
bled at Mulhausen, with Munzer for their
prophet and leader. The neighbouring
princes offered them capitulation, which they
refused, relying on the assurance of Munzer
that God would miraculously destroy their
adversaries, and preserve them. In the bat-
tle, 4000 of the peasants (some say more)
were -slain. Munzer and Pfciffer were ta-
ken and beheaded. Thus ended this war of
the peasants, in the summer of 1525; in
which, according to some, near 130,000 p£r-
sons lost their lives. See Scckendorf, Com-
ment, de Lutheranismo, lib. ii., sec. i., &c.
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform.,
vol. i., p. 339, &c., and Arnold's Kirchen-
und Ketzer Historic, pt. ii., b. xvi., c. ii.,
vol. i., p. 626-630, ed. 1741.— Tr.]

40 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. f— CHAP. II.

the year 1527 by his deputies : and he likewise took care that pious and
competent teachers should be placed over all the churches, and that un-
suitable ones should be excluded. His example was soon followed by the
other princes and states of Germany that had cast off the dominion of the
Roman pontiff; so that nearly the same institutions as he had introduced,
were adopted by them. This prince may therefore not improperly be con-
sidered the second parent and founder of the Lutheran church ; since he
it was, who gave it salutary regulations and the supports of law, and sep-
arated it wholly from the Romish church. But it was from the times of
this elector John, that the dissensions of the German princes in regard to
religious and ecclesiastical subjects had their commencement, having previ-
ously been very slight. The prudence of Frederic the Wise, had kept
their minds under restraint, and in a good degree united. But when the
various proceedings of John made it obvious, that he designed to separate
the churches of his territory entirely from the church of Rome, instantly
the minds of the princes which had heretofore moved in tolerable harmony,
became at variance, some adhering strongly to the old religion of their
fathers, and others embracing cordially the reformed religion.

§ 23. The patrons of the old religion, without much disguise, consulted
together respecting an attack to be made upon the Lutheran party by force
and arms. And they would undoubtedly have carried their plans into oper-
ation, if they had not been prevented by the troubled state of Europe. The
leading men among those that embraced the reformed religion, perceiving
the designs of the other party, began also to consult together about form,
ing an alliance among themselves. (48) The diet of Spire in 1526, at
which Ferdinand the emperor's brother presided, had a more favourable
issue than could have been anticipated. The emperor by his envoys, re-
quired that all contentions respecting religious subjects should cease, and
that the edict of Worms against Luther and his associates should be con-
firmed. But many of the princes declared that it was not in their power to
carry this edict into operation, or to pass any definite decisions on the sub-
ject, until a general council duly assembled should have examined an'd
judged the case ; for to such a body it pertained, to take the cognizance of
such matters. This sentiment prevailed, after long and various discus-
sions ; and a unanimous resolve was passed, that a petition should be pre-
sented to the emperor, urging him to call a free council without delay ;
and that in the mean time, every one should be at liberty to manage the
religious concerns of his own territory in the manner he saw fit, yet under
a due sense of his accountability to God and to the emperor, for the course
he might pursue.

§ 24. Nothing could have taken place more favourable to the cause of

(48) [The war of the peasants had caused remberg to meet them at Torgau for such a

repeated consultations between the neigh- consultation. The senate excused itself;

bouring princes. And when the danger from but the two princes met on the 4th of May,

that source began to diminish, the indications and entered into an alliance for mutual de-

of a combination among the Catholic prin- fence, much the same as the league of Smal-

ces under the countenance of the emperor, cald a few years after. They also invited

led the Lutheran princes and states to hold other Lutheran states, to come into this al-

correspondence and conventions, and at liance ; which was renewed at Magdeburg,

length to form alliances. In the winter of on the 12th of June of the same year. See

1526, the elector of Saxony and the land- Seckendorf, Comment, de Lutheranismo, lib.

grave of Hesse, invited the senate of Nu- ii., $ 15, addit. ii. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 41

those who deemed a religious reformation necessary than this decree.
For the emperor was so occupied and perplexed with his French, Spanish,
and Italian affairs, that during several years, he could not give much at-
tention to the affairs of Germany, and especially to the difficult subject of
religion. And if he had been able to do something favourable to the pon-
tifical interests, during the religious disputes in Germany, he doubtless
lacked the inclination. For the Roman pontiff Clement VII., after Francis
I. the king of France had been vanquished, dreading the power of the
emperor in Italy, entered into an alliance with the French and the Vene-
tians against him : and this so inflamed the resentment of Charles, that he
abolished the pontifical authority throughout Spain, made war upon the
pope in Italy, captured the city of Rome in 1527, by his general Charles
of Bourbon, besieged the pontiff himself in the castle of St. Angelo, and
permitted him to be treated with much personal abuse and indignity. (49)
The professors of the reformed religion therefore, improved this opportu-
nity and [the liberty given by] the edict of Spire, with great advantage, for
strengthening and extending their cause. Some whom the fear of punish-
ment had hitherto restrained from attempting any innovations, now un-
hesitatingly banished the old superstition from their territories, and caused
such a system of religion and such forms of worship to be introduced as
had been adopted in Saxony. Others, though they did not themselves at-
tempt anything against the papal interests, yet gave no molestation to
such as persuaded their people to renounce the pontiff; nor did they op-
pose the assembling in private of such as had withdrawn from his allegi-
ance. And all those in Germany who had before rejected the Romish au-
thority, now carefully employed the liberty afforded them, to strengthen
their cause, and to regulate properly their religious affairs. During this
period, Luther and his associates, especially those who resided with him at
Wittemberg, by their writings, their preaching, their admonitions, and
their refutations, added courage to the irresolute, and imparted light and
animation to all. (50)

(49) [See Wm. Robertson's History of the salaries of all. They were also to ap-
the reign of the emperor Charles V., vol. ii., point superintendents; who were to be
(book iv.). Jo. Sleidari's Commentar. de competent clergymen, commissioned to ex-
statu relig. et reipubl., lib. iv., and others, amine all young ministers, and to watch
— Schl.] over the clergy within certain limits, to ad-

(50) [It was in this interval, or from A.D. monish the unfaithful, and if they did not
1526, that the elector of Saxony caused the reform, to report them to the civil authori-
noted visitation of the churches throughout ties, that the sovereign might call them to
his dominions. Luther being sick, Melanc- account or dismiss them as he saw fit. The
than with the aid of two or three civilians visiters were also to see that schools were
drew up the instructions to the visiters. set up in all the parishes, and provided with
The elector's territories were divided into competent teachers ; to assign the salaries
four districts, and different sets of visiters of the masters ; arid to prescribe rules and
appointed for each, consisting of one or two regulations for the schools. They were di-
clergymen and three or more civilians. Lu- reeled, not to spare the vicious and profli-
ther was the clerical visiter for Saxony prop- gate ; but to deal tenderly with the ignorant,
er ; and Melancthon was a visiter for Mis- the aged, and infirm, and such as laboured
nia. The visiters were to take account of under honest prejudices. They must cause
the state of all the parishes, monasteries, the true faith, and sound practical religion
schools and cathedrals. They were to ex- to be every where preached : and if they
amine into the character and conduct of all found any, that conscientiously desired other
the clergy, the monks, and school teachers ; preaching, they were to afford them every
with power to remove improper men, to sup- facility to remove to places where they could
ply vacancies, and to assign and regulate enjoy it. Similar visitations were instituted

VOL. III.— F

42 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

§ 25. This tranquillity was interrupted by the second diet of Spire in
1529, which the emperor called in the spring, after settling in some meas-
ure the disquieted affairs of his empire, and coming to a compromise with
the pontiff Clement VII. For a decree was passed by a major vote, by
which the power granted three years before to every prince to regulate
religious matters in his own territories as he saw fit until the meeting of a
general council, was revoked ; and all changes in the public religion were
declared to be unlawful, until the decision of the council should take place.
This decree could not fail to appear grievous and insupportable to the
elector of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and the other patrons of the
reformation. For no one could be so ignorant as not to know, that the
promises of a council to be soon assembled, were intended only to sooth
their feelings ; and that any thing could be sooner obtained of the Roman
pontiff, than a legitimate and free council. Therefore, when they found
that their arguments and reasonings made no impression upon Ferdinand,
the emperor's brother who presided in the diet, and upon the adherents to
the old religion, who were guided by the pontifical legate ; they publicly
remonstrated against this decree, or in the language of the jurists, they
protested against it, on the 19th of April, and appealed to the emperor and
to a future council. Hence originated the name of Protestants, borne
from this time onward by those who forsook the communion of the Roman
pontiff.(Sl)

§ 26. The protectors of the reformed churches, or the Protestant prin-
ces as they were called, immediately despatched envoys to the emperor,
then on his way from Spain to Italy, to acquaint him with the stand they
had taken at the diet of Spire. But these envoys, fulfilling their commis-
sion in a manly style, and daring to manifest the same firmness as those
who sent them, were put under arrest by order of the emperor, and were
held in that situation for a number of days. The princes anxious for the
reformation, on learning this fact, concluded that their own safety depended
wholly on their union and their power to defend themselves ; and therefore
they held several conventions at Rothach, Schwabach, Nuremberg, Smal-
cald, and other places, for the purpose of entering into a closer al-

by other Lutheran princes. On his return to every impartial judge. For they believed,
from this visitation, Luther was so impressed that a majority of votes in a diet could de-
with the ignorance of both the clergy and cide a secular question, but not a spiritual
laity, in a large part of the country, that he or religious question. They appealed to the
sat down to write his catechisms for their emperor, not as recognising him as their
use. See an account of this visitation in judge in a matter of religion, but merely
Seckendorf's Comment, de Lutheranis., lib. that he might allow their appeal to a coun-
ii., $ 36, 37, p. 100-108. — TV.] cil to be valid. And they subjoined the ap-
(51) [The princes and states which joined peal to a council, because, according to the
in this protest, were, the elector John of ecclesiastical law of Germany, religious con-
Saxony, the margrave George of Branden- troversies are not to be decided by de-
burg, Onolzbach and Culmbach, the dukes crees of a diet, but by a national council.
Ernest and Francis of Luneburg, the land- We may also here remark, that this was not
grave Philip of Hesse, Wolfgang prince of the first protest; but that in the year 1523,
Anhalt ; and fourteen imperial cities, name- at the diet of Nuremberg, the elector of
ly, Strasburg, Vim, Nuremberg, Constance, Saxony, and the evangelical dukes, and im-
Reutlingen, Windsheim, Mcmmingcn, Lin- perial cities, protested against the decree
dau, Kempten, Heilbron, Isny, Weissen- of the diet. See Dr. Walch's Diss. His-
burg, Nordlingen, and St. Gall. They ap- torica de liberis imperii civitatibus a pace
pealed to the emperor, to a future general or religionis nunquara exclusis, Getting., 1755,
free council of the German nation, and lastly 4to. — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 43

liance for repelling the attacks of their enemies. But nothing definite
was agreed upon, in consequence of the diversity of their opinions and
views.(52)

§ 27. Among the hinderances to a cordial union among those who
withdrew from the Romish church, the greatest was the disagreement be-
tween the Saxon and Helvetic reformers, respecting the Lord's supper.
Hence in order to bring this controversy to a close, Philip landgrave of Hes-
se, appointed a conference between Luther and Zwingle and some other
principal doctors of both parties, to be held at Marpurg in 1529, with a view
to a compromise. But this truly magnanimous prince, as he was properly
styled, was disappointed in his expectations. The assembled theologians
disputed in presence of the landgrave, four days, or from the first day of
October till the fourth, and particularly Luther with (Ecolampadius, and
Melancthon with Zwingle, on the various allegations against the Helvetians.
For Zwingle was regarded by the Saxons, as not only teaching falsely re-
specting the Lord's supper, but as holding erroneous views respecting the
divinity of the Saviour, the efficacy of the divine word, original sin, and
some other subjects. Zwingle and his companions replied to these accu-
sations, in such a manner as to satisfy Luther in regard to most of them.
But the disagreement respecting the Lord's supper, could not be at all re-
moved, both parties firmly persisting in their respective opinions. (53)
The only advantage therefore derived from the conference, was, that the
parties entered into a kind of truce, and depended on God and the influ-
ence of time to heal the dissension.

§ 28. The ministers of the churches which embraced the doctrines of
Luther, were preparing a new embassy to the emperor, when it was an-
nounced that he was coming into Germany, and intended to examine and
decide the controversies respecting religion, at the diet to be held at Augs-
burg. For the emperor, after learning the opinions of wise men respect-
ing the momentous business, had become softened down in his feelings,
and had laboured with great earnestness, first at Bologna, to persuade the
pontiff* of the necessity of calling a council. But being utterly unable to
prevail, and the pontiff urging, in return, that it was the emperor's duty to
succour the church, and to punish without delay the perverse faction of
the heretics ; he came to the conclusion that it would be unjust, and a vio-
lation of the imperial laws of Germany, to condemn worthy citizens un-
heard, and to make war upon them. At that time there was not extant

(52) See Christ. Aug. Salig's History of ria, part ii., p. 72, &c. [See above, p.
the Augsburg Confession ; written in Ger- 37, note (45). Hospinian's History con-
man, torn, i., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 128, but tains, (pt. ii., page 123, dec., ed. Geneva,
especially, Jo. Joach. MuHcr's Historic von 1681), the whole proceedings of the confer-
der Evangelischen Stande Protestation ge- ence, by Rodolph Collin, a schoolmaster of
gen den Speyerschen Reichsabschied von Zurich who attended Zwingle to Marpurg,
1529, Appellation, &c., Jena, 1705, 4to. took minutes of all the discussions, and then

(53) Vol. Ern. LcRscher's Historia mo- filled them out into a regular account ; like-
tuum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, torn, wise, accounts of this conference, given in
i., lib. i., cap. vi., p. 143, &c. Henry Bui- private letters to their friends, by Melanc-
linger's Historia Colloquii Marpurgensis, in than, (p. 132 and 134), by Luther, (p. 135),
Jo. Conr. Fuesliri's Beytragen zurSchweit- by (Ecolampadius, (p. 137), and by Bucer,
zer. Reformat. Geschichte, vol. iii., p. 156; (p. 138): also a reply of the ministers of
also Fucslin's Preface, p. 80. Abrah. Scul- Zurich A.D. 1544, to false reports respect-
tetus, Annales Reformat, ad ami. 1529. ing the conference. — 7V.]

Rudolph Hospinian's Historia Sacramenta-

44 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

any good formula of the religion professed by Luther and his friends, from
which might be learned clearly what were their views on religious subjects,
and what the grounds of their opposition to the Roman pontiffs ; and as
the approaching solemn investigation of the whole subject, rendered such
a paper exceedingly necessary, John the elector of Saxony directed Luther
and some other of the most eminent doctors, to draw up a brief summary
of the doctrines of the reformed religion. Luther conceived that the
seventeen articles agreed to in the convention at Schwabach, in the year
1529, were sufficient ; and accordingly he exhibited them to the elector at
Torgau; whence they were called the Articles of Torgaw.(54) From
these articles as the basis, Philip Melancthon, by order and authority of
the princes, drew up and put into more free and agreeable language, part-
ly at Coburg and partly at Augsburg, holding consultation all the while
with Luther, that confession of faith which is called the Augsburg Confession.
§ 29. During these transactions, there was scarcely any part of Europe,
on which the light of the religious reformation by Luther did not shed its
radiance, and likewise animate with the hope of regaining its liberty.
Some of the more important countries, also, had now openly rejected the
Romish institutions and prescriptions. The Romish bishop therefore had
sufficient reason, to represent to the emperor the necessity of hastening
the destruction of the factious people, and to fear the overthrow of his
whole empire. Not long after the commencement of Luther's attack upon
the Romish church, Olaus Petri a disciple of Luther, first imbued the
Swedes with a knowledge of the truth. His efforts were nobly seconded
by Gustavus Vasa, whom the Swedes, after expelling Christiern king of
Denmark, had created king [A.D. 1523-1561], and who was a heroic
prince, and very zealous for the public good. He had been in exile while
Christiern was laying waste his country, and had acquired at Lubec some
knowledge of the Lutheran religion, which he considered not only as the
true religion of the scriptures, but also as salutary for Sweden in its pres-
ent state. That he might not appear to do any thing rashly, while the
minds of the people were distracted between the old religion and the new,
and not to depart from the principles of the Lutheran religion, he deter-
mined to proceed gradually and with caution. He therefore first invited
learned men from Germany who were competent teachers, and directed
them to instruct the people in a knowledge of the Bible ; and he caused the
holy scriptures as translated by Olaus Petri, to be published and dissemi-
nated. He next, in the year 1526, directed this translator of the Swedish
Bible, to hold a public discussion on religious subjects at Upsal, with Peter
Gattius, a strenuous defender of popery. And Gallius being vanquished
in the discussion, he at length in the assembly of the states at Westeras,
A.D. 1527, so powerfully and judiciously recommended the reformed re-
ligion of Luther to the representatives of the nation, that, after long dis-
cussions and strenuous opposition from the bishops, it was harmoniously
decreed, that the reformed religion should be introduced. This decision
was the effect especially, of the firmness and resolution of the king ; who

(54) See Christ. August. Heumanri's the reformation and of the Augsburg Con-

Diss. de lenitatc Augustanse Confess, in the fession. [For instance, Jo. Geo. Watch's

Sylloge Dissert. Theologicar., torn, i., p. Introductio in Libros Eccles. Luth. symbol-

14, &c. Jo. Joach. Mutter's Historia Pro- icos, lib. i., c. iii., $ 2-9. — Tr.]
testationis ; and most of the historians of

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 45

declared publicly, that he would rather resign his crown and retire from
the kingdom, than rule over a people subjected to the laws and the author,
ity of the Roman pontiff, and more obedient to their bishops than to their
king.(55) From this time onward therefore, the whole power of the Ro-
man pontiffs among the Swedes was entirely prostrate.

§ 30. Christian II., commonly called Christiern, king of Denmark [A.D.
1513-1523], who was, either from natural temperament or from the influ-
ence of bad counsels, an oppressive and cruel monarch, endeavoured to im-
bue the Danes with a knowledge of the Lutheran religion as early as the
year 1521. For he first invited Martin Reynhard, a disciple of Carolostadt,
from Saxony in the year 1520, and made him professor of theology at Co-
penhagen; and on his leaving the kingdom in 1521, he invited Carolostadt
himself to Denmark ; who however soon returned to Germany. The king
even invited Luther to come to Denmark, but without success ; and he
adopted other measures, calculated to subvert the authority of the Roman
pontiff in his territories. But in all this, Christiern was not actuated by
zeal for true religion, but by the desire of increasing his own power and
grandeur. At least, it seems evident from his conduct, that he patronised
the Lutheran religion in order to obtain by it absolute dominion, and to
wrest from the bishops their possessions and their power.(56) But his
projects were unsuccessful. For the different orders of the realm con-
spired against him in 1523, and deposed and banished him from the king-
dom, on account of his various acts of cruelty and oppression, and partic-
ularly for his attempts to destroy the liberties of Denmark and to abolish
the established religion. (57) In place of him, Frederic duke of Holstein
and Sleswick, uncle to Christiern, was called to the throne.

§ 31. This Frederic the successor of Christiern, [A.D. 1523-1533],
proceeded with more prudence and moderation. He permitted George

(55) Jo. Baaz, Inventarium Eccl. Sueo- monarchy ; and the power of the kings was
Gothorum, Lincoping, 1642, 4to. Abrah. greatly limited by the council of the state,
Scultetus, Annales Evangelii renovati ; in which consisted partly of clergymen, and
Herm. von der Hardfs Historia litter. Re- partly of civilians. The civil counsellors
format., pars v., p. 83 and 110, &c. Ray- were from the highest nobility; the clerical
nnVs Anecdotes Histor. politiques militaires, were archbishops and bishops. The rev-
tom. i., pt. ii., p. 1, &c., and others. [Dan. enues of the kings were small; and the
Gerdss, Historia Evang. renovati, torn, hi., clergy were in possession of the most impor-
p. 277, &c. Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. seit tant castles and fortresses. Hence there
der Reform., vol. ii., p. 3, &c. — TV.] was constant jealousy between the nobility

(56) See Jo. Gramm's Diss. de Reforma- and the clergy; and the former wished to
tione Daniae a Christierno tentata ; in torn, see the latter humbled. Christiern so dex-
iii. Scriptor. Societ. scientiar. Hafniensis, terously availed himself of this jealousy, that
p. 1-90. by it he stripped the clergy of their power,

(57) See the causes which induced the and introduced the reformation into the king-
states of Denmark to renounce subjection to dom. He forcibly took from the papal
king Christiern, in Jo. Pet. a Ludcwig's Re- preacher of indulgences, Arcimbold, a large
liquiae Manuscriptor., torn. v.. p. 315, &c., sum of money, collected by the sale of in-
where those states thus express themselves, dulgences ; and he caused a Danish trans-
p. 321 : Lutheranae haeresis pullulatores con- lation of the New Testament to be made,
tra jus pietatemque, in regnum nostrum Ca- After his deposition, he heard Luther preach
tholicum introduxit, Doctorem Carolostadi- in Germany, with great pleasure ; yet as he
urn, fortissimum Lutkeri athletam, enutrivit. was hoping for succour from Charles V., he
[The grounds of the reformation were much did not openly profess the Lutheran doctrines,
the same in Denmark, as in Sweden. The But his queen Isabella, sister to the emperor
interests of the state demanded a depression Charles V., professed it, and died in it, with
of the clergy. Denmark was an elective great constancy, in the year 1525. —

46 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

Johnson (Johannis), Jo. Tausan, and others publicly to preach in the realm
the doctrines they had learned from Luther :(58) but he did not venture to
change the ancient government and constitution of the church. He more-
over greatly aided the progress of the reformed religion, by procuring a
decree of the senate, at the diet of Odensee A.D. 1527, by which the citi-
zens were left at liberty either to continue in the old religion or to em-
brace the new, as they saw fit. For under the protection of this decree,
the preachers of the reformed religion discharged their functions with so
much success, that the greatest part of the Danes at length abandoned the
Roman pontiff. Yet the glory of delivering Denmark altogether from the
Roman bondage, was reserved for Christian III. [A.D. 1534-1559], a king
of distinguished piety and prudence. For he, after stripping the bishops
of their odious power, and restoring to their rightful owners a great part
of the possessions which the church had got into her hands by base arts,
called John Bugenhagius from Wittemberg, and with his aid, regulated
the religious affairs of the whole realm, in an enlightened and judicious
manner ; and then in the assembly of the states at Odensee, in 1539, per-
suaded the chiefs of the nation to sanction the begun reformation in reli-
gion.(59)

§ 32. In regard to the reformation however, both in Sweden and Den-
mark, we should carefully discriminate between a reformation or change
of religion, and a reformation of the bishops : two tilings, nearly related
indeed, yet so distinct that either may exist without the other. For the
religion of a people might be reformed, while the rank and power of the
bishops remained the same ; and on the other hand, the bishops might be
deprived of a portion of their wealth and authority, and yet the old religion
be retained. In the reformation of religion and worship, [in these coun-
tries], there was nothing that deserved censure ; for no violence or impo-
sition was practised, but every thing was done yi a reasonable and reli-
gious manner. But in the reformation of the bishops and clergy, there ap-
pears to have been something defective. For violent measures were adopt-
ed ; and the bishops, against their wills and their efforts to the contrarv,
were deprived of their honours, their prerogatives, and their possessions.
Yet this reformation of the clergy in both those northern kingdoms, was
not a religious, but a mere civil and secular transaction ; and it was so
necessary, that it must have been undertaken, if no Luther had arisen.
For the bishops had by corrupt artifices got possession of so much wealth,
so many castles, such revenues, and so great authority, that they were
far more powerful than the kings, and were able to govern the whole
realm at their pleasure ; indeed they had appropriated to themselves a large
portion of the patrimony of the kings, and of the public revenues. Such
therefore was the state both of the Danish and the Swedish commonwealths

(58) See Jo. Mollcri Cimbria litterata, religionis in vicinis Daniae regionibus et po-
tom. ii., p. 886, &c. Christ. Olivarius, tissimum in Cimbria; in his Dissert. His-
Vita Pauli Eliae, p. 108, &c. Eric Pontop- torico-Thcologicffi, p. 24, &c., Kiliae, 1715,
pidan's Annales eccles. DanicaB, torn, iii., 4to. [Also Dan. Gcrdcs, Historia Evange-
p. 139, &c. liircnovati, torn, iii., p. 338, &c. SchroeckK's

(59) Eric Pontoppidari1 s Concise History Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii., p.
of the Reformation in Denmark, written in 59, &c. A still better account may be ex-
Danish, Lubec, 1734, 8vo, and his Annales pected in the Ecclesiastical History of Den-
ecclesiae Dailies, torn, ii., p. 790, &c., torn, mark, now preparing, and partially published,
iii., p. 1, &c. Henry MuJdius, de Reformat, by Fr. Mitntcr, bishop of Seeland. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

47

in the time of LutJier, that either the bishops, who shamefully abused their
riches, their prerogatives, and their honours, must be divested of the high
rank they held in the state, and be deprived of a large portion of their ill-
gotten wealth ; or the ruin of those kingdoms, the irreparable detriment of
the public safety and tranquillity, and the sinking of their kings into con-
tempt, with an utter inability to protect the people, must be anticipated.

§ 33. In France, Margaret [born 1492, died 1549] queen of Navarre,
and sister to Francis I. king of France, the perpetual enemy and rival of
Charles V., was pleased with the principles of the reformed religion : and
hence several pious men, well acquainted with the scriptures and sustained
by her protection, ventured to teach this religion and to form religious so-
cieties, in one place and another. It appears from documents of unques-
tionable authority, that as early as the year 1523, there were in most of
the provinces of France, a multitude of persons opposed to the principles
and the laws of the Romish church ; and among them were men of high
character, and also prelates. As this number continually increased, and
as religious commotions took place here and there, the king and the ma-
gistrates protected the ancient religion by the sword, and by penal inflic-
tions, and a large number of pious and good persons were cruelly put to
death. (60) But this cruelty advanced, rather than retarded, the progress of

(60) See Theod. Bezels Histoire des Egli-
ses Reformees de France, tome i., livre
i., p. 5, &c. Elias Benoisfs Histoire de
1'Edit de Nantes, torn, i., livre L, p. 6, &c.
Christ. Aug. Salig's Historic der Augs-
burgischen Confession, vol. ii., p. 190, &c ,
and others. [Gerdes, Historia Evangelii
renovati, torn, iv., p. 1, &.c. SchroeckVs
Kirchengesch. seit der Reformat., vol. ii.,
p. 208, &c. — France was the first country,
where the reformation that commenced in
Germany and Switzerland, very soon and
under the severest oppressions, found many
adherents. No country seems to have been
so long and so well prepared for it, as this :
and yet here it met the most violent opposi-
tion ; and no where was it later, before it
obtained legal toleration. No where did it
occasion such streams of blood to flow ; no
where give birth to such dreadful and deadly
civil wars. And no where have state policy,
court intrigue, political parties, and the am-
bition of greatness, had so powerful an influ-
ence on the progress and fortunes of the ref-
ormation, as in France. — Schroeckh. The
friendship of Francis I. to the sciences, and
his attachment and generosity to learned
men, induced many persons of genius who
were favourable to the reformation, to take
up their residence in France ; and thus the
writings of the Reformers, which were in
general better compositions than the books
of the papists, were introduced extensively
into France, and were there eagerly read ;
and by these writings such as had before
taken no part in the religious contests, were
convinced of the necessity of a reformation,

and brought to desire it. The university of
Paris indeed had already in 1521, declared
expressly against Luther and his writings.
(See the Determinatio Facultat. Theol. Par-
is, super doctrina Lutherana ; in Gerdes,
Historia Evangel, renovati, torn, iv., Ap-
pend. No. ii., p. 10, 11.) Yet the doctrine
of Luther and Melancthon, from the first, had
many friends in France ; indeed, there was
a time when Francis I., to gratify the wish-
es of his sister, Queen Margaret, was dis-
posed to invite Melancthon to take residence
in France. The first movement with a di-
rect view to produce a reformation, was at
Meaux, where the devout and learned bishop
William Brissonet, gave support and protec-
tion to James le Fevre, William Farrcll, and
Gerard Roussd, and permitted them openly
to preach against the old superstitions and
abuses of the Romish church, and to gather
a small congregation. But as soon as the
thing became extensively known, the parlia-
ment in the year 1533, ordered a rigorous
investigation of the subject. John le Clcrc,
a woollen-spinner, but who had become a
preacher to the new congregation at Meaux,
published in this year a letter against indul-
gences, in. which the pope was represented
as Antichrist. He was therefore beaten
with rods, branded with a hot iron, and ban-
ished ; and afterwards, died a martyr at
Metz. The congregation were dispersed all
over France. Brissonet, terrified by the re-
sentment of the king, drew back ; and now
condemned the doctrines he had hitherto ap-
proved. Farrell went to Switzerland, re-
formed Miimpelgard, and adhered firmly to

48

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

the new religion. The friends of reformation however in France, experien-
ced various fortune, sometimes adverse, and sometimes tolerable, during the
reign of Francis I. [A.D. 1515-1547]. For the king, being either of no
religion or of a dubious one, conducted towards them just as his own advan-
tage or state policy seemed to require. When he wished to conciliate
the good-will of the German Protestants, and by them inflict a wound
upon his enemy Charles V., he was mild, humane, and equitable towards
them ; but on a change of circumstances, he assumed a different char-
acter, and showed himself implacable towards them.

§ 34. The other countries of Europe did not exhibit so many and so
clear indications of a defection from the Romish institutions and customs,
prior to the presentation of the Confession of Augsburg. And yet it can
be proved by the most credible testimonies, that Spain,(61) Hungary,(62)

the reformed doctrines till his death. Le
Feme and Roussel betook themselves to
Navarre, to Queen Margaret, where they
did not indeed openly break with the Romish
church, yet greatly promoted the spread of
pure doctrine. In the mean time, the evan-
gelical multiplied exceedingly in Beam and
Guienne, through the protection of Marga-
ret. Francis therefore, being prompted by
the bishops, sent for this queen, and rebuked
her for suffering these innovations to take
place. She promised him, she would go no
farther in this thing, provided the following

concessions were granted her : 1st, That no
mass should be said, unless there were per-
sons to receive the eucharist. 2d, That the
elevation of the host should cease. 3d, The
worship of it also. 4th, That the eucharist
should be administered in both kinds. 5th,
That in the mass, there should be no men-
tion made of Mary and the saints. 6th,
That common, ordinary bread should be
takeYi, broken, and distributed. And 7th,
That the priests should not be compelled to
a life of celibacy. But these propositions
were rejected ; and the preachers she had

now smoked, till the death of the king.
Especially the honest Waldensians in the
mountains of Provence, at Merindoles and
Cabriers, became the victims of a most cruel
persecution. Merindoles was destroyed ;
and its inhabitants, who had chiefly taken
refuge at Cabriers, were either butchered or
burned alive, or sent to the galleys. Cardinal
Tournon was the instigator, and Oppeda the
president of the parliament of Aix, was the
chief actor in the bloody scene. Yet all
was done with the consent of the king ;
though, in the end, he could not approve of
all that had taken place, but execrated this
worse than barbarian deed ; and on his
deathbed, enjoined upon his successor to
subject it to an investigation. — SM.]

(61) [The emperor Charles V. being king
of Spain, and carrying on extensive wars in
Italy, Germany, and Spain, his Spanish and
German subjects of all ranks and professions,
were necessarily brought into close contact.
Many Spanish officers and soldiers and also
statesmen and theologians, of course learned
something of the reformed religion ; and not
a few of them embraced it. Yet the rigours

brought with her to Paris were thrown into of the Inquisition, and the complete ascend-
prison, and with great difficulty, at her in- ency of popery in Spain, induced the evan-
tercession, set at liberty. At last, cardinal gelical Spaniards for a long time either to
Tournon so far wrought upon the king, by conceal their religious sentiments, or to prop-
his fierce persecuting zeal, that he strictly agate them in the most covert manner. Yet
commanded his sister to avoid all innovations before the year 1550, the Protestants had
in religious matters ; and. notwithstanding become so numerous in Spain that they ven-
the intercession of the Protestant princes of tured to appear openly. They could number

a great many persons of distinction, and had
increased so rapidly that it seemed as if the
whole nation would soon embrace the re-
formed religion. But the Catholics taking
the alarm, a most violent persecution ensued,

Germany, he caused the evangelical to be
punished in the most cruel manner. Gal-
lowses were erected, and the flames kindled,
against the professors of the reformed doc-
trine ; and yet they were so far from being
exterminated, that their number increased
continually. The persecution became still
heavier in the year 1534, when some incon-
siderate persons, in their rash zeal, posted
up satirical papers against the popish mass

which raged till not a heretic dared to show his
head in that country. See Michael Geddcst
Martyrology of Protestants in Spain ; in his
Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i., p. 545, &c., and
Latin, in Moshcim's Dissert. Hist. Eccles.,

in various places, and even on the royal pal- vol. i., p. 6G3, ccc. Rcginaldi Gonsalvi Re-
ace. The blood of the unhappy Protestants latio de Martyribus Protestantium in Hispan-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

49

Bohemia,(63) Britain,(64) Poland,(65) and the Netherlancls,(68) now
abounded in great numbers of friends to the doctrines inculcated by Lu-

ia ; in Dan. Gerdes' s Miscellanea Groning.,
torn, iv., p. 681, &c., and Schroeckh's Kir-
chengesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii., p. 791,
&c.— TV.]

(62) [Hungary is one of the countries
which early received some light from the
Reformation, but in which it was resisted so
strenuously, that it never absolutely triumph-
ed, and never became the religion of the
state. As early as 1522, several Hungari-
ans educated at Wittemberg, introduced the
Lutheran doctrines into their native country.
These doctrines spread rapidly ; and other
Hungarians, trained in the school of Luther,
became successful preachers to their coun-
trymen. But persecution commenced in
1525, and was renewed from time to time,
with such success as nearly to destroy the
reformed churches. There were some Mo-
ravians or Hussites in the country, before
the times of Luther, and likewise some
Waldensians. Mary, widow of Lewis II.
and sister to Charles V.,was friendly to the
Lutherans ; and she checked the persecuting
zeal of king Ferdinand, who was her brother.
In the year 1530, five free cities in the north-
ern part of Hungary, declared for Lutheran-
ism, and presented a confession of their faith
to the king. The next year Matthias De-
vay, the Luther of Hungary, began his ca-
reer. The most rapid increase of the Re-
formed, was about the year 1550. In the
year 1555, the five above-named free cities,
and also twelve market-towns in the county
of Zipf, with a few a towns in lower Hun-
gary, and several noblemen, obtained liber-
ty to practise the reformed religion. See
Schroeckh, 1. c., vol. ii., p. 723, &c.— TV.]
(63) [As early as the year 1519, the Hus-
sites in Bohemia opened a friendly corre-
spondence with Martin Luther, and exhorted
him to persevere in the good work, assuring
him there were very many in Bohemia who
prayed night and day for the success of his
cause. (Luther's Lat. Works, ed. Jena,
torn, i., p. 366, &c.) The intercourse con-
tinued free, and was salutary both to the
Bohemians and the Lutherans, till the year
1525, when it was suspended for ten years,
in consequence of some slanderous reports
respecting Luther propagated in Bohemia.
But in 1535, the intercourse was renew-
ed ; evangelical doctrines spread in the
country ; and the Hussites corrected their
former creed, without entirely abandoning
it. The evangelical were divided among
themselves, and were exposed to persecu-
tion : yet they multiplied greatly, and finally
obtained free toleration. See Adr. Regen-
VOL. III.— G

volscii Systema Historiae Chronolog. Eccle-
siar. Slavonicar., cap. ix., p. 54, &c., and
Jo. Th. Eisner's Brevis conspectus doc-
trinae Fratrum Bcemorum ; in Gerdes, Mis-
cellanea Groning., torn, vi., pt. i., p. 381, &c.
-TV.]

(64) [In England, the Wickliffites, though
obliged to keep concealed, had not been ex-
terminated by 150 years' persecution. Lu-
ther's writings were early brought into Eng-
land, and there read with avidity. This
quickened persecution ; and six men and one
woman were burned at the stake in Coven-
try, on Passion Week, A.D. 1519. In 1522,
kingHenry VIII. wrote a confutation of Lu-
ther's doctrines ; but to no purpose. Bil-
ney, Latimer, and others at Cambridge,
formed a society, which read and circulated
Luther's books, as early as 1523. William
Tindal made an English translation of the
New Testament, which he printed at An-
twerp, and circulated in England in 1526.
The next year, king Henry began to question
the legality of his marriage with his brother's
widow, and proceeded to solicit from the
pope a divorce. The negotiation was pro-
tracted till the king was out of all patience,
and he proceeded without the pope's con-
sent to divorce his queen. The pope cen-
sured his conduct, and a quarrel ensued, the
result of which was, that Henry, with the
consent of the parliament, abolished the pa-
pal authority in England, A.D. 1533. Du-
ring this period, though persecution had
been kept up, the number of the Reformed
had greatly increased, and the nation was
ripe for a secession from Rome. See Bur-
net's History of the Reformation, book i., ii.,
Gerdes' Historia Evang. renovati, torn, iv.,
p. 172, &c. Schroeckh's Kirchengesch.
seit d. Ref, vol. ii., p. 505, &c.— Through
England, some of the writings of the early
reformers might reach Scotland, then sunk
in ignorance, superstitiously devoted to
its priests, and still more passionately at-
tached to its nobles the heads of the Scot-
tish clans. Patrick Hamilton, a young no-
bleman, and abbot of Ferme, eager to know
more of the Reformed religion, went to Ger-
many, and studied some time at Marpurg.
Returning with one of his three companions
to Scotland, he began to preach the doc-
trines of the Reformers. The priests ar-
raigned him for heresy, convicted him, and
he was burned alive at St. Andrews, A.D.
1527, in the 24th year of his age. From
this time the Protestant doctrines made a
slow but constant progress, amid ever
wakeful persecution, in Scotland, till the

50

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. II.

ther ; some of whom repaired to Wittemberg, for the sake of enjoying the
instructions of so great a master and guide. Some of these countries, af-
terwards, made themselves wholly free from the Romish yoke ; in others,
numerous congregations arose, that rejected the decrees of the pontiff, and
which have existed down to the present times, though amid various mo-
lestations ; in others, the most cruel persecutions and inhuman laws, after
a short time, extinguished the knowledge that had been obtained and wide-
ly circulated of the reformed religion. It may be unhesitatingly assert-
ed,— for the adherents of the Roman pontiffs themselves admit it, — that
the entire fabric of the Romish church would have been quickly demolish-
ed, had not its defenders opposed the multitude of assailants, already in the
breach, with fire and sword.

year 1547, when the famous Scottish reform-
er, John Knox, arose. See Schroeckh, 1. c.,
p. 435, &c. Robertson's History of Scot-
land, b. ii. ; Gerdes' Hist. Evang. renovati,
vol. iv., p. 210, &c., 229, 234, 291, &c., 304,
&c., 321.— Tr.]

(65) [Before the Reformation, a consider-
able body of Hussites had removed from
Bohemia to Poland ; where their doctrines
spread considerably, especially among the
nobility, and roused the spirit of persecu-
tion. Luther's writings at once circulated
among the dissenters from the church of
Rome, corrected their views, and strength-
ened their opposition to popery. Even some
of the bishops favoured evangelical doctrines ;
and as early as 1525, there were several
evangelical preachers in Poland, and also in
Polish Prussia. But so vigorous a perse-
cution was kept up, that Protestant worship
could be maintained only in private, till near
the middle of the century. See Regenvol-
scii Systema Hist. Chronol. Ecclesiar. Sla-
vonicar. lib. i., c. 13, p. 71, &c. Schroeckh,
1. c., vol. ii., p. 666, &c.— Tr.]

(66) [The seventeen Belgian provinces,

composing the Netherlands, were a part of
the hereditary dominions of Charles V.,
which he governed by his viceroys. Here,
from the 14th century, various religious re-
formers had appeared, as Gerhard Groot,
John Wesselius, Thomas a Kempis, John
of Goch, and Cornelius Grapheus. Here
also arose the famous Erasmus. The wri-
tings of Luther were early and eagerly read
by the Netherlanders. The Catholics were
alarmed ; and through their instigation, the
government introduced the Inquisition in the
year 1522, and kept up a hot persecution of
the Reformed for a long course of years. It
was computed, that in these provinces, du-
ring the reign of Charles V., not less than
50,000 persons lost their lives, in conse-
quence of their defection from the church of
Rome. Yet the number of the Reformed
continually Increased ; and when at length,
seven of these provinces revolted, and be-
came an independent state, they adopted the
Protestant religion. See Gerdes, Hist.
Evang. renovati, torn. iii.,p. l,&c. Schro-
eckh, 1. c., vol. ii., p. 348, &c. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 51

CHAPTER III.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, FROM THE PRESENTATION OF THE AUGSBURG-
CONFESSION [1530], TILL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR OF SMALCALD

[1546].

§ 1. The Augsburg Confession presented to the Emperor. — § 2. Its Character. — § 3. Con-
futation of it. — § 4. Deliberations for settling the Religious Controversies. — i) 5. Re-
sult of the Diet of Augsburg. — § 6. The League of Smalcald. — § 7. The Peace of
Nuremberg. — fy 8, 9. The Council. — § 10. Commotion of the Anabaptists. — § 11. Re-
volt of Great Britain from the Pontiff. — § 12. Character of this Reformation. — § 13. Re-
newed Attempts at Compromise. The Conference at Worms. The Diet of Ratisbon.
— § 14. Preparations for War.

§ 1. CHARLES V. made his entry into Augsburg on the 15th of June
[1530], and on the 20th of the same month the diet was opened. As the
members had agreed that the religious affairs should be despatched before
discussing the subject of a Turkish war, the Protestant members pi-esent,
received permission from the emperor to exhibit a summary view of the
religion they professed, in the session of the princes on the 25th of June.
Accordingly in the palace of the bishop of Augsburg, that confession of
faith, which from the place where it was exhibited was called the Augs-
burg Confession, was read in German, by Christian Bayer the chancellor
of Saxony. There was not one of the princes that did not listen to it
with eager attention ; and some of them, who before did not correctly un-
derstand the religious views of Luther, expressed approbation of the purity
and innocence of the doctrines. John elector of Saxony, and four princes
of the empire, George marquis of Brandetiburg, Ernest duke of Luneburg,
Philip landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang prince of Anhalt, with the two
imperial cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen, subscribed their names to the
copies [the one Latin the other German] delivered after the reading to the
emperor, in testimony of the accordance of the doctrines there expressed
with their own views.(l)

§ 2. As the Augsburg Confession was adopted as a public standard of
faith, by the whole body of [Lutheran] Protestants, no one of them should
be ignorant of its character and contents. The style is Philip Melanc-

(1) [A history of this diet, in a large folio the Augsburg Confession, Frankf. on Mayne,
volume, by George Cozlestine, [a Lutheran], 1783, &c., 2 vols. 8vo. — The original sub-
was published at Frankfort on the Oder, in scribers to the confession are mentioned in
1577. Histories of the Augsburg Confes- the text. Before the diet rose, the cities,
sion, were composed by David Chytraus, Kempten, Heilbronn, Windsheim, and Weis-
and by others ; and especially in the 18th senburg, also subscribed ; and afterwards,
century, by Ern. Salomon Cyprian, and by many more. It was immediately printed,
August. Salig, in the German language, and soon spread all over Europe, and was
Salig's work is prolix, and is more properly translated into various foreign languages.
a history of the reformation, than a history It thus became of great service to the Prot-
of the Augsburg Confession. Cyprian's estant cause ; for it was a very able docu-
history is more concise and dense, and is ment, and was drawn up in a most judicious
corroborated with well-selected documents, manner. See Schroeckh's Kirchengesch.
It therefore deserves to pass to a third edi- seit der Reform., vol. i., p. 445, &c. — Tr.]
tion. [G. G. Webber's critical History of

52

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

ikon's ; which is as much as to say, it was drawn up in polished, perspicu-
ous language, well adapted to the subject. The contents or matter, it is
certain, was supplied principally by Luther ; who was at Coburg, a town
not far from Augsburg, at the time of the diet ; and who examined and ap-
proved the form and style which Melancthon gave to it. It was comprised
in twenty-eight articles ; of which twenty-one stated distinctly, the reli-
gious faith of those that had receded from the church of Rome ; and the
other seven recounted the errors or abuses as they were called, on account
of which they had separated from the Romish community. (2)

(2) [The articles in this Confession, or as
it might be called Apology, are of very une-
qual length. Some are, in the form of an-
swers to slanders against the Lutherans ;
others are short essays ; most of them in-
clude proofs or argumentation ; and sever-
al of them are followed by renunciations of
the opposite tenets held by heretics ancient
or modern. As few American readers have
access to this celebrated creed, the following
summary of its contents is here subjoined.

Art. 1st treats of God and the Trinity ;
in accordance with the Nicene Creed.

Art. 2d affirms that all men, since the fall,
are born with sin ; that is, destitute of faith
and the fear of God, and with corrupt pro-
pensities ; for which hereditary sin they are
exposed to eternal death, until they are re-
generated by baptism and the Holy Spirit.
It rejects the Pelagian doctrine, and denies
man's ability to obtain justification by his
own works.

Art. 3d treats of the person and mediation
of Christ ; in accordance with the Apostles'
Creed.

Art 4th asserts justification to be, solely,
on the ground of Christ's righteousness im-
puted to the believer, and not on the ground
of his personal righteousness ; agreeably to
Rom., ch. iii., iv.

Art. 5th asserts, that the word, preaching,
and the sacraments, are the medium through
which God imparts the Holy Spirit to whom
he will ; in consequence of which, they be-
lieve unto righteousness. It rejects the doc-
trine of the Anabaptists, that men can obtain
the Holy Spirit by their own efforts, and
without the means above stated.

Art. 6th asserts, that true faith always
produces good works ; which every man is
bound to perform, yet must not rely upon
them for salvation.

Art. 7th affirms the existence of a holy
catholic church, consisting of all the faithful ;
and which is known, not by a uniformity in
ceremonies, but by the efficacious preaching
of the word, and the administration of the
sacraments in their purity.

Art. 8th asserts, that the Christian church,
though composed of saints, yet has hypocrites

in it ; and that the efficacy of the sacraments
is not destroyed by hypocrisy in the admin-
istrators.

Art. 9th asserts, that baptism is necessary,
and is a means of grace ; and that infants
are to be baptized.

Art. 10th asserts, that the real body and
blood of Christ are truly present in the eu-
charist, under the elements of the bread and
wine, and are distributed and received.

Art. llth retains private confession of
sins to the pastors, and absolution by them ;
but denies the necessity of a particular enu-
meration of all sins.

Art. 12th maintains, that those who sin
after baptism, if they repent, should always be
restored by the church : that repentance con-
sists in sorrow and regret for sin and reliance
on Christ for pardon, and is productive of
good works. It denies sinless perfection in
this life, the Novatian error of refusing ab-
solution to the penitent, and all dependance
on our own satisfactions for sin.

Art. 13th asserts, that the sacraments are
not merely significant signs, but are tokens
and evidence of God's gracious disposition
towards us, calculated to awaken and
strengthen our faith, and requiring faith to
a worthy receiving of them.

Art. 14th asserts, that no one should
preach publicly, and administer the sacra-
ments, unless duly called.

Art. 15th. Rites of human institution,
so far as they are not sinful, and tend to
peace and good order in the church, (as cer-
tain feasts, fasts, &c.), are to be observed.
But all human institutions, designed to ap-
pease God, are contrary to the Gospel.

Art. 16th. Civil government is ordained
of God; and Christians may lawfully hold
offices, civil and military, and may pursue
the various occupations of citizens : contra-
ry to the views of the Anabaptists, and
such as deem all worldly business inconsis-
tent with a truly religious life.

Art. 17th asserts, that, at the last day,
Christ will come, will raise the dead, and
will adjudge the believing and elect to eter-
nal life, and wicked men and devils to hell
and eternal torment. It rejects the An-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

53

§ 3. The friends of the pontiff present at the diet, drew up a confutation
of the Protestant Confession ; of which, John Faber, afterwards bishop of Vi-

abaptist notion of a final restoration of dev-
ils and the damned ; and also the Jewish
notion of a temporal reign of Christ on the
earth, prior to the resurrection.

Art. 18th asserts, that men have some
free will to live reputably, to choose among
objects which their natural reason can com-
prehend ; but that without the gracious aids
of the Holy Spirit, they cannot please God,
nor truly fear him, exercise faith, or over-
come their sinful propensities, 1 Cor. ii.

Art. 19th asserts, that God is not the
cause and author of sin ; but that the per-
verse wills of ungodly men and devils, are
the sole cause of it.

Art. 20th maintains, that the Reformers
do not discourage good works, though they
inculcate the doctrine of justification by faith
alone ; but only discourage useless works,
as the rosary, worshipping saints, pilgrim-
ages, monastic vows, stated fasts, &c. ; and
it evinces, at considerable length, from
scripture and the fathers, that a man cannot
be justified by works.

Art. 21st admits, that the saints are to be
respected, and to be imitated as patterns of
piety ; but denies, that they are to be wor-
shipped, prayed to, or regarded as media-
tors.

Such for substance (say they) is the doc-
trine taught in our churches ; and being the
doctrine of the Bible, we cannot but hold to
it. All should embrace it.

The abuses (they say) which have crept
into the church, and which we could not
conscientiously endure, are chiefly the fol-
lowing.

Art. 22d. Denying the sacramental cup
to the laity ; contrary to scripture and early
Christian practice.

Art. 23d. Imposing celibacy on the cler-
gy ; contrary to reason, and scripture, and
the practice of the purer ages, and with
very injurious consequences.

Art. 24th. The Protestants are falsely
taxed with abolishing the mass. They only
purified it ; and discarded the idea of its be-
ing a work of merit, an offering for the sins
of the living and the dead, which militates
with the scriptural doctrine that Christ's sac-
rifice is the only sin-offering.

Art. 25th. The Protestants had not abol-
ished private confession ; for they made it
a necessary preparation for the eucharist.
Yet they did not consider it a sacrament,
nor require a particular enumeration of sins.
Art. 26th censures the multitude of fasts
and other ceremonies of human invention,
and the undue stress laid \ipon them, as

meritorious acts ; thus obscuring the doc-
trine of salvation by faith, holding these hu-
man prescriptions more sacred than the com-
mands of God, and burdening the conscien-
ces of men with them.

Art. 27th represents the whole system of
monkery as a great abuse, and exceedingly
injurious to piety.

Art. 28th discriminates between civil and
ecclesiastical power, and allows neither to
infringe upon the other. The spiritual or
episcopal power is limited to preaching, ad-
ministering the sacraments, and loosing and
binding sins. If bishops teach contrary to
the scriptures, they are, and must be treat-
ed as, false prophets. If allowed to try
causes relating to marriage and tithes, it is
only as civil officers. They have no legis-
lative power over the church ; and they can
bind the conscience, only by showing, that
the gospel enjoins what they inculcate. As
to Sundays and other holy days, and rites
and forms of worship, bishops may and
should appoint such as are convenient and
suitable ; and the people should observe
them, — not as divine ordinances, — but as
conducive to good order and edification.

Though the Lutherans expressed their
doctrine of consul stantiation in the most in-
offensive terms that would be explicit, yet
the Reformed or Zwinglians could not sub-
scribe to the Augsburg Confession. Hence
the imperial cities of Strasburg, Constance,
Lindau, and Memmingen, offered a sep-
arate confession, called the Confession of
the four cities, Confessio Tetrapolitana.
It agreed, substantially, with the Augsburg
Confession, except in regard to the corpo-
real presence. They held to a real, yet a
spiritual or sacramental presence ; a pres-
ence which the devout soul could feel and
enjoy, but which implied no physical pres-
ence of Christ's body. Yet they express-
ed themselves in terms which need not have
given offence to the Lutherans. They say :
" All that the evangelists, Paul, and the
holy fathers, have written respecting the
venerable sacrament of the body and blood
of Christ, our preachers teach, recommend,
and inculcate, with the greatest fidelity.
Hence, with singular earnestness, they con-
stantly proclaim that goodness of Christ
towards his followers, whereby, no less now
than at his last supper, to all his sincere dis-
ciples as oft as they repeat this supper, he
condescends to give, by the sacraments, his
real body and his real blood, to be truly eat-
en and drunken, as the food and- drink of
their souls, by which they are nourished to

54

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

enna, with the aid of John Eckius and John Cochlceus, is said to have been
the composer. This confutation being likewise read before the diet on the
3d of August, the emperor required the Protestants to acquiesce in it, and
to abandon their whole cause and controversy. But they declared them-
selves not satisfied with this answer of the papal divines ; and wished to
have a copy of it, that they might point out its fallacies. The emperor,
more obedient to the exhortations of the pontiff's legate and his compan-
ions, than to the demands of right and of equity, refused their request, and
would not allow the controversy to be protracted by any new writings
about it. Nevertheless the Protestants caused an answer to be drawn up
by Philip Melancthon, to so much of the pontificial confutation as the the-
ologians had been able to gather from hearing it read ; and on the 22d
of September they presented it to the emperor, who refused to receive it.
This answer (though afterwards corrected and enlarged by Melancthon,
upon obtaining a copy of the pontifical confutation) is that Apology for
the Augsburg Confession, which was afterwards published in the year 1531,
and which constitutes a part of the symbolical books of the Lutheran
church. (3)

§ 4. Three modes of getting rid of these very troublesome contentions,
remained. One was, to allow those who would not obey the mandates of
the pontiff", to enjoy their own sentiments on religion, and to worship God
eternal life ; so that he lives and abides in per, he says ; " I believe, that in the holy

them, and they in him." This confession
they presented to the emperor, in Latin and
German ; but he would not allow it to be
read in public. Yet when the popish priests
had made out a confutation of it, he called
them before him, to hear that confutation
read ; and then, without allowing discus-

eucharist, or supper of thanksgiving, the
real body of Christ is present, to the eye of
faith, (fidei contemplatione) ; that is. to those
who thank the Lord for the benefits con-
ferred on us in Christ his Son, acknowl-
edge that he assumed a real body, truly
suffered in it, and washed away our sins in

sion, or permitting them to have a copy of his own bloo^l ; and thus the whole that

the confutation, demanded of them submis-
sion to the church of Rome. They refu-
sed. This confession of the four cities,
•which was drawn up by Martin Bucer, and
had been adopted by the senate and people
of Augsburg, was the confession of that
city for a number of years. But afterwards,
the four cities, feeling the necessity of a
union with the Lutherans, lest their popish
enemies should swallow them up, brought
themselves to believe, that the Lutherans
and they differed more in words, than in re-
ality ; and therefore they subscribed to the
Augsburg confession, and became a part of
the Lutheran church. See Hospinian's
Historia Sacramentaria, pt. ii., p. 162, &c.
At the same diet, Zwingle presented his
private confession ; which is a long and
elaborate performance. He says ; " Grace
is conferred along with the sacraments ;
but not by them as the channels ; or in other
words, that the Holy Spirit imparts grace to
the devout communicants, in the ordinance ;
but does not annex the grace to the sacra-
ment, so that it may go along with it, as
water through a channel, or by a physical
process." And respecting the Lord's sup-

Christ has done is, as it were, present to
the eye of their faith. But that the body of
Christ, in substance, and reality, or that his
natural body, is present in the supper, and
is received into our mouth, and masticated
by our teeth, — as the papists, and some who
look back upon the fleshpots of Egypt, rep-
resent,— that I not only deny, but unhes-
itatingly pronounce an error, and contrary to
the word of God." He subjoins elaborate
proofs, from the scripture, reason, and the
fathers, in support of these, views. To this
confession, Eckius, a Catholic divine repli-
ed ; and Zwingle, on the 27th of August,
defended himself, in a letter addressed to
the emperor and to the Protestant princes.
See Hospinian. 1. c., p. 167, &c. — TV.]

(3) [Melancthon composed the Apology
in Latin : but afterwards, Justus Jonas
translated it into German, in which language
it was published in the first collection of all
the symbolical books of the Lutheran church,
Dresden, 1580, fol. 21-134. The Augs-
burg Confession in German, immediately
precedes it, fol. 3-20. See J. G. Walch's
Introductio in Libros symbolicos, lib. i.,
cap. 4, p. 409, &c.— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 55

as they saw fit ; without allowing the public tranquillity to be thereby de-
stroyed. Another was, to compel them by force of arms, to cease from
dissenting from the Romish church, and make them return to the spurned
friendship of the Roman prelate. A third was, to attempt an honourable
and equitable compromise, by each party's relinquishing some portion of
what it considered as its just claims. The first method was accordant
with reason and justice, and would meet the wishes of the wise and good ;
but it was totally repugnant to the arrogant claims of the pontiff, and to
the ignorance of the age, which abhorred all liberty of opinion concerning
religion. The second accorded with the customs and views of the age,
and with the violent counsels of the Romish court ; but it was abhorrent
to the prudence, the moderation and the equity, both of the emperor, and of
all good men. The third therefore was adopted, and met the approbation
of all who were solicitous for the good of the empire ; nor did the sover-
eign pontiff himself seem to be wholly averse from it. Hence various
consultations were held, between select individuals of both parties ; and
every means was adopted, that seemed calculated to allay mutual hatred,
and bring discordant minds to harmonize. But the parties were too wide
apart in their first principles, for any thing to be effected. In these dis-
cussions, the character of Philip Melancthon, whom, as the principal doc-
tor among the Protestants, the adherents to the pontiff took special pains
to conciliate, very clearly appeared. He seemed easy of access, and
ready to make concessions when his opposers dealt in compliments and
promises ; but when they would terrify him by threats and denunciations,
he seemed quite another man, bold, courageous, and regardless of life and
fortune. For in this great man, a mild and tender spirit was united with
the strictest fidelity and an invincible attachment to what he regarded as
the truth.

§ 5. This mode of settling the religious controversies having been tried
for a sufficient length of time,(4) it was concluded to resort to the method
so repugnant to reason and to the principles of Christianity, but which the
perverseness of the times recommended. Accordingly on the 19th of No-
vember, a severe decree was passed by command and authority of the em-
peror, in the absence of the two leaders of the Protestants, the landgrave
of Hesse and the elector of Saxony ; in which there was nothing that could
solace the Protestants, except an equivocal and deceptive promise of a
council to be called within six months by order of the pontiff. For the
dignity and excellence of the old religion were extolled extravagantly ;
new force was added to the edict of Worms, against Luther and his fol-
lowers ; the religious reformations, entered upon in one place and another,
were severely censured ; and the princes and the cities that had become
alienated from the pontiff, were admonished to return to their duty within
some months, unless they wished to incur the vengeance of the emperor,
as the patron and protector of the church. (5)

§ 6. On learning the sad issue of the diet, the elector of Saxony and his
associates, in the year 1530 and the year following, assembled at Smal-
cald and afterwards at Frankfort, and formed a league among themselves,

(4) [The conferences continued, with re- (5) See, in addition to the authors before
peated changes of the delegates, from the mentioned, Jo. Joach. Muller's Historic der
second day of August, till the end of the Protestation und Appellation der Evangel-
month. — Tr.] ischen Stande, book iii., ch. 48, p. 997.

56

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

for their mutual protection against the evils which the edict of Augsburg
portended, but excluding all offensive operations against any one. (6)
They also took measures to bring the kings of France, England, and Den-
mark, as well as other princes and states, into the confederacy. (7) When
things began to wear this warlike aspect, the electors of Mayence and the
Palatinate interposed as mediators between the parties. And the emper-
or Charles V., for various reasons, was very anxious for peace. For the
Protestants would not afford their aid to a Turkish war, which the emper-
or exceedingly needed ; and they also contended, that Ferdinand the
emperor's brother, who had been created king of the Romans by the ma-
jor part of the princes in the diet of Cologne, A.D. 1531, had been elect-
ed contrary to the laws of the empire.

§ 7. After various consultations therefore, in the year 1532, a peace
was concluded at Nuremberg between the emperor and the Protestants on

(6) [The first meeting of the Protestants
subsequently to the diet, was held at Smal-
cald on the 22d of December, 1530. But
it was found, that many of the representa-
tives of cities had received no instruction,
in regard to a confederacy ; and that many
other cities were to be invited to join them.
As the emperor had entered into a coalition
with the Catholic states, against them, they
assembled again, in the following year on
the 29th of March, to form a closer union
for their mutual defence. The landgrave of
Hesse took great pains to have the Swiss
included in the confederacy. But the elec-
tor of Saxony, who was guided by Luther,
absolutely refused to admit them. And in
general, Luther had great scruples in regard
to the whole transaction ; and the jurists had
much debate with him respecting the law-
fulness of such a confederacy ; for he, ac-
cording to his monkish principles, held all
human means for preserving peace in reli-
gious matters to be unallowable ; and sup-
posed, that men should repose themselves
wholly on the providence of God, without
venturing upon any measures suggested by
policy in such cases. But the jurists in-
formed him, that the constitution of the em-
pire allowed the states to combine together,
and probably also to declare war against the
emperor ; for by virtue of the compact be-
tween the emperor and the states, the em-
peror engaged not to infringe upon the laws
of the empire, and the rights and liberties
of the Germanic church. This compact
the emperor had violated ; and therefore the
states had a right to combine together
against him. Luther replied, that he had
not been aware of this ; and that if it was
so, he had no objections to make ; for the
gospel was not opposed to civil government.
Yet he could not approve of an offensive
war. — Schl.~\

(7) [In their meeting at Smalcald A.D.

1531, after forming a league for mutual de-
fence for six years, they drew up an apology
for their conduct ; in which they gave a con-
cise history of the reformation, the necessi-
ty there was for it, and the sufferings and
dangers to which they were exposed on ac-
count of it. Copies of this apology they
sent both to Francis I. the king of France,
and to Henry VIII. of England. Both those
kings returned very civil answers ; but no-
thing was. said, on either side, about an alli-
ance for mutual defence. See Seckendorf's
Historia Lutheranismi, lib. iii., § 1. Gerdes,
Historia Evang. renovati, torn, iv., p. 222,
&c. In 1535, the Protestants had another
meeting at Smalcald, in which they extend-
ed their league of 1531, for 10 years lon-
ger. About this time, Dr. Barns an Eng-
lish bishop, arrived in Saxony, as envoy
from the king of England ; and he was soon
followed by Edward Fox bishop of Here-
ford, and Nicholas Hcith an English arch-
deacon. They attended the convention at
Smalcald, and a negotiation was held for
forming a coalition of some sort, between
the German confederates and the king of
England. See Seckendorf, 1. c., lib. iii.,
§ 39. In 1538, the German confederates
sent an embassy to the king of France,
(which however effected very little), and
also three ambassadors to the king of Eng-
land. They proposed to king Henry, to
adopt the Augsburg Confession, and consent
to be the head and patron of the Protestant
confederacy ; they also stated, what aid
each should afford to the other in case of at-
tack from the enemy. But Henry was not
yet prepared to go so far in the Reforma-
tion; nor did he wish to embroil himself
with the emperor. See Seckendorf, 1. c.,
lib. iii., $ 166, p. 197, &c. Gerdes, 1. c., p.
287, &c. Burners History of the Refor-
mation, book iii., vol. i., p. 329, &c., ed.
Lond., 1825.— IV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 57

the following terms ; that the latter should contribute money for the Turk,
ish war, and should acknowledge Ferdinand as king of the Romans ; and
that Charles should annul the edicts of Worms and Augsburg, and should
allow the followers of Luther full liberty to regulate their religious matters
as they pleased, until either a council (which was to be held within six
months) or a diet of the empire, should determine what religious princi-
ples were to be adopted and obeyed. Scarcely was the apprehension of
war removed by this convention, when John, the elector of Saxony, died ;
and was succeeded by his son, John Frederic, an unfortunate prince, though
possessed of invincible fortitude and magnanimity.

§ 8. The truce of Nuremberg with the emperor, gave so much courage
and fortitude to the concealed and feebler enemies of the pontiff, that they
would no longer obey his mandates. This is attested by various regions
and towns of Germany, which year after year, from this time onward,
fearlessly made profession of the religion which Luther had restored.
Moreover, as the only hope of removing the disagreement about religion
now depended on the promised council, the emperor did not cease to urge
the sovereign pontiff Clement VII. to hasten the meeting of the council.
But Clement, whom the recollection of former councils filled with appre-
hensions, contrived only to put it off, and wished the cause of his see might
be decided rather by arms than by arguments.(S) He promised indeed by
his legate, in 1533, that a council should be called in Italy ; either at Man-
tua, Placentia, or Bologna. But the Protestants declared themselves not
satisfied with an Italian council ; and maintained that a controversy arising
in Germany, ought to be decided within the limits of Germany. And the
pontiff himself artfully so managed, as to get rid of his own promise ; and
soon after died, in the year 1534.(9)

§ 9. His successor^ Paul III., seemed more tractable, when the emperor
addressed him on the subject of a council. For he first made a promise in

1535, that he would assemble a council at Mantua; and afterwards, A.D.

1536, he actually proclaimed one, by letters despatched through all the
Catholic countries. The Protestants on the other hand, foreseeing that in
such a council every thing would go according to the opinion and the
pleasure of the pontiff, declared, in a convention held at Smalcald in 1537,
their entire dissatisfaction with such a servile council : yet they procured
a new summary of their religious faith to be drawn up by Luther, which
they might present to the assembled bishops, if occasion should call for it.

(8) [Besides the causes, which, since the Jac. Ziegler's Historia dementis VII., in

councils of Constance and Basil, had divest- Schclhorri's Amcenitat. hist, eccles. et litte-

ed the popes of all relish for such clerical rar., vol. i., p. 210, &c. — Schl.]
parliaments, pope Clement had his own pe- (9) Every thing pertaining to this coun-

culiar reasons. It was his misfortune to be cil, is fully and intelligently stated, pre-emi-

the illegitimate son of Julian de Medicis ; nently by Paul Sarpi, Historia Concilii

and he was afraid his enemies in the coun- Tridentini, lib. i. — [The Protestants met

cil might avail themselves of this circum- at Smalcald, to consider the proposed plan

stance, to pronounce him therefore unworthy of an Italian council; and remonstrated

of the papal dignity. For it was a dispu- against it, as being to be held in Italy,

ted. point, which had never been decided, They also insisted, that the pope, as one of

whether a bastard could ever be a legiti- the parties whose cause was to be tried,

mate pope. That a profligate might be, had should have no authority over the council ;

been decided by usage long since, es- and that the decision should be founded

pecially by the example of Alexander VI. solely on the holy scriptures. — TV.]
See Paul Snrpi, torn, i., p. 54, &c., and

VOL. III.— H

58

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

This writing of Luther, is called the Articles of Smalcald ; and it was ad-
mitted among the books, from which the religious sentiments of those
called Lutherans are to be learned. (10)

§ 10. During these consultations two very noticeable events occurred,
the one very injurious to the general interests of religion and especially
to the cause of the reformation, the other no less so, to the papal domin-
ion. The former was, a new sedition of the furious and fanatical tribe of
the Anabaptists ; the latter was, a revolt of Henry VIII. the king of
Great Britain, from the Roman pontiff. In the year 1533, certain per-
sons of the class of Anabaptists, who were more insane and distracted
than the rest, came to Munster a city of Westphalia, and gave out, that
they were divinely commissioned to set up a sort of holy empire on the ru-
ins of all human institutions. The whole city being wrought up and
thrown into great commotion, they proceeded to erect the new common-
wealth, conformably to their crude opinions and fancies ; and placed John
Bockholt, a taylor of Leyden, at the head of it. But the city being taken
in the year 1535, by the bishop of Munster, who was aided by other Ger-
man princes, this delirious king and his associates were executed without

(10) [The Articles of Smalcald were
drawn up in German, by Luther, in his own
acrimonious style. The Augsburg Confes-
sion was intended to soften prejudice against
the Lutherans, and to conciliate the good
will of the Catholics. Of course the gentle
Melancthon was employed to write it. The
Articles of Smalcald, on the contrary, were
a preparation for a campaign against an en-
emy with whom no compromise was deem-
ed possible, and in which victory or death
was the only alternative. Of course all del-
icacy towards the Catholics was dispensed
with, and Luther's fiery style was chosen,
and was allowed full scope. In words, the
Articles flatly contradict the Confession, in
some instances ; though in sense, they are
the same. Thus the Confession (Article
xxiv.) says ; " We are unjustly charged with
having abolished the mass. For it is man-
ifest, that without boasting we may say, the
mass is observed by us with greater devo-
tion and earnestness, than by our opposers."
But in the Articles of Smalcald, (Part II.,
Art. II.), it is said ; " That the popish mass
is the greatest and most horrid abomina-
tion, as militating directly and violently
against these articles ; and yet it has be-
come the chief and most splendid of all the
popish idolatries." In the Confession, they
applied the name of the mass to the Luther-
an form of the eucharist. But in these Ar-
ticles, they confine that term to its proper
import, the ordinary public service among
the Catholics. — The Articles of Smalcald
cover 28 folio pages ; and are preceded by
a preface, and followed by a treatise on the
power and supremacy of the pope. The
first part contains four concise articles, re-

specting God, the Trinity, and the incarna-
tion, passion, and ascension of Christ ; in
accordance with the Apostles' and the
Athanasian Creeds. On these Articles the
Protestants professed to agree altogether
with the papists. The second part, also,
contains four articles of fundamental impor-
tance ; but in which the Protestants and pa-
pists are declared to be totally and irreconci-
lably at variance. They relate to the nature
and the grounds of justification, the mass and
saint worshfp, ecclesiastical and monkish
establishments, and the claims of the pope.
The third part contains 15 articles, which
the Protestants considered as relating to
very important subjects, but on which the
papists laid little stress. The subjects are
am, the law, repentance, the gospel, baptism,
the sacrament of the altar, the keys, (or spir-
itual power), confession, excommunication,
ordination, celibacy of the clergy, churches,
good works, monastic vmcs, and human sat-
isfactions for sin. When the Protestants
subscribed these Articles, Melancthon an-
nexed a reservation to his signature, purport-
ing that he could admit of a pope, provided
he would allow the gospel to be preached in
its purity, and would give up his pretensions
to a divine right to rule, and would found
his claims wholly on expediency and human
compact. In consequence of this dissent
from Luther, Melancthon was requested to
draw up an article on the power and su-
premacy of the pope. He did so ; and the
Protestants were well pleased with it, and
subscribed to it. It is annexed to the Articles
of Smalcald. See J. G. Watch's Introduc-
tio in Libros Symbol., lib. i., cap. v. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 59

mercy ; and the new republic was thus overthrown, soon after its estab-
lishment. This seditious procedure of certain Anabaptists, induced most
of the princes of Europe to enact severe laws against the whole race ; in
consequence of which, in subsequent years vast numbers of them, both the
innocent and the guilty, were miserably put to death.(ll)

§ 11. Henry VIII. king of Great Britain, the same who had before
warmly opposed Luther, a prince falling behind none of that age either in
vice or in talents, being smitten with the charms of Anne Boleyn an Eng-
lish virgin of high birth, in order to marry her wished to be divorced from
his queen, Catharine of Aragon aunt to diaries V., and he applied to the
sovereign pontiff Clement VII. to sanction such a measure. (12) He de-
clared however, that "his conscience would not allow him to cohabit with
his queen Catharine, because she had been married to his deceased broth-
er Arthur, and a marriage with a brother's widow was contrary to the
law of God. Clement, through fear of offending Charles V., contrived va-
rious evasions, and endeavoured to delude and disappoint Henry. He
therefore became impatient, and at the suggestion of Thomas Cranmer,
who was afterwards archbishop of Canterbury and a secret friend to the
reformation by Luther, consulted nearly all the universities of Europe on
the question ; and as most of them pronounced marriage with a brother's
widow to be unlawful, the king divorced Catharine without the consent of
the pontiff, and married Anne Boleyn. Henry's defection from the pontiff
soon followed. For the king being declared by the lords and commons
of England, supreme head of the British church, he in the year 1533 eject-
ed the monks, disposed of all their property, and abolished altogether the
authority of the Roman pontiff in England. (13)

§ 12. This downfall of the popish power in England, however, was of
little advantage to the lovers of a purer religion. For the king, though
he destroyed the empire of the pontiff, yet retained for the most part the
old religion ; and he persecuted, and sometimes punished capitally, those

(11) Herm. Hamelmanri's Historia Eccle- science on the subject. But there were also
siast. renati Evangelii, per inferiorem Sax- other causes. The queen's beauty had faded,
oniam et Westphaliam, pt. ii., p. 1196, &c., and some diseases had rendered her person
in his collected works. M. E. von Printz, less agreeable. Political considerations, or
Specimen Historic Anabaptist., cap. x., xi., apprehensions respecting his successor, had
xii., p. 94. [Jo. Sleidan's Commentarii de influence. And after these causes had op-
statu relig. et reipublicae, sub Carolo V., lib. erated some time, A nne Boleyn came to court,
x. Gerdes, Miscellania Gronengensis, torn, and the king was charmed wilh her. This,
ii., p. 377, &c., 569, &c. Robertson's His- though the last, was henceforth probably not
tory of the reign of Charles V., book v., p. the least reason for his final resolution to di-
245-250, ed. N. York, 1829. — Tr.] vorce his queen. See Hume's History of

(12) [Dr. Moskeim errs in representing England, ch. xxx., vol. iii., p. 288, &c.
Henry's passion for Anne Boleyn, as the first Burners History of the Reformation, vol. i.,
and grand cause of the king's wish to be di- book ii., at the beginning. — Tr.]

vorced from his queen. His father had scru- (13) Besides Gilb. Burnet, and others who
pled the legitimacy of the marriage ; a for- have composed direct histories of the Ref-
eign court had made it an objection to inter- ormation in England, the Acts of this mem-
marriage with his children by this wife ; and orable event, as collected by David Wilkins,
his subjects, very generally, entertained ap- in his Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiber-
prehensions respecting the succession to his niae, torn, iii., p. 424, &c., should beconsult-
crown, from the same cause. It was state ed. See also Raynal's Anecd. Historiques,
policy which first led to the marriage ; but Politiques, Militaires, torn, i., pt. ii., p. 90,
it appears never to have given entire satis- dec., and the Nouveau Dictionnaire Histo-
faction to any one. Doubtless Henry was rique et crit., torn, ii., p. 388, article Bolena.
sincere in professing to have scruples of con-

60

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. III.

who thought differently from himself on religious subjects. Besides, ho
understood the title he had assumed of supreme head of the British church,
to invest him with the powers of the Roman pontiff; so that he had a
right to make decrees respecting religion, and to prescribe to the citizens
what they must believe and practise. During his life therefore, religion in
England was coincident with the king's character, that is, uncertain and
changeable. Yet the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, who
had the king's confidence and was a patron of the reformed religion, ex-
erted himself as much as he prudently could, and as the instability of the
king and other difficulties would allow, by his writings and his actions, to
diminish gradually the old superstition and ignorance, and to increase the
number of the friends of Luther, (14)

§ 13. After the pontiff's first proposed council was set aside, various
negotiations for restoring peace and harmony, were held between the em-
peror and the Protestants ; but without any determinate and solid benefit,
because the pontiff, by his legates and others, generally disconcerted all
their measures. In the year 1541, the emperor, much to the displeasure
of the pontiff, ordered select individuals of both parties to confer together
respecting religion at Worms. Accordingly, Philip Melancthon and John
Eckius held a discussion during three days. (15) The discussion was
then transferred, for certain reasons, to the diet of Ratisbon of the same
year ; in which the project of a nameless writer, who stated conditions
for a peace, was especially subjected to examination. (16) But the pro-

(14) Besides Burnet, see Dan. NeaVs
History of the Puritans, vol. i., ch. i., p. 11,
&c. [In the year 1536, king Henry, with
the sanction of the convocation, prescri-
bed what doctrines should be taught in the
churches ; the substance of which may be
seen in Burnet, Hist. Reform., vol. i., p.
280, &c., ed. London, 1825, and in Neal, 1.
c., p. 69, &c., ed. Portsm., 1816. Mr. Neal
remarks upon these instructions : " One sees
here the dawn of the Reformation ; the scrip-
tures and the ancient creeds are made the
standards of faith, without the tradition of
the church or decrees of the pope ; the doc-
trine of justification by faith is well stated ;
four of the seven sacraments are passed over,
and purgatory is left doubtful. But transub-
stantiation, auricular confession, the worship-

fing of images and saints, still retained."
n the year 1539, the king and the opposers
of the Reformation procured a statute to be
passed in both houses of parliament, making
it penal to speak or write, at all, against any
one of the six following articles. " First,
that in the sacrament of the altar, after the
consecration, there remained no substance
of bread and wine, but under these forms the
natural body and blood of Christ were present.
Secondly, that communion in both kinds was
not necessary to salvation to all persons, by
the law of God ; but that both the flesh and
blood of Christ were together in each of the
kinds. Thirdly, that priests, after the order
of priests (after admission to orders), might

not marry, by the law of God. Fourthly,
that vows of chastity ought to be observed,
by the law of God. Fifthly, that the use of
private masses ought to be continued ; which,
as it was agreeable to God's law, so man
received great benefit by them. Sixthly,
that auriculft confession was expedient and
necessary, and ought to be retained in the
church." This, which was called " the
bloody statute," was enforced during the res-
idue of Henry's reign, or till the year 1547.
It brought many to the stake, and to prison ;
and caused the Reformation to go back rath-
er than advance, during these eight years.
See Burnet, \. c., p. 334, &c., and Neal, 1.
c., p. 75, &c.— TV.]

(15) See Jo. Andr. Reader's Tract, de
Colloquio Wormatiensi, Norimb., 1744, 4to,
[and Slcidan's Comment, de statu relig. et
reipubl., lib. xiii., sub. finem. — TV.]

(16) See Jo. Erdmann Bieck's Triple In-
terim, (written in German), ch. i., p. 1, &c.
[This conference was held in April, 1541.
The emperor selected the disputants : on the
part of the Catholics John Eckius, Julius
Pflug, George Gropper ; on the part of the
Protestants, Ph. Melancthon, Martin Buccr,
and John Pistorius. The author of the writ-
ten project (called the first Interim), here
read and discussed, was supposed to be Gco.
Gropper. See Sleidan, 1. c. Robertson's
Charles V., book vi.. p. 294, &c.,ed. 1829.
-TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 61

tracted deliberation had no other effect but to bring the parties to agree,
that this very difficult subject should be more fully examined in the future
council, or if a council should not be called, then in the next diet of Ger-
many.

§ 14. After this, a very disturbed state of things ensued, which required
the deliberations for settling religious controversies to be deferred. In,
the diet of Spire in 1542, the pontiff by his legate, renewed his promise
of a council ; and signified that it should be held at Trent, if that place
was agreeable. The king of the Romans, Ferdinand, and the Catholic
princes, gave their assent ; but the Protestants rejected both the place and
the council proposed by the pontiff; and demanded a legitimate and free
council, that is, one that should be exempt from the prescriptions and the
authority of the pontiff. Nevertheless the pontiff, with the consent of the
emperor, proceeded to appoint the council ; and at the diet of Worms,
A.D. 1545, the emperor negotiated with the Protestants to bring them to
approve of the council at Trent. But these negotiations failing, and the
emperor seeing no prospect that the Protestants would ever subject them-
selves to the council, listened to the advice of Paul III., who urged a re-
sort to arms, and in conjunction with that pontiff, he secretly prepared for
war. The leaders of the Protestants, the landgrave of Hesse and the
elector of Saxony, took measures not to be overwhelmed in a defenceless
state, and raised forces on their side. (17) While this storm was gather-
ing, Luther, who was disposed to contend with prayers and patience rath,
er than with arms, met a peaceful death at Eisleben his native town, on
the 18th of February, 1546.(18)

CHAPTER IV.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, FROB1 THE COMMENCEMENT QF THE WAR OF
SMALCALD [A.D. 1546], TO THE CONCLUSION OF A RELIGIOUS PEACE [A.D.

1555].

$ 1. Commencement of the War of Smalcald. — § 2. The War : and the Reverses of the
Protestants. — § 3. Form of the Interim. — § 4. Commotions arising from it. — §5. The
Council of Trent resumed. — § 6. Maurice disconcerts the Plans of the Emperor. — $'7.
His War against the Emperor. The Transaction at Passau. — § 8. Diet of Augsburg.
Religious Peace. — § 9. The Reformation in England.-^ 10. Scotland. — § 11. Ire-
land.— <) 12. The Netherlands. — § 13. Spain and Italy. — § 14. Estimate of the Refor-
mation.

§ 1. THE destruction of those who should oppose the council of Trent,
had been agreed on between the emperor and the pontiff; and the opening
of the council, was to be the signal for taking up arms. Accordingly,
that council had scarcely commenced its deliberations, at the beginning of
the .year 1546, when it was manifest from various indications, that an im-
peritorial-papal war impended over the Protestants. At the diet of Rat-

(17) [See Robertson's Hist, of Charles V., (18) [See Alexander Bower1* Life of Lu-
book vii., p. 322, &c.— Tr.] ther, chap, xi.— Tr.]

62 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. IV.

isbon indeed of this year, a new conference or dispute betwean the prin-
cipal theologians of the two parties had been instituted ; but its progress
and issue clearly showed, that the cause was to be decided not by argu-
ments but by arms. The fathers at Trent passed their first decrees, which
the Protestants again firmly rejected at the diet of Ratisbon : and soon af-
ter the emperor proscribed the Protestant leaders, and began to assemble
an army against them.

§ 2. The Saxon and Hessian princes led their forces into Bavaria, to
meet the emperor ; and they cannonaded his camp at Ingolstadt. A bat-
tle was expected to ensue. But as Maurice duke of Saxony, (who coveted
the riches and the high rank of his uncle John Frederic, and was seduced by
the promises of the emperor,) now invaded the Saxon territories, and as the
confederates of Smalcald were not harmonious in their views, and as the
money promised them from France did not arrive, the Protestant army
was broken up, and the elector of Saxony returned home. The emperor
pursued him by forced marches, and fell upon him unawares, near Muhl-
berg on the Elbe, the 24th of April, 1547, where after an unsuccessful
battle, and betrayed probably by his friends, he was taken prisoner. The
other Protestant prince, Philip of Hesse, by advice of his son-in-law Mau-
rice, and of the elector of Brandenburg, threw himself upon the mercy of
the emperor, expecting according to the emperor's promise, to be forgiven
and to be set at liberty. But he was nevertheless kept a prisoner ; and
it is reported, that the emperor violated his promise in this instance, and
deluded the Hessian prince by the ambiguity of some German words.
But this part of the history has not yet been so investigated as to make
the imprisonment of the landgrave, and the grounds of it, altogether
clear. (1)

§ 3. After this victory, the cause of the Protestants appeared irrecov-
erably ruined, and that of the Roman pontiff trismphant. In the diet held
soon after at Augsburg, (and which was surrounded by troops), the emper-
or demanded of the Protestants, to submit the decision of the religious
controversy to the council of Trent. The greater part consented, and in
particular Maurice of Saxony, who had received from Charles the electo-
ral dignity, of which, together with a part of his territories, John Frederic
had been deprived, and who also was extremely solicitous for the libera-
tion of his father-in-law, the landgrave of Hesse. But the emperor lost
the benefit of this assent to the council of Trent. For upon a rumour that
the pestilence had appeared at Trent, a great part of the fathers retired
to Bologna ; and thus the council was broken up. (2) Nor could the em-
peror prevail with the pope, to reassemble the council without delay. As

(1) Besides the accounts of the common itself by his prescription, and of the grow-
historians, Benj. Grosch has well described ing power of the emperor, which he did not
all these transactions, in his Vertheidigung wish to see farther increased by the coun-
der Evangelischen Kirche gegen Gottfr. Ar- cil. He indeed hated the Protestants ; but
nold, p. 29, &c. [See Sicilian's Comment, he did not wish to see the emperor, under
de statu relig. et reipubl., lib. xviii., and the colour of enforcing the decrees of the coun-
very full history of this war, in Robertson's cil, acquire a more absolute authority over
Hist, of Charles V., book viii., p. 338, &c., Germany. He had already withdrawn his
and book ix., p. 360, &c. — TV.] troops from the imperial army ; and he now

(2) [The report of a pestilence was a wished to see the council dispersed. Tho
mere pretence. The pope, Paul III., was Spanish members opposed him ; but he found
equally jealous of the council, which had means to prevail. — Schl.]

not been disposed in all respects to govern

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 63

the prospect of a council was now more distant, the emperor deemed it
necessary in the interim, to adopt some project, which might preserve the
peace in regard to religion until the council should assemble. Hence he
caused a paper to be drawn up by Julius Pflug, bishop of Nauemburg,
Michael Sidonius a papist, and John Agricola of Eisleben ; which should
serve as a rule of faith and worship to the professors of both the old re-
ligion and the new, until the meeting of the council ; and this paper, be-
cause it had not the force of a permanent law, was commonly called the
Interim.(3)

§ 4. This paper, called the Interim, though very favourable to the papal
cause, was equally displeasing to the pontiff and to the professors of the
true or Lutheran religion. When the emperor communicated it to the diet
of Augsburg, the elector of Mayence, without taking the sense of the
members, rose, and in the name of the diet, assented to it. Most of the
princes therefore, though reluctantly, acquiesced. Those who opposed it,
were for the most part compelled by the power and arms of the emperor
to submit ; and the calamities and oppressions which followed in Germany,
are almost indescribable. Maurice elector of Saxony, who occupied mid-
dle ground between those who approved and those who rejected the Interim,
held several consultations at Leipsic and other places, in the year 1548,
with his theologians and principal men of whom Philip Melancthon was
most distinguished, that he might determine what course to pursue. The
result of the protracted deliberation was, that Melancthon (whom the other
theologians followed), partly from fear of the emperor, and partly from
condescension to his sovereign, decided that the whole instrument called
the Interim could by no means be admitted ; but that there was no imped-
iment to receiving and approving it, so far as it concerned things not es-
sential in religion, or things indifferent (adiaphoris). This decision gave
rise to the Adiaphoristic controversy among the Lutherans, which will be
described in the history of the Lutheran church. In this state of things,
the cause of the reformed religion of Luther was in imminent peril : and
had the pontiff and the emperor known how to take advantage of their
good fortune, they might doubtless have either totally crushed the Luther-
an church, or depressed it greatly and brought it into embarrassment.
§ 5. In the midst of these contests, Julius III., who succeeded Paul III.

(3) See Jo. Erdm. Bieck's dreyfaches In- trinal points, such as man's primitive recti-

terim, Leip., 1721, 8vo. Jac. Osiander's tude, apostacy, original sin, redemption by

Historia Eccles., cent, xvi., lib. ii., c. 68, Christ, necessity of divine grace, human

p. 425, and others. Respecting the authors merit, &c., it adopted very much, scriptu-

and the editions of the Interim, see a dis- ral views and language ; and might have

quisition in the Danische Bibliothek, part been assented to by the Protestants, without

v., p. 1, &c., and part vi., p. 185, &c. [The sacrificing perhaps any fundamental truths.

Interim may be seen, at large, in Goldast's But it retained the mass, all the seven sa-

Constitutiones Imperiales, torn, i., p. 518, craments, the hierarchy, the traditions, the

&c.; also in Le Fevre's continuation of Fleu- ceremonies, in short, the whole exterior of

ry's Ecclesiast. History, lib. cxlv., § 21- the Catholic establishment and worship, with

23, Latin, by R. P. Alexander, vol. xxxix., the sole exceptions of tolerating the mar-

p. 540-586. See also SchroeckKs Kirch- riage of the clergy and communion in both

engesch. seit der Reformat., vol. i., p. 674, kinds. Yet it limited the authority of the

&c. Robertson's Hist, of Charles V., book pontiff, and so explained the grounds and

ix., p. 377, &c. The Interim consisted of uses of the Romish rites, as to make them

26 articles, drawn up with great care, and the least offensive possible. — TV.]
in a very conciliatory spirit. On most doc-

64 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. L— CHAP. IV.

in the government of the Romish church A.D. 1550, being overcome by
the entreaties of the emperor, consented to revive the council of Trent.
The emperor therefore, at the diet of Augsburg, which he again surround,
ed with his troops, conferred with the princes on the prosecution of the
council. The major part agreed, that the council ought to go on ; and
Maurice elector of Saxony, consented, yet only on certain conditions. (4)
At the close of the diet therefore, A.D. 1551, the emperor directed all to
prepare themselves for the council, and promised to use his endeavours, that
every thing should there be done in a religious and Christian manner, and
without passion. Hence confessions of faith to be exhibited to the coun-
cil, were drawn up ; one in Saxony, by Melancthon, and another at Wur-
temberg, by John Brentius. Besides the ambassadors of the duke, some
of the theologians of Wiirtemberg also, repaired to Trent. But the Sax-
ons, at the head of whom was Melancthon, though they set out, advanced
no farther than Nuremberg ; for their sovereign [the elector Maurice]
only made a show of obedience to the will of the emperor, while he was
really designing to subject Charles to his own pleasure.

§ 6. What plans and purposes Charles V. was pursuing amid these
commotions in Germany, will appear, if we consider the circumstances of
the times, and compare the different parts of his conduct. The emperor,
relying more than prudence would dictate upon his own powers and good
fortune, wished to make these disquietudes arising out of religion, subser-
vient to the enlargement and establishment of his power in Germany, and
to the diminution of the resources and the rights of the princes. More-
over, as he had in like manner long wished to- see the authority and domin-
ion of the Roman pontiffs diminished, and confined within some definite
limits, so that they might no longer interrupt the progress of his designs,
so he hoped, by means of the council, this wish might be realized ; since
by means of the councils formerly held at Constance and Basil, a check
was laid upon the exorbitant lust of power in the Romish bishops. For
he had no doubts that by means of his ambassadors and bishops, those of
Spain and Germany, and others, he should be able so to control the delib-
erations of the council, that all its decrees and acts would be conformable
to his plans and wishes. (5) But all these expectations and designs were
frustrated, by that very Maurice, by whose assistance principally Charles
had been able to break down the power of the Protestants.

§ 7. Long had Maurice in vain solicited for the liberation of his father-
in-law, Philip of Hesse ; and long had the greatest princes of Germany
and Europe importunately petitioned the emperor to set at liberty both the
landgrave of Hesse and the recent elector of Saxony. When, therefore,
Maurice perceived that he had been duped, and that Charles had hostile de-
signs upon the liberties of Germany, he entered into an alliance with the

(4) [These conditions were, that the freely. The assent under these conditions,

council should rescind all its past acts, and was read before the diet, and request made

begin anew ; that the divines of the Augs- that it might be entered entire upon the

burg Confession should not only be heard, journals : but this request was refused. See

but have the right of voting ; that the pon- Sicilian's Comment., &c., lib. xxii., fol. 576,

tiff should place himself under the jurisdic- ed. 1556. — TV.]

tion of the council, and should not have the (5) [This is clearly and satisfactorily

presidency of it ; and that he should release shown, in Robertson's History of Charles

the bishops from their oath of allegiance to V., vol. iii., p. 58, 207. — Schl.~\
him, so that they might give their opinions

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

65

king of France and with certain German princes, for asserting the rights of
the Germanic nation ; and in the year 1552, he led forth a well-appointed
army against the emperor. And he conducted the business with such ce-
lerity and vigour, that he was near to falling upon Charles unawares, and
in a state of security at Inspruck. This sudden storm so terrified diaries,
that he appeared quite ready to agree to any terms of peace ; and soon
after, at Passau, he not only gave present tranquillity to the Protestants, but
promised to assemble a diet within six months, at which the long-protract-
ed religious contests should be wholly terminated. Thus the very man,
who had given a severer blow perhaps than any other to the Protestant
cause, was the man to establish and give triumph to that cause, when it
was nearly given up and abandoned. Yet Maurice did not live to see the
result of his undertaking ; for the next year, he fell in a battle against
Albert of Brandenburg, at Sivershausen.(G)

§ 8. The diet, which the emperor promised at the pacification of Passau,
could not be assembled, on account of commotions that arose in Germany,
and other impediments, until the year 1555. But in this year, at Augs-
burg, and in presence of Ferdinand the emperor's brother, that memorable
convention was held, which gave to the Protestants, after so much slaugh-
ter and so many calamities and conflicts, that firm and stable religious

(6) [Maurice was, all his life, a Protestant
at heart. But he was selfish, ambitious, and
ungrateful. His base attack xipon the do-
minions of his uncle John Frederic, during
the war of Smalcald, was the chief cause of
the unhappy termination of that war, and of
all the calamities endured by the Protestants
from the year 1548 to 1552. During this
period, he took sides with the emperor, for
the sake of acquiring an increase of territory
and the rank of an elector. Yet he did not
abandon the Protestant religion, nor so en-
force the Interim as to restrain the exercise
of that religion among his subjects. He
probably had been deceived by the emper-
or's hollow promises not to injure the
cause of Protestantism. When he per-
ceived this, and also discovered the emper-
or's designs to overthrow the liberties of
Germany, he was mortified, stung by his
conscience, and roused to indignation. He
therefore determined to bring down the
power of the emperor, and to rescue both
the Protestant religion and the liberties of his
country from oppression. See Robertson's
History of Charles V., book x., p. 285, &c.,
310, 344, 401, &c., ed. New- York, 1829,
in 1 vol. 8vo. The treaty of Passau, be-
tween the emperor and Maurice, August 2d,
1552, laid the foundation of the liberties of
the German Protestant church. " Its chief
articles were, That before the 12th of Au-
gust, the confederates shall lay down their
arms and disband their forces ; That on or
before that day, the landgrave shall be set
at liberty, and be conveyed in safety to his
castle of Rheinfels ; That a diet shall be held

VOL. III.— I

within six months, in order to deliberate con-
cerning the most proper and effectual method
of preventing for the future all disputes and
dissensions about religion ; That in the mean
time, neither the emperor, nor any other
prince, shall, upon any pretext whatever,
offer any injury or violence to such as ad-
here to the confession of Augsburg, but shall
allow them to enjoy the free and undisturbed
exercise of their religion ; That, in return,
the Protestants shall not molest the Catho-
lics, either in the exercise of their ecclesias-
tical jurisdiction, or in performing their re-
ligious ceremonies ; That the imperial cham-
ber shall administer justice impartially to
persons of both parties ; and Protestants be
admitted indiscriminately with the Catholics
to sit as judges in that court ; That if the next
diet should not be able to terminate the dis-
putes with, regard to religion, the stipulations
in the present treaty in behalf of the Protest-
ants, shall continue for ever in full power and
vigour ; That none of the confederates shall
be liable to any action, on account of what
had happened during the course of the war ;
That the consideration of those encroach-
ments which had been made, as Maurice
pretended, upon the constitution and liber-
ties of the empire, shall be remitted to the
approaching diet ; That Albert of Branden-
burg shall be comprehended in the treaty,
provided he shall accede to it, and disband
his forces before the 12th of August."
Robertson's Charles V., 1. c., p. 414, &c.
See also Sleidan's Comment., &c., lib.
xxiv., fol. 661.— Jr.]

66 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. IV.

peace which they still enjoy. P'or on the 25th of September, after various
discussions, all those who had embraced the Augsburg Confession, were
pronounced free and exempt from all jurisdiction of the pontiff and the
bishops ; and were bidden to live securely, under their own laws and regu-
lations ; and liberty was given to all Germans, to follow which of the two
religions they pleased ; and lastly, all those were declared to be public en-
emies of Germany, who should presume to make war upon others or to
molest them, on the ground of their religion. (7) Nothing scarcely could
more clearly demonstrate the superstition, ignorance, and wretchedness of
that age, and consequently the necessity that existed for a reformation in
the prevalent views of religion and things sacred, than the fact, that most
of the Germans needed to be instructed by so many writings, controver-
sies, and wars, before they could assent to regulations so equitable, and so
consonant to reason and the holy scriptures.

§ 9. While these events were taking place in Germany, the English
were deploring the very near extinction of the light of pure religion ; and
witnessing the continual persecution of their countrymen, they esteemed
those Germans happy who had escaped from the RomisTi tyranny. Henry
VIII., whose vices obstructed the progress of the reformation, died in the
year 1547. His son and successor Edward VI., a child in years but ma-
ture in wisdom, intelligence, and virtue, having collected around him learn-
ed men from every quarter, and particularly some from Germany of the
mildest character, as Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius, ordered the kingdom
to be purged entirely of the popish fictions, and a better religion to be
publicly taught. But he was removed by death in 1553, to the immense
grief of his subjects. (8) His sister Mary, daughter of that Catharine

(7) [See Jo. Schiller's tract, de Pace re- controversy, in a general or national council,

ligiosa, published in 1700, 4to. Christoph. or in a future diet ; yet it contained an ex-

Lehmanri's Acta publica et originalia de Pace press stipulation, that the principles here

religiosa, Frankf., 1707, fbl. [The compact settled, shoulcf remain inviolate for ever. In

entitled the religious peace, as extracted from the imperial cities, and wherever the pro-

the acts of the diet of Augsburg of Sept. 25, fessors of both religions had hitherto enjoyed

1555, may be seen at large in B. G. Struve's equal religious liberty, they were to continue

Corpus Juris Publici Academicum, ed. 2d, to enjoy the same. — The pope was exceed-

Jena, 1734, p. 169-214. It embraces 22 ingly displeased with this peace ; and he

articles ; and is founded on the treaty of tried to persuade the emperor to renounce

Passau, described in the preceding note, it, promising to absolve him from his oath.

It places the believers in the Augsburg Con- But the emperor would not consent. Yet

fession and the Catholics, on the same ground, the Catholics were never satisfied with it.

as citizens and as members of the empire ; And some ambiguities in the language of it,

and forbids all molestation of the one class and some of its odious provisions, such as

by the other ; forbids proselyting, but allows excluding all but Lutherans and Catholics

voluntary transition from one religion to the from a participation in it, and subjecting

other. Yet beneficed Catholics, if they beneficed Catholics to the loss of their

turned Protestants, were to lose their bene- livings if they became Lutherans, led on to

fices. All other denominations of Christians, contention, and at last produced in the next

except Catholics and Lutherans, are ex- century, the thirty years' war, which nearly

pressly excluded from the privileges of this ruined Germany. — TV.]
compact. (Art. IV. " Attamen caeteri om- (8) [By the act of supremacy, the sole

nes, qui alteri praenominatarum harum bina- right of reforming the church was in the

rumReligionumnon sint adhserentes,subhac crown. This right the regents claimed and

pace, now comprehensi, sedplune cxclusi esse exercised, during the king's minority, not-

debent.") The Zwinglians, Calvinists, or withstanding the objections of the opposers

Reformed, were therefore left in the same of reform. Henry had assigned to his son

state as before. The treaty still conte,m- sixteen regents of the kingdom, besides 12

plated a more full adjustment of all points of privy counsellors ; and a majority of these

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

67

whom Henry VIII. had divorced, was heiress of the kingdom ; and being
a woman bigotedly devoted to the religion of her ancestors, and governed
by her passions, she again obtruded the Catholic religion upon the Britains ;
nor did she hesitate to put to the most cruel death great numbers of such
as resisted, and even persons of the highest rank, among whom Thomas
Cranmer archbishop of Canterbury and author of the recent prostration of
the papal power in England, stood conspicuous. But the death of the
queen, who departed without issue in 1558, put an end to this scene of
rage. (9) For her successor on the British throne, Elizabeth, a woman of

were friendly to the reformation. The lead-
ing reformers at that time were, king Edward
himself, the duke of Somerset lord protector,
the archbishops Cranmer and Holgate, Sir
W. Paget secretary of state, lord viscount
Lisle high admiral, and the bishops Holbeach,
Goodrick, Latimer, and Ridley. The lead-
ers in opposition to reform were, the princess
Mary, earl Wriothesley, and bishops Ton-
stal, Gardiner, and Banner. The obstacles
to reformation were, the profound ignorance
and superstition of the people at large, the
resistance of the bishops, the incompetence
and selfishness of the inferior clergy, the want
of ecclesiastical funds, and the deficiency of
preachers who could spread the light of truth.
The court ordered a visitation of all the
churches ; and forbid any to preach out of
their parishes without a license, during the
visitation. The first book of Homilies was
set forth, to be read in the churches where
the incumbents were incompetent to preach ;
and thirty-six royal injunctions, regulating
worship and religious order, were issued.
Bishops Banner and Gardiner refused obe-
dience to the injunctions, and were sent to
prison. The parliament which met in No-
vember, 1547, repealed the laws which sanc-
tioned persecution, and also the statute of
the six articles which had been a bar to ref-
ormation, ordered the communion to be
given in both kinds, empowered the king to
appoint all bishops, and sequestered what re-
mained of chantry lands and other pious leg-
acies of former days. This year, Peter Mar-
tyr of Florence was made divinity professor
at Oxford, and Martin Bucer at Cambridge.
Ochinus and Fagius, also foreigners, were
employed in the English church. Religious
controversy grew warm, and was introduced
into the pulpits. In September the king for-
bid all preaching, till he should decree what
might be preached. Some bishops were ap-
pointed to reform the offices of the church,
or the formulas of worship. This was the
first liturgy of king Edward. In January,
1549, parliament ratified the new liturgy, and
made it penal to use any other. A new vis-
itation was appointed by the court, to see
that the new liturgy was introduced. Some

tumults and insurrections ensued, but they
were soon quieted. The Anabaptists were
persecuted, and likewise all opposers of the
new liturgy. In November, 1550, parlia-
ment authorized the king to revise the can-
on law of England. A new digest in 51 tit-
uli, was formed ; but never sanctioned, be-
ing not completed till just before the king's
death. The new ritual was pressed. The
recusants were either papists who were at-
tached to the old ritual, or Non-conformists
who (like Hooper) objected to the sacerdotal
garments and wished for a more simple wor-
ship. Both were persecuted. In 1551 Cran-
mer and Ridley drew up new articles of faith,
42 in number, which the council published.
In 1552 the Common Prayer Book was again
revised, and made nearly the same as it now
is. In January, 1553, it was sanctioned by
parliament. This year king Edward died,
and the reformation was arrested, before it
had obtained a firm establishment or that de-
gree of perfection which its authors designed.
See Burners History of the Reformat., vol.
ii., part i., book i., and Neal's Hist, of the
Puritans, vol i., chap. ii. — Tr.]

(9) [Queen Mary disguised her intentions,
till fully established on the throne ; and then
proceeded to release from prison and restore
to their sees, the popish bishops, Banner,
Gardiner, Tonstal, &c., and to imprison the
reformers, Cranmer, Hooper, Coverdale,
Rog ers, Holgate, and others. Eight hundred
friends to reformation fled to the Continent,
and settled chiefly along the Rhine. Among
these were five bishops, five deans, four arch-
deacons, and above fifty doctors in divinity,
besides noblemen, merchants, &c. The for-
eigners, Peter Martyr, and John a Lasco
with his congregation, were expelled the
country. A compliant parliament, in Octo-
ber, 1553, repealed the laws of king Edward
in favour of a reformation, restored things
to the state in which Henry VIII. left them,
and made it penal to practise the reformed
religion. The convocation fully agreed with
the parliament. In 1554 the queen appoint-
ed a visitation of the churches, to restore the
former state of things. Six bishops were
turned out, the mass was set up and the

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. IV.

masculine resolution and sagacity, rescued her country entirely from the
power of the pontiff, and established that form of religion and worship
which still prevails in England. This is different from that form which
the counsellors of Edward had devised, and approaches nearer to the usages
and institutions of the previous times ; yet it is very far removed from that
which is held sacred at Rome. (10)

§ 10. Into the neighbouring kingdom of Scotland the elements of a
purer religfon were early introduced, by certain young noblemen who had
resided in Germany. But the papal power supported by inhuman laws
and penalties, for many years prevented it from taking firm root. The prin-
cipal author of the entire abolition of the Romish dominion over Scotland, was
John Knox a disciple of Calvin, a man of eloquence and of a bold and fearless
character. Proceeding from Geneva to Scotland in the year 1559, he in a
short time so roused up the people by his discourses, that the majority of them
abandoned the institutions of their fathers and destroyed every vestige of

popish rites every where restored. All the
married and recusant clergy, to the number
of some thousands, were deprived. This
year the queen married Philip king of Spain.
In November an obsequious parliament was
assembled, cardinal Pole was recalled, and
as papal legate he fully restored popery, and
reunited England to the papal throne. The
parliament proceeded in 1555, to repeal all
laws in favour of a reformation passed since
the time Henry VIII. first began his contest
with the pope, and to revive the old laws
against heretics. The fires of persecution
were now kindled. John Rogers was the
first martyr ; and bishops Ridley, Latimer,
and Cranmer, were among the victims. Of
these executions, bishop Banner was the
chief agent. The whole number put to death
during the remai v.erof this reign, was about
288, besides those who died in prison and
great numbers who fled the country. Po-
pery was now completely triumphant ; and
the reformation seemed entirely- suppressed.
See Burnet, 1. c., book ii., and Neal, 1. c., ch.
iii.— TV.]

(10) [Queen Mary died, November 17th,
1558, and her sister Elizabeth was imme-
diately proclaimed. She had a vigorous,
resolute mind, and was friendly to the ref-
ormation. Claiming supreme power both
in church and state, she determined to re-
store forthwith the reformed religion. In
December, 1558, she inhibited all preaching
for the present. The exiles hastened home,
and were somewhat divided among them-
selves in respect to their views of discipline
and rites of worship, in consequence of what
they had witnessed while abroad. The Eng-
lish bishops were all opposed to reformation.
The court secured a compliant parliament,
which met in January, 1559, repealed the
persecuting laws of queen Mary, invested
the sovereign with power to regulate the doc-

trine, discipline, and worship of the church,
to appoint all bishops, and to establish High
Commission courts, with powers nearly equal
to the Inquisition. The queen appointed
doctors Parker, Grindal, Cox, and others, to
revise king Edward's liturgy ; which being
slightly altered, was ratified by parliament
in April, and enjoined upon the whole nation
by law. On the rise of parliament, the bish-
ops were called upon to take the oath of su-
premacy. All except one, refused ; and were
turned out, to the number of fourteen. New
bishops favourable to the reformation, were
appointed by the queen, and consecrated by
the ex-bishops of king Edward's reign. The
queen now ordered a general visitation of
the churches ; and issued fifty-two injunc-
tions, regulating worship and discipline, the
lives and duties of clergymen, rites, cere-
monies, holy days, &c., with penalties against
recusants. Of the clergy, only about 200
refused obedience and lost their livings. In
1562, the parliament confirmed the reforma-
tion effected by the queen. The convoca-
tion revised the forty-two articles of faith of
king Edward, made some not very impor-
tant alterations, and reduced the number to
thirty-nine; yet they were not ratified by
parliament till 1571. Respecting the forms
of worship, the convocation were nearly
equally divided ; and they debated with great
warmth, the minority urging a greater sim-
plicity of worship. Here the Puritan party
began to show itself. But the queen was
fond of a splendid worship, and claiming su-
preme dominion in religious matters, she rig-
orously enforced uniformity. Thus the ref-
ormation was arrested, and the established
church in England has ever since remained
substantially the same as in the year 1562.
See Burnet, 1. c., vol. ii., pt. i., book iii. ;
NeaVs Hist, of the Puritans, vol. i., ch. iv. —
2V.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

69

the Romish religion. (11) From that time onward, the Scots have per.
tinaciously held to that form of religion and discipline, which was estab-
lished at Geneva under the auspices of John Calvin, Knox's preceptor;
nor could any considerations afterwards induce them to adopt the eccle.
siastical institutions and forms of worship of the English.

§ 11. In Ireland, the reformation was exposed to the same fluctuations
and fortunes as in England. When Henry VIII. upon the abrogation of
the pontifical power, was declared supreme head of the English church,
George Brown, an English Augustinian monk whom the king in 1535 had
created archbishop of Dublin, proceeded to purge the churches of his prov-
ince of their images, relics, and superstitious rites ; and he exerted such
influence, that the king's supremacy (by which was meant the royal power
over the church) was acknowledged in Ireland. And hence, the king soon
after expelled the monks from Ireland, and destroyed their houses. Under
Edward VI. the reformation in Ireland continued to be urged forward by
the same archbishop. But Mary the sister of Edward, persecuted with
fire and sword those who embraced the reformed religion, in Ireland as
well as in England ; and Brown and the other bishops who favoured the
reformation, were deprived of their offices. Under Elizabeth however,
every thing was restored ; and the Irish adopted the form of religion and
discipline which was established in England. (12)

(11) Dan. Neal's History of the Puritans, ted the cardinal in his palace of St. Andrews,

and then taking possession of the castle, held
it for some years, and thus afforded a ren-
dezvous for the reformed. In 1547 John
Knox retired thither with his .pupils, and was
soon made a preacher. St. Andrews was
afterwards besieged and taken ; and Knox
with the other prisoners was sent to France,

York, 1813, 8vo. W. Robertson's Hist, of and there kept in confinement. In 1552 the
Scotland, New- York, 1829, 8vo. J. Scott's queen mother found it necessary to purchase

the support of the reformed now a powerful
party, by affording them protection ; and for
six years they suffered little molestation.
In 1558 the queen was obliged by her allies

vol. i., p. 165, &c., 232, 234, 569, and oth-
ers. Dan. Calderwood's History of Scot-
land's Reformation, Lond., 1680. fol. Geo.
Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia, lib.
xvi., $ 21, &c., p. 361, &c., ed. Ruddimann.
Jac. Mehil's Memoires, vol. i., p. 73, &c.
[Tho. M'Crie's Life of John Knox, New-

Lives of the Prot. Reformers in Scotland,
Edinb., 1810, 8vo. — The martyrdom of Pat-
rick Hamilton in 1527 at St. Andrews, made
a deep impression on many of his country-
men. It produced inquiry on religious sub-

to withdraw her protection, and the reformed,

jects ; and from that time there were always now quite numerous especially in the large
more or fewer Scots who preached against towns and among the nobles, were again

the prevailing religion; e. g., friar Seaton,
one Forest, and others. But the priests fre-
quently brought the reformers to the stake.
Two were burned in 1534 ; while others fled
into England. In 1539 five were burned at
Edinburgh, and two at Glasgow. In the

persecuted. The burning of Walter Mill,
induced them to combine and to assert their
right to believe and to worship according to
the dictates of their consciences. A cniil
war ensued, and queen Elizabeth of England
aided the Scotish reformed. In 1559 °John

same year the famous George Buchanan Knox returned to Scotland, and by his elo-

went into exile. In 1542 several Scotish quence and activity carried forward the ref-

noblemen were carried prisoners ol war into ormation triumphantly. The queen regent

England, where some of them imbibed a fa- died hi June, and^ peace was contluded in

vourable opinion of the reformed religion.

In 1543 Hamilton, earl of Arran and lord

protector, was friendly to the reformed ; but

he was so vigorously opposed by cardinal

Belon, that he dared not openly protect them.

In 1545 George Wishcart was burned by

cardinal Belon, to the general disgust of the

August, 1560. The parliament assembled
soon after, and in this year and the following,
fully established the Protestant religion, ac-
cording to the views of John Knox, and
passed laws for the suppression of the Cath-
olic religion throughout the country. Thus
was the Scotish reformation at last achieved.
A number of young men of spirit See the authors above cited. — TV.]

(12) See the life of George Brawn, late

nobility.

and birth, associated together, and assaseina

70

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. IV.

§ 12. Soon after the Scots, the inhabitants of the provinces now called
the United Netherlands [or the Dutch], revolted entirely from the Roman
pontiff. Philip II. king of Spain, very anxious for the safety of the Ro-
rnish religion among a people so attached to liberty, determined to restrain
the Belgians and secure their allegiance to the pontiff, by creating an ad-
ditional number of bishops, by establishing among them the iniquitous
tribunal of the Inquisition, and by other hard and insupportable laws. But
this excessive cafe to preserve the "old religion, instead of securing it from
the dangers to which it was exposed, occasioned its total overthrow. In
the year 1566 the nobility combined together, and remonstrated strongly
against these new edicts ; and meeting with repulse and contempt, they in
conjunction with the people, openly trampled upon the things held sacred
by the Romanists. (13) As the duke of Alva, who was sent from Spain
with forces for that purpose, endeavoured to suppress these commotions
with unparalleled cruelty and with innumerable slaughters, that furious civil
war was produced to which the very powerful republic of the seven United
Provinces of Belgium owes its origin. This republic rescued from the
dominion of the Spaniards by its leader, William of Nassau prince of
Orange, with the aid of Elizabeth queen of England, and of the king of
France, adopted in the year 1573 the doctrines, the ecclesiastical organi-
zation, and the worship of the Swiss ; yet gave to all the citizens entire

archbishop of Dublin, London, 1681, 4to, only one legally tolerated, it was followed

by few except the officers of government,
and such English families ' as removed to
Ireland to enjoy the estates they acquired
there. In the reign of James I., many
Presbyterians from Scotland settled in the
north of Ireland ; and some English Puritans
also took refuge there. Thus the Protestant
population became considerably increased.
But still the pure Irish, as well as the de-
scendants of those English who settled in
Ireland prior to the reformation, constituting
together the majority of the population of
the country, continued to adhere to the Cath-
olic religion. During the two last centuries,
the Protestant population and particularly
the dissenting portion of it, has been con-

and which is reprinted in the collection called
the Hurley an Miscellany, vol. v., Lond.,
1745, 4to, No. LXXIII. [The reformed re-
ligion never has had the assent of the Irish
people at large. Henry VIII. attempted
little more than to establish his supremacy
over the church of Ireland. And though he
succeeded in procuring a major vote in the
Irish parliament for it, the people and the
clergy very generally would never admit it.
He suppressed the monasteries and confis-
cated their funds, but this did not suppress
popery. Queen Mary easily and at once,
restored every thing in that country, except
the confiscated property. She deprived arch-
bishop Brown in 1554, but did not attempt
to persecute " with fire and sward" the hand-
ful of Protestants in that country, until near
the close of her reign, when she sent over
Dr. Cole with a commission for that purpose.
His commission however was stolen from
him on the way, and he had to return to
England for another. But before he reached
Ireland a second time, the queen died, and
he could not proceed to his bloody work.
Queen Elizabeth caused herself to be pro-
claimed head of the church in Ireland ; and
•undertook to enforce every where the Prot-
estant doctrines and worship. But without
success. The recusant clergy indeed lost
their livings, and some Protestant clergymen
were introduced into the country. But the
people at large would not attend the Prot-
estant worship. Thus, while Protestantism
was the only established religion and the

siderably increased ; yet the Catholic popu-
lation has also increased ; and it is said, that
there have been more conversions from the
Protestant to the Catholic faith in Ireland,
during the period, than conversions from the
Catholic faith to the Protestant. Thus Ire-
land is still a Catholic country, if we regard
the population ; though Protestant and of the
church of England, if we regard only the re-
ligious establishments of the country. — Tr.]
(13) [Dr. Maclaine justly remarks, that
" Dr. Mosheim here seems to distinguish
too little between the spirit of the nobility
and that of the multitude. Nothing was
more temperate and decent than the conduct
of the former ; and nothing could be more
tumultuous and irregular than the behaviour
of the latter."— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

71

liberty of opinion on religious subjects, provided they attempted nothing
against the peace and prosperity of the community.(14)

§ 13. In Spain and Italy, the reformed religion made great progress,
soon after the first conflicts between Luther and the pontiffs. Very many
in all the provinces of Italy but especially among the Venetians, the Tus-
cans, and the Neapolitans, avowed their alienation from the Romish reli-
gion. And in the kingdom of Naples in particular, very great and danger-
ous commotions arose from this source in the year 1536, which were ex-
cited chiefly by the celebrated Bernh. Ochinus, Peter Martyr, and others
who preached against the superstitions ; and which Charles V. and his vice-,
roy for Naples had great difficulty to suppress.(lS) The principal instru-

(14) The noble work of Gerhard Brand
entitled a history of the Reformation in the
Netherlands, written in Dutch and printed
at Amsterdam, 1677, &c., in 4 vols. 4to, is
especially to be consulted. [The first vol-
ume is properly the history of the Reforma-
tion, coming down to the year 1600 ; the
other volumes contain a history of the Ar-
minian controversy, and the events of the
seventeenth century. There is a translated
abridgment of Brand both in French and
English, which gives a good condensed ac-
count. See also Gerdes, HistoriaEvangelii
renovati, torn, iii., p. 1, &c., and SchroeckK's
Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii., p.
348-434. — Philip II. king of Spain, deter-
mined to purge the Netherlands of heretics ;
and for this purpose increased the number
of bishops from four to fourteen ; enacted
severe laws against heretics ; and determined
to introduce the Inquisition into the country.
These measures were generally offensive,
and to the' Catholics nearly as much so as to
the Protestants. In 1566 most of the no-
bles, though generally Catholics, entered
into an association to protect and defend the
liberties of the country. The Protestants
now 100,000 in number, petitioned the king
for toleration ; and though treated with con-
tempt, they ventured to hold their meetings
for worship openly, instead of meeting in
private. They had now 50 or 60 places of
meeting in Flanders, attended by 60,000
persons. Similar meetings were opened in
Artois, Brabant, Utrecht, Seeland, Geldres,
Friesland, &c. Attempts being made by
the government to disperse their assemblies
by force, they went armed to their places
of worship. The same year the rabble first
in Flanders, and afterwards in the other prov-
inces, broke into the churches and destroyed
the images, pictures, crosses, &c. Philip
subsidized 13,000 German troops to support
the government. Many of the rebellious
Catholics voluntarily submitted, and the
Protestants were reduced to great straits.
Many were put to death, and many fled the
country. The association of the nobles melt-

ed away. In 1567 the Netherlands were
truly a conquered country. But Philip not
yet satisfied, determined to punish his sub-
jects still more ; and therefore sent the duke
of Alva with an army of Spaniards and Ital-
ians, to chastise the country. But severity
only increased the number of Protestants,
and drove the people to desperation. In
1568 William prince of Orange, assembled
an army of refugees, and attacked the coun-
try without success. In 1572, he attacked
the northern provinces by sea, and presently
made himself master of Holland and several
of the other provinces. The Hollanders now
proclaimed him their stadtholder ; and in
1573 he was able to attack some of the more
southern provinces. The war lasted many
years ; and the united provinces fully set
up the Protestant religion ; while those that
remained subject to a foreign jurisdiction,
were obliged to acquiesce in popery as the
established religion. — Respecting the toler-
ation of other sects in the United Nether-
lands, Dr. Mdclaine (who lived long in that
country, and therefore may be considered
good authority) observes, that : " It is ne-
cessary to distinguish between the toleration
that was granted to the Roman Catholics,
and that which the Anabaptists, Lutherans,
and other Protestant sects, enjoyed. They
were all; indiscriminately, excluded from the
civil employments of the state ; but though
they were equally allowed the exercise of
their religion, the latter were permitted to
enjoy their religious worship in a more open
and public manner than the former, from
whom their churches were taken, and whose
religious assemblies were confined to private
conventicles, which had no external resem-
blance of the edifices usually set apart for
divine worship." — TV.]

(15) See Peter Giannone, Hist, civile du
Royaume de Naples, [lib. xxxii., cap. v., sec.
i.],tom. iv.,p. 108, &c. The life of Galeaci-
us in the Museum Helvet., torn, ii., p. 524.
[See Dan. Gerdes, Specimen Italise Refor-
mats— una cum Syllabo Reformatorum Ital-
orum, Leyden, 1765, 4to, and Dom. Rosius

72

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SEC. I.— CHAP. IV.

ments used by the Roman pontiffs for repelling this danger were the in-
quisitors, whom they sent into most parts of Italy, and who tortured and
slew so many people that very many of the friends of the new religion fled
into exile, and others returned ostensibly at least to the old religion. But
the pontiff found it utterly impossible to bring the Neapolitans to tolerate
the tribunal of the Inquisition, or even to admit inquisitors into their coun-
try. — Spain became infected with the Lutheran doctrines by different ways,
and among others by those very theologians whom Charles V. took with
him to Germany to confute the heretics ; for those theologians returned to
their country, tainted with the heresy. But the Spanish Inquisition by its
accustomed severities, and especially by condemning to the flames, easily
extinguished in the citizens all disposition to substitute a better religion in
place of the old one. (16)

§ 14. It is unnecessary to wage controversy with those who say, that
some of the persons who took a leading part in these great revolutions,
were now and then guilty of grievous faults. For the best informed do
not deny, that several transactions might have been conducted more dis-
creetly, and that some of the men in power were more solicitous to pro-
mote their own interests than to advance pure religion. But on the other
hand it is beyond all question, that many things which appear faulty to us

de Porta, Hist. Reformat, eccle. Raelicarum,
Cur, 1771, vol. i., lib. ii., ch. ii., &c.— TV.]
" It was an attempt to introduce a Roman
inquisitor into the city of Naples, that, prop-
erly speaking, produced the tumult and se-
dition which Dr. Mosheim attributes in this
section to the pulpit discourses of Ochino
and Martyr ; for these famous preachers,
and particularly the former, taught the doc-
trines of the reformation with great art, pru-
dence, and caution, and converted many se-
cretly without giving public offence. The
emperor himself, who heard him at Naples,
declared, that he preached with such spirit
and devotion as was sufficient to make the
very stones weep. After Ochino' s departure
from Naples, the disciples he had formed
gave private instructions to others, among
whom were some eminent ecclesiastics and
persons of distinction, who began to form
congregations and conventicles. This awa-
kened the jealousy of the viceroy, Toledo,
who published a severe edict against hereti-
"cal books, ordered some productions of Me-
lancthon and Erasmus to be publicly burned,
looked with a suspicious eye on all kinds of
literature, suppressed several academies,
which had been erected about this time by
the nobility for the advancement of learning,
and having received orders from the emperor
to introduce the Inquisition, desired pope
Paul III. to send from Rome to Naples a
deputy of that formidable tribunal. It was
this, that excited the people to take up arms,
in order to defend themselves from this
branch of spiritual tyranny, which the Nea-
politans never were patient enough to suffer,

and which on many occasions they had op-
posed with vigour and success. Hostilities
ensued, which were followed by an accom-
modation of matters and a general pardon ;
while the emperor and viceroy, by this reso-
lute opposition, were deterred from their de-
sign of introducing this despotic tribunal into
the kingdom of Naples. Several other at-
tempts were afterwards made, during the
reigns of Philip II., III., IV., and Charles
II., to establish the Inquisition in Naples ; but
by the jealousy and vigilance of the people,
they all proved ineffectual. At length the
emperor Charles VI. in the beginning of this
present century, published an edict, express-
ly prohibiting all causes, relating to the holy
faith, to be tried by any persons, except the
archbishops and bishops as ordinaries. See
Giannone, Histoire de Naples, liv. xxxii.,
cap. v., sec. 2 and 3. Modern Univ. His-
tory, vol. xxviii., p. 273, &c., ed. 8vo." —
Mad.']

(16) Michael Geddes, Sparifth Protestant
Martyrology, in his Miscellaneous Tracts,
vol. i., p. 445. [See also note (61), p. 48,
above. — Tr. It is noticeable, that all the
Spanish theologians, who accompanied
Charles V.-to Germany and were associ-
ated with him afterwards in his retirement,
fell after his death into the hands of the In-
quisition, and were condemned, some to the
flames and others to other kinds of death.
These were Augustine Casal his court
preacher, Cons tan tine Pontius his confes-
sor, the Dominican Bartholomew Caranza,
confessor to king Philip and queen Mary,
together with many others. — ScA/.]

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 73

of the present age, should be classed among noble achievements, if we re-
gard the times and the places of them and compare them with the frauds
and the enormities both of the Roman pontiffs and their supporters.
However, when we go into inquiry respecting the justice of the contro-
versy which Luther first waged with the Roman pontiff, it is not a question
that relates to the personal acts and virtues of individual men. Let some
of these be supposed even worse men than they are generally esteemed to
be, provided the cause for which they contended, be allowed to have been
just and good.(17)

SECTION II.

THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

$ 1. Extension of the Christian Church. — 9 2. Zeal of the Pontiff in this respect. — $ 3.
Propagation of Christianity, in India, Japan, and China. — § 4. Zeal of the Protestants
on this Subject. — f) 5. The Enemies of Christianity. — § 6. Advantages of the Revival
of Learning. — § 7. The Study of the Greek and Latin Classics every where flourish-
ed.— $ 8. The State of Philosophy. — § 9. Mode of teaching Theology. — 9" 10. Religion
Purified, and Morals Reformed.

§ 1. IN extending the empire of Christ, the Spaniards and Portuguese
were, if we may believe their own historians, equally active and success.
ful.(l) And they carried indeed a sort of knowledge of Christianity to
both North and South America, to a part of Africa, and to the maritime
parts and islands of Asia which were subjugated by their fleets. And a
large number of the inhabitants of these regions, who had before been
destitute of all religion or were sunk in the grossest superstitions, osten-
sibly assumed the name of Christians. But these accessions to the Chris-
tian church will not be highly appreciated, or rather will be deplored, by
those who consider, that these nations were coerced by barbarous and
abominable laws and punishments to abandon the religion of their ances-
tors, and that all were enrolled as Christians who had learned to venerate
immoderately their stupid instructers, and to exhibit by gestures and in
words certain useless rites and forms. Such a judgment has been pro-
nounced, not merely by those whom the Romish church calls heretics, but
also by several of the best and most solid members of the Romish commu-
nity, Frenchmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, and others.

§ 2. The Roman pontiffs, after losing a great part of Europe, manifest-
ed much more solicitude than before to propagate Christianity in other

(17) [See Machine's Appendix No. I. gelii toti orbi exoriens, cap. 42, 43, 48, 49.

concerning the spirit and conduct of the first [A copious list of authors, who treat of both

reformers, &c., subjoined to his translation the civil and religious state of Spanish Amer-

of this section. — TV.] ica in particular, may be seen prefixed to

(1) See, among many others, Jos. Fran. Dr. W. Robertson's History of the discov-

Lafitaus Histoire des decouvertes et con- ery and settlement of America. Much ful-

questes des Portugais dans Ic nouveau ler, and extending to the whole American

monde, torn, iii., p. 420. He derives his ac- continent, is 0. Rich's Bibliotheca Ameri-

counts from the Portuguese writers. The cana Nova, parti., A.D. 1701-1800. Lon-

other writers on this subject are enumerated don, 1834, 8vo., p. 423. — TV.]
by Jo. Alb. FabriciiLs, Lux salutaris Evan-
VOL. III.— K

74 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SECTION II.

parts of the world. For no better method occurred to them, both for re.
pairing the loss they had sustained in Europe, and for vindicating their
claims to the title of common fathers of the Christian church. Therefore,
soon after the institution of the celebrated society of Jesuits in the year
1540, that order was especially charged constantly to train up suitable
men, to be commissioned and sent by the pontiffs into the remotest regions
as preachers of the religion of Christ. With what fidelity and zeal the
order obeyed this injunction, may be learned from the long list of histories,
which describe the labours and perils encountered by vast numbers of the
fraternity while propagating Christianity among the pagan nations. (2)
Immortal praise would undoubtedly belong to them, were it not manifest
from unequivocal testimony, that many of them laboured rather to promote
the glory of the Roman pontiff and the interests of their own sect, than
the glory and interests of Jesus Christ. (3) It appears also from authors
of high credit and authority, that the Indians were induced to profess
Christianity by the Inquisition established by the Jesuits at Goa in Asia.
and by their arms and penal laws, rather than by their exhortations and
argumentations. (4) This zeal of the Jesuits excited the emulation not
only of the Franciscans and Dominicans but likewise of other religious
associations, and led them to renew this almost neglected work of missions.
§ 3. Among the Jesuits who took the lead in the arduous work of mis-
sions, no one acquired greater fame than Francis Xavier, commonly
called the apostle of the Indies. (5) Possessing genius in no ordinary de-
gree, and a very high degree of activity, he proceeded to the Portuguese
East Indies in the year 1542, and in a few years filled no small part both
of the continent and the islands with a knowledge of the Christian or rath-

(2) See Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Lux evan- ola found him teaching with reputation, and
gelii toti orbi exoriens, cap. xxxii., p. 550, persuaded 4iim to join his new society of
<fcc. Jesuits. In 1540 the king of Portugal re-

(3) See Christ. Eberh. Weismanri's Ora- quested some members of that society to be
tio de virtutibus et vitiis Missionar. Ro- sent to his capital. Xavier and Sirrum Rod-
man., in his Oratt. Academics, p. 286, &c. riguez were sent the next year; and from
[Compare also his Introduct. in Memorabil- Lisbon Xavier shipped in 1541 for the East
lia eccles. Histor. sacrae N. T., torn, ii., p. Indies, with the commission of papal legate
684, &c — Schl.~\ and missionary. He arrived at Goa in 1542,

(4) See the Histoire de la Compagnie de and laboured with success in converting the
Jesu, torn, ii., p. 171, 207, &c. natives and reforming the lives of the Por-

(5) Pope Benedict XIV., at the request tuguese, for about seven years. During this
of the king of Portugal in the year 1747, period he travelled extensively in Hindostan,
conferred on Xavier the dignity and title of twice visited the pearl fishery on the coast
Protector of the Indies. See Lettres edifi- of Ceylon, and made repeated and extensive
antes et curieuses des Missions etrangeres, voyages among the islands to the east of the
torn, xliii., Pref., p. xxxvi., &c. The body bay of Bengal. At length in 1549 he went
of Xavier was interred at Goa, and is there to Japan, and there spent two years and a
worshipped with the greatest devotion, he half with no great success as a missionary,
being enrolled among the saints. A mag- He then returned to Goa, and immediately
nificent church is erected to him at Cotata prepared for a mission to China. He ar-
in Portuguese India, where he is likewise rived on the Chinese coast in the autumn of
devoutly invoked by the people. See the 1552, fell sick of a fever, and there expired.
Lettres edifiantes des Missions, tome iii., His remains were afterwards removed to
p. 85, 89, 203 ; tome v., p. 38-48. ; torn. Goa, and there interred. His life was writ-
vi., p. 78. [Francis Xavier was a younger ten by the Jesuit Horatius Tursellinus, in
son of a respectable family in the south of 6 Books. Rome, 1594, 12mo. See Schro-
France, and born about A.D. 1506. He eckVs Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., vol.
was educated at Paris, where Ignatius Lay- iii., p. 652, &c. — TV.]

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

75

er the Romish religion. Thence he proceeded in the year 1549 to Japan,
and with great celerity laid the foundation of that very numerous body of
Christians which flourished for many years in that extensive empire. Af-
terwards, when attempting a mission to China, and already in sight of that
powerful kingdom, he closed life at the island of Sancian in the year
1552. (6) After his death, other missionaries of the order of Jesuits en-
tered China ; among whom the most distinguished was Matthew Ricci an
Italian, who so conciliated the favour of some of the chief men and even
of the emperor, by his great skill in mathematics, that he obtained for him-
self and companions liberty to explain the doctrines of Christianity to the
people. (7) He therefore may justly be considered as the founder and chief
author of the numerous body in China which still worships Christ, though
harassed and disquieted by various calamities. (8)

§ 4. Those who had withdrawn themselves from the jurisdiction of the
pontiffs, possessing no territories beyond the bounds of Europe, could at-
tempt almost nothing for the extension of the empire of Christ. Yet we
are informed, that in the year 1556, fourteen missionaries were sent from
Geneva to convert the Americans to Christ. (9) But by whom they were
sent, and what success attended them, is uncertain. The English more-
over, who near the close of the century sent out colonies to North Amer-

(6) See the writers referred to by Jo. Alb.
Fabricius, in his Lux Evangelii toti orbi ex-
oriens, cap. xxxix., p. 677, &c. Add, Jos.
Fran. Lajitau's Histoire des decouvertes et
conquestes des Portugal's dans le nouveau
monde, tome iii., p. 419, 424 ; tome iv., p.
C3, 102, &c. Histoire de la Compagnie de
Jesu, torn, i., p. 92, &c.

(7) Jo. Bapt. du Halde's Description de
1'Empire de la Chine, torn, iii., p. 84, &c.,
ed. in Holland.

(8) That certain Dominicans had gone into
China before Ricci, is certain. See Lequi-
eri's Oriens Christianus, torn, iii., p. 1354.
But these had effected nothing of importance.
[Three Italian Jesuits, Matthew Ricci of
Macerata in Ancona, Pasio of Bologna, and
Roger a Neapolitan, after devoting some
years to the acquisition of the Chinese lan-
guage in India, were by Alexander Vinig-
nano, superintendent of the Jesuits' missions
at Macao, in the year 1582 attached to an em-
bassy sent to a governor in China. Ricci was
acute, learned, modest, of winning address,
persevering, and active. His knowledge of
mathematics recommended him to the Chi-
nese. He exhibited a map of the world, with
which they were much taken. Connecting
himself with the Bonzes or idolatrous priests,
he assumed their dress and manners, and stud-
ied under their guidance seven years. He
then assumed the garb of a Chinese man of
letters, and wrote tracts on the Christian reli-
gion and particularly a catechism. Many per-
sons of rank put themselves under his instruc-
tion, and he at length gathered a congregation
of Christians. After twenty years' labour he

gained access to the emperor, to whom he
presented pictures of Christ and the Virgin
Mary and a clock, and obtained liberty to
visit the palace with his associates at pleas-.
ure. He now made converts very fast, and
from all ranks of the people. Siu, one of
the principal mandarins, and his granddaugh-
ter Candida, with her husband, became con-
verts ; and themselves built thirty churches
in the provinces where they lived, and as-
sisted the missionaries to procure the erec-
tion of ninety more, besides forty chapels for
prayer, in another province. They also
caused numerous religious tracts to be print-
ed, and translations of comments on the
scripture, and even the great Summa of
Thomas Aquinas. They gathered the found-
lings with which China abounded, and brought
them up Christians. Ricci's two companions
Pasio and Roger, were early recalled ; but
when he began to be successful, assistants
were sent to him, who continued to labour
after his decease, which took place in the
year 1610. See Schroeckfi's Kirchengesch.
seit der Reformat., vol. iii., p. 677, &c. —
Tr.-\

(9) Bened. Pictcfs Oratio de Trophoeis
Christi ; in his Oratt., p. 570. I have no
doubt, that the celebrated admiral Coligni
was the man who sent for these Genevan
teachers to come to him into France. For
that excellent man in the year 1555, project-
ed sending a colony of Protestants to Brazil
and America. See Charlevoix's Histoire de
la nouvelle France, tome i., p. 22, &c., [and
Thiianus, Historia Generalis. lib. xvi. —
Tr.]

76

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SECTION II.

ica, planted there the religion which they themselves professed ; and as
these English colonies afterwards increased and gathered strength, they
caused their religion to make progress among the fierce and savage tribes
of those regions. I pass over the efforts of the Swedes for the conversion
of the Finns and Laplanders, no small part of whom were still addicted to
the absurd and impious rites of their progenitors.

§ 5. There was no public persecution of Christianity in this century.
For those mistake the views and policy of the Mohammedans, who suppose
that the Turks waged war upon the Christians in this age, for the sake of
promoting their religion in opposition to that of Christ. But private ene-
mies to all religion and especially to the Christian, (as many have repre-
sented), were lurking here and there in different parts of Europe, and they
instilled their nefarious dogmas both orally and in books into the minds of
the credulous. To this miserable class are reckoned, several of the peri-
patetic philosophers who illumined Italy, and in particular Peter Pompona-
tius ; and besides these, among the French, John Bodin, Francis Rabelais,
Michael le Montagne, Bonaventure des Perieres, Stephen Dolet, and Peter
Charron ; among the Italians, the sovereign pontiff" Leo X., Peter Bembus,
Angelus Politianus, Jordan Brunus, and Bernardin Ochin ; among the
Germans, Theophrastus Paracelsus, Nicholas Taurellus, and others. (10)

(10) The reader may consult Jac. Fred.
Reimmanri1 s Historia Atheismi et Atheorum,
Hildesh., 1725, 8vo. Jo. Fran. Buddaus,
Theses de Atheismo et superstitione, cap. i.
Peter Bayle's Dictionnaire histor. et crit. in
various articles ; and others. [PoypoNA-
TIUS was born at Mantua in 1462, taught
philosophy at Padua and Bologna, and died
about A.i). 1526. In a treatise on the im-
mortality of the soul, he denied that reason
could decide the question, and maintained
that it was purely a doctrine of faith, resting
on the authority of revelation. In a treatise
on incantations, he denied the agency of de-
mons in producing strange occurrences ; and
explained the efficacy of relics, &c., by the
influence of the imagination. In a tract on
fate, free will, and predestination, he declared
himself utterly unable satisfactorily to solve
the difficulties of the subject ; commented
on the usual explanations, showed their in-
sufficiency, and wished others to investigate
the subject more fully. At the same time
he pronounced the stoic and the Christian
exposition of the subject the most plausible,
and submitted himself to the authority of
the church. Many account him an atheist;
and the Inquisition condemned his principles.
See Bayle's Dictionnaire, art. Pompanace ;
and Staudlin's Gesch. der Moralphilosophie,
p. 584. — JOHN BODIN was a French jurist,
civilian, and a man of letters ,' and died A .D.
1596, aged 67. His works were numerous,
consisting of translations of the Latin clas-
sics, law, and political writings ; and an un-
printed dialogue between a Catholic, a Lu-
theran, an indifferantist, a naturaliet, a Re-

formed, a Jew, and a Turk, on the subject
of religion. He here appears a freethinker.
See Buyle, \. c., art. Bodin. — RABELAIS was
a great wit and a distinguished burlesque wri-
ter. Born about A.D. 1500, he became a Cor-
delier, led a scandalous life, became a Bene-
dictine, forsook the monastic life in 1530, and
studied physic ; was employed as a physician
and librarian, by cardinal Du Bellay ; went
to Rome, feturned, and was curate of Mention
from the year 1545, till his death in 1553.
His works, consisting of his Pantagrucl and
Gargantua, are comic satires, full of the bur-
lesque ; and were printed in 5 vols. 8vo,
Amsterd., 1715; and 3 vols. 4to, ibid, 1741.
His satire of the monks excited their enmity,
and caused him trouble. But he does not
appear to have been in speculation a deist,
or a heretic ; though his piety may be justly
questioned. — MONTAONE was a French no-
bleman, born in 1533, well educated in the
classics at Bourdeaux ; succeeded to the
lordship of Montagne in Perigord, and to
the mayoralty of Bourdeaux, where he ended
his life A.D. 1592. His great work is, his
Essays, often printed in 3 vols. 4to, and 6
vols. 12mo. He there appears to be skepti-
cal in regard to scientific or philosophical
morals, but he was a firm believer in revela-
tion, which he regarded as man's only safe
guide. See Staudltn, 1. c., p. 606, &c. — •
DES PERIERES was a valet de chambre to
Margaret queen of Navarre, and was a wit
and a poet. A volume of his French poems
was published after his death, which was in
1544. Previous to his death, he published
in French a pretended translation of a Latin

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

77

Nay, some tell us, that in certain parts of France and Italy there were
schools opened, from which issued swarms of such monsters. And no one

work, entitled Cymbalum mundi ; which
consists of four dialogues not very chaste,
ridiculing the pagan superstitions in the man-
ner of Lucian. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Pe-
rieres. — DOLET was a man of learning,
though indiscreet and much involved in con-
troversies. After various changes, he be-
came a printer and bookseller at Lyons ; and
having avowed lax sentiments in religion,
he was seized by the Inquisition and burned,
upon the charge of atheism A.D. 1546, at
the age of 37. What his religious opinions
were, it is not easy to state. He professed
to be a Lutheran. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Do-
let ; and Rees' Cyclopaedia. — PETER CHAR-
RON was born at Paris in 1541, studied and
practised law several years, and then became
a Catholic preacher in very high estimation
for his pulpit talents. He died at Paris, A. D.
1603. He was a philosophical divine, bold
and skeptical. He did not discard revela-
tion, yet relied more upon natural religion.
His most noted work was, de la Sagesse, in
three books ; first printed at Bourdeaux,
1601. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Charron; and
Sldudlin, 1. c., p. 612, &c. — LEO X. was a
man of pleasure, and gave no evidence of
genuine piety. Du Plessis and other Prot-
estants have reported remarks said to have
been made by him in his unguarded moments,
implying that he considered the Christian re-
ligion a fable, though a profitable one ; that
he doubted the immortality of the soul, &c.
See Bayle, 1 c., art. Leo X., note (1), p. 83.
— BEMBUS was secretary to Leo X., a man
of letters, a facetious companion, a poet and
historian. He also is reported to have spo-
ken equivocally of a future state, and to have
despised Paul's epistles, on account of their
unpolished style. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Bern-
bus, and art. Melanclhon, note (P). — Pou-
TIAN was a learned classic scholar in the pre-
ceding century, and is reported to have said
that he never read the Bible but once, and
he considered that a loss of time. He was
also reported to have given the preference to
Pindar's poems, before those of David. On
these rumours, he has been classed among
freethinkers. See Bayle, 1. c.,art. Polalian. —
JORDAN BnuNUswas a Neapolitan freethink-
er. He attacked the Aristotelian philosophy,
and denied many of the plain truths of reve-
lation. Driven from Italy for his impieties,
he travelled and resided in Germany, France,
and England ; and returning to Italy, he was
committed to the flames in the year 1600.
See Bayle, article Brunus. — BERNARDIN
OCHIN was an Italian, born in 1487 at Si-
enna. He early became a Franciscan, first

of the class called Cordeliers, and then a Cap-
uchin, of which last order he was the gen-
eral from A.D. 1537-1542. He was then
a very austere monk, and a distinguished
preacher. But in the year 1541, meeting
with John Valdes a Spanish civilian, who
had accompanied Charles V. to Germany
and there imbibed Lutheran sentiments,
Ochin was converted to the same faith. The
change in his views soon became known ;
and he was summoned to Rome to give ac-
count of himself. On his way thither he met
with Peter Martyr, a man of kindred views,
and they both agreed to flee beyond the reach
of the papal power. They went first to Ge-
neva, and thence to Augsburg, where Ochin
published a volume of sermons, married, and
lived from 1542 till 1547. From Augsburg,
both Ochin and Martyr were invited into Eng-
land by archbishop Cranmer, and were em-
ployed in reforming that country. But on
the accession of queen Mary in 1553, they
were obliged to quit England. Ochin re-
turned to Strasburg, and in 1555 went to
Basle, and thence to Zurich, where he be-
came pastor to a cdngregation of Italian Prot-
estants till 1563. He then published a vol-
ume of dialogues, in one of which he repre-
sented polygamy as lawful in certain cases,
and advanced some other opinions which gave
offence. The magistrates of Zurich banish-
ed him from the canton. He retired to Basle
in mid-winter, and being refused an asylum
there, he travelled with his family to Poland,
where he met the like reception, and set out
for Moravia ; on his way, he and family were
taken sick, two sons and a daughter died, he
recovered so far as to pursue his journey,
but died three weeks after, at Slawkaw, A.D.
1564, aged 77. He is said to have impugn-
ed the doctrine of the Trinity, and the An-
titrinitarians claim him as one of their sect.
His works were all written in Italian, and
consisted of six volumes of sermons, com-
mentaries on the epistles to the Romans and
the Galatians, a treatise on the Lord's sup-
per, another on predestination and free-will,
&c. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Ochin. — THEO-
PHRASTUS, or, as he called himself, Philippus
Aureolus Theophrastus Paracelsus Bombas-
tiis von Hohenheim, was a vain, unlearned,
but ingenious alchymist, physician, and phi-
losopher of Switzerland, born in 1493. He
travelled much, was a short time professor
of physic at Basle, and died at.Saltsburg in
1541. He was the father of the sect of
Theosophists, a sort of mystics who pre-
tended to derive all their knowledge of na-
ture immediately from God. See Rees' Cy-

78 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVI.— SECTION II.

who is well acquainted with the state of those times, will reject these state-
ments in the gross ; for all the persons that are charged expressly with so
great a crime, cannot be acquitted altogether. Yet if the subject be ex-
amined by impartial and competent judges, it will appear that many indi-
viduals were unjustly impeached, and others merited slighter reprobation.

§ 6. That all the arts and sciences were in this age advanced to a high-
er degree of perfection, by the ingenuity and zeal of eminent men, no one
needs to be informed. From this happy revival of general learning, the
whole Christian population of Europe derived very great advantages to
themselves, and afterwards imparted advantages to other nations, even to
the remotest parts of the world. Princes and states perceiving the vast
utility of this progress of knowledge, were every where at much expense
and pains to found and protect learned associations and institutions, to fos-
ter and encourage genius and talent, and to provide honours and rewards
for literary and scientific men. From this time onward that salutary rule
took effect, which still prevails among the larger and better part of the
Christian community, of excluding all ignorant and illiterate persons from
the sacred office and its functions. Yet the old contest between piety and
learning, did not cease ; for extensively, both among the adherents to the
Roman pontiff and among his foes, there were persons. — good men per-
haps, but not duly considerate, — who contended more zealously than ever,
that religion and piety could not possibly live and be vigorous, unless all
human learning and philosophy were separated from it, and the holy sim-
plicity of the early ages restored.

§ 7. In the first rank among the learned of that age, were those who de-
voted themselves to editing, correcting, and explaining the ancient Greek
and Latin authors, to the study of antiquities, to the cultivation of both
those languages, and to elegant composition both in prose and verse. Nu-
merous works still exist, the admiration of the learned, from which it ap-
pears, that the finest geniuses in all parts cff Europe, prosecuted these
branches of learning with the greatest ardour, and even considered the
preservation of religion and civil institutions and the very life of all solid
learning to depend on these studies. And though some of them might go
too far in this thing, yet no candid man will deny, that the prosecution of
these studies first opened the way for mental cultivation, and rescued both
reason and religion from bondage.

§ 8. Those who devoted themselves principally to the study and im-
provement of philosophy, were indeed less numerous than the prosecutors
of elegant literature, yet they formed a body neither small nor contempti-
ble. They were divided into two classes. The one laboured to discover
the nature and truth of things, solely by contemplation or speculation ; the
other recurred also to experiments. The former either followed their
chosen guides and masters, or they struck out new paths by their own in-
genuity and efforts. Those who followed masters, either fixed their eye

clopaedia, and Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. a man of independence to correct some of

seitder Reform., vol. iii., p. 145, &c. — TAU- Aristotle's opinions concerning God, pro vi-

RELLUS ((Echslein), a philosopher and phy- dence, the human soul, &c. He thus be-

sician of M ompelgard, who taught at Basle came embroiled with the friends of Aristotle

and Altorf, lived at a time when Aristotle as his opposers, and was suspected of aihe-

reigned with boundless sway in all the uni- ism. But Dr. Feurlein has defended him,

versities ; and wishing to free himself from in a Dissert, apologetica. See Schlegcr*

the tyranny of the Stagyrite, he ventured as note. — TV.]

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. ?9

on Plato, (to whom many in Italy especially gave the preference), or they
followed Aristotle. The professed followers of Aristotle were moreover,
greatly divided among themselves. For while many of them wished to
preserve the old method of philosophizing, which, by the doctors that still
reigned in the schools, was falsely called the peripatetic ; others wished to
see Aristotle taught pure and uncontaminated, that is, they wished to have
his works themselves brought forward and explained to the youth. Differ-
ent from both, were those who thought, that the marrow only should be ex-
tracted from the lucubrations of Aristotle, and when illumined with the light
of elegant literature and corrected by the dictates of reason and sound
theology, should thus be exhibited in appropriate treatises. At the head of
this last class of peripatetics, was our Philip Melancthon. Among those
discarding the dogmas of the ancients and philosophizing freely, were Je-
rome Cardanus, Bernhard Telesius, and Thomas Campanella ; men of great
and splendid genius, yet too much devoted to the fictions and visions of
their own fancies. To these may be added Peter Ramus, an ingenious and
acute Frenchman, who excited great commotion and clamour, by publish,
ing a new art of reasoning opposed to that of Aristotle and better accom-
modated to the use of orators. From nature itself, by experiment, by in-
spection, and by the aid of fire, penetrating into the primary elements of
things, Theophrastus Paracelsus endeavoured to discover and demonstrate
latent truths. And his example was so approved by many, that a new
sect of philosophers soon rose up, who assumed the names of Fire Phi-
losophers and Theosophists, and who, attributing very little to human reason
and reflection, ascribed every thing to experience and divine illumina-
tion.^ 1)

§ 9. These efforts and competitions among men of genius, besides being
highly beneficial in many other respects, corrected in several places, though
they did not entirely cure, that barbarous, uncouth, and vile method of treat-
ing religious subjects which had prevailed among Christians in the prece-
ding centuries. The holy scriptures, which had been either wholly neg-
lected or interpreted very unsuitably, now held a far more conspicuous
place in the discussions and the writings of theologians ; both words and
things were more critically examined, subjects were more justly and lu-
cidly analyzed, and the dry and insipid style which the old schools admi-
red, was exploded by all the better informed. These improvements were
not indeed carried so far, that nothing was left for succeeding ages to cor-
rect and amend : much remained that was imperfect. Yet he must be un-
grateful to the men of that age, or a very incompetent judge, who shall
deny, that they laid the foundation of all those excellences by which the theo-
logians of subsequent times are distinguished from those of the former ages.

§ 10. Hence the true nature and genius of the Christian religion, which
even the best and most learned had not before sufficiently understood, were
placed in a clearer light, being drawn up as it were from a deep pit. There
is indeed error enough, still existing every where ; yet even those Chris-
tian communities at this day, whose errors are the greatest and most nu-
merous, have not such crude and inconsistent views of the nature and de-
sign of Christianity and of the duties and obligations of Christians, as were
formerly entertained even by those who claimed to be rulers of the church

(11) For the elucidation of these matters ica, will be found very useful. We here
James Brucker's Historia Philosophic crit- only summarily touch upon the subject.

80 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

and chief among its teachers. This improved state of religion, moreover,
had great influence in correcting and softening the manners of many na-
tions, who before were coarse, unpolished, and rude. For although it is
not to be denied, that other causes also contributed gradually to introduce
and establish that milder and more cultivated state of society which has
prevailed in most countries of Europe since the times of Luther, yet it is
very clear, that the religious discussions and the better knowledge of many
doctrines and duties to which they gave rise, have contributed very much
to eradicate from the minds of men their former ferocity of character. Nor
shall we go wide of the truth when we add, that since that time genuine pi.
ety likewise has had more friends and cultivators ; though they have always
and every where, been overwhelmed by the multitude of the ungodly.

SECTION III. .

THE PARTICULAR HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

PART I.

THE HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT CHURCHES.

CHAPTER I.

•
THE HISTORY OF THE ROMISH OR LATIN CHURCH. -

$ 1. The Roman Pontiff, and his Election.— § 2. His Power circumscribed.—^ 3. Disa-
greement respecting it. — $ 4. Diminution of the Romish Church. — $ 5. Plans of the
Pontiffs for remedying this Evil. Missions. — $ 6. The Egyptians and Armenians. —
$ 7, 8. Nestorians. Indians. — 6 9. Internal State of the Romish Church regulated and
fixed. — § 10. Loyola, the Founder of the Jesuits. — § 11. Nature and Character of this
Order.— t) 12. Its Zeal for the Pontiffs.— § 13. The Roman Pontiffs.— $ 14. The Cler-
gy.— $ 15. Their Lives. — <J 16. The Monks. Old Orders reformed. — § 17, 18. New
Orders.— $ 19. The State of Learning.— $ 20. Philosophy.— $ 21. Theological Writers.
— t) 22. Principles of the Romish Religion. — $ 23. The Council of Trent. — $ 24. Sub-
stance of the Catholic Faith. — $ 25. Exegetic Theology.— $ 26. Interpreters of Scrip-
ture.— $ 27. Dogmatic Theology. — $ 28. Practical Theology. — $ 29. Polemic Theology.
— $30. Controversies in the Romish Church. — $31. Their greater Controversies. — $32.
First Controversy. — $ 33. The second.— $ 34. The third. — $ 35. The fourth. — $ 36.
The fifth.— $ 37. The sixth. — $ 38. Controversy with Michael Baius. — $ 39. Contro-
versy with the Jesuits, Less and Hamel. — $ 40. Molinist Controversy. — $ 41. Congre-
gations on the Aids. — $ 42. Ceremonies and Rites.

§ 1. THE Romish or Latin church is a community extending very widely
over the world, the whole of which is subject to the single bishop of Rome ;
who claims to be hereditary successor to the office and to all the preroga-
tives of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, or the supreme bishop of the
Christian church universal, and the legate and vicegerent of Jesus Christ.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

81

This mighty prelate is chosen, at this day, by a select number of the Ro-
mish clergy ; namely, by six bishops in the vicinage of Rome, fifty rectors
or presbyters of churches in Rome, and fourteen overseers or deacons of
Romish hospitals or deaconries ; all of whom are called by the ancient
appellation of cardinals. These cardinals, when deliberating respecting
the choice of a new pontiff, are shut up in a kind of prison which is called
the conclave, that they may the more expeditiously bring the difficult busi-
ness to a close. No one, who is not a member of the college of cardinals
and also a native Italian, can be made head of the church ; nor can all
those, who are Italian cardinals.(l) Some are excluded on account of their
birthplace, others on account of their course of life, and others for other
causes. Moreover the German Roman emperors, and the kings of France
and Spain, have acquired either legally or by custom, the right of exclu-
ding those they disapprove from the list of candidates for this high office.
Hence, there are very few in the great body of cardinals, who are papable,
as the common phrase is ; that is, who are so born and of such character-
istics, that the august functions of a pope can fall to their lot.

§ 2. The Roman pontiff does not enjoy a power which has no limita-
tions or restraints. For whatever he decrees in the sacred republic, he
must decree in accordance with the advice of the brethren, that is of the
cardinals, who are his counsellors and ministers of state. In questions of
a religious nature likewise, and in theological controversies, he must take
the opinion and judgment of theologians. The minor matters of business
moreover, are distributed into several species, and committed to the man-

(1) The reader may consult Jo. Fred.
Mayer's Comment, de electione Pontif. Ro-
man., Hamb., 1691, 4to. The ceremoniale
electionis et coronationis Pontificis Romani,
was not long since published by Jo. Gcrh.
Meuschen, Frankf., 1732, 4to. [To be eli-
gible, 1st. A man must be of mature age ;
for the electors then hope, that their turn
may come to be elected. Besides, a pope
50 or more years old, will be more likely to
rule discreetly and sagaciously. 2dly. He
must be an Italian ; for a foreigner might
remove the papal residence out of the coun-
try. 3dly. He must not be the subject of
any distinguished prince, but must be a na-
tive subject of the holy see ; for otherwise
he might promote the interests of his hered-
itary prince, to the injury of the holy see.
4thly. Monks are not readily preferred ; lest
they should confer too many privileges on
their own order. 5thly. Nor are those who
have been ministers of state, ambassadors, or
pensioners of distinguished princes. Gthly.
Nor such as have been much engaged in po-
litical affairs. 7thly. No one who has nu-
merous relatives, especially poor ones ; on
whom he might exhaust the apostolical treas-
ury. From these causes, the choice gener-
ally falls at the present day, upon either
learned or devout popes. — There are four
methods of choosing a pope. I. By scruti-
ny ; chat is by ballot. A golden cup is

VOL. III.— L

placed on the altar, into which each cardinal
casts a sealed vote ; and to make out a reg-
ular choice, one man must have the suffrages
of two thirds of the cardinals. II. By ac-
cess. This method is resorted to, when a
candidate has many votes, but not enough to
constitute a choice, and a trial is made to
bring some of the other cardinals to accede
to his election. It is properly a new scru-
tiny, though the ballots are of a different
form. III. By compromise ; that is, when
the conclave continues long, and the cardi-
nals cannot agree, they transfer the election
to two or three cardinals, and agree to abide
by their choice. IV. By inspiration. When
the cardinals have become weary of their
long confinement, sometimes one or more
of them will clamorously announce an indi-
vidual as pope, and the party in his favour
being previously apprized of the measure,
join in the outcry, till the cardinals in oppo-
sition, through fear, join in the general clam-
our. A pope thus chosen by inspiration, is
particularly revered by the Italians, notwith-
standing their belief that there can be no
election by inspiration, unless the cardinals
have previously conducted foolishly. — Schl.
See also Rees' Cyclopaedia, art. Conclave :
and the Ceremonial of the election of a pon-
tiff, ratified by Gregory XV., A.D. 1622, in
the Bullarium Magnum, torn, iii., p. 454r-
465.— TV.]

82

BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

agement and trust of certain boards of commissioners called congregations,
over which one or more cardinals preside. (2) What these boards deem
salutary or right, is ordinarily approved by the pontiff; and must be ap.
proved, unless there are very cogent reasons for the contrary. From such
a constitution of the sacred republic, many things must often take place far
otherwise than would meet the wishes of the pontiff; nor are those well
informed as to the management of affairs at Rome, who suppose that he
who presides there, is the cause of all the evils, all the faults, all the con-
tests and commotions that occur there. (3)

(2) The court of Rome is minutely de-
scribed by Jac. Aymon, in a book enti-
tled, Tableau de la Cour de Rome, Hague,
1707, 8vo ; and by Jerome Limadoro, Rela-
tion de la Cour de Rome, et des Ceremo-
nies qui s'y observent, which (translated
from the Italian into French) Jo. Bapt.
Labat has subjoined to his Travels in Spain
and Italy ; Voyages en Espagne et Italic,
tome viii., p. 105, &c. On the Romish
congregations or colleges, besides Dorotheas
Ascianus, (de Montibus pietatis Romanis,
p. 510, &c.), Hunold Plettenburg has a
particular treatise, Notitia tribunalium et
congregationum curiae Romans, Hildesh.,
1693, 8vo. — [The congregations are prop-
erly boards of commissioners, meeting at
stated times, with full and definitive powers
within certain limits, to decide summarily
all controversies, and to control and manage
all business that falls within their respective
provinces. They have their own secretaries,
keep records of their proceedings, may send
for persons and papers, call on professional
and learned men for their opinions, and are
bound in certain cases to consult the pontiff
before they come to a decision. The num-
ber and the specific duties of the several
congregations, vary from time to time, as
the pope and his council see fit to ordain.
Besides these permanent congregations, oth-
ers are created for special occasions, and
expire when their business is closed. Six-
tus V. in the year 1587, established fifteen
permanent congregations, composed most of
them of five cardinals each, and none of them
of less than three. They were, I. The con-
gregation of the holy Inquisition ; the su-
preme inquisitorial tribunal for all Christen-
dom. In this the pope presided in person.
II. The congregation on letters of grace,
dispensations, &c. III. The congregation on
the erection, union, and dismemberment, of
churches, bishoprics, &c. IV. The congre-
gation for supplying the ecclesiastical states
with corn, and preventing scarcity. V. The
congregation on sacred rites and ceremonies.

VI. The congregation for providing and reg-
ulating a papal fleet, to consist of ten ships.

VII. The congregation on the Index of pro-

hibited books. VIII. The congregation for
interpreting and executing the decrees of the
council of Trent, except as to the articles of
faith. IX. The congregation for relief, in
cases of oppression in the ecclesiastical
states. X. The congregation on the uni-
versity of Rome ; with a general inspection
of all Catholic seminaries. XI. The con-
gregation on the different orders of monks.
XII. The congregation to attend to the appli-
cations of bishops and other prelates. XIII.
The congregation on the roads, bridges,
and aqueducts of the Romish territory.
XIV. The congregation for superintending
the Vatican printing establishment. XV.
The congregation on the applications of all
citizens of the ecclesiastical states, in civil
and criminal matters. See the ordinance
establishing these several congregations, in
the Bullarium Magnum, torn, ii., p. 677, &c.
Considerable alterations were afterwards
made, as to the number, duties, and powers
of the Romish congregations. — Tr.]

(3) Hence1 originated that important dis-
tinction, which the French and otKers who
have had contests with the Roman pontiffs
very frequently make, between the Roman
pontiff, and the Romish court. The court
is often severely censured, while the pontiff
is spared, and that justly. For the fathers
and the congregations, who possess rights
which the pontiff must not infringe, plot and
effect many things, without the knowledge
and against the will of the pontiff. — [It may
be worthy of remark, that although the
Romish church is a political body, which is
governed like other kingdoms and states,
yet in this commonwealth every thing is
called by a different name. The ghostly
king, is called the pope or father ; his min-
isters of state are called cardinals ; his en-
voys of the highest rank, are called legates
a latere, and those of a lower order, apos-
tolical nuncios. His chancery is called data-
ria ; his boards of commissioners and judica-
tures, are congregations ; his supreme court
of justice, is named the rota ; and his coun-
sellors of state, are called auditors of the
rota (auditores rotae). — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 83

§ 3. Respecting the powers and prerogatives of this spiritual monarchy
however, its own citizens disagree very much. And hence the authority
of the Romish prelate and of his legates, is not the same in all countries ;
but in some it is more circumscribed and limited, in others more extensive
and uncontrolled. The pontiff himself, indeed, as well as his courtiers
and friends, claim for him the highest supremacy ; for he contends not
only that all spiritual power and majesty reside primarily in him alone,
and are transmitted in certain portions from him to the inferior prelates,
but also that his decisions made from the chair, are correct beyond even
the suspicion of error. On the contrary very many, of whom the French
are the most distinguished, maintain that a portion of spiritual jurisdiction
emanating immediately from Jesus Christ, is possessed by each individual
bishop ; and that the whole resides in the pastors collectively, or in eccle-
siastical councils duly called ; while the pontiff, separately from the body
of the church, is liable to err. This long controversy may be reduced to
this simple question : Is the Romish prelate the lawgiver of the church,
or only the guardian and executor of the laws enacted by Christ and by
the church ? Yet there is no prospect that this controversy will ever ter-
minate, unless there should be a great revolution ; because the parties
are not agreed respecting the judge who is to decide it. (4)

§ 4. The Romish church lost much of its ancient splendour and glory,
from the time that the native aspect of the Christian religion and church
was portrayed, and exhibited before the nations of Europe, by the efforts
of Luther. For many opulent countries of Europe withdrew themselves,
some of them entirely and others in part, from adherence to its laws and
institutions ; and this defection greatly diminished the resources of the Ro-
man pontiffs. (5) Moreover the kings and princes who chose not to abandon

(4) The arguments used by the friends of chapters by the spiritual founders, with his
the pontifical claims, may be seen in Rob- bulls of confirmation, which always cost
ert Bcllarmin, and numerous others, who large sums. 3dly. He draws the annates,
have written in accordance with the views or the incomes of the first year of incum-
of the pontiffs ; and- whose works form a bency, in bishoprics and archbishoprics,
huge collection, made by Thomas Rocca- 4thly. He exacts a certain sum for the badge
berti. Even among the French, Matthew of spiritual knighthood in the Romish church,
Petitdidier lately defended the pontifical or for the pallium of archbishops and bish-
power, in his book Sur Tautorite et infal- ops. This is properly a neckcloth, which
libilite des Papes, Luxembourg, 1724, 8vo. answers to the riband or garter of secular
The arguments commonly employed to sup- knighthood, and is worn by distinguished
port the opinion adopted by the French cler- prelates -when they say mass and on the oth-
gy and by those who accord with them, may er solemn occasions. 5thly. There are cer-
be best learned from various writings of tain cases reserved for the popes, (casus
Edmund Richer and John Launoi. reservati,) in which no father confessor can

(5) [Yet the popes still have very con- give absolution or a dispensation, and in
siderable revenues, notwithstanding there is which the granting dispensations brings a
no country in the world where more beg- large revenue to the popes : for example, in
gars are to be met with than in the ecclesi- matrimonial cases, in the relinquishment of
astical states, and while the apostolical treas- the clerical office, monastic vows, &c. And
ury is always very poor : for 1st. The pope finally, the pope has power to impose extra-
has many clerical livings at his disposal ; ordinary payments and contributions on his
none of which are readily given away. In clerical subjects ; which are called subsidies.
particular, he disposes of all the livings The monks also must pay an annual sum to
whose incumbents happen to die at his the pope for his protection, which is called
court ; and also the livings of those that die the collects. Thus the pope is in reality an
in what are called the pontifical months, opulent lord, even since the reformation ;
2dly. He confirms the election to cathedral and he does not lack means for enriching

84 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART. I.— CHAP. I.

the old form of religion, learned from the writings and discussions of the
Protestants, much more clearly and correctly than before, that the pontiffs
had set up numberless claims without any right ; and that if the pontifical
power should remain such as it was before Luther's time, the civil gov-
ernments could not possibly retain their dignity and majesty. And hence,
partly by secret and artful measures, and partly by open opposition, they eve-
ry where set bounds to the immoderate ambition of the pontiffs, who wish-
ed to control all things secular as well as sacred according to their own
pleasure : nor did the pontiffs deem it prudent to avenge these darings, as
formerly, by means of interdicts and crusades. Even the countries which
still acknowledge the pontiff as the supreme lawgiver of the church, and
as incapable of erring, (and which are called countries of obedience, terras
obedientise,) nevertheless confine his legislative powers within narrower
limits.

§ 5. To repair in some measure this very great loss, the pontiffs la-
boured much more earnestly than their predecessors had done, to extend
the bounds of their kingdom out of Europe, both among the nations not
Christian and among the Christian sects. In this very important business,
first the Jesuits, and afterwards persons of the other monastic orders,
were employed. Yet if we except the achievements of Francis Xavier
and his associates in India, China, and Japan, which have been already
noticed, very little that was great and splendid was accomplished in this
Qentury, the arrangements for this business being not yet perfected. The
Portuguese having opened a passage to the Abyssinians who followed the
dogmas and the rites of the Monophysites, there was a fine opportunity for
attempts to bring that nation under subjection to the Romish see. Hence
first, John Bermudes was sent to them decorated with the title of patriarch
of the Abyssinians ; and afterwards, this mission was committed to Igna-
tius Loyola and his associates. (6) Various circumstances, and especially
the wars of the nation, which the Abyssinian enTperor hoped to terminate
favourably by the aid of the Portuguese, seemed at first to promise suc-

himself, notwithstanding his public treasury sors to Barrctus. Ten other Jesuits of in-
is always poor. For the disposal of all these ferior rank, were joined with them. They
sums is in his hands ; and he can let a por- all sailed from Portugal in the year 1555 ;
tion of them flow into his treasury, or he but on their arrival at Goa, they found that
can bestow them on his relations and de- the Abyssinian emperor Claudius, was not
pendants, or apply them to establishments disposed to subject his kingdom to the pon-
that will make his name immortal. — Schl.] tiff. Barretus therefore stayed in India,
(6) [Friendly intercourse between the where he was a successful missionary till
emperor of Abyssinia and the king of Por- his death. Oviedus went to Abyssinia with
tugal, commenced as early as the year 1514, a few companions, and was there imprison-
when the former sent an ambassador to the ed. Claudius had been slain in battle in
latter. In 1521 the same emperor, David, 1559, and his brother and successor Adamus,
sent an envoy to the pope at Rome ; who was a violent persecutor of the Christians,
returned a very kind answer. In 1545 Clau- After twenty years labour in Abyssinia, Ovie-
dius the son of David, applied to John III. dus died A.D. 1577. His companions died
king of Portugal, to send him several priests one after another, till, in the year 1597,
and artists. The king applied to Loyola, to Francis Lupus the last of them expired,
designate some of his followers for the en- and left the handful of Catholics without a
terprise. Loyola did so ; and the pope or- priest. See Nic. Godignus, de. Abassino-
dained John Nonius Barretus of Portugal, rum rebus, deque ^Ethiopiae Patriarchis, Jo.
patriarch of Abyssinia ; Andrew Oviedus a Non. Barreto et Andr. Oviedo., Lugd., 1615,
Neapolitan, bishop of Nice ; and Melchior 8vo, and Od. RaynaWs Annales Eccles.
Cornerius of Portugal, bishop of Hierapolis ; on the years specified. — TV.]
the two last to be coadjutors and succes-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 85

cess to the enterprise. But in process of time it appeared, that the at-
tachment of the Abyssinians to the principles of their progenitors was too
strong to be eradicated ; and with the close of this century, the Jesuits
nearly lost all hope of success among them. (7)

§ 6. To the Copts or Egyptians, who were closely connected with the
Abyssinians in religion and ecclesiastical customs, Christopher Roderic, a
famous Jesuit, was sent by authority of Pius IV. in the year 1562. He
returned to Rome with nothing but fair words, although he had laboured
to overcome Gabriel, then the patriarch of Alexandria, with very rich
presents and with subtle arguments. (8) But near the close of the century,
in the year 1594, when Clement VIII. was head of the Romish church, the
envoys of an Alexandrian patriarch whose name was likewise Gabriel, ap-
peared as suiters at Rome ; which caused very great exultation at the
time among the friends of the Romish court.(9) But this embassy is justly
suspected by ingenuous men even of the Romish community ; and it was
probably contrived by the Jesuits, for the purpose of persuading the Abys-
sinians, who generally followed the example of the Alexandrians, to em-
brace more readily the communion of the Roman pontiff. (10) Nothing
certainly occurred afterwards in Egypt, to indicate any partiality of the
Copts towards the Romans. — A part of the Armenians had long manifested
a veneration for the Roman pontiff, without however quitting the institu-
tions and rites of their fathers ; of which more will be said when we come
to the history of the Oriental church. A larger accession was anticipated
from Serapion a man of wealth and devoted to the Romans, who, though
the Armenians had two patriarchs already, was created a third patriarch
in the year 1593, in order to free his nation from oppressive debt. But
he was soon after sent into exile by the Persian monarch, at the instiga-
tion of the other Armenians ; and with him all the delightful anticipations
of the Romans came to nothing. (11)

§ 7. In the year 1551, a great contest arose among the Nestorians, or
Chaldeans as they are called, respecting the election of a new patriarch ;
one party demanding Simeon Barmamas, and another Sulaka. The latter

(7) See Job Ludolfs Historia ^Ethio- embassy which Baronius so exultingly ex-
pica ; and the notes on that history, passim, tols. But he errs very much when he sup-
M ich. Geddes, Church History of Ethiopia, poses, that only Richard Simon relying on
p. 120, &c. Henry le Grand's Diss. de the fallacious testimony of George Dousa,
la conversion des Abyssins, p. 25, which is has opposed it. For Thomas a Jesu a Car-
the ninth of the Diss. subjoined to Jerome melite, did so ; lib. vi. de conversione om-
Lobo's Voyage Historique d'Abyssinie ; nium gentium procuranda ; and others have
Matth. Veyss. la Croze, Histoire du Chris- done so. See Mich. Geddes, Church His-
tianisme en Ethiopie, liv. ii., p. 90, &c. tory of Ethiopia, p. 231, 232. [Whoever

(8) Franc. Sachinus, Historia Societal, reads the documents must be sensible that
Jesu, pt. ii., lib. v. Euseb. Renaudot, His- they all bear the marks of being the compo-
toria Patriarchar. Alexandria, p. 611. And sition of one person, though they profess to
especially, the Histoire de la Compagnie de be the letters of several different persons.
Jesus, torn, ii., p. 314, &c. The reader will also be surprised to find how

(9) The documents of this embassy, em- perfectly at home the writer seems to be,
blazoned with a splendid exordium, are sub- when trumpeting the claims of the pontiff
joined by C&sar Baronius to the sixth vol- to universal lordship, and when detailing the
ume of his Annales Eccles., p. 707, &c. affairs of the Romish church. — Tr.~\

[p. 691-700], ed. Antwerp. (11) See the Nouveaux Memoires des

(10) Eusebius Renaudot, in his Historia Missions de la Compagnie de Jesus dans le
Patriarchar. Alexandinor., p. 611, 612, has Levant, torn, iii., p. 132, 133.
endeavoured to re-establish the credit of this

86 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

made a journey to Rome, and was there consecrated in the year 1553, by
Julius III., to whom he swore allegiance. Julius gave to this new patri-
arch of the Chaldeans the name of John ; and sent with him on his return
to his country, several persons well skilled. in the Syrian language, for the
purpose of establishing the Romish dominion among the Nestorians. From
that time onward the Nestorians became split into two factions ; and were
often brought into the most imminent peril, by the opposing interests and
contests of their patriarchs. (12) The Nestorians on the seacoast of India,
who are commonly called the Christians of St. Thomas, were cruelly har-
assed by the Portuguese, to induce them to exchange the religion of their
fathers which was much more simple than the Roman, for the Romish
worship. The consummation of this business was reserved for Alexius
Menezes, archbishop of Goa ; who near the close of the century, with
the aid of the Jesuits, compelled those miserable, reluctating, and unwilling
people, by means of amazing severities, to come under the power of the
Roman pontiff. These violent proceedings of Menezes and his associates,
have met the disapprobation of persons distinguished for wisdom and equity
in the Romish community. (13)

§ 8. Most of these missionaries of the Roman pontiff, treated the Chris-
tians whom they wished to overcome, unkindly and unreasonably. For
they not only required them to give up the opinions in which they differed
from both the Greek and the Latin churches, and to recognise the bishop
of Rome as a lawgiver and vicegerent' of Christ on the earth ; but they
also opposed sentiments that deserved toleration, nay, such as were sound
and consonant to the scriptures; insisted on the abrogation of customs,
rites, and institutions, that had come down from former times, and were
not prejudicial to the truth ; and in short, required their entire worship to
be conducted after the Romish fashion. The Romish court indeed found
at length by experience, that such a mode of proceeding was indiscreet,
and that it was not suited to the successful extension of the empire of the
pontiff. Accordingly the great business of missions came gradually to be
conducted in a more wise and temperate manner ; and the missionaries
were directed to make it their sole object, to bring these Christians to be-
come subjects of the pontiff, and to renounce professedly at least such
opinions as had been condemned by the ecclesiastical councils ; while all
other things, doctrines as well as the practices of their fathers, were
to remain inviolate. And this plan was supported by certain learned
divines, who endeavoured to prove though not always successfully and
fairly, that there was but little difference between the doctrines of the
Greek and other Oriental Christians and those of the Romish church, pro-
vided they were estimated correctly and truly, and not according to the
artificial definitions and subtleties of the Scholastic doctors. This plan of
using moderation, was more serviceable to the Romish interests than the
old plan of severity, yet it did not produce all the effects its authors antici-
pated.

§ 9. In guarding and fortifying the church against the attacks and wiles

(12) Jos. Simon Asscman's Bibliotheca Christianisme des Indes, livr. ii., p. 88, <fec.
Orienlalis Clementina-Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. [Clavd. Buchanan's Christian Researches
ii., p. clxiv. See below, in the history of the in Asia, p. 85, &c. M. Geddes, Hist, of
Oriental church. the Malabar Church, Lond., 1694, 8vo. —

(13) Matt. Veyss. la Croze, Histoire du TV.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH". 87

of adversaries without and adversaries within, no little pains were taken
at Rome, from the age of Luther onward. For that most effectual method
of subduing heretics, by crusades, being laid aside on account of the alter-
ed state not only of the Romish authority but of all Europe, recourse to
other means and other policy for preserving the church, became neces-
sary. Hence the terrible tribunals of the Inquisition, in the countries
where they were admitted, were fortified and regulated by new provisions.
Colleges were erected here and there, in which young men were trained
by continual practice, to the best methods of disputing with the adversaries
of the pope. The ingress into the church of books that might corrupt the
minds of its members, was prevented or rendered extremely difficult, by
means of what were called expurgatory and prohibitory indices, drawn up
by the most sagacious men. The cultivation of literature was earnestly
recommended to the clergy, and high rewards were held out to those who
aspired to pre-eminence in learning. The young were much more solidly
instructed in the precepts and first principles of religion, than before : and
many other means for the safety of the church were adopted. Thus the
greatest evils often produce the greatest benefits. And the advantages
arising from these and other regulations, would not perhaps quite to the
present times have been realized by the Romish church, if the heretics had
not boldly invaded and laid waste her territories.

§ 10. As the Roman pontiffs were accustomed to control, defend, and en-
large their empire principally by means of the religious orders [or monks],
who from various causes are more closely connected with the pontiffs than
the other clergy and the bishops, it became very necessary, after the un-
successful contest with Luther, that some new order should be established,
wholly devoted to the pontifical interests, and making it their great busi-
ness to recover if possible what was lost, to repair what was injured, and
to fortify and guard what remained entire. For the two orders of Mendi-
cants, [the Dominicans and Franciscans], by whom especially the pontiffs
had governed the church for some centuries with the best effects, had from
several causes lost no small part of their reputation and influence, and
therefore could not subserve the interests of the church as efficiently and
successfully as heretofore. Such a new society as the necessities of the
church demanded, was found in that noted and most powerful order, which
assumed a name from Jesus, and was commonly called the society of the
Jesuits ; but by its enemies it was named the society of Loyolites, or (from
the Spanish name of its founder) the Inigh'ists.(\£) The founder of it,
Ignatius Loyola, was a Spanish knight, first a soldier and then a fanatic,

(14) The principal writers concerning the &c. (by Pierre Quesne, surnomme' Benard,

order of Jesuits, are enumerated by Chris- toA.D. 1572), ed. 2d, Utretcht, 1741,3vols.

topher Aug. Salig, Historia Augustanas Con- 12mo. Histoire generale de la naissance et

fessionis, torn ii., p. 73, &c. [Of these, the des progres de la Comp. de Jesus (by Chris*

most valuable as general works, are the fol- toph. Coudrette and Louis Adr. le Paige}

lowing: Historia Societatis Jesu, to the year 6. vols. 12mo, Amsterd., 1761, 1767. Esr

1625, in 6 vols. fol., by members of the so- say of a new history of the order of Jesuits

ciety : viz., part i. bv Nic. Orlandinus, (in German: to 1565), Berlin and Halle,

Ant., 1620; part ii. by Fr. Sacchimts,ib\d. ; 1769, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo ; General Hist, of

part iii. and iv. by the same, Rome, 1649, the Jesuits from the rise of the order to the

1652; part v. by Pet. Possinus and Jo*, present time (in Germ.), by Pet. Phil. Wolf,

Juvencius, Rome, 1661 and 1710 ; part vi. ed. 2d, Lips., 1803, 4 vols. 8vo. Pragmatic

by Jul. Corda.ro, Rome, 1750. Also, His- Hist, of the order of Jesuits from their origin

toire des religieux de la Compagnie de Jesus, to the present time, (in Germ.), by Jo. Chr.

88 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. DI.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

an illiterate man, but of an exuberant imagination. (15) After various
changes, he went to Rome, and it is said, was there trained by the in-

Harenberg, Halle, 1760, 2 vols. 4to. The
two last are considered the best summaries.
—2V.]

(15) Many biographies of Loyola have been
composed by his followers ; most of which
are raiher eulogies of the man, than simple
correct statements of facts. They transmute
common events into prodigies. [Of this
class is Jo. Pet. Maffei, de vita et moribus
B. P. Ignatii Loyols ; Douay, 1661, 12mo.
— Schl.] Recently a Frenchman, who calls
himself Hercules JRasiel de Selve, [an ana-
gram of his real name, Charles le Vier,
a bookseller at the Hague. — TV.], has com-
posed a history of Loyola, with a good de-
gree of ingenuousness, if we except his own
witty remarks. It is divided into two parts,
and entitled : Histoire de 1'admirable Dom
Inigo de Guipuscoa, (which is the Spanish
name of Ignatius), Chevalier de la vierge et
Fondateur de la Monarchic de Inighistes ;
printed at the Hague, 1736, and again 1739,
8vo. — [Ignatius Loyola was born at the
castle of Loyola, in the district of Guipus-
coa, in Biscay, Spain, A. D. 1491. Trained
up in ignorance and in vice, at the court of
Ferdinand and Isabella, he early became a
soldier, and bravely commanded Pampeluna,
when besieged by the French in 1521.
Here he had his leg broken ; and during a
long confinement, amused himself with read-
ing romances. A Spanish legend of certain
saints being put into his hands, led him to
renounce the world, and become a saint.
He first visited the shrine of the holy virgin,
at Montserrat in Catalonia ; hung his arms
on her altar, and devoted himself to her, as
her knight, March 24th, 1522. He next
went in the garb of a pilgrim, to Manresa,
and spent a year among the poor in the hos-
pital. Here he wrote his Spiritual Exer-
cises, a book which was not printed till many
years after. He next set out for the Holy
Land. From Barcelona he sailed to Italy,
obtained the blessing of the pope, proceeded
to Venice, and embarked for Joppa, where
he arrived in August, and reached Jerusalem
in Sept., 1523. After satisfying his curiosi-
ty, he returned by Venice and Genoa to
Barcelona, where he commenced the study
of Latin, and at the end of two years or
A.D. 1526, removed to Alcala, (Complu-
tum), and commenced reading philosophy.
His strange appearance and manner of life
rendered him suspected, and caused him to
be apprehended by the inquisitors. They
released him however, on condition that he
should not attempt to give religious instruc-
tion till after four years' study. Unwilling

to submit to this restraint, he went to Sala-
manca ; and pursuing the same course there,
he was again apprehended, and laid under
the same restriction. He therefore went to
Paris, where he arrived Feb., 1528. Here
he lived by begging, spent much time in
giving religious exhortations, and prosecuted
a course of philosophy and theology. Sev-
eral young men of a kindred spirit, (among
whom was the celebrated Francis Xavier,
the apostle of the Indies), united with him
in a kind of monastic association, in 1534.
At first they were but seven in number, but
they increased to ten. At length they
agreed to leave Paris, and to meet in Janu-
ary, 1537, at Venice. Loyola went to Spain,
to settle some affairs ; preached there with
great effect, and at the time appointed joined
his associates at Venice. As they purposed
to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, they
went to Rome to obtain the papal benedic-
tion, and returned to Venice. But the war
with the Turks now suspended all inter-
course with Palestine, and they could not
obtain a passage. Not to be idle, they dis-
persed themselves over the country, and
preached everywhere. Rome now became
their place of rendezvous. While thus em-
ployed, Ignatius conceived the idea of form-
ing a new and peculiar order of monks. His
companions came into the plan ; and in
1540, they applied to Paul III., who con-
firmed their inttitution with some limitations,
and afterwards, in 1543, without those limit-
ations. Loyola was chosen general of the
order in 1541. He resided constantly at
Rome, while his companions spread them-
selves everywhere, labouring to convert
Jews and heretics, to reform the vicious, and
inspire men with a religious spirit. His sect
increased rapidly ; and among the new mem-
bers, were three females. But' they gave
Loyola so much trouble, that he applied to
the pope for a decree releasing them from
their vow, and ordaining that the society
should never be cumbered with female mem-
bers any more. After obtaining a confirma-
tion of his order in 1550, from Julius III.,
he wished to resign his generalship over it ;
but his associates would not consent, and
he remained their general till his death, July
31st, 1556. He was beatified by Paul V.
A.D. 1609, and enrolled among the saints
by Gregory XV . A.D. 1622. When Loyola
died, his society consisted of over 1000 per-
sons ; who possessed about 100 houses, and
were divided into 12 provinces, Italy, Sicily,
Germany, the Netherlands, France, Aragon,
Castile, the south of Spain, Portugal and

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

structions and councils of certain wise and acute men, so that he was en-
abled to found such a society as the state of the church then required. (16)
§ 11. The Jesuits hold an intermediate pi ace bet ween the monks and the
secular clergy, and approach near to the order of regular canons. For
while they live secluded from the multitude and are under vows, like monks,
yet they are exempted from the most onerous duties of monks, the canon-
ical hours, and the like ; in order that they may have more time for the in-
struction of youth, for writing books, guiding the minds of the religious,
and other services useful to the church. The whole society is divided into
three classes ; namely, the professors, who live in houses of the professors ;
the Scholastics, who teach youth in their colleges ; and the novices, who re-
side in the houses erected especially for them. The professors, in addition
to the three common vows of monks, are bound by a fourth, by which they
engage before God that they will instantly go wherever the Roman pontiff
shall at any time bid them ; and they have no revenues, or are Mendicants
and live on the bounties of the pious. The others, and especially the resi-
dents in the colleges, have very ample possessions, and must afford assistance
when necessary to the professors. If compared with the other classes, the
professors are few in number, and are generally men of prudence, skilful
in business, of much experience, learned, — in a word, true and perfect Jes-
uits. The others are Jesuits only in a looser sense of the term ; and are
rather associates of the Jesuits, than real Jesuits. The mysteries of the
society are imparted only to a few of the professors, aged men, of long ex-
perience, and of the most tried characters ; the rest are entirely ignorant
ofthem.(17)

Brazil, Ethiopia, and the East Indies. See
Bayle, Diet. hist, crit., article Loyola, and
Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. seitder Reform.,
vol. iii., p. 515, &c.— Tr.]

(16) Not only Protestants but also many
Roman Catholics, and they men of learning
and discrimination, deny that Loyola, had
learning enough to compose the writings as-
cribed to him, or genius enough to form
such a society as originated from him. On
the contrary, they say, that some very wise
and superior men guided and controlled his
mind ; and that better educated men than
he, composed the works which bear his
name. See Mich. Geddes, Miscellaneous
Tracts, vol. iii., p. 429. Most of his wri-
tings are supposed to have been produced
by Jo. de Palanco, his secretary. See M.
V. la Croze, Histoire du Christ. d'Ethiopie,
p. 55, 271. His spiritual Exercises (Exer-
citia Spiritualia), the Benedictines say, were
transcribed from the work of a Spanish Ben-
edictine, whose name was Cisneros. See
Jordan, Vie de Mr. la Croze, p. 83, &c.
The constitutions of the society, it is said,
were drawn up by Laincz and Salmeron, two
learned men who were among his first asso-
ciates. See Histoire de la Compagnie de
Jesus, torn, i., p. 115, &c.

(17) [The general of the order held his
office for life, under certain limitations ; was

VOL. III.— M

to reside constantly at Rome ; and had a se-
lect council to advise him, and to execute
his orders. His authority over the whole
order, and over every person, business, and
thing, connected with it, was absolute ; nor
was he accountable to any earthly su-
perior, except the pope. Over each prov-
ince was a provincial, whose power was
equally despotic over his portion of the
society. He visited and inspected all the
houses of his province, required regular
monthly returns to be made to him from
every section of the province of all that was
transacted, learned, or contemplated ; and
then made returns, every three months to
the general. Every person belonging to the
order was continually inspected, and trained
to implicit obedience, secrecy, and fidelity to
the order. The whole society was like a
regular army, completely officered, trained to
service, and governed by the will of one man,
who stood at the pope's right hand. See
the constitution of the society, as published
by Hospinian, Historia Jesuitica, lib. i.,
cap. 4, &c. The secret instructions to the
provincials, and to subordinate organs and
members of the society, were totally un-
known, for the most part, to any persons ex-
cept those to whom they were addressed.
The general rules and artifices, by which in-
dividuals were to insinuate themselves every

90 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. Ill— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 12. The Romish church since the time it lost dominion over so many
nations, owes more to this single society, than to all its other ministers and
resources. This being spread in a short time over the greater part of the
world, every where confirmed the wavering nations, and restrained the
progress of sectarians : it gathered into the Romish church a great multi-
tude of worshippers among the barbarous and most distant nations : it bold-
ly took the field against the heretics, and sustained for a long time almost
alone the brunt of the war, and by its dexterity and acuteness in reasoning,
entirely eclipsed the glory of the old disputants : by personal address, by
skill in the sagacious management of worldly business, by the knowledge
of various arts and sciences, and by other means, it conciliated the good-
will of kings and princes : by an ingenious accommodation of the princi-
ples of morals to the propensities of men, it obtained almost the sole direc-
tion of the minds of kings and magistrates, to the exclusion of the Domin-
icans and other more rigid divines :(18) and every where, it most studious-
ly guarded the authority of the Romish prelate from sustaining farther loss.
All these things procured for the society immense resources and wealth,
and the highest reputation ; but at the same time, they excited vast envy,
very numerous enemies, and frequently exposed the society to the most im-
minent perils. All the religious orders, the leading men, the public schools,
and the magistrates, united to bear down the Jesuits ; and they demonstrated
by innumerable books, that nothing could be more ruinous both to religion
and to the state, than such a society as this. In some countries, as France,
Poland, and others, they were pronounced to be public enemies of the coun-
try, traitors, and parricides, and were banished with ignominy.(19) Yet the
prudence, or if you choose, the cunning of the association, quieted all these
movements, and even turned them dexterously to the enlargement of their
power, and to the fortification of it against all future machinations. (20)

where, and obtain for the society dominion tiquites de la Chapelle de France, lib. i., p.

and control over all persons and transactions, 322, &c.

were also among the mysteries of the society. (19) Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus,

Two copies of them however, the one larger tome iii., p. 48, &c. Baulay's Historia

and more minute than the other, entitled Acad. Paris., torn, vi., p. 559-648, and in

Privata Monita Societatis Jesu, and Secreta many other places ; and a great number

Monita, &c., were said to have been ob- of writers, especially those among the Jan-

tained, the first from a ship bound to the senists. — [The Jesuits were expelled from

East Indies, and captured by the Dutch, and France A.D. 1594 ; but permitted to return

the other found in the Jesuits' college at again, at the commencement of the next

Paderborn. But the Jesuits have always century. They were expelled from Venice

and constantly denied their genuineness; in 1606, from Poland in 1607, and from Bo-

nor have the world the means of substan- hernia in 1618; to the last-named place how-

tiating their authenticity, except by their ever, they were allowed to return two years

coincidence with the visible conduct of the after. — TV.]

Jesuits. According to these writings, which (20) [It was under Lainez, the general of
have been repeatedly published during the the order next after Loyola, that the spirit of
two last centuries, nothing could be more intrigue entered freely into the society. Lai-
crafty and void of all fixed moral principle, nez possessed a peculiar craftiness and dex-
than the general policy of the Jesuits. See terity in managing affairs, and was frequently
Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., led by it into low and unworthy tricks. His
vol. iii., p. 647, &c. — TV.] ruling passion was ambition ; which however
(18) Before the Jesuits arose, the Do- he knew how to conceal from the inexpe-
minicans alone had the control of the con- rienced most artfully, under a veil of humil-
sciences of the European kings and princes, ity and piety. Under him the society as-
But they were superseded in all the courts, sumed a graver and more manly character,
by the Jesuits. See WiUh. du Peyrat, Au- than under his enthusiastic and often ludi-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

91

§ 13. The pontiffs who governed the Latin or Romish church in this
century, after Alexander VI. [1492-1503], Pius III. [1503], Julius II.
[1503], Leo X. [1503-1521], and Adrian VI. [1521-1523], who have been
already mentioned, were Clement VII. [1523-1534], of the Medicean fam-
ily ;(21) Paul III. [1534-1549], of the illustrious family of Farnese;(22)
Julius III. [1550-1555], who was previously called John Maria de
Monte ;(23) Marcellus II. [1555], whose name, before his pontificate, was
Marcellus Cervinus ;(24) Paul IV. [1555-1559], whose name was John
Peter Caraffa ;(25) Pius IV. [1560-1566], who claimed to be a descend-
ant of the Medicean family, and bore the name of John Angelus de Medi-
cis ;(26) Pius V. [1566-1572], a Dominican monk, whose name was Mi-
chael Ghislerus, a man of a sour temper and excessive austerity, who is

crous predecessor ; and its constitution was
a master-piece of artful policy, rendering it
a terrible army, that dared to undermine
states, to rend the church, and even to men-
ace the pope. See the Versuch einer neuen
Gesch. des Jesuiterordens, vol. ii. — Sckl.~\

(21) [Clement VII. was a bastard; but
Leo X. removed this stain, by an act of legiti-
mation. His political sagacity was such as
would better have adorned the character of
a minister of state, than a minister of Christ.
Civil history informs us, on what principles
he acted with the emperor Charles V. See,
concerning him, Jac. Ziegler's Historia
dementis VII., in Schelhorn's Amoenitat.
Historiae eccles. et litter., vol. i., p. 210,
&c., and Sarpfs Histoire du Concile de
Trente, tome i., p. 61, &c. — Schl.]

(22) Respecting Paul III. there has in
our age been much learned discussion, be-
tween cardinal Quirini, and several distin-
guished men, as Kiesling, Schelhorn, and
others ; the former maintaining that he was
a good and eminent man, and the latter, that
he was a crafty and perfidious character.
See Quinnus de Gestis Pauli III. Farnesii.
Brisiae, 1 745, 4to. [And Schelhorn's Epis-
tola de consilio de emendanda ecclesia, Zu-
rich, 1748, 4to. Quirini, ad catholicum ae-
quumque lectorem animadversiones in epis-
tolam Schelhornii, Bresciae, 1747. Schel-
horn's second Epistle, 1748, 4to. Kies-
ling's Epistola de Gestis Pauli III., Lips.,
1747. Concerning'this pope in general, and
respecting his views in regard to a general
council, see Sarpi's Histoire du Concile de
Trente, tome i., p. 131, &c. Thus much
is clear, from the discussions of these learn-
ed men, that Paul III. was an adept in the
art of dissimulation, and therefore better fitted
to be a statesman, than the head of the
church. His whole conduct in regard to
the council forced upon him by the cardinals,
proves this. That in his youth he was a
great debauchee, appears from his two grand-
sons, Farnese and Sforza, whom he created
cardinals, and of whom the father of the first

and the mother of the last, were his illegiti-
mate children. — Schl.}

(23) [" This was the worthy pontiff, who
was scarcely seated in the papal chair, when
he bestowed the cardinal's hat on the keeper
of his monkeys, a boy chosen from among
the lowest of the populace, and who was
also the infamous object of his unnatural
pleasures. See Thuanus, lib. vi. and xv. —
Hottinger, Hist. Eccles., torn, v., p. 572,
&c., and more especially Sleidan, Historia,
lib. xxi., folio, m. 609. — When Julius was
reproached by the cardinals for introducing
such an unworthy member into the sacred
college, a person who had neither learning,
nor virtue, nor merit of any kind, he impu-
dently replied by asking them, What merit
or virtue they had found in him, that could
induce them to place him (Julius) in the
papal chair 1" — Mad.]

(24) [He reigned only twenty-two days.
See Sarpi, 1. c., tome ii., p. 139.— Schl.~]

(25) [" Nothing could exceed the arro-
gance and ambition of this violent and impet-
uous pontiff, as appears from his treatment
of queen Elizabeth. See Burners History
of the Reformation. — It was he who, by a
bull, pretended to raise Ireland to the priv-
ilege and quality of an independent kingdom ;
and it was he also who first instituted the
Index of prohibited books, mentioned above,
$ 9."— Mac/.]

" (26) [His family was very remotely, if at
all, descended from the Medicean family of
Florence. His character seemed to be to-
tally changed, by his elevation to the papal
dignity. The affable, obliging, disinterested,
and abstemious cardinal, became an unsocial,
selfish, and voluptuous pope. So long as the
council of Trent continued, which he con-
trolled more by craft and cunning than by
direct authority, he was very reserved ; but
after its termination, he showed himself with-
out disguise in his true character. This also
may deserve notice, that this pope, in the year
1564, allowed the communion in both kinds,
in the diocese of Mayence ; which allowance

92 BOOK IV.-CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

now accounted by the Romanists a saint ;(27) Gregory XIII. [1572-1585],
previously cardinal Hugo 'Buoncompagno ;(28) Sixtus V. [1585-1590],
a Franciscan, called Montaltus before his advancement to the papal throne,
who excelled all the rest in vigour of mind, pride, magnificence, and other vir-
tues and vices ; Urban VIII. [1590], Gregory XIV. [1590-1591], Innocent
IX. [1591] ; (these three reigned too short a time to distinguish them-
selves) ; [Clement VIII., 1592-1605]. Some of these were more, and oth-
ers less meritorious ;(29) yet if compared with most of those that ruled the
church before the reformation by Luther, they were all wise and good men.
For since the rise of so many opposers of the Romish power, both within
and without, the cardinals have deemed it necessary to be exceedingly
cautious, and not commit the arduous government" of the church to a per-
son openly vicious, or to a rash and indiscreet young man. And since
that period the pontiffs do not, and cannot, assume such despotic power of

also the Austrians and Bavarians had obtained
of the pope. ( Gudenus, Codex Diplom. Mo-
gunt., torn, iv., p. 709). See Sarpi, 1. c.,
tome ii., p. 183, &c. — Schl.]

(27) [Pius V. was of low birth, but had
risen as a Dominican, to the office of general
commissary to the Inquisition at Rome. And
as pope, he practised on the cruel principles
which he had learned in that school of cru-
elty. For he caused many eminent men of
learning, and among others the noted Pale-
arius, to be burned at the stake ; and he
showed so little moderation and prudence in
his persecuting zeal, that he not only ap-
proved of all kinds of violence, and let loose
his warriors on France, but also employed
the baser methods for the destruction of her-
etics, insurrections, and treason. Yet this
method of proceeding had the contrary effect
from what was intended, in France, in Eng-
land, in Scotland, and in the Netherlands.
That he also laboured to prostrate entirely
the civil power before the spiritual, and by
unreasonably exempting the clergy from all
civil taxation greatly injured Spain, France,
and Venice, may be learned from civil his-
tory. By his command, the Tridentine Cat-
echism was composed and published. Clem-
ent X. gave him beatification, and Clem-
ent XI. canonization ; which has occasioned
many partial biographies to be composed of
this pope. — SchL~\

(28) See Jo. Pet. Mafei, Annales Greg-
orii XIII., Rome, 1742, 4to. [He was
elected by means of the Spanish viceroy of
Naples, cardinal de Granville, and was of a
milder character than Pius V. Yet he openly
approved the bloody massacre at Paris on
St. Bartholomew's eve, and participated in
a treasonable plot against queen Elizabeth.
His idea of introducing his reformed kalcrndar
as pope, drew on him obloquy from the Prot-
estants ; and his attempt to free the clergy
from all civil jurisdiction, also from the

French. He published the Canon Law im-
proved and enlarged. — Schl.]

(29) Pius V. and Sixtus V. distinguished
themselves above the rest ; the former, by his
extreme severity against heretics, and by pub-
lishing the celebrated bull called In Ccena
Domini, which is [was, till the reign of
Clement XIV.] annually read at Rome, on
the festival of the Holy Sacrament ; and the
latter, by his many vigorous, splendid, and
resolute acts for advancing the glory and
honour of the church. The life of Pius V.
has been written by many persons in our age,
since Clement XI. enrolled him among the
saints. On the bull : In Ccr.no. Domini, and
the commotions it occasioned, Giannone has
treated, in his Histoire civile de Naples, lib.
xxxiii., cap.1v., tome iv., p. 248, &c., [and
still more fully and circumstantially, the au-
thor of the Pragmatic History of this bull. —
Schl.] The life of Sixtus V., by Gregory
Leti, has been often published, and in differ-
ent languages ; but it is in many parts de-
ficient in fidelity. [Sixtus V. was a com-
plete statesman, and possessing a h-igh de-
gree of dissimulation he could play any part ;
and instead of the fruitless attempt of his
predecessors to reduce the heretics again to
obedience, he endeavoured to increase his
power by conquering the kingdom of Naples,
by retaining the princes that were still in his
interests, and by encroachments upon their
power. The Jesuits, for whom he had no
partiality, hated him. The splendour of the
city of Rome, the papal treasury, and the
Vatican library, owe much to him. He like-
wise promoted the Romish edition of the
Septuagint in 1587, and the edition of the
Latin Vulgate, Rome, 1590, in 3 vols. fol.
While a cardinal in 1580, he published at
Rome the collected works of Ambrose, in 5
vols. See Dr. Walch's History of the Popes,
p. 399.— Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 93

deciding on the greatest matters according to their own mere pleasure, as
their predecessors did; but they must pronounce sentence ordinarily ac-
cording to the decision of their senate, that is of the cardinals, and of the
congregations to which certain parts of the government are intrusted.
Moreover neither prudence, nor the silently increasing power of emperors
and kings, and the continual decrease of ignorance and superstition, will
permit them to excite wars among nations, to issue bulls of excommunica.
tion and deposition against kings, and to arm the citizens, as they formerly
did, against their lawful sovereigns. In short, stern necessity has been the
mother of prudence and moderation, at Rome, as often elsewhere.

§ 14. The condition of the clergy subject to the Roman pontiff, remain-
ed unchanged. Some of the bishops at times, and especially at the coun-
cil of Trent, very earnestly sought to recover their ancient rights, of which
the pontiffs had deprived them ; and they supposed that the pontiff might
be compelled to acknowledge, that bishops were of divine origin, and deri-
ved their authority from Christ himself. (30) But all these attempts were
frustrated, by the vigilance of the Romish court, which did not cease to
repeat the odious maxim, that bishops are only the ministers and legates of the
vicar of Jesus Christ resident at Rome, and that they are indebted for all
the power and authority they possess to the generosity and grace of the
apostolic see. Yet there were some, particularly among the French, who
little regarded that principle. And what the Romish jurists call reser-
vations, provisions, exemptions, and expectatives, which had drawn forth
complaints from all the nations before the reformation, and which were the
most manifest proofs of the Romish tyranny, now almost entirely ceased.

§ 15. Respecting the lives and morals of the clergy and the reformation
of inveterate evils, there was deliberation in the council of Trent : and on
this subject some decrees were passed, which cannot be disapproved. But
good men complain, that those decrees have to this day found no executor,
and that they are neglected with impunity by all, and especially by those
of more elevated rank and station. The German bishops, as every one
knows, have almost nothing except their dress, their titles, and certain
ceremonies, from which the nature of their office could be inferred. In
the other countries very many of the prelates, with the tacit consent of the
pope, are more devoted to courts, to voluptuousness, to wealth and ambi-
tion, than to Jesus Christ, to whom they profess to be consecrated : and
only a very small number care for the interests of the Christian communi-
ty, or of piety and religion. Moreover, those who are most attentive to
these things, can scarcely escape invidious remarks, criminations, and vex-
ations of various kinds. Many perhaps would be better and more devout,
were they not corrupted by the example of Rome, or did they not see the
very heads of the church and their servants, wholly devoted to luxury,
avarice, pride, revenge, voluptuousness, and vain pomp. The canons as
they are called, almost everywhere continue to adhere to their pristine
mode of life, and consume often, not very piously or honestly, the wealth
which the piety of former ages had consecrated to the poor. The rest of
the clergy however, cannot at their pleasure everywhere copy after these
preposterous moral guides. For it must be admitted, that since the refor-
mation by Luther, much more pains is taken than formerly, to prevent the
lower orders of the clergy from disregarding the rules of sobriety and ex-
(30) Here may be consulted, Paul Sarpi's Historia Concilii Tridentini.

94 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

ternal decency, lest their open profligacy should give offence to the peo-
ple.

§ 16. Nearly the same praise belongs to the monks. In most of the
governors of monasteries, there are things which deserve the severest rep-
rehension ; nor are idleness, gluttony, ignorance, knavery, quarrels, lasciv-
iousness, and the other once prevalent vices of the monasteries, entirely ex-
pelled and banished from them. Yet it would be uncandid to deny, that in
many countries the morals of the monks are subjected to stricter rules;
and that the remaining vestiges of the ancient profligacy, are at least more
carefully concealed. There have also arisen some, who have laboured to
restore the almost extinct austerity of the ancient rules ; and others who
have attempted to establish new fraternities for the public benefit of the
church. Matthew de Baschi, an Italian, an honest but simple man, of that
society of Franciscans who supposed they obeyed the precepts of their
founder more religiously than the others, and who are commonly called
Observant Friars (Fratres de Observantia), thought himself called of God
to restore the institutes of St. Francis to their original and genuine integ-
rity. His design being approved by Clement VII. in the year 1525, gave
rise to the fraternity of Capuchins ; which experiencedxthe bitter indigna-
tion of the other Franciscans, and exhibited a great appearance of gravity,
modesty, and disregard for worldly things. (31) The fraternity derived its
name from the cowl, (caputium), a covering for the head sewed to the
Franciscan coat, which St. Francis himself is said to have worn. (32}
Another progeny of the Franciscan order, were those called Recollets in
France, Reformati in Italy, and Barefooted (Discalceati) in Spain ; and
who likewise obtained the privileges of a separate association distinct from
the others, in the year 1532, by authority of Clement VII. They differ
from the other Franciscans, by endeavouring to live more exactly accord,
ing to the rules of their common lawgiver.(33) St. Theresia, a Spanish
lady of noble birth, aided in the arduous work by P. John de Matthia, who
was afterwards called John de St. Cruce, endeavoured to restore the too
luxurious and almost dissolute lives of the Carmelites to their pristine grav-
ity. Nor were these efforts without effect ; notwithstanding the greatest
part of the Carmelites made opposition. Hence the order was divided du-
ring ten years, into two parties, the one observing severer and the other
laxer rules. But as this difference as to their mode of life among members
of the same family, occasioned much animosity and discord, Gregory XIII.
in the year 1580, at the request of Philip II. king of Spain, directed the
more rigid Carmelites who were called Barefooted (Discalceati) from their

(31) See Luc. Wadding's Annales Ordi- out mother. The order had the misfortune,

nis Minorum, torn, xvi., p. 207, 257, &c., that its first vicar-general Bernfiard Ochirt,

ed. Rome. Hipp. Helyofs Histoire des and afterwards the third also, turned Prot-

Ordres Monastiques, tome vii., cap. xxiv., estants ; which wellnigh worked its ruin,

p. 264. And especially, Zac.h. Boverius, Yet it afterwards spread itself over Italy,

Annales Capucinorum. [The founder of France, Spain, and Germany, with extraor-

the order of Capuchins, is not well known, dinary success. — Schl.~)

Some give this honour to Matthew Bos- (32) See DM Fresne's Glossarium Latin-

chi, and others to the famous Lewis de Fos- itat. medii aevi, torn, ii., p. 298, ed. Bened.,

sembrun. Baver supposes, that Baschi de- [art. Caputium.]

vised the cowl, but that Fosscmbrun was (33) Luc. Wadding's Annales, torn, xvi.,

the author of the reform ; and he thence in- p. 167. Helyofs Histoire des Ordres, tome

fers, that his order was not the work of men, vii., cap. xviii., &c., p. 129, &c.
but like Mdchizcdek, without father and with-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 95

with naked feet, to separate themselves from the more lax. Sixtus
V. confirmed and extended this separation, in 1587 ; and Clement VIII.
completed it in 1593, by giving to the new association an appropriate chief
or general. A few years after when new contests arose between these
brethren, the same pontiff in the year 1600, again separated them into two
societies, governed by their respective generals. (34)

§ 17. Of the new orders that arose in this century, the most distinguish,
ed was that which proudly assumed the name of Jesus ; and which has
been already noticed among the props of the Romish power. Compared
with this, the others appeared ignoble and obscure. — The reformation af.
forded occasion for various societies of what are called Regular Clerks.
As all these professed to aim at imitating and restoring the ancient virtue
and sanctity of the clerical order, they tacitly bear witness to the laxity of
discipline among the clergy, and the necessity of a reformation. The first
that arose were the Theatins, so named from the town Theate or Chieti
[in the kingdom of Naples], whose bishop at that time was John Peter Ca-
raff a, afterwards pope Paul IV., who, with the aid of Cajetan de Thienozis
and some others, founded this society in the year 1524. Destitute of all
possessions and all revenue, they were to live upon the voluntary bounties
of the pious ; and were required to succour decaying piety, to improve the
style of preaching, to attend upon the sick and dying, and to oppose man-
fully and vigorously all heretics. (35) There were also some convents of
sacred virgins connected with this order. — Next in point of time to them,
were those that assumed the name of Regular Clerks of St. Paul whom
they chose for their patron, but who were commonly called Barnabiles,
from the temple of St. Barnabas at Milan which was given to them in the
year 1535. This fraternity was approved by Clement Vll. in 1532 ; and
confirmed by Paul III. in 1535. It honoured as its founders Antony Ma.
via Zacharias a knight of Cremona, and Bartholomew Ferrarius a knight
of Milan, also Jac. Antony Morigia of Milan. At first they renounced all
possessions and property, like the Theatins, living solely upon the gratui-
tous gifts of the pious ; but afterwards they deemed it expedient to hold
property and have certain revenues. Their principal business was, to la.
bour as preachers in reclaiming sinners to their duty.(36) The Regular
Clerks of St. Majoli, also called the Fathers of Somasquo, from the town
Somasquo where their first general resided, had for their founder Jerome
jEmilianus, and were approved by Paul III. in the year 1540, and then
by Pius IV. in 1543. (37) These assumed the office of carefully instruct-
ing the ignorant and especially the young, in the precepts of Christianity.
— The same office was assigned to the Fathers of the Christian doctrine,
both in France and in Italy. A distinguished society of this name, was
collected in France by Ccesar de Bus ; and it was enrolled among the le-
gitimate fraternities by Clement VIII. in the year 1597. The Italian soci-
ety owed its birth to Marcus Cusanus a knight of Milan, and was approved
by the authority of Pius V. and Gregory XIII.

(34) Helyot, Histoire des Ordres, tome i., Helyol with great industry and accuracy,
cap. xlvii., p. 340, &c. prosecutes the history of the other sects

(35) Helyot, Histoire des Ordres, tome which we have here mentioned.

iv., cap. xii., p. 71, &c. (37) See the Acta Sanctor., Februar.,

(36) Helyot, 1. c., tome iv., c. xv., p. 100. torn, ii., p. 217, &c.
In this part of his noted and excellent work,

96 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 18. It would occupy us too long and would not be very profitable, to
enumerate the minor fraternities which originated from the perturbation
excited in the Romish church by the heretics of Germany and other coun-
tries. For no age produced more associations of this kind, than that in
which Luther held up the Bible, against ignorance, superstition, and papal
domination. Some of them have since become extinct, because they had
no solid basis ; and others have been suppressed by the will of the pontiffs,
who considered the interests of the church as retarded rather than advan-
ced by the multitude of such societies. We also omit the societies of
nuns ; among whom the Ursulines were distinguished for their numbers
and reputation. (38) But we must not pass over the Fathers of the Ora-
tory, founded in Italy by Philip Nerius, and publicly approved by Gregory
XIII. in 1577 ; because they have had not a few men distinguished for
iheir erudition and talents, (among whom were Ccesar Baronius, and af-
terwards Odoric Raynald, and in our age James Laderchius, the celebra-
ted authors of the Annals of the Church), and because they have not yet
ceased to flourish. The name of the sect is derived from the chapel or
oratory, which Nerius built for himself at Florence and occupied for many
years. (39)

§ 19. That both sacred and secular learning were held in much higher
estimation among the Romish Christians after the time of Luther, than be-
fore, is known very generally. In particular, the Jesuits glory, and not
altogether without reason, that the languages and the arts and sciences

(38) [The foundress of this order was was introduced into France in 1611, where
Angela de Brescia, an Italian lady of Lom-
bardy, who belonged to the third order of St.
Francis. In the year 1537, she thought her-
self guided by a revelation to form a new
order of nuns, for relieving the sufferings of
mankind, and with a special view to confute
:he vulgar charge against nunneries, that
:hey are mere houses of impurity. The
name of Ursulines she borrowed from St.
Ursula, a legendary British saint of the fourth
or fifth century, who with her companions
suffered death at Cologne, rather than allow
:heir chastity to be violated. (See Adr.
Baillet, Vies des Saints, torn, iii., Octob. 21,
p. 330, &c.) At first she proposed that her
nuns should not be cloistered, but should
reside in the private families to which they

belonged, so that their devout and virtuous
lives might be open to the inspection of all.
But she afterwards allowed them to live in
communities or nunneries. Their monastic
rule was that of St. Augustine. They were
to search out the afflicted and unfortunate,
to administer to them instruction and con-
solation, to relieve the poor, to visit hospi-
tals, and to wait on the sick, and every
where afford their personal services to such
as needed them. The foundress died in
1540. Cardinal Borromeo archbp. of Milan,
was a great patron of this order, which was
first legalized by Paul III. in 1544, and
afterwards by Gregory XIII. in 1571. It
flourished much in the north of Italy, aud

it acquired a high reputation, and could soon
number more than 300 cloisters distributed
into several congregations. The kind of-
fices of these sisters to all who needed their
services, and their attention to the education
of females, caused them to be held in high
estimation. *From France the order was
extended to Canada, and also to the United
States, in both which it still exists and is in
reputation. See Schroeckh, Kirchengesch.
s. d. Reform., vol. iii., p. 503, &c., who re-
fers us to Helyot, Hist, des Ordres, tome iv.,
p. 150-223, and to the Gesch. der vornehm-
sten Mbnchsorden, b. vi. , s. 203, &c. — Jr.]
(39) Helyot, Histoire des Ordres, tome
viii., cap. iv., p. 12. [Raynald' 's Annales
Eccles., ad ann. 1564, § 5. The exercises
in the Oratory were these. When the as-
sociates were collected, a short time was
spent in prayer, ordinarily silent prayer.
Then Nerius addressed the company. Next
a portion of some religious book was read,
on which Nerius made remarks. After an
hour occupied in these exercises, three of
the associates successively mounted a little
rostrum, and gave each a discourse about
half an hour long on some point in theology,
or on church history, or practical religion ;
and the meeting closed for the day. See
Baronius, Annales Eccles., torn, i., p. 555.
Baronius was himself an early pupil of Ne-
rius, and succeeded him as head of the or-
der.— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 97

were more cultivated and advanced by their society, during this century,
than by the schools and by the other religious fraternities. The schools
and universities, (whether designedly or from negligence, I will not say),
were not disposed to abandon the old method of teaching, though rude and
tedious, nor to enlarge the field of their knowledge. Nor would the monks
allow a more solid and elegant culture to be given to their minds. Hence
there is a great diversity in the Romish writers of this century ; some ex-
press themselves happily, methodically, and properly ; others barbarously,
immethodically, and coarsely. Ecclesiastical history was a subject which
CcKsar Baronius undertook to elucidate, or to obscure : and his example
prompted many others to attempt the same thing. This labour was ren-
dered necessary by the temerity of the heretics ; for they with Matthias
Flacius and Martin Chemnitz at their head,(40) having demonstrated that
not only the sacred scriptures but also the voice of ancient history were
opposed to the doctrines and decrees of the Romish church, prompt resist-
ance became necessary, lest the ancient fables on which a great part of the
claims of the pontiffs rested, should lose all their credit.

§ 20. The improvement of philosophy was attempted, by several men of
fine talents both among the French and Italians, whose names have already
been given. But their efforts were rendered ineffectual, by the excessive
attachment of the scholastic doctors to the old Aristotelian philosophy, and
by the cautious timidity of many who were apprehensive that such free-
dom of thought and discussion might subvert the tottering interests of the
church, and open the way for other and new dissensions. The empire of
Aristotle therefore, whose very obscurity rendered him the more accepta-
ble, continued unshaken in all the schools and monasteries. It even be-
came more firmly established, after the Jesuits saw fit to subject their
schools to it, and showed by their discussions and their books, that the

(40) The former in the Centuria Mag- clesiastici, and was published at Rome, be-
deburgiccs, and the latter in his Examen Con- tween the years 1588 and 1607; and after-
cilii Tridentini. — [Matthias Flacius, after wards at Mentz, with the approbation of the
his removal from Wittenberg to Madgeburg, author. The latest, most splendid, and most
with the aid of the two Madgeburg preach- complete edition, was published with Anto-
ers, John Wigand and Matthew Judex, the ny Pagi a French Franciscan's corrections,
jurist Basil Faber, and Andrew Corvinus, (entitled, Critica Historico-chronologica in
Thomas Holthuters, and others, published Annales Baronii, 4 vols. fol.), and the con-
the Madgeburg Centuries between the years tinuation of Odoric Raynald, (in 10 vols.
1559 and 1574, in thirteen volumes folio, fol.) at Lucca, 1738-1756, in 38 vols. fol.
each volume containing one century. Its These ecclesiastical annals are by no means
proper title is, Historiae ecclesiastics per ali- impartial ; yet they contain numerous docu-
quot studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magde- ments, which cast light on both ecclesiastica.
burgica Centuriae xiii. A new edition was and civil history. Raynald's continuation
commenced in 1757, at Nuremberg; [but reaches to the year 1565. James de Lader-
was carried only to the sixth volume, in 4to. chi, likewise a father of the oratory, extend-
An edition with some abridgment, was pub- ed the Annals to the year 1572. The apos-
lished by Lucius, Basil, 1624, 13 vols. in tate Reformed, Henry de Sponde or Spon-
3, large folio. This edition is most current danus, bishop of Pamiers, likewise compo-
among the Reformed, though disapproved sed a continuation of Baronius to the year
by the Lutherans. — TV.] Casar Baronius, 1640, in three volumes fol. So also the
a father of the oratory, [at the instigation of Polish Dominican, Abraham Bzovius, con-
Philip Nerius, founder of the society of the tinued Baronius to the year 1572, in eight
oratory], undertook to confute this work vols. folio ; but he is the most faulty of all
which contained strong historical proofs that have been named, both in respect to the
against popery, in a work of twelve volumes matter and the spirit of his performance. —
folio, each volume likewise embracing one Schl.]
century. His work is entitled Annales ec-

VOL. III.— N

98 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

Aristotelian scholastic subtilties, equivocations, and intricacies were better
suited to confound the heretics and to carry on controversy with some ap-
pearance of success, than the simple and lucid mode of arguing and deba-
ting, which sound reason left to herself would dictate.

§21. Of the theological writers in the Romish church during this
century, a very large catalogue might be made out. The most famous
and most competent among them, were, Thomas de Vio Cajetan, John Eck,
John CochlcBus, Jerome Emser, Laurence Surius, Stanislaus Hosius, John
Faber, James Sadolet, Albert Pighi, Francis Vatablus, Melchior Canus,
Claudius Esp'encceus, Bartholomew Caranza, John Maldonate, Francis Tur-
rianus, Benedict Arias Montanus, Ambrose Catharinus, Reginald Pole, Six-
tus Senensis, George Cassander, James Paya Andradius, Michael Baius,
James Pamelius, and others. (41)

(41) Concerning these, and others design-
edly omitted, the reader may consult Louis
Elites du Pin, a doctor of the Sorbonne, in
his Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesiast.,
tome xiv. and xvi., and the other writers of
biography. • [The following brief notices of
the writers mentioned by Mosheim, may not
be unacceptable.

Of Cajetan, see above, p. 23, notes (21),
(22).

John Eckius or John Mayer, was born at
Eck, a village in Swabia, A.D. 1483 ; was
professor of theology at Ingolstadt, vice-
chancellor, inquisitor, and canon of Eich-
stadt ; and died 1543. He disputed and
wrote much against Luther and the Protes-
tants.

The real name of Cochlceus was John
Dobeneck, surnamed CocU&us from the Lat-
inized name of his birthplace, Wcndelstein
in Nuremberg. He was a dean at Frank-
fort, and a canon at Mentz and Breslau, and
died in 1552 ; a most rancorous and uncan-
did opposer of the reformation.

Emser was of Ulm in Swabia, and died
in 1527. He was a licentiate of canon law,
criticized Luther's version of the New Tes-
tament, and undertook to make a better.

Surius was a laborious Carthusian monk
of Lubec, and died at Cologne in 1578.
Besides his translations, he published four
Tolumes of the Councils, and seven volumes
of lives of the saints ; and wrote a concise
general history, from A.D. 1500 to 1574, in
opposition to Sleidan's Commentaries.

Hosius was of Cracow, and at his death
in 1579, was bishop of Ermeland, cardinal,
and grand penitentiary to pope Gregory XIII.
He acted a conspicuous part in the council
of Trent, was a manly opposer of the refor-
mation, and left works in 2 vols. fol.

Faber was a Swabian, named Hcigerlin,
but was called Faber from his father's oc-
cupation. He was a Dominican, and op-
posed the sale of indulgences in Switzer-
land ; yet aided the pope against the Prot-

estants, and became bishop of Vienna.
None of his writings are now read.

Sadolet was a mild, liberal divine, secre-
tary to Leo X., bishop of Carpentras, and a
cardinal. His works were printed at Vero-
na, 1737, 4 vols. fol.

Pighi was a Dutchman, archdeacon at
Utrecht, a mathematician, and a man of
more reading than judgment ; and died in
1542.

Vatablus of Picardy, was a learned pro-
fessor of Hebrew at Paris, in the reign of
Francis I.

Canus, a Spanish Dominican, professor
of theology at Salamanca, bishop of the Ca-
nary Islands, provincial of his order in Cas-
tile, and died in 1560. His chief work was
his Locorum communium libri xii.

Espcncaus was a famous Parisian divine
of great erucfition, who died in 1571.

Caranza was a Dominican, confessor to
Philip II. of Spain, to queen Mary of Eng-
land, and to Charles V. ; also archbishop of
Toledo ; yet he was charged with heresy, and
suffered ten years in the Inquisition ; and
died almost as soon as released, A.D. 1576.
He wrote Summa Conciliorum et Decret.
Pontificum.

Maldonate was a Spanish Jesuit, a distin-
guished theologian, and Scriptural expositor ;
born 1534, died 1582.

Turrianus was also a Spanish Jesuit, but
of less talents. He died in 1584.

Montanus was a Spanish Orientalist, and
editor of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible. He
also wrote commentaries on the Scriptures ;
and died in 1598.

Catharinus of Sienna in Italy, was first a
jurist, then a Dominican, bishop of Minor-
ca, and lastly archbishop of Conza in the
kingdom of Naples. He wrote against the
Protestants, commented on Paul's epistles,
and died in 1553.

Cardinal Pole was of royal English blood,
opposed king Henry VIII. in the matter of
his divorce, and left England ; but returned,

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

99

§ 22. The religion which Rome would have men regard as the only
true religion, and which she enjoins on all Christians universally, is de-
rived as all their writers tell us, from two sources, the written word of God,
and the unwritten, or the holy scriptures and tradition. But as there are warm
contests among the leading divines of that church, respecting the legitimate
interpreter of this twofold word of God, it may be justly said, that it is
not yet clear whence a knowledge of the Romish doctrines is to be learned,
or by what authority controversies on sacred subjects are to be decided.
The Romish court indeed, and all that favour the absolute dominion of the
pontiff, maintain that no one can interpret and explain the import of either
divine word in matters relating to salvation, except the person who gov-
erns the church as Christ's vicegerent ; and of course, that his decisions
must be religiously obeyed. To give weight to this opinion, first Pius
IV. and afterwards Sixtus V. established at Rome the congregation styled
the Congregation for interpreting the council of Trent (de interpretando
Tridentino concilio) ; which decides in the name of the pontiff, the smaller
questions respecting points of discipline ; but the weightier questions touch-
ing any point of doctrine, it refers to the pontiff himself as the oracle. (42)
But a very different opinion is entertained both by the greatest part of the
French and by other men of great learning, who maintain, that individual
doctors and bishops may go directly to both sources, and from them obtain
for themselves and for the people rules of faith and practice ; and that
the greater and more difficult questions of controversy, are to be submit-

as papal legate, on the accession of queen
Marv, was made archbishop of Canterbury,
and died on the very day his sovereign did,
A.D. 1558. He was learned, discreet, and
inclined to moderation. His letters were
published by cardinal Quirini, at Brescia,
in 1744.

Sixtus of Sienna was born a Jew, became
a Franciscan, was accused of heresy, joined
the Dominicans, and died in 1569. His
Bibliotheca Sancta, or Introduction to Bib-
lical literature, is the chief foundation of his
reputation.

Cassander was born on the island of Cas-
sand, near Bruges, and was a modest, in-
genuous divine, who studied to bring the
Catholics and Protestants to a better agree-
ment, and incurred the ill will of both. He
died in 1566 ; and his works were printed
at Paris, in 1616, fol.

Andradius was a Portuguese theologian,
who attended the council of Trent, and at-
tempted to vindicate its proceedings against
Chemnitz's attack.

Baius was doctor and professor of the-
ology at Louvain, chancellor of the univer-
sity, general inquisitor for the Netherlands,
and a strong adherent to the doctrines of
Augustine ; which brought him into diffi-
culty, as we shall see presently, § 38. He
died in 1589.

Pamelius was a modest and honest the-
ologian of the Netherlands, whose father
Adolpkiu, baron of Pamele, was counsellor

of state to Charles V. He died on his way
to take possession of his new office of bishop
of St. Omers, A.D. 1587. He edited the
works of Tertullian and of Cyprian. — TV.]
(42) Jac. Aymon, Tableau de la cour de
Rome, part v., cap. iv., p. 282, &c. [This
congregation affords the pope a fine oppor-
tunity to obtrude his court decisions on the
Catholic world, under the pretence of the
council of Trent. It is the duty of the car-
dinals to explain the language of the council,
only in doubtful cases ; but they often ex-
tend the import of the words so far, that the
pope finds the way open to introduce new
laws into the church. See Febronius, de
Statu ecclesiae, cap. v., $ 3, no. 7. — Schl.
The canonists long debated, whether the
decisions of this congregation formed a part
of the ecclesiastical law of the Catholic
church. Those who maintained that they
were not law, urged unanswerably, that those
decisions were not published ; and that rules
of conduct not made known, could never be
considered as laws by which men were to
be judged. To remove this objection, in
the year 1739 formal reports of the decisions
of the congregation began to be published,
reaching back to the year 1718 ; and the
publication of these reports was continued
to the year 1769, when thirty-eight volumes
4to had been issued, embracing all the de-
cisions of importance from the year 1718 to
the year 1769, inclusive. — TV.]

100 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

ted to the examination and decision of councils. There is no judge that
can terminate this controversy ; and hence there is no prospect that the
Romish religion will ever obtain a stable and determinate form.

§ 23. The council of Trent, which is said to have been summoned to
explain, arrange, and reform both the doctrine and the discipline of the
church, is thought by wise men to have rather produced new enormities,
than to have removed those that existed. They complain that many opin-
ions of the scholastic doctors, concerning which ^ in former times men
thought and spoke as they pleased, were improperly sanctioned and placed
among the doctrines necessary to be believed, and even guarded by anath-
emas :(43) they complain of the ambiguity of the decrees and decisions
of the council, in consequence of which, controverted points are not so
much explained and settled as perplexed and made more difficult ;(44) they
complain that every thing was decided in the council, not according to
truth and the holy scriptures, but according to the prescriptions of the Ro-
man pontiff, and that the Romish legates took from the fathers of the
council almost all liberty of correcting existing evils in the church ;(45)
they complain that the few decisions which were wise and correct, were
left naked and unsupported, and are neglected and disregarded with impu-
nity ; in short, they think the council of Trent was more careful to sub-
serve the interests of the papal dominion, than the general interests of the

(43) [Here belong, for example, Peter
Lombard's doctrine of seven sacraments, the
necessity of auricular confession, the canon-
ical authority of the apocryphal books, &c. ;
and by the anathema pronounced against the
opposite doctrines,the reintroduction of these
supposed heresies into the church, and all
attempts at a religious union in future, are
rendered impossible. — ScW.]

(44) [The reader need only consult the
second article, concerning justification and
free-will. The council here frequently ex-
presses itself according to the views of Lu-
ther ; but presently, it takes back with one
hand what it had given with the other. This
arose from the disputes of the fathers in the
council among themselves. The only way
to quiet their contentions, was to publish ar-
ticles of faith so ambiguous that each party
could construe them to agree with their own
opinions. Hence it is, that to this day the
council is so differently interpreted in the
Romish church. Hence the Spanish Do-
minican, Dominic Soto, wrote three books to
prove that the council was of his opinion, on
the subject of grace and justification ; while
the Franciscan, Andrew Vega whose opin-
ions were very different, wrote fifteen to
prove directly the contrary. So is it also in
regard to the doctrine respecting the peni-
tence necessary to repentance. The Jesuits
say, this penitence consists in an internal
fear of God and a dread of divine punish-
ments, which they call attrition. Their op-
posers maintain, that this is not sufficient, but
that true penitence must arise from love to

God, and regret for having sinned against
him. This dispute is not decided by the
council ; for one passage appears to deny,
what another asserts. And hence John
Launoi wrote a book, de mente co»cilii
Tridentini circa contritionem, attritionem,
et satisfactionem, in Sacramento poeniten-
tiae ; and he there shows, that the words of
the council may be fairly construed as every
one pleases. • The doctrines concerning the
church, and concerning the power of the
pope and its limits, are for good reasons left
undecided. So also the contested doctrines
concerning the conception and birth of the
virgin Mary, and the real nature of the wor-
ship to be paid to images and to the saints.
The doctrine respecting tradition, is likewise
made very equivocal and obscure. — Schl.~\

(45) [No pope indeed was personally pres-
ent in the council, but they still governed it
by their legates. Nothing was permitted to
be discussed, without the consent of the le-
gates ; and no conclusion was made, which
had not been previously prepared and shaped
in the particular congregations [or commit-
tees], in which the legates always presided.
Hence the satirists said, that the Holy Ghost
(by whom, according to the court language
of the church, such councils are always gui-
ded) was brought from Rome in a portman-
teau, in order to enlighten the fathers.
There were in fact several intelligent and
thinking men among the fathers of the coun-
cil-4 but they were outvoted by the multi-
tude of Italians and dependants of the pope.
-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

101

Christian church. And hence it is not strange that there should be some
among the sons of the Romish church, who choose to expound the decrees
of the Tridentine council itself according to the sense of the sacred vol.
ume and tradition, and that the authority of those decrees should be differ-
ently estimated in the different Catholic countries. (46)

§ 24. Recourse must be had to the decrees of the council of Trent, to-
gether with the brief confession of faith which Pius IV. caused to be drawn
up, by all those who would gain a tolerable knowledge of the Romish re-
ligion. A full and perfect knowledge of it, is not in this way to be expect-
ed. For in the decrees of the council, and in the confession of faith
above mentioned, many articles are so nerveless and without joints, that
they reel hither and thither ; and they were designedly left in this dubious
state, on account of the intestine dissensions of the church. Moreover,
not a few things were passed by, in both those works, which yet must not
be denied nor even called in question without giving offence ; and some
things are there expressed more decently and better, than daily practice
and public usage authorize. Hence reliance must not always be placed
on the language used by the council ; but rather the import of that Ian-

(46) Some provinces of the Romish
church, as Germany, Poland, Italy, [and
Portugal], have received the council of Trent
and its decrees, entire, and without excep-
tions or conditions. But others, only under
certain limitations and conditions, would
subject themselves to it. Of these the prin-
cipal were, the countries subject to the king
of Spain, which were long in controversy
with the Roman pontiff respecting the coun-
cil of Trent, and at last embraced it with a
salvo of the rights of the Spanish kings (sal-
vis Regum Hispaniae juribus). See Gian-
none, Histoire civile du Royaume de Na-
ples, [lib. Ixxxiii., cap. 3., sec. 1], tome iv.,
p. 235, &c. Others again could never be
induced to adopt it. Among these was
France. See Hector God.fr. Masius, Diss.
de contemptu concilii Tridentini in Gallia ;
which is one among his collected Disserta-
tions : and Peter Francis le Courayer's Dis-
cours sur la reception du concile de Trente,
particulierment en France, which is subjoin-
ed to the second volume of his French trans-
lation of Paul Sarpi's History of the council
of Trent, p. 775-789. Yet that part of the
council which embraces the doctrines of re-
ligion, was tacitly and by practice admitted
as a rule of faith among the French. But
the other part, which relates to discipline and
ecclesiastical law, has been constantly re-
jected both publicly and privately ; because
it is deemed hostile to the authority and
power of kings, no less than to the rights
and liberties of the French church. See
Louis Ellies du Pin, Bibliotheque des Au-
teurs ecclesiastiques, torn, xv., p. 380, &c.
Hungary also is said to have never publicly
received this council. See Lorand Samuel-

of, Vita Andr. Dudithii, p. 56. As for the
literary history of the council of Trent, the
writers of its history, editions of its decrees,
&c., see Salig's History of the council of
Trent, (in German), vol. iii., p. 190-320., and
Jo. Chr. Kocher's Bibliotheca Theol. Sym-
bolica, p. 325, 377, &c. — [As to the recep-
tion of the council of Trent in Germany, it
did not take place at once. The pope Pius
IV. sent the bishop of Vintimiglia Visconti,
to the emperor Ferdinand I. to persuade
him to receive it. But the emperor consent-
ed only on two conditions ; that the pope
should allow his subjects the use of the cup
in the sacred supper, and should not debar
the clergy from marriage. The same indul-
gence was craved by the Bavarians. Pius
allowed the first, but denied the second ; and
Ferdinand acquiesced, and received the
council for himself and his hereditary domin-
ions. The whole German nation has never
received it ; and the popes have never dared
to submit its decrees to the consideration of
the diet, and to ask their sanction of them.
— This probably will have been the last gen-
eral council of Christendom ; for it is not
probable that the opposing interests of the
great, with good policy, will ever again allow
of a general council, since the weakness and
intrigues of such bodies have been so clearly
exhibited by this. The popes would also
show themselves not very favourable to an-
other general council, since the right of sum-
moning such a council to meet, and that of
presiding in it, would be contested with
them ; and as so many appeals would bo
likely to be made to the proposed general
council, from their own decisions. — ScW.]

102 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

guage must be qualified and measured, by the practices and the institutions
that generally prevail.(47) Add to these considerations, that since the
time of the council of Trent, some of the pontiffs have explained more
clearly and unequivocally in their particular constitutions or bulls, certain
doctrines which were stated less clearly by the council : in which thing, no
one appears to have acted more audaciously and unsuccessfully, than Clement
XI. in his famous bull called Unigenitus.

§ 25. To the correct interpretation and the knowledge of the holy scrip,
tures, the Roman pontiff opposed all the obstacles in his power, from the
time that he learned what very great damage and loss accrued to him from
this source. In the first place, disputants are allowed the shocking license
of treating the scriptures with contumely, and of publicly declaring their
authority to be inferior to that of the pontiff and tradition. Next, the
old Latin version called the Vulgate, though it abounds with innumerable
faults and in very many places is quite barbarous and obscure, was by a
decision of the assembly at Trent, recommended as authentic, that is, as
faithful, exact, and accurate, and therefore not liable to be impugned. How
much this contributed to conceal from the people the true meaning of the
scriptures, must be manifest. In the same assembly, this hard law was
imposed on interpreters, that in matters of faith and morals they must not
venture to construe the scriptures differently from the common opinion of
the church and the consent of the ancient doctors ; nay, it was asserted
that the church alone, or its head and governor the sovereign pontiff, has
the right of determining the true sense of the scriptures. Finally, the
Romish church has persevered in strenuously maintaining, sometimes more
explicitly and sometimes more covertly, that the sacred scriptures were
written for none but the teachers ; and in all places where it would bear,(48)
it has ordered the people to be restrained from reading the Bible.

§ 26. For these reasons, the multitude of expositors, who were excited
by the example of Luther and his followers to engage eagerly in the work
of biblical interpretation, are for the most part dry, timid, and obsequious
to the will of the Romish court. Nearly all of them are extremely cau-
tious, lest they should drop a single word at variance with the received
opinions ; they always quote the authority and the names of the holy fa-
thers as they call them, and do not so much inquire what the inspired wri-
ters actually taught, as what the church would have them teach. Some of
them tax their ingenuity to the utmost, to force out of each passage of scrip.
ture that fourfold sense which ignorance and superstition devised, namely the
literal, allegorical, tropological, and anagogicaL And with good reason ;
for this mode of interpretation is most convenient for artfully eliciting from
the divine oracles whatever the church wishes to have regarded as truth.

(47) [" This is true, in a more especial many places. But this circumspection does

manner, with respect to the canons of the not appear in the worship of the Roman

council of Trent relating to the doctrine of Catholics, which is notoriously idolatrous in

purgatory, the invocation of saints, the war- both the senses of that word." — Mad.}
ship of images and relics. The terms em- (48) This could not be done in all coun-

ployed in these canons are artfully chosen, tries. The French, and some other nations,

so as to avoid the imputation of idolatry, in read the Scriptures in their native language ;

the philosophical sense of that word ; for in notwithstanding the warm supporters of the

the scripture-sense they cannot avoid it, as Romish supremacy, are bitterly opposed to

all use of images in religious worship is ex- the practice,
pressly forbidden in the sacred writings in

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 103

Yet we can name some, who had wisdom enough to discard these vain
mysteries, and to labour solely to ascertain the literal import of the scriptures.
In this class the most eminent were the following : Erasmus of Rotterdam,
who is well known to have translated the books of the New Testament into
neat and perspicuous Latin, and to have explained them in a pleasing man-
ner ; Thomas de Vio Cajeta?ius, the cardinal who disputed with our Luther
at Augsburg, and whose brief notes on nearly all the sacred books are bet-
ter than many longer commentaries ; Francis Titelmann, Isidorus Clarius,
John Maldonat, Benedict Justinian, (who was no contemptible interpreter
of St. Paul's epistles), John Gagn&us, Claudius Espencaus, and some
others. (49) But these laudable examples ceased to have influence, sooner
than might be expected. For at the close of the century, there was only
one in the university of Paris, namely Edmund Richer the celebrated de-
fender of the Gallic liberties against the pontiffs, who investigated the liter,
al meaning of the scriptures ; all the other doctors despised the literal sense,
and in the manner of the ancients searched after recondite and concealed
meanings. (50)

§ 27. Before Luther's time, nearly all the schools were occupied by the
philosophical theologians, or what are called the Scholastics ; so that even
at Paris, which was considered as the seat of all sacred knowledge, persons
could not be found competent to encounter our divines in reasoning from
the scriptures and the writings of the ancient doctors. And even in the
council of Trent, this extreme penury of dogmatic and biblical theologians
often produced singular difficulties, as the Scholastics were accustomed to
measure and define all doctrines according to the precepts of their lean
and meager philosophy. Pressing necessity therefore, urged the restora-
tion and cultivation of that mode of treating religious doctrines, which
makes more use of the holy scriptures and of the decisions of the fathers,
than of metaphysical reasoning. (51) Yet the Scholastics could not be di-

(49) Concerning these, the reader may (50) Adr. Baillet, Vie de Edmund Rich-
consult Richard Simon's Histoire critique du er, p. 9, 10, &c. [Richer was an eminent
Vieux et du Nouveau Testament. — [TiTEL- theological writer, well acquainted with the
MANN was of Hasselt, in the bishopric of antiquities of the church, and a bold defender
Liege, a Capuchin monk, skilful in Oriental of the rights of bishops against the pope,
literature, and died provincial of his order in But he suffered persecution, which ruined
1553. He left many commentaries on the his health; and he died in the year 1631. —
books of Scripture, particularly one on the TV.]

Psalms, which is not entirely useless. See (51) See C. E. de Bau.lay's Reformatio

Rich. Simon, Hist. crit. du Vieux Test., l.iii., Facultatis theol., Paris., anno 1587, in his

c. 9, p. 422. — ISIDORUS CLARIUS (de Chiara) Historia Acad. Paris., torn, vi., p. 790, &c.

was bishop of Fuligno in Umbria, attended In this reformation, the Baccalaurei Senten-

the council of Trent, and belonged to the tiarii are distinguished from the Baccalaurei

Dominican order. He published notes on Biblici ; and what deserves particular notice,

the Holy Scriptures, in which he attempts the Augustinian monks (Luther's fraternity)

to correct the Vulgate. Rich. Simon, 1. c., were required, (p. 794), annually to present

p. 320, expresses an unfavourable opinion of to the theological college a Biblical Bache-

him, and pronounces him a plagiary. — BEN- lor : from which it may be inferred, that the

EDICT JUSTINIANUS (Justiniani) was a Jes- Augustinian family (to which Luther once

uit of Genoa, and died at Rome in the year belonged) gave more attention to the study

1622. He left expositions of Paul's and the of sacred literature, than the other orders of

Catholic Epistles. — JOHN GAGN.SUS, a Pa- monks. But as the work of Boulay is in the

risian chancellor, published notes on the N. hands of but few, it may be proper to quote

T. and a paraphrase on the Epistle to the the statute entire : Augustinenses quolibet

Romans, of no great value. He died in the anno Biblicum praesentabunt, secundum sta-

year 1549. — ScA/.] tutum fol. 21, quod sequitur : Quilibet Ordo

104 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

vested of that ascendency which they had long maintained in the schools ;
nay, they seemed to have acquired new strength, after the Jesuits joined
them and had decided that dialectics was more efficacious for confronting
heretics than the holy scriptures and the authority of the fathers. The
Mystics, as they were not very offensive to the enemies of the church, and
were not much inclined to engage in controversy, lost nearly all their influ-
ence after the era of the reformation. Yet they were allowed to philoso-
phize in their own way, provided they did it cautiously, and neither attack-
ed too freely the decrees and the vices of the Romish church, nor inveigh-
ed too vehemently against either the futility of external devotion, or the
metaphysical and polemic divines.

§ 28. Practical theology, no one among the Catholics of this century
improved successfully ; nor could any one improve it, without incurring the
greatest opposition. For the safety of the church was supposed to forbid
such attempts. And in reality, many doctrines and regulations on which
the prosperity of the Romish church depends, would be brought into the
greatest danger, if Christian piety in its true nature were uniformly held up
to the view of the people. On the other hand,, many honest men and cul-
tivators of piety even in the Romish church, complain, (how truly and just-
ly in all cases, I will not here inquire), that the Jesuits, as soon as they
arose and began to have the ascendency in courts and in the schools, first
sapped the foundations of all correct practical theology by their subtle dis-
tinctions, and then opened the door for all ungodliness and vice by the lax
and dissolute morality which they inculcated. This infection indeed spread
unobserved in this century, but in the next it appeared more manifest, and
gave rise to the greatest commotions. — The moral writers of the Romish
church moreover, may all be distributed into three classes, the Scholastic,
the Dogmatic, and the Mystic. The first expounded the virtues and duties of
the Christian life by knotty distinctions and phraseology, and obscured them
by multifarious discussions ; the second elucidated them by the language of
the Bible, and the sentiments of the ancient doctors ; the third recommend-
ed exclusively, withdrawing the thoughts from all outward objects, compo-
sing the mind, and elevating it to the contemplation of the divine nature.

§ 29. Of the vast multitude of papal polemic theologians, and of their
capital faults, no one is ignorant. Most of them were abundantly fraught
with all that is accounted criminal, in those whose sole object is victory and
plunder. The numerous Jesuits who took the field against the enemies of
the Romish church, excelled all the others in subtlety, impudence, and in-
vective. But the chief and coryphaeus of the whole, was Robert Bellar-
min, a Jesuit, and a cardinal or one of the pontifical cabinet. He embra-
ced all the controversies of his church, in several large volumes ; and uni-
ted copiousness of argument with much perspicuity of style. As soon
therefore as he entered the arena, which was towards the close of the cen-
tury, he drew upon himself alone the onsets and the strength of the great-

Mendicantium et Collegium S. Bernard! ha- reformation of the college, the duty was re-
beat quolibet anno Biblicum, qui legal ordi- quired of none but the Augustinians. Who
narie, alioqui priventur pro illo anno Dacca- then, will not make the inference, that the
laureo Sententiario. It appears from this Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the other
statute, that all the mendicant orders were mendicant orders wholly neglected biblical
bound, according to a decree of the college studies, and therefore had no Biblical Bache-
of theologians, to present annually a Biblical lors ; and that the Augustinians alone, were
Bachelor (such as Luther was). Yet in this able to fulfil this statute of the Sorbonne 1

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 105

est men among the Protestants. Yet he displeased many of his own party,
and chiefly because he carefully collected all the arguments of his antag-
onists, and generally stated them correctly and fairly. He would have
been accounted a greater and better man, had he possessed less fidelity and
industry,^ and had he stated only the feebler arguments of his opposers, and
given them mutilated and perverted. (52)

§ 30. The Romish community, though it proudly boasts of its peaceful
and harmonious state, is full of broils and contentions of every kind. The
Franciscans and Dominicans contend vehemently, respecting various sub-
jects. The Scotists and Thomists wage eternal war. The bishops never
cease to wrangle with the pontiff and his congregations, respecting the or-
igin and limits of their power. The French, the Flemings and others
openly oppose the Roman pontiff himself, and his supremacy : and he in-
veighs against them as often as he deems it safe and necessary, with ener-
gy and spirit, and at other times cautiously and circumspectly. The Jes-
uits, as they from the beginning laboured successfully to depress all the
other religious fraternities, and also to strip the Benedictines and others
that were opulent of a part of their wealth, so they inflamed and armed all
the fraternities against themselves. Among these, the Benedictines and
the Dominicans are their most virulent enemies ; the former fight for their
possessions ; the latter, for their reputation, their privileges, and their opin-
ions. The contentions of the schools respecting various1 doctrines of faith,
are without number and without end. All these contests the sovereign pon-
tiff moderates and controls, by dexterous management and by authority, so
that they may not too much endanger the church ; to adjust and terminate
them, — which would perhaps be the duty of a vicegerent of our Saviour, —
he has neither power nor inclination.

§ 31. Besides these minor controversies which have slightly disturbed the
peace of the church, other and greater ones since the times of the council
of Trent, have arisen, chiefly through the influence of the Jesuits ; which,
being gradually increased and continued down to our times, violently agi-
tate the whole Romish community, and rend it into numerous factions.
These indeed the Roman pontiffs labour most earnestly, if not to extinguish,
yet to quiet in a degree, so that they may not produce excessive mischief:
but minds warmed not so much by zeal for the truth, as by the heat of con-
troversy and the love of party, will not coalesce and become united.

§ 32. Whoever considers these controversies with attention and impar-
tiality, will readily perceive that the Jesuits, — that is, the greater part of
them or the fraternity in general, for in so very extensive a society there
are those of different views, — guard and defend that ancient and rude but
to the pontiffs and the church very useful system of faith and practice,
which prevailed and was inculcated every where in the Romish church be-
fore the times of Luther. For those very sagacious men, whose office it
is to watch for the safety of the Romish see, perceive clearly that the au-
thority of the pontiffs and the emoluments, prerogatives, and honours of the
clergy depend entirely on this ancient system of religion ; and that if this
was subverted or changed, the church must unavoidably suffer immense in-
jury and gradually crumble to the dust. But, in the Romish church and
especially since the reformation by Luther, there are not a few wise and

(52) See Jo. Fred. Mayer's Ecloga de fide Baronii et Bellarmini ipsis Pontificiis dubi&,
Amsterd., 1698, 8vo.

VOL. III.— O

106 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

good men, who, having learned very clearly from the sacred scriptures and
the writings of the ancient doctors, the deformities and faults of this an.
cient and vulgar system of religion, wish to see it corrected and amended,
though in a different way ; and who urge the extirpation of that mischiev-
ous darnel from the field of the church, which has armed the heretics
against her. And hence those eternal contests and collisions with the Jes-
uits, on various subjects. All these contests however, may be reduced to
the six following heads.

There is debate (I.) respecting the extent and magnitude of the power of a
Roman pontiff". The Jesuits and their numerous friends, contend that a
pontiff cannot possibly err, that he is the fountain and source of all the pow-
er which Jesus Christ has imparted to the church, that all bishops and re-
ligious teachers are indebted to him for whatever authority and jurisdiction
they may possess, that he is not bound by any enactments of the church
and its councils, and that he is the sovereign lawgiver of the church, whose
decrees no one can resist without incurring the greatest guilt. But others
hold, that he may err, that he is inferior to councils, that he is bound to
obey the church, and its laws as enacted by councils, and that if he offends,
he may be deprived of his rank and dignity by a council ; from which it
follows, that inferior prelates and teachers receive the authority which
they possess from Jesus Christ himself, and not from the Romish prelate.

§ 33. There is debate (II.) respecting the extent and the prerogatives
of the church. For the Jesuits and those who follow them, extend wide the
bounds of the church. They contend that many among those who have
no connexion with the Romish worship,(53) — nay, among the nations that
are wholly ignorant of Christ and the Christian religion, may be saved, and
actually are saved ; they also hold, that sinners living within the church,
are nevertheless its real members. But their adversaries circumscribe the
kingdom of Christ within much narrower limits, and not only cut off from
all hope of salvation those who live out of the Rojnish communion, but sep-
arate from the church all the vicious and profligate, though they live in it.
The Jesuits moreover, not to mention other differences of less moment,
hold that the church never can pronounce an erroneous or unjust decision,
either as to matters of fact, or matters of doctrine and right (sive de facto,
sive de jure) ; but their opposers believe, that the church is not secured
from all danger of erring, in deciding on matters of fact.

§ 34. There is very warm debate (III.) respecting the nature, operation,
and necessity of that divine grace, without which as all agree, no one attains
to eternal salvation ; respecting what is called original sin, the natural pow-
er of man to obey the divine law, and the nature of God's eternal decrees in
regard to the salvation of men. For the Dominicans, the Augustinians,
the followers of Jansenius and likewise many others, deny, that divine
grace can possibly be resisted ; deny, that there is any thing sound and
uncorrupted in man ; deny, that there is any condition annexed to the eter-
nal decrees of God respecting the salvation of men ; deny, that God wills
the salvation of all men, and other kindred doctrines. On the other hand,
the Jesuits and with them many others, would have it believed, that the ex-
tent and influence of the sin which lies concealed in man's nature, are not

(53) [" They were accused at Spoleto, in the salvation of many heretics. See Lc
the year 1653, of having maintained, in their Clerc, Biblioth. Univers. et Historique, torn.
public instructions there, the probability of xiv., p. 320." — Macl.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 107

so great ; that not a little power to do good is left in man ; that so much
divine grace is proffered to all men, as is necessary for the attainment of
eternal salvation, and that by it no violence is offered to the mind ; that
God has from eternity, allotted eternal rewards and punishments, not ac-
cording to his arbitrary pleasure, but according to the foreseen conduct and
merits of individuals.

§ 35.. There is debate (IV.) respecting various points of morality and
rules of conduct ; all of which as it would be difficult to enumerate partic-
ularly, and would besides be out of place here, we shall only state the com-
mencement of the long controversy. (54) Those who take sides with the
Jesuits, maintain that it is of no consequence by what motives a person is
actuated, provided he in fact performs the deeds which the law of God re-
quires ; and that the man who abstains from criminal actions through fear
of punishment, is no less acceptable to God than the man who obeys the
divine law through the influence of love to it. But this doctrine appears
horrible to very many, who deny that any services are acceptable to God,
unless they proceed from love to him. The former assert that no one can
properly be said to sin, unless he violates some known law of God, which
is present to his mind, and correctly understood by him ; and therefore,
that no one can be justly charged with criminality and sin, who is either
ignorant of the law, or doubtful as to its import, or who does not think of
it at the time he transgresses. From these principles originated the cele-
brated doctrines of probabilism(55) and of philosophical *zn,(56) which have
brought so much ill-fame upon the schools of the Jesuits. The adversa-
ries of the Jesuits detest all these principles strongly, and contend, that nei.
ther ignorance, nor doubts, nor forgetfulness, will afford any protection to
the sinner at the bar of God. This controversy respecting the fundamen-
tal principles of morals, has given rise to numberless disputes concerning
the duties we owe to God, to our fellow-men, and to ourselves ; and has
produced two sects of moralists, which have greatly disturbed and distract-
ed the whole Romish church.

§ 36. There is debate (V.) respecting the administration of the sacra-
ments, especially those of penance and the Lord's supper. The Jesuits,

(54) No one has treated of all the points (55) [Moral probdbilism is properly the doc-
objected against in the Jesuits' moral doc- trine of the Jesuits, that no action is sinful,
trines, with more clearness, neatness, and when there is the slightest probability that it
dexterity, and no one has plead the cause of may he lawful ; and even when it has the ap-
the Jesuits with more ingenuity, than the el- probation of any single, respectable teacher ;
oquent and well-known Jesuit Gabriel Dan- because it maybe supposed thatAe saw rea-
iel, in his Entretiens de Cleandre et d'Eu- sons for his opinions, though we know not
dose ; which is among his collected Essays, what they were, and can see so many reasons
tome i., p. 351, &c., and was composed, for a contrary opinion. — Schl.]
in answer to that great man and powerful (56) [Philosophical sins in opposition to
adversary of the moral doctrines of the Jes- theological, according to the Jesuits, are
uits, Blaise Pascal, whose Lettres Provinci- those in which a man at the time of commit-
ales inflicted so great a wound on the Jesuits, ting them, has not God and his law before
Daniel treats very acutely on probabilism, p. his mind ; and therefore, without thinking
351 ; on the method of directing the intention, of God, transgresses natural or revealed law.
p. 556; on equivocations and mental rcserva- These sins, the Jesuits held to be venial;
tions allowed of by the Jesuits, p. 562 ; on that is, such as do not draw after them a loss
sins of ignorance and forgetfulness p. 719, of divine grace, and do not deserve eternal
&c.. and on some other subjects. If the cause but only temporal punishment. —
of the Jesuits can be defended and rendered
plausible, it certainly is so by this writer.

108 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

with whom very many agree, maintain that the sacraments produce their
salutary effects, by virtue of the mere external act (ex opere operate) as
the schools express it ; and hence, that no great preparation is necessary
to the profitable reception of them ; and that God does not require purity
of heart and a soul filled with heavenly love, in such as would derive ben-
efit from them ; and they infer of course, that the priests should at once
absolve such as confess their sins to them, and then admit them immedi-
ately to the use of the sacraments. Far different were the views of all
those who had at heart the advancement of true piety. They thought,
that the priests should long and carefully try those that applied for absolu-
tion and admission to the sacraments, before they complied with their
wishes ; because these divine institutions profit none but persons that are
purified, and filled with that divine love which casteth out fear. And thus
originated that noted controversy in the Romish church, respecting fre-
quent communion ; which in the last century, Anthony Arnaud (Arnaldus),
author of the celebrated book on frequent communion [de la frequente
communion], and the Jansenists, waged with the Jesuits ; and which in our
times has been renewed by the French Jesuit Pichon, to the great dissat-
isfaction of the French bishops. (57) For the Jesuits are very careful to
urge upon all who intrust the guidance of their minds to them, the fre-
quent use of the Lord's supper, as a sure and safe method of appeasing
God and obtaining from him remission of their sins. But for this conduct
they are strongly censured, not only by the Jansenists, but by many other
grave and pious men ; who inculcate that the sacred supper profits no one,
unless his soul is united to God by faith, repentance, and love ; and thus
they condemn the famous opus operatum [or efficacy of the mere external
act of communion].

§ 37. There is debate (VI.) respecting the right method of training
Christians. While those who are anxious to advance religion, wish to
have people imbued with a correct knowledge of* religion from their very
childhood ; they who look rather to the interests of the church, recommend
a holy ignorance, and think a person knows enough, if he only knows that
he ought to obey the commands of the church. The former think nothing
is more profitable than reading the inspired books, and therefore wish to
see them translated into the popular or vulgar language : the latter pro-
hibit the reading of the Bible, and esteem it pernicious, if published in any
other than a learned language unknown by the people. The former com-
pose various books to nourish a spirit of devotion and to dispel errors
from the minds of men, they express and explain the public prayers and
the solemn formulas of religion in a language understood by the commu-
nity, and they exhort all to learn from these books how to be wise and to
worship God rationally and properly ; but the latter are displeased with all
this, for they are apprehensive, the more light and knowledge people have
the less obedience and submission will be found in them. (58)

(57) See the Journal Univcrsel, tome erlands, by the Jansenists, the Dominicans,
ziii., p. 148 ; tome xv., p. 363 ; tomexvi.,p. the Jesuits, and others. Nearly all those
124, &c. that attack the doctrines of the Jesuits and

(58) What we have said on the greater other partisans of the Roman pontiff, are
controversies in the Romish church, may be enumerated by the celebrated French Jesuit
illustrated and confirmed from numberless Dominic Colonia : for it is ascertained that
books, published in the last and the present he composed the book, published without
centuries especially in France and the Neth- naming the place where, in the year 1735^

HISTORY OP THE ROMISH CHURCH. 109

§ 88. Those of the preceding controversies which we have placed under
the third head, namely, concerning divine grace, the natural power of men
to do good, original sin, and predestination, actually exploded in this [six-
teenth] century ; the others were agitated more in private, and did not
excite public notice till the next century. Nor will this surprise us, if
we consider that the controversies moved by Luther respecting grace and
free-will, were not explicitly decided in the Romish church, but were in a
manner hushed and concealed. Luther's doctrines indeed were condemn,
ed ; but no definite and fixed form of doctrine in regard to these subjects,
was set up in opposition to them. Augustine's sentiments were also ap-
proved ; but what the difference was between his sentiments and those of
Luther, was never stated and explained. The commencement of this sad
controversy may be traced to Michael Baius, a doctor in the university of
Louvain, no less eminent for his piety than for his learning. (59) As he,
like the Augustinians, could not endure that contentious and thorny method
of teaching which had long prevailed in the schools, and as he in follow,
ing Augustine, who was his favourite author, openly condemned the com-
mon sentiments in the Romish church respecting man's natural ability to
do good and the merit of good works, he fell under great odium with some
of his colleagues and with the Franciscans. Whether the Jesuits were
among his first accusers or not, is uncertain ; but it is certain, that they
were then violently opposed to those doctrines of Augustine, which Baius
had made his own. Being accused at Rome, Pius V., in the year 1567,
in a special letter, condemned seventy-six propositions extracted from his
books ; but in a very insidious manner and without mentioning the name
of Baius, for a recollection of the evils which resulted from the rash con-
demnation of Luther, was a dissuasive from all violent proceedings. By
the instigation of Francis Tolet a Jesuit, Gregory XIII., in the year 1580,
renewed the sentence of Pius V. ; and Baius subscribed to that sentence,
induced either by the fear of a greater evil, or by the ambiguity of the
pontifical rescript, as well as of the propositions condemned in it. But

8vo, under the title : Bibliotheque Janseniste born at Melin in the territory of Aeth, in the
ou Catalogue Alphabetique des principaux year 1513, and educated in the university
livres Jansenistes ou suspects de Jansen- of Louvain, where he was elected in 1541
isme, avec des Notes Critiques. His ex- principal of a college, and in 1544 lecturer
cessive zeal for the Roman pontiffs and for in philosophy. In 1550 he took his doctor's
the opinions of the Jesuits, impaired his degree, and was appointed professor of the
discretion ; yet his book is very service- Scriptures. In 1563 he was sent by the
able for acquainting us with those contro- king of Spain to the council of Trent, where
versies which so greatly disturb and afflict he acted a conspicuous part. Soon after,
the Romish church. The book was con- charges of heresy were brought against him ;
demned by the Roman pontiff Benedict XIV., which were renewed from time to time, not-
yet it was republished not long ago, in a new withstanding his patient submission and si-
form and one fifth larger, with this title : lence, and must have given him much in-
Dictionnaire des livres Jansenistes ou qui fa- quietude. Yet he retained his office through
vorisent le Jansenisme ; in four volumes, life, and was even promoted, for he became
Antwerp, 1752, 8vo. Undoubtedly the book dean of St. Peter's at Louvain, and chan-
is very useful, for acquainting us with the cellor of the university. He died in 1589,
intestine divisions of the Romish church, the aged 76. Tolet, a Jesuit, and his enemy,
religious tenets of the Jesuits, and the mi- said of him ; Michaele Baio nihil doctius,
merous books published on the controversies nihil humilius. His works, chiefly relating
I have mentioned; at the same time, it is to the doctrines of grace, free-will, &c., were
full of gall and of unjust aspersions on many reprinted at Cologne, 1694, 4to. See
learned and excellent men. Bayle's Dictionnaire hist, crit., art. Baius.—
(59) [Michael de Bay or Bams, D.D., was Tr.]

110 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. TIL— PART I.— CHAP. I.

others who embraced the sentiments of Augustine, would not do so. (60)
For to the present time great numbers in the Romish community, in par-
ticular the Jansenists, strenuously maintain that Baius was unjustly treated,
and that the decrees of both Pius and Gregory are destitute of all author-
ity, and were never received by the church. (61)

§ 39. It is at least certain, that the doctrines of Augustine in regard to
grace, were as much esteemed and defended in the low countries, and es-
pecially in the universities of Louvain and Douay, after this controversy
with Baius as they were before. This appeared at once, when the two Jes-
uits, Leonard Less and Hamel at Louvain, were found teaching differently
from Augustine on the subject of predestination. For the theologians of
Louvain and of Douay, forthwith, publicly disapproved their sentiments,
the former in 1587 and the latter in 1588. And as the Belgian bishops
were about to follow their example, and consulted about calling councils on
the subject, the pontiff Sixtus V. interposed, asserting that the cognizance
of religious controversies belonged exclusively to the vicar of Jesus Christ
resident at Rome. Yet this crafty and sagacious pontiff prudently decli-
ned exercising the prerogative which he claimed, lest he should provoke a
worse controversy. Hence his legate in the year 1588, terminated the
disputes at Louvain by allowing each party to retain its own opinions, but
absolutely prohibited all discussion respecting them either in public or in
private. And the Romish church would have been more tranquil at the
present day, if the succeeding pontiffs had imitated this prudence of Sixtus
in silencing all discussion of the subjects, and had not assumed the office of
judges in this dubious controversy. (02)

§ 40. The Romish community had scarcely tasted of this repose, when
new and far more terrible commotions of a similar nature broke out.
Lewis Molina,(63) a Spanish Jesuit who taught in the Portuguese univer-
sity of Evora, in a book which he published in 1588 on the union of grace
and free-will,(64) endeavoured to clear up in a n£w manner the difficulties
in the doctrines concerning grace, predestination, and free-will, and in
some sort to reconcile the discrepant sentiments of Augustine, Thomas

(60) Here should be consulted especially, 1'Eglise, tome i., p. 104. Jean le Clerc,
the Baiana seu scripta quae controversias Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire des con-
spectant occasione sententiarum Bail exor- troverses dans 1'Eglise Romaine, sur la pre-
tas ; subjoined to the works of Baius, as a destination et sur la grace ; dans la Bibli-
second part of them, in the edition of Co- otheque Universelle et Historique, tome xiv.,
logne, 1696, 4to. Add also Peter Bayle, p. 211, &c.

Dictionnaire, [art. Baius'], tome i., p. 457. (63) From him the name of Molinists

Louis Ell. du Pin, Bibliotheque des Auteurs quite to our limes, has been given to all

Ecclesiastiques, tome xvi., p. 144, &c. His- such as seem inclined to sentiments opposed

toire de la Compagnie de Jesus, tome iii., to those of Augustine, respecting grace and

p. 161, &c. free-will in man. Many however, unjustly

(61 ) To demonstrate this, is the professed bear this name, as they differ much from the
object of the anonymous author of the Dis- opinions of Molina.

sertation sur les Bulles contre Baius, ou Ton (64) The true title of this celebrated book

montre qu'elles ne sont pas re9ues par is, Liberi arbitriiconcordia cum gratia; donis,

1'Eglise, Utrecht, 1737, 2 vols. 8vo. divina prtescientia, providentia, pradestina-

(62) See the Apologie Historique des tione et reprobatione ; auctore Lud. Molina.
deux censures de Louvain et de Douay, par It was first printed at Lisbon, 1588, fol.
Mr. Gery, 1688, 8vo. That the celebrated Then, with enlargement, Antwerp, 1595,
Paschasius Quesncllius (1'asqmer Quesncl) 4to, and at Lyons, Venice, and elsewhere,
was the author of this book, has been shown The third edition, farther enlarged, was
by the author of the Catechisme Historique printed at Antwerp, 1G09, 4to.

et Dogmatique sur les contestations de

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. in

Aquinas, the Semipelagians, and others. (65) The attempt of this subtle
author, gave so much offence to the Dominicans who followed implicitly
the teachings of St. Thomas, that they roused up all Spain, in which their
influence was exceedingly great, and charged the Jesuits with a design to
recall and give currency to the Pelagian errors. As a general tempest
was evidently gathering, the pontiff Clement VIII., in the year 1594, en-
joined silence on both the contending parties, and promised that after ex-
amining carefully the whole subject, he would judge and decide the contro-
versy.

§ 41. The pontiff doubtless expected, that the evil would yield to these
milder remedies, and that time would calm the feelings of the excited par-
ties. But his hopes were entirely disappointed. The exasperated Domin.
icans, who had long indulged great hatred of the Jesuits, did not cease to
harass the king of Spain, Philip II., and the pontiff, Clement VIII., until
the latter, wearied with their importunate clamours, assembled a sort of
council at Rome, to take cognizance of the dispute. Thus in the begin-
ning of the year 1598, commenced those celebrated consultations on the
contests between the Dominicans and the Jesuits, which from the principal
topic of controversy, were called Congregations on the Aids, that is, of
grace (Congregationes de Auxiliis, i. e., gratia?). The president of them
was Lewis Madrusius [Madrucci], a cardinal of the Romish court and
bishop of Trent ; with whom there were ten assessors or judges, namely,
three bishops and seven theologians of different fraternities. These occu-
pied the remainder of this century in hearing the arguments of the par-
ties.(66) The Dominicans most strenuously defended the opinion of their

(65) [The first congregation at Rome for tives will be present to their minds, and
examining the sentiments in Molina's book, thus foreseeing and knowing how they will
in their third session Jan. 16, 1598, thus act. This is God's scientia media, on which
state the fundamental principles of his work, he founds his decrees of election and rep-
(I.) A reason or ground of God's predestina- robation.) — (IV.) Predestination may be con-
tion, is to be found in man's right use of sidered as either general, (relating to whole
his free-will. (II.) That the GRACE which classes of persons), or particular, (relating
God bestows to enable men to persevere in to individual persons). In general predes-
religion, may become the GIFT of perseve- tination, there is no reason or ground of it
ranee, it is necessary that they be foreseen as beyond the mere good pleasure of God, or
consenting and co-operating with the divine none on the part of the persons predesti-
assistance offered them, which, is a thing nated ; but in particular predestination (or
within their power. (III.) There is a me- that of individuals), there is a cause or
diate prescience, which is neither the free ground of it in the foreseen good use of free-
nor the natural knowledge of God, and by will. From this statement of the funda-
which he knows future contingent events, mental errors of Molina, it would appear
before he forms his decree. (Molina divi- that he embraced substantially the leading
ded God's knowledge into natural, free, and principles of the Semipelagians and of the
mediate, according to the objects of it. Remonstrants at Dort. His scientia media
What he himself effects or brings to pass, was a new name for a thing well known be-
by his own immediate power or by means fore. See Fleury's Histoire Ecclesiastique,
of second causes, he knows naturally, or Continue, livr. clxxxiii., § 5, vol. Hi., p.
has natural knowledge of; what depends on 273, ed. Augsb., and Schroeckh's Kirchen-
his own free-will or what he himself shall gesch. seit der Reform., vol. iv., p. 296,
freely choose or purpose, he has a free &c. — Tr.]

knowledge of : but what depends on the vol- (66) The history of these Congregations

untary actions of his creatures, that is, fu- has been repeatedly written, both by Jesuits

ture contingencies, he does not know in and by Dominicans and Jansenists. Among

either of the above ways, but only mediate- the Dominicans, Joe. Hyacinth Serris,

ly by knowing all the circumstances in which under the fictitious name of Augustinus

these free agents will be placed, what mo- le Blanc, published bis Historia Congrega-

112 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

Thomas, as being the only true opinion. The Jesuits, although they refu-
sed to adopt the sentiments of Molina as their own, yet felt that the repu-
tation and the honour of their order required, that Molina should be pro-
nounced free from any gross error and untainted with Pelagianism. For
it is common with all the monastic orders, to regard any disgrace which
threatens or befalls a member of the fraternity, as bringing a stigma upon
the whole order ; and they will therefore exert themselves to the utmost, to
screen him from it.

§ 42. Of the multitude of vain and useless ceremonies with which the
Romish public worship abounded, the wisdom of the pontiffs would suffer
no diminution, notwithstanding the best men wished to see the primitive
simplicity of the church restored. On the other regulations and customs
of the people and the priests, some of which were superstitious and others
absurd, the bishops assembled at Trent, seem to have wished to impose some
restrictions ; but the state of things, or rather I might say, either the policy
or the negligence of the Romish court and clergy, opposed their designs.
Hence in those countries where nothing is to be feared from the heretics,
as in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, such a mass of corrupt superstitions and
customs and of silly regulations obscures the few and feeble rays of Chris-
tian truth yet remaining, that those who pass into them from the more im-
proved countries feel as if they had got into midnight darkness. (67) Nor
are the other countries, which from the proximity of the heretics or their
own good sense are somewhat more enlightened, free from a considerable
share of corruptions and follies. If to these things, we add the pious or
rather the impious frauds, by which the people in many places are deluded
with impunity, the extreme ignorance of the mass of the people, the devout
farces that are acted, and the insipidity and the puerilities of their public
discourses, we must be sensible, that it is sheer impudence to affirm that
the Romish religion and ecclesiastical discipline have been altogether cor-
rected and reformed, since the time of the council of Trent.

tionum de auxiliis gratias divinae ; Louvain, Histoire des congregations de auxiliis, par

1700, fol. In reply to him, the Jesuit Li- un Docteur de la Faculte de Theologie de

vinus de Meyer, assuming the name of Paris; Louvain, 1702, 8vo. But this, be-

Theodorus Elutherius, published his His- ing written by a Jansenist and a bitter en-

toria controversiarum de divin® gratise aux- emy of the Jesuits, states every thing just

iliis ; Antwerp, 1705, fol. The Dominicans as the Dominicans would wish to have it

also published the work of Thomas de Le- stated. [Two of the continuators of Fleu-

mos, (a subtle theologian of their order, who ry's Ecclesiastical History, namely, John

defended in these Congregations the reputa- Claude Faber (a father of the oratory) and

tion of St. Thomas [Aquinas] against the R. P. Alexander (a barefooted Carmelite)

Jesuits), entitled : Acta congregationum et have also given a tolerably full, and appa-

disputationum, quas coram Clemente VIII. rently a candid account of the proceedings

et Paulo V. de auxiliis divince gratis sunt in these congregations. — Jr.]

celebratoe ; Louvain, 1702, fol. From these (67) The French who travel in Italy, often

historians, a man who possesses the power laugh heartily at the monstrous superstition

of divina'tion may perhaps learn the facts of the Italians. And on the other hand, the

that occurred. For here are arrayed, records Italians look upon the French that come

against records, testimonies against testi- among them as destitute of all religion. This

monies, narrations against narrations. It is may be clearly perceived, among others, from

therefore still uncertain whether the Romish the French Dominican John Bapt. Lalal's

court favoured most the Jesxiits, or the Do- Travels in Spain and Italy ; who neglects

minicans ; nor is it more clear, which of them no opportunity of satirizing the religion of the

most wisely and successfully managed their Spaniards and Italians, nor does he conceal

cause. There is also a French history of the fact that he and his countrymen were con-

these congregations, written with ability ; sidered by them as very irreligious.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 113

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK AND ORIENTAL CHURCH.

$ 1. Division of the Oriental Church. — § 2. The proper Greek Church. — § 3,4. Is chief-
ly under the Patriarch of Constantinople, and divided into four Provinces. — <J 5. The
Patriarch. — § 6. The Religion of the Greeks. — § 7. They were in vain solicited to unite
with the Protestants. — § 8. Their wretched State. — § 9. The independent Greek Church:
that of Russia. — § 10. The Georgians and Mingrelians. — § 11. The Oriental Churches
not connected either with the Greek or the Latin Church. The Jacobites. — § 12. The
Copts and Abyssinians. — § 13. Doctrines and Rites of the Monophysites. — <j 14. The
Armenians. — § 15. The Nestorians or Chaldeans. — § 16. Their Patriarchs. — § 17.
Remains of the Ancient Sects. The Sabians. — § 18. The Jasidiajis. — § 19. The Du-
ruzi or Druzi. — § 20. The Greeks who have revolted to the Romans. — $ 21. Vain At-
tempt to unite the Russian Church with the Roman. — § 22. Romish Christians among
the Monophysites, Nestorians, and Armenians. — § 23. The Romish Missionaries effect
little among them. — § 24. The Maronites.

§ 1. WHAT is commonly called the Oriental church, is dispersed over
Europe, Asia, and Africa, and may be distributed into three parts : (I.)
That which is in communion with the Greek patriarch of Constantinople,
and refuses the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff: (II.) That which differs
in opinions and in customs, both from the Latin and the Greek patriarchs,
and has its own peculiar patriarchs : (III.) That which is subject to the au-
thority of the Roman pontiff.

§ 2. The church which is in communion with the Constantinopolitan
patriarch, is properly called the Greek church ; though it calls itself the
Oriental church. It is moreover divided into two parts ; one of which
bows to the sovereign power and jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constan-
tinople, while the other though it is in communion with him, yet will not
admit his legates nor obey his decrees and commands, but is free and inde-
pendent, and has its own rulers who are subject to no foreign jurisdiction.

§ 3. The church of which the Constantinopolitan patriarch is the head,
is divided, as it was anciently, into four great provinces, those of Constan-
tinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem ; over each of which is a pre-
late of the first rank called a patriarch, whom all the inferior bishops as
well as the monks, honour as a father. Yet the chief of all the patriarchs
and the supreme pontiff of the whole church, is the patriarch of Constan-
tinople ; by whom the other patriarchs at the present day, though still elect-
ed, are designated or nominated for election, and approved ; nor dare they
project or attempt any thing of great importance, without his sanction and
permission. These well-disposed men however, though bearing the splen-
did title of patriarchs, are not able to attempt any thing great, as things
are now situated, on account of the feeble state and the slender revenues
of' the churches they govern.

§ 4. The jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople extends widely
over European and Asiatic Greece, the Grecian islands, Wallachia, Mol-
davia, and many other provinces in Asia and Europe now subject to the
Turks. The patriarch of Alexandria, at present, generally resides at
Cairo or Misra, and governs the Christian church in Egypt, Nubia, Libya,

VOL. III.— P

114 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

and a part of Arabia.(l) The patriarch of Antioch resides for the most
part at Damascus, and governs Mesopotamia, Syria, Cilicia, and other prov-
inces.(2) The patriarch of Jerusalem styles himself patriarch of Pales-
tine, Syria, Arabia, the region beyond Jordan, Cana in Galilee, and Mount
Sion.(3) But these three patriarchs have very slender and poor dominions.
For the Monophysites have long occupied the sees of Alexandria and An-
tioch, and have left very few members of the Greek church in the coun-
tries where they have dominion. And Jerusalem is the resort of Chris-
tians of every sect and doctrine, who have their respective prelates and
priests ; so that the dominion of the Greek patriarch there, is confined
within moderate limits.

§ 5. The right of electing the patriarch of Constantinople, belongs at
this day to the twelve bishops nearest to that city ; the right of approving
the election, and of imparting to the prelate authority to use his powers, be-
longs to the Turkish emperor.(4) But the corrupted morals of the Greeks,
and the avarice of the ministers who under the emperor manage their pub-
lic affairs, if they do not entirely subvert, greatly impair the effects of these
regulations. For the lust of pre-eminence leads many of the bishops, to
endeavour to obtain that patriarchal dignity by bribery, which they could
never attain by the suffrages of their brethren. Thus, not unfrequently,
men regularly elevated to the office, are deprived of it ; and by the emper-
or's viziers, that candidate is generally esteemed most worthy of the office,
who exceeds his competitors in the magnitude of his presents. Yet of

(1) Of the patriarchate and the patriarchs
of Alexandria, the Jesuit Jo. Ba.pt. Sollerius
treats professedly in his Commentarius de
Patriarchis Alesandrinis ; prefixed to the
fifth vol. of the Acta Sanctor. mensis Junii ;
and Mich. Lequien, Oriens Christianus, torn,
ii., p. 329, &c. Respecting their office,
authority, and election, see Euseb. Renau~
dot, Diss. de Patriarcha Alexandrine ; in the
1st vol. of his Liturgias Orientales, p. 365.
The Greek patriarch [of Alexandria] at the
present day, has no bishops subject to him,
but only chorepiscopi. All the bishops are
obedient to the Monophysite patriarch, who
is the real patriarch of Alexandria.

(2) Concerning the patriarchs of Antioch
the Jesuits have inserted a particular treatise
in the 4th vol. of the Acta Sanctor. mensis
Julii ; which however is considerably de-
fective. On the territory of this patriarch
and other things pertaining to him, see
Mich. Lequien, Oriens Christianus, torn.
ii., p. 670, &c., and Blasius Tertius, Siria
sacra o Descrittione Historico-Geografica
delle due Chiese Patriarcali, Antiochia et
Gerusalemme ; Rome, 1695, fol. There
are three prelates in. Syria, who claim the
title and the rank of patriarchs of Antioch.
The first is of the Greeks or Melchites, (for
thus those Syrian Christians are called, who
follow the institutions and the religion of the
Greeks) ; the second is of the Syrian Mo-
nophysites ; the third is of the Maronites.

For this last also claims to be the true and
legitimate patriarch of Antioch, and the
Roman pontiff addresses him with this title.
And yet the Roman pontiff creates a sort of
patriarch of Antioch at Rome ; so that the see
of Antioch has at this day four prelates, one
Greek, two Syrian, and one Latin or Roman
in partilus as the term at Rome is. [This
phrase is elliptical ; entire, it is, in partibus
infidelium. Patriarchs, archbishops, and
bishops in partibus infidelium, are such as
are created for places that are at present
under the power of unbelievers. — Schl.}

(3) See Blasius Tertius, Siria sacra, lib.
ii., p. 165. There is also a tract of Daniel
Papebroch, de Patriarchis Hierosolymatinis,
in the third vol. of the Acta Sanctor. mensis
Maii. Add Mich. Lequien, Oriens Christia-
nus, torn, iii., p. 102, &c. [It is well known,
from other accounts, that these patriarchs
contend with each other about the limits of
their respective dominions. Hence it should
not be regarded as an historical contradiction,
that the patriarch of Jerusalem should in-
clude Syria in his title, while that province
stands under the authority of the patriarch
of Antioch. — Schl. This is a sufficient an-
swer to Dr. Madam's criticism on this pas-
sage of Mosheim. — Tr.]

(4) See Jac. Eisner's Beschreibung der
Griechischen Christen in der Tiirckey, chap,
iii., sec. vi., p. 54, &c. Lequien, Oriens
Christianus, torn, i., p. 145, &c.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 115

late things are said to be changing for the better, and the patriarchs are
represented as living more securely than formerly ; since the manners of
the Turks have gradually assumed a milder tone. Moreover this patriarch
possesses great authority among a people oppressed, and in consequence
of their extreme ignorance, sunk in superstition. For he not only sum-
mons councils, and by them regulates and decides ecclesiastical affairs and
controversies, but by permission of the emperor he holds courts, and tries
civil causes. His power is maintained partly by the authority of the em.
peror, and partly by his prerogative of excluding the contumacious from
the communion ; which is a punishment immensely dreaded by the Greeks.
His support is derived principally from contributions imposed on the church-
es subject to his jurisdiction, which are sometimes greater and sometimes
less, according to the varying state of things, and the necessity for them. (5)
§ 6. The Greeks acknowledge as the basis of their religion, the holy
scriptures, together with the six first general or oecumenical councils.
Yet it is a received principle, established by long usage, that no private
person may presume to expound and interpret those sources of knowledge
for himself, but all must regard as divine and unalterable, whatever the pa-
triarch and his assistants sanction. The substance of the religion profess.
ed by the modern Greeks, is contained in The Orthodox Confession of the
Catholic and Apostolic Oriental church ; which was first composed by Pe-
ter Mogilaus bishop of Kiow, in a council held at Kiow ; and was after-
wards translated from Russian into Greek, and then publicly approved and
adopted by Parthenius the patriarch of Constantinople, and by all the pa-
triarchs, in the year 1643 : and subsequently, Panagiota, an opulent man
and interpreter to the emperor of Turkey, caused it to be printed at his own
expense, in Greek and Latin, with a long recommendation by Nectorius
patriarch of Jerusalem, and gratuitously distributed among the Greeks. (6)i
From this book it is manifest, that the Greeks differ as much from the ad-
herents to the Roman pontiff whose tenets they often reject and condemn,
as from other Christians ; so that those are greatly deceived, who think

(5) William Cuper a Jesuit, not long since author. But this is refuted by Nectarius
composed Historia Patriarcharum Constan- himself, in his epistle subjoined to the preface,
tinopolitanorum, which is printed in the Acta Equally false is the statement, both on the
Sanctor. mensis August!, torn, i., p. 1-257. title-page and in the preface, that the book
Mich. Lequien also, in the whole first volume was now printed for the first time. For it
of his Oriens Christianus, treats very fully of had been previously printed in Holland, in
the patriarchate and the patriarchs of Con- the year 1662, at the expense of Panagiota.
stantinople ; and in vol. iii., p. 786, &c., he A German translation of it, was published
gives an account of the Latin patriarchs of by Jo. Leonh. Frisch, Frankf. and Leipsic,
Constantinople. [In the Turco-Gracia of 1727, 4to. Jo. Christ. Kocher treats di-
Martin Crusius, vol. ii., p. 105, &c., there rectlyand learnedly of this Confession, in his
is a history of the Constantinopolitan pa- Biblioth. Theologias Symbol., p. 45, &c., and
triarchs, from the year 1454 to 1578, written also speaks with his usual accuracy, of the
in modern Greek by Manuel Malaxi, with other Confessions of the Greeks, ibid., p. 53.
a translation and notes by Crusius. — Schl. A new edition of the Orthodox Confession,
" See also a brief account of the power and with its history prefixed, was published by
revenues of the present patriarch, and of the Chas. Gottl. Hoffmann, primary professor of
names of the several sees under his spiritual theology at Wittemberg, Breslaw, 1751, 8vo.
jurisdiction, in Smith, de Ecclesise Grascaa Of Panagiota, to whom this confession is in-
Hodierno Statu, p. 48-59." — Mad.'] debted for much of its credit, and who was

(6) Lawrence Normann caused this con- a man of eminence and a great benefactor to
fession, accompanied with a Latin transla- the Greeks, Cantimir treats largely, in his
tion, to be printed at Leipsic, 1695, 8vo. In Histoire de 1'Empire Ottomann, tome iii., p.
the preface, Nectarius is represented as its 149, &c.

116 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

there are only slight impediments to a union of the Greeks with either the
Romish or other Christians. (7)

§ 7. This the Catholics have often found to be fact ; and the Lutherans
also found it so, in this century, when they invited the Greeks to a reli-
gious union with them. First, Philip Melancthon sent a copy of the Augs-
burg confession in a Greek translation by Paul Dolscius, accompanied
with a letter to the Constantinopolitan patriarch ; hoping that the naked
and simple truth would find access to his heart. But he did not even ob-
tain an answer.(S) After this, between the years 1576 and 1581, the di-
vines of Tubingen laboured to make impressions on the Greek patriarch
Jeremiah II., both by letters and by sending him a second copy of the
Augsburg confession, together with Jac. Heerbrand's Compendium of the-
ology translated from Latin into Greek by Martin Crusius. This attempt
drew from Jeremiah some letters, written indeed in a kind and gentleman-
ly style, yet of such a tenour as clearly indicated, that to induce the Greeks
to abandon the opinions and practices of their ancestors would be a very
difficult thing, and could not be effected by human efforts, in the present
state of that people. (9)

§ 8. Ever since the greatest part of the Greeks fell under the hard
bondage of the Turks, nearly all learning human and divine, has become
extinct among them. They are destitute of schools, and of all the means
by which their minds might be improved and enlightened with scientific

(7) A full and accurate catalogue of the
writers from whom may be derived a knowl-
edge both of the state and the doctrines of
the Greek church, is given by Jo. Alb. Fa-
bricius, Bibliotheca Graca, vol. x., p. 441,

• &c. [To this list, may now be added arch-
bishop Platan's Orthodox Doctrine, or Sum-
mary of Christian divinity ; in, The present
state of the Greek church, by Rob. Pinker-
ton, New-York, 1815, 12mo, p. 29, &c. —
TV.]

(8) See Leo Allatius, de perpetua con-
sensione ecclesise Orient, et Occident., lib.
iii., cap. viii., § ii.,p. 1005, &c. [The pa-
triarch of Constantinople, Joseph, sent a
deacon of his church named Demetrius to
Wittemberg, to procure correct information
respecting the reformation of which he had
heard reports. Demetrius, after a half year's
residence at Wittemberg, returned to Con-
stantinople in the year 1559 ; and by him it
was, that Melancthon sent the confession and
letter to the patriarch. The letter may be
seen in Hotlinger's Historia Eccles. [Pars
v. seu] saecul. xvi., sec. ii., p. 51, and in
Martin Crusius, Turco-Graecia, p. 557.
See also Salig's Gesch. der Augsb. Confess.,
vol. i., p. 721, 723.— ficHl.~\

(9) All the Acts and papers relating to this
celebrated correspondence, were published in
one vol. fol., Wittemb., 1584. See Christ.
Matth. Pfa/'s Tract, de Actis et Scriptis
publicis ecclesias Wittemberg., p. 50, &c.
Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, vol. x.,

p. 517, &c., and others. Emm. a Schelstrate,
Acta eccles. Orientalis contra Lutheri haere-
sin ; Rome, 1739, fol. Jo. Lamy also, has
much to say on this subject, while treating
of the Greek patriarch Jeremiah II. in his
Deliciae Eruditorum, torn, viii., p. 176, &c.
[This correspondence with the patriarch was
much facilitated by Stephen Gerlach, chap-
lain to David Ungnad the imperial German
ambassador at Constantinople. Its com-
mencement however was not in 1576, but
two years earlier. Indeed some private let-
ters were sent as early as the year 1573 ; for
in that year, Crusius wrote to Jeremiah by
Gerlach, who also carried a letter of intro-
duction to the patriarch, dated April, 1573.
The public or official correspondence was
commenced by Jac. Andreas, chancellor of
the university of Tubingen, in a letter to
the patriarch, dated Sept. 15th, 1574. — The
patriarch expressly declared his agreement
with many articles in the Augsburg Con-
fession ; but he also declared his dissent
from many others ; for example, in regard
to the procession of the Holy Ghost from
the Son, justification, the worship of images,
the number of the sacraments, &c., and he
broke off the correspondence, when the di-
vines of Tubingen began to adduce scriptu-
ral proofs respecting the disputed articles.
See SchlegeVs note here ; and Schroeckh's
Kirchengeschichte seit der Reform, vol. v.,
p. 386, &c.— Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 117

and religious knowledge. That moderate degree of learning which some
of their teachers possess, is either brought home with them from Sicily
and Italy, to which they frequently resort and where some love of learning
still exists, or it is drawn from the writings of the ancients, and from the
Summa theologise of St. Thomas [Aquinas] which they have in a Greek
translation.(lO) Hence, not only the people but also those called their
watchmen, for the most part, lead licentious and irreligious lives ; arid
what is much to be deplored, they increase their wretchedness by their
own contentions and quarrels. Nearly the whole of their religion consists
in ceremonies, which are in general useless and irrational. Yet in guard-
ing and maintaining these they are far more zealous, than in defending the
doctrines which they profess. Their condition however would be still more
wretched, if individuals of their nation, who are employed in the emperor's
court either as interpreters or as physicians, did not check their contentions
and still the impending storms by their wealth and their influence.

§ 9. The Russians, the Georgians or Iberians, and the Cokhians or
Mingrelians, all embrace the doctrines and rites of the Greeks, yet are
independent, or not subject to the authority of the patriarch of Constan-
tinople. The Russians indeed formerly received their chief prelate at the
hand of the Constantinopolitan patriarch. But towards the close of this
century, when the Constantinopolitan patriarch Jeremiah II. made a journey
to Muscovy, in order there to raise money with which he might drive
Metrophanes his rival from the see of Constantinople, the Muscovite monks,
by direction undoubtedly of the grand-duke Theodore son of John Basilides,
beset him with entreaties and menaces to place over the whole Russian
nation a patriarch, who should be independent or avroKeQahog as the
Greeks express it. Jeremiah was obliged to consent ; and in a council
assembled at Moscow in the year 1589, he proclaimed Job, the archbishop
of Rostow, first patriarch of the Russians ; yet under these conditions, that
in future every new patriarch should apply to the patriarch of Constanti-
nople for his consent and suffrage, and at stated periods should pay to him
five hundred Russian ducats. The transactions of the council of Moscow,

(10) Such is the opinion of all European arts and sciences. These things are un-

Christians, both Catholics and others, respect- doubtedly true ; but they only show, that in

ing the knowledge and learning of the mod- this very widely-extended nation, and which

ern Greeks ; and they support their opinion, embraces many ancient, noble, and opulent

by the evidence of numerous facts and testi- families, there is not an entire destitution of

monies. But a number of the Greeks, most literary and scientific men. And this fact

strenuously repel the charge of ignorance and was never called in question : but it does not

barbarism brought against their nation ; and prove that the nation at large, is rich in the

maintain, that all branches of literature and liberal arts and in secular and religious learn-

learningare equally flourishing in modern, as ing. For a people generally barbarous, may

they were in ancient Greece. The most dis- still contain a small number of learned men.

tinguished of these vindicators of the modern Moreover this academy at Constantinople,

Greeks, is Demetrius Cantimir, in his His- is unquestionably a recent institution ; and

toire de 1'Empire Ottomann, tome ii., p. 38, therefore it confirms, rather than confutes,

&c. To prove, that it is a gross mistake to the opinion of the other Christians respecting

represent modern Greece as the seat of bar- the learning of the Greeks. [What is said

barism, he gives a catalogue of learned above of the want of schools among the

Greeks in the preceding century ; and states Greeks, must undoubtedly be understood of

that an academy had been founded at Con- colleges and higher schools, and not of the

stantinople by a Greek named Monolax, in inferior and monastic schools. For that the

which persons very learned in the ancient Greeks of the sixteenth century had schools

Greek teach with success and applause all of the latter description, is clearly to be seen

branches of philosophy, as well as the other from Crusius1 Turco-Graecia. — Schl.]

118 BOOK IV— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

were afterward in the year 1593, confirmed in a council at Constantinople,
called by this same Jeremiah with the consent of the Turkish emperor.(ll)
And a little past the middle of the next century, Dionysius being patriarch
of Constantinople, all the four Oriental patriarchs again conceded to the
grand-duke of Muscovy, that the patriarch of Moscow should be exonera-
ted from the tribute, and from applying for the confirmation of his election
and consecration. (12)

§" 10. The Georgians and Mingrelians, or as they were anciently called,
the Iberians and Colchians, are so fallen, since the Mohammedans obtained
dominion over those countries, that they can scarcely be numbered among
the Christian nations. This is more true however, of the Colchians who
inhabit the woods and the mountains almost in the manner of wild beasts,
than it is of the Iberians, among whom there are some slight remains of
civilization and piety. These nations have a patriarch whom they style a
Catholic, and also bishops and priests ; but these are extremely ignorant,
vicious, sordid, and worse almost than the common people ; and as they
know not themselves what is to be believed, they never think of instruct-
ing others. Hence it is rather to be conjectured than positively known,
that the Colchians and Iberians at the present day do not embrace either
the sentiments of the Monophysites or of the Nestorians, but rather hold
the same doctrines with the Greeks. What little religion remains among
them, consists wholly in their feast-days and their ceremonies ; and even
these are destitute of all gravity and decorum, so that it is hard to say,
whether their priests appear most solemn when eating and drinking and
sleeping, or when administering baptism and the Lord's supper. (13)

§ 11. The Christians of the East, who have renounced the communion
of the Greeks, and who differ from them both in doctrine and in rites, are
of two kinds. The one contend, that in our most holy Saviour there is but
one nature ; the other conceive, that there are two persons in him. The
former are called Monophysites, and also Jacobites ^from Jacobus Barad&us,
who resuscitated and regulated this sect in the sixth century when it was
nearly extinct. (14) The latter are called Nestorians, because they agree

(11) See Anthony Possevin's Moscovia ; who endeavours [and not unsuccessfully,
near the beginning. Mich. Lequierfs Oricns TV.] to wipe off some of the infamy cast
Christianus, torn, i., p. 1292, and the Narra- upon the Georgians and Mingrelians. The
tire of this transaction, by the patriarch Jer- Catkolici of Georgia and Mingrelia are at
emiah II. himself, published in the Catalogus this day uvroKf(j)a?.oi or independent; yet
Codic. MSS. Biblioth. Taurinensis, p. 433- they pay tribute to the patriarch of Constan-
469. tinople. [Their priests read the whole bap-

(12) Lequien, Oriens Christianus, torn, i., tismal service through, and then appTy the
p. 155, &c. NIC. Bergius, de ecclesia Mos- water, without repeating the words requisite,
coritica, pt. i., sect, i., cap. xviii., p. 164, &c. They consecrate the eucharist in wooden

(13) See Clemens Galanus, Conciliatio chalices; care not if crumbs fall on the
ecclesiae Armenicae cum Romana, torn, i., ground ; put the host into leather bags, and
p. 156, &c. Jo. rthardin, Voyages en Per- tie them to their girdles ; send it by laymen
se et autres lieuxde 1'Orient, torn. i.,p. 67, to the sick; and do not accompany it with
&c., where is Jo*. Maria Zampi's Relation wax candles, processions, &c. Such are
de la Colchide et Mingrellie. Add Archan- the indecorums complained of by the popish
gel Lambert's Relation de la Colchide ou writers. — TV.]

Mingrellie; which is in the Recueil des Voy- (14) We commonly use the name Jacobites

ages au Nord, tome vii., p. 160. Lequien, in a broad sense, as including all the Monoph-

Onens Christianus, torn i., p. 1333, 1339, ysit.es except the Armenians ; but it properly

&c. Yet consult also Rich. Simon's His- belongs only to those Asiatic Monophysites,

toire Critique des dogmes et ceremonies des of whom Jacobus Baradoeus was the head

Chretiens Orientaux, cap. v-vi., p. 71, &c., and father. See Rich. Simon's Histoire de»

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 119

in sentiment with Nestorius ; and also Chaldeans, from the country in
which they principally reside. The Monophysites are again divided into
those of Asia, and those of Africa. The head of the Asiatic Monophysites,
is the patriarch of Antioch, who resides generally in the monastery of St.
Ananias, now called the Zapharanensian monastery, not far from the city
Marde ; but sometimes at Amida, Marda (which is properly his episcopal
seat), Aleppo, or other cities in Syria.(15) As he cannot alone govern
conveniently the very extensive community, he has an associate in the
government, to whose care are intrusted the eastern churches situated
beyond the Tigris. This assistant is called the maphrian or primate of
the East; and he formerly resided at Tagrit, on the borders of Armenia,
but now resides in the monastery of St. Matthew, near the city Mosul in
Mesopotamia. (16) At this day all patriarchs of the Monophysites assume
the name of Ignatius.

§ 12. The African Monophysites are subject to the patriarch of Alexan-
dria, who commonly resides at Cairo ; and are divisible into the Copts and
the Abyssinians. The Copts are those Christians who inhabit Egypt, Nu-
bia, and the adjacent regions. Being oppressed by the power and the in.
satiable avarice' of the Turks, they have to contend with extreme poverty,
and have not the means of supporting their patriarch and bishops : yet
these obtain a scanty living from such Copts as are taken into the families
of the principal men among the Mohammedans, on account of their skill in
domestic affairs and other useful arts, of which the Turks are ignorant.(lT)
The Abyssinians, though far superior to the Copts in numbers, power, and
worldly circumstances, since their emperor is himself a Christian, yet rev-
erence the patriarch of Alexandria as their spiritual father ; and do not
create their own chief bishop, but always allow a primate styled by them
abuna to be placed over them by the Alexandrine patriarch. (18)

§ 13. The Monophysites differ in many points both of doctrine and of
rites, from the Greeks, the Latins, and other Christians : but the principal
ground of their separation from other Christians, lies in their opinion con-
cerning Jesus ChriM our Saviour. With Dioscorus, Barsumas, Xenaias,
Fullo, and others whom they regard as the founders and lights of their sect,
they believe, that the divine and human natures in Christ so coalesce as to
become one ; and therefore they reject the decrees of the council of Chal-
cedon, and the noted epistle of Leo the Great. Yet to avoid the appear-

Chretiens Orientaux, cap. ix., p. 118, whose Coptic church, are described by Jo. Mich.

narrative however needs many corrections. Vansleb, in his Histoire de 1'Eglise d'Alex-

(15) See Jos. Sim. Assemari's Dissertatio andrie, que nous appellons celle des Jacob-
de Monophysitis, I) viii., &c., in the 2d vol. of ites-Coptes, Paris, 1667, 8vo. Add his Re-
his Biblioth. Oriental. Clementine- Vaticana. lation d'un voyage en Egypte, p. 293, &c.,
Faustus Nation's Euoplia fidei Catholic® where he treats expressly of the monks and
ex Syrorum monumentis, pt. i., p. 40, &c. monasteries of the Copts. Nouveaux Me-
Lequieri's Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., p. moires des Missions de la Compagnie de
1343, &c. Jesus dans le Levant, tome ii., p. 9, &c.,

(16) Assemari's Diss. de Monophysitis, tome v., p. 122. Bened. Maillefs'Descrip-
§ viii., &c. tion de 1'Egypte, tome ii., p. 64, &c.

(17) Eusebius Renaudot published at Par- (18) See Job Ludolf's Comment, in His-
is, 1713, in 4to, his very learned Historia toriam ^Ethiopicam, p. 451, 461, 466. Je'
Alexandrinorum Patriarcharum Jacobitarum. rome Labors Voyage d'Abissinie, tome ii.,
He also published Officium ordinationis hu- p. 36. Nouveaux Memoires des Missions
jus Patriarchs, with notes ; in his Liturgiae dans le Levant, tome iv., p. 277. Mich.
Oriental., torn, i., p. 467. The state and Lequien's Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., jx
internal condition of the Alexandrine or 641, &c.

120 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

ance of following Eutyches, with whom they profess to have no connexion,
they cautiously define their doctrine, and denying all confusion and inter-
mixture of the two natures, represent the nature of Christ as being indeed
one, yet at the same time compound and double. (19) And this explanation
shows us, that it is no rash opinion of some very learned men, that the
Monophysites differ from the Greeks and Latins more in words than in sub-
stance.(20) The modern Jacobites both of Asia and of Africa, are in gen-
eral so ignorant and illiterate, that they defend their distinguishing doctrine
rather by blind pertinacity and the authority of their fathers, than by ra-
tional arguments. (21)

§ 14. The Armenians, though they hold to the same opinions with the
other Monophysites respecting [the nature of] our Saviour, yet differ from
them as to many practices, opinions, and rites ; and hence, there is no
communion between them and those who are appropriately called Jacob-
ites.(22) The whole Armenian church is governed by three patriarchs.
The chief of these, who governs the whole of the greater Armenia and the
neighbouring provinces, has forty two archbishops under him, and resides in
a monastery at Echmiazin. He might if he were disposed, live splendidly
and luxuriously on the very ample revenues he receives ;(23) but he is fru-
gal in his table and plain in his dress, nor is he distinguished from the
monks among whom he resides except by his power. He is usually elect-
ed by the suffrages of the bishops assembled at Echmiazin ; and is appro-
ved by the king of Persia. The second patriarch or catholic of the Arme-
nians, resides at Sisi a city of Cilicia, and governs the churches in Cappa-
docia, Cilicia, Cyprus, and Syria. He has twelve archbishops under him.

(19) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori- Fabricius, in his Lux Evangelii toti orbi ex-
ent. Clementino-Vaticana, torn, ii., p. 25, 26, oriens, cap. xxxviii., p. 640, &c. To his
29, 34, ] 17, 133, 135, 277, 297, &c. See list, must especially be added Leguien, Ori-
the acute defence of the doctrine of his sect ens Christianus, torn, i., p. 1362, &c. The
by Abulpharajus, ibid., torn, ii., p. 288, &c. recent Histoife du Christianisme d'Armenie,
The system of religion embraced by the by M. V. la Croze, subjoined to his Histoire
Abyssinians in particular, may be best learn- du Christianisme d'Abessinie, a 1'Haye,
ed in all its parts from the Theologia ^Ethi- 1739, 8vo, does not correspond with the
opica of Gregory the Ethiopian, published magnitude and importance of the subject.
by Jo. Alb. Fabricius in his Lux Evangelii A far better account would have been given
toti orbi exoriens, p. 716, where also the by this gentleman, who was so well informed
other writers concerning the Abyssinians, on such subjects, if he had not been labour-
are enumerated, ing under the infirmities of age. Respecting

(20) M. V. la. Croze, Histoire du Chris- the singular customs and rites of the Arme-
tianisme des Indes, p. 23. Asseman, loc. nians, see Gemelli Carrcri, Voyage du tour
cit., torn, ii., p. 291, 297. Rich. Simon, du Monde, tome ii., p. 146, &c.
Histoire dcs Chretiens Orientaux, p. 119. (23) A notice of all the churches subject
Jo. Joach. Schroder, Thesaurus linguae Ar- to the chief patriarch of the Armenians, as
menicBB, p. 276. communicated by Uscan, an Armenian bish-

(21) The Liturgies of the Copts, the Sy- op, is subjoined by Rich. Simon, to his His-
rian Jacobites, and the Abyssinians, have toire critique des Chretiens Orientaux, p.
been published with learned notes, by Euse- 217, [in the English translation, by A. Lov-
bius Renaudot, in the first and second vol- ell, Lond., 1685, p. 184, &c.] But we have
urnes of his Liturgies Orientales. noticed many defects in it. Respecting the

(22) The chief writer concerning the Ar- scat, and the mode of life, of the patriarch of
menians, as well in regard to their religion Echmiazin, see Paul Lucas, Voyage au Le-
as other matters, is Clemens Ga>amis, an vant, tome ii., p. 347, and Gemelli Carreri,
Italian Theatinc monk ; whose Conciliatio Voyage du tour du Monde, tome ii., p. 10,
ecclcsiac Armenicae cum Romana, was pub- &c. See also the other travellers in Arme-
lishcd at Rome, 1650, &c., in 3 vols. fol. nia and Persia.

The other writers are mentioned by Jo. Alb.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 121

This patriarch of Sisi, at present, acknowledges himself inferior to the
patriarch at Echmiazin. The third and least of their patriarchs, who has
only eight or nine bishops under him, resides on the island of Aghtamar in
the middle of the great lake Varaspuracan, and is accounted by the other
Armenians an enemy of the church. Besides these who are properly and
truly called patriarchs, there are others among the Armenians who are
patriarchs in name only, rather than in reality and in power. For the
Armenian archbishop residing at Constantinople, whose authority is ac-
knowledged by the churches in the neighbouring regions of Asia and Eu-
rope, is called a patriarch. So also the Armenian prelate at Jerusalem, is
saluted with the same title ; and likewise the prelate that resides at Ka-
miniec in [Russian] Poland, and who governs the Armenian churches in
Russia, Poland, and the neighbouring countries. And these claim the title
and the rank of patriarchs, because they have received from the great pa-
triarch of Echmiazin, the power of ordaining bishops, and of consecrating
and distributing every third year among their churches the sacred chrism
or ointment, which none but patriarchs among the Oriental Christians, have
a right to do.(24)

§ 15. The Nestorians, who are also called Chaldeans, reside principally
in Mesopotamia and the adjacent countries. These Christians have many
doctrines and customs peculiar to themselves : but they are chiefly distin-
guished from all other sects, by maintaining, that Nestorius was unjustly
condemned in the council of Ephesus, and by holding with him, that there
were not only two natures but also two persons in our Saviour. In ancient
times this was regarded as a capital error ; at this day it is considered by
the most respectable men even among the Roman Catholics, as an error
in words rather than in thought. For these Chaldeans affirm indeed, that
Christ consists of two persons as well as two natures ; but they add, that
these two persons and natures are so closely united, as to constitute one
aspect, or as they express it, one barsopa ; which is the same with the
Greek Trpocrwnw [person]. (25) From which it appears clearly, that by as.
pect they mean the same as we do by person ; and that what we call natures,
they call persons. It is to the honour of this sect, that of all the Christians
resident in the East they have preserved themselves the most free from
the numberless superstitions, which have found their way into the Greek
and Latin churches. (26)

§ 16. Formerly all the Nestorians were subject to one patriarch or cath-
olic ; who resided, first at Bagdat, and then 'at Mosul. But in this [six-

(24) SeetheNouveauxMemoiresdesMis- Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. ii., p. cmxlviii. See
sions de la Compagnie de Jesus dans le Le- also, ibid., p. 210, &c. Rich. Simon's His-
vant, tome iii., where is given (p. 1-218) toire de la creance des Chretiens Orientaux,
a long narrative respecting both the religious cap. vii., p. 94, &c. Peter Strozza, de
and the civil affairs of the Armenians ; and dogmatibus Chaldseorum ; first published at
which la Croze (than whom, no man within Rome, 1617, 8vo.

our knowledge has bestowed more attention (26) Here should especially be consulted,

on these subjects) very highly commends, the very learned and copious dissertation of

for fidelity, accuracy, and research. See his Asseman de Syris Nestorianis ; which fills

Histoire du Christianisme d'Ethiopie, p. the whole of the fourth volume of his Bibli-

345, &c. otheca Orient. Vaticana. It was from this

(25) It is thus that the inscriptions, which chiefly, that Mich. Lcquien took, what he says
adorn the sepulchres of the Nestorian patri- in his Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., p. 1078,
archs in the city of Mosul, express their sen- &c.

timents. See Asseman's Biblioth. Oriental.

VOL. III.— Q

122 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

teenth] century, they became divided into two parties. In the first place,
as we have already noticed, in the year 1552 two patriarchs were elected
by opposite factions, Simeon Barmama and John Sulaka or Siud. The
latter of these, in order to obtain firm support against his antagonist, re-
paired to Rome and swore allegiance to the Roman pontiff. (27) To the
party of this patriarch who stood connected with the Romish church, wa3
added in the year 1555, Simeon Denha archbishop of Gelu ; and when he
afterwards succeeded to the patriarchate, he removed its seat to Ormia,
in the mountainous parts of Persia ; where his successors, ail of whom
assume the name of Simeon, have continued to reside till the present time.
In the last [or seventeenth] century, they remained still in communion
with the Romish bishop ; but in this [eighteenth] century, they seem to
have renounced that communion. (28) The greater patriarchs of theNes-
torians, who stood opposed to this lesser patriarch, have since the year
1559, all borne the name of Elias, and had their residence at Mosul. (29)
Their dominion spreads widely in Asia ; and embraces the Nestorians in
Arabia, and also those on the coast of Malabar, who are called Christians
of St. Thomas. (30)

§ 17. Besides these sects of Christians, in which was something or at
least some appearance of the religion taught by Christ, there were other
far worse sects, scattered over a large part of Asia ; which were undoubt-
edly descended from the Ebionites, the Manichseans, the Valentinians, the
Basilidians, and other parties that in the early ages set up churches within
the church, but which, through the common hatred against them of both
Mohammedans and Christians, had sunk into such barbarism, ignorance,
and superstition as to lose nearly altogether the reputation and the rights
of Christians. The Sabians as they are called by the Orientals, or the
Mendai Ijahi, i. e., Disciples of St. John, as they call themselves, or the
Christians of St. John as they are called by Europeans, though they per-
haps have some imperfect knowledge of Christ, secern to be a Jewish sect,
and the descendants of the ancient Hemerobaptists mentioned by the early
Christian writers. At least, that John whom they call the founder of
their sect, was altogether unlike John the Baptist, and bore a far stronger
resemblance to the John whom the ancients represented as the father of the
Jewish Hemerobaptists. (31) They live in Persia and Arabia, especially at
Bassora ; and regard religion as consisting principally in frequent, solemn
ablutions of the body, which their priests administer with certain ceremo-
nies.(32)

§ 18. The Jasidians, Jasid&ans or Jezdtzans, of whom many uncertain

(27) [He planted himself at Caramit in ii., p. cml. Add Legmen's Oriens Christi-
Mesopotamia, and styled himself patriarch anus, torn, ii., p. 1078, &c.

of the East. His successor Ebedjesv, at- (30) Of these, Mat. Veyss. la Croze treats

tended the council of Trent. The next sue- expressly, in his Histoire du Christianisme

cessor was Aha.tha.lla ; and after him, was des Indes : with which should be compared,

Simeon Dcnha, who was obliged to quit Car- Joseph Sim. Asseman, loc. cit., torn, hi., pt.

amit — Von Bin.] ii., cap. ix., p. ccccxiii.

(28) See Jos. Sim. Asseman's Biblioth. (31) See what I have written on this sub-
Orient. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 538, and torn, ject, in my Commentaries, de Rebus Chris-
ii., p. 436. tian. ante Constantinum Mag., p 43, &c.

(29) A catalogue of the Nestorian patri- (32) See the treatise of Ignatius a Jesu,
archs, is given by Jos. Sum. Asseman, Bib- a Carmelite who resided long among these
liotheca Orient. Vaticana, torn. iii.,'pt. i., p. Mendaeans, entitled : Narratiooriginis, rituum
611, &c., which he corrected, in torn, iii., pt. et errorum Christianorum S. Johannis : cui

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.

123

accounts are extant, are a vagrant branch or tribe of the fierce and uncul-
tivated nation of the Kurds who inhabit the province of Persia called Kur-
distan. They roam among the Gordian mountains and the desert parts
of the country, and are divided into the Hack and the white Jezdseans.
The former are the priests and the rulers of the sect, and always dress in
black ; the latter are the common people, whose dress is white. They
have a singular religion, and one not yet sufficiently explored ; yet it is
clear, that it is a compound of Christian principles, with numerous fictions
originating from other sources. They are especially distinguished from
other classes of corrupted Christians, by their sentiments concerning the
evil spirit ; whom they call Karubin or Cherubin, that is, one of the great-
er ministers of God ; and if they do not actually worship him, they at
least treat him with respect, neither offering him any insult or contumely
themselves, nor suffering others to do it. In this matter they go so far,
that no tortures will induce them to express detestation of the evil spirit ;
and if they hear any other person curse him, they will kill him if they
can.(33)

adjungitur Discursus per modum Dialogi, in
quo confutantur xxxiv. errores ejusdem na-
tionis ; Rome, 1652, 8vo. Engelb. K<zmp-
fer's Amoenitates Exotics, fascic. ii., relat.
xi., p. 435, &c. George Sale's Introduction
to his English version of the Koran, p. 15.
Jos. Sim. Asseman's Biblioth. Oriental.,
torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 609 Thevenofs Voya-
ges, tome iv., p. 584, &c. Barthol. Herbe-
lofs Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 725. The-
oph. Siegcfr. Bayer composed a particular
treatise concerning the Mendaans, filled
with much excellent matter; which, when
he was about to commit to me for publica-
tion, he was suddenly cut off by death. It
was Bayer's opinion, (as appears from the
Thesaurus Epistolicus Crozianus, torn, i., p.
21). that they were a branch from the ancient
Manichaeans ; which opinion was also ap-
proved by La Croze. See his Thesaurus
Epistol., torn, iii., p. 31, 52. But there is
nothing in their opinions or customs, that
savours of Manichaeism. Hence other learn-
ed men, (to whose opinion the celebrated
Fourmont a few years ago acceded ; in a
paper published in the Memoires de 1'Acad.
des Inscript. et des Belles Lettres, tome rviii.,
p. 23, &c.), suppose them descended from
the ancient worshippers of a plurality of
gods, and especially of the stars, whom the
Arabs call Sabii, or Sabi and Sabiin. But,
except the name which the Mohammedans
are wont to give them; there is nothing at all
to support this opinion. The Mendasans
themselves say, that they are Jews ; and pro-
fess to have been removed from Palestine,
to the places which they now inhabit. This
sect has some sacred books which are very
ancient ; among others, what they call The
book of Adam, and a book written by John
the founder of their sect, and some others.

As these books were introduced a few years
since into the library of the king of France,
it may be expected that from them, in due
time, a better knowledge of this people will
be obtained. [See the first volume of these
Institutes, p. 35, note (7). — Tr.}

(33) See Tho. Hyde's Historia relig. vete-
rum Persar. in the Append., p. 549. Otter,
Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, tome i., p.
121 ; tome ii., p. 249, &c. To impart a
better knowledge of religion to this people,
journeys were made with great peril in the
seventeenth century, by the celebrated and
learned Jesuit Michael Nau, (Laur. d'Ar-
vicux, Memoires ou Voyages, tome vi., p.
362, 377) ; and after him, by another Jesuit,
Monierius, (Memoires des Missions de Jesu-
ites, torn, iii., p. 291) ; but how these travel-
lers were received, and what they accomplish-
ed, does not appear. Jac. Rhenferd consider-
ed the Jezdceans as the offspring of the ancient
Sethians : (see Gisb. Cuper's Epistles, pub-
lished by Bayer, p. 130), but in my opinion
as groundlessly, as those who judge them to
be Manichseans, a supposition which is suf-
ficiently refuted by their opinion concerning
the evil spirit. The name of this sect, Isaac
de Beausobre among others, derives from the
name Jesus. See his Histoire du Mani-
cheisme, tome ii., p. 613. I should conjec-
ture that it is derived rather from the word
Jazid or Jezdan, which in Persian signifies
the good God ; to whom is opposed Ahri-
man, or the evil deity : (See Herbelot, Bib-
liotheque Orientale, p. 484, &c. Cherefed-
din Aly, Histoire de Timurbec, tome iii., p.
81, &c.) ; so that Jazid&ans denotes worship-
pers of the good or true God. Yet they may
have derived their appellation from the cele-
brated city Jezd; of which Otter treats, Voy-
age en Turquie et en Perse, tome i., p. 283,

124 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

§ 19. The Duruzi, Dursi, Druzi, [or Druses'], for their name is written
variously, are a fierce and warlike people, inhabiting a large part of the
rugged mountains of Libanus. They represent themselves (how justly,
is uncertain) to be descended from those Franks, who waged war in the
eleventh century with the Mohammedans. (34) As they cautiously conceal
their religious creed, it is very dubious what their faith and worship are.
Yet there are vestiges of Christianity sufficiently manifest in their customs
and opinions. Learned men have suspected that the Druzi, as well as the
Kurds that inhabit Persia, formerly held and perhaps still hold the doc-
trines of the Manich8eans.(35) — The Chamsi or Solares inhabit a certain
district of Mesopotamia, and are supposed by some, to be descendants of
the Samsacans mentioned by Epiphanius.(36) — There are many other
semi-Christian sects in the East :(37) and whoever will accurately trace
them out, and introduce their sacred books into Europe, will doubtless re-

&c. [ W. Jowett, in his Christian Research- The Yesidiens practise circumcision like the
es in Syria, &c., ed. Boston, 1826, p. 55, Mohammedans." Niebuhr, Voyage en Ara-
&c.. gives us from Niebuhr, the following bie, vol. ii., p. 279, 280. From this account,

account of this people, whom he met with,
inhabiting a whole village near Mosul.
" They are called Yesidiens, and also Dau-
asin : but as the Turks do not allow the free
exercise of any religion in their country, ex-
cept to those who possess sacred books, (as
the Mohammedans, Christians, and Jews),
the Yesidiens are obliged to keep the prin-
ciples of their religion extremely secret.
They, therefore, pass themselves off for Mo-
hammedans, Christians, or Jews ; following
the party of whatever person makes inquiry
into their religion. They speak with ven-
eration of the Koran, of the Gospel, of the
Pentateuch, and the Psalms ; and when con-
victed of being Yesidiens, they will then

it appears, that the Jezdaans are not that
roaming, savage race, Dr. Mosheim suppo-
sed ; but that they are a plain, frugal, con-
scientious people, who are afraid to avow
their religious sentiments, because they have
no sacred books, which would entitle them
to toleration under the Turkish government.
-IV.]

(34) [See the Lettres Edifiantes et Curi-
euses, tome i., p. 228-333, ed. 4 Lyon,
1819, 8vo.— TV.]

(35) See Adrian's Narrative concerning
the Druses; in Paul Lucas' Voyage en
Grece et Asie Mineure. tome ii., p. 36, &c.
Thorn. Hyde's Historia religionis Veter.
Persarum, p,491, 554. Paul Rycaut's

maintain that they are of the same religion Histoire de ITEmpire Ottomann, tome i., p.
as the Sonnites. Hence it is almost an im- 313, &c. [Modern researches particularly
possibility to learn any thing certain on the by Chardin, De Sacy, and Burkhardt, clearly
subject. Some charge them with adoring show, that the Druses are with no propriety
the devil, under the name of Tscillebi, that reckoned among Christian sects. They are
is to say. Lord. Others say that they ex-
hibit a marked veneration for the sun, and
for fire ; that they are downright pagans ;
and that they have horrible ceremonies. I
have been assured that the Dauasins do not
invoke the devil ; but that they adore God
only, as the creator and benefactor of all men.
They cannot, however, bear to speak of Sa-
tan, nor even to hear his name mentioned.

When the Yesidiens come to Mosul, they

apostate Mohammedans, followers of the
false prophet Hakem, who pretended to be
an incarnate deity. He was born at Cairo
A.D. 985, began to reign in Egypt A.D.
996, and was assassinated in 1020. His
Charter or commands to his followers, to-
gether with their oath of allegiance to him,
are published by De Sacy, in his Chresto-
mathie Arabe, tome ii., p. 334, &c. See a
full account of them in W. JmcctCs Chris-

are not apprehended by the magistrate, al- tian Researches in Syria, ed. Boston, 1826,

though known : but the people often endeav- p. 35, &c., 70, 83. — TV.]

our to trick them ; for when these poor Yesi- (36) Hyde, Historia relig. veter. Persarum,

diens come to sell their eggs or butter, the p. 555, &c.

purchasers contrive first to get their articles
into their possession, and then begin uttering
a thousand foolish expressions against Satan,
with a view to lower the price ; upon which
the Yesidiens are content to leave their

(37) The Jesuit, Diusse, (Lettres edif. et
curieuses des Missions etrangeres, tome i.,
p. 63), relates that, in the mountains which
separate Persia from India, there resides a
sect of Christians, who brand themselves

goods, at a loss, rather than be witnesses of with the figure of a cross, impressed with
such contemptuous language about the devil, a hot iron.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 125

ceive the grateful thanks of all that take an interest in Christian antiqui-
ties, for the various accounts we have of them at present, are contradic-
tory and cannot be depended on.

§ 20. Among most of these sects [of Oriental Christians], the mission-
aries of the Roman pontiff have with great labour and expense established
societies, which acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Latin pontiff. Among
the Greeks, both those that are subject to the Turks and those that are
subject to the Venetians, to the Roman emperor, and to other Christian
princes, as is generally known, there are here and there Greeks that be-
long to the Romish church, and whose bishops and priests are approved at
Rome. For the sake of preserving and enlarging these societies, a college
is established at Rome, in which Greek youth that appear to possess genius
and a disposition to study, are supported and instructed in the useful arts
and sciences, and are especially taught to reverence the authority of the
Roman pontiff. But the most respectable men, even among the friends of
the Romish court, do not deny that these Greeks who are united with the
Latins, if compared with those who hold the Latin name in abhorrence,
are few and poor, and in a wretched condition ; and that among them are
persons of Grecian faith, who whenever opportunity is presented, repay to
the Latins the greatest kindnesses with the greatest injuries. They also
tell us, that the Greeks who are educated with great care at Rome, by
witnessing the faults of the Latins, often become the most ungrateful of
all, and the most strenuously oppose the advancement of the Latin interests
among their countrymen. (38)

§ 21. For uniting or rather subjecting to the Romish church, the Rus-
sian which is the noblest portion of the Greek church, there have been
frequent deliberations at Rome ; but without success. In this [sixteenth]
century, John Basilides grand-duke of the Russians, in the year 1580,
sent an embassy to Gregory XIII., by which he seemed to exhort the pon-
tiff to resume and to accomplish this business. The next year therefore,
Anth. Possevin a learned and sagacious Jesuit, was despatched to Musco-
vy. But he, although he spared no pains to accomplish the object of his
embassy, yet found himself unable to effect it : nor did the Russian am-
bassadors who a little after were sent to Rome, present any thing to the
pontiff but vague and inefficient promises. (39) Indeed the result showed,
that Basilides aimed only to secure by flatteries the favour of the pontiff,
in order to succeed better in his unfortunate war with the Poles. — But the
arguments of Possevin and others, had so much effect upon the Russians
that inhabit Poland, that some of them in the convention of Bresty, A.D.
1596, entered into an alliance with the Latins. These were subsequently
called the United Greeks ; while the other party, which still adhered to the

(38) Here may be consulted, besides hereafter. A catalogue though an imperfect

others, Urb. Cerri's Etat present de 1'Eglise one, of the Greek bishops who follow the

Romaine, p. 82, &c., where, among other Latin rites, is given in Lequieri's Oriens

things, it is said : Us deviennent les plus Ghristianus, torn, iii., p. 860.

violens ennemis des Catholiques, lorsq'ils (39) See the Colloquia Possevini cum

ont appris nos sciences et q'ils ont connois- Moscorum duce : and his other writings re-

sance de nos imperfections. [They become lating to this subject, which are annexed to

the most violent enemies of the Catholics, his Moscovia, p. 31, &c., and John Dorig-

when they have been instructed in our sci- ny's Vie du Pere Possevin, livr. v., p. 351,

ences, and have knowledge of our imperfec- &c.
tions.] Other testimonies will be adduced

126 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART I.— CHAP. II

patriarch of Constantinople, were called the Ununited.(4:Q) Moreover at
Kiow, ever since the fourteenth century, there has been a society of Rus-
sians subject to the Roman pontiff, and which has had its own metropoli-
tans or bishops, distinct from the Russian bishops of Kiow. (41)

§ 22. Among the Monophysites both the Asiatic and the African, the
preachers of the Romish religion have effected but little that deserves at-
tention. Among the Chaldean or Nestorian Christians, a small society
subject to the Roman pontiff, was collected near the middle of the prece-
ding century. Its patriarchs, all of whom take the name of Joseph, reside
in the city Amida, which is also called Caramit and Diarbeker.(4:Z) A
part of the Armenians, as early as the fourteenth century in the pontificate
of John XXII., embraced the Romish religion ; and over them the pontiffs
placed an archbishop in 1318, who was a Dominican monk and resided at
Soldania,(43) a city of Aderbeitzan. The archiepiscopal. residence was
afterwards removed to Naxivan ; and to this day, it is occupied exclusive-
ly by the Dominicans. (44) The company of Armenians resident in Po-
land and embracing the Romish doctrines, have also their bishop, who re-
sides at Lemberg.(45) Some of the Theatin and Capuchin monks visited
the Georgians and Mingrelians ; but the ferocity and ignorance of those
nations opposed such obstacles to the counsels and admonitions of the mis-
sionaries, that their labours were attended with almost no success. (46)

§ 23. The pompous accounts of their success among these sects given
by the Romish missionaries, lack ingenuousness and truth. For it is as-
certained by unquestionable testimony, that all they did in some countries,
was merely to baptize by stealth certain infants, whom their parents com-
mitted to their care because they professed to be physicians ;(47) and in
other countries, they only gathered a poor, miserable company, who gen-
erally forsook them as soon as their money was gone, and returned to the
religion of their fathers. (48) Likewise here and there a prelate among
the Greeks or the other nations, would sometimes promise obedience to the
Roman pontiff, and even repair to Rome in order to manifest his submis-
sion : but these were actuated only by avarice or by ambition. And there-
fore on a change in their circumstances, they would at once relapse, or
would deceive the Romans with equivocal professions. Those who, like
the Nestorian prelate at Amida, continue steadfast in their profession and

(40) Adr. Regenvolscius, Historia Eccle- (46) Urb. Cerri, Etat present de 1'Eglise
siarum Slavonicarum, lib. iv., cap. ii., p. 465, Romaine, p. 162, &c

&c., [and 470, &c.— Tr.] (47) Urb. Cerri, Etat present de 1'Eglise

(41) See Mich. Lequien's Oriens Christi- Romaine, p. 164. Gabr. de Chinon, Rela-
anus, torn, i., p. 1274, and torn, iii., p. 1126. tionsnouvellesduLevant.pt. i., cap. vi., p.,
Acta Sanctor., torn, ii., Februar., p. 639, 174. This Capuchin monk speaks very in-
&,c. genuously on many subjects.

(42) See Assertion's Bibliotheca Orient. (48) See Jean Chardin, Voyages en Perse,
Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. i., p. 615, &c. Le- tome i., p. 186 ; tomeii., p. 53, 75, 206, 271,
quiets Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., p. 1084, 349, and especially torn, iii., p. 433, &c., of
&c. the last edition in Holland, 4to. For in the

(43) Odor. Raynald's Annales Eccles., previous editions, every thing dishonourable
torn, xv., ad ann. 1318, $ 4. to the Romish missions among the Arme-

(44) Lequien, Oriens Christianus, torn, nians, the Colchians, the Iberians, or the
iii., p. 1362 and 1403, &c. Clemens Gala- Persians, was omitted. Gabr. de Chinon,
nus, Conciliatio ecclesiae Armenae cum Ro- Relations du Levant, pt. ii , p. 308, <kc.,
mana, torn, i., p. 527, &c. where he treats of the Armenians. Bened.

(45) Memoires des Missions de la Com- Maillet, Description d'Egypte, tome ii., p.
pagnie de Jesus, torn, iii., p. 54, &c. 65, &c., who speaks of the Copts.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.

127

propagate it to succeeding generations, persevere from no other cause than
the uninterrupted liberality of the Roman pontiff. The pontiffs, moreover,
are astonishingly indulgent to those sons whom they adopt from among the
Greeks and other Oriental Christians. For they not only suffer them to
worship according to the rites of their fathers, rites the most diverse from
those of the Romans, and to follow customs abhorred among the Latins ;
but they do not even require them to expunge from their public books those
doctrines which are peculiar to them as a Christian sect.(49) At Rome,
if we are not greatly mistaken, a Greek, Armenian, or Copt, is esteemed
a good member of the Romish church, provided he does not call in ques-
tion, but will acknowledge, the sovereign authority of the Romish prelate
over the whole Christian church.

§ 24. The whole nation of the Maronites, who reside principally on the
mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus, came under the dominion of the
Roman pontiff from the period of the invasion of Palestine by the Lat-
ins. (50) But as they did this, on the condition that the Latins should
change nothing of their ancient rites, customs, and opinions; hence al-
most nothing Latin can be found among the Maronites, except their attach-
ment to the Romish prelate. (51) Moreover this friendship costs the pon-

(49) Jos. Sim. Asseman complains, here a Maronite, advances a sort of intermediate

and there in his Bibliotheca Orientalis Vat-
icana, that not even the books printed at
Rome for the use of the Nestorians, Jacob-
ites, and Armenians, are purged of the er-
rors peculiar to those sects ; and he con-
tends, that this is the reason why those peo-
ple renounce the Romish religion, after hav-
ing adopted it. Add Rich. Simon's Lettres
Choisies, tomeii., lettrexxiii., p. 156, &c.,
who excuses this negligence or imprudence
of the Romans.

(50) The Maronite doctors, and especially
such as reside at Rome, take the utmost
pains to prove, that the Romish religion has
always been held and preserved by their na-
tion, pure, and uncontaminated with any
error. Besides others, Faustus Nairon has
done this very elaborately, in his Dissertatio
de origine, nomine ac religione Maronita-
rum; Rome, 1679., 8vo. From this book,
and from other Maronite authors, De la Koque
composed his long and well-written essay :
Sur 1'origne des Maronites et Abrege de
leur Histoire ; which is printed in his Voy-
age de Syrie et du Mont Liban, tome ii., p.
28-128, ed. Amsterd., 1723, 8vo. But the
most learned men among the Catholics, do
not give credit to this statement ; but main-
tain, that the Maronites are the offspring of
the Monophysites, and were addicted to the
opinions of the Monothelites down to the
twelfth century, when they united with the
Latins. See Rich. Simon's Histoire crit-
ique des Chretiens Orientaux, cap. xiii., p.
146, &c. Eusebius Renaudot, Historia Pa-
triarchar. Alexandrinorum ; preface, p. iii.,
•£., and the history itself, p. 49 : and many

opinion ; Bibliotheca Orient. Vaticana, torn,
i., p. 496. Mich. Lequien leaves the ques-
tion dubious ; Oriens Christianus, torn, iii.,
p. 1, &c., where he treats professedly of the
Maronite church, and of its prelates. In
my opinion, no one will readily put confi-
dence in the Maronites, who like all Syrians
are vainglorious, if he considers, that all
the Maronite nation have not yet subjected
themselves to the Roman pontiff. For
some of this nation in Syria, stand aloof
from communion with the Latins ; and in
the .last century, not a few of them in Italy
itself, gave the court of Rome no little trou-
ble. Some of them went over to the Wal-
denses, inhabiting the valleys of Piedmont :
others to the number of six hundred, with
a bishop and many priests, went over to
Corsica, and implored the aid of the repub-
lic of Genoa against the violence of the In-
quisition. See Urb. Cerri, Etat present de
1'Eglise Romaine, p. 121, 122. I know not
what could have excited these Maronites to
make such opposition to the Roman pontiff,
if they did not dissent at all from his doc-
trines and decrees ; for the Romish church
allows them freely to follow the rites and
customs and institutions of their fathers.
See the Thesaurus Epistol. Crozianus, torn,
i., p. 11, &c., [and vol. i. of these Institutes,
p. 427.— TV.]

(51) Here consult, especially, the Notes
which Rich. Simon has annexed to his
French translation of the Voyage of Jerome
Dandini, an Italian Jesuit, to Mount Lioa-
nus, written in Italian; Paris, 1685, 12mo.
See also Euseb. Renaudot, Historia Patriar-

other writers. Jos. Sim. Asseman, himself char. Alexandrinor., p. 548.

128 BOOK III.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

tiff dear. For as the Maronites live in extreme poverty under the tyran-
ny of the Mohammedans, the pontiff has to relieve their poverty with his
wealth ; in order that their prelate and leading men may have the means
of appeasing their cruel masters, supporting their priests, and defraying
the expenses of public worship. Nor is the expense small, which is requi-
red by the college for Maronites established at Rome by Gregory XIII., in
which Syrian youth are imbued with literature and with love to the Romish
see. The Maronite church is governed by a patriarch, residing at Canno.
bin on Mount Libanus ; which is a convent of monks that follow the rule
of St. Anthony. He styles himself Patriarch of Antioch, and always takes
the name of Peter, to whose see he claims to be the successor. (52)

PART II.

HISTORY OF MODERN CHURCHES.

CHAPTER I.

HISTORY OF THE EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHTTRCH.

$ 1. Commencement of the Lutheran Church. — § 2. Its Faith. — § 3. Public Worship and
Ceremonies. — § 4. Ecclesiastical Laws and Government. — § 5. Liturgy : public Wor-
ship : Education. — §6. Feast Days: Discipline. — $ 7. Prosperous and adverse Events. —
$ 8. Cultivation of Learning among the Lutherans. — § 9. Polite Learning and Langua-
ges.— § 10. Philosophy. — (f 11. Philosophical Sects: Aristotelians: Ramists. — <J 12.
Fire Philosophers. — $ 13. Hofmann's Controversy with his Colleagues. — <J 14. Theol-
ogy gradually improved and perfected. — § 15. State of ex^getic Theology. — § 16. Mer-
its of the Biblical Expositors. — § 17. 'Dogmatic Theology. — t) 18. Practical Theology.
— § 19. Polemic Theology.— $ 20. Three Periods of the Lutheran Church.— $ 21.
Contests in Luther's Lifetime with Fanatics. — $ 22. Carolostadt. — § 23. Schwenckfeld.
— <J 24. His Opinions. — $ 25. Antinomians. — 6 26. Estimate of the Sentiments of
Agricola. — § 27. Contests after Luther's Death, under Melancthon. — § 28. Adiapho-
ristic Controversy. — t) 29. That of George Major, respecting good Works. — $ 30. Syn-
ergistic Controversy. — 9 31. Flacius, the Author of many Dissensions. — § 32. His Con-
test with Strigelius. — $ 33. His Disputation. — <J 34. Effects of his Imprudence. — f) 35.
Controversy with Osiander. — $ 36. Controversy with Stancarus. — (f 37. Plans for
settling these Disturbances. — § 38. Crypto-Calvinists in Saxony. — <J 39. The Formula
of Concord. — (/ 40. It produces .much Commotion, on the Part of the Reformed. — $ 41.
Also, on the Part of the Lutherans. — § 42. Proceedings of Duke Julius. — $ 43. New
Crypto-Calvinistic Commotions in Saxony. — § 44. Huber's Contest — $ 45. Estimate
of these Controversies. — $ 46. The principal Divines and Writers.

§ 1. The origin and progress of the church, which assumes the name
of evangelical, for having rescued from oblivion the Gospel, or the doc-
trine of salvation procured for men solely by the merits of Christ, when
it was smothered in superstition ; and which does not reject the appellation

(52) See Petitqueux, Voyage a Cannobin 10. Laur. D'Arvieux, Memoirs ou Voyages,

dans le Mont Liban ; in the Nouveaux Me- tome ii., p. 418, &c., and others. [See W.

moires des Missions de la Compagnie de Je- Jowelfs Christian Researches in Syria, &c.,

sus, tome iv., p. 252, and tome viii., p. 355. p. 23, <kc., ed. Boston, 1826, 12mo. — 2V.]
La Rocque, Voyage de Syrie, tome ii., p.

HISTORY OP THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 129

of Lutheran, as it would not be ungrateful to the man who first dissipated
the clouds that obscured the gospel, and taught his followers to place no
reliance on themselves and none on glorified saints, but to give all their
confidence to Christ ; we have already described, according to the method
proposed. Its commencement is to be dated, from the time when Leo X.
expelled Martin Luther and his adherents and friends from -the bosom
of the Romish church [A.D. 1520]. It acquired a stable form and con-
sistency in the year 1530, when the public confession of its faith was
- drawn up, and was presented to the diet of Augsburg. And it finally ob-
tained the rank of a legitimate and independent community in Germany,
and was entirely freed from the laws and jurisdiction of the Roman pon-
tiff, in the year 1552, when Maurice qf Saxony formed the religious pa-
cification with Charles V. at Passau.

§ 2. According to the opinion of this church, the entire rule for a cor-
rect religious faith and for a holy life, is to be drawn exclusively from the
books dictated by God himself; and it believes that these books, of course,
are so plain and so easy to be understood in respect to the way of salva-
tion, that every man who possesses common sense, and. who understands
their language, can ascertain their meaning for himself, or without an in-
terpreter. This church has indeed certain books usually called symbolical,
in which the principal truths of religion are collected together and per-
spicuously stated : but these books derive all their authority from the sa-
cred volume, the sense and meaning of which they exhibit ; nor may theo-
logians expound them differently from what the divine oracles will permit.
The first of these [symbolical] books, is the Augsburg Confession, with the
Apology. Then follow, what are called the Articles of Smalcald ; and
next the Catechisms of Luther, the larger for adults and persons more
advanced in knowledge, and the shorter intended for children. To these,
very many add the Formula of Concord : which however some do not re-
ceive ; yet without any interruption of harmony, because the few things
on account of which it is disapproved, are of minor consequence, and nei-
ther add anything to the fundamentals of religion nor detract from them.(l)
§ 3. Concerning ceremonies and forms of public worship, at first there
was some dissension in different places. For some wished to retain more,
and others fewer, of the immense multitude of the ancient rites and usages.
The latter, after the example of the Swiss, thought that every thing should
give way to the ancient Christian simplicity and gravity in religion : the
former supposed, some allowance should be made for the weakness and in-
veterate habits of the people. But as all were agreed that ceremonies de-
pend on human authority, and that there is no obstacle to the existence of
diversity as to rites in the churches and countries professing the same re-
ligion ; this controversity could not long continue. All usages and regu-
lations both public and private, which bore manifest marks of error and
superstition, were every where rejected : and it was wisely provided, that
the benefits of public worship should not be subverted by the multitude of
ceremonies. In other respects, every church was at liberty to retain so
many of the ancient usages and rites as were not dangerous, as a regard

(I) On the symbolical books of the Luther- also J. G. Walch's Introductio Historica et
an church and the expounders of them, Jo. Theologica in libros symbolicos ecclesiae
Christ. Kocher treats expressly, in his Bib- Lutherans, Jena, 1732, 4to, p. 1008. — TV.]
liotheca Theol. symbolics, p. 1 14, &c. [See
VOL. III.— R

130 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

to places, the laws, and the character and circumstances of the people,
seemed to require. And hence, quite down to our times, the Lutheran
churches differ much in the number and nature of their public rites : and
this is so far from being a dishonour to them, that it is rather good evi-
dence of their wisdom and moderation. (2)

§ 4. In the Lutheran church, the civil sovereigns possess the supreme
power in ecclesiastical affairs. This power is secured to them in part by
the very nature of the civil government ; and in part, I conceive, it is sur-
rendered to them by the tacit consent of the churches. Yet the ancient rights
of Christian communities, are not wholly subverted and destroyed ; but iu
some places more, in others fewer, in all some traces of them remain.
Besides, the civil sovereigns are prohibited by the fundamental principles
of the religion they profess, from violating or changing at their own pleas-
ure, the system of religion or any tiling essential to it, or from legislatively
imposing such creeds and rules of life upon the citizens as they may see
fit. The boards, which in the name of the sovereigns watch over the in-
terests of the church and direct ecclesiastical affairs, are composed of
civil and ecclesiastical jurists, and bear the ancient name of Consistories.
The internal regulation of the church, is in form intermediate between
the Episcopal and the Presbyterian systems ; except in Sweden and Den-
mark, where the ancient form of the church, with its offensive parts lop-
ped off, is retained. For while the Lutherans are persuaded, that by di-
vine right there is no difference of rank and prerogatives among the min-
isters of the gospel ; yet they suppose it to be useful, and indeed necessa-
ry to the preservation of union, that some ministers should hold a rank
and possess powers superior to others. But in establishing this difference
among their ministers, some states are governed more, and others less, by
a regard to the ancient polity of the church. For that which is determined
by no divine law, may be ordered variously, without any breach of harmo-
ny and fraternal intercourse.

§ 5. Each country has its own liturgy or form of worship ; in accord-
ance with which, everything pertaining to the public religious exercises
and worship, must be ordered and performed. These liturgies are fre-
quently enlarged, amended, and explained, as circumstances and occasions
demand, by the decrees and statutes of the sovereigns. Among them all,
there is no diversity in regard to things of any considerable magnitude or -
importance ; but in regard to things remote from the essentials of religion,
or from the rules of faith and practice prescribed in the sacred scriptures,
there is much diversity. Frequent meetings for the worship of God, are
every where held. The services in them consist of sermons, by which the
ministers instruct the people and excite them to piety, the reading of the
holy scriptures, prayers and hymns addressed to the Deity, and the admin-
istration of the sacraments. The young are not only required to be taught
carefully the first principles of religion in the schools, but are publicly train,
ed and advanced in knowledge by the catechetical labours of the ministers.
And hence in nearly all the provinces, little books, commonly called Gate-
chisms, are drawn up by public authority, in which the chief points of re-
ligious faith and practice are explained by questions and answers. These
the schoolmasters and the ministers follow, as guides in their instructions.

(2) See Balth. Meisner, de Legibus, lib. Adam Scherzers Breviarium Hiilsemann.
iv., art. iv., quaest. iv., p. 662-666. Jo. enucleatum, p. 1313-1321.

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 131

But as Luther left a neat little book of this sort, in which the first elements
of religion and morality are nervously and lucidly expressed ; throughout
the church, the instruction of young children very properly commences
with this ; and the provincial catechisms are merely expositions and am-
plifications of Luther's shorter catechism, which is one of our symbolical
books.

§ 6. As to holy days, in addition to the weekly day sacred to the mem-
ory of the Saviour's resurrection, the Lutheran church celebrates all the
days which the piety of former ages consecrated to those distinguished
events on which depend the divine authority of the Christian religion :(3)
and also, that it might not offend the weak, it has retained some of those
festivals which superstition, rather than religion, appears to have created.
Some communities likewise observe religiously the days anciently devoted
to the ambassadors of Jesus Christ, or to the Apostles. The ancient reg-
ulation, which has come down to us from the earliest age of the church,
of excluding the ungodly from the communion, the Lutheran church at
first endeavoured to purify from abuses and corruptions and to restore to
its primitive purity. And in this [sixteenth] century, no one opposed the
wise and temperate use of this power by the ministers of our church. But
in process of time, it gradually became so little used, that at the present
day scarcely a vestige of it in most places, can be discovered. This
change is to be ascribed in part to the fault of the ministers, some of whom
have not unfrequently perverted an institution in itself most useful, to the
gratification of their own resentments, while others either from ignorance
or indiscretion, have erred in the application of it ; in part also to the
councils of certain individuals, who conceived that for ministers to have
the power of excluding offenders from church communion, was injurious
to the interests of the state and to the authority of the magistrates ; and
lastly, in part to the innate propensity of mankind to licentiousness. This
restraint upon wickedness being removed, it is not strange that the morals
of the Lutherans should have become corrupted, and that a multitude of
persons living in open transgressions should every where lift up their heads.

§ 7. The prosperous and adverse events in the progress of the Lutheran
church, since the full establishment of its liberties and independence, may
be stated in a few words. Its growth and increase have been already sta-
ted ; nor could it easily, after what is called the religious peace, go on to
enlarge its borders. Towards the close of the. century, Gebhard, count of
Truchsess and archbishop of Cologne, was disposed to unite with this [or
rather with the Reformed] church ; and he married, and attempted the re-
ligious reformation of his territories. But he failed in his great design, —
which was repugnant to the famous Ecclesiastical Reservation among the
articles of the religious peace ; and he was obliged to resign his electoral
dignity and his archbishopric. (4.) Neither on the other hand, could its

(3) [" Such, for example, are the nativity, Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1748, p.
death, resurrection, and ascension of the Son 484. [Gebhard was of Truchsess in Wald-
of God ; the descent of the Holy Spirit upon burg. After his change of faith he married,
the apostles, on the day of Pentecost," &c. privately at first, Agnes countess of Mans-
— Macl.] field ; and he allowed the Protestants the

(4) See Jo. Dav. Kohler^s Diss. de Geb- free use of their religion, yet with the pro-
hardo Truchsessio ; and the authors he cites, viso that the rights of the archiepiscopal see
Add Jo. Peter a Ludevjig's Reliquiae Man- should remain inviolate. But the chapter
uscriptor. omnis asvi, torn, v., p. 383, &c. at the head of which was Frederic of Sach-

132 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.- CHAP. I.

enemies greatly disturb the peace and prosperity of the church. Yet it
was apparent from various indications, that a new war upon them was se-
cretly plotted ; and that the principal object aimed at, was to annul the
peace of Passau confirmed at Augsburg, and to cause the Protestants to be
declared public enemies. Among others, Francis Burckhard sufficiently
manifested such a disposition, in his celebrated work de Autonomia, writ-
ten in 1586 ; and also John Pistorius, in his Reasons by which James
marquis of Baden professed to be influenced in abandoning the Lutheran
party. (5) These writers and others of the like character, commonly assail
the religious peace as being an iniquitous and unjust thing, because extort-
ed by force and arms, and1 made without the knowledge and against the
pleasure of the Roman pontiff, and therefore null and void ; they also at-
tempt to demonstrate, from the falsification or change of the Augsburg
confession, of which they say Melancthon was the father, that the Protest-
ants have forfeited the rights conferred on them by that peace. The lat-
ter of these charges gave occasion in this century and the following, to
many books and discussions, by which our theologians placed it beyond all
doubt, that this Confession had been kept inviolate and entire, and that the
Lutherans had not swerved from it in the least. (6) But none felt more
severely the implacable hatred of the papists against the new religion, (as
they call that of the Lutherans), than those followers of this religion, who
lived in countries subject to princes adhering to the Romish religion ; and
especially the Lutherans in the Austrian dominions, who, at the close of
this century, lost the greatest part of their religious liberties. (7)

senlauenburg, refused obedience, to him in
the year 1583 ; and they were supported in
their disobedience by the Spaniards. On
the other hand, Gebhard obtained the prom-
ise of assistance from the Protestants assem-
bled at Heilbron and Worms ; yet only the

(5) See Christ. Aug. Salig's Geschichte
der Augsburgischen Confession, vol. i., book
iv., c. hi., p. 767.

(6) Here Salig especially may be consult-
ed, Gesch. der Augsb. Confess., vol. i. It
must be admitted, that Melanctkon did alter

palsgrave John Casimir, fulfilled the prom- the Augsbufg confession in some places. It
ise. For Gelhard was of the Reformed re-
ligion, and the contention between the Re-
formed and the Lutherans was then carried
to a great height : otherwise, probably this
business would have had a very different
termination. The chapter applied to pope
Gregory XIII., and having obtained the de-

position of their archbishop, made choice of
prince Ernest of Bavaria, who was already
bishop of Freysingen, Hildeshiem, and

is also certain, that in the year 1555 he in-
troduced into the Saxon churches, in which
his influence at the time was very great, a
form of the confession very different from its
original form. But the Lutheran church [in
general] never approved this rashness or im-
prudence of Melancthon ; nor was his altered
confession ever admitted to a place among
the symbolical books. [Melancthon doubt-
less looked upon the confession as his own

Liege. The archbishop indeed sought to production, which he had a right to correct

support himself. But Augustus elector of
Saxony, hated the Reformed too bitterly,
and needed the aid of the imperial court in
the affair of the Henneberg inheritance too
much, to be disposed to aid the archbishop ;
and John Casimir, who was threatened with
the ban of the empire, dared not lead out all
his forces, for fear of being abandoned by the
other Protestant princes and becoming a prey
to the Spanish and Bavarian army. Gebhard
was therefore compelled, as he would not
accept the terms proposed in the congress
at Frankfort, to- retire from the territory of
the archbishopric ; and he died in Holland,
A.D. 1601.— ScA/.]

and improve ; and he altered in particular
the tenth article, which treats of the Lord's
supper, from a love of peace, and an honest
desire to bring the Protestants into a closer
union with each other, so that they might op-
pose their common enemies with their united
strength. But his good designs were fol-
lowed by bad consequences. — Schl.]

(7) See Bernhard Raupach's Evangelical
Austria, written in German, [Evangelis-
ches Oesterreich], vol. i., p. 152, &c., vol.
ii., p. 287, &c. [This was attributable es-
pecially to the influence of the Jesuits, who
found ready access to the Austrian and Ba-
varian courts. At Vienna, Peter Canisius

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 133

§ 8. While the adherents of the Roman pontiff were thus plotting the
destruction of the Lutherans by force and stratagems, they omitted nothing
which might contribute in any way to strengthen and establish their own
church. Their recent calamities were fresh in their recollection, which
led them to the greater solicitude to prevent their recurrence : and to con-
fess the truth, there was at that day more zeal for religion among men of
distinction and high rank, than at the present day. Hence the confedera-
cy for the defence of religion, which had been formed among the German
princes, and of which the elector of Saxony was the head, was peculiarly
strong and efficient ; and foreigners, especially the kings of Sweden and
Denmark, were invited to afford it their support. And as all were sensi-
ble that the church could not exist and prosper, unless its teachers were
educated men, nor unless literature and science every where flourished ;
hence nearly all the princes set themselves to opposing the strongest bar-
riers against ignorance the mother of superstition. Their zeal in this
matter, is evinced by the new universities founded at Jena, Helmstadt, and
Altorf, and among the Reformed at Franeker, Leyden, and other places ;
also by the old universities reformed, and adapted to the state and necessi-
ties of a purer church ; by the numerous inferior schools opened in nearly
all the cities ; and by the high salaries for those times, given to literary and
scientific men, as well as the high honours and privileges conferred upon
them. The expense of these salutary measures was defrayed, for the most
part, out of the property which the piety of preceding ages had devoted to
churches, to convents of monks and canons, and to other pious uses.

§ 9. Hence almost every branch of human science and knowledge, was
cultivated and improved. Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, all who aspired to
the sacred office were required to study : and in these languages, it is well
known, great men appeared among the Lutherans. History was greatly
advanced by Melancthon, John Cario, David Chytrceus, Reinerus Reinecci.
us, and others. Of ecclesiastical history in particular, Matthias Flacius
may properly be called the father ; for he and his associates, by composing
that immortal work the Magdeburg Centuries, threw immense light on the
history of the Christians ; which before was involved in darkness, and mix-
ed up with innumerable fables. With him is to be joined Martin Chemnitz,
to whose Examination of the Council of Trent, the history of religious opin-
ions is more indebted than many at this day are aware. The history of
literature and philosophy, the art of criticism, antiquities, and other kindred
studies, were indeed less attended to ; yet beginnings were made in them,
which excited those who came after to prosecute successfully these pleas-
ing pursuits. Eloquence, especially in Latin, both prose and poetic, was
pursued by great numbers, and by those worthy of comparison with the
best Latin writers ; which is proof that genius for the fine arts and litera-
ture was not wanting in this age, but that it was the circumstances and
troubles of the times, which prevented genius from attaining the highest ex-
cellence in every species of learning. Philip Melancthon, the common
teacher of the whole Lutheran church, by his instructions, his example, and

rendered himself very conspicuous ; and, on ty, called him the second Apostle of the Ger-

acco'unt of his great pains to hunt up here- mans. See Versuch einer neuen Geschichte

tics and drive them to the fold of the church, des Jesuiterordens, vol. i., p. 372, 407, 468,

the Austrian Protestants called him the Aus- and vol. ii. in various places. — Sc/tl.]
trian hound ; but those of his own communi-

134 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

his influence, enkindled the ardour of all those who acquired fame in the
pursuit of literature and the fine arts ; nor did scarcely an individual of
those who prosecuted either divine or human knowledge, venture to depart
from the method of this great man. Next to him, Joachim Camerarius, a
doctor of Leipsic, took great pains to perfect and to bring into repute all
branches of learning, and especially the fine arts.

§ 10. Philosophy met with various fortune among the Lutherans. At
first, both Luther and Melancihon seemed to discard all philosophy. (8)
And if this was a fault in them, it is chargeable to the account of the doc-
tors of the schools, who had abused their barbarous method of philosophi-
zing as well as the precepts of Aristotle, to pervert and obscure exceedingly
both human and divine knowledge. Soon however, these reformers found,
that philosophy was indispensably necessary to restrain the licentiousness
of the imagination, and to defend the territories of religion. Hence, Me-
lancihon explained nearly all the branches of philosophy in concise treati-
ses written in a neat and perspicuous style ; and these treatises were for
many years read and expounded in the schools and universities. Melanc-
ihon may not improperly be called an eclectic philosopher. For while in
many things he followed Aristotle, or did not utterly despise the old philos-
ophy of the schools, he at the same time drew much from his own genius,
and likewise borrowed some things from the doctrines of the Platonics and
Stoics.

§ 11. But this simple mode of philosophizing, devised by Melancthon, did
not long bear exclusive sway. For some acute and subtle men, perceiving
that Melancthon assigned the first rank among philosophers to Aristotle,
thought it best to go directly to the fountain, and to expound the Stagyrite
himself to the students in philosophy. Others perceiving that the Jesuits
and other advocates for the Roman pontiffs, made use of the barbarous
terms and the subtilties of the old scholastics in order to confound the Prot-
estants, thought it would be advantageous to the cnurch, for her young men
also to be initiated in the mysteries of the Aristotelico-scholastic philosophy.
Hence near the close of the century, there had arisen three philosophical
jsects, the Melancthonian, the Aristotelian, and the Scholastic. The first
gradually decayed ; the other two insensibly became united, and at length
got possession of all the professorial chairs. But the followers of Peter
Ramus sharply attacked them in several countries, and not always without
success ; and at last, after various contests, they were obliged to retire
from the schools. (9)

(8) See Christ. August. Heumanri's Acts at Paris, and wished to combine eloquence
of the philosophers ; written in German ; with philosophy. But as it would not coa-
art. ii., part x., p. 579, &c. Jo. Herm. ab lesce with the scholastic philosophy, he de-
Elswich, Dissert, de varia Aristotelis fortuna vised a new species of philosophy, one which
in scholis Protestantium ; which he has pre- might be used in common life, at courts, and
fixed to Jo. Launoi, de fortuna Aristotelis in worldly business. He separated from phi-
in Acad. Parisiensi ; $ viii., p. 15 ; $ xiii., losophy all the idle speculations which are
p. 36, &c. useless in common life, and rejected all met-

(9) Jo. Herm. ab Elswich, de fatis Aris- aphysics. This innovation produced great
totelis in scholis Protestantium, § 21, p. 54, disturbance at Paris. The Aristotelians op-
&c. Jo. Geo. Watch's Historia Logices, posed it most violently. And the king ap-
lib. ii., cap. i., sec. iii., § 5, in his Parerga pointed a commission to investigate the con-
Academica, p. 613, 617, &c. Otto Fred, troversy ; from which Aristotle obtained the
Schiitzius, de Vita Chytraei, lib. iv., § 4, p. victory. From France this philosophy spread

' 19, &c. [Ramus was professor of eloquence into Switzerland and Germany. At Geneva,

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

135

§ 12. The same fate was afterwards experienced by the Fire Philoso-
phers (Philosophi ex igne), or the Paracelsists and the other men of like
character, who wished to abolish altogether the peripatetic philosophy, and
to introduce their own into the universities in place of it. At the close of
the century, this sect had many eloquent patrons and friends in most of the
countries of Europe, who endeavoured by their writings and their actions'
to procure glory and renown to this kind of wisdom. In England, Robert
a Fluctibus, or Fludd, a man of uncommon genius, adorned and illustrated
this philosophy by extensive writings, which to this day find readers and
admirers. (10) In France, one Riverius, besides others, propagated it at
Paris, against opposition from the university there. (11) Through Germa-
ny and Denmark, Severinus spread it with uncommon zeal ;(12) in Ger-
many also, after others, Henry Kunraih, a chymist of Dresden, who died in
1605 ;(13) and in other countries, others established it and procured it ad-
herents. As all these combined the precepts of their philosophy with a
great show of piety towards God, and seemed to direct all their efforts to
glorifying God and establishing harmony among disagreeing Christians,
they of course readily found friends. Just at the close of the century, they
drew over to their party some persons among the Lutherans, who were
very zealous for the promotion of true religion, as Valerius PFogreZ,(14)
John Arndt,(I5) and others ; who feared, lest too much disputing and rea-

Beza would have nothing to do with it. At
Basil it found more patrons. The most
zealous adherents to Luther, who imitated
him in hating Aristotle, nearly all took the
side of Ramus. Hence, in our universities
there was often fierce war between the Ar-
istotelians and the Ramists, and it frequent-
ly cost blood among the students. Indeed
the Calixtine contest originated from Ra-
mism. — Schl.]

(10) See Anth. Wood's Athenae Oxoni-
ens., vol. i., p. 610, and Historia et Antiq.
Academies Oxoniensis, lib. ii., p. 390. Pe-
ter Gassendi's examination of Fludd's phi-
losophy ; an ingenious and learned perform-
ance, in his Opp., torn, iii., p. 259, &c.
[Fludd's appropriate work is entitled, His-
toria Macrocosmi et Microcosmi ; Oppenh.,
1617, 1619, 2 vols. fol. ; and another, Phi-
losophia Mosaica, Gouda, 1 638, fol. He was
a doctor of physic at Oxford ;. and died in
1637. Fludd and those of his class, assu-
med as a first principle, that men can never
arrive at true wisdom, until they learn the
ways of God in his works of nature ; and
that nature can be learned only by the anal-
ysis of fire. Hence they were called Fire
philosophers ; and they were all chymists.
They combined their philosophical wisdom
with theology. God who is unchangeable,
said they, acts in the kingdom of grace, just
as he does in the kingdom of nature ; so that
whoever understands how natural bodies are
changed, in particular the metals, understands
also what passes in the soul in regeneration,
sanctification, renovation, &c. Thus they

erected a sort of theology upon the basis of
their chymical knowledge ; and of course, no
one can understand them, unless he is a
chymist, or at least has a chymical diction-
ary before him. — Schl.]

(11) Boulay's Historia Acad. Paris., torn,
vi., p. 327, and passim.

(12) Jo. Holler's Cimbria Litterata, torn,
i., p. 623, &c. [This Danish physician who
spent a great part of his life in travelling, was
one of the strongest supporters of Paracelsus,
and first reduced his ideas to a system in a
work entitled : Idea medicinae philosophies.
— SM.~\

(13) Jo Mailer's Cimbria Litterata, torn,
ii., p. 440, &c. [His principal work is enti-
tled : Amphitheatrum sapientiae aeternae, so-
lius, verae, Christiano-Kabbalisticum, Divi-
no-Magicum, Physico-Chymicum, &c. Ha-
nau, 1609, fol., and Frankf., 1653.— Schl.]

(14) [This singular man was pastor of
Tschoppau in Meissen, and died in 1588.
After his death he was, perhaps unjustly,
pronounced a heretic ; partly because his
language was not understood, and partly be-
cause much that appeared in his writings was
not his, but was added by his chantor, who
published his works after his death. He ap-
pears to have been an honest, conscientious
man, without bad intentions, yet somewhat
superstitious. See, respecting his life and
writings, Godfrey Arnold's Kirchen-und
Ketzerhistorie, vol. ii., book 7, ch. 17, and
Zach. Hilliger's Diss. de vita, fatis, et scrip-
tis Weigelii; Wittemb., 1721.— SchL]

(15) [Of the history and life of this divine,

136 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

soiling should divert men from the true worship of God, to run after the
noisy and perplexing trifles of the ancient schools.

§ 13. Towards the same party also, leaned Daniel Hoffmann, a celebra-
ted theologian in the university of Helmstadt, who in the year 1598 openly
assailed all philosophy with great violence, and relying principally on cer-
tain passages and sentences in Luther's works, maintained that philosophy
was the enemy of all religion and all piety, and moreover that there was
a twofold truth, philosophical and theological, and that philosophical truth
was falsehood in theology. Hence arose a fierce contest between him and
the' philosophers of the university in which he taught, namely Owen Gun-
flier, John Casettus, Conrad Martini, and Duncan Liddel ; and some out of
the university, likewise took part in it by their writings. Henry Julius,
duke of Brunswick, to put an end to the commotion, took cognizance of
the cause, called in the divines of Rostoc for counsel, and ordered Hoff-
mann in the year 1601, to retract what he had written and spoken disre-
spectfully of philosophy and the philosophers, and to acknowledge publicly,
that sound philosophy was in harmony with theology.(16)

§ 14. The theology which is now taught in the Lutheran schools, did
not at once attain its present form, but was improved and perfected pro-
gressively. Of this fact those are aware, who understand the history of
the doctrines concerning the holy scriptures, free-will, predestination, and
other subjects, and who have compared the early systems of theology writ-
ten by Lutherans with those of more recent date. For the vindicators of
religious liberty did not discover all truth in an instant ; but like persons
emerging from long darkness, their vision improved gradually. Our theo-
logians were also greatly assisted in correcting and explaining their sen-
timents, by the controversies in which they were involved, by their exter-
nal conflicts with the papists, with the disciples of Zwingle, Calvin, and

to whom our church and the cause of piety ists use ; and to which Arndt had accus-
are so much indebted, nothing need here be tomed himseK, having been a physician in
said, since his writings are in every one's early life, and retaining in after life a fond-
hands, and many editions of them contain a ness for chymical writings. And for this
biography of him. It is well known, that his reason, it is probably not so wise in our
writings gave occasion for violent contests ; times, when we have so many ascetic works
and for a long time, public opinion was divi- that are more easy of comprehension and
ded respecting his orthodoxy and his merits, better adapted to our age, to always rec-
The chancellor of Tubingen, Lucas Osiander, ommend to common Christians the writings
and many others, could find gross heresies of Arndt. For the people of his times, his
in his writings ; but the provost Bengel, saw books were very valuable ; but we should
in him the Apocalyptical angel, with the not therefore be ungrateful for those of our
everlasting Gospel. Iliacos intra muros pec- own age, which God has vouchsafed to us.
catur et extra. — If a man will read Arndfs Respecting him, see Godfr. Arnold's Kir-
writings with the feelings of a dispassionate chen-und Ketzerhistorie, vol. ii., book xvii.,
historian, he will hear one speaking in them, ch. vi., § 5, &c., and Weismann's Historia
who is full of the spirit of Christianity, who Eccles. N. Test., torn, ii., p. 1174, &c. —
abhors scholastic theological wrangling, and iScAZ.]

who speaks for the most part more forcibly, (16) An accurate account of this contro-

and more like the Bible, on practical Chris- versy, and a list of the writings published

tianity, than his contemporaries do ; yet he on both sides, are given by Jo. Mollcr, in

often sinks into a mysticism, which is not his life of Owen Gunthcr, Cimbria Litterata,

the mysticism of the Bible but of Valerius torn, i., p. 225, &c. See also Jo. Hcrm. ab

Wiegel and of Angela de Foligny, from Elswich, de fatis Aristotelis in Scholis Prot-

whose writings he borrows largely. In proof estant., § xxvii., p. 76, &c. Godf. Arnold's

of this, read only the third and fourth books Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, book xvii., ch.

of his True Christianity ; where also many vi., § 15, p. 947, &c.
chymical terms occur, such as the Theosoph-

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 137

others: and by their internal contests, of which we shall speak hereafter.
Those who like James Benignus Bossuet and others, make this a reproach
against the Lutherans, do not consider that the founders of the Evangeli-
cal church never wished to be regarded as inspired men, and that the first
virtue of a wise man is to discover the errors of others, and the second is,
to find out the truth.

§ 15. The first and principal care of the teachers of the reformed reli-
gion, was, to illustrate and explain the sacred scriptures ; which contain,
in the opinion of the Lutheran church, all celestial wisdom. Hence there
were almost as many expositors of the Bible among the Lutherans, as there
were theologians eminent for learning and rank. At the head of them all,
stand Luther and Melancihon ; the former of whom, besides other portions
of the divine records, expounded particularly the book of Genesis, with
great copiousness and sagacity ; the expositions of the latter on Paul's
epistles, and his other labours of this kind, are well known. Next to
these, a high rank among the biblical expositors was attained by Matthias
Flacius, whose Glosses and Key to the holy scriptures were very useful for
understanding the sacred writers ; by John Bugenhagius, Justin Jonas,
Andrew Osiander, and Martin Chemnitz, whose Harmonies of the Gospels
were of great value ; by Victorinus Strigelius ; and by Joachim Camera-
rius, who in his Commentary on the New Testament, acted the part merely
of a grammarian, as he himself informs us ; or in other words, calling in
the aid of polite literature in which he was well versed, he investigated
and explained simply the import of the words and phrases, neglecting all
theological discussions and controversies.

§ 16. All these interpreters of the holy volume, abandoned the uncer-
tain and fallacious method of the ancients, who neglected the literal sense,
and laboured to extort from the holy oracles by the aid of the fancy a kind
of recondite meaning, or in other words, to divert them without reason, to
foreign applications. On the contrary, it was their first and great aim, to
ascertain the import of the words, or what it is they express ; adopting
that golden rule of all sound interpretation which Luther first introduced,
namely, that all the sacred books contain but one single meaning. Yet it
must be confessed, that very many did not wholly lay aside the inveterate
custom of extracting secret and concealed meanings from the language of
the inspired writers, but were over wise in applying the oracles of the Old
Testament prophets to our Saviour, and in eliciting from ancient history
prefigurations of future events. Moreover, all the expositors of this cen-
tury, may be divided. I conceive, into two classes. Some followed the ex-
ample of Luther, who first explains in a free and familiar manner the im-
port of the sacred text, and then makes application of it to theological
controversies, to doctrines, and to practical duties. But others were bet-
ter pleased with Melancihon 's method ; who first divides the discourses of
the inspired writers into their constituent parts, or analyzes them according
to rhetorical principles ; and then closely and minutely surveys each part,
rarely departing from the literal meaning, and but sparingly touching
upon doctrines and controversies.

§ 17. Philip Melancthon first reduced the theology of the Lutherans to
a regular system, in his Loci Communes : and this work, afterwards enlar-
ged and amended by the author, was in such estimation, during this cen-
tury, and even longer, that it served as the common guide to all teachers

VOL. III.— S

138 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

of theology, both in their lectures and their written treatises. (17) The
very title of the book shows, that the doctrines of revealed religion are
not here arranged artificially, or digested into a philosophical system ; but
are proposed in that free and artless manner, which the genius of the au-
thor preferred. His mode of stating and explaining truth, especially in
the earlier editions, is very simple and unencumbered with the terms, the
definitions, and distinctions of the philosophers. For this first age of the
Lutheran church, as well as Luther himself, wished to discard and to avoid
altogether, the subtilties and syllogisms of the dialectic and scholastic doc-
tors. But the sophistry of their adversaries and the perpetual contests
with them, in process of time, caused this artless mode of teaching to be
almost wholly laid aside. Even Melancthon himself led the way, by intro-
ducing gradually into his Loci Communes many things taken from the ar-
mory of the philosophers* with a view to meet the fallacies of opposers.
And afterwards, when the founders of the church were no more, and when
the Jesuits and others resolutely attacked the purified church with the old
scholastic arms, this crafty mode of warfare had such influence upon our
theologians, that they restored the thorny mode of explaining divine truth,
which Luther and his companions had discarded ; and employed in the ex-
plication of religious doctrines, all the intricacies and barbarism of the
scholastic philosophy. Several very distinguished and excellent men near
the close of the century, were exceedingly dissatisfied with this change, and
bitterly lamented the loss of the ancient simplicity ; but they could not per-
suade at all the teachers in the universities, to return to Luther's sober and
artless method of teaching. For they said, necessity must govern us,
rather than examples and authorities.

§ 18. That practical theology should be restored to its purity, by the
same persons as exploded a corrupt doctrinal theology, might readily be
supposed by such as understand the intimate natural connexion between
them. And in fact, more may be learned respecting real piety, from the
few writings of Luther, Melanctlion, Weller,(18) and the two Riviers,(19) —
not to mention others, than from all the volumes of the casuists, and the
moraHzers (moralisantes) as they were barbarously called. And yet, in
this department also, all the truth did not at once show itself to those
excellent men. It appears rather, from the various controversies agitated
in this century respecting the extent of Christian duties, and from the an-
swers which even great men gave to questions proposed to them respect-
ing the divine law, that all the first and fundamental principles of Christian
duty were not fully settled ; nor was it universally understood, how far the
law of nature and the precepts of Christianity coincide, and wherein they

(17) See Jo. Fran. Buddeus, Isagoge ad famous schoolmaster of his times, who taught
Theologiam, lib. ii., cap. i., § 13, vol. L, p. at Cologne, Zwickatu, Annaberg, Schnee-
381, and the authors named by him. berg, and Freyberg ; and was afterwards in-

(18) [Jerome Wellcr was born at Frey- formator and counsellor to Augustus, elec-
berg in Meissen, was long familiar with tor of Saxony ; and at last inspector of
Luther at "Wittemberg, and died, the super- schools at Meissen. He died in 1553, and
intendent and inspector of schools in his na- left many moral writings in Latin. The
tive place, A.D. 1572. He was a practical other John Rivier was of Venice, and lived
theologian, and left many edifying and en- near the same time ; but whether he wrote
lightened writings, which prove him a man anything on morals, 1 know not. See Teis-
of great experience. — Schl.] sier's Eloges des hommes savans, tome i.,

(19) [There were two Riviera, both called p. 153, &c., and Melch. Adam's Vitse Ger-
John: the one was of Westphalia, and a manor, philosophorum, p. 60, &c. — Schl.~]

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 139

differ, or what there is in revealed religion consonant to the dictates of
reason, and what that lies beyond the province of reason. If the fury of
their numerous enemies had allowed the Lutheran doctors more leisure,
and more opportunity to cultivate and diffuse religion, they would doubt-
less have been free from these faults, and would not have fallen below the
more modern teachers. And the same answer may be given, to those who
think it strange that no one, among so many excellent men, — not even Me-
lancthon, who seemed formed by nature for such an undertaking, — should
have thought of collecting and arranging the first principles of morals, and
forming a system of practical religion, but should have included all his in-
structions under the heads of the law, sin, free-will, faith, hope and charity.

§ 19. To designate any one as a noted theologian of that age, is the
same as to say, he was an ardent and energetic polemic. For the misfor-
tunes of the times, and the multiplicity of contests both internal and exter-
nal, required all to take up arms. Among these defenders of the truth,
all that were contemporary with Luther, or who lived near his times, stud-
ied simplicity ; nor did they assail their adversaries, except with the argu-
ments afforded by the holy scriptures, and with the authority of the early
fathers of the church. Those who flourished in the latter part of the cen-
tury, came forth armed with the weapons of the Aristotelian philosophy ;
and therefore are less lucid. The cause of this change is to be sought for,
in their adversaries, especially the papists. For these, having learned by
sad experience that the plain and explicit mode of reasoning was ruinous
to their cause, involved themselves and their opinions in all the absurdities
and artifices of the scholastic doctors. And this led our theologians to
think, that they must fight with the same weapons, with which they were
attacked. Moreover all disputants of this age, if we except Melancthon,
to whom Providence had given a mild and modest spirit, are thought at
this day to have been much too bitter and acrimonious : and no one more
so, than Luther himself, who inveighed against his adversaries, as is mani-
fest, in the coarsest manner, and without regard to rank or dignity. Yet
this fault will appear much alleviated, if it be estimated according to the
customs of those times, and if compared with the ferocity and cruelty of
his opposers. Is it not allowable to designate malignant railers and fero-
cious tyrants, who labour to destroy, and actually do destroy, with fire and
sword, the holy souls which they cannot vanquish in argument, by applying
to them the epithets appropriate to their crimes ?

§ 20. The internal history of the Lutheran church, and of the changes
that took place in it, if we would render the subject easy of comprehen-
sion and make the causes of events intelligible, must be divided into three
periods. The first extends from the commencement of the reformation,
to the death of Luther in 1546. The second embraces what occurred, be-
tween the death of Luther, and that of Melancthon in 1560. The third
period contains the remainder of the century. — In the first period, every
thing among the Lutherans took place according to the will and pleasure
of Luther ; who being a man of great energy of character, and possessing
unbounded influence every where, suppressed without difficulty all commo-
tions and disturbances that arose, and did not suffer nascent sects to attain
maturity and acquire strength in his new community. Hence, so long as
Lutker lived, the internal state of the church was tranauil and peaceful ;

140 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

and such as were disposed to foment divisions, had to be still, or else to re-
tire beyond the bounds of the church, and seek residence elsewhere.

§ 21. The infancy of the new church was disturbed by a set of deliri-
ous fanatics, who turned the world upside down, and who imagined that
they were moved by a divine afflatus to set up a new kingdom of Christ
free from all sin. The leaders of this turbulent and discordant tribe, were
Thomas Munzer, Nicholas Slorck, Mark Stiibner, and others, partly Ger-
mans and partly Swiss ; who greatly disquieted some parts of Europe, es-
pecially Germany, and raised tumults among the ignorant multitude, in
some places very great, in others less, but every where formidable.(SO)
The history of these people, is very obscure and perplexed : for it has not
been methodically written, nor could it easily be so, if one were disposed
to narrate it ; because men of this sort, of dubious sanity, and differing vari-
ously from each other in opinions, every where roamed about ; nor did the
state of the times produce diligent recorders of such tumultuous proceed-
ings. This however is certain, that the worst members of this motley com-
pany constituted that seditious band which produced the rustic war in Ger-
many, and also that which afterwards disturbed Westphalia and settled it-
self at Munster ; while the better members terrified by the miseries and
slaughter of their companions, joined themselves at last to the sect called
Mennonites. The resolution, vigilance, and zeal of Luther, prevented his
community from being rent asunder by this sort of people, and kept the
fickle and credulous populace from being deceived and led astray by them,
as they would undoubtedly have been if he had possessed less energy of
character.

§ 22. Andrew Carolostadt, a Frenchman and colleague of Luther, a man
neither perverse nor unlearned though precipitate, was too ready to listen
to this sort of men ; and therefore in the year 1522, while Luther was ab-
sent, he raised no little commotion at Wittemberg, by casting the images
out of the churches, and by other hazardous innovations. But Luther sud-
denly returned, and his presence and discourses calmed the tumult. Re-
turning now from Wittemberg to Orlamund, Carolostadt not only opposed
Luther's opinions respecting the Lord's supper, but in many other things
also, showed a mind not averse from fanatical sentiments. (21) He was
therefore expelled from Saxony, and went over to the Swiss ; among whom
he taught, first at Zurich and then at Basle ; and as long as he lived, he
showed himself inclined to the side of the Anabaptists, and of the men
that made pretensions to divine visions. (22) This second commotion
therefore Luther happily terminated in a short time.

(20) Jo. Baptist Ott has collected much dii, in his Miscell. Groningens. novae, torn,
relating to these events, in his Annales An- i., and most of the historians of the Refor-
abaptist., p. 8, &c., and with him, may be mation. [See above, p. 35, note (45). — TV.]
joined nearly all the historians of the Refor- (22) [" This affirmation of Dr. Mosham
mation. [The war of the peasants in 1525, wants much to be modified. In the original
was noticed in sec. i., ch. ii., § 21, p. 37, it stands thus : Dum vixil vero Anabaptista-
&c., above : and that of the Anabaptists in r«m, et homimtm divwa visa jactantium par-
Westphalia, A.D. 1533, ibid., ch. iii., § 10, tibvs amicum sese ostcndit ; i. e., as long as
p. 58. The rise of the sect of Mennonites he lived, he showed himself a friend to the
will be considered in the 3d chapter of this Annbaptists, and other enthusiasts, who prc-
second part of the present section. — Tr.~] tended to divine inspiration. But how could

(21) See Val. Ern. Loscher's Histcria our historian assert this without restriction,
motuum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, p. since it is well known that Carolostadt, after
i., cap. i. Daniel Gerdes, Vita Carolosta- his banishment from Saxony, composed a

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

141

§ 23. A man of similar turn of mind, was Casper Schwenckfeld of Os.
sigk, a Silesian knight, counsellor to the duke of Liegnitz ; who, with Val-
entine Crautwald a learned man living at the court of Liegnitz, saw many
deficiencies in Luther 's opinions and regulations ; and undoubtedly, if Lu-
ther and others had not strenuously resisted him, he would have produced a
schism and a sect of considerable magnitude. For he led a blameless and
upright life, recommended and laboured to promote piety among the peo-
ple, with peculiar earnestness ; and by these means so captivated very
many even learned and discreet men, both among the Lutherans and the
Zwinglians, that they thought it their duty to patronise him, and to defend
him against his opposers.(23) But in the year 1528 he was banished by
the duke, both from the court and the country ; because Zwingle had de-
clared, that Schwenckfeld' 's sentiments respecting the Lord's supper were
not different from his own. From this time he wandered through various
provinces, and experienced various fortunes, till his death in 1561. (24)

treatise against enthusiasm in general, and
against the extravagant tenets and the violent
proceedings of the Anabaptists in particular.
Nay more ; this treatise was addressed to
Luther, who was so affected by it, that, re-
penting of the unworthy treatment he had
given to Carolostadt, he pleaded his cause,
and obtained from the elector a permission
for him to return into Saxony. See Gerdes,
Vita Carolostadii, in Miscell. Groningens.
After this reconciliation with Luther, he com-
posed a treatise on the eucharist, which
breathes the most amiable spirit of modera-
tion and humility ; and, having perused the
•writings of Zuingle, where he saw his own
sentiments on that subject maintained with
tbe greatest perspicuity and force of evi-
dence, he repaired, a second time, to Zurich,
and from thence to Basil, where he was ad-
mitted to the offices of pastor and professor
of divinity, and where, after having lived in
the exemplary and constant practice of every
Christian virtue, he died, amidst the warmest
effusions of piety and resignation, on the 25th
of December, 1541. All this is testified sol-
emnly in a letter of the learned and pious
Grynaus of Basil to Pitiscus, chaplain to
the elector Palatine, and shows how little
credit ought to be given to the assertions of
the ignorant Moreri, or to the insinuations of
the insidious Bossuet." — Macl.~\

(23) See Jo. Cmrad Fucslin's Centuria
I. Epistolarum a Rcformator. Helvet. scrip-
tarum, p. 169, 175, 225. Museum Helvet.,
torn, iv., p. 445, &c.

(24) Jo. Wigand's Schwenckfeldianismus,
Lips., 1586, 4to. Conrad Schlussclburg's
whole tenth Book of his Catalogus Haereti-
corum, Frankf., 1599, 8vo. But the history
of- Schwenckfdd is most studiously investi-
gated, and accompanied with vindications of
him, by Godfrey Arnold, Kirchen-und Ket-
zerhistorie, book xvi., ch. xx., p. 720, &c.,

[vol. i., p. 835-856, and p. 1246-1292, ed.
Schaffhausen, 1740, fol.— TV.], and by Chr.
Aug. Salig, Geschichte der Augsb. Con-
fession, vol. iii., book xi., p. 951, &c.
[Schwenckfdd was born in the year 1490,
and was employed in the courts of Munster-
berg and Liegnitz, and held a canonry at
Liegnitz. He aided the reformation in Si-
lesia : but Luther's reformation, in his view,
did not go far enough. He not only wished
for a stricter church discipline, but he also
found some fault with certain points of doc-
trine. As early as the year 1524, he com-
menced an attack upon the Evangelical
church, by his essay on the Abuse of the
Gospel to carnal security ; and the year fol-
lowing, he brought forward his new opinion
respecting the eucharist. According to the
epistle of the superintendent of Liegnitz,
Simon Grunaus, to Abraham Scultetus of
Heidelberg, (in the Supplem. ad Ind. i. his-
tor., No. 28, of Seckendorfs Historia Lu-
theranismi), it was not merely the duke that
banished Schwenckfeld from Silesia, but also
Ferdinand, king of the Romans. He seems
to have diawn on himself the hatred of this
lord, chiefly, by his opinion concerning the
eucharist ; which he defended in the year
1529, by a writing prir'ed at Liegnitz, with
a preface by Ctipito. From Silesia he re-
tired to Strasburg, where he was supported
for some time by the preachers, Matthew
Zcll and Capuo. Afterwards he resided
in several imperial cities of Swabia ; and
died at Ulm, in 1561, after having obtained
many followers in Alsace, the territory of
Wiirtemberg, and other places. His wri-
tings were at first printed separately ; but
after his death, collectively, at two different
times, namely in 1564, in two Parts, or 4
vols. fol., and in 1592, in 4 large vols. 4to.
The greater part of them were also published
in 1566, fol., under the title of Epistolar des

142 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

He left a little community in his native Silesia ; whom the papists, in our
own times, ordered to quit the country, but whom the king of Prussia in
the year 1742, permitted to return to their former habitations. (25)

§ 24. Schwenckfeld merits the praise of good intentions, piety, and zeal
for promoting religion ; but not the praise of discretion, sound judgment,
and intelligence. The good man inclined towards what is called fanati-
cism ; and he supposed that he was taught by the Spirit of God. From
Luther and the other professors of the reformed religion, he differed prin-
cipally on three points : for I pass over inferences from his principles, and
minor points of doctrine. — (I.) In regard to the Lord's supper : he invert-
ed the words of Christ, This is my body ; and would have them understood
thus : My body is this, that is, is such as this bread which is broken and
eaten ; or, it is real food for the soul, nourishes, satisfies, delights it. And,
my blood is this, namely, like wine, which refreshes and strengthens the
soul. And this singular doctrine, he said, had been divinely communica-
ted to him ; which alone shows how weak his mind and discernment
were. (26) (II.) In regard to the efficacy of the word of God : he denied

edlen von Gott hochbegnadigten theueren
Mannes Caspar Schwenckfeld von Ossing,
&c. Besides these, he left various manu-
scripts, which are in the Wolfenbuttle library,
and which Salig consulted. One tolerable
and devotional tract, is on the Love of God,
and was printed at Amsterdam, 1594, 8vo. —
Crautwald was a professor and a pastor at
Liegnitz, a promoter of the reformation, but
who afterwards took sides with Schwenck-
feld, participated in his views of the eucha-
rist, and published various writings, under the
name of Valentine Cratoald. Other adhe-
rents to Schwenckfeld, were Jo. Sicgm.
Werner, court preacher to the duke of Lieg-
nitz ; who was displaced in 1540, after be-
ing sent by the duke to Wittemberg to be
better instructed by Luther and Melancthon.
He now retired to the county of Glatz, where
he established a school at Rengersdorf, and
composed a Catechism and a Postille, under
the name of Siegm. Rengersdorf er. The
catechism is still regarded by the Schwenck-
felders as one of their best elementary books ;
and the postille is often used in their religious
worship. Besides these, in the middle of the
following century lived one Daniel Frederic,
who in 1643 published the Secret of self-ex-
amination. See concerning him, Godfrey
Arnold, 1. c., vol. iv., § ii., No. 24. — Schl.]
(25) On the Confessions of the Schwenck-
felders, see Jo. Chr. Keeker's Biblioth.
Theol. Symbolicae, p. 457. [Most of the
Schwenckfelders joined the body, after the
death of Schwenckfeld, when the concealed
Protestants in Bohemia, the county of Glatz,
and Silesia, obtained possession of his wri-
tings, which were spread abroad in great
numbers ; and they established congrega-
tions, principally, in the territories of Lieg-
nitz, Hirschberg, and Goldberg. But as

they were often severely persecuted under
the Austrian government, especially since
the year 1718, and were harassed by the
Jesuit missionaries ; hence the greater part
of them retired to Pennsylvania, where they
set up congregations, and held communion
with other fanatical parties. Others who
remained in the vicinity, being invited back,
returned when the country fell under the
Prussian government. See Baumgarten's
Geschichte der lleligions-Parteyen, p. 1059,
&c.— Schl.-]

(26) [He also discarded infant baptism;
though he did not require those baptized in
infancy, to be, rebaptized ; and therefore dif-
fered in this from the Anabaptists. Hence
Grunaus informs us, (in Seckendorfs Hist.
Lutheranismi, Supplem. ad Ind. i., No. 28),
that in the year 1526, infant baptism was
nearly done away among the Schwenck-
felders.— Schl. The Lutheran writers thus
tax Schwenckfeld with discarding infant bap-
tism. The fact was, he placed no reliance
upon any outward rites, for the salvation of
the soul ; and was strongly opposed to the
prevailing idea, that water baptism was ne-
cessary to the salvation of any one. Bap-
tism in the blood of Christ, or spiritual bap-
tism, was everything, in his estimation. And
he deemed it proper, though not essential,
that this spiritual baptism should precede
water baptism. See Godfr. Arnold's Kir-
chen-und Ketzerhistorie, book xvi., ch. xx.,
9 13, 14, vol. i., p. 842, &c., and p. 1271.
Neither does Grunceus, (in the passage in
Scckendorf, mentioned by Schlegel), inti-
mate that SchiccnckfelJ treated infant bap-
tism with any greater neglect or disrespect,
than he did the Lord's Supper and other ex-
ternal rites. His words are these: Eo vero,
anno 1526, progredi coepit fanaticorurn in-

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 143

that there is efficacy in the external word, as written down in the inspired
books, to heal, illuminate, and regenerate the minds of men. This effica-
cy he ascribed to the internal word, which he said was Christ himself. But
of this internal word, he expresses himself in his usual manner, without
uniformity and clearness ; so that it is not easy to decide, whether he held
the same views with the Mystics and the Quakers, or differed from them.
(III.) In regard to the human nature of Christ : it displeased him to hear
the human nature of Christ denominated a creature or created existence, in
Avhat theologians call its state of exaltation : for this language, he thought,
below the dignity and majesty of Christ's human nature, since it had be-
come united with the divine nature in one person. This opinion appeared
to resemble what is called the Eutychian doctrine. But Schwenckfeld
would not be considered a Eutychian ; and on the contrary, accused those
of Nestorianism, who called the human nature of Christ a creature.(21)

§ 25. As Luther taught, that the gospel or the doctrine of a salvation ;
procured for mankind by Jesus Christ, should be inculcated on the people,
and censured and chastised the papists for confounding the law and the gos-
pel, and, for promising men salvation by obedience to the law ; John Agri-
cola, a native of Eisleben and a celebrated divine of the Lutheran church,
though an ostentatious and fickle man, thence took occasion in the year
1538, to teach that the law should be wholly excluded from the church, and
never be taught to the people ; and that the gospel alone should be taught,
both in the schools and from the pulpit. Those who agreed in this with
Agricola, were called Antinomians or enemies of the law. But this sect
also was suppressed in its very origin, by the energy and the influence of
Luther : and Agricola, through fear of so great a man, confessed and re-
nounced his error. It is said however, that the lion whom he dreaded, or
Luther, being dead, he returned to the opinion he had renounced, and drew
some persons to embrace it. (28)

sania, ut administratio sacra. ccen<£ aliquan- ad historiam ecclesiast., torn, i., p. 838, &c.

diu plane intermissa, padobaptismus quoque Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Islebiens,

penitus prope fuerit exterminatus. — TV.] torn, ii., p. 1567, [and art. Agricola, tome

(27) [Likewise in respect to the church, i., p. 100], Conrad Schlusselburg, Catalo-
he held singular opinions. He regarded it gus Haereticor. , lib. iv. Godfr. Arnold's
as a visible community of believers only ; Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, book xvi., ch.
and therefore held, that no hypocrite should xxv., p. 813, &c. [By the writers of those
be tolerated in the Christian church ; that an times, he is generally called Master Eisleben.
absolute purity, not only of the church gen- He was a pupil of Luther ; and in 1530,
erally or as a body, but also of all the indi- when the Augsburg confession was present-
vidual members of it, was possible ; and he ed, he aided Luther in defending it. His
therefore wished to restore the ancient church character was not the best. He was a rest-
discipline, in all its rigour. He likewise less, fiery, contentious man, negligent in duty,
taught, that all the ministrations of uncon- and more of a courtier than was becoming in
verted preachers, were inefficient ; and that a minister. He was a rector and preacher ;
the whole efficacy of the sacred ministry, de- and after his dismission, read lectures at
pended on the gracious state of the preachers, Wittemberg. Perhaps, rivalship between
or on the Spirit and internal word of God the two colleagues, Melancthon and Agrico-
residing in them. On the whole, Schwenck- la, and the desire of the latter to obtain the
feld possessed too little true philosophy, to pre-eminence, rather than honest zeal for
state correctly and to substantiate his own rescuing the truth from perversion, occasion-
views ; and too little .acquaintance with their ed this contest. Agricola thought, that Me-
original languages, to expound the scriptures lancthon in the articles which he drew up
correctly. He first learned Greek from for visitation of the churches, had deviated
Crautwald. — Schl.] from the sentiments of Luther and other re-

(28) See Caspar Sagittarius, Introductio formers ; that he held the use of the law un-

144 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

§ 26. The opinions of the Antinomians were most pernicious, if we may
believe their adversaries. For they are said to have taught, that a person
may live as he lists, and break the law by sinning at his pleasure, provided
he holds to Christ, and has faith in his merits. But if we consider the
whole subject with candour, we may readily believe, that Agricola did not
teach such impious and absurd doctrines, though he might sometimes utter
harsh expressions which were liable to misinterpretation and perversion.
By the law, Agricola understood the ten commandments of Moses ; which
he supposed were a law enacted especially for the Jews, and not for Chris-
tians. The term gospel he used in a broad sense, as including not only the
doctrine of Christ's merits, and of salvation by faith, but likewise all that
Christ and his apostles inculcated respecting holiness of life and the duties
of men. Removing therefore the unsuitable modes of expression and the
integuments of his doctrine, he seems to have held merely this ; that the
ten commandments of Moses were promulged especially for the Jews, and
of course might be neglected and laid aside among Christians ; and that it
would be sufficient to explain distinctly and to inculcate on the people, what
Christ and his disciples had taught us in the books of the New Testament,
respecting both the way of salvation, and repentance and a holy life. Most
of the doctors of that age express their views with little precision and uni-
formity, and do not give us accurate definitions ; and hence it often hap-
pens, that they are understood by others, differently from their real meaning.

§ 27. On the death of Luther in 1546, Philip Melancthon became the
head and leader of the theologians of the Lutheran church. He was un-
doubtedly a great and excellent man, but much inferior to Luther in
many respects,(29) especially in strength of mind, fortitude, and influence
over others. For he was mild and gentle, excessively fond of peace and
tranquillity, timid and shrinking before the resentment or wrath of the
powerful ; in short, one that could secure the attachment and love of oth-
ers, but who was not competent to terrify, to repress and hold in awe the au-
thors of disturbance and of new opinions. He also dissented from Luther
on some subjects. For (I.) he thought that for the sake of peace, many
things might be given up and be borne with, in the Romish church, which
Luther thought could by no means be endured ; indeed he did not hesitate
to admit, that the ancient form of church government and even the suprem-
acy of the Roman pontiff, might be retained, on certain conditions, and

der the N. Test, to be indispensable for. con- dismissed in 1538, on account of his Antino-

version ; and he wrote some propositions in mian opinions, when, appearing to retract, he

opposition, which are printed in Luther's was called to Leipsic ; but again bringing

Works, (ed. Altenb., vol. vii., p. 310), and them forward, he was dismissed the second

bear the title : Positiones inter frat res spars®, time. See also Jo. Geo. Watch's Einleitung

Luther confuted them, in six discussions ; in die Streitigkeiten der Evangelischluth.

and Agricola was now held to retract ; which Kirche, ch. ii., $ x., p. 115. — Schl.']

he did at Wittemberg. But on leaving Wit- (29) [" It would certainly be very difficult

temberg in 1540, and retiring to Berlin, to point out the many respects, in which Dr.

where he possessed the good-will of the elec- Mosheim affirms that Luther was superior to

toral prince in a high degree and was em- Melancthon. For if the single article of

ployed in furthering the reformation, he did courage and firmness be excepted, I know

not cease occasionally to advance his propo- no other respect in which Melanclhon is not

sitions. Upon occasion of the Interim, he superior, or at least equal, to Luther. He

fell into the opposite error of the meritorious was certainly his equal in piety and virtue,

nature of good works Among his adherents, and much his superior in learning, judgment,

James Schenk, superintendent at Freyberg in meekness, and humanity." — Mad.}
Meissen, was the most famous. He was

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 145

provided the truth as clearly taught in the holy scriptures might be main-
tained. (II.) He supposed that certain opinions maintained by Luther
against the papists, — for instance, concerning faith as the sole ground of
justification, the necessity of good works in order to salvation, and the in-
ability of man to convert himself to God, — might be softened down a little,
so as not to give occasion to others to mistake. (III.) Though he believ-
ed with Luther in regard to the Lord's supper, yet he thought the contro-
versy with the Swiss on that subject, was not of such moment that the par-
ties could not maintain brotherly affection ; that it would be a sufficient
provision for peace and concord, if the doctrine in regard to the Lord's
supper were stated in ambiguous terms and phrases, on which each party
could put his own construction. — These opinions he did not indeed wholly
dissemble and conceal during Luther's lifetime, but he proposed them with
modesty, and always succumbed to Luther, whom he honoured and feared.
But when Luther was dead, all that he had before taught cautiously and
timidly, he now brought forward much more openly and explicitly. And
all these things caused the Lutheran church, while he stood at the head of
her theologians, to lose that peace which had been enjoyed under Luther,
and to become in some measure the scene of many and fierce contests and
commotions.

§ 28. The commencement of these calamities was in the year 1548,
when Maurice the new elector of Saxony, directed Melancthon and the di-
vines of Wittemberg and Leipsic to assemble at Leipsic, and to consider
how far the noted Interim 'which Charles V. would obtrude upon Germany,
might be received. Melancthon, partly through fear of the emperor and
partly from his native mildness and moderation, here decided with the con-
currence of the other divines, that in things indifferent (in rebus adiapho-
ris), the will of the emperor might be obeyed.(30) Among things indiffer-
ent or adiaphora, Melancthon and his associates reckoned many things,
which Luther deemed of great importance, and which therefore his genu-
ine followers could not account indifferent ; for instance, the doctrine of
justification before God by faith alone, the necessity of good works in order
to salvation, the number of the sacraments, several ceremonies contaminated
with superstition, extreme unction, the dominion of the Roman pontiff and
of bishops, certain feast days long abrogated, and other things. Hence
arose the violent contest, called the Adiaphoristic controversy ;(31) which
was protracted many years, and in which the defenders and advocates of

(30) The paper containing the opinion of tive of worship paid to the host, such as toll-

Melancthon and the other divines respecting ing and ringing bells at the elevation of the

things indifferent, or the result of their de- host. Besides Melancthon, there were pres-

libcrations, is commonly called The Leip- ent at this diet, Paul Eber. Bugenhagen,

sic Interim (Das Lcipziger Interim) ; and and George Major of the Wittemberg di-

was republished by Jo. Erdm. Bicck, in his vines, and Pfefflnger of Leipsic ; likewise

work entitled Das dreyfache Interim, Leip- the bishop of Merseberg, prince George of

sic, 1721, 8vo. [This Interim is properly Anhalt, and Justus Menius. This Leipsic

an appendage to the result of the diet of Interim must be distinguished from that of

Leipsic, Dec. 22, 1548. In it the theologi- Augsburg, and from the still older one of

ans define what they regard as indifferent Regenspurg, of both which, notice has al-

liturgical matters, which might be admitted, ready been taken. — Schl.]

to please the emperor and at his command. (31) [Adiaphoristic,fromd6id<(>opo(;,indif-

Among them were the papal dresses for ferent. Melancthon, and those who thought

priests, the apparel used at mass, the sur- with him, were called Adiaphorists. — TV.]
plice ; and many customs evidently indica-

VOL. III.— T

146 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

the old doctrines of Luther, (at the head of whom was Matthias Flacius of
Illyricum), opposed with immense fervour the Wittemberg and Leipsic
divines, especially Melancthon, by whose council and influence the whole
had been brought about ; and accused them of apostacy from the true re-
ligion. On the other hand, Melancthon and his disciples and friends, de-
fended his conduct with all their strength. (32) In this sad and perilous
controversy, there were two principal points at issue. First : whether
the things that Melancthon deemed indifferent, actually were so ; which
his adversaries denied. Secondly : whether it is lawful, in things indifier-
ent and not essential to religion, to succumb to the enemies of truth.

§ 29. This adiaphoristic controversy was the fruitful parent of other and
equally pernicious contests. In the first place, it produced the contest with
George Major, a divine of Wittemberg, respecting the necessity of good
works to salvation. Melancthon had long been accustomed to concede,
and in the consultation at Leipsic in 1548 respecting the Interim, he with
his associates confessed, that it might be said without prejudice to the
truth, that good works are necessary to salvation. But as the defenders of
the old Lutheran theology censured this declaration, as being contrary to
the doctrine of Luther and highly useful to the popish cause ; Major in the

(32) Conrad Schliisselburg, Catalogue
Haereticorum, lib. xiii. God.fr. Arnold's
Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, book xvi., ch.
xxvi., p. 816. Chr. Aug. Salig's Historie
der Augsburgischen Confession, vol. i., p.
611, &c. Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D.
1702, p. 339, 393. Lucas Osiander, Epit-
ome Historiae Eccles., cent, xvi., p. 502,
&c. [From the records of these contests,
(many of which are given by Schlusselburg
especially), it appears that, besides the points
already mentioned, they contended about the
use of Latin formulas of worship, and about
chanting them ; whether the prayers in pub-
lic worship and particularly at the celebration
of the Lord's supper, should be read, or be
sung ; respecting the observance of various
times of worship, as vespers, matins, the
canonical hours, and the days devoted to
St. Mary and the Apostles. The most of
these, though previously abolished, had al-
ready been again introduced in electoral Sax-
ony and Brandenburg, by prince Maurice, in
order to please Charles V., and likewise in
most of the imperial cities ; among which
Nuremberg stood prominent, because there
most of the preachers were Philippists. —
Schl. The representations of Dr. Mosheim
in the text, would seem to imply, what was
by no means the fact, that Melancthon re-
jected the doctrine of justification by faith
alone, held to salvation by works, and admit-
ted seven sacraments, &c. SchlegePs rep-
resentations, on the contrary, would seem to
imply, that Melancthon only conceded the
lawfulness of yielding to the imposition of
certain ceremonies and forms of worship.
According to Schroeckh, (Kirchengesch. seit

der Reformation, vol. iv., p. 690, &c.), the
Augsburg Interim, which the emperor would
force upon his subjects, contained nearly the
whole system of the Romish theology, both
as to faith and practice ; yet expressed
throughout in the most accommodating and
unexceptionable language. Melancthon, and
the other divines, endeavoured so to modify
this Interim, that the Protestants might con-
scientiously yield to it, under the existing
circumstances. They therefore altered and
interpolated the doctrinal articles, and sifted
and modified 'those relating to worship and
ceremonies. They allowed the pope to re-
main at the head of the church ; but without
conceding to him a divine right, and without
allowing him to be the arbiter of faith. The
seven sacraments were permitted to remain,
as religious rites ; but not under the denom-
ination of sacraments, nor as efficacious to
salvation, in the popish sense. The mass
was represented, as merely a repetition of
the Lord's supper. Good works were al-
lowed to be necessary to salvation ; yet not
as the meritorious ground of justification, but
only as an essential part of the Christian
character. Salvation was wholly by grace,
through faith in the merits of Christ. Thus
they supposed, they secured all the essential
articles of religion, and only consented to be
saddled with a load of cumbersome and in-
judicious ceremonies, rather than incur the
vengeance of the emperor, and expose the
whole reformation to danger. Melancthon 's
actual belief is to be learned from his Loci
Communes, or System of theology ; no es-
sential part of which, as he supposed, was
given up in the Leipsic interim. — Tr.]

HISTORY OP THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 147

year 1552, defended it against Nicholas Amsdorf, in a tract expressly on
the subject of the necessity of good works. And now broke out again a
fierce and bitter contest, such as all the religious controversies of that age
were, between the more rigid Lutherans and the more lax. And in the
course of it, Nicholas Amsdorf, a strenuous vindicator of Luther's doctrines,
was carried so far by the heat of controversy, as to maintain that good
works are pernicious to salvation : which imprudent admission furnished
fresh matter for controversy. Major bitterly complained that his opinion
was misrepresented by his opponents ; and at last, that he might not ap-
pear to continue the war and disturb the church unreasonably, he gave it
up. Yet the dispute was continued, and was terminated only by the Form
of Concord.(33)

§ 30. From the same source arose what is called the synergistic(34:)
controversy. The Synergists were nearly the same as the Semipelagi-
ans ; i. e., they were persons who supposed, that God is not the sole au-
thor of our conversion to him, but that man co-operates with God in the
renovation of his own mind. On this subject also Melancthon differed, at
least in words, from Luther ; and in the Leipsic conference, he did not
hesitate to say, that God so draws and converts adults, that some agency of
their wills accompanies his influences. The pupils and friends of Melanc-
thon adopted his language. But the strenuous Lutherans conceived, that
this sentiment contravened and subverted Luther's doctrine of the servi-
tude of the will, or of man's impotence to regenerate himself and to per-
form any good actions ; and they therefore violently assailed the persons
whom they denominated Synergists. In this contest, the principal cham-
pions were Victorinus Strigel, who the most openly and ingeniously defend-
ed the Melancthonian doctrine, and Matthias Flacius, who defended the
old opinion of Luther. Of these men we shall give account shortly. (35)

§31. In the midst of these tumults and commotions, the dukes of Saxe-
Weimar (the sons of that John Frederic whose unsuccessful war with
Charles V. brought on him so many evils and the loss of his electoral dig-

(33) Schlusselburg, Catalog. Haereticor., lect. in Formam Concord., p. 88. [Me-
lib. vii. Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhis- lancthon in his first writings, as well as Lu-
torie, book xvi., chap, xxvii., p. 822, &c. ther at first, maintained with St. Augustine,
Jo. MUSCEUS, Praelect. in Form. Concord., an irresistible operation of divine grace, ac-
p. 181, &c. Am. Grevius, Memoria Jo. cording to God's unconditional decrees ; and
Westphali, p. 166, &c. [Schlegel here in- he so taught in the first edition of his Loci
serts a long note, showing that neither Me- Communes. But afterwards, in the third
lancthon nor Major held to justification on and eighteenth articles of the altered Augs-
the ground of merit, or of good works, burg confession, he taught that for our con-
though they held good works to be necessa- version, we need only the assistance of God
ry, in some sense, to a man's salvation. It and his spirit ; and that though weak and
seems, the parties misunderstood each other ; hard pressed, we can ourselves commence it
and that both used very unguarded language, and effect it. In his Examen Ordinando-
which led them into furious conflicts, for rum he maintains, that there are three causes
which there was no sufficient cause. — TV.] of conversion, God, the word of God, and

(34) [From ffvvepysia, co-operation. — free-will ; and he seems to ascribe to free-
Tr.] will and to human ability, an appropriate

(35) See Schlusselburg, Catalogus Hoe- natural power, though feeble in its operation,
reticor., lib. v. God.fr. Arnold's Kirchen- to bring about conversion. Many of his
und Ketzerhistorie, b. xvi., ch. xxviii., p. pupils hereupon went still farther; and es-
826, &c. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Syner- pecially Victorin Strigel, one of his most
gistes, tome hi., p. 2898. Christ. Aug. Sa- able pupils, distinguished himself in this
lig, Historic der Augsb. Confession, vol. controversy. — <ScA/.]

iii., p. 474, 587, 880, &c. Mutatu, Prae-

148 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

nity), founded and opened a new university at Jena. And as the founders
wished this school to be the seat of the true reformed religion of Luther,
they called to it eminent teachers and theologians, who were distinguished
for their attachment to the genuine theology of Luther, and for their ha-
tred of all more moderate sentiments. And as none was more celebrated
in this respect than Matthias Flacius, a most strenuous adversary of Philip
Melancthon and of all the Philippists or moderate party, he was made
professor of theology at Jena, in the year 1557. But this turbulent man,
whom nature had fitted to sow discord and to promote contention, not only
cherished all the old controversies with vast zeal, but likewise stirred
up new ones, and so involved the divines of Weimar and those of electoral
Saxony with each other, that the discerning were afraid of a permanent
secession and schism among the Lutherans. (36) And undoubtedly the
Lutheran church would have been split into two communities, if his coun-
cils had had the effect intended. For in the year 1559, he advised his
lords, the dukes of Weimar, to order a confutation of all the errors that had
been broached among the Lutherans, and especially of those with which
the Melancthonians were taxed, to be drawn up, published, and annexed to
the formulas of faith in their territories. But this attempt to rend the Lu-
theran church into opposing parties, proved abortive, because the other
princes who were truly Lutheran, disapproved the book, and feared it
would be the cause of greater evils. (37)

§ 32. This extremely contentious man threw the Weimarian church,
and the university of Jena of which he was a professor, into commotion,
by his attacks upon Victorin Strigel, his colleague, who was a pupil and
friend of Melancthon.(38) Strigel taught in many points, according to the
prescriptions of Melancthon ; and especially, he denied that the human
mind is altogether inactive, while God moves and draws it to repentance.
Flacius therefore so successfully accused him of synergism before the
court of Weimar, that Strigel was put into close* custody by order of the
prince. From this calamity he delivered himself in 1562, by publishing
an exposition of his views ; and he was restored to liberty and to his office.
Yet the contest did not subside here ; because it was thought, that he con-
cealed his errors under ambiguous expressions, rather than discarded them.

(36) See the memorable epistle of Angus- a continued scene of altercation ; for Flacius
tus, the prince elector, respecting Flacius and others found much to censure in the con-
and his attempts ; published by Am. Grevi- futation, and the writers of it would not al-
us, Memoria Job. Westphali, p. 393, &c. low it to be altered. The superintendents

(37) See Chr. Aug. Salig's Historie der next collected together various confutations,
Augsb. Confession, vol. iii., p. 476, &c. out of which an abstract was afterwards
[A confutation was actually drawn up by made, which being amended by Flacius,
Strigel, Erhard Schnepf, and a preacher of Erasmus Sarcarius, Joachim Morlin, and
Jena. When it was ready, the theologians John Aurifaber, was printed in 1559, with
of Jena and the superintendents of the whole an edict of the duke, and was afterwards ad-
land were called to Weimar, to examine it. mitted into the Corpus doctrinae Thuringi-
Flacius advised, that the writers of it should cum : but Strigel, from the first, strenuously
not be admitted into the assembly, urging opposed this form of a confutation. See
that the theologians would then express their Narratio Action, et certam. Matth. Flacii, in
opinions more freely, and that the presence Schlusselburg's Catal. Haereticor., torn, xiii.,
of the writers, whose opinions might easily p. 802, &c. — Schl.~\

be known from the book itself, might occa- (38) See the biographers of Strigel ; and,

sion controversy and disunion. But the duke besides the others above mentioned, Bayle,

would not follow this advice, and the writers in his Dictionnaire, torn, iii., p. 1262.
were called to the council. There was now

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 149

Therefore, to escape being involved in new troubles, he retired from Jena
first to Leipsic and then to Heidelberg ; where he died, leaving posterity
in doubt, whether he ought to be classed among the true followers of Lu~
ther or not.

§ 33. But Flacius blew up this controversy with Strigel greatly to his
own injury, and likewise to the great injury of the whole Lutheran church.
For while pursuing his adversary intemperately, he fell himself into a sen-
timent so monstrous and wrong, that his own friends regarded him as a
heretic and a corrupter of true religion. In the year 1560, there was a
formal dispute between him and Strigel at Weimar, respecting the natural
power of man to regenerate himself and to do good, which Strigel seemed
to exalt too much. In this conference, Strigel who was well skilled in philos-
ophy, with a view to cramp Flacius, asked him whether original sin or the
vitiosity of the human soul, was to be classed among substances or among
accidents 1 Flacius most imprudently replied, that it should be reckoned
among substances ; and thenceforth to the end of his life, he maintained
the portentous sentiment, that original sin is the very substance of a man ;
and with so much zeal and pertinacity, that he would sooner part with all his
honours and privileges than with this error. The greatest part of the Lu-
theran church condemned this Flacian doctrine, and judged it to be nearly
allied to Manichseism. But the high rank of the man, his learning, and
his reputation, induced many, and even some very learned men, to em-
brace and eagerly defend his cause ; among whom, Cyriac Spangenberg,
Christopher Iren&us, and C&lestine were the most celebrated. (39)

§ 34. It is almost impossible to express, how much this new contest af-
flicted those Lutheran countries in which it raged, and how much detriment
it brought to the Lutheran cause among the papists. For it spread also
to the churches that had a dubious toleration in papal lands, especially in
the Austrian dominions ; and it so excited the teachers who were surrounded
by papists, that they were regardless of all prudence and all danger.(40)
There are many who think, that Flacius fell into this error through ignorance
of philosophical distinctions and ideas, and that he failed more in propriety
of language than in point of fact. But Flacius himself seems to refute this ;
for in numerous passages, he declares that he understood well the force of
the word substance, and that he was not ignorant of the consequences of
his doctrine. (41) Be this as it may, it is beyond all doubt that unbridled
obstinacy was in the man, who would rather ruin his own fortune and dis-
turb the peace of the church, than discard an unsuitable term and a senti-
ment made up of contradictions.

§ 35. Finally, the well-known mildness of Melancthon, which Andrew

(39) See Conrad Schliisselburg's Catolo- zu dem Evangelisch. GEsterreich, p. 25, 29,
gus Hsereticor., lib. ii. Jo. Balth. Ritter's 32, 34, 43, 64, who treats of the Austrian Fla-
Life of Flacius, in German, Frankf., 1725, cians, and particularly of Irenaus ; Presby-
8vo. Christ. Aug. Salig's Historic der terol. Austriacae, p. 69, &c. Respecting
Augsb. Confess., vol. iii., p. 593. God.fr. Calestine, see Unschuldige Nachrichten,
Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, b. xvi., A.D. 1748, p. 314, &c.

ch. xxix., p. 829. Jo. Musaus, Prelection. (41) See the Letters of Jo. Weslphal, (a

in Formulam Concord., p. 29, &c. Jo. Geo. friend of Flacius, and who endeavoured to

Leuckf eld's History of Spangenberg, in Ger- persuade him to give up the term substance),

man, 1728, 4to. On the dispute at Weimar, addressed to Flacius, and the answers of

see Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1740, p. Flacius; published by Arnold Grevius, in

383^ &c. his Memoria Joh. Westphali, p. 186, &c.

(40) Bernh. Raupach's zwiefache Zugabe

150 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

Osiander contemned, gave rise to those contests which the latter in 1549,
excited in the Lutheran church. For if Luther had been alive, Osiander
would doubtless have not dared to bring forward and defend his new opin-
ions. This arrogant and eccentric man, after removing from Nuremberg
where he had been a pastor to the university of Konigsberg, on account of
the Interim, first publicly taught opinions very different from Luther's re-
specting penitence and the divine image ; and afterwards, from the year
1550, he did not hesitate to correct the public opinion of the Lutheran
church, respecting the mode of our obtaining justification before God.
Yet it is easier to tell what he did not believe, than what he did believe ;
for according to the custom of the age, Osiander expressed his views nei-
ther with clearness nor in a uniform manner. Comparing all that he has
said, it seems to have been his opinion : That the man Christ Jesus could
not, by his obedience to the divine law, have merited for us righteousness
before God. And therefore it cannot be, that we can become righteous be-
fore God, by apprehending with faith and applying to ourselves this righ-
teousness of the man Christ Jesus. But a man obtains righteousness, by
that eternal and essential righteousness which resides in Christ as God or
in that divine nature which was united to the human. And of this divine
righteousness, a man becomes partaker by faith. For by faith Christ dwells
in the man, and together with Christ also his divine nature : and this righ-
teousness being present in the regenerate, God on account of it regards
them as righteous, although they are sinners. The same divine righteous-
ness of Christ moreover, excites believers to cultivate personal righteous-
ness or holiness. The principal theologians of the Lutheran church, and
among them Melancthon especially, and his colleagues, impugned this doc-
trine. Yet Osiander had also great men to support his cause. But after
his death, [A.D. 1552], the controversy gradually subsided. (42)

(42) See Conrad SMusselburg' s Catalo- respected, notwithstanding he advanced some
gus Haereticor., lib. vi. Arnold's Kirchen- singular opinions. He supposed, the second
und Ketzerhist., b. xvi., ch. xxiv., p. 804, dec. person in the trinity was that image of God,
Christ. HartknocKs Preussische Kirchen- after which man was fashioned ; that the Son
historic, book ii., ch. ii., p. 309, &c. Chr. of God would have become incarnate, if man
Aug. SaUg's Historic der Augsb. Confes- had not sinned ; and that repentance consist-
sion, vol. ii., p. 922. The opinion of the ed in abhorrence of sin and forsaking it, with-
divines of Wittemberg respecting this con- out including faith in the Gospel. He also
troversy, may be seen in the Unschuldige refused to pronounce the general absolution
Nachrichten, A.D. 1739, p. 141, &c., and in public worship; which involved him in con-
that of the divines of Copenhagen, in the troversy. While at Nuremberg he wrote his
Danischen Bibliothek, pt. vii., p. 150, &c., famous Harmony of the Gospels. The mar-
where is a long catalogue of the writers on grave Albrecht of Brandenburg had beencon-
this controversy. Add pt. viii., p. 313, &c. verted by his preaching, and therefore be-
On the arrogance of Osiander, see HirscK's came strongly attached to him. Having
Nuremberg. Interims-Historic, p. 44, 59, 60, founded the university of Konigsberg in
&c. [Andrew Osiander, or Hosemann as 1544, Albrecht placed Osiander at the head
his name was in German, was born at Sun- of the theological department in 1548. His
zenhausen in Franconia, 1498 ; studied at colleagues disliked having a foreigner placed
Leipsic and Altenburg under great poverty, above them ; and his bold avowal of singu-
and then at Ingolstadt. He possessed svipe- lar opinions soon gave them occasion to
rior native talents, and became very learned, break with him. He considered the justifi-
particularly in Hebrew, mathematics, and cation spoken of in the N. Testament, to be
theology. He was eloquent, yet proud, self- equivalent to sanctification ; or to be, not a
sufficient, and contentious. In 1522, he be- forensic act of God acquitting men from li-
came first preacher in a church at Nurem- ability to punishment, but a gracious opera-
berg; and was there very active, and highly tion, which conferred personal holiness. And

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 151

§ 36. His colleague Francis Stancarus, an Italian, and professor of He-
brew at Konigsberg, a turbulent and passionate man, in attempting to con-
fute the error of Osiander respecting the mode of obtaining justification
before God, fell into another opinion which appeared equally false and dan-
gerous. Osiander maintained, that the man Christ was under obligation
to keep the divine law, on his own account ; and therefore that he could
not, by obeying the law, procure righteousness for others ; and of course,
it was not as man, but only as God, that Christ expiated the sins of man-
kind and procured us peace with God. Stancarus on the contrary, exclu-
ded the divine nature of Christ from the work of redemption and atone-
ment, and maintained that the office of a mediator between God and men,
pertained exclusively to the human nature of Christ. Finding himself to
be odious on account of this doctrine, he left Konigsberg, and retired first
to Germany and then to Poland, where he died in 1574. He likewise ex-
cited considerable commotion in Poland. (43)

§ 37. All good men friendly to the new church, were the more desirous
of a termination of so many bitter contests, because it was manifest that
the papists turned them to their own advantage. But while Melancthon,
the principal cause of the disputes, continued alive, nothing scarcely could
be done to terminate them. But when he died in 1560, something could
be attempted with more safety and better prospects. Therefore after oth-
er efforts, Augustus prince elector of Saxony and John William duke of
Weimar, in the year 1568, ordered the best theologians of both parties to
assemble at Altenburg, and there discuss in a friendly manner their prin-
cipal controversies ; so that it might better appear, in what way they could
be settled. But the warmth of the disputants, and other causes, prevent-
ed any good effects from this conference. (44) It was therefore thought
best, to try some other method of restoring harmony ; and it was resolved,

in this sense he used the term, in his theo- 1556, see Bullinger, in Jo. Conr. Fuesliri's
logical writings. Legal justification through Centuria i. Epistolar. a Reformator. Helvet.
the imputed righteousness of Christ, he would Scriptarum, p. 371, 459, &c. [Stancarus
denominate redemption ; and this he sup- is said to have contributed to the spread of
posed always preceded what he called justi- Socinian sentiments in Poland ; by main-
fication. The mode of justification, in his taining that it was only the human nature of
sense of the term, he supposed to be, by the Christ that made the atonement, and by ar-
indweUing of Christ in the soul, producing guing, that if the dirine nature of Christ me-
there a moral change. See Arnold, 1. c., dialed between God and man, then his di-
and SchroeckVs Kirchengesch. seit der Ref- vine nature must have been inferior to that
ormat., vol. iv., p. 572, &c. — Tr.] of God. From the first, the Socinians in-
(43) See Chr. Hartknoch' 's Preussische ferred that there was no need of any nature
Kirchengeschichte, b. ii.,ch. ii.,p. 340, &c. but the human in the Mediator; and from
Schlitsselburg's Catalogus Haereticor., lib. the second, they inferred that he could not
ix., the whole of it. Peter Bayle, Diction- at any rate be equal with God the Father,
naire, art. Stancarus, tome iii., p. 2649, &c. See Bayle, l.-c., note G. — Tr.]
Before he came to Konigsberg in 1548, he (44) See Casp. Sagittarius, Introductio
lived a while among the Grisons and the ad Histor. Ecclesiast., pt. ii.,p. 1542. [The
Swiss ; and among them he occasioned dis- subjects discussed were, the Majoristic, Syn-
putes ; for he approved several Lutheran sen- ergistic, and Adiaphoristic contests. The
timerits, particularly those respecting the ef- debaters were in part Misnian, and in part
ficacy of the sacraments, which were offen- Thuringian divines. As all the transactions
sive to the Grisons and the Swiss. See were in writing, the conferences were pro-
Museum Helveticum, torn, v., p. 484, 490, tracted to a great length; and on one single
491, [and De Porta's Historia Reformat, ec- expression in the article on justification, the
clesiar. Raeticar., lib. ii., p. 89, 121. — TV.] discussion lasted five months. — Schl.]
On the commotions he excited in Poland in

152 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

that a formula or book should be drawn up by wise and moderate theolo-
gians, in which all those controversies should be examined and decided ;
and that this book, when approved by all the Lutheran princes and church.
es, should be annexed to the Symbolical books of the Lutheran church.
To this great and difficult work, James Andrea, a theologian of Tubingen
at that time in very high estimation, was appointed in the year 1569, by
authority of his prince the duke of Wiirtemberg, and of Julius duke of
Brunswick. With these princes, Augustus of Saxony and other princes
of the Lutheran communion, concurred : and supported by such authority,
Andrea repeatedly travelled over Germany, and consulted with the minis-
ters of the courts and with theologians, respecting the best method of
drawing up the formula so that it might secure the assent of all.

§ 38. This business was hastened forward by the rash temerity of Cas-
per Peucer, the son-in-law of Melancthon, a physician and professor of
physic at Wittemberg,(45) and by others, theologians at Wittemberg and at
Leipsic, who were pupils of Melancthon : for they, relying on the approba-
tion and countenance of George Cracovius, the chancellor of Dresden, and
of others in the Saxon court both civilians and clergymen, endeavoured by-
various clandestine arts, in the year 1570, to abolish throughout Saxony
the doctrine of Luther concerning the holy supper, and to introduce in its
stead the opinion of Calvin respecting both the Lord's Supper and the per-
son of Christ. What Melancthon's final sentiments concerning the eucha-
rist were, appears uncertain ;(46) though it is abundantly proved, that he
would willingly have united the Saxons and the Calvinists, but was prevent-
ed by his timidity from directly attempting such a union. His son-in-law,
with his associates above named, openly assented to [the doctrines of]
Calvin, as appears from their writings ; and thus they showed more cour-
age and resolution than their father-in-law and preceptor, but less of pru-
dence. Therefore in the year 1571, in a German book entitled The Foun-
dation (die Grundfeste), and afterwards by other writings, they explicitly
declared their dissent [from Luther] respecting th,e doctrine of the sacred
supper and the person of Christ : and the more readily to accomplish their
wishes, they introduced into the schools a new Catechism drawn up by
Pezd, favourable to the doctrine of Calvin. These measures having pro-
duced commotions and disputes in the Lutheran church, Augustus of Saxo-
ny ordered his theologians and superintendents to assemble at Dresden in

(45) [" This Peucer, whom Dr. Mosheim the supper : Verum est, filium Deum adesse
mentions without any mark of distinction, mysterio et in eo efficacem esse, Kal rdv
was one of the wisest, most amiable, and uprov Koivuviav hvai rS o6fj.arof, ut Paulus
most learned men that adorned the annals of diserte locutus est. Scio enim, te virum
German literature during this century, as doctum recte cogitare, quid Koivuvta signif-
the well-known history of his life, and the icet. Haec nunc breviter scripsi, nee volo
considerable number of his medical, mathe- spargi inpopulum. And in p. 390, writing
matical, moral, and theological writings, to Abraham Hardcnberg, he cites a passage
abundantly testify." — Mac/.] from Macarius' Homilies, which he thus

(46) [This is certain, that in his last years, translates : In ecclesia offertur panis et vi-
Melancthon was more inclined towards the num antitypon carnis et sanguinis ipsius : et
doctrine of the Reformed respecting the holy accipientes de pane visibili spiritualiter corn-
supper : but it is also equally certain, that edunt carnem Domini. And he subjoins :
he did not receive their whole doctrine on Scio te libenter tain vetus testimonium lec-
this subject. See his Reflections, in Latin, turum. This letter is dated Feb. 9, 1560.
published by Pezel, Neustadt, 1600, 8vo. See also Loschcr's Historia Motuum, vol.
Here he writes, one year before his death, in ii., p. 30, and especially, p. 39, &c. — Schl.]
a letter to Dr. Jo. Crato, p. 385, concerning

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

153

1571, and declare their sentiments respecting the sacred supper. They
did so ; but deceitfully : and returning home, they zealously pursued the
plan they had formed, and by teaching and writing, and in other ways, en-
deavoured to extinguish the old Saxon doctrine concerning the sacred sup.
per. The prince elector Augustus, when fully informed of this by numer.
ous witnesses, summoned the celebrated convention of Torgau, in 1574 ;
and having clearly learned the views of those Crypto-Calvinists as they
were generally called, imprisoned some of them, banished others, and com-
pelled others to change their sentiments. On none of them did he ani-
madvert with greater severity, than on Peucer, who had acted a leading part
in the transaction. He was kept in constant and close prison, till the year
1585 ; and then, being liberated at the intercession of the prince of Anhalt,
whose daughter Augustus had married, he retired to Zerbst.(47)

§ 39. The plans of the Crypto-Calvinists being frustrated, the prince
elector, and those who agreed with him, urged forward more anxiously and
pressingly the business of the Formula of Concord already mentioned.
[See § 37.] After various consultations therefore, in the year 1576, James
Andrea especially, in a convention of many divines assembled at Torgau
by order of Augustus, drew up the treatise which was intended to give
peace to the Lutheran church and to guard it against the opinions of the

(47) See Conr. Schlusselburg's Calvin-
istic Theology, in German, book ii., p. 207,
b. iii., Pref., and p. 1-22, 52, 57, 69, b. iv.,
p. 246, &c. Leonh. flutter's Concordia
Concors, cap. i.-viii. Gotlf. Arnold's Kir-
chen-und Ketzerhist., book xvi., ch. xxxii.,
p. 389-395. Vol. Ern. Loscher's Historia
motuum inter Lutheranos et Reform., pt. ii.,
p. 176, pt. iii., p. 1, &c. Add, on the other
side, Casper Fencer's Historia carcerum et
liberations divinae ; published by Christ.
Pezel, Tiguri, 1605, 8vb. [Likewise, Jo.
Rudolph Riesling's Continuation of the His-
toria motuum, Schwabach, 1770, ch. i., § 9,
10. The Catechism of Pezel, was printed
at Wittemb., 1571, and entitled ; Cateche-
sis, continens explicationem Decalogi, Sym-
boli, orationis dominicae, doctrinos de preni-
tentia et sacramentis. The theologians of
Jena and lower Saxony, wrote against this
catechism. See Walch's Bibliotheca The-
ol. Selecta, torn, i., p. 485. The Crypto-
Calvinists defended it the same year, in a
treatise entitled : Grundfesle von der person
und menschwerdung unseres herrn Jesu
Christi, wider die neuen Marcioniten, Sam-
osatener, &c. In reply, the divines of lower
Saxony wrote : die wiederhohlte christliche
gemeinc Confession und Erklarung, &c.
At the convention of Dresden, the Consensus
Dresdensis was drawn up, through the inter-
vention of the court party and especially of
the court preacher Schutze or Sagittarius.
It met with the greatest opposition from the
foreign churches ; and the houses of Bruns-
wick, with the duke of Wiirtemberg, made
strong representations against it to the prince

VOL. III.— U

elector. Upon this, in 1574, followed the
Exegesis perspicua controversiae de coena
Domini ; in which indeed they sought to
keep up an appearance of coincidence with
our symbolical books ; but very manifestly
took pains to defend the Melancthonian doc-
trine concerning the holy supper. The elec-
toral prince, prompted by so many com-
plaints of foreign princes, who were appre-
hensive the religious peace might be assailed
by the Catholics under the pretence of this
contest, at last took measures to check the
evil. He commanded certain articles to be
drawn up, by the general adoption of which
the religious contests might be terminated.
These were actually formed in the diet of
Torgau, 1574 ; and may be found in Hutter's
Concordia concors, p. 184, &c. They were,
however, by the foreign theologians to whom
they were sent for examination, deemed
insufficient to remove the contests. But
mild as these first articles were, (and they
must not'be confounded with the articles of
Torgau of 1576), yet many hesitated to sub-
scribe to them ; and many that did subscribe,
afterwards revoked their subscription. And
now resort was had to those harsh measures,
which never can be justified ; to imprison-
ments and banishments, and to the forcible
introduction of certain theological statements
which were opposed to the statements of the
Philippists. For Philippists [or Melanctho-
nians] is the proper appellation for these
Crypto-Calvinists ; since they for the most
part, admitted the real presence in the en-
charist, and questioned only the omnipres-
ence of Christ's human nature. — Schl]

154 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. Ill— PART II.— CHAP. I.

Reformed, and which from the place received the name of the Book of
Torgau. This book, after being examined, amended, and elucidated, by
most of the theologians of Lutheran Germany, was again submitted to
certain select divines assembled at Bergen, (an old Benedictine monastery
near Magdeburg), and when all the suggestions from various quarters had
been carefully weighed, the famous Formula of Concord was brought to its
perfected state. James Andrea had for assistants at Bergen, at first
Martin Chemnitz and Nicholas Selnecker, and afterwards, also Andrew
Musculus, Christopher Corner, and David Chytrceus. The Saxons first re-
ceived this new rule of the Lutheran religion, by order of their prince Au-
gustus ; and the greatest part of the Lutheran churches afterwards follow,
ed their example, some sooner and some later.(48) The effect of this

(48) The writers on the formula of Con-
cord, are mentioned by Jo. Geo. Walch, In-
troductio ad Libros Symbolicos, lib. i., c.
yii., p. 707, and by Jo. Christ. Kocher, Bib-
liotheca theologise symbol., p. 188. A cat-
alogue of unpublished documents relating to
its history, is extant in den Unschuld. Na-
chricht. A.D. 1753, p. 322. The principal
historians of it, are Rudolph Hospinian a
Swiss theologian, Concordia Discors ; and
Leonh. Hutter, Concordia Concors : and by
comparing the accounts of both, it will be
easy to discriminate the true from the false,
and to understand the reasons of what took
place. [See J. F. Balthazar's Geschichte
des Torgischen Buches nebst andern zur His-
torie des Concordienshuches gehorigen Na-
chrichten, Greifsw., 1741, &c., 4to, and
Sender's edition of the Book of Torgau,
from a contemporary manuscript document,
with a compendium of the most noticeable
parts of that manuscript collection ; 1760,
8vo. In tracing the history of the Formula
of Concord, we should consider the prepar-
atory events. These were (I.) The Swa-
bian Concord, or Formula concordias inter
Suevicas et Saxonicas ecclesias ; which was
formed in 1574. By the Saxon churches,
must here be understood those of lower Sax-
ony, and in particular the ecclesise Tripoli-
tanse, or the churches of Hamburg, Lubec,
and Luneburg, whose preachers were stren-
uous Lutherans ; together with the duchies
of Brunswick and Luneburg, and the cities
of Brunswick and Magdeburg. All these
united with the Swabian and especially with
the Wiirtemberg theologians, against those
of electoral Saxony ; and they sent their
Formula to the prince elector of Saxony, in
order to show him that his theologians had
departed from the Lutheran doctrine, and
that he could no longer be the chief director
of the affairs of the Protestants. Then fol-
lowed (II.) The convention at Torgau, in
1574. Next followed, by order of Lewis
duke of Wiirtemberg, (III.) The convention
of Maulbronn, in 1576 ; where the Wiir-

temberg divines Lucas Osiander and Balth.
Bidenbach, with the concurrence of some
foreign divines, drew up what is called the
Formula of Maulbronn; in which the or-
thodox ministers of our church state on what
conditions they would unite with the divines
of electoral Saxony, and recognise them as
members of our church. Afterwards came
(IV.) The Lichtenberg convention, in Feb.,
1576, in electoral Saxony ; at which the
Formula of Maulbronn was examined, and
pronounced too rigorous. Then followed
(V.) The convention of Torgau, in June of
the same year, after the suspected divines of
electoral Saxony were removed. Here the
Book of Torgau was compiled from the Swa-
bian Concprd and the Maulbronn Formula ;
and this was the real basis of that Formula
of Concord, which was afterwards sent to
all the German courts and churches to collect
suggestions and amendments. After the
suggestions of the foreign theologians were
received, in th? year 1577 and at the cloister
of Bergen, the proper Formula of Concord
was formed from the Book of Torgau. The
principal person concerned in it, was James
Andrea, who was occupied many years in
the business, took a number of journeys and
showed extraordinary zeal in the whole af-
fair, yet incurred many reproaches, by the
ambiguous expressions which he employed.
And by his influence it was, that the opin-
ions of the Swabian divines respecting the
person of Christ, the communication of the
attributes [of Christ's divine nature to his
human] (communicatio idiomatum), and the
omnipresence of Christ's human nature,
which before had been only private opinions,
were received into the Formula of Concord
as doctrines of the whole Lutheran church.
With him was joined Nicholas Selnecker, a
native Frenchman of Herspruck, and at that
time superintendent at Leipsic ; a learned and
persevering man, who had endured much per-
secution from the Philippists. The two oth-
ers that were associated with James Andrea,
were still more learned, and at the same time

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 155

celebrated Formula, as is well known, was, to decide and terminate the
many controversies which had drawn the Lutherans especially after Lu-
ther's death, into disagreeing parties ; and also, to exclude from the Luther,
an community the opinions of the Reformed respecting the holy supper and
the person of Christ.

§ 40. Yet the book, which was to have restored harmony among the
Lutherans, and which actually did so in many places, furnished also new
ground of discord. In the first place the Reformed, and those who either
favoured the Reformed or at least wished to be at peace with them for the
sake of the common good, when they perceived that by this Formula all
hope of healing the schism was at an end, and that the Reformed were en-
tirely excluded from all communion with the Lutherans, violently attack-
ed and in bitter terms censured both the Formula and its authors. Be-
yond the bounds of Germany, the Swiss (of whom Rudolph Hospinian was
the chief) and the Belgians ;(49) and in Germany, those of the Palati-
nate,(50) of Anhalt, of Baden, and others, waged furious war upon the
Formula. This imposed upon the Lutheran divines and especially upon
those of Saxony, the disagreeable task of defending it and its framers in
various treatises. (51)

§ 41. Even among the Lutherans themselves, some of the most distin-
guished churches could not be persuaded either by entreaties or arguments,
to receive the Formula and to add it to their guides in doctrinal instruction.
It was therefore rejected by the Hessians, the Pomeranians, the Nurem-
bergers, the Holstenians, (through the influence of Paul von Eitzen the
superintendent general), by the Silesians, the Danes, the Brunswickers or
Julians, and others. (52) But all these were not influenced by the same

much disposed to peace, namely, Martin libros symbolicos Lutheranor., lib. i., c. vii.,

Chemnitz and David Chytraus, both pupils p. 734, &c.

of Melancthon. The first was then superin- (52) On the fate of the Formula of Con-

tendent at Brunswick, and had few equals cord in Holstein, see die Danische Bibliothek,

in learning and facility in writing. He was vol. iv., p. 212, &c. ; vol. v., p. 355 ; vol.

a venerator of Melancthon, and endeavoured viii., p. 333-468 ; vol. ix., p. 1, &c. Hen-

in many respects to find out a middle path, ry Muhlius, Dissertt. Histor. Theolog.,Diss.

and to check the violence of Andrea. Hence, i. de Reformat. Holsat., p. 108, &c. Am.

he and Andrea may be considered as the Grevius, Memoria Pauli ab Eitzen ; who

proper composers of the instrument. Chy- however, only touches upon this subject.

tr&us was of Rostock. Musculus and The transactions in Denmark relative to the

Corner were of Frankfort on the Oder, and Formula and the causes of its rejection, may

were famed for their zeal for Luther's doc- be learned from the above-mentioned Da-

trines ; yet these had no great concern with nische Bibliothek, which contains numerous

the Book of Torgau. — Schl.] documents, vol. iv., p. 222-282: and from

(49) Peter Vtiicr's Epistola Apologetica Eric Pont.oppidari's Annales eccles. Danicae
Reformatarum in Belgio ecclesiarum ad et diplomatic), torn, iii., p. 456, &c., who also
contra auctores libri Bergensis dicti Concor- shows, (p. 467, &c.), that what Jo. Herm.
diae, with the notes of Lew. Gerh. a Renesse ; von Elswich and others endeavour to make
republished by Daniel Gerdes, in his Scrini- doubtful, was a real fact, namely, that king
um Antiquarium, or Miscellanea? Groningens. Frederic II. on receiving a copy of the For-
novffi, tome i., p. 121, &e. Add Unschuld. mula, threw it into the fire and burned it.
Nachricht., A.D. 1747, p. 957, &c. Respecting the rejection of the Formula by

(50) The palsgrave Jo. Casimir, in the the Hessians, see the- documents in der Da-
year 1577, forthwith called a convention of nischen Bibliothek, vol. vii., p. 273-364, vol.
the Reformed at Frankfort, for the purpose ix., p. 1-87. Add Tielemann's Vitae Theol-
of repelling this Formula. See Henry Al- ogor. Marpurgens., p. 99, &c. Respecting
ting's Historia eccles. Palatinae, 9 clxxix., the countries of Liegnitz and Brieg, see the
p: 143, &c. Unschuld. Nachricht., A.D. 1745, p. 173,

(51) See Jo. Geo. Watch's Introductio in &c. [It cannot be denied, that there were

156 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

motives and arguments. Some of them, as the Holstenians, were led by
their high respect and reverence for Melancthon, to abhor a book in which
the opinions of so great a man were censured and exploded. Others were
not only partial to Melancthon, but they also believed that some of the
sentiments condemned in the Formula, were nearer the truth than the pre-
vailing views. Some were kept from approving the Formula, by their se-
cret attachment to the opinions of the Reformed ; and some by the hopes
they had indulged, that the Reformed and the Lutheran churches might
form an alliance. (53) Some either actually feared or at least pretended to
fear, that the peace and harmony of the Lutheran church might be injured,
by adding a new symbolical book to their old ones. And others offered
other reasons for their dislike of it.

§ 42. Julius duke of Brunswick, had been a kind of second father of the
Formula of Concord ; and had contributed to the fabrication of it, both by
his counsels and by liberal expenditures. And when drawn up, he had
commanded all the ministers of religion in his dominions, to receive it, and
to subscribe their names to it. But after the Formula was published, Ju-
lius changed his mind, and permitted his divines at Helmstadt, Tielemann
Heshusius and the others, to oppose it and to exclude it from a place
among the symbolical books of his territories. The principal grounds on
which the divines of Julius rejected the Formula, were: (I.) That the
printed copy differed in some parts from the written Formula, which the
Brunswickers had approved. (II.) That the doctrine of free-will was in-
correctly explained in the Formula ; and that some of the harsh and very
unsuitable phrases of Luther were employed in it. (III.) That the ubi-

faults preceding this Formula of Concord, solely frorn the scriptures. And if, when
which gave to many Lutheran churches a Zwingle (who would parry his proofs from
reasonable excuse for procrastinating or even scripture) brought him on to the subject of
refusing to subscribe to it. It was published the person of Christ, he derived the ubiquity
too hastily, and before the suggestions of all of Christ's human nature from its personal
the churches had been received ; whence union with the divine nature ; yet he never
many, as e. g., the churches of Pomerania maintained, that the man Christ was always
and Holstein, believed that the Formula was and every where present ; but merely that
sent to them only for form's sake. It was he could be present, wherever the execution
thought that the Saxons assumed a power in of his mediatorial office and the fulfilment of
the whole transaction, which did not belong his promises, required ; and of course, at the
to them ; and that they sought a kind of con- celebration of the holy supper. And in this,
trol over the Lutheran churches, which no the theologians of upper and lower Saxony
one would in this sense concede to them. — followed him. But the theologians of Swa-
Sckl.] bia and Alsace maintained an absolute om-
(53) [It was the fact, that the Formula of nipresence ; and their statements were trans-
Concord cut off all prospects of a union of ferred to the Formula of Concord, (yet so
our church with the Reformed, and opposed that the other opinion was not explicitly ex-
a bar to all attempts at pacification. At eluded), and thus were made articles of
that time, the points in controversy with the faith : (just as the doctrine of election by
Reformed, were only two ; namely, respect- grace, was previously a private opinion of
ing the doctrine of the supper, and the per- Calvin, and was transformed by the synod
son of Christ. The first pervaded the whole of Dort into an article of faith, to all that re-
Lutheran church ; the second did not; for ceived the decrees of that synod). Thus the
before the Fornjula of Concord, it was only points of controversy between us and the Re-
the Swabian divines that defended the om- formed, were increased by the Formula of
nipresence of Christ's human nature, on the Concord. They were also rendered more
ground of a communication of attributes, virulent, because we censured and condemn-
Luthcr never attempted to prove his doc- ed as heretical a church that hitherto wished
trine concerning the supper, from the doc- to be a sister to us. — /
trine de communicatione idiomatum ; but

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 157

quity (as it was then termed) or the boundless presence of Christ's human
nature, which the Lutheran church had never adopted as her doctrine, was
taught in it. Besides these reasons, perhaps other and secret ones influ-
enced duke Julius not to adopt the Formula. There were various ne-
gotiations with him and his theologians, to remove these difficulties ; and
particularly in the year 1583, a convention of theologians from the electo-
ral Palatinate, Saxony, Brandenburg, and Brunswick, was held at Qued-
linburg for the purpose of terminating this dissent : but Julius remained
inflexible in his purpose, and wished to have the cause of the Formula re-
ferred to a council of the whole Lutheran church. (54)

§ 43. In Saxony itself, not a few detested in their hearts, that Formula
which they subscribed with their hands ; holding fast the doctrines which
they had received from Melancihon and his friends. And these, — on the
death of Augustus and the accession of Christian I., who from his child-
hood had been imbued with the milder sentiments of Melancthon, and is
said to have been too friendly to the doctrines and institutions of the Swiss —
again lifted up their heads, and seemed to be plotting against the Formula
of Concord, in order to open the way for Calvinistic opinions and regula-
tions to be introduced among the Saxons. And they found much support
from men of the first rank, and especially from Nicholas Crell, the prime
minister of state. Through their influence, first some laws were enacted
which might prepare the minds of the people to acquiesce in the contem-
plated revolution ; and then, in the year 1591, the formula of exorcism as
it is called, was required to be omitted in the administration of baptism. (55)
Moreover, not only was there a new German catechism published, which
was favourable to the designs of these patrons of the Reformed doctrines,
but likewise a new edition of the German Bible with the notes of Henry
Salmuth, adapted to the object in contemplation, was prepared in 1591 at

(54) See Leonh. Hutter's Concordia con- trine in both was the same. So that if they

cors, cap. xlv., p. 1051. Phil. Jul. Reht- had been disposed, they might easily have

meyer's Braunschweig. Kirchenhistorie, vol. compromised this point. So also the two

in., ch. viii., sect. 1, p. 483, and the wri- other points were not so very important,

ters mentioned by Christ. Malik. Pfaff, de The Helmstadt theologians would not con-

Actis et scriptis ecclesiae Wiirtemberg., p. cede the ubiquity: yet they held it possible

62, and in his Historia litterar. Theolog., that Christ, as man, should be in various

pt. ii., p. 423. On the conference at Qued- places at the same time. Now, how far is

linburg and its Acts, see also the Danische one who concedes this, from believing the

Bibliothek, part viii., p. 595, &c. [The ubiquity 1 The grand difficulty was this,

court appears to have been actuated in this The electoral Saxons had, in the whole bu-

matter, by political considerations. For the siness, assumed too much to themselves,

objections of the theologians to the Formu- and had acted as lawgivers to the church.

la, might admit an answer. The first ob- It was perceived that if this matter was al-

jection, respecting the discrepance between lowed to pass thus, the elector of Saxony

the printed and the written copies of the would personate the pope, and his principal

Formula, was founded on fact. There clergy the cardinals ; and they would in

really were words and phrases interpolated future prescribe laws to the whole Lutheran

in some of the statements, which were not church. They would therefore maintain,

in the written copy. The other party did against the Saxons, their right to think for

not deny the fact; but said, they were themselves in matters of religion, and would

minute things, and not alterations of the show, that they conceded to Saxony the

doctrine, but merely changes in the phrase- direction of religious affairs, only under cer-

ology, introduced for the sake of perspicuity, tain restrictions. — Schl.]
And this was actually true. Dr. Mosheim (55) See Jo. Melchior Kraft's Geschichte

once compared the subscribed copy with der Exorcism], p. 401, &c.
the printed ; and, as he asserted, the doc-

158 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

Dresden. And as violent commotions and seditions of the people now
broke out every where, the government animadverted severely on those
ministers of religion who opposed the designs of the court. But the sud-
den death of Christian, which took place this very year, frustrated all these
machinations. The theologians hy whom the business had been princi-
pally managed, were, after the death of the elector, punished with impris-
onment and exile ; and Crell the prime director of it, received in 1601 the
fruit of his temerity, by being brought to a capital punishment. (56)

§ 44. At the end of the century, Samuel Huber a Swiss of Bern, indis-
creetly awakened a new controversy at Wittemberg where he taught the-
ology. Fired with hatred of the Calvinistic doctrine of absolute decrees,
he maintained, that the whole human race were from eternity elected of
God to salvation ; and he accused his colleagues, together with all the di-
vines of the Lutheran church, of being Calvinists ; because they taught
that those only are elected, whom God foresaw would die in faith. Learn-
ed men are at this day agreed, that Huber swerved from the common Lu-
theran doctrine, in words rather than in meaning : for what the Lutherans
maintain respecting the love of God as embracing the whole human race,
and excluding no one absolutely from eternal salvation, this he would ex-
plain in a new manner and in new phraseology. But this age having
learned from numerous examples, that new phraseology and new modes of
explaining doctrines produced as lasting and as pernicious disturbance as
new errors, urged Huber to adopt the old and universal method of teach-
ing, in preference to his own. And when he declared that he could not
do so, and his patrons here and there threatened to produce disturbance,
he was compelled to relinquish his office, and go into exile. (57)

§ 45. That the controversies here recounted, and others of less magni-
tude, were very injurious to the public interests of the church founded by
Luther, no one who is well informed in the history of those times, will deny.
The method also of discussing and terminating «ontroversies, in that age,
if estimated according to the modern views of good men, contained much
that was inconsistent with equity, moderation, and charity. And while
they are unjust, who load with reproaches the authors of those evils, indis-
criminately, and boldly pronounce them destitute of all reason and all vir-
tue ; those as still more unjust, who cast all the blame on the victors, and
pronounce the vanquished to be saints and deserving of a better fate.
That men recently led out of the thickest darkness into the light, should
not at once discern and distinguish all objects, as they are able to do who
have long been in the light, is not at all strange. Besides, that was an un-

(56) See God.fr. Arnold's Kirchen-und cree and election, as equivalent to gracious
Ketzerhistorie, pt. ii., book xvi., ch. xxxii., invitation. This he supposed, in the eter-
p. 863, and the writers mentioned by Herm. nal counsels of God, extended to all men
Ascan. Engelcken, Diss. de Nic. Crellio, equally, and without distinction. But to
ejusque supplicio : Rostoch, 1724. make their calling and election sure, they

(57) The writers on this controversy are must repent and believe ; which, he sup-
mentioned by Christ. Matth. Pfaff, Intro- posed, the greater part of mankind will not
ductio in Histor. litterar. Theolog., pt. ii., do, and of course will be damned to all
lib. in., p. 431, &c. [See, in particular, eternity. This he expressly stated in the
Godfr. Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhisto- confession of his faith, which he published in
rie, book xvi., ch. xxx., vol. i., p. 952, &c. 1595. See Arnold, \. c., p. 953, and
It must not be supposed by the incautious Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform.,
reader, that Huber believed in the final sal- vol. iv., p. 664. — '/>.]

vation of all men. He used the words de-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 159

polished age, and one that not only tolerated but applauded many things in
morals and in the modes of living, acting, and contending, which modern
times, improved by experience and education, disapprove and reject. But
with what views and intentions the individuals contended, whether they
acted maliciously or ingenuously and in good faith, belongs not to us to
decide, but to Him who knows the hearts of men.

§ 46. The theologians among the Lutherans, who illustrated the various
branches of sacred learning, form a very long list. Besides Luther and
Melancthon, who excelled all the rest in genius and learning, the more dis-
tinguished were, Hieronymus Wetter, Martin Chemnitz, John Brentius, Mat-
thias Flacius, Urban Regius, George Major, Nicholas Amsdorf, Erasmus
Sarcerius, John Matthesius, John Wigand, Francis Lambert, James Andrea,
David ChytrcRus, Nicholas Selnecker, Martin Bucer, Paul Fagius, Casper
Cruciger, Victorin Strigelius, Cyriacus Spangenberg, Matthew Judex, Tiele-
mann Heshusius, Joachim Westphal, John JEpinus, Andrew Osiander, and
many others. (58)

CHAPTER II

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

$ 1. General Character of the Reformed Church. — § 2. Causes of this Character. —
$ 3. Origin of this Church. — § 4. Zwinglian Contests respecting the Lord's Supper. —
$ 5. History of them, till Luther's Death. — § 6. Transactions after his Death. — § 7.
Controversy respecting Predestination. — § 8. The Height of it. — § 9. Two Periods in
the early History of this Church. — § 10. Points of Difference between the Swiss and
the Lutherans. — 1) 11. John Calvin a principal Founder of this Church. — § 12. The
Doctrine and Discipline inculcated by Calvin. — § 13. All the Reformed did not em-
brace his Views. — $ 14. Progress of this Church in Germany. — § 15. Progress in
France. — <J 16. Progress in England and Scotland. — § 17. Rise of the Puritans. — $ 18,
19. Their Opinions. — $ 20. Their Fundamental Principles. — $ 21. Sects among them.
Brownists. — $ 22. The Dutch Reformed Church. — $ 23. Reformed Church of Poland.
$ 24. The Bohemian Brethren. — § 25. Waldensians : Hungarians: Transylvanians. —
<5 26. Churches which joined the Reformed. — § 27. Diversity among the Reformed. —
§ 28 Their Doctrines. — <!> 29. Their Dissent from the Lutherans. — § 30. Importance
of the Difference. — () 31. Ecclesiastical Power. — § 32. Organization of the Church. —
$ 33 Church Discipline. — § 34. State of Learning. — §35. Biblical Expositors. — $36.
Dogmatic Theology.— § 37. Practical Theology. — § 38. Calvin's Contest with the
Spiritual Libertines. — § 39. His Contests with the Genevans. — § 40. Castalio. — § 41.
Bolsec. — <J 42. Ochin. — $ 43, 44. Controversy between the Puritans and the Episco-
palians.

§ 1. THE church which chooses to be called the Reformed, or the Evan,
gelical Reformed church, and which was formerly by its opposers called
the Zwinglian or the Calvinistic church, and is now by many called the

(58) For an account of these, Melchior arately written, with care, in our age ; e. g.
Adam's Vitas Theologorum, the historical the life of Hieronymus Welter, by Laemmel,
and literary [and biographical] Dictionaries, of Flacius by Rider, of Heshusius and Span-
Lewis 'Elies du Pin's Bibliotheque des Au- genberg by Leuckfeld, of Fagius by Feuer-
teurs separes de la communion de 1'Eglise tin, of Chytr&us by Schiitze, of Westphal by
Romaine, and others, may be consulted. Am. Grevius, of Bucer by Verporlen, of
The lives of many of them have been sep- JEfimis by Grevius, &c.

160 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. HI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

Calvinistic Reformed,(lL) differs in character from nearly all others. For
all others stand united by the bond of a common system of doctrine and
discipline ; but this is not the case with the Reformed church. It neither
holds to one system of faith, for it has many creeds considerably variant ;
nor adopts the same modes and forms of worship; nor has it every where
the same constitution and government. Of course, this church does not
require of its ministers, that they should all hold and teach the same
things ; but allows very many points of doctrine and those of no little con-
sequence to be variously stated and explained, provided the great first prin-
ciples of religion and piety remain inviolate. This church may therefore
be called a great community, made up of various kinds of churches ;
which the moderation of all in tolerating dissent, keeps from splitting into
various sects. (2)

§ 2. Such was not the original character of this church, but it was
thrown into this state by the force of circumstances. The Swiss with
whom it originated, and especially John Calvin who was the second father
of it, spared no pains to bring all the congregations that united with them,
to adopt the same forms of faith and practice and the same mode of gov-
ernment ; and while they looked upon the Lutherans as brethren that
were in error, they were not disposed to grant indulgence and impunity
themselves, nor were they willing their associates should grant it, to those
who openly favoured the Lutheran views of the Lord's supper, the person

the fundamental doctrines of Christianity,
yet frequent separate places of worship,
and have each a visible centre of external
union peculiar to themselves, which is form-
ed by certain peculiarities in their respect-
ive rules of public worship and ecclesiasti-
cal government. An attentive examination
of the discipline, polity, and worship of the
churches of England, Scotland, Holland,
and Switzerland, will set this matter in the
clearest light. The first of these churches,
being governed by bishops, and not admit-
ting the valadity of Presbyterian ordination,

(1) [In England and America, the term
Reformed is commonly applied to all the
different sects, which in this century separa-
ted from the Romish church ; and the term
Protestant is used with the same latitude.
But the Lutheran writers use the term
Reformed, to denote all the larger sects ex-
cept their own, which separated from the
Romish church during this century. In
this sense Dr. Mosheim here uses it. It
would have been more accurate however,
had he said the Reformed Churches ; for
the sects he includes, do not pretend to be

one church or one ecclesiastical body. They differs from the other three, more than any
are, and they profess to be, as distinct from ' ''
each other, as any or all of them are from
the Lutheran church. See the following
note.— TV.]

(2) [" These observations are designed to
give the Lutheran church an air of unity,
which is not to be found in the Reformed.
But there is a real fallacy in this specious
representation of things. The Reformed
church, when considered in the true extent
of the term Reformed, comprehends all
those religious communities that separated
themselves from the church of Rome, and,
in this sense, includes the Lutheran church;
as well as the others. And even when this
epithet is used in opposition to the com-
munity founded by Luther, it represents,
not a single church, as the Episcopal, Pres-
byterian, or Independent, but rather a col-
lection of churches ; which, though they be
invisibly united by a belief and profession of

of these differ from each other. There are,
however, peculiarities of government and
worship, that distinguish the church of Hol-
land from that of Scotland. The institution
of deacons, the use of forms for the cele-
bration of the sacraments, an ordinary form
of prayer, the observation of the festivals
of Christmas, Easter, Ascension Day, and
Whitsuntide, are established in the Dutch
church ; and it is well known, that the
church of Scotland differs from it extremely
in these respects. — But after all, to what
does the pretended uniformity among the
Lutherans amount 1 are not some of the
Lutheran churches governed by bishops,
while others are ruled by elders 1 It shall
moreover be shown in its proper place, that,
even in point of doctrine, the Lutheran
churches are not so very remarkable for
their uniformity." — Mad.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 161

of Christ, predestination, and the kindred subjects. (2*) But when fierce
contests arose in Britain, both respecting the form of church government,
and respecting rites and some other subjects, between what were called
the Episcopalians and the Puritans, it seemed to be necessary to expand
the arms of the church, and to reckon among genuine brethren such as
might deviate from the opinions and the regulations of the Genevans.
And after the Synod of Dort, much greater moderation ensued. For al-
though the opinions of the Arminians were rejected and condemned, they
found their way into the minds of great numbers. The English church,
in the time of Charles I., publicly renounced the opinions of Calvin respect-
ing the divine decrees ;(3) and studied entire conformity with the opinions
and practices of the first ages of Christianity. Some German churches
dared not publicly assent entirely to the Genevan views, lest they should
be declared to have cut themselves ofF from the privileges of the Augsburg
Confession. Finally, the French exiles who had long been accustomed to
milder views, and had philosophized in the free manner of their country-
men, having become dispersed over the whole Reformed world, by their
eloquence and their talents allured many to imitate them. All these and
some other circumstances have gradually instilled such a spirit of gentle-
ness and patience, that at the present day all, except such as either adhere
to the Roman pontiff or fiercely defend the errors of the Socinians, Ana-
baptists, or Quakers, can hold their place among the members of the re-
formed church. This has taken place contrary to the wishes and against
the opposition of many ; but they are far inferior in numbers and influence
to the others, who suppose there are but few things necessary to be be-
lieved in order to salvation, who allow many doctrines to be variously ex-
plained, and who wish to extend the Reformed church as widely as possi-
ble.^)

[(2*) This sentence in connexion with what other, and to call each other heretics, on ac-
follows, seems to charge the Reformed of this count of the difference between them in re-
century with excommunicating the Lutherans gard to the real presence. See Hospinian,
as heretics, or with refusing to have any Chris- 1. c.,p. 311. And in the year 1631, thesub-
tian fellowship with them so long as they re- ject came before the Reformed national Syn-
tained their peculiar opinions. Veniam ta- od of France at Lyons ; and they decided
men et impunitatem nee ipsi dabant, nee a explicitly, that their churches might consist-
suis dari volebant illis, &c. But on what ently admit open and avowed Lutherans to
grounds can Dr. Mosheim assert this 1 That enjoy the privileges of members in their re-
the Reformed would not give up their own be- spective bodies. See Jo. Aymon, Synodes
lief, nor admit that the Lutherans were free Nationaux des Egl. Ref. de France, tome ii.,
from all error, is certain. But that they re- p. 500, &c., in Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit
fused all communion with their Lutheran der Ref., vol. v., p. 194. See also cent,
brethren, is, I believe, the direct opposite of xvii., sect, ii., pt. ii., ch. i., § 4., p. 358, &c.,
the truth. In the conference at Marpurg in of this vol. — Tr.]

1529, of which some notice is given above, (3) ["Many members of the church of

p. 37, note (45), and p. 43, § 27, the Reform- England, with archbishop Laud at their

ed divines begged the Lutherans to allow them head, did, indeed, propagate the doctrines

mutually to regard each other as brethren, not- of Arminius, both in their pulpits, and in

withstanding their difference in opinion as to their writings. But it is not accurate to

the eucharist. But Luther absolutely refused, say that the Church of England renounced

See the statements of Melancthon, Bucer, publicly, in that reign, the opinions of Cal-

and others quoted by R. Hospinian, Histo- vin. See this matter farther discussed, in

ria Sacramentaria, pt. ii., p. 131, 133, 135, the note (m), [note (49)], cent, xvii., sec.

136. So also Calvin in the year 1546, ex- ii., pt. ii., ch. ii., $ 20." — Macl.]
pressly declared, that the Lutherans and the (4) There has never yet been published a

Reformed ought not to separate from each full and accurate History of the Reformed
VOL. III.— X

162 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

§ 3. The founder of the Reformed church was Ulric Zwingle, a Swiss,
an acute man and a lover of truth. (5) He not only wished to have
many things suppressed in the public worship and in the churches, which
Luther thought might be borne with, images for instance, altars, candles,
the formula of exorcism, the private [auricular] confession of sins, &c., and
prescribed the most simple forms of worship ; but he likewise taught on
some points of doctrine, in particular respecting the Lord's supper, very
differently from Luther. And those who laboured with him in banishing
the popish superstitions among the Swiss, approved these singular opinions
of Zwingle. From these men, all the churches of Switzerland which
separated from the Romish communion, received those opinions. From
Switzerland, by the preaching and writings of his pupils and friends, the
same tenets spread among the neighbouring nations. Thus the Reformed
church of which Zwingle was the parent, was at first small and of limited
extent, but by degrees became an extensive body.

§ 4. The principal cause of the separation of the Lutherans from the
Swiss, was Zwingle's doctrine concerning the Lord's supper. While Lu-
ther maintained that the body and blood of Christ are truly, though in an
inexplicable manner, present in the holy supper, and are presented along with
the bread and wine in that ordinance, Zwingle held on the contrary that
the bread and wine are only signs and symbols of the absent body and
blood of Christ ; and he so taught in his public writings, from the year
1524 onward. (6) The next year, John (Ecolampadius, a theologian of
Basil and one of the most learned men of that age, did the same thing.(7)
Both were opposed by Luther and his friends, and especially by the Swa-
bians, with great firmness and resolution. Philip the landgrave of Hesse,
fearing much injury to the incipient cause of the Protestants from these
contests, endeavoured to put an end to them by a conference held at Mar-
purg in the year 1529, between Zwingle, Luthe^, and some others. But
he could obtain 6nly a truce, not a peace. Luther and Zwingle came to
agreement on many points ; but the controversy respecting the Lord's
supper, was left for God and time to heal.(8)

§ 5. Zwingle had but just settled his church, when, in the year 1530, he fell
in a battle of the Zurichers with the Roman Catholic Swiss, the defenders
of the old religion. He marched out to this war, not for the purpose of

church. Abraham Scultetus would have giv- (6) Yet before that year, Zwingle had so

en us one, down to his times, in his Annales believed and taught, in private. See Dan.

Evangelii renovati ; but only a very small Gerdes, Historia Evangelii renovati, torn,

part of that work has been preserved. The- i., Append., p. 228.

odore Hasans, who projected Annales EC- (7) See Jo. Conrad Fueslin, Centuria i.

clesise Reformats, was cut off by a prema- Epist. theol. Reformatorum, p. 31, 35, 44,

tore death. James Basnage's famous work, 49, &c. [See also, above, sect, i., ch. ii.,

which was last published, Rotterdam, 1725, p. 35, and note (45).— TV.]

2 vols. 4to, entitled : Histoire de la Reli- (8) Abrah. Ruchat, Histoire de la Refor-

gion des Eglises Reformees, is not a histo- mation de la Swisse, vol. i., passim, vol.

ry of this church, but merely shows that the ii., livr. vi., p. 463, &c. Jo. Henry Hot-

peculiar doctrines of the Reformed church tmger's Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, pt.

are not novel, but very ancient, and have iii., lib. vi., p. 27, 51, &c., p. 483. Vol.

been held in all ages of the church. Louis Ern. Loscher, Historia Motuum, pt. i., cap.

Maimbourg's Histoire du Calvinisme is ii., iii., p. 55, &c., cap. vi., p. 143, &c.

filled with innumerable errors, and written Jo. Conr. Fucslin's Beytrage zur Schweit-

with the pen of partiality. zer-Reformation., torn, iv., p. 120, &c.,

(5) See above, sec. i., History of the [and above, p. 35, &c., note (45), and p. 43,

Reformation, p. 27, &c. $ 27. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 1C3

fighting, but for the sake of encouraging and comforting the soldiers, though
he went armed, according to the customs of his country. (9) After his
death, certain good and moderate men among the Lutherans, especially
Martin Bucer, laboured with all zeal and diligence, by exhortations, expla-
nations, and perhaps also by shrouding the opinions of both parties in ambig-
uous language, to bring about a compromise of some sort.(lO) That those
who undertook this difficult task had good intentions and designs, no one who
is himself honest and candid, will call in question ; but whether they took
the right and proper method to accomplish their object, is less clear. In
Switzerland, some commotions resulted from these movements of Bucer.
For some refused to give up the opinion of Zwingle ; while others embraced
the explanations and the modified views of Bucer.(ll) But these commo-
tions had no influence to bring about a peace with Luther. But out of
Switzerland, and among the theologians of upper Germany who had in-
clined to the side of the Swiss, Bucer's efforts to settle the controversy had
such effect, that in the year 1536 they sent a deputation to Wittemberg
and connected themselves with Luther, abandoning the Swiss. (12) The
Swiss he could not persuade to do so ; yet for some years afterwards the
prospect of an agreement was not absolutely desperate. But in the year
1544, when Luther published his Confession of faith respecting the Lord's
supper, in direct opposition to the opinions of the Swiss, the Zurichers the
year following, publicly defended their cause against him ; and by these
movements all the efforts of the pacificators were rendered nugatory.(lS)
& 6. The happy death by which Luther was removed in 1546, seemed
to dispel this cloud, and again to inspire the hope that a compromise might
take place. For Melancthon and his friends and disciples so eagerly de-
sired to have the Lutherans and Zwinglians unite, that he did not refuse
even a dissembled peace, and would turn every way to accomplish it. On
the other side, John Calvin, a native of Noyon in France and a teacher at
Geneva, a man venerated even by his enemies for his genius, learning, el-
oquence, and other endowments, and moreover the friend of Melancthon,
tempered the offensive opinion of Zwingle, and endeavoured to prevail
with the Swiss, and especially with those of Zurich among whom his in-
fluence was very great, to adopt his views. (14) He rejected indeed the
idea of the actual presence of the body and blood of Christ in the holy
supper ; but he supposed, a certain divine influence from Christ accom-
panied the bread and wine, to those who received them with full faith and

(9) Those of our church, who formerly tuum, pt. i., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 181, and pt.
reproached Zwingle and the Reformed ii., lib. iii.,cap. ii., p. 15.

church with this death, did not consider the (11) See Fuesliri's Centuria i. Epistolar.
customs of the Swiss nation in that age. Theol., p. 162,170,181,182,190,192,215.
For all the Swiss, when summoned to de- (12) Loscher, loc. cit., cap. ii., p. 205.
fend their country, were at that time obliged Abrah. Ruchat, Histoire de la Reformation
to march, and not even the religious teach- de la Swisse, tome v., p. 535, &c. Hol-
ers and ministers were excused. And in linger1 s Helvet. Kirchen., vol. iii., book vi.,
the very battle in which Zwingle fell, there p. 702, &c. [See p. 54, above, note. — Tr.]
fell likewise a doctor of Bern, Hieronymus (13) Loscher, 1. c., pt. ii., lib. ii., cap.
Pontanus. See Fucslin's Centuria i. Epis- iv., p. 241, &c. [This Confession is a dif-
tolar. theol. Reformator., p. 84, &c. ferent work from Luther's large Confes-

(10) See Alb. Menon. Verpoorterfs Com- sion, published in the year 1528. — TV.]
ment. de Martino Bucero et ejus sententia (14) Christ. A ugusl. Salig's Historic der
de Coena Domini, $ ix., p. 23, &c., Co- Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., book vii., ch,
burg, 1709, 8vo. Loschcr's Historia Mo- iii., p. 1075.

164 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

an honest heart : and to render this doctrine the more acceptable, he ex-
pressed it in nearly the same phraseology in which Luther expressed his
doctrine. For it was the common error of all who assumed the office of
pacificators in this contest, or who attempted to restore harmony, that they
endeavoured rather to produce agreement in words than in sentiment. But
Melancihon, though extremely desirous of peace, neither had fortitude
enough openly to engage in this perilous enterprise ; nor would his oppo-
sers allow him tranquillity enough, after the death of Luther, to collect
himself and begin the arduous business. Besides, the contention which
had been intermitted, was renewed in 1552, by Joachim Westphal, a pas-
tor at Hamburg ; than whom, after Flacius there was no more strenuous
vindicator of the sentiments of Luther. For to the Mutual Consent of the
Genevans and, Zurichers in regard to the doctrine of the sacrament, he op-
posed a book written in the caustic style of Luther, entitled, a Farrago of
confused and discordant opinions respecting the sacred supper, collected from
the books of the Sacramentarians ; in which he bitterly taxed the Reformed
with their disagreements on the doctrine of the supper, and most earnest-
ly contended for the opinion of Luther. In a style no less harsh, Calvin
first replied to him ; and soon after, some joining Westphal and others
joining Calvin, the parties became insensibly excited, and the contest raged
even worse than before, and no human power seemed adequate to check

§ 7. To these controversies an immense accession was made afterwards,
by the contest respecting the decrees of God in relation to the eternal sal-
vation of men ; which was moved by John Calvin, and was very fruitful in
abstruse and dark questions. The first teachers among the Swiss, were
so far from the views of those who hold that God by his supreme and ab-
solute sovereignty, appointed some to everlasting joy and others to ever-
lasting pain, from all eternity, and without any regard had to their condi-
tion and conduct, that they seemed not far removed from the sentiments of
the Pelagians ; nor with Zunngle, did they hesitate to promise heaven to all
who lived according to right reason.(16) But Calvin differing widely
from them, supposed that God by his sovereign pleasure, assigns to man-
kind their future condition, and that his absolute decree is the only cause
both of the eternal felicity and the eternal misery of all men. (17) And
this opinion was in a short time, propagated by his writings and his pupils

(15) Loscker's Historia Motuum, pt. ii., Groningens., torn, ii., p. 476, 477, seems
lib. iii., cap. viii., p. 83, &c. Jo. Moller's to teach the contrary ; namely, that Calvin
Cimbria Litterata, torn, iii., p. 642, &c. held the same opinions as the first teachers
Arnold Grevius, Memoria Joachimi West- among the Swiss. But he may be refuted
phali, p. 62, 106, &c. by what he himself adduces concerning the

(16) See this demonstrated by many disturbances in Switzerland produced by
proofs, in John Dailies Apologia pro duabus Calvin's opinions.

ecclesiarum Gallicarum Synodis, adversus (17) [This statement appears quite too

Frider. Spanhemium, pt. iv., p. 946. Jo. strong. Neither Calvin nor Augustine nor

Alphon. Turettin, Epistola ad antistitem any other distinguished teacher of the di-

Cantuariensem ; which is printed in the vine decrees in ancient times, maintained

Bibliotheque Germanique, tome xiii.,p.92. that God's "absolute decree is the only

Rich. Simon, Bibliotheque Critique, under cause of eternal felicity and eternal misery."

the fictitious name of Saniore, tome iii., On the contrary, they maintained that the

cap. xxviii., p. 292, 298. The author of sinfulness of men is the sole cause of their

the French notes to the Formula Consen- eternal misery. Neither did they suppose,

•us Helvetica, p. 52, &c. The very learned that the righteous are saved, without any

Daniel Gerdes, indeed, in his Miscellanea acts or agency of their own. — TT.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 165

throughout the whole body of the Reformed, nay, was added to the public
doctrines of the church in some regions. The Italian, Jerome Zanchius,
who was devoted to the views of Calvin, first moved sad controversy on
this subject at Strasburg, in the year 1560 ; and the controversy soon
grew to such a height in the hands of various persons, that it may be
questioned whether this, or the former controversy respecting the Lord's
supper, contributed most to exasperate feelings and to confirm the schism
[between the Lutherans and the Reformed]. (18)

§ 8. The only prospect remaining to the Helvetians, that these animos-
ities would be calmed and these great contests subside, depended on the
Saxons, the pupils and followers of Melancthon, who after his death, as it
was well known, laboured to find out some means of reconciliation. But
being destitute of a leader of forecast, who could seize favourable opportu-
nities, they applied remedies to the apparently mortal wound which render-
ed it absolutely incurable. For while they, as has been stated, endeavour-
ed by means of certain publications, to corrupt the public teachers and the
youth, or at least to induce them to tolerate the opinions of the Swiss,
they drew ruin upon themselves and their project, and gave occasion for
the formation of the noted Formula of Concord, which condemned the doc-
trines of the Reformed respecting the sacred supper and the person of
Christ. And this, being received by the greatest part of the Lutherans
among their rules of faith, was an insurmountable obstacle to all efforts of
the pacificators.

§ 9. Thus far we have attended to the origin, causes, and progress of
the schism, which separated the Reformed from the Lutherans. We must
next look into the internal state, the history, and the growth of the Reform-
ed church. The history of the Reformed body during this century, should
be divided into two periods ; of which the first extends from the year
1519, when Zwingle began to form a church separate from the Romish
community, on to the time when John Calvin settled at Geneva, and ob-
tained an absolute ascendency among the Reformed. The latter period
embraces the remainder of the century. In the first period, the church,
(which afterwards assumed the title of Reformed, in imitation of their
neighbours the French, who distinguished themselves from the Roman
Catholics by this title), was of no great extent, being almost confined to
Switzerland. Some small states indeed in the adjacent countries of Swa-
bia and Alsace, as Strasburg and a few others, adhered to the side of the
Swiss :(19) but these in the year 1536, by the influence of Bucer, aban-
doned the Swiss, reverted back to the Saxon community and became rec-

(18) See Loscher's Historia Motuum, religion; Memmingen and Lindau, which
pt. iii , lib. v., cap. ii., p. 27, &c., cap. x., p. with Strasburg and Constance, at first re-
227. Salig's Historic der Augsburg. Con- fused to subscribe to the Augsburg Confes-
fession, vol. i., book ii., ch. xiii., p. 441, &c. sion, and presented a separate one called

(19) [Among these states, besides Stras- Tetrapolitana, (that of the four cities). But
burg where Wolfgang Fabricius, Capita, all these were persuaded by Bucer, to sub-
and Martin Bitcer were entirely on Zicin- scribe to the Augsburg confession, and to
gle's side, were the following : Reutlingen, accept the Wittemberg agreement. In
where the pastor Conrad Herman was of Strasburg especially, the Reformed lost all
Zvcingle's opinion ; Ulm, where the preach- public offices, after the contests of Jerome
er Conrad Somius, and Constance, where Zanchius with John Marbach, John Sturm,
Ambrose Blauer adhered to Bucer ; Augs- and John Pappus ; and their community at
burg, where Martin Cellarius and Wolf- last fell to the ground. See Loscher's His-
gang Musculus adhered to the Reformed toria Motuum., vol. ii., p. 283, &c. — Schl.]

16G BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

onciled with Luther. The other churches that revolted from the Romish
pontiff, had either embraced openly the sentiments of Luther, or were
composed of persons of diverse sentiments, who may be considered as of
neither party. And within these narrow limits, the church collected by
the efforts of Zwingle, would perhaps have remained stationary, had not
John Calvin arisen. For as the Swiss are contented with their own coun-
try, and not solicitous to extend their empire, so they seemed not anxious
for the extension of their church. (20)

§ 10. In this first age of the Reformed church, nothing else separated
it from the Lutheran, but the controversy respecting the Lord's supper :
out of which arose another, respecting the person of Jesus Christ ; which
however the whole Lutheran church never made its own controversy.
For when the Swabian divines in their disputes with the Swiss, drew an
argument in proof of the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in
the sacred supper, from the doctrine of the communication of the divine
attributes (omnipresence in particular) to the human nature of Christ, in
consequence of the hypostatic union ;(21) the Swiss, to meet this argu-

(20) [Dr. Mosheim is still blinded by his
theory of the unity of the Reformed church ;
on which remarks were made in notes (1) and
(2) of this chapter. He seems moreover in
this section, to represent what he calls the
Reformed church as being originally a little
schismatic body of Helvetians, headed by
Zwingle and a few other obstinate men whose
influence did not extend far, while the mass
of those who forsook the Romish church
were disposed to follow after Luther. This
schismatic body was also long held in check
by the Lutherans, and several portions of it
had been actually reclaimed, when John Cal-
vin arose, infused into it some new errors,
and spread it far and wide in many countries.
Such is the view given by Mosheim. But
the truth is, that while the Reformation was
going on, simultaneously, in most countries
of Europe, under different leaders, all ac-
tuated by a similar zeal for detecting and ex-
posing the errors of the Romish church,
when the popish doctrine of transubstantia-
tion came under their review, it was gener-
ally seen to be absurd and untenable. But
when Luther's attention was called to this
subject, by some of his associates that were
in advance of him on this point, he could see
no objection to admitting the real or bodily
presence of Christ in the eucharist ; and he
would therefore tolerate no other change in
this doctrine but the substitution of consub-
stantiation instead of transubstantiation.
This led to bitter contention, and to actual
schism among the reformers. Luther would
hold no fellowship with such as denied the
real presence ; and so great was his influence
and authority, that he actually arrested the
progress of reformation at this point in most
of the countries of Germany. But in all
other countries, with the exception of Sweden

and Denmark, he could not arrest it. Hence
the Swiss, the French, the Belgians, the Eng-
lish, and the Scotch, severally set up their
reformed national churches, all independent
of each other, and actually differing in sev-
eral minor points, yet all with one voice dis-
carding both the popish and the Lutheran
doctrine concerning the eucharist. — As for
John Calvin, he was at the head of only a
portion of the Swiss church, but he possessed
such talents and wisdom as procured him an
influence among all Protestants, greater than
that of any otfter man then on the stage. Yet
he did little directly to extend the Reforma-
tion into other countries. He rather enlight-
ened the communities already reformed, and
brought them to greater uniformity in doc-
trines and discipline. Indeed most of the
national churches except the Lutheran, em-
braced substantially his doctrinal views.
Even the Lutherans began to make advances
towards them, when opposition was raised
by the strenuous adherents to Luther's creed,
and after violent internal commotions the Lu-
theran church succeeded in purging itself of
nearly every vestige of Calvinism. — TV.]

(21) [Especially Brcntius and James An-
drea ; the former in his Sententia de libello
Bullingeri, Tubingen, 1561, 4to, and still
more largely, in his book de personal! unione,
et de divina majestate Christi ; as also in
his Recognitio doctrinae de vera majestate
Christi, Tubingen, 1564, 4to, and Andreas
in his Assertio de persona et unione, 1565,
4to. Also in the Conference of Maulbronn
in 1564, this subject was much discussed ;
and the Tubingen divines published in 1565,
their Declaratio et Confessio majestatis
Christi. Christopher duke of Wiirtemberg,
£ent this production of his divines to Augus-
tus, the elector of Saxony, and requested him

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 167

ment, denied the communication of the divine properties to the human na-
ture of Christ ; and opposed, in particular, the omnipresence of the man
Christ. Hence originated the very troublesome controversy respecting the
communication of attributes, and the ubiquity as the Swiss termed it ; which
produced so many books and subtile disquisitions and so many mutual
criminations. During this period the Swiss in general followed the opin-
ion of Zwingle respecting the Lord's supper, which differed from that of
Calvin. For this father of the Swiss church believed, that the bread and
wine only represent the body and blood of Christ, or are signs and emblems
of the blessings procured for the human race by the death of Christ ; and
therefore, that Christians derived no other benefit from coming to the
Lord's supper, than that of meditation on the merits of Christ, or, as the
patrons of this sentiment used to express themselves, the Lord's supper is
nothing but a memorial of Christ.(22) Martin Bucer, for the sake of peace,
laboured to correct and amend this doctrine of the holy supper, and to
make it appear more like — nay actually allied, to that of Luther. But the
remembrance of Zwingle was too fresh, to allow the Swiss to be drawn off
from his opinion.

§ 11. The Reformed church assumed an entirely new aspect, when
John Calvin in the year 1541, returned to Geneva from which he had been
driven, and obtained the direction of the new Genevan church,(23) as
well as vast influence in the republic. He was of Noyon in France, and
a man with whom few of his age will bear any comparison for patient in-
dustry, resolution, hatred of the Roman superstition, eloquence and genius.
Possessing a most capacious mind, he endeavoured not only to establish
and bless his beloved Geneva with the best regulations and institutions, but
also to make it the mother and the focus of light and influence to the whole
Reformed church, just as Wittemberg was to the Lutheran community, —
from which to enlarge and extend the Reformed church ; in short, his aim
was to shape this whole church after the model and pattern of that of Ge-
neva. This was truly a great undertaking, and one not unworthy of a great
mind ; and it was an undertaking, no small part of which he actually accom-.
plished, by his perseverance and untiring zeal. In the first place there-
fore, by his writings, his epistles, and other means, he induced very many
persons of rank and fortune to emigrate from France, Italy, and other coun-
tries, and to settle at Geneva ; and others in great numbers took journeys
to Geneva, merely to see and hear so great a man. In the next place, he
persuaded the senate of Geneva in 1558, to establish an academy at Ge-
neva, in which he and his colleague Theodore Beza, and other men of great
erudition and high reputation were the teachers. This new academy ac-

to get the opinion of his divines respecting in various places, Fiisliri's Centuria i. Epis-

it. But these found much to set aside in this tolar. theol. Reformatorum, p. 255, 262, &c.

doctrine, which they regarded as novel and [See above, p. 54, note (2). — TV.]

dangerous. See Huttcr's Concordia con- (23) Calvin was in fact superintendent at

cors, p. 49, &c., 61, &c. — Schl.] Geneva ; for he presided till his death, over

(22) That this was Zwingle's real opinion the body of the clergy, and in the Consistory

respecting the sacred supper, is demonstrated or ecclesiastical judicatory. But when dying,

by numerous proofs, in the Museum Helveti- he proved, that it was dangerous to commit

cum, torn, i., p. 485, dec., 490 ; torn, iii., p. to one man perpetually an office of so much

631. I will adduce only one short sentence authority. See Jac. Span's Histoire de Ge-

from his book de Baptismo, in his Opp., torn, neve, tome ii., p. Ill, &c. And therefore,

ii., p. 85. Coena Dominica non aliud, quam after him, the Genevan church had no stand-

commemorationis nomen mereiur. Compare, ing president.

168 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

quired in a short time so much distinction and glory, in consequence of its
teachers, that students eagerly repaired to it in great numbers, from Eng-
land, Scotland, France, Italy, and Germany, in pursuit of sacred as well
as civil learning. By these his pupils Calvin enlarged every where the
Reformed church, and recommended and propagated his own sentiments, to
more than one nation of Europe. He died in 1564 ; but his institutions con-
tinued vigorous after his decease, and the academy of Geneva in particular,
flourished under Theodore Beza, no less than under Calvin himself.(24)

§ 12. The theology taught by Zvaingle, was altered by Calvin, princi-
pally in three respects. (I.) Zwingle assigned to civil rulers full and ab-
solute power in regard to religious matters, and, — what many censure him
for, — subjected the ministers of religion entirely to their authority. He
moreover did not object to a gradation of offices among religious teachers,
nor to a standing superior over the ministers of parishes. But Calvin
circumscribed the power of the magistrate in matters of religion, within
narrow limits ; and maintained that the church ought to be free and inde-
pendent, and to govern itself, by means of bodies of presbyters, synods,
and conventions of presbyters, in the manner of the ancient church ; yet
leaving to the magistrate the protection of the church, and an external

(24) The wise and vigorous conduct of
Calvin in the church and in the republic of
Geneva, is elucidated with many documents
never before published, by the learned man
•who republished with enlargements, Jac.
Span's Histoire de Geneve, 1730, 4to
and 8vo. See torn, ii., p. 87, &c., p. 100,
&c., and other passages. [Cahin was not
the first reformer of Geneva, but William
Farell a zealous clergyman of Dauphine,
who preached the Gospel with acceptance
there as early as the year 1532, but was
driven from the city by the instigation of
the bishop. His successor, Anthony Fro-
ment, met the same fate. But as the inter-
nal state of the city became changed, and
the council, which had hitherto been on the
side of the bishop, abandoned him, and he
left the city in 1533, the two preachers were
recalled ; and they, in connexion with a third
Peter Viret, gathered a numerous church in
Geneva; so that in the year 1535, the ref-
ormation became supported by the council.
Yet the full organization and establishment
of the church was the work of John Calvin.
He was born in the year 1509 ; and in his
studies connected law with theology, study-
ing the former at the command of his father,
and the latter from his own choice ; and from
Mdchior Volmar, a German and professor of
Greek at Bourgcs, he acquired a knowledge
of the evangelical doctrines. After the death
of his father, he devoted himself wholly to
theology, and publicly professed the reformed
doctrine, which he spread in France with all
diligence. His name soon became known
in Switzerland as well as France ; and
Fareil and Viret besought him, as he was

travelling through Geneva, to remain there
and aid them in setting up the new church.
But in the year 1538, great dissension arose
in Geneva ; and Calvin and his assistant
Farell, severely inveighed from the pulpit
against the conduct of the council, which
resolved to introduce the ceremonies agreed
on at Bern, in the ordinances of baptism and
the Lord's supper, and to reject those which
these ministers wished to have adopted : and
the consequence was, that Calvin and Farell
were banished from the republic. Calvin
now spent a considerable time, as a preacher
and a professor at Strasburg ; where he lived
in great intimacy with Bucer and Capita,
and with them very strenuously defended
the cause of the Protestants in Germany,
both orally and in his writings. But in the
year 1541, at the repeated and pressing in-
vitations of the Genevans, he returned to
them again, and there officiated with great
perseverance, zeal, prudence, and disinter-
estedness, till his death in the year 1564.
His great talents and virtues were shaded
by the love of control, by a want of tender-
ness, and by passionate rigour against the
erring. His works have been published in
nine volumes, folio ; among which, his In-
stitutes of the Christian religion, and his
exegetical writings, are most valued. —
Schl. His life was written by Beza, and
is prefixed to his Letters. See also Mid-
dleton's Evangelical Biography, vol. i., p. 1,
&c. E. Waterman's Memoires of J. Calvin,
Hartford, 1813, 8vo; Beza's Life of Calvin,
translated by Fr. Sibson, with copious notes
by an American editor, Philad., 1836, 12mo;
and Bayle's Dictionary, art. Calmn. — Tr.}

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

169

care over it : in short, he introduced at Geneva, and he endeavoured to
introduce throughout the Reformed church, that form of church govern,
ment which is called Presbyterian ; for he did not allow of bishops and
gradations among ministers, but maintained, that (jure divino) by divine
appointment, they ought all to be on a level, or be equals. He therefore
established at Geneva a judicatory or consistory, composed of ruling elders
or lay presbyters, and teaching elders; and he assigned to them great pow-
er. He also established conventions or synods : and in these consistories
and synods, he caused laws to be enacted relating to religious matters.
He also among other things, reinstated the ancient discipline, by which of-
fenders were excluded from the church. All these things were effected,
with the consent of the greater part of the senate. — (II.) To facilitate a
pacification with the Lutherans, he substituted in place of the Zwinglian
doctrine concerning the Lord's supper, another doctrine in appearance
more like that of Luther, indeed not greatly differing from it. For while
Zwingle admitted only a symbolical presence of the body and blood of
Christ in the sacred supper, and promised no other benefit from its cele-
bration, than the calling to mind the death of Christ and the blessings pro-
cured by that death ; Calvin admitted a sort of spiritual presence ; that is,
he held that the regenerate, in the exercise of faith, do become united in a
certain way to the man Christ, and from this union receive an increase of
spiritual life. And as he used the phraseology of Luther on this subject,
and acknowledged among other things, that divine grace was conferred and
sealed by the sacred supper, he was thought by many to believe in what is
called impanation, or to agree very nearly with Luther.(25) According to

(25) See Fusliri's Centuria i. Epistolar.
Theolog. Reformator., torn, i., p. 255, 260,
262, 263, &c. Lettres de Calvin a Mr.
Jac. de Falaise, published a few years since
at Amsterdam, p. 84, 85. Calvin himself
wrote to Bucer, (in Fuslin, 1. c., p. 263),
that he approved of his sentiment. Perhaps
he received his own opinion from Bucer.
See Jac Benign. Bossuefs Histoire des va-
riations des Eglises Protestants, tome ii.,p.
8, &c., p. 14, 19. Courayer's Examen des
defauts des Theologiens, tome ii., p. 72, &c.,
who endeavours to show, that Calvin's sen-
timents respecting the Lord's supper were
nearly the same as those of the Roman
Catholics. But he is in general very ob-
scure on the subject, and does not express
himself uniformly ; so that it is difficult to
ascertain his real opinion. [" The term
Impanation (which signifies here the pres-
ence of Christ's body in the eucharist, in
or with the bread, that is there exhibited)
amounts to what is called Consubstaniiation.
It was a modification of the monstrous doc-
trine of Transubstantiation, first invented by
some of the disciples of Berenger. who had
not a mind to break all measures with the
church of Rome, and was afterwards adopted
by Luther and his followers, who, in reality,
made sad work of it. For, in order to give
it some faint air of possibility, and to main-

VOL. III.— Y

tain it as well as they could, they fell into a
wretched scholastic jargon about the nature
of substances, subsistences, attributes, prop-
erties, and accidents, that did infinite mis-
chief to the true and sublime science of gos-
pel theology, whose beautiful simplicity it
was adapted to destroy. The very same
perplexity and darkness, the same quibbling,
sophistical, and unintelligible logic, that
reigned in the attempts of the Roman Catho-
lics to defend the doctrine of Transubstan-
tiation, were visible in the controversial wri-
tings of the Lutherans in behalf of Consub-
stantiation, or Impanation. The latter had,
indeed, one absurdity less to maintain ; but
being obliged to assert, in opposition to in-
tuitive evidence, and unchangeable truth,
that the same body can be in many places
at the same time, they were consequently
obliged to have recourse to the darkest and
most intricate jargon of the schools. The
modern Lutherans are grown somewhat
wiser in this respect ; at least, they seem
less zealous than their ancestors about the
tenet in question." — Mad. The Lutherans
of the present day, wisely reject the opinion
of Luther, and the doctrine of their symboli-
cal books. Thus Brettschneider writes, in
1819, (Entwickelung, &c., p. 715), "The
modern systematic divines either change,—
as do Zecharia, Rcinhard, Storr, — the prse-

170 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVL— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

Zwingle's opinion, all Christians whatsoever, whether regenerate or in their
sins, can be partakers of the body and blood of Christ : but according to
Calvin, none can, except the regenerate and the holy. (III.) The cele-
brated doctrine of an absolute decree of God respecting the salvation of
men, which was unknown to Zwingle, was inculcated by Calvin : that is,
he taught, that God had no other ground for his electing some persons
from all eternity to everlasting life, and appointing others to everlasting
punishments, except his own pleasure, or his most free and sovereign will.

§ 13. The first of these three doctrines, neither Calvin nor his disciples
could persuade all the Reformed churches to adopt ; for instance, the Ger-
mans, the English, and even the Swiss : yet he persuaded the French, the
Dutch, the Scotch, and some others. The Swiss would by no means allow
the form of church government established by Zicingle, and the preroga-
tives of the magistrates in matters of religion, to be changed. And on
the two other points, there was very warm debate in Switzerland for a long
time. For the inhabitants of Zurich, Bern, &c., were utterly averse to
parting with the doctrine they had learned from Zwingle respecting the
sacred supper. (26) Nor were they easily persuaded to admit the Calvin-
istic doctrine of predestination, among the doctrines of the church. (27)
Yet by the perseverance, the high reputation, and the prudence of Calvin,
after very warm altercations, a reconciliation between him and the Swiss
was effected, first in regard to the Lord's supper in 1549 and 1554, and
afterwards in regard to predestination. (28) After this, his pupils were
so successful as gradually to bring nearly the, whole Reformed church to
embrace his new opinions : to which event, his own writings contributed
not a little.(29)

§ 14. Let us next survey the countries, in which the Reformed religion
as shaped by Calvin, obtained a fixed and permanent residence. Among
the German princes, Frederic III. elector Palatine, in the year 1560, sub-
stituted followers of Calvin's doctrines in place of the Lutheran teachers
whom he removed, and ordered his subjects to receive the rites and opin-
ions of the Genevans. (30) His successor Lewis, in the year 1576, rescind-
ed the acts of his father and restored the Lutheran doctrine to its former
dignity and authority. But this fell again, on the accession of John Cas-
imir to the government of the Palatine countries in 1583 ; for he had gone
over to the side of the Reformed with his deceased father(31) Frederic

sentia realis of the body and blood of Christ, lae ad Leibnitium, published by Kapp, p. 24,

into a presentia operativa, a presence of 25, 41, contends that there is no longer any

Christ, not in substance, but in operation; one among the Reformed, who holds to Zwin-

or they deny altogether, — wiihHcnke, Ecker- gle's opinion respecting the Lord's supper.

mann,De\Vctte,Wegscheidcr, — the presence But it is certain, there are many such:

of the celestial body of Christ, in the sense and at the present day, his opinion has in a

maintained by the ancients." — Tr.] sense revived, in England, in Switzerland,

(26) See Fiislin's Centuria Epistolar., p. and in other countries.

264. Museum Helvet., torn, i., p. 490 ; torn. (30) Henry Alting's Historia Eccles. Pal-

v., p. 479, 483, 490 ; torn, ii., p. 79, &c. atina ; in Lud. Christ Mieg's Monumenta

(27) See Museum Helveticum, torn, ii., p. Palatina, loin, i., p. 223, &c. Lbscher, His-
105, 107, 117. Dan. Gerdes, Miscellanea toria Motuum, pt. ii., lib. iv., cap. iv., p.
Groningens. nova, torn, ii., p. 476, 477. I 125. Salig's Historic der Augsburg. Con-
omit the common writers, as Ruchat, Hot- fession, vol. iii., book ix., ch. v., p. 433, &c.
linger, &c. (31) [In the original, it is not father, but

(28) See the Consensus Genev. et Tigu- brother: which is a manifest error of the
rinor., in Calvin's Opuscula, p. 754, &c. press. For John Casimir was not the broth-

(29) Dan. Ern. Jablowky, in his Episto- er of Frederic III., but his son. — Sckl.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 171

III., and it was necessary again to give Calvinism the pre-eminence. (32)
From that time onward, the Palatine church held the second rank among
the Re formed chu rches ; and it possessed such influence over the others,
that the religious instructions composed for its use by Zechariah Ursinus,
and denominated the Heidelberg Catechism, were received nearly through,
out the whole body.(33) In the republic of Bremen, Albert Hardenberg a
friend of Melancthon, in the year 1556, first attempted to propagate the
Calvinistic doctrine respecting the Lord's supper. And although his at-
tempt for the present was unsuccessful, and he was expelled the city, yet it
was impossible to withhold the Bremensians from uniting with the Reform-
ed church towards the close of the century.(34) In what manner other
portions of the German population were gradually brought to relish the
doctrines of Calvin, must be learned from those who undertake to write a
full history of Christianity.

§ 15. The first among the French who abandoned the Romish religion,
are commonly called Lutherans, by the writers of those times : and from
this name and some other circumstances, the inference has been drawn,
that they were all believers in Luther's doctrines and averse from those of
the Swiss. (35) To me they appear to have been a mixed company of va-
rious sorts of persons. The vicinity however of Geneva, Lausanne, and
other cities which embraced the Calvinistic system of doctrines and disci-
pline, and the astonishing zeal of Calvin, Farell, Beza and others, in foster,
ing, encouraging, and multiplying the opposers of the Romish see in
France, induced them all beforeHhe middle of the century arrived, to pro-
fess themselves the friends and brethren of the Genevans. By their ene-
mies they were contumeliously denominated Huguenots : the origin of
which appellation is uncertain. They were however tossed by various
tempests and misfortunes, and endured greater calamities and sufferings
than any other portion of the Protestant church ; and this, notwithstanding
they could number exalted princes and nobles of the nation, among their
party. (36) Even the peace which they obtained from Henry III., in 1576,
proved the commencement of a most destructive civil war ; in which the
very powerful family of Cruise, being set on by the Roman pontiffs, endeav-
oured to overthrow and extirpate the Reformed religion together with the
royal family ; and on the other hand, the Huguenots, led on by generals of

(32) Alting, loc. cit., p. 223, 245. Los- siasticor. in civitate Bremensi, ab anno 1547,
cher, 1. c., pt. iii., lib. vi., p. 234. But es- ad an.' 1561, tempore Alherti Hardenbergii
pecially Burch. Gotth. Struve's Pfalzische suscitatorum, ex authenticis monumentis :
Kirchenhistorie ; who has learnedly treated Groningen, 1756, 4to ; also reprinted in his
of these events, p. 110, &c. Scrinium Antiquar. seu Novae Miscellan.

(33) On the Heidelberg or Palatine Cat- Groningenses, torn, v., pt. i. See also the
echism and Confession, see Jo. Chr. Koch- Brem-und Verdische Bibliothek, vol. iii., pt.
er's Bibliotheca Theol. Symbolics, p. 593 iii., no. 5. — Schl.]

and 308 [and especially his Catechetical His- (35) See Loscher's Historia Motuum, pt.

tory of the Reformed churches ; in which ii., cap. vi., p. 46. Salig's Historie der

he treats particularly of the history of the Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., book v.,ch. v.

Heidelberg Catechism; Jena, 1756, 8vo. — and vi., p. 190, &c.

Schl.] (36) See Histoire Eccles. des Eglises

(34) Salig, loc. cit., pt. iii., book x., ch. Reformees au Royaume de France, in three
v., p. 715, and ch. vi., p. 776, &c. Los- volumes, Antwerp, 1580, 8vo, which is
cher, loc. cit., pt. ii., lib. iv., ch. v., p. 134, commonly ascribed to Theodore Beza. The
and pt. iii., lib. vi., ch. vii., p. 276. Gerdes, writers on the Gallic church and its Confes-
Historia renovati Evangelii, torn, iii., p. 157 sion of faith, are enumerated by Kocher,
[and especially his HisLoria Motuum. Eccle- Bibliotheca Theol. Symbolicse, p. 299, &c.

172 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

the highest rank, fought for their religion and their kings with various suc-
cess. These horrible commotions, in which both parties committed many
acts that posterity must ever reprobate, were at length terminated by the
prudence and heroism of Henry IV. The king himself, perceiving that his
throne would never be firm and stable if he persevered in spurning the au-
thority of the pontiff, forsook the Reformed religion and embraced the old
faith ; but on the other hand, he published the edict of Nantes, in 1598, in
which he gave to the Reformed who he saw could not be subdued, full lib-
erty to worship God in their own way, and likewise the greatest security
that was possible. (37)

(37) Elias Benoit, Histoire de 1'Edit de
Nantes, tome i., livr. v., p. 200, &c. Gabr.
Daniel's Histoire de France, tome ix., p.
409, &c., of the last Paris edition. Boulay's
Historia Acad. Paris., torn, vi., the whole
volume. [For a sketch of the rise and
progress of Protestantism in France, till the
death of Francis I., in 1547, see note (60),
p. 47, &c., of this volume. During the
reign of Henry II., the son and successor of
Francis, or from 1547 to 1559, the persecu-
tion of the Reformed was still more syste-
matic, determined, and unsparing. In 1551,
the civil courts were required to co-operate
with the spiritual, and to exterminate all
heretics. The estates of all emigrants on ac-
count of religion, were to be confiscated.
No books whatever might be imported from
any Protestant country ; and to print, or sell,
or possess Protestant books, was made penal.
Many were imprisoned and put to death. In
1555, the civil courts were forbidden to hear
appeals from the ecclesiastical ; and all ma-
gistrates were to execute the decisions of
the latter. The parliament of Paris refused
to register this decree ; and made a noble
remonstrance to the king. In 1557, the
king appointed commissioners, to aid the
bishops in exterminating all heretics ; but the
parliament refused to register this decree.
In 1558, cardinal Lorrain, with the consent
of the king, established a limited Inquisition.
But several of the courts still favoured and
protected the Protestants ; and the king
summoned a meeting called a mercurial ;
and learning that a number of his judges se-
cretly favoured the Reformers, he imprisoned
several of them, and one was put to death.
But amid all their persecutions, the Protest-
ants multiplied greatly, during this reign.
Two princesof the blood, the king of Navarre
and the prince of Condi, and a great number
of the nobility and gentry, were their friends
and supporters. Hence they set up churches
every where, had regular preachers, and sta-
ted though generally secret meetings for
worship. In 1559, the king of Navarre and
the prince of Condi encouraged and attend-
ed meetings of some thousands for worship,
in a meadow near Pahs, in open day ; at the

close of which the people publicly marched
into the city. In the same year, the Prot-
estants held their first national synod private-
ly at Paris ; and there adopted a confession
of faith, catechism, and directory for wor-
ship, composed by Calvin; and likewise
formed a system of church government.
Their doctrines were strictly Calvinistic ;
their worship very simple, and almost without
written forms ; and their system of govern-
ment entirely Presbyterian. Single churches
were governed by Consistories, (Sessions),
composed of the pastors and ruling elders,
many of whom were noblemen. From the
Consistories, lay appeals to the Colloquies
or Classes, (Presbyteries), composed of pas-
tors and elders deputed from the Consistories,
and meeting twice a year. From these Col-
loquies, there were appeals to the Provincial
Synods, composed of all the Colloquies in a
province and meeting once a year. Nation-
al Synods were composed of one pastor and
one elder from* each of the 16 Provincial
Synods. This supreme ecclesiastical tribu-
nal did not meet regularly, but as occasion
required; and at each meeting, some prov-
ince was named to call the next meeting.
From A.D. 1559 to the year 1659, there
were 29 National Synods holden ; which
heard appeals, answered cases of conscience,
revised their rules and regulations, and trans-
acted various concerns of the whole body.
(See their acts published by John Quick, en-
titled Synodicon in Gallia Reformata, Lon-
don, 1692, 2 vols. fol.)— Francis II., a youth
of 16, and feeble both in body and mind, suc-
ceeded his father Henry II. in 1559. His
mother Catharine de Medicis, the duke of
Guise and his brother the cardinal of Lor-
raine, all decided Catholics, in fact ruled the
nation, and endeavoured to crush the Refor-
mation. The king of Navarre, the prince
of Condi, the admiral Coiigni, and others
friendly to the Protestants, conspired to over-
throw the power of the Guises : but they
were betrayed, and thus involved themselves
and all the Protestants in persecution. Many
perished ; numbers fled the country ; and
still more were imprisoned, robbed of their
property, and variously harassed, during the

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

173

§ 16. The Scotch church honours John Knox, a disciple of Calvin, as its
founder : and from him of course it received from its commencement the doc-

17 months of this reign. In 1560, Charles
IX., aged eleven years, succeeded his broth-
er Francis, till 1574. His mother was re-
gent. To secure her power, she now sought
the friendship of the king of Navarre, and
of the Protestants ; and even listened her-
self to Protestant preachers. She needed
money ; and the states general were assem-
bled in 1561 ; but they did nothing but
wrangle. The Catholics demanded the ex-
tirpation of all heretics ; and the Protestants
demanded toleration. The court issued a
decree forbidding religious disputes, releas-
ing the imprisoned Protestants, and allowing
toleration to all who would externally con-
form to the established religion, unless they
chose to quit the country. The provincial
authorities favourable to the Protestants, car-
ried the decree into effect ; the others would
not. In July, 1561, there was a fruitless
conference of Catholic and Protestant divines
at Poissy, to effect a compromise between
the two religions. Though the country was
in great disorder, the Protestants were pros-
perous, and continually multiplying. To
prevent murders and seditions, the court
persuaded the people of both religions to
give up their arms, and to trust to the pro-
tection of Ihe government. In January,
1562, a national convention met at St. Ger-
main, and agreed that the Protestants should
be allowed to hold private worship, till a
general council should decide all religious
disputes. The Protestants were not quite
satisfied with this ; but the Catholics were
outrageous. Tumults ensued. The king of
Navarre, to gain an addition to his territory,
abandoned the Protestants, and summoned
the duke of Guise to the capitol, to sup-
press the tumults. He obeyed ; and passing
through Vassi in Champagne, found a Prot-
estant assembly holding worship in a barn.
His soldiers commenced a quarrel with them,
and then murdered 260 of their number.
A civil war now broke out. The Protest-
ants made Orleans their headquarters, and
had the prince of Conde and admiral Coligni
for leaders ; while the Catholics were com-
manded by the duke of Guise, the king of
Navarre, and the constable Montmorency.
Much blood was shed, and many towns taken
and ravaged. The king of Navarre fell in
battle ; the duke of Guise was assassinated ;
Montmorency and Conde were both taken
prisoners. Peace was concluded at Am-
boise, March, 1563, on the ground of a gen-
eral amnesty for the past, and free toleration
of Protestant worship in particular places
throughout France. The treaty was not well

observed ; and the Protestants, finding the
court determined on their ruin, renewed the
war in 1567, under Coligni and the prince of
Conde. Montmorency fell, and many other
noblemen on both sides. Peace was conclu-
ded early in 1568, on nearly the same terms
as before. But three months after, hostile
movements on the part of the court, caused
the war to be renewed with increased vio-
lence. The prince of Condi fell in battle,
in 1569 : but the queen of Navarre, with
her son, and the young prince of Conde, all
zealous Protestants, now appeared in the
field. Peace was concluded in 1570, on the
conditions of amnesty for the past, free tol-
eration of the Protestants every where, a lim-
ited right to except against Catholic judges,
and the possession of four cities, (Rochelle,
Cognac, Montauban, and la Charite), for two
years, to be garrisoned by Protestants. To
lull the Protestants into security, the court
now enforced the terms of the treaty with
much apparent zeal, proposed a marriage be-
tween the young king of Navarre and the
king's sister, and at length drew Coligni,
the king of Navarre, and the prince of Conde,
to appear at court. All this was preparatory
to the assassination of the Protestants, by
order of the king and queen mother, on St.
Bartholomew's eve, Aug. 22, 1572. The
bloody scene began at midnight, at the sig-
nal of tolling the great bell of the palace, and
continued three days at Paris. Coligni -was
the first victim. With him, five hundred
noblemen, and about 6,000 other Protest-
ants were butchered in Paris alone. Orders
were despatched to all parts of the empire,
for a similar massacre everywhere. More
than 30,000, — some say 70,000, — perished
by the hands of the royal assassins : and the
pope ordered a jubilee throughout Christen-
dom. The Protestants were weakened, but
not destroyed. Losing all confidence in the
government, they entered into combinations
for their safety. The prince of Conde escaped
from his prison, and went to Germany to
form alliances in their behalf. Charles IX.
died in 1574, and was succeeded by his
brother, Henry III., a dissolute man, and a
violent Catholic. Civil war raged again :
but peace was concluded in 1576. The
Protestants were to enjoy freedom of wor-
ship everywhere, except at Paris and within
two miles of the king's residence. Courts
half Catholics and half Protestants, were to
be established in the principal cities ; and
ten cautionary towns were to be given them.
The Catholics, dissatisfied as usual with
concessions of liberty to the Protestants,

174 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. HI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

trines, institutions, and government of the Genevans. And in maintaining
these pure and uncontaminated, it ever has been and still is, so zealous, that
in the seventeenth century, it did not hesitate to avenge with the sword the
temerity of those who would introduce something foreign into it. (38) — In

stated in the acts of their national synods,
was generally from 700 to 800. Some of
these were vastly large, and had three, four,
and even five pastors ; while others were
very small, and were joined two or three
together under one pastor. They could
reckon men of great learning and talents
among them. They were in close fellow-
ship with the church of Geneva, and with the
Flemish Protestants. Their adherence to
their creeds and also their discipline, were
strict. Take an example. In 1578, the
Consistory of Rochelle debarred the prince
of Condi the communion, because one of his
ships had taken a prize after the signing of
the last peace ; which he continued to hold
as a lawful prize, because the capture was
made before the forty days assigned for the
publication of the treaty had expired. He
appealed to the National Synod ; but it
decided against him. " See Quick's Syno-
dicon, vol. i., p. 122. For the facts in this
note, I am indebted chiefly, to GifforcTs
history of France, vol. iii. ; Quick's Syno-
dicon, vol. i., and Ingram Cobbirfs Histori-
cal View of the Reformed church of France,
London, 1816. For a more full and cir-
cumstantial account, see M. Schroeckh, Kir-
chengesch. sfiit. der. Reform., vol. ii., p.
239-348.— T/-.]

(38) SaUg's Histoire der Augsburg. Con-
fession, vol. ii., b. vi., ch. i., p. 403. — [Some
notice of the first dawning of the Reforma-
tion in Scotland, was given in note (64), p.
49, above. James V. died in 1542; and
left his crown to an infant daughter, only a
few days old, Mary queen of Scots. At
the age of six years, she was affianced to
the dauphin of France, afterwards Francis
II. ; and was sent to be educated in that
country, and did not return to Scotland till
after the death of her husband in 1561. Du-
ring these 19 years, Scotland was governed
by the queen dowager, Mary of Guise wid-
ow of James V., and by a series of regents.
At the commencement of this period, the
Reformed doctrines were spreading slowly,
without noise, and with little direct opposi-
tion. But in February, 1546, cardinal Be-
ton, the archbishop of St. Andrews, seized
and burned at the stake George Wishart, a
Reformed preacher. This excited great in-
dignation : and Norman Lesly, a young no-
bleman, with an armed force surprised and
murdered the cardinal in his castle, and held
possession of it fourteen months. During
this time the reformed doctrines were preach-

combined with the pope and the king of
Spain, and obliged the king to abrogate his
decrees for giving effect to the treaty. The
war was renewed in 1577, and continued
with some interruptions till 1580 ; when the
Protestants were again allowed their former
liberties, and their cautionary towns for six
years. But in 1584, the Catholic chiefs,
particularly the Guises, formed a league with
Philip king of Spain, for exterminating the
Protestants, and transferring the crown of
France to the family of Guise on the demise
of the present king. War was of course re-
newed with the Protestants, at the head of
whom was the king of Navarre and the
prince of Condi. The Guises and their al-
lies checked the Protestants, but alienated
the king, who caused the duke of Guise to
be assassinated. Henry III. now found
himself so odious to the Catholic league,
that he was obliged to make peace with the
king of Navarre and the Protestants ; and
they generously supported him, till his death
in 1589. The king of Navarre was the next
legal heir to the crown of France, which he
assumed, with the name of Henry IV., and
was supported by all the Protestants, and
by the Catholics who adhered to the late
king. But the leaguers refused to acknowl-
edge him ; and he had to contend several
years for his crown. At length in 1595, to
put a stop to the civil wars, he professed the
Catholic religion. Yet he gave free tolera-
tion to his Protestant subjects. In 1598, he
published the edict of Nantes, as the basis
of their liberties ; and by it, he confirmed to
them all the privileges ever before conceded
to them ; gave them equal civil rights, and
equal privileges in the universities and public
schools ; allowed them courts, half Protest-
ant and half Catholic, in the principal cities ;
made them eligible to all public offices ; and
allowed them to establish public worship, in
places of a particular description, throughout
the realm. He also gave them an annual
stipend of about 40,000 crowns, for the sup-
port of their ministers. And though the
Catholics murmured, and endeavoured to
infringe upon their rights, Henry protected
them to the end of his reign, in 1610. — The
number of Protestants in France, during the
last half of this century, was supposed to be
from a million, to a million and a half. At
one time, (1571), tLey claimed to have 2150
churches : but many of them were only
family churches, or the households of the
nobles. The number of regular churches,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

175

England the case was very different. This nation never could be per-
suaded to submit itself entirely to the decisions of Geneva ; nor did it long

ed freely at St. Andrews, and among others,
by the famous John Knox. On the reduc-
tion of St. Andrews, Knox and most of the
prisoners were sent out of the country. The
same year Henry VIII. died ; and the Ref-
ormation in England went forward rapidly,
under Edward VI. This excited the Scotch
to emulation ; and several of the nobles
embraced the Reformation. The queen
dowager, for political reasons, found it ne-
cessary to treat the Protestants with indul-
gence. In 1553, Edward VI. of England
died ; and was succeeded by his sister Mary,
a violent Catholic, whose bloody persecu-
tions drove great numbers of her subjects
into foreign countries, several of them into
Scotland. This also strengthened the Ref-
ormation there. The Scotish clergy pos-
sessed about half the wealth of the country,
and the nobles were eager to get their estates ;
while they, ignorant and dissolute, were will-
ing to allow Protestant doctrines to spread,
so long as they could enjoy their revenues.
In 1554, the queen dowager was made re-
gent. Her partialities to the French so dis-
gusted the nation, that to maintain her power,
she had to favour still more the Protestants.
In 1555, John Knox returned to Scotland ;
and he and other zealous preachers spread
the reformed doctrines with great success.
The queen dowager kept many of the bish-
oprics and richer benefices vacant, in order
to enjoy their revenues ; and others she filled
with persons devoted to her : and both alien-
ated the more zealous Catholics, and weak-
ened the power of the clergy. In 1558, the
archbishop of St. Andrews commenced per-
secution. But the Protestants, who were
now nearly half the nation, were indignant,
and applied to the queen regent, who gave
them protection. The next year however,
through French influence, she abandoned the
Protestants and took sides with the Catholic
clergy. In May, 1559, she summoned most
of the Reformed ministers to appear at Stir-
ling, to answer for their conduct. They set
out, attended by noblemen and immense
crowds of armed companions. She was
afraid to meet them ; and sent them a dis-
charge, on condition that they should peace-
ably return to their homes. They did so :
and she then basely proceeded to try them ;
and for their nonappearance, pronounced
them all outlaws. The Protestants in their
rage, attacked the churches and monasteries,
destroying images, altars, crosses, &c. The
queen resolved to quell them by force ; and
a civil war ensued. After various contests,
the Protestants having been frequently de-

ceived by the queen, determined to remove
her from the regency. They also found
themselves so strong, that they demanded
more than a bare toleration ; and being aided
by queen Elizabeth, they obtained a com-
plete triumph. The queen dowager died ;
and the French and English embassies,
which met in Scotland in 1560, negotiated
a peace, by which the Protestants were left
at full liberty, and all religious disputes were
committed to the adjustment of a Scotish
parliament. The French and English troops
were both withdrawn ; and a full parliament
was assembled, which overturned the whole
system of popery, and established Protest-
antism in its stead. These acts of parlia-
ment were sent to France, for the queen's
ratification. At the close of this year Fran-
cis II. died ; and his queen Mary, the next
year, 1561, returned to Scotland to take the
government of the country into her own
hands. The first general assembly of the
Scotish church was held in December, 1560.
Here a Calvinistic creed and a Presbyterian
form of government, as delineated in the
First Book of Discipline, were adopted.
Five of the pastors were made standing su-
perintendents or visiters of the churches, in-
stead of bishops ; pastors and teachers, read-
ers and exhorters, and annual elders and dea-
cons, were the church officers ; and church
sessions, synods, and general assemblies
were to be the judicatories. The clergy in
vain attempted to persuade the government
to transfer the funds of the Catholic churches
to the Protestant. But the parliament of
1561, undertook to purge the land of idola-
try ; and " abbeys, cathedrals, churches, li-
braries, records, and even the sepulchres of
the dead, perished in one common ruin."
The queen did not ratify the acts of the par-
liament of 1560 subverting popery; and in
opposition to them she set up the mass in
her own chapel ; yet she allowed the Prot-
estants for the present, free toleration, and
also chose her council chiefly from among
them. Many of the richer benefices were
still held by Catholics, while others were in
the hands of the Protestants ; and parliament
unanimously decreed, that all the incumbents
should continue to enjoy their revenues, yet
each paying over a third part of his income
to the public treasury. In 1563, the queen
had not yet sanctioned the legal abolition of
popery, and the Protestant nobles did not
see fit to urge it. This provoked the min-
isters and especially Knox, to utter violent
denunciations and to commit some outrages ;
but the prudence of the nobles prevented

176 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

retain unaltered, what it did receive from that quarter. It is pretty well
attested, that the greatest part of those Englishmen who first renounced
the superstitions of their fathers, were more inclined to the opinions of
Luther respecting the holy supper, the mode of public worship, and the
government of the church, than to those of the Swiss. But after the death
of Henry VIII., the industry of Calvin and his disciples, especially Peter
Martyr, caused the former opinions to be excluded, and the latter to gain
admission into the universities, the schools, the pulpits, and the minds
of the majority.(39) Hence, in the reign of Edward VI., when they
came to deliberate what system of doctrine and discipline to establish, the
English embraced the communion of the Genevans ; yet with this limita-
tion, that they would retain the old organization of the church, which was
very different from that of Geneva, together with some rites and ceremo-
nies which most of the Reformed regard as very superstitious. Yet this
diversity, slight as it might then be deemed, and to be borne with, as Cal-
vin himself attested, afterwards produced numerous perils, calamities, and
wars, to the injury both of the church and the commonwealth of England.
§ 17. This lamentable schism, which to this day no means have been
able to heal, commenced with those who fled to save their lives and liber-
ties in the year 1554, when Mary reigned or rather raged, in England.
Some of these celebrated their public worship, according to the liturgy es-
tablished by Edward VI., but others preferred the more simple and in
their view more pure worship of the Swiss. The former were denomina-

any fatal consequences. In 1565, the queen
married Henry lord Darnly, a weak and in-
solent young man, who soon rendered him-
self odious to his queen and to most of the
nation. The next year, the queen was de-
livered of a son, James, afterwards James
VI., of Scotland. In 1566, Mary at the in-
stigation of the French, began to form pro-
jects for establishing popery. The next
year, lord Darnly was murdered ; and Both-
well the queen's favourite, who aspired to
the throne, persuaded her to sanction the
legal establishment of Protestantism. The
scandalous marriage of the queen with Both-
well, induced the nobles to seize the person
of the infant prince James, for whose safety
they were solicitous. This act, and the loud
demands for an investigation of the murder
of Darnly, produced a civil war ; in which
the queen was taken, forced to resign her
crown to her son, and confined in Lochleven.
Escaping, she renewed the war without suc-
cess ; and retiring into England, she threw
herself upon the generosity of queen Eliza-
beth ; who kept her a prisoner twenty years,
and then caused her to be beheaded, on a
charge of treasonable practices in England.
Being thus delivered from a Catholic sover-
eign in 1567, the Protestants of Scotland
found no difficulty in fully establishing, du-
ring the minority of James, their own reli-
gion, and suppressing entirely that of the
Catholics. Notwithstanding many were
friendly to episcopacy, the Presbyterian sys-

tem of government was universally adopted,
as laid down in the Second Book of Disci-
pline. Generally, three or four contiguous
churches were united and had one church
session in common, from which lay appeals
to the provincial synods ; and these sessions,
which were* called elderships, afterwards
became presbyteries, when the individual
churches were provided with distinct ses-
sions. James VI., on assuming the gov-
ernment, was a zealous Protestant, though
somewhat inclined to episcopacy, and dis-
posed to make himself head of the church.
He curbed the insolence of the clergy, who
claimed liberty to denounce public men and
measures from the pulpit, as they had done
in the preceding unsettled times. There
were warm disputes respecting the bounda-
ries between the civil power and the minis-
terial prerogative ; the expediency of admit-
ting bishops ; and the disposition to be made
of the old ecclesiastical funds. In 1603,
queen Elizabeth died, and James VI. of
Scotland succeeded to the throne of Eng-
land, under the name of James I. — See Rob-
ertson's History of Scotland ; M ' Crie's Life
of John Knox ; and Ja. Scott's Lives of the
Protestant Reformers in Scotland. — TV.]

(39) See Loscher's Historia Motuum, pt.
ii., lib. iii., cap. vii., p. 67, and the authori-
ties he quotes : Salig's Historic der Augs-
burg. Confession, vol. ii., b. vi., ch. iii., p.
317, &c., and others.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

ted Conformists, because they conformed their worship to the pattern le-
gally established by Edward ; the latter were called Nonconformists and
also Puritans, because they desired greater purity in worship and did not
regard the liturgy of king Edward as free from all the dregs of supersti-
tion. These appellations have continued in use ; and to this day they
designate the Christian communities by which Great Britain is divided.
When the exiles returned to their country on the accession of Elizabeth to
the throne, this controversy being introduced into England, soon became
so great and threatening that the more sagacious even then despaired of
any reconciliation. The wise queen did not confine the reformation to
the rigorous principles of the Genevans and their followers the Puritans,
but she enjoined on those to whom she intrusted this business, to follow
the patterns of the early ages rather than that of the Genevans. (40) When
she had modelled the whole church and especially the public worship on
these principles, she published the celebrated Act of Uniformity, requiring
all Englishmen to observe her regulations. The Puritans urged, that
they could not in conscience yield obedience ; and they bitterly complained,
that the discarded superstitions g/ popery were reinduced. The more ar-
dent insisted, that these regulations should be wholly removed, and that
the church should be regulated according to the principles of the Genevans;
while the more temperate merely requested liberty, to worship God them-
selves according to their own opinions. The queen determining to show
no indulgence to either, employed all the means which penal laws and her
own sagacity could afford, in order to suppress the obstinate sect. And
thus that purification of the old religion, by which the English church is
equally distinguished from the popish and from all the others that have re-
nounced the dominion of the pontiff, was confirmed and established ; and
at the same time a foundation was laid for permanent discord, to the vast
injury of this otherwise happy nation. (41)

(40) [" Dr. Mosheim seems disposed, by (41) No one has treated this subject
this ambiguous expression of the primitive more fully, or more agreeably, than Daniel

ages, to insinuate that queen Elizabeth had
formed a pure, rational, and evangelical plan
of religious discipline and worship. It is
however certain, that, instead of being wil-
ling to strip religion of the ceremonies
which remained in it, she was rather incli-
ned to bring the public worship still nearer
to the Romish ritual, (Hcylin, p. 124), and
had a great propensity to several usages in
the church of Rome, which were justly look-
ed upon as superstitious. She thanked pub-
licly one of her chaplains, who had preach-
ed in defence of the real presence; she was
fond of images, and retained some in her
private chape! ; (Hcylin, p. 124), and would
undoubtedly have forbid the marriage of the
clergy, if Cecil, her secretary, had not inter-
posed. (Strype's Life of Parker, p. 107,
108, 109.) Having appointed a committee
of divines to review king Edward's liturgy,
she gave them an order to strike out all of-
fensive passages against the pope, and to
make people easy about the corporeal pres-
ence of Christ in the sacrament. (Ned's
Hist, of the Purit., vol. i.. p. 138.)"— Macl.]
VOL. III.— Z

Need ; whose History of the Puritans or
Protestant Nonconformists, was published
not long since at London, in four volumes.
The first volume of tlu's elaborate work was
printed, London, 1732, 8vo, the last volume
appeared in 1738. Yet the author, who
was himself a Puritan, could not so com-
mand his party feelings and his passions, as
entirely to avoid sectarian zeal. For while
he is full in narrating and emblazoning the
wrongs which the bishops inflicted, or caus-
ed to be inflicted upon the Puritans, he fre-
quently extenuates, excuses, or passes si-
lently over the faults of the Puritan sect.
The reader may also consult Jo. Slrype's
Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury
under queen Elizabeth, namely, Parker,
Grindal, and Whitgift ; which are written
with great copiousness and labour. [See
also Bogue and Bennefs History of Dissent-
ers, vol. i., London, 1809, and Benjamin
Brook's Lives of the Puritans, vol. i., Lon-
don, 1813.— Tr.]

178 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II

§ 18. The first cause that gave rise to so many strange and calamitous
events, was very trivial, and of no consequence to religion and piety. The
leaders of the Puritans held in abhorrence those garments which the
English clergy wore for the sake of distinction in their public assemblies.
For these garments having been derived from the papists, were in their
view the badges of Antichrist. From this they proceeded to other matters,
of somewhat greater importance. First, they conceived that the consti-
tution of the English church, was a departure from the form established by
Christ ; and they maintained, what they had learned from Calvin and the
Genevans, that all the ministers of religion ought, by divine appointment,
to be equal in rank and authority. They had indeed no objections to al-
lowing an individual to bear the title of bishop, and to preside in the meet-
ings of his brethren for the sake of preserving order ; but they would not
allow him to claim the prerogatives of the old bishops, to rank among the
peers of the realm, to be employed in civil affairs, and be distinguished by
wealth and power. The weight of this controversy was not great, so
long as the English prelates founded their rank and authority upon the
laws of the land and human constitution ; but it became of vast moment
from the year 1588, when Richard Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Can-
terbury, first ventured publicly to affirm that bishops are an order superior
to that of presbyters, not by mere human appointment, but by the will of
God. (42) This sentiment meeting the approbation of great numbers, the
consequence was, what might be anticipated, that none were deemed prop-
erly inducted into the sacred office, unless they were ordained by a bishop ;
and that the ministers of those churches which have no bishops, were
thought to lack the qualifications necessary for their office, and to be infe-
rior to the popish priests.

§ 19. In the next place, the Puritans conceived that those churches,
which from being the residence or seat of the bishops are called cathedrals,
ought to be done away, together with all who live upon their revenues, the
archdeacons, the deans, the prebendaries and the canons : they also dis-
approved of the mode of worship usually practised in cathedrals ; and
in particular, denied that instrumental music and chanting were prop-
er in the worship of God. They likewise thought that not only the vi-
cious, but also persons of dubious piety, should be excluded from the church.
For it being their opinion that the church is the company of the faithful,
they of course held that care should be taken lest any who are destitute of
faith should creep into it. They required many alterations in those rites
and ceremonies, which were enjoined by the authority of the queen and
the supreme council.(43) For instance, they deemed all holy days conse-

(42) See Jo. Strype't Life and Acts of Consistorial council. The queen with her
John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, privy council repeatedly published Injunc-
p. 121, Lond., 1718, fol. [Neal'sHist. of the tions, or, regulations for the church, which
Puritans, vol. i., ch. vii., p. 180, &c. — Tr.] she enforced by the episcopal and the high

(43) [Dr. Ma.da.ine supposes the supreme commission courts ; and these arbitrary de-
council here mentioned, to be the noted crees of the queen were substituted for acts
high commission court. But that court was of parliament, which she more than once
an executive and visitatorial body, not legis- forbid to legislate on such subjects ; so that
lative. It seems therefore, that Dr. Mosheim she assumed to be the real lawgiver of the
intended by the supreme council, either the English church. See Need's History of the
British parliament, or perhaps the queen's Puritans, vol. i., ch. iv., p. 167, &c. Yet
privy council, which possessed much the the account which Dr. Maclaine here gives
same powers as a German prince with his of the high commission court, is worth re-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

179

crated to the memory of the saints, to be unlawful ; they would prohibit
the sign of the cross in various transactions, but especially in the sacra-
ment of baptism ; they were displeased with the employment of sponsors
or godfathers and godmothers, at the baptism of infants whose parents
were still living ;(44) nor would they allow newborn infants to be baptized
by any persons but the priests ; they would not have the sacred books of
secondary rank, or those commonly denominated the Apocrypha, to be
read and expounded to the people ; the stated forms of prayer, they would
not indeed wholly exclude from public worship, but they demanded that
the teachers should be allowed to vary from them and to alter them, as
they saw fit, and be permitted to pray to God in their own language, and
not merely in the words of others ; in short, they conceived that the
worship of their country ought to be conformable to the principles and
institutions of the Genevans, and that nothing should be tolerated that was
coincident with the Romish worship.

§ 20. These opinions could not well be defended or impugned, without
calling in the aid of certain general principles, which would support the
positions adopted ; and from which the importance of the controversy may
be estimated. Those who took sides with the queen and the supreme
council, maintained, I. that the right to reform or to abolish and correct
errors and defects, both in doctrine and in discipline and worship, belong-
ed to the civil magistrate. The Puritans on the contrary, denied that God
had assigned this office to the magistrate ; and held with Calvin, that it

peating. " This court," (says he) " took well, vicar general to Henry VIII. These
its rise from a remarkable clause in the act commissioners were empowered to make
of supremacy, by which the queen and her inquiry, not only by the legal methods of
successors were empowered to choose per- juries and witnesses, but by all other ways
sons to exercise, under her, all manner of and means which they could devise, that is,
jurisdiction, privileges, and, pre eminences,
touching any spiritual or ecclesiastical ju-
risdiction within the realms of England and
Ireland, as also to visit, reform, redress,
order, correct, and amend all errors, heresies,
schisms, abuses, contempts, offences, enor-
mities whatsoever ; provided, that they have
no power to determine any thing to be here-
sy, but what has been adjudged to be so by
the authority of the canonical scripture, or

by rack, torture, inquisition, and imprison-
ment. They were vested with a right to
examine such persons as they suspected, by
administering to them an oath (not allowed
of in their commission, and therefore called
ex-officio), by which they were obliged to
answer all questions, and thereby might be
obliged to accuse themselves, or their most
intimate friends. The fines they imposed
were merely discretionary ; the imprison-

by the first four general councils, or any of ment to .which they condemned was limited

them ; or by any other general councils,
wherein the same was declared heresy by
the express and plain words of canonical
scripture, or such as shall hereafter be de-
clared to be heresy by the High Court of
Parliament, with the assent of the clergy
in Convocation. Upon the authority of this
clause, the queen appointed a certain num-
ber of commissioners for ecclesiastical cau-
ses, who, in many instances, abused their
power. The court, they composed, was
called the Court of High Commission, be-
cause it claimed a more extensive jurisdic-
tion and higher powers, than the ordinary
Courts of the Bishops. Its jurisdiction
reached over the whole kingdom, and was
much the same with that which had been
lodged in the single person of lord Crom-

by no rule but their own pleasure ; they
imposed, when they thought proper, new
articles of faith on the clergy, and practised
all the iniquities and cruelties of a real In-
quisition. See Rapirfs and Hume's His-
tories of England, under the reign of Eliza-
beth ; and Neal's History of the Puritans,
passim." — TV.]

(44) [" Other rites and customs dis-
pleasing to the Puritans, and omitted by our
author, were, kneeling at the sacrament of
the Lord's supper, bowing at the name of
Jesus, giving the ring in marriage, the
prohibition of marriage during certain times
of the year, and the licensing it for money,
as also the confirmation of children by epis-
copal imposition of hands." — Macl.]

180 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

was rather the business of the ministers of Christ to restore religion to its
purity and dignity. II. The former supposed, that the rule of proceeding
in reforming the doctrine and discipline of the church, was not to be de-
rived exclusively from the holy scriptures, but also from the writings and
the practice of the early ages of the church. The Puritans on the other
hand, maintained that the divinely-inspired books were the only pure source,
from which could be derived rules for purging and regulating the church,
and that the enactments and the doctors of the early ages, had no author-
ity whatever. III. The former declared the church of Rome to be a true
church, though much deformed and corrupted ; they said, the Roman pon-
tiff presumptuously indeed claims to be the head and monarch of the whole
church, yet he must be acknowledged to be a legitimate bishop ; and of
course, the ministers ordained by his authority, have the most perfect right
to minister in holy things. It was necessary for the English prelates to
inculcate such principles, if they would trace back the origin and preroga-
tives of their office to the apostles of Christ. But very different were the
views of the Puritans. They constantly maintained that the Romish church
had forfeited the title and the rights of a true church ; that its bishop was the
very Antichrist ; that all its discipline and worship were vain, superstitious,
and opposed to the precepts of the gospel ; and of course, that all communion
with that church was to be shunned as pestilential. IV. The former deem-
ed the best form of the church to be that, which prevailed in the four or
five first centuries ; indeed, that it was preferable to that established by the
apostles themselves ; because they gave such a shape to the church as suit-
ed its infantile and nascent state, and left to those who should come after
them to regulate it more perfectly, when it should become fully established
and extended. On the contrary, the Puritans contended, that all the prin-
ciples of church government were laid down in the scriptures ; and that
the ambassadors of Christ set forth an unchangeable pattern which was to
be imitated by all succeeding ages, when they directed the first Christian
churches to be regulated and governed in the manner then practised in the
Jewish congregations [or Synagogues]. — V. The former contended, that
things indifferent which are neither commanded nor forbidden by the holy
scriptures, such as the rites of public worship, the attire of the priests, the
festivals, &c., the supreme magistrate may regulate and establish, accord,
ing to his pleasure ; and that to disobey his laws on these subjects, is as
sinful as to violate his laws relative to civil affairs, But the Puritans con-
tended, that it was improper and wrong to impose as necessary things,
what Christ himself had left free ; for thus the liberty which Christ has
procured for us, is subverted. They added, that such rites as tend to in-
fect the mind with superstition, can by no means be regarded as indifferent,
but must be avoided as impious and profane. And such, in their estima-
tion, were those ancient ceremonies which the queen and the parliament
refused to abrogate. (45)

(45) [" Dr. Mosheim, in these five articles, support and the defence of their several prin-

has followed the account of this controversy ciples, which they made an ill use of in their

given by Mr. Neal, in his History of the Pu- turns, as they could grasp the power into

ritans. This latter adds a sixth article, not their hands. The standard of uniformity,

of debate, but of union. Both parties (says according to the bishops, was the queen'*

he) agreed too well in asserting the necessity supremacy, and the lawn of the land ; accord -

of a uniformity of public worship, and of ing to the Puritans, the decrees of provin-

calling in the sword of the magistrate for the cial and national synods, allowed and en-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 181

§ 21. This contest of the court and bishops with those who called aloud
for a farther reformation of the church, would have been far more severe
and perilous, if those who bore the common name of Puritans had been
agreed in their opinions and feelings. But this body was composed of
persons of various dispositions and characters, whose only bond of union
was their dislike of the religion and discipline established by law ; and
therefore it very soon became divided into sects, some of which were both
misled themselves and misled others by fanatical imaginations, and others
displayed their folly by devising strange and unusual forms for the consti-
tution of churches. Among these sects, none is more famous than that
which was formed about the year 1581 by Robert Brown, an unstable and
fickleminded man. He did not differ materially from either the Episco-
palians or the other Puritans, as to the doctrines of religion ; but he had
new and singular views of the nature of the church and of the regulation
and government of it. He first distributed the whole body of Christians
into small associations, such as those collected by the apostles : because
so many persons as could conveniently be assembled in one place, and that
of moderate dimensions, he affirmed, constituted a church, and enjoyed all
the powers and privileges of a church. And each of these small congre-
gations, he pronounced to be independent and free, by divine constitution,
from all jurisdiction both of bishops who according to the court, and of
synods which according to the Puritans, have the right of governing the
church. The supreme power to provide for the welfare and the peace of
these little associations, according to his views, resided in the people ; and
all the members had equal powers and prerogatives. The congregated
multitude therefore, deliberated on sacred subjects ; and whatever was vo-
ted by the majority, was considered as legitimately decided. The brother-
hood selected certain persons from among themselves, to teach publicly and
to administer ordinances ; and if the interests of the church seemed to re-
quire it, they remanded these teachers of their own creation, again to a
private station. For these teachers were in no respects more sacred or
elevated, than the rest of the brethren, except by their power to perform
sacred functions, for which they were wholly indebted to the election and
consent of the brethren. Moreover the office of teaching was by no means
confined to them ; but all the brethren, if they pleased, might prophecy in
public, or exhort and instruct the fraternity. Hence, when the appointed
preacher of the church had closed his discourse, the brethren severally
were at liberty to hold forth, and to exhibit what they might have been re-
volving in their minds, or had not clearly apprehended in the discourse of
the preacher. In short, Brown thought that the Christian world should
now present the same aspect, as that of the churches in the days of the
apostles. In maintaining such opinions, he and his associates were so as-
suming as to hold that all bonds of harmony, communion, and charity, with
churches differently constituted, were to be severed ; and to declare that
the English church in particular was above all others to be shunned, as
being a spurious church, contaminated with the pollutions of popery, and
destitute of all divine influences. This sect, impatient under the great in-
juries it received (perhaps through its own fault) in England, removed to

forced by the civil magistrate. But neither every man's right as far as is consistent with
par y were for admitting that liberty of con- the peace of the government under which he
science, and freedom of profession, which is lives." — Mod.]

182 BOQK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

Holland, and settled at Middleburg, Amsterdam, and Leyden : but it did
not long continue. Brown himself returned to England, and forsaking his
new opinions, obtained a parsonage in the established church. The other
exiles became embroiled by many internal dissensions.(46) These effects
induced the wiser among them to modify the discipline of their founder,
and make it more tolerable. In this manner, from them originated the
noted sect of the Independents or Congregational Brethren, which still ex-
ists. But their history belongs to the next century.

§ 22. In the provinces of the Netherlands, it was long doubtful, whether
those who renounced the Romish communion would join the fellowship of
the Lutherans, or that of the Swiss ; for each of these had many and strong
partisans. (47) But in the year 1571, the preference was publicly given to
the Swiss. For the Belgic Confession of Faith,(48) which was published
in this year, was for the most part in unison with that adopted by the
French Reformed church ; and differed from the Augsburg Confession in
several respects, and especially on the doctrine of the Lord's supper. (49)
The causes of this will readily appear, if we consider the proximity of the
French and the number of them residing in the Netherlands, the high
reputation of Calvin and the Genevan school, and the indefatigable indus-
try of the Genevans in extending the boundaries of their church. From
this period, the Belgians publicly assumed the title of the Reformed, instead
of that of Lutherans which they had before borne : and in this they follow-
ed the example of the French, who had invented and first assumed this ap-
pellation. So long however as the Belgians were subject to the Spaniards,
they disused the term Reformed to avoid incurring odium, and styled them-
selves Associates of the Augsburg Confession : because, the Spanish court
looked upon Lutherans as far better citizens, than the disciples of Calvin,
who from their commotions in France, were deemed more inclined to sedi-
tion.(50)

§ 23. The knowledge of a more sound religion was carried into Poland,
by the disciples of Luther from Saxony. Afterwards, not only the Bohe-
mian brethren whom the .Romish priests had expelled from their country,
but likewise some of the Swiss, disseminated their opinions among the
Poles ; not to mention the Anabaptists, the Antitrinitarians, and others,
who travelled in that country, and there collected congregations. (51)

(46) Dan. Neal's History of the Puritans, formatie in en omtrent de Nederlanden, vol.
vol. i., ch. vi., p. 324. Jo. Hornbeck's Sum- i., b. v., p. 253, &c.

ma controversiarum, lib. x., p. 738, &c. (50) The words of Brandt, 1. cit., p. 254,

Fuller's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, b. 255, are these : Nochtans behielpen sick de

x., p. 168. [Benj. Brook's Lives of the Pu- Nederlandtsche Gereformeerden met den ti-

ritans, vol. ii., p. 366, &c. — TV.] tel van Augsburgsche Confessie, om dat die

(47) Loscher's Historia Motuum, pt. iii., te hove niet so onaengenacm was als de Cal-
!ib. v., cap. iv., p. 74. vinsche of Fransche. die de partije doorgsens

(48) For an account of the Belgic Con- hield te wesen een oproeriger Secte dan de
fession, see Rocker's BibliothecaTheol. Sym- Luthersche.

bolicae, p. 216. [It was first composed in (51) Loscher's Historia Motuum, pt. iii.,

the Walloon language, by Guy de Bres, and lib. v., cap. iii., p. 36. Salig's Historic der

first printed in French, in 1562. Afterwards Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., b. vi., ch. iii.,

it was translated into various languages ; and iv., v., p. 516. Andr. Regenvolscius, His-

was ratified (together with the Heidelberg toria Ecclesiar. Slavonicar., lib. i.,cap. xvi.,

Catechism, with which it harmonizes), by &c.,p. 71, &c. Solignac's Histoire de Po-

the Synod of Dort in 1619 ; and again at logne, torn, v., p. 40, &c. Nath. Fred.

the Hague in 165L — 7V.] Kauts, Prsecipua relig. Evangelica? in Polo-

(49) Gerhard Brandt's Historic der Re- nia fata, Hamb., 1738, 4to. [The disciples

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 183

Hence there existed here and there throughout Poland, three sorts of re-
ligious associations, those of the Bohemian brethren, the Lutherans, and
the Swiss. In order to oppose with greater vigour their common enemies,
they held a convention at Sendomir in the year 1570, and entered into a
kind of confederation, the terms of which are comprehended in a confes-
sion usually called the Agreement of Sendomir. (52) But as this compro-
mise was deemed too condescending, and injurious to the truth, (for in it
the opinions which separate the Lutherans from the Reformed, were ex-
pressed in vague and ambiguous language), it was not long after opposed
by many of the Lutherans, and in the next century was entirely abrogated ;
nor have those who desired and laboured to restore it, to this day, met
with the success they had hoped for. In both the [Brandenburg and the
Polish] Prussias, after the death of Luther and Melancthon, very large con-
gregations of the Reformed religion were gathered by certain persons,
which still are in a flourishing state. (53)

§ 24. The Bohemian brethren as they are called, or the Moravians, who
were descended from the better sort of Hussites, and had adopted some pe-
culiar regulations designed especially to guard against the reigning vices,
upon hearing of Luther 's efforts to reform the church, sent envoys to him
as early as 1522, soliciting his friendship ; and afterwards, from time to
time, they proffered the hand of friendship to the Saxons and to other
members of our community. Nor did Luther and his friends find any
thing very censurable, either in their doctrines or their discipline ; nay, the
confession which they submitted to his judgment, he did not indeed approve
in all respects, yet he thought it might be tolerated. (54) After the death
of Luther, most of the brethren being expelled their country in the year 1547,

of Luther from Saxony, were not the first von den BomischenBrudern.p. 46, &c. Jo.
preachers of reformation in Poland, as Dr. Christ. Rocker's Bibliotheca theologiae Sym-
Mosheim asserts. The Bohemian brethren bolicafi, p. 76, &c. [In the year 1522, the
had been labouring there from the times of Brethren sent two delegates to Luther, name-
John Huss ; and in the year 1500, they had ly John Horn and Mich. Weis, to congratu-
nearly two hundred houses of worship, and late him on his attaining to a knowledge of
were favoured by many of the nobility. See the truth. They also sent him, soon after-
A. Regenvolscius, ubi supra ; and Schroeckh, wards, a book entitled Instruction for Chil-
Kirchengesch. s. d. Ref., vol. ii., p. 667, 681. dren, which they had composed for the bene-
The most eminent among the Reformed fit of their church. But as they here ex-
clergy of Poland, was the famous John a pressed clearly their opinion of the Lord's
Lasco, who preached some time in London, supper, (namely, that Christ himself was not
and returning to Poland in 1556, did much actually present in it), and he freely censured
to advance the reformation there. See his this opinion, their intercourse with Luther
history and many of his letters, in Dan. Ger- was for a time interrupted. They were also
des, Miscell. Groningens., torn. i.-v. The displeased, that he was more solicitous about
Protestants of Great Poland were chiefly Bo- purity of doctrine, than the restoration of ec-
hemian brethren : those of Little Poland em- clesiastical discipline. But as they perceiv-
bracedthe views of the Swiss. Both these be- ed, that it would be for their advantage to
came united in 1555: but their union with the be reckoned among the adherents to the
Lutherans was not so easily effected. — TV.] Augsburg Confession, they at times sought

(52) See Dan. Ern. Jablonsky''s Historia his communion, and exhibited to him their
Consensus Sendomiriensis, Berlin, 1731, 4to, Confession, which he afterwards caused to
and his Epistola Apologetica, printed in the be published. See Jo. Amos Comenius, His-
same year, and directed against the excep- toria Fratrum Bohemorum, Halle, 1702, 4to,
tions of a certain Polish antagonist. p. 22, &c., and Jo. Chr. Kocher, von den,

(53) Loscher's Historia Motuum, pt. iii., Glaubensbekenntnissen der Bomischen Brij-
lib. vi., cap. i., p. 216. der, Frank/., 1741, 8vo> — Schl.']

(64) See Jo. Gottl. Carpzov's Nachricht

184 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

many of them, and especially among those that settled in Poland, inclined
towards the side of the Reformed. There seemed indeed to be a renewal
of the harmony between the Bohemians and the Lutherans, at the time of
the Agreement of Sendomir already mentioned ; but the influence of this
agreement was soon afterwards greatly weakened, and gradually all the
Bohemians united themselves with the Swiss. (55) This union at first con-
tained the stipulation, that each community should enjoy its own regula-
tions, and that they should keep up their separate meetings for worship ;
but in the following century, at the councils of Ostrorog A.D. 1620 and
1627, all difference was done away ; and the two communities of Bohe-
mians and Swiss became consolidated into one, which took the name of the
Church of the United Brethren, and retained the form and regulations of
the Bohemians, but embraced the doctrines of the Reformed. (56)

§ 25. The descendants of the Waldenses who lived shut up in the val-
lies of Piedmont, were led by their proximity to the French and Gene-
vans to embrace their doctrines and worship. Yet they retained not a
few of their ancient rules of discipline, so late as the year 1630. But in
this year the greatest part of the Waldenses were swept off by pestilence ;
and their new teachers, whom they obtained from France, regulated all
their affairs according to the pattern of the French Reformed Church. (57)
The Hungarians and Transylvanians were excited to burst the bonds of
superstition, by the writings and the disciples of Luther. Afterwards
Matthew Devay and others in a more private way, and then about the year
1550, Stephen Szegedin and others more openly, spread among them suc-
cessfully the sentiments of the Swiss respecting the Lord's supper and the
government of the church. This produced here, as in other countries,

' (55) Besides those who treat professedly
of the Bohemian Brethren, as Comenius,
Camerarius, and Lasitius, the reader may
consult Loscher's Historia Motuum, pt. iii.,
lib. v., c. vi., p. 99, &c. Salig's Historic der
Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., b. vi., ch.
iii., p. 520, &c. Adr. Regenvolscius, His-
toria Ecclesiar. Slavonicaruin, lib. i., cap.
xiii., xiv., xv., &c.

(56) Pcgenvolscius, loc. cit., lib. i., cap.
xiv., p. 120. [On the doctrinal views of the
Bohemian Brethren, which coincided gener-
ally with those of Calvin, Jo. Theoph. Eis-
ner, (one of that sect), wrote an elaborate
treatise, entitled : Brevis Conspectus Doc-
trinae Fratrum Bohemorum ; in which he
shows what was their belief in the 15th, 16th,
17th, and 18th centuries ; and which is print-
ed in Dan. Gcrd.es* Scrinium Antiquar. sive
Miscellanea Groningana, torn, vi., p. 381-
457.— TV.]

(57) Jo. Leger's Histoire generate des
Eglises Vaudoises, livre i., cap. xxxiii., p.
205, 206. Abrah. Scultefs Annales reno-
vati Evangelii, p. 294. Dan. Gerdcs, His-
toria Evangelii renovati, torn, ii., p. 401. [In
the year 1530, the Waldenses having heard
of the Reformation in Switzerland and Ger-

many, sent two of their barbs or ministers,
Gco. Morel and Peter Masson, or Latome, to
Berne, Basle, and Strasburg, to confer with
the reformers there. Their written commu-
nication to (Ecolampadius at Basle, describes
their faith and practice, with great simplicity
and candour ; and the written answer of
(Ecolampadius was such as might be ex-
pected, kind, affectionate, and fraternal. See
them, in Gerdes, Hist, renovati Evangelii,
torn, ii., p. 401-417. In their council in
Angrogne, A.D. 1532, they adopted a short
confession of faith, professedly embracing
the doctrines they had firmly believed for
four hundred years ; yet manifestly a de-
parture in some particulars, from the princi-
ples stated by their deputies to (Ecolampa-
dius ; and conformed to the new views he
had communicated to them, especially in re-
gard to free-will, grace, predestination, and
several points of practical religion. See this
confession, in J. P. Perriri's History of the
Waldenses, (Eng. translation), part i., b. ii.,
ch. iv., p. 59, &c. In the same council, they
took measures to procure an impression of
the whole Bible in their native lanjjuape ;
and also a supply of other religious books.
See Perrin, 1. c., p. 61.— Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

1S5

first, contests among the friends of a purer religion, and at length, a mani-
fest schism, which time has strengthened rather than diminished. (58)

§ 26. After the promulgation of the Formula of Concord, many of the
German churches which before belonged to the Lutheran communion,
united themselves to the Reformed. Among these were the churches of
Nassau, Hanau, Isenburg, and others. In the year 1595, the princes of
Anhalt, at the instigation especially of Wolfgang Amling, embraced the
Reformed worship in place of the Lutheran ; which produced a long con-
test between the inhabitants of that principality and the Lutherans. (59)
In Denmark also, near the close of the century, the Reformed doctrines
especially in regard to the Lord's supper, gained some footing: for that
kingdom abounded in disciples and admirers of Melanclhon, who were dis-
posed to promote peace among the Protestants, at the head of whom was
Nicholas Hemming, a pious and learned divine of Copenhagen. But the
designs of Hemming and his friends becoming known prematurely, the
other divines who were unwilling to have Lutheranism set aside, opposed so
many obstructions by means of the king, that those designs miscarried. (60)

§ 27. Moreover, the nations that held communion with the Swiss, did
not embrace all the Helvetic tenets and institutions. The Swiss indeed
ardently wished them to do so ; but untoward circumstances frustrated
their hopes. The English, as is well known, perseveringly rejected the
ecclesiastical constitution and the form of worship adopted by the other
Reformed churches ; nor could they be persuaded to receive the common
opinions of the Swiss respecting the Lord's supper and the divine decrees,
as the public sentiments of the whole nation. (61) The churches of the

(58) Paul Debrczeri1 s Historia ecclesiae
Reformats in Hungaria et Transylvania, lib.
ii., p. 64, 72, 98, &c. Compare the Un-
schuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1738, p. 1076,
&c. Geo. Hancr^s Historia ecclesiar. Tran-
sylvanicarum, Frankf., 1694, 12mo. [See
above, p. 49, note (62).— Tr.]

(59) Jo. Christ. Bechmaris Historic des
Hauses Anhalt, vol. ii., pt. vi., p. 133, &c.
Jo. Mich. Kraft's Ausfiihrliche Historic von
dem Exorcismo, p. 428, 497, &c. [" Though
the princes professed Calvinism, and intro-
duced Calvimst ministers in all the churches,
where they had the right of patronage, yet
the people were left free in their choice ; and
the noblemen and their vassals that were at-
tached to Lutheranism, had secured to them
the unrestrained exercise of their religion.
By virtue of a convention made in 1679, the
Lutherans were permitted to erect new
churches. The Zerbst line, with the great-
est part of its subjects, profess Lutheranism ;
but the three other lines with their respective
territories, are Calvinists." — Mad.]

(60) Eric Pontoppidan's Annales ecclesias
Danicae Diplomatici, torn, iii., p. 57, &c.

(61) [" It is true indeed, that the doctrine
of Zwingle, who represented the bread and
wine as nothing more than the external signs
of the death of Christ, was not adopted by
the church of England ; but the doctrine of

VOL. III.— A A

Calvin was embraced by that church, and is
plainly taught in the thirty- eighth article of
its faith. As to what relates to the doctrine
of the divine decrees, Dr. Mosheim is equally
mistaken. The seventeenth article of the
church of England is. as bishop Burmt can-
didly acknowledges, framed according to St.
Augustine's doctrine, which scarcely differs
at all from that of Calvin ; and, though it be
expressed with a certain latitude that ren-
ders it susceptible of a mitigated interpreta-
tion, yet it is very probable, that those who
penned it were patrons of the doctrine of ab-
solute decrees. The very cautions, that are
subjoined to this article, intimate that Cal-
vinism was what it was meant to establish.
Tt is certain, that the Calvinistical doctrine
of predestination prevailed among the first
English reformers, the greatest part of whom
were, at least, SuUapsarians ; in the reign
of queen Elizabeth, this doctrine was pre-
dominant, but after that period it lost ground
imperceptibly, and was renounced by the
church of England in the reign of king
Charles I. Some members of that church
still adhered, nevertheless, to the tenets of
Calvin, and maintained, not only that the
thirty-nine articles were Calvinistical, but
also affirmed, that they were not susceptible
of being interpreted in that latitude for which
the Arminians contended. Theae episcopal

•'

186 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

Palatinate, Bremen, Poland, Hungary, and Holland, agreed indeed with
the Swiss or French, respecting the Lord's supper, the simplicity of their
worship, and the form of church government ; but not likewise in respect
to predestination ; which difficult subject they left to the discretion of indi-
viduals.(62) And down to the time of the Synod of Dort, no portion of
the Reformed community required, by any positive injunction, a belief in
the opinion of the Genevans respecting the causes of everlasting salvation
and damnation. Yet the greatest part of the teachers in most of these
countries, gradually came spontaneously into the Genevan views, in conse-
quence especially of the reputation and influence of the school of Geneva,
to which most of the candidates for the ministry of that age were accus-
tomed to resort for instruction.

§ 28. The inspired books of the Old and New Testaments, are held by
the Reformed to be the only source of divine truth ; except, that the Eng-
lish forbid contempt to be shown to the authority of the church in the five
first centuries. (63) And they maintain, equally with the Lutherans, that
these books are clear, full, and complete, so far as regards things neces-
sary to salvation ; and that they are to be interpreted from themselves,
[or independently, and by comparing one part with another], and not after
the dictates of human reason or of Christian antiquity. Several of their
theologians, indeed, have been thought to extend too far the powers of hu-
man reason in comprehending and explaining the nature of the divine
mysteries ; and this has led many, to represent the Reformed as holding
to two sources of religious knowledge, the holy scriptures, and reason or
rather the capacity of the human mind. But in this matter, if we do not
mistake the fact, both parties err through eagerness to vanquish and sub-
due their adversaries. For if we except the improper phraseology of
certain individuals, it will appear that the Reformed in general believe, as
we do, that absurdities can never be believed ; arfd consequently, that doc-
trines which contain absolute absurdities, must be false and cannot be be-
lieved : yet they sometimes contentiously apply this principle to overthrow
those Lutheran tenets which they reject. (64)

votaries of Calvinism were called doctrinal claring that her delegates, in ecclesiastical

Puritans. See Burners Exposition of the matters, should not determine anything to be

seventh article, &c., and Neat's History of heresy, but what was adjudged so by the au-

the Puritans, vol. i., p. 579." — Mad. See thorily of Scripture or by the first four gen-

also A. M. Toplady's History of Calvinism, eral councils; and this has perhaps misled

2 vols. 8vo. Bishop Tomline's Refutation of Dr. Mosheim, in the passage to which this

Calvinism, 8vo. T. Scott's remarks on note refers. Much respect indeed, and per-

Tomline on Calvinism, 8vo ; and the Fa- haps too much, has been paid to the Fathers ;

thers, the Reformers, and the public Formu- but that has been always a matter of choice,

laries of the church of England, in harmony and not of obligation." — Mad. It was in

with Calvin, &c., Philadelphia, 1817, 12mo, regard to the constitution and government

p. 108-1 19. — TV.] of the church, rather than in articles of faith,

(62) See Hugo Grotius, Apologeticus eo- that the church of England paid more defer-
rum qui Hollandiae ante mutationem, A.D. ence to the Fathers, than the rest of the Re-
1618, praefuerunt, cap. iii., p. 54, &c., ed. formed did; and on this subject, they have
Paris, 1640. 12mo. actually copied after the practice of the first

(63) [•' There is nothing in the thirty-nine five centuries, as being obligatory upon the
articles of the church of England, which im- conscience. See sec. 20, p. 180, above ;
plies, its considering the writings of the Fa- and Ned's History of the Puritans, vol. i., ch.
thers of the first five centuries, as an author- iv., p. 183. 184, ed. Portsm., 1816. — TV.]
itative criterion of religious truth. There is (64) [" Our author has here undoubtedly
indeed, a clause in the Act of Uniformity, in view the Lutheran doctrine of consubstan-
paaeed in the reign of queen Elizabeth., de- tuition, which supposes the same extended

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 187

§ 29. The Reformed, if we restrict this appellation to those who ap.
prove the sentiments of Calvin, differ from the Lutherans in regard to
three subjects. — I. The doctrine of the holy supper : in which the Luther,
ans say, the body and blood of Christ are truly, though in an inexplicable
manner, presented to both the pious and the ungodly ; while the Reformed
suppose, that the human nature of Christ is present only by the symbols of
it. Yet they do not all explain their doctrine in the same manner. — II.
The doctrine of the eternal decrees of God in regard to the salvation
of men : the ground of which the Lutherans suppose to be, the faith or
unbelief of men in Christ, foreseen by God from eternity ; but the Reformed
suppose it to be the free and sovereign good pleasure of God. — III. Cer-
tain rites and institutions : which, the Reformed think, have a tendency to
superstition ; but which, the Lutherans think, are partly sufferable, and
partly useful to Christians. Such are images in churches, sacred gar-
ments for the clergy, the private confession of sins, the use of small cir-
cular pieces of bread [wafers], such as were anciently distributed in the
holy supper, the formula of exorcism as it is called, in the sacrament of
baptism ; and some others. These, the Reformed would have to be abro-
gated ; because they think religious worship should be restored to its
primitive simplicity, and the additions made to it be wholly struck off.

§ 30. This short list of topics, will be seen to be in fact a long one, by
those who are aware what a multitude of abstruse questions extending
through the whole system of theology, these few differences produced.
For the controversy respecting the mode of the presence of Christ's body
and blood in the holy supper, afforded to the polemics ample room to ex-
patiate on the mysteries of religion or the nature and use of the sacra-
ments, and to institute subtile discussions respecting the majesty and glory
of Christ's human nature, the communication of divine attributes to it, and
the proper attitude of the mind in the worship of Christ. The dispute re-
specting the divine decrees afforded abundant matter for debate, on the
nature of the divine attributes and particularly God's justice and goodness,
on the certainty and necessity of all events, on the connexion between hu-
man liberty and divine providence, on the extent of the love which God
has for men and of the blessings procured for us by the merits of Christ,
on the nature of that divine influence which renews the minds of men, on
the perseverance of the persons who are appointed to eternal life in the
covenant of God ; and on various other subjects of no small moment.
Nor was the last dissension, respecting rites and institutions, unprolific.
For besides discussions respecting the origin and antiquity of certain rites,
it produced the following by no means contemptible controversies : What
kind of things are they, which may be justly denominated indifferent, or
neither good nor bad ? How far is it proper, to yield to an adversary who
contends about things in their nature indifferent ? How far does Christian
liberty extend 1 Is it lawful, for the sake of gratifying the people, to retain
various ancient customs and institutions, which have a superstitious aspect
yet are capable of a good interpretation ? and others of a similar nature.

§ 31. It has been debated, and sometimes with great warmth of feeling,
particularly among the English and the Dutch, to whom rightfully belongs

body to be totally present in different places, the dictate of common sense, than the sug-
at one and the same time. To call this a gestion of a contentious spirit." — Macl.]
gross and glaring contradiction, seems rather

168 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. HI.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

the government of the church, and the power of establishing rules and
regulations in matters of religion. In these contests, those have come
off victorious, who maintain that the authority to regulate sacred affairs
is, by the appointment of Christ himself, vested in the church, and there-
fore ought by no means to be committed into the hands of civil magistrates ;
yet they admit the right of temporal sovereigns to advise, and to succour
the church when in trouble, to assemble and preside in the conventions of
the church, to see that her officers decree nothing prejudicial to the com-
monwealth, and to strengthen and confirm with their authority the decrees
of the ministers of religion. The kings of England indeed, from the time
of Henry VIII., have declared themselves to be supreme heads of the
church, as well in spiritual as in temporal things : and it is manifest, that
Henry VIII. and his son Edward VI. attached very ample powers to this
title, and considered themselves authorized to do whatever the Roman pon-
tiffs might do. (65) But queen Elizabeth greatly limited this prerogative,
and declared that the authority of the kings of England did not extend to
religion itself, and to things sacred, but only to the persons who teach re-
ligion and minister in sacred things. (66) In England therefore the con-

(65) Daniel Neat's History of the Puri- than of matters of state. She pretended that,

in quality of supreme head or governor of the
church, she was fully empowered, by her pre-
rogative alone, to decide all questions which
might arise, with regard to doctrine, discipline,
or worship ; and she never would allow her

not seen ; but, in what respects queen Etiz- parliaments so much as to take these points
abeth limited the powers of the kings of Eng- into consideration." And the whole history
land as supreme heads of the church, or when

tans, vol. i., chap, i., p. 11, and others.

(66) Peter Fran, le Courayer's Supple-
ment aux deux Ouvrages pour la defense de
la validite des Ordinations Anglicanes, cap.
xv., p. 416, &c. [Courayer's book, I have

and where, she declared, that the regal power
did not extend to religion itself and to things
sacred, I am unable to determine. Burnet
indeed, (Hist, of the Reform., vol. iii., p.
492, ed. London, 1825), says of the power
conferred on Elizabeth at the commence-
ment of her reign by the act of supremacy :
" It was in many things short of the authority
that king Henry had claimed." But he spe-
cifies no particulars ; and it is well known,
that Henry far transgressed the limits which
he pretended to set to his own power as head
of the church. Neal says of the power given
to Elizabeth by the above act of her parlia-
ment ; " Nor is it the whole that the queen
claimed, who sometimes stretched her pre-
rogative beyond it." (Hist, of the Puritans,
vol. i., ch. iv., p. 168, ed. Portsrn., 1816.)
Hume says of this act, (Hist, of England,
vol iv , ch. xxxviii., p. 151, ed. Philad.,
1810), " Though the queen was there de-
nominated gave rness, not head, of the church,
it conveyed the same extensive power, which,
under the latter title, had been exercised
by her father and brother." And he adds
(ibid., p. 274), " Scarcely any sovereign be-
fore Elizabeth, arid none after her, carried
higher, both in speculation and practice, the
authority of the crown." He likewise says,
(p. 290), " Religion was a point, of which

of her reign appears to confirm these state-
ments, which are so contrary to the assertions
of Dr. Mosheim. See Hume, loc. cit., vol.
iv., p. 150, £c.c., 272, 290, &c., 292, 336,
364, &c., 462. — The powers of the English
monarchs, as heads of the church, from
Henry VIII. to Charles I., are thus defined,
by Mr. Neal, in his Hist, of the Puritans,
vol. i., ch. iv., p. 169-172. "They never
pretended to be spiritual persons ; or to ex-
ercise any part of the ecclesiastical function,
in their own person ; they neither preached,
nor administered the sacraments," &c. " But,
abating this point, it appears very probable,
that all the jurisdiction and authority, claimed
by the pope, as the head of the church, — was
transferred to the king, by the act of suprem-
acy,— as far as was consistent with the laws of
the land then in being ; though since, it has
undergone some abatements." He then pro-
ceeds to the following specifications. " I.
The kings and queens of England claimed
authority in matters of faith, and to be the
ultimate judges of what is agreeable or re-
pugnant to the word of God." "II. With
regard to discipline, — the king is the supreme
and ultimate judge in the spiritual courts by
his delegates, as he is in the courts of com-
mon law by his judges." " III. As to rites
and ceremonies, the Act of Uniformity (1
Eliz., cap. i.) says expressly, that the queen 't

Elizabeth was, if possible, still more jealous, majesty, by advice of her ecclesiastical com-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 189

stitution of the church, is very nearly the same as that of the state. The
clergy, distributed into two houses called the upper and lower houses of
Convocation, are assembled by the order of the king and a summons from
the archbishop of Canterbury ; and they decree by common consent what-
ever the interests of the church are thought to demand ; and the king and
Parliament give to their decrees the sanctions and authority of laws. (67)
Yet this subject has been much controverted ; the king and the Parliament
putting one construction upon the ecclesiastical constitution, and the rulers
of the church, particularly those who think the church is an independent
body, giving a different construction of it. And in fact, the ecclesiastical
constitution of England has not a fixed and uniform character, but it de-
pends on custom and usage and the fluctuations of time, rather than on
established laws.

§ 32. The question, what is the best form and organization of a Chris-
tian church, produced likewise warm contests, which hitherto no means
have been found able to decide. The Genevans, guided by Calvin, judged
it proper that the private affairs of single churches should be directed by
a body of elders or presbyters, all equals ; that matters of a more public
and important character, should be decided in conventions of delegated
elders in the provinces ; and that the interests of the whole church, and
matters of special difficulty, should be discussed, as anciently, in a council
of the whole church. (68) Nor did the Genevans omit any exertions to

missioners, or of her metropolitan, may or-
dain and publish such ceremonies or rites, as
may be most for the advancement of God's
glory, and the edifying of the church. Ac-
cordingly, her majesty published her injunc-
tions, without sending them into convocation
or parliament, and erected a court of High
Commission, for ecclesiastical causes, con-
sisting of commissioners of her own nomina-
tion, to see them put in execution. Nay, so
jealous was queen Elizabeth of this branch of
her prerogative, that she would not suffer her
high court of parliament to pass any bill for
the amendment or alteration of the ceremo-
nies of the church, it being (as she said) an
invasion of her prerogative." " IV. The

delegation from him. The king was chief
in the determination of all causes in the
church ; he had authority to make laws,
ceremonies, and constitutions, and without
him no such laws, ceremonies, or constitu-
tions, are, or ought to be of force. And
lastly, all appeals, which before had been
made to Reme, arc for ever hereafter to be
made to his majesty's chancery, to be ended
and determined, as the manner now is, by
delegates." — TV.]

(67) Jo. Cosin, de ecclesiae Anglican®
religione et disciplina, cap. viii., p. 53 : in
Thomas Smith's Vitae eruditiss. virorum,
London, 1700, 4to. David Wilkins, de vet.

et mod. Synodi Anglic, constitutions ; in

kings of England claimed the sole power of his concil. Mag. Brit., torn, i., p. vii., &c.
the nomination of bishops ; and the deans (68) [Dr. Madaine thinks Dr. Mosheim
and chapters were obliged to choose those has here made a great mistake, in specifying
whom their majesties named, under penalty three judicatories as provided by the Gene-
of a pramunire ; and after they were chosen van plan ; while in fact the Genevan repub-
and consecrated, they might not act, but by
commission from the crown." " V. No con-
vocation, or synods of the clergy, can assem-
ble, but by a writ or precept from the crown ;
and when assembled, they can do no business,
without the king's letters patents, appointing
them the particular subjects they are to de-

lic had but two ecclesiastical bodies, the
Venerable Company of the pastors and pro-
fessors, and the Consistory. But there is
no need of severe criticism. The Presby-
terian system is simply this, that single
churches should each have a judicatory,
composed of all the elders belonging to it ;

bate upon ; and after all, their canons are of that this judicatory be responsible to one or

no force without the royal sanction." " Upon
the whole it is evident, by the express words
of several statutes, (31 Hen. VIII., cap. xvii.,
1 Eliz., c. i.), that all jurisdiction, ecclesias-
tical as well as civil, was vested in the king,
and taken away from the bishops, except by

more higher judicatories, composed of dele-
gated elders ; and that the highest judicato-
ry be, that of a national synod, constituted
in the same manner. Where the state is
very small, as that of Geneva, there would
be but one delegated body, iu which each

190 BOOK IV.—CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

persuade all their confederates to embrace this system. But the English
judged the old system of church government, to be very sacred, and there-
fore not to be changed : this system commits the inspection and care of cer-
tain minor provinces exclusively to the bishop ; under the bishops are the
presbyters of single churches ; under the presbyters are the ministers or
deacons ; and the common interests of the whole body are discussed in as-
semblies of the bishops and those next in rank to them. And this system,
with some exceptions, is adopted by the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren,
who belong to the Reformed church. (6 9) This single disagreement, as each
party traced the origin of its own system to Jesus Christ and his apostles,
was sufficient to divide up the whole Reformed church into sects : and, in
fact, it rent the English church into two factions, to the great injury of
the community. But, in contravention of the wishes of many, the pru.
dence of certain excellent individuals prevented the evil from spreading
abroad, and destroying the fellowship of foreigners with the English.
These men disseminated the principle, that Jesus Christ prescribed no def-
inite form of government for his church ; and therefore that every na-
tion may frame such a system for itself, as the circumstances of the coun-
try require, provided it be not prejudicial to the truth nor tend to the res-
toration of superstition. (70)

§ 33. Calvin believed, that such as led vicious and ungodly lives, ought
to be deprived of communion in divine ordinances ; and that profligates

individual church would be represented.
But in larger states, as France, Holland,
and Scotland, there would be a gradation of
three or four distinct judicatories, each high-
er composed of delegates from the next
lower. In France, there were, (1) Consis-
tories, or church sessions, (2) the Elderships
or Presbyteries, (3) the provincial councils,
and (4) the national Synods ; all formed on
this plan. In Scotland, originally, the low-
est judicatory was that of three or four con-
tiguous churches united, then the provincial
synods, and last the General Assembly.
But, at an early period, each church came to
have its distinct session ; and this produced
a gradation of four judicatories in Scotland.
— But while the Reformed admitted of no
higher judicatory than a national council, or
considered the church of each country as an
independent body, they allowed of a con-
nexion between national churches. Thus
the national synods of the French church,
in this century, held a continued correspond-
ence by letters and envoys, with the church
of Geneva ; and also regularly sent repre-
sentatives to the Reformed church of the
low countries ; and received delegates from
them. And in the next century, the Re-
formed Dutch church invited the Reformed
churches of France, Germany, England,
&c., to assist them, by their representatives,
in the national synod of Dort. So at the
present day, in the United States of Amer-
ica, the General Assembly of the Presby-

terian church annually exchanges delegates
with the' General Associations of the New-
England States ; and also holds correspond-
ence with some transatlantic bodies. — TV.]

(69) See the Epistola de Ordinatione et
successione Episcopali in unitate fratrum
Bohemoruro«conservata ; in Christ. Matth.
Pfaff's Institutt. Juris Eccles., p. 410.

(70) Here may be consulted with advan-
tage, the discussions on the subject between
F red. Spanheim and John van der Waeyen,
in the works of Spanheim, torn, ii., lib.
viii., ix., p. 1055, &c. The same opinion
is said to have been embraced by the Brit-
ish divines who lived near the times of the
Reformation ; and to have been first repu-
diated by John Whitgift. Daniel Neal,
History of the Puritans, vol. iii., p. 140.
[This statement is incorrect, as respects
bishop Whitgift. Mr. Neal says, (vol. iii.,
p. 156, ed. Portsmouth, 1817), " Most of
our first reformers were so far in these sen-
timents," (those of the Erastians), " as to
maintain, that no one form of church gov-
ernment is prescribed in scripture, as an in-
variable rule for future ages ; as Cranmer,
Redmayn, Cox, &c., and archbishop Whit-
gift, in his controversy with Cartwright,
delivers the same opinion: " I deny (says
he) that the scripture has set down any one
certain form, of church government to be
perpetual.'1'' "The chief patrons of this
scheme in the (Wetsminster) Assembly,
were Dr. Lightfoot, Mr. Colman, Mr. Sel-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 191

and the slaves of lust were also to be restrained by the laws of the state.
In this matter he differed from Zwingle, who ascribed all power to the
magistrates alone, and would not allow to the ministers of religion the right
to exclude transgressors from the church, or to deprive them of the com.
munion.(Tl) And so great was the influence of Calvin at Geneva, that
he was able, though with great perils and amid perpetual conflicts with
the patrons of licentiousness, to establish there a rigorous system of mor-
al discipline, supported and exercised with the countenance of the laws ;
whereby abandoned characters were first excluded from the church by the
ecclesiastical court or the Consistory, and then were either banished the
city or restrained by other punishments.(72) The clergy in the cantons
of Switzerland, wished to copy after this discipline of Calvin, and to obtain
the same power over transgressors ; but their desires and efforts were in
vain. For the people in the cantons of Bern, Zurich, Basle, &c., would by
no means allow a removal of the boundaries set by Zwingle to the jurisdic-
tion of the church, or permit the enlargement of its powers and preroga-
tives.^)

§ 34. That all branches of learning both sacred and profane, were every
where successfully cultivated, among the Reformed in this century, is well
known ; and the numerous monuments of their splendid geniuses, which
are still preserved, forbid any one to be ignorant of the fact. Zwingle was
disposed to exclude philosophy from the church: (74) but the succeeding
Swiss doctors soon discovered, that in such a world as this, and especially
in the disputes on religious subjects, a knowledge of it cannot be dispensed
with. Hence, when Calvin erected the academy of Geneva in 1558, he at
once provided for it a professor of philosophy. But this professor was re-
quired to explain in his lectures none but the Aristotelian philosophy,
which then reigned in all the schools. (75) Nor did the other universities

den, Mr. Whitlock ; and in the house of com- wrote to James de Palais or De Bourgogne,

mons, besides Selden and Whitlock, Oliver published at Amsterdam, 1744, 8vo, p. 126,

St. John, Esq. ; Sir Thomas Widringlon; 127, 132, 153, 157. The party at Geneva,

John Crew, Esq. ; Sir John Htpsley, and which defended the former licentiousness of

others of the greatest names." — TV.] morals, not only with their tongues but by

(71) See the excellent letter of Rud. their actions and with force of arms, and
Gualther, in Jo. Conrad Fueslin's Centu- which Calvin called the sect of the Liber-
ria i. Epistolar. a Reformator. Helvet. scrip- tines, was very powerful. But Calvin's
tar., p. 478, where he says : Excommuni- resolution was also invincible, and his rig-
cationem neque Zwinglius — neque Bullin- orous discipline triumphed.

eerus unquam probarunt, et — obstiterunt iis (73) See, for example, the commotions

qui earn aliquando voluerunt introducere. — at Lausanne ; in the Museum Helveticum,

Basiliae quidem CEcolampadius, multum dis- torn, ii., p. 119, &c. The disputes on

suadenteZwinglio, instituerat — sedadeonon this subject among the people of the Palat-

durabilis fuit ilia constitutio, ut CEcolampa- inate, who wished to adopt the Genevan

dius illam abrogarit, &c. Compare p. 90. discipline, are described by Henry Ailing, in

(72) Nothing caused Calvin more troub- his Hist. Eccles. Palatina ; and by Struve,
les, cabals and perils, at Geneva, than his in his Pfalzischen Kirchenhist., p. 212, &c.
determined resolution to purge the church (74) Zwingle, in the dedication of his
of transgressors, and to restrain and punish book on true and false religion to Francis
such as violated the rules established by the I. king of France, says expressly, on p. 12,
church, or by the Consistory which repre- Philosophise interdictum est a Christi scho-
sented the church. See his Life, written by Iis : at isti (the Sorbonists) fecerunt earn
Beza, and prefixed to his Letters ; the ccelestis verbi magistram.

Notes to the second volume of Jac. Span's (75) Theodore Beza's Epist. Theolog., ep.
Histoire de Geneve ; and Calvin himself,' xxxvi., p. 156. Certum nobis ac constitutum
in his Letters, especially in those which he est, et in ipsis tradendis Logicis et in cete-

192 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

of the Reformed, suffer a different philosophy to be taught in them. Yet
at Basle, the system of Peter Ramus, for a time, was by some preferred to
that of Aristotle.(76)

§ 35. The Reformed church, from its very commencement, had many
expositors of the Scriptures, several of whom were ingenious and excel-
lent. Zwingle's labours in explanation of most of the books of the New
Testament, are not to be despised. He was followed by Henry Bullinger,
John CEcolampadius, Wolfgang Musculus, and many others, not his equals
indeed in genius and learning, yet all of them meriting some praise. But
the first rank among the interpreters of this age, is deservedly assigned to
John Calvin, who endeavoured to expound nearly the whole of the sa-
cred volume ; and to Theodore Beza, whose New Testament, illustrated
with learned remarks of various kinds, especially critical ones, has been
often published, and has not to this day lost all the renown and esti-
mation in which it was formerly held. It is an honour to most of these
expositors, that disregarding allegories and mystical interpretations, they
endeavour to ascertain the literal import of the language used by the in-
spired men : but on the other hand some of them, and in particular Calvin,
have been reproached, because they venture to refer to Jewish affairs,
some predictions of the ancient prophets which relate to Jesus Christ and
represent him as present to their view ; and thus have deprived Christianity
of important corroboration.(77)

§ 36. The state of dogmatic theology among the Swiss and the other
Reformed, was much the same as it was among the Lutherans. Zwingle
early collected and digested the principal doctrines of Christianity, in his
little book on true and false Religion. Afterwards, John Calvin produced
a much larger and more perfect work of this sort, entitled Institutes of the
Christian Religion ; which long held the same rank and authority in nearly
all countries of the Reformed church, as Mejancthon's Commonplace
Book (Loci Communes) did among the Lutherans. Calvin was succeed-
ed by many writers on dogmatic theology, some more prolix and others
more concise ; as Musculus, Peter Martyr, Piscator, and others. The
earlier the writer in this department, the less he has of subtility and phil-
osophical discrimination ; and in this they resemble Calvin, whose Insti-
tutes are written in a perspicuous and elegant style, and have nothing ab-
struse and difficult to be comprehended in the arguments or mode of rea-
soning. But after a while, the Aristotelico-Scholastic philosophy which
was every where inculcated, invaded also the fields of theology ; and it
rendered them barren, thorny, and frightful, by means of its barbarous
terms, its captious interrogatories, its tenuous distinctions, and its rubbish
of useless matter.(78)

ris explicandis disciplinis, ab Aristotelis sen- Richard Simon, in his Histoire crit. du

tentia ne tantillum quidem deflectere. Vieux Test., p. 434, places him above Lu-

(76) See Casper Brant's Vita Jacobi Ar- Iher, as to discrimination and soundness of
minii ; and the notes we formerly annexed judgment; though he ascribes to Luther
to it, p. 8, 12, 13. more knowledge of the Hebrew. He adds :

(77) See Mgid. Hunnitts, Calvinus Ju- Au reste, Calvin aiant 1'esprit fort eleve,
daizans, Afyittemberg, 1595, 8vo ; to which on trouve dans tons ses Commentaires sur
David Parcels opposed his Calvinus CJrtho- 1'Ecriture un je ne-scai-quoi qui plait
doxus, Neostadii, 1595, 8vo. [Even the d'abord, et comme il s'etoit principalement
Catholics have done Calvin the justice, to applique a connoitre Thomme, il a rempli ses
rank him among the good commentators. Livres d'une Morale qui louche. — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

193

§ 37. Their instructions for regulating the life and conduct, are annex-
ed for the most part, by the Reformed theologians of this age, to their
doctrines of faith : which was according to the example of Calvin, whom they
nearly all follow as their guide. For he, in the last chapter but one of his In-
stitutes, treats of the civil power or the government of the state ; and in the
last chapter, of the life and conduct of a Christian : but he is less full, than
the importance and copiousness of the subject demand. Those in other re-
spects excellent men, were prevented from labouring to elucidate and sys-
tematize this branch of sacred knowledge, by the same causes that diverted
our theologians from it; and especially by the tumult of perpetual con-
troversy. It is conceded by eminent divines among the Reformed, that
William Perkins, an Englishman,(79) first undertook to explain in a more
accurate manner the science of practical theology ; which Calvin and his
contemporaries had left in a rude and imperfect state. With him was as-
sociated, among the Hollanders William Teling,(8Q) who wrote however

(78) Yet what is called the scholastic
mode of treating theology, appears to have
pervaded the Reformed church, somewhat
later than it did our church. At least, it
was quite recent in Holland, at the time of
the council of Dort, [A. D. 1G19.] In this
council, John Maccovius a professor at
Franeker who was initiated in all the mys-
teries of the philosophic schools, was ac-
cused by Sibr. Lubbert, of corrupting the
truths of revelation. The case being in-
vestigated, the judges decided, that Macco-
tius had not indeed perverted Christian doc-
trines, but that he employed a mode of
teaching of less simplicity than was proper ;
for he followed rather the example of the
Scholastic doctors, than that of the Holy
Spirit. We will give the decision of the
council, in the language of Walter Balcan-
quall, in his epistle to Sir Dudley Carleton,
(which is the 350th of the Epistolae Eccle-
siasticae, published by Phil. Limborch, p.
574.) Maccovium — nullius haereseos reum
teneri — peccasse eum, quod quibusdam am-
biguis et obscuris Scholasticis phrasibua
usus sit : quod Scholasticism docendi modum
conetur in Belgicis Academiis introducere.
— Monendum esse eum, ut cum Spiritu
Sancto loquatur, non cum Bellarmino et
Suarezio. Maccovius did not obey these
admonitions ; as is manifest from his wri-
tings, which are full of scholastic wit and
knotty discussions. He therefore, seems
to have first taught the Dutch to philoso-
phize on revealed religion. Yet he had
associates, as William Ames, and others.
And it must be true, that this philosophic
or scholastic form of theology was exten-
sively prevalent among the Reformed, an-
terior to the synod of Dort, if that be true,
v/hich Simon Episcopius states in his last
oration to his disciples at Leyden ; namely,
that he had studiously avoided it, and had

VOL. III.— BB

thereby incurred the violent hatred of the
other doctors. He says, (in Phil. Lim-
borch's Life of Episcopius, p. 123), Vide-
bam veritatem multarum et maximarum re-
rum in ipsa Scriptura sacra, elaboratis hu-
mana industria phrasibus, irigeniosis vo-
cabularum fictionibus, locorum communium
artificiosis texturis, exquisitis terminorum
ac formularum invention ibus adeo involu-
tam, perplexam, et intricatam redditam esse,
ut CEdipo saepe opus esset ad Sphingem il-
lam Theologicam enodandam. Ita est, et
hinc primae lacrymae. And, a little after, p.
124, he adds : Reducendam itaque termino-
rum Apostolicorum et cuivis obviorum sim-
plicitatem semper sequendam putavi, et
sequestrandas, quas Academiae et Scholas
tanquam proprias sibi vindicant, Logicas,
philosophicasque speculationes et dictiones.
(79) [ William Perkins was born in 1558,
educated at Cambridge, where he became
fellow of his college and also a parish priest.
He died in 1602, aged 44. In early life,
he was profane, prodigal, and given to in-
temperance ; but when reformed, he became
eminent for piety and an exemplary life.
He was a Puritan, and as such repeatedly
persecuted ; was strictly Calvinistic, a very
popular and faithful preacher, and a volumi-
nous writer. His works, which were print-
ed at Geneva, 1603, in 3 vols. fol., have
been much read and admired on the Conti-
nent. See Brook's lives of the Puritans,
vol. ii., p. 129, &c. His chief works on
practical theology, are Anatomy of the hit-
man Conscience ; On the right way of liv-
ing and dying ; On the nature of repent-
ance, &c. — TV.]

(80) \Teling died in 1629, at Haarlem,
where he was a preacher. His practical
writings bear the marks of that age, and
generally have allegorical titles ; e. g.,
The pole star of genuine piety. At this

194 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

in the Dutch language. In emulation of them, William Ames, an Eng-
lishman,(81) but a theologian of Franeker in Holland, undertook to com-
pose a complete system of Practical Theology. (82) Afterwards, others
prosecuted the subject.

§ 38. There did not arise in this century, so many sects and religious
contests among the Reformed, as there were among us : which, while they
may esteem it much to their credit, may be easily traced to adequate
causes, by one acquainted with the history of the Reformed church. (83)
Yet John Calvin mentions and confutes one very pernicious faction, which
was far worse than any of ours ; namely, the sect of the Libertines or the
Spirituals ; which originated from Anthony Pockes, Gerhard Ruff, Quintin,
and others its leaders and founders, in Flanders ; and thence passed into
France, where it obtained countenance, from Margaret, the queen of Na-
varre and sister of Francis I., and found patrons likewise in other sections
of the Reformed church. (84) These Spirituals, if we carefully consider
all that Calvin and others have written against them, not always with suf-

day, they are useful only in the history of
practical theology. — Schl.]

(81) [In the(Oiiginal, Dr. Ames is called
a Scotchman. 'So palpable an error, is cor-
rected without scruple, in the translation.
He was born in the county of Norfolk,
England, in the year 1576 ; educated at
Cambridge, under Mr. Perkins ; became
fellow of his college ; was a zealous Puri-
tan, and persecuted in 1610. He fled into
Holland ; preached a while in the English
church at the Hague ; was made professor
of divinity at Franeker ; resigned the office
at the end of 12 years, on account of his
health ; and retired to Rotterdam, where he
died in 1633, aged 57. His widow and
children removed to New-England ; to
which he had intended to remove. He
was learned, acute, soundly Calvinistic,
and a strict Independent. His writings
are numerous, chiefly polemic and doctri-
nal, and written in a clear, concise, and
nervous Latin style. See Middletori1 s Bi-
ographia Evangelica, vol. iii., p. 45, &c.,
and Brook's Lives of the Puritans, vol. ii.,
p. 405, &c. — TV.]

(82) See the Dedication and Preface to
William Ames' formerly very famous work,
de Conscientia et ejus jure. In page 3 of
the Preface, among other things, he says :
Quod ha;c pars propheticc (i. e., practical
theology), hactenus minus fuerit exculta,
hoc inde fuit, quod primipilares nostri per-
petuo in acie adversus hostes pugnare,
fidem propugnare et aream ecclesiae pur-
gare, necessitate quodam cogebantur, ita ut
agros et vineas plantare et rigare non po-
tuerint ex voto, sicut bello fervente usu
venire solet. His Exhortation, addressed
to the theological students at Franeker, and
subjoined to the above work, is worthy of
perusal. From this address we may learn

among other things, that in the universities
of the Reformed, the chief attention was
then bestowed on dogmatic and polemic
theology; and that practical theology lay
neglected : Theologi praeclare se instructos
putant ad omnes ofRcii sui partes, si dog-
mata tantum intelligant. — Neque tamen
omnia dogmata scrutantur, sed ilia sola,
quae precipue solent agitari et in contro-
versiam>vocari.

(83) [Dr. Madame says here: "Dr.
Moshcim ought to have given us a hint of
his manner of accounting for this, to avoid
the suspicion of having been somewhat at a
loss for a favourable solution." Schlegel
therefore subjoins the following : " The
Reformed church was at first small, and
more closely knit together, than the Luther-
an ; and of course there could not arise in
it such wide- spreading contentions. The
leading persons also were able so to tem-
per their disagreements, that they could not
break out into a great flame. Zwingle and
Calvin were men of great influence, who
could arrest all contentions with as much
power, as Luther could. But Melancthon,
who succeeded Luther, had not such in-
fluence ; and when he was dead, there was
no one to be found in our church, competent
to extinguish the fire, which, during his life-
time, had been smoking in the ashes." A
better solution may be found, I think, in the
spirit and the religious principles of the two
communities. For in the English church,
which most resembled the Lutheran in these
respects, there was as violent and as per-
nicious contention, as among the Lutherans.
-TV.]

(84) See Calvin's Instructio adversus
fanaticam et furiosam sectam Libertinorum,
qui se Spirituales vocant ; in his Tractatus
Theologici, p. 599, &c.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 195

ficient perspicuity, (for I do not know, that any of their own writings are
extant,) maintained ; that God himself works all things in all men, or is
the cause and author of all human actions ; that therefore, the common
notions of a difference between good actions and bad, are false and vain;
that men cannot, properly speaking, commit sin ; that religion consists
in the union of the rational soul or the spirit, with God ; that if a person
attains to this, by contemplation and directing his mind upward, he may
freely obey the instincts of his nature ; for, whatever he may do, he will
be innocent, and after death will be united to God. These doctrines are
so similar to the views of the ancient Beghards or Brethren of the Free
Spirit, that I have very little doubt, these Spirituals were their descendants :
and the fact, that this sect originated in Flanders, which in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries was full of this sort of people, corroborates the sup-
position.

§ 39. Totally different in character from these Spiritual Libertines,
though not unfrequently confounded with them, were those Libertines of
Geneva, with whom John Calvin had to contend fiercely all his life. The
latter were no other than citizens of Geneva, who could not endure Calvin's
rigorous discipline ; and who, in opposition to his regulations, defended
with craft and violence, with factions, insults and abuse, the dissolute mor-
als of their progenitors, their brothels and carousals, their sports and frol-
ics ; all of which, as well as other indications of an irreligious spirit, Cal-
vin most severely condemned and chastised. (85) There were moreover in
this turbulent faction, persons not only dissolute in their lives, but also
scoffers and despisers of all religion. Such a character was James Gruel ;
who not only assailed Calvin with all his power, and called him bishop of
Ascoli(86) and the new pope, but also discarded and opposed the divinity
of the Christian religion, the immortality of the soul, the distinction be-
tween right and wrong, and whatever else was most sacred in the view of
Christians ; and for this, he was punished capitally, in the year 1550. (87)

§ 40. Calvin had also at Geneva controversies with some, who could not
digest his doctrines and especially his gloomy doctrine of absolute decrees.
Being a man of excessive ardour, and too jealous of his own reputation,
he would not suffer them to reside at Geneva : nay, hi the heat of contro-
versy yielding to his passions, he frequently accused them of crimes and
enormities, from which they have been acquitted by the judgment of pos-
terity. (88) Among these was Sebastian Castalio, master of the public
school at Geneva ; a man not indeed free from all faults, yet honest, and
distinguished for erudition and the elegance of his genius. As he would
not praise all that Calvin and his colleagues did and taught, and especially
as he rejected Calvin's and Beza's doctrine of pure and absolute predesti-

(85) See Jac. Spon's Histoire de Ge- present day, since the Genevans themselves
neve, torn, ii., p. 44, in the notes of the editor, and other doctors of the Reformed church,

(86) [The import of this title of reproach, ingenuously confess, that the great talents
or the ground of its pertinence in the view of Calvin were attended by no small defects
of Gruet, is not explained by the historians of character ; which however, they think
who mention it ; nor was Schlegel able sat- should be overlooked, on account of his ex-
isfactorily to account for it. See his long traordinary merits. See the notes to Span's
note. — TV.] Histoire de Geneve, tome ii., p. 110, &c.,

(8?) See Span, loc. cit., tome ii., p. 47, and elsewhere ; also the Preface to the Let-
the note. tres de Calvin a Jaques de Bourgogne, p.

(88) We may venture to say this at the xix., &c.

196 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

nation, he was required in 1544, to resign his office and go into exile. But
the authorities of Basle received the exile, and gave him the Greek pro-
fessorship in their university. (89)

§ 41. Similar was the fate of Jerome Bolsec, a French Carmelite monk,
but greatly inferior to Castalio in learning and genius. He came to Ge-
neva, allured by the reformation to which he was inclined, and there es-
tablished himself as a physician. But in the year 1551, he most impru-
dently declaimed with vehemence in a public assembly, against the doctrine
of God's absolute decrees. For this he was cast into prison, and at last
was compelled to leave the city. He returned to his native country, and
to the Romish religion which he had before renounced ; and now he as.
sailed the reputation and the life and conduct of Calvin, and likewise of his
colleague Beza. in the most slanderous publications. (90) From Bolsec1 's
calamity, originated the enmity between Calvin and James of Burgundy ;
an illustrious descendant from the dukes of Burgundy, and a great patron
and intimate friend of Calvin, who had been led by his attachment to him
to fix his residence at Geneva. James employed Bolsec as his personal
physician ; and therefore supported him all he could, when borne down by
the influence of Calvin, to prevent his being entirely prostrated. This so
exasperated Calvin, that, to avoid his resentments, James thought proper to
retire from Geneva into the country.(91)

§ 42. Bernardin Ochin, an Italian of Sienna, and formerly vicar general
of the order of Capuchins, a man of a fecund and discriminating mind,
who preached to an Italian congregation at Zurich, was, in the year 1563,
condemned and ordered into exile, by the decision of the whole Reformed
church of Switzerland. For, in his books which were numerous, among
other opinions differing from the common views, he taught in particular, that
the law respecting the marriage of a single wife, was not in all cases with,
out some exceptions. His works show, that he speculated on many sub-
jects more boldly than that age would permit, and in a different manner
from the Swiss theologians. Yet there are those who maintain, that his
errors at the time when being old, and indigent, he was compelled to forsake
Switzerland, were not so great as to deserve to be punished with banish,
ment. He retired into Poland, and there united with the Antitrinitarians
and Anabaptists ; and died in the year 1564. (92)

(89) See Jac. Uytenbogard's Ecclesias- and rejected Calvin's opinion respecting

tical History, written in Dutch, pt. ii., p. Christ's descent into hell. These were his

70-73 ; where he endeavours to evrhce the chief errors. — TV.]

innocence of Castalio ; Bayle's Dictionnaire, (90) See Bayle's Dictionnaire, article

tome i., p. 792, &c. [article Castalion ; Bolsec, tome i., p. 592. Jac. Span's His-

which is elaborate, and appears to be can- toire de Geneve, the note, tome ii., p. 55.

did. — TV.] Paul Colomesius, Italia Orien- Bibliotheque raisonnee, tome xxxii., p. 446,

talis, p. 99, and others. [See. Jo. Conrad and tome xxxvi., p. 409.

Fiisliri's Lebensgcschichte Seb. Castellio, (91) See the Lettrcs de Calvin a Jacques

Frankfort and Lipsic, 1774, 8vo. — Schl. de Bourgogne, Preface, p. viii., dec. Bib-

Castalio was born in Dauphiny or Savoy, liotheque raisonne'e, tome xxxii., p. 444, and

1515, and spent his days at Strasburg, Ge- tome xxxiv., p. 406.

neva, and Basle ; where he died in 1563. (92) Zach. Boverius, Annales Capucino-

He was an elegant Latin and Greek scholar ; rum ; and from these Annals, the author of

and wrote much, particularly translations into the book entitled: La guerre Seraphique,

Latin and French. His Latin translation ou Histoire des perils qu' a couru la barbe

of the Bible, is his most important work, des Capucins, livr. ii., p. 147, livr. hi., p.

He denied unconditional election; consid- 192, 230, &c. Observationes Halenses

era! the Canticles as an uninspired book ; Latins, torn, iv., observ. xx., p. 406, torn.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 197

§ 43. While the Reformed punished with so great severity the audacity
of those who conceived some change was requisite in the prevailing doc-
trines, they believed that the greatest mildness and gentleness were to be
manifested, in those most violent contests between the English Puritans
and Episcopalians. For while they were particularly attached to the Pu-
ritans, who contended for the doctrines and discipline of the Swiss ; they
still regarded the Episcopalians with brotherly affection, and urged their
confederates the Puritans, to do the same ; notwithstanding the Episco-
palians injured most sensibly the greater part of the Reformed community,
and by proclaiming the divine origin of their own discipline, scarcely al-
lowed to the Reformed the name and the prerogatives of a true church.
This moderation resulted from prudence, and from the fear of offending a
high-spirited and prosperous nation, and its most powerful queen whose
influence governed even Holland also ; and finally, from the danger of a
destructive schism among the Reformed. For indeed, it is one thing to
coerce and to cast out feeble and unarmed individuals, who are disposed
to disturb the peace of a city by advancing opinions, not perhaps absolute.
ly absurd nor of dangerous tendency, yet really novel ; and quite another
thing, to provoke and drive to a secession, a noble and most flourishing
church, which may be defective in some respects. Moreover the ground
of the dissension [in England] hitherto, did not seem to be religion itself;
but the external forms of religion, and the constitution of the church. Yet
soon afterwards, some of the great principles of religion itself were brought
under discussion. (93)

§ 44. No one can deny or be ignorant of the fact, that the Reformed
church in this age abounded in very eminent men, who were distinguished
for their acquisitions of knowledge both human and divine. Besides Ul-
ric Zwingle, John Calvin, and Theodore Beza, men of inexhaustible genius ;
the following have acquired by their writings, immortal praise ; namely,
John (Ecolampadius, Henry Bullinger, William Farell, Peter Viret, Peter
Martyr, Theodore Bibliander, Wolfgang Musculus, Conrad Pellican, Lew*
is Lavatar, Rudolph Hospinian, Zacharias Ursinus, Thomas Cranmer, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, Stephen Ssegedinus, and many others ; whose
names and merits may be learned from the common writers of literary his.
tory, especially from Melchior Adam, Anthony Wood, Gerard Brandt, Dan-
iel Neal, an Englishman, the very learned and industrious author of the
History of the Puritans, and from other writers. (94) '

v., observ. i., p. 3, &c. Bayle's Diction- for overthrowing, the received opinions con-
naire, tome iii., p. 2105. Christ. Sand's cerning predestination, perseverance, free-
Bibliotheca Anti-Trinitar., p. 4, &c. JVi- will, effectual grace, and the extent of
ceron, Memoires pour servir a. 1'Histoire des Christ's redemption. These are the doc-
Hornmes illustres, tome xix., p. 166, &c. trines to which Dr. Mosheim alludes in this
[See the sketch of his life, above, p. 77, near passage. The clergy of the episcopal church
the end of note (10).^- Tr.] began to lean towards the notions concern-

(93) [The sarcasms of Dr. Mosheim in ing these intricate points, which Arminius
this section, against the Reformed, do him propagated some time after this : while, on
no honour. The note of Dr. Maclaine, the other hand, the Puritans adhered rigor-
however, is worth inserting. It is this : ously to the system of Calvin. Several
" A 11 the Protestant divines of the Reformed episcopal doctors remained attached to the
church, whether Puritans or others, seemed same system, and all these abettors of Cal-
indeed, hitherto, of one mind about the doc- vinism, whether Episcopal or Presbyterian,
trines of faith. But, towards the latter end were called doctrinal Puritans." — TV.]
of queen Elizabeth's reign, there arose a par- (94) [All the larger biographical diction-
ty, which were first for softening, and then aries may be consulted ; and also the Ea-

198 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

CHAPTER III.

HISTORY OF THE SECT OF ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES.

$ 1. Origin of the Anabaptists, obscure. — § 2, 3. Their probable Origin. — § 4. Their first
Movements. — <J 5. Their Progress. — § 6. Punishments decreed them. — § 7. Those of
Munster. — § 8. Menno Simonis. — <J 9. His Doctrine. — § 10. Origin of Sects among the
Anabaptists. — § 11. The more gross, and the more refined. — § 12. Source of the Men-
nonite Religion. — $ 13. It was late reduced to a System. — () 14. What it is. — § 15. The
first Principle of their common Doctrines. — § 16. Their Doctrines themselves. — § 17.
Their practical Doctrines. — § 18. Singular Doctrines of certain Sects. — § 19. Their
Learning and Erudition. — t) 20. Many Sects among them. — t) 21. Permanent Seat of
the Mennonites first in Holland. — § 22. The English Anabaptists. — § 23. General and
particular, what their Views. — § 24. David George. — § 25. Henry Nicolai. The Fam-
ilists.

§ 1. THE origin of the sect, who from their repetition of the baptism re-
ceived in other communities, are called Anabaptists, (I) but who are also

cyclopaedias, particularly that of Dr. Rees.
To these may be added, Middleton's Bio-
raphia Evangelica, and Brook's Lives of the
Puritans ; besides the numerous biographies
of individual men. The means of becoming
acquainted with the lives, characters, and
writings of distinguished modern theologians,
are so abundant, and the extent of the sub-
ject so great, that full lists of all the authors
of each century, will not be given in the notes
to the centuries in this volume, as in those
prior to the reformation. — Tr.]

(1) The modern Mennonites are offended
with this term, and profess to be entirely free
from the practice of repeating baptism, on
which this name is founded. They admit,
that the old Anabaptists had the custom of re-
baptizing such as joined them from other de-
nominations of Christians ; but they say, the
custom at this day is laid aside by much the
greater part of their community. See Her-
man Sr.hyn's Historise Mennonitarum pleiiior
Deductio, cap. ii., p. 32. But, unless I am
altogether deceived, these good men here
lose sight of that simplicity and ingenuous-
ness, which they at times so highly recom-
mend ; and artfully conceal the true ground
of this appellation. They pretend, that their
predecessors were called Anabaptists, for
this reason, that they thought those, who had
been baptized in other communities after
they became adults and attained to the full
use of reason, were to be baptized again.
But it is certain that the name was given to
them, not only for that reason, but more es-
pecially, because they considered the persons

who were initiated into the Christian church
by baptism in their infancy, as not belonging
to the church at all ; and therefore when such
persons would join the Anabaptists, they
baptized them a second time. And in this
sentiment all the sects of Anabaptists con-
tinue quite to the present time, however
much they m*y differ in other opinions and
customs. Among the ancient Anabaptists,
those in particular who are called Flemings
or Flandrians, most fully merit this appella-
tion. For they rebaptize, not only those who
received baptism in other denominations in
their childhood or infancy, but likewise such
as received it in adult years. Nay, each
particular sect of Anabaptists, rebaptizes
those who come to them from the other sects
of their denomination : for each sect consid-
ers its own baptism to be the only true and
valid baptism. The more moderate Anabap-
tists, or the Waterlandians as they are called,
are a little wiser ; because they do not re-
baptize such as were baptized at adult years,
in other denominations ; nor those who were
baptized in other sects of Anabaptists. And
yet they are justly denominated Anabaptists,
because they rebaptize those who received
baptism in their infancy. Still however the
patrons of the sect most carefully keep this
custom out of sight ; because they are afraid,
lest the almost extinguished odium should
revive, and the modern Mennonites be re-
garded as descended from the flagitious An-
abaptists, if they should frankly state the
facts as they are. Hear a very recent wri-
ter, Schyn, (loc. cit., p. 32), where he en-

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 199

denominated Mennonites, from the celebrated man to whom they owe a
large share of their present prosperity, is involved in much obscurity.(2)
For they suddenly started up, in various countries of Europe, under the in-

deavours to show, that his brethren are un-
justly stigmatized with the odious name of
Anabaptists : Anabaptismus ille, (says he),
plane obsolevit, et a multis retro annis nemi-
nem cujuscunque sectse Christianas fidei jux-
ta mandatum Christi baptizatum, dum ad
nostras ecclesias transire cupit, rebaptizave-
runt, i. e., That Anabaplism has become
wholly obsolete ; and for many years past,
no person of any sect whatever, that holds the
Christian faith, if baptized, ACCORDING TO
THE COMMAND OF CHRIST, when he wishes
to join our churches, is rcbaptized. On
reading this, who would not readily suppose
that the repetition of baptism no longer ex-
ists among the Mennonites of our times 1
But the fallacy is in some measure betrayed,
by the words which we have printed in capital
letters : according to the command of Christ.
For the Anabaptists contend, that it is
without any command of Christ, that infants
are admitted to baptism. And the whole
design is more clearly indicated, by the words
which follow : sed ilium etiam ADULTORUM
baptismum, ut sufficientem agnoscunt. And
yet, as if he had fully established his point,
Schyn thus concludes his argument ; Quare
verissimum est, illud odiosum nomen Ana-
baptistarum illis non convenire. But it does
certainly belong to them ; because the very
best of the Mennonites, equally with those
from whom they are descended, think that
the baptism of infants has no validity; and
therefore they cause those who have already
been baptized among other Christians, to be
again baptized with their baptism. — There
are many things which induce me to believe,
that reliance cannot always be placed on the
Confessions and the expositions of the mod-
ern Mennonites. Being instructed by the
miseries and sufferings of their fathers, they
conceal entirely those principles of their sect,
from which their character and state would
most clearly appear ; and the others, which
they cannot conceal, they most studiously
disguise, that they may not appear too bad.
— [This long and invidious note of Dr. Mo-
sheim, the translator would gladly have
cvnitted, if he had felt himself at liberty to
suppress any thing contained in the book.
For to what purpose are such discussions 1
The point at issue is, whether the Menno-
nites or Baptists, are properly denominated
Anabaptists. And the fact is, that accord-
ing to their own principles, they are not, in
the literal and proper sense of the word, An-
abaptists or Rebaptizers. But according to
the principles of all believers in infant bap-

tism, they are, literally and truly, Anabaptists.
For they hold infant baptism to be no valid
Christian baptism ; and therefore to be con-
sistent, when they receive to their church
one who had been baptized in infancy, they
must give him baptism ; for he is, on their
principles, an unbaptizcd person. But ac-
cording to the believers in infant baptism,
such a person had previously received a real,
Christian baptism ; and therefore to baptize
him now, is to rebaptize him. Such being
the true state of the case, is not Dr. Mo-
sheim's eagerness to fasten on the Menno-
nites the odious name of Anabaptists, as good
proof — to say the least — of disingenuous-
ness, as is their eagerness to get rid of it 1
He if successful, gains nothing ; except to
render them odious. They are striving to
have a fair trial of their case, solely upon its
merits ; without being exposed to the preju-
dice of words and names. — TV.]

(2) The writers who treat of the Anabap-
tists, and who confute them, are enumerated
at large, by Casp. Sagittarius, Introductio
ad Historiam Eccles., torn, i., p. 826, &c.,
and by Chr. Matth. Pfaff, Introduct. in His-
tor. litterariam Theol., part ii.. p. 349, &c.
To their lists must be added, the very recent
writer and doctor among the Mennonites,
Herman Schyn ; who first published his
Historia Mennonitarium, Amsterd., 1723,
8vo, and afterwards his Historian Mennoni-
tarum plenior Deductio, Amsterd., 1729,
8vo. Both the works will aid in acquiring
a knowledge of the affairs of this sect ; but
neither of them deserves the tide of a His-
tory of the Mennonites. For the writer
deems it more his business, to defend and
justify his sect, than to give a regular narra-
tive of their origin, progress, and revolutions.
Yet he does not perform the functions of a
vindicator, so learnedly and judiciously, that
the Mennonites could not have a better pa-
tron. Of the historians and Confessions of
the Mennonites, Jo. Christ. Kocher treats
expressly, in his Bibliotheca Theol. Sym-
bolicas, p. 461, &c. [The principal English
histories of baptism and of the Baptists or
Mennonites, are Wm. Waifs Hist, of Infant
Baptism, 2 vols. 8vo, Lond., 1705 ; his De-
fence of the History ; and Gale's Reflec-
tions on Wall's history : Thomas Crosby's
Hist, of the Baptists, 4 vols. 8vo, 1739.
Robert Robinson's Hist, of Baptism, Lond.,
1790, 4to, abridged by D. Benedict, Boston,
1817, 8vo, and David Benedict's General
Hist, of the Baptists, Boston, 1813, 2 vols.
8vo.— Tr.]

200 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

fluence of leaders of dissimilar characters and views ; and at a time when
the first contests with the Catholics so distracted the attention of all, that
they scarcely noticed any other passing occurrences. The modern Men-
nonites affirm, that their predecessors were the descendants of those Wai.
denses, who were oppressed by the tyranny of the papists ; and that they
were a most pure offspring, and most averse from any inclinations towards
sedition, as well as from all fanatical views. (3) On the contrary, their ad-
versaries contend, that they are descended from those turbulent and furious
Anabaptists, who in the sixteenth century involved Germany, Holland, Swit-
zerland, and especially Westphalia, in so many calamities and civil wars ;
but that being terrified by the dreadful fate of their associates, through the
influence of Menno Simonis especially, they have gradually assumed a more
sober character. After duly examining the whole subject, with impartial-
ity, I conceive that neither statement is altogether true.

§ 2. In the first place, I believe the Mennonites are not altogether in the
wrong, when they boast of a descent from those Waldensians, Petrobru-
sians, and others, who are usually styled the Witnesses for the truth before
Luther. Prior to the age of Luther, there lay concealed in almost every
country of Europe, but especially in Bohemia, Moravia, Switzerland, and
Germany, very many persons, in whose minds was deeply rooted that prin-
ciple which the Waldensians, the Wickliffites, and the Hussites maintain-
ed, some more covertly and others more openly ; namely, that the kingdom
which Christ set up on the earth, or the visible church, is an assembly of
holy persons ; and ought therefore to be entirely free not only from ungod-
ly persons and sinners, but from all institutions of human device against
ungodliness. This principle lay at the foundation and was the source of
all that was new and singular in the religion of the Mennonites : and the
greatest part of their singular opinions, as is well attested, were approved
some centuries before Luther's time, by those w^io had such views of the
nature of the church of Christ. (4) Some of this class of people, perceiving

(3) Galenus Abraham? on' s Verdcdiging tended to say. For, that in most of the
der Christenen, die doopsgesinde genand points in which they appeared singular
worden, p. '29. Herman Schyn's plenior among Protestants, they bore a nearer re-
Deductio Histor. Mennonit., cap. i., p. 2, semblance to the proper Waldenses, the
&c. Wickliffites, and the Hussites, than the other

(4) As respects the Waldensians, see Protestants or than the Lutherans and the
Philip a Limborch's Historia Inquisitionis, Reformed did, is very far from being true.
lib. i., cap. viii., p. 37. [" See also Lydii On the contrary, it is a well-known historic
Waldensia, and Allix's Ancient churches of fact, that in the 16th century the genuine
Piedmont, ch.xxii.-xxvi., p. 211-280, N." — descendants of the old Waldensians, Wick-
Macl.] That the Wickliffites and Hussites liffites, and Hussites, who were numerous in
were not far from the same sentiments, can France, England, Bohemia, Moravia, &c.,
be shown by adequate testimony. [That readily united with the Lutheran and the
the Mennonites, as being one of those Prot- Reformed communities, and at length be-
estant sects which renounced the Romish came absorbed in them ; and that very few,
religion in the 16th century, resembled very if any of them, ever manifested a preference
much the Waldenses, the Wickliffites, and for the Mennonites, or for any of the Anti-
the Hussites, those earlier revolters from paedobaptist sects of that age. The His-
the Romish worship, is undoubtedly true, tory of the Reformation in all the countries
And it may therefore be justly said, that where the ancient sects were found, fully es-
" the greatest part of their singular opinions," tablishes this fact; which is so adverse to
— meaning those in which they differed from the supposition of a legitimate descent of the
the Romish church, — " were approved, some Mennonilcs from the pure Waldensians.
centuries before Luther's time." And this, The first Mennonites were not persons who
I think, must be all that Dr. Mosheim in- had before borne the name of Waldensians,

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 201

that such a church as they had formed an idea of, would never be estab-
lished by human means, indulged the hope that God himself would in his
own time erect for himself a new church, free from every blemish and im-
purity ; and that he would raise up certain persons, and fill them with
heavenly light for the accomplishment of this great object. Others, more
discreet, looked for neither miracles nor inspiration ; but judged that the
church might be purified from all the contaminations of evil men, and be
brought into the state that Christ had intended, by human efforts and care,
provided the practice and the regulations of the ancient Christians were re-
stored to their pristine dignity and influence.

§ 3. The spirits and courage of this people, who had long been severely
persecuted and scattered over many countries, revived, as soon as they
heard that Luther, aided by many good men, was successfully engaged in
reforming the very corrupt state of the church. According to their dif-
ferent principles and views, some supposed that the time was now come,
when God himself would take possession of men's hearts and would set
up his heavenly kingdom on the earth ; others concluded, that the long-ex,
pected and wished for restitution of the church, to be effected indeed un.
der the providence of God but yet by human agency, was now at hand,
With these, as is common in such great revolutions, were joined many ev«
ery where, of similar aims but of unlike capacities ; who in a short time,
by their discourses, their dreams, and their prophecies, roused up a large
part of Europe, and drew over to the party a vast multitude of the igno.
rant and ill-informed people. The leaders of this great multitude, errone.
ously conceiving that the new kingdom which they foretold was to be free
from all evils and imperfections, because they considered the reformation
of the church which Luther had commenced as not corresponding with the
magnitude of the case, projected themselves a more perfect reformation of
it, or rather, projected another and altogether a divine church.

§ 4. Whether the origin of this discordant sect which caused such mischief
in both the civil and religious community, is to be sought for in Switzer.

or who were known descendants of Walden- to me, to disprove the truth of their asser-

sians ; nor did they originate either in or near tion. There were indeed various mystical

the countries where the Waldensians in that sects, tinctured more or less with Manichae-

age resided. And if we endeavour to trace an views, in the twelfth and following cen-

the history of that grand peculiarity of all turies, who rejected all water-haptism, on

Mennonites, their confining baptism to adult much the sarre grounds as the Quakers stil!

believers and rejecting infant baptisms alto- do : (vol. ii., p. 265, &c., above), and some

gether, we shall find, that at the time Menno of these assailed infant baptism especially,

first embraced it, it existed among the nu- as being peculiarly unsuitable and absurd,

merous German Anabaptists, but not among There is also pretty good evidence, that

the Waldenses of France or Bohemia, who early in the 12th century, Peter Bruis and

were then universally believers in infant his successor Henry, with their followers

baptism and were in fraternal communion the Pelrobrussians and Henricians, did at

with the Lutheran and Reformed churches, first reject infant baptism, without discard-

These Waldensian Paedobaptists moreover, ing all baptism. (See vol. ii., p. 267, and

declared that they held the same belief the notes there.) But soon after, Peter

which their fathers had maintained for sev- Waldo arose, and gave birth to the proper

eral centuries ; and they appealed to their Waldensians ; and we hear no more of the

old books, to make good their assertions. Petrobrussians and Henricians. They prob-

See Jo. Paul Perrin's History of the Wai- ably gave up their opposition to infant-bap-

denses, pt. i., b. i., ch. iv., p. 15, of the tism. See Wall's Hist, of Infant Baptism,

Eng. translation ; and pt. iii., b. iii., iv., p. pt. ii., ch. vii. — TV.]
99. Nor does ecclesiastical history appear

VOL. III.— C c

202 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

land, or in Holland and Germany, 01 in some other country, it is not im-
portant to know, and is impossible fully to determine. (5) In my opinion,
this only can be affirmed, that at one and the same time, that is, not long
after the commencement of the reformation by Luther, there arose men of
this sort, in several different countries. This may be inferred from the
fact, that the first leaders of any note among the Anabaptists were, nearly
all, founders of distinct sects. For though all these reformers of the
church, or rather these projectors of new churches, are called Anabaptists,
because they all denied that infants are proper subjects of baptism, and
solemnly baptized over again those who had been baptized in infancy ;
yet from the very beginning, just as at the present day, they were split
into various parties which disagreed and disputed about points of no small
importance. The worst part of this motley tribe, namely, that which sup-
posed the -founders of their ideal and perfect church would be endued with
divine powers and would work miracles, began to raise great disturbances
in Saxony and the neighbouring countries, in the year 1521, under the
guidance of Thomas Munzer, Mark Stubner, Nicholas Storck, and other
chiefs. They first pursued their object by means of harangues, argumen-
tations, and the detail of divine visions, to which the leaders of their party
made pretensions. But finding these means less efficient than they could
wish, and that their influence was resisted by the arguments of Luther
and others, they rushed to arms. Munzer and his associates, having col-
lected a vast army from among the credulous populace, particularly in the
rural parts of Suabia, Thuringia, Franconia, and Saxony, proclaimed war in
the year 1525, against all law and civil governments, and declared that
Christ alone would reign from that time forward. But these forces were
routed without much difficulty, by the elector of Saxony and other princes ;
Munzer, the firebrand of sedition, was put to death, and his aiders and
abettors were dispersed. (6) •

§ 5. By this bloody defeat, the others who were actuated by the same
turbulent and fanatical spirit, were rendered indeed more timid, but not
more wise. It appears that from this time onward, there roamed about
Germany, Switzerland, and Holland, many persons infected with the same
criminal principles which had proved the ruin of Munzer ; that in many
places they disturbed both the church and the state, by their seditious dis-
courses ; that they gathered here and there larger or smaller congrega-
tions ; and in the name of God, announced sudden destruction as about to
overtake the magistrates and the civil governments ; and while they pre-
tended to be ambassadors of God, often audaciously insulted the divine
majesty, by their shameful conduct and crimes. Infamous with posterity
beyond others of this senseless tribe, were the names of Lewis Hetzer,
Balthazar Hubmeyer, Felix Mantz, Conrad Grebel, Melchior Hoffmann,
George Jacobs, and others ; who would, if their abilities had been ade-
quate, have involved all Switzerland, Holland, and Germany, in tumults

(5) Whether the Anabaptists appeared discussion, nor has he accomplished any

first in Germany, or in Switzerland, is made thing.

the subject of inquiry, by Jo. Conrad Fus- (6) See Ludov. a Seckendorfs Historia

tin, Beytrage zur Schweizerischen Refor- Lutheranismi, lib. i., p. 192, 304, &c., lib.

mationgeschichte, torn, i., p. 190, torn, ii., ii., p. 13. Jo. Sicilian, Commentarii, lib. v.,

p. 64, 65, p. 265, 327, 328, torn, iii., p. p. 47. Joauc.li. Camerarius, Vita Melanctho-

323. But he is not self-consistent in the nis. p. 44, &c.

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 203

and wars. (7) Among these people there were some strangely delirious,
and who fancied they had incredible visions : but those of them who were
not destitute of all rationality, taught for substance the following doctrines.
I. That the church of Christ ought to be free from all sin. II. That a
community of goods, and universal equality, should be introduced. III.
That all usury, tithes, and tributes, were to be abolished. IV. That the

(7) See the details collected, among oth-
ers by Jo. Baptist Ottius, in his Annales
Anabaptistici, p. 21, &c., by Jo. Hornbeck,
Summa Controversiarum, lib. v., p. 332.
Anth. Mattheus, Analecta vet. aevi, torn,
iv., p. 629, 677, 679, the recent ed., Bern-
hard Raupach's Austria Evangelica, torn,
ii., p. 41. Jo. Geo. Schclhorn, Acta ad
Historiam Eccles. pertinentia, torn, i., p.
100. Godfrey Arnold, Kirchen-und Ket-
zerhistorie, book xvi., ch. xxi., p. 727, &c.
Jo. Conrad Fuslin, in the various docu-
ments relating to the Anabaptists, which
he has inserted in his Beytrage zu der
Schweitzerischen Reformations-Geschichte :
[and more recently, Professor Wills, Bey-
trage zur Geschichte des Anabaptismus in
Deutschland nebst wichtigen Urkunden und
Beylagen, Nuremb., 1773, 8vo. — LEWIS
HAETZER, whom some take to be a Bava-
rian, and others a Swiss, was a man of
abilities ; and well versed especially in the
languages. Joachim Vadianus (see Fus-
lin, vol. v., p. 397) calls him : Commodis-
simi ingenii hominem, clarum virum, linguis
etiam et admirabili ingenii dexteritate prae-
ditum. He lived in the time of the Refor-
mation at Zurich, and aided the Reformers
by his discourses and his writings ; among
other things, he translated (Ecolampadius*
book de Sacramento Eucharistiae, into Ger-
man, in the year 1526. But he afterwards
separated from the Reformers, and followed
his own views in theology, which were often
singular ; as appears from his writings pub-
lished between the years 1523 and 1529.
Among other works, he translated the
prophets, with the assistance of Hans Denk.
He also wrote in the year 1523, a book
against the divinity of Christ ; which Am-
brose Blarer, by direction of Zitringle, con-
futed. He was among the extravagant
Anabaptists ; and was beheaded at Con-
stance in 1529, because he cohabited with
many women, and perverted the scriptures
to justify his unchastity. — BALTHAZAR
HUBMEYER, who sometimes called himself
Friedbergf-r, from his native place in Bava-
ria, is, in the above-cited epistle of Joach.
Vadianus, pronounced, eloquentissimus,
and humar.issimus vir. Before the Refor-
mation, he was for a time preacher in the
principal church at Regensberg ; where he
became suspected, on account of some er-

roneous doctrines, and was obliged to quit
the place. Afterwards he preached at
Waldshut. But as he allowed himself to
be led astray by Thomas Miinzer, he was
driven from that place also ; and fleeing to
Zurich, he was thrown into prison ; but
after a three days' discussion with Zwingle,
he recanted. Yet continuing afterwards
enthusiastic, he was expelled the city,
and retired to Moravia, where he fell into
the hands of the Austrian government, and
was burned alive at Vienna, in 1528. His
writings are enumerated by Fuslin, Bey-
trage, vol. v., p. 399, &c. — FELIX MANZ,
of Zurich, was there apprehended, with
others, on account of his Anabaptistic doc-
trines, and was drowned. See Fuslin,
Beytrage, vol. v., p. .259, &c. — GREBEL
was also of Zurich, of a good family, and
of great talents ; but of so great obstinacy,
that nothing could induce him to change his
opinions. Yet he fortunately escaped from
prison, and afterwards died a natural death.
— MELCHIOR HOFFMANN was a furrier of
Suabia, who laboured to disseminate the doc-
trines of the Anabaptists in the Netherlands,
and in lower Saxony and Livonia ; and died
in prison at Strasburg, in 1533. To enu-
merate his writings here, would be tedious.
— JACOBI is called in the documents, (see
Fuslin's Beytrage, vol. v., p. 265). Georg
vom Hause Jacobs, genant Blaurock von
Chur. He was twice apprehended at Zu-
rich, was beaten with rods, and, after twice
swearing to keep the peace, was banished
the country. — To the preceding, may be
added JOHN DENK, who once taught in the
school of St. Sebald, at Nuremberg; but
after his connexion with the Anabaptists,
he resided chiefly at Basle and at Worms.
He taught also the restoration of all things ;
and aided Hetzer, as already stated, in his
translation of the prophets ; which was
published at Worms, 1527, folio. His
smaller pieces were printed a second time,
Amsterdam, 1680, 12mo. Several extracts
are given by Arnold; Kirchen-und Ket-
zerhistorie, part iv., section ii., No. 31, p.
530, &c. See also Dr. Butlinghausen's
Beytrage zur Pfalzischen Geschichte, part
iii., p. 299, whence we learn that Denk re-
canted before he died ; and that his recan
tation was published, probably by (Ecolam
padius. — Sckl.]

204 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

baptism of infants was an invention of the devil. V. That all Christians
had a right to act as teachers. VI. That of course, the Christian church
had no need of ministers or teachers. VII. Neither was there any need
of magistrates, under the reign of Christ. VIII. That God still made
known his will, to certain persons, by dreams and visions. (8) I omit
other opinions. It would however betray ignorance or want of candour,
to deny that there were others every where, who held in general to the
same opinions yet lived more quietly and peaceably, and in whom no great
fault can be found, except their erroneous opinions and their zeal to dis-
seminate them among the people. Nor do I fear to add, that among the
followers not only of these more sober Anabaptists but even of those al-
together misguided, there were many persons of honest intentions and of
real piety, whom an unsuspecting simplicity and a laudable desire to re-
form the church, had led to join the party.

§ 6. While this tumultuous sect was spreading itself through nearly all
Europe, the emperors, kings, princes, and magistrates resisted them with
very severe edicts, and at last with capital punishments. (9) But here also
the maxim was fully verified, which long experience has proved true, that
the human mind, when either agitated by fanatical fury or strongly bound
by the cords of religion, is not easily cured by terrors and dangers. Vast
numbers of these people in nearly all the countries of Europe, would
rather perish miserably by drowning, hanging, burning, or decapitation,
than renounce the opinions they had embraced. And therefore the Men-
nonites at this day show us ponderous volumes, filled with the accounts of
the lives and sufferings of those of their party, who expiated by their death
the crimes they were supposed to have committed against either the church
or the state. (10) I could wish there had been some distinction made;
and that all who believed that adults only are to be baptized, and that the
ungodly are to be expelled the church, had not been indiscriminately put
to death. For they did not all suffer on account of their crimes, but many
of them merely for the erroneous opinions, which they maintained honestly
and without fraud or crime. Yet most of them talked out among the peo-
ple, their dreams of a new church of Christ about to be set up, and of the
impending abolition of all magistracies, laws, and punishments : and hence
the very name of Anabaptist presented at once before the mind, the idea
of a seditious person, that is, one who was a public pest. It is indeed
true, that many Anabaptists were put to death, not as being bad citizens
or injurious members of civil society, but as being incurable heretics who
were condemned by the old canon laws : for the error concerning adult
baptism or Catabaptism and Anabaptism, was in that age looked upon as a

(8) These are chiefly collected from the tions-Urkunden, pt. i., p. 176. As the im-
documents published by Fiislin. [Whether pudence of many of this sect became more
they also denied the divinity of Christ, and bold, Charles V. published severe decrees
justified polygamy, Fuxlin examines, in the against them, in 1527 and 1529. Ottii
third volume of his Beytrage, p. 119; and Annales Anabaptist., p. 45. The Swiss
evinces by documents, that they did not. — at first proceeded very gently against their
Schl] Anabaptists; but when many of them be-

(9) If I do not mistake, it was first in came more bold in consequence of this len-
Saxony and in the year 1525, that laws ity, the canton of Zurich in the year 1525,
were enacted against this sort of people, suspended over them capital punishment.
And these laws were frequently renewed, (10) See Joach. Christ. Jehring's Pref-
in the years 1527, 1528, and 1534. See ace to his Historic der Mennoniten, p. 3,
Jo, Erk. Kapp's Nachleee von Reforma- &c.

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 205

horrible offence. But it is also true, that very many were put to death for
holding opinions dangerous to the republic and to the civil authorities ; and
numbers likewise suffered for their temerity, their imprudences, and their
criminal deeds.

§ 7. A shocking example of this, is visible in the case of those Anabap.
lists from Holland, who came to Munster a city of Westphalia, in the
year 1533, and there committed deeds which would be scarcely credible,
were they not so well attested as to compel belief. These infatuated men,
whose brains were turned by that dream of a new kingdom of Christ about
to be erected on the earth, which bewildered the great body of Anabap.
lists, having for leaders certain illiterate and plebeian men, e. g., John Mat.
thai, John Bockold a taylor of Leyden, one Gerhard, and some others,
persuaded not only ihe common people but likewise some of the religious
teachers, that their blessed heavenly Jerusalem was about to be established
at Munster, and would thence be extended to other places. Under this
pretext, they deposed the magistrates, took command of the city, and ven-
tured upon all the criminal and ridiculous measures which their perverse
ingenuity could devise.(ll) John Bockold was created king and lawgiver
to this celestial republic. But the issue of the scene was tragical and dis-
tressing. For after a long siege, Ihe city being captured in 1536 by its
bishop, Francis count Waldec, who was also its temporal lord, this New
Jerusalem of the Anabaptists was destroyed, and its king punished with
the utmost severity.(l2) From these and other evenls of a similar char-
acter which occurred about this time in various places,(13) it was but too

(11) [" Bockholdt, or Bockelson, alias
John of J.eyden, who headed them at Mun-
ster, ran stark naked in the streets, married
eleven wives, at the same time, to show his
approbation of polygamy, and entitled him-
self King of Sion ; all which was but a
very small part of the pernicious follies of
this mock-monarch." — Mac/.]

(12) Anton. Corvini Narratio de misera-
bili Monaster. Anabapt. excidio ; first pub-
lished, Wittemb., 1536, and then elsewhere :
and the other writers mentioned by Casper
Sagittarius, Introd. in Historian! Eccles.,
torn, i., p. 537 and 835. Add Herm.
Ha.melm.anri s Historia renati Evangelii in
urbe Monasterii ; in his Opera Genealogico-
Historica, p. 1203, &c. The elegant and
accurately written Latin elegiac poem of
Jo. Fabricius Boland, entitled : Motus
Monasteriensis Libri decem, Cologne 1540,
8vo. Herm. Kerssenbrock's Historia belli
Monasteriensis ; published by Dan. Gerdes,
Miscellan. Groningens. nova, tome ii., p.
377. Gerdes also treats (ibid., torn, ii., p.
403) of Bernhard Rohtmann, a minister of
the gospel at Munster, a man in other re-
spects neither of a bad character nor un-
learned, who joined with these Anabaptists,
and aided them in their mad projects.

(13) ["The scenes of violence, tumult,
and sedition, that were exhibited in Hol-
land by this odious tribe, were also terrible.

They formed the design of reducing the
city of Leyden to ashes, but were happily
prevented and severely punished. John
of Leyden, the anabaptist king of Mun-
ster, had taken it into his head that God
had made him a present of the cities of Am-
sterdam, Dcventer, and Wesel ; in conse-
quence thereof, he sent bishops to these
three places, to preach his gospel of sedi-
tion and carnage. About the beginning of
the year 1535, twelve Anabaptists, of whom
five were women, assembled at midnight in
a private house at Amsterdam. One of
them, who was a tailor by profession, fell
into a trance, and after having preached and
prayed for the space of four hours, stripped
himself naked, threw his clothes into the
fire, and commanded all the assembly to do
the same, in which he was obeyed without
the least reluctance. He then ordered
them to follow him through the streets in
this state of nature, which they accordingly
did, howling and bawling out, Wo ! wo I
the wrath of God ! the icrath of God ! wo
to Babylon ! When, after being seized and
brought before the magistrates, clothes
were offered them to cover their indecency,
they refused them obstinately, and cried
aloud, We are the naked truth ! When
they were brought to the scaffold, they sung
and danced, and discovered all the marks of
enthusiastic pkrensy. These tumults were

206 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

manifest whither the principles of this school would lead unstable and in-
cautious men ; and hence it is not strange that the magistrates were eager
to extirpate the roots of such mischief with fire and sword. (14)

§ 8. When this miserable sect was in the utmost consternation, partly
from the extinction of all their hopes from the men of Munster, and partly
from anxiety about their personal safety, while they saw the best as well
as the worst among them daily hurried away to certain execution ; great
consolation and relief were afforded them, by Menno Simonis of Friesland,
who was once a popish priest, and as he himself confesses a debauched
character. He first covertly and secretly united with the Anabaptists ;
but afterwards in the year 1536, quitting the sacred office he had hitherto
held among the papists, he openly espoused their cause. And now in the
year 1537, he listened to the entreaties of several of these people, — whom
he describes as sober, pious persons, that had taken no part in the criminal
transactions at Munster, but who as others believe, had been associates of
the Westphalian rabble, but had become wiser by the calamities of their
brethren, — and consented to assume the functions of a religious teacher
among them. From this period to the end of his days or for about five-
and-twenty years, he travelled with his wife and children, amid perpetual
sufferings and daily perils of his life, over very many regions of coun-
try,— first in West Friesland, the territory of Groningen, and East Fries-
land, and then in Gelderland, Holland, Brabant, Westphalia, and the
German provinces along the shores of the Baltic as far as Livonia, — and
in this way he gathered an immense number of followers, so that he may
justly be considered as almost the common father and bishop of all the
Anabaptists, and as the founder of the flourishing sect that has continued
down to our times. The causes of this so great success may readily be
conceived, if we consider the manners and the spirit of the man, and the
condition of the party at the time he joined them. Menno possessed ge-
nius, though not much cultivated, -as his writings evince ; and a natural elo-
quence. Of learning he had just enough to be esteemed very learned and
almost an oracle, by the raw and undiscerning multitude. Moreover, if we
may judge from his words and actions, he was a man of integrity, mild,
accommodating, laborious, patient of injuries, and so ardent in his piety as
to exemplify in his own life, the precepts which he gave to others. A man
of such a character would readily obtain followers among any people ; but
among none more readily than among such as the Anabaptists then were,
a people simple, ignorant of all learning, accustomed to teachers that ra-
ved and howled rather than instructed them, very often deluded by impos-
tors, worn out with perpetual suffering, and now in constant peril of their
lives. (15)

followed by a regular and deep-laid conspir- After an obstinate resistance he was sur-

acy, formed by Van Gcden (an envoy of rounded with his whole troop, who were

the mock-king of Munster, who had made a put to death in the severest and most

very considerable number of proselytes) dreadful manner, to serve as examples to

against the magistrates of Amsterdam, with the other branches of the sect, who were

a design to wrest the government of that exciting commotions of a like nature in

city out of their hands. This incendiary Friesland, Groningen, and other provinces

marched his fanatical troop to the town- and cities in the Netherlands." — Mad.']

house on the day appointed, drums beating, (14) Gerh. Brandt's History of the Ref-

and colours flying, and fixed there his head- ormation in Belgium, torn, i., lib. ii., p.

quarters. He was attacked by the burghers, 119, &c.

assisted by some regular troops, and headed (15) Menno was bora, not as many say

by several of the burgomasters of the city, in 1496, but in 1505, and at Witmarsum,

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 207

§ 9. Menno had struck out a system of doctrine, which was much mild.
er and more tolerable than that of the furious and fanatical portion of the

a village near Bolswert in Friesland. After
being variously tossed about during his
whole life, he died in 1561, in the duchy of
Holstein, on an estate situated not far from
Oldeslo, and belonging to a nobleman, who
was touched with compassion for the man
exposed now to continual plots, and who
received both him and his associates under
his protection and afforded him an asylum.
An account of Mcnno has been carefully
drawn up by Jo. Moller ; in his Cimbria
Litterata, torn. ii. , p. 835, &c. See also
Herm. Schyn's Plenior deductio Historise
Mennonit., cap. vi., p. 116. His writings,
which are nearly all in the Dutch language,
were published the most complete, Amster-
dam, 1651, folio. One who is disgusted
with a style immoderately diffuse and ram-
bling, with frequent and needless repetitions,
with great confusion in the thoughts and
matter, with pious but extremely languid
exhortations, will rise from the perusal of
them with but little satisfaction. [A con-
cise history of his life, or rather a develop-
ment of his religious views, drawn up by
himself, is found both prefixed to the com-
plete edition of his works, (Amsterdam,
1651, fol.), and in the 2d vol. of Herman
Schyn's History of the Mennonites (Histo-
riae Mennonitar. plenior deductio, p. 118,
&c., Amsterdam, 1729, 8vo). — It contains,
I. A short and lucid account, how and why
he forsook popery. II. A short and plain
Confession of Faith of the Mennonites.
III. Concise instructions in questions and
answers, derived from scripture, for such as
would join their community. Menno was
born in 1505, at Witmarsum in Friesland.
In his 24th year, he became a priest of the
Romish church in the village of Pinningen.
His rector had some learning ; and both he
and another clergyman under him, had some
acquaintance with the scriptures ; while
Menno had never read them, being afraid
they would mislead him. But the thought
at length occurred to him as he read mass,
whether the bread and the wine could be
the real body and blood of Christ. At first,
he supposed this thought was a suggestion
of the devil ; and he often confessed it, and
sighed and prayed over it, but could not get
rid of it. With his fellow-clergymen, he
daily spent his time in playing, drinking,
and other indulgences. At length he took
up reading the New Testament ; and from
that, he soon learned that he had hitherto
been deceived, in regard to the mass ;
Luther also helped him to the idea, that
disregarding human prescriptions did not

draw after it eternal death. His examina-
tion of the scriptures carried him farther and
farther, and he began to be called an evan-
gelical preacher, and every body loved him.
But when he heard that an honest man was
put to death at Lewarden, because he had
been rebaptized ; he was at first surprised
to hear of a repetition of baptism ; he went
to consulting the scriptures, and he there
could find nothing said about infant bap-
tism. He held a discussion on the subject
with his rector ; who was obliged to con-
cede the same fact. Some ancient writers
taught him, that children by such baptism
were cleansed from original sin ; but this
seemed to him, according to the scriptures,
to militate against the efficacy of Christ's
blood. After this, — (we give, all along, his
own account), — he turned to Luther ; but
his assertion that children must be baptized
on account of their own faith, appeared con-
trary to the scriptures. Equally unsatis-
factory to him was the opinion of Bucer ;
that the baptism of infants is necessary, in
order that they be more carefully watched,
and be trained up in the ways of the Lord ;
and also Bullinger's referring it to a cove-
nant, and appealing to circumcision. Not
long after this, he was made rector of his
native village, Witmarsum ; where he
preached much indeed, from the scriptures ;
but without being himself made better. In
the mean time, he glories in having attained
to correct views of baptism and the Lord's
supper, by the illumination of the Holy
Ghost, and by frequent perusal of the scrip-
tures. With the disturbances at Munster,
he was greatly troubled ; he ascribed them
to erring zeal ; and he opposed them in his
sermons and exhortations. Yet he was so
much affected by the example of the multi-
tudes who sacrificed themselves for the in-
terests of the party, that he felt more and
more distress and shame on account of his
own state of mind ; he prayed God to aid
him ; his whole state of mind became
changed ; and he now taught Christian
piety, much more purely and effectually.
And the discovery which he had made of
the corrupt state of the Romish church,
induced him in the year 1536, utterly to re-
nounce it, as well as his priestly office ;
which he calls his departure from Babylon.
The next year, there came io him several
godly Anabaptists, who most importunately
entreated him, in their own name and in
that of other devout men of the same faith,
to become the teacher of this dispersed and
persecuted company. He at length con-

208 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

Anabaptists ; yet perhaps one which was somewhat harsher, though better
digested, than that of the wiser and more moderate Anabaptists, who
merely wished to see the church restored to its long-lost purity, but had
undefined conceptions about it. He therefore condemned the expectation
of a new kingdom of Jesus Christ, to be set up in the world by violence
and the expulsion of magistrates, which had been the prolific cause of so
many seditions and crimes ; he condemned the marvellous restitution of the
church by a new and extraordinary effusion of the Holy Spirit ; he con-
demned the licentiousness of polygamy and divorce ; and he would not en.
dure those who believed, that the Holy Spirit descended into the minds of
many just as he did at the first establishment of Christianity, and manifest-
ed his presence by miracles, prophecies, divine dreams, and visions. The
common Anabaptist doctrines in regard to infant baptism, a coming thou-
sand years' reign of Christ before the end of the world, the inadmissibility
of magistrates in the Christian church, the prohibition of wars and oaths
by Christ, the inutility and the mischief of human learning, — these doc-
trines he retained indeed, but he so corrected and improved them, that they
appeared to come nearer to accordance with the common tenets of Protest-
ants. This system of religion was so highly recommended by the nature
of the precepts themselves, by the eloquence of the preacher, and by the
circumstances of the times, that it very easily gained the assent of most
of the Anabaptists. And thus the influence of Menno caused the Andbap.
tists of both sorts, after excluding fanatical persons and rejecting opinions
pernicious to the state, to become consolidated as it were into one family or
community. (16)

sentcd : and he remarks, on this occasion,
that he was called to the office of teacher,
neither by the insurgents of Munster, nor
by any other turbulent party, but by true
professors of Christ and his word, who
sought the salvation of all around them, and
took up their cross. Thenceforth, during
eighteen years, amid many perils and dis-
couragements, poverty and want, and often
concealed in lurking-places, with his wife
and children, he discharged the duties of his
office ; and thereby (says he) hath God,
in many cities and countries, brought his
church to such a glorious state, that not
only have a multitude of vicious persons
been reclaimed, but also the most renowned
doctors and the most cruel tyrants have been
made to stand confounded and ashamed be-
fore those who have suffered with him.
To t'ois, which is Menno's own account,
other writers add, that with unwearied ac-
tivity, in Friesland, Gelderland, Holland,
and Brabant, in Westphalia, and generally
in northern Germany, as far as Livonia, he
either planted and strengthened Anabaptist
churches, or reduced them to order and to
unanimity ; until, at last, in 1561, he died at
Oldesloe in the duchy of Holstein. — Trans-
lated from Schroeckh's Kirchengeschichte
seit der Reformation, vol. v., p. 444, 447.
-TV.]

(16) These facts show, how the famous
question concerning the origin of the Men-
nonites may be readily solved. The Men-
nonites use e»ery argument they can devise,
to prevent credence being given to what is
taught in innumerable books, that the modern
are the descendants of the ancient Anabap-
tists. See Herm. Schyii's Historia Men-
nonitar., cap. viii., ir., xxi., p. 223, &c.
Nor is the reason of their zeal in this mat-
ter difficult to ascertain. This timid peo-
ple, living dispersed among their enemies, are
afraid, lest the malevolent should take occa-
sion, from that relationship, to renew those
laws against their existence and their safety,
by which those ancient disturbers of the pub-
lic peace were put down. At least, they
hope the severe odium which has long rankled
against them, will be much diminished, pro-
vided they can fully eradicate from the pub-
lic mind the belief that the Mennonites are
the successors of the Anabaptists, or rather
are themselves Anabaptists, though reformed
and made wiser than their predecessors. But
I must candidly own, that after carefully
comparing what the Mennonites and their
antagonists have advanced on this subject,
I am unable to determine what the pre-
cise point in dispute between them is. In
the first place, if the Mennonites wish to
maintain, that Menno, the founder of the

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 209

§ 10. Menno must have possessed more than human power, to be able to
diffuse peace and good order throughout so discordant a body, and bind to.
gether in harmonious bonds men actuated by very different spirits. About
the middle of the century therefore, a violent dispute arose among the
Anabaptists, [or Mennonites], respecting excommunication, occasioned
chiefly by Leonard Bouwenson and Theodore Philip : and its effects have
continued down to the present time. The men just named not only main,
tained that all transgressors, even those that seriously lamented and deplo-
red their fall, ought to be at once cast out of the church without previous
admonition ; but also, that the excommunicated were to be debarred all so-
cial intercourse with their wives, husbands, brothers, sisters, children, and
other relatives. They likewise required obedience to a very austere and

present existing sect, was not infected with
those opinions, by which the men of Mun-
ster and others like them drew upon them-
selves deserved punishments ; and conse-
quently, that he did not propose to establish
a new church of Christ, entirely free from all
evil, nor command the abolition of all civil
laws and magistrates, nor impose upon him-
self and others by fanatical dreams ; then
they will find us all ready to agree with
them. All this is readily conceded by those,
who at the same time contend, that there
most certainly was an intimate connexion
between the ancient and the modern Ana-
baptists. Again ; if the Mennonites would
maintain, that the churches which have
adopted the discipline of Menno, quite to
the present time, have been studious of peace
and tranquillity, have plotted no insurrections
or revolutions among the people who were
their fellow-citizens, have always been averse
from slaughter and blood, and have shunned
all familiarity with persons professing to have
visions and to hold converse with God ; and
likewise have excluded from their public dis-
courses; and from their confessions of faith,
those [principles and tenets which were]
causes, that led the ancient Anabaptists to
pursue a different course of conduct ; here
also, we present them the hand of friendship
and agreement. And finally ; if they con-
tend, that, not all who bore the name of An-
abaptists prior to the times of Menno, were
as delirious and as furious as Munzer, or the
faction at Munster, and others ; that many
persons of this name abstained from all crim-
inal and flagitious deeds, and only trod in
the steps of the ancient Waldenses, Henri-
cians, Petrobrussians, Hussites, and Wick-
liffites ; and that these upright and peace-
able persons subjected themselves to the pre-
cepts and opinions of Menno ; we shall still
make no objections.

But, I. If they would have us believe,
that none of the Mennonites are, by birth
and blood, descendants of those people who
once overwhelmed Germany and other coun-

VOL. HI.— D D

tries with so many calamities ; or, that none
of the furious and fanatical Anabaptists be-
came members of the community which de-
rives its name from Menno ; then they may
be confuted, both by the testimony of Men-
no himself, who proclaims that he had con-
vinced some of this pestiferous faction, and
also by many other proofs. The first Men-
nonite churches were certainly composed of
Anabaptists, of both the better sort and the
worse. Nor, if the Mennonites should ad-
mit this, (which is true beyond contradic-
tion), would they expose themselves to more
infamy, than we do, when we admit that our
ancestors were blind idolaters.

And, II. We must be equally at variance
with them, if they deny, that the Mennonites
hold any portion at all of those opinions,
which once betrayed the turbulent and sedi-
tious Anabaptists into so many and so enor-
mous crimes. For not to mention, what
has long since been remarked by others, that
Menno himself styled those Anabaptists of
Munster, whom his children at this day ex-
ecrate as pests, his brethren, though with the
qualification of erring ; I say, not to men-
tion this, it is the fact, that the very doc-
trine, concerning the nature of Christ's king-
dom or the church of the New Testament,
which led the ancient Anabaptists, step by
step, to become furious and open rebels, is
not yet wholly eradicated from the minds of
the modern Mennonites; although it hag
gradually become weakened, and, in the more
moderate, has ceased to vegetate, or at least,
has lost its power to do harm. I will not
here inquire, whether even the more peace-
ful community of Menno, has not, at any
time, been agitated with violent commotions :
nor am I disposed to pry into what may be
now taking place among its minor sects and
parties ; for that the larger sects, especially
those of North Holland, shun the men who
are actuated by a fanatical spirit, is suffi-
ciently evinced by the fact, that they most
carefully exclude all Quakers from their com-

210 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

difficult system of morals. But many of the Anabaptists looked upon this
as going too far. And hence, very soon the Anabaptists became split into
two sects ; the one more lenient towards transgressors, the other more se-
vere ; the one requiring a sordid style of living and very austere morals,
the other conceding something to human nature and to the elegances of
life. Menno laboured indeed to restore harmony to his community, but
discovering no possible way to effect it, he fluctuated as it were during his
whole life, between those two sects. For at one time he seemed to favour
the severer party, and at another the more lax brethren. And this incon-
stancy in one of so high authority, tended to increase not. a little the dis-
quietude and commotion among them. (17)

§ 11. These two large sects of Anabaptists [or Mennonites], are distin-
guished by the appellations of the Fine and the Gross, (die Feinen und die
Groben, Subtiles et Crassi), i. e.,the more Rigid and the more Lax.(lS)
Those called the Fine hold and observe, more strictly than the others, both
the ancient doctrines and the morals and discipline of the Anabaptists ; the
Gross depart farther from the original opinions, morals, and discipline of
the sect, and approach nearer to those of the Protestants. The greater
part of the Gross or lax Mennonites, at first, were inhabitants of a region
in the North of Holland, called Waterland : and hence this whole sect ob-
tained the name of Waterlanders.(l9) A" majority of the severer sect
were inhabitants of Flanders ; and hence their whole sect received the
name of Flemings or Flandrians. Among these Flandrians, soon after,
there arose new broils and contentions ; not indeed respecting doctrines,
but respecting the offences for which men should be excommunicated, and
other minor matters. And hence again, arose the two sects of Flandrians
and Frieslanders, disagreeing in morals and discipline, and receiving their

(17) See the history of the contests and
controversies among the Mennonites, previ-
ous to the year 1615; composed by some
Mcnnonite writer, and translated from Dutch
into German, by Joach. Christ. Jehring,
and published, Jena, 1720, 4to ; also Sim.
Fred. Rues, Nachrichten von dem Zustande
der Mennonitem ; Jena, 1743, 8vo.

(18) [" The terms fine and gross are a
literal translation of groben andfeinen, which
are the German denominations used to dis-
tinguish these two sects. The same terms
have been introduced among the Protestants
in Holland ; the fine denoting a set of peo-
ple, whose extraordinary, and sometimes fa-
natical devotion, resembles that of the Eng-
lish Methodists ; while the gross is applied
to the generality of Christians, who make no
extraordinary pretensions to uncommon de-
grees of sanctity and devotion." — Mad.}

(19) See Fred. Spanheim, Elenchus con-
trovers. Theolog., Opp., torn, iii., p. 772.
This sect are also called Johannitcs, from
John de Ries, [Hans de Rys], who in various
ways was serviceable to them, and in par-
ticular, with the aid of Lubbert Gerardi, in
1580, composed a Confession of faith. This
Confession, which exceeds all the others of

the MennonitoB in simplicity and soundness,
has been often published, and recently by
Herm. Schyn, in his Historia Mennonitarum,
cap. vii., p. 172. It was explained in a co-
pious commentary, in 1686, by Pr.ter Joan-
nis, a Netherlander and minister among the
Waterlanders. Yet this celebrated Confes-
sion is said, to be only the private Confession
of that church over which its author presided,
and not the general one of the Waterlander
church. See Rues, Nachrichten, p. 93, 94.
[For Rues asserts, that he had seen a docu-
ment, according to which, an old minister of
the church at Gouda affirmed before notaries
and witnesses, that the Waterland churches
had never bound themselves by any partic-
ular Confession of their faith ; but that Rys
drew up this Confession for some English
Baptists, who retired to Holland, but would
not unite themselves with the Waterlanders
until they had ascertained what their doc-
trinal views were. Rys however, solemnly
declared, that this Confession should not af-
terwards be binding on any one, but should
be regarded as a mere private writing, which
had reference only to the time then present.
— Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 211

appellations from the majority of their respective partisans. To these
were added a third sect of Germans ; for many [followers of Menno'] had
removed from Germany, and settled in Holland and the Netherlands. But
. the greatest part of the Flandrians, the Frieslanders, and the Germans,
gradually came over to the moderate sect of Waterlanders, and became
reconciled to them. Such of the more rigid as would not follow this ex-
ample, are at this day, denominated the old Flemings or Flandrians ; but
they are far inferior in numbers to the more moderate [or the Waterland-
ers].

§ 12. As soon as fanatical delirium subsided among the Mennonites, all
their sects, however diverse in many respects, agreed in this, that the prin-
ciples of religion are to be derived solely from the holy scriptures. And
to make this the more manifest, they caused their Confessions of faith, or
papers containing a summary of their views of God and the right mode of
worshipping him, to be drawn up almost in the very words of the divine
books. The first of these Confessions both in the order of time and in
rank, is that which the Waterlanders exhibit. This was followed by oth-
ers ; some of them common ones presented to the magistrates, and others
peculiar to certain parties. (20) But there is ground for inquiry, whether
these formulas contain all that the Mennonites believe true ; or whether
they omit some things, which are important for understanding the internal
state of the sect. It will be seen indeed, by every reader who bestows on
them but a moderate degree of attention, that the doctrines which seem
prejudicial to society, particularly those respecting magistrates and oaths,
are most cautiously guarded and embellished, lest they should appear alarm-
ing. Moreover, the discerning reader will easily perceive, that these points
are not placed in their proper attitude, but appear artificially expressed.
All this will be made clear from what follows.

§ 13. The old Anabaptists, because they believed they had the Holy
Spirit for their guide and teacher, did not so much as think of drawing up
a system of religious doctrines, and of imbuing the minds of their people
with a sound knowledge of religion. And hence they disagreed exceed-
ingly, on points of the greatest importance ; for instance, respecting the
divinity of the Saviour, which some professed and others denied, and re-
specting polygamy and divorce. A little more attention was given to this
matter, by Menno and his disciples. Yet there was, even subsequently to
his age, vast license of opinion on religious subjects among the Menno-
nites, and especially among those called the Fine or the more rigid. And
this single fact would be sufficient proof, if other arguments were not at
hand, that the leaders of the sect esteemed it the smallest part of their
duty, to guard their people against embracing corrupt doctrines ; and that

(20) Herrn. Schyn treats expressly of it ; who have not yet ceased to contend

these Confessions, in his plenior deductio warmly, and who think that the points,

Historiae Mennonitar., cap. iv., p. 78. And which he regards as unimportant to religion

he concludes by saying (p. 115): It hence and piety, are of vast moment. And indeed,

appears, that the Mennonites, from the time how could any of the Mennonites, before

of Menno, have been as well agreed in re- this century, believe what he asserts ; while

gard to the principal and fundamental arti- the parties among them contended about

cles of faith, as any other sect of Christians, matters which he treats with contempt, as

But if, perchance, the good man should bring if their eternal salvation hung suspended on

us to believe so, he would still find it very them 1
difficult to persuade many of his brethren of

212 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVL— SEC. HI.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

they considered the very soul of religion to consist in holiness of life and con.
duct. At length necessity induced first the Waterlanders, and afterwards
the others, to set forth publicly a summary of their faith, digested under cer-
tain heads : for that rashness of dissenting and disputing on sacred subjects,
which had long been tolerated, had drawn upon the community very great
odium, and seemed to threaten to bring on it banishment, if not something
worse. Yet the Mennonite Confessions appear to be rather shields, provi-
ded for blunting the points of their enemies' arguments, than established
rules of faith from which no one may deviate. For if we except a por-
tion of the modern Waterlanders, it was never decreed among them, as it
is among other sects of Christians, that no one must venture to believe or
to teach, otherwise than is laid down in the public formulas. It was an
established principle with them all, from the beginning, (as is evinced by the
general character and spirit of the sect), that religion is comprised in
piety ; and that the holiness of its members, is the surest index of a true
church.

§ 14. If we are to form our judgment of the Mennonite religion from
their Confessions of faith which are in every body's hands, in most things
it differs but little from that of the Reformed ; but it departs wider from
that of the Lutherans. For they attribute to what are called the sacra-
ments, no other virtue than that of being signs and emblems ; and they
have a system of discipline, not much different from that of the Presbyte-
rians. The doctrines by which they are distinguished from all other
Christian sects, are reducible to three heads. Some of these doctrines are
common to all the sects of Mennonites : others are received only in cer-
tain of the larger associations ; (and these are the doctrines which render-
ed Menno himself not perfectly acceptable to all) : and lastly, others
exist only in the minor and more obscure associations. These last rise
and sink, by turns, with the sects that embrace Jhem ; and therefore de-
serve not a more particular notice.

§ 15. All the opinions which are common to the whole body, are found-
ed on this one principle, as their basis ; namely, that the kingdom which
Christ has established on the earth, or the church, is a visible society or
company in which is no place for any but holy and pious persons, and
which therefore has none of those institutions and provisions which human
sagacity has devised for the benefit of the ungodly. This principle was
frankly avowed, by the ancestors of the Mennonites ; but the moderns in
their confessions, either cover it up under words of dubious import, or ap-
pear to reject it : yet they cannot actually reject it ; or cannot, unless they
would be inconsistent, and would deprive their doctrines of their natural
basis. (21) But in regard to the most modern Mennonites, as they have

(21) This appears from their Confessions; Waterland Confession, they say: This po-

and even from those, in which there is the litical power, the Lord Jesus hath not estab-

greatest care to prevent the idea from enter- lished, in his spiritual kingdom, the church

ing the reader's mind. For instance, they of the New Testament ; nor hath he added it

first speak in lofty terms of the dignity, the to the offices in his church. The Mennonites

excellence, the utility, and the divine origin believe, therefore, that the New Testament

of civil magistracy : and I am entirely will- church is a republic which is free from all

ing, they should be supposed to speak here evils, and from restraints upon the wicked,

according to their real sentiments. But af- But why, I ask, did they not frankly avow

terwards, when they come to the reasons this fact, while explaining their views of the

why they would have no magistrates in their church ; and not affect ambiguity and cou-

community, they incautiously express what cealmentl
is in their hearts. In the 37th article of the

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNON1TES. 213

departed in very many things from the views and the institutions of their
fathers, so they have abandoned, nearly altogether, this principle respecting
the nature of the Christian church. And in this matter, sad experience,
rather than either reason or the holy Scriptures, has taught them wisdom.
They therefore admit, first, that there is, an invisible church -of Christ or
one not open to human view, which extends through all Christian sects.
And in the next place, they do not place the mark of a true church, as
they once did, in the holiness of all its members ; for they admit, that the
visible church of Christ, consists of both good and bad men. On the con-
trary they declare, that the marks of a true church are, a knowledge of
the truth as taught by Jesus Christ, and the agreement of all the members
in professing and maintaining that truth.

§ 16. Nevertheless, from that doctrine of the old Anabaptists respecting
the church, flow the principal opinions by which they are distinguished
from other Christians. This doctrine requires, I. that they should receive
none into their church by the sacrament of baptism, unless they are adults,
and have the full use of their reason. Because it is uncertain with regard
to infants, whether they will become pious or irreligious ; neither can they
pledge their faith to the church, to lead a holy life. — It requires, II. that
they should not admit of magistrates ; nor suffer any of their members to-
perform the functions of a magistrate. Because, where there are no bad
men, there can be no need of magistrates. — It requires, III. that they
should deny the justice of repelling force by force, or of waging war. Be-
cause, as those who are perfectly holy cannot be provoked by injuries nor
commit them, so they have no need of the support of arms in order to their
safety. — It requires, IV. that they should have strong aversion to all pen-
alties and punishments, and especially to capital punishments. Because
punishments are aimed against the wickedness and the crimes of men ; but
the church of Christ is free from all crimes and wickedness. — It forbids, V.
the calling of God to witness any transactions, or the confirming any thing
by an oath. Because minds that are actuated solely by the love of what is
good and right, never violate their faith, nor dissemble the truth. — From
this doctrine follows likewise, VI. the severe and rigid discipline of the old
Anabaptists, which produced so many commotions among them. (22)

§ 17. The Mennonites have a system of morals, (or at least, once had ;

(22) [This derivation of the Anabaptist where, in -Germany, in Switzerland, in Bo-
tenets from one single principle, although it hernia and Moravia ; and they were imbold-
appears forced, especially in regard to the ened by the Reformation, to stand forth
second and third points, yet must be ad- openly, to form a closer union among them-
mitted to be ingenious. But whether it is selves, and to make proselytes to their tenets,
historically true, is another question. Nei- From them sprung the Anabaptists, whose
ther Menno, nor the first Anabaptists, had teachers were men for the most part without
such disciplined intellects, as to be able thus learning, who understood the Scriptures ac-
systematically to link together their thoughts, cording to the letter, and applied the words
Their tenets had been advanced, long before of the Bible without philosophical deductions,
the Reformation, by the Cathari, the Albi- according to their perverse mode of interpre-
genses, and the Waldenses, as also by the tation, to their peculiar doctrines concerning
Hussites. This can be shown by unques- the church, anabaptism, wars, capital punish-
tionable documents, from the records of the ments, oaths, &c. Even their doctrine con-
Inquisition and from confessions ; and Mo- cerning magistrates, they derived from Luke
sheim himself maintains the fact, in sec. 2 xxii., 25, and 1 Corinth, vi., 1, and the man-
of this chapter. Those sects were indeed ner in which they were treated by the magis-
oppressed, but not exterminated. Adhe- trates, may have had a considerable influence
rents to their tenets were dispersed every on their doctrine respecting them.— Schl.}

214 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

whether they still retain it is uncertain), coinciding with that fundamental
doctrine which was the source of their other peculiarities ; that is, one
which is austere and rigid. For those who believe that sanctity of life is
the only indication of a true church, must be especially careful, lest any
appearance of sinful conduct should stain the lives of their people. Hence
they all once taught, that Jesus Christ has established a new law for hu-
man conduct, far more perfect than the old law of Moses and the ancient
prophets ; and they would not tolerate any in their churches, whom they
perceived swerving from the extreme of gravity and simplicity in their at-
titudes, looks, clothing, and style of living, or whose desires extended be-
yond the bare necessaries of life, or who imitated the customs of the world,
or showed any regard for the elegances of fashionable life. But this an-
cient austerity became in a great measure extinct in the larger associa-
tions, particularly among the Waterlanders and the Germans, after they
had acquired wealth by their merchandise and other occupations : so that
at this day, the Mennonite congregations furnish their pastors with as much
matter for censure and admonition, as the other Christian communities do
theirs. (23) Some of the smaller associations however, and likewise the
people who live remote from cities, copy more closely and successfully the
manners, the abstinence, and the simplicity of their fathers.

§ 18. The opinions and practices which divide the principal associa-
tions of Mennonites, if we omit those of less importance, are chiefly the
following. I. Menno denied that Christ received from the virgin Mary,
that human body which he assumed : on the contrary, he supposed it was
produced out of nothing, in the womb of the immaculate virgin, by the
power of the Holy Ghost. (24) This opinion the Fine Anabaptists or the

(23) [" It is certain, that the Mennonites man body ; but was in doubt, which of the va-
in Holland, at this day, are, in their tables, rious opinions that occurred to his thoughts,
their equipages, and their country seats, the to adopt in the place of it. See Fvsliri's
most luxurious part of the Dutch nation. Centuria i. Epistolar. a Reformator. Hel-
This is more especially true of the Mennonites veticis scriptarum, p. 383, &c. Menno is
of Amsterdam, who are very numerous and commonly represented as the author of this
extremely opulent." — Mad. Thiswaswrit- doctrine concerning the origin of Christ's
ten about the year 1764, and at the Hague, body, which his more rigid disciples still re-
where Dr. Machine spent nearly his whole tain. But it appears to have been older than
life. It is therefore the testimony of an eye- Menno, and to have been only adopted by
uritness, residing on the spot. — TV.] him, together with other opinions of the Ana-

(24) Thus the opinion of Menno is stated baptists. For John Fabricius Boland (Mo-
by Herman Schyn, Plenior deductio His- tus Monasteriensis, lib. x., v. 49, &c.) ex-
torisB Mennonitar., p. 164, 165: but others pressly testifies of many of the Anabaptists
report it differently. After considering some of Munster, (who certainly received no in-
passages in Menno's writings, in which he structions from Menno), that they held this
treats expressly on this subject, I think it opinion concerning the body of Christ :
most probable, that he was strongly inclined _, .„,, . . . -^

to this opinion ; and that it was solely in this Esse (Christum) Deutn statuunt alii, sed
sense, that he ascribed to Christ a divine and

celestial body. For whatever comes imme- . **?**** fsumPto s"stmuisse negant :
diately from the Holy Spirit, may be fitly £l D^mmentwn tenuis quasi fauce canahs
called celestial and divine. Yet I must Per Manffi corPus virg'ms lsse ferunt'
confess, that Menno appears not to have [It is very probable, that this doctrine was
been so certain of this opinion, as never to propagated, from the Manichaeans of the mid-
have thought of exchanging it for a better, die ages, to the Anabaptists. For thus Mo-
Tor he expresses himself here and there, neta, at least, says, in his Smnma adv. Ca-
ambiguously, and inconstantly: from which tharos et Waldenses, lib. iii., c. iii., Dicunt
I conclude, that he gave up the common (Cathari) quod corpus spirituale accepit
opinion respecting the origin of Christ's hu- (Christus), operatione Spiritus Sancti, ex

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 215

old Flemings, still hold tenaciously ; but all the other associations have
long since given it up. (25) — IL The more rigid Mennonites after the ex-
ample of their ancestors, regard as disciplinable offences, not only those
wicked actions which are manifest violations of the law of God, but like-
wise the slightest indications either of a latent inclination to sensuality, or
of a mind unsedate and inclined to follow the customs of the world ; as,
for example, ornaments for the head, elegant clothing, rich and unnecessa-
ry furniture, and the like : and all transgressors, they think, should be ex-
communicated forthwith and without a previous admonition ; and that no
allowance should be made for the weakness of human nature. But the other
Mennonites think, that none but contemners of the divine law deserve ex-
communication, and they, only when they pertinaciously disregard the ad-
monitions of the church. — III. The more rigid Mennonites hold, that
excommunicated persons are to be shunned as if they were pests, and are
to be deprived of all social intercourse. Hence the ties of kindred must be
severed, and the voice of nature must be unheeded. Between parents and
their children, husbands and their wives, there must be no kind looks, no
conversation, no manifestation of affection, and no kind offices, when the
church has once pronounced them unworthy of her communion. But the
more moderate think, that the sanctity and the honour of the church are
sufficiently consulted, if all particular intimacy with the excommunicated
is avoided. — IV. The old Flemings maintain, that the example of Christ,
which has in this instance the force of a law, requires his disciples to wash
the feet of their guests in token of their love ; and for this reason, they
have been called Podonipkz [Feet-washers\. But others deny, that this rite
was enjoined by Christ.

$ 19. Literature and whatever comes under the name of learning, but
especially philosophy, formerly were beliey_ed by this whole sect to be ex-
ceedingly prejudicial to the church of Christ, and to the progress of religion
and piety. Hence, although the sect could boast of a number of writers in
this century, yet not one of them affords pleasure to the reader, by either
his ingenuity 'or his learning. The more rigid Mennonites retain this
sentiment of their ancestors, quite to our times ; and therefore despising
the cultivation of their minds, they devote themselves to hand labour, the
mechanic arts, and traffic. But the Waterlanders are honourably distin-

alia materia fabricatum. — SM. And is it the Confession of the Waterlanders or that
not probable, likewise, that most if not all of John Ries, will itself confute this error,
the peculiar sentiments of the old Anabap- Add Herm. Sckyn's Deductio plenior His-
tists of Germany, originated from the influ- torite Mennonitar., p. 165. [Rues (p. 16)
ence of that 'Manichaean leaven, which was attributes this doctrine solely to the old
introduced into Europe in the ninth century Flemings ; yet he states as their opinion,
by the Paulicians ; and which spread far, that the human nature of Christ, which God
and produced from that time onward various first created out of nothing, received its sup-
fanatical and enthusiastic sects, quite down port and growth from the blood of the holy
to the time of the Reformation 1 See the virgin Mary. At the same time, they ex-
history of the Paulicians, in vol. ii., cent, ix., plicitly guarded themselves against the charge
pt. ii.; ch. v., and the chapters on Heresies, of partaking in the error of the Valcntinians,
in the subsequent centuries. — TV.] by this doctrine. Menno embraced this doc-
(25) I perceive that many represent the tine, as Rues also maintains, because he could
Waterlanders in particular, as acceding to not conceive how the human nature of Christ
this doctrine of Menno respecting Christ's could be without sin, if it be admitted that
body. See Histoire des Anabaptistes, p. it descended from Mary. But his disciples
223. Ceremonies et Coutumes de tous les appeal for proof to 1 Corinth, xv., 47, and
peuples du monde, torn, iv., p. 200. But John vi., 51.— Sckl.]

216 BOOK IV— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

guished from the others in this as well as in many other respects. For
they permit several of their members, to prosecute at the universities the
study of languages, history, antiquities, and especially the medical art, the
utility of which they are unable to deny. And hence it is, that so many
of their ministers at the present day, bear the title of Doctors of Physic.
In our age, these milder and more discreet Anabaptists pursue also the
study of philosophy ; and they regard it as very useful to mankind. Hence,
among their teachers, there are not a few who have the title of Masters of
Arts. Indeed it is only a few years, since they established a college at Am-
sterdam, in which a man of erudition sustains the office of Professor of Phi-
losophy. Yet they still persevere in the opinion, that theology must be kept
pure and uncontaminated with philosophy, and must never be modified by its
precepts. Even the more rigid Flemings also in our times, are gradually
laying aside their ancient hatred of literature and science, and permitting
their members to study languages, history, and other branches of learning.

§ 20. That ignorance, which the ancient Anabaptists reckoned among
the means of their felicity, contributed much, indeed very much, to gener-
ate sects among them ; with which they abounded from the first, much
more than any other religious community. This will be readily conceded,
by any one that looks into the causes and grounds of their dissensions. For
their vehement contests were for the most part, not so much respecting
the doctrines and mysteries of religion, as respecting what is to be es-
teemed lawful, proper, pious, right and commendable ; and what, on the
contrary, is to be accounted criminal and faulty. Because they main-
tained, that sanctity of life and purity of manners were the only sign of
a true church : yet what was holy and religious, and what not so, they
did not determine by reason and judgment, nor by a correct interpre-
tation of the divine laws, (because they had no men who possessed solid
knowledge on moral subjects), but rather by their feelings and imaginations.
Now as this mode of discriminating good from evil is ever fluctuating and
various, according to the different capacities and temperaments of men, it
was unavoidable that different opinions should arise among them ; and di-
versity of sentiment no where more certainly produces permanent schisms,
than among a people who are ignorant, and therefore pertinacious.

§ 21. The Mennonites first obtained a quiet and stable residence in the
United Provinces of Belgium, by the favour of William prince of Orange,
the immortal vindicator of Batavian liberty ; whom they had aided with a
large sum of money in the year 1572, when he was destitute of the re-
sources necessary for his vast undertakings. (26) Yet the benefits of this

(26) Gerh. Brandt's Historic de Refor- tion ought to be held equivalent to an oath ;

matie in de Nedderlande, vol. i., book x., and that in this case, no farther coercion

p. 525, 626. Ceremonies et Coutumes de could be used with them, unless we would

tous les peuples du monde, tome iv , p. 201. justify the Catholics in compelling the Re-

[General History of the United Netherlands, formed, by force, to adopt a mode of wor-

(in German), vol. iii., p. 317, &c. Wage- ship from which their consciences revolted,

nasr, in the passage here referred to, relates And afterwards, when the city council de-

the matter thus. At Middleburg, because manded of them to mount guard, and threat-

the Anabaptists would not take the citizen's ened to close their shops, if they refused ;

oath, it was resolved to exclude them from the prince commanded the city council, per-

the privileges of citizenship, or at least not emptorily, to trouble the Anabaptists no

to admit them fully to the rank of citizens, more, for declining oaths and the bearing of

But the prince opposed it ; and maintained, arms. This took place in the year 1578.

very rationally, that an Anabaptist's qffirma- — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 217

indulgence reached by slow degrees, to all that resided in Holland. For
opposition was made to the will of the prince, both by the magistrates and
by the clergy, and especially by those of Zealand and Amsterdam, who
remembered the Seditions raised by the Anabaptists only a short time pre-
vious.^?) These impediments [to their peace] were, in a great measure
removed in this century, partly by the perseverance and authority of Wil-
liam and his son Maurice, and partly by the good behaviour of the Men-
nonites themselves ; for they showed great proofs of their loyalty to the
state, and became daily more cautious not to afford any ground to their ad-
versaries for entertaining suspicions of them. Yet full and complete peace
was first given to them, in the following century, A.D. 1626, after they
had again purged themselves from those crimes and pernicious errors
which were charged upon them, by the presentation of a Confession of
their faith. (28)

§ 22. Those among the English who reject the baptism of infants, are
not called Anabaptists, but only Baptists. It is probable that these Bap.
lists originated from the Germans and the Dutch, and that they all once
held the same sentiments with the Mennonites. But they are now divided
into two general classes ; the one called that of the General Baptists or
Remonstrants, because they believe that God has excluded no man from
salvation by any sovereign decree ; the other are called Particular or Cal-
vinistic Baptists, because they agree very nearly with the Calvinists or
Presbyterians in their religious sentiments. (29) This latter sect reside
chiefly at London, and in the adjacent towns and villages ; and they recede
so far from the opinions of their progenitors, that they have almost no.
thing in common with the other Anabaptists, except that they baptize only
adults, and immerse totally in the water whenever they administer the or-
dinance. Hence, if the government requires it, they allow a professor of
religion to take an oath, to bear arms, and to fill public civil offices. Their
churches are organized after the Presbyterian [or more strictly, the Inde-
pendent] plan ; and are under the direction of men of learning and litera-
ture.(30) It appears from the Confession of these Baptists, published in
1643, that they then held the same sentiments as they do at the present
day.(31)

(27) Gerh. Brandt, loc. cit., book xi., p. hardly be said to have existed as a visible
555, 586, 587, &c., 609, 610, b. xiv., p. sect in England, during the sixteenth cen-
780, b. xvi., p. 811. tury. And their division into General and

(28) Herm. Schyn's Plenior deductio Particular Baptists, did not take place till
Historic Mennonitar., cap. iv., p. 79, &c. the reign of James I. See Wall's Hist, of

(29) William Whiston, Memoirs of his Infant Baptism, pt. ii., ch. vii., f) 6, p. 206,
life and writings, vol. ii., p. 461. &c. — TV.]

(30) Anth. Wilh. Bbhm's Englische Ref- (31) Bibliotheque Britannique, tome vi.,
ormations-historie, p. 151, 473, 536, book p. 2. [The Baptist Confession of 1643,
viii., p. 1152, &c. [Crosby's History of was "set forth in the name of seven con-
the English Baptists, vol. i. Bogue and gregations then gathered in London." In
Sennet's History of the Dissenters, vol. i., September, 1689, dders and messengers
ch. i., f) iii., p. 141, &c. Dutch and German from upward of one hundred congregations of
Anabaptists or Mennonites appeared in Eng- Calvimstic Baptists in England and Wales,
land, and doubtless made some proselytes met in London, and drew up a more full
there, as early as the year 1535 ; and thence- Confession, and substantially the same in
forward to the end of the century. But they doctrine ; but expressed very much in the
were so rigorously persecuted, not only by words of the Westminster and the Savoy
Henry VIII., but by Edward VI., queen Confessions, with both which it agrees in
Mary, and queen Elizabeth, that they. can doctrine, while in discipline and worship it

VOL. III.— E E

218 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

§ 23. The General Baptists, or as some call them the Antipadolaptists,
who are dispersed in great numbers over many provinces of England, con.
sist of illiterate persons of low condition-; for, like the ancient Menno.
nltes, they despise learning. Their religion is very general and indefinite ;
so that they tolerate persons of all sects, even Arians and Socinians ; and
do not reject any person, provided he professes to be a Christian, and to
receive the holy scriptures as the rule of religious faith and practice. (32)
They have this in common with the Particular Baptists, that they baptize
only adults, and these they immerse wholly in water : but they differ from
them in this, that they rebaptize such as were either baptized only in in-
fancy and childhood, or were not immersed ; which, if report may be cred-
ited, the Particular Baptists will not do. (33) There are likewise" other pe-
culiarities of this sect. — I. Like the ancient Mennonites, they regard their
own church as being the only true church of Christ, and most carefully
avoid communion with all other religious communities. — II. They immerse
candidates for baptism, only once, and not three times ; and they esteem
it unessential, whether new converts be baptized in the name of the Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost, or only in the name of Jesus. — III. With Menno,
they expect a millennial reign of Christ. — IV. Many of them likewise,
adopt Menno's opinion respecting the origin of Christ's body. — V. They
consider the decree of the apostles, Acts xv., 25, respecting blood and
things strangled, to be a law binding on the church universal. — VI. They
believe that the soul, between death and the resurrection at the last day,
has neither pleasure nor pain, but is in a state of insensibility. — VII. They
use extreme unction. — VIII. Some of them, in addition to Sunday or the
Lord's day, keep also the Jewish Sabbath. (34) I omit the notice of some

accords only with the latter. The Calvin-
istic Baptists in England have, generally,
been on the most friendly terms with the
Independents or Congregationalists there ;
and often both sects worshipped together,
and were under the same pastors. See
Bogve and Rennet's History of Dissenters,
rol. i., p. 142, 143, vol. ii.,p. 140, &c., also
the Confession of the Baptist convention of
1689, and its Preface.— TV.]

(32) This appears from their Confession,
drawn up in 1660, and published by Wm.
Whiston, Memoires of his life, vol. ii., p.
561, which is so general, that all Christian
sects, with the exception of a few points,
could embrace it. Whiston himself, though
an Arian, joined this community of Bap-
tists ; whom he considered to bear the near-
est resemblance to the most ancient Chris-
tians. Thomas Emlyn also, a famous So-
cinian, lived among them ; according to the
testimony of Whiston.

(33) [I know not on what authority Dr.
Mosheim makes this distinction between the
General and the Particular Baptists : and
I know of no sufficient proof of its reality.
Neither does it appear, as Dr. Mosheim
seemed to be informed, that the General Bap-
tists were more numerous in England, than
the Particular Baptists. On the contrary,

I suppose the former, to have always been
the smaller community ; and at the present
day, they are only about one sixth part as
numerous, as the Particular Baptists. See
Bogue and Bennet, loc. cit., vol. iv., p. 328.
—3V,]

(34) These statements are derived from
Wm. Whiston's Memoirs of his life, vol. ii.,
p. 461, and from Wall's Hist, of Infant Bap-
tism, pt. ii., p. 390, &c. ed. Latin, [p. 280,
&c., ed. London, 1705. — Wall does not rep-
resent all these as distinguishing tenets of
the General Baptists. He enumerates the
various peculiarities to be found among the
English Baptists of all sorts. Some of the
peculiarities mentioned, constitute distinct
sects, as the eighth, which gives rise to the
small and now almost extinct sect of Sev-
enth-day Baptists ; who however do not
keep both days, Saturday and Sunday, but
only the former. The 2d peculiarity, so far
as respects a single application of water, is
not peculiar to the Baptists : and so far as
it respects baptizing m the name of Jesus
only, was confined, (as Wall supposed), to
the General Bnplis/s, who were early in-
clined to Anti-Trinitarianism, and of late in
England, have generally taken that ground.

-TT.-\

HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 219

minor points. These Baptists have bishops, whom they call messengers,
(for thus they interpret the word oyyeAoc, in the Apocalyptical epistles),
and presbyters and deacons. Their bishops are often men of learning. (35)
§ 24. David George [or Joris], a Hollander of Delft, gave origin and
name to a singular sect. Having at last^ forsaken the Anabaptists, he re-
tired to Basle in 1544, assumed a new name, [ John Brack von Binnengen],
and there died, in 1556. He was well esteemed by the people of Basle,
so long as he lived ; for being a man of wealth, he united magnificence
with virtue and integrity. But after his death, his son-in-law Nicholas
Blesdyck, accused him before the senate of most pestilent errors ; and the
cause being tried, his body was committed to the common hangman to be
burned. Nothing can be more impious and base than his opinions, if the
historians of his case and his adversaries have estimated them correctly.
For he is said to have declared himself to be a" third David, and another
son of God, the fountain of all divine wisdom ; to have denied the existence
of heaven and hell, both good and bad angels, and a final judgment ; to
have treated all the laws of modesty and decorum with contempt ; and to
have taught other things equally bad. (36) But if I do not greatly mistake,

(36) See the Historia Davidis Georgii,
by his son-in-law, Me. Blesdyck, published
by Jac. Rcvius : also his Life, Written in
German, by Jac. Stollerfoth : and many
others. Among the more modern writers,
see Godfr. Arnold', Kirchen-und Ketzer-
historie, vol. i., book xvi., ch. xvi., § 44,
&c., and his extensive collections, in vin-
dication of the reputation of David George,
in vol. ii.,p. 534, &c. See also p. 1185,
&c., and Henry More's Enthusiasmus tri-
umphatus, sect, xxxiii., &c. p. 23, &c. —
Add especially, the documents which are
brought to light, in my History of Michael
Servetus, (in German), p. 425, &c. [Da-
vid Joris was born at Delft, in 1501.
Though placed at school, he learned no-
thing. But his inclination led him to learn
the art of painting on glass, which caused
him to travel in the Netherlands, France,
and England. Returning in 1524, he pur-
sued that business in his native town. The
Reformation here caused considerable com-
motion ; and in 1530, Joris, for obstruct-
ing a Catholic procession, was imprisoned,
whipped, and had his tongue hored. He
at length turned to the Anabaptists : but
being more moderate than they, and oppo-
sed to their tumultuous proceedings, it was
not till 1534 that he actually was rebaptized.
He then joined the party of Hoffmann; but
he was not well pleased with any of them :
and at length, he united some contending
parties together, and actually established a
particular sect of Anabaptists. He next be-
gan to have visions and revelations. As
his adherents suffered persecution in" West-
phalia and Holland, he often attended them
and comforted and animated them, in their
dying hours. He saw his own mother de-

(35) Wkiston, Memoirs of his life, vol.
ii., p. 466, &c. There is extant, Thomas
Crosby's History of the English Baptists,
London, 1728, 4 vols. 8vo, which, how-
ever, I have never seen. [This Crosby
was himself a General Baptist ; and kept a
private school, in which he taught young
men mathematics, and had also a small book-
store. He died in 1752. See Albert? s
Letters on the most recent state of religion
and learning in England, (in German), Pref-
ace to vol. iv. From Crosby, Alberti has
translated the Confessions of both the Par-
ticular and the General Baptists into Ger-
man, and subjoined them, as an Appendix
to his fourth volume, p. 1245, &c., and
1323, &c.—Schl. The Rev. John Smyth,
is commonly represented as the father of
the sect of General or Arminian Baptists
in England. (See Bogue and Bennet, His-
tory of Dissenters, vol. i., p. 150.) He was
fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, a pop-
ular preacher, and a great sufferer for non-
conformity. Separating from the church of
England, he joined the Brownists ; was
one of their leading men in 1592, and was
imprisoned during eleven months. At
length he fled, with other Brownists, to
Holland ; and in 1606, joined the English
Brownist church at Amsterdam. Here he
fell into Arminian and Baptist opinions, on
which he had disputes with Ainsworth,
Robinson, and others ; and he removed, with
his adherents, to Leyden, where he died in
1610. Soon after his death, his followers
returned to England ; and, as is generally
supposed, they were the first congregation
of English General Baptists. See his life
in Brook's Lives of the Puritans, vol. ii., p.
195, &c.— Tr.J

220 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

the barbarous and coarse style of his compositions, — for he possessed some
genius but no learning, led his opposers often to put a harsh and unjust
construction upon his sentences. At least, that he possessed more sense
and more virtue than is commonly supposed, is evinced not only by his
books, of which he published a great many, but also by his disciples, who
were persons by no means base, but of great simplicity of manners and
character, and who were formerly numerous in Holstein, and are said to be
so still in Friesland and in other countries.(37) In the manner of the
more moderate Anabaptists, he laboured to revive languishing piety among
his fellow-men : and in this matter, his imagination which was excessively
warm, so deceived him that he falsely supposed he had divine visions ;
and he placed religion in the exclusion of all external objects from the
thoughts, and the cultivation of silence, contemplation, and a peculiar and
indescribable state of the soul. The Mystics therefore of the highest or-
der, and the Quakers, might claim him, if they would ; and they might as-
sign him no mean rank among their sort of people.

§ 25. An intimate friend of David George, but of a somewhat different
turn of mind, Henry Nicolai of Westphalia, gave much trouble to the
Dutch and the English, from the year 1555, by founding and propagating
the Family of Love, as he denominated his sect. To this man nearly the
same remarks apply, as were made of his friend. He would perhaps
have in great measure avoided the foul blots that many have fastened upon
him, if -he had possessed the genius and learning requisite to a correct and
lucid expression of his thoughts. What his, aims were, appears pretty
clearly from the name of the sect which he set up. (38) For he declared
himself divinely appointed and sent, to teach mankind that the whole of
religion consists in the exercise of divine love ; that all other things, which
are supposed to belong either to religion or to the worship of God, are of
no importance ; and of course it is of no consequence what views any one
has of the divine nature, provided he burns with a flame of piety and love.
To these opinions, he perhaps added some other fanciful views, as is usual

capitated at Delft, in 1537. A monitory heavy charges against him. His family and

letter which he sent to the senate of Hoi- friends and acquaintances, denied the truth

land, caused the bearer to lose his head. — of the charges before the court. But what

In 1539, the landgrave of Hesse, to whom they would no^ admit, was attempted to be

he applied for protection, offered to afford proved from his writings. The university

it, provided he would become a Lutheran, and the clergy pronounced his opinions

In 1542, he published his famous Book of heretical ; and the dead man, who could no

Wonders, in which he exposed all the fan- longer defend himself, was condemned,

ciful opinions that floated in his imagina- See Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. seit der

tion. He wandered in various countries, Reformation, vol. v., p. 442, &c., and Von

till he was safe no where. Therefore, in Sinew's and SchlegePs notes upon this

1544 he retired to Basle; where he lived section of Mosheim. — TV.]

twelve years, under the name of John von (37) See Jo. Mailer's Introductio in

Brugge; was owner of a house in the Histor. Chersones. Cimbrics, part ii., p.

city, and an estate in the country; was 116, &c., and his Cimbria Litterata, torn.

a peaceable and good citizen, and held i., p. 422, &c.

communion with the Reformed church. — (38) See Jo. Hornbeck's Summa Con-

His son-in-law Blesdyck, was a Reformed troversiarum, lib. vi., p. 393. Godfr. Ar-

preacher in the Palatinate ; and had some Hold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, pt. i.,

variance with Joris before his death. Af- book xvi., ch. xxi., f) 36., p. 746. Ant.

terwards, provoked perhaps by the disposi- Wdh. Bohm's Englische Reformationshis-

tion Joris made of his property, he brought torie, book iv., ch. v., p. 541, &c.

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

221

with men in whom the imagination predominates ; but what they were in
particular, I apprehend may be better learned from his books, than from
the confutations of his adversaries.(39)

CHAPTER IV.

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

$ 1, 2. The Name and Origin of the Socinians. — $ 3. Their first Beginnings.— $ 4. Mi-
chael Servetus. — § 5. His Doctrines. — § 6. Other Anti-Trinitarians. — § 7. False Ori-
ginations of Socinianism. — § 8. Its true Origination. — § 9. Its Progress. — § 10. Sum-
mary View of this Religion. — § 11. Proceedings of Faustus Socinus. — (f 12. He mod-
ified the Unitarian Religion. — § 13. Propagation of Socinianism in Transylvania and
Hungary. — $ 14. In Holland and England. — § 15. The Foundation of this Religion. —
$ 16. Its fundamental Principle. — § 17. Summary of it. — § 18. Moral Principles. —
$19. Racoviau Catechism. — §20. State of Learning among Socinians. — §21. Method
of teaching Theology. — § 22. Controversies of the Socinians : Budneists or Budnasans.
— § 23. Succeeded by Davides, Franken, and others. — 9 24. The Farnovian Sect.

§ 1. THE Socinians -derived their name from the illustrious house of
Sozzini, which long nourished at Sienna a noble city of Tuscany, and gave
birth, it is said, to a number of distinguished men. For it was from this
family were descended Lcelius and Faustus Socinus, who are commonly
regarded as the parents of the sect. Lalius Socinus was the son of Mari-

(39) The last and most learned of those
who attacked the Familists, was Henry
More, the celebrated English divine and
philosopher, in his Mystery of Godliness,
book vi., ch. xii.-xviii. George Fox, the
father of the Quakers, severely chastised
this Family of Love, because they would
take an oath, dance, sing, and be cheerful ;
and he called them a company of fanatics.
See Sewers History of the Quakers, book
hi., p. 88, 89, 344, &c. [Henry Nicolai
or Nicholas, was born at Munster, and com-
menced his career about the year 1546, in
the Netherlands ; thence he passed over to
England, in the latter years of Edward VI.,
and joined the Dutch congregation in Lon-
don. But his sect did not become visible
till some time in the reign of queen Eliza-
beth. In 1575, they laid a Confession of
their faith, with a number of their books,
before the parliament, and prayed for tolera-
tion. In 1580, the queen and her council
undertook to suppress them. They con-
tinued in England till the middle of the
following century, when they became ab-
sorbed in other sects. Nicolai published a
number of tracts and letters in Dutch, for
the edification of his followers, and to vin-
dicate his principles against gainsayers. In
one of his pieces, he mystically styles him-

self : " A man, whom God had awaked
from the dead, anointed and filled with the
Holy Ghost, endowed with God, in the
Spirit of his love, and elevated with Christ
to an inheritance in heavenly blessings, en-
lightened with the Spirit of heavenly truth,
and with the true light of the all-perfect
Being," &c. In his preface to one of his
tracts, he calls himself: "The chosen ser-
vant of God, by whom the heavenly revela-
tion should again be made known to the
world." His followers in 1575, affirmed,
that they neither denied that baptism which
consists in repentance and newness of life,
nor the holy sacrament of baptism, which
betokens the new birth in Christ, and
which is to be administered to children :
that they admitted also the perfect satisfac-
tion made by Christ for the sins of men. —
They appeared always cheerful, and in a
happy state of mind ; which offended the
more gloomy Mystics, and produced heavy
charges against them. Yet nothing appear-
ed in their moral conduct, to justify those
criminations. Arnold, Kirchen-und Ket-
zerhistorie, pt. ii., bookxvi., c. 21, § 36, p.
873, ed. Schaffhausen ; and Schroechk's
Kirchengesch. seit der Reformation, vol.
v., p. 478, &c.— TV.]

222 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

anus, a celebrated lawyer ; and to great learning and talents he added, — as
even his enemies acknowledge, — a pure and blameless life. Leaving his
native country, from religious considerations, in 1547, he travelled over
various countries, France, England, Holland, Germany, and Poland ; every
where examining carefully the opinions of such as had abandoned the Ro-
mish church, concerning God and divine things ; for the sake of discover,
ing and rinding the truth. At length, he settled down at Zurich in Switz-
erland, and there died in the year 1562, when he was not yet forty years
old.(l) Being a man of a mild and gentle spirit, and averse from all con-
tention, he adopted the Helvetic Confession, and wished to be thought a
member of the Swiss church : yet he did not absolutely conceal his doubts
on religious subjects ; but proposed them in his letters, to learned friends
with whom he was intimate. (2) But Faustus Socinus, his nephew and
heir, is said to have drawn from the writings left by Latins, his real senti-
ments concerning religion, and by publishing them, to have gathered the
sect.

§ 2. The name Socinians is often used in two different senses ; a proper
and an improper, or a limited and a more general. For in common speech,
all are denominated Socinians, who teach doctrines akin to those of the
Socinians ; and especially those who either wholly deny, or weaken and
render dubious, the Christian doctrine of three persons in the Godhead, and
that of the divine nature of our Saviour. But in a more limited sense, those
only are called Socinians, who receive, either entire or in its principal parts,
that system of religion, which Faustus Socinus either produced himself, or
set forth when produced by his uncle, and recommended to the Unitarian
brethren (as they choose to be called) living in Poland and Transylvania.(S)

§ 3. While the Reformation was still immature, certain persons, who

(1) Jo. Cloppenburg, Diss. de origine Arianischen Socinianismus, Frankf., 1725,
et progressu Socinianismi. Jo. Hornbeck, 8vo. And ^Jie Histoire de Socinisme, by
Summa Controversiarum, p. 563, &c. Jo. Lamy, Paris, 1723, 4to, is a compilation
Henry Hottinger, Historia Ecclesiast., torn, from the common writers, and abounds not
ix., p. 417, &c., and others. only with errors, but likewise with various

(2) Hieron. Zanchius, Praefatio ad librum matter quite foreign from a history of the
de tribus Elohim. Theod. Beza, Epistolar. Socinian sect and religion The very in-
volumen, ep. Ixxxi., p. 167. Several wri- dustrious and learned Maturin Viess la
tings are ascribed to him : (see Sand's Bib- Croze promised the world, a complete his-
liotheca Anti-Trinitar.,p. 18), but it is very tory of Socinianism down to our times ; see
doubtful, whether he was the author of any his Dissert. Historiques, tome i., p. 142.
of them. But he did not fulfil his promise. [Besides

(3) There is still wanting a full and ac- the above, there are G. G. Zellner's Histo-
curate history, both of the sect which fol- ria Crypto-Socinianismi Altorfini quondam
lows the Socini, and also of Lczlius and academise infesti arcana, Lips., 1729, 4to.
Faustus Socinus, and of those next to them J. Toulmin's Memoires of the life, charac-
inost active in establishing and building up ter, sentiments and Writings of Faustus
this community. For the curiosity of those Socinus, Lond., 1777, 8vo. F. Sam. Bock's
who wish to acquire an accurate knowledge Historia Antitrinitariorum, maxime Socini-
of this whole subject, is awakened but not anismi et Socinianorum, quorum auctores,
satisfied, by what they find in John Horn- promotores, coetus, templa recensentur ;
beck's Socinianismus Confutatus, vol. i. Koningsb.j 1774-84, 2 vols. 8vo. (The
Abraham Calovius, Opera Anti-Sociniana ; first vol. gives account of modern Socinian
Jo. Cloppenburg's Diss. de origine et pro- authors ; and the second traces the origin of
gressu Socinianismi, (Opp., torn, ii., Lngd. Anti-Trinitarianism. The whole, therefore,
Bat., 1708, 4to) ; Christopher Sandius, is only a broad introduction to a proper His-
Bibliotheca Anti-Trinitariorum ; Stanisl. tory of the Socinian community.) Ch. F.
Lubicniecius, Historia Reformationis Polon- Ilgen, Vita Laelii Socini, Lips., 1814, 8vo.
icoe ; Sam. Fred. Lauterbach's Polnisch- — Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

223

looked upon everything the Romish church had hitherto professed as er-
roneous, began to undermine the doctrine of our Saviour's divinity, and
the truths connected with it ; and proposed reducing the whole of religion
to practical piety and virtue. But the vigilance both of the Lutherans and
of the Reformed and papists, promptly resisted them, and prevented their
organizing a sect. As early as the year 1526, divine honours were de-
nied to Jesus Christ, by Lewis Hetzer, a name famous among the vagrant
Anabaptists, and who was beheaded at Constance in 1529. (4) Nor were
there wanting, other men of like sentiments among the Anabaptists, though
that whole sect cannot be charged with this error. Beside^ these, John
Campanus of Juliers, in what year ia not ascertained, among other unsound
doctrines which he spread at Wittemberg and elsewhere, made the Son of
God to be inferior .to the Father ; and declared the appellation Holy Spirit
to denote, not a divine person, but the nature both of the Father and the
Son : that is, he revived substantially the monstrous errors of the Arians.(5)
In the territory of the Orisons, in Switzerland, at Strasburg, and perhaps
elsewhere, one Claudius an Allobrogian or Savoyard, excited much com-
motion about the year 1530 and onward, by impugning the divinity of
our Saviour.(6) But none of these were able to establish a sect.

§ 4. Those who watched over the interests of the Reformed church,
were much more alarmed by the conduct of Michael Servede,(T) or Serve-

(4) Christ. Sand's Bibliotheca Anti-Trin-
itarior., p. 16. Jo. Bapt. Ottius, Annales
Anabaptist , p. 50. Jo. Jac. Breitinger's
Museum Helveticum, torn, v., p. 391, torn,
vi., p. 100, 479, &c. [See above, p. 203,
note (7).— Tr.]

(5) See Jo. Geo. Schelkorn's very learn-
ed Dissertation, de Joh. Campano, Anti-
Trinitario ; in his Amcenitates Litterar., torn,
xi., p. 1-92. [He was a native of Maeseyk
in the territory of Liege, and came to Wit-
temberg in 1528 ; but so concealed his opin-
ions, that they first became known after he
had retired to Marpurg ; where he wished
to take part in the public dispute, and to
debate with Luther on the subject of the
Lord's supper, but was refused. He repeat-
ed the same at Torgaw, where he likewise
sought in vain to dispute with Luther. This
filled him with resentment against Luther
and his associates, and induced him to quit
Wittemberg, (to which he had returned),
and go to Niemek ; the pastor of which,
Wicelms, fell under suspicion of Anti-Trin-
itarianism in consequence of his harbouring
Campanus, and soon after went over to the
Catholics. Campanus went from Saxony
to the duchy of Juliers ; and both orally and
in writing, declared himself opposed to the
Reformers, and sought underhandedly to
disseminate his Arian doctrines. But he
was committed to prison by the Catholics,
at Cleves ; and continued in confinement
twenty-six years. Whether he made his es-
cape from prison, or was set at liberty, is
not known. All we know, is that he lived

to a great age. The substance of his doc-
trine, may be learned from the very scarce
book, entitled, The divine and Holy Scrip-
ture, many years since obscured and dark-
ened by unwholesome doctrine and teachers
(by God's permission), now restored and
amended ; by the very learned John Campa-
nus, 1532, 8vo, (in German).— Schl.]

(6) See Jo. Geo. Schelhorn's Epistolary
Dissert, de Mino Celso Senensi, Claudio
item Allobroge, homine fanatico et SS. Trin-
itatis hoste ; Ulm, 1748, 8vo. Jo. Joe.
Breitinger's Museum Helveticum, torn, vii.,
p. 667. Jo. Hatter's Epistle, in Jo. Conr.
Fusliri's Centuria Epistolar. viror. erudi-
tor., p. 140, &c. [He first held Christ to
be a mere man ; but the Swiss divines
brought him to admit, that he was the natu-
ral Son of.God ; though he would not allow
his eternal existence ; and he positively de-
nied three persons in the Godhead. He
also maintained, that the beginning of John's
Gospel had been falsified. He was impris-
oned at Strasburg ; and then banished.
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reforma-
tion, vol. v., p. 491. —-Tr.]

(7) By rejecting the last syllable of the
name, which is a common Spanish termina-
tion, there remains the name Serve : and
the letters of this name, a little transposed,
produce Reves ; which is the name Servetus
assumed in the title-pages of his books.
Omitting also his family name, altogether,
he called himself from his birthplace, Mi-
chael Villanovanus, or simply, Villanovanus.

224 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. HI.— PART IL— CHAP. IV.

tus as his name is written in Latin, a Spanish physician, born at Villa Nue-
va in Aragon, a man of no ordinary genius and of extensive knowledge.
He first published in 1531, vii. Books, de Trinitatis erroribus ; and the next
vear, two Dialogues, de Trinitate ; in which he most violently assailed the
opinion held by the great body of Christians, respecting the divine nature
and the three persons in it. Subsequently, after retiring to France and
passing through various scenes, he fixed his residence at Vienne, where
he was a successful practitioner of physic ; and now, by his strong power
of imagination, he devised a new and singular species of religion, which he
committed to a book that he secretly printed at Vienne, in 1553, and which
he entitled : Restitutio Christianismi (a restoration of Christianity). Many
things seemed to conspire, to favour his designs : genius, learning, eloquence,
courage, pertinacity, a show of piety, and lastly, numerous patrons and
friends, in France, Germany, and Italy, whom he had conciliated by his
natural and acquired endowments. But all his hopes were frustrated by
Calvin ; who caused Servetus to be seized in 1553, at Geneva, as he was
passing through Switzerland towards Italy, after his escape from prison at
Vienne, and to be accused of blasphemy by one of Calvin's servants. The
issue of the accusation was, that Servetus, as he would not renounce the
opinions he had embraced, was burned alive by a decree of the judges, as
being a pertinacious heretic and blasphemer. For in that age the ancient
laws against heretics, enacted by the emperor Frederic II. and often re-
newed afterwards, were in full force at Geneva. A better fate was merit-
ed by this highly gifted and very learned man : yet he laboured under no
small moral defects ; for he was beyond all measure arrogant, and also
ill-tempered, contentious, unyielding, and a semi-fanatic. (8)

(8) I have composed, in the German lan-
guage, a copious history of this man, who
was so unlike every body but himself ; which
was published at Helmstadt, 1748, 4to, and
again, with large additions, Helmst., 1749,
4to. [Dr. Maclaine recommends to those
who cannot read the German, to peruse a
juvenile production of one of Mosheirri's pu-
pils, composed twenty years earlier, enti-
tled : Historia Mich. Serveti, quam, praeside
J. Laur. Mosheimio, &c., exponit Henricus
ab Allwaerden, Helmst., 1727, 4to. But
Mosheim, in his history of Servetus, pro-
nounces this an incorrect performance, and
not to be relied on. Von Einem here intro-
duces, in a long note of 23 pages, an epit-
ome of Mosheim's history of Servetus.
The account which Schroeckh gives of Ser-
vetus, (Kirchengesch. seit der Reformat.,
vol. v., p. 519, &c.), accords in general with
that of Mosheim, as abridged by Von Einem.
From both these, the following sketch is
made.

He was born at Villa Nueva, in Aragon,
A.D. 1509. His father was a lawyer, and
sent him to Toulouse to study law., But
he preferred literature and theology. He-
brew, Greek, the fathers, the Bible, and the
writings of the Reformers, seemed to have
engaged his chief attention. On his return

to Spain, he connected himself with Jo.
Quintana, confessor to the emperor Charles
V. and accompanied him to Italy, where he
witnessed the emperor's coronation at Bo-
logna, A.D. 1529. The year following, he
accompanied Quintana into Germany ; and
perhaps was at Augsburg, when the Prot-
estants presented their Confession of faith ;
and he might there first become acquainted
with Bucer and Capita. When and where
he separated from Quintana, does not ap-
pear. But in the year 1530, he went to
Basle, to confer with CEcolampadius. He
had then struck out a new path in theology.
He rejected the doctrine of three divine per-
sons ; denied the eternal generation of the
Son ; and admitted no eternity of the Son,
except in the purpose of God. CEcolampa-
dius attempted in vain to bring him to other
views ; and he laid his case before Zwingle,
Bucer, Capita, and Bul/inger ; who all con-
sidered him a gross heretic. He left Basle,
determined to publish his projected work.
It was printed at Hagenau, in 1531 ; and,
at once, was every where condemned. Quin-
tana laid it before the emperor, who ordered
it to be suppressed. Servetus was assailed
by his best friends, wherever he went, and
was pressed to abandon his errors. He
therefore wrote his Dialogues, which he

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

225

§ 5. Servetus had devised a strange system of religion ; a great part of
which was intimately connected with his notions of the nature of things,

printed in 1532. He there condemned his
former book, as a juvenile and ill-reasoned
performance ; yet brought forward substan-
tially the same doctrines, and urged them
with all his powers of logic and satire. In
1533, he went to Italy, and travelled in
France. He studied a while at Paris ; then
went to Orleans ; and thence to Lyons,
where he resided two years, as a superin-
tendent of the press ; held a correspondence
with Calvin, and began to write his great
theological work. In 1537, he went again
to Paris, became a master of arts, and lec-
tured on mathematics and astronomy. He
also devoted a year to the study of physic ;
and now commenced medical writer and
physician ; yet continued to labour on his
Restoration of Christianity. But soon he
got into collision with the medical fraternity,
and had to leave Paris. In 1538, he went
to Lyons, thence to Avignon, and thence to
Charlieu, where he resided as a physician
till 1540. He next went again to Lyons,
and soon after to Vienne, where he resided
twelve years, as a physician, under the pat-
ronage of the archbishop and the clergy, to
whom he rendered himself quite acceptable.
During this time, though still labouring se-
cretly upon his Restoration of Christianity,
he professed to be a sound Catholic, and
passed currently for one. He also re-edited
Ptolemy's geography, with corrections and
notes ; and published notes on Pagniri's
Latin Bible, the chief object of which was,
to show that all the Old Testament prophe-
cies, which were commonly applied to Christ,
had a previous and literal fulfilment in events
prior to his advent, and only an allegorical
application to him. At length he determined
to print his favourite work on theology. It
was worked off, in a retired house in Vienne,
by his friends ; and he himself corrected the
press. It was finished in January, 1553;
and bore on its title-page only the initials of
his name, M. S. V. (Michael Servetus Villa-
novanus). Parcels of the book were sent to
Lyons, to Frankfort, and elsewhere. A few
copies reached Geneva ; and Calvin was
one of the first who read it. Near the end
of February, one Trie, a young French Prot-
estant residing at Geneva, wrote to his Cath-
olic friend at Lyons, who laboured hard to
convert him to popery, taxing the Catholics
of Lyons with harbouring Servetus, the im-
pious author of this new book which excited
such universal abhorrence. This letter first
awakened suspicion at Vienne, that Servetus
was the author of it. A process before the
Inquisition was commenced against him ;
VOL. III.— F F

but the proof was deemed insufficient. The
court however prosecuted the matter with
zeal, and obtained more and more evidence
against him. Servetus, at length, foreseeing
the probable result, took to flight. The
court still proceeded, till they deemed the
evidence sufficient, and then condemned him
in his absence. Servetus fled to Geneva ;
and there lay concealed four weeks, waiting
for an opportunity to proceed to Italy and
Naples. Just as he was getting into a boat
to depart, he was discovered by Calvin him-
self; who gave notice immediately to the
government, and they apprehended him.
Nicholas de la Fontaine, Calvin's secretary,
took the part of an accuser ; and Calvin him-
self is supposed to have framed the 38 arti-
cles of charge. They were taken from his
writings, especially his last work ; and rela-
ted to his views of the Trinity and infant
baptism ; his taxing Moses with falsely rep-
resenting the land of Canaan as very fertile ;
his perverting the prophecies concerning
Christ ; and several other points of less im-
portance. In the first hearing, Servetus ac-
knowledged himself the author of the books
whence the charges were drawn ; but either
explained away, or justified, the articles al-
leged ; and La Fontaine was unable to meet
his arguments. In the second hearing, Cal-
vin was present ; and he exposed the eva-
sive pleas of the criminal. In the mean
time, the council of Geneva wrote to the au-
thorities of Vienne, informing them of the
arrest of Servetus, and inquiring respecting
the proceeding against him at Vienne. The
governor of the castle of Vienne came to
Geneva, exhibited a copy of the sentence
passed upon Servetus, and requested that
the prisoner might be delivered up to him,
to be conveyed to Vienne. Servetus was
called before the court, and with tears en-
treated, that he might not be delivered up ;
but that he might be tried at Geneva. To
gratify his wishes, the court of Geneva re-
fused to give him up, and proceeded in his
trial. He denied the competence of a civil
court to try a case of heresy : but his objec-
tion was overruled. He also appealed to
the council of 200 : but the appeal was not
admitted. He attempted to accuse Calvin
of heresy ; but the court would not listen to
his accusations. He objected, that Calvin
reigned at Geneva, and begged to have his
case tried by the other cantons. Accord-
ingly the court ordered that Calvin should
extract objectionable passages from Serve-
tus' books, in his own words ; that Servetus
should subjoin such explanations and argu-

226 BOOK IV.— CENT- XVI.— SEC. III.— PART. II.— CHAP. IV.

which were also strange ; nor can it be stated fully in a few words. He
supposed in general, that the true doctrine of Jesus Christ was lost, even
before the council of Nice ; and indeed that it was never taught, with suf-
ficient clearness and perspicuity ; and that the restitution and explanation
of it, were divinely committed to him. As respects God and the divine
Trinity, he believed in general, that the supreme Being before the founda-
tion of the world, produced in himself and formed two personal representa-
tions, economies, dispositions, dispensations, or modes of existence, (for he did
not always use the same terms), namely, the Word and the Holy Spirit ;
by which he might both make known his will to mankind, and impart to
them his blessings. That the Word was joined to the man Christ, who
was by the efficient volition of God born of the virgin Mary ; and that on
this account, Christ might justly be called God. That the Holy Spirit ani-
mates the created universe ; and in particular, produces holy and divine
emotions and purposes in men. That after the destruction of this world,
both these Economies will cease to be, and will be reabsorbed in God.
Yet this doctrine he did not always state in the same manner, a.nd he often
uses slippery and ambiguous terms ; so that it is exceedingly difficult to as-
certain his real meaning. His moral principles agreed in many respects,
with the opinions of the Anabaptists : with whom also he agreed in this,
that he most severely condemned the baptism of infants.

§ 6. This projected restoration of the church, of which Servetus hoped

ments as he saw fit ; then Calvin to reply,
and Servetus to answer ; and the whole be*
transmitted to Born, Basle, Zurich, and,
Schaffhausen, for the opinion of those can-
tons. This was accordingly done. The
reply from all the cantons was, that the Ge-
nevans were in duty bound to restrain the
madness and wickedness of Servetus, and
to prevent him from propagating his errors
in future. But the manner in which this
object should be accomplished, was left to
the discretion of the court of Geneva. The
authorities of Basle however, intimated, that
a perpetual imprisonment might be sufficient.
The court of Geneva, now unanimously, con-
demned Servetus to be burned alive the day
following. Calvin and the other ministers
of Geneva interceded for a milder death :
but the court would not yield. Servetus
was immediately informed of his sentence,
and was greatly overcome. The next day,
October 27, 1553, he appeared more com-
posed. Furell attended him as a clergyman,
and urged him to retract ; which he pertina-
ciously refused. He was conducted to the
presence of the court, where his sentence
was pronounced in form. He begged for a
commutation of the mode of death ; and
Farell also urged the same ; but the court
would not listen. He was conducted slowly
to the place of execution, permitted and even
urged to address the people ; which he re-
fused. At length, he was fastened by a
chain to a stake, seated on a block, and sur-
rounded by combustibles. The fire was kin-

dled, and he expired at the end of half an
hour. To the last, he maintained the cor-
rectness of the opinions for which he suffer-
ed ; and cried repeatedly, " Jesus, thou Son
of the eternal God, have mercy on me."-—
At this day, all agree, that Servetus ought
not to have be^n put to death : but in that
age, different sentiments prevailed. The
burning Of heretics was then almostuniversal-
ly approved and practised. There were some,
however, especially among the French and
Italian Protestants, whose exposure on this
principle to be themselves put to death by
the papists, led them to question the correct-
ness of the principle. Calvin therefore, who
certainly had some hand in the death of Ser-
vetus, was censured by a few Protestants ;
while the great body of them, and even the
mild Melanctkon, fully approved his conduct.
Some of the moderns have unjustly charged
Calvin with being actuated, solely, by per-
sonal enmity against Servetus, and by the
natural severity of his disposition. On the
other hand, some have attempted entirely to
exculpate him, and to attribute his condact
to the purest motives. He doubtless thought
he was doing right, and had the approbation
of his own conscience ; as he certainly had
of the wisest and best men of that age, who,
as occasion was presented, pursued the same
course themselves. But had he lived in our
age, he would undoubtedly have thought and
acted differently. See Beza?s Life of Cal-
vin, by Sibson, ed. Philadelphia, 1836, note
c., p. 156-204.— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

227

to be himself the author, died with him. For notwithstanding public fame
ascribed to him many disciples, and not a few divines of that age profess,
ed to have great apprehensions from the sect of Servelus ; yet it may be
justly doubted, whether he left behind him one genuine disciple. Those
who are called Servetians and followers of the doctrine of Servelus, by the
writers of that age, differed widely from Servetus in many respects ; and
in particular, they entertained very different opinions from his, respecting
the doctrine of the divine Trinity. Valentine Gentilis of Naples, whom
the government of Bern put to death in 1566, did not hold the opinions
of Servetus, as many writers affirm ; but held Arian sentiments, and made
the Son and the Holy Spirit to be inferior to the Father. (9) Not much
different were the views of Matthew Gribaldus, a jurist of Pavia ; who was
removed by a timely death, at Geneva, in 1566, when about to undergo a
capital trial : for he distributed the divine nature into three Eternal Spir-
its, differing in rank, as well as numerically. (10) It is not equally certain
what was the criminal error of Jo. Paul Alciat a Piedmontese, and of
Sylvester Tellius, who were banished from Gene vain 1559 ; or what, that
of Paruta, Leonardi,(ll) and others, who are sometimes numbered among
the followers of Servetus : yet it is not at all probable, that any one of
these regarded Servetus as his master. Peter Gonesius who is said to
have introduced the errors of Servetus into Poland,(12) although he may

(9) Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, article
Gentilis; torn, ii., p. 1251. Jac. Span's
Histoire de Geneve, livr. iii., torn, ii., p. 80,
&c. Christ. Sand's Bibliotheca Anti-Trin-
itar, p. 26. Lamy's Histoire du Socinian-
isme, pt. ii., cap. vi., p. 251. Jo. Conr.
Fuslin's Reformations-Beytrage, vol. v., p.
381, &c. [Gentilis fled his country, from
religious motives, about the middle of the
century ; and settled at Geneva, in connex-
ion with the Italian society there. Here,
with others, he uttered anti-trinitarian sen-
timents ; for which he was arraigned hi
1558, subscribed to an orthodox confession of
faith, and promised under oath, not to leave
the city without permission. He however,
fled clandestinely ; and travelled in France,
Switzerland, Germany, and Poland, propaga-
ting Arian sentiments. He was imprisoned
at Lyons, and at Bern, and was expelled
from Poland. In 1566, he came to Bern a
second time, was apprehended, and con-
demned to death, for having obstinately and
contrary to his oath assailed the doctrine of
the Trinity. See Bayle, loc. cit. Aretius,
a Reformed divine, wrote Historia Val.
Gentilis justo capitis supplicio Bernae af-
fecti; 1617, fol.— TV.]

(10) Christ. Sand's Biblioth. Anti-Trin-
itar., p. 17. Lamy, loc. cit.,pt. ii., cap. vii.,
p. 257, &c. Span's Histoire de Geneve,
tome ii., p. 85, note. Holler, in the Mu-
seum Tigurinurn, torn, ii., p. 114.

(11) Of these, and other persons of this
class, see Sand, Lamy, and Stanislaus
Lubieniecius, Historia Reformat. Polonicoe,

lib. ii., cap. v., p. 96. Concerning Alciat
in particular, see Bayle, Dictionnaire, torn. i.f
p. 239. Also, Span, loc. cit., torn, ii., p.
85, 86. [This Alciat was a Milanese gen-
tleman, and one of those Italians who fled
their country, to join the Protestants ; and
who afterwards so refined upon the mystery
of the Trinity, as" to form a new party,
equally odious to Protestants and to Cath-
olics. Alciat had been a soldier : and he
commenced his innovations at Geneva, in
concert with a physician named Blandrata,
and a lawyer named Gribaud, (in Latin
Gribaldus), with whom became associated
Valentine Gentilis. The precautions taken
against them, and the severe procedure
against Gentilis, intimidated the others, and
induced them to seek another residence.
They chose Poland ; where Blandrata and
Alciat disseminated their heresy with suf-
ficient success. They allured Gentilis to
come and join them. He was under obli-
gation to Alciat, at whose entreaty the bail-
iff of Gex had let him out of prison. It is
said, that from Poland they went to Mora-
via. Gentilis was beheaded at Bern, Alciat
retired to Dantzic, and there died in the
sentiments of Socinns. He wrote two let-
ters to Gregory Paul, in 1564 and 1565,
in which he maintains that Christ had no
existence, till he was born of Mary. See
Bayle, loc. cit. — Tr.~\

(12) This is affirmed by many, who here
follow Wissmcatius and Stan. Lubieniecius,
Historia Reformat. Polonicae, cap. vi., p.
Ill, &c. ; but how truly it is affirmed, may

228 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

have taught some things akin to them, yet explained the most sacred mys-
tery of the divine trinity, in a very different manner from Servetus.

§ 7. No one of those hitherto named, professed that form of religion
which is properly called Socinian. The Socinian writers, generally, trace
the origin of their sect to Italy; and refer it to the year 1546. In this
year they tell us, and in the vicinity of Venice, especially at Vicenza,
more than forty men eminent no less for genius and erudition than for
their love of truth, often assembled together in secret ; and they not only
consulted on a general reformation in religion, but undertook more espe-
cially to refute the doctrines that were afterwards publicly rejected by the
Socinian sect. They add, that L&lius Socinus, Alciatus, Ochin, Paruta,
Gentilis and others, stood conspicuous among these persons. But by the
imprudence of one of the associates, the temerity of these men became
known ; two of them were seized and put to death, the others escaped, and
fled into Switzerland, Germany, Moravia, and other countries. Among
these exiles was Socinus, who after various wanderings, passed into Poland
in 1551, and again in 1558, and there disseminated the seeds of that
scheme of doctrine, which he and his associates had devised in their own
country, and which subsequently produced abundant fruits. (13) That this
whole representation is a fiction, cannot be maintained : yet it is easily
shown, that the system of religion which bears the name of Socinus, was
by no means fabricated in those meetings at Venice and Vicenza. (14)

be learned from Lubieniecius himself, who
says of Gonesius : " He brought into his
country the doctrine of Servetus concern-
ing the pre-eminence of the Father ; which
he did not dissemble." But if Gonesius
taught the pre-eminence of the Father, he
differed much from Servetus, who denied
all real distinctions in the divine nature.
As to the opinions of Gonesius, see Sand,
loc. cit., p. 40, from whom chiefly Lamy
borrows his account ; Histoire du Socin-

ianisme, tome ii., cap. x., p. 278. [This
Gonesius was of Podlachia ; and studied
in Saxony and Switzerland, where he got
hold of the writings of Servetus. On his
return home, he became intimate with some
Anabaptists in Moravia : and in the year
1556, he controverted the doctrime of the
Trinity, first in a synod of the Polish Re-
formed, in which he pronounced it a fiction
gendered in the human brain. Two years
afterwards, he also rejected infant baptism.
He likewise spoke contemptuously of civil
authorities. See <S. F. Lauterbactfs Pol-
nisch Arianischen Socinianismus. — Schl.]

(13) See Christopher Sand's Biblioth.
Anti-Trinitar, p. 18, who likewise men-
tions, (on page 25) some writings which
are said, — but on altogether questionable
authority, — to have been published by those
Venetian inventors of the Socinian system.
Andrew Wissowatius, Narratio, quomodo
in Polonia Reformati ab Unitariis separati
aunt; subjoined to Sand, p. 209, 210.
Stanislaus Lubieniecius, Historia reforma-

tionis Polonicae, lib. ii., cap. i., p. 38, who
says he derived this account from the Com-
mentaries of Budzinius, never published,
and from the life of Leelius Socinus. See
also Sam. Przipcovius, Vita Socini ; and
others.

(14) The late Gustavus George Zeltner,
in his Historia Orypto-Socinianismi Altor-
fini, cap. ii., $ 41, note, p. 321, wished to
have the truth of this story more accurately
examined by the learned. Till this is done,
we will here offer a few remarks, which will
perhaps throw some light on the subject.
In the thing itself, in my judgment, there is
nothing incredible. It appears from many
documents, that .after the reformation com-
menced in Germany, many persons in va-
rious countries subject to the Romish see,
consulted together respecting the abolition
of superstition : and it is the more probable
(hat this was done by some learned men in
the Venetian territory, as it is well known
that, in that age there were living among
the Venetians a considerable number of
men who wished well, if not to Luther
himself, yet to his design of reforming re-
ligion and restoring it to its native simpli-
city. It is likewise easy to believe, that
these consultations were interrupted by the
vigilance of the satellites of Rome ; and
that some of those concerned in them, were
arrested and put to death ; and that others
saved themselves by flight. But it is very
doubtful, nay incredible, that all those per-
sons were at these consultations, who are

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

229

§ 8. We can give a more certain account of the origin and progress of
Socinian principles in religion. As not only the papists but also the Lu-
therans and the Swiss were every where watchful, to prevent both Anabap-
tists, and the opposers of the glory of Jesus Christ and the triune God,
from gaining any where a permanent habitation, a large number of this
sort of people retired to Poland, supposing that a nation so strongly at-
tached to liberty in general, would not disapprove liberty of opinion in re-
ligious matters. Here they at first cautiously disclosed their views, being
timid and doubtful, what would be the issue. Hence, for a number of
years they lived intermixed with the Lutherans and Calvinists, who had
acquired a firm establishment in Poland ; nor were they excluded either
from their communion in worship, or from their deliberative bodies. But

reported to have borne a part in them. In-
deed I am of opinion, that many of those
who afterwards obtained celebrity by oppo-
sing the Christian doctrine of a Trinity in
the Godhead, are rashly placed by incom-
petent judges in the list of members of such
a Venetian association, because they have
supposed, that this was the parent and the
cradle of the whole Unitarian sect. This
at least I certainly know, that Ochin must
be excluded from it. For, not to mention
that it is uncertain whether he has been
justly or unjustly ranked among Socinians,
it is clear from Zach. Boverius, Annales
Capucinorum, and from other unquestiona-
ble testimonies, that he left Italy and re-
moved to Geneva, as early as the year 1543.
See La Guerre Seraphique ou 1'Histoire
des perils, qu' a courus la barbe des Cap-
ucins, livr. iii., p. 191, 216, &c. Respect-
ing Lalius Socinus himself, who is repre-
sented as at the head of the association in
question, I would confidently assert the
same as of Ochin, [namely, that he is un-
justly placed among the members of this
association.] For who can believe, that a
young man only twenty- one years old, (for
such was Ladius at that time), left his na-
tive country, and repaired to Venice or
Vicenza, to have a free discussion with
others relative to the general interests of
religion ; and that this youth had such in-
fluence, as to obtain the first rank in a nu-
merous body of men distinguished for tal-
ent and learning! Besides, from the life
of Ladius, and from other testimonies, it
can be proved, that he retired from Italy,
not to escape impending danger to his life,
but for the sake of improvement, and to ac-
quire a knowledge of the truth among for-
eign nations. He certainly returned after-
wards to his own country; and in 1551,
resided some time at Sienna, while his fa-
ther resided at Bologna. See his letter to
Bullinger, in the Museum Helveticum, torn,
v., p. 489, &c. Who can suppose the
man would have undertaken such a jour-

ney, if but a few years previous he had
with difficulty escaped from the hands of
the inquisitors and a capital punishment 1

But, supposing all the rest to be true,
which the Socinians tell us respecting the
members and the character of this Venetian
association, which had for its object the dis-
robing our Saviour of his divine majesty ;
yet this we can never concede to them, that
the Socinian system of doctrine was invent-
ed and drawn up in that association. It
was unquestionably of later origin ; and was
long under the correcting and improving
hand of many ingenious men, before it ac-
quired its complete and permanent form.
If any one wishes for proof of this, let him
only look at the doctrines and reasonings
of some of those who are said to have been
members of the association in question,
which he will find to have been exceedingly
diversified. It appears from many facts re-
ported in various documents concerning
Lcdius Socinus, that his mind had not yet
become established in any definite system
of religious doctrine, at the time he left
Italy ; and that he spent many years, sub-
sequently to that period, in inquiring, doubt-
ing, examining, and discussing. And I
could almost believe, that he finally died,
still hesitating what to believe on various
points. Gribaldus and Alciat, of whom no-
tice has already been taken, were inclined
to Arian views ; and had not so low an
opinion of our Saviour, as the Socinians
had. These examples fully show, that
those Italian reformers (if they really exist-
ed, which I here assume, but do not affirm),
had come to no fixed conclusions ; but were
dispersed, and compelled to go into exile,
before they had come to be of one opinion
on points of the highest importance in reli-
gion.— This account of the origin of Socin-
ianism, which many inconsiderately adopt,
has also been objected to, by Jo. Conr.
Fuslin, Reformations-Beytragen, torn. iii.f
p. 327, &c.

230 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

after acquiring the friendship of some of the noble and opulent, they ven-
tured to act more courageously, and to attack openly the common views
of Christians. Hence originated, first, violent contests with the Swiss [or
Reformed], with whom they were principally connected ; the issue of which
at last was, that in the Synod of Petrikow, A.D. 1565, they were required
to secede, and to form themselves into a separate community.(15) These
founders of the Socinian sect, were commonly called Pinczovians, from the
town [of Pmezow] where the leaders of the sect resided. The greatest
part of these, however, professed Arian sentiments respecting the divine
nature ; representing the Son and the Holy Spirit to be persons begotten
by the one God the Father, and inferior to him. (16)

§ 9. As soon as the Unitarians became separated from the other com-
munities of Christians in Poland, they had to conflict with many difficul-
ties, both internal and external. Without, they were oppressed, both by
the papists and by the Reformed and Lutherans : within, there was danger
lest the feeble flock should become torn by factions. For they had not yet
agreed upon any common formula of faith. Some continued still to adhere
to Arian views, and were called Farnovians.(\7) Others chose to go far-
ther, and to ascribe almost nothing to Christ but the prerogatives of an am-
bassador of God. The worst of these were the Budneians ; who main-
tained, that Christ was born just as all other men are, and therefore was
unworthy of any divine worship or adoration. (18) Nor were they free
from superstitious persons, who wished to introduce among them the prac-
tical notions of the Anabaptists ; namely, a community of goods, a univer-
sal equality in rank and power, and other things of the like nature. (19)
From these troubles however, they were happily soon relieved, by the per-

(15) Lamy, Histoire du Socinianisme, were banished the realm. Valentine Gen-

pt. i., cap. vi., vii., viii., &c., p. 16, &c. tills therefore, r«?tired to Switzerland; an'd

Jo. Stoiensky (Stoinii), Epitome originis Jo. Paul Alciat, to Prussia. Others found

Unitariorum in Polonia ; in Sand, p. 183, concealed retreats with some of the nobles,

&c. Geo. Schomanri s Testamentum ; ibid., till they could openly appear again in public.

p. 194. Andrew Wissowatius, de separa- Under the same protection and patronage,

tione Unitariorum a Reformatis ; ibid., p. they at length obtained churches, schools,

211,212. Stanisl. Lubieniecius, Historia and printing establishments of their own. —

reformat. Polonicae, lib. ii., cap. vi., &c., p. Schl.~\

111, &c. ; cap. viii., p. 144 ; lib. iii., cap. i., (16) This will readily appear, to one who
p. 158, &c. [Among the Polish Antitrin- shall attentively peruse the writers just quo-
itarians must also be reckoned the French- ted. It is indeed true, that all who then bore
man Peter Statorius ; who came to Poland the name of Unitarian Brethren, did ' not
in 1559, and was rector of the school at hold precisely the same opinion respecting
Pinczow. To the same party, Gregory the divine nature. Some of the principal
Pauli a Pole, afterwards joined himself, doctors among them were inclined towards
He had taught with great reputation, in the those views of Jesus Christ, which after-
Reformed church at Cracow ; was deposed wards were the common views of the So-
on account of his erroneous opinions, and cinian sect : but the greater part of them
then openly associated himself with the Uni- agreed with the Arians, and affirmed that
tarians. The Stancarian controversy con- our Saviour was produced by God the Fa-
tributed most to the discovery of the error ther before the foundation of the world, but
of these people in regard to the Trinity, that he was greatly inferior to the Father.
For many synods and conferences being (17) [Concerning these, see below, $ 24
held on that controversy, the Unitarians ex- of this chapter, p. 242. — TV.]
posed themselves in them, and thus awa- (18) Vita Andr. Wissowatii ; subjoined
kened the zeal of believers in the Trinity to to Sand's Biblioth. Anti-Trinitar., p. 226,
oppose them in the debates. In the years and Sand himself, on Simqn Budnaeus, p. 54.
1564 and 1566, appeared the first royal (19) Lubieniecius, Historia reformationis
edicts against the Unitarians ; by which they Polonicas, lib. iii., cap. xii., p. 240.

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

231

severance and authority of certain teachers ; whose plans were so success,
ful that in a short time they reduced those factions to narrow limits, estab-
lished flourishing churches at Cracow, Lublin, Pinczow, Lucklavitz, and
especially at Smigla, a town which lay in the territories of the famous An-
drew Dudilh,(20) and in many other places both in Poland and in Lithua-
nia ; and moreover obtained license, to publish books in two different
towns. (21) These privileges were crowned by John Sienienius [Sienien-
sky], the waiwode of Podolia ; who granted them a residence in his new
town of Racovia [Racow], in the district of Sendomir, which he built in
1569. (22) After obtaining this residence, the sect which was dispersed
far and wide among their enemies, supposing they had now obtained a
fixed and permanent location for their religion, did not. hesitate to make
this place [Racow] the established centre of their church and community.
§ 10. The first care of the leaders of their church after they saw their
affairs in this settled state, was to translate the holy scriptures into the
Polish language ; the publication of which took place in 1572. They
previously had a Polish translation «f the Bible, which they had made in
1565, conjointly with the Reformed, to whose church they then belonged.
But this, after they were ordered to separate themselves from the Reform-

(20) See Mart. Adelfs Historia Arianis-
mi Smiglensis, Dantzig, 1741, 8vo. [" This
Dudith, who was certainly one of the most
learned and eminent men of the sixteenth cen-
tury, was born at Buda, in the year 1533 ;
and after having studied in the most famous
universities, and travelled through almost
all the countries of Europe," (visiting Eng-
land in 1554, in the suite of Cardinal Pole),
"was named to the bishopric of Tinia, by the
emperor Ferdinand, and made privy coun-
sellor to that prince. He had, by the force
of his genius and the study of the ancient
orators, acquired such a masterly and irre-
sistible eloquence, that in all public delibera-
tions he carried every thing before him. In
the council" (of Trent), " where he was sent,
in the name of the emperor and of the Hun-
garian clergy, he spoke with such energy
against several abuses of the church of Rome,
and particularly against the celibacy of the
clergy, that the pope, being informed thereof
by his legates, solicited the emperor to re-
call him. Ferdinand complied ; but having
heard Duditlis report of what passed in that
famous council, he approved of his conduct,
and rewarded him with the bishopric of
Chonat. He afterwards married a maid of
honour of the queen of Hungary, and re-
signed his bishopric ; the emperor, howev-
er, still continued his friend and protector.
The papal excommunication was levelled at
his head, but he treated it with contempt.
Tired of the fopperies and superstitions of
the church of Rome, he retired to Cracow,
where he embraced the Protestant religion
publicly, after having been for a good while
its secret friend. It is said, that he showed

some inclination towards the Socinian sys-
tem. Some of his friends deny this ; others
confess it, but maintain that he afterwards
changed his sentiments in that respect. He
was well acquainted with several branches
of philosophy and the mathematics, with
the sciences of physic, history, theology,
and the civil law. He was such an enthu-
siastical admirer of Cicero, that he copied
over three times, with his own hand, the
whole works of that immortal author. He
had something majestic in his figure, and in
the air of his countenance. His life was
regular and virtuous, his manners elegant
and easy, and his benevolence warm and ex-
tensive."— Mad. See Schroeckh, Kirch-
engesch. seit der Reformat., vol. ii., p. 738,
&c., and Rees* Cyclopaedia, article Dudith.
— Tr.]

(21) Sand's Biblioth. Anti-Trinitar., p.
201.

(22) Sand, loc. cit., p. 201. Lubienie-
cius, loc. cit., p. 239, &c. [Here all the
most famous Unitarians were established as
teachers : here they set up in 1 602, a school
which they called Athenoe Sarmaticte, in
which the number of students often exceed-
ed 1000, and which was attended even by
Catholics, because the mode of teaching was
the same as that of the Jesuits, and no one
was solicited to change his religion. Here
also they had, next to that at Lublin and one
in Lithuania, their most famous printing es-
tablishment, first the Radeckish and then
the Sternackish, till the year 1638, from
which so many works of the Unitarians
were issued. —

232 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.-CHAP. IV.

ed, they considered not well suited to their condition. (23) In the next
place, they drew up and published a small work, containing the principal
articles of their religious faith. This was in the year 1574 ; at which
time the first Catechism and Confession of the Unitarians was printed at
Cracow. (24) The system of religion contained in this book, is extremely

(23) See Dav. Ringeltaube, von den Fortgesetzten niitzlkhen Anmerckungen
Pohlnischen Bibeln, p. 90, 113, 142, who von allerhand Materien ; vol. xxi., p. 758.
gives farther information respecting Polish The preface, composed in the name of the
translations of the Bible by Socinians. whole association, begins with this saluta-

(24) This little work, from which alone tion : Omnibus salutem a>te.rnam sitientibus,
the character of the Unitarian theology an-

terior to the times of Faustus Socinus, can
be learned with certainty, is not mentioned,
so far as I know, by any Unitarian author,
nor by any one who has either written their
history or opposed their doctrine. I am,
ready to believe that the Socinians them-
selves, afterwards, when they had acquired
more dexterity and power, and had shaped
their theology more artificially, wisely took
care to have the copies of this Confession
destroyed ; lest they should fall under the
charge of fickleness and of abandoning the
tenets of their predecessors, or incur the
charge of forsaking their ancient simplicity,
•which is apt to produce divisions and parties.
It will therefore be doing service to the his-
tory of Christian doctrine, to describe here
summarily, the form and character of this
first Socinian creed, which was set forth
prior to the Racovian Catechism. This
very rare book is quite a small one, and
bears the following title : Catechesis et Con-
fessio fidei coetus per Poloniam congregati
in nomine Jesu Christi Domini nostri cru-
cifixi et resuscitati. Deuterono. vi. Audi
Israel, Dominus Deus noster Deus unus est.
Johannis VIII. dicit Jesus : Quern vos di-
citis vestrum esse Deum, est pater meus.
Typis Alexandri Turobini, anno nati Jesu
Christi, filii Dei 1574, pp. 160, 12mo. That
it was printed at Cracow, appears from the
close of the preface, which is dated in this
city, in the year 1 574, post Jesum Christum
natum. The Unitarians then had a print-
ing-office at Cracow, which was soon after
removed to Racow. The Alexander Turo-
binus, who is said to be the printer, is called
Turobinr.zyck, by Christ. Sand, (Biblioth.
Anti-Trinitar., p. 51), and undoubtedly de-
rived his name from his native place, Turo-
bin, in the district of Chelm in Red Russia.
That the author of the book was the noted
George Schomann. has been proved from
Schomann's Testamentum, published by
Sand, and from other documents, by Jo.
Adam Muller ; who gives a particular ac-
count of Schomann, in his Essay, de Unita-
riorum Catechesi et Confessione omnium
prima, written since my remarks on the sub-
ject ; and which is printed in Bartholomew's

gratiam et pacem ab uno illo altissimo Deo
patre, per unigenitum ejus filium Dominum
nostrum, Jesum Christum crucifixum, ex
animo precatur ccetus exiguus et afflictus per
Poloniam, in nomine ejusdem Jesu Christi
Nazareni baptizatus. Their reasons for
writing and publishing the book, are thus
stated ; namely, the reproaches, which in
one place and another are cast upon the
Anabaptists. Hence it appears, that the
people who were afterwards called Socin-
ians, were in that age denominated Ana-
baptists : nor did they reject this appella-
tion, but tacitly admitted it. The remain-
der of the short preface consists of entrea-
ties to the readers, to regard the whole as
written in good faith, to read and judge for
themselves, and, forsaking the doctrine of
Babylon, and the conduct and conversation
of Sodom, to lake refuge in the ark of Noah ;
i. e., among the Unitarians. In the com-
mencement of the book, the whole of the
Christian religion is reduced to six heads :
I. of God and Je^us Christ ; — II. of justifi-
cation ; — III. of discipline ; — IV. of prayer ;
— V. of baptism; — VI. of the Lord's sup-
per. And these six topics are then ex-
plained successively, by first giving a long
and full answer or exposition of each ; and
then dividing them into subordinate ques-
tions or members, and subjoining answers
with scripture proofs annexed. It is mani-
fest even from this performance, that the
infancy of the Socinian theology was very
feeble and imbecile ; that its teachers were
not distinguished for a deep and accurate
knowledge of divine things ; and that they
imbued their flocks with only a few and
very simple precepts. In their description
of God, which comes first in order, the au-
thors at once let out their views concerning
Jesus Christ ; for they inculcate that he, to-
gether with all creatures, is subject to God.
It is also noticeable, that they make no
mention of God's infinity, his omniscience,
his immensity, his eternity, his omnipotence,
his omnipresence, his perfect simplicity, and
the other attributes of the Supreme Being,
which are above human comprehension ; but
merely exalt God for his wisdom, his im-
mortality, his goodness, and his supreme

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS.

233

simple, and free from all subtilties : yet it bears altogether a Socinian as-
pect, in regard to the points most essential to that system. Nor will this

dominion over all things. It would seem the edification of our neighbours. (c) As

therefore, that the leaders of the community, they make justification to consist in a great

even then, believed that nothing is 10 be ad- measure in a reformation of the life, so in

mitted in theology, which human reason the explanation of this general account, they

cannot fully comprehend and understand, introduce a part of their doctrine of morals ;

Their erroneous views of our Saviour, are which is contained in a very few precepts,

thus expressed : Our mediator with God, is
a man, who was anciently promised to the
fathers by the prophets, and in these latter

and those expressed almost wholly in the
words of the scriptures. Their system of
morality has these peculiarities, that it for-

days was born of the seed of David, whom bids taking an oath, and the repelling of in-
God the Father hath made Lord and Christ, juries; They define ecclesiastical discipline
that is, the most perfect prophet, the most thus : It is the frequent reminding individ-
holy priest, and the most invincible king, by uals of their duty ; and the admonition of
whom he created the new world, (for those such as sin against God or their neighbour,
declarations of the sacred volume, which rep- first privately, and then also publicly before
resent the whole material universe as ere- the whole assembly ; and finally, the rejection
ated by our Saviour, they maintain, as th-s of the pertinacious from the communion of
Socinians do, to be figurative ; and under- saints, that so being ashamed they may re-
stand them to refer to the restoration of pent, or if they will not repent, may be

mankind ; so that they may not be compel-
led unwillingly to admit his divine power
and glory), restored all things, reconciled
them to himself, made peace, and. bestowed
eternal life upon his elect : to the end that,
next to the most high God, we should believe
in him, adore him, pray to him, imitate him
according to our ability, and find rest to our
souls in him.(a) Although they here call
Jesus Christ the most holy priest, which
they afterwards confirm with passages of
scripture, yet they no where explain the na-
ture of that priesthood which they ascribe
to him. The Holy Spirit, they most ex-
plicitly declare, not to be a divine person,
and they represent him as a divine power or

damned eternally, (d) Their explanation of
this point, shows how incomplete and im-
perfect were their ideas on the subject. For
they first treat of the government of the
Christian church, and of the ministers of re-
ligion, whom they divide into bishops, deacons,
elders or presbyters, and widows : they next
enumerate the duties of husbands and wives,
the aged and the young, parents and chil-
dren, servants and masters, citizens towards
magistrates, the rich and the poor : and
lastly, they treat of admonishing sinners first,
and then depriving them of communion if
they will not reform. Respecting prayer,
their precepts are in general sound and good.
But on the subject of baptism, they differ

energy : The Holy Spirit is the power of from other Christians in this, that they make

God, the fulness of which God the Father
hath bestowed on his only begotten Son, our
Lord ; that we being adopted, might receive
of his fulness, (b) Their opinion of justifi-
cation is thus expressed : Justification is the
remission of all our past sins, from mere
grace, through our Lord Jesus Christ,

it to consist in immersion and emersion, and
allow it to be administered only to adults.
Baptism, say they, is the immersion in wa-
ter, and the emersion, of a person who be-
lieves the gospel and exercises repentance,
in the name of the Father and Son and
Holy Spirit, or in the name of Jesus Christ ;

without our works and merits, in a lively whereby he publicly professes, that by the
faith ; and the unhesitating expectation of grace of God the Father, he has been wash-
eternal life ; and a real, not a feigned ed in the blood of Christ, by the aid of the
amendment of life, by the aid of the Spirit Holy Spirit, from all his sins ; so that, being
of God, to the glory of God our Father, and ingrafted into the body of Christ, he may

(a) Est homo, mediator noster apud Deuin, patri-
bus olim per prophetas promissus el ultimis tandem
temporibus ex Davidis semine natus, quern Deus
pater fecit Dominum et Christum, hoc est, perfectis-
simum pro|ihe(am, sanctissimum sacerdotem, invic-
tissimum regom, perquein novum nmndum creavit,
omnia restaiiravit, secum reconciliavit, pacifiravit,
et vitam anernam electis suis donavit ; ut in ilium,
post Deum altissimum. credamus, ilium adoremus,
invoci'mus, audiamus. pro modulo nostro imilemur,
et in illo requiem animabus noatris inveniamus.

(b) spirit us sanctus est virtus Dei, cujusplenitn-
dinem dedit Peus pater filio suo unigenito, Domino
nostro, ut DOS adoptivi ex plenitudine ejus acciper-
emus.

VOL. III.— G G

(c) Justificatio est ex m«ra gratia, per Dominum
nostrum Jesum Christum, sine operihus et mentis
nostris, omnium pratteritorum peccatorum nostro-
rum in viva fide remissio, vitaxjue lett-rii* indubita-
taexpectatio, et auxilio spiritus Dei vitse nostrte non
simiiliita, sed vera correctio. ad gloriam Dei patris
et aedificationem proximorum nostrorum.

(d) Disciplina ecclesiastica esl officii singulorum
frequens comrnemoralio, et pcccantium contra De-
um vel proximum primuin privata, deinde etiarn
publica, corain toto ccetii, commonefacfio, denique
peitinacium a communione sanctorum alienatio. ul
pudore suffusi convertantur, aut si id noliut, ster-
num damuentur.

S34 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

surprise us, if we consider that the papers of L&lius Socinus, (which he
undoubtedly left in Poland), were in the hands of a great many persons ;
and by these, the Arians who had formerly had the upper hand, were led
to change their opinion respecting Jesus Christ.(25) The name Socinians
was not yet known. Those who afterwards bore this name, were then
usually called by the Poles Anabaptists ; because in their churches they
admitted none to baptism but adults, and were accustomed to rebaptize
such as came over to them from other communities. (26)

§11. The affairs of the Unitarians assumed a new aspect, under the
dexterity and industry of Faustus Socinus ; a man of superior genius, of
moderate learning, of a firm and resolute spirit, less erudite than his uncle
L&lius, but more bold and courageous. When, after various wanderings,
he first arrived among the Polish Unitarians in 1579, he met with much
trouble and opposition from very many, who accounted some of his opin-
ions wide of the truth. And in reality the religious system of Faustus,
(which he is said to have derived from the papers left by Lalius), had
much less simplicity than that of the Unitarians. Nevertheless, by his
wealth, his eloquence, his abilities as a writer, the patronage of the great,
the elegance of his manners, and other advantages which he possessed, he
overcame at length all difficulties, and by seasonably yielding at one time,

dam fratres didicerunt, Dei filium non esse
secundam Trinitatis personam patri coessen-
tialem et coaequalem, sed hominem Jesuin
Christum, ex Spiritu Sancto conceptum, ex
virgine Maria natum, crucifixum et resusci-
tatuni : a quibus nos commoniti, sacras lit-
teras perscrutari, pcrsuasi sumus. These
words most clearly show, that the Pinczovi-
ans, (as they were called), before they separ-
ated from th* Reformed in 1565, professed
to believe in a Trinity of some sort, and did
not divest Jesus Christ of all divinity. For
this Schomann was a doctor of great author-
ity among them ; and in the year 1 565, (as
he himself informs us), at the convention of
Petricow, he contended (pro uno Deo patri)
for one God the Father, in opposition to the
Reformed, who, he says, (Deum trinum de-
fendebant), maintained a threefold God. Yet
in the following year, he, with others, was
induced by the papers of Lcdius Socinus, to
so alter his sentiments, that he denied Christ
to be a divine person. He therefore, with
his Pinczovian flock, before this time, must
necessarily have been, not a Socinian, "but
an Arian.

(26) This the Unitarians themselves at-
test, in the Preface to their Catechism, as
we have observed above : and it is confirmed
by the author of the Epistola de vita Andr.
Wissowatii, subjoined to Sand's Bibliotheca.
For he says, (p. 225), that his sect bore the
name of Arians and of Anabaptists ; but
that the other Christians in Poland were all,
promiscuously, called Chrsescians, from
Chzrcst, which denotes baptism.

mortify the old Adam, and be transformed
into the celestial Adam, in the firm assu-
rance of eternal life after the resurrection.(e)
Lastly, concerning the Lord's supper, they
give such a representation, as a Zwinglian
would readily admit. At the end of the
book, is added, (Economia Christiana, seu
pastoratus domes ticus ; that is, brief instruc-
tions, how the heads of families should pre-
serve and maintain piety and the fear of
God in their houses ; and containing also
forms of prayers, to be used morning and
evening, and at other times. The copy of
this Catechism, which I now possess, was
presented by Martin Chelm, (whom the
Socinians name among the first patrons of
their church), to M. Christopher Heilig-
meier, in the year 1580 ; as appears from a
long inscription, at the end of the book.
Chelm there promises his friend, other
writings of the same kind, if this should be
received cheerfully and kindly : and con-
cludes with these words of St. Paul ; In-
firma mundi elegit Deus, ut fortia confun-
dat.

(25) This we are clearly taught, by George
Schomann, in his Testamentum, published
by Sand, p. 194, 195. Sub id fere tempus
(A.D. 1566) ex rhapsodiis Latlii Socini qui-

(e) Baptistnus est hominis Evangelic credentis,
et pcenitentiam ai'cntis, in nomine Patris et Filii et
Bpiritus sancti, vel in nomine Jesu Christi, in aquam
immersio et emersio, qua puhlice profitetur, se
gratia Pel pairis, in sanguine Christi, opera Spiri-
tns sancli, ah omnibus pecratis ahlulum esse. ut in
corpus ("lirimi inserlus, mortificet ve'erem Aria-
mum, et transfornietur in Atlamum ilium coclestem,
cerius, se post resurrect ion em consuquuturum esse
vitam oeternam.

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 235

and contesting at another, he brought the whole Unitarian people to sur-
render to those opinions of his which they had before contemned, and to
coalesce and become one community. (27)

§ 12. Through his influence therefore, the ill-digested, dubious, and un-
polished religion of the old Unitarians, became greatly altered, was more
ingeniously stated, and more artfully and dexterously defended. (28) Un-
der the guidance of so spirited and respectable a leader, the company
likewise, which before was a little feeble flock, rose in a short time to dis-
tinction and honour, by the accession to it of great numbers, of all orders
and classes, among whom were many persons of illustrious birth, of opu-
lence, influence, eloquence, and learning. Of these, some helped forward
the growing church by their wealth and influence, and others by their
pens and their genius ; and they boldly resisted the enemies, whom the
prosperity of the community every where called forth. The Unitarian re-
ligion, thus new modelled and made almost a new system, required a new
Confession of faith to set forth its principles. Therefore, laying aside the
old Catechism, which was but a rude and ill-digested work, Socinus himself
drew up a new religious summary ; which being corrected by some, and
enlarged by others, resulted at last in that celebrated work, which is usually
called the Racovian Catechism, and which is accounted the common creed
of the whole sect. The ship seemed now to have reached the port, when
James a Sienno lord of Racow, in the year 1600, renounced the Reformed
religion and came over to this sect, and two years afterwards caused a fa-
mous school, intended for a seminary of the church, to be established in
his own city which he had rendered the metropolis of the Socinian com-
munity.(29)

§ 13. In the year 1563, the doctrines of the Socinians were carried
from Poland into the neighbouring Transylvania, by means 'especially of
George Blandrata ; whose exquisite skill in the medical art induced John
Sigismund at that time prince of Transylvania, to send for him, and make

(27) See Bayle, Dictionnaire, article So- wards used ; he secretly injected scruples into
cinus, torn, iv., p. 2741. Sand's Biblioth. the minds of many ; and, by the arguments
Anti-Trinitar., p. 64. Sam. Przypcopius, against the divinity of our Saviour which he
Vita Socini ; prefixed to his works. Lamy, committed to paper, he induced the Arians of
Histoire du Socinianisme, pt. i., cap. xxiv., Poland, even after he was dead, unhesitating-
p. 101, &c. ; pt. ii., cap. xxii., p. 375, &c., ly to unite themselves with those who main-
and many others. tained Christ to be only a man on a level with

(28) It is therefore manifest, that the mod- Adam, that is, one whom God created. What
era Unitarians are, with great propriety, Lalius left unfinished, Faustus, beyond con-
called Sofinians. For the glory of bringing troversy, completed and put to use. Yet what
their sect to establishment and order, (if we part he received from his uncle, and what he
may use the word glory, of what has little added of his own, (for he certainly added
glory attached to it), belongs exclusively to not a little), it is very difficult to ascertain,
the two Socini. Lalius indeed, who was Because only a few of the writings of Lcelius
naturally timid, died in the bloom of life, at are extant ; and of those of which he is said
Zurich in 1562, a professed member of the to be the author, some ought undoubtedly
Reformed church ; for he would not, by set- to be attributed to others. This however
ting up a new sect, subvert his own tran- we know, from the testimony of Faustus
quillity. And there are probable grounds himself, that what he taught respecting the
for supposing, that he had not brought to person of Jesus Christ, was for the most
perfection that system of religion which he part excogitated by Lalius.

struck out ; and that he died in a state of un- (29) See Wissowatius, Narratio de sepa-

certainty and doubt, respecting many points ratione Unitariorum a Reformatis, p. 214.

of no small importance. Yet it was he, who Lubieniecius, Historia reformat. Polouicae,

collected the materials which Faustus after- lib. iii., cap. xii., p. 240, &c.

236 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

t

him his own physician. For this Blandrata, possessing intelligence and
address, and especially in court affairs, with the aid of Francis David
whom he took along with him, did not cease to urge the prince himself as
well as most of the leading men, until he had infected the whole province
with his sentiments, and had procured for his adherents the liberty of pub-
Jicly professing and teaching his doctrines. The Bathori indeed, whom
the suffrages of the nobles afterwards created dukes of Transylvania,
were by no means favourable to Socinian principles ; but they were utterly
unable to suppress the numerous and powerful sect.(30) Nor were the
lords of Transylvania who succeeded the Batliori, able to effect it. Hence,
to the present time, in this one province, the Socinians, by virtue of the
public laws and of certain compacts, enjoy their schools and houses of
worship and keep up their public meetings, though in the midst of contin-
ual snares. (31) About the same time, this sect attempted to occupy a
portion of Hungary,(32) and of Austria. (33) But the united efforts of
the papists and the followers of the Reformed religion, rendered these at-
tempts abortive.

§ 14. The Socinians having obtained a stable domicil for their fortunes
at Racow, and being sustained by patrons and friends of great authority
and talent, began zealously to seek the enlargement of their church, and
the propagation of their religion through all Europe. Hence, in the first
place, they procured a large number of books to be composed by their
brightest geniuses, some explaining and defending their religious princi-
ples, and others expounding, or rather perverting the sacred scriptures ac-
cording to the views of their sect ; and these books, they printed at Ra-
cow, and dispersed every where. (34) In the next place, near the close of
the century, as appears incontrovertibly from many documents, they sent
their emissaries into various countries to make proselytes and to establish
new congregations. But these envoys, though some of them had the ad-
vantages of a noble birth, and others possessed extensive learning and
acuteness in reasoning, were almost every where unsuccessful. A small

(30) See Sand's Biblioth. Anti-Trinitar., Francis David went so far as to oppose the

p. 28 and 55. Paul Dcbrezenius, Historia offering of prayer to Christ. To reduce him,

ecclesiz reformatae in Hungaria, p. 147, &c. Blandrata called Faustus Socinus from Ba-

Martin Schmcizel, de statu ccclesise Luther- sil, in 1578; and he so persecuted David,

an. in Transylvania, p. 55. Lamy, Histoire that the latter was condemned in 1579, to

du Socinanisme, pt. i., cap. xiii., &c.,p. 46, perpetual imprisonment ; in which he ended

&c. Chr. Aug. SaUg's Hist, der Augsburg, his days. — Schl.']

Confession, vol. ii., book vi., ch. vii., p. 847, (31) Gustavus Geo. Zcllner's Historia

&c. [In the year 1568, the Unitarians held Crypto-Socinianismi Altorfini, cap. ii., p.

a disputation with the Trinitarians at Weis- 357, 359. [See also Dr. Walch's Neueste

enburg (in Transylvania), which was con- Religionsgesch., vol. v., No. 3. — Schl.]

tinued to the tenth day ; and of which, George (32) Debrezeniiis, Historia ecclesia3 re-

Blandrata, there and in the same year, pub- form, in Hnngaria, p. 169, &c.

lished his Brevis enarratio disputationis Al- (33) Henry Spondanus, Continuatio An-

banae : and Casper Htlt did the same, at nalium Baronii, ad ann. 1568, No. xxiv., p.

Clausenburg, in the name of the Reformed. 704.

At the close of the debate, the Unitarians (34) A considerable part of these books

obtained from the nobles who had been on the was edited in the collection, entitled Biblio-

spot, all the privileges enjoyed by the Evan- theca Fratrum Polonorum. printed A.D.

gelical. They also got possession of the ca- 1656, in 6 vols. fol. The collection indeed

thedral church of Clausenburg ; filled the leaves out many of the productions of the

offices of instruction in the schools with Uni- first founders of the sect ; yet it is quite suf-

tarians ; and controlled all things according cient to acquaint us with the genius and

to their pleasure. Under Stephen Bathori, character of the sect.

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 237

company of Socinians existed in obscurity at Dantzic, for a time ; but it
seems gradually to have disappeared with this century. (35) In Holland,
first Erasmus Johannes [or Jansen],(36) and afterwards Andrew Voidovius
and Christopher Ostorodt, great pillars of the sect, laboured to gain disci-
pies and followers : nor were they wholly without success. But the vigi-
lance of the theologians and the magistrates, prevented their acquiring
strength and establishing associations.(37) Nor did the Socinians find the
Britons more accommodating. In Germany, Adam Neuser and some
others, at the time when the prospects of the Unitarians were dark and
dubious in Poland, entering into a confederacy with the Transylvanians,
contaminated the Palatinate with the errors of this sect : but the mischiev-
ous design was seasonably detected and frustrated. Neuser then retired
among the Turks, and enlisted among the Janizaries at Constantinople. (38)

§ 15. Although the Socinians profess to believe that all knowledge of
divine things must be derived from the sacred books of Christians, yet in
reality they hold, that the sense of the divine volume must be estimated
and explained in conformity with the dictates of right reason : and of
course they subject religious truth in some measure, to the empire of rea-
son. For they intimate, sometimes tacitly and sometimes expressly, that
the inspired writers frequently slipped, through defects both of memory
and of capacity ; that they express the conceptions of their minds, in lan-
guage that is not sufficiently clear and explicit ; that they obscure plain
subjects, by Asiatic phraseology, that is, by inflated and extravagant expres-
sions ; and therefore they must be made intelligible, by the aid of reason
and sagacity. From such propositions, any person of tolerable under-
standing, would readily infer that in general, the history of the Jews and
of our Saviour, may be learned from the books of the Old and New Tes-
taments ; and that there is no reason to question the truth generally of
this history; but that the doctrines which are set forth in these books,
must be so understood and explained, as not to appear contrary to the
common apprehensions of men or to human reason. The divinely-in-
spired books, therefore, do not declare what views we should have con-
cerning God and his counsels ; but human sagacity it is, that points out to
us what system of religion we are to search for in the scriptures.

§ 16. This opinion becomes still worse, when we consider what this
sect understood by the term reason. For by the splendid name of right
reason, they appear to mean that measure of intelligence, or that power
of comprehending and understanding things, which we derive from nature.
And hence the fundamental maxim of the whole Socinian theology, is this :
Nothing must be admitted as a divine doctrine, but what the human mind

(35) Gustavus Geo. Zeltner's Historia their contents, had quietly divided them
Crypto- Socinianismi Altorfini, p. 199, note, among themselves and their friends." —

(36) See Sand's Biblioth., p. 87. Mod.]

(37) Zeltner, loc. cit., p. 31 and 178. (38) Burch. Gotth. Struve's Pfalzische
[" Brandt, in his History of the Reformation Kirchenhist, ch. v., sec. 53, p. 214. Henr.
in the Netherlands, tells us, that Ostorodt Alling's Historia Eccles. Palatin. in Meigs'
and Voidovius were banished, and that their Monumenta Palatina, p, 266, &c , 337. Ma-
books were condemned to be burned publicly lur. Veysse la Croze, Dissertations Histor-
by the hands of the common hangman. Ac- iques, tome i., p. 101, 127. Compare Bern.
cordingly the pile was raised, the executioner RaupacK's Presbyterologia Austriaca, p. 113,
appioached, and the multitude was assem- &c., where he treats of John Matt.hcei, who
bled, but the books did not appear. The was implicated in these commotions,
magistrates, who were curious to peruse

238 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

can fully understand and comprehend : and whatever the holy scriptures
teach, concerning the nature of God, his counsels and purposes, and the
way of salvation, must be filed down and polished by art and reason, till
it shall agree with the capacities of our minds.(39) Whoever admits this,
must also admit, that there may be as many religions as there are people.
For as one person is more obtuse than another, or more acute, so also
what is plain and easy of comprehension to one, another will complain of
as abstruse and hard to be understood. Neither do the Socinians appear
to fear this consequence very greatly : for they allow their people to ex-
plain variously, many doctrines of the greatest importance, provided they
entertain no doubts respecting the general credibility of the history of Je-
sus Christ, and hold what the scriptures inculcate in regard to morals and
conduct.

§ 17. Proceeding on this maxim, the Socinians either reject or bring down
to their comprehension, whatever presents any difficulty to the human mind,
in the doctrine concerning God, and the Son of God, Jesus Christ, or con-
cerning the nature of man, or the entire plan of salvation as proposed by
the inspired writers, or concerning the doctrine of eternal rewards and
punishments. God is indeed vastly more perfect than men are, yet he is
not altogether unlike them : by that power with which he controls all na-
ture, he caused Jesus Christ, an extraordinary man, to be born of the vir-
gin Mary : this man he caught up to heaven, imbued him with a portion
of his own energy, which is called the Holy Spirit, and with a full knowl-
edge of his will ; and then sent him back to this world, that he might
promulgate to mankind a new rule of life, more perfect than the old
one, and might evince the truth of his doctrine by his life and his death.
Those who obey the voice of this divine teacher, — and all can obey it, if
they are so disposed, — being clad in other bodies, shall hereafter for ever
inhabit the blessed abode where God resides :* those who do otherwise,
being consumed by exquisite torments, will at length sink into entire anni-
hilation. These few propositions contain the whole system of Socinian
theology, when divested of the decorations and subtle argumentations of
their theologians.

§ 18. The general character of the Socinian theology, requires them to
limit their moral precepts entirely to external duties and conduct. For
while they deny on the one hand, that men's minds are purified by a di-
vine influence ; and on the other, that any man can so control himself as
wholly to extinguish his evil propensities and passions ; no alternative is
left, but to hold him to be a holy man, who lives agreeably to those pre-

(39) [Dr. Zeigler, in his condensed View maintains that Socinus, who was but a poor
of the peculiar doctrines of Fanstus Socinus, expositor, took great liberties with the scrip-
(in Henke's Neuen Magazin fiir Religions- tures, and in reality, practised upon the prin-
philosophie, &c., vol. iv., st. ii., p. 204, &c.), ciple stated by Mosheim, though perhaps
controverts this statement of Mosheim ; and without much consciousness of it. And the
maintains, that Socinus aimed to base his subsequent Socinians, he says, proceeded
doctrines wholly on the scriptures, and not farther and farther, till they at last discover-
on reason as a higher authority. Schroeckh, ed what was the fundamental principle of
in his Church History since the Reformation, their theology; and since this discovery,
(vol. v., p. 560, &c.), replies to Ziegler 4 and they do not hesitate to avow it. Hence he
while he admits that Socinus professed to concludes, that Mosheim is quite justifiable,
regard the Bible as the source of all religious in making such a statement as he here gives,
truth, and no where expressly allows reason — TV.]
to have dominion over revelation; he yet

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 239

cepts of the divine law which regulate the words and the external actions.
Yet in stating and describing the duties of men, they were obliged to be
uncommonly rigorous ; because they maintained, that the object for which
God sent Jesus Christ into the world, was, to promulgate a most perfect
law. And hence, very many of them hold it unlawful, to resist injuries,
to bear arms, to take oaths, to inflict capital punishments on malefactors,
to oppose the tyranny of civil rulers, to acquire wealth by honest industry,
and the like. And here also we unexpectedly meet with this singularity,
that while on other subjects they boldly offer the greatest violence to the
language of the sacred writers, in order to obtain support for their rfoc-
trines ; they require, that whatever is found in (he scriptures relating to
the life and to morals, should be understood and construed in the most
simple and literal manner.

§ 19. The Racovian Catechism, which is generally regarded as the only
creed of the sect and as an accurate portrait of their religion, contains
only the popular system of doctrine, not that which their leaders and
doctors hold impressed on their minds. (40) A person therefore, who
wishes to know the grounds and the sources from which the simple state-
ments of the Catechism originated, must read and examine the works of
their theologians. Besides, the Catechism omits many doctrines and reg-
ulations of the Socinians, which might contribute to increase the odium
under which the sect labours, but which serve to lay open its internal char-
acter and state. It appears therefore, to have been written for foreign-
ers, to mitigate their indignation against the sect, rather than for the use
of Socinians themselves. (41) And hence, it never obtained among them
the authority of a public rule of faith ; but their doctors have always been
at full liberty, either to alter it, or to exchange it for another. By what
rules the church is to be governed, and in what manner public religious
worship is to be celebrated, their doctors have not taught us with suffi-
cient clearness and uniformity. But in most things, they appear disposed
to follow the customs of the Protestants. (42)

(40) Jo. Andr. Schmidt has treated ex- tri Jesu Christi, esse ilium verum Deum

pressly, on the authors and the history of this Israelis, &c. Afterwards John Crell and Jo.

celebrated book, in his essay, de Catechesi Schlichting revised and amended it ; and

Racoviensi, published in 1707. Add, Jo. after their death, Andr. Wissowatius, and

Christ. Kocher's Bibliotheca Theol. Sym- Stegmann the younger, published it in 1665.

bol., p. 656, &c. The very learned and ve- In 1680, it was subjoined to CreWs Ethica

racious Geo. Lewis (Eder, not long since Aristotelica, as an Appendix, in order to

published a new edition of it, with a solid procure it a wider circulation. All these

confutation annexed ; Frankf. and Lips., editions were in 4to. In the year 1684,

1739, 8vo. [There are properly two Raco- there was an edition in 8vo, still more com-

vian Catechisms, a larger and a smaller, plete, as it contained the notes of Martin

The writer of the smaller, was Valentine Ruanis, Benedict Wissoicatius the younger,

Smalcius, who drew it up in German, and and of one not named. — Schl.]
first published it in 1605. It is entitled : (41) This may be inferred from the fact,

DerkleineCatechismuszurUebungderKin- that they presented a Latin copy of it to

der in dem Christlichen Gottesdienst in Ra- James I. king of Great Britain, but a Ger-

kow, 1605. The larger was likewise pub- man copy to the university of Wittemberg.

lished in German, by the same Smalcius, [To show their gratitude, the, theologians of

in 1608 ; but Hieron. Mascorovius translated Wittemberg allowed a feeble confutation of

it into Latin in 1609, under the title: Gate- it to be drawn up by Frederic Baldwin,

chesis ecclesiarum, qu£e in regno Poloniae, which was first published in 1619; and

magno ducatu Lithuania, et aliis ad istud James I. condemned the book to the flames,

regnum pertinentibus provinciis, affirmant — Schl.]
neminem alium, prater patrem Domini nos- (42) This appears from Peter Mortcoviu*

240 BOOK III.— CENT. XVL— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

§ 20. Few are unapprized, that the first originators of the Socinian
scheme possessed fine talents and much erudition. But when these were
dead or removed, the Unitarians of Poland seem to have had but little
thirst for knowledge and intellectual cultivation, and not to have required
their teachers to be men of acumen and well instructed in literature
and the arts. They however adopted other views, after they obtained
liberty to open schools at Racow and Lublin, and when they had dis.
covered, that their cause could not possibly be upheld without defenders
and vindicators in no respect inferior to their opposers. Their love of
learning began to be ardent, from about the time that Faustus Socinus un-
dertook to sustain and to regulate their tottering and ill-arranged church ;
and not a few persons, eminent for their learning as well as their birth,
were to be found among them. For they were disposed to have the
study of eloquence pursued, the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin literature taught
to the young, and philosophy expounded to select individuals. The Raco-
vians, according to the custom of the age, made Aristotle their guide in
philosophy ; as appears from John Crell's Ethica, and from other monu-
ments of those times.

§ 21. At the same time the leaders of the sect declare, in numberless
places in their books, that both in the interpretation of the Scriptures and
in explaining and in demonstrating the truths of religion in general, clear-
ness and simplicity are alone to be consulted, and that no regard should
be paid to the subtilties of philosophy and logic : which rule, if the inter-
preters and doctors in the highest esteem among them had considered as
laid down for themselves, they would have given much less vexation to
their opposers. For in most of their books, exquisite subtilty and art
are found, combined with an indescribable amount of either real or fic-
titious simplicity. They are most acute, and seem to be all intellect,
when discussing those subjects which other Christians consider as lying
beyond man's power of comprehension, and therefore as simply to be be-
lieved. On the contrary, all their sagacity and powers of reason forsake
them, just where the wisest of men have maintained, that free scope
should be given to reason and human ingenuity. Although this may ap-
pear contradictory, yet it all flows from that one maxim of the whole
school, that whatever surpasses the comprehension of the human mind,
must be banished from Christian theology.

§ 22. The Unitarians, as soon as they were separated, from the society
of the Reformed in Poland, became divided into parties ; as has been al-
ready mentioned. The subjects of dispute among them, were, the dignity
of Jesus Christ ; a Christian life and behaviour ; whether infants are proper
subjects of Christian baptism ; whether the Holy Spirit is & person, or a divine
attribute ; and some other subjects. Among these parties, two continued
longer than the others, and showed themselves less docile and manageable
to the pacificators ; namely, the Budncean and Favorian sects. The for-
mer had for its founder and leader, Simon Budnteus ; a man of acuteness,

or Morskowsky's Politia ecclesiastica, quam published by CEder, a few years since, at

vulgo Agenda vocant, sive forma regiminis Nuremberg, 4to. This book is mentioned

exterioris ecclesiarum Christianarum in Po- by Christ. Sand, Biblioth. Anti-Trinitar., p.

Ionia, quse unum Deum patrem, per filium 142 ; who says, it was written /or the use of

ejus unigenitum in Spiritu sancto confiten- the Belgic churches.
t>ir ; in 3 Books, composed in 1642, and

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 2«

who perceiving more clearly than others, whither the principles of Lalius
Socinus would lead, maintained that Jesus Christ was not to be honoured
with our prayers, nor with any other kind of worship ; and in order more
easily to support this error, he declared that Christ was conceived, not by
virtue of any divine power, but in the way that all other men are. These
tenets indeed, harmonize very well with the first principles of the Socinian
scheme ; but to the majority they appeared intolerable and execrable. Bud.
naus, therefore, who had many disciples in Lithuania and Russian Poland,
was deposed from his ministerial office in 1584, and with his adherents,
was excommunicated. But he is said to have afterwards given up his
opinion, and to have been restored to the communion of the sect. (43)

§ 23. Into nearly the same error which had proved disastrous to Bud-
nceus, a little while after, fell Francis Davides, a Hungarian, and superin-
tendent of the Socinian churches in Transylvania ; for he resolutely denied,
that prayer or any other religious worship should be offered to Jesus Christ.
After Blandrata and also Faustus Socinus himself, (who had been sent
for into Transylvania for this very object in 1573), had in vain employed
all the resources of their ingenuity in efforts to reclaim Davides; the
prince of Transylvania, Christopher Baihor&us, threw him into prison;
where he died at an advanced age, A.D. 1579.(44) Yet his sad fate did
not end the controversy, which he had commenced. For Davides left be-
hind him disciples and friends, who long contended strenuously for the te-
nets of their master, and who gave no little trouble to Socinus, and to his
followers in Poland and Lithuania. Among them the following were most
distinguished, James Pal&ologus of Chios, who was burned at Rome in
1585 ; Christian Francken, who held a dispute with Socinus himself; John
Sommer, rector of the school at Clausenburg ;(45) and some others. This
sect was usually called, by the Socinian writers, the sect of Semi. Judai-

(43) See Ckristoph. Sand's Biblioth. An- Clausenburg. But as he journeyed through
ti-Trinitar., p. 54, 55. Epistola de vita Moravia, he was seized by order of the em-
Wissovvatii ; ibid., p. 226. Ringeltaube von peror Maximilian, and transmitted to Rome.
den Pohlnischen Bibeln, p. 144, 152, &c. — Francken was of Gardzlegen, and a na-
Moreover, Samuel Crell, the most learned live Lutheran. But he turned Catholic, and
Socinian of our age, (in the Thesaurus Epis- entered the order of Jesuits. Afterwards he
tolar. Crozianus, tome i., p. Ill), is of opin- revolted to the Unitarians; and was made
ion, (how justly, I cannot say), that Adam rector first of Chmielnizk in Poland, and then
Neuser a German, was the author of this de- of Clausenburg. As the Turkish war obliged
grading opinion of Christ. him to go to Prague, he again turned Catho-

(44) Sand, loc. cit., p. 55, 56. Faustus lie. His writings are mentioned by Sand,
Socinus, Opp. omnia, torn, i., p. 353, 395, loc. cit. — Sommer was a native of Pirna in
torn, ii., p. 713, 771, where is given his Dis- Meissen, and went to Transylvania at the in-
pute with Francis Davides. Stan. Lubienie- stigation of Blandrata. — Schl."]

cms, Historia reformat. Polonies, lib. iii., (46) Faustus Socinus wrote a book, ex-

cap. xi., p. 228. pressly^ contra Semi-Judaizantes ; which is

(45) See, respecting these persons, Sand's in his Opp., torn, ii., p. 804. Socinus and
Biblioth., p. 57, 58, 86. The dispute of So- his friends did not expend so much effort
cinus with Francken on this subject, is in and care in the suppression of this faction,
Socinus'' Works, torn, ii., p. 767. [Pal.ce- because they supposed it very pernicious and
ologus was actually of the race of the Greek hostile to the Christian religion. On the
emperors, who bore this name. At Rome contrary, Socinus himself concedes, that the
he fell into the hands of the Inquisition ; but point in debate was of no great consequence,
he escaped by flight. In Germany he held when he declares, that it is not necessary to
himself for a Protestant, and in Poland for a salvation that a person should pray to Christ.
Socinian. They made him their rector at In bis answer to Wujeck, (Opp., torn, ii., p.

VOL. IIL— H H

242 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVI.— SEC. III.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

§ 24. Towards the Farnovians, the Socinians were much more indul-
gent ; for they were not excommunicated, nor required to abandon the
opinions they held, but only to conceal them, and not advance them in their
sermons. (47) The head of this party was Stanislaus Farnovius or Farne-
sius ; who was induced by Peter Gonesius, to prefer the Arian hypothesis
before the Socinian ; and who maintained, that before the foundation of
the world, Christ was either begotten or produced out of nothing, by the
supreme God. What he thought of the Holy Spirit, is less clear : but it
is known, that he forbid his followers to pray to the Holy Spirit. (48) When
Farnovius separated himself from the other Unitarians, 1568, he had many
adherents, who were distinguished both for influence and learning; among
others, Martin Czeclwvicius, John Niemoiovius, Stanislaus Wisnowius, John
Falconius, and George Schomann. But a part of these were overcome, by
the gentle treatment and the dexterous reasoning of the Socinians ; and
others were afterwards discouraged and disheartened, by the discreet man-
agements of Fauslus Socinus. At last the party, being bereft of its leader
Farnovius, who died in the year 1615, became dispersed and extinct. (49)

538, &c.), he says : But if any one is pos- solely for this reason, lest by tolerating his
sessed of so great faith, that he dare always
go directly to God himself, and does not need
the consolation which arises from the invo-
cation of Christ his brother, tempted in all
things ; such a one is not obliged to pray to
Christ.(a) According to his judgment there-
fore, those have a higher degree of faith, who
neglecting Christ pray only to God himself.
Why then so severely avenge the crime of
Davides, who wished to lead all Christians
directly to the Father 1 Lubieniecius also,
in his Historia reform. Polonicae, lib. iii.,
cap. xi., p. 228, not obscurely detracts very

much from the importance of this controver-
sy, when he writes, that in Transylvania,
(there were billows raised in a teacup), fluc-
tus in simpulo excitatos esse. From which
it appears manifest, that the Socinians made
war upon Davides arid his adherents, perhaps

(a) Quod si quis tanta est fide praditus, ut ad
Deum ipsum perpetuo recta accedere audeat, nee
consolatione, quae ex Christ! fratris sui per omnia
tentati invocatione, indigeat, hie noa opus babet, ut
ebristum invocet.

opinion, they should inflame the enmity of
other Christians against themselves, which
they already felt to be sufficiently great ;
while they deemed the opinion, in itself con-
sidered, to be one that might be tolerated.

(47) Epistola de vita Wissowatii, p. 226.
According to the testimony of Sand, (Bib-
lioth. Anti-Trinitar., p. 87), Erasmus Jo-
hannis was admitted to the office of teacher
in the Socinian congregation at Clausenburg,
on the condition, that in his sermons he
should advance ^nothing to show that Jesus
Christ existed before Mary.

(48) Sand's Biblioth., p. 52, and in vari-
ous passages, under the names we have men-
tioned.

(49) We omit here the names of the more
distinguished Socinian writers of this cen-
tury, because a large part of them have been
already noticed in the preceding history.
The rest may be easily collected from Sand's
Bibliotheca.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

SECTION I.

THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

$ 1. The Romish Congregation for propagating the Faith. — $ 2. Urban VIII. The Col-
lege for propagating the Faith. — § 3. French Congregations of this kind. — <J 4. Hence
many Missionaries ; among whom, the Jesuits are distinguished. — <J 5. Yet the Jesuits
became suspected. — § 6. The Plans of the Jesuits cause Contention.— $ 7. Propagation
of Christianity in India. — § 8. The Kingdoms of Siam, Tonquin, &c. — § 9. China. — 10.
Progress there. — § 11. The Jesuits accused. — § 12. The principal Accusation. His-
tory of it. — § 13. Chinese Controversy. The first Question. — § 14. The second Ques-
tion.— $ 15. Christianity in Japan. — $ 16. Destroyed and overthrown. — § 17. Protestant
Missions in Asia. — § 18. In Africa. — § 19, 20. In America. — § 21. The Enemies of
Christianity in England. — § 22. Hobbes, the Earl of Rochester, &c. — t) 23. Vanini,
Rugger, Leszynski, Knutzen. — $ 24. Benedict de Spinoza. — § 25. Literature and Sci-
ence cultivated and improved. — § 26. Mathematical Science especially. — § 27. History.
— $ 28. Languages and Eloquence studied. — § 29. The Law of Nature. — § 30. Aris-
totelian and Paracelsic Philosophy. — $ 31. Peter Gassendi. — § 32. The Cartesian Phi-
losophy.— § 33. Its principal Adversary, Gassendi. — § 34. Two Sects of Philosophers,
the Mathematical and Metaphysical. — t) 35. Propagation and Improvement of the Meta-
physical Philosophy. — § 36. Progress of the Mathematical Philosophy. — $ 37. Philoso-

- phers, who were not of these Schools.

§ 1. THE arduous efforts, commenced by the Roman pontiffs in the pre-
ceding century, for extending the Christian church, and thus exalting the
glory and dominion of the Romish see, were in this century placed upon
a permanent and solid basis ; whereas, before, they had been tottering and
ill supported. In the first place, Gregory XV. at the instigation of his
chaplain Narnius, established at Rome in 1622, the famous Congregation
for propagating the faith (Congregatio de propaganda fide,) and furnished
it with very extensive revenues. This body, which consists of thirteen
cardinals, two priests, and one monk, together with a scribe,(l) has for its
object the support and the propagation of the Romish religion in all parts
of the world. Urban VIII. and after him, numerous wealthy individuals
enriched it with so great revenues, that it is able to make almost unlimited

(1) Such is the number of members in this de Rome, pt. iii., cap. iii., p. 279, makes it
body, as stated by Gregory XV. in his bull to consist of eighteen cardinals, one papal
for its establishment : Bullarium Romanum, secretary, one apostolical prothonotary, one
torn, iii., p. 472, ed. Luxemb. Nor is a referent or referendary, and one of the as-
larger number mentioned by Urban Cerri ; sessors and scribes of [the Inquisition or]
Etat present de 1'Eglise Romaine, p. 259. what is called the Sacred Office.
But Ja. Aymon, in his Tableau de la cour

244 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

expenditures. Hence it sends out numerous missionaries to the most re-
mote nations ; publishes books of various kinds, necessary for learning for-
eign and some of them barbarous languages ; causes instructions in Chris-
tianity, and other works designed to enkindle piety or confute error, to be
drawn up in the languages and appropriate characters of the several na-
tions ; maintains and educates a vast number of selected youth, designed
for missionaries ; liberally educates and supports young men, who are annu-
ally sent to Rome from foreign countries, in order to become instructers of
their countrymen on their return home ; takes up and provides for persons,
whose constancy in professing and defending the Romish religion has
drawn on them banishment or other calamities ; and plans and accom-
plishes various objects, almost beyond belief to those not acquainted with
their affairs. Devoted to its use, the institution has a very splendid and
extensive palace, the delightful situation of which gives it exquisite
charms. (2)

§ 2. To this institution, Urban VIII. in the year 1627 added another,
not indeed equally magnificent, yet renowned and very useful ; namely the
College or Seminary for propagating the faith; in which young men
from almost all nations, were educated to become preachers of Christianity
in foreign countries, and were instructed and imbued with the utmost care,
in all the literature and learning necessary for so important an office. The
commencement of this great institution was owing to the zeal of John Bap.
tist Viles, a Spaniard residing at Rome ; who for this object presented to
the pontiff all his possessions and property, including his very elegant
mansion. Many others afterwards imitated his liberality, and to this day,
imitate it. Urban at first placed this college under the care and authority
of three canons of the three patriarchal churches at Rome : but since the
year 1641, it has been under the control of the Congregation, already men-
tioned as established by Gregory XV. (3) «

§ 3. In 1663, the Congregation of priests for foreign missions, was insti-
tuted by the royal authority in France ; and likewise the Parisian Semina-
ry for missions to foreign nations, was founded by certain French bishops
and theologians, in which men might be educated and instructed, in order

(2) The authors who treat of this Congre- scholarships, for youth from foreign lands,
gation, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabri- Cardinal Barbe.rini, the pope's brother, in
cius, Lux Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, cap. 1637 and 1638, added thirty-one more schol-
xxxiii., p. 566. To whom may be added, arships; for Georgians, Persians, Nestorians,
Dorotheas Ascianus, de montibus pietatis Jacobites, Melchites, Copts, Abyssinians,
ecclesiae Romans, p. 522, &c., where there and Indians; and in defect of these, for
is a list of the books published by the Con- Armenians from Poland, Russia, and Con-
gregation, up to the year 1667. [The an- stantinople. The scholars on Barberini's
nual revenue of this Congregation, near the foundation, were to pledge themselves to
close of the seventeenth century, was about become missionaries among their own coun-
24,000 Romish dollars. Schroeckh, Kir- trymen, or to go wherever the Congregation
chengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. iii., p. de propaganda should order them. — Urban
715. — TV.] Cerri was secretary to the Congregation de

(3) Hippol. Helyot, Histoire des Ordres propaganda, and drew up an account of the
Monastiques Religieux et Militaires, tome Present State of the Romish Church in all
viii., cap. xii., p. 78, &c. Urban Cerri, parts of the world, for the use of Innocent
Etat present de 1'Eglise Romaine, p. 293, XL, which fell into the hands of the Prot-
&c., where however the first founder is er- estants, and was translated and published,
roneously called Vines. [It is not certain, English and French, in the year 1716.
that Viles rather than Vives, was the true Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform.,
name of the founder. — He established ten vol. iii., p. 715, &c. — TV.]

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 245

to become preachers of Christianity among the nations estranged from
Christ. From this Seminary go forth, even to the present day, the apos-
tolic vicars of Siam, Tonquin, and Cochin China, the bishops of Babylon
and the apostolic vicars of Persia, and other missionaries to the Asiatic
nations ; and they derive their support from the ample revenues of the
Congregation and the Seminary. (4) But the Priests for foreign missions(5)
and their pupils, generally have much contention and controversy with the
Jesuits and their missionaries. For they are displeased with the method
pursued by the Jesuits for the conversion of the Chinese and others ; and
moreover, the Jesuits will not submit to the commands of the apostolic vi-
cars and bishops appointed by the Congregation, as required by the pope and
by the Romish College for propagating the faith. Likewise the French
Congregation of the holy sepulchre, instituted by Autherius the [titular] bish-
op of Bethlehem, was required by Urban VIII., in the year 1644, to al.
ways have fit men in readiness to be sent to the nations ignorant of Chris,
tianity, whenever the pontiff or the Congregation for propagating the faith,
should demand their services. (6) The other bodies of less note establish.
ed in various countries for the purpose of enlarging the church, and the
pains taken by the Jesuits and the other orders to provide a supply of
missionaries, I shall leave to others to enumerate and describe.

§ 4. From these colleges and societies issued those swarms of mission,
aries, who travelled over the whole world so far as it is yet discovered, and
from among the most ferocious nations gathered congregations that were,
if not in reality, yet in name and in some of their usages, Christian. Among
these missionaries, the Jesuits, the Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the
Capuchins, obtained the greatest glory. Yet they mutually assail and ac-
cuse each other publicly, of disregarding and dishonouring the cause of
Christ, and even of corrupting his holy doctrines. The Jesuits in partic-
ular are the most spoken against, both by the others who labour with them
in the glorious cause of enlarging the Saviour's empire, and by the great
body of their own church. For it is said, that they instil into most of their
proselytes, not the pure religion which Christ taught, but a lax and corrupt
system of faith and practice ; that they not only tolerate or wink at prac-
tices and opinions that are superstitious and profane, but even encourage
them among their followers ; that they amass vast riches, by traffic, and
by other unbecoming arts and occupations ; that they are eager after
worldly honours, and court the favour of the great by adulation and pres-
ents ; that they involve themselves needlessly in civil affairs, and in the in-
trigues of courts ; that they frequently excite seditions and civil wars in
nations ; and finally, that they will not obey the Roman pontiff and the vi-
cars and bishops whom he sends out. If one calls for the witnesses to
support these heavy charges, he finds himself overwhelmed with their mul-
titude and their splendour. For there are brought forward, illustrious and
very grave men from every Catholic country ; and among them are many,
on whom can fall no suspicion of envy, credulity, or ignorance ; such as
cardinals, members of the Congregation for propagating the faith, and —
what cannot be surpassed — some of the pontiffs themselves. Nor do these

(4) See particularly, the Gallia Christiana (5) They are generally called, by the

Benedictinor., torn, vii., p. 1024, &c. Hel- French: Messieurs des Missions etran-

yot, Histoire des Orders, tome viii., cap. geres.

xii., p. 84, &c. (6) Helyot, loc. cit., cap. xiii., p. 87, 100.

246 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

witnesses come forward unarmed for the contest ; but they assail the doubt-
ing with the very facts perpetrated by the Jesuits, particularly in China,
India, Abyssinia, and Japan, to the great injury of the Romish cause. (7)

§ 5. Though the Jesuits exerted all their sagacity and cunning, (for
which they are said to be pre-eminent), in order to silence these accusations,
yet they could not prevent their being heard and regarded at Rome.
Among many circumstances which go to prove this, may be mentioned es-
pecially the following, that the board at Rome which controls absolutely
all sacred missions, has now for many years employed the Jesuits more
sparingly and more cautiously, than formerly ; and that on great and try-
ing occasions, it sets a higher value on the sobriety, poverty, and patience
of even the Capuchins and Carmelites, than on the abundant resources, the
ingenuity, and the courage of the Jesuits. Yet neither this board nor even
the pontiffs, are able to correct all that they either tacitly or openly cen-
sure in the Jesuits ; but they are obliged, however much against their
wishes, to tolerate a great number of things. For the disciples of St. Ig-
natius have acquired in various ways so great influence, and so much
wealth, throughout the Romish world, that they dare menace even the
monarch of the church ; nor can they without hazard, be compelled to obey
his injunctions, whenever they are indisposed to submit. This most pow-
erful society either itself dictates the decrees of the Romish court ; or if
dictated by others, it either with impunity refuses to obey them, or by its
ingenuity gives them such an interpretation as the interests of the Ignatian
fraternity demand. At least common fame so states, and appeals to the
evidence of striking facts ; while the Jesuits deny the charge.

§ 6. The cause of this great dissension between the Jesuits and the other
Christian missionaries, is, that the Jesjaits pursue a very different method
in converting nations to Christianity, from that pursued by their colleagues
and associates. The Jesuits are of opinion, that people deeply sunk in
superstition should be approached with art and policy ; and that they are
to be led, by a cautious and careful hand, to embrace the Gospel. Hence,
they explain and interpret the received doctrines and opinions of the pa-
gans,— as for instance, the precepts of Confucius in China, — in such a
manner, that they may seem to differ as little as possible from the doctrines
of Christianity ; and if they find any thing in their religion or their history,
analogous at all to the faith and the history of Christians, they readily
adduce it in proof of the harmony between the old religion and the new.
The rites and usages also, which the nations received from their progeni-
tors, unless they are totally opposite to the Christian rites, they tolerate ;
and either changing their form a little, or referring them to a better end
than before, accommodate them to Christianity. The natural biases and
propensities of the people, they treat with all the indulgence possible, and
carefully avoid whatever is opposed to them. The priests and men of
learning, by whom the populace are generally led, they labour in all pos-
sible ways, and even by pious frauds, to secure and bring over to their
party. They court the favour and the friendship of those in power, by
presents, by the cultivation of various arts, mathematics, medicine, paint-
ing, &c., and by affording them counsel and aid in their difficulties. I
might specify many other particulars. Now all these, their colleagues

(7) A great amount of testimony is col- Compagnie de Jesus, Utrecht, 1741, 8vo,
lected by the author of the Histoire de la throughout the preface.

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 247

and associates look upon as artifices and tricks, unworthy of ambassadors
of Christ ; who, they think, should plead the cause of God openly and in-
genuously, without deception and cunning. Hence they attack superstition,
and every thing that grows out of it or tends towards it, openly and avow-
edly ; do not spare the ancestors or the ancient ceremonies of the pagans ;
pay no attention to their chiefs, their courts, their priests ; state the mys-
teries of Christianity nakedly, and do not hesitate to oppose the hereditary
religions of the nations.

§ 7. The name and the religion of Christians, were sounded over nearly
all Asia in this century, by these ministers of the Romish see. We begin
with India ; nearly all the parts of which, and especially those formerly
subject to the Portuguese till they were driven out by the Dutch, received
some sparks of the heavenly light, though involved in much obscurity, by
the labours of the Jesuits, and also of some Theatins and Augustinians.
But of all the missions that were undertaken to these nations, none has
been more noticed and talked of, than that to Madura : and none is said
to have produced more abundant fruits, quite to the present times. Robert
de Nobili, or as some write it De Nobilibus, an Italian Jesuit, who com-
menced this mission, reflecting that the Indians abhor all Europeans, and
on the other hand venerate exclusively the race of Brahmins, as if de-
scended from the gods, and that they will listen to no other teachers ;
feigned himself a Brahmin, come from a distant country ; and by staining
his face, and adopting that very austere and painful mode of life which
the Sanianes or penitents lead, he persuaded the credulous people to believe
him. By this artifice, he first brought over twelve Brahmins to adopt his
discipline : and their example induced a great multitude to follow him as
their master. After the death of Robert, this singular establishment lay
for some time neglected.(S) But afterwards, by the counsels and exertions
of the Portuguese Jesuits, it was revived ; and it is continued at the pres-
ent time, by such Jesuits both French and Portuguese as think themselves
able to submit to its very severe rules. These fictitious Brahmins, who
deny themselves to be Europeans or Franks, (Pranghis, as the Indians
pronounce it), and pretend to have been born in the northern regions, are
said to be at the head of a community almost numberless, and one which
is annually increasing by large accessions; nor is this very incredible. (9)

(8) Urban Cerri, Etat present de 1'Eglise sacred font was not unadvisedly allowed of.
Romaine, p. 173. Persons were long under trial, and were in-

(9) The Jesuits can scarcely find words structed for four months, in order to their
adequate, when they would either extol the being received : and those received, so live,
glory and the effects of this mission, or de- that they appear more like heavenly angels,
scribe the sufferings and labours voluntarily than like men ; ils vivent comme des An-
endured by the missionaries. See the Lei- ges. And very rarely do there occur among
tres curieuses et edifiantes ecrites des mis- them, any instances of such sins as merit
sions etrangeres, tome i., p. 9, 32, 46, 50, eternal death. If the causes of this extra-
55., [ed. 1819, tome vi., p. 24, &c.] Fa- ordinary sanctity are demanded, the Jesuits
ther Martin, there (p. 9) [p. 24] pronoun- mention two. The first is-, the lives of the
ces it the most beautiful and most perfect missionaries ; than which nothing could be
mission that ever was ; la plus belle qui soil more austere and more revolting to human
au monde. Each of the missionaries is nature; (p. 15) [p. 27} la vie des Mission-
said to have baptized at least a thousand aires ne scauroit etre plus austere ni phis-
persons annually; (p. 11) [p. 25]. Le affreuse selon la nature. See also tome
moins que chaque Missionaire en baptise xii., p. 206 ; tome xv., p. 211, &c. They
par an, est mille. Yet, if credit is to be neither allow themselves the use of bread,
given to him, (p. 12) [p. 26], access to the nor wine, nor flesh, nor fish, but live upon

248

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

But what is reported of the immense hardships and sufferings they endure
for the sake of Christ, is, by many, thought to admit some doubt. For it is
said, they practise deception, and torture themselves variously in public, but
in private, regale themselves with wine, flesh, and other sensual pleasures.
§ 8. The Jesuits were the first who exhibited a knowledge of the truth,
to the inhabitants of Siam, Tonquin, and Cochin China ; Alexander of
Rhodes being leader of the enterprise. (10) And vast numbers in those

de Nobili was born of high parentage at
Rome, in 1577 ; became a Jesuit, at the age
of twenty ; studied philosophy at Naples,
and theology at Rome. In the year 1606,
he obtained leave to go as a missionary to
the Indies, and was made an assistant to the
Jesuit, Gonsalvo Fernandez, who by ten
years labour among the Indians had only
been able to baptize a few natives who were
at the point of death. Robert early perceiv-
ing, that the Indian ideas of caste formed a
great obstacle to their conversion, and pre-
vented all success among the higher castes ;
determined to convert this insurmountable
obstacle into a successful engine. Having
obtained the approbation of his plan by the
archbishop of Cranganore, he assumed the
habits and the garb of a Brahmin, shut him-
self up in a cell, avoided society, learned
well the Tamul and the Sanscrit languages,
and studied the sacred books of the Hindoos ;
and then came forth, avowing himself a for-
eign Brahmin, and a reformer of the cor-
ruptions of the Brahminic religion. All ad-
mired his eloquence and his learning. He
first gained one brahmin to his Christian
Brahminism ; and then others, till the num-
ber amounted to seventy. These suffered
some opposition from the other Brahmins :
but Robert's chief difficulty was from the
opposition of the Catholics to his whole plan.
The case was carried to Rome, and there
warmly debated : and it was not without
difficulty, that Robert was permitted to go
on in his begun course. Yet he continued
his labours nearly half a century, and then
died at Meliapore, in 1656. After his death,
his semi- Christian community declined for a
time ; but it was revived again by other
Jesuits ; and so enlarged, that in 1699 it
was said to embrace more than 150,000
members. (Lettr. Edif., torn, vi., p. 25, ed.
1819.) After the whole plan was condemn-
ed however, by Benedict XIV. in 1744, the
community rapidly declined ; and soon be-
came extinct. See Schroeckh's Kirchen-
gesch. seit der Reformation, vol. hi., p. 707,
&c., and vol. vii., p. 36, &c.— Tr.]

(10) See the various writings and espe-
cially the Journal of Alexander de Rhodes,
a man not lacking in genius and discernment,
published at Paris, 1666 and 1682, 4to.
[See Relazione de' felici success! della S.

water and pulse, of the most insipid kinds,
and without condiments. Their dress and
other things correspond with their diet.
The other reason assigned, is, that these
new Christians live entirely separated from
Europeans; who are said, (p. 16, 17), by
their licentiousness and corrupt morals, to
contaminate all Christian converts from
among the Indians. See also what is said
in various places in these Lettres, concern-
ing this mission to Madura; e. g., tome ii.,
p. 1, &c. ; tome iii., p. 217 ; tome v., p. 2 ;
tome vi., p. 119, &c. ; tome ix., p. 126, and
elsewhere. — Madura is a kingdom situated
in the heart of the Peninsula of India this
side the Ganges. An accurate geographical
map of all the countries embraced in the
mission to Madura, was published by the
Jesuits, in the Lettres curieuses et edifiantes
des Missions, tome xv., p. 60, &c., [tome
vii., p. 321, ed. Lyons, 1819. There is also
a map of all Hindostan, in tome viii., p. 239.
— Tr.] The French Jesuits established a
mission, after the model of this, in the In-
dian kingdom of the Carnatic, and its vi-
cinity. See Lettres edifiantes, tome v., p. 3,
240. Near the end of the century, other
Jesuits projected a similar mission in the
territories of the king of Maravia, [or Ma-
rawas'}. See Lettres Edifiantes, tome ii., p.
1 ; tome x., p. 79. But the Jesuits them-
selves admit, (Lettres gdif., tome vi., p. 3,
15, 66, 107, &c.), that their mission was more
successful in the kingdom of Moravia, than
in that of the Carnatic. Perhaps the French
Jesuits, who founded the Carnatic mission,
were unable so perfectly and patiently to
follow that severe and painful mode of liv-
ing, which this plan required, as the Portu-
guese and Spanish Jesuits were. Recently,
Benedict XIV. who does not approve of this
crafty method of the Jesuits in converting
nations, by a mandate issued A.D. 1744,
has prostrated all these once most celebra-
ted missions. This pontiff would have no
wiles and tricks employed in the important
work of extending the limits of the church.
See Norbert's Memoires Historiques pour
les Missions Orientales, tome i. and iv. The
entire history of these missions, together
with a copy of Benedict's decree, is in Thorn.
Mar. Mammachus, Origines et Antiquit.
Christianae, torn, ii., p. 245, &c. — [Robert

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

249

nations, are said to have eagerly embraced it. Influenced by this good
news, Alexander VII. in the year 1658, thought it advisable to place some
bishops over this new church ; and therefore ordered certain French
priests of the Congregation of priests for foreign Missions, to repair thither
clothed with authority from him. But the Jesuits, who can bear no su-
periors, and scarcely any equals, treated those pious and good men with
very great contumely and abuse, and would not suffer them to enter
into their harvest.(ll) Hence arose in the court of Rome, a protracted
contest ; the issue of which plainly showed, that the Jesuits would easily
resort to the authority of the pontiffs to extend and confirm their power,
but treated it with contempt, when it opposed their interests and emolu-
ments. Subsequently the French king Lewis XIV. sent a splendid em-
bassy in the year 1684, to the king of Siam, whose prime minister at that
time was a Greek Christian named Constantius, a crafty and ambitious
man, soliciting that monarch to pay homage to our Saviour. The embas-
sy was accompanied by many priests and Jesuits, among whom were sev-
eral well skilled in the arts and sciences for which the king had some
taste. These induced a portion of the people to abandon the superstition
of their fathers ; but all their efforts to convert the king and chiefs, were
in vain. And all hopes of adding the Siamese to the Christian church,
soon became extinct, together with the king and his favourite Constantius,
who had invited the French into the country and wished by their means to
establish his own power. For in a sedition raised in 1688, some of the
princes put them both to death :(12) whereupon the French were obliged
to return home.

Fede predicata da' PP. della Compagnia di
Giesu nel Regno del Tunchino ; Rome,
1640, 4to. His Catechismus Latino-Tunchi-
nensis, is one of the most rare books ; as also
his Grammat. ling. Annamiticse, the vernac-
ular language of Tonquin. Alexander went
to that country in 1627 ; and in the space of
three years, converted more than 5000 per-
sons ; among whom he formed some to be
so good converts, that in the year 1634, it
was estimated, there were more than 30,000
Christians in Tonquin. From Macao, he
entered upon a mission in Cochin-China ;
but, after he had converted numbers, he was
imprisoned, and banished the country. The
mission, however, was afterwards prosecuted
by other fathers. See Relation de tout ce,
qui se passa a la Cochinchine, Paris, 1652,
8vo. Ckristof. Borro, Relazione della nuo-
va Missione de PP. della Compagnia di
Giesu nel regno de Cocincina ; Rome, 1631,
8vo, and, Delle Missioni de' Padri della
Compagnia di Giesu nel regno del Tunchi-
na ; Rome, 1663, 4to. — Schl.~\

(11) There were various pamphlets pub-
lished at Paris, in 1666, 1674, and 1681, in
4to, in which these French missionaries,
whom the Jesuits refused to admit as fellow-
labourers in enlightening idolaters, eloquent-
ly described their sufferings and their wrongs.
The most accurate and full, is the account

VOL. III.— I i

given by Francis Pallu, whom the pope had
made bishop of Heliopolis ; printed in French,
Paris, 1688, 8vo. The subject is also ex-
pressly taken up in the Gallia Christiana of
the Benedictines, torn, vii., p. 1027. A
concise history of the affair, is given by Ur-
ban Cerri, Etat present de PEglise Romaine,
p. 199, &c., who, though he was secretary
of the Congregation lie propaganda fide, in-
veighs with great severity against the frauds,
the cruelty, and the lust of domination of the
Jesuits ; and laments, that his Congregation
had not the power requisite to restrain that
arrogant sect. At the close of his narrative,
he remarks that he was not at liberty to state
all the crimes committed by the Jesuits in
this controversy ; because the pontiff order-
ed them kept out of sight. Votre Saintet^
& ordonne, qu'elles demeurassent sous le
secret. See also, Hipp. Helyofs Histoire
des Ordres Monastiques, tome viii., cap. xii.,
p. 84, &c.

(12) An account of this mission and its
proceedings, has been given by Tachard,
Chaumoni, La Loubere, and others. Among
these, the preference is due to Loubere, who
was a man of learning and genius. [His
work is entitled : Du Royaume de Siam,
par Mr. de la Loubere, Envoye extraordinaire
du Roy aupres du Roy de Siam, en 1687 et
1688, 2 vols. 8vo, Amsterdam, 1691. It is

250

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

§ 9. China, the largest and most opulent of all the Asiatic kingdoms, was
visited by great numbers of Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, Capuchins,
and others, at the commencement of this century, for the purpose of spread-
ing the knowledge of Christianity. All these, though disagreeing in other
things, unite in proclaiming the astonishing success of their labours. But
the Jesuits justly claim the chief honour of surmounting the obstacles, that
opposed the progress of Christianity among that discerning and proud na-
tion so tenacious of the customs of their ancestors. For discovering, that
the Chinese who are naturally perspicacious and eager after knowledge,
were very fond of the arts and sciences, and especially of the mathematics,
the Jesuits sent among them men who were not only well acquainted with
human nature and discreet in managing affairs, but likewise profoundly
versed in learning and the abstruse sciences. Some of these, by their ad-
dress, the elegance of their manners, and their skill in business, soon ac-
quired such influence, that high honours and offices were conferred on
them by the emperor ; and they were employed in affairs of the greatest
consequence in the court itself. And supported by such patrons, other
teachers of humbler rank and talents were able, without much difficulty,

chiefly occupied with the geography of the
country, and the transactions of the embassy.
Father TacharcTs book is entitled : Voyages
de Siam des Peres Jesuites envoyes par le
Roy, avec leurs observations, Paris, 1686,
4to, and Amsterdam, 1699, 12mo. Second
Voyage au Royaume de Siam, Paris, 1689,
4to, and Amsterd., 1699, 12mo. How far
such Jesuitical accounts deserve credit, the
world already knows. Here belongs also :
Relation de 1'Ambassade de Mr. de Chau-
mont a la Cour du Roy de Siam, avec ce
qui s'est passfe du plus remarquable durant
son Voyage, Paris, 1686, 12mo, which was
followed by : Journal, ou Suite du Voyage
de Siam, par Mr. 1'Abbe de Choisy, (who
accompanied Mr. Chaumont), Amsterdam,
1687, 12mo. The unhappy change which
afterwards took place in Siam, to the disad-
vantage of the French, is described by Far-
ges, a French officer who was an eyewitness,
in his Relation des Revolutions arrivees a
Siam dans I'anne'e 1678, Amsterdam, 1691,
1 2mo : and by Father d1 Oiicans, in his His-
toire de Mr. Constance, primier Ministre
du Roy de Siam, et de la derniere Revolu-
tion, Paris, 1692, V2mo.— Schl. The pol-
itic Constantius, who had himself been in
France, hoped to derive some advantages
from a French alliance ; and the Jesuit mis-
sionaries united with him in representing the
king as much inclined to embrace Christi-
anity. But when Chaumont, the French
ambassador arrived, (if we may believe the
Jesuit Tachard), the king of Siam told the
ambassador, " that it was no light matter, to
change a nation's religion, after it had pre-
vailed for more than 2200 years : and that
he wondered the king of France should in-

terest himself so much, in a matter that did
not concern him, but God only ; and one too,
which God himself seemed to leave very much
to the free choice of men. Could not God,
(said he), who gave to all men similar bodies
and similar souls, have given them also simi-
lar views of religion, if he had seen fit 1 And
as he has not done so, it is presumable, that
he takes pleasure in being worshipped in so
many different ways." He, however, al-
lowed Christianity to be preached in his
realm. The French court, not less solicitous
probably to secure the trade of the country,
than to change its religion, sent a second
embassy in 1688, under de la Lmibcre;
which was accompanied by a large military
force. The French were now in possession
of the port of Mequi and the castle of Ban-
cop, which were keys to the country ; and
Consfantius himself began to be alarmed.
But the same year, the nobles conspired
against this minister and slew him ; and in
the tumult, the king himself lost his life.
This revolution changed the whole face of
things ; and the French were obliged to quit
the country. Yet probably some priests re-
mained behind ; for the very next year, it is
said, some thousands of Siamese were bap-
tized. At least, it is certain Christianity
was not exterminated : for near the close of
the century, Urban Cerri states, that an
apostolical vicar was residing in the capitol,
had a church there, and a seminary in which
he educated natives for the priesthood ; and
that some of the great men of the court were
professed Christians. See Schroeckh, Kir-
chengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. vii.,
p. 54, &c., who refers to the authors above
mentioned. — JV.J

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 251

to collect disciples of every rank, sex and age, in all the provinces of this
vast empire.

§ 10. This prosperity was checked in some measure, when Xun-Chi,
the first emperor of the Mongol race, died, and left his son a minor. For
the chief nobles, to whose care and instruction the heir of the empire was
committed, having long viewed Christianity with strong aversion, abused
their power to prostrate both it and its friends, and especially the Jesuits,
whom they stripped of all their advantages, their fortunes, and their privi-
leges, and persecuted with great cruelty. The first man among the Jesu-
its, John Adam Schall, venerable not only for the high office he sustained
in the court, but also for his age and his extensive learning, was cast into
prison, and condemned to be put to death : while the others were banish-
ed the country. This was in the year 1664. But in the year 1669, when
Cham-Hi took the sceptre into his own hands, the prostrate cause of Chris-
tianity was not only restored, but in process of time so advanced and exalt-
ed, that the Jesuits commonly reckon this the commencement of the gold-
en age of the Christians in China. For the emperor, who possessed very
great talents and genius, and was eager in the pursuit of knowledge and
improvements^ 13) first recalled the Jesuits to court, and restored them to
their former rank ; and then sent for others of the same family from Eu-
rope, especially such as were skilful in the different arts and sciences.
Some of these he placed in the highest offices of the state, and employed
in civil transactions of the greatest importance. And some of them, par-
ticularly Frenchmen, he received to personal intimacy, and made them his
own teachers in various things, especially in philosophy and the mathe-
matics. It was not difficult for the Jesuits when thus exalted, to obtain
many friends and supporters of Christianity, and to provide protection for
its preachers. And hence, from nearly all the countries of Europe and
Asia, many labourers entered into this harvest ; and an immense number
of people, with but little difficulty, were brought to profess Christianity.
The religion of Christ seemed quite triumphant in China, when in the year
1692, this emperor who was so extremely partial to the Jesuits, published
that famous law, in which he denied that the Christian religion was injuri-
ous to the state, as its opposers had contended, and gave all his subjects
full liberty to embrace it : nay more, he erected a splendid temple for the
Jesuits in 1700, within the limits of his own palace.(14)

(13) See Joach. Bauvefs Icon regia Mon- books; of which, the most easy to be pro-
archas Sinarum ; which Godfr. Will. Lab- cured is, Joseph Suarez de libertate reli-
nitz translated into Latin, and published in gionem Christianam apud Sinas propagandi
the second part of his Novissima Sinica, narratio ; published by Leibnitz, 1698, in
1699, 8vo. Add Jo. Bapt. du Halde's De- the first part of his Novissima Sinica. Most
scription de la Chine ; and the Lettres of of the others are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fa-
the Jesuits respecting their missions ; in bricius, Lux Evangelii toti orbi exoriens,
which they here and there extol the virtues cap. xxxix., p. 663, &c. See also my Ec-
of this emperor, whom all admit to have been clesiastical History of China, written in Ger-
a great man. man, and published both in a separate work,

(14) A concise, but neat account of all and as a Preface to the German translation
these events, is given by Jo. Bapt. du Halde, of Du Halde's work. [" This History was
Description de la Chine, torn, iii., p. 128, translated into English, and published in the
&c., and by the Jesuit Fontaney, Lettres year 1750, with the title : Authentic Me-
e"difiantes et curieuses, torn, viii., p. 176, moirs of the Christian church in China." —
&c., [ed. Lyons, 1819, tome ix., p. 434, &c. Macl.]

— TV.] A more full account is in various

252 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

§11. That the Jesuits actually did and accomplished all that is above
stated, is not denied-even by their worst enemies : but whether their mode
of proceeding was regular and right, or such as the nature and dignity of
the Christian religion demanded, was long contested, and still is so, with
great acrimony. The enemies of the Jesuits, (and they are both nu-
merous and very bitter, especially among the Dominicans and the Jansen-
ists), strenuously maintain, that they purchased this success at the expense
of committing offences and crimes of a detestable character. In the first
place, they are- charged with putting a very faulty construction upon the
old religion of the Chinese, and persuading the emperor and his nobles,
that there was very little if any difference between the ancient and original
religion of China, or the precepts of Confucius the great philosopher and
lawgiver of that nation, and the religion of Christ : and to this execrable
misrepresentation, it is said, they added others of less moment ; in particu-
lar they led the Chinese, (who overrate every thing ancient, and undervalue
what is new), to believe that many ages ago, the Chinese had been made
acquainted with Christ and had paid him worship : and that to these false
representations must be attributed the favourable disposition of the emper-
or towards Christianity, and the transition of the leading men to the side
of the Jesuits. In the next place, they are charged with being utterly re-
gardless of the duties and the virtues which become the ministers of Christ.
For they not only accepted, but eagerly sought after honours and civil of-
fices : and elated by the munificence of the emperor, their whole life was
contaminated by the magnificence of their dress, the luxury of their tables,
the multitude of their servants, and the splendour of their palaces ; and
that they devoted themselves not so much to spreading the knowledge of
Christianity, as to teaching human science, especially the mathematics ;
and that they even took charge of military affairs, and commanded in the
field of battle. And lastly, Jesuits of inferior rank, are represented as en-
gaging with eagerness in usurious speculations, in merchandise, and in
other arts, by which wealth and worldly distinction are acquired, to the
immense disgrace of their profession. Some of these charges, the Jesuits
admit indeed, but at the same time labour to extenuate : but the first and
the last, they contend, are sheer fabrications of their enemies. And doubt-
less, those who have opportunity to examine the matter thoroughly, will be
willing to admit, that envy and ill will have had some share in this contro-
versy.

§ 12. The principal charge against the Jesuits in China, is, that they
confound light and darkness ; or that the more easily to overcome the scru-
ples of the Chinese, they mix the superstitions of China with Christianity,
and allow their disciples to follow the profane customs and the impious
rites of their ancestors.' The Jesuit Matthew Ricci, the father of the Chi-
nese church, supposed that the greatest part of the rites which were en-
joined by the Chinese laws, might suitably be observed by the converts to
Christianity ; for they originated, he said, not from religious considera-
tions but from state policy, or were civil and not religious ceremonies ;
nor were they viewed in any other light, except perhaps by some of the
lower class of people. (15) A contrary opinion was embraced, not only by
the Dominicans and Franciscans who were associated with the Jesuits in

(15) See Mammachiu*, Origines et Antiquit. Christiana, torn, ii., p. 373, &c.

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. S53

the mission, but also by very learned men among the Jesuits themselves
both in China and Japan ; one of whom, Nicholas Lombard, stated the
grounds of his dissent in writing. (16) This controversy having been long
agitated in private, was brought to Rome by the Dominicans in the year
1645 ; and since that period, it has greatly disturbed the whole Romish
church. Innocent X. in the year just named, decided in favour of the Do-
minicans, and condemned the indulgence allowed by the Jesuits to the
Chinese. But Alexander VII. in the year 1656, at the instigation of the
Jesuits, nullified this decision in effect, though not in express terms ; and
declared, that certain rites to which the Chinese were attached, might be
observed by Christians. The Dominicans renewed their complaints in
the years 1661 and 1674, under the pontificate of Clement X., but they seem
to have been foiled by the power of the Jesuits. In the year 1684, this fatal
controversy was renewed in China, where it had been at rest for several
years, and was prosecuted with greater warmth than before. Victory
seemed inclining to the side of the Dominicans, when Charles Maigrot,
a doctor of the Sorbonne, whom the pontiff had constituted his vicar in
the province of Fohi, and who was afterwards bishop of Conon, by a pub-
lie decree in the year 1693, decided that the opinions and regulations of
the Jesuits were contrary to the purity of the Christian religion. But the
pontiff, to whose authority [and sanction] Maigrot had subjected his decree,
would not decide either way on any part of it, until the whole cause should
have a legal investigation. Accordingly in the year 1699 he appointed a
board of special judges, or a Congregation as the Romish court terms it,
to give this angry contest a thorough examination. As soon as this reso-
lution of the pontiff was made known, all the enemies of the Jesuits in the
Romish church and particularly in France, took the field ; and in various
pamphlets, they assailed the character and the proceedings of the Jesuits in
the most vehement manner. Nor were the Jesuits wanting in effort on
their part. (17) The termination of this conflict, belongs to the history of
the next century.

§ 13. This controversy, which has called forth the talents of so many
men of the finest genius, if we separate from it some minor questions, and
such as relate rather to the Jesuits themselves than to the subject in debate,
may be all embraced under two heads. (I.) The Chinese call the supreme
god whom they worship, TIEN, and SHANG-TI ; . that is, in their language,
Heaven. And the Jesuits transferred this name to the God of Christians :
whence it seemed to follow, that they thought there was no difference be-
tween the chief God of the Chinese and the infinitely perfect God of the
Christians ; or, that the Chinese had the same ideas of their TIEN or heaven
as the Christians have of God. But this the adversaries of the Jesuits deny.

(16) See Christ. Kortholfs Preface to tome, iii., p. 142, &c. The other writers,
the second volume of Leibnitz's Epistles, who are quite numerous, are mentioned by
I) vi., p. 18, &c., who has subjoined to this Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Lux Evangelii toti orbi
volume, the tracts of Nick. Lombard and exoriens, cap. xxxix.,p. 665, &c. Add Vol-
Antony de St. Maria against the Jesuits, taire, Siecle du Louis XIV., tome ii., p. 318,
with the remarks of Leibnitz. There is <kc. But especially worth reading, is the
also, in this work, (p. 413), a long disserta- ingenious patron of the Jesuits, and himself
tion of Leibnitz addressed to Remand, on a Jesuit, Gabriel Daniel, Histoire Apolo-
the philosophy of the Chinese ; in which he getique de la conduite des Jesuites de la
pleads the cause of the Jesuits. Chine ; printed in the third volume of his

(17) Du Halde, Description de la Chine, Miscellaneous Tracts, p. 1, &c.

254 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVIL— SECTION I.

The first question therefore is, whether the Chinese understand by the
words specified, the visible material heavens, or the Lord of heaven, that
eternal and all perfect Being whose throne is in the heavens, and who from
that throne in infinite wisdom rules all human affairs ; that is, such a God as
Christianity presents to us for our worship. The Jesuits maintain the latter ;
for they contend, that these names were used by the ancient Chinese philos-
ophers, (who they think, had just ideas of natural religion), to denote very
clearly such a God as the Christians worship : and therefore, they would
not prohibit their converts from continuing to use those terms in their
prayers and discourses, to designate the supreme Being ; nay, they used
them constantly themselves to denote the true God. But their adversaries
maintain the contrary opinion ; and contend, that the ancient philosophy
of the Chinese was full of impiety, and made no distinction between God the
divine Spirit, and nature or the material world. They assert moreover,
that Confucius himself, whom the Chinese hold in the highest veneration,
was a stranger to religion and piety, and one who supposed that all existing
things arose necessarily into being in the course of nature. This disagree-
ment gave rise to very learned discussions concerning the customs, laws,
and opinions of the ancient Chinese ; which discussions have indeed made
us acquainted with many things that were previously not well understood,
but they have not decided the point for which they were undertaken. It
seems that entire assent is not to be given either to the positions of the
Jesuits, or to those of their adversaries ; and that the TIEN of the ancient
Chinese, was indeed far inferior in his attributes to the God of Christians,
and yet was something different from the visible heavens or the air.

§ 14. The ancient laws of China require the people, annually, at stated
seasons, to honour their deceased ancestors, with certain ceremonies which
seem to be of a religious nature ; and moreove/ all the literati of the na-
tion, at certain times, must pay a kind of worship which also seems to have
a religious aspect, to the philosopher Confucius, (who is accounted the
father of all wisdom), in the buildings consecrated to him. Hence a sec-
ond question is, whether those honours, which the Chinese are required to
pay to the souls of their deceased ancestors, and all the literati to Confu-
cius the oracle of the nation, are civil honours or religious ; whether they
are sacrifices, or only regulations established for state purposes. The Jes-
uits say, the ancient Chinese lawgivers instituted these rights to keep the
people in order, and to preserve the tranquillity of the state ; that the Chi-
nese do not offer religious worship to the souls of their ancestors, nor to
Confucius, but only testify by certain ceremonies, their grateful sense of
the merits and the benefits both of their ancestors and Confucius, and en-
gage to copy after their example. And hence they conclude, that it is al-
lowable for Christians to observe these sacred rites of their country, pro-
vided they understand the true nature and grounds of them, and always
keep in sight the object of their institution. And whoever wishes to see
the cause of Christianity flourish and advance in China, can scarcely think
differently from the Jesuits, whether their statements are erroneous or cor-
rect. For it has been established by public law for many ages, that no
one shall be accounted a good citizen in that country, or be admitted to
any office in the state, who does not perform the ceremonies in question.
But the Dominicans and the other opposers of the Jesuits, contend that
these rites are no small part of the Chinese religion ; that Confucius and

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

255

the souls of their ancestors, are objects of religious worship to the Chinese ;
and of course, that such as observe these rites, offer an affront to the divine
Majesty, and cannot be accounted Christians. The more candid among
the Jesuits themselves, do not deny that this is a very difficult question to
decide ; and hence some of them, at last resorted to the plea of necessity ;
and urged that minor evils, if productive of the greatest advantages, are
scarcely to be accounted evils. (18)

§ 15. At the commencement of this century, Japan was filled with an
astonishing multitude of people, whom the Jesuits especially had convinced
of the excellence of the Christian religion. But this very brilliant success
was somewhat disturbed, partly by the hatred of Christianity entertained
by the national priests and by certain nobles of the court, which gave rise
to severe persecutions in one place and another both of the newly convert-
ed Christians and their teachers ; and partly by the internal broils and con-
tentions, among those who had the charge of this rising church. For here,
as mother countries, the Augustinian, Dominican and Franciscan mission-
aries, waged a most pernicious war against the Jesuits. For both at the
court of Rome and elsewhere, they taxed them with insatiable avarice,
• with too great indulgence both to the vices and the superstitions of the Ja-
panese, with a crafty management unbecoming the ministers of Christ, with
an eagerness to reign and give law, and with other crimes of no less mag-

(18) [" The public honours paid to Con-
fucius twice a year, used to be performed
before his statue, erected in the great hall or
temple, that is dedicated to his memory. At
present they are performed before a kind of
Tablet, placed in the most conspicuous part
of the edifice, with the following inscription :
The throne of the soul of the most holy and
the most excellent chief teacher, Confucius.
The literati, or learned, celebrate this famous
festival in the following manner. The chief
mandarin of the place exercises the office of
priest, and the others discharge the functions
of deacons, sub-deacons, and so on. A cer-
tain sacrifice, called Ci, which consists of
wine, blood, fruits, &c., is offered, after the
worshippers have prepared themselves for
this ceremony by fasting and other acts of
abstinence and mortification. They kneel
before the inscription, prostrate the body nine
times before it, until the head touches the
ground, repeat a great variety of prayers ;
after which, the priest, taking in one hand a
cupful of wine, and, in the other, a like cup
filled with blood, makes a solemn libation to
the deceased, and dismisses the assembly
with a blessing. The rites performed by
families, in honour of their deceased parents,
are pretty much of the same nature.

" Now in order to know, with certainty,
whether this festival and these rites be of a
civil or a religious nature, we have only to
inquire, whether they be the same with those
ceremonies that are performed by the Chi-
nese, in the worship they pay to certain ce-
lestial and terrestrial spirits or genii, which

worship is undoubtedly of a religious kind.
The learned Leibnitz (Praef. Novissim. Sini-
corum) undertook to affirm, that the servi-
ces, now mentioned, were not of the same
kind, and, consequently, that the Jesuits
were accused unjustly. But that great man
does not appear to have examined this mat-
ter with his usual sagacity and attention.
For it is evident, from a multitude of rela-
tions every way worthy of credit, and, par-
ticularly, from the observations made on the
Chinese missions, by that learned and candid
Franciscan Antonio de S. Maria, (Epp. Leib-
nitz., vol. ii.), not only that Confucius was '
worshipped among the idols, and the celestial
and terrestrial spirits of the Chinese, but
that the oblations and ceremonies, observed
in honour "of him, were perfectly the same
with those that were performed as acts of
worship to these idols and spirits. Those
that desire a more ample account of this mat-
ter, may consult the following authors : Bu-
dai Annal. Histor. Philos., p. 287, where he
treats De superstitioso Demortuorum apud
Sinenses cultu. — Wolfii Not. ad Casaubon.,
p. 342.— ?Nic. Charmos, Annot. ad Maigrot-
ti Historiam cultus Sinensis. But more es-
pecially Arnaud, Morale Pratique des Jes-
uites, tome iii., vi., vii., and a collection of
historical relations published at Cologne, in
8vo, in the year 1700, under the following
title : Historia cultus Sinensium, seu Varia
Scripta de cultibus Sinaram inter Vicarios
Apostolicos, et P. P. S. I. controversis." —
Mad.]

256 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

nitude. The Jesuits on the other hand complained, that their accusers by
their imprudence, their ignorance of human nature, their pertinacity, the
asperity of their manners, their rustic mode of life, and other faults, injured
rather than promoted the progress of the Christian cause among that high-
minded and discerning people. Yet all these causes were by no means
adequate to arrest the progress of Christianity, or to bring very great evils
upon the immense multitude which had made profession of this religion.
And perhaps means might have been devised at Rome, if not for entirely
removing, yet for quieting and tempering these contentions. (19)

§ 16. But in the year 1615, the emperor of Japan himself commenced
a most direful persecution against the Christians, which exceeds any thing
to be found in the whole history of the Christian church ; and this perse-
cution continued many years, and did not cease until it had exterminated
Christianity from that empire. For the Christian religion was judged to
be altogether intolerable ; because it was deemed ruinous to the safety of
the nation, and to the majesty of their supreme pontiff, whom the populace
of Japan believed to be the offspring of the gods themselves, and likewise,
to the most sacred institutions and religion of their ancestors. The for-
eign Christians therefore, the Portuguese especially and the Spaniards, were
required to depart the kingdom ; and the Japanese who had renounced their
idols, were required to abandon Christ, or undergo the most cruel death.
This dreadful persecution destroyed an innumerable multitude of people,
of every class, age, sex, and rank, who preferred to die amid the most
exquisite tortures, rather than violate their vows of fidelity to Christ. And
if either the Jesuits or their adversaries, were guilty of faults while plead-
ing the cause of Christ ; they now as it were atoned for them, by their
own blood. For most of them gave themselves up to death for Christ,
with the greatest firmness, and some of them with joy and triumph. — The
causes of this horrid persecution, are differently stated by different parties.
The Jesuits throw some of the blame on the imprudent conduct of the Do-
minicans and Franciscans ; and these in return, ascribe it to the avaricious,
factious, arrogant temper of the Jesuits. (20) And both unitedly accuse the

• (19) Besides the writers mentioned by Jo. tiaiMB, torn, ii., p. 376, &c. — [Francis Xa-

Alb. Fabricius, Lux Evangelii toti orbi ex- vier first preached the gospel in Japan, in

oriens, cap. xl., p. 678, &c., see Domin. 1549. After he left that country in 1552,

Ckarlcvoix, Histoire du Japon, torn, ii., lib. great numbers were converted ; and some

xi., &c., p. 57, &c. Japanese became Jesuits. Schools and

(20) Engelbert Kczmpfer has given a neat churches were erected, even in the capitol

account of this protracted business, in the Meaco. In 1585, a Japanese embassy was

sixth of those Dissertations, which he has sent to Rome. Christianity at that time

annexed to his History of Japan, § 4, &c., seemed about to become the prevailing reli-

p. 64-75, of the English edition. But it will gion ; there were at least 200,000 Chris-

also be but fair to hear the fuller statement tians ; and among them princes, courtiers,

of Domin. Charlcvoiz, who has omitted no- chief nobles, and generals ; the Bonzes and

thing that would go to excuse the Jesuits ; in their religion were openly ridiculed ; and the

his Histoire generale de Japon, torn. ii.Jivr. emperor had excluded paganism altogether

xii.. p. 136, &c. The other writers are men- from a new city which he founded ; and be

tioned by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Lux Evangelii was on terms of intimacy with the Jesuits,

toti orbi exoriens, cap. xl., p. 678. Add the But the base conduct of the Europeans, led

Acta Sanctorum, torn, i., mensis Februarii, the emperor to suspect Christianity to be all

p. 723, dtc., where may be seen the History a farce ; and he became jealous of the de-

of the church founded in Japan, and the life signs of these strangers. He was also of-

and death of those who were first slain by fended at the refusal of some converted

the Japanese, on account of Christianity, females to surrender to him their chastity :

Mammachius, Origines et Antiquit. Chris- and at the instigation of his favourite, in 1587,

GENERA!/ HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

257

Dutch and English of studiously inflaming the emperor of Japan with ha-
tred against the Portuguese and Spaniards, as well as against the Roman
pontiffs, so that they alone might have" control among the Japanese, and
might secure their commerce to themselves. The Dutch and English-re-
ply, that neither the Spaniards nor any other adherents to the Roman pon-
tiff, were by them accused ; but only that the perfidy of the Spaniards was
detected. And indeed, nearly all agree in this, that the emperor was per-
suaded by certain letters intercepted by the Dutch, and by other evidence
bearing a strong probability, that the Jesuits and the other teachers of the
new religion designed to raise a sedition by means of their disciples,^ and
to bring Japan under the power of the Spanish king ; and hence the tyrant,
equally cruel and jealous, thought he could not be safe and quiet, unless he
destroyed every vestige of Christianity. From that time, Japan has been
closed against all foreigners ; and even the shadows of the Christian name
are exterminated with fire and sword. A few of the Hollanders, who are

he commenced a persecution. All Jesuits
were ordered to quit the country. Some
obeyed ; but others remained, under the pro-
tection of the nobles. Out of about 250
churches, 70 were pulled down. In 1590,
more than 20,000 Christians lost their lives.
But the next year added 12,000 new con-
verts. In 1596, a Spanish sea-captain driv-
en upon the coast, showed a chart of exten-
sive countries subject to his master ; and
being asked how his master could conquer
so many nations, he said, their missionaries
went forward, and prepared the minds of the
people to favour him, and then fleets and ar-
mies made an easy conquest. This state-
ment was transmitted to court, and produced
great jealousy of the missionaries. The em-
peror swore, the Spaniards should never thus
conquer Japan ; and he immediately set him-
self to exterminate Christianity, which he
called a devilish law. The missionaries were
imprisoned ; and not a few of them as well
as their converts, were put to death. The
persecution continued several years. Yet in
1603, there were 120 Jesuits, most of them
priests, in Japan. After this, an English
officer of a Dutch ship, cautioned the Japan-
ese to beware of the military enterprises of
the Spaniards ; and represented the priests
as designing men, who had been excluded
from most European countries, and who did
not teach genuine Christianity. This pro-
duced a fresh persecution : and in the prov-
ince of Nangasaki, where there had been
more than 40,000 Christians, not one could
be found in 1622 ; all had either renounced
their religion, or been put to death. Hither-
to however, the number of Christians in Ja-
pan had not diminished greatly ; and some
estimates make them to have been about
400,000, and others near 600,000. But now
things began to take a different turn. In

VOL. III.^K x

1616, Ijejas, guardian to the young prince
Fidejori, (who was favourable to Christianity,
as were many of the nobles), slew his ward,
and proclaimed himself emperor. The Jes-
uits were objects of his jealousy ; and vari-
ous causes induced him to forbid the farther
spread of Christianity, and the ingress of
monks and priests into the country. He
likewise determined to bring back the Japan-
ese Christians to the old religion. Edicts
were issued for these purposes ; but they
were not at once rigorously executed. At
length some Franciscan monks, sent as en-
voys from the Spanish governor of Manilla,
imprudently ventured to preach openly in the
streets of Meaco, and to erect a church
there. This exasperated the government,
and brought on a persecution, which is with-
out a parallel in the annals of the church.
Among the causes of it, were the intercept-
ed letters mentioned in the text, giving ac-
count of a projected insurrection of the
Christians, as soon as a Spanish force should
appear on the coast. As soon as these let-
ters reached the court in 1 637, decrees were
passed, requiring all foreigners to quit the
country at once, on pain of death ; and sub-
jecting every foreigner to the same penalty,
who should ever after set his foot in the
country. The return of the Japanese Chris-
tians to paganism, was now peremptorily re-
quired, on pain of death. These decrees
were rigorously executed : and two years
after, the Portuguese were all driven from
the country ; and only the Hollanders were
allowed to introduce a small quantity of Eu-
ropean goods, and to live as it were impris-
oned, in a corner of the empire. Thus fell
the Japanese church, after it had stood very
nearly a century. See SchroeckK's Kirchen-
gesch. seit der Reform., vol. iii., p. 668 &c.
-TV.]

258

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

allowed annually to import a small quantity of European merchandise, live
in an extreme corner of the kingdom, as it were enclosed in a prison.

& 17. Many respectable and pious men. endeavoured to rouse the Lu-
therans, in imitation of the Catholics, to efforts for imparting Christian
truth to the nations enveloped in the darkness of degrading superstition.
No one was more zealous in this cause, than the Austrian nobleman Jus.
tinian Ernest, baron of Wels ; who proposed the formation of a society for
this purpose, which should bear the name of Jesus.(2l) But there were
various causes, and especially the situation of the Lutheran princes, few of
whom possessed any territories or fortified posts out of Europe, which pre-
vented this matter from ever proceeding beyond good wishes and consulta-
tions. But the Reformed, and especially the English and the Dutch, whose
mercantile adventures carried them to the remotest parts of the world, and
who planted extensive colonies during this century in Asia, Africa, and
America ; enjoyed the best advantages for extending the limits of the Chris-
tian church. Nor did these nations wholly neglect this duty ; although
they are taxed, with grasping at the wealth of the Indians, but neglecting
their souls, and perhaps they did not perform so much as they might have
done. Among the English, by an act of parliament in the year 1647, the
business of propagating Christianity was committed to the care of a soci-
ety, composed of men of the highest respectability and integrity. This
society was revived in the reign of Charles II., A.D. 1661 ; and again con-
firmed, and invested with extraordinary privileges and rights, by William
III. in the year 1701 ; and being enriched with the splendid donations of
kings, nobles, and private individuals, has continued down to our own
times. (22) From this noble institution, great advantages have been deri-

(21) Godfr. Arnolds Kirchen-und Ket-
zerhistorie, pt. ii., book xvii., ch. xv., § 23,
&c., p. 1066, and pt. iii., ch. xv., $ 18, p.
150. Jo. Moller, Cimbria Litterata, torn,
'iii., p. 75. [In 1664, this Hungarian baron
published two letters addressed to the Lu-
theran community, on a reformation of man-
ners and on efforts for the conversion of the
heathen. IQ the first, he proposed these
three questions : Is it right, that we Evan-
gelical Christians should keep the Gospel to
ourselves, and not seek to spread it abroad 1
— Is it right, that we every where encourage
so many to study theology, yet give them no
opportunity to go abroad, but rather keep
them, three, six, or more years, waiting for
parishes to become vacant, or for the posts
of schoolmasters'! — Is it right, that we should
expend so much in dress, high living, useless
amusements, and expensive fashions ; yet
hitherto have never thought of any means for
spreading the Gospel 1 — His proposal to
form a missionary association, was approved
by some, but objected to by others, especial-
ly among the higher clergy. He himself ad-
vanced 12,000 dollars for the object; went
to Holland, on the subject ; and at length
shipped for the Dutch West Indies, to en-
gage himself in missionary labour : but he
was 110 more heard of. Some feeble at-

tempts were made to get up a missionary
association, Afterwards ; but to no purpose,
during this century. See the authors above
cited.— TV.]

(22) Kennet, Relation de la Societe' etab-
lie pour la propagation de 1'Evangile par le
Roy Guillaume III., Rotterd., 1708, 12mo.
[In 1649 an ordinance was passed by the
English parliament, for the erection of a
corporation, by the name of the President
and Society for the propagation of the Gos-
pel in New-England : and a general collec-
tion for its endowment, was ordered to be
made in all the counties, cities, towns, and
parishes, of England and Wales. Notwith-
standing very considerable opposition to the
measure, funds were raised in this manner,
which enabled the society to purchase lands,
worth from five to six hundred pounds a year.
On the restoration of Charles II., the corpo-
ration became dead in law ; and Colonel
Bedingfald, a Roman Catholic, who had
sold to it an estate of 322 pounds per an-
num, seized upon that estate, and refused to
refund the money he had received for it.
But in 1661, a new charter was granted by
the king ; and the honourable Robert Boyle
brought a suit in chancery against Beding-
Jield, and recovered the land. Boyle was
appointed the first governor of the company,

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

259

ved, and are still daily derived, by many nations ignorant of Christ and
especially by those in America. By the labours of the Dutch, an immense
number of people in the island of Ceylon, on the coast of Malabar, in the
island of Formosa, and in other countries of Asia, (which the Dutch
either conquered from the Portuguese, or otherwise brought under their
power), are said to have renounced the impious rites of their fathers.(23)
If perhaps some extravagance may be found in these narrations, yet it is
most certain, that this nation after it had obtained a firm establishment in
the East Indies, adopted at great expense, various measures well calculated
to imbue the natives with a knowledge of Christian principles. (24)

§ 18. As the interior parts of Africa proper have not yet been accessi-
ble to the Europeans, they still remain wholly destitute of the light of

and held the office about thirty years. (See
Wm. Brown's History of the propagation of
Christianity, vol. i., p. 62, &c., ed. N. York,
1821, and Need's Hist, of the Puritans, ed.
of Toulmin, Boston, 1817, vol. iv., p. 433,
&c., but especially the Connecticut Evang.
Magazine, vol. iv., p. 1, &c.) It was this
society which supported the various mission-
ary operations in New- England during the
seventeenth century. Their expenditures in
the year 1661, amounted to 738/. 8*. Id. or
$3280 87.— Tr.]

(23) See the letters addressed to John
Leusden, de Successu Evangelii apud Indos
Orientales ; published at Utrecht, 1699, 8vo.

(24) See Jo. Braun's La veritable religion
des Hollandois, p. 71, 267, etc., Amsterd.,
1675, 12mo. This work is an answer to the
malignant tract of Sloup, entitled La religion
des Hollandois ; in which he would insinu-
ate, that the Dutch have no regard for religion
whatever. — [The Dutch conquered Ceylon
from the Portuguese, about the middle of
this century ; and immediately established
there the Protestant religion, excluding all
others from every office. The Portuguese
inhabitants, and the natives both Catholics
and pagans, in large numbers, embraced the
established faith, at least in pretence. The
country was divided into 240 parishes ; a
church was erected and a school established
in each. Every ten schools had a catechist,
who was their superintendent. About 15
clergymen were assigned to the island. In
1672, Baldaus, one of the Dutch ministers,
gives account of 30 native churches in the
province of Jaffnapatnam ; in which were
about 30,000 attendants on worship upon
Sundays, and about 16,000 pupils in the
schools during the week. Near the close of
the century, Dr. Leusden wrote to Dr. In-
crease Mather of Boston, " that in and near
the island of Ceylon, the Dutch pastors had
baptized about 300,000" of the natives.
(Mather's Magnalia, book hi., vol. i., p. 510,
ed. Hartford, 1820.) The Dutch had also
translated and published in the Cingalese

language, considerable portions of the Bible ;
besides catechisms, prayers, and other Chris-
tian books. — The Dutch having possessed
themselves of a large part of the island of
Java, opened a church in Batavia the capitol,
in the year 1621. Pursuing much the same
plans here as at Ceylon, in the year 1721
they could reckon 100,000 Christians in.
Java ; and two Dutch, two Portuguese, and
one or two Malay churches, at Batavia. The
New Testament in Malay, was printed at
Amsterdam, 1668, at the expense of the
Dutch East India Company. — Soon after
establishing the Gospel in Java, the Dutch
sent ministers from Batavia to the island of
Amboyna ; and in 1686, it is said, they had
converted 30,000 of the natives. Here too,
schools were established, and a number of
ministers stationed, at the expense of the
Dutch East India Company. — In 1634, the
Dutch formed a settlement on the western
part of the island Formosa. Robert Junius
of Delft, was sent out by the Dutch govern-
ment to establish Christianity there. He is
said to have baptized 6000 persons ; and to
have set up schools, in which about 600
young men were taught to read. He com-
posed some prayers, and translated certain
Psalms into the Formosan language : and
though his labours were chiefly in the north-
ern parts of the island, yet he had planted
churches in twenty-three towns in the south,
and had set pastors over them, when he re-
turned to Holland. In 1661, the Gospels
of Matthew and John were translated into
the Formosan language, by Dan. Gravius,
and printed at Amsterdam, together with a
Catechism. But probably, before these
books reached the island, it was captured by
a Chinese pirate ; and it has since belonged
to the Chinese. — Besides the converts in
these places, the Dutch made many others
in Sumatra, Timor, Celebes, Banda, Ter-
nate, and the neighbouring Molucca Islands.
See Brown's Hist, of the propagation of
Christianity, vol. i.,ch. iii.,p. 15-28. — TV.]

260 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

Christian truth. But in the maritime parts, especially those where the
Portuguese have obtained settlements, the power of the barbarous super-
stitions has here and there been prostrated, and the Romish rites have suc-
ceeded in their place. Yet the ingenuous even of the Romish communion,
do not deny, that the number of those in this part of the world who de-
serve the appellation of genuine Christians, is but small ; that the greater
part so worship Christ, as at the same time to follow the abominable su-
perstitions of their fathers ; and that even the best of them have many
defects. What little advances Christianity has made in that country, are
to be ascribed almost wholly to the efforts of the Capuchins, who in this
century encountered incredible toils and hardships in bringing some of the
ferocious nations of Africa to a knowledge of Christ. They persuaded,
among others the kings of Owerra and Benin, to admit the truth of Chris-
tianity ; and induced the very cruel and heroic queen of Matamba, Anna
Zingha, in 1652, to allow herself and people to be baptized. (25) For the
Roman pontiffs, or rather the society at Rome which superintends the prop-
agation of Christianity, have judged that African missions for various
reasons, were attended with peculiar dangers and difficulties, and could not
well be performed by any but those early accustomed to austere modes of
living and to the endurance of hardships. Nor did the other Romish
monks appear to envy the Capuchins very much, their hard-earned glory.
§ 19. The India of the West, or what is commonly called America, is
inhabited by innumerable colonists professing the Romish religion, Spanish,
Portuguese, and French. (26) But these colonists, especially the Spanish
and Portuguese, as appears from the testimony of very respectable men
belonging themselves to the Catholic church, are, even the priests not ex-
cepted, the lowest and most abandoned of all that bear the Christian name,
and far surpass even the pagans, in ridiculous* rites and flagitious con-
duct.(27) Those of the aboriginal Americans, who have been reduced to
servitude by the Europeans, or who reside in the vicinity of Europeans,
have received some slight knowledge of the Romish religion from the Jes-
uits, Franciscans, and others ; but the little knowledge they have receiv-
ed, is wholly obscured by the barbarity of their customs and manners.
Those Catholic priests of various orders and classes, who in modern times
have visited the wandering tribes of the forests remote from the settle-

(25) For illustration of these facts, besides into French, and published in five volumes

Urban Cerri, Etat present d I'Eglise Ro- 12mo, Paris, 1732, under the title : Relation

maine, p. 222, &c., see Jo. Anton. Catazzi, historique de 1'^Ethiopie Occidentale. And

Relation Historique de 1'Afrique [d'Ethio- this last is the work which Mosheim had in

pie] Occidentale ; which Jo. Bapt. Labat his eye ; and not that of the same Labat,

published in French, tome iii., p. 432, &c., which was also published in five volumes

tome iv., p. 28, 354, &c., and nearly the 12mo, in 1728, entitled, Nouvelle relation

whole work, which is chiefly occupied with de 1'Afrique Occidentale. — Tr.~\

the history of the missions performed by the (26) See the authors mentioned by Jo. Alb.

Capuchins in Africa during the last century. Fabricius, Lux Evangelii toti orbi exoriens,

[Dr. Maclaine finds all these references to- cap. xlviii., xlix., p. 769, &c. The state of

tally wrong. Schlegel says: Dr. Mosheim the Romish religion in that part of America

meant Father Fortunatus Alamandini's occupied by Christians, is briefly exhibited

Italian historical description of the kingdoms by Urban Cerri, Etat present de I'Eglise

of Congo, Matamba, and Angola ; Bologna, Romaine, p. 245.

1687, fol., whose statements the Italian Ca- (27) See in particular, Frczier, Voyage

puchin and missionary, Jo. Anton. Cavazzi du mer du Sud, p. 167, 218, 328, 353, 402,

de Montecavallo, has copied. And these last, 417, 432, 533.
Labat actually translated, in a free manner,

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

261

ments of Europeans, have learned by experience, that the Indians, unless
they become civilized, and cease to roam, are absolutely incapable of re-
ceiving and retaining on their minds the principles of Christianity.(28)
And hence, in some provinces both of South and North America, Indian
commonwealths have been founded by the Jesuits with great efforts, and
guarded with laws similar to those of the Europeans ; and the access of
all Europeans to them has nearly been cut off, to prevent their being cor-
rupted by European vices ; while the Jesuits sustain the rank both of teach,
ers and of magistrates among them. But while the Jesuits highly extol
the merits and zeal of their order in this thing, others deny their claims ;
and maintain, that they are more eager after public honours, wealth, and
power, than the advancement of Christianity ; and say, they have collected
immense quantities of gold from Paraguay which is subject to their sole
authority, and from other countries, which they have transmitted to their
society in Europe. (29)

(28) An immense number of facts on this
subject, are found in the Letters, which the
French Jesuits wrote to their European
friends, respecting the success of their mis-
sions, and which have been published at
Paris.

(29) Jo. Bapt. Lo,bat, when asked by Tam-
burini, the general of the order of the Jesu-
its, what progress Christianity was making
among the Americans, boldly and frankly
said : Either none or very little ; that he had
not met with one adult among those tribes,
who was truly a Christian ; that the preach-
ers among them were useful, only by bap-
tizing occasionally, infants that were at the
point of death. Voyage du P. Labat en
Espagne et en Italic, tome viii., p. 7. Je lui
repondu-qu'on n'y avoit fait jusqu' a present
d'autres progres que de baptizer quelqucs
enfans moribons, sans avoir pu convertir ver-
itablement aucun adulte. He added, that
to make the Americans Christians, they
must first be made men : Qu'il £n falloit
faire des hommes, avantque d'en faire des
Chretians. This resolute Dominican, who
had been a missionary in the American isl-
ands, wished to give the father of the Jesuits
some salutary counsels respecting the im-
mense possessions and wealth of his sons
in the American islands : but the cautious
old man dexterously avoided the subject :
Je voulus le mettre sur les biens que la
Compagnie possede auz Isles : il eluda del-
icatement cet Article. With no less spirit,
the same Labat checked the supreme pon-
tiff himself, Clement XL, who commended
the activity of the Spaniards and Portuguese
in furthering the salvation of the Americans,
but taxed the French with negligence in this
very important matter : the Spaniards and
the Portuguese, said Labat, have no cause
to boast of the success of their labours ;
they only induce the Indians to feign them-

selves Christians, through fear of tortures
and death. Les Missionaires Espagnols et
Portugais n'avoient pas sujet de se vanter
des pretendues conversions des Indiens,
puisqu'il £toit constant qu'ils n'avoient fait
que des hypocrites, que la crainte de la mort
ou des tourmens avoit forcez a recevoir
de bapteme, et qui etoient dimeurez apr£a
1'avoir rec,u, aussi idolatres qu'auparavant.,
loc. cit., p. 12. To this testimony, so very
recent and of so high authority, so many more
ancient might be added, that it would be dif-
ficult to recount them. See also, respecting
the American Jesuits, the Memoire touchant
1'Etablissement considerable des Peres Jesu-
ites dans les Indes d'Espagne ; which is ad-
ded to Frezier's Relation du Voyage de la
Mer du Sud, p. 577, &c. Franc. Cored,
Voyages aux Indes occidentales, torn, ii., p.
67, 43, &c. See also, Mammachius, Ori-
gincs et Antiquit. Christianas, torn, ii., p.
337, &c. Respecting the Jesuits occupying
the province of Paraquaria or Paraguay, see
Ulloa, Voyage d'Amerique, tome i., p. 540,
&c., and Ludov. Anton. Muratori's tract
published in 1743, in which he pleads their
cause against their accusers. [A full and
very favourable history of the Jesuit repub-
lic of Paraguay, to A.D. 1747, with numerous
documents and vouchers, may be found in the
Jesuit Fran. Xavier de Charlevoix1 Histoire
du Paraguay, Paris, 1757, 6 tomes 12mo;
also in English, but without the documents,
London, 1769, 2 vols. 8vo.— In 1752, the
king of Spain having ceded a considerable
part of this Jesuit republic to the king of
Portugal in exchange for other territories,
the Indians, who dreaded the dominion of
the Portuguese, absolutely refused to be
transferred, and resisted the commissioners
of the two governments by force of arms.
This revolt of the natives was ascribed to
the influence of the Jesuits, their immediate

262

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

§ 20. In the American provinces which the British occupied in this
century, the cause of Christianity was urged with more wisdom, and of
course with more success, upon the stupidity and amazing listlessness of
the Indians. The glory of commencing this most important work, is
justly claimed by those Independents as they are called, who had to forsake
their country on account of their dissent from the religion established by
law. Some families of this sect, that they might transmit uncontaminated
to their children the religious principles they embraced, removed in the
year 1620 from Holland to New-England, and there laid the foundation of
a new commonwealth. (30) As these first adventurers were not unsuccess-
ful, they were followed in 1629, by very many of those called Puritans in
England ; who were impatient of the evils they suffered from the persecu-
tion of the bishops, and of the court which favoured those bishops. (31)
But these emigrants, at first, had to encounter so many hardships and dif-
ficulties in the dreary and uncultivated wilderness, that they could pay but
little attention to the instruction of the Indians. More courage and more
leisure for such enterprises, were enjoyed by the new Puritan exiles from
England, who went to America in 1623 [1633], and subsequently, Thomas
Mayhew, Thomas Shepherd, John Eliot, and many others. All these mer-
ited high praise, by their efforts for the salvation of the Americans ; but
none more than Eliot, who by translating the holy scriptures and other re-
ligious books into the Indian language, and by collecting and suitably in-
structing no small number of Christian converts among the barbarians, ob-
tained after his death the honourable title of the Apostle of the Indians.(32)

rulers ; and the enemies of that order seized
this occasion, to effect not only the subver-
sion of this their republic, but likewise the
overthrow of the order itself. The Portu-
guese government was the first to suppress
the order ; and to justify their proceeding,
they caused a narrative to be published, which
was printed at the Hague, in French, in
1758, 8vo, with the title : La Republique
des Jesuites au Paraguay renversee ; in
which the character of the order is treated
with no indulgence. From that time on-
ward, the order of Jesuits and their republic
of Paraguay, have been generally treated
with execration. But of late many discern-
ing writers, especially among the Protest-
ants, defend the cause of the Jesuits, and
speak very favourably of their missionary la-
bours in Paraguay. — Tr.]

(30) Dan. Neat's Hist, of the Puritans,
vol. ii., p. 128. Ant. Wilh. Bbhm's Englis-
che Reformationshistorie, book vi., ch. v., p.
807, &c. [Cotton Mather's Eccles. Hist,
of New-England, b. i., ch. ii., &c. Prince's
New-England Chronology ; Holmes' Amer-
ican Annals, vol. i., and the other histories
of the first planting of Colonies in New-Eng-
land.—Tr.]

(31) Increase Mather's History of New-
England, p. 126, &c. Dan. Neat's History
of the Puritans, vol. ii., p. 208, &c. [Cotton
Mather' t Eccles. History of New-England,

book i., ch. iv., &c., and the other writers
mentioned in the preceding note. — Tr.]

(32) Jo. Hornbeck, de conversione Indor.
et gentil., lib.«i., cap. xy., p. 260. Increase
Mather's Epistola de successu Evangelii
apud Indos Occidentales ad Joh. Leusde-
nium, Utrecht, 1699, 8vo, [published also in
English, in Cotton Mather's Eccl. Hist, of
New-Eng., book iii., p. 508, &c., ed. Hartf,
1820 ; and in the Connecticut Evangelical
Magazine, vol. iv., for 1803, p. 164, &c. —
The Rev. John Eliot was born in England
A.D. 1604. After leaving the university, he
taught school a few years, and then removed
to New-England in 1631, in order to preach
the gospel without molestation. The church
in Boston would have settled him as a col-
league with Mr. Wilson ; but he had prom-
ised several friends in England, that if they
removed to America, he would become their
pastor. Accordingly, on their arrival and
settlement in Dorchester, he was ordained
over them, in November, 1632; and served
them 58 years, or till his death in 1690. He
early turned his attention to the Indians
around him ; learned their language in 1644 ;
and two years after, commenced a regular
weekly lecture to them at Natic. It was in
this year, that the general court of Massa-
chusetts passed an act or order, to encourage
the propagation of the gospel among the In-
dians. Eliot was countenanced and aided

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

263

These happy beginnings induced the Parliament and people of England,
after a few years, to resolve on extending the enterprise by public meas-
ures and public contributions. Hence originated that noble society, which

by the ministers around him ; who frequent-
ly supplied his pulpit in his absence, and
were always ready to afford him counsel, and
also to aid him occasionally, so far as their
ignorance of the Indian tongue would permit,
in imparting religious instruction to the Indi-
ans. He not only preached regular weekly
lectures at Natic, but likewise occasionally
to the Indian congregations at Concord, Dor-
chester mills, Watertown, and some other
places. In the year 1670, he visited twelve
towns or villages of Christian Indians under
his care, in Massachusetts and along the
Merrimac ; in all of which there were Indi-
an preachers regularly stationed, to serve
them on Sundays and be their constant spir-
itual guides. At Natic there were two such
teachers, and between forty and fifty com-
municants. For these natives, he translated
into the Indian language, primers, cate-
chisms, the Practice of piety, Baxter's Call
to the unconverted, several of Mr. Shep-
herd's works, and at length the whole Bible,
which was first published at Cambridge in
1664, and again just after his death. He
set up schools in his Indian villages, intro-
duced a regular form of civil government,
and to some extent industry and the useful
arts ; and was the fountain from which
the Indian preachers under him drew all
their knowledge. See Cotton Mather's life
of Eliot, in his Eccl. Hist of N. Eng., book
iii., vol. i., p. 474—532. Connecticut Evang.
Magazine, vol. iii., p. 361, 441 ; vol. iv., p.
1, 81, 161. Brown's Hist, of the propag.
of Christianity, vol. i., p. 29, &c. — The Rev.
Thomas Shepherd is erroneously placed
among those in New-England who diffused
Christianity among the Indians. He was a
silenced English Puritan, born in 1606, ed-
ucated at Cambridge, came to New-England
in 1635, and was settled at Cambridge near
Boston, where he preached till his death in
1649. He was a distinguished preacher, and
writer on practical religion. See Mather's
Eccl. Hist, of N. Eng., vol. i., p. 343, &c.,
and Brook's Lives of the Puritans, vol. iii.,
p. 103, &c. — In the year 1641, Thos. May-
hew senior obtained a grant of Nantucket,
Martha's Vineyard, and the Elizabeth islands,
which belonged to none of the existing colo-
nies ; and the year following he commenced
a settlement at Edgarton on Martha's Vine-
yard. His son, Thomas Mayhew junior, was
constituted pastor of the English settlement
at Edgarton ; while the father was chief
magistrate, or governor as he was styled, of
all these islands, until his death in 1681.

The son, having learned the Indian language,
commenced preaching to the Indians in his
vicinity in 1646, on weekdays ; and Hia-
coomes, a converted Indian, under Mr. May-
hew's guidance, instructed his countrymen
on the Lord's day. In 1 652, an Indian school
was opened ; and by the end of the year,
there were 282 converts to Christianity, who
met at two places, the one three miles and
the other eight from Mr. Mayhew's house.
They were then formed into a regular church,
and the work of conversion went on rapidly.
In 1658 or 1659, Mr. Mayhew found the
harvest so great and the labourers so few,
that he determined to go to England and
solicit aid. The vessel in which he sailed,
was never heard from, after she left the port.
Thomas Mayhew senior, after the death of
his son, took on himself the labours of ah
evangelist, in addition to those of chief ma-
gistrate. In 1670, two Indian preachers,
Hiacoomes and John Tackanash, were or-
dained to the office of regular pastors and
teachers of the Indian church, while governor
Mayhew continued the evangelist or over-
seer of all the Indians. In 1674, of the 360
Indian families on Martha's Vineyard, two
thirds, or about 1500 persons, were profess-
ed believers in Christianity ; and 50 per-
sons were in full communion. There were
then ten Indian preachers, and six different
meetings on Sundays. At Nantucket, where
the families were about 300, there were about
thirty Indian communicants, and 300 pro-
fessed believers in Christianity; three places
of worship, and four Indian teachers. On
the death of Thomas Mayhew senior, in 1681,
his grandson, John Mayhew, son of Thomas
Mayhew junr., having been some lime minis-
ter to the English at Tisbury, in the middle
of the island ; took charge of the Indian con-
gregations, till his death in 1689. His son,
Experience Mayhew, when arrived at the age
of 21, succeeded him in the year 1694 ; and
laboured among the Indians successfully, for
sixty years, or till about 1754. He was mas-
ter of the Indian language, and translated
into it various works for the use of his charge.
He also composed a volume containing the
lives of a large number of pious Indians,
preachers and others. See the Connecticut
Evang. Mag., vol. ii., p. 281, 361, 441, vol.
iii., p. 5, 161, 249, and Brown's Hist, of the

fropag. of Christianity, vol. i., p. 47, &c. —
n the colony of Plymouth, Mr. Richard
Bourne preached to the Indians in and about
Sandwich, in their own language. About
the year 1660, he procured for them a per-

264

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

derives its name from its object the propagation of the Gospel ; and which,
in its progress having increased in numbers, dignity, privileges, and advan-
tages of every kind, has gradually enlarged and extended its efforts for
the salvation of the nations estranged from Christ especially in America.
Immensely more, as all must admit, remains still to be done : yet any one
must be uncandid or ignorant of such things, who can deny that much has
been done, and with greater success than was to be anticipated. We shall
hereafter have occasion to speak of Pennsylvania, in which people of all
sects and religions now live intermingled, and worship God in the manner
they see fit. The Hollanders began to diffuse the knowledge of Chris-
tianity with great success, in those provinces of Portuguese America,
which they had conquered under the conduct of Maurice prince of Or-
ange :(33) but all these prospects were intercepted, by the Portuguese
recovering their lost possessions after the year 1644. Nor did the Dutch,
so far as I know, expend much labour and effort in improving the minds
of the Indians that inhabited Surinam and the adjacent regions.

manent grant of the lands at Mashpee ; form-
ed an Indian settlement there, and a church,
over which he was ordained by J. Eliot and
others, in 1666. In 1674, his Indian charge
embraced about 500 souls, of whom 90 were
baptized, and twenty-seven communicants.
He laboured among them about 40 years.
Brown, loc. cit., p. 59. — Mr. John Cotton,
minister of Plymouth, understanding the In-
dian language, preached to the natives south
of Plymouth, in Jive different places, on week-
days ; and aided their Indian teachers to
preach to them regularly. In the year 1693,
he had about 500 Indians under his care. —
About the same time, Mr. Samuel Treat of
Eastham, preached in four Indian villages
near Cape Cod, to about 500 Indians ; who
had native teachers for their regular preach-
ers on the Lord's day. — At Sandwich also,
Mr. Thomas Tupper preached regularly
to about 180 Indians. — In Connecticut,
something was done in this century, for the
religious instruction of the Indians. The
Rev. Mr. Fitch of Norwich was particularly
desired to teach Uncos, a sachem, and his
family, Christianity. Mr. Stone and Mr.
Newton were employed, at the desire of the
colony, to teach the Indians in Hartford,
Windsor, Farmington and that vicinity. The
Rev. Mr. Pearson of Killingsworth, who had
learned their language, seems to have preach-
ed some to them. And the ministers of the
several towns, where Indians lived, instruct-
ed them as they had opportunity. But no
Indian church was ever formed in this colo-
ny. Trumbuirs Hist, of Connect., vol. i.,
ch. xix., p. 494, &c. — The state of Chris-
tianity among the Indians of New-England,
in 1687, was thus described by Increase
Mather, in his letter to Leusden : " There
are nix churches of baptized Indians in New-
England, ai»d eighteen assemblies of catechu-

mens professing the name of Christ. Of the
Indians, there are four-a.nA-twenty, who are
preachers of the word of God : and besides
these, there are four English ministers, who
preach the Gospel in the Indian tongue." —
TV.]

(33) Jo. Henr. Hottinger's Topographia
Ecclesiastica, p. 47. Fran, Mich. Jams-
son's Etat present des provinces unies, tome
i., p. 396, &c. He also treats of Surinam,
and the state of religion there, in cap. xiv.,
p. 407. [According to the testimony of
John Nieuhof, who resided in Brazil from
1640 to 1649^ there were in 1643, or the
year before the revolt of the Portuguese, five
Protestant churches along the coast south of
the Recife or Pernambuco ; namely, at San
Antonio, at Cap San Agostinho, at Serin-
hem, at Porto Calvo, and at Rio San Fran-
cisco. But these churches were not always
supplied with ministers ; as they came out
only for limited periods. North of the Re-
cife, there was in 1643, one Dutch minister
at the island Tamaraca and Fort Orange,
another at Rio Grande, and two at Parayba.
At Recife or Pernambuco and in its vicinity,
there were about 400 Protestants, Dutch,
French, and English ; and three Dutch min-
isters, besides one who served on board the
fleet and on inland expeditions ; and likewise
one French and one English minister. In
1646, there were but seven Dutch ministers
in Brazil. The churches were regulated ac-
cording to the synod of Dort. The minis-
ter and the churchwardens constituted the
church session. The deacons visited the
sick, to provide for them. The children
were catechized on Sundays ; and the sacra-
ment was administered four times a year.
See Nieuhoff's voyages, in ChurchiVs Col-
lection, Lond., 1730, vol. ii., p. 32. — TV.]

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

265

§ 21. The opposers of all religion and especially of Christianity, are
represented by some as more numerous in this century, and by others as
less so, according to the party and the views which they embraced. The
English complain, that from the times of Charles II. their nation was con-
laminated with the grossest of vices and profligacy, that this state of things
gave rise to unbridled licentiousness of speculation and disputation on re-
ligious subjects ; and that both united, produced a multitude of persons
who prostituted their talents and ingenuity to extinguish all sense of reli-
gion and piety. And that these complaints were not groundless, appears
from the numerous examples of Englishmen of this period, who either de-
clared war against all religion, or who maintained that the religion of na-
ture and reason was alone to be followed ; and likewise from the many
excellent treatises, by which the most solid writers of the nation defended
the divinity and excellence of Christianity against their hostile assaults.
The strongest evidence however, is the noble institution of the very learn-
ed knight, Robert Boyle ; who by his will in 1691, bequeathed a splendid
portion of his estate to religion ; the income of which was to be annually
paid over to acute and eloquent men, who should oppose the progress of
impiety, and demonstrate and confirm the truth of natural and revealed re-
ligion, in eight public discourses each year.(34) Down to our own times,
men of the greatest talents and genius have undertaken this service ; and
their discussions or discourses have been laid before the public, to the
great advantage of all Europe. (35)

§ 22. By the English generally, Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury, is rep-
resented as the leader and standard-bearer of the impious company, who
from the accession of Charles II. set themselves in opposition to God and
to things sacred. He was a man daring, crafty, acute and perspicacious,
but of more genius than erudition or knowledge either sacred or human. (36)

(34) See Ricotier's Preface to his French
translation of Sam. Clark's Discourses on
the Being and Attributes of God, p. xiv.,
&c. Of Boyle himself and his merits, Edw.
Budgell has treated very fully, in his Me-
moires of the Lives and Characters of the
illustrious Family of the Boyles, London,
1737, 8vo. See the Bibliotheque Britan-
nique, tome xii., pt. i., p. 144, &c. [" But
above all, the late learned Dr. Birch's Life
of Boyle, published in 8vo, in the year
1744; and that very valuable collection of
Lives, the Biographia Britannica, Article
Boyle, Robert, note (z). See also Article
Hobbes, in the same collection." — Mad.}

(35) A catalogue of these discourses is
given in the Bibliotheque Angloise, tome
xv., part ii., p. 416, &c. A learned and
neatly digested summary of all 'the discour-
ses of this nature, thus far delivered, was
published not long since in English, by
Gilbert Burnet ; which the French and the
Germans have begun to translate into their
languages. [" This abridgment comprehends
the discourses of Bentley, Kidder, Williams,
Gastrell, Harris, Bradford, Blackhall, Stan-
hope, Clarke, Hancock, Whiston, Turner,

VOL. III.— L L

Butler, Woodward, Derham, Ibbot, Leng,
J. Clarke, Gurdon, Burnet, Berriman." —
Mac/.]

(36) See Peter Bayle's Dictionnaire, tome
ii., p. 478. Anth. Woofs Athenae Oxon-
ienses, vol. ii., p. 461, of the late edition.
[Add Brucker's Historia crit. philos., Ap-
pendix, Lipsic, 1767, 4to, p. 880, &c.,
where his life and character are described
with impartiality and accuracy. In Crom-
well's time he was a zealous adherent to the
royalist party, and a defender of their rights
with servile submission. Yet he lost the
favour of the court, and died in 1679, in his
91st year, a private country gentleman.
Two of his works, namely, de Give, Paris,
1642, 4to, and his Leviathan, 1651, fol.,
are most worthy of notice. In them he rec-
ommends monarchic despotism, represents
the human soul as material and mortal, dis-
cards all natural distinction between moral
actions, and makes morality depend wholly
on the enactments of monarchs. — Schl.
The whole of the moral and political works
of Tho. Hobbes, with a life of the author pre-
fixed, were elegantly printed, probably un-
der the eye of Warburton, Lond., 1750, fol.

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

He has however found some advocates, out of Great Britain ; who main.
tain that he erred indeed, yet not so basely, as to subvert the being of a
God and the worship of him. (37) Those who shall read attentively the
books he has left, must admit, that if he was not himself destitute of all
regard for God and religion, it is manifest his principles naturally lead to
an utter disregard for all things sacred : and his writings betray, not ob-
scurely, a mind most unfriendly to Christ and to the Christian religion. It
is said however, that in his old age he became more rational, and publicly
condemned the sentiments he had formerly published :(38) but whether he
was sincere in this, is uncertain. With more truth it may be said of John
Wilmot, earl of Rochester, who attacked God and religion with even more
fury than Hobbes, that he became a penitent. He was a man of great
discernment and brilliancy of genius, but of astonishing levity, and while
his bodily powers were subservient to his will, libidinous and debauched. (39)
Yet it was his happy lot, in the last years of his short life, through the ad-
monition especially of Gilbert Burnet, to betake himself to the mercy of
God and Jesus Christ ; and he met death religiously, A.D. 1680, penitently
lamenting and detesting his former wickedness. (40) In this list may be
placed Anthony Ashly Cooper, earl of Shaftesbury, who died of a consump-
tion at Naples, A.D. 1703 : not that he was an open enemy of Christianity,
but his pungent wit, the elegance of his style, and the charms of his genius,
rendered him the more dangerous foe to religion, in proportion to the con-
cealment he practised. Various of his works are extant, and have been of-
ten published ; all exquisitely fine, from the native charms of his diction and

See Hcnke, Kirchengeschichte, vol. iv., p.
399, note.— Tr.]

(37) In defence of Hobbes, appeared, be-
sides others, NIC. Hieron. Gundling, Ob-
serv. Selects, torn, i., n. ii., p. 30, and in
the Gundlingiana, pt. xiv., p. 304. Add
God.fr. Arnold, Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie,
pt. ii., book xvii., ch. xvi., $ 25, p. 1082,
&c. Against these, appeared Jo. Fran.
Buddeus, Theses de Atheismo et supersti-
tione, cap. i., p. 187, &c.

(38) This rests on the authority of An-
thony Wood ; who states, in his Athenae
Oxon., vol. ii., p. 646, that Hobbes wrote an
Apology for himself and his writings ; in
which he professes, never to have embraced
the opinions he proposed in his Leviathan,
but to have brought them forward merely to
try his ingenuity ; that, after writing the
book, he never defended those opinions,
either publicly or privately, but submitted
them to the judgment of the church ; that
those positions of his book in particular,
which seemed to militate against the re-
ceived notions of God and religion, were
published, not as true and incontrovertible,
but only as plausible, and for the purpose of
drawing forth the judgment of theologians
concerning them. Wood does not tell us,
in what year this Apology appeared ; which
k evidence that he had not been able to ex-
amine the book. Neither does he state,

whether Hobbes was alive or dead, when it
was published. But its being placed in the
list of Hobbes' writings, posterior to 1682,
leads to the conjecture that it was published
after his death; for he died in 1679. It
does not therefore yet appear, what we are
to think of this change of opinion in Hobbes.
I can believe, that such an Apology for
Hobbes exists ; but perhaps it was drawn
up by one of his friends, to shield his repu-
tation after he was dead. Yet if it was
written and published by himself, it can af-
ford but little support to those who would
defend his character. For the method
Hobbes takes to excuse himself, is that in
which all try to clear themselves, when
they have incurred odium and indignation
by advancing corrupt and pernicious opin-
ions, and yet wish to live quietly, though
continuing to be just what they were before.

(39) See an account of his life and wri-
tings, in Anthony Wood's Athenae Oxon.,
vol. ii., p. 654. On his poetic talents, Vol-
taire treats, Melange de litterature et de
Philosophic, cap. xxxiv., in his Works, torn,
iv., p. 303.

(40) This scene is described by Gilbert
Burnet, in a special tract entitled : Some
passages of the Life and Death of John earl
of Rochester, written at his desire on his
deathbed, by Gilbert Burnet, D.D. It is
extant also in German, French, and Latin.

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

267

thoughts, yet exceedingly dangerous to young and inexperienced minds. (41)
A rustic and coarse brawler, compared with these, was John Toland, an
Irishman, who at the close of this century was not ashamed to disgrace
himself and his country, by several tracts reproachful to Christianity.
But as those who pamper the vicious propensities of men seldom lack ad-
mirers, so this man, who was not destitute of learning, though vainglori-
ous and of abandoned morals, was thought something of by the undiscern-
ing.(42) The other Englishmen of less notoriety, belonging to this class,
need not be enumerated : yet if any one is disposed, he may add to the
list Edward Henry [Herbert, baron] of Cherbury, a nobleman and philos-
opher, who, if he did not deny the divinity of the Christian religion, yet
maintained that the knowledge of it was not necessary to salvation ;(43)
and Charles Blount, the author of the Oracles of Reason, who committed
suicide in 1693.(44)

§ 23. In France, adjacent to England, Julius Casar Vanini an Italian,
author of the Amphitheatre of Providence and of Dialogues concerning na-
ture, was publicly burned at Toulouse, in 1629 [1619], as a perverse ene-

(41) His works were first published collect-
ively, London, 1711, in three volumes 8vo,
and subsequently often. They are called
Characteristics, [of Men, Manners, and
Opinions], from the title of the greater part
of them. See Jo. le Clcrc, Bibliotheque
Choisie, tome xxiii. Some notes of Geo.
With. Leibnitz upon them, were published
by Peter des Maiseaux, Recueil des diver-
ses pieces sur la Philosophic, tome ii., p.
245. There are some who maintain, that
this otherwise great and illustrious man
has been rashly accused, by clergymen, of
contemning religion. I wish they could
solidly evince that it is so. But if I do not
wholly mistake, whoever shall read but a
moderate portion of his writings, or only
his noted Letter on Enthusiasm, which in
French bears the title : Essay sur la raille-
rie, will readily fall in with the judgment
which Dr. Berkley passes upon him, in his
Alciphron or the Minute Philosopher, vol.
i., dial. Hi., p. 200, &c. This very inge-
nious man employs ridicule, when seeming to
speak the most gravely on sacred subjects ;
and divests the arguments, derived from the
sacred scriptures in support of a devout and
virtuous life, of all their power and influ-
ence : nay, by recommending an indescriba-
ble and sublime kind of virtue, far above the
conceptions of common people, and which
rests satisfied with itself, he appears to ex-
tinguish all zeal for the pursuit of virtue, in
the minds of common people.

(42) In my younger years, I treated
largely of this man, in a Commentatio de
vita et scriptis ejus, prefixed to a Confutation
of his insidious book entitled Nazarenus.
The deficiencies, if any occur in that Com-
mentatio, may be supplied from the Life of
Toland, prefixed to his Posthumous Works

published at London, 1726, 2 vols. 8vo.
The author of that Life is Peter des Mai-
zeaux, well known for various literary la-
bours.

(43) Lord Herbert is sufficiently known
to the learned, by his book de Causis erro-
rum, and other writings ; but especially by
his work de Religione Gentilium. And not
less known, are the confutations of the sen-
timents he advances in these books ; writ-
ten by John Musaus, Christ. Kortholt,
and other celebrated divines. He is com-
monly considered the father of the family of
Naturalists [or Deists]. See God.fr. Ar-
nold? s Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, pt. ii.,
book xviii., ch. xvi., p. 1083, &c. [Cher-
bury is properly the founder of the modern
religious indifferentism. If we may believe
him, the divine origin of Christianity can-
not be proved, but only be rendered very
probable. The whole of religion, according
to him, consists in Jive articles : I. There
is a God. II. He is to be worshipped.

III. And this, by the practice of virtue.

IV. Repentance and reformation will pro-
cure us pardon from God. V. After this
life, the virtuous will be rewarded, and the
vicious punished. — Schl.~\

(44) See Chaufepied's Nouveau Diction-
naire historique et crit., tome i., pt. ii., p.
328. He however omits his tragical death,
from a regard undoubtedly to the feelings
of the illustrious family of Blounts, still liv-
ing in England. — [Concerning all the Eng-
lish deists mentioned in this section, their
works, their opinions, and the confutation of
them, see John Leland's View of the prin-
cipal deistical writers that have appeared in
England, in the last and present century,
with Observations, &c., first published in
1754, and since, often, in 2 vols. 8vo. — Ti.]

268

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

my of God and of all religion. But some respectable and learned writers
think, that he fell a victim to personal resentment ; and that he neither
wrote nor lived and acted, so stupidly and impiously, as to be justly charge-
able with contemning God.(45) But the character of Cosmo Ruggeri, a
Florentine and a profligate, who died at Paris in 1615, no honest man will
readily undertake to defend. For when about to die, he boldly declared,
that he regarded all that we are taught respecting a supreme Deity and
evil spirits, as idle tales.(46) Whether justice or injustice was done to
Casimir Leszynsky, a Polish knight who was punished capitally at Warsaw
in 1689, for denying a God and divine providence, cannot easily be deter-
mined, without inspection of the record of his trial. (47) In Germany, a
senseless and frantic man, Matthew Knutzen of Holstein, wished to estab-
lish a new sect of the Conscientiaries, that is, of persons who disregarding
God, followed only the dictates of conscience or right reason : but he was
easily checked, and compelled to abandon his mad project. (48)

§ 24. Benedict de Spinoza, a Portuguese Jew who died at the Hague in
1677, is accounted the first and the most acute of all those in this century,
who transformed the Author of all things into a substance manacled by
the eternal laws of necessity and fate. He indeed personally led a more
discreet and commendable life, than an immense number of Christians and
others do, who have never suffered a doubt to enter their minds respecting
God and the duties men owe to him ; neither did he seek to seduce others
into a contempt for the Supreme Being, or into corrupt morals. (49) But

(45) See the compilations of Jo. Fran.
Buddeus concerning him, in his Theses de
Atheismo et Superstitione, cap. i., p. 120,
&c. The author of the Apology for Vanini,
which was published in Holland 1712, 8vo,
was Peter Fred. Arp, a lawyer of extensive
learning ; who promised a new and much en-
larged edition of this little book, in his Fe-
riae sestivales seu scriptorum suorum Histo-
ria, pt. i., § xl., p. 28, &c. His coadjutor
in vindicating the character of Vanini, was
Elias Fred. Heister, Apologia pro Medicis,
sect, xviii., p. 93, &c. [Vanini was a phy-
sician, and a wild, enthusiastic naturalist.
He travelled in England, the Netherlands,
Germany, France, and Switzerland ; profess-
ed himself a Catholic ; but he advanced
particularly in his last book, his Dialogues,
such mystical and deistic opinions concern-
ing God, whom he seemed to confound with
nature, that he was burned as a heretic at
Toulouse, A.D. 1619. See Schroeckh's
Kirchengesch. seit der Reformat., vol. v.,
p. 646,^&c. Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos.,
torn v., p 670 ; torn, vi., p. 922. Chaufe-
pied, Dictionnaire, art. Vanini ; and Staud-
liri's Beytrage zur Pilos. u. Gesch., vol. i., p.
147. — 7V.]

(46) Peter Bnyle's Dictionnaire, tome iii.,
p. 2526. ("According to Bayle, he was a
great astrologer, and soothsayer, and open-
ly vicious. — TV.]

(47) See Godfr. Arnold's Kirchen-und

Ketzerhistorie, pt. ii., book xvii., ch. xvi., $
14, p, 1074. The records of the trial of
Leszynsky were formerly kept in the very
rich library of Zach. Conr. Uffenbach ; but
where they are^since removed to, I do not
know. [Yet, from what Arnold has brought
forward, it is more probable that he was in-
nocent, than that he was guilty. — Schl.~\

(48) See Jo. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata,
torn, i., p. 304, &.C., and his Isagoge ad
Historiam Chersones. Cimbr., pt. ii., cap.
vi., § viii., p. 164, &c. Matur. Veiss. la
Croze, Entretiens sur divers sujets d'His-
toire, p. 400, &c.

(49) His life, accurately written by Jo.
Colerus, was published at the Hague, in
the year 1706, 8vo. Yet a more full and
circumstantial life of him, was composed by
Lenglet du Fresnoy, and prefixed to Bou-
lainvillier's Exposition of the doctrines of
Spinoza, published at Brussels, or rather at
Amsterdam, 1731, 12mo. Add Peter Bayle,
Dictionnaire, tome iii., p. 2631. [He was
born at Amsterdam in 1632, where his fa-
ther, a Portuguese Jew, then resided as a
trader. Educated among Jews, he early
manifested talent, and also a propensity to-
wards infidelity. He became a great ad-
mirer of Cartesian principles : and associa-
ted with men of education and philosophers.
He was by trade a glass-grinder, and much
farned for all kinds of optical glasses. His
most noted works were, his Tractatus theo-

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

in his books, especially those published after his death, it is manifestly his
aim to evince, that the whole universe and God himself, are precisely one
and the same thing ; and that whatever takes place, arises out of the eter-
nal and immutable laws of nature, which necessarily existed and was ac-
tive from all eternity. And if these things were so, it would follow, that
every individual is himself God, and cannot possibly commit* sin. (50)
Beyond all controversy, it was the Cartesian philosophy to which he en-
tirely resigned himself, that led Spinoza into these opinions. For, having
adopted the common maxim of all philosophers, that all things that truly
exist, (all realities), exist superlatively in God ; and then assuming as indu-
bitable, that opinion of Des Cartes, that there are only two realities, thought
and extension, the one peculiar to minds, and the other to matter ; it was
natural and even necessary, that he should ascribe to God both these real-
ities, extension and thought, without limitation or modification. And this
done, it was unavoidable for him to confound God and the universe, as be-
ing one and the same nature ; and to maintain, that there is only one real
substance, from which all others originate and to which all return. More-
over Spinoza's system of doctrine, as even his friends will admit, was by
no means such, as to captivate by its lucidnesss and the clearness of its
evidence. For they tell us, it is to be comprehended by a kind of feeling,
rather than by the understanding ; and that even the greatest geniuses are
in danger of misunderstanding it.(51) Among the disciples of Spinoza,

bad to worse, or whether he cautiously con-
cealed his real sentiments while he lived,
from prudential reasons, it is difficult to say.
This however is attested by the most credi-
ble witnesses, that so long as he was alive,
he did not publicly influence any one to
think lightly of God and his worship ; and
he always expressed himself, seriously and
piously, when the conversation turned upon
such subjects. See Peter des Maizeaux,
Vie de Mr. de S. Evremond, p. cxvii., &c.,
torn, i., of the works of the latter. This may
also be easily gathered from his Letters,
which are extant among his Posthumous
Works.

(51) Peter Bayle, whom no one will say
was naturally obtuse and dull of apprehension,
is charged by the followers of Spinoza, with
not having well understood the sentiments
of their master, and therefore with not having
solidly refuted them. See his Dictionnaire,
tome iii., p. 1641, note Lewis Meier bit-
terly complains, in his Preface to the Post-
humous Works of Spinoza, p. 21, &c., that
there was a general misapprehension of the
views of this extraordinary man, whose opin-
ions all harmonized with the Christian reli-
gion. Boulainvilliers also, the expositor of
Spinoza, declares in the Preface to a book
soon to be mentioned, p. 153, that all his
opposers had either maliciously perverted his
meaning, or misunderstood it. Les refuta-
tions de Spinoza m'ont induit a juger, ou que
leurs Auteurs n'avoient pas voulu mettre la
doctrine, qu'ils combatteut, dans une evidence

logico politicus, Hamburg, (Amsterdam),
1670, 4to, and Ethica ordine geometrico
demonstrata, published soon after his death,
1677, <lto. His style is dry, argumentative,
and rather obscure. Towards the close of
the 18th century, some of the German theo-
logians began to admire his writings ; and at
this time (1831), it is said, that a large num-
ber of the most pious divines of Germany,
are Spinozists in philosophy. — TV.] .

(50) A pretty long list of those who have
confuted Spinoza, is given by Jo. Alb. Fa-
bricius, Biblioth. Graeca, lib. v., pt. iii., p.
119, &c., and by Godfr. Jenichen, Historia
Spinozismi Lehnhofiani, p. 58-72. His real
opinions concerning God, must be learned
from his Ethics, which was published after
his death ; and not from his Tra.cta.tus thco-
logico-pohticus, which he published in his
lifetime. For in the latter, he argues just
as if he believed in an eternal Deity distinct
from nature and matter, who had caused a
system of religion to be promulgated, for
imbuing men's minds with benevolence and
equity, and had confirmed it by events, mar-
vellous indeed, but not supernatural. But
in his Ethics, he more clearly explains his
views ; and labours to prove, that nature it-
self is God, by its inherent powers neces-
sarily producing movements. And this aids
the confutation of those, who contend that
Spinoza was not so bad a man as he is gen-
erally represented, and who adduce their
proofs from his Tractatus theologico-politi-
cus. Whether he gradually proceeded from

270

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

(who choose to be called Pantheists,(52) from the principal doctrine they
embrace, rather than bear the name of their master), the first rank was
held by Lewis Meier, a physician and a familiar friend of Spmoza,(53)
also one Lwcas,(54) the count Boulainvilliers,(55) and some others.

suffisante^fju qu'ils 1'avoient mal entendue.
If this system of doctrine is so difficult, so
far above common comprehension, that even
men of the greatest and most acute minds
may easily mistake in stating it, what conclu-
sion shall we make, but that the greater part
of the Spinozists, (who are said to be very
numerous all over Europe), have adopted it,
not so much from any natural superiority of
their genius, as from the hope of indulging
their lusts with impunity 1 For no rational
and well-informed man will believe, that in
so great a multitude of persons, many of
whom never once thought of improving their
intellectual powers, all can see through that,
which puzzles the most perspicacious.

(52) To relieve his poverty and satisfy his
hunger, John Toland composed and publish-
ed, at Cosmopolis (London), in 1720, 8vo,
an infamous and corrupting book, entitled
Pantheisticon ; in which he exhibits the For-
mula celebrandae Societatis Socraticae seu
Pantheistic* ; that is, the mode of conduct-
ing meetings among the Pantheists, whom
he represents as scattered every where ; and
the morals of this faction are here graphically
depicted. In this book, — than which none
can be more pernicious to honest but un-
guarded minds, — the President and the mem-
bers of the society of Pantheists confer with
each other. He earnestly recommends to his
associates and fellows attention to truth, lib-
erty, and health ; and dissuades them from
superstition, that is, religion ; and sometimes
he reads to the brethren select passages from
Cicero and Seneca, in which there is some-
thing favourable to irreligiou. They solemn-
ly promise, that they will obey his injunctions.
Sometimes the whole company becomes so
animated, that they simultaneously raise
their voices, and sing merrily some verses
from the ancient Latin poets, suited to their
morals and principles. See Maizeaux, Life
of John Toland, p. Ixxvii. Bibliotheque An-
gloise, torn, viii., pt. ii., p. 285. If the Pan-
theists are such as they are here represented,
it is not for wise men to dispute with them,
but for good magistrates to see to it, that
such impudent geniuses do not creep into so-
ciety, and seduce the minds of citizens from
their duty.

(53) Spinoza employed this Meier as an
interpreter, to translate into Latin what he
wrote in Dutch. Meier also attended his
dying master, and in vain attempted to heal
his disease. And he moreover published the
Posthumous Works of Spinoza, with a Pref-

ace, in which he endeavours without success
to demonstrate, that Spinoza's doctrine con-
tains nothing at variance with Christianity.
He was also the author of the well-known
book, entitled Philosophia Scripture inter-
pres, Eleutheropoli, 1666, 4to, in which the
dignity and authority of the sacred books are
subjected entirely to the decisions of philos-
ophy.

(54) Lucas was a physician at the Hague,
noted for his panaceas, and for the obliquity
of his morals. This flagitious man left a
Life of Spinoza, from which Lenglet du
Fresnoy drew the additions, that he made to
the Life of Spinoza composed by John Co-
lerus. There is also in circulation, and sold
at a high price to those who can relish such
writings, his Marrow of Spinoza's doctrine :
L'esprit de Spinosa. Compared with this,
what Spinoza himself wrote, will appear
quite tolerable and religious ; so greatly has
the wretched writer overleaped the bounds
of all modesty, discretion, and good sense.

(55) This man, of a prolific but singular
and unchastened genius, well known by his
various works relating to the political history
of France, by his Life or rather fable of Mo-
hammed, by his misfortunes, and by other
things ; was so inconsistent with himself, as
to allow to both superstition and atheism
nearly an equal place in his ill-arranged
mind. For while he believed that there was
no God but nature or the universe, he still
had no hesitation to record Mohammed, as
One whom God raised up to instruct mankind ;
and he believed, that the future fortunes of
individuals and of nations, might be learned
from the stars. This man, from his great
solicitude for the public good, was much
troubled that the excellent doctrines of Spi-
noza were misunderstood, by almost every
body ; and therefore he voluntarily assumed
the task of expounding and stating them in a
plain and lucid manner, suited to the com-
prehension of ordinary minds. His attempt
succeeded ; but it produced only this effect,
that all now perceived more clearly than be-
fore, that Bayle and the others who regarded
the opinions of Spinoza as irrational in them-
selves and subversive of all religion and vir-
tue, did not misjudge. His work merited
eternal oblivion. But Lenglet du Fresnoy
brought it before the public ; and that it
might be bought and read with less suspicion,
he gave it the false title of a Confutation of
Spionza's doctrine ; and added some tracts,
really deserving that character, together with a

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 271

§ 25. How much and how happily all branches of literature, and the
arts and sciences, as well those which belong to the province of reason and
the intellect, as those which belong to the empire of invention, memory,
and the imagination, were cultivated and advanced throughout Christendom
in this century, appears from innumerable proofs, which need not here be
detailed. The minds of men already awake, were farther excited near the
beginning of this century, and they were sagaciously shown the path they
should pursue, by that very great man, Francis Bacon lord Verulam, the
Apollo of the English ; and particularly in his books on ike Dignity and
the advances of the Sciences, and his New Organ of the Sciences (de dig-
nitate et augmentis scientiarum, and Novum Organum scientiarum).(56) It
would be vain indeed to expect, that mankind who are beset with a thou-
sand obstructions to their seeing things nakedly and as they really are,
should do all that he requires of the cultivators of science and literature ;
for this extraordinary man was sometimes borne away by his vast and in-
tuitive genius, and required of men not what they are able to do, but what
he could wish might be done. Yet it would be injustice to deny, that a
great part of the advances which the Europeans made in every species of
knowledge in this century, is ascribable to his counsels and admonitions;
and especially, that those who had treated of physical and philosophical
subjects, almost like blind men, by his assistance began gradually to open
their eyes, and to philosophize in a wiser manner. And through his influ-
ence it was, I apprehend, that while most people in the preceding age sup-
posed all human knowledge was carried to its perfection, by the study of
the Greek and Latin classics and by an acquaintance with the liberal and
elegant arts, many gradually ceased to think so, and saw that there were
more wholesome aliments for the mind of a wise man.

§ 26. That the mathematical, physical, and astronomical sciences in par-
ticular, were carried to so great perfection among most of the nations of
Europe, that those who lived before this period were comparatively but
children in these sciences, is most manifest. In Italy, Galileo Galilei, sup-
ported by the grand dukes of Tuscany, led the way :(57) and there fol-
lowed among the French, Rene des Cartes, Peter Gassendi, and innumer-

Life of Spinoza. The whole title of this physician, (who held not the lowest place

dangerous book, is this : Refutation des er- among the friends and disciples of Spinoza),

reurs de Bened. de Spinosa, par Mr. de Fene- entitled Certamen philosophicum propugna-

lon. Archcveque de Cambray, parle P. Lami tae veritatis divinae ac naturalis adversus Jo.

Benedictin, et par Mr. le Comte de Boulain- Bredenburgii principia. This work was

•villiers, avec la vie de Spinosa, ecrite par printed at Amsterdam, 1703, 8vo.
Mr. Jean Colerus, augmentee de beaucoup (56) See his life prefixed to the late edi-

de particularitez tire"es d'unevie manuscrite tion of his entire Works, Lond., 1740, fol.,

de ce philosophe, faite par un de ses amis, and the extracts from it, in the Bibliotheque

(This was Lucas, of whom we spoke before.) Britanique, tome xv., pt. i., p. 128, &c.

A Bruxelles ches Francois Foppens, 1731, Mallet's Vie de Fran9ois Bacon, Amsterd.,

12mo. Thus the wolf was penned among 1742, 8vo, where, see especially his efforts

the sheep. Boulainvilliers' exposition and to introduce a better mode of philosophizing,

defence of Spinoza's doctrine, which, to de- p. 6, 12, 50, 102, &c. Add Voltaire's M!-

ceive people, is called a Refutation, consti- lange de litterature et de Philosophic, cap.

tutes the greatest part of the book: nor is xiv., p. 125, &c.

it placed last, as in the title-page, but oc- (57) See Christ. August. Heumann's

cupies the foreground. The book also con- Acta Philosophorum, written in German, pt.

tains more than the title specifies. For the xiv., p. 261 ; pt. xv., p. 467 ; pt. xvii., p.

motley collection is closed by a work of 803.
Isaac Orobio, a Jewish philosopher and

272 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

able others ; among the Danes, Tycho Brake ; among the English, besides
others of less fame, Robert Boyle, and Isaac Newton ; among the Germans,
John Kepler, John Hevelius, Godfr. Wm. Leibnitz ; and among the Swiss,
the Bernoulli. To these men of the first order, so many others eagerly
joined themselves, that there was no nation of Europe, except those which
had not yet become civilized, which could not boast itself of some excel-
lent and renowned geometrician, natural philosopher, or astronomer.
Their ardour was stimulated, not only by the grand dukes of Tuscany,
those hereditary patrons of all learning and especially of these branches,
but also by the very powerful monarchs of France and Great Britain,
Charles II. and Louis XIV. The former established in London, as the
latter did in Paris, an academy or society of learned and inquisitive men,
guarded against the contempt of the vulgar and the insidious influences of
sloth, by very ample honours and rewards ; whose business it was to ex-
amine nature most critically, and to cultivate all those arts, by which the
human mind is rendered acute in discerning the truth, and in promoting the
convenience and comfort of mankind. (58) This advance of learning has
been exceedingly useful, not only to civil society but also to the Christian
church. For by it the dominion of superstition, than which nothing can
be more injurious to true religion or more dangerous to the safety of the
state, has been greatly narrowed down ; the strongest bulwarks have been
erected against fictitious prodigies, by which people were formerly greatly
affrighted ; and the boundless perfections of the Supreme Being, especially
his wisdom and his power, have been most solidly demonstrated, from the
character and the structure both of the universe at large and of its indi-
vidual parts.

§ 27. Much darkness was removed from the minds of Christians, by the
knowledge of history and especially of early church history, which men
of deep research in many places acquired and disselninated. For the or-
igin and causes of a great number of opinions which antiquity and custom
had rendered as it were sacred, being now historically exposed, numerous
errors which before had occupied and enslaved men's minds, of course lost
their authority, and light and peace arose upon many minds, and the lives
of many were rendered more blameless and happy. This better knowl-
edge of history likewise restored very many persons to a fair reputation,
whom the ignorance or the malice of former ages had branded with the
name of heretics ; and this served ,to protect many pious and good men
from being misled by the malignant and the ill-informed. History also
showed, that various religious disputes which formerly embroiled nations,
and involved them in bloodshed, rebellion, and crimes, arose from very
trivial causes ; from the ambiguity of terms, from ignorance, superstition,
envy and emulation, or from the love of pre-eminence. It traced back
many rites and ceremonies, which were once regarded as of divine origin,
to polluted sources ; to the customs of barbarous nations, to a disposition
to practise imposition, to the irrational fancies of half-educated men, and

(58) A History of the Royal Society of retary." — Macl.~] A History of the Parisian

London, was published by Thomas Spratt, Academy of Sciences, has been published

London, 1722, 4to. See Bibliotheque An- by Fontenelle. A comparison between the

gloise, torn, xi., pt. i., p. 1, &c. [" A much two academies, is made by Voltaire, Melange

more interesting and ample history of this de litterature et de Philosophic, cap. xxvi.,

respectable society has lately been composed in Opp., "tome iv., p. 317.
and published by Dr. Birch, its learned sec-

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 273

to a foolish desire of imitating others. It taught, that the rulers of the
church by base arts had possessed themselves of no small share of the
civil power ; and by binding kings with religious terrors, had divested them
of their wealth. It evinced, that the ecclesiastical councils, whose decrees
were once regarded as divine oracles, were often conventions of quite ig-
norant men, nay sometimes of arrant knaves. Several other things of the
like nature might be mentioned. How salutary all this must have been to
the cause of Christianity ; how much gentleness towards those of different
sentiments, how much caution and prudence in deciding upon the opinions
of others, how much relief to the innocent and the good against the ill-
disposed, grew out of it, and how many pernicious artifices, frauds, and
errors, it has banished from human society, we may learn from our own
daily experience of our happy condition.

§ 28. Those Christians, who gave attention to Hebrew and Greek lit-
erature, and to the languages and antiquities of the eastern nations, (and
very many prosecuted these studies with great success), threw much light
on numerous passages of the holy scriptures, which were before either dark
and obscure, or misunderstood and erroneously adduced in support of opin-
ions rashly taken up, nay made to teach error and false doctrine. And
the consequence was, that the patrons of many vulgar errors and ground.
less opinions, were deprived of the best part of their armour. Nor will
the wise and the good maintain, that there was no advantage to religion
from the labours of such as either kept Latin eloquence from becoming ex-
tinct, or in imitation of the French, laboured to polish and improve the
vernacular languages of their respective nations. For it is of great im-
portance to the welfare and progress of the Christian community, that it
should not lack men, who are able to write and to speak, properly, fluently,
and elegantly, on all religious subjects ; so that they may bring the igno-
rant, and those opposed to religion, to listen with pleasure to what they
ought to learn, and readily to comprehend what they ought to know.

§ 29. The moral doctrines inculcated by Christ and his apostles, receiv-
ed a better form and more support against various abuses and perversions,
after the law of nature or of right reason had been more critically inves-
tigated and better explained. The incomparable Hugo Grotius, stood forth
a guide to others in this department, by his work on the Rights of War
and Peace (de Jure Belli el Pads) : and the excellence and importance of
the subject, induced a number of the best geniuses to follow him with alac-
rity.(59) How much aid the labours of these men afforded to all those
who afterwards treated of the life and duties of a Christian, will be man-
ifest to any one, that shall take the trouble to compare the treatises on this
subject composed after their times, with those which were previously in
estimation. It is certain, that the boundaries of Christian and natural mo-
rality were more accurately determined ; some Christian duties, the nature
of which was not well understood by the ancients, were more clearly de-
fined ; the great superiority of the divine laws, to the dictates of mere rea-
son, was more lucidly shown ; those general principles and solid grounds,
by which all the Christian's doubts and conflicts respecting right and wrong
in action may be easily settled, were established ; and finally, the folly of
those who audaciously maintained, that the precepts of Christianity were

(59) See Adam Fred. Glafcy's History prefixed to a Bibliotheca of the law of nature
of the law of nature, written in German, and and nations ; Lips., 1739, 4to.
VOL. III.— Al M

274

BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

at variance with the dictates of sound reason, that they subverted nature,
were calculated to undermine the prosperity of nations, rendered men ef-
feminate, diverted them from the proper business of life, and the like, was
vigorously chastised and refuted.

§ 30. But it is proper to make some particular remarks on the state of
philosophy among Christians. At the commencement of this century,
nearly all the philosophers were distributed into two sects ; namely, that
of the Peripatetics, and that of the Fire-Philosophers or the Chymists. And
during many years, these two sects contended warmly for pre-eminence,
and in a great number of publications. The Peripatetics held nearly all
the professorial chairs both in the universities and the inferior schools, and
they were furious against all that thought Aristotle should either be cor-
rected or abandoned ; as if all such had been traitors to their country, and
public enemies of mankind. Most of this class however, if we except the
professors at Tubingen, Helmstadt, Altorf, and Leipsic, did not follow Ar-
istotle himself, but rather his modern expositors. The Chymical or Fire
Philosophers roamed over nearly every country of Europe ; assumed the
obscure and deceptive title of Rosecrucian Brethren, (Ros&cruciani Fra-
tres),(60) which had some apparent respectability, as it seemed to be de-

(60) It is abundantly attested, that the title
of Rosecrucians was given to the Chymists,
who united the study of religion with the
search after chymical secrets. The term it-
self is chymical ; nor can its import be un-
derstood, without a knowledge of the style
used by the chymists. It is compounded, not
as many think, of rosa and crux (a rose and
the cross), but of ros (dew) and crux. Dew is
the most powerful of all natural substances
to dissolve gold. And a cross, in the lan-
guage of the fire-philosophers, is the same as
Lux (light) ; because the figure of a cross
-\- exhibits all the three letters of the word
Lvx at one view. Moreover, this sect ap-
plied the term Lux to the seed or Menstru-
um of the Red Dragon, or to that crude and
corporeal light, which being properly con-
cocted and digested, produces gold. A
Rosecrucian therefore, is a philosopher, who
by means of dew, seeks for light, that is, for
the substance of the philosopher's stone.
The other interpretations of this name, are
false and deceptive ; and were invented and
given out by the chymists themselves, who
were exceedingly fond of concealment, for
the sake of imposing on others that were hos-
tile to their religious views. The true im-
port of this title was perceived by the sa-
gacity of Peter Gassendi, Examen philoso-
phise Fluddanae, § 15, in his Opp., torn, iii.,
p. 261. But it was more lucidly explained
by the celebrated French physician, Eusebi-
us Renaudot, Conferences publiques, tome
iv., p. 87. Very much, though ill arranged,
respecting these' Rosecrucian brethren who
made so much noise in this century, their
Bociety, institutes, and writings, may be

found in Godfr. Arnold's Kirchen-und Ket-
zerhistorie, part ii., book xvii., ch. xviii., p.
1114, &c. [According to most of the wri-
ters on the subject, the name Rosecrucians
was not assumed by all the Fire- Philoso-
phers ; nor was it first applied to men of
that description ; but it was the appropriate
name of an imaginary association, first an-
nounced about the year 1610, into which a
multitude of Fkre- Philosophers or alchymists,
eagerly sought admission. The earliest wri-
ting professedly from them, was either pub-
lished or republished at Frankfort, A.D.
1615, in, German ; and afterwards in Danish,
Dutch, and Latin ; and bore the title of
" Fama Fraternitatis, or Discovery of the
Brotherhood of the praiseworthy order of
the Rosy-cross ; together with the Confes-
sion of the same Fraternity ; addressed to
all the learned heads in Europe : also some
answers, by Mr. Haselmeyer and other learn-
ed persons, to the Fama ; together with a
Discourse concerning a general reformation
of the whole world." The next year, 1616,
David Mcderus wrote, " that, the Fama Fra-
ternitatis and the Confession had then been,
for six years, printed and dispersed in five
languages." In the Fama, p. 15, &c., the
founder and head of the fraternity, is said
to have been one Christopher Rosen- Creutzt
a German, born in the year 1888 ; who be-
came a pilgrim, visited the holy sepulchre,
and Damascus, where he was instructed by
the wise men, and afterwards learned magic
and the Cabala at Fez, and in Egypt ; on
his return to Germany, he undertook to im-
prove human knowledge, and received sev-
eral into his fraternity in order to commence

GENERAL HISTORY OP THE CHURCH.

5275

rived from the arms of Luther, which were a cross upon a rose ; and in
numberless publications, some of them more and some of them less able
and severe, they charged the Peripatetics with corrupting and perverting
both reason and religion. The leaders of the band were Robert Fludd.(6l)
an Englishman, of a singular genius ; Jacob B&hmen, a shoemaker of Gor-
litz ; and Michael Mayer. (62) These were afterwards succeeded by Jo.
Bapt. Helmont, and his son, Francis Mercurius ;(68) Christian Knorr, of
Rosenroth ;(64) Quirin Kuhlmann ;(65) Henry Noll ;(66) Julius Sper.
ler ;(67) and numerous others, but of unequal rank and fame. Harmony
of opinion among this sort of people, no one would expect. For as a great
part of their system of doctrine depends on a kind of internal sense, on
the imagination, and on the testimony of the eyes and the ears, — than which

the business ; and lived to the age of 100
years, a sage far in advance of the men of
his age. This fraternity it was said, con-
tinued down to the time of these publications.
A vast excitement was produced by this pub-
lication in 1615. Some declared in favour of
the fabled Rosecrucian society, as a body of
orthodox and learned reformers of the world ;
and others charged them with errors and mis-
chievous designs. But in the year 1619, Dr.
Jo. Valentine Andrea;, a famous Lutheran
divine,. published his " Tower of Babel, or
chaos of opinions respecting the Fraternity
of the Rosy-cross ;" in which he represents
the whole history as a farce ; and gave in-
timations that he was himself concerned in
getting it up. But many enthusiastic per-
sons, especially among the Fire- Philosophers,
continued to believe the fable ; and professed
to know many of the secrets of the society.
Much continued to be written about them,
for a long time : and indeed the whole sub-
ject is involved in great obscurity. See
God.fr. Arnold, loc. cit., vol. ii., p. 244-258,
ed. Schaffhausen, 1741. H. P. K. Henke's
Gesch. der christl. Kirche, vol. iii., p. 509-
511 ; and the authors there cited. For the
origin and character of the Theosophists or
Fire-Philosophers, see above, on* the prece-
ding century, p. 135, &c. — TV.]

(61) For an account of this singular man,
to whom our Bozhmen owed all his wisdom,
see Anth. Wood's Athenas Oxoniens., vol.
i., p. 610, and Historia et Antiq. Acad. Ox-
oniensis, lib. ii., p. 390, &c. Concerning
Helmont the father, see Henn. Wilte, Me-
moriae Philosophorum ; and others. Re-
specting Helmont the son, see Joach. Fred.
Feller, Miscellanea Leibnitianea, p. 226, and
Leibnitz's Epistles, vol. iii., p. 353, 354.
Concerning Bcehmen, see Godfr. Arnold, and
various others. Respecting the rest, various
writers must be consulted.

(62) See Jo. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata,
torn, i., p. 376, &c. [He was a learned
physician and chymist, wrote much, and
ranked high as a physician and a good man.

He died at Magdeburg, A.D. 1622, aged 54.
— Tr.]

(63) [Concerning him, see Brucker's Hist,
critica Philosophise, torn, iv., pt. i., p. 709,
&c.— Schl.]

(64) [As Brucker, who gives account of
the preceding Fire- Philosophers, is in every
body's hands ; while the history of Knorr of
Rosenroth, must be derived from the more
rare Nova Litteraria of Krause, Lips., 1718,
p. 191, we shall here offer the reader a brief
notice of him. Christian Knorr of Rosen-
roth was a Silesian nobleman ; who, together
with no ordinary knowledge of medicine,
philology, and theology, possessed a particu-
lar acquaintance with chymistry and the Kab-
bala ; and was privy counsellor and chancel-
lor to Christian Augustus, the palsgrave of
Sulzbach. He was born in 1636, and died
in 1689. His most important work was his
Kabbala denudata, in 2 vols. 4to, printed, vol.
i., Sulzb., 1678, and vol. ii., Frankf. on Mayn,
1 684. He also aided the publication of many
Rabbinical works ; and particularly of the
book Sohar, at the Hebrew press in Sulzbach,
1684, fol—Schl.-]

(65) [See, concerning him, Brucker, loc.
cit., p. 706. Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzer-
hist., part iii., ch. xix., p. 197, &c. ; and
Bayle's Dictionnaire, article Kuhlmann. —
Schl.]

(66) [He belonged to the gymnasium of
Steinfurt in Westphalia, was afterwards pro-
fessor of philosophy at Giessen, and at last,
preacher at Darmstadt. He applied himself
also to chymistry and medicine, and was a
follower of Paracelsus. He wrote, among
other things, Systema hermeticae medicinae,
and Physica hermetica ; in which there are
very many paradoxical propositions. — Schl.]

(67) [This man also belonged among the
Rosecrucians. He was a counsellor at An-
halt- Dessau ; and composed many Theo-
sophic tracts, which were published at Am-
sterdam, in 1660 and 1662, 8vo. He died
A.D. 1616.— Sehl.]

27G BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVIL— SECTION I.

nothing can be more fluctuating and fallacious ; this sect of course, had
almost as many disagreeing teachers, as it had writers of much note.
There were however certain general principles, in which they all agreed.
They all held, that the only way to arrive at true wisdom and a knowledge
of the first principles of all things, was by analyzing bodies by the agency
of fire. They all imagined, there was a sort of coincidence and agree-
ment of religion with nature ; and held, that God operates by the same
laws in the kingdom of grace, as in the kingdom of nature ; and hence they
expressed their religious doctrines in chymical terms, as being appropriate
to their philosophy. They all held, that there is a sort of divine energy or
soul diffused through the frame of the universe ; which some called Arch-
feus, others the universal spirit, and others by various appellations. They
all talked much and euperstitiously, about (what they called) the signatures
of things, about the power and dominion of the stars over all corporeal be-
ings and even over men, and about magic and demons of various kinds.
And finally, they all expressed their very obscure and inexplicable ideas,
in unusual and most obscure phraseology.

§ 31. This contest between the chymical and the Peripatetic philoso-
phers was moderated, and a new method of philosophizing was introduced,
by two great men of France ; namely, Peter Gassendi, professor of math-
ematics at Paris and canon of the church at Digne, a man of erudition,
well acquainted with the belles lettres, eloquent also, and deeply versed in
all branches of mathematics, astronomy, and other sciences ; and Rene des
Cartes, (Renatus Cartesius), a French chevalier and soldier, a man of an
acute and subtle genius, but much inferior to Gassendi in literary and sci-
entific acquirements. Gassendi, in the year 1624, forcibly and ingeniously
attacked Aristotle and the Aristotelians, by publishing some Exercitations
against Aristotle ; but the work excited so much resentment and was pro-
curing him so many enemies, that from his strong love of peace and tran-
quillity, he desisted from continuing the publication. Hence only two books
of the work which he projected against Aristotle, were published ; the other
five, (for he intended to embrace the whole subject in seven books), were
suppressed in their birth.(68) He likewise, in an appropriate work, attack-
ed Fludd, and through him the Rosecrucian Brethren :(69) which was not
unacceptable to the Aristotelians. At length he pointed out toothers,
though cautiously and discreetly, and himself entered upon, that mode of
philosophizing, which ascends by slow and timid steps from what strikes
the senses to what lies beyond their reach, and prosecutes the knowledge
of truth by observation, attention, experiment, and reflection on the move-
ments and the laws of nature ; that is, from the contemplation of particular
events and changes in nature, endeavours gradually to elicit some general
ideas. In these inquiries, he called in the aid especially of the mathe-
matics, as being the most certain of all sciences ; and neglected metaphys.
ics, the precepts of which he regarded as so dubious, that a man desirous
to know truth, cannot safely confide in but very few of them. (70)

(68) See Bougerell, Vie de Gassendi, p. Gassendi) scriptos respondetur, cum aliquot
17, 23. observationibus r oelestibus, Paris, 1630, 8 vo.

(69) [The title of his book was : Examen — Schl. ]

philosophise FluddansG, sive Exercitatio epis- (70) Those who wish farther information

tolica, in qua principia philosophise Roberti on this subject, may consult his Institutiones

Fluddi reteguntur, et ad recentes illius libros Philosophic ; a diffuse performance, which

advcrsus Marinum Mersennum (a friend of fills the two first volumes of his works, [pub=-

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 277

§ 32. Des Cartes philosophized in a very different manner. For he
abandoned the mathematics, which he at first had made his chief depend,
ance, and betook himself to general ideas or to metaphysics, in order to
come at that truth which was the object of his pursuit. Calling in the aid
therefore of a few very simple positions, which the very nature of man
seems almost to dictate to him spontaneously, he first endeavoured to form
in his own mind distinct ideas of souls, bodies, God, matter, the universe,
space, and of the principal objects of which the universe is composed.
Combining these ideas together, and reducing them to a scientific form or
system, he applied them to the correction, improvement, and solid estab-
lishment of the other parts of philosophy ; always taking care, that what
followed or was brought out last, should coincide with what went before
and appear to arise spontaneously from It. Scarcely had he brought his
reflections before the public, when a considerable number of discerning
men in most countries of Europe, who had been long dissatisfied with the
dust and darkness of the schools, approved and embraced his views, and
wished to see Des Cartes recommended to the studious youth, and the Per-
ipatetics set aside. On the other hand, the whole tribe of Peripatetics,
aided by the clergy who feared that religion was in danger from some se-
cret plot, raised a prodigious dust to prevent the new philosophy from sup-
planting the old ; and to carry on the war with better success, they bitter-
ly taxed the author of it, not only with the grossest errors, but also with
downright Atheism. This will appear the less surprising, if we .consider
that the Aristotelians fought, not so much for their system of philosophy
as for their personal interests, their honours and emoluments. The Theo-
sophists, Rosecrucians, and Chymists seemed to enter into the contest with
more calmness : and yet there was not one of them, who did not regard
the doctrines of the Peripatetics, vain and injurious to piety as they were,
as far more tolerable than the Cartesian discoveries. (71) The result of
this long contest finally was, that the wiser part of Europe would not in-
deed give themselves up entirely to the philosophy of Des Cartes alone, yet
in conformity with his example, they resolved to philosophize more freely
than before, and to renounce their servitude to Aristotle.

§ 33. The great men contemporary with Des Cartes, very generally ap.
plauc-.ed his plan and purpose of philosophizing without subjecting himself
to a guide or master, of proceeding circumspectly and slowly from the first
dictates of nature and reason to things more complex and difficult, and of
admitting nothing till it was well examined and understood. Nor was
there an individual who did not acknowledge, that he was the author of
many brilliant and very useful discoveries and demonstrations. But some
of them looked upon his positions respecting the causes and principles of
natural things, as resting for the most part on mere conjectures ; and con-
sidered the "groundwork of his whole system, namely, his definitions or
ideas of God, the first cause, of matter and spirit, of the essential nature
of things, of motion and its laws, and of other similar subjects, as either

lished by Sorbierre, in 6 vols. fol., A.D. (71) Here should be read, besides the oth-
1658]. Throughout these Institutes, it seems ers who have written the history of Des Car-
lo be his main°object to show, that the opin- tes and his philosophy, Hadrian Baillcd
ions of the philosophers, both ancient and Life of Des Cartes, in French, printed at
modern, on most subjects, derived by them Paris, 1691, 2 vols. 4to. Add the Nouveau
from the precepts of metaphysics, have little Dictionnaire Histor. et Crit., tome 11., p. 39.
of certainty and solidity.

278 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

uncertain, or leading to dangerous errors, or contrary to experience. At
the head of these, was his countryman, Peter Gassendi ; who had attempt-
ed to lower the credit of the Aristotelians and the Qhymists, before Des
Cartes ; and who was his equal in genius, much his superior in learning,
and most expert in all the branches of mathematics. He endeavoured to
overthrow those metaphysical principles, which Des Cartes had made the
foundation of his whole system ; and in opposition to his natural philoso-
phy, he set up another which was not unlike the old Epicurean, but far
more perfect, better, and more solid, and founded not on mental concep-
tions, but on experience and the testimony of the senses. (72) The follow-
ers of this new and very sagacious teacher were not numerous, and were
far outnumbered by the Cartesian host ; yet it was a select band, and pre-
eminent for attainments and ardour in mathematical and physical knowl-
edge. Among his countrymen Gassendi had few admirers ; but among
their neighbours, the English, who at that time were much devoted to phys-
ical and mathematical studies, he had a larger number of adherents. Even
those English philosophers and theologians who combated Thomas Hobbes,
(whose doctrines more resembled those of Gassendi, than they did those of
Des Cartes), and who in order to confute Hobbes revived the Platonic phi-
losophy, such as William [Benjamin] Whichcot, Tlieophilus Gale, Ralph
Cudworth, Henry Moore, and others, did not hesitate to associate Plato with
Gassendi, and to put such a construction upon the latter as would make
him appear the friend of the former. (73)

§ 34. From this time onward, Christendom was divided by two distin-
guished sects of philosophers ; who, though they had little dispute about
things of most practical utility in human life, were much at variance re-
specting the starting points in all philosophical reasoning, or the foundations
of all human knowledge. The one may not improperly be called the met-
aphysical sect, and the other the mathematical ; nor would the leaders in
these schools, probably, reject these appellations. The former trod in the
footsteps of Des Cartes ; the latter preferred the method of Gassendi. That
supposed, truth was to be discovered by reasoning ; this, rather by experi-
ments and observation. That placed little dependance on the senses, and
trusted more to reflection and ratiocination ; this placed less dependance
on reasoning, and relied more on the senses and the actual inspection of
things. That deduced from a few metaphysical principles, a long list of
dogmas ; by which it affirmed, a way was opened for acquiring a certain
and precise knowledge of the nature of God, of souls, of bodies, and of the
entire universe : this, did not indeed reject the principles of metaphysics,
but it denied their sufficiency for constructing an entire system of philos-

(72) See, in particular, his Disquisitio met- ambiguous and equivocal, and likewise over-

aphysica, scu Dubitationes et Instantiae ad- loaded with various learning. The Life of

versus Cartesii metaphysicam et responsa ; Gassendi was not long since carefully writ-

which was first published in 1641, and is in- ten by Bougerdl, one of the Fathers of the

serted in the third volume of his Works, p. Oratory, Paris, 1737, 12mo, concerning

283, <kc. A neat compendium of his whole which, see Biblioth Franqoise, tome xxvii.,

system of philosophy, was drawn up by Fran- pt. ii., p. 353, &c.

cis Bernier, a celebrated French physician : (73) See the remarks we have made, in

Abreg6 de la philosophic de Gassendi, Ly- the Preface to Cudworth' s Intellectual Sys-

ons, 1684,8 vols. 12mo. From this com- tem, g. 2 a., and in many places of our Notes

pendium, the views of this great man may be to that work : [in the Latin translation, by

more easily learned than from his own wri- Dr. Mosheim. — TV.]
tings, which are not unfrequently designedly

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 279

ophy ; and contended on the contrary, that long experience, a careful in-
spection of things, and experiments often repeated, were the best helps to
the attainment of solid and useful knowledge. That boldly soars aloft, to
examine the first cause and source of truth, and the natures and causes of
all things, and returning with these discoveries, descends to explain by them
the changes that take place in nature, the purposes and the attributes of
God, the character and duties of men, and the constitution and fabric of the
universe : this, more timid and more modest, first inspects most attentively
the objects which meet the eye, and which lie as it were at our feet ; and
then ascends to inquiries into the nature and causes of things. That sup-
poses very much to be perfectly well understood ; and therefore is very
ready to attempt reducing its knowledge into the form of a regular and
complete system : this supposes innumerable things to elude our grasp ;
and instructs its followers to suspend all judgment on numberless points,
until time and experience shall throw more light upon them ; and lastly,
it supposes that the business of making out complete systems as they are
called, either entirely exceeds the ability of mortals, or must be left to fu-
ture generations who shall have learned far more from experience than we
have. This disagreement respecting the first principles of all human
knowledge or science, has produced much dissension respecting subjects
of the greatest importance, such as the character of God, the nature of
matter, the elements of bodies, the laws of motion, the mode of the divine
government or providence, the constitution of the universe, the nature and
mutual relations of souls and bodies : and the wise, who reflect upon the
subject matter of these disputes and upon the habits and dispositions of
human minds, are fearful that these controversies will continue and be per-
petual.(74) At the same time, good men would be less troubled about
these contests, if the parties would show more moderation, and would not
each arraign the other as chargeable with a grievous offence against God
and as subverting the foundations of all religion. (75)

§ 35. All those who either embraced the sentiments of Des Cartes, or

(74) Voltaire published a few years since : here follow his own genius, but adopts the
La Metaphysique de Neuton, ou parallele views of the Peripatetic and Mathematical
des sentiniens de Neuton et de Leibnitz, sects, who more fiercely than others assailed
Amsterd., 1740, 8vo, which little book, the Cartesian philosophy. And even very
though not so accurately written as it should recently Voltaire, though he is much more
be, nor a complete treatise on the subject, moderate, yet not obscurely assents to these
will yet be not a little serviceable to those accusations. (Metaphysique de Neuton,
who wish to know how much these philo- cap. i., p. 3, &c.) Nor were the Metaphys-
sophic schools disagree. ical philosophers more temperate towards

(75) It is well known, that Des Cartes their adversaries. Long since, Anthony Ar-
and his followers, the metaphysical philoso- nauld considered Gassendi in his dispute
phers, were formerly accused by vast num.- against Des Cartes, as subverting the im-
rjers, and they are still accused, of subvert- mortality of the soul. AndGodf. Wilh.Leib-
ing all religion and piety. In the list of A the- nitz added, that the whole of natural religion
ists unmasked, by Jo. Harduin, (CEuvres was corrupted and shaken by him. See
Melees, p. 200, &c.), Rent des Cartes, with Maizeaux, Recueil des diverses pieces sur la
his principal and most noble followers, An- philosophic, tome ii., p. 166. Nor does
thony le Grand and Silvanus Regis, hold a Leibnitz hesitate to declare, that Isaac New-
conspicuous place. Nor is the name of ton and his adherents rob God of his best
Franc. Nich. Malebranche, though many attributes and perfections, and rip up the
think him nearer allied to the fanatics, ex- foundations of natural religion. And most
eluded from this black catalogue. (See p. of the writings of both parties quite down to
43.) It is true, that Harduin very often our times, are full of such criminations,
talks like one delirious ; but he does not

280 BOOK IV.— CENTURY XVII.— SECTION I.

adopted his rules of philosophizing, endeavoured to elucidate, confirm,
amend, and perfect the metaphysical method in philosophy. And these
persons were very numerous in this century, especially in Holland and
France. But as some of this description not obscurely undermined religion
and the belief of a God, of which class Benedict de Spinoza was the ring-
leader, and as others of them abused the precepts of their master to per-
vert and overthrow certain doctrines of religion, as e. g., Balthazar Becker,
hence in various places, the whole school became extremely odious. There
were none who pursued the metaphysical method more wisely, and at the
same time more acutely, than Francis Nicholas Malebranche, and Godfrey
William Leibnitz ; the former, a Frenchman, and one of the Fathers of
the Oratory, a man equally eloquent and acute ; the latter, a German, to
be ranked with the first genius of any age.(76) Neither of them indeed,
received all the dicta of Des Cartes, but they adopted his general method
of philosophizing, added many opinions of their own, altered and improved
many things, and confirmed others with more solid arguments. Male-
tranche yielded too much to his very fertile imagination ; and therefore he
often inclined towards those who are agreeably deceived by the visions of
their own creation. Leibnitz depended entirely on his reason and judg-
ment.

§ 36. The mathematical philosophy already mentioned, had a much
smaller number of followers and friends : the causes of which, will readily
occur to those disposed to inquire for them. But it found a new country
affording it protection, namely Great Britain ; the philosophers of which
perceiving in its infantile and unfinished features a resemblance of the
great Francis Bacon lord Verulam, took it into their arms, cherished it,
and to our times have given it fame. The whole Royal Society of London,
which is almost the public school of the nation, approved of it ; and with
no less expense than pains and patience, improved *and extended it. In
particular, it is very much indebted for its progress to those immortal men,
Isaac Barrow, John Wallis, John Locke, and him who should have been
named first, Robert Boyle, a very religious gentleman, much noted among
other things for his very learned works. The theologians also of that
country, — a class of men whom philosophers are wont to charge with vio-
lently opposing their measures, — deemed it not only sound and harmless,
but likewise most useful to awaken and to cherish feelings of reverence for
the Deity, and to support and defend religion, and most consonant with the
decisions of the holy scriptures and the primitive church. And hence, all
those who publicly assailed the enemies of God and religion in the Bbylian
lectures, descended into the arena clad in its armour, and wielding its weap.

(76) Concerning Malebranche, the author tenelle, loc. cit., tome ii., p. 9. But his his-

of the interesting work entitled, Search af- tory and his philosophy, are the most copi-

ter Truth [Recherche de la. Verite, Paris, ously described by Charles Gunther Ludavi-

1673, 3 vols. 12mo, also translated into ci, in his History of the Leibnitian philoso-

English, in 1 vol. fol. — TV.], and of other phy, written in German, 2 vols, Lips., 1737,

metaphysical works ; see Fontenelle, Eloges 8vo. The genius of this great man, may be

des Academiciens d rAcadamie Royale des the most satisfactorily learned by reading his

sciences, tome i., p. 317, &c. For what is Epistles, published by Christ. Kortholt, in 3

reprehensible in his philosophy, see Jo. Har- vols. 8vo, Leipsic ; and afterwards by oth-

duin's Atheists unmasked, in his (Euvres ers. Nor is it necessary I should here draw

Melees, p. 43, &c. The life and doctrines his portrait,
of Leibnitz are described by the same Fan-

GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 281

ons. But by the ingenuity and diligence of no one, have its increase and
progress been more aided, than by those of Isaac Newton ; a man of the
highest excellence, and venerable even in the estimation of his opposers :
for he spent the whole of his long life in digesting, correcting, amplifying,
and demonstrating it, both by experiments and by computations ; and with
so much success, that from being only silver, it seemed to become gold in
his hands. (77) The English say, that the excellence and the superior
value of this philosophy, may be learned from this fact, that all those who
have devoted themselves wholly to it, have left behind them bright exam-
ples of sanctity and solid piety ; while on the other hand, many of the
metaphysical philosophers have been entirely estranged from God and his
worship, and were teachers and promoters of the greatest impiety.

§ 37. But although these two illustrious schools had deprived the ancient
ones of their pupils and their reputation, yet all the philosophers would not
join themselves to one or the other of them. For liberty of thinking for
themselves being obtained, some men of superior genius and acumen, and
some also whose imaginations were stronger than their judgments, ventu-
red to point out new ways for coming at latent truths. But nearly all of
them failed of obtaining many followers ; so that it will be sufficient, to
just glance at the subject. There were some whose mediocrity of talents,
or whose native indolence of character, deterred them from the difficult
and laborious task of investigating truth by the efforts of their own minds,
and who therefore attempted to collect and to compact into a kind of sys-
tem, the best and most satisfactory principles admitted by all the schools.
These are commonly denominated Eclectics. And finally, from these very
disagreements and contests of the philosophers, some very acute men took
occasion to despair of finding the truth, and for again opening the long
closed school of the Skeptics. Among these, the more distinguished were
Francis Sanches, a physician of Toulouse,(78) Francis de la Moihe le
Vayer,(19) Peter Daniel Huet bishop of Avranches,(80) and some others.
It is common, and not altogether without reason, to place among this class
Peter Bayle ;(81) who acquired high reputation in the latter part of this
century, by various works rich in matter, and elegant in style.

(77) This great man's Elementa philo- both in French, Amsterd., 1723, 8vo, and
sophise mathematics often printed, and his recently in Latin. But it appears, that long
other writings, philosophical and mathemat- before this book was either published or writ-
ical and also theological, are of great notori- ten, Huet had recommended the mode of
ety. His life and merits are elegantly descri- philosophizing adopted by the skeptics ; and

' bed by Fontenelle; Eloge"s des Academicieris thought this alone best suited to establish

de 1' Academic Royale des sciences, tome ii., the Christian religion. See his Commenta-

p. 293-323. Add Biblioth. Angloise, tome rius de rebus ad eum pertinentibus, lib. iv.,

xv., pt. ii., p. 545, and Biblioth. raisonnee, p. 230, and his Demonstratio Evangelica,

tome vi., pt. ii., p. 478. Preface, § iv., p. 9, where he approves the

(78) There is a celebrated work of his, en- measures of those, who first enervate all phi-
titled : De eo, quod nihil scitur ; which, with losophy and expel it from the mind, by skep-
liis other tracts, and his Life, was published tic'al arguments, before they prove to the
at Toulouse, 1636, 4to. See Bayle's Die- doubting the truth of Christianity. We are
tionnaire,tomeiii.,p. 2530, and Peter de Vil- aware that the Jesuits, to whom Huet was
lemandy's Skepticismus debellatus, cap. iv., much inclined, formerly adopted with suc-
p. 32. cess, and do still adopt this very hazardous

(79~) See Bayle's Dictionnaire, tome iv., artifice, in order to draw over Protestants to

art. Vayer, p. 27SO, &c. the Romish community.

(80) His book on the Weakness of Hu- (81) Who at this day can be unacquaim-

man Reason, was published after his death, ed with Bayle 1 His Life, copiously written

VOL. III.— N N

282 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

SECTION II. -

THE PARTICULAR HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

PART I.

THE HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT CHURCHES.

CHAPTER I.

THE HISTORY OF THE ROMISH OR LATIN CHURCH.

§ 1. The Sovereign Pontiffs of this Century. — $ 2. Solicitude of the Romish Church to
oppress the Protestants. — <J 3. Commotions in Austria and Bohemia. — I) 4. The Bohe-
mian War. Frederic V. defeated. — § 5. Progress of the Bohemian German War. —
§ 6. Gustavus Adolphus arrives. Termination of the Thirty Years' War. — § 7. The
Peace of Westphalia. — § 8 Injuries done to Protestants by the Romanists. — $ 9. The
Moors driven out of Spain. Oppression of the Reformed in France. — t) 10. Attempts
upon England fail. — 6 11. Milder Measures of the Papists to overcome the Protestants.
— § 12. Theological Conferences attempted. — § 13'. The Popish Pacificators. — () 14.
Pacificators on the side of the Protestants. — $ 15. The Popish Methodists. — § 16. Prot-
estant Apostates. — $ 17. Losses of the Romish Church in the East. — (/ 18. Authority
of the Pontiffs gradually diminished. — f) 19. Controversy of Paul V. with the Venetians.
— t) 20. War with the Portuguese. — § 21. Contests of the French with the Pontiffs. —
$ 22. Lewis XIV. in particular. — $ 23. State of the Romi%h Clergy. — § 24. The Monks.

- — $ 25. The Congregation of St. Maur. — $ 26. Port Royal. Reformed Bernardins de
la Trappe. — $ 27. New Sects of Monks. — $ 28. The Jesuits. — § 29. State of Literature
in the Romish Church. — () 30. Philosophy. — § 31. Merits of the Jesuits, the Benedictines,
the Fathers of the Oratory, and the Jansenists. — § 32. The principal Writers. — § 33.
The Romish Religion corrupted still more. — $ 34. Morality subverted by the Jesuits.
— $ 35. Condition of Exegetic Theology. — $ 36. Dogmatic, Moral, and Polemic The-
ology.— <$ 37. Contest of the Jesuits and Dominicans respecting the Aids of Grace,
under Clement VIII. — § 38. Its continuation under Paul V. and its Issue. — $ 39, 40.
Commencement of the Jansenists. — $ 41. Arguments and Measures of both Parties. —
$ 42. Five Propositions condemned by Innocent X. — § 43. Bull of Alexander VII.
against Jansenius. — 1) 44. Peace of Clement IX. Subsequent Events. — $ 45. Austere
Piety of the Jansenists. — ^ 46. The Convent of Port Royal. — § 47. Controversy re-
specting the Immaculate Conception of St. Mary. — § 48. Quietistic Controversy. Mo-
linos. — § 49. His followers. — § 50,. Madam Guyon. Fenelon. — § 51. La Peyrere,
White, Sfondrati, and Borri. — § 52. Canonizations.

§ 1. AT the commencement of this century, the Romish church was
governed by Clement VIII. [A.D. 1592-1605], whose former name was
Aldobrandini, and who reigned in the close of the preceding century.

in two volumes 8vo, by Peter des Maizeaux, ment of which was made by Sam. Formey,

was published at the Hague in 1732, [and is [Le Triomphede 1'Evidence], and translated

prefixed to the fifth edition of his Dictionnaire from French into German, by Alb. Haller,

Hist, et Critique ; Basle, 1738, 4 tomes fol] Getting., 1750, 8vo. [See also Bayle's own

His skepticism was most clearly shown, and answer to this and other charges brought

confuted with great dexterity, by Jo. Peter against him, subjoined to the fifth edition of

de Crousaz, in a very copious French work his Dictionnaire, tome iv.,p. 616, &c. — Tr.]
[Examen du Pyrrhonisme] ; a neat abridg-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 283

That he possessed genius and cunning, and was very zealous for suppress,
ing Protestantism and extending the Romish church, all admit : but wheth-
er he had all the prudence necessary for a sovereign pontiff, many have
questioned. He was succeeded [during 27 days], in the year 1605, by
Leo XI. of the family of Medicis ; who died at an advanced age, on the
very year of his elevation, and left the Romish chair to Paul V. of the
family of Borghese, [1605-1621], who was a man of violent passions, and
frequently a most insolent asserter of his prerogatives ; as appears among
other things, from his rash and unsuccessful conflict with the Venetians.
In Gregory XV. [1621-1623], of the family of Ludovici, who was elected
in 1621, there was more moderation than in Paul V., but no more gentle-,
ness towards those who forsook the Romish church. This however is the
common and almost necessary fault of all the Roman pontiffs, who without
it, could scarcely fulfil the high duties of their office. Urban VIII. of the
family of Barberini, [1623-1644], whom the favour of the cardinals placed
in the Romish chair in 1623, showed himself very favourable and liberal
to learned and literary men, being himself well versed in literature and aij
excellent writer both in prose and verse ;(1) but towards the Protestants, he
was extremely cruel and harsh. Yet Urban will appear kind and good,
if compared with Innocent X. [1644-1655], of the family of Pamphili,
who succeeded him in 1644. For he was ignorant of all those things, of
which ignorance is least excusable in heads of the church ; and surren-
dered up himself and all public affairs civil and sacred, to the control of
Olympia his kinswoman, a most vicious creature, avaricious, and insolent. (2)
His very zealous efforts to prevent the peace of Westphalia, I do not think
we should reckon among his peculiar crimes ; because, if I am not greatly
mistaken, the best of pontiffs would have done the same. His successor

(1) See Leo. Allatius, Apes Urban® : The original was published in 1666, 12mo.
which little book was republished by Jo. Innocent before his election, had lived in free
Alb. Fubricius at Hamburg. It is a full commerce with Olympia; which was con-
catalogue of the learned and excellent men, tinued after his elevation, and was carried
who adorned Rome in the pontificate of Ur- to such lengths that the Donna, under the
ban VIII., and who experienced the liberali- reign of her dear brother-in-law, possessed
ty of that pontiff. The neat and elegant all power, sold all offices and prebends,
Latin poems of this pontiff have been often gathered money in a thousand ways, opened
printed. [These poems were written, while the despatches of the envoys, and guided and
he was a cardinal. Under him, nepotism controlled all state affairs. She suppressed
greatly prevailed ; and the political transac- nearly 2000 minor cloisters, and thereby ob-
tions of his court, are ascribable more to his tained vast sums ; and other cloisters, threat-
nephews and family than to him. He pro- encd with the same fate, had to purchase
cured a very distinguished edition of the Ro- their freedom. She was for some'time ex-
mish Breviary ; suppressed the order of fe- eluded from the palace, and removed from
male Jesuits ; conferred the title of Emi- the court, by cardinal Pancirolla and his
nence on the cardinals, and on all cardinal- creature the pretended cardinal Pamphili,
legates, on the three clerical German elect- whose proper name was Aslalli and who had
ors, and on the grand master of the order of no connexion with the pope. But she soon
Malta. — Schl.] after returned to her old place, and was the

(2) Memoires du Cardinal de Rhetz, tome absolute mistress of the Vatican, where she
iii., p. 102, &c., newest edition. Add vol. at last took up her residence : indeed the
iv., p. 12. Respecting his contests with the unfriendly chroniclers say, that one of her
French, see Bougeanfs Histoire de la paix earrings was found in the pope's bed. And
de Westphalie, tome iv., p. 56, &c. [Re- such was the pontiff, who persuaded Ferdi-
specting Olympia, see La Vie d'Olympe nand III. to hold the sword always drawn
Maldachini princesse Pamfili, trad, de 1'Ital- over the Protestants, who condemned Jan-
ien de 1'Abbe" Gualdi, avec des notes par M. senms, and who entered his dissent against
/., Geneva, (or rather, Paris), 1770, 12mo. the peace of Westphalia.— Schl.]

284 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART L— CHAP. I.

in 1655, Alexander VII., previously FaUus Chigi, [A.D. 1655-1667], is
deserving of a little more commendation. Yet he was not lacking in any
of those stains, which the pontiffs cannot wash off and yet preserve their
rank and authority ; and discerning and distinguished men even in the Ro-
mish church, have described him as possessing slender talents, inadequate
to the management of great affairs, an insidious disposition, and the basest
instability.(3) The two Clements IX. and X., who were elected, the one
in 1668 and the other in 1669, [1670-1676], performed little worth record,
ing for posterity. The former was of the family of Rospigliosi, and the
latter of that of Altieri.(4) Innocent XL, previously Benedict Odeschal-
cus, who ascended the papal throne in 1677, [1676—1689], acquired a high
and permanent reputation, by the strictness of his morals, his uniformity
and consistency, his abhorrence of gross superstition, his zeal to purge re-
ligion of fables and reform the clergy, and by other virtues. But his ex-
ample most clearly shows, that much may be attempted and but little ac-
complished, by pontiffs who have quite sane views and upright intentions ;
and that the wisest regulations cannot long resist the machinations of such
a multitude of persons, fostered and raised to power and influence by li-
centiousness of morals, pious frauds, fables, errors, and worthless institu-
tions. (5) At least, nearly all the praiseworthy regulations and enact-

(3) See the Memoires du Card, de Rhetz,
tome iv., p. 16, &c., p. 77, who very saga-
ciously decides many points respecting him :
also Memoires de Mr. Joly, tome ii., p. 186,
210, 237, who speaks equally ill of Alexan-
der : and the celebrated Arkenholz, Me-
moires de la Reine Christine, tome ii., p.
125, &c. [" The craft and dissimulation
attributed to this pontiff, really constituted
an essential part of his character ; but it is
not strictly true, that he was a man of a
mean genius, or unequal to great and diffi-
cult undertakings. He was a man of learn-
ing, and discovered very eminent abilities at
the treaty of Munster, where he was sent in
the character of nuncio. Some writers re-
late, that, while he was in Germany, he had
formed the design of abjuring popery, and
embracing the Protestant religion ; but was
deterred from the execution of his purpose
by the example of his cousin, count Pompey,
who was" poisoned at Lyons, on his way to
Germany, after he had abjured the Romish
faith. These writers add, that Chigi was
confirmed in his religion by his elevation
to the cardinalship. See Bayle, Nouvelles
de la Repub. des Lettres, Octob., 1688." —
Mad.]

(4) Memoires de la Reine Christine, tome
ii., p. 126, 131. [Clement IX. was a ruler
fond of peace and splendour, a foe to nepo-
tism, and a beneficent friend to his subjects.
Clement X. was no less fond of peace than
his predecessor ; but he introduced a pecu-
liar kind of nepotism, by adopting as his son
the cardinal Paolucci. Yet his six years'
reign exhibited nothing remarkable. — Schl.]

*(5) See the Journal Universel, tome i., p.
441, &c., tome vi., p. 306. The present
pontiff, Benedict XIV., attempted in the year
1743, to enrol Innocent XI. among the
saints. But Louis XV. king of France, in-
fluenced it is said, by the Jesuits, resisted
the measure ; because Louis XIV. had had
much controversy with this pontiff; as we
shall state hefeafter. [It is a noticeable cir-
cumstance in his life, that in the thirty years'
war he served in Germany as a soldier ; and
there is still shown at Wolfenbuttle, the
house in which as an officer he is said to
have resided. This circumstance indeed,
the count Turresonico has called in question,
in his work de supposititiis stipendiis milita-
ribus Bened. Odeschalchi, Como, 1742, fol.
But Heumann has placed the fact beyond all
doubt ; in the Hannoverisch. niizlichen
Sammlungen, 1755, p. 1185; and in the
Beytrage von alien u. neuen theologischen
Sachen, 1755, p. 882. He however after-
wards assumed the sacred office ; and even
on the papal throne, exhibited the virtues of
a military commander, courage, strictness,
and inflexibility of purpose. He sought to
diminish the voluptuousness and splendid
extravagance of his court, to correct all abu-
ses among the clergy, and to extirpate ne-
potism. But he often went too far, and his
reforming zeal frequently extended to things
indifferent. For instance, he wished to pro-
hibit the clergy from taking snuff, and the
ladies from learning music ; and the like.
And in this way, he would have hindered
the good effects of his zeal for reformation,
if he had met with no obstructions to be

HISTORY OP THE ROMISH CHURCH. 285

ments of Innocent, fell to the ground and were overthrown, by the indo-
lence and the yielding temper of Alexander VIII. of the Ottoboni family,
who was created pope in the year 1689, [A.D. 1689-1691]. (6) Innocent
XJJ., of the family of Pigniatelli, a good man and possessed of fine talents,
who succeeded Alexander in the year 1691, [A.D. 1691-1700], wished to
restore the regulations of Innocent XI. to their authority ; and he did par-
tially restore them. But he too, had to learn, that the wisest and most vig-
orous pontiffs are inadequate to cure the maladies of the court and church of
Rome ; nor did posterity long enjoy the benefits he had provided for them. (7)
Quite at the end of the century, 1699, [A.D. 1700-1721], Clement XL, of
the family of Albani, was placed at the head of the Romish church. He
was clearly the most learned of the cardinals, and not inferior to any of
the preceding pontiffs in wisdom, mildness, and desire to reign well. Yet
he was so far from strenuously opposing the inveterate maladies and the
unseemly regulations of the Romish church, that indiscreetly, and as he
supposed for the glory and security of the church, i. e., of the head of it,
he rather admitted many things, which conduce to its dishonour, and which
show that even the better sort of pontiffs, through their zeal to preserve or
to augment their dignity and honour, may easily fall into the greatest er-
rors and faults.(8)

§ 2. The great pains taken by the Romish church to extend their pow-
er among the barbarous nations that were ignorant of Christianity, have
been already noticed. We have therefore now, only to describe their
care and efforts to recover their lost possessions, or to bring the Protestants
under subjection. And for this, their efforts were astonishingly great and
various. In the struggle they resorted to the powers of genius, to arms
and violence, to promises, to flatteries, to disputations, and to wiles and
fallacies ; but for the most part with little success. In the first place, in

overcome. To canonization, and to the requiring the monks to live according to their
reading of the bull in Coena Domini, he was rules. He was so little disposed to burn
no friend. He actually canonized no one ; heretics, that the Inquisition began to doubt
and on Maunday Thursdays, on which this his orthodoxy ; and when he wished to pro-
bull was to be read, he always gave out that tect Molinos, they by commissioners put this
he was sick. His Life was written by Phil- question to him, What did Aloysius Pigni-
ip Bonamici, the papal secretary of the Latin atelli believe ! — Schl.]
Briefs, with design probably, to favour his (8) There were published the last year,
canonization, in which business he was the [A.D. 1752], in French, two biographies of
Postulator ; and it was entitled Commentar. Clement XL, the one composed by the cele-
de vita et rebus gestis venerab. servi Dei, brated Lafitau, bishop of Sisteron in France ;
Innocentii XL Pont. Max., Rome, 1776, 8vo. Vie de Clement XL, Padua, 1752, 2 vols.
— Schl.] 8vo ; the other composed by Reboulet, chan-

(6) [Alexander VIII. restored nepotism, cellor of Avignon ; Histoire de Clement XL,
condemned the Jesuitical error of philosoph- Avenione, 1752, 2 vols. 4to. Both, (but
ical sin, and benefited the Vatican library, especially the latter), are written with ele-
by purchasing the library of queen Christina, gance : both contain many historical errors ;
— Schl.] which French historians are commonly not

(7) Cardinal Henry Noris says much re- duly careful to avoid : both are not so much
specting Innocent XII. , his election, charac- histories as panegyrics ; yet are such, that
ter and morals, in his Epistles ; published in discerning readers can easily discover, that
his Works, tome v., p. 362, 365, 370, 373, though very discreet, Clement from a desire
380. [His hostility to nepotism and his in- to confirm and exalt the pontifical majesty,
flexibility, his strictness and his frugality, did many things very imprudently, and by
were as great as those of Innocent XI. His his own fault brought much vexation on him-
strictness he manifested in particular, by self.

forbidding the clergy to wear wigs, and by

286 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

order to demonstrate the justice of that war which they had long been
preparing to carry on by means of the house of Austria against the follow,
ers of the purer faith, they in part suffered, and in part caused', the peace,
settled with the Protestants by Charles V. to be assailed by Casper Sciop-
pius, a perfidious but learned man, by the Jesuits, Adam Tanner, Anthony
Possevin, Balthazar Hager, Thomas Hederick, and Lawrence Forer, the
jurists of Dillingen and others. For they wished to have it believed, that
this treaty of peace was unjust, that it had no legitimate force, and that it
was violated and rendered null by the Protestants themselves, because they
had either corrupted or forsaken the Augsburg Confession. (9) This ma-
licious charge was repelled, privately by many Lutheran divines, and pub-
ficly in 1628 and 1681y by order of John George, elector of Saxony, in two
volumes accurately drawn up by Matthias Hoe; which were called the
Lutherans' defence of the apple of their eye (Defensio pupillfE Lutherance),
to indicate the importance of the subject. The assailants however, did
not retreat, but continued to dress up their bad cause, in numerous books
written for the most part in an uncouth and sarcastic style. And on the
other hand, many of the Lutherans exposed their sophisms and invectives.
§ 3. The religious war, which the pontiffs had for a long time been
projecting to be carried on by the Austrians and Spaniards, commenced
near the beginning of the century, in the Austrian territories ; where those
citizens who had renounced the Romish religion, were oppressed in num-
berless ways with impunity by their adversaries, and were divested of all
their rights. (10) Most of them had neither .resolution nor ability to de-
fend their cause, though guarantied by the most solemn treaties and laws.
The Bohemians alone, when they perceived it to be the fixed purpose of
the adherents of the pope, by gradual encroachment, to deprive them of all
liberty .of worshipping God according to the dictates of their consciences,
though purchased with immense expense of blood by their fathers, and but
recently confirmed to them by royal charter ; resolved to resist the ene-
mies of their souls, with force and arms. Therefore having entered into
a league, they ventured courageously to avenge the wrongs done to them
and to their religion. And that they sometimes went farther than either
discretion or the precepts of that religion which they defended would jus-
tify, no one will deny. This boldness terrified their adversaries, but it did
not entirely dismay them. The Bohemians therefore, iq order to pluck up
the very roots of the evil, when the emperor Matthias died in 1619, thought
it their duty to elect for their sovereign, one who was not a Roman Cath-
olic. This they supposed they had a right to do, by the ancient privileges
of the nation, which had been accustomed to elect their sovereigns by a
free suffrage, and not to receive them by any natural or hereditary right.
The consequence was, that Frederic V. the electoral prince Palatine, who

(9) Respecting these writings, see, besides arts by which they were utterly suppressed,
others, Christ. Aug. Salig's Historic der the same diligent and pious writer intended
Augsb. Confession, vol. i., b. iv., ch. in., to have described from published and un-
p. 768, &c. [See also Schlegers notes to~ published documents ; but death prevented
this paragraph. — 7V.] him. [Something on the subject, as far down

(10) What occurred in Austria itself, is as the year 1564, to which date Raupach had
laboriously narrated by Bern. Raupach, in arrived when death overtook him, Dr. Wink-
his Austria Evangelica, written in German, ler has left us, in his Anecdota Histor. Ec-
The sufferings of the friends of a purer faith, cles., pt. viii., p. 233, &c. — Schl.]

in Stiria, Moravia, and Carinthia, and the

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

287

professed the Reformed religion, was chosen and solemnly crowned, this
very year at Prague.(ll)

§ 4. But this step, from which the Bohemians anticipated security to their
cause, brought ruin upon their new king ; and upon themselves various ca-
lamities, including that which they most dreaded, the loss of a religion pur-
ged of Romish corruptions. Frederic, being vanquished by the imperial for-
ces at Prague in the year 1620, lost not only, the kingdom he had occupied,
but also his hereditary dominions ; and now an exile, he had to give up his
very flourishing territories together with his treasures, to be depopulated
and plundered by the Bavarians. Many of the Bohemians were punished
with imprisonment, exile, confiscation of their property, and death : and
the whole -Ration from that time onward, was compelled to follow the reli-
gion of the conqueror, and to obey the decrees of the Roman pontiff. The
Austrians would have obtained a much less easy victory, or would have at
least been obliged to give better terms to the Bohemians, if they had not
been aided and assisted by John George I. the elector of Saxony ; who was
influenced both by his hatred of the Reformed religion, and by other motives
of a political nature. (12) This overthrow of the prince Palatine, was the
commencement of the thirty years' war, which was so disastrous to Ger-
many. For some of the German princes entering into a league with the

(11) Here, in addition to the writers of
the ecclesiastical history of this century, An-
drew Carolus, and Jo. Wolfg. Jtzgerus, see
Biirck. Gotth. Struve's Syntagma Histor.
German., p. 1487, 1510, 1523, 1538, &c.,
and the authors he cites. Add the accurate
Mich, le Vassals Histoire de Louis XIII.,
tome iii., p 223, &c.

(12) Here may be consulted, the Com-
mentarii de bello Bohemico Germanico ab
anno Chr. 1617, ad ann. Chr. 1630, 4to. Le
Vassor's Histoire de Louis XIII., tome iii.,
p. 444, &c. Compare also, on many points
in these affairs, Abraham Scultetus'' Narratio
Apologetica de curriculo vitse suae, p. 86,
&c. It is a matter of notoriety, that the
Roman Catholics, and particularly the Jesu-
it Martin Becan, induced Matthias Hoe, who
was an Austrian by birth and chaplain to the
elector of Saxony, to make it appear to his
master, that the cause of the Palatinate, as
being that of the Reformed religion, was
both unrighteous and injurious to the Lu-
theran religion ; and to persuade him to es-
pouse the cause of Austria. See the Un-
schuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1747, p. 858.
[This Scultetus was the known court preach-
er to the unfortunate king of Bohemia ; and
he is said to have contributed much to his
resolving to accept the Bohemian crown.
Yet this last fact Scultetus denied ; though
he admitted that he subsequently commend-
ed the king for having taken that resolution,
and that in one of his sermons he exhort-
ed him to manly courage. Matthias Hoe
of Hoeneg, of noble Austrian birth, burn-
ed with the most terrible religious hatred

against the Reformed, and actually abhor-
red them more than he did the Catholics.
To be convinced of this, we need only to
read his Manifest Proofs that the Calvinists
harmonize with the Arjgns and the Turks ;
or his Thoughts respecting the Heilbron
League of the Protestant states with Swe-
den ; which last piece is in the Unschuldige
Nachrichten, vol. xxxiv., p. 570-581. These
traits in his character were known ; and per-
haps also, the susceptibility of his heart in
respect to gold. And hence the Jesuitical
emissaries, and particularly Becan, were
able, (by their unassuming and flattering let-
ters, in which they represented the misfor-
tune it would be, to have the Bohemians fall
under the dominion of a Reformed prince),
to give such a direction to his mind that he
exerted himself against the Reformed, and
hindered his master from entering into a
league with them. His master was attached
to the Evangelical Lutheran faith, was very
conscientious, and believed simply whatever
his confessor said ; by whom (as it is ex-
pressed in the above cited Thoughts, &c.)
he inquired of the Lord. The Austrian gold,
at the same time, may also have had consid-
erable influence on the court preacher's elo-
quence. At least it is openly stated, that
the court preacher afterwards received 10,000
dollars from the imperial court, to divest the
elector of those scruples of conscience,
which might cause him [to oppose] the peace
of Prague so injurious to the common cause.
See Puffcndorf, Rerum Suecicar. lib. vii.,
p. 193.— Schl.]

288 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

king of Denmark, took up arms against the emperor in support of the prince
Palatine ; who, they maintained, was unjustly deprived of his hereditary
dominions. For they contended that this prince, by invading Bohemia,
had not injured the German emperor but only the house of Austria; and
that the emperor had no right to avenge the wrongs of that house, by in-
flicting the penalties decreed against princes that should rebel against the
Roman empire. But this war was not attended with success. (13)

§ 5. The papists therefore, being elated with the success of the emperor,
were confident that the period most earnestly longed for had now arrived,
when they could either destroy the whole mass of heretics, or bring them
again under subjection to the church. The emperor, giving way too much to
this impression, fearlessly caried his arms through a great part of Germany ;
and he not only suffered his generals to harass with impunity those prin-
ces and states which manifested less docility than was agreeable to the
Romish court, but also showed by no doubtful indications, that the destruc-
tion of all Germanic liberty, civil and religious, was determined upon. And
the fidelity of the elector of Saxony to the emperor, which he had abun-
dantly evinced by his conduct towards the elector Palatine, and the disunion
among the princes of Germany, encouraged the belief that the apparent
obstructions to the accomplishment of this great object, might be overcome
with but moderate efforts* Hence in the year 1629, the emperor Ferdi-
nand II. to give some colour of justice to this religious war, issued that
terrible decree called from its object, the Restitution Edict ; by which the
Protestants were commanded to deliver up and restore to the Romish
church, all ecclesiastical property which had fallen into their hands
since the religious peace established in the preceding century. (14) The
Jesuits especially are said to have procured from the emperor this decree :
and it is indeed ascertained, that this sect had purposed to claim a great
part of the property demanded, as due to them in reward of their great
services to the cause of religion ; and hence arose a violent contest be-
tween them and the ancient possessors of thatproperty.(15) The soldiers
forthwith gave weight and authority to the imperial mandate, wherever
they had power ; for whatever the Romish priests and monks claim-
ed as theirs, — and they set up false claims to many things which by no
right belonged to them, — the soldiers without any investigation being had,
wrested at once from the possessors, often with intolerable ferocity; nor
did they hesitate to treat innocent persons with various and most exquisite
cruelty.

§ 6. Unhappy Germany amid these commotions was in trepidation ;
nor did she see among her sons, any one sufficiently powerful to resist the
enemy now rushing upon her on every side ; for the cpuncils of her prin-
ces were exceedingly distracted, partly by religious considerations, partly
by eagerness for personal aggrandizement, and partly by fear. But very
opportunely G^tavus Adolphus, king of Sweden, the great hero of his

(13) [The principal historians of this war, by the authors mentioned in Struve's Syn-
are Kkevenhitiler, Annales Ferdinandi : Von tagma Histor. German., p. 1553, &c., and
Chemnitz, Swedish War : Pu/endorf, de by the others mentioned above. [See note
rebus Suecicis : and the Histories of the (7), p. 66, above. — Tr.~]

thirty years' war, by Bougeant, Krause, Schil- (15) See Christ. Aug. Salig's Historic

ler, &c.— See Henke's Kirchengesch., vol. der Augsb. Confession, vol. i., book iv.. ch.

iii., p. 321, note.— TV.] iii., $ 25, p. 810, &c.

(14) This subject will be found illustrated,

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 289

age, whom even envy could celebrate after his death, came forward and
opposed himself to the Austrian forces. At the instigation especially of
the French, who were jealous of the growing power of Austria, he landed
in Germany in 1629, with a few forces; and his victories in a short time
destroyed in a great measure, the very confident expectations of soon
triumphing over our religion, indulged by the emperor and the pope. But
their extinguished hopes seemed to revive again in 1632, when this great
assertor of Germanic liberty fell victorious in the battle of Lutzen.(16)
Time, however, in some measure repaired this immense loss: and the
war was protracted to the great misfortune of Germany, amid various
vicissitudes, through many years; until the exhausted resources of the
parties in it, and the purpose of Christina the daughter of Gustavus and
queen of Sweden, who desired a peace, put an end to these evils and suf-
ferings.

§ 7. After a violent conflict of thirty years, the celebrated peace called
the peace of Westphalia, because it was concluded at Munster and Osna-
burg cities of Westphalia, in the year 1648, gave repose to exhausted Eu-
rope. It did not indeed procure for the Protestants all the advantages and
privileges which they wished for, because the emperor would not be in-
duced by any consideration, to reinstate perfectly the Bohemians and the
Austrians in their former privileges, nor restore the Upper Palatinate to
its former sovereign ; not to mention other difficulties of less moment,
which it was necessary to leave untouched : yet the peace procured much
greater advantages to the adversaries of the Romish see, than its patrons
could well brook; and it established firmly the great interests of the Lu-
theran and Reformed churches. In the first place, the peace of Augs-
burg which the Lutherans obtained of Charles V. in the preceding century,
was placed beyond the reach of all machinations and stratagems ; and
moreover the edict, which required them to restore the ecclesiastical prop-
erty of which they had obtained possession since that peace, was annulled ;
and it was determined, that each party should for ever possess all that was
in its hands at the commencement of the year 1624. The advantages
acquired by each of the Protestant princes, (and to many of them they were
not inconsiderable), it would detain us too long to enumerate. (17) The
Roman pontiff in the mean time clamoured loudly, and left no means un-
tried to interrupt the pacification : but neither the emperor nor any one
who favoured his cause, was daring enough to venture again upon that
perfidious sea on which they had with difficulty escaped shipwreck. The
compact was therefore signed without delay ; and all the stipulations made

(16) Memoires de la Reine Christine, torn, op of Hierapolis, entitled : Relatio Histories
i., p. 7-20, where much is said of Gustavus, de pacificatione Osnabrngo-Monasteriensi ;
his achievements, and his death. The au- which the illustrious author republished, im-
thor of this book also illustrates in various proved and rendered more accurate than be-
respects the history of the peace. fore, Leips., 1737, 4to. Very elegant also,

(17) Whoever wishes for circumstantial and composed for the most part from the doc-
information on this whole subject, will find uments of the French envoys, is the very elo-
abundant satisfaction, in the Acta pacis quent Jesuit Bougeanl's Histoire de la paix
Westphalicae et executionis ejus Norimber- de Westphalie, Paris, 1746, 6 volumes 8vo.
gensis ; an immortal work of immense la- Nor is this Jesuit's history only neat and
bour, compiled by Jo. Godfr. von Meyern. beautiful ; it is likewise in general true and
As a shorter history, instead of all others may impartial.

be consulted, the work of Adam Adanu, bish-
VOL. III.— O o

290 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

in Westphalia, were ratified and executed at Nuremberg in the year
1650.(18)

§ 8. After this period, the Roman pontiffs and their confederates did not
venture to attack the professors of the reformed religion by public war ;
for they found no opportunity to attempt so perilous a measure, with any good
prospects. But wherever it could be done without fear of the consequences,
they exerted themselves to the utmost, to abridge the Protestants very
much of their rights, advantages, and privileges, though confirmed by
oaths and the most sacred enactments. In Hungary for instance, the Prot-
estant citizens both Lutheran and Reformed, were tormented with innumer-
able vexations for ten years together, from 1671 to 1681. (19) Of the
lesser evils, which they suffered both before and after this storm, from men
of various classes but especially from the Jesuits, there was neither meas-
ure nor end. In Poland, all that dissented from the Roman pontiff, expe-
rienced nearly throughout the century, to their very great sorrow and dis-
tress, that no compact limiting the power of the [Catholic] church was ac-
counted sacred and inviolable at Rome. For they were deprived of their
schools, and of very many of their churches ; dispossessed of their prop-
erty, by various artifices ; and often visited, though innocent, with the se-
verest punishments. (20) The posterity of the Waldenses living enclosed in
the valleys of Piedmont, were sometimes exposed to the most exquisite suffer-
ings on account of their perseverance in maintaining the religion of their
fathers; and especially in the years 1632, 1655, and 1685, when the Sa-
voyards cruelly attacked that unhappy people with fire and sword. (21)
The infractions of the treaty of Westphalia and of the Germanic liberties

(18) Innocent X. assailed this peace in a siastical rights. And as they refused to
warm epistle or bull, A.D. 1651. On this sign it, they were thrown into noisome pris-
epistle there is extant a long and learned ons, where they fared hard enough. From
commentary of Jo. Hornbeck entitled : Ex- these in 1675* many of them were condemn-
amen Bullse Papalis, qua P. Innocentius X. ed to the galleys, and were sent to Naples ;
abrogare nititur pacem Germanise, Utrecht, where however, the intercession of the Dutch
1652, 4to. Perhaps the pontiff's epistle admiral De Ruyter, procured them freedom,
would have found the emperor and his as- The other prisoners, at the intercession of
sociates ready to listen to it, if it had been the republic of Holland, were also set at
backed by gold to give it weight. liberty. — <ScA/.]

(19) See the Historia diplomatica de statu (20) See Adrian Regenvolscius, Historia
religionis Evangelicae in Hungaria, p. 69, Eccles. Slavonias, lib. ii., cap. xv., p. 216,
«fec. Paul Debrezenus, Historia ecclesiae 235, 253. What was undertaken against
Reformats in Hungaria, lib. ii., p. 447, &c. the Polish dissidents, (as they were called),
Schelhorn, in the Museum Helveticum, torn, after the times of Regenvolscius, [after A.D.
viii., p. 46-90. [After some previous events 1652], may be learned from various writings,
which occurred in the year 1670, a conspira- published in our times. [See Jo. Emkine's
cy of some Hungarian nobles against the Sketches of Church Hist., vol. ii., p. 147, &c.
emperor in 1671, gave the Catholics a fa- — TV.]

vourable opportunity to gratify their thirst (21) See Peter Gules'1 Histoire Ecclesi-

for persecution. The noblemen were put to astique des Eglises Vaudoises, cap. xlviii.,

death, as we learn from civil history ; but at &c., p. 339, Geneva, 1656, 4to, [also Jo.

the same time, for three successive years Leger's Histoire des Eglises Vaudoises, pt.

nearly all the evangelical churches were ta- ii., cap. 6-20, and P. Bayer's Abrege de

ken from them by force, and the Lutheran 1'histoire des Vaudois, cap. x.-xxvi., p. 64-

and Reformed ministers and schoolmasters, 235, of the English translation, Lond., 1693.

as participators in the conspiracy and insur- The Dukes of Savoy and the kings of France

rection, were summoned a part of them to made open war upon these unfortunate Prot-

Tirnau and others to Presburg. When they estants ; and actually expelled them the

appeared, a paper was presented to them to country in 1686. Three years after, most

sign, which was very injurious to their eccle- of them returned ; but whole congregations

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 291

secured by that treaty, arising from this preposterous zeal for the welfare
and extension of the Romish church, were so many and so great in many
parts of Germany, as to supply matter enough for large volumes. (22) And
so long as it shall remain the established belief at Rome, that God has giv-
en to the Romish church and to its head, dominion over the whole Chris-
tion world, it can never be expected, that those can live in security and
safety, who renounce subjection to it. For they will always be looked upon
as rebellious citizens, whom their legitimate sovereign has a right to punish
according to his pleasure.

§ 9. The faithful servants of the Roman pontiff, at length succeeded in
this century, in completely purging both Spain and France of the last re-
mains of heresy. In Spain, the descendants of the Moors or Saracens,
who once held the sovereignty over a considerable part of that country,
had long lived intermingled with the other citizens, and were considerably
numerous. They were indeed Christians, at least in profession and out-
ward behaviour ; and industrious, useful to the country, and injurious
to no one ; but they were not a little suspected of a secret inclination to-
wards Mohammedism, the religion of their fathers. The clergy there-
fore did not cease to importune the king, till he had delivered the country
from this pest, and expelled from his territories the whole multitude of Sar-
acens, whose numbers were immense. By this measure, the Spanish com-
monwealth indeed suffered a great loss, the sad effects of which are felt
to the present time : but the church, which is far more important and ex-
cellent, than the civil state, deemed herself so much the more benefited
by it.(23) The Reformed in France, commonly called Huguenots, having
been long borne down by various oppressions and wellnigh destroyed,
sometimes by crafty and concealed plots and at other times by open and
violent onsets, were at last most cruelly compelled, either secretly to flee
their country, or to embrace most reluctantly and against their consciences,
the Romish religion. This long persecution, than which a greater or more
cruel has not occurred in modern times, will more suitably be explained
in the history of the Reformed church.

& 10. All the efforts, devices and plans, which the boldest and most ver-
satile geniuses could originate, were employed to bring Great Britain and
Ireland again under the Romish yoke. But all these attempts failed. In
the beginning of the century, some nefarious miscreants burning with ha-
tred of what they regarded as a new and false religion, and prompted by
the counsel of three Jesuits of whom Henry Garnet was the chief, determin-
ed to destroy at a stroke, king James I. with his son, and the whole
British parliament, by means of gunpowder, which they had concealed
under the house where the parliament usually met. For they had no
doubts, if these could be destroyed, means would occur for reinstating the
old religion and giving it its former ascendency. The English call this hor-
rid conspiracy, the gunpowder plot. But divine Providence caused it to be
wonderfully discovered and frustrated, when it was ripe for execution. (24)
remained permanently in foreign lands, and (23) Michael Gcddes, History of the ex-
particularly in the territory of Wiirtemberg. pulsion of the Moriscoes out of Spain ; in

TV ] his Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i., p. 59, &c.

(22) The Histories of religious grievances, (24) Rapin Thoyras, Histoire d'Angle-
by the learned Burch. Gotth. Slrv.ve and terre, livr. xviii., torn, vii., p. 40, &c. John
Christ. Godfr. Hoffmann, composed in Ger- Henry Heidegger, Histona Papatus, pen-
man, are in every body's hands, od. vii., p. 211, 291, &c. [Humes Hist.

292 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

More gentle and cautious was the procedure, during the reign of Charles
I. the son of James. For the king being of a mild and effeminate char-
acter, and apparently not far removed from Romish sentiments, having
also a French wife who was devoted to the Romish worship, and being
guided chiefly by the counsels of William Laud archbishop of Can-
terbury, an honest man undoubtedly and not unlearned, but immoder-
ately attached to what was ancient in ecclesiastical matters ; it seemed
probable that England might become reconciled with the Roman pontiff
more easily by caresses and promises, than by commotions and blood-
shed.(25) But this expectation was frustrated by that lamentable civil war,
in which Laud as well as Charles were beheaded, and Oliver Cromwell,
a man of energy, foresight, and cunning, and one who dreaded even the
shadow of the Romish religion, was placed at the head of the government,
with the title of Protector of the commonwealth of England. The expec-
tation was revived, when diaries II. was raised to the throne of his father,
to the immoderate joy of the people : and it revived with increased confi-
dence and satisfaction. For the king himself, as appears now from very
abundant testimony, (26) had already been secretly initiated in the Ro-
mish worship during his exile ; and his only brother, James II. the heir to
the crown, had openly apostatized from the religion of the English nation,
to that of Rome. But Charles was prevented from doing any thing in fa-
vour of popery by his native indolence, extreme fondness for dissipation,
and an indifference to all religion, tending to extreme impiety : and James
by his immoderate eagerness to consult the wishes of the Romanists, and
to follow the rash counsels of the Jesuits whom he kept about him, inflicted
an incurable wound both upon the Romish religion and upon himself.
For being created king, after his brother's death, he in the most open man-
ner, and therefore most injudiciously, supported the languishing cause of po-
pery in England and Ireland ; and to do this more'effectually, he fearlessly
trampled upon those rights and liberties of the nation which were held most
sacred and precious. Exasperated by these measures of the king, the peo-
ple of England, in the year 1688, invited over from Holland, his son-in-law
William prince of Orange ; and his valour obliged his father-in-law to flee
into France, an exile, and deprived the friends and promoters of the Ro-
mish religion, of all hope of recovering England to the Romish church. (27)
§ 11. When the wiser patrons and promoters of the Romish cause per-
ceived, that little success attended violence and war, they concluded, that
the reluctant minds of the Protestants must be overcome by milder

of England, ch. xlvi., voL v., p. 60, &c. — II. entered into a treaty with the king of

TV.] France, in the close of the year 1669, or

(25) See Urban Cerry's Etat present de beginning of 1670, for the purpose of ovcr-
1'Eglise Romaine, p. 315, 6*. Dan. 'Neat's throwing the Protestant religion in England,
Hist, of the Puritans, vol. iii., p. 194, &c. and establishing popery on its ruins. — TV.]

(26) Gilb. Burnr.t's Historv of his own (27) These events are very accurately de-
times, vol. i., book iii., p. 603, &c., 606, scribed by Gilbert Burnet and Rapin Thoy-
&c., [and book i., p. 73, 74. — TV.] Dan. ras ; by the former, in the second volume of
Neat's Hist, of the Puritans, vol. iv., p. 233, the History of his own times, (which has
237, 534, fed. Boston, 1817, vol. iv., ch. been translated from English into both
iv., p. 255, &c. — TV.] Rapin Thoyras, His- French and German), and by the latter, in
toire d'Angleterre, livr. xxiii., vol. ix., p. his Histoire d'Angleterre, vol. x. Add Dan.
160. [Hume's Hist, of Eng., ch. Ixiii., vol. Neat's History of the Puritans, vol. iv., ch.
vi., p. 374, and especially ch. Ixvi., vol. vii., xi., p. 536, &c. [And Hume's History of
p. 3, note : where it is proved, that Charles England, vol. vii., ch. Ixx., Ixxi. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 293

measures and by covert artifices. But all of them were not disposed
to adopt precisely the same course. Some resorted to public dispu-
tations between distinguished men of the two communities ; indulging an
expectation, which the numerous vain attempts of the preceding age could
not but weaken, that in such colloquies, the more strenuous adversaries
of the papal supremacy could either be vanquished, or at least softened.
Others thought, that contests should be avoided, and consultations rather,
should be held by the dissidents, in order to agree upon a compromise ; and
therefore, that less weight and importance should be attributed to the points
of disagreement, than had before been usual. Lastly, there were others, who
believing that the former disputants on the side of the Romish church pos-
sessed vigour and spirit enough, but were deficient in skill, judged that
new attacks should be made : and these of course invented new modes of
reasoning against heretics. .\

§ 12. At the very commencement of the century A.D. 1601, some dis-
tinguished Lutheran divines, by authority of Maximilian of Bavaria and
Philip Lewis, elector Palatine, disputed at Ratisbon with three Jesuits of
great fame, respecting the rule of faith and practice and the judge of reli-
gious costroversies ; subjects which embrace nearly the whole controversy
between the Protestants and Roman Catholics. In the year 1615, Wolf-
gang William, prince Palatine, who had apostatized to the Romish faith,
caused a rencounter at Newburg, between James Keller a Jesuit, and James
Hielbronn a Lutheran. In the year 1645, Uladislaus king of Poland, called
the more distinguished theologians, papists as well as Lutherans and Re-
formed, to a meeting, at Thorn in Prussia, to deliberate amicably on the
means of putting an end to the existing religious controversies ; which
design of the king, procured for this discussion the name of the Charitable
Conference. A little after, in 1651, Ernestus landgrave of Hesse, in order to
give a plausible air to that apostacy to the Romish camp which he had be-
fore resolved on, ordered Valerianus Magnus, a celebrated Capuchin divine,
to hold a discussion, particularly with Peter Haberkorn a divine of Giessen,
in the castle of Rhcinfels. Among the private disputes of this kind the most
noted of all, was that <of John Claude a very learned divine of the French
Reformed church, with that superior man of the Catholic church James Be-
nignus Bossuet, in the year 1685. All these conferences had one and the
same result. Neither party could convince the other; but each exaspera.
ted and alienated the other from itself, more than before. (28).

(28) Whoever wishes for a fuller account wards published the Acts of this conference ;

of these conferences, may consult the wri- which produced farther controversy, each

ters mentioned by Casper Sagittarius, In- party accusing the other of misrepresenta-

troduct. in historiam eccles., torn, ii., p. tion. See Schmidt's Continuation of Sa-

1569, 1581, 1592, 1598. Claude and Bos- giltarius' Introduction, p. 1569, &c. —

suet, each wrote and published the history There was a conference appointed at Dur-

of the dispute between them. Bossuct's lach in 1612, by order of Geo. Frederic

book is entitled : Conference avec Mr. margrave of Baden, and Francis duke of

Claude sur la matiere de 1'Eglise, Paris, Lorrain. The latter at the request of the

1683, 12mo. In answer to this, Claude Jesuits, forbid the Protestants to draw in-

published his : Reponse au livre de Mr. de ferences from scripture, and required them

Meaux intitule Conference avec Mr. Claude ; to cite only direct, categorical declarations

a la Haye, 1683, 8vo. [The conference at of the Bible against the Catholics. These

Ratisbon, was between seven Lutheran and terms the Protestant divines refused : and

three Catholic divines, and occupied 14 ses- the conference ended. Its Acts were pub-

sions, ending Nov. 28. Both parties after- lished, Strasburg, 1614, 4to. — The confer-

294 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 13. The whole art and method of those who attempted a reconciliation
between the Protestants and the Papists, consisted in efforts to make it ap-
pear, that the parties did not disagree so much as they supposed ; and that
there was not so much need of a discussion [of the points at issue], as of
a careful and perspicuous explanation of those doctrines of the Romish
community which were offensive to their opposers, in order to remove en-
tirely all controversy, and unite the minds of both in bonds of harmony.
But in pursuing this general plan, they varied so much from each other,
that it was apparent they needed to come to some agreement among them-
selves, before there could be ground for listening to the counsels and advice
they gave. The principal man among those who exerted their ingenuity
in this way, was Armand Richelieu ; that very powerful French minister
of state, who spared neither promises nor threatenings nor arguments and
persuasions, in order to bring the French Reformed Christians to unite
with the Catholics. (29) The course pursued by this illustrious man, was
followed, yet with unequal steps and with less influence, by the German
Jesuit James Masenius,(30) by Adolphus Godfr. Volusius a divine of
Mentz,(31) by Matth. Pr&torius a Prussian,(32) by Aug. Gibbon von Bur-

ence at Newburg embraced but two ses-
sions ; as Heilbronn, by advice of his friends,
refused to appear at the third. It related
wholly to' the correctness of the citations
from the fathers, in a book published by
Heilbronn, entitled Uncatholic Popery. Kel-
ler published his account of the conference,
Ingolst., 1615, 4to, and Heilbronn his ac-
count, Ulm, 1616, 4to. — The conference at
Thorn was occasioned by the Reformed
preacher at Dantzic, Barthol. Nigrinvs, who
had become a Catholic, and persuaded the
king that such a conference would be attend-
ed by good consequences. But the result
did not answer the expectations from it.
The history of the conference and of the
subsequent written discussions, is given by
Christ. Hartknoch, in der Preussich. Kirch-
enhistorie, vol. iv., ch. vi. — See SchlcgeVs
note here. — TV.]

(29) Rich. Simon, Lettres Choisies, tome
i., p. 31, 32, &c., new edit. Peter Bayle,
Dictionnaire, tome i., art. Ami/rant, note 1,
p. 183 ; art. Beaulicu, note C, p. 484 ; tome
ii., art. Ferry, note D, p. 1169 ; tome iii.,
art. Milletiere, p. 1982, and elsewhere. [To
Moses Amyraut, an eminent French Prot-
estant divine and professor at Saumur, Rich-
elieu commissioned a Jesuit named Ande-
bert, to offer a negotiation for a union of the
Protestants and Calvinists. The Jesuit sta-
ted, that for the sake of peace, the king and
bis minister were willing to give up the in-
vocation of creatures, purgatory, and' the
merit of good works ; that they would limit
the power of the pope ; and if the court of
Rome would consent to it, they would create
a patriarch ; that the cup should be allowed
to the laity ; and that some other relaxations

might be made. Am.yra.ult mentioned the
eucharist. The Jesuit said : no change in
that was proposed. Amyrault said ; then
nothing can be done. Here the conference
of four hours length, terminated. See Baylc,
1. c. — Beaulieu, a Protestant professor of
theology at Sedan, was suspected but with-
out grounds, of a willingness to sacrifice
some doctrines in order to produce a union.
He had only maintained, that many of the
disputes of theologians, were about words
rather than things. Yet it appears, that mar-
shal Turenne sounded Beaulieu on the sub-
ject of a union. See Bayle, 1. c. — Paul
Ferri was an eloquent French Protestant
preacher at Mentz. His enemies circulated
the false report, that he was one of the Prot-
estant ministers whom cardinal Richelieu had
persuaded to agree to a union of the Prot-
estant and Catholic churches. See Bayle,
1. c. — Theoph. Bracket Sieur de la Mille-
tierre was a Protestant minister in France,
who turned Catholic in 1645, after being si-
lenced for attempts to unite the Protestant
and Catholic churches on terms dishonoura-
ble to the former. He wrote and published
much on the subject. See Bayle, 1. c. —
TV.] .

(30) See Fred. Spanheim's Strictures ad
Bossueti expositionem fidei Catholics ; in
his Opp. Theol., torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 1042.
[Marscnivs published some books on the
subject of a union ; which were answered
by the Protestants. — Tr.]

(31) Hepublished: Aurora pacis religiosas
diviuse veritati arnica ; Mayence, 1665, 4to.

(32) In his Tuba pacis ; concerning which,
see Peter Bayle's Nouvelles de la Repub-
lique des Lettres, A.D. 1685, p. 1309. [He

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

205

go, an Irishman who was a professor at Erfurthy(33) by Henry Marcellus
a Jesuit,(34) and by some others of less fame. In more recent times, no
one has entered upon such an attempt with more foresight and sagacity,
than James Benignus Bossuet, bishop of Meaux ; a man of uncommon ge-
nius and extraordinary prudence, whose Exposition of tlie Catholic faith,
aims exclusively to show, that a short and easy way of return to the Ro-
mish religion, would be open to the Protestants, if they would only judge
of its nature and principles not according to the views entertained of it by
their teachers, but as it really is.(35) After him, John Dezius a Jesuit of
Strasburg, undertook to demonstrate the same thing, though with less sue-
cess, in a book in which he endeavours to prove, that there is no disagree-
ment or but very little, between the council of Trent and the Augsburg
Confession ; than which, no two systems can be more unlike. (36) All
these and some others, undertook upon their own responsibility alone, to
remove the difficulties which prevented our ancestors from uniting with the
pontiff: but Christopher de Roxas, bishop of Thina in Bosnia, came for-
ward clothed with public authority, or at least professing to be so ; and in
the year 1686 and onward, he visited the principal Protestant courts in
Germany, not only holding out the prospect of a new and more free coun-

was a Lutheran minister when he wrote the
book ; but he soon after became a Catholic.
— Schl]

(33) In his Luthero-Calvinismus schismat-
icus quidem, sed reeonciliabilis. [He was
an Augustinian Eremite, who after long
wandering about, settled in Germany, and
died at Erfurth in 1676, as ex-provincial of
his order, and professor of theology. — Schl.]

(34) The Sapientia pacifica of Marcellus,
was, by order of the duke of Gotha, confu-
ted by Jo. Chr. Seldius.

(35) Of this little book and its fortunes,
very much might be said, and not without
profit. Among many others, see Christ.
Malth. Pfaff, Historia litterar. Theologiae,
torn, ii., p. 102. Jo. le Clerc, Biblioth. univer-
selle et histor., tome xi., p. 438. — [" It is re-
markable, that nine years passed before this
book could obtain the pope's approbation.
Clement X. refused it positively. Nay, sev-
eral Roman Catholic priests were rigorously
treated, and severely persecuted, for preach-
in<r the doctrine contained in the Exposition
ofBossuct, which was, moreover, formally
condemned by the university of Louvain, in
the year 1685, and declared to be scanda-
lous and pernicious. The Sorbonne also
disavowed the doctrine contained in that
book ; though by a late edict we learn, that
the fathers of that theological seminary have
changed their opinion on that head, and thus
given a new instance of the variations that
reign in the Romish church, which boasts so
much of its uniformity in doctrinal matters.
The artifice that was employed in the com-
position of this book, and the tricks that
were used in the suppression and alteration

of the first edition that was given of it, have
been detected with great sagacity and evi-
dence by the learned and excellent arch-
bishop Wake, in the Introduction to his Ex-
position of the Doctrines of the Church of
England, &c. See also his two Defences
of that Exposition, in which the perfidious
sophistry of Bossuet is unmasked, and refu-
ted in the most satisfactory manner. There
was an excellent answer to Bossuefs book
published by M. de la Bastide, one of the
most eminent Protestant ministers in France.
This answer the French prelate took no no-
tice of, during eight years ; at the end of
which he published an advertisement, in a
new edition of his Exposition, which was
designed to remove the objections of .La Bas-
tide. The latter replied in such a demon-
strative and victorious manner, that the
learned bishop, notwithstanding all his elo-
quence'and art, was obliged to quit the field
of controversy. See a very interesting ac-
count of this insidious work of Bossuet, and
the controversies it occasioned, in the Bib-
liotheque des Sciences, published at the
Hague, vol. xviii., p. 20. This account,
which is curious, accurate, ample, and learn-
ed, was given partly on occasion of a new
edition of the Exposition, printed at Paris
in 1761, and accompanied with a Latin
translation done by Fleury, and partly on
occasion of Eurigny's Life of Bossuet, pub-
lished the same year, at Paris." — Mad.}

(36) The book is entitled : La Reunion
des Protestans de Strasburg a 1'Eglise Ro-
maine ; Strasb., 1689, 8vo. See Phil. Joe.
Spener's Theological Reflections, (in Ger-
man), vol. i., p. 95.

296 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

cil than that of Trent, but also giving assurance that the pontiff would
freely grant to his returning children, the Protestants, whatever privileges
and immunities they might demand, if they would only cease to decline the
very mild government of the common father of Christians. But it was not
difficult for the theologians, nor for the more discerning statesmen also, to
discover that this was only a snare ; and that the Romish bishops aimed
not so much to bring about an honourable and stable peace, as to introduce
again the ancient system of slavery.(37)

§ 14. These Romish peacemakers found among the Protestants, espe-
cially among the Reformed, some divines whose natural dislike of conten-
tion, or whose hope of obtaining fame and making their fortune, induced
them to listen to these overtures, and to assert, that the points in contro-

(37) See the collections in Jo. Wolfg.
Jager's Historia Eccles., sascul. xvii., and
in Christ. Eberh. Weismanri's Historia Ec-
cles., saecul, xvii., p. 735. There are also
extant other proposals for union, made known
at the German courts in the year 1660, by
the elector of Mayence, by order and author-
ity (as it is said) of the Roman pontiff: and
which Jo. Dan. Gruber has published, in the
Commercium Epistolicum Leibnitianum,
torn, i., p. 411-415: add, p. 426, &c.—
[ Christopher Rojas, (Roxas, Rohas, or Ror-
has) de Spinola, was a native Spaniard, and
first came to Vienna in 1666, as confessor
to the Infanta Margaretha Theresa, the first
wife of the emperor Leopold. In the year
1668, he was made bishop of Tina in Croa-
tia ; and in 1685, bishop of Neustadt Wie-
nerisch, in Lower Austria. While bishop
of Tina, his bishopric affording him little
employment, he travelled about Germany,
with the approbation of pope Innocent XL,
as a negotiator with the Protestants for their
return to the church of Rome. The emper-
or Leopold also employed him in civil nego-
tiations ; and in 1691, empowered him to ne-
gotiate with his Protestant subjects in Hun-
gary and Transylvania, a reconciliation with
Rome. The terms he offered the Protest-
ants were, (I.) The suspension of the decrees
of Trent ; and the assembling a new coun-
cil, in which the Protestants and Catholics
should each have an equal number of voters,
and the decisions of Trent undergo a new
and impartial investigation. (II.) The ac-
quittal of the Protestants from the charge of
heresy, provided they would cease to call
the pope Antichrist. (III.) Communion in
both kinds ; marriage of priests ; continuance
in their possession of church property ; abo-
lition of auricular confession ; and public
worship in the vernacular tongue. In re-
spect to the authority of the pope, and tra-
ditions, he did not express himself clearly. —
The archbishop of Mayence, who had been
active in promoting the peace of Westphalia,
after sending an envoy to Rome, and con-
sulting the electors of Treves and Cologne,

held several meetings with the German Cath-
olics who were solicitous for the peace of
the country, at Mayence, Treves, Darmstadt,
Rome, and elsewhere ; and then made the
following proposals to the Protestants at
Ratisbon. 1. That twelve Lutheran and
twelve Catholic divines should meet togeth-
er, swear to act honestly and in good faith,
without fraud or subterfuge, as they should
answer it to God. 2. That they should ex-
amine the religious disputes, and decide
them according to the Bible only. 3. That
to enable them to agree, they should firsf
make a new translation of the Bible. 4.
That whatever a majority of them agreed to,
should be considered as valid articles of
faith. 5. That both the decrees of the coun-
cil of Trent and the Augsburg Confession,
should be examined, article by article, and
judged of according to the Scriptures. As
preliminary articles, it was proposed to yield :
1. Worship in the German language. 2.
Marriage of bishops and the secular clergy,
but not of monks and nuns. 3. The aboli-
tion of auricular confession in Germany and
the other Protestant countries ; but not in
Spain and Italy, where for certain reasons it
was esteemed necessary. 4. Every one to
be at liberty, to pray to the saints or not.
5. Purgatory no longer to be an article of
faith. 6. Communion in both kinds, to be
allowed. 7. The pope no longer to be re-
garded as universal judge, -but only as the
first priest and bishop of the church. Diffi-
cult questions of conscience may be laid be-
fore him ; but none shall be compelled to fol-
low his decisions. 8. Christians to be here-
after divided into two classes, the Ancient
Catholics, and the Reformed Catholics ; who
should regard each other as brethren. Car-
dinals to be taken from both classes, and an
equal number from. each. — To these propo-
sitions, the Lutheran courts raised many ob-
jections ; and the whole project was soon
abandoned. See Schroeckh's Kirchengesch.
seit der Reform., vol. vii., p. 98, &c., and
Schlegel's note here. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 297

versy between the two communities were not of such magnitude, as to for
bid all union. Among the French Reformed, Lewis le Blanc, a man othl
ervvise possessed of discernment, together with his disciples, fell under a
suspicion of this fault.(38) It is more certain, that TkcopWus Bracket
MiUetierre, and Huisseaux a divine of Saumur, Tanaquil Faber and some
others, were chargeable with this conduct.(39) Among the English, Wil.
Ham Forbes especially, showed himself ready to compromise a great part
of the controversies which separate us from the Romanists. (40) Amono-
the Dutch, no man of information can well be ignorant, how much Hugo
Grotius was disposed to unite all sects of Christians together, and espe.
cially to excuse and to. give favourable views of the papists.(41) But
these and the others, (whom we omit to mention), obtained only this re-
ward for their well-intended labours, that they offended both parties, and
drew upon themselves a great weight of odium. To this class of divines
who burned with a preposterous zeal for union with the Romanists, many
reckon George Calixtus, a very learned professor in the university of
Helmstadt ; that is, the very man, than whom no one perhaps in this age,
more learnedly and lucidly demonstrated the errors and defects of the
papal church ; and no one more uniformly affirmed that the decrees and
the denunciations of the council of Trent, destroyed all hope of healing
the division. The reason why. he was thought to lean towards this class,
was, that he used softer language than was customary respecting some con-
troversies ; and that he believed, the first principles of the Christian reli-
gion were not absolutely subverted by the Romanists, but only loaded and
deformed by a great multitude of intolerable opinions.

§ 15. This band of pacificators, which was illy marshalled and weak
from its own discords, was easily put to flight by a moderate effort : but
stronger forces were necessary, to withstand those among the papists who
devised new modes of warfare. These have usually been called Method.
ists: and they were chiefly of that ingenious nation the French, whom
perpetual conflicts with the very learned Huguenots (as the Protestants of
France are called) had rendered extremely fond of disputation, and also
expert in it for that age. They may veiy suitably be divided into two
classes. The first class imposed hard and unreasonable laws of argumen-
ts) See Bayle's Dictionnaire, tome i., highly extolled by Jo. Ern. Grabe, in his
p. 484, &c. [art. Beaulieu. See also note notes to BuWs Harmonia Apostolica, p. 19.
(29) above. His whole name was Louis le Nor were his probity and very exemplary
Blanc Sieur de Beaulieu. — TV.] life, unworthy of praise. Yet the wiser

(39) Concerning MiUetierre, see Bayle, among the English, cannot but admit that
Dictionnaire, tome iii , p. 1982, [and note he favoured the Romish party too much.
(29) above.] Concerning Huisseaux and See Gilbert Burnet's History of his own
his pacific propositions, see Rich. Simnn, times, vol. i., p. 22. He was of course much
Lettres Choisies, tome iii., p. 14, and Jac. commended by the papists. See Rich. Si-
Aymon, Synodes Nationaux.de Eglises Re- man's Lettres Choises, tome iii., lettr. xviii.,
lormees en France, tome ii , p. 765. [Jo. p. 119. He was undoubtedly one of those
Quick's Synodicon in Gallia Reformata, vol. who did most to persuade the English,
ii., p. 544, &c. — TV.] On Faker's attempt, (whether right or wrong), that king diaries
see Dan. Geo. Morhoff, Polyhistor.,tome i., I. and William Laud had designs of again
p. 2S5. restoring the Romish religion in England.

(40) His considerationes modestae et pa- (41) Here may be consulted with advan-
cificse controversiarum de justificatione, pur- tagc, though he is partial to Grotius, the au-
gatorio, &c., were published, Lond., 1658, thor of the book : Grotii manes ab iniquis
8vo, and in Germany, with corrections by obtrectatoribus vindicati, torn ii., p. 542,
Jo. Fabricius, a divine of Helmstadt. He is 826, &c.

VOL. III.— P P

298 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

tation upon the Protestants ; and resembled those generals who concen-
trate their troops in fortresses, and surround themselves with ramparts, to
enable them more easily to resist the assaults of their foes. Of this class
was Francis Veronius, a Jesuit ; who supposed the enemies of the Romish
religion ought to prove their doctrines by explicit declarations of the holy
scriptures, and therefore preposterously forbid their resorting to any infer-
ences, necessary consequences, or argumentation ;(42) BartJiold Nihusius,
an apostate ;(43) the brothers named Walenburg and others, who deeming
it easier to defend their cause against attacks than to demonstrate its jus-
tice, threw the whole burden of proof on their adversaries, assuming the
ground of mere respondents and defendants ; Armand Richelieu, who rec-
ommended neglecting the various objections and complaints of their ad-
versaries, reducing the whole controversy to the single article of the church,
and placing the divine majesty and authority of that beyond all cavils by
means of conclusive arguments ; and some others. (44) The other class
preferred the plan of those generals, who to avoid a protracted war, re-
solve to stake all upon the issue of a general battle, instead of wasting
time in sieges and a series of skirmishes ; that is, they thought best not to

(42) Jo. Mustzus, de usu principiorum ants, or upon the innovators on the estab-
rationis in controversiis Theologicis, lib. i., lished religion. At the same time, he forbid
cap. iv., p. 22. Geo. Calixtus, Digressio their reasoning from Scripture by way of in-

de arte nova, p. 125, &c. Rich. Simon,
Lettres Choisies, tome i., p. 276. [The fa-
mous controversial preacher Veron, who
under the protection of the French court,

ference ; and required them to bring direct
and positive proofs. Reasonings he said,
were human ; positive declarations of the
Bible were divine. Moreover in reasoning

travelled about challenging the Huguenots from the Bible, men differed so widely, that
to public disputation and conference, from there was no knowing what to believe, unless
the year 1622 onward, composed a book with we admitted and confided, in an infallible in-

the Thrasonic title : Methodus nova, facilis
et solida, hoeresin ex fundamento destruendi,
et refutandi confessionem Gallicam, Augus-
tanam, Saxonicam, libros denique omnes
Theologorum Protestantium, &c. — Schl.]

(43) Peler Bayle, Dictionnaire, torn, iii.,
p. 2096, &c. [art. Nihusius]. This vain and
half-learned man was formally confuted by
Geo. Calixtus, in his Digressio de arte nova
contra Nihusium ; a book very well worth
reading ; Helmst., 1634, 4to. [Nihusius
wae a Lutheran divine, educated under Ca-
lixtus at Helmstadt. But he turned Catho-
lic about the year 1614 ; after which he be-
came an abbot and a bishop, and wrote nu-
merous letters and tracts in support of po-
pery. He died in 1657. His principal
work was entitled : Ars nova dicto sacrae
Scripturae unico lucrandi e Pontificiis pluri-
mos in partes Lutheranorum, detecta nonni-
hil et suggesta Theologis Helmstetentibus,
Georgio Calixto praesertim et Conrado Hor-

terpreter, namely the pope. When it was
objected, that the popes had for centuries
been such dissolute and base characters,
that it could not be supposed they were the
mouth of God to men ; he replied, that the
same might be said of some of the writers
of the Bible, David for instance, &c. See
Bayle, loc. cit. — TV.]

(44) For a somewhat fuller account of
these matters, see Frederic Spanhcim, Stric-
ture ad expositionem fidei Bossueti, in his
Opp., torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 1037. Jo. Henr.
Heidegger, Historia Papatus, period vii., $
ccxviii., p. 316. Jo. Geo. Walr.h, Introduc-
tion to Religious Controversies ; written in
German ; vol. ii., p. 191, &c. Christ.
Eberh. Weismann, Historia Eccles., saecul.
xvii., p. 726, and various others. [Peter
and Adrian von Walenburg were two broth-
ers, born at Rotterdam, who abandoned their
country and their religion, and lived at Co-
logne. The first -was a titular bishop in

neio. Nihusius assumed, that the church Mysia, and suffragan to Cologne ; the other

of Rome was an ancient church, and in pos-
session of a system of doctrines which she
had held unmolested for ages ; of course,
she was not to be ousted of her possession

was the titular bishop of Adrianople, and
suffragan to Mayence. Their works, con-
sisting chiefly of controversial pieces against
the Protestants, were printed together, under

by any new claimant, unless that claimant the title of : Fratrum Walenburgicorum op-
could make good his title. In this way, he era, 1670, 2 vols. fol. — Schl.]
threw all the burden of proof on the Protest-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 299

weigh one point after another, and answer in detail all the arguments of
opposers, but to overwhelm the Protestants at once, by certain great prin-
ciples or general arguments involving the whole subject, or by what are
technically called prcejudicia. The glory if not of inventing, yet of per-
fecting this method and of displaying it with great eloquence, is enjoyed
by Peter Nicole a Jansenist, who was neither a bad man nor an obtuse
reasoner.(45) After him, many others supposed there was so much power
in this method, that they believed a single argument of this kind, if wisely
and properly managed, was sufficient to overthrow the whole cause of the
Protestants. Hence, some opposed the Protestants with the single princi-
ple of prescription; others supposed our case would be desperate, if it
could be made to appear, that the principal reformers were vicious men
and destitute of virtue ; many believed, they should divest their antagonists
of all means of defence, on the ground that religious separation or schism
is the greatest of all evils, if they made it appear, that the fathers of the
reformed churches were the authors of so great a calamity.(46) Pre-emi-
nent among these, for the felicity of his genius and the copiousness of his
eloquence, but not for his discernment, was James Benignus Bossuet ;
who endeavoured to demonstrate from the disagreements among the Prot-
estant doctors, and from the frequent changes their church and doctrines
had undergone, that the church established by Luther was not a true church ;
and from the perpetual uniformity of the Romish church, that it was the
true church and of divine origin. (47) This appears very surprising, as
coming from a learned man, who could not be ignorant that the pontiffs are
very subservient to times and places and to the opinions of men ; and still
more as coming from a Frenchman, whose fellow-citizens contend with so
much zeal, that modern Rome differs as much from ancient and primitive
Rome as lead does from gold.

§ 16. So many and various efforts of the patrons of the Romish church,
occasioned indeed the Protestant doctors not a little labour, but -produced
very slender effects. Some of the princes and a few learned men, were
induced to embrace again the Romish religion which their fathers had re-
nounced ; but no one nation or province, could be persuaded to follow their
example. Of the highest order of persons, Christina queen of Sweden, a
lady of great spirit and genius, but precipitate, and one who preferred her

(45) He is generally supposed to be the gest "bulwarks. And they may continue to
author of that book, confuted by vast num- exult in this their great champion and de-
bers, entitled, Prejugez legitimes contre les fender, if they choose ; but if they are not
Calvinistes, Paris, 1671, 8vo, and afterwards beside themselves, and wish to preserve the
reprinted several times. — [" This method head of their church safe, they must be ex-
certainly was not the invention of Nicolle, ccedingly desirous that Bossuct's great prin-
for it seems to differ little, if at all from the ciple, that whatever church frequently modi-
method of cardinal Richelieu. We may ob- fies and changes its doctrines has not the
serve farther, that Richelieu seems rather to holy Spirit, may never be believed true, by
belong to the second class of Methodists any one who is acquainted with the course
than to the first, where Dr. Mosheim has of events at Rome. [Against Bossuet, James
placed him." — Macl.] Basnage wrote his famous Histoire des

(46) Fred. Spanheim, Diss. de Prsescrip- Eglises reformees ; Rotterdam, 1690, 2 vols.
tione in rebus fidei adversus novos Metho- 8vo. And as Bossuet replied to this, in
distas ; in his Opp., torn, hi., pt. ii., p. 1079. his Defense de 1'Histoire des variations ;

(47) His Histoire des variations des Egli- Basnage composed his great work : Histoire
ses Protestantes, Paris, 1688, 8vo, is very de 1'Eglise depuis J. C. jusque a present;
generally known. To this day, the papists Rotterd., 1699, 2 vols. fol. — SchL]
confide in it, and place it among their stron-

300 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

ease, pleasure and liberty, to all other considerations ;(48) Wolfgang Wil-
liam, count Palatine of the Rhine ;(49) Christian William, marquis of
Brandenburg ;(50) Ernest, prince of Hesse ;(51) John Frederic, duke of
Brunswick ;(52) and Frederic Augustus, king of Poland, (53) subjected them,
selves to the Roman pontiff. Of the men of genius and erudition, the il-
lustrious Jo. Christian baron of Boisneburg. privy counsellor to the elector
of Mayence, and a noted Maecenas in that age ;(54) Christ. Ranzovius, a
knight of Holstein ;(55) Caspar Scioppius ;(56) Peter Bertius ;(57) Chris-

(48) Of this queen, and the causes of her
defection to the Romish church, there is a
very full account in Arkenholz, Memoires de
la Reine Christine ; which is a very interest-
ing and useful book. [This vain and rash
woman, who probably had no fixed religious
principles, became weary of the cares of gov-
ernment ; resigned her crown in 1654, and
retired to Italy, to enjoy the refined society
of that country. As a preparatory step to a
comfortable residence at Rome, while on
her way thither, she changed her religion. —
Tr.]

(49) [This prince, at his solemn renuncia-
tion of Protestantism in the year 1614, as-
signed as his reasons, the common arguments
used by Catholics to prove the truth of their
religion, and the falsehood of the Protestant.
But it was believed at the time, and even by
Catholic historians, that a principal motive
with him was, to secure the favour of the em-
peror and of the Spanish court, in order to
make sure his heirship to the duchy of Ju-
lian-Cleves, See Schroeckh, Kirchengesch.
Beit der Reform., vol. iv., p. 370, and Schlc-
geVs note here. — Tr.]

(50) [At the capture of Magdeburg by
the imperial troops in 1630, he was taken
prisoner, and earned to Vienna, where his
conversion took place. The grounds of it,
which he published, were chiefly, that the
Protestants had no legitimate priesthood.
See SchlegeVs note here. — Tr.]

(51) This very learned and good prince
was converted in 1651, by the celebrated
Capuchin monk, Valerius Magnus. See
Gruber's Commercium Epistol. Leibnitia-
num, torn, i., p. 27, 35. Memoires de la
Reine Christine, tome i., p. 216. But it is
manifest from the writings of Ernest him-
self, that he, as well as Anth. Ulric duke of
Brunswick, and many others, did not go over
to such a Romish church as actually exists,
but to a very different one, which has long
since ceased to be, and of which his imagi-
nation formed an idea.

(52) [He put entire confidence in his fa-
vourite preacher, Henry Julius Blum ; and
when solicited to apostatize, refused, unless
the Catholics could first convert Blum. The
Jesuits then applied themselves to Blum, and

offered him an income of 2000 dollars annu-
ally, if he would turn Catholic. Blum con-
sented. A dispute was held between them
in presence of the duke. — For a considerable
time Blum answered all the arguments of
the Jesuits triumphantly ; but at length they
adduced a new argument, which Blum could
not withstand, and which, he told the duke,
was unanswerable. Of course he now open-
ly yielded to popery ; and the duke followed
his example. This was in 1654. Blum
obtained his pension, and at length was
made vice-president of the supreme court
of appeals at Prague. See SMegel's note
here.— Tr.]

(53) [He was the elector of Saxony, and
to qualify himself for the throne of Poland,
made profession of the Catholic religion in
the year 1697. See Schroeckh' 's Kirchen-
gesch. s. d. Reform., vol. vii., p. 74, and
Henke's Kirchengesch., vol. iv., p. 559. —
TV.]

(54) He apostatized to the Romish church
in 1653, following the example of Ernest,
prince of Hesse : and was indeed a man of
great distinction, but rather a man of letters
than a sound reasoner or philosopher. See
Grubcr's Commercium Epistol. Leibnitia-
num, containing his and Conring's Epistles,
torn, i., p. 35, 37, 39, 49, 56, 60, 70. 76, 93,
&c.

(55) See Jo. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata,
torn, i., p. 520. [He defended Lutheranism
at Helmstadt in 1649. But the next year,
at Rome, the splendour of the Jubilee, and
the arguments of Lucas Holstenius over-
came him. See Henke, Kirchengesch., vol.
iv., p. 300, &c.— 7V.]

(56) [He was a German, learned, ardent,
restless. He became a papist about A.D.
1600 ; fell out with the Jesuits ; and fought
much against the Protestants. See Bayle,
Dictionnaire, vol. iv , art. Scioppius — 7V.]

(57) [Berlius was rector of the theologi-
cal college of Leyden. Being an Arminian,
he was censured by the synod of Dort, and
afterwards excommunicated. He retired to
France, became a Catholic, was a professor
at Paris, historiographer to the king, and
died in 1629. See Rees' Cyclopedia, arti-
cle Bertius.— Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

301

topher Besoldus ;(58) Helfr. Ulr. Hunnius ;(59) Nich. Stenonlus, a cele-
brated Danish physician ;(60) Jo. Phil. Pfei/er, a professor at Konigs-
berg ;(61) Lucas Holstenius,(Q2) with his kinsman, Peter Lambedus ;(63)
Henry Jul. Blum, professor at Helmstadt, a learned but vain man ;(64)
Daniel Nessel ;(65) Andrew Fromm ;(66) Bariholt Nihusius, Christ. Hell.
wig, Matih. Pratorius ;(67) and some others of inferior note and standing,
revolted to the Romish party. But if you except from among them, all
such as we are abundantly assured were led to this change by their domes-
tic misfortunes, by their desire to advance their rank and glory, by their
inordinate love of wealth and worldly advantages, by their fickleness of
mjnd, by their imbecility of intellect, or by other causes of no better char-
acter, you will reduce the whole number to a few persons, whom no one
will greatly envy the Roman Catholics. (68)

(58) [Besold was a learned and excellent Italy, where he was in high esteem ; was
man, professor of law at Tubingen, and af- made librarian to the pope, and came near to

being a cardinal. He died 1661, aged 65.
He was one of the most learned men of his

ter his conversion to the Romish church in
1635, professor at Ingolstadt. He published

his motives ; and appears to have been sin- age, and a sincere Catholic, but not bigoted.

cere ; though the timidity of his character,
and the troubled state of the times, seem to
have had an influence. His revolt was a se-
rious loss to the Protestants. See Henke's
Kirchengesch., vol. iii., p. 517, and Schle-
gel's note here. — Tr.]

(59) [He was the son of the famous JEgid-
ius Hunnius, and brother to Nicholas. He

See Jo. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata, vol.- i.,
p. 257, and vol. iii., p. 321-342.— Tr.]

(63) [Lambecius was a countryman and
nephew of Holstenius, and a rector at Ham-
burg. But he had a bad wife, and besides
fell also into ill fame as a teacher of false
doctrine. He therefore abandoned his
country, office, wife, and religion, and be-

was professor of law at Giessen and Marpurg, came a librarian at Vienna. — Schl. This

turned Catholic in 1631, was made counsel-
lor and vice-chancellor atTreves, and died in
1636. See Henke and Schlegd, 1. c.— Tr.\
(60) [This celebrated anatomist travelled
for improvement as far as Italy. On his re-
turn, he was made professor of anatomy at
Copenhagen. But preferring Italy, 'he, soon
removed to that country. There, at the age

very learned man, and voluminous writer and
editor, djed in 1680, aged 52. See J». Mol-
ler, Cimbria Litterata, vol. i., p. 323, and
vol. iii., p 391-414. — Tr.]

(64) He apostatized in 1654. [See above,
note (52). — Tr.] See Jac. Bvrckard's His-
toria Biblioth. Augustce, pt. iii., p. 223,
»33. Grubcr's Commercium Epistol-Leib-

of 37, in the year 1675, he became a real nitianum, torn, i., p. 41, 95, 135, 137, 379,

Catholic, changed his profession, w-as created 388, 410, &c. In these Epistles, he is

a titular bishop, ai:d sent as papal legate into usually called Florus.

Germany ; where he died in 1686. He was (65) [He was the son of Martin Nessel, a

first a great anatomist, and then a very sin- rector of Bremen, and studied law. He and

cere Catholic, and a man of blameless life, his father both turned Catholics, in 1667.

He wrote many tracts in defence of popery. Daniel succeeded Lambecms, as librarian at

See Jo. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata, torn, ii., Vienna, and died A.D. 1700. See Henke's
p. 867, &c.— Tr.]

(61) [See Henke's Kirchengesch., vol. iv.,
p. 305. He apostatized in 1694 ; published
his apology for it ; and died the next year.
— Tr.]

(62) [This distinguished literary man was Henke, loc. cit., iv., p. 303 ; and Schlegel's
born at Hamburg,°in 1596; first studied note Jiere.— 7V.]

medicine, but afterwards devoted himself to

Latin and Greek literature, and to ecdesias- .

tical antiquities. He early travelled to Italy also, p. 294, note (32). Hellwig was a phy-

and Sicily. Returning, he pursued study in sician, and son-in-law to J. P. Pfei/er, men-

Hollarid/ Being denied a scholarship at tioned in note (61). He apostatized with

Leyden, he left there in disgust, and after his father-in-law, A.D. 1694.— Tr.]
travelling a year or two, settled in Paris A.D. (68) Of these men, and others of a similar

1624. Here he was promoted, became a character, an account is given by Godfr.

Catholic, and an author. He next went to Arnold, Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, pt. ii.,

Kirchengesch., vol. iv., p. 302. — Tr.]

(66) [He was a provost at Berlin, and
from the year 1662, laboured much to unite
the Protestants and Catholics. His aposta-
cy took place at Prague, in 1667. See

(67) [Concerning Nihusius,, see above,
p. 298, note (43). Prcetonus was noticed

302 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 17. Those Christians of the East who were not of the Romish com-
munion, opposed the papal envoys no less firmly than the Europeans.
Nor do the more ingenuous Catholics themselves deny, that those who give
us splendid accounts of the great extension of the papal authority among
the Nestorians and Monophysites, and of the favourable disposition of sev-
eral of the prelates of these sects towards the Romish church, deceive us
with fictitious statements. (69) On the other hand, the sovereign pontiffs
suffered two very severe losses in the East, during this century ; the one
was in Japan, the other in Abyssinia. What occurred in Japan, has al-
ready been stated, among the evils which the Christian cause in general
experienced. It therefore remains only to give some account of the occur-
rences in Abyssinia or Ethiopia. — In the beginning of the century, the
mission to the Abyssinians which had been interrupted in the preceding
century, was renewed by the Portuguese Jesuits with very favourable au-
spices. For the emperor Susneius, who assumed the name of Seltam Se-
gued at his coronation after his victories over his enemies, influenced partly
by the eloquence of the Jesuits, and partly by the hope of confirming his
authority by the aid of Portuguese troops, committed the direction of all
religious affairs, in the year 1625, to Alphonzo Mendez a missionary from
Portugal ; or in other words, created him patriarch of the nation. The
next year, he not only himself publicly swore obedience to the authority of
the Roman pontiff, but also required all his people to forsake the religion
of their fathers, and to embrace that of Rome. But that new prelate with
his associates, by his ill-timed zeal, himself subverted the foundations of
the papal authority, which appeared to be so well established. For in the
first place, he resolved to subdue the people, (the greatest part of whom to-
gether with their ministers held their ancient religion more dear than life
itself), by means of terror, wars, and very severe punishments, in the man.
ner of the Portuguese Inquisition. In the next place, the prelate ordered
those who yielded obedience to the commands of the emperor, to be bap-
tized and consecrated anew, after the Roman form ; as if they had previ-
ously been entirely without the true Christian ordinances : which was an
injury to the religion of their fathers, that the clergy regarded with more
horror than they did the tortures and violence inflicted on recusants. And
lastly, he did not hesitate to rend the commonwealth into factions, and to
encroach even upon the authority and the prerogatives of the emperor.
Hence arose, first, civil commotions and formidable insurrections ; then, the
indignation of the emperor himself, and a general abhorrence of the Jes-
uits ; and finally, a public edict of the emperor in 1631, which gave the
citizens full liberty to embrace which of the two religions they preferred.
The son of Seltam, Basilides, who succeeded to the throne on the death
of his father in 1632, thought proper to clear the country of these trouble-
book xvii., ch. iii., p. 912, &c. Weismanri's nians, Urban Cerry, Et&t present de 1'Eglise
Historia Eccles., saecul. xvii., p. 738. Romaine, p. 170 : also concerning the Copts,
Watch's Einleitung in die Religions- Stre- p. 216, 222, &c. That some small but poor
itigkeiten, vol. ii., p. 728, &c. \Henke's congregations were collected among these
Kirchengeschichte, vol. iii. and iv.] With sects, no one denies. Thus, near the mid-
these may be joined the best writers on civil die of the century, the Capuchins collected
and literary history. a very small company of popish converts

(09) See the express declarations of Jo. among the Asiatic Monophysites, whose pre-
Chardin, in various parts of the latest edition late resides at Aleppo. See Le Quien, Ori-
of his travels. Add, respecting the Arme- ens Christianus, torn, ii., p. 1408.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

303

some strangers ; and therefore in the year 1634, he drove Mendez and the
whole body of Jesuits and Portuguese from Abyssinia, with no kind of in-
dulgence or tenderness. (70) From this time onward, such an abhorrence
of the Roman name became firmly rooted in the breasts of the Abyssin-
ians, that they most cautiously guard their frontiers, lest some Jesuit or
other priest of the Romish communion should creep into the country, and
again embroil their commonwealth. The Roman pontiffs at first sought
to repair the damage done by the Jesuits, by sending out two French Cap-
uchin monks : and these being stoned to death by the Abyssinians, as
soon as they were discovered, recourse was had to more secret methods ;
and at last the authority of Lewis XIV. king of France was resorted to,
in order to open a door for the access of their missionaries to Ethiopia.(Tl)
But to the present time, they have not been able, so far as we know,
to calm the wakeful indignation of that highly-incensed nation. (72)

(70) See Job. Ludolf's Historia JSthiopi-
ca, lib. iii., cap. xii. Mich. Geddes, Church
History of Ethiopia, p. 233, &c. Matur.
Veisse la Croze's Histoire du Christianisme
d'Ethiopie, p. 79, &c. Jerome Lobo's Voy-
age d'Abyssinie, p. 116, 130, 144, and Hen-
ry le Grand's Additions to it, p. 173, and
his fourth Dissertation, subjoined to vol. ii.,
p. 32. The judgment of this learned man,
respecting the Jesuit Mendez, in this Diss".
iv., p. 36, is worth transcribing. II cut e^e
a souhaiter que le Patriarche ne se fut pas
charge de tant d'affaires, (thus cautiously
does he speak of Mendez's lust of power,
and intrusion into the affairs of the civil gov-
ernment), et qu'il n'eut pas fait tant valoir
son autorite', en se conduisant en Abyssinie,
comme dans un pays d'Inquisition. II re-
volta tout la monde, et rendit les Catho-
liques, et en particulier les Jesuites, si odieux,
que la haine qu'on a congue centre eux dure
encore aujourdhui. — [" The third Book of
La Croze's History, which relates to the
progress and ruin of this mission, is trans-
lated by Mr. Lockman into English, and in-
serted in The Travels of the Jesuits, vol. i.,
p. 308, &c., as also is Poncet's Voyage,
mentioned in the following note." — Mac/.]

(71) These projects are mentioned by Ur-
ban Cerry, Etat present de 1'Eglise Ro-
maine, p. 217, &c. Henry le Grand, Sup-
plement to Lobo's Itinerar. Athiopicum, torn,
i., p. 181, &c. ; torn, ii., p. 108, &c. [" Fa-
ther Lobo, who resided nine years in Ethi-
opia, has given an elegant and lively, though
simple and succinct description of that vast
empire, in his Itinerarium JEthiopicum.
This Itinerary was- translated into French
by M. le Grand, and enriched by him with
several curious anecdotes and dissertations.
Hence Dr. Moshcim sometimes quotes the
Itinerarium under the title of Voyage
d'Abyssinie, referring to Le Grand's French
translation of it." — Mad. ] I wish the read-

er to* compare the statements made from
documents which are above all suspicion, by
this papist [Le Grand} who was not un-
friendly to the Jesuits, with the Voyage of
that French physician, Charles James Pon-
cet, who travelled into Ethiopia in the year
1698, in company with the Jesuit Brevedent
who died on the way; which Voyage was
published by the Jesuits, in the fourth vol-
ume of the Lettres curieuses et e'difiantes des
Missions etrangeres, Paris, 1713, 8vo, [in
the ed. Lyons, 1819, torn, ii., p. 238, &c.
— TV.] The discerning reader may thus
learn, how much reliance is to be put on the
statements which the Jesuits give us, of the
friendly disposition of the Asiatic and Afri-
can Christians towards the see of Rome.
After ingenuously and candidly making this
comparison, he will perhaps declare, that
Grecian and even Punic faith, is more to be
trusted than that of the Jesuks.

(72) The biographers of Clement XI. and
especially Lafitau and Reboulet, amuse us
with fables, (invented perhaps by the Jesuits
and their friends), when they tell us of the
Abyssinian emperor's embracing the Romish
religion in the year 1712 ; or of his petition-
ing the Roman pontiff in 1703 to send him
teachers, to instruct him and his people.
On the contrary, it is fully ascertained that
but a few years ago, the Abyssinians most
rigorously denied not only to all Europeans
but also to the Turks, all access to their
country ; nay, they would not allow Egyptian
Monophysites who entered Ethiopia, to re-
turn again. This is confirmed by the best
possible testimony in such a case, that of
Benedict Maillet, who long filled the office
of French consul in Egypt, and was appoint-
ed by Louis XIV. ambassador to the em-
peror of Abyssinia ; in his Description de
1'Egypte, pt. i., p. 325, Paris, 1735, 4to. To
him we add Henry It Grand, who in his Addi-
tions to Jerome Lobo's Itinerarium, pt. i., p.

304 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.--PART I.-CHAP. I.

§ 18. We have thus far spoken of the external prosperity or adversity
of the Romish church, and of the zeal of the pontiffs to extend the limits
of their empire : we now proceed to examine its internal state. The an-
cient form of government was in no respects changed ; yet the officers of
the church were in most countries, gradually abridged of no small part of
their ancient power by the civil authorities. For that happy age was ev-
erywhere gone by, when the clergy might excite public commotions, engage
in civil affairs at their pleasure, terrify with their sacred denunciations, and
impose contributions and other burdens upon the citizens. The supreme
pontiff himself, though saluted with the same appellations and titles as for-
merly, often experienced with vast regret, that names had lost much of
their ancient power and import, and were still losing more and more.
The principle formerly held only by the French, that the power of the Ro-
man pontiff was wholly and exclusively .confined to sacred and ecclesias-
tical affairs, and by no means extended to secular things, to the property,
the persons, and the business of the citizens, had now become wellnigh
the universal opinion of all kings and princes. The schools indeed in
most parts of the Romish world, with the public writers, extolled the maj-
esty of the pontiff to the utmost of their ability ; and the Jesuits, who
wished to be thought among the first defenders of the Romish see and pow-
er, did the same ; and even the courts of princes sometimes used magnifi-
cent language, respecting the dignity and authority of the head and father
of the church. But the misfortune was, that in this as in other cases,
men's actions did not accord with their language ; and the sovereign prin-
ces, when any question or controversy arose with the court of Rome,
measured the rights and preimogatives of the pontiff not as formerly by the
decisions of the schools, but by their own convenience and interests.

§ 19. This the sovereign pontiffs experienced t» their great detriment,
as often as they ventured in this age to resume their former pretensions,
and to encroach upon the jurisdiction of sovereign states. In the year
1606, Paul V. a haughty pontiff, laid the Venetians under an interdict ;
because they presumed to punish certain priests who had committed crimes,
and forbid the erection of any more sacred edifices in their territories
without the consent of the senate, and prohibited all farther transfers of
estates to the clergy without permission from the government. But the
senate of Venice most firmly and vigorously resisted this wrong. For in
the first place, they would not allow the priests to intermit the sacred ser-
vices, as the pontiff commanded ; and the Jesuits and Capuchins, who
chose to obey the pontiff rather than the senate, were banished the coun-
try. In the next place, they ordered Paul Sarpi, a theologian of the re-
public who was a monk of the order of Servitors and a man of very great
genius, and other persons deeply learned in civil and ecclesiastical law, to
demonstrate the justice of their cause in several treatises, and to inquire
with great freedom into the true limits of the papal power : and their at-
tacks were so powerful, that Ccesar Baronius and the other writers to

222, (published in 1728), after faithfully de- state of things in Ethiopia : Toutes ces en-
tailing all the projects of the French and the terprises paroitront chimeriques a ceux qui
popes in our age for introducing Romish conr.oitront 1'Abissinie et les Abissins. Pcr-
priests into Abyssinia, subjoins, that all such haps the mission which is now fitting out at
projects must necessarily appear vain and Rome to the Abyssinians, will add new con-
chimerical to persons acquainted with the firmation to this opinion.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

305

whom the Roman pontiff trusted the defence of his cause, could with dif.
ficulty stand up against them. When at length Paul V. prepared for war
against the Venetians, Henry IV. king of France, interposed and brought
about a peace, but on terms that were not very honourable to the pontiff. (73)
For the Venetians could not be induced to rescind entirely those decrees
which had given offence to the Romish bishop, nor to allow the banished
Jesuits to return to their country.(74) The senate of Venice, at that time,
contemplated a secession from the Romish church ; and the English and
Dutch ambassadors endeavoured to persuade them to such a step. But
many causes of great weight, prevented the measure : nor did the saga-
cious and circumspect Sarpi himself, though he was no friend to the Ro-
mish court, appear to approve the thing. (75)

§ 20. If the Portuguese had possessed as much wisdom and courage as
the Venetians, equally unsuccessful would have been the contest which

(73) Besides Thuanus (de Thou), and
other historians, see Gabr. Daniel's Histoire
de France, tome x., p. 358, &c., of the re-
cent edit. Jo. Hen. Heidegger's Historia
Papatus, period^vii., () ccxx., p. 322, &c. —
Jo. Wolfg. Jager's Historia Eccles., saecul.
xvii., decenn. i., p. 108. But especially the
writings of the celebrated Paul Sarpi and of
the other Venetian theologians, deserve a
careful perusal. For being written with no
less solidity than erudition and elegance,
these works contributed most to open the
eyes of kings and magistrates, and to lead
them no longer to yield implicit obedience
to the will of the pontiffs, as had formerly
been done. Pre-eminent among these wri-
tings, is the Istoria delle cose passate entre
Paul V. et la Republ. di Venetia ; composed
by Paul Sarpi, who is usually called Fra
Paolo, i. e., Brother Paul ; primed Miran-
dol., 1624, 4to ; and the Historia Interdic-
ti Veneti, by the same author, which was
printed at Cambridge, 1626, 4to,by William
Bedell, at that time chaplain to the English
embassy at Venice, and afterwards a bishop
in Ireland Paul V. therefore, whose rash-
ness and imprudence led the Venetians to
publish these books, was himself the cause
of those very great perplexities which the
Romish see afterwards often experienced.

(74) The Venetians indeed, a long time
afterwards, in the year 1657, when Alexan-
der VII. governed the Romish church, being
wearied with the importunities of several
princes and especially of Louis XIV. king
of France, suffered the Jesuits to return to
their territories. Yet quite down to our
age, no where is this very powerful society
under more restraint than among the Vene-
tians ; to its own loss, it finds the old grudge
remaining deep fixed in the public mind.
See the Voyage Historique en Italie, Alle-
magne. Suisse ; Amsterd., 1736, 8vo, vol.
i., p. 291. To this day, the pontifical re-

VOL. III.— Q <j

scripts and lulls have just so much power
among the Venetians, as the interests of the
republic and the judgment of the senate will
allow them to have. I adduce as a most
credible witness cardinal Henry Noris, who
(in the Epistles of famous Venetians to Ant.
Magliabechi, vol. i., p. 67) thus wrote, in
the year 1676 : Poche Bulle passevano quelle
acque verso le parte del Adriatico, perle mas-
sime lasciate nel Testamento di Fra Paolo.
That is : Few bulls of the pontiffs pass the
waters of the Po and reach the shores of the
Adriatic : they are prohibited by the maxims
which Brother Paul laid down in his last
Testament.

(75) This project of the Venetians is ex-

fressly treated of, by Gilbert Burnet in his
,ife of William Bedell, p. 18, &c., of the
French edit , and by Peter Francis le Cou-
rayer, Defense de la nouvelle Traduction.
de 1'Histoire du Concile de Trente, p. 35,
&c., Amsterd., 1742, 8vo, who shows very
clearly, that Sarpi departed indeed in many
respects from the opinions of the Romish
church, yet that he did not approve of all
the doctrines of the Protestants ; nor would
he recommend to the Venetians, to separate
from the Romish church. [From the ac-
count of the agent for a union Jo. Bapt.
Lenke, to the elector Palatine, which the
keeper of the records Gattler, has given in
an appendix to the Hist, of the duchy of
Wiirtemberg, vol. vi., No. 10, p. 57, it ap-
pearsi that in the year 1609 a Protestant
congregation of more than 1000 persons,
among whom were about 300 gentry of the
principal families, then actually existed at
Venice ; which Brother Paul Sarpi and his
friend Fulgenzo had collected, and which
contemplated under favourable circumstan-
ces to abandon popery. The substance of
this account is also in Le Bret's Magazin
zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchen-
gesch., vol. ii., p. 235, &c.— -Schl.]

306 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.—CHAP. 1.

Urban VIII. commenced against them in 1641, and which continued till
the year 1666. The Portuguese having driven out the Spaniards, made
John duke of Braganza, their king. Urban and his successors pertina-
ciously refused either to acknowledge John as king of Portugal, or to con-
firm the bishops appointed by him, though urged to it in a thousand ways
both by the Portuguese and the French. The consequence was, that the
greatest part of the Portuguese territories was for a long time without
bishops. The vicar of Christ who above all things should have no fear of
man, had such a dread of Spanish resentment, that rather than offend the
king'of Spain, he chose to violate his most sacred duty and leave great
numbers of churches without pastors. The king of Portugal was advised
from various quarters, and especially by the French, to imitate the exam-
ple of the Venetians ; and to cause his bishops to be consecrated by a na-
tional council of Portugal, in despite of the pontiff: and he seemed at
times, disposed to act with vigour. But the ascendency of the Inquisition,
and the amazing superstition of the people and their devotion to the will
of the pontiff, prevented his adopting energetic measures. Thus, it was
not till after the lapse of twenty-five years, and the conclusion of a peace
with the Spaniards, that Clement IX. confirmed the bishops appointed by
the king. Yet in this the Portuguese showed themselves men, that they
strenuously resisted the pontiff when he endeavoured to take advantage of
this contest to extend his power in Portugal ; nor would they suffer the
ancient prerogative of their kings, to designate the bishops of the country,
to be at all abridged. (76)

§ 21. For many centuries there had been almost perpetual controversy
between the French nation and the popes ; which, as in other periods, so
also in this century, sometimes came to an open rupture. If the pontiffs
ever employed cunning and perseverance in any cyiuse, they certainly did
so throughout this century, in their endeavours to subdue the hostility of
the French to the Romish power, and to destroy or gradually undermine
what are called the liberties of the Gallic church : and their principal coad-
jutors in this business were the Jesuits. But to these machinations, very
strong opposition was constantly made, both by the parliament of Paris,
and by the very able writers, Edmund Richer, John Launoy, Peter de Mar-
ca, Natalis Alexander, Lewis Elites du Pin, and others ; who had the cour-
age to bring forward the opinions of their ancestors, some with more
spirit and erudition, and others with less, and to confirm them with new
arguments and authorities. The court indeed, did not always reward
these protectors of their country according to their merits ; nay, frequent-
ly showed itself opposed to them, with a view to please the angry and
menacing pontiff; yet this afforded little advantage to the papal cause.
The French kings it seems, would rather have their rights silenth main-
tained, than publicly defended with noise and war, in open declarations and
disputations ; nor did they esteem it below their dignity to temporize oc-
casionally, and to pretend great reverence for the mandates and edicts of
the pontiffs, in order more easily to obtain from them the objects of their

(76) See Mich. Geddcs, History of the defended among the French, by Ism. Buli-

pope's behaviour towards Portugal, from old, whose Libelli duo pro Ecclesiis Lusi-

1641 to 1666 ; which is in his Miscellaneous tanis, ad Clerum Gallicanum, were reprinted

Tracts, vol. ii., p. 73-186. The cause of at Helmstadt, 1700, 4to.
the Portuguese in this contest, was learnedly

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

307

wishes. (77) But if they perceived the Romish prelates taking advantage
of this complaisance to extend their authority, they remembered that they
were kings of the French, that is, of a nation for a long time most impa-
tient of Romish servitude. This is abundantly confirmed by the contests
of Lewis XIV. with the pontiffs.(78)

(77) [" It was with a view to this, that sighs, and lamentations over the rights of
Voltaire, speaking of the manner in which the nation invaded and almost annihilated by

the court of France maintains its preroga-
tives against the Roman pontiff, says pleas-
antly, that the king of France kisses the
pope's fcet,'and ties up his hands." — Mad]
(78) Many, both of the Lutherans and
Reformed, and they men of great merit and
learning, lament the augmentation of the Ro-
mish power in France during this century, and
the gradual corruption of the minds of both
the noblesse and the clergy, by the prevalence
of Italian notions respecting the papal power,
which the ancient French people viewed
with abhorrence ; and from this they infer,
that the famous liberties of the Gallic church
were much abridged in this century, by the
influence principally of the Jesuits. Into

the craftiness of the Jesuits. If these per-
sons could check those passions, with which
Frenchmen are so prone to be agitated, and
would carefully examine the history of their
country, they would certainly learn, that their
liberties are not extinct ; nor are they neg-
lected by their monarchs, but are only main-
tained with more caution and foresight.
France, I am aware, is full of persons who
basely flatter the pontiffs, and seem inclined
to become slaves, for the sake of gain or of
honours. But the number of such, was no
less formerly, than it is now ; as might be
proved by numberless examples. Nor is it
common for states to be ruled and governed
by such characters. The Jesuits are in high

these views they are led, partly by certain authority ; and they sometimes cause things
measures of the French monarchs, which to be done, which cannot but be grievous to
have the appearance of greatly subserving the friends of the ancient Gallic liberties ;
the wishes of the pontiffs ; and partly by the things of this sort occurred also in those
numberless declamations of the Jansenists times when there were no Jesuits : and on
and other recent French writers, who lament, the other hand, very many things occur, con-
that the ancient, glory has departed from the tinually, which are most adverse to the wish-
French nation, that the edicts of the popes es of the Jesuits, and which undoubtedly
are held in immense veneration, that the give much disquietude to the pontiffs. Those
Jesuits have imbued the minds of the mon- who contend learnedly for the opinions of
archs and of the leading men in the govern- their ancestors, sometimes scarcely escape
ment, with excessive attachment to the Ilo- without punishment : those who dispute with
mish views, that vigilance is used against all warmth, not unfrequently suffer for it, and
those who wish to see the opinions of their are either imprisoned, or sent into exile : and
ancestors prevail, that the tribunal of the In- the most modest writers receive no reward
quisition is gradually introduced, and other for their labours. True ; it is so. Yet the
thino-s of this sort. But I am persuaded that cause which these men defend, is not disap-
more reliance is placed on these representa- proved of, nor is it deserted ; but their man-
tions, than ought to be, and that the rights ner of supporting it is disliked. For the
of the French people are still in the same monarc'hs and their friends, in reality, choose

state as formerly : nor am I able at all
to discern those triumphs of the pontiffs
over the French, which many excellent men,

to have the machinations of the pontiffs re-
sisted, without noise and clamour, rather
than by publications and disputation, which

with the French who are too indignant, es- often produce parties in a nation, excite the
pecially the Jansenists and the Appellants, passions of men, disturb the public peace,
think they can clearly see. As the general and exasperate the pontiffs and alienate them
policy of the French government is much from the French nation. At the same time,
more artful and crafty, in the present age ; the public teachers are at full liberty to in-
so the machinations of the pontiffs are thwart- stil into their pupils the ancient principles
ed, by more silent and artful methods, than of the nation, and to explain fully in the
in the preceding more rude age. The same schools those views, by which the Romish
conflict is kept up as before : but it is now lust of power has usually been for ages re-
managed in a very different way. And this pressed. Some things take place, which
new and politic course, does not meet the are inconsistent with these principles ; and
views of many of the French ; who are of an restraint is laid upon those who think it very
ardent temperament, and who think they hard to depart from the customs and prac-
ought to contend in open manly warfare, in tices of their fathers ; yet this is almost never
the manner of their fathers. Hence those done, unless either necessity, or the prospect

308 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 22. The first of these contests occurred in the time of Alexander
VII., and originated from the temerity of the pontiff's Corsican guards ;
who, in the year 1662, ventured to insult the king's ambassador, the mar.
quis Crequi, and his lady, at the instigation as it is reported, of Alexan.
der's nephew. The French monarch determined to avenge the insult by
a war : but on the pope's imploring his mercy, he granted him peace in
1664 at Pisa, on the following conditions among others ; that he should
send his nephew to Paris, to ask pardon, and that he should brand the Cor-
sican nation with infamy by a public edict, and erect a pillar in the Far-
nesian market, on which this crime and the punishment of it should be in-
scribed for future generations. But this contest of the king, was not so
much with the pontiff as head of the church, as with Alexander considered
as a prince and a temporal sovereign. (79) With the pontiff in his proper
character, the monarch had controversy in 1678 and the following years,
when Innocent XI. filled the Romish see. The subject of this controversy
wasj the right which the French call Regale ; according to which, when a
bishop dies, the king is allowed to collect and enjoy the revenues of the
see, and in some respects to act in the place of bishop, until the see is fill-
ed by the accession of a new prelate. Lewis wished to subject all the sees
in his kingdom to this right : but Innocent would not permit it, determining
that the king's power in this particular should extend to no more sees than
formerly. This contest was carried on with great passion on both sides.
To the many admonitions and epistles of the pontiff, the king opposed se-
vere laws and mandates : and when the pope refused his approbation to
the bishops appointed by the king, the latter by his regal authority, caused
them to be inducted into office ; thus showing publicly, that the Gallic
church could get along without a pope. On the other hand, the high-spir-
ited and persevering pontiff denounced the vengeance of Heaven against
the king ; and omitted nothing which might show, that the ancient power
of the pontiffs was not yet extinct.(SO) The king, offended by this reso-

of some great advantage, warrants it. Be- thus far, lest those who read the bitter corn-
sides, the public anthorities take good care, plaints and declamations of the Jansenists and
that the pontiffs shall derive no great benefit Appellants, should put entire confidence in
from such condescensions to them. That them ; which many Protestants have done,
this was the fact 'in the affair of the Bull and particularly those who are not well ac-
Unigenitus, in which many things occurred quainted with the world,
not agreeing with the ancient customs and (79) See Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia Ec-
opinions of the French, will be readily seen, cles., saecul. xvii., decenn. vii., lib. ii., cap.
by those who will examine carefully the ii., p. 180, &c. Voltaire's Siecle de Louis
whole transaction, and compare the public XIV., torn, i., p. 131, &c. The French also
decisions with the actual state of the coun- published some tracts, in which the history
try. It was judged best, frequently to admit of this contest was related. Memoirs de la
a less evil, in order to avoid a greater. In Reine Christine, torn, ii., p. 72, &c. [Jo.
short, the kings of France are wont to treat Gijford's History of France, vol. iv., p. 379.
the sovereign pontiff as the ancient heroes — Tr.]

who descended into the infernal regions, (80) See Jo. Henr. Heidegger's Historia

treated the dog Cerberus that guarded the Papatus, period vii.. § cccxli., &c., p. 555.

gate of that dark world, (no offence is intend- Voltaire, Sie"cle de Louis XIV., torn, ii., p.

ed by this comparison), sometimes throwing 210, and numerous others, who either pro-

him a cake, when he growled, and sometimes fessedly or incidentally, treat of the right of

awing him with their brandished swords, as Regale, and of the disputes that grew out of

occasion and circumstances demanded ; and it. Henry Noris discusses very copiously

both for the same object, namely, that they the history of the origin and progress of this

might freely march on in their chosen way. right, in his Istoria delle investiture Eccle-

• — These remarks I thought proper to extend siastique,- p. 547, &c., in his Opp., vol. v.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

309

lute behaviour, in the year 1682, assembled at Paris that famous conven-
tion of his bishops, in which the ancient opinions of the French respecting
the power of the pontiff, as being exclusively spiritual, and inferior to that
of councils, were stated in four propositions, unanimously adopted, con-
firmed, and set forth as the perpetual rule for all the clergy as well as for
the schools. (81) But Innocent received this blow also with manly cour-
age.(82) This violent contest was soon after followed by another. In

[See also Gilbert Burnct, in his History of
the rights of Princes in the disposing of Ec-
clesiastical Benefices and Church lands, re-
lating chiefly to the pretensions of the crown
of France to the Regale, and the late con-
tests with the court of Rome ; Ix>nd., 1682,
8vo.— Tr.]

(81 ) [This convention was composed of 8
archbishops, 26 bishops, and 38 other cler-
gymen ; who all set their names to the four
following propositions :

I. That, God has given to St. Peter, and
to his successors, the vicars of Christ, and
to the church itself, power in spiritual things,
and things pertaining to salvation ; but not
power in civil and temporal things : Our Lord
having said, My kingdom is not of this
world ; and again, Render unto C<esar the
things that are Caesar's, and unto God the
things that are God's. And therefore, that
injunction of the apostle stands firm : Let
every soul be subject to the higher pmcers.
There is no power, but is from God ; and
the powers that be, are ordained of God.
Therefore, in temporal things, kings and
princes are subject to no ecclesiastical power
of God's appointment ; neither can they ei-
ther directly or indirectly, be deposed by au-
thority of the keys of the church ; nor can
their subjects be exempted from fidelity and
obedience, nor be absolved from their oath
of allegiance. And this principle, which is
necessary to the public tranquillity, and no
less useful to the church than to the state,
ought by all means to be held fast, as being
consonant to the word of God, to the tradi-
tion of the fathers, and to the example of
the saints.

II. That, plenary power in spiritual things
so exists in the apostolic see, and in the suc-
cessors of Peter, the vicars of Christ, that
at the same time, the decrees of the holy
ecumenical council of Constance, approved
by the apostolic see, and confirmed by the
practice of the Roman pontiffs and of the
whole church, and observed by the Galilean
church with perpetual veneration, respecting
the authority of general councils, as contain-
ed in the fourth and fifth sessions, must also
be valid, and remain immoveable. Nor does
the Gallican church approve of those, who
infringe upon the force of these decrees, as
if they were of dubious authority, or not

fully approved, or who pervert the words of
the council, by referring them solely to a time
of schism.

III. Hence, the exercise of the apostolic
power is to be tempered by the canons,
which the Spirit of God dictated, and which
the reverence of the whole world has conse-
crated. The rules, customs, and regulations
received by the Gallic realm and church, are
also valid, and the terms of the fathers re-
main immoveable : and it concerns the maj-
esty of the apostolic see, that statutes and
usages confirmed by the consent of so great
a see and of such churches, should retain
their appropriate validity.

IV. In questions of faith, likewise, the su-
preme pontiff has a principal part, and his
decrees have reference to all and singular
churches ; yet his judgment is not incapable
of correction, unless it have the assent of
the church.

These propositions, approved by Lewis
XIV., and registered by the parliament of
Paris on the 23d of March, 1682, were or-
dered to be publicly read and expounded in
the schools from year to year, and to be sub-
scribed to by all clergymen and professors in
the universities. See Jac. Bcnig. BossucCs
Dcfensio Declarationis Cleri Gallicani ; the
documents at the beginning of vol. i. — TV.]

(82) These four propositions, which were
extremely adverse to his wishes, the pontiff
caused to be opposed both publicly and pri-
vately. The most distinguished person that
defended the cause of the pontiff,was cardinal
Ceiestine Sfondrati ; who, under the assumed
name of Eugene Lombard, published : Re-
gale sacerdotium Romano Pontificiassertum
et quatuor propositionibus explicatum, 1684,
4to. The form of the types shows, that the
book was printed in Switzerland. Next to
him, in the multitude of Italians, Spaniards,
and Germans, who supported the tottering
majesty of the pontiff against the French,
Nicholas du Bois, a doctor of Louvain, stood
conspicuous. He published some books on
the subject, which are mentioned by Bos-
suet. But all these were confuted by the
very eloquent bishop of Meaux, Jac. Benign.
Bossuct, in a learned work composed by
order of the king, but which was not publish-
ed, till long after his death, entitled : De-
fensio declarations celeberrimse, quam de

310 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

the year 1687, Innocent deprived the ambassadors resident at Rome, and
among others the French ambassador Lavardin, of the right of asylum ;
because it often rendered criminals secure of impunity. The king em-
ployed all the means his angry feelings could suggest, to induce the pontiff
to restore the right he had taken away : but the latter met the king with
an open front, and could by no means be persuaded to put on even the
semblance of yielding. (83) This long conflict, which was injurious to
both the parties, was at length closed by the death of Innocent. The sub-
sequent pontiffs 'were more pliable, and therefore more ready to remove the
principal causes of contention : yet they were not so careless, as to forget
the dignity of the Romish see. The right of asylum was abrogated, with
the consent of the king : the controversy respecting the right of Regale,
\vas adjusted by a compromise. (84) The four celebrated propositions re-
specting the power of the pontiff, without objection from the king, were
gilded over by some bishops, in private letters to the pope ; but they were
by no means given up. To the present day, they maintain their place
among the laws of the realm.

§ 23. That the faults, which had long characterized the bishops and
some of the inferior clergy in the Romish church, were rather increased
than diminished, no good man even of that community will deny. The
bishops every where owed their elevation, rarely to their piety and merit,
generally to personal friendships, to services rendered to individuals, to si-
mony, to affinities and relationships, and often even to their vices. And
the greater part of them lived, as if they had been hired with their great
salaries, expressly, to exhibit before the people examples of those very vices
which the Christian religion condemns. (85) If there were some (as there
doubtless were) who endeavoured to benefit their flocks, and who set them-
selves against both ignorance and wickedness, they were either put down
by the enmity and hatred of the others, or at least fell under neglect, and
were hindered from effecting any thing great and laudable. And nearly
the same things were experienced by those clergymen of inferior rank, who
exerted all their powers in behalf of truth and piety. These however, if
compared with those whom voluptuousness, ambition, and lust for wealth
drove headlong, were exceedingly few. Some indeed of the pontiffs of this
century should not be defrauded of their just praise, for attempting to cor-
rect the morals of the clergy by wholesome laws, and to bring them to ex-
hibit at least common decency in their lives. Yet it is strange that these
sagacious men should not see, that the very constitution of the Romish
church and its whole interior structure, were insuperable obstacles to all
such good designs ; and that a pontiff, even if he were inspired, unless he
also possessed more than human power and could be present in many

potestate Ecclesiastica sanxit Clerus Galli- 248, &c. For Christina engaged in this

canus, xix. Martii, 1683, Luxemburgi, 2 contest, and took sides with the king of

vols., 1730, 4to. For the king forbid the France.

publication of the Defence, because, after (84) See Claude Fleury, Institutio Juris

the death of Innocent, there seemed to be a Eccles. Gallici, p. 454, &c., of the Latin

great prospect of peace ; which in fact soon translation.

followed. (85) See a multitude of proofs, collected

(83) See Jtfger, loc. cit., decenn. ix., p. from the most celebrated doctors of the Ro-

19, <fec. The Legatio Lavardini, which was mish church, in the Memoires de Portroyal,

published, 1688, 12mo. But especially, Me- tome ii., p. 308.
moires de la Reine Christine, tome ii., p.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

311

places at the same time, could never reduce such a heterogeneous mass of
people to good order.

§ 24. The monks, though in many places more decent and circumspect
in their lives than formerly, yet for the most part were extremely negli-
gent of the rules and regulations of the founders of their orders. In the
beginning of the century, as learned and good monks themselves admit,
the state of all the monasteries was still lamentable. But as the century
advanced, some wise men, first among the Benedictines in France and then
also in other countries, endeavoured to reform certain monasteries ; that
is, to bring them back in some degree to the rules and laws of their or-
der.(86) Their example was afterwards followed by other religious
houses of the Cluniacensians, Cistercians, Regular Canons, Dominicans, and
Franciscans. (87) At this time therefore, the monks of the Romish church
became divided into two classes ; namely, the Reformed, who abandoning
their licentious and profligate manners, lived more decently and more con-
formably to the rules of their order ; and the Unreformed, who disregarded
the precepts of their founders, and chose to live as they found it convenient
and pleasant, rather than austerely and according to the laws^by which they
were bound. But the number of the Unreformed, far exceeds that of the
Reformed : and moreover most of the Reformed not only depart widely
from the mode of living prescribed by their rule, but are also in one place
and another gradually relapsing into their former negligence.

§ 25. Among the Reformed monastic associations, certain Congregations
of Benedictines surpass the others, partly in the beauty and excellence of
their regulations, and partly in the constancy with which they observe their
rules. The most famous of these is, the French Congregation of St.
Maur ;(88) which was formed under the authority of Gregory XV. in 1621,

(86) Le Bcetif, Memoires sur 1'Hist.
d'Auxerre, tome ii., p. 513, &c., where there
is a list of the first Reforms of this century.
Voyage litteraire de deux Benedictins, pt.
ii., p. 97, &c.

(87) There is an account of all the con-
vents both Benedictines and others, which
submitted to a Reform of any kind, in Hipp.
Helyot's Histoire des Ordres, tome v., vi.,
vii., &c. To whose account however, nu-
merous additions might be made. Of the
Reformed congregation of Glugni, which
commenced in the year 1621, the Benedict-
ines have treated expressly in their Gallia
Christiana, torn, vii., p. 544, &c. They
also treat of the Reformed Canons Regular
of St. Augustine, in torn, vii., p. 778, 787,
790. For an account of the Reformed Cis-
tercians in France and Germany, see Jo.
Mabillon, Annal. Benedictin., torn, vi., p.
121, &c. Voyage litteraire de deux Bene-
dictins, tome i., p. 7, 8, tome ii., p. 133,
229, 269, 303. The Reformed Cistercians
with great zeal attempted a reformation of
their whole sect in this century ; but in vain.
See Meavpou, Vie de 1'Abbe de la Trappe,
tome i., p. 192, &c. I omit other notices,
as requiring too much room. — [I find no
more suitable place, to notice some abolished

orders in this century. Clement XIV. in
his bull for suppressing the order of Jesuits,
mentions the Congregation of the Reformed
Conventual Brethren, which Sixlus V. ap-
proved, but which Urban VIII. abolished,
by his bull of Feb. 6, 1626, because the
above-named brethren did not yield spiritual
fruits to the church of God ; nay, very many
disagreements had arisen between those Re-
formed conventual Brethren, and the Unre-
formed conventual Brethren : and he allowed
them to go over to the Capuchin brethren of
St. Francis, or to the Observant Franciscans.
According to the same bull, the order of
Regulars of St. Ambrose and St. Barnabas
ad nemus, was suppressed by the same pon-
tiff. And in the year 1668, Clement IX.
abolished the three regular orders of Canons
Regular of St. Gregory in Alga, of Hieron-
ymists de Fesulis, and of Jesuates, estab-
lished by St. Jo. Columbanus ; because they
were of little or no use to the church, and had
loaned their revenues to the Venetian repub-
lic, to be applied to war against the Turks,
—Schl.-]

(88) See the Gallia Christiana ; not the
old work of this name, but the new and ele-
gant production of the Benedictines of this
same Congregation of St. Maur; vol. vii.,

312 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

and endowed with various privileges and rights by Urban VIII. in 1627.
This association does not indeed consist of genuine followers of St. Bene-
dict, nor is it free from every thing censurable ; yet it has many excellen-
ces which raise it above all others. Of these excellences the first and
the most useful is, that it devotes a certain number of persons of superior
genius to the cultivation of learning, both sacred and civil, and particularly
to the study of history and antiquities ; and that it furnishes them abundant-
ly with all the helps they need, to prosecute their business with advan-
tage.(89) Those who are acquainted with the history of learning, need

p. 474, &c. Hipp. Helyofs Histoire des sons who for various reasons dislike this so-
First, some of the bishops are un-

Ordres, tome vi., cap. xxxvii., p. 256. The
bull of Gregory XV. approving the society
of St. Maur, is severely criticised in all its
parts, by Jo. Launoi, that scourge of the
monks even the best of them, in his Examen
privilegii S. Germani; Opp., torn, iii., pt. i.,
p. 303. He also treats of the dissensions
and commotions in this order, soon after its
institution, (though with considerable preju-
dice, as is usual for him when speaking of
monks), in his Assertio Inquisit. in privileg.
S. Medardi, pj. i., cap. Ixxvi., in his Opp.,
torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 227. [This Congrega-
tion consists of more than 180 Abbies and
Conventual Priories, which are divided into
six provinces ; (extending over the greatest
part of France) ; and it is governed by a
General, two assistants, and six visitors,
•who are elected, as are the superiors of the
several cloisters, every three years, in a gen-
eral chapter of the order. As it is the object
of this Congregation, to revive the spirit of
St. Benedict, in the observance of his rule ;
BO special care is taken to train up the young
religious according to it. Hence, in each
province one or two houses for novices are
erected, from which, those to be admitted to
profession are removed to other cloisters,
where they are trained for two years to vir-
tue and to acts and exercises of worship.
After this, they study human learning and
theology five years ; and then spend one
year in collecting their thoughts, and thus
prepare themselves for orders and for more
assiduity in their spiritual offices. In some
cloisters there are also seminaries for the
education of youth. — Schl.]

(89) The Benedictines talk largely of the
great services done by this Congregation, in
various ways ; and among other difficult en-
terprises, they mention numerous cloisters
of monks, which had collapsed and become
corrupt, recovered and restored to order and
respectability. See Voyage de deux Re-
ligieux Benedictins de la Congreg. de Sf.
Maur, torne i., p. 16, tome ii., p. 47, and
nearly throughout that work. And a person
must be much prejudiced, who can look
upon all these statements as fictions. There
are however in the Romish community, per-

ciety.

friendly to these learned Benedictines. For
after these monks had thrown great light
upon ancient history and upon diplomatics,
by their learned works, they were able to
defend their possessions, property, and rights,
more learnedly and successfully, in the courts,
against the bishops who coveted them, than
when they were destitute of this literature
and erudition. In the next place, the Jesu-
its, whose merits and glory were greatly ob-
scured by the splendid works undertaken and
accomplished by these Benedictines, endeav-
our to the utmost of their power to run down
both them and their pursuits. See Rich. Si-
mon's Lettres Choisies, torn, iv., p. 36, 45.
Others are led by superstition, to indulge ha-
tred of them ; but it is perhaps a superstition
tinctured with envy. For these Benedict-
ines have substituted the pursuit of learning,
in place of that of manual labour, which the
rule of St. Benedict prescribes for his monks.
The more robust are required to labour with
their hands during certain hours of the day ;
but the more feeble, or such as possess su-
perior genius, are taxed with intellectual or
mental labour or the pursuit of sacred and
secular learning. This is censured by cer-
tain austere persons, who are very fond of
the ancient monastic discipline, and who
think that literary pursuits are disreputable
for monks, because they divert the mind
from the contemplation of divine things.
As this sentiment was advanced with exces-
sive ardour, especially by Armand John
Bouthillier de Rancc, abbot of La Trappe,
in his book des Devoirs Monastiques (on
the duties of Monks) ; the most learned of
the Benedictines, John Mabillon, was di-
rected to defend the cause of his fraternity ;
which he did, in his well-known work de
Studiis Monasticis, which was first published,
Paris, 1691, 8vo, and often afterwards, and
translated also into the Latin and other lan-
guages. Hence arose that noted controversy
in France, How far is it suitable for a monk
to cultivate literature : an elegant history of
which, has been given to the world by Vin-
cent Thuillier, a very learned monk of the
congregation of St. Maur ; published among

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 313

not be informed how much this institution has benefited the literary world,
or what a multitude of excellent and immortal works it has produced, il-
lustrative of every branch of learning except philosophy.(90)

§ 26. But the best and most sacred of these changes were esteemed
trivial and imperfect, by those whose eye was fixed on the ancient disci-
pline and who wished to see the lives of monks strictly conformed to their
first rules. The number of these in the Romish church was not incon-
siderable ; though they had little influence, and were odious to most per-
sons, on account of their severity. These taught, that a monk should spend
his whole life in prayers, tears, contemplation, sacred reading, and man-
ual labour ; and that whatever else might occupy him, however useful and
excellent in itself, was inconsistent with his vocation, and therefore vain
and not acceptable to God. Besides others who had not the fortune to
become so celebrated, the Jansenists proposed this rigid reformation of the
monks ; and they exhibited some examples of it in France,(91) the most
perfect and best known of which, was that which took place in the convent
of sacred virgins bearing the name of Port-Royal, and which has flourished
from the year 1618 down to the present time, [A.D. 1753]. (92) Several
emulated this example ; but the most successful and zealous of all these
was, in the year 1664, Armand John Bouthittier de Ranee, abbot of La
Trappe, a man of noble birth ; who was so happy as to prevent the accusa-'
tion of extravagant superstition, which the Jansenists had incurred, from
being brought against his associates, notwithstanding they lived in the most
austere manner of the old Cistercians ; — nay, carried their austerity beyond
the ancient discipline of the Cistercians. The fraternity established by
this noted man, still flourishes, under the name of the Reformed Bernard,
ines of La Trappe, and has been propagated among the Italians and the
Spaniards : though, if credit is to be given to the testimony of many, it has
gradually departed much from the very painful discipline of its founder.(93)

the Opera Posthuma Mabillonii et Ruinarti, (91) See Memoires de Port Royal, torn,

torn, i., p. 365-425. ii., p. 601, 602. In particular, that most

(90) A list of the writings and works celebrated Jansenist, Martin de Barcos, in-

with which the congregation of St. Maur troduced the austere discipline of ancient

have favoured the learned world, is given by monks into the monastery of St. Cyran, of

Philip le Cerf, Bibliotheque Historique et which he was abbot. See Gallia Christiana,

Critique des Auteurs de la Congregation torn, ii., p. 132. Moleon, Voyages Litur-

de S. Maur; Hague, 1726, 8vo, and by giques, p. 135, &c. But after his death, the

Bernh. Fez, Bibliotheca Benedictino-Mau- monks of St. Cyran, like those of other

riana; Augsburg, 1716, 8 vo. These monks places, relapsed into their old habits. See

are going on with great perseverance to Voyage de deux Benedictins, torn, i., pt. i.,

benefit both sacred and profane learning, by p. 18, &c.

their elaborate and excellent productions. (92) Helyot, Histoire des ordres, torn, v.,

[A more complete catalouge of their works cap. xliv., p. 455.

is in the Histoire litteraire de la Congrega- (93) See Marsollier, Vie del'Abbe de la

tion de S. Maur, ordre de St. Benoit, ou Trappe, Paris, 1702, 4to, and 1703, 2 vols.

Ton tiouve la vie et les travaux des auteurs, 12mo. Meaupou, (a doctor of the Sor-

qu'elle a produits depuis son origine en bonne). Vie de Mr. }'Abb4 de la Trappe,

1618, jusqu' a present, avec les litres, enu- Paris, 1702, 2 vols. 8vo. Felibien, Descrip-

meration, 1'analyse, des differentes editions tion de 1'Abbaye de la Trappe, Paris, 1671,

des livres, qu'ils ont donne's au public, et le 12mo. Helyot, Histoire des Ordres, torn.

jugcment, que les Savans en ont porte ; en- vi., cap. i., p. 1, &c. [The author of this

semble la notice de beaucoup d'ouvrages reformation lived, as the greater part of the

manuscrits, composes par des Benedictins French abbes now do, in a thoughtless un-

du mfime Corps ; Brussels and Paris, 1770, principled manner, and kept up an illicit in-

4to. — Schl,] tercourse with a French lady, Madame de

VOL. III.— R K

314 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 27. Of the new orders of monks which arose in this century, — for
that fruitful mother, the church, has never ceased to bring forth such fra-
ternities,— we shall notice only those which have acquired some celebrity.
We mention, first, the French society of Fathers of the Oratory of the holy
Jesus, instituted in 1613, by John Berulle [Peter de Berulle], a man of vari-
ous talents, who served the commonwealth and religion, the court and the
church, with equal ability, and was at last a cardinal. This institution
was, in reality, intended to oppose the Jesuits. It has trained up, and it is
still training many persons eminent for piety, eloquence, and erudition.
But through the influence of the Jesuits, who were its enemies, it fell under
a suspicion of broaching new doctrines in certain of its publications. The
priests who enter this fraternity, do not divest themselves of private prop-
erty ; but so long as they continue in the society, (and they are at liberty
to retire from it whenever they please), they relinquish all prospects of ad-
mission to any sacred office which has attached to it fixed revenues or
rank and honour. Yet they are required faithfully to discharge all the
duties of priests, and to make it their greatest care and effort, to perfect
themselves and others more and more continually, in the art of profitably
discharging those duties. Their fraternities therefore, may not improper-
ly be denominated schools for pastoral theology. In more recent times
however, they have in fact begun to teach the liberal arts and sacred sci-
ence.(94) With these we join the Priests of the Missions, an order found-

Montbazon. Her sudden death by the small- would enter but melancholy people, who
pox, and the unexpected sight of her muti-
lated corpse, brought him to the resolution
of becoming a Carthusian. The common
statement is this. The abbot had received
no notice of the lady's sickness, and after an
absence of six weeks, returned from the
country to visit her. He went directly to
her chamber, by a secret stairway with
which he was acquainted, and there found
her dead and her corpse mutilated. For the
leaden coffin, which had been made for her,
was too short, and it was found necessary to
cut off her head. The sight of her corpse in
the coffin, and her head on the table, so af-
fected him, that he resolved to forsake the
world, and to embrace the severest monastic
order. Vigneul-Marville, (Melanges d'Hist.

et de Litterature, Roterd., 1700, 8vo, tome
iii., p. 126), contradicts this statement. He
says, thus much only was true : the abbot
had been a particular friend of this lady ;
and once, on waiting on her, he learned
from a gentleman in her antechamber, that
she had the smallpox, and was then wishing
the attendance of a clergyman. The abbot
went to call one ; and on his return, found
her dying. He was much affected on the
occasion ; but it was two or three years
after this event, that he formed his rigorous
establishment. And probably the additions
and alterations of the story, were invented
for the sake of giving it a romantic aspect.
Be this as it may ; the abbot changed his
life, and establised an order into which none

were weary of the whole world, and con-
stantly in fear of losing heaven. They al-
lowed of no scientific or literary pursuits,
and in their library had none but devotional
books. Their worship was continued day
and night ; arM if a cloister contained so
many as twenty-four monks, they were di-
vided into three classes, which interchanged
continually. All these monks lived very
austerely ; and observed a rigorous silence,
conversing together only once a week, and
then not on worldly things. Their time was
divided between manual labour, the canoni-
cal exercises, and private devotion. They
lived wholly on bread, herbs, and pulse. —
Schl.}

(94) See Hubert de Cerisy, Vie du Car-
dinal Berulle, Fondateur de TOratoire de
Jesus ; Paris, 1646, 4to. Jo. Alarm's Life,
prefixed to his Antiquit. Orientales, p. 3, 4,
5, 1 10. Rich. Simon's Lettres Choisies,
tome ii., p. 60, and his Bibliotheque Crit-
ique, (which he published under the name of
Samiore), tome iii., p. 303, 324, 330, &c.
On the character of Berulle, see Adr. Bail-
let's Vie de Richer, p. 220, 342. Michael
fe Vassor, Histoire de Louis XIII., tome
iii., p. 397, &c. Helyot, Histoire des ordres,
tome viii., cap. x. , p. 53, &c. Gallia Chris-
tiana Benedictinor., torn, vii., p. 976, &c.
[These Fathers of the Oratory must not be
confounded with the Italian order of the
same name, established in the preceding cen-
tury, by Philip Neri. (See above, p. 96.)

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 315

ed by Vincent de Paul, who was canonized not long since. They were
constituted a regular and legitimate society in 1632, by Urban VIII. To
fulfil the designs of their founder, they must attend especially to three
things ; first, to improve and amend themselves daily, by prayers, medita-
tion, reading and other things ; secondly, to perform sacred missions among
the people living in the country towns and villages, eight months in the
year, in order to imbue the peasantry with religious knowledge and quicken
their piety ; (from which service, they derive their name of Priests of the
Missions) ; and lastly, to superintend seminaries in which young men are
educated for the priesthood, and to train up candidates for the sacred of-
fice.(95) Under the counsel and patronage of the Priests of the Missions,
are the Virgins of Love or the Daughters of Charity ; whose business it is,
to minister to the indigent in sickness. They originated from a noble lady,
Louisa le Gras ; and received the approbation of Clement IX. in 1660. (96)
The Brethren and Sisters of the pious and Christian schools, were institu-
ted by Nicholas Barre, in 1678. They are usually called Piarists ; and
their principal object is, the education of poor children of both sexes. (97)
But it would be tedious to expatiate on this subject, and to enumerate all
the religious associations, which in the various parts of the Romish juris-
diction were now set up with great expectations, and then suddenly neglect,
ed and suffered to become extinct.

§ 28. The society of Jesuits, by which as its soul the whole body of
the Romish community is governed, if it could have been oppressed and
trodden to dust, by hosts of enemies, by numberless indignities, by the
most horrid criminations, and by various calamities ; must undoubtedly
have become extinct, or at least have been divested of all reputation and
confidence. The French, the Belgians, the Poles, the Italians, have at-
tacked it with fury ; and have boldly charged it, both publicly and pri-
vately, with every species of crimes and errors that the imagination can
conceive, as most pernicious to the souls of men and to the peace and
safety of civil governments. The Jansenists especially, and those who
adopt altogether or in part their views, have exposed its character in num-
berless publications, strengthened not merely by satire and groundless dec-
lamation, but by demonstrations, testimony, and documents, of the most
credible nature. (98) But this immense host of accusers and of most de-
cided enemies, seems not so much to have -weakened and depressed this

Both agree in this, that they devote them- torn, viii., cap. xi., p. 64. Gallia Christiana,

selves to learning; but the Italians pursue torn, vii., p. 998, &c.

especially church history ; while the French (96) Gobillon, Vie de Madame de Gras,

pursue all branches of learning. The founder fondatrice des filles de la charite ; Paris,

of this order, Berulle, was in so high favour 1676, 12mo.

with the queen of France, Anna of Austria, (97) Helyot, Hist, des Ordres, tome viii.,

that Cardinal Richelieu envied him : and his cap. xxx., p. 233.

death which occurred in 1629, was so sud- (98) Here is matter for a volume, or

den, that some conjectured, he died of poi- rather for many large volumes. For there

son. The Fathers of the Oratory are not is scarcely any part of the Catholic world,

monks, but secular clergymen ; nor do they which does not offer" for our inspection,

chant any canonical hours. They are called some conflict of the Jesuits with the magis-

Fathers of the Oratory, because they have trates, with other orders of monks, or with

no churches in which the sacraments are ad- the bishops and other religious teachers ;

ministered, but only chapels or oratories, in from which the Jesuits, though they might

which they read prayers and preach. — SchL] seem vanquished, yet finally came off victo-

(95) M. Abely, Vie de M. Vincent de rious. An attempt was made to bring to-

Paul ; Paris, 1664, 4to. Helyot, loc. cit., gether all these facts, which lie scattered

316 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

very sagacious sect, as to have exalted it, and enriched it with possessions
and honours of every kind. For the Jesuits, without parrying the strokes
of their enemies by replies and noisy disputation, but by silence for the
most part, and patience, have held on their course amid all these storms,
and reaching their desired haven, have possessed themselves, with won-
derful facility, of their supremacy in the Romish church. The very coun-
tries in which the Jesuits were once viewed as horrid monsters and public
pests, have, sometimes voluntarily, and sometimes involuntarily, surren-
dered no small share of their interests and concerns to the discretion and
good faith of this most potent fraternity. (99)

§ 29. Literature and the sciences, both the elegant and the solid branch-
es, acquired additional honour and glory in the better provinces of the Ro-
mish church. Among the French, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the
Catholics of the Low Countries, there were men distinguished for their
genius and for their knowledge of various sciences and languages. But
we must not ascribe this prosperous state of learning, to the influence of
the public schools. For in them, both of the higher and lower orders, that
ancient, jejune, tedious, and barren mode of teaching, which obtunds, em-
barrasses, and perplexes, rather than quickens and strengthens the mind,

and dispersed through numberless writers,
by a man of the Jansenist party, who a few
years ago undertook to write a history of the
order of Jesuits, if he should be permitted to
fulfil the promises in his Preface : Histoire
des Religieux de la Compagnie de Jesus,
tome i., Utrecht, 1741, 8vo. And no man
was more competent to finish the work com-
menced by him, than he ; unless we are to
regard as fabulous, all that he tells us re-
specting his travels and his sufferings for
many years, while exploring the plans, policy,
and operations of the Jesuits. But this hon-
est man, imprudently venturing to go into
France, was discovered it is said, by his
enemies, and assassinated. Hence his work
was carried no farther than the third volume.
[Dr. Maclainc, in his note here, written at the
Hague, about the year 1764, says this man
was a Frenchman named Benard ; that he
was then living at the Hague ; that he had
not been massacred in France, but had re-
turned in safety from his visit to that country ;
that he had never travelled in the manner he
pretended in his preface, to collect informa-
tion, but had collected all his information
from books in his study, and had made up
the story of his travels to amuse his readers
and procure credit to his book ; and that no
good reason was offered, for his having vio-
lated his promise to continue the work. J.
M. Schroeckh, (in his Kirchengesch. s. d.
Reformat., vol. ii., p. 645), tells us, on the
authority of a Dutch journal, that the man's
name was Peter Qnexncl, with the surname
Menard ; that he had never travelled as he
pretended ; that he died at the Hague in the
yeai 1774 ; and that the report was, he was

persuaded, a little before his death, to burn
the manuscript of the residue of his work,
which was sufficient to fill 20 volumes. — 7VJ
(99) Perhaps no people have attacked the
Jesuits with more animosity and energy, or
done them more harm, than the French.
Those who wish to learn what was said and
done against them, by the parliament, by the
university of ^Paris, and by the people of
France, may consult C-cesar Egasse de Bou-
lay, Historia Academise Parisiensis, torn,
vi., p. 559-648, 676, 738, 742, 744, 763,
774-890, 898, 909 ; who has scarcely omit-
ted any thing relating to the subject. And
what was the issue of all these most ve-
hement contests 1 The Jesuits, after being
ignominiously expelled from France, were
first honourably received again, under Henry
IV. in the year 1604, notwithstanding the
indignation of so many men of the greatest
reputation and of the highest rank, who
were opposed to them. See the Memoires
du Due de Sully ; the late edition of Ge-
neva, vol. v., p. 83, &c., 314, &c. In
the next place, they were admitted to the
government both of the church and of the
state ; and this felicity they retain quite to
our times. [So it was, when Dr. Mosheim
wrote ; but now

Venit summa dies et ineluctabile tempus
Dardaniae, &c.

And even in this France, where the Jesuits
were caressed by the great and feared by
bishops and archbishops, the conflagration
began, which consumed the whole fabric of
the Jesuits' universal monarchy. — Schl.~\

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 317

and which loads the memory with a multitude of technical words and
phrases, without meaning and without use, has maintained its place quite
down to our times. But beyond the limits of these reputed seats of learn-
ing, certain great and excellent men guided others to a better and more
profitable method of prosecuting study. In this matter, the pre-eminence
is justly due to the French; who being prompted by native powers of
genius, and encouraged by the munificence of Lewis XIV. towards learn-
ing and learned men, treated nearly all branches of literature and science
in the happiest manner ; and rejecting the barbarism of the schools, exhib-
ited learning in a new and elegant dress, suited to captivate the mind. (100)
And how greatly the efforts of this very refined nation, tended to rescue
the other nations from scholastic bondage, no person of but a moderate
share of information, can well be ignorant.

§ 30. No means whatever could remove from the .chairs of philosophy
those misnamed Aristotelians, who were continually quoting Aristotle, while
they did not in reality understand him. Nor could the court of Rome,
which is afraid of every thing new, for a long time, persuade itself to allow
the new discoveries of the philosophers to be freely promulged and ex-
plained ; as is manifest from the sufferings of Galileo, a Tuscan mathe-
matician, who was cast into prison for bringing forward the Copernican
system of astronomy. Some among the French, led on by Rene des
Cartes and Peter Gassendi,(10l) the former of whom by his doctrines,
and the latter in his writings confuted the Peripatetics, first ventured to
abandon the thorny fields of the Aristotelians, and to follow more liberal
principles of philosophizing. Among these, there were some Jesuits, but
a much larger number from among the Fathers of the Oratory and the dis-
ciples of Jansenius, who distinguished themselves. Here will readily oc-
cur to many minds, the names of Malebranche, Anthony Arnauld, Bernard
Lami, Peter Nicole, and Blaise Pascal ; who acquired lasting fame, by il-
lustrating, perfecting, and adapting to common use the principles of Des
Cartes.(W2) For Gassendi, who professed to understand but few things,
and who rather taught how to philosophize than proposed a system of phi-
losophy, did not have many followers among a people eager for knowl-
edge, sanguine, ardent, and impatient of protracted labour. Towards the
close of the century, some of the Italians as well as other nations, began
to imitate the French ; at first indeed timidly, but afterwards more confi-
dently, as the pontiffs appeared to relax a little of that jealousy which they
had entertained against the new views of the naturalists, mathematicians,
and metaphysicians.

§ 31. But it is proper to notice here more distinctly, who were the per-
sons, entitled to the praise of having preserved and advanced both divine

(100) This will be found illustrated by (102) The reward which these men had
Voltaire, in the noted work already quoted for their labours, was, that they were charged
repeatedly: Siecle de Louis XIV., and in with atheism by the Peripatetics ; John Har-
his Additions to that work, [in the edition, duin, who was intoxicated with the Aristo-
Paris, 1820, vol. ii., cap. xxxi.-xxxiv. — Tr.] telico-Scholastic philosophy, being the ac-

(101) Gassendi's Exercitationes paradoxae cuser : Athei Detecti, in his Opera Posthu-
adversus Aristotelicos, is in his Opera, torn, ma, p. 1, &c., and p 259. ' Nor is the cause
iii., p. 95, &c., and is an accurate and ele- of this odium very difficult to be discovered,
gant performance, which did great harm to For the Cartesian philosophy which avoids
the cause of the Peripatetics. See the re- all darkness and obscurity, is much less ef-
marks already made, [in section i., § 31, of ficacious for defending the Romish cause,
this century, p. 276. — Tr.]

818 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

and human learning in the Romish church. During a large part of the
century, the Jesuits were nearly the only teachers of all branches of learn-
ing ; and they alone among the monks, were accounted learned men. And
the man must be either ignorant or uncandid, who can deny that many re.
nowned and very learned men have highly adorned that society. Lasting
as literature itself, will be the merits of Denys Petau (Dionysius Petavi-
M*),(103) James &>monrf,(104) Peter Possin,(l05) Philip Lalbc,(106) Nich.
olas Abrams,(lOT) and even of John Harduin,(108) though in many things
erratic and not of a sound mind ; as well as of many others. But as .the
century advanced, this literary glory of the Jesuits was greatly obscured
by the Benedictines, especially by those belonging to the Congregation of
St. Maur. For while the Jesuits immoderately vaunted of their merits
and renown, and were unceasingly censuring the sloth and indolence of
the Benedictines, in order to give plausibility to their designs of invading
and appropriating to themselves the revenues and the goods of the Benedic-
tines ; the latter thought it necessary for them, to wipe off this stain upon
their character which they could not deny, and to disarm their harpy ene-
mies, by becoming really meritorious. Hence they not only opened
schools in their convents, for instructing youth in all branches of learning,
but also appointed select individuals of the best talents, to publish great
and imperishable works, which might vindicate the ancient glory and rep-
utation of the Benedictine family against its traducers. This task has
been admirably fulfilled, and with a success which baffles description, for
about a century past, by such superior men, as John Mabillon,(109) Luke
D' 'Achery (Dacherius),(lW) Rene Massuet,(lll) Theodore Ruinart,(ll2)
Anthony Beaugendre,(113) Julian Garnz'er,(114) Charles de la Rue,(ll5)

than the vulgar scholastic philosophy which (109) [Mabillon was born in 1632, and

delights in darkness. died at Paris iif 1707. He travelled much

(103) [Petau, born in 1583, died 1652; for literary purposes, in France, Germany,
wrote largely on chronology, and the history and Italy ; and besides publishing the works
of religious doctrines ; and ably edited sev- of St. Bernard,, and the Lives of sainted
eral of the fathers, particularly Epiphanius. Benedictines, (Acta Sanctorum ordinis Ben-
— Tr.] edicti), and his Analecta veterum ; he com-

(104) [Sirmond, confessor to Lewis posed Diplomatics, Annals of the Benedic-
XIII., died 1651, aged 92 ; wrote much on tines, and some smaller works. — TV.]
church history, and edited several of the fa- (110) ID' Achery, born 1608, died 1685 ;
thers. His works were printed, Paris, 1696, collected judiciously, and published numer-'
5 vols. fol. — TV.] ousunprinted writings, pertaining to ecclesi-

(105) [Possin, born in 1590, and died at astical history, in 13 vols. 4to, or (2d ed.)in
Rome near the end of the 17th century ; was 3 vols. fol., entitled Spicilegium, &c. — TV.]
distinguished as a Hebrew and Greek schol- (HI) [Massuet, born 1665, died 1716;
ar, and for his editions of the fathers. — TV.] published the best edition of Irentzus. — TV.]

(106) [Labbe of Bourses, died in 1667, (112) [Ruinart, born 1657, died 1709;
aged 60. He was a man of great learning, was associated with Mabillon, and published
particularly in church history ; but proud and Acts of the ancient martyrs, the works of
overbearing. — TV.] Gregory Turonensis, and of Victor Vitensis ;

(107) [Abrams, born 1589, died 1655, and some other works. — TV.]

was chiefly distinguished for polite learning, (L13) [Bcaugendre is noted only for the

and for his comments on Cicero's orations, lives of some French bishops, and an edition

and on Virgil. — Tr ] of the works of Hildebert.— TV.]

(108) [Harduin, died at Paris in 1729, (114) [Ganu«r,died 1723, aged53 ; noted
aged 83. He was a prodigy of learning ; but as editor of the works of St. Basil, 3 vols.
he maintained, that most of the Greek and fol. — Tr.]

Latin classics were forgeries of the monks, in (115) [De la Rue, born 1685, died 1739,
the middle ages. His best work is his Acts an associate of Montfaucon, and editor of
of the Councils, in 12 vols. fol.— Tr.] the works of Origcn, 3 vols. fol. He must

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 319

Edmund Martene,(llQ) Bernard Monlfaucon,(lYl} and many others ; some
of whom have published excellent editions of the Greek and Latin fathers ;
others have drawn from the obscure shelves of the libraries, those ancient
papers and documents which serve to elucidate the history and antiquities of
the church ; others have explained the ancient events in church and state,
the customs and rites of former times, the chronology of the world, and other
parts of polite learning ; and others have executed other works worthy to be
handed down to posterity. I know not how it happened, but from the time
these new stars appeared above the literary horizon, the splendour of Jesuit
erudition began gradually to decline. For there is no one disposed to deny,
that for a long time past, the Jesuits in vain look around among their
order to find an individual that may be compared with the Benedictines,
who are constantly pursuing strenuously every branch of literature, and
publishing almost every year, distinguished monuments of their genius
and erudition ; nor have the Jesuits for many years published a single
work, that can compete with the labours of the Benedictines, unless it be
the Acta Sanctorum, now issuing from their press at Antwerp. The
rivals of the Benedictines were, the French Fathers of the Oratory; many
of whom are acknowledged to have laboured successfully in advancing
several branches of both human and divine knowledge ; which, if there
were no other examples, would be manifest from the works of Charles le
Cointe, author of the imperishable Ecclesiastical Annals of France,(118)
and of John Morin,(I19) Lewis Thomassin,(12Q) and Richard <Szmon.(121)
Lastly, the followers of the opinions of Jansenius, — or as they would say, of
Augustine, have published various works, some erudite and others neatly
and methodically composed, very useful both to adults and to the young.
Who is such a stranger to the literature of that age, as not to have heard
of the works of the Messieurs de Port- Roy al,(122) and of the very elegant

not be confounded with the Jesuit of the vols. fol., extend from A.D. 235, to A.D.

same name, who was a poet, and editor of 835. — Tr.]

Virgil in usum Delphini. — Tr.] (119) [Morin, born 1591, educated a

(116) [Martene died 1739, aged 85; he Protestant, became a Catholic, and died at
travelled much to explore monasteries and Paris 1659. He wrote on the origin of Pa-
libraries, and published a Commentary on the triarchs and Primates ; on the Samaritan
Rule of St. Benedict ; on the ancient monas- Pentateuch ; and published an edition of the
tic rites ; a Thesaurus of unpublished works, Septuagint, 2 vols. fol., and the Samaritan
in 5 vols. fol. ; and with Durand, a new The- Pentateuch. There were several distin-
saurus of the same kind, in 10 vols. fol. ; and guished men named Morin. — Tr.]

he and Durand were the Benedictine travel- (120) [Thomassin, born 1619, died 1695;

lers, authors of Voyage litteraire de deux re- published a history of religious doctrines (a

ligieux de la Congregation deS. Maur. — Tr.] feeble imitation of Denys Petals work), in

(117) [Montfaucon, born 1655, died 1741, 3 vols. fol., Paris, 1680. Voltaire says he
aged 87 ; a very learned antiquarian, known was " a man of profound erudition ; and first
by his Analecta Graeca, 4to ; Palasographia composed Dialogues on the fathers, on Coun-
Graeca, fol.; the works of Athanasius, 3 cils, and on History." — Tr.]

vols. fol.; Origen's Hexapla, 2 vols. fol.; (121) [Simon, born 1638, died 1712; a

Chrysoxtom's works, 13 vols. fol.; An- great critic; wrote Critical History of the

tiquite Expliquee et represented en Figures, O. Test. ; the Hist, of Ecclesiastical Reve-

15 vols. fol. ; Monumens de la monarchic nues, 2 vols. 12mo ; Crit. Diss. on Du Pin's

Franchise, 5 vols. fol. ; a Collection of the Biblioth. des auteurs eccles. ; Crit. Hist, of

Greek fathers, 2 vols. fol. ; Bibliotheca Bib- the N. Test., and various other works. — Tr.]

liothecarum, 2 vols. fol., and some other (122) By this title are designated all the

works. Tr.] Jansenist writers; but especially, and in a

(118) [Le Cointe, born 1611, died 1681. stricter sense, those who spent their lives in
His Annales Ecclesiast. Francorum, in 8 literary and devotional pursuits in the rqtijed

320 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART L— CHAP. I.

and useful productions of Tittemont,(123) Arnauld,(124:) Mco7e,(125) Pas.
caZ,(126) Lancelol,(l2^) and others? The other religious orders, as well
as the bishops and inferior clergy in the Romish church, had also their great
men. For it would be strange, if in such a multitude of men enjoying
much leisure and all advantages for study, there should not be some sue-
cessful scholars. Yet all who acquired fame and merited distinction as
learned men and authors, out of those four orders just mentioned, would
collectively scarcely form so large a body, as any one of those orders
alone can exhibit.

§ 32. Hence a copious list might be drawn up, of learned men in the
Romish church, whose works composed with great care and diligence, live
since they are dead. Of the monastic families and of the priests that were
bound to regular rules of living, the most distinguished were, Ccesar Ba-
ronius,(l28) and Robert Bellarmine,(I29) both cardinals, and both extremely
useful to their church, the first by his elaborate Annals and the latter by
his controversial writings ; also Nicholas Serrarius,(l3Q) Francis Feuar-
dentius,(l3l) Anthony Possevin,(I32) James Gretzer,(l33) Francis Combe-
Natalis Alexander (Alexander Noel),(l35) Martin Becan,(l3Q)

(128) [Baronius, born at Sora in Naples
1538, second general of the Italian order of
Fathers of the Oratory, confessor to pope
Clement VIII., cardinal, and librarian of the
Vatican ; he wrote Annales Ecclesiastic!,
12 vols. fol., Rome, 1588-1607 ; was candi-
date for the papal chair in 1605 ; and died
in 1607.— Tr.]

(129) [Bcllarminc, a Florentine, born in
1542, cardinal in 1599, died in 1621. He
wrote Opus C«ntroversiarum, 3 vols. fol.,de
Potestate summi Pontificis, a Commentary
on the Psalms, and an account of the eccle-
siastical writers. He was learned, and a gi-
ant reasoner, though in a bad cause. — Tr.]

(130) [Scrrariits, of Lorrain, a Jesuit,
died at Mayence in 1610, aged 65 ; a vo-
luminous commentator on the Bible. His
works fill 16 vols. fol.— Tr.]

(131) [Fcvardent, of Normandy, a Francis-
can, born 1541, died 1641 ; edited Irenai-
us ; wrote and preached furiously against
the Protestants. — Tr.]

(132) [Possevin was a Jesuit of Mantua,
born 1533, died 1611. He was papal legate
to Poland, Sweden, Germany, &c. He
wrote Bibliotheca selecta de ratione studio-
rum, 2 vols. fol. ; Apparatus Sacer, 2 vols.
fol., and some other things. — Tr.]

(133) [Gretzcr, a German Jesuit, born
1561, professor of theology at Ingolstadt ;
died 1636. He wrote much against the Prot-
estants. His works fill 17 vols. fol. — Tr.]

(134) [Comlcjis, a Dominican of Gui-
enne, died 1679. A fine Greek scholar, and
editor of several Greek fathers, and of five
Greek historians. — Tr.]

(135) [Natalis Alexander, a Dominican
of Rouen, died in 1724, aged 86. He wrote

situation of Port-Royal, not far from Paris.
Among these, it is generally known, there
were great men, who possessed first-rate tal-
ents and were very finished writers.

(123) [Sebastian le Nain de Tillemonl,
born at Paris 1637, died 1698, refused a
bishopric, and wrote Memoires pour servir
a 1'Histoire ecclesiast. de six premiers sie-
cles, Paris, 1693, &c., 16 vols. 4to ; and His-
toire des Empereurs et auteurs Princes, jusqu
a 1'Empe.reur Honorius. — Tr.]

(124) [Anthony Arnauld, or Arnaud, was
born at Paris in 1612, and died at Liege
1694. He wrote on grammar, logic, and
geometry ; and polemic pieces against the
Jesuits and the Calvinists, on moral subjects ;
and is supposed to have contributed No. 3,
9, 12, 13, 14, and 15, to the Provincial Let-
ters.—Tr.]

(125) [Peter Nicole, born 1625, died at
Paris 1695. Besides controversial pieces
against the Jesuits, and aiding Arnaud in
some works, he wrote Essays de Moral, 13
vols. 12mo ; on the perpetuity of the Catho-
lic doctrine of the Eucharist, 3 vols. ; Pre-
juges legitimes centre les Calvinistes ; and
translated the Provincial Letters into Latin,
with large notes, under the fictitious name
of William Wendrcr.k.—Tr.]

(126) [Blaise Pascal, born at Clermont
1623, died 1662. Besides his Pensees, and
some treatises on Mathematics and Natural
Philosophy, he composed the famous Let-
tres a un Provincial. His works were print-
ed 5 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1799. — Tr.]

(127) [Claude Lancelot, born 1616, died
1695 ; taught Greek and the mathematics at
Port-Royal ; and had a hand in the school-
books there published. — Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

321

James Sirmond, Dionysius Petavius, Peter Possin, Lewis Ce7fo£,(137) Nick,
olas Caussin,(I38) John 3/omi, Theophilus Raynard (Raynaudus),(l3Q)
Paul Sarpi,(14:Q)- Sfortia Pa//awcm«,(141) Philip Labbt, Leu-is Maim
bourg,(l4:'2) Lewis Thomassin, Coelestine S/bnrfra&',(143) Jos. Aguirre,(l£4)
Henry jiYbm.(145) Luke D'Achery, John Mabillon, John Harduin, Rich-
ard Simon, Theodore Ruinart, Bernard de Montfaucon, Anthony Gal-
7(m,(146) Fortanatus ScaccAz,(147) Cornelius a Lapide,(l4:S) James Bon.
frere,(l4:9) Hugh JMe?iard,(l50) Claude Seguenot.(15l) Bernard Lami,(152)
John Bolland,(].53) Godfrey Henschenius,(I54:) Daniel Papebroch,(155)

Historic Eccles. Vet. et Novi Test, selecta St. Gall, and a cardinal, died at Rome 1696,
Capita, in 30 vols. 8vo, 8 vols. fo!., and
18 vols. 4to ; also a System of Theology,
2 vols. fol. His Eccles. History is candid
and learned, but written in a dry and argu-
mentative manner. — Tr.]

(136) [Becan, a Jesuit of Brabant, con-
fessor to Ferdinand II., died at Vienna in
1624. He wrote much against the Protes-
tants, and a Sum of Theology, in French. —

Tr.1

(137) [Cellot, a Jesuit of Paris, died 1658.
He wrote the Hist, of Gottschalk, and publish-
ed the Opusc. offfincmarofRheirns. — Tr.]

(138) [Caussinus, a French Jesuit, died
1651, aged 71. He was confessor to Louis
XIII., and wrote de sacra et profana eloquen-
tia, and some other things. — Tr.]

(139) [Raynard, an Italian Jesuit, died at
Lyons, 1663, aged 80. He edited several of
the fathers, and wrote Tables for sacred and
profane history. His works were printed at
Lyons, 1665, in 20 vols. foi.— Tr.]

(] 40) [5'ar/iz, a Venetian monk of the or-
der of Servites, born 1552, died 1623 ; a
celebrated defender of the religious liberties
of his country against the pontiff. He wrote
a History of the Council of Trent, fol. ; a
History of Benefices ; and various tracts in
defence of his country, which fill 6 vols.
12mo, Venice, 1677.— Tr.]

(141) [Pallavicini, a Romish Jesuit and
cardinal, born at Rome 1607, died 1667.
He wrote, in Italian, a History of the Coun-
cil of Trent, opposed to that of Sarpi, Rome,
1656, 2 vols. fol., translated into Latin,
Antw., 1673, 2 vols. fol. ; also a treatise on
style, &c. — Tr.]

(142) [Maimbourg, a French Jesuit of
Nancy, born 1610, died 1686, noted as a
preacher, but more as a historian. His His-
toire du Lutheranisme. was refuted by Seck-
endorf ; his Hist, du Calvinisme, by Jurieu
and by Jo Bapt. de Rocoles. He also wrote
Histories of Arianism, of the Iconoclasts, of
the Crusades, of the schism of the Greeks,
of the schism of the West, of the decay of
the Empire, of the League, of the pontificate
of Leo the Great. He is a sprightly writer,
but a partial historian. — Tr.]

(143) [Sfondrati, a Benedictine abbot of
VOL. HI.— S s

aged 53. He wrote Gallia Vindicata, and
Nodus praedestinationis dissolutus, 4to. —
Tr.

(144) [Aguirre, a Spanish Benedictine,
professor at Salamanca, defended the papal
supremacy against the French, was made a
cardinal, published Collectio maxima Con-
ciliorum omnium Hispan. et novi orbis, &c.,
6 vols. fol., and died at Rome 1669, aged
69.— Tr.J

(145) [Norig, an Augustinian monk, born
at Verona 1631, of Irish parentage, profes-
sor of Eccl. Hist, at Pisa, 1 ibrarian of the Vat-
ican, a cardinal in 1695, and died at Rome
in 1704. He wrote a Hist, of Pelagianism,
History of Investitures, and various other
learned works, printed collectively, Verona,
1729, 1730, 5 vols. fol.— 2V.]

(146) [Gailonio, a Romish presbyter of
the Oratory, died 1605. He wrote de cru-
ciatibus Marty rum, with plates, 1594, 4to,
and some other things. — Tr.]

(147) [Scacchi was an Italian Augustin-
ian Eremite, who corrected the Romish Mar-
tyrol. and Breviary, and died in 1640. — Tr.]

(148) [A Lapide was a Jesuit of Liege,
who wrote Commentaries on the Bible, 10
vols. fol., and died at Rome 1637, aged 71.
—Tr.J

(149) [Bonfrere was a Jesuit, professor
at Douay, wrote Commentaries on the Pen-
tateuch, on scripture names, &c., and died
at Tournay, 1643, aged 70. — Tr.]

(150) [Mcnard was a Benedictine of St.
Maur, born at Paris in 1587, and died in
1644. He wrote Diatribe de unico Diony-
sio, and Martyrolog. ex ord. Benedict. — Tr.]

(151) [Seguenot was a French priest of
the Oratory, wrote notes on the French trans-
lation of Augiistinede Virginitate, which ex-
cited commotion ; and died in 1644. — Tr.]

(152) [Lami was also a French priest of
the Oratory, born in 1645, and died in 1715.
He wrote on geometry, on the sciences, on
perspective, on Christian Morality, 5 vols.
12mo, Apparatus Biblicus, 4to. de Tabernac-
ulo, fol.. Harmonia Evangelica, 2 vols. 4to,
&c.— Tr.]

(153) [Bolland, a Jesuit of Tillemont in
Flanders, who commenced the Acta Sane-

322 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

and many others. , Of the other clergy, or those not of any religious
order but secular clergymen^ as they are called in distinction from the
regular clergy, the following acquired distinction and fame by their wri-
tings ; viz., James David Perron,(156) William Est (Estius),(157) John
Launoi.(158) Gabriel Aubespine (Albaspinius),(159) Peter de Marca,(l(jO)
John Armand Richelieu,(Wl) Luke Holstein,(162) Stephen Baluze,(163)
John jBona,(164) Peter Daniel Huet,(165) James Benignus Bossuet,(lG6)
Francis Fenelon,(l61) Anthony Godeau,(l68) Sebastian le Nain de Tille-
mont, John Baptist Thiers,(169) Louis Ellies du Pm,(170) LeoAllatius,(lll)

torum, of which he published 6 vols. fol.,
and died in 1665.— Tr.]

(154) .[Henschen, a Jesuit of Antwerp,
continuator of the Acta Sanctorum, died
1682.— Tr.]

(155) [Papebroch, a Jesuit of Antwerp,
also a continuator of the Acta Sanctorum,
died in 1714.— Tr.]

(156) [Perron, born a French Protestant
1556, turned Catholic, became bishop of
Evreux, abp. of Sens, almoner of France,
and in 1604, a cardinal. He was very
learned and eloquent, and a great reasoner ;
wrote on the Eucharist, against Du Plcssis
Mornay, &c., and died at Paris in 1618,
aged 63. His works fill 3 vols. fol.— Tr.]

(157) [Estius, born at Gorcum in Hol-
land, was divinity professor and chancellor
of the university of Douay, where he diedan
1613, aged 71. He wrote Commentaries
on the Epistles, 2 vols. fol., Annotations on
difficult passages of Scripture, fol., and the
martyrdom of Edmund Campion. — Tr.]

(158) [Launoi, a doctor of theology at
Paris, born in 1603, and died in 1678. He
was a strenuous defender of the liberties of
the Gallic church, a strong opposer of le-
gends, and a learned critic. His works were
printed at Geneva in 10 vols. fol.— Tr.]

(159) [Aubespine, bishop of Orleans, died
1630, aged 52. He was learned in eccle-
siastical antiquities ; and commented on the
fathers and councils. — Tr.]

(160) [De Marco, was born at Gart in
Bearne, 1594, first studied law, married and
became a counsellor ; afterwards devoted
himself to theology, was bishop of Conse-
rans, archbishop of Toulouse, and lastly of
Paris, where he died in 1662. This great
man wrote a History of Bearne, and de Con-
cord ia Imperil et Sacerdotii. — Tr.]

(16 J) [Richelieu, bom 1585, died 1642,
a cardinal, peer, and prime minister ; perse-
cuted the French Protestants ; and wrote a
defence of the Catholic faith against the
Protestants ; a tract on the best method' of
confuting heretics ; and several other things.
-Tr.]

(162) [Hohtein. See note (62), p. 301.
He was a critic and editor, and wrote de
Abassinorum communione sub unica specie ;

on the Sacrament of Confirmation among
the Greeks ; on the Nicene Council, &c. —
Tr.]

(163) [Baluze, professor of canon law at
Paris, died 1718, aged 87. He wrote Lives
of the Popes of Avignon ; and was a noted
editor.— Tr.]

(164) [Bona, born in Piedmont 1609, died
at Rome 1674,»a cardinal. He wrote Man-
uductio ad ccelum ; Principia vitae Christia-
ns ; Via compendii ad Deum ; de Sacrificio
Missae; de Discretione Spirituum ; de Rebus
Liturgicis lib. ii. ; de Divina Psalmodia ;
Testamentum ; and Horologium Asceti-
cum. He was a very devout man. — Tr.]

(165) [Huet, born in Caen 1630, bishop
of Soissons, and of Avranches, died 1721.
He was very learned, and wrote de Inter-
pretatione, lib. ii. ; Origeniana ; Demonstra-
tio Evangelica ; Censura philosophise Carte-
siance ; Questiones Alnetanae de concordia
rationis et fidei ; and several other things. —
Tr.]

(166) [Bossuet, born at Dijon 1627,
bishop of Meaux, counsellor of state, died
1704. This elegant writer composed a
Discourse on Universal History ; History of
the variations among Protestant Churches ;
Funeral Orations ; Exposition of the Catho-
lic Faith ; Disputes with Fenelon, &c., col-
lected, Paris, 1743, in 12 vols. 4to.— Tr]

(167) [Fenelon, archbishop of Cambray,
born 1651. died 1715. He wrote Explica-
tion des Maximes des Saintes sur la Vie in-
terieure, in which he supported the views of
Madam Guyon, and thus involved himself in
controversy with Bossuet, and incurred cen-
sure from the pope ; also Telemachus ; Dia-
logues of the Dead ; Dialogues on Elo-
quence ; Demonstration of the existence of
God ; Spiritual Works ; and many other
pieces; in all, 10 vols. 8vo. — Tr.]

(168) [Godeau, born at Dreux, 1605,
died 1671, bishop of Venice. He wrote
some commentaries on the scriptures, and
an Eccles. Hist., 3 vols. fol. 1653.— 7V.]

(169) [Thiers, born at Chartres, 1641,
died 1703; professor of Belles Lettres at
Paris, and then curate of Vivray in Le Mans.
He wrote on Superstitions ; concerning the
Sacraments ; on Fast Days ; History of Pe-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 333

Lawrence Alexander Zaccagni,(n2) John Baptist Cotelier,(rtZ) John
Filesac,(n4) Joseph Visconti,(lld) and others.(176.) This list might be
greatly enlarged, by adding the names of such laymen, either in public or
private life, as did service to sacred and secular learning,

§ 33. That the public religion of the Romish church, both as to articles
of faith and rules of practice, was not purified in this century and made
conformable to the only standard, the sacred scriptures, but was here and
there corrupted and deformed, either by the negligence of the popes or the
zeal of the Jesuits ; is the complaint, not so much of those who are oppo-
sed to this church, or those called heretics, as of all those members of it
who favour solid and correct knowledge of religion and genuine piety.
As to doctrines of faith, it is said that the Jesuits with the connivance, nay
frequently with the assistance of the Romish prelates, entirely subverted
such of the first principles of Christianity, as the council of Trent had left
untouched : for they lowered the dignity and utility of the sacred scrip,
tures, extolled immoderately the power of man to do good, extenuated the
efficacy and necessity of divine grace, detracted from the greatness of
Christ's merits, almost equalled the Roman pontiff to our Saviour, and con-
verted him into a terrestrial deity, and in fine, brought the truth of Chris-
tianity itself into immense danger, by their fallacious and sophistical rea-
sonings. It is difficult to gainsay the abundant testimony, by which the
gravest men particularly among the Jansenists, support these accusations.
But it is easy to show, that the Jesuits were not inventors of the doctrines
they inculcated ; but in reality, taught and explained that old form of the
Romish religion, which was every where taught before Luther's time, and
by which the authority, wealth, and power of the pontiffs and the church
had grown during many centuries to their immense height. The Jesuits
would teach otherwise, if the pontiffs wished them to use all their efforts
to render the church more holy and more like Christ ; but they cannot
teach otherwise, so long as they are instructed to make it their first care,
that the pontiffs may hold what they have got, and recover what they have
lost, and that the prelates and ministers of the church may continually be-
come more rich and more powerful. If the Jesuits committed any error

rukes ; the crucifixion of St. Francis, &c. — lished Collectanea monumentor. vet. eccle-

7V.] siae Gr. .et Lat. 1698.— TV.]

(170) [Du Pin, a doctor of the Sorbonne, (173) [Cotelier, born at Nismes 1627,
born at Paris 1657, died there 1719, aged died at Paris 1686, aged 59. He was pro-
62. He wrote Bibliotheque universelle fessor of Greek at Paris, and published the
des Auteurs Ecclesiast, in 19 vols. 4to, Patres Apostolici, 1672, 2 vols. fol. ; and
down to A.D. 1600. ; Prolegomena to the Mon. Eccles. Graecse, 3 vols. fol. — TV.]
Bible; Notes on the Psalms and the Pen- (174) [Filesac, doctor of the Sorbonne,
tateuch; de antiqua Ecclesiae Disciplina; a and dean of the faculty of theology at Paris,
Method of studying Divinity ; and edited the died in 1638. His works were printed in
works of Optatus Milevit. and of Gerson. — 1621, 3 vols. 4to. The best is, Notes on
TV.] Vincentius Lirinensis. — TV.]

(171) [Allatius or Allazsi, born at Scio (175) [Visccmti, or Victcomes, professor
in the ^Egean Sea, educated at Rome, teach- of Eccles. antiquities at Milan. He wrote
er in the Greek college there, librarian of the de Antiquis Baptismi Ritibus ; and de Riti-
Vatican, died at Rome 1669, aged 83. Be- bus Confirmationis et Missae. — TV.]

sides editing various Greek works, he wrote (176) Whoever wishes to know more of

de Perpetua Consensu Ecclesiae Gr. et Lat. ; the merits of these writers, may consult, be-

and some other works. — TV.] sides the common authors of literary history,

(172) [Zaccagni, keeper of the Vatican Du. Pin's volumes concerning the ecclesias-
library, died at Rome in 1712. He pub- tical writers, vol. xvii., xviii., xix.

324 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

in this matter, it consisted wholly in this, that they explained more clearly
and lucidly, what the fathers at Trent either left imperfectly explained or
wholly passed over, lest they should shock the minds of the persons of
better sentiments who attended that celebrated convention. Hence also
the pontiffs, though pressed by the strongest arguments and exhortations,
could never be persuaded to pass any severe censures upon the religious
sentiments of the Jesuits ; and on the other hand have resisted, sometimes
secretly, and sometimes openly, such as opposed their doctrines with more
than ordinary spirit and energy ; for they looked upon such, as being in-
discreet persons, who either did not or would not know what the interests
of the church required.

§ 34. That morality was not so much corrupted and vitiated in nearly
all its parts, as subverted altogether by the Jesuits, is the public complaint
of innumerable writers of every class, and of very respectable fraternities,
in the Romish church. Nor does their complaint seem groundless, since
they adduce from the books of the Jesuits professedly treating of the right
mode of living, arid- especially from the writings of those called Casuists,
many principles which are opposed to all virtue and honesty. In particu-
lar they show, that these men teach the following doctrines : That a bad
man who is an entire stranger to the love of God, provided he feels some
fear of the divine wrath, and from dread of punishment avoids grosser
crimes, is a fit candidate for eternal salvation : That men may sin with
safety, provided they have a probable reason for the sin ; i. e., some argu-
ment or authority in favour of it : That actions in themselves wrong and
contrary to the divine law, are allowable, provided a person can control his
own mind, and in his thoughts connect a good end with the criminal deed ;
or as they express it, knows how to direct his intention right : That philo-
sophical fins, that is, actions which are contrary t<? the law of nature and
to right reason, in a person ignorant of the written law of God or dubious
as to its true meaning, are light offences, and do not deserve the punish-
ments of hell : That the deeds a man commits, when wholly blinded by his
lusts and the paroxysms of passion, and when destitute of all sense of reli-
gion, though they be of the vilest and most execrable character, can by no
means be charged to his account in the judgment of God ; because such a
man is like a madman : That it is right for a man, when taking an oath
or forming a contract, in order to deceive the judge and subvert the valid-
ity of the covenant or oath, tacitly to add something to the words of the
compact or the oath : and other sentiments of the like nature. (177) These

(177) One might make up a whole library Samuel Rachels. [An English translation
of books, exposing and censuring the corrupt of the Provincial Letters, was published in
moral principles of the Jesuits. The best 1828, by J. Lcavitt, New- York, and Crocker
work on the subject, is the very elegant and and Brewster, Boston, 319 pages, 12mo. —
ingenious production of Blaise Pascal, enti- TV.] Against this terrible adversary, the
tied : Les Provinciales, ou Lettres e'crites Jesuits sent forth their best geniuses, and
par Louis de Montalte a, un Provincial des among others the very eloquent and acute
ses amis, et aux Jesuites, sur la Morale et Gabriel Daniel, the celebrated author of the
la Politique de ces peres, 2 tomes 8vo. History of France ; they also caused Pas-
Peter Nicole, under the fictitious name of cat's book to be publicly burned at Paris.
William Wendrock, added to it learned and See Daniel's Or'iscula, vol. i., p 363, who
judicious notes, in which he copiously dem- himself admits, that most of the answers to
onstrates the truth of what Pascal had stated the book by the Jesuits, were unsatisfactory,
either summarily or without giving author!- But whether Pascal prevailed by the force
ties. It was also translated into Latin, by and solidity of his arguments, or by the

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

325

and other doctrines, not only the Dominicans and Jansenists but also the
divines of Paris, Poictiers, Louvain, and others in great numbers, so point-
edly condemned in public, that Alexander VII. thought proper to condemn
some part of them, in his decree of the 21st of August, 1659 ; and Alex-
ander VIII., on the 24th of August, 1690, condemned particularly the phil-
osophical sia of the Jesuits. (178) But these numerous and respectable
decisions and decrees against the moral principles of the Jesuits, if we may
believe the common voice of learned and pious men, were more efficacious
in restraining the horrid licentiousness of the writers of this society, than
in purging their schools of these abominable principles. And the reason
assigned, why so many kings and princes and persons of every rank and
sex, committed the care of their souls to the Jesuits especially, is, that
such confessors by their precepts, extenuated the guilt of sin, flattered the
criminal passions of men, and opened an easy and convenient way to heav-
en.(179)

sweetness and elegance of his style and sa-
tire, it is certain that all these answers de-
tracted very little from the reputation of his
Letters; and edition after edition of them
continued to be published. Less attractive
in form but more solid, from the multitude
of testimonies and citations from the ap-
proved Jesuitical writers, was, La Morale
des Jesuites extraite fidellement de leurs
livres imprimez avec la permission et 1'ap-
probation des Superieurs de leur Compagnie,
par un Docteur de Sorbonne ; in 3 vols. 8vo,
Mons, 1702. This book also (which was
written by Perault, brother of that Charles
Perau.lt who began the famous dispute,
whether the moderns were inferior or supe-
rior to the ancients), was burned at Paris in
1670, through the instigation of the Jesuits.
CEuvres du P. Daniel, tome 4., p. 356, &c.
And there was good reason ; for whoever
shall read this single book, will there see all
the faults that were charged upon the Jesu-
itical writers on morals. That the Jesuits
actually put their moral principles in practice,
especially in foreign and remote countries,
Anthony A rnauld with his Jansenist associ-
ates, undertook to prove in an elaborate work
entitled : La Morale Pratique des Jesuites ;
which gradually appeared, during the last
century, in eight volumes ; and, when copies
of it became scarce, it was republished, Am-
sterdam, 1742, 8 yols. 8vo, with numerous
additional proofs of the charges against the
Jesuits. Respecting philosophical sin in
particular, and the commotions that arose
from it, see James Hyacinth Berry, (or rath-
er Augustus le Blanc), in his Addenda ad
Historiam Congregationum de auxiliis, p.
82, &c , and in his Auctarium to these Ad-
denda, p. 289, &c.

(178) The history of the commotions in
France and in other places, arising from these
opinions of the Jesuits respecting morality,

was neatly drawn up, by the writer of the
Cate'chisme Historique et Dogmatique sur
les contestations qui divisent maintenant
I'Eglise ; 1730, 8vo, vol. ii., p. 26, &c. The
Bulls here mentioned, are sought for in vain
in the Bullariurn Pontificum. But the care
of the Dominicans and Jansenists to preserve
every thing disreputable to Jesuits, would
not suffer them to be lost.

(179) What is here said of the very gross
errors of the Jesuits, should not be under-
stood to imply, that all the members of this
society cherish these opinions ; or that the
public schools of the order echo with them.
For this fraternity embraces very many per-
sons, who are both learned and ingenuous,
and by no means bad men. Nor would it
be difficult to fill several volumes with cita-
tions from the writings of Jesuits, in which
a much purer virtue and piety are taught,
than that black and deformed system which
Pascal and the others present to us from the
Casuists, Summisls, and Moralists of this
order. .Those who accuse the Jesuits as a
body, if candid, can mean only that the lead-
ers of the society both permit such impious
sentiments to be publicly set forth by indi-
viduals, and give their approbation and coun-
tenance to the books in which such senti-
ments are taught ; that the system of religion,
which is taught here and there in their
schools, is so lax and disjointed, that it easily
leads men to such pernicious conclusions;
and finally, that the small select number,
who are initiated in the greater mysteries of
the order, and who are employed in public
stations and in guiding the minds of the great,
commonly make use of such principles to
advance the interests and augment the wealth
of the society. I would also acknowledge,
since ingenuousness is the prime virtue of a
historian, that in exaggerating the turpitude
of some Jesuitical opinions, some of their

326 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 35. The holy scriptures were so far from receiving more reverence
and authority from the pontiffs, that on the contrary in most countries the
friends of the papal cause and especially the Jesuits, as appears from the
best evidence, took great pains to keep them out of the hands of the peo-
ple, or from being interpreted differently from what the convenience of the
church required. Among the French and the Belgians, there were some
who might not improperly be denominated learned and intelligent exposi-
tors; but the majority of those who pretended to expound the sacred wri-
tings, rather obscured and darkened the divine oracles by their comments
than elucidated them. And in this class must be placed, even the Jansen-
ists ; who, though they treated the Bible with more respect than the other
Catholics, yet strangely adulterated the word of God, by the frigid allego-
ries and recondite expositions of the ancient doctors. (180) Yet we ought
to except Paschasius Quesnel, a father of the Oratory, who published the
New Testament, illustrated with pious meditations and observations, which
has in our day been the prolific cause of so many disputes, commotions,
and divisions.(181)

§ 36. Nearly all the schools retained the old method of teaching theol-
ogy ; which was dry, thorny, and by no means suited to men of liberal
minds. Not even the decrees of the pontiffs, could bring dogmatic or bib-
lical theology to be in equal estimation with scholastic. For most of the
chairs were occupied by the Scholastic doctors, and they perplexed and de-
pressed the biblical divines, who were in general not well acquainted with
the arts of wrangling. The Mystics were wholly excluded from the schools ;
and, unless they were very cautious and submissive to the church, could
scarcely escape the brand of heresy. Yet many of the French, and
among them, the followers of Jansenius especially, explained the principal

«

adversaries have been over eloquent and ve- severe circular, forbidding it to be read,
hement ; as might easily be shown if there The same thing was done by Ge. Aubusson,
were opportunity, in regard to the doctrines bishop of Embrun : the Jesuits also did not
of probability, mental reservation in oaths, remain idle : and at last, in 1668, Clement
and some others. For in this as in most IX. condemned it, as a perverse and dan-
other disputes and controversies, respecting gerous translation, that deviated from the
either sacred or secular subjects, the accused Vulgate, and was a stone of stumbling to
were charged with the consequences, which the simple. This censure, it by no means
their accusers deduced from their declara- merited : and even Mosheinfs censure is
tions, their words were made to express more applicable only to the notes, which are taken
than they intended, and the limitations they chiefly from the fathers, and are very mysti-
contemplated to their opinions, were over- cal. — Schl.'}

looked. (181) The first part, containing notes on

(180) Very well known, even among us, the four Gospels, was published in 1671 :

is the Bible of Isaac le Maitre, commonly and being received with great applause, it

called Sacy ; which comprehends nearly ev- was republished, enlarged and amended, to-

ery thing, with which the heated imagina- gether with notes on the other books of the

tions of the ancient doctors disfigured the New Testament. See Catechisme Histor-

simplest narrations and the clearest" state- ique sur les Contestationes de 1'Eglise, tome

ments of the sacred volume. [It is also ii., p. 150. Christ. Eberh. Weismann's

called the Translation of Mons, because it Historia Eccles., saecul. xvii., p. 588, &c.,

was first printed there, in 1665. It was and numerous others. [Qvesnel, in his

commenced by Sacy, a very zealous Jansen- translation, followed that of Sacy ; though

ist who died in 1664, and completed by to avoid all offence, he kept closer to the

Thomas du Fosse. It is founded on the Vulgate. Most of the notes relate entirely

Vulgate; yet here and there deviates from to practical religion. The contests produced

it. The archbishop of Paris, Pcrefa, soon by the work, belong to the history of the

after it appeared, in 1667, published a eighteenth century. — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 327

doctrines of Christianity in a neat and lucid style. In like manner, nearly
all that was written judiciously and elegantly respecting piety and moral-
ity, came from the pens either of the Messieurs de Port-Royal as the Jan-
senists were usually called, or from the French Fathers of the Oratory.
Of the change in the manner of conducting theological controversies, we
have already spoken. The Germans, the Belgians, and the French, hav-
ing learned to their disadvantage that the angry, loose, and captious mode
of disputing, which their fathers pursued, rather confirmed than weakened
the faith and resolution of dissentients ; and that the arguments on which
their doctors formerly placed much reliance, had lost nearly all their
force ; thought it necessary for them to look out for new methods of war-
fare, and those apparently more wise.

§ 37. The minor controversies of the schools and of the religious orders,
which divided the Romish church, we shall pass over : for the pontiffs for
the most part disregard them ; or if at any time they become too violent,
a nod or a mandate from the pope easily suppresses them : neither are these
skirmishes, which perpetually exist, of such a nature as seriously to endan.
ger the welfare of the church. It will be sufficient to recite briefly those
controversies, which affected seriously the whole church. Among these,
the first place is due to the contests between the Dominicans and the Jes-
uits, respecting the nature of divine grace and . its necessity to salvation ;
the cognizance of which, Clement VIII., at the close of the preceding cen-
tury, had committed to some selected theologians. (182) These, after some
years of consultation and attention to the arguments of the parties, signi-
fied to the pontiff not obscurely, that the doctrines of the Dominicans re-
specting grace, predestination, man's ability to do good, and the inherent
corruption of our natures, were more consonant with the holy scriptures
and the opinions of the fathers, than the opinions of Molina, whom the Jes-
uits supported: that the former accorded with the sentiments of Augus-
tine, and the latter approximated to those of Pelagius, which had been con-
demned. Therefore in the year 1601, Clement seemed ready to pronounce
sentence against the Jesuits, and in favour of the Dominicans. But the
Jesuits perceiving their cause to be in such imminent peril, so besieged the
aged pontiff, sometimes with threats, sometimes with complaints, and now
with arguments, that in the year 1602 he resolved to give the whole of
this knotty controversy a rehearing, and to assume to himself the office
of presiding judge. The pontiff therefore presided over this trial during
three years, or from the 20ih of March, 1602, till the 22d of January,
1605, having for assessors fifteen cardinals, nine theologians, and five
bishops ; and he held seventy-eight sessions, or Congregations as they are
denominated at Rome;(183) in which he patiently listened to the argu-
ments of the Jesuits and the Dominicans, and caused their arguments to
be carefully weighed and examined. To what results he came, is uncer-
tain : for he was cut off by death, on the 4th of March, 1605, when just
ready to pronounce sentence. If we may believe the Dominicans, he was
prepared to condemn Molina, in a public decree ; but if we believe the Jes-
uits, he would have acquitted him of all error. Which of them is to be
believed, no one can determine, without inspecting the records of the trial,
which are kept most carefully concealed at Rome.

(182) [See the preceding century, sect. (183) [Congregationes de auxiliis, ss.
iii., ch. i., $ 40, 41, p. 110, &c.— Tr.] gratia; in the Romish style.— TV.]

328 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 38. Paul V. the successor of Clement, ordered the judges in the month
of September, 1605, to resume their inquiries and deliberations which had
been suspended. They obeyed his mandate, and had frequent discussions
until the month of March in the next year ; debating not so much on the
merits of the question, which had been sufficiently examined, as on the
mode of terminating the contest. For it was debated, whether it would
be for the interests of the church to have this dispute decided by a public
decree of the pontiff; and if it were, then what should be the form and
phraseology of the decree. The issue of this protracted business was,
that the whole contest came to nothing, as is frequent at Rome ; that is, it
was decided neither way, but each party was left free to retain its own sen-
timents. The Dominicans maintain, that Paul V. and the theologians to
whom he committed the investigation, equally with Clement before him,
perceived the holiness and justice of their cause ; and they tell us, that a
severe decree against the doctrines of the Jesuits was actually drawn up,
and sealed by his order ; but that the unhappy war with the Venetians,
which broke out at that time, and of which we have already given an ac-
count, prevented the publication of the decree. On the contrary, the Jes-
uits contend, that all this is false ; and that the pontiff with the wisest of
the theologians, after examining the whole cause, judged the sentiments of
Molina to contain nothing which much needed correction. It is far more
probable that Paul was deterred from passing sentence, by fear of the
kings of France and Spain ; of whom the former patronised the cause of
the Jesuits, and the latter that of the Dominicans. And if he had pub-
lished a decision, it would undoubtedly have been not unlike those usually
promulged at Rome, that is, ambiguous, and not wholly adverse to either
of the contending parties.(184)

(184) The writers already quoted on this may be conveniently reconciled, by means

subject, may be consulted here. Also Jo. of that divine knowledge which is called sci-

le Clerc, Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire entia media, [foreknowledge of the free ac-

des Controverses dans 1'Eglise Romaine sur tions of men]. See Catechisme Historique

la predestination et sur la grace ; in the Bib- sur les dissensions de 1'Eglise, tome i., p.

liotheque Universelle et Historique, tome 207. On the contrary the Dominicans,

xiv., p. 234, &c. The conduct both of the though holding substantially the same senti-

Jesuits and the Dominicans after this con- ments as before this controversy arose, yet

troversy was put to rest, affords grounds for greatly obscured and disfigured their senti-

a suspicion, that both parties were privately ments, by using words and distinctions bor-

admonished by the pontiff, to temper and rowed from the schools of the Jesuits ; so

regulate in some measure their respective that not even a Jesuit can now tax them

doctrines, so that the former might no longer with having the mark of Calvinism. They

be taxed with Pelagianism, nor the latter are also much more slow to oppose the Jes-

with coinciding with the Calvinists. For uits ; recollecting, doubtless, their former

Claudius Aquaviva, the general of the order perils, and their immense labours undertaken

of Jesuits, in a circular letter addressed to in vain. This change of conduct, the Jansen-

the whole fraternity, Dec. 14th, 1613, very ists severely charge upon them, as being a

cautiously modifies the doctrine of Molina ; manifest and great defection from divine

and commands his brethren to teach every truth. See Blaise Pascal's Lettres Provin-

where, that God gratuitously, and without ciales, tome i., lettr. ii., p. 27, &c. Yet

any regard to their merits, from all eternity, their ill-will against the Jesuits, is by no

elected those to salvation, whom he wished means laid aside ; nor can the Dominicans

should be partakers of it : yet they must so (among whom many are greatly dissatisfied

teach this, as by no means to give up what with the cautious pnidence of their order)

the Jesuits had maintained in their disputes easily keep themselves quiet, whenever a

with the Dominicans, respecting the nature good opportunity occurs for exercising their

of divine grace : and these two things, which resentments. With the Dominicans in this

seem to clash with each other, he thinks cause at least, the Augustinians are in har-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

329

§ 39. The wounds which seemed thus healed, were again torn open to
the great damage of the Catholic interest, when the book of Cornelius
Jansenius, bishop of Ypres in the Netherlands, was published after- his
death, in 1640, under the title of Augustinus. (185) In this book, (the au-
thor of which is allowed even by the Jesuits to have been a learned and
solid man, and apparently at least devout), the opinions of Augustine re-
specting the native depravity of man, and the nature and influence of that
grace by which alone this depravity can be cured, are stated and explained ;
and for the most part, in the very words of Augustine. For it was not
the object of Jansenius, as he tells us himself, to show what ought to be be-
lieved on these subjects, but merely what Augustine believed. (186) But as
the doctrine of Augustine, (which differed little from that of St. Thomas
[Aquinas] which was embraced by the Dominicans), was accounted almost
sacred and divine in the Romish church, on account of the high character
and merits of its author, and at the same time was almost diametrically op-
posite to the common sentiments of the Jesuits ; this work of Jansenius
could not but appear to them, as a silent, yet most effectual confutation of
their sentiments. Hence they not only attacked it with their own writings,
but they instigated the pontiff Urban VIII. to condemn it. Nor were their
efforts unsuccessful. First, the inquisitors at Rome in 1641, prohibited
the reading of it ; and then in 1642, Urban himself in a public decree,
pronounced it contaminated with several errors long since rejected by the
church.

§ 40. The Jesuits and the Romish edicts, were opposed by the doctors
of Louvain, and by the other admirers of Augustine, who were always

mony : (for the opinions of St. Thomas in
respect to grace, do not much differ from
those of Augustine) : and the most learned
man they have, Henry Noris, (in his Vin-
dieiae Augustinianse, cap. iv., Opp., torn, i.,
p. 1175), laments that he is not at liberty,
in consequence of the pope's decree, to let
the world know what was transacted in the
Congregations de auxiliis, against Molina
and the Jesuits, and in favour of Augustine.
He says : Quando, recentiori Romano de-
creto id vetitum est, cum dispendio caussse,
quam defendo, necessariam defensionem
omitto.

(185) For an account of this famous man,
see Boyle's Dictionnaire, tome ii., p. 1529.
Melchior Leydecker, de vita et morte Janse-
nii libri. iii., constituting the first part of his
Historia Jansenismi, published at Utrecht
1695, 8vo. Dictionnaire des livres Jansen-
istes, tome i., p. 120, &c., and many others.
This celebrated work, which gave a mortal
wound to the Romish community that all
the power and all the sagacity of the^ vicar
of Jesus Christ were unable to heal, is di-
vided into three parts. The first is histori-
cal, and narrates the origination of the Pela-
gian contests in the fifth century : the second
investigates and explains the doctrine of
Augustine concerning the state and powers
of human nature, before the fall, as fallen,

VOL. III.— T T

and as renewed. The third traces out his
opinions concerning the assistance of Christ
by his renewing grace, and the predestina-
tion of men and angels. The language is
sufficiently clear and perspicuous, but not so
correct as it should be. [Jansenius was
born at a village near Leerdam in Flanders,
A.D. 1585, educated at Louvain, where he
became principal of the college of St. Pul-
cheria, doctor of theology in 1617, and pro-
fessor in ordinary. He was twice sent by
the university of Louvain to the Spanish
court, to manage their affairs. His political
work against France, entitled Mars Gallicus,
procured him favour at the court of Spain ;
and he was appointed bishop of Ypres in
1635. He died in 1638, of a contagion ta-
ken by visiting his flock labouring under it.
His Augustinus, in 3 vols. fol., cost him
20 years labour. He also wrote against the
Protestants. — TV.]

(186) Thus Jansenius in his Augustinus,
torn. ii.. Introductory book, cap. xxix, p. 65,
says : Non ego hie de nova aliqua sententia
reperienda disputo — sed de antiqua Augus-
tini. — Quaeritur, non quid de natura? huma-
nse statibus et viribus, vel de Dei gratia et
praedestinatione sentiendutn sit ; sed quid
Augustinus olim ecclesiae nomine et applausu
— tradiderit, praedicaverit, scriptoque multi-
pliciter consignaverit.

330 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

very numerous in the Low Countries. Hence there arose a formidable,
and to the Belgic provinces a very troublesome controversy. (187) It had
scarcely commenced, when it spread into the neighbouring France ; where
John du Verger de Hauranne, abbot of St. Cyran or Sigeran, an intimate
friend of Jansenius, a man of an accomplished and elegant mind, and no
less respected for the purity of his morals and the sanctity of his life than
for his erudition, had already inspired great numbers with attachment to
Augustine and hatred of the Jesuits. (188) The greatest part of the learn-
ed in this most flourishing kingdom, had connected themselves with the
Jesuits ; because their doctrines were more grateful to human nature, and
better accorded with the nature of the Romish religion and the interests
of that church, than the Augustinian principles. But the opposite party
embraced besides some bishops of high reputation for piety, the men of
the best and most cultivated minds almost throughout France ; Anthony
Arnauld, Peter Nicole, Blaise Pascal, Paschasius Quesnel, and the numer-
ous other famous and excellent men who are denominated the authors of
Port-Royal ; likewise a great number of those who looked on the vulgar
piety of the Romish church, which is confined to the confession of sins,
frequent attendance on the Lord's supper, and some external works, as far
short of what Christ requires of his followers, and who believed that the
soul of a Christian, who would be accounted truly pious, ought to be full
of genuine faith and love to God. Thus as the one party had the advan-
tage of numbers and power, and the other that of talent and pious fervour,
it is not difficult to understand why this controversy is still kept up a whole
century after its commencement. (189)

(187) [The principal adherents to Janse- St. Cyran in 1620, was thrown into prison
nius in the Netherlands, were, James Boon- by Richelieu in 1638, released in 1643, and
en, the archbishop of Mechlen ; Libertus Fro- died the same1 year, aged 62. He held
mond, a pupil, friend, and successor of Jan- much the same sentiments with Jansenius,
senius in the professorial chair at Louvain ; and spread them extensively by conversation,
and Henry Calen, a canon of Mechlen and His works are : Somme des Fautes, &c., de
arch- priest of Brussels. — Schl.~\ Garasse, (a Jesuit writer), 3 vols. 4to ;

(188) He is esteemed by all the Jansen- Spiritual Letters, 2 vols. 4to. ; Apology for
ists, as highly as Jansenius himself; and he Roche-Hosay, &c. ; and Question Royale.
is said to have aided Jansenius in compo- — Tr.]

sing his Augustinus. Those French espe- (189) The history of this controversy is

cially who are partial to the doctrines of Au- to be found entire or in part, in a great num-

gustine, reverence him as a father and an ber of books. The following may supersede

oracle, and extol him above Jansenius him- all the rest : Gabriel Gerberon, Histoire

self. His life and history have been duly generale du Jansenisme, Amsterd , 1700, 3

written, by Claude Lancelot, Me'moires vols. 8vo, and Lyons, 1708, 5 vols. 12mo ;

touchant la vie der Mr. S. Cyran ; published the Abbe du Mas, (a senator of Paris, who

at Cologne (or rather at Utrecht), 1738, 2 died 1722"), Histoire des cinq propositions

vols. 8vo. Add the Recueil de plusiers de Jansenius, Liege, 1694, 8vo. Du Mas

pieces pour servir a. 1'Histoire de Port-Roy- favours the Jesuits ; Gerberon favours the

al, p. 1-150, Utrecht, 1740, 8vo. Arnaud Jansenists. Michael Leydcckcr, Historia

d'Andilly, Me'moires au sujet de 1'Abbe de Jansenismi Libri vi., Utrecht, 1695, 8vo.

S. Cyran ; printed in the Vies des Religieu- Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. tome ii., p.

sesde Port- Royal, tome i., p. 15-44. Bayle, 264, &c. Many books on this subject by

Dictionnaire, tome ii., [p. 531, art. Garasse, both parties, are mentioned in the Biblio-

note D. — IV.] Dictionnaire des livres theque Jansenisteou Catalogue Alphabetique

Jansenistes, tome i., p. 133, &c. See also des principaux livres Jansenistes ; published

respecting his early studies, Gabriel Liron, in 1735, 8vo, and said to be the work of

Singularites Histor. et Litter., tome iv., p. Dominic Colonia, a learned Jesuit. See

507, &c. [Jo. Verger de Hauranne -was Recueil des prices pour servir a 1'Histoire de

born at Bayonne in 1581, became abbot of Port -Royal, p. 325, &c. But as already re-

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 331

§ 41. The attentive reader of this protracted contest, will be amused to
see the artifices and stratagems, with which the one party conducted their
attack and the other their defence. The Jesuits came forth, armed with
decrees of the pontiff, mandates of the king, the most odious comparisons,
the support of great men, the good- will of most of the bishops, and lastly
force and bayonets. On the other hand, the Jansenists enervated those
decrees and mandates, by the most subtle distinctions and interpretations,
nay, by the same sophistry which they condemned in the Jesuits ; odious
comparisons they destroyed, by other comparisons equally odious ; to the
menaces of great men and bishops, they opposed the favour of the multi-
tude ; and physical force they vanquished by divine power, that is, by the
miracles of which they boasted. Perceiving that their adversaries were
not to be overcome by the soundest arguments and proofs, they endeavour-
ed to conciliate the favour of the pontiffs and of the people at large, by
their meritorious and splendid deeds and by their great industry. Hence
they attacked those enemies of the church the Protestants, and endeavour-
ed to circumvent them with spells and sophisms that were entirely new y
they applied themselves to the education of youth of all classes, and imbued
them with the elements of the liberal arts and sciences ; they composed
very neat and elegant treatises on grammar, philosophy, and the other
branches of learning ; they laid all classes from the highest to the lowest,
under obligations to them, by devotional and practical treatises composed
in the most elegant manner ; they adopted a pure, natural, and agreeable
style, and translated and explained in the very best manner, not a few of
the ancient writers : and lastly, they sought to persuade, and actually did
persuade very many, to believe that God himself espoused their cause, and
that he had by many prodigies and miracles, placed the truth of the Au-
gustinian doctrine beyond all controversy.(190) As all these things have

marked, this book much enlarged, appeared hushed. In our age therefore, when hard

under the title of; Dictionnaire des livres pressed, they have resisted the fury of their

Jansenistes, Antvv., 1752, 4 vols. 8vo. enemies by new and more numerous prodi-

(190) That the Jansenists or Augustin- gies. If we may believe them, the first oc-

ians have long resorted to miracles in sup- curred on the 31st of May, 1725, in the per-

port of their cause, is very well known. And son of a certain woman named De la, Fosse ;

they themselves confess, that they have been who was suddenly cured of a bloody flux,

saved from ruin when nearly in despair, by when she had supplicated relief from a host

means of miracles. See Memoires de Port- carried by a priest of the Jansenian sect.

Royal, torn, i., p. 256 ; torn, ii., p. 107. Two years afterwards, in 1727, the tomb of

The first of these miracles were, those said Gerhard Rousse, a canon of Avignon, was

to have been performed in the convent of ennobled by very splendid miracles. Lastly,

Port-Royal, from the year 1656 onward, in in the year 1731, the bones of Francis de

the cure of several afflicted persons, by Paris, [commonly called, Abbe de Paris],

means of a thorn from that crown which the which were interred at St. Medard, were

Roman soldiers placed on the head of our famed for numberless miracles : and every

most holy Saviour. See Recueil de plusiers one knows what warm disputes have occur-

pieces pour servir a 1'Histoire de Port- Roy- red, and still continue, respecting them. It

al, p. 228, 448. Fontaine, Memoires pour is also said, that Paschasius Quesnel, Le-

servir a 1'Histoire de Port-Royal, torn, ii., p. trier, Desangins, and Toumus, those great

131, &c. Other miracles followed, in the ornaments of the sect, have often afforded

vear 1661 ; Vies des Religieuses de Port- relief to the sick who relied on their merits

Royal, torn, i., p. 192 : and in the year 1664; and intercession. See Jesus Christ sous

Memoires de Port-Royal, torn, iii., p. 252. 1'anatheme et sous Texcommunication ; a

The fame of these miracles was great, and celebrated Jansenist book, written against

very useful to the Augustinians in the sev- the Bull Untgenitus, art. xvii., p. 61 ; art.

enteenth century ; but°at present, it is quite xviii., p. 66, ed. Utrecht. A great part of

332 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

great influence with mankind, they often rendered the victory of the Jes-
uits quite dubious ; and perhaps the Jansenists would have triumphed, if
the cause of the Jesuits had not been the cause of the church, the safety
of which depends in a great measure on those opinions which the Jesuits
hold.

§ 42. Various circumstances lead to the conclusion, that Urban VIII. , and
afterwards Innocent X., were solicitous to suppress these dangerous com-
motions in their commencement ; just as the former pontiffs wisely sup-
pressed the contests between Baius and the Dominicans. But they were
unable to do it, in consequence of the highly excitable and fervid tempers
of the French. The adversaries of the Augustinian doctrines, extracted
from the works of Jansenius five propositions, which were thought to be
the worst ; and instigated especially by the Jesuits, they urged Innocent
incessantly to condemn them. A large part of the French clergy, by their
envoys despatched to Rome, resisted such a measure with great zeal ; and
wisely suggested, that it was of the first importance to distinguish the dif-
ferent constructions that might be put upon those propositions ; since they
were ambiguous, and would admit of a true, as well as a false interpreta-
tion. But Innocent X. overcome by the incessant and importunate clam-
ours of the Jesuits, without maturely considering the case, hastily condemn-
ed those propositions in a public edict, dated May 31st, 1653. The sub-
stance of the five propositions was, First : That there are some commands
of God, which righteous and good men are absolutely unable to obey,
though disposed to do it ; and that God does not give them so much grace,
that they are able to observe them. — Secondly : That no person, in this
corrupt state of nature, can resist divine grace operating upon the mind.
— Thirdly : That in order to a man's being praise or blame worthy before
• God, he need not be exempt from necessity, but only from coercion. —
Fourthly : That the Semipelagians erred greatly, by supposing that the
human will has the power of both admitting, and of rejecting, the opera-
tions of internal preventing grace.- — Fifthly : That whoever affirms that
Jesus Christ made expiation by his sufferings and death for the sins of all
mankind, is a Semipelagian. — The four first of these propositions, Inno-
cent pronounced to be directly heretical ; but the fifth, he declared to be
only rash, irreligious, and injurious to God. (191)

the Jansenists contend for the reality of tage of the misapprehensions of the multi-
these miracles, with good faith : for this sect tude. in order to confirm the truth,
abounds with persons, who are by no means (191) This Bull is extant in the Bulla-
corrupt, but whose piety is unenlightened, rium Romanum, tome v., p. 486. It is also
and to whom the truth and divinity of their published, together with many public Acts
cause appear so manifest, that they readily relating to this subject, by Charles du Pies-
believe it cannot possibly be neglected by sis d'Argentre, in his Collectio judiciorum
the Deity But it is incredible, that so many de novis erroribus, torn, iii , pt. ii., p. 261,
persons of distinguished perspicacity as for- dec. [Dr. Moshcim mistook, in regard to
merly were and still are followers of this the sentence pronounced on the several prop-
sect, should not know that either the powers ositions. The Bull says of the first : Te-
of nature, or the operation of medicines, or merariam, impiam, blasphemam, anathemate
the influence of the imagination, really ac- damnatam, et haereticam declaramus, et uti
complished these cures, which deceivers or talem damnamus. Of the second, and the
men blinded by party zeal have ascribed to third, it says simply : Hcereticam declara-
the almighty power of God. Such persons mus, et uti talem damnamus. Of the fourth,
therefore, must be of the opinion, that it is it says : Falsam, et haereticam declaramus,
lawful to promote a holy and righteous cause et uti talem damnamus. And of the fifth, it
by means of deceptions, and to take advan- says : Falsam, temerariam, scandalosam, et

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 333

§ 43. This sentence of the supreme ecclesiastical judge, was indeed
painful and perplexing to the friends of Jansenius, and grateful and agree-
able to their enemies ; yet it did not fully satisfy the latter, nor entirely
dishearten the former. For Jansenius himself had escaped condemnation,
the pontiff not having declared that the heretical propositions were to be
found in his Augustinus, in that sense in which they were condemned.
The Augustinians therefore, under the guidance of the very acute Anthony
Arnauld, distinguished in this controversy between the point of law and
the point of fact ; (qucestionem juris and queestionem facti] ; that is, they
maintained that we ought to believe those propositions to be justly con-
demned by the pontiff; but that it was not necessary to believe, nor had
the pontiff required a belief, that those propositions were to be found in
Jansenius' book, in that sense in which they were condemned. (192) Yet
they were not allowed to enjoy this -consolation long, for the pertinacious
hatred of the adverse party drove Alexander VII., the successor of Clement,
to such a height of imprudence, that he not only declared in a new Bull of
the 16th of October, 1656, that the condemned propositions were those of
Jansenius, and were to be found in his book ; but he moreover in the year
1665, sent into France the formula of an oath, which was to be subscribed
by all who would enjoy any office in the church, and which affirmed that
the five condemned propositions were actually to be found in Jansenius'
book, in the very sense in which they had been condemned by the
church.(193) This imprudent step, which was viewed as intolerable not
only by the Jansenists but likewise by the better part of the French cler-
gy, was followed by immense commotions and contests. The Jansenists
immediately contended, that the pontiff might err, especially when pro-
nouncing an opinion without the presence of a council, in all questions of
fact ; and therefore that they were not under obligation to subscribe to
that formula, which required that they should swear to a matter of fact : the
Jesuits on the contrary, had the boldness to maintain publicly, in the city
of Paris, that the pope's infallibility was equally certain and divine in mat-
ters of fact, as in contested points of ecclesiastical law. Some of the
Jansenists said, they would neither condemn nor approve the formula ;
but they promised by observing silence, to show respect to the authority
of the head of the church. Others appeared ready to subscribe with some
explanation, or distinction, oral or written, 'annexed ; but by no means,
without qualification. Others attempted other modes of evasion. (194)
But none of these courses would satisfy the impassioned mind of the Jes-
uits ; and therefore the recusants were miserably harassed with banish,
ments, imprisonments, and other vexations ; for the Jesuits had the con-
trol and guidance of the measures of the court.

intellectam eo sensu, ut Christus pro salute ous documents, is in Charles du Plcssis

dumtaxat praedestinatorum mortuus sit : Im- <£ Argentre's Collectio Judiciorum de novis

piam, blasphemam, contumeliosam, divinae erroribus, torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 281-288, .306.

pietati derogantem. et haereticam declaramus, The formula of the oath by Alexander VII.,

et uti talem damnamus. So that the sen- occurs ibid., p. 314, together with the ordi-

tence on the fifth proposition was the most nance of the king, and other papers,

severe ; and that on the first, next to it in (194) See Du, Mas, Histoire des cinq

severity. — TV ] Propositions, p. 158, &c. Gerberon, His-

(192) Dictionnairc des livres Jansenistes, toire generale du Jansenisme, pt. ii., p. 516,
torn, i., p. 249 ; torn, ii., p. 7, &c. and many others.

(193) This Bull also, together with vari-

334 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

§ 44. In consequence of the lenity or the prudence of Clement IX., the
persecuted party, who to their own loss and injury defended Augustine, had
some respite in the year 1669. This was procured by four French bish-
ops, those of Angers, Beauvais, Pamiers, and Alet, who courageously de-
clared, that they could not conscientiously subscribe to the prescribed oath,
without adding some explanation. And when the Romish court threatened
them with punishment, nineteen other bishops espoused their cause, and
addressed Liters in their behalf both to the king and to the pontiff. These
were also joined by Anne Genevieve de Bourbon, a lady of great heroism,
and after her renunciation of the pleasures and allurements of the world,
a warm friend of the Jansenists ; who very urgently besought Clement IX.
to assume more moderation. Influenced by entreaties and arguments so
numerous and of so much weight, Clement consented that such as chose,
might subscribe the oath above mentioned, annexing an exposition of their
own views. Upon this liberty being allowed, the former tranquillity re-
turned ; and the friends of Jansenius now freed from all fear, lived secure-
ly in their own country. This celebrated event is usually called the peace
of Clement IX. But it was not of long continuance. (195) For the king
of France at the instigation of the Jesuits, disturbed it by his edict of
1676 ; in which he represented it as granted only for a time, and in con-
descension to the weak consciences of certain persons ; and on the death
of Anne de Bourbon in 1679, it was wholly subverted. From this time,
the Augustinian party were harassed with thq same injuries and persecu-
tions, as before. Some avoided them by a voluntary exile ; others endu-
red them with fortitude and magnanimity ; and others warded them off, by
such means as they could. The head and leader of the sect, Anthony
Arnauld,(l96) to avoid the fury of his enemies, fled in the year 1679 into
the Low Countries ; to the great injury of the Jesifits. For this man pos-
sessing extraordinary eloquence and acuteness of mind, instilled his doc-

(195) The transactions relative to this 2 vols. 12rao. The following work : Rela-
subject under the pontificate of Clement IX., tion de ce qui s'est passd dans Paifaire de la
are fully narrated, by cardinal Rospigliosi, paix de 1'Eglise sous le Pape Clement IX.,
in his commentaries: which Charles du avec les Lettres, Actes, Memoires, et autres
Plessis d'Argentre has subjoined to his ele- pieces qui y out rapport, without mention of
menta Theologica, Paris, 1716, 8vo, and the place, 1706, 2 vols. 8vo, is an accurately
which are also extant in the Collectio judi- written history. The part which Anne de
ciorum de novis erroribus, torn, iii., part ii., Bourbon tooV in this business, is elegantly
p. 336, where likewise are the letters of narrated by Villefort, in his Vie d'Anne
Clement IX. Among the Jansenists, the Genevieve de Bourbon, Duchessede Longue-
history of the peace of Clement IX. has been ville, tome ii., livr. vi., p. 89, edit. Amsterd.,
expressly written by Varet, the vicar of the 1739, 8vo. which is much fuller than the Par-
archbishop of Sens ; (for the Catechisme is edition.

Historique sur les contestations de 1'Eglise, (1961 For an account of this great man, see

torn, i., p. 352, testifies, that Varet wrote Boyle, Dictionnaire, [art. Arnauld], tome i.,

the anonymous history); viz.. Relation de p. 337, and Histoire abrege'e de la vieetdes

ce qui s'est passe dans 1'affaire de la paix Ouvrages de Mr. Arnaud ; Cologne, 1695,

de 1'Eglise sous le Pape Clement IX., 1706, 8vo. On the transition of the Dutch church

12mo, and by Paschasius Quesnel, (whom to the Jansenist party, see Lefitau, Vie de

Donrmtc Co/owk among others, Biblioth. Jan- Clement IX., tome i., p. 123, &c. Re-

seniste, p. 314, declares to have been the au- specting Codde, Neercassel, Varlct, and

thor), in his book : La paix de Clement IX., other defenders of the Jansenist cause in

ou demonstration des deux faussetez capi- Holland, see Dictionnaire des livres Jansen-

talesavances dans 1'Histoire des cinq Propo- isles, torn, i., p. 48, 121, 353; torn, ii., p.

sitions contre la foi des disciples de S. Au- 406; torn, iv., p. 119, &c , and in many

gustin ; Chamberry , or rather Brussels, 1 70 1 , other places.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 335

trines into the minds of the greatest part of the Belgians ; and also indu-
ced that portion of the Romish church that was situated among the Dutch,
to join the Jansenist party, through the influence of John Neercassel bishop
of Castorie, and Peter Codde archbishop of Sebaste. This Dutch [Cath-
olic] church remains to the present day, firmly fixed in its purpose, and
being safe under the powerful protection of the Dutch government, it de-
spises the indignation of the pontiffs which it incurs in a very high degree.
§ 45. The Jansenists, or Augustinians as they choose to be called, were
so very odious to the Jesuits, not merely on account of their doctrine re-
specting divine grace, (which was in reality the Augustinian doctrine, and
almost identical with that of the followers of Calvin, only differently col-
oured and displayed), but there were many other things in them, which
the defenders of the Romish church cannot approve and tolerate. For it
was under Jansenist leaders, that all those contests in the Romish church
which we have mentioned above, originated, and have been continued down
to our times, in numberless publications printed in the Low Countries and
in France. (197) But there is hardly anything in them, which the Jesuits
and the loyal subjects of the Roman pontiffs regard as more intolerable,
than the system of morals and of practical piety which they inculcate. For
in the view of the Jansenists, there is nothing entirely sound and uncor-
rupted in the practice and institutions of the Romish church. In the first
place they complain, that the whole body of the clergy have forsaken al-
together the duties of their office. They moreover assert, that the monks
are really apostates ; and they would have them be brought back to their
pristine sanctity, and to that strict course of life which the founders of the
several orders prescribed. They would also have the people well instruct-
ed in the knowledge of religion and Christian piety. They contend, that
the sacred volume and the books containing the forms of public worship,
should be put into the hands of the people in the vernacular tongue of each
nation, and should be diligently read and studied by all. And lastly, they
assert, that all the people should be carefully taught that true piety towards
God does not consist in external acts and rites, but in purity of heart and
divine love. These things considered in a general view, no one can cen-
sure, unless he is himself vicious or a stranger to the principles of Chris-
tianity. But if we descend to particulars, and inquire how they trained
their people for heaven, it will appear that Jansenian piety leaned greatly
towards insupportable superstition and the harsh and fanatical opinions of
the so-called Mystics ; and therefore, that it is not entirely without reason,
they were branded by their adversaries with the title of Rigorists.(l98)

(197) See above, Century xvi., History of a frank, ingenuous man, sincere in his inter-
the Romish church, $ 31, &c., [p. 105, &c., course with God, superior to most teachers
of this volume.] of piety among the Romanists ; he may also

(198) Those who wish for a fuller knowl- be called a learned man, and very well ac-
edge of that gloomy piety which the Jansen- quainted with the opinions and the affairs of
ists commonly prescribed to their people, and the ancients ; but, with the Jansenists, to
which was indeed coincident with the pat- pronounce him the greatest and best, the per-
terns set by those that anciently inhabited feet pattern of holiness, and the most correct
the desert parts of Egypt, Libya, and Syria, teacher of true piety, is what no one can do,
but was equally remote from the prescriptions unless he affixes new meanings to these
of Christ and of right reason, may read only terms, and meanings unknown in the sacred
the Letters and the other writings of the ab- writings. That we may not seem to do in-
bot of St. Cyran, whom the Jansenists re- justice to so great a man, we will confirm
gard almost as an oracle. He may be called these remarks by some specimens of his wis-

336 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

Their doctrine respecting penitence especially, was injurious both to church
and state. They made penitence to consist principally in voluntary pun-
ishments, which a sinner should inflict on himself in proportion to his of-
fences. For they maintained, that since man is by nature most corrupt
and most wretched, he ought to retire from the world and from business,
and to expiate, as it were, his inherent corruption, by continual hardships
and tortures of the body, by fasting, by hard labour, by prayer, and by med-
itation ; and the. more depravity any one has, either by nature, or contract-
ed by habit, the more distress and anguish of body he should impose on
himself. And in this matter they were so extravagant, that they did not
hesitate to call those the greatest saints, and the sacred victims of penitence,
consumed by the fire of divine love, who intentionally pined away and died

dorn and virtue. This honest man undertook
in a long work, to confute the heretics, that
is, the Protestants. And for this purpose, it
was necessary for him to examine the books
written by this wicked class of men. But
before he proceeded to read any of them,
with Martin de Barcos his nephew, a man
very like to his uncle, he was accustomed to
expel the devil out of them by the sign of the
cross. What weakness did this manifest 1
This very holy man, forsooth, was persuaded
that the enemy of mankind had taken up his
residence in these writings of the heretics :
but it is difficult to tell, where he supposed
the arch fiend to lie concealed, whether in the
paper, or in the letters, or between the leaves,
or lastly in the sentiments themselves. Let
us hear Claude Lancelot, in his Memoires
touchant la vie de Mr. 1'Abbe de S. Cyran,
tome i., p. 226. He says: II lisoit ces livres
avec lant de piete, qu'en les prenant il les
exorcisoit toujours en faisant le signe de la
croix dessus, ne dontant point que le Demon
n'y residoit actuellement. He was so charm-
ed with Augvstine, as to receive for divine,
all his sentiments without discrimination, and
even those which all good men among the
Catholics themselves, regard as faults in that
father. Among others may be mentioned
that dangerous doctrine, that the saints are
the legitimate proprietors of the whole world,
and that the wicked unjustly possess accord-
ing to the divine law, those things of which
they are lawful proprietors according to hu-
man laws. Thus, in Nicholas Fontaine's
Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire de Port-
Royal, torn i., p. 201, he says : Jesus Christ
n'est encore entre dans la possession de son
Royaume temporel et des biens du monde,
qui luy appartiennent, que par cette petite
portion qu'en tient PEglise par les benefices
de ses Clercs, qui ne sont que les fermier's et
les depositaires de Jesus Christ. So then,
if we believe him, a golden age is coming, in
which Jesus Christ will dethrone all kings
and princes, and seizing upon the whole
world will transfer it entire to hie church, of

which the leaders are the priests and monks.
Will the Jansenists now come forth and pro-
claim, that they make it their greatest care
to secure civil governments against the ma-
chinations of the Roman pontiffs ! Respect-
ing prayer, he philosophizes entirely in the
spirit of those who are called Mystics. For
he denies that those who would pray, should
consider beforehand what they would ask of
God ; because prayer does not consist in the
thoughts and conceptions of the mind, but in
a sort of blind impulse of divine love. Lan-
celot, Memoires touchant la Vie de 1'Abbe"
de S. Cyran, tome ii., p. 44, says : II ne
croyoit pas, que 1'on dut faire qnelque effort
pour s'appliquer a quelque point ou i quelque
pensee particuliere — par ce que la veritable
priere est plutot un attrait de son amour qui
emporte notre^ceur vers lui et nous enleve
comme hors de nous-memes, que non pas une
occupation de notre Esprit qui se remplisse
de 1'idee de quelque objet quoique divin. He
therefore prays best, who asks for nothing,
and excludes all thoughts from his mind.
Jesus Christ and his disciples knew nothing
of this sublime philosophy : for he directs us
to pray in a set form of words ; and they, the
apostles, frequently acquaint us with the sub-
ject matter of their prayers. But of all his
errors this undoubtedly was the worst, that
he had no doubts but that he was an instru-
ment of God, by which the divine Being op-
erates and works ; and that he held general-
ly, that a pious man should follow the impul-
ses of his mind, suspending all exercise of
his judgment. And the opinion was most
deeply fixed in the minds of all the Jansen-
ists, that God himself acts and operates on
the mind and reveals to it his pleasure, when
all movements of the understanding and the
will are restrained and hushed. Hence,
whatever thoughts, opinions, or purposes oc-
cur to them in that stale of quietude, they
unhesitatingly regard as oracular manifesta-
tions and instructions from God. See Me-
moires de Port-Royal, tome iii., p. 246, &c.

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

337

under these various kinds of sufferings and hardships ; nay, they taught
that this class of suicides were able to appease the wrath of God, and to
merit much for the church and for their friends before God, by means of
their pains and sufferings. This appears from numerous examples, but
especially from that of Francis de Paris [or the Able de Paris], the worker
of so many miracles in the Jansenist school, who brought on himself a
most cruel death, in order to appease the wrath of God. (199)

§ 46. A striking example of this gloomy and extravagant devotion, was
exhibited in the celebrated female convent called Port-Royal in the fields
[Port.Royal des Champs], situated in a deep and narrow valley not far
from Paris. King Henry IV. in the very commencement of this century,
gave the superintendence of it to Jaqueline, (one of the daughters of the
celebrated jurist, Anthony Arnauld), who afterwards bore the name of
Maria Angelica de S. Magdalena. She at first led a very dissolute life,
such as was common at that time in the French nunneries ; but in the year
1609, the fear of God came upon her, and she entered upon a very differ-
ent course of life : and afterwards, becoming intimate first with Francis de
Sales, and then in 1623, with the abbot of St. Cyran, she conformed both
herself and her convent to their views and prescriptions. The consequence
was, that this religious house for nearly a century excited in the Jesuits
the highest disgust, and in the Jansenists the highest admiration ; and its
fame spread over all Europe. The consecrated virgins inhabiting it, fol-
lowed with the utmost strictness the ancient, severe, and almost every where
abrogated rule of the Cistercians ; nay they imposed on themselves more
rigours and burdens than even that rule prescribed. (200) A great propor-

(199) See John Moriris Comment, de
Pcenitentia, Praef., p. iii., &c., in which there
is a tacit censure of the Jansenian notions of
penitence. On the other hand, see the Ab-
bi de S. Cyran, in the Memoires de Port-
Royal, tome iii., p. 483. The Jansenists
reckon the restoration of true penitence,
among the principal merits of S. Cyran ;
and they call him the second father of the
doctrine of penitence. See Me'moires de
Port-Royal, tome iii., p. 445, 504, &c. Yet
this very penitence of his, was not the least
of the causes for which he was thrown into
prison by order of cardinal Richelieu. See
ibid., torn, i., p. 233, &c., 452, &c.

(200) There are extant a multitude of
books of various kinds, in which the Jansen-
ists describe and deplore the fortunes, the
holiness, the regulations, and the destruction
of this celebrated seat. We shall mention
only those that are at hand and more recent,
as well as more full than the others. First,
the Benedictines of St. Maur present a
correct but dry history of the convent, in
their Gallia Christiana, torn, viii., p. 910,
&c. A much neater and more pleasing
history, though imperfect and somewhat
chargeable with partiality, is that of the noted
French poet, John Racine, Abreg6 de 1'His-
toire de Port- Royal ; which is printed among
the works of his son, Lewis Racine, sixth

VOL. III.— U u

edition, Amsterd., 1750, 6 vols. 8vo, and is
in vol. ii., p. 275-366. The external state
and form of this convent, are formally de-
scribed by Moleon, Voyages Liturgiques, p.
234. To these add, Nicholas Fontaine's
Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire de Port-
Royal, Cologne, (that is, Utrecht), 1738, 2
vols. 8vo. Peter Thomas Au Fosse's Me-
moires pour servir a 1'Histoire de Port- Royal,
Cologne, 1739, 8vo. Recueil de plusieurs
pieces pour servir a 1'Histoire de Port- Royal,
Utrecht, 1740, 8vo. The editor of these
papers promises in his Preface more Collec-
tions of the same nature ; and he affords no
slight indication, that from these and other
documents, some one may compose a perfect
history of the Port-Royal, which so many
Jansenists regarded as the gate of heaven.
Claude Lancelot has also much that relates
to this subject, in his History of the Abbot
St. Cyran. These and other works describe
only the external state, and the various for-
tunes of this celebrated convent. The in-
ternal state, the mode of life, and numberless
events that occurred among the nuns them-
selves and among their neighbours, are de-
scribed in the Me'moires pour servir a 1'His-
toire de Port-Royal et a la Vie de Mario
Angelique d'Arnaud, Utrecht, 1742, 5 tomes,
8vo. Vies interessantes et edifiantes des
Religieuses de Port-Royal et des plusieurs

338 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. 1L— PART I.— CHAP. I.

tion of the Jansenist penitents of both sexes and all ranks, built for them-
selves cottages without the precincts of this cloister ; and there they led a
life not unlike that which we read of in the fourth and fifth centuries, as
led by those austere recluses called Fathers of the Desert who lived in the
desert parts of Egypt and Syria. For it was the object of them all, to ef-
face from their souls the stains which were either innate or acquired by
habits of sinning, by means of voluntary pains and sufferings inflicted on
themselves, by silence, by hunger and thirst, by praying, labouring, watch-
ing, and enduring pain. (201) Yet they did not all pursue the same spe-
cies of labour. The more learned applied themselves to writing books ;
and not a few of them did great service to the cause of both sacred and
profane learning. Others instructed youth in the elements of languages
and the arts. But most of them exhausted the powers of both mind and
body amid rustic and servile labours, and wore themselves out, as it were,
by a slow and lingering death. And many of these were illustrious per-
sonages and noblemen, who had before obtained the highest honours both
in the cabinet and in the field ; but who were not ashamed now to assume
the place and perform the .duties of the lowest servants. This celebrated
retreat of Janscnian penitence experienced vicissitudes throughout this cen-
tury ; at one time it flourished very highly, at another it was nearly bro-
ken up. At last, as the nuns pertinaciously refused to subscribe the oath
proposed by Alexander VII. which -has been mentioned, and as considera-
ble injury to the commonwealth and much disgrace to distinguished fam-
ilies were supposed to arise from this convent and its regulations, Levris
XIV. in the year 1709, by the instigation of the Jesuits, ordered the edi-
fice to be pulled down and entirely demolished, and the nuns to be trans-
ferred to Paris ; and two years after, that nothing might remain to nour-
ish superstition he ordered the bodies that were Juried there, to be disin-
terred and removed to other places.

§ 47. The other commotions which disturbed the tranquillity of the
Romish church, were but light clouds compared with this tempest. The
old quarrel between the Dominicans and the Franciscans, whether the
mother of Jesus Christ was conceived without sin or depravity, (which the

personnes qui leur etoient attachees. Of worthy of their high reputation. I readily
this work, four volumes have already been give to Isaac le Maitre commonly called
published; the first appeared, Utrecht, 1750, Sacy, the praise of a most polished genius,
8vo. They all contain various documents, while reading his orations or his other lucu-
of no inconsiderable value. The last for- brations ; but when I meet him at Port-
tunes and overthrow of the convent are de- Royal, with a sickle in his hand, in com-
soribed especially, in the Memoires sur la pany with rustics cutting down the corn, he
destruction de 1'Abbaye de Port-Royal des makes a comical figure, and seems not alto-
Champs ; without place, 1711, 8vo. If I gether in his right mind.
do not wholly mistake, these writers add (201) The first that retired to Port-Royal
much less to the reputation and glory of this in 1637, in order to purge away his sins,
noted convent, than the Jansfcnists suppose, was the very eloquent and highly-celebrated
When I read their writings, Anthony Ar- Parisian advocate, Isaac le Maitre ; whose
nauld, Tillemont, Nicole,, Isaac le Maitre, retirement brought much odium upon the
and the many others who are known by the Abbot St. Cyran. See Memoires pour
name of the Authors of Port-Royal, appear 1'Histoire de Port-Royal, tome i., p. 233,
to me great and extraordinary men. But &c. He was followed by many others of
when I lay aside their books, and turn to various classes and ranks, among whom were
those just mentioned in which the private men of the noblest birth. See Vies des Re-
lives of these great men are described, they ligieuses de Port-Royal, tome i., p. 141, &c.
appear to me small men, fanatics, and un-

HISTORY OP THE ROMISH CHURCH. 339

Dominicans denied, and the Franciscans affirmed), gave considerable trou-
ble to Paul V., Gregory XV.. and Alexander VII. Not long after the
commencement of the century, it began to disturb Spain very considera-
bly, and to produce parties. Therefore the kings of Spain, Philip III.
and IV., sent some envoys to Rome, urgently soliciting the pontiffs to de-
cide the question by a public decree. But the pontiffs deemed it more
important to follow prudence, than to gratify requests from so high author-
ity. For on the one hand, the splendour of the Spanish throne which in-
clined to the opinion of the Franciscans, and on the other, the credit and
influence of the Dominican family, were terrific objects. Nothing there-
fore could be obtained by repeated supplications, except that the pontiffs
by words and by ordinances, determined that the cause of the Franciscans
was very plausible, and forbid the Dominicans to assail it in public ; while
at the same time, they would not allow the Franciscans and others to
charge error upon the opinion of the Dominicans. (202) In a king or ma-
gistrate such reluctance to pass judgment, would be commendable ; but
whether it was suitable in a man, who claims to be the divinely-constitu-
ted judge of all religious causes, and to be placed beyond all danger of
erring by the immediate power and guidance of the Holy Spirit, those
may answer, who support the reputation and honour of the pontiffs.

§ 48. Towards the close of this century, the Mystics, whose reputation
and influence were formerly so great, were exposed to very severe treat-
ment. The first sufferer was Michael de Molinos, a Spanish priest resi-
dent at Rome, in high reputation for sanctity, and therefore^ attended by
numerous disciples of both sexes. In the year 1681, he published at Rome,
his Way or Guide to what the Mystics call a spiritual or contemplative
Zz/e,(203) that is, Institutes of Mystic Theology ; in which he was thought
to recall from the lower world the capital errors of the old Beghards and
Beguins, and to open the door for all iniquity and wickedness. The sub-

(202) See Fred. Ulrich Culixlus, Historia tori, de ingeniorum moderations in religionis

immaculatae conceptionis B. Virginis Mariae, negotio, p. 254, &c.

Helmst., 1696, 4to. Add Jo Hornbeck's (203) This book was written in Spanish

Comment, ad Bullam Urbani VIII. de diebus and first published in 1675, supported by the

festis, p. 250. Jo. Laiinoi, Praescriptiones recommendations of the greatest and most

de conceptu Virginis Marias, Opp., torn, i., respectable men. In 1681, it was published

pt. i., p. 9, &c. Clement XI. a long time after at Rome, in Italian ; though it had appeared

this, namely in the year 1708, proceeded in this language some time, before, in other

some farther, and by a special bull com- places. Afterwards it was translated into

manded all Catholics to observe a festival in the Dutch, French, and Latin languages ;

memory of the conception of St. Mary, a and was very often printed in Holland,

stranger to all sin. See Memoires de Tre- France, and Italy. The Latin translation

voux, for the year 1709, A. xxxviii., p. 514. under the title of Manuductio spiritualis,

But the Dominicans most firmly deny, that was published by Aug. Herm. Franck, Halle,

the obligations of this law extend to them ; 1687, 8vo. In Italian, it bore the title of

and they persevere in defending their old Guida Spirituale. Annexed to it, is an-

opinion, though with more modesty than other tract of Molinos, de communione quo-

formerly. And when we consider that this tidiana; which was alsp^ condemned. See

opinion is by no means condemned by the Recueil de diverses pieces concernant le

pontiff', and "that the Dominicans are not Quietisme et les Quietistes, ou Molinos, ses

molested though they do not celebrate that sentimens et ses disciples, Amsterd., 1688,

festival; it is evident that the language of 8vo. In this work, the first piece is Moli-

the Romish edict is to be construed in the nos1 book in the French translation, and

most liberal manner, and that the decree does then various epistles relating to his affairs

not contradict the earlier decrees of the pon- and his sentiments.
tifs. See Lamindus Pritanius, or Mura-

340 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

stance of his system, which his friends interpret in one way and his ene-
mies in another, amounted to this : that all religion consists in a certain
quietude of the soul, withdrawn from external and finite objects and turn,
ed towards God, and loving him sincerely and without any hope of reward ;
or, what amounts to the same thing, if I mistake not : that the mind of a
person in pursuit of the supreme good, must be entirely withdrawn from
intercourse with the world around him, or from corporeal objects ; and
the efforts of the understanding and the will being all hushed, the mind
must be merged wholly in God, from whom it originated. Hence his fol-
lowers were called Quietists ; though the common appellation of Mystics,
would have been more proper. For the doctrine of Molinos was account-
ed new, only because he expressed himself in new phraseology which was
not become trite by common use, and because he arranged and digested
in a better form, what the ancients stated confusedly. The Jesuits and
others who watched for the interests of the Romish cause, readily perceiv-
ed that Molina's system tacitly accused the Romish church of a departure
from true religion ; for that church as is well known, makes piety to con-
sist chiefly in ceremonies and external works. But it was the French
ambassador especially, and his friends, who prosecuted the man. And
from this and other circumstances, it has been plausibly inferred, that po-
litical considerations as well as religious, had their influence in this con-
troversy; and that this Spaniard had opposed the wishes and the projects
of the French king, in some difficult negotiations. (204) However this
may be, Molinos, though he had a vast number of friends, and though the
pontiff himself Innocent XL was partial to him, was thrown into prison in
1685 ; and after publicly renouncing the errors charged upon him in 1687,
he was delivered over to perpetual imprisonment ; in which situation, he
died at an advanced age in 1696. (205) Every h»nest and impartial man
will be ready to grant, that the opinions of Molinos were greatly distorted
and misrepresented by his enemies, the Jesuits and the French, for whose
interest it was that he should be put out of the way ; and that he was
charged with consequences from his principles, which he neither admitted
nor even thought of. On the other hand, I think it obvious that his system
included most of the faults, which are justly chargeable upon the Mystics ;

(204) [Yet perhaps the whole may be as- of Domin. de Colonia, in the Bibliotheque
cribed to the power of the Jesuits over the Jansenisle, p. 469. See, on this whole suo-
French court, who had father La Chaise ject, the Narrative respecting Quietism,
confessor to Louis XIV. on their side ; and which is subjoined to the German transla-
he controlled madam Maintenon, and through tion of Gilbert Burnct's Travels. Godfr.
her the superstitious Louis. And a king, Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, part
who two years before had been induced to iii., ch. xvii., p. 176. Jo. Wo/fg. Jager'a
sacrifice to his own bigotry some millions of Historia ecclcs. et polit., saecul. xvii., de-
his loyal and industrious subjects, might ea- cenn. ix., p. 26, &c. Charles Plessis d'Ar-
sily be persuaded from a lust for spiritual Centre's Collectio judiciorum de novis error-
conquests, to persecute a single man who ibus, torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 357, where the papal
was a stranger ; and to oblige the pope also, bulls are given. [The documents of the
to abandon for a time a man whom he loved whole proceedings of the Inquisition and of
and honoured, and to whom he had assigned the pontiff against Molinos, are given us by
a residence near his own palace ; and espe- Nicholas Terzagiis, bishop of Narni in Italy,
cially, as the Inquisition were suspicious of in his Theologia Historico-Mystica adv. vet.
the pontiff's own soundness in the faith. — et novos pseudo-mysticos, quorum Historia
Schl.~\ texitur, et errores confutantur, Venice, 1764,

(205) He was born in the vicinity of Sar- fol., p. 8, &c. — Tr.]
agossa, in 1627 ; according to the testimony

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 341

and that it was well suited to the disposition of those who obtrude upon
others as divine and oracular communications, the suggestions of their own
heated imaginations, uncontrolled by reason and judgment.(206)

§ 49. It would have been very strange, if a man of such a character
had not had disciples and followers. It is said that a considerable portion
of the inhabitants of Spain, France, and the Netherlands, eagerly entered
upon the way of salvation which he pointed out. Nor will this appear
incredible, if it be considered, that in all the Catholic countries there is a
large number of persons, who have discernment enough to see that out-
ward ceremonies and bodily mortifications cannot be the whole of religion,
and yet have not light enough to be able to arrive at the truth, by their
own efforts and without a guide. But these nascent commotions were
suppressed by the church in their commencement, in some places by threat-
enings and punishments, and in others by blandishments and promises ;
and Molinos himself being put out of the way, his disciples and friends did
not appear formidable. Among the friends and avowers of Quietistic sen-
timents, the following persons especially have been often mentioned, namely,
Peter Matthew Petrucci, a pious man and one of the Romish cardinals ;
Francis de la Combe a Barnabite, and instructer of Madam Guyon, who
is soon to be mentioned ; Francis Malavalle ; Berniere de Louvigni ; and
some others of less note. These differed from each other and from Mo-
linos, in many particulars, as is common with Mystics who are governed
more by the visions of their own minds than by fixed rules and principles.
Yet if we disregard words and look only at their import, we shall find that
they all set out from the same principles, and tended to the same results.(207)

§ 50. In France, the Quietistic doctrine was supposed to be dissemina-
ted by the writings of Jane Maria Bouvieres de la Mothe Guyon, a lady of
distinction, of no bad intentions, and exemplary in her life, but of a fickle
temper, and one whose feelings measured and controlled her religious be-
lief; than which nothing can be more fallacious. (208) As her religious

(206) What can be said in Defence of Poesies Sacrees, &c. ; and died at Marseilles
Molinos, has been collected by Christ. Eb- in 1719. — De Louvigni was king's counsel-
erh. Weismann, Historia Eccles., saecul. lor and treasurer at Caen, and died 1659.
xvii., p. 555. HG wrote, Chretien interieur ; and, CEuvrei

(207) The writings of these persons are spirituelles, ou Conduite assuree pour ceux
enumerated, with remarks upon them, by qui tendent a la perfection. — TV.]
Domin. de Colonia, in his Bibliotheca Qui- (208)" This lady wrote the History of her
etistica, subjoined to his Biblioth. Janseniana, own life ; which was published in French,
p. 455, 488. Gad.fr. Arnold, Historia et at Cologne, (as the title-page falsely states),
descriptio Theol. Mysticae, p. 364, and Peter 1720, 12mo. Her writings, full of allego-
Poirct, Bibliotheca Mysticorum, Amsterd., ries and of not very solid mystic phrases,
1708, 8vo. [Cardinal Petrucci, born in have been translated into German. There is
1636 at Ancona, cardinal 1686, died 1701 ; extant also, her Bible with annotations : La
wrote Theologia Contemplativa ; Spiritual Bible de Mad. Guyon avec des Explications
Letters and Tracts ; on the government of et Reflexions, qui regard la vie interieure,
the passions; Mystic Riddle; Apology for Cologne, (or rather Amsterdam), 1715,20
the Quietists, &c., printed collectively, vols. 8vo. From these notes especially, the
Venice, 1684. — La Combe was a native of genius of this lady may be learned ; which
Savoy, and a zealous propagator of Quietism was indeed fecund, but not very vigorous.
in France. He wrote Analysis orationis See also concerning her, Letters de Mad. de
mentalis ; and was committed totheBastile Maintenon, torn, i., p. 249, torn, ii., p. 45,
in 1687, where he ended his days. — Mala- 47, 49, 51, &c. [She was born in 1648,
nolle was born at Marseilles 1627, became married at the age of 16, became a widow
blind in infancy ; yet he composed, Pratique with three childen, at 28. Always charita-
facile pour clever 1'ame a la contemplation ; ble to the poor and very devotional, she now

342 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

opinions gave offence to many, they were in the year 1687 submitted to
the examination of several great and dignified men, and were finally pro-
nounced erroneous and unsound ; and in 1697, they were formally confu-
ted, by Jac. Benignus Bossuet the bishop of Meaux. From this contest
arose a greater one, between the two men, who at that time as all are
agreed, stood first among the French for genius and eloquence ; that is, the
above-named Bossuet, and Francis Salignac de Fenelon, biohop of Cam-
bray and highly renowned throughout Europe. Bossuet asked Fcnelon to
approve and recommend his book against the errors of Madam Guyon.
Fenelon on the contrary, not only maintained that this pious lady was
groundlessly taxed by her adversary with many faults, but also in a book
which he published in 1697,(209) himself adopted some of her opinions ;
and especially that mystical precept that we ought to love God purely, [or
simply for what he is]; and without the expectation of any reward ; and
he confirmed the principle by the suffrages of the most eminent saints.
Provoked by this dissent from him, Bossuet, in whose view glory was the
highest good, did not cease importuning Lewis XIV. and Innocent XII. till
the pontiff in 1699, by a public decree branded as erroneous Fenelon's
book, and especially twenty -three propositions extracted from it, but with-
out mentioning the author's name. Fenelon was induced either by his
timidity or prudence, to approve the sentence pronounced against himself,
without any exceptions ; and to recommend it himself to the churches un-
der his care. (210) Many contend that this was the magnanimous deed
of a great mind, docile and disposed to prefer the peace of the church to
personal honour ; but others say, that it was the mark of either a pusillan-
imous or a treacherous man, who deems it lawful to profess with his lips,
what he disbelieves in his heart. This indeed few if any will doubt, that
Fenelon continued to the end of life in those sentiments, which at the com-
mand of the pontiff, he had publicly rejected and condemned.

§ 51. Besides these authors of great commotions, there were others,

devoted her whole time to religion. She tome i., p. 485-523. There is more partial-
spent several years with the bishop of Ge- ity in Ramsay's Histoire de la vie de Mes-
neva, and then travelled with La Combe, in sire F. S. de la Mothe Fenelon, Hague,
different parts of France, conversing every 1723, 12mo, yet it is worth reading. See
where upon religion. Returning to Paris in also Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV., tome
1687, she propagated her religious views not ii., p. 301. The public Acts are given by
only by conversation, but by a tract on prayer, Charles du Plessis d'Argentre, Collectio
and another on the Canticles. Her perse- judiciorum de novis erroribus, torn, iii., pt.
cutionssoon commenced ; and she was con- ii., p. 402, &c. ; [also in Nick. Terzagus,
fined in monasteries and prisons, much of Theologia Historico-Mystica, diss. iii., p.
the time till 1702, when she retired to Blois, 26, &c. It is the object of this bitter po-
and lived in obscurity till her death, 1719. lemic, to confute all the Quietists, and espe-
— The poet Cowper caused a selection of cially Molinos and Fenelon. Andrew Mi-
her poems to be translated and published in ckaei Ramsay, commonly called the Cheva-
English ; and her Life, with her short and Her Ramsay, was a Scotchman, educated at
easy method of prayer, and a Poem on the Edinburgh ; who went to Holland, there im-
nativity, were published, Baltimore, 1812, bibed some notions of Quietism, went to
12mo. — Tr.] Cambray to consult Fenelon, and was by
(209) Explication desMaximesdesSaintes him converted to the Catholic faith. After
sur la vie interieure, Paris, 1697, 12mo. It spending much of his life in France, he re-
is also extant in a Latin translation. turned to Scotland in 1725, and died in 1743.
(210) The history of this controversy is He wrote much, chiefly on history, and alto-
given at large and with sufficient fairness, gether in French. His Life of Fenelon be-
by Toussaints du Plessis, a Benedictine, in trays the partiality of a particular friend and
his Histoire de 1'Eglise de Meaur, livr. v., admirer. — Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 343

who more slightly disturbed the public tranquillity of the Romish church
by their novel and singular opinions. Of this description were the follow,
ing. Isaac la Peyrere, (Peyrerius), who published two small works in
1655, in which he maintained that Moses has not recorded the origin of
the human race, but only that of the Jewish nation ; and that other races
of men inhabited our world, long before Adam the father of the Jews.
Although he was not a Roman Catholic when he promulgated this opin-
ion, yet the Romish church deemed it their duty to punish an offence against
religion in general ; and therefore in the year 1656, cast him into prison at
Brussels. And he would perhaps have been burned at the stake, had he not
embraced the Romish religion, and renounced that of the Reformed in
which he had been educated, and also publicly confessed his error.(211)
Thomas Albius [ White], or Blacklo, better known by the name of Thomas
Anglus from his native country, published numerous tracts about the mid-
die of the century, by which he acquired much notoriety in the Nether-
lands, France, Portugal, and England, and not a little hatred in his own
church. He undoubtedly was acute and ingenious ; but relying on the
principles of the Peripatetic philosophy, to which he was extravagantly
devoted, he ventured to explain and elucidate by them certain articles of
the Romish faith. This confidence in Aristotle betrayed him into opin-
ions, that were novel and strange to Romish ears ; and his books were
prohibited and condemned, by the congregation of the Index at Rome, and
in some other places. He is said to have died in England, and to have
founded a sect among his countrymen which time has destroyed. (212) Jo-
seph Francis Burrhi or Borrhus, a Milanese knight, and deeply read in
chymistry and medicine, — if what is reported of him be true, was not so
much of an errorist as a delirious man. For the pratings attributed to
him concerning the Virgin Mary, the Holy Spirit, the new celestial city
which he was to found, and the destruction of the Roman pontiff, are so
absurd and ridiculous, that no one can suppose him to have been of a sane
mind, without showing that he himself is not so. His conduct in one place
and another, shows abundantly, that he had a great deal of vanity, levity,
and deception, but very little of sound reason and good sense. He once
escaped from the snares of the Inquisition, and roamed as an exile over a
considerable part of Europe, pretending to be a second Esculapius, and an

(211) Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, tome iii., p. 236, [art. Anglus]. Andrew Baillet, Vie
p. 2215, [art. Pcirere, Isaac]. God.fr. Ar- de Mr. des Cartes, tome ii., p. 245. [His
nold, Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, vol. iii., real name was Thomas White ; and he was
ch. vii., p. 70. Mcnagiana ; published by born of a respectable family of English Catho-
Bernh. Monnoye, torn, ii., p. 40. [The lies ; but to disguise himself, he assumed
writings of Peyrere were : Prajadamitse, sive various names, as Albivs, Candidus, Bmn-
Exercitatio super versibus 12, 13, 14, cap. chi, Richworth, &c. He was best known
v., epist. D. Pauli ad Rom., 1655, 12mo ; and however, by the name of Anglus, i. e. Eng-
Systema theolog. ex Praeadamitarum hy- lish. Being a man of genius, and an en-
pothesi, pars i. His recantation was con- thusiastic Peripatetic, but possessing little
tained in, Is. Peyrerei epistola ad Philoti- solidity of judgment, he was perpetually ad-
mum, qua exponit rationes, propter quas vanning new and singular opinions, which
ejuraverit sectam Calvini, quam profiteba- would not bear examination. He resided in
tur, et librum de Prsadamitis, quern edide- nearly every Catholic country of Europe,
rat, Frankf, 1658, 12mo. He afterwards found reason often to change his residence,
lived retired at Paris among the Fathers of passed through various scenes, and finally
the Oratory, and was supported by the prince died in England. He was much opposed to
of Conde. — Schl.~\ ' the philosophy of Des Cartes. See Bayle,

(212) Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, tome i., loc. cit. — TV.]

344 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. I.

adept in the great mysteries of the chymists. But in the year 1672, he
again imprudently fell into the hands of the papists, who condemned him
to,perpetual imprisonment.(213) A book of Celestine Sfondrati, in which
he attempted to explain and settle in a new way the controversies respect-
ing predestination, disturbed in 1696, a large part of the Romish church :
for it did not entirely please either the Jesuits or their adversaries. And
noth withstanding he had been made a cardinal in 1646, on account of his
erudition, five French bishops of the highest respectability,(214) accused
him before Innocent XII. of several errors, among which was contempt
for the opinions of St. Augustine. But this rising contest was cropped in the
bud. The pontiff indeed promised the French, that he would submit the
cause to the examination of eminent theologians, and then would decide
it. But as was the Romish custom, he violated his promise and did not
venture to decide the cause. (215)

§ 52. As there is little to be said of the changes or enlargement of the
Romish ceremonies in this century, except that Urban VIII. published a
Bull in 1643, for diminishing the number of feast-days ;(216) I shall con-
clude the chapter, with a list of those who were canonized or enrolled
among the tutelar divinities, by the decision of the sovereign pontiffs, during
the century. Clement VIII. pronounced worthy of this highest honour, in
1601, Raymond of Pennafort the noted collector of the Decretals ; also in
1608, Francisco, de Pontianis a Benedictine nun ; and in 1610, Charles
Borromeo a very illustrious bishop of Milan. Gregory XV. in the year
1622, gave Theresia a Carmelite nun of Avila in Spain, a place in this so-
ciety. By the authority of Urban VIII. in 1623, Philip Nerius founder of
the Fathers of the Oratory in Italy, Ignatius Loyola the father of the Jesuits,
and Francis Xavier, one of Loyola's first disciples and the apostle of the In-
dies, were elevated to this high rank. Alexander Vil. in 1658, added Thorn-
as de Vilanova a Spanish Augustinian, and in 1665, Francis de Sales bishop
of Geneva, to the intercessors with God. Clement X. joined with them in
1670, Peter de Alcantara a Franciscan, and Maria Magdalena de Pactiis
a Florentine Carmelitess ; and the next year, 1671, Rose, an American

(213) Bayle, Dictionnaire, tomei., p. 609, drati had taught worse doctrine, than even
[art. Borri]. Godfr. Arnold, Kirchen-und the Molinists. The opinions of Sfondrati
Ketzerhistorie, pt. iii., ch. xviii., p. 193, and are neatly stated, and compared with those
others. of Augustine, by Jac. Basnage, Histoire de

(214) [They were Pettier, archbishop of 1'Eglise, livr. xii.,cap. iii., $11, p. 713, &c.
Rheims, Noaillcs, archbishop of Paris, Bos- — [He taught, 1. That God sincerely and
suet, bishop of Meaux, Guy de Seve, bishop strongly desires the salvation of all men. —
of Arras, and Feydeau, bishop of Amiens. — 2. That he gives to all men gracious aid,
TV.] not only sufficient but even more than suffi-

(215) The book was entitled: Nodus cient for its attainment. — 3. That God does
prsdestinationis dissolutus ; Rome, 1696, not withhold his grace from the worst and
4to. The letter of the French bishops, and most obstinate sinners ; but sets before them
the answer of the pontiff, are given by Charles incipient aid, by using which they might
du Plessis d'Argentre, Collectio judiciorum easily obtain the more powerful grace of
de novis erroribus, torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 394, God. — 4. That, still there remains some-
&c., and by Natalis Alexander, Theologia thing dark and unfathomable in the doctrine
Dogmatica et Moralis, p. 877, &c. The of election. — Schl.]

letter of the bishops is remarkable, as con- (216) This memorable bull of Urban is

taining censures of the Jesuits and their extant in the Nouvelle Bibliotheque, tome

doctrines, and not merely of their doctrine xv., p. 88, &c., [and in the Magnum Bulla-

of philosophical sin, but also of their proce- rium Cherubini, torn, v., p. 378, dated on

dure in China ; indeed, they say that Sfon- the Ides of September, 1642.— Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 345

nun of the third order of Dominicians, and Lewis Bertrand a Spanish Do-
minican who had been a missionary in America ; and death alone pre-
vented his adding to these Cajetan Thienaus a Regular Clerk of Vicenza.
He was therefore enrolled among the celestial ministers in 1691, by Inno-
cent XII. ; who also in the same year, publicly decreed the same honours to
John of Leon in Spain, an Eremite T>f St. Augustine, to Paschal Baylonius
a Franciscan monk of Aragon, and to John de Dieu (de Deo), a Portu-
guese, and one of the Brethren of Hospitality ; for all of whom, this hon-
our had been designed before by Alexander VIII. (217.)

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK AND ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

$ 1. State of the Greek Church. — I) 2. Cyrillus Lucaris. Hope of a Union of the Greeks
and Latins disappointed. — <J 3. Whether the latter corrupted the Religion of the former.
— $ 4. The Russian Church. The Roskolski. — § 5. Revolution in it. — $ 6. State of
the Monophysites. — § 7. The Armenians. — § 8. The Nestorians.

§ 1. MANY things perhaps occur among the Greek and other Oriental
Christians, which are neither uninteresting nor unimportant ; but the trans-
actions in those countries are but rarely reported to us, and still more rarely
are they reported truly, or undisguised either with the colourings of party
feelings or the fabulous tales of the vulgar. We have therefore not much
to say here. The Greeks in this century, as in the preceding, were in a
miserable state, afflicted, Uncultivated, and destitute of the means of ac-
quiring a sound knowledge of religious subjects. This however, is true
only of the Greeks in general or as a body. For who will have the folly
to deny, that among an immense multitude of people, some of whom often
visit Sicily, Venice, Rome, England, Holland, and Germany, and many
carry on a successful commerce, and some are advanced to the highest
employments in the Turkish court, there can be found individuals here
and there who are neither poor, nor stupid, nor wholly illiterate, nor desti-
tute of refinement, nor in fine sunk in superstition, vice, and profligacy 7(1)

(217) The bulls of the pontiffs, by which afford very ample matter for the discussion
these men and women were enrolled in the of a sagacious person. Nor would it be a
College of the Dim, are mentioned and re- vain or useless labour, for such a one to ex-
tailed in their order, by Justus Fontaninus, amine, without superstition, yet with can-
in the Codex constitutionum, quas summi dour, into the justice, the piety, and the
Pontifices ediderunt in solemni Canoniza- truth of those grounds,
tione Sanctorum, p. 260, &c., Rome, 1729, (1) This remark is made, on account of
fol. [And all of them, except that of Alex- Alexander Helladius, and others who think
ander VII. for the canonization of Francis with him. There is extant, a book of Hella-
de Sales, are given at large, in the Magnum dius, entitled the Present State of the Greek
Bullarium Cherubini, torn, iii., p. 126, 262, church, printed in 1714, 8vo, in which he
287, 465, torn, iv., p. 12, and Append., p. 1, bitterly declaims against the most merito-
tom. vi., p. 76, 288, 347, and Append, p. rious and learned writers on Grecian affairs;
3, 17, torn, vii., p. 115. 120, 125, torn, xi., and maintains, that his countrymen are much
p. 1, torn. xii.,p. 78. — TV.] As they recite more pious, learned, wise, and' happy, than
the grounds on which the persons were is commonly supposed. We by no means
judged worthy of canonization, these bulls envy the Greeks the portion of happiness

VOL. III.— X x

346 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

Their inveterate hatred of the Latins could in no way be expelled from
their minds, nor even be moderated, although the Roman pontiffs and their
numerous missionaries to the Greeks, spared neither ingenuity nor treas-
ure, to gain the confidence and affections of that people. (2) The Latin
teachers have indeed collected some little and poor congregations in cer-
tain islands in the Archipelago ; but neither the Greeks, nor their masters
the Turks, will allow the Latins to attempt any thing more.

§ 2. In the pontificate of Urban VIII. the Latins conceived great hopes,
that they should find the Greek and Oriental Christians more tractable in
future. (3) The pontiff made it one of his most assiduous cares, to effect the
difficult design of subjecting the Oriental Christians, and especially the
Greeks, to the dominion of the Romish see ; and he called in the aid of men
who were best acquainted with the opinions of the Greeks and the eastern
Christians, to point out to him the plainest and shortest method of accom-
plishing the object. The wisest of these were of opinion, that those Chris-
tians should be allowed to retain nearly all their long-established peculiarities
both of rites and of doctrine, which the Latin doctors had formerly deemed
insufferable : for rites, said they, do not appertain to the essence of religion ;
and their doctrines should be so explained and understood as to appear to
differ as little as possible from the opinions and institutions of the Latins ;
because those Christians would feel less repugnance to union, if they could
be persuaded that they had long been Romanists, and that the pontiffs did not
require them to abandon the principles of their fathers but only to understand
them correctly. Hence arose those erudite works, composed however with
little ingenuousness, published by Leo Allatius, John Morin, Clement Gala-
nus, Lucas Holstenius, Abraham Echellensis,(4:) and others ; in which they

they may enjoy ; nay, we wish them far farts of the Greeks. See, above all others,

more than they possess. Yet we could Richard Simon or Sainiore's Bibliotheque

show if it were necessary, from the very Critique, tome i., cap. xxiii., p. 340 ; who in

statements Helladius gives us, that the con- p. 346, well confirms, among other things,

dition of the Greeks is no better, than it is that which we have observed from Urban

generally supposed to be; notwithstanding Cerri ; namely, that none oppose and resist

all persons and places are not equally sunk the Latins with more vehemence, than the

in barbarism, superstition, and knavery. See Greeks who have been educated at Rome,

the remarks above, on the history of the Ori- or trained in other schools of the Latins.

ental church, in the sixteenth century. He says : Us sont les primiers a crier contre

(2) What number of missions there are et a medire du Pape et des Latins. Ces

in Greece and in the other countries subject pelerins Orienteaux qui viennent chez nous,

to the Turkish government, and what is their fourbent et abusent de notre credulite pour

present condition, is fully stated by the Jes- acheter un benefice et tourmenter les Mis-

uit Tarillon, in his letter to Ponchartrain, sioneres Latins, &c. The most recent and

sur 1'etat present des Missions des Peres most full testimony to the invincible hatred

Jesuites dans la Grece ; which is extant in of the Greeks against the Latins, is given by

the Nouveaux Memoires des Missions de la John Cowell, Account of the present Greek

Compagnie de Jesus, tome i., p. 1125, [and church; Preface, p. ix., &c. ; Cambridge,

in the Lettres Edifiantes, &c., ed. 1819, 1722, fol.

torn, i., p. 1, &c. — TV.] On the state of (3) See Jo. Mann's Life, prefixed to his
the Romish religion in the islands of the Antiquitates ecclesise Orientalis, p. 37-46.
Archipelago, see Jac. Xatier Portier, in a (4) The work of Leo Allatius, de Con-
letter printed in the Letters ddifiantes et cordia ecclesiae Orientalis et Occidentalis,
curieuscs ecrites des Missions etrangdres, is well known ; and the most learned men
tome x., p. 328, [ed. 1819, tome i., p. 283, among both the Lutherans and the Reform-
Ac. — Tr.] The high colouring of these ed, with the greatest justice charge it with
statements, may be easily corrected, by the bad faith. He also published his Gratia
many accounts of the Catholic and other Orthodoxa, Rome, 1652 and 1659, 4to, which
writers in our own age, respecting the af- contains those tracts of the Greeks which fa-

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.

347

undertook to prove, that there was little or no difference between the religion
of the Greeks, Armenians, and Nestorians, and that of the Romans, pro-
vided we set aside a few rites and certain unusual words and phrases
adopted by those foreign Christians. No one more firmly resisted this
project of uniting the Greeks with the Latins, than Cyrillus Lucaris patri-
arch of Constantinople, a learned man who had travelled over a great part
of Europe. For he signified clearly, — indeed more clearly than was pru-
dent, that his mind was inclined towards the religious opinions of the Eng-
lish and the Dutch, and that he contemplated a reformation of the ancient
religion of the Greeks. The Jesuits, aided by the influence of the French
ambassador and by the knavery of certain perfidious Greeks, vigorously
opposed this powerful adversary for a long time, and in various ways, and
at length vanquished him. For they caused him to be accused before the
Turkish emperor, of the crimes of treason and rebellion ; on which charge he
was strangled in the year 1638. (5) This great man was succeeded by one

voured the Latins. From the pen of Lucas
Holstenius, who was far superior to Alla-
tius in learning and ingenuousness, we have
only two Dissertations, de ministro et forma
sacramenti confirmationis apud Graecos ;
which were published after his death, Rome,
1666, 8vo. The very learned works of
John Morin, de Poenitentia, and de Ordina-
tionibus, are well known by the learned : and
every one that peruses them can see, that
the author aims to evince that there is a won-
derful agreement, on these subjects, between
the Christians of the East and the Latins,
provided the thorny subtilities of the Scho-
lastics are kept out of sight. Clemens Gala-
nus, in a prolix and elaborate work, publish-
ed at Rome in 1650, [1690, 2 vols.] fol., la-
boured to prove, that the Armenians differ
but little from the Latins. Abraham Echel-
lensis, both elsewhere and in his Notes to
Hebcd Jesu's Catalogus librorum Chaldai-
corum, maintains that all the Christians
throughout Asia and Africa, coincide with
the Latin church. Other writers on this
subject, are passed over. [Among these
were Fred. Spanheim's Diss. de Ecclesiae
Grtecias et Orientalis a Romana Papali per-
petua dissensione ; in his Opp., torn, ii., p,
485, &c , and Ja. Eisner's latest account
of the Greek Christians in Turkey, ch. v. (in
German). — Schl. ]

(5) There is extant a Confession of faith
drawn up by Cyrillus Lucaris, and repeat-
edly published, particularly in Holland, 1645,
8vo, from which it clearly appears, that he
favoured the Reformed religion more than
that of his countrymen. It was published
among Jac. Aymon's Monumens authen-
tiques de la religion des Grecs, p. 237. Yet
he was not averse from the Lutherans, for
he addressed letters about this time to the
Swedes, whose friendship he endeavoured to
conciliate. See Arkenkoltz's Memoires de

la Reine Christine, tome i., p. 486, and tome
ii., Append. Documents, 113, &c. The
same Aymon has published twenty-seven
Letters of this prelate, addressed to the Ge-
nevans and to others professing the Reform-
ed religion ; ubi supra, p. 1-199, which more
fully exhibit his disposition and his religious
opinions. The life and the unhappy death
of this in various respects extraordinary man,
are described by Thomas Smith, an English-
man, in his Narratio de vita, studiis, gestis
et martyrio Cyrilli Lucaris ; which is insert-
ed in his Miscellanea, London, 1686, 8vo, p.
49-130 ; also by Jo. Henry Ho/tinier, Ana-
lecta Historico-Theol., Appendix, diss. viii.,
p. 550, and by others, whom Jo. Alb. Fa-
bricius has enumerated, Bibliotheca Gnsca,
vol. x., p. 499. [Cyrillus Lucaris was born
in 1572, in Candia the ancient Crete, then
subject to the Venetians. Possessing fine
native talents, he first studied at Venice and
Padua, and then travelled over Italy and
other countries. Disgusted with the Ro-
mish religion, and charmed with that of the
Reformed, he resided a while at Geneva. On
his return to Greece, he connected himself
with his countryman Meletius Piga, bishop
of Alexandria, who resided much at Con-
stantinople and was often legate to the pa-
triarch. Cyril became his chaplain, and then
his Achimandrite. The efforts of the Ro-
manists in 1595, to gain the Russian and
Polish Greek churches, were resisted at
Constantinople, and Cyril was active in op-
posing the defection. His efforts in this
cause, exposed him to the resentments of
the Polish government ; and in 1600, he had
to quit that country. He went to Alexan-
dria, was there highly respected, and on the
death of Meletius in 1602, he succeeded him
in that see. He now kept up a correspond-
ence with several Reformed divines ; and
among them, with Geo. Abbot archbishop of

348 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP II.

who had been the principal assistant to the Jesuits in his destruction, name-
ly, Cyril of Berrhoea, a man of a malignant and violent temper : and as he
apostatized to the Romish religion, the union of the Greeks and Latins
seemed no longer dubious. (6) But the unhappy fate of Cyril, suddenly dis-
sipated this hope. For in a little more than a year, this great friend of the
Roman pontiff was put to death, in the same manner as his enemy before
had been ; and Parthenius, who bore the hereditary hostility of his nation to
the Latins, was placed at the head of the Greek church. From this time
onward, no good opportunity was found by the Romans, either for assail-
ing the Greek patriarchs, or for drawing them over to their interests.

§ 3. Yet very many complain, and none more than the Reformed, that
the flatteries, the sophistry, and the gold, both of the French ambassadors
in Turkey and of the Jesuits, have had so much effect of late upon the ig-
norance and the poverty of the Greek bishops, that they have departed
from the religion of their fathers in several respects, and especially on the
doctrine of the eucharist ; and have adopted among other errors of the
Latins, the inexplicable doctrine of transubstantiation. And this they say,
was especially done in the celebrated council of Jerusalem, which Dosi-

Canterbury. It was at this time, that he
sent to England the celebrated Alexandrine
Codex of the Bible, containing St. Clement's
Epistle to the Corinthians. His aversion to
the Romish church, drew on him the hatred
and persecution of the Jesuits, and of all in
the East who favoured the Romish cause.
In 1612, he was at Constantinople, and the
Romish interest alone prevented his election
to the patriarchal chair. He retired to Al-
exandria ; but in 1621, he was elected to the
see of Constantinople, in spite of the Ro-
mish opposition. But his persecutors never
ceased to traduce him, and to plot against
him. He was moreover too far in advance
of the Greeks, to be popular with the multi-
tude ; and the Turkish government would at
any time depose a patriarch and admit a new
one, for a few thousand dollars. In 1622,
he was banished to Rhodes, and Gregory of
Amasa purchased the office for 20,000 dol-
lars ; but not having the money on hand, he
also was sent away, and Anthimus bishop of
Adrianople, having money, purchased the
office. But the Greeks would not submit to
him, and he was obliged to resign to Cyril,
who was restored, on paying a large sum for
the privilege. The Romanists still plotted
against him. He sent a Greek to London,
to learn the art of printing and to procure a
printing press. On its arrival, his enemies
charged him with employing it for political
purposes, and caused him great trouble ;
though the English and Dutch ambassadors
interposed in his behalf. In 1629, having a
little respite, he called a council of Greeks,
to reform that church : and here he proposed
his Confession of faith, which was adopted.
In 1633, Cyrillus Contari, bishop of Ber-

rhcea, the personal enemy of Cyril Lucaris,
and supported by the Romish party, bargain-
ed with the Turks for the patriarchal chair :
but being unable to pay the money down, he
was exiled to Tenedos, and Lucaris retain-
ed the office. The next year Athanasius of
Thessaloriica paid the Turks 60,000 dollars
for the office ; and Lucaris was again ban-
ished. But at the end of a month, he was
recalled and reinstated, on his paying 10,000
dollars. But now Cyril Contari had raised
his 50,000 dollars ; and Cyril Lucaris was
banished to Rhodes, to make way for him.
After six months, his friends purchased his
restoration. But in 1638, he was falsely ac-
cused of treason, in the absence of the em-
peror, who upon the representation of his
vizier, gave orders for his death. He was
seized, conveyed on board a ship as if for
banishment ; and as soon as the vessel was
at sea, he was strangled and thrown over-
board. His body drifted ashore, and was
buried by his friends. See Scfirocckh, Kirch-
engesch. seit der Reform., vol. v., p. 394,
&c., and Unpartheyische Kirchenhistorie,
Jena, 1735, vol. ii., p. 255, &c.— TV.]

(6) See Elias VeieVs Defensio exercita-
tionis de ecclesia Graeca, p. 100, &c., in
which, p. 103, is a letter of Urban VIII. to
this Cyril of Berrhoea, highly commending
him for having successfully averted from the
Greeks the pernicious errors of Lucaris,
and exhorting him to depose the bishops that
were opposed to the Latins, with the prom-
ise of aid both from Rome and from the
Spanish government. This Cyril died a
member of the Romish church. Henry Hi-
larius, Notes to Phil. Cyprii Chronicon ec-
clesiae Graec®, p. 470.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 349

theus assembled in the year 1672. (7) This charge, whether it be true or
false, was first advanced upon occasion of a dispute between the papists
and the Reformed in France. The latter, at the head of whom was the
very eloquent and erudite John Claude, maintained that many opinions of
the Romanists, and especially that which asserts that the bread and the
wine in the eucharist are so changed into the body and blood of Christ as
still to leave the external appearance of bread and wine, were wholly
unknown in ancient times, and were not found among the Latins them-
selves before the ninth century : the Catholics on the contrary, Anthony
Arnaud and his associates, in managing the cause contended, that the Ro-
mish belief respecting the Lord's supper had been the received opinion
among Christians in every age ; and that it was approved by all the sects
of Christians in the East, particularly by the Greeks. (8) This controversy
required authorities and testimonies. Hence the French envoys at Con-
stantinople with the Jesuits, on the one part, and the Dutch and English
ministers on the other, laboured indefatigably to collect opinions of the
Greeks in favour of their respective sides. It so happened that the Ro-
manists were superior in both the number and weight of their testimonies ;
but the Reformed contended, that all these were of no avail, being either
purchased of the starving Greeks with money, or obtained from persons
either ignorant on the subject, or deceived and ensnared by insidious lan-
guage.^) Whoever shall bring to the decision of this controversy a good
acquaintance with Grecian affairs, and a mind unbiased by prejudice, will
judge, I apprehend, that no small part of the Greek church had for many
ages possessed some obscure idea of transubstantiation, but that they re-
ceived more clear and explicit ideas of it, in modern times, from the Ro-
mans^ 10)

§ 4. Of the independent Greek churches, or those not subject to the By.
zantine patriarch, the Russian is the only one that affords any matter for
history ; the others lie buried in vast ignorance and darkness. About the
year 1666, a certain sect showed itself among the Russians, and produced
no little commotion, which called itself Isbraniki, or the company of the elect,
but by its adversaries it was called Roskohkika, that is, the seditious fac-
tion.(ll) What these find to censure in the modern Russian church, and

(7) The proceedings of this council were Pfaff, Dissertatio contra Ludov. Rogerii
published, after an edition by a French Ben- Opus Eucharisticum, Tubing., 1718, 4to.
edictine, by Jac. Aymon, Monumens Au- (9) Here should be consulted, above all
thentiques de la religion des Grecs, tome i., others, John Cowell, who was resident at
p. 263. See Gisbert Cvper's Epistolae, p. Constantinople when this drama was acted,
404, 407. Notes illustrative of it, may be and himself saw by what artifices the Greeks
seen, besides other places, in Jac. Basnage's were induced to give testimony in favour of
Histoire de la religion des Eglises Reform- the Latins : Account of the present Greek
6es, period iv., pt. i., cap. xxxii., &c., p. Church, pref., p. ii., &c., and book i., ch. v.,
452, and in Jo. CowelVs Account of the p. 136, &c.

present Greek Church, book i., ch. v., p. (10) Maturin Viesse la Croze, who is

136, &c. [See also Thorn. Ittig's Heptad. well known to have been by no means par-

Dissertat, No. v. de Synodo Hierosol. — tial to the Jesuits and to Romish opinions,

Sckl. The Acts of this council, Gr. and supposed that the Greeks had long been in-

Lat., are in Harduin's Concilia, torn, xii., p. fected with the doctrine of transubstantia-

179, &c. — Tr.] don. See Gisb. Cuper's Epistolas, edited

(8) The names and works of the principal by Beyer, p. 37, 44, 48, 51, 65. fSee also
writers on this controversy, may be learned Schroeckh's Kirchengesch. seit der Reform.,
from Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bibliotheca Grseca, vol. ix., p. 102. — Tr.]

vol. x., p. 444, &c., and Christopher Matth. (11) Perhaps these are the very persons,

350 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

what opinions and rites they hold, is not yet fully known. It appears
however, in general, that they distinguish themselves by a great show of
piety, and represent the ancient religion of the Russians as much marred,
partly by the negligence and partly by the licentiousness of the bishops. (12)
The Russians long assailed this factious throng, with councils, confutations,
very harsh punishments, military force, and flatteries ; but the effect of
all these remedies was, to drive them to more remote regions, and as is
usual, to render them more pertinacious in consequence of their calamities
and sufferings. A milder treatment began to be shown them, from the
time that Peter I., whose achievements procured him the surname of
Great, introduced a material change in both the civil and ecclesiastical
government of the empire. But the schism is so far from being healed,
that this revolution in the Russian affairs, is said rather to have added
firmness and stability to it. '

whom the celebrated Gmelin, in his Travels
in Siberia, (in German, vol. iv., p. 404), calls
Sterowerzi. [They doubtless come under
this denomination; for Robert Pinkerton
(Present state of the Greek church in Russia,
Appendix, p. 227), tells us : " The national
church in Russia gives the general name of
Raskolniks, or Schismatics, to all the sects
which have at different periods renounced her
communion ; but these separatists uniformly
style themselves Starovertsi, or Believers of
theoldfaith."—Tr.]

(12) See Nic. Bergius, de statu ecclesiae
et religionis Moscoviticae, sec. xi., cap. vii., p.
69. Add sec. ii., cap. xvi., p. 218, and in the
Append., p. 270. Jo. Mich. Heineccius on
the Greek Church, (written in German), pt.
iii., p. 30, &c. Peter Van Haven's Travels
in Russia, p. 316 of the German translation.
Some Lutheran writers have supposed or
suspected, that these Isbraniki were a pro-
geny of the ancient Bo£omils. [Dr. Mo-
shcirri's account of the Russian dissenters is
very lame. See the whole Appendix to Rob.
Pinkerton's Present state of the Greek
church in Russia, ed. New- York, 1815, p.
227-276. He tells us, it is common to date
the origin of sectarians in the Russian church,
about the middle of the 17th century, in the
time of the patriarch Nikon. But according
to the Russian annals, there existed schis-
matics in the Russian church two hundred
years before the days of Nikon ; and the dis-
turbances which took place in his time, only
proved the means of augmenting their num-
bers, and of bringing them forward into pub-
lic view. The earliest of these schismatics
first appeared in Novogorod, early in the 15th
century, under the name of Strigolniks. A.
Jew named Horie, preached a mixture of Ju-
daism and Christianity ; and proselyted two
priests, Denis and Alexie, who gained a vast
number of followers. This sect was so nu-
merous, that a national council was called

towards the close of the 15th century, to op-
pose it. Soon afterwards, one Karp, an ex-
communicated deacon, joined the Strigol-
niks ; and accused the higher clergy of sell-
ing the office of priesthood, and of so far cor-
rupting the church that the Holy Ghost was
withdrawn from it. He was a very success-
ful propagator of this sect. But numerous
as the Strigolniks were, they were few com-
pared with the vast number and variety of
sectarians, produced by the attempts to cor-
rect the copies of the Russian liturgy, or
books used in the churches, which amount
to twenty folio volumes. These having long
been preserved by transcription, were found
to contain nurrTerous mistakes of transcribers,
and to differ greatly from each other. The
higher clergy and the princes, as early as
1518, attempted to correct these books, and
bring them all to agreement. And the object
was pursued for more than a century, amid
great opposition, before it was fully accom-
plished. The great body of the Raskolniks
or dissenters, though divided into various
sects, yet all agree with one another and
with the national church, in articles of faith,
and generally in rites and modes of worship ;
but they consider the national church as cor-
rupt, because it has falsified the sacred books,
and thus subverted religion. There are how-
ever, some minor sects, which differ from the
establishment- both in faith and worship.
Pinkerton divides them into two grand class-
es, the Popopftsc.hins, or those who admit the
national priests that apostatize to them to
officiate still as priests, without reordination ;
and the Bezpopoftschins, or those who either
have no priests, or have only such as they
themselves ordain. Of the former class, he
enumerates^ue sects, and of the l&Uei fifteen.
But the history of these sects more properly
belongs to the following century. See also
Stavdlin's Kirchliche Geographic, vol. i.,p.
289, &c.— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 351

§ 5. It will not be improper here, to subjoin a few remarks respecting
that reformation of the Russian church by Peter I. which we have just
mentioned. For though it belongs to the following century, yet the found-
ations for it were laid in the close of this. That immortal prince suffered
the Greek religion as professed by the Russians, to remain entire ; but
he took vast pains, to have it explained according to sound reason and the
holy scriptures, to destroy that superstition which was diffused greatly
over the whole nation, and to dispel the amazing ignorance both of the
priests and the common people. These were great and noble designs, but
exceedingly difficult and such as often require ages for their accomplish-
ment. To effect them the more readily, he became the patron of all the
arts and sciences, invited learned men from all quarters into the country,
established new schools and purged the old ones of their barbarism, la-
boured to enkindle in his subjects a thirst for learning of all kinds and for
literature, abolished the iniquitous practice of persecuting and punishing
errorists, and granted to all Christian sects dissenting from the Greeks, full
liberty to worship according to their own views. Yet in the last particu-
lar, he was careful to restrain the eagerness of the Romanists for extend-
ing the dominion of their pontiff. They had certain places assigned them,
in which if they chose to reside among the Russians, they might worship
in their way. But the Jesuits were prohibited from teaching among the
Russian people ; and the council that controls all matters of religion, was
directed to see that Romish opinions were not propagated among the peo-
ple. All ecclesiastical affairs are managed, very differently from what
they were formerly. For the emperor suppressed the splendid office of
primate, because it was thought prejudicial to the sovereignty of the prince,
and made himself sovereign pontiff and head of the Russian church. (13)
His vicegerent [in ecclesiastical affairs] is a council established at St. Pe-
tersburg, called the Holy Synod, over which some archbishop of distin-
guished prudence and fidelity, presides. (14) The first that filled this of-
fice, was the celebrated Stephen Javorski, well known by his work in the
Russian language against heretics. (15) The other ecclesiastical offices
remain as before ; but they are deprived of much of the authority formerly
annexed to them, and of no small part of their revenues and privileges.
At first it was intended to suppress all monasteries, whether for men or

(13) [Dr. Madaine very justly criticises to refer all affairs of moment to the decision
the language here used by Dr. Moshcim; of the Czar himself. Such was Stephen Ja-
which implies that the emperor assumed a vorski, mentioned in the next sentence. But
spiritual office and spiritual power. He only in 1720, Peter abolished the exarchy also,
claimed the right as emperor, to receive ap- and in place of it, instituted the Holy Legis-
peals from the ecclesiastical courts, and to lal.ive Synod, consisting first of twelve, and
give law to priests as well as to the rest of afterwards of an indefinite number of the
his subjects. He was head of the church, in higher clergy, selected by the emperor. At
much the same sense as the kings of Engl-md the head of this synod there is always a lay-
and the German princes are ; none of whom man, who is the representative of the Czar,
ever presumed to administer the sacraments, and has a negative upon all its resolutions,
or to perform any appropriate functions of a till they are laid before the emperor. This
clergyman or priest. — TV.] nobleman is the ministerof the crown for the

(14) [This is not perfectly correct. In department of religion. See Pinkerton, loc.
the year 1700, Peter abolished the patriarchal cit., p. 26, &c., and Staudlin's Kirchliche
office, and appointed an exarch, with limit- Geographic, vol. i., p. 269, &c. — Tr.]

ed powers, who could do nothing without the (15) See Mich, le Quien, Oriens Christi-
consent of the other bishops, and was obliged anus, torn, i., p. 1295

352 BOOK IV.--CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

for women. But from this design the emperor so far departed afterwards,
that he himself dedicated a magnificent house of this 'kind to Alexander
Newsky, whom the Russians number among their saints. (16)

§ 6. A part of the Asiatic Monophysites left for a time the religion of
their fathers, and united themselves with the Romanists. Their prompter
to this measure, was one Andrew Achigian, who had been educated at
Rome, was appointed patriarch by the Roman pontiff, and assumed the
name of Ignatius XXIV. (17) At his death, one Peter, who took the
name of Ignatius XXV., assumed the office : but at the instigation of the
legitimate primate of the sect, he was banished by the Turks, and the little
flock of which he was the head was soon dispersed. (18) Of the African
Monophysites, the Copts notwithstanding their wretchedness, ignorance,
and poverty, firmly resisted the persons, who so often solicited them with
very advantageous offers to become united with the Romans. In what
manner the Abyssinians freed themselves from the yoke of the Romish
bishop, which they had indiscreetly assumed, and asserted their ancient in-
dependence, has already been stated. And it will now be proper to add,
that in some of the Lutherans a holy desire arose, to deliver the Abyssin-
ian nation from the darkness of ignorance and superstition, and to bring
them to a better knowledge of religion. Prompted by such motives, Pe-
ter Heyling of Lubec, a very pious and learned man. visited them in the
year 1634 : and after spending many years in Ethiopia, and being so pros-
perous as to become prime minister of state to the emperor, and having
accomplished much for the advantage of the people, on his return to Eu-
rope he lost his life by means unknown. (19) Afterwards, Ernest duke of
Saxe-Gotha, whose exemplary virtue procured him the surname of Pious,
at the suggestion and recommendation of that extraordinary man Job Lu-

•

(16) On these subjects much information tins. From Paris he went to Italy, and
may be obtained from Peter van Haven's thence to Malta, where he disputed with the
Travels in Russia ; which are extant in a Catholic priests. He now assumed the garb
German translation from the Danish. of a pilgrim, intending to travel into the East

(17) From the 15th century onward, all and acquaint himself with Oriental literature,
the primates of the Monophysite sect chose He proceeded to Constantinople, and thence
to bear the name of Ignatius ; for no other to Palestine and Egypt. He arrived in
reason, if I do not mistake, than to indicate Egypt in 1634, and so recommended himself
by their name that they are successors to Ig- to the Copts, by his learning and his piety,
natins the bishop of Antioch in the first cen- that they esteemed him highly, and gave him
tury, and the legitimate patriarchs of that the title of Moollah. Meeting with the new
see. A similar motive has induced the Ma- primate of Ethiopia, who had come to Alex-
ronite primates, who also claim the title of andria for ordination, he joined him ; and on
patriarchs of Antioch, to assume the name of their way to Abyssinia, they met Mendez the
Peter. For St. Peter is said to have gov- Portuguese Jesuit, just banished from that
ernedthe church of Antioch, before Ignatius, country, whom Heyling encountered and

(18) See Jo. Simon Asseman's Biblioth. confuted in a public dispute. Mendez wrote
Orientalis Clementine- Vaticana, torn, ii., p. to the pope, that if this Lutheran should go
482, and in Diss. de Monophysitis, $ iii., p. into Abyssinia, he would involve that whole
6, 7. nation in extreme heresy. He arrived there

(19) A valuable life of this man, was pub- in 1634, and was very popular and useful,
lished in German, by Jo. Henry Michaelis, But how long he lived, and where he died, is
Halle, 1724, 8vo. Add Jo. Mailer's Cim- very uncertain. A letter of his to H. Gro-
bria Litterata, torn, i., p. 253, &c. [His tius, dated at Memphis, Aug. 28, 1634, re-
father was a jeweller of Lubec. After a good specting the disputes between the Melchites
education in his native city, he went to Paris and the Jacobites, is extant in Ludolfs
in 1627, having charge of four noble youth. Comment, ad Hist. ./Ethiop., lib. iii., c. 8.
There he became intimate with Hugo Gro- See Mailer, loc. cit. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 353

iolf, attempted to explore a way for teachers of the Reformed religion to
go among those distant Christians, by means of Gregory, an Abyssinian
who was then in Europe. (20) But Gregory perishing by shipwreck in
1657, Ernest sent Jo. Mich. Wansleben of Erfurth, in 1663, with very
wise instructions, to conciliate if possible the good will of the Abyssinians
towards the Germans. Wansleben however, lingered in Egypt ; and upon
his return, not being able to account for the moneys he had received, he
revolted to the Romish church in 1667, and became a Dominican monk. (21)
Thus the designs of this excellent duke were frustrated : yet they were
attended with this advantage, that Job Ludolf by his very learned and
elaborate works, threw much light upon the history, the sentiments, and
the literature of the Abyssinians, which before had been but little known
among the Europeans.

§ 7. A considerable change took place in the affairs of the Armenians,
not long after the commencement of this century, originating from Abbas
I. the king of Persia, who for his achievements was surnamed the Great.
For he nearly laid waste all that part of Armenia which was contiguous
to Persia, with a view to prevent the Turks from invading his territories ;
and he caused most of its inhabitants to migrate and settle in Persia.
For what the Europeans endeavour to accomplish by erecting castles and
fortresses along their borders, the kings of the East prefer to effect by de-
populating the frontier parts and provinces of their kingdoms. The rich,
est and best of these Armenians removed to Ispahan, the capital of the
kingdom, and took residence in the splendid suburb which the king called
Juffa, where they have their own bishop. So long as Abbas lived, who
was a magnanimous prince and much attached to his people, these exiles
enjoyed great prosperity ; but after his death, they were involved in calami-
ties and persecutions. (22) And hence, not a few of them have apostatized
to Mohammedanism ; and it is to be feared, that this portion of the Arme-
nian church will become wholly extinct. On the other hand, the Asiatic

(20) See Job Ludolf' s Preface to his him again to Egypt, to procure a fuller ac-
Comrnent. ad Hist. ^Ethiopicam, p. 31, &c. count of the state of that country, and to
Christ. Juncker's Vita Jobi Ludolfi, p. 68, purchase rare manuscripts for the king's li-
&c. [Ludolf became acquainted with this brary. But Colbert seemed dissatisfied with
Gregory, during his tour to Rome, and invi- his proceedings. For Wansleben was not
ted him into Germany. He resided a while in the least respected at Paris ; and from
at the court of Gotha ; but afterwards was vexation, 'he assumed in 1678 the vicarage
desirous of returning to his country ; and on of a village not far from Fontainbleau ; and
his way, at Alexandretta in Syria, lost his life died in 1679, in the curacy of Bouron, where
by shipwreck. — Schl.] he was also vicar. Before his journey to

(21) Concerning this unstable and vicious Egypt, at Ludolf 's request he went to Lon-
but learned man, much may be collected don, to superintend there the printing of the
from Jerome Lobe's Voyage de 1'Abyssinie, first edition of his Ethiopic Grammar and
tome i., p. 198, 227, 233, 248. Ern.'Solom. Lexicon in 1661 : and there he aided Edm.
Cyprian's Catalogus MSS. Bibliothecae Castell, in the preparation of his Lexicon.
Gothanae, p. 64. Euseb. Renaudot, Praef. Heptaglosson. After his return from the
ad Historiam Patriarehar. Alexandrinorum. East, he wrote his Relatione dello Stato pre-
Jac. Echard and Quetif, Scriptores Ordinis sente dell' Egitto ; and in 1677, his Nou-
Prsedicat., torn. ii.,p.693. We have his His- velle Relation en forme de Journal de son
toria ecclesiae Alexandrine, and other works, voyage faite en Egypte. His History of the
which are not without merit. [The patriarch church of Alexandria, was also published in
of Alexandria persuaded him not to prose- French. — Schl.]

cute his journey into Abyssinia. After (22) See Jo. Cha.rd.in, Voyage en Perse,

changing his religion at Rome, he went to torn, ii., p. 106, &c. Gabr. du Chinon,

Paris^ whence Colbert in the year 1672 sent Nouvelles Relations du Levant, p. 206, &c.
VOL. III.— Y y

354 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART I.— CHAP. II.

Armenians have undoubtedly derived no little advantage from the perma-
nent settlement of very many of their nation during this century, for com-
mercial purposes, in most of the countries of Europe, as at Marseilles in
France, and in London, Amsterdam, and Venice. (23) For not to mention
other things, this has afforded them an opportunity to print the Bible, and
many other books especially religious books, in the Armenian character,
in Holland particularly and in England ; and these books, being sent to
the Armenians living under the Persians and Turks, doubtless tend to pre-
vent the nation which is rude and inclined to superstition, from losing all
knowledge of the Christian religion.

§ 8. The disunion among the Nestorians, which rent that church in the
preceding century, could not be healed at all in this. Among the patri-
archs of Mosul, Ellas II. sent his envoy to Rome in the year 1607, and
again in the year 1610, to obtain the friendship of the pontiff; and in a
letter to Paul V. he avowed himself ready to sanction a union between
the Nestorians and the Romans. (24) Elias III. though at first extremely
averse to the Romish rites, yet in the year 1657 addressed a letter to the
Congregation de propaganda fide, signifying his willingness to join the
Romish church, provided the pontiffs would grant to the Nestorians a place
of worship at Rome, and would not corrupt or disturb at all the tenets of
the sect.(25) But the Romans doubtless perceived, that a union formed
on the terms here stated, would be of no use or advantage to their cause :
for we have no information, that the Nestorians were at that time received
into the Romish communion, or that the prelates of Mosul afterwards were
again solicitous to conciliate the Roman pontiff. The Nestorian patriarchs
of Ormus, who all bore the name of Simeon, likewise made two proposals
in 1619 and 1653, for renewing their former alliance with the Roman
pontiffs, and sent to Rome a tract explanatory »f their religious senti-
ments. But either these prelates did not offer satisfactory terms to the
Romans,(26) or, on account of their poverty and very slender power, they
were despised at Rome : for it appears that from the year 1617, the pre-
lates at Ormus were in a very low state, and no longer excited the envy
of those at Mosul. (27) There was however, a little poor congregation of
Roman Catholics formed among the Nestorians, about the middle of this
century ; whose bishops or patriarchs reside in the city of Amida or Di-
arbekir, and all bear the name of Joseph.(28) The Nestorians inhabiting
the coast of Malabar, and who are called Christians of St. Thomas, so
long as the Portuguese possessed those regions were miserably harassed
by the Romish priests, especially by the Jesuits ; and yet no vexations,
nor menaces, nor artifices, could bring them all to prefer the Romish wor-

(23) Of the Armenians residing at Mar- (24) Jos. Sim. Asseman, Biblioth. Ori-

seilles, and the books they have printed there, ent. Clement. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 543;

see Rich. Simon's Lettres Choisies, torn, ii., torn, ii., p. 457 ; torn, iii., part i., p. 650.

137. Of their Bible printed in Holland, (25) Asseman, loc. cit., torn, iii., part ii.,

likewise treats, ibid., tome iv., p. 160. p. cml.

So also does Jo. Joach. Schrceder, in his (26) Asseman, loc. cit., torn, i., p. 531 ;

Thesaurus linguae Armenicse ; or rather in torn, ii., p. 457 ; torn, iii., part i., p. 622.

the Diss.de lingua Armenica, which is prefix- (27) Peter Strozza, Praefatio ad librum

ed to this Thesaurus, cap. iv., p. 60. The de Chaldaeorum dogmatibus.

other Armenian books printed at Venice, (28) See Le Quien, Oriens Christianus,

Lemburg, and especially at Amsterdam, are torn, ii., p. 1078.
enumerated by this very learned man, loc.
cit., cap. ii., § xxv., &c., p. 38, &c.

s;

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 355

ship before that of their fathers. (29) But when Cochin was conquered
by the Dutch in 1663, and the Portuguese were expelled from those re-
gions,(30) their former liberty of worshipping God in the manner of their
ancestors, was restored to that oppressed people ; and they continue to en-
joy it to the present time. At the same time, the Dutch give no trouble
to those among them who choose to continue in the Romish religion, pro-
vided they will treat kindly and peacefully those who differ from them.

PART II.

THE HISTORY OF THE MODERN CHURCHES.

CHAPTER I.

HISTORY OF THE EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH.

4 1. Adverse Events in the Lutheran Church. Hesse became Reformed. — § 2. Bran-
denburg Reformed. — § 3. Attempted Union between the Lutherans and Reformed. —
$ 4. Decree of Charenton. Conference at Leipsic. — § 5. Conferences at Thorn and
Cassel. — t) 6. Pacific Acts of John Durseus. — I) 7. John Matthiae and George Calix-
tus. — § 8. External Advantages of the Lutherans. — § 9. Literature every where culti-
vated.— $ 10. State of Philosophy. Aristotelians every where reign. — $11. Liberty in
philosophizing gradually increases. — § 12. Excellences and Defects of the Teachers. —
§ 13. The Faults of the Times often, rather than of the Persons. — <) 14. Ecclesiastical
Government : Divine Right. — 6 15. The more distinguished Lutheran Writers. — $ 16,
17. History of the Lutheran Religion. — § 18. Dogmatic Theology. — § 19, 20. Com-
motions in the Lutheran Church — § 21. Commencement of the Calixtine Controver-
sies.— § 22. Continuation and Issue. — § 23. The Doctrines of Calixtus. — $ 24. Con-
tests with the Divines of Rinteln and Konigsberg. — § 25. With those of Jena. — § 26.
Oriain of the Pietists. — § 27. Commotions at Leipsic. — § 28. Their Progress. — § 29.
Rise of the Controversies with Spener and the Divines of Halle. — § 30, 31. Their In-
crease.— § 32. Some sought to advance Piety at the expense of Truth : Godfrey Ar-
nold.— (j 33. John Conrad Dippel. — § 34. Fictions of Jo. Will. Petersen. — § 35. Jo.
Gasp. Schade, and Jo. Geo. Boesius. — § 36. Contests on the Omnipresence of Christ's
Body, between the Divines of Tubingen and Giessen. — <J 37. Herman Rathman. —
<J 38. Private Controversies. — § 39. Those of Praetorius and Arndt. — $ 40. Jac. Bceh-
man. — § 41. Prophets of this Age. — § 42. Ezek. Meth, Esaias Stiefel, and Paul Na-
gel. — § 43. Christ. Hoburg, Fred. Breckling, and Seidenbecher. — § 44. Martin Seide-
lius.

§ 1. THE evils and calamities which the Roman pontiffs or the Aus-
trians, (often too obsequious to the pleasure of the pontiffs in things per-
taining to religion), either brought or endeavoured to bring upon the Lu-
therans, in various ways during this century, have been already mentioned,
in the history of the Romish church. We shall therefore now mention
only some other things, by which the Lutheran church lost something of
its splendour and amplitude. Maurice landgrave of Hesse, of the Cassel

(29) Of these, Matur. Veisse la Croze (30) Gautier Schouten, Voyage aux Indes
treats largely, Histoire du Christianisme des Orientales, torn, i., p. 319, &c.. p. 466, &c.
Lidos livr. v., p. 344, &c.

356 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

family, a very learned prince, seceded from the Lutheran church : and he
not only himself went over to the Reformed, but also in the year 1604
and onward, both at the university of Marpurg and throughout his prov-
ince, displaced the Lutheran teachers who firmly resisted his purpose, and
commanded the people to be thoroughly taught the Reformed doctrines,
and public worship to be conducted in the Genevan manner. This design
was prosecuted with the greatest firmness in the year 1619, when he or-
dered select theologians to proceed to the Dutch council of Dort ; and
commanded the decrees there made to be publicly assented to by his
church. The Reformed maintained formerly, that nothing was done in
this affair, which was inconsistent with equity and the highest moderation.
But perhaps all impartial men in our day, will admit without difficulty, that
many things would have been ordered somewhat differently, if that excel-
lent prince had been less disposed to gratify his own will and pleasure, and
more attentive to those precepts which the wisest of the Reformed them-
selves inculcate, respecting duty towards those who differ from us in mat-
ters of religion.(l)

§ 2. Not long after, in the year 1614, John Sigismund also, the elector
of Brandenburg, left the communion of the Lutherans and went over to
the Reformed : yet with different views from those of Maurice, and with
different results. For he did not embrace all the doctrines, by which the
followers of Calvin are distinguished from the Lutherans ; but, in addition

(1) See Helv. Garth's Historischer Be- the state of things changed. He had been

drawn over to the side of the Reformed, by
some French Reformed noblemen's sons,
whom his father had procured through Beza
to be his son's associates ; and after the
death of his father's brother, the landgrave
Lewis at Marpjirg in 1604, he endeavoured
to introduce the Reformed religion by means
of a Catechism : and in the year 1605, he
dismissed all the teachers at Marpurg, and
in half the upper principality of Hesse,
(which had fallen to the house of Cassel),
because they would not subscribe the result
of the Synod without some limitation ; and
he established Reformed teachers in their
place. The dismissed teachers, among whom
the famous Balthazar Menzer was the most

richt von dem Religionswesen im Fiirsten-
thum Hessen, 1606, 4to. Ern. Solom. Cyp-
rian's Unterricht von kirchlicher Vereini-
guug der Protestanten, p. 263, and in the
Appendix of Documents, p. 103, and the
public Acts, which were published in the
Unschuldigen Nachrichten, A.D. 1749, p. 25,
&c. Here should be consulted especially,
the writings that passed between the divines
of Cassel and Darmstadt, which have a pub-
lic character, Cassel, 1632, fol. ; Marpurg,
1636, fol. ; Giess., 1647, fol., of which, Chr.
Aug. Salig treats, in his Historic der Augs-
burg. Confession, vol. i., book iv., ch. ii., p.
756, &c. [Even from the time of the Ref-
ormation onward, there were individuals in
Hesse, who were inclined towards the doc-
trines of the Reformed ; but the outward
tranquillity was not thereby destroyed. Phil-
ip the Magnanimous, and his successors,
some of whom were not obscurely favour-
able to the Reformed opinions, used all care
to preserve this harmony. When the For-
mula of Concord produced so much disturb-
ance in Saxony and Upper Germany, and
threatened to destroy the peace which Hesse
had hitherto enjoyed, the Hessian princes
published an edict in 1572, by which they
endeavoured to preserve the union. Also
in the general Synods of Treysa in 1577, of
Marpurg in 1578, and of Cassel in 1579, the
Hessian clergy were required to subscribe
certain articles, designed to preserve the
union. But under the landgrave Maurice,

distinguished, were afterwards received by
Lewis the landgrave of Darmstadt ; and a
part of them were established in the newly-
erected university of Giessen, and the rest
were beneficed elsewhere. As is generally
the case when human passions become en-
listed in religious contests, there were faults
on both sides, which no impartial man at the
present day, will approve. The Lutherans
adhered too strenuously and too wilfully, to
certain subtle doctrines of the schools, and
to external rites which are not of the essence
of Christianity : and the Reformed, who had
the court on their side, misused the power
which was in their hands, to the injury of
the ancient rights of a community, whose
brethren they pretended to be. — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 357

to the Genevan form of worship, he considered only the Reformed doc.
trines respecting the pei-son of Christ and the presence of his body and
blood in the eucharist, as more correct and tenable than the Lutheran
views : but what they inculcate respecting the nature and order of divine
grace, and the -decrees of God, he did not adopt. And hence, he would
neither send deputies to the synod of Dort, nor have their decrees respect-
ing these difficult points to be received. The same sentiments were so
far retained by the sovereign princes of Brandenburg who reigned after
him, that they never required Calvin's doctrine of absolute decrees to be
taught in the Reformed churches of their dominions, as the public and re-
ceived doctrine. It is also justly accounted an honour to John Sigismund,
that he gave his subjects full liberty either to follow the example of their
prince, or to deviate from it ; nor did he exclude from posts of honour and
power, those who deemed it wrong to abandon the religion of their fa-
thers. Yet this moderation was not satisfactory to the violent temper of
that age, which was in many respects too rigid ; for not a few thought it
intolerable and provoking, that the prince should ordain that the professors
of both religions should enjoy equal rank and rights ; that odious terms and
comparisons should be abstained from in disputation ; that religious con-
troversies should be either wholly omitted, or explained very modestly, in
public discourses to the people ; and lastly, that those who disagreed,
should live together as friends and should interchange kind offices. And
from these views originated not only bitter contests, but also at times rash
and seditious commotions in the state ; in allaying which many years were
consumed in vain. The neighbouring divines of Saxony, and particularly
those of Wittemberg, undertook to defend the side of the Lutherans in
these tumults ; and undoubtedly with sincere and upright intentions, but
according to the customs of the times, in a style too coarse and not suffi-
ciently temperate. And hence, not only was the Formula of Concord ex-
cluded from a place among the books by which the public religion of the
Lutherans is regulated in the Brandenburg territories, but likewise the
citizens of Brandenburg were forbidden to study theology in the university
of Wittemberg.(2)

§ 3. So many evils resulting from the discords of those who with equal
sincerity and fortitude had renounced papal servitude, that is, of the Lu-
therans and Reformed, might suggest to some of the principal men and to
the most famous theologians of both parties, to look about them anxiously,

(2) The laws and edicts both of John Si- tone1, part ii., book xvii., ch. vii., p. 965.
gismund and his successors, in relation to Ern. Solom. Cyprian's Unterricht von der
this famous affair, have been sometimes Vereinigung der Protestanten, p. 75, and
printed together. There is likewise extant, the Appendix of Documents, p. 225. The
a great number of books and pamphlets, Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1727, p.
from which a knowledge of these proceed- 1069, and A.D. 1732, p. 715. Those who
ings may be derived ; and of which, I would would persuade us, that the hope of extend-
rather refer to others for a full catalogue, than ing his power and influence, was not the least
give an imperfect one myself. Such a cata- motive with the prince for this change, con-
logue is extant in the Unschuldige Nachrich- jecture, rather than demonstrate and prove ;
ten, A.D. 1745, p. 34, &c., and A.D. 1746, for they do not support their opinion with
p. 326. See also, Jo. Charles Kocker^Wib- valid arguments. Yet it must be confessed,
liotheca Theol. Symbolica, p. 312, &c. by such as carefully inspect the history of
Those who wish to understand and form an those times, that they do not conjecture al-
estimate of the whole transaction, may con- together irrationally and without plausibility,
cult Godf. Arnold's Kirchen-und Keteerhis-

358 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.-SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

for some means of uniting in bonds of mutual affection 'the communities
rent asunder and severed by their religious sentiments. No wise man
could be so ignorant of human nature, as to expect, that all difference of
opinion between them could be removed, or that either party would go over
to the sentiments of the other. And therefore those who undertook this
business agreed, that their only aim should be to persuade the disputants
that there was little or nothing of any importance to true religion and piety,
in all the points controverted between the parties ; that the fundamental
truths on which the plan of salvation rests, are safe on both sides, and that
their controversies related partly to things recondite and inexplicablej and
partly to things indifferent and far removed from the supreme object of a
Christian. Those who could admit these things to be true, must also ad-
mit, that the existing difference of sentiment was no just impediment to
fraternal intercourse between the dissentients. , And in fact, most of the
Reformed were readily brought to concede, that the Lutherans erred but
moderately and lightly, or did not greatly corrupt any one of the primary
doctrines of Christianity : but most of the Lutherans perseveringly main-
tained, that they had the most weighty reasons for not judging in the same
manner of the Reformed, and that a great part of the dispute related to
the groundwork of all religion and piety. It is not strange, that the op-
posite party should brand this perseverance of the Lutherans with the
odious names of moroseness, superciliousness, arrogance, and the like.
But those who were taxed with these faults, brought as many charges
against their accusers. For they complained, that they were not treated
ingenuously ; that the real character of the Reformed principles was dis-
guised under ambiguous phraseology ; and that their adversaries, though
cautious and guarded, yet gave much proof that the chief ground of their
great inclination for peace, was not so much a de*sire of the public good,
as of their private advantage.

§ 4. Among the public transactions relative to this business of a union,
we may justly give the first place to the project of James I. the king of
Great Britain ; who in the year 1615, attempted a reconciliation of the
Lutherans and Reformed, through the instrumentality of Peter du Moulin,
a very celebrated divine among the French Reformed. (3) The next
place is due to the celebrated decree of the Reformed church of France,
passed in the synod of Charenton, A.D. 1631 ; by which the Lutheran re-
ligion was declared harmless, holy, and free from all gross errors ; and a
way was opened for all the professors of it to hold sacred and civil com-
munion with the Reformed. (4) Whatever may have been the motives for

(3) See Mich, le Vassor's Histoire de of the Augustane (Augsburg) Confession
Louis XIII., tome ii., pt. ii., p. 21, &c. [and might be permitted to contract marriages in
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., our churches, and to present children in our
vol. v., p. 198. — TV.] churches unto baptism, without a precedane-

(4) Elias Benoifs Histoire de 1'Edit de ous abjuration of those opinions held by them,
Nantes, tome ii., p. 524. Jac. Aymon's contrary to the belief of our churches'! This
Actes des Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Synod declareth, that inasmuch as the
Reformees de France, tome ii., p. 500, &c. churches of the Confession of Augsburg do
Thomas Ittig's Diss. de Synodi Carentoni- agree with the other reformed churches, in
ensis indulgentia erga Lutheranos, Lips., the principal and fundamental points of the
1705, 4to. [Quick's Synodicon in Gallia. true religion, and that there is neither super-
Reformata, vol. ii., p. 297. The words of stition nor idolatry in their worship, the faith-
the decree were these : " The province of ful of the said Confession, who with a spirit
Burgundy demanding, whether the faithful of love and peaceableness do join themselves

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 359

this decree, its consequences were unimportant, because few of the Luther.
ans were disposed to use the liberty thus generously offered them. In the
same year, certain Saxon theologians, Matthias Hoe, Polycarp Lyser, and
Henry Hopfner, were ordered to hold a conference at Leipsic with certain
Hessian and Brandenburg doctors of the first class ; in order that the
sentiments of both parties being properly explained and compared, it might
be better understood what and how great difficulties were in the way of
the much-desired union. This deliberation was conducted without any in-
temperate heat, or lust for disputation and controversy ; but at the same
time, not with that mutual confidence and freedom from jealousy, which
would secure harmony in the result. For though the speakers on the side
of the Reformed, explained in the best manner the views of their church,
and cheerfully conceded not a few things which the Lutherans hardly ex.
pected ; yet the suspicions of the latter lest they should be entrapped, so
intimidated them that they would not acknowledge themselves satisfied.
Hence the disputants separated without accomplishing any thing. (5)
Whoever wishes to learn the motives for these deliberations for peace,
must inspect and examine the civil history of those times.

§ 5. The conference at Thorn in 1645, appointed by Uladislaus IV. king
of Poland, for the purpose of uniting if possible, not only the Reformed
with the Lutherans, but both also with the papists, was likewise unsuccess-
ful. For those who were called together to make efforts if not to termi-
nate, yet at least to diminish the existing enmities, separated more enraged
than when they came together. With more success, by order of William
VI. the landgrave of Hesse, Peter Musceus and John Henichius of the
university of Rinteln, and Sebastian Curtius and John Heinius doctors of
Marpurg, the two former Lutherans and the latter Reformed, when direct-
ed by the landgrave to enter into a friendly discussion, compared their
sentiments at Cassel, in the year 1661. For having investigated the im-
portance of the controversies which separated the two communities, they
mutually shook hands, affirmed that it was far less than was commonly
supposed, and ought not to prevent fraternal affection and harmony. But
the divines of Rinteln were so utterly unable to persuade their Lutheran
brethren to believe as they did, that on the contrary, their only reward
was almost universal hatred, and they were assailed with bitterness in nu-
merous publications. (6) How much labour and effort the Brandenburg

to the communion of our churches in this divines were, John Bergius, court preacher
kingdom, may be, without any abjuration at at Berlin, John Crocius, professor at Mar-
all made by them, admitted unto the Lord's purg, and Theophilus Neuberger, superin-
table with us ; and as sureties may present tendent at Cassel. They discussed all the
children unto baptism, they promising the articles of the Augsburg Confession, to which
Consistory, that they will never solicit them the Reformed were ready to subscribe, and
either directly or indirectly, to transgress also set forth a formula of union, or rather
the doctrine believed and professed in our an ex-position of the articles in controversy,
churches, but will be content to instruct and which was not expected from them. — Schl'.]
educate them in those points and articles (6) The writers who treat of the confer-
which are in common between us and them, ences at Thorn and Cassel, are enumerated
and wherein both the Lutherans and we ajre by Caspar Sagittarius, Introduct. ad His-
unanimously agreed." — Tr.] toriam ecclesiast., torn, ii., p. 1604. Add
(5) See Timann Gesselius, Historia sacra Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia, saeculi xvii.,
et ecclesiastica, pt. ii., the Addenda, p. 597- Decenn. v., p. 689, where the Acts of the
613 ; where the Acts themselves are given, conference of Thorn, — and Decenn. vii., p.
Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia, saeculi xvii., 160, where those of the conference at Cassel,
Decenn. iv.f p. 497, &c. [The Reformed are extant. Jo. Alphonso Turretine, Nubes

360 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

heroes, Frederic William and his son Frederic, afterwards expended in rec.
onciling the differences of Protestants in general, and particularly in Prus-
sia(7) and their other provinces, and what difficulties opposed and with-
stood those efforts, is too well known to need a long rehearsal.

§ 6. Of those, who as private individuals, assumed the office of arbiters
of the contests among the Protestants, a vast number might be mentioned ;
but many more assumed this character among the Reformed, than among
the Lutherans. The most noted among the Reformed, as all agree, was
John DurcRus [or Dury], a Scotchman, who was certainly an honest man,
and both pious and learned, but more distinguished for genius and memory
than for the power of nice discrimination and sound judgment, as might
be evinced by satisfactory proofs if this were the proper place. For more
than forty years, or from 1631 to 1674, he laboured with incredible forti-
tude and patience, by writing, persuading, admonishing, in short, in every
way that could be thought of, to attain the happiness of putting an end to
the contests among the Protestants. Nor did he, like others, attempt this
vast enterprise, shut up in his study ; but he travelled himself into nearly
all the countries of Europe in which a purer religion flourished, and per-
sonally addressed and conferred with all the theologians of both parties,
who were of much note and influence, and made great exertions to engage
in his enterprise, kings, princes, and magistrates, and their friends, by dis-
playing the importance and utility of his object. Most persons commend-
ed his designs, and treated him with kindness : yet very few were found
willing to help forward his plans, by their personal efforts and counsels.
Some persons, suspecting that so great eagerness as Dury manifested, must
proceed from sinister designs, and that he was secretly labouring to draw
the Lutherans into a snare, assailed him in writings full of acrimony ; nor
did all of them abstain from personal invectives ami abuse. At last, neg-
lected by his own party and repelled and rejected by ours, and discouraged
by a thousand hardships, insults, and troubles, he learned that this task ex-
ceeded the power of individual efforts ; and he consumed the remainder
of his life in obscurity and neglect, at Cassel.(S) This honest man, though

Testium pro moderate in rebus theologicis Marpurgers, are in Tilemann ton SchencVs

judicio, p. 178. Jo. Moller, in his Life of Vitas Professorum Theol. Marpurgensium,

Musseus, in Cimbria Litterata, torn, ii., p. p. 202, &e. What he attempted in Hol-

566, &c.. treats professedly of the conference stein, may be learned from the Epistles which

at Cassel ; and in p. 568, gives an accurate Adam Henry Lackmann has published along

catalogue of all the writings published both with the Epistles of Luke Lossius, p. 245.

by the friends and the enemies of that con- How he conducted in Prussia and Poland,

ference. we are informed by Dan. Ern. Jallonsky,

(7) Christ. Hartknoch's Preussische Kir- Historia consensus Sendomiriensis, p. 127.
chenhistorie.p. 599. Unschuldige Nachrich- His proceedings in Denmark, are stated by
ten, A.D. 1731, p. 1010, &c. Jac. Hcrm. von Elswich, fasciculus i. epis-

(8) See Jo. Christopher Coler's Historia tolar. familiarium theologicar., p. 147. His
Joh. Duraei, Wittemb., 1716, 4to ; to which acts in the Palatinate, are in Jo. Henry von
however, very much might be added from Seelcn's Deliciae Epistolicae, p. 353. His
documents both printed and manuscript, proceedings in Switzerland are illustrated by
Some documents of this kind were published the Acts and Epistles published in the Mu-
by Theodore Hastens, in the Bibliotheca seum Helveticum, torn, iii., iv., v., p. 602,
Bremens. Theologico-Philologica, torn, i., &c. Many things on this subject, are also
p. 911, &c., and torn, iv., p. 683. A great brought forward by Jo. Wolfg. Jager, His-
number are given by Timann Gessehus, in toria, sasculi xvii., Decenn. vii., p. 172, and
the Addenda Irenica, in his Historia Eccles., elsewhere. In general, respecting Duraus
torn, ii., p. 614. His transactions with the the reader may consult Anth. Wilh. BhonCt

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 361

sometimes not sufficiently explicit and ingenuous, laid for the foundation
of his scheme certain principles according to which, if they should be ap.
proved, not only Lutherans and the Reformed but Christians of all sects
whatever, might easily become associated. For first, he contended, that
what is called the Apostles'1 Creed embraced all the doctrines necessary to
be believed, and the ten commandments all the laws of conduct to be ob-
served, and the Lord's prayer all the promises of God : and if this were
true, then all Christians might unite in one family. In the next place, as
appears from adequate proof, he endeavoured to attain his object by means
of mystical or Quakerish sentiments. For he placed all religion in the
elevation of the soul to God, or in eliciting that internal divine spark or
word, that dwells in the human mind : from which it would follow, that
difference of opinion on divine subjects has no connexion with religion.

§ 7. The principal Lutherans who engaged in this business, were John
Matihice. a Swede, bishop of Stregnas, and formerly preceptor to queen
Christina, whom Dury had warmed with zeal for a coalition ; and George
Calixtus, a divine of Helmstadt, who had few equals in that age, either in
learning, genius, or probity : but neither of these met with the success he
desired. The Olive Branches of the former (for such was the title of his
pamphlets on the subject) were publicly condemned ; and by a royal edict
were excluded from the territories of Sweden. And he himself at last, in
order to appease in some measure his enemies, had to relinquish his office
and retire to a private life. (9) Calixtus, while he dissuaded others from
contention, drew on himself an immense load of accusations and conflicts ;
and while he endeavoured to free the church from all sects, was thought
by great numbers of his brethren to be the father and author of a new sect,
that of the Syncretists ; that is, the sect which pursued peace and union,
at the expense of divine truth. (10) We shall find hereafter, a more con-
venient place for speaking of the fortunes and the opinions of this great
man ; for he was charged with many other offences besides that of being
zealous for peace with the Reformed, and the attacks made upon him threw
the whole Lutheran community into commotion.

§ 8. To say something of the external prosperity of the Lutheran church,
the most important circumstance is, that this church, though beset with the
numberless machinations and oppressions of its enemies, could no where
be entirely extirpated and obliterated. There are to this day, — and it
may justly excite our wonder, very many Lutherans, even in those coun-
tries in which Lutheran worship is prohibited : nay, (as appears from the

Englische Reformationshistorie, p. 944, and Reine Christine, tome i., p. 320, p. 505, &c. ;
the Dissertation derived very much from un- tome ii., p. 63. [Matthia published two
published documents, which Charles Jesper works which gave offence to the Swedes,
Benzet exhibited at Helmstadt, under my namely, Idea boni ordinis in ecclesia Christi ;
auspices, in 1744, entitled : de Joh. Duraeo, and, Ramus Olivae septentriormlis. The last
maxime de Actis ejus Suecanis. [See also was published in ten parts, Strcngnas, 1661,
Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Dureus ; 1662, 12mo, and in the latter year, it wag
Goi.fr. Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, placed in the list of forbidden books. — TV.]
pt. ii., book xvii., ch. xi., § 23, &c., p. 152, (10) The views of this excellent man,
&c., and Brook's Lives of the Puritans, vol. which many have stated incorrectly, may be
iii., p. 369, &c. — Tr.] learned from his tract often printed, entitled :
(9) See Jo. Schefer's Suecia Litterata, p. Judicium de controversiis theologicis inter
123, and Jo. Mailer's Hypomnemata, upon Lutheranos et Reformatos, et de mutua par-
it, p. 387. Archenholz, Memoires de la tium fraternitate et tolerantia.
VOL. III.— Z z

362 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

recent emigration of the Saltsburgers,(ll) which deserves to be told to all
future ages), in those countries in which even a silent and most cautious
dissent from the established religion is a capital crime, there lie concealed
vast numbers, who regard all superstition with abhorrence, and who ob-
serve in the best manner they can the great precepts of purified religion.
The countries which are inhabited by persons of different religions, yet
are under the spiritual dominion of the Roman pontiff, afford us numerous
examples of cruelty, inhumanity, and injustice, which the Romanists think
perfectly justifiable against those who dissent from them, and whom they
regard as seditious citizens : yet no where could either violence or fraud
wrest from the Lutherans all their rights and liberties. It may be added,
that the Lutheran religion was transplanted by merchants and other emi-
grants, to America, Asia, and Africa ; and was introduced into various
places of Europe, where it was before unknown.

§ 9. The internal condition of the Lutheran church in this century, pre-
sents indeed many things to be commended, but not a few things also that
deformed it. First, it was most honourable to the Lutherans, that they
cultivated every where, with diligence, not only sacred learning, but also
every branch of human knowledge ; and that they enlarged and illustrated
both literature and theology, with many and important accessions. This
is so generally known, that we need not go into a prolix enumeration of the
revolutions and improvements of the several sciences. From most of
them, religion derived some benefit ; but some of them were abused by
injudicious or ill-designing men, — such is the common lot of all human
affairs, — to corrupt and to explain away, that religion which the Bible re-
veals. In the first part of the century, those branches of learning in
which intellect is chiefly concerned, were the most taught in the schools ;
and in a method not very alluring and pleasant : but in the latter part of
it, more attention was paid to the branches which depend on genius and
memory, and which afford more entertainment and pleasure, such as his-
tory, civil as well as literary and natural, antiquities, criticism, eloquence,
and the like. Moreover both kinds of learning were treated in a more
convenient, neat, and elegant manner. Yet it was unhappily the fact, that
while human knowledge was advanced and polished, the estimation in
which learning and learned men were held, was gradually lessened ; which,
among other causes that it will not be best to mention, may be ascribed to
the multitude of those who applied themselves to study, without possess-
ing native talents and a taste for learning.

§ 10. During the greatest part of the century no other rule of philoso-
phizing flourished in the schools, except the Aristotelico-Scholastic : and
for a long time, those who thought Aristotle should either be given up or
amended, were considered as threatening as much danger to the church,
as if they had undertaken to falsify some portion of the Bible. In this
zeal for the Peripatetic philosophy, the doctors of Leipsic, Tubingen,
Helmstadt, and Altdorf, went beyond almost all others. Many indeed en-
vied the Aristotelians their high prosperity. In the first place, there were
certain wise and honest men among the theologians, who admitted that it
was proper to philosophize, though sparingly, but who complained, that the

(11) [There was an emigration of over one in the years 1731 and onward, amounting
thousand Saltsburgers, in the years 1684, to between 30,000 and 40,000 persons. —
1685, 1686 : but the great emigration was TV.]

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 363

name of philosophy was attached to words and distinctions void of all
meaning. (12) Next came the disciples of Peter Ra?nus; who with great
diligence inculcated the precepts of their master, (which were of greater
practical utility), in many both of the higher and inferior schools, to
the exclusion of the Aristotelians.(13) Lastly, there were those who
either condemned all philosophy, as being injurious to religion and to the
community, (which Daniel Hoffmann did, no less unskilfully than conten-
tiously, at Helmstadt), or who, with Robert Fludd, Jacob Bohmen, and the
Rosecrucians, already mentioned,(14) boasted of having discovered by
means of fire and divine illumination, an admirable and celestial mode of
philosophizing. But if there had been as much harmony among these
sects, as there was dissension and disagreement, they had far less power
than was necessary to overthrow the empire of Aristotle, now confirmed
by time and strong in the multitude of its defenders.

§ 11. But more danger impended over Aristotle, from Des Cartes and
Gassendi ; whose lucid and well-arranged treatises as early as the middle
of the century, better pleased many of our theologians, than the many
huge volumes of the Peripatetics, in which the stale and insipid wisdom of
the schools was exhibited without taste or elegance. These new teachers
of philosophy, the Aristotelians first endeavoured to repel by arguments
of an invidious nature, by copiously displaying the great danger which this
new mode of philosophizing portended to religion and to true piety ; but
afterwards, when they saw these weapons unsuccessful, they drew back
and defended only the citadel of their cause, abandoning the outworks.
For some of them coupled elegance of diction and polite literature with
their precepts ; nor did they deny, that though Aristotle was the prince of
philosophers, there were some blemishes and faults in him, which a wise
man might lawfully amend. But this very prudence made their adversa-
ries more bold and daring : for they now contended, that they had obliged
them to confess guilt ; and therefore they opened all their batteries upon
the whole school of the Stagyrite, which the others had conceded to need
amendment only in part. After Hugo Grotius, who was but a timid oppo-
ser of the Stagyrite, Samuel Puffendorf first pointed out, freely and openly,
a new and very different course from the Peripatetic on the law of nature
and the science of morals. He was followed with still greater zeal, (not-
withstanding he was nearly overwhelmed by the multitude of his enemies),
by Christian Thomasius, a jurist first of Leipsic and then at Halle ; who
was not indeed a man to whose protection the interests of philosophy might
be intrusted with entire confidence, yet he possessed a fearless mind and
very superior genius. He attempted a reformation not of a single science
only, but of every branch of philosophy ; and both by words and by exam-
ple, continually urged his fellow-citizens to burst asunder the bonds of
Aristotle ; whom however he did not understand, nor had he even read
him. The particular mode of philosophizing, which he substituted in
place of that which had prevailed, was not very favourably received, and

(12) Such was Wenzel Schilling, with his Aristotelis in Protestant, scholis fortuna,
associates ; (concerning whom, see Godfr. $ xxi., p. 54, &c., and Jo. Geo. Watch's
Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, pt.-ii., Historia Logices, lib. ii., cap. i., sect, iii.,
book xvii., ch. vi., p. 499), and likewise I) 5, in his Parerga Academica, p. 613, dec.
others of our best theologians. (14) See above, in the general history of

(13) See Jo. Herm. von Elsioich, devaria the church, $ 30, &c., p. 274, &c.

364 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

soon fell into neglect : but the spirit of innovation which he diffused, made
so great progress in a short time, that he may be justly accounted the sub-
duer of philosophic tyranny, or of sectarian philosophy, especially among
the Germans. (15) The Frederician university at Halle in Saxony, where
he taught, was the first to fall in with his views : afterwards the other
schools in Germany adopted them, one after another : and from these, the
same liberty of thinking extended to the other nations that followed the
Lutheran religion. Towards the end of the century therefore, all among
us became possessed, not by any law, but in the course of events and as
it were accidentally, of the liberty of philosophizing, each according to his
own judgment, and not another man's ; and of exhibiting in public those
principles of philosophy, which each one thought to be true and certain.
This liberty was so used by the major part, that in the.manner of the an-
cient Eclectics, they selected and combined the better and more probable
dogmas of the various schools : yet there were some, (among whom God-
frey William Leibnitz was undoubtedly the greatest man), who endeavour,
ed to search for the truth by their own efforts, and to elicit from fixed and
immoveable principles a new and imperishable philosophy.(16) In this
conflict with Aristotle and his friends, so great was the odium against the
routed foe among the Lutherans, that the science of metaphysics, which the
Stagyrite regarded as the primary science and the source of all the rest,
was degraded and nearly stripped of all its honours ; nor could the other-
wise great influence of Des Cartes, who like Aristotle commenced all his
philosophy with it, afford to it any great protection. But after the first
commotions had a little subsided, principally at the recommendation of
Leibnitz, it was not only recalled from exile, but was again honoured with
the splendid title and rank of the queen of sciences.

§12. Many persons, who have formed such *i idea of the Christian
church as no wise man will ever expect to see realized, are wonderfully
copious in enumerating and exaggerating the defects of the Lutheran
clergy of this age. In the higher class of them, they mention arrogance,
a contentious spirit, disregard of Christian simplicity, lust of domination,
a carping disposition, intolerable bigotry, extreme hatred of pious and good
men who may honestly deviate at all from the established rule of faith ;
and I know not what other things, no better than these. In the lower
class of ministers, they mention ignorance, an inept mode of teaching, and
neglect of their most sacred duties : and in both classes, avarice, the want
of piety, indolence, and habits unbecoming the character of ministers of

(15) [Concerning Christian Thomasius, ophy, but likewise over ecclesiastical law.

see Brurker's Historia crit. philosophise, torn. He often went too far in this matter, and his

v.,and his Append. Hist. crit. philos., p. 859, views were not always the best. The abuse

&c. Yet Mosheim judged more correctly he received from the divines of Leipsic, in-

of this memorable man, than Brucker did, flamed him with hatred against the whole

who unjustly accounted him a reformer of clerical order. At the same time, he must

philosophy. Tliomasius was not properly a have the credit of abolishing the punishment

reformer of philosophy, though he was the of heretics, trials for witchcraft, and certain

occasion of a reform in it ; for he improved false principles respecting marriage and di-

the philosophical genius of the Germans, just vorce, &c. See Prof. Schroeckh's Algem.

as Hollberg did that of the Danes, without Biographic, vol. v., p. 266, &c. — Schl.]
being himself a great discoverer in philoso- (16) No one will better illustrate these

phy. Thomasius introduced more freedom facts, than Jac. Brucker, the man best in-

of thinking. And this freedom, under his formed on all these subjects, in his Historia

guidance, spread itself not only over philos- critica Philosophise.

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 365

Christ. One who has leisure and the means of examining the morals and
the state of those times, will readily grant, that there was not a small
number of persons presiding over the Lutheran churches, who lacked
either the ability or the disposition to point out the way of truth and sal.
vation, wisely and well. But those who are acquainted with the history
of our world, know that this has been a common evil in all ages. And on
the other hand, no one will deny, — unless he is ignorant and ill-informed,
or is affected by some disease of the mind, — that there were very many
learned, grave, wise, and holy men, intermingled among these bad clergy,
men. And perhaps, if one should raise this question, Whether in the
times of our fathers, or in our own times, (in which, as many think, the
ancient sanctity of the clergy is revived in most places), there were the
most preachers in our churches, unworthy of the office ; a difficult contro.
versy would come up, in which a person of any genius might easily find ar-
guments on both sides. Besides, many of the faults so invidiously charged
upon the clergy of this age, if the subject be duly examined, will be found
to be not so much the faults of the men, as of the times ; arising from the
public calamities, the thirty years' war, (that fruitful source of innumerable
evils to Germany), from a bad education also, and sometimes from the
conduct of the supreme magistrates.

§ 13. This last remark will be better understood, if we notice some par.
ticulars. We do not deny what many allege, that during a great part of
the century, the people were not well instructed and taught either from the
pulpit or in the schools ; nor shall we much resist those who maintain, that
the sacred eloquence of many places was the art of declaiming boisterously,
by the hour, on subjects little understood or comprehended. For though
the doctrines and precepts of religion were generally brought forward, yet
by most preachers they were dressed out in puerile ornaments, very for-
eign from the spirit of divine wisdom ; and thus were in a measure depri-
ved of their native force and beauty. Yet who can greatly wonder, that
those men should have amplified their discourses with adventitious matter,
who had but very few examples of good speaking before them, and who
brought to the sacred office heads full of philosophical terms and distinc-
tions and quibbles, but empty of those things which are of most use for
moving the souls of men ? We acknowledge, that in the universities more
time was spent in the study of polemic theology, and in stating and clear-
ing the doctrines of theology with subtilty and art, than in explaining the
holy scriptures, in unfolding the principles of morals, in imbuing the mind
with pious emotions, and in other things necessary in a minister of religion.
Yet this fault I think, will be censured with less severity, by one who has
learned from the history of those times, with what zeal and subtilty numer-
ous adversaries attacked the Lutheran cause, and to what dangers it was
exposed from those adversaries, especially from the papists. When war
rages on every side, the art of war and of defending one's country, it is
well known, is commonly regarded as the most valuable of all arts. I
wish they had shown more mildness, towards great numbers who from ex-
cessive curiosity or from ignorance Or the ardour of their imaginations,
fell into errors, yet did not disturb the public peace with their opinions.
But from education, and from their earliest impressions, (which are well
known to have boundless influence), our ancestors derived the sentiment,
that corrupters of divine truth ought to be restrained. And the more

366 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

simplicity and attachment to the divine glory they possessed, the more
difficult was it for them to discard the maxim, tranfused into their minds
from the ecclesiastical law of the papists, that whoever is adjudged an en-
emy of God, should be adjudged an enemy of his country.

§ 14. In the form of church government, the mode of worship, and other
external regulations of our church, little or no change was made in most
places. Yet many and great changes would have been made, if the prin-
ces had deemed it for the public good to regulate ecclesiastical matters
according to the prescriptions of certain great and excellent men, who
near the close of the century, led on by Christian Thomasius, attempted a
reformation of our system of ecclesiastical law. These famous jurists, in
the first place, set up a new fundamental principle of church polity, namely
the supreme authority and power of the civil magistrate : and then, after
establishing with great care and subtilty this basis, they founded upon it a
great mass of precepts, which in the judgment of many were considered,
and not without reason, as tending to this point, that the sovereign of a
country is also sovereign of the religion of its citizens, or is their supreme
pontiff; and that the ministers of religion, are not to be accounted ambas-
sadors of God, but vicegerents of the chief magistrates. They also weak-
ened not a little the few remaining prerogatives and advantages of the
clergy, which were left of the vast number formerly possessed ; and main-
tained, that many of the maxims and regulations of our church, which had
come down from our fathers, were relics of popish superstition. This af-
forded matter for long and pernicious feuds and contests between our the-
ologians and our jurists. I leave others to inquire, with what temper and
designs and with what success, these contests were managed on both sides.
It will be sufficient for us to observe, what is abundantly attested, that they
diminished much in one place and another, the r^pect for the clergy, the
reverence for religion, and the security and prosperity of the Lutheran
church. And hence, most unfortunately such is the state of things among
us, that those of honourable birth, or who are distinguished for strength of
genius, or for noble and ingenuous feelings, look upon the study of theolo-
gy as beneath them, there being neither honour nor much emolument at-
tached to it ; and every day, the number of wise and erudite theologians,
is becoming less. This is lamented, by those who see in what a perilous
state the Lutheran cause now is : and perhaps those who come after us,
will have cause to lament it still more.

§ 15. With the names of celebrated men among the Lutherans, whose
writings have promoted their own reputations and the interests of the
church, we might fill up several pages. It will be sufficient for the young
theologian, to acquaint himself well with the merits and the labours of the
following. Mgidius, and Nicholas Hunnius ; Leonard Hutter ; John, and
John Ernest Gerhard ; George, and Frederic Ulric Calixtus ; the Ment-
zers ; the Oleariuses ; Frederic Baldwin ; Albrecht Grawer ; Matthias
Hoe ; the Carpzovs ; John, and Paul Tarnovius ; John Affelmann ; Eilh.
Lubin ; the Lysers ; both the Michael Walthers ; Joachim Hildebrand ;
John Vol. Andrea ; Solomon Glassius ; Abraham Calovius ; Theodore
Hackspan ; John Hulsemann ; James Weller ; the brothers, Peter and
John Musaus ; John Conrad Dannhauer ; John George Dorschaus ; John
Arnd; Martin Geyer ; John Adam Schertzer ,• Balthasar, and John
Meisner ; Augustus Pfeiffer ; Henry, and John Midler ; Justus Christo.

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

367

pher Schomer ; Sebastian Sckmid ; Christian Kortholt ; the Osianders ;
Philip James Spener ; Gebhard Theodore Meyer; Fridem. Bechmann;
and others. (17)

preacher, and a strenuous adversary of the
Reformed ; and died in 1645. — Jo. Bened.
Carpzov, professor of theology at Leipsic,
wrote Isagoge in libros symbol., and died
1657. — His son Jo. Bened. Carpzov, also
professor of theology at Leipsic, and famed
for his Rabbinic learning, died 1699. — His
brother, Sam. Bened. Carpzov, court preach-
er at Dresden, died 1707. — Jo. Tarnovius,
professor of theology at Rostock, a good in-
terpreter, died 1629. — Paul Tarnovius, a
kinsman of the former, and a professor at
Rostock, also a biblical interpreter ; died in
1633. — A/elmann (or von Affeln), was an
acute but angry disputant, professor of the-
ology at Rostock, and died 1624. — Lubin,
professor, first of poetry, and then of theolo-
gy, at Rostock, was an elegant scholar, and
a good interpreter of Paul's epistles ; died
1621. — Polycarp Lyser, prof, of theology at
Wittemberg, a zealous defender of Luther-
anism, died 1610. — His son, Polycarp, pro-
fessor of theology at Leipsic, also an acute
polemic, died 1633. — The brother of the last,
William Lyser, was professor of theology at
Wittemb., and died in 1649. — Walther, the
father, professor of theology at Helmst., and
then general superintendent of East Fries-
land, died at Zelle 1662. — Walther, the son,
was professor of mathematics, and then of
theology at Wittemberg, and died 1692. —
Hildebrand, professor of theology and eccle-
siastical antiquities at Helmstadt, and then
upper superintendent in Luneburg, died
1671. — J. V. Andrea, the son of John, and
grandson of the famous chancellor James
Andrea of Tubingen, sustained various of-
fices, court preacher, consistorial counsellor,
&.c. He was a great satirical genius, as
well as profoundly learned ; and was sup-
posed to be the author of the Rosecrucian
comedy; died 1654, aged 68. — Solomon
Glass, author of Philologia Sacra, was born
1593, became professor of Hebrew and
Greek, and then of theology, at Jena, and
lastly general superintendent at Gotha, where
he died 1656. He was very learned and
pious.— Calovius, professor at Konigsberg,
rector at Dantzig, and professor of theology
at Wittemberg ; died 1686, aged 74. He
was a learned dogmatic theologian, and se-
vere against dissentients from Lutheranism.
— Hackspan, a learned Orientalist, professor
of the Oriental languages, and then of theol-
ogy, at Altorf, died 1659, aged 52. — Hiilse-
mann, a scholastic divine, was professor of
theology, first at Writtemberg, and then at
Leipsic, where he died 1661, aged 59. He

(17) For the lives and writings of these
men, see, besides the common writers of lit-
erary history, Henry Wilte, in his Memoriae
Theologorum, and his Diarium Biographi-
cum ; Henry Pipping and George Henry
Gotze, in their Memoris Theologorum ; and
others. [The following brief notices are
abridged from Schlcgel and Von Einem. —
JEg. Hunnius, born 1550, prof, of theology
at Marpurg 1576, and at Wittemberg 1592,
where he died 1603, was a great polemic di-
vine. His Latin Works, 5 vols. fol., were
printed 1607-1609. — His son of the same
name, superintendent at Altenburg, died
1642. — Nicholas Hunnius, prof, at Wittem-
berg and superintendent at Lubec, died 1643.
He wrote against the Catholics ; and a plan
for terminating religious controversies. —
Hutter died a prof, at Wittemberg in 1616.
He was a bitter polemic against the Reform-
ed.— John Gerhard, born 1582, professor at
Coburg and Jena, died 1637. His Loci
Communes enlarged by Cotta, are still in
repute. His Confessio Catholica confutes
the Catholic theology, by the fathers, coun-
cils and schoolmen. — His son, Jo. Ernst
Gerhard, professor of theology at Jena, died
1668, and his grandson, of the same name,
professor of theology at Giessen, died 1707.
— Geo. Calixtus, an elegant scholar, and a
learned theologian, professor at Helmstadt,
died 1656. His conflicts are afterwards
mentioned by Dr. Mosheim. — His son Geo.
Ulric Calixtus, trod in the steps of his fa-
ther ; but possessed less talent. — Balthazar
Mentzer, the father, professor at Marpurg
and Giessen, famous as a violent polemic
against the Reformed, died 1627. — Baltha-
zar Mentzer, the son, was professor at Mar-
purg, Rinteln, and Giessen ; and died 1679.
— John Olearius (or (Elschlager) who died
1623, professor of Hebrew at Helmst. and
superintendent at Halle, was the parent of
the others. — Jo. Godfr. Olearius, his son,
succeeded his father at Halle. — Jo. Olearius,
the grandson of John, was professor of Greek
at Leipsic, wrote de Stylo N. Test., and
died 1713. — Godfrey Olearius, son of the
last, and great-grandson of the first John,
was professor of theology at Leipsic, and
died 1715. — Fred. Baldwin was professor of
theology at Wittemb. ; wrote a commentary
on Paul's Epistles ; Cases of Conscience,
&c. ; and died 1627. — Grawer, professor at
Jena, and general superintendent at Weimer,
an angry polemic, and denominated the shield
and sword of Lutheranism, died 1617. — Hoe
was nobly born at Vienna ; was a court

368 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

§ 16. No violence was publicly offered to the fundamental articles of
religion, as professed by the Lutheran church : nor would any one easily
have found toleration among the Lutheran doctors, if he had ventured to
forsake, or to invalidate, the doctrines clearly defined and explained in what
are called the Symbolical books. - But in more modern times, from various
causes, the high authority once possessed by those rules of faith and doc-
trine, has in many places, been much weakened and diminished. And
hence arises the liberty, enjoyed by those who are not professed teachers
in the church, of dissenting from the symbolical books ; and of expressing
that dissent at pleasure, both orally and in their writings. Formerly, such
as opposed any article of the public religion, or disseminated new opinions
among the people, were judicially arraigned ; and they could seldom escape
without some loss of honour and emoluments, unless they would abjure their

strenuously opposed all union with the Re-
formed.— Wetter, author of a famous Greek
Grammar, was a good teacher of the Orien-
tal languages and theology, at Wittemberg ;
and then court preacher at Dresden ; died
1664, aged 62. — Peter Mus&us, a learned
and moderate man, professor of theology at
Rinteln, Helmstadt, and Kiel, where he died
1674, aged 54. — John Musaus, a judicious
divine, first a professor of history and poetry,
and then of theology, at Jena; died 1681,
aged 68. Both these brothers were liberal-
minded men. — Dannhauer, a poet and pro-
fessor of theology at Strasburg, died 1666,
aged 63. — Dorschceus of Strasburg, a prof,
of theology there, and at Rostock, where he
died in 1659, aged 62 ; was very learned.
— Arnd, after various changes and persecu-
tions, died general superintendent of Zelle,
in 1621, aged 66 ; a very pious man, though
mystical. See above, p. 136, note (15). —
Geyer, a preacher and professor at Leipsic,
and court preacher at Dresden ; a devout
man, a commentator on some books of the
Old Testament, died 1680, aged 66.—
Schertzer, professor of theology at Leipsic,
a disciple of Hiilsemann, author of a system
of theology; died 1683, aged 55.— Balth.
Meisner of Dresden, professor of theology
at Wittemberg, a modest and liberal-minded
man ; died 1626, aged 39. — Jo. Meisner,
prof, of theology at Wittemberg ; much op-
posed by Caloviits, for his liberal views ;
died 1681, aged 66. — Pfeiffer, a good Ori-
entalist and expositor, author of Dubia Vex-
ata, and Critica Sacra, was prof, of Oriental
languages and of theology, first at Wittem-
berg, and then at Leipsic, and superintendent
at Lubec, where he died 1698, aged 58. —
Henry Muller, a friend of Spencr, preacher
and prof, at Rostock, known by his practical
writings, died 1675, aged 44. — Jo. Muller,
a preacher at Hamburg, and bitter opposer
of Henry Muller and Jac. Bcehmen, died
1672, aged 74. — Schomer, of Lubec, pro-
fessor of theology at Rostock, died 1693,

aged 45 ; and was a man of general knowl-
edge.— Schmid, a native of Alsace, and pro-
fessor at Strasburg, was learned in the Ori-
ental languages, and distinguished as a bib-
lical interpreter. His Latin translation of
the Bible, and comment, on several books,
did him much credit ; he died 1696, aged
79. — Kortholt was professor of theology at
Rostock, and then at Kiel, where he was
vice-chancellor, and died 1694, aged 61.
He advanced church history, and promoted
piety and religious knowledge in the country
around him. — Lucas Osiander, senior, (son
of Andrew Osiander, senior), was court
preacher, and consistorial counsellor at Stut-
gard, and employed in promoting the recep-
tion of the Formula of Concord. He abridg-
ed and continued the Magdeburg centuries ;
and .died, 1604, aged 73. — Andrew Osian-
der, (son of the former), became chancellor
at Tubingen, and died 1617, aged 55, leav-
ing nine children. He published a Latin
Bible with notes. — Lucas Osiander, junior,
(son of Lucas Osiander, senior), professor of
theology, and chancellor at Tubingen ; a vio-
lent polemic and particularly hostile to Men-
zcr and Arnd,; died 1638, aged 67. — John
Adam Osiander, (son of Jo. Balthasar Osi-
ander, superintendent of Vaihingen), was
court preacher at Stutgard, prof, of Greek,
and then of theology, and finally chancellor,
at Tubingen ; a polemic divine ; died 1697,
aged 75. — Phil. Jac. Spener, of upper Al-
sace, preacher at Strasburg, Frankfort, and
at the court of Dresden, and provost of Ber-
lin, where he died 1705, aged 76. He was
learned and eloquent, and a great promoter
of piety ; and will be noticed hereafter. —
Meyer, well read in ecclesiastical antiquities,
was professor of theology at Helmstadt,
where he died 1693. He wrote commentar.
de recondita veteris eccles. theologia ; and
published JusteWs Codex canonum ecclesise
universse. — Bechmannvjas professor at Jena,
and died in 1703.— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 369

opinions. But no one feared any thing of this kind, after the principle
which the Arminians first zealously propagated, had gradually made its
way among the Lutheran churches, in the latter part of the seventeenth
century ; namely, that every man is accountable to -God only, for his reli-
gious opinions ; and that it is wrong, for the state to punish any man for
his erroneous faith, provided he does nothing to disturb the public tranquil-
lity. It were to be wished, that this liberty of opinion (which every one
will approve, in proportion to his equity, and his confidence in his own vir-
tue) had not degenerated into the unbridled licentiousness, of treating ev-
ery thing sacred and salutary with utter contempt, and of attacking with
amazing wantonness, the honour both of religion and its ministers.

§ 17. The study of the sacred scriptures was never intermitted among
the Lutherans ; nor were they at any time without skilful interpreters of
the Bible, and trusty guides of those interpreters. To say nothing of
Tarnovius, GerJiard, Hackspan, Calixtus, Erasmus Schmid, and the many
other famous expounders of the divine books, there was published, at the
very time which some tax with the greatest neglect of this kind of studies,
the immortal work of Solomon Glassius, entitled Philologia Sacra ; than
which, nothing can be a more useful help for understanding the language
of the divine scriptures. Still it must be confessed, that during a large
part of the century, most of the doctors in the universities were more oc-
cupied in explaining and defending with subtilty the dogmas and tenets of
the church, than in expounding that volume whence all solid knowledge of
them must be derived. Yet if in this there was any thing reprehensible,
the subsequent theologians caused the interests of the Lutheran religion
to derive little injury from it. For as soon as the commotions produced
by the wars and controversies, particularly with the papists, had begun to
subside, great numbers applied themselves to the exposition of the scrip-
tures ; to which they were excited and quickened very much, if I do not
misjudge, by the industry of those Dutch theologians who followed after
Cocceius. At the head of these later interpreters, may be placed perhaps
Sebastian Schmid ; whom no one has exceeded, at least in the number of
his productions. Next to him, Abraham Calovius, Martin Geyer, Schomer,
and some others, most deserve to be mentioned. (18) The Pietistic con-
troversies, though otherwise most lamentable, were at last attended with
this among other consequences, that greater numbers than before, applied
themselves to the careful reading of the holy scriptures, and to meditation
on their contents. The merits of these expositors, as is common, were
unequal. Some investigated merely the import of the words, and the sense
of the text. Others, besides this, encountered opposers ; and either con-
futed their false expositions, or applied the true interpretation to the sub-
version of their erroneous opinions. Others, after exhibiting briefly the
sense of an [inspired] writer, applied it to morals, and to instruction in
Christian duty. Some are represented, and perhaps not unjustly, as hav-
ing, by assiduously reading the books of the Cocceians, fallen into some
of their faults ; and as inconsiderately turning the sacred histories into al-
legories, by searching after recondite and remote senses, rather than the
obvious sense of the words.

§ 18. The principal divines of this century, at first presented the doc-

(18) The reader may here consult Jo. Fran, Buddeus, Isagoge in theologiam, lib. ii., cap.
viii., p- 1686, &c.

VOL. III.— A A A

370 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

trines of religion derived from the scriptures, in a loose and disconnected
form, after the manner of Melancthon ; that is, arranged under general
heads (Locos Communes) : yet this did not prevent them from employing
in the explanation and statement of particular doctrines, the terms, the dis-
tinctions, and the definitions of the then reigning and admired Peripatetic
philosophy. Afterwards, George Calixtus, who was himself addicted to
the Aristotelian philosophy, first clothed theology in a philosophic dress ;
that is, reduced it to the form of a science or a system of truths : bu$ he
was censured by many, not so much for doing such a thing, as because he
did not give to this most sacred science a suitable form. For he divided
the whole science into three parts, the object, the subject, and the means ;
which, though accordant with the precepts of Aristotle, to whom he was
exclusively attached, was, in the opinion of some, an unsuitable distribu-
tion. (19) A number of the best teachers however, eagerly adopted that
arrangement ; and even in our times, there are some who commend it, and
follow it in practice. Some arranged religious doctrines in a different
manner ; but they had not many imitators. Nevertheless, there were
many respectable and pious men throughout the century, who were very
much displeased with this mode of teaching theology philosophically, or of
combining sacred truths with the dictates of philosophy : they earnestly
desired, to see all human subtilties and nice speculation laid aside, and the-
ology exhibited, just as God exhibits it in the holy scriptures ; that is, in a
simple, perspicuous, popular form, cleared and freed wholly from any phil-
osophical fetters. These persons were gratified to some extent, as the
century drew to a close, when Philip James Spener, and not a few others,
animated by his exhortations and example, began to treat on religious sub-
jects with more freedom and clearness ; and when the Eclectics drove the
Peripatetic philosophy from the schools. Spener could not, indeed, per-
suade all to follow his method ; yet he persuaded a great many. Nor can
there be any doubt, that from this time onward, theology acquired a more
noble and agreeable aspect. Polemic theology experienced much the same
fortunes, as dogmatic. For it was, for the most part, destitute of all ele-
gance and perspicuity, so long as Aristotle had dominion in the theological
schools : but after his banishment, it gradually received some degree of
light and polish. Yet we must acknowledge, with regret, that the com-
mon faults of disputants were not effaced, even after those times. For if
we turn over the pages of the earlier or the later religious controversial-
ists of this century, we find few whom we can truly pronounce desirous of
nothing but the advancement of truth, or not deceived and led away by
their passions.

§ 19. Our theologians were tardy in cultivating moral theology. Nor,
if we except a few eminent men, such as John Arnd and John Gerhard,
and others who treated in a popular way, of the formation of the soul to
the true and internal worship of God, and of the duties of men ; was there

(19) [This distribution into the object, considered the doctrines concerning God,
subject, and means in theology, may be un- creation, man's state of innocence and apos-
derstood, by considering what parts of , the- tacy, with its consequences. Under the
ology he placed under each of these heads, third, he considered the doctrines concern-
Under the first, he considered man's supreme ing the grace of God, the merits of Christ,
good, the immortality of the soul, the resur- his person and offices, faith and justification,
rection, the last judgment, eternal blessed- the word of God, the sacraments, conversion,
ness and damnation. Under the second, he good works, &c. — TV.]

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 371

a single excellent and accurate writer on the science of morals, in all the
first part of the century. And hence, those who laboured to elucidate
what are called cases of conscience, were held in estimation ; notwith-
standing they must often unavoidably fall into very frequent mistakes, as
the first and fundamental principles of morals were not yet accurately laid
down. George Calixtus, whose merits are so great in regard to all other
branches of theology, first separated the science of morals from that of
dogmatics, and gave it the form of an independent science. He was not
indeed allowed to complete the design, which all admired in its commence-
ment ; but his disciples applied the materials they got from him, to con-
struct not unsuccessfully, a proper system of moral theology. Scarcely
any thing injured more their labours, in process of time, than the Peripa-
tetic dress, with which Calixtus chose to invest also this part of divine
truth. Hence the moderns have torn ofF this dress, and calling in the aid
of the law of nature, which Puffendorf and others had purified and illus-
trated, and collating it carefully with the sacred scriptures, have not only
more clearly laid open the sources of Christian duties, and more correctly
ascertained the import of the divine laws, but have digested and arranged
this whole science in a much better manner.

§ 20. During this whole century, the Lutheran church was greatly agi-
tated ; partly by controversies among the principal doctors, to the great
injury of the whole community ; and partly by the extravagant zeal and
plans of certain persons, who disseminated new and strange opinions, ut-
tered prophecies, and attempted to change all our doctrines and institu-
tions. The controversies which drew the doctors into parties, may be fitly
divided into the greater and the less ; the former such as disturbed the
whole church, and the latter, such as disquieted only some part of it. Of
the first kind, there were two which occupied the greatest part of the cen-
tury ; the Syncretistic, which from the place whence it arose, was called
the Helmstadian controversy, and from the man chiefly concerned in it, the
Calixtine controversy ; and the Pietistic, which some call the Hallensian
controversy, from the university with which it was waged. Both were
occasioned by principles, than which nothing is more holy and lovely :
the former by the love of peace and Christian forbearance, so highly com.
mended by our Saviour ; and the latter, by the desire of restoring and ad-
vancing fallen piety, which every good man admits should be among the
first cares of a Christian teacher. Against these two great virtues, zeal
for maintaining the truth and for preserving it from all mixture of error,
which is likewise an excellent and very useful virtue, engaged in open
war. For so critical and fallacious is the condition of human nature, that
from the best things as their source, contentions and pestilence may flow,
if turbid emotions get control of the mind.

& 21. George Calixtus of Sleswick, a theologian who had few equals in
this century either for learning or genius, While teaching in that university
which from its first establishment granted proper liberty of thought to its
professors, early intimated, that in his view there were some defects in the
common opinions of theologians. Afterwards he went farther, and showed
in various ways, that he had a strong desire not so much to establish peace
and harmony among disagreeing Christians, as to diminish their anger and
implacable hatred to each other. Nor did his colleagues differ much from
him in this matter ; which will the less surprise those who know, that such

372 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

as are created doctors of theology in the university of Helmstadt, are ac-
customed all of them, to make oath that they will endeavour according to
their ability, to reconcile and settle the controversies among Christians.
The first avowed attack upon them was made in 1639, by Statins Buscher,
a minister of St. Giles' church in Hanover, an indiscreet man, of the Ra-
mist school and hostile to [the prevailing] philosophy ; who was much dis-
pleased, because Calixtus and his associates preferred the Peripatetic phi-
losophy before that of the sect he had embraced. He made the attack in
a very malignant book, entitled : Crypto-Papismus novas, Theologia Helm-
stadiensis ;(20) in which he accused Calixtus especially, of numerous er-
rors. Though Butcher made some impression on the minds of individ-
uals, he would perhaps have incurred the reproach of being a rash and
unjust accuser, if he had only led Calixtus to be more cautious. But the
latter, possessing a generous spirit that disdained all dissimulation, with
his colleague Conrad Horneius, not only persevered in confidently assert-
ing and defending the things which Buscher had brought many to regard
as novelties and dangerous ; but likewise, in the conference at Thorn in
1645, he incurred the indignation and enmity of the Saxon divines, who
were there present. Frederic William, the elector of Brandenburg, had
made him colleague and assistant to the divines whom he sent from Ko-
nigsberg to that conference : and the Saxon deputies thought it shameful,
that a Lutheran divine should afford any aid to the Reformed. This first
cause of offence at the conference, was followed by others, which occa-
sioned the Saxons to accuse Calixtus, of being too friendly to the Reformed.
The story is too long to be fully stated here. But after the conference
broke up, the Saxon divines, John Hulsemann, James Wetter, John Scharf,
Abraham Calovius, and others, attacked Calixtus in their public writings,
maintaining, that he had apostatized from the Lutheran doctrines to the
sentiments of the Reformed and the papists. These their attacks he re-
pelled, with great vigour and uncommon erudition, being profoundly versed
in philosophy and all antiquity ; until the year 1656, when he passed from
these scenes of discord to heavenly rest. (21)

(20) fl. e., the disguised Popery of the ity he can safely trust. This history re-
new Theology at Helmstadt. — TV. j quires a man of ingenuousness, of extensive

(21) Whoever wishes to know merely the knowledge of the world, well furnished wiih
series of events in this controversy, the titles documents, \vhich are in a great measure not
of the books published, the doctrines that yet published, and also not a novice in court
were controverted, and similar things, may policy. And I am not certain, whether even
find writers enough to consult ; such as in this age, if a man could be found compe-
Walch, Introduction to the Controversies in tent to do it, all that is important to the his-
our church, (in German). Andr. Charles tory of this controversy, could be published
Weismann, [Historia Eccles., saecul. xvii., to the world without exciting odium and pro-
p. 1194]. Arnold, [Kirchen-und Ketzerhis- ducing harm. [The translator, (says Schle-
torie, pt. ii., book xvii., ch. xi., § 1, &c.], gel, who was a pupil of Mosheim), may be
and many others ; but especially, Jo. Mol- allowed here to insert the judgment of Mo-
ler's Cimbria Litterata, torn, iii., p. 121, shcim, which he brought forward in his Lec-
where he treats largely of the life, fortunes, tures ; in which he communicated with his
and writings of Calixtus. But whoever hearers, more freely, than he usually does in
wishes to understand the internal character his writings with his readers. — Calixtus, by
of this controversy, the causes of the several his travels, became acquainted with people
events, the characters of the disputants, the of various creeds, and particularly with Ro-
arguments on both sides, in short, the things mish Catholics and the Reformed; and by this
that are of the highest importance in the con- intercourse, he acquired a kind of modera-
troversy, will find no writer, to whose fidel- tion in his judgments respecting persons of

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

373

§ 22. After the death of Calixtus, and the decease also of those by whom
he had been most opposed, the flames of this war raged far worse than be-

other denominations. In particular, he had
resided long in England, and contracted in-
timacy with several bishops. Here he im-
bibed the fundamental principles of the
English reformation, and his partiality for
the ancient churches. And hence he as-
sumed the consent of the church in the five
first centuries, as a second source of a true
knowledge of the Christian faith ; and was
of opinion, that we had gone too far in the
Reformation, and that we should have done
better; if we had regulated the church ac-
cording to the pattern of the early churches.
From this source, afterwards followed all his
peculiarities of sentiment. Hence his attach-
ment to ecclesiastical antiquity : hence his
desire for the union of all classes of Chris-
tians : hence his inclination towards the Ro-
mish church ; which cannot be denied, though
he acknowledged and exposed numerous
faults and abuses in that church. And
hence also it arose, that he had a particular
respect for the English church, as retaining
more of the usages of the ancient church :
and that many of his pupils went over, some
to the Romish, and others to the English
church. Calixtus became renowned in ear-
ly life. A young lord of Klenck, had been
prepossessed in favour of the Catholic reli-
gion by the Jesuit, Augustine Turrianus of
Hildesheim. The mother wishing to pre-
vent his apost.acy, invited Cornelius Marti-
ni, a professor at Helmstadt, and the strong-
est metaphysician of his age, to come to her
castle at Hildesheim, and dispute with the
Jesuit in the presence of her son. Martini
denied himself this honour, and recommend-
ed to it his pupil, the young Calixtus. He,
on the first day, drove the Jesuit into such
straits, that he could say nothing ; and the
next morning he secretly decamped. The
history of this transaction may be found in
the Summa Colloquii Hemelschenburgensis.
This remarkable victory led the duke of
Brunswick, to raise him from a master in
philosophy, to the rank of professor in the-
ology. While only a master, he had pub-
lished fifteen Disputationes de praecipuis re-
ligionis Christianas capitibus ; in which he
intimated pretty clearly, that he did not be-
lieve all that was generally believed in our
church ; and particularly, he explained the
doctrine of the transfer of attributes (com-
municatio idiomatum), differently from the
common explanation. Likewise to his Epit-
ome Theologian, published in 1619, Baltha-
zar Menzer of Giessen and Henry Hopfner
of Leipsic, made many exceptions. For he
mixed his Scholastic philosophy with theolo-

gy ; and taught among other things, that God
was the accidental cause of sin, — a proposi-
tion, which was liable to be very ill inter-
preted, and which he afterwards recalled, on
account of its liability to misinterpretation.
Thus he was involved in contentions from
the commencement of his professorship ; and
they were increased in 1634, when he pub-
lished the first part of his Epitome Theolo-
gi* Moralis, and subjoined to it a Digression,
de Nova Arte, in opposition to Barthold
Nihusen. In particular, the Ramists were
his mortal enemies, because he was an Aris-
totelian. One of these Rarnists, Statins
Buscher, (who had read lectures at Helm-
stadt as a master, before Calixtus did), be-
ing prompted to it by some enemies of Ca-
lixtus, published his Crypto- Papismus novae
theologiae Helrnstadiensis ; te which Calix-
tus and Horneius made answer. The hon-
est Buscher was summoned before the Con-
sistory : but he chose not to appear person-
ally, and therefore defended himself in wri-
ting. He gave up his office, retired to Stade,
where he died of grief in 1641. Thus this
contest faded away. Buscher's accusations
were ill founded ; and his patrons were afraid
to expose themselves. But four years after,
a very different conflict arose, which lasted
as long as Calixtus lived. The king of Po-
land, Ladislav IV., appointed the Charitable
Conference (Colloquium charitativum) at
Thorn : in which all religious parties were
to appear, and confer together on religion,
and come to agreement. To this confer-
ence, on the side of the Lutherans, some
Saxon divines of Wittemberg, especially,
were invited from Germany ; for they were
regarded as standing at the head of all the
German theologians. The great elector of
Brandenburg, prince Frederic William, in-
vited Calixtus of Brunswick to accompany
and assist the Konigsberg divines : and Ca-
lixtus not only complied, but also committed
the error, of going previously to Berlin and
thence travelling in company with the Re-
formed divines to Thorn, lodging in the
same house, eating at the same table, and in
general having the greatest familiarity with
them. As the Konigsberg divines had not
yet arrived, and so Calixtus had nothing to
do in the Conference, the magistrates of
Elbing and Thorn invited him to assist
them : which he engaged to do. But the
Saxon and Dantzic divines, (among the lat-
ter of whom Calovius was the most violent),
threw in their remonstrance ; alleging, that
he could not be admitted as a speaker in be-
half of the divines of these cities, because he

374 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

fore. The Saxons continued, and especially Calovius, most bitterly to in-
sult the dead lion : nay, proceeded to pave the way imprudently, (as many
of the best men, who were by no means Calixtinians, believed), for an open
schism in the Lutheran church. For a new book was drawn up, entitled,
Renewed Consent to the true Lutheran faith (Consensus repetitus Fidei vere
Lutheranse) ; which was to be added to those we call Symbolical books,
and to be consented to under oath, by all public teachers ; and by which,
Calixtus with his followers and friends, was pronounced unworthy of the
Lutheran community, and therefore also of the benefits of the peace grant-
ed to the Lutherans. The memory or reputation of Calixtus was modest-
ly defended, by Gerhard Titius, Joachim Hildebrand, and other theologians
of a temperate character. And the most discerning men demonstrated,

belonged to a university which did not em-
brace the Formula of Concord, and because
he had rendered himself suspected, by his
intimacy with the Reformed. This remon-
strance induced the senate of Elbing to
desist from the measure. Though Calixtus
could not in this way be brought to take an
active part, another occurrence afforded him
something to do. The Polish Reformed and
the Bohemian Brethren, when they saw that
the Dantzic divines would not tolerate him
among the Lutheran speakers, invited him
to be their speaker : which he consented to,
yet with the restriction, that he should hold
with them, only in the points on which Prot-
estants were at issue with the Catholics.
He afterwards printed some notes on the
Creed, which were laid before the Confer-
ence ; in which he made it appear, that he
did not in all points agree with the Reform-
ed. But all this was insufficient to quiet
the suspicions against him. The rumour
spread every where, that Calixtus was an
apostate. The disaffection towards him was
increased, as the Polish Roman Catholic
lords of Thorn treated him with more atten-
tion than they did the other divines, and as-
sociated more frequently with him. If Ca-
lixtus had possessed more prudence and fore-
sight, and his opposers more candour and
justice, things would not have come to such
a pass. While these events were going on,
the Konigsberg divines arrived. But now a
contest arose between them and the divines
of Dantzic, respecting precedence. The
former claimed precedence, as being envoys
of the great electoral prince ; and the latter,
because they had previously arrived, and had
taken their seats. In such contests, the
whole three months allotted to the Confer-
ence, passed away ; and the deputies return-
ed home, having accomplished nothing'. The
contest with Calixtus now became warm.
The Saxon divines were obliged to justify
their conduct towards him at the Confer-
ence ; and they found it necessary to charge
him with being a corrupter of religion, a con-

cealed Calvinist and a wicked heretic. Ca-
lixtus himself gave occasion for increasing
the strife, by a disputation on the mystery of
the Trinity, which Dr. Jo. Latermann wrote
and defended "under him, in 1645 ; in which
it was maintained, that the doctrine of the
Trinity was not made known to the fathers
under the Old Testament, and that it was a
created angel, and not the Son of God, who
appeared to the patriarchs. On this point
he was assailed, although he had so explain-
ed himself as ought to have given satisfac-
tion. Our whole church was, by this con-
test, wrought into a flame which it was dif-
ficult to extinguish. Solomon Glassius, by
order of Ernesti duke of Gotha, published
his Thoughts ; which aimed to restore peace,
and in man^ points did justice to Calixtus.
But the effort was fruitless. Duke Ernesti
went farther ; he wrote to the electoral court
of Saxony and to 'the court of Brunswick,
and urged them to lend aid to allay these
angry disputes. But the minds of men were
so imbittered, that they could not think of
peace. At length, as the Saxon divines, and
particularly Calovius, (who had previously
been invited to Wittemberg), urged the set-
ting forth a new symbolical book, the princes
of electoral Saxony so vividly depicted the
mischiefs which would thence result to our
church, that in view of these representations,
the proposed introduction of what was called
the Consensus Repetitus, was laid aside.
Yet the conflicts went on, and were con-
ducted with so much bitterness and acrimo-
ny, that one party commenced an action
against the other for abuse ; and Calcviux
wrote his bitter Historia Syncretistica, which
was confiscated by the elector of Saxony.
Finally, as the Pietistic contest commenced
soon after this, so the Calixtine contest was
dropped. For the Wittembergers engaged
in a new controversy with Dr. Spener, and
as they were afraid that the Calixtinians
would all join with Spener, so they made a
compromise with the divines of Helmstadt.

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

375

that the book called Consensus, &c., would be a firebrand, the cause of
perpetual dissension, and ruinous to the Lutheran cause ; and by their ef-
forts, it was prevented from ever obtaining the least authority. It was op.
posed, besides others of less note, by Frederic Ulrich Calixtus, the son of
George, a man not unlearned, yet much inferior to his father in genius,
polish, and erudition. In favour of the Consensus, appeared and fought,
especially Abraham Calovius and JEgidius Strauchius. An immense num.
ber of books and disputes were produced by the zeal of the two parties, in
which, alas ! are so many invectives, reproaches, and personal abuses, as
to make it manifest that the disputants contended less for the cause of truth
and of Christ Jesus, than for personal glory and revenge. After long-con-
tinued altercation, the enfeebled age of those who led the two parties, the
abolition of the Consensus repetitus, (which would have afforded aliment
for ruinous war), the rise of new controversies among us, with some other
causes, near the end of the century, silently put an end to the contest.

§ 23. The principal of all the charges so odiously alleged against Ca-
lixtus, was, his zeal for bringing the three larger communities of European
Christians, not to unite together and become one body as his opposers in-
terpreted him to mean, but to abstain from their mutual hatred and enmity,
and to cultivate mutually love and good-will. And this it was, that was
generally condemned under the name of Syncretism.(22) The opinions

(22) I do not espouse the cause of Calix-
tus ; nor maintain, that all he wrote and
taught, was faultless : but the love of truth
admonishes me to say, that this excellent
man fell into the hands of bad interpreters ;
and that even those, who thought they un-
derstood his meaning better than others,
erred egregiously. He is commonly repre-
sented as advising 'to a union with the
Romish pontiff and his adherents ; hut en-
tirely without grounds. For he declared
publicly, that with the Romish church, such
as it now is, we cannot possibly associate
and be in harmony ; and that if formerly
there was any hope of healing the breach,
that hope was wholly extinguished and anni-
hilated by the denunciations of the council
of Trent. He is said also, to have approved
or excused, all the errors and superstitions
which deform the Romish church, or at least
very many of them. But here, not only the
numerous writings, in which he refutes the
doctrines and opinions of the papists, but also
the papists themselves, clear him of fault ;
for they acknowledge, that Calixtus assailed
their church more learnedly and ingeniously,
than all the other Protestant doctors. In-
stead of all. hear Jac. Benignus Bossuet,
who in his Traite de la communion sous les
deux especes, pt. i., § 2, p. 12, writes thus
of him : Le fameux George Calixte, le plus
habile des Lutheriens de notre terns, qui &
ecrit le plus doctement contre nous. Ca-
lixtus taught indeed, that as to the founda-
tion of the faith, there was no dissension be-
tween us and the papists : and I wish he had

omitted this altogether, or had expressed it
in more fit and suitable terms. But he
most constantly maintained, that upon the
foundation of religion, the pontiffs and their
adherents had based very many things,
which no wise and good man should re-
ceive. And how much this should deduct
from the odium and turpitude of that opin-
ion, is manifest. I omit other aspersions of
the memory of this great man, by those who
think they ought to listen rather to his ac-
cusers, than to the accused himself. What
then, you will say, did he meanl — First,
this : that if it could be, that the Romish
church should be recovered to the state in
which it was in the five first centuries after
Christ, the Protestants could then have no
just grounds for refusing communion with
it : and secondly, this : that among the ad-
herents to the Roman pontiff, though as a
body they were polluted with many and in-
tolerable errors, those individuals should not
be excluded from all hope of salvation nor be
ranked with heretics, who honestly have im-
bibed what their fathers and their teachers
have taught them, and who are prevented
from seeing the truth, either in consequence
of their ignorance or their education or by
their early prepossessions ; provided, they
believe with simplicity whatever is contained
in the Apostles'1 Creed, and study to conform
their lives to the precepts of Christ. As I
have already said, I do not stand forth as the
patron of these opinions : they have patrons
enough, at the present day : but this, I sup-
pose, all will concede, that these views are

376 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

which, in addition to this purpose, were charged upon him as faults, and
amplified in the manner of prosecutors, respected the less clear knowledge
of the doctrine of the Trinity, in the times of the Old Testament ; the
necessity of good works to salvation ; God's being, accidentally, the cause
of sin ; the visible appearances of the Son of God, under the ancient dis-
pensation ; and some few others ; which were such, that if he really held
them, they were of no great consequence, according to the acknowledg-
ment of those whom no one will pronounce unfit judges of such questions ;
nor did they vitiate the marrow (so to speak) of divine truth. But in or-
der to recommend that harmony among disagreeing Christians which he
had in view, this excellent man had to assume two things, which appeared
even worse than the design which they were intended to subserve. The
first was, that the groundwork of Christianity, or those first and element-
ary principles from which all the other truths flow, remained sound and
uncontaminated in all the three denominations of Christians. This ground-
work, he supposed, was contained in that ancient formula called the Apos-
tle's Creed. The second assumption was, that whatever is supported by
the constant and uniform consent and authority of the ancient Christian
fathers, who were ornaments to the five first centuries, must be regarded
as equally true and certain, with what we find recorded in the holy scrip-
tures. The first of these was the pillar that sustained the whole project he
had in view : the second was of use, to excuse certain papal institutions
and opinions which were very disagreeable to Lutherans, and to estab-
lish harmony among disagreeing Christians.

§ 24. These commotions and contests involved, though in different ways,
the divines of Rinteln, Konigsberg and Jena ; to say nothing of some others.
The divines of Rinteln, especially John Henichius and Peter Mus&us, gave
proof by many things, but most clearly in the conference at Cassel already
mentioned, that they approved of the plan of Calixtus for terminating the
contests among Christians, and especially among Protestants. And hence
they too were attacked in various publications by the Saxon divines and
such as took sides with them. (23) At Konigsberg, Christ. Dreyer, a very
learned man, John Latermann and Michael Behm, a\[ pupils of Calixtus,
signified pretty clearly, that they favoured the opinions of their instructer.
Against them hostility was declared, not only by their colleagues John
Behm and Celestine Mislenta, but likewise by the whole body of ministers
at Konigsberg. And the contest was protracted many years in such a
manner, as brought honour to neither party in the view of posterity. This
intestine war being extinguished, partly by the authority of the supreme
magistrate, and partly by the death of Behm and Mislenta, Dreyer and
his associates had to sustain another and a more permanent one, with those
foreign divines who viewed the Calixtine opinions as pernicious, and the
defenders of them as enemies to the church : nor can this foreign contest
likewise be commended, either for its equity or its moderation. (24)

§ 25. In these commotions, the divines of Jena manifested uncommon

much more tolerable, than those with which Kirchenhistorie, book ii., ch. x., p. 602, &c.,

he is commonly charged. and others. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata,

(23) See Abrah. Calovius, Historia Syn- torn, iii., p. 150, &c. The Acts and Docu-
cretistica, p. 618, &c. Jo. Geo. Walch, ments are in the Unschuldige Nachrichten,
Introduction to the contests in the Lutheran A.D. 1740, p. 144, A.D. 1742, p. 29, A.D.
church, [in German], vol. i., p. 286, &c. 1745, p. 91, and elsewhere.

(24) Christopher Hartknoch's Preussische

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 377

prudence and moderation. For while they ingenuously confessed, that all
the opinions of Calixtus could not easily be admitted and tolerated, without
injury to the truth ; they judged that most of his doctrines were not so very
bad, as the Saxons supposed them to be ; and that several of them might
be tolerated, without the least hazard. Solomon Glassius, a man of great
mildness, by order of Ernesti the Pious, duke of Saxe-Gotha, most equi.
tably examined the importance of the several controverted points, in a work
expressly on the subject. (25) John Musceus, a man of superior learning
and uncommon acuteness, first determined that it was allowable to say, with
Calixtus and Horneius, that in a certain sense good works are necessary to
salvation ; afterwards he maintained among his intimate friends, that little
or no importance was attached to some of the other questions. These
therefore, the Calixtine divines would not perhaps have refused as arbiters.
But this moderation was so offensive to the Saxon divines, that they arraigned
the school of Jena on suspicion of many errors, and declared that John Mu-
sceus in particular, had departed in not a few things from the sound faith. (26)
§ 26. These contests were succeeded and extinguished, by what are
called the Pietistic controversies. These originated from those who un-
doubtedly with the best intentions, undertook to aid the cause of languish-
ing piety, and to cure the faults both of the public teachers and of the mul-
titude. But as often happens, they were amplified and aggravated by va-
rious sorts of persons, whose ill-informed understanding or heated imagi-
nation or some wrong bias of mind, led them to excite horrible commo-
tions in one place and another, by their singular opinions, their pretended
visions, their harsh and unintelligible rules for Christian conduct, and their
very imprudent clamours about a total change of the forms and regulations
of the church. The minds of slumbering Christians and also of such as
bemoaned in secret the progress of irreligion, were first aroused by Philip
James Spcner, an excellent minister, and very highly esteemed both for
his great piety and his extensive learning ; when he set up private meet-
ings at Frankfort, for the purpose of exhorting and training the people to
piety, and afterwards when he set forth in a special treatise, his Pious De-
sires, (Pia Desideria), that is, his views of the evils existing in our church,
and their remedies. Both met the approbation of very many, who had
good and upright dispositions. But as many of them did not apply these
remedies for diseased souls with sufficient caution and skill, and as those
religious meetings (or Colleges of Piety, as they were denominated, in terms
borrowed from the Dutch), enkindled in the minds of the multitude in sev-
eral places, a wild and enthusiastic spirit, rather than true love to God ;
several complaints were soon heard, that under the pretence of aiding and
advancing piety, solid religious knowledge was neglected, and fomentations
applied to seditious and ill-balanced minds.(27)

(25) This judgment, drawn up in German, chen Theologen ausfuhrliche Erklarung iiber
was first published after the death of Glas- drey und neunzig vermeynte Religionsfragen,
sius, in 1662 ; and again a few years ago, at Jena, 1677 and 1704, 4to. Add Jo. .Geo.
Jena, in 8vo. It is an example of theological Walck's Introduction to the controversies in
moderation, and most worthy of an attentive the Lutheran church, fin German], vol. i.,
perusal. p. 405, &c.

(26) With what faults the theologians of (27) [On these controversies, it is proper
Jena and especially Musaus, were charged, to go back to the first causes. The long
may be best learned from the grave and solid thirty years' war produced, throughout the
work of MUSCEUS himself, entitled, Der Jems- whole Lutheran church, a very great pros-

VOL. 1IL-B B B

378 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

§ 27. These first commotions would undoubtedly have gradually subsided,
if still more violent ones had not supervened in 1689, at Leipsic. Certain
pious and learned men, especially Augustus Hermann Francke, John Casper

ence, he was well versed in history, and the
auxiliary sciences ; and had successively, as
a preacher at Strasburg, an elder at Frank-
fort, and first court preacher at Dresden, ob-
tained in all these offices, the reputation of
a discreet, modest, and peaceable theologian.
At Dresden he fell under the displeasure of
the electoral prince, John George IV., who
was much addicted to drunkenness, and to
whom Spener, who was his confessor, as he
was going to confession, addressed a very
respectful letter, containing an earnest dis-
suasive from this bad habit. Spener next
went to Berlin ; and his migrations spread
wider the Pietistic controversy. If any
things are censurable in Spener, they are
principally two things. First, he was not
much of a philosopher, at least theoretically :
and it is not much to be wondered at, that
he should have little relish for the dry phi-
losophy of those times. Besides, if he had
possessed a taste for it, he would not have
accomplished what he did accomplish. Still
this deficiency led him sometimes, to reason
inconclusively, and also not to see clearly
the consequences of his propositions. Sec-
ondly, he was by nature too compliant and
yielding. He could not say a hard thing to
any man : and when he saw in a person any
marks of piety5, he at once recognised him as
a brother, although he might, hold errone-
ous doctrines. And this caused him much
trouble, and led him to be often deceived
by hypocrites. This was manifestly a con-
sequence of his good-natured character,
which judged other men by himself; yet in
some measure it obscured the greatness of
his talents. Still, this weakness will hinder
no impartial man from acknowledging, that
Spener was really a great man ; to whom we
stand indebted, for the improvement of our
mode of preaching, for more freedom in the
manner of handling theological subjects, for
the introduction of toleration towards other
religious sects, and towards individuals who
deviate from the common creed, and for the
advancement of true godliness in our church.
This last object, he endeavoured to effect
especially by his Colleges of Piety : which
he set up by the advice of some friends at
Frankfort in 1670, first in his own house,
and afterwards also in the church ; partly to
produce more cordial friendship, among those
who were seeking to edify their souls ; and
partly to render the public preaching of God's
word more profitable, by explaining the ser-
mons delivered, by catechizing, by lectures
on the Holy Scriptures, with prayer and

tration of order, neglect of discipline, and
profligacy : and the preachers were incom-
petent to meet this disordered state of things,
which continued to exist after the return of
peace. Some preachers were wholly incom-
petent to it : for the people had to choose
such preachers as they could get ; and among
these, many were of indifferent talents and
acquisitions. Others had no lack of native
talent ; but they had been ill instructed.
For education was very differently conducted
in the higher schools, then, from what it is
now. The chief science then taught, was
the dry and cloudy Aristotelian metaphys-
ics ; with which were connected scholastic
dogmatics and polemics. Thus our theol-
ogy was very dark and intricate, and such as
was unfit for the pulpit and for common life :
the heads of the preachers were full of tech-
nical terms and distinctions ; and no one
understood how to make the truths of
Christianity intelligible to the common peo-
ple. Besides, systematic and polemic the-
ology were pursued ; but moral theology,
and biblical interpretation, were almost
wholly laid aside. Of course the preach-
ing was very poor ; as is manifest from the
postills of those times. The clergy preach-
ed from the lectures in the schools ; and
therefore, explained and proved the doctrines
of faith, artificially ; which the people could
not understand : or they ornamented their
sermons with quotations from the fathers,
and from the heathen philosophers. They
confuted errors and heresies, the very names
of which frequently were unknown to their
hearers ; but they said little or nothing that
was calculated to amend the hearts of their
hearers ; and they could say the less on such
subjects, as they themselves often possessed
unsanctified minds, or hearts in which pride,
contentiousness, obstinacy, and a persecuting
spirit predominated. Other clergymen, who
were competent to instruct the people in
true godliness, had not power to correct the
disorders that had broken in ; because the
bad habits had become too deeply rooted,
and the evil too inveterate. Hence there
were in our church, various devout and up-
right persons, who sighed over this state of
the church ; and who wished to see godli-
ness more cultivated, and the mode of teach-
ing, both in the schools and from the pulpit,
reformed. Among these persons, the first
and most famous was Spener. He must be
ranked among the most learned and the most
devout ministers of our church ; and together
with most of the branches of theological sci-

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.

379

Schade, and Paul Antony, who were disciples and friends of Spener, then
sustaining the office of first preacher at the Saxon court, and who were
teachers of philosophy, supposed that candidates for the sacred office might
be, and ought to be better trained for their employment, than the practice
of the universities allowed ; and therefore they undertook, themselves,
to expound in the vernacular language certain books of the Holy Bible,
in such a manner, as at the same time to infuse a spirit of solid piety into
the minds of their hearers. This new and singular course allured great
numbers to their lectures ; many of whom exhibited the benefits they de-
rived from these recitations, in lives and conduct very remote from the
vicious habits of that age. Whether this first fervour of both the teachers
and the learners, laudable and excellent in itself, was always kept within
due bounds, it is not easy for any one to say ; but this is certain, many, and
they men of great authority, maintain that it was not ; and public fame re-
ports, that some things were brought forward and transacted, in those Bib.
lical Colleges as they were called, which were in themselves indeed easy
to be excused and borne with, if referred to moderate and candid judges,
yet not a little variant from common usage and the laws of prudence.
When great tumult arose, and the matter was brought to a judicial inves-
tigation, the learned men above named were pronounced innocent, or not

singing. The appellation, Colleges of Piety,
was derived from Holland ; where there is a
party, who, from their meetings for worship
which they call Collegia, are denominated
Collegianis. (See below, chap, vii., $ 1.)
From them the name was derived, though
Speiier's meetings had no resemblance to
the institutions of the Dutch Collegiants.
To the establishment of these meetings,
must be added a circumstance, which caused
Spener much trouble. When Arnd's Pos-
tillswere to be republished, in 1675, Spener
composed a long preface to them ; in which,
together with his favourite doctrines of bet-
ter times to come, the previous general con-
version of the Jews, and the great downfall
of popery, he also described the defects in
our own church, and proposed some means
for their remedy. Among these were, an
improved mode of teaching in the higher
schools, the better instruction of youth, the
dispensing with metaphysics, and a zealous
application to biblical interpretation and
practical theology. This preface wa% after-
wards printed separately in 1678, and enti-
tled Pia Desidena. [The whole title of the
book, which was written in German, was:
Pia Desideria, or Earnest Desires for the
Godly improvement of the true Evangelical
church, with some Christian proposals for
that object. — Tr.~\ It was well received by
the majority, and was praised even by some
who afterwards became its enemies. But
after a while propositions were drawn from
it, which were charged upon him as errors.
The first attack was made by Dilfeld, a dea-
con at Nordhausen, who assailed the position

that a true theologian must be a regenerate
man. Greater disturbances arose from the
meetings. Many imitated them ; but they
did not possess Spener's prudence. In
some, there was no preacher to regulate the
meeting ; and there, all sorts of irregularity
took place. In others, every one was allowed
to speak ; and of course speeches were often
made, which contravened the standard evan-
gelical doctrines, and ran into enthusiasm :
and now visionaries and enthusiasts actually
connected themselves with the followers of
Spener. In small villages, they went on
tolerably well : but in larger places, as
Hamburg, for example, there were frequent
commotions. And there in particular, Jo.
Fred. Mayer, a Hamburg doctor, distin-
guished himself in a very offensive manner,
by his carnal zeal against Spener's brother-
in-law, Jo. Henry Horbius. See Kohler's
Hist. MiinzbeluRtigungen, vol. xvii., p. 363,
&c. At Erfurt, Dantzic, Wolfenbuttel,
Gotha, and even at Halle in Saxony, there
were great commotions, which the magis-
trates had to still. Spener himself, when
he saw the disorders that arose from these
meetings, suppressed those he had set up.
Others followed his example. But in many
places, the people would not give them up :
while yet they did not exercise sufficient
prudence. The people frequently, began to
forsake the public worship, and to run only
to the meetings : and the blame was cast
upon Spener; who was entirely innocent in
this matter, and who by his preaching and
his publications, explicitly opposed this
wrong conduct. — Schl.]

380 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I

guilty of the errors alleged against them ; yet they were ordered to desist
from the labours which they had commenced. In these commotions, the
invidious name of Pietists was first heard of, or at least first publicly used.
It was first imposed by some light-minded persons on those who attended
these Biblical Colleges, and whose lives accorded with the precepts there
inculcated : afterwards it was extended to all those who were supposed
either to profess too rigid and austere principles of morals, or neglecting
doctrinal truth, to refer all religion to mere piety. But as it is apt to be
the fortune of names which designate particular sects, this name was not
unfrequently applied in familiar discourse, to the very best of men, to those
who were as careful to advance doctrinal truth, as piety : and on the other
hand, it was very often applied to those who might more correctly be de-
nominated the flagitious, the delirious, and fanatical.(28)

(28) [When Spener was called from nullity of the criminal process commenced

Frankfort to Dresden, he had constantly with
him a number of theological students, some
of whom lodged in his house, and others
boarded at his table, and whom he instructed

against them ; and they were acquitted of
all criminality ; though, at the same time,
their biblical lectures were prohibited. But
the thing shot like lightning, from Leipsic

how to discharge profitably the duties of through the whole church. All who loved

preachers. Some of these went to Leipsic,
to teach theology there, in accordance with
Spener's prescriptions. Among these were
Aug. Herm. Francke, and Paul Antony,
both professors afterwards at Halle, Jo.
Casp. Schad,e, afterwards a famous preacher

holiness, must have also such Collegia [or
Lectures : for the Germans use the word
Collegia in Latin, and Collfgien in German,
both for the lectures of professors in a uni-
versity, and for associate bodies of learned
men: so that Collegia Btblica may here

at Berlin, and Herm. van der Hart, after- be best translated Biblical Lectures. — TV.]

wards professor at Helmstadt. These com-
menced the Biblical Lectures. In these
there was something new ; for the lectures
were given in German, Lutherjs translation
was here and there amended, and the expla-
nation of the Holy Scriptures was followed
by religious exhortations. Concerning these
Biblical Lectures, especially as the religious
lectures of some of the professors were now
more thinly attended, all sorts of rumours
soon spread abroad, some of which were
groundless, and others perhaps had some
foundation. It was said, that not only stu-
dents, but also labouring men and women,

Thus the learned and the unlearned held
meetings, which were called seasons for
prayer and for devotion. Into these meet-
ings, fantastical persons and enthusiasts insin-
uated themselves and talked of the millenial
kingdom and the downfall of Babylon ; rail-
ed against the clergy, and brought forward
prophecies, and dreams, and visions. Hence
there arose, in almost all places, Pietistic
commotions ; which the magistrates endeav-
oured to still, by severe laws. During these
transactions, Spener was called from Dres-
den to Berlin ; and Thom.asius, of whom the
Leipsic divines complained as being a heretic

were admitted to them ; and that every one and a teacher of error, was obliged to flee to
present, was allowed to teach and to explain Halle. He it was, projected the establishment
the Scriptures. Those who attended these
lectures changed their manners and their
dress, refrained from the customary amuse-

ments, and obtained the name of Pietists;
(to which a severe funeral discourse of Dr.

of the university of Halle ; and Spener sup-
ported him. The university was established ;
and the very masters who had held the biblical
lecture* at Leipsic, were in part appointed the
professors of theology in this new university.

Carpzov, at the interment of a hearer of Mr. These commenced reading, according to

Francke, and the funeral Ode of Lie. Feller
on the same occasion, wherein the import of
the word and the characteristics of a Pietist
were explained, are supposed principally to
have contributed). In the year 1689, the
court of Dresden appointed a commission to
investigate this affair : but the accused mas-
ters, (especially Francke), obtained the fa-
mous Christ. Thomasius for their counsel-

Spencr's views ; and abolished the old scho-
lastic method of teaching. They spoke dis-
paragingly of philosophy ; and said, that po-
lemics made the people too disputatious ;
that the greatest heretic was, the old Adnm ;
and that he especially must be combated.
In place of polemic theology, they recom-
mended mystic : and nearly all the mystical
writings of the French and Italians, were

lor ; who well defended them in a published translated and printed at the Orphan House
judicial argument, and showed palpably, the in Halle. Persons who on account of their

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 381

§ 28. From Leipsic, this controversy spread with incredible rapidity,
throughout Lutheran Germany, nay, through our whole church. For
from this time onward, every where, in cities, villages, and hamlets, peo-
ple suddenly started up, of all orders and classes, learned and illiterate,
males and females ; who pretended to be called by some divine impulse,
to eradicate wickedness, to encourage and to propagate neglected piety,
to regulate and govern the church of Christ more wisely ; and who showed,
partly by oral declarations, partly by their writings, and partly by their
institutions, what should be done in order to effect the great object. Nearly
all who were animated with this zeal, agreed, that there was no more pow-
erful and salutary means for imbuing the people with a thorough knowl-
edge of divine things, and with the love of holiness, than those private dis-
cussions and conventicles, which they understood were first instituted by
Spener and were afterwards held at Leipsic. Meetings therefore of this
kind, but of a different character, some better and others worse regulated,
were opened in numerous places. These unusual and unexpected move-
ments gave the more trouble and perplexity to those who had the oversight
of the church and the state, because those upright and well meaning persons
concerned in these meetings, were joined by many .erratic and rash per-
sons ; who proclaimed the impending downfall of Babel, — (so they chose
to call the Lutheran church), — alarmed and agitated the populace, by fic-
titious visions, and divine impulses ; arrogated to themselves the authority
of prophets of God ; and not only obscured religious subjects by a gloomy
jargon, of I know not whose coinage, but also recalled upon the stage opin-
ions long since condemned ; asserted, that the reign of a thousand years,
mentioned by St. Joht>, was at hand ; and in short, plotted the overthrow
of our best institutions ; and demanded that the privilege of teaching,
should be granted indiscriminately to all. Hence the Lutheran church
was miserably rent into parties, to the joy of the papists ; the most violent
contests every where arose ; and those who disagreed, more perhaps in
terms and in external and indifferent things, than on doctrines of high mo.
ment, were arrayed against each other ; and finally, in most provinces
severe laws were enacted against those denominated Pietists.(29)
peculiar opinions, were not tolerated in other this tragedy, enumerates the principal dis-
places, were received and provided for at putes, subjoining his own opinion, and every
Halle. While these things were going for- where mentions the authorities. A full and
ward, the divines of Wittemberg, (for we complete history, hardly any one man could
pass over the attack of the Leipsic divines), compose, the transactions were so numerous
in the year 1695, brought a formal accusa- and various. It is therefore to be wished,
tion against Spener, as a teacher of error: that some wise, considerate, and impartial
and against this attack Spener defended him- persons, well acquainted with human nature
self energetically. It is certain, that the and civil affairs, and well provided with the
court of Dresden, in whose eye the univer- necessary documents, would undertake the
sity of Halle was a thorn, looked upon this composition of such a history. If certain
attack with pleasure. From this time on- persons were to collect from the public rec-
ward, our divines were divided into the Or- ords and from various private papers, the
thodox and the Spenerian. The theologians transactions in particular districts, and then
of Halle joined the party of their teachers ; deliver over the whole to an individual, who
and thence arose a disquietude, which scarce- should arrange, combine, and impart strength
ly Las a parallel.— Schl.] to the whole ; the business would thus per-

(29) For the illustration of these facts, in haps, be accomplished in the best manner i
place of all others may be consulted, Jo. can be. Such a history, written with mod
Geo. Watch, Introduction to the Controver- eration and discretion, would be exceedn
sies in our church, [in German,] vol. ii. and useful, in very many ways.
iii. He concisely states the various acts of

382 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

§ 29. These restorers of piety were of two classes. Some proposed to
advance the cause, and yet leave in full force, both the creed of the church
as contained in our public formulas, and also" its discipline and form of
government. But others judged, that holiness could not possibly flourish
among us, unless both the received doctrines were modified, and the whole
internal organization and the customs of our church were changed. Philip
James Spener, who removed from Dresden to Berlin in 1691, is justly con-
sidered as standing at the head of the former class. With him agreed,
especially the theologians of the new university at Halle ; among whom
were Augustus Hermann Francke and Paul Antony, who had previously
fallen under suspicion at Leipsic. The object of this class, no one much
censured ; nor could a man censure it, unless he wished to appear a bad
man : yet many persons, and especially the theological faculty at Wittem-
berg, were of opinion that in the prosecution of this object, some princi-
ples were adopted and plans formed, which were injurious to the truth and
adverse to the interests of the church. And this belief led them, publicly
to accuse of many false and dangerous opinions, first, Spener in the year
1695, and afterwards his associates and friends, who defended the reputa-
tion of this great man. The vestiges of these contests are still so recent,
that whoever is disposed, may easily learn with what degree of good faith,
modesty, and equity they were conducted, on both sides.

§ 30. The subject matter of these controversies was manifold, and
therefore it cannot be reduced to one grand point or be comprehended un-
der one term. Yet if we consider the aims of those from whom they ori-
ginated, the principal questions may be brought under certain heads.
Those who laboured to advance the cause of piety, in the first place were
of opinion, that the most strenuous opposers of their object were the very
persons whose office it was to promote piety ; na#nely, the teachers and
ministers of the church. Hence they would commence with them ; and
would make it their especial care that none might become pastors of the
Christian congregations, who were not properly educated, and also sancti-
fied, or full of divine love. For this purpose ; I. They recommended the
reformation of the theological schools. They would have the technical
theology of the age, which embraced certain precise and minute questions
and was wrapped up in unusual phaseology, to be laid aside ; the contro-
versies with other sects to be indeed not wholly neglected, yet less attend-
ed to ; and the combination and intermixture of philosophy and human
wisdom with the truths of revelation, to be wholly abolished. On the
contrary, they thought that the young men designed for the ministry,
should be led to read and meditate upon the holy scriptures ; that a simple
knowledge of the Christian religion, derived principally from the sacred vol-
ume, should be instilled into them ; and that their whole education should be
directed more to practical utility and the edification of Christians, and not
so much for display and personal glory. As some of them perhaps, dis-
puted on these subjects without sufficient precision and prudence, a suspi-
cion arose with many, that these patrons of piety despised philosophy and
the other branches of learning, altogether ; that they rejected all solid
knowledge in theology ; that they disapproved of zeal in the defence of
the truth, against its corruptors; and that they made theological learning
to consist in a crude and vague power of declaiming about morals and
practical duties. And hence arose the contests respecting the value of

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 383

philosophy and human science in religion, the dignity and utility of what
is called systematic theology, the necessity of controversial theology, the
value of mystical theology, the best method of instructing the people, and
other similar questions. II. They taught that equal solicitude should be
shown, that the future teachers in the churches might consecrate their hearts
to God and be living examples of piety, as that they might cariy away
from the universities minds well fraught with useful knowledge. From
this opinion, to which all good men readily assented, originated not only
certain regulations suited to restrain the passions of studious youth and to
awaken in them holy emotions and resolutions, but likewise that doctrine,
which produced so much controversy, namely : That no one can teach
others to be pious, or guide them to salvation, unless he is himself pious
and a friend to God. Many supposed, that this doctrine both derogated
from the efficacy of God's word, which cannot be frustrated by the imper-
fections of its ministers, and also led on to the long exploded errors of the
Donatists ; and especially as it was not stated with equal caution and pru-
dence by all. And here commenced those long and difficult controversies,
which are not yet terminated : Whether the knowledge of religion, which
a wicked man may acquire, can be called theology ? Whether a vicious
man can have a true knowledge of religion ? How far may the ministra-
tions of an irreligious minister be efficacious and salutary ? Whether il-
lumination is ever given to a bad man whose heart is averse from God ?
and the like.

§ 31. These restorers of fallen piety, to render the people more obe-
dient to their pious and properly educated teachers, and more resolute in
opposing their own innate depravity, deemed it necesary, I. To suppress
certain common expressions in the public instruction, which the depravity
of men leads them not unfrequently to construe in a way to favour wicked-
ness. Such were the following : that no person can attain in the present
life, that perfection which the law of God demands : that good works are
not necessary to salvation : that in the act of justification, faith only is
concerned, and not also good works. But very many were afraid, if these
barriers were removed the truth would be corrupted, or at least would be
exposed naked and defenceless to its enemies. II. That stricter rules of
conduct than are generally observed, should be inculcated ; and that many
things which foster the internal diseases of. the mind, such as dancing,
pantomimes, jocular discourse, plays, dramatic exhibitions, the reading of
ludicrous books, and certain kinds of amusements, should be removed from
the class of indifferent things, which are either good or bad according to
the spirit and temper of those who engage in them, and should be classed
among sinful and unlawful things. But many thought this morality too
rigorous. Hence that old controversy of the schools was revived ; whether
there are certain actions, that are neither good nor evil but indifferent, or
whether every thing men do, is either sinful or holy. And on each of the
amusements enumerated, there were frequent and very warm debates,
which were not always conducted with precision, temperance, and gravity.
III. That in addition to the public assemblies for religious worship, there
should be frequent private meetings for prayer and other religious exer-
cises. But very many judged, and experience confirmed the opinion, that
these Colleges of piety as they were called, were attended with more danger
than profit. The minor contests respecting certain terms or plans, and

384 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

which did not originate from these sources, need not be mentioned. (30)
But it is important to add, that the indulgence of those who were so ear-
nest to promote piety, towards certain persons who were not perhaps bad
men, but who either had feeble and uncultivated intellects, or were charge,
able with no slight errors ; exceedingly displeased many of the opposite
party, and afforded them no little ground for suspicion, that they set a lower
value upon truth and the theology contained in the symbolical books, than
upon practical holiness. But among so great a multitude of combatants,
and they men of various classes and tempers, it is not strange that there
should have been many indiscreet persons, some over zealous, and others
leaning towards the opposite faults to those which they wished to avoid.

§ 32. The other class of Pietists, or those who laboured to promote
piety in a way that would lead to a change in the established doctrines of
the Lutheran community, and to a modification of the whole form and
constitution of the church, were men of various characters. Some of
them, destitute of a sound understanding, were not so much errorists, as
men whose reason and judgment were impaired : others modified the fic-
tions, which they either derived from the works of others or invented
themselves, with some portion of sound doctrine. We shall mention only
some of the better sort of them, and such as acquired a high reputation.
— Godfrey Arnold, of Anneberg in Saxony, a man of much reading, of a
good understanding, and of natural eloquence, disturbed the close of the
century by various writings, but especially by his History of the church
and of heresies, which, certainly without just grounds, he entitled an im-
partial history .(31) By nature melancholy, gloomy, and austere, he ap-
plied himself to the reading of the works of the Mystics whom he greatly
resembled, till his mind was so wrought up, that he regarded them as the
wisest men in the world, made all religion to consist in certain indescri-
bable internal sensations and emotions, had little regard for doctrinal the-
ology, and expended all the powers of his genius in collecting and exag-
gerating the faults of our own and former times. If as all admit, it is the
first excellence of an historian to afford no ground for a suspicion of either
partiality or enmity, no man was ever more unfit to be an historian, than
Godfrey Arnold. The man must be unable to see or feel at all, who can
read his history, and yet say, that he does not see and feel, that it is
throughout dictated by passion, and strong hatred of the received doctrines
and institutions [of our church]. Arnold in his history assumes it as an
undeniable fact, that all the evils which have crept into the Christian church
since the times of the apostles, have originated from the ministers and ru-
lers of the church, who were wicked and ungodly men. On this assump-
tion, he supposes, that all who made opposition to the priests and ministers
of religion, and who suffered persecution from them, were pious and holy
men : and on the other hand, that such as pleased the clergy, were erratic

(30) All these controversies were first Mittelstrasse) ; and also from Val. Ern. Los-
collected and arranged, though unduly mul- cher's Timotheus Veterinus, which is extant
tiplied, by Sam. Schelwig, in his Synopsis in two volumes.

controversiarum sub pietatis prsetextu rhota- (31) [Goltfrid ArnohVs unpartheyische

rum: first published, Dantzic, 1701, 8vo. Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie : first published

But they may be better learned, together 1699 and 1700, in 2 vols. fol., and then more

with the arguments of both parties, from Jo- full and complete, Schaffhausen, 1740, in

achim Lunge's Antibarbarus ; and from his three very thick vols. fol. — TV.]
German work, entitled the Middle Way (die

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 385

and aversq to true piety. Hence he defends nearly all the heretics, even
those whose doctrines he had not examined and did not well understand ;
and this has caused his book to give the highest offence. But the longer
he lived, the more he saw the errors into which he had been betrayed by
his natural temperament and by bad examples ; and as respectable persons
affirm, he at last became more friendly to the truth and to moderation. (32)
§ 33. A much worse man than he, was Jo. Conrad Dippel, a Hessian,
who assumed the fictitious name of Christian Democritus, and who disqui-
eted the minds of the weak, and excited no inconsiderable commotions, in
the last part of this century. This man, in my view, arrogant, vainglo-
rious, and formed by nature to be a caviller and a buffoon, did not so much
bring forward a new form of religion, as labour to overthrow all those that
he found established. For during his whole life, he was more intent on
nothing, than on running down every religious community, and especially
that of the Lutherans in which he was born, with his sarcastic witticisms ;
and rendering whatever had long been viewed with reverence, as ridicu-
lous as possible, by his malignant and low scurrility. If he had any clear
conceptions, which I very much doubt, for invention and imagination were
by far his most prominent characteristics, — if, I say, he had in his own
rnind any clear and distinct conceptions which he thought were true, he
certainly was incompetent to unfold them clearly, or to express them in
words ; for it is only by divination, that a man can draw from his various
writings any coherent and uniform system of doctrine. Indeed, it would
seem as if the fire of his laboratory, over which he spent so much time,
had produced a fever in his brain. The writings he composed in a crude,
bitter, and sarcastic style, should they be handed down to posterity, will
cause people to wonder, that so many of their fathers could admit for
their religious teacher and guide, one who so audaciously violated every
principle of good sense and piety.(33)

(32) See Coler's Life of Arnold, Nouveau burg in 1698 ; where he was much admired
Dictionnaire Histor. Grit., tome i., p. 485, and followed by the Pietists. In the year
&c. [Dr. Mosheim does not appear to me, 1700, Sophia Charlotte, duchess of Isenach,
to do justice to Arnold as a historian. At by recommendation of professor Francke,
least, I have not discovered in his history made him her court preacher. But opposi-
that malignity and disregard for truth, which tion from the orthodox obliged him to quit
Dr. Mosheim thinks every man who has eyes, the place, in 1705 ; and he was made pastor
must see. Arnold was born at Anneberg and inspector of Werben. Two years after,
in 1665 After passing his childhood at the king of Prussia made him pastor and in-
school in his native place, he spent three spector at Perleberg; where he died in
years in the gymnasium at Gera ; and then, 1713, aged 48. He was of a melancholy
in 1685, entered the University of Wittem- temperament, and drank deeply into the
berg, where the next year he took his mas- views of the Mystics and the Pietists, and
ter's degree. Inclined to a retired and noise- conceived high disgust with the reigning
less life, he removed to Dresden in 1686; theology around him. But he appears to
where he became a private tutor, and was inti- have been a perfectly ingenuous and upright
mate with Spener. In 1693, he removed to man. As an historian, he doubtless had
Quedlingburg ; and there acted as a private strong prejudices, which often warped his
tutor in°a family, four years, declining re- judgment. But he appears to me very far
peated offers of a parish. In 1697, he was from being a passionate writer; or from at-
appointed professor of history at Giessen : tempting, designedly, to discolour or mis-
but relinquished the office after two years ; represent facts. See the character of him
because, he said, No man can serve two drawn by C. W. P. Walch, in his elaborate
masters : and professors, at that day, were Preface to Von Einem's translation of Mo-
required to teach in a manner that did not sheim, vol. i., p. 88-101. — TV.]
suit his taste. He returned to Quedling- (33) All his works were printed in 5 vols.

VOL. III.— C c c

386 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

§ 34. Of a totally different character, was John William Petersen, su.
perintendent at Luneburg ; a man of a mild and quiet temper, but of a
feeble mind, and from the luxuriance of his imagination, very liable to deceive
both himself and others. In the first place, he contended in the year 1691,
that a noble young lady, Rosamond Juliana of Asseburg, whose disordered
brain made her the subject -of a sort of visions, actually saw God present
and reported commands which she . received from him ; and about the
same time, he publicly defended the obsolete doctrine of Christ's future
reign of a thousand years on the earth : for that oracle had confirmed this
among other things, by her authority. This first error, as is usual with
those who have no control over their own minds, afterwards produced
others. For he with his wife, Joanna Eleanora of Merlau, who also pro-
fessed to have very great spiritual knowledge, predicted a complete future
restoration of all things, or the liberation of both wicked men and devils
from hell, and their deliverance from all sin and from the punishment of
sin ; and he assigned to Christ a twofold human nature, the one celestial
and assumed before this world was created, and the other derived from his
mother since the commencement of time. I pass over other opinions of
this pair, equally groundless, and very wide of the common belief. Many
persons gave assent to these opinions, especially among the laity : but
Petersen was also opposed by great numbers ; to whom he replied very
fully, as he had a fruitful genius and abundance of leisure. Being remo-
ved from his office in the year 1692, he quietly passed the remainder of
his life on his estate, near Magdeburg, amusing himself with writing let-
ters and books. (34)

4to, in the year 1747, but without naming
the place of publication. For he was re-
spected by many after his death, and re-
garded as a great teacher of true wisdom.
None more readily find readers and patrons,
than those who abuse every body else, and
immoderately extol themselves. Dippel also
acquired numerous friends, by his attention
to chymistry, in which he is said to have
been well versed, and by his medical knowl-
edge. For as all men are fond of riches and
long life, they readily set a high value on
those who professedly show them a sure path
to opulence and old age. The death of
Dippel is related by numerous writers.

(34) Petersen gave a history of bis own
life, in German, first published in 1717, 8vo,
to which his wife added her life, in 1718.
Those who wish to investigate' the spirit,
habits, and character of this well-matched
pair, will find matter enough for their pur-
pose, in these auto-biographies. Concern-
ing his movements at Luneburg, see the
Documents in the Unschuldige Nachrichten,
A.D. 1748, p. 974, A.D. 1749, p. 30, 200,
and in many other places. Add Jo. Mol-
ler's Cimbria Litterata, torn, ii., p. 639, &c.
[This pious and amiable enthusiast was born
at Osnabruck, in 1649. Nature formed him
for a poet ; as appears from his Urania, on
the mighty works of God, which Leibnitz

published with his own amendments. He
was ma.de professor of poetry at Rostock, in
1677. Afterwards, he was superintendent
at Lubec ; then court preacher at Lutin,
and in 1688, superintendent at Luneburg.
He early gave way to a belief in visions and
special revelations ; which brought him to
hold to a literal reign of Christ on the earth
during the millennium, and to believe in a
final restoration of all things. Becoming
more and more confirmed in these senti-
ments, he openly avowed them, both orally
and in printed works. In 1692, he was
cited before the consistory at Zelle : and as
he could not conscientiously refrain from
teaching doctrines, which he supposed im-
mediately revealed to himself and wife and
lady Juliana, he was deprived of his office ;
and purchasing an estate not far from Mag-
deburg, he there led a retired and religious
life, chiefly occupied in defending his prin-
ciples, and in labouring to promote practical
piety, till his death in 1727. He was un-
doubtedly a considerable scholar, and a very
sincere and pious man. But his poetic im-
agination, and his belief in dreams and vis-
ions, led him to embrace very singular opin-
ions. He supposed, that prior to the mil-
lennium, the gospel would be preached over
all the world ; and that all nations would be
converted. The Jews after becoming Chris-

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 387

§ 35. I know not whether I ought to associate with these, John Caspar
Scliade, and John George Bcesius, good men, and earnest to promote the
salvation of others, but ignorant of the way to effect it. The former was
a minister at Berlin, and among the other crude and ill-digested doctrines
which he advanced, he in 1697. most strenuously opposed the confession
of sins to priests which is practised among the Lutherans. His zeal on
this subject produced considerable commotion, both in the church and the
state. The latter was a preacher at Sorau [in lower Lusatia], and in or-
der more effectually to overcome the heedlessness and security of men, he
denied, that God continues to be propitious to those sinners whose obsti-
nacy he eternally foresaw would be incurable, to" the end of their, lives ; or,
what is the same thing, that, beyond a certain limited time fixed from
eternity, he would afford them the grace necessary for the attainment of
salvation. This opinion was thought by not a few divines to be injurious
to the divine mercy, which is boundless ; and it was therefore combated
in many publications. Yet it found a learned vindicator in Adam Rechen-
berg, a divine of Leipsic ; not to mention others of less note. (35) f

§ 36. Among the minor controversies in the Lutheran church, I shall
assign the first place to that which existed between the divines of Tubin-
gen and those of Giessen, from the year 1616 onward. The grand point
in debate, related to the true nature and circumstances of that state of
Christ, which theologians usually call his state of humiliation. The par-
ties agreed, that the man Christ Jesus really possessed divine properties
and perfections, by virtue of the hypostatic union, even while he seemed
divested of all glory and majesty and appeared to be a vile servant and
malefactor. But they disputed, whether he actually divested himself of
the use of those perfections while executing the office of high priest, or
whether he only concealed his use of them from the view of men. The
divines of Tubingen accounted the latter supposition to .be the fact ; while
those of Giessen, regarded the former as more probable. To this first
and great question, others were added ; which, if I am correct, were
rather curious than necessary, respecting the mode in which God is pres-
ent throughout the created universe, the origin and ground of this presence,

tians, would be restored to their own land, have founded his own belief chiefly on such

Then the first resurrection, that of the an- grounds ; yet he believed, that the Scrip-

cient saints and martyrs, would take place ; tures rightly interpreted, that is, mystically

Christ would appear in the clouds of heaven ; explained, were full of these doctrines. And

and living saints would be caught up to hence, in order to convince others, he ar-

meet the Lord in the air, and be changed, gued much from the Bible, particularly from

Thenceforth Christ would reign a thousand the Apocalypse ; and also from the ancient

years on the earth, over a twofold church ; Chiliasts, especially Origen. His writings

the celestial, composed of the risen saints were voluminous ; consisting of mystic in-

and those changed at his coming, and the terpretations of Scripture, defence of his

terrestrial, embracing all other Christians, peculiar sentiments, many letters, and a

Religibn would prevail very generally, but history of his own life. See Schroeckh,

not universally. At the end of the thousand Kirchengesch. seit der Reformation, vol.

years, Satan would be let loose ; there would via., p. 302, &c. Unpartheyische Kirchen-

be a great apostacy ; Christ would come histoire, Jena, 1730, vol. ii., p. 811, &c.—

forth and destroy the wicked ; a new heaven TV.]

and a new earth would appear ; and gradu- (35) Those who wish to understand these

ally, all things would be restored to order, controversies, may consult Watch's Intro-

and holiness, and happiness. Though Pe- duction to the controversies in the Lutheran

tersen was first led into these doctrines, by church, written in German,
supposed revelations, and appears always to

388 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

the true cause of the omnipresence of Christ's body, and some others.
On the side of the Tubingen divines, appeared and took part Lucas Osi-
ander, Melchior Nicolai and Theodore Thummius ; and on the side of the
divines of Giessen, Balthazar Menzer, and Justus Feuerborn : all of whom
contended ardently and ingeniously ; and I wish I could add, always with
dignity and moderation. But those times permitted and approved many
things, which subsequent times have justly required to be amended. The
Saxon theologians in the year 1624, by order of their sovereign, assumed
the office of arbiters of the controversy : and this office they so executed,
as not to approve entirely the sentiments of either party ; yet they inti-
mated, that the views of the Giessen divines were nearer the truth, than
those of the other party.(36) The Tubingen divines refused to admit
their interference : and perhaps, the divines of Giessen would in time have
done the same. But the public calamities of Germany, put an end to the
contest. It was therefore never settled ; but each party retained its own
views.

§ 37. Not long after the rise of this contest, in the year 1621, Herman
Rathmann, a pious and not unlearned minister of the gospel at Dantzic, a
great friend and a public recommender of John Arn<Vs work on True
Christianity, was thought by John Corvinus his colleague, and by many
others, to derogate from the majesty and the efficacy of the holy scriptures.
If we may believe his opposers, he published in the year 1621, in a Ger-
man work on Christ's gracious kingdom, the following sentiment : That
the written word of God, does not possess inherent power and efficacy, to
enlighten and regenerate the hearts of men and to convert them to God :
that this external word merely points out the way to salvation, but does
not draw men into it : that God himself, by another and an internal word,
so changes the disposition of men, that they are*enabled to please him.
This opinion, Corvinus and his associates contended, was the same that
Schwenkfeld formerly held, and that the Mystics professed. But whoever
shall compare together all the writings of Rathmann on the subject, will
perceive, that his adversaries ekher did not understand him, or have per-
verted his meaning. He supposed, I. That the word of God as contained
in the scriptures, had indeed the power of converting men to God, and of
renewing their hearts. But, II. This power it could not exert at all, on
the minds of corrupt men who resisted it. Therefore, III. It was neces-
sary, that a divine power should either precede or accompany it, and pre-
pare the minds of men for its influence, or remove the obstacles which de-

(36) Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia eccles. To render this at all plausible, resort was
et polit. s#culi xvii., decenn. iii., p. 329, had to the hypostatic union, and to a sup-
Ac. Christ. Eberh. Weismann's Historia posed transfer of divine attributes from the
eccles. saecol. xvii., p. 1178. Watch's In- superior nature of Christ to the inferior,
troduction to the controversies, &c. [in Ger- Thus the attributes of matter and of mind
man], pt. i., ch. iv., p. 206 : to say nothing were confounded ; and a local or material
of Andr. Carolus, Arnold, and a hundred presence was ascribed to the divine nature,
others. [These controversies were natural From such absurd doctrines, stiffly main-
results of Luther's untenable doctrine of con- tained by acute and ingenious men, it was
substantiation ; which supposed Christ's unavoidable that they should feel the diffi-
body and blood to be always truly present culties besetting them on every side ; and
with the bread and wine of the eucharist. therefore should start various theories, wilh
For on that supposition, Christ's body must the vain hope of extricating themselves from
often be present in a great number of places embarrassment. — Tr.]
at the same time, or have a kind of ubiquity.

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 389

stroyed the efficacy of the external word. And thus, IV. By this power
of the Holy Spirit, or this internal word, the way was prepared for the
external word to enlighten and renovate the souls of men. (37) There is
indeed some difference, between his views of the efficacy of the divine
word, and the common views of the Lutheran church : but if I do not
greatly deceive myself, whoever shall carefully consider all that he has
written on the subject, in his inelegant, nay, often careless manner, will be
convinced that this difference is but small ; and he will perceive, that this
honest man had not the power of communicating his thoughts with pre-
cision and clearness. The controversy spread through the whole Luther-
an church, the majority following the example of the Saxons and con-
demning Rathmann, but others excusing that pious and good man. But
as he died, just as the contest was at its height, in the year 1628, the great
commotions gradually subsided.

§ 38. The private dissensions of some of the doctors respecting certain
propositions and opinions, I do not presume to place on the list of Luther-
an controversies : though I perceive, some do it ; not so much however,
if I do not mistake, for the purpose of illustrating and adorning the history
of the Lutheran church, as to create prejudice against it, and to lower the
reputation of good. men. For no age is so happy, and no community so
well regulated, but that one individual is sometimes deemed by another to
be indiscreet and erroneous. Nor is it estimating human nature correctly,
to measure the state of things throughout a whole church, by such private
opinions of individuals. In the writings of John Tarnovius and John
Affelmann of Rostock, in other respects two very meritorious theologians,
certain modes of expression and some opinions were censured, by their
colleagues and others. Nor will this excite much surprise in one who con-
siders, that the latter might misunderstand what was itself well said, and
that the former might not have known how to express correctly what they
clearly understood. — Joachim Liitkemann, in many respects a man of worth,
denied, that Christ remained a true man, during the three days that he was
dead : while others affirmed the contrary. This was a controversy about
words ; such as we see continually arising and disappearing among men. —
Of the same kind, was the dispute between Henry Boetius a theologian of
Helmstadt, and Frederic Baldwin a divine of Wittemberg ; whether it is
in consequence of the merits of Christ, that the wicked will be restored to
life hereafter. — John Reinboth, superintendent in Holstein, like Calixtus,
circumscribed the essentials of religion within narrower limits than usual,
and supposed that the Greeks did not err essentially, in denying that
the Holy Spirit proceeded from the Son. In both respects, many were
satisfied with him ; but others were not ; and especially, John Conrad Dan-
hauer, a very learned divine of Strasburg. Hence a controversy arose be-
tween those excellent men, which was more vehement, than the nature of the
case demanded. (38) But let us not refer disputes of this character to the
class of those which show the internal state of our church in this century.

(37) See Christopher Hartknock's Preus- Godfrey Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhis-
sische Kirchengeschichte, book iii., ch. viii., torie, pt. ii.,book xvii., ch. vi., p. 957, &c.,
p. 812, &c. Godfrey Arnold's Kirchen-und and concerning that of Reinboth in particu-
Ketzerhist., pt. iii., ch. xii., p. 115, &c. Jo. lar, see Jo. Mailer's Introduct. ad Historiam
Mailer's Cimbria Lit., torn, iii., p. 559, &c. Chersonesus Cimbricse, pt. ii., p. 190, &c.,

(38) See on these controversies generally, and Cimbria Litterata, torn, ii., p. 692.

390 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. I.

§ 39. Of somewhat greater moment in this respect, were some contro-
versies, which did not relate so much to things as to persons ; or respected the
soundness and correctness of certain teachers. Men who undertake to plead
the cause of piety and holiness, are often carried by the fervour which
actuates them to some extravagance ; and therefore do not always confine
down their statements to the rigid rules of theological accuracy as pre-
scribed by learned divines : and they sometimes borrow the strong and
splendid yet figurative and often obscure words and phrases of those, who
treat of the genuine worship of God and of practical duties, with good in-
tentions indeed, yet in a rude and uncouth style. Hence none scarcely,
more readily than these, fall under the suspicion of despising and marring
the truth. Many such examples occurred in this age ; and particularly in
the case of Stephen Pratorius, a preacher at Salswedel, and of that most
excellent man, John Arnd:. The former had published in the preceding
century, some tracts calculated to arouse the minds of men to solicitude
about their salvation ; and these were repeatedly republished in this cen-
tury, and commended by many ; and yet were thought by others to abound
in expressions and sentiments, either directly false or calculated to lead on
to error. And there certainly are some unsuitable expressions in those
tracts, which might easily mislead the ignorant ; and some also, that indi-
cate too great credulity. Yet whoever shall read his works with an ingen-
uous mind, will easily believe that the writer wrote nothing there, treach-
erously, and with a bad design. The celebrated work of Arnd on true
Christianity, the perusal of which affords delight to so many persons even
in our own times, was too bitterly taxed by Lucas Osiander, George Rost,
and many others, with being written among other faults in a style that was
debased by Weigelian. Paracelsic, and the like phraseology. And it is cer-
tain, that this extraordinary man disliked the philosophy that prevailed in
the schools of that age, and on the other hand ascribed much — I had almost
said, too much- — to the doctrines and pretensions of the chymists : and
hence he sometimes used the language of those who tell us, that fire throws
light on both religion and nature. But he has been absolved from all great
errors, by the most respectable men, especially by Paul Egard, Daniel Dil-
ger, Melchior Breler, John Gerhard, Dorscheus, and numerous others : and
indeed, he appears to have derived reputation and renown, rather than dis-
grace, from those many criminations. (39) To the class of which we
here treat, belongs also Valentine Weigel, minister of Tschopau in Meissen.
For though he died in the preceding century, yet a great part of his wri-
tings were first published in this, and were attacked by great numbers.
I regard him as by no means a corrupt man ; but he also was injured by
his attachment to the chymistry which at that time floated about Germany,
and by his dislike or neglect of the precepts of sound reason. (40)

§ 40. It remains, that we notice the chief persons among the Lutherans,
who felt themselves strong enough to new model the whole system of the-
ology, or to draw forth a new one from their own resources. At the head

(39) See Goi.fr. Arnold's Kirchen-und (40) Arnold treats largely of Weigel ;
Ketzerhist., pt. ii., book xvii.,ch. vi.,p.-940, yet, as usual, not impartially; in his Kir-
dec. Weismann's Historia Eccles. sgpculi chen-und Ketzerhistorie, pt. ii., b. xvii., ch.
xvii., p. 1174, 1189: Godfr. Balth. Scharfs xvii., p. 1088.
Supplement, hist., litisque Arndianae, Wit-
temb., 1727, 8vo, and very many others.

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 391

of the list stands: Jacob Bcelimen, a shoemaker of Gorlitz, famous for his
vast number of both friends and foes, and whom his patrons call the Ger-
man Theosophist. Being naturally inclined to search after abstruse things,
and having learned, partly from certain books, and partly from intercourse
with some physicians, ( Tobias Kober, Balthasar Walther, and others), the
doctrines of Robert Fludd and the Rosecrucians, which were then every
where circulated and talked of, he discovered by means of fire, and with
the aid of his imagination, a kind of theology which was more obscure
than the numbers of Pythagoras or the characters of Heraclitus. Those
who would commend the man for ingenuity, piety, veracity and honesty,
may do it without hinderance from us : but those who would honour him
with the title of a man taught by God, or even of a sound and wise philos-
opher, must themselves lack knowledge ; for he so confuses every subject,
with chymical metaphors, and with such a profusion of obscure terms,
that it would seem as if he aimed to produce jargon. The heat of his
exuberant fancy, if I do not mistake, led him to believe, that divine grace
operates by the same laws as prevail in the physical world ; and that
men's souls are purified from their pollution and vices, in the same way in
which metals are purged from dross. He formerly had, and he still has, a
very great number of followers ; among whom the most noted and famous
in this century were John Lewis Giftheil, John Angelus von Werdenhagen,
Abraham von Franckenberg, Theodore von Tzetsch, Paul Felgenhauer,
Quirinus Kuhlman, John James Zimmerman, and others. Some of these
were not altogether destitute of modesty and good sense : but others were
entirely beside themselves, and excited the compassion of intelligent men ;
as, e. g., Kuhlmann, who was burned in Muscovy A.D. 1684, and afterwards
Gichtel : and not one of them managed their affairs so laudably and well,
as to procure for the sect or its founders any degree of respect and com.
mendation with persons of the slightest discernment. (41)

§ 41. Next after Bahmen, it appears should be mentioned those, whom dis-
ordered minds rendered so presumptuous, that they claimed to be prophets,
divinely raised up and endued with the power of foretelling future events. A
large number of such persons existed in this age, and particularly during the
times when the Austrians were contending for supremacy against the Ger-
mans, the Swedes, and the French : for long experience shows, that there is
never a greater number of diviners or prophets, than when great revolutions
seem about to take place, or when great and unexpected calamities occur.
The most noted of these were, Nicholas Drabiz, Christopher Kotter, and
Christina Poniatowsky, who have found an eloquent patron in John Amos
Comenius ; also Joachim Greulich, Anna Vetteria, Eva Maria Frolich,
George Reichard, and some others. But as no one of them was the cause
of any great commotions, and as the progress of events very soon divested

(41) It is not necessary here to cite au- in many other places. — [" Bahmen, how-

thorities ; for the works of Bcehmen are in ever, had the good fortune to meet with, in

every body's hands, and the books which our (Jays, a warm advocate and an industri-

confute him are no where scarce. What ous disciple in the late well-meaning, but

can be said in favour of the man and his gloomy and visionary Mr. William Law,

followers, may be seen in Arnold, who is al- who was, for many years, preparing a new

ways most full in extolling and lauding those edition and translation of Bcehmen's works,

whom others censure. Concerning KuJd- which he left behind him ready for the press,

mann, and his execution, see the Unschul- and which have been published in 2 vols.

dige Nachrichten, A.D. 1748, p. 905, and 4to, since his death."— Macl.~\

392 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVIL— SEC. II.— PART IL— CHAP. I.

their predictions of all their authority, it is sufficient to have shown gener-
ally, that there were among the Lutherans of this age, some disordered
minds, that affected the honours and the authority of ambassadors of heav-
en.(42)

§ 42. I would give a somewhat more distinct account of some, who
were not indeed so wholly beside themselves as to claim to be prophets of
God, yet sadly deceived themselves and others by marvellous and strange
opinions. Esaias Stiefel and Ezekiel Meth, both of Thuringia, not long
after the commencement of the century, expressed themselves so unusually
and so improperly, that they were thought by many to arrogate to them.
selves divine glory and majesty, to the great dishonour of God and our
Saviour. I can believe, tbat though they greatly lacked sound sense, yet they
were not so far beside themselves ; and that they only foolishly imitated the
lofty and swollen phraseology of the mystical writers. Thus they may
serve as examples, to show how much cloudiness and folly, the constant read,
ing of mystical books may spread over uncultivated and feeble minds.(43)
Paul Nagel, a professor at Leipsic who had some tincture of mathematical
knowledge, conjectured from the indications of the stars, future occurrences
both in church and state ; and among other things professed to be certain,
from their indications, that a very holy and heavenly kingdom of Christ
was to be set up on the earth. (44)

§ 43. Christian Hoburg, of Luneburg, a man of an unstable and restless
spirit, under the assumed names of Elias Prcdorius and Bernard Baiimann,
published a vast number of invectives against the whole Lutheran church ;
and thereby involved himself in various troubles. Yet for a long time, by
dissimulation and deception, which he doubtless supposed to be lawful, he
led the more charitable to regard him as less faulty than he actually was ;
and he was accounted an acrimonious assailant, tiot so much of religion
itself, as of the licentiousness and vices of those especially who ministered
in holy things. At length however, he rendered himself universally odious,
and went over to the Mennonites.(45) Very similar to him, though supe-
rior in petulance and acrimony, was Frederic Brer.kling ; who being eject-
ed from the ministry, which he first exercised in Holstein and afterwards
at Zwoll in Holland, continued to extreme old age in Holland, connected
with no religious sect. Various of his tracts are extant, which, although
they vehemently urge and recommend the cultivation of piety, and display
implacable hatred against both vice and the vicious, yet show the writer to

(42) Godfrey Arnold has done the world them all. His Index Bibliothecse, was print-
service, by accurately collecting the visions ed after his death, Amsterd., 1670, 4to, em-
and acts of these people, in the second and bracing a great number of chymical, fanati-
third Parts of his Kirchen-und Ketzerhisto- cal, and prophetical writings.
rie. For now, such as have occasion to in- (43) See Christ. Thomasivs, Historic der
vestigate the subject, have the ready means Weisheit und Narheit, vol. i., pt. iii., p. 150.
of ascertaining with certainty, what was in God.fr. Arnold's Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie,
itself most probable beforehand, that what pt. iii., ch. iv., p. 32.

these persons deemed divine communica- (44) Arnold, loc. cit., pt. iii., ch. v., p.

tions, were the fictions of their own minds 53. Andrew Carolus, Memorabila Eccles.

led away by their imaginations. There Was saec. xvii., pt. i., lib. iii., cap. iv., p. 513.

an honest, illiterate man at Amsterdam, in (45) Arnold, loc. cit., pt. iii., ch. xiii., p.

the middle of the seventeenth century, Ben- 130. Andrew Carolus, loc. cit., vol i., p.

edict Bahnsen of Holstein, who was so cap- 1065. Jo. Hornbeck, Summa Controvers ,

tivated with such writings and prophecies, p. 535. Jo. Moller, Cimbria Litterata,

that he carefully collected and published torn, ii., p. 337, &c. .

HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 393

have been destitute of the primary virtues of a truly pious man, charity,
wisdom, the love of truth, meekness and patience. (46) It is strange, that
such vehement and heated declaimers against the defects of the public re-
ligion and its ministers, as they profess to be more discerning than all oth-
ers, should fail of discovering, what the most simple daily learn by com-
mon observation, that nothing is more odious and disgusting than an angry
reformer, who is always laying about him with sword and dagger ; and
that they should not perceive, that it is scarcely possible for any one suc-
cessfully to cure in others, the faults of which he is himself guilty. The
expectation of the millennial kingdom, which seldom exists in well-inform-
ed minds, and which generally produces extravagant opinions, was embra-
ced and propagated by George Lawrence Seidenbecher, a preacher in the
Saxon region of Eichsfeld : and for this, he was deprived of his office. (47)
§ 44. We shall close the list of this sickly family, (for it is not neces-
sary to name a great number, since they all pursued much the same
course), with the most odious and the worst of them all, Martin Seidelius, a
Silesian of Ohlau ; who laboured to establish a sect in Poland and the
neighbouring countries, near the close of the preceding century and the
commencement of this, but whose extreme absurdities prevented his meet-
ing with success even among the Socinians. This most daring of mortals
supposed, that God had indeed promised a Saviour or a Messiah to the
Jewish nation ; but that this Messiah had never appeared, nor ever would
appear, because the Jews by their sins had rendered themselves unworthy
of this so great a deliverer promised of old to their fathers : that of course,
Christ was erroneously regarded as the Messiah ; that it was his only bu-
siness and office to explain the law of nature, which had been greatly ob-
scured by the fault of men ; and therefore, that whoever shall obey this
law as expounded by Jesus Christ, will fulfil alt the religious duties which
God requires of him. To render these monstrous opinions more defensi-
ble and specious, he audaciously assailed and discarded all the books of
the New Testament. The few persons whom he brought over to his
views, were called Semi-Judaizers.(48) If this rash man had lived at the
present day, he would have appeared much less odious, than he did in that
age. For if we except his singular ideos concerning the Messiah, all the
rest of his system would be highly approved by many at the present day,
among the English, the Dutch, and other nations.

(46) Arnold treats of this man, in his (48) See Gustav. Geo. Zeltner'i Historia
work so often cited, pt. iii., ch. xiii., p. 148, Crypto-Socinismi Altorfini, vol. i., p. 268,
&c., and likewise gives us some of his 335. [His Fundamenta religionis Chris-
tracts ; which abundantly show the extreme tianae and his Epistoke tres ad ccetum Uni-
fertility of his genius; ibid., p. 1110. A tariornm, are to be found in the Bibliotheca
formal account of him, is given by John fratrum Unitariorum. — Schl. A sect still
Holier, Cimbria Litterata, torn, iii., p. 72, exists in Russia, holding much the same
&c. doctrines, and bearing the name of Selez-

(47) He is fully described by Alb. Meno nevtschini. See R. Pinkertori's Present
Verpoorten, in his Comment, de rita et in- state of the Greek Church, ed. New- York,
stitutis G. L. Seidenbecheri ; Dantzic, 1739, 1815, p. 273, comp. p. 228. — TV.]

4to.

VOL. III.— D D D

394 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II

- CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

$ 1. Enlargement of the Reformed Church. — § 2. Its Decrease. Fall of the French
Church. — () 3. Persecutions of the Reformed French Church — <J 4. Revocation of the
Edict of Nantes. — § 5. Persecutions of the Waldensians and the Palatines. — § 6. State
of Learning and Philosophy. — § 7. Biblical Interpretation. — § 8. Dogmatic Theology.
• — § 9. State of Moral Theology. — § 10. Controversies concerning Grace and Predesti-
nation.— <) 11. The Arminian Schism. — § 12. Its Effects. — § 13. Singular Opinions of
the French Church. — 1) 14. Contesrt of the Hypothetical Universalists. — $ 15. La Place
and Cappel. — $ 16. Lewis le Blanc. — § 17, 18. Claude Pajon. — § 19. State of the
English Church under James I. — § 20. Charles I.— $ 21. The Independents.—^ 22.
Cromwell's Reign. — <) 23. English Antinomians. — <J 24. Latitudinariana. — § 25. Church
of England under Charles II. and his Successors. — $ 26. High Church or Non-Jurors,
among the English. — § 27. Their Opinions. — § 28. Contests among the Dutch. — § 29.
The Cartesian and Cocceian Controversies. — § 30. The Cartesian. — $ 31. The Opinion
of the Cocceians respecting the Holy Scriptures. — $ 32. Their Theological Opinions. —
$ 33. Roellian Contest, respecting the Use of Reason. — § 34. Respecting the Generation
of the Son of God, &c. — § 35. Becker.' — t) 36. Dutch Sects. Verschorists, Hattemists.
— § 37. Commotions in Switzerland. The Formula Consensus.

§ 1. THE Reformed churcli, as has been already remarked, being uni-
ted not so much by' the bonds of a common faith and discipline, as by
principles of moderation and candour, it ^vill be proper to consider, first,
whatever relates to this very extensive community as a whole, and then
the events worthy of notice in the several Reformed countries. The prin-
cipal enlargements of this community in the seventeenth century, have al-
ready been mentioned, in our account of the Hessian and Brandenburg
commotions, in the chapter on the Lutheran church. We here add, that
John Adolphus duke of Holstein, in the beginning of this century also went
over to the side of the Reformed : and much hope was indulged, that his
subjects would be led gradually to follow his example ; but the prince dying
in the year 1616, this hope was frustrated.(l) Henry duke of Saxony, in
the year 1688 at Dessau, exchanged the Lutheran religion in which he had
been educated, for that of the Reformed, at the instigation it is said, of his
wife. (2) In the beginning of the century, there were many in Denmark,
who secretly leaned towards the doctrines of the Reformed and especially
in regard to the doctrine of the Lord's supper, and who had received their
instruction from Nicholas Hemming, and other friends of Melancthon. But
this class of persons lost all hope, courage, and influence, after the year
1614, when John Canute, a bishop who had too openly avowed his good-
will towards Calvinistic opinions, was deprived of his office. (3) It is well

(1) Jo. Mailer's Introduce, ad Historian! pastor of the church of Magdeburg, composed
Chersonesus Cimbricae, pt. ii., p. 101, &c. a vindication of it : Defense de la doctrine
Eric Pontoppidan's Annales ecclesise Dani- des Reformees ct en particulier de la Con-
cse diplomatic;, torn, iii., p. 691, &c. fession de Foy de S. A. S. Monseigneur le

(2) See George Mcebius, Selectse Dispp. Due Henry de Saxe, contre un Livre com-
Theolog., p. 1137. This prince published pose par la Faculte de Theologie de Leipsic ;
a confession of his Faith : which being at- Magdeb., 1694, 8vo.

tacked by the Leipsic divines by public au- (3) Pontoppidan's Annales eccles. Dani-
thority, Isaac de Beausobre, who was then cse, torn, iii., p. 695, &c. •

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 395

known moreover, that the Reformed religion was transplanted by the
Dutch and the English, into Africa, Asia, and America ; and in various
parts of those continents, very flourishing Reformed churches were estab-
lished : and among the Lutherans also, in one place and another, liberty
was granted to the French, German, and English Reformed, freely to set
up their worship.

§ 2. Of all the public calamities which diminished the splendour and the
prosperity of the Reformed community, the greatest and most lamentable
was the subversion of the French church, renowned for so many distin-
guished men. From the times of Henry IV. the Reformed church in
France constituted a kind of state or commonwealth within the common-
wealth ; being fortified by great privileges and rights, and possessing among
other things for its security, towns and castles, and especially the very
strong fortress of Rochelle ; all which places were garrisoned with their
own troops. This community was not always under leaders of sufficient
foresight and attachment to the crown. Hence sometimes, (for the truth
should not be concealed), when civil wars or commotions broke out, this
community took the side of those that were opposed to the king, engaged
at times in enterprises which the king disliked, too openly sought alliance
and friendship with the Dutch and the English, and undertook or aimed at
other things, inconsistent, apparently at least, with the public peace and the
supreme authority of the king. Hence king Lewis XIII. from the year
1621, waged war with the Reformed party; and the prime minister of
France, cardinal Richelieu, was persuaded that France would never be
safe and enjoy peace, until this community was prostrated and deprived of
its fortifications, castles, strong towns, and high privileges. Richelieu, af-
ter various conflicts and numerous efforts, at last obtained his object. For
in the year 1628, after a long and difficult siege, he took Rochelle the
chief fortress of the Reformed community, and reduced it to subjection to
the king : and this city being captured, the Reformed community in France
was prostrate ; and being deprived of its fortresses, could depend upon
nothing but the king's clemency and good pleasure. (4) Those who judge
of this transaction by the principles of state policy, deny that it was a vi-
olation of all justice and equity ; because such communities in the bosom
of a kingdom or state, are pernicious and most hazardous to the public
peace and safety. And if the French court had stopped here, and had
left safe and inviolate to the Reformed their liberties of conscience and
religion, purchased with immense blood and great achievements, perhaps
the Reformed could and would, have borne the immense loss of their lib-
erties and rights with equanimity.

§ 3. But the French court was not content with this measure of success :
having destroyed that species or form of civil polity, which had been an-
nexed to the Reformed church, and which afterwards was deemed adverse
to the regal power, the court next attacked the church itself and its reli-
gion, contrary to the plighted faith of the kings. At first milder measures
were resorted to, promises, caresses, conciliatory expositions of the doc-

(4) See Jo. le Clerc's Vie du Cardinal of Sully, (a friend to Henry IV., himself one

Richelieu, tome i., p. 69, 77, 177, 199, 269. of the Reformed, but not disposed to conceal

Mich, le Vassm-'s Histoire de Louis XIII., the errors of his church), Memoires, tome

tome iii., p. 676, &c. ; tome iv., p. 1, &c., iii., iv., v.
and the subsequent volumes. Add the duke

396 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

trines most offensive to the Reformed, and similar measures, both with the
head men of the Reformed community, and with the more learned and em-
inent of their ministers ; and Richelieu especially, spared no pains or arts
which he thought might have any influence, to draw the Reformed insid-
iously into the Romish church. But as little or nothing was effected by
all these measures, the Catholic, bishops especially resorted to sophistry,
persecution, the most unrighteous laws, and all the means which either
blind passion or ingenious malice could invent, in order gradually to ex-
haust the people who were so hateful to them, and compel them against
their choice, reluctantly to join the standard of the Roman pontiff. Many
being overcome by their troubles and their grievous sufferings, yielded ;
others left the country ; but the greatest part firmly persisted in the reli-
gion of their fathers.

§ 4. At length, under Lewis XIV., after all artifices, snares, and projects
had been exhausted in vain, the prelates of the Gallic church and the Jes-
uits, to whom the king was accustomed to listen, determined that this most
resolute body of people must be extirpated by violence and war, and be
crushed as it were by a single stroke. Overcome by their arguments and
importunate supplications, Lewis, in the year 1685, with the approbation
and applause of the Roman pontiff, in violation of all laws human and di-
vine, repealed the edict of Nantes, by which his grandfather had granted
to the Reformed the liberty of worshipping God according to their own
consciences ; and commanded his Reformed subjects to return to the reli-
gion of their progenitors. The consequence of this most lamentable de-
cree, was, that a vast multitude of French people abandoned their country,
to the immense detriment of France,(5) and sought new abiding places in
various parts of Europe, in which they might freely serve God : and the
others, whom the extreme vigilance of their en&uies prevented from ac-
quiring safety by flight, the soldiers compelled by a thousand modes of
torture, vexation, and suffering, to profess with their lips, and to exhibit in
their outward conduct that Romish religion which they abhorred in their
hearts. (6) From this unrighteous act of the (on other occasions magnan-
imous) king, it may be seen how the Roman pontiffs and their adherents
stand affected towards those whom they call heretics ; and that they re-
gard no treaty, and no oath, too sacred and too solemn to be^ violated, if
the safety or the interests of their church demand it.

(5) See the excellent remarks and obser- their way to foreign countries. Nearly for-

vations of Armand de la Chapelle, on this ty thousand are said to have passed over to

subject, in his Life of Isaac de Beausobre, England ; whence many of them came to

subjoined to the posthumous notes of the lat- the United States of America. Vast num-

ter on ihe New Testament, p. 259, &c. bers settled in Holland ; and large numbers

[The edict of Nantes, which gave free toler- in the Protestant states of Germany, partic-

ation to the Protestants, was drawn up and ularly in Prussia, and in Switzerland and

sanctioned by Henry IV. in the year 1598 ; Denmark. See Gifford^s History of France,

and confirmed by Lewis XIII. the year after vol. iv., p. 35, 92, 421, &c. Schroeckh,

he assumed the sceptre, A.D. 1613. Its Kirchengesch. seit der Reformation, vol.

revocation in 1685, was preceded by the viii., p. 470, &c. — Tr.]

despatch of soldiers into all the provinces, (6) No one has illustrated these events

to compel the Protestants to abandon their more fully than Elias Benoit, Histoire de

religion. Notwithstanding the great pains 1'Edit de Nantes ; a noble work, published

taken to prevent their escape from the king- at Delft, 1693, &c., in 5 vols. 4to. See

dom, some say half a million, and others say also Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV., tome

eight hundred thousand Protestants found ii., p. 229.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 397

§ 5. The Waldenses inhabiting the valleys of Piedmont, who have been
already mentioned as entering into a union with the church of Geneva,
were tortured nearly throughout this century, by the very cruel devices
and machinations of the instruments of the Roman pontiff; but especially
in the years 1655, 1686, and 1696, they were so oppressed and harassed,
as to come near to being exterminated. (7) Those who survived these
frequent butcheries, owed their precarious and dubious safety to the as-
siduous intercessions of the Dutch, the English, and the Swiss, with the
duke of Savoy. In Germany, the church of the Palatinate, which was
once a principal branch of the Reformed community, gradually suffered
so much diminution, from the year 1685 when the government passed
into the hands of a Catholic prince, that from holding the first rank it was
depressed to almost the lowest, among the Reformed churches of Ger-
many.(7)b

§ 6. The very great merits of the Reformed in regard to every species
of useful knowledge, are so well known to all, that we shall not dwell upon
them. We shall also omit the names of the great and distinguished au-
thors, whose works procured permanent fame for themselves, and great ad-
vantage to others ; because it is difficult, amid so great a number, to select
the best. (8) In philosophy, Aristotle was the sole guide and lawgiver every
where for a long time, just as among the Lutherans ; and indeed, Aristotle,
just as he is portrayed to us by the Scholastic writers. But his authority
gradually became very much diminished, from the times of Gassendi and
Des Carles. For many of the French and Dutch adopted the Cartesian

(7) Jo. Leger, Histoire generale des

Eglises Vaudoises, pt. ii., ch. vi., p. 72, &c.

Peter Gilles, Histoire ecclesiastique des

Eglises Vaudoises, cap. xlix., p. 353, &c.

There is extant a particular history of the

calamities sustained by the Waldenses, in

the year 1686 ; printed at Rotterdam, 1688,

12mo. [See also An Account of the late

persecutions of the Waldenses by the duke

of Savoy and the French king, in 1686 ;

printed, Oxford, 1688, 4to ; and Peter Bay-
er's History of the Vaudois, chap, xii.-xxi.,

p. 72, &c.— TV.]

(7)b [See Struv's Pfalzische Kirchen-

historie, ch. xiii., $ 23-72. The Palatinate,

so long as its princes professed the Reform-
ed religion, was to the Reformed churches

what Saxony formerly was to the Lutheran,
ss.. the bond of their external union ; and
the Palatine church was the most respecta-
ble among the German Reformed, as the
Saxon church was among the Lutherans.
It kept up a constant intercourse with Eng-
land and Holland. But after the death of
the electoral prince Charles Leiris, when
the electoral dignity passed to the Catholic
branch of the family, this church lost a great
part of its pre-eminence. On the other hand,
the Brandenburg church rose in respectabil-
ity, as the power of the house of Branden-
burg increased ; so that at the present day,
the "church of Brandenburg holds the rank,

which was once held by that of the Palati-
nate.— Schl.]

(8) [" The list of the eminent divines and
men of learning, that were ornaments to the
Reformed church in the seventeenth century,
is indeed extremely ample. Among those
that adorned Great Britain, we shall always
remember with peculiar veneration the im-
mortal names of Newton, Barrow, Cvdworlh,
Boyle, ChMingicorth, Usher, Bedell, Hall,
Pocock, Fell, Lighifoot, Hammond, Cala-
my, Walton, Baxter, Pearson, Stilling fleet,
Mede, Parker, Oughtred, Burnet, Tillot-
son, and many others well known in the lit-
erary world. In Germany we find Pareus,
Scultet, Fabricius, Ailing, Pdargus, and
Bergius. In Switzerland and Geneva, Hot-
piriian, the two Buxlorfs, Hottinger, Heideg-
ger, and Turretin. In the churches and
academies of Holland, we meet with the fol-
lowing learned divines : Drusus, Amama,
Gomar, Rivet, Cloppenburg, Vossivf, Coc-
ceius, Voetius, Des Marets, Heidan, Momma,
Barman, Wittichius, Hornbeck, the Span-
heims, Le Moyne, Be Mastncht ; among the
French, doctors, we may reckon Cameron,
Chamier, Du Moulin, Mestrczat, Blondel,
Drelincourl, Daille, Amyra.ul, the two Cap-
pels, De la Place, Gamstole, Cray, Moms,
Le Blanc, Pajon, Bochart, Claude, Atix,
Jurieu, Basnage, Abbadie, Beausobrc, Len-
fant, Martin, Des Vignoles, &c."— Mad ]

398 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

philosophy upon its first appearance, and a large part of the English chose
Gassendi for their guide and teacher. This was exceedingly offensive to
the Aristotelians ; who everywhere, but most pugnaciously in Holland,
laboured to persuade the people, that immense danger to religion and the
truth was to be apprehended from the abandonment of Aristotle ; nor would
they suffer themselves to be ousted from the schools. (9) But the splendour
of the increasing light, and the influence of liberty, compelled the pertina-
cious sect to yield and be silent : so that the Reformed doctors, at the pres-
ent day, philosophize as freely, as the Lutherans do. Yet I am not sure, that
Aristotle does not still exercise a secret sway, in the English universities.
This at least I could easily evince, that in the times of Charles II., James
II., and William III., while the mathematical philosophy prevailed nearly
throughout Great Britain, yet at Oxford and Cambridge, the old philoso-
phy was in higher repute with some, than the new discoveries.

§ 7. The expositors of scripture among the Reformed, who adorned
the commencement of the century, all trod in the steps of Calvin; and
according to his example, they did not search after recondite meanings
and types, but investigated solely the import of the words of the sacred
writers. But this uniformity, in process of time was done away, by the
influence of two very distinguished interpreters, Hugo Grotius and John
Cocceius. The former, departing but slightly from Calvin's manner, in-
vestigates only the literal sense in the books of both the Old Testament
and the New ; considers the predictions of the ancient prophets, as being
all fulfilled in events anterior to the coming of Christ, and therefore in the
letter of them, as not to be applied to Christ : yet he supposes, that in some
of those prophecies, especially in such as the writers of the New Testa-
ment apply to Christ, there is, besides the literal sense, a secret or mystical
sense concealed under the persons, events, and things described, which re-
lates to Christ, to his history and mediation. Very different were the prin-
ciples of Cocceius. He supposed, that the whole Old Testament history
exhibited as in a kind of mirror, the history of Christ and of the Christian
church ; and that the prophecies of the ancient prophets, in their literal
import, treated of Jesus Christ • and that whatever was to occur in the
Christian church down to the end of time, was all prefigured in the Old
Testament, in some places more clearly, and in others less so. (10) Each
of these men had a multitude of followers and disciples. With the former
were, besides the Arminians, those adherents to the old Calvinistic system,
who from Gisbert Voet the principal antagonist of Cocceius, were called
Voetians ; also many of the English, and a great number of the French.
The latter was highly admired by not a few of the Dutch, the Swiss, and
the Germans. Yet there are many, who stand intermediate between these
two classes of interpreters; agreeing with neither throughout, but with
each in part. Moreover, neither the Grotian interpreters nor the Cocceian,
are all of the same description ; but each class is subdivided into various
subordinate classes. No small portion of the English Episcopalians, de-
spising these modern guides, think the first doctors of the nascent church

(9) See Andrew Baillet, Vie de Mr. de is not so true. For Grotius, as his commen-
Cartes ; in numerous passages. taries fully show, does find Christ in many

(10) It is commonly said : Cocceius finds passages of the Old Testament ; though in
Christ every where, but Grotius no where, a different way from Cocceius, that is, not
in the pages of the Old Testament. The in the words, but in the things and the per-
first part of the adage is most true : the last sons.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 399

ought to be consulted, and that the sacred books should be expounded, just
as the Fathers expounded them.(ll)

§ 8. The doctrines of Christianity were disfigured among the Reformed,
just as among the Lutherans, by the Peripatetic or rather the Scholastic
paint. The entire subjugation of these doctrines to the empire of Aristotle,
and their reduction to the form of a Peripatetic science, was first resisted
by the Arminians ; who followed a more simple mode of teaching, and in-
veighed loudly against such divines as subjected the doctrines relating to
man's salvation to the artificial distinctions and phraseology of the schools.
Next followed the Cartesians and the Cocceians ; the former of whom ap-
plied the principles of their philosophy to the explication of revealed truth ;
while the latter supposed, that the whole system of theology would appear
to the best advantage, if dressed up in the form and garb of a divine cove-
nant with men. But grave and wise men among the Reformed, were
pleased with neither of these. For they objected, that, the sacred doctrines
would be rendered equally obscure and intricate, by the Cartesian distinc-
tions and peculiar conceptions, as by the Peripatetic phraseology and dis-
tinctions : and the application of the analogy of a covenant to the whole
of theology, was productive of this evil among others which no good man
can approve, that it causes the phraseology and the subtle distinctions of
the forum to be transferred to the schools of theology, and to produce there
vain and futile disputes about things the most sacred. Most of the English
and the French would not consent to be thus trammelled, but treated both
doctrinal and practical theology, freely, after the manner of the Arminians.

§ 9. As already observed in another place, William Ames, an English-
man, was the first among the Reformed who attempted to elucidate and ar-
range the science of morals, as distinct from that of dogmatics. (12) But
he is dry, and writes more for the schools than for common life. After-
wards the Arrninians, (who it appears, were much more zealous to perfect
that part of theology which regulates the life and the heart, than that which
informs the understanding), induced great numbers, to attempt something
more useful and more popular in this department. The French however
and the English, excel the others in facility, acuteness, and solidity. Among
the French, to mention no others, Moses Amyraut, a man of distinguished
energy and acuteness of mind, first produced in French though in a style
now obsolete, a complete system of moral science ; from which, those who
have more recently obtained much reputation by their writings, John la
Placette, and Benedict Pictet, appear to have profited not a jittle.(13)
Among the English, during the immense convulsions of the civil wars, the

(11) These are expressly refuted by the (13) [Amyraut's work,, entitled Morale
learned Daniel Whitby, in his Dissertatio Chretienne, was printed in 1652, 6 vols. 8vo.
de Scripturarum interpretations secundum — La Pincette's work was entitled : Essais
Patrum commentaries, London, 1714, 8vo. de Morale avec la suite, Hague, 1706, 8 vol-
[Whitby has here collected the absurd and umes 12mo, and was published in a German
whimsical expositions of the fathers, and translation, Jena, 1719 and l72S.—Pietet't
placed them together in their most ridiculous work was entitled : La Morale Chretienne,
attitude. See Machine's note.— Tr.] ou 1'Art de bien vivre, Geneva, 1710, 2 vols.

(12) [In his book de Conscientia et ejus 4to. This work was so satisfactory to the
jure vel casibus, libri v., Amsterd., 1630, Catholics, that the countess of Sporck had
4to 1640 and 1670, 12mo. It was also it translated into German, omitting the pas-
published 'in a German translation, by Ge.o. sages offensive to the Catholics, and printed
Phil. Harsdorfer, Nuremb., 1654.— Schl. it at her own cost, Prague, 1711.— Schl.]
See above, note (81), p. 194.— Tr.]

400 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVIL— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

Presbyterians especially and the Independents, endeavoured by various works
to subserve the cause of piety. Some of these, (as the nation is naturally
grave and inclined towards austerity), are too rigorous and regardless of
man's condition ; while others manifestly incline towards the precepts of the
Mystics. When Hobbes subjected all religion to the sovereign will of prin-
ces, and laboured to subvert altogether the natural distinction between right
and wrong, he roused up great and discerning men, Cumberland, Sharroch,
Cudworth, and others,(14) to lay open the primary sources of right and jus-
tice, and to purify them from misrepresentations ; by which they contrib-
uted very much to the illustration and confirmation of Christian holiness.

§ 10. At the beginning of the century, the school at Geneva was in such
reputation throughout the Reformed world, that nearly all resorted to it
who were not prevented by the narrowness of their worldly circumstances,
from aspiring after the best education and the highest attainments in the-
ological knowledge. (15) Hence the opinions of Calvin and his pupils, re-
specting the divine decrees and grace, readily spread every where, and
were introduced into all the schools. Yet there was no where any public
ordinance or test, which compelled the religious teachers not to believe or
to teach differently from the Genevans. (16) Of course there were many
persons living here and there, who either disagreed altogether with the
Genevans,(17) or qualified in some measure their doctrine. And even
those who took the side of the Genevans, had some dissension among them-
selves. For while most of them supposed, that God only permitted the
first man to sin, but did not decree his apostacy ; others went farther, and
were so daring as to maintain, that God from all eternity, in order to place
his justice and his free goodness in the clearest light, had decreed the
lamentable transgression of Adam ; and had so disposed every thing, that
our first parents could not avoid or escape the transgression. The latter
were called Supralapsarians, in distinction from the former, who were called
Infralapsarians.

§ 11. Disregarding the points in which they differed, as being of small

(14) [" See' Leland's View of Deistical [Especially, pt. iii., ch. vi., vol. ii., p. 377,
Writers, vol. i., p. 48." — Mad.] &c.,ed. 1741, where his lifeand controversies

(15) The high reputation which the Ge- are stated at length. — Tr. James Armi-
nevan academy once had, gradually declined, nius, while a minister at Amsterdam, being
after the establishment of the Dutch republic, directed by the Consistory to refute the wri-
and the erection of the universities of Ley- tings of Coornhart, was converted to his
den, Franeker, and Utrecht. doctrines, by the perusal of his writings, and

(16) Besides Hugo Grotius, who evinces therefore defended them against the Reform-
this in his Apologeticum, already mentioned, ed. — Schl.]

see Theodore Volckh. Coornhart, a Holland- (17) [E. gr., Henry Bullinger, a famous

er, well known by the controversies he pro- divine at Zurich, who clearly declared in fa-

duced, in his Dutch tracts written near the vour of universal grace. See Jo. Alphon.

close of the [preceding] century, in which Turretin's Letter to W. Wake, archbishop

he assails the doctrine of absolute decrees, of Canterbury, in the Bibliotheque German-

I have now before me, his : Dolinghen des ique, tome xiii., art. ii., p. 92, &c., and

Catechismi ende der Predicanten, Utrecht, Herm. Hildebrand's Orthodoxa Declaratio

1590, 8vo. Van de tolatinghe ende decrete articulorum trium, p. 295, &c. ; and even

Godes Bedenkinghe, of de heylighe Schrift in Holland, at the establishment of the uni-

als Johan Calvin ende Beza daervan leeren, versity of Leyden, John Holmann, a univer-

Altena, 1572, 8vo. Orsacken ende midde- salist, was appointed first professor of theolo-

len van der M.enschen saligheid ende Ver- gy. See Gerhard Brandt's History of the

dosmenisse, 1603, 8vo. Of this man, Goi.fr. Reformation in the Netherlands, book ix.,

Arnold, treats, in the second vol. of his Kir- and the Histoire abreg^e de la Reformation

chen-und Ketzerhistorie, in several places, de Brandt, tome i., p. 229, &c. — Schl.~]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 401

moment, both laboured with united strength to put down those who main-
tained, that God is most graciously disposed towards all mankind. Hence
a great schism arose, soon after the commencement of the century, which
never could be healed. James Armiriius, professor of theology at Leyden, j
rejected the Genevan views, and embraced the Lutheran doctrine concern. /
ing grace, which excludes no one absolutely from eternal salvation. He
was joined by many persons in Holland, who were distinguished both for
learning and the stations they filled. On the other hand, he was most
strenuously opposed by Francis Gomarus, his colleague, and by the princi-
pal teachers in the universities. The rulers of the commonwealth recom.
mended moderation, and supposed that both opinions might be taught in a
free state without injury to religion. After long altercation and violent
contests, by order of Maurice prince of Orange,(18) this controversy was
submitted to the judgment of the whole church, and was discussed in a
council held at Dort in 1618. There were present in the council, besides
the best theologians of Holland, representatives of the English, the Pala-
tines, the Swiss, the Bremensians, and the Hessians. Before this tribunal
the Arminians lost their cause, and were pronounced corruptors of the
true religion : and those among the Genevans who are called Infralapsa-
rians, triumphed. The Supralapsarian party indeed had supporters and
advocates, who were neither few nor inactive ; but the moderation and
gentleness especially of the English divines, prevented their doctrines from
obtaining the sanction of the Synod. The Infralapsarians also would not
have obtained all they wished for, [against the Arminians], if things could
have gone according to the wishes of the Bremensian divines ; who for
weighty reasons, did not choose to be at variance with the Lutherans. (19)
§ 12. Whether this victory over the Arminians, on the whole, was ad-
vantageous, or detrimental to the doctrinal views of the Genevans, and to
the Reformed church, may be justly questioned. This is most certain,
that after the times of the council of Dort, the doctrine of absolute decrees
began to decline, and to sink more and more ; and stern necessity obliged
its defenders to recognise as brethren, those who either openly coincided
with the Arminians, or at least bore a near resemblance to them. The
Arminians, who were at first condemned, and whose leaders were men of
great eloquence and of superior genius as well as learning, being irritated
by banishments, legal penalties, and various other injuries, attacked their
foes with so much vigour and eloquence, that vast numbers became persua-
ded of the justice of their cause. Among the Dutch themselves, the prov-
inces of Friesland, Zealand, Utrecht, Groningen, and Guelderland, could
not be persuaded to receive the decrees of the synod of Dort. And though,
after the lapse of many years in 1651, these provinces were at length pre-
vailed upon to declare their pleasure, that the Reformed religion, as it was
settled at Dort, should be maintained and defended ; yet the greatest jurists
among the Dutch maintain, that this decision cannot have the force of a real
and absolute law.(20) England, through the influence especially of Wil-

(18) [" It was not by the authority of viz., Holland, Utrecht, and Ovcrysscl."—

prince Maurice, but by that of the States- Mad.}

general, that the national synod was assem- (19) The writers on these transact.ons,

bled at Dort. The States were not indeed will be mentioned below, m the chaptei

unanimous ; three of the seven provinces the Armmian church,

protested against the holding of the synod, (20) See the illuBtnoo. Conrad von Bynck-

VOL. III.— EEE

402 BOOK IV.— CENT, XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

liam Laud, went over to the side of the Arminians, immediately after the
synod of Dort ; and quite to our times, it has not so much neglected, as
actually despised and contemned the decisions of that. council. (21) And
this was almost a necessary occurrence, since the English wished to con-
form their church to the institutions, opinions, and rules of the first centu-
ries ; and the Fathers, as they are called, before Augustine, assigned no
limitation to the grace and good-will of God. The French, although at first
they seemed to favour the decisions at Dbrt, yet soon afterwards, because
those decisions were very offensive to the papists among whom they lived,
began to think and to teach very diversely from them. Among the Ger-
mans, neither the churches of Brandenburg nor those of Bremen would suf-
fer their teachers to be tied down to the opinions of the Dutch. Hence
the liberty of free thought respecting grace and predestination, which seem-
ed to be wholly extinguished and suppressed at Dort, rather acquired life
and activity from the transactions there ; and the Reformed church soon be-
came divided into Universalists and Semi- Universalists, Supralapsarians and
Infralapsarians ;(22) who, though they dislike each other, and sometimes
get into contention, yet are prevented by various causes, from attacking
and overpowering one another by open war. What is very noticeable,
we have in our own times seen Geneva itself, the parent, nurse, and guardian
of the doctrine of absolute decrees and particular grace, not only become kind
and gentle towards the Arminians, but also herself almost an Arminian.

§ 13. The Gallic church while it remained inviolate, thought proper to
deviate in many particulars, from the common rule of the Reformed ; and
this, as appears from many proofs, principally from this one cause, that it
might in some measure be relieved from a part of the hatred under which
it laboured, and from that load of odious consequences which the pa-
pists charged upon the Genevan doctrines. Hence the books of the theo-
logians of Sedan and Saumur, which were composed after the synod of
Dort, contain many things quite similar and kindred not only to the Lu-

ershack's Qusestionum Juris publici Libri tion of their believing ; and that this faith

duo, Leyden'1737, 4to, lib ii., cap. xviii. originates from the sovereign and irresistible

(21) Sever. Lintrup's Dissert, de con- operation of God, or from the free, uncon-
temptu concilii Dordracense in Anglia; in ditional, and sovereign election of God.
the Diss. Theologies of Hect. Godfr. Ma- These, who are sometimes called hypothet-
sius, torn, i., No. 19. [See king James' ical (conditional) Universalists, and who
Injunctions to the bishops, A.D. 1622, in scarcely differ, except in words, from the In-
NeaPs History of the Puritans, vol. ii., ch. fralapbarians, are by Dr. Mosheim denomina-
ii., p. 153 — Tr.] ted Semi-Universalists. The Supralapsa-

(22) [Unwe.rsalists are those among the riaris, to which class belonged Bcza, Fran-
Reformed, who teach the universal grace of cis Gomarus, and Gisbcrt Voetins, not only
God towards all apostate men ; and conse- teach unconditional election, but they place
quently, also, a universal atonement, and a this election antenor lo the purpose of God
call to all men. They are however, divided to create men, and their apostacy. The In-
into two classes. Some ascribe to the fralapsarians, on the contrary, make this un-
means of grace which God affords, sufficient conditional election to be subsequent to the
power to enlighten and sanctify all men ; foreseen apostacy. Both these last, are also
and teach, that it depends on the voluntary called, [in distinction from the Univcrsal-
conduct of men, whether the grace of God ists], Particularists. But it is to be hoped,
shall produce its effects on them or not. that when sound interpretation shall become
These, who are sometimes called absolute prevalent in the Reformed churches, these
(unconditional) Universalists, are by Dr. Mo- parties, which are the unhappy offspring of a
sheim denominated simply Universalists. disputatious spirit and of ignorance of the
Others maintain, that God indeed wishes to original languages, will at length entirely
make all men happy, but only on the condi- cease. — Schl.~]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 403

theran sentiments concerning grace, predestination, the person of Christ,
and the efficacy of the sacraments, but also to some opinions of the Ro-
manists. The commencement of this moderation may be traced back, I
think, to the year 1615, when the opinion of John Piscator, a divine of Her-
born, respecting tlie obedience of Christ, was tacitly received or at least
pronounced void of error,(23) in the counr.il of the Isle of France, not,
withstanding it had before been rejected and exploded in other French coun-
cils.(24) Piscator supposed, that our Saviour did not satisfy the divine law
in our stead, by his obedience ; but that he as a man, was bound to obey
the divine will, and therefore could not merit any thing with God for others
by keeping the law. It will be easy for those who understand the papal
doctrines, to see how much aid this opinion affords to the papists, in con-
firming the sentiments they commonly inculcate respecting the merit of good
works, the power of man to obey the law, and other points. (25) This small
beginning was followed by other far' more important steps; among which,
some were so devious, that the most modest, and the most averse from con-
tention, among the French themselves, could not approve them. (26)

§ 14. Two divines of Saumur, first John Camera, and afterwards Moses
Amyraut, a man distinguished for perspicacity and erudition, devised a
method of reconciling the doctrine of the Genevans respecting the divine
decrees as expounded at Dort, with the views of those who hold that the
love of God embraces the whole human race. And Amyraut from about the

(23) Jo. Aymon, Actes de tous les Sy-
nodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformees de
France, tome ii., p. 275, 276.

(24) See Aymon, loc. cit., tome i., p. 301,
400, 457, tome ii., p. 13. Joe. Benign. Bos-
suet, Histoire des variations des Eglises Pro-
testantes, livr. xii., tome ii., p. 268. To
Bossuet thus tauntingly reproaching, as is
his custom, the changeableness of the Re-
formed, Jac. Basnage appears to have repli-
ed, not solidly, in his Histoire de 1'Eglise,
tome ii., p. 1533, &.c. [There manifestly
was some change in the views of the
French divines, in regard to Piscator's sen-
timents ; for they repeatedly and expressly
condemned them, in several of their synods,
and afterwards yielded up the point. Hence
Basnage could not deny the fact. But was
this change of opinion any way reproachful
to the French clergy ! Bossuet thought it
was : but candid men will perhaps judge
otherwise. — TTV]

(25) [Dr. Maclaine is much offended with
Dr. Moskeim, for intimating that Piscator' s
opinions afforded support to he popish doc-
trines of the merit of good works, man's abil-
ity to obey the law, &c. And indeed, it
would he difficult to maintain the connexion,
supposed by Dr. Mosheim. It is also true,
as Dr. Maclaine states, that Piscator' s doc-
trine by denying that even Christ himself
could perform any works of supererogation,
cut up by the roots the popish doctrine, that
a vast number of common saints have per-
formed such works, and thus have filled that

spiritual treasury, from which the pontiffs can
dispense pardons and indulgences to an al-
most unlimited extent. — Piscalor held that
Christ redeemed us, only by his death, or by
his sufferings ; and not as was then general-
ly held, by both his active and his passive obe-
dience. His arguments were, that Christ,
as being a man, was bound to obey the will
of God perfectly ; so that he could not do
more, than he was under personal obligation
to perform. Moreover, that if Christ had
perfectly obeyed the law in man's stead ,- then
men would not be under obligation to obey
it themselves : because it would be unjust in
God to require obedience twice over, once
from our representative, and then again from
us. Besides, if Christ, in our stead, both
obeyed the lawr and suffered the penalty of
its violation ; then the law had been doubly
satisfied; or God had received the obedi-
ence he required, and yet inflicted the pen-
alty for disobedience. — Tr.]

(26) [Dr. Maclaine is here out of all pa-
tience with Mosheim ; and taxes him with
bringing a groundless and malignant charge
against the whole body of the French Re-
formed church. But Maclaine appears ex-
cited, beyond what the occasion required.
The five following paragraphs, namely, §
14—18, detail the facts, in view of which,
Mosheim made the assertion contained in the
close of this paragraph. Let the reader care-
fully peruse them, and then judge how far
Mosheim deserves rebuke. — Tr.]

404 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

year 1634, pursued this most difficult of all objects with so much zeal, and
with so great vigour of genius, that to gain his point he changed a great part
of the received system of theology. His plan, which was too extensive to
be here fully detailed, was substantially this : that God wishes the salvation
of all men whatever ; and that no mortal is excluded from the benefits of
Christ, by any divine decrne : but that no one can become a partaker, either
of the benefits of Christ, or of salvation, unless he believes in Christ. And
that God in his boundless goodness, has withheld from no one the power or
ability to believe : .but he by no means assists all, so to use this power as
to obtain salvation. Hence it is, that so many thousands of men perish,
through their own fault, and not by the fault of God. (27) Those who em-
braced this scheme, were called Hypothetical Universalists ; because they
believed, that God is disposed indeed to show mercy to all, yet only on the
condition that they believe in Christ. It is the opinion of many, that this doc-
trine does not differ from that maintained at Dort, except as Hercules' naked
club differed from the same when painted and adorned with ribands, that is,
but slightly. But I doubt, whether such persons have duly considered both
the principles from which it is derived, and the consequences to which it
leads. After considering and reconsidering it, it appears to me to be
Arminianism, or if you please, Pelagianism, artificially dressed up, and
veiled in ambiguous terms : and in this opinion I feel myself greatly con-
firmed, when I look at the more recent disciples of Amyraut, who express
their views more clearly and more boldly than their master.(28) The
author of this doctrine was first attacked by some councils of the French
[Protestants] ; but when they had examined the cause, they acquitted and
dismissed him. (29) With greater violence, he was assailed by the cele-
brated Dutch divines, Andrew Rivet, Frederic Spanheim, Samuel des Marets
(Maresius), and others: to whom, Amyraut himself, and afterwards the
leading French-divines, John DailU (Dallaus ), David Blondell, and others,
made energic replies. (30) The vehement and long-protracted contest was
productive of very little effect. For the opinions of Amyraut infected not
only the Huguenot universities in France and nearly all the principal doc-
tors, but also spread first to Geneva, and then with the French exiles,
through all the Reformed churches. Nor is there any one at the present
day, who ventures to speak against it.

§ 15. From the same desire of softening certain Reformed doctrines,
which afforded to the papists as well as to others much occasion for re-
proach,' originated Joshua Placaus' (de la Place's) opinion concerning the
imputation of the sin committed by the parents of the human race. This
theologian of Saumur, the colleague and intimate friend of Amyraut, in the

(27) See Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger's Historia eo (29) See Ay-man's Actes des Synodes
cles. et politica saeculi xvii., decenn. iv., p. Nationaux des Eglises Reformees en France,
522, &c. tome ii., p. 571, &c., p. 604, &c. f Quick's

(28) [Schlegcl expresses much regret, that Synodicon, vol. ii.. p. 352, &c., 397, &c.,
Dr. Moshcim neither here, nor in his lee- 455. — TV.] David BhndcWs Actcs au-
turrs. more clearly showed, how a disguised thentiques des Eglises Reformees toiichant
Pelagianism lies concealed under this la paix et la charite fraternelle, p. 19, &c. , p.
scheme of the Hypothetical Universalists. 82, Amsterd.. 1655, 4to.

And he refers us. to his notes on vol. i., cent. (30) Peier Buylc, Dictionnaire, tome i., art.

v., pt. ii., chap, v., $ 23 and 26, to show that Amyraut, p. 182 ; Art. Daille, tome ii.,"p.

this scheme of Amyraut, was not in reality 947, &c ; An. Rl.omleU, tome i., p. 571, &c.

Pelagianism, nor even Semipelagianism. — Christ^Matth. P/ajf, de Formula Consensus,

TV.] cap. i., p. 4, &c., and others.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 405

year 1640, denied the doctrine then generally inculcated in the Reformed
schools, that the sin of the first man was imputed to his posterity ; and
maintained on the contrary, that each person's own inherent defilement
and disposition to sin, is attributed to him. by God, as- his crime; or, to use
the language of theologians, he contended that original sin is- imputed to men, /
not immediately, but only mediately. This opinion was condemned as er-
roneous in the Synod of Charentpn A.D. 1642, and was confuted by
many theologians of great respectability among the Swiss and the
Dutch.(31) And De la Place influenced by the love of peace, did not think
proper to offer any public defence of it. (32) , But neither his silence, nor
the condemnation of the synod, could prevent this doctrine from commend-
ing itself to the minds of very many of the French as being reasonable ; or
from spreading, through them, into other countries. — In the number of those
who were disposed to gratify the papists at the expense of the religion of
their fathers, many have placed Lewis Cappel, another divine of Saumur ;
who in a long and elaborate work,(33) attempted to prove that the Hebrew
vowel points were not inserted by the inspired writers, but were added in
more recent times. This indeed is certain, that his opinion pleased the
Romanists, who thought it very useful to weaken the authority of the
sacred scriptures and depress them below the unwritten word [or tradition].
It was therefore the more earnestly and learnedly opposed, by great num-
bers of the best Hebricians, both among the Lutherans and the Reform.
ed.(34)

§ 16i All these divines, though they incurred much odium, yet obtained
the approbation of very many, and have been pronouced uncensurable by
the candour of subsequent times : but those were less fortunate, who have
been already mentioned as openly meditating a union of the French Re-

(31) Aymon, Synodes des Eglises Refer- but patiently waited for the meeting of a new
m£es de France, tome ii., p. 680. [ Quick's synod ; until, at last, the unceasing outcry of
Synodicon, vol. ii., p. 473. He maintained his opposers, in 1655, compelled him to pub-
kereditary depravity, which he accounted lish a new Disputation, de imputatione primi
criminal, and a just ground of punishment; peccati Adami ; in which he showed, that
but denied the imputation of Adam's sin to the synod did not understand his doctrine ;
his posterity. — Tr. Placaus advanced his since he denied merely the immediate impu-
opinion, in his Theses theologies de statu tation of Adam's sin, (an imputation arising
hominis lapsi ante gratiam, 1640 : which are from the .sovereign decree of God), and not
inserted in the Syntagma Thesium theologi- the mediate imputation or one naturally con-
car, in Academia Salmuriensi disputatarum, sequent on the descent of men from, Adam,
pt. i., p 205, &c. He was understood by Yet this explanation did not satisfy his exci-
some, to deny all imputation of Adam's sin : ted opposers. Andrew Rivet, Samuel Mare-
and was first brought into trouble on the sius, and Francis Tu'rretin did not cease to
subject, in the year 1645 ; when Ant. Garis- assail him ; and by instigation of the last na-
sol, a divine of Montauban, and others, ac- med, the belief of immediate imputation was
cused him before the national synod at Cha- settled as an article of faith, by the church of
renton. Amyraut, though he adhered to the Geneva, in the year 1675. See Weismanri's
common doctrine, defended him : but his Historia Eccles. saec. xvii., p. 919. — Schl.]
opinion was disapproved by the synod. (32) See Christ. Eberh. Weismanri's Hist.
Many censured the decision of the synod, as Eccles. ssec. xvii., p. 817.
being hasty and unjust ; because Placaus -(33) In his Arcanum Punctationis revela-
was condemned, uncited and unheard, his turn ; which with his Vindiciae, may be found
opinion being misapprehended, and Garissol in his Works, Amsterd., 1689, fol., and in
his accuser, being allowed to preside in the the Critica Sacra Vet. Test., Paris, 1650, fol.
synod. Placans himself was so cool, dis- (34) See Jo. Christ. Wolf's Bibliotheca
passionate, and peaceful, that he defended Hebraic^, pt. ii., p. 27, &c.
his assailed reputation by ho public writing,

406 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

formed church with that subject to Romish sway ; and likewise those, who
attempted so to explain or shape theology, as to render a transition to the
Romish party shorter and more easy. To this class belonged Lewis le
Blanc a divine of Sedan, and Claude Pajon a minister at Orleans ; both of
whom were eloquent and men of great penetration. The former, with
great perspicuity, so treated various controversies which divide the Prot-
estants from the papists, as to show that some of them were mere contests
about words, and that others were of much less importance than was com-
monly supposed. (35) Hence he is much censured to this day, by all those
who think great care should be taken, lest by filing down and lessening too
much the causes of disagreement;, the truth should be exposed to danger.(36)
This acute man left behind him a sect ; which, however, being very odious
to most persons, either conceals or very cautiously states its real senti-
ments.

§ 17. Claude Pajon appeared to explain and to adulterate that part of
the Reformed religion, which treats of the native depravity of man, his
power to do good, the grace of God, and the conversion of the soul to
God, — by the principles and tenets of the Cartesian philosophy, which he
had imbibed completely. But what his opinions really were, it is very
difficult to determine : and whether this arises from his intentional conceal,
ment of his real sentiments by the use of ambiguous phraseology, or from
the negligence or the malice of his adversaries, I cannot readily decide.
If we believe his adversaries, he supposed that man has more soundness
and more ability to reform himself, than is generally apprehended; that
what is called original sin cleaves only to the understanding, and consists
principally in the obscurity and defectiveness of man's views of religious
subjects ; that this depravity of the human understanding excites the will
to evil inclinations and actions ; that it is to be cured, not by the powers
of nature, but by the influences of the Holy Spirit acting through the me-
dium of the divine word : that this word however, does not possess any
inherent divine power, or any physical or hyperphysical energy, but only a
moral influence ; that is, it reforms the human understanding in the same
manner as human truth does, namely, by exhibiting clear and correct views
of religious subjects, and solid arguments which evince the agreement of
the truths of Christianity with correct reason and their divinity ; and
therefore that every man, if his power were not weakened and prostrated
by either internal or external impediments, might renew his own mind by
the use of his reason and by meditation on revealed truth, without the ex-
traordinary aid of the Holy Spirit. (37) But Pajon himself asserts, that
he believed and professed, all that 'is contained in the decisions of Dort

(35) In his Theses Theologies ; Avhich ture et de la grace, p. 35, &c. Val. Ern.
are well worth reading. The copy before Lcescher, Exercit. de Claud. Paionii ejusque
me was printed at London, 1675, fol., but sectator. doctrina et fatis, Lips., 1692, 12mo.
there have been a number of editions of them. [Spanheim was a more candid adversary of

(36) See Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, tome Pajon, than Jurieu. Weismann (Hist. Ec-
i., article Bcaulieu, p. 458, &c. [His cles., saecul. xvii., p. 942) follows Jurieu for
whole name was Lewis le Blanc, Sieur de the most part, and is too severe upon Pajon ;
Beaulicu. See the notice of him, above, who had no other aim than to guard against
in note (29), p. 294. — Tr.] fanaticism and enthusiasm, and probably

(37) See Fred. Spanheim, Append, ad viewed the word of God with higher rever-
Elenchurn controversiarum ; Opp., torn, hi., ence than many of his opposers did. — /Sc/t/.]
p. 882, &c. Peter Jurieu, Traite de la na-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 407

and in the other confessions and catechisms of the Reformed. He complains
that his opinions were misunderstood ; and states, that he does not deny all
immediate operation of the Holy Spirit on the minds of those who are con-
verted to God, but only such an immediate operation as is unconnected with
the word of God ; in other words, that he cannot agree with those, who
think that the word of God is only an external and inoperative sign of an
immediate divine operation. (38) This last proposition is manifestly am-
biguous and captious. He finally adds, that we ought not to contend about
the manner in which the Holy Spirit operates on the minds of men ; that
it is sufficient if a person holds this one point, that the Holy Spirit is the
author of all that is good in us. The sentiments of Pajon however, were
condemned, not only by the principal Reformed divines, but also by some
synods of the French church in 1677, and by a Dutch synod at Rotterdam
in 1686.

§ 18. This controversy, which was in a measure settled and ended by
the death of Pajon, was propagated in many books and discourses through,
out England, Holland, and Germany, by Isaac Papin, a Frenchman of
Blois, and sister's son to Pajon. Throwing off all disguise, he ventured
to express himself much more coarsely and harshly than his Tincle. He
declared, that the opinion of his uncle was this : That man has even more
power, than is necessary to enable him to understand divine truth : that for
the reformation and regeneration of the soul, nothing more is required, than
to remove an unsound state of the body by medical aid, if such a state hap-
pens to exist, and then, to place before the understanding truth and error, and
before the will virtue and vice, clearly and distinctly, with their appropriate
arguments. This and the other opinions of Papin, Peter Jurieu, among
others, a celebrated divine of Rotterdam, confuted with uncommon warmth,
in the years 1686, 1687, and 1688. They were also condemned by the
synod of Bois-le-Duc in 1687 ; and still more severely, by the synod at
the Hague in 1688, which also ejected the man from the Reformed church.
Provoked by this severity, Papin, who in other things manifested fine tal-
ents, returned to France in the year 1689, and the next year revolted to
the Romish church ; in which he died, in the year 1709.(39) Some think
he was treated unjustly, and that his opinions were misrepresented, by his
mortal adversary, Jurieu ; but how true this may be, I cannot say. A de-
fence of the Paionian sentiment was likewise attempted in 1684, in several
tracts, by diaries le Gene ; a French divine of a vigorous mind, who has
given us a French translation of the Bible. (40) But as he entirely dis-
carded and denied the natural depravity of man ; and taught, that we can
regenerate ourselves by our own power, by attentively, listening to divine
truth, especially if we enjoy also the advantages of a good education, good

(38) See the tract which Pajon himself creating the world, God so formed and con-
composed, and which is inserted in Jac. Geo. stituted all things, that he never has occa-
de Chavfcpied's Nouveau Dictionnaire His- sion to interpose his immediate agency, un-
tor. et Critique, tome ii., art. Cene, p. 164, less when a miracle is necessary. Of course,
&c. tnat tne conversion of sinners is brought

(39) See Jurieu, de la nature et de la about, as all other events are, by the opera-
grace ; and in other writings. Jo. Mollet, tion of natural causes. — Tr.~\

Cimbria Litterata, torn, ii, p. 608, &c., and (40) This version was published after the

others. [According to Moller, loc. cit., Pa- author's death, Amsterd., 1741, fol., and

pin's scheme of doctrine, grew out of his was condemned by the Dutch synods.
Cartesian philosophy . He supposed, that in

408 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

examples, &c., hence some contend, that his scheme of doctrine differs in
many respects, from that of Pojon.(41)

§ 19. The English church was agitated with most violent storms and
tempests. When James I. king of Scotland, on the death of Elizabeth,
ascended the throne of England, the Puritans or friends of the Genevan
discipline, indulged no little hope that their condition would be meliorated,
and that they should no longer be exposed to the continual wrongs of the
Episcopalians. For the king had been born and educated among the
Scotch, who were Puritans. (42) And his first movements corresponded
well with these expectations, and seemed to announce that the king would
assume the character of mediator between the dissenting parties. (43) But
on a sudden, every thing assumed a different aspect. King James, who
was eager to grasp supreme and unlimited power, at once judged that the
Presbyterian form of church government was adverse to his designs, and

(41) See the Nouveau Diclkmnaire His- to settle the controversies. On the side of

tor. et Critique, article Cene, tome ii., p.
160, &c.

(42) [" And had, on some occasions,

the Episcopalians, were nine bishops and
about as many dignitaries of the church ;
and on the part of the Puritans, were four

made the strongest declaration of his attach- English divines and one from Scotland ; all

ment to their ecclesiastical constitution." —
" In a general assembly held at Edinburgh,
in the year 1590, this prince is said to have

of whom were selected by the king himself.
On the first day of the conference, Jan. 14,
1604, the Episcopalians alone were admitted

made the following declaration : ' I praise to the royal presence : and the king made
God that I was born in the time of the light some few objections to the English ritual
of the gospel, and in such a place, as to be and discipline, which the bishops either vin-
king of the sincerest (i. e., purest) kirk in dicated or consented to modify. The see-
the world. The kirk of Geneva keep pasche ond day, Jan. 16th, the Puritans were ad-
and yule (i. e., Easter and Christmas), milled ; and proceeded lo slale their wishes.
What have they for them 1 They have no But ihe king treated them harshly, and al-
institulion. As for our neighbour kirk of lowed the Episcopalians to browbeat them.
England, their service is an evil-said mass The bishops haVl a complete triumph : and

in English ; they want nothing of the mass,
but the liftings (i. e., the elevation of the
host). I charge you, my good ministers,
doctors, elders, nobles, gentlemen, and bar-

Bancroft, falling on his knees, said : " I
protest, my heart meltcth for joy, that Al-
mighty God, of his singular mercy, has given
us such a king, as since Chrisl's time has

ons, to sland lo your purily, and to exhort not been." On the third day, Jan. 18th,

your people to do the same ; and I forsoolh,
as long as I brook my life, shall do ihe
same.' Calderwood's History of the Church
of Scotland, p. 256."— Mad.-]

the bishops and deans were first called in,
to settle with the king what alleralions should
be made in the regulations of the church.
Archbishop Whitpift was so elated to hear

(43) [King James professed himself at- the king's approval of the law for the oath

tached to the church of Scotland, until his
removal to England, in April, 1603. While
on his journey, all religious parlies in Eng-

cx officio, lhal he exclaimed : " Undoubtedly,
your majesty speaks by Ihe special assistance
of God's spirit." After this, the Puritans

land made their court to him. To Ihe Dutch were called in, not to discuss the points in
and French Protestants settled in the coun- conlroversy, but merely lo hear whal had
try, he gave favourable answers. The bish- been agreed upon by the king and the bish-
ops ncgotialed with him by their envoys, ops. Thus ended this mock conference ;
The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge in which ihe king showed himself exceed-

addressed him in behalf of the establishment ;
and the Puritans presented their petition in

ingly vain, and insolent towards the Purilans,
and wholly on ihe side of the Episcopalians.

favour of a reform of the church. One pe- The nexl monlh, a proclamation was issued,

tilion of the latter, signed by about 800 Pu- giving an acount of ihe conference, and re-

rilan minislers, was called the Millenary quiring conformity to the liturgy and cere-

Pctilion, from ihe almost a thousand signa- monies. See Neal's History of the Puritans,

tures to il. In Oclober, 1603, ihe king ap- vol. ii., ch. i., p. 30, &c., and ihe authors

oinled a conference al Hampton Court, to there referred to : also Johnson Grant's

e held Ihe January following, between the History of the English Church and the

Episcopalians and the Puritans, with a view Sects, &c., vol. ii., ch. ix., p. 52, &c. — Tr.J

p
b

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

409

the Episcopal favourable to them ; because Presbyterian churches form a
kind of republic, which is subject to a number of leading men all possess,
ing equal rank and power ; whiLe Episcopal churches more nearly re-
semble a monarchy. The very name of a republic, synod, or council, was
odious to the king ; and he therefore studied most earnestly to increase
the power of the bishops ; and publicly declared, that without bishops the
throne could not be safe.(44) At the same time, he long wished to pre-
serve inviolate the Genevan doctrines, especially those relating to divine
grace and predestination ; and he allowed the opposite doctrines of Armi-
nius, to be condemned by his theologians at the synod of Dort. This dis-
position of the king was studiously cherished, so long as he had power, by
George Abbot archbishop of Canterbury, a man of great weight of char-
acter, who was himself devoted to Calvinistic sentiments, and was a great
friend to English liberty, and whose gentleness towards their fathers, the
modern Puritans highly extol. (45) But the English envoys had scarcely
returned from Holland, and made known the decisions of Dort, when the
king with the majority of the clergy, showed himself most averse from
those decisions, and manifested a decided preference for the Arminian doc-
trine respecting the divine decrees. (46) That there were various causes
for this unexpected change, will readily be believed by those acquainted
with the history of those times : yet the principal cause, I apprehend, is to
be sought in that rule for ecclesiastical reformation, which the founders of
the new English church kept in sight. For they wished to render their
church as similar as possible, to that which flourished in the first centu-
ries ; and that church, as no one can deny, was an entire stranger to the
Dordracene doctrines. (47) The king becoming alienated from the Calvin-

(44) [It was a maxim with him, and one
which he repeated at the Hampton Court
conference : No bishop, no king. See Ncal,
loc. cit.— TV.]

(45) See Ant. Wood's Athens Oxonien-
ses, toin. i., p. 583. Van. NeaTs History
of the Puritans, vol. ii., ch. iv., p. 242 [ed.
Boston, 1817, p. Ill, 258, &c., and the
long note of Maclaine on the text. — TV.]
Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol.
i., p. 114, &c.

(46) Peter Heyliri's History of the Five
Articles, p. 444, &c., in the Dutch transla-
tion of Gerh. Brandt. Dan. Neal's History
of the Puritans, vol. ii., ch. ii., p. 117, &c.
[ed. Boston, 1817, p. 135.— TV.] Neal
tells us, that the council of Dort was ridi-
culed in England, by the following verses,
among other things ;

Dordrechti Synodus, Nodus : Chorus inte-
ger, JEger :

Conventus, Ventus : Sessio, Stramen :
Amen.

Moreover, for ascertaining the character and
conduct of king James, and his inconstancy
in religion, much aid is afforded by the wri-
ters of English history, and especially by
Larrey and Rapin Thoyras. Most of these
state, that in his last years James greatly
VOL. III.— FFF

favoured, not only the Arminians, but also
the papists ; and they tell us, there can be
no doubt, the king wished to unite the Eng-
lish church with that of Rome. But in this,
I apprehend, the king is too severely ac-
cused ; although I do not deny, that he did
many things not to be commended. It is
not easy to believe, that a king who aspired
immoderately after supreme and absolute
sway, should wish to create to himself a
lord, in the Roman pontiff. [Yet, see the
following" note. — TV.] But at length, he
inclined more towards the Romish church
than formerly ; and he permitted some things,
which were coincident with the Romish rites
and regulations ; because with most of the
bishops, he was' persuaded that the ancient
Christian church was the exemplar after
which all churches should copy ; that a reli-
gious community would be the more holy
and the more perfect, the nearer its resem-
blance to the divine and apostolic standard ;
and that the Romish church retained more
of the first and primitive form, than the Pu-
ritan or Calvinistic church did.

(47) Perhaps also the king was influenced
by the recollection of the civil commotions,
formerly excited in Scotland on account of
the Presbyterian religion. There are some
circumstances likewise, which indicate that

410 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

istic opinions and customs, the old hatred against the Puritans, which had
somewhat subsided, again revived. And at last it broke out in open war.
In short, James I. died in 1625, a mortal enemy of the Puritan faith, which
he had imbibed in his youth ; a decided patron and supporter of the Ar-
minians, whose condemnation he had greatly promoted ; and a very stren-
uous assertor of Episcopal government : and he left both the church and
the commonwealth in a very fluctuating state, and languishing with intes-
tine maladies.

§ 20. Charles I. the son of James, determined to perfect what his fa-
ther had undertaken. He therefore used every effort, first, to extend the
regal power and to exalt it above the authority of the laws ; secondly, to
subject the whole church of Great Britain and Ireland to the Episcopal
form of government, which he considered as of divine appointment, and as
affording the best security to the civil sovereign : and thirdly, to reduce
the whole religion of the country to the pattern and form of the primitive
church, rejecting all the doctrines and institutions of the Genevans. The
execution of these designs was principally intrusted to William Laud, then
bishop of London, and afterwards, from A.D. 1633, archbishop of Canter.
bury ; who was in many respects, undoubtedly, a man of eminence, being
a very liberal patron of learning and learned men, resolute, ingenuous, and
erudite ; but at the same time, too furious, headlong, and inconsiderate, in-
clined to superstition, and also bigotedly attached to the opinions, rites, and
practices of the ancient Christians, and therefore a mortal enemy of the
Puritans and of all Calvinists.(48) He prosecuted the objects of the king's
wishes as well as his own, without any moderation ; often disregarded and
trampled upon the laws of the land; persecuted the Puritans most rigor-
ously, and eagerly strove to extirpate them altogether ; rejecting Calvinis-
-tic views in relation to predestination and other«points, he after the year
1625, contrary to the wishes of George Abbot, substituted Arminian senti-
ments in place of them ;(49) restored many ceremonies and rites which

the king, even before he came into England, against the queen of England. See State

was not wholly averse from the Romish re- Tracts, vol. i., p. 1. See also an extract of

ligion. See the Bibliotheqne Raisonee, a letter from Tobie Matthew, D.D., dean of

tome xliii., p. 318, &c. [" Thus far the Durham, to the lord treasurer Rurleigh,

note of our author: and whoever looks into containing an information of Scotch affairs,

the Historical view of the Negotiations be- in Strype's Annals, vol. iv., p. 201. Above

tween the Courts of Engknd, France,' and all, see Harris's Historical and critical ac-

Brussels, from the year 1592 to 1617, ex- count of the Life and writings of James I.,

tractcd from the MS. State Papers of Sir p. 29, note (N). This last writer may be

Thomas Edmoudes and Anthony Bacon, added to Larrey and Rapin, who have ex-

Esq., and published in the year 1749, by the posed the pliability and inconsistency of this

learned and judicious Dr. Birch, will be per- self-sufficient monarch." — Mud.]

suaded, that, towards the year 1595, this (48) See Anth. Wood's Athens Oxoni-

fickle and unsteady prince had really formed ens., torn, ii., p. 55, &c. Peter Hcylm's

a design to embrace the faith of Rome. Cyprianus Anglicus, or the History of the

See in the curious collection now mentioned, Life and Death of William Laud; London,

the Postscript of a Letter from Sir Thomas 1668, fol. Clarendon's History of the Re-

Edmondes to the lord high-treasurer, dated bellion and the civil wars in England, vol. i.

the 20th of December, 1595. We learn [Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii., ch.

also from the Memoirs of Ralph Winwood, iv., &c., .and vol. iii., ch. v. — 7Y.]

that in the year 1596, James sent Mr. Ogil- (49) See Mich, le Vassals Histoire do

by, a Scots baron, into Spain, to assure his Louis XIII., tome v., p. ?62, &c. [Land

Catholic majesty, that he was then ready and was then merely bishop of London, though

resolved to embrace popery, and to propose in effect at the head of the established church.

an alliance with that king and the pope Legally, neither he nor any prelate, nor even

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

411

were indeed ancient, but at the same time superstitious and on that ground
previously abrogated ; obtruded bishops upon the Scotish nation, which
was accustomed to the Genevan discipline and extremely averse to Epis-
copacy ; and not obscurely showed, that in his view the Romish church,
though erroneous, was a holier and better church, than those Protestant
sects which had no bishops. Having by these acts excited immense odium,
against the king and himself, and against the whole order of bishops, he
was arraigned by the parliament in 1644, judged guilty of betraying the
liberties and the religion of the country, and beheaded. (50) After the exe-
cution of Laud, the civil conflict which had long existed between the king
and the parliament, attained such a height, that it could be extinguished
by nothing short of the life blood of this excellent prince. The parliament
inflamed by the Puritans, or by the Presbyterians and Independents, wholly
abolished the old form of church government by bishops, and whatever else
in doctrine, discipline, or worship, was contrary to the principles of the
Genevans ; furiously assailed the king himself, and caused him, when taken
prisoner, to be tried for his life ; and to the astonishment of all Europe, to
be put to death, in the year 1648. Such are the evils resulting from zeal
in religion, when it is illy understood, and is placed in external regulations
and forms. Moreover, as is often found true, it appeared in these scenes
of commotion, that almost all sects while oppressed, plead earnestly for
charity and moderation towards dissenters ; but when elevated to power,
they forget their own former precepts. For the Puritans, when they had

the king, could abrogate or enact articles of
faith, without the consent of Parliament.
Nor was any such thing attempted. But
the king, at the instigation (it is stated) of
bishop Laud, issued a proclamation, January
24, 1626, which sets forth, " That the king
will admit of no innovation in the doctrine,
discipline, or government of the church, and
therefore charges all his subjects, and es-
pecially the clergy, not to publish or main-
tain, in preaching or writing, any new inven-
tions or opinions, contrary to the said doc-
trine and discipline established by law."
This apparently harmless proclamation, was
of course to be executed by Land and his
associates ; and Laud was publicly accused
of using it to punish and put down Calvin-
ists, and to prevent their books from being
printed and circulated, while Arminians were
allowed to preach and to print their senti-
ments most fully. See Neat's History of
the Puritans, vol. ii., ch. iii., p. 192, &c.,
and vol. iii., ch. v., p. 222, &c., ed. Boston,
1817, and Maclaine's note (m) on this para-
graph.—TV.]

(50) [Archbishop Laud was impeached
by the House of Commons, and tried before
the House of Lords. In 1641, fourteen arti-
cles of impeachment were filed, and Laud
was committed to prison. In 1644, ten ad-
ditional articles were brought forward, and
the trial now commenced. All the articles
may be reduced to three general heads. I.

That he had traitorously attempted to subvert
the rights of parliament, and to exult the
king's power above law. II. That he had
traitorously endeavoured to subvert the con-
stitution and- fundamental laws of the land,
and to introduce arbitrary goverment, against
law and the liberties of the subjects. III.
That he had traitorously endeavoured and
practised to subvert the true religion estab-
lished by law, and to introduce popish super-
stition and idolatry. Under this last head,
the specifications were, first, that he intro-
duced and practised popish innovations and
superstitious ceremonies, not warranted by
law ; such as images and pictures in the
churches, popish consecration of churches,
converting the communion-tables into altars,
bowing before the altar, &c. ; and secondly,
that he endeavoured to subvert the Protest-
ant religion, and encouraged Arminianism
and popery ; by patronising and advancing
clergymen of these sentiments; by prohibit-
ing the publication of orthodox books, and
allowing corrupt ones free circulation ; by
persecuting in the high commission court,
such as preached against Arminianism and
popery ; and by taking some direct steps to-
wards a union with the church of Rome.
The House of Lords deemed all the articles
proved ; but doubted, for a time, whether
they amounted to treason. See the whole
trial of Laud, in Neafs Hist, of the Puritans,
vol. iii., ch. v., p. 184-255.— Tr.]

412 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

dominion, were no more indulgent to the bishops and their patrons, than
these had formerly been to them.(51)

§ 21. The Independents, who have been just mentioned among the pro-
moters of civil discord, are represented by most of the English historians,
as more odious and unreasonable than even the Presbyterians or Calvinists ;
and are commonly charged with various enormities and crimes, and indeed
with the parricide against Charles I. But I apprehend, that whoever shall
candidly read and consider the books and the Confessions of the sect, will
cheerfully acknowledge that many crimes are unjustly charged upon them ;
and that perhaps the misconduct of the civil Independents, (that is, of those
hostile to the regal power, and who strove after extravagant liberty), has
been incautiously charged upon the religious Independents. (52) They de-

(51) Besides Lord Clarendon, and the
historians of England already mentioned,
Daniel Neal has professedly treated of these
events, in the 2d and 3d volumes of his His-
tory of the Puritans. [Compare also John-
son Grant's History of the English church
and Sects, vol. ii., ch. x., xi., p. 127-303. —
Tr.]

(52) The sect of the Independents, though
a modern one and still existing among the
English, is however less known than almost
any Christian sect ancient or modern ;' and
on no one, are more marks of infamy branded
without just cause. The best English his-
torians heap upon it all the reproaches and
slanders, that can be thought of; nor is it
the Epicopalians only who do this, but also
those very Presbyterians with whom they are
at this day associated. They are represented
not only as delirious, crazy, fanatical, illiter-
ate, rude, factious, and strangers to all re-
ligious truth and to reason, but also as crimi-
nals, seditious parricides, and the sole authors
of the murder of Charles I. John Dwell,
(whom that most strenuous vindicator of the
Independents Lewis du Moulin commends
for his ingenuousness : see Anth. Wood's
Athens Oxonienses, torn, ii., p. 732, 733),
in his Historia rituum sanctae ecclesiae An-
glicanse, cap. i., p. 4, London, 1672, 4to,
says : Fateor, si atrocis illius tragedian tot
actus fuerint, quot ludicrarum esse solent,
postremum fere Independentium fuisse. —
Adeo ut non acute magis, quam vere, dixe-
rit 1'Estrangius noster : Regem primo a
Presbyterian is interemptum, Carolum deinde
ab Independentibus interfectum. Foreign
writers, regarding these as the best wit-
nesses of transactions in their own country,
have of course thought proper to follow
them ; and hence, the Independents almost
every where appear under a horrid aspect.
But as every class of men is composed of dis-
similar persons, no one will deny that in this
sect also there were some persons who were
turbulent, factious, wicked, flagitious, and
destitute of good seuse. Yet if that is also

true, which all wise and good men inculcate,
that the character and the principles of whole
sects must be estimated, not from the con-
duct or words of a few individuals, but from
the customs, habits, and opinions of the sect
in general, from the books and discourses of
its teachers, and from its public formularies
and confessions ; then I am either wholly de-
ceived, or the Independents are wrongfully
loaded with so many criminations.

We pass over what has been so invidi-
ously written against this sect, by Claren-
don, Laiqrence Eachard, Samuel Parker,
and many others ; and to render this whole
subject the more clear, we will take up only
that one excellent writer, than whom though
a foreigner, no one as the English themselves
admit, has written more accurately and neatly
concerning the* affairs of England, namely
Rapin Thoyras. In the twenty-first book
of his immortal work, the Histoire d'Angle-
terre, vol. viii., p. 535, ed. second, [Tin-
dal's translation, vol. ii., p. 514, fol.], he so
depicts the Independents, that if they were
truly what he represents them, they would
not deserve to enjoy the light in their country,
which they still do enjoy freely, and much
less, to enjoy the kind offices and love of any
good man. Let us look over particularly,
and briefly comment on the declarations of
this great man concerning them. In the
first place he tells us, that after the utmost
pains, he could not ascertain the origin of the
sect : Quelque recherche que j'ai faite, je
n'ai jamais pu decouvrir exactement le pre-
miere origine de la secte ou faction des In-
dependents. That a man who had spent
seventeen years in composing a History of
England, and consulted so many libraries
filled with the rarest books, should have
written thus, is very strange. If he had only
looked into that very noted book, Jo. Horn-
beck's Summa Controversiarum, lib. x., p.
775, &c.,he might easily have learned, what
he was ignorant of, after so much research.
He proceeds to the doctrines of the sect, and
says of them in general, that nothing could

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

413

rived their name from the fact, that they believed with the Brownists, that
individual churches are all Independent, or subject to no foreign jurisdic-

be better suited to throw all England into church government, they differed in nothing

confusion. Ce q'il y a de certain c'est q'ils of importance from the Calvinists or Pres-

avoient des principes tout a fait propres & byterians. But, to remove all doubt, let us

mettre 1'Angleterre en combustion, comme hear the father of the Independents, Robin-

ils le firent effectivement. How true this son himself, explaining the views of himself

declaration is, will appear from what follows.
He adds, first respecting politics, they held
very pernicious sentiments. For they would

and his flock, in his Apologia pro exulibus
Anglis, p. 7, 11. Profitemur coram Deo et
hominibus, adeo nobis convenire cum eccle-

not have a single man preside over the whole siis Refonnatis Belgicis in re religionis, ut
state; but thought the government of the omnibus et singulis earundem ecclesiarum
nation should be intrusted to the representa- fidei articulis, prout habentur in Harmonia
tives of the people. Par rapport au gouv- Confessionum fidei, parati sumus subscri-

erneincnt de 1'Etat, ils abhorroient la mon- bere- Ecclesias Reformatas pro veris

archie, et n'approuvoient qu'un gouverne- et genuinis habemus, cum iisdem in sacris

jnent republicain. I can readily believe,
that there were persons among the Independ-
ents unfriendly to monarchy. Such were to
be found among the Presbyterians, the Ana-
baptists, and all the sects which then flour-
ished in England. But I wish to see deci-
sive testimony adduced, if it can be, to prove
• this the common sentiment of this whole
sect. Such testimony is in vain sought for,
in their public writings. On the contrary, in

Dei communionem profitemur et quantum
in nobis est colimus. So far therefore, were
they from differing altogether from all other
sects of Christians, that on the contrary,
they agreed exactly with the greatest part of
the Reformed churches. To show by an
example how absurd the religion of the In-
dependents was, this eminent historian tells
us, that they not only rejected all ecclesias-
tical government and order, but also made

the year 1647 they publicly declared, " that the business of preaching and praying in
they do not disapprove of any form of civil public and explaining the Scriptures, corn-
government, but do freely acknowledge that mon to all. Non'seulement ilsne pouvoient
a kingly government, bounded by just and souffrir 1'episcopat et 1'hierarchie ecclesias-

wholesome laws, is both allowed by God,
and a good accommodation unto men."
See Neat's History of the Puritans, vol. iii.,
p. 146, [ed. Boston, 1817, p. 161]. I pass

tique ; (This is true. But it was a fault
not peculiar to them, but chargeable also
on the Presbyterians, the Brownists, the
Anabaptists, and all. the sects of the Non-

over other proofs equally conclusive, that conformists), mais ils ne voutoient pas me's-

they did not abhor all monarchy. Their re-

me qu'il y eut des ministres ordinaires dans
1'Eglise. Ils soutenoient que chacun pou-

ligious opinions, according to our author, * ^g..^.^. *.- ...UUI...IIVK.III, ^MV t-uuvuu j/v»u-

were most absurd. For if we may believe voit prier en public, exhorter ses freres, ex-

him, their sentiments were contrary to those pliquer 1'Ecriture Sainte, selon les talens

of all other sects. Sur la religion, leurs qu'il avoit re$us de Dieu. Ainsi parrni

principes etoient opposez it ceaux de tout le eux chacun prioit, prechoit, exhortoit, expli-

reste du mondc. There are extant in par- quoit la S. Ecriture, sans autre vocation que

ticular, two Confessions of the Independents ;
the one of those in Holland, the other of those

celle qu'il tiroit lui meme de son zele et des
talens qu'il croyoit avoir, et sans autre autori-

in England. The first was drawn up by te que celle, que luy donnoit I'approbation de
John Robinson, the founder of the sect, and ses Auditeurs. All this is manifestly false,
was published at Leyden, 1619, 4to, enti- The Independents employ, and have em-
tied: Apologia pro exulibus Anglis, qui ployed from the first, fixed and regular
BrownistEs vulgo appellantur. The latter teachers ; nor do they allow every one to
was printed, London, 1658, 4to, entitled : teach, who may deem himself qualified for
A Declaration of the faith and order owned it. - The excellent historian here confounds
and practised in the Congregational churches the Independents with the Brownists, who
in England, [more than one hundred in num- are well known to allow to all a right to
ber, Tr.] agreed upon, and consented unto teach. I pass over other assertions, not-
by their Elders and Messengers in their withstanding they are equally open to cen-

meeting at the Savoy, October 12, 1658.
John Hornbeck translated it into Latin in

sure. Now if such and so great a man, af-
ter residing long among 'the English, pro-

1659, and annexed it to his Epistle to Du- nounced so unjust a sentence upon this sect,

rjeus, de Independentismo. From both these, who will not readily pardon others much his

— to say nothing of their other books, — it is inferiors, who have loaded this sect with

manifest, that if we except the form of their groundless accusations 1 [On all these

414 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

tion ; and that they should not be compelled to obey the authority and laws,
either of bishops, or of councils composed of presbyters and delegates from
several churches. (53) In this single opinion it is especially, that they dif-

charges, see Neat's history of the Puritans,
vol. iii., ch. iv., p. 157, &c., ed. 1817.— Tr.]

But this (some one may say) is certain,
from numberless testimonies, that the Inde-
pendents put that excellent king Charles I.
to death : and this single fact evinces the ex-
treme impiety and depravity of the sect. I
am aware that the best and most respectable
English historians charge them alone with
this regicide. And I fully agree with them,
provided we are to understand by the term
Independents, those persons who were hos-
tile to regal power, and attached to an ex-
travagant kind of liberty. But if the term is
used to denote the ancestors of those Inde-
pendents who still exist among the English,
or a certain religious sect, differing from the
other English sects in certain religious opin-
ions, I am not certain that their assertion is
quite true. Those who represent the Inde-
pendents as the sole authors of the atrocious
deed committed on Charles I. must neces-
sarily mean to say, either that the nefarious
parricides were excited to the deed by the
suggestions and the doctrines of the Inde-
pendents, or that they were all adherents to
the worship and the doctrines of the Inde-
pendents : neither of which is capable of solid
proof. In the doctrines of the sect, as we
have seen, there was nothing which' could
excite any one to attempt such a crime ; nor
does the history of those times show, that
there was any more hatred or malevolence
towards Charles I. in the Independents,
than in the Presbyterians. And that all
those who put the king to death were In-
dependents, is so far from being true, that on
the contrary, several of the best English his-
torians, and even the edicts of Charles II.
testify, that this turbulent company was mix-
ed, and composed of persons of various reli-
gions. And I can easily admit, that there
were some Independents among them. Af-
ter all, this matter will be best unravelled by
the English themselves, who know better
than we, in what sense the term Independ-
ents must be used, when it is applied to
those who brought Charles I. to the block.
[According to Neal, loc. cit., vol. iii., p.
515, &c., 521, &c., 533, no one religious
denomination is chargeable with the regicide,
but only the army and the House of Com-
mons, both of which were composed of men
of various religions. Only two Congrega-
tional ministers approved the putting Charles
to death ; and the Presbyterian clergy in a
body remonstrated against it. — TV.]

When I have carefully inquired for the

reasons why the Independents are taxed with
so many crimes and enormities, three rea-
sons especially have occurred to my mind.
I. The term Independents is ambiguous, and
not appropriated to any one class of men.
For not to mention other senses of it, the
term is applied by the English to those
friends of democracy, who wish to have the
people enact their own laws and govern
themselves, and who will not suffer an indi-
vidual or several individuals to bear rule in
the state ; or to adhere to the letter of the
name, who maintain that the people ought
to be independent of all control, except wha£
arises from themselves. This faction, con-
sisting in a great measure of mad fanatics,
were the principal actors in that tragedy in
England the effects of which are still deplo-
red. Hence whatever was said or done ex-
travagantly or foolishly by this faction, was I
suspect, all charged upon our Independents ;
who were -not indeed altogether without
faults, yet were far better than they. II.
Nearly all the English sects, which distract-
ed the nation in the times of Charles I. and
Oliver Cromwell, assumed the name of In-
dependents ; in order to participate in that
public esteem, which the real Independents
enjoyed on account of their upright conduct,
and in order to screen themselves from re-
proach. This is attested, among others by
John Toland, in his letter to John le Clerc,
inserted by the latter in his Biblioth. Univer-
selle et Historique, tome xxiii., pt. ii., p.
506. Au commencement tous les Sectaires
se disoicnt Independans, par ce que ces der-
niers e"toient fort honorez du peuple &. cause
de leur piete". Now as the term was so ex-
tensively applied, who does not see that it
might easily occur, that the enormities of va-
rious sects should be all charged upon the
genuine Independents 1 — III. Oliver Crom-
well the usurper, gave a preference to the
Independents before all the other sects in
his country. For he was as much afraid of
the councils or synods of the Presbyterians,
as he was of the bishops : but in the form of
church government adopted by the Independ-
ents, there was nothing at all which he could
fear. Now as men of like character incline
to associate together, this circumstance
might lead many to suppose, that the Inde-
pendents were all of the same character with
Cromwell, that is, very bad people.

(53) They undoubtedly received the name
of Independents, from their maintaining that
all assemblies of Christians had the right of
self-government, or were independent. This

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

415

fer from the Presbyterians. (54) For whatever else they believe or teach
on religious subjects, with very few exceptions and those not of much im-
portance, is almost throughout in accordance with the Genevan doctrines.
The parent of the sect was John Robinson, minister of a Brownist church
which was settled at Leyden in Holland, a grave and pious man. Per-
ceiving that the discipline which Robert Brown had set up, was in some
respects defective, he undertook to correct it, and to give it such a form
as would render it less odious than before. In two respects particularly,
are the Independents better than the Brmcnisis : first, in moderation and
candour ; for they did not. as Brown had done, execrate and pronounce un-
worthy of the Christian name, the churches -that had adopted a different
form of government ; but they admitted that piety and true religion might
flourish, where the ecclesiastical affairs were subject to the authority of
bishops or to the decrees of councils, notwithstanding they considered their
own form of government as of divine institution, and originating from
Christ and his apostles. In the next place, the Independents excelled the
Brownists, by abolishing that liberty of teaching which Brown had allowed
equally to all the brethren. For they have regular teachers, elected by
the whole brotherhood ; and they do not allow any one to deliver discour-
ses to the people, unless he has been previously examined and approved
by the officers of the church. This sect, which began to exist in Holland
in 1610, had very few adherents at first in England, and to escape the
punishments decreed against Nonconformists, kept itself concealed ;(55) but

very term is used by John Robinson, in his
exposition of this doctrine in his Apologia
pro exulibus Anglis, cap. v , p. 22, where he
says : Coetum quemlibet particularem (recte
institutum et ordinatum) esse totam, inte-
gram, et perfectam ecclesiam ex suis parti-
bus constantem immediate et independenter
(quoad alias ecclesias) sub ipso Christo.
And possibly from this very passage, the term
Independents which was before unknown,
had its origin. At first the followers of Rob-
inson did not reject this appellation : nor has
it any bad or odious import, provided it is
understood in their own sense of it. In
England, it was entirely unknown till the year
1640. At least, in the Ecclesiastical Can-
ons enacted this year in the conventions held
by the bishops of London and York, in which
all the sects then existing in England are
enumerated, there is no mention of the In-
dependents. See the Constitutions and Can-
ons ecclesiastical, treated upon by the Arch-
bishops of Canterbury and Yorck, and the
rest of the bishops and clergy in their sev-
eral synods A.D. 1640, in David Wilkins
Concilia magnse Britannia; ct Hybernise, vol.
iv., r.ap. v., p. 548. But a little afterwards,
and especially after the year 1642, this ap-
pellation is of frequent occurrence in the an-
nals of English history. Nor did the Eng-
lish Independents at first, refuse to be called
by this name ; but rather, in their Apology
published at London, 1644, 4to, (Apologet-

ical Narration of the Independents'), they
fearlessly assume this name. But after-
wards, when as we have remarked, many
other sects adopted this name, and even se-
ditious citizens who plotted the destruction
of their king, were commonly designated by
it, they very solicitously deprecated the ap-
plication of it to them, and called themselves
Congregational Brethren, and their churches
Congregational Churches.

(54) [There are two points of difference
between the Presbyterians and the Independ-
ents or Congregationalists. "The first relates
to the independence of individual churches,
or their exemption from any foreign jurisdic-
tion. The second relates to the location of the
legislative and judicial powers of eachchurch.
The Presbyterians assign these powers to the
eldership of the church, or to the pastor and
the ruling elders assembled in a church ses-
sion ; but the Independents or Congrega-
tionalists confide them to a general meeting
of all the male members of the church, or
to the officers and the whole brotherhood
assembled in a church meeting. From this
latter principle it is, that the Independents
are called Congregationalists. And as in
modern times, they admit of a connexion or
confederation of sister churches, which in
some measure bounds and limits the inde-
pendence of the individual rhurches, they have
discarded the name of Independents. — TV.]

(55) ["In the year 1616, Mr. Jacob who

416 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

on the decline of the power of the bishops in the time of Charles I., it took
courage in the year 1640, and boldly showed itself in public. Afterwards
it soon increased so much in reputation and in numbers, that it could com-
pete for priority not only with the Episcopalians, but also with the very
powerful Presbyterians ; which must be attributed, among other causes to
the erudition of its teachers, and to the reformed morals of the people. (56)
During the reign of Cromwell, who for various reasons was its greatest
patron, it was every where in the highest reputation : but on the restora-
tion of the English monarchy uij^er Cliarles II. it began to decline great-
ly, and gradually sunk into its former obscurity. At the present day, it
exists indeed, but is timid and depressed ; and in the reign of William III.
A.D. 1691, it was induced by its weakness, to enter into a coalition (yet
without giving up its own regulations) with the Presbyterians resident in
London and the vicinity. (57)

had adopted the religious sentiments of Rob-
inson, set up the first Independent or -Con-
gregational church in England." — Mad.}

(56) Dan. Neal, History of the Puritans,
vol. ii., p. 107, 391, 393; vol. iii., p. 141,
145, 276, 303, 537, 549. Anth. William
BohrfCs Englische Reformationshistorie,
book vi., ch. iv., p. 794. [A part of Mr.
RobinsorCs congregation at Ley den, remo-
ved to Plymouth in New-England, in the year
1620. And during the reign of Charles I.
and quite down to the end of the century,
great numbers of the English Independents
removed to New-England, and there formed
flourishing colonies ; so that New-England
for about two centuries, has contained more
Independents or Congregationalists, than Old
England.— Tr.]

(57) From this time onward, they were
called United Brethren. See Jo. Toland's
letter, in Jo. le Clerc's Biblioth. Universelle
et Historique, tome xxiii., p. 506. [It must
not be supposed, that the distinction between
Presbyterians and Congregationalists ceas-
ed in England, from the year 1691, or that
both have ever since formed but one sect.
They still exist as distinct, yet friendly sects.
Being agreed in doctrines and anxious to
hold communion with each other, notwith-
standing their different modes of church gov-
ernment, they adopted these articles of
agreement and consent; in which each sect
endeavoured to come as near to the other,
as their different principles would admit.
Moreover, these Articles, with very slight
alterations, were adopted by the Elders and
Messengers of the churches of Connecticut,
asbembled at Saybrook in the year 1708 ;
and they now form a part of what js called
the Saybrook Platform, or the ancient eccle-
siastical constitution of Connecticut. See
Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. i.,

p. 510, 513, 514. The Articles themselves
may be seen in Toulmiri's History of Dis-
senters, vol. ii., p. 130, &c.,and in the Say-

brook Platform, ed. New-London, 1759, p.
99, &c.— Tr.] William Whiston publish-
ed the Articles of agreement, in the Me-
moirs of his life and writings, vol. ii., p.
549, &c. They are nine in number. The
1st treats " of Churches and Church Mem-
bers." Here, in § 6, the Presbyterians and
Independents declare, " that each particular
church hath right to choose their own offi-
cers ; and, hath authority from Christ for ex-
ercising government, and of enjoying all the
ordinances of worship within itself :" and I) 7,
that " in the administration of church power,
it belongs to the pastors and other elders of
every particular church, (if such there be),
to rule and govern ; and to the brotherhood
to consent according to the rule of the Gos-
pel." Here both the Presbyterians and the
Independents depart from their original prin-
ciples. Article II. treats "of the Ministry,
which they acknowledge to be an institution
of Christ." They require the ministers of
religion, not only to be pious, (§ 2), but also
learned; and ($ 3, 4, 5) would have them
be elected by the church with the advice of
the neighbouring churches, and also solemn-
ly ordained. Article III. "of Censures ;".
decrees that scandalous or offending mem-
bers be first admonished ; and if they do not
reform, be excluded from the church, by the
pastors ; but with the consent of the breth-
ren. Article IV. "of Communion of Church-
es ;" declares all churches to be on a perfect
equality, and therefore independent ; yet
makes it the duty of the pastors and teach-
ers to maintain a kind of communion of
churches, and often to meet together and
consult on the interests of the churches.
Article V. " of Deacons and ruling Elders."
Here the United Brethren admit, that the
office of Deacon or curator of the poor, is of
divine appointment ; and say : " Whereas
divers are of opinion, that there is also the
office of ruling' Elders, who labour not in
word and doctrine, and others think other-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

417

§ 22. While Oliver Cromwell administered the government of Great
Britain, all sects even the vilest and most absurd, had full liberty to pub.
lish their opinions : the bishops alone and the friends of episcopal govern-
ment, were most unjustly oppressed and stripped of all their revenues and
honours. By far the most numerous and influential'of all, were the Presbyte-
rians and the Independents ; the latter of whom were most favoured and
extolled by Cromwell, (who however actually belonged to no sect), and
manifestly for the sake of curbing more easily the Presbyterians, who sought
to acquire dominion. (58) In this period arose the Fifth-monarchymen, as

wise, we agree, that this difference make no
breach among us." Article VI. "of Syn-
ods ;" admits, that it is useful and necessary,
in cases of importance, for the ministers of
many churches to hold a council ; and that
the decisions formed in these conventions
must not be rejected by the churches, with-
out the most weighty reasons. Article VII.
" of our demeanour towards the civil Magis-
trate ;" promises obedience to magistrates,
and prayers for them. Article VIII. treats
" of a Confession of Faith ;" and leaves the
brethren free to judge, whether the xxxix.
Articles of the English church, or the Con-
fession and Catechism of the Westminster
assembly, that is, of the Presbyterians, or
lastly, the Confession of the Congregational
Brethren, published by the convention at the
Savoy in 1658, be most agreeable to the
Holy Scriptures. [Their words are : " As
to what appertains to soundness of judgment
in matters of faith, we esteem it sufficient,
that a church acknowledge the Scriptures to
be the word of God, the perfect and only
rule of faith and practice ; and own either
the doctrinal part of those commonly called
the Articles of the church of England, or
the Confession, or Catechism, shorter, or
larger, compiled by the assembly at West-
minster, or the Confession agreed on at the
Savoy, to be agreeable to the said rule." —
TV.] Article IX. " of our duty and deport-
ment towards them that are not in Com-
munion with us ;" inculcates only love and
moderation towards them. It hence appears,
that the Independents, induced by necessity,
approached in many points towards the opin-
ions of the Presbyterians, and departed from
the principles of their ancestors. [As re-
spects union and communion of churches,
their mutual accountability, and perhaps also
the powers and prerogatives of church offi-
cers, there was some change in the views of
the Independents of England, and also in
America. But the English Presbyterians
also softened considerably the rigours of
Presbyterianism, as it was introduced and
set up among them by the Scotch. This
coalition of the two denominations tended to
abate the zeal of both in maintaining the jus
divinum of their respective systems of church
VOL. III.— G G G

government. For a considerable time, the
Presbyterian and Congregational ministers
in and near London continued to hold meet-
ings for mutual consultation, and for regu-
lating the licensure of candidates. And in
some other counties of England, similar uni-
ted meetings were held. But ere long they
were dropped ; and the two denominations,
though on friendly terms with each other,
manage respectively their own ecclesiastical
affairs in their own way. — Tr.]

(58) [Dr : Mosheim' s account of the Pres-
byterians is quite too meager for those who
are expected to read this translation of his
work. It is therefore deemed necessary,
here to introduce a summary history, first of
the Scotish church, and then of the English
Presbyterians, during this century.

The Scotish church. From his first arri-
val in England in 1693, king James set him-
self to undermine Presbyterianism in Scot-
land, and to establish Episcopacy on its ru-
ins. For this purpose, he not only spoke
contemptuously of the Presbyterians as being
insolent men and enemies to regal power,
but actually nominated bishops to the thir-
teen Scotish bishoprics ; and in 1606. obtain-
ed from the parliament of Perth, an act de-
claring the king to have sovereign authority
over all estates, persons, and causes what-
soever, in Scotland ; and also an act resto-
ring to the bishops their ancient possessions,
which had been annexed to the crown. This
made the new bishops peers of the realm.
The General Assembly protested. But in
1608, a convention claiming to be a General
Assembly, declared the bishops perpetual
moderators of all the Synods and Presbyte-
ries. Another convention however was then
sitting, in opposition to this ; and commit-
tees from both attempted a compromise.
The bishops carried their point in 1609 : and
the next year the king, contrary to law, au-
thorized them to hold High Commission
Courts. In the same year, (1610), a corrupt
assembly was held at Glasgow, which sanc-
tioned the right of the bishops to preside
personally, or by their representatives, in all
the judicatories of the church, in all cases of
discipline, ordination and deprivation of min-
isters, visitation of churches, &c. All min-

418 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

they were called ; delirious persons who would have turned the world up-

isters at their ordination, were to swear obe-
dience to their ordinary ; and all clergymen
were forbidden to preach or to speak agarinst
the acts of this assembly, or to touch at all
the subject of the parity of ministers. Three
Scotish bishops, (Spotswood, Lamb, and
Hamilton), were now sent to England, there
to receive Episcopal consecration : and on
their return, they consecrated the rest. In
1617, king James made a journey into Scot-
land, chiefly to further the <:ause of Episco-
pacy, which was advancing but slowly. The
next year, (1618), a convention or General
Assembly, composed very much of courtiers,
met at Perth, and ordained kneeling at the
sacrament, the administration of it in private
houses and to the sick, the private baptism
of children, their confirmation by bishops,
and the observance of Christmas, Easter,
Whitsuntide, and Ascension Day. These
were called the five Articles of Perth. They
were published by royal authority ; and in
1621, a Scotish parliament was persuaded,
though not without difficulty, to enact them
into laws, against the remonstrances of great
numbers of the clergy. Persecution ensu-
ed ; and many ministers were fined, impris-
oned, and banished, by the High Commission
Court. During this reign, many Scotch
Presbyterians moved to the North of Ire-
land, and there establishedflourishingchurch-
es. Charles L followed up the measures
pursued by his father. In 1633, he went to
Scotland to be crowned ; and there compel-
led a Scotish parliament to invest him with
all the ecclesiastical powers possessed by his
father, and also to confirm the laws of the
last reign respecting religion. On leaving
Scotland, he erected a new bishopric at Ed-
inburgh. And archbishop Laud drew up
articles for regulating the royal chapel at
Edinburgh ; which was to be a pattern for
all cathedrals, chapels, and parish churches.
Hitherto the Scotch Episcopal church had
no settled liturgy : the king therefore order-
ed the Scotch bishops to draw up canons and
a liturgy, similar to those of the English
church. These being revised by Laud and
other English bishops, were imposed upon
the whole Scotish nation, by royal proclama-
tion ; the canons in 1635, and the liturgy in
1636. The attempts of the bishops to en-
force these, without the sanction of a Gen-
eral Assembly, or of a Scotish parliament,
threw the whole nation into commotion.
The nobles, gentry, burroughs, and clergy,
combined to resist these innovations ; and
in 1638, they solemnly revived the national
covenant of 1580 and 1590. Hence the
king found it necessary to relax not a little,

his injunctions ; and he now permitted a
General Assembly to be called. But his
commissioners, finding this body unmanage-
able, dissolved it. The Assembly however
would not separate, but protested ; and con-
tinuing their sessions, they disannulled the
acts of six preceding General Assemblies ;
(namely, those of 1606, 1608, 1610, 1616,
1617, and 1618); abolished Episcopacy;
condemned the five articles of Perth, the lit-
urgy, canon's and high commission court ;
restored the Presbyteries, Synods, and Gen-
eral Assemblies ; and deposed all the bish-
ops, save two, whom they allowed to remain
as parish ministers The king now resorted
to war, and marched an army into Scotland
in 1639. But a truce was concluded ; and
a new Assembly and a new parliament both
met, and confirmed substantially the doings
of the last Assembly. In 1640 the king rais-
ed another army, and renewed the war upon
the Scots ; but he found it necessary to
agree again to a truce ; and also to assemble
an English parliament, which was called the
long parliament, because it sat twelve years,
and which favoured the Scots in their contro-
versy with the king. His English subjects
were now alienated from him ; and to be able
to contend with the English malcontents,
the king concluded a peace with the Scots,
by which he agreed to the total abolition of
Episcopacy, and the entire restitution of
Presbyterianism in that country. The peace
however was of little service to him, as the
English parliament and the Scots were on
the most friendly terms. In 1642, the Scots
offered to be mediators between the king and
the English parliament ; which the king re-
sented highly. This drew closer the union
between the Scots and the English parlia-
ment. The Scots now formed the design of
establishing Presbyterianism, as the only re-
ligion throughout Great Britain and Ireland.
To this project the English parliament, in
order to secure the co-operation of the Scots
in their war with the king, were led to yield
assent. Commissioners from the General
Assembly of Scotland, were now admitted
to sit in the Westminster Assembly of di-
vines ; and the Scots had great influence in
all the ecclesiastical affairs of England, till
the time of Cromwell's usurpation. At their
instance in 1643, the English parliament as-
sented to the Scotch national Covenant
somewhat modified, and now denominated
the solemn League and Covenant ;. which
the parliament recommended, and at length
enjoined upon the whole English nation.
The Scots strenuously opposed all toleration
of any but Presbyterians, in either country.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 419

side down. They taught that Jesus Christ would personally descend, and

This alienated the Independents, Baptists,
and other sectarians from them ; and the
English parliament found it necessary to
proceed with caution. In 1646, the king
surrendered himself to the Scots ; and they
delivered him over to the English parlia-
ment ; hoping thus to induce them resolute-
ly to enforce Presbyterianism over the three
kingdoms. But the parliament were so ir-
resolute, that the Scots became jealous of
them. After Charles I. was beheaded, in
1648, the Scots proclaimed Charles II. king ;
and declared against the English Common-
wealth. In 1649, they entered into nego-
tiations with the new king in Holland, who
then professedly acceded to the national
covenant. The next year, the king landed
in Scotland ; but his army was defeated by
Cromwell. In 1651, Charles II. was crown-
ed in Scotland ; and then swore to observe
the solemn League and Covenant. After
this he marched an army into England, suf-
fered a total defeat, and fled in disguise to
France. General Monk, whom Cromwell
had left in Scotland, soon brought that whole
country to submit, and to become united
with the Commonwealth of England ; and
also lo allow a free toleration, to which the
Presbyterians were much opposed. Com-
missioners were now sent into Scotland by
the English parliament, to establish liberty
of conscience there. Thus things remained
till the restoration. Presbyterianism was
the established religion of Scotland ; but
dissenters were allowed to live in peace, and
to worship in their own way. At the resto-
ration in 1661, a Scotish parliament rescind-
ed all acts and covenants relative to religion,
made or entered into since the commence-
ment of the civil troubles, and empowered
the king to settle the ecclesiastical establish-
ment at his pleasure. He ordained Presby-
terianism for the present ; but soon after,
though with some hesitation, ordered Episco-
pacy in its place. Sharp, Fairfoul, Leigh-
ton, and Hamilton, were consecrated bish-
ops. Under Charles II. from ] 662 to 1685,
the ScotchPresbyterians suffered, very much
as the English Non-conformists did ; for
similar laws and measures were adopted in
both countries. James II. pursued the same
persecuting course, till the year 1687, when
in order to advance popery, he granted uni-
versal toleration. On the revolution in 1688,
the Scotch Presbyterian church regained all
its liberties and prerogatives ; which it has
enjoyed with little diminution to the present
day. But the troubles it experienced during
the reigns of James I. and his sons, had in-
duced many Scotch Presbyterians to emi-

grate to the North of Ireland, to North
America, and elsewhere. See NeaPs Hist,
of the. Puritans : Crookshank's Hist, of the
state and sufferings of the church of Scot-
land ; Burners Hist, of his own times ;
Spotswood, and various others.

The English Presbyterians. Most of the
early English Puritans, from their inter-
course with the foreign Reformed churches
who were all Presbyterians, were more or
less attached to Presbyterian forms of wor-
ship and church government. But as the
English bishops, in the reign of queen Eliz-
abeth, generally admitted the validity of for-
eign or Presbyterian ordination ; while the
Puritans or Presbyterians on the other hand,
admitted the validity of ordination by bish-
ops, and the lawfulness of bishops of some
sort ; hence the principal difficulty of the
English Puritans or Presbyterians, in those
times, related to the rites of worship. (Neat,
Hist, of Puritans, vol. i., p. 386). In the
year 1572, several of the more strenuous
Puritans, despairing of any farther reforma-
tion of the English church by public author-
ity, proceeded secretly to organize the first
Presbyterian church in England, at Wands-
worth, five miles from London. This church,
though persecuted, continued to exist : and
others were formed on the model of it. But
the greater part of the clergy who were in-
clined to Presbyterian views, remained in
connexion with the established church, and
bore the general appellation of Puritans.
Many of them however, kept up voluntary
meetings among themselves, for mutual ad-
vice arid counsel, in a kind of presbyteries
and synods. In the year 1586, there were
more than 500 such ministers in England.
How long and how extensively these infor-
mal and voluntary meetings were maintained,
it is difficult to say. But this is certain, that
although persecution induced great numbers
to remove to America, Ireland, and else-
where, yet the number of Presbyterians that
remained, under the general appellation of
Puritans, was very considerable ; and it
greatly increased, during the reigns of James
I. and Charles I., prior to" the year 1642,
when Episcopacy was abolished by act of
parliament. In 1643, the English parlia-
ment selected 121 of the ablest divines of
England, with 30 lay assessors, whom they
commanded to meet at Westminster and aid
them by their counsel, in settling the gov-
ernment, worship, and doctrines of the church
of England. This was the famous West-
minster Assembly of divines ; which contin-
ued to meet, and to discuss such subjects as
the parliament submitted to their considera-

420 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

tion, during several years. They were men
of different sentiments, Presbyterians, Eras-
tians, and Independents, with some mod-
erate Episcopalians. But a great majority
were Presbyterians. Besides, not long af-
ter this assembly met, the General Assem-
bly of the Scotish church, at the request of
the English parliament, sent four commis-
sioners to this body, on condition that the
whole Westminster Assembly and the par-
liament would take the solemn League and
Covenant, and agree to establish one uni-
form religion throughout the three kingdoms.
The parliament reluctantly assented to the
condition, for the sake of securing the co-
operation of the Scots in their political de-
signs. Before the Scotish commissioners
arrived, the Westminster Assembly com-
menced revising the 39 Articles ; and went
over the first 15, making some slight altera-
tions. After the arrival of the Scotch com-
missioners, and the adoption of the solemn
League and Covenant in Feb., 1644, the As-
sembly, by order of parliament, drew up an
Exhortation to the people of England to as-
sent to the solemn League. The Novem-
ber following, they were ordered to write a
circular letter to the foreign Reformed church-
es, acquainting them with the proceedings
in England. Through this Assembly, the
parliament licensed preachers and directed
all ecclesiastical affairs. They next drew
up a Directory for public worship ; which
was sanctioned by the parliament in Janu-
ary, 1645. The same year, they drew np a
Directory for the ordination of ministers, and
a Directory for church discipline and gov-
ernment. After warm debate, the majority
of the Assembly declared for Presbyterian-
ism, as of divine institution ; but the parlia-
ment voted for it, only as " lawful, and agree-
able to the word of God." The Assembly
also put the supreme ecclesiastical power
wholly into the hands of the church judica-
tories ; but the parliament imposed restric-
tions, and to the great dissatisfaction of the
Scots and most of the English Presbyteri-
ans, allowed an appeal from the highest ec-
clesiastical judicatory to the parliament. In
March, 1646, parliament ordered ruling el-
ders to be chosen in all the churches of Eng-
land ; and also the erection of Presbyteries,
Synods, and a General Assembly, for a trial
of the system. The Scotch church object-
ed to several imperfections in the Presbyte-
rianism thus established by the English par-
liament, and particularly to the right of ap-
peal in the last resort, from the ecclesiasti-
cal court to the parliament ; and the Eng-
lish Presbyterians and the Westminster As-
sembly, sided with the Scotch. In May,
1646, the king being now in the hands of

the Scots, the English Presbyterians deter-
mined to enforce Presbyterianism jure divi-
no, on all England ; and to allow no tolera-
tion of dissenters. For this purpose, they
caused a strong remonstrance to be present-
ed to the parliament, in the name of the lord
mayor, aldermen, and common council of
London ; and they were supported by the
whole weight of the Scotish nation. On the
contrary, the Independents and other secta-
rians in the army, procured a counter petition
from numerous citizens of London. The
commons were divided in sentiment, and
at a loss how to proceed. To gain time,
they demanded of the Westminster Assem-
bly, scripture proofs for that jus divinum in
church government, which they had main-
tained. It may be remarked, that from 1644
to 1647, the Independents who wereopidly
increasing in number, uniformly pleaded for
the free toleration of all sects holding the
fundamental doctrines of Christianity. And
the parliament was not unwilling to admit
toleration, at least of the Independents ; but
the Presbyterians were utterly opposed to
it ; and their influence prevented the parlia-
ment from pursuing the course they would
have done. This it was, alienated the In-
dependents and the army from Presbyterian-
ism, and from the parliament ; and finally
led to the subversion of the whole Presby-
terian establishment set up in England. The
demand of the house of commons for scrip-
tural proof of Jie divine authority of Presby-
terianism, prodoced long and warm debates
in the Westminster Assembly. The Eras-
tians and Independents at length protested,
and withdrew. The Presbyterians, 53 in
number, now left alone, voted with but one
dissenting voice, that " Christ has appoint-
ed 'a church government distinct from the
civil magistrates." On the other points re-
ferred to them, they were afraid to report
their views, lest the parliament should put
them under a pra-munire. But the Presby-
terian divines of London met at Zion Col-
lege, answered fully the questions of the
house of commons, and maintained in stronw
terms the jus divinum of Presbyterianism!
Yet in a second meeting, they lowered their
tone somewhat ; and agreed to set up the
limited Presbyterianism, already sanctioned
by the parliament. This consisted of paro-
chial presbyteries (or church sessions'),
classes (or presbyteries), provincial assem-
blies (or synods), and a national assembly ;
with an appeal to the parliament in the last
resort. The Province of London was now
distributed into 12 classes, containing 138
parochial presbyteries. The next year,
(1647), provincial assemblies (synods) ac-
tually met in London, and in Lancashire ;

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

•w
42.

and in those counties only, under the act of
parliament. The provincial assembly of
London continued to meet semi-annually,
till the end of CrornweWs reign. In the
other parts of England, the Presbyterians
continued to meet in their voluntary conven-
tions for ecclesiastical affairs, which had not
the sanction of law. The king though a
prisoner,, refused his assent to this new ec-
clesiastical constitution of England. At the
same time, he tried to detach the Scots from
the English, by promising them Presbyteri-
anism for Scotland, with Episcopacy for Eng-
land. But they rejected his offers, hoping
still to bless England as well as Scotland
with Presbyterianism jure divino. He also
tried to gain over the Independents, by prom-
ising them free toleration : but they would
not accept it for themselves alone. The
country now swarmed with sectarians, and
with numerous lay preachers of every descrip-
tion. Thomas Edwards in his Gangroena,
mentions sixteen sects ; namely, Independ-
ents, Brownists, Millenaries, Antinomians,
Anabaptists, Arminians, Libertines, Fami-
lists, Enthusiasts, Seekers, Perfectionists,
Socinians, Arians, Antitrinitarians, Anti-
scripturists, and Skeptics. Mr. Baxter men-
tions the Independents, Anabaptists, and An-
tinomians, as being the chief separatists from,
the established or Presbyterian church : to
whom, he adds Seekers, Ranters, Behemists,
and Varists, which either became extinct,
or were merged in the Quakers. The, Eng-
lish divines would have been satisfied with
revising the 39 Articles ; and therefore com-
menced such a revision. But the Scotch
divines insisted on a new Confession. Hence
the Westminster Assembly, after the arrival
of the Scotch commissioners, drew up their
elaborate Confession ; which the house of
commons approved, with some amendments,
in the summer of 1647, and the winter fol-
lowing. But the house of lords objecting
to the articles on church government, only
the doctrinal part of the Confession obtained
parliamentary sanction, in the year 1648.
The Scotch nation adopted the Confession
as drawn up by the Assembly. The As-
sembly's Shorter Catechism was presented
to parliament in 1647 ; and the Larger Cat-
echism, in 1648. Both were allowed to be
used, by authority of the English parliament.
The Scotch commissioners in the Assembly,
now returned home ; but the Assembly was
continued as a sort of counsel to parliament,
yet it did little else than to license preachers.
The army being composed chiefly of dissent-
ers from the establishment, of various de-
scriptions, upon finding that no toleration of
dissenters was allowed by the new ecclesi-
astical constitution, demanded of the parlia-

ment free toleration for all Protestant dis-
senters. This the Presbyterians vigorously
opposed : and the parliament endeavoured
to disband the army. But the army now
rescued the king from the- hands of the par-
liament, and became peremptory in their de-
mands. Pressed by the Presbyterians on
the one hand, and by the army on the other,
parliament wavered for a time, but at length
fell under the control of the army, and not
only allowed of dissent from the establish-
ment, but also made no vigorous efforts to
set up Presbyterianism. But in May, 1648,
the Scots having made a separate treaty with
the king, invaded England, in order to res-
cue him. The war obliged the army to
march in various directions ; and the Pres-
byterians seized the opportunity in the par-
liament, to enforce Presbyterianism. An
act was proposed, declaring eight specified
heresies to be capital crimes ; and sixteen
others to be punishable with unlimited im-
prisonment. The act was not passed. But
in June following, another did pass, placing
"all parishes and places whatsoever in Eng-
land and Wales," except chapels of the king
and peers, under the Presbyterian govern-
ment, with allowance of no other worship ;
yet without making it penal to neglect this
worship. The parliament likewise com-
menced a negotiation with the king for his
restoration, upon the basis of a single reli-
gion, with no toleratjon of any other. The
king insisted on Episcopacy of some sort ;
and the parliament, on Presbyterianism
The army, after repelling the Scotch inva-
sion, finding that neither the king nor the
parliament intended ever to allow toleration
to sectaries, again seized the king's person ;
and inarching to London, sifted the house
of commons, new modelled the government,
and caused the king to be impeached and be-
headed. The Commonwealth., without a
king or A house of lords, was now set up.
But the Scots refused to acknowledge it,
recognised Charles II. for their king, and
threatened war upon England. The Eng-
lish Presbyterians took sides with their Scot-
ish brethren, disowned the parliament, and
declared against a general toleration. All
people were now required to swear fidelity
to the new government ; which many of the
Presbyterian clergy refusing to do, were
turned out. However, to conciliate the
Presbyterians, the parliament continued the
late Presbyterian establishment ; but repeal-
ed all acts compelling uniformity. The
Scots, aided by the English Presbyterians,
invaded England in order to place Charles
II. on the throne : but they were vanquish-
ed, and all Scotland was compelled to sub-
mit to the parliament, and moreover to al-

422 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

establish a new and heavenly kingdom on the earth. (59) Here arose the
Quakers, to whom, as they have continued to- the present time, we shall
devote a separate chapter. Here the furious Anabaptists were allowed to

low of toleration in their own country. The
solemn League and Covenant was laid aside ;
and nothing but the Engagement, (or oath
of allegiance to government), was required
of any man, to qualify him civilly for any
living in the country. Hence many Epis-
copal divines, as well as those of other de-
nominations, became parish ministers. In
the year 1653, the army being offended with
the parliament, (which had now sitten twelve
years, and during the last four had ruled with-
out a king or house of lords), ordered them
to disperse : and general Cromwell with the
other officers, appointed a' new council of
state, and selected 140 men from the sever-
al counties to represent the people. After
five months, these new representatives resign-
ed their power to Cromwell and the other of-
ficers ; who framed a new constitution, with a
single house of representatives, chosen in the
three kingdoms, and a Protector with am-
ple executive powers, elected for life. All
sects of Christians, except papists and Epis-
copalians, were to have free toleration.
Cromwell the Protector, laboured to make
persons of all religions feel easy under him ;
but he absolutely forbid the clergy's med-
dling with politics. Ministers of different
denominations in the country towns, now be-
gan to form associations for brotherly counsel
and advice. But the more rigid Presljyieri-
ans, as well as the Episcopalians, stood aloof
from such associations. The right of or-
daining parish ministers, had for some years
been exclusively in the hands of the Presby-
terians ; but Cromwell, in March, 1654, ap-
pointed a board of thirty Tryers, composed
of Presbyterians and Independents with two
or three Baptists, to examine and license
preachers throughout England. The same
year, he appointed lay commissioners in
every county, with full power to eject scan-
dalous, ignorant, and incompetent ministers
and schoolmasters. Both these ordinances
were confirmed by parliament. Such was
the state of the English Presbyterians, during
the protectorate of Oliver Cromwell. On
the accession of his son, Richard Cromwell,
the Presbyterians seeing no prospect of the
restoration of the solemn League and Cov-
enant, or of their obtaining ecclesiastical do-
minion over England under the existing form
of government, formed a coalition with, the
royalists in 1659, in order to restore the king.
The remains of the long parliament were
resuscitated, and placed over the nation.
The members excluded from it in 1648,
were recalled, and took their seats ; and

thus it became more than half Presbyterian.
This parliament in 1660, voted that the con-
cessions offered by the king in the negotia-
tions at the Isle of Wight in 1648, were sat-
isfactory ; restored Presbyterianism com-
pletely, together with the solemn League and
Covenant ; appointed a new council of state ;
ordered that a new parliament should be
chosen; and then dissolved. The Presby-
terians, who now had the whole power of
the country in their own hands, were so
zealous to prevent the election of republicans
to the new parliament, that when it met' it
was decidedly in favour of a monarchy.
Parliament now recalled the king, without
making any stipulations with him respecting
the religion of the country. He very soon
restored episcopacy ; and then would grant
no toleration to any class of dissenters.
The Presbyterians, who had the most to
lose, were the greatest sufferers. Some
hundreds of their ministers were immediately
displaced, to make way for the old Episco-
palian incumbents. And in 1662, the act
of uniformity made it criminal to dissent
from the established or Episcopal church ;
and of course it exposed all dissenters to
persecution. A number of the Presbyterian
ministers conformed, in order to retain their
places ; but rBore than 2000 ministers, most
of them Presbyterians, were turned out.
And during this and the succeeding reign, or
till the accession of William and Mary in
1688, the Presbyterians equally with the
other dissenters, suffered persecution. For
though the kings, after the year 1672, were
inclined to give toleration to all, in order to
advance popery, yet parliament and the bish-
ops resisted it. When the revolution in
1688, placed a tolerant sovereign on the
throne, and thus relieved the English Pres-
byterians from persecution, they were com-
paratively an enfeebled and humbled sect ;
and being no longer strenuous for the solemn
league and covenant and for the jus divi-
num of Presbyterianism, they were willing
to have friendly intercourse and fellowship
with Independents, and soon became as cath-
olic in their views as most of the other Eng-
lish dissenters. See ffeylin's History of the
Presbyterians ; NeaVs Hist, of the Puritans ;
Rogue and Bonnet's Hist, of Dissenters ;
Baxter's Hist, of his own Times ; Burnet's
Hist, of his own Times ; Grant's Hist, of the
English church and sects ; and others.— Tr.]
(59) Burnet's Hist, of his own Times,
vol. i., p. 67. [Neat's Hist, of the Puritans,
vol. iv., ch. v., p. 113, 343, &c.— TV.]

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 423

utter freely, whatever a disordered mind might suggest. (60) Here the
Deists, who reduced all religion to a very few precepts inculcated by reason
and the light of nature, gathered themselves a company with impunity, under
their leaders Sidney, Henry Neville, Martin, Harrington, and others. (61)

§ 23. During this period also, arose among the Presbyterians the party
called Antinomians, or enemies of the law, as they are called by their ad-
versaries ; which has continued to our day, and has caused at times no
little commotion. The Antinomians are over-rigid Calvinists, who are
thought by the other Presbyterians, to abuse Calvin's doctrine of the abso-
lute decrees of God to the injury of the cause of piety.(62) Some of them,
(for they do not all hold the same sentiments), deny that it is necessary for
ministers to exhort Christians to holiness and obedience to the law ; be-
cause those whom God from all eternity elected to salvation, will them-
selves and without being admonished and exhorted by any one, by a divine
influence or the impulse of almighty grace, perform holy and good deeds ;
while those who are destined by the divine decrees to eternal punishment,
though admonished and entreated ever so much, will not obey the law ; nor
can they obey the divine law, since divine grace is denied them : and it is
therefore sufficient, in preaching to the people, to hold up only the Gospel and
faith in Jesus Christ. But others merely(63) hold, that the elect, because
they cannot lose the divine favour, do not truly commit sin and break the
divine law, although they should go contrary to its precepts and do wicked
actions ; and therefore it is not necessary that they should confess their
sins, or grieve for them : that adultery for instance, in one of the elect,
appears to us indeed to be sin or a violation of the law, yet it is no sin in
the sight of God ; because one who is elected to salvation, can do nothing
displeasing to God and forbidden by the law. (64)

§ 24. Certain wise and peace-loving persons, moved by the numerous
calamities and sufferings, of their country arising from- the intemperate re-
ligious disputes, felt it to be their duty to search for a method of uniting
in some measure such of the contending parties as would regard reason
and religion, or at least of dissuading them from ruinous contentions.

(60) [Dr. Mosheim seems to have taken kindred with this, and the more recent dis-
it for granted, that the English Baptists of putes occasioned by the posthumous works
this age, because they were called Anabap- of Tobias Crisp, (a distinguished Antinomi-
tists, resembled the old Anabaptists of Ger- an preacher), in which Jo. Tillotson, Baxter,
many : whereas they were Mennonites, and and especially Daniel Williams, (in his cel-
though illiterate and somewhat enthusiastic, ebrated work : Gospel truth stated and vin-
they were a people in whom was not a little dicated), vigorously assailed the Antinomi-
Christian simplicity and piety. — Tr.] ans, are stated, though with some errors, by

(61) Dan. Neal's History of the Puritans, Peter Francis le Courayer, Examen des de-
vol. iv.,, p. 87, [ed. Boston, 1817, p. 112, fauts theologiques, tome ii.,'p. 198, &c.,
113. — Tr.] Amsterd., 1744, 8vo. [See also Bogue and

(62) See Jo. Toland's Letter to Le Clerc ; Sennet's Hist, of Dissenters, vol. i., p. 399,
in the BibliothequeUniverselleet Historique &c., and Hannah Adams' Dictionary of all
of the latter, tome xxiii., p. 505, &c. Jo. religions, art. Antinomians. One of the
Hornbeck's Summa controversial, p. 800, chief sources of Antinomian opinions was,
812, &c. the received doctrine of substitution. If

(63) [This second Aniinomian opinion is Christ took the place of the elect, and in their
so much worse than the preceding, that it is stead both obeyed the law perfectly, and
strange Dr. Mosheim should say of it : Alii suffered its penalty, it was hard for some to
vero lantum statuunt, others merely hold. — see what further demands the law could
Tr.] have upon them, or what more they had to

(64) Other tenets of the Antinomians, do with it. — Tr.]

424 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.—SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

They therefore took middle ground between the more violent Episcopalians
on the one part, and the more stiff Presbyterians and Independents on the
other ; hoping, that if the contentions of these could be settled, the minor
parties would fall by their own arms. The contests of the former related
partly to the forms of church government and public worship, and partly
to certain doctrines, particularly those on which the Reformed and the
Arminians were at variance. To bring both classes of contests to a close,
these mediators laboured to bring the disputants off from those narrow
views which they had embraced, and to exhibit a broader way of salvation.
And hence they were commonly called Latitudinarians.(65) In the first
place, they were attached to the form of church government and the mode
of public worship established by the laws of England, and they recom-
mended them exclusively to others : yet they would not have it believed,
that these were of divine institution, and absolutely necessary. And hence
they inferred, that those who approved other forms of church government
and other modes of worship, were to be tolerated, and to be treated as
brethren, unless they were chargeable with other faults. In the next place,
as to religion they chose Simon Episcopius for their guide ; and in imita-
tion of him, maintained that there are but. few things which a Christian
must know and believe, in order to be saved. Hence it followed, that
neither the Episcopalians, who embraced the sentiments of the Arminians,
nor the Presbyterians and Independents, who adopted the sentiments of the
Genevans, had just reason for contending with so much zeal and animosi-
ty : because their disputes related to unessential points, which might be
explained variously, without the loss of salvation. The most distinguished
of the Latitudinanans were the eminent John Hales and William Chilling-
worth, whose names are still in veneration among the English. (66) With
them were joined Henry More, Ralph Cudworth, *Theophilus Gale, John
Whitchcot, John Tillotson, and various others. The first reward for their
labours which these men received, was, to be called Atheists, Deists, and
Socinians, not only by the papists, but also by the English dissentients.
But on the restoration of the English monarchy under Charles II., they
were advanced to the highest siations, and received general approbation.
And it is well known, that the English church, at the present day [1753]
is under the direction for the most part, of such Latitudinarians. Yet
there are some among the bishops and the other clergy, who following
rather in the steps of Laud, are denominated the High Church and Eccle-
siastical Tories. (67)

(65) Gilbert Burners History of his own to the French version of his very noted
Times, book ii., vol. i., p. 186, &c. work : The religion of Protestants a safe

(66) An accurately written life of the very way of salvation, printed at Amsterdam,
acute John Hales, was published in English, 1730, in 3 vols. Svo. Such as would ac-
by Peter des Maizeaux, London, 1719, Svo. quaint themselves with the regulations, doc-
A Latin and more full history of the life of trines, and views of the church of England
Hales, we have ourselves prefixed to his in later times, should acquaint themselves
History of the Synod of Dort, Hamb., 1724, with these two men, and in particular, should
Svo. A French life of him, but not en- carefully study the above-named work of
tirely correct, is in the first volume of CkU- Chillingieorth.

ling-worth's book, immediately to be noticed, (67) Rapin Thoyras, Dissertation on the

p. Ixxiii., <kc. A Life of ChiHingworth, in Whigs and Tories ; in his History of Eng-

English, was composed by the same Drs land, [French edition], vol. x., p. 234. —

Maizeaux, and published, London, 1725, [" See an admirable defence of the Latitu-

8vo. A French translation of it is prefixed dinarian divines, in a book entitled : The

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 425

§ 25. When Charles II. was restored to the throne of his father in
1660, the ancient forms of ecclesiastical government and public wroship
returned also from exile, and the bishops recovered their lost dignities.
Those who preferred other forms, or the Nonconformists as they were
called in England, expected that some place would be assigned to them in
the church : but their hopes were quickly disappointed. For Charles again
placed bishops over the Scots, who were so religiously attached to the Gene-
van discipline ; and likewise over the Irish. And afterwards, in the year
1662, all those who refused to subject themselves to the rites and institutions
of the English church, were by a public law separated wholly from its com-
munion.(68) From this period till the times of William and Mary, the
Nonconformists experienced various fortune, sometimes more pleasant and
sometimes more sad, according to the disposition of the court and the gov-
ernment ; but at no time were they so happy, as not either to feel or fear
persecution.(69) But in the year 1689, William III. by an express act of
parliament, freed all dissenters from the established church (except Socini-
ans) from all liability to the penalties to which they were bylaw exposed. (70)
He also permitted the Scotish nation to live under their Genevan regula-
tions, and delivered them from the jurisdiction of bishops. This therefore
may be regarded as the commencement of that liberty and freedom from
molestation, which are still enjoyed by the sects that dissent from the pub-
lic rites of the English church ; but it was also the commencement of those
numerous parties and sects, which spring up from year to year in that
fortunate island, often as suddenly as mushrooms, and which distract the
people with their new inventions and opinions. (71)

§ 26. In the reign of this William III., A.D. 1689, arose a very noted
schism in the English Episcopal church, which quite down to the pres-
ent times, no means have been able to remove. William Sancroft arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and seven other bishops,(72) all men distinguished

Einciples and Practices of certain moderate these events, in the 4th volume of his His-

ivines of the Church of England (greatly tory of the Puritans.

misunderstood) truly represented and de- (70) This Act which is called The Toler-

fended, London, 1670, Svo. This book was alion Act, is subjoined to Dan. NeAPs His-

written by Dr. Fowler, afterwards bishop of tory of the Puritans, vol. iv., [ed. Boston,

Gloucester." — Mad.] 1817^ vol. v., p. 386, &c. By it all dis-

(68) Dan. Neal's History of the Puritans, senters from the church of England, except
vol. iv., p. 358, [ed. Boston, 1817, p. 396, papists and Anti-trinitarians, by taking an
&c.] Rapin Thoyras, Histoire d'Angle- oath of allegiance, and subscribing to the
terre, tome ix., p. 198, &c. David Wilkins, doctrinal part of the 39 Articles, (or if Qua-
Concilia magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, Jeers, making equivalent affirmations), are
torn. iv.,p. 573. [This was the famous Act exempted from all the penalties prescribed
of Umformity, which required all clergymen by the Acts which enforce uniformity ; and
not only to use the liturgy, but also to swear are allowed to erect houses of worship, have
to renounce and condemn the solemn League their own preachers, and to meet and wor-
and Covenant, Presbyterian ordination, and ship according to their own views, provided
all efforts for changing the present establish- they do not when met lock or bolt their
ment. In consequence of this Act, about doors. They are not however exempted
2000 ministers, chiefly Presbyterians, were from tithes, and other payments for- the sup-
turned out of their churches, because they port of the established churches ; nor are
could not conform to the law. At the they excused from the oaths required by the
same time, all the old laws against conven- Corporation and Test Acts, which exclude
tides, neglect of the parish churches, &c., Nonconformists from all civil offices. — TV."]
were revived ; and these made all Noncon- (71) Gilbert Burners History of his own
formists liable to civil prosecution. — TV.] Times, vol. ii., p, 23, &c.

(69) Daniel Neal treats particularly of (72) ["The other Non-Juring bishops

VOL.HI.-HHH

426 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

for their learning and purity of morals, declared that they could not in
conscience take the oath of fidelity to the new king, William Hi., be-
cause James II., though expelled from the kingdom, was in their view,
the legitimate king of England, As no arguments could induce them to
recede from this opinion, they were deprived of their offices in 1690, by a
decree of the English parliament; and other bishops were appointed in
their places. (73) The bishops who were deposed and turned out of their
episcopal dwellings, founded a new church in the bosom of the English
church, differing from the rest of the church in opinions, in the form of
worship, and in other respects. (74) From the cause that produced the
disunion, this church was called that of Non- Jurors ; and on account of the
opinion, which it maintained and continues to maintain, respecting the
authority of the church, it received the name of High Church ; that is, one
entertaining very exalted ideas of the prerogatives and authority of the
church : to which is opposed the Low Church, or that which has more
moderate views of the power of the church. (75) The deprived bishops
with their friends and followers, contended that the church is not subject to
the civil authority and to parliaments, but to God only ; and that it has
the power of self-government : and consequently, that the decree of par-
liament against them was unjust and a nullity ; and that an ecclesiastical
council only, has power by its decrees to deprive a bishop of his office.
The celebrated Henry Dodwell was the first that contended fiercely for
these rights and this power of the church. He was followed by several
others : and hence arose this perplexing and difficult controversy respect-
ing the church, which has not yet closed, and which is renewed with zeal
from time to time. (76)

were Dr. Lloyd,, bishop of Norwich ; Dr. Tur-
ner, of Ely ; Dr. Kenn, of Bath and Wells ;
Dr. Framplon, of Gloucester ; Dr. Thomas,
of Worcester ; Dr. Lake, of Chichester ; Dr.
White, bishop of Peterborough." — Mad]

(73) [" These were Tillotson, Moore,
Patrick, Kidder, Fowler, and Cumberland,
names that will ever be pronounced with
veneration by such as are capable of esteem-
ing solid, well-employed learning and genu-
ine piety, and that will always shine among
the brightest ornaments of the church of
England." — Mad.}

(74) [The language of Dr. Mosheim here,
would seem to imply, that the Non-Juring
bishops produced a formal secession from the
established church, and erected a permanent
sect, which differed in doctrines and in its
forms of worship from the church of Eng-
land. But it was only a temporary disagree-
ment, whether William III. or James II. was
the legal sovereign ; an.d. of course, whether
those bishops and priests, who were deprived
for not taking the oath of allegiance to the
former, or those who were appointed to fill
their places, were the legitimate bishops and
parish ministers. Both parties professed the
same faith, adhered to the same discipline,
and used the same liturgy, except that the
Non- Jurors are said to have framed and used a
prayer for king James and for their party. It

was rather a political than a religious schism ;
and one which necessarily terminated on the
death of the pretender, and of the deprived
bishops and clergy. Some principles indeed,
which were then contended for, continued to
be maintained, after they became little more
than points of theoretical speculation ; and
the believing or disbelieving these principles,
soon constituted the only difference between
the two parties. — Tr.~\

(75) The name of High Church, that is,
of those who have high notions of the church
and its power, properly belongs to the Non-
Jurors. But it is usual among the English
to give it a more extensive, application ; and
to apply it to all those who extol immoderately
the authority of the church and declare it ex-
empt from all human power, notwithstanding
they do not refuse to swear allegiance to the
king.. And there are many such, even in
that church which generally goes under the
name of the Low Church. [The Non-Jurors
were also called Jacobites, from their adhe-
rence to James II. and his son the pretender,
in opposition to the reigning sovereign and
the house of Hanover. The Scotlsh bishops,
after the year 1688, all adhered to the house
of Stuart, and were called Non-Jurors, be-
cause they refused the oath of allegiance to
the reigning sovereign. — TV.]

(76) [Henry Dodwell, senior, was appoint-

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 427

§ 27. The Non-Jurors or High Church, who claimed for themselves the
appellation of the Orthodox and called the Low Church the Schismatical,
differed from the rest of the Episcopal church in several particulars and
regulations, but especially in the following sentiments. I. That it is nev-
er lawful for the people, under any provocation or pretext whatever, to re-
sist their kings and sovereigns. The English call this the doctrine of
passii'e obedience ; the opposite of which, is the doctrine of active obedi-
ence, held by those who deem it lawful in certain cases, for the people to
oppose their rulers and kings. II. That the hereditary succession of kings
is of divine appointment ; and therefore, it can be set aside or annulled in
no case whatever. III. That the church is subject to the jurisdiction, not
of the civil magistrate, but of God only, particularly in matters of a reli-
gious nature. IV. That consequently, Sancroft and the other bishops who
were deposed under king William III. remained the true bishops as long
as they lived ; and that those substituted in their places, were the unjust
possessors of other men's property. V. That these unjust possessors of
other men's offices, were both bad citizens and bad members of the church,
or were both rebels and schismatics ; and therefore, that such as held
communion with them were chargeable with rebellion and schism. VI.
That schism, or splitting the church in pieces, is the most heinous sin ; the
punishment due to which, no one can escape, but by returning with sin-
cerity, to the true church from which he has revolted. (77)

§ 28. We now pass over to the Hollanders, the neighbours of the Eng-
lish. The ministers of the Dutch churches thought themselves happy,
when the opposers of the Calvinistic doctrine of decrees or the Arminians,
were vanquished and put down: but it was not their fortune to enjoy
tranquillity very long. For after this victory, they unfortunately fell into
such contests among themselves, that during nearly the whole century,
Holland was the scene of very fierce animosity and strife. It is neither
easy nor important, to enumerate all these contentions. We shall there-
fore omit the disputes between individual doctors, respecting certain points
both of doctrine and discipline ; such as the disputes between those men
of high reputation, Gisbert Voet and Samuel Maresius [Des Marets] ; the
disputes about false hair, interest for money, stage plays, and other minute
questions of morals, between Salmasius, Boxhorn, Voet, and several others ;
and the contests respecting the power of the magistrate in matters of re-
ed Camden professor of History at Oxford Vindication of the deprived bishops, &c.
in 1688 ; and being deprived of the office in Dr. Hody replied, in The case of the Sees
1690, because he refused the oath of alle- racant, &c. In 1695, Dodwell came forth
giance, he published a vindication of the again, in his Defence of the Vindication of
non-juring principles. Several other tracts the deprived bishops. Various others en-
were published by him and others on the gaged in this controversy. See Mad nine's
same side ; none of which were suffered to Note ; Calamy's Additions to Baxter's Hist,
go unanswered. In 1691, Dr. Humphrey of his own life and times, ch. xvii., p. 465,
Hody published his Unreasonableness of Scp- &c., ch. xviii., p. 484, &c., 506, &c. — Tr.]
oration, or a Treatise out of ecclesiastical (77) See William Wftyston's Memoirs of
history, shmcing, that although a bishop was his own life and writings, vol. i., p. 30, &c.
unjustly deprived, neither he nor the church George Hick's Memoirs of the life of John
ever made a separation, if the successor was Kettlewcll, London, 1718, 8vo, who treats
not a heretic ; translated out of an ancient expressly and largely on these matters. Nou-
Grcek manuscript, (written at Constantino- veau Dictionnaire Histor. et Critique, article
pie, and now among the Baroccian MSS.), Collier, tome ii., p. 112. Phil. Masson's
in the public library at Oxford. This was Histoire Critique de la Republic des Lettres,
answered by Doduell the next year, in his tome xiii., p. 298, &c., and elsewhere.

428 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

ligion, carried on by William Appollonius, James Trigland, Nicholas Ve-
del, and others, and which destroyed friendship between Frederic Spanheim
and John van der Wayen. For these and similar disputes, show what
were the sentiments of certain eminent divines respecting particular doc-
trines and points of morality, rather than lay open the internal state of the
church. The knowledge of the latter, must be derived from those contro-
versies alone, which disquieted either the whole church or at least a large
portion of it.

§ 29. The principal controversies of this sort, were those respecting the
Cartesian philosophy, and the new opinions of Cocceius : for these have
not yet terminated, and they have produced two very powerful parties, the
Cocceians and the Voetians ; which once made a prodigious noise, though
now they are more silent. The Cocceian theology and the Cartesian phi-
losophy have no natural connexion ; and therefore the controversies re-
specting ihem were not related to each other. Yet it so happened that
the followers of these two very distinct systems of doctrine, formed very
nearly one and the same party, those who took Cocceius for their guide in
theology, adhering to Des Cartes as their master in philosophy ;(78) be-
cause those who assailed the Cartesians, attacked also Cocceius and his
followers, and opposed both with equal animosity. Hence the Cartesians
and Cocceians were under a kind of necessity to unite and combine their
forces, in order the better to defend their cause against such a host of ad-
versaries. The Voetians derived their name from Gisbert Voet, a very
famous divine of Utrecht, who set up the standard as it were, in this war,
and induced great numbers to attack both Des Cartes and Cocceius.

§ 30. The Cartesian philosophy, which at its first appearance was view-
ed by many even in Holland as preferable to the Peripatetic, was first as-
sailed by Gisbert Voet in 1639, at Utrecht, where lie taught theology with
very great reputation, and who not obscurely condemned this philosophy as
blasphemous. Voet was a man of immense reading and multifarious
knowledge, but indifferently qualified to judge correctly on metaphysical
and abstract subjects. While Des Cartes resided at Utrecht, Voet censu-
red various of his opinions ; but especially the following positions, which
he feared were subversive of all religion ; namely, that one who intends to
be wise, must begin by calling every thing in question, even the existence
of God : that the essence of spirits and even of God himself, consists in
thought : that space, in reality, has no existence, but is a mere fiction of
the imagination ; and therefore, that matter is without bounds. Des Cartes
first replied himself to the charges brought against him ; and afterwards,
his disciples afforded him aid. On the other hand, Voet was joined, not
only by those Dutch theologians who were then in the highest reputation
for erudition and soundness in the faith, such as Andrew Rivet, Maresius,
and Van Mastricht, but also by the greatest part of the clergy of inferior
note. (79) To this flame already raised too high, new fuel was added

(78) See Fred. Spanheim's Epistola de iv., part ii., p. 222, &c. Irenanis Philale-
novissimis in Belgio dissidiis ; Opp., torn, ii., thes (Jac. Rhenferd), Kort en opregt Verhaal
p. 973, &c. van de eerste Oorsprong der Broedertwisten,

(79) Hadr. Baillet, la vie de Mr. Des Car- Amsterd., 1708, 8vo. The first attack upon
tes, tome ii., cap. v., p. 33, &c. Gabr. the philosophy of Des Carles was made by
Daniel, Voyage du Monde de Mr. Des Car- Gisbert VoSt, A.D. 1639, in his Disputatio
tes ; in his works, tome i., p. 84, &c. [Jac. de Atheismo. Smauel Maresius, at first de-
Brucker't Historia Grit, philosophise, torn, fended the cause of Des Cartes against Voet:

.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 429

when some of the theologians applied the precepts of Des Cartes to the
illustration of theological subjects. Hence in the year 1656, the Dutch
Classes as they are called, or assemblies of the clergy in certain districts,
resolved that resistance ought to be made, and that this imperious philos-
ophy ought not to be allowed to invade the territories of theology. By
this decision the "States of Holland were excited, in the same year, sternly
to forbid by a public law, the philosophers from expounding the books of
Des Cartes to the youth, or explaining the scriptures according to the dic-
tates of philosophy. In a convention at Delft the next year, it was resolv-
ed, that no person should be admitted to the sacred office, without first
solemnly promising not to propagate Cartesian principles, nor to deform
revealed theology with adventitious ornaments. Similar resolutions were
afterwards passed in various places, both in the United Provinces, and out
of them. (80) But as mankind are always eager after what is forbidden,
all these prohibitions could not prevent the Cartesian philosophy from final-
ly obtaining firm footing in the schools and universities, and from being
applied sometimes preposterously, by great numbers, to the illustration of
divine truths. Hence the Dutch became divided into the two parties, above
named ; and the rest of the century was spent amid their perpetual con-
tentions.

§ 31. John Cocceius, (in German Koch), a native of Bremen, professor
of theology in the University of Leyden, and unquestionably a great man,
if he had only been able to regulate and to temper with reason and judg-
ment, his erudition, his ingenuity, his reverence for the holy scriptures, and
his piety, which he possessed in an eminent degree ; introduced into the-
ology not a little that was novel and unheard of before his times. In the
first place, as has been already remarked, he interpreted the whole sacred
volume in a manner very different from that of Calvin and all his followers.
For he maintained, thai the entire history of the Old Testament, presents
a picture of the events that were to take place under the New Testament,
down to the end of the world ; nay more, that the things which Christ
and his apostles did and suffered in this world, were emblematic of future
events. He moreover taught, that the greatest part of the prophecies of
the Jewish prophets, foretell the fortunes of Christ and of the Christian
church, not by means of the persons and things mentioned, [not typically],
but by the direct import of the words themselves. And lastly, many of
those passages in the Old Testament, which seem to contain nothing but
the praises of Jehovah, or moral precepts and doctrines, he with wonder-
ful dexterity and ingenuity, converted into sacred enigmas and predictions

but afterwards he went over to the side of Heidan, Christopher Wittich, Francis Bur-

his adversaries. Even Cocceivs was at first mann, John Braun, John Clauberg, Peter

opposed to DCS Cartes, though his friend Allmga, Balth. Becker, Stephen Curcellaus,

Heidan persuaded him to treat the name of Herm. Alex. Roel, Ruard Andala, and others.

Des Cartes respectfully in his writings. — Schl.]

Peter van Mastricht, John Hornbeck, An- (80) Fred. Spanheim, de novissimis in

drew Essen, Melchior Leydecker, John Belgio dissidiis ; Opp , torn, ii., 959, &c.

Wayen, Gerhard Vn'es, James Revius, Those who wish it, may also consult the

James Trigland, and Frederic Spanheim — common historians of this century, Arnold,

manifestly great names — contended against (Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, vol. ii., book

Des Cartes. For him, there were among xvii., ch. x., § 1-6), Weissmann, (Historia

the philosophers, Henry Regius, James Go- Eccles. sacc. xvii., p. 905), Jager, Caroli,

lius, Claudius Salmasius, Hadr. Hcerelord, and also Walch's Einleitung in die Religions-

&c., and among the theologians, Abraham streitigkeiten ausser unsrer Kirche, vol. iii.

430 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVIL— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

of future events. To give support and plausibility to these opinions, he
first laid down this law of interpretation, that the language of the Bible
must signify all that it can signify : which rule, if adopted by a man of
more genius than judgment, may give birth to very strange interpretations.
In the next place, he distributed the entire history of the Christian church
into seven portions of time or periods, relying principally on the seven
trumpets and seals of the Apocalypse.

§ 32. Theology itself, in the opinion of Cocceius, ought to be freed from
the trammels of philosophy, and to be expounded only in scriptural phra-
seology. Hence, perceiving that the sacred writers denominate the meth-
od of salvation which God has prescribed, a covenant of God with men, he
concluded that there could be no more suitable and pertinent analogy, ac-
-cording to which to adjust and arrange an entire system of theology. But
while intent solely on accommodating and applying the principles of human
covenants to divine subjects, he incautiously fell into some opinions which
it is not easy to approve. For instance, he asserted that the covenant
which God made with the Hebrew nation, through the medium of Moses,
did not differ in its nature, from the new covenant procured by Jesus
Christ. He supposed that God caused the ten commandments to be pro-
mulged by Moses, not as a law which was to be obeyed, but as one form
of the covenant of grace. But when the Hebrews had offended him by
various sins, and especially by the worship of the golden calf, God being
moved with just indignation, superadded to that moral law the yoke of the
ceremonial law, to serve as a punishment. This yoke was in itself very
burdensome, but it became much more painful in consequence of its im-
port. For it continually admonished the Hebrews of their very imperfect,
doubtful, and anxious state, and was a kind of perpetual memento that
they merited the wrath of God, and that they c»uld not anticipate a full
expiation and remission of their sins till the Messiah should come. Holy
men indeed, under the Old Testament, enjoyed eternal salvation after
death ; but while they lived, they were far from having that assurance of
salvation, which is so comforting to us under the New Testament. For
no sins were then actually forgiven, but only suffered to remain unpunish-
ed ; because Christ had not yet offered up himself as a sacrifice to" God,
and therefore could not be regarded, before the divine tribunal, as one who
has actually assumed our debt, but only as our surety. I omit other opin-
ions of Cocceius. Those who assailed the Cartesian doctrines, attacked
also these opinions, in' a fierce war which was kept up for many years,
with various success. The issue was the same as in the Cartesian contest.
No device and no force could prevent the disciples of Cocceius from oc-
cupying many professorial chairs, and from propagating the opinions of
their master both orally and in writing, with wonderful celerity among
even the Germans and the Swiss. (81)

§ 33. Nearly all the other controversies which disquieted the Dutch
churches in this century, arose from an excessive attachment to the Carte-
sian philosophy as connected with theology. This will appear from those
commotions greater than all othe'rs, produced by Roel and Becker. Cer-

(81) The same writers may be consulted Vol. Alberti, AtTtvlow namta, Cartesianis-

here, as were referred to in $ 30, [note 79] ; mus et Cocceianismus, descripti et refutati,

for the Cartesian and Cocceian controversies Leips., 1678, 4to.
were united in one. To these may be added,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 431

tain Cartesian divines, at the head of whom was Herman Alexander Roel,
a theologian of Franeker, a man of singular acuteness and perspicuity,
were supposed in the year 1686, to attribute too much to reason in theolo-

fy. Nearly the whole controversy was embraced in these two questions.
. Whether the divine origin and authority of the sacred books, can be
demonstrated by reason alone ; or whether the internal testimony of the
Holy Spirit is necessary, in order to a firm belief on this subject 1 II.
Whether the Holy Scriptures propose any thing to be believed by us,
which is contrary to correct and sound reason ? The first was affirmed
and the second denied, not only by the above named Roel, but also by
John van der Wayen, Gislert Wessel, Duker, Ruard ab Andala, and oth-
ers : the contrary was maintained, by Ulrich Huber, a jurist of great repu-
tation, Gerhard de Vries, and others. (82) A great part -of Belgium being
now in a flame, the states of Friesland prudently interposed and enjoined
silence and peace on both the contending parties. Those who shall accu-
rately investigate this cause, will I think perceive, that a great part of it
was a strife about words, and that the remainder of it might have been
easily settled if it had been stripped of its ambiguities.

§ 34. A little after this first controversy had been in some measure
hushed, this same Roel in the year 1689, fell under no slight suspicion
that he was plotting against sound theology, in consequence of some other
singular opinions of his. He was viewed with suspicion, not only by his
colleagues, particularly by Cam-perns Vitringa, but also by very many of
the Dutch divines. (83) For he denied that the Scriptural- representations
of the generation of the Son of God, are to be understood literally or as
denoting a kind of natural generation ; and maintained that the death of
holy men and the evils they suffer in this life, equally with the calamities
and death of the wicked, are the penal effects of the first sin ; and he ad-
vanced some things respecting the divine decrees, original sin, the divine
influence in regard to the sinful acts of men, the satisfaction made by
Christ, and other subjects, which either in reality, or at least in form and
phraseology, differed much from the received opinions.(84) The,magis-
trates of Friesland published decrees, which prevented these disputes from
spreading in that province : but the rest of the Dutch, and especially those
of the province of Holland, could not be restrained from condemning Roel
and his disciples, both privately and in their public conventions, as corrupt-
ers of divine truth. (85) Nor did this resentment die with the excellent

(82) John le Clerc, Biblioch. Universel.le tained, that the title Son of God referred
et Histor., tome vi., p. 368. only to the human nature of Christ, and to

(83) Concerning this extraordinary man, the supernatural formation or conception of
see the Bibliotheca Bremensis Theologico- it, as also to his mediatorial office ; and con-
PiiiloL, torn, ii., pt. vi., p. 707. Caspar sequently, that it afforded no proof of his
Burmanrfs Trajectum eruditum, p. 306, &c. divinity. Yet in his later writings, he ad-
[UnpartheyischeKirchenhistorie, Jena, 1735, milled that Christ was also called the Son of
4to, vol. ii., p. 620, &c. — TV.] God, on account of his eternal generation by

(84) These errors may be best learned the Father ; yet without excluding the before
from a paper of the Faculty of Theology at mentioned ground. In order to prove that
Leyden, in which they confirm the sentence the death of believers is a punishment, he
pronounced on them by the Dutch synods, maintained, that in justification only some of
entitled : Judicium ecclesiasticnm, quo opin- the punishments of sin are remitted, and that
ioncs cusdam Cl. H. A. Roellii synodicc the complete removal of them does not take
damnatne sunt, laudatum a Professoribus place till after the resurrection. — Schl.]
Theologife in Academia Lugduno-Batava ; (85) [It must not be inferred, from this
Leydeu, 1713, 4to, 20 sheets. [Roel main- statement of Dr. Moskeim, that professor

432 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

man who was the object of it ; but even to our times, the Roelians, though
they most solemnly protest their innocence, are thought by many to be
infected with concealed heresies.

§ 35. Balthazar Becker, a minister of the Gospel at Amsterdam, from
the Cartesian definition of a spirit, the truth of which he held to be unques-
tionable, took occasion to deny absolutely all that the Scriptures teach us
respecting the works, snares, and power of the prince of darkness and
his satellites, and also all the vulgar reports respecting ghosts, spectres,
and withcraft. There is extant a prolix and copious work of his, entitled
The World Bewitched, first published in 1691 ; in which he perverts and
explains away, with no little ingenuity indeed, but with no less audacity,
whatever the sacred volume relates of persons possessed by evil spirits,
and of the power of demons ; and maintains, that the miserable being whom
the sacred writers call Satan and the Devil, together with his ministers,
lies bound with everlasting chains . in hell ; so that he cannot thence go
forth to terrify mortals, and to plot against the righteous. Des Cartes pla-
ced the essence of spirit in thinking : but none of those acts which are as-
cribed to evil spirits, can be effected by mere thought.(86) Therefore lest
the reputation of Des Cartes should be impaired, the narrations and decis-
ions of the divine books must be accommodated to his opinion. This er-
ror not only disquieted all the United Provinces, but likewise induced not
a few Lutheran divines to gird on their armour. (87) Its author, although

Roel was excommunicated, deprived of his
office, or even declared a heretic. Some of
his opinions were condemned ; but not the
man. After serving as a chaplain to several

mind or spirit. The tenour and amount of
his argument is as follows : ' The essence
of mind is thought, and the essence of matter
is extension. — Now since there is no sort of

noblemen, he was made professor, first of conformity or connexion between a thought
philosophy and then of theology, at Franeker and extension, mind cannot act upon matter

•n • i j • *l . -i/?o*? T_i.l . l A! £ 1 *.. i :. _ J

in Friesland, in the year 1686. In the year
1704, he was removed to the professorship
• of theology at Utrecht; where he died in
office, A.D. 1718, aged 65. The states of
Friesland enjoined upon him in 1691, not to
teach or preach his peculiarities of sentiment ;
they also enjoined upon his oppusers, to keep
silence on the same subjects. Both obeyed :
so that in Friesland, there was no more con-
tention. But in the other Dutch provinces,
no such order was taken by the government :
and therefore several synods, finding Reel's
opinions to exist and to spread, passed orders
of condemnation upon them ; and decreed
that candidates should be required to re-
nounce them, in order to their receiving li-
cense. He was undoubtedly a great man.
Hence Mosheim calls him vir eximius. He
was also in the main, sound in the faith.
Yet on some points, he carried his specula-
tions farther than the spirit of the times would
permit. But like a good man, when he
found his speculations to produce alarm and
commotion, at the bidding of the magistrates,
he forbore to urge them and expended his
efforts on subjects less offensive. — Tr.]

(86) [" Our historian relates here, some-
what obscurely, the reasoning which Becker
founded upon the Cartesian definition of

unless these two substances be united, as
soul and body are in man : — therefore no
separate spirits, either good or evil, can act
upon mankind. Such acting is miraculous,
and miracles can be performed by God alone.
It follows of consequence, that the Scripture
accounts of the actions and operations of
good and evil spirits must be understood in
an allegorical sense.' — This is Becker's ar-
gument ; and it does, in truth, little honour
to his acuteness and sagacity. By proving
too much, it proves nothing at all ; for if the
want of a connexion or conformity between
thought and extension renders mind incapa-
ble of acting upon matter, it is hard to see
how their union should remove this incapaci-
ty, since the want of conformity and connex-
ion remains notwithstanding this union.
Besides, according to this reasoning, the
Supreme Being cannot act upon material
beings. In vain does Becker maintain the
affirmative, by having recourse to a miracle,
for this would imply, that the whole course
of nature was a series of miracles, that is to
say, that there are no miracles at all." —
Macl.}

(87) See Michael LilienthaVs Selecta
Histor. Litterar., pt. i., observ. ii., p. 17,
&c. Miscellanea Lipsiens., torn, i., p. 361,

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH.

433

confuted by vast numbers, and deprived of his ministerial office, yet on his
dying bed in 1718, continued to affirm until his last breath, that he believed
all he had written to be true. Nor did his new doctrine die with him ;
but it still has very many defenders, both open and concealed.

§ 36. It is well known that vai'ious sects, some of them Christian, others
semi-Christian, and others manifestly delirious, not unfrequently start up
and are cherished in Holland as well as England. But it is not easy for
any one who does not reside in those countries, to give a correct account
of them ; because the books which contain the necessary information, sel-
dom find their way into foreign countries. Yet the Dutch sects of Ver-
schorists and Hattemists, having now for some time been better known
among us, I shall here give some account of them. The former derived
their name from James Verschoor of Flushing ; who is said to have so

364, where there is a description of a medal
struck in reference to Becker ; and the oth-
er writers, whom we have often quoted.
Koureau Diction. Hist, et Grit , tome i., p.
193. [Balthazar Becker, D.D., was bom
near Groningen in 1634 ; educated there
and at Franeker ; made rector of the Latin
school in the latter place, a preacher, a doc-
tor of divinity ; and lastly, a pastor at Am-
sterdam, where he died in 1718. This learn-
ed man, published three Catechisms ; in the
last of which, 1670, he taught that Adam, if
he had not sinned, would have been immor-
tal, by virtue of the fruits of the tree of life ;
questioned, whether endless punishment,
(which he placed in horror and despair), was
consistent with the goodness of God ; and
admitted Episcopacy to be the most ancient
and customary form of church government.
These sentiments exposed him to some an-
imadversion. In 1680, he published a book,
in proof that comets are not ominous. In
his sermons, he had often intimated that too
much was ascribed to the agency of the dev-
il : and being frequently questioned on the
subject, he concluded to give the world his
full views on the whole subject. This he
did in his Dutch work, entitled : Betoverde
Wcreld, &c., i. e , The World Bewitched,
or a. critical investigation of the commonly
received opinion respecting spirits, their na-
ture, power, and acts, and all those extraor-
dinary feats, which men are said to perform,
through their aid ; in 4 Books, Amsterd.,
1691, 4to. In the preface, he says : " It is
come to that, at the present day, that it is
almost regarded as a part of religion, to as-
cribe great wonders to the devil ; and those
are tared with infidelity and perverseness,
who hesitate to believe", what thousands re-
late, concerning his power. It is now
thought essential to piety, not only to fear
God, but also to fear the devil. Whoever
does not do so, is accounted an atheist ; be-
cause he cannot persuade himself, that there
are two Gods, the one good, and the other

VOL. III.— I 1 1

evil.." He also gives a challenge to the
devil : " If he is a God, let him defend him-
self: let him lay hold of me ; for I throw
down his altars. In the name of the God of
hosts, I fight with this Goliath : we will see,
who can deliver him." In the first Book,
he states the opinions of the pagans, con-
cerning gods, spirits, and demons ; and
shows, that both Jews and Christians have
derived their prejudices on this subject,
from them. In the second, he shows, what
reason and scripture teach concerning spir-
its: and in the third, confutes the believers
in witchcraft and confederacies with the
devil. In the fourth Book he answers the
arguments alleged from experience, to prove
the great power of the devil. He founds his
doctrine on two grand principles ; that from
their very nature, spirits cannot act upon
material beings ; and that the scriptures rep-
resent the devil and his satellites, as shut up
in the prison of hell. To explain away the
texts which militate against his system, evi-
dently cost him much labour and perplexity.
His interpretations, for the most part, are
similar to those still relied on, by the believ-
ers in his doctrine. — Becker was not the first
writer, who published such opinions. Before
him were, Arnold Geulinx of Leyden, who
died in 1669 ; and Bullion, a French Reform-
ed preacher, who fled to London, and there
published his views in 1687. But these ad-
vanced their opinions problematically ; while
Becker advanced his, in a positive tone. He
also discussed the whole subject ; and he
mingled wit and sarcasm, with his argu-
ments. This difference caused his book to
awaken very great attention ; while theirs
passed unheeded. Becker was deposed and
silenced, by the synods of Edam and Alk-
maar, in 1692. But the senate of Amster-
dam continued to him his salary, till his death
in 1718. See Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit
der Reformation, vol. viii., p. 713, &c. —
Tr.1

434 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. II.

strangely mixed together the principles of Spinoza and Cocceius, as out of
them to have produced about the year 1680, a new system of religion, which
was quite absurd and impious. His followers are also called Hebrews ; be-
cause they all, both men and women, bestow great attention on the Hebrew
language. The latter sect arose about the same time, and had for their lead,
er Pontianus van Hattem, a minister of the Gospel at Philipsland in Zealand,
who was an admirer of Spinoza, and was afterwards deprived of his office on
account of his errors. These two sects were kindred to each other : and yet
they must have differed in some way ; since Van Hattem could never per-
suade the Verschorists to enter into alliance with him. Neither of them
wished to be looked upon as abandoning the Reformed religion ; and Hattem
wrote an exposition of the Heidelberg Calechism. If I understand correctly
the not very lucid accounts given us of their doctrines, the founders of both
sects in the first place, inferred from the Reformed doctrine of the abso-
lute decrees of God, this principle, that whatever takes place, necessarily
and unavoidably takes place. Assuming this as true, they denied that
men are by nature wicked or corrupt ; and that human actions are some
of them good, and others bad. Hence they concluded, that men need not
trouble themselves about a change of heart, nor be solicitous to obey the
divine law ; that religion does not consist in acting, but in suffering ; and
that Jesus Christ inculcated this only, that we patiently and cheerfully
endure whatever by the good pleasure of God occurs, or befalls us, striving
only to keep our minds tranquil. Hattem in particular, taught that Jesus
Christ did not by his death appease divine justice, nor expiate the sins of
men ; but that he signified to- us, there was nothing in us that could offend
God, and in this way he made us just. . These things appear to be per-
verse, and inimical to all virtue : and yet neither of these men — unless I
am wholly deceived — was so beside himself, as to«recommend iniquity, or
to suppose that a person may safely follow his lasts. At least, the senti-
ment ascribed to them, that God punishes men BY their sins, not FOR them,
seems to carry this import, that unless a person bridles his lusts, he must
suffer punishment both in this life and in that to come ; yet not by a divine
infliction, or by the sovereign \vill and pleasure of God, but by some law
of nature. (88) Both sects still exist; but they have discarded the names
derived from their founders.

§ 37. The churches of Switzerland from the year 1669, were in great
fear lest the religion handed down to them by their fathers and confirmed
at the synod of Dort, should be contaminated with the doctrines already
mentioned of the French divines, Amyraut, De la Place, and CapelL For
there were at that time, among the associated ministers of Geneva, certain
men distinguished both for their eloquence and their erudition, who not
only approved those doctrines, but endeavoured against the will of their
colleagues to induce others to embrace them. (89) To restrain the efforts
of these men, the principal divines of Switzerland in the year 1675, had a
book drawn up by John Henry Heidegger, a very celebrated divine of Zu-
rich, in opposition to the new doctrines of the Frenchmen ; and with no
great difficulty, they persuaded the magistrates to annex it by public au-

(88) See Theodore Hasans, Dissert, in 4to. Bibliotheque Belgique, tomeii.,p. 203,

the Museum Bremena. Theol. Philol., vol. &c.

ii., p. 144, &c. Wilhelm Goeree, Kerke- (89) See Greg. Lett's Istoria Genevrina,

lykeandwereldlycke Historic, Leyden, 1729, part iv., lib. v., p. 448, 488, 497, &c.

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 435

thority, to the common Helvetic formulas of religion. It is usually call-
ed the Formula Consensus. But this measure which was intended to se-
cure peace, became rather the fruitful source of contentions and disturb,
ance. For many declared, that they could not conscientiously assent to
this Formula: and hence pernicious commotions arose in several places.
In consequence of these, the canton of Basle and the republic of Geneva,
at the urgent solicitation of Frederic William of Brandenburg, in the year
1686, abrogated the Formula Consensus. (90) In the other cantons, it
with difficulty retained its authority for some time ; but in our age, having
given birth to the most violent quarrels, particularly in the university of
Lausanne, it began to sink also in these cantons, and to lose nearly all
its influence. (91)

CHAPTER III.

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS.

§ L The Name of Arminians. — § 2. Their Origin. — § 3. Their Progress. — <} 4. The Five
Points. — <j 5, 6. Maurice resolves on their Destruction. — $ 7. Opinion of the Synod
of Dort.— 1) 8. Condition after the Synod of Dort. — § 9. Recalled from Exile. — § 10.
Early and later Theology of the Arminians. — § 11. Its Aim, and principal Heads. —
$ 12. Their Confession of Faith. — § 13. Present State of the Arminians.

§ 1. FROM the bosom of the Reformed church, to its great injury, there
originated in the present century two sects, the Arminians and the Qua-

(90) [" It must not be imagined, from this
expression of our historian, that this Form,
entitled the Consensus, was abrogated at
Basil by a positive edict. The case stood
thus : Mr. Peter Werenfels, who was at the
head of the Consistory of that city, paid such
regard to the letter of the Elector, as to avoid
requiring a subscription to this Form from
the candidates for the ministry, and his con-
duct, in this respect, was imitated by his
successors. The remonstrances of the Elec-
tor do not seem to have had the same effect
upon those that governed the church of Gen-
eva ; for the Consensus, or Form of Agree-
ment, maintained its credit and authority
there until the year 1706, when, without be-
ing abrogated by any positive act, it fell into
disuse. In several other parts of Switzer-
land, it was still imposed as a rule of faith,
as appears by the letters addressed by George
I. king of England, as also by the king of
Prussia, in the year 1723, to the Swiss Can-
tons, in order to procure the abrogation of
this Form, or Consensus, which was consid-
ered as an obstacle to the union of the Re-
formed and Lutheran churches. See the
Memoires pour servir a 1'Histoire des troubles
arrivees en Suisse i 1'occasion du Consen-

sus ; published in 8vo, at Amsterdam, in the
year 1726."— Mad.]

(91) See Christ. Matth. Pfa/'s Schedi-
asma de formula consensus Helvetica : Tu-
bing., 1723, 4to. Memoires pour servir &
1'Histoire des troubles arrivees en Suisse £
1'occasion du Consensus ; Amsterd., 1726,
8vo. [In this Formula Consensus, (which,
like the Lutheran Formula Concordia, might
better be called Formula Dissensus), four
controversies, which had previously disquiet-
ed the Reformed churches, were decided.
It condemned, I. the doctrine of Moses Amy-
raut, respecting general grace ; and estab-
lished the most strenuous opinion of special
grace. It condemned, II. the opinion of
Joshua Placaus (De la Place) respecting
the imputation of Adam's sin : — III. Pisca-
tor's doctrine, concerning the active obedi-
ence of Christ: and IV". Lewis CapeWs
critical doctrine, concerning the points of
the Hebrew text. This Formula, so long
as subscription to it was rigorously enforced,
deprived the Swiss churches of many a wor-
thy divine, who would rather quit his coun-
try, than violate his conscience. Sulzer of
Berlin, was a remarkable example. — Schl.]

436 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

leers ; the former owing its birth to an excessive regard for human reason,
and the latter to a neglect of it. The Arminians derived their name and
their rise from James Harmensen, or as he chose to be called in Latin,
James Arminius ; first a minister of the Gospel at Amsterdam, and then
professor of theology at Leyden ; a man whom even his enemies commend
for his ingenuity, acuteness, and piety.(l) They are also called Remon-
strants, from the petition they presented to the states of Holland and West
Friesland in 1610, which was entitled a Remonstrance. And as the friends
of Calvinism presented another petition in opposition to this, under the title
of Counter Remonstrance, they obtained the name of Contra-Remonstrants.
§ 2. Arminius, though trained from infancy in the Genevan doctrines,
and actually educated in the academy of Geneva, when he arrived at man-
hood, abandoned the common doctrine, of the majority in the Reformed
church respecting predestination and the divine decrees, and went over to
the side of those who believe that the love of God and the merits of our
Saviour respect the whole human race. (2) Time and reflection confirmed
him in his sentiments ; and when called to the office of a professor at Ley.
den, he thought duty and candour required him publicly to teach his senti-
ments, and to oppose the opinions of Calvin, which were embraced by most
of the Dutch divines. And this he was the more bold to do, because he
knew that many persons besides himself, and some of them men of the
highest respectability, were averse from the Genevan opinions on this
subject ; neither were the teachers required, either by the Belgic Confes-
sion or by any other public law, to think and teach just as Calvin did.
Arminius inculcated what he deemed true, not without effect ; for he per-
suaded great numbers to adopt his sentiments. But at the same time, he
drew on himself immense odium from the Calvinistic school, which then
flourished greatly in Holland. In particular, Frances Gomar his colleague,

(1) The fullest account given of him, is rum; Keil, 1813, 8vo. — Tr. Among their

by Caspar Brandt, in his Historia vita Jac. Confessions, may be reckoned, I. Their Re-

Arminii, Leyden, 1724, 8vo, and republish- monstrance, in 1610; which was presented

ed, with a preface and some notes, by me ; to the States in -vindication of Arminius and

Brunswick, 1725, 8vo. Add the Nouveau other divines accused of error; and was first

Dictionnaire Hist, et Crit., tome i., p. 471, printed in 1617. — II. Their proper Confcs-

&c., [and, The Creed of Arminius. with a sion, of 1621, which Saml. Episcopius set

brief sketch of his life and times, by M. Stu- forth. — III. Their Apology, in 1629, in re-

art ; in the Biblical Repertory, Andover, ply to the confutation of their Confession by

1831, vol. i.,No. ii.,p. 226-308.— Tr.] The the Leyden divines ; set forth also by Epis-

entire works of Arminius have been re- copius. — IV. Their Catechism of 1640, by

peatedly published, in a moderate sized 4to Jo. Uytenbogtzrd. V. Lastly, their Acta et

volume. I use the edition of Frankfort, Scripta Synodalia Dordracena, Harderwyck,

1634, 4to. Those who wish to discover (or rather, printed on board a ship), 1620,

and estimate correctly the genius of the man, 4to. These are very different from the Acta

should read especially the Disputationes, Synodi Dordr. published at Dort in folio. —

both the public and the private. His manner SchL]

of teaching partakes somewhat of the dark (2) The occasion of this change is treated

scholasticism of his age ; and yet it approx- of, by Peter Berlins, Oratio in finius Armi-

imates to that simplicity and perspicuity, nii ; by Casper Brandt, Vita Arminii, p. '22,

which his followers have regarded and still and by nearly all the historians of these

regard as among the primary excellences of events. The change took place in 1591 ;

a theologian. The historians of the sect and as appears from the famous letter of Armt-

its Confessions, are treated of, by Jo. Christ, nius to Grynatus, written in this year, (and

Kocher, Biblioth. Theol. Symbolicae, p. 481, extant in the Biblioth. Bremensis Theol.

&c. [See also G. S. Francke's Diss. The- Philologica, torn, iii., p. 384), for he there

ologica de Historia dogmatum Arminiano- states his doubts.

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 437

was very hostile to him. Such was the commencement of the long and
most unpleasant controversy. But Arminius died in 1609, just as it began
to rage and pervade the whole United Provinces. (3)

§ 3. After the death of Arminius, the controversy was carried on for
several years, without any decisive advantage gained by either party.
The wishes of the Arminians, who sought only to have their opinions tol-
erated in the state or republic, were not a little favoured by the first men in
the commonwealth, such as John van Oldenbarnevelt, Hugo Grotius, Rom.
bout Hoogerbeets, and others. For these supposed, that in their free coun-
try, every one might believe what he chose on subjects not determined by
the Belgic Confession ; and they used every means to bring the Calvinists
to bear with moderation, the dissent of the opposite party. And even
prince Maurice of Orange, the head of the commonwealth, and who after-
wards became the capital enemy of the Arminians, together with his moth-
er and the court, was at first not averse from these views. Hence the
conference between the parties at the Hague in 1611 ; hence also the dis-
cussion at Delft in 1613 ; and likewise the edict of the States of Holland
in 1614, in favour of peace ; and all the other efforts to reconcile the breth-
ren whom religion had separated from each other.(4) But the suspicion of
the Calvinists that the Arminians aimed at the overthrow of all religion,
was so far from being allayed by these measures, that it daily became
more confirmed ; and they spiritedly censured the zeal of the magistrates,
for interposing their authority in behalf of public peace. (5) And whoever
regards truth more than every other consideration, must acknowledge, that
the Arminians were not sufficiently cautious, in regard to their intercourse
and familiarity with persons disposed to advance opinions very wide from
the Reformed religion ; and in this way, they gave great occasion to their
adversaries to suspect them of every thing bad and pernicious to the pub-
lic religion.

§ 4. The whole controversy however, which after the council at Dort

(3) No one has more copiously treated the have been published against the Remon-

whole history of the controversy, and the strants.

public schism that arose from it, than Ger- (4) The authors who treat particularly of
hard Brandt, in his excellent work, The these events, are mentioned by the writers
History of the Reformation in Belgium, writ- of the general history: and we therefore
ten in Dutch, volumes ii. and iii. ; of which omit to name them. Yet Michael le Vassor,
there are extant concise epitomes, both in who in the 1st and 2d volumes of his Histoire
English and in French. To this may be de Louis XIII. has particularly treated of
added Jo. Uytenbogard's Ecclesiastical His- these troubles, deserves especially to be
tory [of the1 United provinces, 1647, fol.] read. [But still more. Van Wagenaer, His-
also written in Dutch ; Phil. Limborch's tory of the United Netherlands, vol. iv., p.
Historia vita; Episcopii ; and the Epistolae 311, &c., of the German translation. — Sckl.]
clarorurn virorum, {commonly called, Epis- (5) The conduct of the magistrates, who
tolos Arminianorum), published by Limborch. sought to quiet the commotions by their in-
Such as wish for a shorter narrative, may terposition, and who employed not only per-
consuk PM. Limborch's Relatio Histori- suasion but likewise commands, was elo-
ca de origine et progressu controversiarum quently and learnedly defended by Hugo
in feederalo. Bclgio de praedestinatione et Grotius, in two treatises. The one, which
capitibus annexis ; which is subjoined to is in every body's hands and has been often
the later editions of his Theologia Christia- printed, is a general treatise, entitled : De
na. But all these were Arminians. Such jure summarmn potestatum circa sacra : the
as think proper to hear also the contrary other descends to particulars, and is entitled :
party, may consult Jac. Trigland's Ecclesi- Ordinum Hollandiae et Westfrisise pietas a
astical History, written in Dutch ; and some multorum calumniis vindicata, Lugd. Bat.,
likewise of the numerous writings which 1613, 4to.

438 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

assumed a very different form, and was enlarged by many additions, wa»
at this time confined to the doctrines of grace and predestination ; and
was comprehended by the Remonstrants, in the five propositions which are
so well known under the name of the Five Points. For the Arminians
taught : — I. That before the foundation of the world or from eternity, God
decreed to bestow eternal salvation, on those who, he foresaw, would main-
tain thejr faith in Christ Jesus inviolate until death ; and on the other hand,
to consign over to eternal punishment the unbelieving, who resist the in-
vitations of God to the end of their lives. — II. That Jesus Christ, by his
death, made expiation for the sins of all and every one of mankind : yet
that none but believers, can become partakers of this divine benefit. — III.
That no one can of himself, or by the powers of his free will, produce or
generate faith in his own mind ; but that man, being by nature evil and in-
competent (ineptus) both to think and to do good, it is necessary he should
be born again and renewed by God for Christ's sake, through the Holy
Spirit. — IV. That this divine grace or energy, which heals the soul of
man, commences, advances and perfects all that can be called truly good
in man : and therefore, all the good works [of men] are ascribable to no
one except to God only, and to his grace : yet that this grace compels no
man, against his will ; though it may be repelled, by his perverse will. — V.
That those, who are united to Christ by faith, are furnished with sufficient
strength to overcome the snares of the devil, and the allurements of sin :
but whether they can fall from this state of grace and lose their faith, or
not, does not yet sufficiently appear, and must be ascertained by a careful
examination of the holy scriptures. The last of these propositions, the
Arminians afterwards so modified, as to assert explicitly, that it is possible
a man should lose his faith and fall from a state of grace. (6) At that
time therefore, if we may judge of men's meaning T)y their statements and
declarations, the Arminians very much resembled the Lutherans. The
Calvanists however maintain, that the opinions of the Arminians are not to
be learned from their declarations, but that their language must be inter,
preted by their secret sentiments ; for they assert, that the Arminians under
these specious representations, instilled the poison of Socinianism and
Pelagianism into honest and unsuspicious minds. God is the judge of
men's hearts: yet if it were allowable to estimate the import of these
propositions, by what the leading men of the sect have taught more recently,
it would be very difficult wholly to disprove that judgment of the Calvinists.
For whatever the Arminians may say, the doctrines taught since the synod
of Dort by their principal doctors, respecting grace and the points connected
with it, approach much nearer to the sentiments of those called Pelagians,
and Semipelagians, than to those professed by the Lutherans.

§ 5. The Arminians, supported by the friendship of the magistrates, view,
ed their cause as safe, or at least as not desperate, when suddenly an un-
expected storm entirely prostrated it. There arose first concealed ill-will,
and afterwards hostility between the principal administrators of the new
Belgic republic. On the one part, were John van Oldenbarnevelt, a very

(6) The history of these Five Articles es- tides were exhibited by the Remonstrants,

pecially among the English, was written by in the conference at the Hague in the year

Peter Heylin, and translated from English 1611, or two years after the death of Armi-

into Dutch by Gerhard Brandt, and publish- nius. — Tr.]
ed at Roterdam in 1687, 8vo. [These Ar-

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 439

distinguished man, Hugo Grotius and Rombout Hoogerbeets; and on the
other, the stadtholder, Maurice prince of Orange. According to some
authors, Maurice wished to be created count of Holland ; — a design, which
his father William, had before entertained :(7) according to others, he only
wished to obtain more authority and power than appeared consistent with
the liberties of the state : at least, (as no one denies), he was regarded by
the leading men, as seeking supreme dominion with the subversion of lib-
erty. The head men of the republic, whom we have mentioned and who
were also patrons of the Arminians, resisted these designs. The Remon-
strants strenuously supported their defenders, without whom they could
not remain in safety ; and on the other hand, their adversaries accommo-
dated themselves to the views and wishes of the prince, and inflamed
his already irritated mind by various new suspicions. He therefore kind-
ling with indignation, resolved on the destruction of those who guided the
commonwealth with their counsels, and of the Arminians who were their
supporters, and at the same time, joined himself to the party of the Calvin-
ists. Those leading men in the republic, above mentioned, were therefore
thrown into prison. Oldenbarnevelt, a man of great respectability and
venerable both for his gray hairs and for his long and faithful public ser-
vices, was consigned to a capital punishment. Grotius and Hoogerbeets
were condemned to perpetual imprisonment ;(8) under I know not what

(7) That Maurice aimed at the dignity of have gone by, even by the patrons of Calvin-
count of Holland, is stated by Lewis Avbery, istic sentiments who are ingenuous. And
from the representations of his father Benja- they may grant this, without injury to their

min du Maurier, the French ambassador to
Holland ; in his Mem. pourserv. a 1'Hist. de
Hollands et des autres provinces unies, sect.

cause. For if their ancestors, (though I
wish neither to deny nor to affirm the fact),
while guarding and defending their religious

ii.,p. 216, ed. Paris, 1697, 8vo. According to opinions, either from the customs of the age

Aubery, Olilenbarnevelt disapproved and re-
sisted this design of the prince ; and Mau-
rice revenged this temerity, by the capital
punishment of this great patriot. The truth
of this statement is opposed at great length,

or from the ebullitions of passion, were not
so considerate and provident as they should
have been ; no candid and wise man will
thence infer, that these their sons are bad
men, or their cause an iniquitous one. Be-

by Mich, le Vassor, in his Histoire de Louis cause it is well known, that many bad things

XIII., tome ii., pt. ii., p. 123, &c. But
John le Clerc, in his Biblioth. Choisie, tome
ii., p. 134, &c., and in his Historia provin-
ciarum Belgii fcederati, takes great pains to
substantiate the truth of this statement of

are often done by men by no means bad, and
that a good cause is often defended in an
unjustifiable manner. For illustration and
confirmation of the facts here concisely sta-
ted, the'best authorities in addition to those

Aubery, or rather of Aubery's father ; and already mentioned, are John le Clerc,in his

he also shows, that Maurice's father had Historia provinciarum Belgii foederati, and

the same designs. It is not necessary we his Bibliotheque Choisie, tome ii., p. 134,

should decide this dispute. It is sufficient &c., and Hugo Grotius, in his Apologeti-

for our purpose, that Maurice was viewed by cum eorum, qui Hollandim, Westfrisisque et

Oldenbarnevclt and his friends, as wishing to
subvert the liberties of his country and to
obtain supreme power ; (which no one de-
nies) ; and that this was the cause of Old-

vicinis quibusdam nationibus ex legibus prse-
fuerunt ante mutationem quae evenit, A.D.
16 18,. Paris, 1640, 12mo, and often repub-
lished. The Life of John van Oldenbarne-

enbarnevclt's eagerness to weaken the influ- velt, written in Dutch, was printed at the
ence of Maurice, and to check the progress Hague, 1648, 4to. A history of the trial of
of his power; whence arose the indignation the three celebrated Dutchmen above named,

was elegantly compiled from authentic doc-
uments, by Gerhard Brandt, entitled : His-
toric van de Rechtspleginge gehouden in den
Jaaren, 1618 et 1619, omtrent de drie ge-

such as is here stated, will not be denied at vangene Heeren Johann vanOldenbarneveld,
the present day when the times of excitement Rombout Hoogerbeets, Hugo de Groot ; of

of Maurice, and the calamities of the Armin-
ians who adhered to Oldcnbarnevelt and Gro-
tius.

(8) That the general course of events was

440 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

pretence. (9) The cause of the Arminians could not be brought before a
civil tribunal, because their alleged offence was not against the laws but
the religion of the country. To procure their condemnation therefore, a
more sacred tribunal or a council, must be called ; agreeably to the prac-
tice of the Genevans, who think all spiritual matters and controversies
should "be decided in ecclesiastical councils. t

§ 6. Without delay, at the instance of Maurice,(W) delegates were as-
sembled at Dort a city in Holland, from the United Provinces and from
Hesse, England, the Palatinate, Bremen, and Switzerland ; who held in
the years 1618 and 1619, what is called the Synod of Dort. Before it-
appeared on citation in defence of-their cause, the leading men of the Ar.
minian sect ; at the head of whom and their chief orator, was Simon Epis-
cophis, a disciple of Arminius, and professor of theology at Leyden ; a
man distinguished, as his enemies admit, for acuteness, learning, and flu-
ency. But scarcely had Episcopius saluted the judges in a grave and elo-
quent address, when difficulties arose embarrassing the whole impending
discussion. The Arminians wished to commence the defence of their

which I have before me the third edition,
with notes, Rotterdam, 1723, 4to. This
whole subject receives also much light from
the History of the life and actions of Hugo
Grotius, very carefully compiled, chiefly from
unpublished papers, by Caspar Brandt and
Adrian Cattenburg. This great and noble
work was published in two large volumes,
entitled : Historic van het Leven des Hee-
ren Huig de Groot beschreven tot den An-
fang van zyn Gesandschap wegens de Kon-
inginne en Kroone van Zweden aan't Hof
van Vranckryck, door Casp. Brandt, en
vervolgt tot zyn Doodt door Adrian van Cat-
tenburgh ; Dordrecht en Amsterd., 1727, 2
vols. fol. Those who wish to get a near
view and full knowledge of this great man,
must by all means consult this work. For
all the other accounts of his life that are ex-
tant, are insipid and unanimated, presenting
only a shadow of this great hero. Nor is the
most recent Life of Grotius in French, by
Burigny, (republished from the Paris edition,
in Holland, 1753, 2 vols. 8vo), much better :
at least, it does not satisfy one who is desi-
rous of a thorough knowledge of the transac-
tions. [" There appeared in Holland a warm
vindication of the memory of this great man,
in a work published at Delft, in 1727, and
entitled : Grotii Manes ab iniquis obtrecta-
tionibus vmdicati ; accedit scriptorum ejus,
turn ediiorum turn ineditorum, Conspectus
Triplex. See the following note." — Macl.]
(9) ["Dr. Moshcim, however impartial,
seems to have consulted more the authors
of one side than of the other ; probably be-
cause they are more numerous and more uni-
versally known. When he published this
history, the world was not favoured with the
Letters, Memoirs, and Negotiations of Sir
Dudley Carleton ; which lord Royston (now

earl of Hardwirk) drew forth some years
ago from his inestimable treasure of histori-
cal manuscripts, and presented to the public,
or rather at first to a select number of per-
sons, to whom he distributed a small number
of copies of these Negotiations, printed at
his own expense. They were soon trans-
lated both into Dutch and French ; and,
though it cannot be affirmed, that the spirit
of party is no where discoverable in them,
yet they contain anecdotes with respect both
to Oldenbamevcldt and Grotius, that the
Arminians and *the other patrons of these
two great men have been studious to con-
ceal. These anecdotes, though they may
not be at all sufficient to justify the severi-
ties exercised against these eminent men,
would, however, have prevented Dr. Mo-
shcim from saying, that he knew not under
what pretext they were arrested." — Macl.
Hashemi's Latin, is : criminum nescio quo-
rum nomine ; which ScMegel here under-
stands to mean, upon some unimportant
charges. — Tr.]

(10) [" Our author always forgets to men-
tion the order issued out by the Slates- Gen-
eral, for the convocation of this famous
synod ; and by hisjnanner of expressing him-
self, and particularly by the phrase, Mauritio
auclore, would seem to insinuate, that it was
by the prince that this assembly was called
together. — The legitimacy of the manner of
convoking this synod was questioned by
Oldcnbarncveldt, who maintained that the
States-General had no sort of authority in
matters of religion, not even the power of
assembling a synod; affirming that this was
an act of sovereignty, that belonged to each
province separately and respectively. See
Carleton's Letters, &c."— Mac;.]

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 441

cause, by attacking the sentiments of thejr adversaries the Calvinists : this
the judges disapproved, deciding that the accused must first explain and
prove their own doctrines, before they proceeded to confute those who
differed from them. Perhaps the Arminians hoped, that a full exposure of
the odious consequences they could attach to the Calvinistic doctrine,
would enkindle in the minds of the people present, a hatred of it ; while
the Calvinists feared, lest the mighty genius and fine eloquence of Episco-
pius, might injure their cause in the view of the multitude. (11) As the
Arminians could by no means be persuaded to comply with the wishes of
the synod, they were dismissed from the council ; and they complained,
that they had been treated unjustly. But the judges, after examining their
published writings, pronounced them, though absent and unheard, guilty of
corrupting theology and holding pestilential errors : and it was coincident
with this sentence, that they should be excluded from the . communion of
the church, and be deprived of authority to teach. That there was fault
on both sides in this matter, no candid and good man will deny : but which
party was most in the wrong, this is not the place to decide. (12)

§ 7. We cannot here discuss either the purity and virtues, or the ini-
quities and faults of the fathers at Dort. In extolling the former, the Cal-
vinists, and in exaggerating the latter, the Arminians, — if I do not mis-
judge,— are over-zealous and active. (13) That among the judges of the
Arminians, there were men who were not only learned but also honest
and religious, who acted in great sincerity, and who had no suspicion
that they were doing any thing wrong, is not to be doubted at all. On

(11) [Perhaps also, another reason why
both parties were so stiff on this point, was,
that the members of the synod were not
themselves of one mind, in regard to the
doctrine of predestination ; for some of them
were Supralapsarians, and others Infralapsa-
rians : and in general, the doctrine of repro-
bation presented so many difficult points,
that the members of the synod deemed it
advisable to prescribe to the Remonstrants
the mode of confutation and defence, and
thus to retain in their own hands the direc-
tion of the whole discussion ; while the Re-
monstrants hoped, perhaps, that the diversity
of opinion among the members of the synod
would prove advantageous to them, if they
could have liberty to expatiate widely on the
doctrine of reprobation, and divide somewhat
the votes of their judges. This is the no
improbable conjecture of Van Wagenaer, in
his Geschichte der vereinigten Niederlande,
vol. iv., p. 451. — Sckl.~\

(12) The writers on the council of Dort,
are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bib-
lioth. Grsca, vol. xi., p. 723. The most
copious of them all, is Gerhard Brandt, in
his History of the Reformation in the Neth-
erlands, vol. ii. and iii. But as he was him-
self an Arminian, with his narration should
be compared, the wort of James Let/decker,
in which the purity and integrity of the
synod of Dort are vindicated in answer to

VOL. III.— K K K

Brandt : Eere van de Nationale Synode van
Dordrecht voorgestaan en bevestigd tegen
de Beschuldmgen van G. Brandt, vol. i.,
Amsterd., 1705, vol. ii., 1707, 4to. After
formally comparing them, I did not find any
very enormous errors in Brandt : nor do
these two writers disagree so much about
the facts, as about the causes and import of
the facts. John Hules, an Englishman who
belonged to neither party, has related simply
what he saw ; and his Letters written from
the scene of this council, 1 myself published
some time ago, with notes, Hamburg, 1724,
8vo. [He was chaplain to the English am-
bassador at the Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton,
and was king James'1 secret envoy, sent to
watch the movements of the Synod. His
letters, addressed to Car/eton, were publish-
ed under the title of the Golden Remains of
the ever memorable John Hales of Eton
College, 1659, 4to. Dr. Mosheim transla-
ted them into Latin, prefixed a long preface
and added some notes. — TV.]

(13) All that the Arminians deemed faulty
in this council, they collected in a concise
and neatly written book, frequently printed :
Nulliteyten, Mishandelinghen, ende onbyl-
licke Proceduren des nationalen Synodi
ghehouden binnen Dordrecht anno 1618,
1619, in't korte ende rouwe afgheworpen,
1619, 4to.

442 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

the other hand, these facts were too clear and obvious to escape the sight
of any one : — I. That the destruction of the Arminian sect was determined
upon, before the council was called ;(14) and these fathers were called
together, not to inquire whether this sect might be tolerated or not, but to
promulge a sentence long before passed, with some becoming formality,
with the appearance of justice, and with the consent of the foreign theolo-
gians.-— II. That the enemies and accusers of the Arminians, were their
judges; and that the president of the council, John Bogermann,(l5) ex-
ceeded almost all others in hatred of this sect. — III. That neither the
Dutch nor the foreign divines had liberty to decide according to their own
pleasure, but were obliged to decide according to the instructions which
they brought with them from their princes and magistrates. (16) — IV.

(14) [Maclaine says : " This assertion is
of too weighty a nature to be advanced with-
out sufficient proof. Our author quotes no
authority for it." — Schlegel replies: The
proofs lie in the whole progress of the events.
And a man must be ignorant of the human
heart, and wholly unacquainted with the his-
tory of ecclesiastical councils, not to draw
the natural conclusion, from what preceded
the council, that the condemnation of the
Arminians was already determined on, be-
fore the council was convened at Dort.
The election of Bogermann, who possessed
the soul of an inquisitor, to the presidency
of the synod, would lead us to no other con-
clusion. The assessors of the president,
and the scribes of the council, were known
to be zealous Contra-Remonstrants. And
so early as the year 1617, in the month of
July, the Contra-Remonstrants declared at
the Hague, " that they regarded the Remon-
strants, and those who embraced the senti-
ments of the Remonstrants, to be false teach-
ers (pro falsis doctoribus) ; and that they only
waited for a national synod, of which there
then appeared to be a bright prospect, so
that in it there might be made a legitimate
secession from the Remonstrants, which
should be put into execution after an eccle-
siastical trial." See Phil, a Limborch's
Relatio historica de origine et progressu con-
troversiar. in federate Belgio, p. 18. Th6
provincial synods that were held before the
synod of Dort, so arranged every thing, as
to give the Contra-Remonstrants the upper
hand. In particular, they deposed Remon-
strant ministers, as e g., Uytenbogaart, Gre-
vinchovius, and others. And in electing
ministers to attend the national synod, the
Remonstrants were wholly passed by : and
only from the district of Utrecht, were two
Remonstrant delegates sent to Dort ; and
even these were excluded, as soon as the
cause of the Remonstrants came on. See
Limborch, loc. cit., and Wageruzr's History
of the United Netherlands, (in German), vol.
iv., p. 446, &c. Thus far, Schlegel.— Un-

doubtedly, nearly or quite every minister in
Holland had an opinion formed, with regard
to the correctness of the doctrines charged
upon the Remonstrants, and the propriety of
permitting their propagation. It could not
be otherwise, as these opinions had been
preached and published abundantly, for ten
years, and had been the great theme of dis-
cussion among theologians. In such cir-
cumstances, to he ignorant of the alleged
Arminian doctrines, or to have no opinion
concerning them, would have been altogeth-
er unbecoming in a clergyman. It was
therefore a thing of course, and no reproach
upon their characters, that the divines at
Dort should come together with opinions al-
ready made up, on the theological questions
they were to discuss. — TV.]

(15) [Bogermann was minister of Leeu-
warden, an avowed enemy of the Arminians,
who had already written against them, and
who was so full of the persecuting spirit of
Beza, that he had translated into Dutch,
Beza's book de Haereticis a magistratu pu-
niendis. And his whole behaviour at the
synod showed, that he was better qualified to
be the papal legate at a council of Trent,
than the moderator of a Protestant synod. —
Schl. Bogermann was doubtless too zeal-
ous, and in several instances, too severe and
passionate in his speeches. But his intoler-
ant spirit was the spirit of the age. Chris-
tian forbearance and tenderness towards the
erring, was then no where well understood,
and duly practised. — TV.]

(16) [" Here our author has fallen into a
palpable mistake. The Dutch divines had
no commission, but from their respective
consistories, or subordinate ecclesiastical as-
semblies ; nor are they ever the depositaries
of the orders of their magistrates, who have
lay deputies to represent them both in pro-
vincial and national synods. As to the Eng-
lish and other foreign doctors that appeared
in the synod of Dort, the case perhaps may
have been somewhat different." — Mad.}

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 443

That, in the council itself, the voice of the illustrious and very honourable
men who appeared as the legates of Maurice and the States-General, had
more influence, than that of the theologians who sat as the judges. — V. That
the promise, made to the Arminians when summoned before the council,
that they should have liberty to state, explain, and defend their opinions as
far as they were able and deemed it necessary, was violated by the coun-
cil.^?)

§ 8. The Arminians being adjudged enemies of their country and of
religion, were subjected to severe animadversion. First, they were all
deprived both of their sacred and their civil offices ; and then, their preachers
were ordered to refrain from preaching altogether. Such as would not
submit to this order, were ignominiously sent into exile, and subjected to
other punishments and indignities. Hence many retired to Antwerp, and
others to France : and a large body of them emigrated to Holstein, by
the invitation of Frederic duke of Holstein, and built the handsome town
of Frederickstadt in the duchy of Slesvvick. In that town the Arminians
still live in tranquillity, and enjoy the free exercise of their religion. The
leaders of this colony were men of distinction in Holland, especially Adrian
van der Wahl, the first governor of the town of Frederickstadt. (18)
Among the clergymen who accompanied this colony, the most distinguished
were, the famous Conrad Vorstius, who drew a great deal of odium upon
the Arminians by his sentiments, which were none too remote frflm those
of the Socinians ; Nicholas Grevinchovius, a man of acuteness, who had
been a preacher at Rotterdam ; Simon Goulart ; John Grevius ; Marcus
Walther ; John Narsius ; and others. (19)

§ 9. Maurice, under whose government the Arminians suffered so
greatly, died in 1625. By the clemency of his brother and successor,
Frederic Henry, the Armenian exiles were recalled, and restored to their
former reputation and tranquillity. Those therefore returned, who had
retired to France and to the Spanish Netherlands : and they established

(17) See Mich, le Vassor's Histoire du December 10th ; the decree of the synod of

regne de Louis XIII., tome iii., livr. xii., p. the 29th Dec., and the synod's explanation

365, 366, and my notes on J. Hale's Histo- of it, December 29th ; and also the commu-

ria concilii Dordraceni, p. 394-400. — [The nication of the Remonstrants to the synod,

words of the promise were: Liberum illis on the 2 1st of January ; -all which documents

fore, ut proponant, explicent, et defendant, are given by the Remonstrants themselves,

quantum possent et nrcessarium judicarent, in their A'cta et Scripta Syriodalia Dordra-

opinionts SUAS. This promise, the Ar- cena, pt. i., p. 4, &c., 140, &c., 159, &c. —

minians contended, gave them liberty to state Tr.]

so many of their own doctrines and in such (18) The history of this colony may be

an order, as they pleased ; and also to state learned from the noted Epistolae prestantium

their views of the sentiments or doctrines of et eruditorum virorum ecclesiastics et theo-

their opposers, and to refute them, as fully logics, published by Phil. Limborch and

and in such a manner, as they pleased. Christ. Harliuzcker; the latest ed. Amsterd.,

Whether this was a fair and reasonable con- 1704, fol. Compare Jo. Mailer's Introduc-

struction of the words of the promise, and tio in Histor. Chersonesus Cimbricse, pt. ii.,

such a construction as the synod were bound p. 108, &c., and Eric Ponloppidari's An-

to admit, the reader will judge. Yet it was nales ecclesiae Danicse diplomatic!, torn, iii.,

the refusal of this, and the requiring the Re- p. 714, &c.

monstrants to state and defend only their (19) Concerning Vorstius, Jo. Matter
awn sentiments, and to proceed in regard to treats very fully, in his Cimbria Litterata,
them methodically, that the Remonstrants torn, ii., p. 931, &c. He also treats ex-
complained of, as a .violation of the promises pressly, of the other persons here mentioned ;
made them. See the Remonstrants' views ibid,. torn, ii., p. 242, 247, 249, 255, 576.
of a proper council, presented to the synod

444 BOOK IV— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

congregations distinct from the Reformed, in various places, and particu-
larly at Rotterdam and Amsterdam. In order to have a seminary for their
own sect and religion, they founded a distinguished school at Amsterdam ;
in which two professors train up young men for the ministry, the one
teaching theology, and the other history, philosophy, and the learned Ian-
guages. Simon Episcopius was the first professor of Arminian theology ;
and since him, these offices have been filled, down to the present time, by
men highly famed for learning and genius, namely, Stephen Cu^cellcBus,
Arnold Poellenburg, Philip Liniborch, John le Clerc, Adrian van Catten-
burgh,(2Q) and John James Wetstein.

§ 10. The Remonstrants as we have seen, differed at first from the Re-
formed, in nothing except the five pfopositions concerning grace and pre-
destination ; and it was on this ground that they were condemned at the
synod of Dort. They moreover so explained those five propositions, that
they seemed to teach precisely what the Lutherans do. But from the time
of the synod of Dort, and still more after the exiles were allowed to return
to their country, they professed an entirely new species of religion, different
from the views of all other sects of Christians. For most of them not

(20) Of these and the other Arminian
writers, Adrian van Cattenburg treats ex-
pressly, in his Bibliolheca Scriptorum Re-
monstrantium ; Amsterd., 1728, 4to. [Epis-

collection of the Epistles of Remonstrants,
are important works f as likewise his very
temperately written Relatio historica de
origine et progressu controversial in fop.de-

copius was born at Amsterdam,, a pupil of rato Belgio de praedestinatione et capitib.

Arminius, and after the deposition of Vors-
tiv.3, his successor at Leyden ; an eloquent

annexis.— ~Lc Clerc was born and educated
at Geneva, and professor of Hebrew, phi-

and acute man, who being full of theological losophy and the fine arts, and afterwards of
skepticism, began to question many of the
received opinions, e. g., the doctrine of ori-
ginal sin. He died in 1643, as professor in,
the Arminian Gymnasium at Amsterdam.
His life written by Limborch, and his wri-
tings, were published by CurcellcRus and
Poelenburg, Amsterd., 1650, 1665, 2 vols.
fol.—^Curcell&us (Courcelles) was born at
Geneva, of French parentage, and early
showed a propensity towards Arminianism,
which he defended against the decrees of
Dort. He died in 1659, an Arminian pro-
fessor at Amsterdam. His theological works
were published collectively by Limborch,
Amsterd.. 1675, Ibl. His fine edition of
the Greek New Testament with various
readings, is well known. — Pollcnburg was
born at Horn in the Netherlands, where he
became a preacher. Thence he was re-
moved to Amsterdam, as a preacher ; was
made successor to Curcella'.us in his pro-
fessorship there, and died in 1666. — Lim-
barch was brother's grandson to Simon Epis-
copius, first a preacher at Gouda and then
at Amsterdam, and lastly professor there ;
where he also died in 1712. He was a mod-
est theologian, who united great learning
with extraordinary clearness of style in his

church history, in the Arminian Gymnasium
at Amsterdam; and died in 1736, aged 79.
His Epistolae«Theologicae, under the name
of Liberius de S. Amore ; Sentimens de
quelques theologiens d'Hollande sur 1'His-
toire critique du V. T. par R. Simon : his
Journals, (periodical works, containing anal-
yses and Reviews of books, with orignal es-
says interspersed), namely, Bibliotheque uni-
verselle et Historique, (1686-1693, in 26
dense volumes, 12mo); Bibliotheque Choi-
sie, (1703-1713, in 28 vols. 12mo) ; Biblio-
theque ancienne et moderne, 1714-1727, in
29 vols. 12mo); his Commentaries on the
Old Testament; Ars Critica ; Harmony of
the Gospels ; Histoire des provinces unies
de Pays bas, (from 1560 to 1728, in 3 vols.
fol. ; his Historia litteraria chiorum primorum
a Christo sseculorum, 1716, 4to), and his
editions of classical and other authors, have
procured him agreat name arrtongthe learned.
— Cattf.nhurgh was professor of theology in
the Arminian Gymnasium at Amsterdam,
till the year 1730. He wrote Bibliotheca
scriptorum Remonstrantium ; Spicilegium
Theologiae Christiana; Limborchianae ; and
some works explanatory of the Bible. —
Wetstein succeeded Le Clerc, after beino

writings. This is manifest by his Theologia deposed at Basle, and died in 1754, (a<ied

Christiana. Also his Arnica collatio cum 61). His critical edition of the New Tes-

erudito Judaeo de veritate religionis Chris- lament, (1751-2, in 2 vols. fol.), is well

tianae, his Historia Inquisitionis, and his known. — Schl.]

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 445

only gave such an explanation of these propositions, as seemed to differ
very little from the views of those who deny that a man needs any divine
aid whatever, in order to his conversion and living a holy life ; but they
also lowered down very much most of the doctrines of Christianity, by
subjecting them to the modifications of reason and human ingenuity.
James Arminius, the parent of the sect, undoubtedly invented this form of
theology, and taught it to his followers ;(21) but it was Simon Episcopius,
the first master in the Arminian school after its founder, and a very inge-
nious man, who digested and polished it and reduced it to a regular sys-
tem. (22)

§ 11. The whole system of the Remonstrants is directed to this one sim-
ple object, to unite the hearts of Christians who are divided by a variety of
sentiments and opinions, and to gather them into one fraternity or family,
notwithstanding they may differ in many points of doctrine and worship.
To accomplish this object, they maintain, that Christ does not require of his

(21) It is a common opinion, that the
early Arminians who flourished before the
synod of Dort, were much purer and more
sound, than the later ones who lived and
taught after that council ; and that Arminius
himself only rejected Calmn's doctrine of
absolute decrees and its necessary conse-
quences, while in every thing else he agreed
with the Reformed ; but that his disciples,
and especially Episcopius, boldly passed the
limits which their master had wisely estab-
lished, and went over to the camp of the
Pelagians and Socinians. But it appears to
me very clear, that Arminius himself re-
volved in his own mind, and taught to his
disciples, that form of religion which his
followers afterwards professed ; and that the
latter, especially Episcopius, only perfected
what their master taught them, and casting
off fear, explained it more clearly. I have
as a witness, besides others of less authority,
Arminius himself ; who, in his Will drawn
up a little before his death, explicitly declares
that his aim was to bring all sects of Chris-
tians, with the exception of the papists, into
one community and brotherhood. We will
cite his words, from Peter Berlins1 Funeral
Oration on Arminius, p. 15. Ea proposui

atqne docui quae ad propagationem,

amplificationemque veritatis, religionis Chris-
tianse, veri Dei cultus, communis pietatis,
et sanctse inter homines conversationis, de-
nigue ad convenient em, Christiana nomini
tranquillitatem et pacem juxta verbum Dei
possent conferre, excludens ex Us Papatum,
cum quo nulla unitas fidei, nullum pieta-
tis aut Christians pacis vinculum servari
potest. Now what, I ask, is this, but that
very Arminianism of more recent times,
which extends so wide the boundaries of
the Christian church, that all sects may
live harmoniously within them, whatever
opinions they may hold, except only the pro-

fessors of the Romish religion 1 — [The opin-
ion, that Arminius himself was very nearly
orthodox, and nut an Arminian in the com-
mon acceptation of the term, has been re-
cently advocated by professor Stuart of An-
dover, in an article expressly On the Creed
of Arminius; in the Biblical Repository,
No. II., Andover, 1831. See p. 293 and
301. To such a conclusion the learned
professor is led, principally, by an artful and
imposing statement, made by Arminivs to
the magistrates of Holland in the year 1608,
one year before his death, on which Mr.
Stuart puts the most favourable construction
the words will bear. But from a careful
comparison of this declaration of Arminius,
with the original Five Articles of the Armi-
nian Creed, (which were drawn up almost
in the very words of Arminius, so early as
the year 1610, and exhibited by the Remon-
strants in the conference at the Hague in
1611; and were afterwards, together with
a full explanation and vindication of each ar-
ticle, laid before the synod of Dort in 1619,
changing however the dubitation of ihe fifth
article into a positive denial of the saint's
perseverance) ; it will, I think, appear man-
ifest, that Arminius himself actually differed
from the orthodox of that day, on ail the five
points; and that he agreed substantially
with the Remonstrants, on all those doc-
trines, for which they were condemned in
the synod of Dort. And that such was the
fact, appears to have been assumed without
hesitation, by the principal writers of that
and the following age, both Remonstrants
and Contra-Remonstrants. — Tr.]

(22) A life of this celebrated man, which
is well worth reading, was composed by
Philip Limborch, and first published in
Dutch, and then more full and complete, in
Latin, Amsterd., 1701, 8vo.

446 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. III.

followers to believe much, but to do much, or to cultivate love and virtue : and
of course they give a very broad definition of a true Christian. For accord-
ing to them, every person belongs to the kingdom of Christ, who — I. receives
the holy Scriptures and particularly the New Testament, as the rule of
his religion, whatever may be the interpretation he gives to those books :
— II. is opposed to the worship of many gods, and to whatever is connected
with such an abomination : — III. leads an upright life, conformable to the di-
vine law : a'nd IV. never troubles or disturbs those who differ from him on
religious subjects, or who interpret the books of the New Testament in a
different manner from what he does. By these principles a wide door is
opened to all who honour Christ, though differing widely in sentiments, to
enter into the Arminian communion. Yet the papists are excluded from
it, because they think it right to persecute, and to put to death such as op-
pose the Romish prelate. (23) And indeed, if other Christians would abide
by these precepts, the great diversities of opinion among them would clearly
be no obstacle to their mutual love and concord.

§ 12. It hence appears, that the Arminian community was composed of
persons of various descriptions ; and that it had properly no fixed and
stable form of religion, or to use a common phrase, no system of religion.
They would not indeed wish to be thought destitute of a bond of union ;
and therefore they show us a sort of Confession of faith, drawn up with
sufficient neatness by Simon Episcopius, for the most part in the very words
of the sacred writers, and which they represent as their formula and rule
of faith. (24) But as none of their teachers are so tied to this formula by
oath or promise, as not to be at liberty to depart from it ; and on the con-
trary, as every one, from the constitution of the sect, is allowed to construe
it according to his own pleasure, — and it is capable of different expositions,
— it must be manifest that we cannot determine at all, from this Confession,
what they approve and what they reject. And hence their public teachers
advance very different sentiments, respecting the most weighty doctrines
of the Christian religion.(25) Nor do they all follow one determinate and
uniform course in almost any thing, except in regard to the doctrines of

(23) In place of all others, Simon Epis- liotheque Ancienne et moderne, tome xxv.,

copivs may here be consulted, in his tract, p. 119. Us se trompent : Ils(les Arminiens)

entitled : Verus ^Theologus Rcmonstrans, offrent la communion a tons ceaux, qui re-

sive verse Remonstrantium Theologiae de er- 9oivent 1'Ecriture Sainte cornme la seule

rantibus dilucida declaratio ; which is ex- regie de la foi et des moeurs, et qui ne sont

tant in his Opera, torn, i., p. 508, &c., and ni Idolatres, ni persecuteurs.
like the rest of his productions, is neatly (24) This Confession is extant in Latin,

and perspicuously written. John le Clcrc Dutch, and German. The Latin may be

sums up the doctrines of his sect, in the seen in the Works of Episcopius, torn. ii.,pt.

Dedication of his Latin translation of Ham- ii., p. 69; where also, p. 97, may be seen an

mond's New Testament, which is addressed Apology for this Confession, by the same

to the learned among the Remonstrants, in Episcopius, written against the Divines of

this manner, p. 3. Profiteri soletis the university of Leyden. '

eos duntaxat a vobis excludi, qui (I ) idolo- (25) This any one may see with his own

latria sunt contaminati, (II.) qui minime ha- eyes, by only comparing together the wri-

bent Scripturatn pro fidei norma, (III.) qui tings of Episcopius, Curcellaus, Limlorch,

impuris moribus sancta Christi praecepta Le Clerc, and Cattenburgh. [Those Ar-

conculcant, (IV.) aut qui denique alios re- minians who agree with the Reformed in all

ligionis caussa vexant. — Many tell us, that doctrinal points, except the Five Articles

the Arminians regard as brethren, all who contained in their remonstrance, are for dis-

mcrely assent to what is called the Apostles'1 tinction's sake, called Quinquarliculans. —

Creed. But a very competent witness, John Sc/il.]
le Clerc, shows that this is a mistake : Bib-

HISTORY OF THE ARMINIANS OR REMONSTRANTS. 447

predestination and grace. For they all continue to assert most carefully,
though in a very different manner from their fathers, the doctrine which
excluded their ancestors from the pale of the Reformed church ; namely,
that the love of God embraces the whole human race, and that no one per-
ishes through any eternal and insuperable decree of God, but all merely
by their own fault. Whoever attacks this doctrine, attacks the whole
school or sect : but one who may assail any other doctrines contained in
the writings of Arminians, must know that he has no controversy with the
Arrninian church, whose theology with few exceptions, is unsettled and fluc-
tuating, but only with some of its doctors ; who do not all interpret and ex-
plain in the same manner, even that one doctrine of the universal love of God
to mankind, which especially separates the Arminians from the Reformed.
§ 13. The Arminian community at the present time, is very small if
compared with the Reformed : and if common report be true, it is decreas-
ing continually. They have at present, [1753], thirty four congregations
in Holland, some smaller and some larger ; over which are forty-four
ministers : out of Holland, they have one at Frederickstadt. But the prin-
ciples adopted by their founders, have spread with wonderful rapidity
over many nations, and gained the approbation of vast numbers. For to
say nothing of the English, who adopted the Arminian doctrines concerning
grace and predestination as early as the times of William Laud, and who
on the restoration of Charles II. assented in great measure to the other
Arminian tenets ; who is so ignorant of the state of the world, as not to
know that in many of the courts of Protestant princes, and almost every
where among those who pretend to be wise, this sentiment which is the
basis of Arminianism, is prevalent ; namely, that very few things are ne-
cessary to be believed in order to salvation ; and that every one is to be
allowed to think as he pleases, concerning God and religion, provided he
lives a pious and upright life. The Hollanders, though they acknowledge
that the sect which their fathers condemned, is gradually declining in num-
bers and strength, yet publicly lament that the opinions of the sect are
spreading farther and farther, and that even those to whose care the de-
crees of the council of Dort were intrusted, are corrupted by them.
How much inclined towards them, many of the Swiss especially the Ge-
nevans are, and also many of the French, is very well known. (26) The
form of church government and the mode of worship among the Arminians,
are very nearly the same as among the Reformed of the Presbyterian
churctu s. Yet the leaders of the sect, as they neglect no means tending
to preserve and strengthen their communion with the English church, so
they show themselves very friendly to episcopal government ; and they do
not hesitate to affirm, that they regard it as a holy form, very ancient, and
preferable to the other forms of government. (27)

(26) [Dr. Madeline has here a long and the ascendant which the Leibnitian and Wol-

elahorate note, on the tendency of the Leib- fian philosophy hath gained in these countries,

nitian and Wolfian philosophy to support and particularly among the clergy and men

Calvinism. The reasoning is ingenious and of learning." When Dr. Madame wrote

good. But the effects actually produced by thus, about the year 1763, the Germans were

this philosophy seem to be greatly overrated, going fast into what is called German neolo-

\vhenhesays: " that the progress of Armin- gy, and the Swiss approximating towards

ianism has been greatly retarded, nay, that its Socinianism ; and the philosophy, he speaks

cause daily declines in Germany and sev- of, was rapidly waning. — TV.]
era! parts of Switzerlaiid, in consequence of (27) Hence, — to omit many other things

.

448 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

CHAPTER IV.

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS.

$ 1. Origin of the Quakers. George Fox. — t) 2. First Movements of the Sect under Crom-
well.— <j 3. Progress, in the Times of Charles II. and James II. — § 4. Propagation out
of England. — § 5. Their Controversies. — § 6. Their Religion generally. — $ 7. First
Principle. — § 8. Its Consequences. — I) 9. Concerning Christ. — $ 10. Discipline and
Worship. — § 11. Moral Doctrines. — § 12. Form of Government.

§ 1. THOSE who in English are called Quakers, are in Latin called Tre-
mentes or Tremuli. This name was given them in the year 1650, by Gervas
Bennet, a justice of the peace in Derbyshire ;(1) but whether, because their
whole body trembled before they began to speak on religious subjects ; or
because Fox and his associates said, that a man ought to tremble at hearing
the word of God ; does not sufficiently appear. In the mean time they
suffer themselves to be called by this name, provided it be correctly un-
derstood. They prefer however to be named from their primary doctrine,
Children or Professors of the Light. In familiar discourse, they call each
other Friends.(2) The origin of the sect falls on those times in English his-
tory, when civil war raged universally, and when every one who had conceiv-
ed in his mind a new form either of civil government or of religion, came
forth with it from his obscure retreat into public view. Its parent was
George Fox, a shoemaker, a man naturally very gloomy, shunning society,
and peculiarly fitted to form visionary conceptions. As early as the year
1647, when he was twenty .three years old, he t]»velled over some of the
counties of England, giving out that he was full of the Spirit, and exhorting
the people to attend to the voice of the divine word, which lies concealed
in the hearts of all. After Charles I. was beheaded, when both civil and
ecclesiastical laws seemed to be extinguished together, he attempted greater
things. For having acquired numerous disciples and friends of both sexes,
among persons of a similar temperament with himself, in connexion with
them he set all England in commotion ; nay in 1650, he broke .up assem-
blies for the public worship of God, where he was able, as being useless and
not truly Christian. (3) For this reason,, he and his associates were several
times thrown into prison and chastised by the magistrates.(4)

which place this beyond doubt, — they have (2) Sewel, loc. cit., p. 624, [vol. ii., p.

taken so much pains to show, that Hugo 589, ed. Lond., 1811 ; also Dan. Neal, Hist.

Grotius, their hero and almost their oracle, of Puritans, vol. iv., p. 60, 61, ed. Boston,

commended the English church in the high- 1817. — Tr.~\

est degree, and that he preferred it before all (3) [Fox and his adherents looked upon

others. See the collection of proofs for this, all worship of God, which did not proceed

by John le Clerc, subjoined to his edition of immediately from the impulse of the Spirit

Grotius' book, de Veritate religionis Christi- within, as abominable in the sight of God.

anas, p. 376, &c., ed. Hague, 1724, 8vo. Hence he had no reverence for the religious

(1) See George [ William] SeweVs Histo- worship of most of the sects of Christians

ry of the Quakers, p. 23, [vol. i., p. 43, ed. around him. Yet it does not appear that he

London, 1811]. Daniel NeaTs History of felt it to be his duty to attempt, forcibly, to

the Puritans, vol. iv., p. 32, &c., [ed. Boston, interrupt or suppress such worship. But

1817, p. 60, 61 ; where see Toulmin's note, feeling bound always to obey the impulse of

_ TV.] < the Spirit, and supposing himself to have

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS.

449

§ 2. The first association of Quakers was composed, in great measure,
of delirious and infatuated persons ; and therefore committed many acts,

this impulse while in or near the places of
worship, he sometimes was led to speak in
them to the annoyance of the congregation,
and was treated as a disturber of public wor-
ship. Three instances are mentioned, all
occurring in the year 1649. The first was
at Nottingham ; and is thus related by Sew-
cl, vol. i., p. 36, ed. 1811. He " went away
to the steeple-house, where the priest took
for his text these words of the apostle Peter,
We have a viost (more) sure word of proph-
ecy, whercunto ye do well that ye take heed,
as unto a light that shineth in a dark place,
until the day dawn, and the day-star arise in
your hearts. And he told the people, that
this was the Scripture, by which they were to
try all doctrines, religions, and opinions. G.
Fox hearing this, felt such mighty power and
godly zeal working in him, that he was made
to cry out, O ! no, it is not the Scripture,
but it is the Holy Spirit, by which the holy
men of God gave forth the Scriptures, where-
by opinions, religions, and judgments, are to
be tried. That was it, which led into all
truth, and gave the knowledge thereof. For
the Jews had the Scriptures, and yet resist-
ed the Holy Ghost, and rejected Christ, the
bright morning-star, and persecuted him and
his apostles ; though they took upon them to
try their doctrines by the Scriptures; but
they erred in judgment, and did not try them
aright, because they did it without the Holy
Ghost. Thus speaking, the officers came
and took him away, and- put him in a nasty
stinking prison." — The next instance, was
at Mansfield ; and is thus related by the
same author, vol. i., p. 38. "While G.
Fox was in this place, he was moved to go
to the steeple-house, and declare there the
truth to the priest and the people ; which
doing, the people fell upon him, and struck
him ^down, almost smothering him, for he
was cruelly beaten and bruised with their
hands, Bibles, and sticks. Then they haul-
ed him out, though hardly able to stand, and
put him into the stocks, where he sat some
hours ; and they brought horsewhips, threat-
ening to whip him. After some time, they
had him before the magistrates, at a knight's
house ; who seeing how ill he had been used,
set him at liberty, after much threatening.
But the rude multitude stoned him out of the
town." — The third instance occurred at
Market Bosworth, and is thus concisely sta-
ted by Seicel, vol. i., p. 39, &c. " Coming
into the public place of worship, he (Fox)
found Nathaniel Stephens preaching, who,
as hath been said already, was priest of the
town where G. Fox was born ; here G. Fox

VOL. III.— L L L

taking occasion to speak, Stephens told the
people he was mad, and that they should not
hear him ; though he had said before to one
colonel Purfoy, concerning him, that there
was never such a plant bred in England.
The people now being stirred up by this
priest, fell upon G. Fox and his frit-nds, and
stoned them out of the town." See a Refu-
tation of erroneous statements, &c., by au-
thority of the Yearly Meeting of Friends for
New-England, dated New-Bedford, 12th
month 9th, 1811, subjoined to Moshcim's Ec-
cles. Hist., ed. New- York, 1824, vol. iv., p.
295, &c. Neat's Hist, of Purit., ed. Toul-
min, Boston, 1817, vol. iv., p. 58, 59. — TV.]
(4) Besides the common historians of this
century, see especially Gerhard Crcesius
(Creese), a Dutch clergyman's. Historia
Quackeriana tribus libris comprehensa, ed. 2,
Amsterd., 1703, 8vo. On this however,
Kohlhans [under the name of Philalethes], a
doctor of physic, and a Lutheran who be-
came a Quaker, published Dilucidationes,
(explanations), Amsterd.. 1696, 8vo. And
undoubtedly Creese's book, though neatly
written, contains numerous errors.- Yet the
French history of the Quakers ; Histoire
abrege'e de la naissance et du progres du
Kouakerisme, avec celle de ses dogmes,
Cologne, 1692, 12mo, is much worse. For
the author does not so much state what he
found to be facts, as heap together things
true and false without discrimination, in or-
der to produce a ludicrous account. See
Gerh. Crosse's Hist. Quackeriana, lib. ii., p.
322 and 376, and John le Clerks Biblioth-
eque Universelle et Hist., tome xxii., p. 53,
&c. But altogether the most full and au-
thentic, being derived from numerous credi-
ble documents and in part from the writings
of Fox himself, is the Quaker George [ Wil-
liam] Sewel^s History of the Christian People
called Quakers, [first written in Dutch, and
translated by the author into English, Lond.,
1722, fol., and 1811, 2 vols. 8vo], transla-
ted from the English into German, and print-
ed 1742, fol. This work exhibits great re-
search, as well as fidelity : yet on points dis-
honourable or disadvantageous to the Qua-
kers, he dissembles, conceals, and beclouds
not a little. Still, the statements of Seicel
are sufficient to enable a discerning and im-
partial man to form a just estimate of this
sect. Voltaire also has treated of the reli-
gion, the morals, and the history of these
people, though rather to amuse than to en-
lighten the reader, in four letters written
with his usual elegance : Melanges de litter-
ature et de philosophic ; CEuvres, tome iv.,

450 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

which the more temperate Quakers of the present day, extenuate indeed,
but by no means commend or approve. For most of them, both male and
female, declaimed vehemently against all other religions ; assailed the public
worship and the ministers of religion, with insult and abuse ; treated the
commands of magistrates and the laws, with contempt, under the pretence
of conscience and a divine impulse ; and greatly disturbed both the church
and the state. It is therefore not strange, that many of them often suffered
severe punishments for their rashness and folly. (5) Cromwell, though

cap. iii.-vi., p. 160, &c. [With which, com-
pare " A letter from one of the people called
Quakers (Josiak Martin) to Francis de Vol-
taire, Lond., 1742.] In general, what he
eays, is true and to be relied on, being de-
rived from Andrew Pitt, a Quaker of Lon-
don : but the witty man, to render his ac-
count more entertaining, has adorned it with
poetic colouring, and added some things of
his own. From these works chiefly, was
compiled, though not with due accuracy, the
Dissertation on the Religion of the Quakers
in that splendid work : Ceremonies et cou-
tumes religieuses de tous les peuples du
monde, tome iv., p. 124, &c. Among us,
Fred. Ern. Meis published a small German
work, concerning this sect, and especially
the English portion of it : Entwurf des Kir-
chen-Ordnung und Gebrauche der Qusecker
inEngelland, 1715, 8vo. [Later works are,
John Cough's History of the people called
Quakers, Lond., 1789, 3 vols. 8vo., Thom-
as Clarksori's Portraiture of Quakerism, 3
vols. Svo, Lond. and New-York, 1806. A
summary of the History, doctrines, and dis-
cipline of Friends, written at the desire of
the Meeting for Sufferings in London, 1800,
and subjoined to Mosheim's Eccles. Hist.,
ed. New- York, 1824, vol. iv., p. 307-327 ;
also Joshua Toulmin, D.D., Supplements
annexed to his edition of NeaVs Hist, of the
Puritans, vol. iv.', p. 296-308, 518-552, and
vol. v., p. 126-140, 245-261.— Tr.]

(5) See Neal's History of the Puritans,
vol. iv., p. 153, &c., [ed. 1817, p. 174, &c.]
Sewel's Hist, of the Quakers, in various
places.- [Mr. Neal, in the passage just
named, gives account of the offensive con-
duct of some of the first Quakers, and of the
punishments to which they were subjected.
And Dr. Toulmin, in his notes, corrects the
statements of Neal, and vindicates the Qua-
kers. The story of James Nayler is there
stated. This honest enthusiast, who had
been an admired speaker among the Quakers,
very improperly suffered some misguided
individuals to style him, the everlasting Son
of righteousness ; the Prince of peace ; the
only-begotten Son of God ; the fairest among
ten thousand. He likewise allowed some of
them to kiss his feet, when imprisoned at
Exeter ; and after his release, to conduct

him in triumph to Bristol ; one man walking
bareheaded before him ; another, a woman,
leading his horse ; and others spreading their
scarfs and handkerchiefs in the way, and cry-
ing, Holy, Holy, Holy, is the Lord of Hosts ;
Hosanna in the highest ; holy, holy, is (he
Lord God of Israel. The magistrates of
Bristol caused him to be apprehended, and
transmitted him to the parliament, which
tried him for blasphemy. He alleged, that
these honours were not paid to him, but to
Christ who dwelt in him, and said : " If they
had it from the Lord, what had I t.o do to re-
prove them 1 If the Father has moved them
to give these honours to Christ, I may not
deny them ; if they have given them to -any
other but to Christ, I disown them.'" " I do
abhor, that any honours due to God, should
be given to me, as I am a creature , but it
pleased the Lord to set me up as £. sign of
the coming of the righteous One, and what
has been done to me passing through the
town, I was commanded by the ?/'>wer of the
Lord to suffer to be done to Jie outward
man, as a sign ; but I abhor any honour as
a creature." Manifest ai it was, that the
man was beside himself, and had no inten-
tion to allow divine honours to be paid to
himself, he was condemned to be branded,
have his tongue bored with a hot iron, sit in
the pillory, be whipped through the streets
of London and Bristol, and then to be im-
prisoned during the pleasure of parliament :
and this cruel sentence was executed. But
during his imprisonment he came to his
senses, and very fully and penitently ac-
knowledged his fault. The great body of
Quakers, at the time, expressly disapproved
his conduct ; and they promptly ejected him
from their community, but afterwards upon
his repentance restored him. Such in sub-
stance, is the famous case of James Nayler ;
which though a solitary case, and disapproved
at the time by the mass of the Quakers, has
continued to this day, to occasion high cen-
sure to be cast upon the whole sect. — That
the early Quakers sometimes mistook the
conclusions of their own minds, for sugges-
tions of the Spirit, and that they needlessly
adopted odious singularities, or did not com-
ply so far as they ought with the customs and
usages of society, nor treat the religion of

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS.

451

otherwise not hostile to any sect, yet was afraid of this turbulent multitude ;
and at first he determined to suppress it. But when he perceived, that all
his promises and his threatenings could make no impression on them, he
prudently refrained, and deemed it advisable, merely to take care that they
should not excite seditions among the people and Weaken the foundations
of his power. (6)

§ 3. Gradually however, the excessive ardour of the rising sect subsided,
as it was natural to expect ; and that divine light to which the Quakers made
pretensions, by degrees ceased to disturb the commonwealth. In the reign
of Charles II. both their religion and their discipline assumed a more def-
inite and fixed character. In this business, Fox was assisted especially
by Robert Barclay, a Scotch knight, George Keith, and Samuel Fisher ;
learned men, who had connected themselves with his sect. (7) For these
others with that respect and decorum, which natic, turbulent, and riotous. If we were to

are necessary to the peace of a community
in which various religions are tolerated ;
many will think to be very manifest. . Yet
on the other hand, there was doubtless a
great want of candour and forbearance to-
wards them. Their errors were magnified,
and their indiscretions punished as high-
handed crimes. One of their own writers,
(Gough, Hist, of the Quakers, vol. i., p.
139, &c.), says: "A Christian exhortation
to an assembly, after the priest had done and
the worship was over, was denominated in-
terrupting public worship, and disturbing
the priest in his office ; an honest testimony
against sin, in the streets or markets, was
styled a breach of the peace ; and their ap-
pearing before the magistrates covered, a con-
tempt of authority : hence proceeded fines,
imprisonments, and spoiling of goods." —
Dr. Mosheim's representation of the modern
Quakers as more moderate and decorous than
their fathers in the days of Cromwell, seems
to be in general correct. Yet the author
of a Refutation of erroneous statements rel-
ative to the society of Quakers, (in Mpsheim's
Eccl. Hist., vol. iv., p. 304, &c.), makes
the following remarks, which are worthy of
being inserted here. " Dr. Mosheim has in
several instances, endeavoured to impress
the reader with the idea, that the ancient and
modern Quakers were entirely different peo-
ple, both in respect to their principles and
conduct. This is the more worthy of notice,
as it is an error not by any means peculiar
to him ; but which in a degree prevails very
generally. We view the modern Quakers
with our own proper vision, and through a
medium cleared from the discolorations of
that, through which we view the ancient ;
and they appear to us a quiet, orderly, moral,
and religious people. But in the accounts
transmitted to us by their enemies, we view
the ancient Quakers, through a discoloured
medium, a vision extremely acrimonious, and
tinged with bile ; and they appear to us fa-

imagine to ourselves the modern Quakers,
passing through our country, as they actually
do ; seeking and conversing with sober in-
quirers, appointing meetings for religious
worship ; and if at the same time, we were
to imagipe a mob of dissolute and enraged
rabble, at their heels, scoffing, and beating
them with sticks and stones, to interrupt
their meetings, without the least marks of
violence or even of defensive resistance to
any, on their part. If we imagine some un-
worthy ministers and magistrates rather in-
stigating their fury, the latter sending them
to prison, charged with the riots to which
themselves had been accessory ; the Quakers
submitting to all, with a patience uncon-
querable, yet pursuing their mission with
undeviating perseverance, not to be paral-
leled in history since the days of the first
promulgators of the Christian faith ; we
might then perhaps view a true picture of
the ancient Quakers ; their principles, their
doctrine, and their manners being the same."
-Tr.]

(6) Clarendon tells us, in his History of
the Rebellion and of the civil Wars in Eng-
land, [French ed.], vol. vi., p. 437, that the
Quakers remained always violent enemies to
Cromwell. See Sewel, loc. cit., book iii.,
p. 91, 113, 148, 149, &c., [ed. 1811, vol.
i., p. 168, 209, 273, 275, &c.]

(7) Respecting Barclay, see Nouveau Dic-
tionnaire Hist, et Grit., tome i., p. 67, &c.
Respecting Keith, see Sewel, Hist, of the
Quakers, p. 429, 490, 544, 560. Respect-
ing Fisher, see the Unschuldige Nachrich-
ten, A.D. 1750, p. 338, &c. [Robert Bar-
clay was descended from an honourable fam-
ily ; but he was not a knight. For the history
of him, the Quakers refer us to the account
of him by William Penn and others, his con-
temporaries, prefixed to the edition of his
works in folio, 1692. For the life of Fisher,
they refer us to Wm. Penn's account of him,
annexed to Fisher's works, fol, 1679 — Tr.]

452 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

three men digested and reduced to fixed principles, the loose and vague
discipline of Fox, who was an illiterate man. (8) Yet for a long time, these
wiser and more quiet Quakers had to endure even more vsuftering and
calamity in England, than the insane and turbulent had experienced ; though
not so much for their religion, as for their manners and customs. For as
they would not address magistrates by their honorary titles, and pay them
customary respect ; as they refused the oath of allegiance to the king ; and
as they would not pay tithes to the clergy ; they were looked upon as bad
citizens and dangerous men, and were often severely punished. (9) Under
James II. and especially after the year 1685, they began to see better days :
for which they were indebted to the celebrated William Penn, who was
employed by the king in state affairs of the greatest importance. (10) At
length, William III. who gave peace to all sects of dissenters from the reign-
ing church, allowed these people also, to enjoy public liberty and tranquil.
lity.(H)

§ 4. Oppressed and persecuted in their own country, the Quakers sought
to propagate their sentiments among foreign nations, and to establish for
themselves more secure habitations. Attempts were made in Germany,
Prussia, France, Italy, Greece, Holland, and Holstcin ; but generally with.
out effect. Yet the Dutch, at length were prevailed upon, to allow some
families the liberty of residing among them ; which they enjoy to the present
time. Many of these people, not long after the sect arose, proceeded to
America. And afterwards, by a singular turn of things, the seat of its
liberties and fortunes was established, as it were, in that quarter of the
world. William Penn, the son of the English ^vice-admiral, adopted the
Quaker religion in 1668 ; and in the year 1680, Charles II. and the parlia-

(8) [The Quakers consider this statement years before this time, after lying in prison
of Mosheim, as being unjust to the charac-
ter of George Fox. And indeed, William

a year and a half. *See Jos. G. Bevan's Ref-
utation of some modern misrepresentations

Penn, who certainly knew Fox's character of the Society of Friends, Lond., 1800,

well, and was no incompetent judge of men,
in hie preface to Fox's Journal, says : " He

12mo, and the Vindication of the Quakers,
subjoined to Moshcim's Eccles. Hist., ed.

was a man, that God endowed with a clear Philad., 1800, and N. York, 1824. — TV.]

and wonderful depth, a discerner of others'
spirits, and very much a master of his own.

(9) See Dan. Neal's History of the Puri-
tans, vol. iv., p. 313, 353, 396, 432, 510,

— In all things he acquitted himself like a 518,552,569. Gilb. Burnet's History of his

man, a new and heavenly-minded man, a di-
vine and a naturalist-, and all of God Al-
mighty's making. I have been surprised
at his questions and answers in natural
things, that while he was ignorant of use-
and sophistical science, he had in him

own Times, vol. i., p. 271. Sewel, loc. cit,
passim. [The Quakers were conscientious
in all these singularities ; and though we may
consider them as scrupulous without good
reason, and contrary to the example of Christ
and his apostles, who paid tribute to the

the foundation of useful and commendable priests, submitted to civil oaths, and address-

knowledge, and cherished it every where."
As to the Quaker discipline, their monthly
meetings, &c., the records of the sect, they
tell us, contain nothing from which it may
be inferred, that Barclay, Keith, and Fisher,
had any share in its formation ; or that it

ed magistrates by their usual titles ; yet as
they could not think so, they ought to have
been indulged. The fact probably was, that
many people of that age could not believe,
that they were actuated merely by scruples
of conscience ; and others, who did suppose

was not chiefly, if not wholly, brought into this might be the case, were not disposed
form and operation by Fox. He describes* to indulge the consciences of those who erred.

-Tr.]

(10) See Seinel's History of the Quakers,

circumstantially his journeys through Eng-
land, to establish the monthly meetings.

This was in the year 1667 ; the very year p. 538, 546, 552, 564, 591, 605, &c.
that Barclay joined the society, being then (11) CEuvres de Mr. de Voltaire, torn,
only 19 years old. Samuel Fixhr.r died two iv., p. 182.

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 453

ment, granted to him an extensive province in America, at that time being
a wilderness, in reward for the great services rendered by his father to
the nation. Perm, who was a man of discernment and also eloquent,
conducted a colony of his friends and associates into his new dominions ;
and there established a republic, in form, laws, and regulations, unlike any
other in the known world, yet a peaceful and happy one, and which still
flourishes in great prosperity. (12) The Quakers there are predominant;
yet all persons may become citizens, who acknowledge that there is but
one supreme God whose providence is over all human affairs, and who pay
him homage, if not by outward signs, yet by uprightness of life and conduct.
The province was named, from its proprietor, Pennsylvania ; and the prin-
cipal city is called Philadelphia.

§ 5. While Fox was still alive, there were frequent dissensions and broils
among the Quakers, (in the years 1656, 1661, 1683, and in other years),
not indeed respecting religion itself, but respecting discipline, customs, and
things of minor consequence. But these contests, for the most part were
soon adjusted. (13) After the death of Fox, (which occurred in 1691),
among others, George Keith especially, the most learned man of the whole
sect, gave occasion to greater commotions. For Keith was thought by the
other brethren in Pennsylvania, to entertain sentiments not accordant with
the truth on several points, but especially in regard to the human nature
of Christ. He maintained that our Saviour possessed a twofold human
nature, the one celestial and spiritual, the other terrene and corporeal. (14)
This and the other inventions of Keith would perhaps have been tolerated
with much moderation, by a people who place all religion in an indescri-
bable sense or instinct, if he had not strongly reproved some strange opinions
of the American brethren ; and in particular, had he not opposed their turn-
inw the whole history of our Saviour into an allegory, or a symbolical repre-
sentation of the duties that religion requires of man. In Europe indeed,
the Quakers dare not deny the truth of the history of Jesus Christ ; but in
America, where they have nothing to fear, they are said to utter what they
think, and to deny any Christ who exists without us. This controversy
between Keith and the other Quakers, which was discussed in several gen-
eral meetings of the whole sect in England, and even brought before the
British parliament, was at last decided in the year 1695, by the exclusion of
Keith and his adherents from communion iri worship. Touched with a
sense of injury,(15) after some years, Keith returned to the English church
and died in its communion. (16) His friends long held their separate meet-

(12) The charter, the laws, and other pa- Gerh. Crasius, . Historia Quackeriana, lib.
pers relating to the establishment of this new in., p. 446, &c.

commonwealth, were published [in Rapid s (16) Gilb. Burnefs History of his own

History ; Perm's Works ; and] not long Times, vol. ii., p. 290. The commotions

since, in the Bibliotheque Britannique, torn, about Keith, are treated of by William Sew-

xv., pt. ii., p. 310 ; torn, xvi., pt. i., p. 127. el, History of the Quakers, p. 577, 592, 603.

Penn himself acquired a high reputation, by But either he did not understand the true

several productions of his pen, and by other nature of the controversy, (which might be,

things. Sewel treats of him, in several pla- as he \Vas not a man of learning), or he de-

ces ; and Burnet also, in his History of his signedly perverts and obscures it. More

own times. light is thrown on it, in the German Life of

(13) See Sewefs History of the Quakers, Henry Bernh. Kustcr, published in Raht-
p. 126, 132, 262, 429, 529, &c. left Gelehrten Europa, vol. iii., p. 484.

(14) Ce're'monies et coutumes de tous les For Kuster, a man of probity, then lived in
peuples du monde, tome iv., p. 141, &c. America, and was an eyewitness of the

454 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

ings ; but if report may be credited, they have now become reconciled with
the brethren. (17)

§ 6. The religion of the Quakers appears, at first view, to be a novel
thing : but it is not so, in fact. For it is the ancient Mystic theology, which
arose in the second century, was fostered by Origen, and has been handed
down to us by men of various characters and genius ; now a little ex-
panded and enlarged, by the addition of consequences before not well un-
derstood. The well-meaning Fox, indeed, did not invent any thing ; but
all that he taught, respecting the internal word or light, and its powers, he
undoubtedly derived either from the books of the Mystics, a multitude of
which were then circulating in England, or from the discourses of some per-
son initiated in the Mystic doctrines. But the doctrines which he brought
forward confusedly and rudely, (for he was a man of uncultivated mind, and
not adorned and polished with any literature or science), the sagacity of
Barclay. Keith, Fisher, and Penn, embellished, and reduced to such cohe-
rency, that they exhibit the appearance of a digested system or body of
doctrine. The Quakers therefore, may be justly pronounced the principal
sect of [modern] Mystics, who have not only embraced the precepts of that
arcane wisdom, but have likewise seen whither those precepts lead, and
have received at once all the consequences that flow from them.(18)

transactions. — [Dr. Mosheim appears to have
been misinformed, respecting George Keith,
and his controversy with the American Qua-
kers ; and therefore with many others, he
has given us Keith's false and slanderous
representations, as being a true account. —
Keith was a Scotchman, born and liberally
educated in the Scotch church. How and
when he became a Quaker, is not known.
But for more than five-and-twenty years, he
travelled, preached, wrote, and suffered,
among the Quakers of England and Scot-
land. ° During this period he was one of their
most learned and efficient ministers, and was
held by them in high estimation. In the
year 1689, he removed to America, and set-
tled in Philadelphia, where he was made
master of the principal school among the
Quakers. He now attempted to direct and
reform the discipline of the society, and to
assume a dictation which was offensive to
his brethren. Mutual alienation took place ;
and Keith dealt out his censures both of men
and measures, with great freedom. A party
adhered to him ; but the great body of Qua-
kers, whom he was continually assailing,
thought proper in the year 1692, to lay him
under censure. Keith and his party still
professed to be in communion with the Eng-
lish Quakers ; but when the yearly meeting
of Philadelphia sent an account of his case
to the yearly meeting of London, in the
spring of the year 1694, Keith thought prop-
er to appear there, in vindication of his con-
duct. He asked, and obtained a hearing ;
and the yearly meeting of London, after a
lull examination of the case, approved en-

tirely of the proceedings of the American
Quakers, and excluded Keith from all fel-
lowship, for his factious and unchristian
conduct, and his false criminations of the
American brethren. A few however, ad-
hered to him in England, and he set up a
separate meeting in London, and laboured
much during several years, to destroy that
faith which he had spent so many years in
defending and propagating. His misrepre-
sentations of the views of the Quakers were
abundant ; and they were answered and con-
futed, with no little success, from his own
former publications. Meeting with but lit-
tle success in forming a new party, and
gradually departing farther and farther from
Quaker principles, he in the year 1700,
wholly renounced Quakerism, and became
an Episcopal clergyman. In this capacity
he visited America in the year 1702, hoping
to draw many Quakers into the English
church. But his former partisans in Amer-
ica, though not yet reconciled with the Qua-
kers, would not follow him into the estab-
lished church. Being entirely unsuccessful
in America, Keith returned to England, be-
came a parish minister, and died a few years
after. See Gough's History of the Quakers,
vol. iii., p. 317-350, 382-390, 442-455.
Sewel^s History of the Quakers, vol. ii., p.
493-495, 496, &c., 526-534, 574.— Tr.]

(17) See William Rogers' Christian Qua-
ker, Lond., 1699, 4to, and The Quakers a di-
vided people, Lond., 1708, 4to. Unschul-
dige Nachrichten, A.D. 1744, p. 496, &c.

(18) Most persons think, that we are to
learn what the Quakers believe and teach,

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS.

455

§ 7. Their fundamental doctrine therefore, and that on which all their
other doctrines depend, is that very ancient maxim of the Mystic school :
That there lurks in the minds of all men,, a portion of the divine reason
or nature, or a spark of that wisdom which is in God himself. That who-
ever is desirous of true happiness and eternal salvation, must, by turning
his thoughts inward and away from external objects, (or by contemplation,
and weakening the empire of the senses), elicit, kindle, and inflame this
hidden, divine spark, which is oppressed and suffocated by the mass of the
body and by the darkness of the flesh, with which our souls are surrounded.
That whoever shall do so, will find a wonderful light rise upon him, or a
celestial voice break upon him out of the inmost recesses of the soul, which
will instruct him in all divine truth, and be the surest pledge of union with
the supreme God. This natural treasure of mankind, is called by various

from Robert Barclay's Catechism, or still ments much more clearly and freely ; among

better, from his Apology for the true Chris- whom, William Penn and GcorgeWhitehead,

tian Divinity ; which was published, Lond., very celebrated men, deserve to be read pref-

1676, 4to, and translated into other languages, erably to all others. Among their other

Nor shall I much object to this opinion, if it
be understood to mean, that this sect is ex-

works, there is one entitled : The Christian
Quaker and his Divine Testimony vindicated,

ceudingly desirous, that others should judge by Scripture, Reason, and Authorities, against

of the nature of their religion by these books.
But if any would have us believe, that these
books contain every thing the Quakers regard
as true, and that nothing more thap these con-
tain, was formerly taught among them or is
now taught, he may be easily confuted from
numerous publications. For Barclay as-
sumed the office of an advocate, not that of
a teacher ; and of course he explains the
sentiments of his sect, just as those do who
undertake to defend an odious cause. In
the first place, he is silent on points of
Christianity of the utmost importance, con-
cerning which it is very desirable to know
the true sentiments of the Quakers ; and he
exhibits a really mutilated system of theology.
For it is the practice of advocates, to pass
over the things that cannot easily be placed

the injurious attempts that have been lately
made by several adversaries; Lond., 1674,
small folio. Penn wjote the first part, and
Whitehead, the second. There is also ex-
tant, in Sewel's History, p. 578, a Confes-
sion of Faith., which ihe Quakers published
in 1693, in the midst of the controversy with
Keith. But it is very cautiously drawn up,
and a great part of it ambiguous. — [Dr.
Toulmin thinks, that Dr. Mosheim is here
uncandid and unjust towards Barclay ; and
that he has exposed himself to the just ani-
madversions of Gough, in his History of the
Quakers, vol. ii., p. 401-406. See Toul-
min's note to Neal, vol. v. , p. 253, ed. Bos-
ton, 1817. Not having Barclay'1 s Apology
before me, I will pass no judgment on the
justice or injustice of Dr. Mosheim's state-

in an advantageous light ; and to take up only ments. But I will say, that I do not under-

such things as ingenuity and eloquence can
make appear plausible and excellent. In the

stand him to charge Barclay with direct and
wilful misrepresentations ; but only with so

next place, he touches upon several things, far acting the advocate, that his book is not
the full exposition of which would bring the best guide to a full and correct knowl-
mueh odium on the Quakers, only cursorily edge of the sentiments of the Quakers : and
and slightly ; which is also an indication of consequently, that it is necessary to consult
a bad cause. Lastly, and to go no farther, other works, such as the writings of Penn
the things which he cannot deny or conceal, and Whitehead, if we would fully and truly
he explains in the most delicate and cautious understand the Quaker system. Now this
manner, in common, ordinary phraseology, may be so, while still the Vindication of the

Quakers, by the committee representing the
yearly meeting of Friends in Philadelphia,
A.D. 1799, may very honestly and truly say :
" As to our tenets and history, we refer to
Fox, Barclay, Penn, Sewel, Govgh, &c.,
and declare, that we never had, nor now

not very definite, avoiding carefully all the
appropriate and almost consecrated terms
adopted by the sect. Now it will not be
very difficult for one who will take such a
course, to give a specious appearance to any
the most absurd doctrines. And it is well
known, that in this way the doctrine of Spi-

have, any other doctrines to publish, and that

noza has been disguised and painted up by there are no religious opinions or practices
some of his disciples. There are other wri- among us, which have not been made known
ters of this sect, who express their senti- to the world." — Tr.~\

456 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

names ; very often by that of a divine light ; sometimes, a ray of eternal
wisdom ; sometimes, celestial sophia ; concerning whose nuptials, under a
female garb, with man, some of this class of people speak in magnificent
terms. The terms best known among us, are, the internal Word, and
Christ within us. For as they hold the sentiment of the ancient Mystics
and of Origen, that Christ is the reason and wisdom of God, and suppose
all men to be furnished with a particle of the divine wisdom, they are obli-
ged to maintain that Christ, or the Word of God, resides, acts, and speaks,
in all persons. (19)

§ 8. Whatever other singular and strange sentiments they may hold, all
originated from this one principle, as their prolific source. Because
Christ resides in every son of Adam, therefore ; I. All religion consists in
man's averting his mind from external objects, weakening the empire of
the senses, turning himself inward upon himself, and listening with his
whole attention to what the Christ in his breast or the internal light dic-
tates and enjoins. — II. The external word, that is, the holy scriptures,
does not enlighten and guide men to salvation ; for words and syllables,
being lifeless things, cannot have power to illumine the soul of man and
to unite it to God. The only effect of the inspired books upon one who
reads them, is, to excite and stimulate him to attend to the internal word,
and to seek the school of Christ teaching within him. Or, to express the
same thing in other words ; the Bible is a mute guide, which by signs points
and directs to the living master residing in the soul. — III. Those who
are destitute of this written word, pagans, Jews, Mohammedans, and the
barbarous nations, want indeed some aid for obtaining salvation, but not
the way or the discipline of salvation itself. For if they would give heed
to the internal teacher, who is never silent when the man listens to him,
they might abundantly learn from him whatever is «ecessary to be known
and to be done. — IV. The kingdom of Jesus Christ therefore is of vast ex-
tent, and embraces the whole human race. For all men carry Christ in
their souls ; and by him, though living in the greatest barbarism, and to-
tally ignorant of the Christian religion, they may become wise and happy,
both in this life and in that to come. They who live virtuously, and restrain
the cravings of lust, whether they are Jews, Mohammedans, or pagans,
may become united to God through Christ residing in their souls in this
world, and so be united to him for ever. — V. The principal hinderance to
men's perceiving and hearkening to Christ present within them, is the
heavy, dark body, composed of vicious matter, with which they are envel-

(19) Yet the modern Quakers, as appears and sanctify them, provided the influences of

from the writings of Josiah Martin and oth- the body or of sense could be counteracted ;

ers, are ignorant of the true sentiments of was quite a different thing from the internal

their forefathers, and perpetually confound light of the Quakers. For the latter is

this inherent and innate light, with that light supposed to be ^revelation made to the soul,

of the Holy Spirit which is shed on the minds by Christ acting through the Holy Spirit. It

of the pious. [This declaration of Dr. Mo- is therefore grace, not nature ; a divine

sheim, clearly shows that he did not under- communication to fallen men, and not an

stand the fundamental principle of the Qua- original principle in their natural constitu-

kers, which is essentially different from that tions : and its influences and operations are

of the ancient Mystics. The particle of the moral, not physical. It is therefore not

divine nature, which the Mystics supposed to strange, that the Quakers should complain of

be a constituent part of man at his first this and the following sections, as totally

creation, or a natural principle in all men, misrepresenting their fundamental principles,

and which was sufficient to enlighten, guide, — Tr.]

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 457

oped. And hence all possible care must be taken, that this connexion of
soul and body do not blunt the mind, disturb its operations, and by means
of the senses fill it with images of external things. And on this account,
it is not to be supposed that when the souls of men shall have escaped
this prison, God will again thrust them into it ; but what the scriptures tell
us of the resurrection of our bodies, must either be understood figuratively,
or be referred to new and celestial bodies. (20)

§ 9. These things show, that the religion of the Quakers can conve-
niently dispense with a Christ without ; and with all that Christians believe
on the authority of the holy scriptures, concerning his divine origin, life,
merits, sufferings, and atonement. Because the whole ground of salvation
lies in the Christ within. Not a few of them therefore, as we learn from
very credible authors, once fell into the absurdity to maintain, that the
whole narrative in the scriptures respecting Jesus Christ, is not the history
of the Son of God clothed in human nature, but the history of Christ
within us, decorated with poetic imagery and allegory. This opinion, if
we may give credit to very respectable witnesses, is so far from having
become extinct among them, that on the contrary it still prevails and is
taught in America. But the Europeans, either from the force of truth or
compelled by fear, maintain that the divine wisdom or reason descended
into the son of the virgin Mary, and by him instructed mankind ; and that
this divine man actually did and suffered, what he is recorded to have done
and suffered. At the same time, they express themselves very ambiguously,
respecting many things pertaining to Christ ; in particular, respecting the
fruits of his sufferings and death, their statements are so loose and meager
that it is altogether uncertain and dubious, what and how great they sup-
pose these fruits to be. Besides, they have not renounced wholly the
[figurative] interpretation of the history of Christ, above mentioned ; for
they press us hard to grant, that the things which occurred in regard to
our Saviour while resident among men, are signs and emblems of the things
which may occur, and must occur, in relation to the Christ within, in order

(20) These propositions all Quakers ad- all mankind, as soon as they become moral
mil ; or at least ought to admit, if they would agents. They likewise believe with the Ar-
not entirely depart from the first principles of minians, that the teachings and influences of
their system. The doctrines concerning this grace, are sufficient, if duly improved,
which they disagree and dispute among to lead those who have not the Scriptures, to
themselves, we here pass over, lest we should holiness and to salvation. Neither is it true,
appear disposed to render the sect odious, that they deny the resurrection of the body ;
[It is so far from being true, that " all Qua- though they seem to have an idea, that the
kers admit these propositions," that they de- future spiritual body will so differ from the
clare them to be mere fictions of Dr. Mo- present body, that it cannot be called the
sheim, or consequences which he, and not same. Thus Henry Tuke, (as quoted in
they, deduce from their first principle. And Rees' Cyclopsedia, article Quakers), says:
indeed, they seem to be a philosophical creed, " The doctrine of the resurrection of the
essentially diverse from the true belief of the dead is so connected with the Christian re-
Quakers. See the preceding note. Ac- ligion, that it will be also proper to say some-
cording to the belief of the Quakers, the con- thing on this subject. In explaining our be-
flicting principles in sinful men, are not, a lief of this doctrine, we refer to the fifteenth
particle of the divine nature opposed and chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians,
weighed down by the material body; but In. this chapter (verses 40, 42, 44, 50) is
they are, divine grace or the gracious opera- clearly laid down the resurrection of a body,
tions of the Holy Spirit, conflicting with the though not of the same body that dies. Here
corrupt nature of fallen man. This divine we rest our belief in this mystery, without
grace, they hold indeed, as the Arminians desiring to pry into it, beyond what is re-
also do, to be universal, or to be afforded to vealed to us." — TV.]
VOL. III.— M M M

458 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

to a man's partaking of salvation. And hence they are accustomed, with
the Mystics their preceptors, to talk much, in lofty terms and inflated style,
of Christ's being born, living, dying, and rising to life, in the hearts of
saints. (21)

§ 10. From the same source which has been mentioned, [namely, the
ancient Mystic theology], has flowed their discipline and practice. They
assemble indeed, on the days in which other Christians generally assemble
for religious purposes. But they neither observe festival days, nor use
ceremonies and rites, nor suffer religion to be coupled with any positive
institutions ; placing it wholly in the worship of Christ hidden in the heart.
Such as please, teach in their assemblies, both men and women : for who
may deny to the persons in whom Christ dwells and speaks, liberty to ad-
dress and instruct the brethren ? Prayers, hymns, and the other exercises
which distinguish the public assemblies of other Christians, are unknown
and discarded by themi and not without reason, since they believe with
the Mystics, that to pray truly, is not to utter the desires of our hearts in a
set form of words, but to collect the mind, recall it from all emotion and
thought, and fix it wholly on a present Deity. Neither do they baptize
new members of their community ; nor renew the benefits of Christ's death
and the benefits of it, in the Lord's supper. For they suppose both insti-
tutions to be Judaical ; and to have been formerly used by the Saviour,
only to represent to the eye, in visible imagery, by baptism the mystical
purification of the soul, and by the holy supper the spiritual nourishment
of it.

§ 11. The system of morals adopted by them, is beyond measure aus-
tere and forbidding. It is chiefly comprehended in these two precepts : —
I. Whatever can afford us pleasure, produce agreeable emotions, or grat-
ify the senses, must either be wholly avoided, or i£ by the laws of nature
this is impossible, it must be so tempered and checked by reason and re-
flection that it may not corrupt the soul. (22) Because, as the mind ought

(21) [In answer to most of the allegations God, according to the Spirit of sanctifica.-

in this section, the Quakers refer us, triumph- tion, by the resurrection from the dead: —

antly, to the following extracts from their That as man, Christ died for our sins, rose

declaration or Confession of faith, drawn up again, and was received up into glory in the

in the year 1693, and preserved by Sewel, heavens; he having, in his dying for all,

Hist, of the Quakers, vol. ,ii., p. 497, &c. been that one, great, universal offering and

" We sincerely profess faith in God, by his sacrifice for peace, atonement and recmcilia-

only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, as being tion between God and man ; and he is the

our only light and life, our only way to the propitiation, not for our sins only, but for the

Father, and our only Mediator and Advocate sins of the whole world : We were reconciled

with the Father : — That God created all by his death, but saved by his life : — That

things, and made the worlds, by his Son, divine honour and worship is due to the Son

Jesus Christ; he being that powerful and of God ; and that he is. in true faith, to be

living Word of God, by whom all things prayed unto, and the name of the Lord Jesus

were made ; and that the Father, the Word, Christ called upon, (as the primitive Chris-

and the Holy Spirit, are One, in divine Be- tians did), because of the glorious union or

ing inseparable; one true, living, and eter- oneness of the Father and the Son.'1 — Jr.]

nal God, blessed for ever :— Yet that this (22) [The first part of this precept, (total

Word or Son of God, in the fulness of avoidance of pleasures), the Quakers them-

time, took flesh, became perfect man, accord- selves say, "Is no tenet of the Quakers."

ing to the flesh, descended and came of To the latter part of the precept, they make

the seed of Abraham apd David, but was no objection ; believing it to be coincident

miraculously conceived by the Holy Ghost, with the apostle James1 direction, " To keep

and born of the virgin Mary ; and also far- himself unspotted by the world." — TV.]
ther, declared powerfully to be the Son of

HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS. 459

to be always and exclusively attentive to the voice, and the intimations of
the teacher within, it should be separated from the intercourse and conta.
gion of the body and corporeal things. — II. It is criminal to follow the
customs, fashions, and manners that are generally received in society.
Hence they are easily distinguished from other people, by their outward
deportment and manner of life. They do not salute those they meet ; never
use the customary language of politeness and civility ; never show respect
to magistrates and to men of rank, by any bodily gestures, or the use of
honorary titles ; never defend their lives, their property, or their reputations,
against violence and slander ; never take an oath ; never seek redress in
civil courts, or prosecute those who injure them : on the contrary they
distinguish themselves from all their- fellow-citizens, by their aspect and
demeanour, by their dress, wlu'ch is very simple and rustic, by their phra-
seology, their diet, and other outward things. It is however affirmed by
persons of credibility, that the Quakers, especially the prosperous Quaker
merchants of England, have already departed considerably from these aus-
tere rules of life, and are gradually departing farther and farther ; nay,
that they explain and shape much more wisely the religious system of their
ancestors. It is also well attested, that very many of them have but an im-
perfect knowledge of the religion transmitted to them by their fathers.

§ 12. This sect, at its commencement, had no organization and govern,
ment. But afterwards, the leading men perceived that their community
could not subsist, and escape falling into great disorder, unless it had reg-
ulations, and men to superintend its affairs. Hence boards of elders were
established, who discuss and regulate everything involving doubt and dif-
ficulty, and carefully watch that no one conduct amiss, or do anything in-
jurious to the society. To these elders, those give in their names who
contemplate marrying : to them are reported all births and deaths in the
society : to them, such as wish publicly to address the people, exhibit their
discourses, and in some places they must be written out ; that the elders
may see, whether they will enlighten and edify. (23) For they do not al-
low, as they once did, every one at his pleasure to declaim before the peo-
ple ; since the very indiscreet orations of many, have brought much re-
proach and ridicule upon the society. There are also in the larger con-
gregations, especially in London, certain persons whose duty it is to ex-
hort the people, if it should so happen, that no one of the assembly is dis-
posed to instruct and exhort the brethren ; lest, as heretofore often hap-
pened, for want of an orator, the meeting should break up without a word
said. (24) It is not indeed necessary, that there should be any speaking in
the Quaker assemblies. For the brethren do not come together, to listen
to an external teacher, but to attend to the voice of that teacher which each
one carries in his own breast ; or as they express it, to commune with them-
selves (ut semet ipsos introvertant).(25) But as their silent meetings af-
forded occasion to the enemies of the sect to carp, and to deride them, they

(23) [This duty of their elders, the Qua- they have standing committees to superin-

kers deny ; declaring that their speakers tend all publications, relating to the history

never write their discourses ; and that no and doctrines of the society. — TV.]
such practice as that here described, exists (24) [Here again, the Quakers, through

among them. Their speakers however, have Mr. Sevan of London, deny the existence

a kind of license or approbation ; or at least, of such subsidiary speakers in their congre-

when they travel abroad they carry some gations. — Tr.]
testimonials. And it is well known, that (25) Sewel, Hist, of the Quakers, p. 612.

460 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

have now appointed fixed speakers ; to whom also they give a small com-
pt nsation for their services. (26) The Quakers annually hold a general con.
vention of their whole society at London, the week before Whitsunday, in
which all their congregations are represented ; and by this convention all
important questions are examined and decided. The Quakers at this day,
complain of many grievances ; but these all originate solely, from their
refusal to pay tithes.

(26) [Here again Dr. Mosheim was mis- the care of meeting-houses, none receive

informed. Mr. Bevan, says " except a few any stipend or gratuity for their services in

clerks of this kind, (that is, who keep volu- our religious society." — TV.J
minous records, &c.), and persons who have

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RELATING TO THE DOCTRINES AND DISCIPLINE

OF THE

SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, COMMONLY CALLED QUAKERS.*

CHAPTER I.

DOCTRINE.

General Belief. — Universal and Saving Light. — Worship. — Ministry. — Women's Preach-
ing.— Baptism and the Supper. — Universal Grace. — Perfection. — Oaths and War. —
Government. — Deportment. — Conclusion.

WE agree with other professors of the Christian name, in the belief of
one eternal God, the Creator and Preserver of the universe ; and in Jesus
Christ his Son, the Messiah, and Mediator of the new covenant, (a)

When we speak of the gracious display of the love of God to mankind,
in the miraculous conception, birth, life, miracles, death, resurrection, and
ascension of our Saviour, we prefer the use of such terms as we find in
scripture ; and contented with that knowledge which divine wisdom hath
seen meet to reveal, we attempt not to explain those mysteries which re-
main under the veil ; nevertheless we acknowledge and assert the divinity
of Christ, who is the wisdom and power of God unto salvation. (ft)

To Christ alone we give the title of the Word of God,(c) and not to the
scriptures ; although we highly esteem these sacred writings, in subordi-
nation to the Spirited) from which they were given forth ; and we hold,
with the apostle Paul, that they are able to make wise unto salvation,
through faith which is in Christ Jesus. (e)

We reverence those most excellent precepts which are recorded in scrip-
ture to have been delivered by our great Lord, and we firmly believe that
they are practicable, and binding on every Christian ; and that in the life
to come, every man will be rewarded according to his works. (f) And
further it is our belief, that, in order to enable mankind to put in practice
these sacred precepts, many of which are contradictory to the unregener-

* [Dr. Mosheim's account of the Quakers mary of the History, Doctrine, and Disci-
is so very faulty, that the American editions pline of Friends, written at the desire of the
of the work have generally been accompa- Yearly Meeting for Sufferings in London ;"
nied with other statements, derived from oth- first published in a small work, by Joseph
er and better authorities. In the preceding Gurney Sevan, Lond., 1800, 12mo, and af-
notes, many of the mistakes of Dr. Mosheim terwards annexed to the 4th vol. of Mac-
have been pointed out. But still it is be- laine's Mosheim, ed. New- York, 1824. —
lieved, that full justice will not be done to TV:]

the principles of this sect, without allowing (a) Heb. xii., 24. (b) 1 Corinth, i., 24.

them to express their religious views in their (e) John i., 1. (d) 2 Pet. i., 21. (e) 2

own language. The following Supplement Tim. iii., 15. {/) Mat. xvi., 27.
is therefore annexed, being part of a " Sum-

462 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

ate will of man,(g) every man coming into the world, is endued with a
measure of light, grace, or good Spirit of Christ ; by which, as it is attend,
ed to, he is enabled to distinguish good from evil, and to correct the disor-
derly passions and corrupt propensities of his nature, which mere reason
is altogether insufficient to overcome. For all that belongs to man is fal-
lible, and within the reach of temptation ; but this divine grace, which
comes by him who hath overcome the world, (h) is, to those who humbly
and sincerely seek it, an all-^sufficient and present help in time of need.
By this, the snares of the enemy are detected, his allurements avoided, and
deliverance is experienced through faith in its effectual operation : where-
by the soul is translated out of the kingdom of darkness, and from under the
power of Satan, into the marvellous light and kingdom of the Son of God.

Being thus persuaded that man, without the Spirit of Christ inwardly re-
vealed, can do nothing to the glory of God, or to effect his own salvation ;
we think this influence, especially necessary to the performance of the
highest act of which the human mind is capable ; even the worship of the
Father of lights and of spirits, in spirit and in truth : therefore we consider
as obstructions to pure worship, all forms which divert the attention of the
mind from the secret influence of this unction from the Holy One.(i)
Yet, although true worship is not confined to time and place, we think it in-
cumbent on Christians to meet often together,(Ar) in testimony of their depend-
ance on the Heavenly Father, and for a renewal of their spiritual strength :
nevertheless, in the performance of worship, we dare not depend, for our ac-
ceptance with him, 011 a formal repetition of the words and experiences
of others ; but we believe it to be our duty to lay aside the activity of the
imagination, and to wait in silence to haveatrue sight of our condition be-
stowed upon us : believing even a single sigh,(/) arising from such a sense
of our infirmities, and the need we have of divine help, to be more accept-
able to God, than any performances, however specious, which originate in
the will of man. , .

From what has been said respecting worship, it follows that the ministry
we approve must have its origin from the same source : for that which is
needful for man's own direction, and for his acceptance with God,(m)
must be eminently so to enable him to be helpful to others. Accordingly
we believe that the renewed assistance of the light and power of Christ, is
indispensably necessary for all true ministry ; and that this holy influ-
ence is not at our command, or to be procured by study, but is the free gift of
God to chosen and devoted servants. Hence arises our testimony against
preaching for hire, in contradiction to Christ's positive command, " Freely
ye have received, freely give ;"(n) and hence our conscientious refusal to
support such ministry, by tithes or other means.

As we dare not encourage any ministry, but that which we believe to
spring from the influence of the Holy Spirit, so neither dare we attempt to
restrain this influence to persons of any condition in life, or to the male sex
alone ; but, as male and female are one in Christ, we allow such of the fe-
male sex as we believe to be endued with a right qualification for the min-
istry, to exercise their gifts for the general edification of the church : and
this liberty we esteem a peculiar mark of the gospel dispensation, as fore-
told by the prophet Joel,(o) and noticed by the apostle Peter. (p)

(g) John i., 9. (A) Ibid, xvi., 33. (i) 1 John ii., 20, 27. (k) Heb. x., 25. (/) Rom. viii.,
26. (TO) Jer. xxiii., 30-32. (n) Matt, x., 8. (o) Joel ii., 28, 29. (p) Acts ii., 16, 17.

SUPPLEMENT CONCERNING THE QUAKERS. 463

There are two ceremonies in use among most professors of the Christian
name, Water-baptism, and what is termed the Lord's Supper. The first
of these is generally esteemed the essential means of initiation into the
church of Christ; and the latter of maintaining communion with him.
But as we have been convinced, that nothing short of his redeeming
power, inwardly revealed, can set the soul free from the thraldom of sin ;
by this power alone we believe salvation to be effected. We hold that as
there is one Lord and one faith,(<7) so his baptism is one, in nature and
operation ; that nothing short of it can make us living members of his
mystical body ; and that the baptism with water, administered by his fore-
runner John, belonged, as the latter confessed, to an inferior and decreasing
dispensation, (r)

With respect to the other rite, we believe that communion between
Christ and his church is not maintained by that, nor any other external
performance, but only by a real participation of his divine nature(,s) through
fuith ; that this is the supper alluded to in the Revelation,(i) " Behold I
stand at the door and knock ; if any man hear my voice, and open the door,
I will come in to him, and will sup with him, and he with me ;" and that where
the substance is attained, it is unnecessary to attend to the shadow ; which
doth not confer grace, and concerning which, opinions so different, and
animosities so violent, have arisen.

Now, as we thus believe that the grace of God, which comes by Jesus
Christ, is alone sufficient for salvation, we can neither admit that it is con-
ferred on a few only, while others are left without it ; nor, thus asserting
its universality, can we limit its operation to a partial cleansing of the soul
from sin, even in this life. We entertain worthier notions both of the
power and goodness of our heavenly Father, and believe that he doth
vouchsafe to assist the obedient to experience a total surrender of the
natural will, to the guidance of his pure unerring spirit ; through whose
renewed assistance they are enabled to bring forth fruits unto holiness,
and to stand perfect in their present rank.(w)

There are not many of our tenets more generally known than our tes-
timony against Oaths, and against War. With respect to the former of
these, we abide literally by Christ's positive injunction, delivered in his
sermon on the mount, " Swear not at all."(v) From the same sacred col-
lection of the most excellent precepts of moral and religious duty, from
the example of our Lord himseif,(M>) and from the correspondent convic-
tions of his Spirit in our hearts, we are confirmed in the belief that wars
and fightings are, in their origin and effects, utterly repugnant to the gos-
pel ; which still breathes peace and good-will to men. We also are clearly
of the judgment, that if the benevolence of the gospel were generally prev-
alent in the minds of men, it would effectually prevent them from oppressing,
much more enslaving, their brethren (of whatever colour or complexion),
for whom, as for themselves, Christ died ; and would even influence their
conduct in their treatment of the brute creation : which would no longer
groan, the victims of their avarice, or of their false ideas of pleasure.

Some of our tenets have in former times, as hath been shown, subjected
our friends to much suffering from government, though to the salutary

(?) Eph. iv., 5. (r) John iii., 30. (s) 2 Pet. i., 4. (0 Rev. viii., 20. (u) Matt, v.,
48 ; Eph. iv., 13 ; Col. iv., 12. (v) Matt, v., 34. (w) Matt, v., 39, 44, &c. ; ch. xxvi.,
52, 53 ; Luke xxii., 51 ; John xviii., 11.

464 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

purposes of government, our principles are a security. They inculcate
submission to the laws in all cases wherein consciene is not violated. But
we hold, that as Christ's kingdom is not of this world, it is not the business
of the civil magistrate to interfere in matters of religion ; but to maintain
the external peace and good order of the community. We therefore think
persecution, even in the smallest degree, unwarrantable. We are careful
in requiring our members not to be concerned in illicit trade, nor in any
manner to defraud the revenue.

It is well known that the society, from its first appearance, has disused
those names of the months and days, which having been given in honour
of the heroes or false gods of the heathen, originated in their flattery or
superstition ; and the custom of speaking to a single person in the plural
number, as having arisen also from motives of adulation. Compliments,
superfluity of apparel and furniture, outward shows of rejoicing and mourn-
ing, and the observation of days and times, we esteem to be incompatible
with the simplicity and sincerity of a Christian life ; and public diversions,
gaming, and other vain amusements of the world, we cannot but condemn.
They are a waste of that time which is given us for nobler purposes ; and
divert the attention of the mind from the sober duties of life, and from the
reproofs of instruction, by which we are guided to an everlasting inherit-
ance.

To conclude, although we have exhibited the several tenets which distin-
guish our religious society, as objects of our belief; yet we are sensible
that a true and living faith is not produced in the mind of man by his own
effort ; but is the free gift of God(x) in Christ Jesus, nourished and in-
creased by the progressive operation of his Spirit in our hearts, and our
proportionate obedience, (y) Therefore, although for the preservation of
the testimonies given us to bear, and for the pea£e and good order of the
society, we deem it necessary that those who are admitted into member-
ship with us, should be previously convinced of those doctrines which we
esteem essential ; yet we require no formal subscription to any articles,
either as a condition of membership, or a qualification for the service of
the church. We prefer the judging of men-by their fruits, and depending
on the aid of Him, who, by his prophet, hath promised to be " a spirit of
judgment to him that sitteth in judgment. "(z) Without this, there is a
danger of receiving members into outward communion, without any addi-
tion to that spiritual sheepfold, whereof our blessed Lord declared him-
self to be both the door and the shepherd ;(a) that is, such as know his voice,
and follow him in the paths of obedience.

(z) Eph. ii., 8. (y) John vii., 17. (2) Isaiah xxviii., 6. (a) John x., 7, 11.

SUPPLEMENT CONCERNING THE QUAKERS. 465

CHAPTER II.

DISCIPLINE.

Its Purposes. — Meetings for Discipline. — MONTHLY-MEETINGS. — Poor. — Convinced Per-
sons.— Certificates of Removal. — Overseers. — Mode of dealing with Offenders. — Ar-
bitration.— Marriages. — Births and Burials. — QUARTERLY-MEETINGS. — Queries. — Ap-
peals.— THE YEARLY-MEETING. — Women's Meetings. — Meetings of Ministers and
Elders.- — Certificates to Ministers. — rTnE MEETING FOR SUFFERINGS. — Conclusion.

THE purposes which our discipline hath chiefly in view, are, the relief
of the poor, — the maintenance of good order, — the support of the testi-
monies which we believe it is our duty to bear to the world, — and the help
and recovery of such as are overtaken in faults.

In the practice of discipline, we think it indispensable that the order
recommended by Christ himself be invariably observed :(a) " If thy brother
shall trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee and him
alone : if he shall hear thee, thou hast gained thy brother ; but if he will
not hear thee, then take with thee one or two more, that in the mouth of
two or three witnesses, every word may be established : and if he shall
neglect to hear them, tell it unto the church."

To effect the salutary purposes of discipline, meetings were appointed,
at an early period of the society, which, from the times of their being held,
were called Quarterly-meetings. It was afterwards found expedient(J) to
divide the districts of those meetings, and to meet more frequently ; from
whence arose Monthly-meetings, subordinate to those held quarterly. At
length, in 1669,(c) a Yearly meeting was established, to superintend, as-
sist, and provide rules for, the whole : previously to which, general meet-
ings had been occasionally held.

A Monthly-meeting is usually composed of several particular congrega-
tions,^) situated within a convenient distance from each other. Its busi-
ness is to provide for the subsistence of the poor, and for the education of
their offspring ; to judge of the sincerity and fitness of persons appearing
to be convinced of the religious principles of the society, and desiring to
be admitted into membership ;(e) to excite due attention to the discharge
of religious and moral duty ; ' and to deal with disorderly members. Month-
ly-Meetings also grant to such of their members as remove into other
monthly- Meetings certificates of their membership and conduct; without
which they cannot gain membership in such meetings. Each Monthly-
meeting is required to appoint certain persons, under the name of over-
seers, who are to take care that the rules of our discipline be put in practice ;

(a) Matt, xviii., 15-17. (b) Sewel, 485. (e) On application of this kind, a small

(c) Fox, 390. committee is appointed to visit the party,

(d) Where this is the case, it is usual for and report to the Monthly-meeting ; which

the members of each congregation to form is directed by our rules not to admit any into

what is called a Preparative-meeting, because membership, without allowing a seasonable

its business is to prepare whatever may oc- time to consider their conduct,
cur among themselves, to be laid before the
Monthly-meeting.

VOL. III.— N N N

466 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

and when any case of complaint, or disorderly conduct, comes to their knowl-
edge, to see that private admonition, agreeably to the gospel rule before
mentioned, be given, previously to its being laid before the Monthly-meeting.

When a case is introduced, it is usual for a small committee to be ap-
pointed, to visit the offender, to endeavour to convince him of his error,
and to induce him to forsake and condemn it.(/) If they succeed, the per-
son is by minute declared to have made satisfaction for the offence ; if not,
he is disowned as a member of the society. (g)

In disputes between individuals, it has long been the decided judgment
of the society, that its members should not sue each other at law. It there-
fore enjoins all to end their differences by speedy and impartial arbitration,
agreeably to rules laid down. If any refuse to adopt this mode, or, having
adopted it, to submit to the award, it is the direction of the Yearly-meeting
that such be disowned.

To Monthly-meetings also belongs the allowing of marriages ; for our
society hath always scrupled to acknowledge the exclusive authority of
the priests in the solemnization of marriage. Those who intend to marry,
appear together, and propose their intention to the Monthly-meeting ; and
if not attended by their parents and guardians, produce a written certificate
of their consent, signed in the presence of witnesses. The meeting then ap-
points a committee to inquire whether they be clear of other engagements
respecting marriage ; and if at a subsequent meeting, to which the parties
also come and declare the continuance of their intention, no objections be
reported, they have the meeting's consent to solemnize their intended mar-
riage. This is done in a public meeting for worship, towards the close
whereof the parties stand up, and solemnly take each other for husband
and wife. A certificate of the proceedings is then publicly read, and signed
by the parties, and afterwards by the relations eftid others as witnesses.
Of such marriage the Monthly- meeting keeps a record ; as also of the
births and burials of its members. A certificate of the date, of the name
of the infant, and of its parents, signed by those present at the birth, is the
subject of one of these last-mentioned records ; and an order for the inter-
ment, countersigned by the gravemaker, of the other. The naming of chil-
dren is without ceremony. Burials are also conducted in a simple manner.
The body, followed by the relations and friends, is sometimes, previously
to interment, carried to a meeting ; and at the grave a pause is generally
made ; on both which occasions it frequently falls out, that one or more
friends present have somewhat to express for the edification of those who
attend ; but no religious rite is considered as an essential part of burial.

Several Monthly-meetings compose a Quarterly-meeting. At the Quar-
terly-meeting are produced written answers from the Monthly-meetings,
to certain queries respecting the conduct of their members, and the meet-
ings' care over them. The accounts thus received, are digested into one,
which is sent, also in the form of answers to queries, by representatives,
to the Yearly-meeting. Appeals from the judgment of Monthly-meetings,
are brought to the Quarterly-meetings ; whose business also it is to assist

(/)This is generally done by a written ac- have led to it ; next, the means unavailingly

knowledgment, signed by the offender. used to reclaim the offender; after that, a

( g) This is done by what is termed a Tes- clause disowning him ; to which is usually

timony of Denial : which is a paper reciting added an expression of desire for his repent-

the offence, and sometimes the steps which ance, and for his being restored to membership.

SUPPLEMENT CONCERNING THE QUAKERS. 467

in any difficult case, or where remissness appears in the care of the Month-
ly-meetings over the individuals who compose them.

The Yearly-meeting has the general superintendence of the society in
the country in which it is established ;(/i) and therefore, as the accounts
which it receives discover the state of inferior meetings, as particular exi-
gences require, or as the meeting is impressed with a sense of duty, it gives
forth its advice, makes such regulations as appear to be requisite, or ex-
cites to the observance of those already made ; and sometimes appoints
committees to visit those Quarterly-meetings which appear to be in need
of immediate advice. Appeals from the judgment of Quarterly-meetings
are here finally determined ; and a brotherly correspondence, by epistles,
is maintained with other Yearly-meetings, (i)

In this place it is proper to add, that, as we believe that women may be
rightly called to the work of the ministry, we also think that to them belongs
a share in the support of our Christian discipline ; and that some parts of
it, wherein their own sex is concerned, devolve on them with peculiar
propriety ; accordingly they have Monthly, Quarterly, and Yearly-meetings
of their own sex, held at the same time and in the sarne place with those
of the men ; but separately, and without the power of making rules ; and
it may be remarked that during the persecutions, which in the last century
occasioned the imprisonment of so many of the men, the care of the poor
often fell on the women, and was by them satisfactorily administered.

In order that those who are in the situation of ministers may have the
tender sympathy and council of those of either sex,(j) who, by their ex-
perience in the work of religion, are qualified for that service, the Monthly-
meetings are advised to select such under the denomination of Elders.
These, and ministers approved by their Monthly-meetings,(&) have meetings
peculiar to themselves, called Meetings of Ministers and Elders ; in which
they have an opportunity of exciting each other to a discharge of their
several duties, and of extending advice to those who may appear weak,
without any needless exposure. Such meetings are generally held in the
compass of each Monthly, Quarterly, and Yearly-meeting. They are con,
ducted by rules prescribed by the Yearly- meeting, and have no authority
to make any alteration or addition to them. The members of them unite
with their brethren in the Meetings for discipline, and are equally account-
able to the latter for their conduct.

It is to a meeting of this kind in London, called the Second day's Morn-
ing-meeting, that the revisal of manuscripts concerning our principles,
previously to publication, is intrusted by the Yearly-meeting held in Lon-
don; and also the granting, in the intervals of the Yearly-meeting, of
certificates of approbation to such ministers as are concerned to travel in
the work of the ministry in foreign parts ; in addition to those granted by
their Monthly and Quarterly-meetings. When a visit of this kind doth

(h~) There are seven Yearly-meetings, viz., their Monthly-meetings ; but time is taken

1 London, to which come representatives for judgment, that the meeting may be satis-

from Ireland, 2 New-England, 3 New- York, fied of their call and qualification. It will

4 Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, 5 Mary- also sometimes happen, that such as are not

land, 6 Virginia, 7 the Carolinas and Georgia.- approved, will obtrude themselves as minis-

(i) See the last note. (;') Fox, 461, 492. ters, to the grief of their brethren ; but much

(k) Those who believe themselves required forbearance is used towards these, before the

to speak in meetings for worship, are not disapprobation of the meeting is publicly

immediately acknowledged as ministers by testified.

468 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. IV.

not extend beyond Great Britain, a certificate from the Monthly-meeting of
which the minister is a member is sufficient ; if to Ireland, the concurrence
of the Quarterly-meeting is also required. Regulations of similar tendency
obtain in other Yearly-meetings.

The Yearly-meeting of London, in the year 1675, appointed a meeting to
be held in that city, for the purpose of advising and assisting in cases of suf-
fering for conscience' sake, which hath continued with great use to the
Society to this day. It is composed of friends under the name of cor-
respondents, chosen by the several Quarterly-meetings, and who reside in
or near the city. The same meetings also appoint members of their own
in the country as correspondents, who are to join their brethren in London
on emergency. The names of all these correspondents, previously to
their being recorded as such, are submitted to the approbation of the
Yearly-meeting. Those of the men who are approved ministers are also
members of this meeting, which is called the Meeting for Sufferings ; a
name arising from its original purpose, which is not yet become entirely
obsolete.

The Yearly-meeting has Intrusted the Meeting for Sufferings with the
care of printing and distributing books, and with the management of its
stock ;(Z) and, considered as a standing committee of the Yearly^meeting,
it hath a general care of whatever may arise, during the intervals of that
meeting, affecting the society, and requiring immediate attention ; particu-
larly of those circumstances which may occasion an application to gov-
ernment.

There is not in any of the meetings which have been mentioned, any pres-
ident, as we believe that Divine Wisdom alone ought to preside ; nor hath
any member a right to claim pre-eminence over the rest. Tho office of
clerk, with a few exceptions, is undertaken voluntarily by some member ; as
is also the keeping of the records. Where these are very voluminous and
require a house for their deposite, (as is the case in London, where the
general records of the society in Great Britain are kept,) a clerk is hired
to have the care of them ; but except a few clerks of this kind, and per-
sons who have the care of meeting-houses, none receive any stipend or
gratuity for their services in our religious society.

Thus have we given' a view of the foundation and establishment of our
discipline ; by which it will be seen, that it is not (as hath been frequently
insinuated) merely the work of modern times ; but was the early care and
concern of our pious predecessors. We cannot better close this short
sketch of it, than by observing, that if the exercise of discipline should in
some instances appear to press hard upon those who, neglecting the mo-
nitions of divine counsel in their hearts, are also unwilling to be accounta-
ble to their brethren ; yet, if that great, leading, and indispensable rule
enjoined by our Lord, be observed by those who undertake to be active
in it, " Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so
them,"(w) it will prevent the censure of the church from falling on any
thing but that which really obstructs the truth. Discipline will then pro-
mote, in an eminent degree, that love of our neighbour, which is the mark
of discipleship, and without which a profession of love to God, and to his

(I) This is an occasional voluntary con- records, the passage of ministers who visit
tribution, expended in printing books, house- their brethren beyond sea, and some inci-
rent for a clerk, and his wages for keeping dental charges. (m) Matt, vii., 17.

HISTORY OF THE MENNONITES OR ANABAPTISTS. 469

cause, is a vain pretence. " He," said the beloved disciple, " that loveth not
his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not
seen ? And this commandment have we from him, that he who loveth
God, love his brother also."(n)

CHAPTER V. - '<

HISTORY OF THE MENNONITES OR ANABAPTISTS.

$ 1. The Adverse and the Prosperous Circumstances of the Mennoniles. — § 2. Union es-
tablished among them. — <J 3. Sects of the Anabaptists. — § 4. External Form of the
Mennonite Church.— 5. The Uckewallists.— $ 6. The Waterlanders. — $ 7. The Ga-
lenists and Apostoolians.

- $ 1. THE Mennonites, after numberless trials and sufferings, at length
obtained in this century the much-desired peace and tranquillity ; but they
obtained it very slowly, and by degrees. For, although they were admitted
to the privileges of citizens among the Dutch in the preceding century,
yet they could not prevail on the English, the Swiss, and the Germans,
either by prayers or arguments, to grant them the same privileges, nor to
revise the laws in force against them. The enormities of the old Anabap-
tists were continually floating in the vision of the magistrates ; and it did
not seem to them possible, that men ,who hold that a Christian can never
take an oath without committing great sin, and who think that Christ al-
lows no place in his kingdom for magistrates and civil punishments, could
fulfil the duties of good citizens. And hence, not a few examples may be
collected from this century, of Anabaptists who were put to death, or suf-
fered other punishments.(l) At the present time, having given numerous
proofs of their probity, they live in peace, not only among the Dutch, but also
among the English, the Germans, and the Prussians ; and support them-
selves and families by their honest industry, partly as labouring men and
artificers and partly by merchandise.

§ 2. The more wise among them, readily .perceiving that this external
peace would not be very firm and durable, unless their intestine contests
and their old altercations about unimportant matters were terminated, ap-
plied themselves from time to time, with great care, to appease these dis-
cords. Nor were their efforts without effect. A large part of the Flan-
drians, the Germans, and the Frieslanders, renounced their contests in
1630, at Amsterdam, and entered into a union ; each retaining however

(«) 1 Johniv., 20, 21. 289, &c., where may be seen letters of the

(1) The enactments of the Swiss against States-General of the United Provinces in-

the Mennonites in this century, are stated terceding with that canton in their behalf,

by Jo. Bapt. Ottius, Annales Anabapt., p. In the Palatinate they were grievously per-

337, &c., and in some other places: and secuted in 1694; when the letters of Wil-

those of the year 1693, by Jo. Henry Hot- Ham III. the king of Great Britain, hushed

finger, Schweizerische Kirchenhistorie, vol. the tempest. See Herm. Schyn, loc. cit.,

i., p. 1101. And that in this 18th century, p. 265, &c. Some instances of Anabaptists

they have not been treated more leniently being put to death in England, are mentioned

in the canton of Bern, appears from Herm. by Gilb. Burnet, Hist, of his own Times,

Schyn'x Historia Mennonitar., cap. x., p. vol. i.

470 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.

some of its peculiar sentiments. Afterwards, in 1649, the Flandrians in
particular and the Germans, between whom there had formerly been much
disagreement, renewed this alliance, and strengthened it with new guaran-
tees. (2) All these Anabaptists went over to the more moderate part of
the sect, and softened down and improved the old institutions of Menno
and his successors.

§ 3. The whole sect of Anabaptists, therefore, forms at the present day
two large communities ; namely, the Refined, that is, the more strict, who
are also called the old Flemings or Flandrians ; and the Gross, that is,
the more mild and lax, who are also commonly called Waterlanders. The
reasons of these names have heretofore been given. Each of these com-
munities is subdivided into several minor parties. The Refined in partic-
ular,— besides embracing the two considerable parties, of Groningenists,(3)
(who are so called, because they hold their stated conventions at Groningen),
and the Dantzigers or Prussians, (so named, because they have adopted the
customs and church government of the Prussians), — contains a great num-
ber of smaller and more obscure parties, which disagree on various subjects
and especially in regard to discipline, customs, and rules of life, and are
united irt nothing but in the name and in the common opinions of the early
Anabaptists. All these Refined Anabaptists are true disciples of Menno
Simonis ; and they retain, though not all with equal strictness, his doc-
trines respecting the body of Christ, the washing strangers' feet as Christ
enjoined, the excluding from the church and avoiding as pestilential not
only sinners, but also those who even slightly deviate from the ancient
simplicity and are stained with some appearance of sin. (4) At the pres-
ent day, some Of their congregations are altering by little and little, and
slowly approximating to more moderate sentiments and discipline.

§ 4. All the Anabaptists, have first, Bishops o» Elders, who uniformly
preside in the consistory [or church session], and have the sole power of
administering baptism and the Lord's Supper ; secondly, Teachers, who
preach to the congregation ; and lastly, Deacons and Deaconesses. The
ministry [or church session], by which the church is governed, is compo-
sed of these three orders. The more weighty affairs are proposed and dis-
cussed, in assemblies of the brethren. All ecclesiastical officers are cho-
sen by the suffrages of the brethren ; and, except the deacons, are ordained
by prayers and the imposition of hands.

§ 5. Among the minor parties of the more strict [or Refined] Anabap-
tists, that which has obtained the greatest celebrity, bears the name of
Ukewallists or Ockwallists, from like Walles, a Frieslander, its founder.
This rustic and very illiterate man not only wished to have the whole an-
cient and severe discipline of Menno retained entire and unaltered, but also
taught in the year 1637, in company with John Leus, that there is reason
to hope for the salvation of Judas and the others, who laid violent hands
on our Saviour. To give some plausibility and importance to this error,
he pretended that the period between the birth of our Saviour and the de-
scent of the Holy Ghost, which divides as it were the Old Testament from

(2) Herman Schyn, Plenior deductio His- they think and teach, just as in the general
torise Mennenit., p. 41, 42. Anabaptist church. This is a note of the

(3) [The Groningenists or old Flemings Dutch translator of this History. — TV.]
have gradually laid aside their ancient strict- (4) See Simeon Fred. Rues, Nachrichten
ness, both in regard to church discipline and von dem gegenwartigen Zustande der Men-
the practice of rebaptizing. At present, noniten ; Jena, 1743, 8vo.

HISTORY OF THE MENNONITES OR ANABAPTISTS. 471

the New, was a time of darkness and ignorance, during which the Jews
were destitute of all light and divine assistance ; and hence he would infer,
that the sins and wickedness they committed during this period, were in a
great measure excusable, and could not merit severe punishment from the
justice of God. Neither the Mennonites, nor the magistrates of Gronin-
gen could endure this fiction ; the former excommunicated him, and the
latter banished him from the city. He removed therefore into the adja-
cent province of East Friesland ; and collected a large number of disciples,
whose descendants still remain in the territory of Groningen, and in Fries-
land, Lithuania, and Prussia, and hold their meetings separate from the
other Mennonites. (5) Whether they still profess that sentiment which
brought so much trouble upon their master, does not appear ; for they
have very little intercourse with other people. But it is certain, that they
tread the most faithfully of all, in the steps of Menno their common pre-
ceptor, and exhibit as it were a living picture of the first age of Mennon-
itism.(6) If any one joins them from other sects of Christians, they bap-
tize him anew. Their dress is rustic, nay worse than rustic ; for they will
tolerate no appearance or shadow of elegance and ornament. Their beard
is long ; their hair uncombed ; their countenance very gloomy ; and their
houses and furniture, only such as absolute necessity demands. Whoever
deviates in the least from this austerity, is forthwith excommunicated ; and
is shunned by all, as a pest. Their bishops or overseers of the church,
who are different from their teachers, must be approved by all their con-
gregations. Washing of feet, they regard as a divine rite. They can
the more easily keep up this discipline, as they carefully provide, that not a
breath of science or learning shall contaminate their pious ignorance.

§ 6. The Gross or more moderate Anabaptists, consist of the Water-
landers, Flandrians, Frisians, and Germans, who entered into the union
already mentioned. They are generally called Waterlanders. They
Jiave forsaken the more rigid and singular opinions of Menno, (whom,
however, most of them respect and venerate), and have approximated
to the customs and opinions of other Christians. They are divided into
two communities, the Frieslanders and the Waterlanders ; neither of
which has any bishops, but only Elders and Deacons. Each congre-
gation is independent, and has its own consistory, composed of the Elders
and Deacons. But the supreme power belongs to the people ; without

(5) [It is incorrect to represent the fol- these particular and absurd opinions." H.
lowers of Uckewalles as constituting a par- Wtzrma beknopt Ontwerp, in the Preface,
ticular sect, bearing the name of Uckewallists § 24, Emden, 1744, 8vo. So the CEckewal-
or (Eckewallists. He was merely a preach- lists as they are called, or the Grb'ningen-
er among the old Flemings. He may have sians and old Flemings, are no longer par-
found some individual persons, that would ticular sects among the Baptists. See also
profess his doctrines ; but there is no evi- note (3) above. This likewise is a note of
dence before us, that his particular opinions the Dutch Translator of Mosheim. — TV.]
were embraced by any congregation what- • (6) Jo. Bapt. Oltius, Annales Anabap-
ever, and much less by the whole party of tist., p. 266. Herman Schyn, Plenior de-
the old Flemings, 'or by any considerable ductio Histor. Mennonit., p. 43. Joach.
part of it. Besides, his doctrines have been Christ. Jehring, Diss. de Ukonis Walles
unknown among them, now for many years, vita et fatis ; in the Biblioth. Bremensis
"I testify, (writes one of their teachers,) Theol. Philol., torn, viii., p. U3, and the
that it is not known to me, that there is now Preface to the History of the Mennonites,
any church or congregation among the Men- (in German,) p. 11, &c., and the Appendix
nonites, either here in East Friesland, or any to the same, p. 234, &c.
where else, that has received or professed

472 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. V.

whose consent, no business of great importance is transacted. Their
elders are learned men ; some of them doctors of physic, and others mas-
ters of arts. And they now support a professor at Amsterdam, who
teaches both theology and the sciences.

§ 7. One of these communities of Waterlanders,(l) in the year 1664,
became split .into two parties; which still continue, and which bear the
names of Galenists and Apostoolians, from the names of their [first] teach-
ers. Galenus Abrahams de Haan, a doctor of physic and a minister
among the Mennoni'tes at Amsterdam, a man whom even his enemies
applaud for his eloquence and penetration, taught in accordance with the
views of the Arrru'nians, that the Christian . religion was not so much a
body of truths to be believed, as of precepts to be obeyed ; and he would
have admission to the church and to the title and privileges of brethren,
• be open to all persons, who merely believed the books of the Old and New
Testaments to be divinely inspired, and lived pure and holy lives. He
adopted this principle, because he himself entertained different views from
the other Mennonites, respecting the divine nature of Jesus Christ, and the
redemption of the human race by his merits and death, and was inclined
to the side of the Socinians.(8) Besides others who appeared against him,
Samuel Apostool who was likewise a distinguished minister of the church
at Amsterdam, very strenuously defended not only the sentiments held by
most of the Mennonites in common with other Christians, respecting the
divinity of our Saviour, and the influences of his death, but also the well-
known peculiar sentiment of this sect respecting the visible church of
Christ on earth. (9) .The consequence of this contest, was a schism,
which some prudent and influential men still labour in vain to re-
move. The Galenists are equally ready, with the Arminians, to admit all
sorts of persons into their church, who call themseh»es Christians ; and they
are the only Anabaptists [in Holland], who refuse to be called Mennonites.
The Apostoolians admit none to membership, who do not profess to be-'
lieve the doctrines contained in the public formula of their religion. (10)

(7) [This is either a mistake or a slip of of the Mennonites at Hoorn ; with an ex-
the pen in Dr. Mosheim. This schism did planatory Introduction and Appendix ; Ham-
not occur in the community of the Water- burg 1776, 4to, (in German). This is prop-
Zanders, but in that of the Flemings; and erly a translation of the Dutch original,
among them, only at Amsterdam. The which was published in 1773. It exhibits
church of the Flemings at Amsterdam, in many correct views in genuine Christianity,
which were the two preachers Galenus Abra- in both its theoretical and practical parts ;
hams de Haan and Samuel Apostool, be- and is free from the doctrine, which is pe-
came at this time divided. Some years af- culiar only to some of the Mennonites, re-
terwards, the Waterlander church in the specting the origin of Christ's human nature,
above-named city, united with the Galenists. Note of the Dutch translator. — Tr.]

Such is the note of the Dutch translator of (9) See, respecting both [these men],

this work. — TV.] Herman Schyn's Deductio plenior Historic

(8) [Galenus Abrahams was accused of Mennonit., cap. xv., p. 318, and cap. xviii.,
this, by his opposers. The Court of Hoi- p. 237.

land (the States-General) investigated the (10) Casper Commelin, Description of
subject, and acquitted this minister, on the the city of Amsterdam, (in Dutch), vol. i.,
14th of September, 1663. See Wagenaer, p. 500, &c. Stoupa, La Religion des Hoi-
Amsterdam, pt. ii., p. 195 and 237. Note landois, p. 20, &c. Henry Lewis Ben-
of the Dutch translator. — To the history of thr.im's Hollaildischer Schul-und Kirchen-
the Orthodox or Non-Remonstrant Memio- staat, pt. i., ch. xix., p. 830. [As this
nites, belongs, The Faith of the true Men- chapter of Dr. Mosheiin's history embraces
nonites or Baptists, gathered from their pub- only the Dutch Baptists, or Mennonites ; it
lie Confessions, by Cornelius Ris, minister seems proper to add here a brief narrative of

HISTORY OF THE MENNONITES OR ANABAPTISTS. 473

the English Baptists. — Most of the Anabap-
tists mentioned in English history, prior to
the reign of James I., appear to have been
either Dutch and other foreign Anabaptists,
who endeavoured to establish themselves in
England, or small companies of converts
made by them in the country. Yet there
were probably many individuals among the
people, who questioned, or denied, the pro-
priety of infant baptism ; and there are some
intimations of attempts by such persons, to
hold conventicles, in the latter part of the
reign of Elizabeth. But the first regular
congregation of English Baptists, appears to
have originated from certain English Puri-
tans, who returned from Holland after the
death of their pastor, Rev. John Smith, who
died in 1610. See above, note (35), p. 219.
These were General or Arminian Baptists ;
and may be supposed to have derived many
of their opinions from the Mennonites. From
this time onward, churches of General Bap-
tists were formed here and there, in differ-
ent parts of England. But in general, they
made no great figure, and do not appear to
have had much connexion, or to have pro-
fessed one uniform faith. — The Particular
or Calmnistic Baptists trace their origin to
a congregation of Independents, established
in London in the year 1616. This congre-
gation having become very large, and some
of them differing from the others on the sub-
ject of infant baptism, they agreed to divide.
Those who disbelieved in infant baptism
were regularly dismissed, in 1633, and form-
ed into a new church, under 'Rev. John
Spilsbury. In 1638, several more members
were dismissed to Mr. Spilsbury's church.
And in 1639, a new Baptist church was
formed. Churches of Particular Baptists
now multiplied rapidly. In 1646, there
were forty-six in and about London. They
published a confession of thoir faith in 1643,
which was reprinted in 1644 and 1646 ; and
which was revised in 1689, by a convention
of elders and delegates from more than one
hundred churches in England and Wales.
Besides these, there were at that time, sev-
eral churches of Calvinistic Baptists, who
held to open communion, especially in Bed-
fordshire, where John Bunyan preached.
There were also some Seventh-Day Bap-
tists. Baptist churches were also planted
in Ireland, in the times of the civil wars ;
and Roger Williams established a Baptist
church in Providence in 1639, which was
the commencement of this denomination in
America. — When Cromwell had usurped
the government, he dismissed the principal

VOL. III.— O o o

officers of the army, alleging, among other
reasons, that they were all Anabaptists. Yet
during his administration they had full toler-
ation : indeed his tryers admitted a number
of their preachers to become parish ministers
of England. On the restoration of Charles
II. in 1660, the Baptists, with all other Non-
conformists, were exposed to great troubles
and persecutions ; and at the revolution in
1688, they as well as the other dissenters,
obtained free toleration. Among the Eng-
lish Baptists of this century, there were
some men of education ; but the greater part
pf their preachers were not men of learning.
The Particular Baptists, at their general
convention in 1689, made arrangements for
the better education of young men for their
pulpits : and from their provisions originated
afterwards, the famous Baptist Academy at
Bristol. Before the erection of regular Bap-
tist congregations, and indeed for some time
after, it was very common for Baptists and
others to belong to the same church, and to
worship and commune together. From their
first rise, the Baptists were assailed for hold-
ing only to adult baptism, and that by im-
mersion ; and they were not backward to de-
fend themselves. The severest conflict of
the Particular Baptists, was with the Qua-
kers, in the time of William Penn. One of
their writers made statements, for which the
Quakers accused him of falsehood ; which
caused violent animosities, and much mutual
crimination. The Particular Baptists had
also controversies among themselves. One
was, respecting their practice of confirmation,
or imposing hands on those newly baptized.
Another related to the propriety of admitting
singing, as a part of then- public worship. —
The Particular Baptists scarcely differed at
all, from the Independents, except on the
mode and subjects of baptism. The Gen-
eral Baptists having no bond of union among
themselves, held a considerable diversity of
opinions ; and as they did not set forth full
and explicit accounts of their faith, it is im-
possible to characterize them, otherwise
than by saying, they in general laid little
stress on doctrines, and allowed very great
liberty of opinion. — See Crosby's History
of the Baptists. Benedict's General History
of the. Baptists, vol. i., ch. v. Toulmin's
Supplements to NeaVs History of the Puri-
tans, vol. ii., p. 169, &c. ; vol. iii., p. 543,
&c. ; vol. iv., p. 308, &c., 493, &c. ; vol. v.,
p. 115, &c., 239, &c. Bogue and Bennet's
History of Dissenters, vol. i., p. 147, &c. —
3V.]

474 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. VI.

CHAPTER VI.

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS AND ARIANS.

$ 1. Flourishing State of the Socinians. — § 2. Socinians at Altorf. — § 3. Adversities of
the Polish Socinians. — § 4, 5. Fate of the Exiles. — § 6. The Arians.

§ 1. THE Socinian community, at the commencement of this century,
seemed in many respects to stand on a firm basis. For they not only en-
joyed the fullest religious liberty in Transylvania and at Luzko [in Vol-
hinia], but they had in Poland, a distinguished school at Rakow, furnished
with teachers eminent for learning and talents, a printing establishment,
numerous congregations, and many patrons who were men of the highest
rank. Elated with this prosperity, they thought proper to make great
efforts to extend their church, or to obtain friends and patrons in other
countries. And it may be shown by numerous proofs, that emissaries of
the Polish Socinians, in the beginning of this century, were active in Hol-
land, England, Germany, and Prussia, and that they endeavoured to make
proselytes among the great and the learned. For while most other sects
endeavour first to make friends among the common people, this sect, which
exalts reason alone, has the peculiarity that it 'does not much seek the fa-
vour and friendship of women, the illiterate, and persons of inferior rank,
but labours to recommend itself especially to persons of high rank and emi-
nent talents.

§ 2. Though these missions were for the most part committed to men
of birth and genius, yet their results, in most places, did not answer the
expectations of their projectors. No where did there seem to be a great-
er prospect of success, than in the university of Altorf in the territory of
Nuremberg. For here Ernest Sohner, a physician and Peripatetic philos-
opher, a man of great acuteness and subtilty, and a professor of philoso-
phy, who had joined the Socinians while he resided in Holland, found it the
more easy to instil into the minds of his hearers the doctrines of his new
brethren, because he was in high reputation for learning and genuine piety.
But after his death in 1612, this new Socinian party, being deprived of their
guide and head, could not manage their affairs so craftily as to elude the
vigilance of the other professors in the university. Hence, the whole
matter being fully exposed in 1616, this already mature and daily increas-
ing pest was suddenly arrested and destroyed, by the zealous and dexter-
ous severity of the Nuremberg magistrates. The foreigners who were
infected with the heresy, saved themselves by flight ; the infected citizens
of Nuremberg, allowed themselves to be reclaimed, and returned to correct
principles.(l)

(1) A very full and learned history of this by Gebauer, Leipsic, 1729, 2 vols. 4to.

•whole business, derived chiefly from unprib- [SoAnerkept up a brisk correspondence with

lished documents and papers, was drawn up the Polish Socinians ; who sent a number

by a late divine of the university of Altorf, of Polish youth to Altorf, with their private

Gustavus George Zeltner, entitled Historia tutors, to aid in spreading Socinian princi-

Crypto Socinismi Altorfinae quondam Acad- pies. It was intended, not only to diffuse

emiae infesti arcana ; which was published these principles in and around Altorf, but to

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS AND ARIANS. 476

§ 3. Neither could the Socinian sect long hold that high ground, which
they appeared to occupy in Poland. (2) The chief pillar that supported it,
was removed in the year 1638, by a decree of the Polish diet. For in this
year* some students of the school at Rakow wantonly threw stones at a
wooden statue of our Saviour extended on the cross, and demolished it.
For this offence the papists took such severe revenge, that they procured
the fatal law to be enacted at Warsaw, which commanded the school at
Rakow to be broken up, the instructers to be banished in disgrace, the
printing establishment to be destroyed, and the Socinian church to be shut
up. All this was executed forthwith, and without abatement, in spite of
all the efforts which the powerful patrons of the sect could put forth. (3)
This first calamity was the harbinger of that dire tempest, which twenty
years after entirely prostrated the glory and prosperity of the sect. For
in a diet at Warsaw in 1658, all the Socinians dispersed throughout Po-
land, were commanded to quit the country ; and it was made a capital
offence, either to profess their doctrines, or to harbour others who profess-
ed them. Three years were allowed the proscribed, in which to dispose
of their property and settle their affairs. But soon after, the cruelty of
their enemies reduced it to two years. Finally, in the year 1661, the tre-
mendous edict was renewed; and all the Socinians that remained, were
most inhumanly driven from Poland, with immense loss not merely of
property, but also of the health and the lives of many persons. (4)

§ 4. A part of the exiles took their course towards Transylvania : and
nearly all these perished by diverse calamities. (5) Others were dispers-
ed in the provinces adjacent to Poland, Silesia, Brandenburg, and Prussia ;
where their posterity still remain, scattered here and there. A consider-
able number of the more respectable families settled for a time at Creutz-
burg in Silesia, under the protection of the duke of Brieg.(6) Others went
to more distant countries, Holland, England, Holstein, and Denmark, to
see if they could obtain a comfortable settlement for themselves and their
brethren; The most active and zealous in such embassies, was, Stanislaus
Lubieniezky, a very learned Polish knight, who rendered himself accepta-
ble to great men by his eloquence, politeness, and sagacity. In the years
1661 and 1662, he came very near to obtaining a secure residence for the
Socinians at Altona, from Frederic III. king of Denmark; and in 1662,
at Frederickstadt, from Christ. Albert, duke of Holstein ; and at Manheim,
from Charles Leuris, the elector Palatine. But all his" efforts and expecta-

communicate them also to other German uni- Polonicae, lib. iii., cap. xvii., xviii., p. 279,

versities. See SchroeckVs Kirchengesch. &c. Equitis Poloni Vindiciae pro Unitarior.

seit der Reformation, vol. v., p. 625, &c. — in Polonia religionis libertate ; in Sand's

Tr.~\ Biblioth. Antitrinit., p. 267, and many others.

(2) On the flourishing state of the Socin- (5) [Some say there were 380 of these ref-
ian cause, and especially of the Racovian ugees ; others say, 500. On the borders of
school, under the rectorship of Martin Rua- Hungary, they were assaulted and plundered,
rus, see Jo. Moller's Cimbria Litterata, torn, so that when they arrived at Clausenburg in
i., p. 572; in his life of Ruarus, a very Transylvania, they were almost naked. Dis-
learned man of Holstein, who, it appears, ease now attacked them, and carried them
had embraced Socinianism. nearly all off. See J, G. Watch's Einleit.

(3) Epistolade Wissowatii vita, in Sand's in die Rel. Streit. aus d. Ev. Luth. Kirche.,
Bibliotheca Antitrinitaria, p. 233. Gust. vol. iv., p. 275. — Von Emem]

Geo. Zcltner's Historia Crypto-Socinismi (6) Lubieniezky, Historia Reform. Polon.,
Altorfini, vol. i., p. 299. cap. xviii., p. 285, where there is quite a long

(4) Stanisl. Lubieniezky, Hietoria Reform. Epistle of the Creutzburgers.

476 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. VI.

tions were frustrated, by the remonstrances and entreaties of theologians ;
in Denmark, by John Suaning, bishop of Seeland ; in Holstein, by John
Reinboth, the general superintendent ; in the Palatinate, by John Lewis
Fabricius, [doctor and professor of theology at Heidelberg]. (7) The oth.
ers who undertook such negotiations, had much less success than he : nor
could any nation of Europe be persuaded, to allow the oppose rs of Christ's
divinity freely to practice their worship among them.

§ 5. Such therefore as remain of this unhappy people, live concealed
in various countries of Europe, especially in Brandenburg, Prussia, Eng-
land, and Holland ; and hold here and there clandestine meetings for wor-
ship : in England however, it is said they have public religious meetings,
with the connivance of the magistrates.(S) Some have united themselves
with the Arminians, and others with those Mennonites who are called Ga-
lenists : for neither of these sects requires its members very explicitly to
declare their religious belief. It is also said, that not a few of these dis-
persed people are members of the society who bear the name of Collegi-

(7) See Sand's Bibliotheca Antitrinit., p.
165. The Life of LuMeniezky, prefixed to
his Historia Reformat. Polonicae, p. 7, 8. Jo.
Mailer's Introductio in Historiam Cherson.
Cimbricae, pt. ii., p. 105, and Cimbria Litte-
rata, torn, ii., p. 487, &,c. Jo. Henr. Hei-
degger's Life of Jo. Lewis Fabricius, sub^
joined to the works of the latter, p. 38.

(8) The Socinians residing in Branden-
burg were accustomed, a few years ago, to
meet at stated times at Konigswald, a village
near Frankfort on the Oder. See Jourdain,
(for he is the author of the paper), Recueil
de Litterature, de philosophic, et de Histoire,
p. 44, Amsterd., 1731 , 8vo. They also pub-
lished at Berlin in 1716, a German Confes-
sion of their faith ; which, with a confuta-
tion of it, is printed in den Theologischen
Heb-Opfern, pt. x., p. 852. [In Prussian
Brandenburg they found some protection,
under the kindness of the electoral stadthold-
er, Bogislaus prince von Radzivil, who re-
tained some Socinians at his court ; and per-
haps they would also have obtained religious
freedom, under the electoral prince, Frederic
William, had not the states of the duchy in-
sisted on their expulsion. See Fred. Sam.
Bock's Historia Socinianismi Prussici, p. 55,
&c., and Hartknoch's Preussische Kirchen-
historie, p. 646, ccc. By the indulgence of
the above-named electoral prince, they ob-
tained religious freedom in Brandenburg,
particularly in New Mark, under the hope that
this little company would gradually unite it-
self with the Protestant churches. They
likewise had churches and schools, at Lands-
berg, down to the end of the seventeenth
century. After that, they were expelled ;
the protection of the Schwerin family, which
they had hitherto enjoyed, now ceasing. — In
Holland, the book of John Volkel, a Socinian,
de vera Religione, 1642, was burned ; and

the states of Holland, in 1653, forbid the pub-
lication of Unitarian books, and all religious
meetings of Socinians. Yet Andrew Wis-
sowatius procured the famous Bibliotheca
Fratrum Polonorum to be printed at Amster-
dam ; though the place is not mentioned on
the title-page : and the Socinians have been
allowed to reside there ; but without the pub-
lic exercise of their religion. Many of them
likewise are concealed among the Menno-
nites, and the other sects. — Schl. " The
Socinians in England have never made any
figure as a community, but have rather been
dispersed amoflg that great variety of sects,
that have arisen in a country, where liberty
displays its most glorious fruits, and at the
same time exhibits its most striking inconve-
niences. Besides, few ecclesiastics or wri-
ters of any note have adopted the theologi-
cal system, now under consideration, in all
its branches. The Socinian doctrine rela-
ting to the design and efficacy of the death
of Christ had indeed many abettors in Eng-
land, during the seventeenth century ; and
it may be presumed without temerity, that
its votaries are rather increased than dimin-
ished, in the present ; but those divines who
have abandoned the Athanasian hypothesis,
concerning the Trinity of persons in the God-
head, have more generally gone into the
Arian and Semiarian notions of that inex-
plicable subject, than into those of the So-
cinians, who deny that Jesus Christ existed
befpre his appearance in the human nature.
The famous John Biddle, after having main-
tained both in public and private during the
reign of Charles I. and the protectorship of
Cromwell, the Unitarian system, erected an
Independent congregation in London, which
is the only British church we have heard of, in
which all the peculiar doctrines of Socinian-
ism were inculcated." — M ael.]

HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS AND ARIANS. 477

ants. Being thus situated, they have not all been able to maintain that
form of religion, which their fathers transmitted to them. Accordingly,
both the learned and the unlearned, without restraint, explain variously
those doctrines which distinguish them from other sects : yet they all agree
in denying the divine Trinity, and the divinity and atonement of our Sa-
viour.(9)

§ 6. Kindred with the Socinians, are the Arians ; some of whom obtain,
ed celebrity in this century as authors, such as Christopher Sand, father
and son, and John Biddle ;(10) and likewise some of those comprehended
under the general appellation of Anti-Trinitarians or Unitarians. For this
[latter] name is applied to various sorts of persons, who agree in this only,
that they will not admit of any real distinction in the divine nature. The
name of Arians is likewise given to all those in general, who represent
our Saviour to be inferior to God the Father. And as this may be done in
various ways, it is manifest that this word, as now used, must have various
significations ; and that all, who are now called Arians, do not agree with
the ancient Arians ; nor do they all hold one and the same sentiment.

Scriptura Trinitatis Revelatrix. The son
died in 1680, (aged 40), and the father in
1686. — Schl. See also, concerning the
younger Sand, ReesJ Cyclopaedia, art. San-
dius. — John Biddle was born in 1615, edu-
cated at Oxford, and became 'master of a
free school in Gloucester in 164 1 . Here he
soon became suspected of heresy ; and from
the year 1644, till his death in 1662, he
passed a large part of his time in various
prisons, and in exile. Whenever he was at
liberty, he wrote and preached in favour of
his sentiments ; which caused him to be fre-
quently apprehended, and to undergo a crim-
inal prosecution. In the year 1651, he pub-
lished two Catechisms ; in which, Mr. Neal
says, he maintained, 1. " That God is con-
fined to a certain place. 2. That he has a
bodily shape. 3. That he has passions.
4. That he is neither omnipotent nor un-
changeable. 5. That we are not to believe,
three persons in the Godhead. 6. That
Jesus Christ has not the nature of God, but
only a divine lordship. 7. That he was not
a priest while upon earth. 8. That there is
no deity in the Holy Ghost." According
to Dr. Toulmin, these are not formal propo-
sitions, but only questions in his catechisms ;
to which he subjoins texts of scripture by
way of answer. Thus, the first proposition
is this question : " Is not God, according, to
the current of the scripture, in a certain
place, namely, in heaven ?" The answer
consists of twenty-nine passages of scripture,
which represent God, as " looking from
heaven," as " our father who art in heaven,"
&c. See Neafs Hist, of the Puritans, vol.
iv., p. 157, &c., ed. Boston, 1817. Toul-
min's Review of the Life, Character, and
Writings of Mr. John Biddle. Brookes
Lives of the Puritans, vol. iii., p. 411, &c.
Kees' Cyclopaedia, art. Biddle. — TV.]

(9) This is evident from many proofs, and
among others from the example of Samuel
Crell, the most learned man among the So-
cinians a few years since ; who, although he
sustained the office of a teacher among them,
yet deviated in many respects from the doc-
trines of Socinus and of the Racovian cate-
chism ; nor did he wish to be called a So-
cinian, but an Artemonite. See Journal Lit-
teraire, tome x.vii., part i., p. 150, and my
own remarks on this man, in my Syntagma
Diss. ad sanctiores disciplinas pertinentium,
p. 352. Unschuldige Nachrichten, 1750, p.
942. Nouveau Dictionnaire Hist. Crit.,
tome ii., pt. ii., p. 88, &c.

(10) Of both the Sands, Arnold [Kirchen-
und Ketzerhistorie, vol. ii., book xvii., ch.
xiii.,$ 25, p. 176, &c.J, and others give ac-
count. Respecting Biddle, see Nouveau
Dictionnaire Hist. Crit., tome i., pt. ii., p.
288, &c. [Christopher Sandius the elder,
was of Creuzberg in Prussia, studied law,
and filled various offices at Konigsberg ;
but was deprived in 1668, because he would
not renounce Arianism. After this, he lived
in retirement, and wrote only some vindica-
tions and apologies. Yet he aided his son
in the composition of his works ; and out-
living him, published some of them after his
death. The son called himself Christopher
Christopheri Sandius ; and wrote, besides
his Biblioth. Antitrinitariorum, his Nucleus
Historiae ecclesiast. on the four first centu-
ries ; in which he attempts to prove, that
the early fathers, before the council of Nice,
held Arian sentiments ; and that Athanasius
was the first that broached the common be-
lief among Christians respecting the Trinity.
He also wrote Intefpretationes paradoxas
quatuor Evangeliorum ; de Origine animae ;
Pxoblema paradoxum de Spiritu Sancto ;
and, (under the name of Herm. Cingallus'),

.
478 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVII.— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. VII.

CHAPTER VII.

HISTORY OF SOME MINOR SECTS.

§ 1, 2. The Collegiants. — $ 3. The Labadists. — $ 4. Bourignon and Poiret. — $ 5. The

Philadelphia!! Society.

§ 1. IT will be proper here to give some account of certain sects, which
could not be conveniently noticed in the history of the larger communities,
but which, for various reasons, should not be passed over in total silence.
While the Arminian disputes in Holland were most warm, in the year 1619,
arose that class of people, who hold sacred conventions twice a year at
Rheinsberg in 'Holland, not far from Leyden, and who are well known by
the name of Collegiants.' The institution oiginated from three brothers,
by the name of Koddeus or Van der Kodde ; namely John James, Hadrian,
and Gisbert ; obscure men, in rural life, but according to report, pious, well
acquainted with their Bibles, and opposed to religious controversies. They
were joined by one Anthony Cornelius, who was also an illiterate and ob-
scure man. The descendants and followers of these men acquired the
name of Collegiants, from the circumstance, that they called their assem-
blies Colleges. All persons maybe admitted into the society, who merely
account the Bible a divine book, and endeavour to live according to its
precepts, whatever may be their opinions respecting God and the Christian
religion. The brethren, who are considerably numerous in most of the
cities and villages of Holland, Friesland, and West Friesland, assemble
twice a week, namely on Sundays and Wednesdays ; and after singing a
hymn, and offering a prayer, they take up some passage of the New Tes-
tament, which they illustrate and explain. With the exception of females
whom they do not allow to speak in public, all persons of whatever rank
or order, are at liberty to bring forward their thoughts, and offer them to
the consideration of the brethren : and all are at liberty to oppose, mod-
estly and soberly, whatever the brethren advance. They have printed
lists of the texts of scripture which are to be discussed at their several
meetings, so that each person may examine the passages at home, and come
prepared to speak. Twice a year the brethren assqinble at Rheinsberg,
where they have spacious buildings, destined for the education of orphan
children, and for the reception of strangers ; and there spend four days
together, in listening to exhortations to holiness and love, and in celebrating
the Lord's supper. Here also, such as wish it, are baptized ; but it is in
the ancient manner, immersing the whole body in water. The brethren
of Friesland, at the present day, assemble once a year at Leeuwarden, and
there observe the holy supper ; because Rheinsberg is too distant for them
conveniently to go thither. In short ; by the Collegiants, we are to under-
stand a very large society of persons of every sect and rank, who assume
the name of Christians, but. entertain different views of Christ ; and which
is kept together, neither by rulers and teachers, nor by ecclesiastical laws,
nor by a formula of faith, nor lastly, by any set of rites, but solely by the
desire of improvement in scriptural knowledge and piety.(l)

(1) See the Dissertation sur les Usages ens et Rhinobourgeois ; which is in the splen-
de ceux qu'on appelle en Hollande Collegi- did work : Ceremonies religieuses de tous

HISTORY OF SOME MINOR SECTS. 479

§ 2. In such an association, which allows all its members to think as
they please, and which has no formula' of faith, dissensions and controver-
sies cannot easily arise. Yet in the year 1672, there was no little dispute
between John and Paul Breitenburg, merchants of Rotterdam, and Abra-
ham Lemmermann and Francis Cuiper, merchants of Amsterdam. John
Breitenburg, (or Bredenburg, as he is generally called), had established a
peculiar sort of college, in which he expounded the religion of reason and
nature. This was disapproved of by Lemmermann and Cuiper, who wished
to have reason excluded from any combination with religion. The dis-
pute grew warmer, as Bredenburg diverged towards the opinions of Spinoza
and defended them, and yet wished to be regarded as a Christian. (2)
Some other minor contests arose at the same time. The result of the
whole was, that the Collegiants in 1686, >vere split into two opposing sects,
and held their conventions in separate edifices at Rheinsberg. But on the
death of the authors of these discords, near the beginning of the next cen-
tury, the schism began to heal, and the Collegiants returned to their former
union and harmony. (3)

§ 3. John Labadie, a Frenchman, eloquent, and of no contemptible ge-
nius, was first a Jesuit ; being dismissed from^ their society, he joined the
Reformed, and sustained the office of a preacher with reputation, in France,
Switzerland, and Holland. He at length set up a new sect, which had its
seat first at Middleburg in Zealand, then at Amsterdam, and afterwards,
in 1670, at Hervorden a town in Westphalia, under the patronage of Eliz-
abeth princess Palatine, the abbess of Hervorden ; and being driven from
that place, it removed to Altona in 1672; and, on the death of its founder
in 1674, retired to the castle of Wiewert in West Friesland ; but it has
long since become extinct. This sect was joined not only by several men

les peuples du monde, tome iv., p. 323, &c. that to be false in theology, which is true in

Also a book, published by the Collegiants philosophy. The best account of Breden-

themselves, entitled : De Oorspronck, Na- burg; is giren by the learned Jew, Isaac

tuur, Handelwize en Oogmerk der zo gena- Orobio, in his Certamen philosophicum pro-

amde Rynburgsche Vergadering, Amsterd, pugnatae veritatis divinae et naturalis adver-

1736, 4to. sus Jo. Bredenburgii principia, ex quibus

(2) John Bredenburg and Francis Cuiper, quod religio rationi repugnat, demonstrare

are well known to have been among the fol- nititur. This book, which contains Breden-

lowers and the adversaries of Spinoza ; but burg's demonstrations of the doctrines of

what sort of men they were, has been un- Spinoza, was first published, Amsterdam,

known generally. Bredenburg, a Collegi- 1703, 8vo, and then, Brussels, 1731, 12mo.

ant and a merchant of Rotterdam, openly Bredenburg's adversary, Francis Cuiper,

taught the doctrine of Spinoza, and demon- rendered his name famous by his Arcana

strated its accordance with reason, mathemat- Atheismi detecta, written in opposition to

ically. At the same time, he not only pro- Bredenburg. Cuiper was a bookseller of

fessed to be a Christian, but actually explain- Amsterdam, and published among Qther

ed, recommended, and defended Christianity things, the Bibliotheca Fratrum Polonorum

in the meetings of the Collegiants, and de- seu Unitariorum. Those acquainted with

clared it to be of divine origin. This man literary history, know that Cuiper, on ac-

of 3 singular genius reconciled these two count of that very book above mentioned

contradictory things, by maintaining that which he wrote against Bredenburg, became

reason was opposed to religion ; but yet, suspected of Spinozism ; notwithstanding

that we ought to believe in the religion con- he was a Collegiant, and a strenuous defend-

tained in the N. Testament scriptures, against er of Christianity, and of the harmony of rea-

the most evident and the most conclusive son with religion.

•mathematical demonstrations. He must (3) Besides those already named, see Si-

therefore have believed in a twofold truth, man Fred. Rues, Nachrichten voro Zustande

theological and mathematical ; and have held der Mennoniten, p. 267, &c.

480 BOOK IV.— CENT. XVIL— SEC. II.— PART II.— CHAP. VII.

of considerable learning, but also by that Minerva of the seventeenth cen-
tury, the very learned lady of Utrecht, Anna Maria Schurmann. This
little community did not wish to be thought to differ from the Reformed,
in regard to religious opinions and doctrines, so much as in manners and
rules of discipline. For its lawgiver proposed a rigorous and austere
model of sanctity for his followers ; and conceived that not only the invisi-
ble church, but also the visible, ought to be a community of sanctified per.
sons, earnestly striving after perfection in holiness. Several of his tracts
are extant, which show him to have possessed a lively and ardent mind,
though not well disciplined and polished : and as persons of such a char-
acter are easily betrayed by their natural temperament, into errors and
faults, I am not sure whether those witnesses are to be wholly disregarded,
who charge his life and doctrine with many blemishes. (4)

§ 4. Nearly at the same time, Antoinette Bourignon de la Porte, a lady
of Flanders, boasted that she was inspired of God, and instructed super-
naturally to restore the Christian religion, which had become extinct and
lost among the disputes and contentions of the different sects. This wo-
man, who possessed a voluble tongue, feelings uncommonly ardent, and
an imagination of inexhaustible fecundity, filled the provinces of Holland,
and also Jutland (where she spent some years), with the fame of her flights
of fancy ; and she persuaded some among the learned, as well as the igvio-
rant and unlearned, to believe her declarations. After various sufferings
and conflicts, she died at Franeker in Friesland, in the year 1680. It
would require a prophet and diviner, to make out from her numerous wri-
tings, a neat and consistent system of theology. For that divine light
which guides persons of this character, never proceeds in a regular and
methodical way ; and it spreads a thick darkness before the minds of those
who investigate truth, not by feeling, but by the* understanding. Yet a
reflecting person who is versed in church history, may easily discover,
that this woman who had not full command of her reason, derived a large
part of her oracles from the writings of the Mystic doctors ; and that what
she derived from these sources, the extravagance of her fancy made worse
than they were before. Neglecting all the details of her system, the sub-
stance of it is, that religion consists in an internal emotion or sensation of
the soul, and not in either knowledge or practice. (5) Among her patrons,

(4) See Jo. Mailer's Cimbria Litterata, length excommunicated by the French
torn, iii , p. 35, &c., and Isagoge ad Histor. churches in Holland, and set up a church
Chersones. Cimbricae, pt. ii., cap. v., p. 121, of his own. But this church rendered itself
&c. Add Godfr. Arnold's Kirchen-und so odious, that it was persecuted, and driven
Ketzerhistorie, vol. i., pt. ii., book xvii., ch. from place to place, so long as Labadie was
xxi., p. 1186 Weismann's Historia Eccl. at the head of it. The charges against him
saeculi xvii., p. 927, and others. Concern- were very numerous and weighty, and re-
ing the two celebrated companions and col- spected both his orthodoxy and his morals :
leagues of Labadie, Peter du Lignon and but it is questionable whether, if fairly tried,
Peter Yvon, see Mailer's Cimbria Litterata, he would be found to be any thing more than
torn, ii., p. 472, 1020. [Labadie exhibited a rash, indiscreet, enthusiastical man. — Tr.]
through life, the character of an indiscreet (5) See Jo. Matter, who treats expressly
reformer. To lash the vices of the people, and fully respecting her, in his Cimbria Lit-
and to purge the churches of their offences terata, torn, ii., p. 85, &c., and in his Intro-
against purity, was his great business. But duct, in Histor. Chersonesi Cimbricae, pt.
it was his misfortune always to get into dif- ii., p. 151, &c. Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire
ficulty. The irreligious abhorred him, and Hist, et Crit., tome i., p. 639. Godfr. Ar-
the pious were dissatisfied with him. Hence nold, Kirchen-und Ketzerhisiorie, vol. ii., p.
he removed .from place to place, was at 153, &c., and others.

HISTORY OF SOME MINOR SECTS. 491

the most distinguished were, Christian Bartholomew de Cordt, a priesj; of
the Oratory at Mechlin, a Jansenist, who died on the island of Nordstrand
in Jutland ;(6) and Peter Poiret, a man of penetrating genius, and well
versed in the Cartesian philosophy ; who has clearly evinced by his own
example, that knowledge and ignorance, reason and superstition, are not so
mutually repulsive that they cannot reside in the same breast, and by their
united energies engender monstrous productions. (7)

§ 5. Of the same or at least sjmilar views, the same plans, and the same
general character, was Jane. Leade, who near the end of the century blind-
ed not. only many of the common people in England, but also some of the
better informed, by her visions, her prophecies, her promises, and her doc-
trines ; and thus gave rise to the Philadelphian Society. For she believed
in general, that all contentions among Christians would wholly cease, and
that the church of Christ would become the only, the perfectly united, and
the most beautiful church here on earth ; provided all would commit their
souls to the internal teacher, to be moulded, enlightened, and governed by
him, neglecting all other doctrines, precepts, and opinions. And she did
not hesitate to give assurance, in the name of God, that such a church as
she had conceived of, would be established before the end of the world.
And the honest woman might with more confidence give this assurance,
as she fully believed, that her Philadelphian Society was that very church
of Christ, in which alone the Holy Spirit resided and reigned. Her other
discoveries, among which was the noted restoration of all things, need not
be related. Leade was less fortunate than Boiirignon in this respect, that
she had not so eloquent and sagacious a counsellor as Poiret, to plead her
cause. For her principal associates, John Pordage, a physician, and
Thomas Bromly, were more distinguished for piety and a contemplative
turn of mind, than for their power of reasoning or their eloquence. Por-
dage in particular, even surpassed our Boehmen (whom he greatly admired),
in obscurity ; and instead of enlightening his readers, shocks them with
his uncouth phraseology. (8)

(6) See concerning him, Mailer's Cimbria printed the whole at her own cost. Hence
Litterata, torn, ii., p. 149. great numbers of her writings came before

(7) Poiret systematized and explained the the public. The Philadelphian Society was
wild and incoherent rhapsodies of Bourig- established by her in 1697 : the cause and
MOW, in a great work which he entitled : reasons for its institution, she published in
L'CEconomie divine ou Systeme universel ; 1698. Her writings fill eight volumes. —
first published in French, Amsterd., 1686, Pordage was first a preacher, but afterwards
7 vols. 8vo, and afterwards published in being deposed for his fanaticism, he became
Latin. Respecting this celebrated Mystic a physician. He was the most zealous pro-
philosopher, whose various writings procured moter of the Boehmist doctrines and of the
him notoriety, see the Bibliotheca Bremens. Philadelphian Society in England. His
Theol. Philol., torn, iii., pt. i., p. 75. principal work was, his Divine and true

(8) See Jo. Wolfg. Jaeger, Historia sacra Metaphysics, in- 3 vols. 8vo. He also wrote
et civilis sseculi xvii., decenn. x., p. 90, &c. a Theologia Mystica ; and died in 1698. —
Peter Poiret, Bibliotheca Mysticor., p. 161, Bromley was his pupil and adherent, and
174, 283, 286, and others. [Jane Leade, wrote much on the Bible. In Holland, one
who died 1704, in the 81st year of her age, Lot Fisher, a physician, was a promoter of
spent nearly her whole life in reading and the Philadelphian Society ; and he caused all
recommending the writings of Boehm, and in the above works to be splendidly published
penning down her own revelations and new in Dutch. — <

results of divine truths. She was rich, and

VOL. III.— P P p

A BRIEF SKETCH

OP THE

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF THE

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

$ 1 . Preface. — § 2. Prosperous Events of the Church generally, and especially of the Po-
pish Church. — 6 3. The Jesuits and their Regulations in China. — § 4. Protestant Mis-
sions.— §5. Adverse Events. Private Enemies of Christianity. — $ 6. Atheists : Deists.
— <$ 7. Romish Church : the Pontiffs.— $ 8. Prospects of Reconciliation between the
Evangelical and the Papists frustrated. — § 9. Intestine Discords of the Romish Church.
Jansenist Contests. — § 10. Quesnel. — The Bull Unigenitus. — § 11. Commotions from
it in France. — § 12. Supports of the Jansenists in France. Francis de Paris. — § 13.
State of the Eastern Church. — § 14. External State of the Lutheran Church. — § 15. Its
Internal State. — § 16. Intestine Foes. — § 17. The Herrenhutters. Zinzendorf. — $ 18.
Cultivation of Philosophy among the Lutherans. — § 19. The Wertheim Translation. —
$ 20 Pietistic Controversies. — § 21. State of the Reformed Church. — § 22. Projects
for Union between the Lutherans and the Reformed. — § 23. State of the English Church.
— $ 24. Various Sects in England. Whitefield. — § 25. State of the Dutch Church.—
$ 26. Controversy in Switzerland respecting the Formula Consensus. — § 27. The So-
cinians. Arians.

«*

§ 1. THE ecclesiastical history of the [eighteenth] century now passing,
affords matter for a volume, rather than for a few pages ; and may expect
among those who come after us, an ingenuous and faithful historian of its
own. But that the present summary may not be defective, and that my-
self and perhaps others, may have a thread to guide our lectures, I will
just run over the principal subjects, and in a few words state the occur-
rences most worthy of notice in our own age. That the size of the book
may not be unnecessarily swelled, authorities will be omitted. For what
man of learning is so ignorant of the state of literature, as not to know that
there are innumerable works, from which our dry and insipid narrative
might be filled out and made interesting 1 t,

§ 2. The Christian name has been propagated with equal zeal, by pa-
pists and Protestants, in Asia, America, and Africa. I say the Christian
name, not the Christian religion. For it is demonstrable, that very many
of those whom the Romish missionaries persuade to forsake idolatry,
show themselves to be Christians only in name, and as to certain ceremo-
nies and outward forms, not in reality and in spirit ; nor do they quit su-
perstition, but only exchange one species of it for another. Among the
papists the Jesuits, and among the Jesuits the French, especially, are rep-
resented as explaining genuine Christianity, with distinguished success,
to barbarous nations which knew not God. And the fact is not to be de-
nied, provided it is allowable to call those persons Christians, who have
some knowledge of Christ, however imperfect it may be. At least it is

BRIEF SKETCH, &c. 483

true, that the French gathered large congregations of such Christians, in
the East Indies, especially in the kingdoms of Carnate, Madura, and Mar.
ava, on the coast of Malabar, and in China, Tonquin, and elsewhere ; and
also in some provinces of America, since the time that Anthony Veri as-
sumed the office of superintendent of the sacred missions, and by great
efforts procured both men and money adequate for so great an underta-
king. But these missionaries were so far from effacing the former stain
upon the character of the Jesuit preachers, that they rather deepened it.
For they are represented as pursuing their own honour and emolument,
rather than the interests of Christ ; and as ingeniously corrupting very much
the holy religion of our Saviour, in order to obtain the more proselytes.

§ 3. The famous question, whether the Jesuits residing in China, advoca-
ted the cause of Christ well of ill, among that discerning people who are so
exceedingly attached to their ancient rites ; was decided in the year. 1704,
by Clement XI. in a manner adverse to the Jesuits. For he declared it crim-
inal for the new Christians to practise the rites of their ancestors ; and es-
pecially those rites by which the Chinese honour their deceased ancestors
and Confucius. But this severe edict was considerably mitigated, in the
year 1715; and doubtless^ for the sake of appeasing the angry Jesuits.
For the pontiff decreed, that it is allowable for the teachers of the Chinese,
to designate the divine nature by the word Tien ; provided they add the
word TcJiu, to remove the ambiguity of the word Tien, and to make it ap-
pear that the Christian teachers adored the Lord of heaven, (for this is the
meaning of the phrase Tien-Tchu), and not heaven itself. He also allow-
ed those rites to be practised, which gave so much offence to the adver-
saries of the Jesuits ; provided all superstition and appearance of religion
were avoided, and that these rites were regarded as mere testimonies of
respect for their ancestors, or as marks of civil honour. The Chinese
Christians therefore, according to this decree of Clement, may keep in their
houses tablets, on which are written in golden letters the names of their
ancestors and of Confucius: they may lawfully honour them with lighted
candles, with incense, and with tables set out with viands, fruits, and spices :
nay, may address these tablets and the graves of their ancestors, as sup-
plicants," prostrating themselves to the ground. The first or more severe
edict was carried to China, by Charles Thomas Tournon, in the year 1705 ;
and the second or milder one, by Charles Ambrose Mezzalarba, in the
year 1721. But neither of them satisfied the emperor and the Jesuits.
Tournon executing the commands of his master with less prudence than
the case required, was, by order of the emperor, thrown into prison ; where
he died in the year 1710. Mezzabarla, though much more cautious and
prudent, returned without effecting his object : for the emperor could by
no means be persuaded, to allow any innovations to be made in the ancient
customs and institutions of the country. At present, the state of Christi-
anity in China being extremely precarious and dubious, this controversy is
entirely suspended. And many considerations induce us to suppose, that
the pontiff and the accusers of the Jesuits, throw no obstacles in the way
of the Jesuits' adhering to their own regulations, rather than to those sent
them from Rome. For many evils must be patiently borne, in order to
avoid that far greater evil, the overthrow of the Romish religion in China.(l)
(1) [All these events are stated far more siastical History of China, (in German), Ros-
fully in Dr. Mosheim's most recent Eccle- took, 1748, 8vo. In opposition to this, was

484 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE

§ 4. The English and the Dutch, but especially the former, made much
greater efforts than before, to spread the knowledge of Christianity among
the nations of Asia and America. Among the efforts of this kind by Lu-
therans, the noblest and most successful is, the institution of Frederic IV.
king of Denmark ; who in the year 1706, sent out missionaries to preach
Christian truth to the Indians on the coast of Malabar. This mission, the
purest and best of all, not only still flourishes, being supported by the very
best regulations, but through the munificence of that excellent king, Chris-
tian VI., it is daily becoming more and more brilliant. The men who
labour in it, I admit, make fewer Christians than the papal missionaries ;
but they make far better ones, — real disciples, and not the apes of disciples
of Jesus Christ. The Russians have bestowed labour, not in vain, for
the conversion of some of the nations bordering on Siberia.

§ 5. While the glory of Jesus Christ has been increasing in the remotest
parts of our world, through the labours, the perils, and the anxious solicitudes
of these missionaries, great numbers in Europe, have made it their busi-
ness to obscure this glory and to tread it in the dust. There is no coun-
try of Europe, and almost no sect of Christians in our age, which does not
nourish in its bosom persons who endeavour either to blot out all religion and
all fear of God; or at least, to sink the dignity and lessen the influence of
Christianity. No where does this pest to the human race more abound,
no where does it more boldly come forth to the light of day, than in the
free states of Holland and England. Nor is it rare to meet, especially in
England, with books which impudently deride and set at naught, not only
the whole religion of Christ, but also the honour, worship, and majesty
of the divine Being, and all virtue and morality. Infamous for the
publication of such books, are, John Toland, Anthony Collins, Matthew
Tindal, Thomas Woolston, (a portentous genius, wko with most stupid ef-
frontery attempted to undermine the credibility of our Saviour's miracles),
Thomas Morgan, John Chubb, John Mandeville, and several others. And
not long will any country of Europe, particularly those which have aban-
doned the Romish communion, be free from writers of this character,
if the booksellers continue to abuse the power they now have, of rescuing
from oblivion by means of printing every wretched and senseless produc-
tion.

§ 6. The sect of Atheists, that is, of persons who deny the existence of
an infinitely wise and powerful Being, who created and upholds the visible
universe according torhis pleasure, is now almost extinct. For those ac-
tuated by this phrensy at the present day, omitting all disputation, agree to
the doctrines of Spinoza ; and consider this whole material world as an
automaton, which by means of some internal energy originates and pro-
duces various movements, all of which are the result of necessity. The
tribe of Deists, or of persons who assail the truth of all revealed religions,
and especially of the Christian religion, disagree very much, and are di-
vided into various sects. The best of them, — though these are bad
enough, — are those who endeavour to merge Christianity in natural reli-

published at Augsburg in 1758, 8vo, and at from Pekin, by R. P. Floriano Bahr, then

Inspruck, The most recent events in China ; rector of the Jesuits' college in China. But

with a solid confutation of many unjust and this refutation only makes the correctness

erroneous statements of Dr. Mosheim, in his of Moshcim1* book appear the more manifest,

most recent Eccl. Hist, of China ; written — Schl.]

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 485

gion, maintaining that Christ only republished the lost and obliterated
precepts of nature or correct reason. Of this class are Tindal, Chubb,
Mandeville, Morgan, and many others among the English ; if indeed, they
really believed what their words express. To the same class belongs
Muralt, or whoever may be the unfortunately eloquent and ingenious au-
thor of the recent French work, entitled : What is essential in religion,
[Lettres sur la religion essentielle a 1'homme, distinguee de ce qui n'en
est que 1'accessoire. — Mac/.] For according to his opinion, the whole
system of religion is comprised in these three propositions : There is a
God : He watches over human affairs : The soul is immortal. And to in.
culcate these three truths, by his precepts and example, was the object of
Christ's mission.

§ 7. The Romish church, in this century, has been governed by Clement
XI. [A.D. 1700-21], Innocent XIII. [1721-24], Benedict XIII. [1724-30],
Clement XII. [1730-40], Benedict XIV. [1740-58]. All these may be
pronounced holy, wise, and learned men, if compared with the pontiffs of
former times. The most distinguished of them for learning and erudition,
are Clement XI. and the present pontiff, Benedict XIV., whose former
name was Prosper de Lambertini. The most distinguished for piety, or
rather for a show of it, was Benedict XIII. This last-named pontiff made
a laudable attempt, by means of a council which he held in the Laterau
palace in 1725, the Acts and decrees of which have been published, to
correct the greater evils in the church, and to reform the very corrupt
morals of the clergy of every rank. But the event did not answer his ex-
pectations. Nor will Benedict XIV. be more successful; who is now at-
tempting the same thing, though by different means. Moreover the mod.
ern pontiffs differ exceedingly from their predecessors, in the extent of their
prerogatives and in their power and influence. For the sovereign princes
and states, though they treat the pontiffs personally with high respect and
honour, yet are continually depressing and humbling the court of Rome,
which they wisely discriminate from the pontiff. This appears, among
other things from the contests of the pontiffs in the present age, with the
kings of France, Portugal, Sardinia, and Naples ; in which the pontiffs
have uniformly been obliged to succumb.

§ 8. A reconciliation of the Protestants with the papists, if we except some
feeble efforts of certain individuals, has not. been seriously and earnestly
attempted ; nor indeed was it hardly possible. For those who formerly
attempted this thing, endeavoured principally to gain over the Protestants,
by explaining away and lowering down the [most offensive] Romish doc-
trines ; but Clement XI. deprived the pacificators of this their principal
resource, by publishing that very noted decree, called the Bull Unigenitus.
For this has shown most clearly, that on most of the points which obliged
our ancestors to separate from the Romish communion, the present doc-
trine of the papists is precisely the same, as it formerly appeared to be.
This disclosure being made, it became manifest, that those who had for-
merly offered us peace on very conciliatory terms, had only laid a trap for
us by their pretended expositions of the Romish faith, and that no confi-
dence whatever could be reposed on the promises of such men.

§ 9. The intestine discords, which greatly disquieted the Romish com-
munity in the preceding century, were so far from being composed and
settled in this, that they have rather acquired new strength, and raged with

486 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE

increased animosity. The Jesuits still contend with the Dominicans and
others ; though with a little more decorum, and more covertly. The
Franciscans are at variance with the Dominicans. There is also dispute
respecting the nature and lawfulness of the Chinese rites. But it would
be endless to enumerate all the contests, which disturb and disquiet every
part of the widely-extended Romish church, sometimes more slightly and
sometimes more violently. The principal controversy now dividing the
papal empire, seems to be that of the Jansenists ; which is carried on with
various results, particularly in France and the Netherlands. The Jansen-
ists, or Augustinians as they choose to be called, are inferior to the Jesuits
in numbers, power, and influence ; but are their equals in fortitude, sagacity,
and erudition ; and their superiors in sanctimoniousness, and that supersti-
tion which dazzles the eyes of the multitude. In France they are oppressed
and persecuted, but in the Netherlands they find a ready asylum. The
greatest part of the papists in the Spanish Netherlands, and all those in the
United Netherlands, adhere to the Jansenist doctrines. The Dutch papists
at this day, have almost separated themselves from the Roman pontiff;
though they profess the closest adherence to the communion of the Ro-
mish church : nor are either the threatenings or the entreaties of the Ro-
mish prelate, able to reduce these rebellious Batavians to subordination.
§ 10. A very great support to the Jansenist cause, both in the preceding
century and in this, was the New Testament of the very learned and pious
Paschasius Quesnel, one of the Presbyters of the Oratory, which he trans-
lated into French, and accompanied with notes calculated to awaken a
sense of religion. For the marrow of the Jansenist doctrines is very ele-
gantly and ingeniously wrought into these notes, so as to infuse it the more
agreeably into the mind of the reader. To destroy the influence of this
most pernicious engine, the Jesuits induced Lewis XIV. king of France, to
solicit a public condemnation of the book from the Roman pontiff, Clement,
XI. The pontiff complied with the wishes of the king, or rather of the
Jesuits, and issued in the year 17 13, the celebrated Bull or decree, which
from its first words is called Unigenitus, and in which one Jtundred and one
propositions taken from that book, are proscribed. This edict was of some
advantage to the cause of the Jesuits, but it was of immense disadvantage
to the whole Romish church, as the wiser men in it themselves admit. For
not to mention that the Protestants learned from it, that the Romish com-
munity religiously held fast her former corruptions, the subjects of the pon-
tiff, who had no attachment to the Jansenist doctrines, and who were so-
licitous only to advance truth and piety, were exceedingly offended at this
decree. Besides, the Jansenian schism was widened by it, and rendered
more bitter and violent.

§11. The most violent contests were produced by this unhappy edict,
especially in France. Many of the prelates and a vast number of influen-
tial, pious, and learned men, both among the clergy and the laity, appealed
from it to a future general council. And especially Lewis Anthony No-
ailles, .the archbishop of Paris, manfully opposed it, regardless of the resent-
ments both of the pontiff and the king. These strenuous defenders of the
Gallic liberties and of the religion of their fathers, the pontiffs, kings, and
Jesuits laboured to subdue, by all sorts of punishments and indignities :
- and in part they did subdue them. For many became exiles, and retired
among their brethren in Holland : others were coerced, by violence and

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 487

fear, to approve the decree of the pontiff: and others, being deprived of
their livings, their honours, and their offices, removed to foreign countries.
At length the matter was carried so far, that this papal edict was declared
to be a law of the land. All these measures reduced the nation to some
degree of quietude ; but they by no means purged it of enemies to the pon-
tiff. Every part of France abounds with Appellants, as they are called,
who are only waiting for a convenient opportunity for renewing the old
controversy, which has never been properly settled.

§ 12. Amid these calamities, the Jansenists had but two resources, by
which to defend themselves and their cause against so many powerful en-
emies, namely, the press and miracles. Accordingly, they attacked the
pontiff and the Jesuits in numberless publications, many of which being
written with copiousness, elegance, and solidity, have produced great effect ;
and as human aids proved insufficient, they called in the help of divine aid.
For they persuaded the people, that God had honoured the bones and ash-
es of certain persons, who had been distinguished for their zeal in the
cause of Jansenius, and who had appealed anew in their last moments to
a future council, by imparting to them the power of healing the most in-
veterate diseases. Among those who were said to have received this glo-
ry, the most distinguished was Francis de Paris, a deacon of the church
of Paris, a man of noble birth but of a gloomy temperament, and exces-
sively superstitious, and one who had voluntarily brought on his own death,
by abstinence from food and other self tortures. To miracles, were super,
added divine visions. For many persons especially at Paris, pretended to
be actuated by the Holy Spirit, and uttered prophecies, often of the most
insipid character, by which however the multitude as is usual, were great-
ly affected. But the prudence of the French court put an end to these
commotions also : so that as things now are, the Jansenists have no other
means of defence, but their genius and their pens.

§ 13. Of the Greek and Oriental church, very little can be said. For
their ignorance and the severe oppression under which they live, prevent
their attempting any revolution or change of condition. The Russians as
already stated, under the guidance of the emperor Peter the Great, adopt-
ed better regulations for their church. Yet there still remain vast num-
bers in that immense empire, who would be better pleased with the rude
system of their ancestors : and there are some, who if they were able,
would exterminate the Protestants and the followers of other religions, with
fire and sword. This is manifest, especially, from a work of Stephen Ja-
vorski against the heretics. The Greeks are said to meet with more in.
dulgence from their Mohammedan masters. The Nestorians and Mo.
nophysites in Asia and Africa, perseveringly refuse communion with the
Romish see, notwithstanding all the promises and arguments of the papal
missionaries. The pontiffs have several times contemplated a new mis-
sion to the Abyssinians ; but have not yet been able to discover a way to
elude the vigilance of that nation, so hostile to the Romish religion. Nor
is there even a tolerable prospect, that the embassy now preparing at
Rome to the emperor of Abyssinia, will meet with success. The Monoph.
ysites in Asia extend the limits of their church, as they have opportuni.
ty ; and not long since, they gained over a part of the Nestorjans inhabit,
ing the maritime coasts of India.

§ 14. The Lutheran church celebrated, in peace and tranquillity, the

488 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE

secular festival of its religion in 1717, and that of the Augsburg Confes-
sion in 1730. It received no small accession a few years since, by means
of that multitude which abandoned the territories of Saltzburg and Berch-
tolsgadden, in order to profess the pure religion without fear, and emigra-
ted, some to Prussia, others to Holland, and others to America and other
countries. The Lutheran church has likewise been increased, in conse-
quence of its extension to America and Asia ; nor are the Lutheran con-
gregations small in those distant regions. In Germany, on the other hand,
as appears from the public documents and from numerous complaints, it
has in various places been much oppressed by the adherents to the Roman
pontiff, and been very unjustly deprived of a part of its privileges.

§ 15. No change could take place in the doctrines and regulations of the
Lutheran church ; because the ancient confessions and canons by which
the public faith and discipline were ascertained, remained as formerly.
But the method of teaching and inculcating these doctrines, was not uni-
formly the same. At the commencement of the century, it seemed very
generally to be the aim, to restore every part of Christianity to its ancient
simplicity ; and to exclude all philosophical terms and reasonings. But
in process of time many fell into the opinion, that Christianity could by
no means maintain its ground, unless it was supported by the aids of phi-
losophy, and was demonstrated mathematically. The jurists, who in the
preceding century undertook to reform the system of ecclesiastical law,
have prosecuted the object so vigorously in the present century, that we
should have had a very different ecclesiastical constitution, if the sover-
eigns had deemed it for the public good to yield to their counsels and ad-
monitions. Still we may discover here and there visible traces of the prin-
ciples, which men of great learning are wont to advance, not only respect-
ing the appendages and externals of religion, but ateo respecting religion
itself. Hence it is not strange, that there should be warm disputes be-
tween them and the clergy, on various points. And not only theologians,
but very excellent men among the jurists themselves, have fears lest reli-
gion should at length be converted into a mere political engine for the se-
curity of civil government, if the opinions of some of these men should
acquire authority.

§ 16. The immense licentiousness of thinking, and of spreading among
the common people even the vilest and most senseless opinions, which be-
gan to prevail in the preceding century, has increased and become more
confirmed every where among us, in the present century. Hence there
have arisen, and still arise at the present time, so many persons, some of
them full of fanatical folly, some delirious and beside themselves, and some
the fabricators of new religions, who freely divulge all their dreams, and
every where produce departures from the established rules of faith and
practice, and excite discords and contentions. Besides those already na-
med, the following are notorious : John Tennhart, John Geo. Gichtel, John
William Ueberfeld, John Geo. Roseribach, Geo. Christoph. Brendel, John
Christoph. Seizen, Anthony Rcemeling, and many others ; who either boast
of being guided by a divine impulse, or offer to the credulous multitude in
different ways and with different success, their fancied modifications and
improvements of the church. These men have been opposed by our the-
ologians in numerous publications : but many of them were unworthy of
confutation. The greatest part have become convicted of their folly, by

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 489

the course of events and by actual results, rather than by arguments and
reasoning. For as men of this character start up of a sudden, so for the
most part they soon ruin their own cause, either by their indiscretions, or
by their corrupt morals and base conduct, or lastly by their disagreement
among themselves.

§ 17. Many place in this class the Herrenhutters, or those who first as.
sociated at Herrenlmt in Lusatia under the illustrious count Zinzindorf, and
who afterwards increasing, have spread themselves through a large part
of Europe, and even travelled to the Indies, to Tartary, and the utmost
bounds of the earth. They tell us they are descendants of those Bohemi-
an and Moravian brethren, who in the fifteenth century were excited by the
preaching and example of John Huss to cast off the Romish yoke. They
might more correctly call themselves imitators of those brethren : for it is
conceded by all, that only a very small part of this new fraternity consists
of Bohemians and Moravians ; and it is very uncertain also, whether such
of them as are Bohemians by descent, are the posterity of those ancient
Bohemian brethren. They declare farther, that they do not differ from
the Lutherans in regard to doctrines, but only in their customs and regu-
lations, in which they come near to the ancient Bohemians. But many
question, whether they here assert the truth ; and are suspicious, that these
new brethren adopt the language of the Lutherans while among the Lu-
therans, the more readily to obtain toleration ; and that in reality, they are
a mixture of people of various characters and sentiments. However this
may be, it is at least difficult to understand, why they are so zealous to ex-
tend their particular sect, if they differ from us only in their customs and
mode of discipline. For whoever truly follows Jesus Christ, will care lit-
tle how the Christian community is constituted and regulated ; because he
knows, that religion does not consist in external rites and regulations, but
in faith and love.

§ 18. This progress of superstition among us, as many supposed, no-
thing could arrest except philosophy. And hence the cultivation of philoso-
phy, which was apparently neglected towards the close of the preceding
century, was not only revived, but was prosecuted by many with great
diligence. The general method of philosophizing which I have called the
Metaphysical, obtained preference before all others. This philosophy, the
superlative genius of Godfrey William von Leibnitz elucidated elegantly,
and cast into a better shape : but it was the very acute Christopher Wolf,
who perfected it, digested it into a system ; and, — what was entirely a new
thing, and never before attempted, — gave it the form of a mathematical
science. In this improved state, most of those who search after truth and
certainty, were exceedingly captivated with it, and eagerly applied it to
the explanation and confirmation of the truths of revealed religion. But
this gave great dissatisfaction to many good men, who were anxious for
the safety ^>f the truth taught us by Christ: and hence the old conflict be-
tween philosophy and theology, piety and reason, was revived ; and it was
urged on with great vehemence for a series of years. For many are of
opinion, that this metaphysical philosophy imbues the minds of young men
with sentiments hostile to all religion and all worship, with arrogance also,
contempt for divine revelation, excessive confidence in human reason, and
other vices ; and that it does not throw light and dignity around theology,
but rather darkness and ignominy.

VOL. III.— Q Q q

490 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE

§ 19. In proof of the correctness of this opinion respecting the tenden-
cy of this philosophy, they appeal especially to the case of Lawrence Schmid
of Schweinfurt, who is commonly called the Wertheim translator, from the
place where he resided. This man, who was by no means destitute of
abilities and was very well versed in the philosophy in question, projected
a new German translation of the Bible, to serve as the foundation or basis
of a new body of divinity, drawn up according to the strict rules of de-
monstration, which he had in contemplation. But the project was disas-
trous to him. For scarcely had he published a specimen of the work, in
a translation of the inspired books of Moses, when he was not only attack-
ed in numerous publications, but was accused before the supreme tribunal
of the Germanic empire, as a capital enemy to the Christian religion, and
a caviller jat divine truth. The chief ground of accusation was, that he
had boldly construed certain passages in the books of Moses, which desig-
nated or foretold the coming of Messiah, in such a manner as to give them
a different signification. He was therefore thrown into prison, and order-
ed to be tried for his life. But he escaped from prison, and saved himself
by flight.

§ 20. The controversies and contentions of this age have been very nu-
merous. First, what is called the Pietistic controversy has been carried
on in some places more fiercely, and in others more moderately, accord-
ing to the dispositions of persons and the circumstances of different parts
of the country. But the controversy has gradually abated as time rolled
on, and at present it seems to be reduced nearly to the single point, wheth-
er an irreligious man may have true and certain knowledge of divine things,
or, some sort of illumination ; which many regard as a contest about words
rather than things. Besides this, there have been several other contro-
versies, which also produced excitement in the preceding century, respect-
ing the eternity of the torments of the damned, the final restoration of all
things, Christ's [millennial] reign on the earth ; and others of like char-
acter. With John Fabricius, a divine of Helmstadt, and with some others,
there has been dispute, respecting the importance of the disagreement be-
tween us and the papists : for he and his associates, deemed it not so great
as it is commonly supposed to be ; so that he believed a person might law-
fully go over to the Romish church. Respecting the law of marriage, the
grounds of divorce, and concubinage, there have been great disputes be-
tween certain theologians and some distinguished jurists. Minor contests,
which suddenly spring up and as soon die away, as they contribute little to
a knowledge of the internal state of the church, need not be enumerated.

§ 21. The Reformed church not only preserves the same aspect which
was above described, but studies to make it still more her appropriate char-
acteristic. (2) For notwithstanding the formulas of faith, by which the
vigilance of their ancestors enclosed and fortified their religion, remain
every where the same ; yet in mo'st countries, no preacher is compelled to
think in exact accordance with them, but is supposed to fulfil his duty if he
holds up the great and primary truths of Christianity, and avoids too much

(2) [Dr. Mosheism still continues to speak fering widely in doctrine, discipline, and \vor-

of all those who are styled Reformed, as if ship, and in several instances having no sort

they were united in one church or religious of communion with each other. And hence

community, while in fact, they form a num- his remarks respecting them as a body, are

ber of totally distinct communities, often dif- liable to much criticism. — TV.]

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 491

familiarity with the papists and Socinians. Hence in this very ample
community, at the present day, Arminians, Supralapsarians, Infralapsari-
ans, and Universalists [i. e., believers in a universal atonement], live am-
icably together ; and with united efforts strive to extenuate and lessen the
importance of those contests, that divide the Christians who have separa-
ted themselves from the Romish communion. There are indeed some,
especially among the Swiss, the Germans, and the Dutch, who are greatly
troubled at this moderation, and deplore bitterly the loss of the ancient pu-
rity and rigour, and occasionally wax warm and attack the despisers of
their ancient discipline. B.ut the others, who are greatly superior in num-
bers, respectability, and power, care little for their resentments.

§ 22. Whoever therefore duly considers the whole subject, must freely
acknowledge, that neither the Lutherans nor the Arminians have any long-
er ground for controversy with the Reformed church, but only with individ-
ual doctors of this family. For this church leaves every one at liberty to
think as he pleases, on those points which were formerly the ground of its
separation from the Lutherans and Arminians, and deems the fundamen-
tals of religion safe, however those points are explained. And yet this
very moderation thwarts the designs of such as would effect a union be-
tween the Lutherans and the Reformed. For those among us who are
strenuous for orthodoxy, complain that the Reformed open the door of sal-
vation too wide, and that they offer communion and friendship not only to
us, but to all the sectarians. When therefore about twenty years ago,
[thus wrote Mosheim in 1741. The precise year of Pfajf's attempts for a
union, was 1719. — ScTtZ.], when certain excellent men among us, (at the
head of whom was Christopher Matth. Pfaff, a man on many accounts
venerated and renowned), took very great pains to effect a union between
us and the Reformed, the majority [of the Lutherans] so vigorously oppo-
sed the object, both by action and by publications, that it was soon aban-
doned.

§ 23. The English church, which holds the first rank among the Reform-
ed, is the same now that it was in the time of William III. The Episco-
palians are the reigning party, and number among their adherents the king
himself, with the nobility of the realm, and the greatest part of the people.
But toleration is granted to the Puritans or Presbyterians, and to all the
others who are included under the very comprehensive appellation of
Nonconformists. Those however who are particularly acquainted with Eng-
lish affairs, tell us that the Nonconformists diminish continually, and that
this gradual diminution is ascribable to the mildness and gentleness of the
bishops towards them. The Episcopalians are of two sorts. Some be-
lieve the government by bishops to be of divine institution ; and they exalt
and magnify immoderately the prerogatives of the church. Others are
more temperate ; and though they fully believe, that an ecclesiastical gov-
ernment by bishops is more holy and more perfect than any other, and
think that great care should be taken, to prevent the clergy from becom-
ing subject to the will and authority of kings and magistrates ; yet they
do not invidiously deny the name of a church to those communities in which
there are no bishops ; and they are temperate in defending the prerogatives
of prelates among Christians. (3) These two parties are sometimes en-

(3) [" The learned and pious archbishop from Croydon House, July 9, 1724, express-
Wake, in a letter to father Courraycr, dated eth himself thus : ' I bless God, that I was

492 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE

gaged in sharp contests ; a striking example of which, occured in the pres-
ent century. For the present bishop of Winchester, Benjamin Hoadley,
a man eminent for talents and eloquence, greatly lowered down the author-
ity of the church, that is, of its presiding officers, and confined it within
narrow limits. On the other hand, John Potter, now archbishop of Can.
terbury and at the head of the British clergy, and others, contended for the
prerogatives and authority of the church, with great eloquence and erudi-
tion. Moreover the disposition of the established church of England to-
wards those that dissent from it, cannot be learned from any thing, more
exactly, than from the fact that William Wake, the late archbishop of Can-
terbury, a few years ago was disposed to form an alliance with the French
church, on terms that would secure to both most of their respective pecu-
liarities of sentiment.(4)

§ 24. The unbounded liberty which Englishmen enjoy of publishing
their opinions without restraint, and of worshiping God in the manner
each one thinks right, naturally causes various sects to arise here and
there, and controversies respecting things pertaining to religion to be per-
petual. But it is hardly possible for any one, who has not himself lived
some time in England, and formed acquaintance on the spot with the
opinions, privileges, laws, and parties of that happy nation, to give a full
and accurate account of these different sects and controversies. Of sev-
eral of the sects, not even the names reach us ; and of many of them,
we have only a species of knowledge which is quite imperfect and in-
distinct. Of the controversies, we are to a great extent unable to ascertain
the true foundation, and the points at issue, because we are destitute of
the sources from which information can be drawn. At this present time,
one George Whitejield is collecting a party, and contemplates the formation
of a Christian community, more perfect than all others ; nor is he altogether
unsuccessful. It would seem, if the man is self-consistent, and does not
follow the blind impulse of fancy rather than any determined rule, that he
places religion altogether in holy emotions, and an indescribable kind of
sensation ; and that he requires his followers to dismiss all reliance on
reason and study as means of [religious] knowledge, and to resign up their
minds to be guided and instructed by a divine illumination.

§ 25. The Dutch, quite down to our times, have been occupied with the
Cocceian and Cartesian controversies, though now less intensely than here-
tofore. And there is a prospect that these contests will wholly cease,
since the Newtonian mode of philosophizing has expelled the Cartesian
from the Dutch universities. Of the Roellian disputes, we have already
given an account. Frederick van Leenhof, in the year 1703, fell under
suspicion of being a Spinozist ; and was attacked by many, on account
of a book he published, entitled Heaven upon earth (Coelum in terris) ; in
which he taught, that a Christian should always be joyful, and never mourn

born and have been bred in an Episcopal dare not go so far as to annul the ordinances

church ; which I am convinced has been the of God performed by any other ministry.' " —

government established in the Christian Macl.~\

church from the very times of the Apostles. (4) [See the account of this negotiation
But I should be unwilling to affirm, that of archbishop Wake, and the letters that
where the ministry is not episcopal, there is passed between him and Du Pin on the sub-
no church, nor any true administration of the ject, in Dr. Maclaine's third Appendix to
sacraments. And very many there are among his translation of Mosheirri's Institutes of
us, who are zealous for Episcopacy, and yet Eccl. Hist. — TV.]

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 493

or be sorrowful. The same crime was charged by many upon William
Deurhojf, an illiterate man, who published several tracts in the vernacular
tongue, in which he speculated concerning the divine nature, as if he
viewed it to be an energy pervading the whole material universe, and op.
erative in all parts of it. The most recent contests are those of James
Saurin and Paul Maty. The former, a minister of the gospel at the Hague,
and distinguished for his genius and eloquence, if he erred at all, erred
very slightly. For if we except a few inaccurate and unwary expres-
sions, he deviated from the common doctrine only in this one point, that he
thought it sometimes lawful to deceive men by our speech, for the sake of
accomplishing some great good.(&) Most of the Reformed churches, it
is to be noted, adopt the principle of Augustine, that every deception
and every falsehood is sinful. The other, namely Maty, committed a
much greater fault. For in order to explain the profound mystery of three
persons in one God, and to render it easy to be understood, he assumed,
that the Son and the Holy Spirit are two finite beings, created by God,
and who at a certain time became united to God. (6)

§ 26. In Switzerland, especially in the canton of Bern, the Formula
Consenus which has been already mentioned, produced very fierce disputes.
In the year 1718, the magistrates of Bern required all public teachers, and
particularly those of the university and church of Lausanne, (in whom
there was supposed to be some stain of error), to assent to this Formula,
and to receive it as the pattern of their faith : for it had for some time
been neglected, and subscription to it had not in all cases been required.
But several both of the professors and of the candidates for the sacred of-
fice, declared that they could not conscientiously subscribe : and accord,
ingly some of them were subjected to punishment. This caused grievous
contentions and complaints, to quiet which, the king of Great Britain and
the States. General of Holland, as well as others, offered their kind offices.
The result was, that the Formula lost much of its credit and authority.
In the German [Reformed] churches, nothing very noticeable has occur-
red! The Palatine church, once so very flourishing, has suffered, through
the machinations of the papists, a great diminution of its prosperity.

§ 27. The Socinians, dispersed over various countries of Europe, have
hitherto been able no where, [except in Transylvania. — SM.], to obtain the
liberty of forming themselves into a regular community, and of publicly
setting up worship according to the views of their sect. At the head of
their learned men in our times, stood Samuel Crell, who died at an advanced
age at Amsterdam. He however chose to be called an Aftemonite, rather
than a Socinian : and he actually differed on many points, from the common
doctrines of the Socinians. The Arians obtained a great advocate in Wil-
liam Whiston, a professor [of mathematics] in the university of Cambridge ;
who chose rather to resign his chair, than to renounce his opinions, which
he defended in numerous publications. Similar to him, according to the
common estimation, was Samuel Clarke, a man richly endowed with powers
of genius and education, who in the year 1724, was convicted of adulterating

(5) [" See Saurin's Discours Historiques, (6) [See Dr. Mosheim's Historia Critica

Theologiques, Critiques, et Moraux, sur les novae explications Dogmatis de tribus in Deo

evenemens les plus memorables du Vieux et personis, qnam vir clariss. Paulus Maty ex-

du Nouveau Testament, tome i. of the folio cogitavit : in his Dissertt. ad Historiam Ec-

edition." — Mad.] cles. pertinentes, torn. ii.. p. 399-582. — Tr.\

494 BRIEF SKETCH OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

the sound doctrine in regard to three persons in the Godhead. But no
ingenuous and reasonable man will rank Dr. Clarke among the Arians, if
this name is to be taken in its native and proper acceptation. For he
merely defended, with greater clearness and diligence, what is called the
Arminian subordination, which has been, and is still, embraced by so many
of the first men, and by very learned prelates in England ; and taught, that
the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, are in nature equal, but in rank unequal. (7)
A great number of persons among the English have endeavoured, in various
ways, to invalidate and assail the most sacred doctrine of the divine Trinity.
And this induced an opulent lady, whose name was Moyer, to leave by her
will a rich legacy, as a premium for eight public discourses to be delivered
annually by some learned man, in opposition to this species of impiety.
The institution has been in operation since the year 1720, and promises
to future ages, a rich collection of the best productions in defence of this
part of revealed religion.

(7) [" Dr. Moshiem has here mistaken the Dr. Waterland. Dr. Clarke maintained an

true hypothesis of Dr. Clarke, or at least ex- equality of perfections between the .three

pressed it imperfectly ; for what he says Persons, but a subordination of nature in

here is rather applicable to the opinion of point of existence and derivation." — Macl.]

INDEX

TO THE THIRD VOLUME.

A.

Abbas I., king of Persia, 353.

Abbot, George, archbishop of Canterbury, 409.

Abrahams, Galenus, 472.

Abrams, Nicholas, 318, n. (107).

Abyssinian church, 119.

missions, papal, 95, n. (6), 302, &c.,

487.

— missions, Protestant, 352, &c.

Achery, Luke d', 318, n. (110), 321.

Achigian, Andrew, 352.

Adiaphoristic controversy, Lutheran, 63, 145,

&c.

, Reformed, 187, &c.

Adolphus, John, duke of Holstein, 394.

jEpinus, John, 159.

A/elmann, John, 366, n. (17), 289.

Africa, missions to, 259, &c.

Agreement of Sendomir, 183.

Agricola, John, 63, 143, n. (28).

Aguirre, Joseph, 321, n. (114).

Aids of grace, congregations on, 111, 327, &c. :

see Grace.

Albaspinius, Gabriel, 322, n. (159).
Albius, Thomas, 343, n. (212).
Alcantara, Peter de, 344.
Alciat, Jo. Paul, 227, n. (11).
Alexander VI., pope, 9.

VII., pope, 284, n. (3), 308.

VIII., pope, 285, n. (6).

Alexandria, patriarchate, 113.

Allot™, Leo, 323, n. (171), 346, n. (4).

Altorf Socinianism, 474.

Altenburg conference, 151.

Amboyna, Dutch missions to, 259, n. (24).

American missions, 73, 75, 260-264.

Ames, William, 194, n, (81), 399.

Amusements, improper, 383.

Amsdorf, Nicholas, 147.

Amyraut, Moses, 294, n. (29), 399, 403, &C.

Anabaptists, 58, &c., 140, 223, 234, 422.

or Mennonites, history of, 16th cent.,

198, &c. ; 17th cent., 469, &c.
Ancestors, worship of, in China, 254, &c., n.

(18), 483.

Andradius, Ja. Paya, 98, &c., n. (41).
Andrea, James, 152, 153, 154.

, Jo. Valentine, 366, &c., n. (17).

Anglus, Thomas, 343, n. (212).
Anhalt princes join the Reformed, 185.
Annates, 83, n. (5).
Antinomians, Lutheran, 143, 144.

, English, 423.

Antioch, patriarchate, 113, 114.
Antipadobaptists, English, 218.
Antitrinitaiiant, 477.

Antony, Paul, 379, 382.

Apology for the Augsburg confession, 54.

Apostool, Samuel, 472.

Appeals to councils, origin of, 12.

Appellants, 487. See Jansenists.

Arcimbald, Jo. Andrew, 45, n. (57).

Arians, in 16th cent., 223, 229, note, 230, &C-,

242 ; in 17th, 476, n. (8), 477, 493, &c.
Aristotelians, in 16th cent., 15, 97, 134, 191,

&c. ; in 17th, 274, 276, 277, 317, 362, &c.,

397.
Armenians, in 16th cent., 85, 120, 126; in 17th,

353, &c.

Arminians, 399, 401, &C., 404, 435-447, 491.
Arminius, James, 401, 436, &c., n. (1), 445, n.

(21).
Arnaud, Anthony, 108, 317, 320, n. (124), 334,

&c., 349.

, Jaqueline, 337.

Arndt, John, 135, n. (15), 368, note, 370, 390.
Arnold, Godfrey, 384, &c., n. (32).
Articles of Torgau, 44.

of Smalcald, 58, n. (10).

V., Arminian, 438, 444, &c., H. (21).

Assebwg, Lady Juliana, 386.

Atheists in 18th cent., 484, &c.

Atonement, disputes on, 150, 151, 403, n. (25),

434, 435, n. (91).

Augustinus, Jansenius's book, 329, 332.
Augustus, elector of Saxony, 152, 153.
, king of Poland, 300, n. (53).

Aubespine, Gabriel, 322, n. (159).
Augsburg Confession, 44, 51, &c., n. (2), 132,
286.

, Diets of, 23, 51, 62, &c. 65, &c.

Anlherius, bishop of Bethlehem, 245.
Austrian Protestants, 286.

B.

Bacon, Francis, Lord Verulam, 271, 280.
Bahnsen, Benedict, 392, n. (42).
Baius, Michael, 99, n. (41), 109, n. (59).
Baldwin, Frederic, 367, note, 389.
Baluze, Stephen, 322, n. (163).
Bancroft, Richard, archbishop, 178.
Baptists • see Anabaptists and Mennonites.

-, English, 217, &c., 423, n. (60), 472, n.

(10).

, General, 217, 218, 472, n. (10).
, Particular, 217, &c., 472, n. (10).

Barberini, Cardinal, 244, n. (3).

Barefooted monks, Franciscan, 94.

Barnabites, order of, 95.

Baronius, Caesar, 97, 304, 320, n. (128).

Bane, Nicholas, 315.

Barrow, Isaac, 280.

Bartholomew' t eve, massacre, 173, note.

496

INDEX.

5<wcAi,«Matthew de, 94.

Basilides, John, Czar, 117, 125.

, emperor of Abyssinia, 302, &c.

Basnage, James, 299, n. (47).

Batavia, church there, 259, n. (24).

Bathori, Transylvanian, family of, 236.

Bayer, Christian, 51.

Bayle, Peter, 281, n. (81).

Baylonius, Paschal, canonized, 345.

Beaugendre, Anthony, 318, n. (113).

Beaulieu, Lewis le Blanc de, 294, n. (29), 297,
406.

Becan, Martin, 287, n. (12), 321, n. (136).

Bechmann, Fridem., 367, note.

Becker, Ballh., 280, 432, &c., n. (87).

Bedingfield, colonel, 258, n. (22).

Behm, John and Michael, 376.

Bettarmin, Robert, 104, 320, n. (129).

Bembus, Peter, 76, &c., n. (10).

"Benedict XIII., pope, 485.

XIV., pope, 485.

Benedictine monks, 311, 318, &C.

Benin, Catholic mission to, 260.

Bennet, Gervas, 448.

Bern, canton, 13, n. (11), 170, 493.

Bernardines of la Trappe, 313.

Bernouilli, James and John, 272.

Bertius, Peter, 300, n. (57).

Berulte, John or Peter de, 314.

Besold, Christian, 301, n. (58).

Beton, cardinal, 174, n. (38).

Beza, Theodore, 167, &c., 171, 192.

Bezpopoftschins, Russian sect, 350, n. (12).

Bibliander, Theodore, 197.

Biblical colleges at Halle, 433, &c., note.

BMiotheca Fratr. Polonor., 236, n. (34).

Biddle, John, 476, n. (8), 477, n. (10).

Bishops, Catholic, 12, 46, &c., 93, 178, 310.

, English, 66, &c., n. (8)-(10), 176, &c.,

179, &c., 189, 190, n. (70), 408, &c., 411,
417, 424, 425, &c.

, Scotish, 417, n. (58), 425.

Blacklo, Thomas, 343, n. (212).

Blanc, Lewis le : see Beaulieu.

Blandrata, George, 235, &c.

Blesdyck, Nicholas, 219, n. (36).

Blondell, David, 404.

Bloody statute of Henry VIII., 60, n. (14).

Blount, Charles, 267, n. (44).

Blum, Henry Julius, 300, n. (52), 301.

Bockholt or Bockold, John, 58, 205.

Bodin, John, 76, n. (10).

Body of Christ, origin of, 214, n. (24) ; ubi-
quity of, see Ubiquity.

Boesius, John Geoige, 387.

Boetius, Henry, 389.

Bohfnen, Jacob, 275, 391, n. (41).

Bohemia, reformation in, 49, n. (63), 183, &c.

Bohemian Brethren, 183, &c.

war, 286, &c.

Bogermann, John, 442, n. (14), (15).

Boisneburg, John Christian von, 300, n. (54).

Bolland, John, a Jesuit, 321, n. (153).

Bolsec, Jerome, 196.

Bona, John, cardinal, 322, n. (164).

Bonfrere, James, a Jesuit, 321, n. (149).

Borromeo, Charles, canonized, 344.

Bossuet, James Benignus, 293, n. (28), 295, n.
(35), 299, n. (47), 309, n. (82), 322, n. (166),
342.

Boulainvilliert, count, 270, n. (55).

Bourbon, Anne Genevieve de, 334.

Bourignon de la Porte, Antoinette, 480.

Bourne, Rev. Richard, 263.

Bouwenson, Leonard, Mennonite, 209.

Boyle, Robert, 258, n. (22), 265, 272, 280.

Boylean Lectures, 265, n. (35).

Brahmins, 247, n. (9).

Brake, Ticho, 272.

Brandenburg embraced Reformed doctrines,

356, &c. ; received Socinians, 476, n. (8).
Brechling, Frederic, 392.
Bredenburg .: see Breitenburg.
Breitenburg, John and Paul, 479, n. (2).
Bremen joins the Reformed, 171.
Brendel, George Christopher, 488.
Brentius, John, 36, note, 159.
Britain, Reformation in, 49, n. (64), 59, &c.,

66, &c. See England, Scotland.
Bromley, Thomas, 481, n. (8).
Brown, George, archbishop of Dublin, 69.

, Robert, 181, &c., 415.

Brownists, 181, &c., 412, n. (52), &c.

Brunus, Jordan, 76, n. (10).

Bucer, Martin, 163, 167.

Budneians, a Socinian sect, 230, 240.

Budneius, Simon, a Socinian, 240, &c.

Bugenhagius, John, 46, 137.

Bull against Jansenius, 333.

against Luther, 29, 30.

Unigenitus, 485, 486.

Bullinger, Henry, 192.

Burgo, Aug. Gibbon von, 294.

Burgundy, James of, 196.

Burrhi or Borrhus, Jos. Fran., 343, &c.

Buscher, Statius, 372.

C.

Cajetan, Thomas, cardinal, 23, &c., 103.
Calixtus, George, 297, 361, 367, note, 370,371,
&c., n. (21), 375, n. (22).

, Frederic Ulric, 367, note, 375.

Calixtine controversies, 371-377.

Calovius, Abraham, 367, note, 369, 372, 374,

note.
Calvin, John, 160, 163, 164, 167, 168, n. (24),

169, 170, 171, 191, 192, 193, 194, &c., 224,

&.C., n. (8).

Camerarius, Joachim, 134, 137.
Camera, John, 403.
Campanella, Thomas, 79.
Campanus, John, 223, n. (5).
Campegius, Laurentius, 34.
Canons, regular, 93 ; some orders abolished,

311, n. (87).

Canonizations, in the 17th cent., 344.
Canus, Melchior, 98, note.
Canute, John, Danish bishop, 394.
Capnio or Reuchlin, John, 13, n. (10).
Cappel, Lewis, 405.
Capuchins, monks, 94, 260.
Caranza, Bartholomew, 98, note.
Cardanns, Jerome, 79.
Cardinals, 81, 82.
Cario, John, 133.
Carmelites, monks, 94, &c.
Carnatic, mission to, 247, n (9).
Carolostadt, Andrew, 24, 25, 32, &c., 140.
Carpzov, John Benedict, 367, note.
Det Cartes, Rene, 271, 276, 277, 317, 363,

428, 429.
Cartesian philosophy, 269, 277, &c.

INDEX.

497

Cassander, George, 99, n. (41).
Caslalio, Sebastian, 195, &c., n. (89).
Casuists, Romish, 324.
Catechism, Luther's, 129.

, the Heidelberg, 171.

Catharinus, Ambrose, 98, note.

Cathedrals, English, disliked, 178.

Catholic church, state of. before Luther, 8, &c.

in 16th cent., 80, &c. ; in 17th, 282,

&c.

Cattenburg, Andrew van, 444, n. (20).
Caussinus, Nicholas, 321, n. (138).
Celibacy of the clergy, 12, 93, 101, n. (46), 296,

note.

Cellot, Lewis, 321, n. (137).
One, Charles le, 407, &c.
Centuries Magdeburgicas, 97, n. (40).
Ceremonies and rites; popish, 16, 112; English

Episcopal, 66, n. (8), 68, n. (10), 176-179, n.

<44), 180, 408, n. (42), (43), 410, &C., n. (50),

424, 425.

Ceylon, Dutch missions to, 259, n. (25).
Chaldaic Christians : see Nestorians.
Cham- Hi, emperor of China, 251.
Chamsi or Solares, oriental sect, 124.
Charenton, decrees of, 358, &c., n. (4).
Charitable conference in Poland, 293.
Charles V., emperor, 30, 40, &c., 42, 43, 57,

59, 62, &'c., 64, &c.
I. of England, 292, 410-412, 414, note,

418, note.

II. of England, 292, 419, note, 425.

Charron, Peter, 76, &c., n. (10).
Chemnitz, Martin, 97, 133, 137, 154.
Cherbury, Edward Herbert of, 267, n. (43).
Chillingworth, William, bishop, 424.
China, missions to, 75, 250-255, 483.
Christian II., king of Denmark, 45.

III., king of Denmark, 46.

VI., king of Denmark, 484.

William, of Brandenburg, 300, n.

(50).
Christina, queen of Sweden, 289, 299, &c., n.

(48).

Chubb, John, deist, 484.
Church government, Armenian, 120.

, Calvinistic Baptist, 217.

, Dutch Reformed, 186.

, English Episcopal, 176, 178, 179, 180,

187-189, 426, 427.

, French Protestant, 172, n. (37).

, Georgian, 118.

, Greek, 1J3, <fec.

, Independent, 181, &c.

, Lutheran, 130, &c., 366, 488.

-, Mennonite, 470, &c.

, Monophysite or Jacobite, 118, &c.

, Nestorian, 121, &c.

-, Presbyterian, 168, &c., 186, 187, &c.,

189, &c., n. (68), 419, note, 420, note.

f Quaker, 459, &c., 465, &c.

-, Romish, 8, &c., 12, 80, &c.. 92, 93, 100,

105, «Scc., 304, &c:

, Russian, 117, &c., 351.

-, Schwenckfeldian, 143, n. (27).

, Scotch, 176, n. (38), 418, &c., note.

Swiss, 167, &c., 185, &c., 189, &c.

Chytrieuf, David, 133, 154.
Clarius, Isidorus, 103.
Clarke, Samuel, 494, n. (7).
Claude, John, 293, n. (28), 349.
VOL. III.— R B R

Claudius, an Arian, 223, n. (6).
Clausenburg, seat of Socinians, 241, n. (45).
Clerc, John le, 444, n. (20).
Clement VII., pope, 34, 41, 57, 59, 91, n. (21).

VIII., pope, 92, 282, 327.

IX., pope, 284.

X., pope, 284.

XL, pope, 285, n. (8), 485.

XII., pope, 485.

Clergy, popish, 13, &c., 86, &c., 93, &c., 310,
&c.

•, Lutheran, 17th cent., 364, &c., 377, n.

(27).

Clerks, regular, new orders, 95.

, Theatins, 95.

of St. Paul or Barnabites, 95.

of St. Majoli or of Somasquo, 95.

Cocceius, John, 398, 428, 429, &c.

Cochin China, missions to, 248.

Cochlceus, John, 98, n. (41).

Codde, Peter, 335.

Cointe, Charles le, 319, n. (118).

Colchians, state of, 118.

Collegia pietatis, 377, &c., n. (27), 379, &C.

Collegiants, sect, 476, 478, &c.

College de Propaganda, 243, &C.

Collins, Anthony, 484.

Combe, Francis de la, 341, n. (207).

Combefis, Francis, 320, n. (134).

Conclave, Romish, 81, n. (1).

Concordate, French, 11.

Conferences, Hampton court, 408, n. (43).

with papists, at Ratisbon, New-
burg, Rheinfels, and Thorn, 293, n. (28).

•, Lutheran and Reformed, at Leip-

sic, Cassel, and Thorn, 359, n. (5), 373,
note.

Confessions of faith, Arminian, 436, n. (1), 446,
&c.

, the Augsburg : see Augsburg.

: — , Belgic, 182, n. (48).

, English, xxxix. articles, 67, n. (8),

68, n. (10), 420, note.

, General Baptist, 218, n. (32).

— of Greek church, 115.

of Independents, Savoy, 413, note.

of Lutheran church, 129.

, Mennonite, 210, n. (19), 211, n. (20).

, Particular Baptist, 217, n. (31), 472,

n. (10). '

-T— , Presbyterian, Westminster, 421, n.

, Quaker, 458, n. (21), 461, &c.

, Tetrapolitan, 53, note.

of Z wingle, 54, n. (2).

Conformists, English, 176, &c.

Confucius, worship of, 254, &c., n. (18), 483,

&c.
Congregationalists, 412, &C., n. (53), (54). See

Independents.
Congregations, at Rome, 82, n. (2). •

— • de Propaganda, 243, &c.

of priests for foreign missions,

at Paris, 244, &c., 249.

of the holy sepulchre, 245.

— on the council of Trent, 99, n.

(42).

de Auxiliis gratise, 111, n. (65),

(66), 327, &c.
Connecticut Indians, 264, n. (32).
Consensus repetitus, Lutheran, 374.
of Sendomir, 183.

498

INDEX.

Constantinople, patriarchate of, 113, &c., 347,

n. (5).

Constantius, a Greek in Siam,249, &c., n. (12).
Consubstantiation, doctriae of, 169, n. (25), 187;

divides the Reformers, 43, 53, &c., note:

see Sacramentarian controversy.
Contra- Remonstrants, 436.
Controversies in the Romish church, 16th cent.,

105, &c. ; 17th, 327, &c. ; 18th, 485, &c.
in Lutheran church, 16th cent.,

139, &c. ; 17th, 371, &c. ; 18th, 490.

• in Reformed churches, 16th cent.,

1 62, &c., 1 76, &c., 1 94 , &c. ; 17tb, 400, &c.,

425, &c. ; 18th, 492, &c.
Conventual brethren, 311, n. (87).
Convocation, English, 189.
Cooper, Anthony Ashly, 266, &c., n. (41).
Coornhart, Theodore Volckh., 400, n. (16).
Copts, state of, 1 19 ; missions to, 85, 352.
Cordt, Christian Bartholomew de, 481.
Corporation Act, 425, n. (70).
Corvinus, John, 388.
Cotelier, John Baptist, 323, n. (173).
Cotton, John, 264, n. (32).
Councils, general, power of, 12.

, general, demanded, 34, 40, 57, 60, &c.

of Orleans and Tours, 10, n. (5).

of Pisa and Milan, 10, n. (5).

, the Lateran, 10, n. (5), 485.

Covenants of God, theory of, 430.
Court, Romish, 81, &c., n. (l)-(3), 485.

of high Commission, 178, &c., n. (,43).

Cranmer, Thomas, archbishop, 59, 60, 67.
Crautwald, Valentine, 141, n. (24). .
Crell, Nicholas, 157.

, Samuel, 477, n. (9), 493.

Cromwell, Oliver, 292, 416, &c., 419, note, 422,

n. (58), 450, &c.
Cruciger, Casper, 159.
Crypto-Calvinists, 151-158, 165.
Cudworth, Ralph, 278, 400.
Cuiper, Francis, 479. n. (2).
Cumberland, Richard, 400.
Curcellasus, Stephen, 444, n. (20).
Curtius, Sebastian, 359.
St. Cyran, abbot of: see Hauranne.
Cyrillus Lucaris of Constantinople, 347, n. (5).

Contari of Berrhoea, 348, n. (5), <6).

Czfchovius, Martin, 242.

D.

D'Achery, Luke, 318, n. (110), 321.

DailU, John, 404.

Danes incline to the Reformed, 185, 394.

Danhauer, John Conrad, 366, 368, note, 389.

Daniel, Gabriel, 324, note.

Danish East India missions, 484.

Dantzigers, Mennonites, 470.

Darnly, Lord Henry, 176, n. (38).

Daughters of Charity, 315.

David or Davides, Francis, 236, n. (30), 241.

David George or Jorris, 219, n. (36).

Deists, in 16th cent., 76, &c., n. (10) ; in 17th,

265, &c., 423 ; in 18th, 484, &c.
Denk, John or Hans, 203, n. (7).
Denmark, reformation in, 45, &C.
Deurhof, William, 493.
Devay, Matthew, J84.
Dezius, John, Jesuit, 295.
Dieu, John de, canonized, 345.
Dippel, John Conrad, 385.

Discalceati: see Barefooted.

Disputations, public, 293.

Dissenters, English: see Puritans, Noncon-
formists, Independents, &C.

Diversions, lawfulness of, 383.

Dodwell, Henry. 426, n. (76).

Dogmatics : see Theology, dogmatic.

Dolet, Stephen, 76, &c., n. (10).

Dominicans, 13, 28, 111, &.C., 327, &c., 338,
&c., 486.

Dorschcpus, John George, 366, &c., n. (17).

Dort, synod of, 401, &c., 440-443.

Dosirheus, bishop of Jerusalem, 348, &c.

Drabiz, Nicholas, 391.

Dreyer, Christian, 376.

Druses, sect of, 124, n. (35).

Dudith, Andrew, 231, n. (20).

Duraus or Dury, John, 360, &c., n. {8).

Dutch, reformation of, 49, &c., n. (66), 70, &c.,
n. (14).

Dutch church, 16th cent., 182 ; 17th, 427, &c.,
429, &c.

E.

Easter sermons and laughter, 16, n. (14).

Ecclesiastical history cultivated, 96, 97, 133,
272.

Echellensis, Abraham, 346, n. .(4).

Eckius, John, 22, 24, 28, 60, 98, n. (41).

Eclectic philosophers, 281, 364.

Edict of Nantes, 174, n. (37), 396, n. (5).

Edward VI. of England, 66, n. (8).

Election, disputes on, 158, 164, &c. : see Grace
and Predestination.

Eliot, John, 262, n. (32).

Elias II. and 111., Nestorian patriarchs of Mo-
sul, 354.

Elizabeth, queen of England, 67, &c., 177, 188,
n. (66). *.

, abbess of Hervorden, 479.

Emser, Jerome, 98, n. (41).

England, reformation in, 49, n. (64), 59, &c.,
66—68

, church of, 1 6th cent., 66-68, 175, &c. ;

17th, 291. &c., 398, &c., 401, &c., 408-412,
420, 421, 422, note, 424, 425, &c., 491, «Vc.

Episcopius, Simon, 440, 441, 444, n. (20), 445.

Erasmus, Desiderius, 103.

Ernest, Justinian, 258, n. (21).

, landgrave of Hesse, 293, 300, n. (51).

, duke of S. Gotha, 352, &c , 374, note.

EspenctBus, Claudius, 98, note, 103.

Essential truths of Christianity. 361, 376, 389,
424, 445, &c., 472, 478, 490, &c.

Estius, William, 322, n. (157).

Excommunication, Mennonite, 215.

F.

Faber, John, bishop of Vienna, 53, 98, note.

— , Tanaquil, 297.

Fabricius, John, 490.

, John Lewis, 476.

Fagius, Paul, 66, n. (8).

Family of Love, 220.

Familists, 220, &C., n. (39).

Farell, William, 47, n. (60). 171.

Farnovians, Arians, 230, 242.

Farnovius, Stanislaus, 242.

Fathers of the Oratory, 96, n. (39), 314, n. (94),

319, 327.
of the Christian doctrine, 95.

INDEX.

499

Fathers of Somasquo, 95.

Felgenhauer, Paul, 391.

Fenelon, Francis Salignac de, 322, n. (167),
342.

Ferdinand I. and IF., emperors, 56, 288.

Feuardent, Francis, 320, n. (131).

Fevre, James le, 47, n. (60).

Fifth monarchy men, 417, &c.

Filesac, John, 323, n. (174).

Fire philosophy, 79, 135, 274-276, 363, 391.

Fisher, Samuel, a Quaker, 451.

Five points, Arminian, 438, 444, &c., n (21).

Flacius, Matthias, 97, 133, 137, 146, 147, 148.

Flandrians, 210, 469, 470.

Flemings, 210, 216, 470.

Fludd, Robert, 135,275, 276, 391.

Forbes, William, 297, n. (40).

Furer, Lawrence, jurist, 286.

Formosa, Dutch missions to, 259, n. (24).

Formula of Concord, 153-158, 165.

Consensus, 434, &c., n. (90), 493.

Fossembrun, Lewis de, 94, n. (31).

Fox, George, 221, n. (39), 448, &c., n. (3), 452,
n. (8).

France, reformation in, 47, &c., n. (60), 171,
&c., 291, 297, &c., 395, 396, 402, &c.

Francis I., king of France, 11. 47, n. (60), 48.

de Paris, 337, 487.

Franciscans, 94, 338, &c., 486.

Francke, Au^, Herman, 378, 380, n. (28), 382.

Francken, Christian, 241, n. (45).

Franckenberg, Abraham von, 391.

Frederic the Wise, elector of Saxony, 23, 30,
39.

, king of Denmark, 45, &c.

III., king of Denmark, 475.

IV., king of Denmark, 484.

III., elector Palatine, 170.

V., elector Palatine and king of Bohe-
mia, 286, &c.

Augustus, of Saxony, and king of Po-
land, 300, n (53).

William, of Brandenburg, 360, 372.

, John, duke of Brunswick, 300, n. (52).

Frederickstadt, Arminian colony, 443.

French nation resist the popes, 10, n. (5), 306,
&c ,308, &c., n. (81).

Frequent communion, 108.

Friends : see Quakers.

Frieslanders, sect, 210, &C., 469.

Frolich, Eva Maria. 391.

Fromm, Andrew, 301, n. (66).

G.

GagncEiis, John, 103.

Gate, Theophllus, 278.

Galenists, sect, 472, 476.

Galanus, Clement, 346, n. (4).

GW&o Galilei, 271,317.

St. Gall, a Protestant city, 42, n. (51).

Gallic church, liberties of, 10, n. (5), 306, &c..

n. '78), 309, n. (81).
Gallon, Anthony, 321, n. (146).
Garissol, Anthony, 405, n. (31).
Garnet, Henry, Jesuit, 291.
Gamier, Julian, 318, n. (114).
Gossfndi, Peter, 271, 276, 278, 317, 363, 397.
Gaudanus, Cornelius Aurelius, 13, n. (9).
Gebhard, archbishop of Cologne, 131, n. (4).
Geneva, 167, &c., 400, 402, 435, 447.
Gentilis, Valentine, 227, n. (9).

George or Joris, David, 219, n. (36).

of Brandenburg, 42, n. (51).

Georgians, 118, 126.

Gerhard, John, 366, n. (17), 370.

, John Ernest, 366, n. (17).

Geyer, Martin, 366, &c., n. (17), 369.

Gichtel, John George, 391, 488.

Giftheil, John Lewis, 391.

Glassius, Solomon, 366, &c., n. (17), 369, 374,

note, 377.

Godeau, Anthony, 322, n. (168).
Gomanis, Francis, 401, 436.
Gonesius, Peter, 227, n. (12), 242.
Good works, dispute on, 146, &c.
Gospel, Society for the propagation of, 258,

&c., n. (22), 263, 264.
Goulart, Simon, 443.
Grace, disputes about, in 16th cent., 25, n. (26),

106, 109-112, 143, 147, 185-187; in 17th,

327-330, 332, &c., 344, n. (215), 387, 388,

&c., 400-404, 406, &c., 423, 435, n. (91),

438, die., 456, n. (19), (20).
Gras, Louisa le, 315.
Gravamina Germanica, 34, n. (41).
Grawer, Albert, 366, &c., n. (17).
Grebel, Conrad, fanatic, 202, dec., n. (7).
Greek church, history of, in 16th cent., 113,

&c.; in 17th. 345. &c. ; in 18th, 487.
Greeks, state of, 116, &c. ; opposed to the

Romish church, 346, n. (2), 347.
Gregory XIII., pope, 92, n. (28).

XIV., pope, 92.

XV., pope, 283.

the Abyssinian, 353, n. (20).

Gretzer, James, 320, n. (133).
Grevinchovius, Nicholas, 443.
Grevius, John, 443.
Grfulich, Joachim, 391.
Gribaldus, Matthew, 227, n. (11).
Groningenists, Mennomtes, 470, n. (3).
Gross Mennonites, 470, 471, &c.
Grotius, Hugo, 273, 297, 398, 437, 439.
Gruet, James, 195.
Guise, family of, 171, &c., n. (37).
Gustavus Vasa, 44.

Adolphus, 288, &c.

Guyon, Madam Jane Maria Bouvieres, 341,
&c., n. (208).

H.

Haberkorn, Peter. 293.

Hackspan, Theodore, 366, &c., n. (17).

Hadrian VI., pope. 33, n. (40).

Hager, Balthazar, 286.

Hales, John, 424, 441, n. (12).

Halle, university, 364, 380, n. (28).

Hamel, a Jesuit, 110.

Hamilton, Patrick, 49, n. (64).

Hampton Court Conference, 408, n. (43).

Hnnau, church of, 185.

Hardenberg, Albert, 171.

Harduin, John, 317, n. (102),318,n. (108), 321.

Hattem, Pontianus van, 434.

Hattemists, 433, &c.

Hauranne, John de Verger de, abbot of St.

Cyran, 330, n. (188), 335, n. (198).
Hederick, Thomas, 286.
Heidegger, John Henry, 434.
Heidelberg catechism, 171.
Hf.ilbron, a Protestant city, 42, n. (51).
Hetlbronn, James, 293.

500

INDEX.

Heinius, John, 359.
Helladius, Alexander, 345, Ik (1).
Hellwig, Christian, 301, n. (67).
Helmont, John Baptist, 275.
Hdmstadian controversy, 371, &C.
Hemming, Nicholas, 185, 394.
Henichius, John, 359, 376.
Henry VIIL, king of England, 49, n. (64), 59,
60,' 66.

III., king of France, 171, 173, note.

IV., king of France, 172, 174, n. (37), 305.

Henschenius, Godfrey, 321, n. (154).

Herbert, Edward of Cherbury, 267, n. (43).

Herrenhultfrs, 489.

Heschusius, Tilemann, 156.

Hesse-Cassel adopts Reformed doctrines, 355,

&c., n. (1).

Hetzer, Lewis, 202, n. (7), 223.
Hevelius, John, 272.
Heyling, Peter, 352, n. (19).
Hiacoomes, Indian preacher, 263, note.
High church, English, 424, 425-427, n. (75),

491, 492.

Hildebrand, Joachim, 366, n. (17).
Hoadley, Benjamin, 492.
Hobbes, Thomas, 265, &c., n. (36), 400.

Hoburg, Christian, 392.

Hody. Humphrey, 427, n. (76).
Hoe, Matthias, 286, 287, n. (12), 359, 366, n.
(17).

Holstenius, Lucas, 301, n. (62), 322, n. (162),
346, n. (4).

Holy Synod of Russia, 351, n. (14).

Hoffmann, rector at Leipsic, 25, 136.

, Daniel, 363.

, Melchior, 202, n. (7).

Hoogerbeets, Rombout, 437, 439.

Hoogstrat, James, 22.

Hopfner, Henry, 359.

Horie, Russian heresiarch, 350, n. (12).

Horneius, Conrad, 372.

Hosius, Stanislaus, 98, note.

Hospinian, Rudolph, 197.

Huber, Samuel, 158, n. (57).

, Ulrich, 431.

Hubmeyer, Balthazar, 202, n. (7).

Huet, Peter Daniel, 281, n. (80), 322, n. (165).

Huguenots, 171 : see France, reformation in.

Hulsemann, John, 366, n. (17), 372.

Hungary, reformation in, 48, n. (62), 184, 290.

Hunnius, ZDgidius, 366, n. (17).

, Nicholas, 366, n. (17).

, Helfredius Ulric, 301, n. (59).

Huss, John, 489.

Hussites, 49, n. (63).

Hutter, Leonard, 3C6,n. (17).

Hypothetical Universalists, ,404.

I, J.

Jacobites, 118, n. (14) : see Monophysites.
James I., king of England, 176, n. (38), 291

358,408. &c., 417, n. (58).

H., king of England, 292, 419, note, 426

Jansenius, Cornelius, 329, &c., n. (185), 332.
Jansenists, 313,319,326,330,332-338, 486,487.
Japan missions, 75, 255-257.
Jasidians, an Oriental sect, 122, &c.
Java, Dutch missions to, 259, n. (24).
Javorski, Stephen, 351, n. (14), 487.
Jerusalem, patriarchate of, 113, 114; council

of, 348, &c.

Jesuits, 74, 87-90, 104, 105, 245-256, 260, 295,

302, 304, <Jcc., n. (74), 307, n. (78), 315, &c.,

318, 319, 323-325, 327, &c., 330, 333, 482,

483.

Jelzer, John, story of, 13, &c., n. (11).
Ignatius, name of the Jacobite patriarchs, 352,

n. (17).

Ignorance, holy, 108.
Ijejas, emperor of Japan, 257, note.
'mmaculate conception of Mary, 13, n. (11),

338, &c., n. (202).
Impanation, what, 169, n. (25).
Imputation, doctrine of, 405, n. (31), 435, n.

(91).
Independents, English, 181, &c., 400, 411-417,

n. (52), &c.

, American, 262, 416, notes.

Index, expurgatory, 87.

India, missions to, 74, &c., 247-257; India of

the west, America, 260-264.
Indifferent things, what to be so accounted,

383 : see Adiaphoristic.
Indulgences, 11, &c., 16, n. (15), 20, &c.
Infallibility of popes, 106, 333.
Infralapsarians, 400, 401, 402, n. (22), 491.
Innocent IX., pope, 92.

X., pope, 283, m. (2), 290, n. (18).
XL, pope, 284, n. (5), 308, &c.

XII., pope, 285, n. (7).

XIII., pope, 485.

Inquisition, 70, 72, 74, 87. ,

Intention, rightly directed, 107, n. (54), 324.

Interim of Augsburg, 63, n. (3), 146, n. (32).

of Leipsic, 145, n. (30).

Johannes or Jansen, Erasmus, 237, 242, n. (47).

Johannite Christians, 122, n. (32).

John, elector of Saxony, 39, 42, n. (51), 57.

Adolphus, d/fke of Holstein, 394.

of Braganza, king of Portugal, 306.

Christian, of Boisneburg, 300, n. (54).

Frederic, of Saxony, 57, 62.

Frederic, of Brunswick, 300, n. (52).

George, of Saxony, 286, 287, n. (12).

George IV., of Saxony, 378, note.

Sigismund, of Brandenburg, 356, &.c.

de S. Cruce, 94.

of Leon, canonized, 345.

Jonas, Justin, 137.

Jon's or George, David, 219, n. (36).

Irena:us, Christopher, 149.

Ireland, reformation in, 69, n. (12).

Isbraniki, Russian sect, 349.

Isenbwrg, church of,' 185.

Isidorus Clarius, 103.

Isny, city, protested, 42, n. (51).

Italy, reformation in, 71, 72.

Juliana, Lady Rosamond, 386.

Julius II., pope, 9.

III., pope, 71, &c., 91, n. (23).

Henry, duke of Brunswick, 136, 156.

Junhts, Robert, 259, n. (24).
Jurieu, Peter, 407.
Justification, dispute on, 150, &C.
Justinian, Benedict, 103.

K.

Keith, George, 451, 453, n. (16).
Kempten, city, protested, 42, n. (51).
Kepler, John, 272.
Knorr, Christian, 275, n. (64).
Knox, John, 68, 173, 175, n. (38).

INDEX.

501

Knutzen, Matthew, 268.

Kober, Tobias, 391.

Koddeus or van der Koddc, John James, Ha

drian, and Gisbert, 478.
Korthult, Christian, 367, n. (17).
Kotirr, Christopher, 391.
Kuhlmann, Quirin, 275, 391.
Kunrath, Henry, 135.

Labadie, John, 479, 480, n. (4)

Labadists, sect, 480, n. (4).

Labat, John Baptist, 261, n. (29>

Labbt, Philip, 318, n. (106), 321.

Laderchius, James, 96.

Lalnez, Jesuit general, 90, n. (20).

Lambecitis, Peter, 301, n. (63).

Lami, Bernhard, 317, 321, n. (152).

Lancelot, Claude, 320, n. (127).

Lapide, Cornelius a, 321, n. (148).

Lasco, John a, 182, &c., n. (51).

La.terma.mi, John, 374, note, 376.

Latitudinarians, English, 424.

Lavatcr, Lewis, 197.

Laud, William, 292, 410, &c., n. (50), 418, note.

iMunoy, John, 306, 322, n. (158).

Leade, Jane, 481, n. (7).

Leenhof, Frederic van, 492.

Leibnitz, Godfrey William von, 272, 280, n.

(76), 364, 489.
Leipsic dispute, 24, &c.

Conference, 359, n. (5).

Lemmermann, Abraham, 479.

Leo X., pope, 11, 20, 23, 28, 33, 76, 77, note.

— XL, pope, 283.

Lesly, Norman, 174, n. (38).

Less, Leonard, 110.

Leszynsky, Casiinir, 268, n. (47),

Lewis XII., king of France, 9.

XIII., king of France, 395.

XIV., king of France, 303, 307, &C7, 317,

340, n. (204), 396, 486.
Libertines, Spiritual, 194, &c.

of Geneva, 194, 195.

Lignon, Peter du, 480, n. (4).
Limborth, Philip, 444, n. (20).
Lindtiu, city, protested, 42, n. (51).
Literature and learning, in the 16th cent., 9,
14, 15, 88, &c., 133, &c., 191, &c., 215,
240; in 17th, 271, &c., 316, &c., 362, &c.,
397, &c.

Jjocke, John, 280.

Lowvigni, Berniere de, 341, n. (207).
Low church, English, 426, n. (75), 427, 491,

note, 492.
Loyola, Ignatius, canonized, 87, &c., n. (15),

344.

Lubieniezky, Stanislaus, 475.
Lubin, Eilh., 366, n. (17).
Lucaris, Cyrillus, 347, n. (5).
Lucas, a Spinozist, 270, n. (54).
Ludolf, Job, 352, 353.
Luneburg princes, protested, 42, n. (51).
Luther, Martin, 19, &c., n. (16), 20, &c., 22,
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, n. (30), 28-33, 39, &C., 43.
44, 52, 56, n. (6), 57, &c., 61, 136, &c.
Lutheran church, 30, 39, 40. 41 ; in 16th cent.,
128, &c.; in 17th, 355, &c.; in 18th, 487, &c.
Lutkcmann, Joachim, 389.
Lyser, Polycarp, 359, 366, n. (17).
, William, 366, n. (17).

M.

Mabillon, John, 318, n. (109), 321.

Maccovius, John, 193, n. (78).

Madura, missions to, 247, &c.

Magnus, Valerianus, 293.

Maigrot, Charles, 253.

Maimbourg, Lewis, 321, n. (142).

Majoli, St., clerks of, 95.

Major, George, 146, 147.

Malabar, Dutch and Danish missions to, 259,

484.

Malavalle, Francis, 341, n. (207).
Maldonat, John, 98, note, 103.
Maltbranche, Francis Nicholas, 280, n. (76),

317.

Mandeville, John, 484.
Manichceism, 201,. note, 214, &c., n. (24).
Manz, Felix, 202, n. (7).
Marco., Peter de,, 306, 322, n. (160).
Marcellus II., pope, 91.
, Henry, 295.

Maresius or des Marets, Samuel, 404, 427, 428.
Margaret, queen of Navarre, 47, n. (60), 48, n.

(60), 194.

Maria Angelica de St. Magdalena, 337.
Maronites, sect, 127, n. (50), 128;
Marpurg conference, 37, n. (45), 43.
Martens, Edmund, 319, n. (116).
Martha's Vineyard, missions to, 263, note.
Martyr, Peter, 67, n. (8), 192.
Mary, queen of England, 66, 67, n. (9).

, queen dowager of Scotland, 174, n. (38).

— '-, queen. of Scots, 175, &c., n. (38).

Mashpee Indians, 264, n. (32).

Massachusetts Indians, 262, &c., n. (32).

Massenius, James, 294.

Massuet, Renatus, 318, n. (111).

Mastricht, Peter van, 428, n. (79).

Matamba, missions to, 260.

Mathematical philosophy, 278, &c., 280, 398.

Mathesius, John, 159.

\tatthai, John, 205.

\fatthia, John de, 94.

Matthias, John, bishop, 361, n. (9).

Waty, Paul, 493.

•faulbron convention and formula, 154, n. (48).

~"t. Maur, congregation of, 311, &c., n. (88),

318. -
Maurice, elector of Saxony, 02-65, n. (6).

, landgrave of Hesse, 355, 356.

, prince of Orange, 401,437, 439, n. (7),

443.

taximilian I., emperor, 23, 30.

¥ayer, Michael, 275, n. (62).
, John Frederic, 379, note.

Wayhew, Thomas, senior and junior, 263, note.

, Experience, 263, note.

~t/edi'ci, dukes of Tuscany, 271, 272.

tfeier, Lewis, 270, n. (53).

Weisner, Balthazar, 366, n. (17).

, John, 366, n. ( 17).

Melancthon, Philip, 25, &c., n. (29), 52. 54, GO,
63, 79, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 144, &c.,
147, 163, 164.

femmingen, city, protested, 42, n. (51).

tfenard, Hugh, 321, n. (150).

Icndicant orders, 13, 87.

fenezes, archbishop of Goa, 86.

Mendez, Alphonso, 303, n. (70), 352. n. (10).

Menno, Simonis, 206, n. (15), 207, ^c., i;o.

502

INDEX.

Mennonites, 140; history of, in IGth cent., 198,
&c. ; whether Anabaptists. 198, n. (1); ori-
gin, 200, n. (4), 206, 208, n. (16); doctrines,
207, &c., 212, &c. ; Gross and Fine, 210;
disputes, 214, &c. ; in 17th cent., 469, &c.

Mentzer, Balthazar, 366, n. (17), 388.

Mercurius, Francis, 275.

Metaphysical philosophy, 278, 279, n. (75), 280,
364. 489, &c.

Meth, Ezekiel, 392.

Methodists, Romish, 297, &c.

: , English, 492.

Meyer, Gebhard Theodore, 367, n. (17).

Mezzabarba, cardinal, 483.

Millennial reign of Christ, 386, n. (34), 392,
490.

Milletiere, Theophilus Brachet de, 294, n. (29),
297.

Miltitz, Charles von, 24.

Mingrelians, 117, 126.

Miracles, popish, 14, n. (11), 331, n. (190), 487.

Mislenta, Celestine, 370.

Missions, popish, 16th cent., 73, &c., 84, &c.,
125, &c ; 17th cent., 243, &c., 245, &c.,
247, &.C. ; 18th cent., 482, &c.

, Protestant, 16th cent., 75, &c. ; 17th

258, &c., 262, &c. ; 18th, 484.

Mogilaus, Peter, 115.

Molina, Lewis, 110, &c., 327, &c.

Molinos, Michael de, 339-341, n. (205).

Monarchy, Fifth, 417.

Monks, 16th cent, 13, &c., 87, &c., 94, &c. ;
17th cent., 311, &c.

Monophysilts : see Jacobites.

Montaigne, Michael le, 76, n. (10).

Montanus, Benedict Arius, 98, n. (41).

Montfaucon, Bernhard, 319, n. (117), 321.

Moore, Henry, 278.

Moors expelled from Spain, 291.

Morality : see Religion and Theology, practical.

Moravians, 183, &c , 489.

Morgan, Thomas, 484.

Morin, John, 319, n (119), 321, 346, n. (4).

Moulin, Peter du, 358.

Mover, lady, 494.

Midler, Henry, 366, n. (17).

, John, 366, n. (17).

Munster, seat of Anabaptists, 58, 205, &c.

Munztr, Thomas, 38, n. (47), 202.

Murnlt, deistic writer, 485.

Musceus, Peter, 359, 366, n (17).

, John, 366, n. (17), 377.

Musadus, Wolfgang, 192.

Mystics, 18, 104, 326, 339, &C., 454, 455, &c.,
n. (19).

N.

Nagel, Paul, 392.

Nantes, edict of, 174, n. (37), 396, n. (5).

Naples, reformation in, 72, n. (15).

Narsius, John, 443.

Nassau, joins the Reformed, 185.

Natalis Alexander, 306, 320, n. (135).

National covenant, Scotch, 418, note, 422, note.

Nayler, James, 450, n. (5).

Neercasstl, John, 335.

Nerius, Philip, canonized, 96, 344.

fiesstl, Daniel, 301, n. (65).

Nestorians, 16th cent., 85, &c., 121, &C., 126

17th, 354, &c. ; 18th, 487.
Netherlands reformation in, 49, &c., n. (66), 70,

Neuser, Adam, 237.

Newton, Sir Isaac, 272, 281.

Newburg, dispute at, 293.

Nicolai, Henry, 220.

Nicole, Peter, 299, n. (45), 317, 320, n. (125).

Nihusius, Barthold, 298, n. (43), 301.

Nikon, Russian patriarch, 350, n. (12).

Noailles, Lewis Anthony de, 486.

Nobili, Robert de, 247, &c., n. (9).

Noll, Henry, 275, n. (66).

Nominalists, 15.

Nonconformists, 177, 425. 491.

Nonjurors, 425, &c., n. (74), 427.

Nordlingen, city, protested, 42, n. (51).

Noris, Henry, 321, n. (145).

Nuremberg, diet of, 33, 34.

, peace of, 56, 57.

, city, protested, 42, n. (51). '

O.

Ochin, Bernardin, 71, n. (15), 76, n. (10), 196,

229, note.

CEcolampadius, John, 162, 192.
Olaus Petri, 44.

Oldenbarnevelt, John van, 437, 438, 439.
Olearius, John, &c., 366, n. (17).
Olympia Maldachini, 283, n. (2).
Opposers of religion or Deists, in the 16th cent.,

76, &c. ; 17th, 265, &c., 423 ; 18th, 484, &c.
Oratory of the Holy Jesus, fathers of, 314.
Oriental church, 113, &c. : see Greek church.

literature, 273.

Osiander, Andrew, 137, 150, n. (42), 151, 367,

n. (17).

, Lucas, 367, n. (17), 388, 390.

, John Adam, 367, n. (17).

Ostorodt, Christopher, 237.
Owerra, Capuchin mission to, 260.

P.

Pactiis, Maria Magdalena de, canonized, 344.

Pajon, Claude, 406, &c.

Pal(sologus, James, 241, n. (45).

Palatinate church, 397, 493.

Pall of archbishops, 83, n. (5).

Pallavicini, Sfortia, 321, n. (141).

Pamelius, James, 99, n. (41).

Panagiota, a Greek, 115.

Pantheists, 269, 270, n. (52).

Papal power, in 16th cent., 8, &c., 81, &c.,

83, 92, &c., 106 ; in 17th, 304, 308, &c., n.

(81), 485.

Papebroch, Daniel, 322, n. (155).
Papin, Isaac, 407, n. (39).
Paracelsus, Theophilus, 76, 77, note, 79.
Paraguay, mission to, 261, n. (29).
Paris, Francis de, 487.

Parthenius, patriarch of Constantinople, 348. ;
Particularists, 402, n. (22).
Pascal, Blaise, 317, 320, n. (126).
Passau, treaty of, 65, n. (6).
Passive obedience to kings, 427.
Paul III., pope, 57, 91, n. (22), 95.

IV., pope, 91. n. (25), 95.

V., pope, 283, 304, 305, 328.

Peace of Augsburg, 65, &C.

of Westphalia, 289.

Peasants, war of, 37, &c.
Pellican, Conrad, 197.
Penitence, Jesuit idea of, 324.

INDEX.

503

Penitence, Jansenist, 336-338.
Penn, William, 452.
Pennsylvania, 2G4, 453.
Peripatetics : see Aristotelians.
Perkins, William, 193, n. (79).
Perrieres, Bonaventure des, 76, n. (10).
Perron, James David, 322, n. (156).
Persecutions, in IGth cent., 47, &c., n. (60), 49
n. (62)-(64), 59, 60, 67-72, 76, 177 ; in 17th
256, &c., 290, n. (19), 395, 396, 397, 417
&c., n. (58), 425, 443, 469, 475.
Perth, five articles of, 418, note.
Petavius, Dionysius, 318, n. (103), 321.
Peter the Great, of Russia, 350, &c.

, the Maronite patriarchs, 352, n. (17).

Petersen, John William, 386, n. (34).
Pelrobrusians, 201, note.
Petrucci, Peter Matthew, 341, n. (207).
Peucer, Casper, 152, 153.
Peyrere, Isaac la, 343, n. (211).
Pezel's Catechism, Calvinistic, 152.
Pfaff, Christopher Matthew, 491.
Pfrffercorn, John, 13, n. (10).
Pfeifer, John Philip, 301.

, Augustus, 366, n. (17).

Pflug, Julius, 63.

Philadelphian society, 481.

Philip, landgrave of Hesse, 43, 62, 64, 162.

II., king of Spain, 70.

Philology cultivated, in 16th cent., 78.
Philosophy, in the 16th cent., 15, 78, &c., 97,
&c., 134, &c., 191, &c. ; in 17th, 271, &c.,
274, &c., 316, <fec., 362, &c., 397, &c., 428,
&c. ; in 18th, 488, 489, 490.
Philosophical sin, 107, n. (56), 324, &C.
Physical depravity, asserted, 149.
Piarists, monks, 315.
Pictet, Benedict, 399, n. (13).
Pietists, whence the name, 380, note.
Pietistic controversies, 369, 377-387, 490.
Pighi, Albert, 98, n (41).
Pin, Lewis Ellies du, 306, 323, n. (170).
Pinczovians, sect, 230, 234, n. (25).
Pirckheimer, 14, n. (12).
Pisa, council of, A.D. 1511, 10, n. (5).
Piscator, John, 192, 403, n. (25).
Pius III., pope, 9.

IV., pope, 91, n. (26).

V., pope, 91, &c., n. (27).

Placaeus, Joshua, 405, &c. n. (31).

Ptacette, John la, 399, n. (13).

Platonists, in 17th cent., 278.

Plymouth, Massachusetts, missions, 262, &c.,

n. (32).

Podonipta, Mennonite sect, 215.
Poiret, Peter, 481.
Poland, reformation of, 50, n. (65), 182, &c.,

229, &c., 290, 475.
Pole, Reginald, 68, n. (9).
Polemic theology : see Theology, polemic.
Politianus, Angelus, 76, n. (10), 98, n. (41).
Pollenburg, Arnold, 444, n. (20).
Pomponatius, Peter, 76, n. (10).
Poniatowski, Christina, 391.
Pontianis, Francisca de, canonized, 344.
Pontiffs : see Roman pontiffs.
Popoftschins, sect, 350, n. (12).
Pordage, John, 481, n. (8).
Port-Royal, convent, 313, 319, n. (122), 327,

330, 337, n. (200), 338.
Portugal, contest with the pope, 305, &c.

Possevin, Anthony, 125, 286, 320, n. (132).

Possin, Peter, 318, n. (105), 321.

Potter, John, archbishop of Canterbury, 492.

Powder plot, 291.

Prceadamites, 343.

PrcBtorius, Stephen, 390.

— , Matthew, 294, 301.

Pragmatic Sanction, 11.
Preaching, before Luther, 16.
Predestination: see Grace, 344, n. (215), 357,

400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 423, 436, &c., 447.
Presbyterians, 400, 409, 411, 416, n. (57), 417,

n. (58); Scotch, 417-422, notes; English,

419-422, notes, 491.
Prierias, Sylvester, 22.
Priests for foreign missions, 244, 245, 249.

of the Missions, 314, &c.

Probabilism, moral, 107, n. (54), 324.
Prophets, in 17th cent., 392.
Protestants, rise of, 39-42, n. (51), 61-66.
reconciled to popery, 299, &c.

Provincial Letters, Pascal's, 324, n. (177).
Puffendorf, Samuel, 363.
Punishment, future, its nature, 434.
Puritans, 68, n. (10), 176-182, 197, 262, 411,
419, note, 491.

Q.

Quakers, 422, 448-469,
Quesnel, Paschasius, 326, 486.
Quietists, 339, 340, 341.
Quinquarticulans, 446, n. (25).

R.

labelais, Francis, 76, n. (10).

lacovian Catechism, 235, 239, n. (40).

lacow or Racovia, seat of Unitarians, 231, n.

(22), 235, 474, 475.
lamsay, Chevalier Andrew Michael. 342, n.

(210).

lamus. Peter, and Ramists, 79, 134, n. (9), 363.
lance, Arm. Jo. Bouth. de, 313, n. (93).
lanzovius, Christopher, 300, n. (55).
Raskolniks, Russian sect, 349, &c., n. (11),

(12).

lathmann, Herman, 388, 389.
laiisbon, diet, 60; disputation, 293.
laymond of Pennafort, canonized, 344.
laynald, Odoric, 96.
laynard', Theophilus, 321, n. (139).
^ecollets, Franciscan monks, 94.
"Reconciliation of Protestants with papists, 293-

297, 404, &c., 485, 492.

of Lutherans and Reformed, 357,

&c., 491.
'.efined Mennonit.es, 470.
Reformation, desired, 8, &c., 17.

— , history of, chap. i. (state of the

church), 8, &c. ; ch. ii. (to A.D. 1530), 18,

&c. ; ch. iii. (to A.D. 1546), 51, &c. ; ch.

iv. (to A.D. 1555), 61, &c.
leformed church, history of, in the 16th cent.,

159, &c. j in 17th, 394, &c. ; in 18th, 490,

&c.

eformed monks, 311, &c., n. (87).
'.dgale, right of, 308, 310.
'egius, Urban, 159.
egular clergy, 322 : see Monks,
eichard, George, 391.
einents Reineccius, 133.
einboth, John, 389, 476.

504

INDEX.

Religion, state of, in 16th cent., 16, 79, 112;

in 17th, 323, &c., 335.
Remonstrants, 436 : see Arminians.
Reservation, ecclesiastical, 131.
Reservations, mental, 324.
Restitution Edict, 288.

Restoration of all things, 386, n. (34), 481, 490.
Reuchlin, John, 13.

Revenue, papal, 11, &c., n. (7), 83, n. (5).
Reutlingen, city, protested, 42, n. (51).
Rheinsbergers, Collegiants, 478.
Rhodes, Alexander de, 248, n. (10).
Ricci, Matthew, 75, n. (8), 252.
Richelieu, John Armand, 294, 298, 322, n.

(161), 395, 396.

Richer, Edmund, 103, n. (50), 306.
Rigorists, 335, n. (198).
Rivet, Andrew, 404, 428.
Riviers, John, 138, n. (19).
Robinson, John, Independent, 413, note.
Rochester, John Wilmot, earl of, 266.
Roderick, Christopher, 85.
Roel, Herman Alexander, 431, n. (85), 492.
Romeling, Anthony, 488.
Roman pontiffs, 16th cent., 8, &c., 91, &c. ;

17th, 282, &c. ; 18th, 485.
Rose, an American nun, canonized, 344.
Rosecrucians, 274, n. (60), 391.
Rosenbach, John George, 488.
Roskolskika, Russian sect, 349, n. (11).
Rost, George, 390.

Roxas, Christopher de, 295, &c., n. (37).
Royal Societies, London and Paris, 272.
Rue, Charles de la, 318, n. (115).
Ruggeri, Cosmo, 268.
Ruinart, Theodore, 318, n. (112), 321.
Russians, 116, 125, 349, &c., n. (11), (12), 487.
Rys, Hans de, 210, n. (19).

S.

Sabians, Christians of St. John, 122.
Sacramentarian controversy, 35-37, 43, 53, &c.,

n. (2), 142, 174, 175, 162, 166, 167, 169, n.
" (25), 187.

Sacy, Isaac de, 326, n. (180), 338, n. (200).
Sadolet, James, 98, n. (41).
Sales, Francis de, canonized, 337, 344.
Saltzburgers, 362, n. (11), 488.
Samson, Bernardin, 27.
Sanches, Francis, 281.
Sancroft, William, archbishop, 425.
Sand, Christopher, 477, n. (10).
Saracens, expelled Spain, 291.
Sarcerius, Erasmus, 159.
Sarpi, Paul, 304, 305, notes, 321, n. (140).
Satan, his power disputed, 432, 433.
Satisfaction of Christ, 403, n. (25).
Saurin, James, 493.

Saxony, visitation of churches, 41, n. (50).
Scacchi, Fortunatus, 321, n. (147).
Schade, John Casper, 378, 387.
Schall, John Adam, missionary, 251.
Scharf, John, 372.
Schenk, James, 144, n. (28).
Schertzer, John Adam, 366, n. (17).
Schmid, Sebastian, 367, n. (17), 369.

, Lawrence, 490.

Schomann, George, 232, n. (24), 234, n. (25).
Schomer, Justus Christopher, 367. n. (17),

369.
Schools, 14, 15, 97, 316, &c., 382, &c.

Schools, brethren and sisters of the Christian,

315.

Schurmann, Anna Maria, 480. -
Schwenckfeld, Casper, 141. n. (24), 142, &c.
Scioppius, Casper, 286, 300, n. (56).
Scotland, reformation in, 49, n. (64), 69, n. (11),

174, &c., n. (38).
Scriptures, holy, 99, 102, 129, 186, 231, 237,

&c., 431, 457, 490.
Scultetus, Abraham, 287, n. (12).
Secular clergy, 322 : see Clergy.
Seguenot, Claude, 321, n. (151).
Seidelius, Martin, 393.
Seidenbecher, George Lawrence, 393.
Seizen, John Christopher, 488i
Selnecker, Nicholas, 154.
Seminaries de Propaganda, 243-245.
Semi-Judaizers, 241, 393, n. (48).
Semi-Universalists, 402, n. (22).
Sendomir, convention of, 1 83.
Senensis, Sixtus, 98, n. (41.).
Sententiarii Baccalaurii, 103, n. (51).
Serapion, Armenian patriarch, 85,
Serrarius, Nicholas, 320, n. (130). ^
Servetus, Michael, 223, &c., n. (8). ":
Severinus, Peter, 135, n. (12).
Sfondrati, Ccelestine, 309, n. (82), 321, n. (143),

344, n. (215).

Shaftsbury, earl of, 266, &c., n. (41).
Sharroch, English writer, 400.
Shepherd, Thomas, 262, 263, note.
Siam, missions to, 248, 249, n. (12).
Sidonius, Michael, 63.
Sienienius, John, 231.
Sienno, James a, 235.
Sigismund, John, elector of Brandenburgh,

356, &c.

Simon, Richard, 319, n. (121), 321.
Sins, philosophicti, 107, n. (56), 324, 325.
Sirmond, James, 318, n. (104), 321.
Six articles of Henry VIII., 60, n. (14).
Sixtus V., pope, 92, n. (29).

Senensis, 98, n. (41).

Skeptics, 281, 428.
Smalcald, league of, 55, &c.

, articles of, 58, n. (10).

•, war of, 61, &c.

Smalcius, Valentine, 239, n. 40).

Smyth, John, a general Baptist, 219, n. (35),

473, n. (10).
Socinus, Laelius, 221, 222, 228, &c., n. (14),

235, n. (28).
, Faustus, 221, 222, 234, &c., 241, n.

(46).
Socinians, history of, in 16th cent., 221, &c. ;

in 17th, 474, &c. ; in 18th, 493, &c.
Sohner, Ernest, 474, n. (1).
Somasquo, Fathers of, 95.
Sommer, John, 241, n. (45).
Son of God, opinion of Roel, 431, n. (84).
Space, Cartesian idea of, 428.
Spain, reformation in, 48, n. (61), 72.

, expulsion of Moors, 291.

Spangenburg, Cyriac, 149.

Spanheim, Frederic, 404, 428.

Spener, Philip James, 367, n. (17), 370, 377,

&.C., n. (27).

Sperbcr, Julius, 275, n. (67).
Spilsbiiry, John, 473, note.
Spinoza, Benedict, 268, &o., n. (50), (51), 2SO,

484.

INDEX.

505

Spire, diets of, 40, 42, 61.
Spirituals, in France, 194.
Stancarus, Francis, 151.
Statorius, Peter, 230, n. (15).
Stenonius, Nicholas, 301, n. (60).
Slerowerzi or Starovertsi, 350, n. (11).
Stiefel, Esaias, 392.
Storck, Nicholas, 202.
Strasburg, city, protested, 42, n. (51).
Strigelius, Victorin, 137, 147, 148, 149.
Slrigolniks, sect, 350, n. (12).
Stubner, Mark, 202.
Substitution, 423, n. (64).
S'ulaka, John, Nestorian, 85, 122.
Supralapsarians, 400, 401, 402, n. (22), 491.
Surinam, Dutch mission to, 264, n. (33).
Surius, Lawrence, 98, n. (41).
Susneius, emperor of Abyssinia", 302.
Sweden, reformation of, 44, &c.
Switzerland, reformation in, 27, &c., n. (30).
Swiss churches, 434, &c., 447, 493.
Symbolical books, Lutheran, 129, 368.
Syncretisfic controversy, 371-377,
Synergistic controversy, 147-149.
Synod of Dort, 401, 402, 440-443.

, Holy, of Russia, 351, n. (14).

Synods, national, of France, 172, note.
Szegedin, Stephen, 184.

T.

Tacknnash, John, 263, note.

Tanner, Adam, 286.

Tarnovius, John, 366, n. (17), 389.

, Paul, 366, n. (17).

Taurellus, Nicholas, 76, 78, note.

Taxa Cancellaria apostolica, 11, n. (7).

Telesius, Bernhard, 79.

Teling, William, 193, n, (80).

Tennhart, John, 488.

Test Act, 425.

Tetzel, John, 21, n. (18), 22, 23.

Theatins, monks, 95.

Theology, biblical, in the 16th cent., 15, 79,

102. &c., 137, 192 ; in 17th, 326, 369, 398,

429, &c.
, didactic, in 16th cent., 15, 79, 99-

104, 137, 138, 192, 237-239, 240; in 17th,

323, &c., 326, 369, &c., 382, &c., 399; in

18th, 488.
, practical, in 16th cent., 79, 104, 138,

&c., 193, &c., 238, &c. ; in 17th, 273, 324,

325, 370, &c., 382. &c , 399, &c.
, polemic, in 16th cent., 15, 103, 104,

&c., 139, 158; in 17th, 327, 365, 370, 382,

&c., 400, &c.

Theophrastus Paracelsus : see Paracelsus.
Theosophists, 79, 135, &C., 274.
Thcrcsia, St., 94, 344.
Thienanis, Cajetan, canonized, 345.
Thiers, John Baptist, 322, n. (169).
Thirty years' war, 286-289.
Thomas Christians, India, 86, 354, &c.
Thomasius, Christian, 363, 364, n. (15), 366,

380, note.

Thomassin, Lewis, 319, n. (120), 321.
Thorn, conference of, 293, 359, 373, note.
Thought, the essence of spirit, 428.
Tillemmit, Sebastian le Nam de, 320, n. (123).
Thoyras, Rapin, 412, n. (52).
Tindal, "William, 49, n. (64).
, Matthew, 484.

Titelmann, Francis, 103.

Toland, John, 267, 484.

Toleration, 54, &c., 66, n. (7), 171, &c., 418,
note, 419, note, 420, note, 421, note, 422,
note, 425, 445, &c , 469, 473, 492.

, Act of, 425, n. (70).

Tonquin, missions to, 248.

Torgau, Articles of, 44.

•, convention of, 153.

Tories, ecclesiastical, 424.

Tournon, cardinal, 48, n. (60), 483.

Tradition, 99, 102.

Transubstantiation, in Greek church, 348, &C.

Transylvania, 184, 235, &c., 474, 493.

Trappe, de la, 313.

Treasury, papal, 11, 83, n. (5).

Treat, Samuel, 264, n. (32).

Trent, council of, 61-6?, 64, 93, 99-101.

Trinity, unknown under the Old Testament,

374, note, 376.

Tryers, 30, under Cromwell, 422, n. (58).
Tubingen divines, /.'ith Greeks, 116.
Tupper, Samuel, 264, n. (32).
Turrianus, Francis, 98, n. (41).

, Augustine, 373, note.

Tzetch, Theodore von, 391.

U.

Ubiquity of Christ's body, 156, n. (53), 157,

166, &c., 388, n. (36).
Ueberfeld, John William, 488.
like Wattes and Ukewallists, 470, &C., n. (5).
Vim, city, protested, 42, n. (51).
Uniformity, Act of, 177, 422, n. (58), 425, n.

(68). '

Unigenitus, bull, 485.
Unitarian Brethren, and Unitarians, 222, 234,

&c., 477 : see Socinians, Arians.
United Brethren, in England, 416, n. (57).
United Greeks, who, 125, &c.
Universalists, who, 402, n. (22), 404, 491.
Universities, Protestant, 133.
Urban VIII., pope, 283, 306.
Ursinus, Zachariah, 171.
Ursulines, nuns, 96.

V.

Valerius, Magnus, 300, n. (51).

Vanini, Julius Caesar, 267, &c., n. (45).

Vatablus; Francis, 98, n. (41).

Vayer, Francis de la Mothe le, 281.

Venetian Unitarians, 228, &c., n. (14).

Venetians resist the popes, 304, 305.

Veri, Anthony, 483.

Veron, Francis, 298, n. (42).

Verschoor, James, 433, &c.

Vetteria, Anna, 391.

Viles or Vives, John Baptist, 244.

Villa Nova, Thomas de, canonized, 344.

Vincent de Paul, 315.

Viret, Peter, 197.

Virgins of Love, 315.

Visconti, Joseph, 323, n. (175).

Visitation of churches, Saxon, 41, n. (50);

English, 67, n. (8), (9), 68, n. (10).
Vitringa, Campeius, 431.
Voet, Gisbert, 398, 427, 428.
Voidovius, Andrew, 237.
VoUtel, John, 476, n. (8).
Vohtsius, Adolphus Godfrey, 294.
Vorstius, Conrad, 443.

506

INDEX.

Fries, Gerhard de, 431.
Vulgate Bible, 102.

W.

Wahl, Adrian van der, 443.

Wake, William, archbishop, 491, note, 492.

Waldensians, 48, n. (60), 184, n. (57), 200, n.

(4). 290, n. (21), 397, n. (7).
Wadenberg, Peter and Adrian, 298, n. (44).
Wallis, John, 280.
Waliher, Bakhasar, 391.

, Michael, 366, n. (27).

, Marcus, 443.

Wandsworth, first Presbyterian church in

England, 419, nole.

Wansleben, John Michael, 353, n. (21).
War of the Peasants, 37, &c.

of Smalcald, 62.

Waterlanders, 210, 215, &C., 470, 471.
Wayen, John van der, 431.
Weigel, Valerius, 135.

, Valentine, 390.

Weissenburg, in Transylvania, 236, n. (30).

, city, protested, 42, n. (51).

Weller, Jerome, 138. n. (18).

— , James, 366, n. (17), 372.

Werdenhagen, John Angelas von, 391.

Werenfels, Peter, 435, n. (90).

Wessel, Gisbert, 431.

West Indies (America), missions to, 260.

Westminster assembly, 419, &.C., note.

• Catechisms and Confession, 420,

note.

Westphal, Joachim, 164.
Westphalia, peace of, 289.
Wetstein, John James, 444, n. (20).
Whichcot, Benjamin, 278.
Whiston, William, 493.
White, Thomas, 343. n. (212).
Whitefield, George, 492.
Wiga'nd, John, 159.
William, Prince of Orange, 70, 216.

III., king of England, 292, 425.

— VI., landgrave of Hesse, 359.

William Christian, marquis of Brandenburg,
300, n. (50).

Wolfgang, count Palatine, 300, n.

(49).

Williams, Roger, 473, note.
Wilmot, John, earl of Rochester, 266.
Wmdsheim, city, protested, 42, n. (51).
Wissoivatius, Andrew, 476, n. (8).
Wittemberg, 19, 30, 32, &C.
Wolf, Christopher, 489.
Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, protests, 42, n.

(51).

Woolston, Thomas, 484.
Works, good, controversy on, 146, &c.
Worms, diets of, 30, 31, 61.
, Conference of, 60.

Worship, public, Greek, 117, 118, 119, 120.
Romish, 16, 112,344.

, Lutheran, 129, &c.

, Reformed, 161.

, English, 176, 177, n. (40), 178, 179.

-, Quaker, 457, 462, 463.

Writers, Catholic, in 16th cent., 98 ; 17th,

320-323.
, Lutheran, 16th cent., 159 ; 17th, 366.

367.
, Reformed, 16th cent., 197; 17th, 397,

n. (8).

X.
Xavier, St. Francis, 74, n. (5)

Y.

Yvon, Peter, 480, n. (4).
Z.

Zaccagni, Lawrence Alexander, 323, n. (172).
Zacharias, Antony Mavia, 95.
Zanchius, Jerome^'165.
Zimmermann, John James, 391.
Zingha, Anna, 260.
Zmzindorf, count, 489.
Zwingle, I'lrich, 27. n. (30), 28, 37, n. (45), 43,

54, n. (2), 141, 162, 163, 164, 167, 168, 169,

170, 191, 192, 197.

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The History of the Discovery and Settle-
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man Empire to the Beginning of the Sixteenth
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The History of Scotland, during the
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View of the State of Europe during the
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ROLLIN. — The Ancient History of the
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donians ; including the History of Ihe Arts and
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With a Life of the Author, by James Bell. First
complete American Edition. 8vo. Embellished
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TW Dramatic Works and Poems of Wil-
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The Dramatic Works of William Shaks-
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Plutarch's Lives. Translated from the
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The Works of Charles Lamb. With his
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Sermons of the Rev. James Saurin, late
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2

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The Book of Nature. By John Mason
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Essays on the Principles of Morality, and
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The Percy Anecdotes. Revised Edition.
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English Synonymes. . With copious Illus-
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Letters and Journals of Lord Byron.
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Elements of the Etiology and Philosophy
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STO.

ANTHON'S SERIES OF CLASSICAL WORKS
for Sthoolt and College*, now in the coune of publication.

9Cr" The following works, already published,
may be regarded as specimens of the whole
series, which will consist of about thirty
volumes.

Sallust's Jugurthine War and Conspiracy
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Geographical and Historical Indexes. By
Charles Anthon, LL.D. Sixth Edition, cor-
rected and enlarged. 12mo. With a Portrait.

Select Orations of Cicero ; with an Eng-
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Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic
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phrase ; with English Notes, critical and ex-
planatory, Plans of Battles, Sieges, &c., and
Historical, Geographical, and Archaeological
Indexes. By Charles Anthon, LL.D.

A Grammar of the Greek Language, for
the Use of Schools and Colleges.'whh Teutonic,
Gothic, Sclavonic, Gaelic, Sanscrit, and Zend
Analogies. By Charles Anthon, LL.D. J2rno.

A System of Greek Prosody and Metre,
with Illustrations of the Choral Scanning in the
I>raii:itic Writers. By Charles Anthon, LL.D.

An Elementary Treatise on Anatomy.
By A. L. J. Bayle. Translated from the sixth
French Edition, by A. Sidney Doane, A.M., M.D.
18mo.

Surgery Illustrated. Compiled from the
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by A. Sidney Doane, A..M, M.D. With 52
Plates. Fancy muslin.

A Dictionary of Practical Surgery. By
S. Cooper, M.D. With numerous Notes and
Additions, embracing all the principal American
Improvements.

A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera, as ob-
served in the Duane-street ( holera Hospital,
New- York, during its Prevalence there in 1834.
By Floyd T. Ferris. 8vo. Plates.

Memoirs of Aaron Burr. With Miscel-
laneous Selections from his Correspondence.
By Matthew L. Davis. 2 vols. 8vo. With
Portraits.

The Works of the Rev. Robert Hall,
A.M. With a brief Memoir of his Life, by Dr.
Gregory, and Observations on his Character as
a Preacher, by the Rev. John Forster. Edited
by Olinthus Gregory, LL.D. In 3 vols. 8vo.

A Dictionary of the Holy Bible. Con-
taining an Historical Account of the Persons;
a Geographical Account of Places; a Literal,
Critical, and Systematical Description of other
Objects, whether Natural, Artificial, Civil, Re-
ligious, or Military; and an Explanation of tlie
Appellative Terms mentioned in the Old and
New Testaments. By the Rev. John Brown,
of Haudington. With a Life of the Author, and
an Essay on the Evidences of Christianity.

Voyage of the United States Frigate Po-
tomac, under the command of Com. John
Downes, during lh» Circumnavigation of the
Globe, in the Year£j831, 1832, 1833, 1834 in-
cluding a particular Accountof the Engagement
at ftuallah Battoo, on the Coast of Sumatra;
with all the official Documents relating to the
same. By J. N. Reynolds. 8vo. Illustrated
with ten Steel Engravings. Fancy muslin.

Embassy to the Eastern Courts of Siam,
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erts. 8vo.

A Journal of Travels on the Continent of
Europe : viz., in England, Ireland, Scotland,
France, Italy, Switzerland, some parts of Ger-
many, and the Netherlands, during the Years
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The Fairy Book. 16mo. Illustrated
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The Life and Surprising Adventures of
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The Pilgrim's Progress. With a Life of
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fifty Engravings by Adams.

Poems by William Cullen Bryant. New
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The same Work, fancy muslin, gilt edges.
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A Life of Washington. By J. K. Pauld-
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The Poor Rich Man and the Rich Poor
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Live and let Live ; or, Domestic Service
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A Life of George Washington. In Latin
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Initia Latina, or the Rudiments of the
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Miniature Lexicon of the English Lan-
guage. ?2mo. By Lyruau Cobb.

Incidents of Travel in Egypt, Arabia Pe-
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A Year in Spain. By a Young American.
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Spain Revisited. By the Author of " A
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Polynesian Researches, during a Resi-
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Travels and Researches in Caffraria ; de-
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Evidence of the Truth of the Christian
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Zion's Songster. Compiled by Rev.
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The Letters of the British Spy. By
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Directions for Invigorating and Prolonging
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The Dramatic Works of John Ford.
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Wonderful Characters ; comprising Me-
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The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym
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horrible Sufferings from Famine ; their Deliv-
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the Antarctic Ocean; her Capture, and the
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Paris and the Parisians, in 1835. By
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An Elementary Treatise on Mechanics.
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A Narrative of Events connected with the
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Narrative of an Expedition through the
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England and America. A Comparison
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The Economy of Health ; or, the Stream
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Literary Remains of the late Henry Neele.

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A Home Tour through the Manufacturing
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The Rambler in Mexico. By Charles
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Common School Library. First Series.

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Life of Edmund Kean. By Barry Corn
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Life of Mrs. Siddons. By Thomas Camp-
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The Consistency of the Whole Scheme '
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Luther and the Lutheran Reformation.
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No Fiction ; a Narrative founded on
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Martha : a Memorial of an only and be-
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History of Priestcraft in all Ages and
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A Concordance to the Holy Scriptures
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Memoirs of General Lafayette and of the
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My Imprisonments : Memoirs of Silvio
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The Doom of Devorgoil, a Melo Drama
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The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. By J.

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