Skip to main content

Full text of "International communism, Red China and the Far East (testimony of Chiu-yuan Hu) Hearing before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-fifth Congress, first session. February 1, 1957"

See other formats












JANUARY 30, 1957 

Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
(Including Index) 


88246 WASHINGTON : 1957 



United States House of Repbesentatives 
FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 

CLYDE DOYLE, California DONALD L. JACKSON, California 


EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana ROBERT J. McINTOSH, Michigan 

Richard Akexs, Director 




Synopsis -- vii 

January 30, 1957: Testimony of — 

Henry Loomis - 2 

S. I. Nadler 2 

Thomas G. Roderick, Jr 2 

Nathan B. Lenvin 25 

Justin J. O'Shea 25 

Afternoon session: 

Louis J. Doyle 37 

Saul J. Mindel 37 

James O. Bouton 37 

Index (follows p. 47 of testimony) i 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted l)y the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 

♦ ****♦• 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United 
States, (ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American 
propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in 
any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such i-ecommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may he issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


Rule XII 


Sec 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee ; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of 
the Government. 

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1957 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

• ♦*♦♦♦• 

Rule XI 


* * ' :tc * * * « 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) 
the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda 
that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attaclis the 
principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) 
all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such in- 
vestigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

26. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, each 
standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the 
execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee ; and, for that pur- 
pose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 



Hearings were held in Wasliington, D. C, on January 30, 1957, 
on global Communist propaganda and United States laws designed 
to control its flow into the United States. 

Witnesses were : Henry Loomis, Director, S. I. Nadler, Deputy Di- 
rector of the Office of Research and Intelligence; and Thomas G. 
Roderick, Jr., Assistant General Comisel, United States Information 

Nathan B. Lenvin, Chief, and Justin J. O'Shea, Attorney, Regis- 
tration Section, Internal Security Division, Department of Justice. 

Louis J. Doyle, Associate General Counsel, Saul J. Mindel, At- 
torney, General Counsel's Office, and James O. Bouton, Mail Classi- 
fication Specialist, Division of Mail Classification, Post Office De- 

Mr. Nadler stated that the purposes of the international Com- 
munist propaganda apparatus are to advise Communist Party mem- 
bers of the Communist Party "line" and to enlist non-Communists in 
the progi'ams of the Commmiist conspiracy. 

Amplifying this, Mr. Loomis stated that the party propaganda has 
an additional objective, namely, agitation among the non-Communist 
masses. To further emphasize the role of propaganda in the activi- 
ties of international communism, ]Mr. Loomis quoted from an agita- 
tor's handbook: "Without a Communist press, the preparation for 
the dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible." 

The x\gitprop section of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 
he testified, has 1-i sections, the most important are the departments 
for press, publishing, films, radio, fictional literature, art, cultural 
enlightenment, schools, sciences, party propaganda, and VOKS. 

In response to the question as to how many individuals are sub- 
jected to Communist propaganda in one form or another, jNIr. Loomis 
replied that "every person who has any contacts outside his imme- 
diate family or tribe" is subjected to Communist propaganda of one 
form or another. 

The number of persons directly engaged in disseminating Com- 
munist propaganda throughout the world today, Mr. Loomis testified, 
can be estimated as high as 25 million. 

Mr. Lenvin of the Department of Justice gave the committee in- 
formation respecting the operation of the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act and its application to the dissemination of Communist prop- 
aganda. In commenting on the act, Mr. Lenvin stated that it was 
directed primarih^ at forcing disclosure by pei-sons who act within 
the United States as propaganda agents for foreign powers, 

Mr. Lenvin further testified that as of June 1956, approximately 
4,358 persons were registered with the Department of Justice under 
the act. He noted material solicited by the recipient and that which 


comes in under diplomatic seal are exempt from registration under 
the act. Also exempt are persons in the United States disseminating 
domestic Communist propaganda. 

The representatives of the Post Office Department testified that 
most of the foreign Communist propaganda disseminated in the 
United States enters in the form of "open mail." The}' further testi- 
fied that in the past year they had examined approximately 1,500,000 
pieces of such material and had confiscated approximatley 900,000 
pieces of this total under a 1940 Attorney General's ruling. 



United States House of Representatives, 

Committee on Un-American Acti\t;ties, 

Washington^ D. G. 

public hearing 

The Committee on Un-American Activities met, pursuant to call, 
in room 219, Old House Office Building, at 10 a. m., Hon. Francis E. 
Walter (chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Francis E. Walter, 
of Pennsylvania ; Morgan INI. Moulder, of Missouri ; Clyde Doyle, of 
California; Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana (appearance as noted) ; 
Bernard W. Kearney, of New York ; Donald L. Jackson, of California ; 
Gordon H. Scherer, of Ohio (appearance as noted) ; and Robert J. 
Mcintosh, of Michigan. 

Staff members present : Richard Arens, director ; Frank S. Taven- 
ner, Jr., counsel; W. Jackson Jones, investigator; and Richard S. 
Weil, staff member. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities this morning continues 
its series of hearings on the global Communist propaganda campaign 
directed against the United States and the other nations of the free 

We have already conducted hearings on this subject in Philadelphia, 
San Francisco, and here in Washington. 

It has become increasingly apparent that the propaganda opera- 
tions of the Communist apparatus rank as one of its foremost instru- 
ments of conquest by engendering strife, division, and subversion. 

This morning we will hear additional testimony from officials of 
the Department of Justice, the Post Office Department, and the United 
States Information Agency. We hope to hear from them, too, recom- 
mendations on legislative action which can be taken to stem the flow 
of international Communist propaganda into the United States. 

There is no doubt in my mind that there is an urgent need for action 
by the Congress to strengthen present laws or to enact new ones deal- 
ing more effectively with this aspect of the Communist conspiracy. 

Cull the first witnesses, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Loomis, Mr. Nadler, and Mr. Roderick. Will you 
kindly stand and be sworn ? 

88246—57 2 


The Chairman. Will you and each of you solemnly swear that the 
testimony you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ? 

Mr. LooMis. I do. 

Mr. Nadler. I do. 

Mr. Roderick. I do. 


Mr. Arens. AVill each of you kindly identify yourselves by name, 
residence, and occupation. 

(Representative Edwin E. Willis entered the hearing room at this 

Mr. LooMis. Henry Loomis, Director of the OiSce of Research and 
Intelligence, United States Information Agency, Middleburg, Va. 

Mr. Nadler. S. I. Nadler, Deputy Director, Office of Research and 
Intelligence, United States Information Agency, residence in Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Mr. Roderick. Thomas G. Roderick, Jr., Assistant General Counsel, 
United States Information Agency, Arlington, Va. 

Mr. iVRENS. Gentlemen, I have a series of questions which I pro- 
pose to propound this morning, and I would respectfully suggest that 
as I pose a question, the man who is best informed on that particular 
facet of your operation or has the information, identify himself again 
for the record and then respond, if you please, 

Mr. Loomis, would you kindly give us a word of your own personal 
background and experience ? 

Mr. Loomis. Mr. Arens, I was educated at Harvard, spent 5 years 
overseas with the Navy, did graduate work at the University of 
California, also working for the Atomic Energy Commission. 

I was assistant to the president at MIT; was special assistant to 
the Director of the Research and Development Board, Department 
of Defense; a staff member of the Psychological Strategy Board; a 
staff member of the President's Committee on International Informa- 
tion Activities, commonly called the Jackson committee; and then 
have been with the United States Information Agency since 1953. 

Mr. Arens. Kindly tell us the jurisdiction of that unit of the United 
States Information Agency with which you are connected. 

Mr. Loomis. We do our best to follow the Communist propaganda 
activities outside the L^nited States. Since the agency has no jurisdic- 
tion within the United States we do not follow that. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information respecting the structural 
organization, command structure of the Communist propaganda 
apparatus ? 

Mr. liOOMis. I do, sir. 

Mr. Arens, Would you kindly proceed at your own pace to inform 
the committee on that structural organization ? 


Mr. LooMis. Yes. 

Gentlemen, as you well know, the party is an organization of the 
greatest discipline, what they call democratic centralism, which means 
orders coming from the top down. 

In order to carry out these orders and in order to maintain disci- 
pline, they require propaganda, propaganda to their own party mem- 
bers so that each knows what the line is. 

For exanrple, in 1920 the Communist International published a book 
called the Theses and Statutes of the Third (Communist) Interna- 
tional. This is still an official document. It lists 21 requirements that 
must be fulfilled for a national party to be a true Communist Party. 

The first of these 21 conditions I quote : 

The general propaganda and agitation should bear a really Communist charac- 
ter * * *. The entire party press should be edited by reliable Communists * * *, 

All periodicals and other publications, as well as all party publications and 
editions, are subject to the control of the presidium of the party, independently 
of whether the party is legal or illegal. The editors should in no way be given 
an opportunity to abuse their autonomy and carry on a policy not fully cor- 
responding to the policy of the party. 

The fourth condition : 

A persistent and systematic propaganda and agitation is necessary in the 
Army, * * *. 

The fifth condition : 

A systematic and regular propaganda is necessary in the rural districts. 

The 18th condition : 

All the leading organs of the press of every party are bound to publish all the 
most important documents of the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 

I think this demonstrates the official need for a centralized propa- 
ganda organization. 

The party relies on propaganda for an additional mission, that of 
agitation among the non-Communist masses. 

By the way, I might take this point to differentiate between propa- 
ganda and agitation as the Communists do. 

Propaganda is when you are talking to someone who understands 
much of the problem. It is more like a college lecture where you try to 
M-rap up the whole thing and make a complicated point. 

Agitation is when you are talking to the uneducated masses. You 
are directed to make just one point, not the whole thing. 

Actually when you get into agitation you find that the parties, all 
parties, bring out what is called the agitator's handbook. And I have 
some examples here, those both from behind the curtain and in the free 
world. This particular one is from West Germany, this one from 
China, this one from Russia, this one from Denmark. 

j\Ir. Arens. I respectfully suggest, Mr. Chairman, that the various 
documents as exhibited be appropriately marked and reproduced or 
incorporated by reference in this record. 

The Chairmax. They will be so marked and incorporated. 

Mr. LooMis. These handbooks are used by the agitators at factories, 
at mass meetings, and at all appropriate places. 


Again going back to these theses and statutes of the party, again 
let me quote : 

For the struggle against this state of things — 

which means the non-Communist state — 

the Communist Parties must create a new type of periodical press for extensive 
circulation among the workmen : 

(1) Lawful publications, in which the Communists, without calling themselves 
such and without mentioning their connection with the party, learn to utilize 
the slightest liberty allowed by the laws, as the Bolsheviks did at the "time of 
the Tsar" after 1905. 

(2) Illegal sheets, although of the smallest dimensions and irregularly pub- 
lished, but reproduced in most of the printing offices by the working men (in 
secret, or if the movement has grown stronger, by means of a revolutionary 
seizure of the printing offices) giving the proletariat undiluted revolutionary in- 
formation and the revolutionary mottoes. 

Without a Communist press the preparation for the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat is impossible. 

To show that these aren't merely idle words I have some clandestine 
publications which I thought might interest the committee. We have 
here some of the "mosquito" sheets, as they are called, published by the 
Malayan Communist Party, brought out by hand mimeograph ma- 
chines in the jungle. 

(Representative Gordon H, Scherer entered the hearing room at 
this point.) 

Mr. LooMis. We have publications printed in Uruguay for distri- 
bution in other places in Latin America where the party is illegal. 
We have publications, clandestine publications from Cuba as ex- 

I might take a minute on the actual organization of the "Agitprop." 

In 1939 the organization of the party was reorganized, and the sec- 
tion of agitation and propaganda was created — reporting immedi- 
ately to the Central Committee of the Communist Party. It has under 
its immediate direction Pravcla, which is the party newspaper. It 
has notliing to do with the government. 

Pravda, of course, is the main means by which the authentic party 
line is sent around the world. This, of course, is picked up by Tass 
and radio Moscow for more rapid distribution. But the authentic 
word comes from Pravda. 

Also reporting to this are the international front groups, the World 
Federation of Democratic Youth, and so forth, and so forth, and also 
the National Communist Parties. 

Each National Communist Party has its own Agitprop section. 
And, in fact, within each party, including the Russian party, each seg- 
ment has its own Agitprop, until you get down to the cell level. 

It is a completely logical, somewhat of a military organization 
where your statf function carries on down. 

Also another section of the group is the foreign section. This corre- 
sponds somewhat to a State Department type of function. You will 
remember this is the party we are talking about, and not the Gov- 

The foreign section coordinates with the "Agitprop," and "Agit- 
prop" directions are given through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to 
foreign ambassadors and to foreign delegations overseas. 

Now, one thing I think we should mention here that might interest 
you is that the "Agitprop" has 14 sections. Let's read some of the 


titles of these to give you an idea of the scope of this organization : 
Press, publishing, films, radio, fictional literature, art^, cultural enlight- 
enment, schools, science, party propaganda, and VOKS. 

VOKS, as you know, is tlie organization for bringing delegations 
to and from the U. S. S. R. 

The next thing I would like to mention, because this is the heart 
of it, is the use by "Agitprop" of what the Communists call mass 
organizations and what we tend to call front organizations. This, 
of course, is one of the major means for disseminating propaganda. 
This was used right from tlie beginning, particularly on the Russian 
people, and has been used in increasing amounts since World War II 
on everybody else. 

The Connnunists have created or, where they previously existed, 
seized front groups to be competitive with the true organizations, 
the free organizations that exist outside. 

In other words, you have labor unions. All right, the Communists 
created labor unions. 

You had student unions. The Communists created student unions. 

You had religions. The Communists took over the organizations 
of religions within their countries. 

You have a government outside. They took over the Russian 

It is important to remember that the Russian Goverimient is nothing 
more nor less than a front, j ust like the labor unions. 

These fronts are run by what is called the party fraction, which 
means party members, who may be known or may not be known, who 
have been ordered to joint these particular groups. Or they have a 
tour of duty in government for a while. Their directives come from 
the party and not from the organization in which they are placed. 
Their directives as to what to say and what the party line is come 
from "Agitprop," though they may be ostensibly a trade-union leader 
or they may be ostensibly a government official, or even a religious 

(For the following paragraphs Mr. Loomis used a chart. See 
Loomis exhibit No. 1, p. 6.) 

Mr. Looms. I think tlie example we have here, which is of the 
Japanese people — this is true of almost any other people — shows the 
diversity that is possible. The Communists use primarily agitation 
from above, which means external from the country, and agitation 
from below, which means through the local Communist Party. 

As an example, the target in this particuular case is — we are talking 
about the Japanese people and the Japanese Government. The Gov- 
ernment is subjected to a series of pressures from the government 
fronts of the U. S. S. R., of Communist China, of North Korea. They 
are subjected to pressure to have diplomatic delegations. They are 
subjected to economic pressure. They are subjected to military 

In addition to that, they are subjected to front organizations that 
are based under U. S. S. R. or North Korea or Communist China. 

Then, of course, they are subjected to a steady stream of delegations 
coming from outside into their country. 

At the same time they have the internal Japanese Communist Party 
which, of course, is getting its agitation and propaganda directives 
from the Agitprop in the U. S. S. R. They, in turn, will have their 



p W 

12 tti 

< D 

O H 

< u 

(^ D 

O »i 

^ H 

P-l C/D 

H Q 

^ ^ 

^ ^ 

O S 

S S 


O u 






















own front groups. They will have their own league of democratic 
students, their own trade union (which is one of the largest in Japan) . 
In this particular case you will have returned Japanese from the 
U. S. S. R., the prisoners of war, who form an interesting nucleus. 
You will also have returned Japanese delegations from North Korea 
and from Communist China. 

To give an idea of the size of this thing, even though last year the 
Japanese Government was officially opposed to delegations, more than 
2,000 Japanese individuals visited China and returned. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Loomis, this illustration you are giving here of the 
Communist propaganda and agitation in Japan is typical, is it not, 
of comparable operations going on in every countiy in the world? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Now do you have an indication of the worldwide volume 
of Communist propaganda operations ? 

Mr. LooMis. We have an indication. Propaganda is such a difficult 
thing to define that it is difficult to put any precise boundaries. You 
have to draw a line between the territory that the Communists physi- 
cally control. In the countries which they control, their propaganda 
reaches huge proportions. It controls the whole school system, all com- 
munications, all art, all literature, all movies to a degree that we 
cannot even comprehend. In the case of the free world they do as 
much as they can, and it will vary from comitry to country. It will 
vary from time to time. They will always attempt to get control of 
communications wherever possible. 

Mr. Arexs. Do you have an indication of the aggi-egate expenditures 
made by the Kremlin on worldwide propaganda activities? 

(Representative Morgan M. jNIoulder left the hearing room at this 

Mr. LooMis. I would say that a reasonable estimate would be that 
within the bloc — in other words, within Russia and China and the 
European satellites — you are talking in billions of dollars. When you 
are talking about Communist expenditures in the free world outside 
of their own territory you are talking high up in the hundreds of 

Mr. Arens. May I ask you an obvious question, namely. Why does 
the Communist Party and the Kremlin expend such gigantic sums 
on propaganda? Why do they place such emphasis on propaganda? 

Mr. LooMis. I think, as the statutes of their party show, for two 
reasons: one is to give the line to the farflung organization. Their 
own internal communications problem is large. And, secondly, as 
a means of getting their point of view across to non-Communists 
and generally confuse the issue. 

Mr. Arens. Is it principally because communism is basically an 
ideology in which they undertake to capture the minds of men? 

Mr. LooMis. They use that as a device to try and get physical 
control of real estate, which is what they are after. 

Mr. Arens. How many of the 2i/^ billion people on this globe are 
now subjected in one form or another to the barrage of Communist 
propaganda which you have described ? 

Mr. LooMis. I would say every person who has any contacts outside 
his immediate family or tribe. 

Mr. Arens. Could you give us further detail on that? Why would 
you make that assertion? 


Mr. LooMis. For instance, all news has Communist propaganda in 
it, even the news in our own newspapers because we report what Mr. 
Khrushchev says, we report on activities or on action. Since that 
speech was made for a propaganda reason, our mere reporting of it 
in our own newspapei*s transmits that word to us, and it affects us. 
Maybe negatively. Maybe it confuses us. But it affects us. 

And the same thing is true all the way around the world. Anyone 
who is interested in news, anyone who listens to a radio, anyone who 
sees a movie, the Communists will be attempting to get their line 
into it. 

Mr. Arens. By what media do the Communists propagate their 

Mr. LooMis. They use all the normal mediums that we do : radio, 
press, publications, music, culture, films. Then, of course, they have 
additional, more unorthodox ones. For instance, in some countries 
they have professional students, students who remain in the univer- 
sities for decades — not to learn, themselves, but rather to be organizers 
of various groups within the universities. And then, of course, they 
have this wide-flung organization of agitators that I previously 

Mr. Arens. Do you have an estimate of the volume of printed 
material which is disseminated by the Communist apparatus 
worldwide ? 

JSIr. LooMis. We have none worldwide. It must be fantastic. 

We have some indications of material published by the U. S. S. R. 
and China. 

Mr. Arens. Could you give us an illustration of that, please? 

Mr. Looms. The U. S. b. R. Foreign Languages Publishing House, 
in 1956, put out 660 titles of books which were to be printed in the 
free-world languages. They furthermore stated that they planned 
to print 28 million copies of these books. 

Since these books are not in Russian, they obviously must be for 
the free-world use. 

Another example: During the sixth 5-year plan the JNIinistry^ of 
Culture has asked for a budget of about $200 million for capital 
expenditures for increasing the printing plant in the Soviet Union. 
The U. S. S. R. Academy of Sciences has set up a publishing house 
for publication of books on oriental subjects in Russian, French, Eng- 
lish, and 14 Eastern languages. 

There is one point which I might mention for a minute. For the 
last 2 years there has been increasing emphasis in Moscow on Africa 
and on Asia, with increases going into the Academy of Sciences, 
increased language training, increased publication in these languages. 

Mr. Arens. Do the Communists use art as a weapon as well as 
books and other devices to propagate the line? 

Mr. LooMis. They use art as well as any other means. 

One of their uses of art — and I don't mean just necessarily pictures 
like art films — is to go into countries where they have not been before, 
where they are trying to show that they are not an uncultured bear 
but, rather, are decent people like you and me and can be trusted. Art 
is one of their best means for that. 

Mr. Arens. To what extent do the Communists identify their lit- 
erature as emanating from the Kremlin ? 


Mr. LooMis. They do when they have to. They prefer not. 

As an example of one where they do, I have here the magazine 
called Soviet Land. This is put out by the Russian Embassy in 

Interestingly enough, the volume of this has increased from 7,000 
a month to 25,000 copies a month during 1956, and it is reported they 
plan to further increase this. 

Mr. Arens. Does the recipient pay a sufficient price for that docu- 
ment which you hold in order to defray the cost of publication? 

Mr. LooMis. No, sir. I think this one is given away. 

Interestingly enouiih, the format of this is very close to one which 
we bring out in Indonesia. It is as deliberate a copy as you could 
possibly make. 

You asked do they bring some ovit without attribution. Most of it 
is without attribution. Here, for example, are posters and magazines 
put out by the World Student Council, the World Student News. 
This, of course, is a front group. 

Mr. Arens. Is there any identification on that publication, the 
World Student News, that it is published by the Communist Party? 

]Mr. LooMis. No. 

Mr. Akens. What percentage would you say of the publications 
by the Communist world conspiracy actually bear identification that 
it is published by the Communists? 

]\Ir. IvOOMis. Twenty percent as a horseback guess. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information, Mr. Loomis, or do your 
colleagues have information respecting the Communist propaganda 
themes in the various areas of the world ? 

]\Ir. LooMis. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. May I invite your attention to that subject, please. 

Mr. LooMis. The themes, of course, have varied from geographic 
area to geographic area. In the case of the Far East one of the major 
themes, of course, has been peace, where they were for peace and we 
were for SEATO, and SEATO is a bad military organization. 

The second major theme, of course, has been anticolonialism which 
went through the whole area and has been going through it for 40 

The perhaps third most important was that the U. S. S. R. and 
China in particular are models to be followed. They are successful 
countries that have done well economically, whose people are happy, 
and which have come from an undeveloped country to major world 
powers in short order. 

Another one, of course, is Asian solidarity. When talking to Asia 
the Kremlin likes to talk from Siberia and with as slanted an eye as 
possible : "We are all Asians together : We Russians, we Chinese, we 

In the case of the Near East, of course they concentrate on depicting 
the Soviet bloc as the champions and allies of the Arabs. They go to 
great lengths to show their high regard for Arab culture as a means 
of trying to flatter the Arabs. They exchange cultural and artistic 

They also, of course, do their best to show that they are for peace. 
But, at the same time, they do not refrain from rattling the saber, as 

88246—57 3 


we are all aware, when they say "We will send volunteers if the 
British and French don't go out." 

In the case of Africa, racism is one of the major issues, as well as 
colonialism, as well as Afro- Asian solidarity. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have an indication of the volume and intent of 
Communist propaganda in Africa ? 

Mr. LooMis. The volume is very difficult to ascertain. The intent 
is crystal clear. The intent is to stir up as much trouble as possible 
and to prevent the newly forming governments from having stability. 

In the case of north Africa they are doing their best to horn in on 
a revolution which they did not start. 

Mr. Arens. What about India ? Do you have any information re- 
specting the drive propagandawise with the Communists in that area ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, sir. 

The main themes that I mentioned for Asia apply, of course, to 
India. They go to great lengths to show that they consider India a 
major power. 

Mr. Arens. "V^^iat about the cost or volume of the propaganda into 

Mr. LooMis. Well, I happen to have a few figures here — certainly 
not the total again. 

In mid-December the Director of the Moscow Foreign Languages 
Publisliing House indicated that they plan to send in more than 
2,800,000 copies of books in Hindi, Bengali, and Urdu. This is new, 
since last year most of their stuff was in English. 

I think it would be fair to say that the total volume of their propa- 
ganda in India was certainly measured well up in the tens of millions. 

Mr. Arens. Is that per year ? 

Mr. LooMis. Per year. 

Tlie Chairman. Is all of that material distributed free ? 

Mr. LooMTS. No, sir. They usually ask a token price. The main 
use of the price is to be payment for the distributor. That is how they 
f^et distributors, particularly in printed material and also in films. 

The Chairman. So that this Russian propaganda distributed in 
India is paid for, partially at least, by Russia ? 

Mr. LooMis. Oh, yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Now let us move, if you please, sir, over into the West- 
ern Hemisphere. 

Wliat is the situation with reference to Communist propaganda? 
And let us begin, if you please, with South America. 

Mr. LooMis. In South America tlie main theme is anti-United States. 

Mr. Arens. Give us a word about the volume. 

Mr. LooMis. The volume is not as great as in other parts of the world, 
and it varies drastically from country to country. In some countries, 
where you have very strong anti-Communist governments, there is vir- 
tually no propaganda. There is some coming in clandestinely, but of a 
small amount. In other countries the volume is fairly large. In the 
case of Uruguay it is quite large, which is used as a shipping center. 

One of the main things used in Latin America this last year were 
trade fairs as propaganda means. 

Mr. Jackson. Trade fairs ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Arens. Now could you give us a word about the emphasis of 
the Communist propaganda drives in 1956 and your own appraisal as 
an expert in this field as to their successes and failures. 

Mr. LooMis. The first significant event, of course, was the 20th 
Party Congress, followed a little later by the 8th Party Congress of 
the Chineise Party. This was a major turning point where they put 
on their cloak of respectability, where they went out to have what 
some of us call the voting revolution rather than the physical revolu- 
tion, where they made an attempt to form and create and expand 
united fronts with anybody that they could possibly get to join them. 

In some cases, like in Japan, the Communist Party, the Japanese 
Communist Party, threw away some of its military nuichinery. We 
suspect perhaps they kept some, but they threw some away to have a 
big splash and become respectable. The main thing was to become 
respectable and cultured. 

jSIr. Kearxf.y. Have you any idea as to the strength of the Com- 
munist Party in Japan at the present time ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, sir. 

It is on the order of about 10,000, plus or minus. In that neighbor- 
hood. It is not in the millions. It is in the tens of thousands. 

Mr. Arens. But those 10,000 are the hard core, are they not ? 

i\Ir. LooMis. Yes, in the case of Japan. 

Mr. Arens. In addition to the hard core in Japan you have up- 
ward in the liundreds of tliousands of people who are under discipline 
of the party. Isn't tliat correct, though they may not be hard-core 
Communist Party members? 

Mr. LooMis. No. I would say under discipline you are talking in 
the tens of thousands. Affected by and going along on some issues, 
then you are talking in the hundreds of thousands and the millions. 

Now I think that, to get back to your first question, if I may 

Mr. Willis. Translate the meaning of that in terms of the popula- 
tion of Russia and the hard-core percentage there. 

jNIr. LooMis. In the case of Russia the party strength is 7 million, 
isn't it? 

Mr. Nadler. Approximately 7 million. 

Mr. LooMis. Seven million. 

]\Ir. Willis. Out of a population of what? 

Mr. LooMis. It is out of a population of more than ours; 200 million. 
The Russians have never published their census, but it is about 200 

Mr. Arens. Are there any other major propaganda efforts which 
you can appraise from the standpoint of success and effectiveness in 
the course of the last year? 

Mr. LooMis. They have certainly put on a major effort in Hungary. 

The Hungarian situation, of course, is one which did them great 
harm around the world. Their propaganda has been doing the best 
it possibly can to try and retrieve the situation. They obviously have 
not made a negative thing into a positive thing, but they probably 
have confused tlie issue. 

Mr. Arens. How have they done that, please, sir? 

Mr. LooMis. One of the main things has been to bring out, world- 
wide, these publications which I have here — some from India, some 
from Denmark, some from Latin America — called the True Situation 


About Hungary, The Counter-Eevolution Forces in Hungary, and 
so forth. They brought these out very rapidly to try and spread 
their line which was that the Hungarian thing was a Western-directed 
counterrevolution of the imperialist states. 

Mr. Arens. How effective have they been in selling that line? 

Mr. LooMis. In most places they have been not effective because 
the facts, true facts have been made available on an increasing scale 
by everybody. 

Mr. Arens. We do not propose to interrogate you with respect to 
domestic Communist propaganda or foreign Communist propaganda 
entering the United States. That will be covered in a little while 
by another witness. But I would like to ask you what is the line 
in the United States as compared to the line abroad ? Could you give 
us your appraisal on that? 

Mr. LooMis. I think that on practically all issues the line in the 
United States follows the line laid down by the Agitprop for all 
parties. That is why every Communist Party in every country 
speaks with the same voice. 

Mr. Jackson". On that point, what has been the reaction abroad to, 
first, the denunciation of Stalin and, then, the retreat from that posi- 
tion by Khrushchev ? Has this had a tendency to confuse the world 
as much as it confused our domestic-brand Communists ? 

Mr. LooMis. It confused the Communists more than the non- 

Mr. Jackson. I was going on to the point of the Communists. 

Mr. LooMis. Yes. The Communists were considerably confused. 

This was, of course, a major zig in the line. Of course, you have 
had other ones before. You have had the Stalin-Hitler Pact, which 
was certainly as drastic as this. You have had the purges of 1936 
and so forth. 

The true party-disciplined members went right around the corner 
with full right rudder, with no qualms, no strains. Some of those 
who didn't have discipline went off', and they were a little confused. 
We have increasing defections in certain parties and certain places. 
But this has happened before and has not seriously weakened the 
Communist Party in the past. 

Mr. Jackson. But when you tear down the idol of the party and 
then start to build him up again, this to me would be a very confusing 
thing, assuming I were a hard-core Communist. I wouldn't know as 
a matter of fact. I imagine the momentum of one of these things 
probably carried over in the Daily Worker. There was complete 
confusion domestically for a few days. 

Mr. LooMis. There is always confusion for a few days — until they 
have a chance to get the word. And, of course, you always have to 
watch out in case there is a quick change at the top and you are on 
the wrong zig. 

So sometimes you try to play both camps in case your boy gets 

Of course, in Indonesia is a good example of where some of the non- 
Communists, particularly, put pressure on the Indonesian Commu- 
nist Party, which, by the way, is the fourth largest in the world, to 
say what the pitch was. And they kept needling the Commie Party, 
saying "What is the story?" 


Mr. Arens. Wliat is the size of the Indonesian Communist Party ? 

Mr. LooMis. It is in the millions. Approximate membership in 
Indonesian Communist Partj^ (PKI) : 4 million. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Loomis, it is a fact, is it not, the numerical strength 
of the Communist Party is not an exclusive index as to its strength in 
any area ? 

Mr. LooMis. It is not an index to its strength. It is an index of 
its intentions. When it wishes to capture a country by the voting 
revolution, it obviously tries to increase its membership as much as 
possible, and is willing to accept members who are not under stern 

Mr. Arens, But there is no direct ratio between the threat of a 
conspiratorial operation of the party and its numerical strength. 
Isn't that correct ? 

Mr. LooMis. Usually, the larger it is the less conspiratorial it is, 
and the less threat from that kind of takeover. 

Mr. Arens. Would it be equally true that usually the smaller it is, 
indicates a more serious threat ? 

Mr. LooMis. It indicates its intentions are clandestine. How 
serious, what its possibilities are, varies from country to country. 

Mr. Arens. How many people, in your judgment, on the basis of 
your background and experience, in the world are presently engaged 
in disseminating Communist propaganda? 

Mr. LooMis. Knowingly I would say about every member of the 
Communist Party, which is certainly — we are now talking in the 
tens of millions if you add them all. 

Mr. Arens. About 25 million ? 

Mr. LooMis. Something of that nature, yes. I haven't added them 

Then, of course, there will be, I would say, almost as many non- 
Communists, fellow travelers or people in these front groups who 
may not realize that their front is being manipulated by the party 

Mr. Arens. What is the ultimate objective of all of this propa- 
ganda worldwide that you have been describing? 

Mr. LooMis. The objective is to bring the local Communist Party 
into power, into physical control of the land. 

]\Ir. Willis. You have twice referred to the voting revolution. 
I didn't get the meaning of that. 

Mr. LooMis. The voting revolutions? 

Mr. Willis. Is that the respectable veneer to which you are re- 
ferring ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes. 

"WHiat they try to do in some countries, for instance, in France and 
Italy. For a while after the war they thought they had a chance. 
They now think they have a chance perhaps in Indonesia to gain 
control of the parliament in a normal voting way, to be voted into 
a majority in the new parliament. The second they get that, of 
course, then they have got it, and then you are through. 

Mr, Arens. Do you have information respecting the program of 
the Communist Party to get into the United States, into this Nation, 
its line, either by the importation of physical documents or by the 
dissemination of the line via front groups ? 


Mr. LooMis. "V\Tiile we do not follow it closely at all, we do coop- 
erate with the Customs Service, and they have shown us enough 
material to indicate that the Communists are using all their normal 
media. Of course, they have considerable radio in English to North 
America, and they have a flood of publications. They have a good 
many movies. And, as we all know, they have front groups. 

Mr. Arens. This material is coming in at some forty-some-odd ports 
of entry every day, is it not ? 

Mr. LooMis. I believe so. 

Again, I don't follow that. I get that from the Customs. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have any information respecting the percentage 
of the foreign communist propaganda which is in a foreign language 
as distinct from the English language ? 

Mr. LooMis. I do not, sir. But I know that the United States is 
used as a transshipment point, so that much of this may not have been 
aimed at the United States in the first place. We are used as a 
transshipment place. 

Mr. Arens. I have asked you a series of questions on the highlights 
of your presentation. Is there any other area or any other significant 
items of information you would like to present to the committee ? 

Mr. LooMis. I have a few items on the general size of some of their 
media operations which I think may interest the committee. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly proceed. 

Mr. LooMis. For example. Communist radios, international broad- 
casting by the Communists increased about 10 percent during 1956. 

Mr. Arens. Could you give us an indication of the volume? 

Mr. LooMis. At the present time it is just in excess of 2,000 hours 
per week. 

Mr. Arens. Could you translate that now in terms of some item 
of information of which we may have common knowledge. How 
would you equate that to the committee? Is that a significant amount, 
2,000 hours? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Arens. Or is it insignificant? 

Mr. LooMis. I am trying to think of how many hours there are in 
a week. 

Seven by twenty-four would be one hundred and sixty-eight. 

Then that is more than 10 times the number of hours that are in a 
week, at least 10 broadcasts every minute of every day. 

Mr. Arens. These 2,000 hours emanate from what source? 

Mr. LooMis. About 800 of them from the U. S. S. R. 

Mr. Arens. Are those beamed worldwide ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes. I am not talking about domestic; I am talking 
about only international broadcasts. 

Six-hundred-odd from the European satellites, 250 from Commu- 
nist China, almost 100 from the Far East satellites — Korea and Indo- 
china, and about 100 of them are clandestine. 

As an example, this has increased. This 2,000 hours you can com- 
pare to 600 hours in 1948. 

Mr. Arens. I have difficulty interpreting that. 

How would that compare, say, with the normal commercial broad- 
cast? How would it compare with, say, our broadcast, the Voice of 
America ? 


Mr. LooMis. It is a lot more than that, of course. The 2,000 hours 
is much more than the Voice because you ought to add m BBC and all 
these other radios as well. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know the figure offhand of the Voice ? 

;Mr. Loo3nis. Voice of America broadcast hours per week as of mid- 
year, June 30, 1956 : IjOllVs. 

Mr. Arens. What is the relative number of hours beamed by the 
Soviet bloc as compared to the relative number of hours beamed by the 
free world ? Do you have an appraisal of that? 

Mr. LooMis. I can furnish that. I don't have the free world, unfor- 
tunately. I follow the enemy. 

One point : I think that we did some calculations that, if it costs 
them as much per hour to broadcast as it costs us, their total expendi- 
ture was $130 million or $132 million. 

Mr. Arens. Over what period of time ? 

Mr. LooMis. For a year, for the international broadcasts only. 

Mr. Arens. Of the Soviet bloc? 

;Mr. LooMis. Of the Soviet bloc. That includes China. 

Mr. Willis. You are talking about propaganda outlets? 

Mr. LooMis. Everything. Everything is propaganda. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have another item of information to present? 

Mr. LooMis. One thing that may interest the committee is that we 
now, for the first time, have a glimmer as to their cost of jamming. 
That, of course, has been a debatable point for many years. 

The Poles got into a debate in their parliament, and one group 
wished to give up jamming because it was too expensive. And in 
the heat of the argument one of the Polish deputies stated that it 
cost 78 million zloties a year. Translated at the official rate of ex- 
change, that is about $17 million a year for just Polish jamming. And 
if you equate that to the size of the other countries it comes up to 
the order of $110 million. 

In the case of films, as an example of their expansion, in 1953 the 
Soviets made 28 feature films; in 1956 they made about 75 feature 
films. Almost a three-times increase. 

Mr. Arens. This doesn't include the satellites? 

Mr. LooMis. No. This is just the Soviets. I have the full figures. 

Perhaps another thing that is not commonly recognized is their 
trade fair progTam, which is primarily for propaganda and not for 

Mr. Willis. '\^niat do they do at trade fairs? Exhibit their wares? 

]\[r. LooMis. They exliibit their wares. They also exhibit their 
culture. They exhibit their normalness. 

In the case of China the main point was to show that they are a 
successful country : 

We can produce delicate electronic equipment, we can produce heavy earth- 
moving equipment in China. We are a successful country. Follow us. 

Mr. Arens. 'What is the overall increase? How would vou ap- 
praise the overall increase of the propaganda effort worldwide by the 
Soviet conspiracy ? Is it significantly on the increase? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, I would say it is. I would say probably in the 
order of 5 percent or something of that nature, 5 or 10 percent world- 
wide in the free world. 


Mr. Arens. Do you have any way of appraising how effective it is 
in accomplishing its respective objectives? 

Mr. LooMis. Propaganda, theirs as well as ours, is tied to reality. 

When the facts are on your side, propaganda can help the impact 
of the facts. 

When the facts are against you, if you are lucky you can diminish 
the negative effect. But it is almost impossible for them and for us to 
estimate that effect. 

As an example, Hungary was a fact that was against them. They 
have gone backwards in spite of their heroic propaganda efforts. How 
much further they would have gone back if they hadn't done the 
propaganda — who knows ? 

Mr. Arens. Are you in a position to give us your judgment or ap- 
praisal on the effectiveness of their propaganda drive in the Middle 
East which would, of course, have to be tied in with the events of the 
last few months ? 

Mr. LooMis. That has been most effective. But again you get con- 
fused as to what is propaganda and what is political motivation. 

In other words, sometimes a country for political reasons wants 
something, and then the propaganda comes in as part of the byplay. 

But, to get back to your initial statement, I think you can say that 
where the facts have been against them for any length of time, the 
Communist propaganda has failed dismally. 

The chief example of that, of course, is the Hungarian revolution. 
And the second example would be the unrest in the Eussian youth 

These are the people who have been subjected to continuous propa- 
ganda every waking minute, and still it didn't change them. 

Mr. Willis. How do you know that ? What evidence do you have 
of that, that it has been a failure? 

Mr. LooMis. The fact that they revolted, the fact that the youth 
are among the most dissident in Communist countries. 

Mr. Willis. You are still talking about Hungary ? 

Mr. Looms. Yes, Hungary, and Russia, too. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that will conclude 
the staff interrogation of this witness. 

Mr. Kearney. Would you include Poland in that also ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes, sir ; all the satellites to varying degrees. 

Mr. ScHERER. Including East Germany ? 

Mr. LooMis. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. If I may, Mr. Chairman, on the point of Poland, what 
was your analysis and appraisal of the recent Polish election ? 

Mr. LooMis. We don't do that, sir. That is the State Department's 
function. Ours is to look at how it has affected their propaganda 
media and their propaganda line. 

Mr. Jackson. Was this a propaganda victory or was it a propa- 
ganda defeat ? 

Mr. LooMis. It was certainly a victory for Gomulka. And he 
didn't play it too much externally. He didn't make it as an external 
line one way or the other. It was more for domestic use. 

The Chairman. Are there any further questions ? Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. DoYLE. You said the propaganda in the free world is on the 


Mr. LooMis. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle, About 5 percent or more. 

Is that also your estimate as to the ]:)ropai»au(la directed toward the 
United States and into the United States — the same j)ercenta<^e^ 

Mr. Loo:Nris. Well, in the case of their radio, that doubled last year. 
They instituted a new pro<jram to the west coast. They also doubled 
their Ukrainian-laniruage broadcast to North America. But that is 
just radio. I have n.o knowledge of the scope of their publications 
coming in. 

Mr. Doyle. Have you any information as to whether they are in- 
creasing their propaganda toward the United States inore than they 
;ire toward, for instance, Indonesia or any other foreign country? 

Mr. LooMis. No. 

In the case of Indonesia they are throwing everything in but the 
kitchen stove. 

Mr. Doyle, ^^^ly? 

Mr. LooMis. Because they think they have been making some suc- 
cess. And the more their ability to throw stufl' in, the moi-e they will. 

It is their judgment that it is not being counterproductive. In 
some countries where they throw in too mncli, it gets the government 
worried, the host government worried, and then it becomes counter- 

Mr. Doyle. You said the United States is a ti-ansshipment point. 
I don't quite understand what you mean by that. 

You mean do they ship from Russia itself to the Ignited States and 
thei; .from the United States to other nations? 

ivi,-. ix)o.Mis. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. How are we involved in that { 1 mean our (Tovernment. 
Is our system snch tliat they can do tliat with ease or withoiit expense 
or what? 

Mr. DooMis. Again, this is the customs office or customs service (}ues- 
tion. I don't know, 

Mr, Arens. I would respectfully suggest tliat the postal authorities 
will discuss that very problem this afternoon. 

Mr. Doyle. I I'emember we had testin^.ony on that point at the San 
Francisco hearings. 

Mr. Arexs. Yes; vre did. 

Mr, Doyle, Why the change in the Stalin line ? 

Mr. L<:>0Mis. You mean the going back to Stalin being a good boy 
again ? 

ilr. Doyle. Yes. Wh>' did they adopt that change? 

Mr, lx)OMis, W^ell, they must have made the judgment that their 
other one was wrecking them more than helping them, 

Mr, Doyle. You mentioned the trade fairs. As I have read about 
those trade fai)'s over the world, we are not partici|)ating in very many 
of them in competition with the Ilussian displays. Why is that? 

Mr. Ijoomis. I l)elieve we are particpating in more now. 1 have the 
the Soviet and Conununist figures which miglit interest you. 

Mr. Doyle. Yes; it would. 

Mr. LooMis. There were 72 Soviet-bloc exhibitions or ciisplays at 
international fairs in 15)r>() as compared to fi8 in 1955, 46 in 1954, and 
only 15 in 1951. 

8824C — 57 4 


Mr. DoYLi-:. "What is the number in which we participated? 

Mr. LooMis. The number of international trade fairs in which the 
United States participated last year : 16. 

Mr. Doyle. I think you will find there were very few. I don't 
understand why we do not have more. 

Mr. Ijoomis. We estimate that the Communist bloc in 1956 spent 
something on the order of $50 million on the trade-fair program. 

Mr. Doyle. You said that Indonesia has the fourth largest Com- 
munist Party in the world, as I understood it. 

Mr. LooMis. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. Can you give the order in which it is the strongest in 
each nation ? Indonesia is fourth. Which are the first, second, and 

Mr. LooMis. Russian, Chinese, and French, and Indonesian, and 

Mr. Doyle. How about the United States ? 

Mr. LooMis. Excuse me. I think Italy is third, and France is j5fth. 
Excuse me. I had that wrong. 

Mr. Doyle. VThy the increased activity in Africa just at this time? 

Mr. Looiiis. They obviously believe that it will become a fertile 
gi-ound for agitation. They made that decision in the Near East 
about 9 years ago when they started their language training program, 
which is one reason why in the Near East now their trade delegations, 
their diplomatic people, all speak fluent Arabic. They are now trying 
to teach people Swahili and all those strange African languages, be- 
cause they think that continent is seething and it is coming into a new 
era of independence, and they want to try and grab it fast. 

Mr. Doyle. Are you familiar with the identity of the nations and 
countries in Africa which have outlawed communism by statute or 
ordinance or regTilation ? I understand tliere are some. 

Mr. LooMis. Yes. 

Of course, most of them are still dependencies of European powers. 

The Union of South Africa has outlawed the party. I am not 
aware otfhand of any of the others. I don't think they have. I don't 
think they are in the Gold Coast, for instance. I can find that 

Of course, whether the party is legal or illegal doesn't make too 
much diilerence in its propaganda activities. As an example, in 
Brazil, where the party is illegal — legally it is a major entity and has 
had a major publishing business. 

Mr. Scherer. We had a witness before the committee the other 
day who said, in substance, that the Communists were attempting to 
substitute Russian colonialism in Africa for European colonialism. 
Is that true as far as you know ? 

Mr. LooMis. I tliink it is understating the situation because 
colonialism, as practiced by the European powers in the last century, 
was a rather mild affair as compared to being a satellite of the 
U. S. S. R. And they are, of course, desirous of gaining satellites. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this question, please, and I direct this to what 
information you have about propaganda directed against the Ameri- 
can form of government in propaganda sheets and publications : In 
other words, are they continuing to ship into the United States publi- 
cations printed in various languages attacking our constitutional form 
of government ? 


.Ml'. Loo.Afis. ^ es, tlu'Y do. And the\', of course, attuck our economic 
svsteni. Those are the two major thin<rs. Accordin<r to them, our 
(lovernment is run by a few rich people for their own benefits. And, 
of course, theii- explanation of capitalism is complete exploitation of 
the man}' for the few on top. 

Mr. ScHEKEK. Have you come across any propa<randa that is di- 
rected toward investi<^atin<»" connnittees of the Con<rress originatinjz 
from, say, the Far East? 

Afr. Looiiis. Yes, sir. 

Mr. ScHEPtiiK. Tell us about that. 

Mr. L(H)Mis. I don't have any riirht here, but I am sure we can find 
it. They j)ick on anything they can to make an issue out of. And 
they luwe picked (\)ni>ress and various members of Congress by name 
as examples of tliese terrible imperialists. 

Mr. ScHEREK. Mr. Walter, for instance? 

Mr. L()o:Nris. Yes, sir, they have mentioned him and mentioned 
numerous Senators. 

Usually it isn't so much the committee as an entity. The}- usually 
niidce it individuals because (hat is easier to sell. 

Mr. S( HEKEi;. Do you find that some of this |)ropa*randa airainst 
Couirress irenerally, oi- individuals in Conoi-ess wlio are anti-Commu- 
nist, is beintr used today by left-win<r orefanizations in this country? 

Mr. rAH):Mis. I don't know about this country, you see. Of course I 
don't have the time to follow this country at all. 

Mr. Kearney. I can tell the oentlenuui from Ohio that it is true. 

Mr. ScriEREK. "We know, but we want to aet it in th.e record. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this question: Followin<>: up my questions 
as to the direct i(m of propaganda against the United States or into 
the United States: is any of the printed pro])aganda coming now into 
our comitry fi-om llussia, or at the instigation of Russia, in other lan- 
guages which, either directly or indirectly, advocates the thought or 
proposition that there should be and will be a revolution of any sort? 

Mr. LooMis. I think most of the material which comes into the 
T'^nited States is on the theme that Russia and China and the satellites 
are pleasant, prosperous, hrtj)py jdaces ratliei- than being strongly anti- 

Mr. DoYi.E. Is any of it presented in photography — pictures? 

Mr. TjOomis. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Is any of it in color? 

Mr. Loo3tis. Yes. I have some examples here which might inter- 
est you. One of the main people, of course, is China. This is a very 
Avell prhited book — this one doesn't have color but most of them do — - 
showing China as an extremely happy place. Here is one on Slovak 
folklore which is very much in color, very mucli a prestige 
^'ou can buy this for 9,?>. which shoAvs that somebody is subsidizing 
souiething alorig the line. 

Mr. ScuERER. Why do all these Hungarian refugee's want to come 
hei'e instead of going to all those nice places ? 

Mr. LooAris. As I stated previously, sir, I think the Hungarian 
revolution is the clearest exam])le of Iheir failure as propagandists. 

The Chairman. Mr. Willis, any questions? 

Mr. Willis. Xo. 

The Chairman. Geneial Keaiuey. 


Mr. Kearney. Just one question, please. 

You spoke about the propaganda sent by the Kussians to north 
Africa. Is it true that most of their propaganda efforts in north 
Africa are directed toward American bases? 

Mr. Ix)OMis. I woukl not say most, no, sir. That is one of the major 
themes. Most of it is directed against France and European colonial- 
ism and the slavery of Africans by Europeans, 

Mr. Kkarxey. But our bases are also included ? 

Mr. LooMis. Oil, yes: that is one of the major themes. They know 
if they could get France out, then they have a better chance of 
getting us. 

The Chairman. Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Then it simply occurs to me, Mr. Chairman, that it 
might be very helpful if Mr. Loom is and his associates would get a 
few extracts from the attacks upon this and other investigating com- 
mittees. I personally agree with Mr. Scherer — I would like to relate 
those to some of the attacks that originate in some of our domestic 
organizations. I dare say we will find them word for word the same. 
If it would be possible to get a few of those together it might be 
well to have them when the aj^propriation for the committee comes 
up on tlie floor next week. 

Mr. LooMis. There is one service which we have been performing, 
which you may not be aware of, sir. We produce 3 times a week, a 
1-page summary of the party line. We make a point there where it 
has mentioned a Congressman or a Senator by name, to put it in. A 
good many copies of that ai'e sent to vai'ious Members of the Congress. 
If you are not receiving them and wouhl like to, we would be very glad 
to send them. 

Mr. Jackson. It would be very helpful. Also something in the way 
of a reasonable documentation of a few things that have been done. 

(The material referred to submitted by Mr. Henry Loomis, follows :) 

Robeson Appears Before House Committee 

(Moscow, Soviet Home Service, June 15, 1056, 0545 G. m. t. — L.) 


As we already reported, the Un-Anierieun Activities Committee on June 12 
investigated the well-Icnown singer and peace fighter Pavil Robeson. Throughout 
his interrogation Robeson remained fearless and dignified. He justly charged 
his investigators with being reactionaries and obscurantists. 

The committee did not permit Robeson to read a statement which he had 
prepared and circulated among press representatives. He did, however, express 
his views in replies to the chairman of the committee. 

Replying to the committee's question as to what his attitude toward the 
Soviet Union, Robeson declared: "In Russia, for the first time, I felt myself 
a man who is valued equally." 

He said that he had returned to America to struggle for his people — the 
Negro people. "And I will not allow myself to be driven out by profascist 
people." Robeson also stated : "The peoples of the Soviet Union and China 
are in the forefront of the struggle for peace, just as is, thank God, our President. 
I hope that we shall have peace, if committees such as yours do not spoil thin»;s." 

Robeson repeatedly criticized the treatment of Negroes in the United States. 
When the committee's counsel indicated to Robeson that his personal successes as 
evidence that the United States gave some chance to Negroes, Robeson said that 
personal successes achieved by him and the baseball player Jackie Robinson 
could not be taken as a consensus of the situation of thousands of Negroes living 
on $700 per year. "My father w^as a slave ; my cousins are" [word missing — Ed.]. 


[BB 21 — U. S. S. K. International Affairs, June 18. 1056] 

Robeson refused to tell the committee whether he was a member of the Com- 
munist Party, referring to his rights under the fifth amendment to the American 
Constitution. He also referred to his rights under the Constitution in refusing 
to reply to questions about various people. When the committee aslied him about 
a Communist Party leader, the Negro Benny Dennis [Ben Davis], Robeson 
declared that Dennis was one of the best Americans that could be imagined. 

He went on to say: "You are bad Americans; you belong in the category of 
those who are connected with laws concerning aliens and Incitements. You 
should be ashamed of yourselves." 

At this point the chairman of the committee, Walter, abruptly suspended the 
sitting. As Robeson was leaving the witness box he observed: "You should 
suspend this sitting for good." Shortly afterward Walter announced that the 
committee had asked Congress to indict Robeson for contempt of the committee 
for his scornful remarks about the committee and its members. 

New Attack on United States Progressives Begins 

Moscow, Tass, in Russian Hellschreiber to Europe, November 13, 1950, 2115 
G. m. t.— L.) 


Judging by reports in the American press, reactionaries in the United States 
are beginning a new onslaught against progressive oi-ganizations. This xs borne 
out by appeals voiced recently in congressional committees and the bourgeois 
press to start wide-scale persecutions of progressive elements. 

On November 12 the notorious House Committee on Un-American Activities 
will start work. According to its chairman, Walter, the committee will "inves- 
tigate" activities of progressive-minded people who have been opposing the so- 
called internal-security program — in other words, the program of persecuting 
progressive organizations — which is being carried out in accordance with the 
legislation of McCarran and Walter, Smith legislation aimed at controlling 
"stibversive" activities. Representatives of progressive organizations in Wash- 
ington and other towns will be summoned by the committee. 

[BB 33 — U. S. S. R. International Affairs, November 14, 1956] 

The notorious Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, w^hose chairman is 
Eastland, is resuming its "investigating work." 

According to the New York Times, the head of the dockworkers' union. Bridges, 
said that members of this union employed in the Hawaiian Islands will strike 
during the 4 days that the meetings of this Senate subcommittee are taking place 
there. Eastland, said Bridges, "is showing particular interest in our union." 

The paper points out that 5 years ago the House Un-American Activities 
Committee carried out similar "investigations" in Hawaii, after which the leader 
of the stevedores' union. Hall, and several other progressive workers were con- 
victed on the basis of the notorious Smith Act. 

[BB 33 — U. S. S. R. International Affairs, November 15, 1956] 

United States Goes Back to McCarthy Practices 

(Moscow, in English to North America, November 15, 1956, 0100 G. m. t. — E.) 

(Brief comment on the news.) 


You probably remember the last days of Senator McCarthy, his attacks on 
Americans, and his (notoriety) in the United States and abroad. So infamous 
were the attacks and so great tbe indignation they aroused that he and his im- 
mediate henchmen had to take a back seat in the political arena. 

The news from various American commentators indicates that the (acts) of 
the McCarthy era are again being perpetrated there. True, McCarthy's name 
is seldom, if ever, mentioned, but those of Walter, the chairman of the House 
Un-American Committee, and Eastland, the chairman of the Senate Security 
Subcommittee, are again appearing in the headlines. 


Congress committees are again holding sessions and again calling np and 
(luestiouiug individuals and again invoking the Smith and McCarran Acts, which 
are no honor to the United States. Many Americans are again facing a threat 
because they want to think freely and openly to express their (progressive?) 
anti-Fascist, auticolouial, and antiwar sentiments. 

The same questions are asked now as in the days when the McCarthy clique was 
active. Why is it that many xVmericans are denied the riglit to liberty , pro- 
claimed in the Bill of Rights? Why must they explain their views on things 
and events to congressional committees? Why must all Americans think as the 
Pentagon and Wall Street men do or be persecuted, questioned by committees, and 
even jailed if they do not? These questions evoke an understandable indigna- 
tion in many Americans. The New York Times reports that members of the 
longshoremen and warehouse workers' trade union in the Hawaiian Islands 
have decided to strike during the 4 days that the Senate Security Subcommittee 
will be meeting there. 

Abroad, too, questions are being asked about the resumption of the infamous 
loyalty investigations in America. As you know, American diplomats often 
accuse other countries of undemocratic practices. AVhat moral right have they 
to accuse others when man's inalienable right to think as he chooses is not 
respected in their own country? Now American leaders are obviously good at 
seeing (something in other men's yards?) but they do not see the witch hunting 
in their own country, nor the thousands of men and women who are being 
dragged before investigation courts and forced to lay bare their thoughts and 
convictions in violation of the United States Constitution. They do not even see 
how free thinking Americans are being sent to jail on false testimony. 

Would not the American diplomats do well to start the fight for democracy 
at home? There is another thing to be said: Everyone knows from the expe- 
rience of the past years that reactionary attack on democratic life in America 
is an evil omen, (that) McCarthyism is [three words missing — Ed.] of the cold 
war. The McCarthyites and tlie congressional committees are raising tlieir 
(heads) at a time wlien responsible American officials are suppoi-ting the Anglo- 
French-Israeli aggression, at a time when these officials are supporting the 
Fascist (struggle) in the people's democratic countries. Can it be that they 
intend to drag America back to the dark times of the <-old war and of McCarthy- 
ism? The American people will hardly be grateful to them for that. 

[BB 32— r. S. S. R. International Affairs, November 28, 10.56] 

Reactiox Gains in Postelection United States 

(Moscow. Tass, in English IMorse to North America. November 24. 195«i,. 
2210 G. m. t— E.) 


Moscow. — ''The United States elections before and after'" is the title of an 
article by S. Menshikov. published in the latest issue of New Times. Tlie article- 
reads in part : 

"In the American elections 2 weeks ago both the Republican and the Demo- 
cratic Parties acted, nt least on the surface, as united organizations. But within 
both parties a nmtfled struggle was going on between rival groups, each of which 
sought to exploit the elections to strengthen its own position. Now that the 
elections are o\er. this internal struggle is coming out into the open. 

"For the Repulilicans. the elections were both a victory and a defeat. A vic- 
tory, because their presidential and vice presidential candidates have been 
elected for another 4-year term. A defeat, because they failed to carry off 
their principal maneuver, nicknamed 'Operation Coattails.' The idea was to 
pull through a majority in both Houses of Congress by clinging to the coattails 
of a popular presidential candidate. The operation failed. As the c\irrent gag 
in the American ]iress has it. the electors ijassed a vote of confidence in Eisen- 
hower and lack of confidence in the Repulilican Party. 

"But there has been another result of no less consequence. Elected together 
with Eisenhower, who heads the so-called moderate wing of the Republican 
Party, was Vice President Richard M. Nixon, who is backed by the most reac- 
tionary groups in the party. Eisenhower had the support in the elections of" 
the whole Republican machine, but this does not mean that he enjoyed, or now^ 
enjoys, unlimited influence in the Republican Party. The fact that nobody^ 


ventured to oppose Eis^enhower's nomiuatiou does not mean that the Republican 
right-wing has changed its attitude. 

•'But the elections did not strengthen Eisenhower's position. The 'moderates' 
owed the !jig influence they enjoyed hitherto to the fact that the rightwing 
had based on hopes of success on Eisenliower. Now the situation has changed — 
the White House is safely in the hands of the Republicans for another 4 years. 
But Eisenhower himself cannot, under present constitutional rules, stand for 
President for a third term. Tlie rightwing no longer feels any necessity to 
support the 'moderates,' and is working strenuously to seize the leadership of 
the party. Nixon's supporters are oi)enly boosting him as the 19G0 presidential 

"Immediately after the elections, there wei-e reports in the American press 
of impending changes in the Government, but on November 15 the White House 
announced that the Cabinet, in which the Republican rightwing is strongly 
I'epresented, would not be reformed. 

"The elections have been followed by a realinement of forces within the Demo- 
cratic Party. Also, there, the rivalry is chiefly between a relatively liberal 
wing — headed by Adlai Stevenson, the unsuccessful presidential candidate, and 
Estes Kefauver, his running mate — and a frankly reactionary racist wing, 
which is strongly backed by the Democratic machine in the Southern States. 

"Defeated in his bid for the presidency, and with the racist wing of his party 
predominant in Congi'ess, Stevenson's position is a very awkward one. Formally, 
he remains the head of the Democratic Party, but his influence has seriously 

'•The elections have thus strengthened the extreme right elements in the 
Republican Party. And if in the past months the exigencies of the election 
campaign compelled these groups to play a game of mutual fisticufiCs, now the 
ground exists for restoring, and even strengthening, their former bloc. 

•"All this was a signal for the activization of rhe reactionary elements. They 
forgot tlieir election promise to protect the civil liberties and at once passed 
to the oifensive. Already at its first meeting, on November 12, the House of 
Representatives Un-American Activities Committee resTimed its campaign 
against the progressive organizations which are working for the repeal of the 
McCarrau, McCarran- Walter, Smith, and other draconic laws. 

"A swing to the right is also to be observed in foreign policy. On November 9 
the congressional leaders of the two parties agreed to act in coalition. 

■•Numerous statements in the bourgeois press of many countries show rhat 
the reactionary and aggressive elements all over the world are now placing 
great hopes in the definite swing to the right to be observed in the United States 
ruling circles since the elections. 

"But the reactionary revival, Menshikov concludes, runs directly counter 
to the sentiments and wishes of the overwhelming majority of the American 
people. It was not for a bloc of rightwing Republicans and Democratic racists 
and not for a bellicose bipartisan policy that they voted on November 6. They 
voted for the presidential ciindidate with whom they link their hope of peace. 
They voted against the Republican Party, which is associated in their minds with 
monopoly and militarist interests. It is therefore not to lie doubted that the 
postelection trend to the right in United States home and foreign policy will meet 
with the determined resistance of progressive opinion." 

Co-MMiTTEK Horxns United St.vtks Pkogukssivks 

(Mos<'ow, Tass, in English Hells<hreiber to Europe, December IG. 1956, 1785 
G. m. t.— L.) 

( Text : ) 

Nkw York. — Press reports show that the not<rious Un-American Activities 
C<nnmittee has launched another drive on civil rights and liberties in the United 
States. Material published in the press about the committee's activities once 
again proves that the United States, while raising a hue and cry about the 
observance of the U. N. human rights declaration by other countries, does not 
insure in its own e;uiit!y the elenientaiy <ivi] riglits and liberties proclaimed 
in that declaration. 


[BB 37^U. S. S. R. International Affairs, December 18, 1956] 

The committee held a number of sessions in Chicago, Los Angeles, San Fran- 
cisco, and Seattle in the first half of December under the guise of investigating 
"Communist attempts to undermine the laws designed to insure security." It 
interrogated close to 100 people. 

The main target of the committee's attacks is the American Committee for the 
Protection of the Foreign Born, a progressive organization, which for a number 
of years has been defending in the courts trade-union and other progressive 
leaders sentenced to deportation for their political views. With the help of 
perjured testimony of professional informers, the committee sought to discredit 
this organization and its workers. 

The methods used by the committee to hound innocent people are illustrated 
by the following facts : One of the paid informers whose services the committee 
enlisted, seeking to vilify some employees of the General Electric Co. in Chicago, 
alleged at a meeting of the committee that, when he wormed his way into 
the Communist Party on orders of the FBI, party members at meetings were 
trained in handling rifles and shown how they would line up people and shoot 

In Los Angeles the committee summoned 75-year-old John Uhrin, a Hun- 
garian by birth, and threatened to deport him for refusing to reply to the 
question of what he thought of photos of events in Hungary that he had been 

In San Francisco the committee picked as its victim Prof. Victor Arnautov 
[Arnautofif], of Stanford University. The "charge" again him is that he drew a 
cartoon of Vice President Nixon 3 years ago. 

People summoned by the committee are threatened with the loss of their jobs 
and court trial on the standard charge of so-called contempt of Congress if they 
invoke constitutional provisions in refusing to answer questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. No questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. Mcintosh. 

Mr. McIntosh. No questions. 

The Chairman. Mr. Loomis, you s;!}^ that the attention of the 
Kremlin is now focused on Africa. That is probably because they 
have done such a good job in India. Africa is on the timetable. 
Isn't it a fact that South America is next on that timetable? 

Mr. Loomis. It would appear reasonable that South America is the 
last area left, so to speak. They would certainly tackle South Amer- 
ica before they would tackle us. 

The Chairman. What attempts are we making to offset the propa- 
ganda campaign now being conducted in Africa ? 

Mr. Loomis. While I am not familiar with the details, I know 
that our agency and, I believe other agencies of the Government, are 
increasing their staffs in Africa and increasing the attention. One 
of our problems in a free world is to get people to learn these odd 
languages, because if you learn Swahili then you become an expert 
in it, and you can't get anywhere else in the world. If you are a 
bright, smart young boy you would rather do something else. That 
is one of the problems. Of course in the case of the Communists 
they can just order, "I want 40 of the brightest people to learn Urdu," 
or whatever they want, and you have no choice. One of the major 
problems of our agency, and I understand also of other agencies of the 
Government, has been to get a sufficient number of people to learn 
the more unorthodox languages. 

The Chairman. We are deeply indebted to you. Thank you very 
much, Mr. Loomis. 


Is there anything further ? 

Mr. Arens. No, sir. We have more witnesses. 

The Chairman. Call your next witness. 

Mr. Arens. Messrs. Lenvin and O'Shea, would you kindly come 
forward and please remain standing while the chairman administers 
an oath to you. 

The Chairman. Do you and each of you swear that the testimony 
you are about to give shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Lenvin. I do. 

Mr. O'Shea. I do. 


Mr, Arens. Kindly identify yourselves by name, residence, and 

Mr. Lenvin. My name is Nathan B. Lenvin, Arlington, Va., and 
I am the Chief of the Registration Section of the Internal Security 
Division of the Department of Justice. 

Mr. O'Shea. Justin J. O'Shea, Washington, attorney with the 
Registration Section of the Internal Security Division of the Depart- 
ment of Justice. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Lenvin, give us, if you please, sir, just a word about 
your own personal background and experience. 

Mr. Lenvin. I have a bachelor of arts from New York University, 
and I have a bachelor of laws from Columbia University. I have 
been with the Department of Justice since 1941, except for 3 years 
service in the Armed Forces of the United States, and have been with 
the Registration Section, which was formerly known as the Foreign 
Agents Registration Section, since July of 1945. 

Mr. Arens. Please give us a word about the jurisdiction, powers 
and duties of the Section with which you are identified, as its Cliief. 

Mr. Lenvin. The Registration Section is charged specifically with 
the administration and enforcement of the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act of 1938, as amended, and with Public Law 893, which was 
enacted August 1, 1956, which requires the registration with the At- 
torney General of any person who has knowledge of or who has re- 
ceived training or assignment in the espionage, counterespionage, or 
sabotage service or tactics of a foreign government or foreign political 

Mr. Arens. Kindly give us, if you please, a brief summary of the 
principal provisioTis of the Foreign Agents Registration Act pertain- 
ing to propaganda. 

Mr, Lenat^n. The Foreign Agents Registration Act which was 
originally enacted in 1938, was directed primarily at forcing disclo- 
sure by persons who act within the United States as propaganda 
agents for persons outside the United States, particularly foreign 
governments or foreign political parties. The act underwent a dras- 
tic revision in 1942, so it now includes the requirement that there be 


disclosed the activities of a<ients who may be enjjaged in activities 
other than just pvopao-anda activities. The purpose of the act, of 
course, is to apprise the Government and the peoj^le of the ITnited 
States of tlie rehitionship ^Y]lich exists between people wlio act for for- 
eirin principals within this country, so that we can a])praise and 
evaluate their statements and their activities in the ]io;ht of their 
foreio:n associations and relationships. 

The Chairman. How many people have retjistered under the act ? 

Mr. LEN^^^^. A total of 990 reoistration statements have been filed 
under the act, but that figrure does not iiiclude the total number of 
])eople who have registered, because when a registration statement is 
filed in the name of a corporation, association, partnership, or other 
combination of individuals, each officer, director, or other pei'son ren- 
dering assistance to the registrant in the interest of a foreign i)rinci})al 
is retpiired to file a short-form i-egistration statement. We have sonie 
recent figures here. 

The total number of persons wlio registered iis of : 

December 31, 19m 4.358 

June 30, 1956 - 4.172 

June .30. 1955 .3. S.38 

Mr. Arens. Please tell us a word about the labeling provisions of 
the Foreign Agents Kegistration Act. 

Mr. Lenvin. That provision of the statute was included in the re- 
vision made in the act of 1# 42, and its purpose, of course, was to accom- 
plish the disclosure which was envisaged by Congress in the enactment 
of the statute. 

The labeling provision of tlie act re<{uires in essence that any agent 
of a foreign pi'incipal who disseminates within the T'nited States 
political propaganda by the use of the mails or through any other 
instrumentality of interstate or foreign commerce, must accom}:>any 
such political "propaganda or affix to it or have stated conspicuou.sly 
thereon, a statement which contains the agent's name and address, tlie 
name and address of his foreign principal, the fact that he has filed a 
registration statement Avith the Department of Justice ; that his regis- 
tiation statement is available for public ins]iection at the office of the 
Foreign Agents Registration Section or at the Department of Justice, 
and that the fact of registration does not indicate approval of the con- 
tents of the propaganda by the ITnited States Government. 

Mr. Arens. Does the law require that tlie propaganda coming into 
the United from abroad be labeled as sucli at the port of entry? 

Mr. Lenn^n. No; it does not. In fact, there is no requirement in 
the statute that political propaganda be labeled as such. The labeling 
requirements, of course, are applicable only to ])olitical i)ro])aganda. 

The Chairman. May I interrupt at this ]»oiut ? 

Tlie statutes to which you. refer, of course, Avere reported by the 
connnittee of which I ha|>pen to be a member. In the light of the 
testimony adduced by this connnittee over the last (> months with 
respect to the introduction of all of this propaganda material, don't 
you think the need to amend the registration act is indicated ( 

Mr. Lenvin. If I may respectfully say, sir, probably not amend 
the registration act but probably new legislati(m is needed. On that 


point, I have, of course, been considering this problem now for at 
least the last 6 years, and in conjunction with our consideration of 
the problem we "have met with other interested agencies of the Gov- 
ernment with respect specihcally to this problem of the importation 
of Communist political propaganda. I am frank to admit that we 
sought a solution or some measure whicli would help us in this prob- 
lem. We liad to take into consideration the provisions of the first 
amendment and the American traditions of so-called free exchange of 
information. It was the consensus of those with whom we have over 
a period of years discussed this problem that new legislation would 
be necessary, and that any amendment to the Foreign Agents Regis- 
tration Act would probably achieve only a partial solution. 

In that connection even to acliieve a partial solution, as you know, 
sir, at the last session of Congress we came with a recommendation 
that what is now a rule of the^Attorney General be enacted into law 
in order that customs and post office would have a firm legal basis 
upon which to conduct tlieir activities. 

Mr. Arexs. That is the opinion of December 1940 ? 

Mr. LEx^ax. Yes that is the opinion of the Attorney General of 
December 10, 1940, upon which we based what was rule 50 of the 
Attorney General and under the new revision of the rules that we 
made in December of last year is now rule G. If you like, sir, I could 
read that rule as it is now, and this is what we tried to do with the 

The Chairmax-. I think we are acquainted with that. 

Mr. LEx\^x. Yes ; I think you are. 

Mr. Arexs. Mr. Lenvin, the Foreign Agents Registration iVct does 
not apply to Communist propaganda coming into the United States 
from abroad which is solicited by the individual recipient. Isn't that 
correct ? 

Mr. Lexvix". I would like to make it clear, of course, that the For- 
eign Agents Registration Act is not, in and of itself, directed against 
propaganda, but under its terms, of course, it relates to persons. 

Mr. Arexs. The two elements of the Foreign Agents Registration 
Act, namely, registration and labeling, do not apply to i)ropaganda 
which is solicited by the recipient. Isn't that correct ? 

Mr. Lexvix. That is correct. 

Mr. Willis. I think the significant words of that statute, because 
the hearings you refer to were conducted by my subcommittee of the 
Judiciary last year, are that you must be an agent "of a foreign 

Mr. Lexvix. That is right, sir. That is the only way we can bring 
this statute into play as it is now worded, you see, because section 1 
of the statute defines the term "agent of a foreign principal" and all 
of the rest of the provisions of the statute must relate to the term 
"agent of a foreign principal." 

Mr. Arexs. And the Foreign Agents Registration Act does not 
apply to domestic propaganda, does it ? 

Mr. Lexvix'. It applies to persons within the United States who 
disseminate political propaganda, domestic or otherwise, as long as 
they are in an agency capacity. 


Mr. Arexs. If a person is a member of tlie Communist Party in the 
United States and is assigned to develop Communist propaganda, is 
he required to register and is he required to lal)el his propaganda? 

Mr. Lenvin. No; not unless we can show that he is doing that in an 
agent status as defined in the act. 

Mr. Akexs. Is it necessary for the propaganda to be labeled and is 
it necessary for the person who receives it to register if that person 
who is the recipient is in diplomatic status ?- 

Mr. Lenvin. No. The statute specifically exempts duly accredited 
di])lomatic and consular officers. 

Mr. Arens. In other words, we have, then, at least three areas in 
which the Comnnniist propaganda is not within the purview of the 
act or for which there is not a requirement of registration or labeling; 
namely, that which comes to a recipient who solicits it individually, 
that Avhich is of domestic origin if there is no agency i-elationship, and, 
third, if it goes to a consul or embassy. 

Mr. Lenvin. That is correct. 

Mr. Jackson. In which of those three categories is the Daily 
Worker, let us say ? 

]Mr. Lenvin. That is a domestic publication concerning which we 
have not had sufficient information to warrant any action under the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act, under agency. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any question that it is in fact an organ ? 

Mr. Lenvin. No, sir; in my opinion there is no question that it is 
an organ but, as Mr. Walter will recall, we had that same problem 
with an organization in the LTnited States, for example, that was dis- 
seminating the Stockholm Peace Ap]>eal and we were thrown out of 
court on the grounds that we would have to prove agency as defined 
by the restatement of law of agency. 

Mr. WiivLTs. The Daily Workei- would be i-eached through the In- 
t'^'^\'-(l Security Act. 

Mr. Lenvin. That is right, the Internal Secui'ity Act of 1950. 

INIr. Arens. But the Internal Security Act provisions are not yet 
a])plicable because the Supreme Court has not yet found that the 
Communist Party is a Connnunist-action organization. 

Mr. Lenvin. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. In this recent spy case about which we have been read- 
ing in the papers, assuming the facts as reported by the papers, is there 
an ap])licabilitv of the Foreiirn Agents Registration Act to those 

Mr. Lenvin. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. In what respect, could you kindly tell us? 

Mr. Lenvin. As you know, Mr. Arens, I have just returned from 
New York on that matter and no indictment has as yet been returned. 
Of course I am extremely limited as to what I can say, but as re- 
poi'ted in the newspapers the three defendants have been charged 
with engaging in activities within the United States on behalf of a 
foreign government. As I interpret the Foreign Agents Registration 
Act, that would be enough to bring them within the purview of the 
registration requirements of the act. Of course I caused the records 
of our Department to be searched and since I find no record of any 
registration statement, I feel then that they are in violation of the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act. 


Mr. Arens. Do you have statistics respecting the volume of Com- 
munist propaganda which is disseminated in the United States by 
persons who have registered with the Department of Justice as agents 
of a foreign principal ? 

Mr. Lenvin. Yes. There are four principal agencies registered 
under the terms of the act. They are the Four Continent Book Corp., 
an organization known as Imported Publications and Products, a 
man by the name of Edwin S. Smith 

Mr. Arens. Your response is applicable exclusively to the Soviet 
bloc countries, is it not? 

Mr. Lenvin. That is right. This one is Soviet Union. 

Mr. Arens I did not want my question and your answer to be con- 
fused here. We are not asking you about propaganda, for instance, 
distributed by the British Empire. 

Mr. Lenvin. No, no. The Four Continent Book Corp. has a for- 
eign principal in 2 or 3 of the Iron Curtain countries, including the 
Soviet Union. Imported Publications and Products has a foreign 
principal in 2 or 3 Soviet bloc countries. So does Edwin S. Smith, 
who does business under Sov-Photo and East Photo. 

Mr. SciTERER. Is that the same Edwin S. Smith who at one time 
was a member of the National Labor Relations Board ? 

Mr. Lenvin. I believe so, sir. 

Mr. ScHERER. Who before this committee took the fifth amend- 
ment and has been identified as a former member of the Communist 

Mr. Lenvin. I believe that is the same individual. 

Mr. ScHERER. I am sure it is. 

Mr. Arens. You were giving us statistics on the volume of material. 

Mr. Lenvin. Perhaps you would like to have some statement as to 
the funds or amount of money or business which tliose people do. 
From their statements, in the 6-month period from January 1, 1956, 
through June 30, 1956, these organizations took in a total of $325,394 
and some cents. If you would like that broken down, Four Continent 
Book Corp., $272,861. 

Mr. ScHERER. And Smith's outfit? 

Mr. Lenvin. Edwin S. Smith took in $21,930 through the sale of 
his pictures to whatever newspapers, magazines or other publications 
he could sell them to. 

Mr. ScHERER, His pictures, his propaganda pictures ? 

Mr. Lenvin. Yes; he receives photos under agreement with the for- 
eign principals, whether an agency in the Soviet Union or Communist 
China, photos which he then attempts to peddle within the United 
States. ^ 

Mr. SciiERER. Wasn't Smith the witness, Mr. Arens, the one you 
asked if liis conscience didn't bother him when he peddled those 
photogi-aphs allegedly depictii-^ Mie use of germ warfare by American 
boys in Korea ancl he said "No," his conscience didn't bother him a bit. 

Mr. Arens. I recall the substance of that. 

Mr. Sciierer. He is the fellow who admitted he visited the Russian 
Embassy regularly. 

Mr, Lenvin. Imported Publications and Products for that 6-month 
period reported $3,618, and xirtkino Pictures, Inc., which is of course 


the agency within the United States that has the exclusive agreement 
for the importation and showing of Soviet films, a total of $27,184. 

On the amount of propaganda, these, of course, are figures which we 
obtained because of a requirement in the statute that registered agents 
who disseminate political propaganda are required to file a dissemi- 
nation report showing the number of copies disseminated and the gen- 
eral category of its distribution. From the dissemination reports filed 
by these 4 registered agents we learn that they disseminated in 1 year 
158,395 different items. Four Continent Book Corp. was responsible 
for 12,504; Imported Publications & Products, 125,367; and Edwin S. 
Smith, 488. 

As far as Artkino Pictures is concerned, in the 6-month period for 
the showing of Soviet films there were 1,758 play dates, and an esti- 
mated attendance of 490,200. Polish films had 118 play dates with an 
estimated attendance of 37,250. They had 7 German films — of course 
these are films from East Germany — 2,200 estimated attendance. 

Mr. Arens. What is your aggregate figure on the total expenditures 
made by these registered foreign agents representing the Soviet bloc in 
the United States? 

Mr. Lenvin. Mr. Arens, the only figures on expenditures that we 
get of course are those that they spend for rent, heat, light, salaries 
for their employees, and in the case of Four Continent Book Corp., of 
course, the amount of money which it spends within the United States 
for the purchase of books, periodicals, and other materials for its for- 
eign principal. 

Mr. Arens. The thing we want to get now is an appraisal by youi-- 
self of the volume of Communist propaganda which is disseminated 
in the United States annually by the registered agents. Your best 

Mr. Lenvin. That would be about 250,000 to 300,000 items a year. 

Mr. Arens. This does not include items that come from abroad to 
individual recipients. Isn't that correct? 

Mr. Len\in. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. It does not include your domestic propaganda? 

Mr. Lenvin. It does not. 

Mr. Arens. It does not include propaganda disseminated by the 
consuls and embassies and people in diplomatic status; isn't that 
correct ? 

Mr. Lenvin. That is right. 

Mr. Arens, Can you give us, if you have the information, an esti- 
mate of the volume of tlie propaganda which is distributed in the 
United States which is not within the purview of the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act ? 

Mr. Lenvin. I am sorry, I do not have those figures, Mr. Arens. 
As you know, Mr. Irving Fishman makes up monthly a volume that 
thick [indicating] itemizing the variolic pieces of Communist political 
propaganda which arrive not only through the port of New York but 
through other ports and which, of course, is sent to him for exami- 

Mr. Arens. The nonregistered propaganda far exceeds the regis- 
tered propaganda in volume, does it not ? 

Mr. Ijenvin. From the things that I have seen I would sa,j that 
it does. 


I brought some samples of this propaganda. All of this is labeled. 
If you like, of course, I can read the label used by Four Continent. 

Mr. Arexs. I suggest you allude to a few of the typical samples 

Mr. Lenvix. This is a publication called Soviet Literature. It is 
a monthly publication and theoretically of course has articles on devel- 
opments and new features of Soviet literature. 

Xew Times has articles and comments on the political scene. Xews, 
a Soviet Review of World Events. I think you probably have had 
some samples of this before. 

And a magazine entitled "The Soviet Union," which is on the order 
of one of our magazines. 

]\Ir. DoTLE. If tlie label isn't too long, could a typical label be read? 
I would like to see what they are required to put on the label. 

]Mr. Lexvin. This is what the label says : 

This material is filed with tbe Department of Justice where the required 
statement under the Foreign Agents Registration Act of Four Continent Book 
Corp., 38 West 58th Street, New York, N. Y., as an agent of Mezhdunarodnaja 
Kniga, Moscow, U. S. S. R., is available for public inspection. Registration does 
not indicate approval or disapproval of this material by the United States 

]VIr. Arexs. Do you have information respecting the source of funds 
for the purpose of creating Communist propaganda in the United 
States domestically ? 

]Mr. Lexvix. Xo ; I don't think that in my position I would get that 
information, Mr. Arens, as to the source of funds for the creation of 
domestic committees. 

Mr. Arexs. Does the magazine Soviet Union which you have bear 
the stamp — the labeling stamp ? 

Mr. Lexvix. It should have. Yes, it has. 

(Exhibit No. 1 — Soviet Union, issue of November 1956, bearing 
the labeling stamp of the Foreign Agents Registration Act, follows 
on pp. 32 and 33 :) 


Exhibit No. 1 — Soviet Union 




Tiiis Tusitprial is fik'd with the Dcpnrtnx^nt of 
Justice -.vlifre tht required ^stfiteineiit. nndi-r tii<' 
Fortyifu Agcuts Ktfi;i>Jtratioii Act of Fc'ur (Continent. 
Book Corp., 38 Wfst oSth Streft. New York, N. Y., 
as an ,ig«'nt of Mezhdunarodnaja Iviiisa, Moscow. 
USSR, Is available for public inspection. Rc^ristra- 
tlon does not indicate approval or disapproval of 
this material by the United States Government. 


Mr. Akens. Is there any other item of information you would like 
to invite to the attention of the committee ? 

Mr, Lenvin. Yes, there may well be. 

Perhaps the committee would be interested in looking over the 
reports which we make to Congress on the administration and en- 
forcement of the act and, if so, I have some extra copies here which 
I could leave with the committee which list the names of all persons 
who have registered with us during that period as well as the num- 
ber of those who have terminated during the period. They also con- 
tain appendixes which contain a table showing the amount of money 
received by each person who is registered under the act. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have with you statistics on the number of in- 
dictments under the act ? 

Mr. Lenven. I have, but perhaps I had better go over them. 

Up until the end of World War II we had obtained 19 indictments 
for failure to register. Since that time, in 1949 we indicted the Am- 
torg Trading Corp. for failure to register. We indicted the Peace 
Information Center for failure to register. Most recently, in June 
of last year, we indicted the Rumanian- American Publishing Asso- 
ciation which publishes the Rumanian newspaper, Romunal America, 
for failure to register, charging that it acted as a publicity agent for 
the People's Republic of Rumania without filing a registration state- 

Mr. Arens. And how about your convictions ? 

Mr, Lenvin. We convicted Amtorg, we lost the case against the 
Peace Information Center, and we are hopeful that we are going to 
win this one in Detroit in which we expect to go to trial next month. 
Of the 19 cases which we brought I think we were successful in all but 
one. On trial one, United States v. Westerman and Company^ was 
nolle prossed. 

^Ir, Arens. Mr. Lenvin, we have here another issue of Soviet Union, 
typical of magazines which have been picked up in various pai'ts of 
the country, at bookstores by one of our investigators. It does not 
bear any label as required by tho. Foreigii Agents Registration Act. 

(Exhibit No. 2 — Soviet Union, issue of October 1956, on which the 
labeling stamp of the Foreign Agents Registration Act does not 
jappear, follows:) 


Exhibit No. 2 — Soviet Union 


Mr. Aeens. "\'\niat would be a plausible explanation for that on tlie 
basis of your backofround and ex]:>erience ? 

Mr. Lenvin. Either that the bookstore in which it was bought 
got it in a way of which we loiow nothing, perhaps, or it may have 
ordered it directly from the Soviet Union under such circumstances 
that we could not establish agency. The only other alternative, Mr. 
Arens, would be that it might be supplied by one of the registered 
agents who was failing to label. We have gone into that and I 
might say that we have requested several times that investigations 
be conducted to determine whether any of these registered agents are 
avoiding the labeling provisions of the statute. We have also re- 
quested, as we are authorized to do under the statute, an examination 
of their books and records. 

Mr. Arens. Thej^ could have gotten it also from a consul or em- 
bassy; could they not? 

Mr. Lenvin. Yes ; they could have. 

]Mr. Arens. It is a fact, however, is it not, that most of the Com- 
munist propaganda disseminated now in the United States is not 
identified as Communist propaganda. 

Mr. Lenvin. That is true. In fact, one of the things which took 
up our attention during these consultations that we have had with 
the other Government agencies is the fact that there is neither an execu- 
tive department of Government nor any law relating specifically to 
this problem. The fact that we found is that there is no executive 
agency charged with the responsibility or charged with the problem 
of doing something about Communist political propaganda. 

INIr. Arens. I respectfully suggest we have covered the highlights 
of this testimony. 

The Chairman. We are deeply appreciative of your cooperation. 
We will have to adjourn at this time because we are going to have 
a vote on a resolution now under consideration in the House. Have 
you a witness for this afternoon ? 

]Mr. Arens. We have 2 or 3 witnesses for this afternoon, which 
would take, I would surmise, about an hour, Mr. Chairman. They 
are friendly witnesses. 

]Mr. ScHERER. jMay I ask one question ? 

You mentioned the case that was nolle prossed, TJ . S. v. Westerman 
and Company. Do you recall from what city that was? 

Mr. Lenvin. My recollection is that it is New York, but that was 
a case back in 1942. Actually it was brought in 1944. 

The Chairman. The committee stands in recess until 2 o'clock this 

(Wliereupon, at 11 :55 a. m., the committee was recessed, to recon- 
vene at 2 p. m. the same day.) 


The Chairman. Call your witness. 

(Committee members present: Representatives Walter, Doyle, 
and Scherer). 

Mr. Arens. Messrs. Doyle, Mindel, and Bouton, would you kindly 
be sworn. 


The Chairman. Do you each and all of you swear that the testi- 
mony you are about to give \\'ill be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothino; but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. I do. 

Mr. MiNDEL. I do. 

Mr. BouTON. I do. 


Mr. Arens. "Will each of you kindly identify yourself by name, 
residence, and occupation. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. I am Louis J. Doyle, Associate General Coun- 
sel, Post Office Department. 

Mr. MiNDEL. Saul J. Mindel, General Counsel's Office, Post Office 

Mr. BouTON. James O. Bouton, mail classification specialist, Divi- 
sion of Mail Classification, Post Office Department. 

Mr. Arens. Gentlemen, we invite your attention this afternoon to 
the subject of foreign Communist political propaganda, which is 
being beamed at the LTnited States. I ask j'ou if you will first of all 
tell us the status or classification of such foreign Communist political 
propaganda from the standpoint of the postal service. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. May I ask that either 1 of the 3 of us answer 
the question which may be most appropriate ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes ; I thought that was understood. 

Mr. Mindel. The ^reat bulk of the propaganda which comes in, 
comes in the open mail. Some of it might be said to be sent in what 
would be the equivalent of our third or fourth class. A very, very 
small percentage would come in sealed first-class letter mail form. 

Mr. Arens. What part of the open mail that comes in is subject 
to inspection by the postal authorities from the standpoint of Com- 
munist propaganda ? 

Mr. Mindel. All of the open mail is subject to inspection by the 
customs service and by the Post Office Department to determine 
whether it is of a prohibited character under any of the Federal 

Mr. Arens. If the Communist propaganda coming in in open mail 
status is destined to a recipient who has solicited such propaganda, is 
it in violation of the law ? 

Mr. Mindel. The rule which has been applied, and is being applied, 
is that if the addressee has ordered or subscribed for the publication, 
delivery will be made. 

Mr. Arens. If it is destined to a person in diplomatic status, is it 
subject to any control or regulation, and by "it" I am referring to 
Communist political propaganda ? 

Mr. IVIiNDEL. That, too, would be delivered because of the exemption 
in the Foreign Agents Registration Act in behalf of duly accredited 
diplomatic representatives of foreign countries. That is assuming, 
of course, that the Communist propaganda does not become a matter 


in violation of the statutes against treasonable matter or matter in- 
citing to insurrection, and so forth. 

Mr. Arens. If it is destined to a registered agent it is not subject to 
control, is it? 

Mr. IViiNDEL. It would be delivered, too, yes. 

Mr. Arens. If the foreign Communist political propaganda arrives 
at the shores of the United States in open mail status and is not des- 
tined to a recipient who has requested it, nor is it destined to a person 
in diplomatic status, nor is it destined to a registered agent, what is 
its status from the standpoint of the operation of the post office ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. Under an opinion given by the Attorney General on 
December 10, 1940, foreign political propaganda which is disseminated 
in violation of the Foreign Agents Registration Act may be treated 
as nonmailable under the law that we now find in section 1717 of title 
18 of the code, and therefore we would apply that nonmailable treat- 
ment to the material which you have just classified. 

Mr. Arens. It would be subject to confiscation, would it not? 

Mr. MiNDEL. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have statistics or can you give us an estimate 
of the volume of Communist political propaganda which has not 
been destined either to a recipient asking for it, to diplomats, or to 
registered agents, which has been confiscated, say, in the course of the 
last year ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. Our figures are not complete. Actually we have not 
kept figures which would show that. We can only attempt a fair guess 
as to what that would be. We have received here reports of approxi- 
mately 1,500,000 pieces of such material, and our fair guess as to how 
much of that we have held to be nonmailable would be about 65 or 
70 percent. 

Mr. Arens. I want to be sure that this record is clear on this. Wliat 
is this million figure you just alluded to ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. The million-and-a-half figure I just referred to was 
pieces of foreign propaganda or material suspected of being foreign 
propaganda which were reported to the Department here in Washing- 
ton by the postmasters at the several ports of entry. 

Mr. Arens. Wliich propaganda was not destined either to a re- 
cipient which asked for it, to a diplomat, or registered agent, is that 
correct ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. Some of it might develop after the report to us to be 
destined for an addressee who requested it. It is not likely that it 
would be destined to either of the other two classes that you mentioned. 

Mr. Arens. Over what period of time does this million-and-a-half 
figure cover? 

Mr. MiNDEL. One year, the 1956 calendar year. 

Mr. Arens. Of the million-and-a-half pieces which were reported to 
the post office in the course of the last year, what is the figure on the 
volmne that was actually confiscated because it was found to be sent 
into the country in a status which did not fall within the three classi- 
fications which I have just alluded to? 

Mr. MiNDEL. That was the fair guess figure that I referred to of 
approximately 65 or 70 percent. We don't have actual figures on 

(Off the record.) 


Mr. Arens. Are you saying in substance, Mr. Mindel, that approxi- 
mately 700,000 pieces of Communist propaganda have been confiscated 
by the post office coming from abroad in the course of the last year? 

Mr. Mindel. That is our present estimate ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. At how many ports of entry does the Post Office Depart- 
ment maintain this check ? 

Mr. MiNUEL. These reports would come to us principally from the 
postmasters at New York City, Chicago, and San Francisco. There 
would also be some reports from other cities, including Los Angeles, 
as an example. 

Mr. Arens. I want the record to be absolutely clear on this, and I 
am afraid we are not quite clear. The Post Office Department in the 
course of the last year has confiscated approximately 700,000 pieces of 
Communist propaganda destined to this country from abroad, is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Mindel. The figures that we arrived at before is about 900,000. 

Mr. Arens. Excuse me, 900,000. Would you in your own words 
describe to the committee why the Post Office Department confiscated 
that? I am not undertaking to take issue with you. I am just 
asking if you would give us a description of that material and why 
you were able to confiscate it. 

Mr. Mindel. This material consisted of magazines and other pub- 
lications that came from the Iron Curtain countries, sent as foreign 
political propaganda as that term is defined in the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act, which I guess may be stated very broadly as propa- 
ganda designed to influence the recipient with respect to the policies 
and practices of the country of origin and also of the United States, 
and perhaps other countries on either side of the Curtain. 

"When the material is found to be of tliat character, as I say, apply- 
ing the law as interpreted by the Attorney General in his opinion of 
1940 we treat it as nonmailable, again with the exception that we have 
already referred to. 

Mr. Arens. May I probe that a little, please, Mr. Mindel. 

This opinion of December 1940 of the Attorney General in essence 
stated that if propaganda is sent in from abroad by a person who him- 
self is abroad but who has not registered under tlie Foreign Agents 
Registration Act, that propaganda is subject to confiscation. Is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Mindel, Assuming that that person abroad is acting as an 
agent for a foreign principal ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have access to Communist propaganda which 
comes into the United States as first-class mail ? 

Mr. Mindel. That presents more of a problem. We have a way of 
examining that under a joint postal customs regulation which pro- 
vides that when sealed first-class matter is received from abroad and 
it is suspected of containing matter prohibited from importation it may 
be held and a notice sent to the addressee requesting his authorization 
for the opening of that in the presence of a customs agent to deter- 
mine whether it is of the character suspected. That has been done 
from time to time with suspected propaganda, and the suspicions have 
always been borne out when the material was examined. 

Mr. Arens. Generally speaking, first-class mail is not subject to in- 
spection or opening in order to ascertain the content of the package, 
isn't that correct ? 


Mr. MiNDEL. We may not arbitrarily open it without the authoriza- 
tion which I mentioned. 

Mr. Arens. The mails are not self-sustaining, are they ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. Do you want to answer that, Mr. Doyle ? 

Mr. Arens. In other words, the postage that the man puts on in 
Red China to send a magazine to the United States does not completely 
defray the cost of transporting that magazine across this country to 
the recipient, isn't that correct? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. The revenue produced in the country of mail- 
ing is entirely the revenue of that country. We get no revenue out of 
that mailing. We do, as you say, under the convention which is en- 
tered into by all the countries of the world, carry that mail from the 
point of entry into the United States to the address of delivery within 
the United States free of charge. 

Mr. Arens. Is it true that the United States taxpayers are in truth 
and in fact defraying part, if not all, of the cost of transporting Com- 
munist propaganda throughout the United States ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. They are defraying it to the extent that we col- 
lect nothing for delivering it from New York to Chicago, shall we say. 

IVIr. Aeens. Gentlemen, we have covered just the higlilight of the 
foreign Communist propaganda which hits our shores in various 
categories. I should like to invite your attention now to foreign Com- 
munist propaganda which enters the United States in transit, in other 
words, propaganda, we will say, which comes into the United States of 
Communist origin destined, we will say, from Red China to Mexico, 
as just an illustration. What are the provisions of the Universal 
Postal Convention applicable to the cartage of such propaganda? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. There is a principle of the Universal Postal 
Union that all countries will grant freedom of transit, that is to say, a 
parcel or a pouch coming from any country in Europe entering at New 
York, we will allow to pass through to Laredo, Tex., for introduction 
into the Mexican postal system. 

Mr. Arens. What if the recipient country by its diplomatic estab- 
lishment does not desire the admission of that propaganda into the 
recipient country ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. Then there is another provision which Mr. 
Mindel may be able to tell you about better than I, in the Foreign 
Agents Registration Act, which would cover that. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindlj^ allude to that ? 

Mr. Mindel. There is a provision in the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act that if propaganda material is going out of our country or 
through our countrj^ into another of the American Republics, con- 
trary to the law or the wishes of that other Republic, and if that other 
Republic makes representation to the Department of State of our 
country concerning that material, the Department of State will convey 
to the Postmaster General that information and protest, which then 
will give the Postmaster General authority to treat that material as 

Mr. Arens. During the course of the history of your experience in 
the Post Office Department, do you know of any instances in which 
in-transit Communist propaganda has been seized because the recipient 
country has utilized this provision of the law ? 

Mr. Mindel. I don't recall any such case myself. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. We know of none. 


Mr. Arens. Gentlemen, what is the vokime of Communist propa- 
ganda originated aboard which goes in transit through the United 
States to some other country ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. I don't think we have any figures on that. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have any estimate of it? 

Mr. MiNDEL. I have been able to find no figures on which to base the 
estimate. This material as a rule comes in in a closed pouch and we 
would never open it . Occasionally what they call a mixed pouch will 
come in, but it is so rare that we have never had instances of that. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know of any channels which have been opened 
by our Government whereby our Government would give a foreign 
government, say in the Western Hemisphere, information that there is 
going through our country, the United States, substantial quantities of 
Communist propaganda in transit to your country ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. I don't know of any. 

Mr. Arens. I only suggest the possibility of some administrative 
action along that line with a view to the possible end — confiscation of 
the material or stopping of the material. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. May I suggest again, to clarify the point, the 
pouch will arrive from the foreign country, shall we say at New York. 
It is a closed pouch. We do not open it. We do not know what is in 
it. We carry it to Laredo and there carry it over to the Mexican postal 

Mr. Arens. The pouch would not be first-class mail ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. It might be most any kind. 

Mr. Arens. It generally would be open record ? 

]Mr. Louis J. Doyle. The pouch itself would be closed against our 
inspection, regardless of the contents. 

Mr. Arens. Do the postal authorities have access to Communist 
propaganda coming into the United States in diplomatic pouch or by 
diplomatic route? 

Mr. MiNDEL. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have any estimate or any information respect- 
ing the quantity of such material ? 

JNIr. MiNDEL. We have no such information. 

Mr. Arens. Do the United States taxpayers defray all or a sub- 
stantial portion of the cost of transporting through the United States 
Communist propaganda destined to other countries ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. No, sir. We receive compensation, as does 
eveiy other country of the world who performs the same service, from 
the country of origin for the movement of mail fi'om New York, shall 
we say, to Laredo, Tex. Each country pays the same rate throughout 
the world. 

Mr. Arens. Has the Post Office Department in the experience of 
you gentlemen received any complaint that our mail was not delivered 
in a Communist country, say Communist China or the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. I know of none. 

Mr. MiNDEL. No such complaint has ever come to my attention. 

Mr, Arens. Has the Post Office Department received anj complaint 
or protest by what we might loosely describe as leftwmg or pro- 
Communist organizations against this confiscation of these 900,000 
parcels or 900,000 pieces of Communist propaganda which the Post 
Office Department has confiscated ? 


Mr, MiNDEL. I could not say tliat any pro-Communist groups have 
made protests. In other words, I would not want to take a position 
on what they are. 

Mr. Arens. You do not want to characterize them ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. That is correct. But there have been questions raised 
with us by different people, individuals, or parts of a group, as to 
our legal authority to do these things. 

Mr. Arens. How long has the Post Office Department been engaged 
in the actual confiscation of Communist foreign political propaganda 
which does not fall within the purview of our laws for permission to 
come into the country ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. This began back at the time of the Attorney General's 
opinion in 1940. Then after World War II ended there was a lull 
where there was evidently not much of the propaganda coming in 
and therefore not a real program for the treatment of it. But then 
in 1950 the program was revised, and since then we have been going 
at it vey actively. 

Mr. Arens. Now, I invite your attention to the proposition of 
domestic Communist propaganda. By "domestic" I mean that Com- 
munist propaganda which is originated and disseminated entirely 
within the United States, Kindly tell us on the basis of your special- 
ized knowledge the principal provisions of the applicable law. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle, Sir, we have tliree exclusionary statutes which 
are the only ones that could be applied to this type of material if they 
can be applied at all, ■ Mr, Mindel has briefed those and I think he can 
advise you with respect to them. 

Mr. Mindel, These are mailability statutes. The first one oddly 
enough is part of the obscenity law but there is a special part of it 
which deals with matters of character tending to incite arson, murder, 
or assassination. That is section 1461 of title 18. That would take 
care of one type of matter. 

Then in section 1717 of title 18 it is forbidden to mail any matter 
which is in violation of any one of a number of specified sections of 
title 18, including 2388. 2388 is the wartime statute which, however, 
is carried over during this emergency period by a special statute. 
That makes it a violation to willfully make or convey false reports or 
false statements with intent to interfere with the operation or success 
of the military or naval forces of the United States or to promote the 
success of its enemies or, to state it broadly, doing things to encourage 
insubordination or mutiny or disloyalty in the Armed Forces. 

So if any matter of that character is sent through the mails, the 
mailing of it violates the provisions of section 1717 in addition to 2388, 
and also I7l7 says that such things are nonmailable and shall not be 
conveyed in the mails. 

Additionally and lastly, section 1717 in itself forbids the mailing 
of any matter advocating or urging treason, insurrection, or forcible 
resistance to any law of the United States. 

Mr, Arens. If the particular propaganda which is disseminated 
here in the United States of domestic origin does not call for a forceful 
overthrow of the Government, does not call for spying as such or 
treason or does not fall within the purview of licentious literature, it is 
not subject to any regulation or control by the Post Office Department. 
Is that correct ? 


Mr. MiNDEL. Yes ; that is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Please tell us in essence the provisions of the Internal 
Security Act which has applicability to Communist literature dissemi- 
nated in the United States. 

Mr. INIiNDEL. In the Internal Security Act of 1950, which is section 
781 of title 50 of the code, there is a section, section 10 of the act as it 
was passed, which provides that any organization which is registered 
under the Internal Security Act or any organization with respect to 
which there is in effect a final order of the Board requiring it to 
register, that any such organization when it makes use of the mails or 
interstate commerce for the transmission of matters intended or de- 
signed to be circulated among two or more people, must label such 
matters in the material itself and on the envelope or wrapper in which 
it is carried, which label reads in this way : 

Disseminated by , a Communist organization. 

Mr. Arens. But that provision of section 7 of the Internal Security 
Act is not presently in force ; is it ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. It is not presently in force because of the fact that the 
first case is not yet settled under that law involving the Communist 
Party of the United States of America. 

Mr. Arens. As to whether or not the Communist Party is a Com- 
munist-action organization within the purview of the act; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. MiNDEL. There is no final order, in other words, because it is 
still in the courts. 

Mr. Arens. Now would you kindly tell the committee the prerequi- 
sites to the obtaining of a second-class mailing privilege? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. Tlie prerequisites for getting your second-class 
entry are found in title 39 of the United States Code. Section 224 of 
that title is the first prerequisite — mailability. Section 226 is the gen- 
eral statute which deals with conditions of entry, and the publication 
must first be regularly issued at stated intervals, as frequently as four 
times a year. Then it must bear a date of issue and be numbered con- 
secutively. It must be issued from a laiown office of publication. It 
must be formed of certain printed paper sheets. It has to be not in 
book form. The fourth condition is that it must be originated and 
published for the dissemmi nation of information of a public char- 
acter or devoted to literature, the sciences, arts, or some other special 
industry and having a legitimate list of subscribers. That is gener- 
ally the conditions for the entrj^ of second-class mail. 

Mr. Arens. The recipient of the second-class mailing privilege has 
a reduced rate of expenditure to disseminate his literature ; does he not? 

Mr, Louis J. Doyle, It is a low rate to encourage the dissemination 
of current intelligence. 

Mr. Arens, Do you have information respecting the number of pub- 
lications in the United States which have been found to be Com- 
munist publications which enjoy the second-class mailing privilege? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. Found by whom, sir? 

Mr. Arens. By a congressional committee, by the Subversive Act ivi- 
ties Control Board, by the Attorney General, by the courts, by any 
Government agency. 


Mr. LoTJis J. Doyle. There are some, the number of which I could 
not state, now, but a typical one is the Daily Worker. Mr. Bouton, 
have you any more information on it than that ? 

Mr. BouTON. No ; that would be with you people or the Department 
of Justice. We apply the rates to that. We don't have a list. I 
think we should add to what Mr. Doyle said that the prohibition in 
that law is against publications designed primarily for advertising 
purposes or the free circulation or circulation at a nominal rate. That 
is in the basic law. This second-class privilege is extended to publi- 
cations which have a legitimate list of subscribers and are not designed 
primarily for advertising purposes, free circulation, or circulation at 
nominal rate. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. Mr. Arens, I can say, drawing on my memory a 
little bit, that some of the publications listed in your guide to subversive 
organizations do have second-class entry. I can go that far. Maybe 
10 or 12 of them. 

Mr. Arens. Do the taxpayers help defray the cost of disseminating 
the material which is scattered around the country by these organ- 
izations which have been given the second-class mailing privilege ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. Yes; they do. 

Mr. Arens. the officials of the Post Office Department given 
consideration to legislative proposals which would deny second-class 
mailing privileges to organizations which are fomid to be Communist 
controlled ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. We have given consideration to a number of 
bills which have been introduced in the Congress, sir. Most of the 
bills, however, have been in the form of Communist propaganda as 
such, without a definition which was at all a workable guide for us. 
We have asked each time that that be defined by the Congress so we 
could clearly know what was within the intendment. 

There was, in 1953, a bill introduced by Mrs. St. George which for 
some reason or other never did get out of the committee, but it was 
along the line of what you speak. That denied second-class permit 
or any less-than-cost postage rate to publications of the type you 
mention. That never did get out of the House Post Office and Civil 
Service Committee, which ha.d it. 

Mr. Arens. Did that bill deny second-class mailing privileges to 
an organization which had been found by an appropriate Govermnent 
body to be Communist, or did it undertake to deny second-class mailing- 
privilege to an organization that disseminated Communist propaganda 
irrespective of the nature of the organization itself? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. It did both. It denied second class entry and 
made it, for example, prima facie evidence of Communist leanings 
that any organization which was on the list of your committee. 

Mr. Arens. Do these 900,000 pieces of Communist propaganda 
coming from abroad which have been confiscated in the course of the 
last year include any first-class mail ? 

Mr. Mindel. They would include a small amount of first-class mail 
that was confiscated in accordance with tliat procedure that I referred 
to before. 

Mr. Arens. Does it include any propaganda of domestic origin? 

Mr. Mindel. No, it does not. 

Mr. Arens. It is exclusively foreign Communist propaganda? 

Mr. Mindel. Yes, sir. 


Mr. Arens. What suggestions, if any, could you gentlemen propose 
to the committee concerning this problem with reference to a system 
of control or labeling or regulation of Communist foreign propa- 
ganda in transit through the United States? I understood you to 
say a little -while ago that there never has been an instance to your 
knowledge in which there has been any regulation for confiscation of 
such material. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. On its entry to the United States being in a 
sealed pouch without a revision of the Universal Postal Union Con- 
vention and treaty, there isn't any stamp we could put on it, sir. 

Mr. Arens. May I suggest this possibility for your consideration 
wliile we are having this colloquy here. "Would it be at all feasible if 
the Government of the United States through diplomatic channels 
called the attention of the recipient countries to the material which is 
going in transit, which we understand is going in transit in great 
volume, with the end in view of soliciting that country to request the 
United States not to permit it to come through ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. I would be pleased to make that recommenda- 
tion to my people. 

Mr. Arens. I was not asking you to do so. I was just soliciting from 
you your thoughts on the matter. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. It could be done, sir. We could advise Mexico, 
if they don't know it now, that much of tliis material which is coming 
to them from behind Iron Curtain countries is material designed to 
change their attitude toward us, for example. 

Mr. Arens. You have no present estimate as to the volume of such 
material ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. No, sir; I have not. We would have to go 
princially to the ports of entry at San Francisco and at New York to 
find out what volume is commg in which they transfer on to Laredo, 
for example, for entry into Mexico. We have not those figures in 
Washington. They could be procured, I believe. 

Mr. Arens. As the chairman said in his opening statement, the pur- 
pose of this session today was to lay background information upon 
which the committee intends to pui^ue the whole subject matter fur- 
ther. We have covered only the highlights of each of the principal 
points with you, but I should like to ask you, are there any other 
items of information of special importance with respect to either the 
facts or the law or your operation which you should like to invite to 
the attention of the committee. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. I would only invite your attention to the fact 
that of the material which we do exclude from entry into the United 
States it is probable that the vast amount of it if introduced directly in 
the United States mails would not fall within the prohibition of any 

Mr. Arens. In other words, do I properly construe what you say 
that it is only because of this Attorney General's opinion on the 
agency matter that you are able to exclude from the United States 
this flood of material ? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. That, plus the definition of propaganda within 
the Foreign Agents Eegistration Act; yes, sir. Once in the country, 
upon reintroduction in the mails we have no authority under any law 
to exclude it. 


Mr. Arens. One further question there on your own operation. Do 
you have a problem in translating this material and appraising 
whether or not it is Communist propaganda ? 

Mr. JVIiNDEL. Yes ; it is a problem. A great deal of that is done by 
employees of the Customs Service at the ports of entry. However, 
here in Washington we also have our own translators who supplement 
when and if necessary that which comes to us from the customs. 

Mr. Arens. Is there another item of information you would like 
to lay before the committee on this subject matter? 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. I know of no other. 

Mr. MiNDEL. I think that gives a pretty complete picture of it, sir. 

Mr. BouTON. I want to add in connection with the "second-class 
mailing privilege," as it is termed, if the publication is found to meet 
the stautory requirements laid out in these provisions of law which 
have been referred to and is mailable, then we have to accept it at some 
rate of postage. If it meets these tests of a legitimate list of sub- 
scribers and the other tests I have referred to, naturally it falls into 
second-class mail. 

Mr. Arens. You have no way of apprising this committee, I take 
it, of the aggregate total volume of Communist propaganda that is 
coming into the United States ? 

Mr. BouTON. No. 

Mr. Arens. Because a good percentage of that comes in in accord- 
ance with the law, even though it is Communist propaganda ; isn't that 
correct ? 

Mr. BouTON. That is right. We don't have any facts on that or 
any on that which originates in this country in the second-class or other 
domestic rates. 

Mr. Arens. Is most of the Communist propaganda which you have 
confiscated in the course of the last year, these 900,000 pieces, of the 
nontreason variety ? 

Mr. MiNDEL, Yes ; they would all be that, as a matter of fact, because 
if they were of treasonable variety we could get at them directly with- 
out regard to the Foreign Agents Registration Act. 

Mr. Arens. It is all of the subtle type of propaganda ? 

Mr. ]\IiNDEL. It is the type to make it appear that conditions are 
ideal behind the Iron Curtain, that everybody is as happy as can be, 
that the worker is treated like a king, and to try to contrast that with 
the terrible conditions alleged to exist in the western democracies, 
especially the United States. That is the general picture of it. They 
will also throw in comment on international matters on which the 
United States has taken a stand or on which the Soviet has taken a 
stand, and of course give their viewpoint of it. That generally is the 
trend of that propaganda. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that will conclude 
the staff interrogation of these witnesses. 

The Chairman. Any questions. Congressman Doyle? 

Mr. DoTT.E. No questions. 

Mr. Scherer. No questions. 

The Chairman. Would it not be possible to extend the regulation 
so as to include the mailing of material into the United States? 

Mr. MiNDEL. Mr. Walter, the treatment of the material from abroad 
is based in part upon the assumption it is being sent by an agent of 


a foreign principal. If it were a domestic operation, then we would 
be put to the test there. Those who are acting as agents are under 
the law as administered by the Department of Justice, and if they 
don't register here then they would be subject to prosecution. 

The Chairman. Why don't you tiy a case like that and let someone 
contest it. 

Mr. Arens. I am wondering if the theory could be pursued, Mr. 
Chairman, that a Communist in the United States, just a United 
States Communist, who is disseminating Communist propaganda is 
in truth and in fact an agent of a foreign power, because we all know 
that the Communist conspiracy in the United States is controlled by 
a foreign power. Has that theory been pursued ? 

Mr. 5liNDEL. I can't answer because those are questions which are 
studied by Justice and they would be the ones who would have the 
answer on it. I do know that there was one case in the United States 
District Court here several years ago — I forget the parties — in which 
the Department was trying to hold them responsible under the act 
for failing to register. It was thrown out because they could not 
show a direct relationship of agent and principal to satisfy the court, 
even though to all appearances applying a common sense rule you 
might say surely he is acting as an agent. 

Mr. Arens. Have you studied the question whether or not the court 
would follow the legislative presumption that a Communist or person 
who disseminates Communist propaganda in the United States shall 
be deemed to be the agent of the foreign power ? 

Mr. ]MiNDEL. No, sir; I have not studied that. I don't think our 
office has studied that. 

Mr. Louis J. Doyle. We have not studied that. 

The Chairman. Is that all Mr. Arens? 

Mr. Arens. That is all we have this afternoon. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, we appreciate very much your 

The hearing is adjourned. 

(T\^iereupon, at 2:57 p. m. Monday, January 30, 1957, the com- 
mittee was recessed subject to call of the Chair.) 




Arnautoff, Victor 24 

Bouton, James O 37, 44 and 46 (testimony) 

Bridges, Harry 21 

Doyle, Louis J 37,40-47 (testimony) 

Fishman, Irving 30 

Hall (Jack) 21 

Lenvin, Nathan B 25-36 (testimony) 

Loomis, Henry 2-24 (testimony) 

Menshikov, S 22, 23 

Mindel, Saul J 37-47 (testimony) 

Nadler, S. I 2 and 11 (testimony) 

O'Shea, Justin J 25 (testimony) 

Robeson, Paul 20, 21 

Robinson, Jackie 20 

Roderick, Thomas G., Jr 2 

Smith, Edwin S 29, 30 

Uhrin, John 24 


Academy of Sciences (Soviet Union) 8 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 24 

Amtorg Trading Corp 34 

Artkino Pictures, Inc 29, 30 

Communist International 3 

Communist Party (China, 8th Congress) 11 

Communist Party (Indonesia) 12,13 

Communist Party (Japan) 5,11 

Communist Party (Malaya) 4 

Communist Party, Soviet Union : 

Agitprop 4,5 

Central Committee 4 

Twentieth Congress 11 

East Photo 29 

Foreign Languages Publishing House (U. S. S. R.) 8,10 

Four Continent Book Corp 29-31 

General Electric Co. (Chicago) 24 

Imported Publications and Products 29,30 

Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, International (Hawaiian 

Islands) 22 

Mezhdimarodnaja Kniga (Moscow) 31 

Peace Information Center 34 

Rumanian-American Publishing Association 34 

Russian Embassy (Indonesia) 9 

Sov-Photo 29 

Stockholm Peace Appeal 28 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of, Ministry of Culture 8 

United States Government. 

Justice Department 31 

Foreign Agents Registration Section 25, 26 

National Labor Relations Board 29 

Post Office Department 37,39,42 

Treasury Department, Bureau of Customs 14 

United States Information Agency - 2 



Universal Postal Union 40 

Voice of America 14, 15 

VOKS (Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign (Countries) 5 

World Federation of Democratic Youth — 4 

World Student Council 9 


Counter-Revolution Forces in Hungary, The 12 

Daily Worker 44 

New Times 22, 31 

Pravda 4 

Romunal America 34 

Theses and Statutes of the Third (Communist) International 3 

True Situation About Hungary 11, 12 

Soviet Land 9 

Soviet Literature 31 

Soviet Review of World Events 81 

Soviet Union 31-35 

U. S. S. R. International Affairs 21 

World Student News 9 


II 11111111 11 11 

3 9999 05706 3164 


^^^< c 

,^rf p,./ c^^ 

^ .yqirrirtq . 

« t 

/'^"r^ c^ o/c ^v.^ 

► 3/ff^ 

-^^My oH^ci^ ^ 



• iK^^x^Q^^^ ^ 3 

^ « 


i^tlfv /hf-isZ Pt s^ ^^ 


3 '4o 

fi^l^Hc^t^ ^7