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Full text of "Interlocking subversion in Government Departments. Hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-third Congress, second session,first session]"

Hili!!l(p;;ii.=lf:M:^. i  



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN 
GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS 

[Activities of United States Citizens in Red China] 



HEARINGS 



J 



BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-THIED CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 

ON 

INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 
DEPARTMENTS 



JULY 27, SEPTEMBER 27 AND 28, 1954 



PART 23 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
82918' WASHINGTON : 1954 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

DEC 2 9 1954 



COMMITTEE ON. THE JUDICIARY 

WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota, Chairman 

ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsitt PAT McCARRAN, Nevada » 

WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana HARLEY M. KILGORE, West Virginia 

ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi 

ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON, New Jersey ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee 

EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina 

HERMAN WELKER, Idaho THOMAS C. IIENNINGS, Jr., Missouri 

JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Ark-ansas 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana, Chairman 
ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah PAT McCARRAN, Nevada » 

ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON, New Jersey JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi 
HERMAN WELKER, Idaho OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina 

JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas 

Alva C. Cakpexter, Chief Counsel and Executive Director 
J. G. SouuwiNE, Associate Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



» The Honorahle Pat McCarran was active in the work of the subeoniuiittee until his 
death, September 28, 1954. 

II 



CONTENTS 




Page 



Testimony of — 

Baylbr, Cpl. Page T 

Berry, Capt. Waldron 

Colgan, Kenneth O 

Gill, Mrs. Dolores 

Greene, William 

Hinton, William H 

Manto, Joseph V 

McLaughlin, John N 

O'Connor, Joseph L 

Powell, John W 

Shadish, Maj. William R 

Todd, Jack R 

Tredick, Stanley 

Wright, Carrol, Jr 



1904 
1968 
1913 
1822 
1741 
1749 
1961 
1952 
1955 
1848 
1830 
1946 
1951 
1908 



APPENDIX 

Page 

Exhibit 465 — Changes in Shanghai's Press 1979 

Exhibit 468 — New China News Agency — Yenan to Peking 1985 

Exhibit 469 — China Review advertisers 1987 

Exhibit 470 — Commimist and pro-Communist writers appearing in the 

China Review 1988 

Exhibit 473 — American Communist Trial 1988 

Exhibit 474 — The Congress of American Women 1991 

Exhibit 475 — Documents and speeches 1993 

Exhibit 476 — CMR lists of American POW's, photos and articles dealing 

with the subject 1994 

Exhibit 476-A — Defeatist propaganda on prisoners of war from the China 

Monthly Review 1994 

Exhibit 477 — Lists of American POW's published in National Guardian by 

arrangement with John W. Powell 1995 

Exhibit 478— POW messages from Korea. .._ 1995 

Exhibit 479— POW's Letter to Eisenhower _ 1998 

Exhibit 480— American POW's Want Peace Now.. 1998 

Exhibit 481 — Material published in the China Review on germ warfare 2000 

Exhibit 482— Germ warfare _. 2001 

Exhibit 483— Scientists and Doctors Say 2003 

Exhibit 483-A — List of articles from the China Monthly Review dealing 

with expionage, secret police, and treason 2004 

Exhibit 484 — Articles from CMR dealing with peace conference of the 

Asian and Pacific regions or its parent body or other affiliates. 2004 
Exhibit 484-A — Department of State press release of October 1, 1952, 

entitled "Peiping 'Peace Conference'" .. 2005 

Exhibit 485 — Excerpts from CMR showing anti-American propaganda 

during the Korean war 2005 

Exhibit 486— The Ward Case__ 2007 

Exhibit 487— List of Border Violations by United States Planes.. 2013 

Exhibit 488— The Strafing of Kooloutzu 2014 



III 



INTEKLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVEENMENT 

DEPARTMENTS 



TUESDAY, JULY 27, 1954 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
OF THE Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2 p. m., in room 457, 
Senate Office Buildin<T, Hon. William E. Jenner (chairman of the 
subcommittee) presiding. 

Present : Senators Jenner, AVelker, and Hendrickson. 

Also present: Alva C. Carpenter, counsel; Ben Mandel, research 
director; Kobert McManus and Edna Fluegel, professional staff 
members. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Greene, will you come forward ? Will you be sworn to testify ? 
Do you swear the testimony given in this hearing by you will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Greene. I do. 

The Chairman. Will you state your full name ? 

TESTIMONY OF V7ILLIAM GREENE, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, CAEL W. BEEUEFFY 

Mr. Greene. William Greene. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside, Mr. Greene? 

Mr. Greene. 429 First Street, Annapolis, Md. 

The Chairman. And what is your business or profession? 

Mr. Greene. Engineering. 

The Chairman. Now, you are here Avith counsel. 

Counsel, would you give our reporter your name and address? 

Mr. Berueffy. Carl W. Berueffy, B-e-r-u-e-f-f-y, 636 Wyatt 
Building, Washington. 

The Chairman. Let the record show that Senator Welker is present. 

Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. When and where were you born ? 

!Mr. Greene. Where ? New York City. 

Mr. Carpenter. When? 

Mr. Greene. 1916. 

Mr. Carpenter. And will you give us your educational background ? 

Mr. Greene. I went to public school in New York City, public high 
school in New York City ; graduated at the College of Engineering, 
New York University, in 1937. 

1741 



1742 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. And you were employed after that ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where were you employed? 

Mr. Greene. I was employed by the Engineering and Research 
Corp. of Riverdale, Md. 

Mr. Carpen rER. And where did you live during that employment ? 

Mr. Greene. Well, I lived in suburban Maryland, relative to Wash- 
ington, D. C, except for the period of my first marriage, and that 
period was from the very end of 1942 to about late spring of 1947. 

Mr. Carpenter. And to whom were you married in your first 
marriage ? 

Mr. Greene. I was married to Jean Hinton. 

Mr. Carpenter. Jean Hinton? 

Mr. Greene. J-e-a-n H-i-n-t-o-n. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did you reside? 

Mr. Greene. For the first year of our marriage, we resided in the 
1700 block of I Street, and in the balance of the marriage we resided 
on Harvard Street, 1739, Northwest. 

Mr. Carpenter. And how long did you live at that address ? 

Mr. Greene. About 3 years, I guess, approximately 3 years. 

Mr. Carpenter. And when you were living at that Harvard Street 
address, did a Miss Joan Hinton visit that home? 

Mr. Greene. She did. 

Mr. Carpenter. And w^ho was she? 

Mr. Greene. She was the sister of my ex-wife. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did a Mr. William Hinton visit your home? 

Mr. Greene. He did. 

Mr. Carpenter. Who was he? 

Mr. Greene. He was the brother of my ex-wife. 

Mr. Carpenter. Now, who was Joan Hinton? 

Mr. Greene. She was the sister of my ex-wife. 

Mr. Carpenter. And was she employed? 

Mr. Greene. During the war years, she was employed at Los 
Alamos, to the best of my knowledge, and I don't know where else 
she worked other than that. 

Mr. Carpenter. Los Alamos is the Atomic Energy Commission 
installation ? 

Mr. Greene. The Atomic Energy Commission installation. 

Mr. Carpenter. And did she visit at your home during that period ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes. Very infrequently, but she did visit there. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did Mr. William Hinton, the brother of your wife 
Jean, visit you from time to time? 

Mr, Greene. Very infrequently, but he visited us at that address. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did he ever use your home as his address ? 

Mr. Greene. Not to my knowledge. I have no recollection of it. 
But he could very well have. 

Mr. Carpenter. While you were married to Jean Hinton, was slie 
employed ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. And by whom was she employed ? 

Mr. Greene. She was employed by the Farm Security Administra- 
tion of the Department of Agriculture. 

Mr. Carpenter, Was she active in any organizations at the time 
she was living with you as your wife ? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT 1743 

Mr. Greene. Yes, I believe she was an officer of a union. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was that the United Federal Workers Union, 
local 1 ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was she also active in the teachers union ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. After she left the Government employ, I 
believe. 

Mr. Carpenter. When did she leave the Government? 

Mr. Greene. I am not too sure about the date, but I think it was in 
1945, sometime in 1945. I am not clear on the date. 

Mr. Carpenter. During this period that you were living at Harvard 
Place, did she associate with various people that she was employed 
with, and also engage in union activities? 

Mr. Greene. I didn't quite get the first part of that question. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did she associate with some of the people that 
were engaged with her in her work? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter, And who were they ? 

Mr. Greene. Well, there were all kinds of people she associated 
with. We had a long list of friends from every walk of life, prac- 
tically. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was she friendly with William Ullmann? 

Mr. Greene. She knew him. 

Mr. Carpenter. And Gregory Silvermaster? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did he visit at your home ? 

Mr. Greene. I don't recollect his visiting us very frequently. In 
fact, I would definitely characterize his visits as quite infrequent to 
our house. 

The Chairman. Did you visit his house ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. How many times did you visit the home of the 
Silvermasters ? 

Mr. Greene. I don't recall the exact number, but in the order of 
10 times, anyway. 

Mr. Carpenter. In the evening? Or during the day? 

Mr. Greene. No, the visits I know of were usually for dinner; 
that type of visit. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have occasion to go into the basement of 
the Silvermaster home? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you see the photographic apparatus that Sil- 
vermaster had? 

Mr. Greene. I saw it; yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was Silvermaster one of the supervisors of your 
wife while she was employed in the Department of Agriculture ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. I believe he was over her supervisor. 

The Chairman. Senator Welker has a question. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Witness, you say you observed some photo- 

fraphic equipment in the basement of the home of Nathan Gregory 
ilvermaster ? 
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. I take it that was his home out in Bethesda? 
Mr. Greene. No. It was in the District. 



1744 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Senator Welker. In the District of Columbia. 

Now, will you describe for the committee, please, how you got to the 
basement, what steps, and so forth? 

Mr. Greene. Well, he was designing a saw, an electric saw for saw- 
ing wood, and he was building the thing there, and he asked me about 
some points on how to put it together. And while we were down there, 
we could see the darkrom — I would describe it as the darkroom — 
that was off to one side of the general part the basement. 

Senator Welker. Did you see any enlarger? 

Mr. Greene. I saw an enlarger. 

Senator Welker. You know what an enlarger is ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. Was it a large or small enlarger? 

Mr. Greene. I would say it was a fairly good sized one. 

Senator Welker. And did you see any pans or lights that they used 
for processing film? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir, I saw a developing tank, or it looked like it. 

Senator Welker. What portion of the basement, Mr. Witness, was 
that in ? 

Mr. Greene. I would say as you came down it would be toward the 
rear. It wns all part of the same basement. 

Senator Welker. Did you see any film, any exposed film, or ruined 
film? 

Mr. Greene. N"o, sir. 

Senator Welker. Did you see any microfilm at all ? 

Mr. Greene. No, sir. 

Senator Welker. Did you see any camera there? 

Mr. Greene. I saw what he described as his portrait camera. That 
wasn't down in the basement, I believe. It was upstairs. 

Senator Welker. That was upstairs. Well, what kind of a por- 
trait camera? Did he tell you what it was? 

Mr. Greene. It is the kind you look into to see the picture. 

Senator Welker. I see. Eather a large one? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. He had no reluctance whatsoever to permit you 
to go down into the basement ? 

Mr. Greene. No. He wanted to discuss what he was building. 

Senator Welker. Did he discuss the photographic equipment with 
you at all, what he had it there for, what he was doing with it ? 

Mr. Greene. Well, no. The way it came out, it seemed perfectly 
natural. He had portraits all over the house, in the living room, you 
know. They looked lite fairly good workmanship. 

Senator Welker. Did your wife go down with you at the time? 

Mr. Greene. I don't think so. 

Senator Welker.^ To your knowledge, Mr. Greene, did anybody 
else go down with you other than yourself and Mr. Silvermaster ? 

Mr. Greene? A friend of mine who did not even know him, who 
was trying to help him on this saw. 

Senator Welker. What year was that, Mr. Greene ? 

Mr. Greene. This was in 1946 or early 1947. 

Mr. Carpenter. While you were living there, was Martin Popper, 
attorney for the Chinese Government, a neighbor of yours ? 

Mr. Greene. He was. 

Mr. Carpenter^ Was Jean friendly with him ? 



TNTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1745 

Mr. Greene.- She was friendly with liim to the extent that it seemed 
to me she was friendly with his wife primarily. The friendsliip was, 
it seemed to me, primarily between her and his wife, and through 
that she knew him, was friendly with him, indirectly. 

Mr. CARrENTER. They visited back and forth ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes ; I w^oiild say so. Sort of the over-the-f ence type 
of visiting. I think occasionally Mrs. Popper came into the house, and 
Mr. Popper might have. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever go into their home ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. And were they in your home? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. During this period, were there any people from the 
Russian Embassy that visited at your home ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Who were they? 

Mr. Greene. They were the successive air attaches, from approxi- 
mately 1943, very early 1943, to about late 1945, I would guess; and 
their visits consisted of approximately once a year, maybe in one case 
twice, but the visits were about once a year. 

Mr. Carpenter. And who were these people? Their names? 

Mr. Greene. The first one was Colonel or Major Berezin. 

The second one 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you spell that? 

Mr. Greene. I will spell it to the best of my ability. B-e-r-e-z-i-n. 
The second one was a Major or Colonel Aseav, A-s-e-a-v, approxi- 
mately. The third one was a Major or Colonel Golkovski, G-o-l-k-o-v- 
s-k-i. Those are my guesses. I am not sure of the spellings. 

Mr. Carpenter. And those three were all guests at your home? 

Mr. Greene. That is right. 

Mr. Carpenter. On more than one occasion ? 

Mr. Greene. I think, to the best of my recollection, Berezin was 
once, and Golkovski was once, and it is possible that Aseav was twice. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you and your wife, Jean, have occasion to go 
to the Russian Embassy? 

Mr. Greene. We went there on the occasion of the parties they 
gave on their anniversary. This was, I would guess, during 1944, 
1945, or 1946, possibly 1943. I don't remember that quite clearly. 

Mr. Carpenter. And what was the occasion for them visiting in 
your home? 

]Mr. Greene. Well, it was part of a sales activity that I carried on 
through the people I was employed by, part of the social activity, and 
more or less a return for their entertaining us. We would entertain 
them for the particular incident involved. 

Mr. Carpenter. Purely a business relationship? 

Mr. Greene. My relationship with them was strictly for business. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did they ever ask you for information relative to 
other things than the selling of propellers ? 

Mr. Greene. Well, they were interested in this private airplane we 
built, too. But outside of things that I could see as business inquiries, 
it was mostly on my part, trying to get them. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did they know" that you were the brother-in-law 
of Joan Hinton, the nuclear physicist ? 



1746 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Greene. No, sir; they never gave any indication of knowing 
that. 

Mr. Carpenter. At no time? 

Mr. Greene. No. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did he ever visit your home while Joan was there 
as your guest? 

Mr. Greene. No, sir, to the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you know whether Joan is married now ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. I only know it by hearsay. 

Mr. Carpenter. To whom? 

Mr. Greene. A fellow by the name of Engst. 

Mr. Carpenter. What is his first name? 

Mr. Greene. Irwin.^ 

Mr. Carpenter. And did he ever visit your home during the time 
you were married to Jean ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. When was that? 

Mr. Greene. I think it was in 1946, late 1916, some time around in 
there, or possibly early 1947. 

Mr. Carpenter. Since your divorce, your wife has remarried? 
Your former wife, Jean ? 

Mr. Greene. I have been told that. 

Mr. Carpenter. And who has she married ? 

Mr. Greene. I have been told she married someone by the name of 
Rosner. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did he ever visit your home during your married 
life? 

Mr. Greene. He visited us once, I am sure of, and possibly one time 
earlier. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the purpose of his visit ? 

Mr. Greene. I believe — nobody talked to me about it at the time, 
and least of all did he, but I believe he visited us to come to Washington 
with a group of people to lobby about some bill. I have no idea what 
the bill was. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know a Russell Nixon ? 

Mr. Greene. Very slightly. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did he visit your home ? 

Mr. Greene. I have no recollection of his ever visiting our house. 

Mr. Carpenter. And on what occasion did you know him ? 

Mr. Greene. We went on a trip to Nags Head, and he was along on 
that trip, but we didn't stay with him and his wife. My ex-wife and 
myself stayed elsewhere. 

Mr. Carpenter. At your home during the period you were married 
to Jean Hinton, did you notice any Communist literature about the 
house ? 

Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. The literature I would describe as that. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of that literature ? 

Mr. Greene. I saw 2 or 3 or possibly 3 or 4 copies of the Daily 
Worker. 

Mr. Carpenter. Anything else? How about Soviet Russia Today! 

Mr. Greene. I saw that magazine there. 



1 William Hinton testified that Engst's first name Is Sidney. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1747 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you somewhat disturbed about the actions of 
your wife Jean at that time ? 

Mr. Greene. Well, of course, we got divorced, and the whole thing 
was very painful : the incompatibility just sort of built up, and at that 
point it reached the point where we finally separated and got divorced. 
Wlien we were originally married, we shared common interests in that 
she liked to ski, she liked to fly, and she liked to go sailing with me in 
my sailboat. As time went on, her union activities took more and 
more of her time and prevented us from sharing our lives together. 
It finally reached the point where we were completely incompatible. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you know whether she was a member of the 
Communist Party at the time you were married to her ? 

Mr. Greene. To the best of my knowledge, she was not. 

Mr. Carpenter. She never told you she was ? 

Mr. Greene. No. And she never discussed that with me. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did she discuss her union activities with you ? 

Mr. Greene. The discussion would usually be that she was going 
to a union. Occasionally she tried to get me into union activities, 
but I have never belonged to a union and know very little about them. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are you, or have you ever been, a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Greene. I am not, nor have I ever been. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record 
if the chairman please, the efficiency report of Jean Hinton, signed 
by N. Gregory Silvermaster. 

The Chairman. It may go in the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 424" and is 
as follows:) 



1748 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



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1. Underline the elemente which are etpecielly important in the position. 

2. Rate only on eiementa pertinent to (he poeition. 

a. Do not rate on elements in Hclict except for employees in admin- 
istrative, supervisory, or planning poeitions. 
h. Rate administrative, supervisory, and planning employees on all 
elements pertinent to the position whether in \talic» or not 
S. Before rating, become th9roughly familiar with instructions in the 
rating manual. 



CBKCK ONEl 

Administrative, 
supervisory, or 
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All others D 



_ (1) Maintenance of equipment, tools, instruments. 
: (2) Mechanical sUlL 

•^-. (S) Skill in the application of techniques and 

~ pT6ctdu res ~ — 

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• (5) Attenti o n to broad phases of assignmenta . 

-r3tL (6) Attention to pertinent de taJL 

_t (7) Accuracy of operat ions. 

.di. (8) Accuracy pf final rMulta. 

^itr. (9) Accuracy of judgments or decision a. 

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^ZtZ. (12) Rate of p myrM ^ on or completion of assi gn- 
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, (t6) Effectiveness in instructing, training, and 
developing subordinates in the work. 

^^Sil (tT) Effectiveness in promoting high working morale , 

....„ (f^) Effectiveness in determining space, personnel, 
and equipment needs. 

...... (19) Effectiveness m setting and obtxxining adhtr* 

^ enee to time limits and deadlines. 

*..»» (SO) Ability to nuike decisions. 

...._ ()i) Effectiveness in delegating clearly defined 
atUhority to act. 



STATE A^(T OTHEB ELEMENTS CONSIDEBBD 
(A) 



(B) 



(C) ..- 



8TANDASO 
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All underlined elements marked plus, and no element 
marked minus _^ 

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element marked minus 

All underlined elements marked at least with a check, and 
minus marks fully compensated by plus marks, or^ 
a majority of underlined elements marked at least with 
a'checlc, and minus marks on underlined elements over* 
compensated by plus marks on underlined elements 

A majority of underlined elements marked at least with 
a check, and minus marks not fully compensated hf 
plus marks _ _ 

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Adjeetiwe 
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Excelleit.„..>^ 
Very good — _. 



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Fair ■? or 8 

Unsatisfactorr- 9 



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SEP 1»^>^9:3 



The Chairman. You may stand by, Mr. Greene. 

Mr. Greene. Shall I stay in here ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Hinton, will you come forward, please ? 

Will you be sworn to testify, sir ? Do you swear that the testimony 
given in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God I 

Mr. HiNTON. I do. . 

The Chairman. You may be seated there. 

Will you give us your full name? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1749 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM H. HINTON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, MILTON H. FEIEDMAN 

Mr. HiNTON. William H. Hinton. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. My permanent residence is Putney, Vt. 

The Chairman. And what is your business or profession? 

Mr. Hinton. I have always been in the field of agriculture, as an 
agriculture technician and farm manager. 

The Chairman. Are you in that field now ? 

Mr. Hinton. At the present time, I am doing some lecturing and 
speaking. 

The Chairman. You are present here with your counsel. 

Would you give your name and address for the record, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Friedman. Milton H. Friedman, F-r-i-e-d-m-a-n, 522 Fifth 
Avenue, New York. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where were you born, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. I was born in Chicago, 111., on February 2, 1919. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did yoii attend school ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I graduated from high school at Putney School, 
Putney, Vt. I attended Harvard University for 2 years, starting in 
1937. I then transferred to Cornell University and graduated from 
Cornell with a degree in agriculture in 1941. 

Mr. Carpenter. Prior to going to school, did you have occasion 
to travel in the Far East ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you employed in the Far East, in Japan ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, I was. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of your employment ? 

Mr. Hinton. I worked there as a news reporter on a newspaper 
called the Japan Advertiser. 

Mr. Carpenter. And who was the sponsor of that newspaper ? 

Mr. Hinton. I never heard of a sponsor. 

Mr. Carpenter. Who was your supervisor on that newspaper? 

Mr. Hinton. I believe the publisher was a man named B. W. 
Flasher. 

Mr. Carpenter, What was the name ? 

Mr. Hinton. B. W. Flasher. 

Mr. Carpenter, What year was that ? 

Mr. Hinton, If I recall correctly, it was in 1937. 

Mr, Carpenter. Then you went to college after returning from 
Japan ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you graduated from Cornell? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, that is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where were you employed after leaving Cornell ? 

Mr. Hinton. I was employed as the farm manager at Putney 
School in Putney, Vt. 

Mr. Carpenter. And how long were you in that employment? 

Mr. Hinton. Approximately 1 year. 

Mr. Carpenter. Who was your supervisor at the Putney School? 

Mr. Hinton. I believe the business manager was my supervisor. 



1750 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. And when you left that employment, where did 
you go? 

Mr. HiNTON. I was drafted, and I was sent to a CBS camp. I was 
at that time a conscientious objector. 

Mr. Carpenter, A conscientious objectors' camp where? 

Mr. HiNTON. At Weston, N. H. 

Mr. Carpenter. And some time later you left that camp? 

Mr. HiNTON. I applied for military service and was rejected. 

Mr. Carpenter. And how long were you in that camp? 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, about a year and a half, 1 believe, if I remember 
correctly. 

Mr. Carpenter. And then you applied for service and were re- 
jected. Then where were you employed ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I returned to my original job at the school and 
worked as farm manager. 

Mr. Carpenter. And how long were you there ? 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, approximately another year. 

Mr. Carpenter. And then where were you employed? 

Mr. HiNTON. Then I got a job with the OWI, and I went out to 
China. 

Mr. Carpenter. To whom did you make application when you 
joined the OWI? 

Mr. HiNTON. I don't recall any specific person, sir. I applied for 
a job with the OWI and got one. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you went to China with the OWI in what 
year? 

Mr. HiNTON. I believe it was 1945. 

Mr. Carpenter. What month? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, it was either June or July, or right around 
there, 1945, that I went out to China. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of your work with the OWI ? 

Mr. Hinton. My title, when I was employed, was propaganda 
analyst. 

Mr. Carpenter. What background did you have for that particular 
type of work? 

Mr. HiNTON. Previous employment as a newspaper reporter in 
Japan. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did you go in China with the OWI? 

The Chairman. Let the record show that Senator Hendrickson is in 
attendance at this session. 

Mr. HiNTON. I was first sent to Kunming, later to Chungking, and 
then I worked in the Hankow area, and also — well, I was in Shanghai 
before I went home. I didn't have any work there. 

The Chairman. Senator Welker has a question. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, did you go to China alone, or with 
someone ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I went alone. 

Senator Welker. Was your sister, Joan C. Hinton, there at the 
time ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. No; she was not. 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, conferred with his counsel. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1751 

Senator Welker. Did she come later? 
Mr. HiNTON. Joan Hinton went to China later. 
Senator Welker. And you met her there ? 
(Mr, Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. She is working now on a dairy farm in the city of 
Sian. 
Senator Welker. I asked you if you met her there ? 
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the iifth amendment, I respect- 
fully decline to answer that question. 

Senator Welker. You do not care to tell us whether or not you met 
or conversed with your sister on either of the trips to China? 
Mr. Hinton. The same answer. 

Senator Welker. You claim your privilege on that, Mr. Hinton? 
Mr. Hinton. The same answer for the same reason. 
Senator Welker. Would you care to tell us what your sister was 
doing in China, if you know ? 

The Chairman. Let the record show that before responding, the 
witness conferred with his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. She was working on a dairy farm. 
Senator Welker. She worked on a dairy farm all the time ? 
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred with 
his counsel before responding to the question. 
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds. 
The Chairman. On what grounds, Mr. Hinton ? 
Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the fifth amendment. 
The Chairman. That your answer might tend to incriminate you ? 
Mr. Hinton. Yes. 
The Chairman. All right. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, are you familiar with a magazine 
called People's China, published September 16, 1951, in Peking, China, 
in which Joan Hinton wrote an article entitled, "Why China Wants 
Peace"? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. Look, Sen- 
ator. I got a letter from your committee inviting me to come here to 
talk about my experiences in China, and I have prepared to do that. 
I should like to have a chance to read my statement. 
The Chairman. How long is your statement, Mr. Hinton ? 
Mr. Hinton. It will take maybe 10 minutes to read. 
_ Senator Welker. I would like, Mr. Chairman, to finish my ques- 
tioning. 

The Chairman. We are going to give you that courtesy, Mr. Hinton. 

Senator Welker ? 

Senator Welker. You did know, however, that your sister was a 
young American scientist formerly employed at Los Alamos? And 
then I think she went into Chicago ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, when you are asked a question by any 
member of this committee or counsel, it is perfectly all right for you 
to consult your counsel before you reply, but please, Mr. Friedman, 
let the witness make his own answer. 



1752 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Friedman. I take it, Seneitor, it has not been suggested that I 
haven't followed that procedure, has it ? 

The Chairman. I notice that the witness turns to you sometimes 
before the question is fully stated, and you converse. I would like for 
the question to be stated, and if he wants any advice from you, it is 
perfectly agreeable with this committee that he confer with you, and 
that is our procedure. 

Mr. Friedman. I know. 

The Chairman. But please let the witness testify, and not you. 

Mr. Friedman. Of course. 

Senator Welker. You knew your sister to be a member of the Fed- 
eration of American Scientists, did you not ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the same ground. 

The Chairman. And if the testimony is produced here at this hear- 
ing or subsequent hearings showing that your sister was an eminent 
scientist studying in the atomic field, it is your testimony now that she 
is milking cows over in China. Is that correct ? Or working at a dairy, 
I think you stated. 

Mr. Hinton. That is correct. 

The Chairman. "Wliat is she doing at that dairy ? 

Mr. Hinton. She is working there, helping with the dairy farm, 
with the production of milk. 

The Chairman. Common labor ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

The Chairman. Wliat type of work, Mr. Hinton, if you know ? 

Mr. Hinton. I am not aware of her exact duties there. 

Senator Welker. General duties, I take it, around a dairy farm. 

Mr. Hinton. Correct. 

Senator Welker. And she is not engaged in any scientific research 
at the dairy farm ? 

The Chairman. You may consult your counsel. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. No ; she is not engaged in any such work. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, at this time, as part of my cross- 
examination, I would like to ask you to admit, by reference, into evi- 
dence a magazine called People's China, volume 4, published in 
Peking, Why China Wants Peace; and as the second exhibit, Mr. 
Chairman, I would like to ask you to introduce by reference a reprint 
of that article which was printed January 1952 m a magazine called 
New World, published at 114 East 32d Street, New York 16, N. Y. 

The Chairman. Both of these articles will go into our record by 
reference only. 

Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. We were speaking of the OWI in China. 

Mr. Hinton. Could I have an opportunity to read this? 

The Chairman. The practice of our committee is that you may sub- 
mit the article, and we will determine whether or not it should go 
into the record. We have a regulation, you see, that any prepared 
statement will be presented 24 hours before the hearing. 

Will you pass the statement up, so that we may examine it? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. We will proceed with the questioning while the 
staff examines your statement, and then we will make a determination 
on whether or not it will go in the record. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1753 

Mr. Carpenter. You arrived in China in June or July of 1045? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness is conferring 
with his counsel before responding to the question of our counsel. 

]\Ir. Hinton. Mr. Chairman, may I say, sir, tliat I was questioned 
for an hour and a half in executive session this morning. 

The Chairman. I beg your pardon ? I didn't hear. 

Mv. Hinton. I was questioned for about an hour and a half in 
executive session this morning and have had no chance to give any 
information about China, to give my experiences in China, and I 
would like to have a chance to read the statement, if I can. 

The Chairman. We will pass upon that, Mr. Hinton. I am asking 
the staff to pass upon it now. 

Senator Hendrickson. I would like to suggest that the witness was 
given an opportunity to present the statement this morning, but it 
was felt that since he was going to publish the statement anyway, it 
was better that he offer it in open session rather than in executive 
session. I just wanted to correct Mr. Hinton's statement that he was 
not given an opportunity to present the statement. 

Mr. Carpenter. When did you arrive in China and go to work for 
the OWI? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I think that is the question we just had, there. 
It was either in late June or early July. I don't remember just the 
date. 

Mr. Carpenter. And what was the nature of that work? 

Mr. Hinton. I was employed as — my title at the time was propa- 
ganda analyst, if I remember correctly. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. And what was the exact work you did there, in 
China? 

Mr. Hinton. It was the analysis of Japanese propaganda and the 
writing of a weekly summary of all the things which the Japanese 
were saying at the time. And I turned this over to my superiors. 

Mr. Carpenter. And who were your superiors? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I don't recall who was my immediate superior, 
but a Mr. Stewart, I believe, was in charge of the work there at the 
Kunming station. 

Mr. Carpenter. And were you there when the war ended? 

Mr. Hinton. I believe I was, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you did work after the war ended? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes; I worked for a few more months after the war 
ended. 

Mr. Carpenter. T\niat was the nature of that work ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I helped to finish off the work of the United 
Nations Picture News Office, which was an OWI project. I helped to 
wind up that work. I took a mobile movie showing team through some 
of the provinces. And I believe that is the two jobs I had after the war 
ended. 

Mr. Carpenter. Then you returned to the United States? 

Mr. Hinton. Soon after that, yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. And were released from OWI? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. And then where did you go ? 

32918"— 54— pt. 23 2 



1754 rNTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. HiNTON. After the OWI, I worked for a number of months as 
an organizer for the Farmers Union, northeastern division. 

Mr. Carpenter. And what year was that, and month? 

Mr. HiNTON. Well, that was in the summer and fall, if I recall cor- 
rectly, of 1946. 

Mr. Carpenter. The summer and fall of 1946. Was that the north- 
eastern division of the Farmers Union ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. And who was the president of that northeastern 
division at that time? 

]\Ir. HiNTON. Mr. Archie Wright. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Archie Wright as a Communist? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the basis of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have instructions from the Communist 
Party to seek employment with the Farmers Union ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the basis of the fifth 
amendment. 

The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you report to the Communist Party in con- 
nection with your relations with the Farmers Union? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are you a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you were in Japan in 1937, working on the Japanese Advertiser ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds, and I 
want to say right here that I think that the committee is very improper 
to ask any questions of this kind. I believe that it is an invasion of 
the rights of a citizen for a question of this kind to be asked, particu- 
larly as I was called here to talk about my experiences in China. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, you must realize that the Communist 
conspiracy is a conspiracy to overthrow and destroy this Government 
by force and violence. We, being a duly constituted committee of the 
United States Senate, feel that we have a responsibility to this Nation. 
We think it is a very proper question. Now, you have your rights 
under the Constitution not to answer, under the fifth amendment, and 
you have exercised that right. We want to extend to you every cour- 
tesy. But we do not want you to argue with this committee on what 
its duties are and what they are not. 

Now, you seem to be disturbed about your statement. 

Mr. Hinton, the reason why the committee requires that statements 
be submitted 24 hours before a witness testifies is because we have 
certain people who come in here who exercise the privilege of the fifth 
amendment with long statements that are not relevant to anything 
this committee is interested in. The staff has examined your state- 
ment, and we think it is a proper statement, and if it will make you 
feel any better, you may proceed at this time to read your statement. 

Mr. Hinton. Thank you. 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1755 

Mr. HiNTON. I am here pursuant to your letter of June 18 which 
reads in part: 

Having learned that you have Just returned from a stay in the Far East, the 
Senate Internal Security Subconiuiiltee would like to have the opportunity to 
interview you and get the benefit of your experience. 

The letter also included a subpena. 

In order to facilitate the interview I have prepared a short summary 
of my experiences. 

In drawintr up this statement I have been handicapped by the fact 
that all of my notes, diaries, corresj^ondence, and back<»;round material 
on China were seized by the United States customs when I returned 
to the United States last Auf2;ust 

The Chairman. May I interrupt right there, Mr. Hinton? 

Why were they seized ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness before re- 
sponding conferred with his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to know that myself. 

The Chairman. Did you ask anyone why the records were taken 
from you ? 

Mr.* Hinton. Did I ask? I certainly did. 

The Chairman. What did they tell you ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred 
with his attorney before he responded to the simple question. 

IVIr. Hinton. They said it was the importation of foreign assets 
originating in China. But I can't see how my own notes and diaries 
and so on could possibly come under foreign assets. 

The Chairman. I cannot either, Mr. Hinton. I think if that is the 
fact, if they just took your notes and research work you had been 
doing, you have been wronged. Have you pursued this matter ? Have 
you taken any action of any kind ? 

(INIr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, conferred with his counsel. 

Mr. lSnton. Yes, I have pursued it. I have followed up every step 
they have told me to do, but up to this point have not received any 
encouragement that I should get my materials back. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Senator AVelker. Where were your notes and diaries, and so forth, 
seized ? At what customs office ? 

Mr. Hinton. At Newport, Vt. 

Senator Welker. By whom? 

Mr. Hinton. The ITnited States Customs Service. ^ 

Senator Welker. Where did you land in the United States? 

Mr. Hinton. Where did I land ? 

Senator Welker. Yes. 

]Mr. Hinton. I landed in Quebec. 

Senator Welker. In Quebec ? 

]\Ir. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. By air, I suppose ? 

Mr. Hinton. No, by ship. 



1756 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Senator Welker. You had no trouble getting over to Vermont 
with your notes, but you did have some difficulty with the customs 
agent there. He took your notes ? 

Mr. HiNTON. The customs at Newport, Vt. 

Senator Welker. Did he say anything to you about your notes 
having Communist literature and propaganda in them? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, conferred with his counsel. 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes, he said something along those lines, but he didn't 
make any specific accusation about the notes. They just took them. 

Senator Welker. He said something along those lines. Did you 
argue with him about that ? 

Mr. HiNTON. No, I did not. 

The Chairman. All right. You may proceed with the reading of 
your statement, Mr, Hinton. 

Mr. HiNTON. Were seized by the United States Customs when I re- 
turned to the United States last August and are still held by them in 
flagrant violation of my rights as an American citizen. 

I went out to China in 1947, originally as a member of the Church 
of the Brethern Service Commission Tractor Unit, a part of the 
UNERA relief program. I spent the years from 1947 through 1953 
on the Chinese mainland working chiefly in the field of agriculture. 
I trained students in the operation and care of tractors and combines, 
and in the care and feeding of dairy cattle. 

My qualifications for such work consist of a degree in agriculture 
from Cornell University, obtained after 2 years' study at Harvard 
University, and later a number of years spent as manager of dairy 
and general farms in Vermont and New Hampshire. 

In China I worked in both Nationalist and Communist led areas. 
I traveled widely, from Harbin to Lanchow, and from Chahar to 
Central Honan — east and west 2,000 miles, north and south, 1,000 
miles. I saw conditions in the countryside and in the cities, on farms 
and in factories. I learned to speak and read the language. I talked 
with thousands of Chinese from all walks of life and from all parts 
of the country. 

When I first went out in 1947 I spent 6 months in Nationalist-held 
territory. Although Chiang's armies — fully equipped and supplied 
by us, that is, the United States — were on the offensive, there was an 
atmosphere of fear and defeatism wherever they held control. Jittery 
armed guards stopped everyone on the roads. They forced peasants 
to throw up high embankments around every little settlement. Our 
tractor work was carried on with great difficulty. Valuable parts and 
tools were stolen. We had to protect relief property from the guards 
assigned to watch it. Many of those sent to study had no intention 
of becoming tractor drivers. They were looking forward to easy jobs 
in administrative offices. 

The results of our work were disappointing. The land we plowed 
in Suiyuan belonged to the largest landowners whose warehouses were 
already heaped with grain while ordinary folk went hungry. The 
week I arrived there grain riots broke out when local speculators 
attempted to ship grain to the coastal cities. The riots were sup- 
pressed with arrests and executions. In such a situation it was hard 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1757 

to see how the Imnj^ry could benefit from tractors. Also the author- 
ities regarded the tractors as valuable speculative property rather 
than as potential food-producing equipment. 

In July I was sent across the lines into the Communist-led area of 
South Hopei. This was a region held by the peasants against Japa- 
nese invading armies for 8 long years. They had fought back from 
a network of underground tunnels dug by hand. In South Ilopei I 
found life close to normal although the region was completely sur- 
rounded by hostile armies and the only supplies they had were those 
captured in battle. Few guards were in evidence. Walls were being 
leveled. Evidently the authorities trusted the people. Grain was 
scarce because of severe drought, but the people were all out in the 
fields replanting with seed supplied by the government. The tractors 
sent in by UNRRA were used to haul water for the aged and widows. 
]\Iost of the government personnel were out in the fields helping with 
the work. 

The local government regarded tractors as very important for the 
future. For a while tractor plowing was abandoned because of lack 
of fuel, but as soon as gasoline became available the work started 
again, even though the war was still going on. By that time UNRRA 
had withdrawn and the project was supported wholly by local funds. 
I stayed on at the request of the local Chinese, because they had no 
one else who understood tractors. I w^anted to continue, and if pos- 
sible, complete the work I had started. 

The students were mostly poor peasants. Many told me how they 
had lived on bark and leaves during the famine years. Most had been 
active in the war against Japan. One was the leader of his local 
militia at the age of 15. Others had fought in the famous Eighth 
Route Army. They always expected me to eat dried persimmons, for, 
they said, "that's what the American flyers they had rescued like 
the best. 

In the first class there were only three girls. Later women made up 
almost one-third of the student body. For them it was a great oppor- 
tunity. Village women in North China had traditionally been con- 
fined to the home and had been bought and sold like chattels. One 
of my students had been a slave girl in a landlord's home until the 
People's Liberation Army came. 

Classes were held outdoors. The students sat on stones or bricks. 
The blackboard was propped on a tractor. It was so cold in winter 
that we had to call a break every 20 minutes so everyone could blow 
on their fingers. Yet no one complained. They knew they were 
pioneering in a field very important to China. 

I lived in a mud village under the same conditions as the Chinese 
staff and students. All were on subsistence, which included food, 
clothes, and 50 cents a month for spending money. The food was 
chiefly millet, noodles, cabbage, and salt turnip. I slept on a brick 
platform. In winter straw was burned under it to give a little warmth. 

I lived in a courtyard that had once belonged to a landlord. He 
lived next door. His land had been divided among his tenants. He 
was not happy about it. Every day he went out, with a very long 
face, to work on the plot that was left to him. But for every frown 
of his the peasants smiled twice. They were independent landowners 
now. They paid no rents. Tlieir debts had been canceled. Life was 
still hard — they had but half an acre per capita — but they owned 



1758 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

land free and clear and were optimistic about the future. Their 
taxes amounted to about 15 percent of their crops. Prices were stable, 
credit cheap. Interest rates on loans had been reduced from 30 
percent a month to 2 or 3 percent a year. 

A lot of families joined together in mutual aid teams, a kind of 
work exchange. Hardly anyone worked alone in the fields any more. 
I asked what they liked about the new method. "When we work to- 
gether the day goes much faster, and we get more done, too," was the 
answer. The results showed up in their standard of living. Beggars 
and rags were a rare sight when I left China, although very common 
in 1947 when I arrived. 

While in the village I saw many meetings. Everyone but the ex- 
landlords had voting rights. The people elected their village coun- 
cil by secret ballot. All major decisions were discussed until agree- 
ment was reached. Once a hailstorm damaged the wheat crop. The 
county reduced taxes two-thirds. Then the neighbors met to decide 
how much each family could pay. Everyone seemed satisfied in the 
end. 

In 1949 the center of all tractor work moved to a farm outside 
Peiping. I went along to teach tractor maintenance and combine 
operation. Students trained there went out to tackle wasteland in 
many provinces. By 1953 the students had opened up over 500,000 
acres of new land. Altogether China is reported to have close to 
300 million acres of potentially fertile land lying idle. I traveled to 
many of the new farms. During the years from 1949 to 1953 most of 
them lost money because of the high price of fuel and machinery, but 
scientific methods produced excellent yields. The mechanized farms 
often outyielded the local peasants' plots by 100 percent. 

Those in charge of the farms were confident that as costs went 
down mechanization would come into its own. In a few years the 
price of kerosene fell from over $2 a gallon to less than $1. At the 
same time wages went up. At one 10,000-acre rice farm near Tien- 
tsin several thousand peasants were hired to do the weeding the first 
year. 

The second year more money was offered but fewer showed up. The 
third year the farm gave up hiring seasonal labor altogether. Peas- 
ants were busy with their own farms. Industrial and transport jobs 
were opening up and there were few casual laborers available. 

Life on the large farms was akin to factory life. The farms were 
run by managers aided by salaried technicians. Tractor drivers and 
fieldworkers were paid according to the work they did. Housing was 
provided free for everyone as were medical care, schooling for the 
children, and recreational facilities. Every farm had its amateur 
drama group. Saturday nights were always lively with plays, movies, 
or dances on the agenda. 

Most of the farmworkers studied in their spare time. The techni- 
cians gave elementary courses in the evenings for all those who had 
never had a chance to go to school. Most began with reading. An 
army language teacher in South China invented a teaching method 
based on the use of a phonetic alphabet. This soon spread to the 
whole country. I joined one of the classes but couldn't keep up. My 
classmates were learning up to 100 characters a day. Songs enlivened 
the course and helped the students to memorize phoenetic sounds. 



1 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1759 

The hit tunes of China when I left were the alphabet songs. One 
heard them everywhere. 

Inadequate technical knowledge was the biggest problem the farms 
had to face. To overcome this, hundreds of young workers were sent 
to technical courses every year. Six-month, 2-year, and 4-year courses 
were offered. 

Other stumbling blocks were bureaucratic management and a cer- 
tain amount of graft. To fight against these, every staff member 
was periodically obliged to account for his work to those who worked 
with, or under him. The first few months of 1952 were given over 
almost completely to an intensive campaign against graft and cor- 
ruption with remarkable success. Chinese public opinion no longer 
tolerates what was once winked at as a clever method of caring for 
one's parents. 

As production on the land and in industry increased, living stand- 
ards improved. Startinor in 1950 when I went on salary, I earned 
close to $75 monthly. Smce my food, which by that time included 
rice, white flour, eggs and meat, cost me only $8 per month, I was well 
off. 

AVlienever I went shopping I found the stores crowded with buyers 
and heavily stocked with goods ; almost all China-made. The Ameri- 
can embargo, though bitterly resented in China, was not effective as 
far as I could see. It served only to stimulate Chinese manufacturing, 
both private and public, and to increase imports from other countries. 
Textiles, rubber shoes, flashlights, thermos flasks, and bicycles, were 
among tho most popular homemade items, while imported Swiss 
watches tempted many a farmworker. Many of my students paid as 
much as $30 apiece for them. 

In the field of hard goods, imports bulked larger each year. British 
cars, Czech buses, and Soviet tractors were all common sights. The 
buses on Peiping's streets increased from a few dozen to over 1,200 in 
a few years time. The Chinese also imported huge quantities of ma- 
chine tools. In my travels here at home I have found that it is just 
in these lines that lack of orders is creating unemployment in many 
towns. Our workers are on the streets while Britain, France, West 
Germany, and Japan move in to supply what may well be the fastest 
growing market in the world. 

I would not say that the Chinese are panting to buy from us, but 
certainly on a competitive basis we could do as well as the next fellow 
if only the embargo were lifted. 

During all those years of close association with all sorts of people I 
never met anyone, except for an occasional ex-landowner, who longed 
for Chiang's return. The people I knew and worked with were proud 
of the progress being made under the new government and gave it 
their wholehearted support. They did not consider it a one-party 
state, but a real coalition of many parties in which Sun Yat Sen s 
widow, Soong Ching-ling, former Nationalist Gen. Li Chi Shen, 
democratic lawyer Chang Lan, and the Communist leader, Mao Tse- 
tung, have joined together to carry through land reform, build indus- 
try, and wipe out illiteracy. 

These people I met were both puzzled and incensed at American 
policy — especially our support of Chiang and our drive across the 
38tli parallel in Korea. Chiang is thought of in China today much 



1760 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

as George III must have been regarded in America after the Revolu- 
tionary War. And our intervention in Korea is looked on very much 
as we would look on Chinese armies driving on the Rio Grande. 

Always I found people, even total strangers, friendly to me, an 
American. They wanted to know all about Lin Kun (Lincoln) "who 
freed the slaves" and Lwo Sz Fu (Roosevelt) "who wanted one world." 

Chinese from different walks of life told me again and again that 
they only wanted to be left alone to get on with the work of building 
up their country. I feel certain that that desire is sincere and that 
no government can hope to lead the Chinese into aggressive adventures 
abroad. 

It seems to me we shall have to learn to live in peace with the 600 
million friendly people over there. We can only gain thereby. 

The Chairman. You say the people over there were puzzled and 
incensed at our drive across the 38th parallel in Korea? 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

The Chairman. They were were not puzzled and incensed about 
their drive when they broke over the 38th parallel and headed south, 
were they? 

Mr. HiNTON. I was speaking of the Chinese people. 

The Chairman. What did they think about the Koreans ? 

Mr. HiNTON. That was regarded as an internal question in Korea. 

The Chairman. And the Chinese went in to help the internal 
situation? 

Mr. HiNTON. After our armies came northward toward their bor- 
ders, they became very concerned, in China. 

The Chairman. All right. Proceed with the questioning. 

Senator Welker. May I ask a question ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I note that you were in China when 
the land reform took place, when the landownei's were cut oflf from 
their vast acreage and the peasants were given small tracts of land. 

Mr. Hinton. Yes ; I was in China. 

Senator Welker. You go at length into that subject in your state- 
ment. Did you have anything to do with promotion of the land 
reform there? 

Mr. Hinton. I saw it. I observed it. 

Senator Welker. Did you have anything to do with it? Did you 
speak in behalf of the land reform? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding to the question, consults with his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I believe my opinions and the expression of my 
opinions are covered by the first amendment and it is not proper for 
questions about that to be asked by the committee. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, this committee does not recognize 
your right to refuse to answer that question under the first amend- 
ment to the Constitution, so I am going to direct that you answer the 
question. 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I respectfully decline to answer that question on the 
grounds of the fifth amendment. 

The Chairman. All right. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1761 

Senator Welker. I notice that in your statement you say : 

In July I was sent across the linos into the Communist led area of South 
Hopei. 

Who sent you across ? 

Mr. HiNTON. My superiors in the United Nations Relief program. 

Senator Welkeh. And you were receiving pay from the United Na- 
tions at that time? 

Mr. HiNTOX. Well, our unit was a volunteer unit. Our pay was — 
actually, we were on subsistence. This Brethren Service Unit was on 
subsistence. 

Senator AVei-ker. I see. You went over there, though, at the di- 
rection of your United Nations superior? 

Mr. HiNTON. That is correct. 

Senator Welker. And you went over there without pay, merely 
on subsistence? 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes, sir. 

Senator Welker. And you found things over there to your satis- 
faction, I take it, as you have stated in your statement, at page 2 in 
the second paragraph? 

Mr. HiNTON. I found conditions there better than in the other 
areas. 

Senator Welker. You found the peasants happy; there were few 
guards ; and they w^ere hard at work, and they wanted to develop their 
country. Now, this area, there isn't any question about it, was un- 
der Communist control at the time you went there? 

Mr. HiNTON. It was a coalition government which included Com- 
munists as well as other parties. 

Senator Welker. Well, it was dominated by the Communist Party ; 
was it not ? 

]\Ir. HiNTON. They are regarded in China as the leading party. 

Senator Welker, Well, of course. You say so in the second para- 
graph on page 2. It was a "Communist-led area." 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Now, after "UNRRA had withdrawn and the 
project was supported wholly by local funds," quoting wdiolly from 
your statement, I would like you to tell me what group furnished 
the local funds. 

Mr. HiNTON. It was known as the Chin Chi Luy-yu Border Region 
Government. 

Senator Welker. Now, will you tell us a little more about that? 
That was the Communist Party ; was it not ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Chin Chi Lu-yu is the name of the area. It is the 
name of four provinces, actually. And this government was originally 
established during the Japanese occupation of North China as a Dorder 
region, which tlie Japanese never succeeded in conquering. 

Senator Welker. Now, the Communist Party actually laid the 
money on the line, though, did they not? 

Mr. HiNTON. I was paid by the Border Region Government. 

Senator Welker. I do not care who you were paid by. As a matter 
of fact, you know, Mr. Hinton, that the Communist Party furnished 
the money to whoever gave it to you. Is that not correct ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. HiNTON. Of course, that is not correct. That was a govern- 
ment, the established government of that region. It had its own taxa-^ 



4 



1762 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

tion, its own budget, its own government setup, bureaus, and pro- 
gram, and this government was the established government of that 
area. 

Senator Welker. And it was led by the Communist Party ? 

Mr. HiNTON. The Communist Party was the leading party in the 
area. The government was a coalition government of a number of 
parties. 

Senator Welker. It was led by the Communist Party. We are not 
going to argue about that. On page 2, you so state. 

Mr. HiNTON. I agree with you that the Communists were the most 
important party there. 

Senator Welker. And when this little slave girl was given her 
freedom after having worked in that landlord's home, when the libera- 
tion army came, that was, as we know it, the Communist Army. Is 
that correct? 

Mr. HiNTON. Well, it has gone under a number of names. It was 
originally, I believed, called the Red Army, and then it was called the 
Eighth Route Army, and in recent years it has been called the People's 
Liberation Army. 

The Chairman. And by some Americans it has been called the 
Agrarian Reformers ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I don't believe by Americans they have ever been 
designated as that. The army? 

The Chairman. No, the movement. 

Mr. HiNTON. What movement? 

The Chairman. All right. You ought to know. 

Senator Welker. Now, everyone there had voting rights except the 
ex-landlords ; is that not correct, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. That is correct ; yes. 

Senator Welker. And I take it you were satisfied with everything 
you saw in the movement in the Communist-led area that you testified 
about ? 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, I found things to criticize, and I found things that 
were such that I was quite happy with them. 

Senator Welker. You were happy with the reduction of taxes. You 
were happy with the free medical services and government-controlled 
schools. You have so stated that in your statement, have you not ? 

Mr. Hinton. I thought that was a program beneficial to the 
Chinese. 

Senator Welker. And you were happy with the free housing fur- 
nished them, too. 

Mr. Hinton. I felt that was a good program. 

Senator Welker. Now, when your salary went up to $75 a month, 
who paid for that? 

Mr. Hinton. At that time I was employed at the Suan Chow State 
Farm, and they paid my salary. 

Senator Welker. And who operated and controlled that farm? 

Mr. Hinton. The farm was under the administration of what they 
called the State Farm Management Bureau of the Central Govern- 
ment. 

Senator Welker. And that would be the Communist government? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, there again, it is a coalition government. 

Senator Welker. Yes, but it is led by the Communist Party. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1763 

Mr. HiNTON. It is a coalition government of the People's Republic 
of China. 

Senator Welker. But as you said, it is led by the Communist Party 
of China. 

Mr. HiNTON. The Communist Party is the leading party in China^ 
The government itself is a coalition made up of elected representatives 
and is an established government, as we find in many other countries.! 

Senator Welker. Now, I have just a couple of other questions. 
You witnessed there British cars, Czech buses, Soviet tractors, and so 
forth, and you also stated that these people imported large quantities, 
huge quantities, of machine tools. Could you tell the committee where 
they imported them from ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Well, among other places, they bought machine tools 
from West Germany, and they also bought them from Hungary, 
Czechoslovakia, Russia, and I believe from other countries, too. 

Senator Welker. Now, a closing question I have, Mr. Hinton, is 
this : I note that you state in your statement that people were puzzled 
and incensed at the American policy in Korea. And I am led to be- 
lieve from that, that generally speaking they did not care very much 
for Americans. But they did like you. Can you tell us why they 
liked you and hated the Americans generally ? 

Mr. HiNTON. It was American policy in regard to China which they 
were opposed to. But in general they were friendly to Americans, 
and particularly to technicians who were engaged in technical work. 

Senator Welker. And you cooperated with them in every details 
You helped them, taught them as oest you could. You worked with 
them, and you received pay from them. 

Mr. Hinton. I tried to teach to the best of my knowledge the use 
of tractors and mechanized farm equipment, because I believe that 
every country deserves help in improving their food situation, their 
situation as to growing food. I think lack of food is one of the big 
problems in our world today, one of the biggest things making for 
unrest and perhaps a cause of war in the world. I think if everyone 
were well fed, we would have a much better and happier world. 

Senator Welker. And you will not argue with me that you were 
quite popular there in the region in which you worked and in the 
duties which you performed. 

Mr. Hinton. I was always treated with courtesy and friendliness. 

Senator Welker. And these people advocated one world govern- 
ment ? 

Mr. Hinton. No; I didn't hear them advocating one world gov- 
ernment. 

Senator Welker. Well, they asked you questions about Roosevelt, 
who wanted one world. What did you assume they were meaning 
then? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, it was the type of world friendship which 
Willkie wrote in his book, One World, and which Roosevelt was identi- 
fied with. 

Senator Welker. And did you agree with them and think that was 
a proper philosophy? 

Mr. Hinton. That all nations should live in peace together. 

Senator Welker. I am speaking about one world. I would be very 
happy to join in a movement that all nations could never have war. 



1764 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

I don't know anyone who wants war. But do you advocate this one 
world philosophy they talked to you about? 

Mr. HiNTON. As I understood it, it was ideas similar to those 
Wendell Willkie wrote about in his book. 

Senator Welker. They seemed to be well educated about what Mr. 
Willkie wrote in his book, One World. 

Mr. HiNTON. They knew it as from Roosevelt. 

Senator Welker. But you did not mention Willkie in your state- 
ment. You mentioned former President Roosevelt. 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Senator Welker. I have no further questions. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Carpenter. You say you traveled considerably there in north- 
ern China, from east to west, and north and south. 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. And that was during the period the Korean war 
was going on ; is that right? 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you see American prisoners of war while you 
were in that section of China ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred 
with his counsel before responding to that question. 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question, on the same ground 
as stated before. 

The Chairman. On the ground of the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have occasion to interrogate any Ameri- 
can prisoners of war while you were in China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same ground. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, do you mean to say that you, as an 
American, being over in this country, having had an opportunity to 
see one of our own boys who was a prisoner of war, feel, having been 
asked the question whether you talked to him or saw him, that if you 
should answer that it might tend to incriminate you if you told the 
truth? 

The Chairman. How could it, Mr. Hinton? 

You may consult with your counsel. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. Just now I claimed the fifth amendment on that 
question, because it seemed to me we were getting into an area of 
linkins: me with Americans who have been under attack. But in 
thinking this over, I would rather answer that question. 

The Chairman. All right. Proceed. 

Mr. Hinton. I saw no American prisoners in China. 

The Chairman. You saw none at all ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

Senator Welker. I do not quite understand why you refused to 
answer counsel's question, if you saw none. You took the fifth amend- 
ment. Maybe I misunderstood you. Can you explain that to me, 
why you refused to answer on your privilege of the fifth amendment, 
when now you tell us you never saw any American prisoners ? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 17G5 

Mr. HiNTON. Well, there was an attempt this morninr^ in the execu- 
tive session to brinp^ in the names of many Americans in China, and 
I saw a possibility of such a thing here. 

The CfiAiRMAN. Mr. Hinton, maybe we can get at it this way. Did 
you see other Americans there in that area that had seen American 
prisoners? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, conferred with his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

The Chairman. You decline to answer that question under the fifth 
amendment; that your answer might tend to incriminate you? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

The Chairman. All right. Proceed. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any contact with Wilfred Burchett? 

The Chairman. Do you know him? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Have you ever met him? 

Mr. Hinton. I deoline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Did you ever talk to him? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Have you ever received any communication from 
him of any kind? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are you married, Mr, Hinton? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. To whom are you married? 

Mr. Hinton. ]\Iy wife's name is Rertha Hinton. 

Mr. Carpenter. And when were you married ? 

Mr. Hinton. Nineteen hundred forty-five. 

Mr. Carpenter. How many children do you have? 

Mr. Hinton. I have one daughter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where is your wife and child now? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, the last time I saw them, they were in Peking. 

Mr. Carpenter. When was the last time you saw them ? 

Mr. Hinton. I haven't seem them since I have been back in America. 
It has been almost a year. 

Mr. Carpenter. Almost a year. You left them in Peking? 

Mr. Hinton. To the best of my knowledge, they are in Peking. 

The Chairman. Why do you say "the best of my knowledge"? 
Don't you know where your wife and daughter are? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I have been away a year. 

The Chairman. Don't you hear from them? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with 
his counsel before responding to that question. 

Mr. Hinton. This is a personal question, which involves my 
marital relations, and I don't think that this is pertinent to this.- 

The Chairman. We are certainly not trying to probe your marital 
relations, but certainly if you asked any American where his wife was 
he could surely answer. 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I answered it to the best of my knowledge. 

The Chairman? You said to the best of your knowledge she was in 
that area. Don't you know where your wife and daughter are ? 



1766 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. HiNTON. To the best of my knowledge, that is where she is; 
yes. 

The Chairman. Do you hear from them ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Again, I think that is a personal question, sir. 

The Chairman. Are they under duress ? Are they being detained 
by the Communist Government in China ? Do you know that ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I have no knowledge of it. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Are they serving, Mr. Hinton, as a hostage for 
your return to that country? If so, we don't, as a committee, want 
to put you or your family in that kind of jeopardy. 

Mr. Hinton. You are suggesting that the people over there hold 
hostages ? 

The Chairman.- No ; I asked you the question. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. There is no such thing as hostages being held in 
China that I ever heard of. 

Tlie Chairman. There is no such thing. All right. Proceed. 

Mr. Carpenter. You were employed by a branch of the Communist 
government as we know it ? 

Mr. Hinton. A branch of the People's Republic of China. 

Mr. Carpenter. A foreign government. 

Mr. Hinton. The Government of China.- 

Mr. Carpenter. What have you been doing since you returned to 
the States ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I have been giving a series of lectures on my 
experiences in China. 

The Chairman. On your own, Mr. Hinton? Or are you working 
for some organization ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with 
his counsel before he responds to the question. 

Mr. Hinton. Yes; I am lecturing on my own as a free lance lec- 
turer to any audience that cares to hear. 

Senator Welker. Do you receive pay for that, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. Sometimes. I usually do ask for remuneration; yes. 

Senator Welker. Would you be kind enough to give us the names 
of some of the organizations who sponsor you and pay for your 
appearances ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, confers wdth his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I think that here again it is an invasion of my rights 
under the first amendment, and that freedom of speech and press is the 
right of every American citizen, and it certainly can be no concern of 
this committee where or to whom I have given talks. 

Senator W^elker. I am not trying to prevent you from giving 
speeches. Heavens above, I merely asked you if you would be kind 
enough to give us the names of some of the people who have been 
favored by your knowledge. 

Mr. Hinton. I can't see what legislative purpose that could serve. 

Senator Welker. That may not appear very bright to you, but if 
you will let me do the examining, and you do the answering, I am 






INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1767 



sure we will get along better. The chairman will overrule me if I 
am wrong, I am sure. 

Mr. HiNTON. Well, I believe that is certainly a violation of the 
first amendment. 

Senator Welker. May I ask you : Have you made any speeches to 
the American Legion? Or the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion ? Or the Veterans of Foreign Wars ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. HiNTON. I would certainly be happy to speak to the American 
Legion, if I were invited to do so. 

Senator Welker. I asked you : Have you made any speeches to any 
of those organizations ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. The witness conferred 
with his counsel before responding to the question. 

]Mr. HiNTON. In regard to these organizations to which I have 
spoken, I decline to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment. 

Senator Welker. Do you think if you told us, a committee of Con- 
gress, the names of the organization that you addressed, sometimes 
for pay, sometimes without it, I take it, if you gave us a truthful an- 
swer as to the names of those organizations, it might tend to incrimi- 
nate you ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. HiNTON. That is my statement. 

Senator Hendrickson. Have you made any addresses in churches 
or other institutions of that character? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. The witness confers 
with his counsel. 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the same ground. 

The Chairman. The ground of the fifth amendment, that your 
answer might tend to incriminate you. All right. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you address the 13th Annual Institute of In- 
ternational Relations on March 19, 1954? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. I believe that was the name. 

Mr. Carpenter. This was under the auspices of the American 
Friends Service Committee, Pennsylvania College for Women, Pitts- 
burgh, Pa.? 

Mr. Hinton. That is where I spoke, yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. You made an address there ? 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to have this notification of his speech, 
which was held in Pittsburgh, made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It may go in the record and become a part of it. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 425" and is as 
follows:) 



I 



1768 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Exhibit No. 425 

Thirteenth Annual Institute of International Relations, Auspices of the 
American Friends Service Committee 

pennsylvania college for women, pittsburgh, pa. 

(On Fifth Avenue about 1 mile east of the Cathedral of Learning) 

FACULTY 

Sid Lens : Director United Service Employees Union, Local 329 AFL. Just 

returned from a 10-month trip spent in 22 countries of Asia, Africa, and 

Europe. 
Leonard Bertsch : Lawyer ; businessman. Spent 1945-48 in Korea as a political 

analyst and adviser to General Hodge. 
Michel Mouskhely : Professor of political science, University of Strasbourg. 

Visiting lecturer at Harvard, Boston, Johns Hopkins, Vanderbilt, and Fisk 

Universities. 
A. J. Muste : Secretary Emeritus of the Fellowship of Reconciliation. Author 

of Not by Might. 
Channing Liem : Professor of political science at Pennsylvania College for 

Women. 
James T. C. Liu : Assistant professor of history. University of Pittsburgh. 
William H. Hinton : Recently returned from several years' work in Communist 

China. 

GENERAL THEME : CONFLICT OF INTERESTS IN ASIA 

Moderator : Richard McCoy 

Friday, March 19, 1954 : 
7-7 : 45 p. m. : Registration in the lobby of the chapel. 
8 p. m. : Address and forum. The Declaration of Independence in Asia, Sid Lens. 

Brief comments by : Leonard Bertsch, Michel Mouskhely, A. J. Muste, 
Channing Liem, James T. C. Liu, William H. Hinton. (All main sessions will 
be held in the chapel.) 

Saturday, March 20, 1954 : 
10 a. m. : Asia Looks Ahead, symposium with Channing Liem, James T. C. Liu, 

and William H. Hinton. 
11 : 30 a. m. : Seminars. Institute members will divide into small groups with 

faculty as resource leaders. 
1 p. m. : Luncheon : What American Policy in Asia Will Best Serve the People 

of the World? — Leonard Bertsch. 
3-4 p. m. : Seminars as in the morning, 
6 p. m. ; Dinner. 

8 p. m. : Address and forum. Necessary Conditions for Peace in Asia, Michel 
Mouskhely. Followed by comments of faculty. 

Sunday, March 21, 1954: 
10 a. m. : Information Please session with faculty as panel of experts. 
11 : 30 a. m. : Meeting for worship with Pittsburgh Friends. 
1 p. m. : Dinner, Asia's Challenge — America's Opportunity, A. J, Muste. 

COSTS 

Program and registration fee, including luncheon and dinner on Saturday, 
and dinner on Sunday, $6 ; students, $4.50. Program and registration fee with- 
out meals, $3 ; students, $1. Admission to single session, 75 cents ; students 50 
cents. Single luncheon on Saturday, $1; dinner, $1.50; Sunday dinner, $1.75. 

Requests for overnight hospitality without charge for college students should 
be sent not later than March 15, to George F. Parker, chaplain, Pennsylvania 
College for Women. 

Registrations and meal reservations should be sent to: Mrs. Janet Shugart, 
5742 Darlington Road, Pittsburgh 17. Phone : Jackson 1-7377. 

The Chairman. Senator Welker? 

Senator Welker. Since the witness has now opened up certain sub- 
ject matter and has given us the name of one such organization, I will 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1769 

ask the witness, if he can, to give the names of all the other groups and 
organizations he has addressed; since he has opened up the subject 
matter here, without claiming his privilege, and I believe it is the law 
that we are entitled to know now all the groups and organizations. 

The Chairman. I think that is a proper question, Mr. Hinton. You 
will respond. 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 

The Chairman. I order and direct that you respond to the question. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. HiNTON. On advice of counsel, I respectfully adhere to my 
previous answer. 

Senator Welker, I would like to call to the Chair's attention that 
the fifth amendment is a personal privilege to be enjoyed, and it is not 
to be so advised by counsel. 

The Chairman. The Senator is correct. You can only exercise the 
fifth amendment privilege on your own, and not on advice of someone 
else. Now will you respond to the question ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 

The Chairman. All right. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. You have done some writing since returning to the 
United States? 

Mr. HiNTON. Here again, I think that is certainly a right which I 
have under the first amendment, as to whatever I might write or say. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, again let me admonish you that this 
committee does not recognize your right to refuse to answer questions 
under the first amendment to the Constitution. 

Mr. HiNTON. Am I directed to answer that question ? 

The Chairman. You are ordered and directed to answer that ques- 
tion. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. Could you repeat the question ? 

(The reporter read the question referred to.) 

Mr. Hinton. I have written some things. 

Mr. Carpenter. I hand you, here, an article entitled "Travelogue : 
Yenan to Mongolia," from the Daily People's World, Friday, Janu- 
ary 8, 1954, author William Hinton, and I ask you if you are the 
author of that article. 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to see it. 

Mr. Carpenter. You may. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel at length.) 

The Chairman. I call to the attention of the people at this hear- 
ing that congressional committees have been under some fire for their 
method of handling hearings, but in no court of law would a witness 
be permitted to sit and visit with his counsel before he responded to a 
question. It is being permitted in this hearing. It would not be 
permitted in a court of law. 

Mr. Hinton. Mr. Chairman, this appears to be a reprint of some- 
thing which I wrote while I was in China, and I am not sure whether 
it is accurate or whether it is in full what I wrote. 

82918°— 54— pt. 23 3 



1770 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

The Chairman. But on casual examination, you would say it was 
your work, Mr. Hinton ; is that right? 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't say that. I said it appears to be a reprint of 
an article which I wrote while I was in China. 

The Chairman. All right. I think that is sufficient. 

Mr. Hinton. I am not sure it is a complete reprint of what I wrote. 

The Chairman. I understand that. But you did recognize some 
of the work as your writings. I did not ask you whether it was 
verbatim. 

Mr. Hinton. It appears to be a reprint of something I wrote while 
in China. 

Senator Welker. It is under your byline, your name? 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't get the question. 

The Chairman. It is under your byline, your name, William 
Hinton ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I didn't even know that an article of mine had 
been 

Senator Welker. That is not answering my question. 

Mr. Hinton. In that publication. 

Senator Welker. I will get to that in a moment. You saw the 
article handed you by counsel, and you saw your name, William 
Hinton. Is that correct? 

Mr. Hinton. My name is William Hinton. 

Senator Welker. Did you ever write anything called Travelogue : 
Yenan to Mongolia? 

Mr. Hinton. No, I didn't write anything with that title. 

The Chairman. Did someone else write it and put your name to 
it? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

]\Ir. Hinton. I haven't even had time to read this thing. As far 
as I know, I never wrote anything with that title. 

Senator Welker. We will get into that a little later. 

In a box at the bottom of page 1 of this exhibit, or the front page of 
this exhibit, these words are typed : 

About the author : William Hinton is a United States agronomist who has 
spent the last several years in China. This article describes a trip he took to 
visit his brother-in-law, Sidney Engst, at a livestock experimental farm in Inner 
Mongolia. 

The Chairman. Is that an apt description, Mr. Hinton? Would 
that identify you? 

Mr. Hinton. That certainly could well refer to me. I have written 
about a trip in China, but I certainly had no knowledge of its being 
printed in this paper. 

The Chairman. Where was that article published, that you wrote ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I wrote an article about that subject for the China 
Monthly Review. 

The Chairman. For the China Monthly Review, published in 
China? 

Senator Welker. Do you have a brother-in-law by the name of 
Sidney Engst, E-n-g-s-t, who works at a livestock experimental 
station in Inner Mongolia ? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1771 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let tlie record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding?, conferred with his counseh 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, mj' brother-in-law goes by that name. I mean, 
he has that name. 

Senator Welker. He goes by that name? 

Mr. Hinton. That is his name. 

Senator Welker. Do you care to tell us anything more about your 
brother-in-law that might be helpful to the committee? 

The Chairman. This will go into the record and become a part of it. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 42G" and is 
as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 426 

[From Daily People's World, January 8, 1954] 

Travelogue: Yenan to Mongolia 

it is rugged country, china's northwest — pack trains, cave homes, packs of 
wild dogs — endless country, and timeless, yet with it all a sense of the 
change to come 

By William Hinton 

(About the author : AViiliaiu Hinton is a United States agronomist who Las 
spent the last several years in China. This article describes a trip he took to 
visit his brother-in-law, Sidney Engst, at a livestock experimental farm in 
Inner Mongolia.) 

Yenan! How much it means to all China and to the whole world! And yet 
seeing now this little winding town between the towering loess hills, all that 
glorious past seems like a dream, hard to recall. For today Yenan is like any 
other hill town, crowded with peasants buying in the stores. Workers v.alk 
the streets in the evening. The latest New Year's pictures are on sale every- 
where. The only thing to remind one of history is the memorial hall, where 
historical objects are on display. 

One keeps repeating to oneself, "This is Yenan. This is the base from which 
the revolution liberated all of China." And yet when one sees this quiet place 
and these immense hills it seems incredibly more difficult than one had 
thought before. 

I went up onto the hills above the town, past the many layers of caves where 
the majority of Yenanites live, up to the very heights now disfigured by decaying 
trenches and fortifications left behind by Hu Tsung-non's Kuomintang troops. 

The hills here have a strange appearance — like the drooping petals of many- 
petaled flowers. The slopes of loess overhang each other. On these incredible 
slopes the peasants plow and plant and harvest. The hills are old and scarred, 
brown and bare, with never a tree to grace the crest. Yet the land.scape is not 
without coloring, brought on by the play of light and shade on the many-sur- 
faced knolls and ridges. 

Beginning a few days before New Year's all traffic on the roads ceases and 
everybody makes for home. Tiiere is nothing a would-be traveler can do but 
wait 10 to 15 days until things pick up again. I was afraid it was already 
so close to New Year's that I could never get a mule and a guide to take me north, 
but I hooked up with the last pack train out of Yenan before the holidays. 

The muleteer had 12 donkeys and 3 mules in his string, with 3 men to care 
for them. Each animal belonged to a different relative — uncle, brother, brother- 
in-law — and they were entrusted to this man for the trip. He had come to 
Yenan with salt from Ting Byan. On the trip north with me there were several 
government workers going to their homes for New Year's, and an old peasant 
named Kang on his way home to Anbyan. 

Our second night was spent at an attractive little inn high up above the road 
and carved out of a loess cliff. Here the hills have lost that flower-petal appear- 
ance and are simply scarred and treeless domes and ridges cut here and there by 
deep gullies. 

The inn itself consisted of 2 caves, 1 with a door to the outside and the other 
connected to the first by a narrow passage, and with only a window opening to 



1772 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

the outside. This type of cave is common enough, but what distinguished this 
inn was its extreme neatness and cleanliness. The arched ceiling and walls had 
been washed with a light brown paint. Bowls, chopsticlis, and utensils were all 
waslied vigorously in hot water and placed neatly on a shelf. 

The next day we "turned the mountain" (meaning we crossed the highest 
point), and dropped down into a spectacular gorge hundreds of feet deep and cut 
in solid rock. 

The gorge eventually led into a broad river valley. All along the sides of the 
valley, homes and caves were cut into the cliff walls, some of them very extensive 
and elaborate and all of them absolutely inaccessible. I was told these were 
the hideouts for the people in former times when the Mohammedan horsemen 
raided here, killing every living thing they could get their hands on. 

The shelters are cut into solid rock high on the cliffs with only handholds in 
the rock, or temporary board catwalks as a means of entrance. It was obvious 
that at some places there had been drawbridges which could be pulled up, leaving 
only a sharp drop between the attackers and the defenders. 

In earlier times these places were practically impregnable, since any attacker 
would have to come up the smooth face of the cliff and could easily be sent to bis 
death with rocks thrown by those hidden in the caves above. 

As we went up the valley we passed group after group of peasants going down- 
stream. They had been to the fair in the county seat and were going home with 
cloth, red paper for door and window decorations, and New Year's pictures. 
Some had candy and other delicacies for the children. All were gay and well 
dressed. Some were singing as they walked along. 

If you did not see these people living here you would not believe that these 
mountains could support such a population. The hills are so barren, dry, and 
steep it seems hopeless to try to plant anything. Yet they raise good crops 
and keep lots of livestock. 

Dz Tan Hsien is a tiny place, hardly as big as an ordinary village on the 
plains, yet here, where a village consists of three houses, it is a regular metropolis. 
There is only one street, lined with houses and shops surrounded by the ruins of 
an ancient earthen wall and watchtowers. All around are high loess hills. 

In the back of the town is a large building set on a hill, the memorial to Liu 
Dz Tan, who built here the old Shan-Kan-Ning border region. He was born in 
this town and educated at Yulin middle school, where there was a Communist 
Party group. There he and Kao Kang became Communists and returned to the 
hills to set up a peasant soviet. They organized the "Red Spears" in the moun- 
tains, and gradually built up the region to which the whole Communist Party 
leadership and Red Army finally advanced at the end of the long march. 

Liu Dz Tan was killed in battle toward the beginning of the anti-Japanese 
war. He will never be forgotten by the Chinese people. Some day not far off 
when the highway goes through here his memorial will be enlivened with many 
visitors. 

Pao An, as this county was called before, was once the capital of the whole 
border region and the home of the Communists' Central Committee. Here the 
famous Red Army Academy was set up, and Mao Tse-tung gave his lectures 
on strategic problems of China's revolutionary war. Generals like Lin Piao 
and Peng Teh-huai were the students. 

Of course, the w^hole population turned out to see "the foreigner." I had 
become used to this in my travels — the friendly curiosity and laughter at my light 
hair and bins eyes, but especially the "gao-bi-tze" (big nose) by which all for- 
eigners are known. Tonight it seemed too much. I was tired from the trip. 
But the people were insistent ; they poked their fingers through the paper on the 
windows and peeked through. Others pushed their way through the door when 
someone brought me hot water. Finally two government workers came into 
my room. 

"You should talk to these people," they said. "They have never seen a for- 
eigner before and they want to be friendly." 

Of course, they were right. I opened the door and all of us spent a pleasant 
evening talking of this and that. 

The next morning we were off just before dawn. Here and there on the hills 
a flock of sheep grazed on the dry remains of last year's grass. In the valley two 
donkey colts fought playfully. A peasant in a sheepskin rode by on a mule. 
It seemed as if it had always been this way, as if nothing had changed, would 
change, or could change. 

So it seemed on the surface. Here there are no trains, no trucks, no tractors, 
no factories, not even any oil wells. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1773 

And yet this is only the surface. In these hills live people who l<now that 
this area will move forward with the rest of China until it is unrecognizable. 
It will be pushed forward by these very same men and women who are hacking 
at the hills with mattocks and scouring the gullies for brush for their cooking 
fires. They arc attendlnjj; evening classes for literacy, and they are learning to 
let their children choose freely their wives and husbands. They are organizing 
into mutual-aid teams and learning to select seeds. 

As the days went by I began to get better acquainted with old man Kang. 
He was on his way back from a tremendous trip west, 1,.'5()0 li beyond Lancbow, 
where he went to see his son, an apprentice mechanic in an army truck repair 
base. This trip was a great event in the old man's life, as he had never been 
out of this area before. 

He was most impressed by Lanchow, by the great iron bridge over the Yellow 
Eiver, by the airport, the construction work going on, the whole layout of the 
town. He was also greatly impressed by the dancing performance given by a 
troupe of Soviet artists while he was at the army base. lie talked about this 
many times. He was also ph>nsed as Tunch by the treatment being given his 
son, and the high prestige of the new trade the boy is learning. 

Kang lives only a mile from the livestock farm at San Byan. All the way up 
through the hills he kept telling anyone who would listen about the wonders of 
this farm, the Soviet stallions, tiie milk cows, the Sinkiang sheep that are bred 
by "injection." 

This last caused a great deal of comment. Breeding by "injection," as they 
call artificial insemination, is unbelievable to most of the mountain folk, but 
Kang maintained stanchly that it really worked and produced excellent lambs. 
I think a good portion of his listeners thought he was telling tall tales, but some 
believed him, too. There are a lot of new things these days and it doesn't pay 
to be too incredulous. 

I found old Kang to be really a very lively and progressive person, and when 
I got to his home, a little mud hut out on the edge of the desert with a corral 
made of sticks for a few stragging sheep, I thought even more of him. The 
settlers here were all Catholics. As Kang said, "We had to be or they wouldn't 
let us settle down here. All the land belonged to the church." 

They all came in the last 15 or 20 years on land that used to be Mongol pasture. 
They are anything but wealthy. To leave this hut and go off by foot, by truck 
and by train almost to Sinkiang to see his sou in the army — it is really a tre- 
mendous thing. 

At noon, after leaving the Tiger Lair Ridge, we came to a little inn far up 
another wild gorge. As we went north the caves got bigger and more capacious 
and this inn consisted of a high vaulted chamber cut out of loess. The walls 
and ceiling were blackened by smoke, but the woman who ran it had spent no 
little time and pains painting a beautiful border design around the wall. It re- 
minded me of American Indian pottery designs — geometric patterns formed by 
sharply zigzagging lines in black and white. 

On the wall was a notice from the "Old Liberated Areas Visiting Group." In 
1951 groups were sent out from Peking to visit all the old border regions and 
Soviet areas, to investigate conditions, listen to the people's problems and help 
work out plans for swift development. 

Testifying to the fact that these groups not only got to the old areas but 
had their message widely spread throughout the region was this announcement 
on the wall of the cave, saluting the people of the border region and explaining 
the purpose of the visiting group. 

The next day we crossed what seemed an endless series of low ridges and rolling 
valleys, and liere and there came across patches of sand. Although the guide 
said we were almost to the plain I couldn't see how we were going to get there 
because the land kept going up. What was happening was that we were climbing 
up out of the mountains. 

We went up through a narrow cut in the hills, a sort of gulley in the loess, 
and suddenly came out upon the Mongolian plain. The country had been gradu- 
ally opening out but I was not prepared for the sight that greeted us here. This 
country was endless. Before us the land fell away slowly for about 15 miles and 
then ro.se up again for about 15 more. Then came the sand. 

As far as we could see to east and west this was the same pattern, a great 
natural basin bounded on the north by sand and on the south by mountain ridge. 
We could see trees, farms, villages, even church spires here and there. Every- 
thing seemed very clear and near, and yet at the same time far away. Distances 
were hard to judge and so were directions. 



1774 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

As we went down into the basin ttie country seemed to level out and become 
even more confusing. Finally, by asking our way, we came to a village Old 
Kang knew well. It was here that I saw the necessity for the stout stick he 
had urged me to carry along. A pack of wild looking dogs made for us as we 
passed each farm, growling and baring their teeth for all the world as though 
they wanted to eat us up. Which they probably did. There are many stories 
In these parts about dogs that ate unwary travelers. 

We finally saw Old Kang to his home and I made for the livestock farm with 
my heart in my mouth for fear that Sid, my brother-in-law whom I had come 
all this way to see, might have already left for the south. But no, he was still 
there. They ushered me in through a gate at what looked like it might be the 
village school and then into a mud-walled compound where five rams were feeding 
from a wooden trough. The curtain of one of the doors of this compound was 
pulled aside and there was Sid, comfortably en.sconced in, of all things, a beach 
chair. 

The first thing he said was, "Hinton, where in hell did you get such a big 
nose !" 

Mr. Hinton. What was the question ? 

Senator Welker. I asked if you would care to tell us any more about 
your brother-in-law. 

Mr. Hinton. I can't think of anything more that would be of in- 
terest to the committee about my brother-in-law. 

Senator Welker. I would like to ask that the witness, at the close 
of the hearing, be asked to read the exhibit heretofore presented to 
him and either admit or deny under oath whether or not he wrote that 
article. 

And the concluding question is : Do you have any idea, Mr. Hinton, 
how the People's Daily World happened to plagiarize your writing 'i 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Ke])orter. 

Mr. Hinton. I don't think the term "plagiarize" is correct. 

Senator Welker. Someone who uses other people's material without 
consent is said to have plagiarized that material. You are not going 
to argue with me on that, are you, Mr. Hinton ? 

Mr. Hinton. I thought "plagiarize" had a different meaning. I 
have no knowledge of how or why this publication should publish 
that article. 

Senator Welker. And this is the first time, to your knowledge, that 
you ever heard of it being used by this publication ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Welker. Do you intend to make an objection to them for 
using it without your consent ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. HiNTON. I don't have any objection to it. 

Senator Welker. And had they asked you prior to publishing that, 
you would have been glad to give your consent to them to use the 
article and print it? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. They probably would have been given permission. 

Senator Hendrickson. Mr. Hinton, in referring to your brother-in- 
law, you said "He goes by that name." Just what did you mean by 
that? 

Mr, Hinton. That is his name. That is what I meant. 

Senator Hendrickson. Was he christened by that name? 

Mr. Hinton. I certainly think so. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1775 

Senator Hendrtckson. Was he g\ven that name by his parents? 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes, as far as I know. 

The Chairman. He is married to your sister Joan ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Tlie Chairman. Does she still fjo by the name of Joan Hinton, or 
does she take her husband's name? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. She jgoes by the name of Joan Plinton. 

The Chairman. She does not take the married name? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

Senator Hendrickson. Mr. Chairman, in Mr. Hinton's statement 
he said this : 

In China I worked in both Nationalist and Commnnist-led areas. I traveled 
widely, from Harbin to I.aiichow, and from Chabar to central Ilonan — -east and 
west 2,000 miles, north and south 1,000 miles. I saw conditions in the country- 
side and in the cities, on farms, and in factories. I learned to speak and read 
the language. I talked with thousands of Chinese from all walks of life and 
from all parts of the country. 

How close did you <ret to the Korean border? 

Mr. Hinton. I tliink Mukden was as close as I ever got; the city of 
Mukden. 

Senator Hendrickson. How far is that from the Korean border? 

Mr. Hinton. Oh, that is quite a ways. 

Senator Hendrickson, You say "quite a ways." How many miles? 

IMr. Hinton. I don't know. I would have to get an atlas to look 
that up. 

Senator Hendrickson. Well, there is a prison camp there; isn't 
there? 

Mr. Hinton. Not that I know of. I don't know. 

Senator Hendrickson. Where they hold United Nations prisoners? 

Mr. Hinton. I have no knowledge of it. 

Senator Hendrickson. You have no knowledge of it at all ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

Senator Hendrickson. Where were you born ? 

Mr. Hinton. In Chicago, 111. 

Senator Hendrickson. And you are a native American; are you 
not? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Senator Hendrickson. Have you ever changed your name since 
the date of your birth, or have you always been William Hinton? 

Mr. Hinton. I have always been William Hinton. 

Senator Hendrickson. In your statement, you said : 

Chinese from different walks of life told me again and again that they only 
wanted to be left alone to get on with the work of building up their country. I 
feel certain that that desire is sincere, and that no government can hope to lead 
the Chinese into aggressive adventures abroad. 

What led them into the Korean action ? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, they felt that their country was threatened by 
the drive of the United Nations troops toward the Yalu River border. 

The Chairman. Did the same reason apply to Indochina? 

Mr. Hinton. As far as I know, they were not fighting in Indochina. 

The Chairman. They were not. All right. 

Senator Hendrickson. Now, they did go into the Korean action, 
did they not, Mr. Hinton ? 



1776 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. HiNTON. That is common knowledge ; yes. 

Senator Hendrickson. Then why do you say no government can 
hope to lead the Chinese into aggressive adventures abroad? 

Mr. HiNTON. They don't regard that as an aggression abroad. It 
was, from their point of view, a defense of their borders, when the 
western troops drove on their borders. 

Senator Hendrickson. Were there sizable troop formations in the 
area in which you lived? Chinese-troop formations? 

Mr, HiNTON. Not that I was aware of. 

Senator Hendrickson. Of the Chinese Republic ? 

Mr^ HiNTON". Not that I was aware of. 

Senator Hendrickson. You never saw any troops there? 

Mr. HiNTON. Oh, I saw soldiers once in a while ; yes. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see them in formation? 

Mr. HiNTON. You mean marching ? 

Senator Hendrickson. Yes. 

Mr. HiNTON. Yes. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see them in maneuvers in the 
field? 

Mr. HiNTON. I don't think I ever did, no. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see them under arms, carry- 
ing weapons ? 

Mr, Hinton. Carrying rifles, yes. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see any cannon or heavy 
artillery ? 

Mr^ HiNTON. Oh, yes. I saw some. 

Senator Hendrickson. Where did they get their artillery from? 

Mr. HiNTON. They captured most of it from the Nationalist forces, 
and the artillery I saw was American artillery. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you identify any of the artillery and 
equipment as Russian ? 

Mr. HiNTON. In later years they had some Russian trucks and 
things. 

Senator Hendrickson, How about their planes? Were they active 
in the air ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Oh, they used to have a few planes flying around. 

Senator Hendrickson. What kind of planes were they? Could 
you tell us by name ? 

Mr. HiNTON. Around Peking I saw some jets occasionally. I don't 
know what kind of jets or where they came from, but they had some 
jet planes.; 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you see any factories where they manu- 
factured their own planes? 

Mr. HiNTON. No, I didn't see any such factories. 

Senator Hendrickson^ That is all. 

Senator Welker. Right on that subject, I would like to ask the 
witness, along the line of Senator Hendrickson's questions. 

In your statement you say no country can lead the Chinese into 
aggressive adventures abroad. I suppose you have read about the 
incident of the shooting down of the British airliner, and, as to some 
of our rescue planes, the fact that they fired upon American aircraft, 
and that two of them were shot dowai by Americans. Now, how do 
you account for that? They were in a peaceful area. Apparently, 
at least, from what we hear, our people were trying to save human 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1777 

lives, and they were shot at by these people that you say are so 
peaceful and cannot be led into aggression. They were in a peaceful 
area, so I am informed. Do you care to connnent on that, Mr. 
Hinton? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, it is common knowledge that the Formosan 
Government today is conducting a kind of guerrilla warfare against 
the Chinese mainland. This was written up fairly completely in an 
article which I believe was published recently in the Reader's Digest 
and also published in the Los Angeles Times, or Daily News — I can't 
remember just which newspaper. But there are constant pinprick 
attacks from Formosa, and they are quite on the alert for airplanes 
coming in close to the Chinese mainland. 

Senator Welker. Do you think they are on the alert to the extent 
that they would shoot down an easily recognized domestic airliner 
carrying innocent people? A commercial airliner? 

Mr. Hinton. I think they recognized that as a mistake and made 
an apology. 

Senator Welker. They have made an apology on that? 

Well, now, how do you account for the fact that they attempt to 
shoot down our own American boys out on a mission of mercy trying 
to save human lives ? 

Mr. Hinton. I think it would be quite difficult for them to dis- 
tinguish between our own Navy planes and the planes the Nationalists 
have, since they are also supplied by us as far as I know. So that 
they are quite jumpy about planes approaching their shores. 

Senator Welker. I imagine they are quite jumpy. And the fact 
of the matter is that if they are such humanitarian people as you 
have told the committee, they knew that some people were in the ocean 
and likely to die, and perhaps most of them have drowned, or been 
killed, and yet they did not use very much effort to find out whether 
these were Chiang's forces or whether it was our own boys out on a 
mission of mercy trying to save human lives. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I think in regard to this, it is something that 
happened just recently, and the full story has not really come out 
on it. 

Furthermore, it happened a long, long way from here, right on the 
China coast. And I would not care to comment further on that 
incident. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. You did visit your brother-in-law, Engst, in Inner 
Mongolia ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment, as previously. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit your sister in Inner Mongolia ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

Senator Welker. Did you visit anybody in Inner Mongolia? 

Mr. Hinton. I respectfully decline to answer that. 

Senator Welker. You decline to answer whether you visited a shoe 
shop, a drugstore, or anything else, or the proprietor thereof? 



1778 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT 

Mr. HiNTON. I respectfully refuse to answer that. 

Senator Hendrickson. Now, Mr. Hinton, for the record, will you 
tell the committee how you arrived home, what mode of travel you 
followed? 

Mr. HiNTON. What mode of travel I followed ? 

Senator Hendrickson. What mode of travel. 

Mr. Hinton. I came by plane, train, and ship, and car. 

Senator Hendrickson. Where did you take the train ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I took the train from Peking across Siberia, the 
Trans-Siberian Railroad, to Prague, Czechoslovakia. From there I 
flew by plane to London. From England I took a ship to Quebec, 
Canada. 

Senator Hendrickson. You did pass through Soviet Russia, then, 
did you not ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I traveled through the whole of it. 

Senator Hendrickson. And you had a stopover in Moscow? 

Mr. HiNTON. I changed trains in Moscow. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you have any conferences or conversa- 
tions or meetings with anybody in Moscow ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds 
previously stated, the fifth amendment. 

The Chairman. The same record. 

Senator Hendrickson. Then from Prague, you took a plane, didn't 
you? 

Mr. HiNTON. From Prague I took a plane. 

Senator Hendrickson. And then came home by ship from what 
port? 

Mr. Hinton. Liverpool, if I remember correctly. 

Senator Hendrickson. To Quebec? 

Mr. Hinton. What is that? 

Senator Hendrickson. From Liverpool to Quebec? 

Mr. Hinton. That is right. 

Senator Hendrickson. Now, you have been shown this article here, 
Mr. Hinton, and I notice at the top of the article are some pictures. 
Did you furnish any pictures for the article that you wrote initially? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. No ; I didn't furnish any pictures. 

Senator Hendrickson. Well, did you ever take these pictures, or 
did anybody take them for you? 

Mr. Hinton. I would like to see that. 

The Chairman. Hand it to the witness. 

Mr. Hinton. I never saw these pictures before. 

Senator Hendrickson. They are completely unfamiliar to you? 

Mr. Hinton. Completely unfamiliar to me. 

Senator Hendrickson. You cannot identify the scenes or the back- 
ground in any way ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with 
his counsel before responding to the question of Senator Hendrickson. 

Mr. Hinton. I don't doubt that they may be authentic pictures, but 
I have never seen them before. 

Senator Hendrickson. Do you have a camera ? 



INTLRLOCKENG SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT 1779 

Mr. HiNTON. I don't possess a camera. 

Senator Hendrickson. Did you when you came home? 

Mr. HiNTON. No. 

Mr. Carpenter. I would like to have introduced into the record this 
travelofj. 

Tlie Chairman. It is in the record and will be a part of the record. 

Mr. Mandel, do you have anything; on the Daily People's World? 

Mr. Mandel. The Daily People's World has been characterized by 
the California Committee on Un-American Activities in its report of 
1948 as "the west coast mouthpiece of the Communist Party." 

Mr. Carpenter. On wjiat kind of a passport did you travel when 
you went through Russia to Prague ? 

Mr. HiNTON. At that time, my United States passport was invalid, 
because it had run out, and I did not use it to travel, and I could not 
renew it in China, because there were no American cliplomatic repre- 
sentatives in China. So I traveled to Czechoslovakia with a Chinese 
exit permit. 

Mr. Carpenter. And was that picked up in Prague? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was an American passport issued to you at Prague ? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you fill out any forms when you received that 
passport? 

Mr. Hinton. I made an application for passport. 

Mr. Carpenter. You filled out an application. On that, did you 
take an oath that you had not been employed by a foreign govern- 
ment and that you had not belonged to any organization that had 
for its purpose the overthrow of or bearing arms against the United 
States? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. I made application on a printed form, on which I made 
a number of changes, and this was accepted, and I don't remember 
just how the wording went. 

jNIr. Carpenter. What were those changes you made ? 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I don't remember just the wording of the changes. 

Mr. Carpenter. In other words, this form did not satisfy you, 
and you made certain changes that you do not remember now? 

Mv. Hinton. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. You do not have any idea what those changes 
were ? 

Mr. Hinton. I don't remember the wording of the changes. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have this copy en- 
tered into the record and made a part thereof. This is a copy of a 
blank application. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 427" and is 
as follows:) 



1780 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



Exhibit No. 427 



(VxrinDSP-tl 

K^Tha Ufi] Im far  f»Mptrt U tit. In c«TT«ncT 
m r«ii*l euoay ardtf, u>i II faf uKviton ol 

Th« iMil Ua ti tlO. It U BnnMatMrT t« pa; anr 
«lbaf (•• l« mr pa/ion In connacltoo with ih* fiJIic^ 
eol ix •■aCBliftD af llut ipHKalioa tt for abliininf 
lb* paa*P«rt. AD nacaiur; in/armatioa and luidince 
wU ba litwi tpaJictol bf lfa« clerk a( caurl m Paiiport 
A|aat bafora wmb (Im ■^licaliao UKUt be aitcuted. 

Aji applicallaa axaculaj bafera aa; aihar »&ctal it 
««t anaytahla. 

Ukitbd States or Auerica 

State or . 

County or , ..lh. ...i.. l --,-,---,. 



DEPARTMENT OP STATE 
PASSPORT APPLICATION 



Bodgst Bure&a Ko. <7-&on. 1 



FORM FOR NATIVE CITIZEN 

(Edition or IW7I 



Bucute And attach PART TWO if member* of 
family arc CO be Included io paaiport 



(Do not usfi Ibis spaoe) 



0) 

o 



I, , a Citizen of the United States, 

(Name in full) 

do hereby apply to the Department of State, at Washington, for a passport. I solemnly swear that I was born at 



(Town or city) (Provinccor county) (Stat« or country) 

I am domiciled in the United States, my permanent resident* being at 



.., on . . 



(Street address) 



„, State of . 



(Town or city) 

I have resided outside the United States as fcllowa: 

<SUt« name of, and parted of rastdanca In, a«ch laralf n caun(nr> 



..., from . 



to . 



(Naroes of countries) 



-.., from 



to . 



Z 5 






•9 g; 



Hy father, 
on or about 



„« , was born at . 



(Name) , , . 

/ deceased. 
— — —. and is now \ residing at 

(The foUowlOff portion In this biocli to be filled la only by a person whose father vaa not bom In the United States) 



My father emigrated to the United States on or about . 



I 1 , resided 

(Year) 



(Month) 

years continuously in the United States from 1 to 1 , and was naturalized as a citizen of the United 

States before the „ Court of 



at 



(City) 



(Bute) 



on 



(Month and day) 



(Vear) 



My mother, „ , was born at 

(Nanie) , , , 

f deceased. 
on or about _ , and is now \ residing at , 

(The following portion ia this block to be tilled in only by a person whose mother waa not bom In the United Slatea) 



, I , resided . 

(Year) 



My mother emigrated to the United States on or about 

(Month) 

years continuously in the United States from I to „ She acquired citizenship in the United States 

by _ - 



DESCRIPTION OF APPLICANT 

Height feet, Inches. 

Hair 

Distinguishing marks or features . 



( Not« any marks or scare on 



hands or face by which applicant may be identified) 

Place ol birth 



(CIt; abd Slate) 



Date Ol birth. 
Occupation.. 



(Moatb, da/, and year) 



MAILING ADDRESS 

(Piiol compleie address plaialy) 



(Do Dot U3e this space) 



My last American passport was obtained from 

and is Bubmitted herewith for cancellalion , 



on 



(Insert WasblnstOQ or location ol Isaulng office) (Date) 

COlve dispoalUoft of passport U It cannot be submHted) 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1781 



I was 



f never married. 
\ I&st mamcd od ..« 



to 



who wa« boro at i. 

and who is now residing at 

f has not been terminated. 



; who 



\ia Dot; 



ao American citlienc 



/^ - «-«.««« i has not been terminated. 

Vmt mamaee j ^.^ terminated by (death) (divorce) < 



(Dftle of dcAtb or dlvorc*) 



A WOMAN APPLICANT WHO IS OR HAS BEEN MARRIED MUST FILL IN THIS PORTION 

My maiden name was «— « —,— — — . — __» — .— . ^ — « , and 

I f was not previously married. 
\ was previously married to — .- — — 

t r UJ> name ui lurmcr nuotiuiu/ 

, who waa born 



on . 
at.. 



-, at . 



INuie) 

(Full name of former husband) 
' (City and SUt«) 



_, and the marriage was terminated ''y {divorce J "" " 



Clf marriad more than twkt, aet forth (acts In a iupplamcntil »taiam«nl> 
THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION IS REQUIRED ONLY IF HUSBAND OR FORMER HUSBAND WAS NOT lORN IN THE UNITED STATES 



My{Jormer1>usband} •^^'B^^^'^i t" '^^ ""i'^'^ StaUs on 

and! {j'^ ^'^^^" "■"■■(SiJieVf'rirhVr") } was naturalized ai a citizen of the United States before the 



(Manse of (alhtr) 

Court of _ at 



(Month, day. and year) 



(City and Sutc) 

as shown by the Certificate of Naturalization {^«^™;,'„t|fy';X-.>^';-j. 



MY TRAVEL PLANS ARE AS FOLLOWS 

Port of departure 

Approximate date of departure 

Proposed length of stay abroad 

Means of transportation 

Countries to be visited 



(Name of sbip or air line) 



Purpose of trip 



PASTE PHOTOGRAPH HERE 



Passport photographs must be on thin 
photographic paper; have a plain, light 
background; show full front view of appli- 
cant, and have been taken within 6 months 
of date submitted. Photographs that are 
not a good likeness of the applicant will not 
be accepted by the Clerk or Agent. 

The Clerk or Agent will not accept the 
application unless he is fully satisfied of its 
bona fides and the identity of the applicant. 

Seal of Court or Passport Agency must be 
impressed, on the lower portion of the photo- 
graph attached hereto, in such a manner as 
not to obscure the features of any person 
included therein. 

CTha Clei k of Court or Paitpert A^ent should net 
Impreaa teal on loosa photo(raplY> 



I solemnly swear that the statements on both sides of this application are true and that the photograph attached 
. hereto is a likeness of me. 
I 1 1 }j^™ , I been naturalized as a citizen of a foreign state; taken an oath or made an affirmation or other formal 

declaration of allegiance to a foreien state; entered or served in the armed forces of a foreign state; accepted or performed 
the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of a foreign state or political subdivision thereof; voted 
in a political election in a foreign slate or participated in an election or plebiscite to determine the sovereignty over foreign 
territory; made a formal renunciation of nationality before a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign 
state; been convicUd by court martial of deserting the military or naval servjce of the United States in time of war; been 
convicted by court martial, or by a court of competent jurisdiction, of committing any act of treason against, or of attempt- 
ing by force to overthrow, or of bearing arms against the United States. . 

OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 

Further, I do solemnly swear that 1 will support and defend the Constitution of the United Stales against all enemies, 
foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; and that I take this obligation freely, without 
any mental reservation, or purpose of evasion: So help me God. 



(Signature of applicant) 



Subscribed and sworn to before me this 
[Seal or ColrtJ .-. 



, day of 



-,19._ 



Cferit of the ~ Cmrt ot . 



AFFIDAVIT OF IDENTIFYING WITNESS 

I, the nndcrsigned, solemnly swear that I am a citizen oi the United States; that I reside at the address written below my 
Signature hereto affixed; that I know the applicant who executed the affidavit hereinbefore set forth to be a citizen of tha 
United States; that the statements made in the applicant's affidavit are true to the best of my knowledge and belief ; further, 
1 solemnly swear that 1 have known the applicant personally for — years! 



It witnata hat b««n Issued a pastpoH, slve number If known an4 
^ta ee apprexintata data ot Issue. 



(Sixoatur* of witncaa) 



No. 



Date of Issue . 



No lawyer or other person will be accepted as witness to a passport 
application if he has received or cifecls to receive a fee for his terv- 
icea in conoecUon with the execution of the applicauon or obtainios 
Uie passport. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 
(Siu OP C°<nrJ — — — — — — 



(RcUtionthlp to applicant : If not related, so tUU) 



(Beaidenec address of witnest) 



-_„. day of . 



CIcrfc of the 



. Cmrt at 



For sala by the SuperlntiiDdent of Doculpemj, OovcmmcDt PrlDtlDg Office, WasUoftoa 3S, D. 0. 
v. S. OOVtBNUtNT PKINTINC OFFlCt ; ISiZ  213tS5 



,19 



CPO B 3' '2>B> 



1782 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

The Chairman. Let me ask on this: Did you change any of this 
wording : 

I solemnly swear that the statements on both sides of this application are 
true and that the photograph attached hereto is a likeness of me. 

I have (have not) been naturalized as a citizen of a foi'eign state; taken an 
oath or made an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign 
state; entered or served in the armed forces of a foreign state; accepted or 
performed the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of 
a foreign state or political subdivision thereof; voted in a political election in 
a foreign state or participated in an election or plebiscite to determine the 
sovereignty over foreign territory ; made a formal renunciation of nationality 
before a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign state; 
been convicted by court-martial of deserting the military or naval services of the 
United States in time of war; been convicted by court-martial, or by a court of 
competent jurisdiction, of committing any act of treason against, or of attempt- 
ing by force to overthrow, or of bearing arms against the United States. 

Did yon change any of that wording ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding to the question, conferred with his counseL 

JNIr. HiNTON. I recall that I did not sign it as it is written there; 
that changes were made. I don't recall exactly the wording of the 
changes, and I believe that the document is in tlie hands of the Gov- 
ernment and is certainly available to the committee, I should think. 

And why don't we get that? 

The Chairiman. We will certainly try to obtain it, Mr. Hinton, but 
not all executive documents are available to congressional committees. 

What did you change? What change did you make? Could you 
help this committee in that respect? 

For example, you were employed by a foreign government. Did 
you change that? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I can't recall that, without looking at the document. 

The Chairman. You don't recall ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, why do you not cooperate with this 
committee ? 

Mr. Hinton. I am trying to recall as best I can about this. 

The Chairman. Why do you not want to make us as happy as those 
people you saw over in Communist China? Why do you not want 
smiles on our faces? 

Mr. Hinton. I certainly do want smiles on your faces. 

The Chairman. Why do you not answer this simple question the 
committee has put to you ? Mr. Hinton, are you back here for the ex- 
press purpose of spreading Communist propaganda in this country 
by such material as this ? Is that your avowed purpose for being here 
in this country? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding to the question, consulted with his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. Look, I am not on any charges here. I have not been 
accused of any crimes. I am a perfectly loyal American citizen, just 
the same as you people, and I am certainly trying to cooperate as best 
I can on this matter. 

The Chairman. Well, answer that question, then. Answer that 
question. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1783 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. Haven't I furnished the answer to that? 

The Chairman. No. 

Mr. Hinton. I have nothing to add to that. 

Tlie Chairman. You have nothing to add. Are you a Communist 
now? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, respectfully, on the 
basis of the fifth amendment. 

The Chairman. I think that answers it fairly fully. 

Senator Welker. I will ask one more question. 

With respect to the question propounded to you by the chairman 
with respect to your oath, "I solemnly swear," wherein he related to you 
the statements that you swore to, in that oath that you took before a 
person authorized to administer oaths, under the pains and penalties 
of perjury if you violated that oath, did you in every respect tell the 
truth when you signed that oath? The oath that you were required 
to sign in your application for a passport, heretofore read to you by 
the Senator? 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sjDonding, conferred with his counsel. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I think I see what you are getting at, but I 
question 

Senator Welker. Now, what do you think I am getting at, sir ? 

Mr. Hinton. It would be easy, since I don't have the document, 
and you don't have the document, to perjure myself on that question, 
and I decline to answer it. 

The Chairman. You do not need to decline to answer. You can 
just say you don't recall, that you don't remember. You do not need 
to resort to the fifth amendment on a simple question of that kind. If 
you do not remember, say so. 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment, that your answer 
might tend to incriminate you? 

Mr. Hinton. Yes, sir. 

Senator Hendrickson. Just a minute, Mr. Chairman, before you 
pass on from this application here. 

At the time you signed this, were you duly sworn? Did you take 
an oath ? Did you raise your right hand ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the ground of 
the fifth amendment. 

Senator Hendrickson. Why would you decline to answer that? 
Why would you be afraid to tell this committee whether you took aji 
oath formally or not? 

]\Ir. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same ground. 

Senator Hendrickson. You took an oath here today, did you not? 
Were you not sworn here today ? 

Mr. Hinton. I certainly was. 

Senator Hendrickson. That did not do you any harm, did it? 



1784 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

The Chairman-. The witness is entitled to the protection of the 
fifth amenchnent if he thinks his answer mifjht incriminate him. 

]\Ir. CARrENTER. Were you a member of the Communist Party on 
the 11th day of May 1945? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question on the same ground. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you, on the 11th day of May 1945 make an 
oath as follows, in connection with the Office of War Information: 

I, William H. Hinton, * * * do further swear (or aflflrm) that I do not advo- 
cate, nor am I a member of any political party or organization that advocates 
the overthro-;v of the Government of the United States by force or violence ; 
and that during such time as I am an employee of the Federal Government, I 
will not advrcate nor become a member of any political party or organization 
that advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force 
or violence. 

Mr. HiNTOisr. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you live up to that oath, Mr. Hinton ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Mr. Carpenter. I give you a photostatic copy of a record signed by 
William H. Hinton, and I will ask you if that is your signature? 

Mr. Hinton. That appears to be my signature. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 428" and 
appears on pp. 1785 and 1786 :) 

Mr. Carpenter. Now what, if any, were your dealings with Ben- 
jamin H. Kizer, UNREA Director in China ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Jefferson Franklin Ray, Jr., UNRRA Chief of 
Far Eastern Affairs? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Tun Pi Wu, chairman, relief committee, Chinese 
Communist area. 

Mr. Hinton. I believe I met him once. 

Mr. Carpenter. You met him once. Did you have any association 
with him ? 

Mr. Hinton. I simply met him socially. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever have any connection with him in 
Communist work ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds 
previously stated. 

The Chairman. Fifth amendment. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know a Mildred Price? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Madam Sun Yat Sen? 

Mr. Hinton. I met her. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any dealings with her in connec- 
tion with the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds^ 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1785 



KnndaM Torra Vo. «1 

>cf^oTr«: lanuorr 38. 144 J 

U. S. QtiI S*r(io« CDomlHloa 

<;;. 3. C Ovt. Cb. No. 40e 



Exhibit No. 428 

OATH OF OFFICE, AFFIDAVIT, 

AND 
DECLARATION OF APPOINTEE 



J??iCE_roRJEa|ERGp.CY..ltt^ 

(I>»partin»nl or C«(abluKm«ni} CBuraau or OlvUUn) 






.C*. 



OATH or 
omcs 



B. 

AiTTOAvrr 



c. 

DECIiARATION 
or APPOINTEE 



I; .lil3JL«ra..H.t..Rtnfeop , 

Do Eolemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the constitution of the United 
States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance 
lo the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of 
evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office oa which I am 
about to enter. SO HELP ME GOD. 

./■ 

IDo further swear (or affirm) that I do not advocate, nor am I a member of any political party 
or organization that advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force 
or violence; and that during such time as I am an employee of the Federal Goverrunent, I will 
not advocate nor become a member of any political party or organization that advocates the 
overthrow of the Government of the United States by force or violence. 

Do further certify that (1) I have not paid or offered or promised to pay any money or other 
thing of value to any person, firm, or corporation for the use of influence to procure my appoinS 
ment; (2) I vdW inform myself of and observe the provisions of the Civil Service law and rules 
and Executive orders concerning political activity, political assessments, etc., as quoted on 
the attached InformaKon for Appointee, and [strike out either (3) or (4)] 

(3) the answers given by me in the Declaration of Appointee on the reverse of this sheet 
are true and correct; 

(4) the answers contained In my Application for Federal Employment, Form No , 

dated , 19 , filed with the above-named department 

or establishment, which I have reviewed, are true and correct as of this date, ex- 
cept for the follovring (if necessary, use additional sheet; if no exceptions writa 
•"none"; If (4) is executed, the reverse of this sheet need not be used): 



<Slgnatur« ot Appolntse) 



Subscribed and sworn before me this ... day of .7^?". A. D., 19 jf5__ 



ct. 



Washington 



D. C. 



(Clti) 



(Signatura oi Oillc 



_Br^_ 

[SEAL] (Signaturw d C^llcor) 

Employee Relatloas Officer - OWI 
""■WAct"of',riiH"o"2S,T«i*,""SecV?65»^ 

NOTE.— If the oath Is token before a Notary Public the dale of expiration o! his commission should be shown 



.5Z11/U5. 



(Dot* o< Entranc* on Duty) 



,„..A3J9fic,..Br.(jpfig8nda..Aa«louit-. » _.2/2/12 

(PoBlUon to whli;h appotnl«i> (Dot© ol Birth) 



82918«— 54— pt. 28- 



1786 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



DECIiARATlOM OF APPOINTEE 

Tlili torm, r«^lr*<l It to b« eonpUl^d b«for» •ntraoc* on doff. Ztt qvMttoo moat b« oa«w«r*<L Any folaa ilatamvnl In tltl« d«alofattea will b« gtookj* 
Isf CODCAlalioa of oppLcaboa ci dumuval oftar oppoiotiavoL Fab* p*ia6aalioa Ij a crlmiaol oU«as« and wUl bi» pioa»cul«d acooidlcgly. 



1. PrMer.l Addrea 



n3± j^rm^....^-{ir. S..UJs. U}a^.r^k^..,..P.C...... 

(Street and Number) (City orx/Slgte) ' 



:.A...<3.rK^/:4-. j6!Ki.^h»._ M*JLui:„. 



8. Who ahould b« notified In com oI «TQsrg«ncy7 . 



.^u/W^ Srt^.ktml. r uhvu^ Ur. 

/ fStr^ct ond Number) /^ (Qfc and Stole) 



ir.onll>.? Y««orNo?..fl/i^. 11 «), 


ctvlllon copaaty ony T«latlv« ol yourt {elthar hy blood or marrlogv) with whom you Ilvs or hav* 11v«d within th« poat A 
lor each euch f«labve bll m the blonk« below. If addiboruil space la necesaorv. coraplele under Item 12. 


Nai» 


Pcel<'lf)Ce oddrett 
(Givo Btreel number, d ony) 


0) PoeiHon and {2) Temporary or not. 
employed 


EeloBon- 
*lp 


Married or 

tfngl. 


Ag. 






I. 










2. 






3 








' 










3. 








1. „ 










2. 






3 





4. P1ao« of birth . 



.e.hcA<\c>.....^ xik^.s:. , yi.%xA^. 

I (TowT-) (Stoto or Country) 



Indicala "Ves" or "No" answer by placing X in proper column 


Yea 


12, Space tar detailed onswern to other ouesUon*. 


B. Are YOU n rlHron of the United Slal^s? 


..y. 




rreM 

tiO. 


Write in left column number* o( It^ms to whJcb detailed oruwen apply 










6. H foroii^ bom hove you fumlshed proal of not'irollasUon or 
















7. Slnco you fllod opplt;x>tion reaulbnq In Ihls appointment, hoB 
there boen ony change In tho stotus oi your citizenship, or cd 




X 




















V 






8. (a) Do you hold any portion or ofllco under tho United Slote« 






U ao, data Uva place, posiUoa and Aolcry uiidcr lUan 12. 










(b) AroyouwiIIing to resign Euch position oroKica If It bocr-rnet 
nc'cetsory to do so in ord<;r to hold tSe Fridfrol Doa.lion? 

0. Do you receive ony pension or other beni'fit (or miti'iry or 

novol oennco cran o nnuily Iron the U.S. orD.C Govommenl 

under ony ReljremenI Ad? 

1! GO, givo details under Hem 12. slo'jng whether you were rcbrcd 
'ior aga, length ol service, or diaobihty; amount of retiromont poy 
ond under what retireiTicnl oct and rook, ll rcLrod Irom military 
crnovoi fterv.co. 









X. 
X 


















10. Sine* you tied opplicatlon roiulting In this appointment, 
have you bcon divrhargod (or misconduct or unoalniactory 








U to, givo under Item 12 whero employed, name ond oddreu ol 
employer and the reoson (or dischorqe In eoch case 




y 














11. Since you hlod opplication resulHnq In this oppolntment, 

have you beenarronted, or cummoned into onv civil or minlory 

court OS a deiendant. or indjclod Jor or convicted ci any oJlenso 










li .o, (or OQcti coso give under It«m 12 (1) the date. (2) the name 
ond locoHon cl the court. (3) the nobjre ol the ollense or vlolotioru 
ond (4) tho penalr/, ll ony, ImpOMd. or othrr dispoeitioae 




../.\.- 


1 




l. 


., , 



INSTRUCTIONS TO APPOINTING OFFICER 



The oppolntinq oHicor befor« whom (ho lorogoing certificate Is made thall 
dclermlne to his own aoLdaction thol this appointment would bo in conJorrnonco 
With the Civil Service Act. opplicoble civil^scrvico rules, iha Wax Semco Regu- 
laUom, and octs ol Congreu pertaining to oppointmenL 

This (orm chould bo checV.ad for holdina of off>ce, pension, purchase of crffico, 
•uitobilily in connection wi'.h any record ol recent diichorqe or orre&t. promi^o to 
obeervo provuions regarding poLtical actavity. cind parbCLilarty lor Iho loUo*^ng: 

ni Identity of appoint*^ ^th the applicant whoso appointment wos oulhor-', 
Ixed. Tho cppoir.loo s eignoture and hondwnting ore tb be compared wilh the 
ODr"-'--'Cii and/or other ptrLnenl papers. The physlcol opfoaranco may bo 
chocked ogcin:* the medical certJicote Tho appcmlee moy ol&o bo guesti&ncKl' 
on his personal history lor ogrocment with lus previous elalementa. 

C) Aae. — H discrepancy exists between the dote of tlrlh and thai on opplica* 
tJon, and. I definite ago limits have been established lor the position, It should ba 
dkiemunad thai a(.plicanl u Dot oulside tho oge range lor appointmenL 

13) ClUaonahip. — Tho recponsibility for obso provitlonf of appropriation 

(lets prohiLAog o^ rMtrlcttog ^bo eaiployuenl ol  .tens Lea wilh Iho oppointing 



Wllcer. The Civil Service Commission Indicates on oppJioallons showino (oretgr* 
binh thai citiionehip has bee., venlied. Tho oppcmiin-j ollicer sh-iuid venly 
Citizenship ll tho het ol eligibles or the letter ol uulhonty from iht Commluion 
imkes tho appointmenl subrect to prool o( citizenship, or il the opplication shows 
ior-'^n tirth but does not indicate on iU lace that cihzenship has been proved. 
II thio onswer to question 4 of this form showa foreign birth and tho applicatton 
Ehowa birth In Iho Uniied Sio'^es, the cose should be rolerrod 10 the Civil Sorvlc# 
CommiL^ion. 

(4) Meml>eT«of ramilr- — Section 9 of Iho Ovil Service Ad provides thai when* 
ever there ore already two or moro tncmtiers of tho (omily in Iho claes'lied si^rvico. 
no olher member ol Euch lomity is eligible for appointment in that service- Minors 
do not ecloblith a dillcrent fomity merely by living ol an oddrcu diUerenl Irom 
thol cl the poreni). Doubtlu) cases involving moro than two members ol lomily. 
Including all portlrwnt evidence, should be referred lo the C>vil Service Com* 
rriMion or Its duty o'lthorn* ' representatives lor dociticn. Under Wor Service 
Regulations, the members o' 'Jy provision dous ncl opply lo teaporary oppolal* 
DenU lor ona year or less. 

H. $. WVUloatMT MIHtma tftTKt t^>3SUr| 



The Chairman. Same record, ISIr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know a Gerald Tannebaiim ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question, on the same ground. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Israel Ej)stein ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Frederic V. Field ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. T. A. Bisson. 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Talitha Gerlach ? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1787 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline f o answer, on the same grounds. 

JNIr. Carpenter. Solomon Acller'^ 

Mr. HiNTON". Same answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Evans F. Carlson? 

Mr. ITiNTON. Same answer. 

]\rr. Carpenter. Cli'ao Ting Chi '? 

( Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, conferred with his counsel. 

]\Ir. HiNTON. I don't recall ever having met such a person. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. Do you know John K. Emmerson ? 

INIr. HiNTON. I decline to answer. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. Did you ever have any dealings with John K. 
Ennnerson in Japan when you were there with the Japan Advertiser? 

jMr. Hinton. Same answer. 

]\[r. Carpenter. Did you ever have any relations with John K. 
Enmierson in 1945-46? 

jNIr. HiNTON. Same answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time, I would like to put in photostatic 
copies of the service records of William Hinton while he was en- 
gaged in Federal employment with the United States Government. 

The Chairman. These records will be properly marked, will be 
inserted in the record, and will become a part of the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 429'' and is as 
follows :) 



1788 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



United States Civil Service Commission, 

Service Record Division, 
Washington, D. C, July 20, 1954. 

Statement of Federal Service 

(Notice to individuals: This record shoiild be preserved. Additional copies of 
service histories cannot be furnished due to limited personnel in the Commission. 
This record may be presented to appointing officers for their inspection.) 

Name : Hinton, William H, Date of birth : February 2, 1919. 

Authority for original appointment (examination from which appointed or 
other authority, Executive order, law, or other exemption) : Schedule A-1-7. 



Effective date 


Nature of action 


Position, grade, salary, etc. 


May 11, 1945. 

^ug. 31, 1945. 

Apr. 9, 1946 


Accepted appointment (for duty 
outside the United States). 

Transfer (Executive Order 9608)... 
Separation (involuntary) (com- 
pletion of assignment). 


Associate propaganda analyst, $3,200 per annum, 
OfiBce of War Information, Overseas Branch, 
Outpost Service Bureau, Washington, D. C. 

Department of State. 

Associate propaganda analyst, $3,200 per annum, 
State, Outpost Service Bureau, Washington, 
D. 0. 



A. M. Deem, 
Chief, Audit Section. 

The above transcript of service history does not include all salary changes, 
Intra-agency transfers within an organizational unit not involving changes from 
one official headquarters or duty station to another, and promotions or demotions, 
since Federal agencies are not required to report all such actions to the 
Commission. 



Exhibit No. 429 

United States Civil Service Commission, 

Washington, D. C, July 22, 195^. 
Mr. Benjamin Mandel, 

Research Director, Internal Security Subcommittee, 
Committee on the Judiciary, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Mr. Mandel : In accordance with the request in your letter of July 14, 
1954, I am enclosing herewith a history of the Federal service of William H. 
Hinton, as shown in our service record file. 
No application papers are available for Mr. Hinton. 
Sincerely yours, 

John W. Macy, Jr., 
Executive Director. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



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Senator Welker. I would like to ask this question, INIr. Chairman. 
There was a gentleman among those that you were asked whether 
you knew or had any connection with who, I believe, came from my 
part of the country ; and certainly if he is innocent, this committee 
wants to make no reflection whatsoever upon him, and I wonder if you 
could resolve any doubt in favor of that individual? I cannot see 
Avhy you would embarrass these witnesses by taking the fifth amend- 
ment. I want you to search your memory, and if there is any embar- 
rassment that may attach to any of these individuals by reason of 
your answers to the questions as to whether you know them or 
worked for them or anything of that sort, I wish you would resolve 
it. Do you see what I mean ? 

Mr. PTiNTON. I don't Avant to change any part of that record. 

Senator Welker. You do not want to change any part of that 
record ? 

Mr. HiNTON. That is right. 

Senator AVelker. Notwithstanding the fact that some innocent 
person might be hurt? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mv. Reporter. 

Mr. Hinton. I don't, certainly, accept that this would hurt some- 
one. 

Senator Welker. You say that your taking of the fifth amend- 
ment would not hurt any innocent person? That is all I have to say. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are you a brother of Jean Hinton, who was married 
to William Greene? 

Mr. Hinton. Jean Hinton is my sister. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit at the Greene home? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Of the fifth amendment? Same record, Mr. 
Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever have occasion to stay at the Perro 
Caliente Ranch in New Mexico owned by Mr. Oppenheimer? 

The Chairman. Is that Robert Oppenheimer ? 

Mr. Carpenter. Robert Oppenheimer. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. The witness con- 
ferred before responding. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

]Mr. Carpenter. I have here a telegram from Mr. Lloyd K. Garrison, 
attorney for ISIr. Oppenheimer, and I would like this to be placed in 
the record at this time relative to Jean Hinton. 

It reads as follows : 

Confirming my telephone call to yon the passage from Dr. Oppenheimer's cable 
to his secretary responsive to yonr inquiry in the Hinton matter reads as follows : 
"We gave permission to Joan Hinton, mother and family, to use our ranch Perro 
Caliente in upper Pecos for some weeks during wartime summer, probably 1945. 
Joan Hinton was niece of Sir Geoffrey Taylor, prominent and most helpful at 
wartime Los Alamos." Rest of Dr. Opi)enheimer's cable dealt with matters at 
the institute unrelated to your question. I trust that so far as your inquiry con- 
cerning the Hinton matter is concerned, the information supplied is adequate. 
If you require anything further, please let me know. 



1804 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

(The telegram referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 430" and is as 
follows:) 

Exhibit No. 430 

New York, N. Y., July 26, Wolf. 
Col. Alva C. Carpenter, 

Counsel, Internal Security Subcommittee, 

Senate Office Building: 

Confirming my telephone call to you the passage from Dr. Oppenheimer's cable 
to his secretary resiionsive to your inquiry in the Hinton matter reads as follows : 
"We gave permission to Joan Hinton, mother, and family to use our ranch Perro 
Caliente in upper Pecos for some vpeeks during wartime summer, probably 1945. 
Joan Hinton was niece of Sir Geoffrey Taylor, prominent and most helpful at 
wartime Los Alamos." Rest of Dr. Oppenheimer's cable dealt with matters at 
the institute unrelated to your question. I trust that so far as your inquiry 
concerning the Hinton matter is concerned, the information supplied is adequate. 
If you require anything further please let me know. 

Lloyd K. Garrison. 

The Chairman. It will go into the record and become part of the 
record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know GeoflFrey Taylor ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same basis. 

Mr. Carpenter. Is Geoffrey Taylor a relative of yours ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you attend the Peking Peace Conference in 
October of 1952? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear your sister, Joan, speak at that con- 
ference ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Was your sister there ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Hinton. On the same basis. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. I hand you, here, a copy of the National Guardian, 
and a picture appearing there, and ask you if you recognize that as 
your sister Joan's picture. That is at the Peking Peace Conference. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. All right. Same record. 

This exhibit may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The picture referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 431" and appears 
on opposite page.) 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear her attack the United States at that 
conference? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have some other documents I would like to intro- 
duce into the record, if the Senator please, relative to Joan Hinton 
and her work with the Atomic Energy Commission, and her appeal 
to the Peace Conference. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1805 




Tlie Chairman-. All right. It may go into tlie record and become 
a part of the record. 

(The materials referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 432a, 4:32b, 
432c, 432d" and are as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 432-A 
[Prom the Washington Times-Herald, Sept. 23, 1951] 

Enemy Radio Says She Is in Mongolia 

(By Walter Trohan) 

The Atomic Energy CommiSvSion last night released the Chicago Tribune from 
a pledge of secrecy, observed for 2 years, on the flight behind the Iron Curtain 
in China of a young American woman, who was an atomic scientist at the 
University of Chicago. 

The Tribune's Washington Bureau withheld the story on representations of 
the Atomic Energy Commission and Federal Bureau of Investigation that the 
life of the woman and her husband might be endangered and that vital atomic 
secrets might possibly be divulged to the Communists. 

BEDS REVEAL WHEREABOUTS 

The life of the young woman was a factor in the silence, because it was not 
known whether she had deseited to the Communists or whether she had gone 
behind the Iron Curtain to further American interests. 

Yesterday the Red Chinese radio reported that a young American atomic 
scientist is living on an animal farm in Inner Mongolia. The broadcast was 
interpreted by the Atomic Energy Commission as definitely establishing her 
disappeai-ance as voluntary and the Tribune was released from its pledge of 
secrecy. 

The scientist is Joan Case [Chase] Hinton, The daughter of a New England 
family, she served as an expert on the water boiler project at the University of 
Chicago in preparation of the first atomic bomb. 

Later she served at Los Alamos, N. Mex., in the preparation of the first bombs. 
She is married to an American agriculture expert, who went to China to help that 
country on farm problems. He went to China in the period when the State 
Department was regarding the Chinese Communists as agrarian revolutionaries 
rather than Communists. Mrs. Hinton accompanied her husband. 

WORKED ON REACTORS 

The Red Chinese broadcast identified Mrs. Hinton and quoted her as saying 
she came to Red China in 1948 because "I could stand it no longer." The broad- 
cast quoted her as appealing to her fellow countrymen "to work actively for 



1806 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

peace and against war * * * China will never start a war, but is not afraid of 
America." 

At Los Alamos, Mrs. Hinton's employment from February 1944 through Decem- 
ber 1945, was confirmed by a spokesman who said most of her work was related 
to reactors, such as the Los Alamos water boiler. She left to return to the 
University of Chicago, it was reported. 

Work on the Chicago and Los Alamos water boilers has since been declassified, 
the Atomic Energy Commission said here. Officials doubted but did not know 
whether Mrs. Hinton possessed any detailed knowledge of other phases of 
atomic fission. 

PLEDGED TO SECRECY 

The Tribune secured a tip on Mrs. Hinton's disappearance 2 years ago, which 
was several months after she disappeared in north China. The tip was checked 
with the FBI and then the AEC. Pledges of secrecy were asked and freely given 
in the interest of security and the personal safety of Mrs. Hinton. 

From time to time the AEC gave what meager information it received through 
the Iron Curtain on Mrs. Hinton. Most of these reports consisted of statements 
of no change in status, but 3 months ago the Commission reported to Lloyd 
Norman, of the Tribune's Washington bureau, that Mrs. Hinton was still alive 
and that a letter from her had been received in this country. Contents of the 
letter were not disclosed. 



Exhibit No. 432-B 

[From the New York Times, Sept. 22, 1951] 

Peiping Reports United States Woman Atomic Expert as a "Peace" Worker 

IN AND for Red China 

Hong Kong, September 21. — The Peiping radio said tonight, "a young Ameri- 
can atomic scientist" named Joan Chase Hilton [Hinton] was now in China 
working with her American husband on "an animal-breeding farm" in Inner 
Mongolia. 

In an overseas broadcast, the Chinese Communist radio said Mrs. Hilton had 
been employed in the Los Alamos atomic-bomb project as a research assistant in 
194.3-4.5. The broadcast said she came to China in 1948, getting her first Job 
behind the Communist lines in an iron factory in Shensi Province. 

The Peiping radio made its report on Mrs. Hilton in broadcasting a "peace 
appeal" letter she was said to have written to the American Federation of 
Scientists. 

"By 1948, I could stand it no longer," she was quoted as writing. "All my 
friends all seemed to be going hack into a secret world. Were they crazy? Were 
we who studied physics to spend all our lives thinking up means of mass 
extermination?" 

The letter ascribed to the Mrs. Hilton is part of a recent stream of intensified 
"peace" propaganda emanating from Peiping. 

Asserting that China wanted "peace'' and that neither China "nor any of her 
allies" would ever attack the United States, the Hilton letter was quoted as 
adding : 

"I used to think American aid would mean a lot to China. A country so back- 
ward, how could she develop without American help? 

"But where there is a will there is a way and the Chinese people have a will 
so strong that nothing America can do will ever stop them. They will think of 
plenty of ways and they will develop fast. The only obstacle to their develop- 
ment would be war. 

"They are not afraid of America. If she must fight, China will show that she 
Is made of steel — but China will never start a war. War is against her every 
Interest." 



Exhibit No. 432-C 

[From the Washington Star, Oct. 16, 1952] 

AEC Says United States Girl at Meeting of Reds Worked on A-Bomb 

The Atomic Energy Commission said yesterday that Joan Chase Hinton, a 
delegate to the Communist-sponsored Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, once 
worked at the Los Alamos, N. Mex., atomic bomb laboratory. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1807 

reiping radio quoted Miss Ilinton as tolling the conference in Peipinp; last 
Saturday that "as one who touched witli my own hand tlie very bomb which was 
dropped on Nagasaki (I feel) a deep sense of guilt and shame at the part I played 
in this crime." 

HAD MINOR ROLE AT LAB 

Actually, an AEC spokesman said, Miss Hinton held only a minor position at 
the Los Alamos lab and that she had nothing to do with the actual bomb. De- 
velopment of the A-bomb then was in charge of a sui>ersecret Army agency, the 
Wauhattnn project. 

Peiping radio identified Miss Hinton as a former fellow in physics at the 
Institute for Nuclear Studies at the University of Chicago. 

State Department records show a passport was granted here December 23, 
1947, to Joan Chase Hinton, 26, who supplied evidence that she had been hired 
by the China Welfare Fund to go to China as a field worker. 

She said also that she planned to be married to an official of the fund who 
was in China. 

The next available information on her was a Hong Kong report of Septem- 
ber 25, 1951, quoting the Red China news agency as saying Miss Hinton and her 
husband were running an animal breeding farm in Inner Mongolia. 

Records list her mother as Mrs. Carmelita Hinton, operator of the Putney 
School at Putney, Vt. 

WORKED FOR SCIENCE'S SAKE 

Government monitors, who recorded the Peiping broadcast, said Miss Hinton 
Identified herself as "a scientist who worked at the Los Alamos, N. Mex., atomic 
bomb project" because of her "creed of science for science's sake." 

Then, she was quoted as saying : 

"I am ashamed to admit it took the horror of the bombings of Hiroshima and 
Nagasaki to shock me out of this ivory tower of complacency. * * * 

"I shake the hands of all those who have refused to join in this deadly work 
and say — let us work even harder to force the outlawing of atomic bombs, bac- 
teriological warfare, and all weapons of mass destruction." 

"The audience gave a prolonged standing ovation to Joan Hinton's stirring 
remarks," the broadcast said. 

Exhibit No. 432-D 

(Pickup by Foreign Broadcast Intelligence of a Peking broadcast) 

{From China: Communist, Sept. 24, 1951] 

Scientist Urges America To Seek Peace 

(Peking, NCNA, In English Morse to Europe and North America, September 

21, 1951, 1420 GMT-R) 

Peking, S?ptember 21. — "Use your strength, use whatever you can, to work 
actively for peace and against war," writes Joan Chase Hinton, a young American 
atomic scientist now living in China, in a letter to the Federation of American 
Scientists, a copy of which appears in the latest issue of People's China. Now 
working with her American husband on an animal-breeding farm in Inner Mon- 
golia, Miss Hinton, a research assistant at the atom bomlj project in Los Alamos 
from 1943 to 1945, opposed the secrecy and Government control which became 
attached to all atomic research in United States. 

"By 1948," she states, "I could stand it no longer. My friends all seemed 
to be going back into secret work. W^ere they crazy? Were we who studied 
physics to spend all our lives thinking up means of mass extermination? * * * 
memory of Hiroshima— 150,000 lives * * * each of living, thinking, human being 
with hopes and desires, failures and successes, a life of his or her own — all gone. 
And I had held that bomb in my hand." That same year, Joan Hinton came to 
China. 

She contrasts the policy of the American Government, which drives for war 
abroad and which attacks the democratic rights and the living standards of 
American people at home, with what she has learned in China. "Perhaps the 
main thing," Joan Hinton writes, "is that the people of the East do not want 



1808 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

war * * * they are occupied with building up their own countries, pulling them 
out of their centuries of feudalism, changing them as fast as possible into modern 
Industrialized lands with abundance for all. 

"I used to think that American aid would mean a lot to China. A country so 
backward — how could she develop without American help? But where there is a 
will there is a way, and the Chinese people have a will so strong that nothing 
America can do will ever stop it. They will think of plenty of ways and they 
will develop fast. The only obstacle to their development would be war. They 
are not afraid of America. If she must fight, China will show that she is made 
of steel — but China will never, never start a war ; war is against her every 
interest." 

Joan Chase Hinton cites many details from her experiences in China. "My 
first job was working in an iron factory packed away in the mountains of Shensi. 
What were they making there? They were melting up American-made hand 
grenades, shells, wings from crashed planes sent from America to Chiang, steel 
and aluminum weapons sent by America to kill them, and making them into 
cooking pots, plows, and saws. Since then, all China has been liberated and 
she now has more regular factories day by day. Skilled mechanics and engi- 
neers are being trained. Though some places still work by hand, others are 
forging ahead still faster with machines, while others are using machines to 
make machines. It will not take her long." 

APPEAL MADE 

Miss Hinton closes her letter with the following appeal : "The people of China 
want peace. The people of the world want peace, including the people of America. 
* * * to work on secret projects, refusing to work on war, of course, does no 
good. But all of you at home, united together, have very special strength in your 
hands. I only want to say to you : Use your strength, use whatever you can to 
work actively for i>eace and against war. As long as there is war, science will 
never be free. Are we scientists going to spend our lives in slavery for madmen 
who want to destroy the woi'ld? 

"At home, one gets frightened. Listening to so much war talk, one begins to 
believe that if we do not prepare for war the other side will and then we will 
be destroyed. But not I. I have been living on the other side for some time and 
know for sure that this is a lot of lies, and that China wants pteace with all she 
has. She will never attack America, nor will any of her allies. If you people 
would only believe this, if you could only see for yourselves as I am seeing, I am 
sure you would not hestitate for a minute to work for peace with every ounce of 
strength you have." 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Agnes Smedley ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you attend the funeral ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you associated with her in any way in China? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was she a notorious Communist ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

I want to instruct the staff to try to obtain the signed copy of the 
original of the oath on the matter of the passport to Prague. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you spend some time in Poland on this trip ? 

(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record. Show that the witness confers with 
his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I have never been in Poland that I can recall. I cer- 
tainly wasn't in Poland on this trip. Years ago I passed through 
Poland, but on this trip, no. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have just received a radio from Kobert Oppen- 
heimer, which reads as follows : 

The Chairman. The cablegram? 

You may read it. 



I 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1809 

Mr. CARrEXTER (reading) : 

Joan Hinton was a staff member of the Los Alamos Laboratory when I was 
Its Director. She worked in one of (he j^roups of the Physics Division. I would 
have written her a letter of appreciation after the war, as I did all members of 
laboratory. I recall no other recommendation for fellowship or position nor 
serving as character witness on any occasion. She probably called at our home 
in Los Alamos infrequently. We gave her mother the use of our Upper Pecos 
Kanch in our absence some weeks one summer, probably lOl.'. Joan Hinton 
I)robably visited there then in our absence. She was not my guest at Alamogordo, 
but may have been a member of (he team that worked there. I do not recall 
this. 1)0 not believe I have seen her article in People's China or know its con- 
tents. Have not been in communication with Joan Hinton since she left for 
China. Should add that if asked to recommend Joan Hinton in 1945 would 
have known no reason not to. 

Robert Oppenheimeb. 

I will ask that that go in the record. 

The Chairman. It will go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The telegram referred to was marked "Exhibit No, 433" and is as 
follows:) 

Exhibit No. 433 

Chkistiansted, V. I., July 27, 195.^. 
Alva C. Carpenter, 

Counsel, Senate Internal Security Suhrommittee, 

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C: 

Joan Hinton was a staff member of the Los Alamos Laboratory when I was its 
Director. She worked in one of the groups of the Physics Division. I would 
have written her a letter of appreciation after the war, as I did all members of 
laboratory. I recall no other recommendation for fellowship or position, nor 
serving as character witness on any occasion. She nrobably called at our home 
in Los Alamos infrequently. We gave her mother the use of our Upper Pecos 
Ranch in our absence some weeks one summer, prob .bly l{)4.'i. Joan Hinton 
probably visited there then in our absence. She was not my guest at Alamogordo, 
but may have been a member of the team that worked there. I do not recall 
this. Do not believe I have seen her article in People's China or know its con- 
tents. Have not been in communication with Joan Hinton since she left for 
China. Should add that if asked to recommend Joan Hinton in 1945 would have 
known no reason not to. 

Robert Oppenheimer. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have a letter here from the United States Atomic 
Energy Commission, addressed to Mr. Bjnjamin Mandel, dated Jidy 
26, 1954. I would like for this to be made a part of the record. 

This is in reply to your letter of July 23, 1954, which asked that we furnish 
the service record of Joan Hinton at the Los Alamos project and advise on the 
extent to which she had access to cla.ssitied information. 

Manliattan engineer district records show that Hinton worked as a re.search 
assistant at Los Alamos from February 1944 to December 1945. IMost of her 
work at Los Alamos was in the development of the water boiler, a low-power 
reactor which has since been declassitied. She participated in critical assembly 
weapon work and attended weekly scientific coUoquia, which gave her access to 
other classified information. 

Records show that Hinton enrolled as a student at the University of Chicago 
In March 1946 and terminated at the end of the 1948 winter quarter. From April 
1946 to July. 1947 she was a part-time assistant to Dr. Samuel K. Allison of the 
Institute of Nuclear Studies. 

Joan Hinton has never had AEC security clearance and did not have access to 
classified information after she left Los Alamos at the end of 1945. She has 
never l)een employed by the AEC or its contractors. 
Sincerely yours, 

R. W. Cook 
(For K. D. Nichols, General Manager). 



1810 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

The Chairman, Do yoii not think it is rather strange, Mr. Hinton, M 
that your sister, with all this scientific background and experience, 
would be working on a dairy farm in Communist China at this time ? 

Mr. HiNTOX. Mr. Chairman, I think that you invited me here to 
ask me about my experiences in China. I came 3,000 miles at the tax- i 
payers' expense. And it seems that this turns out that you are con- 
ducting an investigation about my sister and trying to get me to use 
against my sister. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, we think it would be very valuable to 
this committee — this committee is charged with a duty. We are 
known as the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Sanate Judiciary 
Committee of the United States Senate. That is part of our 
responsibility. | 

Now, you have knowledge, I feel, that you are not giving us. You 
said awhile ago that you were a good, loyal American. Why do you 
not help this committee? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. I am here to answer all proper questions, and that is 
all I will do. 

The Chairman. Well, is it a proper question for this committee 
to inquire why your sister, if you know, who had this vast experience 
in research in the Los Alamos project, a very sensitive project in this 
country, would now be devoting her work to a dairy farm in Com- 
munist China? Is that a proper question? 

Mr. Hinton, I have told you that that is her work, and I am cer- 
tainly sure that that is what she is doing. 

The Chairman, All right, 

Mr. Carpenter. How did she get to China ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. You refuse to answer how your sister Joan got to 
China? 

Mr. Hinton. On the same grounds. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have here a letter to Miss Joan Hinton from 
Gerald Tannebaum, executive director of the Chinese Welfare Fund. 

I would like for this to be made part of the record. 

The Chairman. Read it, 

Mr, Carpenter (reading) : 

This is to notify you that you have been hired as fielclworker to the welfare 
v.-ork of the China Welfare Fund. We would like you to arrive in China to take 
up your duties as soon as possible. 

The China Welfare Fund will be responsible for your housing while you are 
in China. 

The Chairman. That may go into the record and become part of 
the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 434" and is as 
follows :) 

Exhibit No. 434 

China Welfare Fund, 
Shanghai, December'12, 19^7. 
Miss Joan Hinton, 

Chicago, III. 
Dear Miss Hinton : This is to notify you that you have been hired as field- 
worker to the welfare work of the China Welfare Fund. We would like you to 
arrive in China to take up your duties as soon as possible. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1811 

The China Welfare Fund will be responsible for your housing while you are 
In China. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Gerald Tanneraum, 

Executive Director. 

Senator Welker. Who signed it? 

Tlie Chairman. It is signed by Gerald Tannebaum, dated Decem- 
ber 12, 1947. 

Mv. CARrENTER. Did Gerald Tannebaum invite you to China ? 

Mr. IIiNTON. I decline to answer, on the same ground. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Mandel, will you characterize the Chinese 
Welfare Fund? 

Mr. Mandel. I will read an excerpt from a letter of the China Wel- 
fare Appeal, which says : 

Dear Friend: The China Welfare Appeal, which supports hospitals, schools, 
nurseries, and numerous cultural and educational projects in China, is going 
to send a special token of friendship to the Chinese people at this time in the 
form of hospital supplies. A gift will be sent through the China Welfare Fund, 
of which Madame Sun Yat Sen is the chairman in China. 

On April 1, 1954, the Attorney General cited the China Welfare 
Appeal, Inc., as subversive. 

The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, how long were you with the Putney 
School in Putney, Vt.? 

Mr. HiNTON. Could I hear that again ? 

The Chairiman. How long were you with the Putney School at 
Putney, Vt.? 

Mr. HiNTON. I was employed there at two different times, each 
time for about a year. 

The Chairman. At that time were you a member of the Commu- 
nist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answ^er, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Were you employed by the board of trustees? 

Mr. HiNTON. I don't remember how the employment — or even 
whether there was a board of trustees at that time. I was employed 
as farm manager. 

The Chairman. Did anyone inquire as to your beliefs, whether or 
not you were a member of the Communist Party while you were em- 
ployed at tlie Putney School ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I certainly doubt that anyone made such inquiries. 

The Chairman. Sir ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I doubt very much whether anyone made such 
inquiries. 

The Chairman. Did you know Owen Lattimore ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Wasn't he a member of the board of trustees of 
that school? 

]\Ir. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Does your mother operate that school ? 

Mr. Hinton. My mother is the director of the Putney School. 

The Chairman. Any further questions? 

Mr. Carpenter. Your mother was the founder of that school; was 
she not ? 

Mr. Hinton. The founder and director. 



1812 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. How did you get to China on your last trip ? Was 
that at the taxpayers' expense ? 

Mr. HiNTON. I was employed by the United Nations Belief and 
Rehabilitation Administration as a member of the Volunteer Unit, 
w^hich was recruited by the Brethren Service Commission. As I pre- 
viously said, I was a volunteer. I got only my expenses. I went out 
to China to do agricultural work. 

Mr. Carpenter. Who paid your passage over ? 

Mr. HiNTON. As far as I know, the UNRRA agency did. 

Mr. Carpenter. Since your return from Cliina in 1953, have you 
been in contact with officials of the farmers union? 
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before 
responding to the question, confers with his counsel. 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer. 

The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment, on the ground that 
your answer might tend to incriminate you ? 

Mr. Hinton. Under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you had any connection with the educational 
program of the National Farmers Union ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, I would like to make this observa- 
tion. On the matter of holding hearings and the fair ethics of con- 
gressional committees, I think it should be said that this committee 
has been eminently fair to the witness, in that I cannot recall any 
question of any substance that he has answered without leaning over 
and talking at length with his counsel. That is something that you 
have said heretofore would never be permitted in a court of law, and, 
of course, the chairman has also stated that he wants to be fair to the 
witnesses. But in view of the fact of this crusade for a code of fair 
ethics, I thought that I would like to make that remark for the record, 
sir. 

The Chairman. Your observation is well taken. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever made any speeches at meetings held 
under the auspices of the National Farmers Union ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same ground. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever been in contact with the director of 
the educational program of the National Farmers Union? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you been in contact with James Patton, 
president of the National Farmers Union ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. You will not answer that question ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you been in contact with Lem Harris, member 
of the National Farmers Union ? 

The Chairman. Did you get the question ? 

Have you been in contract with Lem Harris ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1813 

Senator Welker. You were in contact, tliough, with the research 
director of the Internal Security Subconunitteo of the United States 
Senate'? Or do you want to take the fifth amendment on that? 
Mr, HiNTO>r. Who is that? 

The Chairman. Mr. Mandel. Did you confer with this gentleman ? 
Senator Welker. The people who communicated with you and asked 
you to appear here and asked you to appear here in a letter, as you 
have indicated. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. Yes; I spoke to him over the phone. I wasn't aware 
that he was the research director. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you were at school at Harvard and Cornell ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same ground. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you attended the Putney School ? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same ground. 

JNIr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you worked for the Putney School ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you were employed by the Putney School ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Senator Welker. Are you a member of the Communist Party as of 
this moment? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever engaged in espionage while a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Hinton. As for the question about the Communist Party, the 
answer is the same. As to whether I ever engaged in espionage, that 
certainly is a very serious charge. Do you mean that you have a 
charge of that kind against me? 

The Chairman. This committee makes no charges, sir. We only 
seek information about the internal security of this country as a basis 
on which to pass legislation to protect the security of this country. 
We are not making any charges. 

Can you answer the question, or not ? 

Mr. Hinton. I just want to make it clear that that is a pretty 
serious charge. 

The Chairman. It certainly is a serious charge. 

Mr. Hinton. Of course I have never engaged in espionage. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever engaged in research for members 
of tlie Communist Party ? 

Mr. Hinton. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same answer as what? The last answer? 

Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer. 

The Chairman. You mean your answer would tend to incriminate 
you, and you decline under the fifth amendment? 



1814 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. HiNTON. I decline under the fifth amendment. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Do you have any other matters that you would like to put into the 
record at this time? 

If not, it can be done at a later time in executive session. 

Senator Welker? 

Senator Welker. I do want to insist that the witness read the 
article printed in the People's Daily World and then say, under oath, 
whether or not that is his article or whether it is not, and if there are 
any portions that are not of his writing, I want him so to testify and 
indicate to the staff those portions. 

The Chairman. I did not get the question. I am sorry. 

Senator Welker. I asked that the witness be required to read the 
article appearing under his byline in the People's Daily World, and 
if it is not his article, I want him to so point out. 

The Chairman. All righl. Pass it over to the Avitness. We are 
in i:)ublic session now, and this is the time to do it. 

(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. I want to state for the record now that I would 
like for the staff to look into the testimony of this witness. I would 
like to know how he obtained a passport to Prague, and many other 
questions concerning his affidavits, and so forth, and this oath that he 
took in order to secure pass]>orts. 

And I will ask the staff to communicate with the proper officials 
of the Federal Government to ascertain the facts and rei^ort back to 
this committee. 

I might state also for the record that the committee has tried to 
contact Jean Hinton, and we have not been able to as yet. I also want 
to state publicly that this committee would welcome the testimony of 
Jean Hinton at any time th?A she could appear before us. 

Mr. Hinton, we have another committee meeting. I would like to 
conclude this. 

Have you satisfied yourself that this is your article yet? 

Mr. Hinton. Well, I haven't been able to finish it, but I think I 
could answer to this extent, that it certainly appears to be, in the 
main, an article which I wrote. I can't vouch for the whole of it, 
since my own copy of this material was seized. 

The Chairman. In order to ascertain whether it is an exact copy, 
we would have to get your original copy and proofread it back against 
that ; so we will not go to that trouble. 

I think you have satisf actoi ily answered the question. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are there any passages there that you object to ? 

Mr. Hinton. No. 

The Chairman. There is nothing there that you object to. 

If there are no further questions, we will stand in recess, and I 
will ask the room to be cleared. We will go into executive session. 

(Whereupon, at 4: 30 p. m., the hearing was recessed, and the com- 
mittee continued in executive session.) 

(At an open hearing on September 28, 1954, the following record 
was made:) 

Mr. Carpenter. At the close of the hearing on July 27, 1954, with 
William Hinton, Mr. Chairman, you instructed the staff to make 
attempts to get a copy of the application for passport that Mr. Hinton 
had submitted at Prague. We have that and we would like at this 
time that it be entered and made a part of the record. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1815 



The Chairman. It will be inserted in the record and made a part 
of the record at the proper place. 

(The material was marked "Exhibit No. 434-B" and here follows:) 




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S2918'— 54— pt. 23 6 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

DEPARTMENTS 



MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1954 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration or the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws of 

the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. 0. 

The subcommittee met at 1 : 15 p. m., pursuant to call, in room 318, 
Senate Office Buiklino;, Senator William E. Jenner (chairman of the 
subcommittee) presidino;. 

Present : Senators Jenner and Johnston. 

Also present: Alva C. Carpenter, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine, 
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research; and Dr. 
Edna Fluegel, Robert C. McManus, and Louis E. Colombo, i^rofes- 
sional staff members. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Two months ago, one William H. Hinton appeared l)efore the Sub- 
committee on Internal Security. Hinton is a former American news- 
paperman. He had been farm manager for the Putney School at Put- 
ney, Vt. Toward the end of W^orld War II, he was sent to China by 
the Office of War Information. He returned to the United States in 
the spring of 1946 and was organizer for the National Farmers Union. 
He went back to China as an official of the United Nations Relief and 
Rehabilitation Administration in 1947. When the Moscow-armed 
Chinese Communists took over the Chinese mainland in the fall of 
1949, this man Hinton remained as an employee of the Communist 
Government. 

He returned to the United States in August 1953, after a stopover in 
Moscow. Since his arrival in this country, he has been propagandizing 
on behalf of the brainwashing, soul -killing Red Chinese, whose sol- 
diers were torturing and slaying K'nton's fellow Americans at the 
very moment he was on Red China's payroll. 

The Subcommittee on Internal Security never scrutinizes partici- 
pants in the Communist world conspiracy as mere individuals. None 
of them are mere individuals. They are cogs in a machine, threads in a 
fabric, figures in a pattern. It is the machine, the fabric, the pattern 
which we always seek to uncover and explain to the American people. 
So we looked at the pattern around William Hinton. Here is what we 
found. 

To begin with, there is his family. One sister, Jean, was a friend of 
the notorious Nathan Gregoiy Silvermaster and worked under him at 

1819 



1820 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

the old Farm Security Administration. Another sister, Joan, was an 
atomic research assistant at the Los Alamos project, where she had 
access to classified material. Like her brother, William, Joan also 
went to China and stayed there after the Communist triumph. She 
got a job through another American, Gerald Tannebaum, who was 
executive director of the China Welfare Fund headed by Mme. Sun 
Yat-sen. We shall hear more about Tannebaum, the China Welfare 
Fund, and Mme. Sun as these hearings progress. In China, Joan mar- 
ried Erwin Engst, who was also an old UNRRA man. Today the 
Engsts are somewhere in the depths of Inner Mongolia, serving the 
Communist cause. Joan came out of obscurity long enough to make 
a bitterly anti-American speech at the Communist-inspired fraud 
known as the Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, regarding which 
the subcommittee also expects to reveal a great deal. 

The Putney School, which is run by William Hinton's mother and 
where he himself was employed, is a story in itself. One of its faculty 
members was Edwin S. Smith. Smith later became a registered 
propagandist for the Soviet Government. He distributed photo- 
graphs attempting to prove that the United States practiced germ 
warfare in North Korea. Another person closely associated with 
Putney was Owen Lattimore. The subcommittee found, after a 15- 
month inquiry, that Lattimore was a "conscious, articulate instrument 
of the Soviet conspiracy." 

Lattimore built the Pacific Operations Branch of OWT, for which 
Hinton later worked in Chungking. John K, Fairbank was at the 
top of OWI's Chinese organization. Benjamin Kizer ran the Chinese 
branch of UNRRA for which Hinton also worked. 

Lattimore, Fairbank, and Kizer all were key figures in the Institute 
of Pacific Relations. All three were named as Communists in sworn 
testimony before us. All three denied the charge, but when counsel 
for the subcommittee asked Hinton about his connections with Latti- 
more and Kizer, he said it might incriminate him to give a true answer 
to the question. 

It was extremely interesting to learn that Hinton went on duty in 
Chungking at the end of World War II. He had some strange prede- 
cessors. There were, for instance, the political advisers assigned by 
the State Department to Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, who was chief 
of staff to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek after the removal of Gen- 
eral Stilwell. This choice little State Department group included 
John Stewart Service, John Paton Davies, Raymond Ludden, and 
John K. Emmerson. 

"If I had followed their advice," General Wedemeyer said in testi- 
mony before the subcommittee, "communism would have run rampant 
over China much more rapidly than it did." 

Gen. Claire Chennault, who saw this group in action, told our sub- 
committee that its members "functioned as a public-relations bureau 
for the Yenan Communists." 

Here is another comment about them: 

Throughout the fateful years in China, the American representatives there 
actively favored the Chinese Communists. They also contributed to the weak- 
ness, both political and military, of the National Government. And in the end 
they came close to offering China up to the Communists, like a trussed bird on a 
platter, over 4 years before the eventual Communist triumph. 



INTERLOCiaXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1821 

Those are the Avords of Joseph Alsop, Jr., in an article in the Satur- 
day Evenin<>: Post of January 7, 1050. 

Jolm Carter Vincent Avas on duty at Chungking during part of the 
war period. So was Solomon Adler. 

The Loyalty Eeview Board found tliat there is a "reasonable doubt" 
about Vincent's loyalty to the United States. As for Adler, he was 
the chief Connnunist agent in China of Harry Dexter White. 

Davies, in the unanimous opinion of the subcommittee, "testified 
falsely" when he appeared before us in 1952. According to Joseph 
Alsop : 

John p. Davies, Jr., once seriously acensed the Generalissimo of traffic with 
the Japanese on the odd authority of the vice chairman of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party, Chou En-lai. 

So that is a picture of the original American group in Chungking, 
which cleared the path for the ultimate Conmiunist victory. 

Wliat other Americans replaced them? Where are they now? 
What are they doing to aid and comfort the bloody cause of Red 
China ? Who else and what else is in this pattern around William 
Hinton ? What can we do to rip it apart ? These were the obvious 
questions which confronted the subcommittee after Hinton appeared 
before us. These are the questions that must be answered, for the 
sake of America's safety. 

We start giving the answers in today's hearing. They are shocking 
and sordid, even in this, the most sordid era in the whole history of 
our country. 

The story has several parts. It begins slowly, as the members of this 
group assemble in the Far East. Like their predecessors from the 
State and Treasury Departments, most of them got there at the ex- 
pense of the American taxpayer. One served in the Information and 
Education Branch of the United States Army. The subcommittee has 
already shown that I. and E. was grievously penetrated by under- 
ground Communists during World War II. 

One was in the United States Information Service. One was a 
newspaperman and broadcaster. Others were part of the IPE. ap- 
paratus which, as we revealed in a previous investigation, was used 
by the Communist world conspirac}- as an international cover shop. 
Still others, like Hinton, worked for OAVI or UNRRA or the United 
Nations Children's Emergency Fund. 

They formed a little cluster in Shanj^hai around a once honorable 
publication, The China Weekly, later ISlonthly Review, At their cen- 
ter is Mme. Sun Yat-sen, one of the world symbols of Chinese com- 
munism. The China Review became the instrument by which they 
advertised and brazenly proclaimed devotion to Red China. In a few 
moments we will be told by the widow of an American prisoner of war, 
and by some former j^risoners themselves, how devices were created 
to bring the poisonous lies of the China Review back into the United 
States. 

The group formed another little cluster in Peiping in 1952 when 
the international Communist conspiracy rigged up another of its 
familiar, and utterly false, peace conferences. To that conference 
came so-called delegates from the United States itself. The record 
will show their activities, too. 

Directly after the Korean armistice, some of the members of this 
group started slipping back home. One, Hinton, came through ISIos- 



1822 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

COW. Another took off from Calcutta. Still others passed through 
Hong Kong. Since their return, as we will show, they have raised 
Ked China's banner at every opportunity. 

Today's hearing will be devoted to the China Monthly Keview, and 
particularly the activities of its editor, John W. Powell. Later hear- 
ings will examine other aspects of the overall pattern. 

Call the first witness. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mrs. Gill. 

The Chairman. Will you please stand and hold up your right 
hand. Do you swear that the testimony given in this hearing will be 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mrs. Gill. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF MKS. DOLORES GILL, KANSAS CITY, MO. 

The Chairman. State your full name to the committee. 

Mrs. Gill. Dolores Holmes Gill. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside? 

Mrs. Gill. Kansas City, Mo. 

The Chairman. What is your address? 

Mrs. Gill. 7418 Jefferson. 

The Chairman. And what is your business? 

Mrs. Gill. Linoleum and wall tile. 

Mr. Carpenter. What is your marital status? 

Mrs. Gill. I am a widow of a man who died a prisoner of war. 

JSIr. Carpenter. What was your husband's name ? 

Mrs. Gill. 2d Lt. Charles L. Gill. 

Mr. Carpenter. And what organization of the Armed Forces was 
he in? 

Mrs. Gill. Eighth Regiment, First Cavalry Division. 

Mr. Carpenter. You say he was a prisoner of war during the Ko- 
rean war? 

Mrs. Gill. That is true. 

Mr. Carpenter. When was he taken prisoner of war ? 

Mrs. Gill. November 2, 1950, when he was reported missing in 
action. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear from him while he was a prisoner of 
war? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. On February 27, 1951, 1 received a letter from him 
written after he had been captured by the Chinese. 

Mr. Carpenter. How did you receive this letter? 

Mrs. Gill. Now on February 27, his letter was finally received by 
me. On January 9, 1951, through an Associated Press dispatch I 
received word he had made a radio broadcast over Peiping radio. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear that broadcast? 

Mrs. Gill. No, I did not. That was picked up through a British 
station and transferred on into the Associated Press. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did j'ou have any prior knowledge of your hus- 
band's letter before you received it? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes, I did. Now through that Associated Press dis- 
patch they transmitted the whole letter. Then I received a letter from 
John Powell who sent me a copy of the letter published in his paper. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you have that letter with you ? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1823 

Mrs. Gill. No. I have a copy of the, letter as it was constantly 
reprinted in the varions Communist jniblications. 

Mr. Carpenter. But you have the letter from John Powell? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. 

JNIr. Carpenter. May we have that? 

]\Irs. Gill. Yes. 

This is the first letter. In it are clippino;s from his paper. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have a letter here, and the envelope shows "China 
Weekly Review, 160 Chunfjkino; Road East, Shanc^hai, China — air- 
mail — To Mrs. Charles L. Gill, 7418 Jetierson Street, Kansas City 5, 
Mo." 

This is the mail you received in the course of the post? 

]\lrs. Gill. That is ricfht. 

The Chairman. This is the envelope the letter came in ? 

Mvs. Gill. Yes; and those clip})ings were in the envelope. 

Mr. Carpenter. I would like to read this letter. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Carpenter. China jNIonthly Review, cable address: Reviewing 
Shanghai. John "\V. Powell, editor and publisher, dated January 10, 
1951. Address, 160 Yenan Road, Shanghai. Telephone, 14772. Ad- 
dressed to Mrs. Charles L. Gill, 7418 Jefferson Street, Kansas City 5, 
Mo.: 

Dear Mrs. Gill : Perhaps you have already received the original copy of your 
husbaud's letter to you, but as a fellow Missourian I wanted to make sure that 
you saw it and in good time. We know from the clippings and magazines we 
receive from home that there has been little, if any, news on the American POW's 
except for fabricated atrocity stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the 
local papers here might give you some reassurance. 

From our own personal observation of the action of the Chinese People's Gov- 
ernment here in Shanghai, we know it is the policy to treat all prisoners — cap- 
tured Kuomintang soldiers as well as criminals — with the greatest leniency and 
fairness in order to win over their support, and we are sure this is the same 
policy being carried out by the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for 
the numerous statements of gratitude and expressions of good will by the Amer- 
ican POW's which appear in our local newspapers almost daily. 

In addition, there have been several demonstration groups of American and 
British POW's demanding the end of the "dirty war," for after they have seen 
the hatred of the Korean people against the Syngman Rhee government and the 
help being given by the Americans for that hated clique, they cannot help but 
feel this has all been one tragic mistake. We imagine many peoiile in America 
must feel the same way, also. 

We should have sent the enclosed clippings of a letter to IMrs. Foss before, but 

we did not think of it at the time. Perhaps you would be kind enough to send 

it on to her. If you would like us to send any further clippings about the POW's 

or the news on Korea that appears in our local press, please feel free to write us. 

Very sincerely. 

Signature, John ^Y. Powell; typed John ^V. Powell. Enclosures. 

These [clippings] are the enclosures to that letter; is that riglit? 

Mrs. Gill. That is correct. 

Mv. Carpenter. And you received that in the normal course of the 
post from John W. Powell? 

Mrs. Gill.- That is right. 

Mr. Carpenter. I would like to enter this and make it part of the 
record, this letter with the clippings. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The document was read in full above by Mr. Carpenter. A repro- 
duction appears at p. 1328.) 



1824 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. CARrENTER. Do you know liow your husband was treated in a 
prisoner-of-war camp ? 

Mrs. Gill. He died of malnutrition and dysentery^ 

Mr. Carpenter. From wliom did you get that information? 

Mrs. Gill. From a friend of his who had been with him in the camp 
who was released last September. 

Mr. Carpenter. Now, Mrs. Gill, after receiving this letter from 
John W. Powell, did you receive any further communication from 
John W.Powell? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes; a few days later he sent me a letter asking me to 
contact a Mrs. Eliott. In that he enclosed a clipping, too. 

Mr. Carpenter. May we have the letter, please ? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. Here is a letter and the envelope which states : 

Air by Par Avion, China Monthly Review, 160 Yenan Road, East, Shanghai 
Zero, China. Mrs. Charles L. Gill, 7418 Jefferson Street, Kansas City 5, Mo., 
U. S. A. 

The letter follows : China Monthly Review, John W. Powell, editor 
and publisher, dated January 15, 1951. Mrs, Charles L. Gill, 7418 
Jefferson Street, Kansas City 5, Mo. 

Dear Mrs. Gill: The enclosed clipping appeared in one of our recent papers. 
I had never heard of Baden, Mo., and thought it might be a misprint of some 
sort. I have no way of checking here and was wondering if you could look it 
up and see if there were any place that resembles it and send this clip on to Mrs. 
Eliott. 

In this coming issue of the Review we are carrying a roundup of the state- 
ments by the POWs and the other events in Korea. If you would like to see a 
complimentary copy, please let us know and we shall be glad to send one to you. 
Very sincerely, 

(Signed) John W. Powell. 
(Typed) John W. Powell. 
Enclosures. 

I would like to have this entered into the record. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record, and also the enclosures, 
and become a part of the record. 

(The document was read in full above by Mr. Carpenter. A repro- 
duction appears at p. 1829.) 

Mr. Carpenter. In addition to these various letters from Mr. 
Powell, did you receive any other letters relative to your husband? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. During the following spring I received several 
letters from readers of the National Guardian here who had sent 
me copies of the clipping that w\as published in that paper. I be- 
lieve it appeared in the March 7, 1951, copy. During this same 
spring, 1951, Mr. Cedric Belfrage, who was at that time editor of 
the National Guardian, sent me a copy of the National Guardian, 
and with that a note enclosed saying they were trying to get more 
information on the men w^ho were prisoners. At that time he said 
he would, if I would write, be very glad to forward any other infor- 
mation they were able to find at the time. 

Mr. Carpenter. Any other papers of the National Guardian? 

Mrs. Gill. Then I received some other literature that was defi- 
nitely Communist literature. One pamphlet did come from Prague, 
Czechoslovakia. "It Was Out of Their Own Mouths," I believe is 
the title of it. In that were supposedly signed confessions from 
various members of the Armed Forces of the United States Army 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1825 

who had been held prisoner in Korea. None of these signed state- 
ments were signed, however, in this book. 

In another pamphlet I received there w^ere statements supposedly 
made by members of the armed services. These men did include 
their names and serial numbers. 

I have also received some literature from St, Louis or Missouri 
Peace Committee, which is in St. Louis, Mo. I am still on their 
mailing list. 

Mr. Carpen'I'er. In other words, yon have received mail from all 
over the United States and even from various parts of the world 
about the treatment of prisoners of war in China or in Korea ; is that 
right? 

Mrs. Gill. That is right. I have in my possession some letters 
from Germany that were taken from — actually, they would be from 
the German equivalent of the Daily Worker. Then I have a copy of 
a clipping sent me from a man in Glasgow, Scotland, taken from the 
British Daily Worker. In these they have shown the letter written. 
by my husband and have included some of their own ideas on the 
subject, mainly, which I am supposed to appreciate, the fact that 
I heard from my husband. Yet tliey were trying to bring out the 
fact that, although I had heard, there were so many Korean wives 
who had not heard. So I was supposed to appreciate that fact. 

This literature ceased. 

The Chairman. What was the tenor of their comments accom- 
panying the publication of your husband's letter ? 

Mrs. Gill. It was the idea he had said he intended to be home, and 
I was supposed to appreciate the fact that he thought he would be 
home. In these letters they mentioned sjiecial terms such as "Mad 
MacArthur," ""Fabricated atrocities," and "Wall Street minions." 
They continually referred to the fact that the Korean war was sup- 
posed to have been drafted in Wall Street, wdiile those same remarks 
that were in these letters that made the letters seem so stereotyped 
were the remarks that were taken from copies of the National Guard- 
ian, from the China Monthly Review. Actually, they sounded like 
someone had picked certain phrases and repeated them parrot fashion. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you have those documents with you and those 
letters ? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. 

The Chairman. They will be incorporated into the record by ref- 
erence. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you pass them up, please? 

Here is a magazine titled "Shall Brothers Be?'' Did you receive 
this as a part of the propaganda ? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. It says, "An account written by American and Brit- 
ish prisoners of war on their treatment in POW camps in Korea," 
published by the Chinese Peoples Committee for World Peace and 
Against American Aggression. 

Another one, "Stop the Killing in Korea" and "Prosperity Built 
on Peace, Not War." Is that one of the articles you received ? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have another document. It reads : 

A call to mothers and fathers of Americans in Korea from the frontliiies and 
prison camps and in hospitals: All patriotic Americans who have loved onea 



1826 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

In Korea, in uniform, or about to be drafted, come to a Midwest assembly, Satur- 
day, October 25, 11 a. m., Springfield, 111., Theater Guild Building, 101 East 
Lawrence, to save the lives of our sons and loved ones, to stir the conscience 
of America, and tell all public oflBcials and all candidates for office we want 
an immediate end to this senseless slaughter. This program will include the 
showing of the Qualier peace film, A Time for Greatness. 

Did you receive that through the mail ? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits N'os. 458 (read 
in full above by Mr. Carpenter) and 458-A" and appear below :) 



Exhibit No. 458 



a call to 



Mothers, fathers of Americans in Korea, 

in the front lines , in prison camps 

and in hospitals . . . 

All patriotic Americans who have loved ones 

in Korea, in uniform, or about to be drafted 



come to an emergency 

MIDWEST 
ASSEMBLY 

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25. 11 A.M. 

IN SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS 

THEATRE GUILD BUILDING, 101 EAST LAWRENCE 

To uv* the lives of our son* and loved ones; 
fo stir the conscience of America; to tell all public 
officials and all candidates for office that we want an 
immediate end of the senseless slaughter 



1 

2 



For a cease fire in Korea on both sides NOWl 

Continue negotiations to settle remaining 
question of repatriation of prisoners. 



The program will include the showing of the 

fine Quaker peace film "A Time for Greatness." W 



in the name of 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1827 

Exhibit No. 458-A 

20.716 MaHyr«d d»o4 Gi'« 

18.7S6 crippled, maimed, weMNdtd Gi's 

12.M3 AmarieoR Gl's la Koraaa prison eampi and misting 

IN THE HAME OP MILLIONS OF AMERICAN 
YOUTH FACINO A SIMILAR FATE 

in the name of all America * » , an SOS assembly 



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ave uur uon 



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^'t • . ViniH* rdw OR row 

• . . fh« crosses grow . . .' 




The Chairmax. Before I said the letters she had received would go 
into the record by reference. I want those letters put into the record 
and become a part of the record. 



1828 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 459 and 
459- A" and are reproduced below :) 



Cabts Address: 

^KVBWKM UUIMHir 

|OHN W. POWEU. 

editor tnd PuUiiiwr 



Exhibit No. 459 

China 

""Oily fffif;igif 



Addreti: n 

M* TINAN «OA0 K * 

(HANOHAI (O) ^ 

TEL. 14772 i 



January 10, 1951 



Mrs. Charles L. Gill 
7418 Jefferson St. 
Kansas City 5, Missouri 

Dear Mrs. Gill: 

Perhaps you have already received the original copy 
of your husband's letter to you, tut as a fellow-Missourian 
I wanted to make sure you saw it and in good time* 

■We Know from the clippings and magazines we receive 
from home that there has been little if any news on the 
American POWs except for fabricated atrocity stories and 
we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here 
might give you some reassurance. 

From our own personal observation of the action of 
the Chinese People's Government here in Shanghai, we know 
that it is the policy to treat all prisoners - captured 
Kuomintang soldiers as well as criminals - with the greatest 
leniency and fairness in order to win over their support, 
and we are sure this is the same policy being carried out 
ty the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for the 
numerous statements of gratitude and expressions of good- 
will by the American POWs which appear in our local papers 
almost daily. In addition, there have been several demon- 
strations by large groups of American and British POWs de- 
manding the end of the "dirty war," for after they have seen 
the hatred of the Korean people against the Syngraan Rhee 
government and the help being given by the Americans for 
that hated clique, they cannot help but feel this has all 
been one tragic mistake. We. Imagine many people in America 
must feel this way also. 

We should have sent the enclosed clipping of a letter to 
Mrs. Foss before, but did not think of it at the time. Per- 
haps you will be kind enough to send it on to her. 

If you would like as to send any f-urther clippings about 
the POWs or the news on Korea that appears in our local press, 
please feel free to write us. 



( 

I 



ve^y sincerely, - 




ohn W. Powell 



Enclosures 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1829 

Exhibit No. 4r)n-A 



CiM* AddrvMt 
 t in w iimi I 



JOHN W. POWELL 

Editor and PuMlihM- 



(hina 





JJ» 


AddTM: 


« 


MO tEMAM BOAO e. 


t 


aSAMOUKOt 


1SU 14772 


f^ 




* 




o 




« 



January 15, 1951 



Urs. Cher lea L. Gill 
7^18 Jefferson 3t. 
Kansas City 5, Missouri 

Dear Mrs. Gill: 

The enclosed clipping appeared in one of our recent 
papers. I had never heard of Vaiden, Mo. and thought it 
might be a misprint of some sort. I have no way of check- 
ing here and was wondering if you could look it up and 
8e« if there's any place that resembles it and then send 
the clip on to Mrs. Elliott. 

In this coming issue of the REVIEW we are carrying a 
round-up of the statements by the American POWa and oth«r 
events in Korea. If you'd like to see a complimentary copy, 
please let us know and we shall be glad to send one oa to 
you. 

Very sincerely, 



-g^iw?^-^ 



John W. Powell 



Enclosure 



Mr. Carpexter. Mrs. Gill, ■v^•hen did you first learn of your hus- 
band's passing away? 

Mrs. Gill. I received word last July. That was my first official 
notice. It was the only notice I have ever had. At no time has his 
name ever been printed in any official list released by this Govern- 
ment. It did appear in one of those early copies of the China 
Monthly Eeview, and the letter appeared in the March 7, 1951, edition 
of the jS'ational Guardian. Other than that, I have had no informa- 
tion. 

The Chairman. "Wlien did you learn of his passing away ? 

Mrs. Gill. That was it, July 1953. 

The Chairman. Have you talked to any members of the Armed 
Forces about his last illness and time of his death ? 

Mrs. Gill. Yes. Last September, one of the men W'ho was with him 
who was supposed to have buried him contacted me when released. 

The Chairman. Plis name? 

Mrs. Gill. Sgt. Homer Harvey. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever talked with the doctor who treated 
him? 



1830 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mrs. Gill. No ; I have not. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Mandel lias somctliiiig for the record. 

The Chairman. You may proceed. 

]\Ir. Mandel. For the record it should be noted that Cedric Bel- 
frage and James Aronson, both editors of the National Guardian, have 
invoked the fifth amendment in regard to their Communist affilia- 
tions when asked by the permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 
Committee on Government Operations, on May 14, 1953, and Cedric 
Belfrage is now the subject of deportation proceedings as a member 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Carpenter. All your letters that you received concerning your 
husband from the National Guardian and Powell, all of them stated 
he was in good physical condition and would be home; is that right? 

Mrs. Gill. That is right. They told me I could expect him. 

Mr. Carpenter. They gave you no inkling he was ill or expected to 
die at any time ? 

Mrs. Gill. No. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Mrs. Gill. You may stand aside. 

Mr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, please. 

The Chairman. Will you be sworn to testify. Do you solemnly 
swear the testimony given in this hearing will be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM RAYMOND SHADISH, PHYSICIAN OF THE 
UNITED STATES ARMY, WALTER REED HOSPITAL 

Major Shadish. I do. 

The Chairman. Give your full name. 

Major Shadish. William K. Shadish ; William Raymond Shadish. 

The Chairman. You may proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Major, what is your present occupation? 

Major Shadish. I am a physician, United States Army, at the 
Walter Reed Army Hospital. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been a physician in the United 
States Army? 

Major Shadish. Since July of 1949. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you give the committee a description of your 
academic training? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. Following high school I took my pre- 
medical training at the Syracuse University ; took my medical train- 
ing at the Long Island College of Medicine in Brooklyn, N. Y. ; and 
took my internship at the Permanente Foundation Hospital in Oak- 
land, Calif. 

Mr. Carpenter. I wish you would please summarize your career 
briefly with the ranks and posts you have held in the Armed Forces. 

Major Shadish. I was a first lieutenant while at the Permanente 
Hospital in the civilian training program of the United States Army. 
I was promoted to captain in June of 1950 and was sent to the Far 
Eastern Command the following month. That was in mid-July of 
1950. In mid- August I was assigned to the Second Division in Korea. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you a prisoner of war in Korea ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. When were you taken prisoner of war ? 



I 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1831 

!MaJor Siiadish. I was taken prisoner on the 1st of July; 1st of 
December, sorry. 

Mr. Carpentkr. How lonp: were you a prisoner of war ? 

Major Shadish. Thirty-three months. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell tliis committee what prisoner-of-war 
camps 3'ou wore in durin*; your incarceration ? 

Major SiiAuisii. I was in three permanent camps. The first camp 
was known to the prisoners as Death Valley. We believed it was in 
the town called Hofong. 

Mr. Carpenter. Spell that. 

Major Shadish. H-o-f-o-n-g. The second was camp No. 5 at Pyok- 
tong, P-y-o-k-t-o-n-g. The third was camp No. 2 at Ping-Chon-Ni. 
P-i-n-g-C-h-o-n-N-i. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you give the committee a description of your 
experiences in the prisoner-of-war camps, mainly that part wherein 
the American prisoners of war were forced to be indoctrinated by 
their captors? 

Major Shadish. Forced indoctrination was practiced in the camps 
in which I was held. The first contact I had with the organized 
indoctrination was in March of 1951, at which time I came to camp 
No. 5. It was being practiced with all of the prisoners there. I was 
in the position of being the sick-call physician and therefore was 
exempt from this study program until July of 1951, at which time I 
was relieved of my duties as sick-call physician, sent to the officers' 
company. And from there, then until March of 1952 we had a con- 
tinuous concentrated program. 

The Chairman. W^ere the sick and wounded required to attend ? 

ISIajor Shadish. The sick and wounded that were not in the hos- 
pital, and that was a larger number of men, were required to attend 
regardless of their condition. 

The program varied in time consumed, but would consume on the 
average about 6 hours a day of formal education. This was all in- 
doctrination and outright Communist type of studies. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell the committee what material was 
used in order to indoctrinate the prisoners of war? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. We had a large assortment of material 
from which our lecturers would present tlieir programs. Among 
them was this China Weekly and China ]\Ionthly Eeview. Also, the 
Shanghai News, the New York Daily Worker, the London Daily 
Worker, the San Francisco Peoples World, a magazine called INIasses 
and INIain Stream, another called Political Affairs, a large number 
of Chinese and Russian magazines, New Times from Eussia, and So- 
viet literature from Russia. 

There were a large number of books. William Z. Foster of the 
United States had a number of books in cauip. Among them was his 
History of the Communist Party of the United States, his History of 
the Americas. There were a large number of books by Howard Fast. 
There were books by Russian authors such as Gorky, all of which had 
the Communist theme as their center piece. 

^ Mr. Carpenter. I call your attention to the easel over here at the 
side of the room. Are there reproductions of the China Monthly Re- 
view as you saw them in prisoner-of-war camps ? Are those reason- 
able reproductions ? 
Major Shadish. Yes; they are. 



1832 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. You have seen these various magazines in the 
camp ? 

Major Shadish. I believe I have seen all of these before in the 
camps. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell us how they used the China Monthly 
Review in their propaganda activity ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. The ordinary program for study was 
divided up among various types of approaches. There would be 
lectures by English-speaking Chinese, there would be discussion peri- 
ods in which we were supposed to discuss various articles. Before 
these discussion periods various publications were distributed to each 
squad of men to read, and in these publications there would be articles 
marked with red crayon as required reading. Among the publica- 
tions most commonly received was this China Monthly Keview. Many 
of the articles were required to be read, and comment was required 
to be made upon it. 

I would like to say there was no middle-of-the-road affair. The 
Communists did not practice that. We were told that you had one 
opinion. It had to be one side or the other side. If you did not 
comment for the article, you were against the article. Consequently, 
a large number of prisoners got into a great deal of trouble and 
a large number of the deaths were indirectly or directly responsible or 
occurred, rather, because of the difficulties starting over these articles. 

The Chairman. What would happen to a man if he did not co- 
oj^erate, follow the line of the China Keview ? 

Major Shadish. Anything which the Chinese would consider appro- 
priate. It would begin with standing a man at attention on a block 
of ice for a large period of time, in which a number of men froze 
their feet or it would end up with a man being thrown in a hole in the 
ground with little or no food and no method of sanitation, not per- 
mitted out of the hole. And he would eventually contract double 
pneumonia in the cold moss and would die. It would vary from one 
end of the scale to the other. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you know who the editor was of the China 
Monthly Review? 

Major Shadish. It is on the front page of all of them as John W. 
Powell. 

Mr. Carpenter, Will you describe the conduct of the school and 
the study classes conducted in the prison camps ; that is, was attend- 
ance compulsory ? 

Major Shadish, Yes ; the attendance was compulsory. The Chinese 
would come to the various squad rooms and force the men to leave 
the squad rooms. If it required it, they would bring guards with 
bayonets to get the men out. That included the sick. We protested 
as much as we could, but it was to no avail. We w^ere made to go 
to this one open area where we would be lectured to. 

Mr. Carpenter. Tell us something about the transportation of this 
propaganda into the camps. Did they come in large quantities? 

Major Shadish. They certainly did. One thing which we felt very 
strongly about was the way they came. We were situated on the 
Yalu River and there was a small harbor at the town of Pyoktong. 
Into this harbor would come these large barges and they would be 
loaded every time. A portion of their load would be propaganda 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1833 

material, including? this CliiHa Montlily Iveview. They wouhl bring 
in tons of this st-ull' at a time, and yet ^vhen we wo\dd ask them for 
more medication or one littk> bottle of sulfa Avhieh would euro a lot 
of men, we were told they had no means of transportation to bring this. 
]?ut they always had tlie means of transportation to bring in this 
pro]-)aganda material. That was from the beoinning. 

The CiiAiHMAX. AVhat was your situation in regard to medication 
for the American prisoners? 

jNIajor Shadisii. Medication was not the main problem. We did 
not have any medications but we felt, we physicians felt that the 
main problem was food. If we could have suflicient food, we w^ould 
not have needed those medications. Consequently, because we did 
not have food — we were on a starvation diet for at least the first 6 
or 8 months, although, from there on, the diet improved. It was never 
adequate. Because of this, men were malnourished and were suft'erinf^ 
from disease and had no resistance to any infection. When they did 
get an infection, it was a matter of a few days before they died. Not 
having any medications made it all the worse. 

The Cir AIRMAN. Did the Chinese have medication? 

Major Shadisii. Yes; they did. The Chinese during these early 
months had no physicians and asked me to treat their men. As a 
physician, I said I would. The;^ had their own stock of supplies 
and they had all of the antibiotics and the necessary medications 
there to treat their men and more. 

The Chairman. How about surgical instruments? What did you 
have for the American prisoner in the way of surgical instruments? 

Major Shadish. We had no surgical instruments at first. Eventu- 
ally we got an old scalpel and 1 or 2 hemostats. We made some 
scalpels and made a stethoscope. 

The Chairman. Prior to that time did the Chinese doctors perform 
surgery on some of the American prisoners ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. There was one case where a Korean 
physician came to our camp in about mid-January 1951, about 2 
months after we were captured, a month and a half. He claimed to be 
a surgeon with 5 years' training. He said he would like to see any 
surgical cases we had. We had a large number of them. He picked 
four of these men to do surgery on. One of these men had a gan- 
grenous thumb from a shrapnel wound and his thumb had to come 
off. This surgeon, as he called himself, took him to a room. 

I asked to be allowed to go along. The man was given no anes- 
thetic, although there was morphine available to them. This surgery 
was done in a very shocking maimer to a surgeon. It was what we 
would call hacking. He took the man's thumb off. The man had a 
terrific amount of pain. We pleaded with him to give him something 
afterward. They dressed his hand, took him outside of a room, set 
him on a chair. 

There was a Chinese there with a Leica camera. He set the man 
down. The Korean then went in and put on a gown and mask and 
came out with a syringe and needle, a syringe which I had hoped 
was something for the man's pain. He stood beside this man, a 
Xegro soldier. There is a picture of this in one of the Communist 
publications showing this physician standing by this Negro man w-ith 
the syringe up against his arm ready to give an injection with print- 

S2018''--54— pt. 23 7 



1834 INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

ing unclerneath sajdng something to the effect that here is a corps aid 
man treating an American prisoner. 

The picture was taken. The man aa' as shoved off the chair, not given 
a shot, and told to go down to his room. 

Tlie Chairman". What happened to the man ? 

INIajor Shadish. He died within 3 weeks from infection to that hand. 

The Chaieman. You have seen that picture reproduced in the prop- 
aganda showing where they are giving aid to the American prisoners? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. I recognize the man. 

The Chairman. Do you recall what publication you saw that pic- 
ture reproduced in ? 

Major Shadish. It is a publication called POWs Calling, made up 
entirely of statements and experiences and a number of these peti- 
tions that were signed, supposedly voluntarily, by the prisoners. 

The Chairman. Major, did you become acquainted with a Lieu- 
tenant Gill while you were in one of these camps ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir; I did so. 

The Chairman. Will you tell us about your acquaintance with 
him and what happened to him? 

Major Shadish. I hoped I could have talked to Mrs. Gill before, 
but I haven't had the oj^portunity. 

The Chairman. We are sorry Mrs. Gill came in late and we had 
an executive session and there was no opportunity for that. 

Major Shadish. I fii'st met Lieutenant Gill approximately the end 
of May of 1951. I was working as the camp physician and was sep- 
arated from the rest of the camp, from the officers and from the 
enlisted men, except for the approximately 100 seriously ill and 
wounded prisoners in this compound. Lieutenant Gill was brought 
down about the end of INIay to the compound for the seriously ill. He 
was suffering from malnutrition, as were all the rest of the men, but 
he was also suffering from severe dysentery which increased the mal- 
nutrition. 

He stayed in this compound until roughly the end of June, during 
which time his health deteriorated constantly. The food at that time 
was still a starvation diet and consisted mainly of rice, very little else. 

I asked for medication to treat this man with, and t know the 
Chinese had the medication because as I say, I was also doing medicine 
for them. It was refused. They said they had none. I was able 
to get hold of some morphine which, although it is not the ideal 
treatment for diarrhea, is known to have an effect to counteract diar- 
rhea. I used morphine — opium, rather, on Lieutenant Gill and it 
did relieve a lot of his symptoms. He became more ill until I per- 
suaded them to send him to the main hosi:)ital compound about a mile 
from camp. 

I had four enlisted men working with me, Americans, who the 
Chinese would have carry the seriously ill by litter. I was not per- 
mitted to go to the hospital. I was restricted to the compound. I 
instructed -these men to check the hospital every day, find which of 
the men had left my compound and gotten to the hospital and died. 
Within 1 week after the time Lieutenant Gill was taken up to the 
hospital, these men came back and reported that Lieutenant Gill was 
dead and they had seen his body^ 

Mr. Carpenter. I have here a document captioned "An Interview 
^With Monica Felton — Stop the War." JNIonica Felton was a British 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GO\ERNMENT 1835 

roi)re.sentative of tli,G AVomen's Internationul Dcinocracy Federation 
and the <2;roup which investi<:;ated coiulilioiis in Nortli Korea in 1951. 
Did j'ou have any occasion to see Monica Felton while you were in 
a prisoner-of-war camp ? 

Major SiiADisir. No, sir. I never saw Monica Felton. 

Mv. Carpexter. Did you read this document in the China Monthly 
Review of January 11)53 ^ 

jMajor SiiADisir. Yes, I read the document. 

Mr. CARrENTER. Mrs. Felton describes the housing of the POW's. 

Tbpy sleep on mats on the floor with blankets and hard pillows. I think 
they keep warm in the winter because the homes have central heating. The 
winters are extremely cold but the men have quilted clothing. 

Is that an accurate description? 

Major Shadisii. No, it was not an accurate description. She 
thouoht wrono:. The houses in Korea, as you know, have the under- 
the-floor heating. The only difficulty was that in all of our homes 
the heating system was broken down, not repaired. We did not 
have the wood anyhow to build a fire, so it did not do us much good. 
The first winter was the hardest winter, in that we lost almost all 
of our men that died. We had no clothing, blankets, bedding issued 
to us that winter. We had nothing issued until the spring thaw, 
that following spring, 1951, at which time we no longer needed them. 

]Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of the China 

The Chairman. Did you have something further to add? 

Major Shadish. No, sir. 

]Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of the China Monthly Review of May 
1951, there are four photograplis of American POW's carrying over- 
coats, blankets, and towels. A quote from Clevenger says, ''When 
Mom sees this, she need not worry about us in the cold." Are these 
truly representative of conditions in the POW's camps ? 

]\iajor Shadish. They are not. They certainly are true photo- 
graphs but the methods used to obtain these photograplis are not 
proper. 

The pictures over here, we remember seeing those things and we 
were a little upset about it. You see a man holding a large hunk 
of meat in his hand with a smile on his face. If you have gone 6 
months without seeing meat and someone hands you a large piece of 
meat and says, "This is going to be for you," I think every man would 
smile. 

The thing they do not tell under that caption is, this was the first 
meat this man had in about 6 months, or maybe 4 months if he was 
lucky. The second thing is that that piece of meat would be 1 month's 
ration for approximately 500 men. That is a little bit when you look 
at it that way. 

Mr. Carpenter. Going back. Major, I have just now received a copy 
of American POWs Calling From Korea, and I have here a picture 
captioned "A Chinese Medical Orderly Dressing a Prisoner's 
Wounds." I will ask you if this is the picture you have just testified 
about in relation to medical treatment. 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. This is the picture that I was talking 
about. 

JSIr. Carpenter. That is the same picture ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. 



1836 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. You saw this picture taken ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. I was there when that picture was taken. 

Mr. Carpexter. This is captioned "American POW's Appeal to the 
United Nations," and there is no 

The CHAiRMAisr. It will be incorporated into our record by reference. 

]\Ir. Carpexter. You never saw Monica Felton ? 

Major SiiADisH. I never personally saw INIonica Felton. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did any of the prisoners of war with whom you 
came in contact ever tell you they had talked to her and had seen her 
there in camp? 

]\Iajor Shadish. Some of the prisoners told me they had seen Monica 
Felton. 

Mr. Carpenter. In her article in the China Monthly Review, Mrs. 
Felton also says the POWs have organized ball teams, and there is 
fishing and swimming. Can you comment about that? 

Major Shadish. Will you please repeat that? 

The Chairman. Organized ball teams, and there was also swim- 
ming and fishing. 

Major Shadish. In the officer's camp there was swimming in a small 
stream which we dammed up, which left us an area about 10 feet in 
diameter and about 2 feet deep. The 150 to 300 officers there w^ould use 
this for swimming. We had ball games. We started playing softball. 
All this happened aft^r the negotiations began. I want to state we no- 
ticed all the way through that the only improvement that we ever did 
have began after the negotiations at Kaesong. The nearer we ap- 
proached completion of negotiations, tlie better the treatment got. 

Any setback in negotiations would hud a corresponding setback in 
the treatment at the camp. When we started this softball, which I be- 
lieve was the spring of 1952, we had to make our own baseballs and 
bats and gloves. The Chinese were opposed to it at first, because they 
felt there was some political meaning to this same of baseball, and 
it had to be explained thoroughly to them. They always explained 
to us everytliing has a political meaning, and they felt this had a po- 
litical meaning. But all these sports were through the efforts of our 
senior officers, who constantly harassed the Chinese to get us some- 
thing. It was not until well into 1952 before we did get any of it. 

Mr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, can you tell how they prepared a 
prisoner of war to accept the indoctrination you are speaking about 
here ? 

Major Shadish. Yes. The methods used appeared to be the same as 
that used anywhere by the Communists. The prisoner was first in- 
tentionally deprived of the necessary food, clothing, and shelter to sus- 
tain life at a healthy level. He was taken physically to a level which 
was bordering upon death, and there were a number of deaths. There 
was no idea in the prisoner's mind where he was standing. He was 
just a little bit away. Then the indoctrination teams and material 
would be brought into the camp. The men would be told that if they 
accepted indoctrination and did not resist that they were going to 
give a feast for us. The feast was rice, rice we had not seen up until 
then. 

The Chairman. What were you fed ? 

Major Shadish. Cracked corn or whole corn or millet is about all 
we saw. It Vv'as painfully made clear to the prisoner that if he did 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1837 

not cooperate lie M'ould not only revert back to liis old status but most 
probably below that. A i)risoner alter a while <2:ot to know if he were 
ill for any reason and could not eat his food for about 3 days, he would 
die. That was so. He had no reserve whatsoever, and I have seen a 
larii'e number of men wlio throu<ih illness or some other cause would 
go off their food and they would die. This Avas made clear to the 
prisoners. As long as the prisoners cooperated without resisting too 
strongly, the food would stay at a level where all the men or prac- 
tically all tlie men could live. As soon as resistance came up, condi- 
tions became worse. 

Mr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, will you describe fully from your 
own personal knowledge and experience the treatment of POWs in 
reii:ard to letters to their loved ones ? 

Major Shadish. Yes, sir. There was a concentrated effort by the 
Connnunists to procure letters from the prisoners with political con- 
tent. At the very first it w^as impossible to get a letter out of camp 
without political content. I remember an individual by the name of 
Shapiro who is a Caucasian. He posed as a correspondent for the 
London Daily Worker, came into Death Valley in January 1951 with 
the Chinese. He was armed. He had a camera. He was well fed. He 
supposedly came in to cover the situation, and all he did the entire 
time he was there w^as promote a petition and the signing of a petition 
and to promote the project of getting letters out, of political content. 

At this time I have a letter which he sent out — I do not have it but 
it is printed in the Communist publications in which the quote from 
me is in a letter to my waf e : 

Please use your influence to see that the war in Korea is settled peacefully and 
that all foreign troops are removed from Korea. 

The story behind that is, first of all, I was seriously ill at the time. 
I w\as told by the other physicians in camp I w\as not going to live. I 
wanted to write a letter home, and Shapiro came around and said that 
we all could write a letter home. He gave us paper and we w^rote. The 
letter was brought back to me by the Chinese and they said there was 
nothing in the letter for peace. They said there was no use for that 
letter to go home. I couldn't get it home. 

So another letter was brought up by Shapiro showing a form of how 
it should be w^ritten with all types of anti-American slogans in it. We 
all discussed this among ourselves and with the senior officers, and we 
decided we would all pick this one same phrase and include it in our 
letters. I chose to write home because I felt this was my last oppor- 
tunity to talk to my wife. I w-rote a long letter in which I told my 
w4fe how I felt about her and the children. The only part which ap- 
peared in the publication was the portion which they thought they 
could use. My wife never received that letter. That was the only 
thing I have about Mr. Shapiro. 

Senator Johnstox. But they did take that letter and publish it in 
the newspapers? 

Major Shadish. They published a quote from it. 

Mr. Carpenter. In the China Monthly Keview Mi-s. Felton has 
stated that POAV's got together and decided they wanted a peace 
organization and they asked permission of the Korean Government to 
get together with other POW camps on this subject : 

They held general peace meetincs with all camps participating, and they are now 
issuing a peace magazine. I talked with six American I'OWs and many British 



1838 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

prisoners who were active in tiie peace movement. Tliey felt the majority of 
prisoners supported their views. 

Is this an accurate statement of the facts ? 

Major Shadish, That is not. The Peace Committee, as I remember 
it, was formed somewhat like this : The Chinese came np to our com- 
pound and told us there was going to be a Peace Committee. And you 
would have members on this Peace Committee. They suggested we 
elect members. We refused to elect members, so they appointed mem- 
bers to the Peace Committee. 

Eventually what luippened to this Peace Committee, I do not know, 
but I know tiie members of the officers' compound refused to participate 
and participation was by appointment and was forced. I do not know 
of any case where prisoners went up to the Chinese and asked permis- 
sion to form a Peace Committee. That is beyond my scope, and I 
know a lot of prisoners who w^ere over there. 

Mr. Carpenter. What means were used to get these signatures ? 

Major Shadish. Various and sundry means; about the same type 
that were used to get attendance at the classes of indoctrination, all 
types of threats and carrying out of threats if the man persisted in 
not signing these things. I remember one group of men, one room of 
them that were presented with a petition to sign and refused. They 
were told if they did not sign this petition, all of their food rations 
would be cut out from that day on. And they were very sincere about 
it. So these men signed the petition. It was that type of thing. 

IMr. Carpenter. Do you remember the occasion wlien the POW's 
were asked to send a New Year's greeting to Communist General Chu 
Teh in 1952? 

Major Shadish. That is right. At the officers' camp we were given 
printed cards tliat we could send home for New Year's. Most of us 
altered the cards. They all had "Peace" on them. Of course, we felt 
very bitterly at that time about the way the Communists felt about 
peace. We felt they were using it for propaganda only. We altered 
the cards as much as possible to eliminate any use of propaganda and 
thereby would sign them and send them home. I altered mine. Mine 
didn't get home because it was altered, I suppose. 

They came to us and told us they wanted us to sign a New Year's 
greeting to Chu Teh. We did not particularly want to give any New 
Year's greeting to Chu Teh and wish him good luck. We wished him 
just the opposite. They insisted. Eventually we talked them out of it. 
I know some of our senior officers shortly thereafter were taken over 
to the headquarters of the Chinese on a charge of attempting to form 
a group of men who would oppose indoctrination. One of the charges 
put out against them was they instigated against this good- will mes- 
sage and sabotaged the peace and good-will message to Chu Teh. 
They were punished by long terms of solitary imprisonment. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. What can you tell us about this man Shapiro, his 
activities? 

Major Shadish. This man Shapiro, as I said before, posed as a 
correspondent for the London Daily Worker. He did no correspond- 
ing or no newspaper work in the camps as far as we could see. The 
only thing he came to Death Valley for was, first, to get a petition 
signed ; and, two, to take these letters as propaganda material. When 
he got these two things he left. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IX GOVERNMENT 1839 

I personally lind asked him a luimber of times for his influence to 
^et more medication and food and his contact with the outside to get 
the l\ed Cross in. He laughed in my face at this. He thought it was a 
big joke. 

JNfr. Carpenter. Do you know what nationality he was? 

INfajor Shauish. He had a Ik-itish accent, but it did not sound to me 
as though he were a native British subject. It sounded as though it 
was an acquired accent. He would not tell me what nationality he 
was. 

Mr. Carpenter. In the China Monthly Review, Mrs. Felton says : 

The row camps w.ere l)oml)e(l by the American planes in spite of the fact that 
their locations were clearly marked by agreement between both sides. 

Do 5'ou have any information on the bombing of prisoner-of-war 
camps ? 

jMajor Sttadisti. Yes. These were a sore spot with us. I know that 
some of these articles came out, I am certain, in July of 1952, or 
earlier. Our prison camps were not marked until approximately 
September or later in 1952. All of these articles told how our camps 
were so well marked and yet our own planes were bombing our men, 
and this was all a lie. We did not have our camps marked. We asked 
a large number of times to let us mark our camps or to mark them in 
some manner and were told that if our camps were marked it would 
just allow our planes to come over and bomb them. They would know 
where they were. But they were not marked at the time a number of 
these articles were published. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were these prisoner-of-war camps flanked by anti- 
aircraft guns and military supplies? 

Major Shadisii. Not the camp I was in. The officers' camp was 
not surrounded by it, but there were camps which — particularly the 
sergeants' compound. Camp No. 4 — had a large supply of foodstuffs 
and, as they found out later, American ammunition, when the Ameri- 
can planes hit the place. It went up as an ammunition dump would 
go up outside of the camp. Around our camp they had no ammunition 
clump, although they did have a number of large warehouses filled with 
foodstuffs which were taken out constantly by truck. It was not used 
for us. 

]Mr. Carpenter. In the China Monthly Review, Mrs. Felton charges 
the United States with conducting germ warfare. Are you familiar 
with the charge of germ warfare ? 

Major Shauish. I am familiar with the charge of it, and my im- 
pressions of the situation of course are limited because of my posi- 
tion at that time. But it was interesting in that we were given the 
opportunity to see the proof of germ warfare in — I cannot state the 
exact time. I think the spring of 1953 or the fall of 1952 a large 
building was erected near the officer's company in Camp 2, seemingly 
for the sole purpose of setting up this exhibit which consisted of about 
1 or 2 large photographs. 

These were placed in the room in a number of rows so parties could 
walk up and down these rows and view all the exhibits. All the 
prisoners were marched through here, and all the Chinese and Koreans 
were marched through here. Under these pictures were English and 
oriental inscriptions describing the subject. These were supposed 
to be pictures of proof which — well, one was the International Demo- 



1840 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

cratic Lawyers Guild and the other was a group of scientists and 
physicians who were supposed to have said that this was definite 
proof. We saw them and we considered it a ludicrous thing to have 
a picture of a dead rat lying in the snow. This was supposed to be 
proof this rat was dropped in Korea laden with germs. 

Another picture, a casing of a shell. This is supposed to be proof 
germ bombs were dropped. I dare say we could do tlie same thing 
out here on the Capitol steps and have proof in the other direction. 
We felt there was no basis to it. 

Senator Johnston. Major, I believe that was in the China Monthly 
Review, too, was it not ? 

Major Shadish. There were pictures of that in the China Monthly 
Eeview. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you tell us what you know about the voluntary 
character of the Chinese troops ? 

Major Shadish. What, sir? 

Mr. Carpenter. The vountary character. In other words, they say 
they were volunteers. 

Major Shadish. We had opportunity to talk to some of these Chi- 
nese, and I purposely will not name them or locate them. Among 
their troops I have talked to some who have told me that they defi- 
nitely were not volunteers. One man told me his battalion commander 
volunteered the battalion. That was the extent of it. 

Another told me he had been serving with the Communist forces 
for a large number of years, wanted to get home but had not been 
home in all that time and he was made to come to Korea and that it 
was holding him up from going home again. It was that sort of 
thing. A number of them told us they were not volunteers. 

The avid Communist would tell us, "Oh, yes ; we are all volunteers. 
We volunteered to come here." But there were a few of them that 
would tell us the true situation. 

Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of July 1051 of the China Monthly 
Review, on page 20, it describes the broadcasts of American POW's 
from Korea. Did you personally listen to these broadcasts? 

Major Shadish. We had a loudspeaker system set up around our 
camp. The Chinese set it up. Over this was played recordings of 
these broadcasts. Also, to which their radio was connected and we 
would get radio Peiping intermittently as the political editorials 
would be to their liking and would also get some Chinese music 
occasionally. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know how they were conducted? 

Major Shadish, The l3roadcasts? I personally cannot state that. 
I don't know how they were conducted. I have my opinion but it is 
not factual so I will not state it. 

Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of January 1952 of the China Monthly 
Review, pages 70 and 72, it describes Thanksgiving in a POW camp. 
Do you have any recollection about that ? 

Major Shadish. That was 19 

Mr. Carpenter. 1952. 

Major Shadish. What month? 

Mr. Carpenter. January. 

Major Shadish. That was describing, I imagine, the Thanks^ving 
of 1951. This was at the time the negotiations were begiiming to 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1841 

look fairly fjood. "We were told by the Chinese thin<!:s were goinf^ well 
and we may be home witliin several months. Tliis time they bi-ouij;lit 
a lar^e amount of food, of meats, bread, candies, ci<2;arettes, some salii — • 
all kinds of things. They gave us a Thanksgiving party. It was 
fabulous to us at that time because we had not seen anything lilce it. 
Being back here at home it was not so hot. But the interesting thing 
about all that is this was a one-time affair. It happened on two 
Christmases and a Thanksgiving. It was interesting after this hap- 
]>ened, the negotiations deteriorated. That is about January of 1952. 
It a]ipeared to us after this, as after all the other ones, our rations 
for the next 3 months were cut into deeply to help pay for this feast 
which we had which was so widely publicized. 

IMr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, in the issue of July 1952 of the 
China Monthly Review, it argues against the rights of Korean and 
Chinese war prisoners to voluntary repatriation. In this connection, 
pages 24 and 25 cite article 118 of the Geneva Conference as follows : 
'•Prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated without delay 
after the cessation of active hostilities." It quotes article 7, "that 
prisoners under no circmiistances shall renounce in part or in entirety 
the rights secured by them by the present convention." Do you have 
any personal knowledge of how the Chinese Communists exploited 
the provisions of the Geneva Convention ? 

Major Shadish. Yes. It appeared to us they were using the Geneva 
Convention any time they were attempting to press a point. However, 
in our camp we constantly referred to the Geneva Convention and 
were told every time that the Chinese do not recognize the Geneva 
Convention in any manner. We pointed out when they brought out 
this article about prisoners not being able to renounce any of their 
riglits, we pointed out to them they were attempting — as a matter of 
fact, insisting that we were no longer members of the Armed Forces, 
we were liberated officers or liberated men, we were students and we 
were not members of the Armed Forces in any way. They attempted 
to make us feel this way. 

We pointed out they could not do it because we could not renounce 
our right. Our right was to still be a soldier and still to have our 
own jurisdiction among ourselves, et cetera. But this made no im- 
Dression whatsoever, although they used the same argument at 



1 



.vaesong. 



INIr. Carpenter. Were you allowed to sing our American songs, our 
national anthem? 

Major Shadish. We were forbidden to sing the national anthem, 
although with a group of men it is impossible to keep it down all the 
time. It would break out here and there. Men would be punished 
as ringleaders on each one of these occasions. It was interesting, a 
number of hymns were forbidden because it was felt these hymns 
were national and political in character. And thereby the chaplain 
was called over and told we would not sing hymns in the services 
unless he wrote out each hymn to be sung in longhand and take it 
over to the Chinese for approval. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record 
this copy of the China Monthly Review of January 1953, entitled 
"An Interview with Monica Felton — Stop the War." 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the 
record. 



1842 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 460" and follows :) 

Exhibit No. 4G0 

[From the China Monthly Review, January 1953] 

an interview with monica felton 

Stop the War! 

Monira Felton was the British representative of the Women's 
International Democratic Federation in the group which investi- 
gated conditions in North Korea in 1951. Returning to England, she 
made her findings liuown and took an active part in peace work. As 
a I'esult, she was dismissed from her Government job as head of a 
town planning commission. Mrs. Felton, who was awarded a Stalin 
International Peace Prize, made a second visit to Korea in September 
1952. 

She was interviewed by the Review at the Peace Conference of the 
Asian and Pacific Regions held in Peking last October, which she 
attended as a specially invited guest. In the interview, Mrs. Felton 
descrijjes her visit to a prisoner-of-war camp in North Korea and her 
impressions of the struggle being carried on by the Korean people. 

Question. Mrs. Felton, we understand that you visited a prisoner-of-war camp 
when you were in Korea. Could you tell us something about it? 

Answer. Yes, I spent a short time at Camp No. 5, which is in an incredibly 
picturesque spot on the Yalu River, with high mountains behind it. We crossed 
the river by ferry to the camp and found that two-thirds of a village had been 
given over to it. POW headquarters was about a mile from the village. Tliere 
was no barbed wire around the camp. The POW's were divided into sections — 
Americans, British, Colombian, Turkish, etc. — but all mixed freely in the village. 

Question. We've received quite a few letters from families of American POW's 
and many of them ask about the living conditions at the camp. What was your 
impression? 

Answer. They live in Korean houses, quite primitive, but clean. They sleep on 
mats on the floor, with blanket and hard pillow ; they told me it took a long time 
to get used to hard beds, but once used to it they found it adequate and good for 
their health. I think they keep warm in winter because the homes have a form 
of central heating. * * * Korea was the first country in the world to have it. 
The main part of the house is built up from the gi'ound, while the kitchen is on a 
lower level, and the flues go under the rest of the house, keeping the floors warm. 
The winters are extremely cold, but the men have quilted clothing. 

Question. Did the POW's say anything about the food? 

Answer. Yes, indeed. They said there was plenty of it, but that it was getting 
boring. Some of the British POW's said they were sick of the sight of pork. The 
sugar ration is IY2 pounds per month for each man, and they also have a cigarette 
ration. 

Question. What do they do all day to keep busy? Are there any facilities for 
sports and recreation? 

Answer. The POW's have organized ball teams, and there is fishing and swim- 
ming. Each camp has a library, with Mark Twain, Dickens, Soviet novels, and 
political literature. No compulsory political courses are given, but sliort talks, 
given by Chinese in good idiomatic English, on news items and general subjects 
are compulsory. A large Anglo-American study group has been organized, with 
courses on such subjects as public speaking and how to conduct meetings. 

Question. What was your impression of the way the POW's are being treated? 

Answer. I found that the Chinese try very hard to meet reasonable requests. 
For example, I learned that many POW's didn't want to write their families be- 
cause the envelopes had "Resist American Aggression" on them. I mentioned this 
to the Chinese, who thanked me, and the letters I received from POW's later came 
in envelopes marked only "airmail." 

Nearly all the POW's I met had been allowed to keep their personal posses- 
sions — watches, etc. Some described their march north to camp, when they were 
always given shelter, even though it meant turning Koreans out of their homes. 
* * * John Gaster, a British member of the International Association of Demo- 
cratic Lawyers, who visited a camp last spring, told the Chinese that they were 
doing too much for the prisoners, that Americans and British tend to look down 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1843 

tipon poople who servo tlioin. and tlmt tlioy shduld nmkp tlio I'OW's ^Y()l•k for 
theinsolvos. This isunmuT 1 louiul th:it the Ainerieaii and. British I'OWs were 
working, hiiildiiig their own chibhouse of materials supplied by the Chinese. 

Question. How do the TOW's you talked to feel about peace? 

Answer. They have their own peace niovenieiit. It was started in the spring 
of last year, with an Anu^rican officer as chairman and a British private as 
secretary. The I'OWs got to.nether and decided they wanted a p.eace orj^ani- 
zation, and they asked permission of the Korean Government to meet with other 
POW camps on this subject. They held jieneral peace meetings, with all camps 
participatinji'. and they're now issuing a peace mauaziue. 

I talked with six American BOW's and many British prisoners who were 
active in the peace movement. Thoy felt the majority of prisoners supported 
their views, and said they had learned from the Chinese how to analyze the 
objections of those who disagreed with them, and now they had a much better 
relationship with them. 

Question. Do they know about the truce talks? What do they feel about 
them? 

Answer. Yes, indeed, they know. They follow the progress of the talks 
very closely and they felt that they were phony and the United States was 
at fault for not reaching agreement long before this. All the POW's I talked 
to were convinced that the war had been started by the United States and 
South Korea. And their attitude toward the United States election campaign 
seemed to be that "one side's as bad as the other." 

Question. Did the POW's have any complaints? 

Answer. Yes; they complained about their mail. Before, all their letters 
had been sent through the China Peace Committee, and although mail was 
slow, it did get through. But now they said that all mail went via the truce 
negotiators and they felt that it wasn't getting through. I had talked with the 
mother of a British POW in England, who told me that she was regularly 
sending clippings to her son ; but when I met him in camp, he said he had 
never received any of them * * *. The British POW's particularly resent their 
mail being stamped "U. S. Army P. O." From several of them I got a list of 
letters sent and received, w'ith dates, wliich I shall check with their families. 

One young American POW described to me how the camp was bombed, in 
spite of the fact that its location w^as clearly marked by agreement between 
both sides. "But that," lie added bitterly, "didn't prevent them from killing 
and wounding our own fellows * * *. And when I went out next morning 
and saw the way the Koreans in the village looked at me, I could have sunk 
into the ground with shame * * *. What can we do to make certain that 
our own people know these things? When we get home, we'll tell them ourselves, 
but they ought to be told now * * *. 

Question. Did you talk with any of the United States Air Force men who had 
confessed to germ warfare? 

Answer. Yes; I met Lieutenant Quinn and found him to be very friendly 
and likable. As you know, he is a Catholic, and he told me that at first, when 
he was given books to read, he refused to look at them. One day he was handed 
the dean of Canterbury's Socialist Sixth of the World. The very thought of 
the Bed dean upset him, but there was nothing else of interest to read, so he 
began it, and then couldn't put it down. He said that book and Epstein's The 
Unfinished Revolution in China started him thinking. 

He seems to have a great sense of personal guilt for the part he took in 
germ warfare, and he talked about the conflict in his own mind, as he loves 
America and the American people, and feels a deep loyalty to his coimtry, 
which he described as "the best place in the world." But he was sure that: 
he had done the right thing in confessing his part in germ warfare, and is quite 
prepared to accept the consequences. 

He mentioned that he used to read a great deal about how drugs and torture 
were used in eastern European trials to get confessions, and then he grinned 
at me and asked, "Do I look as though I'd been drugged and tortured?" He 
felt certain that his family would support his stand. 

Question. When you visited Korea this time did you find any differences 
Since your last visit? 

Answer. Yes ; I found that Korea had changed in two significant respects. 
First, the fury of physical destruction had risen to new heights, and, second, 
the magnificent bravery of the ordinary people, which struck me so during my 
first visit, had taken on a quality of calmness, had become stronger. 



1844 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

In 1951, Pyongyang was already a ruin, but scattered skeletons of buildings 
afforded some shelter, and a dense population lived in tiny huts on the outskirts. 
But this year not even the skeletons of buildings remain, so savage have been 
the most recent attacks, and the hovels on the outskirts have also been pounded 
into dust * * * all that remains of such "military objectives" is scattered tiles, 
charred fragments of wood, a litter of broken pots, rags, an occasional broken 
toy. 

Question. And what's been the effect of these recent bombing raids? 

Answer. Well, on the morning of September 16 I went to see the results of 
the previous night's bombing. The bombs had fallen in a village of tiny houses, 
far from any building that could have been of the slightest military importance; 
yet the fields of onions and cabbages were torn with bomb craters. 

The wounded — most of them women and children — were still being carried to 
the hospital, and some of the dead were being lowered into roughly made coffins. 
Nearby, other bodies and fragments of human limbs still lay where the force of 
the blast had blown them. * * * i asked an old man if he had stayed in the 
dugout during the raid. "How could I stay in the shelter," he asked with a 
hint of reproof, "when I knew that other people were suffering what I have 
(suffered and that they might need my help?" 

This 68-year-old peasant Is a significant part of Korea today, because he is 
typical of the quiet courage and heroic determination that make up the spirit of 
a people who can never be defeated. I met that spirit all over North Korea. 

Question. How do you account for this courageous attitude of the people? 

Answer. I mentioned that the courage of the Korean people had taken on a 
quality of calmness. This calmness is the fruit of achievement which has been 
won during the past year in spite of incessant bombing. Life in Korea today 
not merely survives, but advances. The countryside is rich with a bumper 
harvest, and destroyed livestock is being replaced by skillful breeding. 

In Pyongyang itself a new life goes on underground, where productive work 
and even cultural activities are safe from bombing. Outside the city orphaned 
children are being nursed back to health with a loving care that is an example 
to the whole world. The women of Korea, whether caring for the children, 
tending the sick, or cultivating the fields, show a purpose, a strength and gaiety 
of spirit full of confidence in the future. 

The Korean people show courage in the highest and noblest sense; but it is 
courage in circumstances which the world must refuse to tolerate. The terror 
that stalks in Korea is a terror that can destroy the world as we know it. The 
war In Korea has gone on too long^far too long. The time has come for the 
peoples of the world to act, to put an end to it. 

Mr. Carpenter. Major, I have here a report on -which your name 
appears. I will ask you to tell us what it is and if that name in the 
report is the same as yours. 

Major Shadish. This report is a copy of the conversation which 
took place at a conference at the Surgeon General's office of the five 
surviving physicians who were prisoners of war in Korea. This con- 
ference was under the auspices of the Surgeon General. 

Mr. Carpenter. Your name appears there ? 

Major Shadish. It does, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. In what connection does your name appear? 

Major Shadish. My name is listed as one of the surviving physi- 
cians of the prisoner-of-war camp. 

The Chairman. One of the five ? 

Major Shadish. Five surviving; yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. I believe you also wrote an article for the American 
IMedical Journal entitled "Medical Experiences in Communist POW 
Camps in Korea." 

Major Shadish. This article was written by the five physicians 
again. 

Mr. Carpenter. I will ask this be made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It will go into the record and become part of the 
record. The same with the previous exhibit. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1845 

(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 461" and reads as 
follows:) 

Exhibit No. 401 

[From the Journal of the American Medical Association, September 11, 1954] 

Medical Experiences in Communist POW Camps in Korea* 

Maj. Clarence L. Anderson, MaJ. Alexander M. Boysen, Capt. Sidney Esensten, 
Capt. Gene N. Lam, and Capt. William R. Shadisb, Medical Corps, United 
States Army 

The following report constitutes a general recital of the experiences and 
observations of live American medical otiicers wlio were prisoners of war of the 
Communists in Korea. No attempt has l)een made to present this material as a 
scientific study. The period of observation started in July 1!)-jO and continued 
until September 1953, when the last group of prisoners of war was repatriated. 
A large part of the accumulated prisoner-of-war experience is included. Some 
of the smaller groups composed largely of men who were captured after January 
1, 1952, were not observed directly by any of the captured medical officers. 

THREE PHASES OF CAPTIVITY 

The entire period of captivity is divided into three general time phases. The 
first phase started with capture and ended with arrival in tlie first permanent 
camp. It was characterized by lack of food and shelter, forced marches, and 
exposure to the elements. IMen were forced to march througli snowstorms with- 
out adequate clothing or foot covering. Food was supplied and prepared by 
the local inhabitants. Frequently there was no food for 24- to 72-hour periods. 
The only water available for drinking was snow water from polluted sources, 
such as standing wells, creeks, and rice paddies. With few exceptions, the 
prisoners got to rear areas by marching and carrying the wounded, either on 
improvised litters or on tlieir backs. Injuries resulting from prolonged marches 
and exposure to cold were common. Dysentery made its first appearance. Medi- 
cal supplies were nonexistent, and treatment was limited entirely to first aid, 
using improvised splints and rag dressings. Most of the prisoners experienced 
severe mental depression. 

The second phase began with the arrival at the first permanent camp and 
ended about October 1951, when the first beneficial effects of the armistice nego- 
tiations were felt. This was a phase of profound deprivation of all the necessi- 
ties of life. The diet was grossly inadequate. The Thanksgiving, 1950, meal of 
one group of 500 men furnishes a typical example. Each man received a millet 
ball weighing less than 200 grams, and the wliole group was given soup prepared 
by boiling nine heads of cabbage in water. Group sanitation and personal 
hygiene were at their lowest levels. The men were housed in small, unhealed, 
overcrowded, vermin-infested Korean farm houses. No clothing was issued until 
July 1951. Medicine and medical care were inadequate, and morale reached its 
lowest ebb. In the face of all these conditions, sickness and death became the 
order of the day. 

The third phase began in October 1951 with gradually increasing quantities 
of food, clothing, and medicine. This period was characterized by many fluctu- 
ations in the attitude of the captors toward the prisoners, which appeared to 
follow changes in the political situation and the armistice conference. The diet 
remained inadequate in protein -and vitamin content. Housing was gradually 
improved to a point of relative comfort, and clothing was sufficient for .survival. 
Sanitary conditions, while never good, underwent a gradual improvement. Jled- 
ical care never became adequate. Avitamiuoses were prevalent. 

MEDICAL CARE 

The health of all United Nations prisoners was neglected tliroughout the period 
of captivity. Before the on.set of armistice negotiations the Communists showed 
no uniform desire to keep the prisoners alive. By the spring of 1951 the food 
shortage had become so acute that weeds growing adjacent to the prison com- 



1 Read before the section on military medicine at the 103d annual meeting of the Ameri- 
can Medical Association, San Francisco, June 24, l'J54. 



1846 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

pound were boiled and eaten. Most of the serious disease epidemics occurred 
during tlie first year of captivity. Pneumonia and dysentery were epidemic at this 
time. Some of the captured medical officers were allowed to see patients. Medi- 
cal and surgical supplies, however, were doled out on a day-to-day basis. The so- 
called hospital compounds were frequently the coldest buildings in the camp. 
The patients slept and lived on the floors of these filthy, crowded compounds. It 
was common for them to awaken in the morning and find that the man sleeping on 
either side had died during the night. No provision was made for the prisoners to 
he properly clothed, and their diet was always poor. At times they were put on 
a special diet consisting of an unseasoned preparation of soupy rice. 

Penicillin and the sulfonamides were available sporadically and in such small 
quantities that it was not possible to treat all who needed these drugs. On one 
occasion we were given 2 million units of aqueous penicillin for the treatment of 
approximately 100 cases of pneumonia. Our captors refused to allow more than 
6 grams of sulfonamide for the treatment of any single pneumonia patient. Fre- 
quently, the only medicaments available were cough tablets for pneumonia and 
charcoal tablets for dysentery. Surgical problems were handled in an equally 
haphazard manner. It was necessary to wait several weeks to obtain a few 
surgical instruments and the barest minimum of anesthetic materials. Incision 
and drainage of abscesses was usually carried out without anesthesia, by using 
improvised instruments, such as a knife made from the arch of a combat boot. 

Deaths. — Virtually all of the deaths in the Communist prisoner-of-war camps 
were caused directly or indirectly b.v starvation, exposure, and the harassment 
by the enemy. The lack of medicaments was not the most important factor. Dur- 
ing the first month or two of captivity most of the deaths occurred among the 
wounded. During the succeeding 3 to 5 months most of the men died either from 
pneumonia or dysentery, or from a combination of these two. After the first .^ or 
6 months of captivity the majority of deaths occurred among persons suffering 
from pellagra or beriberi. During one 5-month period there were between 5 and 
28 deaths per day in 1 camp in North Korea. None of these men had illnesses that 
would have caused death had they been under normal conditions. 

After October 19.51 the prisoners were put on a subsistence diet and were given 
sufficient clothing and reasonably warm housing. All of the men continiied to 
suffer from periodic loss of day and night vision, and bleeding from soreness of 
the mouth and lips. There were occasional cases of pneumonia and dysentery. 
Sickness and death became so common during the first year and a half of cap- 
tivity that the prisoners began to feel that any sickness would be fatal. In an 
attempt to overcome this attitude, the captured physicians coined a very unfortu- 
nate term, "give-up-itis." The use of this term had its desired immediate effect on 
the prisoners. It made them realize that the individual's fighting spirit had to 
be maintained at a high level for him to survive any illness. The term "give-up- 
Itis" has recently gotten wide circulation in the public press. The erroneous im- 
pression has been created that prisoners of war who were in good physical health 
gave up and died ; this is not true. Every prisoner of war in Korea who died had 
suffered from malnutrition, exposure to cold, and continued harassment by the 
Communists. Contributing causes to the majority of deaths were prolonged cases 
of respiratory infection and diarrhea. Under such conditions, it is amazing, not 
that there was a high death rate, but that there was a reasonably good rate of 
survival. 

Chinese phijsirinns.—Din-ms the STmiraer and fall of 19."51 all of the British 
and American doctors were gradually replaced by Chinese. Most of the Chinese 
doctors exhibited a wide range of medical incompetence. Most of them had a 
maximum of 6 months' foi-mal schooling, and we saw only one physician who 
appeared to be well trained. The Chinese doctor who was put in the most 
responsible position was one who was best oriented politically. The average 
Chinese doctor who conducted sick call in the prisoner-of-war camps elicited only 
the chief complaint and prescribed medicine for symptomatic relief. It was a 
general rule that only one symptom would be treated at a time ; therefore, if a 
patient siiffered from night blindness and diarrhea, it was necessary for him to 
decide which of these complaints was bothering him more before he went on sick 
call. He would not be treated for both conditions. 

The Communists introduced us to several unusual types of medical treatment. 
One Chinese doctor used a series of short needles attached to spring vibrators for 
the treatment of pain. The needles were placed in the skin around the painful 
area and then were made to vibrate. As one might suspect, some cases of back 
pain and headache were cured by this treatment. At one time a Chinese doctor 
decided that all of our visual disturbances were caused by glaucoma. He 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1847 

Injected liypertonio sodium rhloride solution suliconjuuctivnlly. Annllier notMl)le 
treatment was tised for avitaminosis. Rile was obtained from the gallbladders 
of pigs when they were butc'here<l, and it was tlien disiiciised to all who com- 
plained of vitamin deficiemw diseases. This troatmcMit had its desired elTect in 
keeping patients away from sick call. In the sunnner of l!)r»l a gi'eat Russian 
panacea was used in treating rs seriously ill patients. This consisted of the sub- 
cutaneous transplant of small pieces of chicken liver that had been incubated 
in a weak solution of penicillin. These patienis were immediately put on an 
attractive, hiuh calorie, higli jirotein, hlch vitamin diet. In all cases, the chicken 
liver either slouglied through the operative site or )u>came a hard, tender nodule. 
None of these men died, and we were thus allowed to witness another miracle 
of Soviet medical science. 

INDOCTRINATION 

The most important single consideration that plac(>d the prisoners of war in 
North Korea apart from any other group of American prisoners of war wag 
Communist indoctrination. This Indoctrination had a profound effect on the 
general health of the group. The medical profession and the American people 
as a whole have a great deal to learn from a study of the techniques, pui'poses, 
and effectiveness of Communist indoctrination as it was used on Americans in 
North Korea. There is no reason to believe that the Communist indoctrination 
techniques that were used on the prisoners of war were dilferent in any way 
from the general pattei'u of indoctrination that is being used in Communist- 
dominated countries today. It is important to realize that every aspect of the 
daily life of the prisoner, from the moment of capture to the time of release, was 
part of the general plan of indoctrination. At the time of capture, each prisoner 
was given the general theme of indoctrination : "We are your friends. Your con- 
ditions of living are bad now, but we will work together to improve them. We 
will correct the errors in your thinking. Once you have learned the truth, we 
will send you back to your families." 

Steps in indoctrination. — The first necessary step was to break down the normal 
resistance to an alien ideology. This was accomplished by keeping the prisoners 
cold, hungry, and in a state of disorganized confusion until each person realized 
that resistance meant starvation and death. It was emphasized repeatedly that 
the prisoners were no longer members of the armed forces of their nation, and all 
attempts to maintain a military organization were harshly punished. The plan- 
ners of this indoctrination program did not condone the shooting of large num- 
bers of prisoners. Instead, they resorted to starvation and exposure to cold. 
After a few months of this treatment the resistance of the survivors had softened. 
The second phase of indoctrination consisted of an intensive formal study pro- 
gram. For a period of approximately 1 year, most of the waking hours of the 
prisoners were spent in some form of supervised study. Food was gradually 
improved and more clothing was issued. It was made painfully clear to each 
prisoner that living conditions would be improved only so long as there was no 
resistance to the study program. The formal study program consisted of an 
endless repetition of tw^o main themes ; first, that the United States Government 
is imperialistic, run by and for the wealthy few, and, second, that communism 
reflects the aims and desires of all the people and is the only true democracy. 
The main propaganda technique that was used was ceaseless repetition of the 
main theme. 

During the third phase all formal studies were stopped. The groundwork had 
been laid, and, to a large extent, the purposes of the indoctrination program had 
been fulfilled. Books, pamphlets, and newspapers became available in quantity. 
During this time, the Chinese conducted many individual and small group inter- 
views. They attempted to find points of individual susceptibility on such grounds 
as race, religion, or economic status. The most intensive subject for special 
indoctrination was the bacteriological warfare hoax. Throughout the period 
of captivity there were many instances of individual brutality. Solitary confine- 
ment, beatings, withholding food and w\ater, and exposure to cold were com- 
mon punishment. Resistance leaders were taken away from the main body of 
prisoners and kept either in solitary confinement or in small groups of recalci- 
trants. No one escaped the indoctrination program. When a captured medical 
ofiicer stated that he had no interest in politics, he was told, "Up to this time 
your education has been incomplete. You have only learned how to cure. We 
Communists will teach you whom to cure." 

Purposes. — The indoctrination program had a twofold purpose; fir.st, the 
selection and conversion of susceptible persons, and, s;>c:>nd, group neutraliza- 



1848 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

tion. During the first year of captivity there was a continual regrouping of 
prisoners in an attejnpt to isolate resistance groups. They were separated 
according to rank and later according to national and racial groups. There 
were a few persons who eventually accepted the Communist ideology, but they 
constituted only a small minority of any single group. The second purpose of 
indoctrination, group neutralization, was far more important and somewhat 
more successful. The Communists fostered discontent and distrust within the 
groups. So long as there was no unity of purpose, there could be no effective 
resistance. 

COMMENT 

The experiences of this group, therefore, form a valuable basis for the under- 
standing of Communist aims and techniques. Most persons in the United States 
are probably guilty of a certain smugness about the possibility of conununism 
actually taking over our country. It is worth while to keep in mind two well- 
known facts : First, no country has ever been taken over by Communists because 
the majority of the people iu that country wanted it ; second, no country once 
it has been taken over by communism has ever reverted to another form of 
government. Communist tyranny has been maintained by the application of 
indoctrination techniques similar in every respect to those that were practiced on 
the prisoners of war in North Korea. A relatively small group of Commvmists 
with a definite plan would have little difiiculty in wresting power from a govern- 
ment that is paralyzed by a coalition of small groups concentrating on their own 
shortsighted self-interests. 

The people of the United States must realize that the spread of communism 
anywhere iu the world, whether by armed aggression or by internal infiltration, 
constitutes a direct threat to our survival as a nation. Americans must work 
against communism by being vigilant ; they must work for democracy by con- 
stantly striving toward the democratic ideal of an enlightened people participat- 
ing in their government. Physicians have an influence that is out of proportion 
to their numbers. That influence should be used to fight communism by intel- 
ligently promoting democracy. 

Mr. Carpenter. That is all. 

The Chairman. You may stand aside. Thank you very much, 
Mr. Powell will come forward, please. 

Do you swear that the testimony given in this hearing will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and notliing but the truth, so help you God? 
]\Ir. Powell. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN W. POWELL, SAN PEANCISCO, CALIF., ACCOM- 
PANIED BY ATTORNEY LEONARD B. BOUDIN, NEW YORK 

Mr. Powell. Mr. Chairman, I would just as soon not have the light, 
please. 

The Chairman! All right. We will ask the photographers to turn 
their lights off for the witness. You may keep your lights on the 
committee. 

]Mr. Powell. I would just as soon not have pictures now. I will be 
happy to jDose for pictures after the hearing. 

The CiiAHjMAN. We will comply with your reques.t. We will ask 
the photographers not to take pictures at this time. 

State your full name to the committee. 

Mr. PoAVELL. Jolm W. Powell. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside, Mr. Powell ? 

Mr. Powell. 1015 Carolina Street, San Francisco. 

The Chairman. What is your business or profession ? 

]\Ir. Powell. Lecturer and writer. 

Tlie Chairman. Mr. Boudin, will you give your full name for the 
record. You came here as counsel ? 



DnrEKLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1849 

Mr. P>orDiN. Loonnrd B. Boiulin. S.") Broad Street. New York. IVfay 
I liave tliose liirlits turned oil' as vou instructed i 

The Chairman. Please turn tlie lights olf, gentlemen. 

AVhat firm are you witli ? 

Mr. BouDiN, Shapiro, Rabinowitz & Boudin. 

The Chaihman. IIow long liave you been with this firm? 

ISIr. BouDix. Why do you ask that ? 

The Chairmax. Because I want the information ? 

INIr. Boumx. But I am not a witness here, am I ? 

The CiiAiKMAX. You are appearing here as counsel as a privilege, 
not as a right. If you do not want to cooperate, you will be excused. 

INIr. BouuiN. I will answer, but I must say I resent your inquiry. 

I have been a member of the firm for 7 years. 

The CiiAiRMAx. Proceed. 

Mr. Carpexter. Where were you born ? 

Mr. Powell. In Shanghai, China. 

Mr. Carpexter. When? 

Mr. Powell. July 3, 1919. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long have you lived in China ? 

Mr. Powell. About 15 years. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you live part of your lifetime in the United 
States? 

Mr. Powell. The remainder, yes. 

Mr. Carpexter. When did you first come to the United States ? 

Mr. Powell. I su])pose in 1920. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long did you stay in the United States when 
you arrived here in 1920 ? 

Mr. Powell. Until about 1926 when I returned to Cliina for 1 
year, approximately. 

Mr. Carpenter. And then you returned back to the United States ? 

Mr. Poavell. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. What year, 1926 ? 

Mr. Powell. I guess it was probably 1927 when I returned. 

Mr. Carpenter^ How long did you stay in the United States that 
time? 

Mr. Powell. I was back here in school in Missouri until 1940, and 
I went to China again for a year and I worked tliere as a newspaper- 
man. Then I returned again to the United States in 1941. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did you go to school ? 

Mr. Powell. I went to public schools in Hannibal, Mo. I think I 
went 1 year to the American School in Shanghai, the rest of the time 
to public schools in Hannibal, Mo., and the University of Missouri 
School of Journalism. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you graduate from there? 

Mr. Powell. Xo. The war interrupted. I left there in the spring 
of 1942. 

I would like, if I may 

The Chatrmax. Were you in the armed services ? 

Mr. Powell. No, I was not in the armed services. 

The Chairman. I do not quite understand your answer. You said 
the war interrupted your education. 

Mr. Powell. I wanted something to do at this point. As I told you 
this morning in the executive session, I was called up and I had a 

32918°— 54— pt. 23 8 



1850 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

physical deferment and I got tired of staying back in school. I wanted 
to do something so I had a chance''to work for the Government. 

The Chairman. Whom did you go with in Government ? 

Mr. Powell. I Avas first employed by the Federal Communications 
Commission in their foreign broadcast monitoring service. 

The Chairman. Who was your superior ? 

]\Ir. Pow^ELL. As I told you, I do not recall exactly at this time. 
It was early 1942 and a great number of people were being brought 
into Washington. 

The Chairman. How long did you stay with the FCC ? 

Mr. Powell. About 6 or 7 months. 

The Chairman. Then where did you go ? 

Mr. Powell. Then I transferred to the Office of War Information. 

The Chairman. How long were you with them ? 

Mr. Pow^ELL. From that period until the early fall, I believe it was, 
ofl9i5. 

The Chairman. Who was your superior there ? 

Mr. Powell. The main superior I had when I was in China with 
the OWI was a Mr. Fisher who was the head of the office there. 

The Chairman. IVlio was his successor ? 

ISIr. Powell. There were a series of people. He was the man in 
charge during most of the time, for approximately the 2 years I was 
there. The last, oh, perhaps 6 months or a little more after the war 
in Europe ended, a large number of new personnel came and there 
were many shifts of people. As I told you this morning, you asked 
me specifically. Mr. Holland was there. He was there at one time. 

The Chairman. Who was the head of OWI when you first became 
employed ? 

Mr. Powell. The overall head ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

]\Ir. Powell. Elmer Davis. 

The Chairman. Who were your references to OWI on your appli- 
cation ? 

Mr. PoAVELL. I do not recall this at all, but I imagine we could 
probably find out. I assume there were probably other newspapermen 
I knew, probably journalism school professors. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to read this statement that I handed 
to you in the executive session this morning. 

The Chairman. That has been submitted to the committee. We 
have a rule it must be filed 1 day before appearance. We will take a 
statement for consideration. 

Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

]Mr. Carpenter. You say you were with the War Information in 
Shanghai. 

Mr. Powell. The Office of War Information. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did you serve in China with the OWI? 

Mr. Powell. I guess for the longest period in Chungking, but I 
was also in Kweilin for a while and in Kunming for a while. I 
traveled some other places, but those were the three main places. 

Mr. Carpenter. Then what did you do ? 

Mr. Pow^ell. I left the OWI to resurrect my father's magazine in 
Shanghai. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the name of your father's magazine? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1851 



INIr. Powell. TIio Cliiiia "Wooldy Eoview. 

Mr. Carpenter. AMiat was your father's name? 

Mr. Powell. J. B. Powell. 

Mr. Carpenter. And he had resided in China for some considerable 
time ? 

JNlr. Powell. For about 25 years. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record 
the statement of the Federal service of John W. Powell when he was 
connected with the OWI. 

The Chahiman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The documents were marked "Exhibits Nos. 462, 462-A, and 4G2- 
B*- and appear below:) 

Exhibit No. 462 

United States Civil Service Commission, 

Service Record Division, 
Washington 25, D. C, August 6, 195.'f. 

Statement of Federal Service 

Name : Powell, John W. 
Date of birth : 7-3-19. 

Authority for original appointment (Examination from which appointed or 
other authority — Executive order, law, or other exemption) : War Service — Regu- 
lation V. 



ElTective 
date 



Nature of action 



Position, grade, salary, etc. 



Apr. 21,1942 



Oct. 16,1942 

Dec. 10,1942 
Dec. 11,1942 



June 16,1943 

Nov. 1,1943 
Dec. 1, 1945 



War Service Indefinite Appointment. _ 

Promotion 

Separation-Transfer 

Appointment by Transfer 

Arrival at Post 

Promotion 

Separation (Voltmtary) (Personal 
Reasons). 



Editorial Assistant, CAF-7, $2,600 per annum, 
Federal Communications Commission, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Junior Assistant Editor, CAF-9, $3,200 per 
annum. 

Field Representative, $3,800 per annum, Office 
for Emergency Management, Office of War 
Information, New York, New York. 

Field Representative, .$3,800 per annum. Office of 
War Information, Overseas Operations Branch, 
Chungking, China. 

Field Representative (Information Specialist), 
$4,600 per aiuium. 

Information Specialist, $5,000 per aimum. 



A. M. Deem, 
Chief, Audit Section, 

The above transcript of service history does not include all salary changes, 
Intraagency transfers within an organizational unit not involving changes from 
one official headquarters or duty station to another, and promotions or demotions, 
since Federal agencies are not required to report all such actions to the 

Commission. 



1852 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



Exhibit No. 462-A 



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ftwciaa6M w ^afl*atfaMCMtfMMfcWg3fa.^M«fltt^ 



INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1853 




1854 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



■•*r**'«'flnwvAWAS««»^*flW 



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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1855 




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185G 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 






Exhibit No. 4G2-B 

UNITED STATES CIV.L SERVICE COMMISSION 

WASHINGTON D C. 



PERSONAL HISTORY STATEMENT ^/ /H^ 

JMPORTANT jl '' 
indicate: 

Akii.cv it />) / I I . y 

n^|..irlm.-iil ^^ CU Ky 



ThU form tnuAl be eiecute<i in thr applicant'* own hanHwritinfi, in ,, 

Ink. If «ddilional npacc in needed for an> itrm in thi« form, riilrif. | APPl'fan' ""!»« indicate 

pbould be rontioued on « separate sheet, each entry numbered to cor- I 
r eayon d to the numbe r of th e question on the form. 

i. Natni- (Print) 
2- Addrrxs: 



3. Place of hirth: ' " ~ " ' r^^-r^-. _^,. ^ . 



if a iiiiirni <1 \*<-tu:if.. KIM full iii;iii|i'n i.jiit^ 



t roumry) 



5. (a) Name of father: 

(rt Place aud date of his birth: 



4 Date of l.irth 



llA /.-y.n.i.. _ , J ,i:,,.^ ./^//^^' 



6. (a) Kftme of mother (including foaiden name): 

(e) Place and date of her birtnl 
NAiVA//I,AL (CUT) /// 55/^/^/ (M»i>) 



ft <>•:> Fitful - /^« /«■»/?/ iSt-zJ^/; /A, ;?/.»//- 4t,r 

_/i'i.U' ^a^a/r •/i'i 'f /?A /. 



'Tfz 



(4) AdcJrc»i> //A^f^/Vi>; PA-iliirt hAi : b/r, /^ />,y 



^Ji-fX^- |M..DlH> __^^ "">' /,ZS.^ 



7. If foreign-hwni, give the following iaformation. 


Ic) Nttiiii- i>f » '-(MM.-! »ir ottiiT nii-an* 
arrival 




(a) Date of arrival in U. 8.: 


(6) Port of icitry 


'4 


(HoDlb) (Day) (Year) 








(d) Flace of naturalizatioo: 


(e) Dat«- of naturalization. 


{ft Court uf 1 aturalizatioii. 




(City) (6l»U) 








(t) Naturalizatioa oertificate No.: 


(A) Name under which natnratizL-d: 








(iiral 


(Mi'lrlli'l (I.n.^t> 





8. If citiieiiahip was derived through parent or through marriage, give foUowing mforntalion regarding prrM^n thr.>iigh Rhum citiz(»iM 

ship wae derived: 
(a) Name and relationship: 



(c) Date of arrival in V. &.: 



(d) Port iif entry 



(W If hu-band, rtatu aud place of marriaii^ 



(«) Naiuf of \e.%3el or uii.'-r rnean> of 
ai.ival 



(J) FHace of natur&lizatioa: 

(CUy) 



'fi Dale of [ibtiirulutstion. 



(A) Court of naturalization; 



U) Nttturalizati'in ciriilicatt Nt». 



I ij* '^^""' »iM(li r which hai'irali/.c'i. 



0. EducattoQ. — Give in the blanks below a detailed statement of your cducaiicm. iiichniiti^ divtt-f 



(a) Grammar school: Attended 
tKmEt.b. xUC 






7 %.h. IliVh(_>l \Lttr ct>i i.('i> ti.d ^_f^ /H-.. Wirt;jou uraduatL-d*^*? 



(c) College or trade or technical school (name and location); Kind nf course pursued, aiid degn,-es, if anv, received. 



Atteided from 5k^ l.f ,^/.. to J).f>.X-.: > '^■^?- ^^A h..S..A'A.U5.M.. 

....r^t... Were you 

graduBted?.-r3*^.. ,.„... 



Highest year completed . 



(I) 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1857 



10. E\pcr[fnoe.— Hclow, ffWn a rUt^ment (n ebronoTorfcAl order of all your ezporicnc<>, h^lnniar wrlthrour Arwt fuU-tfiD* eaaproyw 
tDCht »nil inctudiitK your pttf^nt rmployrnent. Any f>cnoHfl of unemploj raent should bo ftccounU^d for. Wve  ilrrori and auaem of 
|vn>on;« with whom you \i\cd duritiK ^uch periods. If io the iiiihtftry or nAval servicr during the poat 5 y6*rs. ffive nuaot of orgAols^ 
liniiM, and dato and location of eenico w ith each; and place, date, type of discharge, and rank at the time of oiiictiarge. 



PlMv of riDploymcot 



t;tat«: 



p_C. 



City 
Stale; 



.City: 
(Half. 



From: 

(Mo> (Vr*n 

From: 

(Mol (Yr«rl 

From; 

(Mil) (Vi-ftf) 



City 
KtlU: 



« 



"ii>nR\. 



ity: 



6ut<t- 



City: 



Stat«: 



City: 



State: 



City 
tut*: 



Dttr o( rmplftypirm 



To; 



^♦^ /^^ 



iMo) ' (YcaJl 

Frum; 



(Mo> (Yew) 

To: ^ 

From; 



<Mo.) 
To: 



(Yo«r> 



From: 



I Mo.) 
To: 



(Mo) 
To: 



Nunc and addmt of « oploircr 






I (,6 iu^.<>jUvt4; 
ITU -Sfi/^Nfh/ii 
15. 3^;if, 



pMltfna tod »Iw7 






NunM, poaiiloQf. tod 
oil* KlparvUor ftad oc 
«mpk>]raicol 



tddrMi of 
I t mt \ T\v \ la Mch 









lUMoni for Iravloj (U dll> 
ch»iTr»'l Of (oir*rt (# 
mtan. Ktv0 d«t*ltod •(• 

■beat U DMded) 









X.5. 5'Tv.)'/^ 
i»4 p^^v* >*-'• 



(IF AnniTlONAL SPACE IS RFQllRED FOR FXPERIENCE. CONTINIE ON ANOTHER PAOE) 



II Indicate marital status by chock: 

Single S Married D 
Widowed U Divorced G 



12. [f married, give name of husband (or wife — maiden name of wife should be given): 



13. Place and date of birth of husband lor wife): 

iriiyt (Suit) 



\\. If divorced, give following details: 

(a ) (Date) (Month) (Yi -ar) 

(<f) Were v«u plaintiff or defendant? 

\h. Names and relationships of dependeDts: 



WTiiseT 



(iHr) 



(c) Name of court: 



(Yiat) 



(e) Grounds on which action was based: | (/) If minor childrea or alimODy iavolved- 

five judgment of oourt with recpeei 
hereto: 



List all outfitaudmg debt«, and to wbom owed: 



1858 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 






-«t"-*-^>e.A*»y; 






^g^ ^:ci*. ^— .^^ ^ -**-^^^*^^ 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1859 














.^S^ of i 



jS^^ljl / f ya- - A^. Z/^'i- - cd^^^C^pj?. ^ 










1800 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



I 

4 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



18G1 






9i I/M^fltwd 



1li."'&>v« roa •*« >»n> MiJiHU^ 



OT BAde MriflUBAOt 

f or b«osQk«( «t«dttorT 



(«) ..iii^i^... 



\, nrii M lUta, pUtM, •eurt, ameoBt of Mch Judenwnt aod flnal dli|MMlUoDt 




(Ue (iftto, um«, aod lo«>Um H owut: 



you UM aleoboUo lMTen(<* to 
esoasf 



•leoboUc bovornee* U> eiosn? 
....fTlAd 

(YMarVo) 

!U. BsT« fou evsr baen •rR<t«d, eodyor eonv 

lav, poUw ragiiUtlon, or ordliuaes wh»l*o«verl .j^*^-- 

If ao, list «Mb vi«ct, (ivlns (Ute, C(e at the tli&a, pUM, court, ehwss, utd <U«- 
poiitloa: 



(c) t>&t« of discharge in 
banliruptcyr 



Sl.'I/ 70U Lara MHwend "Y«'' to eiOier 
Question 19 or 20, explain briefly: 



h. Liat ' aia godaral C WiT BerTJoe appUc atloargiar»5arKawarCiva Service eiamiDatioM taken, giviiig namo o? eiamioaUon. data! 
. and grade leoelved: 



^ LIrt nJEmben s^ your family or relatives in any port of tlio Cioverumeot eervice, giving names, addreaaea, relfitiooehip, and branch 

<" "^« M.S. I71.A5 \iy. 6f/J ^ARJII^^ S T. LA/h/cuiH /J/J/i .;^A//£ *.///, . /1c/. 



I, addretses, relationaliip, and oeeupatioo «f 



M. Lilt memberToir yinir family or reiativee reaiding in any foreign oouutry, giving 
eaob: 



/<^'^^r-vw» 



3$. Ai» you a member of any Communist or German BiiiU organmatioa or any political party or orRanjistion whicli advocatea tlia 
everthrow of our constitutioDal form of jtoverameat in tfca Uniicd States, or do you have meiaberahip in, or any affiliation witb, 
any group, aasociatlon, or orEaniiatioa which advocatoa, or lends support to any organisation or moveioeiit advocating, tbo 

overthrow at our constitutional form of govenunent In the United Stateaf .^./::t3r:Z.<fi..-.__ 

(Ym or Nfl) 

It *o, Dams the organization: 

G1t« eomplete details in the space immediately below, or 00 a (beat to b« attached berato. 



1862 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

4 

97. ttst V6ur raldeoMa duriog ths past S y«an, tndudtiig jw» pii>senl local additM. Qiv« aba ttw dudm of, ud fl» prCient. 
•ddreuos of, two nearaat nelghbora in cMb osae; w Uia naioM of rfoauoataa, fsUow-lodcna, laodkitda, or raalty oooqwoltiL 

From .9c C . ...i^4// ... to .Trr-„„ a .....€?. ^.fif.!i^^...,J^.yjaJ^..l.^X 

Neighbor: 1 .._.... ....,-:5f2^R:T:;^rf. „ 



3. 



fri^l.bun.: \. ..LlOM.., ^A -.*. » . ^- . * -ySs^*f:^^ 7 .3 .C!jr.^...„..Su 






(Mr>oih> (Yrtr) (Moou> Viokt)^' (Nasbv) (Stniil) (Oil?) (Bteu) * ~^ 

Neighbor.: I. }j^^^A^..t!:t^^r^^t!^'^:..^..^ 



uaana) 



(Mouih) (Yf«) (MoaU) (Yw) ^^^tuM) (atnit) (Cltr> ^ (titu) 

NciKlibow: 1. /%**.. r-^^irr^.^^^^ .Ul /J t! iX- 



(Addtt^ 

2. _.. 



(citn (tuu) 



(NUM) (AdllKB) 

From ^X^Jiil... to .^fi^Yy^JS^.. at .../^/.-? ^.ayf^....^iffi:..„^^t:^^^:;:xiA^. 

(Niiollil (Ymt) (Maolb) CYaer) (Numbo) (StraM) (Ollr) (St^) 

Neighbor.: I. Zi^^ •..^•..7?...5:?:?^;*:2<?1 .'.i .':/ .!.? Kl KX 



\^^<!^^^^r^.^.itl3lk3r^^^ .....!..'. v.: 



(Nimfi " (Addnii) -~..— .— . . .--- 



" "(Moii'liiV (Viii) VMoihV '(Y«ir) """(Nnii'bor)"™ (Blfwl)""" "* <oitr)" 

(Niini) — — ~ -— — • — liibmSt "*"" 

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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1SG3 

]Mi'. Carpexter. "Was your father still living when you left the 
OAVI, and ^vas he still actively engaged in newspaper work in China? 

Mr. Powell. He was still living and he was somewhat active. He 
was not too active. As some of you gentlemen may recall, he had a 
verj' rough time with the Japanese who arrested him and imprisoned 
hiuL It resulted in his being crippled and hastened his death. He 
remained in the United States. He made one trip to Japan to testify 
at the war-crimes trials. He was able to write and do some work 
although he did not return to China after the war. 

JNIr. Caepexter. And when did he die? 

Mr. Powell. In 1947. 

Mr. Carpenter. And did you take over the operation of the China 
"Weekly Eeview ? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. At a later date it became the China Monthly Ee- 
view ; is that right ? 

]\Ir. Powell. That is right. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you were the editor in chief and responsible 
for the policy of the China Weekly Eeview and later the China 
Monthly Eeview ? 

]\Ir. PowTSLL. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, when you entered the Federal em- 
ployment, did you take a loyalty oath ? 

Mr. Powell. I do not know. What did we have then ? 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you take an oath to support and defend the 
Constitution of the United States? 

Mr. Powell. I presumably did. I do not recall clearly now what 
the various papers were we filled out at that time. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever violated that oath? 

Mr. Pow^ELL. I do not think so. What is the oath ? Do you have 
the oath there ? 

The Chairman. Eead the oath to the witness. 

JVIr. Carpenter (reading) : 

I, the undersigned, do solemnly swear or affirm that the statements made by 
me to the foregoing questions are true and correct to the best of my knowledge 
and belief, so help me God. 

I take it you are a supporter of the Constitution of the United 
States of America. 

Mr. Powell. Yes, indeed. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever violated the obligations of a citizen 
of the United States of America ? 

Mr. Powell. No. If I signed this oath, I am in the habit of telling 
the truth. 

]Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, are you a member of the Communist 
Party of the United States of America? 

]\Ir. Powell. Well, gentlemen, I do not think it is within your 
province to ask me a question of such a personal political nature. I 
do not think I am called upon to tell you whether I am a Eepublican 
or a Democrat or a Communist or anything else. 

The Chairman. We are not asking you whether you are a Eepubli- 
can or a Democrat, Mr. Powell ; we are asking you whether or not you 
are a member of the Communist Party. 



1864 INTERLOCKING" SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Powell. I think my political beliefs are my own. I think the 
first amendment to the Constitution covers my rights to belief and 
thought and speech. 

The Chairman. Mr. Powell, this committee does not recognize your 
refusal to answer under the first amendment of the Constitution. You 
will answer the question. 

]\Ir. Powell. I am sorry. I must respectfully decline to answer 
under the constitutional privileges granted me in the fifth amend- 
ment. 

The Chairman. Why ? 

Mr. Powell. Because the constitutional privilege of the fifth 
amendment does not compel me to be a witness against myself. 

Senator Johnston. So you consider if you answer this question 
you might be a witness against yourself? 

Mr. Powell. I stand on my answer, sir. 

The Chairman. All right. The committee recognizes your refusal 
under the fifth amendment for the reasons stated. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are you now and have you ever been a member 
of the Communist Party of China ? 

Mr. Powell. I would repeat my answer to the previous question. 

Mr. Carpenter. As an editor of the China Monthly Review, you 
were fully responsible for the contents of the magazine; is that cor- 
rect? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you state in the issue of January 1952 that 
the editorial pages presented the opinions of the editor? 

Mr. Powell. I recall we had some statement, I believe, to about 
that effect. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did any others share responsibility with you? 

Mr. Powell. No. I was the editor. I just told you. 

Mr. Carpenter. Here is the oath you took : 

Application for Federal employment, paragraph 17 : Did you advocate or have 
you ever advocated or are you now or have you ever been a member of any 
organization that advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United 
States by force or violence? 

Your answer to that was "No." 

Did you take such an oath ? 

The Chairman. Mr. Attorney, please let the witness respond. We 
want his testimony. If he wants to confer with you, all right; but 
please do not voluntarily talk with him. 

Mr. BouDiN. I said the witness, when you did not see him a mo- 
ment ago, has raised a question with respect to this line. 

Mr. Powell. Mr. Carpenter started to read it and I turned to my 
counsel. 

Mr. BouDiN. May the witness consult with me ? 

The Chairman. He may. 

Let the record show the witness consults with his attorney before 
responding to the question. 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. Do you have any objection to my consulting? 

The Chairman. None at all. 

INIr. Powell. O. K. 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 



INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1865 

Mr. Powell. Well, I told you before that I am in the habit of tellin<»: 
the truth, but I have declined to answer a couple of questions here and 
now you are bringing this thing up which bears very much on the 
same subject. 

The Chairman. This is not a thing. This is your oath you took 
when you became a Federal employee. 

Mr. PowKLL. I would like to finish please. I rather view this, since 
it deals with the same subjects on which I took the privilege a moment 
ago — it seems to me this is sort of going around the back door to get 
an answer to the same questions which I declined to answer. 

The Chairmax. "Were you a member of the Communist Party at the 
time you took that oath ? 
^ Mr. Powell. That I decline to answer. 

The Chairmax. Your answer on the application is "No." Is that 
a true answer? 

Mr. Powell. As I have told you, I do not wish to go any further 
than this. 

The Chairman. Is it a true answer? You can answer yes or no. 

Mr. Powell. It is obviously around the back door. 

The Chairman. It. is not. It is a very simple question. Did you 
answer truthfullv when vou took that oath when your answer was 

Mr. Powell. I told you before, there is a certain subject, there is an 
area of questioning which I do not care to answer under the fifth 
amendment, and I stand on that. 

The Chairman. On November 23 — let me ask you again — 1942, you 
took an oath. Beading part of that oath — 

Par. 17. Do you advocate or have you ever advocated or are you now or have 
you ever been a member of any organization that advocates the overthrow of the 
Government of the United States by force or violence? 

What is your answer to that ? 

Mr. Powell. I will repeat my answer that I will take the privilege 
under the fifth amendment as previously stated on questions in this 
category. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Sourwine, did you have a question? 

Mr. Sourwine. If I may. 

The Chairman. You may. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Powell, when you were asked if you had ever 
been a member of the Communist Party of China, you said you re- 
peated your previous answer but your previous answer had several 
parts to it. You had claimed immunity under the first amendment. 
Do you attempt to claim immunity under the first amendment from 
answering the question as to whether you were a member of the 
Communist Party of China ? 

Mr. Powell. My previous answer, I declined the answer under the 
provisions of the first amendment and the chairman said he did not 
recognize the first amendment. So I then said I declined under the 
constitutional privilege of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Sourwine. I know what happened as well as you do. 

Mr. Powell. I would give the same answer to this question. 

32918°— 54— pt. 23 9 



1866 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I am asking you specifically whether you claimed 
any first-amendment privilege in refusing to answer the question as 
to whether you were a member of the Communist Party of China. 

Mr. Powell. Yes, I do; and I also claim my position, my constitu- 
tional privilege. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you think the Communist Party of China is a 
political and ideological organization ? Do you think you as an Amer- 
ican have a right, a constitutional right, to belong to the Communist 
Party of Cliina ? 

Mr. Po^v^:LL. I think that these questions are again in an area which 
1 am not prepared to discuss with you gentlemen. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any opinion as to whether you have a 
constitutional right as an American citizen to belong to the Commu- 
nist Party of China ? 

Mr. Powell. I must give you the same answer. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean you do not have any such opinion or you 
refuse to answer the question ? 

Mr. Powell. I decline t<J answer the question. 

Mr. Sourwine. Pardon? 

Mr. Powell. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Sourwine. Why? 

Mr. Powell. Because, as I said before, under the first amendment 
I believe that my associations and beliefs and freedoms of thought 
and speech are protected from investigation by you in this place. 

Mr. Sourwine. The question was not about your associations ; the 
question was about whether you had an opinion on your constitu- 
tional right. 

Mr. Powell. Yes ; I have an opinion. My opinion is that I have a 
constitutional right not to answer under the provisions of the first 
amendment. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have the constitutional right not to answer the 
question as to whether you belong to the Communist Party of China. 

Mr. Powell. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you claiming that right only under the first 
amendment ? 

Mr. Powell. I am claiming that under the first amendment. Will 
you rule on it ? 

The Chairman. This committee does not recognize your right to 
refuse to answer that question under the first amendment. 

Mr. Powell. In that event, then, I claim the constitutional privi- 
lege under the fifth amendment, as I claimed it a moment ago. 

The Chairman. Why was that? 

Mr. Powell. Because under the fifth amendment no person may 
be required to be a witness against himself. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you believe that if you answered truthfully 
the question of whether you were a member of the Communist Party 
of China it would tend to incriminate you ? 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. My answer is just the same as the answer to the ques- 
tion previously asked. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have given so many answers, answer this one 
"Yes" or "No": Do you believe honestly that a truthful answer to 
the question of whether you were a member of the Communist Party 
of China would tend to incriminate you? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1SG7 

The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with coun- 
sel before responding- to the question. 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. My position is that I do not think this is the province 
of this committee. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Are you refusinof to answer the question because 
you do not think the committee has the right to ask it i 

The Chairman. I direct that you answer. 

Mv. Powell. I will answer the question. 

The Chairman. 1 order and direct you to answer. 

Mr. Powell. It seems to me we are heating around the bush about 
practically the same question and I decline to answer it, as I have 
told you before, on the provisions of the first amendment and the 
constitutional privilege of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to get this clear for the record. You are 
now declining under the privilege in the fifth amendment to answer 
the question as to whether if you answered truthfully concerning 
your membership in the Communist Party of China you believe you 
would incriminate yourself, is that right? 

Mr. Powell. Under the constitutional privilege of the fifth amend- 
ment nobody, no one, may be required to be a witness against him- 
self. That is the privilege I am claiming. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know, Mr. Powell, whether the Communist 
Party of the United States of America advocates the. overthrow of 
•the Government of the United States by force and violence ? 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with coun- 
sel before responding. 

 Mr. Powell. To tliis question I would again claim the constitu- 
tional privilege under the fifth amendment. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Souravi-ne. Do you know whether the Communist Party of 
China advocates the overthrow of the Government of the L'nited 
States by force and violence? 

Mr. Powell. Constitutional privilege. 

The Chairman. Of the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Poavell. That is correct. ■/ - 

The Chair3ian. That your answer does not require you to give tes- 
timony against yourself? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. I thought we could carry this 
forward. 

The Chairman. So carry that statement forward, INIr. Eeporter. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I would like to ask you a few questions to pick up 
the loose ends from your previous testimony. 

How did you get your job with the Federal Communications Com- 
mission ? 

Mr. Powell. I a])plied for it. 

JNIr. SouRAviNE. To whom did you apply ? 

INIr. Powell. That, the individual, I cannot recall. I think we 
could probably figure that out if you have the record. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was it by letter or in person ? 

Mr. Poavell. I imagine it Avas by letter. 

Mr. SouRWiNK. Don't you remember? 



1868 INTERLOCKmG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. PoAVELL. It seems to me I remember having written a letter to 
someone there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not remember to whom you wrote it? 

Mr. Powell. No ; I do not at this point. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you go down somewhere for an interview? 

]\Ir. Powell. I do not remember. I do not believe so. 

Mr. Souewine. You did not? You were hired by mail, so to speak? 

Mr. Po^vELL. I believe that is correct. I may be wrong, but that is 
my recollection. 

Mr. SouRWiisrE. How did you initiate your transfer from the Com- 
munications Commission to the OWI? 

Mr. PowTEXL. I went to a place here in Washington — I do not recall 
the exact place — an OWI office where they took such applications and 
applied to transfer to OWI as a news editor. 

Mr. SouHwiNE. You went to OWI rather than to your own agency ? 

Mr. Po^vELL. As I recall ; yes. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. Prior to your going there to make that application, 
had you discussed with anyone the question of your transfer to OWI? 

Mr. Powell. I do not recall. 

Mr. SoTjRWiisrE. Who hired you at OWI ? 

Mr. Powell. That I do not know. 

Mr. SoURWUSTE. Did you have a superior here in the United States 
before you went overseas for OWI ? 

Mr. Powell. Yes; I obviously had. As I told you in the execu- 
tive session — I do not recall if you were there are not — that during 
the period I worked for OWI here in the United States was 3 or 4 
months, perhaps, and I was hired to go to China. So in the period 
here I worked in some different places in the office under different 
people, sort of a get-acquainted proposition. I do not recall dif- 
ferent days and different weeks. I probably had one superior and 
then another. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you know Owen Lattimore while employed 
by the OWI? 

Mr. Powell. That question I must decline to answer under the con- 
stitutional privilege of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever made application for a United 
States passport? 

Mr. Powell. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. When was the first time ? 

Mr. Powell. I would say probably 1940. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you took an oath at that time substantially 
as follows: 

I solemnly swear that the statements on both sides of this application are 
tme and that the photograph attached hereto is a likeness of me. 

I (have — have not) been naturalized as a citizen of a foreign state; taken an 
oath or made an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign 
state; entered or served in the armed forces of a foreign state; accepted or per- 
formed the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of a 
foreign state or political subdivision thereof; voted in a political election in a 
foreign state or participated In an election or plebiscite to determine the sover- 
eignty over foreign territory; made a formal renunciation of nationality be- 
fore a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign state: 
been convicted by court martial of deserting the military or naval service of 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1869 

tlie United States in time of war; been convitted l».v coiut martial, or l)y a court 
of competent jurisdiction, of connnittiu};" anj' act of treason against, or of at- 
tempting by force to overthrow, or of bearing arms against tlie United States. 

OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 

Further, I do solemnly swear tliat I will support and defend the Constitution 
of the United States ai;ainst all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear 
true faith and allegiance to the same; and that 1 take this obligation freelj', 
\Yithout any mental reservation, or purpose of evasion: So help me God. 



(Signature of applicant) 

Did voii sion such a statement? • 

Mr. I^OAVELL. Is that it ( I do not know if that is what I signed. 
My answer would be to take my constitutional privilege because I 
consider this the same thing, of going baclv to this same area of dis- 
cussion. 

The CiiAiRMAx. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. I would like to have this entered into the record. 

(The document which was read in full above by Mr. Carpenter, 
was filed with the committee.) 

JMr. Carpenter. I would like to show this application for a pass- 
port and the signature of John W. Powell appearing at the bottom 
thereof under tlie oath just read and ask if this is his signature. 

The Chairman. Show it to the witness. 

Is that your signature ? 

Mr. PoAVELL. I would say this seems to me it still is a question of 
entrapment. It is going back to the same area it went into before. 

The Chairman. JMr. Powell, it certainly is no question of entrap- 
ment when we ask if that is your signature. Is it or is it not ? 

Mr. Powell. If this is my signature and there is something false 
here, I am quite liable for prosecution under the laws of the United 
States. 

The Chairman. And you refuse to answer under the fifth amend- 
ment ? 

Mr. Powell. But I refuse to answer under 

The Chairman. Not to give testimony against yourself? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to have this application 
for passport be entered and made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It will go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The documents were marked "Exhibits Nos. 4G3, 463-A, and 
4G3-B" and appear below :) 



1870 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



Exhibit No. 463 



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1S80 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you arrive in Peiping on or about September 
27, 1952, or thereabouts in connection with the Asian Pacific Peace 
Conference ? 

The Chairman. Let the record show the witness, before responding, 
conferred with counsel. 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. I would decline to answer under my constitutional 
privilege. 

The Chairman. The fifth amendment? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. 

The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Eeporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit Japan in 1916, receiving permission 
from the Army headquarters to do so? 

Mr. Powell. Yes, I was in Japan. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the purpose of that trip ? 

Mr. Powell. I went to see my father. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was your mother's maiden name ? 

Mr. Powell. Martha Hinton. 

Mr, Carpenter. Are you related in any way to William Hinton who 
w^as a previous witness before us ? 

The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with 
counsel.: 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. No relation. 

Mr. Carpenter. Are you married, Mr. Powell ? 

Mr. Powell. I am. 

Mr. Carpenter. What is your wife's name ? 

Mr. Po"\VELL. Sylvia. 

Mr. Carpenter. And is she now employed? 

Mr. Powell. She is at home. 

Mr. Carpenter. Is she employed? 

Mr. Powell. Looking after our kids. 

Mr. Carpenter. Is she employed? 

Mr. Powell. Yes ; she is also working. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where is she working ? 

Mr. Powell. Why do you 

The Chairman. Counsel, please cooperate. You are here as a 
privilege. We do not want to remove that privilege. Please, let's 
have the testimony of the witness rather than the voluntary state- 
ments of his counsel. 

Mr. BouDiN. The alternative is going to be that the witness will 
ask me questions and this will prolong the hearing. 

The Chairman^ Do not interfere. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Powell. I would like to ask what the purpose of these—; — 

The Chairman. Just answer the question. It is not your right to 
know what the purpose is. 

Mr. Pow^ell. You do not think so? 

The Chairman. No. 

Mr. Powell. You do not think I have any rights here ? 

The Chairman.- You have certain rights. You have been granted 
rights under the fifth amendment to refuse to answer simple questions. 
Please answer the question. 

Eead the question, Mr. Reporter. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1(S81 

(The pendinc: question was vend by the reporter.) 

Mr. Powell.' That question 1 decline to answer. I think ([uestions 
about my wife are an invasion of my privacy. My wife is available. 
If you gentlemen have questions about my wife, she will be more than 
pleased to come here and give you her views on any variety of sub- 
jects. I think that if you gentlemen are married men you certainly 
know better than to ask a husband to say what his wife thinks. She 
is quite competent to express an opinion. 

The Chaii:man. You refuse to answer the question under the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. Powell. If you are going to push me ; yes. 

INIr. Carpenter. How many children do you have ? 

Mr. Powt:ll. We are getting quite personal now. I have two. 

Mr. Carpenter. What are their ages? 

Mr. Powell. Three and five. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where are they? 

Mr. Powell. They are in San Francisco. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did they return with you when you came back to 
the United States? 

ISIr. Powell. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. AVhen did you return to the United States ? 

Mr. Powell. In August of 1953. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where are you now employed? 

Mr. Powell. As I told you before, I am a writer and lecturer. I 
am a free-lance writer and lecturer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you name some of the articles you have written 
since you have returned ? 

Mr. Pow^ELL. That I think is an unreasonable question. I do not 
think I have to answer that. I think the first amendment covers my 
freedom of expression. 

Mr. Carpenter. We are not asking about your expression ; we just 
ask what you have written since your return to the United States. 

Mr. Powell. That I will decline to answer. I am sorry. 

The Chairman. For what reason do you decline ? 

Mr. Powell. I think the first amendment covers that. 

The Chairman. This committee does not recognize your refusal to 
answer under the first amendment. I think we can save some time on 
that matter. You understand that. 

Mr, Powell. You do not recognize the first amendment of anybody. 

The Chairman. Of course we do, but we do not recognize your 
refusal to answer under the first amendment to this question. We 
think it is a very proper question. 

Mr. Powell. In that event, I will take my constitutional privilege 
under the fifth amendment. 

The Chairman. That is your answer, that you are not required to 
give testimony against yourself. 

Follow the same record, Mr. Eeporter. 

Go ahead. 

Mr, Carpenter. Since you returned to the United States, have you 
been in Washington before today? 

Mr, Powell. Yes, I was here in the fall after I returned last year. 

Mr, Carpenter. The fall of 1953? 

32018°— 54— pt. 23 10 



1882 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. And whom did you visit when you were here? 

Mr. Powell. Some relatives. 

Mr. Carpenter. Wlio were the}^ ? 

ISIr. Powell. That again I think is not pertinent to this hearing. 4 
I don't see the purpose of this. 

Mr. Carpenter. Maybe you do not, but we do. 

Mv. Powell. All I can see as the purpose is to get their names in the 
paper, as far as I can see. I must decline. 

The Chairman. Eead the question. 

(The pending question was read by the reporter.) 

The Chairman. State their names, please. 

Mr. Powell. I will decline to answer under my constitutional 
privilege. 

The Chairman. Of the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Powell. That is right. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you call on Owen Lattimore when here? J 

Mr. Powell. That I will decline to answer. " 

The Chairman. For what reason ? 

]\lr. Powell. Constitutional privilege of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Robert W. Barnett? 

Mr. Powell. That I will likewise decline for the same reason. 

Mr. Carpenter. Rose Yardumian ? 

Mr. Powell. Same. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit Stuart Hensley ? 

Mr. Powell. I will .decline to answer. 

The Chairman. Same record ? 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, did you know Dr. Miriam Sachs who 
passed upon your physical examination for the Office of War Informa- 
tion ? 

Mr. BouDiN. Would you repeat that, please ? 

Mr. Carpenter. Did voii know a Dr. IMiriam Sachs who passed 
upon 3'our physical condition for the Office of War Information? 

The Chairman. Let the record show the witness conferred with 
counsel before responding. 

(The witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. We had a woman doctor in the OWI in Xew York. I 
recall that, but I do not recall her name. 

Tlie Chairman. That is an answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, were the issues of the China Monthly 
Review supervised or censored hj a Wei Chuh, a vice minister of edu- 
cation of the central Communist government of Peiping? 

INIr. Powell. I was the editor of the magazine. j 

The Chairman. That was not the question. ' 

IVIr. Powell. I decided what went in and what did not. 

The Chairman. That is not a question. Answer the question. 

Read the question, Mr. Reporter. 

(The pending question was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. Powell. I think I have answered this question in effect and in 
fact, but if this does not satisfy you, I will claim my privilege of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Dr. Wei, the one just mentioned? , 

Mr. Powell. The same answer. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1883 

The Chaikman. Same record. 

Mr, Cahpenter. Will you tell this committee what your associations 
were with him ? 

;Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chaikman. Same record. 

Mr. Powell. I might point out I do not think there is a Chinese 
name called Wei. 

The Chairman. Spell it for the witness. 

Mr. CAiiPENTER. W-e-i. 

The Chairman. Do you know Dr. Wei ? 

Mr. Powell. I decline to answer. 

Senator Johnston. Did you receive any compensation from the 
Communists for publishing this China Weekly Review or China 
Monthly Review ? 

Mr. Powell. I would be very happy to tell you how the magazine 
was financed if you are interested. 

The Chairman. You can answer the question. 

Senator Johnston. Did you receive any personally, yourself ? 

Mr. Powell. That I would decline to answer under my constitu- 
tional privilege. I will be happy to tell you how we made it go and 
how we finally did not make it go. 

Mr. Carpenter. I would like to retrace our steps a moment to the 
OWI. Did you know a INlr. W^illiam Holland, a supervisor in the 
OWI, while you were so employed ? 

Mr. Pow^ell. I think I told you that I recall him as being one of a 
series of directors who came through in the last days of my employ- 
ment there in China. 

Mr. Carpenter. How well did you know him ? 

Mr. Powell. I would say not too well. I just knew him. He came 
through and I saw him. 

Mr. Carpenter. He was your rating officer, was he not ? 

IVIr. Powell. My what ? 

Mr. Carpenter. He was your rating officer ? 

Mr. Powell. What is a rating officer ? 

Mr. Carpenter. He gave a description of your work, the way you 
handled it. 

Mr. Powell. That I do not know. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have a document here signed by William L. Hol- 
land as a rating official in the efficiency rating of John W. Powell, field 
representative, Al-7, $4,600. 

I ask this be made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It will go into the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 464" and appears below :) 



1884 



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1886 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



8tn.ndard Form Ko. 51, Hev. 
Continuation - (2) 



SlAiTOARD 

Deviations must be explained on reverse of this form 

Adjective 
rating 
Plus raarks on (ill u.'d*>rllne(!. elements, and 

no ninvs marks Bxcellont 

riur- niArltr. on at IsBFt Kalf of thp imder- 

llr.cd eleronts, end no minus maricn — Very ^ooil 

Clieck riarics or better on a majority of 

Vnderlined eletnentn, and minus marks 

over-c^r.per.satert by plus narks — --• Good 

Check riarks or better on o majovlty of 

underlined elenento, and irinus r.arks not 

over-Compensated by jAu? marlcs - -— » Fair 

Minus marlcs on at least half of the iinder- 

lined elej^ents — Unsatisfactory 



Adjectlre 

rating 



Fating 
official - Good 



Pevlewin? 
official - 



^ ^ y/j^X y V^illiam L. Holland 

Rated by A^yyO^^^-'^^^^ D eputy D irector, China Div. 22 June 1945 _ 

(Sipnotu'-e of rating official) "(Title) ~'~ (Date) 



Reviewed by 



(Gijjnature of rating official) 



( Title) 



"(TlateT" 



Bating approved by efficiency rating co:naitteeXi^l::^i5r Report te employe yr::*-*^ 

(Date) (Aajective 



rating) 



U.S. Oovermient Printing Office 16-25177-2 
Tom Ho. 0-35 

Mr. Carpexter. Will you give us a description of your vrork in 
theOWI? 

Mr. Powell, At what point? From tlie beginning to the end? 

]Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of your work? 

JNlr. Powell. It changed from time to time. Did you want me to 
start at the beginning, chronologically, through to the end ? 

]\Ir. Carpenter. Yes. 

Mr. Powell. In the beginning I was — I was originally hired as a 
news editor to go to China, but in these first months of employment, 
here still in the Unitecl States, I worked mostly in — I think it was 
called cable wireless or something like that in New York, where I 
assisted in the preparation of cables to be sent to the news desk of 
the olHce in Chungking. 

The Chairman. Did you handle classified documents? 

i\Ir. Powell. I do not recall. It was all news, and it was news 
gathered by the OWI from the wires of AP, UP, and INS, and 
picked up from the Washington and New York papers. We just 
processed it and cabled it to China. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1887 

Then I visited around at shorter periods in other parts, the draft 
section and some of the others. I do not know what they were called, 
except I have this recollection of moving around and trying to get 
a picture of what went on in regard to sending news material to 
China. 

When I went to China, I was the news editor. We had a small 
newsroom which was Just on the opposite end of one I had been on 
before. There we received the things I had been associated with in 
sending before. These we put out to the Chinese newspapers. That 
was my job for quite a while. Then, as I said before, I went down 
to Kweilin, in southeast China, where we had an office. There I did 
nuich the same work, but it was in a different place. 

Then later I went to Kunming and worked in the office there, again 
in much the same job. Then toward the latter part of the war we 
set up the psychological warfare section, and I moved over into that 
as sort of doing more liaison work with General Chennault and the 
14th Air Force. Mostly that part was concerned with the dropping 
of leaflets, just the mechanics of contact. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, I have here a copy of the China Weekly 
Review under date of March 12, 1950, which has an article entitled 
"Changes in Shanghai's Press," by Alun Falconer. This document 
states that there were changes in the Shanghai press. 

Is it true, as he says, that the assets of newspapers were confiscated 
by the Chinese Communist government? [ 

Mr. Powell. Some newspapers. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were the assets of the China Weekly Review con- 
fiscated ? 

Mr. Powell. No. 

Mr. Carpenter. Is it true that the culture and educational commit- 
tee of the Chinese Communist Government administered various 
newspapers in Shanghai? 

Mr. Powell. That I do not recall, but did he say that newspapers, 
all the newspapers were confiscated? I would be inclined to doubt 
that. 

Mr. Carpenter. I just said there were some newspaper — assets of 
some newspapers were confiscated". 

Mr. Powell. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. You state that the China Weekly Review was not 
confiscated? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. • 

Mr. Carpenter. How did you operate when the Chinese Commu- 
nists came in and took over Shanghai? 

Mr. Powell. Just the same as before, just like the British papers, 
the French papers, and the other foreign papers operated. We just- 
went along like that, as did most of the Chinese papers. 

Mr. Carpenter. How many Chinese or how many English news- 
papers and magazines were printed in Shanghai prior to takeover by 
the Communists? 

Mr. Powell. There was the British daily. There was the Ameri- 
can daily. There were two Chinese-owned dailies. There was our 
magazine — in fact, we had two magazines then. There was at least 
one British magazine and there was a French paper which had been 
a daily, but it might have been a weekly at that point. I think there 
was 1 or 2 Russian language papers published by the local Russian 



1888 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. I was asking only for the English. How many 
English language newspapers remained after the Chinese Commu- 
nists took over in Shanghai ? 

Mr. Powell. One by one they began to fall off. One English lan- 
guage paper, the Slianghai Herald, was the Kuomintang, the Chiang 
Kai-shek government paper. That was closed. There was another 
paper, the China Press, owned by Dr. H. H. Kung, Chiang Kai-shek's 
brother-in-law, which was the paper I used to work on. That was 
closed. There was quite a long lapse before any of the others folded. 

Mr. Carpenter. In this article written by Falconer, it declares that 
the newspapers face many problems and shortages. There have been 
serious shortages of newsprint. 

"Was the China Weekly Review faced with any such shortages? 

Ur. Powell. What ? " _ 

Mr. Carpenter. Capital and newsprint. 

Mr. Powell. The way we always did. Getting newsprint in China 
was quite an interesting proposition. Under the Kuomintang, under 
Chiang Kai-shek's regime, you could get — if you were in a favorable 
position — an allotment of newsprint. You were permitted to import 
it. By that token you also got a license to buy foreign exchange at 
the official rate. In those days, newsprint used to sell for a hundi-ed 
dollars a ton on the world market. In Shanghai on the black market 
it sometimes sold up to $2,500.50 a ton. If you were on the inside with 
Chiang Kai-shek, you could get a special allotment and foreign ex- 
change at the official rate which enabled you to buy newsprint below 
the world market price, say around $50 a ton. 

AVe were never able to get that. We always had to buy it on the 
black market. When the situation changed, we were just about in 
the same position. We continued to buy it on the open market. It 
had a rather high price. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you own the presses that printed your China 
Monthly Review ? 

JNIr. Powell. No, we printed on a British-owned press, the Milling- 
tons, a British firm in China. 

Mr. Carpenter. All the time it was being published ? 

Mr. PowixL. No, not all the time. Before the war we used to print 
there, and when I came back after the war, Millingtons were badly 
damaged by the Chinese, and we printed in the Mercury, a press 
owned by Mr, C. Y. Starr, in New York. Later when these closed — 
they were the first casualty among the American papers — we moved 
back to Millingtons. 

Mr. Carpenter. In this article bv Falconer, it states : 

The common program of the People's Political Consult iiig' Conference and the 
principles and policies it enunciates determine the editorial policies of Shanghai 
newspapers. 

Was the editorial policy of the China Weekly Review so deter- 
mined ? 

Mr. Powell. I don't quite follow that. Is that what it says ? 
Mr. Carpenter. That is what he says : 

That the common program of the People's Political Consulting Conference and 
the principles and policies it enunciates, determine the editorial policies of the 
Shanghai newspapers. 

Mr. Powell. I would say that was not a very clear statement. I 
think the point was that this common program is considered, has 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1889 

been until just recentlj', tlieir sort of draft constitution. I think tlie 
point ■was you were not supposed to, you know, incite to riot, and in 
any other way violate this constitution. That was sort of a general 
guiding principle. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record the 
article from the China Weekly Review of Marcli 11, 1950, entitled 
"Changes in Shanghai's Press" by Alun Falconer and make it a part 
of the record. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and be made a part of 
the record. 

(The document referred was marked "Exhibit No. 465" and ajDpears 
in the appendix to this volume at p. 1979.). 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you advertise for subscriptions to your Eeview 
in the United States while you were the editor? 

Mr. PoAVELL. How do you mean advertise? We used to have a 
rate in the magazines, of course. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you do any advertising in the United States ? 

JNIr. Pow^ELL. That I don't particularly recall. I don't remember. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was your advertised rate for subscriptions 
to the Review ? 

Mr. Pow^ell. Oh, you mean subscription rates? 

Mr. Carpenter. I beg your pardon? 

INIr. Powell. The subscription rate or advertising rate? 

Mr. Carpenter. W^hat was your subscription rate ? 

Mr. Powell. Well, it changed when we changed from a weekly to 
a monthly, and I don't really recall just now. It used to be $8. I 
don't remember. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you circulate this magazine abroad ? 

Mr. Pow^ELL. Yes ; quite a few copies w^ent abroad. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. Where did they go? 

Mr. Powell. Well, they went wherever there were subscribers. I 
don't quite see the purpose of all of this. It seems to me this is being 
on the rather technical side of things. 

Mr. Carpenter. It may be, but I want to know the circulation of 
this newspaper that you edited in China. Did you circulate in the 
United States? 

Mr. Powell. Yes, we had subscribers in the United States. 

Mr. Carpenter. England? 

Mr. Powt:ll. I would think we had some there. 

Mr. Carpenter. Canada? 

Mr. Powell. I would imagine so. 

Mr. Carpenter. Australia? 

INlr. Powell. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. India? 

]Mr. Powell. I imagine we had some. 

Mr. Capj>enter. Southeast Asia? 

JNIr. Powell. No ; I don't think we had so many in Southeast Asia. 

JSlr. Carpenter. And you had circulation in Cliina ? 

Mr. Powell. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. How big was your circulation in China ? 

INIr. Powell. It varied. Before the change there it was larger and 
after, it was smaller. It was a variable thing. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you supply copies to the Chinese Communist 
government ? 



1890 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Powell. I don't know. If they bought any, they were at lib- 
erty to buy it. It was on the newsstands. 

Mr. Carpexter. Do you remember how many copies you sold? 

Mr. Powell. Not at any given time ; no. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you receive letters from subscribers in the 
United States? 

Mr. Powell. I suppose — I didn't handle circulation, but I presume 
we must have had letters of renewals and such things. 

Mr. Carpenter. ^Vlio handled j'our circulation? 

Mr. Powell. Some people in the office, the circulation manager. 

Mr. Carpenter. I notice in your circulation or in your magazine,, 
when you receive letters from the United States you use initials and 
not the full names. Can you tell the committee why you didn't pub- 
lish the full name ? 

]\Ir. Powell. I think this is getting into an area in which I see no 
useful purpose, and also it seems to me to be beginning to bear upon 
personalities and some other things which I declined earlier to go into. 
So I would like to take my constitutional privilege at this point. 

The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Eeporter. When he states 
his constitutional privilege under the fifth amendment for his answer 
it is on the ground that he is not required to give testimony against 
himself. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record an 
excerpt from the China INIonthlv Review of February 1953, pages 114 
tolls. 

The Chairman, The document may go into tlie record. 

Mr. Carpenter, This is called Letters From the People, 

(The document refered to was marked "Exhibit No. 466'' and ap- 
pears below:) 

Exhibit No. 466 

[From tlie China Monthly RevieTT, rebrnary 1053] 

Letters From the People 

Comments from readers on current topics are cordially invited : their opinion*!, 
however, do not necessarily represent the views of the China Monthly Review. 

In the past several months, the Review has received numerous complaints from 
subscribers in the United States of America reporting an unusually large number 
of missing copies. INIore recently, the number of complaints has risen greatly. 
Consequently, we sent a letter to all subscribers in America asking them to report 
missing copies, and offering to adjust their subscriptions acc(u-dingly. In the 
past few weeks we have received several dozen letters in answer. Here is a 
sampling of them. (In view of the atmosphere currently prevailing in the United 
States, we have felt it advisable to identifv the writers by their initials only. — 
Editor.) 

California 

I am taking a number of papers and magazines and pass them on to friends, 
and so I have not kept a close check. However, I have here your June issue, and 
that seems to l)e the last one I received. It will all work out in time, and while 
we are at present somewhat muzzled here, it is gratifying to follow the wonderful 
progress being made at your end of the line. It is really something new in the 
world, to cause folks everywhere to sit up and take notice. A higher power than 
most know is quite certainly at work, and will continue along that line. 

J, P. M. 
Cleveland. Ohio 

I liave never received any copies. It would be useless and even quixotic to 
Inquire. Real repression exists, I'm having a friend abroad secure your maga- 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1891 

zine and mall it to me. Thus you will have two readers. Be of good heart. 
There is great progress in spite of all obstacles. 

L. O. G. 
Honolulu, T. H. 

Well, today I found out why there's been such a long delay getting the Review. 
I called Customs and they told me to call the post office. Because the solicitor in 
"Washington, after examining the Review, found it to contain political propaganda, 
he declared it inadmissible to the mail. Not only that, but they've destroyed the 
magazines on hand. I asked why they never informed me of that. They don't 
inform the addressee, they told me. 

As you might imagine, I got pretty hotheaded about it but, of course, that don't 
do any good. They're now in the book-burning stage here. You may have seen 
that they're also enforcing an amendment to a 1937 housing bill which makes the 
loyalty oath a prerequisite to living in any housing project that's been financed by 
Federal funds. With that kind of law, of course, they can make it illegal to ride 
on a Federal highway or buy a Federal postage stamp — unless you've taken the 
loyalty oath. Remember, one used to wonder how the German people could let 
Hitler happen? 

E. R. 
A'eio England 

The only issue of China Monthly Review which we have not received recently 
is that for March 19.'52. As we bind this periodical annually, we would prefer 
if possible, to have this missing issue replaced. If, however, this cannot be done, 
we shall accept a 1 month's extension of our subscription. 

A public library. 
Kansas 

It has been several months since I have received the Review. I have been on 
the Government's blacklist for many years and am not surprised they won't let 
me get it. However, this widespread stoppage of the Review coming to sub- 
scribers in the States is most likely due to your articles on germ warfare. The 
Pentagon has good reasons to hide the facts from our people. I do not want you 
to make good the missing copies as you are not to be blamed for the corruption 
of our elected ofHcials. Put me down for another year and let me know the cost. 

O. W. J. 
California 

We have received all issues through July 1952. 

A university. 

California 

Have missed last two issues. Maybe United States authorities are holding 
them up to get names of those in our country subversive enough to want to know 
what's really going on in China. If so, here's my name for 'em again. I am not 
satisfied to remain in ignorance behind the Truman-Acheson iron curtain. 

A. E. S. 
Washington, D. C. 

We failed to receive the Review for December 1951, and January-May 1952, a 
total of six issues. We shall therefore appreciate an extension of our subscrip- 
tion. 

International Monetary Fund. 

Chicago, III. 

The last issue I received was for June. Your magazine is the most reliable 
source of news and information that I receive about the true conditions in China 
today as we cannot depend on the press or radio in this country to tell us the 
facts about what is really happening in the world. The American people are the 
worst-informed people in the world today instead of the best-informed as they 
should be with their 1,785 daily newspapers, which contain, with the exception of 
perhaps a dozen papers, just a lot of propaganda and lies. Wishing you every 
success in your fight to inform the world as to the true conditions in China today. 

T. A. K. 

Los Angeles 

All issues have been received and enjoyed. We congratulate you on getting out 

a very fine publication both technically and especially as t© content. We thank 

you for a good job. 

M. F. 



1892 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Florida 

I ordered your magazine in March, but I have not received one copy to date. 
Am very much interested iu what is taking place in China, economically and 
socially, and I do hope I vrill receive my copy of your magazine. 

M. E. C. 

Pennsylvania 

We wish to advise you that we have received nothing since December 1951. 

A college. 

Illinois 

The last issue we received was the November 1951 issue. We have received no 
issues since then and would greatly appreciate it if it will be possible for us to 
have the publication sent to us again. 

A public library. 
California 

Something has stopped my receiving the Review magazine. The last issue 
I received was for August 1952. JMy magazine Soviet Union has also stopped. 
Don't we have a devil of a time getting information from behind the bamboo and 
iron cui'taiu. 

C. L. M. 
Oregon 

I was glad to get your letter and to know that you too realized something was 
mightly peculiar about the way the Review was coming through so irregularly. 

When I didn't get four issues in a row, I made a fuss with my local post office, 
but they assured me that they had never heard of it and wouldn't hold up any of 
my mail. I guess they hadn't. Must have been some people far more important 
than they to take this liberty with our personal mail. 

And it must be that your magazine is getting better and better if they feel so 
strongly about our not reading it. 

Put me down for another year. One way to get my back up is to tell me I'm not 
supposed to read certain material. It always makes me go to all pains to read it, 
so I hope you can find some way of getting your magazine here regularly. We 
must know what's going on in tliat great country China if we are to have peace, 
and your magazine is the only reliable source I've seen so far. 

A. S. 

Mr. Carpexter. Did you publish in the China IMonthly Review 
the following excerpt from a letter of one of your readers from 
California : 

The United States Post Office has confiscated and destroyed all copies it has 
been able to spot. It has done this under the 18 Code 1717, a regulation con- 
taining a number of unrepealed wartime restrictions. 

Did that appear in your paper, and did you publish it ? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred with 
counsel. 

Mr. Powell. I think I will make the same answer. I will take 
my constitutional privilege on such questions. 

The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment, he is not required to 
testify against himself. 

Mr. Carpenter. This is headed "Letters to Subscribers in the 
U. S. A.*; It is from the China Monthly Review of February 1953. 
I would like for this to be made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 467" and appears below.) 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1893 

ExiiiiUT No. 4G7 

[From the China Monthly Review, February 1!)53] 

Letter to Subscribers in the U. S. A. 

Dear Friends: Since we first wrote asking you to report missing copies we 
have solved the "mystery." Several subscribers have reported the results of 
their investigations. Here is what one reader in California writes: 

"The United States Post Office has confiscated and destroyed all copies it has 
been able to spot. It has done this under 18 Code 1717, a regulation containing 
a number of unrepealed wartime restrictions. An inquiry to the Post Office as 
to what specifically was objectionable in the Review brought forth the comment : 
'This information is for post-office employees only.' " 

Among the types of material considered unmailable under this code are publi- 
cations urging treason, insurrection, and so on. 

None of the objections listed could be twisted to apply to the Review. This 
explains why the United States Post Office, when pushed for a definite explana- 
tion, attempts to defend its action by saying that the reason cannot be made 
public. This is thought control, pure and simple. 

Unpopularity with officialdom is not a new experience for us, although this is 
the first time the Review has experienced difficulties getting into the United 
States. An American-owned magazine established in Shanghai in 1917, the 
Review has always done its best to report accurately developments in China. 
As a result, we are accustomed to trouble. In the twenties, when we editorially 
endorsed the Nationalist movement as opposed to the regional warlord regime, 
we encountered opposition from the foreign vested interests in China which 
preferred to see a weak and divided country. 

In the thirties we opposed the Japanese invasion of China and warned of the 
coming Pacific war. The Japanese Government banned the Review, seized 
copies from the mails and even tried to assassinate the editor. In the postwar 
period, the Review reported the corruption and degradation of Chiang Kai-shek's 
regime and foresaw its ignominious defeat. Again, we were at loggerheads with 
Chiang and his American supporters. 

Tor the past three and a half years we have been carrying on as usual — giving 
our honest estimation of the new China, reporting the tremendous achievements 
which this country has made and is making. Again, we are met with hostility 
by the same old crowd : those who fear the truth. The Review is currently banned 
in Malaya by the British colonial authorities, in Japan by the American puppet 
Yoshida regime — and now in the United States distribution is interferred with 
by a Government which fears lest its people learn a few basic truths about this 
part of the world — such as the fact that China has a progressive and honest 
government for the first time in its history, such as the facts of American germ 
warfare in Korea and China. 

We have yet to trim our sails to prevailing winds and do not propose to do 
so now. We shall continue to report the developments here as we honestly see 
them and we shall continue to make every effort to see that your copy of the 
Review reaches you. 

You can help by protesting this arbitrary official interference with the Review 
to your postmaster and to the Postmaster General in Washington. The Govern- 
ment's action is illegal and cannot withstand public examination. If the protest 
is strong enough ; Washington will have no alternative but to rescind it. We 
have great faith in our people and are convinced that they will not allow official- 
dom to put blinders on them, to decide what is suitable for them te read and 
think. 

The Editors. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you and your fellow editors urge your readers 
to protest this so-called arbitrary interference to your postmaster and 
to the Postmaster General in Washington ? 

Mr. Powell. Again I think we are in an area where I must decline 
to answer. I think we are getting into an area now where I think I 
can claim the privilege, again, under the first amendment. 

The Chairman. We will not recognize your refusal to answer the 
question under the first amendment. " 



1894 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

]Mr. Powell. May I ask you how you recognize — whicli way would 
you recognize the freedom of speech portion of the first amendment? 

The Chairman. He did not ask you about freedom of speech. He 
asked you a specific question, whether or not you did a certain thing. 
It wasn't about a speech you made or anything you uttered or said, 
whether or not you did. We are not here as a debating society at alL 

]Mr. Powell. Well, I — all right. 

The Chaiijmax. I order and direct that you answer the question. 

Mr. Powell. I will take my constitutional privilege under the fifth 
amendment. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to read a letter received 
August 11, 1954, from the Post Office Department, Office of the Solici- 
tor, Washington 25, D. C. : 

(The letter referred to follows:) 

Post Office Department, 
Office of the Solicitor, 

Washington, D. C. 
Col. Alva C. Carpenter, 

Counsel, Internal Security Stibcommittee, 
Committee on the Judiciary, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Dear Colonel Carpenter : This will acknowledge your letter of August 5, 
1054, relative to the activities of J. W. Powell, editor and publisher of the China 
Monthly Review. I note that Powell has returned to the United States after 
terminating the said magazine. 

Under an opinion of the Attorney General dated December 10, 1940 (39 op. 
A. G. 535) foreign political propaganda disseminated in violation of the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act may be disposed of as nonmailable matter 
under the provi.sions of law now incorporated in section 1717 of title 18, United 
States Code (39 CFR 36.5). Pursuant to this opinion many foreign publica- 
tions have been withdrawn from the mails and disposed of as nonmailable. 

According to our file, a number of copies of China Monthly Review were ruled 
nonmailable during the latter part of 1952 and in 1953 as well. I enclose for 
your examination a copy of the January 1952 issue of the paid publication, 
from which you will readily see the propaganda line followed therein. Please 
return this magazine after it has served your purpose. 
Sincerely yours, 

Abe McGregor Goff, 

The Solicitor. 

Mr. Carpenter. I would like at this time to have this made a part 
of the record. 

The Chair3ian. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The document referred to and read in full above by Mr. Carpenter, 
was filed with the committee.) 

INIr. Carpenter. At any time were the presses on which you pub- 
lished the China Monthly Review owned by the Chinese Communist 
Government ? 

INIr. Powell. I have already told you that question. I have told 
you where we published. 

;Mr. Carpenter. You told me about some others. I want to know 
if the Chinese Communist Government owned those presses. 

jSIr. Powell. Well, I will tell you now, as I told you before, I am 
not prepared to answer any questions of this nature regarding the 
magazine. I don't feel they are pertinent. And I also certainly wish 
to claim my privilege under the fifth amendment, on this question. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1895 

The Chairman. All i'ifi\\L 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you publish a Chinese version of the China 
Monthly Review? Did you publish in Chinese? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re- 
sponding, conferred with counsel. 

Mr. Powell. No. 

Mr. Cari'enter. Were your employees in the China Monthly Review 
organized, unionized? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Let the record show, again, that the witness confers 
with counsel before responding. 

Mr. Powell. I will take my constitutional privilege. 

The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment. The same record, 
Mr. Reporter. He is not required to give an answer which will 
incriminate him. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did the Communist union or did the union have 
any voice in the publishing of your magazine ? 

Mr. Powell. I told you before, I w^as the editor. If you want to 
reopen the issue and get specific, I will take the same answers to the 
last question, the constitutional privilege. 

Mr. Carpenter. "Wliat were your relations between the China 
Monthly Review and the New China News Agency ? 

]Mr. Powell. The same answer. 

The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did the Communist union ever take possession of 
the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, where your China Monthly 
Review was published or printed ? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chair]man. Let the record show that the witness before re- 
sponding, conferred with his counsel. 

Mr. Powell. I think the same answer. 

The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have a document here from the China Weekly 
Review, dated March 18, 1950, headed — 

New China News Agency -Yenan to Peking. Founded in Yenan in 1936 as a 
mimeographed newssheet, the NONA today is the official news agency for China 
with offices here and abroad. 

The article recites that it was founded in Yenan, as I say, in 1936, 
that it appeared as a mimeographed newssheet containing news 
broadcasts monitored from the news agencies of Britain, United States, 
France, Japan, as well as the KMT and that it was on this newssheet 
that the isolated bases of the Communist Party depended for informa- 
tion from the outside world. 

It also said — 

The New China News Agency has had a parallel growth with the revolutionary 
war waged by the Chinese Communist Party under whose leadership it began. 

There are other descriptive paragraphs which I will not read at this 
time. 

I would like for this to go into the record. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 



1896 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

(The document referred to was filed with the committee, marked 
"Exhibit No. 468," and appears in the appendix to this vohime 
at p. 1984.) 

Mr. Carpenter. You carried some advertising' in your China 
Weekly and Monthly Review, did you not, Mr. Powell, American 
advertising ? 

Mr. Powell. I think the same answer. 

The Chairman. You claim your privilege under the fifth amend- 
ment to that question? 

JSlr. Powell. That is correct. 

The Chairman. The same record, Mv. Reporter. 

]Mr. Carpenter. You had considerable advertising in your news- 
paper prior to the taking over of Shanghai by the Communists, didn't 
you? .-. 

ISIr. Powell. The same answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. You only had two advertisers, when you closed, 
I believe. 

Mr. Powell. The same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Chairman, the staff prepared an itemized list 
here of the China Weekly Review, as we have gone through them. 

The Chairman. And monthly ? 

INIr. Carpenter. Weekly and Monthly Review. It shows the firms 
that advertised and the dates. I would like at this time to have this 
made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and willbecome a part 
of the record. 

(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 469" and 
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1987. ) 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did you secure the finances to operate the 
China Monthly Review, Mr. Powell? 

Mr. Powell. Well, I tried to tell you about that a while ago. I 
thought you didn't want to hear it. We had several sources of income. 
The magazine itself was always very sort of a touch and go propo- 
sition. That was true when my father ran it. It was never a gold 
mine as an economic proposition. After the war I started a daily 
translation service which we started very early in the morning, we got 
the Chinese papers, and translated mostly economic regulations and 
items of economic and trade and commercial interest. We put out 10, 
maybe sometimes as many as 20 legal-size pages. We distributed this, 
sold it, to the foreign business community in Shanghai, mostly. It 
was a very profitable operation. So when the Review was in slimmer 
days, we were always able to operate from that if we had to. We had 
a couple of other publications. We had a monthly report. We found 
very shortly after the end of the war that the larger foreign firms, their 
head offices, required them to submit at the end of each month a general 
estimate of the situation in China, and many of these people were 
unable to do this. They didn't know very much about it. So we wrote 
a little thing we called the Monthly Report, which we also sold to 
them. We put it out a few days before the end of the month so they 
could take what they wanted out of it for their monthly reports to their 
head offices here and in other foreign countries. Then we had an eco- 
nomic magazine which we ran for quite a while that also was a profit- 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1897 

able operation. We used to periodically publish a book, a tliin<? called 
Who's Who in China, which usually paid for itself. So out of these 
various ways we financed our whole operation, sometimes more or less 
from any one given thing. 

Mr. Cartenter. Who paid for the copies of your China Weekly and 
Monthly Review that were sent to the POW camps in Korea ? 

Mr. Powell. That is an implication; isn't it? Is that a straight 
question? 

The Chairman. It is a question. 

Mr. Powell. In that form, I would decline.^ I would take my 
privilege. 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

i\lr. Carpenter. Did you know a Mr. Randall Gould, in Shanghai ? 

INlr. Poa\t:ll. Again we are moving into the realm of personalities, 
and I will decline under the privilege. 

The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. 

Mr. Carpenter. What were your associations with Mr. Randall 
Gould in Shanghai? 

ISIr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time, Mr, Chairman, I would like Mr^ 
Mandel to read a letter relative to Mr. Gould. 

Mr. Mandel. This is. a letter dated August 29, 1954, from Mr. 
Randall Gould, addressed to me : 

Dear Mr. Mandel : Your second request arrives just as I am getting started 
on a number of things which must be done before we go off on vacation September 
11. In the matter of William Powell's weekly — John William, known generally 
as "Bill" — I can give you either a very quick answer or one requiring some 
research. As to research, I have reason to think that the State Department 
through its consular representatives in Shanghai has extremely interesting 
copies of the China Weekly Review such as I do not have, though I believe that 
the manuscripts of my unpublished book contains some material not lying at 
the top of my present recollection which has need of refreshment. 

The short answer about Powell and the Review is this: You ask the extent 
to which the paijer and its editor were subject to restrictions when the Commu- 
nists took over, and I reply that he and the magazine were subject to no per- 
ceptible restrictions nor were any needed because they took a virtually 100 
percent pro-Communist line. 

In degree, the Review figures in my own story as summed up in my letter 
of August 23. The magazine was being printed by the Mercury Press, which 
was the job-printing department of the Post-Mercury Co., Federal Inc. USA, 
publisher of the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, and we were also under- 
taking publication of a proposed Who's Who in China which Powell intended to 
put out and which was the cause of much trouble for me because Powell made 
financial claims against us on which I lacked adequate information after our 
trouble with the Communist-directed labor union and my discharge of our 
former business manager, Fred Douglas, because of his attitude which I con- 
sidered disloyal to myself and our enterprise. Douglas, now in this country, 
is not important but he in his way is another story, and he was friendly toward 
Powell in our time of trouble. 

The Review during the days of its founder, J. B. Powell, father of "Bill," 
took a distinctly pro-Nationalist line and was American in basis. When "Bill" 
resumed its publication after the war the magazine was uniformly critical of 
the Nationalists, but during his father's life Bill occasionally printed con- 
tributed articles by J. B., who, of course, was not in Shanghai, so none of us 
discussed the situation. The articles were signed and usually at variance with 
Bill's position. On the other hand, the Nationalist rule was so bad — particu- 
larly during some 70 days of economic dictator.ship by the generalissimo's son 
Chiang Ching-kuo in the late summer of autumn of 1948 — that criticism of the 

32918'— 5i—pt. 23 11 



1898 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Nationalists was general among the American community and foreigners gen- 
erally. Let me mention that I was, throughout the postwar period, a member 
of the board of directors of the Shanghai American Chamber of Commerce, 
also of the board of the Shanghai American Community, the two American 
organizations. Bill Powell once ran for the board of the American chamber, 
a position his father had held, but he was defeated. People were not at that 
time hostile to him but he was felt to be pretty leftist and his associates were 
not the American community leaders but rather somewhat leftist journalists 
and others not especially well known. 

I must confess ignorance of factors behind the Review but believe it would 
be interesting to learn more. It chanced that during the midthirties I ran 
across the clear fact that the Nationalist Government bought a considerable 
number of copies of the Review and sent them out to various people mainly 
overseas. There were rumors that J. B. Powell was subsidized by the National- 
ists, but my own impression was that the support took on wholly the form of 
helping on circulation. After the war I heard rumors, which I can't sub- 
stantiate, that there was either similar Nationalist support for a while or 
offer of it, but that the Nationalists understandably didn't care for Bill's 
critical attitude and could hardly use the magazine as he ran it for propaganda 
purposes. But he was not restricted, of course. 

With arrival of the Communists it immediately became clear that Bill Powell 
was taking a twofold attitude: (a) Unquestioning and imcritical support of the 
new regime, and (h) a somewhat nasty, hostile attitude toward his fellow 
Americans. 

The best instance I can summon to mind offhand, illustrating both points, had 
to do with the scandalous mistreatment of a United States consular official, Bill 
Olive, during June 1949, if I am not mistaken. Olive was out in a jeep one 
morning when the People's Government suddenly changed its announced plans 
for a victoi-y pai*ade (because it feared air raids by the Nationalists if it kept 
to schedule, we understood) and cleared certain streets in order to hold the 
parade immediately. Having no means of keeping touch with events, Olive 
blundered into one of these cleared streets, failed to stop as promptly as a 
policeman desired, was arrested, and was sulijected to exceptionally bad treat- 
ment including beating, kicking, etc., over a period of several days during which 
efforts by his consular associates wei*e not only frustrated but a couple of 
them were placed under arrest for bringing their cars into a forbidden area 
at the police station. Everyone in town kept pretty close track of the whole 
thing and when Olive was released, it was general l)elief that the reason was 
orders from the higher ups in Peking. At any rate Olive soon received special 
dispensation to leave China from Nanking with the Ambassador, Dr. .T. Leighton 
Stuai't, which supported the belief mentioned. 

Powell in reporting this affair disclosed a strategy he was often to use. This 
was to pretend that he had little access to the facts, but that on a basis of 
what he knew the situation seemed one of foreign, or American, arrogance as 
against Chinese moderation. We knew Olive had been grossly abused on a 
most unjust basis from any civilized point of view and the Review came in 
for intense criticism on this incident as with many others. The United States 
consulate general asked Powell to come over and receive firsthand information, 
including a talk with Olive and a view of photos of his body when he got out 
of Communist hands, but he had a ready ercuse and did not go. 

Meanwhile, Powell was taking the side of our Communist-backed union in 
my own battle for a free press. What was even more serious, he disregarded a 
notice that from July 1 (as I recall, or perhaps the end of June) he was not to 
use our facilities. The union was in forcible occupation of fiur premises, con- 
trary to my wish of cour.se, and Powell had his magazine printed through several 
issues which was an important technical point, for both the union and the author- 
ities took the position that I was remiss in not administering the enterprise (in- 
cluding of course our newspaper) as a going concern and that if anyone were in 
the wrong it was exclusively myself. This was a tricky tactic, for nctnnllv I bad 
no special reason for objecting to continuation of our job printing work aside 
from the existence of a controversy on principle as to whether the Communists, 
through [the] union, were to dominate our newspjiper. In other words, Powell 
lent himself to an effort by Communists and union alike to make it seem that I 
was being thoroughly wrong-headed and tliat the union was doing its duty by 
continuing to handle Powell's magazine and anything else that might offer. At 
the same time Powell brought forward claims, to me preposterous, having to do 
with financial matters. Since our business manager had been discharged and 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1899 

the rest of the business office was in the union, I had no way of investigating 
what I'owell said. Just what sottleniont finally may have been made between 
Powell and the representative of our main owners, C. V. Starr fand] Charles 
Miner. I do not know ; both remained after my departure September '2"), 1949, and 
the wrangle was transferred to Miner's hands. Towell made no effort to block 
the eventual departure of my wife and myself after large "termination pay- 
ments" to the workers and his attitude then seemed in line with his general de- 
termination to be agreeal)Ie to the wishes of the Communist authorities. In 
other words, once the authorities decided to let Mrs. Gould and myself go, I'owell's 
obstructionism vani.shed. He took his magaizne to another print shop sometime 
in either late July or August. I was never paid or offered any tiling (though 
I was general manager and president of Post-Mercury Co.) for the issues put 
out after our laiior trouble, but heard he paid the union — not enough, they said. 

The line of his magazine had become so clearly Communist by late summer that 
American advertisers pulled out as rapidly as they could. Despite contracts, not 
a single American ad appeared in the issue just before our departure. 

Powell printed an ugly editorial against me, though without naming me, after 
my departure, and I received a copy through Hongkong, 

I saw occasional copies of the Review, which dropped to monthly instead of 
weekly pulilication. and it was extremely anti-American especially after the 
Korea trouble. In one issue I found photographs and articles purporting to 
prove the truth of the Communist claims that we had dropped germ bombs. It 
is likely that I could dig up a copy or two but I am sure they were being acquired 
by our authorities, as the Review had free access to the United States at that 
time. 

Powell's reason for departure, as you no doubt know, was financial stringency. 
My impression is that tlie Communists actually did little if anything for him 
except let him alone, though there was a certain smell of subsidy about a maga- 
zine relying exclusively on circulation income as seemed the case in issues after 
my departure — the Reader's Digest got rich that way but not the China Monthly 
Review. 

The last I heard of Powell he was in San Francisco after some traveling 
around this country. 

I have been considerably surprised that he and his wife, who was regarded as 
very leftist indeed and formerly [in] the entourage of Madam Sun Yat-sen, have 
not been the objects of any conspicuous official curiosity. What I have said in 
the foregoing from memory represents the broad outline of my knowledge of 
Powell, aside from the fact that I saw him a couple of times in Kunming, 
where he represented OWI during the war, and that I knew him before the 
war when he came out uninvited and joined his father rather to the annoyance 
of the latter, who (according to Bill) sometimes introduced him as a brother 
rather than a son, apparently from motives of personal vanity though I found 
it hard to believe this of J. B. The big question in my mind is how much doc- 
umentation Washington has on Bill's journalistic recoi-d. There is no excuse 
for our failing to have in official hands a full file of the magazine and unless 
I definitely learn this is not so, I don't feel disposed to go to a lot of work dig- 
ging around my own stuff. 

With best regards, 

(Signed) Randall Gout.d. 

p, s. — Of course I have no evidence of Bill's membership in anything but his 
acts were those of a person entirely in the Red bag. 

The Chairman. Do you have any comments to make on that letter, 
Mr. Powell? 

Mr. Powell. Mr. Gould and I had differences of opinion. 

Mr. Carpenter. I ask that this letter be made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. It is a part of the record. 

j\Ir. SouRwiNE. Where is ISIr. Gould? 

Mr. Maxdel. Mr. Powell, did you circulate your mag:azine through 
the International Book Stores at 1408 Market Street, San Francisco, 
Cahf.? 

Mr. Po"wt:ll. I decline to answer under the privilege. 

The Chairman. Same record. 



1900 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpexter, Was your magazine, China Monthly Review, dis- 
tributed through Collett's Subscription Bureau at 40 Russell Street, 
London, England? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

INIr. Carpenter. Was the magazine sent to England from the United 
States ? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any connection with the National 
Guardian in New York City? 

Mr. Powell. Same ansAver. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. IMr. Powell, you had a reporting staff on your news- 
paper in China, did you not? 

Mr. Powell. That is correct. 

Mr. Carpenter. And who were those reporters, if you recall ? 

Mr. Powell. Well, I think you have some copies of the magazine. 
They are probably listed there. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any Americans employed on the 
China Weekly Review, later the China Monthly Review, who were 
news gatherers or reporters for your magazine ? 

The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with coun- 
sel before responding to the question propounded. 

(The witness conferred Avith his counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. What answer ? 

Mr. Powell. I claim my constitutional privilege. 

The Chairman. All right, under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was Mary Barrett one of your contributors? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was Monica Felton one of the contributors to your 
magazine? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was Rose Yardumian one of your news gatherers? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Sidney Shapiro. 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was Julian Schuman associated with you in the 
China Monthly Review ? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. William Bergess? 

Mr. Powell. Same answer. 

The Chairman. Same record. 

Mr. Carpenter. How did you secure your news articles, Mr. Powell ? 

Mr. Powell. Well, just like any other magazine does. I suppose 
you are familiar with the usual process. You have an editorial staff. 
You have editors, you have some rewrite people. You have a certain 
amount of research, and you have — we had, particularly — a lot of con- 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1901 

tributors. Many of them "were people wlio we had had for a long 
time. I inherited quite a group from my father. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you publish from time to time in your China 
Weekly Review and China Monthly Review lists of American pris- 
oners of war in the hands of the Chinese Communists, together with 
their serial numbers and address? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Senator Johnston (presiding). You have been asked a question. 

Mr. BouDiN. The witness is consulting me, Senator. 

Mr. Powell. Would you repeat the question, please? 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you publish from time to time lists of American 
prisoners of war in the hands of the Chinese Communists, together 
with their serial number and address? 

Mr. Powell. I remember we published lists of American POW's, 
yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. Exactly how did you obtain those lists? 

Mr. Powell. From the Chinese papers. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the purpose of publishing them ? 

Mr. Powell. We thought it was information which people would 
like to have. At this point there had been no sort of official exchange 
of information. These were names of POW's, most of whom got their 
names in the papers through writing letters to papers or making some 
statements, and we copied them out of the papers and ran them. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you give these lists to the American author- 
ities when you received them s Did you make any attempt to ? 

Mr. Powell. To give them to the American authorities? 

Mr. Carpenter. That is right. 

Mr. Powell. Well, our magazine went to the American authorities; 
yes. But they, I think the American authorities, had the names all the 
time, because all of this material was broadcast on the Chinese radio. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you give the lists to American authorities at 
the time of the negotiations for the exchange of prisoners? 

Mr. Powell. No; we just published this list. That is all we did. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you give these lists to the National Guardian, 
a pro-Communist magazine, whose editor, Cedric Bel f rage, is now a 
subject of deportation proceedings as a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Powell. We published them and anybody who subscribed to the 
magazine could get them. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any connection with the National 
Guardian in New York City? 

]\Ir. Powell. I assume they, like other subscribers, if they sub- 
scribed to it, got them. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were the names that you published — those men 
who had signed the various Communist appeals for peace — were they 
given to understand that they would be rewarded by having it an- 
nounced in the United States, for the information of their families, 
that they were alive? 

Mr. Powell. I don't know anything about that. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever contact or write any people in the 
United States relative to their loved ones who were in prisoner-of-war 
camps in North Korea ? 

Mr. Powell. As I recall, sometimes when an address would come 
through, completely, which was not always tlie case by any means, 



1902 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

sometimes we used to just send them on. INIaybe we would make a clip. 
If they had made a statement, we would clip it out of the paper and 
mail it to them. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever write personal letters to anyone in the 
United States who had loved ones in prisoner-of-war camps ? 

Mr. Po^vELL. I think we probably wrote them letters including the 
clips. 

Mr. Carpenter. I don't say "we," I say "you." 

Mr. Powell. I expect so, enclosing these clippings. Yes ; I would 
think so. 

Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of those letters, do you recall ? 

Mr. Powell. I don't recall. If you have some, let's see them. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have two letters here, written to Mrs. Charles L. 
Gill, at 7418 Jefferson Street, Kansas City, Mo. One is dated January 
10, 1951, and the other January I'o, 1951, signed by John W. Powell. I 
will ask you to look at those documents and state whether or not that 
is your signature appearing at the bottom of those two letters. 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

The Chairman. Is that your signature, Mr. Powell, on those two 
letters? 

Mr. Poavell. Well, I think these appear to he letters written by me ; 
yes. 

The Chairman. Let me see them. 

Mr. Po^vell. And they enclose these clippings that were clipped 
from the papers in China. 

The Chairman. Wliat did you mean when you said this : 

We know from the clippings and magazines we receive from home that there 
has been little if any news on the American POW's, except the fabricated atrocity 
stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here might give 
you some reassurance. 

Just what did you mean to tell this lady? You heard her testify 
here earlier. What did you mean to tell her about it ? 

Mr. Powell. I don't think you have a right to inquire into phrases. 

The Chairman. This is your letter, your signature. What did you 
mean by writing this lady this kind of a letter? 

Mr. Powell. I think in 

The Chairman. You are an American citizen. You are under oath 
here. Don't sit there and tell me what I have a right to do. "\'\^iy did 
you write this lady this kind of a letter? 

Mr. Powell. Would you like me to answer? 

The Chairman. Yes; I would. 

Mr. Powell. If you give me a chance, I will be more than glad to 
answer. 

The Chairman. You have the chance. 

Mr. Powell. I think this invades what I have written. I don't 
think you have a position to question me on this. The letter is there. 
You can read it. You have read it here. I think to be cross-examined 
in this place by you on various points in the letter — I think I am 
covered by the first amendment. 

The Chairman, You must have a motive for writing this kind of a 
letter. What was your motive? 

Mr. Powell. I decline to answ^er under the provisions of the first 
amendment regarding my freedom of expression. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1903 

The Chaihmax. Of course we do not recognize that, and you know 
that, :Mr. Powell. 

Mr, Powell. In that event, I will decline under the constitutional 
privilege of the tifth amendment. 

The Chairman. Now, Mr, Powell : 

From our own personal observation of the action of the Chinese People's 
Government here in Shanghai, we know it is the policy to treat all prisoners 
captured, Knomintang soldiers, as well as criminals, with the greatest leniency 
and fairness in order to win over their support. We are sure this is the same 
policy being carried out by the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for 
the numerous statements of gratitude and good will of American POW's which 
appear in our local papers almost daily. 

AVhat was your reason for writing that? 

Mr. Powell. I think the letter as a whole speaks; it is there, but 
as I say, with all due respect, I don't think you have the right to cross- 
examine me on phrases in this letter. 

The Chairman, Mr. Powell, you have reporters gathering news. 
You heard the major testify just a while ago. You know how^ they 
secured their demonstrations, how they got the smiles on the faces of 
American prisoners. You know how they were treated. As a news 
gathering agency, you had every reason to know how they were treated. 
"Why did you write this to this w^oman, who is now a widow as the 
result of the atrocities of the Communists? 

Mr. Powell. I can't answer that question. 

The Chairman. You said from personal observation. 

Mr. Powell. I said from personal observation of what I had seen 
of the treatment of Chinese POW's, Senator. 

The Chairman, Senator Johnston, have you a question ? 

Senator Johnston. Could anyone put any interpretation upon this 
except to see that you were trying to convey to her and to the Ameri- 
can people that the Communist in China was treating the prisoners 
very fine? 

The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with 
his counsel before responding to the question of Senator Johnston. 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Powell. Again I would decline to reply to your question again. 

The Chairman. Why do you decline to reply ? 

]\Ir. Powell. Because I believe that provisions in the first amend- 
ment, cover them. 

The Chairman. We do not recognize your refusal to answer this 
question. I order and direct you to answer the Senator's question. 

Mr, Powell. Well, I must decline, with all due respect, by taking my 
constitutional position on the fifth amendment, the constitutional 
privilege. 

The Chairman, You go on and say : 

In addition, there have been several demonstrations by large groups of Ameri- 
can and British POW's, demanding the end of the dirty war, for after they have 
seen the hatred of the Korean people against the Singman Rhee government 
and the help being given them by the Americans for that hated clique, they 
cannot but feel this has all been one tragic mistake. We imagine many people 
in America must feel this way also. 

Would you tell the committee why you would write this to this 
lady ? 

Mr. Powell. The same answer, Senator. 



1904 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

The CHAiRMAisr. You refuse to answer under the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Powell. Under my constitutional privilege. 

The Chairman. Mr. Powell, you are not excused, but you will stand 
aside at this time from the witness stand. You will be recalled later^ 

Call the next witness, please. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Baylor ? 

The Chairman. Will you be sworn to testify ? Do you swear that 
the testimony given in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Corporal Baylor. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF CPL. PAGE THOMAS BAYLOR, JR., UNITED STATES 

ARMY 

The Chairman. Would you give the committee your full name ? 

Corporal Baylor. Page Thomas Baylor, Jr. 

The Chairman. And where is your home ? 

Corporal Baylor. Washington, D. C. 

The Chairman. And you are in the armed services ? 

Corporal Bayi.or. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What is your rank ? 

Corporal Baylor. Corporal, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been in the armed services ? 

Corporal Baylor. I have been in the armed services 4 years and 10 
months. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you a prisoner of war during the Korean 
war? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. For how long a period ? 

Corporal Baylor. Thirty-three months. 

Mr. Carpenter. Thirty-three months ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. When were you first captured ? 

Corporal Baylor. 27th of November 1950. 

Mr. Carpenter. In what camps were you imprisoned ? 

Corporal Baylor. I was imprisoned at two camps, camp 5 and 
camp 3. 

Mr. Carpenter. In the course of your imprisonment, did you ever 
see copies of what is known as the China Weekly Review and the 
China Monthly Review ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; I did. 

Mr. Carpenter. Under what circumstances did you see that maga- 
zine ? 

Corporal Baylor. Well, we received that magazine about once a 
month, and we was forced to hold discussions on certain articles that 
was underlined in those magazines. 

Mr. Carpenter. And were you required to do that ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; I was. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell this committee your experiences and 
how you were indoctrinated by the things you read in the China 
Monthly Review, and the Weekly Review, and how you were treated 
if you didn't conform? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; I will. Well, sir, I was — one day I was 
talking with some friends of mine, and we was discussing over an 



I 



INTERLOCKING frUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 19G5 

article in this magazine by INIonica Felton. They had pointed out a 
monitor from each squad to hold these discussions in the prison com- 
pounds, and after you make your statement to this monitor he would 
take it back to headquarters and give it to the Chinese. My statement 
to this was disregarding the statement that we Avere discussing about 
Monica Felton. The Chinese said I was trying to overthrow^ then- 
studies given by them to the rest of the American prisoners. That is 
why I Avas forced to go away from camp 5 and taken to camp 3, 
which was knoAvn as a reactionary labor camp. I was sent there on 
the Tth of August 1951. That is where I was sent. They told me 
either they was going to make me or break me, to be indoctrinated 
with their propaganda. So I told them that I don't care what they 
do, as long as I get something to eat. 

This way, they said I was cunning and cute, so they put me in the 
hole for a period of 15 days. The first 3 days I was in this hole I 
didn't receive no kind of medical care or any type of thing to keep 
my body going. When I was released from this hole — during the time 
that I was in the hole, I was treated pretty bad. I got a couple of 
beatings by a rifle butt and a shovel, and during this tragedy they 
took and knocked my front teeth out and bruised my back pretty bad, 
and they gave me no kind of medical care at all. When I came back, 
I showed it to some of the fellows, and they asked me what they could 
do for me. And I told them just if I would write something to the 
propaganda, they would give me something to heal my wounds, and 
so forth. 

I still refused to do wdiat they wanted me to do. Then I was sent 
back to the hole about a month later on another article from this China 
Monthly RevieAV. It Avas an article on economical something about 
the capitalism, and I still refused to voice my opinion the Avay they 
wanted me to. So I was sent back this time for 33 days. That was 
the time I caught pneumonia. I had cold in my back, and in my legs, 
and in my side. I didn't never see nobody or ever hear of anything 
for 33 days Avhile I Avas in this hole. Then I was released and they 
told me did I realize my mistake, and they forced me to write a con- 
fession that I was never to try to overthrow their powers in the pris- 
oner-of-Avar camps, and not to try to keep the other prisoners from 
learning Avhat they Avere teaching. Then I Avas sent back to camp 5 
on the 17th of August 1952. 

Mr. Carpenter. What did the soldiers think of the China Monthly 
RevieAv ? 

Mr. Baylor. ISIost of the soldiers thought of the China RevieAV as 
just something of a propaganda that they were trying to put over to us. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you knoAv anything about a peace petition that 
was sponsored while you Avere in the prison camp? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; I do. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you tell us about that, please? 

Corporal Baylor. Well, during the first Avinter of 1951 they drew 
up some sort of Asiatic peace appeal, or something of that sort, and 
they Avere forcing us to sign this peace appeal. They threatened quite 
a feAv people that if everyone did not sign they was going to give them 
harsh treatment. They eA-en made the sick, that died the next day or 
the previous days ahead, to sign this here peace appeal, not knoAving 
"what it was about. They Avould only have somebody read it to us and 
have us sign it. 



1906 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you at one time form a group called The Boys, 
to oppose efforts of the indoctrination? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir. That was in camp 3. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you tell us about that ? 

Corporal Baylor. Well, sir, a lot of times when we went on labor 
details to work, we had to unload a lot of these barges that came in, 
that would go to the main camp, which would be camp 5. Quite a few 
fellows that lived around Baltimore and Ohio, and so forth, we got 
together and used to see what we could take off of these boats and try 
to keep for ourselves. We called ourselves The Boys. They thought 
we was trying to get some kind of information to send it back to the 
United States. They took and put us all in the hole again for 5 days, 
and put us on a labor detail which was building a mud shack far down 
in the valley. 

Mr. Carpenter. Wliat opportunities were you given to write home ? 

Corporal Baylor. Well, sir, the opportunities we was given to write 
home was apparently once a month, and then you had to write what 
they wantecl you to write or you didn't write at all. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was the China Monthly Eeview distributed to 
POW's, along with the other publications, in the English language? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; it was. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you name the others? 

Corporal Baylor. Well, one was — I can't recall the names right 
now. The Shanghai News was one, and there was one called the 
Weekly Review. 

Mr. Carpenter. I have a list of the magazines here that I would 
like to have shown to you, and I will ask you to identify them, whether 
you have seen them in your camp where you were held prisoner of 
war. 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; I do remember this China Monthly Re- 
view, and this For a Lasting Peace for the People's Democracy. I 
remember that. I don't quite recall this magazine here. I recall this 
one here [indicating]. I recall this one here, too. 

Mr. Carpenter. That is the New Times. 

Corporal Baylor. Yes. 

Mr. Carpenter. Would you please name them as you refer to tliem ? 
What was the one before that ? 

Corporal Baylor. The New Times. 

Mr. Carpenter. And the one before that? It is in German. 

Corporal Baylor. Yes. 

Senator Johnston. The German Democratic Republic. 

Corporal Baylor. This one here, the Masses and Mainstream. And 
these two political affairs, I remember those. Also another Masses 
and Mainstream. I do remember this China Reconstructs, and there 
was another one, the China Pictorial. 

Mr. Carpenter. The China Pictorial Review ? 

Corporal Baylor. I remember this one, too, the Daily Worker. 

Mr. Carpenter. The Daily Worker? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How long were you a prisoner of war? 

Corporal Baylor. I was a prisoner of war for 33 months, I believe. 

The Chairman. The indoctrination, did it begin almost imme- 
diately ? 



p 



mTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1907 

Corporal Baylor. No; not exactly immediately, but it was right 
after this march that we had, when we got about 12 miles from 
Pyoktong. 

The Chairman. How sustained was it? How much time did they 
devote to trying to indoctrinate you? 

Corporal Baylor. Well, it was about a month after we was at 
this camp 5. 

The Chairman. This China Weekly Review which you have testi- 
fied about, were there several issues of that in each of the camps? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; there was. 

The Chairman, Was there someone over you to see that you studied 
that and made a report on it? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; there was someone not exactly over us, 
but somebody was appointed to read this magazine before us. 

The Chairman. How did they break that down? Into how small 
group was it broken down into ? 

Corporal Baylor. They would break it into a squad. 

The Chairman. To a squad? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And how many hours a day would you say would 
be an average for giving you this indoctrination course? 

Corporal Baylor. They would practically give it to you all morn- 
ing, and in the evening they would make us work. 

The Chairman. Five or six hours a day ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes. 

The Chairman. Any further questions? 

]\Ir. Carpenter. I have an article here of January 1953, of the 
China INIonthly Review, entitled "American POW's Want Peace Now." 
Do you recognize that article ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes; I do remember this article here. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you required to study that? 

Corporal Baylor. No; we weren't required to study it, but they 
was trying to get us to sign this thing they had behind this. They 
had some kind of petition drawn up behind it for us to sign. They 
said they was going to send it to some kind of a welfare. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you remember Monica Felton when she ap- 
peared at your camp ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes ; I do. 

Mr. Carpenter. Would you tell us about that episode? 

Corporal Baylor. In 1952, 1 think it was around October, Monica 
Felton came into camp 5 and she came to this theater that they had 
there. It was up on the hill. She gave us a lecture. I can't recall 
exactly what the lecture was at the present time. And then we was 
to go back to our squads and to discuss what she said. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you talk to her personally ? 

Corporal Baylor, No ; I didn't talk to her personally. 

Mr. Carpenter. But you had to listen to her lecture ? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes; we had to listen to her lecture. 

Mr, Carpenter. This morning in executive session you told about 
what you had to do in order to keep your mental equilibrium. I wish 
you would explain that to the committee now. 

Corporal Baylor. Yes; I will. In camp 3 after I came out of the 
hole for the 33 months 

Tlie Chairman. You mean 33 days? 



1908 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Corporal Baylor. Thirty-three days. I was so weak that I didn't 
know whether I was going to go crazy or what. My mind was just 
about ready to leave me. So there was another fellow there named — 
I can't recall his name, but anyway he was from Gary, Ind. We re- 
ferred to him as Dr. Buzzard. He told me to get some kind of roots 
and stuff and eat it and that I would pull out of it. Well, the stuff 
tasted bitter, and nasty, but I took it and did it anyway. Then I 
took and bit off my fingernails down to the very edge and rubbed them 
into the sand and that sort of brought my nerves back to me, and 
brought back my mind, and it kept me from losing my whole mind 
altogether. I kept rubbing them in this dirt until I did get my mind 
back to normal. I had something to concentrate on. 

Mr. Carpenter. In other words, grinding your fingers would keep 
you conscious of your condition; is that right? 

Corporal Baylor. That is right. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was there any attempt to promote friction between 
the white and colored POW's? 

Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; they tried it a few times. They would 
distribute rations out to us and they would sort of give more to the 
white POW's, today more, and the next day they would give more to 
the colored. They would try to get an argument out of us about who 
would get the most food and so forth. But we didn't let that arouse 
us. We got our heads together and we distributed as much chow 
among us as equally as we could. 

That was to cause this friction. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. Corporal. You will be 
excused. 

Mr. Wright, will you come forward, please? 

Do you swear the testimony you give in this hearing will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Wright. I do, sir. 

TESTIMONY OF CAREOLL WRIGHT, JR., ARLINGTON, VA. 

The Chairman. Will you give us your full name ? 

Mr. Wright. My name is Carroll Wright, Jr. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside? 

Mr. Wright. I reside at 318 North George Mason Drive, Arling- 
ton, Va. 

The Chairman. What is your business? 

Mr. Wright. A real-estate broker. 

The Chairman. Were you in the Korean war ? 

Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I was. 

The Chairman. Were you a prisoner in the Korean war? 

Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I was. 

The Chairman. How long were you a prisoner ? 

Mr. Wright. A little in excess of 34 months. 

The Chairman. When were you captured? 

Mr. Wright. November 2, 1950. 

Mr. Carpenter. During your imprisonment in the Communist 
prison camps in Korea, did you ever see the China Weekly Eeview 
and later the China Monthly Review ? 

Mr. Wright. Yes, sir ; I did. 



i 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1909 

]Mr. Carpenter. Would you tell us under what circumstances you 
saw that? 

Mr. AVright. Yes, sir. This periodical was at first distributed to 
us throuo;h this monitor system in our squads. The political com- 
missars in the camp, the English-speaking Chinese that controlled 
the study program, would issue this magazine to the squad monitors, 
giving them instructions as to what articles were to be read, and have 
them conduct or request them to conduct, and where possible to see 
that it was done, that they were discussed. Normally they require 
that each member of the squad write some sort of article or comment 
relative to the article. 

The Chairman. How many different camps were you in? 

Mr. Wright. How many camps was I in ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Wright. Well, in primary camps I was in two. Camp 5, and 
Pyoktong, and also Camp 2 at Ping-Chong-ni. I spent some time at 
other camps, too. 

The Chairman. The procedure you have just testified to about the 
China Monthly Review was the same at the primary camps? 

ISIr. Wright. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. How about the quantities of the magazines ? Were 
they in great quantities? 

Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; in great quantities. Along with what the 
major testified to, I would certainly feel without any question in my 
mind that had the space that those magazines occupied on trans- 
portation, and also the expense, if we want to get down to that, had 
been devoted to medical supplies, that a great deal more of our boys 
would have come home, and the approximately 55 percent of them 
that were captured earlier that did die would have made it back home. 

I feel in my own mind, in my own opinion on it, that any individual 
that would publish and be responsible for a magazine that contains 
such slanderous propaganda and is still able to enjoy the rights and 
privileges of an American citizen — I feel that it is an injustice to 
those boys that have given their lives and those boys that endured 
punishment, such as the corporal, and many others, in trying to resist 
them. I think that I speak on behalf of all the prisoners, and I am 
holding myself up on the record as representing them. If I do not, 
then I hope that they will write and say that they do not share my 
opinion that this man should definitely receive punitive action, that 
he does not deserve the rights and privileges of an American citizen 
that so many boys have given their lives to maintain. 

I also think, as I have been sitting here in this trial, trying to 
restrain the emotion I have felt at the testimony that has been given, 
and the resort that this man, if we can call him that, has resorted 
to under the fifth amendment, I can't help but wonder how many of 
our boys would have come home if they had had something like 
that. I really feel that in my opinion this man is responsible for 
physical injury, and also I think directly through his magazine or 
indirectly, whichever you want to call it, must bear some of the stains 
of the blood of the boys that did die there, and who did receive 
punishment. 

In my opinion I would classify him as a murderer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Whom do you mean when you say "this man"? 



1910 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Wright. I am referring to the gentleman who was here on the 
stand a short while ago, known as Mr. Powell. That was the pub- 
lisher and editor of this magazine known as the China Weekly He- 
view and later the China Monthly Review. 

I would like to make it clear that the articles that were written 
here were in such agreement, and supported the Communist cause 
so much, that they forced them on to the prisoners, and it was the 
stamina and the good red blood in many instances where prisoners 
refused to accept that. Because they did refuse to accept those articles, 
they did receive punishment. I certainly feel that a man that pub- 
lishes that magazine and who has stated in that magazine, I do 
believe — I think the magazine can bear me out — that he accepts full 
responsibility for it, definitely deserves to be punished in some way. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was there more animosity against the China 
Monthly Review than other papers? 

Mr. Wright. I would say, sir, that the China Monthly Review, 
sharing the same spotlight with the other Communist rags or papers 
from this country, the Daily Worker from New York, the People's 
AYorld of San Francisco, that those papers were ones that prisoners 
particularly disliked, because they were published by people that were 
American citizens, and it was beyond the comprehension of most of 
us how anybody who can live in this country and enjoy the privileges 
of it can turn around and sell it down the river as this man has done, 
in that magazine. 

For that reason, I do feel that that periodical was one of the ones 
that was most disliked by the prisoners. 

Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell us in a general way, or in specifics, 
how this magazine was used to indoctrinate, and the length of time 
it was used? 

Mr. Wright. Well, sir, it would take some time, I imagine, and 
be beyond my recollection to be complete on that. HoAvever, this maga- 
zine was brought in on transportation supplies, and it was given — 
distributed — to the political commissars, as we refer to them, who 
distributed them on down to the groups that they were responsible 
for. 

As I have mentioned, at times these articles were read or articles 
from this magazine were read, and group meetings of the entire com- 
pound were assembled. At other times, they were read in squad meet- 
ings. But it was, I would say, one of the magazines that was the 
most used in camp. I think, I really feel, that the Chinese felt that 
because it was published by an American it would have a lot more 
weight with us, and had so much comment in it by people from our 
western world. 

Mr. Carpenter. You made a considerable study of this magazine; 
did you? 

jNIr. Wright. I would like to state that at times I did. At other 
times it was beyond my ability to sit down and read the stuff that was 
in tliat magazine. 

Mr. Carpenter, Did you ever find anything reflecting a favorable 
attitude toward the United States? 

Mr. Wright. Sir, I never did. 

Mr. Carpenter. In any of your reading you never found one article? 

Mr. Wright. No, sir; I honestly don't feel, in any that I read, 
certainly, that there was any favorable comment in that magazine. 



1 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1911 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever have occasion to talk to any of the 
reporters from this magazine, the China "Weekly Review? 

Mr. Wright. No, sir; I never had any occasion to talk to any of 
those reporters. I did see Allen Huntington through my jail bars at 
one time, and one time I did observe two Caucasian women in our 
camp. What they were there for — as I recall, it was during the time 
that Monica Felton, in the spring of 1951, made her visit, made a visit 
to the camp. I am not saying it was she or who it was, because I don't 
know. But they were there. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you know the purpose of Monica Felton visit- 
ing the camps? 

Mr. Wright. Well, sir, I would answer that in a roundabout w^ay^ if 
you will permit me to take a little time. In prison, I frankly tried 
to make a study of conmiunism. I read their books and a great num- 
ber of their textbooks, and tried to learn as much as I could about 
communism, with the idea in mind that the first thing you have to 
know to fight anything is to understand it and know what it is all 
about. P'rom reading those magazines, their textbooks and such, I 
came to two very simple and basic conclusions. The first thing is 
that the Communists do preach and do believe that the end is justi- 
fied — as you were, that the means by which an end is obtained is 
justified, regardless of what it is. 

The other thing that they very categorically state is that their end is 
world domination and, therefore, whenever the Communists do any- 
thing, even if on the surface it appears to be helping us out, I am 
convinced in my own mind that regardless of what it is, it is only to 
further their end of world domination of capitalism. 

I feel very strongly about that, and I do feel it is the truth. And in 
answer to your question, sir, going into that, I feel that that was a part 
of Monica Felton's reason for being there, that in some way she could 
contribute to that end. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you think that this man Powell was doing the 
same thing? 

Mr. Wright. I feel from the bottom of my heart, sir, that he was, 
and I don't see how the evidence that has been presented here, the 
magazine which he has Avritten, can allow any of us to draw any 
other conclusion. 

JNIr. Carpenter. Do you have anything else, Mr. Wright, that would 
help this committee insofar as your experiences in the POW camps 
relative to the China Monthly Review are concerned? 

Mr. Wright. No, sir; I think that pretty well sums up my testimony. 

The Chairman. Any questions? 

Senator Johnston. No questions. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Wright, I want to say to you that from your testimony today 
the American people can certainly be proud of the record of the 
POW's, and you are included in that record. I also want to assure 
you that when this hearing is finally concluded, that this entire record 
is going to be sent to the Department of Justice to see that justice is 
done. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Chairman, the staff will prepare a list of 
various articles that have appeared in the China Weekly Review and 



1912 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

China Monthly Review, and I would like to have them placed into the 
record. 

The Chairman. I will so direct the staff to make a compilation of 
the articles appearing in the China Weekly Review and the China 
Monthly Review. After they are completed, I want them inserted 
into the record in toto. 

The committee has now been in session since 1 o'clock this afternoon 
and we are about to recess. Before we recess, however, I will say to 
Mr. Powell : You are still under subpena to this committee. In view 
of the fact that your attorney says tomorrow is a Jewish religious holi- 
day, and he cannot be here, we will have to call you back at some 
other time, convenient to the committee. You are still under subpena. 

We will stand in recess at this time. 

(Whereupon, at 4 : 35 p. m., the committee was recessed, to recon- 
vene at 1 p. m. the following day, Tuesday, September 28, 1954.) 



INTEELOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

DEPARTMENTS 



TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1954 

United States Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
OF the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 

Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 

The subcommittee met at 1 : 15 p. m., pursuant to call, in room 318, 
Senate Office Building, Senator AVilliam E. Jenner (chairman) pre- 
siding. 

Present : Senators Jenner and Johnston. 

Also present : Alva C. Carpenter, chief counsel ; Benjamin Mandel, 
director of research ; Dr. Edna Fluegel, Robert McManus, and Louis 
E, Colombo, professional statf members. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. 

TESTIMONY OF KENNETH 0. COLGAN, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear, sir, that the testimony you 
shall give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and noth- 
ing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. CoLGAN. I do. 

The Chairman. Will you give us your full name? 

Mr. CoLGAN. Kenneth O. Colgan. 

The Chairmax. Where do you reside, sir ? 

Mr. Colgan. 5524 H Street Northwest. 

The Chairman. Washington, D. C. ? 

Mr. Colgan. Washington, D. C. 

The Chairman. What is your business or profession ? 

Mr. Colgan. Vice president of Frederick W. Berens, Inc., in charge 
of the insurance department. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. How do you spell your name, Mr. Colgan ? 

Mr. Colgan. C-o-l-g-a-n. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Colgan, have you lived in Shanghai, China ? 

Mr. Colgan. Yes, I lived in Shanghai from the latter part of 
August 1945 until the latter part of August 1951. 

Mr. Carpenter. What were your activities in Shanghai ? 

Mr. Colgan. I arrived in Shanghai as a tech sergeant in the United 
States Army, temporarily assigned to the Special Services Section. 

Mr. Carpenter. During your stay in Shanghai, China, did you have 
occasion to know a John W. Powell 2 

1913 

32'J1S°— 54— lit 2?, 12 



1914 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. CoLGAN. Yes, I met Mr. Powell, and then his wife, sometime in 
early 1946. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you knew him how long, then ? 

Mr. CoLGAN. I knew him from then to this day, but the last time 
I saw him was in the early spring of 1951. 

I should say I saw him last at the Shanghai race course attending 
an entertainment there in January of 1951. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Colgan, was there a considerable American- 
and English-speaking community in Shanghai at the time you were 
there? _ | 

Mr. CoLGAN. Yes. The English-speaking American and British 
community, I would say, varied from a high of around 20,000 in 1947 
to approximately 1,500 at the time that I left, in 1951. 

Mr. Carpenter. I wish you would tell this committee, Mr. Colgan, 
your relations with Mr. Powell, how well you knew him, what his 
activities were that you noticed, and, in general, all you know about 
Mr. Powell. 

Mr. CoLGAN. Mr. Powell was an intimate friend of a Capt. Gerald 
Tannebaum. At one time Captain Tannebaum was nominally my 
superior officer. He was in charge of the Armed Forces Radio in 
Shanghai, and a friend of Powell's, and it was through Captain 
Tannebaum that I was first introduced to Mr. Powell. 

Now, I don't know him intimately. I knew of the publication of 
which he was in charge. I knew of his activities from time to time, 
especially after May 6, 1949, at which time the Communists assumed 
control of Shanghai. His was the only publication, that is, English- 
language publication, that I knew of that was immediately able to con- 
tinue publication without suspension for a time. 

The Chairman. What was the name of that publication ? 

Mr. CoLGAN. At that time it was the China Weekly Review, which 
later was changed to the China Monthly Review. 

John's picture was appearing in Chinese-language newspapers, and 
no picture appeared of him and his wife Sylvia in the North China 
Daily News, which was a British-owned publication which was forced 
to suspend shortly after celebrating its hundredth anniversary. 

To take its place as a daily newspaper there was the Shanghai 
Times, which was Communist-controlled and used strictly Communist 
literature. 

I taught football at St. Johns University as a sideline activity to 
my marine insurance business which I operated in Shanghai during 
the years 1947 and 1948. I got to know a lot of young Chinese at St. 
Johns University who, in 1950, the last time that I had a talk with 
any of the boys that I taught out there, said that the English-lan- 
guage classes had been abandoned except for those that used as text- 
books, in part, Powell's China — I think it was still the Monthly 
Review then, and the Shanghai Times. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was it still a monthly, or a weekly review? 

Mr. CoLGAN. I mean it was still a weekly review. 

One of these boys — ^I don't know where he is — he was formerly a 
pilot trainee in the Nationalist Air Force at the time the war ended. 
He was an exceptionally tall boy, weighed 190 pounds, was 6 foot 1. 
He played fullback for them. He gave me the idea, the slant on the 
ideology that was being preached to them in Powell's magazine, 
omongst others. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1915 

He said that the massacres that were <roinp; on — the mass reprisals 
they called them — were a kindness to the Chinese people. And I 
asked him how he explained that. 

He said, '"We can only ^et to so many people to reeducate them, and 
if they persist in taking the old imperialist way, will not take to our 
teachin<2;s through these magazines and newspapers, then we merely 
liquidate them so that we can teach more of those with an open mind 
and can spread the word of the peoples' government to more, and 
so brino; so-called enliahtenment to them." 

And Powell's magazine was used in some middle schools — that is 
comparable to our high schools — as English language advanced 
reading. 

The last time that I had word of Powell was in the spring of 
1951, when I met Captain Tannebaum at the International Sport- 
ing Club, which Avas a club in the interior of the Shanghai Race 
Course. It was operated by a group of British Board of Governors 
at that time to promote athletic and social welfare amongst the 
foreign community. It was then, however, open to Chinese, should 
they care to join. 

I saw Captain Tannebaum. I mentioned to him that he and 
Mr. and Mrs. Powell were members of the International Sporting 
Club of the Shanghai Race Club, were they going to participate in 
the summer sports. 

He said at that time John and Sylvia Powell were on a cultural 
tour to ]\Ioscow and the Soviet Union. 

So, starting from January of 1951 I never saw them until this 
day. 

I did see Captain Tannebaum, who was, I thiidc, from 1948 that 
I knew him, as Madam Sun Yat-sen's so-called secretary. 

The Chairman. I didn't understand that. 

Mr. CoLGAN. Tannebaum was Madam Sun Yat-sen's so-called 
secretary. 

The Chairman. He still is ? 

Mr. CoLGAN. I don't know. He is still over there. ■- 

The Chairman. You referred to him as Captain Tannebaum. 
Was he a member of the Armed Forces ? 

Mr. CoLGAN. Oh, yes. I think he was captain in the Infantry, 
if I am not mistaken. But he was assigned to the Special Services 
Section in the Armed Forces Radio. It was in that capacity that 
I first knew him. 

But he definitely told me that John and Sylvia Powell were on a 
trip, a cultural trip, as he called it, to Moscow and the Soviet Union. 

I saw him last in downtown Shanghai in July of 1951, and I 
returned. I left Shanghai in the latter part of August by train 
to Canton and Hong Kong, and I arrived in Hong Kong on the 3d 
of September 1951. 

Mr. Carpenter. "Was there any rumor around Shanghai at the 
time that he had gone to Russia to receive a Russian decoration^ 

Mr. CoLGAN. No; I didn't hear that. I heard nothing other than 
the fact as given to me by Jerry Tannebaum, that he was on a cul- 
tural — that was his exact phrase — he was on a cultural tour to Moscow 
and the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you know whether Powell participated in 
official delegations arranged by the Chinese Communist government? 



1916 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. CoLGAN. I do know that a picture appeared with a Polish social 
intrigue delegation. This picture showed them in front of what was 
known as the foreign YMCA, on Bubbling Well Road in Shanghai 
in 1950. I think it was in the summer, I couldn't identify the month. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did Powell carry on any broadcasting activities? 

Mr. CoLGAN. I never heard any. In Shanghai we had no English- 
language station. 

The Chairman. Did you read the China Monthly or Weekly Review 
yourself ? 

Mr. CoLGAN. Yes ; from time to time. We looked at it to see what 
the pegged price of the peoples' currency was. We were forced to 
maintain our business and pay our laborers according to the high cost 
of living index. 

The cartoons and the drivel that was in there was so obviously 
slanted 

The Chairman. Slanted which way, sir? 

Mr. CoLGAN. It was at the start — until MacArthur was relieved, 
he was depicted in all types of cartoons as oppressing the Korean 
people with his sword over the body, and all the merchants had to 
ape those cartoons as anti-American propaganda. 

Well, I wasn't connected with anything political. But it was 
so stupid and so absurd that it wasn't worth reading any further. 

We checked to see what the high cost of living index was, and that 
was the end of it. 

The Chairman. You refer to it as drivel? 

Mr. Colgan. It sure was. 

The Chairman. It was anti-American? 

Mr. CoLGAN. Oh, vehemently so. 

At the time I got out of there, they were just starting, just stepping 
up the anti-germ-warfare campaign in Shanghai. 

Oh, yes; I forgot. Powell's magazine was also thumping the tub 
heavily for their so-called victory bonds for the Korean people, to 
provide volunteer funds. 

They were soliciting in English active support of this campaign. 

They w^ere also printing some pictures, alleged pictures, of the 
bombs used in germ warfare. 

As a matter of fact, I saw one — I think it w^as mentioned here 
yesterday, I couldn't help but overhear it — concerning the rat in the 
snow. That was widely disseminated in pictures in merchants' win- 
dows. They would take the individual shots and put them out. 

The Chairman. And that was in Pow^ell's magazine? 

Mr. CoLGAN. That was in Powell's magazine. 

The Chairman. You knew Powell was an American citizen? 

]\Ir. CoLGAN. Oh, yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What was the reaction among the English and 
American citizens there about Powell's publication, in the China 
Weekly or Monthly Review ? 

Mr. Colgan. They wanted no part of him. He would come among 
us. He'd keep his mouth shut and keep pretty much to himself. 

The Chairman. He does not keep his mouth shut in America. He 
is holding a press conference at 3: 15 this afternoon downtown in our 
capital. 

Mr, CoLGAN. He didn't return here, sir. He was sent back here on . 
a definite mission. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1917 

The Chairman. Go ahead, sir. 

Mr. CoLGAN. I say he didn't return here, as he says. He was sent 
back here on a definite mission. He is supposed to be a trade expert ; 
yet to my knowledjre, he has never participated in any commercial 
activities evon to running his magazine. That was subsidized at the 
time over tliere. 

I understand that he disclaims any knowledge of the circulation 
and operation ; then I believe that that is one of the few statements 
of liis that contains some truth, because he didn't have to worry, he 
didn't depend upon circulation for operating income; it was provided 
obviously by some bureau of the Communist propaganda department 
of the government. 

The Chairman. You say he did not come back; he was sent back. 
On what basis do you make that statement? 

Mr. CoLGAN. Having depended upon commerce and trade in China 
for my livelihood in marine insurance, his statements regarding trade 
with China as being a desirable and necessary thing to the American 
economy are at this time so full of holes and illogical reasoning that 
he is obviously prating statements that have been given to him, that 
he has memorized. He may believe them, for all I know. 

The Chairman. He submitted one of these statements to this com- 
mittee yesterday, but we did not include it in our record, along the 
very lines that you are now discussing. 

IVIr. CoLGAN. For one thing, Powell makes a major issue of the 
British and French trade over there. He does not want to say why 
they are concerned with trade. They have billions of dollars' worth 
of capital investments in China. Kailin Mining, for one, Jardine 
Matheson were large factories throughout China. 

We have only three that I can think of, comparatively small. And 
if the Chinese peoples' government were sincere in wanting world 
tracle, surely they would make restitution to American investors and 
stockholders. A lot of them bought Shanghai Power many years ago 
believing it a sound investment. They bought the Shanghai Tele- 
phone. They bought oil stocks in some of our companies operating 
with it. Those are the only three investments that we have. 

^ye have no reason to kowtoAv to the Chinese peoples' government 
in order to save a part of that comparatively small investment. And 
that is all that I can see that British merchants, French traders are 
doing, because I know for a fact that there is no such thing as a 
private industry, a private business in China today. They may have 
ostensibly private heads, but they are not allowed to hire or fire. 
Their operations are controlled by their employees, the union, the 
employees' union. That union of employees is responsible to the 
government union center, which is in turn government controlled. 

Therefore it stands, if you follow it on through, the government 
owns all of their businesses, domestic as well as international. And 
they can therefore dictate, especially in barter arrangements. 

I know of one transaction that took place in 1950 between Indian 
merchants and supposed merchants in cotton factories in Shanghai. 
They had agreed upon a very reputable cotton weighmaster, which 
in effect is a referee who determines the grade and quality of the 
cotton shipped at the time it arrives at destination. Iminediately this 
barter agreement was concluded, so much cotton to be shipped of such 
a grade and so much piece goods returned. Both countries had 



1918 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

agreed upon this weighmaster. The cotton being once on the high 
seas, they started to discredit this man, and they succeeded, with 
obviously phony uprisings and outbursts and statements from the 
unions in the cotton-weaving factories. So that when the cotton 
arrived they wouldn't allow him to inspect it. 

He couldn't go to Tientsin. No, the people objected. Therefore 
the government said "We are bowing to the will of the people; it is 
their own edict." But they gave out the statement they were bowing 
to the will of the people, these so-called government inspectors. 

The cotton was determined as discolored, a third grade, and they 
gave back the cotton piece goods on that basis. The shippers in India 
lost money on the proposition. 

I know the people's names. I would be glad to name the Indian 
merchants and the cotton weighmaster that was in Shanghai at that 
time. I would be glad to give those names to the committee for 
reference. 

That is not exactly pertinent to this issue, but Powell is a typical cog 
in the Communist wheel, and they certainly have used him and sent 
him back here, quite obviously, to continue his usefulness. 

With the Korean war over, it is apparent they could see no gainful 
employment for him. 

The Chairman. Did you, of your own knowledge, know that his 
magazine, China Monthly, or Weekly Review, was used not only as a 
textbook for advanced study in English but also was distributed and 
was used as a forced indoctrination course by our prisoners of war? 

Mr. CoixJAN. No, sir, I did not. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time. Senator, as you recall, yesterday after- 
noon you instructed the staff to prepare a list of documents wherein an 
article that appeared in the China Weekly, and later Monthly Review 
is included. 

Mr. Mandel has that list prepared at this time. We would like him 
to read them and have them introduced into the record. 

The Chairman. You may proceed, Mr. Mandel. 

Mr. Mandel. I wish to place in the record, as a result of that study, 
a list of Communist and pro-Communist writers appearing in the 
China Monthly Review. They were either connected with a magazine 
that has been cited as subversive, or they took the fifth amendment ; or 
they were openly identified as Communists. Among these were Steve 
Nelson, who is identified in the China Monthly Review as sentenced to 
20 years in the Common Workhouse under the State Sedition Act in 
Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Nelson is a leader of the Communist Party in that State. 

That is signed by the editor. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 470" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1988.) 

Mr. Mandel. Next I wish to put into the record the actual letter 
from Steve Nelson, which appeared in the China Monthly Review of 
May 1953. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1919 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 471" and ap- 
pears below :) 

Exhibit No. 471 

Letter From a WoRKnousE, "D. S. A. 

The following letter was sent to Mrs. Grace Lin, of Tientsin, by Steve Nelson, 
who was sentenced to 20 years in a common workhouse under the State sedi- 
tion act iu Pennsylvania. Mr. Nelson, who is a leader of the Communist Party 
in that State, was denied the right of counsel during the trial, and he was not 
allowed to post bail. In the indictment no specific counts were given against 
Nelson, and as the columnist I. F. Stone wrote, "The indictment might as well 
have read '[Nelsonl did incite and encourage whatchamaycall'im to commit 
whatdoyucallit.' " — Editor. 

Dear Mrs. Liu: Yours was the first letter I received from People's China since 
I have been in prison. Thanks a million. 

I know of course that the China Federation of Labor reacted to my case, and 
its affiliates sent protests against my frameup to the various authorities demand- 
ing my freedom, as did others in various parts of the world. It seems that these 
protests have had some useful effect at this end, so that a partial victory was 
registered in my case this week. 

I am to go out on $20,000 bail pending appeal. My supporters and friends 
of peace are elated and feel along with me that this small victory shows what 
even gi-eater ones can be scored if the people fight more energetically than ever, 
for peace in Korea, for trade and peaceful coexistence with U. S. S. R., new 
democracies and people's China, 

By the time you get this letter, I hope I'll be out of jail, as well as my 13 Com- 
munist friends. Communist Party leaders who have just been convicted and given 
sentences from 2 to 4 years each and fines from $2,000 to $10,000 each, in New 
York. However, on February 24, I and 4 other Communist leaders are going on 
another trial, here in Pittsburgh, this time charged by the Federal Government 
and can get 5 more years, though I am now under a 20-year sentence. 

This will be my fourth trial in 5 years. What is my "crime"? I fought for 
peace in the world, and for an end to the shameful imperialist war in Korea. I 
believe in and fight for socialism. I owned Marxist books, and am a leader of 
the Communist Party here. I fought fascism in Spain in 19.37. 

Thank you for your interest. My warmest to the great people of China. 

Steve Netson. 

Mr. Mandel. Next is the article in the China Monthly Keview of 
June 1953, pages 72 and 73, Chinese People Protest Injustice to 
Eosenbergs. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 472" and 
appears below :) 

Exhibit No. 472 

Chinese People Protest Injustice to Eosenbergs 

Organizations and individuals in China have added their voices to the worldwide 
protest against the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Peasant families in 
China are as familiar with the issues involved in the framed-up "atomic spy" 
charges of the United States Government against the young couple, parents of two 
small children, as are trade unionists and intellectuals. 

As far back as last December, a public statement demanding justice for the 
Rosenbergs was signed by the most widely representative organizations in China, 
including the All-China Federation of Labor. 

Among the organizations which have issued public protests ar^ : The Chinese 
People's Institute of Foreign Affairs, the China Peace Committee, the All-China 
Federation of Democratic Women, the All-China Federation of Democratic 
Youth, student and literary and art circles. Christian churches and religious 
associations have also strongly protested the death sentence for the Rosenbergs. 



1920 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Twenty-three Chinese Christian leaders, in March, urged Christians all over the 
world, particularly those in the United States to act to prevent the murder of the 
Rosenbergs. Signed by well-linown leaders such as Wu Yao-tsung, Wu Yi-fang, 
Y. C. Tu, Z. T. Kaung, and P. Lindel Tsen, their joint statement said : "We will 
uphold to the last the just demand of the Rosenbergs, a good and honest couple, 
because their case deeply involves the dignity, value, and conscience of mankind." 

A few days before this statement was made 15,000 Catholics in Tientsin issued 
a public declaration of protest against the United States Government's intention 
to carry out the execution of the Rosenbergs. 

Noted jurist and president of the Supreme People's Court, Shen Chun-ju has 
declared that there is a complete absence of credible evidence throughout the en- 
tire court proceedings against the Rosenbergs. To convict people of espionage on 
the basis of their political views or social outlook is a brutal violation of the 
most elementary principles of law, he stated. 

Chinese scientists have issued a joint message stating that the verdict in the 
Rosenberg case is "completely devoid of decency and reason." Yuan Han-ching, 
deputy secretary-general of the All-China Association for the Dissemination of 
Scientific and Technical Knowledge, in appealing to United States scientists to 
act on behalf of the Rosenbergs, noted that the "atomic secrets" supposedly di- 
vulged by the couple were already common knowledge. 

Mr. Mandel. From the China Weekly Review, November 5, 1949, an 
article on the American Communist trial. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 473*' and ap- 
j)ears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1988. ) 

Mr. Mandel. China Weekly Review of December 31, 1949, an article 
on the Congress of American Women, which was cited as subversive in 
the study by the House Committee on un-American Activities. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 474" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1991.) 

Mr. Mandel. China Monthly Review, December 1950, a list of 
speeches by Chinese Communist leaders, which are on sale in reprint 
form, as advertised through the China Monthly Review. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked Exhibit No. 475 and appears 
in the appendix to this volume at p. 1993. ) 

Mr. Mandel. Here we have China Monthly Review lists of Ameri- 
can prisoners of war, articles and photographs dealing with the sub- 
ject. I just want to read a few captions by way of example. 

Here is a photograph which states "The indictment of United States 
intervention grows clearer." 

Then we have a photograph with the caption: "American POW's 
stage a mass demonstration in opposition to the United States policy 
of continuing the Korean war." 

A list of 44 signers to POW's letter to Eisenhower, and an article 
entitled "United States planes attack POW camp;" a photograph of 
American POW's staging a mass demonstration in opposition to the 
United States policy of continuing the Korean war. 

I place that entire list into the record. 

The Chairman. They may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibits Nos. 476 and 476A" 
and appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1994.) 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1921 

Mr. Mandel. Here is a list of the dates of the National Guardian 
in which a list of prisoners of war appeared, as furnished by John 
W. Powell and the China Monthly Keview. I ask that be placed in 
the record. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exliibit No. 477" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1995.) 

Mr. Mandel. Here is an article from tlie China Monthly Eeview 
of March 1953, entitled "POW Messages From Korea." 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of 
the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 478" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1995.) 

Mr. JNIandel. From the China Monthly Eeview of April 1953, en- 
titled ''POW's Letter to Eisenhower." 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 479" and 
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1998.) 

Mr. IMandel. China Monthly Review of January 1953, "American 
POW's Want Peace Now." 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 480" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1998.) 

Mr. Mandel. Then I wish to place into the record a list of material 
published in the China Monthly Review^ on germ warfare. 

The Chairman. It may go in and become part of the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 481" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2000. ) 

Mr. JMandel. I will read some titles by way of illustration. 

"Photographic 'Evidence' of United States Germ Warfare, Under 
the Caption, 'Crime Against Humanity.' " 

An article, "Germ Warfare : A Sign of United States Desperation in 
Korea." 

I wish to place into the record some excerpts from these articles. 

The Chairman. They may go into the record and become part of 
the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 482" and 
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2001. ) 

Mr. Mandel. Then an article from the China jNIonthly Review of 
January 1953: "Scientists and Doctors Say * * *," ^^^^ then it quotes: 

Twenty-seven scientists and doctors who attended the Asian and Pacific 
Regions Peace Conference signed a statement condenniing the use of bacterio- 
logical warfare. Excerpts frona their statement follow * * *. 

The Chairman. That may go into the record and become a part 
of the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 483," and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2003.) 

Mr. IVIandel. Then I have a list of the articles from the China 
Monthly Review dealing with espionage, secret police, and treason, 
particularly one attacking the American United States spy ring 



1922 INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

smashed in Peking, attacking Col. David Barrett, assistant military 
attache in Peking. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked ''Exhibit No. 483-A" and 
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2004.) 

Mr. Mandel. Then articles from the China Monthly Review, deal- 
ing with the peace conference of the Asian and Pacific regions, or its 
parent body, the World Peace Congress, or other affiliates, with a state- 
ment of the State Department characterizing that conference. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibits Nos. 484 and 
484-A" and appears in the appendix to this volume at pp. 2004 and 
2005.) 

Mr. Mandel. Excerpts from the China Monthly Review showing 
anti-American propaganda during the Korean war. 

I will cite some of them : 

An article against United States aggression; an article, United 
States Offensive Backfires; an article. United States Massacre Claims 
Refuted by American POW's; photographs charging barbarism and 
criminal acts on the part of American troops; an article reading in 
part : 

Heavy United States losses. American casualties in Korea kept adding up 
while General Ridgway, in Tokyo, did his best to wreck Kaesong peace nego- 
tiations * * *. 

The Chairman. That may all go into the record and become a part 
of the record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 485" and 
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2005.) 

Air. Mandel. An article attacking Angus Ward, consul general in 
Mukden, appearing in the China Weekly Review of January 14, 1950. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 486," and 
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2007.) 

Mr. Mandel. An article from the China Monthly Review of Decem- 
ber 1950 titled "List of Border Violations by United States Planes." 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 487" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2013.) 

Mr. Mandel. And finally, an article from the China Monthly Re- 
view of December 1950, entitled "The Strafing of Kooloutzu by Ameri- 
can Planes." 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 488" and ap- 
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2014.) 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time we would like to enter into the record 
and have made a part of the record the military record of Gerald 
Tannebaum. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the 
record. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1923 



(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 489" and ap- 
pears below :) 



PERSONNEL PLACEMENT QUESTiONHAmE 



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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1925 



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192G INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



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INTERLOCKING SUDVIOUSION IN G(>\ KUNMKNT 



1927 



^ ->! Ij» sdai'iois to eT'^I-n'^nesit. m rtior t!»in field »r fields of psiA»iao»&l specjatijtatkm, specify 
i " " s-»v ott»^ qiidm<'>itn,r>s or skills you Im-re acqjimxi Uiroagb «ti«Jy, avk (-nterpn«-. 

hobbii" • o;.^Si-.-Muw of :nsirutn(-Bl;., ffte. {For exainAm Wnotography, &vi^mn, : 

! ^ . / : . n ;-4-'m!v»ii«, p!gw>» traiait)s, rwlio transKUSKitwi, i — 



is; PalittOAl SeleasA... 



(i.) ^bUd -l^l4-»Quejac#-.at\iAy 



\>c^sa^V vs-'x fc o< 



' n».»m.mti «^«« «tudjr .,of „#.;,i3i«.^»i*.t... 
i «n« Wrkitsg* of ssoflem gov»rn«> 

^ !sejit.a..«8l,n€. 9o:U«g«.3.S3!:l«-iRa« _.„ 

: reading list* a« basis, 

I d#llnqu«)aay was high, frie3 to 

! AU&rt th0iT habits into more 



(-i) 



<«) - 



(/J i.>5pcr!<:.»X; .<>;^ >i.n i<n*^*M^if<?. 



sSliSg-- 









fiQ., 



.« «hv :.* •! FiwM wr»Lt^ ssll«4t ,l!lM8^....?»Al&Alkpi-J3^.8fel>-^--- 



22, i-<'i <.«'> !" ('anuS n 
" », ire i L it si > <- 



or h <s' 1> !~ 



X 



__. -\o. 



Cvjiio^^. 









1928 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



iK) iMhv.: SijlijnU. s,;)!-. ;;;ilA<-d iii. 



, psycftologj, English 



>^^;< -. «M,v ii y,r. A.'-, ..:„., 




?4. ]<'i><-s-!,:t!> \ruv-A ■di'X 

C<tU!;;rv- 



2«. Ilo^r rOAKJ <ii«>s' !;.h;..;;-< !i<;,; 
i7, ^;tliii.^.' ;'Uiv olhcr lit ;.i>,:itt!<::<!i; i- ': 



im':;)i. i-K'<i;:>>ri, an;! nsiar;- <!t «ny furri^rri cs^x-f!'-;;"- T<:"; iBsy feivi- 
•!•>!! !"si- <5)?;f?!5t! iiiiiefj its of St'S^, . 



;;■-,-;<-!! wii.ii v.B,r m-nvu^i-a ii;.;<lii<i' 



,:i t!.-fi!3;«i-) Ifi *!u:;;! ^\>n iils 






28, ila 



V!> r:M tver tv< !i 



-iiii' If: 



liii- ■;ai<:- !i;-(i <!i-;-i,i- ;;> 



tT.&l .Mm&M- due to .s5X,clc«.« aesofiiAtlon.Klth. rMls.from .$1^... 
er-agraa. produetiors susglsi, 







(Snu-.r ^K\A■A or j.::;i;.-.s- feraM . Jami«b&UBi. 



vo« d&^Sfef; (o inr^ r>/ta3'£:<-d tu >v«< A:s a nii& SJi*f}>** <i«c»ai<;iiU ay*; iJ«-r<fi\'i-A*rt;i*' f^*r t5i« <*?r-si^<»riidttxi of your <:as<^ 



r <W«iatC,^CVT Mt(»-><»x ■> 



Av -Wrtyw vowa ^vU^-mxw' /w.«n'MA<»'«»;i£e.4r4bfiibMei»e^'^XhfhMAw.^ 



rr/l 



iC A^X^H^ V V^^i 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1929 




■«~-V"'WSs-«'--"-  










































































































































H« 






































Ai?uffS«* Ai.*, »»«fi.*«a r^> T 


tOWMANpAMt^ 



























































0«ION<^NCI! 0«fABT««ENT 

THE ORDNANCE SCHOOL 



4 Oeo^ber 19*43 



Subj- . . ; i , Appolmrnerst. 

'v 

isw of tfc« 0«it®d St«ite8 A 

1, The Secretary of War ha? -directed rnfe to iiiform you tnat the 
rr^-^;ndont has appoinled ar,d con-rrii^;.;ioned you a tornporary Second 

!•.!, Army of the United States, effecnve tnu; date, in the grade 
£j::...v.. ;:! the addrfiss above. Your serial number Us shown after A above. 

2. This co?n,f"nu-:;.uon to continuv Ln force during t}:;; pleasure of 
the Presidenl of the United States for the time bsing, and for the dura - 
tion of the present emergency and six montus thereafter ixaless sooner 
tej'minated. 



?, There Is inclosed herewith a form tor oath of office which you 
are requested to s^xeciae and retarn. The execution and return of the 
requlrea oatd of office constitute an acceptance of your appointment. No 
oiher evidence of acceptance Is required. This letter should be retained 
cy you as evidence of your a-ppoirAnseni.. 






By order of Coiosel SUtJSHtSRs 



Lt, Col., Ord» mpt,, 

Assls-feini Ccss^vaBdant, 

HQ OM SCHj &})^x^-BBn Pro'/in^ Sraundj, 

Oath of office sxsotttM iMa mt^ acceptiag yf.oo: rtsserst. 



fuclosure: 



Form for oath of office. 



Persons*! Offic»r» 



.J 



32018°— 54— pt. 23- 



-13 



1930 mTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



i'^X^timmb&mi^ i>irald (o) ^%h l»4. 

(13 Jal 45) 
Bq ;iSfj, Iaf»r»&tiwi & B&icaticB .■:.,i,.. !<;.:, ITs^Hlagfean, BCj » JrCly 1%5 

FOR rm, m.KX-^m, -m^mmxim & E0ic?.tiGi? nvitsimi  



Sfejor, AOD 



ESTTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1931 




l::^^^^^^"•^"•^^>^■•«!?^*■^S'=SPW,^'■V«:^^T^ 



RSPORT OF ENTay ON" vKSKacRi®stsx;<::®^ active doty 

(Par. ' U>b, AR Hi.i-5. and pars, i3 b asid :>A fSi ISO-i-J). 





:•■•■: 






> 


i 





To: Tfie Ai 



KAME: 



(First,! 



GRATsS AND BKAXCH:. 



4 fteceir 

01J?5S 212 l 

(Brissc:;; 



-■ ■■■■■?  i v^ 



(Serial No) 



A oUffi 






■, '■, A 



(ii^xii; .A Orde- 






IDstts of entry is w^Saas-Uy &ile officor i^sft riome I? Siich dxt« is oi. -q;AyBt to the 

-JJTsci'-'i ;.;■  vv .:-:: i: -■; jrd«r4 



RBPOBTSI.) res ACTr/S DtiTY:. ....... 

:?cr tii8 COMMAMDAJ-rr; 



4,.,Si««3Mii...lS4S 

(Date rftpone-S st ststlns} 



G'-ptalR, era, SsFt 



I. iiep??:. i'- be sjaiisi dlfsct to -Jsfi Ai, - ;: , -si. by ttss adiutae^. o? p»rsia5»«} adjutasst 

«f tte p&st, siatsoc or iai^ ^itaiFirbs^sfs al^i-sir oitic«r ygpc^^^ 

? rfts?-!: wii! £>«! r«5i^«riS!3 f<3r eag'a Heg<ar'/g. K&tisa^l gwrsj a? tM l?r.it:s4 Sistes 



»U»8 <38t *c-riia e<,<s^4iesi;k<. 



mim DfcCiii^J 



1932 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



EnaSTHKST KtCOSD 

 5^W *E&jS»li, P«ra:a, S?jJ»;Ji, C«*tr-ib. 

0CCCPATiC3?AI. OtAXinCATIQSS 

, ,, Bd.r.W.tLi:'!^^:-. ,...„,, : U-^.?-..^-^- 






* ^JSpMtOW*, JHiDlU.'KII'.tl, VSptrt. 



t-'ipii !.>•« c-^tt-^atiotl 






.Dji.l,^U.^xa.rs,r...... , 




5*-*f 



..^£!i.tke.fy, '^1 .._ 

bj^siSh&tio:? of bsheficuxy 

^ 'nyi>., A. U, -y. >orm .No. il ), 






^«( 



3RSAZ mcossEsmnf 



1'*rm«l5SWx...3SEJ^4 \VXi.^£Z&, 



An»«- /S.J ^ „ ,.,^ OCT . .^..MttucWfr.'^Mt.rg^Jx'^.a* 1 




•Kfr!twff» -Mr+ifitVB tiit^rtbiw-^ ^, C, A. C 0. F«^ ??a. ^. 










.- - 7«w*t 

CcffijAii*^ .,». yfws , ^ jokjAi ritjiv b7 isivv^ jiejj 

»t «iiJ^«tniasS. Mm o«tr ytwi' tarries 



.MJlSftCf^-l-azslaaa. .. \ 




{I»aa>t« at oficm? 



tO«['i!f»'»4 i^'vojii^^tio* 












/ 



^■■"?$>?S^^'?^^* 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1933 

' ' ""'"n 



i*! 









XS«i«tS 






i. 



«»|,« 



1934 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



' '--^^i-lM^ i 



s^^div ^:^^ 



ff.t 



:,r® 8t«syi« 









i t^J.€ t i "5 



3 ts infill 



M2* ^MX.sI1£I:^UB -l 



^* 1 try ; :-- 



"-'x tt 



^•-j. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1935 




IiieX4Mmv»« 1 {wtm*4,) 



S« fea»*a«l lr«tis«jt>» {Q&Xm^^ mpfxieismnt ^u.r«j i» 
C« Mm-'h0tt MT«rtislS3t i«»a«?^ • **^1» director. 

J* 



k tMo «8«ri,H vrX4«r C^..*.*-. 
1 t»- lis « 






^,3 is i '- 



imt«» 






:'! !>.:aS5 



1936 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



WARDeF/-*TMEHT 
ARMYSERV . FORCI^ 

MEIVtO KOUriNC SUV 

To tha. following in order indicated; 



W. »M A. O. O. 



aoai i»~*taa>-i 



(litttSrfg) 



X 



Personnel Br&nch 



(KiSe or title) 



"(OrganisaUon) 



<Safl«Ung«Bd rocw) 







\ 


- 




/-"' 




\ 




y 


1 



Reqtjest action be taken to reassign 2d L.t. Gerald 
t&nn«ba-am, .;d .itude^t Officer Training Company, . 
Aberdeen rroving Hound, Md,, to the Morale ^^ervices 
Pool, Lex«, Ifa.', «ith 30_days t/d Los Angiles Office, 
enroute. Major *Boardman, La Uffice, desires this- 
officer for subsequent assignment overseas as a 
radio program officer, ^.,.. 

Barton a. 3tebbins 
Captain, A.U.3, 



J'KBDa 



R^dlo section. Information 'g** 



(X)»3»> 



{T«feiPl>iM»^ 



J . 



I 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1937 



CM«f «f Qp&amt» 



33 fiMMMlMr 1<M3. 



(S3 l>M 4t3} 



2ffii S%a^)imt mstmt 1!)n&i»la« Ccmmaa^v AlMs<dt««B Ihr^vtes Ofwind, «d», 
b« r«li»<r«$ tvmt piwmt^ nssi^mtBt sad ft9«ign»4 te M^m^ s«nrl<ji«« 

t«sas«s««jrr <tety &s^t«fe a?ft*«, &3«1» Ser»i«s» midaloti» ASi", XOa 

F<ar the DliMietisrt 






i»«tA%«t0t Ksss^tii^ Qttimr^ 

m TO mmum 



^■s 




1938 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



-Tar,neS-a«~i, U-yrila {k- } 1;?, h:~i, ;K-;^3;K, '.;>:;;' -s 



TO: Cffice ;f t;.s GhiiT o:f Or-oSit^rx*:, trie ,=.:.,,_ , V;;., nirrton, D, C. 
Attn; lliiits.ry s^ercurs;;!:-! Sra^.cn. 

Forwarded. Anj>re>yai recoit^^jni^:*;!, 

for tht; ?: :;, ,,-:jivit : 






I, . 0, <'^i - T^^irsei-aLi.?!, Gerala (;iid It.) 



*;!-!!i Ind. 



Ars^ Service Forces, Office oi' ;,h«3 Crdef cf .:ra:aric«, ^.asrarigton, D. C, 
J} Qiicmibcr l'-.i«,3. 

Toi Tne .idcutant C-eneral's (.'ffic*, '^ashingtcn, D, c. 

1. Forwarded, rfscosmendiat; ,i;>;,rovsl , 

"'■• ''- "^ i■«^;U6st«a ti-iav t;;e (;!■<<■. e 2 a ar;; orders b« issued relis'/i-"? 

v^tudciit O^XKsr ir.ilr!ir« Coaparry, Aberdeen Fyovin^^ Oroar.tS, ^'ar^^^.m, 
froiii lus present aaai.;>i!iiet:,t, mvi fes;^i:^ing hiia to tne Mo 



>raj.«< ^ervic 



ReplacsK^ent Tool, l.«xia,:toft, ^irglr.ia, «lth thirty (3()) davs teau>orarv duty 

-iv ;jx^mc.f! Cdficej I'oraie Ssrv-ces £}iyision, Aras^ Se!-vic« F<3rc«», 1422 J 

!>ortn ;?eat<sr;i ,>ve^r!Ue, Los Ar^gele*;, C;aif<(r;ii«, ^ 

o . . .  ., ! 

d. /tvlaciiea i-s tfes cc>nc;),rrvr:<;<'r icr the ai-...>vo~!:ianli!.n<ai .■tfssi^j-'sssTt, i 



ir ths C?;isf of Ordnance; 



?^.-^^v/^,^,.-,;>^^ 



Aaslstft!!?, 



INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1939 



WAR DEPARTMENT 
ARMY 5EftV!CE FORCES 



TRAH$MITTAL SHEET 









£.■■: 



' ifsnU) 



FROM iAr. 



n> l-y Ray»i>> 



-S'olXosir.,;; t?iWS6i>r j 



5 b« i«iti&< «d siM^gnil^MgbM th© 



r<lvd 



A8«g^_tf» 






Morale S«rvlttss Ee» &». Offica S6jp3,, 

!5iac«s»at ^^ool, i«x4agkiRj AHIS, ^SD, 1421 

?a* with T/X) at preSi«Rt ia Jtertii rhateecn Aw,, 

l«s lag^Xea, C&lif , l,os ■Ang«l»3, Calif, 

2. ji<3 tr&vai ia involved, 

3. .'-, -f~xc-M-ic-i' sxl»ts ix. Uie I/O t<o -sroieSs the- tr&ssfsr i» reqas-ste^. 



A<toiaistr&tlve Officer 
Arm«4 Fare*s Iia4i<3 Sss'vic*, 






.v^Jt— t..**-*w*»,-V»A-''«' ^ 



71 



U -J 



»» I,,. A, <r, «. J'onW XU. < 



) ^»>Kt^v 4r^ r( t>— »iftW> 



-^.Jl 



1940 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 












0^^ 






si;^'*s'» 















i5» is, ^'O^i.'iJ^&S. 



::5<i4 «.&!?"■» »xi<5t« i.a %hU !;;■■*;-;;;; asid will «xi«t 
Issi V -!ta!»s> «^f t««jf « <;-t this %j^.«;>S ;:~<-«-5i3t!gl3' r»iKm-< 

r«<?'S5«s#ri&t i«»» tisiSil %«l5i«s^ ims act li«*ii fc»k»a« 

Ottkesm-f ls»& Au|-..»-'s» ^';-a".a;-a Q^tUi^f Wtt%l<i %^r--n.J&»i DiTisWa, A^f , &:>li S«5st* 
4m#* Fsysi* Mii<ss 8«>r?i$«. Is ssMitiOSj j:* is,r».^3a?*d te «tt«s4 ?*!;..*&-,"&*, i« 



L 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1941 



4» 2d !.*► T8jExtt«b*u» hA$ (5i»*rly d«ats>n«tr*t«ii bit ijijailfiottloa tor 

high«r gr»a4 for * period of tir» i»ontK» by ftet\mi oooup^tioa of a posltiaa 1 

&ad i>«rfora«iM»»» of d«*i»» «pj)ropriftt« to *iM» g!r*i» *ad «o<'r««poa4la« to th« i 

jxjsitloa ls« i« to oooupy »t follow** I 

to DoKjr** of Flte**3 I 

Tc I>stt« Eso»li«D* I 



3i O&B 43 



6» fh« pr«»efet9a of this offiasr 1» daftattssly to th« ^»t isrf!«r««t8 
of tho $«rvit>9» 



PrtBoljml iXit^ 


Pl»o» 


Fraa 


8«k<lio Prognw* Offi«»r 


XA Br Off. , 

aso, Asr, 

soil &ajxU. 
Soeioft Blird. , 
Lot i>a£»I«s, 
C*llf. 


10 Jan 4A 


Prior Prlaail?*! Swty 


P1«.«MS 


FrO« 


3?«<!ial S«r»ioo Sobool 0?d. Soh., 


12 B«« 45 




Qdtag* 



201 . 

1!amiel3a'a®, Gerald 
{U Jiia« U) let Ir^,. 

iO! CostsKiiiteg Ssaerai, Ar.i(^ Service Fore*®, 
t^^s®: Dire'Ctor af rerssmjel, ^F. 

1 , jtef»rov«i , 

2. A poeltion T9,c*«acy ta th« grsids of 1st lieutajiant sad oj" thft arsi 
or ssi-'/lcf; :: 1 ;: e jff icer fs&seci abo7« exis^$ ift tiiis ^i^ialoa ««» inil exist 
after the ;> j:^jUon s: 'tlL other officers of tiaig Dinsioa prcvijusl/ recoss- 
serided o« fsjose reeasiitfcaAtioas fuisi &cti:>a tes &.it ■£>»«» taken. 



"^ /^. d€_ 



«ajor ueserai, <3. is.Cx, 

XI rector, j 

•2»koml« Serrices. Dlvisij^u. | 



1942 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



r~~^~ 



^^^y^aw^frvt^wwway-w wv x^/ W My^^www^ftgKW TOWW^WW WWWMWfli^^ ' ■WMHy »» i y ^< at»g^ ^^j<M^Jl^WJ^^KWjMia jSiBW»^'"J'^ 



SrWSAI. 0»X>KSia 



gr i 



"' — "■'r™ >'""«! 



W AH DEP AS.TMENT, 



EXTRACT 






,..; t i Xo 



f^XT^ y 



EiU,U) TV: 



:.Ox;i/ 



on 



? dt^yy^ui^ H' 



6/ 









By OROstE Of t!SS Ssc»«T*xr Of Was,; 



J. A. UUO, 



G. C. MASSHAIX, 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNiMENT 



1943 



•BiBiffwiATHHJ m nmmm of or -r 

At «M-I> 



.<^o 



'•^ Lo* Aac«l«s Sr«w«h Offt««, iiiComktioa & £<lu«sktl(m D1t«» ASF 
6011 S*ota Monlo* Bl'»>4. , lo« AB^eliMi 58 » Calif oral* 



U*-ft IHlttATtO 

15 July 13«6 



I .<tM1 S»T*l NtlMW 



O^IUHZU 



; Captaiinx 

Aiw o» seovict lAiic coMfONrm 

Ord ACS 






»)l ."tfe*! offt«rt 



80 






~uir HMit - fliv rUM* ~ Moni iMilui 

A Y«<"ACy in s'^*^ 'W* **• *" mrvtiM *iitt*4 trt tW« i^Wfwwwnd wia >v>f( *xf*( 

X-fe. tiMaMil»»», »s « «i<iiO pi\>$rtus <Mf;eic*t>, is «»ai6A«d 4«ti'»« at thi* B«i4au*rt»r« 

calttfted pro4ao«re, (Mtd »» »aoh, «.*rt»«« oa pi?a4aoil«m t»«h6ti.<j»<»8, «»l«atii»n of t»l«a* 
*ad Mu»ic, &sdi «ji)^>«w»l of «ortpt siAt«rlAl,» la edditioa, {>• is parifontlly rtajjoaslble I 
f»r tbs STitiag of sa*ay of tJie «<>rij*«» TM.» «»ri»8 of «h«wa for wbioh }»• Is ro»pou«ibl#| 
jMfo««»it»1;*« ll»i*sia with «>* ?»i»lttagtoa i?«»ilgasjrti«r» of Satlan*! ik»»ool*tlon of 3ro*4<» 
«»«t»r« MJd oa« 1»«»4?«»<1 «iif»jty»f»Bi" of tis«lp 8te*tl«a« tl«roia|pho\!t tijs Cai*»4 Ststesj It i 
i« M» re»$)«e8tMll^y t« »T»3?«HTi«* th« fora***, 6orig*in« «ia4 produotioa of radio eh«nr» | 
frcw th»89 sitatiosvi tor rslo*,** to OYor four h«adU»«d ovw«oa« outl«*« «w(i oa o-i^r twiaiqr | 
shortsm'M fersa«Bsit%9r» la tha 5Silt»<i St«t«« l^y AF5K» la a4dltioB to thm«* <itttl««, | 

IA> r3a»«1aK«B pro<^o«e s;>9«l«l Istforwttlott &ad od^uift'tloa peo$reaas vMoh tbi» Saftd^uartvr* | 
(ll>trlb«t«s froat tiivs* t» t]ja«> Tl&is potltloa. ««11$ for oxtran* ta«t, a tiioroai^ too*- 
1*4«« of *H AFBS* ?feJ" aai Jl»vy O^J^ftRMBP* <iir»otiT«6, «xa»il«at «ritiag ftMlity »a& 
*ilUrU-l <^^y<H^ij»i>_I;^7»^t»*<» ^* »^t fcfagB» <^«alifle&tloag^ mA 1» aj>..^saw>ll*at ' 



«w«c**i. Cl>«(jfe»*» foifs-WJa ?t«*M f^f *» p«tt t>^ y«««l «f »lft<« f A O, if (*5i ition t»t> w»ftrt 




MApJHrR Of 






cuWewr ^csua o? «jiyt_oijrj___ 

A?j;^ P*OMO?K>W&_^ 



J is? 

) AS? 

) 

f 


10 j«a 44 «6 so ^w «& 
I 4sa 44 to K JD'Jd 44 
1 JftR 4« to SHt* 


sat 



« i3«9 m 



avi!«x ciCiu?An<a»f 



I ! 1 2 « S 4 ! I < » 



»Miio 8«rlpfe WrltWf 
















~m 









T 



1944 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 






atJOT J?, S'jw<;«<fi.»n DlvigioB, ^^fe^M^; 



«,,.s. c. „ L„..A?..i? 



j«l» 1%^ 






t ' &ulin »« «» e» lo u^<M »«Wj^»«i» o«e»»t, W u> i |>tk ii M » i 










iiw» pt^m>^f^ pi <>*^ ♦**♦«*■ «*o»« | W» ' > k H'riy ■*»«»»«•*<*«( *» wfews 



..^" 



Wt* tMBOliggvaWT 






irtsire ' 






frfhw Utt p;<M«i»t<»« (jf Ciii ftJhw o^t*rj pt^-^JOtttrfy 



^ ^:?' i^- 



^ 



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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1645 

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52918*^—54— pt. 23 14 



1946 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter, Colonel Todd, please. 

STATEMENT OF LT. COL. JACK R. TODD 

The Chairman. Do j'ou swear tlie testimony you will give in this 
hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Colonel Todd. I do, sir. 

The Chairman. You may be seated. 

Give the committee your full name, Colonel. 

Colonel Todd. Lt. Col. Jack E. Todd, T-o-d-d. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. IIow long have you been in the military service, 
Colonel Todd? 

Colonel Todd. Fifteen years, sir. 

INIr. Carpenter. Colonel Todd, did you have an opportunity to 
study the conditions of Korea, especially as to the treatment of 
prisoners of war during this last war there ? 

Colonel Todd. 1 did, sir. I was Chief of the War Crimes Division in 
Korea for 18 months. 

Mr. Carpenter. And you were actually in Korea ? 

Colonel Todd. Yes, sir. 

Mv. Carpenter. Will j^ou tell this committee what you found out 
in your official activities with the War Crimes Commission ? 

Colonel Todd. Sir, on the basis of 18 months of investigating alleged 
reports of atrocities and mistreatment of American ])risoners of M-ar, 
I can truthfully state that everything that these ex-prisoners have testi- 
fied to here before this committee have been true. They are backed up 
by hundreds of written statements that I have taken over there, sworn 
statements, from returned American as well as South Korean prisoners 
of war. 

The stories show remarkable unanimity; the men all sufiered the 
same experiences. 

There were, in my opinion, no American POWs, except those 
captured right at the end of the hostilities, who are not victims of 
atrocious treatment while they were in the hands of the Communists. 
In my experiences in interviewing returnees on Operation Little 
Switch, which was the return of the sick and wounded which preceded 
the big return, and then further experiences on Big Switch, interview- 
ing returnees, American and South Korean former prisoners of war, 
it is my considered opinion that there Avas a conspiracy on the part of 
the Communist higli command, both Communist and Xortli Korean, to 
exterminate prisoners of war. 

I believe they would have exterminated every single solitary one of 
tliem had it not become aj^parent in the Panmunjom peace tallvs that 
tliey nuist be able to return some living prisoners of war. 

I believe that was the turning point, and had that not come about, 
I am convinced that there would have been no effort to spare or save 
these men, tliat they would have been permitted to die of malnutrition 
and lack of medical care and exposure to the elements. 

The. Communists clearly demonstrated on death marches and the 
conditions that they permitted to prevail in their prisoner-of-war 
camps that they had utterly no respect for the Geneva Convention and 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1947 



no intention, utterly no intention, of saving a life of a prisoner, or, 
let alone, returning a healthy prisoner of war. 

The Chairman. In other words, they only became a commodity to 
use in their bargaining ^ 

Colonel Tonn. Exactly. They became something that could be bar- 
tered as one of the elements in buying a truce in Korea. And when 
that became aj^parent to the Connnunists, as these men who were 
there in the prison camps will tell you, they began slowly to improve 
the conditions in the. camps, they issued a little more food, and so on. 
But as the peace talks went up and down, in other words, as con- 
ditions appeared favorable or unfavorable, they dealt with them ac- 
cordingly; which indicated they dealt with them like cattle or dogs 
or anything else they would want to trade. 

Mr. Carpex']'f.r. Colonel, we have some pictures over here which 
have been supplied to us by the Department of the Army. I believe 
you are familiar with them. I wish you at this time would take a 
pointer and interpret these pictures for us, if you please. 

Colonel Todd. Yes. 

Do you want me to go over there ? 

The Chairman. Yes. There is a microphone there. 

First, Colonel, can you tell us about the authenticity of these 
pictures ? 

Colonel Todd. Yes, sir. These are all authentic military photo- 
graphs taken on the spot by military photographers. And they are 
all authenticated by the United States Signal Corps. 

Exhibit No. 490 




The first picture (Exhibit No. 490) there is of a trench on the 
outskirts of the jail, around the compound of the jail in the city of 
Kaesong, Korea. This atrocity was perpetrated by the Communists in 
September of 1950, after they had overrun the city of Kaesong. They 



1948 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

put about 5,000 South Korean political prisoners into jails, compounds. 
And along with them they had some 42 American soldiers who were 
stragglers, who had been left behind when the Americans were forced 
to evacuate Kaesong before the oncoming Communist forces. 

When the United Nations troops broke out of the Pusan perimeter 
and started moving north again they returned to Kaesong and just 
before entering the city when it became apparent to the Communists 
that the city was going to be retaken, they took these 5,000 political 
prisoners, the South Koreans, and including the 42 Americans, out and 
machinegunned them. They bulldozed big ditches and forced them 
to stand on the side of the ditches and shot them down with machine- 
guns and then pushed dirt over them with the bulldozers. 

The Chairman. Were there any survivors of the first picture, 
Colonel, any American survivors of that massacre ? 

Colonel Todd. There were two survivors among the Americans, 
one of whom died before he could be gotten back to a collecting point. 
However, one did survive and gave an eyewitness account of this 
massacre. 

The Chairman. Those that were machinegunned and weren't in- 
stantly killed, how were they disposed of, if you know ? 

Colonel Todd. They were bludgeoned to death with rocks and clubs. 
And if you look there you see a tremendous ax. I have personally 
had that thing in my hand, and it is a very lethal weapon, and that 
was used to kill some of the boys. 

The Chairman. All right, the next. 

Colonel Todd. The next photograph (Exhibit No. 490-A) is a 
picture of 5 American boys who were killed by their North Korean 
captors 36 hours after they had been taken prisoner, and they were shot 
down in this little hut where they were under the guard of 2 Com- 
munist guards, simply because they didn't want to take the trouble to 
evacuate them to the rear. They opened fire on them and shot them 
down in cold blood. 

The next picture (Exhibit No. 490-B) here is a picture of the death 
march. These men were all captured way clown in the south and 
central part of Korea and were marched north during the month of 
October of 1950. You will observe that many are barefooted. This 
man has no shirt. They are all terribly emaciated, and they are being 
exhibited here in the streets of Pyongyang in Korea. 

The Chairman. What was the weather condition at that time in 
October? 

Colonel Todd. Very cold, sir ; very cold. 

The last picture (Exhibit No. 490-C) there is a picture of an Ameri- 
can soldier who is 1 of 8 who were captured on a — they weren't 
patrolling, they were out repairing wire, communications wire, and 
they Avere captured by Communist guerrillas. Six of the eight were 
killed in the same fashion that this man here was killed, with numerous 
puncture wounds with a bamboo spear. Medical testimony is to the 
effect that none of these wounds, or no 2 or 3 would have caused death, 
but when they are multiplied to the extent they were on these men, the 
men just died of agony. 

Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to have those pictures 
that the colonel has just interpreted be made a part of the record. 

The Chairman. By reference they will be made a part of the record. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1949 





1950 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



Exhibit No. 490-B 




Exhibit No. 490-C 




INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1951 

(Photographs referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 400, 490-A, 
490-1), and 490-C" and appear above.) 

j\lr. Carpenter. Also, I Avould like to call the committee's atten- 
tion that these atrocities were committed in 1950, prior to the letter 
of Jannary 10, 1951, wherein John W. Powell wrote Mrs. Charles L. 
Gill the following: 

We know from the clippins In map;azincs we receive from home that there 
has been little if any news of the American POW's, except for fabricatetl atrocity 
stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here might give 
you some reassurance. 

The Chairmax. Thank j'oii, Colonel Todd. 
Colonel Todd. You are welcome, sir. 
The Chairman. The next witness ? 
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Tredick. 

TESTIMONY OF STANLEY TREDICK, BETHESDA, MD. 

The Chairman. Do you swear that the testimony given in this hear- 
ing will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God? 

Mr. Tredick. I do. 

The Chairman. Give the committee your full name, please ? 

Mr. Tredick. Stanley Tredick. 

The Chairman. Where do you reside? 

Mr. Tredick. At 7602 Colony Terrace, Bethesda, Md. 

The Chairman. What is your business or profession? 

Mr. Tredick. I am a United Press photographer. 

Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Tredick, did you have some experience during 
the Korean war in Korea ? 

Mr. Tredick. I covered the Korean war for Acme News Pictures, 
which takes United Press photos, as a civilian war correspondent. 

Mr. Carpenter. As a war correspondent, did you have opportunity 
to see any of the atrocities committed upon the American prisoners of 
war ? 

Mr. Tredick. Yes ; I witnessed one atrocity. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you please tell the committee what you wit- 
nessed ? 

Mr. Tredick. As early as — I believe it was in about the middle of 
August 1950 — we were told of 36 American wdio were lined up on the 
edge of a ravine and shot in the back, their hands were tied behind 
their backs and they were shot. 

I am trying to get it straight. 

We first discovered this by a survivor who was brought back to a 
hospital to be interviewed, and he pointed out several of the assassins 
and told us where this had taken place; which was just below the 
Kaktong River, about 30 miles above the Taegu. This area was in 
sort of a no-man's land at the time. 

So we motored up there. We had a chaplain with us who was 
brought along to administer the last rites, and we discovered the 
bodies in this ravine. Their hands were tied behind their backs with 
wire. They were lined up at the edge of the ravine and shot with 
"burp" guns, and they fell into the ravine face down. Then the Com- 
munists came along, and those who moved or gioaned or were still a 
little alive were shot in the head or in the back with a pistol. 



1952 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

This one survivor — there were several survivors — but this one who 
had been shot several times, he took some blood from one of his bud- 
dies next to him and he rubbed it all over his face and arms and just lay 
there, and when they hit him with a rifle butt he didn't move and didn't 
breathe and just stayed there until they left. They were discovered 
by a scouting party leader, and he was brought back to this hospital. 

Mr, Carpenter. And you saw all this with your own eyes ? 

Mr. Tredick. I didn't witness the shooting but I saw this 

Mr. Carpenter. How many bodies were there ? 

Mr. Tredick. There were 36 Americans, to the best of my recol- 
lection. 

Mr. Carpenter. And they were all cuffed, their hands were tied? 

Mr. Tredick. All hands were tied behind their backs; they were 
shot in the back. 

The Chairman. And this happened in 1950 ? 

Mr. Tredick. In 1950, August. 

Mr, Carpenter, That is all. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

The next witness. 

Mr. Carpenter. Colonel McLauohlin. 



■fe* 



TESTIMONY OF LT. COL. JOHN N. McLAUGHLIN, UNITED STATES 

MARINE CORPS 

The Chairman. Colonel, do you swear that the testimony you will 
give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
b);t the truth, so help you God? 

Colonel McLaughlin. I do, sir. 

The Chairman. You may proceed, ]\Ir. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will 3'ou please state your name ? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Lt. Col. John N. McLaughlin. 

Mr. Carpenter. What is your business or occupation ? 

Colonel McLaughlin. I am an officer in the United States Marine 
Corps, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been an officer in the United 
States Marine Corps? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Thirteen years, 

Mr, Carpenter. Did you do duty in Korea daring this last war? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Yes ; I did, sir. 

Mr, Carpenter. Will you please state the nature of that duty? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Initially I went to South Korea in July of 
1950 as an adviser of the 1st Cavalry Division, their amphibious 
landing. Later I returned to Japan, went back to Korea with the 
Tenth Army Corps Staff at the landing at Inchon, and I participated 
in the action at Inchon and Seoul, and also at Wonsan and in the 
Hamhung area, and I was captured by the Communist forces on 
November 30, 1950. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of war? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Thirty-three months. 

Mr. Carpenter. How many camps were you in during that time, 
prisoner-of-war camps ? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Three organized camps, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were they all in North Korea 2 

Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1953 

Mr. Carpenter. I wisli you Avoiild tell this committee, Colonel, 
your experiences in the prisoner-of-wiir camps, with particular refer- 
ence to the type of indoctrination you underwent and also especially 
as to the China Weekly and later the China Monthly Keview. 

Colonel McLaughlin. Well, sir, I first encountered this organized 
forced indoctrination at Kanagyc, near the capital of North Korea, 
the then capital of North Korea. 

It appeared to me to be a deliberately organized indoctrination pro- 
gram, which was thought of from the phychological viewpoint. It 
rested considerably on the state of mental depression and the physical 
state of the prisoner upon arrival at these prisoner-of-war camps. 

At this time it generally took a march of 100 to 250 miles on 
the part of any prisoners to reach these camps, and it was midwinter. 

Another factor which they utilized was intimidation and duress 
in order to launch their indoctrination program and to sustain it. 
The major portion of the indoctrination consisted primarily of very 
lengthy lectures and also study periods, which were conducted by a 
squad. These squad study periods were based on the use of Com- 
munist literature which was issued to each squad. 

Initially the major items of Communist literature were the Shang- 
hai News,' the People's China, and the China Monthly Review\ 

The Chinese would issue these magazines to these various squads, 
with marked articles which must be read and commented upon. And 
all of these pieces of literature were Communist in content, including 
this China Monthly Keview. 

As a matter of fact, although the name of an American appeared 
as an editor of this document 

The Chairman. What was his name? 

Colonel McLaughlin. It was Powell, sir. I don't believe that 
most of the Americans believed that an American was actually there 
editing that magazine. I know I did recall that the editor of this 
magazine had been an American named Powell who was a prisoner 
of the Japanese. I don't think I knew at the time that his son was 
then editing this magazine. As a matter of fact, I think it would 
have been inconceivable to the American prisoners of war that any 
Ajnerican citizen was there editing that magazine and writing this 
Communist ideology and this anti-American propaganda. 

Mr. Carpenter. Now that you know he is an American citizen, 
what do you believe? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Sir, I still don't believe that any American 
citizen worthy of the name could do such a thing. 

Mr. Carpenter. Colonel, will you tell us more now about the in- 
doctrination, with particular reference to the China Monthly Review; 
how you were forced to read the articles and rqDort on them? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir. 

These study periods were very closely supervised, and anyone wdio 
did not participate in the study program was usually disciplined. 
There was one particular incident involving an American oflicer in 
which the Chinese who was listening in on this study period heard 
him say that the paper was not worth — the statement was that this 
particular article was not worth the paper it was written on. For 
making that statement this man was very severely disciplined, and I 
believe it ultimately led to his death. He was in a very weakened 
state at the particular time. 



1954 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

In addition, the Chinese utilized punishment by force in order to 
bring certain people into line. They also utilized the hungry state 
of the prisoners and the threatened withholding of food in order to 
discipline prisoners. 

Mr, Carpenter. "Were you punished for not accepting the indoc- 
trination? 

Colonel ]\rcLAUGHLix. I was punished in early 1952 for opposing 
this forced indoctrination. However, the CCF was very careful not 
to accuse us of opposing forced indoctrination. I was accused of con- 
ducting subversive activity in the cam]) in that I had attempted to 
influence my fellow prisoners in their thinking and in their actions. 

The CiTATRMAN. What was your punishment, Colonel? 

Colonel McLaughlin. I Avas kept in confinement out of the com- 
pound for almost 4 months. Most of this was solitary confinement, 

Mr. Carpenter. Were there quite a group of instructors that were 
at each camp carrying on this indoctrination program? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir. 

In addition to the camp security forces, there was a definite political 
organization in the camps. 

Mr. Carpenter. What nationality were the instructors? 

Colonel McLaughlin. The instructors were English-speaking Chi- 
nese, with one exception. I did see an occidental in one of the camps 
who Avas an instructor for the Turkish troops. And the Chinese 
claimed he was from western China, Sinkiang Province, where I 
understand there are people of Turkish origin. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. Who were the guards ? 

Colonel McLaughlin. The guards were appijrently regular Chinese 
troops. 

Mr. Carpenter. You had no North Korean guards ? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Initially, at Pyoktong the camp was guarded 
by Koreans, but the Chinese took over that camp, and I did not come 
into contact with the Korean guards thereafter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were there many copies of tiiis China Weekly Re- 
view, and later Monthly Review, in the camps? 

Colonel McLaughlin. When it was issued to us, which was fre- 
quently, there were sufficient copies to issue at least one copy per squad. 

]\Ir. Carpenter, Was it delivered regularly ? 

Colonel McLaughlin. With fair regularity after the first 6 months, 
sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you get that before you got food ? 

The Chairman. Medical supplies? 

Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir. 

The period in the winter and spring of 19.50-51, that was one of our 
major complaints, that we lacked for food and medicine, and the reason 
the Chinese gave that we lacked for this was that they could not trans- 
port these items of daily necessity into the camps. However, they 
always seemed to be able to transport this scurrilous literature. 

Mr. Carpenter. That is all. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Colonel. 

The next witness. 

Mr. Carpenter. Caj)tain O'Connor. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1955 

STATEMENT OF JOSEPH L O'CONNOR, UNITED STATES INFANTRY 

The Chairman. Captain, will you be sworn and testify ? 

Do you swear the testimony you will give in this hearing will he the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Captain O'Connor. I do. 

The CnAiKMAN. Will you give the committee your full name, Cap- 
tain? 

Captain O'Connor. Capt. Joseph L, O'Connor. 

The CiiAiroiAN. How long have you been in the Armed Forces of 
the United States ? 

Captain O'Connor. Thirteen years and ten months. 

The Chairman. What branch are you assigned to? 

Captain O'Connor. I am an Infantry of the United States officer. 

The Chairman. Proceed, please, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain, were you in the Korean war ? 

Captain O'Connor. Yes, sir; I was in the Korean war. I went 
into Korea in August of 1950. 

Mr. Carpenter. And at sometime during your service there, were 
you taken prisoner of Avar ? 

Captain O'Connor. I was taken prisoner of war November 5, 1950. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of Avar? 

Captain O'Connor. Thirty-four months, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Would you tell this committee your experiences 
as a prisoner of war, with particular reference to the indoctrination 
you received from your captors and Avith special reference to the 
China Weekly, and later Monthly Eeview ? 

Captain O'Connor. Yes, sir. 

Initially the indoctrination program was not an intensive program. 
We Avere in a valley about 12 kilometers south of Pyoktong, and there 
were approximately 34 officers in this 1 house. We were kept sep- 
arately, Ave were not alloAved to go out of the house. And during that 
period the indoctrination was the bringing of publications into the 
house and giving them to us to read. 

We did not — after looking at the publication, realizing what it was, 
we would take it and throAv it over into the corner, or use it for other 
purposes. 

HoAvever, at that time we were under a joint headquarters of Chi- 
nese and North Koreans. They knew that we Averen't reading these 
articles that they gave us to read, and then started either coming up 
to our house and reading them to us, or getting one of the American 
prisoners to read the article. 

In January of 1951 we were removed from this valley into Pyoktong, 
which was later knoAvn as Camp No. 5. Here that same type of indoc- 
trination Avas carried on. 

The officers' compound was organized into squads, and each squad 
was giA'^en a publication and told to read it. After the article Avas 
read, Ave Avere told to give our "cognition" of the article, or the con- 
tents thereof. That Avas either in writing or in a verbal dissertation. 

Then on April 1 of 1951 — I believe it was — that the Chinese took 
complete control of the camp at Pyoktong. On April 10 our com- 
pound commander gave us a speech in which he told us that we were 
going to learn the truth, that we were going to have an intensive 
indoctrination program, and that we had better learn the truth ; right 



1956 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

now we were war criminals, we had the blood of the innocent Koreans 
on our hands, and that we should cleanse ourselves. 

It was also at this speech that this compound commander stated 
that the Chinese did not believe in or were not signatories to the 
Geneva Convention, that they would not be bound by the Geneva 
Convention, that they had their own policy, which is known as the 
lenient policy : If you learned the truth, you would survive. 

The Chairman. And if you did not learn the truth, what did they 

Captain O'Coxxor. If you didn't learn the truth, he said, "We will 
keep you here until you do ; and if you die here, we will dig a hole 30 to 
40 feet deep so you don't smell up North Korea." 

Immediately after that we began a very intenstive indoctrination 
program. This program initially was to sell us the idea that the 
American imperialists instigated the war in Korea. It was during this 
program that such publications as the China Weekly Review, the 
People's China, For a Lasting Peace for a People's Democracy, Masses 
and Mainstream, Political Affairs, and so forth, were introduced into 
the camp. 

Yesterday while attending your hearing here, sir, I noticed this par- 
ticular item "Background of the Civil War in Korea." And I be- 
lieve and am quite certain that it is one of the items that was marked 
for our discussion in our indoctrination program to teach us that this 
war in Korea was instigated by the American imperialists. 

Later, during the spring of 1951, the Chinese said that "We are going 
to have a big peace rally," since we were all learning the truth, that 
we were going to declare our intentions for peace. It was at that time 
they forced the prisoners out of the houses, tried to get them to carry 
peace banners, peace flags and so forth, and have a parade. 

I at that time was quite ill. I had beriberi and dysentery. ]\Iy legs 
were swelled to an abnormal size and I could hardly walk. I was ex- 
cused from this peace rally. I was laying — the house in which my 
squadroom was was right close to the mess hall. The prisoners were 
promised that with their full cooperation we would have a feast that 
night. And while the rest of the prisoners were out in this so-called 
peace parade, the Chinese carried rice, a piece of hog or pork up there, 
also some eggs, and some other foods that we had not seen since capture. 

Before the prisoners returned to the compound, an excited China- 
man ran up the hill and they started talking up at the mess hall. I saw 
that food that was laid out there for our feast carried away that after- 
noon. I later learned that our compound refused to shout slogans ex- 
cept for one they made up of their own, which was : "If it wasn't for 
Mao-Tse we wouldn't be lousy." And the English-speaking Chinaman 
managed to pick it up, and as a result, we didn't have our feast. 

Before the rest of the prisoners returned, a Chinaman approached 
the house looking for all those that were sick and allowed to remain 
back in the compound area. I was one of those, and I had an idea what 
was coming because we had known that we were going to be asked to 
sign a statement at that time. And I slunk back into the corner trying 
to avoid this Chinaman. 

He asked — went in one room and got those people to sign and asked 
if there were any more people in the house, and someone mentioned my 
name, that I was in the next room. He came in at that time and asked 
me to sign a statement, which read in effect something like this : 



I 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1957 

"We, the undersijrned, have learned, through study, that the Korean 
war was instigated by a handful of American iin})erialists, that we 
want to leave the camp of the warmongers and join the camp of peace." 

I told him I would not sign this statement at this time. He said 
"You are sick, aren't you, O'Connor?" I said "Yes, I am sick." He 
said "You will not get any medicine, you will not get well if you do 
not sign this." 

I insisted that I would not sign it. And after a little badgering on 
his part, I did sign this statement. 

The signing of this statement was leading to further study on the 
war in Korea, trying to blame it on the American Government. We 
had intensive study along that same line until perhaps a week or maybe 
2 weeks later when the peace committee of the camp drew up a peace 
appeal which was to be sent to the United Nations, to the World Peace 
Congress, I think, and several other places. 

This peace appeal, as they called it, had 6 or 7 statements in it. One 
was the withdrawal of the Seventh Fleet from around Taiwan, which 
we call Formosa ; two, the admittance of New China into the United 
Nations; tlu-ee, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korea; 
four, the allowing of the Koreans to handle their own internal affairs; 
and statements along that nature. There were about seven points to 
that appeal. 

During the period of time they would take a consensus as to whether 
we would sign, or would not sign this peace appeal, during our in- 
doctrination programs in our squad rooms. 

During that period of time, several people were taken out indi- 
vidually and convinced that they should sign the peace appeal. I, 
myself, was a holdout until the last day, at which time there were about 
14 of us that were taken out individually by different Chinese in- 
structors. I was taken up on a mountain or a hill near the com- 
pound. There I was given the smooth treatment, "You have signed 
that you want to be a peace lover and join the camp of peace," and so 
forth. Then I was stood at attention with a guard and placed over me, 
and after I would move or something I would get a bat with a 
bayonet, and then a little later this Chinaman would come back and 
give me the old smooth-off stuff again and offer me a cigarette. And 
that off-and-on business there kept up for about an hour and a half 
to 2 hours. 

And I think what convinced me most that I should sign was that he 
said I would be removed from the prisoners compound and tried by a 
people's com-t. Well, all the Chinese papers, the Shanghai News and 
so forth, that ever had anyone tried by a people's court, it is tantamount 
to conviction and death. So I told him that I would sign it. And he 
personally took me down and I signed that particular document. 

Then we later had classes on the illegality of U. N. intervention 
ill Korea, using the United Nations Charter, and their interpretation 
of it to show where our entry was illegal; using a background of ma- 
terial from these publications like the China Weekly Review and New 
China, the Shanghai News, and the little paper from the Chung Hua 
News Agency called the Daily News Release. 

We also had indoctrination of, or rather teachings on the history 
of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and Bolshevik. We 
studied Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and dialectical materialism. Then 
when the negotiations began we had intensive studies on why the 



1958 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

American warmongers did not want to end the war in Korea and were 
holding up the negotiations. 

We also had studies on bacteriological warfare. However, they 
were not in an organized or intensive manner. It was at that time 
that Colonel JVIcLaughlin referred to that they discontinued the 
study. However, they would take men by squads or groups into the 
Chinese houses, and a Chinaman would read the papers such as yes- 
terday we had the excerpts from the China Weekly Review. They 
would read those articles to us and ask us for our comments on 
them. 

Also, there was, I think, a democratic lawyers' group, and a scien- 
tist's group, a supposedly scientist's group, to investigate germ war- 
fare in Korea, that put out a finding on the thing. And they had a 
large building that they later converted to a headquarters building, 
where they set up all these pictures of the germ warfare — "proof, the 
irrefutable facts," that they had that we, the United States, Avas 
using bacteriological warfare in Korea. 

An interesting sidelight to show you how ridiculous that is, sir, 
I would like to recite a little incident that happened in our camp. 

I was on a water-carrying detail at that time. We had to go out 
of the compound with two buckets, a group of men, and carrying our 
bathing water and so forth back into the compound. One morning 
coming back into the compound we saw this either large mouse or a 
small rat laying in the street. So one of the water carriers said, 
"Well, tliere is some more 'irrefutable proof that we have bacterio- 
logical warfare." 

So we picked it up and we decided we were going to take it in 
harass the "Chinks" a little bit with it and show them this "irrefutable 
proof." 

In the meantime someone got the idea "Well, let us do it up right." 
So we took this mouse into the schoolhouse that we were using as our 
quarters and had one of the men sew a little harness for it, made a 
homemade parachute for the mouse, put a patch on him — I don't 
know whether we put sergeant's stripes or corporal's stripes on him, 
and put "USAF 6-7/8" and Captain Manto here took it out and hung 
it on a tree along the path that they generally used, the most likely 
used path that the Chinese used. 

The guard looked at it, got fairly close to it, and he snuck up a 
little closer and saw what it was, backed away. He called another 
guard, and I lliink they fell out the guard to look at this thing. Then 
later they sent word up to the camp headquarters, and later a Chinese 
medical man came down, got on a white gown, a face mask, a skull 
cap, gloves, and boots, a bag, and some chopsticks, and he got up and 
took that "bacteriological warfare exhibit" down with the chopsticks, 
put it in his bag and moved off. 

And I don't know, I hope our little horseplay did not contribute to 
the propaganda of the Chinese by giving them some more bacteriolog- 
ical specimens. 

Another incident along that line was : Aircraft flew over, not infre- 
quently flew over our prison camp, and I think there is a thing that 
they call "window" that they drop out of a plane to jam enemy radar 
sets so that they can't be picked up. This stuff they throw out is 
like Christmas-tree tinsel in different lengths. One morning Ave Avere 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1959 

awakened, and onr compound was more or less littered with this tinsel, 
and the Chinesee would not let us out, to go out of the compound 
grounds, because this surely must be some of that biological warfare 
that the Americans are using. And later a group of the Chinese 
came up, again in their white gowns, their skull caps, the chopsticks, 
the little bag, the boots, and started picking up this tinsel. 

Well, one of the prisoners got disgusted, I guess, with the ^\hole 
thing and ran up and picked up a piece of the tinsel, put it in his 
mouth, chewed it up and spit it out. They got quite excited about 
this and were going to take this man to the hospital; I don't believe 
that they did.- 

Another instance along that same line — now, this is merely hear- 
say, as a story passes around in a prison camp — in this one particular 
compound the Chinese had a beetle or bug of some sort and had the 
compound filing by to see this bug, this was concrete evidence that 
the Americans were using bacteriological warfare because these bugs 
Avere never found in Korea. So they had the compound filing by, and 
this one priscyuer got to it, reached in and picked it up, put it in his 
mouth, chewed it up and swallowed it. 

The Chairman. Ate the evidence? 

Captain O'Connor. Ate the evidence. 

That shows how ridiculous they can get on their bacteriological 
warfare thing. 

When they were taking us into this house reading these "irrefutable 
facts" to us 

The Chairman. Did they take you into civilian homes ? 

Captain O'Connor. Civilians were moved out when the Chinese 
moved in, sir. 

The Chairman. Wlien you say they took you into some house 

Captain O'Connor, They were previously civilian homes that were 
occupied by the Chinese, and each instructor would have his room in 
there, and he would be — well, we were broken down into platoons, 
sort of an army breakdown, and we all had a platoon leader to control 
our behavior, and so forth, and we also had a political commissar for 
each platoon, an English-speaking man. He took us in there and he 
would ask us our opinion.- 

Well, we had quite a few Air Force men, and we could shoot holes 
into their so-called confessions and their facts. However, we elected 
to remain silent so that we would not get anyone into trouble by 
trying to show where they were wrong. 

The Chairman. This indoctrination course you speak of, certain 
magazines and newspaper publications, what books or novels came 
into your camp? 

Captain O'Connor. We had quite a few books and novels. For 
instance, here is Monica Fulton's That's Why I Went. We had 
Thunder Out of China. 

The Chairman. By whom? 

Captain O'Connor. This is by Agnes Smedley. 

We had this Bases and Empire, which we called Bases and Umpires. 

This was read to us over the public-address system in Pyoktong, 
chapter by chapter, and we were taken and set on cold cement steps, 
no padded clothing or anything else, listening to this. 

The Chairman. Who is the author of that? 

Captain O'Connok. This is by George Marion, sir. 



1960 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

We also had Howard Fast's Citizen Tom Paine. We had to read 
this during our course of instruction, the Great Conspiracy, by Michael 
Sayres and Albert E. Kahn. 

We would read a chapter of it and then we would have to give 
our "cognition," and this "cognition" had to agree with what was in 
this book. 

Mr. Carpenter. I notice you used the word "cognition." Was that 
the word usually used ? 

Captain O'Connor. That was the word usually used. It started 
by the Chinese setting up in mimeographed form, then they would 
have some questions there, and then they would say "Now give your 
cognition of why the American imperialists intervened in the Korean 
civil war," or "Why did you stop beating your grandmother?" It 
is the same type of question. 

Then we had to either verbally give or have someone write down 
our "cognition" or idea of what this stuff was. 

Mr. Carpenter. Will you identify more of those books, if you can, 
Captain ? 

Captain O'Connor. Well, Citizen Tom Paine. China Fights 
Back. This, I believe, is another of Agnes Smedley's books. 

The Twilight of World Capitalism, by Foster, was a textbook. 

The American, by Howard Fast, we had. 

Outline of Political History of the Americas, by Theodore Dreiser. 

And toward the latter part of our captivity we did get in a few of 
the classics, such as Les Miserables, Tale of Two Cities, David Cop- 
perfield. We had IMark Twain's Life on the Mississippi and several 
of the classics. However, they were all of the type book that deals 
with the downtrodden, and so forth. The Hunchback of Notre Dame. 

I think we got Anna Karenina, by Leo Tolstoy; War and Peace, 
by Tolstoy ; and other classics. 

However, these type books were used as textbooks, The Great 
Conspiracy, The Twilight of World Capitalism. 

Mr. Carpeni-er. Ancl how about periodicals and newspapers ? 

Captain O'Connor. Periodicals, we received the New York Daily 
Worker, the London Daily Worker, the San Francisco — I think it 
is called the People's World, the National Guardian, this magazine 
here called Masses and Mainstream, this magazine called Political 
Affairs. We received this New Times and the China Monthly Review, 
People's China, and we would get magazines such as this China Eecon- 
struction, from all the satellite countries of Eussia, maybe Bulgarian 
magazines, Russian pictorials, and things like that. 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain, at the time, did you notice who the editor 
of the China Weekly, and later Monthly, Review Avas ? 

Captain O'Connor. Yes. I noticed that it was a Mr. Powell. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you know at that time he was an American 
citizen ? 

Captain O'Connor. We were told that he was American. However, 
we couldn't actually realize that an American citizen would do such 
a thing, and if he did, how could he write that; I mean I don't see 
how a man could write that stuff. 

The Chairman. You gentlemen might be interested in goiug down 
to the Press Club at 3 : 15 and ask him some questions along that line, 
because he is holding a press conference, and if you respect and uphold 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1961 

the honor of the American press, I think maybe you could give them 
some enliglitenment. 

Captain O'CoxxoR. Sir, yesterday I sat here and I ran the gamut 
of all my emotions. I cried when Mrs. Gill was on that stand, and I 
was angry when a man, Mr. Powell, was on the stand. I have lost a 
lot of friends in Korea, sir, good friends. And to think that a man 
like the man that sat in this chair can come back to the United States 
and feel free to go around and call a press conference and spread this 
vicious propaganda in the manner in which he does it ; I was angry, 
sir, filled up to the top. 

The Chairman. I can understand your emotions. 

Captain O'Connor. And I personally feel that if we have laws — and 
I know we don't have any on the books now but that we get them to 
take care of people like Mr. Powell. And I am afraid my emotions 
might overshadow me and I might take it into my own hands if I 
go down to see the gentleman who w^rites this type stuff that 1 was 
forced to read. 

I felt that I was under uncertain circumstances, and I was forced 
to read it. But I don't want the people of the United States to read 
that kind of stuff. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Captain. 

Captain O'Connor. You are welcome. 

The Chairman. Call the next witness. 

TESTIMONY OF CAPT. JOSEPH V. MANTO, UNITED STATES 

INFANTRY 

The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are 
about to give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Captain Manto. I do. 

The Chairman. Will you give the committee your full name, 
Captain? 

Captain Manto. Joseph V. Manto, M-a-n-t-o, captain, United 
States Infantry. 

The Chairman. Captain, do you plead guilty to putting the par- 
achute on the rat in the tree ? 

Captain Manto. I have told that story many times since I have 
come back, sir. I have gotten quite a few laughs out of it. 

The Chairman. You plead guilty to that, do you? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir. 

The Chairmax. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter, 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain, were you a prisoner of war during the 
Korean war ? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir; I was. 

!Mr. Carpenter. "When were you taken prisoner ? 

Captain Manto. November 28, 1952. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of war ? 

Captain Manto. For about 33 months, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you held prisoner of war in North Korea? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir; I was. 

iMr. Carpenter. How many camps Avere you in there in North 
Korea ? 

32018°— 54— lit 2.". 15 



1962 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Captain Manto. I was in three major camps, sir; Death Valley, 
Pyoktong, or camp No. 5 as it was later called ; Penchang-li or camp 
No. 2 as it was later called. 

Mr. Carpenter. We know, Captain, you have had many experiences 
in the prisoner-of-war camps. The committee would like for you this 
afternoon to tell us about your experiences with reference to the indoc- 
trination that was imposed upon you by your captivity, and more 
specifically, about how the China Weekly, and later Monthly Review 
was used for indoctrination purposes. 

Captain Manto. Well, as Captain O'Connor stated here on the 
stand prior to my taking the stand, we went into a somewhat intensive 
and comprehensive indoctrination period, which lasted a little bit over 
3 months and an overall indoctrination period which lasted 1 year. 

During this period of indoctrination, I felt that the Chinese Com- 
munists, our captors, were trying to make Communists out of us. 
They would present all this material that they had at their hand, all 
this Communist material, all the material that they wanted to give to 
us, in the form of the China Monthly Review or the China Weekly 
Review, as it was called. We were forced to read articles out of that 
particular publication — articles which I felt were slanderous to my 
Government, slanderous to the American people. 

Mr. Carpenter. Also slanderous to the American soldier ? 

Captain Manto. Slanderous to the American soldier. 

I would like to bring out that this Mr. Powell, when he has his press 
conference this afternoon, sir, I hope he bears in mind the boys that 
died in North Korea. These are the boys that he has to answer to. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you feel he contributed to some of those boys' 
deaths because of his writings? 

Captain Manto. I believe he did. 

I remember one case in particular. I feel that an American officer 
died as a consequence of having to read this slanderous material. 
This officer made a statement that this particular subject — I think it 
was a speech by the Chinese premier Chou En-Lai — the statement 
this officer made was that the speech was not worth the paper that it 
was printed on. 

Well, without further to-do, that particular officer was taken out 
of our compound. We didn't see him for about 3 weeks. He was later 
brought back to us. The man was completely broken, I thought, and 
he had to criticize himself. 

As you know, the Chinese people followed the theory of self- 
criticism. 

And it wasn't but a very short period after that where this par- 
ticular officer passed away. 

That is why I say by reading these articles, these slanderous 
materials that were put forth in these various magazines. And this 
China Monthly Review, in my estimation, was one of the publications 
that were forced upon us, we had to read them. And in that instance 
I would say that it was directly responsible for the death of one of our 
officers. 

It was inconceivable to us to realize that an American citizen — of 
course, we didn't definitely know this Mr. Powell was an American 
citizen ; we assumed that because we heard it through the grapevine, 
the Chinese had told us, because they made quite a bit out of it, they 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 19G3 

wanted Americans on their side, that these Americans would in turn 
spout otf the same hin«^uage that we speak to our people. 

And it was, as I say, it was inconceivable to us, as prisoners over 
there in North Korea, to realize that an American citizen would let 
that sort of business go on, that he would print such slander, terrific, 
filthy lies. That is all it amounted to. 

As a matter of fact, it was more than one time that prisoners in 
my compound remarked that they would like to get their hands on 
this particular gentleman, Mr. Powell. 

We were given various magazines and publications to study, that 
is to mean, they were forced on us. The Chinese commissars, political 
instructors, would bring them down to the squads, and they had to 
be read by one of our people. We were forced. It was a formation. 
The squad had to be present, physically present in the squad room, 
in order to hear this article, w^hichever it may be, or whatever one 
was to be read that day, and it was a formation. Everyone had to be 
phj'sically present. 

I see quite a few magazines here and books that I recall that we had 
over there. 

ISIr. Carpenter. Will you please identify them and name them? 

Captain Manto. I don't see this China Monthly Review here, sir. 
However, we have the People's China, China Reconstruction. 

And this one I alwaj's get a great kick out of, sir, because to me 
it has a "dilly-whanger" of a headline "For a Lasting Peace for a 
People's Democracy." 

Political Affairs, Masses and Mainstream, this Deutsche Demo- 
kratische Republik. 

That is a typical example of their magazines. One of their leaders 
I think was the President of the Eastern German Republic at the 
time. 

New Times, more Masses and Mainstream. 

Then we had the books by Foster, Fast, George Marion, Kahn, this 
Monica Felton. 

That is wdiy I make reference to her trip to Korea visiting the 
bombed-out towns, the American aviators indiscriminately bombing 
women and children. 

She never mentioned the fact that no matter where j^ou went in 
North Korea, the buildings were occupied by Chinese or North Korean 
troops. 

Thunder Out of China; this Bases and Umpires, we got a great big- 
kick out of that. 

China Fights Back. 

This is by Howard Fast, Citizen Tom Paine. 

Outline of the Political History of the Americas, by Foster. 

The American, by Howard Fast ; the Titan, by Theodore Dreiser ; 
Twilight of World Capitalism, by Foster ; The Great Conspiracy by 
Michael Sayres and Albert E. Kahn; various other books and pub- 
lications I cannot recall. 

ISIr. Carpenter. But that was all "must" reading ? 

Captain Manto. They were "must." 

The Chairman. Regardless of the shortage of your medical sup- 
plies and clothing and other things, the China Monthly Review al- 
ways came through, did it not ? 



1964 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Captain Manto. It was a constant source of amazement to us, sir, 
how the publication China Monthly Review, or the China Weekly Re- 
view — ^to me one was synonymous with the other — would always seem 
to arrive at our camp and we would always have some article to read 
from that particular publication or some other publication. Our 
food, our medicine, never got through. They would tell us that our 
planes would bomb them out. After a while I got so disgusted at 
some of our fliers because they always seemed to bomb our food and 
medical barges coming in. They never seemed to bomb any of the 
barges coming in that were laden down with this propaganda. 

So I came to this conclusion that our fliers were at fault, they were 
doing that purposely to starve us ; I would know full well they were. 

Mr. Carpenter. You say that facetiously, sir, of course ? 

Captain Manto. I hope so. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. That is for the record. 

Captain, how many hours a day did they utilize in your indoctri- 
nation ? 

Captain IManto. It varied. "We were forced to study from 6 to 8 
hours a day. 

The Chairman. Under what conditions, weather and clothing and 
so forth? 

Captain Manto. They didn't make any exceptions with the weather. 
If it was raining, we still studied ; if it was cold, we still studied. 

The Chairman. Were they heated rooms where you had to study ? 

Captain Manto. My dear sir, I don't believe you have ever been to 
North Korea. There is no such thing as a heated room up there. 

The Chairman. That is what I wanted 3^011 to describe to the com- 
mittee, the physical conditions under which these forced indoctrina- 
tions were carried on. 

Captain Manto. No, sir ; the rooms were never heated. Many times 
in inclement weather, the cold weather, the classes were held outdoors. 
Then when the weather got extremely cold, extremely bad, they were 
held indoors, but no heat was furnished for any of the classes, sir. 

The Chairman. Do you have any further questions, Mr. Carpenter ? 

Mr. Carpenter. Just one. 

As part of their indoctrination, did that include attacks on our leg- 
islative committees and some members of our legislative bodies ? 

Captain Manto. Part of their indoctrination, or, I would say more 
than 50 percent, was aimed against the Government of the United 
States, tiding to show us, to prove to us that our Government was 
decadent, run by a few imperialists, as they called it. We didn't have 
a government that was truly represented by the people ; whereas, on 
the other hand, the Communist form of government was truly repre- 
sentative of the people. 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever see individual names of our leading 
officials criticized ? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir ; in these publications I have. 

I recall of Mr. Truman, Mr. Acheson, Mr. Taft. If I am not mis- 
taken, the chairman of this committee is well known in Communist 
circles, and they referred to him sometimes as a "lackey" and a "tool" 
and a "running dog." 

I am making a specific reference to Senator Jenner, sir. 

The Chairman. That is a compliment. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Carpenter. Do you have anything else you want to add? 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 19C5 

Captain jNEaxto. In short, sir, they have a certain routine they go 
tlirough. They are told what to say. 

I would like to further bring out that in this Communist setup, if 
People's China runs one article in there, the China Monthly Review 
would run the same article, if not that day, 1 or 2 days later. 

They speak about their freedom of speech and freedom of press. I 
don't ever recall Mr. Powell having an article in his publication that 
was beneficial to the Government of the United States. However, it 
would have been interesting to note what the outcome would be if Mr. 
Powell ever had the audacity to print such an article in favor of the 
United States. 

Mr. Carpenter. That is all. 

The Chairman. Any further questions. Senator Johnston ? 

Senator Johnston. In other words, when they found an article 
that hit the bell for the Communists, they would print it in the other 
magazines; is that right? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir. 

Senator Johnston. Do you recall seeing in the China Monthly Re- 
view any article that was picked up from any other newspaper or 
magazine? 

Captain Maxto. As I say, sir, at one time or another they all print- 
ed the same — in other words, I w^ould like to prove that by a picture I 
have in mind depicting ex-President Truman at the time he was Presi- 
dent of the United States. And they had him as an evil old man with 
fangs, and he has a dagger and a .45 and a couple of cannons out of 
his hip pocket, and he's got a Korean child in pain from his dagger 
or bayonet or whatever he is holding there, and People's China would 
print that cartoon, and then I know full well it would appear in the 
other Communist publications, to include the China JNIonthly Review, 
and for that matter, all publications peculiar to the communistic 
people, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain, we have blown up a number of pages 
that appeared in the China Monthly Review on various occasions, and 
I will ask you to state whether or not those are typical pages, and 
whether or not you have seen those various pages ? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir; these on the right are the China ]\Ionthly 
Review in September 1951, 1 believe — I can't quite make out the year — 
and the picture there, of the Korean women crying, I think is on this 
bacteriological warfare. 

I would like to inspect the pictures closer, if I may, sir. 

The Chairman. You may. 

INIr. Carpenter. Now that you have examined them, can you testify 
further ? 

Captain Manto. Yes, sir. 

I recognize that one on the left in particular, when this woman, 
Monica Felton, from Great Britain, came over to Xorth Korea, and 
she spoke to these victims of bombed-out villages and so forth. They 
made quite a big to-do about that ; played it up in their newspapers. 

The Chairman. Did Monica Felton come to your camp ? 

Captain Manto. I believe at the time we wore at Camp No. 2, and 
Monica Felton, it was my impression that she was afraid to come to 
the officer's camp, sir. Never, at any — well, the closest we ever got to a 
white or Caucasian reporter of that type was to our headquarters. 
They would never dare set foot in our compound, sir. 



1966 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

No; Monica Felton, to my estimation, she never did come to our 
camp, Camp No. 2, that is. 

Now, in the upper left-hand corner there they showed pictures there. 
I believe they are trying to depict where the Americans committed 
atrocities of killing their soldiers or civilians. To me, that is a typical 
example of Communist propaganda. 

I firmly believe that those people pictured there in that magazine 
were killed, slain, by the Communists; that they in turn used it as 
propaganda saying that the Americans killed them. 

As I say, to me that is typical propaganda employed by the Commu- 
nist peoples. 

The next one, China Monthly Review, December 1951, showing list 
of prisoners ; that one I know I am familiar with, because I was very 
much concerned at the time it was published to see whether my name 
was published, or not. And that list does not reflect a true listing of 
the prisoners at the time in more than one respect. 

In the first place, they did not list all the prisoners that they had. 
Secondly, some of the prisoners that they list there had already died. 
The Communists were aware of that, yet they released the names 
knowing full well that those people had died in a POW status. 

The third one there, China Monthly Eeview, August 1951, as I 
stated before, sir, is typical of Communist propaganda. Well, to me, 
that is childish, depicting a person like Truman or Atcheson or Dulles 
the way they do there. To me, I don't know, it is silly ; it is simple to 
do things like that. That is another typical example of the propa- 
ganda that they employ amongst their own peoples. 

The fifth one there, the China Monthly Review, November 1950, 
I believe they are depicting there, sir, the peace conference amongst 
our own prisoners. And that is another example of Chinese propa- 
ganda. I firmly believe that all the people there that participated in 
that type of a rally, well, to begin with, the picture is just a general 
picture of prisoners. That picture may have been taken under any 
circumstance, for that matter. 

The one above, if it is what I have in mind, all those people were 
made to attend that, to participate in that type of propaganda, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. And those banners you see there were rigged ? 

Captain Manto. They were made by the Chinese Communists, sir. 

And the next-to-last there, showing GI's in winter clothing on there 
and so forth, I would like to point out, sir, that I have firsthand 
knowledge of that sort of stuff ; that the first winter we were captured, 
the winter of 1950-51, the Chinese Communists didn't care whether 
the American soldiers lived or died. 

These particular pictures shown on the China Monthly Review, 
that clothing was issued for the winter of 1951-52. Considerable 
time has lapsed. By that I mean to say that the negotiations had 
already started and these people had assumed a different attitude. 
They just switched over. They made a 180° reverse. 

Before, their attitude was "let 'em die." Now they wanted to keep 
us very much alive, because they had boasted to our Government, 
they had boasted to the rest of the people in the world that they had 
captured — w^ell, there was quite a bit of controversy amongst our- 
selves as prisoners that if all the figures were to be added up on how 
many prisoners they had captured, I believe in a period of 6 months 



IXTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1967 

tlie entire population of the United States would have been captured 
by these Chinese troops. 

And that last one "American POW's demand successful peace 
talks"; to counteract that, I would like to cite an instance Captain 
O'Connor brought up. where they wanted to march out and have a 
l)eace rail}' and shout slogans and so forth. 

These Coninninists are great peace fighters, so they say. They have 
a slogan — which they still do, they had at that time — which they 
wanted us to shout. The slogan was "We Want Peace." 

Well, we weren't about to shout that because as much as we were 
prisoners — I would like to bring out now the attitude of the average 
prisoner in my compound — as much as we were prisoners, the hardships 
we Avent through, we were always behind our Government and hoping 
that they would not give in to these Communists, prolong the war as 
long as possible, as long as our side fought and got the principles that 
they were aiming for. 

To get back to this slogan of "We Want Peace" we Avould shout 
slogans in the confines of our room at night, sir. We would shout: 
"We want beef." 

The Communists are great slogan shouters. They start anything 
with shouting slogans, and they terminate it with slogan shouting. 

For instance they would say "Long live Stalin, the founder of our 
native Russia," or some sort of drivel like that; or "Long live the 
Communist, peace-loving peoples of the world." 

It is nothing to them to shout 45 slogans one after the other before 
a meeting took place. 

Well, we would get up our own slogans. And to get back to these 
Chinese Communists, we would shout "Long live our long unsinkable 
aircraft carrier. Great Britain," "Long live the Atcheson, Topeka, and 
Santa Fe," "Long live Truman" ; "If it wasn't for Mao Tse, I wouldn't 
be lousy." 

I don't know if it has been brought out before, but we were plagued 
with lice over there. It used to be somewhat of a sport sometimes, 
that we would take off our clothes and hunt for lice, and we would 
have bets amongst ourselves to see Avho would collect the most for that 
particular session. 

Contrary to what has been brought out, there was the lighter side 
to the POW life, and that is one thing that the Communists couldn't 
understand, the American, his sense of humor, that no matter what 
transpired we would get a laugh out of it. 

For instance, when one of our boj'S got caught at something v^e 
would laugh about it, "Better deny it'' and the Chinese could not under- 
stand that and that sort of thing. 

Another incident that I would like to bring out, sir, is what I call 
the toothbrush incident. A British officer wrote home at one time, and 
in this letter he stated that he was being treated like a dog. The 
letters were all censored. The Chinese camp commander called this 
particular British officer here in and questioned him and said "Do 
you have a clog?" The British officer said "Yes." The officer ques- 
tioned him ancl asked "Does your dog have a toothbrush ?" and he said 
"No."^ He said "Do you have a toothbrush ?" The British officer said 
"Yes." "Well," he said "you are not being treated like a dog." 



1968 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain, on this list of prisoners of war, was there 
any reward offered to anyone in order to get on this prisoner-of-war 
list so that it would be published and gotten back home ? 

Captain Manto. Was there any reward, sir ? 

Mr. CarepjSttee. Yes ; to the prisoners. 

Captain Manto. Not to my knowledge ; no, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. You know nothing about that? 

Captain Manto. No, sir. 

The Chairman. That is all, Captain. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain Berry. 

TESTIMONY OF CAPT. WALDRON EEREY, UNITED STATES AIR 

FORCE 

The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are 
about to give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Captain Berry. I do, sir. 

The Chairman. Will you state your full name to the committee ? 

Captain Berry. Waldron Berry. 

The Chairman. WTiat branch of the service are you in, Captain? 

Captain Berry. United States Air Force. 

The Chairman. You are from Seymour, Ind. ? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. You are a neighbor of mine. 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been in the United States 
forces. Captain? 

Captain Berry. A little over 8 years. 

Mr. Carpenter. Have you been in the Air Force all that time ? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where did you attend school, Captain? 

Captain Berry. I graduated from high school in Seymour, Ind., 
then I attended Purdue University for 1 year, then I attended West 
Point for 3 years where I received my bachelor of science degree. I 
am presently attending George Washington University to obtain a 
master's degree. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you in the Korean war ? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you taken prisoner of war while over in 
Korea ? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. I was flying missions out of Japan and 
shot down on the 10th of November of 1950. 

Mr. Carpenter. In what sector were you shot down ? 

Captain Berry. I was shot down near the Yalu, near Nambojin, 
which is in the northwest central part of Korea. 

Mr. Carpenter. Were you shot down by an antiaircraft gun ? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Carpenter. Where were those antiaircraft guns located ? 

Captain Berry. In China, sir. I am one example that I know, of 
the thing that they were arguing about at that time, in 1950, when 
General MacArthur was complaining about the fact that we were 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1SC9 

heincr shot at from China, 3'et Ave could not go across the Yahi River 
and bomb them back. 

Our particuhir oroauization was trying to go by this rule, and I — 
well, I was shot down this day. We changed our bomb run to run 
northeast and southwest so that we would be careful not to go across 
the Yalu River, because the village that we were hitting was very 
near the river, and I was about a mile on the North Korean side of 
the river, and the guns were just on the bank of the Chinese mainland, 
actually Manchuria. 

I was hit twice from those guns, and then for several days after- 
ward, when I was locked in a barn and I could hear the large guns 
continually firing from across the river. 

Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of war ? 

Captain Berry. Thirty-three months three weeks three days. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. Captain, this committee is interested to know the 
treatment you received in the prisoner-of-war camp, especially that 
joart which has to do with the indoctrination you received by your 
captors, and especially any that you received as a result of reading 
the China Weekly and later Monthly Review. Would you tell us 
about your experiences, please ? 

Captain Berry. I was in several different places due to the fact 
that I was in the Air Force. The Air Force didn't seem to be too 
])opular at that time. They moved me around considerabl3\ I was 
in many unorganized places. I was on this march for about a week ; 
we covered about 110 or 115 miles or so. Most of these villages had 
political commissars. All their knowledge about America, the United 
States and the Government, was along the Communist line. That I 
read later in these magazines here. It was all very anti-United States, 
and anti-United Nations, and pro-Communist. It had verj^ poor logic 
behind it. 

I was asked these questions. I never gave the proper answers ap- 
parently. And I received bad treatment because of that. 

This was during the unorganized time. Of course, all my captivity 
was unorganized, but this was really unorganized. 

I was told by the Chinese the same sort of thing that jou have heard 
today: Tlie South Koreans actually started the war, we were war 
criminals for entering the war, it was a civil war and it should be al- 
lowed to be settled by the Koreans themselves. They wanted the Na- 
tionalist troops off Formosa, they wanted the American troops as well 
us all other U. N. troops to get out of Korea and leave it to the Koreans 
themselves; generally the same type of things that you hear today. 

The information that they started giving us became more organized 
in Pyoktong, which later became camp No. 5, on the Yalu River, in 
North Korea. The}^ imported some English-speaking Chinese politi- 
cal instructors and started out on a rather unorganized basis, and it 
gained a great deal of force. Later on it became a pretty complete 
indoctrination that they were giving. 

Fortunately, I left Pyoktong in March 1951, March 31, and went 
to a place that became known as Pock's Palace near Pyongyang. I 
did not get a great deal of indoctrination there. I mostly worked. 

Then I went back to Pyoktong, and they had improved their in- 
doctrination program greatly in that they increased it a lot. We 
\vere studying from shortly after we got up in the morning at 5 : 30 



1970 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

until sometime at niglit, as a matter of fact, and through the day, 
except for 2 hours when the Chinese had to sleep. And we would 
get time out for breakfast and dinner. We weren't eating lunch at 
the time, and we weren't eating very much breakfast and dinner. 

I suppose it would total 8 to 10 hours a day, possibly slightly more 
at times. 

This went on there and it continued even when we moved to Pen- 
chang-li, which later became camp No. 2, 

It was very interesting that this indoctrination stopped immediate- 
ly. It just came to a sudden halt. In my opinion, it was done be- 
cause about a week later they started having a great propaganda cam- 
paign to the fact that we were indoctrinating their prisoners in South 
Korea, were forcing them to tattoo their bodies with anti-Communist 
slogans, making them write messages in their own blood, mishandling 
and beating them and various other things. They said "Look in our 
camps, we don't indoctrinate our prisoners." Which was right; 
they just stopped a week before. 

I found that out about most of their propaganda, that the thing 
that they yell about most is the thing they are violating more than 
anyone else, and they seem to do it to try to take the attention away 
from it. 

Actually, my attitude toward my time in prison may be a little 
different than other people's. I had the same sort of things happen; 
most of my clothes were taken away, I froze my hands and feet and I 
was sick and they had me down to shoot me and so forth. But I 
don't feel that that is the important thing that happened to me over 
there. 

The education that I got and the things that I saw are things 
that shock you a great deal, but they are things that I think it would 
be impossible to obtain here in the States at any price. So for that 
reason, I feel that it was an occupational hazard that caught up 
with me, but I feel it was time well spent, for me, anyway. I am 
sure a lot of people feel that they wasted their time. 

But I only wish that the people here could actually see how treacher- 
ous these people can be and how two-faced and how hypocritical 
they can be. 

I often hear the statement : "Why worry about the London Daily 
Worker, the New York Daily Worker, the people in the States don't 
read that stuff, they don't believe it." Wliich may or may not be true, 
I don't argue about that. But do the people realize how many 
Europeans, how many people in the Far East read that paper and 
how many of them believe it ? 

The logic that these orientals use would amaze you. I remember 
one day relatively early in my captivity we had a dog that came in 
our compound. Later I ate a little dog and it wasn't too good, but 
we took care of this one. He was starving too, so were we, and we 
gave him some of our food and he became a lot fatter than we were. 
The Chinese noticed our friendliness toward this dog and took him out 
of the compound, and we heard of couple of yelps and we never saw 
the dog again. And I can only assume what happened to the dog, 
because the Chinese eat a great deal of dog meat. 

But this happened again. Another dog came in. The word must 
have gotten around to the dogs, and so this one came in and we 
started feeding it. It was walking up the path one day and one of the 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1971 

important people in the prison camp kicked the dog, and a major in 
the United States Army became very indiirnant with this Chinese, 
so mucli so that the Chinese stood him at attention & or G hours and 
then they took him down and put him in jail. 

The camp commander was talking to this major, and he said, "A"\liy 
did you become so perturbed and excited at the fact the dog was 
kicked?" The major said, "In the United States we don't just go 
around kicking dogs; we are kind to dumb animals, and especially 
I like dogs and I couldn't stand by and see the Chinese kick the dog." 
These were Chinese Communists, of course. 

This camp commander came back and said, "Ordinarily in peace- 
time in China we never kick dogs, either, but this is wartime and 
conditions change, we have to sometimes kick dogs." 

So what are you going to answer to logic like that? And those 
are the same people that are reading these articles in all these papers 
here, with this China Monthly Review included. 

I might go back and say when I first ran into this magazine — 
and I use that term loosely — it was, I think, in the first part of 
February we were given a mimeographed sheet every so often 
to read. This was filled with the most incredible stories about the 
United States and the U. N. and allies that you can imagine. They 
were very anti-United States, U. N. We were given this mimeo- 
graphed sheet or two sheets each day, and along with that came this 
magazine. 

]\Ir. Carpenter. What year was that. Captain? 

Captain Berry. That was in 1951, the very early part. I would 
say it started in February, when our study program first began. 

This was part of the additional material that we were given. I 
recall — I don't know the exact date — but certain articles were marked 
for our required reading, and our required comments. This was 
brought around to our room at that time. That was my first asso- 
ciation with this magazine. It was always extremely anti-United 
States and anti-U. N. and pro-Communist, and like the other people, 
I actually never gave it a thought that an American was the editor 
of it. I saw this name and it could have gone as an American name, 
but I actually ignored it because knowing the tricks that these people 
would pull I just couldn't have thought less about it. 

I am even more surprised when I find that this man is here in the 
United States at the present time, because I have never seen anytliing 
except incredible lies in that magazine. 

We were required to read it, and from that time, February of 1951, 
I was associated — I would like to retract that. I saw that magazine 
until the end, with the exception of the 3 months I was awa}" at Pock's 
Palace. The supply route wasn't too good down there and we missed 
out on a lot of magazines. 

It was used as extra material, comments cited by the Chinese in- 
structors. There were articles given as our required reading. I 
used to actually read that once in a while just for laughs, just to see 
how ridiculous people could get. And it is sort of a twisted sense 
of humor, I guess, but j^our humor becomes a little bit twisted over 
there. 

I can't believe that — maybe I don't know. I thought a great deal 
about this. I remember reading the Daily Worker, that magazine 
and the Daily Worker and all these others, Masses and Mainstream, 



1972 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

and Political Affairs and all these magazines, and I realize that there 
is freedom of the press, but I can't nnderstand how they can vilify not 
only our Congressmen and our high officials, but up to and including 
the President of the United States, I can't understand that, and I 
haven't had a cogent explanation since I returned. 

I used to see these pictures. Of course, since I am from Indiana, 
I used to see the Senator's picture in there and I was proud that any 
Senator was giving the Communists such a hard time, and es])ecially 
since he was from Indiana. And, of course, I used to boast about it. 

And I used to see the Senator's picture, along with Senator Mc- 
Carthy, Senator Knowland, Senator McCarran, Representative Velde, 
and people of that type. And I had the opinion — and I think I was 
joined by many prisoners — that the more adverse publicity that you 
could receive in that magazine or newspaper the better you apparently 
were doing back here and the more trouble you Avere giving to Com- 
munists. That was my opinion and I was joined by most people 
over there, because it is their method to slander anyone that is trying 
to expose them at all. 

That, to me, was the important thing of the prison life over there. 
I expected the maltreatment and so forth and so on because I felt 
that I was dealing with uncivilized people. And I felt "Well, I will 
have to read this now and I can get back, and I am sure something 
will be done about this when I tell what I have seen and how it 
affects these people that are uneducated." This is very stupid to 
many people here in the States, but it isn't to many people there; 
they believe it, it is very logical to them. 

The Chairman. We get a lot of the same treatment in this country, 
too. 

Captain Berry. I don't understand ; I am very confused. 

But this went on until I received indoctrination from the Commu- 
nists, the Chinese Communists. I was interrogated by a Russian. I 
saw several Russians. And it is all the same line. These speeches 
that you hear from the high Communist officials, I heard them from 
my little platoon leader who can't read his name. He knows the 
speeches by heart, too. They all memorize them. Whether he can 
read or not, they will teach him to read the speech and so he mem- 
orizes it. 

I heard him give the same thing as the top Communist officials give 
in our big papers here. 

But all these magazines were here. I have seen all these: Outline 
of Political History of the Americas, by Foster; The American, by 
Fast ; Titan, by Theodore Dreiser. 

And there was a book that I am sorry I can't remember the title, 
which the Communists were really pushing this book a lot. It was 
written by Victor Perlo. He wrote that book. 

Mr. Carpenter. Was it American Imperialism ? 

Captain Berry. That is it. 

Mr. Carpenter. By Victor Perlo. 

Captain Berry. Yes. 

The Chairman. He has been before this committee. 

Captain Berry. They seemed to be pushing that book quite a bit. 

And, of course, there were a lot of American names that came up 
in all these articles, and you can always tell, it is a simple thing to 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1973 

fiofure out who they are for and who tlioy are against. Even the 
people they are for, even people you mi^^ht not think are not for 
them, they will soft-pedal on, say he is doing some good things. The 
people they are not for they will slander them any way they can do it. 

To me, it was far more important than this. 

I hope you won't misunderstand. I think this is very terrible, and 
T feel very sorry for everyone that is suffering and has suffered for it. 
But it is something in the past, and I hope we can improve it the next 
time. 

But this sort of thing here that I had to read for so long, it isn't in 
the past, it is right here in front of us. And it breaks my heart to 
have to sit here and see this stuff still going on around here. I can't — 
just don't understand, nobody has explained to me about it. I mean, 
they sa}^, "Well, I guess that is right" but they haven't given me any 
explanation. 

I remember the Rosenberg trial. I thought they would never do 
anything about that. I listened to that stuff and I read so much about 
it that I got so bored I didn't know what to do. 

We had a pigpen — it looked good in pictures — that the prisoners had 
their own pigpen. I won't forget the first one we built, we made it out 
of rocks. 

This is some more Communist logic. 

Of course, we didn't have any pigs to put in anyway; I don't know 
what we built it for. 

We said, "You can't put a pigpen right in our own compound with 
the sanitation conditions." 

Let me digress a little. I had to laugh wdien in the paper the other 
day I saw one of these well-known people who had just returned from 
China who said what a great job they were doing in their fly killing. 
We had the same thing, 5,000 flies a pack of cigarettes. I almost died 
from nicotine fits, I ahvays get less than 5,000. 

Anyway, we said, "You can't built that thing in the compound with 
the sanitation conditions." They said, "It is very simple ; ]ust get the 
rocks and build a wall high enough that the flies can't fly over." 

And what are you going to say ? You don't know what to say in a 
case like that. 

That is the logic you run into every day over there. Those are the 
type of people that are reading all these things and the people that 
everybody is thinking are doing so well. I don't suppose everybody 
thinks that. I know I didn't think they were doing so well. 

But, incidentally, this is my opinion. It doesn't necessarily reflect 
the opinion of the United States Air Force. It is just what I sort of 
got while I was over there. 

Oh, I am sorry, I digressed there. I was telling you about the pigs 
and the Rosenberg trial. 

We tried to put a humorous twist on all this propaganda if we could. 
So we had one pig there — this was after we got pigs, things had im- 
proved — we named him Elmer Rosenpig. 

And it was always a great deal of delight because we killed one pig 
a week. We had something like 300 people and we got one pig a week, 
usually a monster of about 90 pounds. 

So we kept sweating out Elmer Rosenpig to See when his turn was 
going to come, and just like the newspapers, that one kept running 



1974 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

around in the pigpen and was the last one to get killed, but he finally 
did. 

Those that had money in camp — I didn't have money — but they were 
betting- on how the trial would come out and so forth. It is too bad 
to bet on that sort of thing, but you become so disgusted at the propa- 
ganda that you read that I am afraid we did do that. 

I feel if I got nothing else, that I know how those people operate. 
I don't know as much as a lot of people do, but I know a lot of things 
that a lot of people don't know because I saw it. 

We were able to keep pretty happy. We had a "crazy week" 1 week 
that always interested me a lot. 

The Chinese, as I say, aren't very smart, I don't think. And we 
decided we would have this "crazy week" for 1 whole week. We had 
such things as playing bridge with no cards, playing basketball with 
no basketball, and things of that type. And it really shook the Chinese 
up for a couple of days until the informers let them know about what 
was happening. 

We had one boy, a lieutenant in the Navy, that rode a motorcycle 
around all this time. So they decided to take him to the camp com- 
mander. And just as he drove up to the camp commander's door he 
wrecked his motorcycle. He is a ham actor anyway, and he worked 
up a few tears and cried over it. So the camp commander told him he 
would buy him a new motorcycle. So he left very happy. 

And we carried on flying with no airplanes, and that sort of thing. 

And they preached about discrimination a lot. We had one guy, 
they shaved his head right down the center. He was the only male 
that ever attended Vassar, and so he thought that up, and they shaved 
his head like that, and they brought him in for disrupting things, 
and he did do that. He said, "I am the last of the Mohicans," inci- 
dentally, and he said, "1 week every year I celebrate for all my ances- 
tors," or for some reason. They read Howard Fast's book, and so 
forth, and they didn't believe he was the last of the Mohicans, and so 
they started to put him in jail. 

He told them if they were going to try to practice discrimination on 
him because he was an Indian they would never forget it. So they let 
him go. They let him wear his hair that way. 

The Chairman. I want to warn you you are getting close to the 
province of another Hoosier, Herbert Shriner, Captain. You had 
better be careful. 

Captain Berry. I probably am digressing. But that is about the 
extent of that sort of thing. 

I certainly wish people could know what I know about these people 
and these magazines. I studied these things. It is pretty hard on your 
nerves, but it is possible. 

And I used to study it and try to put quotes together and decide 
what was happening back there. And I feel that I did to a certain 
extent. But I certainly learned a lot about it, and to me that was the 
most important thing that happened to me over there. 

And, as I say, I am very sorry about all this : it almost happened to 
me. And I am especially sorry for the people who were the relatives 
of these victims. 

And I saw an awful* lot of that happen, an awful lot of deaths, and 
I feel very strongly about some people that have nerve enough to write 
such lies as appeared in this China Monthly Review, and apparently it 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1975 

was edited by Mr. John W. Powell. It is incredible that a man, an 
American citizen, an allefjed American citizen, could write thinfjs like 
that concerning prisoners when he knows they are dj'ing right there 
as high as 30 a day — so I have heard from authoritative sources — and 
I still don't understand it. 

Mr. CARrENTER. To prove that his writings in this China ISfonthly 
Iveview were in their corner — that is, the Communist corner — did you 
ever have them furnish 3'ou with any other magazines, say, like the 
Header's Digest ? 

Captain Berry. No, sir. 

We stole a Newsweek one time from the Koreans. That was smug- 
gled into our camp by an American who was out on interrogation. 
'J hat was probably one of the biggest morale factors we had for sev- 
eral months. No one ever found out about it because I honestly believe 
that the Koreans were afraid to report the fact that the magazine had 
been stolen for fear the Chinese would kill the ones responsible, because 
they certainly weren't above that. 

But we saw that. 

But that, of course, wasn't general issue. We got nothing like that 
on general issue. 

We used to try to get quotes out of the Daily Worker and every- 
thing, quotes by Mr. Dulles, for example, and the U. S. Ncavs & World 
Report, and everything. But they were clever about the quotes they 
took ; they could twist a quote around. 

But if you got several newspapers like the National Guardian — 
of course, I subscribed to all of them because I was there — we got the 
National Guardian, the London Daily Worker, and you put all those 
quotes together and it is enlightening. You are not supposed to read 
all those papers at once, but separately ; I cheated. I feel they dropped 
the ball on their propaganda. I don't consider myself an expert, but 
I wasn't fooled a couple of times on it. 

But the thing you have to take under consideration is that there 
are a lot of people that don't think too much about it, and a lot of 
stories sound xevj good to them. Of course, these people are capable 
of being much cleverer than that. I have seen a lot of that, too, since 
I have been back. 

Mr. Carpenter. Captain, I understand you were the morale officer 
in the camp. Will you tell how you kept up the morale of the 
prisoners of war? 

Captain Berry. I used to have a news-analysis week. I could read 
anything into it that I wanted to, and any time anybody was feeling 
low they would come and ask me what I thought of the news. Of 
course, everything looked very good to me. And I used to have a 
lot of fun with that. I had my Optimist Club, and I used to run a 
ticker-tape service up there. It was an imaginary ticker tape; used 
to have runners sitting up for late flashes, and things of that kind. 

Of course, I wrote for my hotel reservations 2 years before I got 
repatriated, to one of the hotels back here, and that drew a laugh. 
Even the Chinese called me up once, because apparently the informers 
told them I was doing that. They would ask other prisoners if they 
were optimistic like I was, then the}^ called me up and asked me what 
I thought about the war situation, and I told them. They asked me 
why I felt that way, and I started quoting all these things I had been 



1976 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

reading and they apparently hadn't read themselves, at least without 
the proper attitude. 

So they were pumped up, too. 

I tried to keep the morale of the Chinese instructors up, too, when 
they were down in the dumps a bit. 

The Chairman. Did you actually write for a hotel reservation? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. 

In January of 1952, when they settled the letterwriting situation 
down in Panmunjom — the Chinese again got ridiculous and they got 
all the paper they could find. I think they went all over China 
getting this paper, and they brought in reams of paper, and they said, 
"Write all the letters you want; we just settled this mail problem." 
But that time there wasn't anybody to write to; I mean, I had for- 
gotten everything. 

So I started thinking where was the most expensive, swankiest hotel 
that I heard of or been to. I decided on the Bel-Air Hotel in Los An- 
geles. So I wrote them a letter. I had no idea the letter would ever 
get out. I just did it to buck myself up a little bit. And people 
laughed at me, of course. And I told them that at the present time 
my arrival in the States was a little doubtful; I couldn't tell them 
when I would arrive, but I knew they were very busy, and would they 
keep me in mind for accommodations ; and described the weather over 
there, how nice it was, 40 below, and so forth. 

So, surprisingly enough, this letter got out, and surprisingly 
enough, the letter got back. And they said : 

Whenever you get out of there, when you finish youv full sojourn in North 
Korea, if you come here, you can stay as long as you want as oiir guest, and 
you can have breakfast in bed, try our turquoise swimming pool and you will 
have Hollywood starlets — 

and so forth and so forth. 

The Chinese censored this mail, and I could see their eyes dilate and 
so on. They called me in and I told them what a capitalist pig I 
really was. 

Of course, they didn't like it. 

But I went back and stayed there for 10 days, until I built up such 
a bill even I was scared and left. I was up to 127 pounds, so I had to 
leave, health conditions and everything else. I put on weight. 

I would like to bring that out, as a matter of fact, that the American 
people back there, they kept the morale very high over there, because 
in addition to that I started receiving a lot of letters. I mean later I 
went to the Sands in Las Vegas and to Palm Springs, and other places, 
receiving invitations here and invitations there, and a lot of strangers 
wrote me letters. 

And I am sure you can't imagine how much that was appreciated 
by all the prisoners there. And they have never forgotten that from 
the American people. That was one of the most important things 
that happened to me, and I think to most of the other prisoners over 
there. 

I am just sorry, if I can't get the point across that I want to, that 
these same people who were so nice to me 

Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any experience in trying to get let- 
ters back to your people in the United States ? 

Captain Berry. Yes, sir. When I was first shot down I begged 
these people — I think it was the North Korean Communists — well, it 



rNTERLOCIONG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1977 

■was all the Communists over there, Xorth Korean and Chinese and so 
forth, and I actually bepiied them a few weeks to let me write a letter 
to my parents because at the time I was shot down I told them I 
wasn't in the war and I wasn't flying at all. And just out of a clear 
blue sky they fjot a missing-in-action thing, and I suspected that it 
would perturb them, and so I wanted to write a letter. 

And I asked many times and told them I didn't want to say any- 
thing, all I Manted to tell them was that I was alive. And they re- 
fused. They wouldn't hear of me writing a letter. 

Then later they asked me if I would like to make a broadcast — not 
a broadcast, but make a recording. They had recording equi])ment 
there. But would I like to make a recording home to my parents and 
tell them that I was all right, that I was being treated well, that I 
had seen some horrible sights and many innocent Korean women and 
children bombed and strafed and so forth. I told them that I didn't 
care to, that my parents were still alive, they could probably stand it a 
few more months, and I didn't care to make a recording or write at 
that time. 

I really got stubborn. I was w^orking in the kitchen at the time, and 
they asked me the next night did I want to make a recording. I told 
them "Xo, thanks," that I was busy that night. I said "Check with 
me later." 

So they came back the next night and I was still busy in the kitchen, 
which was a lie ; there was nothing to be busy with in our kitchen. 

So finally the third night they came back and I told them I was 
still busy, and they never did come back. 

So, consequently, my parents never heard from me for a year and 
] 2 days, to be exact. That was the first they heard whether I was dead 
or alive. 

I finally wrote a letter in August and it got home the day before 
Thanksgiving in 1951, and that was the first that they had heard. 

The Chairman. Any further questions, Senator Johnston ? 

Senator Johnston. No further questions. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. Captain. 

Mr. Carpenter. Senator Jenner, we have a letter here from the 
Department of the Army addressed to you, as the chairman, attention 
Mr. Colombo, pertaining to table of contents of the China Eeview and 
various other magazines which were distributed to parents here in the 
United States from prisoners of war. 

The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the 
record. 

(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 491" and ap- 
pears below, together with a list of the contents of the volume re- 
ferred to : ) 

Exhibit No. 491 

September 24, 1954. 
Hon. William E. Jenner, 

Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, Committee on the Judiciary, 
United States Senate. 
(Attention: Mr. Louis Colombo.) 
Dear Mr. Chairman : Pursuant to the request of your committee for documents 
indicating that noncombatant Amei'ican citizens operating in Communist China 
or North Korea circularized relatives of American prisoners of war in an effort 
to undermine American morale, there is forwarded herewith a book of sample 

32018°— 54— rt 23 IG 



1978 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

materials which Lave been received in the United States. Some material has 
been received from Americans in the United States and some from foreign 
sources which are not definitely identified as to the nationality of the senders. 
With the exception of tlie China Monthly Review, it is not possible clearly to 
establish that American citizens behind the "bamboo curtain" were engaged in 
the publication or dissemination of the material enclosed. 

Inasmuch as many of the items forwarded represent the only copy available 
in Army files, it would be appreciated if this material could be returned to this 
office after it has served the needs of your committee. 
Sincerely yours, 

John G. Adams, 
Department Counselor. 



Exhibit No. 491-B 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



A. China Monthly Review, January 1952 (John W. Powell, editor and publisher) 

1. POW's Thauksfriving, page 70 

2. Change in POW's Outlook, pajj^e 73 

3. Letter to Troops in Korea, page 104 

B. The Children of Korea Call to the Women of the World 

Women International Demociatice Federation Unter den Linden 13, 
Berlin W8, Germany. 

C. Korea — We Accuse ! 

Report to the Commission of the Women's International Democratic 
Federation in Korea, May 16 to 27, 1951. 

D. American POW's Calling I'rom Korea 

Hsinhua (New China) News Agency. 

E. Shall Brothers Be 

An account, written by American and British prisonei-s of war, of their 
treatment in I'OW camps in Korea. The Chinese I'eoples Committee for 
World Peace, Peking. 1952. Third Edition, August 1952. 

F. Out of Their Own Mouths 

Revelations and confessions written by American soldiers of torture, 
rape, arson, looting, and cold-blooded murder of defenseless civilians 
and prisoners of war in Korea. Red Cross Society of China, Peking, 1952. 

G. United Nations POW's in Korea 

I'ublished by Chinese Peoples Committee for World Peace Peking, 
China, 195.";. Attached is mimeographed letter from Britain-China 
Friendship Association, 228 Gray Inn Road. London, W. C. 1. 
H. Intercamp Olympics, 1952, Pyuktong, D. P. R. K. 

A souvenir at the Intercamp Olympics, 1952, held at Pyoktong, 
D. P. R. K. 
I. National Guardian, May 6, 1951 
K. Sample Contents of Letter sent to Relative of an American POW (4 enclosures) 

1. Card noting SOS meeting 

2. Mimeographed SOS sheet (2 pages) 

3. Letter dated April 17, 1953 

4. Joint resolution 

L. Sample Contents of Letter Sent to a Relative of an American I'OW (2 en- 
closures) 

1. Is "Voluntary Repati'iation'' Right or Wrong? 

2. Reproduction of Radio Broadcast Indicates United States Ready to 
Sacrifice Its Prisoners of War 

The Chairman. The committee will stand in recess at this time. 
Tomorrow afternoon at 2 o'clock we will have an open session. This 
afternoon at 4 : 30 we will have an executiA^e session. 

So nntil 2 o'clock tomorrow we will stand in recess. 

("Whereupon, at 3 :35 p. m., Tuesday, September 28, the hearing was 
recessed to reconvene at 2 p. m., "Wednesday, September 29, 1954.) 



APPENDIX 



Exhibit No, 405 

[From the China Weekly Review, March 11, 1950] 

Changes in Shanghai's Pkess 

kewspaper woek has considerably changed since kuomintang days, with the 
trend toward a division of labor among dailies and the emphasis on edu- 
CATING READf::BS 

The sharp change in direction taken by China's society following the over- 
throw of the Kuomintang has an interesting reflection in the newspapers of 
Shanghai. The press may be regarded as a sensitive barometer of the times. 

Under the Kuomintang, the composition of Shanghai's daily newspapers re- 
flected the stratification of cliques and interests within the Kuomintang and on 
its fringes.* The same press following liberation, gives some indication of the 
various classes and political parties that have combined forces under the new 
democracy.^ 

The modern history of the press in China is a mixed one. Ko Kung-chen, in 
his History of Chinose Journalism (p. 218), writes: "The news reporting in our 
Chinese press only serves the purpose of filling up space. In reporting an event, 
an account often apiwars without proper introduction or ending and conflicts 
with itself. Sometimes the same event appears in 2 or 3 places on the same day 
or is repeated in 2 or 3 places without any system. There is a lot of empty 
verbiage and the reader is not able to get the salient points. The reason for 
the former is that the reporters have not learned their job but content them- 
selves with copying releases, while the latter effect is due to the fact that editors 
do not think for their readers and only want to save trouble. So we often find 
scores of pages with a lot of words and nothing interesting in them worth read- 
ing. This is indeed a pity." 

THE SHANGHAI DAILIES 

Most writers in this subject agree that the modern press suffered from these 
defects. Shanghai's newspapers have been plagued by bad editing. They have 
also been in the grip of irresponsible advertisers, particularly patent-medicine 
merchants, who have at times had more to say about the makeup of papers than 



* Shansfhai daily press In January 1949 : 

Shun Pao (KMT supervised, CC clique) ; Sin Wen Pao (KMT supervised, CC clique) ; 
Ta Kung Pao (independent, political science group) ; Shang Pao (CC commercial organ) ; 
Ching Yung Chi Pao (connected with political science group) ; Cheng Yen Pao (Wu Shao- 
hsi, KMT?) ; Yl Shih Pao (Chinese Catholic organ) ; Chien Sien Jih Pao (connected with 
KMT Gen. Ku Chu-tung) ; Shih Shih Hsin Pao (connected with H. H. Kung) ; Ta Wan Pao 
(connected with H. H. Kung) ; Sin Min, Wan Pao (independent, Government supervised) ; 
Sin Yeh Pao (CC clique) ; Hwa Mei Wan Pao (connected with KMT publicity board) ; 
Tung Nan Jih Pao (KMT southeast China organ) ; Ho Ping Jih Pao (KMT army organ). 
And a great number of tabloids, some published regularly, others irregularly. 

2 Shanghai dally press in January 1950 : 

Giefang Rhbao (Communist Party organ) ; Ta Kung Pao (edited by Wang Yun-sheng, 
privately owned) ; Sin Wen Jih Pao (part Government, part privately owned — reorganized 
from Sin Wen Pao) ; Wen Hui Pao (owned by Yen Pao-11) ; Shang Pao (connected with 
Federation of Industries and Commerce, privately owned) ; Sin Min Wan Pao (owned by 
Teng Chi-hsin, edited by Chao Tsao-kou) ; Lao Tung Pao (Shanghai General Labor Union) ; 
Ching Nien Pao (youth organization of CP). There are still a number of tabloids. 

It may be noted that the Wen Hui Pao is sometimes listed as being connected with the 
Democratic League, and that the Sin Min Wan Pao is also sometimes listed as being con- 
nected with the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang. 

1979 



ISCO 



INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



the editors.' Ami, under the Kuomintans, it was standard practice to carry 
otRcial Government releases, without acliuowledgment, as the only version of 
the news. 

When an effort was made at independent reporting, it was usually on terms 
of mutual vilification between opposing cliques, and of sensationalism. That the 
press was a reflection of corrupt and violent times is evidenced by the former 
Central News Agency's list of important news events for 1948.^ 

Another feature of Shaiigliai's newspapers after V-J Day and prior to libera- 
tl(m was the misuse of official newsprint allocations. It is said, in regard to this : 
the less the circulation, the greater the profits. For example, while the actual 
circulation of one particular paper was only 20,000 copies daily, it gave its offi- 
cial circulation as 90.000, and, on tlie basis of this officially supplied figure, 
the paper was given a newsprint allocation at the official price for the false 
90,000 circulation. Then its publisher sold, on the blackmarket, the surplus 
newsprint at a profit. INIost newspapers are said to have paid their way in this 
fashion. 

Shanghai was overstoclied with dailies, and their position was none too 
sound. 

At the same time there were numerous tabloids, magazine-sized sheets that 
specialized in rumors, gossip, and news that the big dailies did not handle.^ 

In his Press and Public Opinion in China, Lin Yutang wrote: "(Besides 
the regular press), there is a large number of tabloid papers, called 'mosquito 
papers' in Chinese, many of which are published every 3 days and fulfill a greatly 
felt need for social gossip and backstage stories, called into existence on account 
of the absolute unreadability, degeneration and prostitution of the big dailies." 

The writer should also have mentioned that the "mosquito papers" were often 
published by and .served the various feuding groups within the Kuomintang 
Party and Nationalist Government. 

And there are omissions in Lin Yutang's statement regarding the venality of 
the big dailies. It is not true that the whole press under the Kuomintang was 
degenerate. Many reporters, correspondents, and editors sought and used every 
possible opportunity to report the news truthfully and to circumvent the Kuomin- 
tang censorship and the reactionary policies of owners. 



(3)^V«gMie« of adVertisen in SMmh Pao (May 30, 1936) 

BUck IndicmtM tpac« oecuvlad by adv«rtUemenU. 
Wblt« indle»t« tp»c« l«ft ov«r for 




i^B 






Pave 14 

AdvtrtUement for 
"Horaupermin" 



Pa«« 13 

AdT«Ttl8«ni«nt for 
*'Antl-Ooi\orr>»icum" 



Front pase 



* Local news item (Jannarv 1949). — The Central News Agency has listed the 10 most 
impoi-tant news events of Shanghai for the year 1948 as follows (in order of occurrence) : 

1. The manhandling of Mayor K. C. Wu by the students of Tungchi University. 

2. The rioting of cal)aret hostesses resulting in the wrecking of the Social Affairs Bureau. 

3. The rioting at the Sung Sing No. 9 mill. 

4. The seventh National Olympics held at Shanghai. 

5. The trial of Yasutsuga Okamura. 

6. The "tiger hunting" campaign led by Chiang Ching-kuo and the resulting buying spree. 

7. The general census checkup. 

8. The Kiang Ya tragedy resulting in the loss of more than 3,000 lives. 

9. The arrival in Shanghai of United States Marines for the protection of American lives 
and property. 

10. The gold-rush tragedy. 

s For example, a Tieh Pao (tabloid) report, January 15, 1949. 

"Yesterday morning, acting on a recent order received from the Ministry of the Interior 
through the Shanghai city government, the police authorities sent a number of constabulary 
officers to the China Bonks & INIagazine Co. There they seized 2,471 copies of the University 
Critic (Ta Hsi:rh I'iug Lini) Weikly, a magazine edited by Prof. Liu Pu-tung and published 
iu Nanking, which liad been banned by the competent authorities." 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1981 

It was recognized that some reporters wrote stories apparently as the owner 
and censorship required, but made valiant efforts to get at the truth by sand- 
wichins; into the middle of their stories contradictory statements, or opposing 
points of view. In the handling of overseas news, a method to get at the truth 
was to print Eeuters, AP, ArF, and UP reports togetiier, often contradicting 
one another. 

In June, 1947, when throughout China there were student demonstrations 
against the continuation of the civil war, tlie Government acknowledged the 
existence of independent newspapermen by arresting reporters, correspondents 
and editors wholesale. Thirty-one newspapermen were arrested in Chungking 
alone. In most big cities, newspapermen were arrested and papers censored or 
suppressed. 

In Shanghai, the Government suppressed the dailies Lien Ho Jih Pao, Wen 
Hui Pao and Sin Min Wan Pao. , The Ta Kung Pao, at this time, was the one 
paper in Shanghai which, while not expressing the official Kuomintaug attitude in 
this case, escaped suppression. 

Further mention should be made of the Ta KuTig Pao (and of its sister editions, 
at various times published in Tientsin, Chungking, and Hongkong) because it was 
considered that this paper had a tradition of competent journalism and a certain 
independence in editorial policy. An article in the Revelation Monthly, Shanghai, 
January 1949, said : "The Ta Kung Pao pins its hopes on a 'middle course,' on a 
'third force" and on the liberal elements in the world, purporting itself to be one 
of them * * *." 

The Ta Kung Pao was also notable for its outspoken opposition to Japanese 
militarism and the revival of Japan. 

However, while the Ta Kung Pao claimed to represent "third force" elements, 
it was essentially linked with the interests of the Kuomintang, its policies being 
determined by Wu Ting-chang of the Political Science Group, and his representa- 
tives. 

Prior to liberation, there were four English-language dailies in Shanghai, 
among a number of other papers which served the various groups of foreign 
nationals. Although these papers do not come within the scope of this article, 
it is interesting to note that two of the English-language papers were owned by 
Kuomintang interests." 

Since liberation, the assets of the two Kuomintang-connected papers have been 
confiscated ; the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury has closed down ; and the 
North China Daily News has continued publication. 

A CHANGE IN COMPOSITION 

When the changeover came in Shanghai, in May 1949, many dailies went out of 
existence, a few continued, and several new publications appeared. The new 
publications were those of the Communist Party, trade union, student, and youth 
groups. 

The Ta Kung Pao continued publication. On January 7 one of the paper's 
major stockholders, Wu Ting-chang, who was connected with the Political Science 
Group within the Kuomintang, had resigned from the board of directors. The 
Sin Min Wan I'ao was carried on by its staff after its KMT supervisors had 
fled. As it happened, several editors who had close KMT connections either fled 
from Shanghai oi resigned from their positions. But in those papers which 
carried on, the majority of the staff remained as before and previous positions 
were held except for some alterations at higher editorial levels. 

Soon after liberation the new authorities took steps to confiscate all assets in 
the newspaper business which had belonged to the Kuomintang Party and 
Government and to the "four big families" such as the Kungs. A cultural and 
educational committee, comprising five members, investigated KMT holdings and 
then administei'ed them. 

The Giefang lihbao (Liberation Daily), the Communist Party's Shanghai 
organ, began publication on the old Shun Pao press. The Sin Wen Jih Pao was 
reorganized from the Sin Wen Pao. 

Although there was a sharp change in the composition and direction of the 
daily press after liberation, the implementation of this change in detail has 



* The four English-language papers were : Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury (C. V. 
Starr interests, American) ; North Cliina Daily News (^Morris family, British) ; Cliina Press 
(owned largely by H. H. Kung) ; and Cliina Daily Tribune (owned by the Nationalist 
Government). 



1982 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

been applied rather gradually. This is notable in the training of new journalists. 
There has been a shortage of journalists who could cope with the political de- 
mands of the new situation. But, up to this time, the schools of journalism in 
the universities of Shanghai are as before, the old teachers and professors 
remaining. No direct effort has been made by the authorities to alter the situa- 
tion. Any change in the nature of journalism courses, any discrimination against 
professors, is being left to the students and university staffs, those directly con- 
cerned. However, there is a school of journalism in the East China University, 
the new, politically orientated university that has been established by the Gov- 
ernment. 

NUMEROUS SHORTAGES 

Following liberation, all newspapers faced many problems and shortages. 
There was a shortage of suitable personnel. There have been serious shortages 
of capital and newsprint. Nearly all dailies consider that, with bigger news- 
print stocks to draw on, they could increase production considerably. Available 
machinery is said to be in good condition, but there are still various technical 
difficulties. One mentioned is that, to conserve diesel oil, coal is being used in 
mat making, and its uneven heating power resolts in inferior quality blocks. But 
the shortage of newsprint remains the gravest of problems. 

Other headaches are the established agencies for the handling of advertising 
and distribution. For many years, these sections of the newspaper business in 
Shanghai have been the source of income and squeeze for big agents, middle 
agents, small agents, subagents, and sundry hangers-on. They have been major 
commercial enterprises on their own, fattening off the publishers. They still 
exist. It is said that it would be possible to dispense with them at one stroke 
and to introduce more rational systems in these departments; but that this 
would be an irresponsible gesture at the present stage. Too many people would 
be thrown out of work and on to the Government relief rolls. The changes 
in the systems of advertising and of distribution must come about gradually. 

With all these problems, the circulation figures of the leading dailies are at 
least as high as those of the biggest preliberation dailies. But the figures given 
are not official or authenticated. The most popular estimations give the Sin 
Wen Jih Pao a circulation of about 140,000, with the Giefang Rhbao slightly 
less. Reasons given for the lead held by the Sin Wen Jih Pao are: It carries 
the most classified advertisements, help wanted, for sale, and wanted-to-buy 
items ; it has the most hsien (county) news from Chekiang and Kiangsu provinces ; 
it has more "human interest" news. 

Every daily is trying to increase its circulation, particularly through mass 
selling to organizations. But the tendency, nevertheless, is against interpaper 
competition for readers. 

A DIVISION OF LABOR 

The main trend in the new press of Shanghai is towards a division of labor 
rather than competition. The Shang Pao is the industrialists' paper ; the Ta Kung 
Pao appeals especially to professional people and older intellectuals ; the Giefang 
Rhbao is for the more politically advanced ; the Sin Wen Jih Pao is for the 
trade groups, housewives, etc. ; the Wen Hui Pao is aimed at the students ; and 
there is the trade unions' Lao Tung Pao, and the youth group's Ching Nien Pao. 
The "mosquito papers" which remain seem to choose the tactics that suit them 
best.' 

There are considerable differences between the papers. Taking its particular 
readers into account, the Sin Weh Jih Pao is produced in a simple, newsy, 
readable style in the usual sense of the word. The Giefang Rhbao is more con- 
cerned with advanced political interpretations, expecting readers to graduate to 
it from other papers. The Ta Kung Pao, especially in its fuller Saturday and 
Sunday editions, has large magazine sections dealing with foreign affairs, 



'' A recent item from the Hsiao Pao (tabloid) : 

"American residents in Shanghai have not as yet been evacuated. Such members of the 
American community as Franlslin (former chairman of the Shanghai Municipal Council and 
chairman of the American Residents' Association), Allman (former publisher of the Shun 
Pao), and Bryan (longtime senior municipal advocate of the SMC, and man who transcribed 
the Chinese Four Books) are living in Shanghai and as secure as the Roclc of Gibraltar. 
They obey the laws and orders of tlie People's Government, and have not considered at all 
preparations to leave the city." 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1983 



the arts and social sciences, while not neglecting, as the evidence Indicates, 
the more businesslike interests of its intellectual clientele.* 

There are dififerences, but the daily papers now have a common direction and 
there is considei-able understanding between them. 

The point is made that there are still class divisions under the new democracy, 
and various political parties; but that all these parties are united on the 
basis of the common program of the People's I'olitical Consultative Conference, 
the guiding program for China in this era. This program, and the principles and 
policies it enunciates, determine the editorial policies of Shanghai's daily news- 
papers. 

ORGANIZATION OF A NEWSPAPER 

On the typical newspaper now, the editor is the highest authority. The editor 
decides policy, although there are regular conferences of department chiefs. 
Reporters are esjiected to play a new role and their responsibilities have in- 
creased. It is said that the emphasis of responsibility, in comparison with Amer- 
ican dailies, is shifting from the editorial to the reporting staff. 

On the Sin Wen Jih Pao, which is a morning paper, the day's work is organized 
thus: The chief reporter (also the city editor) assigns the total of about 30 
reporters for the day's work. Throughout the day they keep in touch with the 
city desk. In the evening they write up their copy, and it goes before a meeting 
of reporting and editorial staffs together. This meeting decides what to use, 
how much to use, and what should be emphasized. 

Each newspaper plans its own work, but all are expected to assume great respon- 
sibilities toward the public and to stay within certain bounds. An example is 
given in the handling of the story of a People's Bank official who was found 
guilty of corruption. The press was expected to treat this case, with all news 
in general, as an opportunity to educate the public as well as the people con- 
cerned in the case. There was no rushing into print with condemnations and 
sensational revelations. The press was expected to consider the consequences 
of its reports, to check all facts carefully, to delay until there was full confirma- 
tion, and then to treat the news so as not to prejudice the guilty person in his 
attempts at reformation, while warning the public to be on guard against further 
cases of corruption. More than this, the press was expected to explain the social 
sources and cause of corniption in this case, as in others like it, and show how 
corruption can be overcome. 



* The following table Is an analysis of the contents of Shanghai's three leading dally 
newspapers, the Sin Wen Jlh Pao, Giefang Rhbao, and Ta Kung Pao, based upon weekday 
Issues for the last week in January 1940. The percentages given under the various headings 
are based upon square inches of column space given to items which fell under these head- 
ings. Every item in the issues chosen was listed under one of these headings. The issues 
were all six-page editions, varying little in overall size. 

[Percent] 



News: 

All China 

Provincial.., 

Shanghai 

Foreign 

Commercial. 

Editorials.. 

Articles 

Notices 

Correspondence. 
Advertisements. 



Sin Wen 


TaKung 


Oiefang 


Jlh Pao 


Pao 


Rhbao 


9.6 


9.3 


9.7 


6.2 


2.4 


•6.8 


8.7 


10 


12 


4.3 


9.8 


6.5 


8.8 


12.5 


8.7 


.6 


3.6 


.5 


9.C 


21 


•26.6 


3.6 


3.4 


8 


1)2.2 


2 


2.5 


45.4 


26.1 


22.3 



• The heading "Provincial news" in the case of the Giefang Ehbao should more correctly be "East 
China news," referring to news items and reports concerning the whole administrative district of 
6 Provinces. "Provincial news" for the other 2 papers refers to news from local sources in Kiangsu 
and Chekiang. 

b It is a special feature of the Sin Wen Jih Pao that it carries a large number of classified advertise- 
ments. 

« The Oiefang Rhbao carries a considerable amount of official documents and proclamations which 
are here classified under "Articles." 



1984 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

AMATEURS AND PROFESSIONALS 

The direction of the press is now to educate, or, as the familiar phrase has 
It, "serve the people." 

To insure that the press shall be popular, the aim is to develop and recruit 
large numbers of worker correspondents. The Sin Wen Jih Pao, for example, is 
said to have some 200 correspondents throughout Kiangsu and Chekiang, and 
300 in schools, factories, and institutions in Shanghai. On big news events such 
as the sale of Victory bonds, the Sin Wen Jih Pao has reports coming in from 
many centers in the Provinces and Shanghai. Practically, it is a sound method 
for insuring a fuller coverage of the news. And great political importance is 
attached to this system, and it is being extended. 

The amateur correspondents are paid for their stories which are brushed up 
or rewritten by the paper's editorial staff. In centers where literacy is increas- 
ing it has not been so difficult to find correspondents, but it is thought that until 
the working people are more fully organized they will not understand completely 
how they can use the press to bring forward new ideas, and express their prob- 
lems and criticisms. With this handicap, and with the enormous problem of 
illiteracy, progress is expected to be slow. 

The work of editors and reporters is not lessened by this development. They 
have more work to do, and they have the problem of orientating themselves to the 
new situation. In the past there was strict competition for news. Now there 
is a different attitude. In Peking, it is said, a paper may even hand over a news 
item to another journal which may be able to use the item more profitably. In 
Shanghai there is no sharing as yet, but within the dailies there is less competition 
between reporters. 

However, it has been noticeable in the field of military news in particular that 
some papers are regularly ahead on reports of Liberation Army advances. The 
Giefang Rhhao is often behind. The fall of Kunming last year was a case in 
point. There is said to have been some debate on when to announce the fall of 
this city, reports being somewhat indefinite. Some considered it more important 
to establish the fact that the city was liberated rather than to rush into print on 
the subject. 

A new attitude to newspaper work is developing in Shanghai. At least the days 
are passing when journalists used the news, especially international news, for 
speculating. The newsrooms of the dailies no longer think as much about, the 
^tock market as their daily editions. 

Newspapermen, it is said find life changed in these ways : the coming of hsueh 
hsi (the voluntary political study circles common in most organizations), and 
more criticism, more work and more meetings. Like the worker, the main task 
set the intellectual is increased production. 

FUTURE OF THE PRESS 

The main direction of the daily press under the new democracy has been laid 
down in Shanghai. But the permanent pattern may finally approach the situa- 
tion of the press in the northeast, China's most advanced area. 

In the northeast, the Dungbei Rhbao (Northeast Daily) is the leading daily 
with an estimated circulation of 250,000, the largest in China. This daily covers 
all six Provinces of the northeast and carries official statements, policy decisions, 
results of conference discussions and important documents. But for each 
Province and for each big town there is at least one subsidiary paper carrying 
local news and features in the common newspaper style. 

Shanghai's Giefang Rhbao may finally do a similar job for the East China 
regional group of six Provinces as the Dungbei Rhbao does for the northeast, 
carrying documents, official statements and political articles. Other papers will 
then be freed to cater to their special sections of the reading public and to 
develop their own style and emphasis. 

In whatever form, the press will continue to be a reflection of the times in 
the new China and. more -significantly, an extremely important medium of public 
education. — Alun Falconer. 

NEW CHINA news AGENCY 

In liberated China, national and foreign news is handled by the New China 
News Agency, which operates as a unit of the press administration of the Central 
People's Government in Peking. It exercises the dual function of distributing 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1985 

news within China and reporting on domestic developments for consumption 
abroad. 

Within China, its news file consists primarily of domestic news of national 
interest plus foreign news gleaned from its own correspondents abroad or quoted 
from Tass and other foreign news agency dispatches. Abroad, it is at present 
the main source of news from China. 

The XCXA has 6 main offices and 40 branch offices in China, and 5 offices over- 
seas (Hong Kong, London, Prague, Moscow, and Pyengyang, North Korea). 

In next week's issue of the Review, there will be an article on the history, 
present organization, and problems of the NONA. 



Exhibit No. 4GS 

[From the China Weekly Review, March 18, 1950] 

New China News Agency — Yenan to Peking 

FOUNDED in YENAN IN 1936 AS A MIMEOGRAPHED NEWS SHEET, THE NONA TODAY IS 
THE OFFICIAL NEWS AGENCY FOR CHINA, WITH OFFICES HERE AND ABROAD 

During the days of the Nationalist Government the main news-gathering 
agency in China was the official Central News Agency, which supplied papers 
with both domestic and foreign news. In a few large cities such as Shanghai, 
papers also subscribed to the services of foreign news agencies — the Associated 
Press, United Press, Reuters, Agence France Presse, etc. — printing their domestic 
coverage of China as well as their dispatches from abroad. 

Since liberation, the task of distributing both national and foreign news 
has been assumed by the New China News Agency, which operates as a unit 
of the Press Administration of the Central People's Government in Peking. 

The NCNA has 6 main offices and 46 branch offices in China and 5 offices 
overseas (Hong Kong, London, Prague, Moscow, and Phyongyang, North Korea). 
Through this network it exercises the dual function of distributing news within 
China and reporting on domestic devolopments for consumption abroad. 

Within China, its news file consists primarily of domestic news of national 
interest plus foreign news gleaned from its own correspondents abroad or 
quoted from Tass and other foreign news agency dispatches. Abroad, it is at 
present the main source of news from China, since the only correspondents who 
are permitted to work in China are those who represent newspapers or news 
agencies in countries which have recognized the People's Government. 

STARTED IN YENAN 

The New China News Agency has had a parallel growth with the revolu- 
tionary war waged by the Chinese Communist Party, under whose leadership 
it began. 

Founded in Yenan in 1936, it first appeared as a mimeographed newssheet 
containing news broadcasts monitored from the new'S agencies of Britain, 
the United States, France, and Japan, as well as the KMT Central News Agency. 
It was on this newssheet that the isolated bases of the Chinese Communist 
Party depended for information of the outside world. 

In 1937-38, the NCNA served as a forwarding post of party directives to 
Communist bases behind the Japanese lines. It also handled the exchange of 
messages among the bases. 

In May 1945 the NCNA undertook the operation of a newspaper — the Libera- 
tion Daily — which subsequently enlarged the scope of its news coverage. It 
then had three branch offices — in northwest Shansi Province, Taihang, in Hopeh 
Province, and in the Shansi-Chahar-Hopeh border area. It covered mainly 
news of guerrilla warfare behind the Japanese lines. News broadcasts inter- 
cepted from abroad and from the Central News Agency were supplied to the 
Liberation Daily and to the branch offices for reference. 

During the 1946 political consultative conference in Chungking, the NCNA 
was enlarged to cope with the rapid political and military developments, and it 
began to challenge the Central News Agency in the national field. By this time, 
the Liberation Daily and its sister paper in Chungking, the Hsin Hua Daily, 
were being separately operated. 



1986 rSTTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

lu JMarcli 1947, however, when KMT forces under the command of Hn Tsung- 
nnn attacked Yenan, the NCNA was forced to move successively to the Shansi- 
Siiiyuan, Shansi-Chahar-Hopeh, and Taihang border areas. A year later, with 
the launching of the Communist counteroffensive, the agency moved back to 
Pingshan in the Shansi-Chahar-Hopeh border area. After Peking's liberation it 
established itself in that city. 

PRESS AXD RADIO 

Until comparatively recently, the New China News Agency acted not only as 
a news agency but also had newspaper publishing and broadcasting responsi- 
bilities. With the rapid liberation of vast areas of China and the formation 
cf the Central People's Government, it was relieved of these additional functions. 

Ofticial Communist Party newspapers now operate alongside privately owned 
papers in each of the major cities (People's Daily in Peking, Liberation Daily in 
Shanghai, etc.). Until last December they were subsidized by the government. 
A meeting of the State Administration Council in December, however, decided 
to put these newspapers on a self-supporting basis. The council declared that 
(1) official newspapers must not be sold at a price lower than the cost price 
of the newsprint (the papers had been sold more cheaply in rural districts than 
in the cities) ; (2) domestic newsprint is to be used in place of imported news- 
piint wherever possible; (3) contracts should be signed with the post office 
for the circulation of the papers, and the special subscription rate for group 
subscribers should be not less than 70 percent of the ordinary price; (4) papers 
may take commercial advertisements, but their contents must be approved and 
the advertising space limited. 

The council appointed a special body charged with the responsibility of super- 
vising the production of domestic newsprint, setting import quotas for newsprint, 
and rationing imported newsprint. This body is made up of representatives 
from the Ministries of Finance, Trade, Light Industries, and Education, Customs, 
and the Press and Publications Administrations. Its chairman is Vice Premier 
Huang Yen-pei, and its vice chairman, Fan Chang-kiang, Deputy Director of the 
Press Administration. 

Radio broadcasting now is directed by a special committee of the Press Ad- 
ministration which exercises supervision over some 49 Government broadcast- 
ing stations. There are also some 30 commercial broadcasting stations, most 
of them centered in Shanghai. 

DIBECTED BY t'OilMITTEE 

The New China News Agency itself is directed by a 17-man committee headed 
by Chen Ke-han. Until December, the agency had been directed by Hu Chiao-mu, 
now director of the Press Administration. Its vice director was Fan Chang- 
kin ng, now deputy director of the Press Administration. Under the executive 
committee are editorial and administrative departments. 

NCNA's six main offices are located in each of the administrative areas of 
China — the northeast, north China, the northwest, central China, and east China. 
There is also a main office in Shantung Province. Branch offices exist in eacli 
Province and in each field army headquarters. 

The average volume of messages, both incoming and outgoing, handled by the 
agency amounts to betw^een 19,000 and 21,000 words daily. The overseas file is 
iiliout 4,000 words daily. 

The New China News Agency is not noted for its speed, since its stories are 
carefully verified before being released. Its reports of military developments, 
for example, invariably are slower than the nonofficial reports published in the 
Chinese press. Perhaps its record for fast handling of a stoiy was its 
report on the conclusion of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and 
Mutual Aid which was carried on February 14, the same day the treaty was 
signed. 

Among the problems faced by the New China News Agency, as well as the 
official newspapers and broadcasting stations, is a shortage of trained personnel. 
Last October the NCNA organized a journalists' training class in Peking. In 
December, this class was enlarged to become a journalists' school under the 
supervision of the Press Administration. Its principal Is the Press Administra- 
tii)H"s deputy director Fan Chang-kiang. The school has a present enrollment 
of 2S5 students, many of them former staff members of the old Central News 
Agency and other KMT press organs who are going through a process of re- 
education. Tlie first group of graduates is scheduled for May of this year. — 
Yu Waii. 



I 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1987 

Exhibit No. 469 

China Weekly (Monthly) Review Advektisers 

john b. powell, editor and publisher, march 8, 1947 

The China Mercantile Co., Ltd. 
Globe Wireless, Ltd, 
Philippine Airlines 
The Texas Co. (China), Ltd. 
F. Hoflman-La Roche & Co., Ltd. 
A. D. K. Raincoats 
Sun Ya Restaurant 
Pacifie Import & Export Trading Co. 
RCA Communications, Inc. 
Connell Bros. Co., Ltd. 
Middard Publishing Co. 
Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp., Ltd. 
Standard Vacuum Oil Co. (Mobiligas-Mobiloil) 
Greys (cigarettes) 

The National City Bank of New York 
The Chase Bank 
China Orthopedic Industry 
The Pincomb Chemical Co. 
Jimmy's Restaurant 

FESCO Office and House Cleaning Contractors 
The Shanghai Fountain Pen Co. 
China Clock & Watch Works, Ltd. 
Central Air Tran.sport Corp. 

Nanking-Shanghai Railway System Administration 
Total, 24 advertisers. 

JOHN W. POWELL, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, JANUARY 17, 19J8 

The China Mercantile Co., Ltd. 
F. Hoffman-La Roche & Co., Ltd. 
The Shanghai Fountain Pen Co. 
Philippine Airlines, Inc. 
Central Air Transport Corp. 
Globe Wireless, Ltd. 
Whiteaways 
Connell Bros. Co., Ltd. 
One Giant Necktie Factory 
The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury 
Pan American World Airways 
China Clock & Watch Works, Ltd. 
Sun Ya Restaurant 
The Mow Hua Commercial Bank, Ltd. 
The National City Bank of New York 
The Chase Bank 
American Asiatic Underwriters 
FESCO 

Vitaminerals Co. 
Lien Mei Corp., Ltd. 
The Central Trust of China 
Jimmy's Restaurant 
China Orthopedic Industry 
Shanghai Power Co. 
Seneca Export Corp. 
Cafe Federal 

The Texas Co. (China), Ltd. 
Standard-Vacuum Oil Co. 
Total, 28 advertisers. 



1988 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

JOHN W. POWELL, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, SEPTEMBER 10, 1919 

Indian Provision 
F. Hoffmann-La Roche Co., Ltd. 
American Asiatic Underwriters 
Total, 3 advertisers. 

JOHN W. POWELL, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, SEPTEMBER 1950 (FIRST MONTHLY REVIEW) 

National Guardian 
Total, 1 advertiser. 

JOHN W. POWEIX, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, JULY 1953 

Crossroads (Progressive Newsweekly) 
Yo Banfa ! by Rewi Alley 
Total, 2 advertisers. 



Exhibit No. 470 

Communist and Pro-Communist Writers Appearing in the China Weekly 

(Monthly) Review 

Sfptember 3, 1949, pages 19, 20, and 21 : Behind the Ivy Curtain, by Samuel Sillen, 

reprinted from Masses and Main Stream.* 
September 10, 1949, page 23 : Comments From Communist China : The Real 

Nature of the Revolution, an uncensored dispatch by Andrew Roth.'' 
September 24, 1949, page 27 : Article by Hugh Deane,' People's Theatre in Japan. 
February 1952, pages 174-177: Excerpts from Wilfred Burchett, of the Com- 
munist Ce Solr, and Alan Winnington, of the London Daily Worker. 
May 1953, page 3 : Letter from Steve Nelson * * * "who was sentenced to 20 

years in a common workhouse under the State Sedition Act in Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Nelson * * * is a leader of the Communist Party in that State — editor." 
October 29, 1949, page 134 : Reprint of article by William Mandel * * * entitled 

"Outer Mongolia's Five-Year Plan," from Far Eastern Survey (IPR). 
July 1953, pages 68-78 : William Hinton * * *. Article entitled "The Old Border 

Region." 
January 1952, pages 30-41: By Israel Epstein * * *. entitled "Fooling the 

People." 



1 



Exhibit No. 473 
American Communist Trial 

reaction reaches new peak in AMERICA AS UNITED STATES COMMUNIST LEADERS 
ARE FINED, JAILED IN WHAT WRITER TERMS UNFAIR TRIAL. AMERICA SEEN MOVING 
TOWARD FASCISM 

Since the end of the war, America has been hit by a wave of i-eaction. Labor 
union leaders, Government employees, university teachers, and others have been 
subjected to an ideological cleansing in the form of loyalty oaths, investigations, 
purges, and various restrictions. 

The domestic reaction reached a new peak the middle of last month, when 11 
loaders of the American Communist Party were sentenced to from 3 to 5 years 
in prison and fined .$10,000 each for teaching and advocating a doctrine that, it 
was charged, supported the overthrow and destruction of the United States 
Government by force. If this verdict is upheld by the higher courts, it is gen- 
erally assumed that it will lead to the outlawing of tlie Communist Party in 
America and increased restrictions on all nonconformist political thought. 

11 DEFENDANTS 

The 11 defendants included Eugene Dennis, general secretary of the American 
Communist Party; Henry Winston, the party's organizing secretary, a Negro; 



* Cited as subversive by the California Committee on Un-American Activities. 

* Identitiod as a member of tlie Coninmnist Party in swoi'ii testimony. 
•Invoked tlie fifth amendment as to Communist affiliations. 



ESTTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1989 

John Williamson, party labor secretary ; James Stachel, party educational direc- 
tor; Robert Thompson, New York State party chairman; Gilbert Green, Illinois 
State party chairman ; Gus Hall, Ohio State party chairman ; John Gates, editor 
of the Daily Worker, the party's newspaper; Irving Potash, vice president of 
the Fur and Leather Workers' Union, CIO ; and Benjamin Davis, member of the 
New York City council, a Negro; William Z. Foster, national chairman of the 
Communist Party, was also indicted, but his trial was postponed because he is 
suffering from heart trouble. 

The defendants were indicted under a section of the Smith Act, passed in 
1940 and aimed at allegedly subversive groups. Yet, in the 8 years since it was 
enacted, this law has failed to clamp down on such native Fascist organizations 
as the anti-Negro Ku Klux Klan and the many anti-Semitic hate groups. During 
the war itself, the isolationist Chicago Tribune printed a story which revealed 
that the Japanese code system had been broken. Although the printing of this 
news without permission from the War Department gave the Japanese a chance 
to revise their codes and might, by a not too lengthly stretch of the imagination, 
have been considered subversive in a nation at war, the Smith Act was not used 
against the Tribune's publisher. Col. Robert McCormlck. Nor until now has it 
been invoked against the Communists. 

Yet much has been written in America about the legal processes at work. The 
fact that a trial has been held, that it lasted for 9 months and that the defendants 
were legally found guilty seems to have satisfied many people who forget that 
Tom Mooney, the west coast labor leader, was legally tried on framed charges 
and jailed for 20 years before a pardon was grudgingly given in an attempt to 
wipe away the injustice. Two Italian immigrant workingmen, Sacco and 
Vanzetti, faced a hostile judge and were legally sentenced and then executed 
while people all over the world protested, and books and papers have since 
been written exonerating them from the trumped-up charges. 

It has even been contended that the results of the trial should not prevent the 
American Commimist Party from continuing. The New York Herald Tribune 
stated : "Off-hand there seems no reason why the party should not continue, 
provided that its leadership abandons the Communist tactic of violence and 
confines itself to advocating Marxist doctrine by the normal methods of the 
democratic market place of ideas. But if it does not, then every Communist 
Party member would seem to be open to indictment * * *. This line of reasoning 
is hard to follow, since the leaders of the Communist Party have been convicted, 
not because of anything they have done, but because Marxist doctrine itself, in 
its analysis of social development, declares that revolution is inevitable in 
relation to definite historical circumstances. To satisfy the New York Herald 
Tribune and the court in New York the American Communist Party would have 
to deny Marx. 

ANTAGONISTIC PEESS 

The press critized the conduct of this bitter trial only as it reflected on the 
Communist defendants and their attorneys. Reams of newsprint have been 
devoted to what the papers declared were the attempts of the Communists to 
make a farce of the proceedings by their aggressive actions, shouting, refusal 
to answer questions, and general attitude. Five of the defense lawyers and 
Eugene Dennis, who acted in his own defense, were convicted of contempt of 
court and sentenced to from 30 days to 6 months in prison. 

Yet a Cuban Catholic lawyer who observed the trial as a delegate from the 
International Association of Democratic Lawyers noted in his official report to 
that organization, "Judge Medina refuses to see that the motions he denies, the 
objections he overrules, and the petitions for reversion he refuses to grant arise 
from the inti'insic needs of the defense in view of the bias and sophisms preva- 
lent in the courtroom, and of the partiality and the arbitrariness with which he 
conducts the case." 

This lawyer, Domingo Villamil, summed up his observations by declaring, 
"After having seen and heard all I heard and saw in that courtroom, it is my 
conviction that the trial is being conducted most unfairly ; that there are two 
prosecutors and no judge at all in that trial — Judge Medina, not a good man, 
being the most formidable of the two. * *  What Judge Medina is doing in 
his courtroom has nothing to do with justice * * *. It sickens the heart and 
worries the mind of any intelligent and upright man." 

One of the many incidents that took place during the trial was the refusal 
of John Gates, editor of the Daily Worker, to give evidence against his comrades. 
He told the court : "If I behave like an ordinary stoolpigeon and tell you what 



1990 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

you want to hear I will lose all my standing with my comrades, the working class, 
the public, and the jury." Following this Judge Medina ordered Gates to reply 
and when he refused Medina fined him for contempt of court. Then Gates and 
two of the other defendants who had protested were taken out of the courtroom 
handcuffed. Henry Wallace commented on this action : "Judge Medina's decision 
to imprison them for contempt has a deep effect on the political freedom of the 
American people. Under the protection of an anticommunism crusade, the 
United States is I'unning with astonishing speed toward fascism of a native 
brand." 

MANY PROTESTS FILED 

Many other protests were filed upon the conclusion of the trial. Indiana State 
Judge Norval Harris, chairman of the newly founded national nonpartisan 
Committee To Protect the Rights of the Communist Leaders, stated that the 
entire trial violated the rights of the defendants provided for by the Constitu- 
tion. "It would have been a real miracle if the defendants were acquitted in 
view of the specially selected biased jurors, prejudiced judge, greatly hostile 
prosecution, and witnesses which included a great number of intelligence agents," 
he declared. 

Paul Robeson, famous Negro singer who has been given the Red smear because 
of his constant fight for civil liberties and improvement of the lot of the American 
Negro, predicted that the date of the verdict, October 14, will become the anni- 
versary of a thousand times the Peekskill atrocity. Peekskill is a small town in 
upper New York State where a band of hooligans wrecked a meeting where Robe- 
son was to sing. "The verdict," Robeson continued, "clearly points out that 
every American citizen is in danger of meeting large-scale Fascist atrocities. All 
the American people must unite and fight for the release of the Communist Party 
members from prison. * * * This is a turning point in American history and 
the American people must turn back the tide toward fascism." 

Throughout the country demonstrations have been held protesting the con- 
victions. In Los Angles, delegates to the Pacific coast conference of the American 
Jewish Congress voted to request the national leadership of the organization to 
demand that the Communist Party leaders be released on bail and take court 
action to challenge the constitutionality of the Smith Act under which they were 
indicted. In Chicago, CIO and AFL trade-union leaders, declaring that the next 
attack would be on the trade-union movement, formed a trade-union committee 
for political freedom to carry the struggle for the freedom of the Communist 
Party leaders throughout the Midwest. In Ohio, 20 Cleveland organizations held 
an emergency conference which decided that it was imperative to reverse the 
verdict against the 11 Communist leaders. A picket demonstration was held in 
St. Louis, and in New York's Harlem district thousands attended an outdoor 
mass meeting held in the pouring rain. Twelve hundred persons went to Wash- 
ington under the auspices of the Civil Rights Congress to petition the United 
States Attorney General to release the Communist leaders under bail, and a num- 
ber of prominent artists, writers, and educators addressed a similar request in 
writing to the Attorney General. 

The noted Negro historian, William Dubois, declared : "Nothing in my life has 
so shaken my belief in American democracy as the trial and conviction of the 
Communist Party leaders. Maybe the trial was conducted legally, but if that is so 
then our whole judicial system is rotten. I cannot conceive anything more un- 
fair and unjust than the conduct of this trial. It marks the nadir of our hysteria 
and the determination to throttle free speech and make houest thinking 
impossible." 

The verdict is in, but under American law it is not yet final. Appeals will be 
made and in all probability the Supreme Court will be called upon to give a 
decision as to its constitutionality. Meanwhile, the Communist Party has an- 
nounced that, in addition to filing appeals, "basically speaking we hereby present 
our case to tlie Supreme Court of the American people. We are confident that 
the Constitution and the Bill of Rights are not United States dollars or English 
pounds. They cannot be devalued just as ideas and beliefs cannot be confined." 

KNOCK AT THE DOOR 

Those Americans who have been saying that it can't happen here should now 
recognize the knock of fascism at the door. They might do well to remember 
that Adolf Hitler began his destruction of German bourgeois democracy by doing 
away with segments of civil liberties. The Communists were the first to go, fol- 
lowed by trade unions, minority parties and progressives of all types. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1991 

The Comnmnist trial Is another step in the steady march toward the stage 
where those who merely antaffouize the authorities, wiio do nothing save dissent 
from official policy, may be similarly harassed and convicted. 

Since the end of the war, America has seen the hasty end of price controls, 
passage of the Taft-Hartley bill, which nullified most of the gains which labor 
had made durinj: tlie Roosevelt era, and the witch-hunting rampage of the House 
.Un-American Activities Committee. All this went hand in hand with an Ameri- 
can foreign policy which has bolstered reaction and feudalism abroad. 

PART OF DEIIBEKATE PLAN 

The trial of American Communists is no bolt from the blue. It is part of a 
deliberate plan on the part of the extreme right wing of big business, allied with 
the newly and arrogantly powerful military clique, to throttle all opposition tj 
their complete control. 

These men appear to have forgotten American history. The United States was 
founded on the solid ground laid out by such revolutionaries as Paine and Jeffer- 
son and, later, Jackson and Lincoln. Lincoln, often considered the greatest of 
all American presidents, even advocated the right to revolution. Nearly 100 years 
ago he declared : 

"Any people anywhere inclined and having the power have the right to rise 
up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them 
better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right — a right which we hope and 
believe is to liberate the world." 

TREASONABLE VIEW 

Judge Medina, and those whose views he expresses, would undoubtedly term 
such a statement treasonable. They would also be inclined to take exception to, 
and perhaps even declare unconstitutional that section of the Declaration of 
Independence which refers to the right of the people to change their form of 
government. 

The true guardians of American democracy are not those who would drum out 
of existence the basic rights on which the Nation was founded and who dream of 
an "American century." They are the people who are standing up in New York, 
Chicago, and other cities throughout the country to protest the antidemocratic 
and un-American actions being perpetrated by the reactionaries. — Alec Stock. 



Exhibit No, 474 
The Congress of American Women 

PEACE AND democracy, THE STATUS OF WOMEN, AND CHILD CAEE ARE ITS CONCERNS 
AS IT JOINS FORCES WITH OTHER WOMEN THROUGHOUT THE WORLD 

Three and a half years ago, in November 1945, there gathered together in Paris 
a group of women from 41 countries of the world to form a new organization, the 
Women's International Democratic Federation, to insure that the horrors of war 
and fascism through which so many of them had recently passed could never 
recur. Four hundred delegates were there, and among them were 13 women from 
the United States. 

The 13 American women came back from Paris fired with the spirit of their 
sisters of Europe, Africa, and Asia and at a meeting held on March 8, 1946, they, 
together with other women to whom they brought the message of Paris, organized 
the Congress of American Women. 

NATIONAL OFFICERS 

The present national officers of the CAW are: Dr. Gene Weltfish, honorary 
president ; Muriel Draper, president ; Pearl Law, executive vice president ; Stella 
B. Allen, executive secretary ; Harriet Black, treasurer ; Marie Kovarco, record- 
ing secretary ; Betty ^lillard, secretary to WIDF. 

The work of CAW has been within the framework of the three commis- 
sions laid down at the founding convention of the federation : the Peace and 
Democracy, Status of Women, and Child Care Commissions. In these terms 
was launched a new stage in the age-old struggle for the emancipation of women. 

Heretofore, women have attacked the problem from only one of a number of 



1992 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

possible standpoints : tbe right to schooling, the promotion of cultural knowledge, 
the right to the franchise, health and welfare, the consumer angle — depending 
upon which they thought to liave the greater priority. But CAW has begun to 
face the problem in its total complexity and has been developing lines of action 
simultaneously and on all fronts. 

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION' 

Of the three commissions, many have cliosen the most active, the Peace and 
Democracy Commission, in which the political scene is evaluated and political 
action taken, and this has been consistently true until the present day. This is in 
direct contradistinction to other women's organizations since the day of the 
suffrage fight^which have w'orked on the assumption that political activity was 
uncongenial to women. By this token our membership has sensed the funda- 
mental fact that until there is full political participation, women will be lacking 
in the power to achieve their own emancipation. 

Of the other two commissions, the Status of Women, covering both their legal 
and economic status, and the Child Care Commission, there has been a demand 
for somewhat different kinds of activity. In these fields it would appear that 
on a national level the preparation of information bulletins and the calling of 
joint conferences with other organizations working in the field have up to now 
been the most fruitful type of action. However, various chapters have func- 
tioned far more actively, even militantly, in these same areas of our work. 

To further detail the various aspects of our work, the following have been some 
of our accomplishments. We have taken actions against the ever increasing 
civil rights attacks, against rising prices, wretched housing conditions for many, 
unemployment and attacks on labor, and the organically connected questions of 
increasing militarization. We have been particularly concerned with our foreign 
policy, designed to bring about economic and social domination in all parts of the 
world through a combination of military and commercial actions. We have or- 
ganized delegations to Washington on housing, high prices, the Truman doctrine 
and the Marshall plan, the state of Israel, civil rights, the Mundt bill, the case of 
Rosa Lee Ingram, and universal military training. 

FIGHT FOR PEACE 

CAW has been continuously active, since its inception, in the fight for peace. 
Two years ago a peace petition was presented by a delegation from the Chicago 
chapter of Trygve Lie at the United Nations. Last year we conducted a national 
peace poll. Recently we concluded the collection of approximately 100,000 
signatures in a peace petition campaign which tops all our previous efforts and 
has aroused great enthusiasm among our members and has reached wide groups 
of women outside our organization. 

At the United Nations, where the WIDF has consultative status "B" to the 
Economic and Social Council and we have the privilege of circulating briefs 
among the members of the Coiuicil and its commissions, which we have done on a 
number of occasions, as well as the right to be heard on the floor at the discretion 
of the chairman of the commission, important work can be carried on. We also 
participate with other nongovernmental organizations and thus can make our 
work knowm to them. 

We have maintained, throughout our brief history, our original and funda- 
mental emphasis on the unity of women throughout the world — united with ever- 
increasing strength in their common interests. \^'e are conscious always of the 
worldwide scope of our struggle — and of our Spanish sisters, of our Greek, 
Chinese, Vietnamese, Cuban, Alexican, and African sisters. Of all these, we are 
always thinking with close bonds of affection and concern, and with deep grati- 
tude we regard our European sisters in France, Italy, U. S. S. R., Poland, Hun- 
gary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia, who suffered so deeply the terrible conse- 
quences of Nazi aggression and are so gallantly building and advancing their 
countries. 

And the masses of women in China, newly joined in the All-China Women's 
Congress, with a membership of 22,500,000. Through their struggle a new day 
has dawned for all women. 

We are as yet numerically weak, but our influence is beginning to make itself 
felt far beyond our numbers. The CAW pursues the course of progress and 
peace. As it becomes clear to the American people, particularly American 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



1993 



women, how urgent it Is for them to conduct an independent fight in tlieir own 
interest, our organization will come to the fore as the vehicle through which 
women, as a growing and determining force, can make known their will for a 
better life for themselves and their families and for a world at peace. 

In anticipation of the holding of the Asian Women's Conference in Peking, the 
Review requested the Congress of American Women for the articles de.scrii)ing 
its activities which appears on this page. Like many other progressive organiza- 
tions in the United States today, the Congress of American Women is meeting 
lieavy opposition from the forces of reaction. Last month, the House of Repre- 
sentatives Committee on Un-American Activities released a 114-page report on 
the Congress, charging it with being a subversive organization. The Congress 
replied that the committee had issued its report "without advising it (the Con- 
gress) that it was under investigation, without asking a single question" and 
"with the obvious intention of preventing women from participating in campaigns 
for peace such as those initiated by the CAW." 

"The Congress of American Women is an organization of women whose openly 
avowed goal since its inception has been the furtherance of world peace and the 
betterment of the conditions of life for themselves and their children," the 
Congress said. "These common aims we share with women all over the world 
through the Women's International Democratic Federation. The validity of 
these aims is beyond question, except by those who would characterize the 
struggle for world peace as subversive." 



Exhibit No. 475 
Documents and Speeches 

(From Supplement China Monthly Review, Dec. 1950) 

Copies of the China Weekly Review containing translations of tiie following 
documents and speeches are still available for those readers who wish to keep 
a complete file of important speeches and statements of the new China's leaders, as 
well as of all major laws and regulations put into effect during the past year : 



Common Proeram of the PPC 

Full Text of the Organic Law of the Chinese People's Republic 

Full Text of the Organic Law of the Chinese People's Political Consultative 
Council r 

Liu Shao-chi's Speech on Rino-Soviet Friendship _ 

List of Offlcinls of the Central People's Government _.. 

Full Text of Li Li-san's Speech on China's Trade Union Movement,. 

Text of Treaty and Agreements between China and the Soviet Union 

China's Finances and Food— an Official Report by Chen Yun 

Full Text of Lin Shao-chi's Labor Day Speech 

Tung Pi-wu's Statement on Relief and Welfare Work 

Kao Kang's Report on the Economic Situation in the Northeast 

Mao Tse-tung's Report on China's Economy 

Chen Yun's Report to the PPCC on Industry, Commerce and Taxation 

Reports to the PPCC National Committee 

(a) Mao Tse-tung's Closing Address. 

(6) Kuo Mo-jo's Report on Cultural and Educational Work in China, 

(c) Shen Chun-Ju's Report on the People's Court. 

Full Text of China's Agrarian Reform Law 

Liu Shao-chi's Analysis of the Agrarian Reform Law 

China's Trade Union Law and Comment by Li Li-san 

Jao Shu-shih's Report on Land Reform in East China— Tseng Shan's Report 

on Financial and Economic Work in East China 

Documents Pertaining to China's Foreign Relations from Oct. 1, 1949, to 

Sept. 1950 - -- 

Reports on State of the Nation by Chou En-lai and Chen Yun 



In China 


A broad 


(including 


(including 


postage) 


postagft) 


JMP9,0011 


US$0.48 


6,000 


.30 


6, 000 


.30 


6, (X)0 


.30 


4,000 


.20 


4,000 


.20 


4, 000 


.20 


4, 008 


.20 


4, 000 


.20 


4. 000 


.20 


4, 000 


.20 


4, 000 


.20 


4, 000 


.20 


4,000 


.20 


4,000 


.20 


4, 000 





4,000 


.22 


6,500 


.30 


6,500 


.30 


6,500 


.30 



32918°— 54— pt. 23- 



-17 



1994 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Exhibit No. 476 

China Monthly Review Lists of American Prisoners of War, Photographs 
AND Articles Dealing With the Subject 

October 1950, page 28: Photographs of American POW's with caption "The 
Indictment of U. S. intervention grows clearer. Captured U. S. troops dazedly 
recovering from the shock of fighting against a courageous people, admit that 
they weren't told where they were going or what they were fighting for. Mafly 
have stated that they don't like what they are doing". 

November 1950, page 67 : Photographs of American prisoners of war in North 
Korea, captioned "American POW's Oppose Korean War". Some soldiers in 
the photograph are giving the Communist salute of the clenched fist. 

July 1951, pages 27 and 28: List of American prisoners of war. 

August 1951, pages 70-74 : List of American prisoners of war, 

November 1951, pages 251-253 : Photograph with caption "American POW's 
Stage a Mass Demonstration in Opposition to the U. S. Policy of Continuing 
the Korean War". 

December 1951, pages 318 and 319 : List of American prisoners of war. 

March 1953, pages 306-314 : List of American prisoners of war. 

April 1953, pages 72-73 : List of 44 signers to "POW's Letter to Eisenhower' 



i 



Exhibit No. 476-A 
Defeatist Propaganda on Prisoners of War From the China Monthly Review 

July 29, 1950, page 158 : Article reading in part as follows : "Apparently the war 
in Korea was not being welcomed by many of the American GI's * * * many 
American prisoners in Korea were calling for the American army to get out 
of Korea in broadcasts as well as group-signed statements. Both officers and 
men of the U. S. forces captured in the South were making nightly broadcasts 
over the Phyongyang radio". 

September 1950, pages 10 and 11: Article quoting alleged statement of Pvt, 
Eueben K. Kimball, Jr. of Bavtown, Tex., Maj. Charles T. Barter, Maj. L. R. 
Dunham, 2d Lt. A. H. Books, 1st Lt. R. E. Culbertson, Sgt. Floyd A. Roy, 
attacking the United States. (Committee does not vouch for the authenticity 
of these quotations.) 

October 1950, page 28: Photographs captioned "U. S. war prisoners carry a 
banner : 'The Korean people's struggle for a united fatherland is a just cause. 
Stop at once armed intervention in Korea !' " 

July 1951, pages 20 and 21 : Article entitled "American War Prisoners Broadcast 
from Korea," saying, in part, "These prisoners tell the American people that 
they have no business in Korea, they are being well treated, and in order to 
safeguard world peace, the sooner American troops get out of Korea the 
better." 

August 1951, pages 70 and 71 : Article "Two New Statements by U. S. Prisoners 
of War." 

October 1951, pages 198-201 : Statement "American POW's Demand Successful 
Peace Talks * * * We have written letters to our parents and friends urging 
them to support the peace proposals of the Korean Peoples Delegate." 

November 1951, pages 251-253 : Anti-U. S. letters allegedly coming from Ameri- 
can prisoners of war. A photograph showing American prisoners of war sing- 
ing the March of the Communist-controlled World Federation of Democratic 
Touth. Photograph of "American POW's staging a mass demonstration in 
opposition to the United States policy of continuing the Korean war." 

December 1951, pages 270-277 : Photographs attempting to show the kindness 
with which the North Koreans treat American prisoners. 

December 1951, pages 300-301 : A reproduction of Christmas cards from prisoners 
of war. 

December 1951, pages 314-315: Article "U. S. Planes Attack POW Camp." 
Extending condolences to the family of a dead American lieutenant allegedly 
killed in such an attack. 

January 1952, pages 64-09: Photographs of "U. S. -British War Prisoners Peace 
Organizations" including posters reading "Hail the World Peace Congress." 

January 1952, page 70 : Article "Thanksgiving in a POW Camp" stating in part, 
"We are treated as friends not as enemies." 

January 1952, page 73 : Article entitled, "Change in POW's Outlook.'' 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1995 

January 19r>2. page 78 : Article "U. S. Stalls on POW List." 

February 11)52, pases 178-181 : Photographs of American POW's playing games 

with "the Chinese people's Volunteer Team." Also a photograph of a Christmas 

celebration in a POW camp in North Korea. Caption describes "Good medical 

treatment wounded and sick POW's received in this camp." 
February 10,12, page 207 : Article "U. S. Red-Baits Own POW's." 
February 1!).">2, pages 208-20!): Photograph captioned "Some of the Best 

Shots * * * American POW's, dazed and disheveled at the time of their 
• capture, cheering and applauding fellow prisoners making peace speeches in a 

POW camp." 
February li)."')2, page 212 : "U. S. Planes Bomb POW Camp." 
March V.)7,2, pa.^e 220: Photographs showing "American POAV's in North Korea 

Standing Around Their Own Peace Slogan." 
March 19.12, page 256 : Article "Notes from a POW hospital in Korea" praising 

Communist treatment of American POAV's. 
July 1952, page 2(3 : Photographs of happy prisoners of war. 
August 1952, pages 117-121 : Frank Noel's article "U. S. War Correispondent 

Describes POW Camp Life." 
September 1952, page 234: Contrasting conditions in American and Communist 

prisoner camps. 
November-December 1952, pages 443-448: Article "AVhy U. S. POW's Admit 

Using Germ Warfare." 
January 1953, pages 20-27 : Article by Monica Felton entitled "Stop the War !" 

giving a glowing report of the way POW's are treated in North Korea. 
February 1953, pages 178-186 : "American POW's Write to U. S. Delegates at 

Peace Conference." 
March 19.53, pages 306-314 : Lists with caption "Prisoner of war camps in North 

Korea have not escaped bombing and strafing by the U. S. Air Force, and the 

raids have resulted in the killing and wounding of POW's." 
March 19.53, pages 306-314 : Statement "American POW's Appeal to UN." 
April 1953, pages 72-73 : Statement "POW's Letter to Eisenhower." 
May 19.53, pages 92-103 : Article, "Statements of Captured U. S. Marine Corps 

Officers. Proof of Germ Warfare." 



Exhibit No. 477 

Lists of American Prisoners of War Published in the National Guardian by 
Arrangement With John W. Powell 

April 11, 1951, page 4 
April 18, 1951, pages 4 and 5 
April 25, 1951, page 6 
August 1, 1951, page 6 
August 15, 1951, page 6 
August 29, 1951, page 8 



Exhibit No. 478 
POW Messages From Korea 

Since April 1951 hundreds of messages have been broadcast by United States, 
British, and other prisoners of war in North Korea, addressed to their fam- 
ilies and friends. These recorded messages stress the POW^'s desire for an end 
to the Korean war and to return to their families. In addition to personal 
greetings, messages point out the good treatment being received, including 
plenty of food, medical care, and recreational and reading facilities. 

Excerpts from recent messages broadcast by the POW's reveal how these 
men, some of whom have been prisoners for more than 2 years, feel about the 
war in Korea. They also give some idea of what their life in a POW camp is 
like. 

"Here in this camp, we do many things, such as playing softball, volleyball, 
and have other recreational activities like pingpong, cards, reading, and a 
game sort of like pool. As you can see, the Chinese are doing their best to keep 
my health up. Although I am kept busy I am dying to be with you once 
again. * * * The ending of this war and peace through the world would be the 
greatest thing to me that ever happened, besides meeting you. * * *" — Pfc. Her- 
man J. Whalen to his mother in Syracuse, N. Y. 

"I wish you people in the States could see the kind treatment we POW's 
receive from the Chinese A'oluuteers," said Cpl. William E. Banghart to his 



1996 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 



■wife in Munoy, Pa. "Evelyn, have you heard of four American airmen who 
confessed to their part in bacteriological warfare being used here in Korea? 
Well, darling, I had an opportunity to speak with a Lt. Floyd B. O'Neal, one 
of these airmen. I wish you could have heard the man speak. I have never 
heard a speech given with such sincere and heartfelt expression. One could 
see that the man was truly sorry for the part he played in this savage brutal 

"It is our earnest hope that soon peace will again prevail the world over. 
Just remember this, peace must and will be won by all the peace-loving peoplfe 
throughout the world." 

"We've just had an intercamp Olympics," Pvt. Thomas Davies told his wife 
and son in Essex, England, "I was lucky enough to go with the team from our 
camp * *• * Talk about POW's life, I've never seen its equal. There was bunt- 
ing and streamers everywhere, camp flags, colorful uniforms for all competitors, 
a brass band, in fact it was the last thing I'd have expected to see. The prizes 
were tophole and I didn't come off too bad myself, collecting five broaches, a 
fan, and a walking stick. It lasted a fortnight all told, and our camp managed 
to take .second place, so you can imagine how pleased we were about that." 

Prisoner of war camps in North Korea have not escaped bombing and strafing 
by the United States Air Force and raids have resulted in the killing and wound- 
ing of POW's. A Christmas message from United States airmen who are prison- 
ers in Korea to all the personnel of the 5th Air Force in Korea stressed this 
subject. 

"Up here, it will probably be the first time in history that all prisoners will be 
able to celebrate with a wonderful dinner the Chinese are going to help prepare 
for the prisoners, and after dinner the fellows will be able to listen to some of 
their own kind of music. Instruments have been brought in such as guitars, 
harmonicas, and accordions, others such as a drum and other types the prisoners 
themselves made. 

"Sounds like a lot of propaganda, doesn't it, but it's not. Maybe someday, when 
we are back home again, and we hope it's soon, you will be able to talk with your 
buddies who came out second best up in MIG Alley, and then you will be able 
to see for yourselves. 

"We always admit the Air Force did a wonderful job in the struggle against 
the Germans and Japanese, but here in Korea, we think you've overdone it, 
and set new records. A lot of homeless people are now living in caves and dug- 
outs and in mountains. Some of them are missing their mothers and fathers 
and children, and their homes that weren't military targets ; that's a new record 
for the 5th Air Force, isn't it? 

"Don't forget, some of your buddies are up here. Do you know what it is 
to wake up in the middle of the night, and see planes bombing and strafing the 
camp that you live in, and seeing for yourself the houses in flames, and some 
of your buddies laying on a stretcher hurt, and know that these are your buddies, 
the same guys with whom, only a few months ago, you were together flying the 
same mission? 

"This coming Christmas all the camps are going to celebrate, with the help of the 
Chinese People's Volunteers. So if you are on patrol, on a mission, on, or near 
Christmas Eve, remember, there are no guns in our camps, so don't take it out 
on us. We would like to spend a nice quiet Christmas Eve. Please fellows, 
if you are having a drink fill it up again, and we hope that your next mission 
will be homeward bound." 

Others who have broadcast in recent months are : 

AMERICAN POW'S 



Name 



Andrews, Malcolm. 

Atkins, Roy 

Brown, Gerald 



Bundy, Lyonel D. 



Brock, AVilliam R., Jr. 
Butler, Paul O... 



Balllie, Fred W 

Baker, Rodney I 

Baii'^hart, William E. 
Boyd, Charles R 



Serial No. 



RA14218908 
RA15232355 
USAF9625a 

USMC066423 

RA1439fi479 
RA15445782 



RA21 27(1582 
RAi;',2i;s:o4 

RAirj2S42l5 



Rank 



Private.. 

Corporal 

Lieutenant Colonel 

Sergeant 



Private 

Private first class.. 



Corporal 

Private first class. 
do.. 



Address 



318 Trade St., Florence, Ala. 

1031 Dayton St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 

78581.4 Flight Ave., Los Angeles, 
Calif. 

3425 South Hope St., Huntington 
Park Calif. 

S5A Blanche Ave., Rome, Oa. 

1222 W. Breakenridse St., Louis- 
ville, Ky. 

517 West 99th St., Los Angeles, Calif. 

81 Edwards St. Fitchburg, Mass. 

240 Railroad St., Muncy, Pa. 

Prestonbury, Ky. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 
AMERICAN rows— Continued 



1997 



Name 



Serial No. 



Baker, Jerry D 

Barnes, Thomas Richard 

Bhittt, Robert R 

Brewton, Leonard 

Camden, William A 

Carter, Leroy, Jr 

Cross, Slierman 

Chillis, James.- - 

Conley, Benjamin. 



Delsrado, Tarsicio 

Dunn, Harold M 

Douglass, Richard F. 



Duncan, Thomas E. 

Deeraw, Bobby, R 

Erickson, Edwin W., Jr. 

Edwards, Arnold R 

Forry, Llovd N 

Ford, John E 



Freeman, Leroy... 

Godfrey, Larry 

Oregorv, Arthur J. 

Hikida, Ray Y 

Haslam, Reed A... 
Harbour, John T.. 

Hall, Cornelius 

Harris, Smith. 



Hemphill, Lorn. 



Henderson, Warren. 
Hopkins, Stephen.., 



Jackson, Amos, Jr. 



Kilbum, Gerald. 

Lewis, William, Jr 

McCartney, William J. 
Murray, Wesley.. 



Martinez, Gilbcrto... 
Martin, Raymond C. 
Noble, Jack D 



Page, Frank J... 
Paul, Donald E. 



Peasner, Thomas R., Jr. 

Peterson, Richard 

Picemo, Joseph 

Parker, Willie A 



Rambo, John. 



Eibbeck, Lester A 

Rada, Stephen A 

Richmond, Pat, Jr 

Eenouf, Bernard N 

Roberts, Lloyd L_. 

Robinson, Mar&hall 

Staudenmaycr, Thomas E. 

Sirk, Kenneth Louis 

Scherer, James H 

Stovall, Andrew 

Stewart, Donald 

Smith, Elijah H 

Thomas, Nathaniel S 

Tenneson, Richard P 

Wem, Robert 

Wertman, Albert P 

Whalen, Herman J 

Wagner Kenyon L.. 

Warren, Vernon L 

Wills, Morris R 

Walker, Johnny 



Yewchyn, Micheal. 
Ybarra, Joel C 



USMC122(')S54 

USMC 1188481 

RA133109S7 

RA1529M48 

RA11187371 



RAimfifiSM 
RAl.')2t)4ai3 

RA35221518 

R A 19309302 
R A 18001 3 14 

ER5713558 

RA29004719 
RAH319349 

RA181S1!SS7 

U SMC 1195452 

RA1339t;254 

RA16258042 

RAl 3568529 
RA172439S1 

USMCnS(l947 
R A 1(1303345 
RA19345937 
RA14321458 



Rank 



Private 1st class... 



Address 



Private 1st class.. 

Corporal 

Private 1st class.. 

Corporal 

do 

do 

do 

do 



Private, first class. 

Corporal 

Private 

Corporal 

Private, first class. 
Private 



RA39760197 

RAl52fi40n5 
RA15295448 
R A 13440548 
RA12255190 

US 5507667 
US51 038210 
RAl 9338887 

RA131G3949 

US55048717 

RA18323089 



US5110.5429 
RA5730108G 

25315644 

USMC1193721 
RA13273634 
ER18334605 
RAl 1199267 
US37900548 
RAl 5206644 
AF13401869 
RAl 5272210 
RA13312094 
RAl520fVi81 
RA13347210 
R A 35298933 
RAl 5297574 
RA17281893 
RA15279702 

USMC1065298 
R A 12348485 
ER16219H9 
R A 172361 76 
RA123566(;4 



Corporal 

do.._ 

Private, first class. 

Corporal 

Private, first class. 

Corporal 

do 



Corporal. 



do 

Private, first class 

Private , 

Corporal 



....do... 
Private. 
Pfc 



Corporal. 
Private.. 



.do. 



Private.. 
Corporal. 

Sergeant. 



Pfc. 

do 

do 

do.. 

Private 

do 



Pfc 

Corporal. 

do..-. 

Pfc 

Corporal. 

Pfc. 

do.... 



Corporal.. 

Private 

Corporal 

do 

Private first class. 



R A 16244991 
US18091920 



Scrceant. 
Corporal. 



420 West Dunham, Hobbs, N. Mex. 

Post OITice Box 154, Dadeville, Ala. 

Peimsylvanla. 

3525 Chase St., Toledo Ohio. 

Route No. 3, Qorham, Maine. 

1509 ."^outh I St., T.icoma, Wash. 

530 Indiana Ave., Toledo, Ohio. 

2372 East C3d St., Cleveland, Ohio. 

318 West Goodalc St., Columbus, 
Ohio. 

2437 Workman St., Los Aneeles, Call. 

115 Amy St., Syracuse, N. Y. 

R. F. D. 1, Spear St., South Burling- 
ton, Vt. 

Route 1, Box 286. Kennewick, Wash. 

Route 2, Abbesville, Miss. 

Massachusetts. 

Lucerne, Mo. 

818 North 10th St., Reading, Pa. 

27 High St., JelTersonville, Clark 
County, Ind. 

644 Pontiac Ave., Dayton 8, Ohio. 

Route 4, Arkansas City, Kans. 

233 Casey Ave., Mount Vernon, 111. 

1654 Holyrook Ave., Cleveland, Oiiio. 

Wellsville. Uta.h. 

Route 1, Rio, Mi.ss. 

1513 South I St., Tacoma, Wash. 

2219 North Franklin St., Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

1137 South Dorrance St., Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

1239 Myrtle St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

1516 South 19th St., Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

1175 Sherman Ave., Cincinnati, 
Ohio. 

3000 West 10th St., Amarillo, Tex. 

8619 Cedar Ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 

637 Hillsboro St , Pittsburgh, Pa. 

453 West 141st St., New York 31, 
N. Y. 

1004 Polk St., Brownsville, Tex. 

Frcderiksburg, Pa. 

1559 West Market St., Oardena, 
Calif. 

31U^ Grove St., Kingston, Pa. 

302 East Lawrence St., Mishawaka, 
Ind. 

4616 Gaston Ave., Dallas, Tex, 

Ishpcming, Mich. 

17505 Liberty Ave., 

2736 Buena Vista 
Ga. 

206 Alexander St., 
Tenn. 

10 Water, St. Lockport, N. Y. 

46 Main St., Branchdale, Pa. 

Delano, Calif. 

Maine. 

316Glenwood Ave., Mankato, Minn 

815 Palmwood Ave., Toledo, Ohio. 

1054 Alcott St., Philadelphia 24, Pa. 

Route 3, Clarksburg, W. Va. 

Pennsylvania. 

297 Euclid Ave., Arkon 7, Ohio. 

5415 Ward St., Cincinnati 27, Ohio. 

167 AVinner Ave., Columbus 3, Ohio. 

445 Liberty Ave., Alliance, Ohio. 

Minnesota. 

3d Wells Ct., Youngstown, Ohio. 

1913 East 73d St., Cleveland, Ohio. 

301 Hudson St., Syracuse, N. Y. 

43,53 Diekerson Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

4073 Labadie Ave., St. Louis, Mo. 

West Fort Ann, N. Y. 

2036 West Nicholas St., Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

916 North Ashland Ave., Chicago, 111. 

547 West Glenn Ave., San Antonio, 
Tex. 



Jamica, N. Y. 
Rd., Columbus, 

Fountam City, 



1998 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Exhibit No. 479 

POW's Letter to Eisenhower 

American POW's hope for a speedy end to the war in Korea, and doubts about 
United States foreign policy were expressed in an open letter to President Eisen- 
hower. The letter was signed by 44 American prisoners of war in Nortli Korea. 

"Dear Mr. President : We American prisoners of war in North Korea, deem it 
our right and privilege as American citizens to speak out in reference to the* 
Korean situation, and the international situation as a whole. * * * 

"For nearly a year and a half now, peace negotiations have been carried on in 
Panmunjom, Korea, with no satisfactory or noticeable progress toward finding 
a peaceful conclusion to this war up to the present date. We do not feel, how- 
ever, that the present prevailing attitude, in view of the recent recess of nego- 
tiations, shows a sincere desire to end this war on the part of the U. N. 
delegation. 

"We look to the new administration with the feeling of hope that some just 
settlement can and will be reached in the near future. We sincerely hope that 
the new administration will uphold the promises of its campaign in the eyes of 
the world. We are looking for peace in Korea and throughout the world, and 
we feel certain that the American people are also looking for this peace. We 
also feel that should the American foreign policy continue as it has in the recent 
past, it can only end in chaos for our people. 

"We have many questions and doubts in our minds ; questions and doubts that 
we feel are also dominant in the minds of the American people as a whole. 
Among these are questions such as: 'Why, for the first time in history, has the 
question of voluntary repatriation arisen at such a crucial time, when so much 
depends upon the successful outcome of the Korean negotiations?' and 'Why is 
such an extensive armaments program being carried out by our Government 
when the main issue in the world today is peace, not war? * * * We would 
also like to know why, in view of the international tension that has prevailed dur- 
ing the past few years, some effort hasn't been made to hold a meeting of the 
Great Powers, in order to gain a better understanding of each other, so that a 
firm, stabilized peace can be realized. We sincerely feel that such relations could 
be established if it was truly the desire of our leaders to do so. 

"* * * In Korea * * * a reasonable cease-fire line has already been agreed 
upon. Surely the ever-mounting loss of American youths on the battlefield can 
never be considered a victory on the part of the American people, especially 
when, after 2 years of continual fighting, absolutely nothing has been accom- 
plished that could prove a credit to the prestige of our Nation. 

"Therefore, in closing, we sincerely hope that you will take into consideration 
the above-mentioned points, and will do all within your power to bring a quick, 
just peace to Korea and assure us that there will be no future Koreas and no 
future wars for our generation, and the future generations of our Nation yet to 
come. We also implore you to accept your post in the full tradition of our great 
Nation and to live up to the glorious, righteous past of its people. 

"We thank you sincerely." 

(Signed) Fred Garza, Jr., William Polee, Terron W. Sanchez, Ofho G. Bell, 
Cpl. John L. Dixon, Cpl. Elias B. Villegas, Robert W. Allen, Johnny Walker, Joe 
Morrison, William C. White, Fred W. Porter, John L. Thomas, Frank J. Quarter, 
Paul P. Schnur, Jr., Glenn E. Stotts, Rufus E. Douglas, Harold M. Dunny, Howard 
J. Beadleson, Samuel D. Hawkins, Roscoe Perry, Linton J. Dartez, Rogers Hern- 
don, Joe B. Vara, Nathaniel S. Thomas, Larance V. Sullivan, Leroy Carter, Theo- 
dore L. Thompson, Robert H. Hickox, Howard G. Adams, Claude J. Batchelor, 
Clarence C. Adams, Ricardo H. Soto, Roy Atkins, Richard O. Morrison, James T. 
Pinkston, Donald B. Disney, Bennie D. Smith, Edward S. Dickenson, William R. 
Hinkle, John A. Wells, Lowell D. Skinner, Johnny B. Trevino, Harold E. Belden, 
Harry C. Copeland. 



Exhibit No. 480 
American POW's Want Peace Now 

The following message was sent to the Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Con- 
ference held in Peking last October by more than 200 American and British 
POW's in North Korea : 

"Some of the best news we have heard here for quite some time was the 
news of the Asian-l'acific Peace Conference to be held this month. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1999 

"After beins here fcir nearly 2 years as iirisoners of war, such news was indeed 
a preat hope and inspiration. Even thou.i^h onr treatment is better than would 
ordinarily be expected under such wartime conditions, beinp; denied the rights of 
fi-ee and useful citizens for so long a time is truly morale-breaking. 

"We here wish to let you know that we truly wish you every success in the 
world. The sooner the peace negotiations at Panmunjom reach a successful 
conclusion, the sooner millions of people from various countries will be made 
happy. Most of all, the sooner the Korean people will be enabled to repair 
the immense damage that has been done to their homeland. Likewise, the 
sooner the international tension existing today will be lessened and the danger of 
new wars will cease. To us it means a quicker reunion witli our loved ones 
whom we have not seen for many, many months. 

"It is with our most heartfelt feelings that we wish you complete success 
in the cause of peace." 

The United States of America delegation to the Asian and Pacific Regions 
Peace Conference received 10 letters signed by 64 American prisoners of war 
expressing their views on peace. Excerpts from these letters follow : 

"We want to take this opportunity to wish you warm greetings. We realize 
that peace is what every man, woman, and child desires in this world today. It 
is up to brave, open-minded people like you to lead us to this goal. * * * We 
feel certain that if the people at home had witnessed war as we here have done, 
they too would support you. We have been POW's for more than 2 years now 
and it is our sincere desire for a speedy and successful conclusion of hostilities 
in Korea for the benefit of all mankind." 

flL ***** * 

"It is with a feeling of pride that I write this letter to you. Proud that onr 
country is being represented in this conference which is working for such lofty 
goals. Being represented in this conference is an acknowledgment that the 
American people have a will for peace and are willing to work for that end. 

"I wish to extend to you my congratulations and wish you every success in 
your future work. The resolutions and actions made at this conference are of 
vital interest to all of us who long to return to our loved ones. May God bless 
your efforts with success." 

******* 

"I take pleasure in expressing my heart's desire for an end to the Korean 
conflict and a 'Five Power' peace conference in order that both societies could 
come to a mutual agreement on issues concerning the world, and the peace in it. 

"Through your efforts I am sure that you can help us greatly in our desire 
for an armistice in Korea. Being POW's now for 17 months we would like more 
than our hearts can express to be once again back with our loved ones and take 
up the peaceful life we once led." 

******* 

"Peace to me means more than just going home. It means staying home the 
rest of my life and living and working in harmony with all the peoples of the 
world. It is because of this simple desire that I write to congratulate you and 
wish you all the success possible." 

******* 

"We as American POW's appreciate your concern in trying to bring about a 
peaceful settlement to this Korean conflict and promoting world peace. We 
realize that free trade, cultural intercourse and cooperation between governments 
is the only way that world peace can be attained. We wish you and your col- 
leagues all the success possible in your struggle for world peace." 

******* 

"Just a few words to express my thanks and offer you my full support in your 
role as representative of the peace-loving people of the United States to the com- 
ing peace conference. All of us prisoners of war are most desirous of an 
immediate armistice in Korea as we are very anxious to return to our loved 
ones. Not only do we wish to have a cease-fire in Korea but we also most 
earnestly hope for a peaceful coexistence and cooperation between all the nations 
of the world. I sincerely believe this is possible with more and more common 
people of the world speaking out for peace." 

******* 

"I would like you to know that you have my wholehearted support in your 
drive for peace. It's funny to be writing to people you never met. but because 
we want the same thing — world peace — I think all of us common people should 



2000 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

unite. It is not because I am a POW that I desire peace. It is because I myself, 
and I know this applies to all other POW's, am tired of the wholesale killing 
which is now going on. It is not I who am the only mother's son here in Korea. 
There are many mothers and loved ones all over the world who are weeping. 
I believe if more people like you can help the common people unite, there can 
be an end to hostilities in Korea." 

* 4< 4: * * * * 

"We, the undersigned members of the Armed Forces of the United States, 
at present prisoners of war in North Korea, wish to take this opportunity to 
extend our hearty congratulations to you and all the delegates on the opening 
of the peace conference for the Asian and Pacific regions. We have studied 
the main points of the program to be covered by this conference and believe 
that these points are all essential to a lasting peace in the worhl of the future. 

"We realize that a lasting peace can be built only on the solid foundation of 
cooperation between all countries of the world and we wish to congratulate you 
and the other delegates on the step you have taken in this direction." 

:(: Hf * * * ^ * 

"I am proud to hear of the delegates which are representing the United States 
and many other countries, especially the Latin American countries, Honduras 
especially. Give my regards to Paul Robeson. I as a prisoner of war here in 
Korea wish the peace conference every success in the future." 

* m m He ii * m 

"We the members of the POW camp would like to express our sincere thanks 
for the steps you are taking in forwarding a speedy and successful agreement 
to the present Korean war and at the same time a world peace. We sincerely 
hope yon expose to world citizens our true desire for a speedy, safe return home 
to our loved ones. I can say at this time that it is everyone's true desire to 
return to a peaceful life and away from the horrors of war. We stand ready 
to assist you in any way possible." 

* « « * t * * 

"I am sure that most people in the world desire peace. I hope it will not be 
too long before Mr. Warmonger realizes this. No doubt one of the major ques- 
tions at your conference will be the Korean situation. My own opinion is that 
when the Korean problem is settled that there will be no recurrence anywhere 
in the world due to the overpowering peace drives going on today. Due to my 
present position, my activities are limited. I can only cheer for my side, and 
my side is definitely peace." 



Exhibit No. 481 

Material Published in the China Weekly (Monthly) Review on 

Germ Warfare 

March 1952, pages 225-228: Editorial "Crime Against Humanity" which speaks 
in part of the "deliberate United States campaign of extermination" and "the 
latest American crime * * * the launching of bacteriological warfare in 
Korea." 
April 1952, pages 316-317 : Photographic "evidence" of United States germ war- 
fare under the caption "Crime Against Humanity." 

Page 317: An editorial, "United States Extends Germ Warfare." 
Pages 324-331 : Article "Germ Warfare: A Sign of United States Desperation 
in Korea." 

Page 398 : Article stating in part, "American Air Force personnel who spread 
bacteriological warfare over China will be dealt with as war criminals by the 
Chinese Government." 
May 1952, page 424: Editorial, "United States Germ Warfare Fully Proved," 
accompanied by photographs of alleged "unexploded germ bombs." 
Page 451 : Article, "United States Planes Conduct Germ Raids." 
November-December 1952, pages 437-442 : "United States Germ Warfare — Report 
of International Scientists Commission." 

Pages 443-448: "Why United States POW's Admit Using Germ Warfare." 

January 1953, page 66 : Statement of 27 scientists and doctors who attended the 

Communist-controlled Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Conference condemning 

United States germ warfare. 

May in.'S, pjiges 92-10:-!: Article. "Statements of Captured United States Marine 

Corps Ofiicers. Proof of Germ Warfare." 



rNTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2001 

Exhibit No. 482 
Germ Warfare 

March 1952, pages 225-228— Editorial, "Crime Against Humanity": 

"Witli millions of civilian dead and homeless in Korea as a direct result of 
the delil)erate United States campaign of extermination, the latest American 
crime to come to light has been the launching of bacteriological warfare in 
Korea. Not content with the wiping out of entire cities and towns by napalm 
bombings, massacres of military and civilian prisoners, and campaigns such as 
Operation Killer, the Americans have resorted to one more bestiality in their 
frantic efforts to contpier the Korean people and extend their aggression in Asia. 

"Proceeding in a vein which surpasses the savagery of Hitler Germany and 
Hirohito .Japan in the last war, the American invaders, by a systematic spreading 
of smallpox, cholera, and plague germs over North Korea, have shocked and 
horrified the entire world. 

"North Korean Foreign Minister Bale Hun Yung's protest to the United Nations 
on February 22 reveals in detail the use of bacteriological weapons by United 
States forces in Korea. The charges, fully documented, show that the Americans 
have engaged in spreading infectious diseases on a scale unparalleled in world 
history. This most recent American crime in Korea is further proof that the 
United States having failed to win a military decision and forced to negotiate for 
a ceasefire in Korea, is resorting to even more revolting acts of barbarity in an 
effort to stave off defeat (p. 225). 

******* 

"Already the people of the world are raising their voices in protest against 
this latest crime of the American Government. In this respect the American 
people have a great responsibility. The people of America must demand an 
immediate ceasefire in Korea and an end to these acts of sickening barbarism 
which the Pentagon madmen are dally committing in their name" (p 230). 

April 1952 — Pictures inserted between pages 316 and 317 purport to show 
germs, samples of insects, etc., dropped by United States planes. Editorial, 
pages 317-320, states : 

"The extension of bacteriological warfare from Korea to China is a further 
demonstration of the complete callousness and barbarity of the men running the 
United States today. It also is a clear sign that Washington is bent on wrecking 
the Panmunjom cease fire talks and extending its war of aggression in Korea 
(p. 317). 

******* 

"Nor can charges that the Koreans and Chinese are trying to find excuses 
for already existent epidemics carry any weight with the Chinese and Korean 
peoples. In both countries overall health campaigns were launched immedi- 
ately after liberation, with the result that the old endemic diseases which 
regularly produced epidemics of cholera, plague, and smallpox in this part of 
the world have virtually disappeared. 

5|» 5|C rj^ ?|^ ^p 0fS rfm 

"Extending germ warfare to China throws the spotlight on a cold-blooded 
attempt to exterminate millions of people. The seriousness of the crime carried 
out by the United States Government cannot be overemphasized and in his 
March 8 statement. Foreign Minister Chou En-lai declared that the United 
States Government must bear full responsibility for all consequences arising 
from its crime. He al.so stated that members of the United States Air Force 
who fly over China and use bacteriological weapons will, on capture, be dealt with 
as wai- criminals (p. 319). 

:(: 4: :(: 4i # H: 4: 

"All participants — those who make policy, those who issue orders and those 
who actually perform the criminal acts— are guilty and will have to share 
resiionsibillty for this sickening crime which has horrified the civilized world. 

"It is already late but there is still time for the American people to put 
a stop to these crimes against humanity which are being committed in their 
name. And there is still time for the individual soldier to make that 'moral 
choice' which the allies so recentlv declared to be his personal responsibility" 
(p. 320). 

Pages 324-330— Article on germ warfare : "A Sign of United States Despera- 
tion in Korea" states : 

32918'— 54— pt. 23 18 



2002 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

"* * * Its military machine bogged down in Korea, the Pentagon is fran- 
tically attempting to stave off defeat by any means. The use of germ warfare 
in Korea not only demonstrates the moral degeneracy of the Truman admin- 
istration, but is a clear indication of the crisis in Wall Street's war strategy 
* * * (p. 324). 

"* * * Much as the men in the Pentagon may count on their latest experi- 
ment with a 'fantastic new weapon' they are bound to find it unable to bring 
them victory. Like every other attempt to terrorize the Koreans and Chinese, 
such as the use of napalm bombs to burn down whole towns and villages, B-W 
will not be the decisive factor in Korea. Methods such as this can only serve 
to luiite further the Korean and Chinese peoples in their determination to resist 
and strilie back at the instigators of this latest war horror. 

"The men responsible for B-W in Korea cannot escape the final judgment 
of the peoples of the world. They might do well to read the statement of 
their Nazi predecessors regarding B-W. As disclosed at the Nuremberg war 
crimes trials, the Nazi high command planned but did not use it. The reasons 
are illuminating, for after noting that it cannot be 'decisive' and cannot be 
used against enemy troops because of the danger of infecting one's own, Deutsche 
Wehr, semiofficial organ of the German Army, said : 'It is the effect on morale 
that must be considered above all * * * it is wise not to exaggerate the effects, 
especially in the case of a population which is neither ignorant nor easily 
intimidated.' 

"As the American invaders of Korea have found out since June 1950, the 
people of both Korea and new China are not ignorant of the issues involved in 
the Korean war and they certainly are not easily intimidated" (p. 331). 

Pages 398-399— China Notes— U. S. Warned on Germ Warfare : 

"* * * American Air Force personnel who spread bacteriological warfare over 
China will be dealt with as war criminals by the Chinese Government. This 
declaration, made in Peking on March 8 by Foreign Minister Chou En-lai, 
followed repeated United States plane sorties over northeast China in which 
germ-carrying insects were relased * * *" (p. 398). 

Rest of article is a summary of Chou En-lai's charges. 

May 19.52, pages 424-42,S— Editorial "U. S. Germ War Fully Proved" : 

"* * * The evidence gathered on the spreading of germ warfare in Korea and 
northeast China conclusively proves that the United States is committing a war 
crime and a crime against humanity in its frantic efforts to succeed where it has 
failed on the battlefield and at the conference table * * * (p. 424). 

"* * * The background of United States preparations for germ warfare is well 
known to the entire world. Now it is engaging in actual use of germ warfare on a 
scale that is overtaking the Nazis and the Japanese in crimes against humanity, 
and in violation of international law. All of Acheson's mouthings to the contrary, 
germ warfare committed by United States forces in Korea and northeast China 
is an established fact. 

"All over the world people are protesting against this crime and are demanding 
that those responsible be l)rought to justice. In this the American people must 
bear full responsibility lest they be judged as were those Germans who stood 
idly by while the Nazis carried on mass slaughter and destruction all over 
Europe * * *" (p. 428). 

Page 429 carries pictures of "Unexploded Germ Bombs." 

"* * * United States planes continue germ raids. 

"The United States Air Force has continued to bomb and spray infected 
insects and materials in northeast China, a campaign which began on Febru- 
ary 29. 

"A typical instance took place on March 16 when 17 groups of United States 
planes making a total of 75 sorties, flew over Antung, Langtow, Fengcheng, Chi-an, 
Linkiang, Chinyu, and Lakushao. At 3 in the afternoon, more than 10 planes 
were seen over Antung and dropped white containers. Infected insects, including 
flie.'^, mosquitoes, and spiders, were found immediately afterward in the vicinity. 
Earlier, at 1 minute past 2 on the same afternoon, 1 United States plane dropped 
2 bombs near the Chi-an Railroad Station * * *" (p. 451). 

May 1952, pages 476-477 : 

"United States Germ Warfare in Northeast. 

"Conclusive evidence of United States germ warfare in northeast China has 
been collected by the Commission of the International Association of Democratic 
Lawyers in the course of an investigation in the northeast. The lawyers, coming 
from eight different countries, began their investigation work in northeast China 
on March 26, after having examined evidence of United States germ warfare in 
Korea. 



INTgRLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2003 

"In addition to on-the-spot investigation and personal Interviews, the lawyers 
examined a mass of evidence laid before tiiem by Wans Pin, head of the North- 
east People's Government Health Department. Entoniolosists, bacteriologists, 
and pathologists were also called in as witnesses by the lawyers. 

"Data snpplied by the Health Department doscrihod in great detail the date, 
place, witnesses, and material evidence in each case. E.xperts testified, on the 
basis of scientific data, that the large quantities of unusual insects which have 
been found in different parts of the northeast could never have emerged in the 
then prevailing natural conditions in the places cimcerned, and that some of the 
types of insects had never before been found locally. As a result of scientific 
examination, it was definitely eslal)lished that the insects carried various types 
of deadly germs. 

"On March 27, the Commission questioned witnesses from Mukden, Kwantien, 
and Chinchow who had discovei-ed the infected insects dropped by United States 
planes. Some were eyewitnesses who personally saw United States aircraft drop 
containers which contained infected insects while others were the first to locate 
clusters of insects after they landed on the ground. The Commission also saw 
samples of infected insects and photographic plates of laboratory findings, and 
examined the results of tests on animals. 

"The Commission noted : 'In most of these cases, circumstances were found 
in northeast China similar to those examined by us in Korea. We note particu- 
larly the unusual nature and close grouping of insects in the extremely cold 
temperature in which the insects were found alive on snow and ice. Flies, 
mosquitoes, fleas, and feathers have been found to carry bacteria or to be in- 
fected with virus.' 

"The Commission, headed by Heinrich Brandweiner, of Austria, consisted of 
lawyers from Italy, Britain, Poland, Belgium, China, Brazil, and France. Re- 
ports attesting to United States germ warfare in northeast China were sent to 
D. N. Pritt, chairman of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers 
and to Frederic Joliot-Curie, president of the World Peace Council." 

November-December 1952. pages 437-442. — Article on "U. S. Germ Warfare: 
Report of International Scientists' Commission." Commission was formed after 
Oslo meeting of the World Peace Council, arrived in Peking late in June. Article 
contains conclusion stating United States used variety of germs and should be 
condemned. Also biographies of the six scientists (Sweden, United Kingdom, 
France, Italy, Brazil, and U. S. S. R.) and Chinese liaison scientists. Pictures 
of metal and porcelain containers dropiied by United States planes and of group 
examining pathological changes in lungs and brains of victims of anthrax dropped 
by United States planes. 

November-December 1052, pages 443-44S.— "Why U. S. POW's Admit Using 
Germ Warfare." Wilfred Burchett who had talked with American Lieutenants 
Enoch, Quinn, O'Neal, and Kniss. Burchett is interviewed while attending the 
Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Conference. Shows picture of members of 
Scientific Commission interviewing Lt. Paul Kniss, also another picture showing 
Lt. F. B. O'Neal. 

January 1953, page 66. — Statement (excerpts) of 27 scientists and doctors who 
attended Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Conference. Subject: United States 
use of germ warfare in Korea. 



Exhibit No. 483 

[From the Cbina Monthly Review, January 1953, p. 66] 

Scientists and Doctoks Say 

Twenty-seven scientists and doctors who attended the Asian and Pacific 
Regions Peace Conference signed a statement condemning the use of bacterio- 
logical warfare. Excerpts from their statement follow: 

"Having examined all the availal)le materials, of high scientific value, on which 
likewise were based the conclusions of the International Scientific Commission for 
the Investigation of Facts Concerning Bacterial W^arfare in Korea and China, 
we are fully convinced that the United States Armed Forces have committed this 
crime, and hereby strongly denounce this criminal act of misusing science against 
humanity. 

"As scientists and doctors we firmly believe that science should be developed 
for the benefit of mankind and not for wanton destruction. 



2004 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

"We invite the scientists and doctors of every country in the world to pay 
attention to the materials which we have studied, so that they too will be con- 
vinced of the truth and raise their voices in righteous protest against this 
abominable crime for which the United States Government has made itself 
responsible. 

"Finally, we demand the immediate ratification and implementation by all 
countries, without exception, of the Geneva protocol of June 17, 1925, prohibiting 
the use of all poisonous and bacteriological weapons." 



Exhibit No. 483-A 

List of Articles From the China Monthly Review Dealing With Espionage, 

Secret Police, and Treason 

July 1951, pages 40-45 : Article, Drive Against Spies and Saboteurs, carrying 
also "regulations governing punishment of counterrevolutionary elements" of 
which article 3 says "collaboration with imperialists and rebels against the 
fatherland are to be sentenced to death or life imprisonment." 

September 1951, pages 130-133 : Article, American Spy Ring Smashed in Pei- 
ping, maliing accusation against Col. David Barrett, assistant military attach^ in 
Peiping. 

June 30, 19.50, page 18 : Article states without giving source of information 
"the harbor Dunkirli was paralyzed following the closing of capital labor ex- 
change by the authorities and the dockers refused to load military equipment 
for Indochina * * * meanwhile a few days later, the third consignment of United 
States military material for France — mainly airplane engines destined for Indo- 
china — arrived in Cherbourg * * * the first cargo of planes for France arrived 
in March whUe a French aircraft carrier sailed from Norfolk, Va., on May 12 
with a second cargo of 150 American fighters and bombers." 



Exhibit No. 484 

Articles From the China Monthly Review Dealing With the Peace Confer- 
ence of the Asian and Pacific Regions or Its Parent Body, the World Peace 
Congress, or Other Affiliates 

July 1951, pages 20-21 : Article entitled "American War Prisoners Broadcast 
From Korea" says that "the POW's broadcasts were 'made available through the 
China Peace Committee.' " 

November, December 1952, pages 424-427 : Article, Town Meeting Democracy 
at the Peace Conference, by John W. Powell. 

January 19.53, pages 18-19 : Article, Let Us Grasp the Hand of Friendship, by 
Hugh Hardyman, American delegate to the Peace Conference of the Asian and 
Pacific Regions, saying, in part, "If we continue to allow our Government to export 
diseases and death to Asia and machines for the destruction of life to both Asia 
and Latin America, the time must come when not merely Government officials 
but the people who elected those officials will be held responsible by the majority 
of the peojilcs in the world for these crimes." 

January 1953, pages 12-19: Article, Visions of Sanity, by Anita Willcox, an 
American delegate to the Peace Conference of the Asian and Pacific Regions, 
saying, in part, "Going back to our beautiful lands now obscured by a foul fog 
of evil rumors of aggression, fear, and subversion of neighbors, we take with us 
the visions of sanity given us by the people of China." 

January 19.53, pages 67-75: Article, A Tale of Two Factories, by John W. 
Powell, describing his visit to the major cities of Communist China in company 
with the members of the United States delegation to the Asian and Pacific Peace 
Conference. 

January 19.53, page 66 : Statement of 27 scientists and doctors at the Asian and 
Pacific Regions Peace Conference condemning the United States for using germ 
warfare. 

January 1953, pages 110-112: Article, Report to Readers, describing the Asian 
and Pacific Regions Peace Conference. 

February 1953, pages 178-186 : Article, American POW's Write to United States 
Delegates at Peace Conference. 



IN-BERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2005 

Exhibit No. 484-A 

[Department of State press release, October I, 1952, No. 771] 

Peiping "Peace Conference" 

Asked for comment on the so-called Peiping Peace Conference and reports that 
a number of Americans are allegedly attending as delegates. Secretary of State 
Dean Acheson at his news conference today made the following extemporaneous 
reply : 

"This conference is, of cour!=;e. an obvious propaganda operation in which the 
Chinese Communists, while taking an active part in defying the United Nations 
and carrying the war into Korea and while they are .ioining with the Soviet 
Government in its violent hate campaign, are continuing to hold 'peace con- 
ferences.' I think this deceives nobody. 

"In regard to your other question about the Americans, we have heard reports 
(hat certain American citizens were attending. From the reports that we have 
gotten, we think we have about Ifi of these Americans identified. Now, .some 
of them were in China already. However, no persons have been issued pass- 
ports to attend this conference or have asked for passports to attend the con- 
ference. 

"All passports have been stamped since May 1, 'Not valid for travel to * * * 
China * * *.' We are now making efforts to find out whether any of the people 
that we have identified have obtained passports on false Information furnished 
to the Department or whether they have violated the instruction which is on the 
passport. That is stamped on it as I have said and there are appropriate 
statutes which cover both of these cases." 



Exhibit No. 485 

Excerpts From the China Monthly Review Showing Anti-American 
Propaganda During the Korean War 

June 3, 1950, page 15: Article from the Shanghai Ta Kung Pao, stating, in 
part, "United States imperialism has set out to ruin the United Nations and 
organize another structure absolutely hostile to the Soviet Union and the Peoples 
Democracies." 

July 8. 1!)50, page 92: Article saying, in part, "No matter how much Truman 
may talk of the necessity for supporting the United Nations, he cannot hide 
from the people of the world that, when it suits him, he is quite willing to make 
a sham and mockery of that organization." Article, Background of the Civil 
War in Korea. 

July 15, 1950, page 11 : Editorial saying, in part, "As an American newspaper, 
one of the .saddest aspects of the whole tragic affair to us is the part played 
by the United States. * * * All of this, according to Truman, is being done 
in the name of defending 'democracy.' All we can say is that Truman is wrong." 

July 22, 1!).')(), page 13n : Article, Against United States Aggression. 

July 22, 1950, page 188: Article reading, in part, "Despite heavy United States- 
Australian air cover, hard-pressed American troops in South Korea were rolled 
back * * * meanwhile, one American battalion was encircled and completely 
wiped out by the Korean Peoples Army." Article on General MacArthur's charge 
that the North Koreans had murdered American prisoners, "The American im- 
perialists fabricate such groundless news with the purpose of threatening the 
United States servicemen whom they have forced to intervene in Korea's internal 
affairs." 

September 19.5(;, pages 10-11 : Article reading, in part, "A harvest of hate is 
already being reaped by America as a result of the heavy raids carried out by 
the United States Air Force in Korea * * * disillusionment in the ranks has 
set in in many instances * * * the number of both officers and men who have 
publicly denounced America's action in Korea is astounding." Article, United 
States Adventure in Korea Backfires — Militarily and Psychologically. 

September 1950, page 30 (facing supplement) : Cartoons captioned "Chinese 
Cartoonists View United States Intervention in Korea." 

October 1950, page 37 : Map entitled "For What Do the United States Guns 
Roar in the Pacific," reprinted from Communist People's World of San Francisco. 

October 19."(), pnge 62: Cartoons captioned "'Washington Bandits,' Acheson, 
Truman, and Wall Street, Grab llie AnuM'can People's Wealth for a War of 



2006 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

Aggression." Cartoon showing Acheson and MacArthur collecting bits and 
pieces of human beings for their Korean adventure. 

September 1951, page 115 : Editorial, "Who Wants War," attacking American 
negotiations during the Korean armistice. 

September 1951, pages 136-137 : Photographs charging barbarism and criminal 
acts on the part of the American troops. 

October 1951, page 185 : Article reading, in part, "Heavy United States losses. 
American casualties in Korea liept adding up while General Ridgway, in Tokyo, 
did his best to wreck the Kaesong peace negotiations through provocative inci- 
dents and deliberate stalling." 

October 1951, page 191 : Article, United States Violations of China. 

October 1951, pages 202-206: Article, Record of the Armistice Talks, saying, 
in part, "United States breaks off talks * * * United States violations grow 
* * *." Back cover cartoons attacking American imperialism and President 
Truman. 

November 1951, page 248 : Article, United States Offensive Backfires, saying 
in part "The defeat suffered by the United States and its satellites in Korea 
during General Van Fleet's 'limited' autumn offensive has turned out to be one 
of major proportions." The article mentions, however, American losses without 
noting any Communist losses. 

December 1951, page 275 : Article attacking Col. James Hanley, United States 
Eighth Army, judge advocate in Korea, who formally charged the Chinese volun- 
teers with massacring 2,643 United Nations prisoners of war during the past 
year. 

December 5, 1951, pages 276-277: Photographs showing kind treatment ac- 
corded American prisoners in North Korea and cruel treatment by the United 
States. 

December 1951, page 297 : Editorial, United States Rejects Cease Fire. 

December 1951, pages 314-315 : Article, United States "Massacre" Claims Re- 
futed by American POW's. 

January 1952, page 77 : Article, United States Delays Armistice. 

Anti-Amekican Articles Appeaeing in the China Monthly Review During 

THE Korean War 

December 1950, pages 140-141 : Article on the strafing of Kooloutzu by Ameri- 
can j)lanes with a list of border violations by United States planes. 

July 1951, page 56 : Article stating that a large number of men in California 
are dodging the draft. 

January 1952, pages 104-108 : A letter to American and allied servicemen in 
Korea reading in part, "It is not enough to leave the outcome of the peace talks 
to the American Army brass and the Washington diplomats — all of us must take 
the initiative and write to our families and friends at home to get behind the 
peace groups everywhere, to stop this needless war." 

February 1952, page 144 : Quoting a letter from a first lieutenant stating that 
the American people are being misled by dangerous propaganda. 

February 1952, pages 172-177: Article, Korean Truce Talks, stating in part 
that the American negotiators have not wanted a speedy settlement in Korea 
and have used every means possible to draw out the talks. 

February 1952, page 191 : Article, United States Planes Bomb Northeast, stat- 
ing in part, "By resorting to artillery, bombs, and bullets, they try to obtain what 
they cannot get in the discussion in the talks * * * the American imperialists 
refuse peaceful methods for settling the Korean question. * * *" 

February 1952, pages 208-209 : Photograph from documentary film entitled 
"Resist United States Aggression and Aid Korea." 

March 1952, page 230: Editorial, Korean Prisoners Massacred, assailing 
"this latest act of savagery" on Koje Inslands. 

March 1952, page 260: Article saying in part, "The huge hoax perpetrated by 
United States military command in Korea, is that Chinese and Korean prisoners 
of war are unwilling to return to their homelands has been bared. * * *" 

March 1952, pages 304-305 : Photographs of wrecked American planes with 
comment, "The pessimistic American reports on the aerial war would indicate . 
that the United States Air Force has been all but crippled in the Korean 
fighting." 

July 1952, page 5 : Editorial on Koje riots stating that despite physical vio- 
lence, including torture and even death by United Nations forces, the Korean and 
Chinese prisoners of war demonstrated their determination. 



njTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2007 

September 1952, page 234: Article, Who Started the Korean War? 

February 1953, pages 112-121: Editorial charging the United States with 
stalling the peace talks in Korea. 

June 1953, pages 9-10: Editorial, New Korean Peace Offers, charging the 
United States with holding up the Korean peace settlement and with violating 
the Geneva Conference of 1949. 

Material From the China Monthly Review Reflecting Additional Anti- 
American Views 

June 3, 1950, page 2: Editorial reading in part as follows: "The Western 
powers, led by the United States, did their best to prop up Chiang Kai-shek's 
KMT * * * United States, having just burned its fingers in China, is nevertheless 
hurrying to intervene on behalf of the French." 

June 3, 1950, page 12 : Attack on the Voice of America by Madam Sun Yat-sen, 
vice chairman of the Central Peoples Government of China, reading in part as 
follows: "It would be wise for those imperialists in the United States who are 
wasting time worrying about the welfare of the Chinese people to spend all of 
that time on their own welfare." 



Exhibit No. 486 

[From the China Weekly Review, January 14, 1950] 

The Ward Case 

Few recent events in China have received so much attention in the United 
States as the case of Angus Ward, the recently deported American consul general 
in Mukden. President Truman called his arrest on charges of beating a Chinese 
employee an outrage. Secretary of State Acheson declared the United States 
could not accord recognition to the new People's Government of China while 
consular officials were subjected to such treatment. Official notes were sent 
to 30 countries asking them to intervene. The American Legion wanted to send 
the Armed Forces to the rescue. 

American newspapers were equally vehement in their protests. The New York 
Times deplored the fact that "the old decencies of diplomatic intercourse no 
longer hold" (forgetting how often, in China, the "old diplomacy" was carried 
out by an American or British gunboat) and declared that "the Chinese Com- 
munists are using the same tactics employed by the Japanese when they made 
the British disrobe at Tientsin to demonstrate their power and their contempt 
for the westerners." 

trumped up case 

In all this discussion there has been little inclination to question whether 
or not there were any grounds to the charges leveled against Mr. Ward. Rather, 
the assumption has been the case was "trumped up" as a means of trying 
to force United States recognition, or to make the United States "lose face," or 
simply because of Russian pressure. 

This line of reasoning, however comforting from the American point of view, 
leaves certain questions unanswered. Why is it that the authorities in Mukden 
confined their attention to the American consulate alone? Why didn't they try 
to force French and British recognition, too, or demonstrate their contempt 
for these other westerners? Why is it that no other American consulate in China 
Las been the victim of this kind of abuse? Surely, if there were no basis to the 
charges against Air. \\ard, the Chinese have been guilty of inconsistency, to say 
the least, in their treatment of western officials. 

Equally puzzling, in view of the amount of publicity surrounding the Ward 
case, is the lack of interest in America concerning the second major iioint at 
issue between the Chinese authorities and the American consulate in Mukden — 
the uncovering of an espionage ring which the Chinese charged was directed by 
the United States Army liaison group in Mukden and the United St.ntes consulate. 
The espionage trial was held immediately following the trial of Mr. Ward, and on 
its conclusion the People's Court in Mukden ordered the deportation of all foreign 
personnel in the American consulate. 

Yet to such an extent has the Ward case obscured this second trial that the 
casual reader would be under the impression that Mr. Ward, upon l)eing ordered 
to leave the country, gathered together his consular stall aiul departed. 



2008 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

It is not easy to determine what actually happened in Mukden, since the 
American and Chinese versions are quite different. However, in view of the 
effect the case is having on American policy toward China, it is worth trying 
to piece together some of its more neglected aspects. 

Shortly before the People's Liberation Army marched into Mukden on Novem- 
ber 2, 1948, it was announced that the American consulate general would remain 
in the city. This was to be a test case to determine how American oificials would 
fare under Chinese Communist trade. To prevent misunderstanding the Amer- 
ican Government took the precaution of closing down the office of the American 
military attache in Mukden and withdrawing the personnel of the External Sur- 
vey Detachment — the successor and peacetime version of General Donovan's war- 
time intelligence organization, the Office of Strategic Services. That left 11 
Americans attached to the consulate in Mukden. What their precise functions 
were to be was not clear, since at that time there were no private American 
citizens residing in the city. 

About 2 weeks after the PLA entry the consulate had its first run-in with the 
new authorities. An order was issued for the surrender of all radio communica- 
tions sets. The American consulate, which was the only one in the city with 
its own private radio communication facilities, apparently refused to comply 
with the order, and its radio set was closed by the authorities on November 18. 

Following this incident, the American consulate staff was reported to be con- 
fined to the consulate compound, and no communication was received from Mr. 
Ward for a period of months. 

OTHER CONSULATES 

The British and French consulates, both considerably smaller in size than the 
American, likewise were not heard from for several months after Mukden fell. 
Whether this was due to restrictions placed on the use of communications facili- 
ties, as has been suggested in some quarters, or merely to the temporary disrup- 
tion of the mails and telegraph system between Mukden and Nationalist China 
is not ascertainable in Shanghai at this time. However, all foreign consulates 
in Mukden, like those elsewhere in China, now have unlimited use of the Chinese 
postal and telegraph system except for the fact that they may no longer send 
messages in secret code. 

It should be pointed out, however, that in the eyes of the Chinese none of these 
consulates any longer had official status. The Chinese position was that the gov- 
ernments to which they were attached still recognize the Nationalist regime as 
the legal government of China. Therefore, no official relations could exist be- 
tween the new People's Government that was functioning in Mukden and repre- 
sentatives of the American, French or British Governments. Consequently, the 
Chinese referred to these consulates as the former consulates which existed 
during the old regime, and regarded consular personnel as ordinary foreign 
nationals. 

The foreign, or at least the American, position was that consulates, unlike 
embassies, do not have diplomatic status but function only on a local level to 
look after the interests of the nationals of their particular countries. The 
fact that these consulates had remained behind when Mukden was liberated, 
they maintained, in itself constituted de facto recognition of the new local 
authorities. 

DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITY 

While this is a legalistic dispute better left to authorities on international 
relations, it is important to mention in connection with the Ward case, because 
the hue and cry that has been raised has been based on the assumption that Mr. 
Ward should have enjoyed diplomatic immunity and that his arrest, therefore, 
constituted, in Mr. Acheson's words, "a direct violation of the basic concepts of 
international relations." Although the State Department itself, in its note to 
the 30 governments requesting intervention in the Ward case, had to admit 
that "consuls do not have diplomatic immunity," it nevertheless was requesting 
just that. The newspaper comment, moreover, has consistently referred to 
Mr. Ward as a "diplomatic repi-esentative." 

After 6 months the State Department last May announced that because of 
"arbitrary restrictions imposed on the consulate" it had sent Mr. Ward orders to 
close the Mukden consulate. On June 16, Ward contacted the American consul 
in Peking through commercial telegraph facilities to report that he had received 
the orders and was preparing to carry them out. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2009 

Two days later, however, the Pekine: radio broadcast a report that a "big 
American spy rins" had been uncovered in Manchuria which it char^'cd had l)een 
directed by the United States consulate and the United States Army Liaison 
Group in ]\Iul<den. The United States Army Liaison Group, the broadcast said, 
was the open name of the External Survey Detachment — ESD. 

The radio said the spy ring was set up shortly after the Japanese surrender in 
1045 and that it continued to operate wider, ground after the liberation of Man- 
churia was completed in October 1948. It said three men, a .Japanese, a Mon- 
golian, and a Chinese national of Sino-American parents, identified as the princi- 
pal espionage agents, were under arrest. The 3 were declared to have been 
caught with 6 American radio transmitters, 3 generators, 16 secret code books of 
the American espionage service, 10 gold ingots for espionage expenses and quan- 
tities of military directives and documents on the organization of the American 
TS espionage organization. 

The American Embassy in Nanking replied that the charges against the con- 
sulate in Mukden were "ridiculous and absolutely false." A State Department 
spokesman in Washington said they might have been made to distract attention 
from the fact that the American consul general and his staff in Mukden had l)een 
held incommunicado for the past 7 months. There was no answer to the aecusa- 
tion from either the War Department or the United States Army. 

The case was brought to trial before the People's Court in Mukden on Novem- 
ber 26. On that same date, the State Department announced that William Stokes, 
a vice consul in the Mukden consulate, had been arrested on charges of espionage, 
according to a telephone message from Mr. Ward to Edmund Clubb, the American 
consul general in Peking. The Department said Mr. Clubb had been instructed to 
lodge the strongest possible protest. IVIr. Ward's information, however, seems 
not to have been entirely accurate, for Chinese press accounts of the trial did not 
list Mr. Stokes among the defendants, and merely reported that he "was present 
at court during the trial." 

EIGHT DEFENDANTS 

There were eight defendants, all persons of Chinese, Japanese, or Mongolian na- 
tionality. No Americans stood trial, although the names of several Americans 
were listed a.s having directed various phases of the espionage activity. They 
were identified as Nishida, a Japanese of American nationality who was first with 
the consulate in Mukden and later with the Army group; Richardson, head of 
the United States Army Liaison Group in Changchun : Myadara, of the Shanghai 
headquarters of the United States Army Liaison Group; Walsh of the United 
States Navy Liaison Group in Mukden ; Hunt, who succeded Walsh ; Singlaub, 
head of the United States Army Liaison Group in Mukden ; and Barandson, an 
UNRRA employee. 

The three principal defendants were listed as Sasaki, a Japanese ; Po Yen-tsang, 
a Mongolian; and Wu Jen-chieh, a Chinese national of Sino-American parents. 
Sasaki, according to the Chinese accounts, first worked for the Japanese in Man- 
chukuo and later for the Americans in Mukden, working directly xmder Nishida. 
After collecting "military and political information about liberated Manchuria," 
he was entrusted with an espionage organization called TS and by April of 
1948 had established 11 branches in Manchuria. 

Po Yen-tsang, the second principal defciuiaiit, "pleaded guilty to having acted 
as an American espionage agent and instigated subversive activities in Inner 
Mongolia." 

The third main defendant, Wu Jen chieh, was reported to have been a "mes- 
senger for intelligence transmitted between Tienstin and Mukden." 

All three were quoted as stating that they had been sunnnoncd to the Mukfien 
United States Army liaison group headquarters in October 1948. just before 
liberation, and told to go underground. They declared they were each given 
two miniature radio transmitters, a generator, secret code books, and suras of 
money. 

These radio transmitters, generators, code books and various letters, reports, 
charts, and other documents, found when the accused were arrested soon after 
the liberation of Mukden, were reported to have been on display at the court. 

All the accused were reported to have pleaded guilty, and they received 
sentences of from 2 to 6 years' imprisonment. In addition, the court ordered 
the deportation of all foreign personnel of the American consulate in Mukden 
"for screening and directing espionage activities against the Chinese people." 



2010 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

STATE DEPARTMENT DENIAL 

At the conclusioa of the trial, the State Department again issued a denial, 
declaring that the Americans could not possibly have engaged in espionage since 
they had been under virtual house arrest since the PLA took Mukden in November 
1948. This explanation sounds plausible but is in fact irrelevant. The trial 
was concerned only with events up to the end of October 11)48, when the de- 
fendants were alleged to have been given money and equipment and instructed 
to go underground. There was no mention of activities on anyone's part after 
that date, since the group was arrested soon after Mukden fell. 

A stronger point for the Department to have emphasized would have been 
the fact that no direct accusations were leveled against any individuals at that 
time in the American consulate in Mukden, nor were any of the Americans 
named in the Chinese charges actually consulate personnel. However, certain 
other evidence brought out in Chinese press reports of the testimony, such as 
the fact that the Army liaison group in January 1948 was stationed on the 
premises of the American consulate and that some of the Army employees had 
offices in the consulate, could conceivably have aroused Chinese suspicion that 
the consulate was not unaware of the Army liaison group's activities. More- 
over, it is quite natural to expect that the Chinese felt the consulate, as an 
official American organization, would be responsible for whatever loose ends 
remained after the ESD evacuated from Mukden just before the city's liberation. 

WARD ARRESTED 

It was in the midst of this situation that Mr. Ward was arrested, on October 
24, on a charge of assaulting a Chinese employee. 

The facts of the case, as contained in the Chinese charge, were these: On 
September 27, the employee, a 50-year-old messenger named Chi Yu-heng, who 
had worked for the consulate for i;^ years was instructed by Mr. Ward to tear 
down a cement pole in the consulate compound. After struggling unsuccessfully 
with it for half a day, Chi asked for some help. This was refused, and when 
Chi declared he could not do the task alone, he was dismissed from his job 
on the grounds that he refused to work. 

Chi subsequently applied for his wages, severance pay, and accumulated leave, 
Mr. Ward was willing to pay only the wages. On October 10, Chi went to the con- 
sulate to demand the payment he felt was due him, and he spent the night in the 
consulate compound. The following morning he was discovered and summoned 
to Ward's office. There he was beaten and pushed down the stairs, where he 
collapsed, unconscious, from a forehead wound. Chi's brother, Chi Yu-feng, who 
accompanied him, was also involved in the fray. 

The Chinese employees of the consulate immediately called the public safety 
office, whose representatives arrived and rushed Chi to the Mukden municipal 
hospital, where his case was diagnosed as concussion of the brain, abrasion on 
the right forehead, and contusion of both arms and right lower limb. 

Mr. Ward and four members of the consulate staff, Ralph Rehberg, F. Cicogna, 
Shiro Tatsumi, and A. Kristan, were arrested. 

The people's court of ]\Iukden held five hearings on the case, then announced 
that "the court finds that the five accused, in residing in China, unreasonably 
discharged Chinese workers, withheld their wages, leave allowances, severance 
pay, and saving deductions, assembled together in assaulting Chinese workers Chi 
Yu-beng and Chi Yu-feng, caused their injuries, trespassed upon the rights of 
pei'sons and violated the law and ordinances of the People's Repul)lic of China." 

SENTENCES ST'SPENDED 

IVIr. Ward was sentenced to 6 months' imprisonment, Kristan and Rehberg to 
4 months, and Cicogna and Tatsumi to 3 months. These sentences were sus- 
pended for 1 year and all were ordered to be deported. Ward was required to 
pay US$174— US$9 for 9 days' wages. US$10r) for 31/2 months' accumulated leave, 
and US$G0 for severance pay — in addition to medical fees and damages. The 
latter two items were calculated in local currency — NECl,;)fir),000 for medical 
fees and NEC2,500,000 for damages. Although the conversion rate between 
Northeast currency and United States dollars is not tabulated in Shanghai, 
the rate between NEC and Jen Min Piao for the last week in Novemiier was 
NEC 18 to JMPl, and the rate between the United States dollar and JMP was 
1 to 10,000. Calculated on tliis basis, Mr. Ward liad to pay the eiiuivalent of 
US$7.5S for medical fees and US$13.88 for damages. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2011 

Despite the State Department's charge that the arrest was baseless, Mr. Ward 
did not. upon his release, deny that the messenger had been injured. According 
to the Voice of America, Ward said he had a dispute with an employee over the 
question of "employment termination payments." The Voice continued: "Dur- 
ing the conversation he [Ward] said that the employee, after walking around the 
office for about 1.") minutes, took a position lying on the floor and began to moan. 
This was after he had refused to accept ISIr. Ward's offer of a settlement. (This 
'.settlement,' the Voice neglected to add, was US.$'J for payment of days' wages.) 
The messenger's brother attacked Mr. Ward, and Vice Consul Rehberg came to 
his rescue. The messenger then threw himself on the floor near the stairs. Mr. 
Ward, fearing he would fall downstairs, attempted to raise him, and the man 
backed down the stairway." 

The messenger's statement, delivered in court, told this version: "Rehberg 
told me to go upstairs for my money, and forced me to sign some papers. Because 
the money was not enough, I refused to sign. My younger brother, Chi Yu-feng, 
came up "to mediate, but was pushed out into the corridor and the door of the 
room was closed. Rehberg called Ward to the room. Both of them started 
to push me outside. Ward, who was behind, began to kick and hit me. He 
pushed me down from the top of the stairs. When I reached the turning on 
the first landing. Chi Yu-feng came down again. Rehberg left me to give two 
blows to Chi Yu-feng, and then held him tight. Ward pushed me down to the 
floor at the landing. At the time my head hit the stairs and my right temple 
was injured. Ward next used his fist to hit my left eye. After that I lost 
consciousness." 

STAIRWAY TESTIMONY 

A good deal of the testimony during the trial centered about the stairway 
incident. The Sin Wen Jih Pao in Shanghai printed this portion of Ward's 
examination : 

"Question by judge : Did you pull Chi Yu-heng down the stairs? 

"Answer by Ward : I was holding the two hands of Chi. He preceded me and 
looked up at me. 

"Question. Had you not held Chi's hands, would he have sat down on the 
stairs? 

"Answer. Yes. If I had not held his hands, he would have sat down. 

"Question. Does this not prove that he was not prepared to go down, but that 
you forced him to do so? 

"Answer. I cannot admit this. I held his hands to prevent his falling down 
the stairs. Had I not done so, I was afraid he might have jumped down. 

"Question. If he was willing to go down the stairs, how was it that he fell on 
the stairs? Does this not prove that he did not want to go down? 

"An.swer. I dared not let go of my hand, for fear that he might jump down. 

"Question. Chi Yu-heng was mentally normal, so why should he jump down 
the stairs? 

"No answer. 

"Question. Where did you pu.sh Chi Yu-heng to? 

"Answer. I did not push, I only remember letting him off lightly. Possibly 
he fell by ray feet or in front of me. 

"Question. Did you not say that you were afraid if you let go your hands, 
Chi would have fallen down? Why then did you let go? 

"Answer. I wanted to defend myself against Chi. (Presumably Chi Yu-feng, 
the brother — Editor.) 

"Question. Had not Chi already been held tight by Rehberg? 

"Answer. I was not sure whether Rehberg had held him tight enough." 

R'hl)erg gave this version, according to the Sin Wen Jih Pao: 

"Question by judge: Where did Ward push Chi Yu-heng to? 

"Answer by Rehberg : Ward pulled Chi, not pushed him. He was pulling him 
down the stairs. 

"Question. Who was in front, Ward or Chi? 

"Answer. The stairs consisted of three sections. I did not see what happened 
on the first section. On the second section. Ward was pulling Chi down, Chi was 
in front. 

"Question. Was he pulling him down, or pushing him down? 

"Answer. Pulling him down. 

"Question. According to your description of the relative position of the two 
men, is not this situation rather strange? 



2012 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

"Answer. On the first section of the stairs, Ward was pulling. On the second 
section, the situation was as I described. I do not know whether Ward pulled 
or pushed. 

"Question. Well, was it pull or push? 

"Answer. Ward was pushing Chi down the stairs. But at the same time he 
was afraid Chi might fall, so he also pulled him. 

"Question. Then Ward was at that time pushing Chi? 

"An.swer. That was what I saw, but I cannot explain Ward's action." 

SEVERANCE PAY 

Reading the Chinese accounts of the trial, it is indeed hard for anyone to 
explain the action of Mr. Ward. However, two things must be considered. 

The first is the matter of severance pay, which is relatively new to the United 
States Government in China and a question over which there have been a number 
of disputes with Chinese employees, none of them, fortunately, with as unhappy 
results as the Mukden incident. Before liberation, United States Government 
agencies did not follow the usual Chinese custom of making severance payments 
upon dismissing employees. In fairness it should be pointed out that salaries 
in official United States organizations were generally a good deal higher than 
prevailing wage scales elsewhere. Nevertheless, losing one's job in China during 
the last 2 or 3 years has been a major disaster since unemployment has been 
widespread. When the United States Information Service dismis.sed roughly 
half its Chinese staff in the summer of 1947 there was no provision for sever- 
ance pay other than accumulated leave payment and I'etirement refund which 
had been deducted from the employees' own salaries. IMany of the employees, 
especially those in the unskilled levels, had no reserves to fall back on. 

After liberation, severance pay upon dismissal became one of the major 
demands of labor, and this issue was raised in a number of cases involving 
dismissed United States Government employees, the most notable being the United 
States Navy employees in Shanghai who wei'e terminated when the Navy with- 
drew, and USIS employees in the various USIS offices in China who were 
dismissed when the USIS was closed. In all cases, after considerable negotia- 
tion, severance payments were made. The labor regulations throughout China 
now provide that severance pay miist be given. It is possible, however, that 
Mr. Ward, who was isolated in Mukden for a yeai', did not realize that Ameri- 
can consular establishments elsewhere in China were adopting this practice and 
that his attitude toward the subject was therefore negative. 

The second matter is that of physical assault upon Chinese. It is hard to 
believe that such things happen, yet anyone who has lived in China knows that 
they do. Last summer a member of the British consulate general in Shanghai 
was charged with hitting two of his servants on the chest and face in a dispute 
over wages. He admitted his mistake in hitting the servants and agreed to pay 
them 6 months' wages (at US$12 a month) as termination allowance. The 
wife of a leading American in Shanghai scratched and kicked four of her hus- 
band's employees who called at their apartment during the course of a wage 
dispute. The startled employees offered no resistance, and the husband, to save 
his wife being involved, made the necessary apologies. 

FALSE IMPRESSION GIVEN 

Without firsthand evidence of the trial itself, it is not possible to give absolute 
judgment on the Ward case. But it is evident that the reporting of the case in 
the American press, over the Voice of America, and in State Department 
announcements, ignored important facts and tended to give the American public 
a false impression of the whole affair. 

The Ward case is scarcely of sufficient importance to constitute a key issue 
in America's relations with China. Yet this is what the State Department has 
tried to make it. 

Secretary Acheson's statement that America could not recognize the new gov- 
ernment of China because of the outrageous treatment of Mr. Ward can hardly 
be taken seriously. It came at a time when the Nationalist Government, which 
the United States continues to recognize, was firing on the Flying Cloud and the 
Sir Joint Fmnklin, two American ships carrying American passengers and crew. 
In newly liberated Chungking the mutilated bodies were discovered of some 
700 political prisoners murdered by the Nationalists before they withdrew from 
the city. 

The only feasible explanation for the State Department's attitude seems to 
be that Ward's trial provides a talking point for those opposed to recognition. 



INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2013 

In trying to make the most of this talking point, the State Department and the 
American press have given a most one-sided picture of the case. — Mary Baruictt. 



Exhibit No. 487 

[From the China Monthly Review, December 1950] 

List of Border Violations by United States Planes 

The following is an incomplete list of violations of the Korean- 
Chinese border by United States aircraft during the period August 
27 to November 14 of this year. This detailed account, compiled 
by Hsinhua News Agency, gives a hitherto unsuspected picture of 
the scope of these provocations. 

An incomplete summary of the United States air raids over Northeast China 
reads as follows : 

At 10 : 04 hours August 27, two American planes circled and reconnoitered over 
Chian County of Liaoting Province. 

At 10 : 05 hours August 27, 4 American planes made 2 strafing runs on Talitsii 
station of Linkiang County, damaging 1 locomotive. 

At 11 : 04 hours August 27, 4 American planes strafed Talitsu station and the 
river bridge area of Linkiang County, wounding 1 locomotive driver and a 
civilian, damaging 2 locomotives, 1 passenger coach, and a guard's van. 

At 14 : 30 hours August 27, one American plane circled and reconnoitered over 
Antung City of Liaotung Province. 

At 16 : 40 hours August 27, 2 American planes strafed Antung airfield, killing 
3 workers and wounding 19 workers. Two trucks were destroyed. 

At 17 : 43 hours August 29, 4 American planes reconnoitered over Lakooshao of 
Kwantien County, then flew over Changtienhokow of Kwantien County, where 
they strafed civilian boats, killing 1 fisherman and wounding 2 others. They 
later appeared over Kuloutsu of Antung, where they strafed civilian boats, kill- 
ing 3 fishermen, heavily wounding 2 fishermen and slightly wounding 3 others. 

At 22 : 01 hours September 22, one American plane reconnoitered over Lakoo- 
shao, Kwantien County. 

At 22 : 15 hours September 22, 1 American plane dropped 12 bombs over An- 
tung City, wounding 2 people, leveling 28 houses, the tile roofs and windows of 
more than 300 houses were damaged, and 5 mou of vegetable land were devas- 
tated. 

At 15 : 07 hours on October 13, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Yenkiang village of Changpai County of Liaotung Province. 

At 20 hours on October 14, one American plane circled and reconnoitered over 
Huolungkaitsu village of Chian County. 

At 20 : 45 hours on October 14, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
above Chian County. 

At 14 : 25 hours on October 15, four American planes flew at low altitude and 
strafed Antung City. 

At 19: ■'")0 hours on October 16, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Tikou village of Chian County. 

At 23 hours on October 20, one American plane dropped a bomb in Chang- 
tien district of Kwantien County. 

At 14 : 07 hours on October 21, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Tikou village of Chian County. 

At 14 : 10 hours on Octol)er 22, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Haikwan village of Chian County. 

At 15 : 07 hours on October 22, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Lakooshao village of Kwantien County. 

At 10 : .">G hours (m October 24, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Tikou village of Chian County. 

At 7:25 hours on October 25, 4 American planes strafed Erhtakou village of 
Weishaho district of Linkiang County and 1 child and 1 cow were wounded. 

At 7: 20 hours on October 25, four American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Hwangpaiticntsu village of Chian County. 

At 12 : 10 hours on October 28, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Shangtao village northeast of Chian County. 

At 10:44 hours on October 29, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Tikou village of Chian County. 



2014 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 

At 11 : 45 hours on October 29, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Shihpataokou village of Changpai County. 

At 23 : 15 hours on October 31, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Huolungkaitsu village of Chian County. 

At 23 : 29 hours on October 31, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Hwangpaitientsu of Chian County. 

At 23 : 40 hours on October 31, one American plane circled and reconnoitered 
over Chian County. 

At 12 : 50 hours on November 1, six American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Antung City. 

At 14 : 55 hours on November 1, eight American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Antung City. 

At 11 : OS hours on November 2, four American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Chian County. 

At 13 : 57 hours on November 2, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Shihpataokou of Changpai County. 

At 14 : 03 hours on November 2. two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Shihsantaokou of Changpai County. 

At 14 : 10 hours on November 2, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Shiherhaokou of Changpai County. 

At 18 : 55 hours on November 2, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Antung City. 

At 6 : 45 hours on November 3, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Chiehfang village of Chian County. 

At 7 : 30 hours on November 3, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Lakooshao village of Kwantien County. 

At 9 : 44 hours on November 3, three American planes strafed over Liangmin- 
tientsu and Huashutienstu of Chian County ; 1 peasant was killed, 1 cow killed, 
and 1 cow wounded. 

At 9 : .59 hours on November 3, nine American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Hwangpaitientsu of Chian County. 

At 10 : 02 hours on November 3, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Chian County. 

At 10 : OS hours on November 3, three American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Shanghuolungwaitsu village of Chian County. 

At 15: 30 hours on November 3, four American planes strafed and dropped 22 
bombs over Malukou village of Pataokou of Changpai County ; 55 houses were 
destroyed with heavy losses to the residents' property. 

At 15 : 50 hours on November 3, one American plane strafed over Tatungkou 
of Antung City. 

At 15 : 55 hours on November 3, one American plane strafed over Pachiatsu 
village of Kwantien County. 

At 17 : 04 hours on November 3, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Yangshutientsu of Chian County. 

At 17: 16 hours on November 3, two American planes circled and reconnoitered 
over Liangmintientsu of Chian County. 



Exhibit No. 488 

[From the China Monthly Review, December 1950] 

The Stkafing of Kooloutzi; by American Planes 

On August 27 United States planes began crossing the Korean- 
Chinese border. Since that time there have been nearly 100 separate 
violations of China's border by MacArthur's airmen. On some occa- 
sions the violation has been by reconnaissance planes, either singly 
or in groups. On other occasions the violations have taken the form 
of actual attacks on towns, cities, highways, railroads, villages and 
even small groups of peasants by American fighters and bombers. In 
the accompanying story, a reporter tells of his visit to the small 
village of Kooloutzu and of his talks with the i-elatives of several 
fishermen who were machinegunned by an American fighter in one of 
the earlier border provocations. 

Kooloutzu is a small Manchurian village, some 40 kilometers northeast of 
Antung. If you stand on the ridge above it, you will see an e\i)aiise of ripened 
crops waving invitingly in the early autumn breeze and the village itself cradled 
in a clump of green trees. 



I 



INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2015 

The tallest bnildins in the village, formerly a landlord's mansion, is now occu- 
pied by the people's sovernment. Here the vill:i.u:ers meet to conduct their affairs, 
A village cooperative is also housed there. It buys agricultural proiluce from the 
local peasants and supplies them with farming implements and industrial poods. 
Most of the 2,500 inhabitants of Kooloutzu are peasants who, since the land 
reform, own the land they till. They also raise silkworms. In slack farmini? 
seasons they go tishinir. In the daytime, everyone is at work — the peasants in the 
field, the women spinning and weaving, and the children attending the village 
school. Everywhere is peace and tran(]uillity. 

Even the Yaln River flows quietly in front of the village. 

On the afternoon of August 20, the peaceful life of Kooloutzu was shattered. 

A river fishing boat tlying the Chin(>se flag was aground on the beach, and the 10 

members of the crew were all working to refloat it, when 4 American planes 

swept over them. They flew so low that kaoliang (sorghum) plants on the bank 

were blown over and uprooted. 

Immediately, one of the planes returned, macbinegunning the boat. Wu Hsi- 
chun and Tuiig Chin-kuei at the stern were instantly killed. Chang Yun-chih 
was seriously wounded. A bullet pierced the right lung of Liu Fu-chou, who 
stood up amidship on the portside. He fell overboard and was killed. Yang 
Teh-cheng. who was pushing the boat, was wounded, and two of the fingers on his 
right hand were torn away. Chang I'^un-fu was wounded in the water, and his 
right ribs were pierced by shrapnel. At the bow, both Chen Sheng-kuei and Chia 
Yu-fa were wounded. 

Only 2 of the 10 boatmen escaped the deliberate massacre of the United States 
air pirates. Yin Hsueh-tou took cover at the right side of the mainmast, while 
Liu AVan-hsi ducked into the water during the raid. 

The fishing boat is about 71/2 meters long. After the strafing, its hull was 

covered with 20 bullet holes. It was spattered with blood from prow to stern. 

I arrived at Kooloutzu village when the funerals were being arranged with 

the help of the representatives of the people's government sent from the city of 

Antung and of the Fishermen's Union. 

The following morning, I interviewed the family of Wu Hsi-chun. He had 
left behind him a mother of almost 80, a pregnant wife, 4 children, and a sister. 
The Government gave them a grant of 15 million northeast dollars, and the 
union had undertaken to look after them until the children have grown up. 

As Wu's body was being placed into the coflSn, his old mother in a paroxysm 
of grief cried, "The American pirates have killed my son. 

"They shot him through his throat. They must be punished ; we must punish 
them. * * *" 

A young wife and three children mourned in the home of Tung Chin-kuei. 
The body of this robust fisherman was scarred by three bullet holes. One was 
under his right armpit, through which his lung was pierced. His widow 
buried her head in her hands and cried. 

The brother of Liu Fu-chou, the third victim of the United States air raid, 
told me that he had just passed his 20th birthday, when his youthful life was 
scratched away by these killers from the other side of the Pacific Ocean. 

I visited the homes of those wounded by American shrapnel. In the home 
of Chang Yun-chih, I talked with his wife and three children. She told me that 
when her husband was brought home, he was soaked with blood from the wound 
in his right arm. "Should he become maimed." she added, "and the living con- 
ditions of the family endangered, I will demand that American murderers be 
made to pay this bloody debt." 

Three days after the American raid, the men and women of Kooloutzu gath- 
ered at a mass rally on the banks of the historic Yalu. They called for the 
punishment of those responsible fur this slaughter of innocent people. 

In the counties of Chi-an, Kuantien, Antung, Changpai, and Linchiang, where 
the American air pirates have repeated their murderous attacks against scores 
of victims, the people called for the punishment of the aggressor. In Chi-an, the 
peasants have re-formed their revolutionary militia to guard their homes. In 
Changpai, the youth have led the way in volunteering for service with the 
Korean people's forces. Throughout the northeast the people have asked their 
Government: "Act now to aid Korea and protect our homes." 

That demand is now being echoed from one end to the other of China.— K'e 
Chia-lung. 

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