Hili!!l(p;;ii.=lf:M:^. i ■
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN
GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS
[Activities of United States Citizens in Red China]
HEARINGS
J
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-THIED CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
ON
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
DEPARTMENTS
JULY 27, SEPTEMBER 27 AND 28, 1954
PART 23
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
82918' WASHINGTON : 1954
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
DEC 2 9 1954
COMMITTEE ON. THE JUDICIARY
WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota, Chairman
ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsitt PAT McCARRAN, Nevada »
WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana HARLEY M. KILGORE, West Virginia
ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi
ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON, New Jersey ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee
EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina
HERMAN WELKER, Idaho THOMAS C. IIENNINGS, Jr., Missouri
JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Ark-ansas
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws
WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana, Chairman
ARTHUR V. WATKINS, Utah PAT McCARRAN, Nevada »
ROBERT C. HENDRICKSON, New Jersey JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi
HERMAN WELKER, Idaho OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina
JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas
Alva C. Cakpexter, Chief Counsel and Executive Director
J. G. SouuwiNE, Associate Counsel
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research
» The Honorahle Pat McCarran was active in the work of the subeoniuiittee until his
death, September 28, 1954.
II
CONTENTS
Page
Testimony of —
Baylbr, Cpl. Page T
Berry, Capt. Waldron
Colgan, Kenneth O
Gill, Mrs. Dolores
Greene, William
Hinton, William H
Manto, Joseph V
McLaughlin, John N
O'Connor, Joseph L
Powell, John W
Shadish, Maj. William R
Todd, Jack R
Tredick, Stanley
Wright, Carrol, Jr
1904
1968
1913
1822
1741
1749
1961
1952
1955
1848
1830
1946
1951
1908
APPENDIX
Page
Exhibit 465 — Changes in Shanghai's Press 1979
Exhibit 468 — New China News Agency — Yenan to Peking 1985
Exhibit 469 — China Review advertisers 1987
Exhibit 470 — Commimist and pro-Communist writers appearing in the
China Review 1988
Exhibit 473 — American Communist Trial 1988
Exhibit 474 — The Congress of American Women 1991
Exhibit 475 — Documents and speeches 1993
Exhibit 476 — CMR lists of American POW's, photos and articles dealing
with the subject 1994
Exhibit 476-A — Defeatist propaganda on prisoners of war from the China
Monthly Review 1994
Exhibit 477 — Lists of American POW's published in National Guardian by
arrangement with John W. Powell 1995
Exhibit 478— POW messages from Korea. .._ 1995
Exhibit 479— POW's Letter to Eisenhower _ 1998
Exhibit 480— American POW's Want Peace Now.. 1998
Exhibit 481 — Material published in the China Review on germ warfare 2000
Exhibit 482— Germ warfare _. 2001
Exhibit 483— Scientists and Doctors Say 2003
Exhibit 483-A — List of articles from the China Monthly Review dealing
with expionage, secret police, and treason 2004
Exhibit 484 — Articles from CMR dealing with peace conference of the
Asian and Pacific regions or its parent body or other affiliates. 2004
Exhibit 484-A — Department of State press release of October 1, 1952,
entitled "Peiping 'Peace Conference'" .. 2005
Exhibit 485 — Excerpts from CMR showing anti-American propaganda
during the Korean war 2005
Exhibit 486— The Ward Case__ 2007
Exhibit 487— List of Border Violations by United States Planes.. 2013
Exhibit 488— The Strafing of Kooloutzu 2014
III
INTEKLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVEENMENT
DEPARTMENTS
TUESDAY, JULY 27, 1954
United States Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration
OF THE Internal Security Act and Other Internal
Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 2 p. m., in room 457,
Senate Office Buildin<T, Hon. William E. Jenner (chairman of the
subcommittee) presiding.
Present : Senators Jenner, AVelker, and Hendrickson.
Also present: Alva C. Carpenter, counsel; Ben Mandel, research
director; Kobert McManus and Edna Fluegel, professional staff
members.
The Chairman. The committee will come to order.
Mr. Greene, will you come forward ? Will you be sworn to testify ?
Do you swear the testimony given in this hearing by you will be the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Greene. I do.
The Chairman. Will you state your full name ?
TESTIMONY OF V7ILLIAM GREENE, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, CAEL W. BEEUEFFY
Mr. Greene. William Greene.
The Chairman. Where do you reside, Mr. Greene?
Mr. Greene. 429 First Street, Annapolis, Md.
The Chairman. And what is your business or profession?
Mr. Greene. Engineering.
The Chairman. Now, you are here Avith counsel.
Counsel, would you give our reporter your name and address?
Mr. Berueffy. Carl W. Berueffy, B-e-r-u-e-f-f-y, 636 Wyatt
Building, Washington.
The Chairman. Let the record show that Senator Welker is present.
Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. When and where were you born ?
!Mr. Greene. Where ? New York City.
Mr. Carpenter. When?
Mr. Greene. 1916.
Mr. Carpenter. And will you give us your educational background ?
Mr. Greene. I went to public school in New York City, public high
school in New York City ; graduated at the College of Engineering,
New York University, in 1937.
1741
1742 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. And you were employed after that ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Where were you employed?
Mr. Greene. I was employed by the Engineering and Research
Corp. of Riverdale, Md.
Mr. Carpen rER. And where did you live during that employment ?
Mr. Greene. Well, I lived in suburban Maryland, relative to Wash-
ington, D. C, except for the period of my first marriage, and that
period was from the very end of 1942 to about late spring of 1947.
Mr. Carpenter. And to whom were you married in your first
marriage ?
Mr. Greene. I was married to Jean Hinton.
Mr. Carpenter. Jean Hinton?
Mr. Greene. J-e-a-n H-i-n-t-o-n.
Mr. Carpenter. Where did you reside?
Mr. Greene. For the first year of our marriage, we resided in the
1700 block of I Street, and in the balance of the marriage we resided
on Harvard Street, 1739, Northwest.
Mr. Carpenter. And how long did you live at that address ?
Mr. Greene. About 3 years, I guess, approximately 3 years.
Mr. Carpenter. And when you were living at that Harvard Street
address, did a Miss Joan Hinton visit that home?
Mr. Greene. She did.
Mr. Carpenter. And w^ho was she?
Mr. Greene. She was the sister of my ex-wife.
Mr. Carpenter. Did a Mr. William Hinton visit your home?
Mr. Greene. He did.
Mr. Carpenter. Who was he?
Mr. Greene. He was the brother of my ex-wife.
Mr. Carpenter. Now, who was Joan Hinton?
Mr. Greene. She was the sister of my ex-wife.
Mr. Carpenter. And was she employed?
Mr. Greene. During the war years, she was employed at Los
Alamos, to the best of my knowledge, and I don't know where else
she worked other than that.
Mr. Carpenter. Los Alamos is the Atomic Energy Commission
installation ?
Mr. Greene. The Atomic Energy Commission installation.
Mr. Carpenter. And did she visit at your home during that period ?
Mr. Greene. Yes. Very infrequently, but she did visit there.
Mr. Carpenter. Did Mr. William Hinton, the brother of your wife
Jean, visit you from time to time?
Mr, Greene. Very infrequently, but he visited us at that address.
Mr. Carpenter. Did he ever use your home as his address ?
Mr. Greene. Not to my knowledge. I have no recollection of it.
But he could very well have.
Mr. Carpenter. While you were married to Jean Hinton, was slie
employed ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. And by whom was she employed ?
Mr. Greene. She was employed by the Farm Security Administra-
tion of the Department of Agriculture.
Mr. Carpenter, Was she active in any organizations at the time
she was living with you as your wife ?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT 1743
Mr. Greene. Yes, I believe she was an officer of a union.
Mr. Carpenter. Was that the United Federal Workers Union,
local 1 ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Was she also active in the teachers union ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. After she left the Government employ, I
believe.
Mr. Carpenter. When did she leave the Government?
Mr. Greene. I am not too sure about the date, but I think it was in
1945, sometime in 1945. I am not clear on the date.
Mr. Carpenter. During this period that you were living at Harvard
Place, did she associate with various people that she was employed
with, and also engage in union activities?
Mr. Greene. I didn't quite get the first part of that question.
Mr. Carpenter. Did she associate with some of the people that
were engaged with her in her work?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter, And who were they ?
Mr. Greene. Well, there were all kinds of people she associated
with. We had a long list of friends from every walk of life, prac-
tically.
Mr. Carpenter. Was she friendly with William Ullmann?
Mr. Greene. She knew him.
Mr. Carpenter. And Gregory Silvermaster?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Did he visit at your home ?
Mr. Greene. I don't recollect his visiting us very frequently. In
fact, I would definitely characterize his visits as quite infrequent to
our house.
The Chairman. Did you visit his house ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. How many times did you visit the home of the
Silvermasters ?
Mr. Greene. I don't recall the exact number, but in the order of
10 times, anyway.
Mr. Carpenter. In the evening? Or during the day?
Mr. Greene. No, the visits I know of were usually for dinner;
that type of visit.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have occasion to go into the basement of
the Silvermaster home?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you see the photographic apparatus that Sil-
vermaster had?
Mr. Greene. I saw it; yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Was Silvermaster one of the supervisors of your
wife while she was employed in the Department of Agriculture ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. I believe he was over her supervisor.
The Chairman. Senator Welker has a question.
Senator Welker. Mr. Witness, you say you observed some photo-
fraphic equipment in the basement of the home of Nathan Gregory
ilvermaster ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Senator Welker. I take it that was his home out in Bethesda?
Mr. Greene. No. It was in the District.
1744 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Senator Welker. In the District of Columbia.
Now, will you describe for the committee, please, how you got to the
basement, what steps, and so forth?
Mr. Greene. Well, he was designing a saw, an electric saw for saw-
ing wood, and he was building the thing there, and he asked me about
some points on how to put it together. And while we were down there,
we could see the darkrom — I would describe it as the darkroom —
that was off to one side of the general part the basement.
Senator Welker. Did you see any enlarger?
Mr. Greene. I saw an enlarger.
Senator Welker. You know what an enlarger is ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Senator Welker. Was it a large or small enlarger?
Mr. Greene. I would say it was a fairly good sized one.
Senator Welker. And did you see any pans or lights that they used
for processing film?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir, I saw a developing tank, or it looked like it.
Senator Welker. What portion of the basement, Mr. Witness, was
that in ?
Mr. Greene. I would say as you came down it would be toward the
rear. It wns all part of the same basement.
Senator Welker. Did you see any film, any exposed film, or ruined
film?
Mr. Greene. N"o, sir.
Senator Welker. Did you see any microfilm at all ?
Mr. Greene. No, sir.
Senator Welker. Did you see any camera there?
Mr. Greene. I saw what he described as his portrait camera. That
wasn't down in the basement, I believe. It was upstairs.
Senator Welker. That was upstairs. Well, what kind of a por-
trait camera? Did he tell you what it was?
Mr. Greene. It is the kind you look into to see the picture.
Senator Welker. I see. Eather a large one?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Senator Welker. He had no reluctance whatsoever to permit you
to go down into the basement ?
Mr. Greene. No. He wanted to discuss what he was building.
Senator Welker. Did he discuss the photographic equipment with
you at all, what he had it there for, what he was doing with it ?
Mr. Greene. Well, no. The way it came out, it seemed perfectly
natural. He had portraits all over the house, in the living room, you
know. They looked lite fairly good workmanship.
Senator Welker. Did your wife go down with you at the time?
Mr. Greene. I don't think so.
Senator Welker.^ To your knowledge, Mr. Greene, did anybody
else go down with you other than yourself and Mr. Silvermaster ?
Mr. Greene? A friend of mine who did not even know him, who
was trying to help him on this saw.
Senator Welker. What year was that, Mr. Greene ?
Mr. Greene. This was in 1946 or early 1947.
Mr. Carpenter. While you were living there, was Martin Popper,
attorney for the Chinese Government, a neighbor of yours ?
Mr. Greene. He was.
Mr. Carpenter^ Was Jean friendly with him ?
TNTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1745
Mr. Greene.- She was friendly with liim to the extent that it seemed
to me she was friendly with his wife primarily. The friendsliip was,
it seemed to me, primarily between her and his wife, and through
that she knew him, was friendly with him, indirectly.
Mr. CARrENTER. They visited back and forth ?
Mr. Greene. Yes ; I w^oiild say so. Sort of the over-the-f ence type
of visiting. I think occasionally Mrs. Popper came into the house, and
Mr. Popper might have.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever go into their home ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. And were they in your home?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. During this period, were there any people from the
Russian Embassy that visited at your home ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Who were they?
Mr. Greene. They were the successive air attaches, from approxi-
mately 1943, very early 1943, to about late 1945, I would guess; and
their visits consisted of approximately once a year, maybe in one case
twice, but the visits were about once a year.
Mr. Carpenter. And who were these people? Their names?
Mr. Greene. The first one was Colonel or Major Berezin.
The second one
Mr. Carpenter. Will you spell that?
Mr. Greene. I will spell it to the best of my ability. B-e-r-e-z-i-n.
The second one was a Major or Colonel Aseav, A-s-e-a-v, approxi-
mately. The third one was a Major or Colonel Golkovski, G-o-l-k-o-v-
s-k-i. Those are my guesses. I am not sure of the spellings.
Mr. Carpenter. And those three were all guests at your home?
Mr. Greene. That is right.
Mr. Carpenter. On more than one occasion ?
Mr. Greene. I think, to the best of my recollection, Berezin was
once, and Golkovski was once, and it is possible that Aseav was twice.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you and your wife, Jean, have occasion to go
to the Russian Embassy?
Mr. Greene. We went there on the occasion of the parties they
gave on their anniversary. This was, I would guess, during 1944,
1945, or 1946, possibly 1943. I don't remember that quite clearly.
Mr. Carpenter. And what was the occasion for them visiting in
your home?
]Mr. Greene. Well, it was part of a sales activity that I carried on
through the people I was employed by, part of the social activity, and
more or less a return for their entertaining us. We would entertain
them for the particular incident involved.
Mr. Carpenter. Purely a business relationship?
Mr. Greene. My relationship with them was strictly for business.
Mr. Carpenter. Did they ever ask you for information relative to
other things than the selling of propellers ?
Mr. Greene. Well, they were interested in this private airplane we
built, too. But outside of things that I could see as business inquiries,
it was mostly on my part, trying to get them.
Mr. Carpenter. Did they know" that you were the brother-in-law
of Joan Hinton, the nuclear physicist ?
1746 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Greene. No, sir; they never gave any indication of knowing
that.
Mr. Carpenter. At no time?
Mr. Greene. No.
Mr. Carpenter. Did he ever visit your home while Joan was there
as your guest?
Mr. Greene. No, sir, to the best of my recollection.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you know whether Joan is married now ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. I only know it by hearsay.
Mr. Carpenter. To whom?
Mr. Greene. A fellow by the name of Engst.
Mr. Carpenter. What is his first name?
Mr. Greene. Irwin.^
Mr. Carpenter. And did he ever visit your home during the time
you were married to Jean ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. When was that?
Mr. Greene. I think it was in 1946, late 1916, some time around in
there, or possibly early 1947.
Mr. Carpenter. Since your divorce, your wife has remarried?
Your former wife, Jean ?
Mr. Greene. I have been told that.
Mr. Carpenter. And who has she married ?
Mr. Greene. I have been told she married someone by the name of
Rosner.
Mr. Carpenter. Did he ever visit your home during your married
life?
Mr. Greene. He visited us once, I am sure of, and possibly one time
earlier.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the purpose of his visit ?
Mr. Greene. I believe — nobody talked to me about it at the time,
and least of all did he, but I believe he visited us to come to Washington
with a group of people to lobby about some bill. I have no idea what
the bill was.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know a Russell Nixon ?
Mr. Greene. Very slightly.
Mr. Carpenter. Did he visit your home ?
Mr. Greene. I have no recollection of his ever visiting our house.
Mr. Carpenter. And on what occasion did you know him ?
Mr. Greene. We went on a trip to Nags Head, and he was along on
that trip, but we didn't stay with him and his wife. My ex-wife and
myself stayed elsewhere.
Mr. Carpenter. At your home during the period you were married
to Jean Hinton, did you notice any Communist literature about the
house ?
Mr. Greene. Yes, sir. The literature I would describe as that.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of that literature ?
Mr. Greene. I saw 2 or 3 or possibly 3 or 4 copies of the Daily
Worker.
Mr. Carpenter. Anything else? How about Soviet Russia Today!
Mr. Greene. I saw that magazine there.
1 William Hinton testified that Engst's first name Is Sidney.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1747
Mr. Carpenter. Were you somewhat disturbed about the actions of
your wife Jean at that time ?
Mr. Greene. Well, of course, we got divorced, and the whole thing
was very painful : the incompatibility just sort of built up, and at that
point it reached the point where we finally separated and got divorced.
Wlien we were originally married, we shared common interests in that
she liked to ski, she liked to fly, and she liked to go sailing with me in
my sailboat. As time went on, her union activities took more and
more of her time and prevented us from sharing our lives together.
It finally reached the point where we were completely incompatible.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you know whether she was a member of the
Communist Party at the time you were married to her ?
Mr. Greene. To the best of my knowledge, she was not.
Mr. Carpenter. She never told you she was ?
Mr. Greene. No. And she never discussed that with me.
Mr. Carpenter. Did she discuss her union activities with you ?
Mr. Greene. The discussion would usually be that she was going
to a union. Occasionally she tried to get me into union activities,
but I have never belonged to a union and know very little about them.
Mr. Carpenter. Are you, or have you ever been, a member of the
Communist Party ?
Mr. Greene. I am not, nor have I ever been.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record
if the chairman please, the efficiency report of Jean Hinton, signed
by N. Gregory Silvermaster.
The Chairman. It may go in the record and become part of the
record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 424" and is
as follows:)
1748
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
8tu4u4 rna Hs. (I
Aovr. Ju. t. IMl
'C 5. a Dwt. CIr. Ha. Wt
DCe ^OT /^C MCULAIK )l INTERIM (
I\Cr l\ I yJr PSOaATlOtlAKV-lfT ( ) b (
f ' >^~.-iU
CUattlaltea 8rBk»lt>
..P ♦J
As of
; ^ EFFICIENCY RATING
MftR ; 1 l-^'*'^ i,„^ on p«rfonn»nc« during period from ^l^L^.F.:... to ..'^A!)...C.i.-ii.'Il.
Jean Hlnton ^°.^*^...5.c,...iiaaly.st „...?lh _
(ITiiii iif ■■Ilium)
(TltJvof po«iUaof
Labor
_J.nZ?J?^.?...*..^S.'^.t _ /!;.
VsieiiooV " "(Subiiiuon or unilP
OH UXm BELOW
■uBK mrLom
V ifadeqost*
- ifWMk
4- if ootstondliig
1. Underline the elemente which are etpecielly important in the position.
2. Rate only on eiementa pertinent to (he poeition.
a. Do not rate on elements in Hclict except for employees in admin-
istrative, supervisory, or planning poeitions.
h. Rate administrative, supervisory, and planning employees on all
elements pertinent to the position whether in \talic» or not
S. Before rating, become th9roughly familiar with instructions in the
rating manual.
CBKCK ONEl
Administrative,
supervisory, or
planning ...... Q
All others D
_ (1) Maintenance of equipment, tools, instruments.
: (2) Mechanical sUlL
•^-. (S) Skill in the application of techniques and
~ pT6ctdures~ —
•jf— (4) Eresentability of work (appropriateness of »r»
rangeroent and appearance of work). "
• (5) Attention to broad phases of assignmenta.
-r3tL (6) Attention to pertinent detaJL
_t (7) Accuracy of operations.
.di. (8) Accuracy pf final rMulta.
^itr. (9) Accuracy of judgments or decisiona.
.rt_ (10) Egectiveneas in presenting ideas or facta.
•Jfc (11) Industry.
^ZtZ. (12) Rate of pmyrM^ on or completion of assign-
ments. ■ ^^
•JZl. (13) Amount of acceptable work produced. (Is mark
m\ (14) Ability to organize his work.
.dt~ (15) Effectiveness in meeting and dealing with
_Otll£JS. ^^ ■ ^
>)l£l. (16) y-ooperativenesa.
.^.. (IT) JnitUtiye.
^■±^ (18)' Resourcefnlnesa.
^■±r. (19) DependatiUlty.
».±T. (20) Physicsl fltness for the work.
»_.. (*/ ) EfftetivauM in planning broad programt.
.„.. (M) Effectivmeu in adapting tht work prognm U
broader or related programs.
^•:fx (tS) Effeetiveneti in devising procedures.
...... (ti) Effectiveness in laying out work and establish*
ing standards of performance for subordi-
nates.
...«. (f5) Effectiveness in directing, reviewing, and check'
ing the work of subordinates,
, (t6) Effectiveness in instructing, training, and
developing subordinates in the work.
^^Sil (tT) Effectiveness in promoting high working morale,
....„ (f^) Effectiveness in determining space, personnel,
and equipment needs.
...... (19) Effectiveness m setting and obtxxining adhtr*
^ enee to time limits and deadlines.
*..»» (SO) Ability to nuike decisions.
...._ ()i) Effectiveness in delegating clearly defined
atUhority to act.
STATE A^(T OTHEB ELEMENTS CONSIDEBBD
(A)
(B)
(C) ..-
8TANDASO
DnbtlMu wsest b> upUlaM em nmm Me •! Ikia Itim
All underlined elements marked plus, and no element
marked minus _^
A majority of underlined elements marked plus, and no
element marked minus
All underlined elements marked at least with a check, and
minus marks fully compensated by plus marks, or^
a majority of underlined elements marked at least with
a'checlc, and minus marks on underlined elements over*
compensated by plus marks on underlined elements
A majority of underlined elements marked at least with
a check, and minus marks not fully compensated hf
plus marks _ _
A majority of underlined elements marked minus
Adjeetiwe
ratine
Excelleit.„..>^
Very good — _.
(^)0d._
2orS
4, 5, or 6
Fair ■? or 8
Unsatisfactorr- 9
AAl^Mee NmMerUel
Ratini
aSaL _?_
Reviewing ^
oflVcial- *»
3^
'>-o.
On the whole, do you conside/ the conduct of this employee to be sstlEfactorjrT .
ZI5.
Tee
(See-back of frrm)
Director. Labor. Division Lr^Si.rl^..
(Tltta) <Da««)
i5^"w5iiH«f^«iy' X**
Bated
Reviewed by
(Slffnsturt of r«7l«winK offldftl) (Tltlo)
Bating approred by efficiency rating committee ...'...?;..';.■! Report to enploym
SEP 1»^>^9:3
The Chairman. You may stand by, Mr. Greene.
Mr. Greene. Shall I stay in here ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Hinton, will you come forward, please ?
Will you be sworn to testify, sir ? Do you swear that the testimony
given in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God I
Mr. HiNTON. I do. .
The Chairman. You may be seated there.
Will you give us your full name?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1749
TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM H. HINTON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS
COUNSEL, MILTON H. FEIEDMAN
Mr. HiNTON. William H. Hinton.
The Chairman. Where do you reside, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. My permanent residence is Putney, Vt.
The Chairman. And what is your business or profession?
Mr. Hinton. I have always been in the field of agriculture, as an
agriculture technician and farm manager.
The Chairman. Are you in that field now ?
Mr. Hinton. At the present time, I am doing some lecturing and
speaking.
The Chairman. You are present here with your counsel.
Would you give your name and address for the record, Mr. Counsel ?
Mr. Friedman. Milton H. Friedman, F-r-i-e-d-m-a-n, 522 Fifth
Avenue, New York.
Mr. Carpenter. Where were you born, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. I was born in Chicago, 111., on February 2, 1919.
Mr. Carpenter. Where did yoii attend school ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I graduated from high school at Putney School,
Putney, Vt. I attended Harvard University for 2 years, starting in
1937. I then transferred to Cornell University and graduated from
Cornell with a degree in agriculture in 1941.
Mr. Carpenter. Prior to going to school, did you have occasion
to travel in the Far East ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, I did.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you employed in the Far East, in Japan ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, I was.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of your employment ?
Mr. Hinton. I worked there as a news reporter on a newspaper
called the Japan Advertiser.
Mr. Carpenter. And who was the sponsor of that newspaper ?
Mr. Hinton. I never heard of a sponsor.
Mr. Carpenter. Who was your supervisor on that newspaper?
Mr. Hinton. I believe the publisher was a man named B. W.
Flasher.
Mr. Carpenter, What was the name ?
Mr. Hinton. B. W. Flasher.
Mr. Carpenter, What year was that ?
Mr. Hinton, If I recall correctly, it was in 1937.
Mr, Carpenter. Then you went to college after returning from
Japan ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, that is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. And you graduated from Cornell?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, that is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. Where were you employed after leaving Cornell ?
Mr. Hinton. I was employed as the farm manager at Putney
School in Putney, Vt.
Mr. Carpenter. And how long were you in that employment?
Mr. Hinton. Approximately 1 year.
Mr. Carpenter. Who was your supervisor at the Putney School?
Mr. Hinton. I believe the business manager was my supervisor.
1750 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. And when you left that employment, where did
you go?
Mr. HiNTON. I was drafted, and I was sent to a CBS camp. I was
at that time a conscientious objector.
Mr. Carpenter, A conscientious objectors' camp where?
Mr. HiNTON. At Weston, N. H.
Mr. Carpenter. And some time later you left that camp?
Mr. HiNTON. I applied for military service and was rejected.
Mr. Carpenter. And how long were you in that camp?
Mr. Hinton. Oh, about a year and a half, 1 believe, if I remember
correctly.
Mr. Carpenter. And then you applied for service and were re-
jected. Then where were you employed ?
Mr. HiNTON. I returned to my original job at the school and
worked as farm manager.
Mr. Carpenter. And how long were you there ?
Mr. Hinton. Oh, approximately another year.
Mr. Carpenter. And then where were you employed?
Mr. HiNTON. Then I got a job with the OWI, and I went out to
China.
Mr. Carpenter. To whom did you make application when you
joined the OWI?
Mr. HiNTON. I don't recall any specific person, sir. I applied for
a job with the OWI and got one.
Mr. Carpenter. And you went to China with the OWI in what
year?
Mr. HiNTON. I believe it was 1945.
Mr. Carpenter. What month?
Mr. Hinton. Well, it was either June or July, or right around
there, 1945, that I went out to China.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of your work with the OWI ?
Mr. Hinton. My title, when I was employed, was propaganda
analyst.
Mr. Carpenter. What background did you have for that particular
type of work?
Mr. HiNTON. Previous employment as a newspaper reporter in
Japan.
Mr. Carpenter. Where did you go in China with the OWI?
The Chairman. Let the record show that Senator Hendrickson is in
attendance at this session.
Mr. HiNTON. I was first sent to Kunming, later to Chungking, and
then I worked in the Hankow area, and also — well, I was in Shanghai
before I went home. I didn't have any work there.
The Chairman. Senator Welker has a question.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, did you go to China alone, or with
someone ?
Mr. HiNTON. I went alone.
Senator Welker. Was your sister, Joan C. Hinton, there at the
time ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. No; she was not.
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, conferred with his counsel.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1751
Senator Welker. Did she come later?
Mr. HiNTON. Joan Hinton went to China later.
Senator Welker. And you met her there ?
(Mr, Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. She is working now on a dairy farm in the city of
Sian.
Senator Welker. I asked you if you met her there ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the iifth amendment, I respect-
fully decline to answer that question.
Senator Welker. You do not care to tell us whether or not you met
or conversed with your sister on either of the trips to China?
Mr. Hinton. The same answer.
Senator Welker. You claim your privilege on that, Mr. Hinton?
Mr. Hinton. The same answer for the same reason.
Senator Welker. Would you care to tell us what your sister was
doing in China, if you know ?
The Chairman. Let the record show that before responding, the
witness conferred with his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. She was working on a dairy farm.
Senator Welker. She worked on a dairy farm all the time ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred with
his counsel before responding to the question.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. On what grounds, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. On the grounds of the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. That your answer might tend to incriminate you ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
The Chairman. All right.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, are you familiar with a magazine
called People's China, published September 16, 1951, in Peking, China,
in which Joan Hinton wrote an article entitled, "Why China Wants
Peace"?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds. Look, Sen-
ator. I got a letter from your committee inviting me to come here to
talk about my experiences in China, and I have prepared to do that.
I should like to have a chance to read my statement.
The Chairman. How long is your statement, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. It will take maybe 10 minutes to read.
_ Senator Welker. I would like, Mr. Chairman, to finish my ques-
tioning.
The Chairman. We are going to give you that courtesy, Mr. Hinton.
Senator Welker ?
Senator Welker. You did know, however, that your sister was a
young American scientist formerly employed at Los Alamos? And
then I think she went into Chicago ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, when you are asked a question by any
member of this committee or counsel, it is perfectly all right for you
to consult your counsel before you reply, but please, Mr. Friedman,
let the witness make his own answer.
1752 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT
Mr. Friedman. I take it, Seneitor, it has not been suggested that I
haven't followed that procedure, has it ?
The Chairman. I notice that the witness turns to you sometimes
before the question is fully stated, and you converse. I would like for
the question to be stated, and if he wants any advice from you, it is
perfectly agreeable with this committee that he confer with you, and
that is our procedure.
Mr. Friedman. I know.
The Chairman. But please let the witness testify, and not you.
Mr. Friedman. Of course.
Senator Welker. You knew your sister to be a member of the Fed-
eration of American Scientists, did you not ?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the same ground.
The Chairman. And if the testimony is produced here at this hear-
ing or subsequent hearings showing that your sister was an eminent
scientist studying in the atomic field, it is your testimony now that she
is milking cows over in China. Is that correct ? Or working at a dairy,
I think you stated.
Mr. Hinton. That is correct.
The Chairman. "Wliat is she doing at that dairy ?
Mr. Hinton. She is working there, helping with the dairy farm,
with the production of milk.
The Chairman. Common labor ?
Mr. Hinton. No.
The Chairman. Wliat type of work, Mr. Hinton, if you know ?
Mr. Hinton. I am not aware of her exact duties there.
Senator Welker. General duties, I take it, around a dairy farm.
Mr. Hinton. Correct.
Senator Welker. And she is not engaged in any scientific research
at the dairy farm ?
The Chairman. You may consult your counsel.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. No ; she is not engaged in any such work.
Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, at this time, as part of my cross-
examination, I would like to ask you to admit, by reference, into evi-
dence a magazine called People's China, volume 4, published in
Peking, Why China Wants Peace; and as the second exhibit, Mr.
Chairman, I would like to ask you to introduce by reference a reprint
of that article which was printed January 1952 m a magazine called
New World, published at 114 East 32d Street, New York 16, N. Y.
The Chairman. Both of these articles will go into our record by
reference only.
Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. We were speaking of the OWI in China.
Mr. Hinton. Could I have an opportunity to read this?
The Chairman. The practice of our committee is that you may sub-
mit the article, and we will determine whether or not it should go
into the record. We have a regulation, you see, that any prepared
statement will be presented 24 hours before the hearing.
Will you pass the statement up, so that we may examine it?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. We will proceed with the questioning while the
staff examines your statement, and then we will make a determination
on whether or not it will go in the record.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1753
Mr. Carpenter. You arrived in China in June or July of 1045?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness is conferring
with his counsel before responding to the question of our counsel.
]\Ir. Hinton. Mr. Chairman, may I say, sir, tliat I was questioned
for an hour and a half in executive session this morning.
The Chairman. I beg your pardon ? I didn't hear.
Mv. Hinton. I was questioned for about an hour and a half in
executive session this morning and have had no chance to give any
information about China, to give my experiences in China, and I
would like to have a chance to read the statement, if I can.
The Chairman. We will pass upon that, Mr. Hinton. I am asking
the staff to pass upon it now.
Senator Hendrickson. I would like to suggest that the witness was
given an opportunity to present the statement this morning, but it
was felt that since he was going to publish the statement anyway, it
was better that he offer it in open session rather than in executive
session. I just wanted to correct Mr. Hinton's statement that he was
not given an opportunity to present the statement.
Mr. Carpenter. When did you arrive in China and go to work for
the OWI?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I think that is the question we just had, there.
It was either in late June or early July. I don't remember just the
date.
Mr. Carpenter. And what was the nature of that work?
Mr. Hinton. I was employed as — my title at the time was propa-
ganda analyst, if I remember correctly.
]\Ir. Carpenter. And what was the exact work you did there, in
China?
Mr. Hinton. It was the analysis of Japanese propaganda and the
writing of a weekly summary of all the things which the Japanese
were saying at the time. And I turned this over to my superiors.
Mr. Carpenter. And who were your superiors?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I don't recall who was my immediate superior,
but a Mr. Stewart, I believe, was in charge of the work there at the
Kunming station.
Mr. Carpenter. And were you there when the war ended?
Mr. Hinton. I believe I was, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. And you did work after the war ended?
Mr. Hinton. Yes; I worked for a few more months after the war
ended.
Mr. Carpenter. T\niat was the nature of that work ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I helped to finish off the work of the United
Nations Picture News Office, which was an OWI project. I helped to
wind up that work. I took a mobile movie showing team through some
of the provinces. And I believe that is the two jobs I had after the war
ended.
Mr. Carpenter. Then you returned to the United States?
Mr. Hinton. Soon after that, yes.
Mr. Carpenter. And were released from OWI?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. And then where did you go ?
32918"— 54— pt. 23 2
1754 rNTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. HiNTON. After the OWI, I worked for a number of months as
an organizer for the Farmers Union, northeastern division.
Mr. Carpenter. And what year was that, and month?
Mr. HiNTON. Well, that was in the summer and fall, if I recall cor-
rectly, of 1946.
Mr. Carpenter. The summer and fall of 1946. Was that the north-
eastern division of the Farmers Union ?
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. And who was the president of that northeastern
division at that time?
]\Ir. HiNTON. Mr. Archie Wright.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Archie Wright as a Communist?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the basis of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have instructions from the Communist
Party to seek employment with the Farmers Union ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the basis of the fifth
amendment.
The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you report to the Communist Party in con-
nection with your relations with the Farmers Union?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Are you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when
you were in Japan in 1937, working on the Japanese Advertiser ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds, and I
want to say right here that I think that the committee is very improper
to ask any questions of this kind. I believe that it is an invasion of
the rights of a citizen for a question of this kind to be asked, particu-
larly as I was called here to talk about my experiences in China.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, you must realize that the Communist
conspiracy is a conspiracy to overthrow and destroy this Government
by force and violence. We, being a duly constituted committee of the
United States Senate, feel that we have a responsibility to this Nation.
We think it is a very proper question. Now, you have your rights
under the Constitution not to answer, under the fifth amendment, and
you have exercised that right. We want to extend to you every cour-
tesy. But we do not want you to argue with this committee on what
its duties are and what they are not.
Now, you seem to be disturbed about your statement.
Mr. Hinton, the reason why the committee requires that statements
be submitted 24 hours before a witness testifies is because we have
certain people who come in here who exercise the privilege of the fifth
amendment with long statements that are not relevant to anything
this committee is interested in. The staff has examined your state-
ment, and we think it is a proper statement, and if it will make you
feel any better, you may proceed at this time to read your statement.
Mr. Hinton. Thank you.
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1755
Mr. HiNTON. I am here pursuant to your letter of June 18 which
reads in part:
Having learned that you have Just returned from a stay in the Far East, the
Senate Internal Security Subconiuiiltee would like to have the opportunity to
interview you and get the benefit of your experience.
The letter also included a subpena.
In order to facilitate the interview I have prepared a short summary
of my experiences.
In drawintr up this statement I have been handicapped by the fact
that all of my notes, diaries, corresj^ondence, and back<»;round material
on China were seized by the United States customs when I returned
to the United States last Auf2;ust
The Chairman. May I interrupt right there, Mr. Hinton?
Why were they seized ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness before re-
sponding conferred with his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I would like to know that myself.
The Chairman. Did you ask anyone why the records were taken
from you ?
Mr.* Hinton. Did I ask? I certainly did.
The Chairman. What did they tell you ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred
with his attorney before he responded to the simple question.
IVIr. Hinton. They said it was the importation of foreign assets
originating in China. But I can't see how my own notes and diaries
and so on could possibly come under foreign assets.
The Chairman. I cannot either, Mr. Hinton. I think if that is the
fact, if they just took your notes and research work you had been
doing, you have been wronged. Have you pursued this matter ? Have
you taken any action of any kind ?
(INIr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, conferred with his counsel.
Mr. lSnton. Yes, I have pursued it. I have followed up every step
they have told me to do, but up to this point have not received any
encouragement that I should get my materials back.
The Chairman. All right.
Senator AVelker. Where were your notes and diaries, and so forth,
seized ? At what customs office ?
Mr. Hinton. At Newport, Vt.
Senator Welker. By whom?
Mr. Hinton. The ITnited States Customs Service. ^
Senator Welker. Where did you land in the United States?
Mr. Hinton. Where did I land ?
Senator Welker. Yes.
]Mr. Hinton. I landed in Quebec.
Senator Welker. In Quebec ?
]\Ir. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. By air, I suppose ?
Mr. Hinton. No, by ship.
1756 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Senator Welker. You had no trouble getting over to Vermont
with your notes, but you did have some difficulty with the customs
agent there. He took your notes ?
Mr. HiNTON. The customs at Newport, Vt.
Senator Welker. Did he say anything to you about your notes
having Communist literature and propaganda in them?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, conferred with his counsel.
Mr. HiNTON. Yes, he said something along those lines, but he didn't
make any specific accusation about the notes. They just took them.
Senator Welker. He said something along those lines. Did you
argue with him about that ?
Mr. HiNTON. No, I did not.
The Chairman. All right. You may proceed with the reading of
your statement, Mr, Hinton.
Mr. HiNTON. Were seized by the United States Customs when I re-
turned to the United States last August and are still held by them in
flagrant violation of my rights as an American citizen.
I went out to China in 1947, originally as a member of the Church
of the Brethern Service Commission Tractor Unit, a part of the
UNERA relief program. I spent the years from 1947 through 1953
on the Chinese mainland working chiefly in the field of agriculture.
I trained students in the operation and care of tractors and combines,
and in the care and feeding of dairy cattle.
My qualifications for such work consist of a degree in agriculture
from Cornell University, obtained after 2 years' study at Harvard
University, and later a number of years spent as manager of dairy
and general farms in Vermont and New Hampshire.
In China I worked in both Nationalist and Communist led areas.
I traveled widely, from Harbin to Lanchow, and from Chahar to
Central Honan — east and west 2,000 miles, north and south, 1,000
miles. I saw conditions in the countryside and in the cities, on farms
and in factories. I learned to speak and read the language. I talked
with thousands of Chinese from all walks of life and from all parts
of the country.
When I first went out in 1947 I spent 6 months in Nationalist-held
territory. Although Chiang's armies — fully equipped and supplied
by us, that is, the United States — were on the offensive, there was an
atmosphere of fear and defeatism wherever they held control. Jittery
armed guards stopped everyone on the roads. They forced peasants
to throw up high embankments around every little settlement. Our
tractor work was carried on with great difficulty. Valuable parts and
tools were stolen. We had to protect relief property from the guards
assigned to watch it. Many of those sent to study had no intention
of becoming tractor drivers. They were looking forward to easy jobs
in administrative offices.
The results of our work were disappointing. The land we plowed
in Suiyuan belonged to the largest landowners whose warehouses were
already heaped with grain while ordinary folk went hungry. The
week I arrived there grain riots broke out when local speculators
attempted to ship grain to the coastal cities. The riots were sup-
pressed with arrests and executions. In such a situation it was hard
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1757
to see how the Imnj^ry could benefit from tractors. Also the author-
ities regarded the tractors as valuable speculative property rather
than as potential food-producing equipment.
In July I was sent across the lines into the Communist-led area of
South Hopei. This was a region held by the peasants against Japa-
nese invading armies for 8 long years. They had fought back from
a network of underground tunnels dug by hand. In South Ilopei I
found life close to normal although the region was completely sur-
rounded by hostile armies and the only supplies they had were those
captured in battle. Few guards were in evidence. Walls were being
leveled. Evidently the authorities trusted the people. Grain was
scarce because of severe drought, but the people were all out in the
fields replanting with seed supplied by the government. The tractors
sent in by UNRRA were used to haul water for the aged and widows.
]\Iost of the government personnel were out in the fields helping with
the work.
The local government regarded tractors as very important for the
future. For a while tractor plowing was abandoned because of lack
of fuel, but as soon as gasoline became available the work started
again, even though the war was still going on. By that time UNRRA
had withdrawn and the project was supported wholly by local funds.
I stayed on at the request of the local Chinese, because they had no
one else who understood tractors. I w^anted to continue, and if pos-
sible, complete the work I had started.
The students were mostly poor peasants. Many told me how they
had lived on bark and leaves during the famine years. Most had been
active in the war against Japan. One was the leader of his local
militia at the age of 15. Others had fought in the famous Eighth
Route Army. They always expected me to eat dried persimmons, for,
they said, "that's what the American flyers they had rescued like
the best.
In the first class there were only three girls. Later women made up
almost one-third of the student body. For them it was a great oppor-
tunity. Village women in North China had traditionally been con-
fined to the home and had been bought and sold like chattels. One
of my students had been a slave girl in a landlord's home until the
People's Liberation Army came.
Classes were held outdoors. The students sat on stones or bricks.
The blackboard was propped on a tractor. It was so cold in winter
that we had to call a break every 20 minutes so everyone could blow
on their fingers. Yet no one complained. They knew they were
pioneering in a field very important to China.
I lived in a mud village under the same conditions as the Chinese
staff and students. All were on subsistence, which included food,
clothes, and 50 cents a month for spending money. The food was
chiefly millet, noodles, cabbage, and salt turnip. I slept on a brick
platform. In winter straw was burned under it to give a little warmth.
I lived in a courtyard that had once belonged to a landlord. He
lived next door. His land had been divided among his tenants. He
was not happy about it. Every day he went out, with a very long
face, to work on the plot that was left to him. But for every frown
of his the peasants smiled twice. They were independent landowners
now. They paid no rents. Tlieir debts had been canceled. Life was
still hard — they had but half an acre per capita — but they owned
1758 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
land free and clear and were optimistic about the future. Their
taxes amounted to about 15 percent of their crops. Prices were stable,
credit cheap. Interest rates on loans had been reduced from 30
percent a month to 2 or 3 percent a year.
A lot of families joined together in mutual aid teams, a kind of
work exchange. Hardly anyone worked alone in the fields any more.
I asked what they liked about the new method. "When we work to-
gether the day goes much faster, and we get more done, too," was the
answer. The results showed up in their standard of living. Beggars
and rags were a rare sight when I left China, although very common
in 1947 when I arrived.
While in the village I saw many meetings. Everyone but the ex-
landlords had voting rights. The people elected their village coun-
cil by secret ballot. All major decisions were discussed until agree-
ment was reached. Once a hailstorm damaged the wheat crop. The
county reduced taxes two-thirds. Then the neighbors met to decide
how much each family could pay. Everyone seemed satisfied in the
end.
In 1949 the center of all tractor work moved to a farm outside
Peiping. I went along to teach tractor maintenance and combine
operation. Students trained there went out to tackle wasteland in
many provinces. By 1953 the students had opened up over 500,000
acres of new land. Altogether China is reported to have close to
300 million acres of potentially fertile land lying idle. I traveled to
many of the new farms. During the years from 1949 to 1953 most of
them lost money because of the high price of fuel and machinery, but
scientific methods produced excellent yields. The mechanized farms
often outyielded the local peasants' plots by 100 percent.
Those in charge of the farms were confident that as costs went
down mechanization would come into its own. In a few years the
price of kerosene fell from over $2 a gallon to less than $1. At the
same time wages went up. At one 10,000-acre rice farm near Tien-
tsin several thousand peasants were hired to do the weeding the first
year.
The second year more money was offered but fewer showed up. The
third year the farm gave up hiring seasonal labor altogether. Peas-
ants were busy with their own farms. Industrial and transport jobs
were opening up and there were few casual laborers available.
Life on the large farms was akin to factory life. The farms were
run by managers aided by salaried technicians. Tractor drivers and
fieldworkers were paid according to the work they did. Housing was
provided free for everyone as were medical care, schooling for the
children, and recreational facilities. Every farm had its amateur
drama group. Saturday nights were always lively with plays, movies,
or dances on the agenda.
Most of the farmworkers studied in their spare time. The techni-
cians gave elementary courses in the evenings for all those who had
never had a chance to go to school. Most began with reading. An
army language teacher in South China invented a teaching method
based on the use of a phonetic alphabet. This soon spread to the
whole country. I joined one of the classes but couldn't keep up. My
classmates were learning up to 100 characters a day. Songs enlivened
the course and helped the students to memorize phoenetic sounds.
1
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1759
The hit tunes of China when I left were the alphabet songs. One
heard them everywhere.
Inadequate technical knowledge was the biggest problem the farms
had to face. To overcome this, hundreds of young workers were sent
to technical courses every year. Six-month, 2-year, and 4-year courses
were offered.
Other stumbling blocks were bureaucratic management and a cer-
tain amount of graft. To fight against these, every staff member
was periodically obliged to account for his work to those who worked
with, or under him. The first few months of 1952 were given over
almost completely to an intensive campaign against graft and cor-
ruption with remarkable success. Chinese public opinion no longer
tolerates what was once winked at as a clever method of caring for
one's parents.
As production on the land and in industry increased, living stand-
ards improved. Startinor in 1950 when I went on salary, I earned
close to $75 monthly. Smce my food, which by that time included
rice, white flour, eggs and meat, cost me only $8 per month, I was well
off.
AVlienever I went shopping I found the stores crowded with buyers
and heavily stocked with goods ; almost all China-made. The Ameri-
can embargo, though bitterly resented in China, was not effective as
far as I could see. It served only to stimulate Chinese manufacturing,
both private and public, and to increase imports from other countries.
Textiles, rubber shoes, flashlights, thermos flasks, and bicycles, were
among tho most popular homemade items, while imported Swiss
watches tempted many a farmworker. Many of my students paid as
much as $30 apiece for them.
In the field of hard goods, imports bulked larger each year. British
cars, Czech buses, and Soviet tractors were all common sights. The
buses on Peiping's streets increased from a few dozen to over 1,200 in
a few years time. The Chinese also imported huge quantities of ma-
chine tools. In my travels here at home I have found that it is just
in these lines that lack of orders is creating unemployment in many
towns. Our workers are on the streets while Britain, France, West
Germany, and Japan move in to supply what may well be the fastest
growing market in the world.
I would not say that the Chinese are panting to buy from us, but
certainly on a competitive basis we could do as well as the next fellow
if only the embargo were lifted.
During all those years of close association with all sorts of people I
never met anyone, except for an occasional ex-landowner, who longed
for Chiang's return. The people I knew and worked with were proud
of the progress being made under the new government and gave it
their wholehearted support. They did not consider it a one-party
state, but a real coalition of many parties in which Sun Yat Sen s
widow, Soong Ching-ling, former Nationalist Gen. Li Chi Shen,
democratic lawyer Chang Lan, and the Communist leader, Mao Tse-
tung, have joined together to carry through land reform, build indus-
try, and wipe out illiteracy.
These people I met were both puzzled and incensed at American
policy — especially our support of Chiang and our drive across the
38tli parallel in Korea. Chiang is thought of in China today much
1760 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
as George III must have been regarded in America after the Revolu-
tionary War. And our intervention in Korea is looked on very much
as we would look on Chinese armies driving on the Rio Grande.
Always I found people, even total strangers, friendly to me, an
American. They wanted to know all about Lin Kun (Lincoln) "who
freed the slaves" and Lwo Sz Fu (Roosevelt) "who wanted one world."
Chinese from different walks of life told me again and again that
they only wanted to be left alone to get on with the work of building
up their country. I feel certain that that desire is sincere and that
no government can hope to lead the Chinese into aggressive adventures
abroad.
It seems to me we shall have to learn to live in peace with the 600
million friendly people over there. We can only gain thereby.
The Chairman. You say the people over there were puzzled and
incensed at our drive across the 38th parallel in Korea?
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
The Chairman. They were were not puzzled and incensed about
their drive when they broke over the 38th parallel and headed south,
were they?
Mr. HiNTON. I was speaking of the Chinese people.
The Chairman. What did they think about the Koreans ?
Mr. HiNTON. That was regarded as an internal question in Korea.
The Chairman. And the Chinese went in to help the internal
situation?
Mr. HiNTON. After our armies came northward toward their bor-
ders, they became very concerned, in China.
The Chairman. All right. Proceed with the questioning.
Senator Welker. May I ask a question ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, I note that you were in China when
the land reform took place, when the landownei's were cut oflf from
their vast acreage and the peasants were given small tracts of land.
Mr. Hinton. Yes ; I was in China.
Senator Welker. You go at length into that subject in your state-
ment. Did you have anything to do with promotion of the land
reform there?
Mr. Hinton. I saw it. I observed it.
Senator Welker. Did you have anything to do with it? Did you
speak in behalf of the land reform?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding to the question, consults with his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I believe my opinions and the expression of my
opinions are covered by the first amendment and it is not proper for
questions about that to be asked by the committee.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, this committee does not recognize
your right to refuse to answer that question under the first amend-
ment to the Constitution, so I am going to direct that you answer the
question.
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I respectfully decline to answer that question on the
grounds of the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. All right.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1761
Senator Welker. I notice that in your statement you say :
In July I was sent across the linos into the Communist led area of South
Hopei.
Who sent you across ?
Mr. HiNTON. My superiors in the United Nations Relief program.
Senator Welkeh. And you were receiving pay from the United Na-
tions at that time?
Mr. HiNTOX. Well, our unit was a volunteer unit. Our pay was —
actually, we were on subsistence. This Brethren Service Unit was on
subsistence.
Senator AVei-ker. I see. You went over there, though, at the di-
rection of your United Nations superior?
Mr. HiNTON. That is correct.
Senator Welker. And you went over there without pay, merely
on subsistence?
Mr. HiNTON. Yes, sir.
Senator Welker. And you found things over there to your satis-
faction, I take it, as you have stated in your statement, at page 2 in
the second paragraph?
Mr. HiNTON. I found conditions there better than in the other
areas.
Senator Welker. You found the peasants happy; there were few
guards ; and they w^ere hard at work, and they wanted to develop their
country. Now, this area, there isn't any question about it, was un-
der Communist control at the time you went there?
Mr. HiNTON. It was a coalition government which included Com-
munists as well as other parties.
Senator Welker. Well, it was dominated by the Communist Party ;
was it not ?
]\Ir. HiNTON. They are regarded in China as the leading party.
Senator Welker, Well, of course. You say so in the second para-
graph on page 2. It was a "Communist-led area."
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Senator Welker. Now, after "UNRRA had withdrawn and the
project was supported wholly by local funds," quoting wdiolly from
your statement, I would like you to tell me what group furnished
the local funds.
Mr. HiNTON. It was known as the Chin Chi Luy-yu Border Region
Government.
Senator Welker. Now, will you tell us a little more about that?
That was the Communist Party ; was it not ?
Mr. HiNTON. Chin Chi Lu-yu is the name of the area. It is the
name of four provinces, actually. And this government was originally
established during the Japanese occupation of North China as a Dorder
region, which tlie Japanese never succeeded in conquering.
Senator Welker. Now, the Communist Party actually laid the
money on the line, though, did they not?
Mr. HiNTON. I was paid by the Border Region Government.
Senator Welker. I do not care who you were paid by. As a matter
of fact, you know, Mr. Hinton, that the Communist Party furnished
the money to whoever gave it to you. Is that not correct ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. HiNTON. Of course, that is not correct. That was a govern-
ment, the established government of that region. It had its own taxa-^
4
1762 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
tion, its own budget, its own government setup, bureaus, and pro-
gram, and this government was the established government of that
area.
Senator Welker. And it was led by the Communist Party ?
Mr. HiNTON. The Communist Party was the leading party in the
area. The government was a coalition government of a number of
parties.
Senator Welker. It was led by the Communist Party. We are not
going to argue about that. On page 2, you so state.
Mr. HiNTON. I agree with you that the Communists were the most
important party there.
Senator Welker. And when this little slave girl was given her
freedom after having worked in that landlord's home, when the libera-
tion army came, that was, as we know it, the Communist Army. Is
that correct?
Mr. HiNTON. Well, it has gone under a number of names. It was
originally, I believed, called the Red Army, and then it was called the
Eighth Route Army, and in recent years it has been called the People's
Liberation Army.
The Chairman. And by some Americans it has been called the
Agrarian Reformers ?
Mr. HiNTON. I don't believe by Americans they have ever been
designated as that. The army?
The Chairman. No, the movement.
Mr. HiNTON. What movement?
The Chairman. All right. You ought to know.
Senator Welker. Now, everyone there had voting rights except the
ex-landlords ; is that not correct, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. That is correct ; yes.
Senator Welker. And I take it you were satisfied with everything
you saw in the movement in the Communist-led area that you testified
about ?
Mr. Hinton. Oh, I found things to criticize, and I found things that
were such that I was quite happy with them.
Senator Welker. You were happy with the reduction of taxes. You
were happy with the free medical services and government-controlled
schools. You have so stated that in your statement, have you not ?
Mr. Hinton. I thought that was a program beneficial to the
Chinese.
Senator Welker. And you were happy with the free housing fur-
nished them, too.
Mr. Hinton. I felt that was a good program.
Senator Welker. Now, when your salary went up to $75 a month,
who paid for that?
Mr. Hinton. At that time I was employed at the Suan Chow State
Farm, and they paid my salary.
Senator Welker. And who operated and controlled that farm?
Mr. Hinton. The farm was under the administration of what they
called the State Farm Management Bureau of the Central Govern-
ment.
Senator Welker. And that would be the Communist government?
Mr. Hinton. Well, there again, it is a coalition government.
Senator Welker. Yes, but it is led by the Communist Party.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1763
Mr. HiNTON. It is a coalition government of the People's Republic
of China.
Senator Welker. But as you said, it is led by the Communist Party
of China.
Mr. HiNTON. The Communist Party is the leading party in China^
The government itself is a coalition made up of elected representatives
and is an established government, as we find in many other countries.!
Senator Welker. Now, I have just a couple of other questions.
You witnessed there British cars, Czech buses, Soviet tractors, and so
forth, and you also stated that these people imported large quantities,
huge quantities, of machine tools. Could you tell the committee where
they imported them from ?
Mr. HiNTON. Well, among other places, they bought machine tools
from West Germany, and they also bought them from Hungary,
Czechoslovakia, Russia, and I believe from other countries, too.
Senator Welker. Now, a closing question I have, Mr. Hinton, is
this : I note that you state in your statement that people were puzzled
and incensed at the American policy in Korea. And I am led to be-
lieve from that, that generally speaking they did not care very much
for Americans. But they did like you. Can you tell us why they
liked you and hated the Americans generally ?
Mr. HiNTON. It was American policy in regard to China which they
were opposed to. But in general they were friendly to Americans,
and particularly to technicians who were engaged in technical work.
Senator Welker. And you cooperated with them in every details
You helped them, taught them as oest you could. You worked with
them, and you received pay from them.
Mr. Hinton. I tried to teach to the best of my knowledge the use
of tractors and mechanized farm equipment, because I believe that
every country deserves help in improving their food situation, their
situation as to growing food. I think lack of food is one of the big
problems in our world today, one of the biggest things making for
unrest and perhaps a cause of war in the world. I think if everyone
were well fed, we would have a much better and happier world.
Senator Welker. And you will not argue with me that you were
quite popular there in the region in which you worked and in the
duties which you performed.
Mr. Hinton. I was always treated with courtesy and friendliness.
Senator Welker. And these people advocated one world govern-
ment ?
Mr. Hinton. No; I didn't hear them advocating one world gov-
ernment.
Senator Welker. Well, they asked you questions about Roosevelt,
who wanted one world. What did you assume they were meaning
then?
Mr. Hinton. Well, it was the type of world friendship which
Willkie wrote in his book, One World, and which Roosevelt was identi-
fied with.
Senator Welker. And did you agree with them and think that was
a proper philosophy?
Mr. Hinton. That all nations should live in peace together.
Senator Welker. I am speaking about one world. I would be very
happy to join in a movement that all nations could never have war.
1764 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
I don't know anyone who wants war. But do you advocate this one
world philosophy they talked to you about?
Mr. HiNTON. As I understood it, it was ideas similar to those
Wendell Willkie wrote about in his book.
Senator Welker. They seemed to be well educated about what Mr.
Willkie wrote in his book, One World.
Mr. HiNTON. They knew it as from Roosevelt.
Senator Welker. But you did not mention Willkie in your state-
ment. You mentioned former President Roosevelt.
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Senator Welker. I have no further questions.
The Chairman. Proceed.
Mr. Carpenter. You say you traveled considerably there in north-
ern China, from east to west, and north and south.
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. And that was during the period the Korean war
was going on ; is that right?
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you see American prisoners of war while you
were in that section of China ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred
with his counsel before responding to that question.
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question, on the same ground
as stated before.
The Chairman. On the ground of the fifth amendment?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have occasion to interrogate any Ameri-
can prisoners of war while you were in China ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same ground.
Senator Welker. Mr. Hinton, do you mean to say that you, as an
American, being over in this country, having had an opportunity to
see one of our own boys who was a prisoner of war, feel, having been
asked the question whether you talked to him or saw him, that if you
should answer that it might tend to incriminate you if you told the
truth?
The Chairman. How could it, Mr. Hinton?
You may consult with your counsel.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. Just now I claimed the fifth amendment on that
question, because it seemed to me we were getting into an area of
linkins: me with Americans who have been under attack. But in
thinking this over, I would rather answer that question.
The Chairman. All right. Proceed.
Mr. Hinton. I saw no American prisoners in China.
The Chairman. You saw none at all ?
Mr. Hinton. No.
Senator Welker. I do not quite understand why you refused to
answer counsel's question, if you saw none. You took the fifth amend-
ment. Maybe I misunderstood you. Can you explain that to me,
why you refused to answer on your privilege of the fifth amendment,
when now you tell us you never saw any American prisoners ?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 17G5
Mr. HiNTON. Well, there was an attempt this morninr^ in the execu-
tive session to brinp^ in the names of many Americans in China, and
I saw a possibility of such a thing here.
The CfiAiRMAN. Mr. Hinton, maybe we can get at it this way. Did
you see other Americans there in that area that had seen American
prisoners?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, conferred with his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
The Chairman. You decline to answer that question under the fifth
amendment; that your answer might tend to incriminate you?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
The Chairman. All right. Proceed.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any contact with Wilfred Burchett?
The Chairman. Do you know him?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Have you ever met him?
Mr. Hinton. I deoline to answer that, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Did you ever talk to him?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Have you ever received any communication from
him of any kind?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Are you married, Mr, Hinton?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. To whom are you married?
Mr. Hinton. ]\Iy wife's name is Rertha Hinton.
Mr. Carpenter. And when were you married ?
Mr. Hinton. Nineteen hundred forty-five.
Mr. Carpenter. How many children do you have?
Mr. Hinton. I have one daughter.
Mr. Carpenter. Where is your wife and child now?
Mr. Hinton. Well, the last time I saw them, they were in Peking.
Mr. Carpenter. When was the last time you saw them ?
Mr. Hinton. I haven't seem them since I have been back in America.
It has been almost a year.
Mr. Carpenter. Almost a year. You left them in Peking?
Mr. Hinton. To the best of my knowledge, they are in Peking.
The Chairman. Why do you say "the best of my knowledge"?
Don't you know where your wife and daughter are?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I have been away a year.
The Chairman. Don't you hear from them?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with
his counsel before responding to that question.
Mr. Hinton. This is a personal question, which involves my
marital relations, and I don't think that this is pertinent to this.-
The Chairman. We are certainly not trying to probe your marital
relations, but certainly if you asked any American where his wife was
he could surely answer.
Mr. Hinton. Well, I answered it to the best of my knowledge.
The Chairman? You said to the best of your knowledge she was in
that area. Don't you know where your wife and daughter are ?
1766 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. HiNTON. To the best of my knowledge, that is where she is;
yes.
The Chairman. Do you hear from them ?
Mr. HiNTON. Again, I think that is a personal question, sir.
The Chairman. Are they under duress ? Are they being detained
by the Communist Government in China ? Do you know that ?
Mr. HiNTON. I have no knowledge of it.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Are they serving, Mr. Hinton, as a hostage for
your return to that country? If so, we don't, as a committee, want
to put you or your family in that kind of jeopardy.
Mr. Hinton. You are suggesting that the people over there hold
hostages ?
The Chairman.- No ; I asked you the question.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. There is no such thing as hostages being held in
China that I ever heard of.
Tlie Chairman. There is no such thing. All right. Proceed.
Mr. Carpenter. You were employed by a branch of the Communist
government as we know it ?
Mr. Hinton. A branch of the People's Republic of China.
Mr. Carpenter. A foreign government.
Mr. Hinton. The Government of China.-
Mr. Carpenter. What have you been doing since you returned to
the States ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I have been giving a series of lectures on my
experiences in China.
The Chairman. On your own, Mr. Hinton? Or are you working
for some organization ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with
his counsel before he responds to the question.
Mr. Hinton. Yes; I am lecturing on my own as a free lance lec-
turer to any audience that cares to hear.
Senator Welker. Do you receive pay for that, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. Sometimes. I usually do ask for remuneration; yes.
Senator Welker. Would you be kind enough to give us the names
of some of the organizations who sponsor you and pay for your
appearances ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, confers wdth his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I think that here again it is an invasion of my rights
under the first amendment, and that freedom of speech and press is the
right of every American citizen, and it certainly can be no concern of
this committee where or to whom I have given talks.
Senator W^elker. I am not trying to prevent you from giving
speeches. Heavens above, I merely asked you if you would be kind
enough to give us the names of some of the people who have been
favored by your knowledge.
Mr. Hinton. I can't see what legislative purpose that could serve.
Senator Welker. That may not appear very bright to you, but if
you will let me do the examining, and you do the answering, I am
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1767
sure we will get along better. The chairman will overrule me if I
am wrong, I am sure.
Mr. HiNTON. Well, I believe that is certainly a violation of the
first amendment.
Senator Welker. May I ask you : Have you made any speeches to
the American Legion? Or the Daughters of the American Revolu-
tion ? Or the Veterans of Foreign Wars ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. HiNTON. I would certainly be happy to speak to the American
Legion, if I were invited to do so.
Senator Welker. I asked you : Have you made any speeches to any
of those organizations ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. The witness conferred
with his counsel before responding to the question.
]Mr. HiNTON. In regard to these organizations to which I have
spoken, I decline to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment.
Senator Welker. Do you think if you told us, a committee of Con-
gress, the names of the organization that you addressed, sometimes
for pay, sometimes without it, I take it, if you gave us a truthful an-
swer as to the names of those organizations, it might tend to incrimi-
nate you ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. HiNTON. That is my statement.
Senator Hendrickson. Have you made any addresses in churches
or other institutions of that character?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. The witness confers
with his counsel.
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the same ground.
The Chairman. The ground of the fifth amendment, that your
answer might tend to incriminate you. All right.
Proceed.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you address the 13th Annual Institute of In-
ternational Relations on March 19, 1954?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. I believe that was the name.
Mr. Carpenter. This was under the auspices of the American
Friends Service Committee, Pennsylvania College for Women, Pitts-
burgh, Pa.?
Mr. Hinton. That is where I spoke, yes.
Mr. Carpenter. You made an address there ?
Mr. Chairman, I would like to have this notification of his speech,
which was held in Pittsburgh, made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It may go in the record and become a part of it.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 425" and is as
follows:)
I
1768 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 425
Thirteenth Annual Institute of International Relations, Auspices of the
American Friends Service Committee
pennsylvania college for women, pittsburgh, pa.
(On Fifth Avenue about 1 mile east of the Cathedral of Learning)
FACULTY
Sid Lens : Director United Service Employees Union, Local 329 AFL. Just
returned from a 10-month trip spent in 22 countries of Asia, Africa, and
Europe.
Leonard Bertsch : Lawyer ; businessman. Spent 1945-48 in Korea as a political
analyst and adviser to General Hodge.
Michel Mouskhely : Professor of political science, University of Strasbourg.
Visiting lecturer at Harvard, Boston, Johns Hopkins, Vanderbilt, and Fisk
Universities.
A. J. Muste : Secretary Emeritus of the Fellowship of Reconciliation. Author
of Not by Might.
Channing Liem : Professor of political science at Pennsylvania College for
Women.
James T. C. Liu : Assistant professor of history. University of Pittsburgh.
William H. Hinton : Recently returned from several years' work in Communist
China.
GENERAL THEME : CONFLICT OF INTERESTS IN ASIA
Moderator : Richard McCoy
Friday, March 19, 1954 :
7-7 : 45 p. m. : Registration in the lobby of the chapel.
8 p. m. : Address and forum. The Declaration of Independence in Asia, Sid Lens.
Brief comments by : Leonard Bertsch, Michel Mouskhely, A. J. Muste,
Channing Liem, James T. C. Liu, William H. Hinton. (All main sessions will
be held in the chapel.)
Saturday, March 20, 1954 :
10 a. m. : Asia Looks Ahead, symposium with Channing Liem, James T. C. Liu,
and William H. Hinton.
11 : 30 a. m. : Seminars. Institute members will divide into small groups with
faculty as resource leaders.
1 p. m. : Luncheon : What American Policy in Asia Will Best Serve the People
of the World? — Leonard Bertsch.
3-4 p. m. : Seminars as in the morning,
6 p. m. ; Dinner.
8 p. m. : Address and forum. Necessary Conditions for Peace in Asia, Michel
Mouskhely. Followed by comments of faculty.
Sunday, March 21, 1954:
10 a. m. : Information Please session with faculty as panel of experts.
11 : 30 a. m. : Meeting for worship with Pittsburgh Friends.
1 p. m. : Dinner, Asia's Challenge — America's Opportunity, A. J, Muste.
COSTS
Program and registration fee, including luncheon and dinner on Saturday,
and dinner on Sunday, $6 ; students, $4.50. Program and registration fee with-
out meals, $3 ; students, $1. Admission to single session, 75 cents ; students 50
cents. Single luncheon on Saturday, $1; dinner, $1.50; Sunday dinner, $1.75.
Requests for overnight hospitality without charge for college students should
be sent not later than March 15, to George F. Parker, chaplain, Pennsylvania
College for Women.
Registrations and meal reservations should be sent to: Mrs. Janet Shugart,
5742 Darlington Road, Pittsburgh 17. Phone : Jackson 1-7377.
The Chairman. Senator Welker?
Senator Welker. Since the witness has now opened up certain sub-
ject matter and has given us the name of one such organization, I will
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1769
ask the witness, if he can, to give the names of all the other groups and
organizations he has addressed; since he has opened up the subject
matter here, without claiming his privilege, and I believe it is the law
that we are entitled to know now all the groups and organizations.
The Chairman. I think that is a proper question, Mr. Hinton. You
will respond.
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the grounds of the fifth
amendment.
The Chairman. I order and direct that you respond to the question.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. HiNTON. On advice of counsel, I respectfully adhere to my
previous answer.
Senator Welker, I would like to call to the Chair's attention that
the fifth amendment is a personal privilege to be enjoyed, and it is not
to be so advised by counsel.
The Chairman. The Senator is correct. You can only exercise the
fifth amendment privilege on your own, and not on advice of someone
else. Now will you respond to the question ?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that, on the grounds of the fifth
amendment.
The Chairman. All right. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. You have done some writing since returning to the
United States?
Mr. HiNTON. Here again, I think that is certainly a right which I
have under the first amendment, as to whatever I might write or say.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, again let me admonish you that this
committee does not recognize your right to refuse to answer questions
under the first amendment to the Constitution.
Mr. HiNTON. Am I directed to answer that question ?
The Chairman. You are ordered and directed to answer that ques-
tion.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. Could you repeat the question ?
(The reporter read the question referred to.)
Mr. Hinton. I have written some things.
Mr. Carpenter. I hand you, here, an article entitled "Travelogue :
Yenan to Mongolia," from the Daily People's World, Friday, Janu-
ary 8, 1954, author William Hinton, and I ask you if you are the
author of that article.
Mr. Hinton. I would like to see it.
Mr. Carpenter. You may.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel at length.)
The Chairman. I call to the attention of the people at this hear-
ing that congressional committees have been under some fire for their
method of handling hearings, but in no court of law would a witness
be permitted to sit and visit with his counsel before he responded to a
question. It is being permitted in this hearing. It would not be
permitted in a court of law.
Mr. Hinton. Mr. Chairman, this appears to be a reprint of some-
thing which I wrote while I was in China, and I am not sure whether
it is accurate or whether it is in full what I wrote.
82918°— 54— pt. 23 3
1770 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
The Chairman. But on casual examination, you would say it was
your work, Mr. Hinton ; is that right?
Mr. Hinton. I didn't say that. I said it appears to be a reprint of
an article which I wrote while I was in China.
The Chairman. All right. I think that is sufficient.
Mr. Hinton. I am not sure it is a complete reprint of what I wrote.
The Chairman. I understand that. But you did recognize some
of the work as your writings. I did not ask you whether it was
verbatim.
Mr. Hinton. It appears to be a reprint of something I wrote while
in China.
Senator Welker. It is under your byline, your name?
Mr. Hinton. I didn't get the question.
The Chairman. It is under your byline, your name, William
Hinton ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I didn't even know that an article of mine had
been
Senator Welker. That is not answering my question.
Mr. Hinton. In that publication.
Senator Welker. I will get to that in a moment. You saw the
article handed you by counsel, and you saw your name, William
Hinton. Is that correct?
Mr. Hinton. My name is William Hinton.
Senator Welker. Did you ever write anything called Travelogue :
Yenan to Mongolia?
Mr. Hinton. No, I didn't write anything with that title.
The Chairman. Did someone else write it and put your name to
it?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
]\Ir. Hinton. I haven't even had time to read this thing. As far
as I know, I never wrote anything with that title.
Senator Welker. We will get into that a little later.
In a box at the bottom of page 1 of this exhibit, or the front page of
this exhibit, these words are typed :
About the author : William Hinton is a United States agronomist who has
spent the last several years in China. This article describes a trip he took to
visit his brother-in-law, Sidney Engst, at a livestock experimental farm in Inner
Mongolia.
The Chairman. Is that an apt description, Mr. Hinton? Would
that identify you?
Mr. Hinton. That certainly could well refer to me. I have written
about a trip in China, but I certainly had no knowledge of its being
printed in this paper.
The Chairman. Where was that article published, that you wrote ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I wrote an article about that subject for the China
Monthly Review.
The Chairman. For the China Monthly Review, published in
China?
Senator Welker. Do you have a brother-in-law by the name of
Sidney Engst, E-n-g-s-t, who works at a livestock experimental
station in Inner Mongolia ?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1771
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let tlie record show that the witness, before re-
sponding?, conferred with his counseh
Mr. Hinton. Yes, mj' brother-in-law goes by that name. I mean,
he has that name.
Senator Welker. He goes by that name?
Mr. Hinton. That is his name.
Senator Welker. Do you care to tell us anything more about your
brother-in-law that might be helpful to the committee?
The Chairman. This will go into the record and become a part of it.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 42G" and is
as follows :)
Exhibit No. 426
[From Daily People's World, January 8, 1954]
Travelogue: Yenan to Mongolia
it is rugged country, china's northwest — pack trains, cave homes, packs of
wild dogs — endless country, and timeless, yet with it all a sense of the
change to come
By William Hinton
(About the author : AViiliaiu Hinton is a United States agronomist who Las
spent the last several years in China. This article describes a trip he took to
visit his brother-in-law, Sidney Engst, at a livestock experimental farm in
Inner Mongolia.)
Yenan! How much it means to all China and to the whole world! And yet
seeing now this little winding town between the towering loess hills, all that
glorious past seems like a dream, hard to recall. For today Yenan is like any
other hill town, crowded with peasants buying in the stores. Workers v.alk
the streets in the evening. The latest New Year's pictures are on sale every-
where. The only thing to remind one of history is the memorial hall, where
historical objects are on display.
One keeps repeating to oneself, "This is Yenan. This is the base from which
the revolution liberated all of China." And yet when one sees this quiet place
and these immense hills it seems incredibly more difficult than one had
thought before.
I went up onto the hills above the town, past the many layers of caves where
the majority of Yenanites live, up to the very heights now disfigured by decaying
trenches and fortifications left behind by Hu Tsung-non's Kuomintang troops.
The hills here have a strange appearance — like the drooping petals of many-
petaled flowers. The slopes of loess overhang each other. On these incredible
slopes the peasants plow and plant and harvest. The hills are old and scarred,
brown and bare, with never a tree to grace the crest. Yet the land.scape is not
without coloring, brought on by the play of light and shade on the many-sur-
faced knolls and ridges.
Beginning a few days before New Year's all traffic on the roads ceases and
everybody makes for home. Tiiere is nothing a would-be traveler can do but
wait 10 to 15 days until things pick up again. I was afraid it was already
so close to New Year's that I could never get a mule and a guide to take me north,
but I hooked up with the last pack train out of Yenan before the holidays.
The muleteer had 12 donkeys and 3 mules in his string, with 3 men to care
for them. Each animal belonged to a different relative — uncle, brother, brother-
in-law — and they were entrusted to this man for the trip. He had come to
Yenan with salt from Ting Byan. On the trip north with me there were several
government workers going to their homes for New Year's, and an old peasant
named Kang on his way home to Anbyan.
Our second night was spent at an attractive little inn high up above the road
and carved out of a loess cliff. Here the hills have lost that flower-petal appear-
ance and are simply scarred and treeless domes and ridges cut here and there by
deep gullies.
The inn itself consisted of 2 caves, 1 with a door to the outside and the other
connected to the first by a narrow passage, and with only a window opening to
1772 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
the outside. This type of cave is common enough, but what distinguished this
inn was its extreme neatness and cleanliness. The arched ceiling and walls had
been washed with a light brown paint. Bowls, chopsticlis, and utensils were all
waslied vigorously in hot water and placed neatly on a shelf.
The next day we "turned the mountain" (meaning we crossed the highest
point), and dropped down into a spectacular gorge hundreds of feet deep and cut
in solid rock.
The gorge eventually led into a broad river valley. All along the sides of the
valley, homes and caves were cut into the cliff walls, some of them very extensive
and elaborate and all of them absolutely inaccessible. I was told these were
the hideouts for the people in former times when the Mohammedan horsemen
raided here, killing every living thing they could get their hands on.
The shelters are cut into solid rock high on the cliffs with only handholds in
the rock, or temporary board catwalks as a means of entrance. It was obvious
that at some places there had been drawbridges which could be pulled up, leaving
only a sharp drop between the attackers and the defenders.
In earlier times these places were practically impregnable, since any attacker
would have to come up the smooth face of the cliff and could easily be sent to bis
death with rocks thrown by those hidden in the caves above.
As we went up the valley we passed group after group of peasants going down-
stream. They had been to the fair in the county seat and were going home with
cloth, red paper for door and window decorations, and New Year's pictures.
Some had candy and other delicacies for the children. All were gay and well
dressed. Some were singing as they walked along.
If you did not see these people living here you would not believe that these
mountains could support such a population. The hills are so barren, dry, and
steep it seems hopeless to try to plant anything. Yet they raise good crops
and keep lots of livestock.
Dz Tan Hsien is a tiny place, hardly as big as an ordinary village on the
plains, yet here, where a village consists of three houses, it is a regular metropolis.
There is only one street, lined with houses and shops surrounded by the ruins of
an ancient earthen wall and watchtowers. All around are high loess hills.
In the back of the town is a large building set on a hill, the memorial to Liu
Dz Tan, who built here the old Shan-Kan-Ning border region. He was born in
this town and educated at Yulin middle school, where there was a Communist
Party group. There he and Kao Kang became Communists and returned to the
hills to set up a peasant soviet. They organized the "Red Spears" in the moun-
tains, and gradually built up the region to which the whole Communist Party
leadership and Red Army finally advanced at the end of the long march.
Liu Dz Tan was killed in battle toward the beginning of the anti-Japanese
war. He will never be forgotten by the Chinese people. Some day not far off
when the highway goes through here his memorial will be enlivened with many
visitors.
Pao An, as this county was called before, was once the capital of the whole
border region and the home of the Communists' Central Committee. Here the
famous Red Army Academy was set up, and Mao Tse-tung gave his lectures
on strategic problems of China's revolutionary war. Generals like Lin Piao
and Peng Teh-huai were the students.
Of course, the w^hole population turned out to see "the foreigner." I had
become used to this in my travels — the friendly curiosity and laughter at my light
hair and bins eyes, but especially the "gao-bi-tze" (big nose) by which all for-
eigners are known. Tonight it seemed too much. I was tired from the trip.
But the people were insistent ; they poked their fingers through the paper on the
windows and peeked through. Others pushed their way through the door when
someone brought me hot water. Finally two government workers came into
my room.
"You should talk to these people," they said. "They have never seen a for-
eigner before and they want to be friendly."
Of course, they were right. I opened the door and all of us spent a pleasant
evening talking of this and that.
The next morning we were off just before dawn. Here and there on the hills
a flock of sheep grazed on the dry remains of last year's grass. In the valley two
donkey colts fought playfully. A peasant in a sheepskin rode by on a mule.
It seemed as if it had always been this way, as if nothing had changed, would
change, or could change.
So it seemed on the surface. Here there are no trains, no trucks, no tractors,
no factories, not even any oil wells.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1773
And yet this is only the surface. In these hills live people who l<now that
this area will move forward with the rest of China until it is unrecognizable.
It will be pushed forward by these very same men and women who are hacking
at the hills with mattocks and scouring the gullies for brush for their cooking
fires. They arc attendlnjj; evening classes for literacy, and they are learning to
let their children choose freely their wives and husbands. They are organizing
into mutual-aid teams and learning to select seeds.
As the days went by I began to get better acquainted with old man Kang.
He was on his way back from a tremendous trip west, 1,.'5()0 li beyond Lancbow,
where he went to see his son, an apprentice mechanic in an army truck repair
base. This trip was a great event in the old man's life, as he had never been
out of this area before.
He was most impressed by Lanchow, by the great iron bridge over the Yellow
Eiver, by the airport, the construction work going on, the whole layout of the
town. He was also greatly impressed by the dancing performance given by a
troupe of Soviet artists while he was at the army base. lie talked about this
many times. He was also ph>nsed as Tunch by the treatment being given his
son, and the high prestige of the new trade the boy is learning.
Kang lives only a mile from the livestock farm at San Byan. All the way up
through the hills he kept telling anyone who would listen about the wonders of
this farm, the Soviet stallions, tiie milk cows, the Sinkiang sheep that are bred
by "injection."
This last caused a great deal of comment. Breeding by "injection," as they
call artificial insemination, is unbelievable to most of the mountain folk, but
Kang maintained stanchly that it really worked and produced excellent lambs.
I think a good portion of his listeners thought he was telling tall tales, but some
believed him, too. There are a lot of new things these days and it doesn't pay
to be too incredulous.
I found old Kang to be really a very lively and progressive person, and when
I got to his home, a little mud hut out on the edge of the desert with a corral
made of sticks for a few stragging sheep, I thought even more of him. The
settlers here were all Catholics. As Kang said, "We had to be or they wouldn't
let us settle down here. All the land belonged to the church."
They all came in the last 15 or 20 years on land that used to be Mongol pasture.
They are anything but wealthy. To leave this hut and go off by foot, by truck
and by train almost to Sinkiang to see his sou in the army — it is really a tre-
mendous thing.
At noon, after leaving the Tiger Lair Ridge, we came to a little inn far up
another wild gorge. As we went north the caves got bigger and more capacious
and this inn consisted of a high vaulted chamber cut out of loess. The walls
and ceiling were blackened by smoke, but the woman who ran it had spent no
little time and pains painting a beautiful border design around the wall. It re-
minded me of American Indian pottery designs — geometric patterns formed by
sharply zigzagging lines in black and white.
On the wall was a notice from the "Old Liberated Areas Visiting Group." In
1951 groups were sent out from Peking to visit all the old border regions and
Soviet areas, to investigate conditions, listen to the people's problems and help
work out plans for swift development.
Testifying to the fact that these groups not only got to the old areas but
had their message widely spread throughout the region was this announcement
on the wall of the cave, saluting the people of the border region and explaining
the purpose of the visiting group.
The next day we crossed what seemed an endless series of low ridges and rolling
valleys, and liere and there came across patches of sand. Although the guide
said we were almost to the plain I couldn't see how we were going to get there
because the land kept going up. What was happening was that we were climbing
up out of the mountains.
We went up through a narrow cut in the hills, a sort of gulley in the loess,
and suddenly came out upon the Mongolian plain. The country had been gradu-
ally opening out but I was not prepared for the sight that greeted us here. This
country was endless. Before us the land fell away slowly for about 15 miles and
then ro.se up again for about 15 more. Then came the sand.
As far as we could see to east and west this was the same pattern, a great
natural basin bounded on the north by sand and on the south by mountain ridge.
We could see trees, farms, villages, even church spires here and there. Every-
thing seemed very clear and near, and yet at the same time far away. Distances
were hard to judge and so were directions.
1774 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
As we went down into the basin ttie country seemed to level out and become
even more confusing. Finally, by asking our way, we came to a village Old
Kang knew well. It was here that I saw the necessity for the stout stick he
had urged me to carry along. A pack of wild looking dogs made for us as we
passed each farm, growling and baring their teeth for all the world as though
they wanted to eat us up. Which they probably did. There are many stories
In these parts about dogs that ate unwary travelers.
We finally saw Old Kang to his home and I made for the livestock farm with
my heart in my mouth for fear that Sid, my brother-in-law whom I had come
all this way to see, might have already left for the south. But no, he was still
there. They ushered me in through a gate at what looked like it might be the
village school and then into a mud-walled compound where five rams were feeding
from a wooden trough. The curtain of one of the doors of this compound was
pulled aside and there was Sid, comfortably en.sconced in, of all things, a beach
chair.
The first thing he said was, "Hinton, where in hell did you get such a big
nose !"
Mr. Hinton. What was the question ?
Senator Welker. I asked if you would care to tell us any more about
your brother-in-law.
Mr. Hinton. I can't think of anything more that would be of in-
terest to the committee about my brother-in-law.
Senator Welker. I would like to ask that the witness, at the close
of the hearing, be asked to read the exhibit heretofore presented to
him and either admit or deny under oath whether or not he wrote that
article.
And the concluding question is : Do you have any idea, Mr. Hinton,
how the People's Daily World happened to plagiarize your writing 'i
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Ke])orter.
Mr. Hinton. I don't think the term "plagiarize" is correct.
Senator Welker. Someone who uses other people's material without
consent is said to have plagiarized that material. You are not going
to argue with me on that, are you, Mr. Hinton ?
Mr. Hinton. I thought "plagiarize" had a different meaning. I
have no knowledge of how or why this publication should publish
that article.
Senator Welker. And this is the first time, to your knowledge, that
you ever heard of it being used by this publication ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Welker. Do you intend to make an objection to them for
using it without your consent ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. HiNTON. I don't have any objection to it.
Senator Welker. And had they asked you prior to publishing that,
you would have been glad to give your consent to them to use the
article and print it?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. They probably would have been given permission.
Senator Hendrickson. Mr. Hinton, in referring to your brother-in-
law, you said "He goes by that name." Just what did you mean by
that?
Mr, Hinton. That is his name. That is what I meant.
Senator Hendrickson. Was he christened by that name?
Mr. Hinton. I certainly think so.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1775
Senator Hendrtckson. Was he g\ven that name by his parents?
Mr. HiNTON. Yes, as far as I know.
The Chairman. He is married to your sister Joan ?
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Tlie Chairman. Does she still fjo by the name of Joan Hinton, or
does she take her husband's name?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. She jgoes by the name of Joan Plinton.
The Chairman. She does not take the married name?
Mr. Hinton. No.
Senator Hendrickson. Mr. Chairman, in Mr. Hinton's statement
he said this :
In China I worked in both Nationalist and Commnnist-led areas. I traveled
widely, from Harbin to I.aiichow, and from Chabar to central Ilonan — -east and
west 2,000 miles, north and south 1,000 miles. I saw conditions in the country-
side and in the cities, on farms, and in factories. I learned to speak and read
the language. I talked with thousands of Chinese from all walks of life and
from all parts of the country.
How close did you <ret to the Korean border?
Mr. Hinton. I tliink Mukden was as close as I ever got; the city of
Mukden.
Senator Hendrickson. How far is that from the Korean border?
Mr. Hinton. Oh, that is quite a ways.
Senator Hendrickson, You say "quite a ways." How many miles?
IMr. Hinton. I don't know. I would have to get an atlas to look
that up.
Senator Hendrickson. Well, there is a prison camp there; isn't
there?
Mr. Hinton. Not that I know of. I don't know.
Senator Hendrickson. Where they hold United Nations prisoners?
Mr. Hinton. I have no knowledge of it.
Senator Hendrickson. You have no knowledge of it at all ?
Mr. Hinton. No.
Senator Hendrickson. Where were you born ?
Mr. Hinton. In Chicago, 111.
Senator Hendrickson. And you are a native American; are you
not?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Senator Hendrickson. Have you ever changed your name since
the date of your birth, or have you always been William Hinton?
Mr. Hinton. I have always been William Hinton.
Senator Hendrickson. In your statement, you said :
Chinese from different walks of life told me again and again that they only
wanted to be left alone to get on with the work of building up their country. I
feel certain that that desire is sincere, and that no government can hope to lead
the Chinese into aggressive adventures abroad.
What led them into the Korean action ?
Mr. Hinton. Well, they felt that their country was threatened by
the drive of the United Nations troops toward the Yalu River border.
The Chairman. Did the same reason apply to Indochina?
Mr. Hinton. As far as I know, they were not fighting in Indochina.
The Chairman. They were not. All right.
Senator Hendrickson. Now, they did go into the Korean action,
did they not, Mr. Hinton ?
1776 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. HiNTON. That is common knowledge ; yes.
Senator Hendrickson. Then why do you say no government can
hope to lead the Chinese into aggressive adventures abroad?
Mr. HiNTON. They don't regard that as an aggression abroad. It
was, from their point of view, a defense of their borders, when the
western troops drove on their borders.
Senator Hendrickson. Were there sizable troop formations in the
area in which you lived? Chinese-troop formations?
Mr, HiNTON. Not that I was aware of.
Senator Hendrickson. Of the Chinese Republic ?
Mr^ HiNTON". Not that I was aware of.
Senator Hendrickson. You never saw any troops there?
Mr. HiNTON. Oh, I saw soldiers once in a while ; yes.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see them in formation?
Mr. HiNTON. You mean marching ?
Senator Hendrickson. Yes.
Mr. HiNTON. Yes.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see them in maneuvers in the
field?
Mr. HiNTON. I don't think I ever did, no.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see them under arms, carry-
ing weapons ?
Mr, Hinton. Carrying rifles, yes.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you ever see any cannon or heavy
artillery ?
Mr^ HiNTON. Oh, yes. I saw some.
Senator Hendrickson. Where did they get their artillery from?
Mr. HiNTON. They captured most of it from the Nationalist forces,
and the artillery I saw was American artillery.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you identify any of the artillery and
equipment as Russian ?
Mr. HiNTON. In later years they had some Russian trucks and
things.
Senator Hendrickson, How about their planes? Were they active
in the air ?
Mr. HiNTON. Oh, they used to have a few planes flying around.
Senator Hendrickson. What kind of planes were they? Could
you tell us by name ?
Mr. HiNTON. Around Peking I saw some jets occasionally. I don't
know what kind of jets or where they came from, but they had some
jet planes.;
Senator Hendrickson. Did you see any factories where they manu-
factured their own planes?
Mr. HiNTON. No, I didn't see any such factories.
Senator Hendrickson^ That is all.
Senator Welker. Right on that subject, I would like to ask the
witness, along the line of Senator Hendrickson's questions.
In your statement you say no country can lead the Chinese into
aggressive adventures abroad. I suppose you have read about the
incident of the shooting down of the British airliner, and, as to some
of our rescue planes, the fact that they fired upon American aircraft,
and that two of them were shot dowai by Americans. Now, how do
you account for that? They were in a peaceful area. Apparently,
at least, from what we hear, our people were trying to save human
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1777
lives, and they were shot at by these people that you say are so
peaceful and cannot be led into aggression. They were in a peaceful
area, so I am informed. Do you care to connnent on that, Mr.
Hinton?
Mr. Hinton. Well, it is common knowledge that the Formosan
Government today is conducting a kind of guerrilla warfare against
the Chinese mainland. This was written up fairly completely in an
article which I believe was published recently in the Reader's Digest
and also published in the Los Angeles Times, or Daily News — I can't
remember just which newspaper. But there are constant pinprick
attacks from Formosa, and they are quite on the alert for airplanes
coming in close to the Chinese mainland.
Senator Welker. Do you think they are on the alert to the extent
that they would shoot down an easily recognized domestic airliner
carrying innocent people? A commercial airliner?
Mr. Hinton. I think they recognized that as a mistake and made
an apology.
Senator Welker. They have made an apology on that?
Well, now, how do you account for the fact that they attempt to
shoot down our own American boys out on a mission of mercy trying
to save human lives ?
Mr. Hinton. I think it would be quite difficult for them to dis-
tinguish between our own Navy planes and the planes the Nationalists
have, since they are also supplied by us as far as I know. So that
they are quite jumpy about planes approaching their shores.
Senator Welker. I imagine they are quite jumpy. And the fact
of the matter is that if they are such humanitarian people as you
have told the committee, they knew that some people were in the ocean
and likely to die, and perhaps most of them have drowned, or been
killed, and yet they did not use very much effort to find out whether
these were Chiang's forces or whether it was our own boys out on a
mission of mercy trying to save human lives.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. Well, I think in regard to this, it is something that
happened just recently, and the full story has not really come out
on it.
Furthermore, it happened a long, long way from here, right on the
China coast. And I would not care to comment further on that
incident.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. You did visit your brother-in-law, Engst, in Inner
Mongolia ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the grounds of the fifth
amendment, as previously.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit your sister in Inner Mongolia ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
Senator Welker. Did you visit anybody in Inner Mongolia?
Mr. Hinton. I respectfully decline to answer that.
Senator Welker. You decline to answer whether you visited a shoe
shop, a drugstore, or anything else, or the proprietor thereof?
1778 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT
Mr. HiNTON. I respectfully refuse to answer that.
Senator Hendrickson. Now, Mr. Hinton, for the record, will you
tell the committee how you arrived home, what mode of travel you
followed?
Mr. HiNTON. What mode of travel I followed ?
Senator Hendrickson. What mode of travel.
Mr. Hinton. I came by plane, train, and ship, and car.
Senator Hendrickson. Where did you take the train ?
Mr. HiNTON. I took the train from Peking across Siberia, the
Trans-Siberian Railroad, to Prague, Czechoslovakia. From there I
flew by plane to London. From England I took a ship to Quebec,
Canada.
Senator Hendrickson. You did pass through Soviet Russia, then,
did you not ?
Mr. HiNTON. I traveled through the whole of it.
Senator Hendrickson. And you had a stopover in Moscow?
Mr. HiNTON. I changed trains in Moscow.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you have any conferences or conversa-
tions or meetings with anybody in Moscow ?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds
previously stated, the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. The same record.
Senator Hendrickson. Then from Prague, you took a plane, didn't
you?
Mr. HiNTON. From Prague I took a plane.
Senator Hendrickson. And then came home by ship from what
port?
Mr. Hinton. Liverpool, if I remember correctly.
Senator Hendrickson. To Quebec?
Mr. Hinton. What is that?
Senator Hendrickson. From Liverpool to Quebec?
Mr. Hinton. That is right.
Senator Hendrickson. Now, you have been shown this article here,
Mr. Hinton, and I notice at the top of the article are some pictures.
Did you furnish any pictures for the article that you wrote initially?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. No ; I didn't furnish any pictures.
Senator Hendrickson. Well, did you ever take these pictures, or
did anybody take them for you?
Mr. Hinton. I would like to see that.
The Chairman. Hand it to the witness.
Mr. Hinton. I never saw these pictures before.
Senator Hendrickson. They are completely unfamiliar to you?
Mr. Hinton. Completely unfamiliar to me.
Senator Hendrickson. You cannot identify the scenes or the back-
ground in any way ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with
his counsel before responding to the question of Senator Hendrickson.
Mr. Hinton. I don't doubt that they may be authentic pictures, but
I have never seen them before.
Senator Hendrickson. Do you have a camera ?
INTLRLOCKENG SUBVERSION EST GOVERNMENT 1779
Mr. HiNTON. I don't possess a camera.
Senator Hendrickson. Did you when you came home?
Mr. HiNTON. No.
Mr. Carpenter. I would like to have introduced into the record this
travelofj.
Tlie Chairman. It is in the record and will be a part of the record.
Mr. Mandel, do you have anything; on the Daily People's World?
Mr. Mandel. The Daily People's World has been characterized by
the California Committee on Un-American Activities in its report of
1948 as "the west coast mouthpiece of the Communist Party."
Mr. Carpenter. On wjiat kind of a passport did you travel when
you went through Russia to Prague ?
Mr. HiNTON. At that time, my United States passport was invalid,
because it had run out, and I did not use it to travel, and I could not
renew it in China, because there were no American cliplomatic repre-
sentatives in China. So I traveled to Czechoslovakia with a Chinese
exit permit.
Mr. Carpenter. And was that picked up in Prague?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the grounds of the fifth
amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Was an American passport issued to you at Prague ?
Mr. Hinton. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you fill out any forms when you received that
passport?
Mr. Hinton. I made an application for passport.
Mr. Carpenter. You filled out an application. On that, did you
take an oath that you had not been employed by a foreign govern-
ment and that you had not belonged to any organization that had
for its purpose the overthrow of or bearing arms against the United
States?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. I made application on a printed form, on which I made
a number of changes, and this was accepted, and I don't remember
just how the wording went.
jNIr. Carpenter. What were those changes you made ?
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I don't remember just the wording of the changes.
Mr. Carpenter. In other words, this form did not satisfy you,
and you made certain changes that you do not remember now?
Mv. Hinton. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. You do not have any idea what those changes
were ?
Mr. Hinton. I don't remember the wording of the changes.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have this copy en-
tered into the record and made a part thereof. This is a copy of a
blank application.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 427" and is
as follows:)
1780
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 427
(VxrinDSP-tl
K^Tha Ufi] Im far ■ f»Mptrt U tit. In c«TT«ncT
m r«ii*l euoay ardtf, u>i II faf uKviton ol
Th« iMil Ua ti tlO. It U BnnMatMrT t« pa; anr
«lbaf (•• l« mr pa/ion In connacltoo with ih* fiJIic^
eol ix •■aCBliftD af llut ipHKalioa tt for abliininf
lb* paa*P«rt. AD nacaiur; in/armatioa and luidince
wU ba litwi tpaJictol bf lfa« clerk a( caurl m Paiiport
A|aat bafora wmb (Im ■^licaliao UKUt be aitcuted.
Aji applicallaa axaculaj bafera aa; aihar »&ctal it
««t anaytahla.
Ukitbd States or Auerica
State or .
County or , ..lh. ...i.. l --,-,---,.
DEPARTMENT OP STATE
PASSPORT APPLICATION
Bodgst Bure&a Ko. <7-&on. 1
FORM FOR NATIVE CITIZEN
(Edition or IW7I
Bucute And attach PART TWO if member* of
family arc CO be Included io paaiport
(Do not usfi Ibis spaoe)
0)
o
I, , a Citizen of the United States,
(Name in full)
do hereby apply to the Department of State, at Washington, for a passport. I solemnly swear that I was born at
(Town or city) (Provinccor county) (Stat« or country)
I am domiciled in the United States, my permanent resident* being at
.., on . .
(Street address)
„, State of .
(Town or city)
I have resided outside the United States as fcllowa:
<SUt« name of, and parted of rastdanca In, a«ch laralf n caun(nr>
..., from .
to .
(Naroes of countries)
-.., from
to .
Z 5
•9 g;
Hy father,
on or about
„« , was born at .
(Name) , , .
/ deceased.
— — —. and is now \ residing at
(The foUowlOff portion In this biocli to be filled la only by a person whose father vaa not bom In the United States)
My father emigrated to the United States on or about .
I 1 , resided
(Year)
(Month)
years continuously in the United States from 1 to 1 , and was naturalized as a citizen of the United
States before the „ Court of
at
(City)
(Bute)
on
(Month and day)
(Vear)
My mother, „ , was born at
(Nanie) , , ,
f deceased.
on or about _ , and is now \ residing at ,
(The following portion ia this block to be tilled in only by a person whose mother waa not bom In the United Slatea)
, I , resided .
(Year)
My mother emigrated to the United States on or about
(Month)
years continuously in the United States from I to „ She acquired citizenship in the United States
by _ -
DESCRIPTION OF APPLICANT
Height feet, Inches.
Hair
Distinguishing marks or features .
( Not« any marks or scare on
hands or face by which applicant may be identified)
Place ol birth
(CIt; abd Slate)
Date Ol birth.
Occupation..
(Moatb, da/, and year)
MAILING ADDRESS
(Piiol compleie address plaialy)
(Do Dot U3e this space)
My last American passport was obtained from
and is Bubmitted herewith for cancellalion ,
on
(Insert WasblnstOQ or location ol Isaulng office) (Date)
COlve dispoalUoft of passport U It cannot be submHted)
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1781
I was
f never married.
\ I&st mamcd od ..«
to
who wa« boro at i.
and who is now residing at
f has not been terminated.
; who
\ia Dot;
ao American citlienc
/^ - «-«.««« i has not been terminated.
Vmt mamaee j ^.^ terminated by (death) (divorce) <
(Dftle of dcAtb or dlvorc*)
A WOMAN APPLICANT WHO IS OR HAS BEEN MARRIED MUST FILL IN THIS PORTION
My maiden name was «— « —,— — — . — __» — .— . ^ — « , and
I f was not previously married.
\ was previously married to — .- — —
t r UJ> name ui lurmcr nuotiuiu/
, who waa born
on .
at..
-, at .
INuie)
(Full name of former husband)
' (City and SUt«)
_, and the marriage was terminated ''y {divorce J "" "
Clf marriad more than twkt, aet forth (acts In a iupplamcntil »taiam«nl>
THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION IS REQUIRED ONLY IF HUSBAND OR FORMER HUSBAND WAS NOT lORN IN THE UNITED STATES
My{Jormer1>usband} •^^'B^^^'^i t" '^^ ""i'^'^ StaUs on
and! {j'^ ^'^^^" "■"■■(SiJieVf'rirhVr") } was naturalized ai a citizen of the United States before the
(Manse of (alhtr)
Court of _ at
(Month, day. and year)
(City and Sutc)
as shown by the Certificate of Naturalization {^«^™;,'„t|fy';X-.>^';-j.
MY TRAVEL PLANS ARE AS FOLLOWS
Port of departure
Approximate date of departure
Proposed length of stay abroad
Means of transportation
Countries to be visited
(Name of sbip or air line)
Purpose of trip
PASTE PHOTOGRAPH HERE
Passport photographs must be on thin
photographic paper; have a plain, light
background; show full front view of appli-
cant, and have been taken within 6 months
of date submitted. Photographs that are
not a good likeness of the applicant will not
be accepted by the Clerk or Agent.
The Clerk or Agent will not accept the
application unless he is fully satisfied of its
bona fides and the identity of the applicant.
Seal of Court or Passport Agency must be
impressed, on the lower portion of the photo-
graph attached hereto, in such a manner as
not to obscure the features of any person
included therein.
CTha Clei k of Court or Paitpert A^ent should net
Impreaa teal on loosa photo(raplY>
I solemnly swear that the statements on both sides of this application are true and that the photograph attached
. hereto is a likeness of me.
I 1 1 }j^™ , I been naturalized as a citizen of a foreign state; taken an oath or made an affirmation or other formal
declaration of allegiance to a foreien state; entered or served in the armed forces of a foreign state; accepted or performed
the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of a foreign state or political subdivision thereof; voted
in a political election in a foreign slate or participated in an election or plebiscite to determine the sovereignty over foreign
territory; made a formal renunciation of nationality before a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign
state; been convicUd by court martial of deserting the military or naval servjce of the United States in time of war; been
convicted by court martial, or by a court of competent jurisdiction, of committing any act of treason against, or of attempt-
ing by force to overthrow, or of bearing arms against the United States. .
OATH OF ALLEGIANCE
Further, I do solemnly swear that 1 will support and defend the Constitution of the United Stales against all enemies,
foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; and that I take this obligation freely, without
any mental reservation, or purpose of evasion: So help me God.
(Signature of applicant)
Subscribed and sworn to before me this
[Seal or ColrtJ .-.
, day of
-,19._
Cferit of the ~ Cmrt ot .
AFFIDAVIT OF IDENTIFYING WITNESS
I, the nndcrsigned, solemnly swear that I am a citizen oi the United States; that I reside at the address written below my
Signature hereto affixed; that I know the applicant who executed the affidavit hereinbefore set forth to be a citizen of tha
United States; that the statements made in the applicant's affidavit are true to the best of my knowledge and belief ; further,
1 solemnly swear that 1 have known the applicant personally for — years!
It witnata hat b««n Issued a pastpoH, slve number If known an4
^ta ee apprexintata data ot Issue.
(Sixoatur* of witncaa)
No.
Date of Issue .
No lawyer or other person will be accepted as witness to a passport
application if he has received or cifecls to receive a fee for his terv-
icea in conoecUon with the execution of the applicauon or obtainios
Uie passport.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this
(Siu OP C°<nrJ — — — — — —
(RcUtionthlp to applicant : If not related, so tUU)
(Beaidenec address of witnest)
-_„. day of .
CIcrfc of the
. Cmrt at
For sala by the SuperlntiiDdent of Doculpemj, OovcmmcDt PrlDtlDg Office, WasUoftoa 3S, D. 0.
v. S. OOVtBNUtNT PKINTINC OFFlCt ; ISiZ 0 ■ 213tS5
,19
CPO B 3' '2>B>
1782 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
The Chairman. Let me ask on this: Did you change any of this
wording :
I solemnly swear that the statements on both sides of this application are
true and that the photograph attached hereto is a likeness of me.
I have (have not) been naturalized as a citizen of a foi'eign state; taken an
oath or made an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign
state; entered or served in the armed forces of a foreign state; accepted or
performed the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of
a foreign state or political subdivision thereof; voted in a political election in
a foreign state or participated in an election or plebiscite to determine the
sovereignty over foreign territory ; made a formal renunciation of nationality
before a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign state;
been convicted by court-martial of deserting the military or naval services of the
United States in time of war; been convicted by court-martial, or by a court of
competent jurisdiction, of committing any act of treason against, or of attempt-
ing by force to overthrow, or of bearing arms against the United States.
Did yon change any of that wording ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding to the question, conferred with his counseL
JNIr. HiNTON. I recall that I did not sign it as it is written there;
that changes were made. I don't recall exactly the wording of the
changes, and I believe that the document is in tlie hands of the Gov-
ernment and is certainly available to the committee, I should think.
And why don't we get that?
The Chairiman. We will certainly try to obtain it, Mr. Hinton, but
not all executive documents are available to congressional committees.
What did you change? What change did you make? Could you
help this committee in that respect?
For example, you were employed by a foreign government. Did
you change that?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I can't recall that, without looking at the document.
The Chairman. You don't recall ?
Mr. Hinton. No.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, why do you not cooperate with this
committee ?
Mr. Hinton. I am trying to recall as best I can about this.
The Chairman. Why do you not want to make us as happy as those
people you saw over in Communist China? Why do you not want
smiles on our faces?
Mr. Hinton. I certainly do want smiles on your faces.
The Chairman. Why do you not answer this simple question the
committee has put to you ? Mr. Hinton, are you back here for the ex-
press purpose of spreading Communist propaganda in this country
by such material as this ? Is that your avowed purpose for being here
in this country?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding to the question, consulted with his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. Look, I am not on any charges here. I have not been
accused of any crimes. I am a perfectly loyal American citizen, just
the same as you people, and I am certainly trying to cooperate as best
I can on this matter.
The Chairman. Well, answer that question, then. Answer that
question.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1783
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. Haven't I furnished the answer to that?
The Chairman. No.
Mr. Hinton. I have nothing to add to that.
Tlie Chairman. You have nothing to add. Are you a Communist
now?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, respectfully, on the
basis of the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. I think that answers it fairly fully.
Senator Welker. I will ask one more question.
With respect to the question propounded to you by the chairman
with respect to your oath, "I solemnly swear," wherein he related to you
the statements that you swore to, in that oath that you took before a
person authorized to administer oaths, under the pains and penalties
of perjury if you violated that oath, did you in every respect tell the
truth when you signed that oath? The oath that you were required
to sign in your application for a passport, heretofore read to you by
the Senator?
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sjDonding, conferred with his counsel.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. Well, I think I see what you are getting at, but I
question
Senator Welker. Now, what do you think I am getting at, sir ?
Mr. Hinton. It would be easy, since I don't have the document,
and you don't have the document, to perjure myself on that question,
and I decline to answer it.
The Chairman. You do not need to decline to answer. You can
just say you don't recall, that you don't remember. You do not need
to resort to the fifth amendment on a simple question of that kind. If
you do not remember, say so.
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment, that your answer
might tend to incriminate you?
Mr. Hinton. Yes, sir.
Senator Hendrickson. Just a minute, Mr. Chairman, before you
pass on from this application here.
At the time you signed this, were you duly sworn? Did you take
an oath ? Did you raise your right hand ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the ground of
the fifth amendment.
Senator Hendrickson. Why would you decline to answer that?
Why would you be afraid to tell this committee whether you took aji
oath formally or not?
]\Ir. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same ground.
Senator Hendrickson. You took an oath here today, did you not?
Were you not sworn here today ?
Mr. Hinton. I certainly was.
Senator Hendrickson. That did not do you any harm, did it?
1784 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
The Chairman-. The witness is entitled to the protection of the
fifth amenchnent if he thinks his answer mifjht incriminate him.
]\Ir. CARrENTER. Were you a member of the Communist Party on
the 11th day of May 1945?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question on the same ground.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you, on the 11th day of May 1945 make an
oath as follows, in connection with the Office of War Information:
I, William H. Hinton, * * * do further swear (or aflflrm) that I do not advo-
cate, nor am I a member of any political party or organization that advocates
the overthro-;v of the Government of the United States by force or violence ;
and that during such time as I am an employee of the Federal Government, I
will not advrcate nor become a member of any political party or organization
that advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force
or violence.
Mr. HiNTOisr. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you live up to that oath, Mr. Hinton ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Mr. Carpenter. I give you a photostatic copy of a record signed by
William H. Hinton, and I will ask you if that is your signature?
Mr. Hinton. That appears to be my signature.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 428" and
appears on pp. 1785 and 1786 :)
Mr. Carpenter. Now what, if any, were your dealings with Ben-
jamin H. Kizer, UNREA Director in China ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Jefferson Franklin Ray, Jr., UNRRA Chief of
Far Eastern Affairs?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Tun Pi Wu, chairman, relief committee, Chinese
Communist area.
Mr. Hinton. I believe I met him once.
Mr. Carpenter. You met him once. Did you have any association
with him ?
Mr. Hinton. I simply met him socially.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever have any connection with him in
Communist work ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds
previously stated.
The Chairman. Fifth amendment. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know a Mildred Price?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer.
Mr. Carpenter. Madam Sun Yat Sen?
Mr. Hinton. I met her.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any dealings with her in connec-
tion with the Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds^
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1785
KnndaM Torra Vo. «1
>cf^oTr«: lanuorr 38. 144 J
U. S. QtiI S*r(io« CDomlHloa
<;;. 3. C Ovt. Cb. No. 40e
Exhibit No. 428
OATH OF OFFICE, AFFIDAVIT,
AND
DECLARATION OF APPOINTEE
J??iCE_roRJEa|ERGp.CY..ltt^
(I>»partin»nl or C«(abluKm«ni} CBuraau or OlvUUn)
.C*.
OATH or
omcs
B.
AiTTOAvrr
c.
DECIiARATION
or APPOINTEE
I; .lil3JL«ra..H.t..Rtnfeop ,
Do Eolemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the constitution of the United
States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance
lo the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of
evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office oa which I am
about to enter. SO HELP ME GOD.
./■
IDo further swear (or affirm) that I do not advocate, nor am I a member of any political party
or organization that advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force
or violence; and that during such time as I am an employee of the Federal Goverrunent, I will
not advocate nor become a member of any political party or organization that advocates the
overthrow of the Government of the United States by force or violence.
Do further certify that (1) I have not paid or offered or promised to pay any money or other
thing of value to any person, firm, or corporation for the use of influence to procure my appoinS
ment; (2) I vdW inform myself of and observe the provisions of the Civil Service law and rules
and Executive orders concerning political activity, political assessments, etc., as quoted on
the attached InformaKon for Appointee, and [strike out either (3) or (4)]
(3) the answers given by me in the Declaration of Appointee on the reverse of this sheet
are true and correct;
(4) the answers contained In my Application for Federal Employment, Form No ,
dated , 19 , filed with the above-named department
or establishment, which I have reviewed, are true and correct as of this date, ex-
cept for the follovring (if necessary, use additional sheet; if no exceptions writa
•"none"; If (4) is executed, the reverse of this sheet need not be used):
<Slgnatur« ot Appolntse)
Subscribed and sworn before me this ... day of .7^?". A. D., 19 jf5__
ct.
Washington
D. C.
(Clti)
(Signatura oi Oillc
_Br^_
[SEAL] (Signaturw d C^llcor)
Employee Relatloas Officer - OWI
""■WAct"of',riiH"o"2S,T«i*,""SecV?65»^
NOTE.— If the oath Is token before a Notary Public the dale of expiration o! his commission should be shown
.5Z11/U5.
(Dot* o< Entranc* on Duty)
,„..A3J9fic,..Br.(jpfig8nda..Aa«louit-. » _.2/2/12
(PoBlUon to whli;h appotnl«i> (Dot© ol Birth)
82918«— 54— pt. 28-
1786
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
DECIiARATlOM OF APPOINTEE
Tlili torm, 0 r«^lr*<l It to b« eonpUl^d b«for» •ntraoc* on doff. Ztt qvMttoo moat b« oa«w«r*<L Any folaa ilatamvnl In tltl« d«alofattea will b« gtookj*
Isf CODCAlalioa of oppLcaboa ci dumuval oftar oppoiotiavoL Fab* p*ia6aalioa Ij a crlmiaol oU«as« and wUl bi» pioa»cul«d acooidlcgly.
1. PrMer.l Addrea
n3± j^rm^....^-{ir. S..UJs. U}a^.r^k^..,..P.C......
(Street and Number) (City orx/Slgte) '
:.A...<3.rK^/:4-. j6!Ki.^h»._ M*JLui:„.
8. Who ahould b« notified In com oI «TQsrg«ncy7 .
.^u/W^ Srt^.ktml. ruhvu^ Ur.
/ fStr^ct ond Number) /^ (Qfc and Stole)
ir.onll>.? Y««orNo?..fl/i^. 11 «),
ctvlllon copaaty ony T«latlv« ol yourt {elthar hy blood or marrlogv) with whom you Ilvs or hav* 11v«d within th« poat A
lor each euch f«labve bll m the blonk« below. If addiboruil space la necesaorv. coraplele under Item 12.
Nai»
Pcel<'lf)Ce oddrett
(Givo Btreel number, d ony)
0) PoeiHon and {2) Temporary or not.
employed
EeloBon-
*lp
Married or
tfngl.
Ag.
I.
2.
3
'
3.
1. „
2.
3
4. P1ao« of birth .
.e.hcA<\c>.....^ xik^.s:. , yi.%xA^.
I (TowT-) (Stoto or Country)
Indicala "Ves" or "No" answer by placing X in proper column
Yea
12, Space tar detailed onswern to other ouesUon*.
B. Are YOU n rlHron of the United Slal^s?
..y.
rreM
tiO.
Write in left column number* o( It^ms to whJcb detailed oruwen apply
6. H foroii^ bom hove you fumlshed proal of not'irollasUon or
7. Slnco you fllod opplt;x>tion reaulbnq In Ihls appointment, hoB
there boen ony change In tho stotus oi your citizenship, or cd
X
V
8. (a) Do you hold any portion or ofllco under tho United Slote«
U ao, data Uva place, posiUoa and Aolcry uiidcr lUan 12.
(b) AroyouwiIIing to resign Euch position oroKica If It bocr-rnet
nc'cetsory to do so in ord<;r to hold tSe Fridfrol Doa.lion?
0. Do you receive ony pension or other beni'fit (or miti'iry or
novol oennco cran o nnuily Iron the U.S. orD.C Govommenl
under ony ReljremenI Ad?
1! GO, givo details under Hem 12. slo'jng whether you were rcbrcd
'ior aga, length ol service, or diaobihty; amount of retiromont poy
ond under what retireiTicnl oct and rook, ll rcLrod Irom military
crnovoi fterv.co.
X.
X
10. Sine* you tied opplicatlon roiulting In this appointment,
have you bcon divrhargod (or misconduct or unoalniactory
U to, givo under Item 12 whero employed, name ond oddreu ol
employer and the reoson (or dischorqe In eoch case
y
11. Since you hlod opplication resulHnq In this oppolntment,
have you beenarronted, or cummoned into onv civil or minlory
court OS a deiendant. or indjclod Jor or convicted ci any oJlenso
li .o, (or OQcti coso give under It«m 12 (1) the date. (2) the name
ond locoHon cl the court. (3) the nobjre ol the ollense or vlolotioru
ond (4) tho penalr/, ll ony, ImpOMd. or othrr dispoeitioae
../.\.-
1
l.
., ,
INSTRUCTIONS TO APPOINTING OFFICER
The oppolntinq oHicor befor« whom (ho lorogoing certificate Is made thall
dclermlne to his own aoLdaction thol this appointment would bo in conJorrnonco
With the Civil Service Act. opplicoble civil^scrvico rules, iha Wax Semco Regu-
laUom, and octs ol Congreu pertaining to oppointmenL
This (orm chould bo checV.ad for holdina of off>ce, pension, purchase of crffico,
•uitobilily in connection wi'.h any record ol recent diichorqe or orre&t. promi^o to
obeervo provuions regarding poLtical actavity. cind parbCLilarty lor Iho loUo*^ng:
ni Identity of appoint*^ ^th the applicant whoso appointment wos oulhor-',
Ixed. Tho cppoir.loo s eignoture and hondwnting ore tb be compared wilh the
ODr"-'--'Cii and/or other ptrLnenl papers. The physlcol opfoaranco may bo
chocked ogcin:* the medical certJicote Tho appcmlee moy ol&o bo guesti&ncKl'
on his personal history lor ogrocment with lus previous elalementa.
C) Aae. — H discrepancy exists between the dote of tlrlh and thai on opplica*
tJon, and. I definite ago limits have been established lor the position, It should ba
dkiemunad thai a(.plicanl u Dot oulside tho oge range lor appointmenL
13) ClUaonahip. — Tho recponsibility for obso provitlonf of appropriation
(lets prohiLAog o^ rMtrlcttog ^bo eaiployuenl ol ■ .tens Lea wilh Iho oppointing
Wllcer. The Civil Service Commission Indicates on oppJioallons showino (oretgr*
binh thai citiionehip has bee., venlied. Tho oppcmiin-j ollicer sh-iuid venly
Citizenship ll tho het ol eligibles or the letter ol uulhonty from iht Commluion
imkes tho appointmenl subrect to prool o( citizenship, or il the opplication shows
ior-'^n tirth but does not indicate on iU lace that cihzenship has been proved.
II thio onswer to question 4 of this form showa foreign birth and tho applicatton
Ehowa birth In Iho Uniied Sio'^es, the cose should be rolerrod 10 the Civil Sorvlc#
CommiL^ion.
(4) Meml>eT«of ramilr- — Section 9 of Iho Ovil Service Ad provides thai when*
ever there ore already two or moro tncmtiers of tho (omily in Iho claes'lied si^rvico.
no olher member ol Euch lomity is eligible for appointment in that service- Minors
do not ecloblith a dillcrent fomity merely by living ol an oddrcu diUerenl Irom
thol cl the poreni). Doubtlu) cases involving moro than two members ol lomily.
Including all portlrwnt evidence, should be referred lo the C>vil Service Com*
rriMion or Its duty o'lthorn* ' representatives lor dociticn. Under Wor Service
Regulations, the members o' 'Jy provision dous ncl opply lo teaporary oppolal*
DenU lor ona year or less.
H. $. WVUloatMT MIHtma tftTKt t^>3SUr|
The Chairman. Same record, ISIr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know a Gerald Tannebaiim ?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer that question, on the same ground.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Israel Ej)stein ?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer.
Mr. Carpenter. Frederic V. Field ?
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer.
Mr. Carpenter. T. A. Bisson.
Mr. HiNTON. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Talitha Gerlach ?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1787
Mr. HiNTON. I decline f o answer, on the same grounds.
JNIr. Carpenter. Solomon Acller'^
Mr. HiNTON". Same answer.
Mr. Carpenter. Evans F. Carlson?
Mr. ITiNTON. Same answer.
]\rr. Carpenter. Cli'ao Ting Chi '?
( Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, conferred with his counsel.
]\Ir. HiNTON. I don't recall ever having met such a person.
]\Ir. Carpenter. Do you know John K. Emmerson ?
INIr. HiNTON. I decline to answer.
]\Ir. Carpenter. Did you ever have any dealings with John K.
Ennnerson in Japan when you were there with the Japan Advertiser?
jMr. Hinton. Same answer.
]\[r. Carpenter. Did you ever have any relations with John K.
Enmierson in 1945-46?
jNIr. HiNTON. Same answer.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time, I would like to put in photostatic
copies of the service records of William Hinton while he was en-
gaged in Federal employment with the United States Government.
The Chairman. These records will be properly marked, will be
inserted in the record, and will become a part of the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 429'' and is as
follows :)
1788
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
United States Civil Service Commission,
Service Record Division,
Washington, D. C, July 20, 1954.
Statement of Federal Service
(Notice to individuals: This record shoiild be preserved. Additional copies of
service histories cannot be furnished due to limited personnel in the Commission.
This record may be presented to appointing officers for their inspection.)
Name : Hinton, William H, Date of birth : February 2, 1919.
Authority for original appointment (examination from which appointed or
other authority, Executive order, law, or other exemption) : Schedule A-1-7.
Effective date
Nature of action
Position, grade, salary, etc.
May 11, 1945.
^ug. 31, 1945.
Apr. 9, 1946
Accepted appointment (for duty
outside the United States).
Transfer (Executive Order 9608)...
Separation (involuntary) (com-
pletion of assignment).
Associate propaganda analyst, $3,200 per annum,
OfiBce of War Information, Overseas Branch,
Outpost Service Bureau, Washington, D. C.
Department of State.
Associate propaganda analyst, $3,200 per annum,
State, Outpost Service Bureau, Washington,
D. 0.
A. M. Deem,
Chief, Audit Section.
The above transcript of service history does not include all salary changes,
Intra-agency transfers within an organizational unit not involving changes from
one official headquarters or duty station to another, and promotions or demotions,
since Federal agencies are not required to report all such actions to the
Commission.
Exhibit No. 429
United States Civil Service Commission,
Washington, D. C, July 22, 195^.
Mr. Benjamin Mandel,
Research Director, Internal Security Subcommittee,
Committee on the Judiciary,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Mandel : In accordance with the request in your letter of July 14,
1954, I am enclosing herewith a history of the Federal service of William H.
Hinton, as shown in our service record file.
No application papers are available for Mr. Hinton.
Sincerely yours,
John W. Macy, Jr.,
Executive Director.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
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Senator Welker. I would like to ask this question, INIr. Chairman.
There was a gentleman among those that you were asked whether
you knew or had any connection with who, I believe, came from my
part of the country ; and certainly if he is innocent, this committee
wants to make no reflection whatsoever upon him, and I wonder if you
could resolve any doubt in favor of that individual? I cannot see
Avhy you would embarrass these witnesses by taking the fifth amend-
ment. I want you to search your memory, and if there is any embar-
rassment that may attach to any of these individuals by reason of
your answers to the questions as to whether you know them or
worked for them or anything of that sort, I wish you would resolve
it. Do you see what I mean ?
Mr. PTiNTON. I don't Avant to change any part of that record.
Senator Welker. You do not want to change any part of that
record ?
Mr. HiNTON. That is right.
Senator AVelker. Notwithstanding the fact that some innocent
person might be hurt?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mv. Reporter.
Mr. Hinton. I don't, certainly, accept that this would hurt some-
one.
Senator Welker. You say that your taking of the fifth amend-
ment would not hurt any innocent person? That is all I have to say.
Mr. Carpenter. Are you a brother of Jean Hinton, who was married
to William Greene?
Mr. Hinton. Jean Hinton is my sister.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit at the Greene home?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that question, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Of the fifth amendment? Same record, Mr.
Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever have occasion to stay at the Perro
Caliente Ranch in New Mexico owned by Mr. Oppenheimer?
The Chairman. Is that Robert Oppenheimer ?
Mr. Carpenter. Robert Oppenheimer.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter. The witness con-
ferred before responding.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
]Mr. Carpenter. I have here a telegram from Mr. Lloyd K. Garrison,
attorney for ISIr. Oppenheimer, and I would like this to be placed in
the record at this time relative to Jean Hinton.
It reads as follows :
Confirming my telephone call to yon the passage from Dr. Oppenheimer's cable
to his secretary responsive to yonr inquiry in the Hinton matter reads as follows :
"We gave permission to Joan Hinton, mother and family, to use our ranch Perro
Caliente in upper Pecos for some weeks during wartime summer, probably 1945.
Joan Hinton was niece of Sir Geoffrey Taylor, prominent and most helpful at
wartime Los Alamos." Rest of Dr. Opi)enheimer's cable dealt with matters at
the institute unrelated to your question. I trust that so far as your inquiry con-
cerning the Hinton matter is concerned, the information supplied is adequate.
If you require anything further, please let me know.
1804 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
(The telegram referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 430" and is as
follows:)
Exhibit No. 430
New York, N. Y., July 26, Wolf.
Col. Alva C. Carpenter,
Counsel, Internal Security Subcommittee,
Senate Office Building:
Confirming my telephone call to you the passage from Dr. Oppenheimer's cable
to his secretary resiionsive to your inquiry in the Hinton matter reads as follows :
"We gave permission to Joan Hinton, mother, and family to use our ranch Perro
Caliente in upper Pecos for some vpeeks during wartime summer, probably 1945.
Joan Hinton was niece of Sir Geoffrey Taylor, prominent and most helpful at
wartime Los Alamos." Rest of Dr. Oppenheimer's cable dealt with matters at
the institute unrelated to your question. I trust that so far as your inquiry
concerning the Hinton matter is concerned, the information supplied is adequate.
If you require anything further please let me know.
Lloyd K. Garrison.
The Chairman. It will go into the record and become part of the
record.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know GeoflFrey Taylor ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same basis.
Mr. Carpenter. Is Geoffrey Taylor a relative of yours ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that, on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you attend the Peking Peace Conference in
October of 1952?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear your sister, Joan, speak at that con-
ference ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Was your sister there ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment ?
Mr. Hinton. On the same basis.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. I hand you, here, a copy of the National Guardian,
and a picture appearing there, and ask you if you recognize that as
your sister Joan's picture. That is at the Peking Peace Conference.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
The Chairman. All right. Same record.
This exhibit may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The picture referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 431" and appears
on opposite page.)
Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear her attack the United States at that
conference?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. I have some other documents I would like to intro-
duce into the record, if the Senator please, relative to Joan Hinton
and her work with the Atomic Energy Commission, and her appeal
to the Peace Conference.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1805
Tlie Chairman-. All right. It may go into tlie record and become
a part of the record.
(The materials referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 432a, 4:32b,
432c, 432d" and are as follows :)
Exhibit No. 432-A
[Prom the Washington Times-Herald, Sept. 23, 1951]
Enemy Radio Says She Is in Mongolia
(By Walter Trohan)
The Atomic Energy CommiSvSion last night released the Chicago Tribune from
a pledge of secrecy, observed for 2 years, on the flight behind the Iron Curtain
in China of a young American woman, who was an atomic scientist at the
University of Chicago.
The Tribune's Washington Bureau withheld the story on representations of
the Atomic Energy Commission and Federal Bureau of Investigation that the
life of the woman and her husband might be endangered and that vital atomic
secrets might possibly be divulged to the Communists.
BEDS REVEAL WHEREABOUTS
The life of the young woman was a factor in the silence, because it was not
known whether she had deseited to the Communists or whether she had gone
behind the Iron Curtain to further American interests.
Yesterday the Red Chinese radio reported that a young American atomic
scientist is living on an animal farm in Inner Mongolia. The broadcast was
interpreted by the Atomic Energy Commission as definitely establishing her
disappeai-ance as voluntary and the Tribune was released from its pledge of
secrecy.
The scientist is Joan Case [Chase] Hinton, The daughter of a New England
family, she served as an expert on the water boiler project at the University of
Chicago in preparation of the first atomic bomb.
Later she served at Los Alamos, N. Mex., in the preparation of the first bombs.
She is married to an American agriculture expert, who went to China to help that
country on farm problems. He went to China in the period when the State
Department was regarding the Chinese Communists as agrarian revolutionaries
rather than Communists. Mrs. Hinton accompanied her husband.
WORKED ON REACTORS
The Red Chinese broadcast identified Mrs. Hinton and quoted her as saying
she came to Red China in 1948 because "I could stand it no longer." The broad-
cast quoted her as appealing to her fellow countrymen "to work actively for
1806 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
peace and against war * * * China will never start a war, but is not afraid of
America."
At Los Alamos, Mrs. Hinton's employment from February 1944 through Decem-
ber 1945, was confirmed by a spokesman who said most of her work was related
to reactors, such as the Los Alamos water boiler. She left to return to the
University of Chicago, it was reported.
Work on the Chicago and Los Alamos water boilers has since been declassified,
the Atomic Energy Commission said here. Officials doubted but did not know
whether Mrs. Hinton possessed any detailed knowledge of other phases of
atomic fission.
PLEDGED TO SECRECY
The Tribune secured a tip on Mrs. Hinton's disappearance 2 years ago, which
was several months after she disappeared in north China. The tip was checked
with the FBI and then the AEC. Pledges of secrecy were asked and freely given
in the interest of security and the personal safety of Mrs. Hinton.
From time to time the AEC gave what meager information it received through
the Iron Curtain on Mrs. Hinton. Most of these reports consisted of statements
of no change in status, but 3 months ago the Commission reported to Lloyd
Norman, of the Tribune's Washington bureau, that Mrs. Hinton was still alive
and that a letter from her had been received in this country. Contents of the
letter were not disclosed.
Exhibit No. 432-B
[From the New York Times, Sept. 22, 1951]
Peiping Reports United States Woman Atomic Expert as a "Peace" Worker
IN AND for Red China
Hong Kong, September 21. — The Peiping radio said tonight, "a young Ameri-
can atomic scientist" named Joan Chase Hilton [Hinton] was now in China
working with her American husband on "an animal-breeding farm" in Inner
Mongolia.
In an overseas broadcast, the Chinese Communist radio said Mrs. Hilton had
been employed in the Los Alamos atomic-bomb project as a research assistant in
194.3-4.5. The broadcast said she came to China in 1948, getting her first Job
behind the Communist lines in an iron factory in Shensi Province.
The Peiping radio made its report on Mrs. Hilton in broadcasting a "peace
appeal" letter she was said to have written to the American Federation of
Scientists.
"By 1948, I could stand it no longer," she was quoted as writing. "All my
friends all seemed to be going hack into a secret world. Were they crazy? Were
we who studied physics to spend all our lives thinking up means of mass
extermination?"
The letter ascribed to the Mrs. Hilton is part of a recent stream of intensified
"peace" propaganda emanating from Peiping.
Asserting that China wanted "peace'' and that neither China "nor any of her
allies" would ever attack the United States, the Hilton letter was quoted as
adding :
"I used to think American aid would mean a lot to China. A country so back-
ward, how could she develop without American help?
"But where there is a will there is a way and the Chinese people have a will
so strong that nothing America can do will ever stop them. They will think of
plenty of ways and they will develop fast. The only obstacle to their develop-
ment would be war.
"They are not afraid of America. If she must fight, China will show that she
Is made of steel — but China will never start a war. War is against her every
Interest."
Exhibit No. 432-C
[From the Washington Star, Oct. 16, 1952]
AEC Says United States Girl at Meeting of Reds Worked on A-Bomb
The Atomic Energy Commission said yesterday that Joan Chase Hinton, a
delegate to the Communist-sponsored Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, once
worked at the Los Alamos, N. Mex., atomic bomb laboratory.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1807
reiping radio quoted Miss Ilinton as tolling the conference in Peipinp; last
Saturday that "as one who touched witli my own hand tlie very bomb which was
dropped on Nagasaki (I feel) a deep sense of guilt and shame at the part I played
in this crime."
HAD MINOR ROLE AT LAB
Actually, an AEC spokesman said, Miss Hinton held only a minor position at
the Los Alamos lab and that she had nothing to do with the actual bomb. De-
velopment of the A-bomb then was in charge of a sui>ersecret Army agency, the
Wauhattnn project.
Peiping radio identified Miss Hinton as a former fellow in physics at the
Institute for Nuclear Studies at the University of Chicago.
State Department records show a passport was granted here December 23,
1947, to Joan Chase Hinton, 26, who supplied evidence that she had been hired
by the China Welfare Fund to go to China as a field worker.
She said also that she planned to be married to an official of the fund who
was in China.
The next available information on her was a Hong Kong report of Septem-
ber 25, 1951, quoting the Red China news agency as saying Miss Hinton and her
husband were running an animal breeding farm in Inner Mongolia.
Records list her mother as Mrs. Carmelita Hinton, operator of the Putney
School at Putney, Vt.
WORKED FOR SCIENCE'S SAKE
Government monitors, who recorded the Peiping broadcast, said Miss Hinton
Identified herself as "a scientist who worked at the Los Alamos, N. Mex., atomic
bomb project" because of her "creed of science for science's sake."
Then, she was quoted as saying :
"I am ashamed to admit it took the horror of the bombings of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki to shock me out of this ivory tower of complacency. * * *
"I shake the hands of all those who have refused to join in this deadly work
and say — let us work even harder to force the outlawing of atomic bombs, bac-
teriological warfare, and all weapons of mass destruction."
"The audience gave a prolonged standing ovation to Joan Hinton's stirring
remarks," the broadcast said.
Exhibit No. 432-D
(Pickup by Foreign Broadcast Intelligence of a Peking broadcast)
{From China: Communist, Sept. 24, 1951]
Scientist Urges America To Seek Peace
(Peking, NCNA, In English Morse to Europe and North America, September
21, 1951, 1420 GMT-R)
Peking, S?ptember 21. — "Use your strength, use whatever you can, to work
actively for peace and against war," writes Joan Chase Hinton, a young American
atomic scientist now living in China, in a letter to the Federation of American
Scientists, a copy of which appears in the latest issue of People's China. Now
working with her American husband on an animal-breeding farm in Inner Mon-
golia, Miss Hinton, a research assistant at the atom bomlj project in Los Alamos
from 1943 to 1945, opposed the secrecy and Government control which became
attached to all atomic research in United States.
"By 1948," she states, "I could stand it no longer. My friends all seemed
to be going back into secret work. W^ere they crazy? Were we who studied
physics to spend all our lives thinking up means of mass extermination? * * *
memory of Hiroshima— 150,000 lives * * * each of living, thinking, human being
with hopes and desires, failures and successes, a life of his or her own — all gone.
And I had held that bomb in my hand." That same year, Joan Hinton came to
China.
She contrasts the policy of the American Government, which drives for war
abroad and which attacks the democratic rights and the living standards of
American people at home, with what she has learned in China. "Perhaps the
main thing," Joan Hinton writes, "is that the people of the East do not want
1808 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
war * * * they are occupied with building up their own countries, pulling them
out of their centuries of feudalism, changing them as fast as possible into modern
Industrialized lands with abundance for all.
"I used to think that American aid would mean a lot to China. A country so
backward — how could she develop without American help? But where there is a
will there is a way, and the Chinese people have a will so strong that nothing
America can do will ever stop it. They will think of plenty of ways and they
will develop fast. The only obstacle to their development would be war. They
are not afraid of America. If she must fight, China will show that she is made
of steel — but China will never, never start a war ; war is against her every
interest."
Joan Chase Hinton cites many details from her experiences in China. "My
first job was working in an iron factory packed away in the mountains of Shensi.
What were they making there? They were melting up American-made hand
grenades, shells, wings from crashed planes sent from America to Chiang, steel
and aluminum weapons sent by America to kill them, and making them into
cooking pots, plows, and saws. Since then, all China has been liberated and
she now has more regular factories day by day. Skilled mechanics and engi-
neers are being trained. Though some places still work by hand, others are
forging ahead still faster with machines, while others are using machines to
make machines. It will not take her long."
APPEAL MADE
Miss Hinton closes her letter with the following appeal : "The people of China
want peace. The people of the world want peace, including the people of America.
* * * to work on secret projects, refusing to work on war, of course, does no
good. But all of you at home, united together, have very special strength in your
hands. I only want to say to you : Use your strength, use whatever you can to
work actively for i>eace and against war. As long as there is war, science will
never be free. Are we scientists going to spend our lives in slavery for madmen
who want to destroy the woi'ld?
"At home, one gets frightened. Listening to so much war talk, one begins to
believe that if we do not prepare for war the other side will and then we will
be destroyed. But not I. I have been living on the other side for some time and
know for sure that this is a lot of lies, and that China wants pteace with all she
has. She will never attack America, nor will any of her allies. If you people
would only believe this, if you could only see for yourselves as I am seeing, I am
sure you would not hestitate for a minute to work for peace with every ounce of
strength you have."
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Agnes Smedley ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you attend the funeral ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you associated with her in any way in China?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer that.
Mr. Carpenter. Was she a notorious Communist ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
I want to instruct the staff to try to obtain the signed copy of the
original of the oath on the matter of the passport to Prague.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you spend some time in Poland on this trip ?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record. Show that the witness confers with
his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I have never been in Poland that I can recall. I cer-
tainly wasn't in Poland on this trip. Years ago I passed through
Poland, but on this trip, no.
Mr. Carpenter. I have just received a radio from Kobert Oppen-
heimer, which reads as follows :
The Chairman. The cablegram?
You may read it.
I
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1809
Mr. CARrEXTER (reading) :
Joan Hinton was a staff member of the Los Alamos Laboratory when I was
Its Director. She worked in one of (he j^roups of the Physics Division. I would
have written her a letter of appreciation after the war, as I did all members of
laboratory. I recall no other recommendation for fellowship or position nor
serving as character witness on any occasion. She probably called at our home
in Los Alamos infrequently. We gave her mother the use of our Upper Pecos
Kanch in our absence some weeks one summer, probably lOl.'. Joan Hinton
I)robably visited there then in our absence. She was not my guest at Alamogordo,
but may have been a member of (he team that worked there. I do not recall
this. 1)0 not believe I have seen her article in People's China or know its con-
tents. Have not been in communication with Joan Hinton since she left for
China. Should add that if asked to recommend Joan Hinton in 1945 would
have known no reason not to.
Robert Oppenheimeb.
I will ask that that go in the record.
The Chairman. It will go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The telegram referred to was marked "Exhibit No, 433" and is as
follows:)
Exhibit No. 433
Chkistiansted, V. I., July 27, 195.^.
Alva C. Carpenter,
Counsel, Senate Internal Security Suhrommittee,
Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C:
Joan Hinton was a staff member of the Los Alamos Laboratory when I was its
Director. She worked in one of the groups of the Physics Division. I would
have written her a letter of appreciation after the war, as I did all members of
laboratory. I recall no other recommendation for fellowship or position, nor
serving as character witness on any occasion. She nrobably called at our home
in Los Alamos infrequently. We gave her mother the use of our Upper Pecos
Ranch in our absence some weeks one summer, prob .bly l{)4.'i. Joan Hinton
probably visited there then in our absence. She was not my guest at Alamogordo,
but may have been a member of the team that worked there. I do not recall
this. Do not believe I have seen her article in People's China or know its con-
tents. Have not been in communication with Joan Hinton since she left for
China. Should add that if asked to recommend Joan Hinton in 1945 would have
known no reason not to.
Robert Oppenheimer.
Mr. Carpenter. I have a letter here from the United States Atomic
Energy Commission, addressed to Mr. Bjnjamin Mandel, dated Jidy
26, 1954. I would like for this to be made a part of the record.
This is in reply to your letter of July 23, 1954, which asked that we furnish
the service record of Joan Hinton at the Los Alamos project and advise on the
extent to which she had access to cla.ssitied information.
Manliattan engineer district records show that Hinton worked as a re.search
assistant at Los Alamos from February 1944 to December 1945. IMost of her
work at Los Alamos was in the development of the water boiler, a low-power
reactor which has since been declassitied. She participated in critical assembly
weapon work and attended weekly scientific coUoquia, which gave her access to
other classified information.
Records show that Hinton enrolled as a student at the University of Chicago
In March 1946 and terminated at the end of the 1948 winter quarter. From April
1946 to July. 1947 she was a part-time assistant to Dr. Samuel K. Allison of the
Institute of Nuclear Studies.
Joan Hinton has never had AEC security clearance and did not have access to
classified information after she left Los Alamos at the end of 1945. She has
never l)een employed by the AEC or its contractors.
Sincerely yours,
R. W. Cook
(For K. D. Nichols, General Manager).
1810 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
The Chairman, Do yoii not think it is rather strange, Mr. Hinton, M
that your sister, with all this scientific background and experience,
would be working on a dairy farm in Communist China at this time ?
Mr. HiNTOX. Mr. Chairman, I think that you invited me here to
ask me about my experiences in China. I came 3,000 miles at the tax- i
payers' expense. And it seems that this turns out that you are con-
ducting an investigation about my sister and trying to get me to use
against my sister.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, we think it would be very valuable to
this committee — this committee is charged with a duty. We are
known as the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Sanate Judiciary
Committee of the United States Senate. That is part of our
responsibility. |
Now, you have knowledge, I feel, that you are not giving us. You
said awhile ago that you were a good, loyal American. Why do you
not help this committee?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. I am here to answer all proper questions, and that is
all I will do.
The Chairman. Well, is it a proper question for this committee
to inquire why your sister, if you know, who had this vast experience
in research in the Los Alamos project, a very sensitive project in this
country, would now be devoting her work to a dairy farm in Com-
munist China? Is that a proper question?
Mr. Hinton, I have told you that that is her work, and I am cer-
tainly sure that that is what she is doing.
The Chairman, All right,
Mr. Carpenter. How did she get to China ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer on the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. You refuse to answer how your sister Joan got to
China?
Mr. Hinton. On the same grounds.
Mr. Carpenter. I have here a letter to Miss Joan Hinton from
Gerald Tannebaum, executive director of the Chinese Welfare Fund.
I would like for this to be made part of the record.
The Chairman. Read it,
Mr, Carpenter (reading) :
This is to notify you that you have been hired as fielclworker to the welfare
v.-ork of the China Welfare Fund. We would like you to arrive in China to take
up your duties as soon as possible.
The China Welfare Fund will be responsible for your housing while you are
in China.
The Chairman. That may go into the record and become part of
the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 434" and is as
follows :)
Exhibit No. 434
China Welfare Fund,
Shanghai, December'12, 19^7.
Miss Joan Hinton,
Chicago, III.
Dear Miss Hinton : This is to notify you that you have been hired as field-
worker to the welfare work of the China Welfare Fund. We would like you to
arrive in China to take up your duties as soon as possible.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1811
The China Welfare Fund will be responsible for your housing while you are
In China.
Very sincerely yours,
Gerald Tanneraum,
Executive Director.
Senator Welker. Who signed it?
Tlie Chairman. It is signed by Gerald Tannebaum, dated Decem-
ber 12, 1947.
Mv. CARrENTER. Did Gerald Tannebaum invite you to China ?
Mr. IIiNTON. I decline to answer, on the same ground.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Mandel, will you characterize the Chinese
Welfare Fund?
Mr. Mandel. I will read an excerpt from a letter of the China Wel-
fare Appeal, which says :
Dear Friend: The China Welfare Appeal, which supports hospitals, schools,
nurseries, and numerous cultural and educational projects in China, is going
to send a special token of friendship to the Chinese people at this time in the
form of hospital supplies. A gift will be sent through the China Welfare Fund,
of which Madame Sun Yat Sen is the chairman in China.
On April 1, 1954, the Attorney General cited the China Welfare
Appeal, Inc., as subversive.
The Chairman. Mr. Hinton, how long were you with the Putney
School in Putney, Vt.?
Mr. HiNTON. Could I hear that again ?
The Chairiman. How long were you with the Putney School at
Putney, Vt.?
Mr. HiNTON. I was employed there at two different times, each
time for about a year.
The Chairman. At that time were you a member of the Commu-
nist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answ^er, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Were you employed by the board of trustees?
Mr. HiNTON. I don't remember how the employment — or even
whether there was a board of trustees at that time. I was employed
as farm manager.
The Chairman. Did anyone inquire as to your beliefs, whether or
not you were a member of the Communist Party while you were em-
ployed at tlie Putney School ?
Mr. HiNTON. I certainly doubt that anyone made such inquiries.
The Chairman. Sir ?
Mr. HiNTON. I doubt very much whether anyone made such
inquiries.
The Chairman. Did you know Owen Lattimore ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Wasn't he a member of the board of trustees of
that school?
]\Ir. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same grounds.
The Chairman. Does your mother operate that school ?
Mr. Hinton. My mother is the director of the Putney School.
The Chairman. Any further questions?
Mr. Carpenter. Your mother was the founder of that school; was
she not ?
Mr. Hinton. The founder and director.
1812 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. How did you get to China on your last trip ? Was
that at the taxpayers' expense ?
Mr. HiNTON. I was employed by the United Nations Belief and
Rehabilitation Administration as a member of the Volunteer Unit,
w^hich was recruited by the Brethren Service Commission. As I pre-
viously said, I was a volunteer. I got only my expenses. I went out
to China to do agricultural work.
Mr. Carpenter. Who paid your passage over ?
Mr. HiNTON. As far as I know, the UNRRA agency did.
Mr. Carpenter. Since your return from Cliina in 1953, have you
been in contact with officials of the farmers union?
(Mr. Hinton conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before
responding to the question, confers with his counsel.
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer.
The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment, on the ground that
your answer might tend to incriminate you ?
Mr. Hinton. Under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you had any connection with the educational
program of the National Farmers Union ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Senator Welker. Mr. Chairman, I would like to make this observa-
tion. On the matter of holding hearings and the fair ethics of con-
gressional committees, I think it should be said that this committee
has been eminently fair to the witness, in that I cannot recall any
question of any substance that he has answered without leaning over
and talking at length with his counsel. That is something that you
have said heretofore would never be permitted in a court of law, and,
of course, the chairman has also stated that he wants to be fair to the
witnesses. But in view of the fact of this crusade for a code of fair
ethics, I thought that I would like to make that remark for the record,
sir.
The Chairman. Your observation is well taken.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever made any speeches at meetings held
under the auspices of the National Farmers Union ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same ground.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever been in contact with the director of
the educational program of the National Farmers Union?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you been in contact with James Patton,
president of the National Farmers Union ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. You will not answer that question ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you been in contact with Lem Harris, member
of the National Farmers Union ?
The Chairman. Did you get the question ?
Have you been in contract with Lem Harris ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1813
Senator Welker. You were in contact, tliough, with the research
director of the Internal Security Subconunitteo of the United States
Senate'? Or do you want to take the fifth amendment on that?
Mr, HiNTO>r. Who is that?
The Chairman. Mr. Mandel. Did you confer with this gentleman ?
Senator Welker. The people who communicated with you and asked
you to appear here and asked you to appear here in a letter, as you
have indicated.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. Yes; I spoke to him over the phone. I wasn't aware
that he was the research director.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when
you were at school at Harvard and Cornell ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same ground.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when
you attended the Putney School ?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer, on the same ground.
JNIr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when
you worked for the Putney School ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you a member of the Communist Party when
you were employed by the Putney School ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Senator Welker. Are you a member of the Communist Party as of
this moment?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever engaged in espionage while a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ?
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
Mr. Hinton. As for the question about the Communist Party, the
answer is the same. As to whether I ever engaged in espionage, that
certainly is a very serious charge. Do you mean that you have a
charge of that kind against me?
The Chairman. This committee makes no charges, sir. We only
seek information about the internal security of this country as a basis
on which to pass legislation to protect the security of this country.
We are not making any charges.
Can you answer the question, or not ?
Mr. Hinton. I just want to make it clear that that is a pretty
serious charge.
The Chairman. It certainly is a serious charge.
Mr. Hinton. Of course I have never engaged in espionage.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever engaged in research for members
of tlie Communist Party ?
Mr. Hinton. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same answer as what? The last answer?
Mr. Hinton. I decline to answer.
The Chairman. You mean your answer would tend to incriminate
you, and you decline under the fifth amendment?
1814 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. HiNTON. I decline under the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. All right.
Do you have any other matters that you would like to put into the
record at this time?
If not, it can be done at a later time in executive session.
Senator Welker?
Senator Welker. I do want to insist that the witness read the
article printed in the People's Daily World and then say, under oath,
whether or not that is his article or whether it is not, and if there are
any portions that are not of his writing, I want him so to testify and
indicate to the staff those portions.
The Chairman. I did not get the question. I am sorry.
Senator Welker. I asked that the witness be required to read the
article appearing under his byline in the People's Daily World, and
if it is not his article, I want him to so point out.
The Chairman. All righl. Pass it over to the Avitness. We are
in i:)ublic session now, and this is the time to do it.
(Mr. Hinton confers with his counsel.)
The Chairman. I want to state for the record now that I would
like for the staff to look into the testimony of this witness. I would
like to know how he obtained a passport to Prague, and many other
questions concerning his affidavits, and so forth, and this oath that he
took in order to secure pass]>orts.
And I will ask the staff to communicate with the proper officials
of the Federal Government to ascertain the facts and rei^ort back to
this committee.
I might state also for the record that the committee has tried to
contact Jean Hinton, and we have not been able to as yet. I also want
to state publicly that this committee would welcome the testimony of
Jean Hinton at any time th?A she could appear before us.
Mr. Hinton, we have another committee meeting. I would like to
conclude this.
Have you satisfied yourself that this is your article yet?
Mr. Hinton. Well, I haven't been able to finish it, but I think I
could answer to this extent, that it certainly appears to be, in the
main, an article which I wrote. I can't vouch for the whole of it,
since my own copy of this material was seized.
The Chairman. In order to ascertain whether it is an exact copy,
we would have to get your original copy and proofread it back against
that ; so we will not go to that trouble.
I think you have satisf actoi ily answered the question.
Mr. Carpenter. Are there any passages there that you object to ?
Mr. Hinton. No.
The Chairman. There is nothing there that you object to.
If there are no further questions, we will stand in recess, and I
will ask the room to be cleared. We will go into executive session.
(Whereupon, at 4: 30 p. m., the hearing was recessed, and the com-
mittee continued in executive session.)
(At an open hearing on September 28, 1954, the following record
was made:)
Mr. Carpenter. At the close of the hearing on July 27, 1954, with
William Hinton, Mr. Chairman, you instructed the staff to make
attempts to get a copy of the application for passport that Mr. Hinton
had submitted at Prague. We have that and we would like at this
time that it be entered and made a part of the record.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1815
The Chairman. It will be inserted in the record and made a part
of the record at the proper place.
(The material was marked "Exhibit No. 434-B" and here follows:)
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S2918'— 54— pt. 23 6
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
DEPARTMENTS
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1954
United States Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the
Administration or the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws of
the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D. 0.
The subcommittee met at 1 : 15 p. m., pursuant to call, in room 318,
Senate Office Buiklino;, Senator William E. Jenner (chairman of the
subcommittee) presidino;.
Present : Senators Jenner and Johnston.
Also present: Alva C. Carpenter, chief counsel; J. G. Sourwine,
associate counsel; Benjamin Mandel, director of research; and Dr.
Edna Fluegel, Robert C. McManus, and Louis E. Colombo, i^rofes-
sional staff members.
The Chairman. The committee will come to order.
Two months ago, one William H. Hinton appeared l)efore the Sub-
committee on Internal Security. Hinton is a former American news-
paperman. He had been farm manager for the Putney School at Put-
ney, Vt. Toward the end of W^orld War II, he was sent to China by
the Office of War Information. He returned to the United States in
the spring of 1946 and was organizer for the National Farmers Union.
He went back to China as an official of the United Nations Relief and
Rehabilitation Administration in 1947. When the Moscow-armed
Chinese Communists took over the Chinese mainland in the fall of
1949, this man Hinton remained as an employee of the Communist
Government.
He returned to the United States in August 1953, after a stopover in
Moscow. Since his arrival in this country, he has been propagandizing
on behalf of the brainwashing, soul -killing Red Chinese, whose sol-
diers were torturing and slaying K'nton's fellow Americans at the
very moment he was on Red China's payroll.
The Subcommittee on Internal Security never scrutinizes partici-
pants in the Communist world conspiracy as mere individuals. None
of them are mere individuals. They are cogs in a machine, threads in a
fabric, figures in a pattern. It is the machine, the fabric, the pattern
which we always seek to uncover and explain to the American people.
So we looked at the pattern around William Hinton. Here is what we
found.
To begin with, there is his family. One sister, Jean, was a friend of
the notorious Nathan Gregoiy Silvermaster and worked under him at
1819
1820 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
the old Farm Security Administration. Another sister, Joan, was an
atomic research assistant at the Los Alamos project, where she had
access to classified material. Like her brother, William, Joan also
went to China and stayed there after the Communist triumph. She
got a job through another American, Gerald Tannebaum, who was
executive director of the China Welfare Fund headed by Mme. Sun
Yat-sen. We shall hear more about Tannebaum, the China Welfare
Fund, and Mme. Sun as these hearings progress. In China, Joan mar-
ried Erwin Engst, who was also an old UNRRA man. Today the
Engsts are somewhere in the depths of Inner Mongolia, serving the
Communist cause. Joan came out of obscurity long enough to make
a bitterly anti-American speech at the Communist-inspired fraud
known as the Asian and Pacific Peace Conference, regarding which
the subcommittee also expects to reveal a great deal.
The Putney School, which is run by William Hinton's mother and
where he himself was employed, is a story in itself. One of its faculty
members was Edwin S. Smith. Smith later became a registered
propagandist for the Soviet Government. He distributed photo-
graphs attempting to prove that the United States practiced germ
warfare in North Korea. Another person closely associated with
Putney was Owen Lattimore. The subcommittee found, after a 15-
month inquiry, that Lattimore was a "conscious, articulate instrument
of the Soviet conspiracy."
Lattimore built the Pacific Operations Branch of OWT, for which
Hinton later worked in Chungking. John K, Fairbank was at the
top of OWI's Chinese organization. Benjamin Kizer ran the Chinese
branch of UNRRA for which Hinton also worked.
Lattimore, Fairbank, and Kizer all were key figures in the Institute
of Pacific Relations. All three were named as Communists in sworn
testimony before us. All three denied the charge, but when counsel
for the subcommittee asked Hinton about his connections with Latti-
more and Kizer, he said it might incriminate him to give a true answer
to the question.
It was extremely interesting to learn that Hinton went on duty in
Chungking at the end of World War II. He had some strange prede-
cessors. There were, for instance, the political advisers assigned by
the State Department to Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, who was chief
of staff to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek after the removal of Gen-
eral Stilwell. This choice little State Department group included
John Stewart Service, John Paton Davies, Raymond Ludden, and
John K. Emmerson.
"If I had followed their advice," General Wedemeyer said in testi-
mony before the subcommittee, "communism would have run rampant
over China much more rapidly than it did."
Gen. Claire Chennault, who saw this group in action, told our sub-
committee that its members "functioned as a public-relations bureau
for the Yenan Communists."
Here is another comment about them:
Throughout the fateful years in China, the American representatives there
actively favored the Chinese Communists. They also contributed to the weak-
ness, both political and military, of the National Government. And in the end
they came close to offering China up to the Communists, like a trussed bird on a
platter, over 4 years before the eventual Communist triumph.
INTERLOCiaXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1821
Those are the Avords of Joseph Alsop, Jr., in an article in the Satur-
day Evenin<>: Post of January 7, 1050.
Jolm Carter Vincent Avas on duty at Chungking during part of the
war period. So was Solomon Adler.
The Loyalty Eeview Board found tliat there is a "reasonable doubt"
about Vincent's loyalty to the United States. As for Adler, he was
the chief Connnunist agent in China of Harry Dexter White.
Davies, in the unanimous opinion of the subcommittee, "testified
falsely" when he appeared before us in 1952. According to Joseph
Alsop :
John p. Davies, Jr., once seriously acensed the Generalissimo of traffic with
the Japanese on the odd authority of the vice chairman of the Chinese Com-
munist Party, Chou En-lai.
So that is a picture of the original American group in Chungking,
which cleared the path for the ultimate Conmiunist victory.
Wliat other Americans replaced them? Where are they now?
What are they doing to aid and comfort the bloody cause of Red
China ? Who else and what else is in this pattern around William
Hinton ? What can we do to rip it apart ? These were the obvious
questions which confronted the subcommittee after Hinton appeared
before us. These are the questions that must be answered, for the
sake of America's safety.
We start giving the answers in today's hearing. They are shocking
and sordid, even in this, the most sordid era in the whole history of
our country.
The story has several parts. It begins slowly, as the members of this
group assemble in the Far East. Like their predecessors from the
State and Treasury Departments, most of them got there at the ex-
pense of the American taxpayer. One served in the Information and
Education Branch of the United States Army. The subcommittee has
already shown that I. and E. was grievously penetrated by under-
ground Communists during World War II.
One was in the United States Information Service. One was a
newspaperman and broadcaster. Others were part of the IPE. ap-
paratus which, as we revealed in a previous investigation, was used
by the Communist world conspirac}- as an international cover shop.
Still others, like Hinton, worked for OAVI or UNRRA or the United
Nations Children's Emergency Fund.
They formed a little cluster in Shanj^hai around a once honorable
publication, The China Weekly, later ISlonthly Review, At their cen-
ter is Mme. Sun Yat-sen, one of the world symbols of Chinese com-
munism. The China Review became the instrument by which they
advertised and brazenly proclaimed devotion to Red China. In a few
moments we will be told by the widow of an American prisoner of war,
and by some former j^risoners themselves, how devices were created
to bring the poisonous lies of the China Review back into the United
States.
The group formed another little cluster in Peiping in 1952 when
the international Communist conspiracy rigged up another of its
familiar, and utterly false, peace conferences. To that conference
came so-called delegates from the United States itself. The record
will show their activities, too.
Directly after the Korean armistice, some of the members of this
group started slipping back home. One, Hinton, came through ISIos-
1822 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
COW. Another took off from Calcutta. Still others passed through
Hong Kong. Since their return, as we will show, they have raised
Ked China's banner at every opportunity.
Today's hearing will be devoted to the China Monthly Keview, and
particularly the activities of its editor, John W. Powell. Later hear-
ings will examine other aspects of the overall pattern.
Call the first witness.
Mr. Carpenter. Mrs. Gill.
The Chairman. Will you please stand and hold up your right
hand. Do you swear that the testimony given in this hearing will be
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mrs. Gill. I do.
TESTIMONY OF MKS. DOLORES GILL, KANSAS CITY, MO.
The Chairman. State your full name to the committee.
Mrs. Gill. Dolores Holmes Gill.
The Chairman. Where do you reside?
Mrs. Gill. Kansas City, Mo.
The Chairman. What is your address?
Mrs. Gill. 7418 Jefferson.
The Chairman. And what is your business?
Mrs. Gill. Linoleum and wall tile.
Mr. Carpenter. What is your marital status?
Mrs. Gill. I am a widow of a man who died a prisoner of war.
JSIr. Carpenter. What was your husband's name ?
Mrs. Gill. 2d Lt. Charles L. Gill.
Mr. Carpenter. And what organization of the Armed Forces was
he in?
Mrs. Gill. Eighth Regiment, First Cavalry Division.
Mr. Carpenter. You say he was a prisoner of war during the Ko-
rean war?
Mrs. Gill. That is true.
Mr. Carpenter. When was he taken prisoner of war ?
Mrs. Gill. November 2, 1950, when he was reported missing in
action.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear from him while he was a prisoner of
war?
Mrs. Gill. Yes. On February 27, 1951, 1 received a letter from him
written after he had been captured by the Chinese.
Mr. Carpenter. How did you receive this letter?
Mrs. Gill. Now on February 27, his letter was finally received by
me. On January 9, 1951, through an Associated Press dispatch I
received word he had made a radio broadcast over Peiping radio.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you hear that broadcast?
Mrs. Gill. No, I did not. That was picked up through a British
station and transferred on into the Associated Press.
Mr. Carpenter. Did j'ou have any prior knowledge of your hus-
band's letter before you received it?
Mrs. Gill. Yes, I did. Now through that Associated Press dis-
patch they transmitted the whole letter. Then I received a letter from
John Powell who sent me a copy of the letter published in his paper.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you have that letter with you ?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1823
Mrs. Gill. No. I have a copy of the, letter as it was constantly
reprinted in the varions Communist jniblications.
Mr. Carpenter. But you have the letter from John Powell?
Mrs. Gill. Yes.
JNIr. Carpenter. May we have that?
]\Irs. Gill. Yes.
This is the first letter. In it are clippino;s from his paper.
Mr. Carpenter. I have a letter here, and the envelope shows "China
Weekly Review, 160 Chunfjkino; Road East, Shanc^hai, China — air-
mail— To Mrs. Charles L. Gill, 7418 Jetierson Street, Kansas City 5,
Mo."
This is the mail you received in the course of the post?
]\lrs. Gill. That is ricfht.
The Chairman. This is the envelope the letter came in ?
Mvs. Gill. Yes; and those clip})ings were in the envelope.
Mr. Carpenter. I would like to read this letter.
The Chairman. Proceed.
Mr. Carpenter. China jNIonthly Review, cable address: Reviewing
Shanghai. John "\V. Powell, editor and publisher, dated January 10,
1951. Address, 160 Yenan Road, Shanghai. Telephone, 14772. Ad-
dressed to Mrs. Charles L. Gill, 7418 Jefferson Street, Kansas City 5,
Mo.:
Dear Mrs. Gill : Perhaps you have already received the original copy of your
husbaud's letter to you, but as a fellow Missourian I wanted to make sure that
you saw it and in good time. We know from the clippings and magazines we
receive from home that there has been little, if any, news on the American POW's
except for fabricated atrocity stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the
local papers here might give you some reassurance.
From our own personal observation of the action of the Chinese People's Gov-
ernment here in Shanghai, we know it is the policy to treat all prisoners — cap-
tured Kuomintang soldiers as well as criminals — with the greatest leniency and
fairness in order to win over their support, and we are sure this is the same
policy being carried out by the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for
the numerous statements of gratitude and expressions of good will by the Amer-
ican POW's which appear in our local newspapers almost daily.
In addition, there have been several demonstration groups of American and
British POW's demanding the end of the "dirty war," for after they have seen
the hatred of the Korean people against the Syngman Rhee government and the
help being given by the Americans for that hated clique, they cannot help but
feel this has all been one tragic mistake. We imagine many peoiile in America
must feel the same way, also.
We should have sent the enclosed clippings of a letter to IMrs. Foss before, but
we did not think of it at the time. Perhaps you would be kind enough to send
it on to her. If you would like us to send any further clippings about the POW's
or the news on Korea that appears in our local press, please feel free to write us.
Very sincerely.
Signature, John ^Y. Powell; typed John ^V. Powell. Enclosures.
These [clippings] are the enclosures to that letter; is that riglit?
Mrs. Gill. That is correct.
Mv. Carpenter. And you received that in the normal course of the
post from John W. Powell?
Mrs. Gill.- That is right.
Mr. Carpenter. I would like to enter this and make it part of the
record, this letter with the clippings.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The document was read in full above by Mr. Carpenter. A repro-
duction appears at p. 1328.)
1824 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. CARrENTER. Do you know liow your husband was treated in a
prisoner-of-war camp ?
Mrs. Gill. He died of malnutrition and dysentery^
Mr. Carpenter. From wliom did you get that information?
Mrs. Gill. From a friend of his who had been with him in the camp
who was released last September.
Mr. Carpenter. Now, Mrs. Gill, after receiving this letter from
John W. Powell, did you receive any further communication from
John W.Powell?
Mrs. Gill. Yes; a few days later he sent me a letter asking me to
contact a Mrs. Eliott. In that he enclosed a clipping, too.
Mr. Carpenter. May we have the letter, please ?
Mrs. Gill. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. Here is a letter and the envelope which states :
Air by Par Avion, China Monthly Review, 160 Yenan Road, East, Shanghai
Zero, China. Mrs. Charles L. Gill, 7418 Jefferson Street, Kansas City 5, Mo.,
U. S. A.
The letter follows : China Monthly Review, John W. Powell, editor
and publisher, dated January 15, 1951. Mrs, Charles L. Gill, 7418
Jefferson Street, Kansas City 5, Mo.
Dear Mrs. Gill: The enclosed clipping appeared in one of our recent papers.
I had never heard of Baden, Mo., and thought it might be a misprint of some
sort. I have no way of checking here and was wondering if you could look it
up and see if there were any place that resembles it and send this clip on to Mrs.
Eliott.
In this coming issue of the Review we are carrying a roundup of the state-
ments by the POWs and the other events in Korea. If you would like to see a
complimentary copy, please let us know and we shall be glad to send one to you.
Very sincerely,
(Signed) John W. Powell.
(Typed) John W. Powell.
Enclosures.
I would like to have this entered into the record.
The Chairman. It may go into the record, and also the enclosures,
and become a part of the record.
(The document was read in full above by Mr. Carpenter. A repro-
duction appears at p. 1829.)
Mr. Carpenter. In addition to these various letters from Mr.
Powell, did you receive any other letters relative to your husband?
Mrs. Gill. Yes. During the following spring I received several
letters from readers of the National Guardian here who had sent
me copies of the clipping that w\as published in that paper. I be-
lieve it appeared in the March 7, 1951, copy. During this same
spring, 1951, Mr. Cedric Belfrage, who was at that time editor of
the National Guardian, sent me a copy of the National Guardian,
and with that a note enclosed saying they were trying to get more
information on the men w^ho were prisoners. At that time he said
he would, if I would write, be very glad to forward any other infor-
mation they were able to find at the time.
Mr. Carpenter. Any other papers of the National Guardian?
Mrs. Gill. Then I received some other literature that was defi-
nitely Communist literature. One pamphlet did come from Prague,
Czechoslovakia. "It Was Out of Their Own Mouths," I believe is
the title of it. In that were supposedly signed confessions from
various members of the Armed Forces of the United States Army
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1825
who had been held prisoner in Korea. None of these signed state-
ments were signed, however, in this book.
In another pamphlet I received there w^ere statements supposedly
made by members of the armed services. These men did include
their names and serial numbers.
I have also received some literature from St, Louis or Missouri
Peace Committee, which is in St. Louis, Mo. I am still on their
mailing list.
Mr. Carpen'I'er. In other words, yon have received mail from all
over the United States and even from various parts of the world
about the treatment of prisoners of war in China or in Korea ; is that
right?
Mrs. Gill. That is right. I have in my possession some letters
from Germany that were taken from — actually, they would be from
the German equivalent of the Daily Worker. Then I have a copy of
a clipping sent me from a man in Glasgow, Scotland, taken from the
British Daily Worker. In these they have shown the letter written.
by my husband and have included some of their own ideas on the
subject, mainly, which I am supposed to appreciate, the fact that
I heard from my husband. Yet tliey were trying to bring out the
fact that, although I had heard, there were so many Korean wives
who had not heard. So I was supposed to appreciate that fact.
This literature ceased.
The Chairman. What was the tenor of their comments accom-
panying the publication of your husband's letter ?
Mrs. Gill. It was the idea he had said he intended to be home, and
I was supposed to appreciate the fact that he thought he would be
home. In these letters they mentioned sjiecial terms such as "Mad
MacArthur," ""Fabricated atrocities," and "Wall Street minions."
They continually referred to the fact that the Korean war was sup-
posed to have been drafted in Wall Street, wdiile those same remarks
that were in these letters that made the letters seem so stereotyped
were the remarks that were taken from copies of the National Guard-
ian, from the China Monthly Review. Actually, they sounded like
someone had picked certain phrases and repeated them parrot fashion.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you have those documents with you and those
letters ?
Mrs. Gill. Yes.
The Chairman. They will be incorporated into the record by ref-
erence.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you pass them up, please?
Here is a magazine titled "Shall Brothers Be?'' Did you receive
this as a part of the propaganda ?
Mrs. Gill. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. It says, "An account written by American and Brit-
ish prisoners of war on their treatment in POW camps in Korea,"
published by the Chinese Peoples Committee for World Peace and
Against American Aggression.
Another one, "Stop the Killing in Korea" and "Prosperity Built
on Peace, Not War." Is that one of the articles you received ?
Mrs. Gill. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. I have another document. It reads :
A call to mothers and fathers of Americans in Korea from the frontliiies and
prison camps and in hospitals: All patriotic Americans who have loved onea
1826 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
In Korea, in uniform, or about to be drafted, come to a Midwest assembly, Satur-
day, October 25, 11 a. m., Springfield, 111., Theater Guild Building, 101 East
Lawrence, to save the lives of our sons and loved ones, to stir the conscience
of America, and tell all public oflBcials and all candidates for office we want
an immediate end to this senseless slaughter. This program will include the
showing of the Qualier peace film, A Time for Greatness.
Did you receive that through the mail ?
Mrs. Gill. Yes.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits N'os. 458 (read
in full above by Mr. Carpenter) and 458-A" and appear below :)
Exhibit No. 458
a call to
Mothers, fathers of Americans in Korea,
in the front lines , in prison camps
and in hospitals . . .
All patriotic Americans who have loved ones
in Korea, in uniform, or about to be drafted
come to an emergency
MIDWEST
ASSEMBLY
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 25. 11 A.M.
IN SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS
THEATRE GUILD BUILDING, 101 EAST LAWRENCE
To uv* the lives of our son* and loved ones;
fo stir the conscience of America; to tell all public
officials and all candidates for office that we want an
immediate end of the senseless slaughter
1
2
For a cease fire in Korea on both sides NOWl
Continue negotiations to settle remaining
question of repatriation of prisoners.
The program will include the showing of the
fine Quaker peace film "A Time for Greatness." W
in the name of
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1827
Exhibit No. 458-A
20.716 MaHyr«d d»o4 Gi'«
18.7S6 crippled, maimed, weMNdtd Gi's
12.M3 AmarieoR Gl's la Koraaa prison eampi and misting
IN THE HAME OP MILLIONS OF AMERICAN
YOUTH FACINO A SIMILAR FATE
in the name of all America * » , an SOS assembly
»
o
I
mil
}
m
t
DO
1 »-
I
0 *^
8 8
a a
s
ave uur uon
S
^'t • . ViniH* rdw OR row
• . . fh« crosses grow . . .'
The Chairmax. Before I said the letters she had received would go
into the record by reference. I want those letters put into the record
and become a part of the record.
1828
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
(The documents referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 459 and
459- A" and are reproduced below :)
Cabts Address:
^KVBWKM UUIMHir
|OHN W. POWEU.
editor tnd PuUiiiwr
Exhibit No. 459
China
""Oily fffif;igif
Addreti: n
M* TINAN «OA0 K *
(HANOHAI (O) ^
TEL. 14772 i
January 10, 1951
Mrs. Charles L. Gill
7418 Jefferson St.
Kansas City 5, Missouri
Dear Mrs. Gill:
Perhaps you have already received the original copy
of your husband's letter to you, tut as a fellow-Missourian
I wanted to make sure you saw it and in good time*
■We Know from the clippings and magazines we receive
from home that there has been little if any news on the
American POWs except for fabricated atrocity stories and
we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here
might give you some reassurance.
From our own personal observation of the action of
the Chinese People's Government here in Shanghai, we know
that it is the policy to treat all prisoners - captured
Kuomintang soldiers as well as criminals - with the greatest
leniency and fairness in order to win over their support,
and we are sure this is the same policy being carried out
ty the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for the
numerous statements of gratitude and expressions of good-
will by the American POWs which appear in our local papers
almost daily. In addition, there have been several demon-
strations by large groups of American and British POWs de-
manding the end of the "dirty war," for after they have seen
the hatred of the Korean people against the Syngraan Rhee
government and the help being given by the Americans for
that hated clique, they cannot help but feel this has all
been one tragic mistake. We. Imagine many people in America
must feel this way also.
We should have sent the enclosed clipping of a letter to
Mrs. Foss before, but did not think of it at the time. Per-
haps you will be kind enough to send it on to her.
If you would like as to send any f-urther clippings about
the POWs or the news on Korea that appears in our local press,
please feel free to write us.
(
I
ve^y sincerely, -
ohn W. Powell
Enclosures
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1829
Exhibit No. 4r)n-A
CiM* AddrvMt
■tinwiimi I
JOHN W. POWELL
Editor and PuMlihM-
(hina
JJ»
AddTM:
«
MO tEMAM BOAO e.
t
aSAMOUKOt
1SU 14772
f^
*
o
«
January 15, 1951
Urs. Cher lea L. Gill
7^18 Jefferson 3t.
Kansas City 5, Missouri
Dear Mrs. Gill:
The enclosed clipping appeared in one of our recent
papers. I had never heard of Vaiden, Mo. and thought it
might be a misprint of some sort. I have no way of check-
ing here and was wondering if you could look it up and
8e« if there's any place that resembles it and then send
the clip on to Mrs. Elliott.
In this coming issue of the REVIEW we are carrying a
round-up of the statements by the American POWa and oth«r
events in Korea. If you'd like to see a complimentary copy,
please let us know and we shall be glad to send one oa to
you.
Very sincerely,
-g^iw?^-^
John W. Powell
Enclosure
Mr. Carpexter. Mrs. Gill, ■v^•hen did you first learn of your hus-
band's passing away?
Mrs. Gill. I received word last July. That was my first official
notice. It was the only notice I have ever had. At no time has his
name ever been printed in any official list released by this Govern-
ment. It did appear in one of those early copies of the China
Monthly Eeview, and the letter appeared in the March 7, 1951, edition
of the jS'ational Guardian. Other than that, I have had no informa-
tion.
The Chairman. "Wlien did you learn of his passing away ?
Mrs. Gill. That was it, July 1953.
The Chairman. Have you talked to any members of the Armed
Forces about his last illness and time of his death ?
Mrs. Gill. Yes. Last September, one of the men W'ho was with him
who was supposed to have buried him contacted me when released.
The Chairman. Plis name?
Mrs. Gill. Sgt. Homer Harvey.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever talked with the doctor who treated
him?
1830 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mrs. Gill. No ; I have not.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Mandel lias somctliiiig for the record.
The Chairman. You may proceed.
]\Ir. Mandel. For the record it should be noted that Cedric Bel-
frage and James Aronson, both editors of the National Guardian, have
invoked the fifth amendment in regard to their Communist affilia-
tions when asked by the permanent Subcommittee on Investigations,
Committee on Government Operations, on May 14, 1953, and Cedric
Belfrage is now the subject of deportation proceedings as a member
of the Communist Party.
Mr. Carpenter. All your letters that you received concerning your
husband from the National Guardian and Powell, all of them stated
he was in good physical condition and would be home; is that right?
Mrs. Gill. That is right. They told me I could expect him.
Mr. Carpenter. They gave you no inkling he was ill or expected to
die at any time ?
Mrs. Gill. No.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mrs. Gill. You may stand aside.
Mr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, please.
The Chairman. Will you be sworn to testify. Do you solemnly
swear the testimony given in this hearing will be the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM RAYMOND SHADISH, PHYSICIAN OF THE
UNITED STATES ARMY, WALTER REED HOSPITAL
Major Shadish. I do.
The Chairman. Give your full name.
Major Shadish. William K. Shadish ; William Raymond Shadish.
The Chairman. You may proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. Major, what is your present occupation?
Major Shadish. I am a physician, United States Army, at the
Walter Reed Army Hospital.
Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been a physician in the United
States Army?
Major Shadish. Since July of 1949.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you give the committee a description of your
academic training?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. Following high school I took my pre-
medical training at the Syracuse University ; took my medical train-
ing at the Long Island College of Medicine in Brooklyn, N. Y. ; and
took my internship at the Permanente Foundation Hospital in Oak-
land, Calif.
Mr. Carpenter. I wish you would please summarize your career
briefly with the ranks and posts you have held in the Armed Forces.
Major Shadish. I was a first lieutenant while at the Permanente
Hospital in the civilian training program of the United States Army.
I was promoted to captain in June of 1950 and was sent to the Far
Eastern Command the following month. That was in mid-July of
1950. In mid- August I was assigned to the Second Division in Korea.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you a prisoner of war in Korea ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. When were you taken prisoner of war ?
I
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1831
!MaJor Siiadish. I was taken prisoner on the 1st of July; 1st of
December, sorry.
Mr. Carpentkr. How lonp: were you a prisoner of war ?
Major Shadish. Thirty-three months.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell tliis committee what prisoner-of-war
camps 3'ou wore in durin*; your incarceration ?
Major SiiAuisii. I was in three permanent camps. The first camp
was known to the prisoners as Death Valley. We believed it was in
the town called Hofong.
Mr. Carpenter. Spell that.
Major Shadish. H-o-f-o-n-g. The second was camp No. 5 at Pyok-
tong, P-y-o-k-t-o-n-g. The third was camp No. 2 at Ping-Chon-Ni.
P-i-n-g-C-h-o-n-N-i.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you give the committee a description of your
experiences in the prisoner-of-war camps, mainly that part wherein
the American prisoners of war were forced to be indoctrinated by
their captors?
Major Shadish. Forced indoctrination was practiced in the camps
in which I was held. The first contact I had with the organized
indoctrination was in March of 1951, at which time I came to camp
No. 5. It was being practiced with all of the prisoners there. I was
in the position of being the sick-call physician and therefore was
exempt from this study program until July of 1951, at which time I
was relieved of my duties as sick-call physician, sent to the officers'
company. And from there, then until March of 1952 we had a con-
tinuous concentrated program.
The Chairman. W^ere the sick and wounded required to attend ?
ISIajor Shadish. The sick and wounded that were not in the hos-
pital, and that was a larger number of men, were required to attend
regardless of their condition.
The program varied in time consumed, but would consume on the
average about 6 hours a day of formal education. This was all in-
doctrination and outright Communist type of studies.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell the committee what material was
used in order to indoctrinate the prisoners of war?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. We had a large assortment of material
from which our lecturers would present tlieir programs. Among
them was this China Weekly and China ]\Ionthly Eeview. Also, the
Shanghai News, the New York Daily Worker, the London Daily
Worker, the San Francisco Peoples World, a magazine called INIasses
and INIain Stream, another called Political Affairs, a large number
of Chinese and Russian magazines, New Times from Eussia, and So-
viet literature from Russia.
There were a large number of books. William Z. Foster of the
United States had a number of books in cauip. Among them was his
History of the Communist Party of the United States, his History of
the Americas. There were a large number of books by Howard Fast.
There were books by Russian authors such as Gorky, all of which had
the Communist theme as their center piece.
^ Mr. Carpenter. I call your attention to the easel over here at the
side of the room. Are there reproductions of the China Monthly Re-
view as you saw them in prisoner-of-war camps ? Are those reason-
able reproductions ?
Major Shadish. Yes; they are.
1832 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. You have seen these various magazines in the
camp ?
Major Shadish. I believe I have seen all of these before in the
camps.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell us how they used the China Monthly
Review in their propaganda activity ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. The ordinary program for study was
divided up among various types of approaches. There would be
lectures by English-speaking Chinese, there would be discussion peri-
ods in which we were supposed to discuss various articles. Before
these discussion periods various publications were distributed to each
squad of men to read, and in these publications there would be articles
marked with red crayon as required reading. Among the publica-
tions most commonly received was this China Monthly Keview. Many
of the articles were required to be read, and comment was required
to be made upon it.
I would like to say there was no middle-of-the-road affair. The
Communists did not practice that. We were told that you had one
opinion. It had to be one side or the other side. If you did not
comment for the article, you were against the article. Consequently,
a large number of prisoners got into a great deal of trouble and
a large number of the deaths were indirectly or directly responsible or
occurred, rather, because of the difficulties starting over these articles.
The Chairman. What would happen to a man if he did not co-
oj^erate, follow the line of the China Keview ?
Major Shadish. Anything which the Chinese would consider appro-
priate. It would begin with standing a man at attention on a block
of ice for a large period of time, in which a number of men froze
their feet or it would end up with a man being thrown in a hole in the
ground with little or no food and no method of sanitation, not per-
mitted out of the hole. And he would eventually contract double
pneumonia in the cold moss and would die. It would vary from one
end of the scale to the other.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you know who the editor was of the China
Monthly Review?
Major Shadish. It is on the front page of all of them as John W.
Powell.
Mr. Carpenter, Will you describe the conduct of the school and
the study classes conducted in the prison camps ; that is, was attend-
ance compulsory ?
Major Shadish, Yes ; the attendance was compulsory. The Chinese
would come to the various squad rooms and force the men to leave
the squad rooms. If it required it, they would bring guards with
bayonets to get the men out. That included the sick. We protested
as much as we could, but it was to no avail. We w^ere made to go
to this one open area where we would be lectured to.
Mr. Carpenter. Tell us something about the transportation of this
propaganda into the camps. Did they come in large quantities?
Major Shadish. They certainly did. One thing which we felt very
strongly about was the way they came. We were situated on the
Yalu River and there was a small harbor at the town of Pyoktong.
Into this harbor would come these large barges and they would be
loaded every time. A portion of their load would be propaganda
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1833
material, including? this CliiHa Montlily Iveview. They wouhl bring
in tons of this st-ull' at a time, and yet ^vhen we wo\dd ask them for
more medication or one littk> bottle of sulfa Avhieh would euro a lot
of men, we were told they had no means of transportation to bring this.
]?ut they always had tlie means of transportation to bring in this
pro]-)aganda material. That was from the beoinning.
The CiiAiHMAX. AVhat was your situation in regard to medication
for the American prisoners?
jNIajor Shadisii. Medication was not the main problem. We did
not have any medications but we felt, we physicians felt that the
main problem was food. If we could have suflicient food, we w^ould
not have needed those medications. Consequently, because we did
not have food — we were on a starvation diet for at least the first 6
or 8 months, although, from there on, the diet improved. It was never
adequate. Because of this, men were malnourished and were suft'erinf^
from disease and had no resistance to any infection. When they did
get an infection, it was a matter of a few days before they died. Not
having any medications made it all the worse.
The Cir AIRMAN. Did the Chinese have medication?
Major Shadisii. Yes; they did. The Chinese during these early
months had no physicians and asked me to treat their men. As a
physician, I said I would. The;^ had their own stock of supplies
and they had all of the antibiotics and the necessary medications
there to treat their men and more.
The Chairman. How about surgical instruments? What did you
have for the American prisoner in the way of surgical instruments?
Major Shadish. We had no surgical instruments at first. Eventu-
ally we got an old scalpel and 1 or 2 hemostats. We made some
scalpels and made a stethoscope.
The Chairman. Prior to that time did the Chinese doctors perform
surgery on some of the American prisoners ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. There was one case where a Korean
physician came to our camp in about mid-January 1951, about 2
months after we were captured, a month and a half. He claimed to be
a surgeon with 5 years' training. He said he would like to see any
surgical cases we had. We had a large number of them. He picked
four of these men to do surgery on. One of these men had a gan-
grenous thumb from a shrapnel wound and his thumb had to come
off. This surgeon, as he called himself, took him to a room.
I asked to be allowed to go along. The man was given no anes-
thetic, although there was morphine available to them. This surgery
was done in a very shocking maimer to a surgeon. It was what we
would call hacking. He took the man's thumb off. The man had a
terrific amount of pain. We pleaded with him to give him something
afterward. They dressed his hand, took him outside of a room, set
him on a chair.
There was a Chinese there with a Leica camera. He set the man
down. The Korean then went in and put on a gown and mask and
came out with a syringe and needle, a syringe which I had hoped
was something for the man's pain. He stood beside this man, a
Xegro soldier. There is a picture of this in one of the Communist
publications showing this physician standing by this Negro man w-ith
the syringe up against his arm ready to give an injection with print-
S2018''--54— pt. 23 7
1834 INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
ing unclerneath sajdng something to the effect that here is a corps aid
man treating an American prisoner.
The picture was taken. The man aa' as shoved off the chair, not given
a shot, and told to go down to his room.
Tlie Chairman". What happened to the man ?
INIajor Shadish. He died within 3 weeks from infection to that hand.
The Chaieman. You have seen that picture reproduced in the prop-
aganda showing where they are giving aid to the American prisoners?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. I recognize the man.
The Chairman. Do you recall what publication you saw that pic-
ture reproduced in ?
Major Shadish. It is a publication called POWs Calling, made up
entirely of statements and experiences and a number of these peti-
tions that were signed, supposedly voluntarily, by the prisoners.
The Chairman. Major, did you become acquainted with a Lieu-
tenant Gill while you were in one of these camps ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir; I did so.
The Chairman. Will you tell us about your acquaintance with
him and what happened to him?
Major Shadish. I hoped I could have talked to Mrs. Gill before,
but I haven't had the oj^portunity.
The Chairman. We are sorry Mrs. Gill came in late and we had
an executive session and there was no opportunity for that.
Major Shadish. I fii'st met Lieutenant Gill approximately the end
of May of 1951. I was working as the camp physician and was sep-
arated from the rest of the camp, from the officers and from the
enlisted men, except for the approximately 100 seriously ill and
wounded prisoners in this compound. Lieutenant Gill was brought
down about the end of INIay to the compound for the seriously ill. He
was suffering from malnutrition, as were all the rest of the men, but
he was also suffering from severe dysentery which increased the mal-
nutrition.
He stayed in this compound until roughly the end of June, during
which time his health deteriorated constantly. The food at that time
was still a starvation diet and consisted mainly of rice, very little else.
I asked for medication to treat this man with, and t know the
Chinese had the medication because as I say, I was also doing medicine
for them. It was refused. They said they had none. I was able
to get hold of some morphine which, although it is not the ideal
treatment for diarrhea, is known to have an effect to counteract diar-
rhea. I used morphine — opium, rather, on Lieutenant Gill and it
did relieve a lot of his symptoms. He became more ill until I per-
suaded them to send him to the main hosi:)ital compound about a mile
from camp.
I had four enlisted men working with me, Americans, who the
Chinese would have carry the seriously ill by litter. I was not per-
mitted to go to the hospital. I was restricted to the compound. I
instructed -these men to check the hospital every day, find which of
the men had left my compound and gotten to the hospital and died.
Within 1 week after the time Lieutenant Gill was taken up to the
hospital, these men came back and reported that Lieutenant Gill was
dead and they had seen his body^
Mr. Carpenter. I have here a document captioned "An Interview
^With Monica Felton — Stop the War." JNIonica Felton was a British
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GO\ERNMENT 1835
roi)re.sentative of tli,G AVomen's Internationul Dcinocracy Federation
and the <2;roup which investi<:;ated coiulilioiis in Nortli Korea in 1951.
Did j'ou have any occasion to see Monica Felton while you were in
a prisoner-of-war camp ?
Major SiiADisir. No, sir. I never saw Monica Felton.
Mv. Carpexter. Did you read this document in the China Monthly
Review of January 11)53 ^
jMajor SiiADisir. Yes, I read the document.
Mr. CARrENTER. Mrs. Felton describes the housing of the POW's.
Tbpy sleep on mats on the floor with blankets and hard pillows. I think
they keep warm in the winter because the homes have central heating. The
winters are extremely cold but the men have quilted clothing.
Is that an accurate description?
Major Shadisii. No, it was not an accurate description. She
thouoht wrono:. The houses in Korea, as you know, have the under-
the-floor heating. The only difficulty was that in all of our homes
the heating system was broken down, not repaired. We did not
have the wood anyhow to build a fire, so it did not do us much good.
The first winter was the hardest winter, in that we lost almost all
of our men that died. We had no clothing, blankets, bedding issued
to us that winter. We had nothing issued until the spring thaw,
that following spring, 1951, at which time we no longer needed them.
]Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of the China
The Chairman. Did you have something further to add?
Major Shadish. No, sir.
]Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of the China Monthly Review of May
1951, there are four photograplis of American POW's carrying over-
coats, blankets, and towels. A quote from Clevenger says, ''When
Mom sees this, she need not worry about us in the cold." Are these
truly representative of conditions in the POW's camps ?
]\iajor Shadish. They are not. They certainly are true photo-
graphs but the methods used to obtain these photograplis are not
proper.
The pictures over here, we remember seeing those things and we
were a little upset about it. You see a man holding a large hunk
of meat in his hand with a smile on his face. If you have gone 6
months without seeing meat and someone hands you a large piece of
meat and says, "This is going to be for you," I think every man would
smile.
The thing they do not tell under that caption is, this was the first
meat this man had in about 6 months, or maybe 4 months if he was
lucky. The second thing is that that piece of meat would be 1 month's
ration for approximately 500 men. That is a little bit when you look
at it that way.
Mr. Carpenter. Going back. Major, I have just now received a copy
of American POWs Calling From Korea, and I have here a picture
captioned "A Chinese Medical Orderly Dressing a Prisoner's
Wounds." I will ask you if this is the picture you have just testified
about in relation to medical treatment.
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. This is the picture that I was talking
about.
JSIr. Carpenter. That is the same picture ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir.
1836 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. You saw this picture taken ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. I was there when that picture was taken.
Mr. Carpexter. This is captioned "American POW's Appeal to the
United Nations," and there is no
The CHAiRMAisr. It will be incorporated into our record by reference.
]\Ir. Carpexter. You never saw Monica Felton ?
Major SiiADisH. I never personally saw INIonica Felton.
Mr. Carpenter. Did any of the prisoners of war with whom you
came in contact ever tell you they had talked to her and had seen her
there in camp?
]\Iajor Shadish. Some of the prisoners told me they had seen Monica
Felton.
Mr. Carpenter. In her article in the China Monthly Review, Mrs.
Felton also says the POWs have organized ball teams, and there is
fishing and swimming. Can you comment about that?
Major Shadish. Will you please repeat that?
The Chairman. Organized ball teams, and there was also swim-
ming and fishing.
Major Shadish. In the officer's camp there was swimming in a small
stream which we dammed up, which left us an area about 10 feet in
diameter and about 2 feet deep. The 150 to 300 officers there w^ould use
this for swimming. We had ball games. We started playing softball.
All this happened aft^r the negotiations began. I want to state we no-
ticed all the way through that the only improvement that we ever did
have began after the negotiations at Kaesong. The nearer we ap-
proached completion of negotiations, tlie better the treatment got.
Any setback in negotiations would hud a corresponding setback in
the treatment at the camp. When we started this softball, which I be-
lieve was the spring of 1952, we had to make our own baseballs and
bats and gloves. The Chinese were opposed to it at first, because they
felt there was some political meaning to this same of baseball, and
it had to be explained thoroughly to them. They always explained
to us everytliing has a political meaning, and they felt this had a po-
litical meaning. But all these sports were through the efforts of our
senior officers, who constantly harassed the Chinese to get us some-
thing. It was not until well into 1952 before we did get any of it.
Mr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, can you tell how they prepared a
prisoner of war to accept the indoctrination you are speaking about
here ?
Major Shadish. Yes. The methods used appeared to be the same as
that used anywhere by the Communists. The prisoner was first in-
tentionally deprived of the necessary food, clothing, and shelter to sus-
tain life at a healthy level. He was taken physically to a level which
was bordering upon death, and there were a number of deaths. There
was no idea in the prisoner's mind where he was standing. He was
just a little bit away. Then the indoctrination teams and material
would be brought into the camp. The men would be told that if they
accepted indoctrination and did not resist that they were going to
give a feast for us. The feast was rice, rice we had not seen up until
then.
The Chairman. What were you fed ?
Major Shadish. Cracked corn or whole corn or millet is about all
we saw. It Vv'as painfully made clear to the prisoner that if he did
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1837
not cooperate lie M'ould not only revert back to liis old status but most
probably below that. A i)risoner alter a while <2:ot to know if he were
ill for any reason and could not eat his food for about 3 days, he would
die. That was so. He had no reserve whatsoever, and I have seen a
larii'e number of men wlio throu<ih illness or some other cause would
go off their food and they would die. This Avas made clear to the
prisoners. As long as the prisoners cooperated without resisting too
strongly, the food would stay at a level where all the men or prac-
tically all tlie men could live. As soon as resistance came up, condi-
tions became worse.
Mr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, will you describe fully from your
own personal knowledge and experience the treatment of POWs in
reii:ard to letters to their loved ones ?
Major Shadish. Yes, sir. There was a concentrated effort by the
Connnunists to procure letters from the prisoners with political con-
tent. At the very first it w^as impossible to get a letter out of camp
without political content. I remember an individual by the name of
Shapiro who is a Caucasian. He posed as a correspondent for the
London Daily Worker, came into Death Valley in January 1951 with
the Chinese. He was armed. He had a camera. He was well fed. He
supposedly came in to cover the situation, and all he did the entire
time he was there w^as promote a petition and the signing of a petition
and to promote the project of getting letters out, of political content.
At this time I have a letter which he sent out — I do not have it but
it is printed in the Communist publications in which the quote from
me is in a letter to my waf e :
Please use your influence to see that the war in Korea is settled peacefully and
that all foreign troops are removed from Korea.
The story behind that is, first of all, I was seriously ill at the time.
I w\as told by the other physicians in camp I w\as not going to live. I
wanted to write a letter home, and Shapiro came around and said that
we all could write a letter home. He gave us paper and we w^rote. The
letter was brought back to me by the Chinese and they said there was
nothing in the letter for peace. They said there was no use for that
letter to go home. I couldn't get it home.
So another letter was brought up by Shapiro showing a form of how
it should be w^ritten with all types of anti-American slogans in it. We
all discussed this among ourselves and with the senior officers, and we
decided we would all pick this one same phrase and include it in our
letters. I chose to write home because I felt this was my last oppor-
tunity to talk to my wife. I w-rote a long letter in which I told my
w4fe how I felt about her and the children. The only part which ap-
peared in the publication was the portion which they thought they
could use. My wife never received that letter. That was the only
thing I have about Mr. Shapiro.
Senator Johnstox. But they did take that letter and publish it in
the newspapers?
Major Shadish. They published a quote from it.
Mr. Carpenter. In the China Monthly Keview Mi-s. Felton has
stated that POAV's got together and decided they wanted a peace
organization and they asked permission of the Korean Government to
get together with other POW camps on this subject :
They held general peace meetincs with all camps participating, and they are now
issuing a peace magazine. I talked with six American I'OWs and many British
1838 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
prisoners who were active in tiie peace movement. Tliey felt the majority of
prisoners supported their views.
Is this an accurate statement of the facts ?
Major Shadish, That is not. The Peace Committee, as I remember
it, was formed somewhat like this : The Chinese came np to our com-
pound and told us there was going to be a Peace Committee. And you
would have members on this Peace Committee. They suggested we
elect members. We refused to elect members, so they appointed mem-
bers to the Peace Committee.
Eventually what luippened to this Peace Committee, I do not know,
but I know tiie members of the officers' compound refused to participate
and participation was by appointment and was forced. I do not know
of any case where prisoners went up to the Chinese and asked permis-
sion to form a Peace Committee. That is beyond my scope, and I
know a lot of prisoners who w^ere over there.
Mr. Carpenter. What means were used to get these signatures ?
Major Shadish. Various and sundry means; about the same type
that were used to get attendance at the classes of indoctrination, all
types of threats and carrying out of threats if the man persisted in
not signing these things. I remember one group of men, one room of
them that were presented with a petition to sign and refused. They
were told if they did not sign this petition, all of their food rations
would be cut out from that day on. And they were very sincere about
it. So these men signed the petition. It was that type of thing.
IMr. Carpenter. Do you remember the occasion wlien the POW's
were asked to send a New Year's greeting to Communist General Chu
Teh in 1952?
Major Shadish. That is right. At the officers' camp we were given
printed cards tliat we could send home for New Year's. Most of us
altered the cards. They all had "Peace" on them. Of course, we felt
very bitterly at that time about the way the Communists felt about
peace. We felt they were using it for propaganda only. We altered
the cards as much as possible to eliminate any use of propaganda and
thereby would sign them and send them home. I altered mine. Mine
didn't get home because it was altered, I suppose.
They came to us and told us they wanted us to sign a New Year's
greeting to Chu Teh. We did not particularly want to give any New
Year's greeting to Chu Teh and wish him good luck. We wished him
just the opposite. They insisted. Eventually we talked them out of it.
I know some of our senior officers shortly thereafter were taken over
to the headquarters of the Chinese on a charge of attempting to form
a group of men who would oppose indoctrination. One of the charges
put out against them was they instigated against this good- will mes-
sage and sabotaged the peace and good-will message to Chu Teh.
They were punished by long terms of solitary imprisonment.
]\Ir. Carpenter. What can you tell us about this man Shapiro, his
activities?
Major Shadish. This man Shapiro, as I said before, posed as a
correspondent for the London Daily Worker. He did no correspond-
ing or no newspaper work in the camps as far as we could see. The
only thing he came to Death Valley for was, first, to get a petition
signed ; and, two, to take these letters as propaganda material. When
he got these two things he left.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IX GOVERNMENT 1839
I personally lind asked him a luimber of times for his influence to
^et more medication and food and his contact with the outside to get
the l\ed Cross in. He laughed in my face at this. He thought it was a
big joke.
JNfr. Carpenter. Do you know what nationality he was?
INfajor Shauish. He had a Ik-itish accent, but it did not sound to me
as though he were a native British subject. It sounded as though it
was an acquired accent. He would not tell me what nationality he
was.
Mr. Carpenter. In the China Monthly Review, Mrs. Felton says :
The row camps w.ere l)oml)e(l by the American planes in spite of the fact that
their locations were clearly marked by agreement between both sides.
Do 5'ou have any information on the bombing of prisoner-of-war
camps ?
jMajor Sttadisti. Yes. These were a sore spot with us. I know that
some of these articles came out, I am certain, in July of 1952, or
earlier. Our prison camps were not marked until approximately
September or later in 1952. All of these articles told how our camps
were so well marked and yet our own planes were bombing our men,
and this was all a lie. We did not have our camps marked. We asked
a large number of times to let us mark our camps or to mark them in
some manner and were told that if our camps were marked it would
just allow our planes to come over and bomb them. They would know
where they were. But they were not marked at the time a number of
these articles were published.
Mr. Carpenter. Were these prisoner-of-war camps flanked by anti-
aircraft guns and military supplies?
Major Shadisii. Not the camp I was in. The officers' camp was
not surrounded by it, but there were camps which — particularly the
sergeants' compound. Camp No. 4 — had a large supply of foodstuffs
and, as they found out later, American ammunition, when the Ameri-
can planes hit the place. It went up as an ammunition dump would
go up outside of the camp. Around our camp they had no ammunition
clump, although they did have a number of large warehouses filled with
foodstuffs which were taken out constantly by truck. It was not used
for us.
]Mr. Carpenter. In the China Monthly Review, Mrs. Felton charges
the United States with conducting germ warfare. Are you familiar
with the charge of germ warfare ?
Major Shauish. I am familiar with the charge of it, and my im-
pressions of the situation of course are limited because of my posi-
tion at that time. But it was interesting in that we were given the
opportunity to see the proof of germ warfare in — I cannot state the
exact time. I think the spring of 1953 or the fall of 1952 a large
building was erected near the officer's company in Camp 2, seemingly
for the sole purpose of setting up this exhibit which consisted of about
1 or 2 large photographs.
These were placed in the room in a number of rows so parties could
walk up and down these rows and view all the exhibits. All the
prisoners were marched through here, and all the Chinese and Koreans
were marched through here. Under these pictures were English and
oriental inscriptions describing the subject. These were supposed
to be pictures of proof which — well, one was the International Demo-
1840 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
cratic Lawyers Guild and the other was a group of scientists and
physicians who were supposed to have said that this was definite
proof. We saw them and we considered it a ludicrous thing to have
a picture of a dead rat lying in the snow. This was supposed to be
proof this rat was dropped in Korea laden with germs.
Another picture, a casing of a shell. This is supposed to be proof
germ bombs were dropped. I dare say we could do tlie same thing
out here on the Capitol steps and have proof in the other direction.
We felt there was no basis to it.
Senator Johnston. Major, I believe that was in the China Monthly
Review, too, was it not ?
Major Shadish. There were pictures of that in the China Monthly
Eeview.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you tell us what you know about the voluntary
character of the Chinese troops ?
Major Shadish. What, sir?
Mr. Carpenter. The vountary character. In other words, they say
they were volunteers.
Major Shadish. We had opportunity to talk to some of these Chi-
nese, and I purposely will not name them or locate them. Among
their troops I have talked to some who have told me that they defi-
nitely were not volunteers. One man told me his battalion commander
volunteered the battalion. That was the extent of it.
Another told me he had been serving with the Communist forces
for a large number of years, wanted to get home but had not been
home in all that time and he was made to come to Korea and that it
was holding him up from going home again. It was that sort of
thing. A number of them told us they were not volunteers.
The avid Communist would tell us, "Oh, yes ; we are all volunteers.
We volunteered to come here." But there were a few of them that
would tell us the true situation.
Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of July 1051 of the China Monthly
Review, on page 20, it describes the broadcasts of American POW's
from Korea. Did you personally listen to these broadcasts?
Major Shadish. We had a loudspeaker system set up around our
camp. The Chinese set it up. Over this was played recordings of
these broadcasts. Also, to which their radio was connected and we
would get radio Peiping intermittently as the political editorials
would be to their liking and would also get some Chinese music
occasionally.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know how they were conducted?
Major Shadish, The l3roadcasts? I personally cannot state that.
I don't know how they were conducted. I have my opinion but it is
not factual so I will not state it.
Mr. Carpenter. In the issue of January 1952 of the China Monthly
Review, pages 70 and 72, it describes Thanksgiving in a POW camp.
Do you have any recollection about that ?
Major Shadish. That was 19
Mr. Carpenter. 1952.
Major Shadish. What month?
Mr. Carpenter. January.
Major Shadish. That was describing, I imagine, the Thanks^ving
of 1951. This was at the time the negotiations were begiiming to
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1841
look fairly fjood. "We were told by the Chinese thin<!:s were goinf^ well
and we may be home witliin several months. Tliis time they bi-ouij;lit
a lar^e amount of food, of meats, bread, candies, ci<2;arettes, some salii — •
all kinds of things. They gave us a Thanksgiving party. It was
fabulous to us at that time because we had not seen anything lilce it.
Being back here at home it was not so hot. But the interesting thing
about all that is this was a one-time affair. It happened on two
Christmases and a Thanksgiving. It was interesting after this hap-
]>ened, the negotiations deteriorated. That is about January of 1952.
It a]ipeared to us after this, as after all the other ones, our rations
for the next 3 months were cut into deeply to help pay for this feast
which we had which was so widely publicized.
IMr. Carpenter. Major Shadish, in the issue of July 1952 of the
China Monthly Review, it argues against the rights of Korean and
Chinese war prisoners to voluntary repatriation. In this connection,
pages 24 and 25 cite article 118 of the Geneva Conference as follows :
'•Prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated without delay
after the cessation of active hostilities." It quotes article 7, "that
prisoners under no circmiistances shall renounce in part or in entirety
the rights secured by them by the present convention." Do you have
any personal knowledge of how the Chinese Communists exploited
the provisions of the Geneva Convention ?
Major Shadish. Yes. It appeared to us they were using the Geneva
Convention any time they were attempting to press a point. However,
in our camp we constantly referred to the Geneva Convention and
were told every time that the Chinese do not recognize the Geneva
Convention in any manner. We pointed out when they brought out
this article about prisoners not being able to renounce any of their
riglits, we pointed out to them they were attempting — as a matter of
fact, insisting that we were no longer members of the Armed Forces,
we were liberated officers or liberated men, we were students and we
were not members of the Armed Forces in any way. They attempted
to make us feel this way.
We pointed out they could not do it because we could not renounce
our right. Our right was to still be a soldier and still to have our
own jurisdiction among ourselves, et cetera. But this made no im-
Dression whatsoever, although they used the same argument at
1
.vaesong.
INIr. Carpenter. Were you allowed to sing our American songs, our
national anthem?
Major Shadish. We were forbidden to sing the national anthem,
although with a group of men it is impossible to keep it down all the
time. It would break out here and there. Men would be punished
as ringleaders on each one of these occasions. It was interesting, a
number of hymns were forbidden because it was felt these hymns
were national and political in character. And thereby the chaplain
was called over and told we would not sing hymns in the services
unless he wrote out each hymn to be sung in longhand and take it
over to the Chinese for approval.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record
this copy of the China Monthly Review of January 1953, entitled
"An Interview with Monica Felton — Stop the War."
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the
record.
1842 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 460" and follows :)
Exhibit No. 4G0
[From the China Monthly Review, January 1953]
an interview with monica felton
Stop the War!
Monira Felton was the British representative of the Women's
International Democratic Federation in the group which investi-
gated conditions in North Korea in 1951. Returning to England, she
made her findings liuown and took an active part in peace work. As
a I'esult, she was dismissed from her Government job as head of a
town planning commission. Mrs. Felton, who was awarded a Stalin
International Peace Prize, made a second visit to Korea in September
1952.
She was interviewed by the Review at the Peace Conference of the
Asian and Pacific Regions held in Peking last October, which she
attended as a specially invited guest. In the interview, Mrs. Felton
descrijjes her visit to a prisoner-of-war camp in North Korea and her
impressions of the struggle being carried on by the Korean people.
Question. Mrs. Felton, we understand that you visited a prisoner-of-war camp
when you were in Korea. Could you tell us something about it?
Answer. Yes, I spent a short time at Camp No. 5, which is in an incredibly
picturesque spot on the Yalu River, with high mountains behind it. We crossed
the river by ferry to the camp and found that two-thirds of a village had been
given over to it. POW headquarters was about a mile from the village. Tliere
was no barbed wire around the camp. The POW's were divided into sections —
Americans, British, Colombian, Turkish, etc. — but all mixed freely in the village.
Question. We've received quite a few letters from families of American POW's
and many of them ask about the living conditions at the camp. What was your
impression?
Answer. They live in Korean houses, quite primitive, but clean. They sleep on
mats on the floor, with blanket and hard pillow ; they told me it took a long time
to get used to hard beds, but once used to it they found it adequate and good for
their health. I think they keep warm in winter because the homes have a form
of central heating. * * * Korea was the first country in the world to have it.
The main part of the house is built up from the gi'ound, while the kitchen is on a
lower level, and the flues go under the rest of the house, keeping the floors warm.
The winters are extremely cold, but the men have quilted clothing.
Question. Did the POW's say anything about the food?
Answer. Yes, indeed. They said there was plenty of it, but that it was getting
boring. Some of the British POW's said they were sick of the sight of pork. The
sugar ration is IY2 pounds per month for each man, and they also have a cigarette
ration.
Question. What do they do all day to keep busy? Are there any facilities for
sports and recreation?
Answer. The POW's have organized ball teams, and there is fishing and swim-
ming. Each camp has a library, with Mark Twain, Dickens, Soviet novels, and
political literature. No compulsory political courses are given, but sliort talks,
given by Chinese in good idiomatic English, on news items and general subjects
are compulsory. A large Anglo-American study group has been organized, with
courses on such subjects as public speaking and how to conduct meetings.
Question. What was your impression of the way the POW's are being treated?
Answer. I found that the Chinese try very hard to meet reasonable requests.
For example, I learned that many POW's didn't want to write their families be-
cause the envelopes had "Resist American Aggression" on them. I mentioned this
to the Chinese, who thanked me, and the letters I received from POW's later came
in envelopes marked only "airmail."
Nearly all the POW's I met had been allowed to keep their personal posses-
sions— watches, etc. Some described their march north to camp, when they were
always given shelter, even though it meant turning Koreans out of their homes.
* * * John Gaster, a British member of the International Association of Demo-
cratic Lawyers, who visited a camp last spring, told the Chinese that they were
doing too much for the prisoners, that Americans and British tend to look down
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1843
tipon poople who servo tlioin. and tlmt tlioy shduld nmkp tlio I'OW's ^Y()l•k for
theinsolvos. This isunmuT 1 louiul th:it the Ainerieaii and. British I'OWs were
working, hiiildiiig their own chibhouse of materials supplied by the Chinese.
Question. How do the TOW's you talked to feel about peace?
Answer. They have their own peace niovenieiit. It was started in the spring
of last year, with an Anu^rican officer as chairman and a British private as
secretary. The I'OWs got to.nether and decided they wanted a p.eace orj^ani-
zation, and they asked permission of the Korean Government to meet with other
POW camps on this subject. They held jieneral peace meetings, with all camps
participatinji'. and they're now issuing a peace mauaziue.
I talked with six American BOW's and many British prisoners who were
active in the peace movement. Thoy felt the majority of prisoners supported
their views, and said they had learned from the Chinese how to analyze the
objections of those who disagreed with them, and now they had a much better
relationship with them.
Question. Do they know about the truce talks? What do they feel about
them?
Answer. Yes, indeed, they know. They follow the progress of the talks
very closely and they felt that they were phony and the United States was
at fault for not reaching agreement long before this. All the POW's I talked
to were convinced that the war had been started by the United States and
South Korea. And their attitude toward the United States election campaign
seemed to be that "one side's as bad as the other."
Question. Did the POW's have any complaints?
Answer. Yes; they complained about their mail. Before, all their letters
had been sent through the China Peace Committee, and although mail was
slow, it did get through. But now they said that all mail went via the truce
negotiators and they felt that it wasn't getting through. I had talked with the
mother of a British POW in England, who told me that she was regularly
sending clippings to her son ; but when I met him in camp, he said he had
never received any of them * * *. The British POW's particularly resent their
mail being stamped "U. S. Army P. O." From several of them I got a list of
letters sent and received, w'ith dates, wliich I shall check with their families.
One young American POW described to me how the camp was bombed, in
spite of the fact that its location w^as clearly marked by agreement between
both sides. "But that," lie added bitterly, "didn't prevent them from killing
and wounding our own fellows * * *. And when I went out next morning
and saw the way the Koreans in the village looked at me, I could have sunk
into the ground with shame * * *. What can we do to make certain that
our own people know these things? When we get home, we'll tell them ourselves,
but they ought to be told now * * *.
Question. Did you talk with any of the United States Air Force men who had
confessed to germ warfare?
Answer. Yes; I met Lieutenant Quinn and found him to be very friendly
and likable. As you know, he is a Catholic, and he told me that at first, when
he was given books to read, he refused to look at them. One day he was handed
the dean of Canterbury's Socialist Sixth of the World. The very thought of
the Bed dean upset him, but there was nothing else of interest to read, so he
began it, and then couldn't put it down. He said that book and Epstein's The
Unfinished Revolution in China started him thinking.
He seems to have a great sense of personal guilt for the part he took in
germ warfare, and he talked about the conflict in his own mind, as he loves
America and the American people, and feels a deep loyalty to his coimtry,
which he described as "the best place in the world." But he was sure that:
he had done the right thing in confessing his part in germ warfare, and is quite
prepared to accept the consequences.
He mentioned that he used to read a great deal about how drugs and torture
were used in eastern European trials to get confessions, and then he grinned
at me and asked, "Do I look as though I'd been drugged and tortured?" He
felt certain that his family would support his stand.
Question. When you visited Korea this time did you find any differences
Since your last visit?
Answer. Yes ; I found that Korea had changed in two significant respects.
First, the fury of physical destruction had risen to new heights, and, second,
the magnificent bravery of the ordinary people, which struck me so during my
first visit, had taken on a quality of calmness, had become stronger.
1844 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
In 1951, Pyongyang was already a ruin, but scattered skeletons of buildings
afforded some shelter, and a dense population lived in tiny huts on the outskirts.
But this year not even the skeletons of buildings remain, so savage have been
the most recent attacks, and the hovels on the outskirts have also been pounded
into dust * * * all that remains of such "military objectives" is scattered tiles,
charred fragments of wood, a litter of broken pots, rags, an occasional broken
toy.
Question. And what's been the effect of these recent bombing raids?
Answer. Well, on the morning of September 16 I went to see the results of
the previous night's bombing. The bombs had fallen in a village of tiny houses,
far from any building that could have been of the slightest military importance;
yet the fields of onions and cabbages were torn with bomb craters.
The wounded — most of them women and children — were still being carried to
the hospital, and some of the dead were being lowered into roughly made coffins.
Nearby, other bodies and fragments of human limbs still lay where the force of
the blast had blown them. * * * i asked an old man if he had stayed in the
dugout during the raid. "How could I stay in the shelter," he asked with a
hint of reproof, "when I knew that other people were suffering what I have
(suffered and that they might need my help?"
This 68-year-old peasant Is a significant part of Korea today, because he is
typical of the quiet courage and heroic determination that make up the spirit of
a people who can never be defeated. I met that spirit all over North Korea.
Question. How do you account for this courageous attitude of the people?
Answer. I mentioned that the courage of the Korean people had taken on a
quality of calmness. This calmness is the fruit of achievement which has been
won during the past year in spite of incessant bombing. Life in Korea today
not merely survives, but advances. The countryside is rich with a bumper
harvest, and destroyed livestock is being replaced by skillful breeding.
In Pyongyang itself a new life goes on underground, where productive work
and even cultural activities are safe from bombing. Outside the city orphaned
children are being nursed back to health with a loving care that is an example
to the whole world. The women of Korea, whether caring for the children,
tending the sick, or cultivating the fields, show a purpose, a strength and gaiety
of spirit full of confidence in the future.
The Korean people show courage in the highest and noblest sense; but it is
courage in circumstances which the world must refuse to tolerate. The terror
that stalks in Korea is a terror that can destroy the world as we know it. The
war In Korea has gone on too long^far too long. The time has come for the
peoples of the world to act, to put an end to it.
Mr. Carpenter. Major, I have here a report on -which your name
appears. I will ask you to tell us what it is and if that name in the
report is the same as yours.
Major Shadish. This report is a copy of the conversation which
took place at a conference at the Surgeon General's office of the five
surviving physicians who were prisoners of war in Korea. This con-
ference was under the auspices of the Surgeon General.
Mr. Carpenter. Your name appears there ?
Major Shadish. It does, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. In what connection does your name appear?
Major Shadish. My name is listed as one of the surviving physi-
cians of the prisoner-of-war camp.
The Chairman. One of the five ?
Major Shadish. Five surviving; yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. I believe you also wrote an article for the American
IMedical Journal entitled "Medical Experiences in Communist POW
Camps in Korea."
Major Shadish. This article was written by the five physicians
again.
Mr. Carpenter. I will ask this be made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It will go into the record and become part of the
record. The same with the previous exhibit.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1845
(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 461" and reads as
follows:)
Exhibit No. 401
[From the Journal of the American Medical Association, September 11, 1954]
Medical Experiences in Communist POW Camps in Korea*
Maj. Clarence L. Anderson, MaJ. Alexander M. Boysen, Capt. Sidney Esensten,
Capt. Gene N. Lam, and Capt. William R. Shadisb, Medical Corps, United
States Army
The following report constitutes a general recital of the experiences and
observations of live American medical otiicers wlio were prisoners of war of the
Communists in Korea. No attempt has l)een made to present this material as a
scientific study. The period of observation started in July 1!)-jO and continued
until September 1953, when the last group of prisoners of war was repatriated.
A large part of the accumulated prisoner-of-war experience is included. Some
of the smaller groups composed largely of men who were captured after January
1, 1952, were not observed directly by any of the captured medical officers.
THREE PHASES OF CAPTIVITY
The entire period of captivity is divided into three general time phases. The
first phase started with capture and ended with arrival in tlie first permanent
camp. It was characterized by lack of food and shelter, forced marches, and
exposure to the elements. IMen were forced to march througli snowstorms with-
out adequate clothing or foot covering. Food was supplied and prepared by
the local inhabitants. Frequently there was no food for 24- to 72-hour periods.
The only water available for drinking was snow water from polluted sources,
such as standing wells, creeks, and rice paddies. With few exceptions, the
prisoners got to rear areas by marching and carrying the wounded, either on
improvised litters or on tlieir backs. Injuries resulting from prolonged marches
and exposure to cold were common. Dysentery made its first appearance. Medi-
cal supplies were nonexistent, and treatment was limited entirely to first aid,
using improvised splints and rag dressings. Most of the prisoners experienced
severe mental depression.
The second phase began with the arrival at the first permanent camp and
ended about October 1951, when the first beneficial effects of the armistice nego-
tiations were felt. This was a phase of profound deprivation of all the necessi-
ties of life. The diet was grossly inadequate. The Thanksgiving, 1950, meal of
one group of 500 men furnishes a typical example. Each man received a millet
ball weighing less than 200 grams, and the wliole group was given soup prepared
by boiling nine heads of cabbage in water. Group sanitation and personal
hygiene were at their lowest levels. The men were housed in small, unhealed,
overcrowded, vermin-infested Korean farm houses. No clothing was issued until
July 1951. Medicine and medical care were inadequate, and morale reached its
lowest ebb. In the face of all these conditions, sickness and death became the
order of the day.
The third phase began in October 1951 with gradually increasing quantities
of food, clothing, and medicine. This period was characterized by many fluctu-
ations in the attitude of the captors toward the prisoners, which appeared to
follow changes in the political situation and the armistice conference. The diet
remained inadequate in protein -and vitamin content. Housing was gradually
improved to a point of relative comfort, and clothing was sufficient for .survival.
Sanitary conditions, while never good, underwent a gradual improvement. Jled-
ical care never became adequate. Avitamiuoses were prevalent.
MEDICAL CARE
The health of all United Nations prisoners was neglected tliroughout the period
of captivity. Before the on.set of armistice negotiations the Communists showed
no uniform desire to keep the prisoners alive. By the spring of 1951 the food
shortage had become so acute that weeds growing adjacent to the prison com-
1 Read before the section on military medicine at the 103d annual meeting of the Ameri-
can Medical Association, San Francisco, June 24, l'J54.
1846 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
pound were boiled and eaten. Most of the serious disease epidemics occurred
during tlie first year of captivity. Pneumonia and dysentery were epidemic at this
time. Some of the captured medical officers were allowed to see patients. Medi-
cal and surgical supplies, however, were doled out on a day-to-day basis. The so-
called hospital compounds were frequently the coldest buildings in the camp.
The patients slept and lived on the floors of these filthy, crowded compounds. It
was common for them to awaken in the morning and find that the man sleeping on
either side had died during the night. No provision was made for the prisoners to
he properly clothed, and their diet was always poor. At times they were put on
a special diet consisting of an unseasoned preparation of soupy rice.
Penicillin and the sulfonamides were available sporadically and in such small
quantities that it was not possible to treat all who needed these drugs. On one
occasion we were given 2 million units of aqueous penicillin for the treatment of
approximately 100 cases of pneumonia. Our captors refused to allow more than
6 grams of sulfonamide for the treatment of any single pneumonia patient. Fre-
quently, the only medicaments available were cough tablets for pneumonia and
charcoal tablets for dysentery. Surgical problems were handled in an equally
haphazard manner. It was necessary to wait several weeks to obtain a few
surgical instruments and the barest minimum of anesthetic materials. Incision
and drainage of abscesses was usually carried out without anesthesia, by using
improvised instruments, such as a knife made from the arch of a combat boot.
Deaths. — Virtually all of the deaths in the Communist prisoner-of-war camps
were caused directly or indirectly b.v starvation, exposure, and the harassment
by the enemy. The lack of medicaments was not the most important factor. Dur-
ing the first month or two of captivity most of the deaths occurred among the
wounded. During the succeeding 3 to 5 months most of the men died either from
pneumonia or dysentery, or from a combination of these two. After the first .^ or
6 months of captivity the majority of deaths occurred among persons suffering
from pellagra or beriberi. During one 5-month period there were between 5 and
28 deaths per day in 1 camp in North Korea. None of these men had illnesses that
would have caused death had they been under normal conditions.
After October 19.51 the prisoners were put on a subsistence diet and were given
sufficient clothing and reasonably warm housing. All of the men continiied to
suffer from periodic loss of day and night vision, and bleeding from soreness of
the mouth and lips. There were occasional cases of pneumonia and dysentery.
Sickness and death became so common during the first year and a half of cap-
tivity that the prisoners began to feel that any sickness would be fatal. In an
attempt to overcome this attitude, the captured physicians coined a very unfortu-
nate term, "give-up-itis." The use of this term had its desired immediate effect on
the prisoners. It made them realize that the individual's fighting spirit had to
be maintained at a high level for him to survive any illness. The term "give-up-
Itis" has recently gotten wide circulation in the public press. The erroneous im-
pression has been created that prisoners of war who were in good physical health
gave up and died ; this is not true. Every prisoner of war in Korea who died had
suffered from malnutrition, exposure to cold, and continued harassment by the
Communists. Contributing causes to the majority of deaths were prolonged cases
of respiratory infection and diarrhea. Under such conditions, it is amazing, not
that there was a high death rate, but that there was a reasonably good rate of
survival.
Chinese phijsirinns.—Din-ms the STmiraer and fall of 19."51 all of the British
and American doctors were gradually replaced by Chinese. Most of the Chinese
doctors exhibited a wide range of medical incompetence. Most of them had a
maximum of 6 months' foi-mal schooling, and we saw only one physician who
appeared to be well trained. The Chinese doctor who was put in the most
responsible position was one who was best oriented politically. The average
Chinese doctor who conducted sick call in the prisoner-of-war camps elicited only
the chief complaint and prescribed medicine for symptomatic relief. It was a
general rule that only one symptom would be treated at a time ; therefore, if a
patient siiffered from night blindness and diarrhea, it was necessary for him to
decide which of these complaints was bothering him more before he went on sick
call. He would not be treated for both conditions.
The Communists introduced us to several unusual types of medical treatment.
One Chinese doctor used a series of short needles attached to spring vibrators for
the treatment of pain. The needles were placed in the skin around the painful
area and then were made to vibrate. As one might suspect, some cases of back
pain and headache were cured by this treatment. At one time a Chinese doctor
decided that all of our visual disturbances were caused by glaucoma. He
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1847
Injected liypertonio sodium rhloride solution suliconjuuctivnlly. Annllier notMl)le
treatment was tised for avitaminosis. Rile was obtained from the gallbladders
of pigs when they were butc'here<l, and it was tlien disiiciised to all who com-
plained of vitamin deficiemw diseases. This troatmcMit had its desired elTect in
keeping patients away from sick call. In the sunnner of l!)r»l a gi'eat Russian
panacea was used in treating rs seriously ill patients. This consisted of the sub-
cutaneous transplant of small pieces of chicken liver that had been incubated
in a weak solution of penicillin. These patienis were immediately put on an
attractive, hiuh calorie, higli jirotein, hlch vitamin diet. In all cases, the chicken
liver either slouglied through the operative site or )u>came a hard, tender nodule.
None of these men died, and we were thus allowed to witness another miracle
of Soviet medical science.
INDOCTRINATION
The most important single consideration that plac(>d the prisoners of war in
North Korea apart from any other group of American prisoners of war wag
Communist indoctrination. This Indoctrination had a profound effect on the
general health of the group. The medical profession and the American people
as a whole have a great deal to learn from a study of the techniques, pui'poses,
and effectiveness of Communist indoctrination as it was used on Americans in
North Korea. There is no reason to believe that the Communist indoctrination
techniques that were used on the prisoners of war were dilferent in any way
from the general pattei'u of indoctrination that is being used in Communist-
dominated countries today. It is important to realize that every aspect of the
daily life of the prisoner, from the moment of capture to the time of release, was
part of the general plan of indoctrination. At the time of capture, each prisoner
was given the general theme of indoctrination : "We are your friends. Your con-
ditions of living are bad now, but we will work together to improve them. We
will correct the errors in your thinking. Once you have learned the truth, we
will send you back to your families."
Steps in indoctrination. — The first necessary step was to break down the normal
resistance to an alien ideology. This was accomplished by keeping the prisoners
cold, hungry, and in a state of disorganized confusion until each person realized
that resistance meant starvation and death. It was emphasized repeatedly that
the prisoners were no longer members of the armed forces of their nation, and all
attempts to maintain a military organization were harshly punished. The plan-
ners of this indoctrination program did not condone the shooting of large num-
bers of prisoners. Instead, they resorted to starvation and exposure to cold.
After a few months of this treatment the resistance of the survivors had softened.
The second phase of indoctrination consisted of an intensive formal study pro-
gram. For a period of approximately 1 year, most of the waking hours of the
prisoners were spent in some form of supervised study. Food was gradually
improved and more clothing was issued. It was made painfully clear to each
prisoner that living conditions would be improved only so long as there was no
resistance to the study program. The formal study program consisted of an
endless repetition of tw^o main themes ; first, that the United States Government
is imperialistic, run by and for the wealthy few, and, second, that communism
reflects the aims and desires of all the people and is the only true democracy.
The main propaganda technique that was used was ceaseless repetition of the
main theme.
During the third phase all formal studies were stopped. The groundwork had
been laid, and, to a large extent, the purposes of the indoctrination program had
been fulfilled. Books, pamphlets, and newspapers became available in quantity.
During this time, the Chinese conducted many individual and small group inter-
views. They attempted to find points of individual susceptibility on such grounds
as race, religion, or economic status. The most intensive subject for special
indoctrination was the bacteriological warfare hoax. Throughout the period
of captivity there were many instances of individual brutality. Solitary confine-
ment, beatings, withholding food and w\ater, and exposure to cold were com-
mon punishment. Resistance leaders were taken away from the main body of
prisoners and kept either in solitary confinement or in small groups of recalci-
trants. No one escaped the indoctrination program. When a captured medical
ofiicer stated that he had no interest in politics, he was told, "Up to this time
your education has been incomplete. You have only learned how to cure. We
Communists will teach you whom to cure."
Purposes. — The indoctrination program had a twofold purpose; fir.st, the
selection and conversion of susceptible persons, and, s;>c:>nd, group neutraliza-
1848 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
tion. During the first year of captivity there was a continual regrouping of
prisoners in an attejnpt to isolate resistance groups. They were separated
according to rank and later according to national and racial groups. There
were a few persons who eventually accepted the Communist ideology, but they
constituted only a small minority of any single group. The second purpose of
indoctrination, group neutralization, was far more important and somewhat
more successful. The Communists fostered discontent and distrust within the
groups. So long as there was no unity of purpose, there could be no effective
resistance.
COMMENT
The experiences of this group, therefore, form a valuable basis for the under-
standing of Communist aims and techniques. Most persons in the United States
are probably guilty of a certain smugness about the possibility of conununism
actually taking over our country. It is worth while to keep in mind two well-
known facts : First, no country has ever been taken over by Communists because
the majority of the people iu that country wanted it ; second, no country once
it has been taken over by communism has ever reverted to another form of
government. Communist tyranny has been maintained by the application of
indoctrination techniques similar in every respect to those that were practiced on
the prisoners of war in North Korea. A relatively small group of Commvmists
with a definite plan would have little difiiculty in wresting power from a govern-
ment that is paralyzed by a coalition of small groups concentrating on their own
shortsighted self-interests.
The people of the United States must realize that the spread of communism
anywhere iu the world, whether by armed aggression or by internal infiltration,
constitutes a direct threat to our survival as a nation. Americans must work
against communism by being vigilant ; they must work for democracy by con-
stantly striving toward the democratic ideal of an enlightened people participat-
ing in their government. Physicians have an influence that is out of proportion
to their numbers. That influence should be used to fight communism by intel-
ligently promoting democracy.
Mr. Carpenter. That is all.
The Chairman. You may stand aside. Thank you very much,
Mr. Powell will come forward, please.
Do you swear that the testimony given in this hearing will be the
truth, the whole truth, and notliing but the truth, so help you God?
]\Ir. Powell. I do.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN W. POWELL, SAN PEANCISCO, CALIF., ACCOM-
PANIED BY ATTORNEY LEONARD B. BOUDIN, NEW YORK
Mr. Powell. Mr. Chairman, I would just as soon not have the light,
please.
The Chairman! All right. We will ask the photographers to turn
their lights off for the witness. You may keep your lights on the
committee.
]Mr. Powell. I would just as soon not have pictures now. I will be
happy to jDose for pictures after the hearing.
The CiiAHjMAN. We will comply with your reques.t. We will ask
the photographers not to take pictures at this time.
State your full name to the committee.
Mr. PoAVELL. Jolm W. Powell.
The Chairman. Where do you reside, Mr. Powell ?
Mr. Powell. 1015 Carolina Street, San Francisco.
The Chairman. What is your business or profession ?
]\Ir. Powell. Lecturer and writer.
Tlie Chairman. Mr. Boudin, will you give your full name for the
record. You came here as counsel ?
DnrEKLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1849
Mr. P>orDiN. Loonnrd B. Boiulin. S.") Broad Street. New York. IVfay
I liave tliose liirlits turned oil' as vou instructed i
The Chairman. Please turn tlie lights olf, gentlemen.
AVhat firm are you witli ?
Mr. BouDiN, Shapiro, Rabinowitz & Boudin.
The Chaihman. IIow long liave you been with this firm?
ISIr. BouDix. Why do you ask that ?
The Chairmax. Because I want the information ?
INIr. Boumx. But I am not a witness here, am I ?
The CiiAiKMAX. You are appearing here as counsel as a privilege,
not as a right. If you do not want to cooperate, you will be excused.
INIr. BouuiN. I will answer, but I must say I resent your inquiry.
I have been a member of the firm for 7 years.
The CiiAiRMAx. Proceed.
Mr. Carpexter. Where were you born ?
Mr. Powell. In Shanghai, China.
Mr. Carpexter. When?
Mr. Powell. July 3, 1919.
Mr. Carpenter. How long have you lived in China ?
Mr. Powell. About 15 years.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you live part of your lifetime in the United
States?
Mr. Powell. The remainder, yes.
Mr. Carpexter. When did you first come to the United States ?
Mr. Powell. I su])pose in 1920.
Mr. Carpenter. How long did you stay in the United States when
you arrived here in 1920 ?
Mr. Powell. Until about 1926 when I returned to Cliina for 1
year, approximately.
Mr. Carpenter. And then you returned back to the United States ?
Mr. Poavell. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. What year, 1926 ?
Mr. Powell. I guess it was probably 1927 when I returned.
Mr. Carpenter^ How long did you stay in the United States that
time?
Mr. Powell. I was back here in school in Missouri until 1940, and
I went to China again for a year and I worked tliere as a newspaper-
man. Then I returned again to the United States in 1941.
Mr. Carpenter. Where did you go to school ?
Mr. Powell. I went to public schools in Hannibal, Mo. I think I
went 1 year to the American School in Shanghai, the rest of the time
to public schools in Hannibal, Mo., and the University of Missouri
School of Journalism.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you graduate from there?
Mr. Powell. Xo. The war interrupted. I left there in the spring
of 1942.
I would like, if I may
The Chatrmax. Were you in the armed services ?
Mr. Powell. No, I was not in the armed services.
The Chairman. I do not quite understand your answer. You said
the war interrupted your education.
Mr. Powell. I wanted something to do at this point. As I told you
this morning in the executive session, I was called up and I had a
32918°— 54— pt. 23 8
1850 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
physical deferment and I got tired of staying back in school. I wanted
to do something so I had a chance''to work for the Government.
The Chairman. Whom did you go with in Government ?
Mr. Powell. I Avas first employed by the Federal Communications
Commission in their foreign broadcast monitoring service.
The Chairman. Who was your superior ?
]\Ir. Pow^ELL. As I told you, I do not recall exactly at this time.
It was early 1942 and a great number of people were being brought
into Washington.
The Chairman. How long did you stay with the FCC ?
Mr. Powell. About 6 or 7 months.
The Chairman. Then where did you go ?
Mr. Powell. Then I transferred to the Office of War Information.
The Chairman. How long were you with them ?
Mr. Pow^ELL. From that period until the early fall, I believe it was,
ofl9i5.
The Chairman. Who was your superior there ?
Mr. Powell. The main superior I had when I was in China with
the OWI was a Mr. Fisher who was the head of the office there.
The Chairman. IVlio was his successor ?
ISIr. Powell. There were a series of people. He was the man in
charge during most of the time, for approximately the 2 years I was
there. The last, oh, perhaps 6 months or a little more after the war
in Europe ended, a large number of new personnel came and there
were many shifts of people. As I told you this morning, you asked
me specifically. Mr. Holland was there. He was there at one time.
The Chairman. Who was the head of OWI when you first became
employed ?
Mr. Powell. The overall head ?
The Chairman. Yes.
]\Ir. Powell. Elmer Davis.
The Chairman. Who were your references to OWI on your appli-
cation ?
Mr. PoAVELL. I do not recall this at all, but I imagine we could
probably find out. I assume there were probably other newspapermen
I knew, probably journalism school professors.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to read this statement that I handed
to you in the executive session this morning.
The Chairman. That has been submitted to the committee. We
have a rule it must be filed 1 day before appearance. We will take a
statement for consideration.
Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
]Mr. Carpenter. You say you were with the War Information in
Shanghai.
Mr. Powell. The Office of War Information.
Mr. Carpenter. Where did you serve in China with the OWI?
Mr. Powell. I guess for the longest period in Chungking, but I
was also in Kweilin for a while and in Kunming for a while. I
traveled some other places, but those were the three main places.
Mr. Carpenter. Then what did you do ?
Mr. Pow^ell. I left the OWI to resurrect my father's magazine in
Shanghai.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the name of your father's magazine?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1851
INIr. Powell. TIio Cliiiia "Wooldy Eoview.
Mr. Carpenter. AMiat was your father's name?
Mr. Powell. J. B. Powell.
Mr. Carpenter. And he had resided in China for some considerable
time ?
JNlr. Powell. For about 25 years.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record
the statement of the Federal service of John W. Powell when he was
connected with the OWI.
The Chahiman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The documents were marked "Exhibits Nos. 462, 462-A, and 4G2-
B*- and appear below:)
Exhibit No. 462
United States Civil Service Commission,
Service Record Division,
Washington 25, D. C, August 6, 195.'f.
Statement of Federal Service
Name : Powell, John W.
Date of birth : 7-3-19.
Authority for original appointment (Examination from which appointed or
other authority — Executive order, law, or other exemption) : War Service — Regu-
lation V.
ElTective
date
Nature of action
Position, grade, salary, etc.
Apr. 21,1942
Oct. 16,1942
Dec. 10,1942
Dec. 11,1942
June 16,1943
Nov. 1,1943
Dec. 1, 1945
War Service Indefinite Appointment. _
Promotion
Separation-Transfer
Appointment by Transfer
Arrival at Post
Promotion
Separation (Voltmtary) (Personal
Reasons).
Editorial Assistant, CAF-7, $2,600 per annum,
Federal Communications Commission, Wash-
ington, D. C.
Junior Assistant Editor, CAF-9, $3,200 per
annum.
Field Representative, $3,800 per annum, Office
for Emergency Management, Office of War
Information, New York, New York.
Field Representative, .$3,800 per annum. Office of
War Information, Overseas Operations Branch,
Chungking, China.
Field Representative (Information Specialist),
$4,600 per aiuium.
Information Specialist, $5,000 per aimum.
A. M. Deem,
Chief, Audit Section,
The above transcript of service history does not include all salary changes,
Intraagency transfers within an organizational unit not involving changes from
one official headquarters or duty station to another, and promotions or demotions,
since Federal agencies are not required to report all such actions to the
Commission.
1852
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 462-A
h '^ '
z
ftwciaa6Mw^afl*atfaMCMtfMMfcWg3fa.^M«fltt^
INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1853
1854
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
■•*r**'«'flnwvAWAS««»^*flW
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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1855
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F%
eri
!'l
i a «
1^? ft ■* *
. i
I MM
« &
! w \tli
\ -4
185G
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 4G2-B
UNITED STATES CIV.L SERVICE COMMISSION
WASHINGTON D C.
PERSONAL HISTORY STATEMENT ^/ /H^
JMPORTANT jl ''
indicate:
Akii.cv it />) / I I . y
n^|..irlm.-iil ^^ CU Ky
ThU form tnuAl be eiecute<i in thr applicant'* own hanHwritinfi, in ,,
Ink. If «ddilional npacc in needed for an> itrm in thi« form, riilrif. | APPl'fan' ""!»« indicate
pbould be rontioued on « separate sheet, each entry numbered to cor- I
reayond to the number of the question on the form.
i. Natni- (Print)
2- Addrrxs:
3. Place of hirth: ' " ~ " ' r^^-r^-. _^,. ^ .
if a iiiiirni <1 \*<-tu:if.. KIM full iii;iii|i'n i.jiit^
troumry)
5. (a) Name of father:
(rt Place aud date of his birth:
4 Date of l.irth
llA /.-y.n.i.. _ , J ,i:,,.^ ./^//^^'
6. (a) Kftme of mother (including foaiden name):
(e) Place and date of her birtnl
NAiVA//I,AL (CUT) /// 55/^/^/ (M»i>)
ft <>•:> Fitful - /^« /«■»/?/ iSt-zJ^/; /A, ;?/.»//- 4t,r
_/i'i.U' ^a^a/r •/i'i'f /?A /.
'Tfz
(4) AdcJrc»i> //A^f^/Vi>; PA-iliirt hAi : b/r, /^ />,y
^Ji-fX^- |M..DlH> __^^ "">' /,ZS.^
7. If foreign-hwni, give the following iaformation.
Ic) Nttiiii- i>f » '-(MM.-! »ir ottiiT nii-an*
arrival
(a) Date of arrival in U. 8.:
(6) Port of icitry
'4
(HoDlb) (Day) (Year)
(d) Flace of naturalizatioo:
(e) Dat«- of naturalization.
{ft Court uf 1 aturalizatioii.
(City) (6l»U)
(t) Naturalizatioa oertificate No.:
(A) Name under which natnratizL-d:
(iiral
(Mi'lrlli'l (I.n.^t>
8. If citiieiiahip was derived through parent or through marriage, give foUowing mforntalion regarding prrM^n thr.>iigh Rhum citiz(»iM
ship wae derived:
(a) Name and relationship:
(c) Date of arrival in V. &.:
(d) Port iif entry
(W If hu-band, rtatu aud place of marriaii^
(«) Naiuf of \e.%3el or uii.'-r rnean> of
ai.ival
(J) FHace of natur&lizatioa:
(CUy)
'fi Dale of [ibtiirulutstion.
(A) Court of naturalization;
U) Nttturalizati'in ciriilicatt Nt».
I ij* '^^""' »iM(li r which hai'irali/.c'i.
0. EducattoQ. — Give in the blanks below a detailed statement of your cducaiicm. iiichniiti^ divtt-f
(a) Grammar school: Attended
tKmEt.b. xUC
7 %.h. IliVh(_>l \Lttr ct>ii.('i>ti.d ^_f^ /H-.. Wirt;jou uraduatL-d*^*?
(c) College or trade or technical school (name and location); Kind nf course pursued, aiid degn,-es, if anv, received.
Atteided from 5k^ l.f ,^/.. to J).f>.X-.: > '^■^?- ^^A h..S..A'A.U5.M..
....r^t... Were you
graduBted?.-r3*^.. ,.„...
Highest year completed .
(I)
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1857
10. E\pcr[fnoe.— Hclow, ffWn a rUt^ment (n ebronoTorfcAl order of all your ezporicnc<>, h^lnniar wrlthrour Arwt fuU-tfiD* eaaproyw
tDCht »nil inctudiitK your pttf^nt rmployrnent. Any f>cnoHfl of unemploj raent should bo ftccounU^d for. Wve ■ ilrrori and auaem of
|vn>on;« with whom you \i\cd duritiK ^uch periods. If io the iiiihtftry or nAval servicr during the poat 5 y6*rs. ffive nuaot of orgAols^
liniiM, and dato and location of eenico w ith each; and place, date, type of discharge, and rank at the time of oiiictiarge.
PlMv of riDploymcot
t;tat«:
p_C.
City
Stale;
.City:
(Half.
From:
(Mo> (Vr*n
From:
(Mol (Yr«rl
From;
(Mil) (Vi-ftf)
City
KtlU:
«
"ii>nR\.
ity:
6ut<t-
City:
Stat«:
City:
State:
City
tut*:
Dttr o( rmplftypirm
To;
^♦^ /^^
iMo) ' (YcaJl
Frum;
(Mo> (Yew)
To: ^
From;
<Mo.)
To:
(Yo«r>
From:
I Mo.)
To:
(Mo)
To:
Nunc and addmt of « oploircr
I (,6 iu^.<>jUvt4;
ITU -Sfi/^Nfh/ii
15. 3^;if,
pMltfna tod »Iw7
NunM, poaiiloQf. tod
oil* KlparvUor ftad oc
«mpk>]raicol
tddrMi of
I tmt\T\v\ la Mch
lUMoni for Iravloj (U dll>
ch»iTr»'l Of (oir*rt (#
mtan. Ktv0 d«t*ltod •(•
■beat U DMded)
X.5. 5'Tv.)'/^
i»4 p^^v* >*-'•
(IF AnniTlONAL SPACE IS RFQllRED FOR FXPERIENCE. CONTINIE ON ANOTHER PAOE)
II Indicate marital status by chock:
Single S Married D
Widowed U Divorced G
12. [f married, give name of husband (or wife — maiden name of wife should be given):
13. Place and date of birth of husband lor wife):
iriiyt (Suit)
\\. If divorced, give following details:
(a) (Date) (Month) (Yi-ar)
(<f) Were v«u plaintiff or defendant?
\h. Names and relationships of dependeDts:
WTiiseT
(iHr)
(c) Name of court:
(Yiat)
(e) Grounds on which action was based: | (/) If minor childrea or alimODy iavolved-
five judgment of oourt with recpeei
hereto:
List all outfitaudmg debt«, and to wbom owed:
1858 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
-«t"-*-^>e.A*»y;
^g^ ^:ci*. ^— .^^ ^ -**-^^^*^^
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1859
.^S^ of i
jS^^ljl / f ya- - A^. Z/^'i- - cd^^^C^pj?. ^
1800 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
I
4
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
18G1
9i I/M^fltwd
1li."'&>v« roa •*« >»n> MiJiHU^
OT BAde MriflUBAOt
f or b«osQk«( «t«dttorT
(«) ..iii^i^...
\, nrii M lUta, pUtM, •eurt, ameoBt of Mch Judenwnt aod flnal dli|MMlUoDt
(Ue (iftto, um«, aod lo«>Um H owut:
you UM aleoboUo lMTen(<* to
esoasf
•leoboUc bovornee* U> eiosn?
....fTlAd
(YMarVo)
!U. BsT« fou evsr baen •rR<t«d, eodyor eonv
lav, poUw ragiiUtlon, or ordliuaes wh»l*o«verl .j^*^--
If ao, list «Mb vi«ct, (ivlns (Ute, C(e at the tli&a, pUM, court, ehwss, utd <U«-
poiitloa:
(c) t>&t« of discharge in
banliruptcyr
Sl.'I/ 70U Lara MHwend "Y«'' to eiOier
Question 19 or 20, explain briefly:
h. Liat'aia godaral CWiTBerTJoe appUcatloargiar»5arKawarCiva Service eiamiDatioM taken, giviiig namo o? eiamioaUon. data!
. and grade leoelved:
^ LIrt nJEmben s^ your family or relatives in any port of tlio Cioverumeot eervice, giving names, addreaaea, relfitiooehip, and branch
<" "^« M.S. I71.A5 \iy. 6f/J ^ARJII^^ S T. LA/h/cuiH /J/J/i .;^A//£ *.///, . /1c/.
I, addretses, relationaliip, and oeeupatioo «f
M. Lilt memberToir yinir family or reiativee reaiding in any foreign oouutry, giving
eaob:
/<^'^^r-vw»
3$. Ai» you a member of any Communist or German BiiiU organmatioa or any political party or orRanjistion whicli advocatea tlia
everthrow of our constitutioDal form of jtoverameat in tfca Uniicd States, or do you have meiaberahip in, or any affiliation witb,
any group, aasociatlon, or orEaniiatioa which advocatoa, or lends support to any organisation or moveioeiit advocating, tbo
overthrow at our constitutional form of govenunent In the United Stateaf .^./::t3r:Z.<fi..-.__
(Ym or Nfl)
It *o, Dams the organization:
G1t« eomplete details in the space immediately below, or 00 a (beat to b« attached berato.
1862 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
4
97. ttst V6ur raldeoMa duriog ths past S y«an, tndudtiig jw» pii>senl local additM. Qiv« aba ttw dudm of, ud fl» prCient.
•ddreuos of, two nearaat nelghbora in cMb osae; w Uia naioM of rfoauoataa, fsUow-lodcna, laodkitda, or raalty oooqwoltiL
From .9c C . ...i^4// ... to .Trr-„„ a .....€?. ^.fif.!i^^...,J^.yjaJ^..l.^X
Neighbor: 1 .._.... ....,-:5f2^R:T:;^rf. „
3.
fri^l.bun.: \. ..LlOM.., ^A-.*.».^-.*-ySs^*f:^^ 7 .3 .C!jr.^...„..Su
(Mr>oih> (Yrtr) (Moou> Viokt)^' (Nasbv) (Stniil) (Oil?) (Bteu) * ~^
Neighbor.: I. }j^^^A^..t!:t^^r^^t!^'^:..^..^
uaana)
(Mouih) (Yf«) (MoaU) (Yw) ^^^tuM) (atnit) (Cltr> ^ (titu)
NciKlibow: 1. /%**.. r-^^irr^.^^^^ .Ul /J t! iX-
(Addtt^
2. _..
(citn (tuu)
(NUM) (AdllKB)
From ^X^Jiil... to .^fi^Yy^JS^.. at .../^/.-? ^.ayf^....^iffi:..„^^t:^^^:;:xiA^.
(Niiollil (Ymt) (Maolb) CYaer) (Numbo) (StraM) (Ollr) (St^)
Neighbor.: I. Zi^^ •..^•..7?...5:?:?^;*:2<?1 .'.i .':/ .!.? Kl KX
\^^<!^^^^r^.^.itl3lk3r^^^ .....!..'. v.:
(Nimfi " (Addnii) -~..— .— . . .---
" "(Moii'liiV (Viii) VMoihV '(Y«ir) """(Nnii'bor)"™ (Blfwl)""" "* <oitr)"
(Niini) — — ~ -— — • — liibmSt "*""
2. .„
(KUM)
I cSBTirt that the r<A«gaing statemeota arc true aad oorreet ts the beat of my knovledge and belief.
ft-^ (fUyniniT* « >ppUoiol)
I
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1SG3
]Mi'. Carpexter. "Was your father still living when you left the
OAVI, and ^vas he still actively engaged in newspaper work in China?
Mr. Powell. He was still living and he was somewhat active. He
was not too active. As some of you gentlemen may recall, he had a
verj' rough time with the Japanese who arrested him and imprisoned
hiuL It resulted in his being crippled and hastened his death. He
remained in the United States. He made one trip to Japan to testify
at the war-crimes trials. He was able to write and do some work
although he did not return to China after the war.
JNIr. Caepexter. And when did he die?
Mr. Powell. In 1947.
Mr. Carpenter. And did you take over the operation of the China
"Weekly Eeview ?
Mr. Powell. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. At a later date it became the China Monthly Ee-
view ; is that right ?
]\Ir. Powell. That is right.
Mr. Carpenter. And you were the editor in chief and responsible
for the policy of the China Weekly Eeview and later the China
Monthly Eeview ?
]\Ir. PowTSLL. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, when you entered the Federal em-
ployment, did you take a loyalty oath ?
Mr. Powell. I do not know. What did we have then ?
Mr. Carpenter. Did you take an oath to support and defend the
Constitution of the United States?
Mr. Powell. I presumably did. I do not recall clearly now what
the various papers were we filled out at that time.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever violated that oath?
Mr. Pow^ELL. I do not think so. What is the oath ? Do you have
the oath there ?
The Chairman. Eead the oath to the witness.
JVIr. Carpenter (reading) :
I, the undersigned, do solemnly swear or affirm that the statements made by
me to the foregoing questions are true and correct to the best of my knowledge
and belief, so help me God.
I take it you are a supporter of the Constitution of the United
States of America.
Mr. Powell. Yes, indeed.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever violated the obligations of a citizen
of the United States of America ?
Mr. Powell. No. If I signed this oath, I am in the habit of telling
the truth.
]Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, are you a member of the Communist
Party of the United States of America?
]\Ir. Powell. Well, gentlemen, I do not think it is within your
province to ask me a question of such a personal political nature. I
do not think I am called upon to tell you whether I am a Eepublican
or a Democrat or a Communist or anything else.
The Chairman. We are not asking you whether you are a Eepubli-
can or a Democrat, Mr. Powell ; we are asking you whether or not you
are a member of the Communist Party.
1864 INTERLOCKING" SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Powell. I think my political beliefs are my own. I think the
first amendment to the Constitution covers my rights to belief and
thought and speech.
The Chairman. Mr. Powell, this committee does not recognize your
refusal to answer under the first amendment of the Constitution. You
will answer the question.
]\Ir. Powell. I am sorry. I must respectfully decline to answer
under the constitutional privileges granted me in the fifth amend-
ment.
The Chairman. Why ?
Mr. Powell. Because the constitutional privilege of the fifth
amendment does not compel me to be a witness against myself.
Senator Johnston. So you consider if you answer this question
you might be a witness against yourself?
Mr. Powell. I stand on my answer, sir.
The Chairman. All right. The committee recognizes your refusal
under the fifth amendment for the reasons stated.
Mr. Carpenter. Are you now and have you ever been a member
of the Communist Party of China ?
Mr. Powell. I would repeat my answer to the previous question.
Mr. Carpenter. As an editor of the China Monthly Review, you
were fully responsible for the contents of the magazine; is that cor-
rect?
Mr. Powell. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you state in the issue of January 1952 that
the editorial pages presented the opinions of the editor?
Mr. Powell. I recall we had some statement, I believe, to about
that effect.
Mr. Carpenter. Did any others share responsibility with you?
Mr. Powell. No. I was the editor. I just told you.
Mr. Carpenter. Here is the oath you took :
Application for Federal employment, paragraph 17 : Did you advocate or have
you ever advocated or are you now or have you ever been a member of any
organization that advocates the overthrow of the Government of the United
States by force or violence?
Your answer to that was "No."
Did you take such an oath ?
The Chairman. Mr. Attorney, please let the witness respond. We
want his testimony. If he wants to confer with you, all right; but
please do not voluntarily talk with him.
Mr. BouDiN. I said the witness, when you did not see him a mo-
ment ago, has raised a question with respect to this line.
Mr. Powell. Mr. Carpenter started to read it and I turned to my
counsel.
Mr. BouDiN. May the witness consult with me ?
The Chairman. He may.
Let the record show the witness consults with his attorney before
responding to the question.
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
Mr. Powell. Do you have any objection to my consulting?
The Chairman. None at all.
INIr. Powell. O. K.
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1865
Mr. Powell. Well, I told you before that I am in the habit of tellin<»:
the truth, but I have declined to answer a couple of questions here and
now you are bringing this thing up which bears very much on the
same subject.
The Chairman. This is not a thing. This is your oath you took
when you became a Federal employee.
Mr. PowKLL. I would like to finish please. I rather view this, since
it deals with the same subjects on which I took the privilege a moment
ago — it seems to me this is sort of going around the back door to get
an answer to the same questions which I declined to answer.
The Chairmax. "Were you a member of the Communist Party at the
time you took that oath ?
^ Mr. Powell. That I decline to answer.
The Chairmax. Your answer on the application is "No." Is that
a true answer?
Mr. Powell. As I have told you, I do not wish to go any further
than this.
The Chairman. Is it a true answer? You can answer yes or no.
Mr. Powell. It is obviously around the back door.
The Chairman. It. is not. It is a very simple question. Did you
answer truthfullv when vou took that oath when your answer was
Mr. Powell. I told you before, there is a certain subject, there is an
area of questioning which I do not care to answer under the fifth
amendment, and I stand on that.
The Chairman. On November 23 — let me ask you again — 1942, you
took an oath. Beading part of that oath —
Par. 17. Do you advocate or have you ever advocated or are you now or have
you ever been a member of any organization that advocates the overthrow of the
Government of the United States by force or violence?
What is your answer to that ?
Mr. Powell. I will repeat my answer that I will take the privilege
under the fifth amendment as previously stated on questions in this
category.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. Sourwine, did you have a question?
Mr. Sourwine. If I may.
The Chairman. You may.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Powell, when you were asked if you had ever
been a member of the Communist Party of China, you said you re-
peated your previous answer but your previous answer had several
parts to it. You had claimed immunity under the first amendment.
Do you attempt to claim immunity under the first amendment from
answering the question as to whether you were a member of the
Communist Party of China ?
Mr. Powell. My previous answer, I declined the answer under the
provisions of the first amendment and the chairman said he did not
recognize the first amendment. So I then said I declined under the
constitutional privilege of the fifth amendment.
Mr. Sourwine. I know what happened as well as you do.
Mr. Powell. I would give the same answer to this question.
32918°— 54— pt. 23 9
1866 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. SouRWiNE. I am asking you specifically whether you claimed
any first-amendment privilege in refusing to answer the question as
to whether you were a member of the Communist Party of China.
Mr. Powell. Yes, I do; and I also claim my position, my constitu-
tional privilege.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you think the Communist Party of China is a
political and ideological organization ? Do you think you as an Amer-
ican have a right, a constitutional right, to belong to the Communist
Party of Cliina ?
Mr. Po^v^:LL. I think that these questions are again in an area which
1 am not prepared to discuss with you gentlemen.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any opinion as to whether you have a
constitutional right as an American citizen to belong to the Commu-
nist Party of China ?
Mr. Powell. I must give you the same answer.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean you do not have any such opinion or you
refuse to answer the question ?
Mr. Powell. I decline t<J answer the question.
Mr. Sourwine. Pardon?
Mr. Powell. I decline to answer the question.
Mr. Sourwine. Why?
Mr. Powell. Because, as I said before, under the first amendment
I believe that my associations and beliefs and freedoms of thought
and speech are protected from investigation by you in this place.
Mr. Sourwine. The question was not about your associations ; the
question was about whether you had an opinion on your constitu-
tional right.
Mr. Powell. Yes ; I have an opinion. My opinion is that I have a
constitutional right not to answer under the provisions of the first
amendment.
Mr. Sourwine. You have the constitutional right not to answer the
question as to whether you belong to the Communist Party of China.
Mr. Powell. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. Are you claiming that right only under the first
amendment ?
Mr. Powell. I am claiming that under the first amendment. Will
you rule on it ?
The Chairman. This committee does not recognize your right to
refuse to answer that question under the first amendment.
Mr. Powell. In that event, then, I claim the constitutional privi-
lege under the fifth amendment, as I claimed it a moment ago.
The Chairman. Why was that?
Mr. Powell. Because under the fifth amendment no person may
be required to be a witness against himself.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you believe that if you answered truthfully
the question of whether you were a member of the Communist Party
of China it would tend to incriminate you ?
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
Mr. Powell. My answer is just the same as the answer to the ques-
tion previously asked.
Mr. Sourwine. You have given so many answers, answer this one
"Yes" or "No": Do you believe honestly that a truthful answer to
the question of whether you were a member of the Communist Party
of China would tend to incriminate you?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1SG7
The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with coun-
sel before responding- to the question.
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
Mr. Powell. My position is that I do not think this is the province
of this committee.
Mr. Sour WINE. Are you refusinof to answer the question because
you do not think the committee has the right to ask it i
The Chairman. I direct that you answer.
Mv. Powell. I will answer the question.
The Chairman. 1 order and direct you to answer.
Mr. Powell. It seems to me we are heating around the bush about
practically the same question and I decline to answer it, as I have
told you before, on the provisions of the first amendment and the
constitutional privilege of the fifth amendment.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to get this clear for the record. You are
now declining under the privilege in the fifth amendment to answer
the question as to whether if you answered truthfully concerning
your membership in the Communist Party of China you believe you
would incriminate yourself, is that right?
Mr. Powell. Under the constitutional privilege of the fifth amend-
ment nobody, no one, may be required to be a witness against him-
self. That is the privilege I am claiming.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know, Mr. Powell, whether the Communist
Party of the United States of America advocates the. overthrow of
•the Government of the United States by force and violence ?
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with coun-
sel before responding.
■ Mr. Powell. To tliis question I would again claim the constitu-
tional privilege under the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Souravi-ne. Do you know whether the Communist Party of
China advocates the overthrow of the Government of the L'nited
States by force and violence?
Mr. Powell. Constitutional privilege.
The Chairman. Of the fifth amendment?
Mr. Poavell. That is correct. ■/ -
The Chair3ian. That your answer does not require you to give tes-
timony against yourself?
Mr. Powell. That is correct. I thought we could carry this
forward.
The Chairman. So carry that statement forward, INIr. Eeporter.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I would like to ask you a few questions to pick up
the loose ends from your previous testimony.
How did you get your job with the Federal Communications Com-
mission ?
Mr. Powell. I a])plied for it.
JNIr. SouRAviNE. To whom did you apply ?
INIr. Powell. That, the individual, I cannot recall. I think we
could probably figure that out if you have the record.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was it by letter or in person ?
Mr. Poavell. I imagine it Avas by letter.
Mr. SouRWiNK. Don't you remember?
1868 INTERLOCKmG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. PoAVELL. It seems to me I remember having written a letter to
someone there.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not remember to whom you wrote it?
Mr. Powell. No ; I do not at this point.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you go down somewhere for an interview?
]\Ir. Powell. I do not remember. I do not believe so.
Mr. Souewine. You did not? You were hired by mail, so to speak?
Mr. Po^vELL. I believe that is correct. I may be wrong, but that is
my recollection.
Mr. SouRWiisrE. How did you initiate your transfer from the Com-
munications Commission to the OWI?
Mr. PowTEXL. I went to a place here in Washington — I do not recall
the exact place — an OWI office where they took such applications and
applied to transfer to OWI as a news editor.
Mr. SouHwiNE. You went to OWI rather than to your own agency ?
Mr. Po^vELL. As I recall ; yes.
Mr. SouEwiNE. Prior to your going there to make that application,
had you discussed with anyone the question of your transfer to OWI?
Mr. Powell. I do not recall.
Mr. SoTjRWiisrE. Who hired you at OWI ?
Mr. Powell. That I do not know.
Mr. SoURWUSTE. Did you have a superior here in the United States
before you went overseas for OWI ?
Mr. Powell. Yes; I obviously had. As I told you in the execu-
tive session — I do not recall if you were there are not — that during
the period I worked for OWI here in the United States was 3 or 4
months, perhaps, and I was hired to go to China. So in the period
here I worked in some different places in the office under different
people, sort of a get-acquainted proposition. I do not recall dif-
ferent days and different weeks. I probably had one superior and
then another.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you know Owen Lattimore while employed
by the OWI?
Mr. Powell. That question I must decline to answer under the con-
stitutional privilege of the fifth amendment.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Thank you.
The Chairman. Proceed.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you ever made application for a United
States passport?
Mr. Powell. Oh, yes.
Mr. Carpenter. When was the first time ?
Mr. Powell. I would say probably 1940.
Mr. Carpenter. And you took an oath at that time substantially
as follows:
I solemnly swear that the statements on both sides of this application are
tme and that the photograph attached hereto is a likeness of me.
I (have — have not) been naturalized as a citizen of a foreign state; taken an
oath or made an affirmation or other formal declaration of allegiance to a foreign
state; entered or served in the armed forces of a foreign state; accepted or per-
formed the duties of any office, post or employment under the government of a
foreign state or political subdivision thereof; voted in a political election in a
foreign state or participated In an election or plebiscite to determine the sover-
eignty over foreign territory; made a formal renunciation of nationality be-
fore a diplomatic or consular officer of the United States in a foreign state:
been convicted by court martial of deserting the military or naval service of
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1869
tlie United States in time of war; been convitted l».v coiut martial, or l)y a court
of competent jurisdiction, of connnittiu};" anj' act of treason against, or of at-
tempting by force to overthrow, or of bearing arms against tlie United States.
OATH OF ALLEGIANCE
Further, I do solemnly swear tliat I will support and defend the Constitution
of the United States ai;ainst all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear
true faith and allegiance to the same; and that 1 take this obligation freelj',
\Yithout any mental reservation, or purpose of evasion: So help me God.
(Signature of applicant)
Did voii sion such a statement? •
Mr. I^OAVELL. Is that it ( I do not know if that is what I signed.
My answer would be to take my constitutional privilege because I
consider this the same thing, of going baclv to this same area of dis-
cussion.
The CiiAiRMAx. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. I would like to have this entered into the record.
(The document which was read in full above by Mr. Carpenter,
was filed with the committee.)
JMr. Carpenter. I would like to show this application for a pass-
port and the signature of John W. Powell appearing at the bottom
thereof under tlie oath just read and ask if this is his signature.
The Chairman. Show it to the witness.
Is that your signature ?
Mr. PoAVELL. I would say this seems to me it still is a question of
entrapment. It is going back to the same area it went into before.
The Chairman. JMr. Powell, it certainly is no question of entrap-
ment when we ask if that is your signature. Is it or is it not ?
Mr. Powell. If this is my signature and there is something false
here, I am quite liable for prosecution under the laws of the United
States.
The Chairman. And you refuse to answer under the fifth amend-
ment ?
Mr. Powell. But I refuse to answer under
The Chairman. Not to give testimony against yourself?
Mr. Powell. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to have this application
for passport be entered and made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It will go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The documents were marked "Exhibits Nos. 4G3, 463-A, and
4G3-B" and appear below :)
1870
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 463
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1S80 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. Did you arrive in Peiping on or about September
27, 1952, or thereabouts in connection with the Asian Pacific Peace
Conference ?
The Chairman. Let the record show the witness, before responding,
conferred with counsel.
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
Mr. Powell. I would decline to answer under my constitutional
privilege.
The Chairman. The fifth amendment?
Mr. Powell. That is correct.
The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Eeporter.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit Japan in 1916, receiving permission
from the Army headquarters to do so?
Mr. Powell. Yes, I was in Japan.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the purpose of that trip ?
Mr. Powell. I went to see my father.
Mr. Carpenter. What was your mother's maiden name ?
Mr. Powell. Martha Hinton.
Mr, Carpenter. Are you related in any way to William Hinton who
w^as a previous witness before us ?
The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with
counsel.:
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
Mr. Powell. No relation.
Mr. Carpenter. Are you married, Mr. Powell ?
Mr. Powell. I am.
Mr. Carpenter. What is your wife's name ?
Mr. Po"\VELL. Sylvia.
Mr. Carpenter. And is she now employed?
Mr. Powell. She is at home.
Mr. Carpenter. Is she employed?
Mr. Powell. Looking after our kids.
Mr. Carpenter. Is she employed?
Mr. Powell. Yes ; she is also working.
Mr. Carpenter. Where is she working ?
Mr. Powell. Why do you
The Chairman. Counsel, please cooperate. You are here as a
privilege. We do not want to remove that privilege. Please, let's
have the testimony of the witness rather than the voluntary state-
ments of his counsel.
Mr. BouDiN. The alternative is going to be that the witness will
ask me questions and this will prolong the hearing.
The Chairman^ Do not interfere.
Proceed.
Mr. Powell. I would like to ask what the purpose of these—; —
The Chairman. Just answer the question. It is not your right to
know what the purpose is.
Mr. Pow^ell. You do not think so?
The Chairman. No.
Mr. Powell. You do not think I have any rights here ?
The Chairman.- You have certain rights. You have been granted
rights under the fifth amendment to refuse to answer simple questions.
Please answer the question.
Eead the question, Mr. Reporter.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1(S81
(The pendinc: question was vend by the reporter.)
Mr. Powell.' That question 1 decline to answer. I think ([uestions
about my wife are an invasion of my privacy. My wife is available.
If you gentlemen have questions about my wife, she will be more than
pleased to come here and give you her views on any variety of sub-
jects. I think that if you gentlemen are married men you certainly
know better than to ask a husband to say what his wife thinks. She
is quite competent to express an opinion.
The Chaii:man. You refuse to answer the question under the fifth
amendment ?
Mr. Powell. If you are going to push me ; yes.
INIr. Carpenter. How many children do you have ?
Mr. Powt:ll. We are getting quite personal now. I have two.
Mr. Carpenter. What are their ages?
Mr. Powell. Three and five.
Mr. Carpenter. Where are they?
Mr. Powell. They are in San Francisco.
Mr. Carpenter. Did they return with you when you came back to
the United States?
ISIr. Powell. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. AVhen did you return to the United States ?
Mr. Powell. In August of 1953.
Mr. Carpenter. Where are you now employed?
Mr. Powell. As I told you before, I am a writer and lecturer. I
am a free-lance writer and lecturer.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you name some of the articles you have written
since you have returned ?
Mr. Pow^ELL. That I think is an unreasonable question. I do not
think I have to answer that. I think the first amendment covers my
freedom of expression.
Mr. Carpenter. We are not asking about your expression ; we just
ask what you have written since your return to the United States.
Mr. Powell. That I will decline to answer. I am sorry.
The Chairman. For what reason do you decline ?
Mr. Powell. I think the first amendment covers that.
The Chairman. This committee does not recognize your refusal to
answer under the first amendment. I think we can save some time on
that matter. You understand that.
Mr, Powell. You do not recognize the first amendment of anybody.
The Chairman. Of course we do, but we do not recognize your
refusal to answer under the first amendment to this question. We
think it is a very proper question.
Mr. Powell. In that event, I will take my constitutional privilege
under the fifth amendment.
The Chairman. That is your answer, that you are not required to
give testimony against yourself.
Follow the same record, Mr. Eeporter.
Go ahead.
Mr, Carpenter. Since you returned to the United States, have you
been in Washington before today?
Mr, Powell. Yes, I was here in the fall after I returned last year.
Mr, Carpenter. The fall of 1953?
32018°— 54— pt. 23 10
1882 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Powell. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. And whom did you visit when you were here?
Mr. Powell. Some relatives.
Mr. Carpenter. Wlio were the}^ ?
ISIr. Powell. That again I think is not pertinent to this hearing. 4
I don't see the purpose of this.
Mr. Carpenter. Maybe you do not, but we do.
Mv. Powell. All I can see as the purpose is to get their names in the
paper, as far as I can see. I must decline.
The Chairman. Eead the question.
(The pending question was read by the reporter.)
The Chairman. State their names, please.
Mr. Powell. I will decline to answer under my constitutional
privilege.
The Chairman. Of the fifth amendment?
Mr. Powell. That is right.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you call on Owen Lattimore when here? J
Mr. Powell. That I will decline to answer. "
The Chairman. For what reason ?
]\lr. Powell. Constitutional privilege of the fifth amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Robert W. Barnett?
Mr. Powell. That I will likewise decline for the same reason.
Mr. Carpenter. Rose Yardumian ?
Mr. Powell. Same.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you visit Stuart Hensley ?
Mr. Powell. I will .decline to answer.
The Chairman. Same record ?
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, did you know Dr. Miriam Sachs who
passed upon your physical examination for the Office of War Informa-
tion ?
Mr. BouDiN. Would you repeat that, please ?
Mr. Carpenter. Did voii know a Dr. IMiriam Sachs who passed
upon 3'our physical condition for the Office of War Information?
The Chairman. Let the record show the witness conferred with
counsel before responding.
(The witness conferred with counsel.)
Mr. Powell. We had a woman doctor in the OWI in Xew York. I
recall that, but I do not recall her name.
Tlie Chairman. That is an answer.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, were the issues of the China Monthly
Review supervised or censored hj a Wei Chuh, a vice minister of edu-
cation of the central Communist government of Peiping?
INIr. Powell. I was the editor of the magazine. j
The Chairman. That was not the question. '
IVIr. Powell. I decided what went in and what did not.
The Chairman. That is not a question. Answer the question.
Read the question, Mr. Reporter.
(The pending question was read by the reporter.)
Mr. Powell. I think I have answered this question in effect and in
fact, but if this does not satisfy you, I will claim my privilege of the
fifth amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know Dr. Wei, the one just mentioned? ,
Mr. Powell. The same answer.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1883
The Chaikman. Same record.
Mr, Cahpenter. Will you tell this committee what your associations
were with him ?
;Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chaikman. Same record.
Mr. Powell. I might point out I do not think there is a Chinese
name called Wei.
The Chairman. Spell it for the witness.
Mr. CAiiPENTER. W-e-i.
The Chairman. Do you know Dr. Wei ?
Mr. Powell. I decline to answer.
Senator Johnston. Did you receive any compensation from the
Communists for publishing this China Weekly Review or China
Monthly Review ?
Mr. Powell. I would be very happy to tell you how the magazine
was financed if you are interested.
The Chairman. You can answer the question.
Senator Johnston. Did you receive any personally, yourself ?
Mr. Powell. That I would decline to answer under my constitu-
tional privilege. I will be happy to tell you how we made it go and
how we finally did not make it go.
Mr. Carpenter. I would like to retrace our steps a moment to the
OWI. Did you know a INlr. W^illiam Holland, a supervisor in the
OWI, while you were so employed ?
Mr. Pow^ell. I think I told you that I recall him as being one of a
series of directors who came through in the last days of my employ-
ment there in China.
Mr. Carpenter. How well did you know him ?
Mr. Powell. I would say not too well. I just knew him. He came
through and I saw him.
Mr. Carpenter. He was your rating officer, was he not ?
IVIr. Powell. My what ?
Mr. Carpenter. He was your rating officer ?
Mr. Powell. What is a rating officer ?
Mr. Carpenter. He gave a description of your work, the way you
handled it.
Mr. Powell. That I do not know.
Mr. Carpenter. I have a document here signed by William L. Hol-
land as a rating official in the efficiency rating of John W. Powell, field
representative, Al-7, $4,600.
I ask this be made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It will go into the record and become part of the
record.
(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 464" and appears below :)
1884
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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
8tn.ndard Form Ko. 51, Hev.
Continuation - (2)
SlAiTOARD
Deviations must be explained on reverse of this form
Adjective
rating
Plus raarks on (ill u.'d*>rllne(!. elements, and
no ninvs marks Bxcellont
riur- niArltr. on at IsBFt Kalf of thp imder-
llr.cd eleronts, end no minus maricn — Very ^ooil
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over-c^r.per.satert by plus narks — --• Good
Check riarks or better on o majovlty of
underlined elenento, and irinus r.arks not
over-Compensated by jAu? marlcs - -— » Fair
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lined elej^ents — Unsatisfactory
Adjectlre
rating
Fating
official - Good
Pevlewin?
official -
^ ^ y/j^X y V^illiam L. Holland
Rated by A^yyO^^^-'^^^^ Deputy Director, China Div. 22 June 1945 _
(Sipnotu'-e of rating official) "(Title) ~'~ (Date)
Reviewed by
(Gijjnature of rating official)
( Title)
"(TlateT"
Bating approved by efficiency rating co:naitteeXi^l::^i5r Report te employe yr::*-*^
(Date) (Aajective
rating)
U.S. Oovermient Printing Office 16-25177-2
Tom Ho. 0-35
Mr. Carpexter. Will you give us a description of your vrork in
theOWI?
Mr. Powell, At what point? From tlie beginning to the end?
]Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of your work?
JNlr. Powell. It changed from time to time. Did you want me to
start at the beginning, chronologically, through to the end ?
]\Ir. Carpenter. Yes.
Mr. Powell. In the beginning I was — I was originally hired as a
news editor to go to China, but in these first months of employment,
here still in the Unitecl States, I worked mostly in — I think it was
called cable wireless or something like that in New York, where I
assisted in the preparation of cables to be sent to the news desk of
the olHce in Chungking.
The Chairman. Did you handle classified documents?
i\Ir. Powell. I do not recall. It was all news, and it was news
gathered by the OWI from the wires of AP, UP, and INS, and
picked up from the Washington and New York papers. We just
processed it and cabled it to China.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1887
Then I visited around at shorter periods in other parts, the draft
section and some of the others. I do not know what they were called,
except I have this recollection of moving around and trying to get
a picture of what went on in regard to sending news material to
China.
When I went to China, I was the news editor. We had a small
newsroom which was Just on the opposite end of one I had been on
before. There we received the things I had been associated with in
sending before. These we put out to the Chinese newspapers. That
was my job for quite a while. Then, as I said before, I went down
to Kweilin, in southeast China, where we had an office. There I did
nuich the same work, but it was in a different place.
Then later I went to Kunming and worked in the office there, again
in much the same job. Then toward the latter part of the war we
set up the psychological warfare section, and I moved over into that
as sort of doing more liaison work with General Chennault and the
14th Air Force. Mostly that part was concerned with the dropping
of leaflets, just the mechanics of contact.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Powell, I have here a copy of the China Weekly
Review under date of March 12, 1950, which has an article entitled
"Changes in Shanghai's Press," by Alun Falconer. This document
states that there were changes in the Shanghai press.
Is it true, as he says, that the assets of newspapers were confiscated
by the Chinese Communist government? [
Mr. Powell. Some newspapers.
Mr. Carpenter. Were the assets of the China Weekly Review con-
fiscated ?
Mr. Powell. No.
Mr. Carpenter. Is it true that the culture and educational commit-
tee of the Chinese Communist Government administered various
newspapers in Shanghai?
Mr. Powell. That I do not recall, but did he say that newspapers,
all the newspapers were confiscated? I would be inclined to doubt
that.
Mr. Carpenter. I just said there were some newspaper — assets of
some newspapers were confiscated".
Mr. Powell. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. You state that the China Weekly Review was not
confiscated?
Mr. Powell. That is correct. •
Mr. Carpenter. How did you operate when the Chinese Commu-
nists came in and took over Shanghai?
Mr. Powell. Just the same as before, just like the British papers,
the French papers, and the other foreign papers operated. We just-
went along like that, as did most of the Chinese papers.
Mr. Carpenter. How many Chinese or how many English news-
papers and magazines were printed in Shanghai prior to takeover by
the Communists?
Mr. Powell. There was the British daily. There was the Ameri-
can daily. There were two Chinese-owned dailies. There was our
magazine — in fact, we had two magazines then. There was at least
one British magazine and there was a French paper which had been
a daily, but it might have been a weekly at that point. I think there
was 1 or 2 Russian language papers published by the local Russian
1888 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. I was asking only for the English. How many
English language newspapers remained after the Chinese Commu-
nists took over in Shanghai ?
Mr. Powell. One by one they began to fall off. One English lan-
guage paper, the Slianghai Herald, was the Kuomintang, the Chiang
Kai-shek government paper. That was closed. There was another
paper, the China Press, owned by Dr. H. H. Kung, Chiang Kai-shek's
brother-in-law, which was the paper I used to work on. That was
closed. There was quite a long lapse before any of the others folded.
Mr. Carpenter. In this article written by Falconer, it declares that
the newspapers face many problems and shortages. There have been
serious shortages of newsprint.
"Was the China Weekly Review faced with any such shortages?
Ur. Powell. What ? " _
Mr. Carpenter. Capital and newsprint.
Mr. Powell. The way we always did. Getting newsprint in China
was quite an interesting proposition. Under the Kuomintang, under
Chiang Kai-shek's regime, you could get — if you were in a favorable
position — an allotment of newsprint. You were permitted to import
it. By that token you also got a license to buy foreign exchange at
the official rate. In those days, newsprint used to sell for a hundi-ed
dollars a ton on the world market. In Shanghai on the black market
it sometimes sold up to $2,500.50 a ton. If you were on the inside with
Chiang Kai-shek, you could get a special allotment and foreign ex-
change at the official rate which enabled you to buy newsprint below
the world market price, say around $50 a ton.
AVe were never able to get that. We always had to buy it on the
black market. When the situation changed, we were just about in
the same position. We continued to buy it on the open market. It
had a rather high price.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you own the presses that printed your China
Monthly Review ?
JNIr. Powell. No, we printed on a British-owned press, the Milling-
tons, a British firm in China.
Mr. Carpenter. All the time it was being published ?
Mr. PowixL. No, not all the time. Before the war we used to print
there, and when I came back after the war, Millingtons were badly
damaged by the Chinese, and we printed in the Mercury, a press
owned by Mr, C. Y. Starr, in New York. Later when these closed —
they were the first casualty among the American papers — we moved
back to Millingtons.
Mr. Carpenter. In this article bv Falconer, it states :
The common program of the People's Political Consult iiig' Conference and the
principles and policies it enunciates determine the editorial policies of Shanghai
newspapers.
Was the editorial policy of the China Weekly Review so deter-
mined ?
Mr. Powell. I don't quite follow that. Is that what it says ?
Mr. Carpenter. That is what he says :
That the common program of the People's Political Consulting Conference and
the principles and policies it enunciates, determine the editorial policies of the
Shanghai newspapers.
Mr. Powell. I would say that was not a very clear statement. I
think the point was that this common program is considered, has
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1889
been until just recentlj', tlieir sort of draft constitution. I think tlie
point ■was you were not supposed to, you know, incite to riot, and in
any other way violate this constitution. That was sort of a general
guiding principle.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record the
article from the China Weekly Review of Marcli 11, 1950, entitled
"Changes in Shanghai's Press" by Alun Falconer and make it a part
of the record.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and be made a part of
the record.
(The document referred was marked "Exhibit No. 465" and ajDpears
in the appendix to this volume at p. 1979.).
Mr. Carpenter. Did you advertise for subscriptions to your Eeview
in the United States while you were the editor?
Mr. PoAVELL. How do you mean advertise? We used to have a
rate in the magazines, of course.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you do any advertising in the United States ?
JNIr. Pow^ELL. That I don't particularly recall. I don't remember.
Mr. Carpenter. What was your advertised rate for subscriptions
to the Review ?
Mr. Pow^ell. Oh, you mean subscription rates?
Mr. Carpenter. I beg your pardon?
INIr. Powell. The subscription rate or advertising rate?
Mr. Carpenter. W^hat was your subscription rate ?
Mr. Powell. Well, it changed when we changed from a weekly to
a monthly, and I don't really recall just now. It used to be $8. I
don't remember.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you circulate this magazine abroad ?
Mr. Pow^ELL. Yes ; quite a few copies w^ent abroad.
]\Ir. Carpenter. Where did they go?
Mr. Powell. Well, they went wherever there were subscribers. I
don't quite see the purpose of all of this. It seems to me this is being
on the rather technical side of things.
Mr. Carpenter. It may be, but I want to know the circulation of
this newspaper that you edited in China. Did you circulate in the
United States?
Mr. Powell. Yes, we had subscribers in the United States.
Mr. Carpenter. England?
Mr. Powt:ll. I would think we had some there.
Mr. Carpenter. Canada?
Mr. Powell. I would imagine so.
Mr. Carpenter. Australia?
INlr. Powell. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. India?
]Mr. Powell. I imagine we had some.
Mr. Capj>enter. Southeast Asia?
JNIr. Powell. No ; I don't think we had so many in Southeast Asia.
JSlr. Carpenter. And you had circulation in Cliina ?
Mr. Powell. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. How big was your circulation in China ?
INIr. Powell. It varied. Before the change there it was larger and
after, it was smaller. It was a variable thing.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you supply copies to the Chinese Communist
government ?
1890 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Powell. I don't know. If they bought any, they were at lib-
erty to buy it. It was on the newsstands.
Mr. Carpexter. Do you remember how many copies you sold?
Mr. Powell. Not at any given time ; no.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you receive letters from subscribers in the
United States?
Mr. Powell. I suppose — I didn't handle circulation, but I presume
we must have had letters of renewals and such things.
Mr. Carpenter. ^Vlio handled j'our circulation?
Mr. Powell. Some people in the office, the circulation manager.
Mr. Carpenter. I notice in your circulation or in your magazine,,
when you receive letters from the United States you use initials and
not the full names. Can you tell the committee why you didn't pub-
lish the full name ?
]\Ir. Powell. I think this is getting into an area in which I see no
useful purpose, and also it seems to me to be beginning to bear upon
personalities and some other things which I declined earlier to go into.
So I would like to take my constitutional privilege at this point.
The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Eeporter. When he states
his constitutional privilege under the fifth amendment for his answer
it is on the ground that he is not required to give testimony against
himself.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to enter into the record an
excerpt from the China INIonthlv Review of February 1953, pages 114
tolls.
The Chairman, The document may go into tlie record.
Mr. Carpenter, This is called Letters From the People,
(The document refered to was marked "Exhibit No. 466'' and ap-
pears below:)
Exhibit No. 466
[From tlie China Monthly RevieTT, rebrnary 1053]
Letters From the People
Comments from readers on current topics are cordially invited : their opinion*!,
however, do not necessarily represent the views of the China Monthly Review.
In the past several months, the Review has received numerous complaints from
subscribers in the United States of America reporting an unusually large number
of missing copies. INIore recently, the number of complaints has risen greatly.
Consequently, we sent a letter to all subscribers in America asking them to report
missing copies, and offering to adjust their subscriptions acc(u-dingly. In the
past few weeks we have received several dozen letters in answer. Here is a
sampling of them. (In view of the atmosphere currently prevailing in the United
States, we have felt it advisable to identifv the writers by their initials only. —
Editor.)
California
I am taking a number of papers and magazines and pass them on to friends,
and so I have not kept a close check. However, I have here your June issue, and
that seems to l)e the last one I received. It will all work out in time, and while
we are at present somewhat muzzled here, it is gratifying to follow the wonderful
progress being made at your end of the line. It is really something new in the
world, to cause folks everywhere to sit up and take notice. A higher power than
most know is quite certainly at work, and will continue along that line.
J, P. M.
Cleveland. Ohio
I liave never received any copies. It would be useless and even quixotic to
Inquire. Real repression exists, I'm having a friend abroad secure your maga-
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1891
zine and mall it to me. Thus you will have two readers. Be of good heart.
There is great progress in spite of all obstacles.
L. O. G.
Honolulu, T. H.
Well, today I found out why there's been such a long delay getting the Review.
I called Customs and they told me to call the post office. Because the solicitor in
"Washington, after examining the Review, found it to contain political propaganda,
he declared it inadmissible to the mail. Not only that, but they've destroyed the
magazines on hand. I asked why they never informed me of that. They don't
inform the addressee, they told me.
As you might imagine, I got pretty hotheaded about it but, of course, that don't
do any good. They're now in the book-burning stage here. You may have seen
that they're also enforcing an amendment to a 1937 housing bill which makes the
loyalty oath a prerequisite to living in any housing project that's been financed by
Federal funds. With that kind of law, of course, they can make it illegal to ride
on a Federal highway or buy a Federal postage stamp — unless you've taken the
loyalty oath. Remember, one used to wonder how the German people could let
Hitler happen?
E. R.
A'eio England
The only issue of China Monthly Review which we have not received recently
is that for March 19.'52. As we bind this periodical annually, we would prefer
if possible, to have this missing issue replaced. If, however, this cannot be done,
we shall accept a 1 month's extension of our subscription.
A public library.
Kansas
It has been several months since I have received the Review. I have been on
the Government's blacklist for many years and am not surprised they won't let
me get it. However, this widespread stoppage of the Review coming to sub-
scribers in the States is most likely due to your articles on germ warfare. The
Pentagon has good reasons to hide the facts from our people. I do not want you
to make good the missing copies as you are not to be blamed for the corruption
of our elected ofHcials. Put me down for another year and let me know the cost.
O. W. J.
California
We have received all issues through July 1952.
A university.
California
Have missed last two issues. Maybe United States authorities are holding
them up to get names of those in our country subversive enough to want to know
what's really going on in China. If so, here's my name for 'em again. I am not
satisfied to remain in ignorance behind the Truman-Acheson iron curtain.
A. E. S.
Washington, D. C.
We failed to receive the Review for December 1951, and January-May 1952, a
total of six issues. We shall therefore appreciate an extension of our subscrip-
tion.
International Monetary Fund.
Chicago, III.
The last issue I received was for June. Your magazine is the most reliable
source of news and information that I receive about the true conditions in China
today as we cannot depend on the press or radio in this country to tell us the
facts about what is really happening in the world. The American people are the
worst-informed people in the world today instead of the best-informed as they
should be with their 1,785 daily newspapers, which contain, with the exception of
perhaps a dozen papers, just a lot of propaganda and lies. Wishing you every
success in your fight to inform the world as to the true conditions in China today.
T. A. K.
Los Angeles
All issues have been received and enjoyed. We congratulate you on getting out
a very fine publication both technically and especially as t© content. We thank
you for a good job.
M. F.
1892 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Florida
I ordered your magazine in March, but I have not received one copy to date.
Am very much interested iu what is taking place in China, economically and
socially, and I do hope I vrill receive my copy of your magazine.
M. E. C.
Pennsylvania
We wish to advise you that we have received nothing since December 1951.
A college.
Illinois
The last issue we received was the November 1951 issue. We have received no
issues since then and would greatly appreciate it if it will be possible for us to
have the publication sent to us again.
A public library.
California
Something has stopped my receiving the Review magazine. The last issue
I received was for August 1952. JMy magazine Soviet Union has also stopped.
Don't we have a devil of a time getting information from behind the bamboo and
iron cui'taiu.
C. L. M.
Oregon
I was glad to get your letter and to know that you too realized something was
mightly peculiar about the way the Review was coming through so irregularly.
When I didn't get four issues in a row, I made a fuss with my local post office,
but they assured me that they had never heard of it and wouldn't hold up any of
my mail. I guess they hadn't. Must have been some people far more important
than they to take this liberty with our personal mail.
And it must be that your magazine is getting better and better if they feel so
strongly about our not reading it.
Put me down for another year. One way to get my back up is to tell me I'm not
supposed to read certain material. It always makes me go to all pains to read it,
so I hope you can find some way of getting your magazine here regularly. We
must know what's going on in tliat great country China if we are to have peace,
and your magazine is the only reliable source I've seen so far.
A. S.
Mr. Carpexter. Did you publish in the China IMonthly Review
the following excerpt from a letter of one of your readers from
California :
The United States Post Office has confiscated and destroyed all copies it has
been able to spot. It has done this under the 18 Code 1717, a regulation con-
taining a number of unrepealed wartime restrictions.
Did that appear in your paper, and did you publish it ?
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness conferred with
counsel.
Mr. Powell. I think I will make the same answer. I will take
my constitutional privilege on such questions.
The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment, he is not required to
testify against himself.
Mr. Carpenter. This is headed "Letters to Subscribers in the
U. S. A.*; It is from the China Monthly Review of February 1953.
I would like for this to be made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The document was marked "Exhibit No. 467" and appears below.)
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1893
ExiiiiUT No. 4G7
[From the China Monthly Review, February 1!)53]
Letter to Subscribers in the U. S. A.
Dear Friends: Since we first wrote asking you to report missing copies we
have solved the "mystery." Several subscribers have reported the results of
their investigations. Here is what one reader in California writes:
"The United States Post Office has confiscated and destroyed all copies it has
been able to spot. It has done this under 18 Code 1717, a regulation containing
a number of unrepealed wartime restrictions. An inquiry to the Post Office as
to what specifically was objectionable in the Review brought forth the comment :
'This information is for post-office employees only.' "
Among the types of material considered unmailable under this code are publi-
cations urging treason, insurrection, and so on.
None of the objections listed could be twisted to apply to the Review. This
explains why the United States Post Office, when pushed for a definite explana-
tion, attempts to defend its action by saying that the reason cannot be made
public. This is thought control, pure and simple.
Unpopularity with officialdom is not a new experience for us, although this is
the first time the Review has experienced difficulties getting into the United
States. An American-owned magazine established in Shanghai in 1917, the
Review has always done its best to report accurately developments in China.
As a result, we are accustomed to trouble. In the twenties, when we editorially
endorsed the Nationalist movement as opposed to the regional warlord regime,
we encountered opposition from the foreign vested interests in China which
preferred to see a weak and divided country.
In the thirties we opposed the Japanese invasion of China and warned of the
coming Pacific war. The Japanese Government banned the Review, seized
copies from the mails and even tried to assassinate the editor. In the postwar
period, the Review reported the corruption and degradation of Chiang Kai-shek's
regime and foresaw its ignominious defeat. Again, we were at loggerheads with
Chiang and his American supporters.
Tor the past three and a half years we have been carrying on as usual — giving
our honest estimation of the new China, reporting the tremendous achievements
which this country has made and is making. Again, we are met with hostility
by the same old crowd : those who fear the truth. The Review is currently banned
in Malaya by the British colonial authorities, in Japan by the American puppet
Yoshida regime — and now in the United States distribution is interferred with
by a Government which fears lest its people learn a few basic truths about this
part of the world — such as the fact that China has a progressive and honest
government for the first time in its history, such as the facts of American germ
warfare in Korea and China.
We have yet to trim our sails to prevailing winds and do not propose to do
so now. We shall continue to report the developments here as we honestly see
them and we shall continue to make every effort to see that your copy of the
Review reaches you.
You can help by protesting this arbitrary official interference with the Review
to your postmaster and to the Postmaster General in Washington. The Govern-
ment's action is illegal and cannot withstand public examination. If the protest
is strong enough ; Washington will have no alternative but to rescind it. We
have great faith in our people and are convinced that they will not allow official-
dom to put blinders on them, to decide what is suitable for them te read and
think.
The Editors.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you and your fellow editors urge your readers
to protest this so-called arbitrary interference to your postmaster and
to the Postmaster General in Washington ?
Mr. Powell. Again I think we are in an area where I must decline
to answer. I think we are getting into an area now where I think I
can claim the privilege, again, under the first amendment.
The Chairman. We will not recognize your refusal to answer the
question under the first amendment. "
1894 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
]Mr. Powell. May I ask you how you recognize — whicli way would
you recognize the freedom of speech portion of the first amendment?
The Chairman. He did not ask you about freedom of speech. He
asked you a specific question, whether or not you did a certain thing.
It wasn't about a speech you made or anything you uttered or said,
whether or not you did. We are not here as a debating society at alL
]Mr. Powell. Well, I — all right.
The Chaiijmax. I order and direct that you answer the question.
Mr. Powell. I will take my constitutional privilege under the fifth
amendment.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to read a letter received
August 11, 1954, from the Post Office Department, Office of the Solici-
tor, Washington 25, D. C. :
(The letter referred to follows:)
Post Office Department,
Office of the Solicitor,
Washington, D. C.
Col. Alva C. Carpenter,
Counsel, Internal Security Stibcommittee,
Committee on the Judiciary,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Colonel Carpenter : This will acknowledge your letter of August 5,
1054, relative to the activities of J. W. Powell, editor and publisher of the China
Monthly Review. I note that Powell has returned to the United States after
terminating the said magazine.
Under an opinion of the Attorney General dated December 10, 1940 (39 op.
A. G. 535) foreign political propaganda disseminated in violation of the
Foreign Agents Registration Act may be disposed of as nonmailable matter
under the provi.sions of law now incorporated in section 1717 of title 18, United
States Code (39 CFR 36.5). Pursuant to this opinion many foreign publica-
tions have been withdrawn from the mails and disposed of as nonmailable.
According to our file, a number of copies of China Monthly Review were ruled
nonmailable during the latter part of 1952 and in 1953 as well. I enclose for
your examination a copy of the January 1952 issue of the paid publication,
from which you will readily see the propaganda line followed therein. Please
return this magazine after it has served your purpose.
Sincerely yours,
Abe McGregor Goff,
The Solicitor.
Mr. Carpenter. I would like at this time to have this made a part
of the record.
The Chair3ian. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The document referred to and read in full above by Mr. Carpenter,
was filed with the committee.)
INIr. Carpenter. At any time were the presses on which you pub-
lished the China Monthly Review owned by the Chinese Communist
Government ?
INIr. Powell. I have already told you that question. I have told
you where we published.
;Mr. Carpenter. You told me about some others. I want to know
if the Chinese Communist Government owned those presses.
jSIr. Powell. Well, I will tell you now, as I told you before, I am
not prepared to answer any questions of this nature regarding the
magazine. I don't feel they are pertinent. And I also certainly wish
to claim my privilege under the fifth amendment, on this question.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1895
The Chairman. All i'ifi\\L
Mr. Carpenter. Did you publish a Chinese version of the China
Monthly Review? Did you publish in Chinese?
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness, before re-
sponding, conferred with counsel.
Mr. Powell. No.
Mr. Cari'enter. Were your employees in the China Monthly Review
organized, unionized?
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Let the record show, again, that the witness confers
with counsel before responding.
Mr. Powell. I will take my constitutional privilege.
The Chairman. Under the fifth amendment. The same record,
Mr. Reporter. He is not required to give an answer which will
incriminate him.
Mr. Carpenter. Did the Communist union or did the union have
any voice in the publishing of your magazine ?
Mr. Powell. I told you before, I w^as the editor. If you want to
reopen the issue and get specific, I will take the same answers to the
last question, the constitutional privilege.
Mr. Carpenter. "Wliat were your relations between the China
Monthly Review and the New China News Agency ?
]Mr. Powell. The same answer.
The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. Did the Communist union ever take possession of
the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, where your China Monthly
Review was published or printed ?
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
The Chair]man. Let the record show that the witness before re-
sponding, conferred with his counsel.
Mr. Powell. I think the same answer.
The Chairman. The same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. I have a document here from the China Weekly
Review, dated March 18, 1950, headed —
New China News Agency -Yenan to Peking. Founded in Yenan in 1936 as a
mimeographed newssheet, the NONA today is the official news agency for China
with offices here and abroad.
The article recites that it was founded in Yenan, as I say, in 1936,
that it appeared as a mimeographed newssheet containing news
broadcasts monitored from the news agencies of Britain, United States,
France, Japan, as well as the KMT and that it was on this newssheet
that the isolated bases of the Communist Party depended for informa-
tion from the outside world.
It also said —
The New China News Agency has had a parallel growth with the revolutionary
war waged by the Chinese Communist Party under whose leadership it began.
There are other descriptive paragraphs which I will not read at this
time.
I would like for this to go into the record.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
1896 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
(The document referred to was filed with the committee, marked
"Exhibit No. 468," and appears in the appendix to this vohime
at p. 1984.)
Mr. Carpenter. You carried some advertising' in your China
Weekly and Monthly Review, did you not, Mr. Powell, American
advertising ?
Mr. Powell. I think the same answer.
The Chairman. You claim your privilege under the fifth amend-
ment to that question?
JSlr. Powell. That is correct.
The Chairman. The same record, Mv. Reporter.
]Mr. Carpenter. You had considerable advertising in your news-
paper prior to the taking over of Shanghai by the Communists, didn't
you? .-.
ISIr. Powell. The same answer.
Mr. Carpenter. You only had two advertisers, when you closed,
I believe.
Mr. Powell. The same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Chairman, the staff prepared an itemized list
here of the China Weekly Review, as we have gone through them.
The Chairman. And monthly ?
INIr. Carpenter. Weekly and Monthly Review. It shows the firms
that advertised and the dates. I would like at this time to have this
made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and willbecome a part
of the record.
(The document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 469" and
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1987. )
Mr. Carpenter. Where did you secure the finances to operate the
China Monthly Review, Mr. Powell?
Mr. Powell. Well, I tried to tell you about that a while ago. I
thought you didn't want to hear it. We had several sources of income.
The magazine itself was always very sort of a touch and go propo-
sition. That was true when my father ran it. It was never a gold
mine as an economic proposition. After the war I started a daily
translation service which we started very early in the morning, we got
the Chinese papers, and translated mostly economic regulations and
items of economic and trade and commercial interest. We put out 10,
maybe sometimes as many as 20 legal-size pages. We distributed this,
sold it, to the foreign business community in Shanghai, mostly. It
was a very profitable operation. So when the Review was in slimmer
days, we were always able to operate from that if we had to. We had
a couple of other publications. We had a monthly report. We found
very shortly after the end of the war that the larger foreign firms, their
head offices, required them to submit at the end of each month a general
estimate of the situation in China, and many of these people were
unable to do this. They didn't know very much about it. So we wrote
a little thing we called the Monthly Report, which we also sold to
them. We put it out a few days before the end of the month so they
could take what they wanted out of it for their monthly reports to their
head offices here and in other foreign countries. Then we had an eco-
nomic magazine which we ran for quite a while that also was a profit-
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1897
able operation. We used to periodically publish a book, a tliin<? called
Who's Who in China, which usually paid for itself. So out of these
various ways we financed our whole operation, sometimes more or less
from any one given thing.
Mr. Cartenter. Who paid for the copies of your China Weekly and
Monthly Review that were sent to the POW camps in Korea ?
Mr. Powell. That is an implication; isn't it? Is that a straight
question?
The Chairman. It is a question.
Mr. Powell. In that form, I would decline.^ I would take my
privilege.
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
i\lr. Carpenter. Did you know a Mr. Randall Gould, in Shanghai ?
INlr. Poa\t:ll. Again we are moving into the realm of personalities,
and I will decline under the privilege.
The Chairman. Same record, Mr. Reporter.
Mr. Carpenter. What were your associations with Mr. Randall
Gould in Shanghai?
ISIr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time, Mr, Chairman, I would like Mr^
Mandel to read a letter relative to Mr. Gould.
Mr. Mandel. This is. a letter dated August 29, 1954, from Mr.
Randall Gould, addressed to me :
Dear Mr. Mandel : Your second request arrives just as I am getting started
on a number of things which must be done before we go off on vacation September
11. In the matter of William Powell's weekly — John William, known generally
as "Bill" — I can give you either a very quick answer or one requiring some
research. As to research, I have reason to think that the State Department
through its consular representatives in Shanghai has extremely interesting
copies of the China Weekly Review such as I do not have, though I believe that
the manuscripts of my unpublished book contains some material not lying at
the top of my present recollection which has need of refreshment.
The short answer about Powell and the Review is this: You ask the extent
to which the paijer and its editor were subject to restrictions when the Commu-
nists took over, and I reply that he and the magazine were subject to no per-
ceptible restrictions nor were any needed because they took a virtually 100
percent pro-Communist line.
In degree, the Review figures in my own story as summed up in my letter
of August 23. The magazine was being printed by the Mercury Press, which
was the job-printing department of the Post-Mercury Co., Federal Inc. USA,
publisher of the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, and we were also under-
taking publication of a proposed Who's Who in China which Powell intended to
put out and which was the cause of much trouble for me because Powell made
financial claims against us on which I lacked adequate information after our
trouble with the Communist-directed labor union and my discharge of our
former business manager, Fred Douglas, because of his attitude which I con-
sidered disloyal to myself and our enterprise. Douglas, now in this country,
is not important but he in his way is another story, and he was friendly toward
Powell in our time of trouble.
The Review during the days of its founder, J. B. Powell, father of "Bill,"
took a distinctly pro-Nationalist line and was American in basis. When "Bill"
resumed its publication after the war the magazine was uniformly critical of
the Nationalists, but during his father's life Bill occasionally printed con-
tributed articles by J. B., who, of course, was not in Shanghai, so none of us
discussed the situation. The articles were signed and usually at variance with
Bill's position. On the other hand, the Nationalist rule was so bad — particu-
larly during some 70 days of economic dictator.ship by the generalissimo's son
Chiang Ching-kuo in the late summer of autumn of 1948 — that criticism of the
32918'— 5i—pt. 23 11
1898 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Nationalists was general among the American community and foreigners gen-
erally. Let me mention that I was, throughout the postwar period, a member
of the board of directors of the Shanghai American Chamber of Commerce,
also of the board of the Shanghai American Community, the two American
organizations. Bill Powell once ran for the board of the American chamber,
a position his father had held, but he was defeated. People were not at that
time hostile to him but he was felt to be pretty leftist and his associates were
not the American community leaders but rather somewhat leftist journalists
and others not especially well known.
I must confess ignorance of factors behind the Review but believe it would
be interesting to learn more. It chanced that during the midthirties I ran
across the clear fact that the Nationalist Government bought a considerable
number of copies of the Review and sent them out to various people mainly
overseas. There were rumors that J. B. Powell was subsidized by the National-
ists, but my own impression was that the support took on wholly the form of
helping on circulation. After the war I heard rumors, which I can't sub-
stantiate, that there was either similar Nationalist support for a while or
offer of it, but that the Nationalists understandably didn't care for Bill's
critical attitude and could hardly use the magazine as he ran it for propaganda
purposes. But he was not restricted, of course.
With arrival of the Communists it immediately became clear that Bill Powell
was taking a twofold attitude: (a) Unquestioning and imcritical support of the
new regime, and (h) a somewhat nasty, hostile attitude toward his fellow
Americans.
The best instance I can summon to mind offhand, illustrating both points, had
to do with the scandalous mistreatment of a United States consular official, Bill
Olive, during June 1949, if I am not mistaken. Olive was out in a jeep one
morning when the People's Government suddenly changed its announced plans
for a victoi-y pai*ade (because it feared air raids by the Nationalists if it kept
to schedule, we understood) and cleared certain streets in order to hold the
parade immediately. Having no means of keeping touch with events, Olive
blundered into one of these cleared streets, failed to stop as promptly as a
policeman desired, was arrested, and was sulijected to exceptionally bad treat-
ment including beating, kicking, etc., over a period of several days during which
efforts by his consular associates wei*e not only frustrated but a couple of
them were placed under arrest for bringing their cars into a forbidden area
at the police station. Everyone in town kept pretty close track of the whole
thing and when Olive was released, it was general l)elief that the reason was
orders from the higher ups in Peking. At any rate Olive soon received special
dispensation to leave China from Nanking with the Ambassador, Dr. .T. Leighton
Stuai't, which supported the belief mentioned.
Powell in reporting this affair disclosed a strategy he was often to use. This
was to pretend that he had little access to the facts, but that on a basis of
what he knew the situation seemed one of foreign, or American, arrogance as
against Chinese moderation. We knew Olive had been grossly abused on a
most unjust basis from any civilized point of view and the Review came in
for intense criticism on this incident as with many others. The United States
consulate general asked Powell to come over and receive firsthand information,
including a talk with Olive and a view of photos of his body when he got out
of Communist hands, but he had a ready ercuse and did not go.
Meanwhile, Powell was taking the side of our Communist-backed union in
my own battle for a free press. What was even more serious, he disregarded a
notice that from July 1 (as I recall, or perhaps the end of June) he was not to
use our facilities. The union was in forcible occupation of fiur premises, con-
trary to my wish of cour.se, and Powell had his magazine printed through several
issues which was an important technical point, for both the union and the author-
ities took the position that I was remiss in not administering the enterprise (in-
cluding of course our newspaper) as a going concern and that if anyone were in
the wrong it was exclusively myself. This was a tricky tactic, for nctnnllv I bad
no special reason for objecting to continuation of our job printing work aside
from the existence of a controversy on principle as to whether the Communists,
through [the] union, were to dominate our newspjiper. In other words, Powell
lent himself to an effort by Communists and union alike to make it seem that I
was being thoroughly wrong-headed and tliat the union was doing its duty by
continuing to handle Powell's magazine and anything else that might offer. At
the same time Powell brought forward claims, to me preposterous, having to do
with financial matters. Since our business manager had been discharged and
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1899
the rest of the business office was in the union, I had no way of investigating
what I'owell said. Just what sottleniont finally may have been made between
Powell and the representative of our main owners, C. V. Starr fand] Charles
Miner. I do not know ; both remained after my departure September '2"), 1949, and
the wrangle was transferred to Miner's hands. Towell made no effort to block
the eventual departure of my wife and myself after large "termination pay-
ments" to the workers and his attitude then seemed in line with his general de-
termination to be agreeal)Ie to the wishes of the Communist authorities. In
other words, once the authorities decided to let Mrs. Gould and myself go, I'owell's
obstructionism vani.shed. He took his magaizne to another print shop sometime
in either late July or August. I was never paid or offered any tiling (though
I was general manager and president of Post-Mercury Co.) for the issues put
out after our laiior trouble, but heard he paid the union — not enough, they said.
The line of his magazine had become so clearly Communist by late summer that
American advertisers pulled out as rapidly as they could. Despite contracts, not
a single American ad appeared in the issue just before our departure.
Powell printed an ugly editorial against me, though without naming me, after
my departure, and I received a copy through Hongkong,
I saw occasional copies of the Review, which dropped to monthly instead of
weekly pulilication. and it was extremely anti-American especially after the
Korea trouble. In one issue I found photographs and articles purporting to
prove the truth of the Communist claims that we had dropped germ bombs. It
is likely that I could dig up a copy or two but I am sure they were being acquired
by our authorities, as the Review had free access to the United States at that
time.
Powell's reason for departure, as you no doubt know, was financial stringency.
My impression is that tlie Communists actually did little if anything for him
except let him alone, though there was a certain smell of subsidy about a maga-
zine relying exclusively on circulation income as seemed the case in issues after
my departure — the Reader's Digest got rich that way but not the China Monthly
Review.
The last I heard of Powell he was in San Francisco after some traveling
around this country.
I have been considerably surprised that he and his wife, who was regarded as
very leftist indeed and formerly [in] the entourage of Madam Sun Yat-sen, have
not been the objects of any conspicuous official curiosity. What I have said in
the foregoing from memory represents the broad outline of my knowledge of
Powell, aside from the fact that I saw him a couple of times in Kunming,
where he represented OWI during the war, and that I knew him before the
war when he came out uninvited and joined his father rather to the annoyance
of the latter, who (according to Bill) sometimes introduced him as a brother
rather than a son, apparently from motives of personal vanity though I found
it hard to believe this of J. B. The big question in my mind is how much doc-
umentation Washington has on Bill's journalistic recoi-d. There is no excuse
for our failing to have in official hands a full file of the magazine and unless
I definitely learn this is not so, I don't feel disposed to go to a lot of work dig-
ging around my own stuff.
With best regards,
(Signed) Randall Gout.d.
p, s. — Of course I have no evidence of Bill's membership in anything but his
acts were those of a person entirely in the Red bag.
The Chairman. Do you have any comments to make on that letter,
Mr. Powell?
Mr. Powell. Mr. Gould and I had differences of opinion.
Mr. Carpenter. I ask that this letter be made a part of the record.
The Chairman. It is a part of the record.
j\Ir. SouRwiNE. Where is ISIr. Gould?
Mr. Maxdel. Mr. Powell, did you circulate your mag:azine through
the International Book Stores at 1408 Market Street, San Francisco,
Cahf.?
Mr. Po"wt:ll. I decline to answer under the privilege.
The Chairman. Same record.
1900 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpexter, Was your magazine, China Monthly Review, dis-
tributed through Collett's Subscription Bureau at 40 Russell Street,
London, England?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
INIr. Carpenter. Was the magazine sent to England from the United
States ?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any connection with the National
Guardian in New York City?
Mr. Powell. Same ansAver.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. IMr. Powell, you had a reporting staff on your news-
paper in China, did you not?
Mr. Powell. That is correct.
Mr. Carpenter. And who were those reporters, if you recall ?
Mr. Powell. Well, I think you have some copies of the magazine.
They are probably listed there.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any Americans employed on the
China Weekly Review, later the China Monthly Review, who were
news gatherers or reporters for your magazine ?
The Chairman. Let the record show the witness confers with coun-
sel before responding to the question propounded.
(The witness conferred Avith his counsel.)
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. What answer ?
Mr. Powell. I claim my constitutional privilege.
The Chairman. All right, under the fifth amendment.
Mr. Carpenter. Was Mary Barrett one of your contributors?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
Mr. Carpenter. Was Monica Felton one of the contributors to your
magazine?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Was Rose Yardumian one of your news gatherers?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Sidney Shapiro.
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. Was Julian Schuman associated with you in the
China Monthly Review ?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. William Bergess?
Mr. Powell. Same answer.
The Chairman. Same record.
Mr. Carpenter. How did you secure your news articles, Mr. Powell ?
Mr. Powell. Well, just like any other magazine does. I suppose
you are familiar with the usual process. You have an editorial staff.
You have editors, you have some rewrite people. You have a certain
amount of research, and you have — we had, particularly — a lot of con-
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1901
tributors. Many of them "were people wlio we had had for a long
time. I inherited quite a group from my father.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you publish from time to time in your China
Weekly Review and China Monthly Review lists of American pris-
oners of war in the hands of the Chinese Communists, together with
their serial numbers and address?
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
Senator Johnston (presiding). You have been asked a question.
Mr. BouDiN. The witness is consulting me, Senator.
Mr. Powell. Would you repeat the question, please?
Mr. Carpenter. Did you publish from time to time lists of American
prisoners of war in the hands of the Chinese Communists, together
with their serial number and address?
Mr. Powell. I remember we published lists of American POW's,
yes.
Mr. Carpenter. Exactly how did you obtain those lists?
Mr. Powell. From the Chinese papers.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the purpose of publishing them ?
Mr. Powell. We thought it was information which people would
like to have. At this point there had been no sort of official exchange
of information. These were names of POW's, most of whom got their
names in the papers through writing letters to papers or making some
statements, and we copied them out of the papers and ran them.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you give these lists to the American author-
ities when you received them s Did you make any attempt to ?
Mr. Powell. To give them to the American authorities?
Mr. Carpenter. That is right.
Mr. Powell. Well, our magazine went to the American authorities;
yes. But they, I think the American authorities, had the names all the
time, because all of this material was broadcast on the Chinese radio.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you give the lists to American authorities at
the time of the negotiations for the exchange of prisoners?
Mr. Powell. No; we just published this list. That is all we did.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you give these lists to the National Guardian,
a pro-Communist magazine, whose editor, Cedric Bel f rage, is now a
subject of deportation proceedings as a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Powell. We published them and anybody who subscribed to the
magazine could get them.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any connection with the National
Guardian in New York City?
]\Ir. Powell. I assume they, like other subscribers, if they sub-
scribed to it, got them.
Mr. Carpenter. Were the names that you published — those men
who had signed the various Communist appeals for peace — were they
given to understand that they would be rewarded by having it an-
nounced in the United States, for the information of their families,
that they were alive?
Mr. Powell. I don't know anything about that.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever contact or write any people in the
United States relative to their loved ones who were in prisoner-of-war
camps in North Korea ?
Mr. Powell. As I recall, sometimes when an address would come
through, completely, which was not always tlie case by any means,
1902 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
sometimes we used to just send them on. INIaybe we would make a clip.
If they had made a statement, we would clip it out of the paper and
mail it to them.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever write personal letters to anyone in the
United States who had loved ones in prisoner-of-war camps ?
Mr. Po^vELL. I think we probably wrote them letters including the
clips.
Mr. Carpenter. I don't say "we," I say "you."
Mr. Powell. I expect so, enclosing these clippings. Yes ; I would
think so.
Mr. Carpenter. What was the nature of those letters, do you recall ?
Mr. Powell. I don't recall. If you have some, let's see them.
Mr. Carpenter. I have two letters here, written to Mrs. Charles L.
Gill, at 7418 Jefferson Street, Kansas City, Mo. One is dated January
10, 1951, and the other January I'o, 1951, signed by John W. Powell. I
will ask you to look at those documents and state whether or not that
is your signature appearing at the bottom of those two letters.
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
The Chairman. Is that your signature, Mr. Powell, on those two
letters?
Mr. Poavell. Well, I think these appear to he letters written by me ;
yes.
The Chairman. Let me see them.
Mr. Po^vell. And they enclose these clippings that were clipped
from the papers in China.
The Chairman. Wliat did you mean when you said this :
We know from the clippings and magazines we receive from home that there
has been little if any news on the American POW's, except the fabricated atrocity
stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here might give
you some reassurance.
Just what did you mean to tell this lady? You heard her testify
here earlier. What did you mean to tell her about it ?
Mr. Powell. I don't think you have a right to inquire into phrases.
The Chairman. This is your letter, your signature. What did you
mean by writing this lady this kind of a letter?
Mr. Powell. I think in
The Chairman. You are an American citizen. You are under oath
here. Don't sit there and tell me what I have a right to do. "\'\^iy did
you write this lady this kind of a letter?
Mr. Powell. Would you like me to answer?
The Chairman. Yes; I would.
Mr. Powell. If you give me a chance, I will be more than glad to
answer.
The Chairman. You have the chance.
Mr. Powell. I think this invades what I have written. I don't
think you have a position to question me on this. The letter is there.
You can read it. You have read it here. I think to be cross-examined
in this place by you on various points in the letter — I think I am
covered by the first amendment.
The Chairman, You must have a motive for writing this kind of a
letter. What was your motive?
Mr. Powell. I decline to answ^er under the provisions of the first
amendment regarding my freedom of expression.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1903
The Chaihmax. Of course we do not recognize that, and you know
that, :Mr. Powell.
Mr, Powell. In that event, I will decline under the constitutional
privilege of the tifth amendment.
The Chairman. Now, Mr, Powell :
From our own personal observation of the action of the Chinese People's
Government here in Shanghai, we know it is the policy to treat all prisoners
captured, Knomintang soldiers, as well as criminals, with the greatest leniency
and fairness in order to win over their support. We are sure this is the same
policy being carried out by the Chinese volunteers in Korea. This accounts for
the numerous statements of gratitude and good will of American POW's which
appear in our local papers almost daily.
AVhat was your reason for writing that?
Mr. Powell. I think the letter as a whole speaks; it is there, but
as I say, with all due respect, I don't think you have the right to cross-
examine me on phrases in this letter.
The Chairman, Mr. Powell, you have reporters gathering news.
You heard the major testify just a while ago. You know how^ they
secured their demonstrations, how they got the smiles on the faces of
American prisoners. You know how they were treated. As a news
gathering agency, you had every reason to know how they were treated.
"Why did you write this to this w^oman, who is now a widow as the
result of the atrocities of the Communists?
Mr. Powell. I can't answer that question.
The Chairman. You said from personal observation.
Mr. Powell. I said from personal observation of what I had seen
of the treatment of Chinese POW's, Senator.
The Chairman, Senator Johnston, have you a question ?
Senator Johnston. Could anyone put any interpretation upon this
except to see that you were trying to convey to her and to the Ameri-
can people that the Communist in China was treating the prisoners
very fine?
The Chairman. Let the record show that the witness confers with
his counsel before responding to the question of Senator Johnston.
(The witness conferred with his counsel.)
Mr. Powell. Again I would decline to reply to your question again.
The Chairman. Why do you decline to reply ?
]\Ir. Powell. Because I believe that provisions in the first amend-
ment, cover them.
The Chairman. We do not recognize your refusal to answer this
question. I order and direct you to answer the Senator's question.
Mr, Powell. Well, I must decline, with all due respect, by taking my
constitutional position on the fifth amendment, the constitutional
privilege.
The Chairman, You go on and say :
In addition, there have been several demonstrations by large groups of Ameri-
can and British POW's, demanding the end of the dirty war, for after they have
seen the hatred of the Korean people against the Singman Rhee government
and the help being given them by the Americans for that hated clique, they
cannot but feel this has all been one tragic mistake. We imagine many people
in America must feel this way also.
Would you tell the committee why you would write this to this
lady ?
Mr. Powell. The same answer, Senator.
1904 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
The CHAiRMAisr. You refuse to answer under the fifth amendment ?
Mr. Powell. Under my constitutional privilege.
The Chairman. Mr. Powell, you are not excused, but you will stand
aside at this time from the witness stand. You will be recalled later^
Call the next witness, please.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Baylor ?
The Chairman. Will you be sworn to testify ? Do you swear that
the testimony given in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth
and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Corporal Baylor. I do.
TESTIMONY OF CPL. PAGE THOMAS BAYLOR, JR., UNITED STATES
ARMY
The Chairman. Would you give the committee your full name ?
Corporal Baylor. Page Thomas Baylor, Jr.
The Chairman. And where is your home ?
Corporal Baylor. Washington, D. C.
The Chairman. And you are in the armed services ?
Corporal Bayi.or. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. What is your rank ?
Corporal Baylor. Corporal, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been in the armed services ?
Corporal Baylor. I have been in the armed services 4 years and 10
months.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you a prisoner of war during the Korean
war?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. For how long a period ?
Corporal Baylor. Thirty-three months.
Mr. Carpenter. Thirty-three months ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. When were you first captured ?
Corporal Baylor. 27th of November 1950.
Mr. Carpenter. In what camps were you imprisoned ?
Corporal Baylor. I was imprisoned at two camps, camp 5 and
camp 3.
Mr. Carpenter. In the course of your imprisonment, did you ever
see copies of what is known as the China Weekly Review and the
China Monthly Review ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; I did.
Mr. Carpenter. Under what circumstances did you see that maga-
zine ?
Corporal Baylor. Well, we received that magazine about once a
month, and we was forced to hold discussions on certain articles that
was underlined in those magazines.
Mr. Carpenter. And were you required to do that ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; I was.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell this committee your experiences and
how you were indoctrinated by the things you read in the China
Monthly Review, and the Weekly Review, and how you were treated
if you didn't conform?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; I will. Well, sir, I was — one day I was
talking with some friends of mine, and we was discussing over an
I
INTERLOCKING frUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 19G5
article in this magazine by INIonica Felton. They had pointed out a
monitor from each squad to hold these discussions in the prison com-
pounds, and after you make your statement to this monitor he would
take it back to headquarters and give it to the Chinese. My statement
to this was disregarding the statement that we Avere discussing about
Monica Felton. The Chinese said I was trying to overthrow^ then-
studies given by them to the rest of the American prisoners. That is
why I Avas forced to go away from camp 5 and taken to camp 3,
which was knoAvn as a reactionary labor camp. I was sent there on
the Tth of August 1951. That is where I was sent. They told me
either they was going to make me or break me, to be indoctrinated
with their propaganda. So I told them that I don't care what they
do, as long as I get something to eat.
This way, they said I was cunning and cute, so they put me in the
hole for a period of 15 days. The first 3 days I was in this hole I
didn't receive no kind of medical care or any type of thing to keep
my body going. When I was released from this hole — during the time
that I was in the hole, I was treated pretty bad. I got a couple of
beatings by a rifle butt and a shovel, and during this tragedy they
took and knocked my front teeth out and bruised my back pretty bad,
and they gave me no kind of medical care at all. When I came back,
I showed it to some of the fellows, and they asked me what they could
do for me. And I told them just if I would write something to the
propaganda, they would give me something to heal my wounds, and
so forth.
I still refused to do wdiat they wanted me to do. Then I was sent
back to the hole about a month later on another article from this China
Monthly RevieAV. It Avas an article on economical something about
the capitalism, and I still refused to voice my opinion the Avay they
wanted me to. So I was sent back this time for 33 days. That was
the time I caught pneumonia. I had cold in my back, and in my legs,
and in my side. I didn't never see nobody or ever hear of anything
for 33 days Avhile I Avas in this hole. Then I was released and they
told me did I realize my mistake, and they forced me to write a con-
fession that I was never to try to overthrow their powers in the pris-
oner-of-Avar camps, and not to try to keep the other prisoners from
learning Avhat they Avere teaching. Then I Avas sent back to camp 5
on the 17th of August 1952.
Mr. Carpenter. What did the soldiers think of the China Monthly
RevieAv ?
Mr. Baylor. ISIost of the soldiers thought of the China RevieAV as
just something of a propaganda that they were trying to put over to us.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you knoAv anything about a peace petition that
was sponsored while you Avere in the prison camp?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; I do.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you tell us about that, please?
Corporal Baylor. Well, during the first Avinter of 1951 they drew
up some sort of Asiatic peace appeal, or something of that sort, and
they Avere forcing us to sign this peace appeal. They threatened quite
a feAv people that if everyone did not sign they was going to give them
harsh treatment. They eA-en made the sick, that died the next day or
the previous days ahead, to sign this here peace appeal, not knoAving
"what it was about. They Avould only have somebody read it to us and
have us sign it.
1906 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. Did you at one time form a group called The Boys,
to oppose efforts of the indoctrination?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir. That was in camp 3.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you tell us about that ?
Corporal Baylor. Well, sir, a lot of times when we went on labor
details to work, we had to unload a lot of these barges that came in,
that would go to the main camp, which would be camp 5. Quite a few
fellows that lived around Baltimore and Ohio, and so forth, we got
together and used to see what we could take off of these boats and try
to keep for ourselves. We called ourselves The Boys. They thought
we was trying to get some kind of information to send it back to the
United States. They took and put us all in the hole again for 5 days,
and put us on a labor detail which was building a mud shack far down
in the valley.
Mr. Carpenter. Wliat opportunities were you given to write home ?
Corporal Baylor. Well, sir, the opportunities we was given to write
home was apparently once a month, and then you had to write what
they wantecl you to write or you didn't write at all.
Mr. Carpenter. Was the China Monthly Eeview distributed to
POW's, along with the other publications, in the English language?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; it was.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you name the others?
Corporal Baylor. Well, one was — I can't recall the names right
now. The Shanghai News was one, and there was one called the
Weekly Review.
Mr. Carpenter. I have a list of the magazines here that I would
like to have shown to you, and I will ask you to identify them, whether
you have seen them in your camp where you were held prisoner of
war.
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; I do remember this China Monthly Re-
view, and this For a Lasting Peace for the People's Democracy. I
remember that. I don't quite recall this magazine here. I recall this
one here [indicating]. I recall this one here, too.
Mr. Carpenter. That is the New Times.
Corporal Baylor. Yes.
Mr. Carpenter. Would you please name them as you refer to tliem ?
What was the one before that ?
Corporal Baylor. The New Times.
Mr. Carpenter. And the one before that? It is in German.
Corporal Baylor. Yes.
Senator Johnston. The German Democratic Republic.
Corporal Baylor. This one here, the Masses and Mainstream. And
these two political affairs, I remember those. Also another Masses
and Mainstream. I do remember this China Reconstructs, and there
was another one, the China Pictorial.
Mr. Carpenter. The China Pictorial Review ?
Corporal Baylor. I remember this one, too, the Daily Worker.
Mr. Carpenter. The Daily Worker?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. How long were you a prisoner of war?
Corporal Baylor. I was a prisoner of war for 33 months, I believe.
The Chairman. The indoctrination, did it begin almost imme-
diately ?
p
mTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1907
Corporal Baylor. No; not exactly immediately, but it was right
after this march that we had, when we got about 12 miles from
Pyoktong.
The Chairman. How sustained was it? How much time did they
devote to trying to indoctrinate you?
Corporal Baylor. Well, it was about a month after we was at
this camp 5.
The Chairman. This China Weekly Review which you have testi-
fied about, were there several issues of that in each of the camps?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; there was.
The Chairman, Was there someone over you to see that you studied
that and made a report on it?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir ; there was someone not exactly over us,
but somebody was appointed to read this magazine before us.
The Chairman. How did they break that down? Into how small
group was it broken down into ?
Corporal Baylor. They would break it into a squad.
The Chairman. To a squad?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And how many hours a day would you say would
be an average for giving you this indoctrination course?
Corporal Baylor. They would practically give it to you all morn-
ing, and in the evening they would make us work.
The Chairman. Five or six hours a day ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes.
The Chairman. Any further questions?
]\Ir. Carpenter. I have an article here of January 1953, of the
China INIonthly Review, entitled "American POW's Want Peace Now."
Do you recognize that article ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes; I do remember this article here.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you required to study that?
Corporal Baylor. No; we weren't required to study it, but they
was trying to get us to sign this thing they had behind this. They
had some kind of petition drawn up behind it for us to sign. They
said they was going to send it to some kind of a welfare.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you remember Monica Felton when she ap-
peared at your camp ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes ; I do.
Mr. Carpenter. Would you tell us about that episode?
Corporal Baylor. In 1952, 1 think it was around October, Monica
Felton came into camp 5 and she came to this theater that they had
there. It was up on the hill. She gave us a lecture. I can't recall
exactly what the lecture was at the present time. And then we was
to go back to our squads and to discuss what she said.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you talk to her personally ?
Corporal Baylor, No ; I didn't talk to her personally.
Mr. Carpenter. But you had to listen to her lecture ?
Corporal Baylor. Yes; we had to listen to her lecture.
Mr, Carpenter. This morning in executive session you told about
what you had to do in order to keep your mental equilibrium. I wish
you would explain that to the committee now.
Corporal Baylor. Yes; I will. In camp 3 after I came out of the
hole for the 33 months
Tlie Chairman. You mean 33 days?
1908 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Corporal Baylor. Thirty-three days. I was so weak that I didn't
know whether I was going to go crazy or what. My mind was just
about ready to leave me. So there was another fellow there named —
I can't recall his name, but anyway he was from Gary, Ind. We re-
ferred to him as Dr. Buzzard. He told me to get some kind of roots
and stuff and eat it and that I would pull out of it. Well, the stuff
tasted bitter, and nasty, but I took it and did it anyway. Then I
took and bit off my fingernails down to the very edge and rubbed them
into the sand and that sort of brought my nerves back to me, and
brought back my mind, and it kept me from losing my whole mind
altogether. I kept rubbing them in this dirt until I did get my mind
back to normal. I had something to concentrate on.
Mr. Carpenter. In other words, grinding your fingers would keep
you conscious of your condition; is that right?
Corporal Baylor. That is right.
Mr. Carpenter. Was there any attempt to promote friction between
the white and colored POW's?
Corporal Baylor. Yes, sir; they tried it a few times. They would
distribute rations out to us and they would sort of give more to the
white POW's, today more, and the next day they would give more to
the colored. They would try to get an argument out of us about who
would get the most food and so forth. But we didn't let that arouse
us. We got our heads together and we distributed as much chow
among us as equally as we could.
That was to cause this friction.
The Chairman. Thank you very much. Corporal. You will be
excused.
Mr. Wright, will you come forward, please?
Do you swear the testimony you give in this hearing will be the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Wright. I do, sir.
TESTIMONY OF CAREOLL WRIGHT, JR., ARLINGTON, VA.
The Chairman. Will you give us your full name ?
Mr. Wright. My name is Carroll Wright, Jr.
The Chairman. Where do you reside?
Mr. Wright. I reside at 318 North George Mason Drive, Arling-
ton, Va.
The Chairman. What is your business?
Mr. Wright. A real-estate broker.
The Chairman. Were you in the Korean war ?
Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I was.
The Chairman. Were you a prisoner in the Korean war?
Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; I was.
The Chairman. How long were you a prisoner ?
Mr. Wright. A little in excess of 34 months.
The Chairman. When were you captured?
Mr. Wright. November 2, 1950.
Mr. Carpenter. During your imprisonment in the Communist
prison camps in Korea, did you ever see the China Weekly Eeview
and later the China Monthly Review ?
Mr. Wright. Yes, sir ; I did.
i
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1909
]Mr. Carpenter. Would you tell us under what circumstances you
saw that?
Mr. AVright. Yes, sir. This periodical was at first distributed to
us throuo;h this monitor system in our squads. The political com-
missars in the camp, the English-speaking Chinese that controlled
the study program, would issue this magazine to the squad monitors,
giving them instructions as to what articles were to be read, and have
them conduct or request them to conduct, and where possible to see
that it was done, that they were discussed. Normally they require
that each member of the squad write some sort of article or comment
relative to the article.
The Chairman. How many different camps were you in?
Mr. Wright. How many camps was I in ?
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Wright. Well, in primary camps I was in two. Camp 5, and
Pyoktong, and also Camp 2 at Ping-Chong-ni. I spent some time at
other camps, too.
The Chairman. The procedure you have just testified to about the
China Monthly Review was the same at the primary camps?
ISIr. Wright. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. How about the quantities of the magazines ? Were
they in great quantities?
Mr. Wright. Yes, sir; in great quantities. Along with what the
major testified to, I would certainly feel without any question in my
mind that had the space that those magazines occupied on trans-
portation, and also the expense, if we want to get down to that, had
been devoted to medical supplies, that a great deal more of our boys
would have come home, and the approximately 55 percent of them
that were captured earlier that did die would have made it back home.
I feel in my own mind, in my own opinion on it, that any individual
that would publish and be responsible for a magazine that contains
such slanderous propaganda and is still able to enjoy the rights and
privileges of an American citizen — I feel that it is an injustice to
those boys that have given their lives and those boys that endured
punishment, such as the corporal, and many others, in trying to resist
them. I think that I speak on behalf of all the prisoners, and I am
holding myself up on the record as representing them. If I do not,
then I hope that they will write and say that they do not share my
opinion that this man should definitely receive punitive action, that
he does not deserve the rights and privileges of an American citizen
that so many boys have given their lives to maintain.
I also think, as I have been sitting here in this trial, trying to
restrain the emotion I have felt at the testimony that has been given,
and the resort that this man, if we can call him that, has resorted
to under the fifth amendment, I can't help but wonder how many of
our boys would have come home if they had had something like
that. I really feel that in my opinion this man is responsible for
physical injury, and also I think directly through his magazine or
indirectly, whichever you want to call it, must bear some of the stains
of the blood of the boys that did die there, and who did receive
punishment.
In my opinion I would classify him as a murderer.
Mr. Carpenter. Whom do you mean when you say "this man"?
1910 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Wright. I am referring to the gentleman who was here on the
stand a short while ago, known as Mr. Powell. That was the pub-
lisher and editor of this magazine known as the China Weekly He-
view and later the China Monthly Review.
I would like to make it clear that the articles that were written
here were in such agreement, and supported the Communist cause
so much, that they forced them on to the prisoners, and it was the
stamina and the good red blood in many instances where prisoners
refused to accept that. Because they did refuse to accept those articles,
they did receive punishment. I certainly feel that a man that pub-
lishes that magazine and who has stated in that magazine, I do
believe — I think the magazine can bear me out — that he accepts full
responsibility for it, definitely deserves to be punished in some way.
Mr. Carpenter. Was there more animosity against the China
Monthly Review than other papers?
Mr. Wright. I would say, sir, that the China Monthly Review,
sharing the same spotlight with the other Communist rags or papers
from this country, the Daily Worker from New York, the People's
AYorld of San Francisco, that those papers were ones that prisoners
particularly disliked, because they were published by people that were
American citizens, and it was beyond the comprehension of most of
us how anybody who can live in this country and enjoy the privileges
of it can turn around and sell it down the river as this man has done,
in that magazine.
For that reason, I do feel that that periodical was one of the ones
that was most disliked by the prisoners.
Mr. Carpenter. Can you tell us in a general way, or in specifics,
how this magazine was used to indoctrinate, and the length of time
it was used?
Mr. Wright. Well, sir, it would take some time, I imagine, and
be beyond my recollection to be complete on that. HoAvever, this maga-
zine was brought in on transportation supplies, and it was given —
distributed — to the political commissars, as we refer to them, who
distributed them on down to the groups that they were responsible
for.
As I have mentioned, at times these articles were read or articles
from this magazine were read, and group meetings of the entire com-
pound were assembled. At other times, they were read in squad meet-
ings. But it was, I would say, one of the magazines that was the
most used in camp. I think, I really feel, that the Chinese felt that
because it was published by an American it would have a lot more
weight with us, and had so much comment in it by people from our
western world.
Mr. Carpenter. You made a considerable study of this magazine;
did you?
jNIr. Wright. I would like to state that at times I did. At other
times it was beyond my ability to sit down and read the stuff that was
in tliat magazine.
Mr. Carpenter, Did you ever find anything reflecting a favorable
attitude toward the United States?
Mr. Wright. Sir, I never did.
Mr. Carpenter. In any of your reading you never found one article?
Mr. Wright. No, sir; I honestly don't feel, in any that I read,
certainly, that there was any favorable comment in that magazine.
1
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1911
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever have occasion to talk to any of the
reporters from this magazine, the China "Weekly Review?
Mr. Wright. No, sir; I never had any occasion to talk to any of
those reporters. I did see Allen Huntington through my jail bars at
one time, and one time I did observe two Caucasian women in our
camp. What they were there for — as I recall, it was during the time
that Monica Felton, in the spring of 1951, made her visit, made a visit
to the camp. I am not saying it was she or who it was, because I don't
know. But they were there.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you know the purpose of Monica Felton visit-
ing the camps?
Mr. Wright. Well, sir, I would answer that in a roundabout w^ay^ if
you will permit me to take a little time. In prison, I frankly tried
to make a study of conmiunism. I read their books and a great num-
ber of their textbooks, and tried to learn as much as I could about
communism, with the idea in mind that the first thing you have to
know to fight anything is to understand it and know what it is all
about. P'rom reading those magazines, their textbooks and such, I
came to two very simple and basic conclusions. The first thing is
that the Communists do preach and do believe that the end is justi-
fied— as you were, that the means by which an end is obtained is
justified, regardless of what it is.
The other thing that they very categorically state is that their end is
world domination and, therefore, whenever the Communists do any-
thing, even if on the surface it appears to be helping us out, I am
convinced in my own mind that regardless of what it is, it is only to
further their end of world domination of capitalism.
I feel very strongly about that, and I do feel it is the truth. And in
answer to your question, sir, going into that, I feel that that was a part
of Monica Felton's reason for being there, that in some way she could
contribute to that end.
Mr. Carpenter. And you think that this man Powell was doing the
same thing?
Mr. Wright. I feel from the bottom of my heart, sir, that he was,
and I don't see how the evidence that has been presented here, the
magazine which he has Avritten, can allow any of us to draw any
other conclusion.
JNIr. Carpenter. Do you have anything else, Mr. Wright, that would
help this committee insofar as your experiences in the POW camps
relative to the China Monthly Review are concerned?
Mr. Wright. No, sir; I think that pretty well sums up my testimony.
The Chairman. Any questions?
Senator Johnston. No questions.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. Wright, I want to say to you that from your testimony today
the American people can certainly be proud of the record of the
POW's, and you are included in that record. I also want to assure
you that when this hearing is finally concluded, that this entire record
is going to be sent to the Department of Justice to see that justice is
done.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Chairman, the staff will prepare a list of
various articles that have appeared in the China Weekly Review and
1912 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
China Monthly Review, and I would like to have them placed into the
record.
The Chairman. I will so direct the staff to make a compilation of
the articles appearing in the China Weekly Review and the China
Monthly Review. After they are completed, I want them inserted
into the record in toto.
The committee has now been in session since 1 o'clock this afternoon
and we are about to recess. Before we recess, however, I will say to
Mr. Powell : You are still under subpena to this committee. In view
of the fact that your attorney says tomorrow is a Jewish religious holi-
day, and he cannot be here, we will have to call you back at some
other time, convenient to the committee. You are still under subpena.
We will stand in recess at this time.
(Whereupon, at 4 : 35 p. m., the committee was recessed, to recon-
vene at 1 p. m. the following day, Tuesday, September 28, 1954.)
INTEELOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
DEPARTMENTS
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1954
United States Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration
OF the Internal Security Act and Other Internal
Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met at 1 : 15 p. m., pursuant to call, in room 318,
Senate Office Building, Senator AVilliam E. Jenner (chairman) pre-
siding.
Present : Senators Jenner and Johnston.
Also present : Alva C. Carpenter, chief counsel ; Benjamin Mandel,
director of research ; Dr. Edna Fluegel, Robert McManus, and Louis
E, Colombo, professional statf members.
The Chairman. The committee will be in order.
TESTIMONY OF KENNETH 0. COLGAN, WASHINGTON, D. C.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear, sir, that the testimony you
shall give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and noth-
ing but the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. CoLGAN. I do.
The Chairman. Will you give us your full name?
Mr. CoLGAN. Kenneth O. Colgan.
The Chairmax. Where do you reside, sir ?
Mr. Colgan. 5524 H Street Northwest.
The Chairman. Washington, D. C. ?
Mr. Colgan. Washington, D. C.
The Chairman. What is your business or profession ?
Mr. Colgan. Vice president of Frederick W. Berens, Inc., in charge
of the insurance department.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. How do you spell your name, Mr. Colgan ?
Mr. Colgan. C-o-l-g-a-n.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Colgan, have you lived in Shanghai, China ?
Mr. Colgan. Yes, I lived in Shanghai from the latter part of
August 1945 until the latter part of August 1951.
Mr. Carpenter. What were your activities in Shanghai ?
Mr. Colgan. I arrived in Shanghai as a tech sergeant in the United
States Army, temporarily assigned to the Special Services Section.
Mr. Carpenter. During your stay in Shanghai, China, did you have
occasion to know a John W. Powell 2
1913
32'J1S°— 54— lit 2?, 12
1914 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. CoLGAN. Yes, I met Mr. Powell, and then his wife, sometime in
early 1946.
Mr. Carpenter. And you knew him how long, then ?
Mr. CoLGAN. I knew him from then to this day, but the last time
I saw him was in the early spring of 1951.
I should say I saw him last at the Shanghai race course attending
an entertainment there in January of 1951.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Colgan, was there a considerable American-
and English-speaking community in Shanghai at the time you were
there? _ |
Mr. CoLGAN. Yes. The English-speaking American and British
community, I would say, varied from a high of around 20,000 in 1947
to approximately 1,500 at the time that I left, in 1951.
Mr. Carpenter. I wish you would tell this committee, Mr. Colgan,
your relations with Mr. Powell, how well you knew him, what his
activities were that you noticed, and, in general, all you know about
Mr. Powell.
Mr. CoLGAN. Mr. Powell was an intimate friend of a Capt. Gerald
Tannebaum. At one time Captain Tannebaum was nominally my
superior officer. He was in charge of the Armed Forces Radio in
Shanghai, and a friend of Powell's, and it was through Captain
Tannebaum that I was first introduced to Mr. Powell.
Now, I don't know him intimately. I knew of the publication of
which he was in charge. I knew of his activities from time to time,
especially after May 6, 1949, at which time the Communists assumed
control of Shanghai. His was the only publication, that is, English-
language publication, that I knew of that was immediately able to con-
tinue publication without suspension for a time.
The Chairman. What was the name of that publication ?
Mr. CoLGAN. At that time it was the China Weekly Review, which
later was changed to the China Monthly Review.
John's picture was appearing in Chinese-language newspapers, and
no picture appeared of him and his wife Sylvia in the North China
Daily News, which was a British-owned publication which was forced
to suspend shortly after celebrating its hundredth anniversary.
To take its place as a daily newspaper there was the Shanghai
Times, which was Communist-controlled and used strictly Communist
literature.
I taught football at St. Johns University as a sideline activity to
my marine insurance business which I operated in Shanghai during
the years 1947 and 1948. I got to know a lot of young Chinese at St.
Johns University who, in 1950, the last time that I had a talk with
any of the boys that I taught out there, said that the English-lan-
guage classes had been abandoned except for those that used as text-
books, in part, Powell's China — I think it was still the Monthly
Review then, and the Shanghai Times.
Mr. Carpenter. Was it still a monthly, or a weekly review?
Mr. CoLGAN. I mean it was still a weekly review.
One of these boys — ^I don't know where he is — he was formerly a
pilot trainee in the Nationalist Air Force at the time the war ended.
He was an exceptionally tall boy, weighed 190 pounds, was 6 foot 1.
He played fullback for them. He gave me the idea, the slant on the
ideology that was being preached to them in Powell's magazine,
omongst others.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1915
He said that the massacres that were <roinp; on — the mass reprisals
they called them — were a kindness to the Chinese people. And I
asked him how he explained that.
He said, '"We can only ^et to so many people to reeducate them, and
if they persist in taking the old imperialist way, will not take to our
teachin<2;s through these magazines and newspapers, then we merely
liquidate them so that we can teach more of those with an open mind
and can spread the word of the peoples' government to more, and
so brino; so-called enliahtenment to them."
And Powell's magazine was used in some middle schools — that is
comparable to our high schools — as English language advanced
reading.
The last time that I had word of Powell was in the spring of
1951, when I met Captain Tannebaum at the International Sport-
ing Club, which Avas a club in the interior of the Shanghai Race
Course. It was operated by a group of British Board of Governors
at that time to promote athletic and social welfare amongst the
foreign community. It was then, however, open to Chinese, should
they care to join.
I saw Captain Tannebaum. I mentioned to him that he and
Mr. and Mrs. Powell were members of the International Sporting
Club of the Shanghai Race Club, were they going to participate in
the summer sports.
He said at that time John and Sylvia Powell were on a cultural
tour to ]\Ioscow and the Soviet Union.
So, starting from January of 1951 I never saw them until this
day.
I did see Captain Tannebaum, who was, I thiidc, from 1948 that
I knew him, as Madam Sun Yat-sen's so-called secretary.
The Chairman. I didn't understand that.
Mr. CoLGAN. Tannebaum was Madam Sun Yat-sen's so-called
secretary.
The Chairman. He still is ?
Mr. CoLGAN. I don't know. He is still over there. ■-
The Chairman. You referred to him as Captain Tannebaum.
Was he a member of the Armed Forces ?
Mr. CoLGAN. Oh, yes. I think he was captain in the Infantry,
if I am not mistaken. But he was assigned to the Special Services
Section in the Armed Forces Radio. It was in that capacity that
I first knew him.
But he definitely told me that John and Sylvia Powell were on a
trip, a cultural trip, as he called it, to Moscow and the Soviet Union.
I saw him last in downtown Shanghai in July of 1951, and I
returned. I left Shanghai in the latter part of August by train
to Canton and Hong Kong, and I arrived in Hong Kong on the 3d
of September 1951.
Mr. Carpenter. "Was there any rumor around Shanghai at the
time that he had gone to Russia to receive a Russian decoration^
Mr. CoLGAN. No; I didn't hear that. I heard nothing other than
the fact as given to me by Jerry Tannebaum, that he was on a cul-
tural— that was his exact phrase — he was on a cultural tour to Moscow
and the Soviet Union.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you know whether Powell participated in
official delegations arranged by the Chinese Communist government?
1916 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. CoLGAN. I do know that a picture appeared with a Polish social
intrigue delegation. This picture showed them in front of what was
known as the foreign YMCA, on Bubbling Well Road in Shanghai
in 1950. I think it was in the summer, I couldn't identify the month.
Mr. Carpenter. Did Powell carry on any broadcasting activities?
Mr. CoLGAN. I never heard any. In Shanghai we had no English-
language station.
The Chairman. Did you read the China Monthly or Weekly Review
yourself ?
Mr. CoLGAN. Yes ; from time to time. We looked at it to see what
the pegged price of the peoples' currency was. We were forced to
maintain our business and pay our laborers according to the high cost
of living index.
The cartoons and the drivel that was in there was so obviously
slanted
The Chairman. Slanted which way, sir?
Mr. CoLGAN. It was at the start — until MacArthur was relieved,
he was depicted in all types of cartoons as oppressing the Korean
people with his sword over the body, and all the merchants had to
ape those cartoons as anti-American propaganda.
Well, I wasn't connected with anything political. But it was
so stupid and so absurd that it wasn't worth reading any further.
We checked to see what the high cost of living index was, and that
was the end of it.
The Chairman. You refer to it as drivel?
Mr. Colgan. It sure was.
The Chairman. It was anti-American?
Mr. CoLGAN. Oh, vehemently so.
At the time I got out of there, they were just starting, just stepping
up the anti-germ-warfare campaign in Shanghai.
Oh, yes; I forgot. Powell's magazine was also thumping the tub
heavily for their so-called victory bonds for the Korean people, to
provide volunteer funds.
They were soliciting in English active support of this campaign.
They w^ere also printing some pictures, alleged pictures, of the
bombs used in germ warfare.
As a matter of fact, I saw one — I think it w^as mentioned here
yesterday, I couldn't help but overhear it — concerning the rat in the
snow. That was widely disseminated in pictures in merchants' win-
dows. They would take the individual shots and put them out.
The Chairman. And that was in Pow^ell's magazine?
Mr. CoLGAN. That was in Powell's magazine.
The Chairman. You knew Powell was an American citizen?
]\Ir. CoLGAN. Oh, yes, sir.
The Chairman. What was the reaction among the English and
American citizens there about Powell's publication, in the China
Weekly or Monthly Review ?
Mr. Colgan. They wanted no part of him. He would come among
us. He'd keep his mouth shut and keep pretty much to himself.
The Chairman. He does not keep his mouth shut in America. He
is holding a press conference at 3: 15 this afternoon downtown in our
capital.
Mr, CoLGAN. He didn't return here, sir. He was sent back here on .
a definite mission.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1917
The Chairman. Go ahead, sir.
Mr. CoLGAN. I say he didn't return here, as he says. He was sent
back here on a definite mission. He is supposed to be a trade expert ;
yet to my knowledjre, he has never participated in any commercial
activities evon to running his magazine. That was subsidized at the
time over tliere.
I understand that he disclaims any knowledge of the circulation
and operation ; then I believe that that is one of the few statements
of liis that contains some truth, because he didn't have to worry, he
didn't depend upon circulation for operating income; it was provided
obviously by some bureau of the Communist propaganda department
of the government.
The Chairman. You say he did not come back; he was sent back.
On what basis do you make that statement?
Mr. CoLGAN. Having depended upon commerce and trade in China
for my livelihood in marine insurance, his statements regarding trade
with China as being a desirable and necessary thing to the American
economy are at this time so full of holes and illogical reasoning that
he is obviously prating statements that have been given to him, that
he has memorized. He may believe them, for all I know.
The Chairman. He submitted one of these statements to this com-
mittee yesterday, but we did not include it in our record, along the
very lines that you are now discussing.
IVIr. CoLGAN. For one thing, Powell makes a major issue of the
British and French trade over there. He does not want to say why
they are concerned with trade. They have billions of dollars' worth
of capital investments in China. Kailin Mining, for one, Jardine
Matheson were large factories throughout China.
We have only three that I can think of, comparatively small. And
if the Chinese peoples' government were sincere in wanting world
tracle, surely they would make restitution to American investors and
stockholders. A lot of them bought Shanghai Power many years ago
believing it a sound investment. They bought the Shanghai Tele-
phone. They bought oil stocks in some of our companies operating
with it. Those are the only three investments that we have.
^ye have no reason to kowtoAv to the Chinese peoples' government
in order to save a part of that comparatively small investment. And
that is all that I can see that British merchants, French traders are
doing, because I know for a fact that there is no such thing as a
private industry, a private business in China today. They may have
ostensibly private heads, but they are not allowed to hire or fire.
Their operations are controlled by their employees, the union, the
employees' union. That union of employees is responsible to the
government union center, which is in turn government controlled.
Therefore it stands, if you follow it on through, the government
owns all of their businesses, domestic as well as international. And
they can therefore dictate, especially in barter arrangements.
I know of one transaction that took place in 1950 between Indian
merchants and supposed merchants in cotton factories in Shanghai.
They had agreed upon a very reputable cotton weighmaster, which
in effect is a referee who determines the grade and quality of the
cotton shipped at the time it arrives at destination. Iminediately this
barter agreement was concluded, so much cotton to be shipped of such
a grade and so much piece goods returned. Both countries had
1918 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
agreed upon this weighmaster. The cotton being once on the high
seas, they started to discredit this man, and they succeeded, with
obviously phony uprisings and outbursts and statements from the
unions in the cotton-weaving factories. So that when the cotton
arrived they wouldn't allow him to inspect it.
He couldn't go to Tientsin. No, the people objected. Therefore
the government said "We are bowing to the will of the people; it is
their own edict." But they gave out the statement they were bowing
to the will of the people, these so-called government inspectors.
The cotton was determined as discolored, a third grade, and they
gave back the cotton piece goods on that basis. The shippers in India
lost money on the proposition.
I know the people's names. I would be glad to name the Indian
merchants and the cotton weighmaster that was in Shanghai at that
time. I would be glad to give those names to the committee for
reference.
That is not exactly pertinent to this issue, but Powell is a typical cog
in the Communist wheel, and they certainly have used him and sent
him back here, quite obviously, to continue his usefulness.
With the Korean war over, it is apparent they could see no gainful
employment for him.
The Chairman. Did you, of your own knowledge, know that his
magazine, China Monthly, or Weekly Review, was used not only as a
textbook for advanced study in English but also was distributed and
was used as a forced indoctrination course by our prisoners of war?
Mr. CoixJAN. No, sir, I did not.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time. Senator, as you recall, yesterday after-
noon you instructed the staff to prepare a list of documents wherein an
article that appeared in the China Weekly, and later Monthly Review
is included.
Mr. Mandel has that list prepared at this time. We would like him
to read them and have them introduced into the record.
The Chairman. You may proceed, Mr. Mandel.
Mr. Mandel. I wish to place in the record, as a result of that study,
a list of Communist and pro-Communist writers appearing in the
China Monthly Review. They were either connected with a magazine
that has been cited as subversive, or they took the fifth amendment ; or
they were openly identified as Communists. Among these were Steve
Nelson, who is identified in the China Monthly Review as sentenced to
20 years in the Common Workhouse under the State Sedition Act in
Pennsylvania.
Mr. Nelson is a leader of the Communist Party in that State.
That is signed by the editor.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 470" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1988.)
Mr. Mandel. Next I wish to put into the record the actual letter
from Steve Nelson, which appeared in the China Monthly Review of
May 1953.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1919
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 471" and ap-
pears below :)
Exhibit No. 471
Letter From a WoRKnousE, "D. S. A.
The following letter was sent to Mrs. Grace Lin, of Tientsin, by Steve Nelson,
who was sentenced to 20 years in a common workhouse under the State sedi-
tion act iu Pennsylvania. Mr. Nelson, who is a leader of the Communist Party
in that State, was denied the right of counsel during the trial, and he was not
allowed to post bail. In the indictment no specific counts were given against
Nelson, and as the columnist I. F. Stone wrote, "The indictment might as well
have read '[Nelsonl did incite and encourage whatchamaycall'im to commit
whatdoyucallit.' " — Editor.
Dear Mrs. Liu: Yours was the first letter I received from People's China since
I have been in prison. Thanks a million.
I know of course that the China Federation of Labor reacted to my case, and
its affiliates sent protests against my frameup to the various authorities demand-
ing my freedom, as did others in various parts of the world. It seems that these
protests have had some useful effect at this end, so that a partial victory was
registered in my case this week.
I am to go out on $20,000 bail pending appeal. My supporters and friends
of peace are elated and feel along with me that this small victory shows what
even gi-eater ones can be scored if the people fight more energetically than ever,
for peace in Korea, for trade and peaceful coexistence with U. S. S. R., new
democracies and people's China,
By the time you get this letter, I hope I'll be out of jail, as well as my 13 Com-
munist friends. Communist Party leaders who have just been convicted and given
sentences from 2 to 4 years each and fines from $2,000 to $10,000 each, in New
York. However, on February 24, I and 4 other Communist leaders are going on
another trial, here in Pittsburgh, this time charged by the Federal Government
and can get 5 more years, though I am now under a 20-year sentence.
This will be my fourth trial in 5 years. What is my "crime"? I fought for
peace in the world, and for an end to the shameful imperialist war in Korea. I
believe in and fight for socialism. I owned Marxist books, and am a leader of
the Communist Party here. I fought fascism in Spain in 19.37.
Thank you for your interest. My warmest to the great people of China.
Steve Netson.
Mr. Mandel. Next is the article in the China Monthly Keview of
June 1953, pages 72 and 73, Chinese People Protest Injustice to
Eosenbergs.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 472" and
appears below :)
Exhibit No. 472
Chinese People Protest Injustice to Eosenbergs
Organizations and individuals in China have added their voices to the worldwide
protest against the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Peasant families in
China are as familiar with the issues involved in the framed-up "atomic spy"
charges of the United States Government against the young couple, parents of two
small children, as are trade unionists and intellectuals.
As far back as last December, a public statement demanding justice for the
Rosenbergs was signed by the most widely representative organizations in China,
including the All-China Federation of Labor.
Among the organizations which have issued public protests ar^ : The Chinese
People's Institute of Foreign Affairs, the China Peace Committee, the All-China
Federation of Democratic Women, the All-China Federation of Democratic
Youth, student and literary and art circles. Christian churches and religious
associations have also strongly protested the death sentence for the Rosenbergs.
1920 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Twenty-three Chinese Christian leaders, in March, urged Christians all over the
world, particularly those in the United States to act to prevent the murder of the
Rosenbergs. Signed by well-linown leaders such as Wu Yao-tsung, Wu Yi-fang,
Y. C. Tu, Z. T. Kaung, and P. Lindel Tsen, their joint statement said : "We will
uphold to the last the just demand of the Rosenbergs, a good and honest couple,
because their case deeply involves the dignity, value, and conscience of mankind."
A few days before this statement was made 15,000 Catholics in Tientsin issued
a public declaration of protest against the United States Government's intention
to carry out the execution of the Rosenbergs.
Noted jurist and president of the Supreme People's Court, Shen Chun-ju has
declared that there is a complete absence of credible evidence throughout the en-
tire court proceedings against the Rosenbergs. To convict people of espionage on
the basis of their political views or social outlook is a brutal violation of the
most elementary principles of law, he stated.
Chinese scientists have issued a joint message stating that the verdict in the
Rosenberg case is "completely devoid of decency and reason." Yuan Han-ching,
deputy secretary-general of the All-China Association for the Dissemination of
Scientific and Technical Knowledge, in appealing to United States scientists to
act on behalf of the Rosenbergs, noted that the "atomic secrets" supposedly di-
vulged by the couple were already common knowledge.
Mr. Mandel. From the China Weekly Review, November 5, 1949, an
article on the American Communist trial.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 473*' and ap-
j)ears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1988. )
Mr. Mandel. China Weekly Review of December 31, 1949, an article
on the Congress of American Women, which was cited as subversive in
the study by the House Committee on un-American Activities.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 474" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1991.)
Mr. Mandel. China Monthly Review, December 1950, a list of
speeches by Chinese Communist leaders, which are on sale in reprint
form, as advertised through the China Monthly Review.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked Exhibit No. 475 and appears
in the appendix to this volume at p. 1993. )
Mr. Mandel. Here we have China Monthly Review lists of Ameri-
can prisoners of war, articles and photographs dealing with the sub-
ject. I just want to read a few captions by way of example.
Here is a photograph which states "The indictment of United States
intervention grows clearer."
Then we have a photograph with the caption: "American POW's
stage a mass demonstration in opposition to the United States policy
of continuing the Korean war."
A list of 44 signers to POW's letter to Eisenhower, and an article
entitled "United States planes attack POW camp;" a photograph of
American POW's staging a mass demonstration in opposition to the
United States policy of continuing the Korean war.
I place that entire list into the record.
The Chairman. They may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibits Nos. 476 and 476A"
and appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1994.)
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1921
Mr. Mandel. Here is a list of the dates of the National Guardian
in which a list of prisoners of war appeared, as furnished by John
W. Powell and the China Monthly Keview. I ask that be placed in
the record.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exliibit No. 477" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1995.)
Mr. Mandel. Here is an article from tlie China Monthly Eeview
of March 1953, entitled "POW Messages From Korea."
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of
the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 478" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1995.)
Mr. JNIandel. From the China Monthly Eeview of April 1953, en-
titled ''POW's Letter to Eisenhower."
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 479" and
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1998.)
Mr. IMandel. China Monthly Review of January 1953, "American
POW's Want Peace Now."
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 480" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 1998.)
Mr. Mandel. Then I wish to place into the record a list of material
published in the China Monthly Review^ on germ warfare.
The Chairman. It may go in and become part of the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 481" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2000. )
Mr. JMandel. I will read some titles by way of illustration.
"Photographic 'Evidence' of United States Germ Warfare, Under
the Caption, 'Crime Against Humanity.' "
An article, "Germ Warfare : A Sign of United States Desperation in
Korea."
I wish to place into the record some excerpts from these articles.
The Chairman. They may go into the record and become part of
the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 482" and
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2001. )
Mr. Mandel. Then an article from the China jNIonthly Review of
January 1953: "Scientists and Doctors Say * * *," ^^^^ then it quotes:
Twenty-seven scientists and doctors who attended the Asian and Pacific
Regions Peace Conference signed a statement condenniing the use of bacterio-
logical warfare. Excerpts frona their statement follow * * *.
The Chairman. That may go into the record and become a part
of the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 483," and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2003.)
Mr. IVIandel. Then I have a list of the articles from the China
Monthly Review dealing with espionage, secret police, and treason,
particularly one attacking the American United States spy ring
1922 INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
smashed in Peking, attacking Col. David Barrett, assistant military
attache in Peking.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked ''Exhibit No. 483-A" and
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2004.)
Mr. Mandel. Then articles from the China Monthly Review, deal-
ing with the peace conference of the Asian and Pacific regions, or its
parent body, the World Peace Congress, or other affiliates, with a state-
ment of the State Department characterizing that conference.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibits Nos. 484 and
484-A" and appears in the appendix to this volume at pp. 2004 and
2005.)
Mr. Mandel. Excerpts from the China Monthly Review showing
anti-American propaganda during the Korean war.
I will cite some of them :
An article against United States aggression; an article, United
States Offensive Backfires; an article. United States Massacre Claims
Refuted by American POW's; photographs charging barbarism and
criminal acts on the part of American troops; an article reading in
part :
Heavy United States losses. American casualties in Korea kept adding up
while General Ridgway, in Tokyo, did his best to wreck Kaesong peace nego-
tiations * * *.
The Chairman. That may all go into the record and become a part
of the record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 485" and
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2005.)
Air. Mandel. An article attacking Angus Ward, consul general in
Mukden, appearing in the China Weekly Review of January 14, 1950.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 486," and
appears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2007.)
Mr. Mandel. An article from the China Monthly Review of Decem-
ber 1950 titled "List of Border Violations by United States Planes."
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 487" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2013.)
Mr. Mandel. And finally, an article from the China Monthly Re-
view of December 1950, entitled "The Strafing of Kooloutzu by Ameri-
can Planes."
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 488" and ap-
pears in the appendix to this volume at p. 2014.)
Mr. Carpenter. At this time we would like to enter into the record
and have made a part of the record the military record of Gerald
Tannebaum.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become a part of the
record.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1923
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 489" and ap-
pears below :)
PERSONNEL PLACEMENT QUESTiONHAmE
oun-tcATS
1
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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
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isa?s« of {o^i.ixrrs civyatry sad -^ii-ri fi:;rv!;!> w u.a pi-rforiised.;
tfon* ,
(d) ftiar Si;^r!«^ in Cosvsi, Giaird, Pxiblic HKaliJi S^jrvki;, y? CVa,;* at;.; <Jf<
Xe'(*s dat«j» sik3 a&luTe ot t-^mcn
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Yes No,
If xii, i-hfx-k Mml of preffjr«i.<;« Ixiiow; !3ori«
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;3i tf?.) ..Ar!W-.i>i'...th<!!..lli3l-teA.,S,t&tas
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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1925
^ 19. ExperUnee: lit ttjo s{«Cv .»irau*h«sd bcStm, ^;iv,- a i-scortl of itnpori-i. (yuploynient.
f«)t.h pubdk wwi vrivaU>, wfiioli you havt, hs<l. Start -with your present poaJ-
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■ m«lu- yoi;r ija.ttlJ,)io«tk>ris d<«ttr.
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«-»»> "''■■-■'■■ S&lit'j^: StarUag $.J5D- „- p<<r ffiOatil,
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192G INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
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INTERLOCKING SUDVIOUSION IN G(>\ KUNMKNT
1927
^ ->! Ij» sdai'iois to eT'^I-n'^nesit. m rtior t!»in field »r fields of psiA»iao»&l specjatijtatkm, specify
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1928 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
iK) iMhv.: SijlijnU. s,;)!-. ;;;ilA<-d iii.
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1929
■«~-V"'WSs-«'--"- ■
H«
Ai?uffS«* Ai.*, »»«fi.*«a r^> T
tOWMANpAMt^
0«ION<^NCI! 0«fABT««ENT
THE ORDNANCE SCHOOL
4 Oeo^ber 19*43
Subj- . . ; i , Appolmrnerst.
'v
isw of tfc« 0«it®d St«ite8 A
1, The Secretary of War ha? -directed rnfe to iiiform you tnat the
rr^-^;ndont has appoinled ar,d con-rrii^;.;ioned you a tornporary Second
!•.!, Army of the United States, effecnve tnu; date, in the grade
£j::...v.. ;:! the addrfiss above. Your serial number Us shown after A above.
2. This co?n,f"nu-:;.uon to continuv Ln force during t}:;; pleasure of
the Presidenl of the United States for the time bsing, and for the dura -
tion of the present emergency and six montus thereafter ixaless sooner
tej'minated.
?, There Is inclosed herewith a form tor oath of office which you
are requested to s^xeciae and retarn. The execution and return of the
requlrea oatd of office constitute an acceptance of your appointment. No
oiher evidence of acceptance Is required. This letter should be retained
cy you as evidence of your a-ppoirAnseni..
By order of Coiosel SUtJSHtSRs
Lt, Col., Ord» mpt,,
Assls-feini Ccss^vaBdant,
HQ OM SCHj &})^x^-BBn Pro'/in^ Sraundj,
Oath of office sxsotttM iMa mt^ acceptiag yf.oo: rtsserst.
fuclosure:
Form for oath of office.
Persons*! Offic»r»
.J
32018°— 54— pt. 23-
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1930 mTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
i'^X^timmb&mi^ i>irald (o) ^%h l»4.
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1931
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:?cr tii8 COMMAMDAJ-rr;
4,.,Si««3Mii...lS4S
(Date rftpone-S st ststlns}
G'-ptalR, era, SsFt
I. iiep??:. i'- be sjaiisi dlfsct to -Jsfi Ai, - ;: , -si. by ttss adiutae^. o? p»rsia5»«} adjutasst
«f tte p&st, siatsoc or iai^ ^itaiFirbs^sfs al^i-sir oitic«r ygpc^^^
? rfts?-!: wii! £>«! r«5i^«riS!3 f<3r eag'a Heg<ar'/g. K&tisa^l gwrsj a? tM l?r.it:s4 Sistes
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1932
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EnaSTHKST KtCOSD
■ 5^W *E&jS»li, P«ra:a, S?jJ»;Ji, C«*tr-ib.
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1934
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1935
IiieX4Mmv»« 1 {wtm*4,)
S« fea»*a«l lr«tis«jt>» {Q&Xm^^ mpfxieismnt ^u.r«j i»
C« Mm-'h0tt MT«rtislS3t i«»a«?^ • **^1» director.
J*
k tMo «8«ri,H vrX4«r C^..*.*-.
1 t»- lis «
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imt«»
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1936
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
WARDeF/-*TMEHT
ARMYSERV . FORCI^
MEIVtO KOUriNC SUV
To tha. following in order indicated;
W. »M A. O. O.
aoai i»~*taa>-i
(litttSrfg)
X
Personnel Br&nch
(KiSe or title)
"(OrganisaUon)
<Safl«Ung«Bd rocw)
\
-
/-"'
\
y
1
Reqtjest action be taken to reassign 2d L.t. Gerald
t&nn«ba-am, .;d .itude^t Officer Training Company, .
Aberdeen rroving Hound, Md,, to the Morale ^^ervices
Pool, Lex«, Ifa.', «ith 30_days t/d Los Angiles Office,
enroute. Major *Boardman, La Uffice, desires this-
officer for subsequent assignment overseas as a
radio program officer, ^.,..
Barton a. 3tebbins
Captain, A.U.3,
J'KBDa
R^dlo section. Information 'g**
(X)»3»>
{T«feiPl>iM»^
J .
I
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1937
CM«f «f Qp&amt»
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t«sas«s««jrr <tety &s^t«fe a?ft*«, &3«1» Ser»i«s» midaloti» ASi", XOa
F<ar the DliMietisrt
i»«tA%«t0t Ksss^tii^ Qttimr^
m TO mmum
^■s
1938 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
-Tar,neS-a«~i, U-yrila {k- } 1;?, h:~i, ;K-;^3;K, '.;>:;;' -s
TO: Cffice ;f t;.s GhiiT o:f Or-oSit^rx*:, trie ,=.:.,,_ , V;;., nirrton, D, C.
Attn; lliiits.ry s^ercurs;;!:-! Sra^.cn.
Forwarded. Anj>re>yai recoit^^jni^:*;!,
for tht; ?: :;, ,,-:jivit :
I, . 0, <'^i - T^^irsei-aLi.?!, Gerala (;iid It.)
*;!-!!i Ind.
Ars^ Service Forces, Office oi' ;,h«3 Crdef cf .:ra:aric«, ^.asrarigton, D. C,
J} Qiicmibcr l'-.i«,3.
Toi Tne .idcutant C-eneral's (.'ffic*, '^ashingtcn, D, c.
1. Forwarded, rfscosmendiat; ,i;>;,rovsl ,
"'■• ''- "^ i■«^;U6st«a ti-iav t;;e (;!■<<■. e 2 a ar;; orders b« issued relis'/i-"?
v^tudciit O^XKsr ir.ilr!ir« Coaparry, Aberdeen Fyovin^^ Oroar.tS, ^'ar^^^.m,
froiii lus present aaai.;>i!iiet:,t, mvi fes;^i:^ing hiia to tne Mo
>raj.«< ^ervic
ReplacsK^ent Tool, l.«xia,:toft, ^irglr.ia, «lth thirty (3()) davs teau>orarv duty
-iv ;jx^mc.f! Cdficej I'oraie Ssrv-ces £}iyision, Aras^ Se!-vic« F<3rc«», 1422 J
!>ortn ;?eat<sr;i ,>ve^r!Ue, Los Ar^gele*;, C;aif<(r;ii«, ^
o . . . ■ ., !
d. /tvlaciiea i-s tfes cc>nc;),rrvr:<;<'r icr the ai-...>vo~!:ianli!.n<ai .■tfssi^j-'sssTt, i
ir ths C?;isf of Ordnance;
?^.-^^v/^,^,.-,;>^^
Aaslstft!!?,
INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1939
WAR DEPARTMENT
ARMY 5EftV!CE FORCES
TRAH$MITTAL SHEET
£.■■:
' ifsnU)
FROM iAr.
n>l-yRay»i>>
-S'olXosir.,;; t?iWS6i>r j
5 b« i«iti&< «d siM^gnil^MgbM th©
r<lvd
A8«g^_tf»
Morale S«rvlttss Ee» &». Offica S6jp3,,
!5iac«s»at ^^ool, i«x4agkiRj AHIS, ^SD, 1421
?a* with T/X) at preSi«Rt ia Jtertii rhateecn Aw,,
l«s lag^Xea, C&lif , l,os ■Ang«l»3, Calif,
2. ji<3 tr&vai ia involved,
3. .'-, -f~xc-M-ic-i' sxl»ts ix. Uie I/O t<o -sroieSs the- tr&ssfsr i» reqas-ste^.
A<toiaistr&tlve Officer
Arm«4 Fare*s Iia4i<3 Sss'vic*,
.v^Jt— t..**-*w*»,-V»A-''«' ^
71
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1940
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0^^
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r«<?'S5«s#ri&t i«»» tisiSil %«l5i«s^ ims act li«*ii fc»k»a«
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4m#* Fsysi* Mii<ss 8«>r?i$«. Is ssMitiOSj j:* is,r».^3a?*d te «tt«s4 ?*!;..*&-,"&*, i«
L
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1941
4» 2d !.*► T8jExtt«b*u» hA$ (5i»*rly d«ats>n«tr*t«ii bit ijijailfiottloa tor
high«r gr»a4 for * period of tir» i»ontK» by ftet\mi oooup^tioa of a posltiaa 1
&ad i>«rfora«iM»»» of d«*i»» «pj)ropriftt« to *iM» g!r*i» *ad «o<'r««poa4la« to th« i
jxjsitloa ls« i« to oooupy »t follow** I
to DoKjr** of Flte**3 I
Tc I>stt« Eso»li«D* I
3i O&B 43
6» fh« pr«»efet9a of this offiasr 1» daftattssly to th« ^»t isrf!«r««t8
of tho $«rvit>9»
PrtBoljml iXit^
Pl»o»
Fraa
8«k<lio Prognw* Offi«»r
XA Br Off. ,
aso, Asr,
soil &ajxU.
Soeioft Blird. ,
Lot i>a£»I«s,
C*llf.
10 Jan 4A
Prior Prlaail?*! Swty
P1«.«MS
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3?«<!ial S«r»ioo Sobool 0?d. Soh.,
12 B«« 45
Qdtag*
201 .
1!amiel3a'a®, Gerald
{U Jiia« U) let Ir^,.
iO! CostsKiiiteg Ssaerai, Ar.i(^ Service Fore*®,
t^^s®: Dire'Ctor af rerssmjel, ^F.
1 , jtef»rov«i ,
2. A poeltion T9,c*«acy ta th« grsids of 1st lieutajiant sad oj" thft arsi
or ssi-'/lcf; :: 1 ;: e jff icer fs&seci abo7« exis^$ ift tiiis ^i^ialoa ««» inil exist
after the ;> j:^jUon s: 'tlL other officers of tiaig Dinsioa prcvijusl/ recoss-
serided o« fsjose reeasiitfcaAtioas fuisi &cti:>a tes &.it ■£>»«» taken.
"^ /^. d€_
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XI rector, j
•2»koml« Serrices. Dlvisij^u. |
1942 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
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EXTRACT
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6/
By OROstE Of t!SS Ssc»«T*xr Of Was,;
J. A. UUO,
G. C. MASSHAIX,
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNiMENT
1943
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INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1645
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aERTinCATE OF SEf9VICE
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52918*^—54— pt. 23 14
1946 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter, Colonel Todd, please.
STATEMENT OF LT. COL. JACK R. TODD
The Chairman. Do j'ou swear tlie testimony you will give in this
hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God ?
Colonel Todd. I do, sir.
The Chairman. You may be seated.
Give the committee your full name, Colonel.
Colonel Todd. Lt. Col. Jack E. Todd, T-o-d-d.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. IIow long have you been in the military service,
Colonel Todd?
Colonel Todd. Fifteen years, sir.
INIr. Carpenter. Colonel Todd, did you have an opportunity to
study the conditions of Korea, especially as to the treatment of
prisoners of war during this last war there ?
Colonel Todd. 1 did, sir. I was Chief of the War Crimes Division in
Korea for 18 months.
Mr. Carpenter. And you were actually in Korea ?
Colonel Todd. Yes, sir.
Mv. Carpenter. Will j^ou tell this committee what you found out
in your official activities with the War Crimes Commission ?
Colonel Todd. Sir, on the basis of 18 months of investigating alleged
reports of atrocities and mistreatment of American ])risoners of M-ar,
I can truthfully state that everything that these ex-prisoners have testi-
fied to here before this committee have been true. They are backed up
by hundreds of written statements that I have taken over there, sworn
statements, from returned American as well as South Korean prisoners
of war.
The stories show remarkable unanimity; the men all sufiered the
same experiences.
There were, in my opinion, no American POWs, except those
captured right at the end of the hostilities, who are not victims of
atrocious treatment while they were in the hands of the Communists.
In my experiences in interviewing returnees on Operation Little
Switch, which was the return of the sick and wounded which preceded
the big return, and then further experiences on Big Switch, interview-
ing returnees, American and South Korean former prisoners of war,
it is my considered opinion that there Avas a conspiracy on the part of
the Communist higli command, both Communist and Xortli Korean, to
exterminate prisoners of war.
I believe they would have exterminated every single solitary one of
tliem had it not become aj^parent in the Panmunjom peace tallvs that
tliey nuist be able to return some living prisoners of war.
I believe that was the turning point, and had that not come about,
I am convinced that there would have been no effort to spare or save
these men, tliat they would have been permitted to die of malnutrition
and lack of medical care and exposure to the elements.
The. Communists clearly demonstrated on death marches and the
conditions that they permitted to prevail in their prisoner-of-war
camps that they had utterly no respect for the Geneva Convention and
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1947
no intention, utterly no intention, of saving a life of a prisoner, or,
let alone, returning a healthy prisoner of war.
The Chairman. In other words, they only became a commodity to
use in their bargaining ^
Colonel Tonn. Exactly. They became something that could be bar-
tered as one of the elements in buying a truce in Korea. And when
that became aj^parent to the Connnunists, as these men who were
there in the prison camps will tell you, they began slowly to improve
the conditions in the. camps, they issued a little more food, and so on.
But as the peace talks went up and down, in other words, as con-
ditions appeared favorable or unfavorable, they dealt with them ac-
cordingly; which indicated they dealt with them like cattle or dogs
or anything else they would want to trade.
Mr. Carpex']'f.r. Colonel, we have some pictures over here which
have been supplied to us by the Department of the Army. I believe
you are familiar with them. I wish you at this time would take a
pointer and interpret these pictures for us, if you please.
Colonel Todd. Yes.
Do you want me to go over there ?
The Chairman. Yes. There is a microphone there.
First, Colonel, can you tell us about the authenticity of these
pictures ?
Colonel Todd. Yes, sir. These are all authentic military photo-
graphs taken on the spot by military photographers. And they are
all authenticated by the United States Signal Corps.
Exhibit No. 490
The first picture (Exhibit No. 490) there is of a trench on the
outskirts of the jail, around the compound of the jail in the city of
Kaesong, Korea. This atrocity was perpetrated by the Communists in
September of 1950, after they had overrun the city of Kaesong. They
1948 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
put about 5,000 South Korean political prisoners into jails, compounds.
And along with them they had some 42 American soldiers who were
stragglers, who had been left behind when the Americans were forced
to evacuate Kaesong before the oncoming Communist forces.
When the United Nations troops broke out of the Pusan perimeter
and started moving north again they returned to Kaesong and just
before entering the city when it became apparent to the Communists
that the city was going to be retaken, they took these 5,000 political
prisoners, the South Koreans, and including the 42 Americans, out and
machinegunned them. They bulldozed big ditches and forced them
to stand on the side of the ditches and shot them down with machine-
guns and then pushed dirt over them with the bulldozers.
The Chairman. Were there any survivors of the first picture,
Colonel, any American survivors of that massacre ?
Colonel Todd. There were two survivors among the Americans,
one of whom died before he could be gotten back to a collecting point.
However, one did survive and gave an eyewitness account of this
massacre.
The Chairman. Those that were machinegunned and weren't in-
stantly killed, how were they disposed of, if you know ?
Colonel Todd. They were bludgeoned to death with rocks and clubs.
And if you look there you see a tremendous ax. I have personally
had that thing in my hand, and it is a very lethal weapon, and that
was used to kill some of the boys.
The Chairman. All right, the next.
Colonel Todd. The next photograph (Exhibit No. 490-A) is a
picture of 5 American boys who were killed by their North Korean
captors 36 hours after they had been taken prisoner, and they were shot
down in this little hut where they were under the guard of 2 Com-
munist guards, simply because they didn't want to take the trouble to
evacuate them to the rear. They opened fire on them and shot them
down in cold blood.
The next picture (Exhibit No. 490-B) here is a picture of the death
march. These men were all captured way clown in the south and
central part of Korea and were marched north during the month of
October of 1950. You will observe that many are barefooted. This
man has no shirt. They are all terribly emaciated, and they are being
exhibited here in the streets of Pyongyang in Korea.
The Chairman. What was the weather condition at that time in
October?
Colonel Todd. Very cold, sir ; very cold.
The last picture (Exhibit No. 490-C) there is a picture of an Ameri-
can soldier who is 1 of 8 who were captured on a — they weren't
patrolling, they were out repairing wire, communications wire, and
they Avere captured by Communist guerrillas. Six of the eight were
killed in the same fashion that this man here was killed, with numerous
puncture wounds with a bamboo spear. Medical testimony is to the
effect that none of these wounds, or no 2 or 3 would have caused death,
but when they are multiplied to the extent they were on these men, the
men just died of agony.
Mr. Carpenter. At this time I would like to have those pictures
that the colonel has just interpreted be made a part of the record.
The Chairman. By reference they will be made a part of the record.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1949
1950
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 490-B
Exhibit No. 490-C
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1951
(Photographs referred to were marked "Exhibits Nos. 400, 490-A,
490-1), and 490-C" and appear above.)
j\lr. Carpenter. Also, I Avould like to call the committee's atten-
tion that these atrocities were committed in 1950, prior to the letter
of Jannary 10, 1951, wherein John W. Powell wrote Mrs. Charles L.
Gill the following:
We know from the clippins In map;azincs we receive from home that there
has been little if any news of the American POW's, except for fabricatetl atrocity
stories, and we felt the enclosed clippings from the local papers here might give
you some reassurance.
The Chairmax. Thank j'oii, Colonel Todd.
Colonel Todd. You are welcome, sir.
The Chairman. The next witness ?
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Tredick.
TESTIMONY OF STANLEY TREDICK, BETHESDA, MD.
The Chairman. Do you swear that the testimony given in this hear-
ing will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so
help you God?
Mr. Tredick. I do.
The Chairman. Give the committee your full name, please ?
Mr. Tredick. Stanley Tredick.
The Chairman. Where do you reside?
Mr. Tredick. At 7602 Colony Terrace, Bethesda, Md.
The Chairman. What is your business or profession?
Mr. Tredick. I am a United Press photographer.
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Tredick, did you have some experience during
the Korean war in Korea ?
Mr. Tredick. I covered the Korean war for Acme News Pictures,
which takes United Press photos, as a civilian war correspondent.
Mr. Carpenter. As a war correspondent, did you have opportunity
to see any of the atrocities committed upon the American prisoners of
war ?
Mr. Tredick. Yes ; I witnessed one atrocity.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you please tell the committee what you wit-
nessed ?
Mr. Tredick. As early as — I believe it was in about the middle of
August 1950 — we were told of 36 American wdio were lined up on the
edge of a ravine and shot in the back, their hands were tied behind
their backs and they were shot.
I am trying to get it straight.
We first discovered this by a survivor who was brought back to a
hospital to be interviewed, and he pointed out several of the assassins
and told us where this had taken place; which was just below the
Kaktong River, about 30 miles above the Taegu. This area was in
sort of a no-man's land at the time.
So we motored up there. We had a chaplain with us who was
brought along to administer the last rites, and we discovered the
bodies in this ravine. Their hands were tied behind their backs with
wire. They were lined up at the edge of the ravine and shot with
"burp" guns, and they fell into the ravine face down. Then the Com-
munists came along, and those who moved or gioaned or were still a
little alive were shot in the head or in the back with a pistol.
1952 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
This one survivor — there were several survivors — but this one who
had been shot several times, he took some blood from one of his bud-
dies next to him and he rubbed it all over his face and arms and just lay
there, and when they hit him with a rifle butt he didn't move and didn't
breathe and just stayed there until they left. They were discovered
by a scouting party leader, and he was brought back to this hospital.
Mr, Carpenter. And you saw all this with your own eyes ?
Mr. Tredick. I didn't witness the shooting but I saw this
Mr. Carpenter. How many bodies were there ?
Mr. Tredick. There were 36 Americans, to the best of my recol-
lection.
Mr. Carpenter. And they were all cuffed, their hands were tied?
Mr. Tredick. All hands were tied behind their backs; they were
shot in the back.
The Chairman. And this happened in 1950 ?
Mr. Tredick. In 1950, August.
Mr, Carpenter, That is all.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
The next witness.
Mr. Carpenter. Colonel McLauohlin.
■fe*
TESTIMONY OF LT. COL. JOHN N. McLAUGHLIN, UNITED STATES
MARINE CORPS
The Chairman. Colonel, do you swear that the testimony you will
give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
b);t the truth, so help you God?
Colonel McLaughlin. I do, sir.
The Chairman. You may proceed, ]\Ir. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. Will 3'ou please state your name ?
Colonel McLaughlin. Lt. Col. John N. McLaughlin.
Mr. Carpenter. What is your business or occupation ?
Colonel McLaughlin. I am an officer in the United States Marine
Corps, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been an officer in the United
States Marine Corps?
Colonel McLaughlin. Thirteen years,
Mr, Carpenter. Did you do duty in Korea daring this last war?
Colonel McLaughlin. Yes ; I did, sir.
Mr, Carpenter. Will you please state the nature of that duty?
Colonel McLaughlin. Initially I went to South Korea in July of
1950 as an adviser of the 1st Cavalry Division, their amphibious
landing. Later I returned to Japan, went back to Korea with the
Tenth Army Corps Staff at the landing at Inchon, and I participated
in the action at Inchon and Seoul, and also at Wonsan and in the
Hamhung area, and I was captured by the Communist forces on
November 30, 1950.
Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of war?
Colonel McLaughlin. Thirty-three months.
Mr. Carpenter. How many camps were you in during that time,
prisoner-of-war camps ?
Colonel McLaughlin. Three organized camps, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Were they all in North Korea 2
Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1953
Mr. Carpenter. I wisli you Avoiild tell this committee, Colonel,
your experiences in the prisoner-of-wiir camps, with particular refer-
ence to the type of indoctrination you underwent and also especially
as to the China Weekly and later the China Monthly Keview.
Colonel McLaughlin. Well, sir, I first encountered this organized
forced indoctrination at Kanagyc, near the capital of North Korea,
the then capital of North Korea.
It appeared to me to be a deliberately organized indoctrination pro-
gram, which was thought of from the phychological viewpoint. It
rested considerably on the state of mental depression and the physical
state of the prisoner upon arrival at these prisoner-of-war camps.
At this time it generally took a march of 100 to 250 miles on
the part of any prisoners to reach these camps, and it was midwinter.
Another factor which they utilized was intimidation and duress
in order to launch their indoctrination program and to sustain it.
The major portion of the indoctrination consisted primarily of very
lengthy lectures and also study periods, which were conducted by a
squad. These squad study periods were based on the use of Com-
munist literature which was issued to each squad.
Initially the major items of Communist literature were the Shang-
hai News,' the People's China, and the China Monthly Review\
The Chinese would issue these magazines to these various squads,
with marked articles which must be read and commented upon. And
all of these pieces of literature were Communist in content, including
this China Monthly Keview.
As a matter of fact, although the name of an American appeared
as an editor of this document
The Chairman. What was his name?
Colonel McLaughlin. It was Powell, sir. I don't believe that
most of the Americans believed that an American was actually there
editing that magazine. I know I did recall that the editor of this
magazine had been an American named Powell who was a prisoner
of the Japanese. I don't think I knew at the time that his son was
then editing this magazine. As a matter of fact, I think it would
have been inconceivable to the American prisoners of war that any
Ajnerican citizen was there editing that magazine and writing this
Communist ideology and this anti-American propaganda.
Mr. Carpenter. Now that you know he is an American citizen,
what do you believe?
Colonel McLaughlin. Sir, I still don't believe that any American
citizen worthy of the name could do such a thing.
Mr. Carpenter. Colonel, will you tell us more now about the in-
doctrination, with particular reference to the China Monthly Review;
how you were forced to read the articles and rqDort on them?
Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir.
These study periods were very closely supervised, and anyone wdio
did not participate in the study program was usually disciplined.
There was one particular incident involving an American oflicer in
which the Chinese who was listening in on this study period heard
him say that the paper was not worth — the statement was that this
particular article was not worth the paper it was written on. For
making that statement this man was very severely disciplined, and I
believe it ultimately led to his death. He was in a very weakened
state at the particular time.
1954 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
In addition, the Chinese utilized punishment by force in order to
bring certain people into line. They also utilized the hungry state
of the prisoners and the threatened withholding of food in order to
discipline prisoners.
Mr, Carpenter. "Were you punished for not accepting the indoc-
trination?
Colonel ]\rcLAUGHLix. I was punished in early 1952 for opposing
this forced indoctrination. However, the CCF was very careful not
to accuse us of opposing forced indoctrination. I was accused of con-
ducting subversive activity in the cam]) in that I had attempted to
influence my fellow prisoners in their thinking and in their actions.
The CiTATRMAN. What was your punishment, Colonel?
Colonel McLaughlin. I Avas kept in confinement out of the com-
pound for almost 4 months. Most of this was solitary confinement,
Mr. Carpenter. Were there quite a group of instructors that were
at each camp carrying on this indoctrination program?
Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir.
In addition to the camp security forces, there was a definite political
organization in the camps.
Mr. Carpenter. What nationality were the instructors?
Colonel McLaughlin. The instructors were English-speaking Chi-
nese, with one exception. I did see an occidental in one of the camps
who Avas an instructor for the Turkish troops. And the Chinese
claimed he was from western China, Sinkiang Province, where I
understand there are people of Turkish origin.
]\Ir. Carpenter. Who were the guards ?
Colonel McLaughlin. The guards were appijrently regular Chinese
troops.
Mr. Carpenter. You had no North Korean guards ?
Colonel McLaughlin. Initially, at Pyoktong the camp was guarded
by Koreans, but the Chinese took over that camp, and I did not come
into contact with the Korean guards thereafter.
Mr. Carpenter. Were there many copies of tiiis China Weekly Re-
view, and later Monthly Review, in the camps?
Colonel McLaughlin. When it was issued to us, which was fre-
quently, there were sufficient copies to issue at least one copy per squad.
]\Ir. Carpenter, Was it delivered regularly ?
Colonel McLaughlin. With fair regularity after the first 6 months,
sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you get that before you got food ?
The Chairman. Medical supplies?
Colonel McLaughlin. Yes, sir.
The period in the winter and spring of 19.50-51, that was one of our
major complaints, that we lacked for food and medicine, and the reason
the Chinese gave that we lacked for this was that they could not trans-
port these items of daily necessity into the camps. However, they
always seemed to be able to transport this scurrilous literature.
Mr. Carpenter. That is all.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Colonel.
The next witness.
Mr. Carpenter. Caj)tain O'Connor.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1955
STATEMENT OF JOSEPH L O'CONNOR, UNITED STATES INFANTRY
The Chairman. Captain, will you be sworn and testify ?
Do you swear the testimony you will give in this hearing will he the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Captain O'Connor. I do.
The CnAiKMAN. Will you give the committee your full name, Cap-
tain?
Captain O'Connor. Capt. Joseph L, O'Connor.
The CiiAiroiAN. How long have you been in the Armed Forces of
the United States ?
Captain O'Connor. Thirteen years and ten months.
The Chairman. What branch are you assigned to?
Captain O'Connor. I am an Infantry of the United States officer.
The Chairman. Proceed, please, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. Captain, were you in the Korean war ?
Captain O'Connor. Yes, sir; I was in the Korean war. I went
into Korea in August of 1950.
Mr. Carpenter. And at sometime during your service there, were
you taken prisoner of Avar ?
Captain O'Connor. I was taken prisoner of war November 5, 1950.
Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of Avar?
Captain O'Connor. Thirty-four months, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Would you tell this committee your experiences
as a prisoner of war, with particular reference to the indoctrination
you received from your captors and Avith special reference to the
China Weekly, and later Monthly Eeview ?
Captain O'Connor. Yes, sir.
Initially the indoctrination program was not an intensive program.
We Avere in a valley about 12 kilometers south of Pyoktong, and there
were approximately 34 officers in this 1 house. We were kept sep-
arately, Ave were not alloAved to go out of the house. And during that
period the indoctrination was the bringing of publications into the
house and giving them to us to read.
We did not — after looking at the publication, realizing what it was,
we would take it and throAv it over into the corner, or use it for other
purposes.
HoAvever, at that time we were under a joint headquarters of Chi-
nese and North Koreans. They knew that we Averen't reading these
articles that they gave us to read, and then started either coming up
to our house and reading them to us, or getting one of the American
prisoners to read the article.
In January of 1951 we were removed from this valley into Pyoktong,
which was later knoAvn as Camp No. 5. Here that same type of indoc-
trination Avas carried on.
The officers' compound was organized into squads, and each squad
was giA'^en a publication and told to read it. After the article Avas
read, Ave Avere told to give our "cognition" of the article, or the con-
tents thereof. That Avas either in writing or in a verbal dissertation.
Then on April 1 of 1951 — I believe it was — that the Chinese took
complete control of the camp at Pyoktong. On April 10 our com-
pound commander gave us a speech in which he told us that we were
going to learn the truth, that we were going to have an intensive
indoctrination program, and that we had better learn the truth ; right
1956 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
now we were war criminals, we had the blood of the innocent Koreans
on our hands, and that we should cleanse ourselves.
It was also at this speech that this compound commander stated
that the Chinese did not believe in or were not signatories to the
Geneva Convention, that they would not be bound by the Geneva
Convention, that they had their own policy, which is known as the
lenient policy : If you learned the truth, you would survive.
The Chairman. And if you did not learn the truth, what did they
Captain O'Coxxor. If you didn't learn the truth, he said, "We will
keep you here until you do ; and if you die here, we will dig a hole 30 to
40 feet deep so you don't smell up North Korea."
Immediately after that we began a very intenstive indoctrination
program. This program initially was to sell us the idea that the
American imperialists instigated the war in Korea. It was during this
program that such publications as the China Weekly Review, the
People's China, For a Lasting Peace for a People's Democracy, Masses
and Mainstream, Political Affairs, and so forth, were introduced into
the camp.
Yesterday while attending your hearing here, sir, I noticed this par-
ticular item "Background of the Civil War in Korea." And I be-
lieve and am quite certain that it is one of the items that was marked
for our discussion in our indoctrination program to teach us that this
war in Korea was instigated by the American imperialists.
Later, during the spring of 1951, the Chinese said that "We are going
to have a big peace rally," since we were all learning the truth, that
we were going to declare our intentions for peace. It was at that time
they forced the prisoners out of the houses, tried to get them to carry
peace banners, peace flags and so forth, and have a parade.
I at that time was quite ill. I had beriberi and dysentery. ]\Iy legs
were swelled to an abnormal size and I could hardly walk. I was ex-
cused from this peace rally. I was laying — the house in which my
squadroom was was right close to the mess hall. The prisoners were
promised that with their full cooperation we would have a feast that
night. And while the rest of the prisoners were out in this so-called
peace parade, the Chinese carried rice, a piece of hog or pork up there,
also some eggs, and some other foods that we had not seen since capture.
Before the prisoners returned to the compound, an excited China-
man ran up the hill and they started talking up at the mess hall. I saw
that food that was laid out there for our feast carried away that after-
noon. I later learned that our compound refused to shout slogans ex-
cept for one they made up of their own, which was : "If it wasn't for
Mao-Tse we wouldn't be lousy." And the English-speaking Chinaman
managed to pick it up, and as a result, we didn't have our feast.
Before the rest of the prisoners returned, a Chinaman approached
the house looking for all those that were sick and allowed to remain
back in the compound area. I was one of those, and I had an idea what
was coming because we had known that we were going to be asked to
sign a statement at that time. And I slunk back into the corner trying
to avoid this Chinaman.
He asked — went in one room and got those people to sign and asked
if there were any more people in the house, and someone mentioned my
name, that I was in the next room. He came in at that time and asked
me to sign a statement, which read in effect something like this :
I
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1957
"We, the undersijrned, have learned, through study, that the Korean
war was instigated by a handful of American iin})erialists, that we
want to leave the camp of the warmongers and join the camp of peace."
I told him I would not sign this statement at this time. He said
"You are sick, aren't you, O'Connor?" I said "Yes, I am sick." He
said "You will not get any medicine, you will not get well if you do
not sign this."
I insisted that I would not sign it. And after a little badgering on
his part, I did sign this statement.
The signing of this statement was leading to further study on the
war in Korea, trying to blame it on the American Government. We
had intensive study along that same line until perhaps a week or maybe
2 weeks later when the peace committee of the camp drew up a peace
appeal which was to be sent to the United Nations, to the World Peace
Congress, I think, and several other places.
This peace appeal, as they called it, had 6 or 7 statements in it. One
was the withdrawal of the Seventh Fleet from around Taiwan, which
we call Formosa ; two, the admittance of New China into the United
Nations; tlu-ee, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korea;
four, the allowing of the Koreans to handle their own internal affairs;
and statements along that nature. There were about seven points to
that appeal.
During the period of time they would take a consensus as to whether
we would sign, or would not sign this peace appeal, during our in-
doctrination programs in our squad rooms.
During that period of time, several people were taken out indi-
vidually and convinced that they should sign the peace appeal. I,
myself, was a holdout until the last day, at which time there were about
14 of us that were taken out individually by different Chinese in-
structors. I was taken up on a mountain or a hill near the com-
pound. There I was given the smooth treatment, "You have signed
that you want to be a peace lover and join the camp of peace," and so
forth. Then I was stood at attention with a guard and placed over me,
and after I would move or something I would get a bat with a
bayonet, and then a little later this Chinaman would come back and
give me the old smooth-off stuff again and offer me a cigarette. And
that off-and-on business there kept up for about an hour and a half
to 2 hours.
And I think what convinced me most that I should sign was that he
said I would be removed from the prisoners compound and tried by a
people's com-t. Well, all the Chinese papers, the Shanghai News and
so forth, that ever had anyone tried by a people's court, it is tantamount
to conviction and death. So I told him that I would sign it. And he
personally took me down and I signed that particular document.
Then we later had classes on the illegality of U. N. intervention
ill Korea, using the United Nations Charter, and their interpretation
of it to show where our entry was illegal; using a background of ma-
terial from these publications like the China Weekly Review and New
China, the Shanghai News, and the little paper from the Chung Hua
News Agency called the Daily News Release.
We also had indoctrination of, or rather teachings on the history
of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and Bolshevik. We
studied Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and dialectical materialism. Then
when the negotiations began we had intensive studies on why the
1958 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
American warmongers did not want to end the war in Korea and were
holding up the negotiations.
We also had studies on bacteriological warfare. However, they
were not in an organized or intensive manner. It was at that time
that Colonel JVIcLaughlin referred to that they discontinued the
study. However, they would take men by squads or groups into the
Chinese houses, and a Chinaman would read the papers such as yes-
terday we had the excerpts from the China Weekly Review. They
would read those articles to us and ask us for our comments on
them.
Also, there was, I think, a democratic lawyers' group, and a scien-
tist's group, a supposedly scientist's group, to investigate germ war-
fare in Korea, that put out a finding on the thing. And they had a
large building that they later converted to a headquarters building,
where they set up all these pictures of the germ warfare — "proof, the
irrefutable facts," that they had that we, the United States, Avas
using bacteriological warfare in Korea.
An interesting sidelight to show you how ridiculous that is, sir,
I would like to recite a little incident that happened in our camp.
I was on a water-carrying detail at that time. We had to go out
of the compound with two buckets, a group of men, and carrying our
bathing water and so forth back into the compound. One morning
coming back into the compound we saw this either large mouse or a
small rat laying in the street. So one of the water carriers said,
"Well, tliere is some more 'irrefutable proof that we have bacterio-
logical warfare."
So we picked it up and we decided we were going to take it in
harass the "Chinks" a little bit with it and show them this "irrefutable
proof."
In the meantime someone got the idea "Well, let us do it up right."
So we took this mouse into the schoolhouse that we were using as our
quarters and had one of the men sew a little harness for it, made a
homemade parachute for the mouse, put a patch on him — I don't
know whether we put sergeant's stripes or corporal's stripes on him,
and put "USAF 6-7/8" and Captain Manto here took it out and hung
it on a tree along the path that they generally used, the most likely
used path that the Chinese used.
The guard looked at it, got fairly close to it, and he snuck up a
little closer and saw what it was, backed away. He called another
guard, and I lliink they fell out the guard to look at this thing. Then
later they sent word up to the camp headquarters, and later a Chinese
medical man came down, got on a white gown, a face mask, a skull
cap, gloves, and boots, a bag, and some chopsticks, and he got up and
took that "bacteriological warfare exhibit" down with the chopsticks,
put it in his bag and moved off.
And I don't know, I hope our little horseplay did not contribute to
the propaganda of the Chinese by giving them some more bacteriolog-
ical specimens.
Another incident along that line was : Aircraft flew over, not infre-
quently flew over our prison camp, and I think there is a thing that
they call "window" that they drop out of a plane to jam enemy radar
sets so that they can't be picked up. This stuff they throw out is
like Christmas-tree tinsel in different lengths. One morning Ave Avere
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1959
awakened, and onr compound was more or less littered with this tinsel,
and the Chinesee would not let us out, to go out of the compound
grounds, because this surely must be some of that biological warfare
that the Americans are using. And later a group of the Chinese
came up, again in their white gowns, their skull caps, the chopsticks,
the little bag, the boots, and started picking up this tinsel.
Well, one of the prisoners got disgusted, I guess, with the ^\hole
thing and ran up and picked up a piece of the tinsel, put it in his
mouth, chewed it up and spit it out. They got quite excited about
this and were going to take this man to the hospital; I don't believe
that they did.-
Another instance along that same line — now, this is merely hear-
say, as a story passes around in a prison camp — in this one particular
compound the Chinese had a beetle or bug of some sort and had the
compound filing by to see this bug, this was concrete evidence that
the Americans were using bacteriological warfare because these bugs
Avere never found in Korea. So they had the compound filing by, and
this one priscyuer got to it, reached in and picked it up, put it in his
mouth, chewed it up and swallowed it.
The Chairman. Ate the evidence?
Captain O'Connor. Ate the evidence.
That shows how ridiculous they can get on their bacteriological
warfare thing.
When they were taking us into this house reading these "irrefutable
facts" to us
The Chairman. Did they take you into civilian homes ?
Captain O'Connor. Civilians were moved out when the Chinese
moved in, sir.
The Chairman. Wlien you say they took you into some house
Captain O'Connor, They were previously civilian homes that were
occupied by the Chinese, and each instructor would have his room in
there, and he would be — well, we were broken down into platoons,
sort of an army breakdown, and we all had a platoon leader to control
our behavior, and so forth, and we also had a political commissar for
each platoon, an English-speaking man. He took us in there and he
would ask us our opinion.-
Well, we had quite a few Air Force men, and we could shoot holes
into their so-called confessions and their facts. However, we elected
to remain silent so that we would not get anyone into trouble by
trying to show where they were wrong.
The Chairman. This indoctrination course you speak of, certain
magazines and newspaper publications, what books or novels came
into your camp?
Captain O'Connor. We had quite a few books and novels. For
instance, here is Monica Fulton's That's Why I Went. We had
Thunder Out of China.
The Chairman. By whom?
Captain O'Connor. This is by Agnes Smedley.
We had this Bases and Empire, which we called Bases and Umpires.
This was read to us over the public-address system in Pyoktong,
chapter by chapter, and we were taken and set on cold cement steps,
no padded clothing or anything else, listening to this.
The Chairman. Who is the author of that?
Captain O'Connok. This is by George Marion, sir.
1960 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
We also had Howard Fast's Citizen Tom Paine. We had to read
this during our course of instruction, the Great Conspiracy, by Michael
Sayres and Albert E. Kahn.
We would read a chapter of it and then we would have to give
our "cognition," and this "cognition" had to agree with what was in
this book.
Mr. Carpenter. I notice you used the word "cognition." Was that
the word usually used ?
Captain O'Connor. That was the word usually used. It started
by the Chinese setting up in mimeographed form, then they would
have some questions there, and then they would say "Now give your
cognition of why the American imperialists intervened in the Korean
civil war," or "Why did you stop beating your grandmother?" It
is the same type of question.
Then we had to either verbally give or have someone write down
our "cognition" or idea of what this stuff was.
Mr. Carpenter. Will you identify more of those books, if you can,
Captain ?
Captain O'Connor. Well, Citizen Tom Paine. China Fights
Back. This, I believe, is another of Agnes Smedley's books.
The Twilight of World Capitalism, by Foster, was a textbook.
The American, by Howard Fast, we had.
Outline of Political History of the Americas, by Theodore Dreiser.
And toward the latter part of our captivity we did get in a few of
the classics, such as Les Miserables, Tale of Two Cities, David Cop-
perfield. We had IMark Twain's Life on the Mississippi and several
of the classics. However, they were all of the type book that deals
with the downtrodden, and so forth. The Hunchback of Notre Dame.
I think we got Anna Karenina, by Leo Tolstoy; War and Peace,
by Tolstoy ; and other classics.
However, these type books were used as textbooks, The Great
Conspiracy, The Twilight of World Capitalism.
Mr. Carpeni-er. Ancl how about periodicals and newspapers ?
Captain O'Connor. Periodicals, we received the New York Daily
Worker, the London Daily Worker, the San Francisco — I think it
is called the People's World, the National Guardian, this magazine
here called Masses and Mainstream, this magazine called Political
Affairs. We received this New Times and the China Monthly Review,
People's China, and we would get magazines such as this China Eecon-
struction, from all the satellite countries of Eussia, maybe Bulgarian
magazines, Russian pictorials, and things like that.
Mr. Carpenter. Captain, at the time, did you notice who the editor
of the China Weekly, and later Monthly, Review Avas ?
Captain O'Connor. Yes. I noticed that it was a Mr. Powell.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you know at that time he was an American
citizen ?
Captain O'Connor. We were told that he was American. However,
we couldn't actually realize that an American citizen would do such
a thing, and if he did, how could he write that; I mean I don't see
how a man could write that stuff.
The Chairman. You gentlemen might be interested in goiug down
to the Press Club at 3 : 15 and ask him some questions along that line,
because he is holding a press conference, and if you respect and uphold
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1961
the honor of the American press, I think maybe you could give them
some enliglitenment.
Captain O'CoxxoR. Sir, yesterday I sat here and I ran the gamut
of all my emotions. I cried when Mrs. Gill was on that stand, and I
was angry when a man, Mr. Powell, was on the stand. I have lost a
lot of friends in Korea, sir, good friends. And to think that a man
like the man that sat in this chair can come back to the United States
and feel free to go around and call a press conference and spread this
vicious propaganda in the manner in which he does it ; I was angry,
sir, filled up to the top.
The Chairman. I can understand your emotions.
Captain O'Connor. And I personally feel that if we have laws — and
I know we don't have any on the books now but that we get them to
take care of people like Mr. Powell. And I am afraid my emotions
might overshadow me and I might take it into my own hands if I
go down to see the gentleman who w^rites this type stuff that 1 was
forced to read.
I felt that I was under uncertain circumstances, and I was forced
to read it. But I don't want the people of the United States to read
that kind of stuff.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Captain.
Captain O'Connor. You are welcome.
The Chairman. Call the next witness.
TESTIMONY OF CAPT. JOSEPH V. MANTO, UNITED STATES
INFANTRY
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Captain Manto. I do.
The Chairman. Will you give the committee your full name,
Captain?
Captain Manto. Joseph V. Manto, M-a-n-t-o, captain, United
States Infantry.
The Chairman. Captain, do you plead guilty to putting the par-
achute on the rat in the tree ?
Captain Manto. I have told that story many times since I have
come back, sir. I have gotten quite a few laughs out of it.
The Chairman. You plead guilty to that, do you?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir.
The Chairmax. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter,
Mr. Carpenter. Captain, were you a prisoner of war during the
Korean war ?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir; I was.
!Mr. Carpenter. "When were you taken prisoner ?
Captain Manto. November 28, 1952.
Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of war ?
Captain Manto. For about 33 months, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you held prisoner of war in North Korea?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir; I was.
iMr. Carpenter. How many camps Avere you in there in North
Korea ?
32018°— 54— lit 2.". 15
1962 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Captain Manto. I was in three major camps, sir; Death Valley,
Pyoktong, or camp No. 5 as it was later called ; Penchang-li or camp
No. 2 as it was later called.
Mr. Carpenter. We know, Captain, you have had many experiences
in the prisoner-of-war camps. The committee would like for you this
afternoon to tell us about your experiences with reference to the indoc-
trination that was imposed upon you by your captivity, and more
specifically, about how the China Weekly, and later Monthly Review
was used for indoctrination purposes.
Captain Manto. Well, as Captain O'Connor stated here on the
stand prior to my taking the stand, we went into a somewhat intensive
and comprehensive indoctrination period, which lasted a little bit over
3 months and an overall indoctrination period which lasted 1 year.
During this period of indoctrination, I felt that the Chinese Com-
munists, our captors, were trying to make Communists out of us.
They would present all this material that they had at their hand, all
this Communist material, all the material that they wanted to give to
us, in the form of the China Monthly Review or the China Weekly
Review, as it was called. We were forced to read articles out of that
particular publication — articles which I felt were slanderous to my
Government, slanderous to the American people.
Mr. Carpenter. Also slanderous to the American soldier ?
Captain Manto. Slanderous to the American soldier.
I would like to bring out that this Mr. Powell, when he has his press
conference this afternoon, sir, I hope he bears in mind the boys that
died in North Korea. These are the boys that he has to answer to.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you feel he contributed to some of those boys'
deaths because of his writings?
Captain Manto. I believe he did.
I remember one case in particular. I feel that an American officer
died as a consequence of having to read this slanderous material.
This officer made a statement that this particular subject — I think it
was a speech by the Chinese premier Chou En-Lai — the statement
this officer made was that the speech was not worth the paper that it
was printed on.
Well, without further to-do, that particular officer was taken out
of our compound. We didn't see him for about 3 weeks. He was later
brought back to us. The man was completely broken, I thought, and
he had to criticize himself.
As you know, the Chinese people followed the theory of self-
criticism.
And it wasn't but a very short period after that where this par-
ticular officer passed away.
That is why I say by reading these articles, these slanderous
materials that were put forth in these various magazines. And this
China Monthly Review, in my estimation, was one of the publications
that were forced upon us, we had to read them. And in that instance
I would say that it was directly responsible for the death of one of our
officers.
It was inconceivable to us to realize that an American citizen — of
course, we didn't definitely know this Mr. Powell was an American
citizen ; we assumed that because we heard it through the grapevine,
the Chinese had told us, because they made quite a bit out of it, they
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 19G3
wanted Americans on their side, that these Americans would in turn
spout otf the same hin«^uage that we speak to our people.
And it was, as I say, it was inconceivable to us, as prisoners over
there in North Korea, to realize that an American citizen would let
that sort of business go on, that he would print such slander, terrific,
filthy lies. That is all it amounted to.
As a matter of fact, it was more than one time that prisoners in
my compound remarked that they would like to get their hands on
this particular gentleman, Mr. Powell.
We were given various magazines and publications to study, that
is to mean, they were forced on us. The Chinese commissars, political
instructors, would bring them down to the squads, and they had to
be read by one of our people. We were forced. It was a formation.
The squad had to be present, physically present in the squad room,
in order to hear this article, w^hichever it may be, or whatever one
was to be read that day, and it was a formation. Everyone had to be
phj'sically present.
I see quite a few magazines here and books that I recall that we had
over there.
ISIr. Carpenter. Will you please identify them and name them?
Captain Manto. I don't see this China Monthly Review here, sir.
However, we have the People's China, China Reconstruction.
And this one I alwaj's get a great kick out of, sir, because to me
it has a "dilly-whanger" of a headline "For a Lasting Peace for a
People's Democracy."
Political Affairs, Masses and Mainstream, this Deutsche Demo-
kratische Republik.
That is a typical example of their magazines. One of their leaders
I think was the President of the Eastern German Republic at the
time.
New Times, more Masses and Mainstream.
Then we had the books by Foster, Fast, George Marion, Kahn, this
Monica Felton.
That is wdiy I make reference to her trip to Korea visiting the
bombed-out towns, the American aviators indiscriminately bombing
women and children.
She never mentioned the fact that no matter where j^ou went in
North Korea, the buildings were occupied by Chinese or North Korean
troops.
Thunder Out of China; this Bases and Umpires, we got a great big-
kick out of that.
China Fights Back.
This is by Howard Fast, Citizen Tom Paine.
Outline of the Political History of the Americas, by Foster.
The American, by Howard Fast ; the Titan, by Theodore Dreiser ;
Twilight of World Capitalism, by Foster ; The Great Conspiracy by
Michael Sayres and Albert E. Kahn; various other books and pub-
lications I cannot recall.
ISIr. Carpenter. But that was all "must" reading ?
Captain Manto. They were "must."
The Chairman. Regardless of the shortage of your medical sup-
plies and clothing and other things, the China Monthly Review al-
ways came through, did it not ?
1964 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Captain Manto. It was a constant source of amazement to us, sir,
how the publication China Monthly Review, or the China Weekly Re-
view— ^to me one was synonymous with the other — would always seem
to arrive at our camp and we would always have some article to read
from that particular publication or some other publication. Our
food, our medicine, never got through. They would tell us that our
planes would bomb them out. After a while I got so disgusted at
some of our fliers because they always seemed to bomb our food and
medical barges coming in. They never seemed to bomb any of the
barges coming in that were laden down with this propaganda.
So I came to this conclusion that our fliers were at fault, they were
doing that purposely to starve us ; I would know full well they were.
Mr. Carpenter. You say that facetiously, sir, of course ?
Captain Manto. I hope so.
]\Ir. Carpenter. That is for the record.
Captain, how many hours a day did they utilize in your indoctri-
nation ?
Captain IManto. It varied. "We were forced to study from 6 to 8
hours a day.
The Chairman. Under what conditions, weather and clothing and
so forth?
Captain Manto. They didn't make any exceptions with the weather.
If it was raining, we still studied ; if it was cold, we still studied.
The Chairman. Were they heated rooms where you had to study ?
Captain Manto. My dear sir, I don't believe you have ever been to
North Korea. There is no such thing as a heated room up there.
The Chairman. That is what I wanted 3^011 to describe to the com-
mittee, the physical conditions under which these forced indoctrina-
tions were carried on.
Captain Manto. No, sir ; the rooms were never heated. Many times
in inclement weather, the cold weather, the classes were held outdoors.
Then when the weather got extremely cold, extremely bad, they were
held indoors, but no heat was furnished for any of the classes, sir.
The Chairman. Do you have any further questions, Mr. Carpenter ?
Mr. Carpenter. Just one.
As part of their indoctrination, did that include attacks on our leg-
islative committees and some members of our legislative bodies ?
Captain Manto. Part of their indoctrination, or, I would say more
than 50 percent, was aimed against the Government of the United
States, tiding to show us, to prove to us that our Government was
decadent, run by a few imperialists, as they called it. We didn't have
a government that was truly represented by the people ; whereas, on
the other hand, the Communist form of government was truly repre-
sentative of the people.
Mr. Carpenter. Did you ever see individual names of our leading
officials criticized ?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir ; in these publications I have.
I recall of Mr. Truman, Mr. Acheson, Mr. Taft. If I am not mis-
taken, the chairman of this committee is well known in Communist
circles, and they referred to him sometimes as a "lackey" and a "tool"
and a "running dog."
I am making a specific reference to Senator Jenner, sir.
The Chairman. That is a compliment. Thank you very much.
Mr. Carpenter. Do you have anything else you want to add?
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 19C5
Captain jNEaxto. In short, sir, they have a certain routine they go
tlirough. They are told what to say.
I would like to further bring out that in this Communist setup, if
People's China runs one article in there, the China Monthly Review
would run the same article, if not that day, 1 or 2 days later.
They speak about their freedom of speech and freedom of press. I
don't ever recall Mr. Powell having an article in his publication that
was beneficial to the Government of the United States. However, it
would have been interesting to note what the outcome would be if Mr.
Powell ever had the audacity to print such an article in favor of the
United States.
Mr. Carpenter. That is all.
The Chairman. Any further questions. Senator Johnston ?
Senator Johnston. In other words, when they found an article
that hit the bell for the Communists, they would print it in the other
magazines; is that right?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir.
Senator Johnston. Do you recall seeing in the China Monthly Re-
view any article that was picked up from any other newspaper or
magazine?
Captain Maxto. As I say, sir, at one time or another they all print-
ed the same — in other words, I w^ould like to prove that by a picture I
have in mind depicting ex-President Truman at the time he was Presi-
dent of the United States. And they had him as an evil old man with
fangs, and he has a dagger and a .45 and a couple of cannons out of
his hip pocket, and he's got a Korean child in pain from his dagger
or bayonet or whatever he is holding there, and People's China would
print that cartoon, and then I know full well it would appear in the
other Communist publications, to include the China JNIonthly Review,
and for that matter, all publications peculiar to the communistic
people, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Captain, we have blown up a number of pages
that appeared in the China Monthly Review on various occasions, and
I will ask you to state whether or not those are typical pages, and
whether or not you have seen those various pages ?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir; these on the right are the China ]\Ionthly
Review in September 1951, 1 believe — I can't quite make out the year —
and the picture there, of the Korean women crying, I think is on this
bacteriological warfare.
I would like to inspect the pictures closer, if I may, sir.
The Chairman. You may.
INIr. Carpenter. Now that you have examined them, can you testify
further ?
Captain Manto. Yes, sir.
I recognize that one on the left in particular, when this woman,
Monica Felton, from Great Britain, came over to Xorth Korea, and
she spoke to these victims of bombed-out villages and so forth. They
made quite a big to-do about that ; played it up in their newspapers.
The Chairman. Did Monica Felton come to your camp ?
Captain Manto. I believe at the time we wore at Camp No. 2, and
Monica Felton, it was my impression that she was afraid to come to
the officer's camp, sir. Never, at any — well, the closest we ever got to a
white or Caucasian reporter of that type was to our headquarters.
They would never dare set foot in our compound, sir.
1966 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
No; Monica Felton, to my estimation, she never did come to our
camp, Camp No. 2, that is.
Now, in the upper left-hand corner there they showed pictures there.
I believe they are trying to depict where the Americans committed
atrocities of killing their soldiers or civilians. To me, that is a typical
example of Communist propaganda.
I firmly believe that those people pictured there in that magazine
were killed, slain, by the Communists; that they in turn used it as
propaganda saying that the Americans killed them.
As I say, to me that is typical propaganda employed by the Commu-
nist peoples.
The next one, China Monthly Review, December 1951, showing list
of prisoners ; that one I know I am familiar with, because I was very
much concerned at the time it was published to see whether my name
was published, or not. And that list does not reflect a true listing of
the prisoners at the time in more than one respect.
In the first place, they did not list all the prisoners that they had.
Secondly, some of the prisoners that they list there had already died.
The Communists were aware of that, yet they released the names
knowing full well that those people had died in a POW status.
The third one there, China Monthly Eeview, August 1951, as I
stated before, sir, is typical of Communist propaganda. Well, to me,
that is childish, depicting a person like Truman or Atcheson or Dulles
the way they do there. To me, I don't know, it is silly ; it is simple to
do things like that. That is another typical example of the propa-
ganda that they employ amongst their own peoples.
The fifth one there, the China Monthly Review, November 1950,
I believe they are depicting there, sir, the peace conference amongst
our own prisoners. And that is another example of Chinese propa-
ganda. I firmly believe that all the people there that participated in
that type of a rally, well, to begin with, the picture is just a general
picture of prisoners. That picture may have been taken under any
circumstance, for that matter.
The one above, if it is what I have in mind, all those people were
made to attend that, to participate in that type of propaganda, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. And those banners you see there were rigged ?
Captain Manto. They were made by the Chinese Communists, sir.
And the next-to-last there, showing GI's in winter clothing on there
and so forth, I would like to point out, sir, that I have firsthand
knowledge of that sort of stuff ; that the first winter we were captured,
the winter of 1950-51, the Chinese Communists didn't care whether
the American soldiers lived or died.
These particular pictures shown on the China Monthly Review,
that clothing was issued for the winter of 1951-52. Considerable
time has lapsed. By that I mean to say that the negotiations had
already started and these people had assumed a different attitude.
They just switched over. They made a 180° reverse.
Before, their attitude was "let 'em die." Now they wanted to keep
us very much alive, because they had boasted to our Government,
they had boasted to the rest of the people in the world that they had
captured — w^ell, there was quite a bit of controversy amongst our-
selves as prisoners that if all the figures were to be added up on how
many prisoners they had captured, I believe in a period of 6 months
IXTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1967
tlie entire population of the United States would have been captured
by these Chinese troops.
And that last one "American POW's demand successful peace
talks"; to counteract that, I would like to cite an instance Captain
O'Connor brought up. where they wanted to march out and have a
l)eace rail}' and shout slogans and so forth.
These Coninninists are great peace fighters, so they say. They have
a slogan — which they still do, they had at that time — which they
wanted us to shout. The slogan was "We Want Peace."
Well, we weren't about to shout that because as much as we were
prisoners — I would like to bring out now the attitude of the average
prisoner in my compound — as much as we were prisoners, the hardships
we Avent through, we were always behind our Government and hoping
that they would not give in to these Communists, prolong the war as
long as possible, as long as our side fought and got the principles that
they were aiming for.
To get back to this slogan of "We Want Peace" we Avould shout
slogans in the confines of our room at night, sir. We would shout:
"We want beef."
The Communists are great slogan shouters. They start anything
with shouting slogans, and they terminate it with slogan shouting.
For instance they would say "Long live Stalin, the founder of our
native Russia," or some sort of drivel like that; or "Long live the
Communist, peace-loving peoples of the world."
It is nothing to them to shout 45 slogans one after the other before
a meeting took place.
Well, we would get up our own slogans. And to get back to these
Chinese Communists, we would shout "Long live our long unsinkable
aircraft carrier. Great Britain," "Long live the Atcheson, Topeka, and
Santa Fe," "Long live Truman" ; "If it wasn't for Mao Tse, I wouldn't
be lousy."
I don't know if it has been brought out before, but we were plagued
with lice over there. It used to be somewhat of a sport sometimes,
that we would take off our clothes and hunt for lice, and we would
have bets amongst ourselves to see Avho would collect the most for that
particular session.
Contrary to what has been brought out, there was the lighter side
to the POW life, and that is one thing that the Communists couldn't
understand, the American, his sense of humor, that no matter what
transpired we would get a laugh out of it.
For instance, when one of our boj'S got caught at something v^e
would laugh about it, "Better deny it'' and the Chinese could not under-
stand that and that sort of thing.
Another incident that I would like to bring out, sir, is what I call
the toothbrush incident. A British officer wrote home at one time, and
in this letter he stated that he was being treated like a dog. The
letters were all censored. The Chinese camp commander called this
particular British officer here in and questioned him and said "Do
you have a clog?" The British officer said "Yes." The officer ques-
tioned him ancl asked "Does your dog have a toothbrush ?" and he said
"No."^ He said "Do you have a toothbrush ?" The British officer said
"Yes." "Well," he said "you are not being treated like a dog."
1968 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Mr. Carpenter. Captain, on this list of prisoners of war, was there
any reward offered to anyone in order to get on this prisoner-of-war
list so that it would be published and gotten back home ?
Captain Manto. Was there any reward, sir ?
Mr. CarepjSttee. Yes ; to the prisoners.
Captain Manto. Not to my knowledge ; no, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. You know nothing about that?
Captain Manto. No, sir.
The Chairman. That is all, Captain. Thank you very much.
Mr. Carpenter. Captain Berry.
TESTIMONY OF CAPT. WALDRON EEREY, UNITED STATES AIR
FORCE
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you God ?
Captain Berry. I do, sir.
The Chairman. Will you state your full name to the committee ?
Captain Berry. Waldron Berry.
The Chairman. WTiat branch of the service are you in, Captain?
Captain Berry. United States Air Force.
The Chairman. You are from Seymour, Ind. ?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. You are a neighbor of mine.
Captain Berry. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Carpenter.
Mr. Carpenter. How long have you been in the United States
forces. Captain?
Captain Berry. A little over 8 years.
Mr. Carpenter. Have you been in the Air Force all that time ?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Where did you attend school, Captain?
Captain Berry. I graduated from high school in Seymour, Ind.,
then I attended Purdue University for 1 year, then I attended West
Point for 3 years where I received my bachelor of science degree. I
am presently attending George Washington University to obtain a
master's degree.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you in the Korean war ?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you taken prisoner of war while over in
Korea ?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir. I was flying missions out of Japan and
shot down on the 10th of November of 1950.
Mr. Carpenter. In what sector were you shot down ?
Captain Berry. I was shot down near the Yalu, near Nambojin,
which is in the northwest central part of Korea.
Mr. Carpenter. Were you shot down by an antiaircraft gun ?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir.
Mr. Carpenter. Where were those antiaircraft guns located ?
Captain Berry. In China, sir. I am one example that I know, of
the thing that they were arguing about at that time, in 1950, when
General MacArthur was complaining about the fact that we were
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1SC9
heincr shot at from China, 3'et Ave could not go across the Yahi River
and bomb them back.
Our particuhir oroauization was trying to go by this rule, and I —
well, I was shot down this day. We changed our bomb run to run
northeast and southwest so that we would be careful not to go across
the Yalu River, because the village that we were hitting was very
near the river, and I was about a mile on the North Korean side of
the river, and the guns were just on the bank of the Chinese mainland,
actually Manchuria.
I was hit twice from those guns, and then for several days after-
ward, when I was locked in a barn and I could hear the large guns
continually firing from across the river.
Mr. Carpenter. How long were you a prisoner of war ?
Captain Berry. Thirty-three months three weeks three days.
]\Ir. Carpenter. Captain, this committee is interested to know the
treatment you received in the prisoner-of-war camp, especially that
joart which has to do with the indoctrination you received by your
captors, and especially any that you received as a result of reading
the China Weekly and later Monthly Review. Would you tell us
about your experiences, please ?
Captain Berry. I was in several different places due to the fact
that I was in the Air Force. The Air Force didn't seem to be too
])opular at that time. They moved me around considerabl3\ I was
in many unorganized places. I was on this march for about a week ;
we covered about 110 or 115 miles or so. Most of these villages had
political commissars. All their knowledge about America, the United
States and the Government, was along the Communist line. That I
read later in these magazines here. It was all very anti-United States,
and anti-United Nations, and pro-Communist. It had verj^ poor logic
behind it.
I was asked these questions. I never gave the proper answers ap-
parently. And I received bad treatment because of that.
This was during the unorganized time. Of course, all my captivity
was unorganized, but this was really unorganized.
I was told by the Chinese the same sort of thing that jou have heard
today: Tlie South Koreans actually started the war, we were war
criminals for entering the war, it was a civil war and it should be al-
lowed to be settled by the Koreans themselves. They wanted the Na-
tionalist troops off Formosa, they wanted the American troops as well
us all other U. N. troops to get out of Korea and leave it to the Koreans
themselves; generally the same type of things that you hear today.
The information that they started giving us became more organized
in Pyoktong, which later became camp No. 5, on the Yalu River, in
North Korea. The}^ imported some English-speaking Chinese politi-
cal instructors and started out on a rather unorganized basis, and it
gained a great deal of force. Later on it became a pretty complete
indoctrination that they were giving.
Fortunately, I left Pyoktong in March 1951, March 31, and went
to a place that became known as Pock's Palace near Pyongyang. I
did not get a great deal of indoctrination there. I mostly worked.
Then I went back to Pyoktong, and they had improved their in-
doctrination program greatly in that they increased it a lot. We
\vere studying from shortly after we got up in the morning at 5 : 30
1970 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
until sometime at niglit, as a matter of fact, and through the day,
except for 2 hours when the Chinese had to sleep. And we would
get time out for breakfast and dinner. We weren't eating lunch at
the time, and we weren't eating very much breakfast and dinner.
I suppose it would total 8 to 10 hours a day, possibly slightly more
at times.
This went on there and it continued even when we moved to Pen-
chang-li, which later became camp No. 2,
It was very interesting that this indoctrination stopped immediate-
ly. It just came to a sudden halt. In my opinion, it was done be-
cause about a week later they started having a great propaganda cam-
paign to the fact that we were indoctrinating their prisoners in South
Korea, were forcing them to tattoo their bodies with anti-Communist
slogans, making them write messages in their own blood, mishandling
and beating them and various other things. They said "Look in our
camps, we don't indoctrinate our prisoners." Which was right;
they just stopped a week before.
I found that out about most of their propaganda, that the thing
that they yell about most is the thing they are violating more than
anyone else, and they seem to do it to try to take the attention away
from it.
Actually, my attitude toward my time in prison may be a little
different than other people's. I had the same sort of things happen;
most of my clothes were taken away, I froze my hands and feet and I
was sick and they had me down to shoot me and so forth. But I
don't feel that that is the important thing that happened to me over
there.
The education that I got and the things that I saw are things
that shock you a great deal, but they are things that I think it would
be impossible to obtain here in the States at any price. So for that
reason, I feel that it was an occupational hazard that caught up
with me, but I feel it was time well spent, for me, anyway. I am
sure a lot of people feel that they wasted their time.
But I only wish that the people here could actually see how treacher-
ous these people can be and how two-faced and how hypocritical
they can be.
I often hear the statement : "Why worry about the London Daily
Worker, the New York Daily Worker, the people in the States don't
read that stuff, they don't believe it." Wliich may or may not be true,
I don't argue about that. But do the people realize how many
Europeans, how many people in the Far East read that paper and
how many of them believe it ?
The logic that these orientals use would amaze you. I remember
one day relatively early in my captivity we had a dog that came in
our compound. Later I ate a little dog and it wasn't too good, but
we took care of this one. He was starving too, so were we, and we
gave him some of our food and he became a lot fatter than we were.
The Chinese noticed our friendliness toward this dog and took him out
of the compound, and we heard of couple of yelps and we never saw
the dog again. And I can only assume what happened to the dog,
because the Chinese eat a great deal of dog meat.
But this happened again. Another dog came in. The word must
have gotten around to the dogs, and so this one came in and we
started feeding it. It was walking up the path one day and one of the
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1971
important people in the prison camp kicked the dog, and a major in
the United States Army became very indiirnant with this Chinese,
so mucli so that the Chinese stood him at attention & or G hours and
then they took him down and put him in jail.
The camp commander was talking to this major, and he said, "A"\liy
did you become so perturbed and excited at the fact the dog was
kicked?" The major said, "In the United States we don't just go
around kicking dogs; we are kind to dumb animals, and especially
I like dogs and I couldn't stand by and see the Chinese kick the dog."
These were Chinese Communists, of course.
This camp commander came back and said, "Ordinarily in peace-
time in China we never kick dogs, either, but this is wartime and
conditions change, we have to sometimes kick dogs."
So what are you going to answer to logic like that? And those
are the same people that are reading these articles in all these papers
here, with this China Monthly Review included.
I might go back and say when I first ran into this magazine —
and I use that term loosely — it was, I think, in the first part of
February we were given a mimeographed sheet every so often
to read. This was filled with the most incredible stories about the
United States and the U. N. and allies that you can imagine. They
were very anti-United States, U. N. We were given this mimeo-
graphed sheet or two sheets each day, and along with that came this
magazine.
]\Ir. Carpenter. What year was that. Captain?
Captain Berry. That was in 1951, the very early part. I would
say it started in February, when our study program first began.
This was part of the additional material that we were given. I
recall — I don't know the exact date — but certain articles were marked
for our required reading, and our required comments. This was
brought around to our room at that time. That was my first asso-
ciation with this magazine. It was always extremely anti-United
States and anti-U. N. and pro-Communist, and like the other people,
I actually never gave it a thought that an American was the editor
of it. I saw this name and it could have gone as an American name,
but I actually ignored it because knowing the tricks that these people
would pull I just couldn't have thought less about it.
I am even more surprised when I find that this man is here in the
United States at the present time, because I have never seen anytliing
except incredible lies in that magazine.
We were required to read it, and from that time, February of 1951,
I was associated — I would like to retract that. I saw that magazine
until the end, with the exception of the 3 months I was awa}" at Pock's
Palace. The supply route wasn't too good down there and we missed
out on a lot of magazines.
It was used as extra material, comments cited by the Chinese in-
structors. There were articles given as our required reading. I
used to actually read that once in a while just for laughs, just to see
how ridiculous people could get. And it is sort of a twisted sense
of humor, I guess, but j^our humor becomes a little bit twisted over
there.
I can't believe that — maybe I don't know. I thought a great deal
about this. I remember reading the Daily Worker, that magazine
and the Daily Worker and all these others, Masses and Mainstream,
1972 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
and Political Affairs and all these magazines, and I realize that there
is freedom of the press, but I can't nnderstand how they can vilify not
only our Congressmen and our high officials, but up to and including
the President of the United States, I can't understand that, and I
haven't had a cogent explanation since I returned.
I used to see these pictures. Of course, since I am from Indiana,
I used to see the Senator's picture in there and I was proud that any
Senator was giving the Communists such a hard time, and es])ecially
since he was from Indiana. And, of course, I used to boast about it.
And I used to see the Senator's picture, along with Senator Mc-
Carthy, Senator Knowland, Senator McCarran, Representative Velde,
and people of that type. And I had the opinion — and I think I was
joined by many prisoners — that the more adverse publicity that you
could receive in that magazine or newspaper the better you apparently
were doing back here and the more trouble you Avere giving to Com-
munists. That was my opinion and I was joined by most people
over there, because it is their method to slander anyone that is trying
to expose them at all.
That, to me, was the important thing of the prison life over there.
I expected the maltreatment and so forth and so on because I felt
that I was dealing with uncivilized people. And I felt "Well, I will
have to read this now and I can get back, and I am sure something
will be done about this when I tell what I have seen and how it
affects these people that are uneducated." This is very stupid to
many people here in the States, but it isn't to many people there;
they believe it, it is very logical to them.
The Chairman. We get a lot of the same treatment in this country,
too.
Captain Berry. I don't understand ; I am very confused.
But this went on until I received indoctrination from the Commu-
nists, the Chinese Communists. I was interrogated by a Russian. I
saw several Russians. And it is all the same line. These speeches
that you hear from the high Communist officials, I heard them from
my little platoon leader who can't read his name. He knows the
speeches by heart, too. They all memorize them. Whether he can
read or not, they will teach him to read the speech and so he mem-
orizes it.
I heard him give the same thing as the top Communist officials give
in our big papers here.
But all these magazines were here. I have seen all these: Outline
of Political History of the Americas, by Foster; The American, by
Fast ; Titan, by Theodore Dreiser.
And there was a book that I am sorry I can't remember the title,
which the Communists were really pushing this book a lot. It was
written by Victor Perlo. He wrote that book.
Mr. Carpenter. Was it American Imperialism ?
Captain Berry. That is it.
Mr. Carpenter. By Victor Perlo.
Captain Berry. Yes.
The Chairman. He has been before this committee.
Captain Berry. They seemed to be pushing that book quite a bit.
And, of course, there were a lot of American names that came up
in all these articles, and you can always tell, it is a simple thing to
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1973
fiofure out who they are for and who tlioy are against. Even the
people they are for, even people you mi^^ht not think are not for
them, they will soft-pedal on, say he is doing some good things. The
people they are not for they will slander them any way they can do it.
To me, it was far more important than this.
I hope you won't misunderstand. I think this is very terrible, and
T feel very sorry for everyone that is suffering and has suffered for it.
But it is something in the past, and I hope we can improve it the next
time.
But this sort of thing here that I had to read for so long, it isn't in
the past, it is right here in front of us. And it breaks my heart to
have to sit here and see this stuff still going on around here. I can't —
just don't understand, nobody has explained to me about it. I mean,
they sa}^, "Well, I guess that is right" but they haven't given me any
explanation.
I remember the Rosenberg trial. I thought they would never do
anything about that. I listened to that stuff and I read so much about
it that I got so bored I didn't know what to do.
We had a pigpen — it looked good in pictures — that the prisoners had
their own pigpen. I won't forget the first one we built, we made it out
of rocks.
This is some more Communist logic.
Of course, we didn't have any pigs to put in anyway; I don't know
what we built it for.
We said, "You can't put a pigpen right in our own compound with
the sanitation conditions."
Let me digress a little. I had to laugh wdien in the paper the other
day I saw one of these well-known people who had just returned from
China who said what a great job they were doing in their fly killing.
We had the same thing, 5,000 flies a pack of cigarettes. I almost died
from nicotine fits, I ahvays get less than 5,000.
Anyway, we said, "You can't built that thing in the compound with
the sanitation conditions." They said, "It is very simple ; ]ust get the
rocks and build a wall high enough that the flies can't fly over."
And what are you going to say ? You don't know what to say in a
case like that.
That is the logic you run into every day over there. Those are the
type of people that are reading all these things and the people that
everybody is thinking are doing so well. I don't suppose everybody
thinks that. I know I didn't think they were doing so well.
But, incidentally, this is my opinion. It doesn't necessarily reflect
the opinion of the United States Air Force. It is just what I sort of
got while I was over there.
Oh, I am sorry, I digressed there. I was telling you about the pigs
and the Rosenberg trial.
We tried to put a humorous twist on all this propaganda if we could.
So we had one pig there — this was after we got pigs, things had im-
proved— we named him Elmer Rosenpig.
And it was always a great deal of delight because we killed one pig
a week. We had something like 300 people and we got one pig a week,
usually a monster of about 90 pounds.
So we kept sweating out Elmer Rosenpig to See when his turn was
going to come, and just like the newspapers, that one kept running
1974 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
around in the pigpen and was the last one to get killed, but he finally
did.
Those that had money in camp — I didn't have money — but they were
betting- on how the trial would come out and so forth. It is too bad
to bet on that sort of thing, but you become so disgusted at the propa-
ganda that you read that I am afraid we did do that.
I feel if I got nothing else, that I know how those people operate.
I don't know as much as a lot of people do, but I know a lot of things
that a lot of people don't know because I saw it.
We were able to keep pretty happy. We had a "crazy week" 1 week
that always interested me a lot.
The Chinese, as I say, aren't very smart, I don't think. And we
decided we would have this "crazy week" for 1 whole week. We had
such things as playing bridge with no cards, playing basketball with
no basketball, and things of that type. And it really shook the Chinese
up for a couple of days until the informers let them know about what
was happening.
We had one boy, a lieutenant in the Navy, that rode a motorcycle
around all this time. So they decided to take him to the camp com-
mander. And just as he drove up to the camp commander's door he
wrecked his motorcycle. He is a ham actor anyway, and he worked
up a few tears and cried over it. So the camp commander told him he
would buy him a new motorcycle. So he left very happy.
And we carried on flying with no airplanes, and that sort of thing.
And they preached about discrimination a lot. We had one guy,
they shaved his head right down the center. He was the only male
that ever attended Vassar, and so he thought that up, and they shaved
his head like that, and they brought him in for disrupting things,
and he did do that. He said, "I am the last of the Mohicans," inci-
dentally, and he said, "1 week every year I celebrate for all my ances-
tors," or for some reason. They read Howard Fast's book, and so
forth, and they didn't believe he was the last of the Mohicans, and so
they started to put him in jail.
He told them if they were going to try to practice discrimination on
him because he was an Indian they would never forget it. So they let
him go. They let him wear his hair that way.
The Chairman. I want to warn you you are getting close to the
province of another Hoosier, Herbert Shriner, Captain. You had
better be careful.
Captain Berry. I probably am digressing. But that is about the
extent of that sort of thing.
I certainly wish people could know what I know about these people
and these magazines. I studied these things. It is pretty hard on your
nerves, but it is possible.
And I used to study it and try to put quotes together and decide
what was happening back there. And I feel that I did to a certain
extent. But I certainly learned a lot about it, and to me that was the
most important thing that happened to me over there.
And, as I say, I am very sorry about all this : it almost happened to
me. And I am especially sorry for the people who were the relatives
of these victims.
And I saw an awful* lot of that happen, an awful lot of deaths, and
I feel very strongly about some people that have nerve enough to write
such lies as appeared in this China Monthly Review, and apparently it
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1975
was edited by Mr. John W. Powell. It is incredible that a man, an
American citizen, an allefjed American citizen, could write thinfjs like
that concerning prisoners when he knows they are dj'ing right there
as high as 30 a day — so I have heard from authoritative sources — and
I still don't understand it.
Mr. CARrENTER. To prove that his writings in this China ISfonthly
Iveview were in their corner — that is, the Communist corner — did you
ever have them furnish 3'ou with any other magazines, say, like the
Header's Digest ?
Captain Berry. No, sir.
We stole a Newsweek one time from the Koreans. That was smug-
gled into our camp by an American who was out on interrogation.
'J hat was probably one of the biggest morale factors we had for sev-
eral months. No one ever found out about it because I honestly believe
that the Koreans were afraid to report the fact that the magazine had
been stolen for fear the Chinese would kill the ones responsible, because
they certainly weren't above that.
But we saw that.
But that, of course, wasn't general issue. We got nothing like that
on general issue.
We used to try to get quotes out of the Daily Worker and every-
thing, quotes by Mr. Dulles, for example, and the U. S. Ncavs & World
Report, and everything. But they were clever about the quotes they
took ; they could twist a quote around.
But if you got several newspapers like the National Guardian —
of course, I subscribed to all of them because I was there — we got the
National Guardian, the London Daily Worker, and you put all those
quotes together and it is enlightening. You are not supposed to read
all those papers at once, but separately ; I cheated. I feel they dropped
the ball on their propaganda. I don't consider myself an expert, but
I wasn't fooled a couple of times on it.
But the thing you have to take under consideration is that there
are a lot of people that don't think too much about it, and a lot of
stories sound xevj good to them. Of course, these people are capable
of being much cleverer than that. I have seen a lot of that, too, since
I have been back.
Mr. Carpenter. Captain, I understand you were the morale officer
in the camp. Will you tell how you kept up the morale of the
prisoners of war?
Captain Berry. I used to have a news-analysis week. I could read
anything into it that I wanted to, and any time anybody was feeling
low they would come and ask me what I thought of the news. Of
course, everything looked very good to me. And I used to have a
lot of fun with that. I had my Optimist Club, and I used to run a
ticker-tape service up there. It was an imaginary ticker tape; used
to have runners sitting up for late flashes, and things of that kind.
Of course, I wrote for my hotel reservations 2 years before I got
repatriated, to one of the hotels back here, and that drew a laugh.
Even the Chinese called me up once, because apparently the informers
told them I was doing that. They would ask other prisoners if they
were optimistic like I was, then the}^ called me up and asked me what
I thought about the war situation, and I told them. They asked me
why I felt that way, and I started quoting all these things I had been
1976 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
reading and they apparently hadn't read themselves, at least without
the proper attitude.
So they were pumped up, too.
I tried to keep the morale of the Chinese instructors up, too, when
they were down in the dumps a bit.
The Chairman. Did you actually write for a hotel reservation?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir.
In January of 1952, when they settled the letterwriting situation
down in Panmunjom — the Chinese again got ridiculous and they got
all the paper they could find. I think they went all over China
getting this paper, and they brought in reams of paper, and they said,
"Write all the letters you want; we just settled this mail problem."
But that time there wasn't anybody to write to; I mean, I had for-
gotten everything.
So I started thinking where was the most expensive, swankiest hotel
that I heard of or been to. I decided on the Bel-Air Hotel in Los An-
geles. So I wrote them a letter. I had no idea the letter would ever
get out. I just did it to buck myself up a little bit. And people
laughed at me, of course. And I told them that at the present time
my arrival in the States was a little doubtful; I couldn't tell them
when I would arrive, but I knew they were very busy, and would they
keep me in mind for accommodations ; and described the weather over
there, how nice it was, 40 below, and so forth.
So, surprisingly enough, this letter got out, and surprisingly
enough, the letter got back. And they said :
Whenever you get out of there, when you finish youv full sojourn in North
Korea, if you come here, you can stay as long as you want as oiir guest, and
you can have breakfast in bed, try our turquoise swimming pool and you will
have Hollywood starlets —
and so forth and so forth.
The Chinese censored this mail, and I could see their eyes dilate and
so on. They called me in and I told them what a capitalist pig I
really was.
Of course, they didn't like it.
But I went back and stayed there for 10 days, until I built up such
a bill even I was scared and left. I was up to 127 pounds, so I had to
leave, health conditions and everything else. I put on weight.
I would like to bring that out, as a matter of fact, that the American
people back there, they kept the morale very high over there, because
in addition to that I started receiving a lot of letters. I mean later I
went to the Sands in Las Vegas and to Palm Springs, and other places,
receiving invitations here and invitations there, and a lot of strangers
wrote me letters.
And I am sure you can't imagine how much that was appreciated
by all the prisoners there. And they have never forgotten that from
the American people. That was one of the most important things
that happened to me, and I think to most of the other prisoners over
there.
I am just sorry, if I can't get the point across that I want to, that
these same people who were so nice to me
Mr. Carpenter. Did you have any experience in trying to get let-
ters back to your people in the United States ?
Captain Berry. Yes, sir. When I was first shot down I begged
these people — I think it was the North Korean Communists — well, it
rNTERLOCIONG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1977
■was all the Communists over there, Xorth Korean and Chinese and so
forth, and I actually bepiied them a few weeks to let me write a letter
to my parents because at the time I was shot down I told them I
wasn't in the war and I wasn't flying at all. And just out of a clear
blue sky they fjot a missing-in-action thing, and I suspected that it
would perturb them, and so I wanted to write a letter.
And I asked many times and told them I didn't want to say any-
thing, all I Manted to tell them was that I was alive. And they re-
fused. They wouldn't hear of me writing a letter.
Then later they asked me if I would like to make a broadcast — not
a broadcast, but make a recording. They had recording equi])ment
there. But would I like to make a recording home to my parents and
tell them that I was all right, that I was being treated well, that I
had seen some horrible sights and many innocent Korean women and
children bombed and strafed and so forth. I told them that I didn't
care to, that my parents were still alive, they could probably stand it a
few more months, and I didn't care to make a recording or write at
that time.
I really got stubborn. I was w^orking in the kitchen at the time, and
they asked me the next night did I want to make a recording. I told
them "Xo, thanks," that I was busy that night. I said "Check with
me later."
So they came back the next night and I was still busy in the kitchen,
which was a lie ; there was nothing to be busy with in our kitchen.
So finally the third night they came back and I told them I was
still busy, and they never did come back.
So, consequently, my parents never heard from me for a year and
] 2 days, to be exact. That was the first they heard whether I was dead
or alive.
I finally wrote a letter in August and it got home the day before
Thanksgiving in 1951, and that was the first that they had heard.
The Chairman. Any further questions, Senator Johnston ?
Senator Johnston. No further questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much. Captain.
Mr. Carpenter. Senator Jenner, we have a letter here from the
Department of the Army addressed to you, as the chairman, attention
Mr. Colombo, pertaining to table of contents of the China Eeview and
various other magazines which were distributed to parents here in the
United States from prisoners of war.
The Chairman. It may go into the record and become part of the
record.
(The material referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 491" and ap-
pears below, together with a list of the contents of the volume re-
ferred to : )
Exhibit No. 491
September 24, 1954.
Hon. William E. Jenner,
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee, Committee on the Judiciary,
United States Senate.
(Attention: Mr. Louis Colombo.)
Dear Mr. Chairman : Pursuant to the request of your committee for documents
indicating that noncombatant Amei'ican citizens operating in Communist China
or North Korea circularized relatives of American prisoners of war in an effort
to undermine American morale, there is forwarded herewith a book of sample
32018°— 54— rt 23 IG
1978 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
materials which Lave been received in the United States. Some material has
been received from Americans in the United States and some from foreign
sources which are not definitely identified as to the nationality of the senders.
With the exception of tlie China Monthly Review, it is not possible clearly to
establish that American citizens behind the "bamboo curtain" were engaged in
the publication or dissemination of the material enclosed.
Inasmuch as many of the items forwarded represent the only copy available
in Army files, it would be appreciated if this material could be returned to this
office after it has served the needs of your committee.
Sincerely yours,
John G. Adams,
Department Counselor.
Exhibit No. 491-B
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A. China Monthly Review, January 1952 (John W. Powell, editor and publisher)
1. POW's Thauksfriving, page 70
2. Change in POW's Outlook, pajj^e 73
3. Letter to Troops in Korea, page 104
B. The Children of Korea Call to the Women of the World
Women International Demociatice Federation Unter den Linden 13,
Berlin W8, Germany.
C. Korea — We Accuse !
Report to the Commission of the Women's International Democratic
Federation in Korea, May 16 to 27, 1951.
D. American POW's Calling I'rom Korea
Hsinhua (New China) News Agency.
E. Shall Brothers Be
An account, written by American and British prisonei-s of war, of their
treatment in I'OW camps in Korea. The Chinese I'eoples Committee for
World Peace, Peking. 1952. Third Edition, August 1952.
F. Out of Their Own Mouths
Revelations and confessions written by American soldiers of torture,
rape, arson, looting, and cold-blooded murder of defenseless civilians
and prisoners of war in Korea. Red Cross Society of China, Peking, 1952.
G. United Nations POW's in Korea
I'ublished by Chinese Peoples Committee for World Peace Peking,
China, 195.";. Attached is mimeographed letter from Britain-China
Friendship Association, 228 Gray Inn Road. London, W. C. 1.
H. Intercamp Olympics, 1952, Pyuktong, D. P. R. K.
A souvenir at the Intercamp Olympics, 1952, held at Pyoktong,
D. P. R. K.
I. National Guardian, May 6, 1951
K. Sample Contents of Letter sent to Relative of an American POW (4 enclosures)
1. Card noting SOS meeting
2. Mimeographed SOS sheet (2 pages)
3. Letter dated April 17, 1953
4. Joint resolution
L. Sample Contents of Letter Sent to a Relative of an American I'OW (2 en-
closures)
1. Is "Voluntary Repati'iation'' Right or Wrong?
2. Reproduction of Radio Broadcast Indicates United States Ready to
Sacrifice Its Prisoners of War
The Chairman. The committee will stand in recess at this time.
Tomorrow afternoon at 2 o'clock we will have an open session. This
afternoon at 4 : 30 we will have an executiA^e session.
So nntil 2 o'clock tomorrow we will stand in recess.
("Whereupon, at 3 :35 p. m., Tuesday, September 28, the hearing was
recessed to reconvene at 2 p. m., "Wednesday, September 29, 1954.)
APPENDIX
Exhibit No, 405
[From the China Weekly Review, March 11, 1950]
Changes in Shanghai's Pkess
kewspaper woek has considerably changed since kuomintang days, with the
trend toward a division of labor among dailies and the emphasis on edu-
CATING READf::BS
The sharp change in direction taken by China's society following the over-
throw of the Kuomintang has an interesting reflection in the newspapers of
Shanghai. The press may be regarded as a sensitive barometer of the times.
Under the Kuomintang, the composition of Shanghai's daily newspapers re-
flected the stratification of cliques and interests within the Kuomintang and on
its fringes.* The same press following liberation, gives some indication of the
various classes and political parties that have combined forces under the new
democracy.^
The modern history of the press in China is a mixed one. Ko Kung-chen, in
his History of Chinose Journalism (p. 218), writes: "The news reporting in our
Chinese press only serves the purpose of filling up space. In reporting an event,
an account often apiwars without proper introduction or ending and conflicts
with itself. Sometimes the same event appears in 2 or 3 places on the same day
or is repeated in 2 or 3 places without any system. There is a lot of empty
verbiage and the reader is not able to get the salient points. The reason for
the former is that the reporters have not learned their job but content them-
selves with copying releases, while the latter effect is due to the fact that editors
do not think for their readers and only want to save trouble. So we often find
scores of pages with a lot of words and nothing interesting in them worth read-
ing. This is indeed a pity."
THE SHANGHAI DAILIES
Most writers in this subject agree that the modern press suffered from these
defects. Shanghai's newspapers have been plagued by bad editing. They have
also been in the grip of irresponsible advertisers, particularly patent-medicine
merchants, who have at times had more to say about the makeup of papers than
* Shansfhai daily press In January 1949 :
Shun Pao (KMT supervised, CC clique) ; Sin Wen Pao (KMT supervised, CC clique) ;
Ta Kung Pao (independent, political science group) ; Shang Pao (CC commercial organ) ;
Ching Yung Chi Pao (connected with political science group) ; Cheng Yen Pao (Wu Shao-
hsi, KMT?) ; Yl Shih Pao (Chinese Catholic organ) ; Chien Sien Jih Pao (connected with
KMT Gen. Ku Chu-tung) ; Shih Shih Hsin Pao (connected with H. H. Kung) ; Ta Wan Pao
(connected with H. H. Kung) ; Sin Min, Wan Pao (independent, Government supervised) ;
Sin Yeh Pao (CC clique) ; Hwa Mei Wan Pao (connected with KMT publicity board) ;
Tung Nan Jih Pao (KMT southeast China organ) ; Ho Ping Jih Pao (KMT army organ).
And a great number of tabloids, some published regularly, others irregularly.
2 Shanghai dally press in January 1950 :
Giefang Rhbao (Communist Party organ) ; Ta Kung Pao (edited by Wang Yun-sheng,
privately owned) ; Sin Wen Jih Pao (part Government, part privately owned — reorganized
from Sin Wen Pao) ; Wen Hui Pao (owned by Yen Pao-11) ; Shang Pao (connected with
Federation of Industries and Commerce, privately owned) ; Sin Min Wan Pao (owned by
Teng Chi-hsin, edited by Chao Tsao-kou) ; Lao Tung Pao (Shanghai General Labor Union) ;
Ching Nien Pao (youth organization of CP). There are still a number of tabloids.
It may be noted that the Wen Hui Pao is sometimes listed as being connected with the
Democratic League, and that the Sin Min Wan Pao is also sometimes listed as being con-
nected with the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang.
1979
ISCO
INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
the editors.' Ami, under the Kuomintans, it was standard practice to carry
otRcial Government releases, without acliuowledgment, as the only version of
the news.
When an effort was made at independent reporting, it was usually on terms
of mutual vilification between opposing cliques, and of sensationalism. That the
press was a reflection of corrupt and violent times is evidenced by the former
Central News Agency's list of important news events for 1948.^
Another feature of Shaiigliai's newspapers after V-J Day and prior to libera-
tl(m was the misuse of official newsprint allocations. It is said, in regard to this :
the less the circulation, the greater the profits. For example, while the actual
circulation of one particular paper was only 20,000 copies daily, it gave its offi-
cial circulation as 90.000, and, on tlie basis of this officially supplied figure,
the paper was given a newsprint allocation at the official price for the false
90,000 circulation. Then its publisher sold, on the blackmarket, the surplus
newsprint at a profit. INIost newspapers are said to have paid their way in this
fashion.
Shanghai was overstoclied with dailies, and their position was none too
sound.
At the same time there were numerous tabloids, magazine-sized sheets that
specialized in rumors, gossip, and news that the big dailies did not handle.^
In his Press and Public Opinion in China, Lin Yutang wrote: "(Besides
the regular press), there is a large number of tabloid papers, called 'mosquito
papers' in Chinese, many of which are published every 3 days and fulfill a greatly
felt need for social gossip and backstage stories, called into existence on account
of the absolute unreadability, degeneration and prostitution of the big dailies."
The writer should also have mentioned that the "mosquito papers" were often
published by and .served the various feuding groups within the Kuomintang
Party and Nationalist Government.
And there are omissions in Lin Yutang's statement regarding the venality of
the big dailies. It is not true that the whole press under the Kuomintang was
degenerate. Many reporters, correspondents, and editors sought and used every
possible opportunity to report the news truthfully and to circumvent the Kuomin-
tang censorship and the reactionary policies of owners.
(3)^V«gMie« of adVertisen in SMmh Pao (May 30, 1936)
BUck IndicmtM tpac« oecuvlad by adv«rtUemenU.
Wblt« indle»t« tp»c« l«ft ov«r for
i^B
Pave 14
AdvtrtUement for
"Horaupermin"
Pa«« 13
AdT«Ttl8«ni«nt for
*'Antl-Ooi\orr>»icum"
Front pase
* Local news item (Jannarv 1949). — The Central News Agency has listed the 10 most
impoi-tant news events of Shanghai for the year 1948 as follows (in order of occurrence) :
1. The manhandling of Mayor K. C. Wu by the students of Tungchi University.
2. The rioting of cal)aret hostesses resulting in the wrecking of the Social Affairs Bureau.
3. The rioting at the Sung Sing No. 9 mill.
4. The seventh National Olympics held at Shanghai.
5. The trial of Yasutsuga Okamura.
6. The "tiger hunting" campaign led by Chiang Ching-kuo and the resulting buying spree.
7. The general census checkup.
8. The Kiang Ya tragedy resulting in the loss of more than 3,000 lives.
9. The arrival in Shanghai of United States Marines for the protection of American lives
and property.
10. The gold-rush tragedy.
s For example, a Tieh Pao (tabloid) report, January 15, 1949.
"Yesterday morning, acting on a recent order received from the Ministry of the Interior
through the Shanghai city government, the police authorities sent a number of constabulary
officers to the China Bonks & INIagazine Co. There they seized 2,471 copies of the University
Critic (Ta Hsi:rh I'iug Lini) Weikly, a magazine edited by Prof. Liu Pu-tung and published
iu Nanking, which liad been banned by the competent authorities."
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1981
It was recognized that some reporters wrote stories apparently as the owner
and censorship required, but made valiant efforts to get at the truth by sand-
wichins; into the middle of their stories contradictory statements, or opposing
points of view. In the handling of overseas news, a method to get at the truth
was to print Eeuters, AP, ArF, and UP reports togetiier, often contradicting
one another.
In June, 1947, when throughout China there were student demonstrations
against the continuation of the civil war, tlie Government acknowledged the
existence of independent newspapermen by arresting reporters, correspondents
and editors wholesale. Thirty-one newspapermen were arrested in Chungking
alone. In most big cities, newspapermen were arrested and papers censored or
suppressed.
In Shanghai, the Government suppressed the dailies Lien Ho Jih Pao, Wen
Hui Pao and Sin Min Wan Pao. , The Ta Kung Pao, at this time, was the one
paper in Shanghai which, while not expressing the official Kuomintaug attitude in
this case, escaped suppression.
Further mention should be made of the Ta KuTig Pao (and of its sister editions,
at various times published in Tientsin, Chungking, and Hongkong) because it was
considered that this paper had a tradition of competent journalism and a certain
independence in editorial policy. An article in the Revelation Monthly, Shanghai,
January 1949, said : "The Ta Kung Pao pins its hopes on a 'middle course,' on a
'third force" and on the liberal elements in the world, purporting itself to be one
of them * * *."
The Ta Kung Pao was also notable for its outspoken opposition to Japanese
militarism and the revival of Japan.
However, while the Ta Kung Pao claimed to represent "third force" elements,
it was essentially linked with the interests of the Kuomintang, its policies being
determined by Wu Ting-chang of the Political Science Group, and his representa-
tives.
Prior to liberation, there were four English-language dailies in Shanghai,
among a number of other papers which served the various groups of foreign
nationals. Although these papers do not come within the scope of this article,
it is interesting to note that two of the English-language papers were owned by
Kuomintang interests."
Since liberation, the assets of the two Kuomintang-connected papers have been
confiscated ; the Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury has closed down ; and the
North China Daily News has continued publication.
A CHANGE IN COMPOSITION
When the changeover came in Shanghai, in May 1949, many dailies went out of
existence, a few continued, and several new publications appeared. The new
publications were those of the Communist Party, trade union, student, and youth
groups.
The Ta Kung Pao continued publication. On January 7 one of the paper's
major stockholders, Wu Ting-chang, who was connected with the Political Science
Group within the Kuomintang, had resigned from the board of directors. The
Sin Min Wan I'ao was carried on by its staff after its KMT supervisors had
fled. As it happened, several editors who had close KMT connections either fled
from Shanghai oi resigned from their positions. But in those papers which
carried on, the majority of the staff remained as before and previous positions
were held except for some alterations at higher editorial levels.
Soon after liberation the new authorities took steps to confiscate all assets in
the newspaper business which had belonged to the Kuomintang Party and
Government and to the "four big families" such as the Kungs. A cultural and
educational committee, comprising five members, investigated KMT holdings and
then administei'ed them.
The Giefang lihbao (Liberation Daily), the Communist Party's Shanghai
organ, began publication on the old Shun Pao press. The Sin Wen Jih Pao was
reorganized from the Sin Wen Pao.
Although there was a sharp change in the composition and direction of the
daily press after liberation, the implementation of this change in detail has
* The four English-language papers were : Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury (C. V.
Starr interests, American) ; North Cliina Daily News (^Morris family, British) ; Cliina Press
(owned largely by H. H. Kung) ; and Cliina Daily Tribune (owned by the Nationalist
Government).
1982 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
been applied rather gradually. This is notable in the training of new journalists.
There has been a shortage of journalists who could cope with the political de-
mands of the new situation. But, up to this time, the schools of journalism in
the universities of Shanghai are as before, the old teachers and professors
remaining. No direct effort has been made by the authorities to alter the situa-
tion. Any change in the nature of journalism courses, any discrimination against
professors, is being left to the students and university staffs, those directly con-
cerned. However, there is a school of journalism in the East China University,
the new, politically orientated university that has been established by the Gov-
ernment.
NUMEROUS SHORTAGES
Following liberation, all newspapers faced many problems and shortages.
There was a shortage of suitable personnel. There have been serious shortages
of capital and newsprint. Nearly all dailies consider that, with bigger news-
print stocks to draw on, they could increase production considerably. Available
machinery is said to be in good condition, but there are still various technical
difficulties. One mentioned is that, to conserve diesel oil, coal is being used in
mat making, and its uneven heating power resolts in inferior quality blocks. But
the shortage of newsprint remains the gravest of problems.
Other headaches are the established agencies for the handling of advertising
and distribution. For many years, these sections of the newspaper business in
Shanghai have been the source of income and squeeze for big agents, middle
agents, small agents, subagents, and sundry hangers-on. They have been major
commercial enterprises on their own, fattening off the publishers. They still
exist. It is said that it would be possible to dispense with them at one stroke
and to introduce more rational systems in these departments; but that this
would be an irresponsible gesture at the present stage. Too many people would
be thrown out of work and on to the Government relief rolls. The changes
in the systems of advertising and of distribution must come about gradually.
With all these problems, the circulation figures of the leading dailies are at
least as high as those of the biggest preliberation dailies. But the figures given
are not official or authenticated. The most popular estimations give the Sin
Wen Jih Pao a circulation of about 140,000, with the Giefang Rhbao slightly
less. Reasons given for the lead held by the Sin Wen Jih Pao are: It carries
the most classified advertisements, help wanted, for sale, and wanted-to-buy
items ; it has the most hsien (county) news from Chekiang and Kiangsu provinces ;
it has more "human interest" news.
Every daily is trying to increase its circulation, particularly through mass
selling to organizations. But the tendency, nevertheless, is against interpaper
competition for readers.
A DIVISION OF LABOR
The main trend in the new press of Shanghai is towards a division of labor
rather than competition. The Shang Pao is the industrialists' paper ; the Ta Kung
Pao appeals especially to professional people and older intellectuals ; the Giefang
Rhbao is for the more politically advanced ; the Sin Wen Jih Pao is for the
trade groups, housewives, etc. ; the Wen Hui Pao is aimed at the students ; and
there is the trade unions' Lao Tung Pao, and the youth group's Ching Nien Pao.
The "mosquito papers" which remain seem to choose the tactics that suit them
best.'
There are considerable differences between the papers. Taking its particular
readers into account, the Sin Weh Jih Pao is produced in a simple, newsy,
readable style in the usual sense of the word. The Giefang Rhbao is more con-
cerned with advanced political interpretations, expecting readers to graduate to
it from other papers. The Ta Kung Pao, especially in its fuller Saturday and
Sunday editions, has large magazine sections dealing with foreign affairs,
'' A recent item from the Hsiao Pao (tabloid) :
"American residents in Shanghai have not as yet been evacuated. Such members of the
American community as Franlslin (former chairman of the Shanghai Municipal Council and
chairman of the American Residents' Association), Allman (former publisher of the Shun
Pao), and Bryan (longtime senior municipal advocate of the SMC, and man who transcribed
the Chinese Four Books) are living in Shanghai and as secure as the Roclc of Gibraltar.
They obey the laws and orders of tlie People's Government, and have not considered at all
preparations to leave the city."
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1983
the arts and social sciences, while not neglecting, as the evidence Indicates,
the more businesslike interests of its intellectual clientele.*
There are dififerences, but the daily papers now have a common direction and
there is considei-able understanding between them.
The point is made that there are still class divisions under the new democracy,
and various political parties; but that all these parties are united on the
basis of the common program of the People's I'olitical Consultative Conference,
the guiding program for China in this era. This program, and the principles and
policies it enunciates, determine the editorial policies of Shanghai's daily news-
papers.
ORGANIZATION OF A NEWSPAPER
On the typical newspaper now, the editor is the highest authority. The editor
decides policy, although there are regular conferences of department chiefs.
Reporters are esjiected to play a new role and their responsibilities have in-
creased. It is said that the emphasis of responsibility, in comparison with Amer-
ican dailies, is shifting from the editorial to the reporting staff.
On the Sin Wen Jih Pao, which is a morning paper, the day's work is organized
thus: The chief reporter (also the city editor) assigns the total of about 30
reporters for the day's work. Throughout the day they keep in touch with the
city desk. In the evening they write up their copy, and it goes before a meeting
of reporting and editorial staffs together. This meeting decides what to use,
how much to use, and what should be emphasized.
Each newspaper plans its own work, but all are expected to assume great respon-
sibilities toward the public and to stay within certain bounds. An example is
given in the handling of the story of a People's Bank official who was found
guilty of corruption. The press was expected to treat this case, with all news
in general, as an opportunity to educate the public as well as the people con-
cerned in the case. There was no rushing into print with condemnations and
sensational revelations. The press was expected to consider the consequences
of its reports, to check all facts carefully, to delay until there was full confirma-
tion, and then to treat the news so as not to prejudice the guilty person in his
attempts at reformation, while warning the public to be on guard against further
cases of corruption. More than this, the press was expected to explain the social
sources and cause of corniption in this case, as in others like it, and show how
corruption can be overcome.
* The following table Is an analysis of the contents of Shanghai's three leading dally
newspapers, the Sin Wen Jlh Pao, Giefang Rhbao, and Ta Kung Pao, based upon weekday
Issues for the last week in January 1940. The percentages given under the various headings
are based upon square inches of column space given to items which fell under these head-
ings. Every item in the issues chosen was listed under one of these headings. The issues
were all six-page editions, varying little in overall size.
[Percent]
News:
All China
Provincial..,
Shanghai
Foreign
Commercial.
Editorials..
Articles
Notices
Correspondence.
Advertisements.
Sin Wen
TaKung
Oiefang
Jlh Pao
Pao
Rhbao
9.6
9.3
9.7
6.2
2.4
•6.8
8.7
10
12
4.3
9.8
6.5
8.8
12.5
8.7
.6
3.6
.5
9.C
21
•26.6
3.6
3.4
8
1)2.2
2
2.5
45.4
26.1
22.3
• The heading "Provincial news" in the case of the Giefang Ehbao should more correctly be "East
China news," referring to news items and reports concerning the whole administrative district of
6 Provinces. "Provincial news" for the other 2 papers refers to news from local sources in Kiangsu
and Chekiang.
b It is a special feature of the Sin Wen Jih Pao that it carries a large number of classified advertise-
ments.
« The Oiefang Rhbao carries a considerable amount of official documents and proclamations which
are here classified under "Articles."
1984 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
AMATEURS AND PROFESSIONALS
The direction of the press is now to educate, or, as the familiar phrase has
It, "serve the people."
To insure that the press shall be popular, the aim is to develop and recruit
large numbers of worker correspondents. The Sin Wen Jih Pao, for example, is
said to have some 200 correspondents throughout Kiangsu and Chekiang, and
300 in schools, factories, and institutions in Shanghai. On big news events such
as the sale of Victory bonds, the Sin Wen Jih Pao has reports coming in from
many centers in the Provinces and Shanghai. Practically, it is a sound method
for insuring a fuller coverage of the news. And great political importance is
attached to this system, and it is being extended.
The amateur correspondents are paid for their stories which are brushed up
or rewritten by the paper's editorial staff. In centers where literacy is increas-
ing it has not been so difficult to find correspondents, but it is thought that until
the working people are more fully organized they will not understand completely
how they can use the press to bring forward new ideas, and express their prob-
lems and criticisms. With this handicap, and with the enormous problem of
illiteracy, progress is expected to be slow.
The work of editors and reporters is not lessened by this development. They
have more work to do, and they have the problem of orientating themselves to the
new situation. In the past there was strict competition for news. Now there
is a different attitude. In Peking, it is said, a paper may even hand over a news
item to another journal which may be able to use the item more profitably. In
Shanghai there is no sharing as yet, but within the dailies there is less competition
between reporters.
However, it has been noticeable in the field of military news in particular that
some papers are regularly ahead on reports of Liberation Army advances. The
Giefang Rhhao is often behind. The fall of Kunming last year was a case in
point. There is said to have been some debate on when to announce the fall of
this city, reports being somewhat indefinite. Some considered it more important
to establish the fact that the city was liberated rather than to rush into print on
the subject.
A new attitude to newspaper work is developing in Shanghai. At least the days
are passing when journalists used the news, especially international news, for
speculating. The newsrooms of the dailies no longer think as much about, the
^tock market as their daily editions.
Newspapermen, it is said find life changed in these ways : the coming of hsueh
hsi (the voluntary political study circles common in most organizations), and
more criticism, more work and more meetings. Like the worker, the main task
set the intellectual is increased production.
FUTURE OF THE PRESS
The main direction of the daily press under the new democracy has been laid
down in Shanghai. But the permanent pattern may finally approach the situa-
tion of the press in the northeast, China's most advanced area.
In the northeast, the Dungbei Rhbao (Northeast Daily) is the leading daily
with an estimated circulation of 250,000, the largest in China. This daily covers
all six Provinces of the northeast and carries official statements, policy decisions,
results of conference discussions and important documents. But for each
Province and for each big town there is at least one subsidiary paper carrying
local news and features in the common newspaper style.
Shanghai's Giefang Rhbao may finally do a similar job for the East China
regional group of six Provinces as the Dungbei Rhbao does for the northeast,
carrying documents, official statements and political articles. Other papers will
then be freed to cater to their special sections of the reading public and to
develop their own style and emphasis.
In whatever form, the press will continue to be a reflection of the times in
the new China and. more -significantly, an extremely important medium of public
education. — Alun Falconer.
NEW CHINA news AGENCY
In liberated China, national and foreign news is handled by the New China
News Agency, which operates as a unit of the press administration of the Central
People's Government in Peking. It exercises the dual function of distributing
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1985
news within China and reporting on domestic developments for consumption
abroad.
Within China, its news file consists primarily of domestic news of national
interest plus foreign news gleaned from its own correspondents abroad or quoted
from Tass and other foreign news agency dispatches. Abroad, it is at present
the main source of news from China.
The XCXA has 6 main offices and 40 branch offices in China, and 5 offices over-
seas (Hong Kong, London, Prague, Moscow, and Pyengyang, North Korea).
In next week's issue of the Review, there will be an article on the history,
present organization, and problems of the NONA.
Exhibit No. 4GS
[From the China Weekly Review, March 18, 1950]
New China News Agency — Yenan to Peking
FOUNDED in YENAN IN 1936 AS A MIMEOGRAPHED NEWS SHEET, THE NONA TODAY IS
THE OFFICIAL NEWS AGENCY FOR CHINA, WITH OFFICES HERE AND ABROAD
During the days of the Nationalist Government the main news-gathering
agency in China was the official Central News Agency, which supplied papers
with both domestic and foreign news. In a few large cities such as Shanghai,
papers also subscribed to the services of foreign news agencies — the Associated
Press, United Press, Reuters, Agence France Presse, etc. — printing their domestic
coverage of China as well as their dispatches from abroad.
Since liberation, the task of distributing both national and foreign news
has been assumed by the New China News Agency, which operates as a unit
of the Press Administration of the Central People's Government in Peking.
The NCNA has 6 main offices and 46 branch offices in China and 5 offices
overseas (Hong Kong, London, Prague, Moscow, and Phyongyang, North Korea).
Through this network it exercises the dual function of distributing news within
China and reporting on domestic devolopments for consumption abroad.
Within China, its news file consists primarily of domestic news of national
interest plus foreign news gleaned from its own correspondents abroad or
quoted from Tass and other foreign news agency dispatches. Abroad, it is at
present the main source of news from China, since the only correspondents who
are permitted to work in China are those who represent newspapers or news
agencies in countries which have recognized the People's Government.
STARTED IN YENAN
The New China News Agency has had a parallel growth with the revolu-
tionary war waged by the Chinese Communist Party, under whose leadership
it began.
Founded in Yenan in 1936, it first appeared as a mimeographed newssheet
containing news broadcasts monitored from the new'S agencies of Britain,
the United States, France, and Japan, as well as the KMT Central News Agency.
It was on this newssheet that the isolated bases of the Chinese Communist
Party depended for information of the outside world.
In 1937-38, the NCNA served as a forwarding post of party directives to
Communist bases behind the Japanese lines. It also handled the exchange of
messages among the bases.
In May 1945 the NCNA undertook the operation of a newspaper — the Libera-
tion Daily — which subsequently enlarged the scope of its news coverage. It
then had three branch offices — in northwest Shansi Province, Taihang, in Hopeh
Province, and in the Shansi-Chahar-Hopeh border area. It covered mainly
news of guerrilla warfare behind the Japanese lines. News broadcasts inter-
cepted from abroad and from the Central News Agency were supplied to the
Liberation Daily and to the branch offices for reference.
During the 1946 political consultative conference in Chungking, the NCNA
was enlarged to cope with the rapid political and military developments, and it
began to challenge the Central News Agency in the national field. By this time,
the Liberation Daily and its sister paper in Chungking, the Hsin Hua Daily,
were being separately operated.
1986 rSTTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
lu JMarcli 1947, however, when KMT forces under the command of Hn Tsung-
nnn attacked Yenan, the NCNA was forced to move successively to the Shansi-
Siiiyuan, Shansi-Chahar-Hopeh, and Taihang border areas. A year later, with
the launching of the Communist counteroffensive, the agency moved back to
Pingshan in the Shansi-Chahar-Hopeh border area. After Peking's liberation it
established itself in that city.
PRESS AXD RADIO
Until comparatively recently, the New China News Agency acted not only as
a news agency but also had newspaper publishing and broadcasting responsi-
bilities. With the rapid liberation of vast areas of China and the formation
cf the Central People's Government, it was relieved of these additional functions.
Ofticial Communist Party newspapers now operate alongside privately owned
papers in each of the major cities (People's Daily in Peking, Liberation Daily in
Shanghai, etc.). Until last December they were subsidized by the government.
A meeting of the State Administration Council in December, however, decided
to put these newspapers on a self-supporting basis. The council declared that
(1) official newspapers must not be sold at a price lower than the cost price
of the newsprint (the papers had been sold more cheaply in rural districts than
in the cities) ; (2) domestic newsprint is to be used in place of imported news-
piint wherever possible; (3) contracts should be signed with the post office
for the circulation of the papers, and the special subscription rate for group
subscribers should be not less than 70 percent of the ordinary price; (4) papers
may take commercial advertisements, but their contents must be approved and
the advertising space limited.
The council appointed a special body charged with the responsibility of super-
vising the production of domestic newsprint, setting import quotas for newsprint,
and rationing imported newsprint. This body is made up of representatives
from the Ministries of Finance, Trade, Light Industries, and Education, Customs,
and the Press and Publications Administrations. Its chairman is Vice Premier
Huang Yen-pei, and its vice chairman, Fan Chang-kiang, Deputy Director of the
Press Administration.
Radio broadcasting now is directed by a special committee of the Press Ad-
ministration which exercises supervision over some 49 Government broadcast-
ing stations. There are also some 30 commercial broadcasting stations, most
of them centered in Shanghai.
DIBECTED BY t'OilMITTEE
The New China News Agency itself is directed by a 17-man committee headed
by Chen Ke-han. Until December, the agency had been directed by Hu Chiao-mu,
now director of the Press Administration. Its vice director was Fan Chang-
kin ng, now deputy director of the Press Administration. Under the executive
committee are editorial and administrative departments.
NCNA's six main offices are located in each of the administrative areas of
China — the northeast, north China, the northwest, central China, and east China.
There is also a main office in Shantung Province. Branch offices exist in eacli
Province and in each field army headquarters.
The average volume of messages, both incoming and outgoing, handled by the
agency amounts to betw^een 19,000 and 21,000 words daily. The overseas file is
iiliout 4,000 words daily.
The New China News Agency is not noted for its speed, since its stories are
carefully verified before being released. Its reports of military developments,
for example, invariably are slower than the nonofficial reports published in the
Chinese press. Perhaps its record for fast handling of a stoiy was its
report on the conclusion of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and
Mutual Aid which was carried on February 14, the same day the treaty was
signed.
Among the problems faced by the New China News Agency, as well as the
official newspapers and broadcasting stations, is a shortage of trained personnel.
Last October the NCNA organized a journalists' training class in Peking. In
December, this class was enlarged to become a journalists' school under the
supervision of the Press Administration. Its principal Is the Press Administra-
tii)H"s deputy director Fan Chang-kiang. The school has a present enrollment
of 2S5 students, many of them former staff members of the old Central News
Agency and other KMT press organs who are going through a process of re-
education. Tlie first group of graduates is scheduled for May of this year. —
Yu Waii.
I
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1987
Exhibit No. 469
China Weekly (Monthly) Review Advektisers
john b. powell, editor and publisher, march 8, 1947
The China Mercantile Co., Ltd.
Globe Wireless, Ltd,
Philippine Airlines
The Texas Co. (China), Ltd.
F. Hoflman-La Roche & Co., Ltd.
A. D. K. Raincoats
Sun Ya Restaurant
Pacifie Import & Export Trading Co.
RCA Communications, Inc.
Connell Bros. Co., Ltd.
Middard Publishing Co.
Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp., Ltd.
Standard Vacuum Oil Co. (Mobiligas-Mobiloil)
Greys (cigarettes)
The National City Bank of New York
The Chase Bank
China Orthopedic Industry
The Pincomb Chemical Co.
Jimmy's Restaurant
FESCO Office and House Cleaning Contractors
The Shanghai Fountain Pen Co.
China Clock & Watch Works, Ltd.
Central Air Tran.sport Corp.
Nanking-Shanghai Railway System Administration
Total, 24 advertisers.
JOHN W. POWELL, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, JANUARY 17, 19J8
The China Mercantile Co., Ltd.
F. Hoffman-La Roche & Co., Ltd.
The Shanghai Fountain Pen Co.
Philippine Airlines, Inc.
Central Air Transport Corp.
Globe Wireless, Ltd.
Whiteaways
Connell Bros. Co., Ltd.
One Giant Necktie Factory
The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury
Pan American World Airways
China Clock & Watch Works, Ltd.
Sun Ya Restaurant
The Mow Hua Commercial Bank, Ltd.
The National City Bank of New York
The Chase Bank
American Asiatic Underwriters
FESCO
Vitaminerals Co.
Lien Mei Corp., Ltd.
The Central Trust of China
Jimmy's Restaurant
China Orthopedic Industry
Shanghai Power Co.
Seneca Export Corp.
Cafe Federal
The Texas Co. (China), Ltd.
Standard-Vacuum Oil Co.
Total, 28 advertisers.
1988 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
JOHN W. POWELL, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, SEPTEMBER 10, 1919
Indian Provision
F. Hoffmann-La Roche Co., Ltd.
American Asiatic Underwriters
Total, 3 advertisers.
JOHN W. POWELL, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, SEPTEMBER 1950 (FIRST MONTHLY REVIEW)
National Guardian
Total, 1 advertiser.
JOHN W. POWEIX, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, JULY 1953
Crossroads (Progressive Newsweekly)
Yo Banfa ! by Rewi Alley
Total, 2 advertisers.
Exhibit No. 470
Communist and Pro-Communist Writers Appearing in the China Weekly
(Monthly) Review
Sfptember 3, 1949, pages 19, 20, and 21 : Behind the Ivy Curtain, by Samuel Sillen,
reprinted from Masses and Main Stream.*
September 10, 1949, page 23 : Comments From Communist China : The Real
Nature of the Revolution, an uncensored dispatch by Andrew Roth.''
September 24, 1949, page 27 : Article by Hugh Deane,' People's Theatre in Japan.
February 1952, pages 174-177: Excerpts from Wilfred Burchett, of the Com-
munist Ce Solr, and Alan Winnington, of the London Daily Worker.
May 1953, page 3 : Letter from Steve Nelson * * * "who was sentenced to 20
years in a common workhouse under the State Sedition Act in Pennsylvania.
Mr. Nelson * * * is a leader of the Communist Party in that State — editor."
October 29, 1949, page 134 : Reprint of article by William Mandel * * * entitled
"Outer Mongolia's Five-Year Plan," from Far Eastern Survey (IPR).
July 1953, pages 68-78 : William Hinton * * *. Article entitled "The Old Border
Region."
January 1952, pages 30-41: By Israel Epstein * * *. entitled "Fooling the
People."
1
Exhibit No. 473
American Communist Trial
reaction reaches new peak in AMERICA AS UNITED STATES COMMUNIST LEADERS
ARE FINED, JAILED IN WHAT WRITER TERMS UNFAIR TRIAL. AMERICA SEEN MOVING
TOWARD FASCISM
Since the end of the war, America has been hit by a wave of i-eaction. Labor
union leaders, Government employees, university teachers, and others have been
subjected to an ideological cleansing in the form of loyalty oaths, investigations,
purges, and various restrictions.
The domestic reaction reached a new peak the middle of last month, when 11
loaders of the American Communist Party were sentenced to from 3 to 5 years
in prison and fined .$10,000 each for teaching and advocating a doctrine that, it
was charged, supported the overthrow and destruction of the United States
Government by force. If this verdict is upheld by the higher courts, it is gen-
erally assumed that it will lead to the outlawing of tlie Communist Party in
America and increased restrictions on all nonconformist political thought.
11 DEFENDANTS
The 11 defendants included Eugene Dennis, general secretary of the American
Communist Party; Henry Winston, the party's organizing secretary, a Negro;
* Cited as subversive by the California Committee on Un-American Activities.
* Identitiod as a member of tlie Coninmnist Party in swoi'ii testimony.
•Invoked tlie fifth amendment as to Communist affiliations.
ESTTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1989
John Williamson, party labor secretary ; James Stachel, party educational direc-
tor; Robert Thompson, New York State party chairman; Gilbert Green, Illinois
State party chairman ; Gus Hall, Ohio State party chairman ; John Gates, editor
of the Daily Worker, the party's newspaper; Irving Potash, vice president of
the Fur and Leather Workers' Union, CIO ; and Benjamin Davis, member of the
New York City council, a Negro; William Z. Foster, national chairman of the
Communist Party, was also indicted, but his trial was postponed because he is
suffering from heart trouble.
The defendants were indicted under a section of the Smith Act, passed in
1940 and aimed at allegedly subversive groups. Yet, in the 8 years since it was
enacted, this law has failed to clamp down on such native Fascist organizations
as the anti-Negro Ku Klux Klan and the many anti-Semitic hate groups. During
the war itself, the isolationist Chicago Tribune printed a story which revealed
that the Japanese code system had been broken. Although the printing of this
news without permission from the War Department gave the Japanese a chance
to revise their codes and might, by a not too lengthly stretch of the imagination,
have been considered subversive in a nation at war, the Smith Act was not used
against the Tribune's publisher. Col. Robert McCormlck. Nor until now has it
been invoked against the Communists.
Yet much has been written in America about the legal processes at work. The
fact that a trial has been held, that it lasted for 9 months and that the defendants
were legally found guilty seems to have satisfied many people who forget that
Tom Mooney, the west coast labor leader, was legally tried on framed charges
and jailed for 20 years before a pardon was grudgingly given in an attempt to
wipe away the injustice. Two Italian immigrant workingmen, Sacco and
Vanzetti, faced a hostile judge and were legally sentenced and then executed
while people all over the world protested, and books and papers have since
been written exonerating them from the trumped-up charges.
It has even been contended that the results of the trial should not prevent the
American Commimist Party from continuing. The New York Herald Tribune
stated : "Off-hand there seems no reason why the party should not continue,
provided that its leadership abandons the Communist tactic of violence and
confines itself to advocating Marxist doctrine by the normal methods of the
democratic market place of ideas. But if it does not, then every Communist
Party member would seem to be open to indictment * * *. This line of reasoning
is hard to follow, since the leaders of the Communist Party have been convicted,
not because of anything they have done, but because Marxist doctrine itself, in
its analysis of social development, declares that revolution is inevitable in
relation to definite historical circumstances. To satisfy the New York Herald
Tribune and the court in New York the American Communist Party would have
to deny Marx.
ANTAGONISTIC PEESS
The press critized the conduct of this bitter trial only as it reflected on the
Communist defendants and their attorneys. Reams of newsprint have been
devoted to what the papers declared were the attempts of the Communists to
make a farce of the proceedings by their aggressive actions, shouting, refusal
to answer questions, and general attitude. Five of the defense lawyers and
Eugene Dennis, who acted in his own defense, were convicted of contempt of
court and sentenced to from 30 days to 6 months in prison.
Yet a Cuban Catholic lawyer who observed the trial as a delegate from the
International Association of Democratic Lawyers noted in his official report to
that organization, "Judge Medina refuses to see that the motions he denies, the
objections he overrules, and the petitions for reversion he refuses to grant arise
from the inti'insic needs of the defense in view of the bias and sophisms preva-
lent in the courtroom, and of the partiality and the arbitrariness with which he
conducts the case."
This lawyer, Domingo Villamil, summed up his observations by declaring,
"After having seen and heard all I heard and saw in that courtroom, it is my
conviction that the trial is being conducted most unfairly ; that there are two
prosecutors and no judge at all in that trial — Judge Medina, not a good man,
being the most formidable of the two. * * ♦ What Judge Medina is doing in
his courtroom has nothing to do with justice * * *. It sickens the heart and
worries the mind of any intelligent and upright man."
One of the many incidents that took place during the trial was the refusal
of John Gates, editor of the Daily Worker, to give evidence against his comrades.
He told the court : "If I behave like an ordinary stoolpigeon and tell you what
1990 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
you want to hear I will lose all my standing with my comrades, the working class,
the public, and the jury." Following this Judge Medina ordered Gates to reply
and when he refused Medina fined him for contempt of court. Then Gates and
two of the other defendants who had protested were taken out of the courtroom
handcuffed. Henry Wallace commented on this action : "Judge Medina's decision
to imprison them for contempt has a deep effect on the political freedom of the
American people. Under the protection of an anticommunism crusade, the
United States is I'unning with astonishing speed toward fascism of a native
brand."
MANY PROTESTS FILED
Many other protests were filed upon the conclusion of the trial. Indiana State
Judge Norval Harris, chairman of the newly founded national nonpartisan
Committee To Protect the Rights of the Communist Leaders, stated that the
entire trial violated the rights of the defendants provided for by the Constitu-
tion. "It would have been a real miracle if the defendants were acquitted in
view of the specially selected biased jurors, prejudiced judge, greatly hostile
prosecution, and witnesses which included a great number of intelligence agents,"
he declared.
Paul Robeson, famous Negro singer who has been given the Red smear because
of his constant fight for civil liberties and improvement of the lot of the American
Negro, predicted that the date of the verdict, October 14, will become the anni-
versary of a thousand times the Peekskill atrocity. Peekskill is a small town in
upper New York State where a band of hooligans wrecked a meeting where Robe-
son was to sing. "The verdict," Robeson continued, "clearly points out that
every American citizen is in danger of meeting large-scale Fascist atrocities. All
the American people must unite and fight for the release of the Communist Party
members from prison. * * * This is a turning point in American history and
the American people must turn back the tide toward fascism."
Throughout the country demonstrations have been held protesting the con-
victions. In Los Angles, delegates to the Pacific coast conference of the American
Jewish Congress voted to request the national leadership of the organization to
demand that the Communist Party leaders be released on bail and take court
action to challenge the constitutionality of the Smith Act under which they were
indicted. In Chicago, CIO and AFL trade-union leaders, declaring that the next
attack would be on the trade-union movement, formed a trade-union committee
for political freedom to carry the struggle for the freedom of the Communist
Party leaders throughout the Midwest. In Ohio, 20 Cleveland organizations held
an emergency conference which decided that it was imperative to reverse the
verdict against the 11 Communist leaders. A picket demonstration was held in
St. Louis, and in New York's Harlem district thousands attended an outdoor
mass meeting held in the pouring rain. Twelve hundred persons went to Wash-
ington under the auspices of the Civil Rights Congress to petition the United
States Attorney General to release the Communist leaders under bail, and a num-
ber of prominent artists, writers, and educators addressed a similar request in
writing to the Attorney General.
The noted Negro historian, William Dubois, declared : "Nothing in my life has
so shaken my belief in American democracy as the trial and conviction of the
Communist Party leaders. Maybe the trial was conducted legally, but if that is so
then our whole judicial system is rotten. I cannot conceive anything more un-
fair and unjust than the conduct of this trial. It marks the nadir of our hysteria
and the determination to throttle free speech and make houest thinking
impossible."
The verdict is in, but under American law it is not yet final. Appeals will be
made and in all probability the Supreme Court will be called upon to give a
decision as to its constitutionality. Meanwhile, the Communist Party has an-
nounced that, in addition to filing appeals, "basically speaking we hereby present
our case to tlie Supreme Court of the American people. We are confident that
the Constitution and the Bill of Rights are not United States dollars or English
pounds. They cannot be devalued just as ideas and beliefs cannot be confined."
KNOCK AT THE DOOR
Those Americans who have been saying that it can't happen here should now
recognize the knock of fascism at the door. They might do well to remember
that Adolf Hitler began his destruction of German bourgeois democracy by doing
away with segments of civil liberties. The Communists were the first to go, fol-
lowed by trade unions, minority parties and progressives of all types.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1991
The Comnmnist trial Is another step in the steady march toward the stage
where those who merely antaffouize the authorities, wiio do nothing save dissent
from official policy, may be similarly harassed and convicted.
Since the end of the war, America has seen the hasty end of price controls,
passage of the Taft-Hartley bill, which nullified most of the gains which labor
had made durinj: tlie Roosevelt era, and the witch-hunting rampage of the House
.Un-American Activities Committee. All this went hand in hand with an Ameri-
can foreign policy which has bolstered reaction and feudalism abroad.
PART OF DEIIBEKATE PLAN
The trial of American Communists is no bolt from the blue. It is part of a
deliberate plan on the part of the extreme right wing of big business, allied with
the newly and arrogantly powerful military clique, to throttle all opposition tj
their complete control.
These men appear to have forgotten American history. The United States was
founded on the solid ground laid out by such revolutionaries as Paine and Jeffer-
son and, later, Jackson and Lincoln. Lincoln, often considered the greatest of
all American presidents, even advocated the right to revolution. Nearly 100 years
ago he declared :
"Any people anywhere inclined and having the power have the right to rise
up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them
better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right — a right which we hope and
believe is to liberate the world."
TREASONABLE VIEW
Judge Medina, and those whose views he expresses, would undoubtedly term
such a statement treasonable. They would also be inclined to take exception to,
and perhaps even declare unconstitutional that section of the Declaration of
Independence which refers to the right of the people to change their form of
government.
The true guardians of American democracy are not those who would drum out
of existence the basic rights on which the Nation was founded and who dream of
an "American century." They are the people who are standing up in New York,
Chicago, and other cities throughout the country to protest the antidemocratic
and un-American actions being perpetrated by the reactionaries. — Alec Stock.
Exhibit No, 474
The Congress of American Women
PEACE AND democracy, THE STATUS OF WOMEN, AND CHILD CAEE ARE ITS CONCERNS
AS IT JOINS FORCES WITH OTHER WOMEN THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
Three and a half years ago, in November 1945, there gathered together in Paris
a group of women from 41 countries of the world to form a new organization, the
Women's International Democratic Federation, to insure that the horrors of war
and fascism through which so many of them had recently passed could never
recur. Four hundred delegates were there, and among them were 13 women from
the United States.
The 13 American women came back from Paris fired with the spirit of their
sisters of Europe, Africa, and Asia and at a meeting held on March 8, 1946, they,
together with other women to whom they brought the message of Paris, organized
the Congress of American Women.
NATIONAL OFFICERS
The present national officers of the CAW are: Dr. Gene Weltfish, honorary
president ; Muriel Draper, president ; Pearl Law, executive vice president ; Stella
B. Allen, executive secretary ; Harriet Black, treasurer ; Marie Kovarco, record-
ing secretary ; Betty ^lillard, secretary to WIDF.
The work of CAW has been within the framework of the three commis-
sions laid down at the founding convention of the federation : the Peace and
Democracy, Status of Women, and Child Care Commissions. In these terms
was launched a new stage in the age-old struggle for the emancipation of women.
Heretofore, women have attacked the problem from only one of a number of
1992 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
possible standpoints : tbe right to schooling, the promotion of cultural knowledge,
the right to the franchise, health and welfare, the consumer angle — depending
upon which they thought to liave the greater priority. But CAW has begun to
face the problem in its total complexity and has been developing lines of action
simultaneously and on all fronts.
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION'
Of the three commissions, many have cliosen the most active, the Peace and
Democracy Commission, in which the political scene is evaluated and political
action taken, and this has been consistently true until the present day. This is in
direct contradistinction to other women's organizations since the day of the
suffrage fight^which have w'orked on the assumption that political activity was
uncongenial to women. By this token our membership has sensed the funda-
mental fact that until there is full political participation, women will be lacking
in the power to achieve their own emancipation.
Of the other two commissions, the Status of Women, covering both their legal
and economic status, and the Child Care Commission, there has been a demand
for somewhat different kinds of activity. In these fields it would appear that
on a national level the preparation of information bulletins and the calling of
joint conferences with other organizations working in the field have up to now
been the most fruitful type of action. However, various chapters have func-
tioned far more actively, even militantly, in these same areas of our work.
To further detail the various aspects of our work, the following have been some
of our accomplishments. We have taken actions against the ever increasing
civil rights attacks, against rising prices, wretched housing conditions for many,
unemployment and attacks on labor, and the organically connected questions of
increasing militarization. We have been particularly concerned with our foreign
policy, designed to bring about economic and social domination in all parts of the
world through a combination of military and commercial actions. We have or-
ganized delegations to Washington on housing, high prices, the Truman doctrine
and the Marshall plan, the state of Israel, civil rights, the Mundt bill, the case of
Rosa Lee Ingram, and universal military training.
FIGHT FOR PEACE
CAW has been continuously active, since its inception, in the fight for peace.
Two years ago a peace petition was presented by a delegation from the Chicago
chapter of Trygve Lie at the United Nations. Last year we conducted a national
peace poll. Recently we concluded the collection of approximately 100,000
signatures in a peace petition campaign which tops all our previous efforts and
has aroused great enthusiasm among our members and has reached wide groups
of women outside our organization.
At the United Nations, where the WIDF has consultative status "B" to the
Economic and Social Council and we have the privilege of circulating briefs
among the members of the Coiuicil and its commissions, which we have done on a
number of occasions, as well as the right to be heard on the floor at the discretion
of the chairman of the commission, important work can be carried on. We also
participate with other nongovernmental organizations and thus can make our
work knowm to them.
We have maintained, throughout our brief history, our original and funda-
mental emphasis on the unity of women throughout the world — united with ever-
increasing strength in their common interests. \^'e are conscious always of the
worldwide scope of our struggle — and of our Spanish sisters, of our Greek,
Chinese, Vietnamese, Cuban, Alexican, and African sisters. Of all these, we are
always thinking with close bonds of affection and concern, and with deep grati-
tude we regard our European sisters in France, Italy, U. S. S. R., Poland, Hun-
gary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia, who suffered so deeply the terrible conse-
quences of Nazi aggression and are so gallantly building and advancing their
countries.
And the masses of women in China, newly joined in the All-China Women's
Congress, with a membership of 22,500,000. Through their struggle a new day
has dawned for all women.
We are as yet numerically weak, but our influence is beginning to make itself
felt far beyond our numbers. The CAW pursues the course of progress and
peace. As it becomes clear to the American people, particularly American
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
1993
women, how urgent it Is for them to conduct an independent fight in tlieir own
interest, our organization will come to the fore as the vehicle through which
women, as a growing and determining force, can make known their will for a
better life for themselves and their families and for a world at peace.
In anticipation of the holding of the Asian Women's Conference in Peking, the
Review requested the Congress of American Women for the articles de.scrii)ing
its activities which appears on this page. Like many other progressive organiza-
tions in the United States today, the Congress of American Women is meeting
lieavy opposition from the forces of reaction. Last month, the House of Repre-
sentatives Committee on Un-American Activities released a 114-page report on
the Congress, charging it with being a subversive organization. The Congress
replied that the committee had issued its report "without advising it (the Con-
gress) that it was under investigation, without asking a single question" and
"with the obvious intention of preventing women from participating in campaigns
for peace such as those initiated by the CAW."
"The Congress of American Women is an organization of women whose openly
avowed goal since its inception has been the furtherance of world peace and the
betterment of the conditions of life for themselves and their children," the
Congress said. "These common aims we share with women all over the world
through the Women's International Democratic Federation. The validity of
these aims is beyond question, except by those who would characterize the
struggle for world peace as subversive."
Exhibit No. 475
Documents and Speeches
(From Supplement China Monthly Review, Dec. 1950)
Copies of the China Weekly Review containing translations of tiie following
documents and speeches are still available for those readers who wish to keep
a complete file of important speeches and statements of the new China's leaders, as
well as of all major laws and regulations put into effect during the past year :
Common Proeram of the PPC
Full Text of the Organic Law of the Chinese People's Republic
Full Text of the Organic Law of the Chinese People's Political Consultative
Council r
Liu Shao-chi's Speech on Rino-Soviet Friendship _
List of Offlcinls of the Central People's Government _..
Full Text of Li Li-san's Speech on China's Trade Union Movement,.
Text of Treaty and Agreements between China and the Soviet Union
China's Finances and Food— an Official Report by Chen Yun
Full Text of Lin Shao-chi's Labor Day Speech
Tung Pi-wu's Statement on Relief and Welfare Work
Kao Kang's Report on the Economic Situation in the Northeast
Mao Tse-tung's Report on China's Economy
Chen Yun's Report to the PPCC on Industry, Commerce and Taxation
Reports to the PPCC National Committee
(a) Mao Tse-tung's Closing Address.
(6) Kuo Mo-jo's Report on Cultural and Educational Work in China,
(c) Shen Chun-Ju's Report on the People's Court.
Full Text of China's Agrarian Reform Law
Liu Shao-chi's Analysis of the Agrarian Reform Law
China's Trade Union Law and Comment by Li Li-san
Jao Shu-shih's Report on Land Reform in East China— Tseng Shan's Report
on Financial and Economic Work in East China
Documents Pertaining to China's Foreign Relations from Oct. 1, 1949, to
Sept. 1950 - --
Reports on State of the Nation by Chou En-lai and Chen Yun
In China
A broad
(including
(including
postage)
postagft)
JMP9,0011
US$0.48
6,000
.30
6, 000
.30
6, (X)0
.30
4,000
.20
4,000
.20
4, 000
.20
4, 008
.20
4, 000
.20
4. 000
.20
4, 000
.20
4, 000
.20
4, 000
.20
4,000
.20
4,000
.20
4, 000
0
4,000
.22
6,500
.30
6,500
.30
6,500
.30
32918°— 54— pt. 23-
-17
1994 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 476
China Monthly Review Lists of American Prisoners of War, Photographs
AND Articles Dealing With the Subject
October 1950, page 28: Photographs of American POW's with caption "The
Indictment of U. S. intervention grows clearer. Captured U. S. troops dazedly
recovering from the shock of fighting against a courageous people, admit that
they weren't told where they were going or what they were fighting for. Mafly
have stated that they don't like what they are doing".
November 1950, page 67 : Photographs of American prisoners of war in North
Korea, captioned "American POW's Oppose Korean War". Some soldiers in
the photograph are giving the Communist salute of the clenched fist.
July 1951, pages 27 and 28: List of American prisoners of war.
August 1951, pages 70-74 : List of American prisoners of war,
November 1951, pages 251-253 : Photograph with caption "American POW's
Stage a Mass Demonstration in Opposition to the U. S. Policy of Continuing
the Korean War".
December 1951, pages 318 and 319 : List of American prisoners of war.
March 1953, pages 306-314 : List of American prisoners of war.
April 1953, pages 72-73 : List of 44 signers to "POW's Letter to Eisenhower'
i
Exhibit No. 476-A
Defeatist Propaganda on Prisoners of War From the China Monthly Review
July 29, 1950, page 158 : Article reading in part as follows : "Apparently the war
in Korea was not being welcomed by many of the American GI's * * * many
American prisoners in Korea were calling for the American army to get out
of Korea in broadcasts as well as group-signed statements. Both officers and
men of the U. S. forces captured in the South were making nightly broadcasts
over the Phyongyang radio".
September 1950, pages 10 and 11: Article quoting alleged statement of Pvt,
Eueben K. Kimball, Jr. of Bavtown, Tex., Maj. Charles T. Barter, Maj. L. R.
Dunham, 2d Lt. A. H. Books, 1st Lt. R. E. Culbertson, Sgt. Floyd A. Roy,
attacking the United States. (Committee does not vouch for the authenticity
of these quotations.)
October 1950, page 28: Photographs captioned "U. S. war prisoners carry a
banner : 'The Korean people's struggle for a united fatherland is a just cause.
Stop at once armed intervention in Korea !' "
July 1951, pages 20 and 21 : Article entitled "American War Prisoners Broadcast
from Korea," saying, in part, "These prisoners tell the American people that
they have no business in Korea, they are being well treated, and in order to
safeguard world peace, the sooner American troops get out of Korea the
better."
August 1951, pages 70 and 71 : Article "Two New Statements by U. S. Prisoners
of War."
October 1951, pages 198-201 : Statement "American POW's Demand Successful
Peace Talks * * * We have written letters to our parents and friends urging
them to support the peace proposals of the Korean Peoples Delegate."
November 1951, pages 251-253 : Anti-U. S. letters allegedly coming from Ameri-
can prisoners of war. A photograph showing American prisoners of war sing-
ing the March of the Communist-controlled World Federation of Democratic
Touth. Photograph of "American POW's staging a mass demonstration in
opposition to the United States policy of continuing the Korean war."
December 1951, pages 270-277 : Photographs attempting to show the kindness
with which the North Koreans treat American prisoners.
December 1951, pages 300-301 : A reproduction of Christmas cards from prisoners
of war.
December 1951, pages 314-315: Article "U. S. Planes Attack POW Camp."
Extending condolences to the family of a dead American lieutenant allegedly
killed in such an attack.
January 1952, pages 64-09: Photographs of "U. S. -British War Prisoners Peace
Organizations" including posters reading "Hail the World Peace Congress."
January 1952, page 70 : Article "Thanksgiving in a POW Camp" stating in part,
"We are treated as friends not as enemies."
January 1952, page 73 : Article entitled, "Change in POW's Outlook.''
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1995
January 19r>2. page 78 : Article "U. S. Stalls on POW List."
February 11)52, pases 178-181 : Photographs of American POW's playing games
with "the Chinese people's Volunteer Team." Also a photograph of a Christmas
celebration in a POW camp in North Korea. Caption describes "Good medical
treatment wounded and sick POW's received in this camp."
February 10,12, page 207 : Article "U. S. Red-Baits Own POW's."
February 1!).">2, pages 208-20!): Photograph captioned "Some of the Best
Shots * * * American POW's, dazed and disheveled at the time of their
• capture, cheering and applauding fellow prisoners making peace speeches in a
POW camp."
February li)."')2, page 212 : "U. S. Planes Bomb POW Camp."
March V.)7,2, pa.^e 220: Photographs showing "American POAV's in North Korea
Standing Around Their Own Peace Slogan."
March 19.12, page 256 : Article "Notes from a POW hospital in Korea" praising
Communist treatment of American POAV's.
July 1952, page 2(3 : Photographs of happy prisoners of war.
August 1952, pages 117-121 : Frank Noel's article "U. S. War Correispondent
Describes POW Camp Life."
September 1952, page 234: Contrasting conditions in American and Communist
prisoner camps.
November-December 1952, pages 443-448: Article "AVhy U. S. POW's Admit
Using Germ Warfare."
January 1953, pages 20-27 : Article by Monica Felton entitled "Stop the War !"
giving a glowing report of the way POW's are treated in North Korea.
February 1953, pages 178-186 : "American POW's Write to U. S. Delegates at
Peace Conference."
March 19.53, pages 306-314 : Lists with caption "Prisoner of war camps in North
Korea have not escaped bombing and strafing by the U. S. Air Force, and the
raids have resulted in the killing and wounding of POW's."
March 19.53, pages 306-314 : Statement "American POW's Appeal to UN."
April 1953, pages 72-73 : Statement "POW's Letter to Eisenhower."
May 19.53, pages 92-103 : Article, "Statements of Captured U. S. Marine Corps
Officers. Proof of Germ Warfare."
Exhibit No. 477
Lists of American Prisoners of War Published in the National Guardian by
Arrangement With John W. Powell
April 11, 1951, page 4
April 18, 1951, pages 4 and 5
April 25, 1951, page 6
August 1, 1951, page 6
August 15, 1951, page 6
August 29, 1951, page 8
Exhibit No. 478
POW Messages From Korea
Since April 1951 hundreds of messages have been broadcast by United States,
British, and other prisoners of war in North Korea, addressed to their fam-
ilies and friends. These recorded messages stress the POW^'s desire for an end
to the Korean war and to return to their families. In addition to personal
greetings, messages point out the good treatment being received, including
plenty of food, medical care, and recreational and reading facilities.
Excerpts from recent messages broadcast by the POW's reveal how these
men, some of whom have been prisoners for more than 2 years, feel about the
war in Korea. They also give some idea of what their life in a POW camp is
like.
"Here in this camp, we do many things, such as playing softball, volleyball,
and have other recreational activities like pingpong, cards, reading, and a
game sort of like pool. As you can see, the Chinese are doing their best to keep
my health up. Although I am kept busy I am dying to be with you once
again. * * * The ending of this war and peace through the world would be the
greatest thing to me that ever happened, besides meeting you. * * *" — Pfc. Her-
man J. Whalen to his mother in Syracuse, N. Y.
"I wish you people in the States could see the kind treatment we POW's
receive from the Chinese A'oluuteers," said Cpl. William E. Banghart to his
1996
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■wife in Munoy, Pa. "Evelyn, have you heard of four American airmen who
confessed to their part in bacteriological warfare being used here in Korea?
Well, darling, I had an opportunity to speak with a Lt. Floyd B. O'Neal, one
of these airmen. I wish you could have heard the man speak. I have never
heard a speech given with such sincere and heartfelt expression. One could
see that the man was truly sorry for the part he played in this savage brutal
"It is our earnest hope that soon peace will again prevail the world over.
Just remember this, peace must and will be won by all the peace-loving peoplfe
throughout the world."
"We've just had an intercamp Olympics," Pvt. Thomas Davies told his wife
and son in Essex, England, "I was lucky enough to go with the team from our
camp * *• * Talk about POW's life, I've never seen its equal. There was bunt-
ing and streamers everywhere, camp flags, colorful uniforms for all competitors,
a brass band, in fact it was the last thing I'd have expected to see. The prizes
were tophole and I didn't come off too bad myself, collecting five broaches, a
fan, and a walking stick. It lasted a fortnight all told, and our camp managed
to take .second place, so you can imagine how pleased we were about that."
Prisoner of war camps in North Korea have not escaped bombing and strafing
by the United States Air Force and raids have resulted in the killing and wound-
ing of POW's. A Christmas message from United States airmen who are prison-
ers in Korea to all the personnel of the 5th Air Force in Korea stressed this
subject.
"Up here, it will probably be the first time in history that all prisoners will be
able to celebrate with a wonderful dinner the Chinese are going to help prepare
for the prisoners, and after dinner the fellows will be able to listen to some of
their own kind of music. Instruments have been brought in such as guitars,
harmonicas, and accordions, others such as a drum and other types the prisoners
themselves made.
"Sounds like a lot of propaganda, doesn't it, but it's not. Maybe someday, when
we are back home again, and we hope it's soon, you will be able to talk with your
buddies who came out second best up in MIG Alley, and then you will be able
to see for yourselves.
"We always admit the Air Force did a wonderful job in the struggle against
the Germans and Japanese, but here in Korea, we think you've overdone it,
and set new records. A lot of homeless people are now living in caves and dug-
outs and in mountains. Some of them are missing their mothers and fathers
and children, and their homes that weren't military targets ; that's a new record
for the 5th Air Force, isn't it?
"Don't forget, some of your buddies are up here. Do you know what it is
to wake up in the middle of the night, and see planes bombing and strafing the
camp that you live in, and seeing for yourself the houses in flames, and some
of your buddies laying on a stretcher hurt, and know that these are your buddies,
the same guys with whom, only a few months ago, you were together flying the
same mission?
"This coming Christmas all the camps are going to celebrate, with the help of the
Chinese People's Volunteers. So if you are on patrol, on a mission, on, or near
Christmas Eve, remember, there are no guns in our camps, so don't take it out
on us. We would like to spend a nice quiet Christmas Eve. Please fellows,
if you are having a drink fill it up again, and we hope that your next mission
will be homeward bound."
Others who have broadcast in recent months are :
AMERICAN POW'S
Name
Andrews, Malcolm.
Atkins, Roy
Brown, Gerald
Bundy, Lyonel D.
Brock, AVilliam R., Jr.
Butler, Paul O...
Balllie, Fred W
Baker, Rodney I
Baii'^hart, William E.
Boyd, Charles R
Serial No.
RA14218908
RA15232355
USAF9625a
USMC066423
RA1439fi479
RA15445782
RA21 27(1582
RAi;',2i;s:o4
RAirj2S42l5
Rank
Private..
Corporal
Lieutenant Colonel
Sergeant
Private
Private first class..
Corporal
Private first class.
do..
Address
318 Trade St., Florence, Ala.
1031 Dayton St., Cincinnati, Ohio.
78581.4 Flight Ave., Los Angeles,
Calif.
3425 South Hope St., Huntington
Park Calif.
S5A Blanche Ave., Rome, Oa.
1222 W. Breakenridse St., Louis-
ville, Ky.
517 West 99th St., Los Angeles, Calif.
81 Edwards St. Fitchburg, Mass.
240 Railroad St., Muncy, Pa.
Prestonbury, Ky.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
AMERICAN rows— Continued
1997
Name
Serial No.
Baker, Jerry D
Barnes, Thomas Richard
Bhittt, Robert R
Brewton, Leonard
Camden, William A
Carter, Leroy, Jr
Cross, Slierman
Chillis, James.- -
Conley, Benjamin.
Delsrado, Tarsicio
Dunn, Harold M
Douglass, Richard F.
Duncan, Thomas E.
Deeraw, Bobby, R
Erickson, Edwin W., Jr.
Edwards, Arnold R
Forry, Llovd N
Ford, John E
Freeman, Leroy...
Godfrey, Larry
Oregorv, Arthur J.
Hikida, Ray Y
Haslam, Reed A...
Harbour, John T..
Hall, Cornelius
Harris, Smith.
Hemphill, Lorn.
Henderson, Warren.
Hopkins, Stephen..,
Jackson, Amos, Jr.
Kilbum, Gerald.
Lewis, William, Jr
McCartney, William J.
Murray, Wesley..
Martinez, Gilbcrto...
Martin, Raymond C.
Noble, Jack D
Page, Frank J...
Paul, Donald E.
Peasner, Thomas R., Jr.
Peterson, Richard
Picemo, Joseph
Parker, Willie A
Rambo, John.
Eibbeck, Lester A
Rada, Stephen A
Richmond, Pat, Jr
Eenouf, Bernard N
Roberts, Lloyd L_.
Robinson, Mar&hall
Staudenmaycr, Thomas E.
Sirk, Kenneth Louis
Scherer, James H
Stovall, Andrew
Stewart, Donald
Smith, Elijah H
Thomas, Nathaniel S
Tenneson, Richard P
Wem, Robert
Wertman, Albert P
Whalen, Herman J
Wagner Kenyon L..
Warren, Vernon L
Wills, Morris R
Walker, Johnny
Yewchyn, Micheal.
Ybarra, Joel C
USMC122(')S54
USMC 1188481
RA133109S7
RA1529M48
RA11187371
RAimfifiSM
RAl.')2t)4ai3
RA35221518
R A 19309302
R A 18001 3 14
ER5713558
RA29004719
RAH319349
RA181S1!SS7
U SMC 1195452
RA1339t;254
RA16258042
RAl 3568529
RA172439S1
USMCnS(l947
R A 1(1303345
RA19345937
RA14321458
Rank
Private 1st class...
Address
Private 1st class..
Corporal
Private 1st class..
Corporal
do
do
do
do
Private, first class.
Corporal
Private
Corporal
Private, first class.
Private
RA39760197
RAl52fi40n5
RA15295448
R A 13440548
RA12255190
US 5507667
US51 038210
RAl 9338887
RA131G3949
US55048717
RA18323089
US5110.5429
RA5730108G
25315644
USMC1193721
RA13273634
ER18334605
RAl 1199267
US37900548
RAl 5206644
AF13401869
RAl 5272210
RA13312094
RAl520fVi81
RA13347210
R A 35298933
RAl 5297574
RA17281893
RA15279702
USMC1065298
R A 12348485
ER16219H9
R A 172361 76
RA123566(;4
Corporal
do.._
Private, first class.
Corporal
Private, first class.
Corporal
do
Corporal.
do
Private, first class
Private ,
Corporal
....do...
Private.
Pfc
Corporal.
Private..
.do.
Private..
Corporal.
Sergeant.
Pfc.
do
do
do..
Private
do
Pfc
Corporal.
do..-.
Pfc
Corporal.
Pfc.
do....
Corporal..
Private
Corporal
do
Private first class.
R A 16244991
US18091920
Scrceant.
Corporal.
420 West Dunham, Hobbs, N. Mex.
Post OITice Box 154, Dadeville, Ala.
Peimsylvanla.
3525 Chase St., Toledo Ohio.
Route No. 3, Qorham, Maine.
1509 ."^outh I St., T.icoma, Wash.
530 Indiana Ave., Toledo, Ohio.
2372 East C3d St., Cleveland, Ohio.
318 West Goodalc St., Columbus,
Ohio.
2437 Workman St., Los Aneeles, Call.
115 Amy St., Syracuse, N. Y.
R. F. D. 1, Spear St., South Burling-
ton, Vt.
Route 1, Box 286. Kennewick, Wash.
Route 2, Abbesville, Miss.
Massachusetts.
Lucerne, Mo.
818 North 10th St., Reading, Pa.
27 High St., JelTersonville, Clark
County, Ind.
644 Pontiac Ave., Dayton 8, Ohio.
Route 4, Arkansas City, Kans.
233 Casey Ave., Mount Vernon, 111.
1654 Holyrook Ave., Cleveland, Oiiio.
Wellsville. Uta.h.
Route 1, Rio, Mi.ss.
1513 South I St., Tacoma, Wash.
2219 North Franklin St., Philadel-
phia, Pa.
1137 South Dorrance St., Philadel-
phia, Pa.
1239 Myrtle St., Philadelphia, Pa.
1516 South 19th St., Philadelphia,
Pa.
1175 Sherman Ave., Cincinnati,
Ohio.
3000 West 10th St., Amarillo, Tex.
8619 Cedar Ave., Cleveland, Ohio.
637 Hillsboro St , Pittsburgh, Pa.
453 West 141st St., New York 31,
N. Y.
1004 Polk St., Brownsville, Tex.
Frcderiksburg, Pa.
1559 West Market St., Oardena,
Calif.
31U^ Grove St., Kingston, Pa.
302 East Lawrence St., Mishawaka,
Ind.
4616 Gaston Ave., Dallas, Tex,
Ishpcming, Mich.
17505 Liberty Ave.,
2736 Buena Vista
Ga.
206 Alexander St.,
Tenn.
10 Water, St. Lockport, N. Y.
46 Main St., Branchdale, Pa.
Delano, Calif.
Maine.
316Glenwood Ave., Mankato, Minn
815 Palmwood Ave., Toledo, Ohio.
1054 Alcott St., Philadelphia 24, Pa.
Route 3, Clarksburg, W. Va.
Pennsylvania.
297 Euclid Ave., Arkon 7, Ohio.
5415 Ward St., Cincinnati 27, Ohio.
167 AVinner Ave., Columbus 3, Ohio.
445 Liberty Ave., Alliance, Ohio.
Minnesota.
3d Wells Ct., Youngstown, Ohio.
1913 East 73d St., Cleveland, Ohio.
301 Hudson St., Syracuse, N. Y.
43,53 Diekerson Ave., Detroit, Mich.
4073 Labadie Ave., St. Louis, Mo.
West Fort Ann, N. Y.
2036 West Nicholas St., Philadelphia,
Pa.
916 North Ashland Ave., Chicago, 111.
547 West Glenn Ave., San Antonio,
Tex.
Jamica, N. Y.
Rd., Columbus,
Fountam City,
1998 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Exhibit No. 479
POW's Letter to Eisenhower
American POW's hope for a speedy end to the war in Korea, and doubts about
United States foreign policy were expressed in an open letter to President Eisen-
hower. The letter was signed by 44 American prisoners of war in Nortli Korea.
"Dear Mr. President : We American prisoners of war in North Korea, deem it
our right and privilege as American citizens to speak out in reference to the*
Korean situation, and the international situation as a whole. * * *
"For nearly a year and a half now, peace negotiations have been carried on in
Panmunjom, Korea, with no satisfactory or noticeable progress toward finding
a peaceful conclusion to this war up to the present date. We do not feel, how-
ever, that the present prevailing attitude, in view of the recent recess of nego-
tiations, shows a sincere desire to end this war on the part of the U. N.
delegation.
"We look to the new administration with the feeling of hope that some just
settlement can and will be reached in the near future. We sincerely hope that
the new administration will uphold the promises of its campaign in the eyes of
the world. We are looking for peace in Korea and throughout the world, and
we feel certain that the American people are also looking for this peace. We
also feel that should the American foreign policy continue as it has in the recent
past, it can only end in chaos for our people.
"We have many questions and doubts in our minds ; questions and doubts that
we feel are also dominant in the minds of the American people as a whole.
Among these are questions such as: 'Why, for the first time in history, has the
question of voluntary repatriation arisen at such a crucial time, when so much
depends upon the successful outcome of the Korean negotiations?' and 'Why is
such an extensive armaments program being carried out by our Government
when the main issue in the world today is peace, not war? * * * We would
also like to know why, in view of the international tension that has prevailed dur-
ing the past few years, some effort hasn't been made to hold a meeting of the
Great Powers, in order to gain a better understanding of each other, so that a
firm, stabilized peace can be realized. We sincerely feel that such relations could
be established if it was truly the desire of our leaders to do so.
"* * * In Korea * * * a reasonable cease-fire line has already been agreed
upon. Surely the ever-mounting loss of American youths on the battlefield can
never be considered a victory on the part of the American people, especially
when, after 2 years of continual fighting, absolutely nothing has been accom-
plished that could prove a credit to the prestige of our Nation.
"Therefore, in closing, we sincerely hope that you will take into consideration
the above-mentioned points, and will do all within your power to bring a quick,
just peace to Korea and assure us that there will be no future Koreas and no
future wars for our generation, and the future generations of our Nation yet to
come. We also implore you to accept your post in the full tradition of our great
Nation and to live up to the glorious, righteous past of its people.
"We thank you sincerely."
(Signed) Fred Garza, Jr., William Polee, Terron W. Sanchez, Ofho G. Bell,
Cpl. John L. Dixon, Cpl. Elias B. Villegas, Robert W. Allen, Johnny Walker, Joe
Morrison, William C. White, Fred W. Porter, John L. Thomas, Frank J. Quarter,
Paul P. Schnur, Jr., Glenn E. Stotts, Rufus E. Douglas, Harold M. Dunny, Howard
J. Beadleson, Samuel D. Hawkins, Roscoe Perry, Linton J. Dartez, Rogers Hern-
don, Joe B. Vara, Nathaniel S. Thomas, Larance V. Sullivan, Leroy Carter, Theo-
dore L. Thompson, Robert H. Hickox, Howard G. Adams, Claude J. Batchelor,
Clarence C. Adams, Ricardo H. Soto, Roy Atkins, Richard O. Morrison, James T.
Pinkston, Donald B. Disney, Bennie D. Smith, Edward S. Dickenson, William R.
Hinkle, John A. Wells, Lowell D. Skinner, Johnny B. Trevino, Harold E. Belden,
Harry C. Copeland.
Exhibit No. 480
American POW's Want Peace Now
The following message was sent to the Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Con-
ference held in Peking last October by more than 200 American and British
POW's in North Korea :
"Some of the best news we have heard here for quite some time was the
news of the Asian-l'acific Peace Conference to be held this month.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 1999
"After beins here fcir nearly 2 years as iirisoners of war, such news was indeed
a preat hope and inspiration. Even thou.i^h onr treatment is better than would
ordinarily be expected under such wartime conditions, beinp; denied the rights of
fi-ee and useful citizens for so long a time is truly morale-breaking.
"We here wish to let you know that we truly wish you every success in the
world. The sooner the peace negotiations at Panmunjom reach a successful
conclusion, the sooner millions of people from various countries will be made
happy. Most of all, the sooner the Korean people will be enabled to repair
the immense damage that has been done to their homeland. Likewise, the
sooner the international tension existing today will be lessened and the danger of
new wars will cease. To us it means a quicker reunion witli our loved ones
whom we have not seen for many, many months.
"It is with our most heartfelt feelings that we wish you complete success
in the cause of peace."
The United States of America delegation to the Asian and Pacific Regions
Peace Conference received 10 letters signed by 64 American prisoners of war
expressing their views on peace. Excerpts from these letters follow :
"We want to take this opportunity to wish you warm greetings. We realize
that peace is what every man, woman, and child desires in this world today. It
is up to brave, open-minded people like you to lead us to this goal. * * * We
feel certain that if the people at home had witnessed war as we here have done,
they too would support you. We have been POW's for more than 2 years now
and it is our sincere desire for a speedy and successful conclusion of hostilities
in Korea for the benefit of all mankind."
flL ***** *
"It is with a feeling of pride that I write this letter to you. Proud that onr
country is being represented in this conference which is working for such lofty
goals. Being represented in this conference is an acknowledgment that the
American people have a will for peace and are willing to work for that end.
"I wish to extend to you my congratulations and wish you every success in
your future work. The resolutions and actions made at this conference are of
vital interest to all of us who long to return to our loved ones. May God bless
your efforts with success."
*******
"I take pleasure in expressing my heart's desire for an end to the Korean
conflict and a 'Five Power' peace conference in order that both societies could
come to a mutual agreement on issues concerning the world, and the peace in it.
"Through your efforts I am sure that you can help us greatly in our desire
for an armistice in Korea. Being POW's now for 17 months we would like more
than our hearts can express to be once again back with our loved ones and take
up the peaceful life we once led."
*******
"Peace to me means more than just going home. It means staying home the
rest of my life and living and working in harmony with all the peoples of the
world. It is because of this simple desire that I write to congratulate you and
wish you all the success possible."
*******
"We as American POW's appreciate your concern in trying to bring about a
peaceful settlement to this Korean conflict and promoting world peace. We
realize that free trade, cultural intercourse and cooperation between governments
is the only way that world peace can be attained. We wish you and your col-
leagues all the success possible in your struggle for world peace."
*******
"Just a few words to express my thanks and offer you my full support in your
role as representative of the peace-loving people of the United States to the com-
ing peace conference. All of us prisoners of war are most desirous of an
immediate armistice in Korea as we are very anxious to return to our loved
ones. Not only do we wish to have a cease-fire in Korea but we also most
earnestly hope for a peaceful coexistence and cooperation between all the nations
of the world. I sincerely believe this is possible with more and more common
people of the world speaking out for peace."
*******
"I would like you to know that you have my wholehearted support in your
drive for peace. It's funny to be writing to people you never met. but because
we want the same thing — world peace — I think all of us common people should
2000 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
unite. It is not because I am a POW that I desire peace. It is because I myself,
and I know this applies to all other POW's, am tired of the wholesale killing
which is now going on. It is not I who am the only mother's son here in Korea.
There are many mothers and loved ones all over the world who are weeping.
I believe if more people like you can help the common people unite, there can
be an end to hostilities in Korea."
* 4< 4: * * * *
"We, the undersigned members of the Armed Forces of the United States,
at present prisoners of war in North Korea, wish to take this opportunity to
extend our hearty congratulations to you and all the delegates on the opening
of the peace conference for the Asian and Pacific regions. We have studied
the main points of the program to be covered by this conference and believe
that these points are all essential to a lasting peace in the worhl of the future.
"We realize that a lasting peace can be built only on the solid foundation of
cooperation between all countries of the world and we wish to congratulate you
and the other delegates on the step you have taken in this direction."
:(: Hf * * * ^ *
"I am proud to hear of the delegates which are representing the United States
and many other countries, especially the Latin American countries, Honduras
especially. Give my regards to Paul Robeson. I as a prisoner of war here in
Korea wish the peace conference every success in the future."
* m m He ii * m
"We the members of the POW camp would like to express our sincere thanks
for the steps you are taking in forwarding a speedy and successful agreement
to the present Korean war and at the same time a world peace. We sincerely
hope yon expose to world citizens our true desire for a speedy, safe return home
to our loved ones. I can say at this time that it is everyone's true desire to
return to a peaceful life and away from the horrors of war. We stand ready
to assist you in any way possible."
* « « * t * *
"I am sure that most people in the world desire peace. I hope it will not be
too long before Mr. Warmonger realizes this. No doubt one of the major ques-
tions at your conference will be the Korean situation. My own opinion is that
when the Korean problem is settled that there will be no recurrence anywhere
in the world due to the overpowering peace drives going on today. Due to my
present position, my activities are limited. I can only cheer for my side, and
my side is definitely peace."
Exhibit No. 481
Material Published in the China Weekly (Monthly) Review on
Germ Warfare
March 1952, pages 225-228: Editorial "Crime Against Humanity" which speaks
in part of the "deliberate United States campaign of extermination" and "the
latest American crime * * * the launching of bacteriological warfare in
Korea."
April 1952, pages 316-317 : Photographic "evidence" of United States germ war-
fare under the caption "Crime Against Humanity."
Page 317: An editorial, "United States Extends Germ Warfare."
Pages 324-331 : Article "Germ Warfare: A Sign of United States Desperation
in Korea."
Page 398 : Article stating in part, "American Air Force personnel who spread
bacteriological warfare over China will be dealt with as war criminals by the
Chinese Government."
May 1952, page 424: Editorial, "United States Germ Warfare Fully Proved,"
accompanied by photographs of alleged "unexploded germ bombs."
Page 451 : Article, "United States Planes Conduct Germ Raids."
November-December 1952, pages 437-442 : "United States Germ Warfare — Report
of International Scientists Commission."
Pages 443-448: "Why United States POW's Admit Using Germ Warfare."
January 1953, page 66 : Statement of 27 scientists and doctors who attended the
Communist-controlled Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Conference condemning
United States germ warfare.
May in.'S, pjiges 92-10:-!: Article. "Statements of Captured United States Marine
Corps Ofiicers. Proof of Germ Warfare."
rNTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2001
Exhibit No. 482
Germ Warfare
March 1952, pages 225-228— Editorial, "Crime Against Humanity":
"Witli millions of civilian dead and homeless in Korea as a direct result of
the delil)erate United States campaign of extermination, the latest American
crime to come to light has been the launching of bacteriological warfare in
Korea. Not content with the wiping out of entire cities and towns by napalm
bombings, massacres of military and civilian prisoners, and campaigns such as
Operation Killer, the Americans have resorted to one more bestiality in their
frantic efforts to contpier the Korean people and extend their aggression in Asia.
"Proceeding in a vein which surpasses the savagery of Hitler Germany and
Hirohito .Japan in the last war, the American invaders, by a systematic spreading
of smallpox, cholera, and plague germs over North Korea, have shocked and
horrified the entire world.
"North Korean Foreign Minister Bale Hun Yung's protest to the United Nations
on February 22 reveals in detail the use of bacteriological weapons by United
States forces in Korea. The charges, fully documented, show that the Americans
have engaged in spreading infectious diseases on a scale unparalleled in world
history. This most recent American crime in Korea is further proof that the
United States having failed to win a military decision and forced to negotiate for
a ceasefire in Korea, is resorting to even more revolting acts of barbarity in an
effort to stave off defeat (p. 225).
*******
"Already the people of the world are raising their voices in protest against
this latest crime of the American Government. In this respect the American
people have a great responsibility. The people of America must demand an
immediate ceasefire in Korea and an end to these acts of sickening barbarism
which the Pentagon madmen are dally committing in their name" (p 230).
April 1952 — Pictures inserted between pages 316 and 317 purport to show
germs, samples of insects, etc., dropped by United States planes. Editorial,
pages 317-320, states :
"The extension of bacteriological warfare from Korea to China is a further
demonstration of the complete callousness and barbarity of the men running the
United States today. It also is a clear sign that Washington is bent on wrecking
the Panmunjom cease fire talks and extending its war of aggression in Korea
(p. 317).
*******
"Nor can charges that the Koreans and Chinese are trying to find excuses
for already existent epidemics carry any weight with the Chinese and Korean
peoples. In both countries overall health campaigns were launched immedi-
ately after liberation, with the result that the old endemic diseases which
regularly produced epidemics of cholera, plague, and smallpox in this part of
the world have virtually disappeared.
5|» 5|C rj^ ?|^ ^p 0fS rfm
"Extending germ warfare to China throws the spotlight on a cold-blooded
attempt to exterminate millions of people. The seriousness of the crime carried
out by the United States Government cannot be overemphasized and in his
March 8 statement. Foreign Minister Chou En-lai declared that the United
States Government must bear full responsibility for all consequences arising
from its crime. He al.so stated that members of the United States Air Force
who fly over China and use bacteriological weapons will, on capture, be dealt with
as wai- criminals (p. 319).
:(: 4: :(: 4i # H: 4:
"All participants — those who make policy, those who issue orders and those
who actually perform the criminal acts— are guilty and will have to share
resiionsibillty for this sickening crime which has horrified the civilized world.
"It is already late but there is still time for the American people to put
a stop to these crimes against humanity which are being committed in their
name. And there is still time for the individual soldier to make that 'moral
choice' which the allies so recentlv declared to be his personal responsibility"
(p. 320).
Pages 324-330— Article on germ warfare : "A Sign of United States Despera-
tion in Korea" states :
32918'— 54— pt. 23 18
2002 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
"* * * Its military machine bogged down in Korea, the Pentagon is fran-
tically attempting to stave off defeat by any means. The use of germ warfare
in Korea not only demonstrates the moral degeneracy of the Truman admin-
istration, but is a clear indication of the crisis in Wall Street's war strategy
* * * (p. 324).
"* * * Much as the men in the Pentagon may count on their latest experi-
ment with a 'fantastic new weapon' they are bound to find it unable to bring
them victory. Like every other attempt to terrorize the Koreans and Chinese,
such as the use of napalm bombs to burn down whole towns and villages, B-W
will not be the decisive factor in Korea. Methods such as this can only serve
to luiite further the Korean and Chinese peoples in their determination to resist
and strilie back at the instigators of this latest war horror.
"The men responsible for B-W in Korea cannot escape the final judgment
of the peoples of the world. They might do well to read the statement of
their Nazi predecessors regarding B-W. As disclosed at the Nuremberg war
crimes trials, the Nazi high command planned but did not use it. The reasons
are illuminating, for after noting that it cannot be 'decisive' and cannot be
used against enemy troops because of the danger of infecting one's own, Deutsche
Wehr, semiofficial organ of the German Army, said : 'It is the effect on morale
that must be considered above all * * * it is wise not to exaggerate the effects,
especially in the case of a population which is neither ignorant nor easily
intimidated.'
"As the American invaders of Korea have found out since June 1950, the
people of both Korea and new China are not ignorant of the issues involved in
the Korean war and they certainly are not easily intimidated" (p. 331).
Pages 398-399— China Notes— U. S. Warned on Germ Warfare :
"* * * American Air Force personnel who spread bacteriological warfare over
China will be dealt with as war criminals by the Chinese Government. This
declaration, made in Peking on March 8 by Foreign Minister Chou En-lai,
followed repeated United States plane sorties over northeast China in which
germ-carrying insects were relased * * *" (p. 398).
Rest of article is a summary of Chou En-lai's charges.
May 19.52, pages 424-42,S— Editorial "U. S. Germ War Fully Proved" :
"* * * The evidence gathered on the spreading of germ warfare in Korea and
northeast China conclusively proves that the United States is committing a war
crime and a crime against humanity in its frantic efforts to succeed where it has
failed on the battlefield and at the conference table * * * (p. 424).
"* * * The background of United States preparations for germ warfare is well
known to the entire world. Now it is engaging in actual use of germ warfare on a
scale that is overtaking the Nazis and the Japanese in crimes against humanity,
and in violation of international law. All of Acheson's mouthings to the contrary,
germ warfare committed by United States forces in Korea and northeast China
is an established fact.
"All over the world people are protesting against this crime and are demanding
that those responsible be l)rought to justice. In this the American people must
bear full responsibility lest they be judged as were those Germans who stood
idly by while the Nazis carried on mass slaughter and destruction all over
Europe * * *" (p. 428).
Page 429 carries pictures of "Unexploded Germ Bombs."
"* * * United States planes continue germ raids.
"The United States Air Force has continued to bomb and spray infected
insects and materials in northeast China, a campaign which began on Febru-
ary 29.
"A typical instance took place on March 16 when 17 groups of United States
planes making a total of 75 sorties, flew over Antung, Langtow, Fengcheng, Chi-an,
Linkiang, Chinyu, and Lakushao. At 3 in the afternoon, more than 10 planes
were seen over Antung and dropped white containers. Infected insects, including
flie.'^, mosquitoes, and spiders, were found immediately afterward in the vicinity.
Earlier, at 1 minute past 2 on the same afternoon, 1 United States plane dropped
2 bombs near the Chi-an Railroad Station * * *" (p. 451).
May 1952, pages 476-477 :
"United States Germ Warfare in Northeast.
"Conclusive evidence of United States germ warfare in northeast China has
been collected by the Commission of the International Association of Democratic
Lawyers in the course of an investigation in the northeast. The lawyers, coming
from eight different countries, began their investigation work in northeast China
on March 26, after having examined evidence of United States germ warfare in
Korea.
INTgRLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2003
"In addition to on-the-spot investigation and personal Interviews, the lawyers
examined a mass of evidence laid before tiiem by Wans Pin, head of the North-
east People's Government Health Department. Entoniolosists, bacteriologists,
and pathologists were also called in as witnesses by the lawyers.
"Data snpplied by the Health Department doscrihod in great detail the date,
place, witnesses, and material evidence in each case. E.xperts testified, on the
basis of scientific data, that the large quantities of unusual insects which have
been found in different parts of the northeast could never have emerged in the
then prevailing natural conditions in the places cimcerned, and that some of the
types of insects had never before been found locally. As a result of scientific
examination, it was definitely eslal)lished that the insects carried various types
of deadly germs.
"On March 27, the Commission questioned witnesses from Mukden, Kwantien,
and Chinchow who had discovei-ed the infected insects dropped by United States
planes. Some were eyewitnesses who personally saw United States aircraft drop
containers which contained infected insects while others were the first to locate
clusters of insects after they landed on the ground. The Commission also saw
samples of infected insects and photographic plates of laboratory findings, and
examined the results of tests on animals.
"The Commission noted : 'In most of these cases, circumstances were found
in northeast China similar to those examined by us in Korea. We note particu-
larly the unusual nature and close grouping of insects in the extremely cold
temperature in which the insects were found alive on snow and ice. Flies,
mosquitoes, fleas, and feathers have been found to carry bacteria or to be in-
fected with virus.'
"The Commission, headed by Heinrich Brandweiner, of Austria, consisted of
lawyers from Italy, Britain, Poland, Belgium, China, Brazil, and France. Re-
ports attesting to United States germ warfare in northeast China were sent to
D. N. Pritt, chairman of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers
and to Frederic Joliot-Curie, president of the World Peace Council."
November-December 1952. pages 437-442. — Article on "U. S. Germ Warfare:
Report of International Scientists' Commission." Commission was formed after
Oslo meeting of the World Peace Council, arrived in Peking late in June. Article
contains conclusion stating United States used variety of germs and should be
condemned. Also biographies of the six scientists (Sweden, United Kingdom,
France, Italy, Brazil, and U. S. S. R.) and Chinese liaison scientists. Pictures
of metal and porcelain containers dropiied by United States planes and of group
examining pathological changes in lungs and brains of victims of anthrax dropped
by United States planes.
November-December 1052, pages 443-44S.— "Why U. S. POW's Admit Using
Germ Warfare." Wilfred Burchett who had talked with American Lieutenants
Enoch, Quinn, O'Neal, and Kniss. Burchett is interviewed while attending the
Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Conference. Shows picture of members of
Scientific Commission interviewing Lt. Paul Kniss, also another picture showing
Lt. F. B. O'Neal.
January 1953, page 66. — Statement (excerpts) of 27 scientists and doctors who
attended Asian and Pacific Regions Peace Conference. Subject: United States
use of germ warfare in Korea.
Exhibit No. 483
[From the Cbina Monthly Review, January 1953, p. 66]
Scientists and Doctoks Say
Twenty-seven scientists and doctors who attended the Asian and Pacific
Regions Peace Conference signed a statement condemning the use of bacterio-
logical warfare. Excerpts from their statement follow:
"Having examined all the availal)le materials, of high scientific value, on which
likewise were based the conclusions of the International Scientific Commission for
the Investigation of Facts Concerning Bacterial W^arfare in Korea and China,
we are fully convinced that the United States Armed Forces have committed this
crime, and hereby strongly denounce this criminal act of misusing science against
humanity.
"As scientists and doctors we firmly believe that science should be developed
for the benefit of mankind and not for wanton destruction.
2004 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
"We invite the scientists and doctors of every country in the world to pay
attention to the materials which we have studied, so that they too will be con-
vinced of the truth and raise their voices in righteous protest against this
abominable crime for which the United States Government has made itself
responsible.
"Finally, we demand the immediate ratification and implementation by all
countries, without exception, of the Geneva protocol of June 17, 1925, prohibiting
the use of all poisonous and bacteriological weapons."
Exhibit No. 483-A
List of Articles From the China Monthly Review Dealing With Espionage,
Secret Police, and Treason
July 1951, pages 40-45 : Article, Drive Against Spies and Saboteurs, carrying
also "regulations governing punishment of counterrevolutionary elements" of
which article 3 says "collaboration with imperialists and rebels against the
fatherland are to be sentenced to death or life imprisonment."
September 1951, pages 130-133 : Article, American Spy Ring Smashed in Pei-
ping, maliing accusation against Col. David Barrett, assistant military attach^ in
Peiping.
June 30, 19.50, page 18 : Article states without giving source of information
"the harbor Dunkirli was paralyzed following the closing of capital labor ex-
change by the authorities and the dockers refused to load military equipment
for Indochina * * * meanwhile a few days later, the third consignment of United
States military material for France — mainly airplane engines destined for Indo-
china— arrived in Cherbourg * * * the first cargo of planes for France arrived
in March whUe a French aircraft carrier sailed from Norfolk, Va., on May 12
with a second cargo of 150 American fighters and bombers."
Exhibit No. 484
Articles From the China Monthly Review Dealing With the Peace Confer-
ence of the Asian and Pacific Regions or Its Parent Body, the World Peace
Congress, or Other Affiliates
July 1951, pages 20-21 : Article entitled "American War Prisoners Broadcast
From Korea" says that "the POW's broadcasts were 'made available through the
China Peace Committee.' "
November, December 1952, pages 424-427 : Article, Town Meeting Democracy
at the Peace Conference, by John W. Powell.
January 19.53, pages 18-19 : Article, Let Us Grasp the Hand of Friendship, by
Hugh Hardyman, American delegate to the Peace Conference of the Asian and
Pacific Regions, saying, in part, "If we continue to allow our Government to export
diseases and death to Asia and machines for the destruction of life to both Asia
and Latin America, the time must come when not merely Government officials
but the people who elected those officials will be held responsible by the majority
of the peojilcs in the world for these crimes."
January 1953, pages 12-19: Article, Visions of Sanity, by Anita Willcox, an
American delegate to the Peace Conference of the Asian and Pacific Regions,
saying, in part, "Going back to our beautiful lands now obscured by a foul fog
of evil rumors of aggression, fear, and subversion of neighbors, we take with us
the visions of sanity given us by the people of China."
January 19.53, pages 67-75: Article, A Tale of Two Factories, by John W.
Powell, describing his visit to the major cities of Communist China in company
with the members of the United States delegation to the Asian and Pacific Peace
Conference.
January 19.53, page 66 : Statement of 27 scientists and doctors at the Asian and
Pacific Regions Peace Conference condemning the United States for using germ
warfare.
January 1953, pages 110-112: Article, Report to Readers, describing the Asian
and Pacific Regions Peace Conference.
February 1953, pages 178-186 : Article, American POW's Write to United States
Delegates at Peace Conference.
IN-BERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2005
Exhibit No. 484-A
[Department of State press release, October I, 1952, No. 771]
Peiping "Peace Conference"
Asked for comment on the so-called Peiping Peace Conference and reports that
a number of Americans are allegedly attending as delegates. Secretary of State
Dean Acheson at his news conference today made the following extemporaneous
reply :
"This conference is, of cour!=;e. an obvious propaganda operation in which the
Chinese Communists, while taking an active part in defying the United Nations
and carrying the war into Korea and while they are .ioining with the Soviet
Government in its violent hate campaign, are continuing to hold 'peace con-
ferences.' I think this deceives nobody.
"In regard to your other question about the Americans, we have heard reports
(hat certain American citizens were attending. From the reports that we have
gotten, we think we have about Ifi of these Americans identified. Now, .some
of them were in China already. However, no persons have been issued pass-
ports to attend this conference or have asked for passports to attend the con-
ference.
"All passports have been stamped since May 1, 'Not valid for travel to * * *
China * * *.' We are now making efforts to find out whether any of the people
that we have identified have obtained passports on false Information furnished
to the Department or whether they have violated the instruction which is on the
passport. That is stamped on it as I have said and there are appropriate
statutes which cover both of these cases."
Exhibit No. 485
Excerpts From the China Monthly Review Showing Anti-American
Propaganda During the Korean War
June 3, 1950, page 15: Article from the Shanghai Ta Kung Pao, stating, in
part, "United States imperialism has set out to ruin the United Nations and
organize another structure absolutely hostile to the Soviet Union and the Peoples
Democracies."
July 8. 1!)50, page 92: Article saying, in part, "No matter how much Truman
may talk of the necessity for supporting the United Nations, he cannot hide
from the people of the world that, when it suits him, he is quite willing to make
a sham and mockery of that organization." Article, Background of the Civil
War in Korea.
July 15, 1950, page 11 : Editorial saying, in part, "As an American newspaper,
one of the .saddest aspects of the whole tragic affair to us is the part played
by the United States. * * * All of this, according to Truman, is being done
in the name of defending 'democracy.' All we can say is that Truman is wrong."
July 22, 1!).')(), page 13n : Article, Against United States Aggression.
July 22, 1950, page 188: Article reading, in part, "Despite heavy United States-
Australian air cover, hard-pressed American troops in South Korea were rolled
back * * * meanwhile, one American battalion was encircled and completely
wiped out by the Korean Peoples Army." Article on General MacArthur's charge
that the North Koreans had murdered American prisoners, "The American im-
perialists fabricate such groundless news with the purpose of threatening the
United States servicemen whom they have forced to intervene in Korea's internal
affairs."
September 19.5(;, pages 10-11 : Article reading, in part, "A harvest of hate is
already being reaped by America as a result of the heavy raids carried out by
the United States Air Force in Korea * * * disillusionment in the ranks has
set in in many instances * * * the number of both officers and men who have
publicly denounced America's action in Korea is astounding." Article, United
States Adventure in Korea Backfires — Militarily and Psychologically.
September 1950, page 30 (facing supplement) : Cartoons captioned "Chinese
Cartoonists View United States Intervention in Korea."
October 1950, page 37 : Map entitled "For What Do the United States Guns
Roar in the Pacific," reprinted from Communist People's World of San Francisco.
October 19."(), pnge 62: Cartoons captioned "'Washington Bandits,' Acheson,
Truman, and Wall Street, Grab llie AnuM'can People's Wealth for a War of
2006 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
Aggression." Cartoon showing Acheson and MacArthur collecting bits and
pieces of human beings for their Korean adventure.
September 1951, page 115 : Editorial, "Who Wants War," attacking American
negotiations during the Korean armistice.
September 1951, pages 136-137 : Photographs charging barbarism and criminal
acts on the part of the American troops.
October 1951, page 185 : Article reading, in part, "Heavy United States losses.
American casualties in Korea liept adding up while General Ridgway, in Tokyo,
did his best to wreck the Kaesong peace negotiations through provocative inci-
dents and deliberate stalling."
October 1951, page 191 : Article, United States Violations of China.
October 1951, pages 202-206: Article, Record of the Armistice Talks, saying,
in part, "United States breaks off talks * * * United States violations grow
* * *." Back cover cartoons attacking American imperialism and President
Truman.
November 1951, page 248 : Article, United States Offensive Backfires, saying
in part "The defeat suffered by the United States and its satellites in Korea
during General Van Fleet's 'limited' autumn offensive has turned out to be one
of major proportions." The article mentions, however, American losses without
noting any Communist losses.
December 1951, page 275 : Article attacking Col. James Hanley, United States
Eighth Army, judge advocate in Korea, who formally charged the Chinese volun-
teers with massacring 2,643 United Nations prisoners of war during the past
year.
December 5, 1951, pages 276-277: Photographs showing kind treatment ac-
corded American prisoners in North Korea and cruel treatment by the United
States.
December 1951, page 297 : Editorial, United States Rejects Cease Fire.
December 1951, pages 314-315 : Article, United States "Massacre" Claims Re-
futed by American POW's.
January 1952, page 77 : Article, United States Delays Armistice.
Anti-Amekican Articles Appeaeing in the China Monthly Review During
THE Korean War
December 1950, pages 140-141 : Article on the strafing of Kooloutzu by Ameri-
can j)lanes with a list of border violations by United States planes.
July 1951, page 56 : Article stating that a large number of men in California
are dodging the draft.
January 1952, pages 104-108 : A letter to American and allied servicemen in
Korea reading in part, "It is not enough to leave the outcome of the peace talks
to the American Army brass and the Washington diplomats — all of us must take
the initiative and write to our families and friends at home to get behind the
peace groups everywhere, to stop this needless war."
February 1952, page 144 : Quoting a letter from a first lieutenant stating that
the American people are being misled by dangerous propaganda.
February 1952, pages 172-177: Article, Korean Truce Talks, stating in part
that the American negotiators have not wanted a speedy settlement in Korea
and have used every means possible to draw out the talks.
February 1952, page 191 : Article, United States Planes Bomb Northeast, stat-
ing in part, "By resorting to artillery, bombs, and bullets, they try to obtain what
they cannot get in the discussion in the talks * * * the American imperialists
refuse peaceful methods for settling the Korean question. * * *"
February 1952, pages 208-209 : Photograph from documentary film entitled
"Resist United States Aggression and Aid Korea."
March 1952, page 230: Editorial, Korean Prisoners Massacred, assailing
"this latest act of savagery" on Koje Inslands.
March 1952, page 260: Article saying in part, "The huge hoax perpetrated by
United States military command in Korea, is that Chinese and Korean prisoners
of war are unwilling to return to their homelands has been bared. * * *"
March 1952, pages 304-305 : Photographs of wrecked American planes with
comment, "The pessimistic American reports on the aerial war would indicate .
that the United States Air Force has been all but crippled in the Korean
fighting."
July 1952, page 5 : Editorial on Koje riots stating that despite physical vio-
lence, including torture and even death by United Nations forces, the Korean and
Chinese prisoners of war demonstrated their determination.
njTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2007
September 1952, page 234: Article, Who Started the Korean War?
February 1953, pages 112-121: Editorial charging the United States with
stalling the peace talks in Korea.
June 1953, pages 9-10: Editorial, New Korean Peace Offers, charging the
United States with holding up the Korean peace settlement and with violating
the Geneva Conference of 1949.
Material From the China Monthly Review Reflecting Additional Anti-
American Views
June 3, 1950, page 2: Editorial reading in part as follows: "The Western
powers, led by the United States, did their best to prop up Chiang Kai-shek's
KMT * * * United States, having just burned its fingers in China, is nevertheless
hurrying to intervene on behalf of the French."
June 3, 1950, page 12 : Attack on the Voice of America by Madam Sun Yat-sen,
vice chairman of the Central Peoples Government of China, reading in part as
follows: "It would be wise for those imperialists in the United States who are
wasting time worrying about the welfare of the Chinese people to spend all of
that time on their own welfare."
Exhibit No. 486
[From the China Weekly Review, January 14, 1950]
The Ward Case
Few recent events in China have received so much attention in the United
States as the case of Angus Ward, the recently deported American consul general
in Mukden. President Truman called his arrest on charges of beating a Chinese
employee an outrage. Secretary of State Acheson declared the United States
could not accord recognition to the new People's Government of China while
consular officials were subjected to such treatment. Official notes were sent
to 30 countries asking them to intervene. The American Legion wanted to send
the Armed Forces to the rescue.
American newspapers were equally vehement in their protests. The New York
Times deplored the fact that "the old decencies of diplomatic intercourse no
longer hold" (forgetting how often, in China, the "old diplomacy" was carried
out by an American or British gunboat) and declared that "the Chinese Com-
munists are using the same tactics employed by the Japanese when they made
the British disrobe at Tientsin to demonstrate their power and their contempt
for the westerners."
trumped up case
In all this discussion there has been little inclination to question whether
or not there were any grounds to the charges leveled against Mr. Ward. Rather,
the assumption has been the case was "trumped up" as a means of trying
to force United States recognition, or to make the United States "lose face," or
simply because of Russian pressure.
This line of reasoning, however comforting from the American point of view,
leaves certain questions unanswered. Why is it that the authorities in Mukden
confined their attention to the American consulate alone? Why didn't they try
to force French and British recognition, too, or demonstrate their contempt
for these other westerners? Why is it that no other American consulate in China
Las been the victim of this kind of abuse? Surely, if there were no basis to the
charges against Air. \\ard, the Chinese have been guilty of inconsistency, to say
the least, in their treatment of western officials.
Equally puzzling, in view of the amount of publicity surrounding the Ward
case, is the lack of interest in America concerning the second major iioint at
issue between the Chinese authorities and the American consulate in Mukden —
the uncovering of an espionage ring which the Chinese charged was directed by
the United States Army liaison group in Mukden and the United St.ntes consulate.
The espionage trial was held immediately following the trial of Mr. Ward, and on
its conclusion the People's Court in Mukden ordered the deportation of all foreign
personnel in the American consulate.
Yet to such an extent has the Ward case obscured this second trial that the
casual reader would be under the impression that Mr. Ward, upon l)eing ordered
to leave the country, gathered together his consular stall aiul departed.
2008 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
It is not easy to determine what actually happened in Mukden, since the
American and Chinese versions are quite different. However, in view of the
effect the case is having on American policy toward China, it is worth trying
to piece together some of its more neglected aspects.
Shortly before the People's Liberation Army marched into Mukden on Novem-
ber 2, 1948, it was announced that the American consulate general would remain
in the city. This was to be a test case to determine how American oificials would
fare under Chinese Communist trade. To prevent misunderstanding the Amer-
ican Government took the precaution of closing down the office of the American
military attache in Mukden and withdrawing the personnel of the External Sur-
vey Detachment — the successor and peacetime version of General Donovan's war-
time intelligence organization, the Office of Strategic Services. That left 11
Americans attached to the consulate in Mukden. What their precise functions
were to be was not clear, since at that time there were no private American
citizens residing in the city.
About 2 weeks after the PLA entry the consulate had its first run-in with the
new authorities. An order was issued for the surrender of all radio communica-
tions sets. The American consulate, which was the only one in the city with
its own private radio communication facilities, apparently refused to comply
with the order, and its radio set was closed by the authorities on November 18.
Following this incident, the American consulate staff was reported to be con-
fined to the consulate compound, and no communication was received from Mr.
Ward for a period of months.
OTHER CONSULATES
The British and French consulates, both considerably smaller in size than the
American, likewise were not heard from for several months after Mukden fell.
Whether this was due to restrictions placed on the use of communications facili-
ties, as has been suggested in some quarters, or merely to the temporary disrup-
tion of the mails and telegraph system between Mukden and Nationalist China
is not ascertainable in Shanghai at this time. However, all foreign consulates
in Mukden, like those elsewhere in China, now have unlimited use of the Chinese
postal and telegraph system except for the fact that they may no longer send
messages in secret code.
It should be pointed out, however, that in the eyes of the Chinese none of these
consulates any longer had official status. The Chinese position was that the gov-
ernments to which they were attached still recognize the Nationalist regime as
the legal government of China. Therefore, no official relations could exist be-
tween the new People's Government that was functioning in Mukden and repre-
sentatives of the American, French or British Governments. Consequently, the
Chinese referred to these consulates as the former consulates which existed
during the old regime, and regarded consular personnel as ordinary foreign
nationals.
The foreign, or at least the American, position was that consulates, unlike
embassies, do not have diplomatic status but function only on a local level to
look after the interests of the nationals of their particular countries. The
fact that these consulates had remained behind when Mukden was liberated,
they maintained, in itself constituted de facto recognition of the new local
authorities.
DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITY
While this is a legalistic dispute better left to authorities on international
relations, it is important to mention in connection with the Ward case, because
the hue and cry that has been raised has been based on the assumption that Mr.
Ward should have enjoyed diplomatic immunity and that his arrest, therefore,
constituted, in Mr. Acheson's words, "a direct violation of the basic concepts of
international relations." Although the State Department itself, in its note to
the 30 governments requesting intervention in the Ward case, had to admit
that "consuls do not have diplomatic immunity," it nevertheless was requesting
just that. The newspaper comment, moreover, has consistently referred to
Mr. Ward as a "diplomatic repi-esentative."
After 6 months the State Department last May announced that because of
"arbitrary restrictions imposed on the consulate" it had sent Mr. Ward orders to
close the Mukden consulate. On June 16, Ward contacted the American consul
in Peking through commercial telegraph facilities to report that he had received
the orders and was preparing to carry them out.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2009
Two days later, however, the Pekine: radio broadcast a report that a "big
American spy rins" had been uncovered in Manchuria which it char^'cd had l)een
directed by the United States consulate and the United States Army Liaison
Group in ]\Iul<den. The United States Army Liaison Group, the broadcast said,
was the open name of the External Survey Detachment — ESD.
The radio said the spy ring was set up shortly after the Japanese surrender in
1045 and that it continued to operate wider, ground after the liberation of Man-
churia was completed in October 1948. It said three men, a .Japanese, a Mon-
golian, and a Chinese national of Sino-American parents, identified as the princi-
pal espionage agents, were under arrest. The 3 were declared to have been
caught with 6 American radio transmitters, 3 generators, 16 secret code books of
the American espionage service, 10 gold ingots for espionage expenses and quan-
tities of military directives and documents on the organization of the American
TS espionage organization.
The American Embassy in Nanking replied that the charges against the con-
sulate in Mukden were "ridiculous and absolutely false." A State Department
spokesman in Washington said they might have been made to distract attention
from the fact that the American consul general and his staff in Mukden had l)een
held incommunicado for the past 7 months. There was no answer to the aecusa-
tion from either the War Department or the United States Army.
The case was brought to trial before the People's Court in Mukden on Novem-
ber 26. On that same date, the State Department announced that William Stokes,
a vice consul in the Mukden consulate, had been arrested on charges of espionage,
according to a telephone message from Mr. Ward to Edmund Clubb, the American
consul general in Peking. The Department said Mr. Clubb had been instructed to
lodge the strongest possible protest. IVIr. Ward's information, however, seems
not to have been entirely accurate, for Chinese press accounts of the trial did not
list Mr. Stokes among the defendants, and merely reported that he "was present
at court during the trial."
EIGHT DEFENDANTS
There were eight defendants, all persons of Chinese, Japanese, or Mongolian na-
tionality. No Americans stood trial, although the names of several Americans
were listed a.s having directed various phases of the espionage activity. They
were identified as Nishida, a Japanese of American nationality who was first with
the consulate in Mukden and later with the Army group; Richardson, head of
the United States Army Liaison Group in Changchun : Myadara, of the Shanghai
headquarters of the United States Army Liaison Group; Walsh of the United
States Navy Liaison Group in Mukden ; Hunt, who succeded Walsh ; Singlaub,
head of the United States Army Liaison Group in Mukden ; and Barandson, an
UNRRA employee.
The three principal defendants were listed as Sasaki, a Japanese ; Po Yen-tsang,
a Mongolian; and Wu Jen-chieh, a Chinese national of Sino-American parents.
Sasaki, according to the Chinese accounts, first worked for the Japanese in Man-
chukuo and later for the Americans in Mukden, working directly xmder Nishida.
After collecting "military and political information about liberated Manchuria,"
he was entrusted with an espionage organization called TS and by April of
1948 had established 11 branches in Manchuria.
Po Yen-tsang, the second principal defciuiaiit, "pleaded guilty to having acted
as an American espionage agent and instigated subversive activities in Inner
Mongolia."
The third main defendant, Wu Jen chieh, was reported to have been a "mes-
senger for intelligence transmitted between Tienstin and Mukden."
All three were quoted as stating that they had been sunnnoncd to the Mukfien
United States Army liaison group headquarters in October 1948. just before
liberation, and told to go underground. They declared they were each given
two miniature radio transmitters, a generator, secret code books, and suras of
money.
These radio transmitters, generators, code books and various letters, reports,
charts, and other documents, found when the accused were arrested soon after
the liberation of Mukden, were reported to have been on display at the court.
All the accused were reported to have pleaded guilty, and they received
sentences of from 2 to 6 years' imprisonment. In addition, the court ordered
the deportation of all foreign personnel of the American consulate in Mukden
"for screening and directing espionage activities against the Chinese people."
2010 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
STATE DEPARTMENT DENIAL
At the conclusioa of the trial, the State Department again issued a denial,
declaring that the Americans could not possibly have engaged in espionage since
they had been under virtual house arrest since the PLA took Mukden in November
1948. This explanation sounds plausible but is in fact irrelevant. The trial
was concerned only with events up to the end of October 11)48, when the de-
fendants were alleged to have been given money and equipment and instructed
to go underground. There was no mention of activities on anyone's part after
that date, since the group was arrested soon after Mukden fell.
A stronger point for the Department to have emphasized would have been
the fact that no direct accusations were leveled against any individuals at that
time in the American consulate in Mukden, nor were any of the Americans
named in the Chinese charges actually consulate personnel. However, certain
other evidence brought out in Chinese press reports of the testimony, such as
the fact that the Army liaison group in January 1948 was stationed on the
premises of the American consulate and that some of the Army employees had
offices in the consulate, could conceivably have aroused Chinese suspicion that
the consulate was not unaware of the Army liaison group's activities. More-
over, it is quite natural to expect that the Chinese felt the consulate, as an
official American organization, would be responsible for whatever loose ends
remained after the ESD evacuated from Mukden just before the city's liberation.
WARD ARRESTED
It was in the midst of this situation that Mr. Ward was arrested, on October
24, on a charge of assaulting a Chinese employee.
The facts of the case, as contained in the Chinese charge, were these: On
September 27, the employee, a 50-year-old messenger named Chi Yu-heng, who
had worked for the consulate for i;^ years was instructed by Mr. Ward to tear
down a cement pole in the consulate compound. After struggling unsuccessfully
with it for half a day, Chi asked for some help. This was refused, and when
Chi declared he could not do the task alone, he was dismissed from his job
on the grounds that he refused to work.
Chi subsequently applied for his wages, severance pay, and accumulated leave,
Mr. Ward was willing to pay only the wages. On October 10, Chi went to the con-
sulate to demand the payment he felt was due him, and he spent the night in the
consulate compound. The following morning he was discovered and summoned
to Ward's office. There he was beaten and pushed down the stairs, where he
collapsed, unconscious, from a forehead wound. Chi's brother, Chi Yu-feng, who
accompanied him, was also involved in the fray.
The Chinese employees of the consulate immediately called the public safety
office, whose representatives arrived and rushed Chi to the Mukden municipal
hospital, where his case was diagnosed as concussion of the brain, abrasion on
the right forehead, and contusion of both arms and right lower limb.
Mr. Ward and four members of the consulate staff, Ralph Rehberg, F. Cicogna,
Shiro Tatsumi, and A. Kristan, were arrested.
The people's court of ]\Iukden held five hearings on the case, then announced
that "the court finds that the five accused, in residing in China, unreasonably
discharged Chinese workers, withheld their wages, leave allowances, severance
pay, and saving deductions, assembled together in assaulting Chinese workers Chi
Yu-beng and Chi Yu-feng, caused their injuries, trespassed upon the rights of
pei'sons and violated the law and ordinances of the People's Repul)lic of China."
SENTENCES ST'SPENDED
IVIr. Ward was sentenced to 6 months' imprisonment, Kristan and Rehberg to
4 months, and Cicogna and Tatsumi to 3 months. These sentences were sus-
pended for 1 year and all were ordered to be deported. Ward was required to
pay US$174— US$9 for 9 days' wages. US$10r) for 31/2 months' accumulated leave,
and US$G0 for severance pay — in addition to medical fees and damages. The
latter two items were calculated in local currency — NECl,;)fir),000 for medical
fees and NEC2,500,000 for damages. Although the conversion rate between
Northeast currency and United States dollars is not tabulated in Shanghai,
the rate between NEC and Jen Min Piao for the last week in Novemiier was
NEC 18 to JMPl, and the rate between the United States dollar and JMP was
1 to 10,000. Calculated on tliis basis, Mr. Ward liad to pay the eiiuivalent of
US$7.5S for medical fees and US$13.88 for damages.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2011
Despite the State Department's charge that the arrest was baseless, Mr. Ward
did not. upon his release, deny that the messenger had been injured. According
to the Voice of America, Ward said he had a dispute with an employee over the
question of "employment termination payments." The Voice continued: "Dur-
ing the conversation he [Ward] said that the employee, after walking around the
office for about 1.") minutes, took a position lying on the floor and began to moan.
This was after he had refused to accept ISIr. Ward's offer of a settlement. (This
'.settlement,' the Voice neglected to add, was US.$'J for payment of 0 days' wages.)
The messenger's brother attacked Mr. Ward, and Vice Consul Rehberg came to
his rescue. The messenger then threw himself on the floor near the stairs. Mr.
Ward, fearing he would fall downstairs, attempted to raise him, and the man
backed down the stairway."
The messenger's statement, delivered in court, told this version: "Rehberg
told me to go upstairs for my money, and forced me to sign some papers. Because
the money was not enough, I refused to sign. My younger brother, Chi Yu-feng,
came up "to mediate, but was pushed out into the corridor and the door of the
room was closed. Rehberg called Ward to the room. Both of them started
to push me outside. Ward, who was behind, began to kick and hit me. He
pushed me down from the top of the stairs. When I reached the turning on
the first landing. Chi Yu-feng came down again. Rehberg left me to give two
blows to Chi Yu-feng, and then held him tight. Ward pushed me down to the
floor at the landing. At the time my head hit the stairs and my right temple
was injured. Ward next used his fist to hit my left eye. After that I lost
consciousness."
STAIRWAY TESTIMONY
A good deal of the testimony during the trial centered about the stairway
incident. The Sin Wen Jih Pao in Shanghai printed this portion of Ward's
examination :
"Question by judge : Did you pull Chi Yu-heng down the stairs?
"Answer by Ward : I was holding the two hands of Chi. He preceded me and
looked up at me.
"Question. Had you not held Chi's hands, would he have sat down on the
stairs?
"Answer. Yes. If I had not held his hands, he would have sat down.
"Question. Does this not prove that he was not prepared to go down, but that
you forced him to do so?
"Answer. I cannot admit this. I held his hands to prevent his falling down
the stairs. Had I not done so, I was afraid he might have jumped down.
"Question. If he was willing to go down the stairs, how was it that he fell on
the stairs? Does this not prove that he did not want to go down?
"An.swer. I dared not let go of my hand, for fear that he might jump down.
"Question. Chi Yu-heng was mentally normal, so why should he jump down
the stairs?
"No answer.
"Question. Where did you pu.sh Chi Yu-heng to?
"Answer. I did not push, I only remember letting him off lightly. Possibly
he fell by ray feet or in front of me.
"Question. Did you not say that you were afraid if you let go your hands,
Chi would have fallen down? Why then did you let go?
"Answer. I wanted to defend myself against Chi. (Presumably Chi Yu-feng,
the brother — Editor.)
"Question. Had not Chi already been held tight by Rehberg?
"Answer. I was not sure whether Rehberg had held him tight enough."
R'hl)erg gave this version, according to the Sin Wen Jih Pao:
"Question by judge: Where did Ward push Chi Yu-heng to?
"Answer by Rehberg : Ward pulled Chi, not pushed him. He was pulling him
down the stairs.
"Question. Who was in front, Ward or Chi?
"Answer. The stairs consisted of three sections. I did not see what happened
on the first section. On the second section. Ward was pulling Chi down, Chi was
in front.
"Question. Was he pulling him down, or pushing him down?
"Answer. Pulling him down.
"Question. According to your description of the relative position of the two
men, is not this situation rather strange?
2012 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
"Answer. On the first section of the stairs, Ward was pulling. On the second
section, the situation was as I described. I do not know whether Ward pulled
or pushed.
"Question. Well, was it pull or push?
"Answer. Ward was pushing Chi down the stairs. But at the same time he
was afraid Chi might fall, so he also pulled him.
"Question. Then Ward was at that time pushing Chi?
"An.swer. That was what I saw, but I cannot explain Ward's action."
SEVERANCE PAY
Reading the Chinese accounts of the trial, it is indeed hard for anyone to
explain the action of Mr. Ward. However, two things must be considered.
The first is the matter of severance pay, which is relatively new to the United
States Government in China and a question over which there have been a number
of disputes with Chinese employees, none of them, fortunately, with as unhappy
results as the Mukden incident. Before liberation, United States Government
agencies did not follow the usual Chinese custom of making severance payments
upon dismissing employees. In fairness it should be pointed out that salaries
in official United States organizations were generally a good deal higher than
prevailing wage scales elsewhere. Nevertheless, losing one's job in China during
the last 2 or 3 years has been a major disaster since unemployment has been
widespread. When the United States Information Service dismis.sed roughly
half its Chinese staff in the summer of 1947 there was no provision for sever-
ance pay other than accumulated leave payment and I'etirement refund which
had been deducted from the employees' own salaries. IMany of the employees,
especially those in the unskilled levels, had no reserves to fall back on.
After liberation, severance pay upon dismissal became one of the major
demands of labor, and this issue was raised in a number of cases involving
dismissed United States Government employees, the most notable being the United
States Navy employees in Shanghai who wei'e terminated when the Navy with-
drew, and USIS employees in the various USIS offices in China who were
dismissed when the USIS was closed. In all cases, after considerable negotia-
tion, severance payments were made. The labor regulations throughout China
now provide that severance pay miist be given. It is possible, however, that
Mr. Ward, who was isolated in Mukden for a yeai', did not realize that Ameri-
can consular establishments elsewhere in China were adopting this practice and
that his attitude toward the subject was therefore negative.
The second matter is that of physical assault upon Chinese. It is hard to
believe that such things happen, yet anyone who has lived in China knows that
they do. Last summer a member of the British consulate general in Shanghai
was charged with hitting two of his servants on the chest and face in a dispute
over wages. He admitted his mistake in hitting the servants and agreed to pay
them 6 months' wages (at US$12 a month) as termination allowance. The
wife of a leading American in Shanghai scratched and kicked four of her hus-
band's employees who called at their apartment during the course of a wage
dispute. The startled employees offered no resistance, and the husband, to save
his wife being involved, made the necessary apologies.
FALSE IMPRESSION GIVEN
Without firsthand evidence of the trial itself, it is not possible to give absolute
judgment on the Ward case. But it is evident that the reporting of the case in
the American press, over the Voice of America, and in State Department
announcements, ignored important facts and tended to give the American public
a false impression of the whole affair.
The Ward case is scarcely of sufficient importance to constitute a key issue
in America's relations with China. Yet this is what the State Department has
tried to make it.
Secretary Acheson's statement that America could not recognize the new gov-
ernment of China because of the outrageous treatment of Mr. Ward can hardly
be taken seriously. It came at a time when the Nationalist Government, which
the United States continues to recognize, was firing on the Flying Cloud and the
Sir Joint Fmnklin, two American ships carrying American passengers and crew.
In newly liberated Chungking the mutilated bodies were discovered of some
700 political prisoners murdered by the Nationalists before they withdrew from
the city.
The only feasible explanation for the State Department's attitude seems to
be that Ward's trial provides a talking point for those opposed to recognition.
INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2013
In trying to make the most of this talking point, the State Department and the
American press have given a most one-sided picture of the case. — Mary Baruictt.
Exhibit No. 487
[From the China Monthly Review, December 1950]
List of Border Violations by United States Planes
The following is an incomplete list of violations of the Korean-
Chinese border by United States aircraft during the period August
27 to November 14 of this year. This detailed account, compiled
by Hsinhua News Agency, gives a hitherto unsuspected picture of
the scope of these provocations.
An incomplete summary of the United States air raids over Northeast China
reads as follows :
At 10 : 04 hours August 27, two American planes circled and reconnoitered over
Chian County of Liaoting Province.
At 10 : 05 hours August 27, 4 American planes made 2 strafing runs on Talitsii
station of Linkiang County, damaging 1 locomotive.
At 11 : 04 hours August 27, 4 American planes strafed Talitsu station and the
river bridge area of Linkiang County, wounding 1 locomotive driver and a
civilian, damaging 2 locomotives, 1 passenger coach, and a guard's van.
At 14 : 30 hours August 27, one American plane circled and reconnoitered over
Antung City of Liaotung Province.
At 16 : 40 hours August 27, 2 American planes strafed Antung airfield, killing
3 workers and wounding 19 workers. Two trucks were destroyed.
At 17 : 43 hours August 29, 4 American planes reconnoitered over Lakooshao of
Kwantien County, then flew over Changtienhokow of Kwantien County, where
they strafed civilian boats, killing 1 fisherman and wounding 2 others. They
later appeared over Kuloutsu of Antung, where they strafed civilian boats, kill-
ing 3 fishermen, heavily wounding 2 fishermen and slightly wounding 3 others.
At 22 : 01 hours September 22, one American plane reconnoitered over Lakoo-
shao, Kwantien County.
At 22 : 15 hours September 22, 1 American plane dropped 12 bombs over An-
tung City, wounding 2 people, leveling 28 houses, the tile roofs and windows of
more than 300 houses were damaged, and 5 mou of vegetable land were devas-
tated.
At 15 : 07 hours on October 13, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Yenkiang village of Changpai County of Liaotung Province.
At 20 hours on October 14, one American plane circled and reconnoitered over
Huolungkaitsu village of Chian County.
At 20 : 45 hours on October 14, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
above Chian County.
At 14 : 25 hours on October 15, four American planes flew at low altitude and
strafed Antung City.
At 19: ■'")0 hours on October 16, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Tikou village of Chian County.
At 23 hours on October 20, one American plane dropped a bomb in Chang-
tien district of Kwantien County.
At 14 : 07 hours on October 21, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Tikou village of Chian County.
At 14 : 10 hours on Octol)er 22, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Haikwan village of Chian County.
At 15 : 07 hours on October 22, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Lakooshao village of Kwantien County.
At 10 : .">G hours (m October 24, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Tikou village of Chian County.
At 7:25 hours on October 25, 4 American planes strafed Erhtakou village of
Weishaho district of Linkiang County and 1 child and 1 cow were wounded.
At 7: 20 hours on October 25, four American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Hwangpaiticntsu village of Chian County.
At 12 : 10 hours on October 28, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Shangtao village northeast of Chian County.
At 10:44 hours on October 29, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Tikou village of Chian County.
2014 INTERLOCKING SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT
At 11 : 45 hours on October 29, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Shihpataokou village of Changpai County.
At 23 : 15 hours on October 31, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Huolungkaitsu village of Chian County.
At 23 : 29 hours on October 31, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Hwangpaitientsu of Chian County.
At 23 : 40 hours on October 31, one American plane circled and reconnoitered
over Chian County.
At 12 : 50 hours on November 1, six American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Antung City.
At 14 : 55 hours on November 1, eight American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Antung City.
At 11 : OS hours on November 2, four American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Chian County.
At 13 : 57 hours on November 2, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Shihpataokou of Changpai County.
At 14 : 03 hours on November 2. two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Shihsantaokou of Changpai County.
At 14 : 10 hours on November 2, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Shiherhaokou of Changpai County.
At 18 : 55 hours on November 2, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Antung City.
At 6 : 45 hours on November 3, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Chiehfang village of Chian County.
At 7 : 30 hours on November 3, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Lakooshao village of Kwantien County.
At 9 : 44 hours on November 3, three American planes strafed over Liangmin-
tientsu and Huashutienstu of Chian County ; 1 peasant was killed, 1 cow killed,
and 1 cow wounded.
At 9 : .59 hours on November 3, nine American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Hwangpaitientsu of Chian County.
At 10 : 02 hours on November 3, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Chian County.
At 10 : OS hours on November 3, three American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Shanghuolungwaitsu village of Chian County.
At 15: 30 hours on November 3, four American planes strafed and dropped 22
bombs over Malukou village of Pataokou of Changpai County ; 55 houses were
destroyed with heavy losses to the residents' property.
At 15 : 50 hours on November 3, one American plane strafed over Tatungkou
of Antung City.
At 15 : 55 hours on November 3, one American plane strafed over Pachiatsu
village of Kwantien County.
At 17 : 04 hours on November 3, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Yangshutientsu of Chian County.
At 17: 16 hours on November 3, two American planes circled and reconnoitered
over Liangmintientsu of Chian County.
Exhibit No. 488
[From the China Monthly Review, December 1950]
The Stkafing of Kooloutzi; by American Planes
On August 27 United States planes began crossing the Korean-
Chinese border. Since that time there have been nearly 100 separate
violations of China's border by MacArthur's airmen. On some occa-
sions the violation has been by reconnaissance planes, either singly
or in groups. On other occasions the violations have taken the form
of actual attacks on towns, cities, highways, railroads, villages and
even small groups of peasants by American fighters and bombers. In
the accompanying story, a reporter tells of his visit to the small
village of Kooloutzu and of his talks with the i-elatives of several
fishermen who were machinegunned by an American fighter in one of
the earlier border provocations.
Kooloutzu is a small Manchurian village, some 40 kilometers northeast of
Antung. If you stand on the ridge above it, you will see an e\i)aiise of ripened
crops waving invitingly in the early autumn breeze and the village itself cradled
in a clump of green trees.
I
INTERLOCKIXG SUBVERSION IN GOVERNMENT 2015
The tallest bnildins in the village, formerly a landlord's mansion, is now occu-
pied by the people's sovernment. Here the vill:i.u:ers meet to conduct their affairs,
A village cooperative is also housed there. It buys agricultural proiluce from the
local peasants and supplies them with farming implements and industrial poods.
Most of the 2,500 inhabitants of Kooloutzu are peasants who, since the land
reform, own the land they till. They also raise silkworms. In slack farmini?
seasons they go tishinir. In the daytime, everyone is at work — the peasants in the
field, the women spinning and weaving, and the children attending the village
school. Everywhere is peace and tran(]uillity.
Even the Yaln River flows quietly in front of the village.
On the afternoon of August 20, the peaceful life of Kooloutzu was shattered.
A river fishing boat tlying the Chin(>se flag was aground on the beach, and the 10
members of the crew were all working to refloat it, when 4 American planes
swept over them. They flew so low that kaoliang (sorghum) plants on the bank
were blown over and uprooted.
Immediately, one of the planes returned, macbinegunning the boat. Wu Hsi-
chun and Tuiig Chin-kuei at the stern were instantly killed. Chang Yun-chih
was seriously wounded. A bullet pierced the right lung of Liu Fu-chou, who
stood up amidship on the portside. He fell overboard and was killed. Yang
Teh-cheng. who was pushing the boat, was wounded, and two of the fingers on his
right hand were torn away. Chang I'^un-fu was wounded in the water, and his
right ribs were pierced by shrapnel. At the bow, both Chen Sheng-kuei and Chia
Yu-fa were wounded.
Only 2 of the 10 boatmen escaped the deliberate massacre of the United States
air pirates. Yin Hsueh-tou took cover at the right side of the mainmast, while
Liu AVan-hsi ducked into the water during the raid.
The fishing boat is about 71/2 meters long. After the strafing, its hull was
covered with 20 bullet holes. It was spattered with blood from prow to stern.
I arrived at Kooloutzu village when the funerals were being arranged with
the help of the representatives of the people's government sent from the city of
Antung and of the Fishermen's Union.
The following morning, I interviewed the family of Wu Hsi-chun. He had
left behind him a mother of almost 80, a pregnant wife, 4 children, and a sister.
The Government gave them a grant of 15 million northeast dollars, and the
union had undertaken to look after them until the children have grown up.
As Wu's body was being placed into the coflSn, his old mother in a paroxysm
of grief cried, "The American pirates have killed my son.
"They shot him through his throat. They must be punished ; we must punish
them. * * *"
A young wife and three children mourned in the home of Tung Chin-kuei.
The body of this robust fisherman was scarred by three bullet holes. One was
under his right armpit, through which his lung was pierced. His widow
buried her head in her hands and cried.
The brother of Liu Fu-chou, the third victim of the United States air raid,
told me that he had just passed his 20th birthday, when his youthful life was
scratched away by these killers from the other side of the Pacific Ocean.
I visited the homes of those wounded by American shrapnel. In the home
of Chang Yun-chih, I talked with his wife and three children. She told me that
when her husband was brought home, he was soaked with blood from the wound
in his right arm. "Should he become maimed." she added, "and the living con-
ditions of the family endangered, I will demand that American murderers be
made to pay this bloody debt."
Three days after the American raid, the men and women of Kooloutzu gath-
ered at a mass rally on the banks of the historic Yalu. They called for the
punishment of those responsible fur this slaughter of innocent people.
In the counties of Chi-an, Kuantien, Antung, Changpai, and Linchiang, where
the American air pirates have repeated their murderous attacks against scores
of victims, the people called for the punishment of the aggressor. In Chi-an, the
peasants have re-formed their revolutionary militia to guard their homes. In
Changpai, the youth have led the way in volunteering for service with the
Korean people's forces. Throughout the northeast the people have asked their
Government: "Act now to aid Korea and protect our homes."
That demand is now being echoed from one end to the other of China.— K'e
Chia-lung.
X
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