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Full text of "International journal of American linguistics"

\/ 




I 1925 



1 



. 



Ui7 



International Journal of 
American Linguistics 

Edited by 
FRANZ BOAS and PLINY EARLE GODDARD 

With the assistance of 

WILLIAM THALBITZER, Copenhagen ; and 
C. C. UHLENBECK, Leyden. 

VOLUME I 

1917-1920 









PM 

lol 

1s- 



CONTENTS 



Introductory : Fran\ Boas i 

El Dialecto Mexicano de Pochutla, Oaxaca Fran% Boas 9 

A Siletz Vocabulary Leo J. Frachtenberg 45 

Unclassified Languages of the Southwest John R. Swanton 47 

Notes on Algonquian Languages Truman Michelson 50 

A Passamaquoddy Tobacco Famine /. Dineley Prince 58 

Myths of the Alsea Indians of Northwestern Oregon Leo J. Frachtenberg ' 64 

Tepecano Prayers /. Alden Mason 9 1 

Types of Reduplication in the Salish Dialects Herman K. Haeberlin 154 

Comparative Studies in Takelman, Kalapuyan and Chinookan Lexico- 
graphy, a Preliminary Paper Leo J. Frachtenberg 175 

Penobscot Transformer Tales Frank G. Speck 187 

La Langue Kayuvava Dr. Rivet 245 

Has Tlingit a Genetic Relation to Athapascan? Pliny Earle Goddard 266 

The Hokan and Coahuiltecan Languages E. Sapir 280 

A Note on the First Person Plural in Chimariko E. Sapir 291 

Abnormal Types of Speech in Quileute Leo J. Frachtenberg 295 

Tow Phonetic Shifts occurring in many Algonquian Languages Truman Michelson 300 

REVIEWS : 

Linguistic Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, a General Review. E. Sapir 76 
Uhlenbeck, C.C., Het Passieve Karakter van het Verbum Transitivum of van 

het Verbum Actionis in Talen van Noord-Amerika E. Sapir 82 

Uhlenbeck, C.C., Het Identificeerend Karakter der Possessieve Flexie in Talen 

van Noord-Amerika .. E. Sapir 86 

Moseteno Vocabulary and Treatises. Benigno Bibolotti, Priest of the Franciscan 

Mission of Immaculata Concepcion de Covendo in Bolivia E. Sapir 183 

Geers, G.J., The Adverbial and Prepositional Prefixes in Blackfoot A. L. Kroeber 184 

Mason, Alden J., The Language of the Salinan Indians E. Sapir 305 

Brandstetter Renward, Die Reduplikation in den Indianischen, Indo- 

nesischen und Indogermanischen Sprachen P.J.B. de Josselin dejong 309 






International Journal of American Linguistics 



Volume i 



July, 1917 



Number i 



INTRODUCTORY 



THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERI- 
CAN LINGUISTICS will be devoted to the 
study of American aboriginal languages. It 
seems fitting to state briefly a few of the 
problems that confront us in this field of 
research. 

It is not necessary to set forth the frag- 
mentary character of our knowledge of the 
languages spoken by the American aborigines. 
This has been well done for North America 
by Dr. Pliny Earle Goddard, 1 and it is not 
saying too much if we claim that for most of 
the native languages of Central and South 
America the field is practically terra incognita. 
We have vocabularies; but, excepting the old 
missionary grammars, there is very little 
systematic work. Even where we have 
grammars, we have no bodies of aboriginal 
texts. 

The methods of collection have been con- 
siderably improved of late years, but never- 
theless much remains to be done. While 
until about 1880 investigators confined them- 
selves to the collection of vocabularies and 
brief grammatical notes, it has become more 
and more evident that large masses of texts 
are needed in order to elucidate the structure 
of the languages. 

The labors of Stephen R. Riggs, James 
Owen Dorsey, and Albert S. Gatschet marked 
a new era in the development of linguistic 
work. Besides these, should be mentioned 
the "Library of Aboriginal Literature," edited 
and published by Daniel G. Brinton, which 
contains largely older material of a similar 
character. During the following decades, 
texts were published on a quite extended 
scale, but largely brought together by the 
same methods. They were obtained by 

1 Anthropology in North America (New York, G. E. Stechert 
& Co., 1915), pp. 182 tt set. 



dictation from a few informants, and taken 
down verbatim by the recorder. In later 
years the example of James Owen Dorsey, 
who published texts written by natives, has 
been adapted to the recording of aboriginal 
literature; and quite a number of collections 
of folk-lore have been published in Indian 
languages, the originals of which have been 
written by the natives themselves. 

Marked differences in stylistic character 
exist between tales thus recorded and those 
written by investigators who are not in 
perfect command of the language, who often 
have to acquire it by means of the collected 
text material. The slowness of dictation that 
is necessary for recording texts makes it diffi- 
cult for the narrator to employ that freedom 
of diction that belongs to the well-told tale, 
and consequently an unnatural simplicity of 
syntax prevails in most of the dictated texts. 
When, on the other hand, a native has once 
acquired ease in the use of the written 
language, the stylistic form becomes more 
natural, and refinements of expression are 
found that are often lost in slow dictation. 

Nevertheless the writing of single indi- 
viduals cannot replace the dictated record, 
because the individual characteristics of the 
writer become too prominent, and may give 
a false impression in regard to syntactic and 
stylistic traits; even the variability of gram- 
matical form may be obscured by the one- 
sidedness of such records. Whenever it is 
possible to train several writers, many of 
these difficulties may be overcome. Where 
a native alphabet exists, as among the 
Cherokee, Fox, and Cree, and where for this 
reason many persons write with ease, a 
serviceable variety of stylistic and syntactic 
expression may be secured. Excellent ex- 
amples of native texts recorded naively by 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



natives are contained in the Eskimo publica- 
tions printed in Greenland, which are devoted 
both to topics of daily interest and to ancient 
folk-lore. Similar conditions prevail in the 
Cherokee material collected by James 
Mooney, and in some of the daily papers 
printed in aboriginal languages. Even when 
good written records are available, control 
by means of the spoken language is necessary, 
because the expression of the written language 
may differ considerably from the spoken form. 

Up to this time too little attention has been 
paid to the variety of expression and to the 
careful preservation of diction. We have 
rather been interested in the preservation of 
fundamental forms. Fortunately, many of 
the recorded texts contain, at least to some 
extent, stereotyped conversation and other 
formulas, as well as poetical parts, which give 
a certain insight into certain stylistic pecu- 
liarities, although they can seldom be taken as 
examples of the spoken language. 

An added difficulty in the use of texts 
written by natives is that most are written 
by Indians who have had a modern school 
education. It may be observed in all parts 
of America that the native languages are 
being modified by the influence of European 
languages, not only in vocabulary, but also 
in phonetics and grammar. The far-reaching 
influence of these causes may be observed in 
a most striking manner in modern Mexican 
and other Central American languages, that 
have been under Spanish influence for centu- 
ries, and which not only have lost large parts 
of their vocabularies, that have disappeared 
with the ancient ideas, but which have also 
developed a new syntax, and, in part at least, 
new morphological forms. Modifications of 
this type are common in those regions where 
the intercourse between Indian and white is 
intimate, and particularly where the children 
are segregated from the parents. On the 
Pacific coast, for instance, the articulation 
of the glottalized fortis loses much of its 
strength, old words disappear, and new 



syntactical forms develop. Even the old 
facility of composition of stems tends to dis- 
appear. It is therefore necessary to obtain 
text material also from the older generation, 
because it is required for the study of the 
recent development of the languages. 

On account of the difficulties and expense 
involved in the collection of texts, collectors 
have not only hesitated to obtain similar 
material from different individuals, but they 
have also confined themselves largely to the 
collections of native traditions. In some 
cases, native poetry has been included in the 
collections. Albert Gatschet recognized the 
need of varied material and collected texts 
on diverse topics in his studies of the Klamath, 
and J. Owen Dorsey published a collection of 
letters. The contents of the Eskimo publica- 
tions and the native newspapers previously 
referred to also form a notable exception to 
this rule. Among later collectors, Drs. God- 
dard and Sapir have given particular atten- 
tion to the collection of texts of varied con- 
tents. On the whole, however, the avail- 
able material gives a one-sided presentation 
of linguistic data, because we have hardly 
any records of daily occurrences, every-day 
conversation, descriptions of industries, cus- 
toms, and the like. For these reasons the 
vocabularies yielded by texts are one-sided 
and incomplete. 

Notwithstanding the progress that during 
the last few decades has been made in the 
character of the material recorded, both as 
regards the accuracy of phonetic transcription 
and the character of the matter recorded, 
there is ample room for improvements of 
method. 

With the extent of our knowledge of 
native languages, the problems of our inquiry 
have also assumed wider and greater interest. 
It is quite natural that the first task of the 
investigator was the registering and the 
rough classification of languages. It appeared 
very soon that languages are more or less 
closely related, and that comparison of brief 



NO. I 



INTRODUCTORY 



vocabularies was sufficient to bring out the 
most striking relationships. The classifica- 
tion of North American languages, that we 
owe to Major J. W. Powell, which will form 
the basis of all future work, was made by this 
method. Further progress on these lines is 
beset with great difficulties, that are common 
to America and to those continents in which 
we cannot trace the development of languages 
by means of historical documents. The 
results of the historical and comparative 
studies of Indo-European languages show 
very clearly that languages that have sprung 
from the same source may become so distinct, 
that, without documents illustrating their his- 
torical development, relationships are difficult 
to discover; so much so, that in some cases 
this task might even be impossible. We are 
therefore permitted to assume that similar 
divergences have developed in American 
languages, and that quite a number of 
languages that appear distinct may in a 
remote period have had a common origin. 
Here lies one of the most difficult problems 
of research, and one in which the greatest 
critical caution is necessary, if we wish to 
avoid the pitfalls that are besetting the path 
of scientific inquiry. The method of investi- 
gation has to take into account possibilities 
of linguistic growth, in regard to which 
generalized data are not available. Modern 
languages have developed by differentiation. 
In so far as this is true, the establishment of a 
genealogical series must be the aim of inquiry. 
On the other hand, languages may influence 
one another to such an extent, that, beyond 
a certain point, the genealogical question has 
no meaning, because it would lead back to 
several sources and to an arbitrary selection 
of one or another as the single ancestral type. 
Our knowledge of linguistic processes is 
sufficiently wide to show that lexicographic 
borrowing may proceed to such an extent, that 
the substance of a language may be materially 
changed. As long, however, as the inner 
form remains unchanged, our judgment is 



determined, not by the provenience of the 
vocabulary, but by that of the form. In 
most Indian languages etymological processes 
are so transparent, that borrowing of whole 
words will be easily detected; and, on the 
whole, the diffusion of words over diverse 
groups does not present serious difficulties, 
provided the borrowed material does not 
undergo radical phonetic changes. 

The matter is different when we ask our- 
selves in how far phonetics and morphological 
features may have been borrowed. In these 
cases our experience does not permit us to give 
a definite answer. The system of sounds of 
a language is certainly unstable; but in how 
far inner forces and in how far foreign influence 
mould its forms, is a question not always easy 
to answer. In America we can discern various 
areas that have common phonetic charac- 
teristics; like the areas of prevalence of 
nasalization of vowels, of glottalized fortes, 
of superabundant development of laterals, of 
absence of bi-labials or of labio-dental spi- 
rants, or of trills. These areas do not coincide 
with any morphological groupings, and are 
apparently geographically well defined. If 
we are dealing here with phenomena of late 
assimilation, a disturbing element is intro- 
duced that will make it more difficult to 
assign a language to a definite genealogical 
line, much more so than is the case in the 
borrowing of words. The conditions favoring 
such phonetic influence must have been much 
more numerous in primitive America than 
they were in the later development of Euro- 
pean languages. The number of individuals 
speaking any given American dialect is small. 
Many women of foreign parentage lived in 
each tribe, and their speech influenced the 
pronunciation of the young; so that phonetic 
changes may have come about easily. 

Still more difficult is the problem presented 
by the distribution of morphological traits. 
Even with our imperfect knowledge of 
American languages, it may be recognized 
that certain morphological types have a 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



wide continuous distribution. This is true 
of morphological processes as well as of par- 
ticular psychological aspects of American 
languages. Thus the incorporation of the, 
nominal object, which in former times was 
considered one of the most characteristic feat- 
ures of American languages, is confined to 
certain areas, while it is foreign to others. The 
tendency to qualify generalized verbal terms 
by means of elements which express instru- 
mentality is characteristic of some areas. 
The occurrence of various specific elements 
that define locality of an action, as affecting 
objects like "hand," "house," "water," 
"fire," or other special nominal concepts, is 
characteristic of other regions. Classification 
of actions or of nouns according to the form 
of the actor or of the object also belong to 
several groups of languages. Nominal cases 
are present in some languages, absent in 
others. In a similar way we find present in 
some regions, absent in others, processes like 
that of reduplication or of vocalic or conso- 
nantic modification of stems. 

Attempts to classify languages from these 
distinct points of view do not lead to very 
satisfactory results. Not only would the 
purely morphological classifications be contra- 
dictory, but in many cases where a close 
morphological agreement exists, it remains 
highly unsatisfactory to co-ordinate vocabu- 
laries and the phonetic equivalents of similar 
morphological ideas. On the basis of Indo- 
European experience, we should be very much 
inclined to seek for a common origin for all 
those languages that have a far-reaching 
morphological similarity; but it must be 
acknowledged, that, when the results of 
classifications based on different linguistic 
phenomena conflict, we must recognize the 
possibility of the occurrence of morphological 
assimilation. The problem is analogous to 
that of the relation between Finnish and 
Indo-European languages, which Sweet as- 
sumed as established, while the observed 
relations may also be due to other causes. 



Owing to the fundamental importance of 
these questions for the solution of the prob- 
lem of the historical relationship between 
American languages, it seems particularly im- 
portant to attempt to carry through these 
classifications without prejudging the ques- 
tion as to the genealogical position of the 
various groups. It is quite inconceivable 
that similarities such as exist between Quil- 
leyute, Kwakiutl, and Salish, should be due 
to a mere accident, or that the morphological 
similarities of Californian languages, which 
Kroeber and Dixon have pointed out, should 
not be due to a definite cause. The experience 
of Aryan studies might induce us to agree 
that these must be members of single lin- 
guistic stocks; but this assumption leaves 
fundamental differences unaccounted for, 
and neglects the possibility of morphological 
assimilation, so that at the present time the 
conclusion does not seem convincing. We 
ought to inquire, first of all, into the possi- 
bility of mutual influences, which will be 
revealed, in part at least, by lack of 
correspondence between lexicographic, pho- 
netic, and detailed morphological classifica- 
tions. 

We do not mean to say that the investiga- 
tion may not satisfactorily prove certain 
genealogical relationships; but what should 
be emphasized is, that, in the present state 
of our knowledge of primitive languages, it is 
not safe to disregard the possibility of a 
complex origin of linguistic groups, which 
would limit the applicability of the term 
"linguistic family" in the sense in which we 
are accustomed to use it. It is certainly 
desirable, and necessary, to investigate mi- 
nutely and carefully all suggestive analogies. 
The proof of genetic relationship, however, 
can be considered as given, only when the 
number of unexplained distinct elements is 
not over-large, and when the contradictory 
classifications, to which reference has been 
made before, have been satisfactorily ac- 
counted for. 



NO. I 



INTRODUCTORY 



It is quite evident, that, owing to the lack 
of knowledge of the historical development 
of American languages, convincing proof of 
genealogical relationship may be impossible 
to obtain, even where such relation exists; 
so that, from both a practical and a theoreti- 
cal point of view, the solution of the problems 
of genetic relationship presents a large 
number of attractive problems. 

Considering the complexity of this question, 
and the doubts that we entertain in regard 
to some of the principles to be followed in our 
inquiry, it seems probable that a safer basis 
will be reached by following out dialectic 
studies. Very little work of this kind has 
been done on our continent. James Owen 
Dorsey was able to point out a few phenomena 
pertaining to the inter-relation of Siouan 
dialects. Similar points have been made in 
regard to the Salish languages and in a few 
other cases, but no penetrating systematic 
attempt has been made to clear up the pro- 
cesses of differentiation by which modern 
American dialects have developed. It is 
fortunate for the prosecution of this study 
that quite a number of linguistic families in 
America are broken up into numerous strong- 
ly divergent dialects, the study of which will 
help us the more in the investigation of the 
relations between distinct languages, the 
more markedly they are differentiated. 
Siouan, Algonquin, Muskhogean, Salishan, 
Shoshonian, Wakashan, Caddoan, are lan- 
guages of this type. They present examples 
of divergence of phonetic character, of differ- 
ences in structure and vocabulary, that will 
bring us face to face with the problem of the 
origin of these divergent elements. 

The more detailed study of American 
languages promises rich returns in the fields 
of the mechanical processes of linguistic 
development and of the psychological prob- 
lems presented by languages of different 
types. In many American languages the 
etymological processes are so transparent, 
that the mechanism of phonetic adaptation 



stands out with great clearness. Contact- 
phenomena, and types of sound-harmony 
that affect more remote parts of words, 
occur with great frequency. Phonetic shifts 
between related dialects are easily observed, 
so that we can accumulate a large mass of 
material which will help to solve the question 
in how far certain phonetic processes may be 
of more or less universal occurrence. 

Remotely related to this problem is the 
question that was touched upon by Gatschet, 
in how far the frequent occurrence of similar 
sounds for expressing related ideas (like the 
personal pronouns) may be due to obscure 
psychological causes rather than to genetic 
relationship. Undoubtedly, many hitherto 
unexpected types of processes will reveal 
themselves in the pursuit of these studies. 

The variety of American languages is so 
great, that they will be of high value for the 
solution of many fundamental psychological 
problems. 

The unconsciously formed categories found 
in human speech have not been sufficiently 
exploited for the investigation of the cate- 
gories into which the whole range of human 
experience is forced. Here, again, the clear- 
ness of etymological processes in many Ameri- 
can languages is a great help to our investiga- 
tion. 

The isolation of formal elements and of 
stems, or of co-ordinate stems, whichever the 
case may be, is easily performed, and the 
meaning of every part of an expression is 
determined much more readily than in the 
innumerable fossilized forms of Indo-Euro- 
pean languages. 

Lexicographic differentiation corresponds 
to the morphological differentiation of lan- 
guages. Where ideas are expressed by means 
of separate stems or by subordinate elements, 
generalized stems will be found that express 
a certain action regardless of the instrument 
with which it has been performed; while, in 
languages that are not provided with these 
formal elements, a number of separate words 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



will take the place of the modified general 
stem. In languages that possess a full equip- 
ment of adverbial and locative formative 
elements, generalized words of motion may be 
qualified by their use; while, wherever these 
elements are absent, new stems must take 
their place. The same is true of grammatical 
elements that designate form or substance. 
Where these occur, the languages may lack 
words expressing predicative ideas relating 
to objects of different form and consisting of 
different substances (like our words "to lie," 
"to sit," "to stand," "to tear," "to break"). 

A lexicographic analysis based on these 
principles of classification promises important 
results, but requires a much more accurate 
knowledge of the meaning of stems than is 
available in most cases. 

No less interesting are the categories of 
thought that find expression in grammatical 
form. The older grammars, although many 
of them contain excellent material, do not 
clearly present these points of difference, 
because they are modelled strictly on the 
Latin scheme, which obscures the character- 
istic psychological categories of Indian lan- 
guages. Thus the idea of plurality is not often 
developed in the same sense as in Latin, but 
expresses rather the idea of distribution or of 
collectivity. The category of gender is rare, 
and nominal cases are not common. In the 
pronoun we find often a much more rigid 
adherence to the series of three persons than 
the one that we apply, in so far as the distinc- 
tion is carried through in the pronominal 
plural and in the demonstrative. Further- 
more, new ideas such as visibility, or posi- 
tion in regard to the speaker in the six princi- 
pal directions (up, down, right, left, front, 
back) , or tense are added to the concept of 
the demonstrative pronouns. In the numeral 
the varied bases of numeral systems find 
expression. In the verb the category of 
tense may be almost suppressed or may be 
exuberantly developed. Modes may include 
many ideas that we express by means of 



adverbs, or they may be absent. The dis- 
tinction between verb and noun may be dif- 
ferent from ours. In short, an enormous 
variety of forms illustrates the multifarious 
ways in which language seizes upon one or 
another feature as an essential of expression 
of thought. 

Besides the greater or lesser development 
of categories that are parallel to our own, 
many new ones appear. The groups of ideas 
selected for expression by formative elements 
are quite distinctive, and they belong to the 
most important features in the characteriza- 
tion of each language. In some cases they 
are poorly developed, but most American 
languages possess an astonishing number of 
formative elements of this type. 

In some cases their number is so great, that 
the very idea of subordination of one element 
of a word under another one loses its signifi- 
cance; and we are in doubt whether we shall 
designate one group as subordinate elements, 
or whether we shall speak of the composition 
of co-ordinate elements. While in some lan- 
guages, as in Algonquin or Kutenai, this may 
be a matter of arbitrary definition, it involves 
a problem of great theoretical interest; 
namely, the question whether formative 
elements have developed from independent 
words, as has been proved to Be the case with 
many formal suffixes of European languages. 

The objectivating tendency of our mind 
makes the thought congenial, that part of a 
word the significance of which we can deter- 
mine by analysis must also have objectively 
an independent existence; but there is cer- 
tainly no a priori reason that compels us to 
make this assumption. It must be proved 
to be true by empirical evidence. Although 
the history of American languages is not 
known, and therefore cannot furnish any 
direct evidence for or against this theory, 
the study of the etymological processes will 
throw light upon this problem, because in 
many cases the very phonetic weakness of 
the constituent elements, their internal 



NO. I 



INTRODUCTORY 



changes, and the transparency of the method 
of composition, make it clear that we are 
performing here an analytical process, that 
does not need to have as its counterpart the 
synthesis of independent elements. The same 
question may also be raised in regard to 
phonetic modifications of the stem, which 
may be secondary, and due to the influence 
of changing accents in composition or to 
vanished component elements, while they may 
also be primary phenomena. 

This problem is in a way identical with the 
whole question of the relation between word 
and sentence. Here also American languages 
may furnish us with much important material 
that emphasizes the view that the unit of 
human speech as we know it is the sentence, 
not the word. 

The problems treated in a linguistic journal 
must include also the literary forms of native 
production. Indian oratory has long been 
famous, but the number of recorded speeches 
from which we can judge their oratorical 
devices is exceedingly small. There is no 
doubt whatever that definite stylistic forms 
exist that are utilized to impress the hearer; 
but we do not know what they are. As yet, 
nobody has attempted a careful analysis of 
the style of narrative art as practised by the 
various tribes. The crudeness of most records 
presents a serious obstacle for this study, 
which, however, should be taken up seriously. 
We can study the general structure of the 
narrative, the style of composition, of motives, 
their character and sequence; but the formal 
stylistic devices for obtaining effects are not 
so easily determined. 

Notwithstanding the unsatisfactory charac- 
ter of the available material, we do find cases 
in which we may at least obtain a glimpse of 
the intent of the narrator. In many cases 
metaphorical expressions occur that indicate 
a vigorous imagination. Not much material 
of this character is available, but what little 
we have demonstrates that the type of meta- 
phor used in different parts of the continent 



shows characteristic differences. It would be 
interesting to know in how far these expres- 
sions have become purely formal without 
actual meaning, and in how far they reflect an 
active imagination. 

Evidence is not missing which shows that 
the sentence is built up with a view of stressing 
certain ideas or words by means of position, 
repetition, or other devices for securing em- 
phasis. There are curious differences in the 
tendency to fill the discourse with brief 
allusions to current ideas difficult to under- 
stand for any one who is not versed in the 
whole culture of the people, and the enjoyment 
of diffuse, detailed description. Collectors of 
texts are fully aware that in the art of narra- 
tive there are artists and bunglers in every 
primitive tribe, as well as among ourselves. 
At present there is hardly any material 
available that will allow us to characterize 
the tribal characteristics of the art of nar- 
rative. 

The most promising material for the study 
of certain aspects of artistic expression are 
the formal elements that appear with great 
frequency in the tales of all tribes. Most of 
these are stereotyped to such an extent, that 
little individual variation is found. Even in 
poorly recorded tales, written down in trans- 
lation only, and obtained with the help of 
inadequate interpreters, the sameness of 
stereotyped formulas may sometimes be 
recognized. Conversation in animal tales and 
in other types of narrative, prayers and incan- 
tations, are probably the most important 
material of this character. 

Attention should also be paid to the existing 
forms of literature. The narrative is of 
universal occurrence, but other forms show a 
much more irregular distribution. The psy- 
chological basis of the trivial American anec- 
dote is not easily understood. The connota- 
tion of meaningless syllables that occur in 
songs, the frequent use of distorted words in 
poetry, and the fondness for a secret language, 
including obsolete, symbolic, or arbitrary 



8 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



terms, deserve the most careful attention. 
Here belong also the peculiar modes of speech 
of various personages, that are recorded in 
many tales, and which Dr. Sapir has found so 
fully developed among the Nootka, and Dr. 
Frachtenberg among the Quilleyute. The 
fixity of form of the recitative used by certain 
animals, to which Dr. Sapir has called atten- 
tion in his studies of the Paiute, also suggests 
an interesting line of inquiry. 

Equally important is the absence of certain 
literary forms with which we are familiar. 
The great dearth of proverbs, of popular 
snatches, and of riddles, among American 
aborigines, in contrast to their strong develop- 
ment in Africa and other parts of the Old 
World, requires attentive study. The general 
lack of epic poetry, the germs of which are 
found in a very few regions only, is another 
feature that promises to clear up certain prob- 
lems of the early development of literary 
art. We are able to observe lyric poetry in 
its simplest forms among all tribes. Indeed, 
we may say that, even where the slightest 
vestiges of epic poetry are missing, lyric 



poetry of one form or another is always 
present. It may consist of the musical use of 
meaningless syllables that sustain the song; 
or it may consist largely of such syllables, 
with a few interspersed words suggesting cer- 
tain ideas and certain feelings; or it may rise 
to the expression of emotions connected with 
warlike deeds, with religious feeling, love, or 
even to the praise of the beauties of nature. 
The records which have been accumulated 
during the last few years, particularly by 
students of primitive music, contain a mass of 
material that can be utilized from this point 
of view. 

Undoubtedly the problems of native poetry 
have to be taken up in connection with the 
study of native music, because there is prac- 
tically no poetry that is not at the same time 
song. The literary aspects of this subject, 
however, fall entirely within the scope of a 
linguistic journal. 

Let us hope that the new journal may be 
able to contribute its share to the solution of 
all these problems! 

FRANZ BOAS 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 1 
For FRANZ BOAS 



POCHUTLA, capital del distrito del mismo 
nombre del Estado de Oaxaca, esta ubicada 
al Oeste de Tehuantepec y al Sur de Oaxaca, 
aproximadamente a tres leguas del Oceano 
Pacifico. En todas las poblaciones que estan 
al rededor de Pochutla se hablaba el Zapoteca, 
pero entre los vocabularies recogidos por el 
eminente sabio Sr. Doctor Antonio Penafiel, 
quien bondadosamente me di6 permiso de 
hacer uso de sus importantisimas colecciones, 
se encuentra un vocabulario como de 80 
vocables de Pochutla, los cuales muestran 
claramente que alii se habla el idioma nahua 
o mexicano. El vocabulario lo recogieron en 
1888 y en ese ano ya iba desapareciendo el 
idioma. Los datos, aunque muy imperfectos, 
indican que el idioma se diferencia mucho del 
mexicano clasico y que su fonetismo se parece 
al de los dialectos del Sur. 

A mi modo de ver, la cuesti6n de la dis- 
tribuci6n antigua de los dialectos mexicanos 
es importantisima y crei que valia la pena 
visitar el pueblo y recoger todo lo que se 
pudiera sacar. 

Llegue a Pochutla en enero de 1912, y 
qued6 alia hasta fines de febrero, cuando ya 
no se podia conseguir mas de los pocos 
individuos que conocen parte del idioma. 
Son mujeres casi todas las personas que 
todavia se acuerdan de algunos vocables y 
frases, y no hay mas que una que lo pueda 
hablar, conociendo, como conoce, un mimero 
bastante grande de palabras y teniendo 

1 El estudio del dialecto de Pochutla se hizo cuando 
desempenaba el cargo de Director de la Escuela Inter- 
national de Arqueologia y Etnologia mexicanas. La 
publication iba a hacerse en los Anales del Museo 
Nacional de Mexico. A causa de las condiciones 
politicas y economicas del pais el manuscrito original 
se perdio y no es probable que siga la impresion que 
ya se habia principiado. 



dominio sobre las formas gramaticales. Se 
llama Sabina Martinez y es una anciana como 
de 75 anos. Desgraciadamente no fue posible 
explicarle que para apuntar las formas se 
necesita una pronunciaci6n clara y lenta y 
la repetici6n de las mismas frases. Siempre 
cambiaba ella la forma de las frases y por esa 
raz6n fue muy dificil recoger un buen acopio 
de datos. Despues de unos cuantos dfas 
empez6 a creer que hablar lentamente era 
repetir la primera silaba del vocablo despacio 
y despues pronunciar toda la palabra o toda 
la frase muy de prisa. Aunque otras mujeres, 
con las cuales estaba trabajando, le explicaron 
muchas veces lo que queria y hasta le ense- 
naron como se debia hablar, fu6 imposible 
lograr una buena pronunciaci6n. Por esa 
razon siempre me acompanaban Mauricia 
Riquel, anciana muy inteligente que recuerda 
muchos vocablos y que me ayud6 repetiendo 
los vocablos pronunciados por Sabina, cuando 
ella se acordaba de ellos. Mauricia y Maria 
Trinidad son las que tienen los mejores 
conocimientos del idioma, despues de Sabina. 
Son como de 65 y 70 anos de edad. Otras 
que conocen bastantes vocablos son : Feliciana, 
Francisca, Joaquina y Paula Nicha, ancianas 
como de 75 anos, Ines Vazquez, como de 60 
anos y Eleuteria Avesilla, quien no tiene mas 
de 50 anos. Muy escasos son los conoci- 
mientos de Andrea Castillo, senora como de 
50 anos, quien siempre se interesaba en el idio- 
ma, y aunque su madre no lo hablaba, habia 
aprendido muchos vocablos y frases. 

Pocos son los hombres que recuerdan el 
idioma. Estanislao y Epifanio Pina, hombres 
como de 50 anos, me comunicaron un pequeno 
numero de vocablos; Pedro Marcelino Pastor, 
hombre como de 60 anos, es el que tiene los 
mayores conocimientos, relativamente al 
idioma mexicano, entre los hombres. 



10 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



Otros individuos que, segun lo que se dice, 
hablan el idioma mexicano, han sido exam- 
inados, pero no tienen conocimientos utiles. 
Se dijo que habia un vocabulario escrito, pero 
es muy claro que eso se refiere al vocabulario 
del Sr. Dr. Penafiel, el cual ha sido escrito por 
el Sr. Apolonio Rosario. 

La Sra. Ines Vazquez tiene fama de saber 
de memoria una carta que un tal Pepe 
escribi6 en el dialecto a su madre, cuando 
estaba preso en Oaxaca, pero la carta estaba 
casi toda escrita en castellano. 

Mama Florentina, nebd (') ntzichud ( 2 ) 
mandar las expresiones que nquet ( 3 ) en la 
prisi6n con cabal salud. Titiz (*) con mucho 
carino a nob'lugdm ( 6 ). Az xichuS ( 6 ) perder 
la esperanza que nen quiciz ( 7 ) de la prisi6n. 
Tixchud ( 8 ) contestar todo lo mas pronto que 
puedas. Nebd (') ntzichud ( 2 ) unos abrazos 
para noyi ( 9 ) Florentina. Don Pepe. 

El dialecto mexicano de Pochutla es uno del 
grupo de dialectos meridionales del nahua, 
cuyo fonetismo se diferencia mucho del nahua 
clasico. Ese grupo de dialectos incluye los de 
la America Central y la mayoria de los de Ta- 
basco, Vera-Cruz, probablemente de Chiapas y 
tambien el dialecto de Jalisco. Sus rasgos 
mas importantes son la ausencia de conso- 
nantes africativas, antes de otras consonantes, 
y la substituci6n de la t en vez de la tl. 

El fonetismo del dialecto de Pochutla tiene 
otros caracteres importantes. Hay grupos de 
consonantes al principle de las palabras y 
tambien grupos de mas de dos consonantes, 
los cuales nunca se encuentran en el mexicano 
del Valle de Mexico y de las regiones vecinas. 
Tambien hay cambios regulares de las vocales. 
Casi siempre el acento esta en la ultima y 
parece que la elisidn de vocales y el origen de 
grupos de consonantes se deben en parte al 
cambio del acento. 

Las noticias que recogf sobre la gramitica 
de Pochutla, son muy incompletas. Sin 
(') aqul ( 2 ) te hago (') estoy 

( 4 ) guardaras ( 5 ) mishijos () nohaz 

C) saldr6 ( 8 ) hazme (") mi madre 



embargo, parece que hay unas cuantas formas, 
tal vez mas antiguas que las del mexicano 
clasico, como la terminaci6n del plural en quit; 
terminaci6n w del posesivo, y la forma na del 
articulo. 

El vocabulario es muy semejante al del 
mexicano clasico y se reconocen facilmente 
muchos vocablos. Hay unas diferencias 
interesantes. El vocablo dual, mujer, no 
se encuentra, sino g'lazt, que es la forma de 
Pochutla para quilaztli, la diosa mexicana. 

FONETISMO 
CONSONANTES 

Explosivas Continuas Africativas Nasales 

Labiales . . . (b) p m 

Dentales . . . (d) t z (c.) tz n 

x ch 

Paladiales . . (g) c (qu) h n 

Laterales. . 1 



Semivocales 



(gu) (u) 



VOCALES 



La e y la o son muy semejantes a las del 
castellano. Creo que no hay vocales largas 
en Pochutla. Las vocales terminales tienen 
aspiraci6n fuerte. 

En el mexicano clasico todas las explosivas 
son insonoras, sin aspiraci6n, mientras que 
en Pochutla las explosivas iniciales siempre 
principian sonoras y nazarizantes. Despus 
hay oclusi6n lenta del conducto nasal y se 
pierde el caracter sonoro. Por eso la p inicial 
se pronuncia como la transici6n mbp, la t 
inicial como ndt, la c inicial (antes de o y u) 
como ngc. El caracter nasal es mas d6bil en 
la p inicial que en las otras consonantes 
explosivas. 

patec se pronuncia mbpade'c, ancho 

pib'luc se pronuncia mbpib'lu'c, envolver 

pinaua' se pronuncia mbpinaua, tener vergiienza 

tot se pronuncia ndtotn, piedra 

te se pronuncia ndte, <ique? 

caxani se pronuncia ngcaxani', esta sanando 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



II 



La explosiva, cuando se encuentra entre dos 
vocales, es muy suave. La p, en esa posici6n 
tiene casi siempre el caracter de la b castellana 
(continua); la t tambien es muy suave y la 
articulaci6n laringeal de la vocal precedente 
continua hasta que se forme la oclusi6n de la 
dicha /. For esa raz6n, cuando la palabra 
se pronuncia aprisa, la t es muy semejante a 
la d, y tambien asi la c es semejante a la g. 

tapotuc se pronuncia como ndtavoduc: esta contando 
tequel se pronuncia como ndteguetn, hombre 

Las consonantes sonoras influyen de la 
misma manera sobre las explosivas que las 
siguen y preceden. 

unti' se pronuncia undi', borracho 

Las explosivas sonoras tienen un caracter 
muy distinto del de las insonoras, cuando una 
vocal sin acento ha desaparecido entre la 
explosiva y otra consonante sonora. En ese 
caso, siempre tienen el caracter sonoro, cuya 
pronunciaci6n nunca cambia: 

POCHUTLA MEXICANO DEL VALLE 

ug'lo'm < ocuilin gusano 

pig'lia' < (piqui'f) golpear 

b'tet < petlatl petate 

g'lazt < quilaztli mujer 

Cuando la vocal se pierde delante de una 
insonora, la primera consonante explosiva 
sigue insonora: 

ctze < quetza levantar 

Las linguales, cuando se encuentran en 
posici6n terminal, son insonoras y requieren 
la oclusi6n linguo-paladial mientras se abre 
la nariz, saliendo el aire por ella. For esa 
raz6n tienen el caracter de consonantes 
insonoras explosivas nasales. La z terminal 
tiene el mismo caracter, es decir, que al ter- 
minar se abre la nariz y el aliento sale por ella. 

La n se encuentra solamente delante de las 
g y c (o qu) y es la n modificada por las con- 
sonantes paladiales. 

La x es distinta de la del mexicano. En ese 
dialecto se articula formando una estrecha 
hendedura entre el paladar y la punta de la 



lengua, que se aplana y se pega al primero, y 
con otra estrechez entre el paladar y el dorso 
de la lengua; asi es que el sonido de la x mexi- 
cana se forma de dos clases de vibraciones, las 
unas anteriores y semejantes a las de la sh 
inglesa, las otras posteriores y semejantes a 
las de la j castellana. Un sonido de esa clase 
se encuentra tambien en el zapoteca de Oa- 
xaca. En Pochutla, cada vez que la he oido, 
era igual a la sh inglesa pura. 

Mientras que en el mexicano moderno del 
Valle de Mexico todas las consonantes ter- 
minales son insonoras, hasta las nasales y la 
/, en Pochutla las nasales terminales y la / 
quedan sonoras. 

En el dialecto de Pochutla faltan unos 
cuantos sonidos del mexicano clasico, que son 
el saltillo y la consonante hui, o sea una con- 
tinua paladial que principia con resonancia 
de la u (caracter labial) y termina con reso- 
nancia de la i (caracter paladial). El fone- 
tismo del mexicano moderno del Valle de 
Mexico demuestra que, no obstante el cambio 
de la resonancia, el sonido corresponde a una 
sola consonante, porque se encuentra muchas 
veces en posici6n terminal, en la que no se 
permite mas de una consonante. Tampoco 
hay la h, consonante continua paladial con 
estrechez en la regi6n de la c (ca, co, cu), 
como la hui, pero solamente con resonancia 
de la 'i (paladial). Ya he mencionado que no 
hay la tl del mexicano, en lugar de la cual la t 
se encuentra siempre. 

Los grupos de consonantes de Pochutla son 
distintos de los del Valle de Mexico. Las 
africativas no se pueden poner antes de otras 
consonantes, asi como en el dialecto de Jalisco, 1 
aunque en el mexicano clasico y tambien en 
el mexicano moderno del Valle de Mexico, hay 
todas las combinaciones de africativas y otras 
consonantes: 

1 Ger6nimo Thomas de Aquino, Arte, Vocabulario y 
Confesionario en el idioma mexicano, como se usa en el 
obispado de Guadalaxara, 1765, pp. 5, 6. 

Fr. Juan Guerra. Arte de la lengua mexicana. 
Guadalajara, 1900, p. 9. 



12 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



POCHUTLA MEXICANO DEL VALLE 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


S, z<tz 


ato'mt atemitl piojo 


uzti' otzli embarazada 


act' act encontrar 


ui'sti uitzli espina 


ac ac quien 


mezt metztli luna 


aque't acatl carrizo 


id'pozla'c teputzli sus espaldas 
ozc (uelzi) cayo 


2. d del mexicano se vuelve a en Pochutla: 


x<ch 


taca' tlaca medio dia 


oco'xt oquichtli hombre 


talenli' tlatlani preguntar 


oxque't ichcatl algod6n 




noquexque'm quechquemitl mi huipil 


3. a del mexicano se vuelve e en Pochutla: 


totomo'xt totomochtli mazorca 


ame't amatl papel 


En ciertas formas gramaticales, cuando la 


etu'l atolli atole 


africativa se pone delante de otra consonante, 
tambien cambia y llega a ser una continua: 


iye'c lyac huele 
(yeque'l) yacatl nariz 
ozle'l iztatl sal 


moztemutu'c < motztemutu'c andan buscandote 


tepu' tlapoa abrir 


motzapi'zc <! motzapi'tzc te pario 


tepo'xt tlapechtli cama 


tixnamig'li < tichnamig'li vendeme 


teque't tlacatl hombre 


nixmexti'c < nichmexti'c me ensen6 


teloa tlaloa correr 


taxpo'l < tachpol perrito 






4. e del mexicano, con acento, se vuelve 


En el mexicano moderno del Valle las 


o en Pochutla: 


explosivas no se pueden poner delante de 


ato'mt atemitl piojo 


otras consonantes. Cuando se encuentran 


pot petlatl petate 


en esa posici6n se les da una aspiraci6n fuerte 


mot metlatl metate 


con resonancia paladial, y los sonidos se 


tepo'xt tlapechtli cama 


pueden escribir pi, ti, qui. Muchas veces la c 


tot tell piedra 
to$o' ted 1 moler 


llega a ser una continua paladial (h). En 


toxt textli harina 


Pochutla las explosivas se encuentran delante 


noxt nextli cenizas 


de todas las otras consonantes. 


(on centli mazorca 


Se permiten tambi6n grupos de consonantes 


coxqui (quequexquia) comezon 


al principio y al fin de las palabras, cosa 


cocxt quechtli pescuezo 


imposible en el mexicano clasico, del que 


En unos cuantos vocablos se encuentran 


muchas irregularidades se expliquan. La / se 


dos formas, una en o, otra en e; pero parece 


encuentra al principio de la palabra. Hay 


que la forma en o es mucho mas frecuente: 


combinaciones de tres consonantes, pero 
parece que se forman solamente en palabras 


b 'let y pot petlatl petate 
quext y coxt , quechtli pescuezo 


compuestas. 




Entre el dialecto de Pochutla y el del Valle 


5. La e y la i, sin acento, del mexicano cor- 


de Mexico hay un niimero de cambios foneticos 


responden a una oclusi6n de la glotis: 


regulares : 


at'bet altepetl pueblo 


I. a (larga) del mexicano se vuelve a en 


d'potz teputzli espalda 
nod'mu'z temo voy a bajar 


Pochutla: 


n'qui nequi querer 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


z'li celic tierno 




xmoctze' (quetza) j pirate! 


ayu't dyutl tortuga 
apa'zt apaztli olla 
ame't amatl papel 


ig'ti' iquiti tejer 
ptzec pitzauac delgado 


at all agua 


1 Segun Carochi la e en teci es larga. 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


10. Las aua del mexicano se vuelven e en 


enopib'lu'c (pipiloa) me envolvf 


Pochutla: 


nob'lu' (nopiltzin) mi hijo 
xiub'lu' (piloa) icuelgalo! 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


mexti'c (machitia) enseno 


pate'c patlauac ancho 


tixnamig'li' namiquiltia jvendeme! 


ptzec pitzauac delgado 


xtactze' (tlaquetz) jhabla! 


chique'c chicauac duro 


g'lazt quilaztli mujer 


ii. La tl del mexicano se vuelve t en 


6. La i del mexicano sevuelve oen Pochutla : 


Pochutla: 


ecfo'c icucic maduro 


tzique't tzicatl hormiga 


icoci' (tlanquiquici) chiflar 


xucho't xochitl flor 


ozte't iztatl sal 


(on centli mazorca 


oxque't ichcatl algodon 


noxt nextli ceniza 


opque't icpatl hilo (metatesis de la cp) 


neque't nacatl carne 


oco'xt oquichtli hombre 


til tlilli negro del humo 


uluni' olinia menear 


teque't tlacatl hombre 


ntapoxque'z (pixca) voy a pizcar 


let tletl fuego 


moc mic muerto 


tepo'xt tlapachlli cama 


ito'c Itic adentro 


teyu'l tlayolli maiz 


oxt iztetl una 


te tie <ique? 


namocti' namiquia casarse 


tal tlalli tierra 


tzucua'zt tzicanaztli peine 


tayua' tlayoa oscuro 


chock chichi escupir 




micho'm michin pescado 


ACENTO 


Sin embargo hay muchas i que no cambian: 


El acento cae casi siempre en la ultima 


aci' aci encontrar 


sflaba. 


iue icuitl hermana 


En todas las formas que no tienen la vocal 


ixqu ixquia asar 


de la sflaba terminal que es caracteristica 


ig'ti iquiti tejer 


de las formas del mexicano clasico, el acento 


yuli'c yolic poco a poco 
ui'tz uitz venir 


cae en la misma silaba en los dos dialectos: 


Casi todas las i que se vuelven o son breves. 
Parece que la i larga del mexicano casi siempre 


apa'zt apazlli olla 
apoto'ct ipotoctli humo 
ate'n atentli rio 


es i en Pochutla : 


ato'mt atemitl piojo 


ic \c a donde 


quexque'mt quechquemitl huipil 


ixt ixtli cara 


etu'l atolli atole 




teyu'l tlayolli maiz 


7. La ui sin acento del mexicano corres- 
ponde a una oclusi6n de la glotis: 


Cuando la ultima silaba no pierde la vocal, 
el acento no cae en las mismas silabas en los 


tag'lutu'c (cuiloa) esta escribiendo 
ug'lo'm ocuilin gusano 


dos dialectos: 




teque't tlacatl hombre 


8. Law del mexicano sevuelve o en Pochutla: 


quagu't quauitl arbol 


ozc (ouetz) cayo 


micho'm michin pescado 




emo'c omic murio 


9. La o (larga) del mexicano se vuelve e en 


momai' moma tu mano 


Pochutla. Parece que ese fen6meno tiene 
lugar solamente en la o del preterite: 


Hay un pequeno mimero de palabras cuyo 
acento cae en la pemiltima silaba. Parece 


emo'c ontic muri6 


que el acento de todas las palabras que tienen 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



eu en las ultimas silabas cae en la e. Son las 
formas posesivas en eu, como: 

noat'be'u mi pueblo 
nogiie'u mi marido 

Tambi6n : 

cye'uc cansado 

El acento de palabras que terminan en 
ai y oi: cae en la penultima: 

otca'i dulce 
noxo'i ml pi6 

Otras palabras que tienen el acento en la 
penultima silaba son: 

tu'chi pequeno 

te'ipo lagarto 

a'mpa porque 

ui'zti uiztli espina 

El ultimo vocablo conserva su vocal terminal. 
La forma de los demas sustantivos que ter- 
minan en tli en el mexicano clasico terminan 
en t en Pochutla. 

GRAMATICA 
FORMAS DEL SUSTANTIVO 

En el mexicano clasico no se permiten 
grupos de mas de dos consonantes, ni la 
terminaci6n de la palabra con dos con- 
sonantes. Las raices que terminan con una 
consonante o con dos consonantes tienen 
terminaciones particulares: la mayorfa de 
las que terminan con una consonante toman 
tli; las que terminan con dos consonantes 
toman una vocal auxiliar y //. En Pochutla 
las palabras pueden terminar con grupos de 
dos consonantes, y, por esa raz6n, no hay 
formas distintas de nombres en t (que cor- 
responde a la // del mexicano). 

Raices que terminan con una vocal: 

POCHUTLA MEXICANO 

at all agua 

let tletl fuego 

tot tetl piedra 

cue't coatl culebra 



Raices que terminan con una consonante: 



POCHUTLA 

apa'zt 

apoto'ct 

eyu't 

ezt 

mezt 

tepo'xt 

noxt 



MEXICANO 
dpaztli olla 
ipotoctli humo 
ayotli calabaza 
eztli sangre 
metztli luna 
tlapechtli cama 
nextli ceniza 



Despu6s de la n no se oye la t terminal: 

ten tentli boca 

ate'n atentli rfo 

nixtu'n ( tontli) pequeno 
tzon pelo 

Apolonio Rosario escribe : 

adem rfo 
sont pelo 

Despu6s de la I desaparece la t, probable- 
mente a causa de la antigua asimilaci6n entre 
la terminaci6n tli y la I: 

etu'l alolli atole 

mil milli campo 

tal tlalli tierra 

teyu'l tlayolli maiz 

nenepi'l nenepilli lengua 

Ese fen6meno es muy importante, porque 
demuestra que la t de Pochutla precede de dos 
elementos foneticos (/ y tl). A lo menos hay 
la combinaci6n de /+/ sin asimilaci6n en 
chilto't piedra para moler (<chil-\-tof). No 
encontr6 otros ejemplos que muestren clara- 
mente si se conserva la / antes de la /. En 
el dialecto de Guadalajara en el cual tambien 
falta la // hay la misma combinaci6n, como: 

lalticpac mundo (/. c., p. 142) 

Encontr una palabra que tiene la termi- 
naci6n ti como los nombres del mexicano cuya 
raiz termina con una sola consonante: 



ui'zti 



ui'ztli espina 



Las raices que terminan con dos consonantes 
toman una vocal auxiliar (o conservan una 
vocal antigua de la raiz) : 

opque't icpatl hilo 

ozte't iztatl sal 

oxque't ichcatl algod6n 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



Es probable que en esos casos tambi6n per- 
siste una condicion mas antigua, en la cual 
se encuentra todavia el dialecto del Valle de 
Mexico. 

Las raices que terminan con una t tienen 
dos formas; las unas terminan con una vocal 
auxiliar, las otras no tienen terminaci6n. 
La ultima clase es mas frecuente: 

POCHUTLA MEXICANO 

b'tet y hot petlatl petate 

mot metlatl metate 

(oxt) ixtetl una 

cute't cuitlatl mierda 

En el mexicano clasico muchas raices que 
terminan con consonantes que no pueden 
formar el primer elemento de un grupo de 
consonantes tienen vocales auxiliares (o con- 
servan vocales antiguas de la raiz). Los 
sonidos mas importantes de esa clase son la 
c y la m (aunque las raices en m tienen formas 
en -ntli) . 

Las raices que terminan en c tienen tam- 
bien vocales auxiliares en Pochutla: 



teque't 
neque't 
ceque't 
tzique't 



tlacatl hombre 

nacatl carne 

(acatl zacate 

tzicatl hormiga 



Las raices que terminan en m no tienen 
vocal auxiliar, y corresponden a las formas 
clasicas en tli: 



ato'mt 
quexque'mt 
cumt 
xamt 



atemitl piojo 
quechquemitl huipil 
comitl cantaro 
(xamitlt) tortilla 



Se saca : 

ot omitl hueso 

Hay una clase de nombres que terminan 
en om o em. Los nombres de ciertos ani- 
males pertenecen a esa clase: 

achiquelo'm camaron 

ug'lo'm ocuilin gusano 
tacho'm perro 

micho'm michin pescado 

cuixo'm iguana 

picho'm ? 



POCHUTLA 

todolem (Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 



quizco m 

mixco'm(~!) 

huhio'm 

eyo'm 

nayo'm 



MEXICANO 

totolin guajalote 

ome dos 
(quezqui) cuantos 

nixtamal 

(uey) grande 
yei tres 
naui cuatro 



Tal vez esa terminaci6n corresponda a la 
in del mexicano clasico. No cabe duda que 
no forma parte de la raiz, porque se encuentra 
taxpo'l, perrito, de tacho'm; pero es posible 
que corresponda al plural me. 

PLURAL 

No encontr6 formas distintas del plural en 
la mayoria de los nombres. Puede ser que 
eso se deba a que con adjectives que expresan 
el plural no se usan formas distintas o a que 
ya se hayan olvidado las formas. En pocas 
palabras encontre la reduplicaci6n : 

SINGULAR PLURAL 

g'lazt quig'lazqui'l mujer 

cone't cocone't nino 

conebo'l coconepo'l criatura 

teque't tetequetqui't hombre 

La terminaci6n quit que tienen dos de las 
palabras que mencione, corresponde a que 
del mexicano clasico y es terminaci6n del 
plural del verbo que se halla frecuentemente: 

tiquazqui't comemos 
quaguzqui't vamos a lenar 
tmotezqui't nos veremos 
ecmoctiqui't le mataron 

FORMAS POSESIVAS 

Son muy irregulares las formas posesivas. 
La terminacion uh del mexicano corresponde 
a la terminacion u en Pochutla. A mi parecer 
esa era la terminaci6n antigua del posesivo. 
Se pronuncia hui sonido que se ha descrito 
(p. n). En Pochutla es vocal y siendo la 
ultima silaba, como es, siempre lleva el acento. 
Solamente cuando la raiz termina en e el 
acento esta en la penultima. 



16 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



Formas en u con acento en la u: 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


totoltzi'n nuestro cura 


nob'lu' nopillo mi hijo 
notecu' notecuiyo mi padre 
notulu' mi atole 


noquaxa'xt mi faja 
notepo'xt (notlapech) mi cama 
moco'ch moquech tu pescuezo 


nogiielu' mi esposa 
nochibilu' tu vulva 


icho'ch ichlchi su saliva 
noquanco'ck mi costal 


nocholu' mi hermano 


noneque'z nonacaz mi oido, oreja 




nonenepi'l nonenepil mi lengua 


noquatu *~ ~*^~ mi lauo 
nocomalu' nocomal mi comal 


noce'l mi pene 


nopanu' (castel- 
lano) mi pan 


notupi'l mi tenate 
nomi'l nomtt mi milpa 


notilanu' mi gallina 
j * / / 


nicu'l mi nombre 
noibe' mi hermana 


notumtnu (y 




notumi'n) mi dinero 


iye' su madre 


noznu' (de con) mi mazorca 


nopima' mi hermana 


noxamu' y noxa'm noxan mi tortilla 


nomai' noma mi mano 


nopayu' mi rebozo 


noquai' noqua mi cabeza 


nolyu' noyollo mi coraz6n 


nocue'i nocue mi enagua 


nomelegu' nomalac mi huso 
nopcu' (nopcauh) mi hilo 


noxo'i noxo mi pie 
nixtotolu' nixtelolo mi ojo 


noxcu' nochcauh mi algod6n 
notachu' (de 


Segun la lista de vocablos parece que los 


tacho'm) mi perro 


sustantivos en tzin no tienen la terminaci6n 


Formas en u con acento en la penultima 
silaba: 


en u, y que no es frecuente en raices que 
terminan en . Sustantivos cuyas raices 




terminan en una vocal no pierden la i en las 


noat'be'u (naf- 
be'u) naltpeuh mi pueblo 
nogiie'u mi marido 


formas posesivas. 
La contracci6n de la vocal del pronombre 


nomeche'u mi machete 


con la vocal inicial del sustantivo se encuentra 


nocumpale'u 


cuando el sustantivo principia con la o: 


(castellano) mi compadre 






opque't hilo nopcu' mi hilo 


Formas sin terminaci6n: 


moxt tu una 


moxt mitte,mozte tu una 


oxque't algodon noxcu' mi algodon 


moi'x mix tu cara 
noxca't mi jiruru 


Los sustantivos que principian con otras 


noye'c noyac mi nariz 


vocales no forman contracciones sino que 


ixi'c ixic su ombligo 


son irregulares, encontrandose formas con 


notzo'c mi camisa 


contracci6n que son raras, y otras sin con- 


nomo'l nometl mi metate 
nob'te't, nopo't nopetl mi petate 


tracci6n que son mas frecuentes: 


mocu'm mocon tu cantaro 


at'be't pueblo noat'beu mi pueblo 


noquexqut'm noquexquen mi huipil 


mat'beu tu pueblo 


notipe'n nitipan mi pecho 


ixt cara moix tu cara 


note'n noten mi boca 


mixcuay tu frente (Apo- 


notumi'n mi dinero 


lonio Rosario) 


notentzo'n notentzon mi barba 


ixtotolu' ojo mixtololu', \ , 


mod'po'tz moteputz tu espalda 


' > tu ojo 
moxlotolu } 


nocha'n nochan mi casa 


etu'l atole motolu' tu atole 


noVltzi'n nopiltzin mi ahijado 


noapa'z mi olla 


notaltzi'n notatzin mi padrino 


noachu' mi semilla 


nonantzi'n nonantzin mi madrina 


noibe' mi hermana 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



El plural de las formas posesivas tiene el 
sufijo gam (mex. huan). Una vez oi gan, seis 
veces gam. 

mocholuga'm tus hermanos 
mob'luga'm tus hijos 

COMPOSICION DE LOS NOMBRES 

El diminutive mas frecuente es pol (mex. 
pulh). 

cayupo'l caballito (de cayu') 
taxpo'l perrito (de tacho'm) 
g'lazpo'l muchacha (de g'lazt) 
conepo'l criatura (de cone't) 

El diminutive tun (mex. ton, tontli) se 
encuentra solamente en 

nixlu'n pequeno 

El reverencial es tzin (mex. tzin, tzintli) 

totoltzi'n el cura 
motaltzi'n tu padrino 
monantzi'n tu madrina 
mob'ltzi'n tu ahijado 

Encontre pocas postposiciones : 
-c en 

POCHUTLA MEXICANO 

toque'lc (iti'c calco) en la casa 

ato'k fuera 

Las otras se encuentran solamente con 
pronombres posesivos: 

ito'c itic en 

ipe'n sobre 

ite'nc Man debajo 

ixna'c ixnauac f rente 

tacpa'c, icpa'c icpac sobre 

PRONOMBRES 

Los pronombres del verbo intransitive son: 



yo ft 

tu t 
el - 



nosotros t 
vosotros ? 
ellos - 



Los pronombres del verbo reflexive son: 



yo me 
tu te 

el se 
nosotros nos 



no , nmo 
to? 
mo 
tmo 



Los pronombres del verbo transitive son : 

tu me tick 

el me nich 

yo te ntz 

el te motz 

yo le nc 

tu le ti 

el le c 

Las formas de la segunda persona del im- 
perative son : 

Verbo intransitive tii x 

Verbo reflexive tu xo , xmo 

Verbo transitivo tu me tick 

tu le x 

Es un rasgo caracteristico del dialecto de 
Pochutla, que, con los pronombres transitivos 
no se usan los sujetos del intransitive, sine 
que formas compuestas indican la combina- 
ci6n particular del sujeto y del regimen pro- 
nominal. Combinaciones de esta clase se 
encuentran en muchos idiomas americanos y, 
por esa raz6n, no es de suponerse que las 
formas de Pochutla se desarrollaron por con- 
tracci6n recente. 



tick < t + nech 
nich < nech 



ntz <! n + mitz 

motz < mitz 



En el verbo reflexivo tampoco se usan los 
sujetos del verbo intransitive, sino sujetos 
particulares del verbo reflexivo. Sin embargo, 
lo mismo que en el mexicano clasico, hay otras 
formas del verbo reflexivo las cuales tienen 
el prefijo mo con los sujetos del verbo intran- 
sitive. 

Entre el pron>_ .nbre y el verbo se encuentran 
ligaduras que no se explican facilmente. En 
muchos verbos no hay ligadura; en otros se 
explica la ligadura por el fonetismo del dia- 
lecto, pero es claro que hay otras causas que 
la determinen. 

Se pueden dar las reglas siguientes : 

La t de la segunda persona toma una liga- 
dura antes de las consonantes dentales y pala- 
diales. Casi siempre la ligadura es i. 

(tamota 1 ) tirar titamote'c tiraste 

tali' poner titali'z pondras 

temoa' buscar titemoa' buscas 

(tuca 1 ) sembrar etituque'c sembraste 



18 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



namocti' casarse tinamocti' te casas 

nutza' llamar tinutza' llama* 

nqui querer tinqui' quieres 

(tzecue') cerrar titzecue' cierras 

(tzoma') coser titzome'z coseras 

chua' hacer tichue' haces 

quifa' salir tiquifa' sales 

qua' comer tiqua'z comes 

cua' comprar ticua'z compras 

La x del imperativo toma una ligadura 
antes de las consonantes dentales, continuas 
y aspiradas, y antes de las paladiales. Casi 
siempre la ligadura es i. 



(falu 1 ) comprar 
(tzecue') cerrar 
(tzupcua') cortar 
tzulua' sacudir 
che esperar 
chua' hacer 
quifa' salir 
quixi' sacar 
cua comprar 
hulu' pepenar 



xifalu' jc6mpralo! 
xitzecue' jcierralo! 
xilzupcue' jcortalo! 
xitzulu' jsacudelo! 
xiche' jespera ! 
xichue' jhaz! 
xiquice' jsal! 
xiquixi' jsacalo! 
xicue' jc6mpralo! 
xihulii' ipepenalo! 

En otros verbos no se puede dar suficiente 
explicaci6n. 

pechua' apretar xipechu' japri6talo! 
po contar xipo' ;cuentalo! 

(mo?) traer ximoti' janda, traelo! 

mocti' matar ximocti' jmatalo! 



pen i 



ximanli' jrie! 

xmamui' jhana! 
xmoteque' jacuestate! 
xmetze' jsientate! 

La c, regimen de la tercera persona, nunca 
toma la ligadura i, sino o. Las demas formas 
transitivas excepto t y x toman la misma 
ligadura. No se pueden dar reglas que indi- 
quen cuando se toma la o. Los verbos que 
toman la o toman la ligadura i en la segunda 
persona del indicative y del imperativo, y en 
la primera del plural. 
bia' tener ncobia' lo tengo 



pua' limpiar 
ma tomar 

mama 1 cargar 



encopu'c lo limpie' 
motzuma' le tomo 
nichuma'c me tomo 



tepoa' abrir ncolepo'c lo abri 
tuca' sembrar encotuque'c lo 
sembr 



tibia' lo tienes 
tibialu't tenemos 
xipue' illmpialo! 
xima' jtomalo! 

timama'c lo car- 

gaste 

xitepu' jabrelo! 
etitutque'c sem- 

braste 



tqui llevar ncotqui' lo lleve xitco' jllevalo! 

nqui querer nconqui' quiero tinqui' quieres 

che esperar ntzochetuc' estoy xiche' jespera! 

esperandote 

chua' hacer entzuchu'c me hiciste xichue' jhaz! 

cua' comprar encocu'c lo compre xicue' jc6mpralo! 

ticue'z compraras 
ctze parar ncoctze'c lo pare 

hulu' pepenar encuhulu'c lo pepene xihulu' ipepenalo! 

Sacanse 

ma tomar cmac lo tom6 

che esperar tixche' iesperame! 

nchez voy a esperar 
chua' hacer nixchua' me hace 

Dos verbos cuyas raices principian probable- 
mente con i toman la o en la misma posici6n. 

ita' ver 

nichote'c el me ve tite'c lo viste 

tichota' me ves xite' jmira! 

ecote'c lo vi6, etc. 
ilpi' atar 

encolpi'c lo at6 tilpi'c tii lo ataste 

xilpi' jatalo! 

El verbo meca', dar siempre toma la i. 



ntzimeca' te doy 
tichimeque' jdame! 
nichime'c 61 me di6 



motzimequi't te dieron 
timeca' das 
ximeque' jdaselo! 



No estoy seguro si es de la misma clase 

coxqui' comez6n 

nicoxqui' tengo comez6n 

Un niimero pequeno de verbos tiene la 
ligadura a. 

(peca') lavar 

encape'c lo Iav6 

xapeque' jlavalo! 
(pelua') lamer 

encapelu'c lo laml 

xapelu' jlamelo! 
(pitza 1 ) parir 

motzapi'zc te pari6 (pero xipitze' jsopla!) 
pig'li' golpear 

capig'li'c lo golpeo 

napig'le'z voy a golpear 

ntzapig'le'z voy 4 golpearte 

tichapig'li' jgolpeame! 

xapig'li' ipegalo! 
(queua') guardar 

caqueue'z jve a guardarlo! 
(quana 1 ) rascar 

xaquane' ;rascalo! 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



Excepto las formas en a que acabo de men- 


Ejemplos de los pronombres reflexives y 


cionar, la n de la primera persona nunca toma 


transitivos siguen: 


ligadura. 


Reflexives; primera forma: 


Hay un numero de verbos que tienen la 
ligadura o en la segunda persona. Parece que 


enopib'lu'c me envolvi xopib'lu' [envuelvete! 
nopina' tengo frio 


todos son intransitivos, pero no es clara la 


xotepu' i&brete! 


causa que produce la o. No creo que sea 
indicacion de una forma reflexiva. 


nocyeui' estoy cansado 
nofute'c tengo miedo 




noxixe'z voy a mear 


tochuca' tu lloras totactze' hablas 


nococoa' estoy enfermo 


toquequi' tu oyes toeueta'c estas viejo 


xucochoti' \ vete a dormir ! 


totaqua'c tu comiste tounti' estas borracho 


enoya'c me escondi 




nod'mu'z voy a bajarme xod'mu' jbijate! 


Ejemplos de formas sin ligadura son : 


Reflexives ; segunda forma : 


aue'c se mojo naue'c me moje 


enmoteque'c me acoste xmoteque' jacuestate! 


ape'c entro napeco'z entrare 


enmohue'c nen me bane 


aci' encontrar tichaci' me encuentras 


nmofute' me espante 


it? decir ntzeti'c le dije 


enmoco'zc me levante xmoctze' ilevantate! 


ixmeti' conocer nquixmeti' lo conozco 


xmoyane' iescondete! 


(ya) ir niaz ire 




tia'z iras 


Transitivos: 


(penoa 1 ) pasar epenu'c pasaste 


tii me 


petebi' ayudar mozpetebi'c te ayudo 


tichimeque' jdamelo! tixpechu' japrietame! 


pechoa' apretar tixpechu' japrietame! 


ticheli'c dijiste tixpetebi' jayudame! 


ma tornar cmac lo tomo 


ticholmeque' jpasamelo! tixnamig'li' jvendemelo! 


meti' saber cmetV lo se 
mexti' ensenar nmexti'z ensenare 


tichapig'li' ipegame tixche' jesperame! 
un golpe! 


nixmexti'c me enseno 


el me 


metza' sentarse xmetze' jsientate! 


nichuma'c me cogi6 nixmexti'c me ensen6 


modi' matar ecmoctiqui't lo mataron 


nichime'c me lo dio nixmocti'c me mato 


mamui' bafiar xmanui' jbana! 
tapeca' lavar ntapeque'z lavare 


nichimequi't me dieron enixtacui'c ya me pag6 
nifhota' me mira nixtzupini'c me pic6 


tamota' tirar xtamote' jtirelo! 


nicheti'c me dijo 


enctamote'c lo tire 




tatenli' preguntar ntatenli'z preguntare 
xtatenl? jpreguntale! 
tati' quemar xtati' jquemalo! 
tacui'c pago enixtacui'c me pag6 


yo te 

ntzaci' te encuentro ntzimeca' te doy 
ntzapig'le'z voy a pegar ntzoche' te espero 
te un golpe ntzeti'c te dije 


temi' acabar enctemi'c lo acabe 


el te 


xtemi' jacabalo! 


motzapizc te pario moztemutu'c estan 


tecu' subir ntecu'z subire 


motzuma' te coge buscandote 


xtecu' jsube! 


mozmexti' te enseno motzeti'c te dijo 


namig'li' vender tixnamig'li' ivendeme! 


motzimequi't te dieron 


namoct casarse encnamocti'c lo case 


yo lo 


tzaua' hilar ntzaue'z hilare 


ncobia' lo tengo encapelu'c lo lame 


tzupini' picar niztzupini'c me pico 


ncotepo'c lo abrf enctemi'c lo acabe 


tzulu' sacudir entzulu'c sacudf 


ncotqui' lo lleve enctamote'c lo tire 


die esperar nchez voy a esperar 


encape'c lo lave nconqui' lo quiero 


chua' hacer nixchua' me hace 


tu lo 


chuca' llorar nchuca' lloro 


timama'c lo cargaste timeca' se lo das 


qua comer nquaz comere 


tinqui' lo quieres tichua' lo haces 


guala'c venir nola'c vine 


ticue'z compraras tiqua'z lo comes 


tola'c veniste 


iite'c lo viste 



20 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



61 lo 

ecote'c lo vi6 cmac lo tom6 

caqueue'z va a guardarlo ecmoctiqui't lo mataron 

EL PLURAL DEL VERBO 

Ya se han mencionado los plurales en quit 

(p. 15)- 

Hay otra forma que se encuentra solamente 
en la primera persona del plural. Me parece 
muy probable que esa sea la forma impersonal 
que tiene el sufijo lo en el mexicano clasico. 

tibialu't tenemos 
tuilu't nos vamos 
tuitzelu't venimos 
untilu't estdmos borrachos 
tichulu't haremos 

FORMACI6N DEL PRETERITO 

Los verbos del mexicano clasico que termi- 
nan en el preterito con el sonido final de la 
raiz, anaden en el dialecto de Pochutla c a la 
raiz. 

POCHUTLA Y MEXICANO MEXICANO 

Raiz Preterito Presente 

pitz- pizc (pitz) nacer pitza 

ma mac (ma) tomar ma 

mama' mama'c (mama) cargar mama 

torn- tome (ton) desatar toma 

quiz- quizc (quiz) salir qui$a 

cotz- coze y ctzec (quetz) levantar quetza 

cyeu- cye'uc (ciauh) cansar ciaui 

cu- cue (couh) comprar coa 

pu- puc (pouh) limpiar pout 

chu- chuc (chiuh) hacer chiua 

otz- ozc (uetz) caer uetzi 

cock- coxc (cock) dorrnir cochi 

quec- quec (cac) oir cachi 

patan- pala'nc (patlan) volar patlani 

molun molu'nc (molon) hervir moloni 

xaman- xama'nc (xantan) quebrar xamani 

caxan- caxa'nc (caxan) sanar caxani 

temi- temc (tlan) acabar tlami 

moyan- moya'c (yan) esconderse yana 

apec- apec entrar 

En esa clase se encuentran los verbos en oa 
del mexicano clasico cuyas raices terminan 
en d, y los en ia cuyas raices terminan en i. 

pelu- pelu'c (polo) lamer paloa 

pib'lu- pib'lu'c (pipilo) envolver pipiloa 



POCHUTLA Y MEXICANO MEXICANO 

Raiz Preterito Presente 

polu- polu'c (polo) perder poloa 

tepu- tepo'c (tlapo) abrir tlapoa 

tzulu- tzulu'c (tzolo) sacudir tzoloa 

hulu- hulu'c pepenar 

ixque' ixque'c (ixqui) asar ixquia 

mexti' mexti'c (maxti) ensenar maxtia 

modi' mocti'c (micti) matar mictia 

mamui' mamui'c banar 

tati' tate'c (tlati) quemar tiatia 

tali' tali'c (tlali) poner tlalia 

temi' temi'c (tlami) acabar tlamia 

namocti' namocti'c (namicti) casarse namictia 

tzupini' tzupini'c (tzupini) picar tzupinia 

quixi' quixi'c sacar 

tipi' ilpi'c (Upi) atar ilpia 

iti' iti'c (ito) decir tioa 

Los verbos cuyas raices terminan en d son 

tambien de esa clase : 



qua 



quac (qua) comer 



I/mi 



Los verbos cuyas raices terminan en c y que 
toman ac en mexicano, no toman sufijo en 
Pochutla. 



pec- 
mee- 

y talvez 
apec- 



pec (pac y pacac) lavar 
mec (macac) dar 

ape'c entrar 



paca 
maca 



Los verbos del mexicano clasico que anaden c 
a la a del presente, o a la o (sin saltillo) de 

la raiz, anaden en Pochutla c a la e del im- 
perative. 

Imp. Preterito Presente 

(ule'c (ifotlac) vomitar ifotla 

mote' mote'c (motlac) tirar motla 

mohue' mohue'e banar 

tayue'c (tlayoac) oscurecer ttayoa 

tie 1 ite'c (ittac) ver itta 

teque' teque'c (tecac) acostarse teca 

tuque'c (tocac) sembrar toca 
nuque'c decir 

fute' (ute'c (fotlauac) espantarse fotlaua 

penu'c (panoc) pasar pano 

d'mu d'muc (temoc) bajar temo 

Verbos que en el mexicano clasico terminan 
en i y toman la c, en Pochutla cambian la i 
que llega a ser o. 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



21 



POCHUTLA Y MEXICANO MEXICANO 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


Presente Preterito Presente 


yequi' Hover 


aci afo'c (acic) encontrar act 


nqui nequi querer 


ecso'c (icucic) cocer icuci 


tqui (tequiti) llevar 


tatzi' tatzo'c (tzatzicl) gritar tzatzii 


calamqui' acordarse 


cug'K' cug'lu'c hace frio 


d'mu temo bajar 




Los verbos cuyas raices terminan con una 


FORMACI6N DEL PRESENTE 


consonante y que toman i en el mexicano 




clasico, toman el mismo sufijo en Pochutla. 


Los verbos que terminan en a en el mexi- 


Raiz Presente 


cano clasico, tienen la misma terminaci6n en 


caxan- (caxan-) caxani' (caxani) sanar 


Pochutla. 


quec- (cac-) quequi' (caqui) oir 


Raiz Presente 




torn- (torn-) toma' (toma) desatar 


Los en e en el dialecto de Pochutla no toman 


nutz- (notz-) nutza' (notza) llamar 


sufijos aunque en el mexicano clasico tomen a. 


mec- (mac-) meca' (maca) dar 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


tayu- (tlayo-) tayua' (tlayoa) obscurecer 
it- ('-) ita' (itta) ver 


eke chia esperar 


nuc- nuca' decir 


fute' fatlaua espantarse 


chu- (chiuk-) chua' (china) hacer 




chuc- (choc-) chuca' (choca) llorar 


FORMACI6N DEL IMPERATIVO Y DEL FUTURO 


quiz- (quiz-) quifa' (quifa) salir 
cuizc- cuizca' tirar 


El imperative de todos los verbos cuyo 


cotz- (quetz-) ctza (quetza) levantar 


presente toma el sufijo a, toma e; y el future 


temo- (temo-) temoa' (temoa) buscar 


se forma anadiendole z al imperative. 


teto- (Oatb-) tetoa' (tlatoa) bramar 
tag'lu- (cuild-) tag'lua' (cuiloa) escribir 
cu- (couh-) cua' (coa) comprar 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 
Imperative Future Presente 




apitze'z apitza purgar 


Raices que terminan en d no toman a en el 


moyane' moyane'z yana esconderse 


presente. 


peque' peque'z paca lavar 


r 


pitze' pitza soplar 


Raiz Presente 


poxque'z pixca pizcar 


ma- (ma-) ma (ma) tomar 


melze' metze'z sentarse 


mama- (mama-) mama (mama) cargar 


meque' maca dar 


qua- (qua-) qua (qua) comer 


mote' mote'z motla tirar 




mohue' mohue'z bafiar 


Las raices en I que toman a mexicano, no 


tachapane' tlachpana barrer 


tienen sufijo en Pochutla. 


He' ite'z itta ver 




teque' teque'z teca acostarse 


Raiz Presente 


tome' tome's toma desatar 


machfi- mexti (machtia) ensenar 


tuquf'z toca sembrar 


namicA- namocti' (namictia) casarse 


nuque'z decir 


tzopini- tzupini' (tzopinia) picar 


xixe'z xixa mear 


tziiini- tzilini' (tzilinia) sonar 


tzaue'z tzaua hilar 




tzome'z tzoma coser 


Otros verbos cuyas raices terminan en i y o 


che chez chia esperar 


sin saltillo no tienen sufijos, ni en el mexicano 


chue' chiua hacer 


clasico ni en Pochutla. 


quane' rascar 




queue' queue'z guardar 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


quice' quice'z qui$a salir 


aci' aci encontrar 


cuique' cuica cantar 


tatti' tzatzi (?) gritar 


ctze ctzez quetza levantar 



22 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



Verbos cuyas raices terminan en o, o, i 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


en el mexicano clasico no toman sufijo en el 


Presente Imp. Futuro Preterite Presente 


imperative, y anaden 2 a la raiz en el future. 


calamqui' calamco'z acordarse 




cocho'z cochi dormir 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 
Imperative Futuro Presente 


cug'li' cug'lu'c hacer frio 
(apequi') apeco' apeco'z ape'c entrar 


paxalu'z pasearse 




pechu' pechoa apretar 
pelu' paloa lamer 


FORMACI6N DEL IMPERFECTO 


pib'lu' pipiloa envolver 
tepu' tiapoa abrir 
telu'z tlaloa correr 


El imperfecto se forma anadiendo el sufijo 
ya al imperative. 


tziilu' tzoloa sacudir 


nuca' nuqueya' decfa 


hulu' pepenar 


act' ntzafoya' te encontraba 


tecu' tecu'z tttco subir 


(otzi 1 ) otzoya' cata 


d'mu d'muz temo bajar 


nqui nconcoya' lo queria 


petebi' ayudar 


Hi' nichitiya' me decfa 


pig'li' pig'le'z golpear 


bia' ncobeya' lo tenfa 


mexti'z machtia ensenar 




mocti' niictiu mat.ir 






FORMAS COMPUESTAS CON LOS VERBOS DE IR, 


tnatnui' banar 




tatenli' tatenli'z tUMania preguntar 


VENIR Y ESTAR 


tali' tlatia quemar 


Encontre dos formas del "Gerundio" con 


tali' tali'z tlalia poner 
/(;/' tlnmiii acabar 


"ir," el imperative y el preterite. El impera- 


lotoqui' toquia. atizar 


tive tiene el sufijo ti (mexicano ti). 


namig'li' (namaquiltia) vender 


ximoti' at i trae agua ! 


namocti'z namictia casarse 


xlag'luti' ivete a escribir! 


quixi' quixi'z quixia sacar 


xtemuti' ianda, buscalo! 


ilpi' ilpi'z iipia atar 


xtaquali' ivete a comer! 


xamani'z xamani quebrar 


xicueti' ivete a comprar! 


Los verbos cuyas raices terminan con una 


xucochoti' ianda, duerme! 


consonante y toman i en el presente, tienen el 


El preterite tiene el sufijo tu (mexicano lo). 


sufijo z en el future. No pude apuntar im- 


tyac paxalutu' fuiste a pescar 


peratives de ese grupo. 


yac tapequelu' fu6 a lavarlo 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


yac mamuitu' fu6 a banar 


Future Presente 
pata'nz patlani volar 


Tengo solamente el imperative del gerundio 
con "venir," que tiene el sufijo qui (mexicano 


Los verbos cuyas raices terminan en i sin 


qui). 


saltillo la cambian en o en el imperative y 


xtaquaqui' i vente a comer! 


future (vease el mismo cambio en el preterite, 




p. 20). 


En el perfecto siempre se usa el gerundio con 


POCHUTLA MEXICANO 


"ir" en vez del con "venir." 


Presente Imp. Futuro Preterite Presente 


enola'c nlzimequetu' vine a darte 


ig'to'z iguiti tejer 


enola'c tixtacuetu' vine para que me pagues 


yequi' yeco'z Hover 


Las formas en tuc (mexicano ti + oc) se 


WICCQO sc^o c t^na coccr 


usan mucho. 


tatzi' tatzo'c tz&tzif gritar 




tofo' tofo'z teci moler 


nlapolu'c estoy contando 


tqui tco (tequiti) llevar 


tatzotu'c esta gritando 


nqui ncoz nequi querer 


tag'lutu'c esta escribiendo 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



moztemutu'c estan buscandote 
ntatzontu'c estoy cosiendo 
cocoxlu'c esta durmiendo 
enquig'totu'c estoy tejendolo 
titzintu'c esta naciendo 
ntzochetu'c estoy esperandote 
quiztu'c esta saliendo 
ntacuiquetu'c esta cantando 
tacoztu'c esta platicando 
moluntu'c esta hirviendo 

Todas las formas anaden el sufijo al impera- 
tive. 

PREFIJO DEL PRETERITO 

El preterite toma el prefijo e (mexicano o) 
el cual prefijo no se junta firmemente con el 
verbo. 

enopib'lu'c ya me cubri 
etapig'le'c golpeo 
encupu'c lo limpie 
enola'c vine 
enctamole'c ya lo tire 
ecmoctiqui't ya lo mataron 

REDUPLICACI6N 

Ya se mencionaron los plurales de sustan- 
tivos que reduplican la primera silaba. 
Ejemplos de verbos frecuentativos con redu- 
plicaci6n son : 

pib'loa envolverse 

totoqui' atizar 

tutuca' correr 

cocoxtu'c esta durmiendo 

Tambien debemos mencionar 
yidicytdi'c despacio 

VERBOS IRREGULARES 

Encontre las formas siguientes del verbo 
irregular ui irse. 

POCHUTLA MEXICANO 

nui' niauh me voy 

tui' tiauh te vas 

ui' yauh se va 

tui' tiaui, tiui nos vamos 

ui' yauih, iuh se van 

unya'c onia me fui 

tia'c, tui'c olia te fuiste 

uya'c oya se fue 



POCHUTLA 

nyaz 
tui'z 



MEXICANO 
niaz ire 
tiaz iras 



ma xiauh jvete! 

niaya iba 

(de u-iloa) vamos 



nuaya 

tuelu't 

euelu't ya se fueron 

nyan vaya yo 

Por ejemplo 

nen nyan cocho'z vaya yo a dormir 
nyan tofo'z vaya yo a moler 
anya'n patani' vaya el a volar 

Encontre pocas formas del verbo ui'tz, venir. 
nui'tz ninuitz vengo 

tui'tz tiuitz vienes 

ui'tz uitz viene 

VERBO GUALAC, VENIR 

nola'c oniuala vine 

lola'c otiula veniste 

guala'c ouala vino 

tolaqui't otiualaque venimos 

leca' (xinalacan ?) jvente! 

COMPOSICION 

Encontre un niimero pequeno de vocables 
que demuestran que los metodos de com- 
posicion del dialecto de Pochutla y del de 
Mexico eran iguales. 

POCHUTLA MEXICANO 

Sustantivos 

quaxilu't 

(< quagut + xilu't) 
tentzo'n 

(< ten + tzon) 
eluxa'mt 

elu't + xami) 
tequagu't 

let + quagu't) 
at'be't ' 

all + t'bet) 
ixquai' 



coaxilotl platano 
lentzonlli barba 

tortilla de elote 

tizon 



(< ixt + quait) 
Sustantivos y verbos 
ixmeti' 

ixt + meti') 
taquechua' 

(< tequet + chua) 



altepetl pueblo 
ixquaitl frente 



iximati conocer 
tlacachiua parir 



1 No oigo yo la I, aunque en el vocabulario de Apolonio Rosario 
se encuentra. 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



POCHUTLA 
Verbos y adverbios 
olmeti' 

(< ol + meti) 
olmeca' 

(< ol + meca') 

Verbos 

quafonqui' 

(< quaz + nqui) 



MEXICANO 



ualmati irse a ver 

pasar, dar (movi- 

miento por aca) 



quaznequt quiero comer, 

tengo hambre 
calamqui' (? + nqui) acordarse 



VOCABULARIO 



ABREVIATURAS 



A Andrea Castillo 

El Eleuterio Avesilla 

Ep Epifanio Pina 

Es Estanislao Pina 

F Feliciana 

Fr Francisca 

I Ines Vazquez 

Jo Joaquina 

pr. presente 
p. preterito 
f. future 



M Mauricia Riquel 
Mr Maria Trinidad 
P Paula Nicha 

Pe Pedro Marcelino 

Pastor 
S Sabina Martinez 



imp. imperative 
impf. imperfecto 
ger. gerundio 



POCHUTLA-CASTELLANO 

ayago' (mex. ayac) no hay F M P S 

az nui' Uetu'l ampa ayago' tumi'n no me 
voy a Huatulco porque no hay dinero F M 
quineba' ayagoai' no esta aquf S 
ayago' nintega' no hay nada F M 
ite ayago' moye'? jno estd tu madre? S 
ayu't (mex. ayotl) tortuga F M 
ay te 1 (mex. aya tie) jno! A I Es Mr P S 

(hayte Apolonio Rosario) 
ay te', tiome'n no, despues I 
ay te', az nui' no, no me voy A 
ay te', az nococoa' no, no estoy enfermo 

MrS 
ay te', COMPADRE J jbuenos dias, com- 

padre! (?) 

aue'c (vease mex. uacqui) mojarse M Mr S. 
Vease uac. Segiin esa forma la a de 



uacqui SECO es larga, la de uaqui MOJARSE 

breve 

a$o'c aue'c mucho se moj6 S 
naue'c me moje S 
aueque't (mex. ahuacatl) aguacate S 
apa'zt (mex. apaztli) olla A F Fr Jo M Mr P S 
noapa'z mi olla Fr Jo 
exama'nc napa'zt se quebr6 la olla S 
apeco', imp.; eyape'c, ape'c; apeco'z entrar 

AFM Mr PS 
ape'c ce ui'zti noxo'i me entr6 una espina 

en el pi6. 

eyape'c ito'c quagu'l ya entr6 en la carcel P 
eyape'c ogue'l ya entr6 la noche Mr S 
eyape'c tune'l ya se ha puesto el sol P 
nebape'c (<neba' ape'c) aquf entr6 S 
xapeco' jentra! A F M S 
nui' napeco'z voy a entrar S 
apitze'z f. (mex. apitza) purgar 

nui' napitze'z voy a purgar 
apoto'ct (mex. ipotoctli) humo Mr S 
ame't (mex. amatl) papel S; carta S 
a'mpa (mex. ipampa) porque AFM Mr P S 
xmuyane' ampa moztemutu'c esc6ndete 

porque te estan buscando S 
az nyac ampafo'c (< ampa aqo'c) nichota' 

noguelu' no me fui porque mucho me 

mir6 mi marido P 
naco' igile'n uya'c. Iteca'? ampaqo'c chuca' 

ib'lu' hace poco tiempo se fue. 

iPor que? Porque llora su hijo P 
nonocoa' noliu' a'mpa emo'c nob'lu' me duele 

el coraz6n porque se muri6 mi hijo F M 
mue'n tui' a'mpa tibia' tumi'n tu te vas 

porque tienes dinero F M 
nen unya'c a'mpa naguaqonqui' me fui 

porque tengo hambre M Mr S 
Iteca'? a'mpa az ncobia' tumi'n <;por qu6? 

Porque no tengo dinero P 
at (mex. dtl) agua F Jo M Mr S (ad Apolonio 

Rosario) 
ate'n (mex. atentli) rio F Jo M P S (adem 

Apolonio Rosario) 
antu' ate'n jvamonos al rio! S 
tutuca' ca xue' ate'n; que pronto vayas al 

rio! F M 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



at'be't (mex. Sltepetl) pueblo Mr S (altibet 
Apolonio Rosario) 

noat'be'u mi pueblo S 

mat'be'u tu pueblo S 

(alvuna mar, Apolonio Rosario) 
ato'mt (mex. atemitl) piojo S 
ato'lc fuera F M P S 

malo'lc (< ma ato'lc) alii fuera P S 

tiquiqa' mato'lc i sales fuera? S 

xiquice' mato'lc jsale fuera! S 

ma guet ato'lc esta fuera F M 
anye'n (?) (vease ui' irse) 

anye'n nui' Uaxe'c no he ido a Oaxaca S 

anye'n totoqua'c ino has comido? S 
antu' jvamonos! A Es F Fr I Jo M Mr P S 

antu' totaqua'z jvamonos a comer! A P 

antu' leca' jvamonos pronto! F M (vease 
leca' venir) 

antu' pa tocha'n jvamonos a nuestra casa ! 

Jo 

az no A F Fr I Jo M Mr P S 
az nui' no me voy I M Mr S 
az ncobia' teyu'l no tengo maiz P 
az tinqui' no quieres P S 
az ncota' no lo ve F M 
te az tiba' ce tila'n ino tienes un polio? S 
ni az nui'z naco', quago' nui'tz si no vengo 

ahora, vengo manana S 
xite' na conebo'l que az chuque' jmira al 

nino que no llore! F M 
ay te', az nococoa' no, no estoy enfermo 

MrS 

aci'; aqo'c; a$oya' (mex. aci) encontrar 
si az tui' naco' nime'n az caci' si no te vas 

orita, no lo encuentres (caci', sin sujeto 

de la segunda persona) Mr 
ma ntzaci' alii te encuentro S 
neba' tichaci' aqui me encuentras S 
encago'c ya lo encontre F M S 
tigo'n nonago'c neba', ntzochetu'c llegue 

aqui, estoy esperandote S 
ntzaQoya' te encontraba S 
ago'c (mex. a$o) mucho, muy A F Fr I Jo 

M Mr P S (asot, asoc Apolonio Rosario) 
aQo'c tamoca' noliu' mucho me duele el 

coraz6n F P 



ago'c tacho'm unyo'c neba' aqui hay muchos 

perros S 

aqo'c unti' muy borracho S 
a$o'c unyo'c hay muchos Mr S 
aqo'c unyo'c cue't hay muchas culebras 

FM 

achiquelo'm P S, azquelo'm F M camar6n 
(axt) noachu' (mex. achtli) mi semilla Fr Jo 
ah na (mex. auh ini) entonces 

te tichemeca', ah na nui' dame cosa, enton- 
ces me voy M S 
ac (mex. ac) iquien? F M P S 

ac totactza' icon quien hablas? F M 

ac nacona' iquien es ese? P (ac nacona 

Apolonio Rosario) 
ac nuca' iquien dijo eso? F M 
ac mozmexti' LA IDIOMA iquien te ensen6 

el idioma? S 

ac mozpetebi'c iquien te ayud6? S 
nue'n tite'z ac timeca' veras a quien le des S 
(agueneumi, andar, Apolonio Rosario) 
aque't (mex. acatl) carrizo S 
algua' (mex. yalhua) ayer M Mr S (algua 

Apolonio Rosario) 

algua' tolaqui't manana vendremos S 
eyo'm (mex. yei) tres Ep M Mr S oyo'm A 

(eyom Apolonio Rosario) 
eyu't (mex. ayotli) calabaza F Fr Jo M 

(eyud Apolonio Rosario) 
eueta'c (mex. huehue) esta viejo F M (eguetac 

Apolonio Rosario) 
ac,o'c toeueta'c estas muy viejo P 
eti' (mex. etic) pesado M Mr S 

az eti', nen cotqui' no esta pesado, puedo 

llevarlo S 
eliote'c P, teote'c P (mex. teotlac) tarde 

(eyudeu Apolonio Rosario) 
nui' a'mpa aQo'c etiote' me voy porque es 

muy tarde P 

ago'c etiote' 'c ya es muy tarde P 
etu'l (mex. atolli) atole F I M Mr S 

motolu' tu atole Mr S 
ezt (mex. eztli) sangre F M (est Apolonio 

Rosario) 
(escocul, arco, Apolonio Rosario) 



26 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



(mex. icucic) cocido, maduro M Mr S 
mecqo' jcuecelo! S 
elu't (mex. elotl) elote Mr S 
iye'c (mex. lyac) apesta A 

iye'c tacho'm apesta el perro A 
ita' pr.; ite' imp.; ite'c p.; ite'z f. (mex. 

itta) ver A F I M Mr P S 
xte ce cue't jmira, una culebra! M Mr S 
xite' jmira! A 

xite' na conebo'l jmira, el nino! F M 
nichota' el me mira P 
tichota' tii me miras F M 
ecote'c ya lo vi6 F M 
az tite'c ,jno lo viste? S 
az tichote'c ^no me viste? S 
az nichote'c ^no me vi6? P 
encote'c ya lo vf P 
nui' ncote'z voy a verlo S 
mue'n tite'z vas a verlo S 
tite'z ya veras I 

nen ncote'z nomi'l voy a ver mi milpa P 
nui' ncote'z nocoMPALE'w voy a ver mi 

compadre I 
ite'nc (mex. itlan) debajo S 

ite'nc apa'zt debajo de la olla S 
iti, eti; iti'c p. ; itiya' impf . (mex. Itoa) decir 

M Mr PS 

igue'n nicheti' ella me dijo P 
te motzeti'c ique te dijo? M Mr S 
te ticheti'c ique me dijiste? S 
az ntzeti'c az monamocti' ^no te dije que 

no te cases? S 

ue' na ntzeti'c eso es lo que le dije S 
nicheti'c noye' me dijo mi madre S 
nichitiya' noye' na IDIOMA me hablaba mi 

madre el idioma S 
igue'n (mex. yehuatl) el F M P (iguin Apolonio 

Rosario) 
az conqui'gue'n (<conqui r igue'n) el no 

quiere F 

igue'n nicheti' ella me dijo P 
(iuit ?) noibe' (mex. icuitl ?) mi hermana. 

Talvez se debe escribir noiue' en vez de 

noibe' 
ina' (mex. inin) este A S (inac Apolonio 

Rosario) 



quet MAS BUENO ina' o nami'n <|esta mejor 

6ste o se? S 
ina' conebo'l quixi'c itecu' este muchacho 

es parecido a su padre S 
ina' neque't quet MANIDU esta carne esta 

manida S 
inane'l teque't ago'c picho't este hombre 

esta muy viejo A 
entzute'c p. (mex. i$otla) vomitar S 

entzute'c na conebo'l vomit6 el nino S 
(ixt) moi'x (mex. ixtli) tu cara Mr S (mix 

Apolonio Rosario) 

(mixcuay [<ixt + quait] tu f rente, Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 
ixi'c semejante, parecido Mr S 

ina' conebo'l quixi'c itecu' este muchacho 

es parecido a su padre S 
ac.o'c ixi'c itecu' muy parecido a su padre 

Mr 
(ixtotolu't) (mex. ixtololdtli) ojo F M Mr 

Pa P S (extodolu Apolonio Rosario) 
noxtotolu' mi ojo F M Mr P Pa 
nixtotolu' mi ojo S 
ixtotolu' su ojo F M 

ixna'c (mex. ixnauac) frente. Vease nac 
xmoteque' ixna'c quagu't jacuestate frente 

al banco ! S 
ixque' imp.; ixque'c p. (mex. ixquia) asar M 

MrS 

xixque' jasalo! M Mr S 
xixque' na quaxilu't PA tiquazqui't asa el 

platano para que lo comamos S 
enoxque'c ya esta asado M Mr S 
ic (mex. ic) ,/cuando? A F M Mr S 
ic tui'z ^cuando te vas? F M 
ic tinamocte' icuando te casas? Mr S 
ic tola'c icuando vinieron? S 
icualgua 1 ', igualgua' '(?) an tier M MrS. V6ase 

algua 
(icoz-) (mex. quiquic,oa ?) chiflar S 

nen nicoztu'c estoy chiflando 
icpa'c (mex. icpac) sobre S 
icpa'c nomi'l en mi milpa 
tacpa'c sobre 

ig'ti' ; ig'to'z f . ; ig'totu'c (mex. iquiti) tejer S 
tui' tig'to'z vas a tejer S 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



nui' nig'to'z ce tzoct voy a tejer un pano S 
enquig'totu'c estoy tejiendolo S 
ilpi' imp. ; ilpi'c p. ; ilpi'z f . (mex. ilpia) atar 

M MrS 

xilpi' jatalo! M Mr S 
encolpi'c lo ate S 
mue'n tilpi'c tu lo ataste S 
nui' ncolpi'z voy a atarlo S 
(ya ?); moyane' imp.; enoya'c p.; moyane'z f. 

(mex. inaya, yana ?) esconderse S 
xmoyane' iesc6ndete!S 
xmoyane' a'mpa moztemutu'c esc6ndete, 

porque estan buscandote S 
enoya'c estoy escondido S 
noyane'z voy a esconderme S 
(yajai, alas, Apolonio Rosario) 
(yactangui, olvidar, Apolonio Rosario) 
(ye) madre F Fr M Mr S 
noye' mi madre F Fr M Mr S 
moye' tu madre F Fr M Mr 
iye' su madre F M 
(yeque't [mex. yacatl] nariz F M Mr S) 
noye'c mi nariz S (mec, tu nariz, Apolonio 
Rosario) F y M dijeron none'c MI NARIZ, 
lo que es une equivocaci6n ; otra vez dijeron 
mec, tu nariz, como Apolonio Rosario; evi- 
dentemente eso tambien era une equi- 
vocaci6n 

yect, yequi' pr.; yectu'c p.; yeco'z f. lluvia. 
(Vease mex. ectal, viento ?) M Mr S 
(yexixiltud, yeexniduc Apolonio Rosario) 
me ui'tz yect alii viene lluvia Mr S 
nichoma'c yect me cogi6 la lluvia M Mr 
yectu'c est& lloviendo Mr S 
ui' yeco'z va a Hover S 
yequi' llueve S 
yut, viento, (yud Apolonio Rosario) S 

yut tetoa' brama el viento S 
yulicyuli'c (mex. yolic) despacio M Mr S 
yulicyuli'c ui' caxa'nz sana poco a poco 

M MrS 

yulicyuli'c xapeque' na apa'zt \ lava la olla ! S 
ogiiel (mex. yoalli) noche Mr S 

eyape'c ogue'l ya entr6 la noche Mr S 
pen ogue'l anoche S 



opque't (mex. icpatl, metatesis de la cp) hilo 

Fr Jo M Mr P S 

xitzuqua' na opque't jcorta el hilo! S 
nopcu' mi hilo Fr Jo S 
ome'm (mex. ome), dos A Ep M Mr P S (omem 

Apolonio Rosario) 

xima' ome'm tito't jtoma dos huevos! Mr 
ome'm cobia' JOAQUINA Joaquina tiene dos S 
omeme't quig'lazqui't dos mujeres P 
ot (mex. omitl), hueso M Mr S (tood, nuestro 

hueso, Apolonio Rosario) 
ot'ca'n (mex. btli) camino Mr S. Vease mex. 

dtlica en el camino 
otca'i dulce S 
ozte't (mex. iztatl) sal F I M Mr Pa (oste't 

Apolonio Rosario) 
(oxf) (mex. iztetl) 

moxt tu una F M. Se pronunci6 clara- 
mente moxt, no mozt. Apolonio Rosario 
tambien escribe moxt 
oxca'zt jicara F Fr M Mr S 
oxque't (mex. ixcatl) algod6n F Fr Jo M Mr 

PS 

noxcu' mi algod6n F M 
moxcu' tu algod6n S 
(otz-); ozc p.; otzo'z f. (mex. uetzi) caer S 
ozc cay6 S 
nozc cai S 

nui' noctzo'z (sic) voy a caer S 
nui' noctzoya' (sic) iba a caer S 
oco't (mex. ocotl) ocote MrS 
oco'xt (mex. oquichtli) hombre Mr S 

quizco'm oco'xt icuantos varones? Mr 
Uaxe'c Oaxaca A F Fr Jo M 
(ua'c); euac p. (mex. uaqui) seco S. Vease 

auec 

eua'c xut estan secas las hojas 
Uetu'l Huatulco F M Mr S 
ue'l (mex. uel) poder S 

az uel noctza'n no se puede levantar S 
ui' (mex. yuah) ir. Vease p. 23 A El F Fr 

I M Mr P S 

nui' ncutuque'z teyu'l voy a sembrar maiz I 
nen az nui' no me voy F M Mr S 
ic tui' icuando te vas? Mr S 
uli'c tui' jque vayas bien ! F M 



28 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



ca tui' quago' ^a d6nde te vas manana? 

MrS 

ma ui' cue' I alii va una culebra S 
ui' pata'nz va a volar S 
nocho' tui' todos nosotros vamos F M 
az tuilu't no iremos A 
nen nconcoya' nyaz querfa irme P 
ic tui'z icuando te vas? F M 
nen unya'c pen tepo'x me acost6 (fu( a mi 

cama) A 
unya'c, PERO nichoma' yect me fuf, pero 

me cogi6 la lluvia M 
ca tia'c id6nde fuiste? (ic tui'c ^cuando 

fuiste? M) 

ticon tia'c ^a qu6 hora te fuiste? S 
uya'c pata'nc se vo!6 S (uyac Apolonio 

Rosario) 
ca uya'c motecu' a d6nde se fu6 tu padre? 

FM 

ma nuaya' nozc allf andando caf S 
nen nyan cocho'z voy a dormir F M 
nyan to^o'z voy a moler Jo 
nyam patani' voy a volar S 
ca xue' jam la! vete! A F M Mr S 
az tuelu't no nos vamos P 
euelu't ya se van P 
ui'zti (mex. uiztli) espina F Fr M Mr S 

noni'zt mi espina S 
ui'tz (mex. huitz) venir A F M Mr P S (ehuix 

Apolonio Rosario) 
ni az nui'z naco', quago' nui'tz si no vengo 

ahora, manana vendr6 S 
naconime'n nui'tz ahorita vengo P 
az tui'tz quago' ,mo vienes manana? S 
ma ui'tz allf viene F M 
ma ui'tz totoltzi'n alii viene el cura A S 
enui'tz totoltzi'n ya vino el cura Mr S 
ui'tz yect viene la lluvia M S 
tuitzelu't venimos A 
unyo'c (mex. onoc) estar echado F Fr Jo M 

MrS 
ac.o'c unyo'c cue't hay muchas culebras 

FM 

unti' (mex. iuinti) borracho A F M P S 
teca' tounti' mue'n ipor qu6 te embo- 

rrachas? P 



ui' unti' anda borracho S 

untilu't estan borrachos A 
uzti' (mex. otzti) embarazada P S 
ug'lo'm (mex. ocuilin) gusano A S 
uli'c (mex. ueli) bueno Ep F Fr Jo M Mr P 

quet uli'c F M uli'c quet Ep esti bueno 
uluni' imp. (mex. olinia) menear, echar S 

xuluni' ca ce quagu't jmen6alo con un palo! 
S 

az xuluni' napa'zt jque no muevas la olla! 
S 

xuculuni' ito'c apa'zt j6chalo en la olla! S 
ba tener. V6ase bia 

payo' (castellano pano ?) rebozo, pano Jo 
MrS 

nopayu' mi rebozo Jo Mr S 
pata'nc p.; pata'nz f. (mex. patlani) volar S 

epata'nc vo!6 S 

uya'c pata'nc se vo!6 S 

ui' pata'nz va a volar S 
pate'c (mex. patlauac) ancho S 
pan (castellano) pan Fr I Jo Mr 

nopanu' mi pan I 

(paxalu-) ; paxalu'z f. (castellano ?) pasearse 
M MrS 

nui' npaxalu'z voy a pasearme S 

yac paxalutu' fu6 paseandose S 
peu'c p. (mex. peua) empezar S 
pebe't jicalpezte F M Mr P 
petebi' imp. ; petebi'c p. ayudar S 

ac mozpetebi'c iquien te ayud6? S 

nixpetebi'c me ayud6 S 

tixpetebi' jayiidame! S 
(pen) (mex. pan) sobre A F Jo M P S 

ma quet ipe'n MESA esta alii en la mesa 
FM 

xtecu' ipe'n na quagu't jsube el palo! S 

ma quet ipe'n tepoxpo'l estd en el tabanco 

nope'n sobre mi S 

tope'n sobre nosotros S 

mope'n sobre ti P 

ipe'n sobre 61 S 

ipe'n ogue'l anoche S 
(pen) tiope'n (mex. teopantli) iglesia S 
penu'c p. (mex. pano) pasar S 

epenu'c ce BRUJA pas6 una bruja S 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



neba' penu'c ce BRUJA ogue'l aquf pas6 una 

bruja anoche S 
quern (penu'c na ate'n ic6mo pasaste el 

rio? S 

pechu' imp. (mex. pechoa) apretar Mr S 
xipechu' japrietalo! S 
tixpechu' japrietame! S 
(bee?) nobe'c el mio Fr Jo 
mobe'c el tuyo Fr Jo 
ibe'c el suyo P 
peque' imp.; pec p.; peque'z f. (mex. paca) 

lavar Jo M Mr S 

xapeque' napa'zt jlimpia la olla! S 
xicapeque' WOROPA jlava mi ropa! Jo 
encape'c ya lo lave S 
yac tapequetu' se fu6 a lavar S 
nui' ntapeque'z quago' voy a lavarlo 

manana M 

pelu' imp. ; pelu'c p. (mex. paloa) lamer S 
xapelu' napa'zt jlame la olla! S 
encapelu'c lo lame S 

bia', ba (mex. pia) tener A F Fr Jo M Mr P S 
ncobia' nixtu'n mil tengo una milpa muy 

pequena S 

az ncobia' tumi'n no tengo dinero P 
tibia' nub'luga'm itienes hijos? Mr S 
quizco'm tibia' mob'lu' ^cuantos hijos tie- 

nes? Mr S 

te cobia' iqui tiene? P 
tue'n tibialu't nosotros lo tenemos S 
tilanqui't ncoba' tengo gallinas S 
ncoba' nayo'm tengo cuatro S 
nucoba' tal ago'c notzo'c mi traje tiene 

mucho lodo A 
quizco'm mocha'n tiba' icuantas casas tie- 

nes? S 

ome'm coba' JOAQUINA Joaquina tiene dos S 
ncobeya' eyo'm tito't tenia tres huevos S 
pib'lu' imp.; pib'lu'c p. (mex. pipiloa) en- 

volver S 
xopib'lu' ca payu' jenvuelvete en tu rebo- 

zo!S 

enopib'lu'c ya me cubri S 
xiub'lu' i cue'lgalo ! 
(pima'), nopima' mi hermana F M Mr 

(nobima Apolonio Rosario) 



pina' (mex. pineua ?) hace frio F Jo M P S 

nopina' tengo frio F Jo M P S 
pinaua' (mex. pinaua) tener vergiienza S 
pizc p. (mex. pitza en opitzaloc BIEN NACIDO) 
F M S; solamente en la afrenta 

PUTA motzapi'zc una puta te pari6 ; LALMA 

motzapi'zc el alma te pari6 
pixt nube (?) P 
pitze' imp. soplar S 

xipitze' na let jsopla el fuego! S 
picho'm (?) 
picho't viejo A 

pig'li' imp. ; pig'le'c p. ; pig'le'z f . (mex. piqui ?) 
golpear 

az tichapig'li' \ no me golpea ! A 

xapig'li' jpegale! P 

capig'le'c iye' su madre le golpe6 S 

etapig'le'c golpe6 S 

nui' napig'le'z voy a golpearlo P 

nui' ntzapig'le'z voy a golpearte S 
picl (mex. piqui) tamal A S 
boz (?) echar Mr S 

nuibo'z motolu' echare atole Mr S 
(bu ?) (nobu', mi hermano, Apolonio Rosario) 
po imp. ; potu'c ger. (mex. tlapoa) contar S 

xipo' motuminu' jcuenta tu dinero! S 

tapotu'c estci contando S 

ntapotu'c notuminu' estoy contando mi 

dinero S 
pue' imp. ; puc p. (cf . mex. poui) limpiar S 

xipue' na conebo'l jlimpia la criatura! S 

encopu'c lo limpie S 
pot (mex. petlatl) petate S. Vease Viet 

mopo't tu petate 

puQone'l (mex. po$onilotl) espuma S 
poxque'z f. (mex. pixca) pizcar S 

nui' ntapoxque'z noznu' voy a pizcar mi 

mazorca S 

pochu't (mex. pochotl) Bombax ceiba S 
polu'c p. (mex. poloa) perder Fr Jo P S 

epolu'c se perdio Fr Jo 

noche' polu'c todos se perdieron S 

empolu'c otca'n perdi el camino S 
Viet (mex. petlatl) petate Mr S. Vease hot 

noVte't mi petate S 
ptzec (mex. pitzauac) delgado S 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



(b 7) (mex. pilli) hijo F M Mr P S 
ib'lu' su hijo P 
nob'lu' mi hijo F M Mr (noblu Apolonio 

Rosario) 

nob'luga'm mis hijos Mr S 
nob'ltzi'n tu ahijado S 
ma, me alii, ese F Fr I Jo M Mr P S (ma alia, 

Apolonio Rosario) 
ma ntzaci' alii voy a encontrarte S 
ma teque't ma pen LOMA ese hombre alii 

en la loma Jo 
me que't alii esta F Jo M (megue Apolonio 

Rosario) 

me ui'tz alii viene Jo 
me onque't alii hay P 
me que't ito'c apa'zt esta alii en la olla F M 
ma que't oque'lc esta adentro S 
ma imp. dar, tomar F Fr Jo M Mr S. Vease 

meca 

xima' ome'm tito't jpasame dos huevos! Mr 
xima' noxa'zt jtoma mi jicara! S 
xima' ce quagu't jtoma un palo! F 
ma (?); mac p. tomar M Mr S 
molzuma' te cogi6 S 

nichuma'c yect me cogi6 la lluvia M Mr S 
to/ cmac noxo'i, me ca nozc la tierra cogi6 

mi pie, alii cai S 
mai (mex. maitl) mano F M Mr Pa P S 

(may Apolonio Rosario) 
nomai' mi mano F M Mr S 
imai' nomo't mano de mi metate F M 
(noma'l, mi brazo, Apolonio Rosario) 
(mateesu once, Apolonio Rosario) 
(matu diez, Apolonio Rosario) 
(matu eyem doce, [evidentemente trece] Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 
macui'l (mex. macuilli), cinco Ep Mr P S 

(maguel Apolonio Rosario) 
mama'c p. (mex. mama) cargar S 

me timama'c lo cargaste S 
(manli reir, Apolonio Rosario) 

(ximanli imp. Apolonio Rosario) 
malague'u F Mr melegu' Fr Jo M (mex. ma- 

lacatl) huso, malacate 
nomelegu' mi malacate F 
meti' (mex. mati) saber F Jo M Mr S 



nen nocece' meti' IDIOMA noat'be'u yo s61o 

conozco el idioma de mi pueblo S 
az cmeti' noch no s6 todo S 
az meti' no s6 F Jo M 
az nolmeti' Uaxe'c no conozco el camino 

para Oaxaca S (vease p. 24) 
ixmeti' (mex. iximati < ixtli + mati) 

conocer 

az nquixmeti' no los conozco S 

az nchixmeti' no te conozco S (equivoca- 

ci6n en vez de ntzixmeti' ?) 
meqa't (mex. mafatl) venado F Fr Jo M P S 
mezt (mex. metztli) luna F M (mest Apolonio 

Rosario) 
mexti'; mexti'c p.; mexti'z f. (mex. machtia) 

ensenar S 

acmozmexti' iquien te ensefia? S 
nixmexti'c noye' me ensen6 mi madre S 
nui' nmexti'z voy a ensenar S 
metze' imp.; metze'z f. sentarse F I Jo Mr S 

(esmeu Apolonio Rosario) 
xmetze' jsientate! F I Jo Mr S 
leca' PARA metze'z ito'c jvente a sentar 

adentro! S 
meche't, machete, Mr S 

nomeche'u mi machete Fr Jo M Mr P S 
meca' pr.; meque' imp.; mec p. (mex. maca) 

dar A Ep F I Jo M Mr P S 
enola'c ntzimequetu' ce RECUERDO vine a 

darte un recuerdo S 
mue'n tite'z ac timeca' tu veras a quien se 

lo das S 
tiume'n ntzimeca' dentro de un rato te dare 

una cosa I 
az ximeque' na conebo'l ique no lo des a la 

criatura! S 
ximeque' CONSEJO jaconsejalo! Ep P (xime- 

gui Apolonio Rosario) 
tichimeque' nixtu'n at jdame un poco de 

agua! S 

tichimeque' noxamu' jdame mi tortilla! S 
tichimeque' enquibo'z jdame que beba! 

FM 
tichimeque' ce iluxa'm jdame una tortilla de 

elote! A 
nichime'c el me di6 S 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



quizco'm time'c icuantos has dado? S 

nichimequi't me dieron S 

motzimequi't te dieron S 

ticholmeque' na notupi'l ipasame mi tenate! 

Jo 

ticholmeque' noexque't, nantzaue'z jpasame 
mi algod6n! voy a hilar M Mr S 

ticholmeque' jpasame! Fr Jo M Mr P S 
mie'c (mex. miac) bastante S 

mie'c motzimequi't te dieron bastante S 
micilu't (mex. miztli) puma S 
micho'm (mex. michin) pescado M Mr P S 
mixco'm nixtamal 
micui'x (mex. metl) maguey P S 
mil (mex. milli) campo, milpa Mr P S 

momi'l tu milpa P S 
milyu' ce un real Mr 
(mo ?) ximoti' at jtrae agua! Mr S 
mayn't (mex. moyutl) mosca 
mot (mex. metlatl) metate F Fr M Mr P 

nomo't mi metate Mr 
(motudis, bailar, Apolonio Rosario) 
mue'n, til Ep F Fr Jo M Mr P S (muen 
Apolonio Rosario) 

mue'n tite'z tu veras S 

cocho' mue'n jduerme! F M 

mue'n tui' til te vas S 

(te) mote' imp. ; mote'c p. ; mote'z f. (mex. motla) 
tirar M Mr S 

xtamote' na tot jtira la piedra! S 

xtamote' na noxt jtira las cenizas! M Mr 

enctamote'c ya lo tire S 

QUE etitamote'c na tot ^tiraste la piedra? S 

nui' nctamote'z voy a tirarlo S 
moc (mex. miqui) morir F M Mr P S (moctis 
Apolonio Rosario; vease mocti) 

emo'c nob'lu' esta muerto mi hijo F M 

noch moqui't todos murieron S 

emo'c noche' todos murieron S 

mocti' imp. ; mocti 'c p. (mex. mictia) matar 
F M Mr S (mochis Apolonio Rosario) 

ximocti' ce tila'n jmata una gallina! Mr S 

ximocti' jmatalo! S 

nixmocti'c me mat6 S 

moctiqui't meQa't mataron venados S 

ecmoctiqui't ya lo mataron S 



(moca') tamoca' noguai' me duele la cabeza S 

tamoca' note'n me duele la boca M Mr S 
(mougui, estar en pie, Apolonio Rosario) 
(mo)hue' imp.; mohue'c p; mohue'z f. banar, 

lavar A F I Jo M P S 
mohue'; jlavate! F M 

mohue' momai' jlavate la mano! F M 
enmohue'c nen ya me bane A 
nen mohue'z voy a lavarme I Jo 
nui' mohue'z voy a banar A F M P 
mamui' imp., mamui'c p. banar S 
xmamui' jbafia! S 
yac mamuitu' se fue a banar S 
toque'lc mamui'c adentro se ban6! S 
molu'nc p. (mex. moloni) hervir S 
emolu'nc ya hirvi6 S 
moluntu'c esta hirviendo S 
tayua' ; tayue'c p. (mex. tlayoa) obscurecer P 
aQo'c tayua' esta muy obscuro Mr S 
etayue'c ya esta obscuro S 
tatenli' imp.; tatenli'z f. (mex. tlatlani) pre- 

guntar S 

xtatenli' jpregiintale! S 
nui' ntatenli'z voy a preguntarlo S 
tati' imp. ; tate'c p. (mex. tlatia) quemar Mr S 
xtati' na oco't jquema el ocote! S 
tate'c nomai' quemo mi mano S 
(dasupua [mex. tlagotli + poa ?, estimar] 

mentir, Apolonio Rosario) 
(taxpan-) tachapane' imp. (mex. tlachpana) 

barrer Jo M Mr S 
xtachapane' na moxt jbarre las cenizas! 

M MrS 

taxpana'zt escoba MrS 
notaxpana'zt tu escoba Jo 
(taxiquetuc [mex. ixica], gotear, Apolonio 

Rosario) 

(taxtoc, robar, Apolonio Rosario) 
tatzi'; tatzo'c p. (mex. tzatzi ?) ladrar S gritar 

M MrS 
tatzi' ladra S 
etatzo'c grit6 M Mr S (taxoc Apolonio 

Rosario) 

tatzotu'c tecolote esta gritando el tecolote S 
tacho'm (mex. techichi ?) perro A F M P S 
(tachom Apolonio Rosario) 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



aQo'c tacho'm muchos perros S 

notachu' mi perro P S 

taxpo'l perrito S 

tacane'l (mex. tided.) medio dfa Fr Jo S 
taquechu'c p. (mex. tlacachiua) parir S 

etaquechu'c ya pari6 
tacui'c p. (mex. coa ?) pagar S 

enixtacui'c ya me pag6 S 

enola'c tixtacuetu' vine a que me pagues S 
tacpa'c, sobre (mex. tlacpac). Vease ipac 
(tagmum [mex. tlacomoni ?] trueno, Apolonio 

Rosario) 
tal (mex. tlalli) tierra Jo M Mr P S, mugre S 

(tals Apolonio Rosario) 
(tal) motaltzi'n tu padrino S (mex. tdtzintli) 

totoltzi'n el cura (nuestro padrino?) 
tali' imp. ; tali'c p. ; tali'z f . (mex. tlalia) poner S 

xtali' motzo'c iponte tu camisa! S 

enctali'c notzo'c me puse mi traje S 

te az tinqui' motzo'c PA titali'z i no quieres tu 

traje para ponertelo? S 
te (mex. tie) ique? A I M Mr P S cosa 

te nuca' ique dices? F I M 

te nacona' ique hay ahora? A 

te titemoa' ique buscas? M Mr S 

te tichua' mue'n ique haces? P 

te cobia' ique tienes? A 

te tichimeca' ic tui' PA matbe'u ique me 
vas a dar cuando te vayas a tu pais? S 

te se usa en cuestiones, como ' ' que ' ' en cas- 
tellano: 

te tinqui' at ique quieres agua? S 

te tibia' CALENTURA itienes calentura? S 

te tibia' moguelu', ic tinamocti' iya tienes 
esposa? (icuando vas & casarte? Mr 

teca' (mex. tleica) ipor que? F M P S 

teca' tochuca' ipor que lloras? S 
te'ipo lagarto, caiman Mr S 
teyu'l (mex. tlayotti) maiz A F M Mr P S 

(tegul Apolonio Rosario) 
teote'c (mex. teutlac) tarde P. Vease etiote'c 
teue' (mex. tlaueltia) enojarse P 

afo'c nteue' nen mucho me enojo P 
tepu' imp.; tepo'c p. (mex. tlapoa) abrir, des- 
tapar P S 

xotepu' jabrelP 



xitepu' jabre ! S 

ncotepo'c lo destape S 
tepo'xt (mex. tlapechtli) cama Fr Jo M Mr S 

notepo'xt mi cama Jo 

tepoxpo'l tabanco A 

temi' imp. ; temi'c, temc p. (mex. tlamia) acabar 
PS 

nenctemi' voy a beber S 

xtemi' jbebelS 

etemi'c lo acab6 S 

ete'mc se acab6 S 

enctemi'c lo acabe P S 
temoa' (mex. temoa) buscar F M Mr S 

te titemoa' ique buscas? F M S 

nen ntemoa' nomeche'u busco mi machete 
MS 

xtemuti' janda, buscalo! S 

moztemutu'c andan buscandote S 
let (mex. tletl) fuego El F Fr Jo M Mr S 

(nantitulguid Apolonio Rosario) 
tetoa' (mex. tlatoa) hablar (?) S 

yut tetoa' brama el viento S 
ten (mex. tentli) boca F M Mr P Pa S 
(modenx tu boca, Apolonio Rosario) 

noten mi boca F M. Vease tzon 
teque' imp.; teque'c p.; teque'z f. (mex. teca) 
acostarse S 

xmoteque' ic na quagu't jacuestate en el 
banco! S 

enmoteque'c me acoste S 

nui' moteque'z voy a acostarme S 
teque't (mex. tlacatl) hombre A F Jo Mr 
P S (tequet Apolonio Rosario) 

tequetque't (plural) P 

telequelque't (plural) P 

Vase taquechu'c < teque't + chua 
(tecu') (mex. tecutli, senor) padre F M Mr P S 

notecu' mi padre F M 

itecu' su padre P 
tecu' imp.; tecu'z f. (mex. tleco) subir M Mr S 

xtecu' jsube! M Mr S 

nui' ntecu'z voy a subir S 
tecolo't tecolote 
telu'z f. (mex. tlaloa) correr S 

nui' motelu'z voy a correr S 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



33 



tiope'n (mex. teopantli) iglesia El M Mr P S 

(tioben Apolonio Rosario) 
tiome'n ahorita, despues I S 

tiome'n tolazqui't ahorita vendremos I S 
tipe'n (mex. itipan) pecho Mr S 

notipe'n mi pecho Mr S (nodevin Apolonio 

Rosario) 
(tit) (mex. atetl) testiculos M Mr S 

motitu' tus testiculos M'Mr S 
tito't huevo Mr S. Vease tot, piedra 

ome'm tito't dos huevos Mr 
tice't (mex. tifatl) huesos quemados que se 

usan para blanquear algod6n Jo S 
tiquani' (mex. taquani) tigre P S (tequam 

Apolonio Rosario) 
tico'n icuando? S 

tico'n monaQo'c icuando vino? S 

tico'n tia'c icuando te fuiste? S 
til (mex. tlillf) tizne S 

tila'n (mex. totolin ?) gallina A Es F Jo M 
Mr P Pa S 

tilanqui't nocoba' tengo gallinas S 

notilanu' mi gallina Jo 

tue'n (mex. tehuan) nosotros Es F M S (tuen 
Apolonio Rosario) 

tuen tibielu't tenemos S 
tup culo F M S 

itu'p su culo F M 

motu'p tu culo S 

motupozta'c quet esta en tu culo 
tupi'l (mex. topilli) tenate Jo S 

notupi'l mi tenate Jo 

toma'; tome' imp.; tome p.; tome'z f. (mex. 
toma) desatar M Mr S 

nctatoma' voy a desatarlo S 

xtatome' jdesatalo! M Mr 

enctato'mc lo desate M Mr S 

nui' nctatome'z voy a desatarlo S 
tome't (mex. tomatl) jitomate F M Mr S 
tumi'n (mex. tomin) dinero El F I Jo M P S 

notumi'n mi dinero El 

notuminu' mi dinero S 

tot (mex. tetl) piedra El F M Mr P S (toot 
Apolonio Rosario) 

tito't huevo 

chilto't piedra para moler chile Mr 



totoini' blando P S 

totomo'xt (mex. totomochtli) mazorca A S 

tutu't (mex. tototl, pajaro) carne F M S. 

Vease neque't 
totoqui' imp. (mex. toquia) atizar S 

xtotoqui' jatfzalo! S 
tutuca' (mex. totoca') pronto F Fr Jo M Mr 

PS 

tutuca' leca' jvente pronto! Fr Jo 
xtutuque' na tacho'm icorre el perro! M 
toto'l (mex. totoli'n) guajalote F M (todolem 

Apolonio Rosario) 
totoli't iguana verde H Mr S 
(to)toltzi'n cura A El Fr Jo Mr P S (togolim 

Apolonio Rosario). Vease taltzin 
tune'l (mex. tonalli) sol F Fr Jo M P (dunel, 

dia,,tunel, sol, Apolonio Rosario) 
tutune' calentura A 
ac,o'c tuni' muy caliente S 
tuni' quet na eso esta caliente Fr Jo (tuni 

Apolonio Rosario) 

tinqui' mas tuni' ilo quieres mas caliente? S 
xtutune' na xam icalienta la tortilla! S 
toQo' imp. ; toc,o'z f . (mex. teci) moler Jo M Mr S 
xtoQo' jmuelelolS 
nyan toQo'z voy a moler Jo 
nen ntogo'z voy a moler M Mr S 
toxt (mex. textli) masa Jo M Mr S 
noto'xt mi masa Jo 
eque't toxt ya esta (molida) la masa S 
tu'chi pequeno, no bastante F M S (tu'qui 

P) (tuche Apolonio Rosario) 
quet tu'chi nocha'n mi casa es muy pequena 

F 

(tog, dios Apolonio Rosario) 
-toe (mex. tic) en, adentro F M P S 
ito'c at en el agua S 
ma quet ito'c apa'zt esta en la olla F M 
toque'lc (mex. Hoc calco) en la casa S 
xmetze' ito'c sientate adentro! S 
tuque' c p.; tuque'z f. (mex. toco) sembrar M 

MrS 
quizco'm etituque'c teyu'l icuanto maiz has 

sembrado? M 

eyo'm oxca'zt encotuque'c sembre tres jicaras 
M 



34 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



nui' ncotuque'z teyu'l voy a sembrar maiz S 

tituque'z teyu'l vas a sembrar maiz Mr 

cotuque'z 61 va a sembrar S 
(tocdoz [mex. tequiti] trabajar, Apolonio 
Rosario). Vease tqui 

ncoba' toco't tengo trabajo S 
d'potz (mex. teputztli) espalda S 

nod'po'tz mi espalda S 

mod'pozta'c tus espaldas S 

id'pozta'c la cara exterior de una olla S 
d'mu imp.; d'muc p.; d'muz f. (mex. temo) 
bajar S 

xod'mu' jvente abajo! S 

enod'mu'c baj S 

nod'mu'z bajar S 

tqui (mex. tequiti) llevar M Mr S. Vase 
tocdoz 

nen ncotqui' lo lleve M Mr S 

ncotqui' lo Ilev6 S 

xitco' jlleValo! S 
na (mex. in) el A F Fr Jo M Mr P S 

ximocti' na tila'n jmata la gallina! S 

xima' na conebo'l jtoma la criatura! F M 

xtati' na oco't jquema el ocote! Mr S 

chuca' na cone't llora el nino F M 

unti' na conebo'l estci borracho el muchacho 
P 

coba' DOLOR na g'lazt la mujer tiene dolor S 

nocho' xama'nc napa'zt se quebraron todas 
las ollas S 

na g'lazt uzti' la mujer estci embarazada S 

na teque't ui' unti' el hombre anda bo- 
rracho S 

tuni' quet na ese estci caliente Fr Jo 

na mue'n tibia' tu lo tienes P 
nayo'm (mex. naui') cuatro Ep Fr Jo Mr 
P S (tayo'm A) (nayom Apolonio Rosario) 
name'l 6ste A S (namel, aqu61, Apolonio 
Rosario) 

xite' name'l xucho't jmira esta flor! A 

ina' o name'l aquel o ste S 
namig'li' imp. (mex. namaquiltia) vender S 

tixnamig'li' pict jvendeme tamales! S 
namocti' ; namocti'c p.; namocti'z f. (mex. 
namiquia) casarse Mr P S 

ic tinamocti' icuando te casas? S 



az monamocti' ino te casas? S 
enamocti'c ya se cas6 S 
encnamocti'c ya me cas S 
nui' namocti'z voy a casarme P 
nan (mex. nantli, madre) S. Vease ye 

monantzi'n tu madrina S 
nac (mex. nauat) cerca S 

xmoteque' ixna'c quagu't acustate frente 

al banco S 
nocha'n quet ina'c ate'n mi casa estci en la 

orilla del rio S 
naco' ahorita A F I M P S (naco', hoy, ac 

nacona' ,;quien? Apolonio Rosario) 
naco' quet uli'c ya estci bueno F M 
te naco' na tui'tz iqu6 traes? A 
nagua'l (mex. nahuatl) nombre del idioma de 

Pochutla I 
neba' (mex. nepa) aquf A Ep F I Jo M S (neva 

Apolonio Rosario). V6ase quin 
leca' neba' jvente aca! Ep Jo 
ac,o'c tacho'm unyo'c neba' hay aquf muchos 

perros S 

neba' pec aquf entr6 S 
neba' quet aquf estci F M 
nen (mex. nehuatl) yo F Jo M Mr S (nen 

Apolonio Rosario) 
az nui' nen no me voy F M 
nen az nui' no me voy F M Mr S 
nen az nconqui' cocho'z no quiero dormir F 

M 
nen ca igiie'n tacoztu'c estoy platicando 

con 61 S 

nenepi'l (mex. nenepilli) lengua F M Mr S 
nonenepi'l mi lengua F M (monenevil, tu 

lengua, Apolonio Rosario) 
neque't (mex. nacatl) carne A S (nequet, 

Apolonio Rosario). Vease tutu't 
neque'zt (mex. nacaztli) oreja M Mr P Pa S 
noneque'zt mi oreja, mi oido Mr S (mon- 

gues, tu oido, Apolonio Rosario) 
ni si S 

nime'n (mex. nimen) ahorita I Mr P S 
naco' nime'n nui'tz ahorita vengo P 
naco' nime'n nui' ahorita me voy 
nintega' nada A F M P S 

nintega' az nconqui' no quiero nada P 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



35 



ayogo' nintega' no hay nada P 

nixtu'n (mex. tontli) un poquito F M Mr S 
nixtu'n quete' queda un poquito Mr S 
nixtu'n ncoba' tengo un poquito S 
nixtu'n at nichimequi't me dieron un po- 
quito de agua S 

nobe'c el mio F Fr Jo M 

nobegu'c manana F M (?). Vease quago' 

noxt (mex. nextli) ceniza, polvo El M Mr S 

nutza' (mex. notza) llamar S 

te tinutza' noibe' ile llamas a mi hermana? S 

nocho' (mex. mochi, nochi) todo F M S 
nocho' tui' todos nosotros vamos F M 
emo'c nocho' todos murieron F M 
az ncalamqui' noch no me acuerdo de todo 

S 
noch ma til todo alii esta (lleno de) tizne S 

nuca'; nuque'c p.; nuqueya' impf.; nuque'z f. 

decir, pensar F I M P S 
te nuca' <que dice? F I M S 
ac nuca' iquien dice eso? F M 
qui na nuqueya' asi decfa P 
nen nuque'c nconquiya' ce tumi'n cref que 

queria un peso P 
mue'n nuque'z tu diras 

nqui; ncoya' impf.; ncoz f. (mex. nequi) 

querer El F Fr Jo M Mr P S 
nconqui' taqua'z quiero comer F M 
az tinqui' cocho'z ,mo quieres dormir? F M 
az conqui' igue'n el no quiere F M 
az conqui' tue'n no queremos F M 
nconcoya' queria P 
te tinconcoya' ique querias? S 
tinco'z tu querras M 

Qalu' imp. (mex. Qaliui) comprar S 
xiqalu' jc6mpralo! S 

ce (mex. ce) uno A El Ep F M Mr P S (se 

Apolonio Rosario) 
ce milyu' un peso Mr 
techimeque' ce quagu't jdame un palo! A 
xte ce cue't jmira una culebra! A 
nen nocece' meti' LA IDIOMA yo s61o conozco 

el idioma S 

Qampe' (mex. ceppa) otra vez S 
xicobe' Qampe' jhazlo otra vez! S 

ceque't (mex. $acatl) zacate S 



eel noce'l mi pene P 

cyeui'; cye'uc (mex. ciaui) cansado S 

nocyeui' estoy cansado S 

enocye'c me canse S 

ecye'uc nod'po'tz esta cansada mi espalda S 
(semibuel, veinte, Apolonio Rosario) 

magiii'l (mex. cempualli); cemengili'l 
El ; qumpa'n magiii'l A veinticinco Fr Jo 
', fute'c p. (mex. qotlaua) espantarse A S 

noqute'c me espante A S 

nmofute' tengo miedo S 
Son (mex. centli) mazorca S 

noznu' mi mazorca S 
(sousongui, amar, Apolonio Rosario) 
(z'li) (mex. celic) tierno P S 
xama'nc p. ; xamani'z f . (mex. xamania) que- 
brar S 

nocho' xama'nc todos se quebraron S 

exama'nc napa'zt se quebr6 la olla S 

nui' xamani'z voy a quebrarlo S 
xamt (mex. xamitl, adobe) tortilla A El Es 
F Fr Jo M Mr S 

noxa'm El, noxamu' Jo S mi tortilla 

eluxa'mt tortilla de elote A 
xab6 (castellano) jab6n Mr P 
xipu'n (mex. xipintli) prepucio 
xixe'z f. (mex. xixa) mear P 

nui' noxixe'z voy a mear P 
xict (mex. xictli) ombligo S 

ixi'c su ombligo S 

noxi'c mi ombligo S 

(xo-) (mex. xotl) pie A F M Mr Pa P S (xoy, 
Apolonio Rosario) 

noxo'i mi pie S 
xui' verde M Mr S. Vease xut 

quet xui' na quaxilu't esta verde el platano S 
xut (mex. xiuitl) hoja M Mr S (xut, Apolonio 

Rosario) 

xucho't (mex. xochitl) flor A Fr Jo S 
tzaue'z f. (mex. tzaua) hilar Jo M Mr S 

nentzaue'z voy a hilar Jo M Mr S 

nui' ntzaue'z voy a hilar M Mr S 
(tzeue', ceue' ?) apagar S 

xitzeue' na let japaga el fuego! S 

xiceue' na tequagu't japaga los tizones! S 

enceu' lo apague S 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



tzepo't (mex. tzapotl) zapote S 
tzecue' imp.; tzec p.; tzecuo'z f. (mex. tzaqua) 
cerrar M Mr S 

xitzecue' na xamt jtapa la tortilla! M Mr S 

etze'c esta cerrado S 

enctze'c lo cerre S 

te titze'c i\o cerraste? S 

etze'c noneque'z esta cerrado mi oido S 

nui' nctzecuo'z voy a taparlo S 
tzinaca' (mex. tzinacari) murcielago (chinaca, 

Apolonio Rosario) 

(tzintu'c) (mex. tzinti) nacer, animales y 
plantas S 

z'li titzintu'c ternito esta naciendo S 

titzintu'c WIOPOLLITO esta naciendo tu po- 

llito S 

tzique't (mex. tzicall) hormiga S 
(tzilini) (mex. tzilini) sonar S 

tzilintu'c esta sonando S 
tzupine' ; tzupini'c p. (mex. tzupinia) picar S 

nentzupine' ca ce quagu't pic6 con un palo S 

nixtzupini'c ce culu't me pic6 un alacran S 

nixtzupini'c nomai' pic6 mi mano S 
tzupilu't (mex. Izopilotl) zopilote. Vease cuzt 
(tzupcu ?) tzucua'; tzucua'c, tzupa'c (sic) p.; 
tzupa'z (sic) f. cortar P S 

xitzucua' na opque't icorta el hilo! S 

etzucua'c ya esta cortado S 

tzupa'c nomai' cort6 mi mano P S 

PA tzupa'z na quagu't para cortar el palo S 
(tzoma 1 ); tzome'z f. (mex. tzoma) coser M Mr 
S 

ti tzome'z tu vas a coser S 

nui ' ntatzome'z voy a coser S 

ntatzontu'c estaba cosiendo S 
tzon (mex. tzontli) pelo Mr P Pa S (sont, 
Apolonio Rosario) 

motzo'n tu pelo P 

motentzo'n tu barba P (tu boca-pelo) 

(modensen Apolonio Rosario) 
tzoct pano, traje, camisa M Mr S 

notzo'c mi traje 
tzocua'zt (mex. tzicauaztli) peine S 

ntzocui'z voy a peinar S 
tzulu' imp. ; tzulu'c p. (mex. tzoloa) sacudir M 
MrS 



xitzulu' na tepo'xt sacudi la cama M Mr S 

entzulu'c lo sacudf S 

(chan) (mex. chantli) casa A El F Fr M Mr 
P Pa S (nochan, mi casa Apolonio 
Rosario) 

huhio'm nocha'n mi casa es grande F M 

icha'n su casa S 

quizco'm mocha'n tiba' ^cuantas casas tie- 
nes? S 

tocha'n nuestra casa 
che pr. e imp.; chez f. (mex. ckia) esperar S 

neba' ntzoche' aquf te espero S 

xiche' jespera! S 

tixche' jesperame! S 

nui' nchez voy a esperar S 

ntzochetu'c estoy esperandote S 
(chibilu') (mex. tepilli ?) vulva P 

mochibilu' tu vulva P 
chicala't corriente del rio P 
chique'c (mex. chicauac) duro P S 
chil (mex. chilli) chile Mr S (chil, Apolonio 
Rosario) 

chilto't piedra para moler chile Mr 
chua': pr. ; chue' imp.; chuc p. (mex. chiua) 
hacer A El F Fr I taquechuc Jo M Mr P S 

nixchua' PULGA me pica (hace) la pulga S 

te tichua' ique haces? F M 

chua' DANO quaxilu't xui' hace dano el 
platano verde S 

PA chue' AMARRAR para amarrarlo M Mr 

xichue' jhaz! A El F Fr I Jo M Mr P S 

echu'c uli'c lo hizo bueno F M 

tichulu't vamos a hacerlo S 

chutu'c PLANCHANDO esta planchando S 

entzuchu'c VENDER yo te lo he vendido A. 

Vease taquechu'c 

chupe'c (mex. chipauac) bianco A M Mr S 
chock (mex. chica, chicha) escupir, saliva S 

icho'ch su saliva S 

nocho'ch mi saliva S 
chucha'c huele A Fr Jo P S 
chuca' (mex. choca) llorar F M P S 

chuca' na cone't llora el nifio F M 

teca' chuca ipor qu llora? F M 

teca' tochuca' ipor que lloras? S 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



37 



nchuca', a'mba emo'c nob'lu' lloro, porque 

se muri6 mi hijo S 
chucoce' (mex. chiquacen) seis Ep S (chigon, 

Apolonio Rosario) 

chucula't (mex. chocolatl) chocolate F M Mr S 
(chol ?) nocholu' mi hermano Fr Jo S 

mocholuga'm tus hermanos S 
ca (mex. ca) (particula) A F M Mr 
ca xui' janda! F M 
ca xui PA mocha 'n jvete a tu casa! Mr 
ca quixui' PA nocha'n jandale a tu casa! Mr 
ca (mex. can) donde A F I M Mr P S 
ca tui' ipor d6nde te vas? M Mr S 
ca tiba' at ,-a d6nde tienes agua? S 
ca tyac ipor d6nde fuiste? S 
campa' (mex. campa) id6nde? A El P 
POR campa' tui' ipor d6nde te vas? A 
ca (mex. ca) con F M P S 

nen ca igue'n natacoztu'c estoy platicando 

con el S 
nen tzupine' ca ce quagu't pic6 con un palo 

S 

ca nen conmigo P 

ximocti' ca moxo'i jmatalo con tu pie! S 
(cayivima, frio, Apolonio Rosario) 
cayu' caballo Fr Jo P S (cayu, Apolonio 

Rosario) 

cayupo'l potro, caballito S 
can (mex. caua) quedarse S 

nen mocau' nocece' me quedo s61o S 

az cauanqui' no sirve F M P (az caban- 

qui'?) 
caxani'; caxa'nc p. (mex. caxani) sanar M Mr 

S 
te motzeti'c DOCTOR te caxani' ite dijo el 

doctor que sane? M 
caxani' esta sanando S 
yulicyuli'c ui' caxa'nz despacio va a sanar 

M 
calamqui' ; calamco'z f. acordarse S 

az ncalamqui' noch no me acuerdo de todo 

S 

nui' ncalamco'z voy a acordarme S 
queue' imp.; queue 'z f. (mex. cauia) guardar 

M Mr S (aqueue'f) 
nui' caqueue'z voy a guardarlo M Mr S 



xaqueue' jguardalo! S 
quern (mex. quen) c6mo S 

quern tpenu'c na ate'n ic6mo pasaste el rio ?S 
quet; quetya' (mex. catqui) hay A Ep F Fr I 

Jo M Mr P S 
neba' quet aqui esta F M 
ma quet alii esta F M 
az quet uli'c no esta bueno Ep 
quet tu'chi nocha'n mi casa es pequena F M 
ma quet oque'lc esta alii adentro F M 
ma quet ite'nc apa'zt esta debajo de la olla S 
na quet ma esta alii I 
neba' quetya' aqui estaba P S 
onque't (mex. onca) hay P S 

aqo'c onque't cue't hay muchas culebras 

P 
quago' az nonque't neba' mafiana no 

estar6 aqui S 

eyonque't xamt hay tortillas Fr Jo 
quexque'mt (mex. quechquemitl) huipil F Jo 

M Pa (quext, coxt pescueso) 
noquexque'm mi huipil Jo 
quequi' ; quec p. ; quez f . (mex. caqui) oir F M 

MrS 

az ncoquequi' no lo oigo Mr S 
toquequi' oyes F M 
encoque'c oi S 
nui' ncoque'z voy a oir S 
(quel) (mex. calif) casa F M 
ito'c quelc en la casa F M 
quin (mex. quin) solamente con neba' y na A 

Jo PS 

quineba' nui' aca me voy Jo 
leca' PA quineba' jvente aca! A 
quina' nuqueya' asi decia A P 
quicfl' ; quice' imp.; quizc p.; quice'z f. (mex. 

qui^a) salir F I M P S 
tiqui^a' mato'lc sales fuera S 
xiquice' S; quice' F M P S jsal! 
ma que't quiztu'c apoto'ct alii esta saliendo 

el humo S 

equi'zc tune'l salio el sol P 
nen quice'z saldre I 

quizco'm (mex. quezqui) icuantos? Mr S 
quizco'm meleque't tiba' icuantos malacates 
tienes? S 



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VOL. I 



quixi' imp. ; quixi'c p. ; quixi'z f . (mex. quixtia) 

sacar S 

xiquixi' jsacalo! S 
enquixi'c lo saqu S 
nquixi'z voy a sacarlo S 
co naco' ahora S P. Wase naco' 
(qua); quac p.; quaz f. (mex. qua) comer A F 

Fr Jo M Mr P S 
etaqua'c comi6 M P 
totaqua'c has comido S 
az nconqui' taqua'z no quiero comer F M 
az tiqua'z no lo comeras F M 
totaqua'z comeremos A (totaguasquit, Apo- 

lonio Rosario) 
xicque' na quaxilu't PA tiquazqui't asa el 

platano para que lo comamos F M S 
xicueti' ce pan PA tiquazqui't compra un 

pan para que lo comamos S 
PA nqua'z para que lo coma S 
xtaquati' jvete a comer! S 
xtaquati' mocha' n jvete a tu casa a comer! 

S 

xtaquaqui' jvente a comer! S 
nen naqua^amqui' tengo hambre Fr Jo S 
noqua^onqui' tengo hambre P 
cua'; cue imp. ; cue p. ; cua'z f . (mex. coo) com- 

prar F Fr Jo M Mr S 
ticucua' lo compras Fr Jo 
xicue' jc6mpralo! S 
xicueti' jvete a comprarlo! S 
encocu'c lo compre S 
encucu'c teyu'l compr6 maiz M Mr S 
az ticua'z tutu't pa taqua'z ^no compraras 

carne para comerla? F 

(quail) (mex. quaitl) cabeza F M Mr P Pa S 
noquai' mi cabeza (noquay, Apolonio Ro- 
sario) 

quane' imp. rascar P S 
xaquane' irascalo! S 
chua' naquantu'c esta rascandose S 
quanco'ch costal Fr Jo 
quaxa'xt faja M Mr S 
quaxilu't (mex. coaxilotT) platano A El F M 

MrS 

quago' manana A Fr Jo Mr P S (cuago, goago, 
Apolonio Rosario) 



quagu't (mex. quauitl) palo, arbol, lena 
banco, carcel, fusil A El F Fr Jo M Mr S 
noquagu't mi fusil El 
tequagu't tiz6n S 
nyac quagutu' fuf a lenar S 
antu' quaguzqui't jvamonos a lenar! A Jo 

Mr 

quala't lagartija S 

guala'c (mex. huallauh) venir F I M P S 
neba' guala'c aca vino S 
eguala'c totoltzi'n vino el cura P 
enola'c vine 

ic tola'c icuando viniste? S 
nola'c tixtaguetu' vine para que me pagues 

S 

tolaqui't venimos S 
ic molaqui't <icuando vinieron? S 
(qual ?) noqualu' mi lado M Mr S 
(gue, cue ?) nogiie'u mi marido Mr P S 

(noquehu, Apolonio Rosario) 
(cueit) (mex. cueitl) enagua El F Jo M Mr 

PaS 

nocue'i mi enagua Mr 
cue't (mex. coatl) culebra F Fr Jo M S 

(cuet, Apolonio Rosario) 
aQo'c cue't muchas culebras F M 
cuete'xt (mex. cuetlaxtli) cuero, piel S 
giiecha'l (vdase mex. uiptla) pasado manana 
M Mr P S (guechal si, Apolonio Rosario) 
Gueualla'n LACUNA nombre antiguo de 

Pochutla Fr Jo 
gueque' (mex. ueca) lejos Fr Jo (asoc gueque 

muy lejos, Apolonio Rosario) 
(guel ?) iguelu' su esposa Fr Jo M Mr P S 
te micu'l moguelu' ic6mo se llama tu 
esposa? Mr S (noquelu, mi esposa, Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 
(cuizca' ?) traer I 
ac.o'c VIENTO cuizca LA LUNA mucho viento 

trajo la luna I 
cuixo'm iguana (mex. cuixin MILAN) F Fr Jo 

MS 
(cuique) (mex. cuica) can tar S 

ntacuiquetu'c estoy cantando S 
coyu'd (mex. coyotl) coyote (Apolonio Rosario) 
cope'c (mex. copetic) grueso S 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



39 



coma'l (mex. comalli) comal A F Fr Jo M Mr 

nocomalu' mi comal A F 
nocumale'u (castellano comadre) mi comadre 

FS 

nocumpale'u (castellano compadre) mi corn- 
padre El Fr Jo Mr P S 

cumt (mex. comitl) cantaro F Fr Jo M Mr S 
cute't (mex. cuitlall) mierda A 
cone't (mex. conetl) nino El F M P 

xite' na cone't mira el nino F M 

cocone't ninos F M P (coconet, muchacho; 
coconets, muchachas, Apolonio Rosario) 

conebo'l criatura F M P (conevol, Apolonio 
Rosario) 

coconebo'l criaturas P 

(contze ?) xucontze' jechalo (adentro)! Fr 
Jo Mr S 

nenconce'z voy a hacer tortillas Fr Jo 

enconce'c hice tortillas Fr Jo 
cuzt zopilote Mr S. Vease tzupilu't 
coztu'c. Vease (ta)ctze platicar 
coxt (mex. quechtli) pescuezo M Mr S. Vease 
quexque'mt 

moco'ch tu pescuezo S 
coxqui' (mex. quequexquid) comez6n A S 

nicoxqui' tengo comez6n S 
(cochi'); coxc p. ; cocho'z f. (mex. cochi) dormir 
FM Mr PS 

eco'xc durmi6 S 

cocoxtu'c esta durmiendo F M 

nen cocho'z voy a dormir F M (cochos, 
Apolonio Rosario) 

az nconqui' cocho'z no quiero dormir F 

cocho' mue'n jduerme! F 

xucochoti' jvete a dormir! S 

afo'c ncocoxni' deseo mucho dormir P 
cuchi' puerco M Mr S 
cocoa' (mex. cocoa) enfermo F M Mr S 

nococoa' nomai' tengo enferma la mano 
FM 

az nococoa' no estoy enfermo S 

nococoa' noye' mi madre esta enferma S 
cug'li; cug'lu'c p. frio M Mr S 

aqo'c cug'li' se enfri6 mucho M Mr S 

ecug'lu'c ya se enfri6 S 

quet cug'luni' hace frio S 



(cul ?) (mex. colli, antepasado ?) nombre 

te nicu'l mue'n ic6mo te llamas? F M 

QUE micu'l moye' ic6mo se llama tu madre ? 
S 

que tmocu'l ic6mo te llamas? S 

icu'l mogilelu' MARIA mi esposa se llama 

Maria S 

culu't (mex. colotl) alacran A F M 
colme'n (mex. queman ?) hace poco tiempo S 

colme'n nola'c vino hace poco tiempo S 

icolme'n yac se fue hace poco tiempo S 

colme'n quizc sali6 hace poco tiempo S 
ctza; ctze imp.; coze, ctzec p.; ctzez f. (mex. 

quetza) levantar F M S 

az ue'l noctza'n no se puede levantar S 

xmoctze' jparate! F M 

te ncoctze'c ien que pise? S 

enmoco'zc me levante S 

nui' ncoctze'z nocha'n voy a parar a mi 
casa S 

az nconqui' timoctze' z no quiero levantarme 

FM 
(to) ctze' (mex. quetza) platicar F M S 

totactze' hablas F M 

xtactze' jhabla! S 

tacoztu'c esta platicando F M S (dacus, 
tagustuc, Apolonio Rosario) 

totacoztu'c estamos platicando S, estas 
platicando S 

ntacoztu'c neba' estoy platicando aqui S 
g'lazt (mex. quilaztli) mujer A F Fr Jo M 
Mr P S (claxtl, Apolonio Rosario) 

quig'lazqui't mujeres P S 

omeme't quig'lazqui't dos mujeres P 

nog'la'zt mi esposa Fr Jo 

g'lazpo'l muchacha A 
(to) g'lua' (mex. cuiloa) escribir S 

tag'lutu'c esta escribiendo S 

xtag'luti' Describe! S 

huhio'm (mex. uei) grande F Fr Jo M Mr S 
hulu' imp.; hulu'c p. (mex. oilia) pepenar, 1 
recoger, separar S 

xihulu' na teyu'l \ pepena el maiz S ! 

1 Vease Cecilio A. Robelo, Dicionario de Aztequis- 
mos (Cuernavaca, 1904), p. 632. 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



encuhulu'c lo pepene S 
leca' jvente! A Ep Fr Jo Mr PS 
lipu' bule F Fr Jo M Mr calabazo con 

cintura 1 (mex. ilpia atar ?) 
(lyu) (mex. [no] yollo) coraz6n Mr S (noliu, 

Apolonio Rosario) 
CLQO'C tamoca' nolyu' mucho me duele el 

coraz6n S 

luxalyu' (castellano rosario) Fr Jo S 
noluxalyu' mi rosario Fr S 

CASTELLANO-POCHUTLA 

abrir Upu' 

aca quineba' (quin) 

acabar temi' 

acordarse calamqui' (nocho 1 ) 

acostarse teque' (ixna'c) 

adentro toe (ma, metze', quet). Vease EN 

agua at (meca, toe, nixtu'n, ca) 

aguacate aueque't 

ahijado Vltzin 

ahora naco' (at, ui'tz) ; nacona' (te) ; conaco' 

alas yajai' 

alacran culu't (tzupine') 

algodon oxque't (meca) 

alii ma (ato'lc, aci', ui', ui'ts, yect, pen, toe, nocho', 

quet, quifa') 
amar sousongui 
ancho pate'c 
;anda! ca (ui) 
andar agueneumi 
anoche ogiie'l (apeco', pen, penu'c) 
antier icualgua' (igualgua' ?) 
apagar tzeue', ceue' (?) 
apestar iye'c 
apretar pechu' 
aqu! neba' (ayago 1 , apeco', aci', oco'c, penu'c, guala'c, 

quet) 

4rbol quagu't 
arco escocu'l 
asar ixque' (qua) 
asf qui na (quin) 
atar ilpi' 
atizar totoqui' 
atole etu'l (boz) 
ayer algua' 
ayudar petebi' (ac) 
bailar moludi's 
bajar d'mu 
banco quagu't (ixna'c, teque') 

1 Vease Cecilio A. Robelo, Dicionario de Aztequis- 
mos, Apendice, p. 2. 



banar mohue', mamui' 
barba (tzo'n) 
barrer tachapane' 
bastante mie'c 

no bastante tu'chi 
beber temi' (meca') 
bien uli'c (ui') 
bianco chupe'c 
blando totoini' 
boca ten (moca 1 ) 
Bombax Ceiba pochu't 
borracho unti' (afo'c, na) 
bramar tetoa' (yut) 
brazo (mai) 
bueno uli'c (chua 1 , quet) 
buenos dlas ay te' 
bule lipu' 

buscar temoa' (ampa, ya, te) 
caballo cayu' 
cabeza quail (moca') 
caer otz (ui', ma) 
caim&n te'ipo 
calabaza eyu't 
calentura tune'l 
caliente tune'l (na) 
cama tepo'xt (ui', tzulu') 
camar6n achiquelo'm 
camino ot'ca'n 
camisa tzocl (tali') 
cansado cyeui' 
cantar cuique 
cantaro cumt 
cara ixt 

carcel quagu't (apeco') 
cargar mama' 

carne neque't (ina') ; tutu't (cua) 
carrizo aque't 
carta ame't 

casa chan (antu', bia, tu'chi, qua, quet, ctza) 
casarse namocti' (ili', ic, te) 
ceniza noxt (mote 1 , tachapane') 
cerrar tzecue' 
cinco macui'l 
cocido ecfo'c 
coger ma (ui', yect) 
colgar pib'lu' 
comadre cumale'u 
comal coma'l 

comer qua (antu', anye'n, ixque', nqui) 
comezon coxqui' 
como quern (penu'c) 
compadre cumpale'u 
comprar cua' (qua); f,alu' 
con ca (uluni 1 , pib'lu', tzupine', nen) 
conmigo ca nen (ca) 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



contar po 

coraz6n lyu (ampa, a$o'c) 

correr telu'z 

corriente del rfo chicala't 

cortar tzucua' (opquet) 

cosa te (ah na) 

coser tzoma' 

costal quanco'ch 

coyote coyu'd 

criatura cone't (pue', meca', na) 

(icuando? ic (ui', te, namocti', guala'c) ; tico'n (ui 1 ) 

^cuantos? quizco'm (oco'xt, bia', meca', tuque'c, 

chan) 

cuatro nayo'm (bia') 
cuero cuete'xt 

culebra cue't (afo'c, ui', unyo'c, ce, quet) 
culo tup 

cura totollzi'n (ui'tz, guala'c) 
chiflar (icoz-) 
chile Ml 
chocolate chucula't 

dar ma; meca' (ah na, ac, mie'c, te, ce, nixtu'n) 
debajo ite'nc (quet) 

decir iti (igiie'n, caxani'); nuca' (ac, te, quin) 
delgado ptzec 
desatar toma' 
despacio yuli'c (caxani') 
despues tiome'n (ay te') 
destapar tepu' 
dia tune'l 
diez matu 

dinero tumi'n (ayago', ampa, po, bia') 
dios tog 

doler moca' (afo'c, lyu) ; cocoa' (ampa) 
donde ca (ui') ; campa' 
dormir cochi' (ui', mue'n, nen, nqui) 
dos ome'm (bia', ma [dar], tito't, g'lazt) 
dulce otca'i 
duro chique'c 
echar 602; (contze) ; uluni' 
el na 

el igiie'n (ampa, nen, nqui, ca) 
elote elu't 

tortilla de elote (xamt, meca') 
ella. Vease EL (iti) 
embarazada uzti' (na) 
empezar peu'c 
en toe (apeco', uluni', ma [allf]); nac; ic (teque 1 ); 

pen (ogue'l) 
enagua (cueil) 
encontrar aci' (ma [allf]) 
enfermo cocoa' (ay te', az, ampa) 
enojarse teue' 
ensenar mexti' (ac, meti) 
entonces ah na 



entrar apeco' (ogue'l, neba') 
envolver pib'lu' 
es quet (tu'chi) 
escoba (tachapane') 
esconderse ya (ampa) 
escribir g'lua' 
escupir choch 
ese ina' (name'l) ma 
ese na (ac, ina') 
eso na (tune'l) 
espalda d'botz (cyeui') 
espantarse fute' 
esperar che (aci') 
espina ui'zti (apeco') 
esposa giie'l (te, cul) ; g'lazt 
espuma puQone'l 

esta quet (ato'lc, na, cug'li', uli'c, pen, ma [alii], tup, 
toxt, neba', naco', toe, na, nac, xuV quic,a') 

esta en pie mougui' 

esta echado unyo'c 
este ina' (ixi'c) ; name'l 
faja quaxa'xt 
flor xucho't (name'l) 
frente ixt; ixna'c 
frio pina'; cug'li'; cayivima 
fuego let (tzeue 1 ) 
fuera ato'lc (quica 1 ) 
fusil quagu't 

gallina tila'n (bia, modi', na) 
golpear pig'li' 
gotear taxiquetuc 
grande huhio'm (chan) 
gritar tatzi' 
grueso cope'c 
guajalote toto'l 
guardar queue' 
gusano ug'lo'm 
hablar tetoa'; ctze (ac) 
hacer chua' (te, fampe', quane') 
hace poco tiempo naco' 
hambre naquac,amqui' ; (ampa) 
hay unyo'c (aqo'c, neba') ; que't (ma) 

no hay ayago' (nintega 1 ) 
hermana iuit; (pima'); (nutza') 
hermano (bu); chol 
hervir molu'nc 

hijo b'l (ampa, bia', mac, chuca') 
hilar tzaue'z (meca') 
hilo opque't (tzupua) 
hoja xut 

hombre teque't (ina', ma [alii], na) ; oco'xt 
horraiga tzique't 
hoy naco' 
Huatulco Uetu'l 
huele chucha'c 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



hueso ot 

huesos quemados tice't 

huevo tito't (ome'm, bia', ma [dar], tot) 

huipil quexque'mt 

humo apoto'ct (quice 1 ) 

huso malage'u (quizco'm) 

iglesia tiope'n (pen) 

iguana cuixo'm 

iguana verde totoli't 

ir ui' (ay te', ampa, ate'n) 

jab6n xabo' 

jicalpezte pebe't 

jtcara oxca'zt (ma [dar], tuque'c) 

lado I/mil 

ladrar tatzi' 

lagarto te'ipo 

lagartija quala't 

lamer pelu' 

lavar peque' (yulicyuli'c) 

lavar mohue' 

lejos giieque' 

lengua nenepi'l 

lefta quagu't 

levantar tqui; ctza (ue'l) 

limpiar pue' 

lo me (mama'c) 

lodo tal (bia) 

luna meti 

llamar nutza' 

llevar tqui (eti') 

llorar chuca' (ampa, at, te, na) 

lluvia yect (ui', ui'tz, ma [tomar]) 

machete meche't (temoa') 

madre ye (ayago', Ui, pig'li', meti', cul, cocoa') 

madrina nan 

maduro ecfo'c 

maguey micui'x 

maiz teyu'l (az, ui', tuque'c, cua) 

malacate malague'u (quizco'm) 

mano mat (tati 1 , tzupine', cocoa') 

manana quago' (az, ui', ui'tz, peque', quet) ; nobegu'c 

man. in. i, pasado guecha'l 
mar at 

marido giie' (ampa) 
masa toxt 

matar modi' (ca [con], na) 
mazorca totomo'xt; (.on (poxce'z) 
mear xixe'z 
medio dfa tacane'l 
menear uluni' 
mentir dasupua 
metate mot (mai) 
mierda cute't 
milpa mil (bia', ita') 
mio nobe'c 



mirar ita' (ampa, az, name'l, ce, cone't) 

mojar aue'c 

moler tofo' (ui') 

morir moc (ampa, nocho', chuca) 

mosca moyu't 

mover uluni' 

muchacha g'lazt 

muchacho cone't (ina', ixi'c, na) 

mucho afo'c (aue'c, ampa, unyo'c, ug'li', bia', teue', 

tacho'm, neba', cochi', cuizca', cue't, quet) 
mugre tal 
mujer g'lazt (na) 
murcielago tzinaca' 

muy afo'c (etiote'c, eueta'c, ina', tayua', tune'l, lyu) 
nacer tzintu'c 
nada nintega' (ayago') 
Nahuatl nagua'l 
nariz yeque't 

nino cone't (az, entzute'c, ita', na, chuca') 
no az (ampa, ayago', ay te', aci', eti', ita', iti, igue'n, 

ui', ue'l, ui'tz, uluni', bia', pig'li', meti', meca', 

tali', cau, namocti', nqui, nen, nintega', nocho' 

calamqui', quet, quequi', qua, cua', cochi', cocoa', 

ctza) ; ayago'; ay te' (az) 
noche ogiiel (apeco') 
nombre cul (giiel) 
nosotros tue'n (bia', nqui) 
nube pixt (?) 

Oaxaca Uaxe'c (anye'n, meti') 
ocote oco't (na) 
oido neque'zt (tzecue) 
oir quequi' 
ojo ixtotolu't 
olla apa'zt (ite'nc, yuli'c, uluni', ma [all! peque', 

pelu', toe, na, xama'nc, quet) 
olvidar yactangui 
ombligo xict 
once mateesu 
oreja neque'zt 
orita (ahorita) naco'; nime'n; (aci', ui'tz); tiume'n 

(meca') 

obscurecer tayua' 
otra vez fampe' 
padre (tecu') (ina', ixi'c, ui') 
padrino (tal) 
pagar lagiii'c (guala'c) 
palo quagu't (uluni', pen, ma [dar], tzupine', ca 

[con], ce) 
pan pan 

pane payo'; tzoct (ig'ti 1 ) 
papel ame't 
parecido ixi'c (ina') 
parir taquechu'c; pizc 
pasar penu'c (quern) 
pasearse paxalu- 



NO. I 



EL DIALECTO MEXICANO DE POCHUTLA, OAXACA 



43 



pecho tipe'n 

peine tzucua'zt 

peinar tzucui'z 

pelo tzon 

pene eel 

pensar nuca' 

pepenar hulu' 

pequeno nixtu'n (bid 1 ) ; tu'chi (quet) 

perder polu'c 

perro tacho'm (ac.o'c, iye'c, tutuca', neba') 

pesado eti' 

pescado micho'm 

pescuezo coxt 

peso milyu' (ce) ; tumi'n (nuca') 

petate b'tet; pot 

picar tzupine' 

pie xo- (apeco', ma [tomar], ca [con]) 

piedra tot (mote') 

piedra para moler chile chilto't 
piel cuele'xt 
piojo ato'mt 
pizcar poxque'z 

platano quaxilu't (ixque', xui', chua', qua) 
platicar cozlu'c, ctza (nen) 
poco nixtu'n (meca 1 ) 
Pochutla Cuenatla'n 
poder ue'l (ctza [levantar]) 
polio tila'n (az) 
poner tali' (apeco') 
poquito nixtu'n 

porque ampa (ayago', etiote'c, ya, chuca') 
por que te (ampa, unti', chuca') 
potro cayu' 
preguntar tatenli' 
prepucio xipu'n 

pronto tutuca' (ate'n) leca' (vease VENIR) 
pueblo at'be't (meli', te) 
puerco cuchi' 
puma micilu't 
purgar apitze'z 
que te (ayago', az, iti, bia', temoa', tali', naco', caxani', 

chua', tzecue', nqui, nuca', ctze [levantar], cul, 

gue'l) 

quebrar xama'nc (apa'zt, na) 
quedarse cau (nixtu'n) 
quemar tali' (na) 
querer nqui (az, igiie'n, ui', te, tali', nuca', nintega', 

nen, cochi', qua, ctza [levantar]) 
quien ac (petebi 1 , meti', meca', nuca') 
rascar quane' 
real milyu' 
rebozo payo' (pib'lu 1 ) 
reir (manli) 

rfo ate'n (penu'c, nac, quem) 
corriente del rio chicala't 



robar taxto'c 

rosario luxalyu' 

saber meti' (ce) 

sacar quixi' 

sacudir tzulu' 

sal ozte't 

salir quifa' (ato'lc, colme'n) 

saliva choch 

sanar caxani' (yuli'c) 

sangre ezt 

seco (ua'c) (aue'c) 

seis chucoce' 

sembrar tuque'c (ui') 

semejante ixi'c 

semilla (axt) 

sentarse metze' (toe) 

servir cau 

si ni (az, ui'tz) 

sobre pen (ma) ; tacpa'c 

sol tune'l (apeco', quic,a') 

solo ce (meti, cau) 

sonar (tzilini) 

soplar pitze 

subir tecu' (pen) 

suyo (bee) 

tabanco tepo'xt (pen) 

tamal picl (namig'li') 

tarde etiote'c, teote'c 

tecolote tecolo't 

tejer ig'ti' 

tenate tupi'l 

tener ba, bia' (ampa, az, ome'm, tila'n, tue'n, te, na, 

nixtu'n, ca [donde], chan, quizco'm) 
testi'culo (tit) 

tiempo, hace poco colme'n (ampa) 
tierno z'li (tzintu'c) 
tierra tal 
tigre tiquani' 
tirar mote 
tizne til (nocho 1 ) 
tizon quagu't (tzeue 1 ) 
todo nocho' (ui', polu'c, moc, meti', na, xama'nc, 

calamqui') 

tomar ma (ome'm, na) 
tomate tome't 
tortilla xamt (meca', tzecue', quet) 

tortilla, hacer contze 
tortuga ayu't 
trabajar tocdoz 

traer ui'tz (naco') ; mo; cuizca' (?) 
traje tzoct (bia', tali') 
trece matu eyem 
tres eyo'm (bia', tuque'c) 
trueno tagmum 



44 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



tu mue'n (ampa, ac, unti', meca', te, no, nuca, cochi', 

ilpi', cul) 
uno ce (apeco', az, ig'ti', uluni', penu'c, ma [tomar], 

meca', modi' , nuca' , tzupine', ca [con], qua) 

11 M.I OXt 

ivamonos! antu' (ate'n, quagu't) 

veinte semibuel 

veinticinco c.umpe'1 magiii'l; cemengiii'l; fumpa'n 
magiii'l 

venado mega't (mocti 1 ) 

vender namig'li' 

venir ui'tz (az, yect, ma [alii], nime'n); guala'c 
(algua 1 , ic, tiome'n, meca', colme'n); leca' (antu', 
metze', neba', tutuca', quin). Vease PRONTO 



ver ita' (ampa, az, meca', mue'n) 

verde xui' (chua) 

vergiienza, tener pinaua' 

viejo picho't (ina') ; eueta'c 

viento yut 

volar pata'nc (') 

vomitar entzute'c 

vulva chibilu' 

yo nen (ampa, eti', icoz-, ui', mohue, meti', ita', 

tofo', teue, temoa', tqui, nuca', ca [con], cau, ce, 

qua, cochi', qui(a') 
zapote tzepo't 
zopilote tzupilu't, cuzt 



NO. I 



A SILETZ VOCABULARY 



45 



A SILETZ VOCABULARY 
By LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 



THE dialect spoken by the Indian tribe that 
lived on the Siletz River prior to the establish- 
ment of the Siletz Indian Reservation (1856) 
represents the most southern branch of the 
Salish linguistic family. The origin of the 
word "Siletz" was for a long time a puzzle to 
the students of Indian linguistics. The most 
frequent explanation that was put forth was, 
that it represented a corrupted form of the 
name "Saint Celestine." This explanation 
seemed quite plausible, in view of the fact 
that the earliest white people that came in 
contact with these Indians were Catholic 
missionaries. I myself considered this ety- 
mology correct up to the time of my recent 
trip to the Grande Ronde Reservation. While 
stopping at Devil's Lake (situated three miles 
north of the Siletz River), I was informed 
that this lake and also the Siletz River were 
known as Silet Lake and Silet River respec- 
tively. Further inquiries proved that the 
word "Silet" is of Athapascan origin, meaning 
"Black Bear" (compare Rogue River Sili't 
and Tutu'-tunneS^i'i). This explanation of 
the word "Siletz" is more correct than the 
former etymology, for two reasons, first, 
because of the established fact that in a 
majority of cases the names for Indian 
tribes, localities, etc., are not native; and, 
secondly, because of the fact that to this day 
many black bears are found in the woods 
near the mouth of the Siletz River, hence I 
have no hesitation in accepting the word 
"Siletz" as of Athapascan origin. 

The following material was obtained in 
1910 from Susan Fuller, an old Indian woman 
living on the Siletz Reservation. It is quite 
possible that many of the terms of relation- 
ship obtained from her include the possessive 
pronouns; but I had no means of verifying 
this suspicion, because of the fact that she 



was the only Siletz Indian, and that she 
spoke very little English. I have therefore 
put down the words obtained from her 
without any changes, leaving the correct 
grammatical analysis to the students of 
Salishan linguistics. 



SOUNDS. 
a, e, i, o, u 
a, e, i, B, u 
at, au, eu 
ai 
a 



f, u" . . . 

g . . . . 

t, k, ts, tc . . 

q . . . . 

k', ts' . . . 

t',9' 

tl, ts!, let, k'l, q! 

x . . . . 

s . . . . 

c . . . . 



n 
I 

L 

t 



h, y, w 



NUMERALS. 
tsxai, one 
hEsd'lt, two 
tcana't, three 
lawu's, four 
tslxus, five 



short vowels of continental values. 

long vowels of continental values. 

short diphthongs. 

long diphthong. 

as in German wdhlen. 

obscure vowel. 

whispered vowel. 

nasalized vowels. 

sonant stop. 

unaspirated surds. 

velar k. 

palatalized surds. 

aspirated t and q. 

explosives. 

like ch in German Bach. 

as in English. 

like sh in English she. 

as in English. 

like / in English lure. 

vocalized n. 

spirant lateral. 

surd lateral. 

glottal stop. 

aspiration. 

as in English. 

stress accent. 



yilha'tci, six 
t'tdo'ls, seven 
t'qd'tci, eight 
lEyu' 1 , nine 
laha'*tcis, ten 



TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP. 
tata's, mother 
wawu'a's, father 
ci'guts, older sister 
su'qles, elder brother 
xehcfs, grandfather 



4 6 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS. 



VOL. I 



qe'na's, grandmother 
tawu'na's, son 
lcita*s, daughter 

/ grandson 
\ granddaughter 
st'la's, grandchild 
swad'ls, paternal uncle 
qe'sa's, maternal uncle 
/ paternal aunt 
tcats> \ maternal aunt 
nd'tclti, father-in-law 
tatsd'lcis, mother-in-law 
tasti'au'in, brother-in-law 
sister-in-law 
f son-in-law 
\ daughter-in-law 
son of elder brother 
son of younger brother 
daughter of elder brother 
daughter of younger brother 
son of older sister 
son of younger sister 
daughter of older sister 
daughter of younger sister 
taskd'tslis, relatives after death of person 
caused a relationship 



sux*sl'xis, 
snd'tcltf, 

sliga'lc, 



that 



PARTS OF THE HUMAN 
xa'lxal, head 
waq'i'n, hair 
wa'qsin, nose 
tintlana's, ear 
ttEd'ls, forehead 
kunai'sun, eyebrow 
tsitsi'n, lip 
tasl'linu", tooth 
wil'ya*, tongue 
t'lcld'satci, index-finger 
t'qe'tci, middle finger 
tslxus, little finger 

ANIMALS. 

asai'yshaL, coyote 
talya'cl, panther 
si'yu, grizzly bear 
tluntcdi's?, black bear 
xqax, cinnamon bear 
IsEa'ha'f, wolf 
tasqa'qai, fox 
u'xudltsi'nu, coon 
a'lf'u', wildcat 

NOUNS. 

tskak'leu', coals 
tasnd''win, house 



BODY. 

llyu 1 ', second finger 

from last 

ta't'and'tci, thumb 
qtaxd'tct, finger-nail 
tlEtca''saus, neck 
tasha'niliP, arm 
t'inha'ksdtci, shoulder 
ci'yEcin, knee 
I'cfts, leg 
o'tsinali'kas, breast 
ntsttls, rib 
ylnka's, heart 

si'sxqlu", eagle 
ka'katlatci, buzzard 
kEki'ki, screech-owl 
ahd'lu, salmon 
qElu", Chinook salmon 
cecia'wal, silver-side sal- 
mon 
tasni'c, salmon-trout 



qalqa'l, ashes 



SILETZ, ORE., 

September. 1913. 



NO. I 



UNCLASSIFIED LANGUAGES OF THE SOUTHEAST 



47 



UNCLASSIFIED [LANGUAGES OF THE SOUTHEAST 
By JOHN R. SWANTON 



IN Bulletin 43 of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology I undertook a classification of the 
Indian tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley 
and the adjacent coast of the Gulf of Mexico, 
based on known or indicated similarities in 
their languages; and in another paper, now 
practically completed, I have attempted the 
same work for those between the area first 
covered and the Atlantic Ocean. Here I 
intend merely to indicate a few of the more 
important results, and to list the languages 
which I have so far been unable to classify 
with certainty, in order to put the present 
status of the subject on record. 

So far, my work reveals no new stock 
language; nor does it indicate the likelihood 
of finding any, except in one region, southern 
Florida. Some years ago Mooney called 
attention to the fact that there was not 
sufficient evidence on which to extend the 
Timuquanan family over the southern part 
of the peninsula. In the first place, the tribes 
called "Timucua" by the Spaniards never 
included those south of Tampa Bay and Cape 
Canaveral; and, secondly, although we have 
scarcely any linguistic material from the 
South Florida tribes, a comparison of the 
place-names in the two areas shows striking 
differences. At the same time, they seem to 
indicate that South Floridians the Caloosa, 
Ais, Tekesta, and their neighbors were 
related to each other, the differences between 
them being probably only dialectic. Other 
evidence points toward a connection between 
all of these and the tribes of the Muskhogean 
family; but definite classification must wait 
upon further discoveries, which can hardly 
be outside of manuscripts, since there is small 
ground for hope that any speakers of the old 
Florida languages have survived to the present 
day. If a Muskhogean connection were 



actually established, an interesting question 
would at once arise as to how it came about 
that the Muskhogean stock was cut in two by 
a people entirely distinct from it, or only very 
remotely related. 

All of the other tribes which history reveals 
to us as living in the Southeast probably 
belonged to the stocks already recognized. 
In the majority of cases we can prove this, 
or at least show its extreme likelihood; but 
there are a few tribes whose position is uncer- 
tain. I will review them briefly. 

Beginning at the northeast, the first 
problematical tribe is the Coree, which lived 
about Cape Lookout and Core Sound, on the 
coast of North Carolina. In this neighbor- 
hood three stocks met. Northward began 
that fringe of Algonquian peoples which 
extended unbrokenly to the St. Lawrence, 
south were Siouan tribes on Cape Fear River, 
and inland the Iroquoian Tuscarora. So far, 
I am aware of but one fragment of evidence 
bearing on the affinities of the Coree. This is 
dropped incidentally by Lawson, who says: 
"I once met with a young Indian woman that 
had been brought from beyond the mountains, 
and was sold a slave into Virginia. She spoke 
the same language as the Coramine [Coree], 
that dwell near Cape Lookout, allowing for 
some few words, which were different, yet no 
otherwise than that they might understand 
one another very well." 1 

If any theory may be based upon this, it 
seems to exclude the Siouan connection and to 
point to Iroquoian relationship, the Iroquois 
having been the principal enemies of the 
tribes of this area. 

The Pascagoula of the river which now 
bears their name cannot be placed with 

1 Lawson, History of North Carolina, 280. 



4 8 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



certainty, because, while they were always 
closely associated with the Siouan Biloxi, 
they are just as constantly distinguished from 
them. Their name, which signifies "Bread 
People," is from Choctaw or a related dialect. 
This circumstance, contrasted with the fact 
that Biloxi is a corruption of the proper 
Siouan term for that tribe, along with some 
additional bits of evidence, have led the 
writer to consider the Pascagoula Muskho- 
gean, but the proof is insufficient. 

The Grigra, or Gri, formed a distinct 
village among the Natchez Indians; but Du 
Pratz states that they were an alien people, 
whose language was distinguished by the use 
of a well-developed r. 1 From the fact that 
they sharedthis peculiarity with four neighbor- 
ing tribes, the Tunica, Yazoo, Koroa, and 
Tiou, while it was absolutely wanting from 
the tongues of the other people of that section, 
I have, in Bulletin 43, assigned all of these 
conjecturally to one stock, called from the 
only recorded language Tunican. At the time 
when I wrote the above work, my argument 
was rather weak, because the association 
between the five tribes was based merely on 
circumstantial evidence, albeit rather strong 
evidence of that class. Recently, however, my 
attention has been called to the following 
important statement in the "Journal of Diron 
d'Artaguette," under date of Jan. 14, 1723: 
"We summoned the Natchez chiefs to supply 
us with provisions, which they agreed to do; 
also the chief of the Tyous. This is a small 
nation which has its village a league to the 
south of the [Natchez] fort. This nation is not 
very large, consisting of only 50 men bearing 
arms. It has the same language as the 
Thonniquas [Tunica], and does not differ from 
them in any way as to customs." 2 

This strengthens the whole case very 
considerably, since circumstantial evidence 

1 Du Pratz, HistoiredeLa Louisiane (1758), 2: 222- 
226. 

'Travels in American Colonies (ed. by Mereness), 
46. 



connecting Yazoo and Koroa with Tunica 
was stronger than that linking Tiou and 
Tunica, until the discovery of this reference. 
Nevertheless, Grigra still remains somewhat 
in doubt, since the tribe cannot be traced 
back to Yazoo River, like all of the others of 
the stock, and Du Pratz tells us that it united 
with the Natchez earlier than the Tiou. 

The Opelousa lived west of the Mississippi, 
near the place which perpetuates their name. 
Although this name is in Choctaw, the tribe 
certainly was not Muskhogean. It is always 
referred to as allied with the Chitimacha and 
Atakapa, but rather with the latter than the 
former. For this reason I have placed it 
provisionally in the Atakapan stock, but 
absolute proof is wanting. 

The Okelousa, or "Black Water" people, 
not to be confused with the preceding, are 
mentioned seldom. They seem, however, to 
be associated with the Houma, who are known 
to have been of Muskhogean stock, and hence 
I have so classed them. 

The Bidai were on and near a western 
branch of the middle Trinity River, Texas, 
called after them. The word is perhaps 
Caddo, but evidence collected by Professor 
H. E. Bolton from the Spanish archives points 
to a connection with the Atakapan stock. 

A great many tribes, and probably dialects 
as well, have been exterminated throughout 
southern Texas, but there is as yet no evidence 
that any of these was divergent enough to be 
given an independent position. In fact, 
relationships are rather indicated between 
the bodies now rated independent. 

It is gratifying to the writer to find that of 
three cases in which proof of relationship has 
come to light since the publication of Bulletin 
43, the writer's hypothesis, based on circum- 
stantial evidence or slight indications, was 
established in two cases and disproved in but 
one, the case for which was exceptionally 
weak. One of these was the status of the 
Tiou Indians, which has already been con- 
sidered. Another was the position of the 



NO. I 



UNCLASSIFIED LANGUAGES OF THE SOUTHEAST 



49 



Akokisa. My belief that this tribe, or group 
of tribes, belonged to the Atakapan stock, 
has been absolutely confirmed by the dis- 
covery of a vocabulary of forty-five words in 
an unpublished manuscript among the valu- 
able documents in the Edward E. Ayer 
collection at the Newberry Library, Chicago. 
This vocabulary, and an equally valuable 
Karankawa vocabulary in the same manu- 
script, will be reproduced and fully discussed in 
a future number of this Journal. From a second 
document in the Ayer collection I obtained, 
however, a correction of my position regarding 
the classification of two little tribes on Bayou 
La Fourche, near the mouth of the Mississippi, 
the Washa and Chawasha. These I had 
considered Muskhogean; but the author of 
the document just alluded to, who seems to 
have been none other than Bienville, and 
should therefore know whereof he writes, not 
only states that these tribes have always 
spoken almost the same language ("ont 
toujours par!6 presque la meme langue"), but 



begins his account of the Chitimacha by 
saying that the Tchioutimachas, who live 
six leagues from the Houmas on the left bank 
of the river, are of the same genius and the 
same character as the Tchaouachas and the 
Ouachas, with whom they have always been 
allied, and who also speak almost the same 
language ("Les Tchioutimachas qui demeur- 
ent a six lieiies des Houmas sur la gauche du 
fleuue sont du me'me genie, et du meme 
caractere que les Tchaouachas, et les Ouachas 
auxquels ils ont toujours et6 alliez, et dont ils 
parlent aussy presque la meme langue"). 

This carries the stock boundary of the 
Chitimacha eastward over all of Bayou La 
Fourche and as far as the mouths of the 
Mississippi. 

In general, it may be said that the number, 
position, and boundaries of all of the linguistic 
groups of the Southeast, at least those east- 
ward of the Mississippi River, are now satis- 
factorily established, such lacunae as exist 
being small and of little apparent importance. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
WASHINGTON, D.C. 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



NOTES ON ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES l 
By TRUMAN MICHELSON 



NOTES ON Fox VERBAL COMPOSITION. 
I have tried to show in the "American 
Anthropologist" (N. s., 15: 473 et seq.) that the 
very great firmness in the verbal complex was 
more apparent than real. In the present paper 
I propose to emphasize a special feature which 
escaped me at the time; namely, that what I 
have termed "incorporation" should rather be 
called "loose composition," for it is desirable to 
restrict the word "incorporation" to such cases 
as lose their word-forming elements in the 
verbal complex. In the above-mentioned paper 
I have given some examples which clearly 
show that such elements are not lost in the 
Fox verbal complex; but, to bring this out 
more patently, it may be well to amplify 
the material. The examples are all taken 
from my unpublished texts, with a few ex- 
ceptions which are from Jones's "Fox Texts." 
The phonetic system employed is that of 
Jones; but I should state, that, after several 
seasons' field-work with the Foxes, I am 
convinced that this system is inadequate in a 
number of important points. As long as this 
paper does not deal with purely phonetic 
problems, however, it is justifiable to use a 
known system rather than confuse the reader 
with a new transcription of the same language. 
The sections () referred to are those of the 
Algonquian sketch in the "Handbook of 
American Indian Languages." Jones's "Fox 
Texts" 2 and "Kickapoo Tales" 3 are quoted 
respectively "J." and "J. Kickapoo," followed 
by reference to page and line. 

A good illustration of this looseness in 
composition is a'pdnuwlpitwdWAnaiyouiatc' 

THEN THEY CEASED USING THEIR TEETH. 

Observe that uwipitwawAri THEIR TEETH 

1 Printed with permission of the Secretary of the 
Smithsonian Institution. 

2 William Jones, Fox Texts (PAES l). 

* William Jones, Kickapoo Tales (PAES 9). 



occurs in the middle of a verbal complex, but 
suffers no elimination of the pronominal 
elements u wdWAn' ( 45) beyond that of the 
terminal ', which would be lost also if we had 
to deal with a verbal stem. The initial ai oj 
the stem aiyo is responsible for this alone, 
exactly as is the initial u of uwlpitwawAn' for 
the loss of the terminal i of the stem poni 
CESSATION (see 1 6). Such a loss is not 
comparable with the elimination of terminal 
w of nouns before the possessive suffix m: 
e.g., ketugimamenanAg' * OUR [inclusive] CHIEFS 
(J. 62.22) as contrasted with ugimdw a 
CHIEF, the " of which is a suffix showing that 
the noun is singular and animate; and with 
the denominative ugimawis" HE WOULD HAVE 
BECOME CHIEF (J. 26. 1 6), in which i is the 
copula, and s is the verbal pronoun of the 
potential subjunctive third person animate 
singular ( 30). Had we true cases like this in 
verbal complexes, we should call them 
"incorporations." Examples like ki'u'tugi- 
mdmipen" THOU SHALT BE CHIEF TO us (J. 8.3) 
do not count; for tugimam is simply abstracted 
from the possessed noun, and then verbalized 
in the manner shown in the above-mentioned 
paper. A supposed case in which certain 
elements were thought to be eliminated 
(American Anthropologist, 15 : 473) has 
turned out to be erroneous. The error was 
induced by two factors; namely, a mistrans- 

4 A word like netugimdm" MY CHIEF, reconstructed 
by myself, but absolutely certain in formation (cf. the 
Kickapoo vocative netogimame o MY CHIEF! [J. 
Kickapoo 86.17, 26]), would bring this out more clearly. 
The difference in the vowel-quantities, supported by 
Kickapoo, is unexplained. The elimination of w 
before the possessive suffix m occurs also in Cree, 
Ojibwa, and Algonkin; very probably also in other 
Algonquian dialects. Lacombe has a completely 
wrong explanation. Owing to phonetic laws, the state 
of affairs in Ojibwa and Algonkin is largely disguised. 



NO. I 



NOTES ON ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES 



lation on the part of an interpreter, and a 
faulty phonetic restoration on my part. 

In the paper mentioned above I also stated 
that incorporation of the nominal object did 
not occur. 1 It does not if we follow the 
argument of the preceding paragraph; we do 
find loose composition- wherein the objective 
noun is in the midst of a verbal complex. The 
example of the preceding paragraph is 
absolutely parallel to ne,pydtciketdnesawdpA- 
mdpen" WE HAVE COME TO SEE THY DAUGH- 
TER. 2 In this verbal complex, ketanes" THY 
DAUGHTER is treated precisely as it would be 
in a sentence before a word beginning with a 
consonant. If I am asked to define under 
what circumstances the nominal object is 
within the verbal compound and when 
without it, I candidly admit I do not know, 
any more than I know under precisely what 
conditions particles, independent pronouns 
(see below), and so on, occur within or without 
the verbal complex. I say this, after going 
over hundreds of pages of Fox texts; and 
it is precisely this inability to define the 
conditions that leads me to believe in an ex- 
treme looseness of structure: that is, for the 
greater part there are no hard and fast rules. 

To go on with examples. An example 
where a locative singular of a noun is in a 
verbal complex without losing the locative- 
making element is pwdwaskutdgipAgise' kA- 

mdn' THAT I DID NOT JAM MY FOOT IN THE 

FIRE (J. 306.21). Here askutagi IN THE FIRE 
is between two verbal stems. 

The following are some cases in which 
independent personal pronouns are found in 
the heart of verbal compounds: initcd 1 ' 
ivl'utcindnlndnatdpwe'tondg e THAT VERILY is 

WHY WE SHALL BELIEVE YOU (mndn" WE 

1 For recent discussions of nominal incorporation 
in American Indian languages, see Boas, Handbook 
of American Indian Languages, Part I. (BBAE 
40: 74, 75); Putnam Anniversary Volume, 436; 
Sapir, AA N. s., 13 : 250-282; Kroeber, XVI Internal. 
Amerikanisten-Kongress, 569-576; AA N. s., 13 : 577- 

584- 

1 See Journ. Wash. Acad. Sc., 4 : 405. 



excl., 44), ketcagimegukinwdwakegApihenepw a 
dme'tosdneniwite'kdsoydgw 1 i HAVE PLACED IT 

ALL FOR YOU WHO ARE CALLED MORTALS (kitl- 

wawP YOU, 44), klwicigimegune' kinwdwapese- 
tawipen" YOU ARE TO LISTEN VERY ATTENTIVELY 
TO us (kinwdw* YOU, 44). From these it 
appears that not only subjective, but objec- 
tive, independent pronouns may occur in the 
midst of a verbal compound. It should be 
noticed that the presence of the independent 
pronouns does not in the least affect the 
verbal pronouns (for -ndg e see 29 ; for ke 
nepw, 28; for ki ipen", 28). It is to be 
noted that in all cases a particle occurs before 
the independent pronoun. Whether this will 
turn out to be an unvarying rule, I do not 
know. 

Instances of demonstrative pronouns occur- 
ring in verbal complexes without suffering the 
loss of such terminal elements as show 
animateness or inanimateness, and singularity 
or plurality, are: kicinakAnone'k' AFTER THAT 
ONE HAS TOLD THEE (ktci-, kAno-, 16; Ina, 
47; n, 21, but conventionalized [American 
Anthropologist,^. s., 15 : 476]; eto prevent -nk-, 
8 ; '', 29) ; klcmigutc' AFTER HE WAS TOLD 
THAT (for kici-ini-i-gu-tc'; kid, i, 16; In 1 
THAT, inanimate sing., 47; tc', 29); klclnd- 

tcimutC* AFTER HE NARRATED THAT (for klCl- 

Ini-dtcimutc' , and written correspondingly in 
the current syllabary; only an apparent 
exception to the above statement: the 
terminal ' of in' is not lost, because it is in 
front of a verbal stem per se; it is elided 
because the stem begins with a vowel; it 
would be elided outside of a compound if the 
next word began with a vowel; the loss of i 
of klci is referred to in 16); d'pltcimAnikl- 
cdgutcisAnAgindgwA'k* THAT THIS CONTINUES 

TO LOOK AS DIFFICULT AS POSSIBLE (mAn' 

THIS, inanimate sing., 47). 

In the above-mentioned paper I have given 
some examples of indefinite pronouns being 
in the middle of verbal complexes. The 
point that I wish to emphasize is, that the 
terminal grammatical elements are treated 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



precisely the same as they would be outside 
of a compound, and that whatever phonetic 
changes they suffer is not due to intimate 
association in the compound. Thus uwlyd'" 
SOMEBODY (48) becomes uwlya'a, because 
the stem kAski ABILITY begins with a con- 
sonant. Similarly Kickapoo awiydhi SOME- 
THING retains the terminal i to show that the 
form is inanimate singular (J. Kickapoo, 127). 
A less clear case is Fox wi'pwdwuwiyd'And- 
'kwAmAtAminitc' THAT NO ONE WOULD BE 
SICK. This stands for wi'pwdwi-uwlyd'Ani- 
d' kwAmAtAminitc'. The elision of i in both 
instances is due to ordinary euphonic rules. 
The difficulty is, that in the sentence it is 
necessary to carefully distinguish identity and 
difference in the third person, a well-known 
feature of Algonquian languages. Hence it is 
that uwlyd'" needs an obviative, which is 
uwlyd'An'. The obviatives of indefinite 
pronouns are not discussed in the Fox sketch 
in the "Handbook of American Indian 
Languages," but they exist; exactly as do 
obviatives of demonstrative pronouns, pointed 
out by me elsewhere (J. Kickapoo, 127). 
The formation is exactly the same as in 
animate nouns. Note that terminal ATI' loses 
its ' because a vowel immediately follows, and 
for no other reason. For uH Atninitc', see 
29, 34; t, 21; pwdwi, below, p. 54; 
d'kwAttiA is the stem, meaning SICK. Another 
example is d'pwdwigdmegupuwiyd'AnikAs- 
kipydnutAminitc' IT is INDEED SAID THAT NO 

ONE SUCCEEDED IN REACHING IT (awigwam). 

In this case the terminal ' of uwlyd'An' has 
become full-sounding, as a consonant immedi- 
ately follows. A brief analysis of the whole 
compound is: d Aminitc', 29, 34; pwdwi, 
an original verbal stem which in Fox is used as 
a modal negation; gd and megu, particles of 
weak meanings; p for pi, a quotative (cf. 
41) ; kAski ABILITY, pyd MOVEMENT HITHER- 
WARD, both well-known verbal stems ( 16); 
nu, a verbal stem of no independent existence ; 
the combination pydnu means REACH. 



The inclusion of particles and adverbs 
within verbal compounds has been sufficiently 
illustrated in the above-mentioned paper. I 
may add, however, that it would be an easy 
matter to give almost unlimited examples. 

Formerly I could give but two examples of 
verbal compounds included within other 
verbal compounds. To these I now add 
d'pwdwimegunAndcima'katdwino'i'netc' HE 
NEVER WAS TOLD,. "FAST." This stands 
for d'-pwdwi-megu-nAndci-ma 'katdwino-inetc'; 
ma-'katdwino is a rhetorical lengthening of 
ma'kat&win" (see 6) ; the imperative sen- 
tence is in the midst of another sentence. 
For -n" see 31; d etc*, 41; pwdwi, as 
above; similarly megu; nAndci, an adverb, 
used apparently only with negatives, with the 
combined sense of NEVER; i, 16; n, 21, 
but conventionalized in meaning. 

This leads me to discuss a new type of 
verbal composition; namely, where, from our 
point of view, Fox has a sentence within a 
verbal compound, which, from the Fox point 
of view, is quite distinct from the type above. 
An example is keklcimeguydwenepowaneme- 
nepen" WE INDEED ALREADY THOUGHT YOU 
WERE DEAD. This stands for ke-klci-megu- 
yowe-nep-o-w-dne-m-e-nepen": kid and megu 
have been explained above; yowe is an adverb 
meaning IN THE PAST, dne is a stem which, 
so far as known, cannot occur independently, 
and has the meaning MENTAL ACTIVITY ( 18) ; 
m is used simply to transitivize the verb ( 37) ; 
e is to prevent the combination mn; ke 
nepen a are the subjective and objective pro- 
nominal elements ( 28) ; nep is a verbal stem 
of considerable independence, meaning TO 
DIE; I cannot as yet give the value of o, but 
we find nepohvuf as well as nepvf, apparently 
both with the same meaning; the w is also 
unexplained, but see p. 53. In the combina- 
tion, nep is simply an object clause. An 
example almost the same as the above is 
wdtci nepowdnemendg' WHY WE THOUGHT YOU 
WERE DEAD. For -ndg e , the pronominal 
elements, see 29. On the same order is 



NO. I 



NOTES ON ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES 



53 



kicikiganowdnemAg* i THOUGHT THEY HAD 

COMPLETED THEIR CLAN-FEAST: kid, dne, 

and m have been explained above, and w has 
been referred to; Ag* is a termination of the 
conjunctive mode showing that I is the 
subject and THEM (animate) the object; 
klganu is a verbal stem TO HOLD A CLAN- 
FEAST. Observe that no subjective pronouns 
in the object-clause are expressed. In a way, 
it resembles accusative and infinitive con- 
struction in Latin indirect discourse. Nearly 
allied is nepecigwdnemegdtug e HE PROBABLY 
THOUGHT ME UPRIGHT. The analysis is: 
ne go for ne g-uf ( 28) before the affix 
tug" PROBABLY, the phonetics are not treated 
in the Fox sketch; dneme, explained above; 
pecigw for pecigwi before a vowel; pecigwi 
means UPRIGHT in the moral sense. Compare 
kepecig-wtcdmegumAniwltAmdnepw" I TRULY 

INDEED TELL YOU THIS UPRIGHTLY, a COIT1- 

pound of the type discussed above (ted, megu, 
mAtii, included within a verbal compound; 
ke nepw*, 28; Amo, 34; stem probably 
an, not wit as in 16; t, 21), and pecigwimeg" 
me'tosdneniwigwdni WHOSOEVER LIVES UP- 
RIGHTLY. 

Another novel type of composition is 
cdgwdnemowindgwAtw* IT SEEMS THAT THEY 
ARE UNWILLING: cdgw, UNWILLING, 16; dne, 

MENTAL ACTIVITY, IQ; mo, 21, 40; W* is 

the inanimate singular pronoun of the inde- 
pendent mode, 28; ndgwAt cannot be 
analyzed in a completely satisfactory manner, 
but it is evident that it is to be connected with 
a stem nagu APPEARANCE, LOOK ( 18), which 
apparently cannot occur in initial positions; 
and at the same time the posterior portion 
resembles the copula gin At, 20; it is possible 
that ndgwAtis for *nagugwAt (cf. 13); but it 
is also possible that we have a copula At, for 
all inanimate copulas are not given in 20 
(for instance, / in mydnetw' IT is BAD as con- 
trasted with myanesivf HE is BAD) ; and it will 
be noted that the animate copula si goes with 
nagu. [Ojibwa has a formation that corre- 
sponds exactly to ndgwAt. April, 1917.] Note 



that cdgwdnemo starts out just as if animate 
intransitive verbal pronouns were to be im- 
mediately suffixed, whereas none are. The 
element wi is at present completely obscure, 
though it may be cognate to the w mentioned 
above, and compare the w in two examples 
below. Observe, furthermore, that a verbal 
stem is found fartheron in the compound, which 
is quite contrary to the ordinary views of 
Algonquian grammar. The two examples re- 
ferred to above are wi'tAcimAmdtumowApitc'HE 
SHALL SIT IN WORSHIP THERE and mAmdtumo- 

witdhdtC* HE IS PRAYERFUL IN FEELING. We 

cannot tell whether the element is w or wi; for 
the i, in any case, would be elided before the 
A of Api TO SIT ( 16) and itd TO FEEL ( 18). 
The analysis otherwise is wi tc', 29; tAci 
THERE, 16; OT/I, 25; matu PRAY, a verbal 
stem of considerable independence, 16; mo, 
21, 40; Api, a verbal stem of considerable 
independence, 16; itd, a verbal stem of 
apparently limited position, 18; tc*, 29; 
hd, a connective stem, practically a copula, 
20. Observe that both these compounds 
start out as if animate intransitive verbal 
pronouns were immediately to follow, whereas 
they do not; and other verbal stems occur 
farther on in the compounds, which are the 
same anomalies as those referred to above. 
Yet another novel type of composition is 
kewltcitcamegutdpesimenepw" I AM INDEED 
TRULY HAPPY WITH YOU. The inclusion of 
the particles tea VERILY, TRULY, and megu, is 
of the type discussed above. The analysis of 
the other elements is: ke nepw", the sub- 
jective and objective pronouns of the entire 
complex, 28; wi, initial stem, meaning 
ASSOCIATION; tci, the same element as appears 
in conjunction with pyd (pydtci) , sagi (sdgitci), 
etc., the exact meaning of which is unknown, 
and probably is conventionalized in use; 
tape, an initial stem HAPPY; si, the copula, 
20; m, to transitivize the verb, 37; e, to 
prevent the combination mn, 8. Observe 
that in this compound we have the copula 
immediately before the transitivizing suffix. 



54 



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VOL. I 



I think that the explanation is that tdpesi is 
taken as a unit. This is confirmed by klwd- 
pesihihegog' THEY WILL SET YOU CRAZY, J. 
308.21 (ki gog', 28; si, apparently for 
si; hi, 20; h, 21, 37; e, 8). In this 
compound also the copula precedes the tran- 
sitivizing suffix. For tdpesi and wdpesi, note 
d'tdpesiwdtc' THEY WERE HAPPY (a watc', 
29) , nekatawiwdpes' i HAVE ALMOST GONE 
CRAZY, J. 308.18 (ne-, 28; katawi ALMOST). 

THE POSITION OF THE Fox VERBAL STEM 
kAski ("ABILITY"). In the "American An- 
thropologist" (N. s., 15 : 475) I stated that 
the Fox verbal stem kAski could not occur 
outside a compound. I have just discovered 
from a text recently collected that it can do 
this very thing: thus, ki'uwlgipwameg" kAski 
noteg' YOU (pi.) WILL BE ABLE TO LIVE THERE 
WHEN IT IS WINDY. 

REMARKS ON THE PHONETIC ELEMENTS OF 
Fox. On p. 50 I stated that I do not con- 
sider Jones's phonetic scheme adequate for 
the Fox dialect. Our chief points of difference 
are: that I hear aspirations before all initial 
vowels and diphthongs, after all terminal 
voiceless vowels, and after all vowels when 
followed by sibilants; long vowels for short, 
and vice versd; o for u always; sometimes o 
for u; always u for o initially and terminally, 
rarely otherwise; but one sound (') for h and 
' ; ck always for sk; surd stops as glides after 
sonant stops when immediately preceding 
terminal voiceless vowels which are at the 
same time aspirated ; a voiceless w after stops 
in the same position; surd m and n as glides 
after m and w respectively in the same posi tions ; 
a fricative that begins as a sonant stop, gliding 
into a surd fricative, for tc when preceding the 
terminal voiceless aspirated vowels, and in a 
few other cases; glides for Jones's inverted 
periods; the main accent in different positions; 
'a'- (Jones a-) and wi'- everywhere in 
verbal complexes, and not solely before k, t, p. 

A SECOND NOTE ON Fox PWAWI-. In the 
"American Anthropologist" (N. s., 15 : 364) I 
pointed out, that, from the evidence of Kick- 



apoo, we must consider Fox pwawi-, the 
negative particle of the conjunctive and cer- 
tain other subordinate modes, to be a primary 
stem. At the time I overlooked the fact that 
the published Cree, Ojibwa, and Algonkin 
material also supported this view (see La- 
combe, under pwd [I/re impuissant], etc.; 
Baraga, under bwdma, etc.; Lemoine, under 
incapable [pwd-, pwa-, pwdwi-]; Cuoq, under 
pwa-, pwawi-). I may add that Ojibwa 
ninbwdma i CANNOT PREVAIL UPON HIM is to 
be analyzed thus: nin a, the subjective and 
objective pronominal elements; bwd, the 
primary stem; -m-, the instrumental particle 
DONE WITH THE MOUTH, with animate object. 
Evidently the wi of Fox pwawi- and Algonkin 
pwdwi-, pwawi-, needs further elucidation. 
Shawnee pwd-, the equivalent of Fox pwdwi-, 
sheds no light on the problem, owing to the 
phonetics of that language. 

REMARKS ON THE PHONETICS OF THE GULL 
LAKE DIALECT OF OJIBWA. The material 
from which these notes are taken was gathered 
about two years ago from a single informant; 
namely, William Potter, at that time sixty-one 
years old. The informant was nearly a full- 
blooded Indian, and spoke but broken Eng- 
lish. We may therefore presume that his 
pronunciation is characteristic of the dialect. 
These notes are assembled here in the belief 
that they will be of interest, and stimulate 
others to note peculiarities of the various 
Ojibwa dialects. They are not exhaustive, 
and other points in the phonetics of this 
dialect may surely be found out by a pro- 
tracted study; for a half-hour with the infor- 
mant was all that was possible, owing to his 
own pressing business in Washington. Some 
features of the Gull Lake dialect are thus far 
quite unique, not occurring in the dialects 
of Bois Fort or Fort William or Leech 
Lake, to judge from the texts of William 
Jones and De Jong. It is to be hoped that 
Radin's texts may be published soon, that 
the phonetics may be compared with those 
of the Gull Lake dialect. 



NO. I 



NOTES ON ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES 



55 



1. Glottal Stop. The glottal stop is often 
found where other writers have recorded 
nothing. Examples are nick&'dis? HE is 
ANGRY, minona'gusi* SHE is GOOD-LOOKING. 
The glottal stop doubtless is a relic of the 
personal pronoun, Fox -w" in Jones's tran- 
scription; or -w', as I think correct. The si 
in both cases is the copula. 

2. Weakly Articulated Vowels. Long vowels 
at times are followed by corresponding 
weakly articulated short vowels which are 
voiced, not voiceless. At present I cannot 
formulate a rule governing the usage. Exam- 
ples are: s^bi' RIVER, pimuse' e HE WALKS 
PAST, na a nA r n FIVE, mlfLa'c AND, wa'JbAng' 
TO-MORROW, wl^Ad' IT is DIRTY. Something 
like this apparently occurs in the dialects of 
Bois Fort and Fort William. 

3. The Correspondent to 'k of Other Dialects. 
The 'k of other Ojibwa dialects goes back to 
a sibilant followed by a palatal surd stop. In 
the Gull Lake dialect we have a marked 
aspiration, followed by a glottal stop and 
then a surd stop, which is certainly velar as 
compared with English k, but not as pro- 
nounced as the surd velar stop of the North- 
west-coast Indian languages. Probably it is 
akin to the corresponding Paiute sound. 
Examples are, a'*qi' GROUND, ntA ls qwa BEAR. 

4. Terminal Aspirations. Terminally after 
stops I hear very distinct aspirations. It is 
very probable that sonant stops glide into 
surds before the aspiration, as is the case in 
Potawatomi, but I find that I have not 
recorded the glide in most cases. In Fox, 
sonant stops always glide into surds before 
terminal vowels which are both voiceless and 
aspirated. We may therefore conclude that 
the phenomenon is old. Examples from the 
Gull Lake dialect are, mA'*qwAg kl BEARS, 
un-nAd ' IT is DIRTY, md"'jimagwAd li IT SMELLS 

BADLY. 

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. The miscellany 
presented here deals with a number of novel 
points in Algonquian philology, which are 
assembled in the belief that, as our knowledge 



is so woefully deficient, it is suitable to 
promptly publish any new facts that are 
firmly established. I have adhered to Jones's 
Fox phonetic scheme for the reasons set forth 
on p. 50. 

The Change of n to c. In the "American 
Anthropologist" (N. s., 15:470 et seq.) and 
"Journal of the Washington Academy of 
Sciences" (4:403) I have shown that n becomes 
c before i, which is either a new morphological 
element or the initial sound of such an element 
in Fox, Potawatomi, Ojibwa, and probably 
in Shawnee. From my last summer's field- 
work this last is amply confirmed. I also 
find, from my early work with the Menominee, 
that we have the same or an allied phenome- 
non (s for c) in that dialect. From the 
material contained in the works of Cuoq and 
Lemoine, it is patent that in Algonkin we have 
the same or a similar phenomenon (e.g., 
mikaj BATS-LE, in which a final ' has been 
lost, as shown by Fox, etc.). From my work 
in Peoria last summer, it is evident that the 
same phenomenon occurs in that dialect, but 
apparently a preceding original I cancels the 
law. The n, of course, is replaced by /. 
Examples are: ma'ci'V' HE WHO COPULATED 
WITH ME (stem VIA; vowel-change, as the 
form is a participial; -it a ' HE ME) as con- 
trasted with mAlititawd"' LET us COPULATE 
(i, to prevent the combination It; ti, sign of 
the reciprocal, as in Fox, etc.; tawa n , the 
termination of the intransitive first person 
inclusive of the imperative, corresponding to 
Fox taW); pl'ci't"' HE WHO BROUGHT ME 
(stem pi, for older pyd [Fox pyd], hence not 
contradicting the law; c, the instrumental 
particle DONE BY THE HAND, owing to the action 
of the law; t' for I before sibilants); pl'cf" 
BRING THOU HIM (i", THOU HIM of the imper- 
ative mode, Fox ') ; pl'cl'yang ktl YE BROUGHT 
us (lydng ktl , YE us of the conjunctive mode 
[Ojibwa iidng, from Baraga; Algonkin Hang, 
from Lemoine]) ; kipl"clmiva" YE BROUGHT ME 
(ki Imwa", the pronominal elements for YE 
ME in the independent mode [Ojibwa and 



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VOL. I 



Algonkin ki im, from Baraga and Lemoine; 
see also folder at end of RBAE 28]) ; pl'ciwd'- 
'kitce THEY MUST BRING ME (iwd'kitce, the pro- 
nominal elements for THEY ME in the 
potential mode ; apparently Fox has the medial 
portion in a reversed order; Kickapoo 
apparently agrees with Peoria), all as con- 
trasted with kifnlami'na" WE BROUGHT THEM 
(ki dmina", the pronominal elements for 
WE [inclusive] THEM [animate] of the inde- 
pendent mode [Potawatomi has a similar 
termination: see RBAE 28:267]; I ls the 
instrumental particle DONE BY THE HAND); 

pll.\tc'' THOU BROUGHTEST THEM (Ate'' THOU 

THEM [animate] of the conjunctive mode; com- 
pare the equivalents in Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo, 
and Shawnee) ; pile'ko' BRING YE HIM (e, to 
prevent a consonantic cluster foreign to the 
language; 'ko are the pronominal elements for 
YE HIM of the imperative mode [Fox '&"]); 
nimbila' i BROUGHT HIM (nim a' are the 
elements for I HIM of the independent mode; 
b, regularly for p after a nasal). The action of 
original? nullifying the lawwhen it immediately 
precedes the consonant is illustrated by mllllo' 
GIVE THOU ME (Fox nilcin") as contrasted with 
niml'ld' (Fox nemlndw a ) i GAVE HIM. Note also 
mill't?' HE THAT GAVE ME as compared with 
pi'ci'V 1 ' . This proves that Fox yd after 
consonants is more original than Peoria I. 
The same contraction takes place in Ojibwa 
and Menominee. Besides establishing the 
fact that Fox e and i are more original than 
Ojibwa * (see the papers cited above), the law 
shows that the terminal vowels in Sauk, Fox, 
Kickapoo, Shawnee, and Peoria, which are 
lacking in Ojibwa, etc., are more primitive, 
as I previously inferred from the evidence of 
Montagnais (see RBAE 28 : 247). 

The Interchange of a and a. At the end 
of 1 1 of the Algonquian sketch in the 
"Handbook of American Indian Languages" 
I pointed out that a and a interchange 
in Fo.x under unknown conditions: e. g., 
pydw" HE COMES, pydn" COME, d'pydlc' WHEN 
HE CAME, etc. The same phenomenon 



naturally occurs in Sauk and Kickapoo. 
From my early Shawnee notes (collected in 
the summer and fall of 1911) and recent 
(summer and fall of 1916) work with Peoria, 
I find that we have the same phenomenon in 
both these dialects, though it is disguised in 
Peoria owing to phonetic laws. Examples 
are, Shawnee pyditf HE COMES, pydte IF HE 
COMES. As pointed out above, yd after 
consonants in Peoria contracts to I, and so we 
find the variation * and ya. An example is 
piw"' HE COMES as compared with kipydmwa" 
YE COME, pydtci WHEN HE CAME, pya'kitce' 

HE MUST COME. 

The Conjunctive of the Independent Passive 
with Obviatives as Subjects. The conjunctive 
of the independent passive with obviatives 
as subjects is not touched upon in the Algon- 
quian sketch in the "Handbook of American 
Indian Languages." For -etc' we have 
-mete'. Examples are, d'inemetc' THEY WERE 
TOLD, anesemetc' ugydn' Acaha'' HIS MOTHER 
WAS SLAIN BY THE sioux, utdneswdwa'' dme- 
cenemetc' THEIR DAUGHTERS WERE CAPTURED. 
In the examples given, terminal vowels have 
not been elided before initial ones, that the 
point at issue may not be obscured. 

THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF Mo- 
HEGAN-PEQUOT. The material upon which I 
base my classification is contained in the 
articles by Speck and Prince in Volumes 5 
and 6 of the "American Anthropologist," N. S. 
In my "Preliminary report on the Linguistic 
Classification of Algonquian Tribes" (RBAE 
28) I left the affiliations of this dialect unde- 
cided. Prince and Speck (I.e. 5:195) say: 
"Pequot, a dialect which shows a more striking 
kinship with the idiom of the Rhode Island 
Narragansetts and with the present speech of 
the Canadian Abenakis than with the lan- 
guage of the Lenni Lenape Mohicans . . . 
it seems probable either that the Pequot- 
Mohegans were only distantly akin to the 
Mohicans of the Hudson River region, or that 
the Pequots had modified their language to a 
New England form during the years of their 



NO. I 



NOTES ON ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES 



57 



migration into Connecticut. The former 
theory is the more likely of the two." At the 
time, hardly more could be said. Since then, 
however, enough material has been gathered 
to definitely settle the question. The tables in 
my "Preliminary Report" show clearly that 
Canadian Abenaki and Natick do not belong 
closely together; and the evidence that Nar- 
ragansett linguistically belongs with Natick is 
quite conclusive. A few summers ago I was 
able to gather a few texts and a vocabulary of 
the Mohicans of the Hudson River region, 
which I hope will soon be published; and this 
new material, together with similar material 
published by Prince in Volume 7 of the 
"Anthropologist," N. S., establish firmly the 
conjecture of Prince and Speck that Pequot 
and Mohican are not closely related, though, 
as I shall show later on, Mohican is more 
closely related to Pequot than it is to Dela- 
ware-Munsee, contrary to the prevalent 
belief. I think the following facts prove that 
Mohegan-Pequot belongs with the Natick 
division of Central Algonquian languages: a 



sibilant is retained before k, q, but lost before 
a dental stop * (squaaw WOMAN ; metoog TREE) ; 
the inanimate plural ends in sh (nish THOSE) ; 
the verbal pronouns of the independent mode 
for I THEE are g sh (germeesh i GIVE THEE) ; 
the verbal pronoun of the imperative mode for 
the second person singular is a sibilant (beush 
COME, cowish GO TO SLEEP). These features 
are characteristic of Natick (see RBAE 28: 
272-275; and Eliot, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. 
Coll., 2d ser., 9). From the scanty material 
available, it would seem that Mohegan-Pequot 
is a y dialect, thus agreeing with Narragansett, 
rather than a dialect in which n at times is 
totally eliminated, as Prince and Speck would 
have it. However, this is a minor point. 

TRUMAN MICHELSON 

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 

1 Where a sibilant is retained before a dental stop, a 
medial vowel has been lost; e.g., wiistu HE MADE=FOX 
'A'ci'tdw'; cf. Ojibwa uji TO MAKE. (The etymology 
of wiistu was previously unknown.) 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



A PASSAMAQUODDY TOBACCO FAMINE 
By J. DYNELEY PRINCE 



THE following curious tale was related to 
me at St. Andrew's, New Brunswick, by 
Bennett N. Francis of the Passamaquoddy 
tribe of Pleasant Point (Me.) Reservation 
(Sibdyik). The story is interesting, in that it 
indicates how precious a commodity the 
Indian tobacco was in the sparsely settled 
districts. The dramatis persona are the usual 
magically endowed hero and a companion, in 
this case his little brother (osimi'z'l), and the 
mysterious old woman who forms the staffage 
around which the exploits of the hero are 
grouped. Like so many eastern Algonquin 
tales, it runs along in jerky conversational 
style, and has no particular ending. The hero 
obtains his tobacco from the demon, while 
flying; and then the story rambles on, de- 
scribing his escape from her vengeance, with 
no account of what actually happened. Lin- 
guistically, the tale is in very pure Passama- 
quoddy with some highly idiomatic combina- 
tions, indicated in the following commentary. 

The Passamaquoddies live about four hun- 
dred strong at Pleasant Point, Me., and about 
one hundred and fifty persons near Princeton, 
Me. They show no signs of diminishing 
numerically, and retain their language with 
great persistence. The small children all 
speak in Indian much better than in English, 
a certain evidence that their idiom is not 
going to perish with the present generation. 
These people are linguistically identical with 
the Maliseet, or St. John's River Indians, 
whose headquarters are near Fredericton, 
N. B. As there are nearly five hundred of 
these, it is safe to estimate that about a thou- 
sand persons still speak Passamaquoddy. 

Students interested in this highly character- 
istic eastern Algonquin language will find 
material published by me as follows: 



Morphology of the Passamaquoddy Language of Maine 
(Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 
53: 92-117), a fairly full grammatical sketch, with 
paradigms and discussion. 

Kuloskap the Master (Funk & Wagnalls, 1902), 
folk-lore. 

American Anthropologist, 9: 310-316; n: No. 4. 

Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1 1 : 
369-377; 13: 381-386. 

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 36: 
479-498; 38: 181-189. 

Compare also Hastings, Dictionary of Religions, sub- 
ject "Algonquins," on the religion of these people. 

I intend to publish shortly a complete 
chrestomathy of Passamaquoddy tales, with 
dictionary and grammatical sketch, as the 
oral "literature" of this race has been much 
neglected. 

W'ma'tagwe'sso 
(The Man with the Rabbit) 

Wut-a'gw nelcwt 1 w'ski'jin* yu'tau'tcmike'sic 3 
Once upon a time an Indian scared up (from 

the tall grass) 

ma'tagwe'sul. 4 w'tazowita"kozi'nul. 6 ma'- 
a rabbit. He throws it over (his He 

shoulder). 

1 wul-a'gw nekwt: wut THAT+demonstrative -agw; 
nekwt= ONCE, THAT ONCE (cf. note 2, p. 60). 

1 w'ski'jin the usual word for INDIAN. 

'yu'tau'tomike'sso HE STARTED HIM UP (the words 
FROM THE TALL GRASS are an addition of the narrator's) : 
yu'ta HERE+w'tomike'sso (from temg TRAMPLE, seen in 
k'temgago'kech THEY WILL TRAMPLE YOU, k'temgibi'Ikon 

HE WILL TRAMPLE THEE, w'temgite'km'n HE STUMBLES 
OVER IT). 

t ma"tagwes RABBIT; with the obviative -ul (see 
w'ma'tagwe'sso, note 25, p. 59). 

6 w'tazowita"kozi'nul; from ake BEND, THROW; the 
form may be analyzed: a>'=3d per.-H- infix +a'zowi 
OVER-H- infix+a'kos THROW OVER+- inul verb-ending 
= IT (animate). With a'zowi, cf. azos ON TOP, seen in 
a'soswu'n HAT, a'snumelo'k LAP (see below), ot-asho'nel 
BED-CLOTHES = COVERINGS, etc. With a'kos, cf. the 
same stem in tesa'giu OVER, ACROSS, kwuska'phin SET 
ME OVER. The idea SHOULDER is not expressed. 



NO. I 



A PASSAMAQUODDY TOBACCO FAMINE 



59 



jehan 1 nimi'an 2 m'dawa"kwem 3 

goes along; he sees a pole 

p'kwuna'kwe'ta'zul. 4 osimi'z'l 5 ni'tta 6 
peeled. With his little brother then 

majeau'sa'nia. 7 s'la'ki'd6 8 nod'wa'wal 9 
he goes. Then he hears 

wa'sis'l 10 mededemi'lit. 11 macheati'sa'nia 12 
a child crying. They go along; 

w't-asi'kwa'nia 13 pu'chinskwe'sul 14 wa'sis'l 
they meet Pu'chinskwes; a child 

pemipaha'jil. 15 pwaska''polal 16 wa'ji 

she is carrying. She shakes it in order 

sosde'mit 17 wa'sis. elmosa"tit 18 ma'lum-de 
to make it the As they go then 

cry, child. along, 

I ma.' jehan HE GOES (from maj- \passim]). 
'nimi'an HE SEES IT; really SEEING IT (participle). 

The stem nim occurs passim (note 19, p. 60). 

3 m'dawa"kwem POLE; cf. m'tewa'g'nem FLAG-POLE. 

4 p'kwuna'kwe'ta'zul IT PEELED, with 3d per. -ul. The 
root is p'kwun, as in kis-p'kwuna'sik WHAT HAD BEEN 
PEELED. 

5 osimi'z'l; diminutive from si'wes BROTHER. 

'nj'a = THEN: m'/ = THAT TIME, THEN + ta (particle). 

' majeau'sa'nia: literally, WITH HIS LITTLE BROTHER 
THEY GO; the dual idea attracting the verb into the 
plural; cf. the similar expression in Russian: WE WITH 
YOU = YOU AND I (see note 12). 

8 s'laki-'de THEN, a common resumptive; appears re- 
duplicated in seslaki. 

'nod'wa'wal HE HEARS HIM (from nod HEAR). 

10 wa'sis' I CHILD = wa'sis, with obviative -'/ (-ul). 

II mededemi'lit HIM CRYING; obviative of mede-demit 
HE (SHE) CRIES. Mede- is durative. With the stem 
dem (tern) CRY, cf. sa'sdemo IT CRIES, and see notes 17; 
15, p. 60; 16, p. 62). 

12 macheau'sa'nia: cf. footnote 7, majeau'sa'nia. 
The narrator distinctly said ch here, although j would 
be expected between vowels. 

13 w'tasi'kwa'nia THEY MEET (from a'sik, as in w'naji- 
asikwa'nia THEY GO OUT TO MEET HIM). 

u Pu'chi'nskwes a malevolent female demon. 

l< " pemipaha'jil: pemi (durative) -\-p CARRY + the ob- 
viative ending; cf. opemi'phal SHE CARRIES HIM; 
pemip'ta'sik A LOAD = SOMETHING CARRIED. 

" pwaska'polal: the root seems to be p'wa; cf. etli- 

pewa'lkik HE SHAKES HIMSELF. 

"wa'ji sosde'mit = so THAT (wa'ji) IT SHALL CRY 
(sosde'mit); cf. note n on dem, and note 15, p. 60. 

li elm-osa"tit = elmi (durative) + 05 GO + participial 
ending; cf. spig-os GO UP, p-os GO IN CANOE, pech-os 
COME TO (cf. note 19). 



becho'se'yik 19 wigwa'mik. 20 kwussaiisa'n. 21 
they come to a house. They enter. 

kwuskweso's 22 e'bit 23 k'liu'tu'me'. 24 

An old woman is sitting, smoking. 

w'ma'tegwe'sso 25 w'ti'yal 26 kutsunmi' 27 
The man with the says to her: "Give me a 

rabbit smoke, 

no"k'mi. 28 tan-bal 29 t'li-gizi-gutsunmu'lin 30 
grandmother." "How can I give you a smoke? 

ni'tte edotsu'ssit 31 notma'gun. 32 t'ma'wei 24 
for nearly gone my pipe. Tobacco 

out is 

1 *becho'se'yik = pecho'se'yik with 6 for p between 
vowels; peck HITHER, and os GO. 

20 wigwam HOUSE = PLACE TO LIVE: wig = LIVE, and 
note wigwus MOTHER = LIFE-GIVER. 

21 kwussaiisa'n THEY ENTER : kwus COME ACROSS, seen 
in kwuska'phin SET ME ACROSS; the stem also means 
ENTER; cf. k'sa'hacouE IN imper. (note 23, p. 61), and 
kwusse"tese HE ENTERS (notes 23 and 25, p. 61). 

22 kwuskweso's OLD WOMAN. 

a ebit SHE (HE) is SITTING: <J& = SIT; cf. ol-e'bin HE 
SITS, m'sigw-e'ba HE SITS DOWN. 

24 The narrator pronounced k'li throughout instead 
of t'K. fli-u'tu'me' SHE (HE) SMOKES; w'tem as in nil 
nfli-w'te'man THAT I SMOKE. Note also wigi-w'te'me HE 
LIKES (wigi) TO SMOKE (w'teme). In t'mawei TOBACCO 
the w of the stem is elided (see notes 27, 32 ; and note 9, 
p. 60). 

K w'ma'tagwe'sso HE (w') WHO HAS A RABBIT (see 
note 4, p. 58). The rabbit was his charm. 

26 w'ti'yal = w -\- 1 = infix + i SAY + y- connective, -al 
obviative (cf. note 21, p. 61). 

27 kutsunmi' GIVE ME TO SMOKE : k = 2d per. DO THOU + 
utsun SMOKE + m (inanimate) + i TO ME. The stem 
u'tsum contains the same element as in w'te'me; cf. 
etli- kisi-u'tmats HOW HE SMOKED A PIPE (see notes 24 
and 30). 

w no'k'mi MY GRANDMOTHER (from o'k'mis). No'k'mis 
with rising tone = DEAD GRANDMOTHER; with falling 
tone = LIVING GRANDMOTHER (cf. note 4, p. 60). 

29 tan-bal: tan = interrogative + conditional ba + ob- 
viative -/. 

30 t'li-gi'zi-gulsunmu'lin: t'li for k't'li; k=2d per. TO 
THEE + gizi CAN+g = & (zd per. repeated) -\-ulsun SMOKE 
+ m (inanimate object) + -ul (ist per.) \-\-in (conjunc- 
tive participial ending). 

31 edotsu'ssit IT HAS GONE OUT = BECOME EXTIN- 
GUISHED; the usual word is nekas-; cf. wa we'ji ska 
neka'swenuk so THAT IT SHALL NOT GO OUT. 

32 notma'gun MY PiFE = hutma'gon PIPE, containing 
the same stem as w'teme and t'mawei TOBACCO (note 
24). 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



ne'get 2 emegwabi'yit 3 

Once, when he (was) young, 
tabi-nojiptone'p'n 5 t'ma'wei 
used to get tobacco 



nu'd'wut. 1 
is scarce. 

k'mu'sums 4 

your grand- 
father 

m'ni"kuk. 6 loke"sin 7 nd-a'smelok. 8 ni'tte 

on an island. Put (your in my lap." Then 

head) 

ntulkwe'sm'n. 7 ni'tte ho'd'mun 9 nit-we'ji 10 

he lays his head Then he begins after that, 
down. to smoke; 

wi'kwipk'do'gihi'git. 11 (i'dam) naji'pton 12 
he inhales (the smoke). (He says) "I will fetch 

t'ma'wei. ni'tte atisossada'nin 13 

the tobacco." Then began to cry 

kwuskwe'sos. 14 ke"kw-se 14 mest'e'miyi'n. 15 

the old woman. "Why do you cry?" (she says). 

kada"ta 16 k'tabi-naji'ptowun 17 k't'ma'wei. 
"Not you cannot get it your tobacco. 

l nud'wut IT is RARE; either an error for, or cognate 

with, mud'wut SCARCE. 

*neget = nekwt ONCE; both pronunciations are in use 

(note i, p. 58). 

' emegwabi'yit WHEN HE WAS YOUNG. I cannot place 

the root. The usual form is ewasi'swiyin WHEN I WAS 

A CHILD (wasis). 

* k'mu'sums YOUR GRANDFATHER (mu'sums). This 

word, when pronounced with a rising tone on the last 

syllable, means DEAD GRANDFATHER; with a falling tone 

= LIVING GRANDFATHER (cf. note 28, p. 59). 

6 tabi-nojiptone'p'n USED TO GET. Here noji denotes 
purpose+P' OBTAIN +ep'n = past element; cf. naji'pton 
I WILL FETCH (see note 12). 

'm'ni'kuk; m'ni'kw ISLAND +locative directive -uk. 
She says to the hero these words. 

7 lake' 'sin: from lake's PUT DOWN; cf. ntu-l'kwe'smin 

LAY HIS HEAD DOWN. 

8 nd-a'smelok MY LAP, written by Louis Mitchel 
nd-a'snumelok. 

9 hod'mun = how'tem'n HE SMOKES (from w'tem, note 

24, P- 59)- 

10 nit weji AFTER (weji) THAT (nit). 

11 wi'kwipk'do'gihi'git HE INHALES seems to contain 
wi'kw svc.+p-k-d+(ih)-igit. 

12 naji'pton I WILL FETCH (see note 5). 

13 ausossada'nin SHE BEGINS TO CRY (from sa'sdemo IT 
CRIES; see note 17, p. 59). 

14 kwuskwe'sos (see note 22, p. 59). ke"kw-se really 
= WHAT INDEED; WHY is properly ke'kw-we'ji. 

15 meste"miyi'n: root tern (dem) CRY, with prefix mes, 
probably durative (notes II, 17, p. 59). 

l "kada'ta nOT = kada (kat)+ta; NOT is usually 
ka'dama (s-kat in Maliseet). 



k'mach mud'we'yo. tanajia'ga tutha'ntowi'n 
It is very difficult. If you are very brave, 

k'tabis-naji'ptowun t'ma'wei. 
you can get the tobacco." 

Ni'tte oma'jehan osemi'z'l. meskw 18 
Then he goes with his little Before 

brother. 

peji'a'ti"kw m'ni"kuk n'mi"ton 19 w'sk'ni'zul 20 

he comes to the island, he sees bones; 

weji muduamka"tek 21 ma'jehan. ma'lum-de 
from the beginning of he goes Then 

the pile along. 

nimi'al he'pili'jil 22 ali-labodyihi'ge. 23 ni'tte 
he sees a woman looking (through Then 

a spy-glass). 

ot'lian 21 p'giga'lstowuk 26 al-epnu'lstowuk 26 
he goes up they wrestle; they struggle; 

to her; 

wi'nial." 27 huna'pcha 28 kezami'ko'twun. 29 
she throws Again they get up (some- 

himdown. how). 

"k'tabis-naji'ptowun: cf. tabi-najiptone'p'n (notes), 
and note negative -owun. 

"meskw followed by negative verb always = BEFORE; 
pejia'ti'kw = negative participle. 

19 n 'mi 'ton inanimate, from nim (note 2, p. 59), as seen 
by -ton. 

10 w'sk'ni'zul BONES; pi. of w'ski'nis. 

n muduamka"tek AT THE PiLE+locative -ek. 

he'pili'jil; obviative, with prefixed aspirate of e'pit 
WOMAN. 

a ali-labodyihi'ge LOOKING; the words THROUGH A 
SPY-GLASS have been added by the narrator. The root 
is ab LOOK; cf. w't'l-a'b-mun HE LOOKS AT HIM. 

u ot'li'an: from el GO, with prefixed o for w and 
infixed /. 

" p'giga'lstowuk THEY WRESTLE; probably connected 
with mika'ka-, as in k'mika'kamen YOU FIGHT THEM; 
sigi-mika' ket HE FIGHTS FIERCELY. 

26 al-epnu'lstowuk THEY CONTINUE FIGHTING ; pn FIGHT ; 
cf. kizi-p'n'lti'tit AFTER THEY FOUGHT; wichi-p'nu'sin HE 
FIGHTS WITH HIM (cf. notes it, p. 61 ; 25, p. 62). 

87 wi'nial SHE THREW HIM DOWN. The stem seems to 
be simply n, with a possible prefixed p, as in w'pene- 
gua'khan HE THREW HIM DOWN. 

28 huna'pcha: distraction of n-apch AGAIN with pre- 
fixed aspirate; cf. hepili'jil (note 22) and huha'chio 
for achi. 

29 kezami'ko'twun: keza = kiz (past sign) -\-rni' kot, the 
same root as seen in wetta-mikte'kwhit HE WAKED UP 
(see note I, p. 61). 



:NO. I 



A PASSAMAQUODDY TOBACCO FAMINE 



61 




'tte eli-w'nak't'kwe"tit 1 na'ga 2 

Then then they (both) get up, and 

1-mid'wi'at 3 kaka'go's. 4 kizi-pi'lwale'su 5 
he flies away (as) a crow. He changes himself 

ha'lo 6 k'chi 7 zips. 8 ni'tte noso'kwan. 9 
ito (like) big a bird. Then he follows her. 

talep'n'lti'nia. 11 ma'lum-de 
they fight. Then 

ni'tte kizi-p'kiga'd'mun 13 
he swoops up. Then he seizes 



is'wugi'skw 10 
In the air 

,'li-na'kasl"tit. 12 



t ma wei. 
It he tobacco. 



ni'tte majepto'wun. 14 



Then 



he brings it 
back. 

t'ma'wei 
the tobacco," 



w'ti'yan 
He says, 



kwuskwe'sul. 

to the old 

woman. 

(ndege'k'ma'jehan) 

"You'd better go 

your way; 



r io'k'mi yut 
' My grand- here 
mother, is 

,i(lege'k't'li'an 15 

(She says) 

<'dunlogo'kw. 16 
he will be after you." 

l eli-w'nak't'kwe"tit THEN THEY GET UP: w -f- na 
demonstrative + k't'kw, same root as above (note 29, 

5.00). 

2 naga AND. 

8 el-mid'wi'at SHE FLIES AWAY (from root t'wi FLY, as 
n kwuskwijit'wi'yan HE FLIES OVER). 

4 kaka'go's CROW; probably onomatopoetic. 

5 kizi-pi'lwale'su HE CHANGED (kizi = past) (from 
Dot pi'lw[i]); ki'zi-eso'ke-pilweso'ltu-wuk THEY CAN 

'(kizi) CHANGE FROM ONE FORM TO ANOTHER. 

6 taha'lo preposition LIKE. 

7 k'chi BIG; indeclinable adjective. 

'zips BIRD, with z after vowel ( = sips BIRD). 

* noso'kwan FOLLOW, for w' noso'kwan. The 3d per. 

is frequently omitted. 

a i>is'wugiskw AIR. 

lfl talep'n'lti'nia: see above (note 26, p. 60), for p'n 
|FHT; tale THERE. 

"eli-na'kasi'tit SWOOPS. The stem nak really = RISE, 

w'na"kesit HE RISES UP; here the idea is of rising in 
he air, as the hero took the tobacco from the demon in 
flight. 

3 kizi-p'kiga'd'mun HE SEIZED (kizi = past). This is 
i new stem to me. 

14 maje'ptowun HE BRINGS IT BACK. Here -owun is 
lot negative; cf. w'ma'jephon HE BRINGS IT TO HIM. 

li ndege'k't'li'an YOU HAD BETTER GO. The particle 
idege is recommending cohortative +&'/Vt'a, 2d per. 
rom el TO GO, or k'ma'jehan. 

16 k'dunlogokw SHE WILL BE AFTER YOU. This is an 
nteresting form. The stem -og-, seen here, is possibly 



Amsk'wa's-de 17 petkaudi'nia 18 wigwa'm'k. 19 
First they come to a wigwam. 

w'ski'jin e'bit ne'he 20 i'dam 21 w'lt'-de 22 
An is sitting "Ha, ha!" he "Please 

Indian there; says, 

k'sa'ha 23 nau'tek. 24 ni'tte w'skt'noskwusse"tese 25 
come in to the Then the lad enters (quick- 
open ly) ; 
space." 

i'dam tohate'b'n 26 I'dam ple'ta 27 mits. 28 ni'tte 
he "Let us play He "(First) eat." Then 
says, ball." says, 

na sakhi'pton 29 sa'skich 30 p'su'npede 31 mime'i 32 
he fetches a birch full of oil, 

basket 

the -ok- seen in noso'k- FOLLOW (note 9). The com- 
bination is k =2d per. + infixed phonetic t + the to me 
unknown element un + connecting /. My narrator said 
THEY BE WILL AFTER YOU, but this would be properly 
k'dunlogo'kwuk. 

17 amsk'wa's FIRST. 

IS petkaudi'nia = kau, as in weswe-kaudi'nia THEY GO 
BACK-macke-kaudi'tit THEY HAVE STARTED OFF. "They" 
refers to the hero and his little brother, mentioned 
first below. 

19 wigwam' k TO THE HOUSE, with locative 'k, also 
pronounced -ek, -uk. 

K nehe; exclamation HA, HA! 

11 i'dam indefinite from i SAY; cf. w't-tyal; cf. note 26, 

P-59- 

K w'li-de PLEASE =w'li (wuli 1 ) GOOD + cohortative 
particle -de. 

**k'sa'ha imperative, COME IN; cf. kwussausa'n (note 

21, p. 59)- 

u nau'tek IN THE <ztt'/ = open space in the wigwam, 
where the fire is made; cf. Natick nut FIRE. 

45 kwusse"tese; see above k'saha (note 23; and note 
21, p. 59); kwussau'sa'n. 

26 tohate'b'n LET us PLAY BALL; -e6'n=the imperative 
ist. per. pi. The stem tohat, or t-ohal, is new to me. 
This game is not la crosse; cf. naji-ep' skumhu' din LET 
us PLAY LA CROSSE; ubeskhitumhu'd'wuk THEY PLAY. 

27 ple'ta may be a corruption of Fr. plait-il. It seems 
to be cohortative here. 

28 mits EAT; with ts changing to j, as in mijwa'g'n 
FOOD (note 8, p. 62). 

29 sakhi'pton FETCH: sakhi- quick motion -\-pt FETCH. 
M sa'skich LARGE BASKET, apparently of birch; thus 

my narrator. 

31 p'su'npe-de = pese'n-te IT is FULL; cf. p'su'npoek IT 
(inanimate) is FULL. 

32 mime'i OIL. 



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ta pu'n'mon'l 1 elkwa'bit. 2 i'dam ne'he 
and he places it before him. He says, "Ha, 

ha! 

kudo"sum. 8 te"po 4 sikteTma 6 meskw 
drink!" Only he laughs: "Before 

ng'dosme'tiwun 6 nit nil elegut 7 ni'l-ga- 8 
I drink that, I like this (= I in- 

deed) 

wi'os-me'ji muze'i. 9 ni'tte 

eat (meat) moosemeat." Then 

na'jie'-beska'm'n 10 w'tu'm'ha 11 p'st'de- 12 
he goes (to play he wins; every one 

ball); 

w'nu'tka-tu'm'ha. 13 w'ta-ma'jehan 14 we'ji 
he beats. He goes along to 

where 

p'sad'lgwi'ye. 15 ni'tte na peji-p'sa'n. 16 
it snows. Then it begins to 

snow. 

I pu'n'mon'l HE PUTS IT + -/ (from pu'n'mon). 

2 elkwa'bit IN FRONT OF HIM; cognate with el'gui 

ALONG BY, AROUND (cf. note 7). 

3 kudo"sum imperative DRINK; cf. n'g'da'u'sem I AM 
THIRSTY, and meskw ng'dosme'uwun BEFORE I DRINK 
(cf. note 6). 

t te'po ONLY. 

6 sikte'l'ma HE LAUGHS; cf. sikte'l'mit HE LAUGHING. 
'meskw ng'dosme'uwun (see note 3) 

7 e'legut = eli (continuative) + que (participial) + -t 
(cf. el'gui, note 2). 

8 ni'l-ga wt'os-me'ji: ni'l-ga I INDEED +wi'os MEAT + 
me'ji EAT, derivative of mils (see note 28, p. 61). 

'muze'i MOOSE-MEAT; note that -ei always denotes 

the meat, as ko'wus cow (loan-word); kowuse'i BEEF. 

10 na'jie'-beska'm'n; literally HE GOES AWAY FROM = 

pesk BURST AWAY. 

II w' turn' ha HE BEATS THEM; cf. w'nu'tka-tu'm'ha 
(note 13); cf. Natick tummuhho'uau HE EARNS; DE- 
SERVES (Natick Diet. 166). 

"p'st'de EVERY ONE; usually m'st'de or m'si'u ALL. 

"w'nu'tka-tu'm'ha HE BEATS THEM: nutka not clear, 
but may be nut'k pi. of nut, nit, used here in the sense 
THESE. 

14 w'ta-ma'jehan HE GOES ALONG; ta = ALONG. 

15 we'ji p'sad'lgwi'ye TO WHERE (weji) IT is SNOWING. 
Louis Mitchel gives k'san as SNOW; cf. Natick kun. 
The form p'san appears in peji -p'san IT is BEGINNING 
TO SNOW and in the noun p'san (note 26). I cannot 
explain the final elements of p'sad'lgwi'ye, except that 
-gwiye indicates a continuous present. 



s'la"ki-de maje-de'mo 16 osimi'z'l. w'skino"sis 
Then begins to cry his little The little lad 
brother. 

ma'jehan wizgamgwe'sso 17 



goes along; it is a fierce storm; 



ti'ke'pode. 18 
it rumbles 
away. 

no'd'han w'skino"sis wi'kw'nan 1 '; 

he hears it the little lad, it calling 

ulgwunsi'z'l 20 masejika'men 21 eli'yat. 22 
at his heels; it sweeps where 

he goes. 

I 

ma'Ium-de ke'skw-de 23 heliya'tp'n 24 w'nimi'al 
Then while he was going he sees 

him (his 
brother) i 

etli-p'n'sili'jil 25 p'sa'nul. 26 ni'tte bejia't 27 
fighting with the Then coming, 



snow. 



holago'zin 28 
he asks 






p'san w'ti'yan p'sa'nul 

the he says to the 

snow; to it snow, 

k'ma'jehan wajeyawi'yun 29 na'ga to'jiu 30 
"You go where you and then 

back to came from," 

>e maje-demo BEGINS (maje = mache) TO CRY + demo 
(see notes n. 17, p. 59; 15, p. 60). 

17 wizgamgwe'sso IT STORMS FURIOUSLY: wizg- VERY 
MUCH+om-s STORM; cf. etut-l-a'm-s-ek IT BLOWS. 

"ti'ke'pode IT RUMBLES AWAY; ti'ke'pudek IT DIES 

AWAY. 

"wi'kw'han (HOW) IT CALLS (not RUMBLES, as the 
narrator had it). 

20 ulgwunsi'z'l: from mu'(l)kwun HEEL = AT HIS 

HEELS. 

11 masejika'men IT SWEEPS. 

eli'yat WHERE HE GOES (el); cf. heliya'tp'n, with 
aspirate (note 24). 
23 keskw-de WHILE. 

21 heliya'tp'n; cf. note 22. 

25 etli-p'n'sili'jil WHILE HE is FIGHTING (p'n) (see notes 
26, p. 60; n, p. 61). 

M p'sa'nul SNOW, with obviative -ul (see note 15). 

27 pejia't HE is COMING (from peji APPROACH). 

28 holago'zin HE ASKS; the usual form is w't-ekwe'chi- 
mo'ldn. 

29 wajeyawi'yun participle in 2d per. WHERE YOU 
COME FROM; a distracted form of weji FROM, verbalized: 
cf. etli-wechiwe"tit WHERE THEY GO. 

30 to'jiu THEN. 



NO. I 



A PASSAMAQUODDY TOBACCO FAMINE 



ne'g'm w'z'we'ssin. 1 osimi'z'l 
he turns back. His little 
brother 

k'lulwiga'lal 2 p'sa'nul mo'za 3 apch 4 nit 
calls to the "Do again now 
snow, not ever 

l w'zwessin HE TURNS BACK FROM: weswe BACK; cf. 
weswe-ma"tit WHEN HE COMES BACK. 
2 k'lulwiga"lal HE CALLS AT HIM; evidently a form of 
k'lul CALL; cf. noji-k'lu'l-wet CALLER; HERALD. 
a mo'za prohibitive negative. 
4 apch AGAIN. 


ke'k'si'-p'gussino"kich. 6 nitte m'st'u 6 nit 
falls so thickly." Then all after 

toji w'z'we'ssin. mejaldet'geulmi'ye. 7 
that return. Perhaps he is still going. 

5 ke'k'si-p'gussino'kich DO NOT FALL so THICK; 
ke'k'si = ke'kw-se SOMEWHAT +p'gu(s) = pa'kw'tek THICK; 
etli-pakw'tek IT BECOMES THICK. 
*m'siu ALL. 
7 mejaldet'geulmi'ye: mech+al (both continuatives) 
+phonetic <f+e/'ge = continuous motion+/ (el) GO 
-\--miye = present ending; literally STILL CONTINUOUSLY 
HE is GOING. The idea PERHAPS inserted by the narra- 
tor would be expressed by chip'duk, but is omitted here. 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON > 
By LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 

INTRODUCTORY 



THE following four texts form part of a fair 
collection of Alsea traditions obtained by 
Dr. Livingston Farrand in 1900, and by myself 
in 1910 and 1913. The greater part of this 
collection is in process of publication as a 
Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnol- 
ogy. For several reasons it was deemed ad- 
visable to omit these four texts from the 
above-mentioned publication. It therefore 
became necessary to publish them separately. 

The Alsea Indians, who, with the Yaqwina 
tribe, form the Yakonan linguistic family, 
occupied in former days a small strip of the 
northwestern coast of the State of Oregon. 
They are a small band practically on the very 
verge of extinction. At present they live on 
the Siletz Reservation, and at the time of my 
last visit (in 1913) they numbered only five 
individuals. The Yaqwina subdivision is 
totally extinct, the last member of this sub- 
tribe having died some three years ago. 

Culturally the Alsea Indians are closely 
related to the several smaller coastal stocks 
that inhabit the northern part of California 
and the whole of the State of Oregon. Lin- 
guistically they show a close affiliation with 
the Kusan, Siuslauan, and Kalapuyan stocks. 
Their mythology is typical of this region, 
which embraces northern California, Oregon, 
and part of Washington, and shows many 
points of contact with the folk-lore of the 
Maidu, Yana, Shasta, Takelma, Molala, 
Kalapuya, Tillamook, and Chinook Indians. 
The main aspects of this mythology, and its 
relation to the folk-lore of the neighboring 
tribes, have been discussed in a separate 

1 Published with the permission of the Smithsonian 
Institution. 



paper, which appeared in the "American 
Anthropologist," N. s., 3 1240-247. 

ALPHABET 



a . 

e . 

i . 

. 
u . 

a . 

1 . 
i . 

s . 

a . 

a", ", 



B . 

a i 

II 

of . 
Hi. 

au 
au 

ou 
Hi 

af 
aV 
uf 
q . 
ql . 

x . 
k . 
kl 



k-! 



. like a in shall. 

. like e in helmet. 

. like f in it. 

. like o in sort. 

. like in German Furcht. 

. like a in car. 

. like a in table, but with a strong i-tinge. 

. like ee in teem. 

. like o in rose, but with a strong w-tinge. 

. like oo in too. 
f,o n ,u", short vowels of continental values, 

slightly nasalized. 

i", d*,u", long vowels of continental values, 
slightly nasalized. 

. obscure vowel. 
* . . resonance and epenthetic vowels. 

. like f in island. 

. same as preceding, but with second ele- 
ment long; interchanges with i. 

. like on in mouth. 

. same as preceding, but with second ele- 
ment long; interchanges with u. 

. diphthong ou. 

. diphthong ui. 

. diphthong ai slightly nasalized. 

. diphthong at slightly nasalized. 

. diphthong ui slightly nasalized. 

. velar k. 

. same as preceding, with great stress of 
explosion. 

. like ch in German Bach. 

. like c in come, but unaspirated. 

. same as preceding, with great stress of 
explosion. 

. palatal g, like g in give. 

. palatal k, like c in cubic. 

. same as preceding, with great stress of 
explosion. 

. like ch in German ich. 

. aspirated, like c in come. 



NO. I 



MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON 



d, t . . . as in English; sonants and surds difficult 
to distinguish; surd not aspirated. 

//.... like t, with great stress of explosion. 

<'.... aspirated, like t in ten. 

s . . . . palatal spirant, like Polish s. 

ts ... like Polish c. 

ts! ... same as preceding, with great stress of 
explosion. 

p . . . . as in English. 

pi ... same as preceding, with great stress of 
explosion. 

p' ... aspirated p. 

I, m, n . .as in English. 
.... palatal /, like / in lure. 



Ll 

! 



h,y, w 

'w 



. spirant laterals; subject to frequent in- 
terchange. 

. like L, with great stress of explosion. 

. glottal stop. 

. aspiration whose palatal or velar char- 
acter depends upon the character of 
the vowel that precedes it. 

. as in English. 

. like wh in whether. 

. accent. 

. denotes excessive length of vowels. 

. is an etymological device indicating 
loose connection between stems and 
formative elements. 



i. PA'LIS (SKUNK) 1 

Suda'"st Lmu'tsk'Exltlenu't. hau'k'siLx 

x'Q'lam 'k'ta's le'wi'. 'LaLxiya 82 qa"'tsE 

x'Q'lamtxa, te'mltaLx tsqe'wiLx as LEya'- 

tsit. "a'a, ya'tsxax-a hu n 'k'i mEha'It?" 

5 - - "a'a, hu n 'k'i sin le'wi', hQ n 'k'in 

hi'tslEmal. na'k'sautxap-E'n mu n 'hu?" 

-"'Lallya 83 nak's ya'xau. hi'k'e'L 

x'ii'lam Lha'nut 'k'ta's hl'tsLEm Is 

qauwai'-slo." - "temip-a' mEha'ntEx as 

I0 hi'tslEm aili'k'I?" -- "uya 8 ." "sips 4 tqa- 

ia'ldl Lha'nut as hi'tslEm, k'ins aya'yusup 

na'k'eai kus hi'tslEm k'a'xk'ex." "k'eai'sa, 

k'-qau'wis xakuli'n ha s t! usta'yu." 



Temau'x mu n 'hu k'e'a ayai'. 'Lauxiya 8 5 

15 qa*'tsE ya'xau, temau'x haihaitxai'. 

temau'x qalpal' xe'tsux". te'mtta mu n 'hu 

tsimsalsxai'. k - u'k u s-axa 6 k' linayu'Li. 

"x-au Lpu n 'k!uyEmts, x-au 'Liya 8 LEhya'- 

Isalsxam." 7 k'is mu n 'hu k'e'a Lhilkwai'si. 

20 k'Ets hi'k'e sa'xtlell ts-pa'halyust!Emk - . 

tern k-au'xuts haihaitxai' qalpal'. qalpal' 

k'au'xuts xe'tsux u , te'mlta hi'k'e hala'tsi 

1 Told by Thomas Jackson in 1910. This story 
would seem to be one of the few distinctive traditions 
that were obtained either by Farrand or myself. At 
least, thus far this myth has not been found recorded 
among any other tribe of this region. 

2 Consists of 'Liya' NOT; -LX 3d per. pi. 



I. THE STORY OF SKUNK 

(Once there were) five (boys) related as 
younger brothers. They were travelling all 
over the world. They did not travel long, 
when they came upon a person (Skunk). 
"Oh, dost thou live here, old man?" -- "Yes, 
here is my place, here I grew into a man. 
Where are you going now?" "We are not 
going anywhere. We just travel to look over 
the people everywhere." "And have you 
seen any people already?" "No." "If 
you want to look at people, I will constantly 
go with you where the people come together." 
"All right, this our eldest brother will go 
with thee first." 

And then, indeed, they two started. They 
two were not going long, when they two 
rested. Then they two started again. And 
now (Skunk) began to try repeatedly (his) own 
(power). He was constantly looking back at 
(the man who followed him). "Thou shalt 
follow right behind me, thou sha'n't be dodg- 
ing here and there." Then, indeed, he would 
do it. (And Skunk) would just open his anus. 
Then again they two would take a rest. Once 
more they two would start, but just similarly 

3 Consists of 'Liya.* NOT; -I ist per. pi. 

4 Consists of sis conditional particle; -p 2d per. pi. 

6 Consists of 'Liya? NOT; -aux 3d per. dual. 
'Consists of k-is temporal particle; -uk? suffixed 

particle AWAY; -axa suffixed particle AGAIN. 

7 hil- TO MISS, TO DODGE. 



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VOL. I 



'hO wil na'k-eai kus 
x-au Lpu n 'k!uyEmts 



i'mstatxu. temu n 'hu, suda B 'stk-emyuk-aux 
xe'tsux". "k'ist mu 
mEqami'nt hi'tslEm. 
hi'k-e qa a 'ltE." temu n 'hu k-e'a Lhilkwai'- 
5 SEX, tem-uk u mu n 'hu LpiLa'yutiLx. Loi'- 
ItEx 1 mu n 'hu, qaha'lk-s xqui'nx. xami'- 
axa tem-axa yalsai'. temu n 'hu mis-axa 
wilx, tern pxeltsQsa'Lnx. "na'k'-En tEli'n 
hat!?" -- "a'a, lEmu'ltiiyQ 'k-a'sxan 

10 wili'sal. qauwa 8 " hi'k-e ta'xti 'k'sili'- 
kwEx; Lpu'pEnhaut, Ixwi'lxwiyaut, LEya n/ - 
hatslit, qauwa 8 " hi'k-e tas intsk'i's 
Lhilkwai'sLnx." "a'a, k-eai'sa, k'il 
ayai'mi." -- "k'ip xa'mEnt!" - "k-eai'sa, 

15 k-in qan usta'a." temau'x mu n 'hu k-e'a 



ayal'. 



'Lauxiya 8 qa a 'tsE ya'xau, temau'x 



hai'haitxai. temau'x qalpai' xe'tsux", 
te'mlta k'Ets hi'k-e hala'tsi i'mstatxu. 
suda' a stk-emyuk-aux qalpai' xe'tsux", tem 

20 k-Ets qalpai'nx LpiLa'yutiLx. qalpai'nx 
k-Ets haitsai'nx qaha'lk's, tem k'Ets-axa 
qalpai' yalsai'. tem k'Ets-axa wilx 
qalpai'. "a'a, wi'lxax-a axa?" - "a'a, 
wi'lxan-axa xamk 1 !." - "temau'x-En na'- 

25 k-eai?" - "a'a, lEmu'ltiiyusxaux. qauwa'" 
hi'k-e ta'xti Lhilkwai'sLnx, 'k'a'sil wili'- 
sal." - "k-eai'sa, x-axa-a' qalpai'm 
ayai'mi?" - - "a'a, k'in-axa ayai'm 

qalpai'm." - - "k-in ai'i usta'yfl?" 

30 "k-eai'sa, k'ist ayai'mi." tem k-au'xuts 
mu n 'hu k-e'a ayai'xa. ! Lauxiya 8 qa a 'tsE 
ya'xau, tem k-au'xuts hai'haitxai, pilai'- 
xaux. "hanhu'u tEha'm mu'kutsiu!" 
tem k-e'a ihi'yux". iltli'nx. "aqa 8a t 

35 tEha'm mu'kutsiu." "a'a, sin k-g'+k'- 
istxau." 2 tsamsa! 8 yai'nx, txwai'nx xu'si. 
"he + , xa-'Liya 8 ta'axwai tsa a 'mE, sin 
k-e'+k-istxau! sin ta* ts-ta'ak- ts-mu'- 
kutsiuk-."* qalpai' k-au'xuts-axa xe'tsux". 



1 wil- TO KILL. 
1 k'ist- TO LEAVE. 

3 Skunk utters each word in this sentence in a 



it would happen. At last they two started 
out for the fifth time. "We two are now 
about to arrive at where there are many 
people. Thou shalt always follow me close 
behind." And then, indeed, (the man) did it, 
whereupon (Skunk) broke wind at him sud- 
denly. He killed him, (and) dragged him to 
one side. He turned back and went home. 
And then, when he came home, he was asked, 
"Where is our oldest brother?" - - "Oh, he 
remained at (the place) to which we two came. 
(Those people there) are doing all sorts of 
things, they play shinny-ball, they throw 
spears through hoops, they play the guessing- 
game, all sorts of things are done (by them) . ' ' 
"Oh, all right, we shall go (together)." 
"You will (come with me) one at a time." 
- "All right, I will go with him." And then, 
verily, they two went. They two did not go 
long, when they two took a rest. Then they 
two started out again, but (soon) the same 
thing would happen as before. For the fifth 
time they two started out again, whereupon 
(Skunk) once more broke wind at him sud- 
denly. Again he carried him to one side, and 
went back home once more. Then he arrived 
home again. "Oh, didst thou come back?" 
"Yes, I came back alone." "And where 
are they two?" - "Oh, they two remained 
(there). All sorts of things are done at where 
we two came." - "All right, art thou going 
back again?" - "Yes, I am going back once 
more." - - "May I go with thee?" - - "Cer- 
tainly, we two shall go." Then they two, 
verily, started out. They two did not go long, 
when they two took a rest (and) sat down. 
"Let me have this thy bow!" Then, indeed, 
he gave it to him. (The man) began to exam- 
ine it. "Thy bow is good." - - "Yes, I have 
inherited it," (said Skunk.) (The man) tried 
it several times, he pulled it a little. "Hey! 
do not pull it hard, (it is) my heirloom. (It is) 
the bow of my father's father." Again they 

whining tone. He is afraid lest his bow (in reality his 
anus) be broken by the young man. 



NO. I MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON 



hala'tsi I'mstatxu. temu n 'hu sQda a 'stk-- 
emyuk-aux ts-xatsuwi'sk- tern yasau 8 - 
yai'nx. "Lpu n 'k!us-u!, x-au 'Llya* 

LEhya'lsalsxam ; la'lta sxaus 1 LEhya'- 
5 Isalsxam, hu s tsk- qau'k'eai qai n kwa'yu." 
k-is mu n 'hu k'e'a Lhilkwai'si. tem-uk u 
mu n 'hu qalpal'nx LpiLa'yutiLx tern 
k'Ets-axa mu n 'hu yalsai'xa. temu n/ hu 
mis-axa wilx, temau'x LEa'laux. "k-i'- 
10 stinxaLxan-axa." "k'eai'sa, x-axa-a' 

qalpal'm ayai'mi?" - "a'a, k'in-axa 
ayal'm." ayai' k'au'xuts 2 axa qalpai'. 
'Lauxiya 8 qa a 'tsE ya'xau, tern k-au'xuts 



mu n 'hu hai'haitxai. 
15 mu'kutslu!" ihi'nx 

kutsluk-. "aqa 8a t 

tEha'm mu'kutslu." - 



"hanhu'u tEha'm 

mu n 'hu ts-mu'- 

mu n 'hu 

- "a'a, sin 



k-e'a 
k-e'- 



+k'istxau." tern txwai'nx ts-la'tuk'-auk-. 
"he+, xa-'Llya" ta'axwai tsa'mE!" te'- 

20 mlta Lta'xwalx tsa a 'mE. "he + , xa-'Liya* 
ta'axwai tsa'"mE! xa-qai n kwa'a. sin 
k-e'+k'istxafl, sin ta* ts-ta'ak- temaxa 
sin ta' ts-mu'kuts!uk-." qalpai' k-au'- 
xuts xe'tsux". "Lpu^'klus-u! x-au 

25 'uya 8 LEhya'lsalsxam." k'u'k u s-axa 

k'linayu'Li. "he, LEhya'lsalsxax-au. 

Lpu n 'k!us-u, Lpu n 'k!us-u, Lpu n 'k!us-u!" 
k-Ets mu n 'hu Lpu n 'k!wi, la'k-auk'Ets 3 
ts!ina'slyux u i k'ts-hai n 'k- ts-pa'halyust!Emk-. 

30 k-Ets hi'k-e sa'xtleli ts-pa'halyust!Emk-. 
temu n 'hu suda a 'stk-emyuk- ts-xatsuwi'sk-aux 
tern k-Ets mu n 'hu I'mstE hala'tsi. "Lpu n '- 
k!us-u! x-au 'Liya e LEhya'lsalsxam." 
tern k-Ets mu n 'hu qalpal'nx LpiLa'yutiLx. 



35 Tern k-Ets-axa mu n 'hu yalsai'. tern 
mis-axa wilx, tern pxeltsusa'Lnx. "na'k-- 
ILX tEha'm plui's?" - - "a'a, k'i'stinxaLxan- 



1 sis (conditional particle) + -x (2d per. sing.) + 
-u (suffixed particle) HERE. 



two started out. The same thing was done 
as before. Finally, after their (dual) fifth 
start, (Skunk) said to him several times, 
"Keep thou right behind me! Thou shalt not 
dodge back and forth; because, if thou 
keepest on dodging here and there, perchance 
somebody will hurt thee." Then (the man) 
did it, indeed. Thereupon again he quickly 
broke wind at him, after which he went home 
once more. And then, when he came back, 
he told the two (remaining brothers), "I left 
them behind." "All right, art thou going 
back again?" "Yes, I am going back." 
Then they two (Skunk and the fourth brother) 
went back again. They two did not go long, 
when they two took a rest. "Let me have thy 
bow!" So he gave him his bow. "Verily, thy 
bow is good." "Yes, (it is) my heirloom." 
Then (the boy) began to pull its string. "Hey ! 
do not pull it hard !" Nevertheless he kept on 
pulling it harder. "Hey! do not pull it hard! 
Thou wilt spoil it. (It is) my heirloom, it is 
the bow of my father's father and also of my 
father." Then they two started out again. 
"Keep right behind me! Thou shalt not twist 
thyself here and there." He looked back at 
him once in a while. "Hey! thou art twisting 
thyself here. Follow close behind me, follow 
close behind me, follow close behind me!" 
Then (the boy) walked right behind him, 
although his anus was all the time repulsive 
to his sense (of smell). (Skunk) was continu- 
ally opening his anus. Finally, after their 
(dual) fifth start, (Skunk) did the same thing 
as before. (He kept on saying,) "Keep right 
behind me! Thou shalt not dodge here and 
there." Then at last he again broke wind at 
him suddenly. (The boy died.) 

Then he went home. And when he came 
back, he was asked (by the last brother), 
"Where are thy (former) companions?" 
"Oh, I left them behind. They refused to 

2 k-Ets (temporal) particle) + -aux (ad per. dual). 
' Id (pronominal particle) + k'Ets (temporal particle) 
+ -auk- (suffixed particle) INSIDE. 



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VOL. I 



axa. lEmu'ltliyusxaLx. qauwa ta intsk'I's 
Lhilkwai'sLnx; tpu'pEnhaut, LEya n 'hats!It, 
Lku'kumkwaut, tsxwa'tsxwataut, Ixwi'- 
Ixwlyaut." - "a'a, k-Ex-a' axa ayai'mi?" 
5 - - "a'a, k-in-axa qalpai'm ayai'm." 
"k'eai'sa, k-in-axa usta'yu." 



Temau'x mu n 'hu k-e'a ayal'. 'Lauxiya 8 
qa*'tsE ya'xau, temau'x mu n 'hu hai'haitxai. 
"hanhu'u tEha'm mu'kutslu!" temu n 'hu 

10 k-e'a ihi'yux". temu n 'hu tsimai'nx 

txwal'nx. "he + , xa-'Liya' ta'axwai 
tsa'mE! xa-tk-isa'a sin hi'hisxau, 1 
sin k-I'stEx. 2 sin ta' ts-ta'ak- tem-axa 
ts-ta'ak- ts-mu'kutsluk-." "mu n 'hQ k-e'a 

15 aqa ta t tEha'm mu'kutslu." k-is-axa 

qalpa'a txwa'a. "he + , xa-'Liya' ta'axwai 
tsa'mE! hu'tsk-Ex tk-isa'a." qalpal' 
k-au'xuts xe'tsux". hala'tsi k'Ets mu 
i'mstE qalpal'. tern k-au'xuts mu 

20 qalpal' xe'tsux". "Lpu n 'k!us-u a a 'qa 

qoma'ts, hu'tsk 1 qau'k-eai qai"kwa'yu." 
k-iltas 8 'Liya'; hak'l n "yaisl hi'k-e ya'xau. 
"hehe', 'Laxauya 14 Lpu n 'k!uyEmtsx. Lpu n '- 
k!us-u!" k'Ets mu n 'hu qa'halt Lpklui'nx, 

25 k-Ets hl'k-e sa'xtlell tspa'halyustlEmk-. 5 
hai'haitxai'xaux qalpai' suda'stk-emyuk-. 
"hanhu'u tEha'm mu'kutslu! k'in qan 
spai'dl tEha'm mu'kutslu." - "'Llya*. 
xa-k-imha'k- ! Liya' iltqa'yusi. ma'- 

30 mhatsEx." tern k'Ets mu n 'hu qalpal'nx 
txwal'nx. k-Ets xu'sl hl'k-e ItExwa'yutx. 
"he, xa-'Liya' ta'axwai! he, xa-'Liya* 
ta'axwai!" txwal'nx k-e'tk'i tsa a 'mE. 
"he+, xa-'Liya' ta'axwai! aitwai' 6 sin 

35 mu'kuts!u!" - - "'Liya 8 ! k'Ex-axa ihi'- 
yEmtsu asi'n ha'tloo, k-ins-axa ihi'yEm 
tEha'm mu'kutslu." - "k-eai'sa, tern 
ait-u sin mu'kutslu!" - " ! Llya e ! ha'aits 
qau'wis ha ai'ait a'sin ha'tloo, k-ins-axa 



'hu 
'hu 



1 Reduplicated stem hlsx. 

1 Nominalized verbal stem. 

1 k'is temporal particle; ltd particle. 



come home. All sorts of things are done 
(there), shinny-playing, guessing, running, 
wrestling, throwing spears through hoops." 
- "All right, wilt thou go back?" - "Yes, 
I am going back once more." "All right, 
I will go back with thee." 

Then, verily, they two went. They two 
did not go long, when they two took a rest. 
"Let me have this thy bow!" (said the 
young man). Thereupon, indeed, (Skunk) 
gave it to him. So then he tried to pull it. 
"Hey! do thou not pull it hard! Thou wilt 
break my ancient heirloom, (the thing) which 
was left to me. (This is) the bow of my 
father's father, and then (of) his father." 
- "Now, verily, thy bow is good." Again 
he would begin to pull it. "Hey! do thou 
not pull it hard! Thou wilt break it, per- 
chance." Again they two started out. Once 
more then similarly (it was done) thus. 
Then they two would start out again. 
"Follow me close right behind, perchance 
somebody might hurt thee." Nevertheless 
(the young man would) not (do this) ; he just 
kept on going alongside (of him). "Hey! thou 
art not walking behind me. Keep right be- 
hind me!" Then (the boy) would pretend to 
walk behind him, whereupon (Skunk) began 
to open his anus. At the fifth time they two 
rested again. "Let me see this thy bow! I 
am going to carry thy bow." "No. Thou 
mayst not (know) what to do with it. Thou 
art young (yet)." (Finally the boy persuaded 
Skunk to part with his bow.) And then he 
began to pull it again. He would pull it 
quickly just a little. "Hey! do thou not pull 
it! Hey! do thou not pull it!" He pulled it 
a little harder. "Hey! do not pull it! Give 
me back my bow!" "No! Thou shalt 

(first) give me back my elder brothers, then 
I will return to thee thy bow." - - "All right, 
but give me back my bow!" "No! First 

4 'Liya* NOT +-* (2d per. sing.) + -au (suffixed par- 
ticle) HERE. 

5 Without, however, killing him. 

6 Consists of ait + -u + -af. 



NO. I MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON 



6 9 



mu n 'hu ihl'yEm tEha'm mukutslu." 
"k-eai'sa." temu n 'hu k'e'a ayal'xa. 

'Liya 8 qa'tsE pal"yux u , te'mltaLx-axa 
wllx. qau'watiLx-axa spaa'yaux. "hu n '- 
5 k-i tEha'm ha'tloo." - - "ham mu'kutslu 
a as anhu'u?" "a'a." "hEn, 

'Liya 8 , sin anal's. ham pa'halyustlEm, 
'Liya 8 ham mu'kutslu." txwai'nx 

mu n 'hu. tai 8 mu n 'hu. mis ta'xusanx, 
IO k'Ets hi'k-axa hya 8 qai'txa. temu n 'hu 
Iqaya'yu ts-mu'kutsluk-. hi'k-axa tsliya'- 
qtEx, qe'ntEx mu n 'hu. 
Tai 8 mu n 'hu. 

2. COYOTE AND THE TWO OTTER-WOMEN > 



Hamsti 8 hl'k'e intsk'I's Lhllkwal'sEx 

15 Mo'luptsini'sla. namk- mis qaml'n 

qai n hal' LEya'tsit, temu n 'hu tl'fltl'wantxal' 

is le'wi'. namk' mis-axa wi'lal kus 

tsudal's, tern ti'utl'wantxai' is k-ea n/ - 

k-elau, is tsudal's ts-k-ea"'k-elauk-. 

20 temu n 'hu k'ilwi' is tsudal's ts-k'ea"'- 

k-etauki'k's. 2 

Tern-auk- mu n 'hu tlxal'nx ts-hai n 'k', 
k'-Loqudi'im is mukwa stELi. temau'x 
mEla'nx xe'Lk'it-s-tsa'sidoo. tern-auk 1 

25 Itla'xsalx tshai n 'k'. "k'in mukwa'tstELiya'a 
xam 8 ." hi'k'aux Lhaya'nix ts-xa'lxask' 
hamstl*. temau'x 'Liya 8 tqaia'ldEx, 

sau'xus 3 xam 8 na ya'tsi. k'aux hl'k'e 
k'a'axk'e ya'tsi. temau'x-auk' hi'k'e 

30 qa a 'ltE I'mstE Itla'xsalx ts-hai n 'k - . 
"k--Liya 8 na ya'tsi ku'sin qtlm. k'-xan 
hi'k-e k'a'axk-e ya'tsi." la'ltasaux 

Lhaya'nix hi'k'e tsa a 'mE haihaya s t ts- 
k-ell'sk-, la'ltasaux-auk- I'mstE ts-hai n 'k', 

35 "xan-'Llya 8 namk- ya'tsi. xan-qal'k'- 

al'm, la'lta mi'sxan 'Liya 8 tqaia'ldEx. 
k'-Llya E sa'lsxaim is mukwa s stELl, sis 
tepll'i; kus tsa 8 haihaya 8 t ts-k-ell'sk-." 

"Told by William Smith in 1910. Compare Frach- 
tenberg (CU 4 : 88 et seq.). 

1 This part of the story hardly belongs here. It may 



bring back here my elder brothers, then I will 
return to thee thy bow." "All right." 
Then, indeed, he went. He was not absent 
long, when they (all) came back. He brought 
them all back. "Here are thy elder brothers." 
"Is this here thy bow?" "Yes." "Hm! 
no, my friend 1 (It is) thy anus, not thy bow." 
So he began to pull it. Only (this much was 
necessary). As he kept on pulling it, (Skunk) 
just whined all the time. Finally his bow 
broke. (Then Skunk) just straightened out 
again, and died. 

Only now (the story ends). 

2. COYOTE AND THE TWO OTTER-WOMEN 

Coyote did all sorts of things. When long 
ago he was ready (for) people, he created the 
world. Again, after the salmon (began to) 
arrive regularly, he made a fish-basket, a 
fish-basket for salmon. Thereupon the salmon 
went into their fish-basket. 



Then (one day) he thought in his inner 
mind that he would take (unto him) a wife. 
Now, he knew (of) two women. So he 
thought in his inner mind, "I am going to 
marry one (of them)." Modo videbat vulvas 
utrarumque. But they two did not desire 
that one of them should live somewhere (else). 
They two were just going to stay together. 
Thus they two were always thinking in their 
inner minds: "My younger sister is not going 
to live somewhere (else). We two are just 
going to stay together." Quia illae duae 
videbant penem eius modo longum esse, 
propterea eae duae sic cogitabant. "We two 
shall never stay with him. We two are going 
to run away, because we two do not like him. 
Mulier cum qua hie copulabit non superstes 
erit; valde longus penis eius est." 

be looked upon as a description of the part which Coyote 
had in the Creation. 

* Consists of sis conditional particle; -aux 3d per. 
dual. 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



Tern Is xa'mEt-s-qamH's tem-axa wllx. 1 
tern yasau'yai'nx xa'mELi. "xa-telo'- 
qudlxwal'm is tsudal's kwe'k's-auk-." 
tern yasau'yal'nx ts-qti'mk-. "xa-ts!Ila'a 
5 kus tqauli'ts!. k-in spai'dl sin puu'ya 8 , 
sins 2 ayai'mi ko'kus." temu n 'hu mis 
pk-Iai'nx kus tqauli'ts!, 3 tern mu n 'HI 
hl'tslEm pi'usxal. la a kus aili'k'I yu'xtEx 
kus Iku'husal Itsa'nt. "namk- sins 

10 'Liya'-axa wil ha'afqa, k-xau'k-s 4 tlxa'yflts 
'k-xa'm hai nt , 'mu n 'hu tsqwa qal'k-ai'." 
tern yasau'yai'nx ts-qti'mk-. "k'in 

hak-i'm ma'ntitxu. k-ist ! Llya' namk- 
ya'tsELl, k'ist 'Liya 1 namk- sa'lsxalm. 

15 tsa'mE hi'k-e haihaya't ts-k-eH'sk-." 
temu n 'hu ayal'. temu n 'hu mis ayal' 
ats-sa'ak-, tem pl'usxa*yal' ats-temxtsi'sk- 6 
ts-Ili'diyuk-. "'Laniya* tqaia'ldEx sxas 
ayai'm k'i'mhak-s. 'Liya', sin mukwa'- 

2O StELl." 



Temau'x mu n 'hu qal'k-a!'. temu n 'hu 
k-i'mhak-s Lqwa'miLx ats-sa'ak-. "tsa'tl 
SEX tas wllx. k-ist qark-al'm nl'sk-ik-s." 
te'mlta 'Liya* qa a 'tsE tem LEai'sx ats- 

25 si'tEk- awi'lau. temu n 'hu yasau'yai'nx 
ats-sa'ak-. "auH'xa. k--Llya* qa a 'tsE k'ist 
Lqwa'mits." temu n 'hu mEya'saux ats- 
sa'ak-. "k-ist 'Ltya e le'wi'yaisi qal'k-- 
ai'm, k-ist k'ilu'waisi qal'k-ai'm." temau'x 

30 mu n 'hu k-e'a imsti'; k'ilu'wasyaux qal'k-ai'. 
tem mEya'saux ats-sa'ak-. "k'ist k'i'- 
mhak-s k-a wil, tem mis qalpai'm 
qwa'mstoxs halts, k'i'stauk-s 6 ku'k u s 
ayai'm." te'mlta 'Liya' qa a 'tsE tem 

35 llxusal' tem xudui' yal'x-auk- Is hai" 8 . 
te'mlta 'Liya 8 qa a 'tsE tem LEai'sx mukwi'- 
sta. tem-axa hak-i'm qalpal' xe'tsux". 



1 In the mean while Coyote seems to have succeeded 
in persuading these women to become his wives. 

2 Consists of sis conditional particle; -n 1st per. 
sing. 

This pitch was to answer in her stead, in case her 
husband called for her. 



Then one night he came back. Then he said 
to one (of them), "Thou shalt fetch the salmon 
at the canoe." So (the older woman) said to 
her younger sister, "Thou shalt split this pitch- 
wood. I am going to take my bucket along 
when I go to the river." So, after she stood 
up that pitch-wood, it produced sounds just 
like a human being. Now, the one who went 
down to the river to fetch water had already 
disappeared. (But before she left, she told 
her younger sister,) "Should I not come back 
right away, thou shalt think in thy inner 
mind, 'Now she must have escaped.' ' Then 
she (also) told her younger sister, "I shall wait 
for thee there. We two shall never live with 
him, we two shall never survive. Modo valde 
longus penis eius est." Then she went 
(away). And after her older sister went 
(away), her husband kept on shouting his 
(following) message: "I do not want that thou 
shouldst go there. (Do) not (act so), my 
wife!" 

So they two escaped. And now she over- 
took her older sister there. "(I) am glad that 
thou hast come. We two are going to run 
away far." But not long (afterwards) she saw 
her husband coming. Then she said to her 
older sister, "He is coming nearer. It will not 
be long before he will overtake us two." So 
then her older sister kept on saying, "We two 
shall not escape on land, we two shall travel 
on the water." Thereupon they two did so, 
they two began to travel on water. Then her 
older sister said, "We two shall stop there for a 
while; and if (we two) are overtaken here 
again, we two will go into the middle of the 
ocean." Then not long (afterwards) it began 
to rain and blow exceedingly hard. And not 
long (afterwards) she saw him (come) in a 
canoe. So (they two) departed from there 



4 k'is (temporal particle) + -x (zd per. sing.) + 
-auk' (suffixed particle) INSIDE. 

5 te'maxt BROTHER-IN-LAW. 

6 k'is (temporal particle) + -st (inclusive dual) + 
-auk- (suffixed particle) INSIDE. 



NO. I MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON 



"k'ist 'Liya 8 ayai'm k'i'luk's qalpai'm. 
k'ist hl'k'e qluli'm kwas na'tk'au." 
temau'x mu n 'hu ayai' k'i'mhak's qauxa'- 
nk's kwas tsk'I n 'tsi. temau'x k'i'mhaisl 
5 mEya'xauxa. te'mlta 'Liya 8 qa s 'tsE mis 
mEya'sauxa. "auli'xa, auli'xa." temau'x 
mu n 'hu Iqwa'miLx qaux Is tsk'I n 'tsi. 
"namk' st-Iqwa'mits, k'ist ayai'm ku'k u s. 
k'ist k'i'mhak's spai'dT." temau'x 

10 mu n 'hu k'e'a imstl'xa. 



Tern mEqami'nt as kuFai's hi'k'e 
tsa a 'mE. narnk- k'au'xuts qti'xa 'k'as 
ku'x u , k'au'xuts hi'k'e hamsti' LEai'stu 
ts-spal'k 1 . tsa'maux hl'k'e ma'k'st ts- 
15 spai'k 1 . tern Is I'mstE tern-auk- Itla'xsalx 
ts-hai"'k' kuts-sI'tEk-aux, "la'xauxs ' m'- 
sk'ik's ayai'm, k'i'naux 'Liya 8 namk' 
Lxaai'. Is I'mstE ts-kwa'lnk' la'xauxs 
ni'sk'ik's ayai'm, k'i'naux 'Liya* namk' 

20 Lxaal', la'ltasaux ma'k'st ts-spal'k', 
la'lta aqa'titaux s-mukwa 8 stELl. 2 nl'- 
tsk'aux-auk - Itla'xsalx ts-hai n 'k', temau'- 
xin-auk' mEla'niyux u ts-k'a'ltsuk'." tern- 
auk' I'mstE ts-hai n 'k'. "k'inau'x 'Llya* 

25 namk' Lxaal'." temi'Lx mu n 'hu mEya'- 
xauxa. temi'Lx mu n 'hu wllx LEya'tstik's. 
"st-hak'i n 'k'I qalpa'a k'i'stl." tem 

yasau'yai'nx kuts-qti'mk'. "mEla'nlyEm- 
tsxast ni'tsk'ast-auk- Itla'xsalx stin hai n8 . 

30 k'ist k'i'sti, namk' sis atsk'al'm." na'- 
mk'siLx wllx LEya'tstik's, "tsa a 'mEn 
hi'k'e Lqa'lhlyu." temu n 'hu yasau 8 yai'nx 
kuts-qti'mk'. "xa-'Llya 8 a'tsk'a! namk- 
sis lunqlwaixwai'm, k'i'stis ta'mink'ink' 

35 k'i'stl." temu n 'hu k'e'a Lunqlwalxwai'xa. 
temu n 'hu yasau yal'nx ts-qti'mk'. "k'ist 
qal'k'ai'm mu n 'hu; atsk'ai' mu n 'hu." 
temau'x mu n 'hu qal'k'al'. "xa-xe'ilk'e 
Ihaya'nauwi. xa-'Liya 8 tsa' a mE tu'msa 3 

40 kus tu'msa! k'ist limla'ntEmts." temau'- 

1 laxs (particle) + -aux (3d per. dual). 

2 The plural form ma'mkusH would have been more 
proper here. 



once more. "We two shall not go into the 
water again. We two shall just go upstream 
along that creek." So then they two went 
there on top of a mountain. Then they two 
kept on travelling there. But (it was) not long 
before she said (again), "He is approaching, 
he is approaching!" So then he overtook 
those twq on top of the mountain. "If he 
should overtake us two, we two will go west. 
We two will lead him there." Then, verily, 
they two did so. 

Now (on that place), there were very many 
windfalls. Whenever they two went over a 
log, (Coyote) modo de more videbat vulvas 
ambarum. Valde modo pingues vulvas illae 
duae habebant. And it was for that reason 
that their (dual) husband was continually 
thinking in his inner mind, "Even if they two 
should go far, I shall never give them up. For 
that reason will I never give them up, although 
they two may go far, propterea vulvae am- 
barum pingues sunt, propterea eae duae 
formosae mulieres sunt. Whatever they two 
are thinking in their inner minds, I know their 
(dual) inner thoughts." Then such (were) his 
inner thoughts: "I shall never give those two 
up." Then they kept on going. And then 
they came to a village. "We two are going to 
leave him behind right here." Then (the older 
woman) said to her younger sister, "He knows 
(what) we two (are going to do, and) whatever 
we two are thinking in our inner thoughts. 
We two will leave him when he is asleep." 
When they came to the village, (the younger 
woman said,) "I am very tired." Thereupon 
(the older woman) said to her younger sister, 
"Thou shalt not sleep! As soon as he begins 
to snore, we two will leave him at that time." 
And then, verily, he began to snore. So then she 
said to her younger sister, "We two will escape 
now ; he is asleep now." So they two ran away. 
"Thou shalt watch him carefully. Do thou 
not close the door hard ! He will find us two 



' timsu- TO SHUT (of door only). 



72 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



x-auk- mu n 'hu ko'k u s ayai'. "stis l qal- 
pa'yErnts Lqwa'mits k-i'mhak's, k'i'stauk's 
ko'k u s px-ilmisai'm." temau'x mu n 'hu 
mEya'xauxa. k-au'xuts-axa hiai'; ! LauxIya 8 
5 la" Lhaya'nix. 

Temu n 'hu Lqou'tsxa kuts-sI'tEk'aux. 
aili'k-aux wa 8 I'lElI'ts. tern-auk- mu n 'hu 
tlxal'nx ts-hai n k - . "'Lauxlya* tai* qo'tsE 
tsa'sidu. mEqami'nt tsa'sidu." tern 

10 kus-auk- tlxai'nx ts-hai n 'k-. "k-aux 

'Liya 6 hi'tslEm. k-aux hi'k'e k-ilfl't!in, 
k-aux hl'k-e 'k-qe'xan ya'tsl Is qalxa'tsit! 
ts-Li'qayuk-. k-aux hi'k-e k-ilu't!in ts- 
lank-, k-aux 'Liya' hi'tsLEm ts-lank 1 . 

15 k-aux hi'k-e qa a 'ltE yatsl Is k'i'lu, k-aux 
mEitsai'st is qalxa'tsit! ts-Li'qayuk-, aul 
hi'k-e Is k-i'lu." 

Temu n 'hu tsqa'mtliyu. 



3. COYOTE AND THE TWO FROG-WOMEN 1 

Xa'mEt-s-hi'tslEm 3 ya'tsx. wa'na' ts- 

20 mukwa'slik-. 'Liya* qafl'k-eai tqaia'ldEx. 
tem Is xa'mEt-s-pi'tskum tern-auk- 
tbcal'nx ts-hai n 'k-, k'-ayai'mi ko'k u s phai- 
nai'st is Jowa'qatit-s-tsudai's, k'ai'i 
qlowi'i. temu n 'hu k-e'a ayai'. 'Liya* 

25 qa*'tsE ya'xau, te'mlta Jyai'xaiLx xe'Lk-- 
it-s-tsa'sidu k'in'wa'txaux. temau'x 

pi'usxa 8 yarnx. "na'k-sEx-E'n ya'xau?" 
k'Ets ta'mE 'Liya 8 tsku'yai'x. k'Ets 
psini'k- Ixekemyuk- ts-plwi'slnsk- tem k'Ets 

$0 qa'halt tskwal'tEx. "la-E'n k-ipst tqaia'- 
IdEx?" - 'Liya 8 . hi'k-exan pxe'ltsusa'- 
txux u ." "is intsk-I's-En?" "a'a, 

na'k'sEx-E'n ya'xau?" "ku'k u sin phai- 
nal'st is tsudai's." - "k-eai'sa. k--xan- 

ic axa a' ha'qwawits 4 'k'ha'm ya'xau, sxas- 
axa yala'sautxam?" - "k'eai'sa." tem 
k'Ets mu n 'hu xe'tsux". 

1 sis (temporal particle) + -st (inclusive dual). 

2 Told by Thomas Jackson in 1913. A similar 
tradition was also obtained among the Kalapuya 
Indians. 



out." Then they two went to the middle of 
the sea. "If he should again overtake us here, 
we two will travel in the centre of the ocean." 
Then they two kept on going. They two 
looked back occasionally ; they two did not see 
anything. 

And now their (dual) husband woke up. 
The two (women) were already gone long ago. 
So he was thinking in his inner mind. "They 
two are not the only women (in this world). 
There are many (other) women." Then he 
thought in his inner mind, "They two shall 
not be human beings. They two shall just be 
Otters, they shall simply live beneath the 
roots of the alder-tree. Their (dual) names 
shall just be Otter, their (dual) names shall 
not be People. They two shall always live in 
the water, they two shall have for a house the 
roots of the alder-tree, just close to the water." 

And now (the story) comes to an end. 

3. COYOTE AND THE TWO FROG-WOMEN 

A man was living. (It was Coyote.) He 
had no wife. Nobody wanted him. So one 
day he decided in his inner mind that he would 
go to the coast to look for dried salmon, in 
order that he might buy it. Then, verily, he 
went. He was not going long, when he came 
upon two women (who) were digging the 
ground (for camas). Then they two re- 
peatedly hailed him. "Where art thou go- 
ing?" He acted as if he did not hear. Upon 
his being hailed for the third time, he seemed 
to pay attention. "What do you two want?" 

- "Nothing. We two have just been asking 
thee (a question)." - - "What is it?" - 
"Oh, where art thou going?" "To the 
coast I (am going) for the purpose of looking 
for salmon." - "All right; art thou going 
to leave us two (some) on thy way, after thou 
wilt be going back?" - "Certainly." There- 
upon he departed. 

3 For example, Coyote. 

4 haqu- TO LEAVE. 



NO. I MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON 



73 



Tern k-au'k-Ets mu n 'hu t !axsal s yai'nx 
ts-hai n 'k-. "k-i'naux hi'tE mu n 'hu la a 
klwaya'a?" 'Liya 8 qa a 'tsE ya'xau, te'- 
mlta LEai'stsiLx as la wus 'k-qe'lyEm. 
5 temiT'hu pii'xanx tern yuxayu'Lx tern 
timsiyu'Lx, k'ai'i 'Liya 8 k- !ila"tsxam. 
tem-uk u mu n 'hu qaayu'Lx 'k'ts-sa'yuk-. 
temu n 'hu mis-uk u Iqaai'Lx, tem-axa 
mu n 'hu wahayu'Lx, tem-uk u mu n 'hu 
10 li'yEqa Iqinqe'nx ats-sa'yuk-. temu n 'hu 
mis Itla'msitEx, temu n 'hu tsulqanayu'Lx, 
tem-axa mu n 'hu yalsai'. 

WIlx* mu n 'hu-axa k'i'mhak's na'k-eai 
'k-a'saux xe'Lk'it-s-tsa'sidoo k'in'wa'txa. 

15 k-Ets ta'mE 'Liya 8 ts!owai'nx-sl6, mis-axa 
wilx k-i'mhak-s. pi'usxa 8 yai'nx k-au'xuts 
mu n 'hu xas tsa'sidu. "yala'sautxax-a' 
axa?" "a'a, yala'sautxan-axa." 

"qami'nt-a axa ham ya'xau?" - "'Liya 8 

20 ha tsa a 'mE." - "xan-axa ha'quts hi n sk-." 
"k-eai'sa, ai'xEpst-u!." temau'x-axa 
mu"'hQ k-e'a ayal', temau'x mu n 'hu 
tsqe'wiLx 'k'as ya'tsx. temau'x mu n 'hu 
wahau'hinx. "pst-u awi'lxasxam ts!a 8 wa." 

25 tem-uk u mu n 'hu k'ikuyu'Lx ats-tsola'qank-. 
"siyai'tipst-uk u pstin Lok' 'k'ta'sin sa'yu!." 
temau'x k-e'a hllkwalsai'nx. temu n 'hu 
mi'saux si'yaitEx ts-L5'k'ik', temu n 'hu 
stuqwa'yutliLx l ats-tsula'qank'. tern 

30 hi'k-e xupui'txa tas Ia 8 wus, te'maux mu n '- 
hu LxuI'Jnx as tsa'siduwaux, te'maux 
mu n 'hu ha'sk'Ex. tern mi'saux ha'sk'- 
istEx, temau'x mu n 'hu yu'xtlayux" ts- 
spai'k'aux, temau'x mu n 'hu k'i'stinx. 

35 mu n 'hu namk- k'Qts 2 hituwai', k - is 
mu n hu spa'a kus le'wi', k'is k'i'mhak-s 
k'tsla'a kus spal', k'is mu n 'hu k'wal'mi 
k'i'mhak's. 

Temu n 'hu mi'saux-axa salsxa 8 yai', tern 

40 Iltli'xasx kwas xam 8 . "wa 8 na' sin spal'. 

kwa la" tEni'x?" temu n 'hu k-e'a qalpai' 

1 stqu- TO KICK. 



Now, he was constantly thinking in his 
inner mind, "(I) wonder how I am going to 
play a trick on those two?" He was not going 
long, when he happened to look at some yel- 
low-jackets where (they were) hanging on a 
branch. Thereupon he went to the (nest) and 
took it off (the tree), and closed it so that (the 
yellow-jackets) would not come out. Then he 
put (the nest) into his basket. And after he 
put it (into his basket), he opened (the nest) 
again and tied his basket tightly. Then, after 
he finished, he carried it like a pack, and went 
back. 

Then he came back there, where those pre- 
viously mentioned two women were digging 
the ground. He did not seem to pay any at- 
tention to (those two) after he came back. 
Then those women shouted at him, "Art thou 
on thy way home?" "Yes, I am on my 
way home." "Is it much (what) thou art 
bringing back?" "Not very much." 
"Thou shalt leave some behind for us two." 
-"All right, do you two come here!" So they 
two, verily, went, and came near to where he 
was staying. Thereupon he beckoned to 
those two. "You two shall come nearer here." 
Then he began to untie his pack. "Do you 
two put your (dual) heads inside this basket!" 
Then they two did it, indeed. Thereupon, 
after they two put their heads inside, he 
quickly kicked his pack. Then the yellow- 
jackets just became active, whereupon the 
two women were stung, and then they two 
died. And after they two were dead, he took 
off them their (dual) female organs and left 
those two. Nunc quandocunque congressum 
habere desiderabat, terram fodebat atque 
vulvam ibidem ponebat atque ibidem co- 
habitabat. 

Then after those two (women) came to life 
again, one of them began to examine herself. 
"My female organ is gone. How art thou?" 
Thereupon, -verily, the other one in turn ex- 

2 k-Ets temporal particle; -u suffixed particle HERE. 



74 



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VOL. I 



Iltll'xasx tas xam*, te'mlta mu n 'hu ita* 
hala'tsl wa na' spal'k'. 1 "a'a, Mo'luptsi- 
ni'sla qa'sist klwa'yEmtsx." 

T'mstE tem kus wa 8 na' ts-spai'k' kus 
5 wula'tat. tai 8 mu n 'hu I'mstE. 

4. COYOTE'S AMOROUS ADVENTURES' 
I 

Xa'mEt-s-hi'tslEm 3 wllx k'au'k's. te'- 
mlta LEai'sx xe'Lk'it-s-tsa'sidu Iu n 'tsxaux. 
temau'x pqai'txalnx. "k'inau'x hi'tE 
mu n 'hu la a mEhllkwai'si? maai"tsitx-Q 

10 mu n 'hu k'e'a. mEla'nxan k'inau'x 

iltqa'a." tem k'Ets mu n 'hu Iqaitia'yusx 
tem k'Ets mu n 'hu siLxui'nx k'au'k's ats- 
k'eli'sk'. yasau'yai'nx ats-k'ell'sk'. 

"xa-kwas mukwa'ntsit k'Ex qo'tsE Iqaa'- 

15 yutELi." 



Temu n 'hu ayai' auL Is Iqami'laut. 
temu n 'hu wllx k'au'k's, temu n 'hu qalxe'xa. 
temu n 'hu kuya'lnx. temu n 'hu mis 

tqiai'lnx, temu n 'hu quwi'. tem-axa 

20 mu"'hu Iqla'yuslnx k'au'k's. tem pxeltsu- 

sai'. "qami'nt-a tas hi'tslEm?" "a'a." 

"ta'xti-En sili'kwEx?" "'Llya 8 ta'xtl. 

xa'mEt tai 1 tk'a'mk'la Lqali'tEx tsa a 'mE." 

- "a'a, la'-En Iqali'tEx?" - - "a'a, p'ui'x 

25 ts-qalo'nak'." - - "a'a." temu n 'hu wl'- 
Ismx k'au'k's temu n 'hu ayai' LEya'tstik's. 
k'Ets lts!uya'tEsalx-slo. temu n 'hu tipxa'- 
Inx, te'mlta 'Llya 8 tsa a 'mE nunsal'. tem 
pxeltsusa'lnx, sis 'Liya 8 a' ts!uya'tELi-slo? 

.jo tem ma'yEx. "a'a, ts!flya'tELin-sl5." 
tem pts!uitELiya'lnx-slo. 4 tem wustlinai' 
temu"'hu ayai'. temu n 'hu mEtsimxaxai'. 
'Liya 8 qa a 'tsE mEtsi'mxaxa, temu n 'hu 
ma'yEx, k - -uk u qui'siyuln is tsExai'. 

1 Simplified for ts-spal'k: 

2 Told by Thomas Jackson in 1913. 

Compare Boas (JAFL 11:140-141); Dixon 
(PAES 4 :75) ; Sapir (PAES 2:11). Similar stories were 



amined herself, but likewise her female organ 
was gone. "Yes, (it was) Coyote who played 
this trick on us two." 

For that reason frogs have no female or- 
gans. Only now thus (it ends). 

4. COYOTE'S AMOROUS ADVENTURES 
I 

One man (Coyote) went across the river. 
Then he saw (on the other side) two women in 
the act of bathing. So he watched those two 
on the sly. "I wonder what I can do to those 
two! Verily, (they two) are nice to look at. 
I know (what) I am going to do with those 
two." Nunc abscindebat penem suum atque 
transmittebat. Loquebatur ad penem suum. 
"Thou shall go in quickly into that pretty 
one." 

Then he went on towards evening. Then 
he came to the other side, and shouted (for 
some one to take him across). Thereupon 
somebody came down to the bank after him. 
Then, when (the unknown person) crossed 
over to him, he got into the canoe. And then 
(the ferryman) came across with him. Then 
(Coyote) asked, "Are there many people 
here?" "Yes." "What are they all do- 
ing?" - "Nothing at all. Only one girl who 
has attained the age of puberty is very sick." 

- "Oh, what ails her?" - - "Well, her 
abdomen has swollen up." - - "Oh!" So 
then he was arrived with at the other side, 
whereupon he went towards the village. He 
acted (like) a medicine-man. Then food was 
placed before him, but he did not eat much. 
Then he was asked if he were a medicine-man. 
And he said, "Yes, I am a medicine-man." 
Then he was asked to try (his skill as a) 
medicine-man. So he agreed, and went (into 
the house). Then he began to doctor. He 
was not doctoring long, when he said that a 
partition should be put in front (of the sick 

also recorded among the Molala, Thompson River, and 
Kwakiutl Indians. 
4 Passive. 



NO. I MYTHS OF THE ALSEA INDIANS OF NORTHWESTERN OREGON 



75 



temu n 'hu k'e'a imstl'lnx. temu n 'hu 

qalpai' tsi'lhidux". "ha'mk'ix, 1 ha'mk'ix, 
ha'mk'ix!" temu n 'hu aini'suwltxal' as 
mukwa 8 sli. "ana'-f-, la'ltqalx-E'n tsa s ti 
5 a'sin ma'hats?" ts-yEai'sk' ats-u'yak'. 



! Llya 8 qa a 'tsE temu n 'hu k'eai'. 
mu n 'hu yuxe'lnx as tsExal'. 



tem-axa 



mis k'eai' mu n 'hu 



ma yEx 
limtsi'mxaxamt." 



tem-axa mu n 'hu qal'k'a!'. La'qayu-axa - 
10 mu n 'hu tsimtsi'mxaxak'. 3 tern k'Ets 
mu n 'hQ qal'k'al'. xuts hl'k'e mis qal'- 
slo, temu n 'hu xe'tsux". 



II 

Temu n 'hu 4 qalpai' wllx Is tsa'mst 
na'tk' 1 . temu n 'hu ayai'. te'mlta LEai'sx 

15 as tsa'sidu k'aux lu n 'tsxa. "k'i'naux 
hi'tE mu n 'hu la" klwaya'a? a'a, k'in 
qa'halt ma'hats k'lai'tlyutlE'mxus 6 

mukwi'st-auk'." tem k'Ets mu"'hfl 

laai'tlyutlEm as mEta'lkustlxatu, 6 k'Ets 

20 a'niyux"' temau'x LEai'sx xas tsa'sidu 
as mEta'lkustlxatu k - laya'tauyEm, temau'x 
mu n 'hu pli'xanx. te'mlta mu n 'hu k'e'a 
hauwi'tit-s-ma'hats. temau'x mu n 'hu 

k- loqudiyu'Lx, temau'x mu n 'hu 

25 pxe'pxeltsusi'ltlxa. "k'ist iltqa'a-En? 

xukwai'tist-auk- a'!" temau'x mu n 'hu 
k-e'a Imstl'nx. tem mi'sxwauk- 7 }ha'- 
kwai'tEx, k'Ets yal'x-auk- Is hai n8 
a'nlyux". k'Ets hl'k'e hauk's tsila"tal. 

30 ! Llya' qa a 'tsE tsila"tal hauk's, te'mltak" 
pa'kantxal. "pqanl'sEx! 8 qo'tsE k'Ets 
ta* Lxama'k'ink-alsx." temu n 'hu Lxauwai'- 
stEx ya'sau: "Q'k'Ex-E'n? tas S 8 u'ku 
yal'tsxa ham hllkwal's." 9 tem k'Ets 

35 mu n 'hu tslqui'xa. "he+, tsilhu nak u tas 
tk'a'mk'la." 

Tai* mu n 'hu. 
1 mk-- TO JOIN. 

* Oq- TO BE WELL. 

3 Contracted for ts-ntEtsi'mxaxak'. 

4 Compare Boas (JAFL 11:145); Sapir (PAES 2:3). 
6 ait- TO DRIFT. 

'ta'lkust! RECEPTACLE. 



person). Thereupon it was done so. So then 
he began to sing his song: "Come together, 
come together, come together!" Then the 
woman (whom he was doctoring) attempted to 
cry. "Well, what on earth is he doing to my 
child?" (those were) the words of her mother. 
Then (it was) not long, when he finished. 
Thereupon the partition was removed. "He 
said that he was now through doctoring." And 
then he ran away. Now, his subject for doc- 
toring became well after he ran away. As 
soon as daylight appeared, he started out. 

II 

And then he came again to another river. 
Then he went on. Soon he saw two women 
who were bathing. "(I) wonder in what way I 
can fool those two! Yes, (disguised) as a child 
I will float in a canoe." Then he floated in a 
basket, crying all the time. Then the two 
women saw the basket as it was floating, 
whereupon they two went to look at it. And, 
verily, a young child (was in that basket). 
Then they two took hold of it, and began to 
ask each other, "What shall we two do with 
it? Pray, let us take it out (from the basket) !" 
So, verily, they two did this. And after they 
two had taken it out, (the child) kept on cry- 
ing very hard. It was just reaching out (with 
its hands) everywhere. It was not reaching 
out everywhere (very) long, cum vulvam 
(puellae quae infantem tenebat) tangere 
inchoaret. "What a nasty thing! Why! it is 
bent upon mischief!" Thereupon it was 
thrown (away, and the two girls) kept on say- 
ing, "Who art thou? Thy actions are differ- 
ent (from) those (of) S 8 Q'ku." And then 
(Coyote) laughed. "Hey! macilenta est vulva 
puellae eae." 

Only now (it ends). 

7 Transposed for mi'saux-auk'. 

' A term denoting anger, and corresponding to the 
English expletive " 'S'- death!" 

9 This sentence is not correct; for, as a matter of fact, 
S'tiku, the Transformer, tried to perform a similar trick. 



7 6 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



REVIEWS 



LINGUISTIC PUBLICATIONS OF THE BUREAU 
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, A GENERAL 
REVIEW 

IF only by virtue of its historical position, 
the Bureau of American Ethnology is easily the 
most prominent American institution engaged 
in scientific research and publication on the 
ethnology, archaeology, physical anthropology, 
and linguistics of the natives of America, 
particularly of the tribes north of Mexico. 
For linguistic students there is cause for 
congratulation that from the very first the 
Bureau has devoted a considerable share of 
its attention to the study of the languages of 
these tribes. For this policy they must ever 
remain thankful to the founder of the Bureau, 
J. W. Powell, who, though not a linguist, 
clearly perceived the value of linguistic data 
to Americanistic studies. He himself set the 
ball rolling with his "Introduction to the 
Study of Indian Languages," published in 
1877. Since then there has been a steady 
stream of Bureau linguistic publications, of 
varying interest and importance, but, on the 
whole, of constantly increasing merit, until 
the total output has reached the respectable 
figure of well-nigh ten thousand printed pages. 
It is now just forty years since the Bureau, or 
rather its immediate government precursor, 
published the "Introduction" referred to, so 
that this would seem to be an appropriate 
enough time to get a bird's-eye view of the 
whole linguistic output. A specific review of 
each and every publication would be both 
useless and impossible, but perhaps a few 
general impressions may not be without value. 
The publications themselves are listed in the 
following bibliography. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BUREAU PUBLICATIONS IN 
AMERICAN INDIAN LINGUISTICS 

I. General 

1. POWELL, J. W. Introduction to the Study of 

Indian Languages, with Words, Phrases and 
Sentences to be collected (Washington, BBAE, 
Government Printing Office, 1877 : 1104; 2< J 
edition, 1880 : 1-228). 

2. DORSEY, J. O.; GATSCHET, A. S.; and RIGGS, S. R. 

Illustration of the Method of Recording Indian 
Languages (RBAE I [1881] : 579-589). 

3. POWELL, J. W. On the Evolution of Language, as 

exhibited in the Specialization of the Grammatic 
Processes, the Differentiation of the Parts of 
Speech, and the Integration of the Sentence; 
from a Study of Indian Languages (Ibid., 1-16). 

4. Philology, or the Science of Activities designed 

for Expression (RBAE 20 [1903] : cxxxix-clxx). 

5. BOAS, FRANZ. Introduction (Handbook of Ameri- 

can Indian Languages, BBAE 40 [pt. I, 1911]: 
1-83). 

II. Bibliography 

6. PlLLING, J. C. Catalogue of Linguistic Manuscripts 

in the Library of the Bureau of Ethnology 
(RBAE I [1881] : 553-577). 

7. Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the Languages 

of the North American Indians (Distributed 
only to collaborators) (Washington, Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1885 : 1-1135). 

8. Bibliography of the Siouan Languages (BBAE 5 

[1887] : 1-87). 

9. Bibliography of the Eskimo Language (BBAE I 

[1887] : 1-116). 

10. Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages(BBAE 

6 [1888] : 1-208). 

11. Bibliography of the Muskhogean Languages 

(BBAE 9 [1889] : 1-114). 

12. Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages 

(BBAE 13 [1891] : 1-614). 

13. Bibliography of the Athapascan Languages 

(BBAE 14 [1892] : 1-125). 

14. Bibliography of the Salishan Languages (BBAE 

16 [1893] : 1-86). 

15. Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages 

(BBAE 19 [1894] : 1-70). 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



77 



1 6. Bibliography of the Chinookan Languages (in- 

cluding the Chinook Jargon) (BBAE 15 [1893] : 
1-81). 

III. Texts 

17. GATSCHET, A. S. The Klamath Indians of South- 

western Oregon (Texts, CNAE 2 [pt. I, 1890] : 

13-197). 

18. DORSEY, J. O. The Cegiha Language (CNAE 6 

[1890] : 1-794). 

19. Omaha and Ponka Letters (BBAE 11 [1891] : 

1-127). 

20. MOONEY, J. The Sacred Formulas of the Chero- 

kees (Specimen Formulas, RBAE 7 [1891] : 344- 

397)- 

21. RIGGS, S. R. (ed. by J. O. Dorsey). Dakota Gram- 

mar, Texts, and Ethnography (Texts, CNAE 9 
[1893] : 81-152). 

22. BOAS, FRANZ. Chinook Texts (BBAE 20 [1894] : 

1-278). 

23. Kathlamet Texts (BBAE 26 [1901] : 1-251). 

24. -- Tsimshian Texts (BBAE 27 [1902] : 1-220). 

25. HEWITT, J. N. B. Iroquoian Cosmology (RBAE 21 

[1903] : 141-339)- 

26. SWANTON, J. R. Haida Texts and Myths, Skide- 

gate Dialect (Texts, BBAE 29 [1905] : 7-109). 

27. RUSSELL, F. The Pima Indians (Linguistics [Songs 

and Speeches], RBAE 26 [1908] : 269-389). 

28. SWANTON, J. R. Tlingit Myths and Texts (Texts, 

BBAE 39 [1909] : 252-415). 

29. DORSEY, J.O.; and SWANTON, J. R. A Dictionary 

of the Biloxi and Ofo Languages, accompanied 
with 31 Biloxi Texts and Numerous Biloxi 
Phrases (Texts, BBAE 47 [1912] : 13-116). 

IV. Lexical Material 

30. DALL, W. H. Terms of Relationship used by the 

Innuit: a Series obtained from Natives of Cum- 
berland Inlet (Appendix, CNAE i [pt. I, 1877] : 
117-119). 

31. GIBBS, GEORGE; and DALL, W. H. Comparative 

Vocabularies (Tribes of the Extreme Northwest) 
(Appendix, CNAE I [pt. I, 1877] : 121-153). 

32. GIBBS, GEORGE. Dictionary of the Niskwalli 

(Niskwalli-English and English-Niskwalli) (Ap- 
pendix, CNAE i [pt. 2, 1877] : 285-361). 

33. GIBBS, G.; TOLMIE, W. F.; and MENGARINI, G. 

Tribes of Western Washington and Northwest- 
ern Oregon; Vocabularies (Appendix, CNAE i 
[pt. 2, 1877] : 247-283). 

34. POWERS, STEPHEN. Tribes of California; Appen- 

dix, Linguistics (Appendix, CNAE 3 [1877] : 

439-613). 

35. BOAS, F. The Central Eskimo (Glossary, RBAE 6 

[1888] : 659-666). 



36. GATSCHET, A. S. The Klamath Indians of South- 

western Oregon (CNAE 2 [pt. 2, 1890] : 1-705). 

37. RIGGS, STEPHEN R. (ed. by J. O. Dorsey). A 

Dakota-English Dictionary (CNAE 7 [1890] : 
1-665). 

38. HOFFMAN, W. J. The Menomini Indians (Vocab- 

ulary, RBAE 14 [1896] : 294-328). 

39. MOONEY, J. The Ghost-Dance Religion (Arapaho 

Glossary, RBAE 1012-1023; Cheyenne Glos- 
sary, 1039-1042; Paiute Glossary, 1056, 1057; 
Sioux Glossary, 1075-1078; Kiowa Glossary, 
1088-1091; Caddo Glossary, 1102-1103). 

40. Calendar History of the Kiowa (The Kiowa 

Language, RBAE 17 [1898] : 389-439)- 

41. TRUMBULL, JAMES H. Natick Dictionary (BBAE 

25 [1903] : 1-349)- 

42. DORSEY, J. O.; and SWANTON, J. R. A Dictionary 

of the Biloxi and Ofo Languages, accompanied 
with 31 Biloxi Texts and Numerous Biloxi 
Phrases (Dictionary and Phrases, BBAE 47 
[1912] : 117-340). 

43. BYINGTON, CYRUS (ed. by J. R. Swanton and H. S. 

Halbert). A Dictionary of the Choctaw Lan- 
guage (BBAE 46 [1915] : 1-611). 

V. Grammatical Material 

44. FURUHELM, J. (communicated to G. Gibbs). Notes 

on the Natives of Alaska (Appendix, CNAE i 
[pt. I, 1877] : 111-116). 

45. GIBBS, GEORGE. Note on the Use of Numerals 

among the T'sim si-an' (CNAE 155-156). 

46. GATSCHET, A. S. The Klamath Indians of South- 

western Oregon (Grammar, CNAE 2 [pt. i, 
1890] : 199-711). 

47. RIGGS, S. R. (ed. by J. O. Dorsey). Dakota Gram- 

mar, Texts, and Ethnography (Grammar, CNAE 

9 [1893] : 3-79)- 

48. GODDARD, P. E. Athapascan (Hupa), in Handbook 

of American Indian Languages (BBAE 40 [pt. I, 
1911] : 85-158). 

49. SWANTON, JOHN R. Tlingit (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 159- 

204). 

50. Haida (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 205-282). 

51. BOAS, FRANZ. Tsimshian (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 283- 

422). 

52. Kwakiutl (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 423-557). 

53. Chinook (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 559-677). 

54. DIXON, R. B. Maidu (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 679-734). 

55. JONES, WM. (revised by Truman Michelson). 

Algonquian (Fox) (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 735~873)- 

56. BOAS, FRANZ; and SWANTON, J. R. Dakota 

(Teton and Santee dialects), with remarks on 
the Ponca and Winnebago (BBAE 40 [pt. i] : 
875-965). 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



57. THALBITZER, WILLIAM. Eskimo (BBAE 40 [pt. l]: 

967-1069). 

58. SAPIR, EDWARD. The Takelma Language of South- 

western Oregon, in Handbook of American In- 
dian Languages (BBAE 40 [pt. 2, 1912]: 1-296). 

59. FRACHTENBERG, L. J. Coos (BBAE 40 [pt. a, 

1914] : 297-429). 

59a. Siuslawan (Lower Umpqua) (BBAE 40 [pt. 2, 
1917] : 431-629). 

VI. Comparative Linguistics 

60. POWELL, J. W. Indian Linguistic Families of 

America North of Mexico (RBAE 7 [1891] : i- 
142). 

61. HEWITT, J. N. B. Comparative Lexicology [of Seri 

and Yuman] (RBAE 17 [1898] : 299*~344*). 

62. SWANTON, J. R. Social Condition, Beliefs, and 

Linguistic Relationship of the Tlingit Indians 
(Relationship between the Tlingit and Haida 
Languages, RBAE 26 [1908] : 472-485). 

63. THOMAS, CYRUS; and SWANTON, J. R. Indian 

Languages of Mexico and Central America, and 
their Geographical Distribution (BBAE 44 
[1911] : 1-108). 

64. MICHELSON; TRUMAN. Preliminary Report on the 

Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes 
(RBAE 28 [1912] : 221-290 b). 

In brief, 370 pages are devoted to linguistic 
papers of a general nature, 1526 pages to 
linguistic bibliographies (not counting No. 7), 
2612 pages to Indian text (including connected 
English translations), 3007 pages to lexical 
material, 2211 pages to grammatical studies, 
and 382 pages to comparative linguistics. Nor 
is this all, for a very considerable body of lexical 
and text material (chieflysongs and short ritual- 
istic texts) is scattered up and down various 
ethnological monographs (for example, in 
Miss Fletcher's "Hako Ceremony," Mrs. 
Stevenson's "Zuni Indians," J. P. Harring- 
ton's "Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians," 
and elsewhere). Moreover, there is much 
unpublished manuscript of a linguistic nature 
in the hands of the Bureau, some of which 
has been drawn upon for the published 
papers. 1 As regards mere bulk, the linguistic 

1 And let us not forget that not a few linguistic 
papers and monographs published in anthropological 
journals and in the anthropological series of other 
institutions were based on material obtained under 
the auspices of the Bureau. 



output of the Bureau is impressive enough, 
even when allowance is made for a consider- 
able share of material (such as Nos. 6-16) that 
is intended merely as a help for scientific re- 
search. Nor should we forget that lexical and 
text matter, the indispensable raw material 
of all linguistic studies, is necessarily a some- 
what forbidding item from the quantitative 
standpoint. The total readable volume of 
linguistic contributions (aside from transla- 
tions of texts) boils down, therefore, to hardly 
more than a fourth of the whole. 

How about quality? It is a thankless, 
certainly a somewhat dangerous, proceeding 
to pronounce judgment right and left wise- 
acre-fashion, so much depending on personal 
bias and the peculiar circumstances attending 
each publication. Nevertheless it seems safe 
to say that in quality the Bureau linguistic 
publications run a very long gamut indeed, 
extending all the way from the distressing 
amateurishness of, say, No. 34, to work 
exemplified, say, in No. 57, of as high a 
standard of phonetic finish and morphological 
insight as one could hope to find anywhere in 
descriptive linguistic literature. As these 
examples indicate, the general standard has 
improved with time, as was indeed to be 
expected on general principles. Yet this is 
not unreservedly true, for I should consider it 
beyond dispute that, for instance, J. O. 
Dorsey's text material (Nos. 18 and 19) can 
more than hold its own in comparison with 
much that followed. 

Any general criticism of the linguistics of 
the Bureau should be tempered by three 
considerations. In the first place, much of 
the output is the work of men who were 
either not trained in linguistic methods at all, 
or, at any rate, did not receive a training 
rigorous enough to set them the highest 
desirable standard of accomplishment. Under 
the circumstances in which the scientific 
activities of the Bureau were launched, this 
is perfectly excusable; for most of the trained 
linguists were and still largely are men devoted 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



79 



to specialist researches of a more traditional 
color, men who shrink from the serious 
study of languages spoken by mere Indians 
with the same amusing helplessness that the 
conventional classicist seems to betray when 
he gets a whiff of modern ethnological method. 
The Bureau could not pick and choose, it had 
to avail itself of the services of such enthusi- 
asts as could be found. In the second place, 
the languages studied by the Bureau were in 
most cases a veritable terra incognita when 
first handled by its investigators. It was not, 
as had already come to be the case among the 
Semitists and Indogermanists, a question of 
refined morphologic analyses and of subtle 
phonetic determinations. The problems were 
rougher and more fundamental, in many ways 
all the more fascinating on that account. The 
vast number of aboriginal American languages 
had to be roughly compared with one another, 
and grouped into at least temporarily exclu- 
sive "stocks;" the phonetic systems, vocabu- 
laries, and structures of these languages had 
to be painfully worked out point by point; 
the oral literature of the Indians had to be 
slowly recorded in the form of texts which 
might serve as a bona fide basis for the gram- 
matical superstructures built out of the raw 
materials of field-work. The subject of 
North American linguistics was, when Powell 
first took the work in hand, a tangled thicket 
with few discernible trails; now, chiefly 
through the labors of the Bureau itself, trails 
have been blazed all through the thicket, and, 
though there are still many clumps of virgin 
forest, most of the trees have been felled, and 
a good part of the land turned over to agri- 
cultural uses. Finally, there is a third con- 
sideration, in part already anticipated, that 
makes any direct comparison of American 
Indian linguistic work with that of, say, 
most Indogermanic philologists highly mis- 
leading. The latter deals chiefly with written 
records whose accuracy is beyond personal 
control, the former includes and is further 
based on field-records for whose accuracy the 



Americanist is himself responsible. There is 
therefore no use contrasting the breathless 
finesse of a German Lautschieber with the 
relatively rough-and-ready carrying-on of the 
majority of Indian linguists. One can be 
sword-maker and swordsman too, but is not 
likely to be equally clever at both jobs. 
Anyway, most of us have a shrewd suspicion 
that many a renowned denizen of the German 
universities, impressive in his balancing of 
imponderable phonologic nuances, would find 
himself sadly up a tree when confronted with 
the live problems of an intricate Indian lan- 
guage that he was forced to study by pure 
induction. In spite of the difficulties that we 
have mentioned, the general level of quality 
in the linguistic publications of the Bureau 
must be admitted to be high. 

The corner-stone of the linguistic edifice in 
aboriginal North America, one might almost 
say of North American anthropology gener- 
ally, is Powell's "Indian Linguistic Families 
of America North of Mexico" (No. 60 of the 
bibliography). Though the work generally 
passes under Powell's name, it is of course a 
compilation based on the labors of several 
members of the Bureau staff. This monu- 
mental work, with its appended map, has 
served, and on the whole still serves, as the 
basis of all classificatory work in North 
American linguistics, secondarily (and less 
justly) in ethnology as well. Despite its 
inevitable errors of detail, it has proved itself 
to be an eminently reliable guide. The lines 
of linguistic cleavage laid down in it still have 
a fundamental significance, though the inter- 
pretation of these lines of cleavage has been 
somewhat modified by recent research. There 
can now be no reasonable doubt that the 
"stocks" of Powell's linguistic map are not 
all to be taken in the mutually exclusive 
sense in which he defined them. New 
syntheses are forced upon us by further 
investigation, the terrifying complexity dis- 
closed on Powell's map progressively yielding 
to simplification. On the basis of evidence 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



already present, and of advance statements 
whose validity remains to be demonstrated, 
I should say that the 57 distinct stocks 
recognized on the revised linguistic map of 
the Bureau may be expected to re-arrange 
themselves into perhaps not more than 16, or 
even less. Always bear in mind, however, 
that the great divisions recognized by Powell 
still have significance, only that many of them 
are now to be understood as major subdivis- 
ions of larger linguistic units. While nothing 
is further from my mind than to minimize 
the great usefulness of Powell's classification, 
I may be pardoned for regretting the too 
definitive and dogmatic form in which it was 
presented. This has had the effect until 
recently of discouraging further researches 
into the problem of linguistic groupings in 
America. It is always dangerous to erect a 
formidable structure on a largely negative 
basis, for one tends to interpret it as a positive 
and finished accomplishment. However, I 
would freely grant that the services rendered 
by Powell's classification have far outweighed 
its deterrent influence. A thoroughly revised 
map of linguistic stocks north of Mexico will 
sooner or later have to be issued; but it is as 
well not to be too precipitate about this, as 
the whole subject of the genetic classification 
of Indian languages is at present in a state of 
flux. 

In reviewing the linguistic publications of 
the Bureau as a whole, we have a right to ask 
three leading questions: Is the standard of 
phonetic accuracy adopted in the recording of 
the languages adequate? Are the grammars 
of these languages so presented as to convey 
a satisfactory notion of the fundamental 
characteristics of their structure? and, Have 
various languages been treated from the com- 
parative standpoint, so as to suggest histori- 
cal perspectives transcending those obtained 
from the intensive study of particular lan- 
guages? Let us briefly consider each of these 
queries. 



Early in its career the Bureau outlined a 
phonetic alphabet, which, as compared with 
the best that phonetic research at the time 
had to offer, was quite inadequate, but which 
was so vast an improvement on the amateur- 
ish methods in vogue for recording Indian 
words, that its adoption must be considered a 
great step forward in the study of American 
Indian linguistics. It has undoubtedly done 
good work in its day, and must be taken as 
the basis for further improvements. However, 
as it was framed without any very deep knowl- 
edge of the actual phonetic problems pre- 
sented by American languages, many of 
which are of exceptional difficulty and com- 
plexity in this respect, field investigators 
soon found it impossible to give an even 
approximately adequate idea of the requisite 
phonetic facts without straining its resources. 
In this way new symbols were added from 
time to time by various investigators, and 
the accuracy of linguistic notation, limited 
naturally by the native abilities of the record- 
ers, grew apace. It is difficult to dispose of 
the phonetic quality of the series in a word. 
It is hardly fair to lay stress on the orthog- 
raphies of some of the earlier works; e.g., 
Nos. 30-34 and 44. On the other hand, I do 
not think one could candidly say that much 
even of the more recent work is as good as we 
should like to have it (Nos. 18, 52, and 57 
probably about represent the high-water 
mark). The general run of the linguistic 
papers might be not unfairly described as 
"reasonably good" in phonetic respects, 
certainly no better. 

Had a really scientific and reasonably 
complete phonetic alphabet been adopted 
earlier in the life of the Bureau, I believe the 
phonetic standard of some of the later 
linguistic work done under its auspices would 
have been even higher than it is. Experience 
shows that a field-worker tends, in his hearing 
9f unfamiliar sounds, to be influenced by the 
standard phonetic scheme that has made 
itself at home in his inner ear; he will assimi- 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



81 



late to this scheme more readily than recog- 
nize and record as distinctive elements sounds 
not already provided for. For this reason the 
new phonetic scheme adopted by a committee 
of the American Anthropological Association, 
and recently published in the "Miscellaneous 
Collections of the Smithsonian Institution," l 
is timely, and, let us hope, adequate. I 
believe that the Bureau cannot do better 
than adopt it as the standard alphabet for its 
future publications. While a fetich should 
not be made of uniformity in orthographic 
matters, I do not think it is altogether wise 
to indulge in too many individual vagaries. 
It is in morphology that I think the Bureau 
has done its most valuable linguistic work. 
Chiefly under the enthusiastic guidance of 
Boas, we have presented to us in Nos. 48-59 
(other sketches, such as Kutenai, Alsea, 
Siuslaw, and Paiute, are to follow) an excel- 
lent set of descriptive analyses of the struc- 
tures of several Indian languages. How 
excellent, on the whole, they are, may be best 
gathered by contrasting them with the con- 
ventional grammatical treatment with a 
Latin bias, that we find in so many of the 
older Indian grammars (No. 47 is not alto- 
gether free from this bias). "The Handbook 
of American Indian Languages" is, indeed, 
easily the most significant linguistic achieve- 
ment of the Bureau; taking it all in all, it 
probably marks the crest up to the present of 
research in American Indian linguistics, and 
at the same time constitutes one of the really 
important monuments to Boas's versatility as 
anthropologist. It would be idle to pretend 
that all are equally good, or that any one, 
indeed, is altogether perfect. Many valid 
criticisms could be made of all or most of 
them; but they certainly do succeed, for all 
that, in giving a vivid picture of the exuberant 

1 rhonetic Transcription of Indian Languages, 
Report of Committee of American Anthropological 
Association (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, 
vol. 66, no. 6, 1916), 15 pp. and 2 tables. 



variety and distinctiveness of American 
Indian linguistic morphology. To the lin- 
guistic psychologist and to the comparative 
philologist alike it is certainly something very 
like an aesthetic delight to have clearly 
revealed to him, for instance, two such unique 
linguistic organisms as those described in Nos. 
48 and 51. 

One cannot with such enthusiastic affirma- 
tion answer the third of our leading questions. 
Nos. 60 and 63 are really studies in linguistic 
geography and classification rather than in 
comparative philology proper, though they 
constitute a necessary preliminary to the 
latter type of investigation. No. 61 is a 
purely negative and rather fruitless type of 
linguistic research; while No. 62, despite its 
more positive outlook, is too hesitating and 
incomplete a presentation of evidence to merit 
unqualified praise. This leaves No. 64 as the 
only really serious work yet undertaken by 
the Bureau in comparative linguistics; and 
even this, valuable as it is, is too restricted in 
scope to mark a very notable advance. The 
truth is, that the Bureau has not yet fairly 
reached the comparative stage of linguistic 
work, but is still, and for quite some time to 
come necessarily will be, mainly concerned 
with purely descriptive labors. Nevertheless, 
I do not believe that this almost total lack of 
emphasis on comparative work is altogether 
due to the fact that so much remains to be 
done in the amassing of lexical and text 
materials and in the analysis of individual 
morphologies. Comparative work in linguis- 
tics, if it is to be of any scientific value, re- 
quires a keenly sensitive historical conscious- 
ness in the handling of linguistic phenomena. 
It is precisely the historical interpretation of 
cultural elements, however, that has up to 
the recent past been most conspicuously 
absent in Americanistic work. The lack of 
linguistic studies of a comparative nature is 
merely a symptom of this general defect. 

E. SAPIR. 



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VOL. I 



UHLENBECK, C. C., Het Passieve Karakter 
van het Verbum Transitivum of van het 
Verbum Actionis in Talen van Noord- 
Amerika ("The Passive Character of the 
Transitive Verb or of the Active Verb in 
Languages of North America"). Reprinted 
from "Verslagen en Mededeelingen der 
Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 
Afdeeling Letterkunde, 5 e Reeks, Deel II," 
187-216. Amsterdam, 1916. 

In this highly suggestive and important 
paper the distinguished Dutch philologist 
Uhlenbeck undertakes to show that in many 
American languages (as, for example, also in 
Basque) the transitive verb or verb of action 
is not fundamentally active in voice, but 
rather passive; that the logical subject (from 
our own point of view) is really a sort of 
instrumental, or, better, agentive; and that 
the logical object is grammatically the 
subject of a passive verb. Thus, in a sentence 
like i KILLED HIM, the primary idea expressed 
by the verb-stem is BEING KILLED rather than 
KILLING: whence it follows that the I is really 
an agentive (BY ME, THROUGH MY MEDIATION), 
and that the HIM is best rendered as a sub- 
jective HE : HE WAS KILLED BY ME. Uhlenbeck 
does not assume this interpretation to hold 
generally for America, but is careful to point 
out that in a number of American languages 
(e.g., Klamath and Maidu) we have true 
active forms. Nevertheless, he looks upon 
the passive conception of the logically transi- 
tive or active verb as belonging to a particu- 
larly primitive stage of linguistic evolution. 
Even where a newer conception has sup- 
planted the old, he sometimes finds reason 
to believe that the latter may still be traced 
in survival phenomena. In other words, he 
believes that the passive verb as funda- 
mental concept belongs to the same group 
of antique linguistic phenomena as, say, 
grammatical gender. 

I think it would be doing Uhlenbeck no 
injustice to say that his main interest in 



writing the paper was not a strictly philo- 
logical one, but rather to contribute to 
ethno-psychologic speculation on the basis 
of linguistic data. The gist of the paper, 
together with Uhlenbeck's psychological 
interpretation of the linguistic facts and the 
inferences made by him, is given towards the 
end (pp. 213-215), and it seems advisable to 
quote from this passage in some detail: "The 
pronominal elements in conjugation present, 
as we have already noted more than once, a 
certain case-value. In the languages with 
passive conception of the so-called active, or 
of only the transitive, verb, two case-values 
are to be clearly distinguished in the pro- 
nominal affixes; namely, that of a casus 
energeticus and that of a casus inertia. Each 
of these two is found in two varieties, accord- 
ing to whether the whole active verb, or only 
the transitive verb, is passively conceived. 
The energetic, in other words, may be a 
transitive case (as, for example, in Basque), 
in which case it has an intransitive case 
opposed to it; or, as case of the logical sub- 
ject in all verbs of action, it may be an active 
case (as, for example, in Dakota), in which in- 
stance it may be contrasted with an inactive 
case. It is easy to discover the nature of the 
casus inertia, whether intransitive or inactive. 
It is the case of him who or that which is, or 
gets to be, in a certain state, aside from his 
(or its) own will and without his (or its) own 
participation, whether under the influence of 
a stronger person or thing or as if it were of 
himself (or itself). But what is the essential 
nature of the energetic case? It is a case of 
instrumental-like character, but nevertheless 
to be clearly distinguished from an ordinary 
instrumental. One might call the energetic 
the case of the primary instrument; the 
ordinary instrumental, that of the secondary 
instrument. For the primitive linguistic 
feeling, the real agent is a hidden power. It 
acts via the apparent agent, the primary 
instrument, which again can itself make use 
of a secondary tool. Take, for example, a 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



sentence like HE KILLS THE BIRD WITH A 
STONE. A Blackfoot would express this in 
the following manner: THE BIRD BY-MEANS- 

OF-IS-KILLED-BY-HIM A STONE. He who kills 

is what is generally called the 'agent,' but 
in truth is only the apparent agent, the pri- 
mary instrument, which is itself controlled by 
a hidden power. The apparent agent, al- 
though itself dependent, works on the logical 
object (i.e., the grammatical subject) by its 
own emanating orenda; and even when it is 
the logical subject of an intransitive action, 
which is often the case in the mentality of 
peoples that recognize the contrast, not of 
transitive and intransitive, but of active and 
inactive, it works similarly by virtue of the 
same outstreaming mystic power. Therefore 
the energetic case, the exclusively transitive 
as well as the general active, can be called 
casus emanativus or 'case of outstreaming 
power.' When it is an active case, it can be 
more closely defined as the 'case of operative 
power;' when it is a transitive, as the case of 
power that operates on something else." 

For us the main point of value in the paper 
is the fact that Uhlenbeck has striven to 
explain three distinct linguistic phenomena, 
each of which had been abundantly recog- 
nized as such, as symptomatic of one funda- 
mental feature, the passivity of the so-called 
transitive and active verbs. These phe- 
nomena are the close morphological resem- 
blance in certain languages between normal 
passive forms and at least certain transitive 
forms; the classification of verb-stems on the 
basis of singularity or plurality, according to 
the number of the intransitive subject and 
transitive object; and the frequent classifica- 
tion of pronominal elements into two groups 
that do not correspond to our normal sub- 
jective and objective (i.e., either into in- 
transitive subject and transitive object versus 
transitive subject, or into inactive subject 
and transitive object versus active subject). 
A few remarks on each of these points. 



Uhlenbeck's data for the first class of evi- 
dence are taken from Algonkin alone (Ojibwa 
and Blackfoot; Michelson's corroborative evi- 
dence for Fox is also referred to) . For certain 
Algonkin verb-forms there can, indeed, be no 
doubt that Uhlenbeck's findings are correct; 
but frankly I do not see that he has succeeded 
in showing that the Algonkin transitive as a 
whole needs to be interpreted as a passive. I 
would tend rather to feel that certain true pas- 
sives had been dragged for purely paradigmatic 
reasons into transitive company; e.g., Jones's 
Fox form for HE ME is evidently identical with 
his I as passive subject, and has morpholog- 
ically nothing to do with such true pronom- 
inally compound transitive forms as THOU 
ME. That the passive is unrelated to the true 
transitive in Fox, seems to me to be strongly 
suggested by the occurrence of two morpho- 
logically very distinct forms for the combin- 
ation of two third persons, a true transitive 
(e.g., HE SEES HIM), and a passive of the same 
structure as the HE ME and similar forms 
already instanced (this passive occurs in two 
distinct forms, an agentive, HE is SEEN BY HIM; 
and a non-agentive, HE is SEEN indefinitely). 
However, there no doubt are languages whose 
whole transitive is morphologically a true 
passive. This is notably the case with Yana, 
in which such a form as HE SEES ME is quite 
evidently to be interpreted as meaning 
properly i AM SEEN BY HIM; THOU SEEST ME, 
as i AM SEEN (BY THEE is merely implied); 
i SEE THEE, as THOU ART SEEN (BY ME is merely 
implied); and so on. Yet even where there 
is a close morphological resemblance between 
transitives and passives, it does not always 
follow that the transitives are of passive origin. 
Thus, in Takelma such a form as HE SEES ME 
is closely related to I AM SEEN, but is not 
derived from it. On the contrary, the passive 
is formed from the transitive by means of a 
suffix which differs for various tense-modes. 
Hence it seems plausible to interpret it as a 
sort of impersonal, though there is a true 
impersonal (with or without object) in 



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VOL. I 



Takelma, besides. At any rate, the pro- 
nominal object of the transitive cannot in 
Takelma well be interpreted as the subject of 
a passive, for the simple reason that it shows 
no resemblance to the intransitive subject, 
which differs in turn from the transitive 
subject. This and other examples that might 
be adduced show conclusively that evidence 
of the relation between passive and transitive 
forms cannot without further ado be used to 
demonstrate the passive origin of the transi- 
tive. Morphological evidence for such an 
origin undoubtedly exists in some cases, but 
hardly so abundantly as to establish the 
general validity of Uhlenbeck's main thesis. 
That in those American languages that 
distinguish singular and plural verb-stems 
the determining factor is not altogether the 
number of the subject, but, where the verb is 
transitive, the number of the object, is well 
known to Americanists. Uhlenbeck quotes ex- 
amples from Athapascan, Haida, Tsimshian, 
Chinook, Coos, and Porno. Naturally there 
are many other languages that present the 
same feature. Uhlenbeck considers it as a 
reflex of the primarily passive nature of the 
transitive verb; the logical object of an action 
being psychologically, and in many cases 
grammatically, the subject of the passive 
form of the action, and hence directly com- 
parable to the subject of an intransitive verb. 
A rapid survey of American languages classi- 
fying verb-stems in the manner described 
soon discloses the fact, however, that there is 
no clear correlation between this feature and 
the classification of pronominal affixes into 
transitive versus intransitive, or into active 
versus inactive, as contrasted with subjective 
versus objective. Thus, while Haida classifies 
its pronominal elements into active and 
inactive (to use Uhlenbeck's terminology), 
and Tsimshian and Chinook into transitive 
and intransitive, there are not a few languages 
of subjective versus objective pronominal 
classification that recognize precisely the 
same feature of number-classification of 



verbs as these languages. Shoshonean, for 
example, is a group of languages (I speak 
chiefly for Southern Paiute) that rigidly 
classifies its pronouns into subjective and 
objective; yet it makes an unusually liberal 
use of verb-stems that are distinct for singular 
and plural, singularity or plurality of the 
transitive verb being, as usual, determined by 
the object. One way out of the difficulty is 
to assume, as Uhlenbeck is evidently inclined 
to do, that in such languages as Shoshonean 
and Klamath the present classification of 
pronominal elements is a secondary feature, 
and that the numerical classification of verb- 
stems reflects an older status of pronominal 
classification. As I see no warrant for such 
an inference, I prefer to doubt seriously 
whether the two features are causally related. 
On general psychological principles, it seems 
likely enough that transitive activities are 
necessarily more closely connected in experi- 
ence with the object than with the subject. 
A passive interpretation of the transitive is 
hardly necessary. I would suggest, however, 
that the link between the subjectively deter- 
mined intransitive and the objectively deter- 
mined transitive verbs lies in the the causative 
origin of many transitives. If TO KILL is 
really in origin TO CAUSE TO DIE, then the 
difference between ONE MAN DYING and 
SEVERAL DYING would necessarily have to 
be reflected in a difference between CAUSING 

ONE MAN TO DIE, KILLING ONE MAN, and 
CAUSING SEVERAL TO DIE, KILLING SEVERAL. 

And, indeed, a survey of transitive verb-stems 
that recognize a distinction of number shows 
that they consist chiefly, if not entirely, of 
such as can be, in part even morphologically, 
explained as causative derivatives of intransi- 
tives. If such causatives be taken as a start- 
ing-point for number-discrimination in the 
object, other types of transitive with number- 
discrimination, if such exist, might be 
explained as due to analogy. 

The greater part of Uhlenbeck's paper is 
taken up with his third class of evidence, the 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



classification of pronominal affixes. The 
Basque forms (intransitive subject and transi- 
tive object versus transitive subject) are 
taken as his starting-point, and attention is 
called to parallels in Eskimo and, hypotheti- 
cally, an inferred stage in Indogermanic. The 
Indian forms are quoted from Tlingit, Haida, 
Tsimshian, Chinook, Muskhogean.and Siouan. 
Riggs's Dakota evidence, in particular, is 
presented in great detail; the conclusion 
arrived at being that all active verbs are 
passives in nature, the logical subject being 
really an agentive. Comparison with other 
Siouan dialects (Hidatsa, Ponca, Winnebago, 
Tutelo) shows the pronominal peculiarities of 
Dakota to be general to Siouan ; the Catawba 
evidence throws no light on the subject (I 
cannot refrain, in passing, from remarking 
that there is no bit of American Indian 
linguistic research that more urgently needs 
doing than the preparation in the field of a 
Catawba grammar; Gatschet's sketch is 
worthless). It follows clearly enough from 
Uhlenbeck's evidence, which could no doubt 
be greatly augmented, that the ordinary 
contrast between subject and object does not 
hold in these languages ; but I do not see that 
the interpretation of the transitive or active 
verb as a passive is a necessary one. At 
least two other possibilities seem open. 
Uhlenbeck's casus inertia may be an intrinsi- 
cally caseless form which takes on all functions 
not specifically covered by the transitive or 
active case (subject of transitive or active 
verb) ; in other words, the I of I SLEEP, and 
the ME of HE KILLS ME may be identical in 
form, not because of any identity of verb- 
morphology, but merely by way of contrast 
to the distinctively transitive form of the I of 
I KILL HIM. This explanation would probably 
imply a previous stage of complete lack of 
pronominal differentiation. Secondly, instead 
of interpreting the object of the transitive 
verb as a sort of subjective (in other words, 
deriving it from the intransitive or inactive 



case), one may, on the contrary, look upon 
the latter as an objective, the inactive or 
intransitive verb being interpreted as a 
static verb without expressed subject, but 
with direct or indirect object. Thus, forms 
like i SLEEP or i THINK could be understood as 
meaning properly IT SLEEPS ME, IT SEEMS TO 
ME (cf. such German forms as mich hungert). 
Personally, I consider the latter explanation 
as very likely for those languages that, like 
Tlingit, Haida, Muskhogean, and Siouan, 
distinguish between active and inactive verbs. 
On the other hand, it seems considerably 
more far-fetched in the case of languages that 
distinguish between transitive and intransi- 
tive verbs (i RUN, for example, as IT RUNS TO 
ME). This brings me to what I consider the 
greatest weakness of Uhlenbeck's paper, the 
inclusion under one rubric of transitive versus 
intransitive, and active versus inactive. I 
believe he would have made a more con- 
vincing case if he had confined himself to the 
former category, and adopted our second 
suggestion for the latter. In brief, the 
transitive verb may be plausibly interpreted 
as a passive, though this hardly seems neces- 
sary to me where there is not direct morpho- 
logic evidence of the kind that Uhlenbeck has 
produced for certain Algonkin forms; the 
active verb is far more plausibly otherwise 
interpreted. 

To Uhlenbeck's speculations as to the 
primitiveness of the passive verb I am not 
inclined to attach much importance. Such 
questions must be attacked morphologically 
and historically, not ethno-psychologically. 
As long as we are not better informed as to 
the exact distribution of types of pronominal 
classification and as to the historical drifts 
inferred from comparative linguistic research, 
it is premature to talk of certain features as 
primitive, of others as secondary. For the 
present, I should like to point out that we 
know of at least five, fundamentally probably 
only three, types of pronominal classification 



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VOL. I 



in America, as indicated in the following 
table: 





Obj. tr. 


Subj. inlr. 
Inactive. Active. 


Subj. ir. 


Example. 


I. 


A 


A 


B 


Chinook 


3. 


A 


A B 


B 


Dakota 


3- 


A 


B 


C 


Takelma 


4- 


A 


B 


B 


Paiute 


S- 


A (sometimes 


A 


A 


Yana 




subj. of 










passive) 









Identity of letter symbolizes identity of 
pronominal form. Type 4 is probably either 
simplified from type 3 or else represents an 
earlier stage of it; both developments may 
well have taken place. Type 5 is no doubt a 
specialized simplification of type 4. What 
the historical relations between types I and 2 
and between each of these and types 3-5 are, 
it is impossible to tell at present, though 
there is at least some evidence to show that 
type 4 tends to develop from type 2. The 
interpretation of the nature of the verb in 
each of these types is not always easy. The 
passive interpretation of the transitive may 
apply in certain cases of types I and 5. 

E. SAPIR 

UHLENBECK, C. C., Het Identificeerend 
Karakter der Possessieve Flexie in Talen 
van Noord-Amerika ("The Identifying 
Character of the Possessive Inflection in 
Languages of North America"). Reprinted 
from "Verslagen en Mededeelingen der 
Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 
Afdeeling Letterkunde, 5" Reeks, Deel II," 
345-371. Amsterdam, 1916. 

Uhlenbeck calls renewed attention in this 
paper to the well-known fact that in many 
American languages the possessive pronouns, 
generally affixed to the noun, occur in two 
more or less morphologically distinct series, 
one for nouns possession of which is of an 
inseparable nature, the other for nouns 



denoting separable possession. The former 
category includes chiefly terms of relationship 
and nouns denoting parts of the body. A 
careful survey of the evidence presented by 
Uhlenbeck shows, that, though body-part 
nouns and terms of relationship are not 
infrequently classed together in contrast to 
separable nouns, there are sometimes special 
morphological features that distinguish the 
two types of inseparable nouns; further, that 
in certain languages only the terms of rela- 
tionship constitute a special class as regards 
possessive affixes. Languages distinguishing 
separable and inseparable possession as such 
are Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Chimariko, 
Muskhogean, and Siouan. As a rule, how- 
ever, the two pronominal series are not funda- 
mentally distinct, but are morphologically 
related; in Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Siouan, 
the separability of the noun is indicated by 
an affixed element, while only in Chimariko 
are the possessive elements of the two series 
radically distinct. Moreover, in both Haida 
and Siouan the terms of relationship are not 
treated in quite the same manner as the body- 
part nouns. In Algonkin, of which he treats 
Blackfoot in particularly great detail, Uhlen- 
beck finds that, while there is no rigid 
classification of possessed nouns into sepa- 
rable and inseparable, a suffixed -m- is used 
with great frequency to indicate the separa- 
bility of the noun. 

The relative independence of terms of 
relationship as a class, suggested by Haida 
and Siouan, is still further emphasized by 
Takelma, in which such nouns have a peculiar 
set of possessive affixes as distinct from all 
other nouns, including such as refer to parts 
of the body; further by Yuki and Pomo, in 
which only terms of relationship have posses- 
sive pronominal affixes. In Mutsun (Costa- 
noan), moreover, where there is, properly 
speaking, no possessive inflection, terms of 
relationship have different endings, according 
to the person of the possessor. Such examples 
strongly suggest that alongside of, or inter- 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



crossing, the classification of possessed nouns 
into separable versus inseparable, there is to 
be recognized an independent classification of 
possessed nouns into terms of relationship 
versus all others. Uhlenbeck does not take 
this view. He prefers to consider such 
languages as Takelma, Yuki, Porno, and 
Mutsun as survivals of an earlier condition, 
in which both terms of relationship and body- 
part nouns constituted a separable class of 
possessed nouns ; and that, as they grew more 
analytic in character, the body-part nouns 
gradually yielded to the analogy of the vast 
majority of nouns. Such a language as 
Haida, according to Uhlenbeck, represents a 
transition stage. 

So long as we look at the facts in a purely 
schematic way, Uhlenbeck's historical theory 
seems plausible; but further consideration 
of the facts tends to cast doubt on the correct- 
ness of his view. Leaving Chimariko aside, 
it certainly seems suggestive that the funda- 
mental difference between the separable and 
inseparable pronominal affixes of such lan- 
guages as recognize the distinction merely 
lies in the presence of an affix of separable 
significance. The example of Algonkin, 
further, strongly suggests that this type of 
affix is a morphological element that has per 
se nothing to do with pronominal classifica- 
tion. On the other hand, the pronominal 
relationship-term affixes of Takelma, Yuki, 
Pomo, and Mutsun form a morphologically 
distinct class of elements. In other words, 
the two types of classification of possessed 
nouns (separable versus inseparable, and 
terms of relationship versus other ncuns) 
work, on the whole, along quite distinct lines; 
whence we must conclude that they are 
historically distinct phenomena, and merely 
intercross in certain languages (Haida, 
Siouan). 

That our point of view is sound (i.e., that 
the concept of separability or inseparability 
is generally, directly or at last analysis, 
indicated by an affix, and that, on the other 



hand, the terms of relationship generally owe 
their distinctness as a class to the factor of 
pronominal classification), is further indicated 
by other linguistic data, in part not accessible 
to Uhlenbeck. In Southern Paiute there is 
no real classification of possessed nouns into 
separable and inseparable, nor any classifica- 
tion of possessive pronominal affixes; but 
there are two suffixes of not infrequent use 
that bear on the concepts of acquirement and 
inseparability, i'ni- ACQUIRED BY, OWNED 
BY (e.g., qani-i'ni- HOUSE OWNED BY ONE, 
qani- HOUSE, HOUSE ONE LIVES IN); and -'a- 
INSEPARABLY BELONGING TO, chiefly used with 
body-part nouns that in ordinary experience 
often occur disconnected from the body, like 

BONE, SALIVA, ' SINEW, FAT, HORN (e.g., 00- 
BONE, 00- a- BONE IN ONE'S BODY). 

In Nootka, again, there is, with certain 
interesting exceptions to be presently noted, 
but one series of possessive pronominal affixes; 
but before the possessive suffix proper nor- 
mally appears one of two suffixed elements, 
-uk-, -'ak-, indicating that the possessor and 
the object possessed are physically separable 
(hence including terms of relationship) ; or 
-'at-, indicating that they are not physically 
separable (hence applying, above all, to parts 
of the body). The latter element is morpho- 
logically identical with the passive suffix in 
verbs. The Nootka -'at- forms suggest that, 
in any reduction of the range of the insepa- 
rable class of possessed nouns, it would be the 
terms of relationship not, as Uhlenbeck 
assumes, the body-part nouns that would 
be levelled out by analogy. From another 
point of view, however, the Nootka terms of 
relationship stand in a class by themselves. 
Not only are most of them provided with a 
distinctive relationship-term affix -qso (cf. 
the corresponding -mp of Kwakiutl), but the 
second person singular possessive is either 
formed in the regular manner (-qso plus 
separably possessive -'ak plus pronominal 
-'itqak, contracted to -qsak'itqak) or, far more 
frequently, by using the bare stem without 



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VOL. I 



any affix whatever (-qso drops off: hence 
THY UNCLE is a simpler term than UNCLE). 
Further, the terms for MY FATHER and MY 
MOTHER are irregularly formed by adding the 
first person singular "objective" element -s 
directly to the stem, the vowel of which is 
lengthened (the normal affix for MY is -qsak- 
qas). These facts mean, for example, that 
while the forms for MY FATHER and THY 
FATHER have no suffix of physical separa- 
bility, and fall outside the ordinary possessive 
pronominal scheme, such forms as HIS FATHER, 
OUR FATHER, and MY UNCLE are treated, as 
far as the possessive pronominal affixes are 
concerned, like an ordinary possessed noun; 
in neither sets of forms is the suffix of physical 
inseparability in place. As far as the Nootka 
evidence is pertinent, it is obvious that the 
concepts of separability and relationship- 
term classification are morphologically and 
historically unrelated. 

The pronominal distinctness of terms of 
relationship is not as isolated a phenomenon 
as Uhlenbeck implies. Wishram ' (Upper 
Chinook) affords us some interesting data. 
The possessive pronominal prefixes of terms 
of relationship in this language are precisely 
the same as for all other nouns, except for the 
first and second persons singular of the words 
for FATHER and MOTHER. In these isolated 
cases MY and THY are respectively expressed 
by -na- and -ma- instead of the normal -tc-, 
-k- MY and -mi- THY; the interesting point is, 
that -na- and -ma- are evidently closely 
related to the verbal pronominal prefixes n- 
and m-. Body-part nouns with possessives 
are in no way peculiarly treated in Wishram. 

The combined evidence of Takelma, Yuki, 
Porno, Mutsun, Nootka, and Chinookan for 
the occurrence of a distinctive series, some- 
times only preserved in very fragmentary 
form, of possessive pronominal affixes for 
terms of relationship, can hardly be set aside 

1 The Paiute, Nootka, and Wishram facts are quoted 
from my manuscript field-notes. 



as pointing to a merely secondary reduction 
of the inseparable class of possessed nouns. 
A little reflection shows that terms of rela- 
tionship as modified by possessive pronouns 
differ from most other nouns so modified, not 
so much in the matter of inseparability as in 
the fact that in the former a personal relation 
is defined, while in the latter true possession 
or some allied concept is indicated. Thus, 
MY FATHER is not one who is owned by me, 
but rather one who stands to me in a certain 
relation; moreover, he may be some one 
else's father at the same time, so that MY 
FATHER has no inherently exclusive value. 
On the other hand, MY ARM, like MY HAT, 
indicates actual and exclusive possession. 
Hence we can readily understand both why 
certain non-kinship nouns that indicate rela- 
tionship are sometimes morphologically 
classed with kinship terms (e.g., FRIEND in 
Takelma, SWEETHEART in Nootka), and why, 
on the other hand, such relationship terms as 
do not involve an inherent or non-controllable 
relation frequently fall outside the true set of 
kinship terms (e.g., HUSBAND and WIFE are 
not treated like relationship terms in either 
Takelma or Nootka). That personal relation, 
not possession, is primarily expressed by the 
possessive pronominal affixes of relationship 
terms, is beautifully illustrated by the Iro- 
quois usage of expressing many such relations 
as transitive verbs; thus, one cannot say MY 

GRANDFATHER Or MY GRANDSON in Iroquois, 

but uses formal transitives which may be 
respectively translated as HE GRANDFATHERS 
ME or I GRANDFATHER HIM. Clearly, the 
morphological isolation of possessed terms of 
relationship finds abundant justification in 
psychological considerations. I would, then, 
in contradistinction to Uhlenbeck, allow for 
three fundamental types of classification of 
possessive pronouns in America: 

1. All nouns treated alike (Yana, Southern 
Paiute). 

2. Relationship terms contrasted with other 
nouns (Takelma). 



NO. I 



REVIEWS 



8 9 



3. Possessed nouns classified into insepa- 
rable (comprising chiefly body-parts and 
terms of relationship) and separable (Chima- 
riko). 

Sometimes types 2 and 3 intercross, when 
we get the triple classification of languages 
like Sioux and Haida. 

Uhlenbeck's desire to look upon insepara- 
bility as the most fundamental concept 
involved in the so-called possessive relation 
is evidently largely determined by reasons of 
a speculatively psychological order. He 
notes with justice that the possessive pro- 
nouns of the inseparable category are gener- 
ally simpler than those of the separable cate- 
gory; that the latter are, indeed, frequently 
derivatives from the former. From this he 
argues that originally only inseparable nouns 
(body-part nouns and terms of relationship) 
had possessive affixes at all. Further, aside 
from certain exceptions (Miwok, Mutsun, 
Chumash), he finds that where, as is generally 
the case, the possessive pronouns are related 
to the pronominal affixes of the verb, they 
agree in form, not with the subjective or 
energetic, but, on the whole, with the objec- 
tive or casus inertia. The evidence for this 
important and well-known fact is drawn from 
Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Chinook, Chim- 
ariko, Maidu, Yuki, Pomo, Muskhogean, and 
Siouan, to which we might add Shoshonean 
and Nootka. 

Uhlenbeck's psychological interpretation of 
this fact, as well as of the greater primitive- 
ness of the possessive pronominal affixes of 
inseparable nouns, is given at the close of the 
paper: "Where there is identity of the posses- 
sive elements with inert personal elements, 
there can hardly be any talk of real 'posses- 
sion,' seeing that, where real 'possession' is 
involved, we should rather expect similarity of 
possessive with energetic elements, as opposed 
to a distinct series of inert personal pronouns 
or personal affixes. If, now, we recollect the 
excellent remarks of Lucien Levy-Bruhl on 
'possession' in Melanesia, and bear in mind 



that, for example, in Dakota a noun with 
inseparably-possessive affixes has entirely, or 
nearly so, the form of a conjugated adjective, 
or, aside from the, in Dakota, differently 
placed pronominal element, of a verbalized 
independent noun, we shall not go wrong in 
recognizing in the so-called possessively in- 
flected noun an identifying expression. A 
[Dakota] form [meaning 'my heart'] thus does 
not signify 'my heart' in the manner of our 
civilized languages, but indicates the identity 
of myself with the one heart with which I, 
and no other, stand in the closest relation. 
Similarly the inclusive [Dakota form meaning 
'child of us two'] is not so much 'child of us 
two' as indeed 'the child that we both are,' 
'the phase of us two which is the child.' But 
it is impossible to transcribe into modern 
words the thoughts and feelings of 'primi- 
tives,' even though we are perhaps able to 
think and feel ourselves into them." 

This psychological interpretation strikes me 
as extreme, the more so as I see no conclusive 
reason for assuming that possessive pro- 
nominal affixes were originally not employed 
with separable nouns. If we interpret 
Uhlenbeck's casus inertia, as suggested in the 
preceding review, as a neutral form of no 
intrinsic case significance, then the identifica- 
tion of a functional possessive with a specifi- 
cally intransitive or inactive case is arbitrary. 
As a matter of fact, in quite a number of 
American languages we find that the posses- 
sive affixes, while generally closely related to 
a series of pronominal affixes in the verb, are 
composed of a distinctively possessive element 
of non-personal significance and a pronominal 
element proper. This is the case, for instance, 
in Nootka and most of the Takelma possessive 
affixes. In such cases the possessive affix 
must naturally be periphrastically inter- 
preted: MY as OF ME, BELONGING TO ME. 
Where the sign of general possessive relation 
is lacking, the pronominal affix can be con- 
ceived of as standing in an implicit position- 
determined genitive relation to the noun, 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



more or less as in noun-compounds (i.e., i- 
HOUSE, for MY HOUSE, might be conceived of 
as a compound with merely implied genitive 
relation, precisely as in a form like HEN- 
HOUSE if interpreted as HOUSE OF HENS). 
There is still a further method of interpreta- 
tion, corresponding to the objective inter- 
pretation of the inactive or intransitive case 
given in the preceding review. This is to 
look upon the possessive affix as frankly 
objective (or dative) in character; e.g., to 
interpret a form like MY HOUSE as a semi- 
verbal HOUSE (is) TO ME. As a matter of 
fact, the line between such predicative forms 
as IT is MY HOUSE and such purely denomina- 
tive forms as MY HOUSE is often very difficult 
to draw; e.g., in Chinookan. Either of 
these explanations of the verbal affiliation of 
the possessive pronouns of so many American 
languages seems preferable, in my opinion, to 
Uhlenbeck's mystical theory of identification. 
The less we operate with "primitive" psy- 
chology, the better. Modern research is 
beginning to make it clear that the psychology 
of civilized man is primitive enough to 
explain the mental processes of savages. 

One more point before closing. I feel that 
Uhlenbeck is too much inclined to look for 



functional or semantic explanations of posses- 
sive pronominal differentiation where purely 
phonetic factors are probably all that is really 
involved (e.g., in Washo; Salinan; Algonkin; 
and Takelma, aside from terms of relation- 
ship). A striking example of the failure to 
evaluate purely phonetic factors is afforded 
by his discussion of the Blackfoot terms isk 
BUCKET and its possessives (e.g., no-xk MY 
BUCKET). He considers the forms isk and 
-(o)xk as representing two etymologically 
unrelated stems, and connects this surprising 
phenomenon with such suppletive examples 
in Blackfoot as HORSE and MY HORSE (as also 
in Southern Paiute; similar cases occur fre- 
quently for DOG in America). It seems very 
much more likely to me that we are not here 
dealing with independent stems at all, but 
that an original osk was in Blackfoot regularly 
shifted to oxk (the back vowel and k pulling 
the 5 to a back position; namely, x). This 
explanation is practically demonstrated by 
comparing no-xk with Blackfoot mo-xkats-is 
FOOT (from Algonkin *-skat-; cf.Creemiskdt 1 
LEG). 

E. SAPIR. 

1 Quoted from Lacombe. 



International Journal of American Linguistics 



Volume I 



May, 1918 



Number 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 
By J. ALDEN MASON 

INTRODUCTION 



THE following prayers or perdones as they 
are locally termed were collected during 
the months of December, 1911, to March, 1912, 
and from November of the latter year to Jan- 
uary, 1913, while I was enjoying the facil- 
ities for field work afforded me as representa- 
tive from the University of Pennsylvania to 
the International School of Mexican Ethnol- 
ogy and Archeology. They were secured in 
Azqueltan, a little pueblo in the northeastern 
corner of the state of Jalisco, some hundred 
miles west of Zacatecas and nearly the same 
distance north of Guadalajara. Here live the 
remainder of the Tepecanos, at present the 
southernmost people speaking a language of 
the Piman group. A brief sketch of their life 
and customs ' and collections of their folk- 
tales * have been published as well as a short 
account of one of the religious fiestas. 8 

The principal results of the residence in 
Azqueltan, in addition to the above-mentioned 
sketches, were studies of the language and of 
the religion of this group. An exposition of 
the language is being published by the New 
York Academy of Sciences. 4 To the same 
Academy is due no little credit for the appear- 
ance of the present paper, since it supplied 

1 The Tepehuan Indians of Azqueltan, Proceedings 
of the XVIII International Congress of Americanists, 
London, 1912, p. 344. 

1 Four Mexican-Spanish Fairy-Tales from Azqueltan, 
Jalisco, J. A. F. L., XXV, p. 191; Folk-Tales of the 
Tepecanos, ibid., XXVII, p. 148. 

1 The Pinole Fiesta at Azqueltan, University of 
Pennsylvania Museum Journal, III, p. 44. 

4 Tepecano, A Piman Language of Western Mexico, 
Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. The 
appearance of this article is delayed on account of the 
war. 



the needed funds for its preparation. The 
present collection of prayers is presented 
partly as illustrative material for the afore- 
said linguistic sketch and partly as basic ma- 
terial for the study of the religion which is 
to be prepared. For this reason the prayers 
are presented with little introduction and no 
attempt has been made to explain the cere- 
monial allusions. Footnotes have been ap- 
pended only to elucidate grammatical points. 

The greater number of the prayers were 
given me by my principal informant, Eleno 
Aguilar. A few were given by the Cantador 
Mayor or High Priest, Rito de la Cruz, and 
one was secured from Francisco Aguilar. But 
all were revised and corrected by Eleno. 

The religion of the Tepecanos appears to be 
very similar to those of the other neighboring 
peoples of the Sierra Madre Occidental, the 
Huichol, Cora, Tepehuane and Tarahumare. 
Preuss has published a voluminous account 
of the religion of the Cora 6 and Lumholtz 
more or less detailed accounts of those of the 
other groups, 6 particularly the Huichol. 7 The 
religion of the latter appears to be somewhat 
specialized but those of the other groups are 
doubtless basically the same. Preuss gives 
many songs and prayers very similar in form 
and concept to those given here and Lum- 
holtz mentions the same among other groups. 

6 K. T. Preuss, Die Religion der Cora-Indianer, 
Leipzig, 1912, and many smaller articles in various 
periodicals. 

6 Karl Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, New York, 
1902, and several smaller articles. 

7 Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs of the 
American Museum of Natural History, New York, III, 
May, 1900, and other papers. 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



The old Tepecano religion is now practically 
abandoned in favor of Catholicism and the 
Christian influence may be traced in several 
of the prayers. Fortunately it is slight. But 
it must be borne in mind that the prayers are 
traditional material and many have not been 
recited for years. Probably a large number 
have been lost beyond possibility of record. 
The possibility of inaccuracy is therefore con- 
siderable. In many cases, the exact meaning 
of esoteric phrases has been forgotten or they 
are interpreted differently by different infor- 
mants. In other cases the purpose of the 
prayer itself is disputed by various author- 
ities or changes suggested in the final revision. 
It is with a full realization of these possible 
inaccuracies that the collection is presented. 

For the greater part, the texts have been 
printed exactly as written down even in cases 
where cumulative evidence of many records of 
the same word indicates that a certain instance 
was incorrectly recorded. In addition to cer- 
tain regular changes to conform with the 
orthography now in standard usage, 1 the prin- 
cipal change in preparation of manuscript has 
been in the cases of the complexes pb, td, and 
kg where the initial surd is not released, to 
B', D-, and G-, respectively. 

For a complete account of the phonetics 
and morphology of the language the reader is 
referred to the before-mentioned linguistic 
paper. A brief r6sum6 of the phonetic key 
used is here appended for ready reference: 

a as in arm 

e as in end (very rare and probably reduced from 

diphthong in) 
i as in machine 

o as in orb 

6 as in urn ( and lii were occasionally written as 

variants of 0) 

u as in rule (approaches o of note) 
y as in yes (generally as an ' glide) 
w as in wet (generally as an u glide; also confused 

with ) 
w semi-voiceless w 

1 Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages, 
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, publication 
2415, Washington, D. C. 



in as in men 

M semi-voiceless m 

n as in net 

N semi-voiceless n 

)j as in sing (rare) 

r as in Spanish pero 

R semi-voiceless r 

1 approaching r but untrilled (rare) 

v as in Spanish pavo 

v semi-voiceless p 

s as in so 

c as in show (but approaching s) 

h as in hat (probably not differentiated from x) 

x as in Spanish jota (probably not differentiated 

from h) 

b as in bed 

d as in day 

g as in go 

B intermediate surd-sonant p-b 

D intermediate surd-sonant t-d 

G intermediate surd-sonant k-g 

p as in Spanish pero 

t as in Spanish tan 

k as in Spanish casa 

ts as in hats (rare) 

tc as in church (rare) 

glottal stop or occlusion 
accent after vowel denotes stress accent 
accent over vowel denotes pitch accent 
grave accent denotes secondary accent 

i iota subscript denotes nasalization 

raised period denotes doubled length 
period denotes hesitation, cessation of breath or 
voice, or separation of normally connected ele- 
ments of diphthongs or other combinations 
superscript characters are pronounced with less 
than normal force 

i. TO PREPARE THE PATIO FOR THE 
FIESTA OF THE RAIN 

adiu's.um? naparin.Q''G 3 naparinda - 'D 4 
To God," thou who art my Father,' who art my* 

Mother, 1 

1 Adios is the most frequent beginning for most of the 
prayers and is, of course, a Christian influence. It is a 
question whether it represents a dedication to the 
Christian God or merely an exclamation of greeting, in 
which sense it is frequent in Spanish usage. It has been 
most frequently translated as "Hail!" The particle um 
here is of doubtful nature. 

1 The stem means FATHER ; it has frequently been 
translated as "Lord." 

4 The stem means MOTHER; it has frequently been 
translated as "Lady." 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



93 



ganavarci'vgok cr'hi to'tvag.wofa piho' 
they which are seven beautiful skies beneath, where 

napimpuma'r'giD kutsapica'tivbo'hi'mo'D 

that ye are formed. We say we hither came 



amta rum 
begging you 



ha'gicdara 
pardon, 



para 
in order 



nantu.i'ntamtuha-'na 1 nanpu.i'ni.ci'a.da'rsa 
that I here may meddle, ' that I here them may place, 

hidi nampurict6k6"dam cidu'Dkam 2 

these which are powerful fetishes 2 

nampumto'tok aniho' nampu.a'r'gidic 3 
that they are named hereabouts, that they are* 
formed,' 

hacnaci'dtidu 4 kuha'pu.pi"c.6'B nica'rrra'tuD 
thus that hoards. 4 Then likewise also I give you* 
to know 

kupimitunha'gicda hidi ho'mao gcr'k 
that ye me will pardon these one two 

va-'ik ni''o - kh6kot nicputo'mai.amta'n 
three word with. I continually you beg 

ha'gicdara 5 kupiminma'kia lise'nsia 

pardon' that ye me will give permission 

ku < n.inta < Mto'nim6r.cituha - 'na nanpu.i'ni.tu'- 
that I here suddenly may meddle that I here may pass 

kacda para nanpu.i-'n.cituna-'da hidi 
the night in order that I here may make fire this 

1 It has been difficult to translate this stem suc- 
cinctly. It is better transited by the Spanish manejar, 
the idea being to putter around, putting things in order. 

1 Probably from the stem cidu, TO HOARD or CHERISH. 
They are commonly known by their native name but 
are translated on demand as IDOLS. They are small 
objects of stone, bone, etc. 

8 This stem has given great trouble as it seems to be 
used in a passive sense either with or without the passive 
particle. 

4 This is a word of esoteric meaning which has prac- 
tically been forgotten. My informant translated it by 
different phrases until at last he settled on como per- 
tinece a los cuatro vientos. It seems to contain the same 
stem as cidukam, TO GUARD AND CHERISH. 

6 The phrase "to beg pardon" seems to carry both 
the idea of craving forgiveness and beseeching favor. 

Always translated "green" but probably signifies 
"blue" as well. 



navaricto'doG 6 anrai'niG.dam 7 piho'dor 
which is green 6 your petals' on. Where from 

napuixi'kmao napuivo'pmiG ganavaramhi'- 
that it clouds up that arises that which is your* 

koma navarica'pma'citka-t na.icva"ufak 8 
cloud which is well appearing, spread out which* 
drizzles 8 

navaricto'Dgitka't piho 1 napum.a'r'gio 
wh ich is very green , spread out . Where that it is formed 

navarni'.okio 9 ganavarinsu'sBidat 10 inci'u'G 11 
which is her 9 word she who is my Guide, 10 my 
Morning Star, 11 

in.cr'G napuboito'kdim gano'vio para 
my Father, that he hither to us comes reaching that* 
his hand in order 

natpuha'bantuD'a'gimoD gamtono'f.dida 

that we in it enveloping ourselves will go beholding 

wo'c.0ras.a"ba piho napua'r'gidic 12 navarci"- 
all hours in. Where that it 12 is formed which is* 

a-r.wota.hovan pihodor napuboiwo'pgo 
east beneath there whence that lightninged down 

natpubo'.in56 13 amohodor natpua'.vo'm 
that spoke" down hither. From afar that has arisen 

natpuma'.nio'k'i gava'Varipkam hu-'rnipkam 
that has spoken to him he of the north westerner 

7 Nahua petlatl, MAT, generally translated CARPET. 

8 Llaviznar. 

' The singular pronoun is frequently used in appo- 
sition to the names of several deities. It is one of the 
most puzzling problems which of the divinities named 
is referred to or whether they are conceived as being 
various attributes of one individual. At other times 
the plural pronoun is employed. 

10 Evidently combined of sob', PROTECT, and dad, 
MOTHER. The guia is interpreted as a small star which 
rises immediately before the Morning Star. 

11 Evidently related to cic, ELDER BROTHER. 

12 Reference doubtful. 

13 The thunder is conceived as a voice, the Word. 
In many of the prayers the Word seems to be con- 
ceived as an entity, arising, being formed, speaking 
and performing other anthropomorphic functions. 
This concept has rendered certain translations very 
equivocal. 



94 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



o'gipaskam aniho'.ci'kor ho'van tuma"- 
southerner. Hereabouts there has gone* 

aGdimok namitpunratok gama'dara-iwa 
conversing, that they knew they already sat 

namitpubo.afo'k hoganavarano'v para 
that they to us liave reached that which is their hand 
in order 

natpuha'bantuD-a'gimoo gamtbnofdida kuga'- 
that we in it having wrapped ourselves may go be- 
holding. Then 

guraho'mi.iu'rnida h6ga navaricto'nkam 
aside will go casting that which is heat 

hoga navara.u"umi.h6'k6t 1 mipuga'guraho'.- 
that which are their arrows' with they aside will* 

iir'rnida ganavaraka'kvarakho'kot 2 Miput- 
go casting that which are their chimales* with. They 

so'sbidida gahactucko'k'dakam napubom.a"- 
for us shall go attacking whatever sickness that may= 

gida porki a'tiamnoTio atictu'kipgamtono'io 
come being reported. Because we do not see, we 
in darkness go peering 

porki ti'carici''korakam iti'krad6'k6D 
because we are vile our filthiness with 

ti'cputso-'sbidim &0nt'hapd"gia.f ni'cpuanv- 
we go obstructing ourselves. With which this only l- 

a'tut kupiminka'ok kupimi'tunha-'gicda 
cause you to know. Then hear ye me. Then ye me= 
will pardon 

nanpui'nicituha-n hi'di navaramno'ik-ar.dam 
that I here meddle this which is your patio in. 

kuni'pui'niciko-'sa gana'varanrai'niG gana 1 - 
Then I here will place this which is your petate that* 

varicta' amba'tu.dam* pixo' napimpuma-'r'git 
which is white your tapexte* on where that ye= 
are formed 

wos.0ras.a''B Jfettnjh'nicputOmaianva'tuD 

all hours in. With which I constantly give you to* 
know. 

ku<fio'sp6cambi'ak - a 
Then God feel for you. 

1 u'mi is the ceremonial arrow, as distinguished from 
, the hunting arrow. 

* Chimal is the native adaptation of the Nahua 
chimalli, SHIELD. The chimal is the little diagonal or 



NOTE 

This prayer is recited by the Cantador 
Mayor, the principal functionary of Tepecano 
religion, to beg permission of the divinities to 
clean and prepare the ceremonial patio for the 
celebration of the Rain Fiesta, the principal 
fiesta of the year, held on the fifth of April. 
This is done in the late afternoon. After 
reciting this, the Cantador, or Chief Singer, 
sweeps the dance patio, lights the fire and 
decorates the altar with the necessary cere- 
monial objects. 

TRANSLATION 

Oh ye who are my Lord and my Lady who 
were created beneath the seven beautiful 
heavens! Hither have we come to ask your 
forgiveness so that I may here prepare and 
may place here these powerful Cidudkam, as 
they are called hereabouts where they are 
formed and cherished. Also do I say unto 
you that ye must forgive me these few words. 
Continually do I implore you that ye give me 
leave to work here and to pass the night here 
that I may kindle fire on this your green carpet. 

Thence the heaven becometh overcast and 
your cloud ariseth, beautifully outspread, 
which drizzleth and is very green. There is 
formed the Word of Him who is my Guide, 
my Morning Star and my Lord, who cometh 
teaching unto us his hand that we, gathering 
ourselves into it, may go beholding in all 
hours. There beneath the east is it formed 
whence he hath sent his lightning and spoken. 
From afar it hath arisen; he hath spoken to 
them of the north, the west and the south, 
telling to all parts. Thus did they know it; 
they have seated themselves and have reached 
unto us their hand that we, wrapping our- 
selves in it, may go observing. 

They will repel the heat with their arrows; 
with their chimales will they cast it aside. 

hexagon of yarn, the "God's eye" of the Huichol. To 
the Tepecanos it is God's face. 

* Nahua tlapexlle, the white cloth erected on the 
altar. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



95 



They will shield us from whatever pestilence 
may come. For we may not see and in dark- 
ness we grope, for we are vile and with our 
filthiness we impede ourselves. 

This only do I say unto you. Hear ye me! 
Ye will pardon me for meddling here in this 
your court. Here will I place your white 
cloth on your carpet where ye are formed in 
all hours. Continually do I implore you. 
May God bless you. 

2. TO COMMENCE THE FIESTA 
OF THE RAIN 

(PERD6N MAYOR) 

adio's ino''G inda'o inci'u'c 

To God, my Lord, my Lady, my Morning Star. 

ati'puhi'mot aptu'i' napimaringo"korak 1 
We have come; to be that ye are my manes 1 

a - 'moh6van napimarda'darkam ho'- 

there that ye are the sitters that- 

ga-rictuma'M icto'doc ci"a-r wo'fa 
is five green east beneath. 

a'momo'dor napimivo'pmiGda hoga 

There from that ye will lift that 

na'varicda'dik'am navarumu"umi 2 naB'- 
which is health. Which are thy' ceremonial arrows 
that* 

aituda'giuna h6g - a na'pgama'.itwi'cturda 
thou hither us wilt cleanse that that thou, coming* 
wilt force away from us 

hog'ac'ko'k'dakam aruri'koT umto' 

that sickness is vicinity thy* 

tvagiwopta a'bi'dor na'puiwu'wacda 
skies beneath. There from thou wilt select 

navarumvo'p-oikaM a'nih6dor naB'ai'- 
which is thy path. Here from that thou* 

tuda'giuna ho'ga navaricxo'pitkam 3 

hither us wilt cleanse that which is the coldness 3 

1 Translated "Our Fathers and Mothers of the 
heavens." It is not quite certain whether these are the 
major divinities, minor divinities or ancestral spirits. 

2 The changes in person in this and other prayers 
are very confusing. Their signification is most puzzling. 



navarumno'v ho'kot na'puho'kot.itka'- 
which is thy hand with; that thou with it for us* 

pkaturda navarum.6ra'dakam napit'6'- 
wilt constrain which is thy inwardness; that* 

vo'rturda hoga navarumhr'Mda 

thou for us wilt lengthen that which is thy way 

napgamipkitot' ko'hiniD'a hoga navaruma'- 
which thou also now us wilt cause to tread that 
which is* 

t'vagi.sa-'gio ku'hidi'koo apictunha'gicda 
thy altar between. Then this with thou me wilt* 
pardon, 

dio's in.o - 'G inda-'o inci'u'k hidi 
God my Lord, my Lady, my Morning Star, this 



h&maD go''k ba'ik tak-u'gumo'kot 
one two three fragments with 

navaricda'dik-am 
which is health 



nanitaitumno'i'puctur 
which I to thee have recited 



navarumni"o'k' kuhi'di ho'madakamo'kot 
which is thy word. Then this creation with 

api'ctunha'gicda porki aniamai'cturda 
thou me wilt pardon because I not may fulfill 

hoga naVarumhi'mda hoga 

that which is thy way that 

navarumt6voriG hoga napubo.'ima-'c 
which is thy length that which hither appears 

hoga avemicmokor havaricda'dik-am 
that it very distant and it is health 

havaric'i'du'k'am ku.ha'bandor a'niam- 
and it is treasure. Then with it from I not* 

pihoamto'gio'a 4 kuhi'di&ma'dakam.hok'ot 
anywhere you may see. 4 Then this creation with 

adio's in.o - 'G inda - 't inci'u'k. 

to God, my Lord, my Lady, my Morning Star. 

ha - 'pih6'van napimaringo"koraG 

In that place that ye are my manes 

amihovaN napimarda'darkam icto'doG 5 
there that ye are sitters green' 

8 Cold and wind are conceived as health-giving and 
purifying, heat as synonymous with sickness. 
4 Possibly auditory error for -urn-, THEE. 
6 The color appropriate to the east. 



9 6 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



ci"a-rw6'ta' 
east beneath 

cr'hi' SO'SO'B 

beautiful bead 



h&ga navaricto'doG 

that which is green 

navarum.a'toc-kar 1 
which is thy 1 seat, 



ha'bandor nagamida - 'diG nagamihi'komaG 
where from that comes health that it clouds up 

nagamiwo'pgovi' ha'barrdor naB'iva"utaG 
that comes lightning where from that it hither- 
drizzles. 

kua'mom6dor napum.a-'rgida* navaricto'do 
Then there from that will be formed 1 which is* 
green 

o - 'hi hi'komo"k'6D go'gOT cr'hi 
beautiful cloud with great beautiful 

hi'komsa' 'gio na* 'puwo'poga'ma.iwo' 'cnia 
cloud between. That advancing will start 

na'puwa'tono'fdida va'viar* cr'hi 

that will go beholding gray* beautiful 

to'tvacwo't'a napumai'vanio'k-ida ba'viar 
skies beneath. That hence already will go speaking 
gray 

o''hi so'so'Btio'D amomo' navarda'k-am 
beautiful bead-man there that is sitter 

navarva'viar to'vakwot'a" na'purnu'- 
that it is gray sky beneath that he 

k-ao-am navarva'viar o - 'xi 

is guardian which is gray beautiful 

navarumva'p'a'moriG ha'ba'ndor nafl-- 
that are thy lakes. Thence that 

6ixa''duG 4 na'puivi'ngi ku'.a'm6m6"dor 
it hither 4 . . . that it ... Then there 

from 

na'puva'tonfi'idida 
that already will go beholding 



napuivo nrgia 
that will arise 



navargo go - r va paviar o xi 

which are great gray beautiful 

hi'kom.fir a'bim6 na'puvadu'via 

cloud within. There that already arrives 

1 Possibly auditory error for -am-, YOUR. 

1 From here on, the references of the third person 
are doubtful. Most if not all of them probably refer 
to the journey of the Word, the prayer, the formula, 
through the heavens though some may have reference 
to the habitant spirits of the cardinal directions. 

1 Yellowish-gray, the color of the north. 



na'puvam.a-'rgida go'gor hikomsa-'gio 
that will be formed great cloud within. 

naB'ai'vatuda'giuna navaricda'dik'am 

That thou already wilt cleanse which is health 

navarumsa-'kumigo'koD ku.a'bim6"dor 

which is thy tears with. Then there from 

na'pumg6kipt6tugia navargS'go-r va'pavia-r 
that to both sides will look which are great gray 

xi'komsa - 'gi'D na'pgamisa'ki'D-a 

cloud within. That thou wilt weep, 

naB-ai'vada'giuna avaricho'pitkam 

that thou hither already wilt cleanse it is coldness 

navarumu"umih6'k6D na'pgama.itwr'cturda 
that it is thy ceremonial arrows with. That thou from 
us wilt chase away 

navaricko'kdakam ci'k'OT to'tvacwo'pta 
which is pestilence vicinity skies beneath 

navaricxo-'p-itkam ka'va'r navarumwu'- 
which is coldness chimal which is 

p-uivas ho"k6D aniho' napuvatono'- 
thy faces with. Hereabouts that already 

idida aric'i'k'o'r na'va'rumto'tvagiwo'pta 
will go beholding is vicinity which is thy skies* 
beneath 



napuma-'r'gidida 
that will be formed 



navaricxo'pitkaM 
which is coldness 



ho"kia ma'mciM navarumxi'komago'koD 
how many apparitions which is thy cloud with. 

na'puva'tonft'idida navarictu'k 5 o-'xi 
That already will go beholding which is black* 
beautiful 

navarumto'tvagiwo'ta napumai'vatuda'- 

which is thy skies beneath which hence 

giunio'a na'varich&p'itkam navarumu"- 
already wilt cleanse which is coldness which are 

umi h6'ko napumai'vani6k'ida 

thy ceremonial arrows with. That hither already 
will go speaking 

4 These two stems evidently carry an esoteric cere- 
monial significance which has been forgotten by the 
present natives. None of the authorities interrogated 
was able to give a translation of them. They probably 
refer to various phases of the rain. 

1 The color of the west. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



97 



ha"kic u'vikam na'puarinda-'o 

tell womankind who is my Lady. 

arictu'c cx'xi to'vacwot-a 

Is black beautiful sky beneath 

napurda-'kaM na'purnu'k'aD'aM 

that is sitter that she is guardian 

navarumba'pamoriD a'midor nafl'ivo'- 
that are thy lakes there from that thou* 

pmigiD navaricda'dik'am navarumci'- 
liftest which is health which is thy 

cvordaD ha'barrdoT na'p - uio - 'hi 

plumes. Thence it becomes beautiful, 

naB'iha-'duG ha'barrdor napuivi'jjgi 

that it . . ., whence that it ... 

naB'a'iD'a'giuna navarurrra'maR i'nimo 
That thou hither us wilt cleanse who are thy sons here 

na'tputuwo'inuG hi'di navaricda'dik-am 
that we wander this which is health 

navarum.o'k'aD'a wo't'a kuB'ai'.iD'a'giuna 
which is thy shadow beneath. Then thou hither us* 
wilt cleanse 

navaricda'dik'am navarumsa'kumgih6'k6t 
which is health which is thy sorrow with. 

napgama.'ifo'vorturda navarumgo'gircdara 
That thou for us wilt increase which is thy succor. 

ku.a'mi'dor na'pivo'mgia navarictu'tuk 
Then there from which will arise which are black 

navarumhi'komaG 6rh8d6r na'puva'tono'- 
which is thy cloud within from which already* 

idida navargo'goR cr'xi xi'kom6r 
will go beholding which are great beautiful cloud within 

napho'ko'pa'.uma-'rgida navaricdadik-am 
Which with will be formed which is health 

navarumxi'komaG'S'ko't ha'barrd6r 

which is thy cloud with whence 

nagamiwo'pgov ha'ba'ndor naB'iva"uta 
which it lightnings whence which drizzles. 

a'bi.mSdoT napuga'mini6k' na'pu.umho'gio 
There from that speaks that to thee replies 

hodoT navarumxi'komaG.6ra ku.a'bim&doT 
alone which is thy cloud within. Then there from 

napumgo'kiptotu'gia naB-ai'vatuda'giuna 
that to both sides will look that thou hither already* 
wilt cleanse 



navaricxo'p'itkam navarumu"umid6'k6D 
which is coldness which are thy ceremonial arrows** 
with. 

na'p-uva'tonoidida a'ric'i'k'OT 

Which already will go beholding is vicinity 

navarumto'tvagiwo't'a napubai'vatuda'- 

that is thy skies beneath. That hither already 

giuna navaricho'pitkam navarumsa-'- 
wilt cleanse which is coldness which is tiiy 

kumigo"kot navarci'k'OT navarumbo'- 
sorrow with which is vicinity which are* 

p-oiga'ba napubaiVaha'dirc napubai'- 
thy paths in. Which hither already . . . which* 

vavi'qgi ha'ba'ndor naB'aiVahi'komac 
hither already . . . Thence which hither* 

already clouds up 

umhi'komaksa''giD na'pgamiwopgov 

thy cloud between that thou sendest lightnings 

naga'maictuma'ma'c navarumbo'poiga'ba 
that appear which are thy paths in. 

ku.a'miD-or napuma'vaton&idida aricta' 1 
Then there from that hence already will go beholding 
is white 1 

o-'hi umto'vagiwota' a'ricta cv'hi 
beautiful thy sky beneath is white beautiful 

hi'komo"k6D na'puwama-'rgida napuma'- 
cloud with that already will be formed. Which* 

ivanio'k'ida a'ricta' o-'hi so'so'Btio'o 
hence already will go speaking is white beautiful 
bead-man 

a'ricta' o-'hi umto'vagiwo'ta' napurdak'aM 
is white beautiful thy sky beneath that is sitter 

a'ricta' 6 - hi SO - 'SO'B navaruma'toc'kardam 
is white beautiful bead which is thy seat on 



naparnukao-am 
which is guardian 



navarumba'p-amo-rit 
which are thy lakes. 



ku.a'miD-or napivo'pmiD-a a'ricta' o >f hi 
Then there from that thou wilt lift is white 
beautiful 

navarumci'cwordao ha'ba-ndd'R na'puio - 'hi 
which are thy plumes whence that becomes* 

beautiful 

1 The color of the south. 



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VOL. I 



ha'ba'ndor na'B'uida'di ku'ganavaricta' 
whence that thou healthenest. Then that which is 
white 

cr'hi navarumci'cvoo a'pdor 

beautiful which are thy plumes in from 

na'puiha-'duG na'B'uivi'?jgi napuha'- 
that it ... that it ... that 

bandor na'puihi'komac hi'komsa-'giD 
whence that it clouds up cloud within 

na'pgamiwo'p'gov nagamictuma'ma'c 

that thou sendest lightnings which they appear 

a'ricta' cr'hi navarum-ai'nic-dam 

is white beautiful which is thy petale on. 

kuamomo'dor napugo' 'kip.a'ptotugia 

Then there from that in both sides wilt look 

na'puva'tunoidida a'ricta' o - 'hi 

that already will go beholding is white beautiful 

hi'kom. or napho'ko'D.uma-'rgida 

cloud within; that with it will be formed 

aricta'ta hi'komd'ko't napuha'bandorbi.ivo'- 
are white cloud with. That whence hither wilt 

pmikda navaricda'dik'am navarumu"umi 
raise which is health which are thy ceremonial* 
arrows 

bai'vatuda'giuna aric'i'k'OT navarumto'- 
hither already cleanse is vicinity which are 

tvagiwo't'a na'pumftraton&rdida 

thy skies beneath. That within will go beholding 

a'rictuma'M to' 'do tovakwo't'a 

it is five green sky beneath 

na'puh6'kouma''rgida a'rictuma'M O''hi 
that with will be formed is five beautiful 

navarumhi'komag6"k6't na'pam6m6d6r 

which is thy cloud with. That there from 

napiwo'mgia a'rictuma'M navarumni'- 
that will arise is five which is 

o'k'ho'koo napuba'vatun&idida arici'- 
thy word with, that hither already will go beholding 
are- 

vgo'k- o''hi to'vacdam a'bi'm6 

seven beautiful sky on. There 

na'puvadu'via naB'ai'vanio'k'ida 

that already arrives that hither already will come* 
speaking 



na'varit.o-'G 

who is our Lord 

cidukaM 

Fetish, 



to'nOT 
Sun 

ha'ba'ndor 
whence 



hi'kom 
Cloud 



ci'vo't 
Plume 



na'gamida'dic 
that comes health 



ho"kia ma'mciM hi'kom&'koo 

how many apparitions cloud with. 

na'B'ida'giuna va'pa-viar o-'hi 

That thou wilt cleanse gray beautiful 

navarumu"umih6'k6'D ku.a'bim6dor 

which are thy ceremonial arrows with. Then there from 

na'parda-'k'am aric'i'vgo'k' o-'hi 

that thou art sitter is seven beautiful 

navaruma'tockardam naparnu'kaD-am 

which is thy seat on that thou art guardian 

aric'i'vgo'k' 6'hi navarumva'p-amoriG 
are seven beautiful which are thy lakes 

napivo'pmikda navaricda'dik'am 

that thou wilt raise which is health 

navarumci'cvordaD aric'i'ko'r na.ima'- 
which are thy plumes is vicinity which- 

ma'C'i"a'rwo"ta va'varip- hu'r-nip- 

appear east beneath north west 

ku.a'bimftdor naB'iwo'pgov 

Then there from that it lightnings 

na'gamistuma'ma'c arici'vgo'k' hi'kom. 6r 
that appear are seven cloud within. 

a'bimodor na'pgaminio'k'ia napumho'kda 
There from that thou begin wilt speak that to> 
thee will reply 

a'rici'ko-r t6'tvacw6"ta ba'varip- 

is vicinity skies beneath north 

hu'rnip- o'gipas a'ricivgo-'k 

west south are seven 

hi'kom.6R naB'iku'G'ida na'varictumaM 
cloud within. That thou hither wilt go ceasing 

which are five 

o''hi navarumni'o'k' kuhi'di 

beautiful which is thy word. Then this 

ho'ma'dakam ho'koo api'ctunha'gicda 
creation with thou me wilt pardon. 

adio's in.o-'G inda-'t inciu'k 
To God my Lord my Lady my Mornings 
Star. 



o gipas 
south. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



99 



NOTE 

This is the Perdon Mayor or principal 
prayer, it being the opening prayer of the 
most important of the four annual fiestas. 
After the patio has been prepared, the altar 
arranged and the fire lighted, the communi- 
cants arrive. Then, after darkness has set 
in, the Chief Singer takes his seat facing the 
altar to the east and recites the prayer. 

This prayer must also be recited by one 
desiring to become a shaman in order to 
prove his knowledge and ability. 

TRANSLATION 

Oh my Lord, my Lady, my Morning Star! 
Hither have we come. Ye are my spirits who 
are seated there in the five heavens beneath 
the green east. From there will ye bring 
health. 

With thy arrows thou wilt purify us; thou 
wilt quit from us the pestilence which sur- 
roundeth us beneath thy heavens. From there 
thou wilt lead thy path. Thou wilt cleanse 
us with the cold which is thy hand, with 
which thou wilt intensify for us thy spirit. 
Thou wilt lengthen for us thy way which 
thou wilt now cause us to tread, which is 
between thy altar. With these few fragments 
which I have recited unto thee thou wilt 
pardon me, God, my Lord, my Lady, my 
Morning Star, for they are thy Word which 
is health. With this formula thou wilt pardon 
me for I may not fulfill thy commandment, 
thy course which hither leadeth, for it is 
very far; it is health and treasure. There- 
fore I never may behold thee. So with this 
formula Hail! my Lord, my Lady, my Morn- 
ing Star. 

There are ye seated, my spirits, beneath 
the green east, on the beautiful green bead 
which is your throne, whence come health 
and the clouds, lightning and drizzle. There 
will it be created of the beautiful green cloud 
between the great beautiful clouds. 

Forward will it proceed, observing beneath 
the beautiful gray heavens. Hence will go 



speaking the beautiful gray Bead-man who 
sitteth there beneath the gray heaven, the 
guardian of thy beautiful gray lakes. Then 
from there will it arise and go observing 
within the beautiful great gray cloud. Far 
away will it arrive where it will be formed 
within the great cloud. There wilt thou 
purify it with thy tears, which are health. 
Thence will it look to both sides, within the 
great gray clouds. Thou wilt weep and purify 
it with thy arrows which are the cold. Thou 
wilt quit from us the pestilence round about 
beneath thy heavens with the cold of thy 
chimal which is thy countenance. Here will 
it go about observing beneath thy heavens 
where it will be formed of the cold with thy 
many-colored cloud. 

Then will it go about observing beneath 
thy beautiful black heavens where thou wilt 
cleanse it with the cold of thy arrows. Hither 
will come speaking and reciting the Woman 
who is my Lady. Beneath the beautiful 
black heaven is she sitting, guarding thy 
lakes whence thou drawest health, thy plumes. 
From them cometh beauty. Thou wilt cleanse 
us who are thy sons who wander here beneath 
thy healthful shadow. Thou wilt purify us 
with thy health-giving tears. Thou wilt in- 
crease for us thy succor. Thence will it arise 
from out thy black cloud and will go behold- 
ing within the beautiful great cloud. It will 
be created with thy healthful cloud whence 
come the lightning and the drizzle. From 
there he speaketh, answering thee within thy 
cloud, alone. Then will it look to both sides 
and thou wilt cleanse it with the cold of thy 
arrows. Round about beneath thy heavens 
will it gaze and thou wilt purify it with the 
cold of thy tears, round about in thy paths. 
From it thou sendeth the clouds and, within 
the cloud, thy lightning which appeareth in 
thy paths. 

From there will it go beholding beneath 
thy beautiful white heaven where it will be 
formed of the beautiful white cloud. Hence 
will go speaking the beautiful white Bead- 



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VOL. I 



man who sitteth beneath thy beautiful white 
heaven on the beautiful white bead which is 
thy throne, guarding thy lakes. From these 
wilt thou raise thy beautiful white plumes 
whence come beauty and health. From thy 
beautiful white plumes cometh the rain; from 
them come the clouds and within thecloud thou 
sendest lightnings which flash on thy beauti- 
ful white carpet. From there will it look to 
both sides, gazing within the beautiful white 
cloud where it will be formed of the white 
cloud. From it thou wilt bring health and 
wilt cleanse with thy arrows, round about 
beneath thy heavens. 

It will go about gazing beneath the five 
green heavens where it will be formed of thy 
five beautiful clouds. From there will it 
arise with thy five Words and will go about 
observing in the seven beautiful heavens. 
There will arrive speaking our Lord, the Sun, 
the Cloud, the Plume, the Cidukam from 
which cometh health in the many-colored 
cloud. With thy beautiful gray arrows wilt 
thou cleanse it. Thou art seated on thy 
seven beautiful thrones guarding thy seven 
beautiful lakes whence thou wilt raise thy 
health-giving plumes which appear round 
about beneath the east, the north, the west 
and the south. From there afar the lightnings 
flash through the seven clouds. From there 
thou wilt speak and they will reply unto thee 
from all around beneath the heavens, from 
north, west and south within the seven clouds. 
So wilt thou end thy five beautiful Words. 

With this formula thou wilt forgive me. 
Hail! my Lord, my Lady, my Morning Star. 



3. TO CONCLUDE THE FIESTA 
OF THE RAIN 



a'tiputhi'mot 
We have come 



a-ptu'i* 
be 



dio's 
God 



in.o-'o 
my Lord. 



api'ctunha - 'gicda i'nim& napitio - a'kta 

Thou me wilt pardon here that thou didst us* 
leave 



hi'd'i navaricto'd'OG unrai'niGdam 

this that is green thy petale on. 

kuamomo'dor naB-ivo'pmicda h6g - a 

Then there from that thou hither wilt raise that 

va-'viar 6hi gamu"umi napho"- 
gray beautiful those thy ceremonial arrows 

which thou with- 

kotitso - 'sbida h8g - a navaricko'k'dakam 
us wilt go shielding that which is sickness 

arici'koT navarumtotvag'i ci"a - r 

is vicinity which are thy skies east 

wot'a' ba'varip hu'rnip o'gipa 

beneath 



north 



west 



south 



a'ricivgo'k' 6'hi tot'vaGdam kuamomo'dor 
are seven beautiful skies on. Then there from 

airaiD'a'giuna na'varicho'pitkam 

thou hither us wilt cleanse which is coldness 

na'varumno'v na'pgama.i'twi'cturda 

which is thy hand. That thou, beginning, from us= 
wilt repel 

h6g-a navaricko'k'dakam xu'p-ur 

that which is sickness wind 

cr'cvoriG na'funon-6' hidi 

plumes which fly this 

navarunrai'niGdam a.monvodor 

which is thy palate on. There from 

naB-ai.iD-a'g'io'a na'varumgo'gu-cdara' 

that thou hither us wilt send which is thy succor 

na'phSk'otit-o'vortu'rda na'varum.- 

which thou with to us wilt extend which is thy 

6'rad'ak - am 
inwardness. 

NOTE 

This prayer is recited by the Chief Singer 
at the close of the Rain Fiesta about dawn 
on the following day. 

TRANSLATION 

Oh God, my Lord! We have come where 
thou art. Thou wilt forgive me, thou who 
didst leave us here on this thy green carpet. 
From afar thou wilt raise thy beautiful gray 
arrows with which thou wilt shield us from 
sickness round about in thy heavens, beneath 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



IOI 



the east, the north, the west and the south in 
thy seven beautiful heavens. From there 
thou wilt purify us with the cold, which is 
in thy hand. Thou wilt cast from us the 
pestilence, the whirlwinds, the plumes which 
fly about on this thy carpet. From afar thou 
wilt send us thy succor and wilt reveal unto 
us thy spirit. 



4. TO PREPARE THE PATIO FOR THE FIESTA 
OF THE ELOTES 1 

adiu's naparinsu'sbidat inci'u'k 

To God that thou art my Guide, my Morning Star, 

in.o-'G naparinda-'t ci"arw6't - aho' 

my Lord. That thou art my Lady east beneath* 
there 

napusoi"ma-c napitpub6.'ini6' 

that thou sad appearest that thou didst hither speak 

napitpuboiwo'pgo amohodor 

that thou didst hither send lightnings there from 

napitpuboihikmat ati'cumta'n ha - 'gicdara 
that thou didst hither send clouds. We thee beg 
pardon 

navarci'vgok ohi totvacwo't'a pixodor 
that are seven beautiful skies beneath where* 
from 

napuboim.a'r'giD kuticputomai.amta'n 

that thou hither art created. Thus we continually* 
you beg 

ha'gicdara kupimi.'tutha'gicda kupimi'.- 
pardon that ye us will pardon, that ye us will* 

itma'kia lise^'nsia kutsapi'ni.itu'kakda 
give permission that we here may pass the night 

kutk6'amdo''dicda hoga navaramnoik'ar 
that we decorated for you may make that which is= 
your patio 

para natpumci'cvoD'a 2 hoga it.6 - 'ciG 
in order that we for thee 2 may make plumes he 
our Corn 

kut.i'ni.cia'da'rsa gactoko.dam ci'du'okam 
that we here them may place that powerful fetishes 

1 Nahua elotl, GREEN EAR OF CORN. 

1 Possibly auditory error for -pu-am-, YOU. 

* On the musical bow. 



nampumto'tok ganavaricta ava't'o.dam 
that they are called that which is white their* 
tapexte on 

ganavaricta mai'nic.wo't'a kutsapi'- 
that which is white petate beneath. Then we* 

putuasa'sa-uda 3 para natputuiakta 4 

say for them we will play 3 in order that we may* 
bless 4 

para napucbai'k-a nat'uuh'gia 

in order that may be able that we may eat. 

kuti 'puamci'cvoD-a hoganavarcivgok 

Then we for you will make plumes that which is seven 

amni'o'khokot para natpuanra-'toD'a 
your word with in order that we you may cause* 
to know 



ganavarani'o'k 

that which is their word 



ganamaritgokorak 
they who are our manes 

wopuhimdam nampuboit'Skdim gana'- 
before gone on; that they hither us come extending 
that which' 

varano'v para natpua'bantuD'a'gimot 
is their hand in order that we in it having* 

enfolded ourselves 

gamtonoi.dida w6corasa"Ba kuha'pu.pu- 
may go beholding all hours in. Then so* 



i'copata'n 
also them beg 



ha-'gicdara 
pardon 



WO pu 
first 



hoga navaritci'uk kuvipuboitnof.dida 
he that he is our Morning Star. Then he hither us* 
will come beholding 

pix6 nafuha''nda pixo nat'ima-'cdida 6 
where that we will meddle where that we will* 
go dawning 6 

pixo' natitu'kakdida kuyam- 

where that we will go passing the night that not* 

ha'ctuiD-amhacumwa - 'da ickogokot 

anything over us anything will happen strong with 



aticia'D'ida 5 
we will arise. 6 
holding 



kumipuboitnoidida 
Then they hither us will come be- 



4 By raising the ears of corn to the heavens. 

'The stem nurc denotes APPEAR; the stem cia is 
evidently related to ci"a~r, EAST. Both are used with 
the idea of ARISING AT SUNRISE, amanecer. 



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VOL. I 



ganamaritgo'korak konkihapogia.- 

they who are our manes. With which thus only 

ti'cpuanva'tuD hidi taku'gum6"k6t 

we you give to know this fragment with 

porki avi'a'mhacicbaiG natama'toD'a 
because not anyhow can that we you will cause* 
to know 

ganavaramni'o'k navaramhi'mda 

that which is your word which it is your way 

porkia-'tlv iti'krado'kot putso'sbidim 
because we our filthiness with us go obstructing. 

konki'.hapl itkaok kudtVspocambi'ak'a 
With which thus is; us hear. That God you will= 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

The Fiesta of Elates or ripe ears of corn is 
held on September fifth. The Chief Singer 
arrives early in the evening and recites this 
prayer to the divinities to beg permission to 
prepare the patio for the fiesta. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Guide, my Morning Star and 
my Father. 

My Mother, who sadly appearest beneath 
the east, whence thou didst speak, sending 
thy lightnings and clouds, we crave thy for- 
giveness. Beneath the seven beautiful heav- 
ens thou wast created. 

Continually do we implore you to forgive 
us and to give us leave to pass the night here, 
to array your court for you, to make you 
plumes of our Corn, and to place here the 
powerful cidudkam, as they are called, on 
their white cloth beneath their white carpet. 
We will play for them in worship, that we 
may be enabled to eat. Also will we make 
plumes for you with your seven words, that 
we may teach you the Word of our spirits 
who have gone before. They come reaching 
unto us their hand that we, enfolding our- 
selves in it, may go beholding in all hours. 

Likewise do we beg forgiveness first of 
Him who is our Morning Star. He will come 



to watch over us where we perform, where 
we pass the night and rise with the dawn, so 
that no ill may befall us and we may arise 
with strength. Our spirits will come to watch 
over us. 

Only this fragment do we say unto you, for 
we may not teach you more of your Word, 
which is your Way, for we are confused by 
our sinfulness. This, no more. Hear us! 
May God bless you. 

5. TO COMMENCE THE FIESTA 
OF THE ELOTES 

adio's na'par.ino/'k tunha'gicio 

To God, that thou art my Father. Me pardon 

hi'di homaD gok - ba'ik ni'.o'k'h6k-6f 
this one two three word with. 

tunha'gicio porke na'naric.i'kra'k'aM 
Me pardon because that I am vile 

h6g-ah6k6D a'nicpons6'Bdim goko 

that with I myself obstructing. Therefore 

nipumtaN hagicdara ku'pi'am.ago'- 

I thee beg pardon. Then thou not in two* 

kiptono'noik'da' 
places wilt look. 



picina'ptunda'gia 1 
Thou in me me wilt seize 1 



namarit.go'korak vopohimdam na'pu.pui'- 
that they are our manes before go on. Thus* 

c6 - p pi'miambi'ak-a napimarapim 

also ye not will need that ye are ye 

pimia'm.soi'umo'riD-a pi'micbointo'kda 

ye not sad selves will feel. Ye hither me will extend 

hog-a navaramno'v para nan.- 

that which is your hand in order that I 

a'ptunda'gia para nanick5 - k-.h6k'6D.- 
in it me will seize in order that I happy with" 

ima - 'cdida ga"guraho'van pimi.iu-'rnida 
will go appearing. Aside there ye will go casting 

gacto'nkam h6ga navaramu"umi ho'ga 
that heat that which are your ceremonial arrows 
that 

navaramkavarakho'koD pi -v mi.potso'sbidim 
which are your chimales with ye us go protecting 

1 If correctly given, this form is inexplicable. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



103 



bo-c ci'kcrrhSvan hogacto'nkam 

all vicinity there that heat. 

ku'pigama.iwa'hida hoga ictonkam 

Then thou wilt go repulsing that heat 

natpoio'am.hago'i go'ko ni'puMta'n 

that it did us over already fall. Therefore I thee* 
beg 

ha - 'gicdara pia'Mbi'ak'a napsoi'umo'riD'a 
pardon. Thou not wilt need that thou sad thy- 
self wilt feel. 

apica'p' tumda'gia ganamaritg&korak 

Thou in them thyself wilt seize they that are our 

manes 

amoh8d6r namitpoihikmat 

there from that they did cloud up 

namitpoboiwop-go . hoga na'vargo'.- 

that they did hither lighten that that is great* 

to'vakwo't'a navarci'aT amoho'van 

sky beneath. That is east there from 

natpova'nio ha'va natpobia'ho'k 

that did already speak and that he did hither* 
already reply 

ba''baripkam natpowa'nio havaho'rnip 
North. That he did already speak and west 

natpo'vahok hoga hu'huktuv'D 

that did already reply that Pine-Man 

na'tpu.boa-'hok ha'pu natpova'p-nio 
that did hither already reply. Thus that did al- 
ready again speak 

natpobo.a-'hok ho'ga' o'gipa anihovan 
that did hither already reply that south. There 

tunra"aGdimuk cikorhovan hi'di 

hence already gone conversing vicinity there this 

ho'koo namitpova'nio ci'vgo'k" 

with that they did already speak, seven 

to'tvacdam natpuvak'U'gat 
skies on that did already arrive. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art my Father. Pardon 
me these few words; forgive me them. For 
I am vile and therefore do I obstruct myself. 
Therefore do I beg thy forgiveness. Look 
not askance; thou must be possessed of our 
spirits who have gone before. 



And ye who are ye, do not feel sad. Ye 
will reach unto me your hand that I may be 
held in it and arise with gladness. With 
your arrows will ye cast aside the heat; with 
your chimales will ye shield us from it, round 
about. 

Thou wilt repel the heat that has fallen 
upon us. Therefore do I beg thy forgiveness. 
Be not sad. Thou must be gathered unto 
them who are our spirits who from afar send 
the clouds and the lightnings beneath the 
great heaven. 

From the east he spoke and He of the North 
replied. He spoke and the West replied, 
replied the Pine-Man. Again he spoke and 
the South replied. And so did each in turn 
repeat the word they had spoken till it came 
unto the seven heavens. 



6. TO CONCLUDE THE FIESTA 
OF THE ELOTES 

adiu's naparin.Q-'c naparinci'u'k 

To God that thou art my Lord, that thou* 

art my Morning Star, 

insu - 'sbidat ati'cpubohimoD puctuga"i'M 
my Guide. We hither came desirous of roasting 

hi'dimn6i"karda - m boc na'tpuin.da"rim 
this thy patio on all that we here are sitting 

navarumnoi"kardam pihovan na'- 

that is thy patio on where that* 

pitpuda'iwak' sa'sa'kic navarumo-'k 

thou didst, having sat down weep for him who is= 
thy Lord, 

naVarumda-'t ci"arwo't'aho' napu- 

who is thy Lady, east beneath there that* 

a-'rgidic pixo' napuka't' ganavarumhavu l 
is created, where that is hung that which is* 
thy jicara 1 

boc umu"umih6k'6't umka'kvarhoku'D 
all thy ceremonial arrows with thy chimales with 

1 A cup or bowl made from a gourd and generally 
decorated with beads impressed in wax. 



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VOL. I 



navaricta'rrrai'niGwota navarici'kmatka't' 
which is white thy petate beneath which is cloudy 
overspread 



napucva"irtaG 
which drizzles 



napucbr'gikam piho' 
which . where 



napui.vtr'sandim ganavarhi'ko-m piho' 
that arises that which is cloud where 

natpuboiw6p-go natpub6'ini6' ganavarci'- 
that did hither lighten that did hither speak 

they which* 

vgok o'hi to'tvacwo't'a amuho'dor 
are seven beautiful skies beneath. There* 

from 



napuboiva'VtaG 
that hither drizzles. 



napubo'inio'k'im 

that hither comes speaking 

amuhodor napuvackaftim ho'ga 

There from that already comes listening she 

navarmaraD natpub6'ih6-t' ga.o - 'gao 
who is his daughter that he did hither send he,- 
her father 

hidi navarict&doG mai'niGda'm 

this that is green petate on 

napuica'picda'tparrra'c natpui'nimoho'- 

that it well clean appears. That she did here- 

vadiivia- hidi nofkargio-am bochok'u't 
already arrive this his patio on all with 

hacnapuci'diidu ci'korhuwan puva.'o'imft 
thus that hoards vicinity there already walked 

piho 'dor 

where from 

father. 



natpubo'ixo't 
that he did hither send 



ga6-gat 
that her> 



kuna'tpuno'vadu'via' hidi noikargiD'am 
Then she did here already arrive this his patio on 



sa'kimoG 
having wept 

to'tvakwofa 
skies beneath 

o-'gipa 

south 



ganavarci'vgok 
they which are seven 

ba - 'bariB 
north 



ci"arw6t - a 
east beneath 



natpuboiho't' 

that he did hither send 



gao-'gad 
he her father 



o - 'hi 

beautiful 

hu'rniB 
west 

pixodor 
where from 

para 
in order 



1 This form is impossible; the future suffix is proba- 
bly superfluous. 



na v puini.ma - "Riat hidi noi'kargiD'am 
that she here should appear this his patio on. 

kuna'titpua'bo'i para nat-ivo-'micda 
So we did already take up in order that we will lift 

natpuva.a'r'gi(dida) 1 ha'cnacidudu 

that he did already (will) ' create thus that hoards 

ci'k'orhiiwan napurnoi'kargiD'am 

vicinity in that is his patio on 

puva'tfi ganavarictodok ba't'ogiD'am 
already placed that which is green his tap<*xle on 

pix6 napua-'r'gidic natitpuva'ga'i 

where that creates that we did already roast 

natitpuva'hir kuvictutha'gicda ganavar6 - - 
that we did already eat. Then us will pardon he 

gat ganavardo.ut wfi-c isa'- 

who is her father she who is her mother all 

her* 

sakumgidSko't piho' natpuma'cir 

tears with where that she did appear. 

natpuva'nirk' a'sta 
That she did already guard 
will raise.* 



until 



that not* 



ku'nkihapi nicpunrafuD konkidio's 

With which thus I thee give to know. With* 

which God 

pi'cumbi'ak'a 
for thee will feel. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art my Lord, my Morning 
Star and my Guide. Hither did we come to 
roast in this thy court, all of us who here are 
seated in thy court. There thou didst seat 
thyself and didst cry unto Him who is thy 
Lord and thy Lady who was created beneath 
the east. There is hung thy jicam with all 
thy arrows and thy chimales beneath thy 
white carpet o'erspread with drizzly clouds. 
There ariseth the cloud whence came the 
lightnings and the voice beneath the seven 
beautiful heavens. Thence it cometh speak- 
ing and drizzling. 

2 Probably a direct translation of the Spanish idiom 
hasta que no in the sense of UNTIL. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



105 



From afar cometh hearkening she who is 
his daughter whom he, her father, did send 
to this green carpet, beautifully clean. Here 
she arrived in this his court with every adorn- 
ment that belongeth to her, having journeyed 
from whence her father sent her. At last 
she came, weeping, unto this his court, be- 
neath the seven beautiful heavens, beneath 
the north, the west, the south and the east. 
From there did her father send her that she 
might appear in this his court. 

Therefore did we grasp her to raise up her 
who was created round about; laying her on 
her green cloth in her court, where she was 
created, we did roast and eat her. Therefore 
will He who is her father and her mother 
forgive us because of all her tears. There 
did she appear and wait until we should 
raise her up. 

Thus do I give thee to know. May God 
have mercy on thee. 



7. TO PREPARE THE PATIO FOR THE FIESTA 
OF THE PINOLE 

odious naparinsu'sbidat inci'u'k 

To God who thou art my Guide, my Morning* 
Star, 

in.o -/ G inda - 'o aniho napimpuda'dar 
my Lord, my Lady. There that ye are seated 

ci'ko'r ganavarica'p.ma - 'cim am.a'- 

vicinity that which is well appearing your* 

tockarda-m navarictodoo kuha'pu.- 

seat on that is green. Then thus* 

puic6'B nicamtan ha - 'gicdara 

also I you beg pardon 

napimitunha'-gicda hidi homat gok 
that ye me will pardon this one two 

vaik ni'o'khokot navartakugamhokot 
three word with which is fragment with 

porki aniamha'cicba'ik nananratoD-a 
because I not any can that I you will cause to* 
know 

1 Nahua pinolli, PULVERIZED CORN-MEAL. 



ganavaramni.'o-k hoga navaramt6tnorik 
that which is your word that which are your* 

suns. 



kunsapi'tuw6 - cka hfdi 

Then I say will sweep this 

amnoikarda'm para 

your patio on in order 



navarictodo 
which is green 

nansapi'ni.i' 1 - 
that I say here* 



citu'kakda 

will pass the night 



nanpu.i'ni.tuna-'da 
that I here will make fire 



navaramnoikarda'm para nan.i'ni.ada'rsa 
that is your patio on in order that I here them will* 
place 

hoga ciduokam nampumt&tok hidi 
that idols that they are named this 

navaricta' ava't'o.dam navaricta' 

that is white their tapexte on that is white 

amainicw6fa ganavarau"umihSkot hoga 
their petate beneath. That which are their ceremonial ar- 
rows with that 

navaraka'k-varak piho' nampuokoditso''- 
that are their chimales where that they with us= 

sbidim aniho woc'ikorhSvan 

go protecting there all vicinity there. 

kuti'puama - 't6D - a kutsapi'pumiwa'G hoga 
Then we them will cause to know that we say hence* 
scatter that 



navaratui'spi 1 
which is their pinole l 



navaravamuit 2 
which is their atole. 2 



kuti.ini.piicito'kia hidi navaraha'vu-ora 
Then we here will place this which is their* 

jicara within. 

kuticpu.ama'fut ganamaritgftkorak 

Then we them cause to know they who are our manes 

w6puhi''mdam aniho' nampuda'dar 

before go on there that they are seated 



nampuboitnoiD 

that they hither us watch 

nampuboito'k-it 
that they hither us extend 



wocorasa'ba 
all hours in 

hoganavarano'v 
that which is their hand 



natpwa'ban.tuD-a'gimot gamtonofdim 

that we in it having wrapped ourselves going observing 

2 Nahua atotti, PINOLE MIXED WITH WATER AS A 
GRUEL. 



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wocorasaB-a 
all hours in. 



kuti'cpuatan 
Then we them beg 



ha - 'gicdara 
pardon 



ganavarinsusbidat inci'uk incr'k 

she who is my Guide, my Morning Star, my Lord, 

inda - 'D kumi'puma - 't6hi itka'ok 

my Lady. Then they shall know. Us hear! 

kumitutha-'gicda konkidio'spocambi'ak-a 
Then they us will pardon. With which God you will* 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

This prayer is spoken by the Chief Singer 
upon arriving at the ceremonial patio early 
in the evening of the fifth of January in order 
to beg permission of the divinities to prepare 
the patio for the Fiesta of the Pinole to be 
held that night. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Guide, my Morning Star, my 
Lord and my Lady who are seated round 
about on your pleasant green throne. I be- 
seech you, forgive me these few words, this 
fragment, for I may not teach you your 
word, which is your days. I will sweep this 
your green court that I may pass the night 
here, that I may kindle fire here in your 
court and place here the Cidudkam, as they 
are called, on this their white cloth beneath 
their white carpet. With their arrows and 
their chimales do they protect us in all parts. 
We say unto them that we will scatter about 
their pinole and their atole, and will place 
them here in this their jicara. 

Also do we implore our spirits who have 
gone before, there where they are seated, 
watching us in all hours, that they reach 
unto us their hand that we, wrapping our- 
selves in it, may go beholding in all hours. 

Also do we beg forgiveness of my Guide, 
my Morning Star, my Lord and my Lady. 
So may they know. Hear us and forgive us! 
May God grant you his mercy. 



8. TO COMMENCE THE FIESTA OP" 
THE PINOLE 

napimarinhaha'cdun anihonapimtuda'da'r 
That ye are my relations there that ye are seated. 

kupi'miambi'ak'a hactudo'ko'f napimsoi'- 
Then ye not will feel anything with that ye* 

um'6'riD'a hoga amom&doT hoga 
sad will feel. He there from that 

dio's ito/'k- io'a''t avipuboiam- 

God our Lord, our Lady he hither you* 

da'giuna hog'a navaricxo'pitkam 

will cleanse that which is coldness 

navaramu"umihok6D kumgama.iam- 

which are your ceremonial arrows with. Then they 

wr'cturda hoga navaricko"dakam 

you will quit that which is sickness 

ga"gurahu'van nagamau-'rna mokorho'- 
aside there that he will raise distant- 
van kuviambiha'k'tu'rda ha'cio-u'nia 
within. Then not hither will finish any us will* 
happen 

hi'd'itu'ki'psagio i'nimo natitpubaiva- 

this night within here that we did hither* 

da'ra'iwa hi'di navaricto'd'o o''hi 
already seat ourselves this that it is green 

beautiful 

navaranoi'kardam hoga namaritg6korao 
which is their patio that that they are our* 

manes. 

kuxa'cumduk'aDho'koD ku.a'mum&do'r 

Then any happening with. Then there from 

amato'vo'rturd'a 1 gu'gucdara da''di 

they for them 1 will lengthen succor health 

hi'ko'm natxok'6'gamtotu'gia kirhi'di 
cloud that we with will see. Then this 

ho'mad'akamS'k'o a'pimi'ctunha'gicda 

creation with ye me will pardon 

napimarinhaha'cdun napimitci'va.umta't 
that ye are my relations. That ye did tired your- 
selves feel 



amumodor 
there from 



napimitso'soigiM 
that ye did sadly go 



1 Possibly should be amit , FOR us. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



107 



napimitacihu't'ua 
that ye did stumble 
selves pain. 



p&fO 
But 



hogakot 
that with 



think. 



kugamumo'doT 
Then they there from 

a'migama.itwr'cturda 
they from us will quit 



napimit'atumk6'kdat 
that ye did already your- 

pi'miamhacuma'k'a 
ye not any yourselves will* 

namaritgo'k'oraG 
that they are our manes 

amiivo' 'pmicda 
they will raise 



navarawo p'uivas 
that is their faces 



namho'kotso'sbi'da 
that they with will shield 

ci"a'rwo"ta 
east beneath 



navaricda'di ka'vaT 
that is health. Chimal 

navaricko " k'dakam 
that is sickness 

va'varip hu'rnip 

north west 

o'gipas 1 arici'vgo'k rrhi to'- 

south l are seven beautiful skies= 

tvacdam ku.a'bimodor amiboimu'mgiaD'a 
on. Then there from they hither will bend 

hog'a na'va'raci'cvoD'aD namhok'o'itxo'- 
that that they are their plumes that they with* 

pictorda hog'a navarha'k'"da 2 

for us will chill that which is complete. 2 

kuhidi'ko'D pimictunha'gicda kirrr- 

Then this with ye me will pardon. Then I* 

i'nim&.ha'pu.anra'tuD napimarinha'ha'cdun 
here thus you give to know that ye are my relations. 

dio's picambi'ak'a 
God for you will feel. 

NOTE 

This prayer is addressed by the Chief Singer 
to the communicants assembled to celebrate 
the Fiesta of the Pinole, or corn meal, at the 
beginning of the ceremony. 

TRANSLATION 

Ye are my brethren who are seated here. 
Ye need on no account feel sad. For God 
who is our Father and our Mother will purify 
you from afar with your arrows, which are 

1 Eleno gave o'gipa; Rito insisted that o'gipas was 
correct. 



the cold. They will cast from you the pesti- 
lence which he will put far aside. No harm 
will come unto us this night while we are 
seated here in this beautiful green court of 
our spirits. From afar they will send us 
increased succor, health and clouds, that with 
their help we may behold. 

Ye will pardon me this formula, my breth- 
ren. Ye have tired yourselves on your sad 
way hither; ye have stumbled and hurt 
yourselves. But do not on that account ap- 
prehend anything. Our spirits will protect us; 
they will bring health. With the chimal, which 
is their faces, will they shield us from sickness 
beneath the east, the north, the west and the 
south in the seven beautiful heavens. From 
there will they bend hither their plumes 
with which they will chill us. 

With this ye will pardon me. Thus do I 
say unto you, my brethren. May God bless 
you. 

9. TO CONCLUDE THE FIESTA 
OF THE PINOLE 

adiu's ing-'G inci'u'k tunha-'giciD 
To God, my Father, my Morning Star. Me* 
pardon. 

a'tivatsapi'cpuinda"rim amtanimot 

We, we say here seating ourselves you begging 

ha-'gicdara porki titi'ma"wa gatui'sap 
pardon because we did hence already scatter 

that pinole. 

kuti'cpuama - 'tuD b&'cir natpuindadar 
Then we you cause to know all that we here are 
seated 

nati'tpua'.ma'ciD hidi tukasd'git 

that we did already appear this night within 

natitupui'niva.dara-iwa ti'cputo'maiam- 

that we did here already seat ourselves. We continu* 

sd'kcit napimargS'gurkam ci'du'Dkam 
ally you weep that ye are greatnesses fetishes 

kuha'pu.pui'c6-p 
Then thus also 



na'pimumtotoG 
that ye are named. 



' Difficult to translate. 



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VOL. I 



ti'camtan ha'gicdara kuvia'miD'am.tuo-ka 
we you beg pardon that not us over* 

will happen. 

ku < ganavaramu"umih6k-6 pimitso'sbidida 
Then that which are your ceremonial arrows with ye 
us will go shielding 

ho'ga navaricko'k'dakam vfdcorasa"ba. 
that which is sickness all hours in 



icxo'pitkamok'6'D 
coldness with 



kuga"gurah6wan 
Then aside towards 



pi'miD-a-'giunio-a 
ye us will go cleansing. 

api'mino-'niD-a 
ye will cause to fly 

gact6nkam kuha'pu.pui'cop ati'cumta'nim 
the heat. Then thus also we thee go begging 

ha'gicdara na'paritam.itci'u'c na'pu.o'Jdak 
pardon who thou art our yellow, our Morning Star 
that thou belongest 

ci'arwo'faho'van na'pitpubo'iwop-go 

east beneath there that thou didst hither send* 

lightnings 

na'pitpubo'ihi'kmaD napitpub6irri6 

that thou didst hither send clouds that thou didst = 
hither speak 

na'pitpubo'it'fik h6'ganavarumn6v 

that thou didst hither us extend that which is thy 
hand. 

kuha'ctu.go'kamo'k-6't kuvia'miD'amha'c- 
Then anything greatness with. Then not over us 

tuacumwada kutiti'ct6'nim6r.ba'cituhaha 1 
anything will happen. Then we did suddenly al- 

ready make izquite. 1 

kutiti'puma'vwa hoga a"rak.uv 

Then we did hence already scatter that child' 
female 

navarunvar na'pitpuboida'kta hidi 

which is thy daughter that thou didst hither send 

this 

oi'dadam kugSku.ti'pumtan ha - 'gicdara 
world on. Then on this account we thee beg 

pardon 

na'varci'vg6k 6'xi t&'tvak.wSfa 

that are seven beautiful skies beneath 



na'pua-'rgidic 
that thou art created, 
ourselves 



kutiti'cpuboidaraiwa 
Then we did hither seat* 



1 Nahua izquitl, TOASTED CORN. 



navaric.hi'dicto"do amno'i'kardam v6 - c 
that is this green your patio on all 

itha'pu.hok'6 ithio-'cgiho'k-o 2 havahidi.- 
ourjicara with our flower* with and this* 

itva'm'uit ku'pimia'mpiho'.sa'sarkadiD'a 
our atole. Then ye not anywhere will discompose 

ganavaramhi'mda navaramni.o'k' 

that which is your way that which is your word 

navaramt6tnorik kutiti > cto"nimor.ba > 'cituha 
that which is your suns. Then we did suddenly al- 
ready make izquite 

hidi amnoi'kardam kuticpuamtanim 
this your patio on. Then we you go begging 

ha - 'gicdara hidi navarci'vgok 

pardon this which is seven 

ni.'o'k'ho'ko't na'pitpubo'idak'ta 

word with. That thou didst hither leave 

ganavarunrar na'pitpubo'ini6 ci'vgok 
she who is thy daughter that thou didst hither 

speak seven 

ni'o'k'hokot na'pitpub6 1 ih6't hidi 

word with that thou didst hither send this 

navaricto'do amai 'madam navaricap- 
that is green your petate on that is beautiful' 

ma'cim.ka't na'varichi'komak navaric- 
appearing, outspread, that is overclouded that is 

va"utak navarichi'kmat.ka't kuha'pu.6 - p 
drizzly that is beclouded, outspread. Then thus also 

ati'cama'tut ku'nkiha'p.i inka'ok 

we you cause to know. With which thus is. Me hear 

naparincr'G naparinda - 't naparinsir'- 
who thou art my Father, who thou art my Lady, 

who thou art my 

sbidat inci'u'k kunkidios pocumbi'aka 
Guide, my Morning Star. With which God thee feel. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Lord and my Morning Star. 
Forgive me. Seating ourselves, we beg your 
forgiveness, for we have scattered the pinole. 
We give you to know, all of us who here are 
seated, that we have this night appeared here 
and seated ourselves. 

2 The "flower" signifies peyote, Nahua peyotl, Echino- 
cactus or Lophophora Williamsii. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



IO9 



Continually do we beseech you, ye who 
are called the powerful Ciditdkam. Like- 
wise do we beg your forgiveness, that no ill 
may befall us. With your arrows will ye 
cast from us all sickness and in all hours will 
ye purify us with the cold. Ye will put to 
flight the heat. 

Likewise do we beg thy forgiveness, our 
Golden Morning Star who belongest beneath 
the east, whence thou didst send the light- 
nings and the clouds, whence thou didst 
speak and didst reach unto us thy hand with 
magnitude. Therefore no ill will befall us 
because, unbidden, we have toasted izquite. 
We have scattered the maiden who is thy 
daughter whom thou didst send to this world. 
Therefore do we beg thy forgiveness, who 
wast created beneath the seven beautiful 
heavens. 

We have seated ourselves in this your 
green court with our jicaras and our peyote 
and our atole. Ye will not interrupt your 
way, your word, your days because, unbidden, 
we have toasted izquite in this your court. 
Therefore do we beg your forgiveness with 
these seven words. 

Here thou didst leave thy child. Speaking 
the seven words thou didst send her to this 
thy green carpet, beautifully outspread, over- 
cast with drizzly clouds. 

Likewise do we give you to know. 

So be it! Hear me! thou who art my 
Father, my Mother, my Guide and Morning 
Star. May God bless thee. 

10. TO PREPARE THE PATIO FOR THE FIESTA 
OF THE MILPA CUATA 1 

adiu's naparinsu'sbidat inci'uk 

To God that thou art my Guide, my Morning=Star, 

ino - 'k indat aniho' napimpudadar 
my Father, my Mother, there that ye are* 
seated 

1 Nahua milpa properly signifies a cornfield; among 
the Tepecanos it connotes the growing corn plant. 
Nahua cuate means "twin;" Tepecano changes it to 
cuata to agree with milpa. 



cikorho'van ganavarictod6 ama'tockardam 
surroundings in that which is green your seat on. 

kupimi'tutmakia lisensia kutpu- 

Then ye us will give permission that we* 

i'nicituha-'na para natko'tudo'da hidi 
here will handle in order that we decorated' 

will make this 

navaramnoikardam para natsapuka - 'iya 
which is your patio on in order that we may* 

hear 



hoga 
that 



ni'ok'io 
his word 



hoga 
that 



O-B- 



stranger 

napumohodora.umd.gim ci'arwo'tahodor 

that he afar from already comes conversing east* 

beneath from. 

kutsapi'pu.inino'ra hidi t&ho - v pixo' 
Then we say here will await this cave where 

namiamifogia hidi navarictutu'k 

that they not us will see this that are dark 

u'u - c.6r* para natpugamika'hida 

mountains* within in order that we may go* 

hearing 

ganio'k'it kuvipum6h6dorva"umagim 

that his word. Then he there from already comes* 

reminding 

pixodor natpuboiho''t ganavar6gat 

whence that he did hither send he who is his* 
father 

navard6.6t para napu.intam.soi- 

who is his mother in order that he here sadly* 

'md'cka initsagit napuitkumpa-'niarawa 
should appear here us between that he us should* 
accompany 

pix6 napusoi'ma'cka itvo'm 

where that he sadly should appear us with. 



kupum6h6dorva"hi-m 
Then he there from already comes 
spoke 

boawop-go wo'c 

hither already lightened all 

woc'i'cvoDgio'okot 
all his plumes with. 



puboa'nio 
hither already* 

kotui'kamokot 
decorations with 

hacnapua'r'gidic 
Thus as he forms 



2 This is the term applied to the Mexican neighbors. 

3 Montanas, WOODED HILLS; we signifies TREE. 



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VOL. I 



napuca'pma-'cim kotui'k-am bo'him 
that good appearing decoration comes 

ganavarictSdok to'id6kot pumohodorva'- 
that which is green garb with thence already 

umagim woci'korhovan hacnapuci'diidu 
goes counselling all surroundings thus that hoards. 

kuti'pukoD'urrahi para natpunfrra 

Then we decorated ourselves will make in order 

that we will await 

hi'di navarnofkaraD'am kuvi'puboi- 

this that is his patio on. Then hither* 

du'via para natsap'ukafya ganio'kit 
arrives in order that we may hear that" 

his word, 

para natpunofo-a para natputotgicda 
in order that we may see, in order that we= 
may repeat 

hoga nio'kit para natpuhf-nkoida 
that his word, in order that we shall cry to- 
him, 

para natpuma'toD-a navaro'gat 

in order that we may give him to know who is= 
his father 

navard&.ot natpuboiho't hidi 

who is his mother that he did hither send this 



oi'dadam 
world on 
will 



para napurifu'kuka 1 

in order that he be our flesh 1 * 



para natpuokot.gamtonoiD-a hidi 

in order that we with may go seeing this 

oi'da.dam &onjh'mi < puma''t6hi inka'ok 

world on. With which they shall know it. Me hear 



ganamaringokorak 
they which are my spirits 



wopuhi'mdam 
before gone on. 



kuhapu.puicfi-p nicata'n hagicdara 

Then thus also I them beg pardon. 

konkidiospocambl'ak-a 
With which God you feel. 



NOTE 



The Fiesta of the Milpa Cuata, celebrated 
on the fifth of March, is rather variant from 

1 The flesh of our bodies. 



the other three fiestas. It is held in a cave 
or rock shelter and is quite different from the 
others in type. As before, the Chief Singer 
arrives early in the evening before the others 
and recites this prayer to the divinities to 
beg permission to prepare the dance patio 
for the celebration of the fiesta. 

The Milpa Cuata is any corn plant which 
grows with a forked stalk and an ear on either 
branch. It probably has an intimate con- 
nection with the horns of the deer. At 
harvest time the forked stalks are garnered 
with a special prayer (no. 29). They are then 
bound in a sheaf and preserved until this 
fiesta. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Guide, my Morning Star, my 
Father and my Mother, seated round about 
on your green throne. Ye will give us leave 
to work here, to adorn this your court that 
we may hear the words of the stranger who 
from afar cometh counselling from beneath 
the east. Here will we await him in this 
cave among the dark forests where the neigh- 
bors will not behold us, that we may hear 
his word. He cometh counselling from afar 
whence his Father and his Mother did send 
him mournfully to appear here among us 
and accompany us. Already he cometh ; he 
hath spoken in the lightnings with all his 
adornment, with all his plumes. He cometh 
arrayed in his glorious green garb with which 
he was created, counselling on every side. 

Therefore will we adorn ourselves to wait 
for him in this his court. Here he will arrive 
that we may hear his word, that we may 
behold him, that we may repeat his words 
and that we may cry unto him. We will say 
unto Him who is his Father and his Mother 
that he did send him to this world to be our 
flesh, that we might go beholding in this 
world. 

Thus shall they know it. May my spirits 
who have gone before give ear unto me. Like- 
wise do I beseech them. May God bless you. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



III 



ii. TO COMMENCE THE FIESTA 
OF THE MILPA CUATA 

a'diu's in.cr'G inda - 't 

To God, my Lord, my Lady, 

inci'u'c tirtha-'giciD hi'd'i 

my Morning Star. Us pardon this 

ho'mat go'k nio'khoko'D 

one two word with 

napimaritgo"koraG napimitNoidim 

that ye are our spirits that ye us go beholding 

v6-c0'rasa"Ba nati'ma-cdim piho'- 

all hours in. That we go appearing where* 

natihunrndim 1 napimitno'i.dim 

that we go retiring 1 that ye us go beholding 

vocorasa'Ba napimaritg6"korak 

all hours in. That ye are our spirits 

pi'miambi'a'ka' pihona'pimago'kiptuno'- 

ye not will feel where that ye to both sides* 

noikda ku'pimi 1 ctutha''gicda piho'- 

will look. Then ye us will pardon where* 

natitukacdim piho'naticia'dim na'pim- 
we go passing the night wherever that we go= 

dawning that ye= 

itnii'kaD'a na'pimaritgo'koraG kupi'm- 
us will guard that ye are our spirits. Then ye* 

iamgcr'kiptun&noik'da' kuti'camta - 'nim 

not to both sides will look. Then we you go begging 

ha'"gicdara' ga"gurha' pinoniD'a 

pardon aside where will cause to fly 

hoganavarictoN'kaM pinat.a 1 tiviam6ipo 

that which is heat where that we we not walk. 

ku'pimicb6\ituda"giuna icho-'pitkamok'OD 1 
Then ye hither us will cleanse coldness with. 

ku'pimi'no-niD-a rno'khi" ho'ga- 

Then ye will cause to fly distant that* 

navarict6n'kaM ku'pimicbo'ituda-'giuna 

which is heat. Then ye hither us will cleanse. 

kupimicnoniD-a mQ'kha' va'p-a'viar 

Then ye will cause to fly distant gray 

u"umi.h6'k'6' pinat.a < tiviam6ipo 

ceremonial arrows with where that we, we not walk 

1 huru-n, TO SET IN THE WEST, related to hu-rnip, 
WEST. 



naVaramka'va'rigo'ko'D napimbo'.ituso''- 
that which are your chimales with that ye hither* 

sbidim hoganavaricko'kdakam ku- 

us go shielding that which is sickness. Then* 



ga v 'gura.h6Vin6rriD'a 
aside will cause to fly. 



kuViamha'ctu. ID-- 
Then not anything us* 



am.ha'ctua'cumwada ati'puta-'ni'm ha - - 
over anything will occur. We go begging par* 

gicdara ho'ganavaritsu'sBidat itciu'o 
don he who is our Guide, our Morning Star, 

navarit.6'G na'pubo'it'ok'dim 

who is our Father that he hither us comes extending 

ganavarn6vit natpuha'ba'ntuD'agrm 

that which is his hand that we in it ourselves may* 
go seizing 

para nagama'itwic'turda hoga 

in order that he for us will go repulsing that 

navarick6'kdakam ha'pu'pi'co'p ticta'nim 
which is sickness. Thus also we go begging 



ha'gicdara 
pardon 

wadalw'pi 
Guadalupe 



ho'ga 



she 



piho 
where 



ho'ganavaricta'hiko'm.sa'git 
that which is white cloud within, 



napua-'rgidic 
that she forms. 



hoga 
That 



navario'at 
who is our Lady 

napuaptu'i' 
that she is 

orxova'n 
within there 

navarci'vgo'k 
which is seven 



o'xi totvak.daM piho'napusoi'.ma'c 

beautiful skies on where that she sad appears. 



napuboitnoi'dim 

That she hither us comes looking 



v6'co'ra.sa"ba 
all hours in 



natarmirrrrat piho natsoi'mama'c 

that we are her children where that we sad appear 



kuvi'pubo'itnoi'dida 
Then she hither us will come* 



iti"koraksa'gio 
our filthiness among, 
beholding, 

avi'pugama'itwi'cturda gact6n'kam 

she from us will repulse that heat 

a'tiv nata-rma'mrat kuvia'miD'a'm.to'o'k-a 
we that we are her children. Then not us over* 
will happen. 



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kumia'mpiho'.ita'riwa'da gapa'rnio'k'dam ' 
Then they not anywhere us small will make that* 

bad word on ' 



namani'Nmam 2 
that they are foreigners. 2 
pi'miaso'sfiidida 
ye them will cast 

b6'.itn6i"dida 

Hither us will go beholding 

avi'puta - 'givida 
she us will go covering 



ga"guraho'van 
Aside there 

ha < ctuicto'nkam6ko't 
any heat with. 

ho'ganavario'a' 't 
she who is our Lady, 

boco'rasa'ban 
all hours with. 



kunkiha'p.i 
With which thus is. 



ma't'ok inka'ok 

Know! Me hear 

naparinsu'sBidat inci'u'k in.cr'G 

that thou art my Guide, my Morning Star, my* 
Lord. 

konkihap'l 

With which thus is. 



ditt'spo'cumbi'ak'a 
God thee feel. 



TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Father, my Mother, my Morn- 
ing Star. Forgive us these few words, ye 
who are our spirits who do watch over us 
through all hours. Ye watch over us when we 
arise at dawn and when we retire at dusk and 
in all hours. Ye need not look askance, our 
spirits. Ye will forgive us and ye will guard 
us, our spirits, here where we pass the night 
and the dawn. Do not look askance; we be- 
seech you, put to flight the heat, aside where 
we walk not. Ye will cleanse us with the 
cold; far away will ye put to flight the heat. 
Ye will come to cleanse us. With your gray 
arrows will ye put it to flight, far away where 
we walk not. And with your chimales will 
ye shield us from the sickness. Aside will ye 
put it to flight, that no ill may befall us. 

We beseech him who is our Guide, our 
Morning Star and our Father that he reach 
unto us his hand that we may be gathered 
into it so that he may shield us from the 
pestilence. 

Likewise do we beseech our Lady of Guada- 
lupe, she who was created within the white 

"Unintelligible." 



cloud in the seven beautiful heavens where 
sadly she doth appear. Hither she looketh 
in all hours, beholding her children, how piti- 
ful we appear in our sinfulness. Hither will 
she look upon us who are her children and 
will cast from us the heat. Then will no ill 
befall us; then will the strangers who speak 
strange tongues not molest us. With the 
heat will ye cast them aside. And she who is 
our Mother will watch over us and will pro- 
tect us in all hours. 

So may it be! Know it and hear me, thou 
who art my Guide, my Morning Star and my 
Lord. So be it. May God bless thee. 



12. THE CALL OF THE FIESTA 
OF THE MILPA CUATA 



hu'giangiv 
Come! 



ha'haxduN 

relations. 



gamava'tiac 
Having bathed, 



gamamsu'sak cida'rsaG kutsa'pmika-'ya 
those your sandals having put on. Then we say* 
hence will hear 



h6ga' 
that 



O'B- 
stranger 



amohodor 
there from 



na'puamo-rin-ogim icamba'hac orho'd'Sr 
that he already goes running yellow broom within* 
from 

na'puwa'nio'k-im h&g-a navarictu'tuk- 
that he already .goes speaking that which is dark 

o'idak ' hu'rap hod'or na-puva'- 

hill midway from. That he already 

morimno'gim ic'a'pko'cimdu'na'G 

goes running well decorated himself having made 

ci'cwoD - 6k6 puvatu'tuatuG gatuo 

his plumes with already them carries his bow 

cibo'G havaga.u"uD havagana'vsogaD 
carries and that his arrows and that his wrist- 
guard. 

ku < tsapmika - 'him6G a'mohodor 

Then we say hence having gone hearing there from 

1 Used in practically the same sense as O'B - but gen- 
erally collective. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



na'puva'nio'k'im m&riirogimoD 

that already goes speaking having gone running . 

kutsapamika'oG amina"bi 6: 

Then we say hence having heard nearby. Oh ! 

NOTE 

The festival of the Milpa Cuata has a parti- 
cular extra prayer or announcement which has 
no counterpart in the other fiestas. Several 
times during the night's ceremony, at the end 
of every song, the Master of the Fiesta, the 
man who has brought the sheaf of Milpa 
Cuata and supplied the other paraphernalia 
for the celebration, advances to the four 
quarters of the dance circle, east, north, west 
and south in turn, in company with a small 
boy dressed to represent the Morning Star. 
Both carry stalks of the forked twin corn and 
raise these on high, while the Master, in a 
loud, joyful voice, shouts out the prayer over 
the hillside. 

TRANSLATION 

Come, brethren! Come cleansed and with 
your sandals tied! Let us go to hear the 
stranger who cometh hither! He cometh run- 
ning from out the yellow broom-grass. He 
cometh speaking from the slopes of the dark 
hills. Beautifully arrayed with his plumes 
he cometh. His bow he carrieth ready, his 
arrows and likewise his wrist-guard. Then, 
having given ear to him who cometh running 
and speaking from afar, let us go hence. Yea ! 



13. TO CONCLUDE THE FIESTA 
OF THE MILPA CUATA 

adio's in.o - 'G inda'D inci'u'c 

To God, my Lord, my Lady, my Morning Star. 

api'ctunha'gicda hidi go'k va'ik- 
Thou me wilt pardon this two three 

ni'.o'k- nanitbaivaumno'i'poctur(da) 1 

word that I did hither already to thee (will) ' recite. 

1 Probably incorrectly given in revision; future 
suffix is probably superfluous. 



kuhi'diho'madakamho'ko'D apictunha'gicda 
Then this form with thou me wilt pardon 

navarumni"o-k- go-'k va'ik- 

which is thy word two three 

na'nitumha'kiactur ku.inimo'd-or.iD'a'giD-a 
that I did to thee tell. Then from here us will send 

da'dic gago'gucdara nat(it)go-'kipt6tu'gia 2 
health the succor that we (did) s to both* 

sides may look. 

ku'tiamha'ctuda.iD'aM'acumdu' hi'di 

That did not anything us over already happen this 

tu'kipsa'giD i'nimo na'titiva.citu'k-ak- 
darkness within here that we did already* 

pass the night 

navaricda'dikam navarumno'ik-ardam 

that is health that is thy patio on 

ha'cumdu'kaoh&'ko't kupi'puitma-'kida 

some space of time with. Then thou to us wilt give 

natgamiumha'k-icturd-a 
that we to thee will tell 

navarumka'k-krt 3 adio's in.o-'G 

which is thy ceremonial rabbit. 3 To God, my* 
Lord, 

inda't inci'u'c kuhi'dihoko't 

my Lady my Morning Star. Then this with 

pictunha'gicda porki aviamha'- 

thou me wilt pardon because not any= 

cicbai'gi'o nanmcr > .yga'miamha"kiacturd'a 
how can that I more to thee may tell 



ho'gagu'gucdara 
that succor 



hoga 
that 

hoga 
that 

k-am 

treasure. 



naVarum.a'r'aG 
which is thy form 

avaricda'ra'kam 
it is value 



porki 
because 

havaric-idu'- 
and it is 



hQga'ko't a'via-micbai'gio 
That with not can. 



napgamaiumto'vor.turda h6ga amoho.vi'pu.- 
That thou shalt lengthen that there thus* 

ima-c navarumhi'Mda a'tiambium- 

appears which is thy way we not hither for thee= 

2 Probably incorrectly given in revision; past pre- 
fix probably superfluous. 

8 At the altar are placed several figures made of 
cooked cornmeal dough in the form of rabbits. 



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bo'p-a-uwda itki'kiturda 1 kuhi'di' 

may equal our l Then this 

api'citma'k'ia gu'gucdara nat(it)- 

thou us wilt give succor that we (did) 1 ' 

go'kiptotu'gia 2 

to both sides may look. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail ! thou who art my Father, my Mother, 
my Morning Star. Thou wilt forgive me these 
few words which I have spoken unto thee. 
With this formula, with these few words of 
thine which I have recited unto thee, thou 
wilt pardon me. Thou wilt send us health, 
thy succor, that we may behold about us. 
No harm hath come unto us in the darkness; 
here have we passed the night in health, a 
short time on this, thy court. Thou wilt 
give thy succor, which is thy rabbit, to us 
who have prayed unto thee. Hail! my Lord, 
my Lady, my Morning Star. 

Thou wilt pardon me this for I cannot re- 
cite to thee more of thy formula, for it is 
rare and dear. It may not be. Thou length- 
enest thy way which here appears and we 
may never complete it. Thou wilt give us 
succor, that we may behold all. 

14. TO LEAVE THE OFFERINGS 
IN THE HILLS 

adiu's aniho' napimputuda'da-r 

To God hereabouts that ye are seated 

ci'korho'wan hasnaci'diidu 

vicinity there as that hoards. 

kuticpubohf-mot to'nimora'ciamnio'k-idim 
Then we hither were coming suddenly already to* 

you go speaking. 

pero pi'miamha'c.uma'k'a pi'mica'p'tum- 
But ye not any will think. Ye in them yourselves- 

da'gia ganamaritgo'k-orak.ap- 8 kuha'- 
will seize they that are our spirits in. Then* 

1 Incomprehensible; informant was neither able to 
translate nor suggest revision. 

a Probably incorrectly given in revision; past pre- 
fix probably superfluous. 



pu.pui'c.fi'p 1 pimi'cata'nida ha-'gicdara 
thus also ye them will go begging pardon 

para napimiampiho'.ci't-o'gia aticpubohrmot 
in order that ye not anywhere us will ignore. We 
hither were coming 



pubi'amnamo'kdaM 
hither you paying 



ha'va 
and 

ha-'gicda 
will pardon 

oi'da.a"ba 
hill at 



hi'di 
this 



hi'di 
this 

SO-'SO'B 
bead. 



ha'vuhoko'o 
jicara with 



napimpurkio'kam 
that ye are dwellers 

natitpubo'idada 
that we did hither arrive 



kupimitut- 
Then ye us* 

hi'di 

this 

hi'di 

this 



amnoi'kardam 
your patio on 

kuto'maiamtan 



na'titpui-'n.igo'gu 
that we did here stay. 



ha-'gicdara 
pardon. 



prm- 
Ye. 



napimsoi mo'riD'a 
that ye sad will feel 

ha'pu.pui'c.o-p- 
Thus also 

gana'marit- 
they who are our> 



Then continually you beg 

iambi'aka piho' 

not will feel anywhere 

na'pimago'kiptono'noiD'a 
that ye to both sides will look. 

pi'mi'cata'nia ha"gicdara 
ye them will beg pardon 

go"k - orak ha'cnat.a'tiv.amtanim ha'gicdara 
manes as that we, we you go begging pardon 

hidita'kugumoko't porki avia'm- 

this fragment with because it not 

ha'cicba'fk hacnatwfl's.ama 4 'toD'a 

anyhow can as that we more you will cause to 

know. 

konki'hapl- pinra'tok inka'Qk 

With which thus is. Ye know, me hear. 

0M/h'<fi0'sp6cama'ri'dak'am 3 
With which God you smallness. 3 

NOTE 

After the conclusion of the fiestas, parti- 
cularly after that of the rain, messengers are 
sent to the sacred places at the four cardinal 
directions around Azqueltan with jicaras 
decorated with beads and other ceremonial 
objects which they leave there as presents 

3 Difficult to translate. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



to the divinities of the localities, after re- 
citing this prayer. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! ye who are seated round about. 
Unbidden have we come here to speak unto 
you. But do not apprehend anything. Ye 
must be possessed of them who are our 
spirits. Also must ye beg their forgiveness, 
that ye may nowhere ignore us. We have 
come hither to pay you with this jicara and 
these beads, that ye may forgive us, ye who 
are the spirits of this hill, because we came 
here and stayed on this your court. Continu- 
ally do we ask your forgiveness. Be not 
sad. Neither look askance. Ye must beg 
pardon of our spirits like as we now beg 
yours with this fragment, for we cannot tell 
you more. 

So be it. Know it and hear me! May 
God be as a Father unto you. 



15. TO BEG PERMISSION TO ENTER 
A SACRED PLACE 

adiosum aticbohi'moo to"nimor.vacitu- 
To God. We hither came suddenly already* 

ha-'niM pero hogako't anicbohiividaD 
handling but that with I hither was coming 

amta'nim ha'gicdara kuhoga'koD 

you begging pardon. Then that with 

pimiambi'aka napimago'kip'tono'noicda 

ye not will feel obliged that ye to both sides will- 

look. 



kuga"gur.aho'van 
Then aside there 

hogacto'nkam 
that heat 



hava 
and 



pimi.iu''rnid - a 
ye will go lifting 

gacko'k'dakam 
that sickness 



havawo'cichopitkam.ho'ko'D pimi.io-a'giuna 
and all cold with ye us will cleanse. 

ga'navaramu"umi ganavaramka'kvarak 

They which are your ceremonial arrows they= 

which are your chimales 

napimpuho'ko't.itso'sbidim ganavaric- 

that ye with us go shielding that which is 



ko'k'dakam kuxa'pu.pwic.o'p pimiam- 
sickness. Then thus also ye not will* 

bi'ak-a napimsoi'mo'riD'a kuticbohimot 
feel obliged that ye sad yourselves will feel. Then* 
we hither came 

amta'nim lisensia para 

you begging permission in order 

nat.i'nituha- 'na kupimiamitno'id'uk-a 

that we here may handle. Then ye not us will ignore. 

kupimicma-'kam xo'p'or kuno'n-io-a 
Then ye give winds. Then will cause* 

to fly 

ga'guraho'van kupimpuma'toN tun- 

aside there. Then ye know. Me* 

ha'gicio adio's naparinsu'sbidao 

pardon. To God that thou art my Guide, 

inci'u'k in.o - 'k 

my Morning Star, my Father. 

NOTE 

This prayer is spoken by anyone who enters 
a ceremonial patio or other sacred place for 
any purpose; particularly when coming to 
begin a religious performance or fiesta. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! Unbidden have we come hither to 
arrange, but on that account I have come to 
crave your forgiveness. Do not therefore 
look askance. To one side will ye put away 
the heat and the pestilence and with all the 
cold will ye purify us. With your arrows 
and with your chimales will ye shield us from 
sickness. So ye need not feel sad. We have 
come hither to beg your leave to perform here. 
Do not refuse us. Ye will send your winds 
and will put to flight all ills. Know this 
and forgive me. 

Hail! thou who art my Guide, my Morn- 
ing Star, my Lord. 

16. TO BEG PERMISSION TO LEAVE 
A SACRED PLACE 

adiu's na'parino-'k naparinci'u'k 

To God that thou art my Father, that thou art* 
my Morning Star, 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



napimpu- 
that ye> 



naparinda-'t aniho'napimpuda'da-r 

that thou art my Mother. Hereabouts that ye= 

are seated 

hasnacidtidu ni'cpu.amtanim ha - 'gicdara 
as that hoards. I you come begging pardon 

napimaringo"korak wopuhimdam aniho' 
that ye are my manes before go on. Hereabouts 

na'pimpudadar ganavarica'p-ma-'mcim 

that ye are seated that which is well appearing 

am.a"tockar.dam aniho' napimpum- 
your seat on. Hereabouts that ye yourselves- 

na'mo'k- ci'korxovan navarci'vgo-k- cv'hi 
encounter vicinity there that are seven beautiful 

to'tvakdam piho' 

skies on where 

a'r'gidic ganavaricto'doc anrai'nikdam 
create. That which is green your petate on 

navarica'pma'cimka-t navaricvi'g'ikam 
that is well appearing outspread that is 

icxa'duk-am na'.icva"utakat.ka't 
that was drizzling, outspread 

pixodor napuboixi'kmat 

where from that hither clouds up 

na'tpuboiw&pgo natpubo'.inio' na 1 - 

that did hither lighten that did hither speak. That 

puamftho'dor.apum.a'gim na'pumoho 1 - 

there from already goes conversing that there 

d6rm6rirrogim ganavaritsu'snidat 

from comes running she that is our Guide 

itci'u'k it.o/'k iD'a-'t ati'c- 

our Morning Star, our Father, our Mother. We 

puta-'n ha - 'gicdara kuvi'tut- 

beg pardon. Then us will* 

ha-'gicda hidita'kugumoko't porki 

pardon this fragment with because 

a'tiv.iamha'cicba'ik natawftpatrda porki 
we not anyhow can that we them will equal because 

ti'carici'k-orak'am porki iti'kradoko't 
we are vile because our filthiness with 

ti'cputsoB'dim puya'm.hacicba'ik' 

we ourselves go obstructing not anyhow can 

nataw6pa - trda ganavarahi-'mda 

that we them will equal that which is their way 



navarato't-norik 
which are their suns. 



kugo'kuti'puata'n 
Then therefore we them beg 

ha-'gicdara pixo' nampuda'daT 

pardon where that they are seated 

nampubo'itNo.Jt wocora5a"ba intam 
that they hither us behold all hours in. Here 

natpuda"Rim ticputo'maiasa-'kcit piho' 
that we go sitting we continually to them* 

weep where 

natitpua"ma'cit navaranoi'karda'm 

that we did already appear that is their patio on 

navarica'p.ma'citka't navaricta' mai'- 
that is well appearing, outspread that is white petatc* 

nikwftta piho'dor napuihi'k'mat 

beneath where from that clouds up. 

ticputo'mai.arrra'turit ganavarci'vgo'k 

We continually them cause to know that which* 

is seven 

o'hi to'tvakwot'a kumi'tutha'gicda 

beautiful skies beneath that they us will* 

pardon 

hidi takugumoko't ba'barip- 

this fragment with. North 

hidi'ko't 



hu-'rnip - 



west 



o gipas 
south 



this with 



iD'a'mahowan nampubo.itno.ft pihodor 
over us there that they hither us observe where* 
from 

nampuboit'6'kdim ganavarumn6v 1 para 
that they hither us go extending that which is thy* 
hand ' in order 

natpuha'bantuD-agimot gamtunoidida 

that we in it ourselves having enfolded may go* 

beholding 

w6corasa"ba kuha'ctuicto'nkam 

all hours in. Then any heat 

naboma-'gida ga"gurah6 < mi.ir'rnida 

that hither will come announcing aside hence will* 
go thrusting. 

ho'ga navaraka'k'varh6k'6't 

That which are their chimales with 

mipuitso'B'ida navarau"umihok-6't 

they us will go shielding which are their ceremonial* 
arrows with 

1 Probably error for -ano'v, THEIR HAND. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



117 



mi'puga'gurahononiD-a gacto'nkam wb'c 
they aside there will cause to fly that heat all 

icxo'pitkamokot mi.io-a'giunida 

cold with they us will go cleansing 

ganamaritgo'korak bopuhimdam 

that which they are our manes before go on 

ci"a'rw6t-aho napua'r.gidic navaritci'uG 
east beneath there that create which is our* 

Morning Star. 

konki'hapi ma'tok inka'ok 

With which thus is. Know; me hear. 

kudiospocumbi 'aka 1 

That God thee will sympathize. 1 

NOTE 

This prayer is spoken after the termination 
of a fiesta, the following morning when the 
communicants are about to depart, or when 
one who has come alone to a sacred place 
for any purpose desires to leave. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Father, my Morning Star, and 
my Mother who are seated round about. I 
come to beg your forgiveness, my spirits who 
have gone before. Round about are ye 
seated on your pleasant throne. Round 
about are ye met in the seven beautiful 
heavens where ye were created. On your 
green carpet, beautifully o'erspread with 
rain and drizzle, whence come the clouds, 
the lightnings and the voice, cometh running 
and counselling he who is our Guide, our 
Morning Star, our Father and our Mother. 

We beg their pardon and they will forgive 
us this portion for we cannot equal them. 
For we are vile and with our filthiness do 
we obstruct ourselves; we may not equal 
their ways, their days. Therefore do we beg 
their pardon, where they are seated, watching 
us in all hours. Sitting here we do continu- 
ally beseech them, having appeared in this 

1 Possibly -ambi'aka, YOU WILL SYMPATHIZE; this 
final phrase is very frequent and difficult to interpret 
precisely. It probably carries some esoteric signifi- 
cance. 



their sacred place, beautifully outspread, be- 
neath their white carpet whence spring the 
clouds. Continually do we, beneath the seven 
beautiful heavens, tell them that they must 
forgive us this fragment. 

From above us do they watch us from north, 
west and south whence they reach unto us 
their hand that we, wrapping ourselves in it, 
may go beholding through all hours. They 
will thrust aside whatever heat may draw 
near. With their chimales will they shield us, 
with their arrows will they put to flight the 
heat and with all manner of cold will they 
purify us, our spirits who have gone before 
to beneath the east where was created our 
Morning Star. 

So be it; know it and hear me! May God 
bless you. 



17. TO DELIVER THE FIRE TO THE 
CARE OF ITS GUARDIAN 

esta' mui bien apiampum.a-'gaD 
It is very well, thou not wast thinking 

putuda'kat kuto"nimor.puba.ciumnio'k'it 
seated wast that suddenly hither already thee 

speak. 

kupica'ptumda'gia hoga namaritgo'k-orak 
Then thou in them thyself wilt seize that that= 
they are our manes 

wopuhimdam apiamago'kiptononoikda 

before go on. Thou not in two places wilt look. 

ati'cpumta'n ha-gicdara apia'mhacuma-'ka 
We thee beg pardon. Thou not any wilt think 

hactugokamo'kot pica'ptumda'gia 

anything greatness with. Thou in him thyself wilt* 



kupsapipui 'ntamnoiD'a 
Then thou say here wilt look 



it.o-'oa'ba 
our Father in. 

hoganavarito-'o natpubo'i.ci'cvot amohodor 
he that is our Father that did hither raise* 

plumes. There from 

pixodor natpubo'ixo-'t ganavaro'gaD 
where from that he did hither send he who is his* 
Father 



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ci"arwotah6' napuo'idak navarita'm 
east beneath there that he belongs who is our* 
yellow 

itci'u'c napubo.it'6k'dim ganavarno'vit 
our Morning Star that he hither us comes ex- 

tending that which is his hand 

natpuha'ban.tuD-agimot gamtono-idim 

that we in it ourselves having seized going beholding 

wocorasa"ba kuti'pumtan ha'gicdara 
all hours in. Then we thee beg pardon. 

kupitutha-'gicda hidi navarictuma-'m 
Then thou us wilt pardon. This that is five 

cr'hi totvakwot'a natpubo'iw&pgS 

beautiful skies beneath that did hither lighten 

natpub6'.ini6 - amohodor natpuixi'k'mat 
that did hither speak. There from that did cloud up 

navarci"a-rw6ta ba-'varip xir'rnip 

which is east beneath north west 

o'gipa aniho ci'korh& ofmorimok 
south. Hereabouts vicinity there walking 

aka - 'himok namarmanrrat kutipu- 

them hearing that they are his children. Then did 

i'nihovadu'viA kuvia'mhacumdu'kat 

here already arrive. Then not anything itself was= 

making. 

api'tutha-'gicda hidi ho'mat 

Thou us wilt pardon this one 

gcrk vai'k ni'.o'khoko't porkiatiamha'- 
two three word with because we not 

cicba-io natma'5unra'toD-a ganavarni'ok'it 
anyhow can that we more thee will cause to* 

know that which is his word 

hogansu'sbidat inci'u'k in.Q-'G porki 
she my Guide, my Morning Star, my= 

Father, because 

a'ni.ina"ba.ti'pua'p.u-r porkiantV- 

1 me in did also remain because I did' 

amnir'k-tur hoga navara'r'gat 

not guard that which is his creation. 

kugo'k'u nipuia'rrrat 

Then therefore I not know 

hacna'numt&'da apicapma'mcimpucxo- 'hi 
what that I thee shall say; thou well appearing* 

desirest 



ica'picdaopam 
well explained 

haputu'ki-p 
Thus darkness 



er0avia'mha'cicba-fG 
but not anyhow can. 

nicga'mup'tonQ'it 
I also behold 



pero ma'skise'a hidi takiigumokot 
but more than might be this fragment with 

ani < cpuma''tuD kupiama'cunra'k'a 

I thee cause to know. Then thou not any wilt think; 

pica - 'aptumda'gia ganamaritgokorak 

thou in them thyself wilt seize they who are our= 

manes. 



konkihapo'g\a 
With which thus only 



nicunra'tuD 
I thee cause to know. 



kumsapiaffo5p6cumbi'ak - a kupsaparru'k 1 - 
Then they say God thee will sympathize. Then thou 

turda ganavarata'fk' ganamaritgfikorak 
say for them wilt guard that which is their* 

fire they that are our manes 

aniho' namda'daT navaricapma''cim 
hereabouts that they are seated that is well= 

appearing 

a'tockardam hidi navaramnoikardam 1 
seat on this which is your 1 patio on. 

konkidiuspbcumbi 'ak'a 
With which God thee sympathize. 

NOTE 

After the Cantador has prepared the fire 
for the fiesta and is ready to commence the 
ceremonies, he goes up to one of the men pres- 
ent, whom he has decided upon to be Guar- 
dian of the Fire (ci'ciktio"t), and addresses 
him as follows. Thereafter no one but him 
may touch the fire. 

TRANSLATION 

It is well that thou, seated there, didst 
not dream that of a sudden I would speak 
unto thee. Thou must be possessed by them 
who are our spirits who have gone before. 
Look not askance; we beg thy forgiveness. 
Neither be vain. Thou shalt be possessed 
of our Father. Thou must here watch for him 

1 Possibly should be -anoikar, THEIR PATIO. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



119 



who is our Father who here hath raised his 
plumes. 

From there beneath the east where he 
belongeth, whence he, his father, did hither 
send our Golden Morning Star, he now 
cometh, reaching unto us his hand that we, 
wrapping ourselves in it, may go beholding 
through all hours. Thus do we beg thy 
pardon and thou must forgive us. Beneath 
these five beautiful heavens did he send his 
lightnings and his voice. From afar come the 
clouds beneath the east, the north, the west 
and the south, where wander and hearken his 
children. Here they arrived but nothing 
befell. 

Thou wilt forgive us these few words, for 
we cannot teach thee more the Word of my 
Guide, my Morning Star, and my Father. 
For it remaineth within me, because I have 
not obeyed his commandment. Therefore I 
know not what I shall say unto thee; thou 
desirest it beautiful and clearly explained, 
but thus it cannot be. For in darkness I 
also grope, but nevertheless do I teach thee 
this fragment. Be not offended; thou must 
be gathered unto them who are our spirits. 
Thus only do I give thee to know; may 
God bless thee. Thou must guard the fire of 
our spirits who are seated round about on 
their pleasant seat in this their court. May 
God bless thee. 

18. TO CURE THE SICK 

adio's ino - 'k abimo napaptu'i' 

To God, my Father. There that thou art 

hoga navaric'ivgo - 'k o - 'hi 

that which are seven beautiful 

to'tvakdam naparicidu - 'kam 

skies on that thou art treasure. 

abimohodor napitumto-'f napitbai'vahi 
There from that thou didst thyself name that* 
thou didst hither already come 

1 Probably incorrectly given; past prefix probably 
superfluous. 



hidi navarunrai'niGdam 

this that is thy petate on. 

already also do 



napitapdu' 
That thou didst* 



tuvolunta'd ku.i'na hidi mai'ndam 
thy will then here this petate on 

kumu to'tvacdam kunapaitma-'k 

as skies on. Then that thou us givest 

umgo'gucdara voc to'nora"ba 

thy succor all sun at. 



ia 1 umci'v api'ctun- 
Then thou (didst) 1 hither us will give now. Thou* 

ha - 'gicda umta - 'giv vacitu'o-a 

me wilt pardon thee before already will dance. 

ku.i'ni apictunha'gicda porke 

Then here thou me wilt pardon because 

nicarici"krakam kupictunha- 'gicda 

I am filthiness. Then thou me wilt pardon. 

kupiamio'a'k'ta'ka nati.i'akia' 

Then thou not us wilt permit that we shall fall. 

apiamvi'ak'a hactudo'ko 

Thou not wilt feel anything with 

napasa'sa'rkadida api.io'a'giD'a voc 
that thou wilt go withdrawing. Thou us wilt send all 

icko'k'dakam 2 ame'n 

sickness. 2 Amen. 

NOTE 

Disease among the Tepecanos was com- 
monly treated by a priest-doctor by cere- 
monial and magic means. The patient is 
laid on his back, the doctor standing at his 
feet. He blows tobacco smoke to the four 
winds and recites one of several prayers in 
a low voice. Five puffs of smoke are then 
blown on the invalid's hands, feet and fore- 
head. The body is then stroked vigorously 
from the extremities to the center of pain 
and the latter is subjected to a vigorous 
suction. Thick spittle, blood, or a tangible 
object is extracted. The first is proof of 
affliction by a chan, a mythical water-serpent, 
the second of affliction by the spirits of the 
dead, the last of witchcraft. The object 

1 Undoubtedly error for icxo'pitkam, THE COLD. 



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VOL. I 



extracted is then rubbed and palmed until 
it disappears. 

Smoke is then blown five times on the 
affected part and the cure is effected. The 
shaman rinses his mouth well and recites 
the prayer again to the west, whence the 
evil spirits flee. If the individual is very 
sick, a different prayer is repeated every 
third day. 

The following prayer is of doubtful value. 
Together with no. 26 it was given to me to 
show the lack of antagonism between the 
old Tepecano and the Catholic religions, and 
was termed the "Our Father." The informant 
constantly compared the Christian prayer 
while giving it. It was originally claimed to 
be a prayer to beg permission to enter a 
sacred place. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Father who art in the seven 
beautiful heavens. Thou art dear. From 
there where thou wast named, thou didst 
come to this thy carpet. Thou didst thy will 
here on this earth as in the heavens. Thou 
givest us thy succor daily. Thou wilt give 
it us now. Thou wilt pardon me; before 
thee will we dance. Thou wilt forgive me 
for I am vile. Thou wilt not allow us to fall. 
Thou needst on no account hold aloof. Thou 
wilt send us all the cold. Amen. 



19. TO CURE ONE VERY ILL 

adios in.o-'G inda't inci'u'k amumodor 
To God, my Father, my Mother, my Morning* 
Star. There from 

napivo'pmicda na-'varumu"umi ha'ba-n- 
that thou wilt raise which are thy ceremonial* 

arrows whence* 

dor napgamihi'komacda na'pu- 

from that thou cloudest. That thou 

ho'kot.ino'nio-a navaricko"k'dakam 

with wilt cause to fly which is sickness 

ga"gura.h6van apiD'a'gio-a go'gu-cdara 
aside to. Thou us wilt send succor 



nagamupkitotu'gia ica'pum.&'rdaD 

that he again soon may see well himself may feel. 

ku i .avi > amibiha"tuD-a.da'maN.a > cumdu'nia 
Then not hither anything above already will make. 

kupipuso'sbid'a icko'k'dakam 

Then thou wilt repulse sickness 

naVaricda'di k'avaT navarumbu'p - uivas 
which is health Mmal which are thy faces* 

ho'koo cfk'or navarumt&t'vagiwop'ta 
with vicinity which are thy skies beneath 

ci'a'rwot-a ba'barip hu'Rnip 

east beneath north west 

ogipas kuhi'diho'madakamhfi'kot 

south. Then this creation with 

api'ctunha'gicda hoga na'varunvaR 

thou me wilt pardon that who is thy child, 

dios in.o-'G inda't inciuk 

God, my Father, my Mother, my Morning* 
Star. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art my Lord, my Lady, 
my Morning Star. From afar thou wilt 
raise thy arrows whence come the clouds. 
With them wilt thou put to flight the sickness. 
Thou wilt send us succor, that this invalid 
soon again may behold and feel himself well. 
No evil must come upon him. Thou wilt 
repel the sickness with the health of thy 
chimal, which is thy face, round about be- 
neath thy heavens to east, north, west and 
south. With this formula thou wilt pardon 
me, who am thy son. 

Hail ! my Father, my Mother, my Morning 
Star. 

20. TO CURE ONE ON POINT OF DEATH 

adiu's naparinsu - 'sBidat inci'u'k 

To God, that thou art my Guide, my Morning* 
Star, 



in.Q''G 
my Father 

totvakdam 
skies on 



navarci'vgok 
that are seven 



ohi 
beautiful 



piho na'puda 

where that thou art seated. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



121 



na'pitpubo'io'akta hi'di 

that thou didst hither us leave this 



napubo'itN&i'dim napuboit'6'kdim 

That thou hither us comest beholding that thou* 

hither us comest extending 

gana'varumn6v navarumt6'N natpu- 
that which is thy hand which is thy foot that we* 

ha'bantuo-a'gia para natga'mtunoid'ida 
in it ourselves will envelop in order that we= 

will go beholding 

hidi gok vaik t6tnor piho' 
this two three suns where 

oi'dadam 
world on. 

na'tpuga'mtunoidim porki a'tiv tu'ki'p 
That we going beholding because we darkness 

ti'cgamtuno'idim nataric.i'k'orak'am 

we going beholding that we are vile 

it.r'kra'do'kut ticputs6Bdim kuvitoka.- 
our filthiness with we ourselves go obstruct- 

ing. Then above 

umb&'ya gact6nkam kuvi- 

self will raise that heat. Then will* 

xo'pria hidick6'ok - am kuti'cpumtan 

recover this sick one. Then we thee beg 

ha-gicdara hidi go~k 

pardon this two 

va'ik ni.Q - k-h6k'6't kupi'puso''sbid'a 

three word with. Then thou wilt go repulsing 

ganavarictonkam umu'umihfik'o't 

that which is heat thy ceremonial arrows with 

umka'k'var6ko't hasnaci'diidu 

thy chimales with thus that hoards. 

kupia > mago - 'kiptun6noikda pi'cpubo'.it'&kda 
Then thou not to both sides wilt look thou hither* 
us wilt extend 



hoganavarumn6v 
that which is thy hand 

aba-n.tuo-agida 
in us will go seizing. 



para 
in order 



natwoc.oras.- 
that we all hours* 



kuya'miD-am.ha'ctu- 
Then not over us anything* 



a'cumwa'da kuw6 - 'c.ich i pitkamok'6't.pubo 1 - 
itself will make. Then all cold with hither* 

iD'agiuni'da naparinda't kuvix6pria 

us will come cleansing who is our Mother. 

Then will recover 



hidick6.o-k-am kunkiha-'p.i nicumta-n 
this sick one. With which thus is. I thee beg 

ha-gicdara hi'di ho'mat g6'k- 

pardon this one two 

nio'k'hok-o't ci'arwo'faho' 

word with. East beneath there 

nap'um.a'r'git va - 'varip huT'nip 

that thou thyself formest north west 

cr'gipa hidi'koiD'arrroho na'pudi 

south this with over us there that thou art= 

seated 

navarci'vgok ohi totvakdam 

that are seven beautiful skies on 

napubo.itnoit woco'rasa'ba kuhapu.puic&p- 
that thou hither us observest all hours in. Then* 
thus also 

ti'cpumta'n ha'gicdara kuvi % - 

we thee beg pardon. Then* 

pugamupkitot6'gia h6gack6'ok - am hoga 
again soon will behold that sick one. That 

navarumu'umihok'6'D napida'giuna 

which are thy ceremonial arrows with that thou* 

wilt cleanse; 

kuga"gura.x6 < pi.iiiTna gacko"k'dara 

then aside there wilt cast that sickness. 

kuaViamimu'k'ia hidick6'ok'am 

Then he not will die this sick one. 

kunkiha'p h&gia nic.unvatut 

With which thus only thee cause to know 

na'parin.6'k naparinsir'sBidat 

that thou art my Father, that thou art my Guide, 

inci'u'k konkidiospocumbi'ak'a 

my Morning Star. With which God thee will* 

sympathize. 

NOTE 

This is the last resort of the shaman, re- 
cited when the patient is nearly on point of 
death. The accompanying treatment is the 
same as for the other prayers. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art my Guide, my Morn- 
ing Star and my Father who art seated in 
the seven beautiful heavens. Thence thou 



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VOL. I 



watchest us and reachest unto us thy hand 
and thy foot that we may be held in them and 
go beholding these few days in this world 
where thou didst leave us. In darkness we 
grope for we are vile and with our filthiness 
do we obstruct ourselves. 

The heat must take itself hence that this 
invalid may recover. With these few words 
do we beg thy forgiveness. Thou wilt repel 
the heat with thy arrows and with thy 
chimales. Do not look askance. Thou must 
reach unto us thy hand that we may be gath- 
ered into it in all hours. Then will no evil 
befall us. With all manner of cold will our 
Lady purify us. Then will this invalid 
recover. So be it. With these few words 
do I beg thy forgiveness. Thou who wast 
created beneath the east, the north, the 
west and the south art seated above us in 
the seven beautiful heavens whence thou 
watchest us in all hours. 

Thus do we beg thy pardon. Soon will 
this invalid see again. With thy arrows 
wilt thou cleanse him; thou wilt cast aside 
the affliction that he may not die. This 
only do I say unto thee, my Lord, my Guide, 
my Morning Star. May God bless thee. 



21. TO CURE ONE SICKENED BY THE 
SPIRITS OF THE DEAD 

adio's naparicmu'k'am nap'u.oi'dak 

To God that thou art Death that thou per- 

tainest 



oi'dawo'p'ta 
world beneath 

ma'i'nik.wo't'a 
petate beneath. 



navarumictodoG 
that is thy green 

napimpurickoi'k'am 
That ye are the dead 



piho'wan ganavaricta' amku'rar.br 

where that which is white your corral in 



pih6 
where 



napimpuoidaG 
that ye pertain. 



kuni'camta'n 
Then I you beg 



ha'gicdara kupimiampiho'.tunko'k'datuD'a 
pardon. Then ye not anywhere me will cause to* 
be sick, 



ni a'ni pero ninfami'lia 

neither I but nor my family. 

woe ichopitkamoko't pimipuboin- 

All cold with ye hither me will come* 

da'giunida kuga"gura pimi.iu''rnida 

cleansing. Then aside ye will go casting. 

kuvia'mindam.ha'ctu.indama'cumwa'da 
Then not over me anything over me itself will make. 

kupimia'mpihotunko'k'datuD'a ganavargo' 
Then ye not anywhere me will cause to be sick. That* 
which is great 

to'tvakdam piho' na'pu.ambi'a 

skies on where that he you holds 

hoga navarit.o/'k' ganavariD - a - 't 

he who is our Father she that is our Mother 

napubo'.it'&k'dim ganavarno'vit 

that he hither us comes extending that which is-- 
his hand 



natpuha'bantuD'a'gim 
that we in it us seizing. 

avi'pub6 - '.iD - a'giuna 
he hither us will cleanse 
order 



kuwo'c.icxo'pitkam 
Then all cold 



na'varit.o-'G 

that is our Father 



para 
in* 



natpugamtonoi.dida hi'di oi'da.dam 

that we may go beholding this world on. 

kuyamha'ctu.iD-am.ha'cumwa'da 

Then not anything over us any itself will make. 

kupimimonr.u'rin'ka hoga navaramku'- 
Then ye hither yourselves will cast that which* 

krus.avui navaram6'kaD'a pixo' 

are your crosses with which is your shadow where 

napimpu.a'r'gidic navaramicto'do 

that ye are formed which is your green 



anrainik.wo't'a 
your petate beneath 



piho' napimpua'r'gidic 
where that ye are formed 



hoga navaramhi'komsa'git piho' 

that which is your cloud between where 



nampu.ambia 
that they you possess 



ganamari tgokorak 
they who are our manes 



wo'puhi'mdam nampubo'ifo'k'dim 

before go on. That they hither us come extending 



navara.a'Vak 
which is their form 



pixo nampuhokoDboi- 

where that they with hither* 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



123 



0' XI 

beautiful 



a'r'gidic ganavarci'vgcrk 

are formed they which are seven 

to'tvak.dam nampuda-'dar gatgo'korak 
skies on that they are seated that our manes 

napurica'p'ma'cimka't ga.anoi'k'ar 

that is well appearing, spread out that their patio. 

kuha'pu.pi'c.6-p- ti'cupata'n ha-'gicdara 
Then thus also we also them beg pardon 



ganamarickoi ' k - am 
they who are the dead 
seated 



nampuaniho'da'dar 
that they hereabouts are* 



kuga"gurahowan 
Then aside there 



awo'poi.dam 
their paths on. 

mi'M.u'rin-ka kuhi'dikoD ami'tun- 

they selves will cast. Then this with they me* 

ha-'gicda konki'hap.i ni'c.anra'tut kumi'- 
will pardon. With which thus is I them= 

cause to know that<= 

tunha-'gicdaN konkidios pocambi'ak'a 
they me will pardon. With which God you will* 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

After death, at least before Christian times, 
a person became a puff of wind, wandering 
over the world and sickening those with 
whom it came into contact. When the priest- 
doctor's diagnosis showed sickness caused by 
the spirits of the dead, this being determined 
by the extraction of blood in the sucking ex- 
amination, the following prayer was recited 
to cause the spirit to quit the body it was 
afflicting. The same prayer was also spoken 
to drive away a persistent haunting spirit. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail ! thou who art Death. Thou belongest 
beneath the ground, beneath thy green carpet. 
And ye who are the Dead in your white 
fields where ye belong, I beg your forgiveness. 
Ye must not sicken me, neither myself nor 
my family. With all manner of cold will ye 
purify me; to one side will ye cast the sick- 
ness, that no ill may befall me. Ye must not 
afflict me. 



From the great heavens where he who is 
our Father and our Mother holdeth you, he 
reacheth unto us his hand that we may be 
gathered into it. With all the cold will he, 
our Father, cleanse us, that we may go be- 
holding in this world. Then will no evil 
befall us. 

Ye must take yourselves hence to your 
crosses, your shadows, where ye were created, 
beneath your green carpet where ye belong. 
There within your cloud are ye held by our 
spirits who have gone before. From the 
seven beautiful heavens where they are seated 
in their pleasant broad court our spirits 
stretch unto us their forms in which they 
were created. 

Likewise do we beg forgiveness of the Dead 
who are seated round about on their accustom- 
ed paths. They must take themselves hence. 
Thus will they forgive me ; I warn them that 
they must forgive me. 

May God have pity on you. 



22. TO SEIZE DEATH 

adio's naparin.Q-'k insu'ssidao 

To God that thou art my Father, my Pro- 

tector, 

inci'u'k nda -/ D ani'cho-'hi' 

my Morning Star, my Mother. I desire 

ku'piboin.to'k'da gana'varumno-'v para 
that thou hither me wilt extend that which is thy 
hand in order 

natuma'p-tuda'gia para na'.itwi'.unra-'cda 
that we thee in will seize in order that she= 

with us herself will appear 

gacmu-k-ik-am para naD-agia 

that Death in order that we shall seize 

aniho' wo'poidam ha'cnapuma-r'giD 

hereabouts paths on as that she is* 

formed 

ci'korh&wan ha'snapu.oi.mor ci"ar- 

vicinity there as that she walks. East* 

wofah& napuoidak amuhodor 

beneath there that she belongs there from 



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natpuboix6't hb'ga navarit.cr'G 

that he did hither send that who is* 
our Father 

para na'puitir'k-atok'da para 

in order that she us carried shall place in order 

natpuma-kira kwe'nta hoga diu's 

that we shall go to give report that God 

it.o-'k ha'cnatputuvwa hi'di 

our Father how that we do this 



oi'dadam 
world on. 



kuha'puti'cuptan 
Then thus we also beg 



hoga 
that 



navant.o-'G 
who is our Father 



para 
in order 



ha''gicdara 
pardon 

kuvi'putmak-ia lise"nsia 

that he us shall give permission 

naD'a'gia gacmii'k'ikam anih6dor 

that we shall seize that Death hereabouts- 

from 

na'pubo'umagim aniho' na'puoform 

that she hither comes conversing hereabouts that 
she walks 

ci'korhfivan hasnaci'diidu na'pua.u'k'atok 1 
vicinity there as hoards that she them car- 

rying places 

ganamarma'mrat kuti'cx6'xi kuvia'mkit- 
they that are his children. Then we desire that* 
she not 

pa'rcvnda porki tisorkam na'tpar6 
soon us shall maltreat because we many that she 
did maltreat. 

kuti'cputa'n ha'gicdara gat.o-'k 

Then we beg pardon that our Father 

gaD - a -/ D kuvi'pubo'it'ok'da ganavarn6vit 
that our Mother that he hither us will extend that 
which is his hand 

ganavart6-nat para natpwa'bantuo-a'gia 
that which is his foot in order that we in it* 

ourselves shall seize 

natia'mpiho'tuko'k'orda kuvi'putMa'kia 

that we not anywhere ourselves will sicken. Then* 

he us will give 

gani'6k'it para naya'mpihoit'ir'k'atok'da 
that his word in order that she not anywhere* 
us carried shall place. 



kuti'ho-'tsa kuhimia pih6 

Then we will dispatch her that will go where 

napu.a-'r'gidic naputunyk'aD 

that she is formed that she guards 

gana'varahir'k'UG ganamaritg&k'orak 

that which are their torches they who are our manes 

nampubo'.itnoidim woe orasa'ba 

that they hither us watch all hours in 

na'tica'pitft'r.daD.ima'c.dida a'niho' 

that we well ourselves shall feel will go appearing 
hereabouts 

nat.o - 'ipu gana'varicto'dok ma - 'inikdam 
that we walk that which is green pelate on. 

kuya'mpiho.'ita-'ri.wa'da kuhapu.pi'.6'p- 
Then not anywhere us small will make. Then thus* 
also 



ganavarci'vgok 
that which is seven 



ti'cta-n ha'gicdara 

we beg pardon 

o'hi to'tvakdam piho' napuda 

beautiful skies on where that is seated 



gana'varit.^'k- 
he that is our Father, 

ti'cpunra'tuD 
We cause to know 
maltreat 



gana'variD-a-'D 

she that is our Mother. 

kuya'mpiho'.itparxynda 
that not anywhere us shall* 



natarma-'mrat konkidius pocambi'ak'a 
that we are his children. With which God you will* 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

When there has been a great deal of sick- 
ness and many deaths among the Tepecanos, 
the five principal men of the village meet 
and hold a consultation. They decide that 
the Death Goddess has been too active and 
must be sent hence. They therefore undergo 
an ablutionary fast of five days. At midnight 
on the fifth day they meet in the graveyard 
and together recite in a low voice the fol- 
lowing prayer, begging permission of the 
higher Gods to seize the Death Goddess and 
send her away. They all carry their bows 
and arrows. One remains in the town while 
the other four seek to the four winds. One 
of them encounters the Death Goddess in 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



125 



the form of a mortal woman and bids her 
begone and not molest them more. 

The information volunteered to the effect 
that each person has a lighted candle in 
heaven, representing his spirit, and that the 
Death Goddess goes about snuffing them out, 
is probably of Christian origin. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail, O God, thou that art my Father and 
Mother, my Guide, and Morning Star! I 
beseech thee, stretch forth thy hand that it 
lay hold upon us. Then will the Goddess 
Death herself appear before us that we may 
seize her as she walketh about on her ac- 
customed paths. She belongeth beneath the 
east whence our Father has sent her to 
carry us hence, so that we may give report 
to Him, our God and Father, of how we have 
acted in this world. 

Likewise do we beseech of our Father that 
he give us leave to seize the Death Goddess, 
she who cometh whispering, stalking about 
and carrying off his children. We ask that 
she shall not harm us as already she has 
harmed so many. 

Likewise do we beg of our Lord and Lady 
that he stretch forth his hand and his foot 
so that we may be upheld and not be sick- 
ened. He will give us his word that she shall 
not carry us away. We will send her where 
she belongeth where she guardeth the torches 
of our spirits who watch us through all hours. 
Then will we be well here where we wander 
on the green carpet. Then will we never be 
decreased. 

Also do we beg forgiveness of our Lord 
and Lady seated in the seven beautiful 
heavens. We will let the Death Goddess 
know that nothing shall harm us who are the 
children of the Father. 

May God bless you. 

23. TO PLACATE THE CHANES 



adiu's.um 
To God, 



su - 'di.6 - r 
water within 



o^'oik^am 1 

chanes 1 



na'pimpumtotok- anih& napimpuda'dar 
that ye are named hereabouts that ye are* 

seated 

na'pimputunu-nkat hoga navarahi'- 
that ye guard that which is their* 

komac ganamaritgo"koraG b6puhi'mdam 
cloud they who are our manes before go on. 

aniho nampuda'daR ci'korxfivan 

Hereabouts that they are seated vicinity* 

there 

ha'cnaci'diidu kuticbo'hrmot amtanim 
as that hoards. Then we hither were coming you* 
begging 

hagicdara konkiha'pi mitok- 

pardon. With which thus is. Know! 

pimiam.pixo.in'&id'uk'a niganfamr'lia 

Ye not anywhere me will ignore nor that my family 

anih6 namoipu r'ntam 

hereabouts that they walk here 

pusoi"mama - c hoga navaricma'nr- 

sad appear that that is trans* 

dormao anvai'nikwo't'a na'pimpudadaR 
parent your petale beneath that ye are* 

seated. 

kuni'cpuanratuD porki anta's6na - t 

Then I you cause to know because I did al* 

ready begin 



i'ntaM 
here 
meddle 



nano'imo'R 
that I walk 



na'npuamha'nciD 
that I for you* 



ganaVaricmanrdormaG amainik konkiha'p.i 
that which is transparent your petate. With* 

which thus is. 

anti'cpubi'amnamQk'dam hi'di so-'sobo'kot 
I did hither you come paying this bead with 

para napimia'mpiho'tunko'kdatuD'a 

in order that ye not anywhere me will sicken 



wiganma.ma'R i-'ntam 

nor that my children here 

amicmamdormaG 

your transparent 



na'mpuo'ipu 
that they walk 

amva'pamor.&r 
your lakes in. 



1 Said to be derived from tenchaniados, etymology 
unknown. 



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ati'cupta'nim ho'ga 

we also begging that 

itciu'k ci'a'rw&ta 

our Morning Star, east 



kuha'pu.6 - p 
Then thus also 

navarica''m 

which is yellow 
beneath 

na'pu6idac kuipuboito'k'da ganavarno'vit 
that belongs. Then hither us will reach that 

which is his hand 

para na'tpuhabantuD'agimoo 

in order that we in it us having seized 

xu'viamha'ctuD'am.a'cumwa'da txvc 

then not anything over us any itself will do all 

gacko'k'dakam pixftvan ati v ct6.nimor.- 
that sickness where we suddenly* 

putuhan g6k - 6 ti'puta'n ha'gicdara 
meddle. Therefore we beg pardon 

para naga - 'gurha.noniD'a gact6nkam 
in order that he aside will cause to fly that heat 

para na'miampih6'tutk6kdatuda ganamar.- 
in order that they not anywhere us will sicken they 
who are- 

su'di.6r.6ik'am na'mpumtfituk' 

water in chants that they are called 

nampuaniho.dadar namputunirnkat 

that they hereabouts are seated that they guard 

gi"g'ior nampumto'tok ku.ha'p.i 

rainbows that they are called. Then thus is. 

nicpuanvatut na'pimaring6'korak' 

I you cause to know that ye are my manes. 

adius.u'm naparinsu'ssidat inci'u'k 

To God, that thou art my Protector, my Morning' 
Star. 

avi'puboint6kdida ganavarno'vit 

He hither me will come reaching that which is his> 
hand. 

kuyampihS.indam.a'ctu.acumwa'da konki- 
Then not anywhere over me anything itself will' 
do. With which- 

ha'p.i nicputo'mai.umtan ha'gicdara 
thus is. I continually thee beg pardon 

na'parino-'G fco'nJh'ha'p.matoG dio's 

that thou art my Father. With which thus know. God 

pocumbi'ak'a 
thee will sympathize. 



NOTE 

The chanes are malevolent water-serpents 
which inhabit the springs and streams. They 
are horned and of many colors. They always 
travel in pairs, male and female, and love to 
stretch themselves through the clouds in 
rainy weather, head in one spring and tail 
in another, visiting. In this form they appear 
as rainbows. They are called the "winds of 
the water." 

The chanes are vicious and will sting those 
who have not placated them. For this 
reason a native will never put his mouth to 
a spring while drinking; the water is dashed 
into the mouth with the hand. When thus 
bitten, malaria, fever, headache and many 
other ills result. 

When a man decides to build a house 
and make his home on a new site it is 
necessary for him to placate the chanes of 
the spring whence he draws his water supply. 
To this end he prepares a jicara decorated 
with transparent small glass beads (water 
beads) and fills it with a gruel of pinole and 
water. This is scattered to the four winds 
at the spring while the following prayer is 
recited. The jicara is then left there as an 
offering. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! ye who are called Chanes, who are 
seated hereabouts in the waters, guarding 
the cloud of the spirits of those who have 
gone before and are seated round about us. 
We come to beg forgiveness. Know ye that 
it is so. Ye must not ignore me nor my 
family who walk about here. Sadly do they 
appear beneath your crystal carpet where 
ye are seated. Thus do I give you to know, 
for already have I begun to walk about here 
and to meddle with your lucid carpet. So 
be it! I have come hither to offer you these 
beads that ye may not sicken me nor my 
children who wander here among your limpid 
lakes. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



127 



Likewise do we beg forgiveness of our 
golden Morning Star who belongeth beneath 
the east. He will stretch unto us his hand 
so that, wrapping ourselves in it, no sickness 
may come upon us because we have meddled 
here unbidden. Therefore do we beseech that 
he will put to flight the heat. Then they will 
not sicken us, they who are called Chanes who 
are seated hereabouts in the waters guarding 
those that are called the rainbows. 

Thus do I give you to know, my spirits. 
Hail! thou who art my Guide, my Morning 
Star. He will reach me his hand, that no 
ill may befall me. So be it! Know, O my 
Lord, that I do continually implore thee. 

24. TO CURE ONE SICKENED BY THE 
CHANES 

adio's o"oik'am na'pimpumtfttok 

To God chanes that ye are named 

aniho' napimpuda'dar napimputumrnkat 
hereabouts that ye are seated that ye guard 

ho'ga navarahi-'komac ganamarit- 

that which is their cloud they who are our 

gfi'korak hoga navaric.ma'mdormaG 

manes. that that is transparent 

anrai'nik hoga navaric.ma'mdormaG 
their petate that that is transparent 

aka'va-rik nampuho'kodumsosbidim 

their chimal that they with selves protecting. 

aniho'namdadar 1 nampuanukturiD ho'ga 
Hereabouts that they 1 are seated that they for them- 
guard that 

navarahi'komac na'maritgft'korak 

which is their cloud that they are our manes. 

ha'pu.pui'c6-p ti'camtanim hd'gicdara 
Thus also we you beg pardon. 

kuga"gurah6pimitu.u-'rinka ganavaricma'- 
Then aside ye will cast that which is 

mdorma' amba'sa.&r namia'mpiho'.tuha'nda 
transparent your gourd within that they 

not anywhere will meddle 

"Although in the third person, evidently refers to 
the chanes. 



ganma.mar ganamaramho'ho-cia 

they my children those which are your saucers 

ganamaramha'ha' ganamaramha'ha'kar 

those which are your jars those which are your* 

griddles 

namaramba'paidaka ganavaricma'mdormaG 
those which are your pitchers that which is trans- 

parent 

am6'cic.6r namia'mpihotuamha'hi-cda 

your cornfield within that they not anywhere for* 

you will break 

pom napirniampihotuakok'datud'a 

in order that ye not anywhere them will sicken 

ganfami-'lia go'koni'puama'tuD porki 
that my family. Therefore I you cause to* 

know because 

aniho'mioi'pu ganfami-'lia amicto"- 

hereabouts they walk that my family they 

nim6r.bituha-'nda go'ko ni'puamta'n 
suddenly hither will meddle. Therefore I you* 
beg 

ha'gicdara porki niti'matfit 

pardon because I if cause to know 

ho'ga navarinsu'seidat inci'u'k 

he who is my Protector, my Morning Star, 

kuho'ga-vi'tuamko'k'daD-a kupi'mia'nv- 

then he you will sicken. Then ye not 

a"a - kda kuniti'amanva'tot go'ko 

later will say that I did not you cause to know. 

Therefore 

ni'puamtanim ha'gicdara 

I you am begging pardon 

orasa"ba koha'pu.pi"c6p ati'ta-nida 
hours in. Then thus also we will go begging 

ganavaritci'u'k kovibito'kdida 

he who is our Morning Star, that hither us will come* 
reaching 



wb'c 
all 



ganavarno'vit 
that which is his hand 



para natha'ban.tu- 

in order that we in it 



D-a.'gim6t 
us seizing 



ga'mtono-fdida 
will go beholding 



ha'ctu 

anything 



napuaniho'dorumagida ha'cnaci'dudu 

that from hereabouts will come thinking thus that* 
hoards. 



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go'kunipuama 4 'giD 
Therefore I you advise 

ganavaricma'mdorma' 
that which is transparent 



ku'pimi'motu.uR'na 
that ye hence will cast 

amba'sa.ftra 
your gourd within. 



konki'ap.i pimima - 't6hi kunki.- 

With which thus is. Ye must know. With which* 



Pitt's. po'cambi'ak'a 
God you will sympathize. 

NOTE 

When the priest-doctor has determined 
by the extraction of thick spittle from the 
patient in the sucking examination, that he 
is afflicted by a chan, he makes a chimal 
and a bastdn with feathers of the heron and 
cleanses the invalid by waving the latter over 
him. He then deposits it at the spring whence 
the water is brought. The balance of the 
treatment is as before but the following prayer 
is recited. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! ye who are called Chants who are 
seated round about, guarding the cloud of our 
spirits. It is their transparent carpet, their 
limpid chimal with which they do shield them- 
selves. Round about are ye seated, guard- 
ing the cloud of our Gods. 

We beseech you, put away your saucers, 
your jars, your griddles and your pitchers. 
Hide them within your transparent gourd. 
Then will my children not meddle with them; 
then they will not break anything which lieth 
within your transparent cornfield. Then will 
you not afflict my family. Thus do I say 
unto you for already do my family walk 
about here and mayhap will meddle. This 
do I ask of you, for if I tell him who is my 
Protector and my Morning Star, he will then 
afflict you. Then do not say afterwards that 
I did not warn you. 

Therefore do I implore you in all hours. 
And also will we beseech him who is our 
Morning Star that he stretch unto us his 
hand. Then, held in it, we may safely behold 
whatever may come unto us. Therefore do 



I bid you begone into your transparent gourd. 
Thus shall ye know. May God have pity 
on you. 



25. TO RETIRE THE CHANES 



adio's.um 
To God 



na'pimaro"oik-am 
that ye are thanes. 



pimi'mom.u-'rin-ka ganavaricma'mdorma' 
Ye hence yourselves will cast that which is transparent 



anva-'iniGwd'fa 
your pelate beneath. 



pimia'mpixo'.tua- 
Ye not anywhere them 



ko'k'datUD-a ganfami-'lia porki 

will sicken that my family because 

ni.a - 'k''da ganavarinsu'ssidat inci'u'k 
I will tell he who is my Protector, my Morning* 
Star, 

in.o - 'k' para natuamko'k'dao-a 

my Father, in order that he you will sicken. 

pimia'masa'nda porki hogavi'tuam- 

Ye not later will weep because he you 

ko"kdaD - a kuha'pi nicamta'nim 

will sicken. Then thus is; I you am begging 

ha - 'gicdara kupi'mfm6m.u - 'rinka 

pardon. Then ye hence yourselves will cast 

ganavaricma'mdorma' amba'kuri.ftra 

that which is transparent your water-gourd within. 



pimti'pu.da'nyo 
Ye if endanger 



api'minwi'cdim 
ye me following, 



kuni'tuamko'k'daD'a hoga navarci'vgo'k 
then I you will sicken that which is seven 

a'raG napimpuo'kota'rgidic go'ku 

formations that ye with are formed. Therefore 

nipu.amta'nim ha"gicdara konki'hap.i 

I you begging pardon. With which thus is. 



pinva'tok 
Ye know, 



inka'oG 
me hear. 



pimihi'mia 
Ye will go 



piho' napimpuaptu'i' ganavaram- 

where that ye are that is your 

hi'komak.Sr kudt'os.pocam.ora'dakam 
cloud within. Then God you withinness. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



129 



NOTE 

This prayer is spoken after the invalid is 
convalescing from the sickness caused by the 
chanes and is intended to cause them to 
depart from the vicinity. It is recited to 
the west, whither they flee. 

TRANSLATION 

Farewell! Chanes. Ye shall take your- 
selves beneath your lucid carpet. Ye must 
not sicken my family, or I will tell him who 
is my Protector, my Morning Star and my 
Lord so that he may sicken you. Then do 
not afterwards weep if he shall have sickened 
you. So be it; I beg your forgiveness. You 
must take yourselves within your crystal 
water-gourd. For if ye follow to persecute 
me, I will sicken you with the seven forms 
in which ye were created. Therefore do I 
beg your forgiveness. 

So be it. Know it and hear ye me! Ye 
shall take yourselves within your cloud where 
ye belong. May God bless you. 



26. TO BEWITCH 

adio's in.o''G' inda-'D 

To God, my Father, my Mother, 

inci'u'G abimo naparda - 'kam hoga 
my Morning Star. Afar that thou art* 

sitter that 

to'tvak.dam ku.inimo' navarunrai'nak- 
skies on. Then here that is thy petate* 

dam napargokami naparicidu-'kam 

on that thou art greatness that thou* 

art value. 

natarunva'ma'r ku.inim6km6dor 

That we are thy children. Then here distant from 

abi.mo'dor hudur napituma'Vgi 

afar from alone that thou didst thyself form 

napitbaivatuda'giu inimo napitivu'si 
that thou didst already hither cleanse. Here that* 

thou didst select 



huga 
that 



man a 
Mary 



na'puriD-a''D 
that she is our Mother 



na't'una'koc inim6 umwo'famo 

that we are suffering here thee beneath. 

napitbaivatuda'giu ku.ani.modor 

That thou didst hither already cleanse. Then* 

hereabouts from 

napitbaiVavo'm hud6 - r napit.- 

that thou didst hither already arise alone that 

a-'ban.ai'vavoi hoga umkurosic 

thou didst in it already recline that thy cross 

napitmu' amumo napitpuago'i 

that thou didst die. There that thou didst* 

already fall 

navaricda'dik'am navarumva'sa'Sr 

which is health which is thy box within 

navarictuto'G'am.6r va - 'iG um- 

which is darkness in three thy* 

to'tnoric kuabimoapti'ma-'cir asa-'giD 
suns. Then afar thou didst appear them* 

between 

hoga namaricko'i'kam ku.inimfidor 

that which they are Dead. Then here from 

napithapuva't - ut6 hoga navarto'tvakdam 
that thou didst thus already behold that that* 
is skies on. 

naparda'kam napara'o'k'aMhoko'o dios 
That thou art sitter that thou art arrangement* 

with God 



naparin.o-'k 
that thou art my Father 
tion on. 



naparumno'icturiD-am 
that thou art thy observa- 



ku.ami.dor 
Then there from 
cleanse 



napubaivatuda- 'giuna 
that thou hither already us wilt* 



hidi 



this 



natopkivoi'nok 

that we also soon journey 

napopkitma-'kiM gogucdara 
that thou also soon us giving succor. Then> 

thou hither* 



maindam 
petate on 

kupibai- 



iD-agiuna 
us wilt cleanse 



hoga 
that 



navaricda* 'dikam 
that is health 



navarumokaDwo'ta' 
that is thy shadow beneath 
wilt send 

natapovabo'iya hoga 
that we already will carry 



that thou hither us* 

navaricho'pitkam 
that which is cold 



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navarumno'nov.aM kudikot pictutha-'gicda 
which are thy hands in. Then this with thou us* 
wilt pardon 

porke nataric.i"korak'am 

because that we are vile. 

ku.hidi.homadakamho'ko't apihra^'giD'a 

Then this formation with thou us wilt send 

navargo 'gucdara 
which is thy succor. 



amen 
Amen. 

NOTE 



This prayer is merely one of several modes 
of casting spells of witchery, the others not 
entailing the use of any set prayer and savor- 
ing more of European custom. Even this, 
however, is of dubious authenticity as its 
resemblance to Christian philosophy is only 
too evident. In fact it was given in order to 
prove to me the lack of antagonism between 
the old Tepecano religion and Catholicism 
and was entitled the "Creed." I have great 
suspicion that it was created to suit the 
occasion, like no. 18. It was originally said 
to be a prayer to beg permission to enter 
a sacred spot but my principal informant 
pronounced it to be a prayer to bewitch. 

It is recited at midnight when the one 
whom it is desired to bewitch is asleep, and 
is addressed to the pagan idols (cidudkam) 
and the Christian cross. A fast is likewise 
enjoined. Then the supplicant goes to the 
cemetery and lights a wax candle and buries 
there a figure he has made in representation 
of the hated one. It is buried at the foot of 
the cross and a prayer said entreating the 
death of the individual. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail ! thou who art my Father, my Mother, 
and my Morning Star who art seated afar 
in the heavens. Here on thy earth thou art 
powerful, art dear. We are thy children. 
From afar where alone thou wast formed 
thou didst come to cleanse us. Here thou 
didst choose Mary, the Mother of us who 
suffer here beneath thee. Thou didst purify 



us. From hence thou didst arise alone, 
thou didst lay thyself on thy cross and die. 
There thou didst descend into thy grave, 
into the darkness for three days. Afar thou 
didst appear among the dead. 

From here thou didst behold Him who is 
in heaven. Thou art seated with the chosen, 
God, who art my Father, which is thy thought. 
From there thou wilt send purification to 
us who also journey through this world, and 
give us succor. Thou wilt come to cleanse us 
with the health which is beneath thy shadow; 
thou wilt send us the cold which is in thy 
hand that we may lay hold upon it. With 
this thou wilt pardon us, for we are vile. 
With this formula thou wilt send us thy 
succor. Amen. 



27. TO CURE FROM WITCHCRAFT 

adio's inda't inci'u'k 

To God, my Mother, my Morning Star. 

anipumta-'nim hagicdara kovi'- 

I thee am begging pardon that- 

to'k'owumbfiya ganavarict6n'kam 

above itself will take that which is heat. 

avi'pubointo'k'da gano'vit ganci'u'k 

He hither me will stretch that his hand, he< 

my Morning Star 

ci"arw6'taho napua'Vgidic koVixfi'pria 
east beneath there that he is formed. Then* 

will recover 

hidick6'ok'am ati'piho.va'.amha'G 

this sick one. It if anywhere already self lacks 

komi'pu.hfvo'i's kuaviamiputu'ik-a 

that they bewitch. Then not thus shall be. 

icx6''pitkam6ko't a'pi.ida-'giunida ho'ga 
Cold with thou wilt go cleansing that 

namarumu.umihoko't ha'vanava'ricta 

that they are thy ceremonial arrows with, and which* 
is white 

amka'varik&ko't 1 ku.ga"gura.ha'pi'mi.- 

your 1 chimal with. Then aside to, ye 

1 The change from second person singular to plural 
is rather inexplicable here. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



iir'rnida 

will go repulsing 



ganavarick6k'dakam 
that which is sickness. 



kuni'puamtan ha'gicdara naparinda't 
Then I you beg pardon that thou art my= 

Mother, 



in.6'k' 
my Father. 



kua'nibi'aka 
Then I will have 



masp6de~r 
more power 



Jb'm'ho'ganahivo'is kupi'mianva - 'kda 

than even he who is bewitching. Then ye not will give 

li-se-'nsia ku'pix6.puita-"riwa'da 

that anywhere us small shall make 



permission 

hidicto'nkam6kot 
this heat with. 



hoganavarinciu'c 
He who is our Morning Star 



avi'pubo.in.da'giunihida kuvia'mina'p.hak'- 
he hither me will come cleansing that not in me back* 



go cia 
will fall 



gact6nkam 
that heat. 



hidi 
This 



na'varinu'umi.hoko ni'puns6sbida 

which are my ceremonial arrows with I me will go 
protecting. 

kuvia'mindam.ha'ctuacumdunia konkih&p.i 
Then not over me anything itself will make. With= 
which thus is. 

pima'tok piminka'ok kudio's.pdcam- 
Ye know. Ye me hear. Then God ye 

6'ra'dak'am 
withinness. 

NOTE 

When a man is ill and suspects witchcraft 
he sends for a doctor of reputation. The 
latter bathes and fasts seven days. It is 
revealed to him in his dreams and later veri- 
fied by examination of the patient whether 
he is sickened by will of God, by a chan, by 
disembodied spirits, or by witchcraft. Knead- 
ing and squeezing the joints is one of the cri- 
teria, sucking being another, the drawing of 
blood being a certain sign of witchcraft. 

Having assured himself of the cause, the 
doctor brings his ceremonial arrows and other 
paraphernalia. First three arrows are placed 
around the patient's head and another at 



his feet, stuck in the ground. The one to 
the left of the head is then raised and carried 
to the foot and these two are lifted, one in 
either hand, and pointed in turn to the east, 
north, west, south and zenith, the prayer 
being repeated five times, once to each direc- 
tion. Then the five ceremonial circuits are 
performed around the sick man and he is 
sucked vigorously. The arrows are then re- 
placed, two at the head and two at the feet. 
The doctor stands at the foot, then goes to 
the right and performs the sucking operation 
again. He then goes to the patient's head 
and spits in his hand to note the result of 
the sucking treatment. This is repeated five 
times on different parts of the body, each 
time returning to the sick man's head by 
a counter-clockwise direction. Usually some 
tangible object is extracted by these means. 
To finish the treatment the doctor seizes all 
four arrows, two in either hand, and circles 
them over the patient to purify him. The 
treatment is repeated every three days for 
five times and is said to be generally effica- 
cious. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail ! my Mother, my Morning Star. I be- 
seech thee that this heat may take itself hence. 
My Morning Star must stretch unto me his 
hand from beneath the east where he be- 
longeth. Then shall this invalid recover. 
Mayhap something is lacking that thus they 
bewitch him. But it must not be so. Thou 
wilt cleanse him with the cold and with thy ar- 
rows; with your white chimal will ye cast aside 
the pestilence. Therefore do I implore you, 
my Lord and my Lady. I must have more 
power than even he who is bewitching. Ye 
will not allow him to molest us with this 
heat. Our Morning Star will come to cleanse 
me that this heat may not return unto me. 
With my arrows will I shield myself, that no 
ill may befall me. So be it! Know ye it 
and hear me! 

May God bless you. 



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28. TO SOW THE CORN 

adio's naparin.o'G naparinsir'sbidao 
To God, that thou art my Father, that thou* 

art my Protector, 

inci'u'c tunha'giciD a'nitsapita'.puto.o'f 
my Morning Star. Me pardon I did say* 

almost sowed. 



ku'ni.i'ni.puciwa''k 
Then I here scatter 



ganavarurrvar 
she who is thy child 



napitpubo'iho't natpu.i'ni.ma'ciR 

that thou didst hither send that she did here appear 

hi'di navarictodo unvai'nikdam 

this that is green thy petate on. 

hi'koM na.oimor navarici'vgok 

Cloud that wanders which are seven 

o'hi to'tvak.wo'pta pina'pui'ciko'kwa 

beautiful skies beneath where that she will rest 



na pu.ivir snia 
that she will arise 



hoga 
that 



a'ra'k 
creature 



uv napumto'tok na'varuma'R 

female that she is called that is thy child. 

kuha'pu.pi'cop ti'cumta'n ha'gicdara 
Then thus also we thee beg pardon 

naparin.cv'k naparinda-'t naparin- 

that thou art my Father, that thou art my 

Mother, that thou art my. 

su'sbidat inci'u'k napu.uma'r'gio 

Protector, my Morning Star that is formed 

ci'a'rwo't'ahowan napitpuboi.hcr't 

east beneath there that thou didst hither send 

ga'nrar kuti'pubo'idu'via is'o'soigim 
that thy child. Then did hither arrive weeping 

hi'di oi'dadam para 

this world on in order 

na'puitgo'gucio-a para natpukada 

tb.at she us will succor in order that we shall eat 

natga'mton6idida hidi 6idadam 

that we will go beholding this world on 

i-'ntaM natpumo-rirrok hiditukip.sa-'git 
here that we run this darkness within 

i-ntaM natpuv6i.nuG hi'di oi'dadam 
here that we journey this world on. 



kotipunra-'tuD kuti'pu.i'ni.cito.o'cia 

Then we thee cause to know that we here will sow 

na-'kutnii-kda ho'ga na'varunraR 

to see if we will guard she who is thy child. 

kupia'mago < kipt6n6nikda pi'cpuboirrto'k'da 
Then thou not to two sides wilt look, thou hither* 
me wilt stretch 

ganavarumn6v pa'ra nanha'bantundagimoD 
that which is thy hand in order that I in* 

it myself may seize 

gamtonoidida wo'c o'rasa"ba 

will go beholding all hours in. 

konkihap.l ni'cpunva'tut naparin- 

With which thus is. I thee cause to know that, 
thou art my 

su'spidat inci'u'k ino'G kunki'.hap.f 
Protector, my Morning Star, my 

Father. With which thus is. 

<&0s.p6cambi'ak - a 
God bless you. 

NOTE 

After the first heavy rain in June the corn 
is planted. A fast of five days and a purify- 
ing bath are the primary requisites. After 
this has been undergone small beads and a 
jicara of pinole mixed with water are prepared. 
The beads are placed in the four corners and 
in the center of the field to prevent injury by 
crows and other animals. The pinole water 
is then sprinkled to the four cardinal points 
and the prayer is recited while facing east. 
The pinole serves to prepare the soil for the 
reception of the kernels. The corn may then 
be planted but the kernels taken from the 
twin ears, the Milpa Cuata, must be planted 
first. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art my Lord, my Guide 
and my Morning Star. Forgive me because 
I am about to sow. Here am I scattering 
thy daughter whom thou didst send hither 
to appear on this thy green carpet. The 
cloud wanders beneath the seven beautiful 
heavens where she will come to rest, where 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



133 



will spring up the maiden who is thy child. 
Likewise do we beg forgiveness of thee, my 
Father and Mother, my Guide and Morning 
Star, who dwellest beneath the east whence 
thou didst send thy child hither. Here did 
she arrive in this world weeping, to succor 
us that we might have food and might go 
beholding where now we grope in darkness, 
journeying through the world. We say unto 
thee that we will sow here, if perchance we 
may guard well thy daughter. Do not look 
askance; thou must reach me thy hand that 
I may be held in it and go beholding through 
all hours. Thus do I say unto thee who art 
my Lord, my Guide and Morning Star. 
So be it. 

May God bless you. 



29. TO REAP THE MILPA CUATA 

adiu's a'raG' uv na'pumto'tok 

To God, creature female that thou art* 

called. 

a v nih6 napuo'idak hacnaci'diidu 

Hereabouts that thou belongest thus that* 

hoards 

ci'korho'wan navarci'arwo't'a 

vicinity there. That is east beneath 

amohodor natpubo'imho''t ganavarum.o'k' 
there from that did hither thee send he that* 

is thy Father 

navarumna'na. 1 kuha'pu.6p - ati'ctan 
that is thy Mother. 1 Then thus also we beg 

ha'gicdara babarip'kaM pixo' 

pardon North One where 

napua-'rgidic kupi'pugamihi'mia pixo' 
that thou art formed. Then thou wilt go where 

nanumbo'k'ta kupi 1 puga'minka''hida 

that I thee shall carry. Then thou me wilt go hearing 

hoga navarumu"umi.h6ko'D na'pu.- 

that which are thy ceremonial arrows with that* 

a-'rgidic hapu.pic&'p navarxu'rnipkam 
thou art formed. Thus also that is West One, 

1 nana, MAMA, childish word for mother. 



hu'huktio't 
Pine-Man 



na'pumto'tok 
that is called. 



kuha'pu.- 
Then thus* 



p'i'cS'p' ti'ctan ha'gicdara 

also we beg pardon 

ganavaro'gaD navardo"uD kutia'mi- 

he that is her Father that is her Mother. Then* 

pixo'panrn'da kuti'noixra pono'gitn6v 
we not anywhere will maltreat. Then we will watch* 
her like our hand. 



kuha'pu.pi'c6'p' 
Then thus also 

hoganavaricta' 
that which is white 

napumt&tok 
that is called 



ati'ctan 
we beg 

tO'Vorip 
star 

o-'gipa 
south 



ha'gicdara 
pardon 

cidu'kam 
fetish 



ganavarma'rat 
she that is his child. 



amohft 
there 

ku- 
Then* 



ganavanr'gat 
he who is her Father 



natpuma'cir 
that did appear 

ti'cputa-n ha'gicdara 
we beg pardon 

havaganavardo'.UD kuti'pugama'hi aniho' 
and she who is her Mother. Then did already go here- 
abouts 

ci'korho'wan avi'puva'nidk'im ku- 

vicinity there she already speaking. Then* 

ha'pu.puicfi'p' ti'pumoVadu'via aniho' 
thus also did hence already arrive hereabouts 

O''im6rim6k ci'korho'van sa'kimoo 

having walked vicinity there having wept 

pumo'vadu'via navaro - 'gatvwi puva'- 
hence already arrive who is her Father with already* 

'a'G kumi'pupa'ro'n ganamarmamraD 
tell that they maltreat they who* 

are his children. 

kugSku aticpugomhowan 2 kuti'puin6r 
Then therefore she did away.* Then did return 

navaro' 'gat.wi a'bimohSwan pix&' 

that is her Father with afar there where 

navarci'vgok 6'hi 

that are seven beautiful 



na'tpuku'gao 
that she did finish 



to'tvakdam pixo' 
skies on where 

her Father. 



napuda' ga.o - 'gat 
that is seated he* 



* Verbal in form but with locative in place of verbal 
stem. 



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koha'pu.pwi'co-p- ati'cta'n ha'gicdara 
Then thus also we beg pardon; 

ti'punva'k ganavaritni'o'k kutiamipiho'- 
we thee give that which is our word that we 

not anywhere will* 

paro-nda kuica-'pti'moto'kia konkip\a*m- 
maltreat that well we hence will place. With 

which thou not 

bi'aka napiho'.soi'mo'riD-a pia'm.- 

wilt need that thou anywhere sad wilt 

feel. Thou not 

ago'kiptono'nikda sa"rak napumtotok 
to two places wilt look Milpa Cuata that- 

thou art called 

napara'rak.uv amoho'dor na'punio'kim 
that thou art creature female. There from that- 
thou speaking 

umhi'kom.orhodor hi'di navaricto'do 
thy cloud within this that is green 

mai'ndam na'pitpurrra'cir kupictunha'gicda 
petate on that thou didst appear. Then 

thou me wilt pardon 

piho' nant6'nim6r.i'civo'mikda kupia'm- 
anywhere that I unbidden will raise. Then thou- 

bi'aka napiho'soi'mo'ri'da kugoku 

not wilt need that thou anywhere sad wilt- 

feel. Then therefore 

ni'pumtan ha-gicdara konki.dios.- 

I thee beg pardon. With which God 

pocambi'aka 

you will sympathize. 

NOTE 

When the corn is ripe and the harvest time 
has come, the owner of the field goes forth 
and reaps all the ordinary ears of corn. But 
the Milpas Cuatas, the corn plants with a 
forked stem and two ears, are left standing 
after the others have been gathered. Then 
the field is encircled with ceremonial circuits 
as many times as there are Cuatas within 
and the following prayer is recited. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art called Maiden. Round 
about us art thou met! From beneath the 



east did thy Father and Mother send thee 
hither. Likewise do we beseech him of the 
North where thou belongest. Thou must 
accompany me wherever I may carry thee. 
Thou must harken unto me, formed as thou 
art with thy arrows. And also he of the West 
who is called the Pine-Man. We promise her 
Father and her Mother that we will not 
maltreat her; we will guard her like our 
own hand. Likewise do we beseech him who 
is called the White Star Cidukam who be- 
longeth in the south where appeareth the 
child of the Father. We beseech her Father 
and her Mother. 

Hereabouts did she walk, bemoaning. Then, 
having wandered and wept here she returned 
unto her Father and told him that his children 
had mistreated her. Therefore did she depart ; 
she returned unto her Father and arrived 
there afar where he is seated in the seven 
beautiful heavens. 1 

Thus do we pray. We give thee our word 
that we will not mistreat her, that we will 
guard her well. Thou needst not feel offended. 
Nor look askance, Milpa Cuata, as thou art 
called, maiden. Speaking from within thy 
distant cloud thou didst appear on this 
green carpet. Thou wilt forgive me if, un- 
bidden, I reap. Do not feel sad; on this 
account I beg thy pardon. 

May God bless you. 

30. TO BEG PERMISSION TO HUNT DEER 

anicbo'himdaD to"nimor puamta'nim 
I hither coming was unbidden you begging 

ho'gam namaramso'soik' aniho'van 

they that they are your pets. Hereabouts 

hoga namarictu'tu'k' 

that that they are black 

6i'dak-.a"ba su'suimar nampumto'tok' 
hills in deer that they are called 



nampu.oi po 
that they walk 



hoga 

that 



navaricto'doc 
that is green 



amai'nikdam 
your petate on. 



1 Cf. JAFL, xxvii, 155. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



135 



aniho nampua' 'rgidic hacnaci'dud'u 

Hereabouts that they belong thus that hoards. 

kuha'pu.pwico'p a'nicho'hi napim- 

Then thus also I desire that ye* 

xo'mai.intane''tiD'a navarci'vgo-k 1 o - 'xi 
one me will lend that is seven beautiful 

xi'komorh&van nampu6ip'u ku- 

cloud within that they walk. Then* 

xa'pu.pwi'co'p ani'camtan ha-'gicdara 
thus also I you beg pardon. 

kupi'mipuma-'tohi gamrnka - 'hida 

Then ye know me will go hearing 

ganavarxo'por na'mpuaniho'.mo'riirok' 

they which are winds. That they hereabouts run 

hoga navaricto'dok' amai'nikdaM 

that which is green their petate on 

na'mpuaniho.soi'ma'ma'c hacnaci'dudu 

that they hereabouts sad appear thus that hoards. 

hoga navarakai"k - oraG navarinsu'ssidat 
That which is their master who is my* 

Protector, 

inci'u'k in.o-'k' kunicpurrratirt 

my Morning Star, my Father. Then I cause* 

to know 

hidi ho'maD ni'.o-k nampuha'ban.- 
this one word that they in it* 

a'rgidic namaramso'soi'k'am nampum- 
are formed that they are your pets that they* 

to'tok /feow/h'ha'p.ma'toD inka'uk tun- 
are called. With which thus know; me hear, me* 

ha'gicit 
pardon. 

NOTE 

The deer is the animal of consummate 
importance in all the religions of the Tepecano 
region 1 and around it center many ceremonies 
and rites. 

When a man desires to hunt deer, which 
is a requisite for certain ceremonies, he com- 
mences a fast of seven days. On the first 

1 Cf. Lumholtz, Symbolism, p. 22. 

! Nahua otlatl, the base of a reed with branching 
roots which are trimmed and decorated to represent 
the head of a deer. Cf. Lumholtz, Symbolism, p. 51. 



day he goes to the Cerro del Cantaro with 
an otate 2 decorated with beads, to resemble 
the head of a deer, a jicara decorated with 
beads, and a chimal of pure white cotton. 
The otates have the same name and spirit as 
a deer and are made with green beads for 
the eyes. But if no otate is available a figure 
of a deer may be made of clay or wax and 
used instead. At the Cerro del Cantaro the 
supplicant leaves his offerings and recites the 
prayer. 

The following day he hunts to the east, 
the third day to the north, the fourth to the 
west and the fifth to the south. Thereafter 
he may hunt where he wishes as long as he 
desires. But the first deer secured must be 
entirely distributed among the others; he 
may not touch it. Candles must be made of 
the fat and he must light one and put it 
in his house before setting forth again. This 
is for the spirits. 3 

For the Fiesta of the Milpa Cuata the deer 
of which the chuales 4 are made must be 
caught in a snare and cooked whole, head and 
all. 

TRANSLATION 

Unbidden have I come hither, craving 
your pets which wander about in the dark 
hills, the deer as they are called hereabouts 
on your green carpet where they belong. I 
ask that ye lend me one of these which 
wander in the seven beautiful clouds. Like- 
wise do I beg your forgiveness. Ye should 
know that they may hear me in the winds, 
running about on their green carpet where 
mournfully they appear. Their Master is my 
Lord, my Guide, my Morning Star. I will 
speak unto him the one word with which were 
created these which are called your pets. 
Know it; hear me and pardon me. 

'Uncertain whether the spirits of the deer or 
whether disembodied or unembodied anthropomorphic 
spirits. 

4 Nahua chualli, a mush made of pinole and finely 
chopped meat, cooked in corn husk; practically equiva- 
lent to tamale. 



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31. TO RID THE RANCH OF SCORPIONS 

adio's naparinci'u'k- apipubo.in - 6idida 
To God, that thou art my Morning Star. Thou 
hither me wilt come watching, 

kuya'm.inda'mactuacumwa-'da di aniho 
that not over me anything itself will make of here- 
abouts 

namputuldk-io hi'di oi'da.daM 

that they live this world on 

namictoko.u-t aniho' namputuoipu 

that they vicious hereabouts that they walk 

namarna'na'skor kuha'pu.pui'c6-p 

that they are scorpions. Then thus also 

ni'cata'n ha-gicdara ku'mimomir'iTnka 
1 them beg pardon that they hence selves- 

will take 

pixo' nania'mano'noikda ga"gu-rahu'wan 
where that I not them will see aside there 

pixo' nampuoidaG aniamho-'hi 

where that they belong. I not wish 

nan.i'ntaM.ano'noikda piho' nanoi'mor 
that I here them will see where that I walk. 

kuhapu.pwicft-p ni'canvatuo ganavar- 
Then thus also I them cause to know that- 

ci'vgo'k o-'hi to'tvakwo'p'ta 

which is seven beautiful skies beneath 

nampua'r'gidic kumi'momu'riivka porki 
that they form that they hence selves will take be- 
cause 

niti'.anato ani'tuako'k'daD-a kuni'pu- 
I if here them see I them will sicken. Then. 

ma-'tuo ganci'u'k kui'bu.intok'da 

I cause to know that my Morning Star, that< 
hither me will extend 



gano V1D 
that his hand 



para nawo-'c.oVa5.a'b- 

in order that he in all hours* 



irru'k'dida kumia'm.piho'.tunko'k-datuD'a 

me will go guarding Then they not any- 
where me will sicken 

ganamarictuk6'dam kugo'kuni'puta'N 

they which are vicious ones. Then therefore I beg 

ha-gicdara ganci'u'c kuvi'.aha"pud'a 

pardon he my Morning Star that them will restrain 



ganampuanihopukikio 
they which hereabouts live 



hidioi'daga'ba 
this hill in 



namarhipitpak 1 
that they are spiders, 



namarnana'skor 
that they are scorpions, 

namark6k - o ha'ctunampu.i'ntampukikio 

that they are snakes, any that they here reside. 

kumi'.momir'rna ganavaricto'doG 

Then they hence selves will take that which is green 

ma-'inikwo't'a kuniamho-'hi 

petate beneath. Then I not wish 

nanano'noik-da konki'hapi nicma-tut 
that I them will see. With which thus is, I cause, 
to know 



ganavarinci'u'k 

he that is my Morning Star. 



tunha-'gicio 
Me pardon 

naparinci'u'k' naparinda-'o in.o-'k 

that thou art my Morning Star, that thou art my 
Mother, my Father. 

NOTE 

This prayer is recited by a man when he 
goes to a new locality to build his house and 
make his home. It has the power to drive 
away the scorpions, snakes, spiders, and other 
poisonous insects and animals. 

He must first fast for five days and prepare 
a jicara of pinole mixed in water or of holy 
water. This jicara is decorated with small 
beads. At the end of the fast it is placed in 
the center of the holding and the water 
sprinkled to the four cardinal points while 
the prayer is recited. The latter is addressed 
to the Morning Star, the arch-enemy of the 
scorpions who are the cattle of the Devil. 
The principal scorpion is in the sky; 1 those 
on earth are smaller copies of it. 

The prayer must be repeated every year 
if the scorpions are to be kept under control. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art my Morning Star. 
Thou wilt come to watch over me that no 
evil may come upon me from those who dwell 

1 Probably borrowed from the European zodiac. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



137 



hereabouts upon the earth, the poisonous 
scorpions which here wander. 

Likewise do I beseech them that they 
take themselves hence where I may not be- 
hold them, away where they belong. I do 
not wish to see them hereabouts where I 
walk. Also do I give them to know, formed 
as they are beneath the seven beautiful 
heavens, that they must take themselves 
hence, for if I behold them hereabouts I will 
sicken them. 

Also do I beseech my Morning Star that 
he reach unto me his hand to shield me 
through all hours. Then will these poisonous 
ones not sicken me. Therefore do I beseech 
him, my Morning Star, that he restrain them 
who live in this hill, the scorpions, the spiders, 
the serpents, and all those who here dwell. 
They must take themselves beneath the 
green carpet, for I do not wish to behold 
them. 

Thus do I say unto my Morning Star. 
Forgive me, my Morning Star, my Lord and 
my Lady. 



32. TO OBTAIN A SERPENT PROTECTOR 

adiu's naparin.Q-'k naparinda - 'D 

To God that thou art my Father, that thou* 

art my Mother. 

pimi'tunha'gicda kuni v da'gia hi'di ko 
Ye me will pardon that I will seize this snake 

i'ntaM na'nitpuvat6 ku'nibo'k'ta 

here that I did already find. That I will carry 

inki'amha para natun-uk'turio-a 

my home to in order that he for me will guard. 

hi'di navarictodo ama'inikdam 

This that is green your petate on 

napuoidak napuma'r'git hacnaci'diidu 
that he belongs that he is formed as that hoards 

napu.i'ntam napumvap'an kuvin.oida 
that he here that he is stretched out. Then me will* 
accompany 

piho nanpunxopit inki'a-m napumtotok 
where that I me rest, my home that it is called 



para natun-ukturio-a ha'ctunanpiho'dakta 
in order that he for me will guard anything that* 
I anywhere will leave 

piho'van a'npusoi"ma - c hi'di oi'dada'm 
where I sad appear this world on. 

kuha'pu.o'p- ani'ctanim ha'gicdara 

Then thus also I am begging pardon 

hidi navarictodo mai'nikdam piho 
this that is green petate on where 



nanpusoi mac 
that I sad appear 

to'tvakwo'pta 
skies beneath. 



navarci'vgo'k 
that is seven 



kuhi'di 
Then this 



ohi 
beautiful 

ko 

snake 



aviamipihoin6'p'kioD - a 

he not anywhere me will frighten. 



kuni'puta'n 
Then I beg 



hagicdara kuvi'.mom.u'rin-ka pixo 

pardon that he hence self will shelve where 



nanda'k'ta 
that I will leave. 



kuviamiadak' taka 
Then not them will leave 



nampih6tunha - 'niD'a ganha'haxdun 

that they anywhere me will meddle that my relations, 

kumiamha'ctupixo.inbo'boitciD'a kuvi'.a- 
that they not anything anywhere me will steal. Then* 

wu'pu'rda amti'piho'.hactucinvwfdrcdam 
he them will tie they if anywhere anything me* 

with wish to take. 



kuvia'mi.ada'k'taka 
Then not them will leave. 



goko ni'puta'n 

Therefore I beg 

favo-r kuvi'n.ofda inki'amha' 

favor that me will accompany my home to. 

kuhapu.o'p- nicmatuD gan.Q-'G' 

Then thus also I cause to know that my* 

Father, 

inda - 't nampunma'kim lisensia hi'di 
my Mother, that they me give permission this 

oi'dadam na'npugamtonoidim hidi 

world on that I going beholding this 

go'k va'ik t6no - r nanitpua"- 

two three sun that I did already* 

cima-cit kuhapu.&'p- avi'pkindak-ta 

appear that thus also he also yet me* 

will leave 



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VOL. I 



hidi 

this 



gok 
two 



vaik 
three 



t6noT 
sun 



nani'pkicihilruirda 
that I also yet will set. 

inka'ok dios 



&o/b' < hap.mat6k' 
With which thus know; 

pocumvi'ak'a 



me hear. God thee will sympathize. 

NOTE 

Large constrictor serpents are said to live 
in the forests of the Sierra Madre Occidental 
above Azqueltan and these are claimed to 
make excellent pets and house guardians. 1 
If properly approached they will accompany 
the finder to his house and guard it for him. 
They give notice of danger by striking the 
ground with the tail and bind and hold 
any one who may come with intent to rob. 
If the owner is asleep they strike him in the 
face with the tail to awaken him. But they 
must be given bread to eat every Thursday 
if they are to remain content. 

When a man wishes to secure one of them 
he first buys a candle and begs permission 
of Maria Santisima in the church. Then 
he takes a white cloth with which to bind 
the snake and hunts to the four cardinal 
points. When he has found it he recites 
this prayer. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Father and my Mother. For- 
give me if I carry hence this serpent which 
I have found here. I will carry him to my 
house that he may be my guard. On this 
your green carpet where he belongeth was 
formed he who lieth here. He must go with 
me to where I rest, my home as it is called, 
to keep watch for me over anything which 
I may leave wherever I do mournfully appear 
in this world. 

Thus do I pray here where I do sadly 
appear on this green carpet beneath the 
seven beautiful heavens. This serpent must 
not frighten me. I beg that he may stay 
hidden wherever I may put him. He must 

1 Cf. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, II, p. 124. 



not allow my neighbors to meddle anywhere 
nor to steal from me. He must wrap himself 
around them if they come to rob me of any- 
thing. He shall not permit them. Therefore 
do I ask the favor that he accompany me 
to my home. 

Likewise do I say unto my Father and my 
Mother who have given me leave to go be- 
holding in this world these few days which 
have dawned, that they shall still allow me 
yet a few days which shall yet come to a close. 

Know it to be thus and hear me! May 
God bless thee. 



33. TO BEG RICHES OF THE TOLOACHE 

adio's na'parino/'G' na'parinda''D 

To God that thou art my Father, that thou art* 
my Mother. 

pi'tunha'gicda ku.a - 'ni.a'nsapiwi -< nartun - - 
Thou me wilt pardon that I, I say, to him me- 

ma'kia gako'frup- 2 a'niho' 

will give that Toloache ! hereabouts 

nampudadaR ganavargo'gur 

that they are seated that which are great 

to'hungio'am aniho' hasnaci'diidu 

rock-piles on hereabouts thus that hoards. 

kuni'puta'n'ia gago'guxdara 

Then I will beg that fortune 

ave'r.ti*nsokore''rota. ku'intane''tiD'a 

to see if me will succor. Then me will lend 

gago'gucdara go'kuni'puamtaN ha-'gicdara 
that fortune. Therefore I you beg pardon 

napimaringo"korak vo'puhimdam 

that ye are my manes before go on. 

kuhapu.p'icS'p ni'cta'n gahd'gicdara 

Then thus also I beg that pardon 

gako't'rup' kupimima'kia lise^'nsia anih6 
that Toloache. Then ye will give permission. Here- 
abouts 

nampudadaT ha'snaci'diidu ci'arwot'ahowan 
that they are seated thus that hoards east beneath' 
there 

2 Nahua toloatzin, Datura stramonium. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



139 



va - 'rvariB 
north 



hir'rniB 

west 



o-'gipa 
south. 



hidi'ko'D 
This with 



ga- 

that* 



iD'amohowan natpubo'ida'kta 

us over there that he did hither leave 

ba"maro''gat para ha'stu 

his father-in-law in order anything 

nat'a'ndao kuvi > putma - 'kda natar- 

that we might beg that he us will give that we 

ma-mrat gat.o-'k- kuvi'.putma-'kida 

are his children that our Father. Then he us= 

will go giving 

ha'snata-nida aniho' nampudadar 

thus that we will go begging. Hereabouts that* 

they are seated 

hacnaci'diidu ganavaricto'do ma''inic- 
thus that hoards that which is green petate* 

dam navarica'pma'cimka-t ichikmao 
on. That is well appearing spread out cloudy 

icva"irtaG navarahi'kom.or na'mpua'r'gidic 
drizzly which is their cloud within that* 

they form 

ganavargo'gur to'hongiD'am aniho' ci'ko-r 
that which is great rock-piles on hereabouts 

vicinity 

puha'kago'cim ba-'variB hu'rniB 

returning north west 

o - 'gipa hidi'ko't navaricto'doc 

south. This with which is green 

to'vaga'pa puva'kuG'atim hi'di 

sky in already finishing this 

ho'mat gcr'G vaik nf.o/k- 

one two three word 



natpuho'ko'tbo'i.a'r'gidic 
that he did with hither form 

kuti < cpuaw6 1 t - am6 - mgia 
Then we them beneath will bow 



hi'di 

this 



oi'dadam 
world on. 



O''hi 
beautiful 



to't'vakwot'a 
skies beneath 



gana'varci'vgok 
they which are seven 

piho'dor 
where from 



na'tpuboio-a'kta na'variD-a-D pa'ra 

that she did hither us leave that she is our* 

Mother in order 



natputan.daD 
that we should beg 



gako'tT'up 1 
that Toloache 



ha'stu- 

anything* 



naticho-'hidao kuvi'.put - ma''kida 

that we might wish. That he us will go giving 

ha'stunata - 'nda natarma'mraD na'tpupiho'- 
anything that we will beg that we are his children 

that we anywhere* 

soima.mac kuha'pu.pi'cop* ati'cta'n 

sad appear. Then thus also we beg 

ha-'gicdara ganavarinsu'sbidat inci'u'k 
pardon she that is my Protector, my Morning* 
Star, 

in.Q-'k inda - 't aniho' nampudada'r 
my Father my Mother hereabouts that they are* 
seated 

ganavarci'vgok o - 'hi 

they which are seven beautiful 

konkihap.i ma-'tok 

With which thus is; know, 



Then God thee will sympathize. 



to'tvakdam 

skies on. 

inka'ok 
me hear. 



NOTE 

The toloache is a plant of great power, 
being the son-in-law of the Father Sun. He 
attained this by reason of his marriage to 
the Corn Daughter. But he mistreated her 
by having two mistresses, Crow and Map- 
uache, and was fastened head-downward in 
the ground, his limbs outstretched and was 
commanded to give mortals whatever they 
might beg of him. 1 

It is said to have a thick trunk of nine 
inches diameter and no roots, growing on the 
bare rock. Its five branches extend to the 
cardinal points and to heaven. It is made 
of money and each one has a jicara full of 
coin in front of it. One may borrow this 
money and return it in five years time. But 
having done so, he may not attend confession. 
Or he may beg fortune which will later be 
vouchsafed to him. Needless to say, the 
toloache is an extremely rare plant in the 
Tepecano country. 

To beg fortune of the toloache one must 
first fast seven days for Maria Santfsima and 

1 Cf. JAFL, xxvii, 160. 



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go to church and recite this prayer to her to 
beg her permission. Then he fasts forty days 
for the toloache. He goes to the river and 
finds a black stone which has a child, a 
smaller black stone, beside it. These two 
he takes away, the smaller one for Maria 
Santisima, the larger one to pay the toloache. 
He also carries a bastdn decorated with cotton 
and a jicara decorated with beads. Going 
to the toloache, he recites this prayer and 
leaves the offerings there. Soon thereafter 
he attains great wealth. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail ! thou who art my Father and Mother. 
Thou wilt forgive me for I am about to 
give myself unto the Toloaches who are seated 
round about among the great rocks. I will 
beg fortune of one of them, if perchance he 
may succor me and lend me riches. 

Therefore do I beg your forgiveness, my 
spirits who have gone before. And likewise 
do I beg forgiveness of the Toloache; ye 
shall give me leave to do so. 

Round about are they seated in their places 
beneath the east, the north, the west and the 
south. There did their father-in-law who is 
above us put them that they should render 
unto us whatever we might crave, who are 
the children of the Father. They must give 
us whatever we ask. Round about are they 
seated on the verdant carpet. Within their 
drizzly cloud, beautifully o'ercast, were they 
formed, from whence they returned hither 
to the great rocky slopes to north, west and 
south. 

So doth ascend unto the blue heavens 
these few words with which he was created 
in this world. So do we bow our heads be- 
neath the seven beautiful heavens from 
whence our Mother sent us to beg of the 
Toloache whatever we might crave. He 
must grant us, the children of the Father, 
whatever we may wish, wherever we may 
appear. 



Likewise do we beg forgiveness of my Lord 
and my Lady, my Guide and Morning Star 
there where they are seated in the seven 
beautiful heavens. 

Know it to be thus and hear me! May 
God bless thee. 



34. TO BEG FORTUNE OF THE HILLS 

adio's naparin.o - 'G" naparinda'o 

To God that thou art my Father, that thou= 

art my Mother, 

aniho' napimpudada'r ci'kor 

hereabouts that ye are seated vicinity 

x6vwan ganaVaricapMa-'cim am- 

there that which is well appearing your 

a'tockardam navarichi'kmat.ka-D navaric- 
seat on which is cloudy, outspread which is 

va"u - tak anihft na'pimpudd.da'r 

drizzly. Hereabouts that ye are seated 

hasnaci'.dudu na'pimpubo'.it'noidim 

thus that hoards that ye hither us watching 

gana'varumbu'p'uivashftku't" navaram- 

those which are thy faces with which are= 

ka'k'varik navarumu"umi piho'dor 

your chimales. Which are thy ceremonial arrows 

wherefrom 

napu.iwa-N ganavarhfko'm ganavarci'vgo'k 
that it rises that which is cloud that which is* 

seven 

o - 'hi totvacwo'tadftr kuti'c.pu.amta-n 
beautiful skies beneath from. Then we= 

you beg 

ha-gicdara pih&dor na'pimitbo'.inid 

pardon where from that ye did hither speak 

gaci'vgo'k amni"o'kh5k'u't ha'p'u 

that seven your word with thus 

namita'paM.ho'k ha'pu hakia 

that they did already also you reply thus same 

ni'o-khfiko't kuna'mita'paMta lise-'nsia 
word with. Then that they did already also you 

begged permission 

para na'rnpu.itma'k'ia gaha'ctu 

in order that they us will give that anything 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



141 



natatanida gago'gtrcdara hastu 

that we them will go begging that succor anything 

naticho - 'hida hastu na'pustuhaitu 

that we will desire anything that it exists 

hi'di navaricto'doG amai'nikdam 

this which is green your petate on 

piho' natpusoi'mama'c napimaring&'- 
where that we sad appear. That ye are my* 

korak ti 'cam tan ha'gicdara 

spirits we you beg pardon. 

ku'pimi'tutha-gicda ti'cputo'maiamsa'kcit 
Then ye us will pardon. We continually to you weep 

ha-'cnapuci'dudu na'pimpuaniho'.dadar 

thus that hoards that ye hereabouts are seated 

na'pimaringo.korak ci"arwot'ah6 

that ye are my manes east beneath there 

napimpusoi.mama'c ba'varip hir'rnip 
that ye sad appear north west 



O- gipa 
south. 



koha'pu.pwic.op' 
Then thus also 



ni'camtan 
I you beg 

ha'gicdara ku'pimi'nma'kia lise~'nsia 
pardon that ye me will give permission 

nanpuavwi'tunma'kia gana'mpuaniho'tukio' 
that I with them me will give they who hereabouts* 
reside 



ganavarictutuk 
that which is black 



cr'hi ofdak-.a'ba 

beautiful hill in. 



kumia'mpiho'.cin'oi'da kuminma'kia 

Then they not anywhere me will ignore. Then they* 
me will give 

ha'ctunanpiho'.ata-nida ganiho 

anything that I anywhere them will beg. That* 

hereabouts 

namputukik'io ganavarci'vgcrk' cr'hi 
that they dwell that which is seven beautiful 

t6vakwop'ta piho'dor napimi'tpub6it'6k 
sky beneath where from that ye did hither* 

us extend 



ganaVarumn6v 
that which is thy hand 



na'titpuha'bantuD'a 
that we did in it us seized 



natitpua'ta gagogircdara ku- 

that we did begged that succor. Then* 



ha'pu.pwi'cop- ticamta-n ha'gicdara 

thus also we you beg pardon 

hiditakugumoko't' kuya'mha'ctu.iD-am.- 

this fragment with, that not anything over us* 

acumwa'da tia'mpiho'kdk'orda woe 

itself will make we not anywhere will sicken. All 

icxo'pitkamSkot pimi'pubo.iD'agiunida 

cold with ye hither us will go cleansing 

gana'varamu"umi.6k6't ganavaram- 

they which are your ceremonial arrows with those* 
which are your* 

ka'k'varik ganavaramcr'cvoD piho'dor 
chimales with those which are your plumes where* 
from 



konki\hap.i 
With which thus is; 

kupiminka-'ok 
that ye me hear 

konki \hap.f dios.- 



napuboi.hik'maD 
that it hither clouds up. 

ni'cpuama't'ut 
I you cause to know 

napimaring&korak 

that ye are my manes. With which thus is. God* 

pocamari 'dak- am 
you smallness. 

NOTE 

The surrounding hills or cerros are elements 
of the greatest importance in the religion 
of this region and the more important ones 
have their particular habitant spirits. These 
can grant wealth to mortals if properly ap- 
proached. The method displays a strange 
mixture of Christian and pagan philosophy 
but the prayer is purely aboriginal. 

When one has determined to sell himself 
to the hills in return for fortune he first 
fasts seven days for Maria Santisima. At 
midnight on the seventh day he goes to the 
church carrying a lighted twenty-five cent 
candle and says this prayer to sever his con- 
nection with the church. Then he rests 
several days, bathes himself and then fasts 
forty days. At the end of this fast he goes 
to one of the principal hills carrying a jicara 
decorated with small beads (chaquira) and 
many larger beads for payment. There he 
says the prayer again and leaves the offering. 



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From a neighboring spring he takes a gourd 
of water and carries it to his cornfield (codtnil) . 
Here he sprinkles it to the four corners and 
in the middle while reciting the prayer for 
the third time. After he has sown and reapt 
his crop he becomes very wealthy. He may 
not go to confession thenceforth and every 
fifth of May he must go to the hill to repeat 
his vows. Every fifth year he must repeat 
the fast and the visit to church. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! my Father and my Mother, seated 
somewhere on your pleasant throne, o'er- 
spread with drizzly clouds. From there where 
ye are seated do ye gaze upon us with your 
countenances, which are your chimales. From 
your arrows ariseth the cloud from beneath 
the seven beautiful heavens. We beg your 
forgiveness. From there did ye speak your 
seven words and they replied unto you with 
the same words. They besought you that 
they might grant us anything which we 
might crave of them, that they might succor 
us with anything we might wish upon this 
your green carpet where mournfully we 
appear. 

We also beg your forgiveness, my spirits. 
And ye will forgive us. Continually do we 
cry unto you, my spirits, seated there be- 
neath the east, the north, the west and the 
south, where ye do sadly appear. 

Likewise do I beseech you that ye grant 
me leave to give myself unto them who live 
hereabouts in the beautiful dark hill. They 
must not refuse me; they must give me 
whatever I may ask of them. Hereabouts 
do they dwell beneath the seven beautiful 
heavens whence ye did reach unto us your 
hand into which we were gathered when we 
begged succor. 

So with this fragment do we beseech you 
that no evil may come upon us and that we 
may not be sickened. W 7 ith all the cold will 
ye cleanse us; with your arrows, your 



chimales and your plumes whence spring the 
clouds. 

Thus do I give ye to know. Hear me, O 
my spirits! So be it. May God bless you. 



35. TO GAIN A SWEETHEART 

adio's naparmaiMda 1 ci"arwotaho 

To God that thou art the intoxicated ' one east* 
beneath there 

napu.a'rgidic napucmai'M ati'cumta'n 
that thou art formed that thou art intoxicated. We 
thee beg 

ha'gicdara navaric'i'vgo'k' 6hi 

pardon which are seven beautiful 

tfiwakwo'ta napu.oi'dok kupi'pu.- 

sky beneath that thou belongest. That thou 

ci'korhi'mia ho'ga na'varica'pmamcim 
about wilt go that which is well appearing 

um.a"rach6k-6't napua'r'gidic kuni 1 .- 
thy form with that thou art formed. Then ! 

pucho'hi kupi'.mai'muD'a hoga 

desire that thou wilt cause to be intoxicated that 

uv nanica'pnoio ica'pmimcim xio'cio 
woman whom I well see well appearing flower 



nanpuho'kota'rgidic 
that I with am formed. 



kuha'pi.pwic&'p 
Then thus also 



ni'ctan ha-'gicdara xio'ciktio"o 

I beg pardon Flower Man. 

ku'niho'ko.pua'Vgidic navaricap.mamcim 
Then I with am formed which is well appearing 

u - 'par 2 xio'cgi nanpuho'kokotuf 

guisache 1 flower that I with am decorated. 

kuvi'naptotu'gia hoga uv 

Then with me shall behold that woman 

nanica'pnoio kuni'pucho'hi na.ina'p- 

whom I good see. Then I desire that she with me* 

totu'gia kuvia'wa'5 homai 

shall behold. Then not more other 



xio'ci'k 
flower 



ica'pma''cka 
well shall appear 



mas 
more 



1 Intoxicated with peyote. 

* Nahua huisalzin, probably Pithecolobium albicans. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



143 



than 

rntam 
here 

avia'mbia'ka 
she not need 

xi'ociG 



ga.a'ni nanpuanhokokotui 

the I that I here with am decorated 



nanpusoi'ma'c 
that I sad appear. 

pixowan 
anywhere 

na.icapno'io-a 



kuha'pu.pi'cS.p 
Then thus also 

naxo'mai 
that she other 

mas 
more 



flower that she good shall behold 

di nanpuhokot.kutui ^avarsa'mar 

than that I with am decorated which is* 

palo mulato 1 

hio'cgi nanpuho'ko.a-'r'gidic 

flower that I with am formed. 

kuvi'cpuh6'gia.hogacapnoi"da kuhapu.- 

Then she only that well shall behold. Then thus* 

pwic& - p hoga navarho"oG'i'suriG2 

also that which is garambuHoi 

hio'cgi.hoko nanpuhokoDina'r'gio napu.- 
flower with that I with me form that she* 

a"rak ha'cnacidu'du hava 

form thus that hoards and 

ga.a'rak 3 hio'cikhoko nanpu.a'r'gidic 
that rosa maria? flower with that I am formed. 

kuni'pucho'hi kuvi'cinho'hida h6ga 

Then I desire that she me shall desire that 

uv nanica'pnoit gana'varici'vgok 

woman whom I well behold that which is seven 

o-'hi to'twak napua-'r.gidic 

beautiful skies that is formed. 

ci"arwo'fa na'tpumoho'ma'cir 
East beneath that she did there appear 

ma'mcim hiocig&ko't ko'tuik'am 

appearing flower with decoration 

natpubo'iho-D ganavar.o - 'gat hava 

that he did hither send he who is her father and 

navardo"6o navarica'pma'mcim a'rakhokot 
who is her mother which is well appearing form with 

kotui'k-am hapu.p'ic6'p ni'c.ta'n 

decoration. Thus also I beg 

hagicdara hoga navar6'gat hava 
pardon he who is her father and 

1 Possibly Xanthoxylum pentanome. 
1 Unidentified. 



ica p- 

welU 



navardu"uD kumi.tunha-gicda ku- 

who is her mother that they me will pardon. Then* 

vr'nwi.tunva'kia hoga uv 

with me self shall give that woman 

nanica'pnofD havaganavarkofrup 4 hio'cic- 
that I well behold. And that which is toloache* flower 

ho'k'o't nanpuho'kot.ko'tui kuhapu.- 

with that I with am decorated. Then thus 

pi'co'p kuni'pucho'hi kuvi'cinho'hida 
also that I desire that she me shall* 

desire 

hi'di u'v ha'vagana'varmai'mda 

this woman and she who is the intoxicated one 

uvikami napumtStok ganavari- 

womankind that she is called that which is* 

c'i'vgok o'hi towakwo't-a 

seven beautiful sky beneath 

napu.oi'dak kuha'pupi'c6 - p nictan 

that she belongs. Then thus also I beg 

ha-'gicdara ganavarhio'ciktio"t go'gur 
pardon he who is Flower Man great 

tiihungiD-am na'pu6idak konki'.hapi 
rock-piles on that he belongs. With 

which thus is; 

dios pocambi'ak'a 
God you will sympathize. 

NOTE 

This prayer is the native's substitute for 
the love potions of the European necromancer. 

When a boy desires the love of a girl who 
has given him no encouragement he must 
first fast five days. Then if he does not know 
the prayer he must secure the services of one 
who does, paying him for the labor. He has 
first stealthily secured some article of apparel 
worn by the girl. A figure or "doll" is made 
from this and another from one of his gar- 
ments. The latter is decorated with the 
flowers of five narcotic plants, guizache, palo 
mulato, garambullo, rosa maria and toloache. 

' Cannabis indica, "Indian hemp," "hashish " mari- 
guana. 

' Nahua toloatzin, Datura stramonium. 



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VOL. I 



At midnight, when the girl is asleep, a candle 
is lighted and the two figures placed in a 
jicara or bowl of water where they float. 
The prayer is then recited and a ceremonial 
song sung five times to the accompaniment 
of the musical bow. Five ceremonial circuits 
of the bowl are then made and the charm is 
complete. If the figures have floated to- 
gether, the prayer will be answered; if they 
have parted, the case is hopeless. 

The prayer is replete with allegory and 
ceremonial allusions. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail! thou who art called the Intoxicated 
Woman who wast created beneath the east, 
intoxicated. We beg thy forgiveness, thou 
that belongest beneath the seven beautiful 
heavens. Thou shalt return, formed as thou 
art with thy beauteous figure. I ask that 
thou wilt intoxicate the woman whom I crave, 
who am arrayed with pretty flowers. 

Likewise do I beseech the Flower Man. 
For I am arrayed with the pretty flower 
of guizache. She must look upon me, this 
woman whom I covet; I ask that she look 
upon me, that no other flower shall please 
her but the one with which I am arrayed, 
sadly appearing here. She must not crave 
another flower but that with which I am 
arrayed, the flower of palo mulato. This 
only shall she like. And likewise the flowers 
of rosa maria and garambullo of which I am 
made. I wish that she shall want me, this 
woman whom I crave, who was created be- 
neath the seven beautiful heavens. Beneath 
the east did she appear, arrayed with pretty 
flowers. Thence did her father and her 
mother send her, arrayed with her beauteous 
form. 

Likewise do I beseech her father and her 
mother that they forgive me. She must give 
herself unto me, this woman whom I covet. 
For I am arrayed with the flower of toloache. 
Therefore do I ask that this woman shall 
want me, and also she who is called the 



Intoxicated Woman who belongeth beneath 
the seven beautiful heavens. 

Thus do I beseech the Flower Man who 
dwelleth on the great rocky slopes. 

So be it. May God bless you. 



36. TO SECURE A BRIDE 

a'nicb6 - 'him a'piam.ha'pum.a-'gat i'nim6 
I hither come; thou not thus shouldst think here 

konticanboidu'viac to"nimor.va.umni'ok'iD 
that I did here hither have arrived unbidden* 

already to thee speak. 

hoga'k-6't api'ctunha'gicda 

that-with thou me wilt pardon 

porke na''numn6it na'psoi'ma'c 

because that I thee behold that thou sad* 

appearest. 

ku'hoga'kot anicto"nim6r.ba"umnio'k'it 

Then that-with I unbidden already thee speak. 

ku'animok.modQr namaivanioki dios 
Then afar-from that he hence already speaks God 

na'pua'ptuf ci'vgo'k' o-'hi to'tvak- 
that he is seven beautiful skies 



pero 
But 



dam 
on. 
create 



nava-rdo"6f 
who is her mother 

ci'vgo'k' 
seven 



abimo' natpuvaho'madi 1 

There that he 1 did already* 



O- 'gat- 
her father 

hi'kom&ra 
cloud within. 



h&ga 
that 

hoga 
That 



navaric.to'dok- o-'hi ha'vu.6ra 

which is green beautiful jicara within 

natpuho'mad'idak natpuhivisaptiik dS'u't- 
that he did form that he did hide carry her* 

mother 

o-'gat natpuaniho'vanra'ci'r ta'tpan 
her father. Then she did hereabouts appear in* 
the legs 

natpuvaso's'oigim natsa'sa kuamiho'dor 
that she did already sorrowing that she did* 

weep. Then there-from 

1 The parents seem to be generally spoken of in the 
singular number, inclusively. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



145 



na'tpuai'vavom 1 natpuva't'okohi 

that she 1 did already arise that she did already tread 

navarict6do cr'hi mai'nda'm 

which is green beautiful petate on. 

amiho'van natpuva.a - 'rgi ha'cmacimo'kot' 
There that she did already form any appear- 
ance with 



na'p-ua-"rak' 
that she form 



hoga 

that 



do"irf 

her mother 



O-'gat 
her father. 



ku.a'midor 
Then therefrom 



natpu.aivawo'mik 
that she did already* 



napuvatono'id'im hoga navarictuma'M 
that she already beholding that which is five 

hi'kom.or napubava.a-'rgidiM navaric.to'do 
cloud within that she hither already forming which* 
is green 

cr'hi hi'komagido'k'of natpugamivavomit 
beautiful his cloud with. That she did already* 
raise 

natpuvano'id'im h6ga ho"kia 

that she already beholding that so many 

ma'mciM hi'k-om orho'van 

appearances cloud within 

abiho'van na'pubava'sa-'kim sa'kumgid- 
there that she hither already sorrowing her tears* 

6"k6t - na'puida'giunim napugamamo'riT/gia 
with that she goes cleansing. That she will run 

hikom.orhu'van napubavama-'rgidida 

cloud within that she hither already self will go* 

forming 

ho'gactumaM ci'c.wordado"kof navar.- 
that five his plumes with who is her* 

cc'gat' ha'ban'd6r nabai'vaha - 'duG 
father which-from that hither already 

nabai'vaviV nabai'vahi'koma 

that hither already that hither already clouds up. 

kua'bimohodor hoga hi'kom.- 

Then there-from that cloud* 

'From here on, the reference of the third person 
singular is very equivocal. It seems to refer to the 
peregrinations of the girl before birth but may refer 
to the journey of the Word as, apparently, is the case 
in the very similar prayer, No. 2. 



o-rho'dor napubaiva'niok-im hog-a 

within-from that hither already goes speaking that 



navaric.da'dikam 
which is health 



hi'kom.orho'van 
cloud within 

na-pubavamho'git- ku.a'mimo'dur.- 

that hither already replies. Then there-from in two* 

go'kpaN.totu'gia napubavatuno'idim aric.- 
places will see that hither already beholding. Is* 

to'd'o o-'hi ba'hakorho'dor 

green beautiful broom within-from 

amiho napubavamo'rijjgim napubavam.- 
there that hither already comes running, that* 
hither already self* 

a - 'rgidiM aric.to'do 

is forming is green 

na-pubava'noidim 

That hither already watching 

avarica'pma-'ciMnaka-'t' 

it is well appearing outspread is ... 

aricvi-'ijgikam aricva"utaG'at 
is drizzly is* 

to'tgitna'ka't hoga na'varuma-'ing!at 
his green, outspread that which is his petate. 



hi'komho'ko't- 
cloud with. 

navaruma' 'ii/giat 
which is his petate 

ari-cha-'duk-am 



anc- 



ku.amiho'dor 
Then there-from 



napuivo' pmiD'a 
that will raise 



navanc.- 
which is 



da'dik'am navarva"u - tagit napu.ho'ko't- 
health which is his drizzle that he with* 

baivada'giuna naVarumarat a'midor 
hither already will cleanse who is his child. There- 
from 



avimivo'mikda 
she hence will arise 

gog'6r 
great 



napuho > ko't.uma''rgida 
that she with self will form 



o - 'hi 
beautiful 



va'hak'hoko't 
broom with. 



napuvatoto'gia aricto'do va'mor.o'r amiho' 
That she already will behold is green lake* 

within there 

napuvatono'idida amiho' napuvama - 'rgid - a 
that she already will go watching. There that* 
she already self will form 



to"do 
green 



O-'hi 
beautiful 



hi'komo'k-6't 
cloud with. 



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napuvatono'idida ci'koT va'mor 

that she already will go watching vicinity lake 

hu'gid'aM aric.a'pma'citnaka-'t i'ciam.- 
at shore is well appearing, outspread very 

puho'pgivi ha'ba'rrdor naB'oi- 

brilliant which-from which hither. 

hi'koma ha'ba'irdor nagamiwo'p-govi 
clouds up which-from which lightnings 

na'gamaictuma-'c hog'a hi'kom.- 

which appears that cloud 

orho'van kira'mi.dor na-var- 

within. Then there-from which is 

icda-'di va"trtagiDh6'koD a'vi.um- 

health his drizzle with she self 

a - 'rgida napubaivada'giuna ho'g'a 

will form that he hither already will cleanse that 

navar.a'ri'g'it amih&van na'p'uva'sa-'k'im 
which is his little one. There that she already 

goes weeping 

na'puga-'gim hoga navar- 

that she goes seeking that which is 

hoi"gurda - rgaD navaricto'do va'mor.fir 
her sadness which is green lake within. 

napugamivo'cnia napuvaton&idida h6g - a 
That she will depart that she already will go 

seeing that 

ci'k'OT totvakwo'pta a'nihfivan 

vicinity skies beneath. Hereabouts 

napubavako'hirrida ku.anihovan 

that she hither already will go treading then here- 

abouts 

ha'cnatpu.o-'imor navard&'irt o-'gaf 
as that she did walk which is her mother her father. 

kirhacmaciMh&'kot- natpuma-'rgida 1 ku- 
That what appearance with that she did self will- 

form, 1 then. 

ha'pu.ma-'ciM.hft'koD natpubia-'rgi nav- 
thus appearance with that she did hither form that> 

a'rma'raD a'ric.tumso'soi'gim sa'sa'Gsa'gi'D 
is her child is sad weeping between. 

amiho' napuvako' 'hinim napuva- 

There that she already treading that she already 

1 Probably incorrectly given; future suffix probably 
superfluous. 



ma'mciria aric.tfid'o cr'hi 

will appear is green beautiful 

hi'komorho'van napuva.uma"'rgida aric.- 
cloud within that she already will be formed is= 

to'do o-'hi so'so'p navartftio 

green beautiful bead which is his garment 

ho'ganavar.o'gao ku.a'mi.dor 

he that is her father. Then therefrom 

napuvaton6idida navar.va'viar o - 'hi 
that she already will go seeing which is gray beautiful 

to'vakwofa na'varic.a-'m va'viar o - 'hi 
sky beneath that is yellow gray beautiful 

mai'ngiD'am kuanihonapuvadu'via 

his petale on. Then hereabouts that she already 



navaruma-'rgida 
that she self will form 

navarci'cwo'd'adftk'of 
which are her plumes with. 



vaviar ohi 

gray beautiful 

ku.a'miho 
Then there 

napuatono'idida va'paviar cv'hi 

that already will go seeing gray beautiful 

vahak.6r na-puvaho'kodambo'himof 

broom within that she with hither having come 

va'paviar cr'hi navarci'cwodat 

gray beautiful which are her plumes 

nahftk'odamda'giuna ku.a'mih6van 

that she with self will cleanse. Then there-from 

natpuvawu'p-au navardfi'iro o-'gao 

that she did them equal! who is her mother, her* 
father. 



ha'c.macimho'kot 
What appearance with 

kupuma'ciMhfi'k'OD 
then appearance with 

nava'rma'raD 
who is his child. 



na'tpuvam.a-'rgi 
that she did already self form, 

avi'c.upa'Vak- 
he also forms 

kuamiho'dor 
Then there-from 



natpugamatono'idida 2 aric.tumaM o-'hi 
that she did will go seeing 1 is five beautiful 

hi'kom.6ra ku.a'mi'dor natpuvam.a-'rgi 
cloud within. Then there-from that she did* 

already self form 

1 Probably incorrectly given; future suffix probably 
superfluous. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



navar.va'paviar rr'hi hi'kom&k'b't 

which is gray beautiful cloud with. 

ku.a'mi'dor natgo'kpan.toto arici'koT 
Then there-from that she did in two places look is= 
vicinity 

navarto'tvagiD.wop'ta natpugamisa - 'ki 

which are his skies beneath. That she did* 

begin to weep 

arictumso'soi'gim sa'sagiansa'cit 

is sad her tears between 

napuvam&ri?7gim na'puva'm.a-'rgidim 

that she already goes running. That she already self* 
goes forming 

ho'kia ma'mciM hi'kom&'k'ot 

so many appearances cloud with. 

napuwatoto'gia ci'k'OT ma-'ingio-am 
That she already will look vicinity his* 

petate on 

napuvatono'idida hu'rnip- aric- 

that she already will go seeing west is* 

tu't'irk' cr'hi hi'komagido'k'OD' 

black beautiful his cloud with 

na'puvama-'rgida kua'mi ha'cnatuma-'rgi 
that she already will be formed. Then there as that* 
she was formed 

do'irt' cr'g'at' kupuma'ciMh6'k - 6t' 

her mother, her father, that appearance with 

avi'c.up-a''r'ak- kua'mi.dor natpui- 

she also form. Then there-from that he did* 

vo'pmic ho - 'ga aric.a'pma'mciM 

raise that is well appearing 

hi'kom8'k6t- natopkibaivada'giu 

cloud with that he did also now hither already 

cleanse 



natpuida'gio go'gucdara 
That he did send succor 

nathS'kodgami- 
that he did with* 



navaruma-'r'aG 1 
which is thy form. ' 

da'dik- hi'kom 

health cloud 

to-'vu'rtor navar.8rd-ak - am kuvi'pu'p-- 
increase which is inwardness. Then he thus also* 

kima - 'kim go'gucdara na'gamaipupkito- 
now giving succor which he thus also now 

1 Probably incorrect; apparently should be HER 

FORM. 



ko'hina hi'di a'tvacsa - 'giD ku\- 
will tread this altar between. Then 

amiho'van napuvatotu'g'ia na-varictiik- 
there that she already will see which is black 

o-'hi va'mor.fir amih8 na'p-uda 

beautiful lake within there that is seated 

navardfi'irt- o-gat- napuvamaida'- 

who is her mother her father. That he already* 

giunim navaricda'dik'aM u"irmigid5'k6D 
hence cleansing which is health his ceremonial' 
arrows with 

nagamiwi'cturda icko'kdakam rct6Nkam 
that he will repel sickness heat. 

ku.inim6 napuvam&rirrogim na'puvasa-'kin 
Then here that she already goes running that 
she already goes weeping 

naga'gimof h6g - a navarhoi'gurdargat 
that she went seeking that which is her sadness. 

ku.a'mi.dor nagamivo'mgia i'ctuma'M 
Then there-from that she will arise five 

hi'komagid&'kot na'pugama.iw6 - 'cnia 

his cloud with that she will depart. 

na'tpuvapno'idida 2 ci'ko'r va'mor.Sra 
That she did already also will go beholding 2 vicinity 
lake within 

aric.a'pma'c.itka'D aricha'dugat 
is well appearing outspread is 

aricviVgat a'midor naivo'pmik 

is There-from that it arises 

navarhi'k'om ha'ba'ndor na'ga'mi- 

which is cloud which-from that it* 

wo'p'govi wo'c hi'komorho'van 

lightens all cloud within 

na'gamaictuma''c kua'mi'dor napuvatu- 
that it appears. Then there-from that she already 



to'gia 
will see 



hoga 
that 



na'pubavako'hinim 



navarvo'p'oigiD.a'ba 
which are his paths in 

ho v 'ga navaric- 



that she hither already goes treading. That which is 

da-'dik'am hi'komagido"k'6't h6"ko'dum- 

health his cloud with with self was* 

2 Probably incorrectly given; past prefix probably 
superfluous. 



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a''rgidimok' aric'i'k'crr na'pugamisa'kim 
forming. Is vicinity that she weeping 

ci'ko'ri'pas na'gamik6''hinim a'ri.ci'koT 
vicinity that she goes treading. Is vicinity 

na'pubaivaha'duG na'gamivi'ijgi ari.- 
that hither already that is all- 

ci'ko'ri'pas ha"dor nabihi'komaG hi'kom- 
around to-from that hither clouds up cloud 

sa'git na' < gamiw&pgov vo'p'oigiDa'p'd6'r 
between that lightnings his paths in-from 



nabaivato'tvak- 
There-from that- 



nabaiva'trta abimSdo'r 
that hither already drizzles, 
hither already skies' 

nabaiva.va"irtak aric.to'do ma'indam 
that hither already drizzles is green petate on 

aric.a'pma'c aricto'tgio aricva"irtag 1 
is well appearing is his green is drizzly 

aric.hadu'Gaf ada'maN ati"am.t6'ka-k 
is Above she did self place 

na'tpubaivad'a'giM nava'rma''rat' 

that he did hither already sending who is his child. 

natpugamaivavom hu"kia ma''mciM 
That she did hence already arise so many appearances 

hi'komfi'rho'van nap'uvat'on&idim aricta' 
cloud within that she already beholding is white 

cr'hi t6vakw6'ta aricta' o - 'hi 

beautiful sky beneath. Is white beautiful 

mai'ngiD'aM a'mihfi na'puvadiivia 

his petate on there that she already arrives 

na'tpuvam.a-'rgi aricta' 'ta rr'hi 

that she did already self form is white beautiful 

hi'komagido'kot' natpugamai.vatoto' 

his cloud with. That she did hither already see 

a'ric.tuma'M h&'kia ma-'mciM 

is five so many appearances 

hi'kom.fi'r kua'mi.dor na'tpuva'tono'idim 
cloud within. Then there-from that she did" 

already beholding 

navaricta'ta cr'hi va'ha'k.&ra 

that is white beautiful broom within 



amiho' napuamo'riijgim aric.ta'ta 

there that she already running. Is white 

1 Possibly incorrect, verbal form with nominal stem. 



amih& 
there 

va'pamor.orh&dor 
Lakes within-from 



o-'hi u"umigido'kof na'puho'kot.- 

beautiful his ceremonial arrows with that she- 

bama - 'rgidim ku.ami.dor nat- 

with hither self forming. Then there-from that 

go'k-paN.toto na-puvatotu'gia aric.ta' 
she did in two places look that she already will= 
see is white 

cr'hi va'mor.fir 

beautiful lake within 

napuvadu'via 

that she already arrives. 

na'puvanvo'riirogim navarvamor hu'- 
that she already goes running that is lake on 

gid'aN napugamasa-'kim arictumsosoi'gim 
shore that she weeping is pitiful 

sa'sa'gio sa-'gio napugama'niok'iM 

her tears within that she speaking 

napuga'giM navar.ho'i'gur.dargat 

that she seeking which is her sadness 

navar.dii'uf o-'gat' ku.a'mi.hftdor 

who is her mother her father. Then there-from 

na'tpuva'm.a-'rgi navaric.da-'dic 

that she did already self form which is health 

sa'kumgidft'kot na'tpuivo'pmiD navar.- 
her weeping with. That did raise which are* 

ci'cvordat' na'tpugamaivakugat aric'ikor 
his plumes that did already finish is vicinity 

t6tvakw6pta ci"a-rw6ta ba - 'barip 

skies beneath east beneath north 

hurnip o'gipas ku.amih&dor 

west south. Then there-from 

pu'iw6mik' na'Varmarat' ida'giuna 

raise who is his child will cleanse 

navarichfipitkam da'dikam napubovato- 
which is cold health that he hither already* 

to'gio'a navaric.to'do o - 'hi so'so'p' 
to see that is green beautiful bead* 

will cause 

a'tockaraD-am napubava.u'rna 

his seat on that he hither already will raise. 

THE REPLY OF THE FATHER OF THE GIRL 

ha'pu.pi'cam.a-'gat hapu.tu.6'ip-u ho'g-a 
Thus also ye were thinking thus walk. That 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



149 



inmaR ave'ma''t ha'ctuna'c.du'nia 

my child she not know anything that she will do. 

ave'ma''t tot'ut'u'a' avicicto'o'hot' 

She not know to grind. She lazy. 

pero apimtic.a - 'pn6'it kuha'pu.pimi'soi'da 
But ye if well see then thus ye will suffer. 

kuaviam.hactu.dam ku.i'nimd 

Then not anything over. That here 

napimitaivago'gu napimitcr'wa.uMta't.- 

that ye did already halt that ye did already* 

r'bwimda napimita'cihu't'ua 

yourselves tire that ye did already stumble 

napimit'atumko'k'dat ho'.gamih&wan 

that ye did already yourselves sicken. That there 

a'piambi'ak'a 1 hactu.da'koD 

thou not wilt need 1 anything with 

napimha'cum.a' 'ka api'miam.bi'ak'a 

that ye any will think. Ye not will need 

hactuda'kot napimsa'sa'kida 

anything with that ye will weep 

navar.o'ra'dakam namaritgo"korak 

which is inwardness that they are our manes. 

ku'amihovan ha'pu.ni'cup.ta-n ha - 'gicdara 
Then there thus I also beg pardon 

wo'puhimdam namaritgo"korak ago'kip-- 
before go on that they are our manes two parts* 

dor na-pima-rma'Mraf navaritcr'G' 

from. That ye are his children who is our Father, 

iD'a't itci'u'k ha'pu.pwi'c 

our Mother, our Morning Star. Thus 

a'mi.dor amiboiamda'giuna navaric.- 
there-from they hither you will cleanse which is* 

da''dik - am navarumxi'komak'h&'kot' 2 

health which is thy cloud with 2 



namgamaitumto'gicda 
that they thee will cause to see. 



namivo'pmiGda 
That they will raise 



nvaricda-'dikam navarumu"umi 

which is health which are thy ceremonial arrows 

1 Possibly error for apimiam-, YE NOT, as in next 
line. 

1 The use of the second person singular in these 
lines is quite puzzling. 



nam.h&'koD.gamaiumwo'ctirrda navaric- 
that they with from thee will repulse which is* 

ko'k'dakam aric'i'kcrr nava'rto'tvakwo'pta 
sickness is vicinity which is skies beneath. 

kuha'ban'dor namivo'p-micda ho"kia 
Then which-from that they will raise so many 

ma'mcim ahi'komak' na'mgamai.am- 
appearances their cloud that they selves will* 

a - 'rgida ku.a'mimSdoT go'kpan.puto'gia 
form. Then there-from two places will see 

navar.h6'kia ma'Mcim hi'kom.or 

which are so many appearances cloud within. 

ku. a'mi.dor nam.ho"k6D.puvatuda'giuna 

Then there-from that they with already will cleanse 

navaraxi'komak navarada-'dic 

which is their cloud which is their health 

navarava"utak - kugaku a'bi.mSdor 

which is their drizzle. Then therefore there-from 

apimictunha-'gicd-a porke i'nimo 

ye me will pardon because here 

nanitaivamnoip'uctur navargo'k' va'ik 
that I did already to you relate that is two three 

ni'.o-k- porke hact6i.dok- a'viam.- 
word because anything it not* 

acic.bai'gio nanaha"kiacturda na'var- 
anyhow is able that I for them will recount which* 

ama'Vak 3 namaritgo"koraG hog' a 

are your forms' that they are our manes that 

ha'puvi'cima-'c avi'ricda"rakam 

thus appears it is dear 

avaric'idukam inwi'dur porke anicaric- 
it is treasure me with-from because I am* 

i'krakam to'vur.da'm.kam 4 kugoko 

vile wind overness. 4 Then therefore 

a'barrdor aviam.ha'cic.bai'gio 

which-from it not anyhow is able 

nanavo'p-auvturda navara.a'rak porke 
that I them will equal which is their form because 



hactu'i'duk' 
anything 



ku'amohSvan.pubo'.- 
then there hither* 



8 Probably should be -a.a"rak, THEIR FORMS. 

4 The accuracy of this phrase is very questionable. 



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ima-c 
appears. 

nanaMka'icturdao 
that I for you should hear 

a'ricap-ma-'cim 
is well appearing. 



a'pimpimicho'hidat 
Ye, ye were desiring 

h&ga ni'o'k' 

that 



pero 
But 



word 

h&ga.ti'am.- 
she if. 



inmaR dios intindimiento pero 

my child God willing but 

nan6'kodama"turda l pero maskisi'a 

that I with to you will teach. 1 But more than= 
might be 

go-k- ta'kugum&'k'ot hi'di pi'm- 

two fragment with this ye 

ictunha - 'gicda ku.avi.icbai"gria hoga 
me will pardon. Then it will be able that 

ha'ctu na'pim.pu.a'k kuhi'di 

anything that ye say. Then this 

hfimadak'amo'koD kudios in.o - 'k 

creation with then God my Lord, 

inda - 't inci'u'k ku.hoga'kot.gamtu.- 

my Lady, my Morning Star. Then with that- 

amtfigicda api'migamai.pwoptokohina 

you will cause to see ye begin thus also will tread 

navarmai'ngio'am aric.a'pma'citnaka - 't 

which is his petate on is well appearing, outspread. 

avarichi'komagat da'marrdor nagami- 
It is his cloud above from that* 

ha - 'duc nagamivi'Tjgi' ha'bairdor na.- 
it that it which-from that- 

ivo'p'migit navarci'cwo'rdaD aric'i'k'OT 
he raises which are his plumes is vicinity 

napubima'ma'c ci"a'rwot'a va'varip 
that hither appears east beneath north 

xurnip o'gipas arici'vgo'k' o - 'hi 
west south. Is seven beautiful 

to'tvakdam a % bim6 navarda'kam 

skies on there that she is sitter 

navaric.da'dikam to'do u'vikaM 

that it is health green womankind 

navariD - a - 'D nabai.it'6'kio navarno'vio 
who is our Mother that she hither to us 

extends which is her hand 

1 The exact meaning here is dubious. 



natha'bantuda kuhi'di ho'madakamftkot 
that she did in it seize. Then this creation with 

pictunha'gicda dios pi'amhacunra'k-a 
thou me wilt pardon God thou not anything wilt* 
think. 

NOTE 

This long and involved prayer is spoken 
to the father of a girl desired in marriage. 2 
Marriage generally takes place at about the 
age of eighteen. The details having been 
arranged informally, the husband-to-be and 
his father appear at the house of the girl 
on a Wednesday night. It happens that at 
present only two Tepecanos know this long 
prayer and one of them must be engaged at 
a fee of a peso per night to accompany the 
supplicants and recite the prayer. It must 
be recited five times on successive evenings, 
Wednesday, Saturday, Wednesday, Saturday 
and Wednesday. On the final night the father 
makes his reply. Since the affair is always 
prearranged, the reply is never negative. 

Then a whke cloth is spread out and the 
clothes and other property of the girl and 
the wedding gifts placed upon it. The bride 
and groom and their fathers each seize a 
corner and raise the cloth and the ceremony 
is complete. 

After this they are married. The boy 
gives a present to his parents-in-law and goes 
to live with them for a short period, six 
months or a year before setting up a separate 
home. Two wedding feasts and dances are 
held, one in the house of each parent. 

The prayer is extremely long and involved 
and so full of ceremonial and esoteric allusions 
as to be very difficult of proper translation. 
In many cases the exact meaning is very 
doubtful and obscure. 

TRANSLATION 

Hither have I come. Do not wonder that 
I have come here to speak unto thee unbidden. 
Thou wilt forgive me, for I behold that thou 

* Cf. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, II, p. 93. 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



art sad. Therefore do I thus unbidden speak 
unto thee. 

From afar God speaketh from his seven 
beautiful heavens. There did her father and 
her mother create her within the seven clouds ; 
within the beautiful green jicara where she 
was formed did she carry her hidden, until 
at last she appeared between the limbs, sor- 
rowfully weeping. 

Then she arose and trod on the beautiful 
green carpet where she was formed in the 
image of her father and her mother. From 
there she arose and went observing within 
the five clouds, where she was formed of his 
beautiful green cloud. Then she arose, gaz- 
ing within the many-colored cloud and wept, 
cleansing it with her tears. Within the cloud 
will she run about, being formed of the five 
plumes of her Father from which spring the 
clouds and the rain. From within that cloud 
he speaketh and within the healthful cloud 
is answered. From there will she look in 
two directions, observing. From within the 
beautiful green broom-grass she cometh run- 
ning, being formed of the green cloud. She 
looketh down upon his green carpet, beauti- 
fully outspread with fog and drizzly rains. 
His carpet is verdantly spread out. From 
there he will draw his welcome drizzle with 
which he will purify his child. Thence will 
she arise and be formed of the great beauti- 
ful broom-grass. Within the green lake which 
she watcheth will she gaze. There will she 
be formed of the beautiful green cloud. She 
will gaze all around on the shores of the spark- 
ling lake, beautifully outspread, whence rise 
the clouds. From within these clouds flash 
the lightnings. There will she be formed of 
the healthful drizzle with which he will purify 
his little one. There she goeth about weep- 
ing, seeking her sorrow within the green lake. 
She will depart and will gaze about beneath 
the heavens. Here will she come to tread 
just as have her father and her mother walked. 
In the same likeness as were her parents 
created, so did they form their child, with 



sad tears. There will she appear, walking 
within the beautiful green cloud where will 
be formed the beautiful green bead which is 
the garment of the Father. 

From there will she go beholding on his beau- 
tiful golden gray carpet beneath the beautiful 
gray heaven. There she arriveth where she 
will be formed with her beautiful gray plumes. 
Within the beautiful gray broom-grass will 
she gaze, purifying herself with her beauti- 
ful gray plumes, with which she came. Thus 
did she resemble her father and her mother. 
In the same likeness as were they formed, so 
also did they form their child. Then did she 
go beholding within the five beautiful clouds; 
there was she formed of the beautiful gray 
cloud. 

Thence did she look to both sides round 
about beneath his heavens. She began to 
weep, running about amidst sad tears. With 
many forms of cloud is she created. Round 
about doth she gaze upon his carpet, looking 
to the west where she will be formed of his 
beautiful black cloud. As were formed her 
father and her mother, so with the same like- 
ness do they create her. Thence did he lift 
his graceful cloud with which he did purify 
her form. He sent succor and health in his 
cloud, thereby augmenting his spirit. So also 
doth he now send succor to him who will 
tread between this his altar. There will she 
gaze into the beautiful black lake where are 
seated her father and her mother. With his 
health will he purify and with his arrows will 
he cast out sickness and heat. Here, running 
sadly about, did she seek her sorrow. Thence 
will she arise with his five clouds and depart. 
She will gaze within the lake, beautifully 
spread out with rain and fog. From there 
ariseth the cloud within which flash the light- 
nings. Thence will she look upon his paths 
where she treadeth. With his health-giving 
cloud is she formed. All around doth she 
go wandering and weeping. Round about 
it raineth and showereth and cloudeth up 
and within the cloud flash the lightnings. 



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From his paths cometh the drizzle. From 
afar cometh the drizzle on his pleasant green 
carpet. From there above where she was 
placed did he send hither his child. 

Then did she arise within the many-colored 
cloud, gazing beneath the beautiful white 
heaven. On his beautiful white carpet did 
she arrive and was formed of his beautiful 
white cloud. She gazed within the five 
many-colored clouds. Thence did she go 
gazing within the beautiful white broom-grass 
where she was running. With his beautiful 
white arrows is she formed. Thence did she 
glance to both sides, gazing into the beautiful 
white lake where she now arriveth. From 
within the lakes she goeth running along the 
shore, pitifully weeping and speaking through 
her tears, seeking her father and her mother 
in her sadness. There was she formed with 
her health-giving tears. 

Thus did he raise his plumes unto the end 
round about beneath the heavens to east, 
north, west and south. Lifting from there 
his child he will purify her with the cold, 
the health. He will give her sight and raise 
her unto the beautiful green bead which is 
on his throne. 

THE REPLY OF THE FATHER OF THE GIRL 

With this thought have ye come. But 
my child knoweth nothing. She cannot grind 
corn; she is lazy. But if ye so desire, so 
must ye endure. May no ill ensue. Here 
have ye stopped; ye have tired yourselves, 
ye have stumbled and hurt yourselves. But 
do not think of that. Neither weep; it is 
the will of our spirits. 

I also beseech our spirits who have gone 
before from both sides. Ye are the children 
of our Lord, our Lady, our Morning Star. 
From afar will they come to purify you with 
their healthful cloud, and will give you sight. 
They will bring health and with their arrows 
will they repel the pestilence round about 
beneath the heavens. From them will they 
draw their cloud of many colors with which 



they will be formed. Thence will they look 
to both sides within the many-colored cloud. 
Thence will they cleanse with their cloud 
and their health-giving drizzle. 

Ye will forgive me because I have recited 
unto you only a few words. For I cannot 
repeat to you the formulas of our spirits as 
they appear. For they are rare and are 
cherished ; they depart from me to the winds, 
for I am vile. Therefore I cannot imitate 
their formula, for it appeareth afar. You 
desired that I should hear your word clearly. 
But if my child so wishes, God willing, I 
will teach you. But nevertheless ye must 
forgive me these few fragments. Then will 
ye be enabled to say anything. 

With this formula, God, my Lord, my Lady, 
my Morning Star. With this he will give 
you sight, ye who will tread thus his carpet, 
pleasantly outspread. From his cloud above 
come the rains and fogs from which he raiseth 
his plumes which appear all about beneath 
the east, the north, the west and the south. 

There in the seven beautiful heavens sit- 
teth the healthful Green Woman who is our 
Lady who reacheth unto us her hand that 
we may be gathered into it. 

So with this formula forgive me God, thou 
who holdest no malice. 



37. TO BEG PARDON WHEN ANGRY 
WITH ANOTHER 

adiosum anicbo'himdat to"nimor.- 

To God. I hither was coming unbidden already 

vaciumnio'k'idim piambi'ak'a pihonapsoi'- 
thee speaking. Thou not wilt need anywhere* 

morid'a anicumta-'niM ha'gicdara 

that thou sad wilt feel. I thee am begging pardon. 

pero hoga'kot' piambi'ak-a napa- 
But that with thou not wilt need that thou in 

go'kip.tono'nikda pi-captumda'gia 

two places wilt look. Thou in them thyself wilt 



NO. 2 



TEPECANO PRAYERS 



153 



hoganamaritg&'korak w&'pohi-'mdaM 

they that are our spirits before go on. 

kuha'pu.pwo'co-p- pimica-ptumda'gia 

Then thus also ye in him yourselves will seize 

hoga navaritcr'k napuboit'6'kdiM hoga 
that who is our Father who hither us is extend- 
ing that 

navarno-'vit' para natpuga'nv- 

which is his hand in order that we going* 

tono'idim woe oras.a"ba 

beholding all hours in. 

namputso''sbit'urdim gacto'nkam hoga 
That they for us protecting that heat that 

navara.u"umih6kof navaraka'k'varak 

which are their ceremonial arrows with which are* 
their chimales 

navarawu'p'uivas hoga'k-of mi'pugama'.- 
which are their faces this with they 

itwi'ct'urdiM gacko'k'dakam hoga 

for us repelling that sickness. That 

navariD - a -/ D navaritna - 'na wadalupi 

who is our Mother who is our mama Guadalupe 

awi'putnoidim para nata - 'niD'a 

she us watching in order that we shall go begging 

ha - 'gicdara havaganavarit.o-'k 1 

pardon. And he who is our Father 

santontie-'ru amipuboit.nu'kdida 

San Anton Tierra they hither us will go guarding 

woe 0rasa"ba kuaviamha'ctuD-am.- 

all hours in that not anything over us* 

a - 'cumdu'nia fco'wHhap'i ho'gia 

itself will make. With which thus only 

ni'cpunra'tuD kupiambi'a'ka nap'i- 

I thee cause to know. Then thou not wilt need that* 

ho'wan.soi'mo'rida rrrvwi' kupi'- 

thou anywhere sad wilt feel me with. Then thou= 



captumda'gia navarinsu'spidaf inci'u'k- 
in him thyself wilt seize who is my Protector, my* 
Morning Star, 

ino-'k- konkiha-'po-'p- ha-c-unro'ra'd-ak-am 
my Father. With which thus also any thy* 

withinness. 

NOTE 

When one person is angry with another 
or on bad terms with him and wishes to 
resume amicable relations, he goes to the 
other's house and recites to him the follow- 
ing prayer. 

The influence of Christian theology is un- 
usually evident. 

TRANSLATION 

Greetings! Unbidden have I come hither 
to speak unto thee. Thou must not feel 
angry; I come to beg forgiveness. Neither 
look askance. Thou must be possessed of the 
spirits of those who have gone before. Thou 
must be possessed likewise of our Father who 
reacheth unto us his hand that we may go 
beholding throughout all hours. With their 
arrows do they protect us from the heat and 
with their chimales, which are their faces, they 
cast from us the plague. She who is our 
Lady, our Mother of Guadalupe, is watching 
us that we beg forgiveness. And He who is 
our Father, San Anton Tierra, will guard us 
throughout all hours that no evil may be- 
fall us. 

This only do I say unto thee. Thou needst 
not feel angry at me. Thou must be pos- 
sessed of my Lord, my Guide and Morning 
Star. Thus be thy thought. 



FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE 
SALISH DIALECTS 

By HERMAN K. HAEBERLIN 
INTRODUCTION 



THE following paper was originally intended 
to be a part of a more comprehensive work 
on the Classification of Salish Dialects. This 
latter paper has been prepared by Prof. Franz 
Boas and the writer, and will be published by 
the Smithsonian Institution. The available 
material on Salishan reduplications was found 
to be too fragmentary to be embodied in that 
paper. I have, therefore, preferred to present 
it in the present form as a basis for further 
work on the classification of the Salish dia- 
lects from the point of view of reduplication 
systems. While the material lacks uniformity 
for the different linguistic areas, it is sufficient 
to point out the main problems and to present 
a number of interesting facts concerning lin- 
guistic differentiation in the Salish area. 

My method of procedure has been to present 
successively the material available for the 
different dialects. I have done this in the 
order adopted by Prof. Boas in his compar- 
ative vocabularies which will be published in 
the above-named paper, namely, starting with 
the inland dialects, then taking up the coast dia- 
lects from south to north, and ending with the 
isolated dialects of the Bella Coola and Tilla- 
mook. The more general comparative con- 
siderations are presented in the concluding 
paragraphs. All of the material both pub- 
lished and in manuscript form has been util- 
ized. The manuscript material is the Salish 
vocabularies recorded by Prof. Boas and 
Mr. J. Teit, Dr. Leo Frachtenberg's notes on 
the plural and diminutive forms in Quinault 
and Clallam, and finally the writer's Snohom- 
ish material, collected in the fall of 1916, and 
his Thompson and Shuswap forms, collected 
in the summer of 1917. The vocabularies and 



grammatical notes published by Prof. Boas 
and Mr. Hill-Tout are found in the following 
series: "British Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science," Volumes 1890, 1898, 1899, 
1900, 1902; "Journal of the Anthropological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland," Vol- 
umes 34, 35, 37, 41. 

Most of the material collected by Mr. Teit 
and that collected by myself has been procured 
on expeditions that were made possible by the 
generous donations of Mr. Homer E. Sargent, 
who has for many years supported our researches 
in the Salish area. While the paper deals pri- 
marily with forms of reduplication, it was neces- 
sary also to include in many cases derivatives 
formed by the extension of vowels (dieresis), 
for in a discussion of the formation of plurals 
and diminutives this process cannot be sepa- 
rated consistently from that of reduplication. 
There can be no doubt that augmentative 
forms are very important in a consideration of 
the grammatical processes in question. Our 
material on these is, however, so meager that 
I was only able to cite a few more or less 
detached examples. 

The abbreviations used are as follows-. 

BAAS British Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science. 

JAI. Journal of the Anthropological Institute. 

B. Boas. 

H.T Hill-Tout. 

G. Giorda (Dictionary of the Kalispelm). 

Hbl. Haeberlin. 

Throughout this paper x is used for the velar 
and * for mid-palatal. 

LILLOOET 

Very little material is available from this 
dialect. The plural seems to be ordinarily 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



155 



formed by a reduplication of the stem-syllable 
including the consonant following the first 
vowel. 

ecze'k, LOG; pi., Eczuksze'k H.T. 

qa'moz, MAIDEN; pi., qumqa'moz H.T. 

cya'kstca, WOMAN; pi., cyuksya'ktca H.T. 

t'lu'qwon, TO SLAP; tlu'kwitlqwon, SLAPPING H.T. 

Esqu'mox, ROUND; pi., ssqu' maqumox H.T. 

naq", TO ROB; nufnafo'L, ROBBER H.T. 

(-OL= suffix denoting the person who does something) 

The following example consists in a redupli- 
cation of the stem-syllable and a reduction of 
the reduplicated syllable by a shift of the ac- 
cent on the reduplicating syllable: 



skau'yux, MAN; pi, skai'yukyux H.T. 
Compare Thom : sqai'yux, pi., sqai'keux 



B. 



In the following words only the first con- 
sonant and the first vowel are reduplicated : 

tuil'wit, LITTLE BOY; pi., tutau'wit H.T. 
skdza'a, CHILD; pi., sku'kuzd B. 

The diminutive is formed either by a re- 
duplication of the first consonant and the first 
vowel of the stem or by a phonetic change of 
the stem-vowel : 

iqa'yux, MAN; sqE'qsyux, BOY B. 
kwatlt, DISH; kwd'kwEtlt, PLATE H.T. 

tld'XUtc, LARGE PLATE; tli'tl'xutc, SMALL PLATE H.T. 

cyd'kEtca, WOMAN; ci'yaktca, GIRL H.T. 
(c is a prefix) 

The last two examples suggest the presence 
of an t'-type of reduplication, that is to say a 
change of the stem-vowel to * in the redupli- 
cating syllable. 
ck'uk'met, INFANT B. (kui= SMALL G.) 

StCUd'WUX, LARGE CREEK; stcUO'WUX, SMALL CREEK H.T. 

tco'kwaz, BIG FISH; ts'skwdz, SMALL FISH H.T. 

The last two examples may prove to be aug- 
mentative forms rather than examples of di- 
minutives. 

The plural of a diminutive may be formed 
by a double process of reduplication. It is 
important to notice that in the following cases 
the plural reduplication (i.e., that including the 
consonant after the first vowel) precedes the 



diminutive reduplication (i.e., that including 
only the first vowel). 

skukumet, CHILD; pi., skwumkokome't H.T. 
ci'yaktca, GIRL; pi., cukye'yuktca H.T. 
(cya'kEtca= woman) 

Obviously the formation of the plural-di- 
minutives in Lillooet is the same as in Thomp- 
son and Shuswap. 



THOMPSON 

The plural or distributive is usually formed 
by a repetition of the stem-syllable including 
the consonant (or vowel) following the first 
vowel : The accent seems to remain invariably 
on the reduplicated syllable (see Boas : BAAS 
1898, p. 28). 

ca'Enx, STONE ; pi. cEnca'Enx B. 

squm, MOUNTAIN; pi., squmqu'm B., Hbl. 

tEmfl'x, GROUND; pi., tEmtEmd'x B. 

spam, CAMP FIRE; pi., spEmpa'm B. 

snikia'p, COYOTE; pi., sniknikia'p B. 

spEzo', ANIMAL; pi., spEzpEzo' B. 

snu'koa, FRIEND; pi., snuksnu'koa B. 

tsqau'tl, CANOE; pi., tsqtsqau'tl H.T. 

CEm'a'm, WIFE; pi., cEmE'mam H.T. 

kEnu'x, SICK; pi., ksnkEnu'x B. 

sko'um, CRUMPLED; pi., skoumko'um B. 

sxuasi't, TO WALK; pi., sxusxuasi't B. 

pa'zutqo, LAKE; pi., pEzpa'zulqo Hbl. 

sqa'xa', DOG, HORSE; pi., sqaxqa'xa' Hbl. 

smu'lats, WOMAN; pi., smlmu'iats Hbl. 

tuwe"ut', YOUTH; pi., tu"tuwe"ut' Hbl. 

tsi'a', BASKET; pi., tsi'Etsi'a' Hbl. 

qlu'mqEn, HEAD; pi., qlEmqlu'mqEn Hbl. 

splsa'qs, NOSE; pi., sp!Esp!sa'qs Hbl. 

qoe'sp 1 , BUFFALO; pi., qosqoe'sp Hbl. 

spla'nt, SKUNK; pi., splpla'nt Hbl. 

klo'n'e', MOUSE; pi., k!otk!otne'' Hbl. 

?6'pa', TAIL; pi., sopso'pa" Hbl. 

si'tslum, BLANKET; pi., sltssl'tslum Hbl. 

smanx, TOBACCO; pi., SmEnma'nx Hbl. 

sa'Me'c, KNIFE; pi., sa'"lsa' a le'c Hbl. 

q!ume"Ema', LITTLE; pi., q!umq!ume"Ema' Hbl. 

ktest, BAD; pi., klEsklE'st Hbl. 

nuLlo's'n', EYE; pi., nuLlnuLlo's'n' Hbl. 

i''a', GOOD; pi., I'T^a' Hbl. 

1 ?= intermediate between s and c. 



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The plural-forms of the following loan-words 
are instructive: 

ko'so 1 , PIG (cochon); pi., kocko'so Hbl. 

pos, CAT; pi., pospo's Hbl. 

td'kEn, CHICKEN; pi., tci'ktci'kEn Hbl. 

tcai'namEn, CHINAMAN; pi., tcintcai'namEn Hbl. 

mu'la, MULE; pi., mulmu'la Hbl. 

ma'nta, COVER, CANVAS; pi., manma'nta Hbl. 

sa'ma", WHITE MAN; pi., sEmsa'ma" Hbl. 

sil (=sail) CALICO; pi., silsil Hbl. 

These modern forms demonstrate that the 
regular plural-derivation includes the con- 
sonant following the stem-vowel. There are, 
however, a number of plurals in which the 
process of reduplication does not include this 
consonant, for example: 

stsuq, PICTURE; pi., stsutsu'q B. 

smo'a", COUGAR; pi., smomo'a" Hbl. 

sno'ya, BEAVER; pi., snonS'ya Hbl. 

sm$x*, SNAKE; pi., smEm^"* Hbl. 

[In the last four examples the initial s(s) 
is doubtlessly a prefix.] 

xazo'm, BIG (= Shuswap xayu'm), pi., xaxazo'm Hbl. 

The following plural-forms show slight in- 
dividual peculiarities: 

sqa'yux", MAN; pi., sqai"qeux u Hbl. 

(Compare: dim. sqa"qeux u ) 
sau"ut, SLAVE; pi., so' u sau"ut Hbl. 
qo", WATER; pi., qo' u qo" Hbl. 

(Compare: dim q6'qo') 

For examples of plural-reduplication in 
agent nouns see: Hill-Tout: BAAS 1899, 

P- 23. 

The usual type of diminutive formation 
consists in reduplicating the stem exclusive 
of the consonant following the first vowel. In 
contradistinction to the plural reduplication 
the accent of the diminutives is thrown back 
to the reduplicating syllable. This is usually 
associated with the reduction of the vowel of 
the reduplicated syllable (see Boas: BAAS 
1898, p. 29; also Hill-Tout: BAAS 1899, p. 24). 

snu'koa, FRIEND; dim., nu'nkoa B. 
cme'its, DEER; dim., cmE'meits B. 
sp6e"tc, BLACK BEAR; dim., spa'paats B. 

1 o= short open o. 

1 = begins a and ends ai. 



pa'zulqo, LAKE; dim., pa'pzulqo Hbl. 

(Compare pi; pEzpa'zulqo) 
sqa'xa', DOG, HORSE; dim., sqa'qxa' Hbl. 
smo'a", COUGAR, dim., sm5'm8a" Hbl. 

(Compare pi., smomo'a") 
qoe'sp, BUFFALO; dim., qoi'qsp Hbl. 
klo'n'e', MOUSE; dim., k!ok! l n'e' Hbl. 
smx, SNAKE; dim., sma'ma'x Hbl. 
?8'pa', TAIL; dim., so'spa' Hbl. 
squ'm, MOUNTAIN; dim., sqo'qum Hbl. 
si'tslum, BLANKET; dim., si'sts!um Hbl. 
smanx, TOBACCO; dim., sma'manx Hbl. 

(Compare pi., smEnma'nx) 
kte'st, BAD; dim., k!a'k!Est Hbl. 
smu'tats, WOMAN; dim., smu"mlats Hbl. 
sno'ya, BEAVER; dim., sno"nea Hbl. 

(Compare pi., snono'ya) 

The following derivatives of the verb 
tcu'umkEn, "I work," are instructive for the 
different positions of the accent in the plural 
and the diminutive: 

tcutcu'umkEn, i WORK OFTEN Teit. 
tcu'tcuEmkEn. i WORK A LITTLE Teit. 

The reduplication of loan-words demon- 
strates clearly the fundamental principles 
underlying the formation of diminutives: 

ko's3, PIG; dim., ko'k?3 Hbl. 
pos, CAT; dim., po'ps Hbl. 

(pi., pospo's) 

tci'kEn, CHICKEN; dim., tcitckEn Hbl. 
tcai'namEn, CHINAMAN ; dim., tca'tcainamEn Hbl. 
mu'la, MULE; dim., mu"mla Hbl. 
ma'nta, CANVAS; dim., ma'manta Hbl. 
$a'ma", WHITE MAN; dim., sa'sEma" Hbl. 

The change in the vowel of the reduplicated 
syllable of the following word appears to be 
slightly irregular: 

sqa'yux", MAN; dim., sqa"qeux u Hbl. 

(Compare pi., sqai"qeux u and plural-diminu- 
tive, sqaqa"qayux") Hbl. 

In some cases the diminutive and its deriv- 
ative, the plural-diminutive, is distinguished 
from the simplex and the plural by the closing 
of the terminal vocalized consonant (n, m, 1) 
with a glottal stop, thus: 

q!o'q!umqEn", SMALL HEAD, and Hbl. 
q!Emq!o'q!umqEn", SEVERAL SMALL HEADS; but 
qlu'mqEn, HEAD and qlEmqlu'mqEn, READS 
xazo'm, BIG; pi., xaxazo'm, but 
dim., xazo'zom' and pl.-dim., xaxazo'zom' Hbl. 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



157 



The same phenomenon appears in the fol- 
lowing loan-word : 

51! (sail), CALICO; pi., silsll, but 
dim., si'sil", pi. -dim., silsi'sfl" Hbl. 

The following word shows a related phe- 
nomenon : 

tsi'a', HEAD; pi., tsi'Etsi'a', but 
dim., tsiai", pl.-dim., tsitsiai" Hbl. 

This word also shows the peculiarity of the 
change of the terminal accented o-vowel to an 
ai. The same is the case with the following 
word: 

i'V, GOOD; dim., i''ai' Hbl. 

(pi. i"i"a', pl.-dim., I''I"ai') 

I am not able to say whether these forms are 
derived by dieresis of the stem-vowel or by a 
type of end-reduplication. Probably the final 
i corresponds to I in Shuswap; compare: 
Shuswap: tslila", BASKET, dim., tslila'l'a; la', 
GOOD, dim., la'l'a. In some cases the diminu- 
tive is derived from the simplex by means of 
an internal reduplication, while the plural is 
formed by initial reduplication. Good exam- 
ples are: 

spla'nt, SKUNK; dim., spla'l'nt Hbl. 

(pi., splpla'nt) ' 
xazo'm, BIG; dim., xazo'zom' Hbl. 

(pi., xaxazo'm) 
q!ume"Ema', LITTLE; dim.,q!uma'me'Ema' Hbl. 

(pi., q!umq!ume"Ema') 
stloma'1-t' 1 , COW; dim., stloma'mal-t; 
pi., stumtluma'1-t' Hbl. 

The following word apparently forms its 
diminutive in the same way: 

sa'Me'c, KNIFE; dim., sa'le"c Hbl. 
(pi. sa'lsa'"le'c) 

This diminutive was sometimes also heard 
as sa'Me'lc. The glottal stop in the accented 
syllable of sa'le"c corresponds doubtlessly to 
an /, since the shift of this sound to a stop or 
to an t-vowel is characteristic of Thompson in 
general. 

Possibly the following diminutive is derived 
likewise by internal reduplication. But it 

1 The initial s is a prefix. 
' != long /. 



may also be a type of initial reduplication, 
provided we assume the initial n to be a prefix : 
nuwa'n'os, FORMERLY; dim., nowau'"n'os Hbl. 

The word spEzu'zu, BIRD B. [splspEzu'zo, 
BIRDS (Teit) ] appears to be a diminutive 
formed by a process of end-reduplication from 

SpEZo', ANIMAL. 

spEyu'zu, SMALL BIRD, is derived by dieresis and 
with a shift of accent from spEzo' 

Of considerable interest is the type of di- 
minutive end-reduplication that occurs in the 
words compounded with the suffix -e'Et 
(= Shuswap -e'lt), "young one." In these 
the terminal consonant of the stem and the 
initial vowel of the suffix are repeated ; see for 
example : 

st !omal-te"Et, YOUNG cow (stloma'1-t', cow) Hbl. 

stlomal-te'te'Et, SMALL YOUNG cow ' 

(Shuswap: stlomal-te'tE'lt; compare also 
Shuswap: stlomal'txwi'xwi'lt, CALF) 

qospe"Et, YOUNG BUFFALO (qoe'sp, BUFFALO) Hbl. 

qOSpE'pe'Et, SMALL YOUNG BUFFALO 4 

snoyahe"Et, YOUNG BEAVER (sno'ya beaver) Hbl. 
sndyahe'he'Et, SMALL YOUNG BEAVER 
klotnE'ne'Et, SMALL YOUNG MOUSE' Hbl. 

(k!o*n'e'= mouse) 

skukluma'me'Et, SMALL CHILD Hbl. 
(sku'ku'me'Et, CHILD; skukukluma'me'Et, SEVERAL 
SMALL CHILDREN) 

The type of diminutive reduplication with a 
change of the stem-vowel to an i-vowel in the 
reduplicating syllable a type so common in 
many of the dialects seems to be absent in 
Thompson and Shuswap. It is barely possible 
that we are dealing with it in the following 
words : 

Thompson: sau"ut, SLAVE; dim., se'so'ut Hbl. 

Shuswap and Thompson: la'rxqst, FINGER; dim., 
le'laxqst Hbl. (pi: laxEla'rxqst) 

Apparently there is a type of diminutive 
formation in Thompson derived by means of a 

' st!umt!uma'mal-t', SEVERAL SMALL cows 
st!umt!umal-te"Et, SEVERAL YOUNG cows 
st!umt!umal-te'te'Et, SEVERAL SMALL YOUNG cows 

4 qOSqOSpg"Et, SEVERAL YOUNG BUFFALOS 

qosqospE'pe'Et, SEVERAL SMALL YOUNG BUFFALOS 

5 klotklotns'ne'Et, SEVERAL SMALL YOUNG MICE 



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change of the stem-vowel without reduplica- 
tion. For instance: 

tce'umkEn, i WORK INDIFFERENTLY Teit 

(tcu'umkEn, i WORK, tcu'tcuEmkEn, I WORK 
A LITTLE) 

tuawo"ut', BOY (Hbl.) is probably derived by such 
a process from tuwe"ut', YOUTH (Hbl.) 
(tuatuawo"ut', BOYS) 

A few plurals seem to be formed by similar 
methods : 

Laq, TO COME; pi., La'zfik Teit. 
wuxt, TO SNOW; pi., we'iixt Teit. 

The plurals of diminutives are formed con- 
sistently by means of a process of double re- 
duplication. They are derived directly from 
the diminutive. The first reduplicating syl- 
lable which precedes the diminutive form de- 
notes the plural and is identical with the re- 
duplicating element of the simplex. The 
accent remains on the same syllable as in the 
singular-diminutive form. 

pa'zulqo, LAKE; dim. pi., pEzpa'pzulqS Hbl. 
sqa'xa 1 , DOG; dim. pi., sqExqa'qxa' Hbl. 
Mini' l.its, WOMAN; dim. pi., smlmu'mlats Hbl. 
qlu'mqEn, HEAD; dim. pi., q'.Emqlo'qlumqEn" Hbl. 
fmo'a", COUGAR; dim. pi., smSmo'moa" Hbl. 
qoe'sp, BUFFALO; dim. pi., qosqoi'qsp Hbl. 
sno'ya, BEAVER; dim. pi., snono"nea Hbl. 
MII..I\, SNAKE; dim. pi., smama'ma'x Hbl. 
so'pa', TAIL; dim. pi., sopso'spa' Hbl. 
squ'm, MOUNTAIN; dim. pi., squmqo'qum Hbl. 
si'tslum, BLANKET; dim. pi., sltssi'stslum Hbl. 
qo', WATER; dim. pi., qo' u qo'q6' Hbl. 

(Compare: dim., qo'qo', pi., q6' u qo") 
smanx, TOBACCO; dim. pi., smEnma'manx Hbl. 
klEst, BAD; dim. pi., k!Esk!a'k!Est Hbl. 
sku'ku'me'Et, CHILD; pi., skuku'ku'me'Et Hbl. 

(sku'ku'me'Et is no doubt a diminutive form) 

The following word suggests an irregularity 
in the plural-reduplicating syllable of the 
plural-diminutive : 

sqa'yux", MAN; pi. dim., sqaqa"qayux" Hbl. 
(pi., sqai"qeux) 

The following are forms derived from loan- 
words : 

ko'so, PIG; pi. dim., kosko'kso Hbl. 

DOS, CAT; pi. dim., pospo'ps Hbl. 

tci'kEn, CHICKEN; pi. dim., tciktci'tckEn Hbl. 



tcai'namEn, CHINAMEN; pi. dim., tcintca'tcainamEn 
sil, CALICO; pi. dim., silsi'sil" Hbl. [Hbl. 

mu'la, MULE; pi. dim., mulmu"mla Hbl. 
ma'nta, CANVAS; pi. dim., manma'manta Hbl. 
sa'ma", WHITE MAN; pi. dim., sEmsa'sEma" Hbl. 

The plural-diminutives are formed by pre- 
fixing the reduplicating syllable of the plural 
to the diminutive even in those cases where the 
dimunitive is not formed by the ordinary type 
of initial reduplication : 

tsi'a', BASKET; pi. dim., tsitsiai" Hbl. 

(dim. tsiai") 
I''a', GOOD; pi. dim., i l 'i''ai' Hbl. 

(dim. i''ai') 
xazo'm, BIG; pi. dim., xaxazo'zom' Hbl. 

(dim. xazo'zom') 
spla'nt, SKUNK; pi. dim., spElplaTnt Hbl. 

(dim., spla'l'nt) 
q!ume"Ema', LITTLE; pi. dim., q!umq!uma'nie'Ema' 

Hbl. (dim., qluma'me'Ema') 
sa' a le'c, KNIFE; pi. dim., silsa'Me'c Hbl. 

(dim., sa'*le"c) 

sau"ut, SLAVE; pi. dim., so'"se'so'ut Hbl. 
(dim., se'so'ut, pi., so' u sau"ut) 



SHUSWAP 

The principles by which the Shuswap re- 
duplications are formed are identical with 
those in Thompson. Thus the plural is ordi- 
narily derived from the simplex by a repetition 
of the stem including the consonant following 
the vowel (see Boas: BAAS 1890, p. 683). 

pa'zutqwa, LAKE; pi., pEzpa'zutqwa Hbl. 
sqa'lEniux", MAN; pi., sqa'lqalEmux" Hbl. 
no'xEnox, WOMAN; pi., noxno'xEnox Hbl. 
tslila", BASKET; pi., ts!ilts!ila" Hbl. 
sqla'pqEn, HEAD; pi., sq!apq!a'pqEn Hbl. 
sqlau', BEAVER; pi., sqlqlau" Hbl. 
xala'x", TOOTH; pi., xalxala'x" Hbl. 
ci'ttslu, MOCCASIN; pi., dci'hslu Hbl. 
sok!Eme"n, KNIFE; pi., suk!suk!Eme"n Hbl. 
cxa'nix, STONE; pi., cxEnxa'nix Hbl. 
sq le'txalaqs, BADGER; pi., sq!Etq!e'txalaqs Hbl. 
sqlwa'xt, FOOT; pi., sqloxqlwa'xt Hbl. 
stcEkwi'l, ARROW (Thompson, stcEkwi'); 

pi., stcuk u tcEkwi'l Hbl. 
klolte", QUIVER; pi., klolktolte" Hbl. 
klect, BAD; pi., klEckle'ct Hbl. 
la', GOOD; pi., Ifila" Hbl. 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



159 



xkEma'xEn, ARMPIT; pi., xkEmkEma'xEn 1 B. 
tsi'pwEn, CACHE; pi., tsiptsi'pwEn B. 

Sts'os, TATTOOED LINE; pi., stSESts'oS B. 

ska'u, HUSBAND'S SISTER; pi., skska'u B. 
tEme'x, COUNTRY; pi., tEmtEme'x B. 
rulral, STRONG; pi., rilErilEra'l B. 
nox, TO RUN; pi., no'xnox B. 
qoie'lx, TO DANCE; pi., qoiqoie'lx B. 
la'rxqst, FINGER; pi., laxEla'rxqst HU. 

In the following word the reduplication 
includes the vowel following the second con- 
sonant: 

stsila'ut, TO STAND; pi., stsistsila'ut B. 

In other cases the plural-reduplication does 
not include the sound following the first vowel 
of the stem: 

sq'oa'xt, LEG, FOOT; pi., skuq'oa'xt B. 

xio'm, LARGE; pi., xaxio'm B. 

tuwe'ut, BOY; pi., tutuwe'ut B. 

xa'utEm, GIRL; pi., xuxa'utEm B. 

gie'ia, OLD WOMAN; pi., gigie'ia B. 

ka'wulx, OLD; pi., kuka'wulx B. 

xaxEwa't, ROAD; pi., xaxaxEwa't Hbl. 

tii'q", FIRE; pi., titii'q" Hbl. 

Lliya", BARK CANOE; pi., Llu-liva" Hbl. 

(Compare: Thompson: Liza', pi., LleLlEza" Hbl.) 

In the following words the consonant fol- 
lowing the vowel of the stem does not belong 
to the stem and is not included in the redupli- 
cation : 

tci'tx", HOUSE; pi., tcitci'tx" Hbl. 
sitse'nEm, TO SING; pi., sisitse'nEm B. 
(-tsen= suffix for MOUTH, -Em= verbal suffix) 

This restriction of the process of reduplica- 
tion to the stem does not seem to be a general 
rule in Shuswap, see for instance: 

Llame'n, AXE; pl.,LlEmL!ame'n Hbl. 
(-men = instrumental suffix) 

In some cases the L of the reduplicated syl- 
lable changes to t in the reduplicating one : 

sLx'a'am, OLD MAN; pi., stExLx'a'am B. 
sL'ax, TO COME; pl.,stELa'x B. 

As in Thompson, the diminutive is formed 
by a reduplication of the first consonant and 
first vowel of the stem. The type of diminu- 
tive reduplication with i-shift does not seem to 

1 x= prefix; kEm=stem, -axEn= suffix for "arm." 



occur. The accent is thrown back on the re- 
duplicating syllable, usually causing a reduc- 
tion of the stem- vowel. 

pa'zutqwa, LAKE; dim., pa'pzulqwa Hbl. 
sqa'lEmux", MAN; dim., sqa'qalEmux" Hbl. 
no'xEnox, WOMAN; dim., nu'noxEnox Hbl. 
sqla'pqEn, HEAD; dim., sqla'qlpqEn Hbl. 
ci'ltslu, MOCCASIN; dim., ci'cltslu Hbl. 
tci'tx", HOUSE; dim., tci'tctx" Hbl. 
hau'Ent, RAT; dim., ha'hauunt Hbl. 

(Thompson: hau"ut, RAT, dim., ha'hau'ut, 

pi., hauhau"ut Hbl.) 
cxa'nix, STONE; dim., cxa'xEnix Hbl. 
sq le'txalaqs, BADGER; dim., sqle'qltxalaqs Hbl. 
la'rxqst, FINGER; dim., le'laxqst Hbl. 
sqlwa'xt, FOOT; dim., sq!wa'q!xt Hbl. 
klect, BAD; dim., k!e'k!ct Hbl. 
la', GOOD; dim., la'l'a Hbl. 

(cf: pi., lEla") 

sQ'nkum, ISLAND; dim., su'sEnkum B. 
ptepir'sE, SNAKE; dim., p'.Epli'pli'sE Hbl. 

The last form may really be a diminutive- 
plural. As in Thompson, some diminutives 
are formed by an internal reduplication, while 
the corresponding plurals are reduplicated ini- 
tially: 

xala'x 11 ! TOOTH; dim., xala'lux" Hbl. 
(pi: xalxala'x") 

stcEkwi'l, ARROW; dim., stcEkwi'kwEl Hbl. 
(pi., stcukHcEkwi'l) 

xkulta'm, MEADOW; dim., xkulta'tEm B. 

In the following words the diminutive (and 
plural-diminutive) is formed by reduplicating 
the first consonant of the instrumental suffix 
-me'n: 

sok!Eme"n, KNIFE; dim., suk!Eme"me'n; 

pl.-dim., suk!suk!Eme"me'n Hbl. 
Llame'n, AXE; dim., Llame'mEn; 

pl.-dim., LlEmLjEme'mEn Hbl. 

Some diminutives are formed by a process of 
end-reduplication : 

tslila' 1 , BASKET; dim.,ts!ilaTa Hbl. 
klolte", QUIVER; dim., kiolte'te'E Hbl. 

Probably the following is formed in the same 
way: 

Lily a", BARK CANOE; dim., L!iye"a Hbl. 
(Compare with this Thompson: Liza', dim., 
Llzai' or Llza'za'; the latter, however, is 
used less frequently) 



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VOL. I 



The diminutive of sqlau', BEAVER, is formed 
by initial as well as terminal reduplication: 
sqEqla'lo', pl.-dim., sqlqEqla'lo'. 

As in Thompson, the diminutive of words 
compounded with the suffix -Elt, YOUNG ONE, 
is derived by a reduplication of the terminal 
consonant of the stem: 

stlomal'txwi'xwi'lt, CALF Hbl. 

qoi'sp, BUFFALO; xquspe'pElt, BUFFALO-CALF B. 

sLEmka'lt, DAUGHTER; dim., sLEmqa'kElt B. 

emts, GRANDCHILD; EtnEmtsi'tsilt, GREATGRAND- 
CHILD B. 
(Snohomish: e'bats, GRANDCHILD, e"ebats, 

GREATGRANDCHILD Hbl.) 

According to the following cases the diminu- 
tive sometimes shows a double initial redupli- 
cation : 

xa 'ut Km, GIRL; dim., xuxa'xutEm B. 

ts'aL, COLD; dim., ts'Etsa'tsELt B. 

A few diminutives are formed by an exten- 
sion of the accented vowel: 

tcuwa'x, CREEK; dim., tcuwo'ux B. 
xaxEwa't, ROAD; dim., xaxEwa'ut Hbl. 
tii'q", FIRE; dim., tii"q u Hbl. 

(pi., titii'q", pl.-dim., titii"q") 

Reduplication is also used to form the 
following augmentatives: 

sxaiix, STONE; aug., sxaxa'nx B. 

(Compare: cxa'nix, STONE; drm., cxa'xEniy Hbl.; 
N. B. The diminutive shows a forward shift 
of the accent) 
skulkoa'k'ult, A SINGLE HIGH MOUNTAIN B. 

Probably ko'kpi, CHIEF, is also an augmen- 
tative form. The plural of this word is 
kupko'kpi B. (Compare Lillooet: kwakwokpl, 
CHIEFS, H.T.) 

The plural-diminutives are formed in exactly 
the same way as in Thompson. They are in- 
variably derived from the diminutive form: 

pa'zutqwa,LAKE; dim. pl.,pEzpa'pzulqwa Hbl. 

sqa'lEmux", MAN; dim. pi., sqalqa'qalEmux" Hbl. 

no'xEnox, WOMAN; dim. pi., noxnu'noxEnox Hbl. 

tslila", BASKET; dim. pi., ts lilts lila'l'a Hbl. 

sqla'pqEn, HEAD; dim. pi., sq!apq!a'q!pqEn Hbl. 

sqlau', BEAVER; dim. pi., sqlqEqla'lo' Hbl. 

xala'x", TOOTH; dim. pi., xalxala'lux" Hbl. 

ci'ltslu, MOCCASIN; dim. pi., ciici'cltslu Hbl. 

tci'tx", HOUSE; dim. pi., tcitci'tctx" Hbl. 



xaxEwa'l, ROAD; dim. pi., xaxaxEwa'ul Hbl. 
cxa'nix, STONE; dim. pi., cxEnxa'xEniy Hbl. 
sq le'txalaqs, BADGER; dim. pi., sq!Etq!e'q!txalaqs 
tii'q", FIRE; dim. pi., titii"q" Hbl. (Hbl. 

sqlwa'xt, FOOT; dim. pi., sq !oxq !waq !xt Hbl. 
la'rxqst, FINGER; dim. pi., laxEle'laxqst Hbl. 

(dim., le'laxqst) 

stcEkwI'l, ARROW; dim. pi., stcuk u tcEkwi'kwEl Hbl. 
Llame'n, AXE; dim. pi., LlEmLlEme'mEn Hbl. 
kiolte", QUIVER; dim. pi., klotklolte'te'E Hbl. 
klect, BAD; dim. pi., k!Eck!ek!ct Hbl. 
la', GOOD; dim. pi., lEla'l'a Hbl. 
Lliya", BARK CANOE; dim. pi., L!iL!iye"a Hbl. 
(Thompson: Liza', dim. pl.,L!EL!Ezai" or 

LiELlEza'za' Hbl.) 
tEmta'tEmt, SMALL CLOUDS Hbl. 
xqEqS'qcin't, SMALL STARS Hbl. 

The word xuxxa'xutEm, LITTLE GIRLS (B.), 
shows a triple initial reduplication. It is 
formed from xuxa'xutEm, LITTLE GIRL (x-a'- 
utEm, GIRL). (Compare Kalispelm: sheshu'tem, 

LITTLE GIRL, sheushu'tem, LITTLE GIRLS, 

Giorda.) 

OKANAGON 

Examples of the typical plural reduplication 
in which the stem including the consonant 
after the first vowel is repeated are : 

sqEltEmS'x, MAN; pi., sqElqEltEme'y B. 

hilme'sum, CHIEF; pi., hllelme'xum B. 
(il = TO STRIKE G.) 

k'oms, EYEBROW; pi., k'umko'ms B. 

xopt, WEAK; pi., xupxo'pt B. 

x-Lot, STONE; pi., xELxLot B. 

snaq, TO STEAL; pi., snoqEna'q B. 

tsqoaq, TO CRY; pi., tsuqtsqoa'q B. 

smalElaxa'a, TO TELL A LIE; pi., smElma'lElaxaa B. 

As in Lillooet, Thompson, and Shuswap, 
the accent is not shifted back in this type of 
reduplication. 

The plural is sometimes also formed by a 
dieresis of the stem-vowel. 

g'utcgoa'tst, STRONG; pi., g'uzetckoa'tct B. 

sa'intcQt, TO LAUGH; pi., sayaintcut B. 

The diminutive is formed by the shorter 
type of reduplication with a shift of the accent 
on the reduplicating syllable: 

t'e'k'ut, LAKE; dim., t'e't'aakut B. 
tEtuwit, BOY 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



161 



xe'xotEm, GIRL (she'utem= LARGE GIRL Kalispelm) 
Compare: GIRL: xi'xotEtn in Sans Poll, Col- 
ville, Lake; ce"cuEtEm in Spokane, Pois 
d'Oreille, Coeur d'Alene. 

In the following two words the diminutive 
is formed by a process of end-reduplication : 
mEkwi'ut, MOUNTAIN; mukwl'woat, HILL B. 
skukEma'met, INFANT (from sku'kamet) B. 

The plural of the diminutive is formed in the 
following example by a double reduplication: 
xe'xotEm, GIRL; pi., xExe'oxotEm B. 

Compare: Kalispelm: sheushu'tem, LITTLE 
GIRLS G. 

The plural of tEtuwe't, BOY, is to'tuit B. 
This appears to be an irregular formation. 

KALISPELM 

Giorda's dictionary of the Kalispelm offers 
much material for the study of the systems of 
reduplication in this dialect. The phonetics 
as well as the English translations in this dic- 
tionary are often deficient. In extracting the 
material of interest to us I have not changed 
the phonetic transcription used by Giorda. 
It must be borne in mind that his g = x 
(orx),k = korq.ch = tc.sh = c, z = ts.gu = x, 
and ' often represents an obscure vowel. 

The references given in the discussion below 
refer to the pages of the Kalispelm-English 
section of Giorda's dictionary. Giorda dis- 
cusses the types of reduplication on pp. 34 
and 35 of the appendix. 

The fundamental type of plural formation 
is the reduplication of the stem including the 
consonant after the vowel. The accent re- 
mains normally in its original position. 

smo'lemen, LANCE; pi., smlmo'lemen p. 530 

se'me, WHITE MAN; pi., s'mse'me p. 499 

ske'Itich, FLESH, BODY; pi., skalke'ltich p. 274 

koelzen, FIR TREE; pi., kolkoeMzen p. 284 

s'chitemi'p, CLOUD; pi., s'chitemtemi'p p. 494 

moko, MOUNTAIN; pi., mkomo'k p. 398 

ni'chemen, SAW; pi., nchni'chemen p. 413 

szolem, BULL; pi., sz'lzo'lem p. 544 

sko'i, MOTHER; pi., sko'iko'i p. 292 

koleuie, ONION; pi., kolkole'uie p. 306 



kali'i, LAKE; pi., chilkalkali'i 
snaze'ne, EARRING; pi. snazaze'ne 

(az = (root) TO TIE ; sn are prefixes) 
golko, WHEEL; pi., go'lgo'lko 
chkai'tmen, HOOK; pi., chkatkai'tmen 
sge'lui, HUSBAND; pi., sgalge'lu 
galegu, TOOTH; pi., galgale'gu 
oli'n, BELLY; pi., ololi'n 
ies-ila'ganem, I STRIKE HIS ARM 
ies-nilila'ganem, i STRIKE BOTH ARMS 
chin-u'gchst, MY HAND is FROZEN 
chin-ugu'gchst, MY HANDS ARE FROZEN 



P-257 
P- 3i 

p. 184 
p. 86 

P- 159 
p. 140 
p. 441 

P-233 
p. 607 



P-459 
p. 528 
p. 460 
P-494 
JP- 619 

548 



In the following examples z. becomes t in 
the reduplicating syllable; compare: 
sgutle'chst, SHOULDER BLADE; pi., sgutgutle'chst p. 504 
skutlu's, FACE; pi., skutkutlu's p. 529 

In some plurals the consonant following the 
vowel is not included in the reduplication. In 
these cases, too, the accent seems to remain 
normally in the position it has in the simplex 
and is not thrown backward as in the diminu- 
tive reduplication. 

peninch, LIVER; pi., papeni'nch 

skoalshi'n, CRANE; pi., skokoalshi'n 

pia'k, RIPE; pi., pipia'k 

s'che'it, SPIDER; pi., s'chiche'it 

chines-chzalu'si, i HAVE A SORE EYE 

chin-chzazalu's, i HAVE SORE EYES 
zal (root) = SORE 

chines-tapmi'ni, i SHOOT AN ARROW 

chines-tatapmini, I SHOOT ARROWS 
tap (root) = TO SHOOT 

As far as I can see from Giorda's material 
the plural reduplication in Kalispelm does not 
normally seem to extend beyond the stem and 
to include the initial sound of a suffix. Where 
the stem consists only of a consonant and a 
vowel the reduplication is restricted to it. 
See for instance: 

s'che'ilegu, SHADY PLACE; pi., s'chicheile'gu p. 494 

-ilegu= suffix for PLACE 
szoshin, LEG, FOOT; pi., szozooshi'n p. 545 

-shin= suffix for FOOT 

s'chua'gan, ARM; pi., s'chuchua'gan p. 494 

s'chaupu's, TEAR; pi., s'chauaupu's p. 22 

-au = (root) TO FALL IN DROPS 

Possibly the following may be an exception 
to this rule: 

sups, TAIL; pi., spsups p. 543 



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The diminutive is usually formed by a re- 
duplication of the stem exclusive of the con- 
sonant following the vowel. In contradistinc- 
tion to the shorter type of plural reduplication 
the accent of the diminutive is ordinarily 
thrown backward with the effect of reducing 
the vowel of the reduplicated syllable. 

ni'chemen, SAW; dim., ni'nchemen p. 413-4 

(pl.= nchni'chemen) 
smo'lemen, LANCE; dim., slmo'mlemen p. 530 

(1 = diminutive prefix) 

(pl.= smlmo'lemen) 
se'me, WHITE MAN; dim., se'seme p. 499 

(pl.= s'mse'me) 
ske'ltich, FLESH, BODY; dim., slka'kaltich p. 274 

(pl.= skalke'ltich) 
moko, MOUNTAIN; dim., tmmo'ko p. 398 

(pl.= mkomo'k) 
szotem, BULL; dim., slzo' ztem p. 544 

(pl.= sz'lzo'lem) 

sko'i, MOTHER; dim., slko'koi p. 292 
golko, WHEEL; dim., tgo'glko p. 184 
sne'ut, WIND; dim., slne'neut p. 411 
skaltemi'gu, MAN | 

kakaltemi'gu, A LITTLE FISH J P' 2 ?5 
gal, BRIGHT; dim., i-lgaga'l p. 137 
cheep, SOFT; dim., chche'p p. 44 
ike'ikgui, I DRIVE FOR A LITTLE DISTANCE p. 270 

(keig (root)=TO DRIVE) 
chin-nana'sshin, MY FOOT is A LITTLE WET p. 406 

(nas[root]= WET) 
hia'nkoi, i STEAL A LITTLE p. 404 

(nako (root)=TO STEAL) 

The diminutive prefix I is not always asso- 
ciated with the diminutive reduplication, for 
instance : 

smo'mshin, MARE; dim., stmo'mshin p. 386 

For a discussion of I see Giorda I, p. 351. 

Certain verbal and nominal suffixes are 
almost invariably associated with the re- 
duplicated form of the stem. The type of 
reduplication occurring with them is usually 
the longer plural one. 

With the verbal ending -t: 

che'chilt, NAUSEATING p. 50 

ku'skust, WONDERFUL p. 333 

koi'lkoh, LIVELY p. 295 

pelpa'lkot, AFFECTIONATE p. 452 

koi'mkomt, A QUICK WORKER p. 295 



-t with the diminutive reduplication : 
Ikake'iet, NARROW p. 352 

With the suffix -u}, denoting "the person 
who does something:" 

SUSUnu't, ONE WHO LIKES TO ASK QUESTIONS p. 50! 

seu(root)=TO ASK 
nlkalkalshu'J, A PROSTITUTE p. 355 
kaikaimu'l, ONE WHO WRITES MUCH p. 254 

kai= (root) TO WRITE 
npelpelskcligu'}, MURDERER p. 474 
But: popolsemu'}, ONE WHO ESPECIALLY KILLS 

ANIMALS 

pols(root)= TO KILL 

With -(s)nug, TO BE WORTHY OF: 
npupusnu'g, WORTH LOVING p. 487 

pus (root)=TO LOVE 

ngutgut't'snu'g, WORTHY OF ANGER p. 211 
iaiaasnu'g, ONE WHO INSPIRES AWE p. 220 
iguigusnug, WORTHY OF COMPASSION p. 230 

With -nueg, which denotes reciprocity: 

kaes-ngalgalnue'gui, WE FRIGHTEN ONE ANOTHER 
p. 158 

It is noteworthy that the plural reduplica- 
tion never seems to be used with the frequenta- 
tive suffix -luisi: 

chines-gei'lshemlui'si, i GO NOW AND THEN TO 

STEAL HORSES p. 155 

The plural is sometimes expressed by an ex- 
tension of the stem- vowel: 
chines-chiulshi, i CLIMB UP 1 
kaes-chue'ulshi, WE CLIMP UP ] p ' 
she'utem, LARGE GIRL; pi., shue'utem 1 
sheshu'tem, LITTLE GIRL; pi., sheushu'tem } P- ^ IO 
skue'st, NAME; skue'est, NAMES OF ONE PERSON 
(skuskue'st, NAMES OF SEVERAL PERSONS) p. 324 

This extension of the stem-vowel is also 
used to denote inchoative action: 

Zli'sh, IT GOT WARM p. 630 

zish= WARM 
es-tiimi', IT is BECOMING WET p. 569 

tim= WET 

The formation of the plurals of diminutives 
is interesting. Giorda's material seems to 
show clearly that they are never formed by 
means of a double reduplication. The follow- 
ing examples show that they are derived from 
the reduplicated form of the diminutive, the 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



163 



plural being indicated by an extension of the 
reduplicating vowel, sometimes by a diph- 
thongization of this vowel with an i. They 
never seem to be derived from the plural of 
the simplex. 

kali'i, LAKE; chitkaikali'i, SMALL LAKES p. 257 

(chiikalkali'i= LAKES) 
skuse'e, SON; skoikuse'e, BOYS p. 529 

(skukuse'e= BOY) 

kokomeus, YOUNG HORSE; pi., koikome'us p. 296 
titui't, BOY; pi., tiitui't p. 572 
pogo't, PARENT; pi. dim., piipogo't p. 470 

(pogpogo't, PARENTS) 
she'utem, GIRL; pi. dim., sheushu'tem p. 510 

(sheshu'tem= LITTLE GIRL, 
shue'utem= GIRLS) 

End-reduplication, that is to say, the re- 
peating of the last consonant of the stem, is a 
prominent feature of Kalispelm. It occurs in 
some plural forms: 

skolchemu's, CHEEK; pi., skolchemmu's p. 52 

chem (root)= EXTREMITY OF SOMETHING 
s'cheme'pshin, HEEL; pi., schemme'pshin p. 494 
ies-nchehu'sem, I UNCOVER HIS FACE 
ies-kolchehehu'sem, i UNCOVER HIS CHEEKS 
chines-lke'ilshi, i LAY DOWN 
kaes-lkali'lshi, WE LAY DOWN 
kaes-lkalkali'lshi, WE LAY DOWN IN GROUPS 
es-npenna'ksi, THEY LIE ON THE ROAD, ALL 

IN ONE PLACE 

es-npenpenna'ksi, THEY LIE HERE AND THERE 

ON THE ROAD 

(pen=root; -aks= suffix for ROAD) 



P-45 



P-354 



p. 466 



In the verb the end-reduplication ordinarily 
expresses the passing from one state into 
another: 

tgO'gO, IT BECAME STRAIGHT p. 591 
tOg= STRAIGHT 

chines-tkokomi', i FALL p. 578 

tk"= (root) TO LIE 
chines-ko'lili, JE DEVIENS p. 297 

kol= (root) to make 

chines-ntkokomi', i AM BEING CONCEIVED. (This 
expresses the act of passing from a state of not 
being conceived to one of being conceived, 
Giorda) p. 430 
chines-na'kokoi, i GO TO STEAL p. 404 

nako= (root) TO STEAL 
es-mkokomi', IT SWELL UP p. 398 

moko= root 



gui'kuku, IT IS BEING DRESSED p. 197 

guika= root 
chines-ia't'ti, i AM BEING SHAKEN p. 223 

khi'ch, IT BECOMES BOUND p. 34! 

lich= (root) TO BIND 

eS-DOz'z, IT FLATTENS p. 455 

i-pOZ= FLAT 

pini'n, IT BECAME FULL p. 465 

pin= FULL 
es-telilemi, IT GROWS HARD p. 564 

til= (rOOt) TO HARDEN 

pgO'g, IT GOT SCATTERED p. 460 

P0g= (root) TO SCATTER 

Certain verbal suffixes are ordinarily asso- 
ciated with the end-reduplication. Thus 
-nunem, TO SUCCEED IN SOMETHING occurs 
almost always with this form of the verb. 

ies-kammnu'nem, i SUCCEED IN SWALLOWING IT 

p. 261 
ies-gol'lnu'nem, i SUCCEED IN THROWING IT AWAY 

p. 176 

ies-skakanu'nem, i SUCCEED IN SPLITTING IT p. 492 
ies-paag'ganu'nem, i SUCCEED IN CURING p. 448 
ies-lz'znu'nem, i SUCCEED IN WHIPPING HIM p. 365 
ies-koeenu'nem, i SUCCEED IN BITING IT p. 281 

ies-il'lnu'nem, i SUCCEED IN STRIKING p. 232 

ies-gukukunu'nem, i SUCCEED IN CLEANSING IT p. 204 

End-reduplication with -utem: 
elchchutem, ABLE TO BE BOUND p. 343 

lech= (root) TO BIND 
ngal'lu'tem, TO BE FEARED p. 157 
gul'lu'tem, SANABILIS p. 197 

gez'ztmu'tem, ABLE TO DIG p. 168 

The end-reduplication seems almost always 
to be used with the negation: 

taS-10'O, NOT WELL, io', WELL p. 237 

taks-shni'n, IT WILL NOT STICK p. 516 

shin= root 

tas gokoko'tem, INSEPARABLE p. 183 
tas kue'lchch, IT DOES NOT UPSET p. 324 
tas kup'p, IT DOES NOT MOVE p. 333 
ta-spi'pe, but: chines-spmi', i WHIP 

Verbs may have an initial as well as an end- 
reduplication in one and the same form. 

chines-chshiteshtemu's, I RAISE MY EYES 1 
chin-chshiteshit'temu's, MY EYES RISE UP f p. 519 

BY THEMSELVES 

sgolkolkoiTl, UNJUST PROFITS p. 294 

koil= (root), TO CHEAT 

kaes-zkakali'lsh, WE FALL ON OUR BACKS p. 630 
(chines-zkalo't, i LIE ON MY BACK) 



1 64 



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VOL. I 



From Mengarini's "Flathead Grammar" 
(Grammatica Linguae Selicae) it is clear that 
the plural and diminutive forms of this dialect 
are the same as those of Kalispelm. See for 
instance : 

Plural: 

skoi, MOTHER; pi., skoikoi 
esmo'ck, MOUNTAIN; pi., esmkmo'ck 
sko'lchemu's, CHEEK; pi., sko'lchammu's 

Diminutives: 

eslmmo'ck, SMALL MOUNTAIN 
she'shu'tem, SMALL GIRL 

IgOglko, SMALL WHEEL 
Slko'koi, SMALL MOTHER 



QUINAULT 

Dr. Leo Frachtenberg has studied the form- 
ation of the diminutive and of the plural in this 
dialect. He has kindly permitted me the use 
of his manuscript. He has established the 
interesting fact that the process of reduplica- 
tion is practically absent in this Salish dialect. 

The only clear case of reduplication in 
Quinault is the following: 

ki'utan, HORSE 

tci'Lla'k!" kigwe"tan, i HAVE GOOD HORSES 

Possibly the following may also suggest the 
presence of a reduplication provided one pos- 
tulates the change of y to dj in the reduplicated 
syllable: 

xwa' yi'lEn, KNIFE 

ta' an letc! xwe' idjelEn, MY SHARP KNIVES 

In the vocabulary collected by Dr. Boas it 
may be that tce'l.tceltc u , SPINSTER, is a re- 
duplicated form. 

From Frachtenberg's material it is plain 
that the plural in Quinault is formed either by 
the particle xwe, MANY, or the suffix -elma'. 

sqe'qlnat, WOMAN; pi., xwe sqeqe'lnal 

ma'qsin, NOSE; pi., ma'qsinelma' 

The diminutive is formed, in addition to a 
suffixed o, by means of a change of the stem- 
vowel. This change consists ordinarily either 



in replacing a simple vowel by an echoed one 
or by simply introducing a glottal stop. 

qa'yis, STONE; dim., qa'aiso 

si'plEn, AXE; dim., si'pte'no 

tell, HIGH; dim., tci'il 

The same type of vowel-extension is ob- 
served in the word kwaiai'El, INFANT, which 
is common to Satsep, Upper Chehalis, and 
Cowlitz. It is the diminutive form of kwai'il, 
YOUNG. 



SNOHOMISH 

The reduplications of this dialect were re- 
corded by the writer during his field-work 
among the Snohomish and Snuqualmi in the 
fall of 1916. 

The plural is formed almost without excep- 
tion by a repetition of the stem including the 
consonant following the vowel. The vowel of 
the reduplicating syllable remains the same 
as that of the simplex. 

klo'spt, TROUT (k!wa'spl Snuqualmi); pi., k!o'sk!spl 

L!x u ai", DOG-SALMON; pi., L!x u L!x"ai" 

Lltcets, BOW; pi., L!a'tcL!atcit8 

sqEbai", DOG; pi., sqEbqbai" 

tS'sid, ARROW; pi., te'stesid 

steqa'yu", WOLF; pi., stEqtqa'yu' 

stcE'txud, BEAR; pi., stcE'ttctxud 

yixEla', EAGLE; pi., yix u yix"Ela' 

cau', BONE; pi., cau"cau' 

Lle'lbid, CANOE; pi., Lle'lLlelbid 

xk!o'dcEd, FOOT; pi., x"k!o'dk!odcEd 

tca'las, ARM; pi., tca'ltcElas 

t'klo's, OWL; pi., t'kt'klo's 

sqlEbia', SKUNK (sqtebio" Snuqualmi); 

pi., sq!E'bq!bia 

tcia'lasats, FERN; pi., tcla'ltclElasats 
k!"a'lu, SKIN; pi., k! u a'lk!"Elu 

SpEtCO', BASKET; pi., SpE'tCptCO 

axa', GOOSE; pi., 'ax'axa' 
spo'k u ab, HILL; pi., spo'kp5k u ab 
stcEbe'dats, FIR; pi., stcEbtcEbe'dats 
xpai' CEDAR; pi., xEpxpai" 
k u ag"e'dtcEd, ELK; pi., k"ag u k u ag u e'dtcEd 
sk!"aqe'q, ROBIN; pi., sk!"aqk! u aqe'q 
xebxeb, HAWK; pi., xebxebxeb 
so'pqs, SEAL; pi., so'psopqs 
sqe'xa', WOOL DOG; pi., sqe'xqexa' 
a'lal, HOUSE; pi., a'lalal 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



165 



bo'ctcEb, 1 MINK; pi., bo'cboctcEb 
xa'tcu, LAKE; pi., xa'tcxatcu 

Plurals which do not reduplicate the con- 
sonant following the stem-vowel seem to be 
rather exceptional. See the following exam- 
ples: 

tciLla', STONE (tcla'Lla' Snuqualmi); pi., tcitciLla' 

sbyau, FOX; pi., sbi'byau' 

sla'dai', WOMAN; pi., stala'dai' 

swawa', LION; pi., swawawa' 

The following does not belong properly in 
this class as it is onomatopoetic : 
k!a'k!a, CROW; pi., k!a'k!ak!a 

It seems to be a constant feature of the 
plural-reduplication in Snohomish that the 
repetition is restricted to the stem and does 
not include the initial consonant of the suffix 
when the stem consists only of two sounds. See: 
po'tEd, SHIRT; pi., po'potEd 

(-tEd = instrumental suffix) 
sqla'cEd, MOCCASIN; pi., sqla'qlacfid 

(-cEd = suffix for FOOT) 
dzidi's, TOOTH; pi., dzidza'dis 
(-nis = suffix for TOOTH) 

The following plural forms seem to be like- 
wise explained by the presence of a suffix: 
bo'q", DUCK; pi., bo"bo'q u 
stsa'li, HEART; pi., stsa'tsali 
sq!a'"L!, OTTER; pi., sq!a' a 'q!a'*L! 

The Comox plural-reduplications are dis- 
tinguished from those of the Snohomish in 
that the former do not, like the latter, restrict 
themselves to the etymological stem, but may 
also include part of a suffix, for instance 
(Sapir: "Noun Reduplication in Comox" pp. 
12 and 13): 

q'.a'Ll, LAND-OTTER; pi., q!AL!q!a' a L! 

q!a'"sa', SEA-OTTER; pi., q!A'sq!a"sa' (Kwakiutl) 

mA'qsin', NOSE; pi., mA'qlmAqsin' 
(-qsin' = suffix for NOSE) 

dji'cin', FOOT; pi., dji'cdjicin' 

dji'dis, TOOTH; pi., dji'ddjidis 
(-dis = suffix for TOOTH). 

The following plural forms are irregular: 
sxlu's, HEAD; pi., sxaxa'yus 

This plural form is explained by the Snuqual- 
mi word for HEAD: sxa'yus. 

1 6 like in German offnen 



sya'b, CHIEF; pi., si'ya'b 
sto'bc, MAN; pi., sto'b5bc 

This last form is very extraordinary, -be is 

the suffix for PERSON. Compare the Comox 

form tA'mto'mic. 2 

There are two types of diminutive redupli- 
cation in Snohomish. In the one type the 
vowel of the stem is repeated in the redupli- 
cating-syllable, in the other this vowel is 
changed to an i (or e). In either case the 
consonant following the vowel is not included 
in the reduplication. It is almost a constant 
feature that the accent is thrown back on the 
reduplicating-syllable. This is usually associ- 
ated with a reduction or complete elimina- 
tion of the vowel of the reduplicated syllable. 
Examples of reduplication of the first type are: 

tca'las, ARM; dim., tca"tcElas 
k"ag u e'dtcEd, ELK; dim., k u akg u e'dtcEd 

(Compare: pi., k u ag u k"ag u e'dtcEd) 
sk! u aqe'q, ROBIN; dim., sk! u ak!"qe'q 
so'pqs, SEAL; dim., so'sEpqs 
a'lal, HOUSE; dim., a"alal 
xa'tcu, LAKE; dim., xa'xtcu 
sto'bc, MAN; dim., stu'tubc 
kla'kla, CROW; dim., k!a'k!k!a 
sla'dai', WOMAN; dim., sla'ladai' *; pi., slala'dai' 
stsa'li, HEART; dim., stsa'tsEli 
sqlaLl, CLOUD; dim., sq!a'q!L! 
cau', BONE; dim., ca"cu' 
swawa', LION; dim., swa' u wa' 

Instances of the second type of diminutive 
reduplication (with a shift to i in the redupli- 
cating-syllable) are: 

po'tEd, SHIRT; dim., pi'potEd 
sqla'cEd, MOCCASIN; dim., sq!e'q!acEd 
bo'q u . DUCK; dim., bi" bo'q u 
sqla'n.!, OTTER; dim., sq!e" e q!a'"L! 
bo'ctcEb, MINK; dim., bi'bctcEb 
k!"a'lu, SKIN; dim., k.TkWu 
x u k!o'dcEd, FOOT; dim., x u k!e'k!odcEd 
klo'spl, TROUT; dim., k! u e'sk!"spl 
Lltcets, BOW; dim., Lle'Lltcits 

(pi., Lla'tcLlatcits) 
sxius, HEAD, (sxa'yus Snuqualmi) 

dim., sxi'xius 
stcE'txud, BEAR, (ctca'txud Snuqualmi) 

dim., stci'tctxud 

2 Sapir: op. cit. p. 14. 

3 See Nisqualli la'ledai = GIRL (Teit). 



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In some cases the vowel of the reduplicating- 
syllable represents a diphthongization with *': 
axa', GOOSE; dim., i' a xa 
sqEbai'', DOG (squbai" Snuqualmi); 

dim., squi'qubai 1 
tcla'lasats, FERN; dim., tc!a'''tc!Elasats 

Words in which the stem-vowel is obscure 
or is itself an t-vowel cannot be attributed 
either to one or to the other of the above types, 
for instance: 

spEtco', BASKET; dim., spi'ptco 

te'sid, ARROW; dim., te'tsid 

L!x"ai", DOG-SALMON; dim., L!i'L!x u ai' 

steqa'yu', WOLF; dim., stitqa'yu' 

Lle'lbid, CANOE; dim., Lte'Ltelbid 

t'klO's, OWL; dim., t'i't'klos 

sqlEbia', SKUNK; dim., sqle'qtebia 

stcEbe'dats, FIR; dim., stcltcbi'dats 

xpai', CEDAR; dim., xe'xpai' 

xebxeb, HAWK; dim., xe'xebxeb 

sqe'xa', WOOL DOG; dim., sqe'qxa 

sya'b, CHIEF; dim., se'ya'b 

dzidi's, TOOTH; dim., dzi'dzidis 

tciLla', STONE; dim., tcitcxla' 

(tc!a'L!a'= STONE Snuqualmi) 

sbyau, FOX; dim., sbi'byau. 

In the following word the diminutive is 
formed by an extension of the stem-vowel 
without reduplication: 

sp6'k u ab, HILL; dim., spo''k u ab 

Probably the same is true in the following: 
yix u Ela', EAGLE, yi'ix"Ela' 

As far as I can judge from my material the 
plural-diminutives are invariably derived from 
the diminutive form. This general principle 
of formation contrasts with that of Comox 
where the corresponding forms are always 
diminutized plurals, the first reduplicating 
syllable being of the diminutive type, the 
second of the plural type (cf. Sapir: op. cit. 
p. 34). With the exception of the words for 
"man" and "woman" the Snohomish plural 
diminutives are formed by repeating the re- 
duplicating syllable of the diminutive form. 

spEtco', BASKET; pi. dim., spi'piptco 
(dim., spi'ptco; pi., spE'tcptco) 

te'sid, ARROW; pi. dim., te'tetsid 
(dim., te'tsid; pi., te'stesid) 



L!x"ai', DOG-SALMON; pi. dim., L!i'L!iL!x u ai' 
steqa'yu', WOLF; pi. dim., stititqa'yu' 
Lie'lbid, CANOE; pi. dim., Lle'L'.eLlElbid 
t'klo's, OWL; pi. dim., tTt'it'klos 
sqlfibia', SKUNK; pi. dim., sqle'qleqlfibia 
stcEbe'dats, FIR; pi. dim., stcitcitcbi'dats 
xpai', CEDAR; pi. dim., xe'xexpai' 
xebxeb, HAWK; pi. dim., xe'xexEbxEb 
sqe'xa', WOOL DOG; pi. dim., sqe'qeqxa 
dzidi's, TOOTH; pi. dim., dzidzEdza'dis 
tcu-Ia', STONE; pi. dim., tcItcitcLla' 
sbyau, FOX; pi. dim., sbi'bi'byau 
tca'las, ARM; pi. dim., tca"tca'tcElas 
k u ag"e'dtcEd, ELK; pi. dim. k"ak u ak u gVdtcEd 
sk! u aqe'q, ROBIN; pi. dim., sk! u ak!"ak! u qe'q 
s5'pqs, SEAL; pi. dim., so'sospqs 
a'lal, HOUSE; pi. dim., a'Valal 
xa'tcu, LAKE; pi. dim., xa'xaxtcu 
kla'kla, CROW; pi. dim., k!a'k!ak!k!a 
stsa'li, HEART; pi. dim., stsa'tsatsnli 
sqlaLl, CLOUD; pi. dim., sq!a'q!aq!L! 
cau', BONE; pi. dim., ca"ca'cu' 
swawa', LION; pi. dim., swa' u wa' u wa' 
pS'tEd, SHIRT; pi. dim., pi'pipotEd 
sqia'cEd, MOCCASIN; pi. dim., sq!e'q!eq!acEd 
bo'q", DUCK; pi. dim., bi"bi'bo'q u 
sq!a'*L!, OTTER; pi. dim., sq!e'"'q!e' e q!a' a L! 
bo'ctcEb, MINK; pi. dim., bi'blbctcEb 
k!"a'lu, SKIN; pi. dim., k! u i'k! u ik! u lu 
x u k!o'dcEd, FOOT; pi. dim., $ u k!e'k!ek!odcEd 
klo'spl, TROUT; pi. dim., k! u e'k! u esk! u spl 
LltCEts, BOW; pi. dim., Lle'LleLltcits 
sxiu's, HEAD; pi. dim., sxexxa'yus 
stcE'txud, BEAR; pi. dim., stci'tcitctxud 
axa', GOOSE; pi. dim., 'i"i a xa 
sqEbai", DOG; pi. dim., squi'quiqEbai' 
tcla'lasats, FERN; pi. dim., tc!a"'tc!a''tc!Elasats 
yix"Ela', EAGLE; pi. dim., yi'yi'ix u Ela 
spo'k u ab, HILL; pi. dim., spo'pok"ab 

(dim., spo''k u ab, pi., spo'k u 'pok u ab) 
sya'b, CHIEF; pi. dim., se'e'ya'b 

(dim., se'ya'b) 

The only two exceptions known to me of the 
above method of forming the plural-diminu- 
tive are the words for MAN and WOMAN. 
sto'bc, MAN; pi. dim., sto'hotobc 
(pi., sto'bobc, dim., stu'tubc) 
sla'dai', WOMAN; pi. dim., sla'haladai' 
(pi., slala'dai', dim., sla'ladai') 

These two plural-diminutives are also de- 
rived from the diminutive form, but not by 
means of an additional reduplication, but by 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



I6 7 



an extension of the vowel of the reduplicating 
syllable of the diminutive. 

It is a general rule that the accent in the 
plural-diminutive is thrown back on the first 
reduplicating syllable. 

CLALLAM-LKUNGEN 

Dr. Frachtenberg has collected reduplica- 
tions of the Clallam. He has kindly let me 
use the material in his manuscript. Where no 
other author is mentioned the Clallam- 
Lkungen reduplications cited below were re- 
corded by him. 1 

There are three distinct types of plural 
formation in Clallam. In the first the stem, 
including the consonant following the first 
vowel, is reduplicated. Dr. Frachtenberg's 
material seems to show that this type of plural 
is not very frequent. 

xo'unt, PADDLE; pi., xo' n xwant 

stca'ninux", SALMON; pi., stcintca'ninux" 

slinEtcatl, GIRL; pi., slinlinatcalatl H.T. 

Luq u , TO STICK; Luq"Luq u , STICKY H.T. 

dja'tdjutxum, TO BUILD A HOUSE B. 

In the last example the reduplication in- 
cludes the initial consonant of the suffix 
(-tx u , HOUSE). 

The second type of plurals is formed by 
repeating the stem without the second con- 
sonant. Here we can distinguish between re- 
duplications in which the reduplicating syl- 
lable repeats the quality of the stem-vowel 
and such in which the vowel is changed to 
i (or e). 

sqo'nltct, WILLOW; pi., sqoqo'nhct 

qlwa'yin, EAR; pi., q! u q!we'yin 

sto'owe, RIVER; pi., sto'tauwi 

paq!, WHITE; pi., pi'paq! 

qa'yin, EYE; pi., qeqa'yin 

anitsa'qu, RED; pi., anitsitsa'qu 

sma'yits, ELK; pi., smime'its 

Finally, the third type is not formed by re- 
duplication, but by means of an extension of 
the stem-vowel. 

sma'tslEn, SKUNK; pi., smaya'tstens 
tc u xwa'yo, WHALE; pi., tcayuxwe'yo" 
'Compare: Hill-Tout JA1 37, p. 314 



khva'yinsin, SEAGULL; pi., khvaya'yinsin 
Lla'qt, LONG; pi., Lla'yaqt 
tslila'aftc, MAPLE; pi., ts!a'iJa'a}tc 

The material recorded by Hill-Tout in 
JAI Vol. 37 is from Lkungen, a dialect very 
closely related to Clallam. The extension of 
the stem-vowel in the plurals of this dialect is 
not brought about by a y-glide, but by an 
/-glide; see for instance: 

qa'ni, MAID; pi., qala'ni H.T. 

kwa'nin, ORPHAN; pi., kwEla'nin H.T. 

This difference between Clallam and Lkun- 
gen corresponds to the shift of / to i, char- 
acteristic of Clallam. 

The extension of the stem-vowel is often 
brought about by the introduction of an 
t-vowel : 

sxas, BAD; pi., sxlya's 

t.'at.'au'sna', STAR; pi., t!i'yat!au'sna' 

sx u na'am, SHAMAN; pi., sx u mya'am 

kwa'ckwac, BLUEJAY; pi., kwa'yickuc 

The diminutives in Clallam seem to be 
formed regularly by a repetition of the stem 
exclusive of the second consonant. We can 
distinguish between diminutive reduplications 
in which the reduplicating syllable repeats the 
vowel of the stem and such in which this vowel 
is changed to an a. A corresponding type with 
a shift to i does not seem to exist in this 
dialect. 

xo'unt, PADDLE; dim., xo'xwant 
paq!, WHITE; dim., pa'pa'q.'al 

(pi., pi'paq!) 
xpal', CEDAR; dim., xaxa'pe 

(pi., xlxa'pe) 

sqo'nltct, WILLOW; dim., sqoqo'nltct 
sqa'xa', DOG; dim., sqa'qa'xa 

(pi., sqa'ya'xa) 

Diminutive-reduplications with c-shift: 
steqeu', HORSE; dim., stateqeu' 

(pi., stiteqeu') 
ctca'tci'ayil, CHILD 
qu'ni, SEAGULL; dim., qwa'qun-I 
tcli'tcJaftc, SPRUCE; dim., tc!a'tc!itc!altc 

In the following words not the same syl- 
lables are reduplicated in the plural and in[the 
diminutive : 



1 68 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



anitsa'qu, RED; pi., anitsitsa'qu 

dim., a'anitsa'qu} 
anELa}, BLUE; pi., aniLe'Lal 
dim., a'ani'.i.al 

Diminutives which are not formed by re- 
duplication seem to be very unusual, see for 
instance : 

sma'yits, ELK; dim., sme'Its 
klwa'yanisin, EAGLE; dim., Idwe'eyini'sin 

The plural-diminutive is never derived from 
the plural, but always from the diminutive. 
It is not formed by an additional reduplica- 
tion, but by means of extending the vowel of 
the reduplicating syllable of the diminutive. 
This extension does not seem ever to be 
brought about by an introduction of an i- 
vowel as is the case in many plurals derived 
from the simplex. 

siqle, HEAVY; pi. dim., sa'yase'qle 

dim., sa'se'qle; pi., sa'yi'q.'e 
tcEla't, THICK; pi. dim., tca'ya'tce'tt 

dim., tca'tce'It; pi., tcitca'ft 
plau'wi', FLOUNDER; pi. di*n., p!a'ya'p!a'uwi' 

dim., p!a'p!a'uwi'; pi., pla'yau'wi' 
waxa'}, FROG; pi. dim., wa'yawaxa'l 

dim., wa'waxa't; pi., wiya'xal 
sldwato', RAVEN; pi. dim., sk!wa'ya'k!ut6' 

dim., sklwa'lduto'; pi., sklwa'yitS' 

Lkungen has again the extension with / 
instead of y: 

ska'kala, INFANT; pi., skala'kala H.T. 
sLCLuLkEL, CHILD; pi., sLaleLULkEL H.T. 



SQUAMISH 

Our material on the reduplications of this 
dialect is very meager. This is especially re- 
grettable as Squamish is linguistically more or 
less independent from the other northern 
coast dialects. 

Hill-Tout gives a list of plural reduplica- 
tions: BAAS 1900, p. 497. Furthermore, the 
following examples are found in his vocabulary 
(ibidem pp. 513 et seq.): 

a'xuai, HOUSE-FLY; pi., oxa'xuai 
stao'tl, CHILD; pi., stutao'tl 
tcuwa'c, WIFE; pi., tcutcu'wac 



sue'ka, MAN; pi., siwe'Eka 

tcima'c, BROTHER-IN-LAW; pi., tcimtcima'c 

mEn, SON; pi., mEnmEn 

SLa'nai, WOMAN; pi., sLinLa'nai 

Compare: slgnio'L, YOUNG WOMAN (Boas) 
(-OL= diminutive suffix) 
pi., sLfinLfnio'L. 
sqa'qel, INFANT, is also a diminutive form. 

From the examples cited above it is clear 
that as in other Salish dialects the plural is 
formed by repeating the stem either with or 
without the consonant following the vowel. 



NANAIMO AND LOWER FRASER 

These are very closely related dialects. A 
list of Nanaimo reduplications is given by 
Dr. Boas: BAAS 1890, pp. 680-681. Hill- 
Tout gives a number from the Lower Fraser: 
BAAS 1902, p. 20. 

There are two chief types of plural forma- 
tion represented in this material. The first 
type consists in reduplicating the stem-syl- 
lable either with or without the consonant 
following the vowel. 

Nanaimo: 

spal, RAVEN; pi., spElpa'l 
qEla'qa, CROW; pi., qElqEla'qa 
sta'lo, RIVER; pi., stElta'lo 
stia'aLtEm, SALMON; pi., stsEltsa'aLtEn 
la'lEm, HOUSE; pi., lala'lEm 

Lower Fraser: 

skwomai', DOG; pi., skwomkwomai' 
smalt, STONE; pi., smEma'lt 
kwEtla'i, LOG; pi., kwEtlkwEtli H.T. 
me'la, SON; pi., ma'mela 

Compare: Squamish: mEn, pi., mEnmEn H.T. 
sElia'tl, LITTLE GIRL; pi., sisElia'tl H.T. 

(-atl= diminutive suffix) 
lulcElu'kEm, DRIVER (lu'kEm=TO DRIVE) H.T. 

The second type of plurals is formed by an 
extension of the stem-vowel by means of an 
1-glide: 

Nanaimo: 

ha'pet, DEER; pi., hala'pet 
qa'qEn, POST; pi., qa'laqEn 
spa'qEm, FLOWER; pi., spa'laqEm 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



169 



Lower Fraser: 

q'ami, MAID; pi., q'a'lami 
ya'suq, HAT; pi., ya'lsuq. 

This is the same type of plural formation as 
occurs in Lkungen and Clallam (extension 
with a y-glide in this dialect). 

qa'ni, MAID; pi., qala'ni Hill-Tout: JAI 37, p.3H 
(Lkungen n < Nanaimo Lower Fraser m) 

sqa'xa, DOG; pi., skala'xa 

The diminutive is formed as usual by a 
repetition of the stem exclusive of the second 
consonant and by a shifting of the accent on 
the reduplicating-syllable. 

sta'lo, RIVER; dim., sta'tElo B. (H.T.) 

stca'atltEm, SALMON; dim., stca'tsElatltEm B. 

qa'qEn, POST; dim., qa'qqEn B. 

spa'qEm, FLOWER; dim., spa'pqEm B. 

Augmentative forms in Nanaimo are: 
snE'xuitl, BOAT; aug., sno'xuotl 
sia'm, CHIEF; sfsia'm, HIGHEST CHIEF 

There is one Lower Fraser example of a 
plural-diminutive formation in our material: 
q'ami, MAID; pi. dim., qaka'lami \H.T.: 

dim., qa'qami; pi., q'a'lami J BAAS 1902 p-372 

I regard this form very interesting when 
compared with the plural-diminutive forms 
of Clallam. While the plurals and the diminu- 
tives are formed according to the same prin- 
ciples in Nanaimo-Lower Fraser and in Clal- 
lam-Lkungen, this plural-diminutive form is 
derived in a different way. As already stated, 
the plural-diminutives of Clallam are always 
derived from the diminutive form with an ex- 
tension of the reduplicating-vowel by means 
of a y-glide (Clallam y < / in Lkungen, 
Nanaimo, etc.). But the Lower Fraser form 
qaka'lami is derived from the plural form by 
means of a diminutive reduplication. Com- 
pare for instance, qaka'lami with Clallam: 

sta'tcin, WOLF; pi. dim., sta'ya'ta'tcin 
dim., stata'tcin; pi., sta'ya'tcin 

SESHELT 

The only material on reduplications from 
this dialect is that published by Hill-Tout in 
JAI Vol. 34- 



The plural is formed by a reduplication of 
the stem with or without the second con- 
sonant : 

sto'mic, MAN; pi., stE'mtomic 

stEkai'Q, HORSE; pi., stEkte'akaiu 

Lu'mstan, HOUSE; pi., La'Lumstan 

kwo'yiluk, TO MURDER; kwokwoyi'luk, MURDERER 

There are no examples of a plural formation 
by means of an extension of the stem-vowel as 
found so frequently in Clallam-Lkungen and 
Nanaimo-Lower Fraser. Compare for in- 
stance : 

Seshelt: ho'pit, DEER; pi., hEpho'pIt H.T. 

Nanaimo: ha'pet, DEER; pi., hala'pEt B. 

The diminutive is formed by the common 
process of repeating the stem without the con- 
sonant following the vowel. This is sometimes 
associated with a shift of the reduplicating 
vowel to an i (e) : 

tlu'mstan, HOUSE; dim., tle'tlumstan 

sto'lo, RIVER; dim., sto'tElo 

ho'pit, DEER; dim., hohoplt, FAWN 

skwuke't, SPLINTER; dim., skwe'kwuket 

tla'nai, WOMAN; LiLa'nai, GIRL 
(Pentlatch: sla'aLnae, GIRL) 

I can cite only the following three examples 
of plural-diminutive formation: 

tla'nai, WOMAN; tli'tlintlanai, GIRLS 

tlitla'nai= GIRL 

me'man, CHILD; mume'man, CHILDREN 
swa'wElos, BOY; pi., swawe'wElos 
Compare : 

Lower Fraser: swe'wilus, YOUTH; 

pi., swa'wilus H.T. 
Comox: we'walQs; pi., we"'walps Sapir. 

Seshelt is a dialect closely related to Comox 
and Pentlatch. The form tli'tlintlanai is de- 
rived in the same way as the Comox plural- 
diminutives, namely, by a secondary redupli- 
cation of the plural form (see p. 170). 

COMOX 

In his paper on "Noun Reduplication in 
Comox" (Geological Survey of Canada, 
memoir 63), Dr. Sapir has given us much 
valuable material. He has tabulated it in 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



numerous types and sub-types from a purely 
phonetic point of view. For our purposes of 
comparative study we can adapt a much sim- 
pler scheme of classification of types. The 
essential characteristics of plural and diminu- 
tive reduplications in Comox seem to me to be 
as follows. As in other Salish dialects there 
are two kinds of plural reduplication. In the 
first the stem is repeated including the con- 
sonant following the first vowel, for instance: 

ts!ox6", CODFISH; pi., ts!o'xts!ox6' 

qA'I-q!, WARRIOR; pi., qA'1-qAlq! 

qex", RING FINGER; pi., qA'x u qex u 

In some cases the reduplicating vowel shows 
a shift to an i: 

sa'paxps, HORN; pi., si'psapaxps 
so'sin', MOUTH; pi, si'ssosin' 

In the second type of plural reduplications 
the stem is repeated without the consonant 
following the vowel. In this type the vowel 
of the reduplicating syllable changes to * (e) 
apparently with rather few exceptions. 1 Such 
are, for instance : 

a'x u , SNOW-FLAKE; a'ax", FALLING SNOW 
yi'p-i'x", HOLE; pi., ya'yipl'x" 

In the usual form with a change to * the 
accent is ordinarily thrown back on the 
reduplicating syllable : 

sa"idJA', LEAF; pi., si'sa'idJA 1 
tca'yac, HAND; pi., tci'tcayac 
sa"yal, LAKE; pi., si'sa'yal 
qa"ya', WATER; pi., qe'qa'ya 1 

As in other Salish dialects the diminutive 
is formed by repeating the stem exclusive of 
the consonant following the vowel. The vowel 

1 1 do not think it is necessary to postulate another 
type of reduplication in which the vowel changes to o 
in the reduplicating syllable, for instance in such 
words as: 

}a'gygt! a , HERRING; pi., lo'la'gJ'lt!'' 

he'gyps, CHIEF; pi., ho '"he 'gyps 

(See Sapir: op. cil. p. 15) 

As Dr. Sapir suggests, this peculiarity is most likely 
explained by the fact that g> which follows the vowel of 
the stem is etymologically equal to w. Thus Comox 
g- < w of Pentlatch. 



of the reduplicating syllable either maintains 
the quality of the stem-vowel or shows a shift 
to i (e). 

so'sin', MOUTH; dim., so'ssin' 
sS'pAdatc, TAIL; dim., so'"sp.\datc 
t!a''q!at', MOUNTAIN; dim., t!a't!q!e't' 
xa"a, BIG CLAM; dim., xe'xA'a'* 
pa'xai', CREEK; dim., pj'p'xe' 1 
L!a'"q!wai, FISH-GILL; dim., L!i' j L!q!wai 

In those cases where the accent is thrown 
on the reduplicating syllable the vowel of the 
reduplicated syllable is frequently reduced or 
eliminated. 

In those cases where the plural as well 
as the diminutive are formed by repeating 
the stem without the second consonant and 
by changing the vowel to i the two forms 
are ordinarily distinguished by the different 
position of the accent. It is thrown on the 
reduplicating syllable in the plural form, but 
remains on the reduplicated one in the dimin- 
utive. 

tca'yac, HAND; pi., tci'tcayac; dim., tcjtca"'yac 
qa"ya', WATER; pi., qe'qa'ya'; dim., qeqa"ya' 
sa"yal, LAKE; pi., si'sa'yal; dim., sisa"yal 
xa"adjaic, STONE; pi., xe'xa'adjaic; 
dim., xexa"adje'ic 

As mentioned elsewhere the plural redupli- 
cation is not necessarily confined in Comox 
to the etymological stem. The initial con- 
sonant of a suffix may be included in the repe- 
tition ; for instance in : 

mA'qsin', NOSE; pi., mA'qiniAqsin' 

dji'cin', FOOT; pi., dji'cdjicin' 

The plural-diminutives in Comox are formed 
by a double process of reduplication, the first 
reduplicating syllable expressing the diminu- 
tive idea, the second that of plurality (see 
Sapir: op. cit. p. 34 et seq.). 

Lli'kuinAs, HEART; pi. dim., Lli'Ltek'LlikuinAs 

aL, LEGGING; pi. dim., e"aL'ai. 

ya'xai' 1 , PACK-BASKET; pi. dim., yiyi'xiyaxai' ' 

BELLA COOLA 

From this dialect I can cite only a very few 
examples from the material of Dr. Boas. 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



171 



Plural: 

stn, TREE; pi., stntn 
mE'na, CHII.D; pi., mame'nts 

Diminutive: 

x'nas, WOMAN; x'ix-na's, GIRL 

(the plural of x'nas is formed by means of a 
suffix: 

x-na'cuks= WOMEN, cf: Boas: BAAS 1890, 
p. 679) 
qe'qte, CHILD 

imi'lk-, MAN; imilimi'lk', BOY 
(imilkuks= MEN) 

imilimi'lk- is the only diminutive form that 
I can cite from any Salish dialect in which the 
reduplication includes the consonant follow- 
ing the stem-vowel. This type of reduplica- 
tion is always characteristic of the plural. 



TILLAMOOK 

Our material on the reduplications of this 
dialect is equally meager. 

Plural: 

t'ane', EAR; pi., t'Ent'a'ne 

Attention is called to the fact that in this 
word the reduplication includes part of the 
suffix, -(a)ne = EAR. 

Diminutive: 

sna'win, HOUSE; dim., snonena'wun 
gaa'kaL, BOY; dim., gogaa'kaL 
hanE'luin, ARM; dim., hohanE'Iuin 
sqaga'yin, FOX; dim., sqoqaga'yin 
goqa'nis, A YOUNG WHALE 
toteyi'lho, A LITTLE MAN 
stote'wat, SLAVE (ste'wat= MAN) 

These few examples seem to indicate a di- 
minutive reduplication with a shift of the 
vowel to o. 

CONCLUSIONS 

It appears from the above presentation of 
material, that there are wide gaps in our 
knowledge of the processes of reduplication in 
the Salishan dialects. From a considerable 
number of dialects we have no material at all. 



It is especially regrettable that this is the case 
with Nootsak, Twana, and Squamish, since 
these show a number of linguistic peculiarities. 
In spite of these deficiencies, however, a com- 
parison of our material brings out a number of 
important points which I shall try to sum- 
marize in the following remarks. 

The most general observation is that ap- 
parently all Salish dialects make use of the 
process of reduplication with the exception of 
Quinault. It must, however, be mentioned 
that we have no material on reduplications 
from Satsep, Upper Chehalis, Lower Chehalis, 
and Cowlitz. As these, especially Lower Che- 
halis, are the dialects which are most closely 
related to Quinault, it will be of interest to know 
whether they too are without the grammatical 
process in question. In regard to the presence 
of reduplications the Salish stock must be 
grouped together with Chemakum, Waka- 
shan, and Tsimshian, as belongs to the great 
continuous area in which this process occurs, 
and must be contrasted against the area of 
the Haida, Tlingit, and Athapascan, in which 
it is absent. 

Reduplication is used in Salish pre-emi- 
nently for the formation of distributive-plurals 
and of diminutives and presumably also of 
augmentatives. 1 It is often closely asso- 

1 In the numerals reduplication of different types is 
used to express ideas distinct from those of the dis- 
tributive and diminutive. Thus in Thompson (see 
Boas: BAAS 1898, p. 29-30) there are two reduplicated 
series of the cardinals, one for animals, the other for 
persons. Compare for instance: 
mus, FOUR (inanimate) 

mo'ms, FOUR ANIMALS 

mu'smust, FOUR PERSONS 

Distributive numerals are also formed by means of 
reduplication. The animate and personal series of the 
distributives have a triple reduplication. Compare: 
moamo'ms (animate), musmu'smust (personal.) See also 
Lower Fraser: H.T.: BAAS, 1902, pp. 29-30. 

In the Salish dialects there are furthermore a number 
of singulars that are reduplicated. For example: 
Lower Fraser: la'tem, HOUSE (H.T.); Snohomish: 
xebxeb, HAWK (Hbl.); Shuswap: no'xEnox, WOMAN 
(Hbl.). 



172 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



ciated with the process of vowel extension. 
Reduplication is used in nouns as well as in 
verbs. In the inland dialects initial as well as 
terminal reduplication is used. The latter 
may be restricted to the inland. The only 
reduplication from the coast known to me 
which is not initial is Snohomish sto'bobc, 
MEN, from sto'bc. The same word is redupli- 
cated tA'mto'mic in Comox. sto'bobc is not 
properly speaking a terminal reduplication as 
the repeated b is the initial sound of the suffix 
-be, MAN. From the large amount of material 
we have from Kalispelm it is obvious that 
terminal reduplication, that is to say, the 
repetition of the terminal sound of the stem, 
is a prominent feature in this dialect (see 
p. 161). Some of the plurals in Kalispelm are 
formed by terminal reduplication, whereas 
none of the diminutives seem to be formed by 
this process in that dialect. But from Thomp- 
son, Shuswap, and Okanagon, we have exam- 
ples of diminutives formed by terminal re- 
duplication. In Thompson and Shuswap a 
number of diminutives are also formed by 
internal reduplication. None of the plurals 
of these two dialects seem to be formed either 
by internal or by terminal reduplication. This 
shows a striking difference between these dia- 
lects and Kalispelm. 

There are two large types of plural redupli- 
cation which seem to be common to all of the 
reduplicating Salish dialects. In the first type 
the stem including the consonant following the 
vowel is repeated, in the second this consonant 
is not included. There seems to be a general 
tendency that in contradistinction to the 
diminutive formations the accent remains on 
the reduplicated syllable. The dialects differ 
as to whether in the process of reduplication 
the stem of a word is regarded as a unit or not. 
Thus, in words which consist only of one con- 
sonant and of one vowel the initial sound of the 
suffix may or may not be included in the 
plural-reduplication. While in Kalispelm and 
Snohomish, the process does not extend be- 
yond the stem, this is frequently the case in 



Comox (see pp. 169-170). Compare for in- 
stance: Comox tA'mto'mic, MEN. As far as 
I know, a prefix is never included in the re- 
duplication in any of the dialects. 

The general type of diminutive reduplica- 
tion common to all of the reduplicating dia- 
lects consists in repeating the stem exclusive 
of the consonant following the vowel. This 
process is distinguished from the shorter type 
of plural reduplication by the more or less 
general tendency in the diminutive to throw 
the accent on the reduplicating-syllable. Com- 
pare for instance: Snohomish sla'tadai', LIT- 
TLE WOMAN and slala'dai', WOMEN. A con- 
comitant phenomenon of this shift of accent 
is the tendency towards reduction or elimina- 
tion of the unaccented stem-vowel in the 
diminutive forms (see p. 164). 

The vowel of the reduplicating-syllable of 
the diminutive may either be the same in 
quality as the stem-vowel of the simplex or 
it may show a shift. The most common shift 
of this kind is that to an t-vowel. This dimin- 
utive-reduplication with i-shift is a very per- 
sistent feature in the Salishan dialects and 
seems to be common to most of them; how- 
ever, it does not appear to occur in Clallam, 
or in Thompson and Shuswap. The most 
frequent vowel-shift in the diminutives of 
Clallam is that to a (see p. 167). In Thompson 
and Shuswap the vowel of the reduplicating- 
syllable is normally the same as that of the 
stem. 

As shown repeatedly in the above discus- 
sions, the plural or the diminutive of one and 
the same word may be formed in different 
ways in different dialects. For instance: 

Seshelt: ho'pit, DEER; pi., hEphS'pit 

Nanaimo: ha'pet; pi., hala'pet 

and: 

Kalispelm: she'utem, GIRL; pi., shue'utem 
Shuswap: ya'utEm; pi., yuyautEm 

or: 

Snohomish: sto'bobc 
Comox: tA'mto'mic 



NO. 2 



TYPES OF REDUPLICATION IN THE SALISH DIALECTS 



173 



While the general principles that underlie 
the formation of the plural and of the diminu- 
tive are practically the same for all the dia- 
lects, we find an entirely different state of 
affairs in the case of the formation of plural- 
diminutives. Almost each dialect follows a 
distinctive method of deriving these forms. 
Different psychological concepts obviously 
underlie this heterogeneity. Thus, in contra- 
distinction to other dialects the Comox forms, 
as Dr. Sapir has pointed out, are, properly 
speaking, diminutized-plurals. The hetero- 
geneity is all the more surprising when it is 
taken into consideration that in all of the 
dialects the plural-diminutives are, built up 
on the common principles of plural and of 
diminutive formation. 

In Lillooet we find examples of plural- 
diminutives in which the first reduplicating 
syllable expresses plurality and is a repetition 
of the stem of the simplex, while the second 
syllable expresses the diminutive idea (see 
skwumkokome v t, CHILDREN). This is the type 
of formation of plural-diminutives that is so 
typical of Thompson and Shuswap. It shows 
a high degree of relationship between these 
three dialects as far as the process of redupli- 
cating is concerned. In Kalispelm they are 
apparently never formed by double redupli- 
cation, but are always derived from the dimin- 
utive of the simplex by means of an extension 
of the reduplicating vowel (see sheushu'tem). 
In this the Kalispelm method is identical in 
principle with that obtaining in Clallam and 
Lkungen. In these dialects the forms in ques- 
tion are derived from the diminutive by means 
of extending the reduplicating vowel by a y 
(Clallam) or an I (Lkungen) glide (see 
p!a'ya'p!a'uwi', SMALL FLOUNDERS; skala'kala, 
INFANTS). The plural-diminutives of Sno- 
homish are formed by double reduplication 
(with the exception of the words for MAN and 
WOMAN), and are derived from the diminutive. 
The idea of plurality is expressed by repeating 
the reduplicating syllable of the diminutive 
(see for example: spl'piptco, SMALL BASKETS.) 



This feature distinguishes the Snohomish 
forms from the double reduplications of 
Lillooet on the one hand and of Comox on 
the other. Our material from Lower Fraser 
and Seshelt is very meager. The few exam- 
ples from the latter show double reduplica- 
tion, while the Lower Fraser form qaka'lami 
from q'ami, MAID, represents a new type in 
which the plural-diminutive is derived from 
the extended, non-reduplicated plural (see 
p. 169). Finally, the Comox derivatives are 
formed by a process of double reduplication, 
in which the first reduplication is of the dimin- 
utive type, while the second is of the plural 
type. 

The enormous diversity in the formation of 
plural-diminutives shows that they have been 
developed by a high degree of local differen- 
tiation. This contrasts strikingly with the 
comparatively great uniformity of the prin- 
ciples common to the plural and the diminu- 
tive reduplications of the whole Salish area. 
This situation suggests clearly that the plural- 
diminutives are genetically secondary to the 
latter. Another outstanding difference is that 
in one and the samg dialect the plural-diminu- 
tives show great consistency in the regularity 
with which they are formed. In each dialect 
they are all derived, almost without excep- 
tion, according to one principle. In contra- 
distinction to this the plurals and diminutives 
of a given dialect are formed according to sev- 
eral principles and contain a number of irregu- 
lar forms. This again is significant for the 
genetic priority of the plurals and of the 
diminutives as compared with the plural- 
diminutives. 

From the point of view of the classification 
of the Salish dialects the plurals and the 
diminutives on the one hand and the plural- 
diminutives on the other, offer criteria of 
heterogeneous value for the degree of affilia- 
tion between the various dialects. The Salish 
plural-diminutives clearly presuppose the 
plural as well as the diminutive forms. They 
are, therefore, phenomena of a higher degree 



174 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



of complexity. Where in two or more dialects 
the same principle is employed for the forma- 
tion of plural-diminutives, we have a criterion 
for a very close affiliation. This is the case in 
Clallam and Lkungen, as well as in Thompson 
and Shuswap. It is obvious that when we 
shall have sufficient material from all the dia- 
lects, the plural-diminutives will be of con- 



siderable importance for a refined grouping of 
the dialects with indications for the degrees 
of their linguistic affiliations. And as products 
of comparatively recent developments they 
will also be of general interest from the point 
of view of understanding the linguistic pro- 
cesses of local differentiation and of inter- 
dialectic borrowing. 



COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
NEW YORK CITY 



NO. 2 



TAKELMAN, KALAPUYAN, AND CHINOOKAN LEXICOGRAPHY 



175 



COMPARATIVE STUDIES IN TAKELMAN, KALAPUYAN 

AND CHINOOKAN LEXICOGRAPHY 

A PRELIMINARY PAPER 

By LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 
INTRODUCTION 



THE last ten years or so have witnessed 
an almost feverish activity in the field of 
American Indian linguistics, culminating in 
more or less successful attempts to reclassify 
and to reduce the seemingly too great number 
of linguistic stocks that are found on the 
American continent north of Mexico. It is by 
no means accidental that these efforts should 
have commenced at such a late date. It must 
be borne in mind that the real stimulus to a 
comprehensive and intelligent study of the 
various American Indian languages, both ana- 
lytical and historical, came not from the writ- 
ings of the earlier students but through the 
activities of Powell and Boas, especially 
through the comparatively recent undertaking 
of the latter to compile and edit a handbook 
of American Indian languages. Consequently, 
during the last ten years more voluminous 
data have been made accessible, in the form of 
grammatical sketches, vocabularies, and texts, 
than during any other previous period. The 
wealth of the material presented by the vari- 
ous investigators resulted in the perfectly 
natural tendency to look for and to establish, 
wherever possible, genetic relationships be- 
tween the multiple linguistic stocks. Fur- 
thermore, it was perfectly natural that these 
reductive efforts should be applied to a field 
where the greatest multiplicity of stocks pre- 
vailed and where these stocks were observed 
to occupy a comparatively limited and, in 
most cases, continuous area. Two such areas, 

1 Published with permission of the Smithsonian 
Institution. 



peculiarly adapted for investigations of this 
sort, were found: the Pacific Coast, and the 
region adjacent to the Gulf of Mexico; and 
regardless of the relative merits of the reduc- 
tions that have been thus far made in the lin- 
guistic stocks of these two areas, it seems un- 
likely that the enormous multiplicity of 
languages in these two littoral regions should 
be purely accidental. 

The greatest diversity of aboriginal lan- 
guages obtains in California where, according 
to previous investigators, are found not less 
than twenty-one linguistic families, or over 
one-third of all languages known to have been 
spoken by the Indians north of Mexico. Con- 
sequently, the first efforts towards a possible 
reduction were made in the California area. 
In 1914 Dixon and Kroeber * presented evi- 
dence tending to show that the twenty-one 
languages of California may be reduced to 
twelve distinct stocks. They claimed that 
the Yokuts, Wintun, Costanoan, Maidu, and 
Miwok languages are reducible to one group, 
called the Penutian languages; that Karok, 
Chimariko, Shasta, Pomo, Esselen, Yana, and 
Yuman form another, the Hokan group; that 
Chumash and Salinan are related; and that 
Yurok and Wiyot had a common origin. 
Simultaneously with this announcement came 
Sapir's paper 3 attempting to demonstrate a 
genetic relationship between Wiyot, Yurok, 
and Algonkin. Before and after these reduc- 

* New Linguistic Families in California (AANS, vol. 
iv, no. 4, pp. 647-655). 

* Wiyot and Yurok, Algonkin Languages of Califor- 
nia (AANS, vol. xv, no. 4, pp. 617-646). 



1 7 6 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



tive attempts Sapir 1 presented voluminous 
evidence for a genetic relationship between the 
Shoshonean, Piman, Sonoran, and Nahuatl 
languages. 

From now on the comparative investigations 
shifted to the north. In addition to verbal 
announcements made on several occasions by 
Sapir of his belief that a genetic relationship 
may be ultimately established between the 
Takelma and Coos languages of Oregon, he 
wrote a preliminary paper 2 on the ultimate re- 
lationship between Athapascan, Haida, and 
Tlingit. In my own field I have collected a 
mass of material establishing a probable com- 
mon origin for the Kusan, Siuslawan, Yakon- 
an, and (perhaps) Kalapuyan languages which 
will be presented in the near future either in 
the conclusion to my grammatical sketch of 
the Alsea (Yakonan) language, 3 or else in a 
separate paper. I have, furthermore, gath- 
ered voluminous data supporting previously 
expressed contentions concerning the genetic 
relationship between Lutuamian, Wailatpuan, 
and Sahaptin, which will be published as soon 
as additional material from the Sahaptin field 
will be made available; and I have also good 
material for a comparative study of Salish, 
Chimakuan, and Wakashan. The latest ef- 
forts towards a re-classification of the Indian 
languages were made by Swanton 4 in the 
southeastern field which, however, are still in 
an experimental stage, although the Natchez- 
Muskhogean relationship would seem a prac- 
tically established fact. 5 

To be sure, a number of these reconstruc- 
tions are by no means new ideas. They were 
formulated by previous investigators who, for 
lack of suitable data, could merely indicate 
but not follow them up minutely. Thus, the 
Uto-Aztekan relationship was suspected long 

2 Southern Paiute and Nahuatl a Study in Uto- 
Aztekan (Journal de la SocietS des Amtricanistes de 
Paris, NS., vol. x, pp. 379-425; and AANS, vol. xvii, 
no. I, pp. 98-120; ibid. no. 2, pp. 306-328). 

* The Nadene Languages, a Preliminary Report 
(AANS, vol. xvii, no. 3, pp. 534-558). 



ago by Buschman and Brinton; similar ideas 
were held concerning Haida, Tlingit, and Ath- 
apascan by Boas and Swanton; marked re- 
semblances between Siuslawan and Yakonan 
were first noticed by Latham and Gatschet; 
Gatschet and Hewitt were convinced of a 
genetic relationship between Lutuamian, Wai- 
latpuan, and Sahaptin; and Boas long ago 
called attention to the marked structural 
agreements between the Salish, Chimakuan, 
and Wakashan languages. Thus, it will be seen 
that, in most cases, the younger linguists 
merely tried to follow up and develop the de- 
ductions arrived at by their predecessors. 

Concerning the merits of the relationships 
that have been promulgated thus far in print, 
not all of them are tenable when subjected to 
the acid test of minute and scientific criticism. 
This is especially true of the several proposed 
reductions in California. Thus Dixon's and 
Kroeber's presentation of Penutian and Hokan 
are exceedingly inadequate, both methodo- 
logically and in regards to subject matter. 
The conclusions arrived at by these two stu- 
dents are based upon such fragmentary ma- 
terial and presented so scantily that, while 
their Penutian and Hokan relationships may 
be probable, they are by no means a certainty. 
Comparisons presented of five or more stems 
and of a few formative elements and not 
backed by exhaustive grammatical sketches, 
can not be accepted as conclusive evidence, 
and all judgment concerning the correctness 
of these conclusions must be withheld pending 
the introduction of additional and extensive 
data. During a recent visit to San Francisco 
I was accorded access, for a brief time, to the 
comparative vocabularies of the so-called 
Penutian and Hokan languages that have been 

1 Now in course of publication by the Bureau of 
American Ethnology as part of volume ii of the Hand- 
book of American Indian Languages. 

4 Linguistic Position of the Tribes of Southern Texas 
and Northeastern Mexico (AANS, vol. xvii, no. i, pp. 
17-40). 

'Ethnological Position of the Natchez Indians (AA) 
vol. ix, no. 3, pp. 513-528). 



NO. 2 



TAKELMAN, KALAPUYAN, AND CHINOOKAN LEXICOGRAPHY 



177 



compiled by Dixon and Kroeber, and while my 
superficial examination of this lexical material 
impressed me with the probable soundness of 
Dixon's and Kroeber's conclusions, I still must 
refuse to accept them as final, as long as these 
vocabularies are continued to be withheld from 
publication and until more morphological evi- 
dence is brought into play. Nothing is more 
dangerous and unsatisfactory in an investi- 
gation of this sort than to arrive at so-called 
final conclusions that are seemingly based 
solely upon lexicographical material. In the 
same way it would be wrong to deny the exist- 
ence of a relationship between two languages, 
merely because the evidence of the lexical 
material is negative. It is well to bear in mind 
that in trying to establish genetic relationships 
between languages that seem to be, at first 
sight, non-related, lexical and morphological 
evidence must be treated separately, and that 
morphological evidence must be accorded 
greater weight. I believe it to be a fact, es- 
tablished by investigations in other linguistic 
fields, that lexicography is more easily subject 
to borrowing, to loss of words and stems, and 
to new additions; and that the formative 
elements and structure of a language are more 
stationary and less influenced by those of some 
neighboring tongue. 1 Of course, I am per- 
fectly aware of the fact that instances may be 
cited where the morphology of one language 
has undergone changes due to borrowing. But 
these instances are so few that they, in no way, 
affect the correctness of my statement. 

The absence of conclusive evidence concern- 
ing Penutian and Hokan is the more unfortu- 
nate, as there exist strong reasons to believe 
that the Takelman, Kusan, Siuslawan, Yakon- 
an, Kalapuyan, and (perhaps) Chinookan lan- 
guages spoken in Oregon may be proven to be 
Penutian sister-tongues. For that reason, the 

1 A paper dealing with this question and particularly 
showing how dialects may undergo considerable lexical 
changes and still retain their full original structure, is in 
the course of preparation. 



additional collection of material from the Pe- 
nutian field in California and the immediate 
publication of the data thus far collected 
would seem to constitute one of the most im- 
portant tasks that confront the investigators 
in the California area. Without such material 
the Penutian theory must, for the time being, 
be held in abeyance, and the establishing of a 
relationship between California-Penutian and 
Oregon-Penutian must be deferred to the 
future. 

Undoubtedly the strongest and best evi- 
dence adduced by Dixon and Kroeber is that 
upon which they base their conclusion con- 
cerning the genetic relationship between Yu- 
rok and Wiyot. The amount of lexical cor- 
respondences, the existence of phonetic shifts, 
and the presence of structural similarities are 
too numerous and too regular to be accounted 
for as due to accident or to borrowing, al- 
though it would be highly desirable to produce 
more evidence in the near future. But suf- 
ficient proof has already been furnished to jus- 
tify a belief that additional material would 
rather increase than decrease the certainty of 
a genetic relationship between Yurok and 
Wiyot. 

A very weak case of reduction is found in 
Sapir's previously mentioned attempt to clas- 
sify Yurok and Wiyot as Algonkin languages, 
which, on the face of the evidence presented, is 
far from conclusive. The difficulties encount- 
ered by him were twofold: First, inadequate 
Yurok and Wiyot data, both grammatical and 
lexical; and, secondly, unfamiliarity with the 
intricate and complicated structure of the Al- 
gonkin languages. To the first are probably 
due the unsatisfactory and irregular corre- 
spondences quoted by him as based upon 
phonetic shifts, while the second has been re- 
sponsible for the numerous comparisons of 
wrong morphological elements. Sapir's paper, 
more than any other effort, demonstrates the 
imperative necessity of basing all attempts at 
establishing relationships upon exhaustive and 
(phonetically) sound lexical material and upon 



178 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



comprehensive grammatical sketches. Still, 
his evidence for the probable Algonkin origin 
of Yurok and Wiyot is of such a character as 
to take it out of the "purely accidental" class 
and to justify further researches in this field. 
It is, therefore, desirable, even imperative that 
in the near future, the Wiyot language be 
made the object of a thorough investigation 
and that this investigation be carried on by 
some authority on the structure of the Algon- 
kin languages. To my mind, such a study, 
whether positive or negative in its results, will 
contribute far more to the general problem 
presented by the American Indian languages, 
than can be said of the continued researches 
into the minutest details of Algonkin word- 
formation or into the dialectic differentiations 
within the Algonkin family. 

On the other hand, Sapir's articles establish- 
ing relationships between Uto-Aztakan and 
between Haida, Tlingit, and Athapascan are 
most convincing. The comparative data pre- 
sented in these two papers are so voluminous 
and conclusive, covering not only phonetics 
and lexical material but also morphology and 
structural correspondences that, to my mind, 
the unreserved acceptance, by all students of 
the American Indian languages, of a genetic 
relationship between the Shoshonean, Sonoran- 
Piman, and Nahuatl families on one hand, and 
of a similar affiliation between Athapascan, 
Haida, and Tlingit on the other hand, is only 
a question of time. The extreme likelihood of 
these two reductive theories is undoubtedly 
due to the fact that all comparisons have been 
based upon extensive material; and although 
some of the Nadene correspondence may, 
upon further investigations, prove to be er- 
roneous, sufficient correspondences have been 
found to meet the requirements of even the 
conservative and exacting scholars. 

I have purposely dwelt at such length upon 
the efforts of my co-workers to reclassify and 
to reduce a number of so-called independent 
stocks, so that my own conservative attitude 
towards a potential genetic relationship be- 



tween the Takelman, Kalapuyan, and Chi- 
nookan languages may become clear. While 
carding and indexing my Kalapuya field- 
material (collected three years ago), prepar- 
atory to the writing of a grammatical sketch 
of these languages, I was forcibly struck by 
some marked correspondences in the lexi- 
cography of Kalapuya and Takelma, and of 
Kalapuya and Chinook. The Kalapuyan-Chi- 
nookan agreements are far less than those be- 
tween Takelma and Kalapuya ; and I am will- 
ing to admit that some of these correspond- 
ences may be due to borrowing or, in part, at 
least, to unconscious substitutions, by my in- 
formants, of Chinookan equivalents for Kala- 
puyan values. Such a possibility must by no 
means be disregarded, in view of the close 
proximity and long contact that has existed 
between the peoples speaking these two di- 
vergent languages. Still, some of these re- 
semblances are so peculiar as to render the ex- 
clusive theory of borrowing rather doubtful, 
especially since all Kalapuya data are not yet 
available. On the other hand, the resem- 
blances between Kalapuya and Takelma are 
much greater and far more numerous, al- 
though, as has been stated before, only part 
of the Kalapuya data have thus far been tab- 
ulated. I am certain that a complete analysis 
of the lexical material of all Kalapuya dialects 
will substantially add to the amount of com- 
parative data. Whether such an analysis will 
bring forth close morphological and structural 
correspondences, I am as yet unprepared to 
say. I am at present working out minutely 
the morphological structure of the Kalapuya 
language and will, upon the completion of this 
work, institute comparisons between the mor- 
phological elements of Kalapuya and Takelma. 
I will, however, state that the highly special- 
ized character of Takelma may prove a serious 
obstacle in the finding of many positive cor- 
respondences. However, this statement must 
be taken as only tentative. There are so many 
radical agreements and disagreements be- 
tween the structures of these two languages, 



NO. 2 



TAKELMAN, KALAPUYAN, AND CHINOOKAN LEXICOGRAPHY 



179 



and the work on Kalapuya is in such a prelimi- 
nary stage, that it seems highly desirable to be 
cautious and not to jump at any too hasty 
conclusions. But, the resemblances that have 
been observed thus far are so striking, and their 
bearing upon a general revision of our present 
classification of the languages of California and 
Oregon so important, that I feel justified in 
presenting these correspondences, deferring a 
conclusive discussion until all evidence has 
been carefully analyzed and critically sifted. 
In view of the fact that only nineteen lexical 
correspondences have thus far been observed 
between Kalapuya and Chinook, while a com- 
parison of Kalapuya and Takelma lexicog- 
raphy has yielded not less than fifty-five 
agreements, a discussion of phonetic shifts will 
be confined to only these two languages. 



PHONOLOGY l 

Pending the presentation of additional com- 
parative data, no attempt will be made to es- 
tablish probable vocalic shifts in these two 
languages. The vocalic systems of Kalapuya 
and Takelma differ but slightly. The charac- 
teristic umlauted w-vowel and diphthongs of 
Takelma are missing in Kalapuya where, how- 
ever, we meet with an umlauted o-vowel and 
di-diphthong. In the consonantic systems of 
the two languages we find close correspond- 
ences on one hand, and marked disagreements 
on the other hand, which would seem to place 
Kalapuya, phonetically at least, midway be- 
tween the vocalic, musical languages of the 
south and the consonantic, harsh languages of 
the north. Thus, the surd lateral (L) is missing 
in both, while its spirant equivalent (1) occurs 
rarely. Similarly, the alveolar and palatal 
spirants (c, y) are lacking in both, and both 
languages show a constant variation between 

1 My phonetic transcription of Kalapuya sounds 
agrees in main with the recommendations made by 
the committee of the American Anthropological Asso- 
ciation. No changes, however, were made in the 
transcription of the Takelma and Chinook words. 



5 and palatized 5 ($). Furthermore, the oc- 
currence of aspirated surds (p 1 , t' , k') is ex- 
ceedingly common in both languages. On the 
other hand, the Takelma consonantic system 
is characterized by the absence of velar sounds 
(q, q!) , both of which occur in Kalapuya ; and 
it lacks the labial spirant (/), the mid-patatal 
spirant (x), the anterior palatal surd (k), the 
linguo-dental surd () , and the long (doubled) 
laterals and nasals (/, wr, ), all of which are 
found in Kalapuya. Consonantic clusters oc- 
cur in both languages, but they are greatly 
limited in numbers and can hardly be consid- 
ered difficult. 

Turning now to the question of possible pho- 
netic shifts the following changes have been 
observed to occur with a marked degree of reg- 
ularity: 

Takelma 2 b is represented in Kalapuya by 
p, regardless of position. (In one instance a 
Takelma b in medial position would seem to 
correspond to a Kalapuya m. cf. T. tlibisT' 
ANT; K. tlmois, ANT). 
Examples : 

T. beyan-, DAUGHTER; K. pi'ne, GIRL 
T. b6p', ALDER; K. pu'p', ALDER 
T. de e b-, TO ARISE; K. tap-, TO STAND 

Takelma d corresponds to a Kalapuya t, 
regardless of position. 
Examples: 

T. t'a'd-, MATERNAL AUNT; K. tat', MATERNAL 
AUNT 

T. o u d-, TO LOOK FOR; K. ot- . . . kwa', TO 

LOOK FOR 

T. do u m, SPIDER; K. to', SPIDER 
T. dan, ROCK; K. ta' ROCK 

Takelma g is represented in Kalapuya by 
g, 9., k or &. 
Examples: 

T. t'gwala'*, OWL; K. du'gulhu', OWL 

T. t'gam, ELK; K. tqa", ELK 

T. naga-, TO SAY; K. nak'-TO SAY 

T. ga"m, TWO; K. ke'ma', TWO 

1 The Takelma forms are quoted from Sapir's, "The 
Takelma Language of Southwestern Oregon," extract 
from Handbook of American Indian Languages (BBAE, 
40, part 2). 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



Takelma p, t correspond, in most cases, to 
Kalapuya p, t. 

Examples: 

T. plan, LIVER; K. pau', LIVER 
T. t'palt', SNAIL; K. tpoi't', SNAIL 
T. tlibisT', ANT; K. t!moi, ANT 

Takelma k is represented in Kalapuya by 
k, , or q. 

Examples: 

T. duik!-, TO PUSH; K. tlolk-, TO PUSH 
T. dak'-, TO FINISH; K. t!ok-, TO FINISH 
T. bo'ik', CHIPMUNK; K. po'yaq, SQUIRREL 
T. k!as-, MOTHER'S PARENTS; K. lje'to', 

GRANDMOTHER 

Takelma s is found in Kalapuya as s or /5, 
while Takelma ts remains unchanged. 
Examples: 

T. gwisgwas, CHIPMUNK; K. kwi'se'k', CHIPMUNK 
T. bals, LONG; K. po's, LONG 
T. s-om, MOUNTAIN; K. te'mo', MOUNTAIN 
T. al-ts-11, RED; K. tsl'lolo', RED 

Takelma /, m, n remain unchanged, except 
on occasions when they form diphthongs with 
a preceding vowel, 1 in which cases they are 
represented in Kalapuya by the glottal stop 

(') 

Examples: 

T. k'al, PENIS; K. qal, PENIS 

T. la'law-, TO CALL; K. lalaw-, TO SHOUT 

T. naga-, TO SAY; K. nak'-, TO SAY 

T. mel, CROW; K. mo'la, CROW 

T. bals, LONG; K. po's, LONG 

T. t'palt' SNAIL; K. tpoi't', SNAIL 

T. t'gam, ELK; K. tqa', ELK 

T. t'gQ'm, RATTLESNAKE; K. tlja', RATTLESNAKE 

T. dan, ROCK; K. ta', ROCK 
T. plan, LIVER; K. pau', LIVER 

Takelma x apparently becomes / in Kala- 
puya. 2 

Examples: 

T. m6x, GROUSE; K. muf, GROUSE 
T. mox6, BUZZARD; K. tifo', BUZZARD 

1 See The Takelma Language, loc cit. p. 10. 

1 The same change apparently also takes place be- 
tween a Chinook x and a Kalapuya / (cf. Chinook 
tE'xEm, six; Kalapuya ta'fo six). 



Takelma h, y, w remain unchanged in Kala- 
puya. 

Examples: 

T. hulk', PANTHER; K. hu'ts, PANTHER 
T. yok'y-, TO KNOW; K. yuk'-, TO KNOW 
T. wog-, TO ARRIVE; K. wok-, TO ARRIVE 

Having thus discussed the phonetic shifts 
that apparently take place in the two lan- 
guages, it now remains to present the lexical 
correspondences that have been found in both. 



LEXICAL CORRESPONDENCES 

BETWEEN TAKELMA AND 

KALAPUYA 



TAKELMA 

1. bals, LONG* 

2. be, SUN, DAY 

3. beyan-, DAUGHTER 

4. bob6p', SCREECH OWL 
5- bolk', CHIPMUNK 

6. bdp', ALDER 

7. dak'-, TO FINISH 

8. dan, ROCK 

9. de'b-, TO ARISE 

10. d?l, YELLOW JACKET 

11. dip', CAMASS 

12. d5 u m, SPIDER 

13. -duik!-, TO PUSH 

14. ga'm, TWO 

15. gungun, *gun), OTTER 

1 6. gwan, TRAIL 

17. gwisgwas, *gwis), 

CHIPMUNK 

18. ham- (ma-), FATHER 

19. has-, MATERNAL UNCLE 

20. hilw-, TO CLIMB 

21. hin- (ni-), MOTHER 

22. hOlk', PANTHER 

23. k'al, PENIS 

24. k!as-, MOTHER'S PARENTS 

25. la"law-, TO CALL 

26. 15m, CEDAR 

27. mel, CROW 

28. mdx, GROUSE 

29. naga-, TO SAY 

30. 0d-, TO LOOK FOR 



KALAPUYA 
po's 
pya'n 
pi'ne GIRL 
tpopo' 

po'yaq, SQUIRREL 
pu'p' 
t!ok- 
ta' 

tap- TO STAND 

tyal 
tip- 
to' 

tloik- 
ke'ma' 
klwin 
kau'ni' 

kwi'se'k' 
ma, ma'ma' ' 
ha's 

hoil-, bai- 
rn* 
hu'ts 
qal 

ke't0 F , GRANDMOTHER 

lalaw-, TO SHOUT 

la 1 

mo'la 

muf 

nak'- 

6t- . . kwa' 



3 Unless otherwise stated, the English equivalent is 
the same in both languages. 

4 Compare here Chinook -ma, -am FATHER. 
6 Compare here Chinook -naa MOTHER. 



NO. 2 



TAKELMAN, KALAPUYAN, AND CHINOOKAN LEXICOGRAPHY 



181 



31. plan, LIVER 

32. p!61, SOIL 

33- S'Om, MOUNTAIN 

34. t'ad-, PATERNAL AUNT 

35. t'a'g-, TO CRY 

36. tle'weks, tlewex, FLEA 

37. tlibis-J' 1 , ANT 

38. t'gam, ELK 

39. t'ga'nt'gan *t'gan), 

FLY 

40. tgu'm, RATTLESNAKE 

41. t'gwala'", OWL 

42. t'palt', SNAIL 

43. al-ts-il, RED 

44. wai-, TO SLEEP 

45- WOO-, TO GO FOR 

46. WOg-, TO ARRIVE 

47. xi'bini *x!n), THREE 

48. yak'w, WILDCAT 
49- yalg-, TO DIVE 

50. yet, TEARS 

51. yO u g(w)-, TO MARRY 

52. yok'y-, TO KNOW 

53. yom, BLOOD 



pau 

plo' 

tse'mo' 

tat' 

taq- 

twaq 

t Imois. 

tqa' 

tka'naq 

tka' 

du'gulhu' 

tpoi't' 

tsllolo' *tsll) 

wai- 

wo-, wot- 

wok- 

psin' 

ye'kwa 1 

yauk- 

ya't' 

yuw- 

yuk'- 



yu' 

To these the following two additional correspon- 
dences may, perhaps, be added : 

54. bo'k'd-an, NECK pw'maq 

55. moxo, BUZZARD tifo' 



LEXICAL CORRESPONDENCES 

BETWEEN CHINOOK AND 

KALAPUYA 

Let us now turn to the correspondences that 
have been observed between Chinook and Kal- 
apuya. As has been stated before, these are 
less numerous. In this list are not included 
words that have been undoubtedly borrowed 
through the medium of Chinook jargon. The 
most interesting feature of these correspond- 
ences is found in the fact that, while in Chi- 
nook most of these words are stems that must 
be used with some affix, in Kalapuya they are 
treated as independent words. The following 
correspondences have been observed: 

CHINOOK ' KALAPUYA 

1. -ca'yim, GRIZZLY BEAR sa'yim 

2. -cgan, CUP u'sjcan 

1 AH Chinook vocables are quoted from Boas, "The 
Vocabulary of the Chinook Language" (AANS, vol. 
vi, no. I, pp. 118-147). 



3. -'Ixaiu, SEAL 

4. koa'itst, NINE 

5. -ma (redupl.), FATHER 

6. -mo'lak, ELK 

7. -naa, MOTHER 

8. pa'L, pa'Lma, FULL 

9. po-, TO BLOW 

10. -po'tSElal, KINGFISHER 

11. ptClX, GREEN 

12. -qElEma, FALL SALMON 

13. -qElo'q, SWAN 

14. -'qawEn, 

SILVERSIDE SALMON 

15. qoas (redupl.), CRANE 

16. qui'nEm, FIVE 

17. si'nam6kct, SEVEN 

18. tE'xEm, six 

19. Lull, THREE 



u'lxayu 

kwi's.ta 

ma, ma'ma' 

mu'lukwa, cow 

ni 

pa'tem, DRUNK 

pul- 

tsa'lal 

ptjix, BLUE, GREEN 

qa'l-am SILVERSIDE 

SALMON 
qo'l-oq 
qau'wan 

CHINOOK SALMON 

kwa'skwas 

wan' 

psinmlwe' 

ta'fo 

psin" 



CONCLUSION 

The correspondences quoted on the pre- 
ceding pages are by no means exhaustive; and, 
while it is highly probable that, upon further 
investigations, some of them may have to be 
disregarded, I feel reasonably certain that a 
great deal of additional comparative material 
will be disclosed in the near future. It will be 
remembered that thus far less than one-third 
of all available Kalapuya data have been 
carded. The highly polysynthetic character 
of Chinook would be sufficient to render a 
comparison between this language and Kala- 
puya (which is inflective par excellence) an al- 
most hopeless task, were it not for the great 
lexical and structural divergencies that have 
been noted to exist within the Kalapuya di- 
alects themselves. The Kalapuya family con- 
sists of seven distinct dialects that may be 
sub-divided into three separate groups: the 
Northern (embracing Yamhill and Atfalati); 
the Central (to which belong the Santiam, 
Lakmayut, Ahantsayuk, and Mary's River 
dialects) ; and the Southern group (consisting 
of Yonkalla). Now, while the work on each 
of these dialects is far from being completed, 
enough data have already been extracted to 
give us a bird's eye view of the lexical and 



1 82 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



structural differences that exist between the 
separate groups. Thus, some very distinctive 
traits have been noted in the northern group, 
where a great number of nouns which, in the 
other groups, appear as independent words, 
are treated as suffixed stems. For that reason, 
a conclusive discussion of the probable genetic 
relationship between Chinook and Kalapuya 
will depend largely upon whether the distinct- 
ive traits of the northern dialects are due to 
bodily borrowing from the immediately ad- 
joining Chinook or whether they represent a 
survival of structural features that have be- 
come lost in the other dialects. Until this 
problem has been settled, we must refrain 
from jumping at any too hasty conclusions 
concerning the probable Chinook-Kalapuyan 
affiliations, no matter how tempting such con- 
clusions may appear. 

Turning now to the Takelma-Kalapuyan 
aspect, the possibilities of a probable ultimate 
relationship are much stronger, although in 
this case also extreme caution must be exer- 
cised, at least for the time being. The struc- 
tural differences between these two languages 
are too great to be entirely wiped away be- 
cause of lexical correspondences of even the 
closest type. I shall mention only some of the 
most salient distinctive traits. Nominal in- 
corporation is lacking in Kalapuya, and pro- 
nominal incorporation is confined to the ob- 
ject. All subjective relations are expressed by 
means of the independent pronouns which 
precede the verb in the form of very loose pre- 
fixes; similarly possessive relations are ex- 



pressed by means of loose prefixes. No dis- 
tinction is made, in Kalapuya, by means of 
phonetic changes between aorist and non- 
aorist stems, tense being indicated by means 
of particles. On the other hand, there are 
evidences of structural elements which, when 
considered from a numerical point of view, 
would seem peculiarly typical of these two 
languages. Among these correspondences may 
be mentioned : the lack, in both languages, of 
a dual number; of an inclusive and exclusive 
person; the absence of nominal cases; the 
considerable use of end-reduplication and the 
total absence of initial reduplication; the 
presence of instrumental affixes denoting 
body-part nouns (in Kalapuya these appear as 
suffixed particles ; in Takelma as prefixes) ; 
and the apparent absence of distinct verb- 
stems for the singular and plural. 

To sum up, while the correspondences that 
have been noted between Kalapuya and Chi- 
nook on one hand, and between Kalapuya and 
Takelma on the other hand, are too numerous 
and too close to be explained away by a theory 
of accident or recent borrowing, they are not 
conclusive enough to constitute adequate 
proof for a genetic relationship between these 
three linguistic stocks. Such an assumption, 
to be correct, must be predicated upon the 
introduction of additional material, especially 
from the field of Kalapuya linguistics. And I 
make bold to predict that additional data will 
be produced in the near future, for, it must be 
remembered, this is after all only a preliminary 
paper. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
WASHINGTON, D. C. 



NO. 2 



REVIEWS 



183 



REVIEWS 



MOSETENO VOCABULARY AND TREATISES. 
BENIGNO BIBOLOTTI, Priest of the Francis- 
can Mission of Inmaculada Concepci6n de 
Covendo in Bolivia. From an Unpublished 
manuscript in possession of Northwestern 
University Library. With an Introduction 
by Rudolph Schuller. Northwestern Uni- 
versity: Evanston and Chicago, 1917. pp. 
cxiii, 141, facsimile, map of Bolivia. 

The external facts leading up to the publi- 
cation of this sumptuously printed volume are 
given by Dr. Schuller in his preface: "North- 
western University Library possesses a fairly 
large collection of unpublished Spanish manu- 
scripts which are probably unique in the 
United States . . . Professor Lichten- 
stein, Librarian of Northwestern University, 
acquired this material, consisting of books, 
pamphlets, early periodicals and the like, from 
Senor Donato Lanza y Lanza during a sojourn 
in Bolivia. In September, 1916, Professor 
Lichtenstein asked me to arrange and collate 
the manuscripts and prepare them for the 
binder. While examining the different pack- 
ages in order to make a preliminary selection 
of the papers according to the subjects treated 
in them, I found Bibolotti's manuscript deal- 
ing with the Moseteno language. The un- 
expected discovery is all the more important 
since it concerns extensive materials gathered 
together by a yet unknown author of a rela- 
tively little studied Bolivian aboriginal idiom 
spoken by Indians who have almost vanished. 
If there are still a few of them remaining 
without foreign admixture, they are destined 
to be absorbed completely in the near future 
by the process of amalgamation . 
Within a few years the name of the Moseteno 
will be added to the alarmingly long list of 
extinct South American Indian tribes." The 
manuscript is the work of an Italian Fran- 



ciscan, concerning whom very little is known; 
it was written some time between 1857 and 1868. 

The Moseteno, also known as Chumanos or 
Chomanes, are or were one of the Andean 
tribes of western Bolivia; their territory was 
embraced within the present province of 
Yungas. More exactly, to quote from Dr. 
Schuller, "the habitat of the Moseteno-Chu- 
mano embraced the mountainous regions to 
the east of the Beni, more or less between 15 
and 16 south latitude, and 69 to 71 longi- 
tude west of Paris. Their eastern neighbors 
were the Yurucare ; in the north they reached 
as far as the territories occupied by Mobima 
and Moxo, or Mojo, tribes, and in the north- 
west they touched Tacana and Leco speaking 
peoples. The natural border to the south and 
the west is the range of the higher Andes." 

Dr. Schuller's editorial work has been most 
painstaking, and the volume is a highly wel- 
come addition to our knowledge of the exceed- 
ingly tangled and obscure problems of Bolivian 
linguistics. In his lengthy introduction Dr. 
Schuller discusses first the manuscript; the 
author; the Moseteno Indians and the Fran- 
ciscan Missions ("in spite of uninterrupted 
intercourse for many centuries with the more 
highly developed culture of Peru and Bolivia, 
the primitive tribes, like the Moseteno, Ta- 
cana, Leco, Araona, etc., were not much in- 
fluenced"); and gives a critical analysis of 
previous writings on Moseteno. Pages xxviii 
to xcv of the introduction give a digest in 
English of our present knowledge of Moseteno, 
as based on Bibolotti and other writers (Wed- 
dell, Heath, Armentia). This section includes 
notes on phonetics; vocabularies; grammat- 
ical processes (nouns: number, gender, for- 
mation of nouns, grammatical cases; adjec- 
tives; pronouns: personal, possessive, relative 
and demonstrative, indefinite, interrogative; 
numerals; adverbs; prepositions; conjunc- 



1 84 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



tions; verbs: verbal stems, classification of 
verbs, tenses, the imperative mood, the par- 
ticipal mood, other moods); and general 
observations on suffixes, reduplication, and 
affiliated languages and peoples. Of the three 
appendices, one is devoted to a full bibliog- 
raphy of manuscript and printed sources. The 
body of the work is a transcript of Bibolotti's 
Spanish text (Spanish-Moseteno vocabulary 
and supplementary papers). 

A few of the more interesting points may 
be noted here. Sex gender is indicated in 
nouns and adjectives by distinctive suffixes 
(e.g., izanqui-t "baby boy:" izanqui-s "baby 
girl;" w0ft-/"new"m.: mofi-s "new"f.). There 
is a genitive suffix in -5 or -si, also a number of 
local case suffixes. The curiously widespread 
American second person singular in m- meets 
us here once more (mi "thou"). Pronouns are 
not welded with the verb stem, but occur inde- 
pendently (e.g., ye queti "I plant"). A con- 
siderable number of verbal suffixes have been 
isolated by Dr. Schuller, but more intensive 
study of Moseteno, at first hand, if possible, is 
needed to make clear their functions. Phonet- 
ically, Moseteno would seem to be "far from 
agreeable to the ear;" it has many "clusters of 
totally heterogeneous consonants." In this 
respect it differs from Tacana, Cavineno and 
other languages of the Bolivian highlands, ap- 
proaching the "Chaco-Guaycurii linguistic 
family, although it does not have the slightest 
affinity with the latter." Nevertheless, Dr. 
Schuller finds that "the morphological and 
syntactical structure convey the impression 
that the Moseteno is related to the Tacaan 
group, and particularly to the Cavineno." 

Dr. Schuller leaves no doubt of the thor- 
oughness of his task, and students of American 
linguistics owe him a very real debt of grati- 
tude. Perhaps one may be pardoned, how- 
ever, for expressing the wish that penetrating 
first-hand phonetic and morphological studies 
of a number of South American languages, of 
a standard corresponding to some already ac- 
cessible for certain North American languages, 



be vouchsafed to us in the course of time. These 
interminable vocabularies, grammatical notes, 
and classificatory speculations are, let us hope, 
but the harbingers of more substantial meals. 



E. SAPIR 



GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA, 
OTTAWA, ONT. 



GEERS, G. J. The Adverbial and Prepositional 

Prefixes in Blackfoot. L. van Nifterik, 

Leiden: 1917. 

This excellent doctor's dissertation consists 
of two parts: a critical discussion of the nature 
of the elements that enter into the Algonkin 
verb, and a list of nearly 150 Blackfoot verbal 
prefixes with illustrations drawn from text 
material. 

The character of the highly complex verb 
of Algonkin has been examined by Jones, 
Michelson, Uhlenbeck, and others, and is too 
intricate for detailed review here; except for 
a statement of Dr. Geers' conclusion that this 
part of speech is "a compound of various ele- 
ments (verbal, adverbial, nominal, etc.) char- 
acterized as a verbal form by means of a 
verbal ending." American students have 
sought, admittedly with qualified success, to 
find the rules by which verb building is con- 
trolled or limited in these languages. Dr. 
Geers' position seems to be that there are no 
limiting rules, and that, except for the crystal- 
lization of idiom, elements of any character 
can enter the complex. It is the verbal end- 
ing, and not any relation of the constituents, 
that makes the verb. This interesting con- 
ception the author considers documented by 
the second part of his work; but as the 
material in his list of prefixes there is not 
synthesized, his new evidence, while perhaps 
sufficient, does not substantiate his proposi- 
tion as directly as might be. The somewhat 
aggressively controversial tone is to be re- 
gretted, as weakening rather than strengthen- 
ing the keen analysis displayed in the paper. 



NO. 2 



REVIEWS 



185 



Particularly is this true of the strictures on 
William Jones, the modern pioneer in this 
field, whose farther progress in the subject 
was cut off by his early death. 

It may be added that while the problem in 
question must be solved by strictly technical 
means, its bearings are certainly of some gen- 
eral interest. The Algonkin family of lan- 
guages is one of the most widely spread and 
populous in America; its distribution in part 
coincides with lines of cultural cleavage; and 
its type is an extremely peculiar or radical 
one. Its characteristic qualities clearly cul- 
minate in its verbs; so that a just understand- 



ing of these promises to be of ultimate sig- 
nificance to anthropologists engaged in other 
lines of work. 

The author is to be congratulated on his 
capacity for analytic criticism ; and Professor 
Uhlenbeck on his success in stimulating an- 
other productive convert to American philol- 
ogy. Anthropologists in this country will 
appreciate the interest developing in this field 
abroad, and can but be the gainers by hearty 
cooperation with the new Dutch school. 

A. L. KROEBER 

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 



International Journal of American Linguistics 



Volume i 



August, 1918 



Number 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 
By FRANK G. SPECK DICTATED BY NEWELL LION 

INTRODUCTION 



THE following material is part of a col- 
lection of mythological texts obtained 
from Newell Lion of the Penobscot tribe, at 
Oldtown, Me. After devoting parts of sev- 
eral years prior to 1910 to a general study of 
Penobscot ethnology, I fortunately joined 
forces with Mr. Lion, who through a life-long 
interest in his native literature, has become a 
sort of raconteur among the Indians. Our 
combined labors then narrowed down to a 
study of linguistics and mythology. I am 
glad to pay him well-deserved tribute by 
stating that he has shown the interest and 
natural ability of a scholar in our common 
work. Discounting the fact that he himself 
ranks as the principal informant among the 
older men, he was wise enough to consult 
other old people for corroborative and supple- 
mentary material. Consequently I feel quite 
safe in presenting this version of the trans- 
former trickster-cycle as being fairly complete 
and typical so far as the Penobscot are con- 
cerned. 

No previous attempt has been made to 
record texts in the Penobscot language, 
although Professor Prince has recorded some 
short texts in its near relative, Passama- 

1 J. D. Prince, The Differentiation Between the 
Penobscot and the Canadian Abenaki Dialects (A A 4 
[1902] : 17-32). 

1 Penobscot, Gluskq'be; Wawenock, Gluskq'be; Pas- 
samaquoddy, Malecite, and Micmac, Glu'skap. 

* S. T. Rand, Legends of the Micmacs (New York 
and London, 1894); F. G. Speck, "Some Micmac Tales 
from Cape Breton Island" (J A F L 28 : 59-69). 

4 W. H. Mechling, Malecite Tales (G S Can, Anthro- 
pological Series, No. 4); E. Jack, Maliseet Legends 
(J A F L 8 [1895]); and F. G. Speck, Some Malecite 
Tales (J A F L 30 [1917])- 



' quoddy, and has occasionally remarked in 
comparison on characteristics of Penobscot 
grammar. 1 

In the versions of eastern Indian myths 
given by the authors, there is, however, an 
undertone of untrue if not inferior reconcep- 
tion, which takes away the smack of origi- 
nality that every reader feels the true exam- 
ples of native oral literature should possess. 
This is unfortunately the case with all the 
hitherto published material from this region. 
Without exception, it has been interpreted 
and rendered in an altered form. Irrespon- 
sibility for the intrinsic worth of the original 
must pass by before primitive literature is free 
to make its own appeal to the interest of stu- 
dents. 

Among the tribes forming the Wabanaki, 
or north-eastern Algonkian group, the mythi- 
cal personage known as the "Deceiver" 2 fig- 
ures pre-eminently in the r61e of the transform- 
er-trickster. Already a number of published 
versions of the hero-myth are available from 
the Micmac, 3 the Malecite, 4 and the Passama- 
quoddy, 6 although the myths of the last- 
named people are not presented objectively 
enough nor recorded critically enough to be 
of much value for comparison. Incidentally 
I have also prepared another set, in text form, 
from the Wawenock. 6 Accordingly, when 

6 C. G. Leland, Algonquin Legends of New England, 
or Myths and Folk-Lore of the Micmac, Passama- 
quoddy and Penobscot Tribes (Boston, 1884); C. G. 
Leland and J. D. Prince, Kuloscap The Master and 
Other Algonkin Poems (New York and London, 1902). 

6 This small tribe formed a division intermediate in 
dialect between the Penobscot and Aroosaguntacook 
(St. Francis Abenaki), formerly living southwest of 
Penobscot Bay, and now settled at Becancour, P. Q. 



1 88 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



more versions from the widely separated 
bands of Micmac and from the Passama- 
quoddy and St. Francis Abenaki 1 are avail- 
able, we shall be in a position to discuss the 
problems of the culture-hero concept among 
the tribes of this group. 

As regards the Gluskp'be myth, making due 
allowances for individual variations in the 
narrative, we may assume that in each tribe 
there is a more or less standard pattern which 
embraces the individual versions. These ver- 
sions may, however, show a considerable range 
in the sequence and choice of episodes form- 
ing the whole. Much seems to depend upon 
the personality of the narrator. In this region 
there are no organized cults to hold before 
the people a fixed version of any myth, no 
matter how important it may be. There is 
no attempt anywhere to correct tendencies 
toward divergence in narration, no tendency 
to eliminate intrusive features which may 
seem to fit the pattern, and there is no single 
personal source of authority for the stories. 
We must, in short, conceive the picture of 
life among these nomadic hunting-people to 
understand how myths are handed down, and 
how the versions are governed by individual 
tastes, individual memory, and local factors, 
such as interest, time, place, and like circum- 
stances. Individuals who may be gathered 
together in camps hear stories, which they 
may remember in whole or in part, the par- 
ticular features of which may be lost and ulti- 
mately forgotten through mere accident of 
circumstance. In small tribes we can thus 
appreciate how myth elements may be lost 
to the dialect if by chance through a genera- 
tion they do not happen to be repeated to 
hearers who may number all told not more 
than several hundred souls. Radin 2 discusses 
very clearly both sides of the question of the 
priority of fixed or correct versions of myths 

1 It seems almost too late to hope to secure an Abe- 
naki version of the myth. The only reference so far to 
the hero in Abenaki was encountered by the writer in 
1908 at Indian Lorette, P. Q. Jean Baptiste de Gon- 



over the fluctuating element-construction. On 
the whole, it would be difficult to find suffi- 
cient reason, in the existing material from 
these tribes, to assert the contrary to what 
has been assumed. 

Briefly, in the Penobscot transformer cycle, 
Gluskp'be appears in the mixed role of a 
shaman, trickster, and a somewhat altruistic 
culture-hero. His benevolence grows as the 
story of his career progresses. Consecutive 
geographical transformations show considera- 
ble forethought for his 'descendants' by 
which are meant the Indians of the present era. 
In the animal kingdom, however, most trans- 
formations may be laid to more trivial causes, 
vengeance or rivalry. Other causations are 
found in first results, apparently accidental 
actions, becoming future fixed traits. In gen- 
eral the episodes in myths of the eastern 
region correspond well with those of the cen- 
tral and northern Algonkian, the common ele- 
ments being re-combined in various ways in 
different tribes. 

My present object is, however, not to 
attempt a discussion of the eastern trans- 
former concept, but to offer carefully prepared 
objective material until we have sources suf- 
ficient to warrant conclusive comparisons. 

As regards transformer characters, several 
other secondary personages may be noted in 
Penobscot mythology, Kwun - a'was ("Long- 
Hair"), Bi-"tes ("Froth"), and Gesi-'lat ("Fast- 
Runner"). The first two of these are included 
in this paper; others will be presented in a 
subsequent part. The "Froth" story is as 
remarkable for its contents as is the Gluskg/be 
cycle, in that it shows the virgin birth con- 
cept and the well-known Achillean conquest 
combined in the same tale. Discussion of 
these interesting phenomena is to form a sep- 
arate study, for our main concern at present 

zague, an Abenaki married to a Huron woman, related 
several episodes in the career of Gluskpba', the Abenaki 
form of the name. 

2 P. Radin, Literary Aspects of American Mythology 
(GSCan, Bull. 1611915]). 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



189 



Varying between 
true sonant and 
intermediate 
surd-sonant. 



is to make available the body of the north- 
eastern Indian material. 



EXPLANATION OF THE CHARACTERS 
AND SOUNDS IN PENOBSCOT 

a . as in father, of medium length. 

a' . . lengthened. 

e . . open medium, about as in met. 

t . . long open e, as in North German Bar. 

e - . . close and long, like a in say. 

i . . short, as in pin. 

r . . long and close, like ee in queen. 

. . close, medium in length. 

o - . . close and longer, with more protruding lips. 

u . . like oo in boot. 

u' . . long, with protruded lips. 

a . . dulled form of short a, like of English but. 

3 . . short obscure vowel of uncertain quality, 
like e in flower. 

o' ' . . rather long, like a in fall; o, open and 
shorter. 

b-p . . bilabial stops. 

d t . . alveolar stops, no lin- 
gual-dental contact. 

g-k . . medial palatal stops. 

s z . . dorsal sibilants. 

tc and dj surd and sonant sibilant affricatives, cor- 
responding respectively to English ch 
and j. 

m . . as in English. 

n . as in English. 

i; . . palatal nasal, like ng of English sing. 

1 as in English. 

1 . , soft lateral surd, tongue-tip and alveolar 
contact, preceded and accompanied by 
aspiration. The effect of this sound is 
approximated by condensing vowel fol- 
lowed by aspiration and I; (Via). 

h . as in English. 

w as in English. 

y as in English. 

t . . nasalized vowel, <j, f. , etc. 

. aspiration following vowel or consonant. 
. accent stress; ' secondary stress. 

A superior dot following a vowel or conso- 
nant denotes lengthening. 

There is a rhetorical tendency among the 
purest speakers to separate two consonants 
coming together by a weak vocalic glide. 

1 Published with the permission of the Division of 
Anthropology, Geological Survey of Canada. 



This largely eliminates the consonant clusters 
from Penobscot, which occur commonly in 
neighboring dialects. Furthermore, in Pe- 
nobscot, the endings of words are slurred in 
utterance. There are no pronounced tone 
modulations. In recording the texts, where 
the narrator occasionally varied in the pro- 
nunciation of words, the variances were re- 
tained for their rhetorical value. 



TALES OF GLUSKA'BE 
"THE DECEIVER" 1 



I. GLUSKA'BE'S CHILDHOOD 



ndatlo"kp'gan 
My story 



Gluskp'be 
Gluskp'be. 



wi'gi-'djik 
Lived 



moni'mkwes-u na'ga o'kwenas-al' 

woodchuck and her grandchild 

Gluskp'be oma'djeganan mgsr'gegwus 
Gluskp 'be. He grew up, everything 

udagi - "krmun eli'gado'n'kemun 
she taught him, how to hunt, 



na ga 
and 



e'-li-a'tc 
also how 



a'malut 
to catch 



gi-za'uwasehi-'dit 
they could live. 



na me s-a 
fish, 

ma'lam 

At last 



we'dji'tc 
so that also 

Gluskp'be 
Gluskp'be 



de''bagil ogi - zawe"kahan 2 ta'mbi'al na'ga 
grew up enough that he could handle 2 bow and 

ba"kwal 
arrows, 

ali-'ta'wi ta'mbi 
"Make me bow 



na'ga o"kamas'al' 
and to his grandmother 



na ga 
and 



udr'lan 
he said, 

ba"kwal 
arrows, 



naga'di'gadona'lan no'lke ki's 
I want to hunt deer; already 



wa'daman 
weary 



ma't3gwe"s'wi - ye 
of rabbit-meat 



nzr- 
I am' 

na'ga 
and 



name"s'i'ye nogr'wo's'an unr'tan no'lka' 
fish-meat." Then he roamed in the woods, he slew* 
deer. 

ki'i- wli'daha'zu moni'mkwe's-u ga'matc 
Ki-i-1 she rejoiced Woodchuck. Very 

2 Between ten and thirteen years of age. 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



oga'bami'dahamal kwe-'nas-al' mi'na 
proud she felt of her grandson. Again 

ki-'u'set nunr'lan awe - "s'usal' bedjo"set 
he roamed, then he slew a bear. Coming 

bedawa - 'mal awe'Vusal' udr'lan 

carrying back the bear, he said 

o'^amas-aP awe'nowa" moni'mkwes-u 
to his grandmother, "What creature is this?" Wood- 
chuck 

wanagi-'gadaho na'ga obamagete"si-nan 
jumped up and danced quickly, 

e'dudji' wulr'dahazit udr'lan kwe - 'nas 
so greatly she rejoiced. She said, "Grandson 

ktci - awa - 's ne'lat awe - "s - us nagasr'bi 
a great beast killed, bear! And indeed 

ni'"kwup' ko'lausr'nena mse''Ia pami' 
now we shall live well, abundant fat, 

kirli-'tc muwi'"pi - bana ga'matc 1 

and you did well. We shall live richly!" "Greatly ' 

nkwe-'nas ga'di ki-nha'n-do ni'grni-'da- 
my grandchild will be great magician, I greatly 

ha'ma ne'gamatc we'li-hala e'lmausi't 
trust he also will do wonders as he goes 

no'sa'snawa' wzam mi-'lrgan nesa'- 
for our descendants, because various dan 

natjgwa'k kedona'Igoho'dit ni'"kan-i 

gers will seek to destroy them, in the future 

mi'-li-gowa awa'Va' kedona'lgohodi'djihi 
various beasts will seek their lives, 

na'gadja'tc sr'buwal ugrziuli'"tona'ldj 
and besides rivers he can transform 

we'dji p'da ado'dji nso'naijgwa'donuk 
so that not ever so dangerous they are." 

Gluska'be udr'lan o"kamas-al' 

Gluskp'be said to his grandmother, 

Nda'^cwe'ldaman kadage"kimin eli - "t9zik 
"I should like you to teach me how to make 

a'gwi'dan we'dji'tc ka'dona'luk si - 'psak 
canoe, so that hunt ducks." 

namoni'mkwes'u udi - 'lan ke'le't 

Then Woodchuck said, "Surely 

1 Here follows a soliloquy by Woodchuck. 



kadage"ki-mar nkwe-'nas noda"toli-na 
I will teach you, grandson." Then they made a 
canoe. 

mala'm'te ugi - zi-"tona agwi-'dan ki'i 
At last they finished making canoe. Ki-i't 

ulr'dahazu Gluska'be na't'e obo - 'sin 
she rejoiced. Gluskp'be right then embarked 

udasi-'psak ama'staha si-'psa' ma'lam 
ducking he secured quantities of ducks. At last 

sala"ki be'dji kasala'm'sani - "ke 

all at once came a great deal of wind. 

nda"tegani gi-'zi-amrlrbrye 

Not enough he paddle out 

ela'm's-an grwo'Van kpi- uga'don'kan 
such a wind. He went about in the woods, he 
hunted, 



wzam 
because 



eli-'dahazit 
thinking, 

e'ligadon'ka 
is hunting." 

wi'gwomuk 
home. 



ga'madje't na'gahogat 

"Very evidently slow 

oba'dago'Van oma'djin 

He turned back, he went 



TRANSLATION 



Here starts my story of Glusk/be. He 
lived with his grandmother, Woodchuck. She 
raised him and taught him everything haw 
to hunt, fish, and how to make his living. 
When he grew up large enough to use a bow 
and arrow, he said to his grandmother, "Make 
me a bow and arrows, as I want to hunt deer; 
I am already tired of rabbit's meat and fish." 
Then he roamed away and killed a deer, and 
she was glad. She was very proud of him. 
Then next he roamed away and killed a bear. 
"What creature is it?" he asked her when he 
brought it home. She was glad, and began 
to dance. "You have killed a bear, a great 
piece of meat. Now we shall have plenty of 
fat. We shall live richly." Said she, "He will 
be a great magician. He will do great won- 
ders for our descendants as he goes on," 
thought she to herself, "because various dan- 
gers will in the future endanger their lives, 



NO. 3 



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191 



different beasts will seek their lives, also 
rivers, and he can transform them so that 
they will not be dangerous." Then Gluskg/be 
said to his grandmother, "I should like you 
to show me how to build a canoe, so that I 
can hunt ducks." "Surely I will teach you, 
grandson!" So she taught him how to build 
a canoe, and at last it was finished. She was 
glad when he paddled out to get ducks. He 
got a great many. 

Now at last, as time went on, the wind got 
so strong that he could not paddle about. 
He tried hunting in the woods, thinking, 
"Hunting is evidently very slow." So he re- 
turned to his wigwam. 



2. GLUSKA'BE BAGS ALL THE 

GAME-ANIMALS 

ma'nife wula's-in uda'bonuk umodje'n'tun 
Then he lay down on his bedding, he began to* 
sing, 

ali'nspin'tu e"tcwe'ldak bi'e'sawrye 
so singing his words wishing for made of hair 

ami-'ganagwe we'dji naga'nrrhat awa'Va' 
receptacle, so that he could secure more easily the* 
beasts. 

moni'mkwes'u ola'bin na'ga udli'"tun 
Woodchuck sat down and made 

no'lkai bie'swrye mr'ganagwe 1 gizi'"- 
deer hair material receptacle. 1 When* 

tak' w udla"kewun kwe'ns-al' da"toma 
done she tossed it to her grandchild. Not 

tcani-'n'to Gluskp'be nami-'na mu'si-bre- 
he ceased singing Gluskgi'be. Then again of* 

swi'ye kada'k udli'"tun moni'mkwes'u 
moose-hair material another she made Woodchuck. 

mi-'na udla"kewun pe'sagwun e'lin'tak' w 
Again she tossed it to him, still singing. 

ne'dudji ma'newadak' w moni'mkwes'u 
Thereupon pulling Woodchuck 

1 They used to have game-bags made of woven 
animal wool or hair. Mi-' ganagwe is, however, more 
specifically a birch-bark basket. 



abi-e'somal' udlr"tun kada'k mi-'ga- 
her hair, . she made another recepta* 

nagwe moni'mkwes-wi bi'e'sawrye 2 

cle of Woodchuck hair material. * 

nagasi-'bi uli-'dahasin Gluska'be 

Then indeed he was glad Gluskp'be 

e'bagwa"tc ala-'mi-zu noma'djin kpi- 
on account of it he thanked her. Then he left in* 
the woods, 

na'ga ugaga'loman' awa-'s-a' udr'lan 
and he called for beasts. He said, 

ne'udabazik' w awa-'s-aduk ga'dr 

"Come assemble, you animals! It will be, 

metka'mi-ge kanoka'n-ebatc nage-'hel'a 
end of the world. You will all perish." Then* 

accordingly 

awa-'s-ak usakhaba'srna ekrki-'krdjik 
animals came forth of all kinds. 

nodi-'lan i-'yu- bi'zaba'zik'" nami-'- 
Then he told them, "Here you all get inside my* 

ganagwek natc a"tama knami-"tona 
bag, here not you will see 

metka'mi'gek na'ga ne'ka bi-gi-'daba'silit 
the end of the world." And then they all entered 

mi- 'ganagwek amadjewa'lan wi-'gwomuk 
the bag, he carried it to the wigwam. 

udi-'kn o"kamas-ar an-r" no"kami 
He said to his grandmother, "So! grandma, 

nabedji'p'han awa-'s-ak na'djini-"kwup' 
I come bringing game-animals. From now on 

a 'da nsa-'gibabmigio'se-wan nono'de's'an 
not I (shall have) such a hard time wandering for* 
game." Then she went out 

moni'mkwes-u ela'bit mazi-' eki-'kigit 
Woodchuck looking at all sorts of 

awa-'s mazi-' ayo'lduwak mi- 'ganagwek 
animal all they were there in the bag. 

ubi-'di'gan moni'mkwes-u udi-'lan 

She went in Woodchuck, she said to 

kwe-nas-al' a"tama kola'lo'keu kwe-'nas 
her grandson, "Not you did well, grandson, 

2 That is why the Woodchuck has only a thin coat 
of hair on her belly to this day. 



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gwa'skwalamolduwa'gtc ni-'kcr'ni 

they will starve to death in the future 

go'sa'snawa udr'lan ki-'a nkwe-'nas 
our descendants." She said, "You, my grandson, 

ki-'a lrani-"kalodaguk go'sa'snawak 

you I have great confidence in you for our* 

descendants. 

mo'za'k nalalo"kekatc kda"tcwi'da'kik 
Don't do that ever, for you must 

ala'lo'ke dantc weli'ha'Igohodit go'sa'- 
work, whatever they will benefit our 

snawa' Gluskp'be ola'm'sadawon 

descendants." Gluskj'be believed her 

o"kamasar nono'de's-an na'ga 

his grandmother, then he went and 

abi-'kwade'naman amr'ganagwe udr'lan 
opened up the bag. He said 

awa'Va' noda - 'basik' w gi-s pami-'le 
to the animals, "Come out, already has gone past 

e'linsa'noijgwak madjo'basik'" 
the dangers. You all go out!" 

TRANSLATION 

Then he lay down on his bedding and began 
to sing, wishing for a game-bag of hair, so that 
he might get the beasts more easily. His 
grandmother Woodchuck then made him a 
game-bag of deer-hair. When it was finished, 
she tossed it to Gluskp'be; but he did not 
stop singing. Then again one of moose-hair 
she made, and tossed it to him; but he did 
not stop. Then, pulling woodchuck-hairs 
from her belly, she made one of those. 
Gluskp'be was indeed glad, and he thanked 
her. Then he went into the woods and called 
all the animals. He said to them, "Come on, 
you animals! the world is coming to an end, 
and you animals will all perish." Then the 
animals of all kinds came forth; and he said 
to them, "Get inside my bag here! In there 
you will not see the world come to an end." 
Then they entered the bag, and he carried it 
to the wigwam. "Now, grandmother," said 
he, "I have brought some game-animals. 



From now on we shall not have such a hard 
time searching for game." Then Woodchuck 
went and saw all the different kinds of ani- 
mals which were in the bag. She went into 
the wigwam, and said, "You have not done 
well, grandson. Our descendants will in the 
future die of starvation. I have great hopes 
in you for our descendants. Do not do what 
you have done. You must only do what will 
benefit them, our descendants." Gluskp'be 
heeded his grandmother. He went and opened 
the bag, and said to the animals, "Go out! 
The danger has already gone by. Go out!" 
And they scattered. 



3. GLUSKA'BE TRAPS ALL THE FISH 

medji-'mi pabp'mile nbedjr'lotc 

Always he went about. Then when he returned 

wi'gwomwak una-'mihan o"kamas'ol' 
to the wigwam, he saw his grandmother 

edalame'lrdjil mala'm'te osrgi'dahamal 
there fishing. At last he became impatient. 

nda"tam?gwi - 'na uba't'hawra name"s - a' 
Not really much she caught fishes. 

elr'dahp'zit me'wia wi'djo'ke'moge 

He thought, "Better I help her 

no"kamas we'djip'da sa - 'giamek' w 

my grandmother, so that not so difficult fishing." 

nodli'"tun kse'naTjgan 1 k' w sagp'i- 

Then he made a weir 1 across 

si-'bu S)g3de"t3gwek ni'grzi-"tak' w 

the river at the river-mouth; then, when itwas made 

uda'znaman eba'Vi wedji-'tc name"s - ak 
he made an opening half way, so that the fish 

bi'thi-'laha'dit ne'dudji madje'bret' 

could enter; then he started paddling 

ami''li - so'beguk na'ga aba'bmigagabwun 
out upon the ocean and round about called. 

udi'da'man nameVaduk ga'di' si'n'kHe 
He said to the fishes, "It is going to run dry 

1 The Indians made rock and brush fences part way 
across streams, so that they could spear fish as they 
passed through the opening left in the middle. 



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193 



so-'bek' w ga'di- met'ka'mi-ge masr'tc 
the ocean, going to be end of the world, and all 

ki-'lawa Iranak'a'neba nani-"kwup' 

you will die. So now 

ngi'zi-'tun we'dji'tc pmazo'ldrek' w 

I have made so that you will all live, 

masi'' tan noda'wi't name's - i''nag w zit 
all that hear me of the fish kind 

bi't'hi'Iatc nazr'bomuk masr'tc kabmau- 
enter in my river, and all you will* 

zo'ldi'ba wzam medjr'mrtc a'yu 
live, because always will exist 



mazr 
all 



tan 
that 



nazi-'bum nr"kwup' 
my river. Now 

noda'wit bi't'hr'tatc 
hear me will enter." 

na-'lau name'Vak ekrki-'gi'dji'k 

Then coming the fish all kinds 

ma'lam psa'n'te yir kse'na^gan 
at last it was full this fish- weir; 

nogu'p'haman te'dalrmedji-'mi azu'ldi'dit 
then he closed it, then there always they were* 
enclosed. 

ne'noma'djin awr'gwomwak nodr'lan 
Then he went away to his wigwam. Then he said to 

o"k3mas - al' 



an-r 



no"kamr 



his grandmother, "' 



ada'tc 



grandma, never 

ni-"kwup ksa-'gi-ameu' rbi-'tdetc 

now you fish so hard only will 

kana'djip'hak na'me's-ak tan edu'dji 
you go and get fishes as much as 

tcwe'lmat namoni'mkwes-u nodji-'- 

you want." Then Woodchuck then went to* 

dabana'uzin tan owa' ugi-'zrala'lo'kan 
examine what he he had worked at. 



nama'be'djo's-et 
When she arrived 



yuda"k kse'na;gan 
here, the fish-weir 



wuli-psa'n'te ekrki-'gi'hi-dit na'me's-ak 
brimful all kinds fish, 

e'bagwa'tc kaba'ka'wadi'hadowak ma'djelan 
on account of it they crowded each other out. She 
left 



moni'mkwes-u bedji-'lat wr'gwomwak 
Woodchuck and came to the wigwam. 

udi-'lan kwe'nas a"tama kola'lo'keu 
She said, "Grandson, not you have done well, 

mazi-'ne'k-a"tahat na'me's-ak tandj 
all annihilating the fish. How will 

wudlauzo'ldi-na go'sa'snawak ni-'ka'n-i 
they finally all do our descendants in the future, 

wzam gi-u'na gwa'skwai-ge'sit na'me's-a' 
should you and I have plenty as many fish 

tan ge"si-tcuwe'lmak' w ni'"kwup'te 

as many as wish? Now at once 

na'dji no'dahale gehe'la o'na'gin i-'dak 
go turn them loose." Accordingly he got up, said, 

ko'Iame no"kami na'dji pkwu'daha'laTjk' 
"You are right, grandma, I will go open it up 

ni - "kwup' 
now." 

TRANSLATION 

Then he went wandering about. When he 
returned to his wigwam, he saw his grand- 
mother there fishing. He at last became im- 
patient, as he saw that his grandmother was 
having a hard time fishing. Then he thought, 
"I had better help my grandmother, so that 
she will not have such a hard time." Then he 
made a weir across the mouth of the river, 
and left an opening half way in the middle, 
so that the fish could enter. Then he started 
out upon the ocean, and called everywhere to 
all the fish, saying to them, "The ocean is 
going to dry up, the world is coming to an end, 
and you will all die; but I have arranged it 
so that you will all live if you will listen to me. 
All who hear me, enter into my river, and you 
will live, because my river will survive! Enter 
all ye who hear me!" All kinds of fish came, 
until the fish-weir was full; and then he 
closed it up and held them there. Then he 
went to his wigwam, and said to his grand- 
mother, "Now, grandma, you will not have to 
fish so hard, you will only have to go and 
gather as many fish as you want." Then 
Woodchuck went to examine what he had 



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VOL. I 



done; and when she arrived, she saw the weir 
brimful of all kinds of fish that were even 
crowding one another out. Then she went 
back, and said to her grandson, "Grandson, 
you have not done well by annihilating all the 
fish. How will our descendants manage in 
the future, should you and I now have as many 
fish as we wish? Now go at once and turn 
them loose!" Accordingly he said, "You are 
right, grandmother, I will go and open up 
[the weir] ;" and he went and turned them loose. 

4. GLUSKA'BE TEMPERS THE WIND 

nodami-"k-3n3man Gluska'be kwesawa'pskek 
Then he overturned Glusk^'be a rocky point, 

u'djr'tun wuduT 1 nodasr'pso'kon 

he made of it his canoe." Then he went duck> 

hunting 

wudo - 'luk pana'pskolak'" pdagwr'na 
in his canoe of hollowed-out stone. Not indeed 

unr'lpwi'a' sr'psa' medjr'mi kasala'm'san 
he killed birds; always the wind blew, 

sa - 'grgi''zi'bi'e mala'm'te sala"ki 

he could hardly paddle. At last suddenly 

muska'wHe elr'dahpzi't tona'gi'ma 

he grew angry, thinking, "What 

alr'dabi'le edu'dji medji'mala'm'sak 

causes such continuous winds?" 

r'dam Gluskp'be no"komi naga'di 
Said Gluskp'be, "Grandma, I am going 

gwHawa"tun da'nwedla'm'sak moni'- 
to search for where the wind blows." Wood* 

mkwes'u r'dam nkwe'nas ga'matc 
chuck said, "Grandchild, very 

nawa'doge r'dak Gluskp'be ndlo"san 
far away." Said Gluskp 'be, "I am going there, 

da'nte be'loda'k naga'di na"'miha awe'n 
no matter how far. I am going to see who 

gi-zi'"tok' w gasala'm'san na'bi'tc be'djo'se 
makes the wind. Soon I shall return." 

1 No particular locality is indicated. 



noma'djin we - 'tcsak na'lo'set 
Then he went against the wind going; as he= 
gained headway, 

aha/dji aijgwa'malam'san ma'lam tqba'was 
further increased the wind. Then on the seventh 

ge''sogana'ki'wik grzawa"kotc gi - zo"se 
day he could hardly could walk 

edu'dalam'sak masi 1 ' manala'm'senal 
such strong wind. All blew off 

ubi'e'somal mala'm una - 'mihal eda'li- 
his hair. Then he saw there, swaying- 

gwanewi'lit ktaha'n'dwi' sr'bas mala'm'te 
his wings slowly, a great magic bird. Then, 

mobe'djo'se awa"katc e'Hit ktci-'si-psal 
when he came there with difficulty where was the 
great bird, 

udi-'lan namo"sumi- ndaha'be't ki-si'ha'- 
he said, "My grandfather could not you 

dawan aijgwo'mola'm'san naktci''si'bas 
possibly make stronger wind?" Then the big bird 

udr'lan no"s3s na't'e tege"sigi - zi'ha'dawa 
said, "My grandchild, that's as much as I can= 
make." 

Gluskp'be udr'lan ni - "kwup' ni'"kwQba 
Glusk^'be said, "Now now if possible 

aTjgwo'mi-spa'brane ye - e'+ nama't 

sit higher up far over there 

tokwoT/k'i' edali'spadanek naba" 

on the hill where there is a peak, then ought 

oTjgwo'mala'm'san 2 i'da'k si''bas 

blow stronger. 1 Said the bird, 

nada"tegani' kwe'nas yu't'e e'bi'a' 
"Not able am I, grandson; here I have sat 

ne-'ge-gefoge udi - 'lan Gluskp'be 

since the beginning." Said Glusk/be, 

namo"sumi- ni g 'atc kwi-djo"kemal 

"My grandfather, I indeed will help you." 

si-'bas i-'dak eda'git'e ki-'si- 

The bird said, "If so you can 

wi'djo"kemrane ke'hele't ndlo"s<m 

help me, surely I will go there, 

2 Mentioned by the narrator as another one of 
Gluskp'be's deceptions following the spirit of those 
narrated in the two preceding episodes. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



195 



wzam nda'tcwe'ldam9n masr' elkwe'bi'a 
because I wish that all facing where I sit 

wulr'gasala'm'san naGluska'be awi'"- 
to have benefit of wind." Then Gluskp'be took* 

xowa-'man 1 ktci-'sr'psal' oma'dje'wa-'man 
him on his back 1 the big bird, he carried him off. 

mala'm'te eda'li'spa"se - gek neda'li' 

Then where the high peak was, there 

balr'p'hat ktca'wa'is naktcr'sr'bas 

he dropped him accidentally, then the big bird 

tamilgwane - "te'sin naGluska'be odji''madjin 
suddenly had his wing broken. Then Gluskp'be went* 
away. 

malam"te uwi'gwomuk ube'djo'set udr'lan 
At last to his wigwam he came. He said 

o"kamas - al' anni'" natc ni - "kwup' 
to his grandmother, "So! here now 

no'li'sr'pso'kan nr"kwambtc medjr'mi 
I shall have good duck-hunting and now always 

wuli'awr'ban ke'helat'e wula'wi'ban 

it will be good calm." Surely it was good calm, 

na - 'lau udasr'pso'kan me'djrmawrban 
then he went duck-hunting always it was calm, 

ka'span'e' ge"sok a'gwa?jgwa'lzabi - 

thick, so much scummy water, 

a"tama e'bwe gi'zr'bre udr'tan 
not it seemed he could paddle. He said 

o"kamas-al' e'lawetc mr'na ndlo"san 
to his grandmother, "I think again I will go where 

kasala'm'san e - 'i't wza'mi medji'ma'wrban 
the wind is, because it is always calm." 

mi''na oma'djin ktci''si''bas e - 'i't 
Again he went (where) the big bird was; 

ma'lam nama' bedjo"set nda"tama 
then, when there he came, it did not 

wewi'nago'wi'a'l wzam mr'na grzr'ganut 
recognize him, because again already grown 

ubi - e"soma Gluska'be udi'lan ktcr'sr'psal' 
his hair. Gluskp'be said to the big bird, 

n9mu"sumi danali''dabi' < le edu'dji 

"My grandfather, what is the reason so much 

1 X, accidental soft gutteral spirant, resulting from 
collision of ' and h. 



medji-'mi awr'bak ta'nagwabe't ali-'dabi-'le 
always it is calm?" - "For the simple reason 

se'nabe ryu'dali be'djo'san abala"sad9be 
a man here came bald-headed, 

madji''nag w su uda"tcweldam9n aijgwa'- 
evil-looking, he wished stronger* 

mgla'm'sgn naso"ke di - 'lan ndadje''li - 'tun 
wind, so then I told him I could not manage it, 

na'fe tega'gi' grzi'ha'dawa ndi-'fogun 
this was as much as I was able. He told me, 

kgma'djewa'mgbn edalr'spadgnek n9ge'hel-a' 
'I will carry you to where it is higher'. Then,* 
sure enough, 

madjewa'mit n9b9na"kalggun ndgmi-'lg- 
he carried me; then he dropped me, and my* 

wane'te"si - magu'n ni'"kwup' pe'sagwut'e 
wing was broken, now just one 



i-'bi- 

only, 



na'lagwan 
my wing." 



udi - '}an 
Said 



Glusk^'be 
Glusk^'be, 



namu"sumi ni'a'tc mi-'na gaba'dago'- 
"My grandfather, I again will carry you* 

sailed e'bi'anaban na - 'gatc kuli - 'to'lan 
back where you would sit and also heal 

ka'bgwan udi-'lan eda'gife kwe'nas 
your wing." He said, "Forsooth, grandchild, 

ali'gi'zi-hada'wane ga'modjitc noli - 'dahasi 
if you could do it, very much I should rejoice; 



grs ga'matc r'yu 
already very here 



nsrwa s-rnan 
I am tired lying." 



neGluskp'be uwi-'xoa'man udlo'sa-'lan 
Then Glusk^'be took him on his back, he carried* 
him 

ebi - 'li - daban uli - 'ta'wan ulagwa'nal 

where he would sit, he healed his wing. 

udi''lan nehe" namu"sumi agwe'- 
He said, "Nehe'! grandfather, try 

dji'lagwa'newi nagehe'l'a ktci-'si'bas 

moving your wing." Then surely the great bird 

udag'wedji'lagwa'newi Gluska'be 

tried to move his wing. Gluskp'be 

ugi'bla'm'soge ni-'dak si-'bas ga'matc 
blew over. Then said the bird, "Very much, 



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kwe'nas kadala-'mihi- Gluska'be udi-'lan 
grandchild, you have pleased me." Glusk/be said, 

namu"sumi ni-"kwup' mo'zak mi-'na 
"Grandfather, now do not again 

ado'dji- medji-'mi 1 da'lelagwa'newi-'katc 
so much always use your wings so steadily, 

wza'mi medji-'malam'sak nda"tama 
because continuous winds, not 

go'sa'snawak gi-'zi- gado'n'kazo'ldi-wiak 
our descendants can hunt for their living, 

edu'dlam's-ak tane'dudji da'lrlagwa'newran 
such winds whenever you move your wings 

nda"tomo go'sa'snawak gi-'zi- si-'pso'- 
not our descendants can hunt* 

kazo'ldi-wiak wzam a"tama awe'n 
ducks, because not any one 

gi-zi-'bi-e so-'beguk ni-'kwpbaba' 

can paddle on the ocean. Now, if possible, 

na'nagwutc ke-'gi- ali-'lagwane'wi-ane 
sometimes for a day move your wings, 

a'l'a- ni'so'gani na'g3dandala"si-mi 

or else for two days, then rest 

ke-'gi 1 ndjawe-'dji'gi'zi si-'pso'kaso'ldi'dit 
a day, so that they can hunt ducks 

go'sa'snawak so-'beguk i-'dak si-'bas 
our descendants on the ocean." Said the bird, 

ko-'lome kwe'nos e'lwefe'f wza'mi- 
"You speak truth, grandson. I guess too much 

medji-'mala'm'san ni'"kwabtc a 'da ado'dji 
steady wind (there was), and from now not such 

medji-'mala'm'sanu nama'djin wi'gwomuk 
steady wind." Then he departed to his wigwam 

Gluska'be namabe'djo'set wuli-'dahasu 
Gluskp 'be. When he arrived, she rejoiced 

moni'mkwes-u 
Woodchuck. 

TRANSLATION 

Then Gluska'be overturned a rocky point 
and made of it a canoe for himself. Then he 
went duck-hunting in his hollow stone canoe. 
He could not kill any birds, as the wind blew 
so hard that he could hardly paddle about. 



At last he suddenly grew angry, thinking, 
"What causes such continuous winds?" 

Then Gluska'be said, "Grandma, I am going, 
to search for the place where the wind comes 
from." "It is very far," said his grandmother. 
"No matter how far away it is," said he, "I 
am going to find out who causes it. Soon I 
shall return." He went away, going against 
the wind, it growing stronger as he went. On 
the seventh day he could hardly walk, it was 
so strong. It blew off all his hair. Then he 
saw a great magic bird slowly waving its 
wings, making the wind. Then, when he 
reached the place with difficulty, he said, 
"Grandfather, couldn't you possibly make 
stronger wind?" "Grandchild, that's the best 
I can do," said the big bird. Then Gluska'be 
said, "If you could possibly sit higher up, far 
over there on the hill on the peak, you would 
make it stronger." "No, grandson, I could 
not," said he; "I have sat here since the begin- 
ningof things." "I will help you, grandfather," 
said Gluska'be. "Very well," said the bird. 
"If you will help me, I will go, because I 
want all who face me to have the benefit of 
my wind." Then Gluska'be took the big bird 
on his back, carried him to a high ledge, and 
there dropped him accidentally, so that he 
suddenly broke his wing. Then Gluska'be 
left, and went home. "Now," said he, "I 
shall have good duck-hunting. We shall 
always have a calm." Then he went out 
paddling. Surely it was calm. The water 
grew so thick with scum, that he could hardly 
paddle. Said he, "I think I will go again there 
where the wind is. It is always too calm." 
Then he went to where the great bird was. 
The bird did not know him now, when he 
arrived, because Gluska'be's hair had already 
grown out again. "What has always caused so 
much calm, grandfather?" asked Gluska'be 
of the big bird. "Simply that an ugly bald- 
headed man came here and wanted stronger 
wind; and I told him that I could not manage 
it, that it was all I could do; and he told me 
he would carry me on to a higher place. Then, 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



197 



sure enough, he carried me; and he dropped 
me and broke my wing. Now I have only 
one wing." Then said Gluska'be, "Grand- 
father, I will carry you back again where you 
sat, and will also heal you." "O grandchild!" 
said the bird, "I should rejoice so much if you 
would. I am already tired of lying here." 
Then Gluska'be carried him, and put him 
back where he wanted to sit, and healed his 
wing. "Now, grandfather, try your wing." 
And the bird tried his wing, and it was healed. 
Gluska'be was blown over. The bird was very 
glad. "Very much you have pleased me, 
grandchild." "Now, grandfather," said Glus- 
ka'be, hereafter do not use your wings too 
steadily, because our descendants cannot hunt 
for their living when there are such continu- 
ous winds. When you move your wings, our 
descendants cannot paddle or hunt ducks on 
the water. Now, if possible, wave your wings 
a day or for two days, then rest a day, so that 
our descendants can hunt ducks on the ocean." 
"You speak the truth. I guess, grandson, 
there was too much wind. From now on 
there shall not be such strenuous wind." Then 
Gluska'be went home; and when he arrived, 
his grandmother rejoiced. 



5. GLUSKA'BE STEALS TOBACCO FROM 

GRASSHOPPER, AND BESTOWS IT UPON 

THE WORLD 



monim'kwes-u 
Woodchuck 



udr'lan 
said 



Gluska'bal' 
to Glusk/be, 



nkwe'nas kmi'tsana'zi'bna udama'we 
"My grandchild, we are out of tobacco." 

Gluska'be udi - 'lan dana'skwe e - 'i't 
Glusk/be said, "Where lives 

udama'we moni'mkwes'u udr'lan wa - 'ka 
tobacco?" Woodchuck said, "Far out 

ami - 'li' ktcr'mana'hanuk tc<r'las 

on the water on a big island Grasshopper 

1 A commonly recognized unit of measure, known as 
a "look." In the open or on the water this would mean 
about a league; in the woods, about two hundred yards, 
as the term is used by the Indians. 



eda'li'madje'ganat udama'weal' ke-'nuk 
there raises tobacco; but 

nda"tama ugi'ze'lma'wral sagi - 'nog w zu 
not he will share it, he is stingy, 

na'ga a"tci - kr'nha'n'do nsana'g w zu 
and besides great magician dangerous." 

Gluska'be udi-'lan o"k3mas-al' ni-a'tc 
Glusk/be said to his grandmother, "I 

gi-zi'ha'dawun ugi'ze'lmun udama'weal' 
am able to distribute the tobacco." 

noli'"tun agwi-'dan mala'm'te gi'zi'"tak' w 
Then he made a canoe. At last, when it was made, 

udjawa"p3n3man nabr'k na'ga udarni-'- 
he put it in in the water and pushed it off 

heka'man nabedjr'sawHe pe'sagwada 
with his foot. Then it glided once 

tegaga'bi'muk' 1 nda"tegani te - 'bi - 

as far as one can see. 1 Not enough sufficiently 

kasi'"kawi - 'le wadu't nr'kada'k udli - 'tun 
fast enough goes his canoe. Then another he made; 

na'tc gi-zi'"tak' w udjawa"panam3n 

and also, when it was made, he launched it, 

udebi'gada'hin udamr'ttekaman nabedji''- 
he jumped in, he pushed it off with his foot. Then* 

sawile ni-'sada tegaga'brmuk' rni-'na 
it glided twice a "look" again 

a"tama udebi'na'muwan nami-na kada'k 
not it was sufficient. Then again another 

udli'"tun gi-zi'"tak' w udjawa"p3n3man 
he made. When it was made, he launched it, 

mi-'na udebr'gadahin ami-'ltekaman 
again he jumped in, he pushed it off with his foot 

nsa'da tegaga'bi-muk bedji-'sawHe 

thrice a "look" it glided. 

nagasi-'br e'bagwatc abede'lmu 

And then because of it he laughed. 

nudli-daha'man 2 tca'lsal ki'u"se 3 we'dji 
Then he wished 2 Grasshopper to be cruising away= 
from home 3 so that 

* The magic will possessed by the conjurers. 

3 Denotes to be abroad in the woods in search of 
favorable conditions for hunting. This is a common 
Indian occupation. 



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VOL. I 



ne-'gama nrgi-"kanat udama'weal 

he could secure his tobacco. 

bedjo"set nama' gehela't'e a"tama 
When he arrived there sure enough, not 

tca'las a'yi' masi'' ge-'salat tca'las 
Grasshopper was there, all he possessed himself* 
of Grasshopper, 

be-'djit-e pemi-'gi'djik udama'weal 

even what was growing tobacco 

uda'ki-'konuk Gluska'be na'ga mi-'na 
in his garden Glusk/be. And again 

ude'bi'hasin wudu'luk na'ga udami 1 '- 
he got in his canoe, and he pushed it 

Itekaman nama'fe bedjr'sawi'te 

off with his foot there he glided 

uda'si-'damonuk 1 udr'lan o"kamas-al' 
to his beach. 1 He said to his grandmother, 

nabe't'ho'lan udama'we a'ndatc mr'na 
"I have brought tobacco, never again 

kanada'wi'hogowi'na wulr'dahasu moni'- 
will it be scarce." Rejoiced Wood 

mkwes-u e'slcwan edaldo'n'kehedit 

chuck. While they were talking there 

nobedji'bre'lan tca'las nogwa'galon 

then came paddling up Grasshopper; then he- 
shouted, 

udi'da'man kanaka'kmo'dana'mi nodama'- 
he said, "You have stolen all my 

we'im naGluska'be node' 'Ian onaska - 'wan 
tobacco!" Then Glusk^'be then went out he met 
him 

tca'lsal udr'lan ko-'lame nak'a'na 
Grasshopper, he said, "You speak truth, I took all 

wedji'a'slcwe nr'ka'n'i go'sa'snawak a'tc 
so that in the future our descendants also 



ne- gama 

they 



gi - zawe"kaha - dit udr'lan 

can enjoy it." He said 

tca'lsal a"tamo ko'la'lo'ke kada'li'sa-'- 
to Grasshopper, "Not you do well, you= 



1 In the old days each hunter had his own strip of 
beach where his canoe could be kept, and where he 
always landed when returning home. Beach rights 
are still preserved among the Montagnais and Naskapi. 



gelman udama'we ge'"sr gi'zi-'ganat 
begrudge tobacco, as much as you raise 

nda'haba ki - a ke"sawe'kaha'wan r'dak 
cannot you so much enjoy." Said 

tca'las ki-'nak' w ga mi-'li- skani-'mrnal 
Grasshopper, "Please give me seeds, 

we'djitc ki-zi-'ganuk dan 
so that I can raise how 



ge-sr 

much 



tcuwe'lmuk Gluska'be udr'lan a"tama 
I need." Glusk/be said, "Not 

kmi-'lowanal skani-'mi-nal ke'nukdji 
I will give you seeds, but will 

kami-'lan dan ge-"si- kadawawe"kahat 
I give you how much you will need 

dan kwena'si'an nodr'lan ni'"kwup' 
as long as you live." Then he said, "Now, 

kami-'l-an udama'we dan gwena'bemat 
I give you tobacco as will support you 

kwena'si'an udr'tan nehe" kado'newi 
while you live." He said, "Nehe'l open your mouth." 

nubi-'znamawan udo'nuk udama'weal 
Then he placed in his mouth tobacco. 

udr'tan an'i 1 " ni'"kwup' ki'za'bezin 
He said, "an-i-" now you have your share 

ki-a uni-mi'p'han tca'lsal na'ga 



you! 



He took him 



Grasshopper 



and 



uba'si-gi-nahada'wan uda'pskwansi udr'tan 
he split the back of his coat. He said, 

yu-'gani-'kwup' grzi - "tolan ka'l'agwanak 
"From now on I have made your wings, 

ni-"kwup' madje'dawrla na'k'i'za'besin 2 
now fly away, you have your share." * 

TRANSLATION 

Once Gluska'be's grandmother said to 
Gluska'be, "My grandchild, we are out of 
tobacco." "Where does it exist?" asked he. 

2 This accounts for the brown juice which exudes 
from the grasshopper's mouth and his long double 
wings. "He only has enough for one chew, but that 
lasts him all the time," the Indians say. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



199 



Woodchuck answered, "Far out on a big island 
in the water. Grasshopper raises tobacco; 
but he won't share it, he is so stingy; and, be- 
sides, he is a great dangerous magician." "I 
am able to distribute it," said Gluska'be to his 
grandmother. Then he built a canoe; and 
when it was made, he pushed it off with his 
foot. Its first glide was as far as he could see. 1 
It did not go fast enough, this canoe. So he 
made another, and pushed this off, jumped 
in, and it went twice as far, "two looks." This 
was not enough. Again he made one, jumped 
in, and pushed it off. This went "three looks." 
Then he laughed. Then by a magic wish he 
wished Grasshopper to leave home, so that he 
could secure his tobacco. When he arrived at 
Grasshopper's place, sure enough, he was 
gone. Then Gluskp'be took it all, even what 
was growing in the fields, got into his canoe, 
pushed it off, and returned. He said to his 
grandmother, "I have brought tobacco. Never 
again will it be scarce." And they rejoiced. 
Then, while they were talking, Grasshopper 
came paddling up. He shouted, and said, 
"You have stolen all my tobacco!" Gluska'be 
went out to meet him. "It is true," said 
Gluska'be, "I have taken all. The reason is, 
that in the future our descendants too may 
enjoy it. You do not do well to begrudge 
tobacco. You raise so much, that you cannot 
enjoy or use it." Replied Grasshopper, "Please 
give me seeds, so that I may raise what I 
need!" "No," said Gluska'be, "I will not give 
you seeds, but I will give you as much as you 
need for your lifetime. I give you sufficient 
for life. Now open your mouth!" Then he 
put some tobacco in his mouth. "Now you 
have your share." Then he took Grasshopper 
and split the back of his coat, and said, 
"From now on you shall have wings. Fly 
away, you have your share!" (The grass- 
hopper has his tobacco in his mouth, and he 
chews and spits it all the time, as may be seen 
by picking him up.) 

1 "One look," a unit of distance. 



6. GLUSKA'BE FIXES THE RIVERS 
' AND FALLS 

Gluska'be udr'lan o"kamas-al' nr"kwup' 
Glusk/be said to his grandmother, "Now, 

no"kami nagwr'lawi'wali'"tun dantc 
grandma, I shall search out and prepare for 

go'sa'snawak 2 we'dji- a.da' sak-a"- 
our descendants, 2 so that not hard* 

hedi-hedik' w elmauzo'ldrdit ni'k'a'ni 
times they will have while they live in the future. 

ni-"kwup' nabo-'sin ndabana - 'wr"tun 
Now I leave, I will inspect 

si-'bual na'ga nagwa'sabe'mal ni'"kwup'tc 
rivers and lakes. Now also 

nsi-'pkHa no"kami ke'nuk mo'zak 
I shall be a long time, grandma, but don't 

nsa'hi-'katc nubo - 'sin oma'dje'bian masr' 
worry." Then he left, he began paddling, all 

ubi-t'hi-'tanal si-'bual sa'Tjkade'tagwegil 
he entered the rivers which emptied into 

so'beguk uda'banawi'" tonal nada-'ma 
the ocean, he inspected them. Then where 

sa - 'gi - k'e uli'"tun e'lami ba'n'tagwr'kek 
difficulties were he fixed it going among the river> 
fall places, 

we'dji'tc a'da ado'dji sak'a"hedi'hi'dik' w 
so that not ever so hard times they would have 

o"sas - a' ni-'ka'n'i masi'a"tc be'dji 
his descendants in the future. And all even 

wunr'ganal 3 ugr'zi'mosi'kte'manal we'dji 
the carrying places * he cleared out for 

wulau'das'ak mala'm'te pe - 'sagwun 

good path place. Then one 

si-'bu bi't'hr'bret nabo-'nak udu't 
river he paddled into. Then he placed his canoe, 

2 This implies that people were always in existence 
somewhere. 

3 A "carry" is the land separating two navigable 
pieces of water. 



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VOL. I 



ugadagwa"tun nafe 
turned it over then 



edalipamapskwi'lak 
where it turned to stone 



e'skwat'e 
still there 



ni'"kwup'te' ' 
now even. 1 

TRANSLATION 



Then said Glusk^'be to his grandmother, 
"Now, grandmother, I am going to travel to 
search for and transform things, so that our 
descendants may not have such hard times to 
exist in the future. Now I am leaving, and 
shall inspect the rivers and lakes. I shall be 
gone long, but do not worry." Then he started 
off paddling, and entered all the rivers empty- 
ing into the ocean. He inspected them. 
Wherever there were bad falls, he lessened 
them, so that they would not be too dangerous 
for his descendants. He cleared the carrying- 
places. Then he left his canoe upside down, 
where it turned into stone, and may be seen 
there yet.* 

7. GLUSKA'BE STOPS THE WATER 

FAMINE, ORIGINATES FISHES AND THE 

FAMILIES 

amaska-'man o'dene kadama'gi'nag w sulduwak 
He found a village (where) they looked feeble 

a'lnpbak e'lmi* na'lmuik pglabemu * 
the people. Up river Guards-Water ' 

uga'lhama'wun nabi'' a'lnpba' nabi'' 
held back water from the people. Water 

na'nagwutc kwa'skwi' ka'dawusmo'lduwak 
some to death died of thirst. 

mala'm'te Gluskp'be dalibe'djo'se una''mi'ha 
Then Gluskj'be there came he saw 



udalna'bema 
his people 



kadamagi'nag w su'lduwak 
looking sickly feeble. 



no'dagwedji -< molan tanali''dabi' v le rda'- 
Then he asked, "What is the reason (of this)?" They* 

1 This was the mouth of the Penobscot River, and 
the canoe is nowadays pointed out as a rock lying on 
the shore near Castine. 

1 The rock near Castine, Me., mentioned in preced- 
ing footnote. 



nagi'zi-ha'dawun 
can make him 



mohodit ke'ganaka"tahogona pglabe'mu 
said, "Almost he has killed us Guards- Water; 

ngwa'skwi' kada'wusmoldi'bana nagaT- 
we are dying of thirst, as he* 

hamogonena nabi'' no'drdaman 

forbids us water." Then he said 

Gluskp'be ni-'a'tc 

Glusk ? 'be, "I 

kemi-'lgona nabi'' nodlo"sana sa'rjgamal 4 
give you water." They went to the chief 4 

pglabe'mu e - 'i't nodi' 'Ian kegame'si- 
Guards-Water where he was; then he said, "Why 

kadama'gi'hat' go'sa'snawa' naso"ke 
do you enfeeble our descendants? For this 

ni'"kwup' gode'ldaman elr'gadama'gi'hat' 
now you will be sorry for enfeebling 

go'sa'snawa' ni'"kwup' nra namr'lan 
our descendants, now I shall give them 

nabi'' namazi-'tc' kade'dabi'' wulp'beda'- 
water, and all will share the water good* 

mana ni'mi'p'hon na'ga wdama'hi'ganip'han 
benefit." Then he grabbed him and he broke his* 
back: 

we'dji' ni'"kwup' tama'hi'ga'nat masi'' 
hence now broken-backed all 

kaba'lamak metcda"tamo ugi'zelda'muwan 
bull-frogs are. Even then not he would give up 

nabi'' Gluskp'be wr'kwanaman uda'mhi'gan 
water. Gluskp'be took his axe 

nagasr'bi' uda'm'tahan ktci'a'bas'i 

and cut down a big tree 

wi'gwe'sk' uga'uhan pglabe'mual 

yellow birch, cutting it so upon Guards- Water 

nelega'wi'lat wr'gwesk' pgbbe'mual 

when it fell yellow birch Guards- Water 

gwa'sk' w tahan nawe'dji' ki'zi'dabr'taTjk 
it struck him dead. That is how originated 

si''bu pan-awa'mpske w tuk' w6 namazi'' 
the river Penobscot River 5 then all 

* A frog-like monster, the prototype of the frogs. 

4 Supposed to have been at Chesuncook Lake. 

5 The etymology of this name is not clear. It is 
translated by the narrator as "river that broadens out." 
Varying translations have been suggested. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



201 



pska"tag w nul si-'bual namazi-' 

branch streams rivers and all 

soTjgade'tagwal ktci'si-'buk wadji'' 

river inlets into the big river so 

ki-'si'dabi-'te ktci'sr'bu namazi-' 

originated the great river, and all 

a'lnpbak edu'dji ka'dawusmo'ldrhi'dit 
the people so were thirsty 

namazi'' udja'u'pigi'daho'ldi'no. nona'nagwutc 
then all jumped into the water, then some 

name"s'Ha 1 uladowak tcigwa'lsuHa'uladowak 
became fish, became frogs, 

to'lbaHa'uladowak wa"kesuak i-'bi 

became turtles, a few only 

we'dauzo'ldi'djik ni'"kwup' nawe'dji' 
survived. Now from this 

madje'gedit' kada-'gik a'lnpbak 

they increased others people. 

ni'"kwup'. we'dji- ude'dagwabr'ta'mana 
Now hence they inhabit the length of 

pan-awa'mpske w tu'k' w nawe'dji' ni-"kwup'. 
Penobscot River. Thence now 

a'li'wi-zo'ldi'dit na'nagwatc na'me's-ak 
they are named some fishes 

na'me's-Ho'ldi'dit uda'ln^be'mnaga 

having become fish their departed relatives. 

ni'"kwup' nawe'dji- wr'kwu'modit 

Now thence so they took 

eli'wi'zo'ldi'dit eki-'ki'git na'me's'ak 
their namings all kinds fishes 

na'ga do'lbak 
and turtles. 

TRANSLATION 

He came to a village where the people 
looked feeble. Up the river, a monster frog 
(aTjglabe'mu) held back the water from these 
Indians. Some even died on account of 
thirst for water. Then Gluskp'be came there. 
He saw his people looking sickly. He asked 
them', "What is the trouble?" They told him, 
"Guards-Water has almost killed us all. He 
is making us die with thirst. He forbids us 



water." Then Glusk/be said, "I will make 
him give you water." Then they went with 
Gluskp'be, their chief, to where Guards- Water 
is. Then he said to him, "Why do you enfeeble 
our grandchildren? Now, you will be sorry 
for this, for enfeebling our grandchildren. Now, 
I shall give them the water, so that all will 
receive an equal share of the water. The 
benefit will be shared." Then he grabbed him 
and broke his back. Hence all bull-frogs are 
now broken-backed. Even then he did not 
give up the water. So Gluskp'be took his axe 
and cut down a big tree, a yellow birch, cut- 
ting it so that when it fell down upon Guards- 
Water, the yellow birch killed him. That is 
how the Penobscot River originated. The 
water flowed from him. All the branches of 
the tree became rivers. All emptied into the 
main river. From this came the big river. 
Now all the Indians were so thirsty, nearly 
dying, that they all jumped into the river. 
Some turned into fish, some turned into frogs, 
some turned into turtles. A few survived. 
Now, that's why from them other Indians 
increased. Now, that's why they inhabit the 
length of the Penobscot River. Thence now 
they took their names. Some took fishes' 
names, since their departed relatives turned 
into fish. Now thence in this way they took 
their family names from all kinds of fish and 
turtles. 

NOTE 

To this transformation certain fish, crus- 
taceans, and amphibians owe their origin. As 
the myth explains, though perhaps rather 
vaguely for a matter of such importance in 
the social life of the tribe, the human creatures 
who escaped transformation took the names, 
and assumed some associated characteristics, 
of their transformed relatives. From this de- 
veloped some of the totemic family groups 
with totemic associations in naming, paternal 
descent, and imaginary physical peculiarities. 
Like the other eastern and northern Algonkian, 
the Penobscot families each possessed inher- 



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VOL. I 



ited hunting-territories which were desig- 
nated by the totemic animal names. So we 
find those families located near the ocean 
bearing marine-animal names, while the terri- 
tories of the land-animal families are situated 
in the interior. The latter trace their origins 
to independent causes. The family hunting- 
territory is called nzi-'bum ("my river"). The 
family groups had no definite marriage regula- 
tions, or taboos against killing the associated 
animals. Aside from nicknames, individuals 
were generally known by their family-group 
names. 

In this phase of Penobscot social life we have 
the most interesting case of the sort encoun- 
tered in a series of family social-unit studies 
made among the northern Algonkian tribes. 1 

8. GLUSKA'BE KILLS THE MONSTER MOOSE 
AND CREATES LANDMARKS 

naGluskp'be odjr'madjelan kada - 'gi"hi 
Then Gluskp'be departed others 

agwHa'ohan a'lnaba' ma'lam be'djHat 
he searched for people. At last he reached 

ktcri - nagwa - 'sabem dali'mskaowat 

a very big lake where he met 

a'lnoba' udr'tagun ga'matc sa'naTjgwa'di 
people. They told him, "Very dangerous 

yu ndode'nena namas - elo"tohogona 

here our village. Many of us he has killed 

ktaha'n'dwi' mu's a"tame'lawe 

a great magic moose, not hardly 

ngi'zika'don'ka'zoldi'bana udi-'Jan nra'tc 
can we go hunting." Said he, "I 

ngwHa'oha ni'a'tc k3nr"tamo'lana 

will search for him, I will destroy him for you." 

1 A brief discussion of this feature of Algonkian 
social organization has been given by the writer in 
"The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian 
Social Organization" (A A 17 [1915], and "Game Totems 
of the Northeastern Algonkians" (A A 19 [1917]). 
A more intensive study of the Penobscot family group 
is now in preparation. 

2 In the winter the moose congregate in a common 
feeding-ground where they trample down the snow in 
paths from which they browse. This is called a "yard." 



wespoza"ki'wik odjrmadje'lan agwrla'ohan 
In the morning he departed to search for 



ktcrmo'sul' 
the big moose. 

awu'sanudi 2 
in his yard * 



ma'lam 
At last 



amaska-'man 
he found him 



uga'la'banan 
he started him up, 



edala'sanelit na'ste 

where he yarded. Soon 

nuno"so'kawan 
then he followed him. 

elmi'p'hogwet mo'zul' sala"ki e'labit 
As he was following the moose, suddenly looking 

nr'ka'n'i e'lkwelat una - 'mr'tun 

ahead where he was going he saw 

wi-'gwomsrs sadi'k'ansis* na'ste 

little wigwam, little bough shelter,' soon 

uza'jjk'hi-no'des-an phe'nam elp'bit 

came walking out a woman looking 

Gluska'be pukadji'nskwes'u 4 ma'nit'e 
Glusk^'be (it was) Squatty- Woman. 4 Then 

bmr'le a"tamo udpzide'mawial ke'di 
going by not he answered her when 

pa"pi'mago't be-'sagun e'lHat 

she joked with him still going on. 

pukodji'nskwes'u mu'skweldam r'dak 
Squatty-Woman became angry. She said, 

ga'matc ka'di pplr'gweyu ni'"kwupa'skwe 
"Very you want to be haughty, now then 

kdli'na-'mi-'tundj ne'dudji no"so'ka'w0t 
you will see." Then she followed him 

Glu'skobal' e'lamHat e'lamrlat ta'maba- 
Gluskp'be going along going along wherever 

ni'lotc na'w^ba-'magwek 5 a"tama 

she reached a viewing-place* not 

* This is a sort of temporary shelter made by lean- 
ing spruce-branches together. It is conical in shape, 
like the regular bark wigwam. 

4 This creature is also known popularly as "Jug- 
Woman." She is conceived of as a short, ugly woman, 
with no curves at the waist. So when the Indians 
first saw a stone jug or pitcher, they nicknamed it 
Puksdji'nskwes'u. This hag figures prominently in 
mythology. 

6 An opening in the woods where a view can be had 
of game. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



203 



na-'mi - hawial mr'na tamabanr'lat 

she could see him again where she reached (an* 
opening) 

a"tamo na-'mi-hpwial i-'dak ga'matc 
not she could see him. She said, "Very 

karjga'wHe se'nabe ^'skwe Glu'skabe 
fast going man that Gluskp 'be." 

be'djHat si-'buk sa'Tjgade'tagwutc 1 

When she reached the river mouth of the river, 1 

ela'bit aga'mi kwe'sawa'pskek nona'mi'han 
looking across a rocky point, then she saw him 

elmi-Ja'li-djil mo'zul' nogwu's'ag^i'gada'hin 
going along with the moose. Then he jumped across 

na'ste ude'mi'zal' udadami-"kaT;gun 

soon his dog overtook him. 

nodi-'lan yu'gi'a abi'" sko'hple 

Then he said, "Here you sit watch for 

pukadji'nskwes' nageheTa a'lamus uda - 'bin 
Squatty-Woman." Accordingly the dog sat down, 

nodasko'hplan pukadji'nskwes'uwal' nowa' 
then he watched for Squatty-Woman. Then that 

pukadji'nskwes'u medabe'lat sr'buk 
Squatty- Woman came down to the river, 

una - 'mi'tun kwesawa'pskek na'ste 

she saw a rocky point, soon 

gwus'p'gadahin abe'gas'ik 2 i''dak tci -< 3 
she jumped across where he struck (Gluskp'be). 2 
She said, "Tci-'l* 

tcu' kdlrna-'mi-'tun ne'labit una-'mi'han 
surely you will see ultimately." Then looking she* 
saw 

ktci' 'a'lamus'al' nedalr 'nasko'dahpzit 

the big dog, then there she got discouraged, 

u'zawelan ma'lam ye'ugana'k'i'wik 

she turned back. Then on the fourth day 

uda'dami-'ka'wan mo'zul' na'ste uni-'lan 
he overtook the moose. Soon he killed him. 

abi-'kwe'dji'lan nodla"kewan ude'mi-zal' 
He butchered him, then he threw to his dog 

1 Penobscot River, near Castine, Me. 

* Where Gluskp'be and Pukadji'nskwes'u struck 
are to be seen two imprints on the rock. One of these 
is of the ordinary snowshoe shape, this is Gluskp'be's 
snowshoe; the other is a round one. Pukadji'nskwes'u's. 



mu'zula < g w zi - al nsa'da tegag^'brmuk 
the moose intestines thrice "looks" 



udli-'naga-'lol 
he left him behind 



ude'mi-zal nbeda"ket 

his dog. As far as they fell 

wula'g w zi-al na'bmus umi-'tsin nte'lp- 
the moose intestines that dog ate them. There it* 

bek'tek nabr'k na'ga daligada-"le 
lay as it fell in the water, and there it sank; 

na't'e dali'pana'pskwr'lak wD'mba'pask' w 
then there it became stone white stone. 

eskwa't'e ni - "kwup' wewr'na)jgwa' < du 
It is still now to be seen. 

ni'"kwup' ali - wi'"tpzu musr'katcr 4 

Now it is called Moose-Buttocks. 4 

na't'e dali'pana'pskwr'lak a'lamus 

Then there he became stone, the dog 

e'skwat'e ni - "kwup' uda - 'bin oma'djin 
still now he sits. Went away 

Gluska'be ba'dagi' grzi-'p'sanlat 

Glusk ? 'be back after he filled 

uda"tawar/kwa'zudi'al wi'u"s mu'si-ye 
his cooking kettle with meat of moose 

obadago"san ma'lam bedjo"se 

he went back. Then he reached 

ktci'nagwa'zabe'muk ne'dalajjkwa-'zit 

a big lake, then there he cooked; 

giza'ijkwa'zit umi-'tsin gi'zi-"pit 

after he had cooked, he ate; after he had eaten, 



ugadagwa- "kan 
he turned over 

pana'pskwral 
of stone, 

oda'linaga-'lan 
there he left it. 

uga'dagwa-'bin 
turned over it sits 



uda"tawa7jkwa'zudi - al 
his kettle 

noga'dagwa'tan na'ga 

then he upset it; and 

ni-"kwup' eskwa't-e 

Now still 

nani'"kwup' wa-'djo 
that now mountain 



This place is called Mada'jjgamas ("Old Snowshoe"), 
and may be seen at Castine Head, Me. The impres- 
sions are rapidly disintegrating for the rock is soft. 

3 Extending her finger at him from arm's length a 
common sign of emphasis. 

4 This is Cape Rosary (Rosier), on the eastern shore 
of Penobscot Bay. 



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ali-'wrzo ki-'ni-yu 1 ga ubadagr'lan 
is named Ki-'ni-yu." * And he went back 

udi-'lan a'lnaba' o"sas - a' an'r" 

he said to the people, his descendants, "So! 

grzr'ntamo'lna ktci-awa-'s anda'tc mi-'na 
I have destroyed the big beast, never more 

koda'mi-hogoVi'wa ga'matc nulr'- 

will he bother you." Very much they 

dahaso'lduwak a'lnabak udi-'lana 

rejoiced then the people. They said to 

Gluskabal' ga'matc kolra'li'bana 

Gluskp'be, "Very well you have done for us, 

de'baneba-'na nak-a"tehogona kda'lami-- 
soon might that have destroyed us all; we thank 

zwa'malabana * mawa'i 

you very much * all together." 

TRANSLATION 

Then Gluska'be started out again in search 
of other people. At last he reached a large 
lake.* There he met the people and they said, 
"Our village is in great danger from a giant 
magic moose, for fear of whom we can hardly 
go hunting. He has killed many of us." "I 
will search for him," said Gluska'be, "and 
destroy him for you." Then he started to 
search for him, and reached the "yard" where 
the giant moose was, and started him running. 
As he was following the moose, suddenly, 
looking ahead, he saw a little bough shelter, 
and a woman came walking out. It was 
Squatty-Woman (Pukadji'nkwes-u). Then he 
went right on by, and did not answer her jok- 
ing. Then, as he went on, Squatty-Woman 
became very angry, and said, "You are very 
haughty. Now you will see!" Then she fol- 
lowed Gluska'be. He went along so fast, that 
whenever she came to an outlook, she could 
not see him. She said, "That Gluska'be is a 

1 Mount Kineo, on the eastern shore of Moosehead 
Lake. Folk etymology among the Indians says that 
the first people who saw the mountain after its transfor- 
mation declared, "kvv ni-'yu!" ("oh, [see] here!") 

* A very formal expression. 

* Moosehead Lake. 



very swift man." When she reached the 
mouth of the river, looking across a rocky 
point, she saw him going along after the moose. 
Then he jumped across. His dog overtook 
him. He said, "You sit here and watch for 
Squatty-Woman." Accordingly the dog sat 
down and watched for her. When she came 
down to the river, she saw the rocky point, 
and jumped across in the same place where 
Gluska'be landed. 4 She said, "Tci- 1 , you will 
soon see." Then she beheld the big dog, and 
became disheartened, and turned back. He 
followed the moose, and on the fourth day 
overtook him and killed him. He took his 
insides out and threw them to his dog. They 
reached the distance of three "looks." His 
dog ate as far as they went. As the intestines 
fell in the water, so they lay and sank, turn- 
ing into stone, and may still be seen white on 
the bottom of the river. Now it is called 
Musi'katci ("moose hind-parts"). 6 Then he 
turned his dog into stone, and there he sits 
too. Then Gluska'be returned and cooked 
his moose-meat in his kettle near the big lake. 
When he had eaten, he turned his kettle over, 
and left it there turned into stone. Now it 
may still be seen. It is the mountain called 
Kineo. 6 Then he went back and told his 
people, his descendants, "Now I have killed 
the big beast. He will never bother you 
again." They rejoiced, and said, "You have 
done very much for us. We thank you ex- 
ceedingly all together." 



9. GLUSKA'BE OVERCOME BY WINTER 

nodjima'djelan wi'gwomwak e-'ilit 

Then he went to his wigwam where was 

o"k3mos-al' ga'matc wuli'dahasu 

his grandmother. Very much she rejoiced 

4 Rocks at Castine show imprints of the snowshoes 
of both personages. 

6 A landmark at Cape Rosary. 

6 For the Indian explanation of this term see foot- 
note I on this page. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



205 



moni'mkwes'u udr'ial kwe'nos ga'matc 
Woodchuck. She told him, "Grandson, very 

nolr'dahas bedjr'tan ga'matc kr'si'sagip'on 
I am glad that you come, very has been hard* 
winter, 

sa'gi'kr'zauzolduwak go'sa'snawak pselga'- 
they have had hard living our descendants, very 

mate kwa'skwalamo'ldi'djik eduda'^gwa^tek 
many have starved to death ; so deep was the= 
snow 

a"tama aba'si'ak na'mi'ha'wrak mssi'' 
not the tree-tops could they see. All 

wa'waho'k'hadawak nodi' 'Ian Gluska'be 
were buried in snow." Then said Gluska'be 

o"kamas'al' da'naskwe na e - 'rt pabu'n 
to his grandmother, "Where that is winter?" 

udr'lan nkwe'nas ga'matc nawa'doge 
She said, "Grandchild, very far off 

ndahaba'wen oda/uzi'wun alo"sede 

cannot any one not live. If he goes there, 

kwa'skwadjo'ba r'dak Gluska'be ni'a 
he would freeze to death." Said Gluskp'be, "I 

nda'gwedji alo"san naga'di na - 'mi'ha 
will try to go there, I want to see 

pabu'n ni-"kwup' nda'tcwe'ldaman 

winter. Now I wish 

kdlha'T/gamewin nda"tcwelmak ni-sa'Tjga- 
you to make snowshoes for me, I want them two 

ma'gzawak ma'gali-buwewcr'i-yak nr'sajjga- 
pair snowshoes of caribou-skin, two pair* 

ma'gzawaga"tc no'lkewa-'iyak ni'sar/gama 1 - 
snowshoes also of deer-skin, and two pair* 

gzawaga"tc mu'sewa-'iyak no'madjelan 
snowshoes of moose-skin." Then he went 



e-'ebmi-'lat 1 
going along. l 



ma'lam 
At last 



met'ka'wa 
he wore out 



ni'sarjgama'gzuwa mu'se'wa -1 iyak pe-'sagwun 
two pair snowshoes moose-skin still 

e-lo"set ma- 'lam mi-'na ume't'ka'wa 
going on at last again he wore out 

1 Vowel-lengthenings of this sort (e~e +) are rhetori- 
cal effects of the narrator. 



no'lkewa-'iyak pe-'sagwun elo"set ma'lam 
the deer-skin (ones) still going on at last 

aha'dji- almi't'ke' ma'lam met'ka-'wa 
growing colder at last he wore out 

nagwada'Tjgama'gzuwa ma'gali -< buwewa >v ye 
one pair snowshoes of caribou-skin, 

masala't-e nagwada'jjgama'gzuwa uda'r/gama 
finally only one pair snowshoes his snowshoes. 

natc gi'zatc ga'matc ka'wa'djo mi-'na 
Then it had also become very cold, again 

una'slan kada'gihi ebmr'lat aha'dji 
he put on the others. Going along still growing 

almi't'ke' mala'm'te. ke-'gome't'ka'wa 
colder. At last then he almost wore out 

uda'rjgama wusa'gi'ga'Vadjo gi - z gi-'zatc 
his snowshoes it was terribly cold after also already 

una-'mi-'tun wr'gwom e"tek e'muk' w te 
he saw wigwam where it was just then 

be'djo'se klar;ga''nuk na'ste umet'ka-'wan 
he came to the door at once he wore out 

uda'Tjgama ubr'di-gan pkwa'mi-ga'mik' w 
his snowshoes. He entered an ice-house. 

gi-zi-bi-'di-get nkla'Tjgan gabade'de's-an 
When he entered, then the door closed tight, 

a"tama gi-'zi' node'Van Gluska'be 
not he could get out. Gluskp'be 

i''dak kwe' 2 namu"sumi ma'nit'e 
said, "Kwe-1 2 my grandpa!" Then 

udamaskalo"taj)gul palus-a'si'zal 

he mocked him the old man 

pkwa'mi'al i - 'dak wa palu's'as'i's kwe - 
of ice. Said that old man, "Kwe 4 ! 

namu"sumi Gluska'be edu'dji kawa-'djit 
my grandpa." Glusky'be was so cold 

udr'lan namu"sumi ga'matc nakawa-'dji 
he said, "Grandfather, very I am cold, 

pkwude'hema'Vi 3 palu's-as-i-s udama'- 
open the door." * The old man mocked* 

skalo u tawan namu"sumi ga'matc nakawa''dji 
him, "Grandfather very I am cold, 

2 The regular Algonkin salutation. 

3 Every wigwam had a drop flap of skin or bark for 
a door. 



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VOL. I 



pkwude'hema-'wi naGluskp'be r'dam 
open the door." Then Gluskp'be said, 

n3mu"sumi pkwude'hema-'wi ke-'ga 
"Grandfather, open the door, almost 

ngwa'skwa-'dji palu's-as-i-s udama'- 

I am frozen." The old man mocked 

skalo"tawan a'Tjgwama'doge e'bagwatc 
him more than ever, on account of it 

awi'"kwrna < wan namu"sumi pkwude'- 
he laughed at him. "My grandfather, open- 

hema-'wi ke-'ga ngwaskwa-'dji 

the door, almost I am frozen." 

nagwaskwa-'djin Gluskp'be palu's'as-i's 
Then he froze to death Glusk/be. The old man 

unoda"kalan nafelas'ik Gluskp'be ma'lam 
threw him outside, there he lay Gluskf'be. At last 

si-'gwan nami-'na abma'uzi'lan i-'dak 
spring (came), then again he came to life. He said, 

to"ki'lat tce'he net'e't nra ngawi-'nes-a' 
"Awake! tce'he! well there I I have been asleep." 

elp'bit a"tama da'ma wr'gwomte'wi 
Looking not anywhere was the wigwam. 

odji-ma'djelan awi-'gwomwuk udli*'lan 
He went away to his wigwam, he arrived. 

TRANSLATION 

Then Gluskp'be went home to his grand- 
mother (Woodchuck). She rejoiced to see 
him, but said, "Grandson, I am glad you 
came back, as this has been a very hard winter. 
A great many of our descendants have starved 
to death. So deep was the snow that the 
tree- tops could not be seen; they were cov- 
ered with snow." Then Gluskp'be said, 
"Where is that Winter?" "Very far, grand- 
child. No one can live there. He would 
freeze to death if he went there." "I will 
try to go there, I want to see Winter," said 
Gluskp'be. "Now I want you to make snow- 
shoes for me, two pairs netted with caribou, 
two with deer, and two with moose skin. 
Then he started. First he wore out the 
moose-skin snowshoes, then next the deer- 
skin pair, and lastly one pair of the caribou- 



skin ones. At last it was still growing colder, 
and he nearly wore out his last pair. Then he 
came to a wigwam. It was an ice-house. 
When he went in, the door closed tight, so 
that he could not get out. Gluskp'be said, 
"Kwe, grandfather!" At once the old man 
mocked him in the same voice, "Kwe, grand- 
father!" He was a man of ice. Then said 
Gluskp'be, "Grandfather, I am very cold, 
open the door for me." The old man mocked 
him in the same tones. "Grandfather, open 
the door for me, I am almost frozen," said 
Gluskp'be. He was mocked again, in the 
same tones. Then he froze to death. The 
old man threw him out, and there Gluskp'be 
lay until spring. Then he woke up. Said he, 
"Awake! Why there, tcehe', I have been 
asleep." The snow wigwam was gone. Then 
he went back home. 



10. MEANWHILE THE FOXES ABUSE HIS 

GRANDMOTHER, AND GLUSKA'BE RETURNS 

AND PUNISHES THEM 

kweni-'lat Gluskp'be kwa'ijk' w s3s-ak 
While he was away Gluskp'be the foxes 

unaba'kada'wanal monimkweVuwal 

deceived Woodchuck. 

medjr'mi' kwa'?;k' w s3s udlr'lan wr'gHit 
Always a fox went where she camped 

monimkwe's'uwal na'ga udr'lan no"kami 
Woodchuck, and said, "Grandma, 

nabe'djHa kwe'nas Gluskp'be spk'habr'lide 
I have come grandchild Glusk^'be." When she* 
looked out, 

monimkwe's'uwal usi-gr'lon si-'saguk 
Woodchuck he urinated in her eyes. 

nis monimkwe's-u ugi-nila'welan natc 
Then Woodchuck became greatly angered. Then 

kwa'T)k' w sas madjegwagwo'maian na'ga 
fox ran away and 

udabade'lmu'kazin medji' 'mi- 

laughed to himself, always 

n3kwa'7jk' w sasak e'linaba' 'kada'wadit 

then the foxes so deceiving 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



207 



monimkwe's-uwal ma'lam e'lawe ntka'bo 
Woodchuck. At last almost became blind 

moni'mkwes'u a"toma gi-zim'sa'wrha 
Woodchuck, not she would give up hope, 

medji-'mi- sakha'bi'azu edu'dji kwr'lumant 
always looking out when so anxious 

kwe'nas-al Glu'skobal mala'm'te sala"ki 
for her grandson Gluskp 'be. At last after a while 



tka'bo 
blind, 

ubedjr'lalin 
his return. 



na'dji 
then 

Glu'skabal 
Glusk ? 'be 



naska'daha-'mat 
she despaired of 

kwe'nas'al 
her grandchild. 



bedji-'lat Gluska'be udi-'lan no"kami 
When he came Gluska'be he said, "Grandmother, 

bedji'la pkwude'hema'wi namoni'mkwes-u 
I am come, open the door." Then Woodchuck 

udi-'lan kelbi-ma'djin kwa'r;k' w s3s ke'ga 
said, "Go away, fox, almost 

kani-'li'ba ge-"si sagr'li-ek'" Gluska'be 
you have killed me, so many times have you* 
urinated on me." Gluskp'be 

ugadamak'sada'wul o"k3mas - al' udi-'lan 
pitied deeply his grandmother. Said he, 

no"kami anda-'ga nra kwa'7)k' w sas 
"Grandma, not indeed I (am) fox!" 



namoni'mkwes'u 
Then Woodchuck 



udr'lan 
said, 



nda"tama 

"Never 



mi-'na ki'zin3ba"kadaVi'laba Gluska'be 
again can you deceive me." Gluskp'be 

udi-'lan nda ni-a kwa'7?k' w sas no"kami 
said, "Not I fox, grandma, 

tcka'wip'trnewi nage'hel'a uno'dep'ti- 1 - 
hold out your hand." Accordingly she held out her* 



newm 
hand 



moni'mkwes-u 
Woodchuck. 



naGluskp'be 
Then Gluskp'be 



wi'"kwun3maVan pud'i - 'n kri - 

took hold of her hand. Kvvl 

1 Crying for joy is commonly heard of among the 
old people. The quavering voice of the woodchuck is 
thought to be crying. 



uli-'dahasu edu'dji wulr'daha'sit e'bagwatc 
she was glad, so much she was glad, on account* 
of it 

seska'demu 1 i-'dak ga'matc noli-'dahas 
she cried. 1 She said, "Very I am glad 

bedji-'lan ke-'ga kwa'7jk' w sas-ak ni-'taguk 
that you have come, almost the foxes killed me 

e'bagwatc ni-"kwup' a"tama 

on account of it. Now not 

kana-'mrho'lu kwe'nas a'ndatc mi-'na 
I can see you, grandchild, never more 

kana^'mrho'lu wzam ni-'ka'bi' Glusk^'be 
I can see you, because I am blind." Gluskp'be 

udr'tan o"k3mas-al' e'kwr' ni- i-'da 
said to his grandmother, "Don't that say, 

mrna'tetc kana-'mrhi ni-a'tc k3da'si-"pi-lal 2 
yet again you will see me, and I will treat you, 8 

mr'nat'etc k3na''mi'hi .naGluska'be 

yet again you will see me." Then Gluskp'be 

uda'si-"pHan nabi-'na;gwa't ogi-'gahan 
treated her, very quickly he cured her, 

ki'hi'i' 3 wulr'dahasu moni'mkwes'u 

Ki-hi-i-l l she rejoiced Woodchuck. 

naGluskp'be udi-'lan o"k3mas-al' 

Then Gluskp 'be said to his grandmother, 

ni - "kwup' medji - 'mi' kana^'mrhi aska'mi' 
"Now always you will see me forever." 

naGluska'be uga'dona'lan kwa'?jk' w s3s-a' 
Then Glusk^'be went hunting foxes. 

ma'lam unak'a"taha pe-'sagoal 

Then he killed them all, but one 

uda'kw3tci'"tahan uma'djep'han 

he spared, he took him 

awi'gwomwuk udla"ke-wan o"k3mas-al' 
to his wigwam, he tossed him to his grandmother. 

udi-'lan n-i-' kabedji'p'tolan kwa'ijk' w sas 
He said, "Now I bring you a fox 

ni-"kwup' kada'benka'das-in ge"si- 

now you take your revenge as much as 

2 The Penobscot have an extensive knowledge of 
herb medicines. 

8 Emphatic form of ki-i- + exclamation, equivalent 
to "oh!" 



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usi-'gi'hus kwa'7)k' w s3s-ak l una'dji'ka- 
you were abused by the foxes."' She went* 

dona'dan rbr'si'al moni'mkwes-u na'ga 
gathering switches Woodchuck, and 

ug3la"kwe'bHan kwa'7/k' w sasal na'ga 
tied him to a tree the fox, and 

uda'sem'han ma'lam kwa'jjk' w sas 

she whipped him. At last fox 

se"siawi - 'gwod3me udi-'lan no"kami 
cried and begged. He said, "Grandma, 

node'ldaman ge"si- usi-'gi'holek' a'ndatc 
I am sorry as much as I have abused you, never 

mi''na kadaTrho'lowan kadamo'ksada'wi 
again I will do it to you. Have pity on me, 

te'bat e'k' w tahe' namoni'mkwes'u 

enough ! do stop (beating me) ! " Then Woodchuck 

ude'k' w tahon udi-'lan arrr" kola'msadul 
stopped beating him. She said, "Now I believe you." 

noda'pkwi-a'lan udi-'lan ni'"kwup' 

Then she untied him. She said, "Now 

elama'uzran mo'zak mi-'na wi-ni-na'- 
you may live. Don't again look- 

wa'katc wi-ne"sosis dali-nagwi-"tci-'nide 
down upon (scorn) an old woman wherever she> 
is helpless 

ta'mo naGluska'be udi-'lan kwa'7jk' w s3s-al' 
anywhere." Then Gluskp 'be said to the fox, 

mo'zak amo'tcke be"sotka'mo'katc 

"Don't even near approach near 

wi-'gwam abi-'ta'sige nawe'dji ni-"kwup' 
a wigwam inhabited." That is why now 

kwa'jjk' w s3s a"ka'l3mit 
the fox is shy. 

TRANSLATION 

While Gluska'be was away, the Foxes had 
deceived his grandmother, Woodchuck. They 
went to her camp, and kept saying, "Grand- 
ma, I have come, your grandson." Then, 
whenever she looked out, they urinated in 

1 The eastern Indians often treated prisoners in this 
manner, killing all but one and torturing him, then turn- 
ing him free to return and tell his people what kind of 
treatment to expect in the future. 



her eyes. Then they ran away laughing. 
They were always plaguing her, until, because 
of her anxiety to greet Gluska'be, they at 
last blinded her; and because he did not re- 
turn, she gave him up for dead. When 
Gluska'be did at last come, he said, "Grand- 
ma, open the door!" But she answered, "Go 
away, Fox, you have almost killed me, so 
many times you have urinated on me." 
Gluska'be then said, "I am no Fox." She said, 
"You cannot deceive me any longer." "I am 
no Fox, grandmother," said Gluska'be; "hold 
out your hand." Then he took her hand, and 
she cried, she was so glad. "I am glad you 
have come; the Foxes almost killed me; be- 
cause of it I cannot see you now, grandson, 
I am blind." "Don't say that! You will see 
me again," said Gluska'be. "I will heal you." 
Then he cured her. She was so glad when he 
said, "You will always see me hereafter." 
Then he went hunting Foxes, and killed all 
but one. This one he took to his wigwam, 
and threw it to his grandmother. "Now take 
your revenge. I have brought you a Fox." 
Then she gathered switches and lashed the 
Fox to a pole, and whipped him. He cried and 
begged, saying, "Grandmother, I am sorry 
for abusing you. Never will I do so any more." 
Then she stopped, and said, "I believe you," 
and untied him. "Now you shall live, but 
don't ever have contempt for a helpless old 
woman again." Then Gluska'be said to the 
Fox, "Don't ever go near an inhabited wigwam 
again." That is why Foxes are shy. 

ii. GLUSKA'BE VISITS HIS FATHER, AND 
OVERCOMES HIS BROTHERS 

ni - "kwup' udi-'lan o"kamas - al' mi-'na 
Now he said to his grandmother, "Again 

namo'djela ni-"kwup'aga"k nda'haba'- 
I go away, now indeed impossible, I will stay* 

nsi-'pko'seu udi-'lan o"kamas-al' 

away long." He said to his grandmother, 

nda"tcwi- alo"kewa7jk go'sa'snawa 

"I must work for our descendants, 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



209 



naga'di nadji'ode'kawp pabir'n 

I am going to visit winter. 

pi"tamadja < m'to ugadam^'grha go'sa'snawa 
He is very cruel, he abuses our descendants, 

oza'mi- a'we'kat el'ha'n'dowit udi-'lan 
too much using his magic power." He said 

o"kamas-al' dana'skwe e - 'rt ni-'ban 
to his grandmother, "Where is that he lives Sum* 
mer?" 

udr'lan sawa - 'nauk ga'matc sa - 'gi - nena- 
She said, "In the south, very difficult,* 

we'ldijzu medjr'mi une'nawe'lmawul 
guarded, always he is guarded 

spada'hi a'tc ni'bp'i' udr'lan 

in daytime, also by night." He said 

o"kamas - ar nda"tcwr alr'lan 

to his grandmother, "I must go. 

alambe'samawi walo'gesal 1 na'ga 

Cut up for me rawhide strings 1 and 

kadada'p'hodun nage'hel-a na-'lau 

roll them into a ball." Accordingly (undertook) then 

udl9.be"si''gan moni'mkwes'u ma'lam 
the cutting Woodchuck. Then 

tpba'wus ge'sa'pskal walo'gesal na'ga 
seven rolls of rawhide and 



ni'saiygama'gzuwak 
two pairs of snowshoes 



ali-'ta'wi nage'hel'a 
she made. Accordingly 



moni'mkwes'u udaThp'gaman 2 nomodje'lan 
Woodchuck filled the snowshoes. 2 Then he* 

started out 

Gluskp'be udr'Ian o"kamas'al mo'zak 
Gluskj'be, said to his grandmother, "Don't 

nsa'hi-'katc na - 'bi'tc nabe'dji'la 

worry! soon I shall come." 

moni'mkwes'u kwe'nas'al udr'lal nama' 
Woodchuck to her grandson said, "There 

be'djHa-'ne we'dji'dj we-'wi-na'wat 

when you arrive, so that you will know 

kami-"taT)gwus nagwadala'gi'gwe oma'djelan 
your father, he has one eye." He departed 

1 "Babiche," fine strips of rawhide used for filling 
snowshoes and the like. 

2 Wove in the netting or "filling." 



elami-'lat ma'lam'te sala"ki 

going along, at last then soon 

madje'pa'parjgwanga'te pe - 'sagwun e'lHat 
began to be less depth of snow, still going on. 

mala'm'te ta'ka'mrge na'ste ome't'ka-'wan 
At last bare ground, soon he wore out 

uda'?)gama nagada'gihi ude'k'holan 

his snowshoes; the others he hung on a tree 

uda'T)gama na'ga uma - 'n - aman si - 'suk' w 
his snowshoes, and he took out his eye 

na'ga uda"sap'kwa'n abi-'gwe'sa-'guk 
and he hid it in a hollow tree, 

na'ga udr'lan gitcrgi'gr'la'suwal' 

and said to the Chickadee, 

ne'naw^'bad-'man nsi-'suk' w oma'djelan 
"Take care of my eye." Then he left, 

matci'si'da'hi e'lamHat ma-a'lam'te 3 

on foot going. At last 3 

sala"ki unoda-'man ka-dwa'gamuk' 

suddenly he heard noise of dancing. 

nona-'mi-'tun o'dene nama'be'djHat 
Then he saw village. There when he came 

uda'li udji"tci - wan umi - "ta7)k' w sal 

there he came as a guest to his father's 

wi-'gwomuk udr'lon kwe 1 mi-"tcn7gwi 
wigwam. He said, "Kwr, father!" 

r'dak kwe - ne-'man kabe'dode'k'awi 
He said, "Kwe-t my son, you have come to* 
visit me, 

nolr'dahas nage'nuk awr'dji'a anda'gwi'na 
I am glad." But then his brothers not really (glad) 

abe'k-wHa'magowia' ma'nit'e we-'wi - na v wp 
because of jealousy. Then he knew 

uga'dona'lgo nabe-'sago dalibi-'tsana'lan 
they sought his life. Then one there filled 

ktaha'n-dwi' pana'pskwa'Vanal' 4 uba'- 
great magic stone pipe, 4 he* 

skwule'pan na'ga udi-'lan Glu'sk^ibal 
lighted it and said to Gluskp'be, 

3 Emphatic. 

4 Stone pipes with a flat vertical keel-like base were 
typical of the region. 



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nehe" uda-'ma nage'hel'a Gluska'be 
"Now, smoke!" Accordingly Gluskp'be 

awi"kwanan uda'maTjga'nal nomam'hona 1 '- 
took his pipe, then he inhaled' 

zaha'lon nr'sada e'lrasaha'lat 

deeply twice. When he inhaled, 

nozr'k'aha'lan l udama'jjga'nal namr'na 
he emptied ' the pipe. Then again 

wi'"kwi - bagade"pat nozekska'm'ki'a'zin 

he took a puff, then it burst 

uda'maTjgan udi'da'man ak-wa-'dale * 
the pipe. He said, "Ak-wa-'dalel * 

po'skalr'zas'u godo'moTjgan nr'dji'e' 
it breaks easily your pipe, my brother, 

tce'na'nra' nabi-'tsanon 

let me fill it." 



nane - gama 
Then he 



uda'maijganal ubr'tsana'lan pi-'usas-wal 
his pipe filled it. It was small, 

ke-'nuk wj'bi'ga'ni-yal* ubaVkwule'pan 
but made of white bone. 1 He lighted it, 

na'ga umi-'lan wr'djral tce-'na o'wa 
and he gave it to his brother. "Let (us) this 

agwe - 'dji udame'k'hane ma'nit'e 

try, let us smoke!" Then 

kada'welamual wr'djral awr'kwr'dahamal 
he began to smile his brother, he scorned in his- 
mind 

uda'maijga'nal edu'dji bi'u'sa's'Hit 

his pipe so small. 

eli-'daha'sit waga-"gatc be-'sagwada 

He thought to himself, "So this thing once 

wi'"kwi'bagade"poge nsi'k'aha'latc 

taking a puff I will empty it." 

nage'hel-a wr'kwi'ba'gade na'lal oda-'man 
Accordingly he took a puff, then he he smoked, 

ma'lam pa'ta-'zu nodi' 'Ion kada-'gil 
then he sickened with smoke. Then he said to the* 
other 

1 Smoked the tobacco all to ashes. 

J Another exclamation of surprise. 

* This material is supposed to be ivory, which figures 
occasionally in the myths. It is possible that the Indi- 
ans on the coast of Maine had ivory, as the walrus was 



wi-'dji-al nehe' gra"tc uda-'ma 

his brother, "Now, you also smoke, 

ga'matc wula'Vanal uda'majjga'nal 

very sweet flavor his pipe, 

kado"kani''mi-zana ne"na'tc ne-'gama 
our younger brother's." Then also he 

oda-'man ma'lam pa'ta-'zu mr'na 
smoked. Then he sickened from smoke, again 

kada'k oda-'man en-a"tc pa'ta-'zu 
another smoked, and that one sickened from* 
smoke. 

mala'm'te mazi 1 ' ge"si-lit awi-'dji - a' 
Then all, as many as there were his brothers, 

ni'gi-"ka pa"tazo'lduwak nam'lo"s - as 
all sickened with smoke. Then the old man 

udi-'lan ga'matc ktaha'n'do kado"- 
said, "Very magic your younger- 

kani-'mi-zuwa e"kwi- gadona'lo'k 

brother, don't seek his life 

metca't-e gase'ka'Tjgowatc metca't-e 

lest certainly he overcome you." In spite of it 

uga'donalawal udo"kani-'mrzuwal wzam 
they sought his life their younger brother, because 

udji-'skawa'lawal nami-'na udi-'lana 
they were jealous of him. Then again they said 

udo'^ani-'mi-'zuwal amadi-'hi-di-'n-e 

to their younger brother, "Let us play, 

wa'la-de'ham'ha'di-n-e 4 amoska'nana 

dish-game let us play." 4 They produced 

wala-'de ha'majjga'nal pana'pskwi-ye 
a dish game of stone. 

ki-r'nha'n-dowi - nag w zu i-'dak Gluska'be 
Ki-i- it was magic looking. He said Glusk? 'be, 

nehe" amadi-'hi'di'n-e wzam ni'a 
"Now, let us play! because I 

ga'matc nawr'gam'ke noda'madi-'hidi-'n-a 
very I fond of playing." Then they played. 

known in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and as late as 1761 
in New Brunswick waters. 

4 This is the well-known dish and dice game. It is 
played with six dice and fifty-two counting-sticks. The 
dice are shaken in the dish, five or six of one face count- 
ing for the thrower. The counting is very complex. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



211 



tam'ka't-e ke'tca'iwit awr"kw3nan 

The first elder brother took 

wala-'dal udl'te"si-man ma'lam 

the dish, he threw it, then 

amaste'hemana'l agi'da'mcujga'nal 

he secured many counting-sticks. 

naGluskp'be awr"kwanan wala-'dal 

Then Gluskp'be took the dish 

pe-'sagwada't-e ela"ket uza'kskam'ki'te"- 
once only throwing, he broke it all to pieces by* 

srmal ume'rn'la'we'lamin Gluskp'be 

throwing. He gave a great laugh Glusky'be, 

i-'dak ak-wa-'dale poskali-'zas-u 

said, " Ak-wa-' dale! it breaks easily 

kawala - 'dena tce - 'na o'wa nra nawala''de 
your dish. Let us this ' my my dish 

agwe'tcskoha'lane nomo'skanan awala - 'dal 
let us try!" Then he produced his dish 

bi'u"s9s - as'wal w^mbi'ga'nryal ni - 'na 
small of ivory, then at that 

kada-'webmu ke'tca'iwit wi-'dji'al 

smiled the elder brother. 

naGluskp'be udl - te"si-man awala-'dal 
Then Gluskp'be threw his dish. 

ma'lam amaste'hemana'l agi'da'maj/ga'nal 
Then he secured many counters. 

ne' nake'tca'iwit wr'djral wi'"kwanan 
Then then the elder brother took 

wala - 'dal elr'dahasit waga"k pe''sagwada 
the dish, thinking, "This once 

ala"ka'ne nsu'ksk' w te"srma nage - 'diala'ket 
when I throw it will break in pieces." Then* 

about to throw 

udala - 'wunal rbi't'e daliwasa"si'ha'suwa 
he could not lift it, only just there it slipped from 

o'ka - 'si'a' neda'li se'ka - 'ut udr'lan 
his finger-nails. Then there being defeated, he 

said, 

nda"te'gani i-'dji - e bagwa-'na wala-'de 
"Not possible, brother, to raise the dish. 

gase'ka - 'wi 
You have won." 



TRANSLATION 

Then Glusk^'be said, "I am going away 
again to stay a while. I shall not stay long. 
I must work for our descendants. I am going 
to visit Winter. He is very cruel. He abuses 
our descendants too much by his magic 
power. Where does Summer live?" he asked 
his grandmother. "In the south," said she, 
"always very well guarded by day and night." 
"Well, I must go," he said. "Cut me some 
rawhide strings and roll them into a ball." 
Then she made seven rolls of rawhide and 
two pairs of snowshoes. Accordingly, she 
netted the snowshoes. Then Gluskp'be de- 
parted, saying, "Don't worry! I shall soon 
return." Then his grandmother said, "Your 
father has one eye; you will know him when 
you get there." Then he went. As he went, 
soon the snow appeared less and less; then, 
as he went on, bare ground appeared, and 
he wore out his snowshoes. Then he hung 
his other snowshoes on a tree. Then he took 
out his eye and hid it in a hollow tree, and 
told the Chickadee, "Watch over it for me." 
Then he walked on. At last he heard dan- 
cing and saw a village. Then he went in as a 
guest to his father's wigwam. "Kwe, father!" 
said he. "Kwe, son!" said the father, "I am 
glad you have come." But his brothers were 
not glad to see him. Then Gluskp'be knew 
they were seeking his life. One of them began 
to fill a magic stone pipe. He lighted it, and 
said to Gluskp'be, "Now smoke!" Gluskp'be 
inhaled a long breath twice, and emptied the 
pipe. Then he took another long breath, 
and the pipe exploded. Said he, "Oh! it 
breaks easily. Let me fill a pipe, brother!" 
So he took his pipe, a small one of ivory, and 
lighted it and gave it to his brother. "Let 
us try this! Let us smoke!" Then his 
brother smiled with a sneer, because the pipe 
was so small. He thought he would empty it 
with one breath. Then he began to smoke. 
He got sick. Then he told the other brother 
to smoke, and he got sick; and the third the 



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same, until all were sick. Then the father 
said, "Your younger brother is a great magi- 
cian. Do not seek his life, for he will over- 
come you." Despite this, they sought his 
life, because they were jealous. "Let us play 
the dish-game!" They brought a dish of 
stone, a big magic dish. Said Gluska'be, 
"Now, let us begin for I am fond of playing." 
They began playing. The oldest brother 
threw first, and won many counters. Then 
Gluskp'be threw once, and broke the dish to 
pieces. He gave a great laugh, and said, 
"Oh! it breaks easily. Let us try my dish!" 
Then he produced his dish, a small one of 
ivory. The oldest brother smiled. Gluskp'be 
threw, and won many counters. The oldest 
brother thought, "At once I shall break it in 
pieces when I throw." But when he tried, he 
could not lift it; his finger-nails only slipped 
on it. He was beaten. "I am not able to 
raise the dish, brother. You have won." 



12. GLUSKA'BE STEALS SUMMER FOR THE 

PEOPLE,' ESCAPES FROM THE CROWS, 

AND OVERCOMES WINTER 

udlo"san eda'lgamuk' nodjr'wr'dagan 
He went to where they were dancing to dance* 
with them. 

M.uiitt be'djo'set una^'mrhan 

When there he arrived, he saw 

pma'uzowr'n'owa' peba'mi krgi'm'don'- 
living people going about in groups talking* 

ka'hadr'djik na'tc ne - 'gama 

low. Then also he 

uda'si-'djo'san uda'gwedjo'damu'kan dan 
edged up. He inquired, "What 

mi-'na ali-'dabr'le ke-'gwus ali'"ta7)gwat 
next has occurred, what is being done?" 

ma'nit'e pe - 'sagoal udr'fogul tca'stci' 1 * 
Then one of them told him, "Tca's-tci-l 1 

ki - abe"t eli'gra' gwe'we'ldaman e'ltaTjgwa'k 
you the likes of you. You know what is going on!" 

1 Accompanied by an insulting gesture, spreading 
the knuckles of the first two fingers and pointing toward 
him, a most insulting exclamation and motion. 



na'na a'tc ne'gama Gluska'be udr'lal 
Then also he Gluskp'be said to him, 

ki-a'ga"tc tca's-tcr' oma'nr'ta'nenan 
"You yourself tca's-tci'l" He twisted his nose off 
(with his fingers), 

nobi-'di'gan eda'lgamuk' nowr'dagan 
then he went in where they were dancing, then he 
danced, 

wi-wunage"ta'wawal ni- 'banal teba'bo 
round about they danced (circling) summer a fluid 



ktci-'p'kan-a-'djo 2 ni-'yu 
in a big bark receptacle. 1 Here 



nr'swak 
two 



na'j/kskwak 
young girls 



ba-'magat 
were dancing 

wulr'gowak 
handsome. 



ugalo'lan nda"tama uda'si'de'magowi'a' 
He spoke to them, not they answered him, 

e'bagwa'tc awr'kwi-'naTjgu amo'skwHa'- 
on account of it they made fun of him. He* 

ohogo ne'bagwatc wza'mi p'skwa'nenan 
became angry. Then on account of it, because he* 
stroked them on the back, 

ne'lami wi'wuna'gaha'dit pe^'sagwada 
while they circled around, at once 

gi'z madje' pi'lwrna'g w zuwak me"soma 
already they began to look strange before 

mi-'na wi'wuna'gaha'dik'" ndala'oga'na 
again they circled about they could not dance. 



e'laboldi'hidit 
Looking on 



a'lnpbak una - 'mi'hana. 
the people saw 



ni-'swa' ma'skak e'bi'r'djik no'noda"kana 
two toads sitting. Then they threw them out. 

ma'lhi'dahasu'ldowak e - 'li - ma'skaitahadit 
They wondered at how they turned into toads 

na^kskwak ke'nuk pe-'sagwun e'lgaha'dit 
the girls, but still kept dancing 

wzam medji-'mi tcuwi' 1 wi'wuna'ge'ta'wa 
because always must surround 

ni-'ban we'dji'tc a'nda a'wen gi-'zi-- 
summer so that no one could* 

2 Birch-bark vessels of at least eight different styles 
were used for storage and culinary purposes. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



213 



sa'manak'" Gluska'be eli-'dahasit 1 

touch it. Gluskp'be thought * 

pasaga"taha'sitc wi-'gwom nugr'zi- 

for darkness to come (in) wigwam then he was able 

ni-mi'p'han nr'banal kwe'ni-basaga"tek' w 
he grabbed summer while it was dark 

unode'gada <- hin ama'djegwago'ma sala"- 
he jumped outside he began to run suddenly 

kit'e yu'geda'lgadjik wunoda'wawal' 
at once those dancing here heard 

ni- 'banal mekwe'li'djil nde'bena'wrahadit 
summer groaning; then they examined it (and saw) 

tcr'lnazu ma'nit-e ka'rjgalowa'hadowak 
finger-marks where it was seized. Then they* 

quickly cried out, 

a'wen ugr'zr tcr'lnal nr'banal 

"Someone has succeeded snatching away summer!" 

i'da'mohodit nabr'lwi a'lnobe nela'lo'ke 
They said, "That strange man has done that!" 

nono'degadaho'ldina nono"so'ka'wana 

Then they leaped to pursue then they chased him 

Glu'skabal sala"kit - e Gluska'be e'lamrlot 
Gluskf'be. Suddenly Gluskf 'be going along 

unoda-'wa no'so"ka7jgotci >% djihi' ktcr'- 
heard them chasing after him big' 

m'ka'sesa' noda"srda'bi'dun wa'dabak 
crows; then he tied on on his head 



be'dagwa'pskek 
ball 



wlo'ges 
of rawhide 



pe' sagwun 
one 

pe - 'sagwun elr'lat mala'm'te pe - 'sagowal 
still going on at last one 

ktci'm'ka - 'ses-al uda'dami'^k^gul 

big crow caught up to him; 

no'ni'mip'hogun wa'dabak nam'ka - 'ses 
then he grabbed him on the head this crow 

omo'wip'tun 
he grabbed 

alr'dahasu 
he thought 

ka - 'ses wada'p' Glusk^'be pe'mip'tak' w 
the crow [it was] head, Gluskp'be he was carrying^ 
along. 

1 The conjurer's wish-thought. 



naga 
and 



be'dagwa'pskek 
the ball 

agwulbi- 'dawi- 'Ian 
flew back 



wlo'ges 
of rawhide 



mala'm'te elp'bit wlo'ges ke'lnak 
At last looking at the rawhide he seized 

me"tci abi-'ta"pode malhi-'daha'su 

the end unrolled he was surprised 

ka - 'ses namr'na uno'so"kawan mi - 'na 
crow. Then again he chased him again 

uda'damr'ka'wan mi-'na uni-'mip'han 
he overtook him again he grabbed 

wa'dobak mi-'na ozawe'dawr'lan nami-'na 
his head again he flew about then again 

i-'bi'fe wlo'ges ke'lnak me"tci 

just only the rawhide he seized the end 

abi-'ta"pode nonaska'dahasin ka-'ses 
unrolled. Then he gave up crow. 

pe-'sagwun eli-'tat Gluska'be el^'bit 
Still going on Gluskj'be looking 

una-'mi-'tun wa'zali 2 pe-'sagwun eli-'lat 
saw snow * still going on 

mala'm'te be'djHe wa'zali e - 'rk ki-sa"tc 
at last he came (where) snow was, and already 

m'ka-'sesak gwa"li ayo'lduwak ke'nuk 
the crows near were; but 

na-mi-"toho < dit wa'zali una'ska'dahasoldi-na 
when they saw snow, they all gave up 

nobadagi-'dawi'ha'ldi'na Gluska'be 

then they all flew back. Gluskp'be 

una-'mi'han uda'jjgama e'khodjinli-'djihi 
saw his snowshoes hanging together. 

be'djHot una'slan uda'?jgama' 

When he came up, he fastened on his snowshoes, 



nagwHa'wa"tun 
then he searched for 



wsi''suk' w 
his eye 



a"tama 
not 



maska'mowun naktci-'gi'gi-'laswal udi-'lan 
he found it. Then to Chickadee he said, 

don si-'suk' w udi-'tagun di'ktagli 3 
"Where is eye?" He answered him, "Horned-Owl 3 

udl'mi'p'tone nogaga'loman dikta'gli'al 
carried it off!" Then he called Horned-Owl 

1 A graphic indication that he was returning rapidly 
to the north country. 

'American long-eared owl (Asia Wilsonianus). 
The name is derived from the bird's supposed cry. 



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VOL. I 



wr"kwi-man bedjr'dawi'lan di'ktogli 
he called him to him he came flying Horned-Owl; 

nonr'mip'han Gluska'be noge'dnama'wan 
then he took hold of him Gluskp'be, then he pulled out 

si - 'suk' w ne'gama una'stun noma'djelan 
eye, he put it in. Then he left 

pabu'nkik elami-'lat gwaskwa'i' + 

for winter land going along it grew colder. 



mala'm'te 
At last 



una'mi'"tun 
he saw 



pkwa'mi-ga'mik'" nama' 

an ice-house. When there 



e"tek 
where sat 

bedjr'lat 
he arrived, 



ubi-'di-gan napalu's-as-is e-'bit' udr'lagul 
he entered; then the old man sitting there said- 
to him, 

kwe- kwe'nas kwe- kwe'nas 1 naGluska'be 
"Kwr, grandson!" "Kwe\ grandson!" 1 Then- 
Gluskp'be 

amo'skanon ni ''banal na'ga abo'n'on 
took up the summer and set it down 

e'lkwe'bi'lit palus-a's-i-zal sala"kit - e 

facing in front of the old man. Suddenly 

bedji'a'mpse'zu palu's-as'is i-'dak 

he came to sweat the old man. He said, 

kwe'nas ga'matc nda'bama'lsin me'wi-a 
"Grandson, very I am hot, it is better 

ma'dji-a'-ne -- kwe'nas ga'matc nda'- 
that you go away." "Grandson, very I am 

bama'lsin me'wi'a ma'djra'ne. ke'nuk 
hot, it is better that you go away." But 

Gluska'be pe-'sagwun ela-'bit nami-'na 
Gluskp'be still sat there. Then again 

palu's-as-is awr'kwo'dama-'won Glu'skabal 
the old man begged him Gluskp'be 

ama'dji'lin udr'lan kwe'nas nabe"t 
that he go away. He said, "Grandson, I wish 

ma'dji-a'ne ke-'ga kani-'Ji- kwe'nas 
that you would go, almost you kill me!" "Grand* 
son,' 

1 Gluskp'be is mocking him. 

8 An insulting exclamation, accompanied by spread- 
ing the knuckles and pointing. 



nabe"t ma'dji-a'ne ke-'ga kanr'li- 
I wish that you would go, almost you kill me!" 

uda'maskalo"tawal Gluska'be ma'lam 
He mocked him Gluska'be, then 

palu's'as'is wi - "tan pani-'le ga'span'e' 
the old man his nose melted off continuing until 

upu'di'nal pani-'lal ka'skame'lal 

his legs melted off he melted away. 

naGluska'be odji-'madjin ne'li- no'des-et' 
Then Gluskp'be departed. Then as he went out 

na'ste gr'bi'le pkwa'mi-ga-'mik' w 
soon melted down the ice-house. 

TRANSLATION 

Then Gluska'be went on to where they were 
dancing. He saw the living people in groups 
talking low. He edged up, and asked, "What 
is going on next?" Then one answered, 
"Tcestcil* the likes of you to know what is 
going on?" Gluska'be said, "You yourself 
tcestcil" and he twisted his nose off with his 
fingers. Then he entered where they were 
dancing round about a big bark dish which 
contained Summer like a kind of jelly. Two 
handsome girls were there dancing. Gluska'be 
spoke to them, but they did not answer. They 
made fun of him. Because of this he stroked 
them on the back as they were dancing around. 
After circling once, their appearance began to 
change; before they made another turn, they 
could not dance. The people looking on them 
saw two toads sitting there. They threw them 
out, because the girls had turned into toads. 8 
They wondered, as they still kept on dancing, 
why the girls had become toads, guarding the 
Summer (J e ''y) so that no one could touch 
it. Then Gluska'be wished for darkness in 
the wigwam. Then he grabbed the Summer 
in the dark, and started to run away with it. 
The others, dancing, heard the Summer 
groaning. Examining it, there were finger- 
marks where it had been picked out. They 

' Probably accounting for the origin of the Toad- 
Woman creature (Maski''k' w si) mentioned before as 
a minor supernatural being. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



215 



cried out, "Somebody has snatched away 
Summer. That stranger has done this." 
Then they leaped up and went in pursuit of 
Gluskp'be. Soon he heard them coming in 
the shape of big crows. He tied his rawhide 
ball on his head. Then one of the big crows 
grabbed him on the head. He grabbed the 
ball of rawhide and flew back, thinking he 
had Gluskp'be's head. Then he saw the end 
of the rawhide as he unrolled it flying along. 
He started again in pursuit, and again grabbed 
another ball, thinking it was the head. Then 
again only rawhide he held by the end. Then 
he gave it up. Gluskp'be kept on until he 
saw snow. Soon he reached the snow. The 
crows chasing him turned back when they 
saw the snow. Glusk^'be took his snowshoes 
from the tree, put them on, and looked for his 
eye. He could not find it. "Where is my 
eye?" he asked the Chickadee. "A big Horned- 
Owl carried it off," answered the Chickadee. 
Then Gluskp'be called the Owl, and it came 
flying, and he pulled out the Owl's eye and put 
it in his own head. Then he left, going to 
where it was still colder. Then he came to 
where the ice-house was. He entered, and the 
old ice-man said, "Kwe-, grandson!" Glus- 
kp'be mocked him in return. Then Gluskp'be 
took the Summer, and set it down in front 
of the ice-man. He began at once to sweat, 
saying, "Grandson, I am very hot. You 
better go away." Glusk^'be mimicked him, 
but sat still. Then the old man begged him, 
"Grandson, go away, you are almost killing 
me." Gluskp'be again mimicked him. Then 
the ice-man's nose melted off, then his legs, 
and finally he melted away. Then Gluskp'be 
left, and the ice-house melted away too. 

13. GLUSKA'BE DEPARTS, AND PROMISES 

TO AID THE PEOPLE WHEN 

HE RETURNS AGAIN 

omadji'n wr'gwomwuk nama' be'djo'set 
He went to his wigwam. When there he arrived, 

wulr'dahasu moni'mkwes'u Glusk^'be 
rejoiced Woodchuck. Gluskp'be 



udi-'lan an-i" ni-"kwup' gi-zi-'uli'"tun 
said, "So! Now it is fixed 

anda'tc mr'na ado'dji sa-'gi-po-'nuwi 
never again such severe winter. 

name"talo"kewan go'sa'snawa' ni'"kwup' 
I have finished working for our descendants. Now 

ki'u'na kamadje'ode'bana me"tagwi -v - 
you and I will move away to the extreme* 

djr'lak kada'ki'na 1 nadjiwr'grak'" 

end of our land l to live there 

aska 4 'mi metca't'etc kda'lo'kewana'wak 
forever. Nevertheless we shall work for them 

go'sa'snawak medjr'mitc noda-'waTjk 
our descendants, and always I shall hear them 

wi-'kwu'damawi-'hi'di'de wrdjo'ke'dawa'jjgan 
whenever they call for me for help. 

nadji-ni-"kwup' nadje'dala'lo"kan 

From now on I shall work 

eda'li-'ta'wa sa-'wonal tci'ba-'dok' 

to make stone arrow-heads perhaps 

e'lami-ga-'dak' ktcra-'odin nHdj 

in future years a great war these will 

ewe"ke-'di - djil mi-ga'ke'hi'dr'dit go'sa'- 
be used when they fight our* 

snawak nodi'da'man moni'mkwes-u 

descendants." Then spoke Woodchuck: 

an-i-" nega'tc nra ndlr"tun ni-'ma 4 wan 2 
"So! then also I shall make lunches 2 



basada-'mun 
of crushed corn 

uni- 'mawa'nuwul' 

their lunches." 



a'o'dimge 
in the war 



ni-"kwup' pemgi-'zaga 
Now to-day 



go'sa'snawak 
our descendants 



tanedu'dji 
whenever 



atlo"kalut tcana'lo'ke Gluskp'be 

a story is told of him, he stops work Gluskp 'be 

nodaba'skwazin na'ga udabade'lmin 
raises his head and laughs heartily, 

1 Surmised to be at the eastern end of the world. 

2 Hunters and warriors carried small quantities of 
prepared corn and smoked meat in their belts on their 
journeys, called "lunches." 



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udi'da'man aha - a"' eskwa't'e nami 1 "- 
he says, "Aha-a-t Yet even they remember* 

kawr'daha'mguk go'sa'snawak 



me 



our descendants." 



TRANSLATION 



Then he went home, and his grandmother 
rejoiced. "Now," said he, "I have fixed it so 
that never again will there be a winter too 
hard. I have finished working for our descend- 
ants. Now you and I will go away from here 
to the extreme end of our land (the earth). 
There we shall live forever; nevertheless we 
shall work for our descendants. I shall always 
hear them whenever they ask help of me. 
From now on I shall continue to work. I shall 
make arrow-points. Perhaps in future years 
a great war will come. Then they can use 
them, our descendants." Then Woodchuck, 
his grandmother, said, "Now I also shall make 
stores of baked crushed corn for our descend- 
ants' food when the great war takes place, 
to be their provisions." 

Even now, to-day, whenever a story is told 
of him, Gluskp'be stops work, raises his head, 
and laughs heartily. He says, "Aha-a-t Even 
yet our descendants remember me." 1 



SECONDARY MYTHS CONCERNING 
GLUSKA'BE 

14. GLUSKA'BE IS DEFEATED BY A BABY 

Gluskp'be ga'matc ktci'se'npbe 

Glusk^'be very great man 

pse'li-gi'si'ha'du mazi-' wuse'ka-'wan 
many things he could do all he overcame 

ktci - awa''s-a' ne"sana'g w zrlrdji-hi mazi-a"tc 
great beasts, dangerous ones, and all 

ktcrmade'olinowa' 2 wuse"ka - 'wp be'dji- 
great conjurers 1 he overcame, even 

kasala'm'san wuse"ka - 'wp an - i - " 

the wind he overcame. "So !" 

1 It was believed even until recently by some of the 
older people that Glusk^'be would some day return and 
restore the country to the Indians; the expulsion of 



udi'da'man ni-a nda"tama awe'n a'yr 
he said, "I not any one there is 

tan se'ka''wit nap'hs'nam udr'lan 
but I conquer!" Then a woman said, 

e"kwi - ni-'da a'yii a'wen se"kask' 
"Don't say that, there is one who will conquer* 
you." 

Gluskp'be i-'dam awenaskwe'na se'ka-'wit 
Gluskp'be said, "Who is that who conquer me?" 

udi'da'man p'h'nam nra'ga ni-'gwomnuk 
She said the woman, "Indeed in my own wigwam 

a'yu se"kask' Gluskp'be i-'dak naga'di 
there is who will conquer you." Gluskp'be said,- 
"I want 

na - 'mi'ha nap'he'nam udr'lan naga' 
to see him." Then the woman said, "Well, then, 

a - 'lose nr'gwomnuk Gluskp'be r'dam 
come to my wigwam." Gluskp'be said, 

p'ha nadjina - 'mi'ha nodlo"san 

"Yes, to see him." Then he went 

wr'gwomuk nama' be'djo'set una''mrhan 
to the wigwam. When there he came, he saw 

awa's'izal' dalimrli'ha'dage nap'he'nam 
a baby there in his mischief. Then the woman 

i-'dam owa'was-is nda'haba gase"ka''wp 
said, "That baby cannot you conquer." 

Gluskp'be udabade'lmu nawawo's'is 

Gluskp'be laughed. Then the baby 

muskwe'ldaman tci'bago"kezin seska'demin 
got angry, gave a great scream cried, 

a"tama gi'zi'djr'gana muskwe'ldak 

not could hush him he was mad. 

nodr'lan p'he'nam ehe" Gluskp'be 
Then said woman, "Ehe"! Gluskp'be 

agwedji-'se^kawe Gluska'be mi-'na 

try to conquer him." Glusk/be again 

udabade'lmu nawa'wa's'is tci'bago"kezu 
laughed, then the baby made a scream. 

naGluskp'be uga'digla'hama-'wul 

Then Gluska'be tried to stop him 

se'skade'mizi be-'zagwun e'l'kwesit 

crying himself still he kept on. 

the Europeans to be accomplished by one sweep of 
the hero's foot forcing them into the sea. 
1 Made'olinu, professional conjurer. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



217 



udr'lan Gluska'be naga'saga'o ta'gwi 
Said Gluskp'be, "Then let us both 

se'skade'mirre na''tc Gluska'be useska'- 
letuscry!" Then Gluskp'be cried, 

demin tci'bago"kezu na - 'lau se'skade'mi'na 
gave a great scream, so thence they cried. 

ma - 'alam' awa's'is e'k' w pazu nomr'li'ha- 
At last baby stopped crying, then he* 

dagun a'was'is nabi"' soge'wadun na'tc 
made mischief baby, water spilling; then 

Gluska'be mHi'ha'dagun mala'am'te 
Gluskp'be likewise did mischief, until at last 

a'was-is sawa"tu ola-'bin awa's-is 
baby got tired, he sat down baby, 

ane'bi't udaldja'go'kan ma'nit'e 

then there sitting there he defecated, then 

kwa'lbada'bo na'ga umi-'djin naGluska'be 
he turned around and ate it. Then Glusk/be 

se'ka - 'wun nedali'se'ka'wat Gluska'be 
was conquered, there he was conquered Gluska'be 

nda"tama udlr'gi'zi'ha'dawun 
not he could accomplish it. 

TRANSLATION 

Gluska'be was a very great person. He did 
many things. He defeated all his opponents. 
Great dangerous beasts, all great magicians, 
he defeated. Even the wind he defeated. 
"So," he said, "I why, there is no one but 
whom I can conquer." Then a woman who 
heard him said, "Better refrain from saying 
that ; there is some one who will conquer you." 
Said Gluska'be, "Who is he who can conquer 
me?" Said the woman, "Even in my wigwam 
there is one who will conquer you." Said 
Gluska'be, "I want to see him." This woman 
replied, "Well, then, come to my wigwam." 
Said Gluska'be, "Yes, I will go and see him." 
Then he went to the wigwam. Arriving there, 
he saw a baby in his usual mischief. The woman 
said, "This baby you are not able to conquer." 
Gluska'be laughed loudly. The baby grew 
angry. He gave a scream; and, crying, he 
would not be hushed, because he was angry. 
Then said the woman, "Well, Gluska'be, try 



to conquer him." And Gluska'be laughed 
again. Then the baby uttered another 
scream, and Gluska'be tried to stop his cry- 
ing; but he kept on just the same. Then said 
Gluska'be, "So, let us both cry." Then he, 
too, uttered a scream, and Gluska'be cried. 
So they were both crying and screaming. At 
last the baby stopped crying; but he began 
more mischief, he began spilling water. Then 
Gluska'be did the same. They both spilled 
water all about. Soon the baby got tired 
spilling water and sat down. Forthwith he 
defecated, and then he turned around and 
ate it. Now Gluska'be was conquered. Right 
there he was conquered ; Gluska'be could not 
do that. 

15. GLUSKA'BE CAUSES HIS UNCLE, TURTLE, 

TO LOSE HIS MEMBER, AND 

RECOVERS IT FOR HIM 

sala"ki bemo"sedit kpi-' Gluska'be 
Once walking along in woods Gluskp'be 

na'ga wusa"srzal' do-'labal J umada'bana 
and his mother's brother Turtle ' they came down 

ktci'si-'buk udlaTjkwa'zi'na gi'zaTykwa'- 
to a big river; finally they cooked dinner; after* 

zi'hi-'dit umi-'tsi-na grzi-"pi-hi''dit 

they had cooked, they ate. After they had eaten, 

dali'uda-'mona sala"ki ela'brhi-'dit 

there they smoked. Suddenly they looked 

aga'muk sr'buk una''mi'hana p'he'namu 
across the river, they saw women 

me'daba'bazi'djik dali'tkasmo'ldi-na 

coming down to the shore, there they went in bath 
ing. 

ak - wa - 'dale awr'gi'na'wa do'l'be p'ht'namu 
Ak-wa-dale! He wanted to cohabit Turtle with= 
the women. 

i-'dak nda'wazam 2 tanbet - e"t ndla-'lo'kan 
He said, "Nephew, 2 how please shall I do 

we'dji' gi'zi'be'su't'kawak ni-'gik 

so that can approach those 

'Sculptured terrapin (Chelopus insculptus). 

2 It is interesting to note that the relationship terms 
employed here indicate Turtle to have been the hero's 
maternal uncle. 



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p'ht'nomu ga'matc nga'dawa'dabebi 
women, very much I desire to cohabit." 

udi-'lan wza"si'zal kdla-'lo'ke'gatc 

He said to his uncle, "So finally you do this, 

ta'nraze gabe'skuhwo'di ' na'ga aba'Vik 
cut off your member * and on a stick 

kwu's'aga'k' w haman nage'hel'a doTbe 
push it across." Accordingly Turtle 

uga'dona'dun kwe'naha v n'dowa"kwak 

hunted for a long magic wood 

aba'Vi na'ga abe'skuhwa'di uda'mazaman 
stick, and his member he cut off 

na'ga ubi'za'mudun aba'Vik na'ga 
and stuck it through on the stick, and 

agwu's'aga'k' w haman nabe'dak'"hak 

pushed it across. Then, when it reached 



eba-'s'tagwe 
middle of river, 



aa nozaTjk'hi-'gada'hin 

of/ then jumped out 



sko"tam noba'gaha'dun udl'mikwu's'i'- 
a trout, then he grabbed it, he finally 



ha'done 

swallowed it 



do'l-be 
Turtle's 



ube'skwahadi 
member, 



kr'n'gi'nrla'wele do'l'be e'bagwa'tc 

terribly greatly he got angry Turtle on account' 
of it 

se"srla'we naGlusko'be udi-'lan e"kwi 
he cried. Then Gluskp'be said, "Don't 



ge- gwus 
anything 



alr'daha'zi 
think of it, 



wulago'gatc 
for this evening 



kama's'anaman kabe'skuhwa'di name'- 

you will get it your member." Then he= 



wi'a'dahasin 
felt better 



do'l-be 
Turtle. 



nowela'gwi'wik 
Then that evening 



Gluska'be uma'damr'man i'zame'gwesawal 2 
Gluskp'be hired Fish-Hawk 

awa'"s'ana* udi''lan mo'zak sap'taha"katc 
to go torching for fish.* He said, "Don't spear him 



1 Literally, "gun." 

1 Osprey (Pandion haliastus). 



1 To fish at night from canoes with torches made of 
birch-bark which light up the depths of the river and 
also draw the fish so that the spearmen can see them. 



na - mes 

a fish 



kr'napska'ldjade eba'Vi 

big-bellied in his middle, 

wu'dabak gasa'p'tahan mala'm'te 

on the head you spear him." Then 



una-'mihal i-'zame'gwe's'u na - 'mes'al 
he saw it Fish-Hawk the fish 

ki'napska'ldjal wsa'p'tahan wu'dabak 
big-bellied he speared him on the head, 

gi'i' wulr'dahasu do'l'be na't'e 

'/ he rejoiced Turtle. Then 

oba'skazan' na - 'mes'al na'ga uge'dnaman 
he cut open the fish and he took 

abe'skuhwa'di e'bagwa'tc w^'ba'gwas'an 
the member on account of (the soaking) it was 
shrivelled. 

udi-'lan Gluska'be wza"si - zal' wi'"hwi'za'e 
He said Gluskp'be to his uncle, "Hurry up 

gla''modu' ane'dudji wi - za'nag w zit 

attach it!" Then so much he hurrying 

do'l'be galama"ket abe'skuhwadi 

Turtle to attach quickly his member 

e'bagwa'tc wzu'skwi'p'tun wzo'skwa"t'e 
on account of it belly up he put it right upside down 

abe'skuhwa'di we'dji ni"kwup' do'l'be 
his member so that now Turtle 

soskwa"tek abe'skuhwadi e'bagwa'tc 
upside down member on account of this 

ni'"kwup' ali'wi - 'la do'l'be soskwa - 'los 
now he is called "Turtle inverted member." 

TRANSLATION 

Once upon a time Gluska'be was walking 
along in the woods. His mother's brother, 
Turtle, was with him. They came to a big 
river, where they cooked a meal and ate it. 
After they had eaten, they smoked together. 
All of a sudden, looking across the river, they 
saw some women coming down to the shore 
to go in bathing. Turtle voluit copulare cum 
mulieribus very eagerly. Said he, "Nephew, 
what shall I do so that I may get near those 
women? Volui copulare very much." His 
uncle replied, "Cut off your member, put it 
on a stick, and send it across: that is what 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



219 



you will do." So thus Turtle found a great 
long stick, cut off his member, and stuck it 
upon the end of the stick. Then he pushed 
it across the river underneath the water. 
When he had sent it half way in the middle 
of the river, lo, a trout jumped out of the 
water and grabbed and swallowed Turtle's 
member. Ki-nl he was angry. So angry was 
Turtle, that he cried. Then Gluskp'be said, 
"Don't think anything of it, for to-night we 
shall recover your member." Then Turtle 
felt more at ease, and that evening Gluskp'be 
hired a Fish-Hawk to go spearing fish by 
torch-light. Said he to the Fish-Hawk, "If 
you encounter a great big-bellied fish, don't 
spear it in the middle, but hit it on the head." 
So the Fish-Hawk went spearing by torch- 
light. At last he saw the big-bellied fish, and 
speared it on the head. Kvvl how Turtle re- 
joiced! Straightway he cut open the fish, took 
out his member. On account of its being in the 
belly of the fish so long, it was much water- 
soaked and wrinkled. Then said Gluskp'be, 
"Hurry, stick it on, connect it!" And Turtle 
hurried, and quickly joined his member on; 
but he put it on his belly bottom side up in 
his haste, so that now Turtle has his member 
upside down. That is why the turtle is now 
called "wrong-side up member." 



16. GLUSKA'BE AIDS TURTLE 

TO GET MARRIED; BUT TURTLE 

GETS BURNED, AND TRIES IN VAIN 

TO KILL GLUSKA'BE 

nodji'ma'djrna nodlo"sana a'lnpbai o'dene 
Then they started out, then they went to a village* 
of people, 

noda'li udji - "tcrhi'wpna sa'Tjgama'k'e 
and there they came as visitors to the chief 

kal-u" 1 kal-u" lowa'udo'zal nado'l'be 
Auk. 1 Auk had three daughters. That Turtle 

1 Supposed to be Great Auk (Plaulus impennis) or 
perhaps Razor-Billed Auk (Alca torda). 

1 The formal proposal by means of wampum. Some 
male relative, in behalf of the suitor, carries a belt, 
collar, or handkerchief full of wampum to the mother of 



o'li'na'wan pe-'sagowal na'kskwal udi-'lan 
liked one girl. He said 

uda'wpzamal Glusk^'bal 
to his nephew Gluskp'be, 



nda"tcwelmo 
I want 



nabe - 'sago 
that one 

ni-"kwup' 

Now 



"My nephew, 

na'kskwe 
girl 

nra 
I 



youngest. 

nda"tcwe v ldaman gra kal-u'lwewin 2 i-'dak 
wish you to propose." 2 Said 

Gluskp'be an-i-" ni-'atc kal-u'lwewul 
Glusk^'be, "So! I will propose for you." 

gehe'l'a wela'ijgwrwik ogal'u'lwan 

Accordingly at evening he proposed 

Gluskp'be uli-'daha'ma do'l'be na'fe 
Gluskp'be. He was accepted Turtle, right away 

unr'ba -> wina ki - i--f- mam'ho'nagan 

they married. Kvv+ a big dance 

na'ga o'manaska"s - in do'l'be nami-tso'ldin 
and provided a feast Turtle. Then they ate 

na'ga pa"poldin ne'ngama'dr'hi'din' 
and played games and running-races, 

na'ga elrgada"holdin Gluskp'be udr'lan 
and also jumping. Gluskp'be said 

wza"si-zal ki-a"tc wi'djr'gada'hi 

to his nephew, "And you ioin in jumping, 

k' w skwrdji''gada v hi kasi'l'hos wr'gwom 
jump over the top your father-in-law's wigwam 

kal'u" saTjgma'wi'ga'mik'" nsa'da 

Auk the chief's house, three times 

k' w skwi-dji-'gada'hin ke-'nuk p'da 

jump over it, but no 

a'Tjkwomu'k' nsa'da kri'-f edu'dji 
more than thee times." Ki-v + when 

spi-'gada'hit do'l'be mazi 1 ' oma'Jhrna'wal 
over the top he jumped Turtle, all were surprised 

e'dudji spi-'gada'hHit do'l'bal mszr' 
when he jumped over Turtle. All 

the girl desired, at the same time delivering a commenda- 
tory speech. If the suit is favorable, the wampum is 
accepted; otherwise it is returned. This procedure con- 
stituted one of the few ceremonies in the native life of 
the region. 



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wna'k'anaga'mi'ha skrno"sa' edu'dji 
he outstripped them the youths. Then so 

bali-'daha'sit doTbe i-'dak nda'tenage'k'" 
he felt proud. Turtle he said, "That is not my 
limit!" 

nami-'na udlr'gada'hin naGlusko'be 

Then again he tried to jump, then Gluskp'be 

udli-'daha'man nabr't'e'sin na'ga 

caused him by wishing, "Get caught and 

gabani-'lan a'rraba'ndje'lan 1 



fall." 



naga 
Then he fell (the rascal), 1 and 



skwude-' zu'sk' w te's-in mazi'- 

(in) the fire lay on his back, all 

wi'kwu'tkade'k ba'skwan nawe'dji 

wrinkled dried his back. That's why 

a'li'guk doTbe uba'skwan ni - "kwup' 
looks so turtle his back now. 

awa"katc ugi - zrkaba"kana'l kal'u" 

Hardly he could snatch him out Auk 

udalu'sagul doTbe wewr'daha'man 

his son-in-law Turtle. He knew 

uda'wazemal ne'li'ho'go't amuskwr'daha 1 - 
his nephew so was causing it. He got angry with" 

man eli'ho'go't ga'matc aga-'djo doTbe 
him for doing it, very ashamed Turtle 

e'dudji muskwr'daha'sit ugi'zi-'dahada'man 
so much he felt angry. He made up his mind 

wani-'lan Glu'skobal wela'gwrwik 

to kill Gluskp'be. At evening 

udi-'lan uda'wazamal pe'malo'gwik 

he said to his nephew, "To-night 

ki-u'nat'e ni-zo'si-'nun-e ge'hel'a 

you and I directly together will lie." Accordingly 



wa'skwe 
that 



Gluska'be 
Gluskp'be 



they lay together 

wewi-'daha'mol ke - 'di - alalo"kelit ma'ni- 
knew it what he would do. After 

1 The first degree of objurgative emphasis in verbs, 
translated ordinarily nowadays as, "Then he fell, 
damn him!" The objurgative element here \s-dj-, a 
still more forceful element is-djale-, and the ultimate is 



kr'sasr'nohodit udlr'dahaman madje'ganatc 
they had lain down, he wished, "Commence also= 
to grow 

gabe'skuhwpdi nage'hel'a madje'gan 

your member." Accordingly it grew 

doTbe abe'skuhwahadi ma'lam' 

Turtle his member. Then 

ude'd3bi-gwunag w zo"tf gun to' 'gi - 'lat 

it became as long as to reach to his head. He woke up 

pema"kwasi'gwa -< wen elr'dahasit 

lying alongside of him some one he thought (it was) 

Gluska'be ga - 'o agwr'lonot i - 'dak 
Gluskp'be sleeping; he felt of him, he said, 

ki'i'+ ule'wagan wewa'mada''man 

*Ki-i-+ his heart!" He felt of it 

eda'l'te's'ak uni'se-'kwak'" wi - "kw3n3man 
there it beating, his knife he took. 

sesala"ki uz^'p'tahan ne'dudji 

All of a sudden he jabbed him. Then 

tci'ba'gawet age'+ ya" e'labit 

he gave a cry, "Aftt+ ya"l" Looking 

a'nsama ude'z^k' w tahe'm3n ube'skuhwadi 
right square he had jabbed it through his member. 

TRANSLATION 

After this they started out, and went to a 
village, where, as strangers, they entered the 
chief's house. Auk was the chief. Auk had 
three daughters. Now, the Turtle took a 
liking to one girl; so he said to his nephew, 
Gluska'be, "Nephew, I should like that par- 
ticular girl, the youngest one; so now I want 
you to propose for me." Gluska'be replied, 
"All right, I will propose for you." So that 
night Gluska'be sent the proposal-wampum 
to the chief for Turtle, and he was accepted. 
Right away they got married. Kvi'l a splen- 
did dance and a great feast were furnished 
by the Turtle. The people ate and played 
games, running races and jumping. Then said 
Gluska'be to his uncle, "Now you jump in the 
contests, too. Jump over your father-in-law's 
wigwam, Auk's, the chief's house. Jump over 
it three times, but not more than three times." 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



221 



Ki-i-l when Turtle jumped over the top of 
Auk's wigwam, all the people were greatly 
astonished. He beat every one in jumping. 
And he became very proud, this Turtle, and 
said, "Oh ! that's nothing." Then he tried to 
jump again. Now Gluskp'be, by thinking, 
caused him to get caught in the wigwam-poles 
of Auk's house; and there the rascal stuck, 
and soon fell into the fire, where he lay on his 
back. His back was all wrinkled and dried. 
That's why the turtle's back is so nowadays. 
Auk, indeed, could hardly snatch his son-in- 
law from the fire. Turtle knew that his nephew 
was the cause of his trouble, and so got 
angry with him for what he had done. Turtle 
was very much ashamed, and, besides, very 
angry; so he made up his mind to kill 
Glusk/be that evening. That evening he 
said to his nephew, "To-night we shall lie 
down together." Accordingly they slept to- 
gether that night. Now, Gluska'be knew 
what Turtle was planning. So, after they had 
lain down, Gluskp'be, by thinking, caused 
Turtle's member to grow very large. So Tur- 
tle's member began to grow very large indeed, 
until at last it got to be as large as his own 
body, as tall as his head. When he woke up, 
Turtle thought that the object lying beside 
him was Gluskp'be, sound asleep; so he felt 
of him, and said, "Kvvl his heart throbs." 
He could feel the pulse beating in his member. 
Then he took his knife and all of a sudden 
stabbed it. He made an outcry. "Agtt'+ya"!" 
Point blank he had jabbed his knife through 
his own member. 

SECONDARY HERO-TRANSFORMER 
TALES 

i. LONG-HAIR (KWUN-A-'WAS) IS ABANDONED 

BY HIS PARENTS, AND" IS RAISED BY 

HIS GRANDMOTHER, WOODCHUCK 

wa"ka na'bmak me"tagwik pan-awa'- 
Far up river at head of Penobscot* 

mske'u'tuk'" np'wat e-'rgasa o'dene 
River long ago where was village 



ali'wi'"tazu p'zwazo'ge's'ak 
called Crooked-Channel 



ni'wr'gi'za 
there lived 

nak' w tata-'wit 
Lone-Light, 



na ga 
and 



na'ga 
and 



grnr nag w zu 
very powerful 

taba-'wus 
seven 



ktci'sa'ijgamo a'li'wi-'zo 
great chief named 

gi-nha'n-do 
great magician 

gizi- 'd3ha'nig3zo"sa 
beloved by his people; 

une-'mona na'gwudas gi - 'nrnag w zowak 
his sons. Six were powerful, 

ke-'nuk nihrmosa'dji-na ke - 'nuk 

but these he loved ; but 

made'Va pi'waba's'u nHil a"tama 
the youngest small, that one not 

amosa'dji-na e'bagwa'tc ami - 'lw?-na 

he loved so much that he gave him away 

wuzu-'gwu's-a moni'mkwes-uwal' nemoni'mk- 
to his mother-in-law Woodchuck. Then Wood" 

wes-u oma'dje'ganan o'kwe'nasal' 

chuck raised him as her grandchild, 

nodli-'wrlan Kwun-a - 'was wutc eli-'wli -< guk 
then called him Long-Hair, for so nice (was) 

ubre'somal' ga'matc omosa'djrna 

his hair, very much she loved 

o'kwe'nasal uzam una'mr'ta'wan 

her grandson, because she saw him 

e'li ga'di gi - nhan - do'wHit nodage"- 
how going to be great magician. Then she= 

ki-man e'li- ka'dona-'lut awa-'s-ak 
taught him how to hunt beasts, 

pala't'e nta'm'ka e'li- 
the very first of all how 

ma'tagwe'Vu be'djHeo kado'powa'gan 
rabbit. Came here a famine, 

na'mas'i' madje"kenoldi - na a'lnabak 

then all left the place the people. 

noda'li naga'la'na moni'mkwes-uwal' 
Then there they abandoned Woodchuck 

na'ga kwe'nasal na'ga ma'djega'don'ka 
and her grandson. And began to hunt 

Kwun-a-'was pala'fe ma'tagwesmwal' 
Long-Hair, first of all, rabbits 



po'nama'wut 
to set snares for 



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ogadona'la we'dji kisimi'tsi-'dit 

to hunt, is that they could eat. 

naKwurra'was uda'tcwe'ldama c/'kamas-al' 
Then Long-Hair wanted his grandmother 

udli'"tagwun to'mbial na'ga ba"kwal 
to make him a bow and arrows 

we'dji giz-r'bmot madj'i'les'uwal 

so that he could shoot partridges. 

moni'mkwes-u udlr'han to'mbial na'ga 
Woodchuck made for him bow and 

ba"kwal nta'mka'fe ki-u"set Kwun-a'was 
arrows. The first time he walked about (hunting),- 
Long-Hair 

ogi-mataba'wus ne'ladji'hr madji-'les-uwal 
remarkable seven killed partridges. 

e'dudji wli'daha'sit moni'mkwes-u 

So much she rejoiced Woodchuck 

e'bagwatc' ba'mage' moni'mkwes-u udi-'lan 
on account of it, she danced. Woodchuck said 

kwe'nus-al a'rri" kwe'nus-is na'ga 
to her grandson, "Now, little grandson! and 

pmauzi-'nena ni ni - "kwup' ka'dona'lan 
we shall live this now you will hunt 

ktci'-awa'Vak ni-"kwup' kami-'lan 

big animals now I shall give you 

kamo"sumsal uda"tambial namoni'mkwes-u 
your grandfather's his bow. Then Woodchuck 

omu'ska'naman mi-gana'gwe udli'k'hasin 
took out a bark vessel, searching 

odji'mo'skana wa'mbiga'nrye 1 ta'mbial 
she took from it white bone made (ivory) 1 bow 

na'ga sa-'wonal nodi 4 'Ian kwe'nas 
and flint arrows, then she said, "Grandson, 

wa ta'mbi kmo"sumsal uda"tambial 
that bow your grandfather his bow. 

na ni-"kwup' masi-'dan ne'mi-hat 



Hence 



now 



all whatever 



awa-'s a"tomatc kabu'lgu 
beast never escape you." 



nta'm'ka'fe 
The first time 



gi'wr'lat 
he went about, 



you may see 



Kwun-a'was 
Long-Hair 



1 Described as a composite bow made of three 
lengths of ivory lashed together. 



a'gi-matoba'was 
remarkable seven 



no'lka' 
deer 



ne'la'dji'hi 
killed. 



dana'skwe no"kami a'nda mi - 'na 
"How is it, grandma, not more 

ta'ma ai-'wi-yak a'lnabak moni'mkwes-u 
anywhere exist people?" Woodchuck 

seska'demin si'pki' dabr'dahasu 

cried for a long time she pondered 

moni'mkwes'u mala'm'te r'dak nkwe'nas 
Woodchuck then she said, "My grandchild, 

ai - 'wak kada'gik a'lnabak ki'u'natc 
there exist other people, your and my 

kada'lnabe'mnawak ke'nuk r'yu 

our people (relatives), but here 

eda'li-naga'lnagoban we'dji gwaskwa'lamiak 
is where they abandoned us so that starve to death, 

aso"ke gabma'uzi'bana e'skwa 

in spite of it we are living yet. 

a'lmot'ha'doba'nik ala'gwi we'dji 

They moved away in direction whence 

sa'rjkhi-lat gi-'zo's 2 nr"kwup' gwa"li 
comes out the sun. 2 Now near 

ktci'so'beguk ayo'lduwak mazi-' ela'goda'- 
the great ocean they exist. All our kin 

man udalrwi'djr'lana naKwun-a'was 
there went with them." Then Long-Hair 

udi-'daman ni-"kwup' ngwrla'uhan 

said, "Now I shall search for them, 

naga'di na-'mrhak ndalna'bemak 

I want to see them my people." 

udr'lan moni'mkwes-u o'kwe'nas'al 

Said Woodchuck to her grandchild, 

ga'matc nagwi-'te'ldaman anda' mi-'na 
"Very much I am afraid not again 

kana-'mi'ho'lawan wzam na'nagwutc 
I shall see you, because some 

ma'dji-se'nabak ki-'dji'ak ka'dona'lgogatc 
are bad men your brothers seeking your life 

na'mi-uske kda"tcwi wuli-'sko'hoda'man 
when they see you you must take good care. 

1 The east. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



223 



ni-'snoldji o'denal e'tcwi-adodjosa-'nil 
There will be two villages equally to be passed* 
through 

ni''lil sppka - 'mane kabma'uzi' ni'"kwup' 
these if you succeed with you will live. Now 

kda"tcwi' ni-'a wi'djo"kemal 

must I help you." 

namoni'mkwes-u udli'kha'sin mi'gana'gwik 
Then Woodchuck searched in a bark vessel, 

omo'skanaman ka'dagwa'bi'zun udr'lan 
she took out a belt. She said, 

r'yu da'nteliktcwe'ldaman kdli''- 

"Here whatever you wish it will, 

gi-zobeda'man i'br'tde kalo'ldamgn 

obey you, only speak to it 

e'li'tcwe'ldaman nagasi-'bi Kwun'a'was 
what you wish." Then Long-Hair 

udr'lan o"kmas - al mo'za'k 

said to his grandmother, "Do not 

nsa'hi-'katc nda'gwe'dji' nenawe'lmasi' 
worry about me, I shall try to take care of myself 

gweni'"la tcumi-'na be'djHa udr'lan 
while going. Surely again I shall come." He said 

o"k3mas-al o'wa noda'mpgan 

to his grandmother, "This my pipe 

kaivaga'damo'lan panapskwa"s - 9n o'wa 
I leave with you, stone pipe, this 

gabcr'nan elkwe'srnan nakadabr'na^'wan 
place in your bed as you lie down, and you watch it. 

tan gwe'ni' nr'wigit mo'za'k sa'hr'kat 
As long as it is empty, don't worry; 

azo"ke na - 'mrha'de udo'ta'oban 

but, on the other hand, if you see it contains 

paga"kan ka'dabrna'wan na'djan 

blood, watch it, for then 

eda'li da'yine's-a' sa'n?gwa"k ke'nuk 
there is present danger, but if 

a'nda psa'n-abekwe nabma'uzin nizna-'bi 
not it is full, I am alive, soon 

be'dji'le 

I shall come back." 



TRANSLATION 

Far up the river, at the head of Penobscot 
River, where there was a village called Crooked 
Channel, there lived a great chief named Lone- 
Light. He was a great and powerful magician, 
beloved by his people, and he had seven sons. 
Six were strong, and these he loved ; but the 
youngest was small, and that one he loved 
not. On this account he gave him away to 
his mother-in-law, Woodchuck. Then Wood- 
chuck raised him as her grandchild, and 
called him Long-Hair, for he had such nice 
hair. Very much she loved her grandson. 
Then she taught him how to hunt beasts, 
first of all how to set snares for rabbits. 

There came a famine, and all the people 
left the place and abandoned Woodchuck and 
her grandson. Then Long-Hair began to 
hunt. First of all, rabbits he hunted, so that 
they could eat. Then Long-Hair wanted his 
grandmother to make him a bow and arrows, 
so that he could hunt partridges. Woodchuck 
made for him a bow and arrows. The first 
time he went about, Long-Hair, strange to 
say, killed seven partridges. So much Wood- 
chuck rejoiced on account of this, that she 
danced, and said to her grandson, "Now, 
little grandson, indeed we shall live from now 
on. You will hunt big animals. Now, I shall 
give you your grandfather's bow." Then 
Woodchuck took out a bark basket. Search- 
ing in it, she took out a bow of ivory, and flint 
arrows, and said, "Grandson, that bow is your 
grandfather's bow. Henceforth whatever 
beasts you may see will never escape you." 
The first time he went about, Long-Hair, 
strange to say, killed seven deer. "How is it, 
grandmother, that no more people exist any- 
where?" Woodchuck wept; and for a long 
time she pondered, then she said, "My grand- 
child, there do exist other people, your rela- 
tives and my relatives, but they abandoned 
us here to starve to death. In spite of it, 
however, we are living yet. They moved 
away in the direction whence comes up the 



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VOL. I 



sun. Now, near the great ocean they still 
exist. All our kin went there with them." 
Then Long-Hair said, "Now, I will search for 
them, for I want to see my people." Said 
Woodchuck to her grandchild, "Very much I 
fear that not again shall I see you, because 
some are bad men, your brothers, who will 
seek your life when they see you. You must 
take good thought, for there will be two vil- 
lages equally to be passed through; and if 
you pass these, you will live. But now I must 
help you." Then Woodchuck searched in a 
bark basket, and took out from it a belt. 
Said she, "Here! Whatever you wish for, 
it will obey you if you only say to it what you 
wish." Then Long-Hair said to his grand- 
mother, "Do not worry about me. I shall 
try to take care of myself on my journey. 
Surely I shall come again." He said to his 
grandmother, "Here is my pipe; I shall leave 
it with you, my stone pipe. Place this in your 
bed as you lie down, and watch it. As long 
as it is empty, worry not; but should you see 
it contain blood, watch it well, for then danger 
is present before me. But if it does not be- 
come full, I am still living, and shall soon 
come back." 

2. LONG-HAIR STARTS OUT 

IN SEARCH OF HIS PEOPLE, AND OVERCOMES 

THE BAD PEOPLE OF THREE VILLAGES 



naKwun'a'was 
Then Long-Hair 

udalna'bemal 
his people, 

ke'sogna'ki'wik 
days ends 

ubi-'di'gan 
He entered 

wli'daha'suwak 
they rejoiced 

tcrpht'nam 
old woman. 



ga'matc 
"Very much 



in 



omadje'lan agwrla'ohan 
went away to seek 

elmo"set taba'was 

going along seven 

abe'djo'san o'denek 
he came to a village. 

ni'ta'ma'tek wr'gwam 

the first wigwam, 

ktci-palu'Vis na'ga 

old man and 

udi-'lana Kwun-a'wasal 
They said to Long-Hair, 

u'na sa'nagwat r'yu 
we dangerous here 



ndode'nena ga'matc ma'dji' se'nabe 

our village, very bad man 

oga'dona'lan 1 mazi'' dan 

he tries to kill ' all who 



so gama 
chief 



be'djo'set udode'nenuk de'banuk gabe'dji- 
come to his village, soon they will come to 

nadji'p'hoge ko'lr'sko'hodaman 

get you; you take good care for yourself, 

kadona'lguk kawrdjo"kemzi' tega'gi' 
they want to kill you ; you help yourself as much as 

bagwa"ta'wan tebedjo"san ni-'zwak 
you are able to." Then came two 

se'nobak udi'da'mena kana'dji- 

men they said, "We are going 

kadona - 'lana tama"kwe nagwazabe'- 
to kill beaver in the 

msr'sak udi'da'man ni'a dlr'lon 
little pond." He said, "I will go." 

paluVasis udr'lan ni'a'tc kwi'djo"kemal 
The old man said, "And I will help you. 

taba'was se'nabak ki'gr'mr ndla'grman 
Seven men secretly I ordered 

kaso"sana omadjabo'si'na tama"kwe 
to go along." They all started to where beaver 

e-'i't e'labit Kwun'a'was ktci' 

was. He saw Long-Hair, big 

nagwa'sabem e'lmaga'me'k una - 'mi'han 
lake along the lake; he saw 

ktci' wa'djowal nodr'lagun yu - 'hi' 
big mountains. They told him these 

a'lnaba na wa's'is'e' tama"kwe wzo'rni- 
people, "That nest of beaver too 

a'gwane'gi-zagat se - 'batc' kmo'dnana 
late in the day, but to-morrow we will attack him 

tama"kwe yut kda'tcwi' ka'daguni' 1 - 
beaver. Here must we stay over* 

di'bna ma'nit'e wula'gwak yu - 'gik 
night." Then they lay down these 

madji'a'lnabak be'malagwek na'tc 

bad people on the glare ice. Then 

1 This verb is used in the sense of "hunting down," 
"preying upon," in reference to game-animals. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



225 



Kwurra'was 
Long-Hair 

pagwa'mik nagazi-'br 



sena'bema 
his men 



ola'gwana 
lay down 

uda'do'kso'ldi'na 
on the ice. At the same time they told stories 

a'badelmo'lduwak naKwurra'was 

they were laughing. Then Long-Hair 

wudagwa'bi'zun wi'sekhoso'ldi'na na'g- 
his belt covered them, and 

a'tc ne'gama uda'dokso'ldrna na'ga 
also they told stories and 

uda'badelmo'ldrna mala'm'te ktcr gr'lak 
laughed. Then great stillness 

kada'gik a'lnabak masi'fe kwa'skwadjo-'- 
the others, people all froze to= 

Idowak ma'djra'lnaba' ne'gama'skwe 
death bad people. Then they 

Kwurra'was na'ga usena'bema 

Long-Hair and his men 

dje"kwani- gao'ldowak nama'djabo'si-na 
all night slept. Then they went 

o'denek masr'awen ulr'dahasu 

to the village, every one rejoiced 

nek'a'nehe'dit rna'dji' a'lnabak 

that they overcame bad people. 

ba'maga'na a'lnabak edu'dji' 

They danced the people, so much 

wulr'dahaso'ldi'hrdit e''bagwatc 

they rejoiced on account of it 

mo'wi'mi'tsoldowak mi - 'na odjr'madjin 
they held a great feast. Again departed 

Kwurra'was mr'na taba'was 

Long-Hair, again in seven 

kesogna'ki'wik obedjo"san kada'k 

days' time he came to another 

o'dene mrna't'e obr'di'gan ni^'tama^tek 
village, then again he entered the first 

wr'gwam mi - 'na tci'a'lnabe na'ga 
wigwam, again an old man and 

tciphe'nam ulr'daha'suwak mi - 'na 

old woman rejoiced, again 

udr'lana Kwun'a'wasal no'li'daha'si'bna 
they said to Long-Hair, "We rejoice 



nr'una ne''mrholek' w ke'nuk 

that we see you, but 

ka'dona'lguk nda'ln^be'mnawak nru'natc' 
they seek your life our people, and our 

madji'se'npbe sa'Tjgama de'bane kabe'dji'- 
bad man chief soon will come to 

nadji'p'hoge kda"tcwi- ko'li'ne'nawe'- 
get you you must take good care for* 

Imas-in tebe'dji'nadji'p'hogon se'naba 
yourself." Then came for him men. 

udi - 'tago kna'dahe'oldi'bna bantu'k' w si'sak 
He was told, "We will engage in sport in the little 
rapids." 

gi'zi'"pit omo'djewi'djo"san ube'daba-'si-na 
After he had eaten, he went with them. They= 
reached 

ktci'bo'n'taguk udi - 'lana Kwun'a'wasal 
a great rapid. They said Long-Hair, 

nehe" debo"se ki'a nr'ka'n'ke debo"san 
"Now, embark in the canoe ! You get in the= 
bow!" He got in 

agwr'danuk noda'mrla"kana nagwa'- 
into the canoe, then they pushed him off. Then* 

dagwa'bi'zun una'stun udr'lan 

his belt he put on, he said 

uga'dagwabi'zun kdli'ha'lgwebna na 

to his belt, "We will drift down." Then 

moni'mkwe's'u e'labit uda'maTjgan 

Woodchuck looking at her pipe 

ta''obe paga"kan seska'demin i-'dam 
in it was blood, she wept; she said, 

nkwe'nas sa - 'gi' mi - "ko'kam 

"My grandchild severe is in danger." 

noda'bi'na'wun uda'maijgan mala'm'te 
Then she watched it her pipe. At last 

si'nkrle uda'maijgan moni'mkwe's'u 
it went dry her pipe. Woodchuck 

onagi-'gadahi'n oba'magan i-'dam 

jumped up, she danced, she said, 

kwe'nasis pma'uzas'u 
"My little grandchild is living!" 

Kwun'a'was madja'halagwan ba'n'taguk 
Long-Hair began to drift away into the rapids. 



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VOL. I 



mala'm'te sabi'ha'lagwe udjis'a'gabi'an 
Then safely he drifted through, he paddled ashore 

uma'djeni-'gep'tun nab'muk uni-ga'nuk 
he began to carry his canoe up river on the portage. 

namabe'djrtat udi - 'lan yir'hi' 

When he arrived there, he said to them these 

ma'dji'a'lnaba ga'matc wi'gawa'djen 

bad people, "Very much I like the sport, 

mr'na a'lehalgo'di'ire masi't'e nodi' 'tan 
again let us drift down." All then he told them, 

a'eda teba'bosik'" ga'matc segaso'ldowak 
"Well, you get in." Very much they were afraid, 

ke'nuk tcwi'deba'bazak a'lehalgo'di'iral 
but they had to get in. They drifted down. 

masi'fe nagi-'ka'rregak masr't'e 

All were killed. All 

sukskatcagi'haso'lduwak oma'djin o'denek 
they were ground to pieces. He went to the village 

pa'tagi' mr'na wulr'dahaso'lduwak 

back again, they rejoiced 

e'li'neka"tahat ktaha'rrdowak ma'dji'a'- 
for killing the great magicians bad* 

Inabak e'bagwatc oba'magana na'ga 
people, on account of it they danced and 

ami'tso'ldi'na 
feasted. 

mi-'na odjr'madjin taba'wos 

Again he went away, seven 

ge'sogana'ki'wik be'djo'san kada'k 

days' time he came to another 

o'dene mr'na obi-'di'gan ni-'ta'ma"tek 
village, again he went in the first 

wr'gwom yuo'dene i'siga'ni tcr'kte 
wigwam. This village one side was quiet, 

a"tcsi'ga'ni' na'ska"ta7jgwat wulr'dahaso'- 
the other side was uproarious; they 

Iduwak e'bagwatc ba'magan uga'gahi' 1 - 
rejoiced on account of it a dance, they were* 

kr'hawa yirhr' kada'gi'hi a'ln^ba 
tormenting these other people 

a'gamo'dene uga'gahr'kr'hawa wza'm 

across the village, they were tormenting because 



agwi-"telm3'gawa ni-'yir eda'li'wadji'"- 
they were afraid. Then here where coming- 

tci'hawe't udr'bgo nani'u'na metci-'mi 1 
from he was told, "So we always 

e'hpgwak ndode'nena nga'damagi'ho'- 
so are doing our village, they abuse* 

gonawak wza'm nagwi-'te'lmana'wan 
us because we are afraid of them, 

e-'li- gr'nhan'do'ldi'dit rnadji 4 ' sa'Tjgama 
such great magicians are they, the bad chief 

na'ga wsena'bema udr'bgun de - 'banuk 
and his men." He was told, "Very soon 

gabe'dji'nadji'p'hoge wza'm ka'donaMguk 
they will come to get you because they seek your 
life. 

ni-"kwup' koli-'nenawe'lamasin ge'hela't-e 
Now, take good care of yourself." Accordingly 

na'nagae - 'was be'dji'na'djip'han se'n^be 
soon after he came for him a man 

be'dji'lat udi-'lan Kwun'a'wasal nehe" 
coming said to Long-Hair, "Now, 

nr'dabe kaba'po'ldi'bana'gwa kadebe'- 
my friend, we are going to play they say, we will 

skwomha'di'bna 1 Kwun-a'was udi-'lan 
play ball." 1 Long-Hair said to him, 

ke'hel-e't ni''dabe ndli - 'lan ni-"atc 
"Surely, my friend, I shall go, for I 

nawi-'gi- ebe'sk' w ha'ma noma'ganan 

I am fond of ball." Then he picked 

taba'was 
seven 



se'naba 
men 



ke'so'se'dji'hi 
to go with him. 

e'lmabo'sihi'dit Kwun'a'was grzi-'dami'p'han 
While they were going, Long-Hair took and broke 
off 

kwa'n'a'skwonda'gwi'zal na'ga udala'm'sa'- 
the tip of a spruce-branch, and put it in his* 

hasin be'djo'set eda'li ebe'skwomha'- 
bosom, coming there they played* 

di - hi -> dit udr'Jagun nehe" nr'dabe 
ball. He was told, "Now, my friend, 

1 Lacrosse. This game was formerly played after 
the Iroquois manner. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



227 



yu'gi'lwala'gwi nu'dalaba'si'na Kwun'a'was 
this is your direction." Then they went Long-Hair 

no'ga wi''daba' ugi'za'dji'na no'wa 
and his friends ready to play, then that 

ktaha'rrdo ube'djip'han ebe'sk^ha'- 
magician brought the= 

maganal na'ga udla"kan ktaha'n'dwi 
ball and threw it down, a magic 

wa'sagaga'dap mani't'e madje'gwe'Ie 
empty head, skull. Then it began to roll 

ktaha'rrdowi wa'saga'dap na'lau 

the magic skull. Then 

oma'dnago'no. wa'saga'dap mala'm'te 
it attacked them the skull. At last 



ubet'ko'gona 
it drove them 



gwa"li' ktci'so'beguk 

near the great ocean, 



me"tagwe'dji'lak kwesa'wei'k nedu'dji' 
to the end of a point of land. Then so 

Kwun'a'was gada'ksko'dak masi'' wzu'kskam- 
Long-Hair kicked it all smashed to= 

ki'"teka'man ne'dudji Kwun'a'was 

pieces. Then Long-Hair 

memla'uelmit i''dak Kwun'a'was ak'wa'dale 
gave a great laugh. He said, Long-Hair, "Oho! 

ni-'dabe bo'skali-'zas'u ebe'sk' w ha'magan 
my friend, a very tender ball 

tce-'na o'wa ni-'a ndabesk' w ha'magan 
let us ' this my my ball 

agwe'tskoha'lane nr'yomo'skip'han 

let us try." Then he took out 

kwan'a'skwonda'gwal nabe'gas'ik 

his spruce-branch tip. When it struck ground, 

madje'gwe'le kada'k wa'saga'dap 

it began to roll another skull 

nawo-'mbi'ga'ni'ye ma'n'ife ma'djeba'- 
that of ivory. At last it began* 

gahada'mu nda"tama ugi-'zi- tca'n'- 
to bite, not could they kick* 

tekamo'na ktaha'n'dowak ma'lam 

it away the magicians. Then 

abe'tpo'lagona nabr'k so'beguk mani' 
it drove them to the water in the ocean, then 



tca'uwapi'gidaho'lduwak nabr'k 

they jumped all into the water. 

begas'o'ldi'dit ktci'name"s'i'la < uladowak 1 
Where they struck they were transformed into big= 
fish. 1 

naKwun'a'wasal wun'a'dodama'wona 

Then Long-Hair they begged of him 

uni'dja'nowa wulege"si'zowa' 2 naKwun-a'was 
their children's little breech-cloths. 2 Then* 

Long-Hair 

udi''Jan nda"tama kami'lo'nak wza'm 
said, "Not I shall give them to you because 

e'li'gadona'li'ek'" be''dji' na'dode'kolek' 1 " 
that you sought my life coming to visit you. 

nawa'doge no''djibe''dji'la no'djrna 1 '- 
A long ways I came from in order to see* 

mi'hyo'lek' w ki-'bwa nr'dji'ak nani'"kwup 
you, you my brothers. But now 

ndje''li'bma'uzi'ek' w ni'dji'a'steke > srek' w 

hence so you shall live you shall never increase." 

wuli-'dahaso'ldi'wrna Kwun'a'was ni-'daba' 
They rejoiced Long-Hair his friends. 

ba'maga'na na'ga mi'tso'ldi'na 
They danced and feasted. 

TRANSLATION 

Then Long-Hair went away to seek his 
people. Travelling for seven days, he came 
to a village. He entered the first wigwam; 
and an old man and woman in it rejoiced, and 
said to Long-Hair, "We are very dangerous 
here in our village. A very bad man is our 
chief. He tries to kill all who come to his 
village. In a short time they will come to 
get you; so take good care of yourself, for 
they seek your life. You help yourself as 
much as you are able to." Then came two 
men. They said, "We are going to kill beaver 
in the little pond." Said he, "I will go too." 
The old man said, "And I will help you. 
Seven men secretly I ordered to go along with 

1 Becoming sharks. 

2 The sharks asked for these as a means of recover- 
ing something to enable them to restore themselves 
by their magic. 



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you." Then they all started to where the 
beaver was. Long-Hair saw a big lake, and 
along the lake he saw a big mountain. Then 
they told him, these people, "That is the nest 
of the beaver. It is too late in the day now; 
but to-morrow we shall attack him, the beaver. 
We must stay here over night." Then they 
lay down, these bad people, on the glare ice, 
and Long-Hair and his men lay down on the 
ice at the same time. They told stories and 
were laughing. Then Long-Hair covered 
them with his belt. And they too told stories 
and were laughing. At last a great stillness 
came over the other people. They all froze 
to death, the bad people. Then Long-Hair 
and his men slept all night; and they went 
to the village, where every one rejoiced that 
they had overcome the bad people. They 
danced, and the people rejoiced so much over 
it that they held a great feast. 

Again Long-Hair departed; and again, in 
seven days' time, he came to another village; 
and then, again, he entered the first wigwam; 
and again an old woman and an old man 
rejoiced; and again they said to Long-Hair, 
"We rejoice that we see you; but our people 
seek your life, and our chief is a bad man. 
Soon he will come to get you. You must take 
good care of yourself." Then came for him 
some men; and he was told, "We will engage 
in sport in the little rapids." After he had 
eaten, he went with them, and they reached 
the Great Falls. And they said to Long-Hair, 
"Now get into the canoe. You sit in the bow." 
He got into the canoe, and they pushed him 
off. Then he put his belt on, and said to his 
belt, "We will drift down." 

Then Woodchuck, looking at her pipe, saw 
in it blood, and she wept. She said, "My 
grandchild is in severe danger;" and she 
watched it, her pipe, and at last the pipe went 
dry. Then Woodchuck jumped up, danced 
about, and said, "My grandchild is still living!" 

Long-Hair then began to drift away into 
the rapids. At last safely he drifted through 
and paddled ashore, and he began to carry 



his canoe up the river on the portage. When 
he reached them, he said to these bad people, 
"Very much I like the sport; let us drift down 
again." Then he told them all, "So, you get 
in." They were very much afraid; but they 
had to get in, and they all drifted down and 
they were killed. They were ground to pieces, 
all of them. Then he went back to the village 
again, and they rejoiced for the killing of the 
great bad magicians, and on account of it 
they danced and feasted. 

Again he left, and in seven days' time he 
came to another village; and again he went 
in the first wigwam. In this village one side 
was quiet, and the other side was uproarious. 
On account of it a rejoicing and a dance were 
being held. The latter were tormenting the 
other people across the village; they were tor- 
menting them because they were afraid. Then, 
as he came up here, he was told, "Thus they are 
always doing in our village; they abuse us 
because we are afraid of them; such great 
magicians are they, the bad chief and his men." 
He was told, "Soon they will come to get you, 
because they seek your life. Now take good 
care of yourself." Accordingly, soon after a 
man came for him, saying as he came up to 
Long-Hair, "Now, my friend, we are going to 
play; we will play lacrosse." Then Long-Hair 
said to him, "Surely, my friend, I shall go, for 
I am fond of lacrosse." Then he picked seven 
men to go with him; and while they were on 
the way, Long-Hair took and broke off the 
tip of a spruce-branch and put it in his bosom. 
When he reached the place where they played 
ball, he was told, "Now, my friend, this is the 
direction of your goal." Then they went, 
Long-Hair and his friends, and were ready 
to play. Then the magician brought the ball 
and threw it down. It was a great magic 
skull. And it began to roll, this magic skull, 
and it attacked them, and at last it drove 
them near the great ocean to the end of the 
land. Thereupon Long-Hair kicked it, and 
smashed it all to pieces. Thereupon Long- 
Hair gave a great laugh. Said Long-Hair, 



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229 



"Ho, ho, my friend, such a tender ball! Let 
us try this, my ball." Then he took out his 
spruce-branch tip; and when it struck the 
ground, it began to roll, another skull of ivory. 
At last it began to bite. The magicians could 
not kick it away. Then it drove them to the 
water into the ocean, and they all jumped 
into the water. When they struck, they were 
transformed into big fish, sharks. Then they 
begged of Long-Hair the breech-cloths of their 
little children; but Long-Hair said, "I shall 
not give them to you, because you sought 
my life when I came to visit you. A long dis- 
tance I travelled in order to see you, my 
brothers, but henceforth thus you shall live. 
You shall never increase." Long-Hair and 
his friends then rejoiced. They danced and 
feasted. 



3. LONG-HAIR FINDS A GOOD VILLAGE, AND 
DOMESTICATES THE DOG 

nodjr'madjin Kwun'a'was nona"stun 
Then he went away Long-Hair; then he put on 

a'gudagwa'bi'zun na'ga udi'da'man 

his belt and said, 

itda'tcwi' bedjo'sebna no"kamasage' 
"We must come back to grandmother 

pe'mla'rjgwik ge'lafe be'djosak 

this evening." Straightway they came 

o"k3mas'3ge' moni'mkwe's'u e'dudji 
to his grandmother Woodchuck; so much 

wulr'dahasit moni'mkwe's'u e'bagwa'tc 
rejoiced Woodchuck on account of it, 

seska'demu nodo'dala"si'min Kwun'a'was 
she wept. Then he rested Long-Hair, 

taba'was geso'gani ka-'o me'magwa' v sit 
seven days he slept. When he had enough, 

mi-'na o'kama's'al' udr'lan mi-'na 
again to his grandmother he said, "Again 

ngwHa'ohak kada'gik a'lnabak 

I will search for other people 

pi-'lwam'to'di'djik pska'oge natc 

of a different kind. Where found, there 



kdloda'nena pi-"ta i-'yu- nagi'wadjr'na- 
we will move. Extremely here lonely it is 

gwat ni'"kupaga"k na'bi'tc be'djo'se 
now indeed, soon I shall come back, 

na't'etc kma'dje'oda'nena nodjr'ma'djin 
and there we shall begin to move." Then he left 

Kwun-a'was udr'Jagun o"kamas-al 

Long-Hair. He was told by his grandmother, 

ni-"kwup kdlo"san pa'skwenauk 

"Now you walk southward, 

nr'dji'dali'mska'wat wuli-'alna'bak 

because there you will find good people." 

taba'was ge'sogaiia'ki'wik ube'djo'san 
Seven days' length he came 

o'denek mi-'na ni-'tama"tek wr'gwom 
to a village, again in the first wigwam 

ubi-'di'gan wuli-'dahaso'lduwak a'lnabak 
he entered. They rejoiced the people 

eda'li udji'"tci'hiwet udi-'lagun ga'matc 
there he was a guest. He was told, "Very much 

nolr'daha'si'bana be'djo'san ga'madji'yu' 
we rejoice that you come, very here 

u'li'o'dene se-'luk awa-'s'ak wala"kaga'n' 
a good village many beasts (game), good place* 
to live in 

i-'bi'tde na'nagwutc ma'dji'gowak 

only some bad 

awa'Vak nsana'g w zowak ni'"kwapaba 
beasts dangerous. Now, if 

r'yua'yane kr'aba nr'gik ma'dji'awa'Vak 
here you stay, you may these bad beasts 

gabemha'n-dwi'ka^dawak r'dak Kwun - a'- 
you subdue them by magic." Said Long= 

was nolr'dahas a"tc nr'a 

Hair, "I am glad, and I 

kana-'mi'ho'lna e'lwete'tc nabe'do'debana 
see you, and probably we shall move here, 

na'ga kwi - 'djHe v malana' nr'una 

and we shall stay with you, I and 

no"kamas wespoza"krwik o'dji'modje'lan 
my grandmother." The next morning he left, 

na'gadagwa'bi-zun una"stun ugalo'ldaman 
his belt he put on, he spoke to it, 



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i - 'dak kda"tcwi - bedjo"sebana 

he said, "Must we come 

pe'malp'gwik ki-'gwamnuk wulr'dahasu 
this evening to our camp." Rejoiced 

moni'mlcwe's'u na't'e ola'dji'na na'ga 
Woodchuck there, they got ready, and 

omadje'oda'na wulr'dahasolduwak a'lnpbak 
they started off. They rejoiced the people 

nama'bedode'hi'dit o'denek 
when they arrived at the village. 

oma'djin kpi' ugwrla'ohan awa'Va' 
He went to the woods searching for beasts. 

ma'lam'te amaska'wp nagasi-'bi 

At last he found them, and then 

ugoga'loman awi-"kwi-man pala't-e 

he called for them, he called them to him. First 

agwrla'ohan do'nowa wr'g^dak' 

he looked for which one was willing 

awi'djr'leman a'lnpba' gr'zr be'daba'zi'dit 
to stay with people after they had assembled 

awa'Va' ne udr'lon nehe" a'wen 
the beasts; then he said, "Now, who 

wr'gadak' awi'djr'leman ko'so'snawa 
is willing to stay with our descendants?" 

ma'nit'e na'nagwutc gi-nHa'wele na'ga 
Then some were very angry and 

uda'lmi- bawa'skaha'sin udi'da'man 

went off shaking themselves, said, 

a"tama ni'a nawr'djHe'man uza'mi 
"Not I I stay because 

kadamp'ksasu'lduwak mala'm'te sala"ki 
they are too poor." At last suddenly 

be-'sago i-'dak ni - 'a nawi'djr'teman 
one said, "I I stay with 

ko'sa'snawak na'lawr'ste nawr'dji'- 

our descendants, I am willing now I with them* 

ka'dampksaswama'ijk na a'bmus i-'dak 
will share poverty." That dog said. 

naKwurra'was udi-'lan ga'matc 

Then Long-Hair said, "Very much 

kadala'mi'hi gra'tc' kr'sr wi'djo"- 
I thank you, you also can help* 



kemak ko'sa'snawak ni-"kwup' yu-'gi'k 
them our descendants, now these 

e'lami bawa'skahaso'ldi'djik ni-'gi'k 

going off shaking themselves these 

gi'a'tc gwi-'te'lmaguk ni'ki-a'mazi' 

you also they will fear you. They all 

eki'ki-'ki'djik gwr'te'lmaguk na'gasr'bi' 
different kinds they will fear you." And then 

wr"kwrmp kada'gi'hi awa - 's - a' udi - 'Ian 
he called them to him the other beasts. He said, 

o'wa ni-"kwup a'lamus owa'tc 

"This now dog him 

gwe'te'lamik owa' mi'"kwe ne'ka 
you will fear. This squirrel (is) most 

ma'dji'git ke'nuk ni'a' grzra'dawun 
evil one, but I can fix him 

a"tama'tc mr'na sona'g w si - wi na'ga 
and not will again be dangerous." And 

wr"kwrman udHan gi''a mi'"kwe 
he called him to him, he said, "You squirrel 

ki-ni-'na'gwzi ni-'atc' ki'zi-a'dolan 

powerful I indeed can fix you 

gabi'ir'sas'in e'dudji djabi'ir'sas'ian 

you become small, so small you become 

kwr'te'lmatc ka''ses nosa'mtaga'wenan 
you will also fear the crow." Then he stroked his 
hair, 

noma'djebrir'sas'in mi'"kwe ni'"kwup' 
then he began to grow small squirrel. Now 

eli'gi'lsas'it mi'"kwe 
he is as large as the squirrel. 

TRANSLATION 

Then he went away, Long-Hair; and he 
put on his belt, and said, "We must go back 
to grandmother this evening." Straightway 
they arrived at his grandmother's. Wood- 
chuck rejoiced so much, that Woodchuck 
wept on account of it. Then Long-Hair rested 
for seven days. He slept. When he had 
enough, again he said to his grandmother, 
"Again I will search for other people, of a 
different kind. We will move there where 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



231 



they are found. Extremely lonely it is here, 
for now I shall soon come back, and we shall 
begin to move there." Then Long-Hair left. 
He was told by his grandmother, "Now you 
walk southward, because there you will find 
good people." After seven days he came to a 
village, and again he entered the first wigwam. 
The people rejoiced, and there he was their 
guest. He was told, "We rejoice very much 
that you have come, for here is a very good 
village. There is much game. This is a good 
place to live in, only that some beasts are 
dangerous. Now, if you stay here, you can 
subdue these bad beasts by magic." Then said 
Long-Hair, "I am glad to see you ; and proba- 
bly we shall move here, and we shall stay 
with you, I and my grandmother." The next 
morning he left. He put on his belt; he spoke 
to it; he said, "We must come this evening to 
our camp." Woodchuck rejoiced, and they 
got ready and started off. The people re- 
joiced when they arrived at the village. 

Then he went into the woods, searching for 
beasts. At last he found them, and then he 
called them by hallooing to them. First he 
sought out which one was willing to stay with 
the people. After the beasts had assembled, 
then he said, "Now, who is willing to stay 
with our descendants?" And some were very 
angry, and went off shaking themselves, say- 
ing, "Not I will stay, because they are too 
poor." At last suddenly one said, "I will stay 
with our descendants, I am willing now, I 
will share their poverty with them." It was 
the dog that spoke. Then Long-Hair said, 
"I thank you very much, for you also can 
help them, our descendants. Henceforth 
those who went off shaking themselves, they 
shall also hold you in fear. All of the other 
different kinds shall hold you in fear." And 
then he called the other beasts, and he said, 
"Now, this dog, him you shall fear. The 
squirrel is the most evil one, but I can fix 
him so that he will not again be dangerous." 
And he called him, and said, "You, squirrel, 
powerful one, I indeed can make you become 



small; so small may you become, that you 
indeed will fear the crow." And he stroked 
his hair, and the squirrel began to grow small. 
Now he is only as large as the squirrel. 



4. LONG-HAIR'S GRANDMOTHER DIES, AND 

HE FALLS IN LOVE, ONLY TO BE KILLED 

BY A JEALOUS SORCERESS 

nuna'di'elin ama'stahan awa'Va' 

Then he went hunting, he got a supply of beasts. 

na'gasi-'bi amr'tawan mr'tcawci'gan 
And then he gave away the food 

awa-'s-wi'ye na'ga wuli-'dahaso'lduwak 
animal meat and they rejoiced 

a'lnpbak edu'dji wala'm'tak' w pi-'li- 
the people, so kind he was the strange 

a'lnpbe umi'tso'ldi'na ba'magana 

man, they feasted they danced. 

namoni'mkwe's'u uda"kwama < lsin na'ste 
Then Woodchuck became sick, soon 

ume"tci-ne ga'motc Kwun-a'was 

she died. Very Long-Hair 

usigi'dahasu ode'ldamanal o"kamas-al 
felt lonesome, he missed his grandmother, 

taba'was geso'gani seska'demu ndo'kHat 
seven days he wept, then he woke up; 

agwHa'wamba'man p'he'namu e'lpkwa"- 
he went to look for a woman to cook for* 

lagotcil nr'swa' o-'li'na'wan be'ssgo 
him, two looked good to him, one 

sa77gama"skwe"s-is kada'k ktaha'n'doskwe' 
a chief's daughter, the other a great sorceress. 

ni-la"skwe a'was-a-'gi tcuwe'lmagu'l 

The latter beyond measure wanted him. 

na'kskwe Kwun-a'was abe-'mebman 
Young girl Long-Hair he preferred, 

sa'Tjgamaskwe'Vi'sal e'dudji naktaha'n-- 
the chief's daughter; so then the* 

doskwe ali-'daha'mat ndahaba'skwe 
sorceress thought, "Impossible that one 

Kwun'a'was ama's'ana'wi'al ni-'lil 

Long-Hair will get her the one 



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e'tcwe'lmadji'l ni''a nda"tcwi masa'iva 
he wants, I I must possess 

Kwurra'was ala'tc ni-'takta'gwi ni'"kwup 
Long-Hair or else I will kill both." Now 

namadjedabr'dahada'man dan udli'gi'zrna- 
then she began to think out how she could 

ba"ka'tawan Kwun-a'was'al pala'fe 
entice Long-Hair. First of all 



ogomo'dana'man 
she stole 



uga'dagwa'bi'zun 
his belt, 



na'gasr'bi udlo"san e - 'Hit wr'gwomwa'k 
and then she went where he was in his wigwam. 



udr'lan 
She said 



Kwurra'wasal 
to Long-Hair, 



nabe't' 
"I wish 



gi-'zi'alho'li'a'ne ktcr'mana'hanuk naga'di'- 
you could paddle me over to the big island, I want 

nada'wi'zi asi^'ki'mr'nal gi's 

to pick low-bush cranberries. Can 

nda'lawadmr'gemi nda'l'hcr'tagen ki'a't'e 
not get any one else to paddle me over, but you 

mas-aha-'la ka'dawo-'mbemal naKwuiva'- 
are the last one I am going to request." Then- 

was udr'lan ni - a nawr'gada'man 
Long-Hair said, "I I am willing 

gadoTho-'l-an naga'matc wuli-'doha'su 
to paddle you over." Then very much she felt 

pleased 

ktaha'rrdoskwe nawubcr'srna ktcrmana'- 
the great sorceress. Then they went to the big- 

hanuk bedjr'ta-'dit udr'lan Kwun-a'wasal 
island. When they came there, she said to 
Long-Hair, 

nsa'wa'tu nga'drandala"si-mi r'yu- 

"I am tired, I want to rest here, 



pal'a" a - 'birre ma'^ae'Vos udr'lan 
first let us sit down a little while." He said 

Kwun'a'was a'ha a - 'bin - e nola'bin 
Long-Hair, "Yes, let us sit down." Then they 
sat down. 

oma'dje a'eda wula'wenan Kwun'a'was 
She began so to stroke his hair, Long-Hair 



uga - 'win nawaha'n'doskwe ude'stawan 
fell asleep, then the sorceress placed 



uma'ksan 
her moccasin 



wa'dabak 
on his head, 



Kwun'a'wasal 
Long-Hair's. 



nega-'lat wi'"kw3n3m3n udu'l na'ga 
Then she left him, she took her canoe and 



abcr'sin 
went away, 

to"ki-lat 
He woke up 

una-'mi'ha'wial 
he saw her 



unaga't'han 
she abandoned 



Kwun-awasal 
Long-Hair. 

Kwun-a'was nda"tama 

Long-Hair, not 



p'he'namu 
his woman, 



ma'nit'e 
then 



awewi - 'daha'mal unaga'thogul nobaba'- 
he knew (what had happened). He was abandoned, 

mo'san mana'hanuk uma-'daban 

then he wandered all about the island. He 

walked down 



si-'damuk' 
to the'shore, 



nona - 'mi'han 
then he saw 



name"slzal 
a little fish, 



nodr'lan naga't'hoge-'nia nodla'gi'man 
then he said, "I am abandoned then inform 

na'dji' we'wado"keman ktci'a'srga-'Iadi 
go tell him the big bone shark 



nda'tcwe'ldaman 
I wish 



nat'a'gaho'lngun 
to be taken ashore." 



nobeda'gadelan asi'ga'ladi udi - 'lan 

Then he came swimming the bone shark. He said 

Kwun-a'wasal kanofa'gaho'lal de'so"se 
to Long-Hair, "I will take you ashore; get upon 



na ga 
and 



ksba'sigi'gwewin 
close your eyes, 

ke-'gwus 
whatever 



nbeskwa - 'nak 
my back 

mo'zak ampska'br'katc 

do not open your eyes, 

noda-'mane no'noda-man mi-'lkwezo v lduwak 
you may hear." Then he heard various kinds of 
noises. 

mala'm'te sala"ki- wunoda-'wal a'wenil 
At last suddenly he heard some one 

ke-'dawinto'li'djil 
singing, 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



233 



po'gadja'wana'daba's pe'bam ho-'o'lut 
"Old ruffled head of hair is sailing about. 



kr'nau kr'nau 
See him! see him!" 

awe'rra ge - 'dawi'ntak agwedji-'molan 
"Who that singing?" he asked him. 

e'kwadji'ksi'da'we eVaga-'na' unafa'gos-a 
"Dont" listen, it is clams." He walked ashore, 

ama'djin awr'gwomuk be'djo'set 

he went to his wigwam. When he came 

wr'gwo'muk e'bagwatc ki'stemr'tcawa- 
to the wigwam, on account of it ready at once was* 



gan grzai/gwa saman 
food already cooked 



ktaha'rrdoskwe 
the sorceress. 



Kwurra'was udr'lan ge-'gwi'welo'san 
Long-Hair said to her, "Why did you come? 

ke'labi'no'des'e ktaha'irdoskwe 1 i-'darn 
Get out of here !" The sorceress said, 

a - 'ha' no'des-e' kami^'mi-wra'!!' 

"Yes! I will get out, you have driven me away, 

ke'nuk kadi- 'HI gode'ldamantc e'li- 
but I say to you you will be sorry how 

mi-"mi-wi-ha'li-an ni-"kwup kadado"keul 
if you drive me out. Now I will tell you 

elr'dabr'lak wu'ira na'kskwe e'tcwe'lmat 
what has happened, that girl you desired 

kwo'zi-'lat se'nabal madje"kawa'dowak 
has run away with a man. They ran away, 

ke'nuk ni-'a nawe-'welamo e-'rt 
but I I know where she is. 

nda'haba gi'a' kamaska'o ke'nuk 
It is impossible you you find her; but 

tcwelda-'mane kada"ki-'nosa'laltc 

if you wish, I will show you." 

Kwun-a'was awr'gada'man udlo"san 
Long-Hair was willing to go, 

noma'djrna ktahan'do'skwal ma'lam 
they started the sorceress. At last 



be'djo'sak elama'dani-"kik udi'da'man 
they came among the mountains. She said 

auha'n-doskwe' an-i-' gabedjo"san 

that sorceress, "Now you have come 

gwa"h'- e-'i'hi-'dit oda'lo'hwi -< gan udr'lan 
near where they are." She pointed, she said, 

ne'i'hi-'dit nr'swak wa'djowak ni- 
"There are two mountains, there 

awa"s-i e-'i'hi-'dit de'banuk ki - s 
beyond they are, soon after 

basade-'ge kdlo"sa < nena note 

nightfall we will go, and there 

ngama's-ana'nena mala'm'te ki-s ba'sadek 
we shall take them unawares." Then after dark 



madji - 'na 
they went. 



ma-'lam'te 
At last 



gwa"Jr nama' 
near to where 



wa'djowak e - 'i'hi'dit udi - 'ian nehe" 
the mountains they were she said, "Now, 



gra 
you 



nr'ka'n'ose 
go ahead!" 



uni''ka'n - o'san 
He went on ahead 



Kwun - a'wos ma'lom'te eba - "s - i e'i-'t 
Long-Hair. At last half way he was, 



numi-"kawi- v dahada < man 
then he remembered 

na'ste' ti'k-e"pode 

Soon the earth rumbled, 



uga'dagwa'bi'zun 
his belt. 

na'skwe gi's 

then already 



wza'mi me"tsi gi'z we-'udji'te'si-nu 

too late, already they collided 

wa'djowak nomadje'lan ktaha'n-doskwe' 

the mountains. Then she went the great sorceress 



wr'gwomuk 
to her wigwam. 

Kwun-a'wasal 
Long-Hair. 

n'doskwe' 
sorceress 

Kwun-a'wasal 
Long-Hair. 



wuli-'daha'su 
She rejoiced 

wi - 'kwi - 'dahasu 
She made fun 

e'li'gr'zi' 
how she had 

nana'kskwesis 
That young girl 



se'ka'wat 
conquering 

ktaha'- 
the 

ba'kada'wa 
fooled 

a"tama 
not ever 



madji-'lewi-'sa e'bagwatc no na'kskwesi-'s 
went from home, on account of it that young girl 



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VOL. I 



usi-gi-'daha'su e'li- me"tci'ne Kwurra'was 
felt sorry how he died Long-Hair. 

name'tp'begat atlo"kpga'n 
Then here ends the story. 

TRANSLATION 

Then he went hunting and got a great sup- 
ply of game. And then he gave away the 
food, this animal meat; and the people re- 
joiced, so kind-hearted was the strange man, 
they feasted, they danced. Then Woodchuck 
became sick, and soon she died. Very lone- 
some was Long-Hair. He missed his grand- 
mother. For seven days he wept, then he 
woke up; and he went to look for a woman to 
cook for him. Two looked good to him* One 
was the chief's daughter, the other was a great 
sorceress. The latter desired him beyond 
measure. But the young girl Long-Hair pre- 
ferred, the chief's daughter. So then the 
sorceress thought, "Never that one will Long- 
Hair get, her, the one he wants; for I indeed 
must possess Long-Hair, or else I shall kill 
both." Thereupon she began to think out 
how she could entice Long-Hair. First of all, 
she stole his belt; and then she went where his 
wigwam was, and said to Long-Hair, "I wish 
you could paddle me over to the big island, for 
I wish to pick low-bush cranberries. I cannot 
get any one else to paddle me over. Now you 
are the last I am going to request." Then Long- 
Hair said, "I? I am willing to paddle you 
over." Then she felt very much pleased, the 
great sorceress. And they went to the big 
island. When they came there, she said to 
Long-Hair, "I am weary, I wish to rest here 
first ; so let us sit down a little while." Then 
said Long-Hair, "Yes, let us sit down." And 
they sat down. She began so to stroke his 
hair that Long-Hair fell asleep. Then the 
sorceress placed her moccasin on his head, 
and she left him. She took her canoe and 
went away, abandoning Long-Hair. When 
Long-Hair woke up, he did not see his woman, 
then he knew what had happened. He was 



abandoned. And he wandered about the 
island and walked down to the shore. Then 
he saw a little fish, and said, "I am abandoned, 
go inform the big Bone Shark. Go tell him 
that I wish to be taken ashore." Then the 
Bone Shark came swimming, and said to 
Long-Hair, "I will take you ashore. Get upon 
my back and close your eyes. Do not open 
your eyes, whatever you may hear." And he 
heard various kinds of noises. At last he 
heard some one singing, 

"Old ruffled head of hair is sailing about. See him! 
See him!" 

"Who is that singing?" he asked him. 
"Don't listen to it, it's the clams." Then he 
walked ashore and went to his wigwam. 
When he came to his wigwam, food was ready 
at once. It had already been cooked by the 
sorceress. Then Long-Hair said to her, "Why 
did you come? Get out of here!" Then the 
sorceress answered, "Yes, I will get out. You 
have driven me away. But I say to you, you 
will be sorry if you drive me out. Now I will 
tell you what has happened. That girl you 
desired has run away with a man. They have 
gone. But it is I who knows where she is. 
It is impossible for you to find her; but if 
you wish, I will show you." Long-Hair was 
willing to go, and they started. At last they 
came among the mountains; and the sorceress 
said, "Now you have come near where they 
are." She pointed, and said, "There are two 
mountains. Over there, beyond, they are. 
Soon after nightfall we will go and take them 
unawares." Then after nightfall they went; 
and when they were near the mountain, she 
said, "Now, you go ahead." Long-Hair went 
on ahead. At last, when he was half way, he 
remembered his belt. Soon the earth rum- 
bled ; but then it was already too late, for the 
mountains had collided. 

Then the great sorceress went to her wig- 
wam. She rejoiced at conquering Long-Hair. 
The sorceress made a joke of how she had 
fooled Long-Hair. That young girl had never 



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235 



left home. On account of it the young girl 
grieved, because Long-Hair was dead. Here 
ends the story. 

5. FROTH-OF-WATER (BI-"TES) 

[The Virgin Birth; Abandonment of the 
Mother; The Child becomes a Prodigy, and 
Kills the Invulnerable White-Bear by a 
Shot in the Heel, and Frees the People.] 

wo.wi-'git atlo"kagan na'kskwe 

Here camps story. Young girl 

be'ki-'nakskwe l wi-git'tka"samo medjr'mi 
pure girl ' was fond of swimming, always 

kla'hama'wan neba'udodji wi-git'tka"samin 
advised her against so much fond of swimming 

wi-ga'wus-al sala"kitc alambegwr'no'sis 2 
her mother (said), "Some time Under- Water-Nymph 2 

gama'dji'be'djip'hak'* a"tama djiksada'mu 
will put you in trouble," Not she obeyed, 

pe'sagw-un eli-\vrgit'tka"s3rnit' sala"ki 
just the same so fond of swimming. At last 

peba'mi-tka"samit' unafaga'zogun 

once moving around swimming, as she waded ashore, 

ni-we'lkwes-et una-'mi-han bo'kade'za' 
in front of where she was going she saw bubbles 

moski-'lpdjik ski-'dabegwe amal'hi-na'wa 
coming up on the surface of water. She was* 

surprised, 

nodjani-'gaba'win e'skwatelaba'mat sala"- 
then she stopped and looked. While looking, sud= 

kife ma'djebi-'ta'ilak e'skwelaba'mat 
denly began gradually turning while looking 

udli-na'wa ma'n-aba awa's-is na'ste 
ultimately it appeared resembling baby, 

be'dji-no'lam'san manife skaula'm'soge 
then came a breeze. Then it blew towards her 

bi'"te nozek'pa'ulagun noga'di- madje'- 
the froth. Then she got frightened. Then she* 

p'howan gi-za'skwe nda"tegane wza'mr 
wanted to get away from it, already could not, too 

1 A virgin. 

1 A supernatural creature believed to live beneath 
the water. 



me'tsi- ki-s bi-"tes amo/te"ka7/gun 
much late already froth came into contact with her. 

na'ste da'li-wa'nrle bi-"tes unat-aga'- 
Then it disappeared froth. She waded* 

zogan noma'djin wi'gwomwak a'skamat' 
ashore, then she went home. Thereafter 

a"tami-'na tka"sami- anelmi-'dabi-'lak 
not again swam. As time went on, 

sala"kife madje'gan wa-'de nodi-'bgun 
all at once began to grow her belly. Then said 

wi-ga'wus-al tanmi-'na kdli'dabi-'lan 

her mother, "What more trouble has happened to= 
you?" 

i-'dak na'kskwe nda'fegek' w ndli'dabi-'iau 
Said the girl, "Nothing ails me, 

ke'gwuseb3gwa' wi-ga'wus-al' udi-'Jagun 
what for (why)?" Her mother said to her, 

ga'madjga k3mal'hi-'nag w zi- ke'geme"si- 
"Very you look surprising why 

madje'gak' ka'de e'lwe't se'n^be ki-'zi- 
grows your belly, it seems man already 

be"sut'kpk' w i-'dak na'kskwe ni-'ga 
has been near you." Said the girl, "Mother, 

e'sma ni-a' se'nabe nabe" 

never me man came 

sut'ka'go udi-'Jagun wi-ga'wus-al' ka'di 
near me." She said her mother, "You are trying to 

naba"kadawi- kenu'gtc a'da ki-'zi-ka'bzi-yu 
deceive me, but also not you can hide yourself, 

debane'tde kwe'wHa mala'm'te sala"ki- 
here soon you will be found out." Then at last 

ki'na'p'skazu ne'mi-ho'go't ami-"tak' w sal' 
very large she looked. When he saw her, her father 

udi-'bgun ga'matc kama'dji- p'he'namwi- 
he said, "Very you are bad woman, 

a'nsaba r"kaska'mone gwa'sk' w taho'bba 
I have a notion if I did not hold in myself to strike* 
you dead. 

nani'"kwup' yu't-etc wi-'gi-an n9gwi - "tci- 
Now here you will live alone, 

ta'nt'e eli'bedji-'ian ni'"kwup' yu't'e 
whatever (fate) may come to you. Now here 



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VOL. I 



edalinagado'damlek' ni-a kadjrbagi-'de- 
where we are going to leave you. I I am disgusted* 

homed ni'"kwup' ta'n't'e eli'gwaskwa'lami- 
with you now, whether you may die of starvation 

alet'da noma'djeoda'di'no. nagwado'dene 
or not." Then they moved away the whole village. 

na'fe edali'naga'lot' na'kskwe ga'matc 
Then there leaving her young girl very 

o'da uli-'dehazi me'tci'naga'lot' 

not she was happy. She was left alone to die, 

eli-daha'zit' ta'rrdje't' ndlr'debHan 

she thought, "What now will become of me 

ultimately? 

e'lwefetc yunda'li- kwaskwa'lamin 

It seems probable here I shall die of starvation." 

ne'dudji- memla'wr seska'demit' ma-'lam 
Thereupon greatly she burst out crying. Then, 

eskwedaTpozit sala"kr bedjr'dawrtat 
while she was crying, suddenly came flying 

kaskama'nas-u i-'dak ek' w pa'zi - nda'haba 
Kingfisher. He said, "Don't grieve, impossible 

kwaskwa'lami-yu nr'a'tc wi'djo"kemal 
to die of starvation here. For I I will help you, 

naga ko"kemasarradja"tc karrena'welmuk' 
and our grandmother also will take care of you, 

p'ske'gadamu's 1 kri - ulr'dehozu na'kskwe 
P'ske'gadsmu's. 1 Ki-i; she was glad the girl; 

i' - dak en - i'" nabma'uzin nodr'ton 
she said, "So! I will live." She told 

kaskama'nas'wal' wlr'unr ga'matc 

Kingfisher, "Thank you very much 

kdala'mi'hr mala'm'te wela'gwrwik 
you please me very much." Then in evening 

bi'dr'get wi'ne"so's'is alas'a"kamr'gwrye 
came old woman, ground-moss material 

udlag w de'wa?;gan na'ga ka^kski-'gabral 
her clothing and cedar-bark 

ugadagwa'bi'zun 2 udr'lon kwe'nas 

her belt; 1 she said, "Grandchild, 

moza"k ke'gwus debr'dahada'mo'katc 
don't anything worry, in mind 

1 A female supernatural creature, referred to by 
the Kingfisher as their "grandmother." 

8 This is the native conception of the appearance of 
the fairy-woman. 



sarrkewi-'dehasi ni-'a'tc kanena'welmal 
be contented, for I will take care of you." 

ta'nedodji de'banaskawi'ha'dan na'kskwe 
When it was time for her to bear a child girl 

udr'lan no"kami - ga'matc nolr'dahasi 
said, "Grandma, much I am glad. 

kada'lamrzawa'mal 

I thank you very much" (for what you are going to do). 

yuga'skwe 8 abma'uzwr'noma ktci'so'r/gama 
These his* people great chief 

ktci'azaga"te 4 elmot'ha'di'hi'dit si'pki- 
Big-Screech-Owl 4 moved away long while 

bedo't'hadowak awa"s - i- bema'dani'"kik 
getting there far over the range of mountains* 
(divide) 

ne'dali'ska'mohodit o'dene ma'nit-e 

there they met with village. Then 

uda'liwrk'azo'ldi'na yuga'skwe a'lnabak 
there they settled these people 

eda'lode'nedjik adagwr'na oli-dahama'wi-wa 
inhabitants of village. Not really they were<= 

pleased. 

ma'nife uma'djeka'dona'lawa yu'hi-' 
Then they began to be hostile to these 

pr'lawi a'lnoba ma'nit'e ktci - azaga"te 
strange people. Then Big-Screech-Owl 

owe'wi'na'wa elikadona'lgohodit udi'lan 
knew how they were after their lives; he said 

ubmauzwi-'noma' kda"tcwrtc mi-ga"kebna 
to his people, "Must we fight 

ka'di-a'iyagwe mala'm'te sala"ki a'lnabe 
if we want to stay." Then at last a man 

be'djo'se udr'lan ktci'azaga"tal' ka'di- 
came; he said to Big-Screech-Owl, "If you are* 
going 

i-'yu a'iyegwe kda"tcwi'tc mi'ga"ke 
here to stay, you must also fight, 

wzam a'da ni'u'na namo'sadjrune'wi'- 
because not we we love them 

8 The scene here reverts to the girl's father and his 
band. 

4 The species denoted here is Cryptoglaux acadica. 
The name is derived from the native idea of its cry. 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



237 



na'wak brlwi'a'ln^bak wzam ni'u'na 
strange people, because our 

sa'Tjgamamna womp'sk'" ba'lpba'o 

our chief White-Bear is proud. 

kda"tcwi'tc se'ka'wi'bena p'da se'kawi''- 
You must conquer us, not if you conquer* 

wek'we kda"tcwrtc ali'bma'uzrba tphalau' 
us you must live the same as 

awa"kanak i - 'dak ktci - pzaga"te airi 1 " 
slaves." Said Big-Screech-Owl, "So! 

ki-zpdji'to'bba ta'rrtado'dji- ki'zp'djr 
we are ready whenever you are ready 

nami'ga"kon a"tama nodji'madje'oda'wan 
to fight; not ever away from here we shall leave." 

noma'djin a'lnpbe saTjgama'k-e udr'lan 
Then left the man, (he went) to the chief. He said 

sa'T/gamal' a"tarrm madjeoda'drwi'ak 
to the chief, "Not they will leave; 

ugi'zp'dji'na umi - ga"kana r'dak 

they are ready, they fight." Said 

sa'ngama arri-" nagase'ba kwi-'ldawo'nena 
the chief, "So, and to-morrow we will attack." 

geheTa wespoza"ki - wik agwrlda'wona 
Accordingly next morning they attacked; 

noda'odina ma- 'lam sala"kr sa'jjk'hHat 
they began a battle. Then suddenly came out 

wamp'sk' w ni'uk a'eda 1 ktci - pzaga"te 
White-Bear these well 1 Big-Screech-Owl 

wzenp'bema elpbo'ldihi'dit ma'nife 

his men they looked and saw. Then 

madjep'ho"hadowak naktcrpzaga"te 

they began to run with fright. Then Big-Screech-Owl 

noda'dahazu elp'bit sai/k'hi-'lat' awa'V 
became discouraged when he saw coming up the* 
beast 

elgi'kwi-'nog w zit amp'tawa"kwe aspo"s-e 
so big looked he half way up the trees his height 

nedalrnaska'dahazit noga'galawan udr'lan 
here he got discouraged he cried out he said 

wa'mp'skwal' gi'sta'hi'bana kla'hamaVe 
to White-Bear, "You have conquered us stop off 

1 Rhetorical pause. 

1 The scene now returns to the heroine. 



kQzeiVbemak nala'wiste nda'wa'ka'nwi'bana 
your men I give up now we will become slaves," 

i-'dak wamp'sk' w arri-" uli-'gan 

said White-Bear, "So! that's good." 

noga'l'hamawan wzenp'bema udi-'lan 
Then he stopped his men he said, 

e"kwi'huk' awa'ka'rrowak 

"Let them alone they have become slaves." 

wana'kskwe 2 ktcipza'ga"te udo'zal' 

That girl 2 Big-Screech-Owl his daughter 

abr'us'as'i'dami'n ski - no"si - zal ma's- 

had delivered her baby a boy Ma's= 

ki-k' w si' 3 udi - 'lan senp'besis nami-- 
ki-k' w si- J said, "The little man is now* 

hi-'g w su ke'gwus tci'gadli-'wi'la i-'dak 
seen what will you name him? She said, 

po'kade'zi'bi-"tes wzam p'skwe dali'- 
' Bubble-Froth' because why there he* 

krzi-'dabr'le nabr'k 
was conceived in water." 

i - 'dak p'ske'gadamu's an-i 1 " uli - '- 
Said P'ske'gadamu's, "So! a good* 

wi-zu owa"tc ki-z^ba'i'de ne'k'^ktaha'n 1 - 
name he also, after he becomes a man, 
(will become) greatest great* 

dowit se'npbe i-'yu alak'wamr'gi' 
magician man here on this side of the land 

naste'tc awa"s - i' pda'wahanik ulr'dahpzu 
and soon across the top of the range." Rejoiced 

na'kskwe na'lau p'ske'gadamu's olrnena'- 
the girl then P'ske'gadamu's took* 

welman wiga'wus'uit na'ga une'manal 
good care of her the mother and her son 



ki'i- 
Ki-i-1 



na'tcwa 
Then that 



kaskama'nas'u 
Kingfisher 



abe'dewa'da's'in e'ki'ki'gi'li -< dji'hi- na'me's'a' 
bringing back all kinds of fish 

* A supernatural creature, another name for 
P'ske'gadamu's. The etymology of the name is not 
clear. The narrator interpreted it as denoting "a 
woman whose eyes tempt men." 



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VOL. I 



ga'matc ola'uzik'ha nenawelma'dji-hi- 
very much he fed them well those whom he was* 
taking care of, 

a"tcwa ski g no"sis sa'TjglabaVu na'ga 
and that boy grew very healthy and 

na'bi'go nagi'ste'bagi-'luk' nama'ski-k'*"si 
fast. Then when he had grown enough, then- 

Ma'ski'k' w si- 

udage"ki-mon unadre'lHin ugi-zi-'ta'wun 
taught him to hunt, made him 

tabi-al' na'ga kpi- udlo"salan 

a bow and in woods took him 

ma"tagwe's g u"kana gi-zage"ki-man elr- 
they hunted rabbits. When she taught him how= 

nadi-e'li-muk nane'gama ski-no"sis 

to hunt then he boy 

nagwi g "tci-t g e una'di-elin mHewa'da's-u 
all alone hunted lots of game he brought, 

awa's-wi-ye oli'grza'uzik'ha wrga'wus-al' 
wild meat well provided for his mother 

na'ga o"kamas-al' maski-'k' w si-al' 1 

and his grandmother Maski-'k' w si-. 1 

ma-la'm'te gi-zaba'o ni-u'l kaskama'nas-wal 
Then when he became a man then this Kingfisher, 

gwi-'na wi-'dabal udi-'lagun tca"kaba 
really his friend told him, "You ought to 

kwi'la'oha kmo"sumas na'ga ko"kamas 
search for your grandfather and your grandmother 

na'ga kada-'gik kdalna'bemak nabe'djo'- 
and others your people." Then coming- 

s g at wi-'gwomwak udi-'lan wi-ga'was-al' 
to his wigwam, he said to his mother 

na'ga maski-'k' w si - al ndi - 'lak' w 

and Maski-'k'-si-, "Told me 

kaskama'nas-u ndalna'bemak a'gwa 

Kingfisher my relatives, it is said, 

pse'luk' nani g "kwup nagadi-kwHaohok' 
are many. Now then I am going to search for them." 

udi-'lan maskr'k' w si g al' tanala'gwi- 

He said to Maski-'k' w si-, "Which way 

1 The term "grandmother" is here used in accordance 
with native ideas of courtesy. 



e'i-hi'dit ndalnp'bemak ma'nife i-'dak 
are they my people?" Then said 

ma'ski - k' w si' ga'matc nawa'doge ke'nuk 
Ma'skrk' w si', "Very far away but 

aso"ke tcu' kabe'dji'lan e'oldi'dit 
certainly surely you will come where they are." 

i-'dak an-i-" ni-"kwup' yu't'e gadlo"s-an 
She said, "So! now here you go on toward 

nala"t3gwe's-naok ma-'lam'tetc kanami-"tun 
north direction at length also you see 

pe'mrawanad3ni - ' < kek ane-o'ldi-hi'dit 

a cross-range of hazy mountains then there they are 

awa"si kdalna'bemak wespoza"ki - wik 
across your people." Next morning 

u'dji'madje'lan Bi-"tes na'lau 

went away Froth meanwhile 

abmo'Van kage'so'gani- ma'la'm'te 

walking along a long day's journey. At last 

sala"ki ela'bit' pe' + 'mrawana'doni-'kek 
suddenly looking [he saw] way off a cross-range of 
misty mountains. 

ki'i- uli-'dahazu i-'dak de'bonefe 
Ki-i-l He rejoiced, he said, "Soon 

nbe'dji-'an eo'ldi-hi'dit ndalna'bemak 
I shall come where they are my people." 

ki'i- elmi-'lat wi - zana'g w zu taba'was 
Ki-i- going along he hurried himself seven 

kesogana'ki'wik nobe'dji'lon awa'sa'donowa'i 
days' time. Then he came to the other side of the 
mountains. 

una'mi-'tun o'dene i-'dak an-i'" de'bane 
He saw a village. He said, "So! Soon 

na'mrhan ndalna'bemak ela'bit una'mi-'tun 
I shall see my people." Looking he saw 

eba'so'dene tcr'k'te a'skwe kada'k 
half the village quiet, then other 

agamo'dene tci'bagi-"ta7/gwat dali-- 

side the village appeared noisy, many 

abe'skwomhadi-djik kada-'gik a'skwe 
together there playing ball, others then 

bamaga'hadowak ni"tam'tek wi-'g\\ r om 
were dancing. The first wigwam 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



239 



amadje'gi-- 
Then she* 



ubi-'di-gan tci-'k'tek ala'gwi- wada"k 
he entered in the quiet direction there was 

moni'mkwes-u ma'nife wi'se'lmu 

Woodchuck. Then she cried 

anspi-' da'ldon'ke i-'dak ali-'ge nkwe'nas 
while there talking. She said, "Poor grandson, 

ga'matc ni-'una nza'k-ahadi-'bana 

very much we we suffer 

mazi-' ni-'una awa"k - anak 
all we slaves." 

dama'wan Bi-"tezal' weda'uzHit 

began to relate to Froth her life-history. 

i-'dak nadja"tc gra kawi-'dji- 

She said, "And then you you with 

awa"kanwi- anode'k' w pazin anobe'nag w zin 
slave sort." Then she stopped grieving she bustled* 
around. 

udla'jjkwelan uda'dji'han Bi'"tesal 

She prepared food, she made him over with good* 
food, Froth. 

nomi-'tsi Bi-"tes neda'li-'pit a'lnabe 
Then he ate Froth; while there eating, a man 

bi'di-gi-'gada'hit i-'dak 
rushed in quickly. He said, 

kpi-'wus p'ma'p'tuwHan kaba'po'ldi'ben 
in the bush is tracked going by we will have* 
sport, 

a'gwa no'so'ka'wona i-'dak moni'mkwes-u 
it is said, they pursued him." Said Woodchuck, 

ki-'nag w ba pla"gi-zr"po se'nabe ma'nit'e 
"At least ought to wait till he is done eating the* 
man." Then 

Bi-"tes i-'dak an-i-" debne't-e ngi-za'dji- 
Froth said, "So! soon I shall be ready, 



awa s-is ivyu 
A little beast here 



nawi'gam'holagun 
I am fond of 



ni - a"tc ga'matc 

I too very 

pa"pwagan na't'e gi'zi'"pit uwi'"kwunan 
sport." Then when he finished eating he took 

uda"tabi - al udr'lan moni'mkwes'wal' 

his bow. He told Woodchuck, 

mo'za'k nsa'hi'katc no"kami - nono'delan 
"Don't worry about me, Grandmother." Then* 
he went on 



Bi-"tes yu'geda'k se'nabak se'ka'ldi'djik 
Froth. Here (outside) men were standing 

eda'lska-wazo'ldi'djik udi'-Jan Bi'"tesal' 
there waiting for him. They said to Froth, 

yu't-e kpi-'wus abma'p'tuwi-'lan awa's-is 
"Here in the thicket fresh tracks going by,* 

little animal 

nauza'man'e nage'hel'a ama'djaba'zi-no 
let us chase him." Surely they all went forth. 

ma-la'm'te pema'p'tuwi-'lat ela'bit 

Then his tracking looking 

Bi'"tes ki'nala'gitdi'e'na 1 wada"k 

Froth, ki-nala'gitdi-e'na * there 

pema'p'tuwi -> tat ma'n'aba wi'gwom 

his tracks going like a wigwam 

wa'djr kedji'p'tazi-gaza'ne wudjki - 'k 
as though greatly pulled out from the ground 

e'sp<xmp'tak' w e - e" 2 ma'nit'e kwagwo'male 
such big tracks e~e - l 2 Right away he began to run 

Bi - "tes uno"so'ka < wan awa - 's - i'zal e - e - 
Froth, chasing the little animal, / 

na - 'lau agwagwo'male yu'gaskwa'ln^bak 
Then how he ran. These people 

mazr' bad9ge'k'hodjo'lduwak udji'gi' 1 - 
all hung back. They let him* 

ta'wawat Bi-"tesal' uni'"- 

go ahead Froth he went ahead* 

kanHalin e'bagwa'tc awi-'kwi'dahamawal 
of them on account of it they were laughing at* 
him in their minds 

wa'skwe Bi-"tes e'lmi-lat ma-'lam 
this Froth as he was going along. Then 

udad3mi'"ka'wal awas'i'zal' ela'bit 

he overtook him little beast looking (he saw) 

gi-'nalagitdre'na wada"k se"ket 

gi-'nalagildi-e'na there standing 

amptawa"kwe spo"se w5 - bi'awe"s-us 
half way up the trees in height White-Bear 

ktaha'n-dwi' wamp'sk' w gi'i' nabma'dje'wan 3 
magic White-Bear gi-vl then he shot at him ' 

1 An expression of extreme surprise. 

2 Rhetorical, like ki~i\ 

3 An objurgative form, see footnote I, p. 220. 



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VOL. I 



a"tebagwatc weo'lpwral nemi'na a'bamon 
not because of this he felt it. Then again he shot, 

ma 1 'lam me"tcHal aba"kwal mas-ala'fe 
then all were used up the arrows except 

be'sagwun aba"kwe ki's mal'hi-'dahazu 
one arrow. Thereupon he wondered 

Bi-"tes sala"kife soj/k'hi'dawi-'Jat 

Froth, suddenly came out flying 

ktci'gi'gHa"sis ma'nife pa'gas'in Bi - "tes 
Chicadee. Then he alighted (struck) Froth 

udla'lmaTjga'nok' ma'nife madje"kwezu 
on his shoulder. Then began making a noise> 
(whispering) 

ki'gi-'mi' ktcrgi'grgi-gr wa'gwa'nak 

slyly "Ktci-gi-gi-gi- heel." 

eVbit Bi-"tes ke'gwus neda'ltes-uk 
Looking Froth something throbbing there 

wa'gwa-nak wamp'sk'" p+ aba'madje 1 - 
at his heel White-Bear ^-|- he shot- 

oda'man 1 edalap'skr"tes - uk na'ste 

it ' where the throbbing thing was. Then 

udlmi-gi-'bi'lan wamp'sk'" Bi'"tes 

he toppled over White-Bear, Froth 

eli-'lat wa'ijgada'k tci - dana"kwrhazu 
going there he was dead he was stiff. 

me"tci-ne el^'bit Bi'"tes udeza'k'"- 
He died looking Froth he had- 

tela'man ule'war/gan womp'sk'" aba"kwe 
shot him his heart White-Bear arrow 

spba-'mo ule'waTjganuk ki'r ma-'lam'te 
clear through in his heart. Ki-i-t Then 

saTjk'haba'zi'hi-'dit a'ln^bak na'n-agwutc 
they came up in a mass the people, some 

e'bagwatc abadelmo'lduwak bed^ba'zi-hrdit 
on account of it were laughing when they got there 

elpbo'ldi'hi'dit nada"k wamp'sk'" 

they looked and saw there White-Bear 

ela's-ik me"tcadje'ne 2 i-'dak Bi-"tes 
lying there dead. 1 Said Froth, 

kad^'bagwaho'lna awa's-is ki'i- ga'matc 
"I will give you your share of the beast Ki-i-1 Very 

1 An objurgative form. 
'Another objurgative form. 



wli-'gan pa"pwpgan yugo'skwe a'ln^bak 
good sport." These people 

ma'nit'e atcrdawa'm'kwahazo'lduwak 

right away they cast their faces down quickly. 

a"tawen klo'zi- ma'nife badag^'bazuwak 
Nobody spoke. Then they walked back 

o'denek' na'tc Bi-"tes ama'djin o'denek 
to village. Then Froth walked to the village. 

ma-la'mte moni'mkwe's-o'ke udi-'lan 

Then (he got) to Woodchuck. He said, 

no"k3-mi- ndlmadje"telawa awo'mp'sk' w 
"Grandma, I have shot him dead that White-Bear." 

ki'i- ma'nife wrse'lmu moni'mkwes- 
Ki-i-1 Then cried Woodchuck 

e'dudji-wuli- 'dahasit p + noba'bamagano 

so glad she felt 9 + then they danced around. 

udr'lan kwe'nas'is ga'matc game'm'- 
She said, "Grandson, very you have done* 

lawi'gi-'zi-hadu gase"kawan ne'k-^i 

a great thing, you have conquered the greatest 

gr'nhan'dowit se'nabe dalwski'tka'mi'gwe 
magician man there in the world." 

r'dak Bi - "tes naga'el^i'bemuk kaska- 
Said Froth, "By the help of King- 



manaru 

fisher 



na ga 
and 



elmi'wla'ngwi-wik 
that evening 



ktci'gi'gr'la's'is ki'i' 
Chickadee!" KH-I 

ktci'uli-'dahazwaTjgan 
a big rejoicing, 



e'bagwa'tc ktci'ba'magan mazr'awen 
on this account big dance, every one 

uli-'dahazi wespoza"ki - wik odjr'madjelan 
was happy. Next morning he left for 

wi'ga'wus'age udli - 'lon ma'la'm'te 

his mother's. He went along. At last 

be'dji'lot udi''lon wrga'wus'al' wul^'dji' 
he arrived, he said to his mother, "Be well prepared, 

se'ba kamadje'odebna namas'ka'wpk 
to-morrow we will move. I have found (and met) 



kda'lnpbe' 'mnawak 
our people." 



wespoza"ki'\vik 
The next morning 



umadje'odana obe'dji'lan ka'skamanas'u 
they started off; along came Kingfisher 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



241 



na'ga ktci'gi'gr'la'-s'is na'ga maski-'k' w sr 
and Chickadee and Maski-'k' w si- 

ube'dji* adi - o'hewr"kada v wana kaska- 
came, good-by they bid him. King* 

ma'nas-u udi-'lan a'di'yo 1 Bi-"tes 
fisher said, "A'diyo 1 Froth 

ni-"kwup' elma'uzi-an ke'gwus 

now (in future) as long as you live anything 

ali-sa-'gi-mr'ko'ka'mane gami-"kawi' < - 

if you meet with great danger think of 

dahamin kwi'djo"kemaldj a'tc 

me, I will help you accordingly." And 

maski-'k' w si- a'tc udi-'lan Bi'"tesal' 
Maski - 'k' w si' also said to Froth, 

ni - a"tc kwe'nas ke'gwus alrsa''gi - mr'ko'- 
"And I, grandson, anything when you meet with 

ka'ma'ne kami'"kawi - 'dahamin na'tc 
difficulty, think and wish for me." And 

ktci-gi'gi-'la's-is i-'dak ni - a"tc kami-" 
Chickadee said, "And I, think 

kawi-'dahomin wi - djo"kemoldj nodjrma'- 
of me, I will help you." Then they 

dji'na wi-ga'wus-al' ma-'lam be'djo's-ak 
went and his mother. At last they reached 

o'denek ma'nit-e moni'mkwes-oke 

a village. Then to Woodchuck's (wigwam) 

bi-'di-gan ma'nife wi-se'lmu moni'mkwes-u 
they went in. Then cried Woodchuck 

edudjiwli-'dahazit nairagae'wus abedo- 
so glad was she. After a little while they all- 

ba'zi-na udalna'bema amo"sumsal' 

came up, his relations, his grandfather, 

o"kemas-al' na'ga gada'gi'hi- 

his grandmother, and the other 

udalna'bema udr'fegun umo"sumsal' 
relatives. Said to him his grandfather, 

wedji'beda'bazi-'ek' ni'u'na nda'tcwe'ldamen 
"The reason why we came, we I wish you 

kada'n'heldama'wi-nena elrkadama'gi-- 

to forgive us for leaving you so misera* 

pagr'logat krga'wus ga'matc 

bly, your mother. Very 

1 From French adieu. 



kamas-e'li-ki-'gahi-'bena se'ka'wat ne'k'a 
a lot you saved us; conquered the greatest 

ktaha'n-dowit se'nabe nanr"kwup' 

magic man. Now then 

i-yu'tc eda'liktci-sa'Tjgamawi-an nani-'a 
here also you will be a great chief, and I 

ni"kwup' nga'dnaman ndli-'daba's-waijgan 
now take off my office mantle 

nagi-'a gana-'stokn noga'dnaman 

and you I put it on." Then he took off 

uza'Tjgama'odi 2 unasta'wan kwe'nas-al' 
his chieftainship-path, 2 he put it on his grandson 

Bi-"tesal naBi-"tes udali'ktci-sa^gema'in 
Froth. Then Froth there great chief became. 

TRANSLATION 

Here camps story of a young girl, a virtuous 
girl, who was fond of swimming. Her mother 
advised her against too much swimming. 
Her mother said, "Some time a water-nymph 
will put you in trouble." She did not obey her 
mother. She was just as fond of swimming. 
Once as she waded ashore, after swimming, 
she saw bubbles coming up to the surface of 
the water in front of where she was going. 
She was surprised. Then she stopped and 
looked. While looking at the bubbles, they 
suddenly turned to froth, and appeared 
finally, while she looked on, to resemble a 
baby. Then came a breeze that blew the 
froth towards her. She became frightened, 
and wanted to get away from the froth; but 
it was too late. The froth came in contact 
with her body, and then disappeared after 
touching her. She waded ashore, and then 
went home. Thereafter she did not swim. 

Time went on, and all at once her belly be- 
gan to grow. Her mother asked, "What 
trouble has happened to you?" The girl said, 
"Nothing ails me. Why?" Her mother said, 
"You look strange. Why does your belly 
grow? It seems man has already been near 
you." Said the girl, "Mother, man has not 
been near me." Then the mother said, "You 

2 This was a robe of bear-skin with painted designs. 



242 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



are trying to deceive me, but you cannot hide 
yourself here. Soon you will be found out." 
Then at last, when her belly was very large, 
her father saw her, and said, "You are a very 
bad woman. I have a notion, if I do not 
restrain myself, to strike you dead at once 
here. You will have to live here alone, what- 
ever may come to you. I am disgusted with 
you; and we are going to leave you here, 
whether you die of starvation or not." 

Then the whole village moved away and 
left the young girl. She was very unhappy 
after she was left alone, and thought, "What 
will ultimately Become of me? It seems prob- 
able that I shall die of starvation here." 
Then in consequence she burst out crying. 
While she was crying, Kingfisher came flying 
to her suddenly. He said, "Don't grieve! It is 
impossible to die of starvation here. I will help 
you, and my grandmother, P'ske'gadamu's, 
and I will take care of you." Krv, the girl 
was glad, and said, "an'r", now I shall live." 
She told the Kingfisher, "Thank you very 
much. You have pleased me exceedingly." 
Then in the evening came an old woman. 
Ground-moss was the material of her clothing, 
and cedar- bark her belt. She said, "Grand- 
daughter, don't let anything worry you. Be 
contented, for I shall take care of you." When 
it was time for her to bear a child, the girl 
said, "Grandmother, I am very glad, and 
thank you for what you are going to do for 
me." 

Big-Screech-Owl, great chief, and his peo- 
ple, moved away, and were a long while 
getting far over the divide of mountains. 
There they came to a village, and there they 
settled. The inhabitants of. the village 
did not like it very well; they were not 
pleased. Then they began to antagonize the 
strange people. When Big-Screech-Owl knew 
that they were after the lives of his people, he 
said, "We must fight if we want to stay." At 
last a man came to Big-Screech-Owl, and said, 
"If you are going to stay here, you must fight, 
because we do not love you strange people, 



and because our chief White-Bear is proud. 
You must conquer us, or, if you do not con- 
quer us, you must live as our slaves." Said 
Big-Screech-Owl, "Go ahead! We are ready 
to fight whenever you are, and we shall never 
leave here." Then the man left, and went to 
his chief and said, "They will not leave, and 
they are ready to fight." Said the chief, 
"So then! To-morrow we will attack them." 
Next morning they attacked, and began 
battle. Then suddenly White-Bear came 
rushing up. Big-Screech-Owl 's men looked 
and saw him, and then began to run, they 
were so frightened. Then Big Screech-Owl 
became discouraged when he saw the beast 
coming up. The beast was so big, that he was 
half way up the trees in height. Big-Screech- 
Owl was discouraged, and cried out to White- 
Bear, "You have conquered -us. Stop! Hold 
off your men! I give up now! We will be 
your slaves." Said White-Bear, "So! That's 
good." Then he called off his men, and said, 
"Let them alone, they have become our 
slaves." 

The girl, Big-Screech-Owl's daughter, had 
delivered her baby, which was a boy. Mas- 
ki-'k' w si- said, "The little man is now seen 
here. What will you name him?" She said, 
"Bubble-Froth, because he was conceived 
there in water." Said P'ske'godomu's, "So! 
A good name; and after he becomes a man, 
he will become the greatest magician on this 
side of the land-divide, and soon after also 
across the top of the range." The girl rejoiced. 
P'ske'gadamu's thereupon took good care of 
both mother and son. Ki~vl That Kingfisher 
brought them all kinds of fish, which fed very 
well those whom he cared for. The boy grew 
very fast and was healthy. Then, when he 
had grown enough, then Maski-'k' w si- taught 
him to hunt. She made him a bow and took 
him in the woods. Rabbits they hunted. 
When she had taught him how, then he hunted 
alone, and brought in an abundance of wild 
meat. He provided well for his mother and 
grandmother, Maskr'k' w si-. When he be- 



NO. 3 



PENOBSCOT TRANSFORMER TALES 



243 






came a man, his true friend, Kingfisher, said 
to him, "You ought to search for your grand- 
father and your grandmother and the others 
of your people." When he came back to his 
wigwam, he said to his mother and Mas- 
ki-'k' w si', "Kingfisher told me it is said I have 
many relatives. Now, then, I am going to 
search for them." Then said Maski-'k' w si- 
"Very far away, but you will surely come 
to their abode." She said, "Now go to the 
north until you see a cross-range of hazy 
mountains, and across them you will find your 
people." Froth, on the next morning, went 
away, and walked for many days. At last 
he suddenly saw a range of misty mountains 
in the distance. Ki-i-1 He rejoiced, and said, 
"Soon I shall come to where my people are." 
He hurried along for seven days' time, and 
then he came to the other side of the moun- 
tains. He saw a village, and said, "Now, then, 
soon I shall see my people." Looking, he 
saw half the village quiet, and the other half 
noisy, and many there together playing ball, 
and others dancing. He entered from the 
quiet direction, and in the first wigwam he 
entered was Woodchuck. When Woodchuck 
saw Froth, she began to cry, and at the same 
time spoke and said, "Poor grandson! we 
suffer very much because we are all slaves." 
Then she began to relate to Froth the history 
of her life. She said, "And you are now with 
the slave sort." Then she stopped grieving, 
she bustled about and prepared food, and gave 
it to him. Then Froth ate; and while eating, 
a man rushed in quickly, and said, "A little 
beast is tracked, having gone by in the bush. 
We shall have great sport, it is said." Said 
Woodchuck, "At least you ought to wait until 
the man (Froth) is done eating." Then Froth 
said, "So! I shall soon be ready. I too am 
very fond of sport." When he had finished 
eating, he took up his bow. He told Wood- 
chuck, "Don't worry about me, grandmother." 
When he went outside, men were standing 
there waiting for him. They said to Froth, 
"Here in the thicket a little way off are the 



fresh tracks of the animal going by. Let us 
chase him!" Accordingly then they all went 
forth. Froth began looking at the tracking; 
and when he saw the tracks, ki'nalagitdie'-na 
they looked like the place where a wigwam had 
been after being wrenched from the ground, 
e-e-, they were so big and deep! Right away 
Froth began to run and chase the little animal. 
e-e! How he ran then! These people all hung 
back, they let him go on ahead. He went 
ahead of them, and on this account they were 
all laughing in their minds at him. Then, as 
he went on, he overtook the little beast, and 
saw it standing there half way up to the trees 
in height. It was the great magic White-Bear. 
Then Froth shot at it. But even so, he did 
not notice it. Gi-v, then again he shot. Then 
at last all his arrows were used up except -one. 
Suddenly a Chickadee appeared flying, and 
alighted on Froth's shoulder and began to 
whisper, "Ktci-gi-gi-gi- heel!" Looking, Froth 
saw something throbbing on White-Bear's 
heel. +/ He shot at that cursed throbbing 
round thing. Then White-Bear toppled over. 
Froth went up to him. White-Bear was stiff 
and dead. Looking at him, Froth saw that 
he had shot White-Bear in his heart, and the 
arrow had gone clear through. Kvi-l The 
people came up in a mass. Some of them were 
laughing when they got there because of it. 
They looked, and saw White-Bear lying there 
dead. Said Froth, "I will give you your share 
of the beast. Ki-i-1 It was very good sport." 
The people right away cast down their faces 
quickly. Nobody spoke. Then they walked 
back to the village. When Froth saw Wood- 
chuck, he said, "Grandma, I have shot him 
dead, that White-Bear." Ki-i-1 Then Wood- 
chuck cried, she was so glad. $+! They danced 
around, and she said, "Grandson, you have 
done a very great thing. You have conquered 
the greatest magic man in the world." 
Froth said, "It was by the help of Kingfisher 
and Chickadee." Ki-i-1 That evening there 
was a big rejoicing- feast. There was a big 
dance on this account, and every one was 






244 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 






happy. Next morning Froth left for his 
mother's. Going along, at last he arrived, 
and said to her, "Get well ready. To-morrow 
we shall move. I have found and met our 
people." The next morning they started off. 
Along came Kingfisher and Chickadee and 
Maski-'k^si 4 . They came to bid good-by. 
Kingfisher said, "Adieu, Froth! now as long 
as you live, in the future, if you meet with 
danger, think of me. I will help you 
accordingly." And Maski-'k^si 1 also said, 
"Froth, when you meet with difficulty, think 
of and wish for me." And Chickadee said, 
"And as for me, think of me. I will help you." 
Then they went away. At last Froth and his 
mother reached a village. Then to Wood- 
chuck's wigwam they went; and Woodchuck 
cried, she was so glad. Soon after, all his 



relatives came up, his grandfather, his j. 
mother, and the other relations. His j. 
father said to him, "The reason we come i 
we wish you to forgive us for aband: :> 
mother so miserably. You saved us a great 
deal when you conquered the great > 
man. Now, then, here is where you will be 
a great chief, and I now take off my office 
mantle" and I put it on you." Then he took 
off his chieftainship-path 2 and put it on his 
grandson. Then Froth was a great chief. 

1 This mantle was generally a tanned bear-skin 
with flower designs painted on the leather side, and 
decorated with porcupine-quills, it is said. 

1 A figurative expression for the responsibilities and 
insignia of the chieftaincy. The bear-skin and the eagle's 
feather were regarded a the emblems of a chief; these 
being trie most noble among the mammals and birds. 




International Journal of American Linguistics 



VOLUME i 



NUMBER 4 



LINGUISTIQUE BOLIVIENNE. 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA, 
Par G. DE CREQUI-MONTFORT ET P. RIVET. 



La nation des Cayuvavas, avant de se sou- 
mettre au christianisme, habitait, ecrit d'Orbi- 
gny 1 , la rive occidentale du Mamore, a une 
quinzaine de lieues au-dessus de son confluent 
avec le Guapor ou Irenes, sur les plaines en- 
trecoupees de marais et de bouquets de bois 
qui caracte"risent ces terrains. Les Cayuvavas 
etaient dissemines en tribus sur les bords de 
cette grande riviere, et sur les petits affluens 
des plaines de 1'ouest, du ia e au i3 c degre de 
latitude sud et au 68 e degr de longitude ouest 
de Paris. Leurs voisins Etaient, au sud, les Mo- 
vimas ; a Test, les Itenes ; a 1'ouest, les Maro- 
pas de Reyes, et, au nord, les Pacaguaras du 
rio Beni. Us etaient separes, surtout des deux 
dernieres nations, par des deserts d'une immense 
etendue. Tous Chretiens, ils sont actuellement 
reunis dans la mission d'Exaltacion, sur la rive 
ouest du Mamore, a douze lieues au-dessous 
de 1'embouchure du rio Yacuma. Le nombre 
des Cayuvavas etait, en 1831, de 2073 indivi- 
dus . En 1693, le Pere Eguiluz estimait cette 
population a 3000 ames, et en 1767, les mis- 
sionnaires comptaient 2000 Kayuvava a Exal- 
tacion, en outre d'une petite colonie installee a 
San Pedro, en pays kanicana 2 . 



1. D'ORBIGNY (Alcide). Voyage dans TAme'rique meri- 
dioimle, t. IV, uepartie, Paris, 1839 : L'homme americain 
(ile fAmeriqne mMdionale), consider? sous ses rapports pliy- 
siologiques ft moraux, p. 305 . 

2. HERVAS (Lorenzo). Catdlogo de las lenguas de las 
iidtiones fonocidas, y numeration, division, y clases de estas 
segiin la diversidad de sus idiomas y dialectos. T. I: Lenguas 
y naciones americanas. Madrid, 1800, p. 250. 



Toujours d'apres d'Orbigny ', la mission 
d'Exaltacion e"tait divisee en huit sections, dont 
les noms commencent tous par la syllabe mai 
qui, ainsi que nous le verrons, indique le plu- 
riel en Kayuvava : c'etaient les Mai-simat, les 
Mai-dibocoke, les Mai-depurupiM, les Mai-rouaha, 
les Mai-auke, les Mai-dixibobo, les Mai-maxuya, 
les Mai-tnosoroya. 



La langue kayuvava est deja connue par un 
certain nombre de vocabulaires et quelques 
textes dont void la liste complete : 

1. HERVAS (Lorenzo). Idea delT Universe, Ce- 
sena, t. XIX, 1786 : Arittnetica di quasi lutte le 
nation i conosciute, p. 102-103 '> r - ^^> T 7^7 : 
Vocabolario poligloto, p. 161-219 (Vocabulaire 
de 56 mots et 21 noms de nombre). 

2. D'ORBIGNY, op. cii., p. 80 (Vocabulaire de 
23 mots). 

3. FONSECA (Joao Severiano da). Viagem ao 
rcdor do Brazil, 1875-1878. 2 vol., Rio de Ja- 
neiro, 1880-1881, t. II, p. 239-240 (Vocabu- 
laire de 65 mots). 

4. HEATH (Edwin R.). Dialects of Bolivian 
Indians. A philological contribution from material 
gathered during three years residence in the depart- 
ment of Beni, in Bolivia (Kansas city Review of 
Science, and Industry, a monthly Record of Progress 
in Science, mechanic Arts and Literature, vol. VI, 

3. D'ORBIGNY, op. cit., p. 306. 



2 4 6 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



n 12, avril 1883, p. 679-687), p. 683-687 
(Vocabulaire de 39 mots). 

5. CARDUS (Josd). Las inisiones fninriscnims 
cut 1 1' /o.v in fides de Bolivia. Barcelone, 1886, p. 
315-316 (Liste de 48 mots et phrases). 



(Listede85 mots et phrases; un court texte 1 ). 
A ces divers documents que nous reprodui- 
sons inte'gralement, parce que la plupart sont 
inaccessibles aux chercheurs, nous ajoutons le 
vocabulaire reste inedit recueilli par d'Orbigny, 




Carte dc l.i Bassc-Bolivic, indiquam 1'cmplacenient du Kayuvava. 



6. TEZA (E.). Saggi inediti di lingue anieri- 
cane. Appuiiti bibliografici (Annali delle Univer- 
sita Toscane, t. X, Parte prima, Science noolo- 
gicbe. Pise, 1868, p. 117-143), p 133 (Texte 
eligieux non traduit comprenant le Pater nos- 
ter, YAve Marian le Credo). 



Stockholm, 1911, p. 231, 232, 234-239, 241 



et conserve parmi les manuscrits de la Biblio- 
theque nationale de Paris. 



i. De petits vocabulaires se trouvent ^galement dans 
les ouvrages suivaots : 

ADELUNG (Johann Christoph) et VATER (Johann Sevc- 
\lilli-iJatfi oder allgemeine Sprachfnkiindc mil ilcm 



NO. 4 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



2 47 



Genre. Comme la plupart des langues de 
la region, le Kayuvava ne semble pas connaitre 
la distinction de genre. Pour distinguer le male 
de la femelle, il juxtapose au nom de celle-ci 
le mot yasi homme , ou au nom de celui-la 
le mot torane femme . 

Ex. : poule, takura , tdkardro, coq,yasi-takurako, 
garden, mamixi, miitni, jeune fille, mami- 

torani '. 

Toutefois, d'apres ce que nous verrons plus 
loin a propos de 1'article, il semble qu'il existe, 
au moins dans ce cas particulier, une distinction 
entre 1'homme et les etres anthropomorphes 
(dieu) d'une part, les animaux et les objets, 
d'autre part. 

l^ater unset ah Sprachprobe in beynahe fiinjhundert Sftrachen 
unil Munilarten. Dritter Theil, zweyte Abtheilung, Ber- 
lin, 1815, p. 571, 576. 

BALBI (Adrien). Atlas ethnographique du Globe, ou clas- 
sification des peuples anciens et modernes d'apres leurs langues. 
Paris, 1826, table XLI, n 466. 

ORTON (James). The Andes and the Amazons or across 
the continent of South America. J edit., New York, 1875, 
P-475 

BRINTON (Daniel G.). The American Race. New York, 
1891, p. 560. 

Ces vocabulaires ne sont pas originaux. Ceux du Mi- 
tliridates (23 mots) et de Balbi (26 mots) soot pris dans 
Hervas ; celui d'Orton (8 mots) dans d'Orbigny, bien 
quc le voyageur ecrive kratoloratu, femme, au lieu de 
kratalorane, et nhararnan, soleil, au lieu de niimiiiaii. Ce- 
lui de Brinton (17 mots) est extrait en partie de d'Orbi- 
gny, en partie de Heath ; les trois premiers noms de 
nombre sont empruntes a AdeHing et Vater (op. cit., 
p. 576) ; its n'appartiennent pas d'ailleurs au Kayuvava 
mais au Sapibokona (dialecte takana). Les linguistes alle- 
mands, en les copiant eux-memes dans Hervas (Aritmetica, 
op. cit., p. 576), ont en effet interpose les noms de nombre 
kayuvava et sapibokona, erreur dont Brinton ne s'est 
pas apercu en les transcrivant a son tour. 

i. On pourrait supposer, d'apres 1'exemple suivant, 
que la distinction du male et de la femelle peut etre 
indiquee par le prffixe i- : 
chien, nahua, 
chienne, i-ndhua. 

Toutefois, nous pensons que, dans ce cas, ce prefixe 
n'est autre que celui que nous trouvons dans un grand 
nombre de substantifs et dont nous expliquons plus loin 
le sens (p. 132). 



II est par centre certain que les adjectifs sont 
invariables : 

pd-riki-ha, tu es content, 
pa-pira-hd, tu es benie. 

Nombre. - - Le pluriel est indique d'une fa- 
c,on tres reguliere par le prefixe may-, mey-, 
ma-, me-, mi-, qui correspond exactement au 
prefixe mi- de 1'Itonama : 

Ex.: chien, nahua, les chiens, mey-n&hua, 
poule, tdkardro, les poules, mey-tdkardro, 
homme, yasi, peuple (les hommes), 

me-ylse, 

saint, santo, les saints, ma-santo, 
femme, torim, les femmes, mai^torene. 

Article. De meme qu'en Mobima, il existe 
en Kayuvava une particule remplissant le role 
assez vague d'article ou d'adjectif inde"fini : 

xuariye ki xetdaba. 

j'ai-tud un jaguar. 

patdara kixarese ko dabapa. 

grand j'aime le dieu. 

cu anuexi ko dabapa ? 

y a-t-il un dieu ? 
ko dabapa ara-icu kei lui yi-tdal. 
le dieu est en-haut au-ciel. 

mia-ca-e ki daka ki tdati ? 
qui la crea la terre ? 
ana ko dabapa ki daka. 
le dieu la crea. 
ca-icu-aca ko dabapa ? 
oii-est le dieu ? 

Comme en Mobima egalement, il semble y 
avoir deux formes, suivant que 1'article est joint 
a un nom d'etre (ko) ou a un nom de chose ou 
d'animal (ki). 

Pronoms. Void la liste des pronoms 
personnels, telle qu'on peut 1'etablir d'apres nos 
differentes sources d'information : 



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VOL. I 



je, moi, are-ahi nous, are-risi 
are-ill are-rixi 

are-ay ane-re 

tu, toi, are-a vous, are-kpere 
art- a 
are-a 

il, elle, are ils, elles, 'are-riki 

ari 

Tous ces pronoms sont formes avec le meme 
radical, nrc. auquel som ajoutdes des desinences 
variables. 

D'apres le texte de Teza, il semble que ces 
desinences puissent etre employees isolement 
a la place de la forme complete correspondante. 

C'est ainsi que ritii a le sens de nous 
dans les phrases suivantes : 
p-ide-i->ibi, pardonne-nous ! 
\ape bir-idf-ha rihi, comme nous pardonnons 

(lilt.: aussi pardonnons nous). 
p-ipepe-lhi-dopai rib'i, que tu[abandonncs?] nous! 

Toujours d'apres notre texte, ce mot rihi 
semble pouvoir se decliner. C'est ainsi qu'a 
cote de la forme rihi, qui nous est attestee 
comme .sujet ou regime, nous avons les formes 
cihl, icib'i, qui correspondraient a : a nous, 
pour nous. 

Le radical are entre aussi dans la composition 
des pronoms demonstratifs : 

ce, cette, arc-na.\i, 
ceux-la, celles-la, ara-naxi. 

Adjectifs possessifs. - - Seule, la 2 e per- 
son ne du singulier nous est fournie par notre 
vocabulaire. Nous y retrouvons le radical des 
pronoms personnels : 

ton, are-n. 

Mais, nous avons dans nos listes un grand 
nombre de mots ou les relations de la posses- 
sion sont indiquees par prefixation. 

La premiere personne du singulier semble 
indiquee soit par les prefixes ara-, art-, era-, 
soit par les prefixes ana-, an-, a- ' 



mes dents, an-aisiro, 



mon 



mon epouse, ara-nya- 
toniini, 

fils ) mon fils, arc-ci-ro- 

... . ana-ci-roini ., . 

ma hi If | mini ', 

ma mere, an-d'u. ma mere, eni-pipi, 

mon ne/., a-buaii^c, mon mari, ara-tiri, 

mon pied, a-iey, mon pere, era-papa, 
ma main, a-nri, iini-bnopi*. 

ma maison, a-ii\lk<i, 
ma langue, a-nytnyi. 

La deuxieme personne du singulier est indi- 
quee par les prefixes Anapa-, arepd-, kapa-, a pa-, 
pa-: 

tes dents, anap-iiysi, 

ton fils, artpd-romibi, 

ta main, anapii-1'n, 

ton idiome, knpa-raiuiiiiiia, 

ton nom, knpa-emi, 

ton nez, pa-hiiarit'iic, 

ta langue, npa-nye, 

ton fils, apa-romibi, 

ton royaume, a pa - re i no, 

tor. pied, npa-lv\, 

ton nom, apa-enic, 

ta maison, apit-n\ika. 
Signalons aussi les formes probablement er- 
ronees : 

ton pere, na-intJti>, ta mere, ila-pedi. 

1. L'interposition de la particulo ci cnnc le prelixe 
possessif et le radical romi nous fait supposer que ces 
deux mots signifient en r^alite c'cst mon fils . Cf. ce 
que nous disons plus loin de 1'existence d'un verbeauxi- 
liaire en Kayuvava. 

2. A ce groupe appartiennent vraisemblablement les 
mots de notre vocabulaire : 

ira-hibiki, fltclic, 
ini-toko, 6paule, 
ira-polii, ira-pelntt, menton, 
ira-fokoho, front . 

Ces mots nous sont, par ailleurs, donnes avec un autre 
prefixe : 

da-bihiki, fleche, 
tia-M'ike, arc, 
i-loko, epaule, 
ila-poto, barbe, 
/ u'/tv, Irom. 



NO. 4 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



249 



Le prefixe possessif de la 3 e personnene nous 
est atteste que par 1'exemple suivant du texte 
de Teza : 

. son fils, abi-co-rome. 

Quant au prefixe qui traduit notre ,Nor- 
denskiold nous donne pour 1'exprimer yu- : 

notre village, y-ii-indero, (entaru, village] 

et le texte de Teza le prefixe tres voisin o- : 

notre nourriture, o-an-afitbi, 
notre pere, o-dobapa, o-dabapa. 

Adjectifs. D'apres d'Orbigny ', les adjec- 
tifs sont invariables. 

Le plus grand nombre se terminent en -ha, 
-ha, -xa, beaucoup plus rarement en -xi, -be; en 
outre, ils sont precedes de divers prefixes, qui 
peuvent etre classes en deux groupes : i" ha-, 
ira-, 2 pa-, p-. 

L'exemplc suivant, qui nous est fourni par 
Norde.nskiold : 

hd-riki-ba, je-suis content, 
pa-riki-ba, tu es content, 

corrobore par deux exemples extraits du texte 
de Teza : 

p-ipoh)-ha, tu es pleine, 
pa-pira-ha, tu es benie, 

prouve que ces deux classes de prefixes, qui 
correspondent d'ailleurs aux prefixes possessifs 
de la r c et dc la 2 C personnes, serventa consti- 
tuer des phrases nominales : moi-content, toi- 
content, etc.... Voici les nombreux exemples 
que nous en avons releves dans nos vocabu- 
laires : 

ini -Ivre, blanc. 
pa-idao-M , obscur, 
pa-iibe-ba, odorant, 
pa-ibokoro-ba, clair, 

i. D'ORBIGNY, of. cit., p. 305. 



pa-tc-ba, rouge, 
pd-yrd-ha, bon, 
pa-ito-ba, doux, 
pa-ira-xa, sain. 

Le sufBxe -ha se retrouve dans les adjectits 
suivants employes comme substantifs : 

ipu-xa, voleur, 
mai-budu-ha, les pecheurs, 
idoko-ha, createur. 

Le renforcement des adjectifs est indique par 

le prefixe na- : 

fia-raparetay , tres beaucoup, 
fia-haorike, tres peu, 
iui-iiavari, rien (yavari, il n'y a pas), 
na-rama, pres (sans doute : tres pres). 

C'est sans doute le sens qu'il faut donner au 
prefixe (n)yd-, ya-, dont notre vocabulaire nous 
fournit de nombreux exemples : 

ya-dace-xa, ivre, 

ya-puxa-he, gras, 

ya-moe-xi, sale, 

\a-te-xa, (ii)ya-ta-ha, rouge, 

ya-ta-xa, (ii)yd-ta-ba, noir, 

ya-raka-xa, mechant, 

ya-kevaine-xa, malade, 

ya-rero-xa., propre, 

ya-pora-xa, (ji)ya-bore-ha , blanc. 

Signalons enfin le prefixe ice-, cc-, qui semble 
avoir le sens des prefixes francais ml- ou in- : 

ice-une, aveugle, 
ice-aita, sourd, 
ce-beyre, chetif, 
ce-xeire, mauvais, 
ce-aptihi, maigre. 

Prefixes. - - Nous groupons ici un certain 
nombre de prefixes, dont les uns correspondent 
certainement aux prefixes possessifs precedem- 
ment etudies, mais dont les autres sont parfois 



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VOL. I 



d'une interpretation difficile ou impossible pour 
1'instant, 

Prefixe/-. Ce prefixe correspond, sans doute, 
a la forme substantive sans indication de pos- 
session, ainsi qu'il resulte de quelques exemples 
emprunts a nos textes : 

bi-koce ye-Dios i-dabapa, i-doko-bii . 
je-crois en-Dieu le-pere, createur. 

II est t'res frequent dans nos vocabulaiivs, 
surtout dans les mots designant les parties du 
corps : 

i-diaice, bouche, 
i-yokori, oeil, 
i-nt, langue, 
i-hiriobb, nez, 



i-radike, oreille, 

i-rilvra, jambe, 
i-nahtie, bras, 
i-rakaxe. poitrine. 



Prefixe ir-. Nous voyons dans ce prefixe 
1'equivalent du precedent, IV jouant peut-etre 
un role simplcnient euphonique, dans les mots 
commencant par une voyelle. Les deux exemples 
suivants empruntes a nos textes vienncnt a 
1'appui de cettc hypothese : 

/.I/7.V vi 1 ir-ananieariri rabuddu, 
je-crois au-pardon des-peches, 

ir-ilekerchc-tni tinii-r-iia '. 
u-la-resurrection des-morts. 

Ce prefixe, le plus abondainment represente 
dans nos vocabulaires, se rencontre surtout dans 
les mots qui designentdes plantes, desanimaux 
ou des phenomenes naturels : 

a me, ir-iii, 
animal, ir-abatiio, 
ann<5e, ir-idore-maka, 
bambou, ir-ad%ud-ii, 
canne-a-sucre, ir-aliitu, 
cassique tojo, ir-iaralv. 
chocllo, ir-isoild, 
courant, ir-ihnici, 



i. Dans ce mot, mai-r-tia, \'r est egalement eupho- 
nique, le radical de mourir itant ua. 



etoile, ir-ahuabua, 
ir-aguagua, 

ir-aiibtifibiia, 
jour, ir-iarama, 
luue, ir-are, 
miel, ir-iitnln, 
montagne, ir-uretnbi, 
moufette, ir-ibokolv, 
nuit, ir-iiinbii, 
(X-uf, /Y-ow/.vi 1 , 
paille, prairie, ir-ixeke, 
palmier du Guapord, ;>-/<//, 
plaine, ir-ibudkoe, 



roi des vautours, ir-apacabua, 

sable, ir-ipn, 

scorpion, 

tonnerre, 



Prefixe ana-, na-, ma-, en-. Ce prefixe est 
vraisemblablement le prefixe possessif de la 

premiere personne : 

fn-diih'i, bouche, na-rakdxt, ca-ur, 

anA-yokuosi.l .. ena-xendtikui,) 

ceil, 

en-tako, na-rta%tke, 

nti-nt', langue, ena-xirira, 

M-buaftoxo, nez, iHi-rilvra, 

na-cobo, ombilic, iia-nabua, bras. 
cna-xakde, poitrine. 



oreille, 
jambe, 



Prefixe da-, //<;-, ;'/- : 



o, cou, 
Ja-ivro, cou, 
il-rakabc, ca'ur, 



da-cekero, cheville, 
da-roto, coude, 
tin I'lintbe, poignet, 



ita-tokoro, index, da-lania, sang, 
ilti-kint, ongle, da-rakahiia, ventre. 

Ainsi qu'on peut s'en rendre compte en 
confrontant les listes qui precedent, ces trois 
prefixes peuvent alterner les uns avec les autres. 

Ce n'est que dans notre vocabulaireque nous' 
trouvons partbis des mots depouille's de tout 
prefixe. Voici la liste de ces mots : 



NO. 4 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



25 r 



FORMES PREFIXEES. 

chicha, vfiki, i-vciki, 

perroquet, bdro, i-baro. 

lac, kuri, i-kuri, 

poisson, data, i-data, 

patate, kori, i-keri, 

fleur, coa, i-coa, 

mai's, xiki, i-xiki, 

terre, datii, i-datu, n-ddti, 

arc, raupn, i-rahupui, 

eau, kita, i-kitd, 

feu, dore, i-dore, 

pied, ahei, d-axe, iddb-hds, en-arxe, 

femme, tortnt, i-torenc, 

sang, torofaia, da-tarua, 

bouche, diaca, en-didci, i-diaice, 

oiseau, titido, i-tilido. 

Prefixe krata-. Ce prefixe, assez rare, nous 
semble correspondre a 1'adjectif numeral karata, 
un, dont il serait la forme de mot secondaire. 

kra-torane, krata-lorana, femme (litt. : une 

femme), 

krata-mihi-torane, fille, 
knil-asi, homme, 
krata-dapa, canot, 
karata-irare, mois (litt.: une lunc), 
karata-nika, maison. 

Suffixes. Les suffixes paraissent etre aussi 
varies que les prefixes. Le radical raka par 
exemple se retrouve sous les multiples formes 
suivantes : 



na-raka-xe, 

it-raka-be, 

i-raka-bc, 

ena-xakd-f, 

a-raka-be, 

ena-naka-bi, 

da-raka-hna, 

da-raka-iin'tsi, 



coeur, poitrme. . 



ventre. 



Autant qu'il est possible de le faire avec les 



documents dont nous disposons, on peut dis- 
tinguer les suffixes suivants : 

Suffixe -xe, -be, -e, -yi (?) : 
na-raka-xe, it-raka-be, cceur, 
i-raka-he, i-raka-xe, ena-xakd-t, poitrine, 
na-raki-he, na-raki-yi, os, 
da-baru-he, poignet. 

Suffixe -do, -to, -tu, -ta, -te. Ce suffixe parait 
special aux mots designant les polls de Phomme 
et des animaux, et les plumes : 

da-po-to, barbe, 

ira-po-ta, menton (litt, : barbe), 

iia-piru-ln, cils, 

na-inaravo-do, sourcils, 

a-po-ta-kaine, da-pe-ta-gnanq, cheveux, 

/><>-/f, plume. 

Suffixe -bua, -hue : 

dii-raka-btia, ventre, 
ira-pe-bue, menton, 
toro-hua, da-tar-ua, sang. 

Suffixe -be, -bi : 

a-raka-be, ena-naka-bi, ventre. 

Suffixe -ra. Ce suffixe ne nous est atteste 
que par 1'exemple suivant : 

da-bnro-ra, cou (cf. ita-boro, da-voro). 

Suffixe -ri ou plutot -si : 

i-yoko-ri, dnd-yokuo-si, ceil (cf. ni-yoko), 
iena-si, feuille (cf. yenq}. 

Suffixe -katna, -kame, -kamei, -kuana, -guana : 

a-bara-kama, na-huara-kama , guana-kudna, 

d-huara-kdmei, na-ora-kama, tete, 
a-pota-kame, da-peta-guanq, cheveux. 

Suffixe -kuhe. Nous n'avons note ce suffixe 
que dans les deux mots suivants : 

idabu-kuhe, vent, 
irid^ii-knbe, tonnerre. 



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Verbe auxiliaire. - - Le Kayuvava possede 
un radical, ten, qui indique 1'existence : 

ara-icn, arc-icu, ilest, 

arep-icu, toi-qui-es, 

ca-icu-aca ko dabapa, ou est dieu ? 

Nous retrouvons le meme radical dans les 
deux formes verbales suivantes : 

or-icn-bue'iibua, je veux, 
bie-icu-cnbna, je-ne-veux-pas, 

qui doivent signitier sans doute il y a volon- 
t , il n'y a pas volontd . 

Conjugaison. --La deuxieme personne de 
1'imperatifest indiquee, d'une facon assez gne- 
rale, par la prefixation de p- ', qui est le pro- 
nom personnel de la 2 personne : 



! prie ! 
p-ibolo'nc ! donne-moi ! 
p-idei-ribi ! pardonne-nous ! 
p-itHiti ! rcgardc ! 
bore p-adtlabi ! donne-moi plus! 
p-iiinkiiiiii ! couche-toi ! 
p-itaktreya-tubii Icve-toi ! 
p-uecai ! apportc ! 
p-arorokni ! marche ! 

Le mime prefixe se retrouve, semble-t-il, a 
la 2 C personne du present de 1'indicatif : 

ca-p-iitdi-aca ? ou vas-tu ? 
ba-ca p-icaxcc? que cherches-tu ? 
bit -ca p-naugiiiuJ que veux-tu ? 

Il'est par suite probable que les verbes sui- 
vants, qui nous sont donnes par nos informa- 
teurs commeetant a 1'infinitif, sont en realite a 

i . II y a cependant des exceptions : 
tatiilipa, appelle ! . 
i'lirniya, assieds-toi ! 
o/x), t/a vhno, prends ! 

K, dhuiru, viens ici ! 



1'imperatir", ou a 1'indicatif present (2 per- 
sonne) : 

p-iecei, rire, p-uirihi, pleurer, 

p-uaribi, tuer, p-ipatebi, uriner, 

p-ibiribi, ramer, p-aromibi, accoucher, 

p-aki, danser, p-ibitii, dormir. 

p-anii, manger, p-itahiii, nager, 

p-ajdi^trai, parler, p-ikiti-tithi, pecher, 

p-aparaice, payer, p-imiicc, donner. 
f>-a.\e>'fi, peindrc, 

L'imp^ratif precatif est indique, dans nos 

textes religieux, par la suftixation de -dopai : 

tiibni-ti-dopai, que soit etabli ! 
adaroso-b&-dopai, que soit adore! 
/>-//v/v-/.w-<//w/, que tu abandonnes ! 
p-imihi-dopai, que tu donnes ! 
tiko-ha-dopai, qu'ils obdissent ! 

Dans ces textes ^galement, la troisieme per- 
sonne du singulicr du parfait est indiquee tres 
reguliercment par le suffixe -hnipe, exception- 
nellement reduit a -ni : 

aloka-ui, naquit, 
adabehepc-buipe, soufl'rit, 
nn-btiipe, mourut, 
adabari-huipt, fut entenv, 
obi-hnipe, alia, 
itwu-huipe, s'assit. 

Negation. - - La negation est indiquee par 
prefixation de ye- : 

pa-gibckexa, je comprends, 
\t'-gibekii, je ne comprends pas, 
or-ihi-hue'ubua, je veux, 
hie-icii-eiibua, je ne veux pas, 
n\iai, jc vais, 

ye-xabe ar-uxi, je ne vais pas, 
ye-bari, ye-pcan\ il n'y a pas, 
\e-rirc, laid. 

Interrogation. L'interrogation se marque 
par la particule ca, exceptionnellement ce ou en : 



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LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



253 



ca-icu-aca ko dabapa ? ou est dieu ? 

"ca-p-utdi-aca ? ou vas-tu ? 

ba-ca, bds-tca-e? que, quoi ? 

ba-ca kapa-eme? comment t'appelles-tu ? 

(litt. : quoi ton nom?) 
ba-ca p-icaxee ? que cherches-tu ? 
ba-ca p-uauguae, bds-tca-e ? que veux-tu ? 
ya-ce? que dis-tu? 
mia-ca-e, mia-tca-y, mia-ca-y ? qui ? 
mia-tca-y ? qui [est-ce] ? 
tnia-ca-y kibnede? qui est la? 
mia-ca-e Id daka? qui crea? 
bu-ahucxi ko dabapa ? y a-t-il un dieu? 
ca-sidara? quand? 

Propositions . Le prefixe yi-, ye- a le sens 
de dans, a, parmi : 

ye-mai-torene, parmi les femmes, 

ye-mai-rua, parmi les morts, 

yi-hilinibo, a 1'enfer, 

\i-tdal, dans le ciel, 

yi-idag, au ciel, 

yi-ritoki, a la droite, 

y-apa-nika, a ta maison, 

y-arakabe, dans le ventre, 

hikoce ye-Dios, ye-Xesu Kristo, yc-Espirilit 
Santo, je crois en Dieu, en Jesus-Christ, au 
Saint-Esprit. 

Le prefixe yo- a le sens de avec (accom- 
pagnement) : 

yo-dabapa, avec Dieu. 

En fin, le prefixe fie- a le sens de par , 
quoique,dans un cas, la meme relation soitindi- 
quee par le prefixe y- : 

he-tasi, par 1'ordre, 
he-tidoko, par 1'oeuvre, 
\-ira-bibiki, par ma fleche. 

Composition. - Les mots composes sont 
formes par juxtaposition des composants, mais, 
contrairement a ce qui se passe dans la grande 



majorite des langues indiennes, il ne semble 
pas que le determinant suive le determine : 

yaca-titido, bee (litt. : bouche-oiseau), 
pote-arabadio, poil(litt.: plume-animal) '. 

Cette observation est confirmee par la place 
qu'occupe le genitif dans nos textes ; il est vrai 
qu'il s'agit peut-etre de caiques de 1'espagnol : 

adite ape Diosi, mere de dieu, 
y-arakabe Virgen, dans le ventre de lavierge, 
iie-tidoko Dios, par 1'oeuvre de Dieu, 
he-tasi Ponsio Pilato, par 1'ordre de Ponce- 
Pilate, 

\i-ritol:i Diosi, a la droite de Dieu, 
ir-anameariri rabuddu, le pardon des peches. 



L'etude de nos documents permet de pres- 
sentir d'autres faits grammaticaux interessants, 
mais nous preferons, pour 1'instant, nous en 
tenir aux particularites qui nous sont attestees 
d'une facon a peu pres certaine, et attendre, 
pour completer cette breve esquisse gramma- 
ticale du Kayuvava, des materiaux d'etude plus 
complets. 

Pour la meme raison, nous mentionnerons 
seulement que nous avons note entre le Kayu- 
vava et les langues de la famille Guaykuru 
quelques similitudes lexicographiques, dont le 
nombre ne nous parait pas suffisant pour affir- 
mer, des maintenant, une parente entre les 
deux idiomes. Le fait est toutefois a retenir, 
car, dans une autre langue bolivienne, encore 
bien mal connue, le Tuyoneiri, nous avons 
trouve des concordances identiques. 

Aux langues qui 1'environnent, le Kayuvava 
ne semble pas avoir fait beaucoup d'emprunts. 



i. Signalons toutefois une exception : le mot qui signi- 
fie grande maison d'apres Nordenskiold : idore-nyika, 
peuteneffet se decomposer en idore-inika feu-maison 
et doit evidemment etre traduit la maison du feu . 



254 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



Nous avons don 116, dans 


un travail anterieur ', 


bois pipade ni-pati-huare 


la liste des mots communs au Mobima et au 


capricorne kara-ta nt-kora-pas 


Kayuvava; voici, d'autre 


part, les rares ressefn- 


pied J-axe eu-xatsi 


blances que nous avons relevees entre cet 


cotes' tiii-taraka eu-turaxa 


idiome et le Kanicana : 




courant iri-biiiii ilv-btiii 






trois knrapa, kitldpa kalaxa-ka. 


KAYUVAVA. 


KANICANA. 


De nos recherches, il resulte. en definitive, 


aujourd'hui hoxo 


utiexe 


qu'il y a lieu provisoirement dc maintenir la 


sain pairaxa 


ta-pcreko 


famille linguistique Kayuvava comme famille 


blanc ya-pora-xa 


m-bala, hm-bara 


independante. 



KAYUVAVA '. 



I. VOCABULAIRF. 



abcille 

accoucher 

agouti 

aimer : 
j'aimc [Dieu] 

aller : 

je vais 
tu vas 
je suis alle [ce 

matin | 
il est alle 
j'irai [deinain| 
j'irai [au cicl avcc 

Dieu] 
je ne vais pas 



kcnarn (2) 

pa-romibi (2) [cf. fils| 
yekdtt (2) [cf. paca, lapin 
d'Ameriquc] 

[pahiara] kixarese [ko dabti- 
/>" (5) 

nxi-ai (>) iisi-tii (7) 

</(!/)/ (7) 

.v///Vvr (<>n7//] (5) 

ariiiko (7) 

inanix-nxi [&M&IJHJ (5) 

inanix-uxi \tni \i Ida I 
ilabapa] (5) 
,tbe ar-iixi (5) 



1. CREQUI-MONTFORT (G. de) et RIVET (P.). 

tiqut Mh'ienne. La languc Mobima (Jounul ile la Societi 
<!es AmMcausttl de Paris, nouvelle serie, t. XI, 1914, 
p. 1X5-211), p. 194-195. 

2. Nous designons par I le Kayuvava d'Hervas, par 2 
le Kayuvava de d'Orbigny, par 3 le Kayuvava dc I-'onseca, 
par 4 le Kayuvava de Heath, par 5 le Kayuvava de Car- 
diis, par 6 le Kayuvava de Teza, par 7 le Kayuvava de 
Nordenskiold. 

Pour notre notation phonetique, cf. CREQUI-MONT- 
I-DRT (G. de) et RIVET (P.). Linguistique bolivienne. Le 
groupe Otiikl (Journal de la Sociele des Amcricanistes de 
Paris, nouvelle s^rie. t. IX, 1912. p. 317-357), p. 318. 



va a ta maison et tcrei-hama \ v-apa-nika, \nii- 



rexira iiie] (5) 
OY.TC (2) iisi-ere (7) 
lerei (5) 
i-apnhliaca(s) 
\emnii (5) 



revicns vitc ! 
allons ! 

allez, marche/ 
oil vas-tu ? 
allons-nous-iMi 

d'ici ! 
ame 
ami 
ananas 
animal 
amice 
appelle ! 
s'appeler : 

comment t'appel- baakapa-emt(fi[\itt.: quoi 
ton nom ?] 

plichtl (2) 

\oropo (2) 

i-rabupui (2) ninpit (4) > 

na-bibiki (3) [ct. flcche] 

/vv;< ; (2) 



rkii (.)) [cf. maison] 
yon (2) 
ir-iibihlio (i) 
ir-idoremaka (i) fcf. feu] 
Inlulipa (2) 



les-tu ? 
apporte ! 
araignee 
arc 



argile 
s'asseoir: 
assieds-toi ! 
aujourd'hui 

aveugle 
avoir : 
il y a 



ruruiya (2) 

fioxo (2) irioho (6) 

iceune (2) 

aiincxi (5) at'nibebi (~) arexi 

(2) 



3. Vraisemblablement faute d'impression pour : raupn. 



NO. 4 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



255 



il n'y a pas 

ya-t-il [un Dieu]? 
bambou (grand) 
banane 
barbe 
en bas 
beaucoup 
superlatifde beau- 
coup 

beau-frere 
bee 

blanc 

blatte 

bleu 

bois 

bois, broussailles 

bois, foret 

bois a bruler 

bon 

bouche 

bouilloire 
bouton de fleur 
bras 

brun 

cabiai 

calebasse en arbre 

canne a sucre 



canot 
capricorne 
rambyx) 

ce, cette 
cendre 



(Cr- 



ycbari (5) yavari (2) yeari, 

yipeAri (7) [cf. non] 
cu anuexi \ko dabapa] (5) 
ir-ad^ud^u (2) 
ikoko (2) ikutinko (7) 
da-polo (2) 
yabu (i) 
tadeta (2) 
naraparetay (2) 

saiti (2) 

ya'ca titido (2) [cf. bouche, 

oiseau] 
ya-pora-xa (2) ira-bore (i) 

(n^vd-bore-ba (7) 
bibi (2) 

yuntsi (2) (ri)yorosi (7) 
nardv (3) 
bispode (3) 

pipade (2) pipodd (7) 
iniranare (i) 

&'' (2) 

pd-yrd-ha (7) [cf. joli] 

en-ilidci (4) i-diaice (fidiaca 

(2) iyacae (r) 
torendi'ito (4) 
araipa (3) 
nanyau (4) na-fidma (3) wfl- 

iiabua (2) i-nahue (i) 
(ti)yd-la-ha (7) [cf. noir, 

rouge] 
yoanan (2) 
c)fi;p/ (2) 
ir-alntu (2) [cf. bambou, 

mielj 
id^iikar (7) [esp. : a -near, 

sucre] . 
krata-dapa (2) 
karata (2) 

arenaxi (2) 



cerf guazu pucu 

(Cervus paludo- 

sus) 
cerf guazu ti (CVr- 

ww campestris) 
cerf guazu bira 

(Cervus simpli- 

cicornis) 
cervelle 

ceux-la, celles-la 
chaleur 
chanter 
chat 

chauve-souris 
chemin 

chemise d'ecorce 
chenille 
chercher : 
quecherches-tu ? 
chetif, miserable 
cheveux 



cheville 

chicha 

chien 

chienne 

les chiens 

ciel 

[Dieu est] au ciel 

[j'irai]au ciel[avec 

Dieu] 
[qui crea] le ciel 

[et la terre ?] 
cigale 
cils 
cire 
citrouille 



idarehe (2) (n)dara (7) 

idoho (2) ido (7) 
"cote (2) 



i-iwtutu (2) 
aranaxi (2) 
baiboko (3) 
paitonoi (2) 
bariekeke (2) 
zcecfl (2) 
i-nanaka (i) 
i-moro (2) 
naihu (2) 



ca picaxee (5) 
cehcyre (j~) [cf. mauvais] 
a-potakame (i) da-petagiia- 

na(2) 

tdlob(4) ndalah ' (3) 
da-cehro (2) 
/#'/ (2) z/'^/ (5) 
nahua (2-7) 
i-ndhua (7) 
mey-ndhua (7) 
zWflfr (i) /rffl^M (2) 
[fo dabapa araicu kei liii] yi- 



[maraxuxi //'] yi-tdal [yo 

dabapa] (5) 
[miacae ki dakd]i tdal [auai- 

pa ki tdati] (5) 
takiiiere (2) 
na-pirtilH (2) 
kenara (2) [cf. abeille] 

(=) 



i. Fonseca donne pour nJalah le sens de tete et pour 
na-orakama, le sens de cheveux . L'inversion est evi- 
dente. Aussi avons-nous cm pouvoir la supprimer. 



2 5 6 


INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL Oh AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. t 


clair 


pa-ibokoro-ba (i) 


Dieu le crea 


ana ko dabapa ki daka (s) 


coati roux(Niwwtf) 


kapuya (2) 


crocodile 


ii ute (2) 


cobaye 


ir-udyu (2) 


cuir 


iiabedirca (3) [cf. ecorce] 


coeur 


it-rakabe (2) na-rakdxe (4) 


cuisse 


;-(/rt.\r(2) 




[c'f. ventrej 


danser 


paki(2) 


comment : 




dauphin des ri- 


piHob'i (2) 


comment t'appel- 


baca kapa-etn& (5) [litt. : 


vieres 




les-tu ? 


quoi ton-nom?] 


demain 


teakalo(t') 


comprendre : 




[j'irai] demain 


[maraxuxi] coiikacn (5) 


je comprends ton 


pagibekexa kapa-raminina 


dent 


id-t'ibi (5) rf/iV(i) 


idiome 


(5) 


dents incisives 


d-axi (2) 


je ne comprends 


yegibekii kapa-raminina (5) 


mes dents incisi- 


an-alsiro (7) 


pas ton idiome 




ves 




content : 




tes dents incisives 


anap-ayai (7) 


je suis content 


ba-iiki-ba (7) 


dents molaires 


dadiodie (2) 


tues content (heu- 


pa-riki-ba (7) 


(.liable 


mahinaxe (2) 


reux) 




didelphe 


ciicobc (2) 


copris ou bousier 


korocodapixi (2) 


dieu 


niai-tnona (i) 


corbeille 


sncra (3) 




i-dabap:i (2) 


corde 


rna-sakatia (4) 


v a-t-il un Dieu ? 


hi iiiinexi ko dabapa (>) 


cornes de cerf 


iia-derebe (2) 


ou est Dieu ? 


cai ciiaia ko dabapa (5) 


corps 


bintbe (i) 


Dieu est au ciel 


ko dabapa araiiit kei tiii yi- 


cotes (os) 


da-taraka (2) 




tdal ( 5 ) 


coton 


\nxnru (2) 


Dieu le crea 


ana ko dabapa ki daka (5) 


cou 


dn-butora (4) ita-boro (3) 


j'aime Dieu 


paldara kixarese ko dabapa 




da-ivio (2) 




()) 


se coucher : 




j'irai au ciel avec 


maraxuxi tni \i liliil \o Ja- 


couche-toi ! 


piiinkitha (2) 


Dieu 


li'pi (5) 


coude 


da-roto (2) 


dire : 




couguar(/Y//.< con- 


tapii (2) 


que dis-tu ? 


yo&(S) 


color) 




doigt 


en-<liulra(.'\) [cf. main] 


courant des rivie- 


it-ibnici (2) 




<;.v//.'/n (i) 


res 






iarue-tdrusi (3) [cf. main] 


courir 


p-irerebe (2) 


indicateur 


italokoro (2) 


court 


inacaxakama (2) 


n led i us 


yeupare (2) 


couteau 


andatudre (4) 


auriculaire 


/it'flfO (2) 


[je veux] un cou- 


| .YHrt^Hrt.vfl] ratdaure (5) 


pouce 


en-iladra (4) [cf. doigt, 


teau 






main] 


crabe d'eau douce 


01*0(2) 




iiiini'irc (2) 


crapaud 


/wo (2) 


doigt des pieds 


sisibadaxe (2) 


creer : 




dormer 


phniice (2) 


qui crea le ciel et 


inittcae ki daka i tdal anaipa 


donne-moi ! 


piboloire (2) 


la terre ? 


kitdali (5) 


donne-moi plus ! 


/'(ire padllalri (7) 



NO. 4 


LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 


257 


dormir 


pibitii(2) 


mon fils 


ana-ciromi (4) are-ciromihi 


doux 


pa-ito-bA (i) 




(7) 


drap, etoffe 


iod~a (3) 


ton fils 


drepd-romihi (7) 


eau 


ikita (i) ikita (2) kita (3-5) 


fleche 


ira-bibiki (2) da-bibiki (4) 




kita (7) 




%erd-bi (3) 


eclair 


icarara (i) 


[j'ai tue un jaguar] 


[xuariye Id xetdaba] y-ira- 


ecorce 


isaheddva (3) [cf. cuir] 


avec la fleche 


' bibiki (5) 


ecureuil 


tutu (2) 


fleur 


a5a(3) icoa (2) 


enfant 


mami-torani (4) [cf. garcon, 


fleuve 


fe'/fl (3) [cf. eau] 




femme] 


force 


isid^ixa (2) 


enfant male 


nan i'< (3) inainixini (2) 


fourmi 


/)/(3) 


enfant femelle 


mavaona (3) krata-mihi-lo- 




isoodo (2) 




rane (2) 


fourmilier tama- 


patano (2) 


epaule 


i-toko (i) ira-loko (2) 


noir (Myrmeco- 




epine 


yaiixa (2) 


pbaga fitbata) 




epouse : 




fourmilier taman- 


o/o (2) 


mon epouse 


ara-nyatonuni (4) 


dua 




etcile 


ir-agaagna (i) ir-atibiiabtia 
(2) ranabiia (5) ir-abi'ia- 

1 f \ 


fourmiliere 
frere 


coodo(2) [cf. fourmi] 
vadapuhite (2) 




feu (7) 


froid 


nW~/ (3) 


etre : 




front 


z'-cofo (i) ira-cokobo (2) 


oil cst Dieu ? 


caz niacfl &o dabapa (5) 




na-rdna (4) [cf. face] 


Dieu est dans le 


fe> dabapa araicu kei tni yit- 


fruit 


j/)fl (2) 


ciel 


dal (5) 




anahim (3) 


face 


i-rabiiHiia (i) i-rahtina (2) 


fumee 


naino (3) 


femme 


na-ranna (4) [cf. front] 
itorcnc^i) torene (7) krala- 

/ \ 


garcon 
genou 


\-J y 

m/'/wzz (4) maixim (2) 
da-cokod~p (2) 




torane (2) 


glouton tai'ra 


^flpa (2) 




teniini (4) 


graine 


wm'e (2) [cf. noyau] 


femme mariee 


torana, krala-torana (3) 


grand 


patara (2) 


for 


hckararebe (2) 


grand'mere 


j'te/fl (2) 


fesse 


inedare (2) 


grand-pere 


imt/a (2) 


feu 


/Wore (1-2) zWorz (3 ) <iore ( 5 ) 


gras 


ya-puxa-be (2) 




zWrire (7) 


grenouille 


kurara (2) 


feuille 


rc;w (2) tVaj/ (3) 


grillon 


teri-tere (2) 


filer 


cakfumi (2) 


guepe a miel 


m;0 (2) 


fille (oppose a 


krata-mihi-torane (2) inami- 


guerrier 


nacumi (4) 


garcon) 


torani (4) [cf. garcon, 


haricots 


zpcte (2) 




femme] 


en haut 


/z' ( i ) 


fille (oppose a fils) 


fiivmixi (2) 


herbe pour les 


r-is6ko (3) [cf. paille, prai- 


ma fille 


ana-ciromi (4) 


bestiaux 


rie] 


fils 


i'h'omixi (2) 


bier : 





2 5 8 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



[mon pere 
mort] hier 
homme 



Hydromys 
idiome : 
[jecomprendsjton 

idiome 
[je ne comprends 

pas] ton idiome 
iguane 
il, elle 
ils, elles 
indiens Kayuva- 

va 

intestin 
iule 

ivre 

jaguar (Fclis oiifa) 

[j'ai tue] un ja- 
guar [avec la 
fleche] 

jambe 

jaune 
je, moi 
c'est moi 
jeune 

job' 

joue 
jour 

lac 

lac Rojo aguado 
laid 
laine 

lampyre ou h e" la- 
ter 



est rarirue \bua ka papa] (5) 

xadsi (i) krat-asi (2) idst 
(7) yasi (6) me-yese (4) 
[cf. peuple] 

idM (3) 

variri (2) 



\pagibekexa} kapa-ram in iiia 

(5) 

[yegibeka] kapa- ra m in iiia ( 5 ) 

Iniiri-huiri (2) 
are (2) or,' (5) 
are-riki (2-5) 
mi-Juyuvabd (7) 

na-kono (2) 

cameroi\i (2) [cf. scolopen- 

dre] 

ya-dace-\a (2) 
yedava (2) yctJnha ( > ) vn/<;- 

biui (7) 
[xuariye] hi xtldaba \ \-ira- 

bilnki] (5) 

i-ribera (i) i-rabara (2) na- 
ribera (3) eiia-\in'ra (^) 
(/(///(/(/ (2) ihinitf (7) 
an-tthi (2) d;w; ( 5 ) ariay (7) 



inciiiii-basi (2) [cf. garcon, 

homme] 

/ra-ATfl (2) [cf. bon] 
i-ribuxfi (2) [cf. visage) 
ir-iaratna (1-6) ir-iarama 

(2) 

(i) ^(/n (2) An (7) 



0) 

irana (2) 
d^ape (2) 



i-nc (i) na-yi (4) na-ne (2) 

nauhe ' (3) 
a-nylnyi (7) 



yekeke (2) [cf . paca, agouti] 
tokuke (2) 



langue 

ma langue 
ta langue 
lapin d'Amerique 
lentes de pou 
se lever: 
leve-toi ! 

lezard 

libellule 

loin 

long 

loup rouge (Canis 

jubatui) 
loutre (grande) 
loutre (petite) 
lune 

maigre 
main 

ma main 

ta main 

mai's 

ma'is vert (cbocllo) 

maison 
ma maison 
ta maison 
[va] a ta maison 
[etreviensvite!] 
grande maison 
petite maison 
malade 
manger 
manioc 



1. Vraisemblablement erreur d'impression pour 
[transcription portugaise) = >Mn. 

2. Fonseca donne : ira> pour langue et naufe pour 
lune . 11 yaeuividemment inversion entre ces 2 mots 

qui se suivent dans son vocabulaire. 

3. Le premier r est nasal. 



tubi (2) [cf. en 
haut] 
iboro (2) 

IUllHliii'tll'0 (2) 

ir-abnxa (2) 
dareaama (2) 
daw (2) 

katada (2) 

cara-katada (2) 

ir-are (1-5) ir-are (2) ir- 

are 1 (3) ir-dre ! (7) 
ceapulri (2) 
fl-n# (i) t/a-r (2-3) f- 

ili'tdra (4) [cf. doigt] 
</-/; (7) 

anapa-lu (7) (I roul^) 
ixiki (2) A-//V/ (5) /)//' (7) 
ii'-i.^oiki (2) |cf. herbe, 

paille, prairie] 
karata-nika (2) J-W//M (i) 
d-nyika (7) 
dpa-iiyika (7) 
[tereinama]y-npa-nika, [yan- 

rexica ihe\ (5) 
idore-nylka (7) [cf. feu] 
muderi-niyiha (7) 
ya-kevaine-xa (2) 
/WKM (2) 
daduxu (2) ddhubu (7) 



ND. 4 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



259 



marais 
marcher : 
marche ! 
mari 

mon mari 
matin : 
je suis 
matin 
mauvais 
mediant 
mentir 
menton 
mere 

ma mere 

ta mere 

mesquin 

miel 



mois 

mollusques : 
mulette longue 
mulette epaisse 
anodonte 
helices et ampul- 

laires 
montagne 

mouche 

mouche marehui 

moufette (Mephi- 
tis) 

mourir : 

mon pereest mort 
hier 

moustique 

musique 

nager 

narines 

neveu, niece 

nez 



nakedoxe (2) 

parorokni (2) 

krat-asi (3) [cf. homme] 

ara-tiri (4) 



alle ce xuica oreiri (5) 



cexcire (2) [cf. chetif] 
ya-raka-xa (2) 
abnexa (2) 

ira-pota (3) ira-pehue (2) 
i-dite (i) 



era-pipi (4) 

an-ditey (7) 

da-ptdi (7) 

ibnica (2) 

ir-atulti (2) [cf. canne a 

sucre] 
karala-irare (i) 

mayarivi (2) 
irai'o (2) 
paxave (2) 
iboco (2) 

ir-urettibi (2) 
tint] are (3) 
n antic (3) 
ikarahue (2) 
meko (2) 
ir-ibokolx (2) 



rarinte hua ka papa (5) 

nanucu (2) 
ww/w touopa (2) 

r \ J 

pitabni (2) 

vareoxe (2) 

nihikuce (2) 

i-bariobo (i) na-hiiareoxo(2) 



mon nez 
ton nez 
noir 



non 

nourriture 
nous 

nous tous 

noyau 

nuit 

obscur 

odorant 

ceil 



oeuf 
oiseau 

roi des vautours 

(Sarcoramphus 

papa} 
perenoptere uru- 

bu (Catharthes 

urubii) 
perenoptere aura 

(Catharthes an- 



na-hauveo (4) 
na-orand<a (3) 
a-huarioie (7) 
pa-bitariose (7) 
ya-ta-xa (2) (n)yd-ta-ha(j) 

[cf. rouge, brun] 
imranare (i) [cf. bois] 
jyofo (2) 

yebari (5) [cf. il n'y a pas] 
rabnrurue (5) 
are-risi (2) are-rixi (5) 

fln<fre (7) 
kuoesdere (7) 
twrfl! (3) [cf. graine] 
ir-idahu (2) 
xarao (i) 
pa-idao-ba (i) 
pa-ube-ba (i) 
i-yokori (i) ni-yoko (2) 4^ 

yokuosi (7) 
en-cdko (4) [cf. front] 
na-rincoh (3) 

ir-omixe (2) 
mislmi (3) 
///?Wo (2) ititido (i) 
ir-apacahua (2) 



(2) 



(2) 



caracara (grand) rra (2) 

(Polyborus vul- 

garii) 
caracara (petit) /rye (2) 

(Polyborus chi- 

macUnui) 
aigle (Morphnus kerekere (2) 

urubitinga) 



260 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



chouette ourau- 


moinon'koto (2) 


arara (Macrocer- araba (3) 


courca 




Cttf) 




ducnacurutu(,Btt- 


kit nt htipu (2) 


ara j.mne / 


oraca (2) 


bo mageUanicns) 




perroquet amazo- ibaro (2) 


effraie (Strix /><;- 


taho(2) 


ne 




lata) 




perroquet baro (3) 


petit due (Scops 


vady (2) 


perroquet sey knnrtce (2) 


ckoliba) 


, 


perruche (Psitla- foxi (2) Iwi/ (3) 


tres petite chouet- 


lotoxo (2) 


t/a) 




te 




ara a collier koiii (2) 


tangara bleu 


mituhu (2) 


todier(7W.$) inni'isi (2) 


tyran bienteveo 


dakiririti (2) 


hoceo a bee rouge yoti (2) 


(Tyrannus sul- 




(Crax sp . ) 




furatus} 




hocco a crcte pico (2) 


fournier (Furna- 


ttitii (2) 


(Crfl.v sp . ) 




rius riifui) 




faisan a cravate /Wo (2) 


hirondelle 


dapitorodo (2) 


faisan noir ivi.v/(2) 


engoulevent (Ca- 
prinntlgus) 
moineau cardinal 
grand cassique 
cassique tojo 
cassique matico 


Ivkora (2) 

picaktiri (2) 

Ivkt'iVilo (2) 
ir-inrabo (2) 
potokimi (2) 


faisan hucloeo yomkodalv (2) 
coq yasi-taJturabo (2) 
poule takiirn (2) tdkardro (7) 
les poules nicy-1/ikait'iro (7) 
perdrix boyokoko (2) 
faisan catinguera A-<IH (2) 


troupiale chopi 
(Icterus sp.) 
oiseau-mouche 


toti (2) 
tntiitu (2) 


pigeon CM^/< (2) 
tourterelle yeruti jc.vo (2) 
tourterelle pecui corcnv (2) 
autruche doxc (2) 


martin-pecheur 


parasasa (2) , 


vanneau arnie /wc/w (2) 


(Alcedo sp.) 




V / 

courlan korahna (2) 


pic en general 
coucou (Cnculus) 

couroucou (Tro- 
\ 


ccxoxaiiai'((2) 
J^aJokoko (2) 
isoha (2) 


t: \ S 

grand heron eou- huahnkarc (2) 
leur de plornb 
hdron roux jote(2) 


gon) 




aigrette -;v//.r (2) 


ani des savanes 


ittithi (2) 


cigogne bnaccbnhii (2) 


(Crotophaga 




jabiru (Ciconia vabo (2) 


am) 




mycteria) 




toucan toco 


\ampa (2) 


tantale (Tantalus} codoce (2) 


(Rhamphastos 




spatule (Platalea) bebcb'e(2) 


loco) 




ibis de Cayenne 




aracari superbe 


/>/w;W (2) 


ibis bronze" 


cacalta (2) 


(Pteroglossus) 




grand ibis 




ara rouge (Macro- 


tava (2) 


becassine 




s-tens macao) 




jacana (Parra) xckche (2) 



NO. 4 


LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 


261 


kamichi huppe 


dokaha (2) 


palmier petit epi- 


1/huare (2) 


(Palamedea) 




neux 




poule d'eau 


korokoro (2) 


papillon 


-antdrod') 


rale geant 


sirikoba (2) 




yariiyaru (2) 


grebe (Podiceps) 


popo(2) 


paresseux tridac- 


biifiyore (2) 


mouette 


davrikita (2) 


^ tyle 




cormoran nigaud 


vayuyu (2) 


parler 


paid^arai (2) 


haninga (Plotus 


torayuyu (2) 


patate douce 


ikeri (2) kori (7) 


anbinga) 




payer 


paparaice (2) 


canard musque 


yabaca (2) 


pave 


paparai (2) 


petit canard 


visisi (2) 


peau 


da-isi (2) 


ombilic 


na-coho (2) 


pecari 


yukuku (2) 


oncle 


tete (2) 


pecher 


pikiti tuhi (2) 


ongles 


do-kira .(4) da-kirn (2) 


peigne 


rapapdda (3) 




niasou ban si (3) 


peindre 


paxerei (2) 


oreille 


i-radih (2) a-ridyiM (7) 


penis 


na-nidna (3) 




na-ridiyke (3) ena-xengi- 


pere 


i-dabapa(i') a pa pa (2) 




kui [probablement : e;w- 


mon pere 


era-papa (4) 




xeiui^ikui] (4) 




dra-hiwpi (7) (r nasal) 


OS 


iia-rakibe (2) na-rakiyi (4) 


ton pere 


nanioto (7) 


oil : 




mon pere [est 


[rarirue hua\ ka papa (5) 


oil vas-tu ? 


taputdlala (5) 


mort hier] 




ou est Dieu ? 


cflz cMaca fc dabapa (5) 


petit 


motriye (2) 


oui 


axa(2)xal (5) 


peu 


rikenaxi (2) 


paca 


vftaVcr (2) [cf. agouti, lapin 


tres peu 


hahaorike (2) 




d'Amerique] 


peuple 


me-yke (4) [cf. homme] 


paille 


ir-ixeke (2) [cf. prairie, 


pied 


/;' (i) d-0.ve (2) en-arxe 




herbe] 




(4) idab-hds (3) 


paille de mai's 


^/ (2) 


mon pied 


d&y (7) 


palmier totai 


padaku (2) 


ton pied 


dp-ahey (7) 


palmier motacu 


hitai'i-kete(2) 


pierre 


iyaroha (i)yaroho (2) iarogo 


(Attalea Hum- , 






(3) wifofo (7) 


boldtiana) 




piment 


kadabu (2) 


palmier carundai 


kete (2) 


plaine 


ir-ibuokoe (7) 


palmier chonta 


papafo (2) 


plante du pied 


^-axe (2) [cf . pied] 


palmier cusi (Al- 


murerelceleu (2) 


pleurer 


puirihi (2) 


lalea spectabilis) 




pleuvoir 


mairibokidabo (2) 


palmier royal 


Aw//a' (2) 


il pleut 


//ftw ybV/a&j (5) 


palmier marayahu 


yadadeu (2) 


pluie 


zWfl^tt (i) 


(Bactrix mar a- 




plumes 


/wte (2) 


/) 




plus : 




palmier du Gua- 


-<' (2) 


donne-moi plus! 


i(Jr<; pddetahi (7) 


pore 





poignet 


da-barube (2) 



262 


INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS VOL. I 


poll 


potearabadio(2')[c{. plume, 


queue (du chien) 


yinytn-nahua (7) 




animal] 


qui ? 




poisson 


iddta (3) idata (i) data (2) 


qui [est-ce]? 


miatcay (7) 


[jeddsirejdu pois- 


[atdaicd] dakta (5) 


qui est la ? 


mia cay kihuedc (7) 


son 




qui crea le ciel et 


iiiiurae ki daka i tdal anaipa 


raie anne'e des ri- 


bikidi (2) 


la terre ? 


hi tdali (5) 


vieres 




rainette 


dabiikn (2) 


dorade 


iroba (2) 


rame 


ira-biri (2) 


bagre arme" 


korokoro (2) 


ramer 


pibirihi (2) 


s;ibalo 


coboko (2) 


rat 


naiiiono (2) 


bagre surubi (Pla- 


yiitapa (2) 


regarde ! 


pttnai (2) 


tysloma sp.) 




rc'iiard 


iivxtt (2) 


palometa 


dadiure (2) 


revenir : 




anguille ou syn- 


pucntu (2) 


va a ta maison et 


tereifiauia yapanika, yaitrc- 


branclie 




reviens vite! 


xica ine (5) 


bagre 


caka (2) 


rien 


iiahavari (2) 


pacu (Prockilodus, 


barikidi (2) 


rire 


piece i (2) 


Myletes sp.) 




riviere 


iiidininl'iiiiiki (2) 


poitrine 


i-rakaht 1 (i) i-rakaxe (2) 


rio ltd nes ou Gua- 


i tents (2) 




ena-xakde (4) 


pord 






na-nit'niif (3) [cf. sein] 


rio Mamore 


marambartki (2) 


pore-epic 


hitiiriiiiibnii (2) 




idardma (7) 


se porter : 




rio Itonama 


w/nvr (2) 


comment te por- 


pa-ira-xii (2) tw-ira-xa (5) 


rio Blanco 


ya-bore-xa (2) [cf. blanc) 


tes-tu ? 




riz 


ir-autara (2) 


je me porte bien 


pairaxiii (2) pairaxai ()) 


rose (adject.) 


WWfe (7) 




[cf. sain, bon, joli] 


roscuu en even- 


yumarl (2) 


pot 


riratodto (3) 


tail 




pou de tete 


dafxcece (2) 


rose 


ibarakoho (2) 


pourri 


oripono (2) 


rouge 


pa-to-ha (i) ya-te-xa (2) 


prairie 


iri-xekc (2) fcf. paille, 




(n)yd-ta-ha (7) [cf. noir, 




berbe] 




brun] 


prendre : 




sable 


//-//)/( (2) 


prends ! 


olio (2) iit'iyhno (7) 




idatbi($) [cf. terre] 


pres 


iiaraina (2) 


sain 


pa-ira-xa (2) |cf. bon, joli 


propre 


ya-rero-xa (2) 




et se porter] 


puce penetrante 


kocepa (2) 


sale 


ya-moe-xj (2) 


punaise 


yaxixabibi (2) 


sang 


torobua (2)da-larua (4) 


quand ? 


casidura (2) 


sauterelle 


cacflca (2) 


que ? 




scolopendre 


cameroro (2) [cf. iule] 


que dis-tu ? 


JB& (5) 


scorpion 


ir-ocobikidi (2) 


que cherches-tu ? 


baca picaxde (5) 


sein de fern me 


ana-mdmi (4) [cf. poitrine] 


que veux-tu ? 


/wf /waitgiiac (5) kistah'(~~) 




/orawe (2) [cf. femmej 



NO. 4 


LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 


263 


sel 


copara (2) copdla (7) 




dati (5) ndati (7) [cf. 


serpents : 






sable] 


orvet et nmphis- 


cukuhu (2) 


[qui crea le ciel et] 


[miacae ki daka i tdal anai- 


bene 




la terre ? 


pa]ki tdati (5) 


boa 


yoari (2) 


tete 


a-barakama (i) na-huara- 


couleuvre 


yataxaeni (2) 




kama (2) gu-anakudna 


crotale 


sisisi (2) 




(4) d-huarakamei (7) na- 


singes : 






orakama (3) 


atele coai'ta ^te- 


yoara (2) 


tique garrapata 


pecece (2) - 


les paniscus) 




tisser 


iratiki (2) 


alouate rouge 


yatexa, maxani (2) 


ton 


arin (7) 


(Slentor) 




tonnerre 


ir-id%ukuhe (2) 


alouate noir (Sten- 


maxani, fiataxa (2) 


tortue d'eau douce 


cubada (2) 


tor) 




tortue de terre 


bada (2) 


callitriche 


ftoko (2) 


tous : 




callitriche lion 


isiiixa (2) 


nous tous 


kudesa-ere (7) 


maquis nocturne 


\ y 

d^ud{u (2) 


vous tous 


kuoe'sd-pere (7) 


sceur 


amabo (2) 


triste 


imixairakahe (2) 


soif 


araxexa (2) 


tu, toi 


area (2) araf (5)^5 (7) 


soleil 


iyaramd (i) haraman (2) 


c'est toi 


arin cdy ' (7) 


sot 


naramdn (3) yarama (5) 
[cf. jour] imdka (7) 
cakuice (2) 


tuer 
j'ai tu [un jaguar 
avec la fleche] 


puarihi (2) 
xttariye [ki xetdaba y-ira- 
Inbiki] (5) 


sourcils 


na-marawdo (2) 


uriner 


pipatebi (2) 


sourd 
spectre (insecte) 


\ / 

iceaita (2) 
vaba (2) 


vase de terre 
veine 


M (2) 
nakuoomone (2) 


tabac 


yupa (j) v/)fl (2) vuhd (7} 


venir : 


. 


talon 


tokororo-daxe (2) 

/ \ 


viens ! 
viens ici ! 


yaviru (2) 
dbiiiru (7) 


tante 
taon 
tapir 


mamut (2) 
pakorava (2) 
fozte (2) bahata (3) mbatle 
'(7) 


vent 
ventre 


v / y 

idabukuhe (2) idabuku (i) 
arakabe (i) da-rakahua (2) 
da-rakdurusi (3) ena-na- 
kabi (4) 


tatou geant (Dasy- 


bayaka (2) 


ver a viande 


nanSievaka (2) 


pus gigas) 




vers : 


\ y 


tatou peba 


dapide (2) 


lombrics et asca- 


cukuhu (2) 


tatou encoubert 


toro-dapyde (2) 


rides 




(Dasypus sex- 




vert 


diveverea (2) 


cinctus) 




vessie 


dikipata (2) 


tenebrion 


tutiiama (2) 


vieux 


iratakasi (2) 


termite 


corapada (2) 




^floi C?) 

\ y y 


termitiere 


caraca (2) 






terre 


iWa/w (i) da/ (2) iddM(^) 


i . Cette phrase doit 


etre interrogative fcf. p. i}8]. 



264 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



village 

notre village 

visage 

vice : 

va a ta maison et 

reviens vite! 
vivre : 
nous vivons la 

voleur 

vouloir : 

je veux 

je ne veux pas 

je veux [un cou- 

teauj 
je desire [du pois- 

son] 
que veux-tu ? 

vous 

vous tous 

vulve 

un 

deux 

trois 

quatre 

cinq 

six 
sept 
huit 
neuf 

dix 
onze 
douze 
dix-neuf 

vingt 



cutaru (4) 
yu-indero (7) 
i-ribu^o (3) [cf. joue] 

lereihama vapanika, yatire- 
xica iiie (5) 



mi-varyt' (7) [litt. 

bitantsj 
ipiixa (2) 



les ha- 



(2) 

bieiciieiibna (2) 
\uagua.\a [ratdanre] (5) 

atdaica [dakta\(fi 

[baca] p-itaugitof (5) bd>tcdc 

(7) 

nrekperc (5) 
kinxidpere (7) 
da-bibc (3) 

karata (1-2-6) karata (7) 
tiiitia ( i ) tnitiba (2) mitia (7) 
k urn pa (1-2-6) kulapa (7) 
fiiilii (2) fiidda (i) caila (7) 
mttiilarfi (i) nuiiJani (2) 

mindau (7) 
ktirata-rirobo (1-2) kardta- 

hitbii (7) 
initia-rirobo(i-2~) mit-iairtibu 

(7) 
kitrapa-rirobo (1-2) kulapa- 

iriibu (7) 
caJara-rirobo (2) cadda-riro- 

bo (i) cada-irubu (7) 
burunice (1-2) bururut'd(^]} 
bnruruce-karato-rogiknl (i ) 
btiruroce-tnitia-ropiknc ( i ) 
btiruruce-cadda - rirobo- rosi- 



tnitiba-btininice (2) mitia- 
burtice ( i ) 



vingt-un 
vingt-deux 

t rente 

trente-un 

quarante 

cinquante 

soixantc 

soixante-dix 

quatrc-vingts 

quatre-vingt-dix 

cent 

mille 



tnitia-bururute-karata-rogik- 

nc (i) 
mitia-bufurute-mitia-rogiknt 

(0 

kitrapa-lntruruce (1-2) 
ktoapa-bnruruct-karala - i'o - 

Zibit (i) 
cada-biinirnce (2) caJitti-lm- 

rnrnce (i) 

Hiaitlani-biiruruce (2) 
karata-rirobo-biii'ti nice (2) 
mitia-rirdbo-bumnttt (2) 
kiinipa-rirobo-bururuce (2) 
ladara-rirobo-buruntie (2) 



biiniriice-poil-buntruce ( I ) 

II. TEXTES. 
Pater Noster. 



O-dobap t 't urep-icii tiii \i-idag, 

Notre-Pere toi-qui-es cn-liaut dans-le-ciel, 
adaroso-ha-dopai apa-eme ; ttlbuia-dopai yere 
adore-soit-que ton-nom ; etabli-soit-que fici) 

apa-reino ; tiLv-hii-doptii api mui-vaiic 
ton-royaume ; obeissent-que [toi] les-habitants 
_)'/;//, _) T a/^ i>iai-vari<' tui yi-idag. 
en-has, aussi les-habitants cn-liaut dans-lc-cicl. 

P-imihi-dopai cihi o-ananihi 

Tu-donnes-que a-nous notre-nourriture 
/MO/A) ; irebereM [ire bereh/] atirahi 
aujourd'luii ; mal 

p-idci-rihi, yapc bir-ide-ba rihi ; 

pardonne-nous, aussi nous-pardonnons nous ; 
p-ipepc-ba-dopai ribi [rih'i] yi-ireherehe 

tu-abandonnes-que nous dans-le-mal 

yacbcha '. Amen. 
[ne-pas]. Amen. 



i. Sur la 2 C copie, ou lit clairement ce mot 
prcniiurc, il y a doutc pour w.'(Note tic TCX.I.) 



sur la 



NO. 4 



LA LANGUE KAYUVAVA 



26 5 



Ave Maria. 

Ave Maria p-ipobo-ka b grasia, dre-icuama 
Salut Marie tu-es-pleine de grace, il-est 
ye-pa-yaba o-dabapa; p-apira-ba 

[dans-ton- ?J notre-Pere; tu-es-aimee 
ye-mai-torene, yape na are-koca-ui 
parmi-les-femmes, aussi [celui] qui-naquit 
ye-pa-yaba apa-romihi Xesnsii. Sankta Maria, 
[dans-ton- ?] ton-fils Jesus. Sainte Marie, 
adite ape Diosi, p-ivoroko-ha icibi 
mere [toi] de-Dieu, prie pour-nous 
inai-budu-ba, inoho, mai-yeipeca cihi 
pecheurs, aujourd'hui, pour-nous 

rakabe. Amen. 
mediants. Amen. 

Credo. 

Hikoce. ye Dios i-dabapa cebe rnkaba atibeke 
Je-crois en Dieu Pere 

i-doko-ha dag, \kareheca idatu. Hikoce ye Xesu 

createur cid, terre. Je-crois en J6sus 

Krislo o-dabapa, karata e abico-rome ; areca 

Christ notre-Pere, un son-fils; qui 

ikuddue yasi ; y-arakabe virgin Santa 

[se-fitj homme; dans-ventre Vierge Sainte 

Maria he tidoko Dios Espiritu Santo acoka-ui ; 

Marie par 1'oeuvre Dieu Esprit Saint naquit ; 

adabehepe-hiti-pe fie tasi Ponsio Pilato ; 

souffrit par 1'ordre de-Ponce Pilate ; 

ua-hiii-pe ; adabari-bui-pe ; obi-bui-pe po 

mourut ; fut-enterre ; alia [en-bas] 



yi-bilimbo tapeariki mo aya Santo Pay ni 
a-1'enfer [ou] Saints Peres 

tiboatae ; itekerene-tui ye-mai-rua, 

se-leva [ressuscita] parmi-les-morts, 

kurapa iriarama ome ua ; ohi-bui-pe 
trois jours [apres] mort; alia 

tui yi-idag ; i-curu-hm-pe yi-ritoki 

en-haut au-ciel ; s'assit a-la-droite 

Diosi a-bope c(he rukaha atibeke. Hikoce 

de-Dieu pere Je-crois 

ye Espiritu Sankto. Hikoce santa iglesia 

dans Esprit Saint. Je-crois sainte eglise 

kalholika. Hikoce komunioniki ma-sanlo. 

catholique. Je-crois communion des^saints. 

Hikoce ir-anameariri rabiiddu. Hikoce 

Je-crois pardon peche. Je-crois 

ir-itekereiie-tui mai-rua. Hikoce 

levee [resurrection] des-morts. Je-crois 

cehesi ua ihe. Amen. 
vie-eternelle. Amen. 

Chanson. 

Usiere yu-indero anere htoesalre 

Allons notre-village nous nous-tons 
mi-kayuvaba anere mi-kayuvaba kuodaire anere 
Kayuvava nous Kayuvava nous-tous nous 
les-habitants '. 
ini-varye. 

I . Nordenskiold traduit mi-varye, nous vivons la. Notre 
traduction s'accorde mieux avec le texte du Pater Noster. 



266 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



HAS TLINGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN ? 
By PLINY EARLE GODDARD 



THE question of the possible connection ol 
Tlingit and Athapascan presented itself to Pro- 
fessor Franz Boas, when, during his work on 
the Northwest coast, the morphological simi- 
larities were observed by him'. At that time 
the requisite knowledge of both Athapascan 
and Tlingit was lacking for a final determina- 
tion of the question of genetic relationship. 

When some years later Dr. John R. Swanton 
was engaged in field-work on the Northwest 
coast, he secured Tlingit linguistic material J 
from which a grammatical sketch was prepared 
for the Handbook of American Languages '. 
The recording of this Tlingit material lacked 
the phonetic accuracy necessary for a basis of 
comparison, and the meanings of the stems 
were not determined with sufficient exactness. 
Dr. Swanton was aware of the general resem- 
blance of Haida, Tlingit, and Athapascan, but 
realized the futility of making a prolonged and 
detailed comparison based on limited and faul- 
ty material. 

Dr. E. Sapir read a paper at the Philadelphia 
meeting of the American Anthropological As- 
sociation in 1914, on the Na-dene, a name he 
chose for a linguistic group composed of Haida, 
Tlingit, and all the Athapascan languages*. 
Dr. Sapir's contention was that these three 

1. The relationship of Haida and Tlingit was suggest- 
ed and discussed in an article, Classification of the 
Languages of the North Pacific Coast (Memoirs of /he 
International Congress of Anthropology [Chicago, 1893], 
339-346). 

2. The texts were published in BBae 39 (1909). 

3. BBae 40 (pt i) : 159-204. 

4. T!K Na-J-ne Languages, a Preliminary Report 
(AA I7[i9i5]= 534-558). 



hitherto considered independent stocks were 
genetically related. The material used for 
Tlingit was that embodied in Dr. Swanton's 
two contributions mentioned above. He drew 
upon the various sources of Athapascan mater- 
ial, restoring in many instances hypothetical 
parent-forms with which to make his compa- 
rison. The paper, which appeared in the 
" American Antropologist ", was called preli- 
minary ; but the final results of the study 
have not yet appeared in print. 

It was only in the winter of 1914-15 that an 
opportunity presented itself for a satisfactory 
examination of Tlingit. Mr. Louis Shotridge, a 
Tlingit Indian, spent some wee^s in New York 
City, during which time Professor Boas secur- 
ed rather full material, chiefly in the form of 
grammatical notes and lists of words. Particular 
attention was given by Professor Boas and his 
students to an exact classification and represen- 
tation of the sounds of Tlingit. With the pre- 
paration and publication of this material ', an 
opportunity for a profitable comparative study 
from the side of Tlingit was presented for the 
first time. 

During the years in which a satisfactory 
knowledge of Tlingit has been awaited, various 
Athapascan languages have been studied, and 
bodies of texts and grammatical sketches have 
been published. The-first of these dealing with 
Hupa contains some regrettable deficiencies 
in phonetic exactness. There are still large 
and important groups of Athapascan dialects as 
yet unstudied or unavailable, due to delay in 

5. Fr-nz Boas, Grammatical Notts on the Language of 
the Tlingit Indians (U. Penn. 8 [1917] : 1-179). 



NO. 4 



HAS TL1NGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



26 7 



the preparation and publication of collected 
material. The Wailaki and Tolowa in north- 
western California will, when published, pre- 
sent very important linguistic material. The 
Yukon dialects are practically unknown, with 
the exception of Ten'a '. While, without this 
at present unavailable Athapascan material, the 
final word on the subject of a genetic relation- 
ship between Tlingitand Athapascan cannot be 
said, some useful comments and comparisons 
may be made. These indicate rather clearly 
what may be anticipated as the final decision 
on the subject. 

In some respects the material to be compared 
presents unusual opportunities. Both Tlingit 
and the Athapascan languages have a rather 
large number of monosyllabic nouns, and the 
larger number of these are apparently simple 
and primary. The phonetic changes possible 
are therefore simplified and reduced in number; 
for the action of word-accents, both of stress and 
pitch, are eliminated. Phonetic changes should 
therefore proceed with unusual regularity. 
Simple nouns like these present great advantages 
also in the matter of stable and easily-determin- 
ed meanings. In the case of Athapascan ca SUN, 
we have a memory association tying a simple 
phonetic group with a definite single object. 
In most other instances there is opportunity 
for varying ranges of application. The word 
t'n WATER may come to be applied to LAKE 
and OCEAN ; but, aside from an expansion or 
contraction of application, a change of meaning 
in the majority of such simple words, so com- 
plete as to make an original identity of form 
and meaning in the parent language untraceable 
in the descendants, is not likely to happen. 
The known history of Indo-European 1 languages 
shows that certain classes of words such as 
numerals, body-parts, and terms of relationship 
are particularly stable. 

i. J. \V. Chapmann, Ten'a Texts and Tales (Paes 6, 
[1914]: 1-230). 



What appears to have happened in the 
Athapascan languages is that monosyllabic, 
non-descriptive nouns have been gradually 
replaced by longer, descriptive terms. A suffi- 
cient number, however, of these simple nouns 
remain in the various languages to furnish a 
fair basis of comparison. For Tlingit, Professor 
Boas has furnished upward of three hundred 
simple nouns. When the Athapascan nouns of 
identical or closely related meanings are placed 
beside these Tlingit nouns in parallel columns, 
only a few words are sufficiently alike to attract 
attention 2 . With the Tlingit words arranged 
alphabetically, phonetic sound-shifts between 
Tlingit and Athapascan, if present, should 
appear at once. No such shifts are found after 
careful study. 

There are two relationship terms similar in 
form and of identical or allied meaning. In 
Tlingit, MOTHER-IN-LAW, is lean, and in Beaver, 
icon. Tlingit 'at', FATHER'S SISTER ; and -at in 
the Athapascan dialects of Northwestern Cali- 
fornia, where the meaning is ELDER SISTER or 
COUSIN. This term, in these dialects, is also 
applied to FATHER'S SISTER. Were it not for 
this anomaly in classification, the meanings of 
the words would not in the least coincide. A 
connection is possible if it be assumed that in 
Athapascan the term for FATHER'S SISTER came 
to be applied to ELDER SISTER. If the change 
was from ELDER SISTER to include FATHER'S 
SISTER, the connection in meaning disappears. 

A connection might be assumed between 
Tlingit wan EDGE, and Ten'a -vwon EDGE or 
BORDER, if a parallel of wwv could be found. 
The Athapascan sound which appears with a 
queer alternation in various dialects as b and 
m, becomes vw, a bilabial spirant, in Ten'a. 
Without other correspondences, nothing can 
be made of this single instance. 

Perhaps the most striking correspondence 

2. See below, p. 271. 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



in the nouns is the word for CRANE, dni in 
Tlingit, and dd in Kato, and found fairly 
frequently in other Athapascan dialects. A rela- 
tion between Tlingit n and Athapascan s or i 
is all that is lacking. Since the word is almost 
an isolated case of phonetic correspondence of 
nouns of identical meaning, as will appear 
below, it seems more logical to consider the 
word one that Tlingit has borrowed from a 
neighboring Athapascan dialect. 

Almost equally exact is the agreement of 
Tlingit (aw FEATHER, and fa which, in Atha- 
pascan frequently translated FEATHER, is eve- 
rywhere restricted to the larger stiff feathers of 
the wings and tail. The more exact rendering, 
then, would be PLUME. I am told there is a 
corresponding restriction in meaning in Tlingit. 

In only one instance is there an indication 
of several nouns with the same phonetic cor- 
respondences. Tlingit Saq' and Athapascan ts'in 
mean BONE; Tlingit sax means HAT and Chi- 
pewyan tc'a DANCE-HAT ; and Tlingit six' and 
Jicarilla ts'ai mean DISH. In these cases there 
is agreement only between the initial conso- 
nants, the other sounds varying. A dance-hat 
is probably something quite different from 
simply a hat. The case is too weak to be con- 
vincing, and, unsupported as it is, carries very 
little weight. Two other fair agreements appear 
in the list, - - Tlingit can OLD PERSON, and 
Beaver con OLD AGE ; Tlingit ci SONG, and Chi- 
pewyan an SONG. 

Out of over three hundred monosyllabic 
nouns gathered by Professor Boas, most of 
which have clear-cut meanings, one hundred 
and fifteen have been matched with Athapascan 
words of identical or closely-related meanings. 
Some of the unmatched Tlingit nouns have 
meanings too general or too specialized to be 
matched satisfactorily with Athapascan forms. 
In many instances the Athapascan nouns of 
corresponding meanings are dissyllabic and 
have descriptive meanings, and are therefore 



not comparable with the monosyllabic, non- 
descriptive nouns of Tlingit. This tendency to 
replace the simple nouns with longer descrip- 
tive terms is very pronounced in Athapascan. 
The unmatched Tlingit nouns, then, do not 
weaken the case for genetic relation. However, 
five fairly satisfactory agreements out of one 
hundred and fifteen which have been matched 
in meaning do not present an impressive pro- 
portion. 

In addition to these, Sapir lists the follow- 
ing : 



ATHAPASCAN 



TLINGIT 



~t e > Xe grease ex grease 

-;t> tooth HX tooth 

-k.'a arrow g!a point 

-onaye elder brother bitnx man's older brother 

t'e^ night t'a't night 

/o' fish tUn'k! cohoes 

mis cheek wye cheek 

no place of retreat, nn fort 
island 

Of these xe GRESSE is unfamiliar to me in 
Athapascan ; and Tlingit c'.y (Boas 'ex) is given 
the meaning FISH-OIL. The Athapascan word 
for TOOTH is -70, or -wo ; Boas gives for Tlingit 
'iix. Sapir gives q!a as meaning POINT, and 
compares it with Athapascan k!a ARROW. Swan- 
ton's texts and Boas', wordlist give the meaning 
POINT OF LAND. The connection in meaning 
would appear far-fetched. The Athapascan 
word k!a does not refer to the point ot the ar- 
row, but to the shaft, since the separable 
pointed end, either of stone or wood, has a 
different name. Boas has i'uk"' COHOE-SALMON, 
which leaves only the vowel n to carry the 
phonetic similarity; for glottalixed /' and k' are 
very distinct from / and k without glottalixa- 
tion. In Athapascan, no does not mean a PLACE 
OF RETREAT, it means an ISLAND. 

Dr. Sapir has assumed that the primitive Na- 



NO. 4 



HAS TLINGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



269 



dene language had the form cv, the elements 
always ending in a vowel, and that final conso- 
nants result from suffixes. There is evidence, as 
Sapir states, that Athapascan verb-stems have 
final consonants representing disappearing suf- 
fixes; but no good evidence is known for 
concluding that nouns also have been given 
their final consonants by this method. To be 
sure, the ignoring of all final consonants adds 
much to the ease with which equivalent forms 
can be found. 

In the case of the verbs, Professor Boas has 
segregated about three hundred and fifty stems, 
to the greater number of which he has assigned 
meanings. The opportunity for comparison is 
not nearly so favorable in the case of verbs as 
in that of nouns. Phonetically, the verbal stem 
is part of a complex, subject to accent variations 
and to assimilation. In the case of Athapascan 
verbal stems, the presence of a series of reduced 
suffixes is to be suspected. These suffixes may 
appear as the final consonants of the apparently 
monosyllabic stems. The meaning of a mono- 
syllabic noun appears without analysis, while 
the meaning of a verbal stem can be determined 
only by the examination of several verbs con- 
taining it. Often even then the meaning is 
elusive, and difficult of precise statement. It 
happens, therefore, that the matching of Pro- 
fessor Boas' list of Tlingit verb stems with 
Athapascan stems of equivalent meanings is a 
difficult matter. It has been attempted only 
where the meanings of the Tlingit stems have 
been rather definitely given. While the complete 
verbs in Tlingit usually can be rendered in an 
Athapascan dialect by verbs of fairly equivalent 
meaning, it does not follow that the stems 
are comparable, for other elements than the 
stem in each case help to make up the verb. 

It has been possible to match one hundred 
and twenty-four of the Tlingit stems with 
Athapascan-stems of similar meaning '. In a fair 

I. See below, p. 275. 



number of these instances, the agreement in 
meaning is satisfactory. Of these one hundred 
and twenty-four compared forms, only five 
show sufficient phonetic similarity to require 
comment. 

Tlingit 'a TO SIT agrees in form with -ai, 
-a, an Athapascan stem used almost exclusively 
of the position of single inanimate objects. If 
the Tlingit meaning could be shown to be a 
derived one, the correspondence might be cited 
as evidence of common origin. 

Tlingit stem na TO DRINK, and Athapascan 
-nan with the same meaning, are irreproach- 
able, since the final n of Athapascan is ex- 
plainable as a suffix. 

Tlingit t't), I'd, t'en, mean TO SLEEP. Athapas- 
can / c , fin, also has that for a secondary mean- 
ing. Its primary meaning relates to the posi- 
tion or movement of anything animate. The 
concept of SLEEPING, itself seems often to be 
connected with dreaming, the subjective view 
of sleep, while a reclining position is the ob- 
jective view. The Tlingit verb-stem is also a 
noun meaning SLEEP, and comparable with 
Athapascan bxi. In primary meaning, then, the 
two stems are widely separated. 

Following in alphabetical order is Tlingit 

/'rt TO CARRY A SOLID ELONGATED OBJECT. There 

is an Athapascan stem t'an, relating to the 
position or movement of a long object, such 
as a pole. The particular Tlingit verbs given 
are not comparable with the Athapascan, but 
there seems to be a fair agreement in the 
meaning and the phonetic form of this stem. 

One of the Tlingit stems, meaning TO SHOOT 
WITH A BOW AND ARROW, is fuk. Navajo has a 
stem t'o, which also means TO SHOOT WITH A 
BOW. Beaver has a stem t'ok, t'o TO SHOOT, but 
employed of shooting with a gun. 

Tlingit has a stem set' TO TEAR, and Athapas- 
can one, ted with a similar meaning. 

Dr. Sapir cites additional correspondences : 
such as Athapascan -ca, -cal, TO CATCH WITH A 



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INTERNATIONAL JOUKNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



HOOK ; and Tlingit cat, TO TAKE, TO PICK UP, TO 
SEIZE. The difference in meaning should be 
sufficiently apparent without comment. 

The pronouns show but one resemblance 
sufficient to warrant comment. Tlingit has a 
third person singular form dn. Certain of the 
northern Athapascan dialects have a reflexive 
third person possessive pronominal prefix de. 
Here, again, is a possible borrowing, which 
has been responsible for the limited distribution 
of the form in Athapascan. 

Among the numerals, THngit has Lr.v' ONE, 
with which Athapascan Kato in ONE, is com- 
parable. 

Professor Boas has succeeded beyond expec- 
tation in isolating and defining the etymolo- 
gical parts of the verbs. The adverbial prefixes 
are of the same general sort as are found in 
Athapascan, but among these there are no 
correspondences of note. Professor Boas lists as 
an incorporated noun if it SPACE, used in such 
expressions as qudil'iik" IT is WET (weather, 
soil). Compare with this Kato kou.'zns*l IT WAS 

HOT. 

Tlingit has a set of classifiers seemingly enti- 
rely lacking in Athapascan verbs which classify 
the subject or object solely by the limited 
application of the stem. 

Morphologically, Tlingit is very similar to 
Athapascan. The nouns in both stocks seem to 
have been originally monosyllabic. To these 
primary nouns certain suffixes to form diminu- 
tives and augmentatives, etc., were added. The 
verbs are similar in structure, having elements 
of the same character which take the same 
general order. First are adverbial elements of 
direction and position, and pronoun objects. 
The stems are toward the end, and are preceded 
by the subject pronouns. In Athapascan there 
are modal elements, some of which precede the 
subject, and others follow. Tlingit has modal 
prefixes preceding the subject, but with classi- 



fiers following it. Both Tlingit and Athapascan 
have suffixes for customary action, etc. 

The most striking resemblance is the fact 
that each has a modification of the stem itself, 
which affects in Tlingit the quality and pitch 
of the vowel, and in Athapascan the quality of 
the vowel and modifies the final consonant. 
These modifications of the stems are connected 
in both instances with differences in mode and 
tense. 

With this striking likeness in morphology, 
one would expect lexical similarity leading to 
the definite conclusion that the languages were 
originally one, or sprang from the same source. 
The comparisons made of the lexical content, 
however, do not justify this conclusion. The 
similarities are few, forming but a slight percent- 
age of the whole. They might all be attributed 
to accident were there not at hand a more 
acceptable solution. The few nouns that are 
common are probably due to borrowing. It 
would be a remarkable thing if fully the 
number noted had not been borrowed in 
the course of the generations that Tlingit and 
Athapascan peoples have been neighbors. 

The large majority of Tlingit monosyllabic 
nouns, stems, and other elements making up 
the verbs, the pronouns, post-positions, and 
adverbs, are totally different from any known 
Athapascan words or elements having a similar 
meaning. Until some satisfactory explanations 
can be given for this mass of apparently unre- 
lated material, a common genetic origin cannot 
be admitted. Were a genetic relationship to 
be assumed, one of three possible explanations 
must be accepted : 

1. That changes in the forms of the words 
and in their meanings have been so great and 
so general, that resemblances have disappeared 
without leaving discoverable phonetic shifts. 

2. That the original parent language from 
which Tlingit and Athapascan have sprung had 
such a complete double set of names for com- 



NO. 4 



HAS TLINGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



271 



mon objects, that it was possible for Tlingit to 
be supplied with one set, and all the many 
Athapascan languages with the other, totally 
different set. 

3. That the Tlingit have a creative genius 
for language-formation which, since they sepa- 
rated from the Athapascan peoples, has led 
them to replace all the older forms with newly- 
created ones. 

It must be conceded that the linguistic uni- 
verse might have been so ordered that any one 
or all of these three things might have happen- 
ed. In particular, there seems to be no evident 
reason why words should not be created con- 
stantly in any language. However, modern 
linguistic study is based on a belief in phonetic 
laws which produce uniform results under 
identical conditions. The one recognized method 
of establishing genetic relationship is to point 
out the uniform changes which in the course 
of time have caused the separation of a uniform 
linguistic area into dialects and related lan- 
guages. This method of establishing genetic 
relationship has failed in several instances to 
produce a definite conviction that relationship 
really exists. Critics are urged to accept the 
results on the plea that the particular problems 
are too difficult to be solved by this method. 
The question then presents itself whether we 
shall retain the old definition of a linguistic 
stock as a group of languages whose genetic 



relationship has been established by showing 
that they have diverged as a result of uniform 
phonetic change, or whether we shall form a 
new definition. A linguistic stock, such as the 
proposed Na-dene, consists of a group of lan- 
guages called Athapascan which have become 
divergent as a result of phonetic change, and of 
two other languages which contain a few 
words and elements resembling similar ones in 
the first group. 

For one, I contend that the present defini- 
tion should be kept. " Athapascan " is an 
exceedingly useful designation of a definite 
group. If the name " Na-dene '' is to be esta- 
blished, may we not have also a new generic 
term to be applied to such groups of a linguist- 
ic stock plus others ? 

When once we have concluded that Tlingit 
and Athapascan are either unrelated, or so 
remotely related as to have left no clearly per- 
ceptible evidence of the relationship, a new and 
interesting problem will present itself. When 
two peoples either linguistically unrelated or 
very remotely related come into prolonged 
contact, to what extent do their languages 
become assimilated, phonetically, morphologi- 
cally, and lexically ? 

That the various correspondences pointed out 
in this paper and by Dr. Sapir are the result 
of such acculturating influence, I have little 
doubt. 



i. 
2. 

> 

4- 



COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY ' 



NOUNS 



TLINGIT. 
'd a lake 

'at' father's sister 
'as tree 

'an town 



i. The abbreviations used in the vocabularies to indi- 
cate the dialect from which the examples are taken are 



ATHAPASCAN 

mank lake H 

at older sister, father's sister K 

k\n tree H 

kai village Ten'a . 

the following: B, Beaver j CC, Chasta Costa ; Chip, Qhi; 
i; H, Hupa; K, Kato ; Nav, Navajo; T, Tolowa. 



272 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 

10. 

u. 

12. 

13- 

14. 

15- 

16. 

17- 
18. 

i9- 

20. 

21. 

22. 
23- 
24. 
25. 
26. 

27- 
28. 

29. 
30. 

JI- 
J2. 

33- 
34- 

35- 

36. 

37- 


ty' beach 
V place 
'ic father 
7/r' rock 
'ii' brother 
'i.y/' shaman 
'//.v tooth 
ya face 
jdi/' offspring 
;)'* hunger 
yak"' canoe 

^i-y border, edge 

yet fat 
j$' spirit 
ri place underneath 

v//' son 



jw spear 

^<a' stomach 
wac cheek 

if aw edge 
wa^' eye 
wit food 

/Vii.' dung 

hit' house 

/./;; water 
/)j.y elder brother (said by male) 
</fl weasel 
</<' trail 
(/u moon 

link" skin 

</;/(/ cottonwood-tree 
(//// crane 
(/') sleep 


i/fl5r beach Ten'a 
-dm place at which (suffix) H 
-t'a father H 
tsi stone H 
F-./ (younger) brother H 
-yvn to practise shamanism Ten'a 
-u'O tooth K 
-iw'i face H 
-varfr young K 
don' famine B 
tci canoe K 
i-man border, edge H 
-i*iwn border, edge Ten'a 
k'wa' fat K 
-dje. mind H 
-uyt under K 
\ -itc son (man speaking) K 
' -parson (woman speaking) K 
diin'i spear Chip 
tut spears Ten'a 
/"./' stomach K 
-;' tace ' B 
^ -man border, edge H 
-iii'on border, edge Ten'a 
-ita eye H 
kf food B 
/<'(/;"/ food K 
tc'ani faeces K 
, VE house K 
k-.ii' house B 
nixti house T 
/'D water K 
oiuiii older brother K 
main weasel K 
/'-.// trail H 
ca, sun, moon 
sits skin H 
i3tO skin Chip 
fis cottonwood Apache 
(// crane K 
but sleep B 



i. A separate simple word for CHEF.K is generally lacking in Athapascan languages. 



NO. 4 



HAS TLINGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



273 



?8. 

39- 

40. 
41. 
42. 
43- 

44- 

45- 
46. 

47- 
48. 

49- 
50. 

52. 
S3- 
54- 
55- 

56. 

57- 
58. 

59- 
60. 
61. 
62. 

63. 

64. 
65. 
66. 

67. 

68. 
69. 


t'ay fat 
t'at' night 

t'an navel 
t'an sea-lion 
/V.y' heart 
t'i stone 

(t'ix'*) rope 

t'ii shoe 
/'// mind 
t'oq' anus 

t'a king-salmon 

t'aw feather 

fly elbow 
t'uk' cradle 
(sai) name 
51 neck 
5/ daughter 
sit' spruce 

sik' strap, belt, cord 
5 rain 

52 clay 

irf<y' bone 
i'a.v" hat 
(i'Ay) smoke 
s"tk' black bear 

5/x' dish 

stik"' rib 
rf^a5 skin 
/5u5^' owl 

tsutsk"' bird 

ca head 
can old person 


ifttw' fat K 
1 f s' night K 
( /'sS night Chip 
-tfifct navel K 
/^i/5 sea-lion K 
-to" heart K 
/5s stone H 
t'ot rope H 
hi rope K 
-/c's moccasin Chip 
niy- mind Chip 
-5/s' anus K 

( k'ga dried king-salmon Ten'a 
f ^5 black salmon 
t'a feather K 
-/'fly to fly 
-to'/c elbows H 
ts'al cradle K 
-^/' name Chip. 
k'os neck B 
-/5s daughter H 
xai spruce T 
Ba's belt Chip 
f 515 belt Jic 
( tea' rain Chip 
f ftcxn rain T 
( hts clay 
/ ii5 adobe 
lsa.fi bone K 
fc'fl dance-hat Chip 
/-./ smoke H 
5fl/5 bear H 
( S'ai dish Chip 
j tsa dish B 
[ -ts'ai dish Jic 
tcohgt ribs B 
51/5 skin bark H 
bo' owl Apache 
( tcwa birds B 
| tc'ac bird CC 
-si' head K 
con old age B 



274 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



70. cxi spoon 



7 2. 

73- 
74- 
75- 



77. 
78. 
79. 
80. 
81. 
82. 
83. 
84. 

85. 

86. 

87. 

88. 
89. 
90. 

91. 
92. 
93. 
94. 

95. 

96. 
97. 
98. 



too. 

101. 
102. 
I0 3 . 

104. 



cat salmon-trap 
ci blood 
dt horn 
00 song 
dj(n hand 



76. tcan mother-in-law 



teal cache 
gxx" duck 
g\jf cloud 
w&"' ear 
gwtt bag, pouch 
k'ai't' ashes 
*'<!!L dog 

mud 

fire-wood 

g's. place between folds of something 
q'oi! stomach 



pot 

(q'waC} down, feathers 
xuctc frog 

xiid^i burnt wood, coals 
x'at' island 
x'fii club 
war 

hair 



.*?/ chest 
xiy pack 
xox" husband 



99. x'a mouth 



x'an fire 
x't'is foot 
ia.y famine 
icq red ochre 



nose 



ius spoon Chip 
s&s spoon T 
ej fish trap H 
dcd blood Chip 
-dt horn K 
-csn' song Chip 
-la' hand K 

-///.< mother-in-law Chip 
-Icon mother-in-law B 
tso caches Ten'a 
/C duck Chip 
k'os cloud B 
-tc'gs.' ear K 
s6 sack Chip 
/q[ ashes Chip 
/iw dog H 
<//a;> mud K 
/ci/r fire- wood K (?) 
tcwitc tire- wood H 
-t'a blanket fold K 
-bit' stomach, belly Chip 
eOo pot Ten'a 
isa pot Apache 
-O'aOe feathers, downy Chip 
tew a I frog H 
tc'aile. frog Chip 
fas coal Chip 
;;/(, tiuufi island Chip 
xal club Chip 
man war-party H 
-gd hair K 
-^a' liair B 
-ko breast Chip 
xail load H 
-A'fl;"i husband H 
-da' mouth K 

-sa opening of the mouth H 
hum fire K 
-hue toot K 
don' famine B 
etc ochre K 
nisi nose Chip 
nose B 



NO. 



HAS TL1NG1T A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



2 75 



105. few sand 

1 06. fi'tt' tongue 

107. i'uk"' cohoe-salmon 

108. Lfl mother 

109. Lak' sister 

1 10. Let' snow- 
in. iiy meat 

112. Lak' dress 

113. Leg' finger 

114. L'ei mentula 

115. L'it' tail 



TLINGIT 

'a, \'i, 'en to sit (sing.) 

'/', '<?/', 'a/', 'a to walk in company 
'in' cold 

'dk', 'die', 'ik' to interlock 

'(ix, 'iix, "xx to carry a textile 
'ay, \'iy, 'i.y to hear 

>/;' bad 

V/X to whistle 

\n to pick up; to carry in a vessel 
'/;/ to kill many 

ix' to shout, to call, to invite 

'it, '/'i, en to dwell 
'it, '/i, ''jin to buy 

'tis, 'its, 'j.v, to wash 

'&"', 'uk"', 'u/fe"' to boil 
'ux, 'iix, 'ux, to blow 



sai sand K 
-tso tongue Nav 
iok' salmon H 
-nan mother K 
-t'eci' sister K 
yas snow K 
-tun meat H 
kya dress H 
-la' finger K 
-lai' mentula K 
-tct tail Chip 



VERBS 



ATHAPASCAN 



'I - 

\ 

I 

\ 

i 



-ai, -'a to have position (of round objects) 

Chip 

-dd to walk (pi.) Chip 
-t'xh, -t's. to be cold K 
-Km cold Nav 
-dli, -dlu to be cold 
-fan, fy to tie, to knot Chip 
-i'on, I'oi to weave baskets H 
-k'yos to carry a flexible obfect H 

to move flat, flexible objects H 
-/J'SY, trV to hear K 
-tee.' to be bad K 
-Ic's., -tc'ok' to be ill tempered, to be angry 

Chip 

-yic to whistle K 
-sol (-yoi) to whistle Jic 
-k' an, -k'a to move a vessel containing liquid K 
-gan, -gal to kill (pi. object) K 
-%el, -%el to shout Chip 
t'ai to speak as a chief Jic 
-et, -et' to stay at a place Chip 
-xait, -xai to buy H 
-ds. to wash Chip 
-gis to wash Nav 
-bij to boil Nav 
foe to boil Jic 
-e<// to boil H 
-yol, -yol to blow (with the breath) H 



2 7 6 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



yd, yd, y'zn to pack ' 

ya.t' long 

y&S to step 

yaq' to pull 

v< ; .y, vy, V.y to whittle 

yit', yit', yit' to pull 

yitc, yitc to fly 

yiik"', yii/t"', yjk"' to shake 

w&l, was, wis to inquire 

ii'dC, u>dl, wif to break 

wtis tough, hard 

wtti, witt, wtii, to ask, to inquire 

u'ltif wide 

hat', hit' to drive (animals) 

bik' full 

hit, hit, hen to wade, to swim 

buk to shout 

das to catch in snare 
dati, heavy 
dex' ashamed 
dil to watch 

tiiix'" to tie a knot 

dm' to fly 

/'(/ to boil in water 

fa, I'd, fin to sleep (sing.) 

t'aw to steal 

ran, fan, fin to carry a solid, elongated 

object 

fit]' to hit with the point of a long thing. 
fix' to twist 
fin, t'in, t'in ' to see 

fiiu' to count 

fill, fiii, f-Ji to drill 

/'d, /'if, /Yw hot 



-v/, -YS/ to carry on the back Chip 

-ins long H 

-to/, -tai to step H 

-/c. to drag, to pull along H 

-was to shave off, to whittle H 

-yos to draw out of narrow space, to stretch H 

-t'a-;, -t'a' to fly K 

-:cal, -:i'd to shake H 

-.YJI/, -.va/ to ask a question 1 1 

-A'^'flj to break H 

-/a/v to be strong K 

-.va/, -.Y>/ to inquire H 

-/';/, /'<// to be wide, to be flat K 

-yot, -yoi to drive, to chase K 

-a to be full Chip 

4a' to be full K 

-koi walking in water (wolf) Chip 

-ti'iit, -teat to shout K 

-$et, -^t to shout Chip 

-It" to snare K 

-das to be heavy H 

-vaii to be ashamed K 

-yan, -yxii to watch, to spy upon II 

-Aw to tie, to knot Chip 

-yets to lie H 

-/',r,-, -/V to fly K 

-;/(//' to boil H 

-ft, -I'm to lie down (sing only) 1 1 

-V to steal Chip 

-/'/;, -t'xii, I'uu' to handle or move a long 

object H 

-ge.t, got to spear H 
-d'.ts, -dis to twist K 
-m to look, to see K 
-t'i-r to teach H 
-/'a& to count H 
-nil to drill Nav 
-do to heat Nav 
-do to be hot Apache 
-se.1, -sii to be warm H 



I. See also 



, gen, gin. 



NO. 4 



HAS TLINGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



277 



fax to bite 

t'e.\ to fish with hook 

/Yv' to pound 
t'l, t'i, t'i to find 

t'uk"', t'tik"', t''Jk"' to shoot an arrow 

sd, sa, sen to name ; to breathe 
sis, sis, sis to sail ; smoke rises 

set', sef , si? to tear 
sti to sew with cedar-withes 
suw, stiWf suw to chop 

tsaq' tsaq', tsxq' to push with the point of a 
long thing 

tscx, tsex, tsiy to kick 

tsis, tsis, tsti to dive, to swim under water 
tshi alive, strong 

cat', cat', czt' to take 
cxn old 
cu to hunt 

cuwq, cuwq, c'jU'q to laugh 
djaq', djaq 1 , djzq' to kill (siiig. object) 
dji to think 
djitu to dream 

djiix, d/i'ix, djjx to roll a ring or hoop 
tciin to wound 

tciik"', tciik"', U-jk"' to rub a skin in order to sof- 
ten it 

mi to drink 

ni, H i, nxn to do, to work 
113.1' to shake 

Mi</', /', nig' to stand (pi.) 
ni, ni, tiin to carry several things 

nut' to swallow 



-gits to bite K 

-ca' to catch with a hook K 

-hwal, -hwai to fish for with a hook H- 

-tss.1', -tsd to pound H 

-tsan, -tsMi to find H 

-t'o to shoot with arrow Nav 

-t'ok, -t'o to shoot (with a gun) B 

-t'as to shoot (with bow and arrow) Chip 

-yi, -yf to be named Chip 

kit to hang, to spread, to settle (fog or 

smoke) H 

-tcul, -tcul, -tc'tl to tear, to rend Chip 
-da to sew Chip 

-/6d, -Wit, -Qel to strike, to chop Chip 
-tse, tsi, tsi' to push (long object ?) Chip 

'its to kick B 

-t'al to kick H 

-/, -/ to dive, to swim underwater H 

-iia, -nai to be alive Chip 

-kit to catch with the hands H 

-leu to seize Chip 

sa old age Nav 

-/ to hunt game Nav 

-^E, -^E' to hunt Chip 

-dlo -dlok' to laugh Chip 

-^i/' to kill (sing, object) Chip 

-5a, -6*H, -is/2, -fJi to think Chip 

-lal, -lal to dream to sleep Chip 

-bas to roll a hoop Jic 

-/a/5 to shoot, to wound B 

-gis to rub a skin Jic 

-naw to drink K 
-in to do K 

-mat to shake (intrans.) H 
-ya to stand on one's feet (pi. only) H 
-la, -lai, -hi relating to the position or mo- 
vement of two or three objects Chip 
-kat to swallow K 
-dzk' to swallow B 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



nlk f , nik', uik' to tell 

nix' to smell 

gxs a long thing moves straight ahead 

gac to cohabit 

g in, gdn to burn 

g I, gin large 

git' to move 

g"t'>gtU', gW, g'J to go (sing.) 

gwdi, gwds, gwzi fog 

k'e, k'tii to track 

k't'i. k'-jfa to know 

k'i<q',k'iiq',k'-J<i' to bubble 

kwatc to swallow 

jt'a/y sharp-pointed 

k'nts to break (a strap) 

gax,gdx,gixtocry 
gxt to split 

git', ft/' dark 

f^n, ff'w, f SM ' to look 
geq to throw 
^'*J, q'd, q'en to sew 
j'a to say 

q'i, q'e, q'in to sit (pi.) 

q'lt' to suspect 

ij'-jy to travel by canoe 

q'dq', q'dq', q'xq' to swim (fish) 

q'xi! to cut fish lengthwise 

q'zs to urinate 

xdc, xdf, xfa to cut 

xlt', xil\ xit' to sweep 

xjk"' dry 

Ar'ai to scrape, to slice 

xa, yd, yen to eat 

1 . See also /'in, t'in, fin, above. 

2. See ink', nik', nik 1 , above. 



-l:k to relate H 

-Hzk to relate K 

-ni, -ni, -n to speak K 

-ICMI, -tcic, to smell K 

-k'ats, -k'as, -k'ai relating to the movement 
of long objects H 

-git to have intercourse B 

-k'a to burn Chip 

-tcai large Chip 

-k'e to fall Chip 

-jo to be happy Apache 

-kit to hang, to settle (of fog) H 

-k'i, -k'ai to follow track, to trail Chip 

-tsil to know H 

--<>( to ferment Jic 

-dxk to swallow B 

-l'a<l sharp-pointed Chip 
\ -t'ai, -/'a/ to break (string or line) Chip 
/ -k'yas to break H 

-tsy.k' to cry Chip 

-k\l, k''.i to split H 

-g /', -gtl, -g-j.1 relating to the passing K 

of the night, dark K 

~g^ ts > -g&i ~S-' to look, to see H 

-(/;/, -dti to throw H Chip 

-</(/ to sew Chip 

-nxk to relate K 

-da to sit (sing.) 

-i'e tosit(du.) B 

-ts'a, -Is'i to sit (pi.) 

-yan, yxii to observe with suspicion H 

-k'i to travel by canoe Chip 

-lit, -Is to swim (fish) H 

-ai, -zi to slit open H 

-lits to urinate K 

-fats, fas to cut K 

co to sweep Nav 

-tciwig to sweep H 

-tsai, sai to be dry K 

-gats, -gats to scrape K 

-yan, -yil', -tan to eat K 



NO. 4 



HAS TLINGIT A GENETIC RELATION TO ATHAPASCAN 



279 



ya to paddle 

yt, xt, yen to camp over night 

xict' to whip, to club 

xiit' to drop, to chop, to pull 
yi'iy", yi'ix", .yj.y" to call 
Lan, Ldn deep (water, snow) 
La to feed 

Ldq', rA(/', Lxq' to overcome, to win 
L'xk"' scared 
L'zk' wet 

L'it', L'it', L'U' cast off, to abandon 

L\L' to defecate 
la complete; deep 
I' ex, t'ex, f'iy to dance 



? - 



-k'i to paddle Chip 

-wil', -w.l, -wd the passing of the night H 

-xat , -xil to strike repeatedly, to beat a drum B 

-sil', -sxi, -tszl to strike repeatedly K 

-gal', -gxl, -gat to drop, to beat K 

-teat, -text to shout K 

-sat deep (water) K 

-teat' to feed K 

-na to win in a contest Chip 

, -dt' to win K 
~S^t ~g* c to be afraid K 
-czl to be wet B 
-1&1, -tcy.1 to be wet or damp K 
-/ to leave to quit B 
-tcan, -tcic to leave one K 
-tca.fi to defecate K 
-sat deep H 
-ys. to dance H 



280 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



THE HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN LANGUAGES 
By E. SAPIR 



In the general simplification of American 
Indian linguistic stocks which is at last being 
seriously undertaken by various investigators, 
two recently published articles are of particu- 
lar interest. These are Kroeber's Strian, Tequis- 
tlatrcan, and Hokan ' and Swanton's Linguistic 
Position of tlx Tribes of Soutlxrn Texas ami Nortlj- 
eastein Mexico '. The former adds to the Hokan 
stock recently determined by Dixon and Kroe- 
ber (Shasta-Achomawi, Chimariku, Karok, 
Porno, Yana, Yuman, Esselen ; possibly also 
Chumash and Salinan), the Seri language of 
western Sonora and the Tequistlatecan or 
Chontal language of Oaxaca ; the latter gives 
good evidence to show that a number of lan- 
guages spoken along the Texas coast and back 
into the interior from it (Coahuilteco, Coto- 
name, Comecrudo ; Karankawa ; Tonka wa ; and 
Atakapa), which have, according to Powell's 
scheme, been classified into four distinct lin- 
guistic stocks, are best considered as genetically 
related. The full evidence for the validity of 
the Hokan stock has not yet been made public, 
but we have been promised it by Dixon and 
I^roeber. A comparative Hokan vocabulary 
insofar as it affects Yana has been kindly put 
into my hands by Dr. Kroeber; this, together 
with such descriptive or comparative gramma- 
tical and lexical Hokan material as has been 
published and such further comparative evi- 
dence serving to link Yana with Hokan as I 

1. University of California Publications in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. II, n 4, pp. 279-290, 
1915. 

2. American Anthropologist, N. S., vol. 17, pp. 17-40, 
1915. 



have been able to gather from time to time, 
leaves small doubt in my mind of the cor- 
rectness of the theory. 5 

In going through Swanton's comparative 
vocabularies, I was soon struck by a number of 
startling Hokan echoes. My interest having been 
actively aroused, I looked into the matter more 
carefully. The following comparative vocabu- 
lary of over a hundred stems and elements is 
the result. When \ve consider that only a very 
limited number of comparable terms were avai- 
lable for any -two of the languages concerned, 
this result seems astonishing. It is difficult for 
me to suggest any alternative to the hypothesis 
of a common origin of the Hokan and Coahuil- 
tecan 4 languages. True, I have little morpholo- 
gic evidence at hand, but the study of the pro- 
blem thus newly opened up is confessedly in 
its infancy. As it is, the very imperfect sketch 
of Tonkawa given by Gatschet suggests a con- 
siderable number of Hokan-Tonkawa parallels 
in morphological elements. 

In order not to complicate our problem, 
I have not listed in the table such Chumash 
and Salinan terms as seemed likely to be con- 
nected with Hokan words. These have been 
referred to in the notes to the vocabularies. A 
few Chumash-Coahuiltecan terms are noted at 
the end. 

Kroeber's, Dixon's, Barrett's, and Swanton's 

;. Since this was written, there lias appeared H. Sapir's 
The Position of Yana in the Hokan Slock (University of 
California Publications in American Archaeology and 
I-lhiiolofy,vol. 13, pp. 1-34, 1917). 

4. I here use the term Coahuiltecan to include Coa- 
huilteco, Comecrudo, Cotoname, Karankawa, Tonkawa, 
and Atakapa. 



NO. 4 



THE HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN LANGUAGES 



28l 



orthographies have been preserved, except 
that Swanton's I (i of English //), e (e of English 
niei), and a (it of English but} have been respec- 
tively changed to t, E and a ; Kroeber's and Bar- 
rett's G', g' (voiced velar spirant) have been 
changed to y. 

The vocabularies have been derived from the 
following sources : 

1 . Chontal material obtained from vocabu- 
lary quoted in A. L. Kroeber, Serian, Tequis- 
tlatecan, and Hokan. A few forms I owe to ma- 
nuscript material loaned by Dr. P. Radin. 

2. Seri material obtained from vocabularies 
quoted in J. N. B. Hewitt, Comparative Lexi- 
cology, pp. 299-344 of W J McGee, The Sen 
Indians, ijth Annual Report Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, part I, 1898. 

3. Yuman dialects quoted are : Diegueiio 
(Dieg.), Mohave (Moh.), Tonto, Kutchan (or 
Yuma), Cocopa (Coc.), Tulkepaya (Tul.), 
Santa Catalina (de los Yumas) (S. Cat.), 
H'taa'm, Maricopa (Mar.), Walapai (Wai.), 
Kiliwi, and Cochimi. Most of this material is 
taken from Yuman vocabularies quoted in J. N. 
B. Hewitt, ibid. ; and in Albert S. Gatschet, 
Der Yuma-Sprachstamin nacb d(n neuesten hand- 
schriftlichen Qnellen dargestelll, Zeitschrift fur 
Ethnologic, vol. 9, pp. 365-418, 1877. (K) after 
Mohave and Diegueno forms indicates that they 
are quoted from A. L. Kroeber, Phonetic Ele- 
ments of the Mohave Language, University ot 
California Publications in American Archaeo- 
logy and Ethnology, vol. 10, n 3, pp. 45-96, 
1911 ; and A. L. Kroeber and J. P. Harrington, 
Phonetic Elements of the Diegueno Language, ibid., 
vol. n, n 2, pp. 177-188, 1914. 

4. Esselen material obtained from A. L. 
Kroeber, Esselen, pp. 49-68 of The Languages 
of the Coast of California south of San Francisco, 
ibid., vol. 2, n 2. 

5 . Seven dialects of Porno are recognized by 



Barrett : Northern (N.), Central (C.), Sou-, 
them (S.), Southwestern (S. W.), Southeas- 
tern (S. E.), Eastern (E.), and Northeastern 
(N. E.). All forms whose dialect is expressly 
given are from S. A. Barrett, vocabularies given 
(pp. 56-58) in The Ethno-geography of the Porno 
and neighboring Indians, ibid., vol. 6, n i, 1908. 
Porno forms not specified as to dialect are from 
Kroeber's Eastern Pomo material in The Lan- 
guages of the Coast of California north of San 
Francisco, vol. 9, n 3, 1911, pp. 320-347. 

6. Yana material obtained from my own 
manuscripts.. Central Yana forms are given 
except where S. indicates that Southern Yana 
(Yahi)is meant. 

7. Chimnriko material obtained from R. B. 
Dixon, The Chimariko Indians and Language, 
ibid., vol. 5, n 5, pp. 293-380, 1910. 

8. Karok material obtained from A. L. Kroe- 
ber, Karok sketch (pp. 427-435) in The Lan- 
guages of the Coast of California north of San 
Francisco. Further material obtained from Mr. 
E. W. Gifford's Karok manuscripts is indicated 
(G). 

9. Shastan consists principally of three lan- 
guages : Shasta (S.), Achomawi or Pit River 
(Ach.), and Atsuge\\i or Hat Creek (Ats.). 
Forms given are obtained from R. B. Dixon, 
The Shasta- Achonia'iL'i : a new Linguistic Stock, 
u'ilh four new Dialects, American Anthropolo- 
gist, N. S., vol. 7, pp. 213-217, 1905 ; also his 
comparative Chimariko-Shastan table given on 
PP- 337 an d 338 of The Chimariko Indians and 
Language. A few Achomawi words marked (S) 
are taken from a manuscript vocabulary I ob- 
tained in 1907 while engaged in Yana work for 
the University of California. Certain Achomawi 
and Shasta forms were also obtained from Mr. 
E. W. Gifford's manuscripts; they are indicated 
(G.). 

10. All undesignated Tonkawa words and 



282 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



all Karankawa, Atakapa, Coahuilteco, Come- 
crudo, and Coton'ame words are taken from 
Swanton's article cited above. Tonkawa words 



followed by (G)are taken from A. S. Gatschet, 
Die Spracbe tier Tonkawas, Zeitschrift filr Eth- 
nologic, vol. 9, 1877, pp. 64-73. 



COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN * 

LANGUAGES 

i. Chontal 2. Seri -- 5. Yunian 4. Esselen 5. Porno 6. Yana 7. Chimariko 8. Karok -- 9. 
Shastan 10. Tonkawa u. Comecrudo 12. Cotoname 13. Coahuilteco 14. Karankawa 15. Atakapa. 

I. -- PRONOUNS. 



i. I, me, my 



2. I 

3. me, my' 



4. thou, thee, 
thy 



3 . Dieg. nya I ; 4. </, 
ene I, mV-my ; 7. tiout I ; 8 . 
na, ni-l, tia-me, nani-my; 
1 1. mil; 13. na-l; 14. iit'iyi 1 

5 . ha ; 10. -ha * (G) 

i. ka-, ki-l (incorporat- 
ed) ; 5 . N, C, ke my ; 10. 
ka me 

i . itna thou ; 2 . me thou ; 
3. Dieg. ma thou,Moh. nii'i- 
nya tliou(K);4- iteini, name 
thou, iiemic-, inic- thy ; 5 . N, 
C, E, SW, SE ma thou, N 
;/;/ thy, E mi thee ; 6. -tut- 



5. that 



ma tliou, -iua-ma 1-thee; 
7. ma-nnit thou, 111(1")-, -'"' 
thou, thy; 8. lin thou, wi- 
thy: 9. mai thou, Ach. ini- 
thou, /H/i-thy (S), Ats. ini- 
thou ; 13. wfl-thou 

2. //rt he, that; 5. C t<?- 
ya those people (-ya plural 
suffix) ; 6 (a)dai-(rty, rfa 
that ; <S . /a-adverbial par- 
ticle, " probably indefinite 
or imperfect time "; 10. lei, 
la-ha, u'a-ta-c that, this; 13. 
ta that, the ; 14. /a/that, he 



II. PERSONAL NOUNS. 



6. aunt 



5. C mamn-tsak, SW mft- 



1 . Cf. also Gnimash (Santa Ynez, S. Yn. ) HOI I ; (Santa 
Barbara, S. Bar.) and (Santa Cruz, S. Ctuz) noo I ; 
(San Buenaventura, S. Buen.) HO I ; (San Luis Obispo, 
S.L.O) is not available for comparison. Chumash material 
obtained from A. L. Kroeber, Chumash, pp. 51-43 of 
Tilt Lingwiges of the Coast <>/ California south of San l-'ran- 
cisco; and Chumash comparative vocabularies in A. L. 
Kroeber, The Chumash and Costanoan Languages, Univer- 
sity of California Publications in American Archaeology 
and Ethnology, vol. 9, n 2, pp. 257-271, 1910. 

2. K. g. xaxa-la i WAS, \axa-ba-ha I WAS NOT. 

3. Cf. also Salinan be I. Salinan material obtained from 
pp. 43-47 of Krocbtr's Lansiuigfs of the Coast of Califor- 
nia south of San Francisco ; forms marked (M; arc from 
manuscript material of Dr. J. A. Mason. Cf. further Chu- 
mash k- " I ; my ". 

4. Cf. also Salinan wo THOU, t--m- THY (/- is article). 



tsen father's sister; 6. mtt'xdi 
paternal aunt, S mu'sdi ; 7. 
iimlti-la^-i) (my) maternal 
aunt; 8. mildji-ts father's sis- 
ter, initca-u'iici father's sis- 
ter after death of father 
(G); 9. Ach. hamiit father's 
sister (G) ; 13. mitcal aunt . 

5. Cf. also Chumash (S. Bar.) He THIS; (S. Cruz) 
tii\n -mis. Identical in origin with this Hokan-Coahuil- 
tecan demonstrative stem */</ may well be Chumash /- 
found prefixed in absolute forms of certain noun stems (e. 
g. S.L.O. t-axa : S. Yn., S. Bar., S. Buen. ax bow ; 
S.L.O. t-awa : S. Yn., S. Bar. awai MOON). Cf. also 
article-like noun prefix /- of Salinan (e. g. t'-fim HOUSE; 
t--ulet TEETH). 



NO. 4 



THE HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN LANGUAGES 



. aunt 



8. brother 



9. father 



5. E cex-a mot lier's sis- 
ter ; 10. ivacekzunt 

5. C to-de, SW (a)-kin 
older brother, Cekil, SW kun 
younger brother; 10. hena 
brother; u. kanosa brother 

5. N, NE -mee, S-tnen, 
SE -mek; n. mam, mawts ; 
13. mama 

10. grandmother 5 . N-tni-ka, C ka-tsf, S- 

ka-tsen, SE-mii-xa mother's 
mother; io.ekak,ekac grand- 
mother 513. /CM, &7&j grand- 
* mother 

1 1 . man 5 . E xak; 10. haakon man, 

male; 13. xagu man, male 

12. man' i . acans " person "; 5 . N 

tea " person, SW fl/ca, C 
tcatc, S rt/on " man "; 6. 



V man, male; 7. //rt, //a; 

9 . 5zV ; 15. icak 

13. mother 4. atsia; 5. C /*</<;, S 

-Icen, SE-rc; 7. cido-i, sito-i; 

10. issa 

14. mother' 3. Tonto ti-ti, Moh. W- 

/fl/&, Dieg. taill, Kutchan 
talle, Cochimi, ka-tai ; 13. 
tai; 15. / 

15. mother 5. E nixa ; 6. ni'na; 9. S. 

ani (G); Ach. -ani(G); 13. 
S. F. Solano 6 naha 

16. sister 5. S finnan younger bro- 

ther, younger sister; lo.itla 
sister ; 1 5 . bilet sister 

17. woman, to 4. to- woman; 5. E da 

marry woman, NE dtffo; 10. ta-e 
to marry; 13. tayagu man 
marries, wife 



III. BODY-PART NOUNS. 



18. arm, hand 2. inoi 3.* ; 5. N, C, 

S tana hand, SE atan; 6. 
dal- hand ; 7. b-itanpu ', /;- 
itcanpu arm, b-ilra, h-ita, 
b-itca hand, -/?;// hand ; 9. 
Ach. iV hand *itali) 
(S) ; 10. /;///a H 

19. belly' 5. N M, E xo ; 12. /bx; 

1 5 . koni 

20. breast 3. Dieg. itctnkh, i. e. ztoA- 

breast ; 6. tc'i' k!i female 
breast ; 9. Ach. f'tcit female 
breast (S), S itsikmilk, Ats. 
atciska milk; 10. yatcax 
breast ; 15. itsk breast 

21. female breast 3. H'taiim n\cnial, Kiliwi 

1. Cf. also Chumash(S. Yn.) /s/h/.v HUSBAND. 

2. Moh. is.i/w HAND, Dieg. KiE/ are probably not con- 
nected with these words but are rather comparable to S. 
Porno Jfii, /I'IIH ARM, S. \V. iVa, N., C. ca, S. E. .ra/. 

5. /> of C.himuiko iUni-pu is perhaps to be compa- 
red with Chumash fit ARM, HAND. 
4. Cf. also Chumash (S. Buen.) qop BELLY. 



nemayo, Cochimi yamai; 10. 
nayoman ; 1 1 . AnA ; 1 2 . 
kinam; 14. ^an/ 

22. foot, leg " i. imils 8 ; 3. Moh. zm 

leg, foot(K); 5. ; 7." 
; 1 1 . / foot 

23. heart " 7. h-usaan-lcei; 10. ja- 

tsanan; 13 . AWfl/ 

5. Cf. also Chumash (S.L.O) Itiyu, (S. Yn.) te? MO- 
THER. 

6. San Francisco Solano is an isolated, apparently Coa- 
huiltecan, dialect of which Swanton publishes a brief 
vocabulary. 

7. Cf. also Chumash (S. Yn., S. Bar.) /-cm LEG, FOOT, 
possibly also (S. Cruz) n-ime-l LEG, FOOT with n- prefix 
(cf. note 17). 

8. Chontal -ts is suffixed, as further evidenced by aniats 
EARTH (cf. Chimariko ama EARTH) and if mats EAR (cf. 
Chimariko -icani EAR). 

9. Here probably belongs also Pomo mi- instrumental 
prefix v with the foot . 

10. Perhaps Chimariko (///-/('('-instrumental prefix WITH 
THE FOOT belongs here. 

1 1 . Cf. perhaps also Chumash (S. Yn.) uriu CHEST, 
HEART; this is more likely, however, to be cognate to 
Chim. b-usi BREAST. 



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24. hair 



25. mouth, lip 



26. nail 

27. neck 

51. crow ' 

32. dog 

33. deer 



37. arrow 

38. bow ' 

39- day ' 



3. Tonto yamia skin, 
hide ; 6 . mi'-ui, -mi hide ; 
7. b-inia hair; 1 1. cwo/ skin, 
hair on body 

3. Kiliwi 0Mfl-0, \.e.axaa, 
Cochimi ha, jaa, i. e. xaa 
mouth; 5. N, C, ha, S, SW 
aha, Exalsida, SExasw, NE 
Ija-mo mouth ; 10. kala 
mouth (G); n. xal lip 

5 .N, S, SW/v/r, Crtc, 
NE/tf/ra; 10. yo-tcan (G) 

3. Wai. //>;<, Dieg. // 



I ftaam epok; 10. hepei^ci) (G) 

28. nose s 2. fiiif, hif; 3. Moh. /'/;/'/ 

(K), Dieg. V.v (K); 4. 
h-tvi-s; ~. h-oxu ; S.yuji; 9. 
Ach. \yinnii (S); 11. w.v ; 
12. vfl'.v, } r a.y " 

29. tooth 3. Tonto _yo, Moh. cS's, 

Dieg. EyrtH, Kiliwic-rf/i, i.e. 
mm; 5. E_)Wt>'; n. iy; i^.e 

30. sexual organs 3. Tonto miu\eia penis; 

11. tiielliuai female sexual 
organs; 13. tiialiinx male 
sexual organs 



3- Moh. ni/dijti raven (K); 
5. N, C, E.S, SW kaai; 6. 
g&'gi ; 10. kal 

3. Coc. couwaick, i. e. 
ka(ii)waik- t 10. eku'an; 12. 



IV. ANIMALS. 



7. fl'a; 10. ao 



} |. tish 

35. goose 

36. rabbit 



V. OBJECTS. 



6.sdiL'a;~.saa\\o.caxai * 

7. xapwieu ; 9. S xa; 

10. nixa-u; i i.jca/; i^.gai 

2. sax sun, ua.v moon; 

4. MJ, act sun, rtja/5fl day ; 

7. <KJ; 9. S atcaii, Ats. flj- 

ff) p / ; 10. etc-nan (G) 



1. Cf. also Salinan 

2. Resembles Karok cat ARROWFOINT, Achomawi sat 
(< *wt ; cf. n 20) ARKOWPOINT, but comparison \viih 
Yana liaga, xaga FLINT, ARROWFOINT and E. Porno viiy.i 

ARROWPOINT, FLINT (ill XOfa-Xabe ARROWPOINT-STONE, 
OBSIDIAN, lHMSi/M-.v.lv(/ TERRIBLE-FLINT, METAL) makes it 

clear that th. se orms go back to "xagii (for Hokan x, h > 
Karok and Shastan c, s, cl. further Mohave a/;./, Yana/Ai-, 
xa-, Porno xii WATER : Karok isa, Achomawi ac). 

3. Cf. also Chumash (S.L.O) t-axa, (S. Yn., S. Bar., 
S. Buen.)a.v BOW. 

4. Cf. probably also Chumash al-aca, al-ica, icau SUN. 
See note 27. 



5. N, C, E, \H fa , S, 
SW aca; 10. esva-laii (G) 

3. Moh. niago-e ; 5. SW 
lain ; 6. lal'igi; ~ Itilo ; 14. 



. Dieg. khilkbiui, i. e. .v//- 
; 1 1 . kicxiicn ; 1 2 . kidyhem 



3. Tul. o/w; 5. N to, S, 
*u, S, SW,NE<)te ; 14. 



3. Moh. a^rt (K) ; 4. / 



40. fire 

41. house 7 



5. Cf. probably also Chumash (S. Bar., S. Buen.) 
n-oXc NOSE, (S. Yn.) it-oX NOSE ; for n- cf. (S. Cruz) 
n-ime-l (note 12). 

6. It seems likely that Hokan-Coahuiltecan 'yavu is to 
be assumed for NUSI:. vn- (v*-), labialized in Karok to 
yu-, is found intact in Comecrudo, Cotoname, Acho- 
mawi, and Karok ; it is monophthongized to /-, e- in 
Seri and Yunian ; this front vowel is further rounded 10 o- 
in Chimariko and Esselen because of following -xti ; .v 
has become labialized to /, because of originally follow- 
ing u, in Karok and Seri. .v has become c, s in Esseltn, 
as regularly (cf. ffJ<WW#WATER<Hokan *a.va). Seri variant 
orthographies /and nn may point to some such sound as 
u, labialized form ofi. Achomawi yimmi may be assimi- 
lated from older 'yax-ini . 

7. Cf. possibly also Chumash p-awa-yic house . 



NO. 4 



THE HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN LANGUAGES 



28 5 



42. house 

43. moccasins 

44. moon 

45. mountain 

46. river 
47- sk y ! 

48. sky 

49. sun 4 



56. black 



wo; 6. iva'-wi; j.awa; n. 
wam&k 

5. N, C to, S a/ffl, SE 
/.ja, NE to ; 13. /A.WM house, 
to dwell 

3 . Tonto nayo, nann ; 7 . 
(pa)-nna (snow)shoes ' ; 
15. na-u 

3. Cochimi kon-ga, gam- 
ma, ganeh-majen ; 1 1 . kan 

3. Dieg. umaleti, H'taa'm 
molar; 13. Maratino 2 w/a- 
/OMMM to the mountain 

6. rfY?- water lies, da-ba 
river ; 1 5 . ta-i river 

i . etnaa ; 2 . amime ; 3 . Moh . 
amiiiaya, Dieg. am mat; 4. 
irnita; 6. 'a'p'sa; ir. a/>e/ 

3. S. Cat. akwarra ; 13. 
w.vHa/ heaven 

3: Moh. awyd (K); 5. E 
la, S alaca moon, SW /ia- 
/acfl moon; 7. a//a, a/a 
sun ; ii. al sun; 13. anna 
month 



VI. - - ADJECTIVES. 



2. fo'-/> 

rt/- ; 14. 



1. It Is barely possible that Chimariko panna is to be 
analyzed zsp'a- SNOW, -inia FOOTWEAR, p'a- would then 
be cognate with Yana p'a-tljj " snow ",/)'ii- " snow lies 
spread out " ; Tonto paka SNOW. This pii- would only 
accidentally resemble Chimariko /a, ipa MOCCASIN'. Snow 
in Chimariko is ordinarily hipiii, hipue ; cf. Chumash (S. 
Buen.) poi SNOW. 

2. Maratino is an isolated, apparently Coahuiltecan, 
dialect of which Swanton publishes a brief vocabulary. 

3. Cf. also Chumash (S. Yn., S. Bar.) al-apa SKY, 
(S. Buen.) hal-acpai ; possibly also Salinan l-i'iu SKY. 

4. Cf. perhaps also Chumash (S. Yn.) a/ca SUN, (S. 
Bar.) aliai SUN. However (S. Buen.) icau SUN (cf. per- 
haps Esselen as!, act SUN ; Chimariko asi DAY ; Ats. as- 
styi DAY) suggests that these forms are to be understood 
as a-l-aca, a-l-ica (for prefixed ii-/-, /-,cf. Chumash a-l-apa 
SKY, a-I-jpa\a ABOVE : Salinan I-em SKY, 1-emo ABOVE : 



57. cold 



50. sun 2. tabj i. e. /ax ; 5. NE 

-daka; 10. /rt.vaf, tagacsun, 
day 

51. stone 3. Tonto zwz, Moh. aw, 

Dieg. F. wi; n. woyekutl; 
1 5 . uvn' 

52. thunder 5. N makila, C makela, 

SW makala, NE ti-mamka ; 
1 1 . (pa~)-mak, (pa)-mok 

53. thunder 5. E kall-matoto 6 ; 10. 

H/tew to lighten (G) ; n. 
(pa)-metot ligh tn i ng 

54. water " i. aba; 2. ax; 3. Moh. 

a/;a (K); 4. asa-nax; 5. NE, 
SE ,vfl, C, NE ^a, S, SW aka; 
6. ha-, S xa- ; 7. rt'A'a, a/ca; 
8. as, isa; 9. Ach. ac (S), S 
aisa ; 10. ax water, xana to 
drink ; 1 1. ax; 12. ax; 15. 
ok, ka, kan 

55. wood i. eke; 2. ehe; 3. Kiliwi 

khaipak, i. e. xaipak; 5. N, 
C to', E, SE xai, S, SW 
; ii. xai, tree, wood 



3. Mar. h'tcburk, i. e. 
xtcuq, Moh. hatcu-urk, i. e. 
batcuuq, Kiliwi abhtchak, i.e. ' 
ax teak; 6. hats!it'-to be cold; 
7. xatsa; 9. Ach. actda- 
(S); 10. hat sex 

58. large i. kweka; 2. ka-kolch, i.e. 

-fo/ ; 10 . fei/d/o great 515. 
great 



Chontal fwa, Seri ami-me, Mohave ammaya, Esselen imi- 
ta, Yana 'ap'-sa SKY). More likely to be related is (S. 
Cruz) t-anum SUN. 

5. ko- is (color-) adjectival prefix. 

6. foi/J denotes SKY. 

7. Cf. also Salinan t-ca' " water " (M) (/- prefixed ar- 
ticle ; -ca < *.ra'). 



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59. old 



60. red 



61. round 

62. small > 

65. one 

66. two 



68. to blow 



1 . akwe old man; 3 . Moh . 
- old (man), Cochimi 

acuso, i. e. akuso; 10. Jtwa 
old, ancient 

2. ko'tnassolt ', \.e.-massoi 
brown, nwssoli 1 , i. e. ;;0550/ 
yellow 2 ; 7. inasoinas red 
salmon; n. (j>a)-nisol red; 
12. w.svi- red 

5. SW /wfofo; 6. /)';7V. /// 
round basket cap ; io. />//;'/, 
&>-/w/ ; 1 1 . pa-wa-pel 

3. Tonto /<>/;?; 4. oxns-k, 
nkns-ki, ttk/ls smz\\, infant; 



63. white 
6. white 6 



VII.. NUMERALS. 



|. [vk ; 6. 1'iii- ; 10. pax, 
paxaatak alone, only 

i. oko; 2. (ka)xhi-(ni} ; 
3. Moh. biti'i-k,Dieg. xawo- 
k; 4. xtilax; 5. N fe, C, 
SW /(>, S rtte, K xfilo, SE 



67. three 



VIII. VERBS. 



5. pii-ccn, pn-fnm to take 
breath, pit-cnl to blow, w-vrt 
to whistle, H fiii-xaink to 
whistle ; 6. />'(>- , />';<- to blow ; 

7--.VH- -A'Hf- s tO blow, -A'H- 

to whistle; 10.^0*0 to blow; 
11. (/w)-/^'/ to blow, (/w )/>;/- 
sn-niai to whistle 



1. A-o- is (color-) adjectival prefix. 

2. It is barely possible that two phonetically similar 
but etymologic.illy distinct stems .ire here involved. Al- 
most certainly cognate with Seri wwW is Chimariko redu- 
plicated -tnamsa- of himamsiit GREEN, BLUE, YKLI.CMV. 

i. With Hokan-Coahuiltecan *A-'- SMALL, IXFANT is 
perhaps also cognate Chumash <;n-, kit- of (S. Buen.) 
giiiinf CHILD (S. Cruz) kntco CHILD. 

4. Cf. also Chumash (S. Yn.,S. Bar.)/Ki*a, (S.Buen.) 

/I(l^/ ONE; 

'). llokan f>'ii seems regulary to have developed to xu 
in Chimariko. Other examples are : Chimariko -.vf<- TO 



69. to burn 



0. to come 



71. to cry 



72. to cry 



5. N kawl infant, C-kn son, 
daughter, kfi- boy, girl in- 
fant, kilts small, E kawi boy, 
ki'is infant, katc small, SW 
kaii'J small ; 10. ca-xun 
small, 7-.v/mgirl; 12. A-HZW>- 
siini small, young; i^.kivan, 
kwttan small, young; 15. 
kun girl 

3. Moh. nya-inasaiii, S. 
Cat. hnia'ifia, Kiliwi //;<- 
M/>; 10. nuislak ; 12. ;<.>-/ 

.1. -/"/( ; 2. M-'/HI '; 11. 
-/w^', -pitk; 14. /vA-(/ 



AW, NE koon ; 6. '-, S A-- ; 
7. A-O^ ; 8. axak; 9. S, 
xvku'ti, Acli. /wA'! (S); Ats. 
/)o/i-/; io. iikettti ; 1 3. rtA'/c" 

4. xulap; 5. XOA-^/ ; 14. 
kaxayi 



7. -maa-; io. ma-i ; 11. 
(pa)-makua 

3. Kutchan kirik, Dieg. 
/,'/v// ; 6. -/'/-; 7. -/- hither; 
1 3. /vf/; 14. fa'.v, AV/J 

6. -tw?-, -wa- ; 7. -wo; 9. 
Ach. -'o-; 13. wayo; 14. 



3. -; 5. miixar ; 6. '; io. 
'rt; 12. pa-iiia 



SWIM : Yana/'- TO SWIM; Chimariko -xu- i AT (adj.) : 
Yana />'/'- TO BE FAT. Where Dixon writes />!, probably 
I'll (with intermediate />) or p!n is to be understood. 

6. Cf. also Chumash (S. Cruz) reduplicated pufiu 
WHITE. 

7. It does not seem impossible, if not very probable, 
that Yana nji- TO CRY, WAIL, Tonto mi TO CRY, YELL, 
SIGH are also cognate. 



NO. 4 



THE HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN LANGUAGES 



28 7 



73. to cry 

74. to cut 



76. to do 

77. to drink 

78. to eat 2 



79. to cat 



80. to fall 

81. to forget 

82. to give ' 

83. to go 



5. SE xakit, SW katca, 
NEkatcet; 12. xaktie to weep 
5. xa to cut, to cut off; 

10. kaetca; n. kawi 

75. to die, to i. maa- to kill; 3. Dieg. 
be dead meley;^. ' ; 5.'"; 6. ma/- to 
get hurt, (moccasin) has 
holes, (basket) is torn ; r i . 
pa-plai'i (from *-mlan); 14. 
mal dead 

5. hit; 7. -xaz- to make; 
13. hawai, hoi to do, to 
make; 14. ka-bawan 

5. C, N kotcim, E xoxiln, 
S hokoi ; 10. (ben)nk-(nd) ; 
12. xuaxe ; 13. o/m>; 14. 
akiveten ; 1 5 . foz-w 

3. Coc. abma, Tonto 
ma ; 4 . a war ; 5 . N maamaa ; 

6. ino-,(ma-} ; 7. -ama-; 8. 
az; (< aw); 9. Ach. -aw-, 
Ats. -ammi; 12. bahdme, 
xnxdme; 13. /;<?>;/ 

5. C kaiuan, SE kawa'- 
niniika; 10. 3'a-A'fl (G), }'ax; 

1 1 . (pa)-kai to eat, (/>a)- 
/M/.-M/ to masticate 

i. mef ; 7. -man-, -;wo-; 
II. we/; 14. amoak; 15. ;//(?/, 
7. -xome-; 13. xam 

4. /&; 7. -/;flA'- (?); 10. 

(T.V 

5. u'fl, ,a/togo, to walk; 

7. -warn-, -owa-;8.var(am~); 
10. wana they go; 12. a- 
tfiiyo go over there!; 14. 

1. Here belong perhaps also Esselen molio HE DIED; 
Pomo miidal TO DIE, DEAD. Pomo mudal is, however, 
better compared with Yana muntl- to lie, metaphorically 
" to lie dead ". 

2. Cf. also Chumash (S. Buen.) umu TO EAT ; Sal. 
awo'(M). 

3. Cf. also Chumash (S. Yn.) ik, (S. Bar. xfa) TO 

GIVE. 



84. to go out 

85. to hear 

86. to kill 

87. to laugh 

88. to like 



89. to be pre- 

gnant 

90. to run 



wana go away ! ; 1 5 . wan to 

g 

6. -dam- (to go) out 01 
house ; 7. -tap out of; 
9. Ach. -da out of, Ats. -la 
out of ; 15 . ta to come out 

5. cok; 13. tcaku'ei 

5. C hum ; 7. -ko-; 12. 
watxu-ka; iq.abiik 

5 . SE ke ; i o. xaxaya ; 1 4 . 
kaita 515. hayu 

5 . NE kamantfi ; 6. /- ; 
1 1 . kuail to love ; 13. kawa 
to love ; 14. ka to love 

i-*; 13. sahui(ii) 



91. to say 



92. to scratch 

93. to see 



3. Kutchanowo, i.e.&owd, 
Dieg. flnfltt ; 4 . o;t ; 5 . 
E kak, S katan, SE xawaka ; 

10. A"fla to go away; 14. 
xankaye to run, to hasten 

5. ha- to tell, to preach ; 
6. fa- to call ; 7. -/>fl-, 
-paid-; io v /;/>0; 14. pat situ 
. j.-xolgo-; 10. -/.wacnka 

j . ina-bi, ma-yap to face, 
to look, mag. a to look for; 

6. miniii-, nil-, me- to look; 

7. -mam- to see ; 8. H/J/J- 
to see ; 9. Ach. -nimii-, Ats. 
-;';//- to see ; 1 1. /w/^.y, 

; 13. mas 
5. N tcadin, S to^/H ; 10. 

(G); 14. tea 
7. -p-; 15. po/j 
7. -/>/- (plural subject); 

11. (paynel-pdu', 12. pa-we 
i . fwfl/ ; 2. .V//H ; 3. 



94. to see 

95. to shoot 

96. to "sit 

97. to sleep 



4. Yana ^ corresponds to Chimariko-Karok s, c in cer- 
tains words, e. g. Yana 'iw TRAIL : Chimariko his.w ; 
Yana uv'vu HORN : Chimariko wee-, Karok vecu-ni ; Yana 
-ya FEMALE : Chimariko -sa (e. g tcii-mako-sa MOTHER- 
IX-I.AW : tcit-mahi I ATHEK-IX-LAW). 



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98. to speak 



101. alone 



102. near 



103. no, not ' 



104. no, not 



Moh. isma ; 4. atsini-si ; 5. 
N, E, S, SW, sima, C sfima, 
NE tima ; 6. saw si- ', S, 
tc'amsi- ; 9. Ats. itsmi (K), 
S. {tsmas (K) ; 1 1 . (ti)emtt ; 
13. tsamdxuam; 14. im 

5. ga-nuk; 6. ga- 2 ; 7. 
-ko-, -go- to talk ; 13. ka to 

IX. - 

7 . pola ; n. paltteni alone, 
only 

3. Tonto ipe, Moh. bipa- 
nil;, Mar. bepanik; 14. />a- 
/><///; 15. //>/ 

5. E /h?y/; 6. A-'/(-; 7. 
-.VM-, A--, -gu; 13. c.v, I'xna 
not ; 14. fc?m. kw6-om no, 
not 

3. Wai. opa no ; 7 . /><;/<-;'- 



99. to tear 
too. to touch 



say, to speak ; 15. ko-i to 
say, to speak 

5.'; 7. -tra- to tear ; 14. 
tabaina to break, to tear 

6. din- to' touch, to put 
out one's hand to; 10. ta-an 
to handle, to touch 



ADVERBS. 



105. now 

106. quickly 

107. south 

108. where ? 



gun, patent no; 8. pu not, 
-piix -less ; 10. -pe-, -ba, -bo 
(G)" 

5. co; 19. hue 514. acdbak 

j. wel-mu, luele-ni ; 14. 
ewt-e, ewe quick, quickly 

3. Moh. kdveik (K); u. 
kiiiu 

7. qo-malii '* ; 10. a/a; 
13. ami, an/ 



X. GRAMMATICAL ELEMENTS 



109. derivative .\.->uix, -nex, -no ; 6. -na 6 ; 
noun suffix 7. -m "'; 8. -aw, -ar 8 ; 10. 
-on, -nn 9 (G) 



1. Simpler form of stem, sum-, implied in plur. sfiJim- 
(alongside of siiJimsi-), with infixed -Ji-. 

2. Occurs only in compounds, e. g. ga-yii- TO TALK : 
ga-'Iii- TO CRY ; ga-witc'ui- TO TEI.I. A LIE 4 ga-ri- TO 
TALK N. YANA ; ga-t'ii- TO TALK C. YANA ; and .many 
others. 

3. Cf. also Salinan kit (M). 

4. Cf. also Chumash (S. \D.) pwo NO. 

5. Ksselen -nax, -nex in, e. g., asa-nax WATER, pagu- 
mi.v BOW, katin-nex MOUTH ; -no in, e. g., iu'ti-uo HOUSE. 

6. Yana (N. and C. dialects) -na is regularly suffixtd, 
in male forms, to all monosyllabic noun stems and to 
all nouns ending in long vowel, diphthong, or conso- 
nant ; it is assimilated to -la after preceding -/-. E. g. 
lia-na WATER, df'mait-na PINE MARTEN, klu-rul-hi CRANE. 

7. E. g. tcimar MAN, funtsar WOMAN, kosar CRANE. 
Forms like tsabokor MOLE, tagnir WILDCAT, and himetmur 
MORNING suggest that only -r is suffixed, preceding a, i, 
o, and u being stem vowels. This -r varies in orthogra- 
phy with -/, e. g. sapxel SPOON, variant fwnsal-i MY WIFE . 



no. derivative 4. -s n ', 8. -r " ; 

noun suffix -.f' s (G) 



10. -c, 



Forms like pxicira SKUNK and ta'ira GROUND SQUIRREL 
suggest that -r, -I is abbreviated from -;. 

K. Karok -an, -ar makes nouns of agent and instru- 
ment, c. g. kivip-an " runner ", xw-ar THINKI R. 

9. E. g. kanoc-an MEXICAN from (\inn- MEXICO, he- 
yatc-on SPYGLASS from atce TO SEE, ye-kox-on HOOT from 
kaxa TO GO, yt-tsox-an TENT from tsox CLOTH, CANVAS. 
These nouns are evidently instrumental in force, like 
their Karok parallels. 

10. Perhaps also Porno dak " to split ". 

it. E. g. tca-pe-no NOT TO BE, yaxa-bo HE DOES NOT 
i. AT, xnxa-ba-l.<a i WAS NOT. 

12. </r>- is found also in other interrogatives, e. 
mas WHO ? go-si WHERE ? 

13. E. g. cbepa-s RABBIT-SKIN ROBE, lioci-s NOSE, opo- 
pubo-s SEAL, imitcka-s COYOTE, tcapln-s BIRDS, xeki-s PAN- 
THER. 

14. In kimi-c EVIL THING, MONSTER from keni BAD. 
15.!:. g. tin'ii-c, luxii-c SUN, naci-c TERRAPIN, auu\i-c 

BUFFALO, apinco-s HOUSE-FLY. In Esselen, Karok, and 
Tonkawa -c, -s seems to forms chiefly animate, e. g. 
animal, nouns. 



NO. 4 



THE HOKAN AND COAHUILTECAN LANGUAGES 



289 



in. diminutive 7. -lla 1 ; 10. -lo, -la-n, 
suffix -lo-n, -li-n 2 (G) 

112. adjective suf- 3. -k>; 4. -A', -ki 4 ; 5. 

fix -A > ; 10. -A 6 (G) 

113. locative case 5 . -ka-te at, to, by, near ? ; 



suffix 8. -ak in, at 8 ; 10. -ok ' 

(G) 
114.. instrumental 8. -m-uk with, -& 

case suffix account f; 10. -o/fe I0 (G) 



on 



SUPPLEMENTARY CHUM ASH-CO A HUILTEC AN VOCABULARY 



115. (S. Bar.) akcewe, (S. Tonk. acwi belly 

Yn.) fl&cw belly 

1 1 6. (S. Bar.) jront mo- Tonk.: xai mother 

ther 

117. (S. Bar.) pafa-wac Tonk. ewac fa- 

old man, eneXe- ther; Atak. wa- 

wac old woman ci old, ancient 

Some of these comparisons are doubtful at best 
and a number of them will, on maturer know- 
ledge, have to be discarded. A certain amount 
of groping in the dark cannot well be avoided 
in the pioneer stage of such an attempt as this . 
Careful scrutiny of the comparative vocabulary 
brings out a very considerable number of cognate 
series that it would be difficult to explain away 
on the score of accident (e. g. n os 14, 20, 22, 
28, 40, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 60, 61, 64, 72, 
93, 98, 103). A large number of the cognates 
are widespread Hokan stems (e. g. n os 41, 54, 
55, 68, 78). Such a double correspondence as 
S. W. Porno maka-la THUNDER : Comecrudo 

1. E. g. itri-Ua KK (d. itri MAN), tumlile-Ila SWALLOW, 
Icisuinii-lla ORPHAN, -lla is quite likely assimilated from 
-r-Ja (-/ as in 89 a), e. g. puntsu-lla (read puntsa.-') GIRL 
< "puntsa-r-la (puntsa-r WOMAN). 

2. These elements are not specifically termed diminu- 
tive by Gatschet, but some of his examples suggest that 
they are. E. g. enopxa-lo MOSQUITO, apinki-llin GREEN 
FLY, RED FLY, ewa-lan FISH, naxtcon-se-loii MATCH (lite- 
rally perhaps LITTLE FIRE-MAKER, cf. itaxtcon FIRE). - 
probably as in 106. 

5- E. n. Mar. mil-k, Moh. Incdi-ayel-k, Kutchan 
nyul-k, Kiliwi ;nv-<,' HLACK (contrast Kutchan nyil, H'taa'm 
nvi/);Mar. ahot-k, Moh. axot-k, Kutchan ahot-k GOOD ; 
Mar. pin-k, Moh. hai-pin-k, Kutchan epil-k WARM, HOT 
(contrast Kutchan kii-pil, Kiliwi pal). 

4. E. g. oxus-k, ttkus-ki SMALL, putu-ki LARGE, sale-ki 
GOOD, ala-ki BLACK. 



Tonk. yila to sit 



(cf. eneq woman), 
(S. Buen.) paku- 
was old man 
r 1 8. (S. Yn.)*/hi, (S. 
Bar.) leken, (S. 
Buen.) hiliko to 
sit 



(pa)mak THUNDHR, E. Pomo -matoto (with final 
reduplication) THUNDER : Comecrudo (pa)mct6t 
(with final reduplication) LIGHTNING does not 
smack of accident. 

An important feature of both Hokan and 
Coahuiltecan languages is the alternation of 
stems with initial vowels with forms of the stem 
without the vowel ", e. g. Chontala/w, Seria.v, 
Mohave aba, S. Pomo oka, Esselen asa-, Karok 
as-, Achomawi ac, Shasta atsa, Tonkawa ax, 
Atakapa ak, Comecrudo ax, Cotoname ax WA- 
TER : N. E. Pomo xa-, Yana ha-, Tonkawa 

5. E. g. E. Pomo kirik~ili-k WHITE, kedtiki'Ja-k RED, 
torotoro-k STRIPED. 

6. E. g. maki-k YELLOW, masLi-k, maslo-k WHITE, gala-k 
MORE, -k occurs also as noun suffix, e. g. kalo-k " mus- 
tache " (cf kala MOUTH), oyu-k POCKET. Such substanti- 
vized adjectives as maki-k GOLD (from YELLOW) and mas- 
lo-k CATTLE (from WHITE) suggest that nouns in -k may 
be primarily adjectives. 

7 Cf. probably also -k in -ima-k IN COMPANY WITH 
(with Pomo -mm- cf. Esselen -tna-nu TOGETHER WITH, 
Yana verbal suffix -ma- TOGETHER WITH). 

8. Locative -ka-, -k probably also compounded with 
other elements in -k-cu IN, -ava-ka-m ON, OVER, -os- 
ka-m BEFORE, -vasi-ka-m " behind ", -xa-ka-n " in com- 
pany with ", -curu-k UNDER. 

9. E. g. yetsoxan-ak TENT-IN. 

10. E. g. hetcool-ok BY MEANS OF WHAT ? xanan-oke ON 

ACCOUNT OF POISON. 

1 1 . See Sapir, The Position of Yana in the Hokan Stock, 
pp. 28-32. 



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VOL. I 



xa-na TO DRINK, Atakapa ka; Atsugewi -ima-, 
Achomawi -(ii)iiiia-, Comecrudo imdy TO SEE : 
Pomo ma-, Yana ml-, Chimariko -mam-, Karok 
inah-, Coahuilteco mas, Comecrudo mdhe. Even 
the dialectsof a single group vary on this point, 
as could be abundantly illustrated from Pomo 
and Yuman. 

Statistics based on the comparative vocabu- 
lary are of little significance at present, owing 
to the fact that most of the languages are but 
sparsely represented, some far more sparsely 
than others. Thus, the fact that Pomo, Chima- 
riko, Yuman, and Yana offer the greatest num- 
ber of cognates to the CoahuHtecan languages, 
while Chumash, Esselen, Shastan, Seri, Karok, 
and Chontal offer the least loses nearly all 
its significance when we remember that there 
was less matori.il available for comparison in the 
latter group than in the former. In proportion 
to the amount of material to chose from, indeed, 
Esselen, Karok, Seri, and Chontal seem to offer 
more similarity to the Coahuiltecan languages 
than Yana, which, in manuscript form, is by 
far the best known to the writer of all the lan- 
guages compared '. The relatively small num- 
ber of Yana-Coahuiltecan cognates found is 
probably the only significant point that could 
at present be made on statistical evidence. It 
is doubtless closely related to the fact, abun- 
dantly proven by other evidence, that of all 
Hokan languages Yana is the most specialised 
and therefore the least typical. Turning to the 

i . This I consider a most encouraging fact. If the 
resemblances here discussed were entirely explainable as 
due to accident, the Yana-Coahuiltccan parallels should 
have been several time as numerous as for any other 
pair, whereas, as a matter of fact, there are only a trifle 
over half as many Yana-Coahuiltecan parallels as Pomo- 
Coahuiltecan ones. 



Coahuiltecan languages, we find that the order 
of degree of similitary to Hokan is Tonkawa, 
Comecrudo, Coahuilteco (including one 
example each from San Francisco Solano and 
Maratino), Karankawa, Atakapa, and Coto- 
name, the number of Tonkawa-Hokan cognates 
being somewhat greater than of Pomo-Coa- 
huiltecan. This, if significant at all, is as it 
should be, for Tonkawa is an interior language 
and, geographically speaking, relatively nearest 
the Hokan languages of California. 

A glance at Powell's linguistic map, so far 
from creating dismay at the hazardous nature 
of our attempt, rather serves to render it intel- 
ligible.. True, there is an enormous distance 
separating Tonkawa and Yuman, or Coahuil- 
teco and Seri. But is it an accident that practi- 
cally the whole of the vast stretch of country 
separating the Coahuiltecan from the Yuman 
tribes is taken up by the Southern Athapascans 
(Lipan, various Apache tribes, and Navaho) ? 
That these last are intrusive in this area has 
always been felt probable by both ethnologist 
and linguist. The relationship of Athapascan 
to Haidaand Tlingit, which I have demonstrat- 
ed in another paper 2 , raises this feeling to a 
certainty. I venture to put forward the hypo- 
thesis that the Hokan-speaking and Coahuilte- 
can-speaking tribes formed at one time a geo- 
graphical continuum and that at least one of 
the factors in their disruption was the intrusion 
of Athapascan-speaking tribes from the north. 
An earlier intrusion of Uto-Aztekan (more par- 
ticulary Sonoran-Shoshonean) tribes from the 
south may eventually also have to be taken 
account of. 

2. The Na-dene Languages, a Preliminary Report, Ame- 
rican Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 17, pp. 554-558, 1915. 



NO. 4 



A NOTE ON THE FIRST PERSON PLURAL IN CHIMARIKO 



291 



A NOTE ON THE FIRST PERSON PLURAL IN CHIMARIKO 

By E. SAPIR 



I know of few irrevocable facts in the 
domain of American linguistics that are quite 
so regrettable as our scanty knowledge ot 
Chimariko. What attention I have been able 
to give the Hokan problem has tended to con- 
vince me that in Chimariko we possess, or 
possessed, one of the most archaic languages 
of the whole group, perhaps the one language 
in California which came nearest a faithful 
representation of the theoretical Hokan proto- 
type. As it is, we must make shift to get on 
with such material as has been spared us and 
be doubly thankful for the fragmentary data 
that Dixon was able to secure in 1906 from the 
one or two aged or half-witted survivors of 
the tribe'. The present note will serve to 
illustrate how unexpected and far-reaching may 
be the threads that bind Chimariko to geogra- 
phically remote languages in California. 

The first personal pronominal affix for Chi- 
mariko verbs always, or nearly always, shows 
clearly related forms for singular and plural. 
This will be evident from the following 2 -: 

"tc-, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed 
as subject of intransitive verbs, with adjectival 
stems. Prefixed as object of transitive verbs. 

tea-, tea-, first person plural. Prefixed or 
suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs, with 
adjectival stems. This suffix ' is distinguished 
from singular tc- by change of vowel. If the 
singular has a as connecting vowel, the plural 

1. Roland B. Dixon, Tlte Chimariko Indians and Lan- 
guage (University of California Publications in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 5, pp. 293-380, 1910). 

2. Dixon, op. cit., p. 318. 

3. Read doubtless " affix ". 



has o, and vice-versa. Prefixed as object of 
transitive verbs. 

i-,y-, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed 
as subject of intransitive verbs, with verbal 
stems. Prefixed as subject of transitive verbs. 

ya-; we-, w-, first person plural. Prefixed or 
suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs, with 
verbal stems. Prefixed (va-) as subject of tran- 
sitive verbs. " 

Further on Dixon remarks * : 
" It will be seen that two wholly different 
forms are given in both singular and plural 
for the first person. In the use of the one or 
the other of these, there is a fairly clear dis- 
tinction in use. The first type, tc, is never 
employed with verbal stems indicating action 
or movement, but with those, on the contrary, 
which indicate a state or condition. On the 
other hand, whereas the second form, /, y, is 
invariably used with the former class of verbal 
stems, it is also employed with the latter, but 
is then always suffixed. In most cases, there is 
no confusion between the two forms, i. e., if 
the first person singular is/ or y, the first person 
plural is ya. A few instances appear, however, 
in which this does not hold, and we have / in 
the singular, and tc or ts in the plural. In a 
limited number of cases also, either form may 
apparently be used, zsqf-i-xanan,qs.--tce-xanan 
I SHALL DIE, i-saxni, Ica-saxni I COUGH [perhaps 
better understood as stem asax-, with / displa- 
cing a- of stem ; tc- prefixed : tc-asax-ni. Cf. 
tc-a'wi'n I FEAR and other singulars in tc-a-]. 
A phonetic basis is to some extent observable, 

4. Op. cit., pp. 325, 326. 



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VOL. I 



in that tc or ts is never a prefix when the verbal 
stem begins with a vowel. [This seems doubt- 
ful.] As between / and y, it appears that the 
latter is always used before stems beginning 
with a vowel except i, whereas i is employed 
before stems beginning with i or with conson- 
ants. [There seems, however, to be some evi- 
dence to show that /'- may displace the initial 
stem vowel, just as u of tcu- MY displaces the 
initial vowel of the noun stem, e. g. ni-isam 

THY EAR, b-istllll HIS EAR, but tCH-Sillll MY EAR.] 

The first persons singular and plural are distin- 
guished from each other, where the form tc is 
used, only by a change of connecting vowel 
already pointed out. [Dixon's " connecting 
vowel ", in the verb as in the noun, as is shown 
by general Hokan comparative evidence, is in 
all probability either the initial vowel of the 
stem or a prefixed vowel inhering in the pro- 
nominal or other prefixed element. ] 

" The pronominal elements as given, are, 
when used as prefixes, attached to the verb by 
means of connecting vowels. These... often 
show some relation to the vowel of the verbal 
stem, but this is noticeable chiefly in the case 
ot o and u stems. The first person singular and 
plural are distinguished from each other only 
by the change in this connecting vowel. As a 
rule, the first person singular it tco- or ten-, 
whereas the plural is tea-. In one or two in- 
stances, however, this seems to be reversed. 

Forms with combined prelixed pronominal 
subject and object involving the first person 
are given by Dixon as follows : 

i-: I-THEE, I-HIM, I- YE 

ya-: WE-THEE, WE-IHM, WE-YK, \VE-THEM; 

I IK-US 
tCU-, Ua-: HE-ME, THEY -ME 

tea-: HE-US, THEY-US 

The material contained in Dixon's paper is 
hardlv sufficient to enable us to unravel all the 



details of first person pronominal usage. Much 
remains uncertain or obscure. It is fairly clear 
that a number of phonetic laws are operative 
that Dixon lias not succeeded in disentangling; 
it is also possible that certain phonetic niceties 
not explicitly taken into account, particularly 
vocalic quantity, may be significant. Thus, it 
is observable that verb stems in<i- with preced- 
ing first personal r- show a ye- in the first 
person singular, ya- in the first person plural; 
e. g., from -ania- TO EAT : y-ema I EAT, \a-nni 
LET us EAT. Apparently, in the singular the a- 
of the stem has been palatalized to e. by the 
preceding y-\ in the plural the ya- of the pro- 
nominal prefix has displaced the a- of the stem, 
or the two a- vowels have contracted to a 
single vowel that ordinarily resists palatalization. 
It seems more likely that the -a- of ya- and tea- 
regularly displace initial stem vowels. The 
simplest statement of the facts that it seems 
possible to formulate is as follows : 



SiHg. 



1'lni: 



Subjective(i. e. subject y- (belore vowels) \y a ~ 

. tivc \erb) i- (before consonants) ) 

Objective (1. e. subject -/ -y,i 

of static verb and leu- (before consonants) L :,. 
object of transitive tc- (before vowels) ; . 
verb) -leu. -/<- 



The vowels of ten- (singular) and of ya- 
leu- (plural) are probably inherent vowels of 
the prefixes that normally displace initial stem 
vowels ; lea- for ten- and tco- for tea- are pro- 
bably secondary phonetic developments due to 
assimilation, contraction, or elision. The first 
person plural, then, is formed from the cor- 
responding singular by adding an -a- to the y- 
or tc- of the singular or by displacing the vowel 
ot the singular leu- by an -a-. In other words, 
the really essential element of the affixed first 
person plural of Chimariko is -a-. 

The truth of this is confirmed by certain 
first person plural forms in a- (without prece- 
ding y- or tc-') that are. not explicitly discussed 



NO. 4 



A NOTE ON THE FIRST PERSON PLURAL IN CHIMARIKO 



293 



by Dixon but are scattered about in his texts. 
The verb -uwarn-, -owam-io GO (-warn- appears 
also as -wum-, -wauni-') regularly appears with 
" connecting vowel " --, -0-, e. g. : 

y-owa' m-xa-nan I'LL GO (p. 349, l.n) 

y-uwaum-xa' -nan I SHALL GO (349.5) 

y-uivau'm-ia I GO (349.2) 

m-aiua' m-xa-nan YOU SHALL GO (349.14) 

h-ou,>a' m-da HE WENT (349.1) 

n-u-'wam GO ! (349-8 ; n- is second person 

singular imperative) 
n-ifwa'um GO BACK ! (351.1) 
nu'-g-n'wa'm-na "DON'T GO! " (350.18) 

With these forms contrast the following 
first person plurals : 

a~' -warn LET'S GO (351.9 ; 343-4) 
a'-wa'm GO (359.5) 
a-wa'm LET'S GO (351.18) 
a-wn'm LET'S GO (341.6) 
a-wa'm-an WE'LL GO (351.16) 
mr'tcidut a-'-iuam WE GO (349.9) 
\oko-h' 1 -Ice a-wa' m-xa-nan TWO-OF-US 

WILL-GO 350.17; 351. 3) 

xotai '-re-tee a-wa' m-xa-nan (WE) -THREE WILL- 
GO (350.15) 

Obviously a- is here a pronominal element, 
displacing, as do ya- and tea-, the initial vowel 
of the stem. The verb -uwam- probably con- 
tains a suffixed, perhaps local, -in-, as shown 
by other derivatives of -uwa-, e.g.: 

n-u - a-kta GO (359.6) 

m-u j a-dok-ni YOU COME BACK (360.2) 

In such verbs also the first person plural is 
characterized by an a- displacing the u- of the 
stem, e. g. : 

a-wd-kda-xa'n LET'S GO AROUND (341.10; n) 
Finally, the negative of the first person plu- 



ral, ordinarily ya-x-, tca-x-, is for the verb 
-uwa- (in-) apparently a-x-, e. g. : 

a-x-am-gu-tcai' -da-nan (WE) DON'T WANT TO 
GO (350-14) 

On the basis of Chimariko alone one might 
surmise that the original form for the first 
person plural pronominal prefix (perhaps only 
for the " subjective " series) was a- and that 
the ya- (and perhaps also tea-) forms arose 
under the influence of the singular. An original 
Hokan paradigm for the first person pronominal 
prefixes : 

Sing, i- Plur. a- 

is, indeed, preserved in Salinan '. The contrast 
of sing. /- (which generally appears in Salinan 
as e-; for Salinan e < i cf. Antoniano epa'l 
TONGUE, Migueleno ipaL < Hokan * ipali, Chi- 
mariko ipen, Achomawi ip'lf) : plur. a- appears 
in the independent personal pronoun (Anto- 
niano he-'k' I, ba-'k' WE ; Migueleno k'e' I, k'a' 
WE) ; in the prefixed subjective elements (e- I, 
a- WE) ; and in the locative pronominal series 
( -k'e TO ME, -k'a TO us). The possessive pro- 
nominal prefixes are all but analogous. The 
first person singular is characterized by the 
absence of a prefix except, in the case of stems 
with initial vowel, for the prefixed article-like 
element (-, which is not properly a possessive 
pronominal element ; the corresponding plural 
has t-a-, the article-like t- plus the properly 
pronominal -a-, or (before vowels) t-a-t-, in 
which t- seems to be used pleonastically. The 
only pronominal series in Salinan not characte- 
rized by a distinctive a- in the first person 
plural is the objective, suffixed to the verb (-ak 
ME ; -t'ak us) ; here the plural is derived from 
the singular by means of the common Salinan 

i. See J. A. Mason, The Language of the Salinan In- 
dians (University of California Publications in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 14, pp. 1-154, 1918). 



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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



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pluralizing element -/-(cf. also -ka THEE : -fkam 
YOU ; -o, -ko HIM : -ot, -hot THEM). 

It is the series of subjective pronominal pre- 
fixes that most closely corresponds to the 
Chimariko " subjective " series. This is true 
for all persons, as indicated in the following 
comparative table : 



Cbitnariko 

Sing, i y-, i- 

2 m- 

3 *- 
Plur. i a- ; ya- 

2 q- 

3 *- 



Salinan 



e- 
m- 

a- 



k- (subject of 2nd per. 
plur. imperative ') 



i. Treated by Mason (p. 41) as a modal (imperative) 
prefix of the plural, but evidently pronominal, as shown 
by the parallel use of pronominal in- in the imperative of 
the singular, by the analogy of the Salinan possessive 
form t-k-, l-uk-, t-ko- YOUR, and by the comparison of 
other Hokan dialects (besides Chimariko q-, qo-, qe- we 
have also Yana -ga YE). Cf. also Washo<-, imperative 
prefix ; this is likely to be the old second person plural 
prefix, generalized for both numbers. The leveling of 
singular and plural pronominal prefixes is characteristic 
ul" \\.islio. The pronominal analogies of \Vasho ;<- have 
been already pointed out by Kroeber. 



As so often in Chimariko, the Salinan pro- 
nominal elements of the first person frequently, 
if not regularly, displace or contract with the 
initial vowel of the stem or displace the vowel 
of a preceding element (e. g. ko- NOT ; k-e- 
NOT I, k-a- NOT WE). Examples of Salinan forms 
in e- and a- are : 

e-ki AM I GOING ? a-kiyal ARE WE GOING ? 

k-t-cxai' I WOKE UP n-a-paLa LET us DANCE 

('icxai' TO ARISE AT 

DAWN) 
k-e-k'a'k'a I WILL NOT k-a-suxtax WE ARE NOT 

SING AFRAID 

111 e-yax WHEN i CAME m-a-ya WHEN WE GO 
(iyax TO COME) (iya SEVERAL GO) 

Note that /- of iya TO GO, iyax TO COME (for 
i- cf. Washo iye TO GO ; for -x < -k' cf. Chi- 
mariko -uu>a-k- TO COME < -uwa-, -uwa-m- TO 
GO and Yana -k'i- HITHER, e. g. ni-sa- TO GO 
AWAY, ni-k'i- TO COME) is displaced by first 
person plural pronominal a- as in Chimariko 
(e. g. ya-mitcit-ni WE KICK, b-imitcit-ni HE KICKS; 
stem -imilcit-, cf. Hokan * imi- LEG). 



NO. 4 



ABNORMAL TYPES OF SPEECH IN Q.TJILEUTE 



295 



ABNORMAL TYPES OF SPEECH IN QUILEUTE ' 
BY LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 



THE devices employed in a number of lan- 
guages, primitive and otherwise, for the pur- 
pose of implying something in regard to the 
status, sex, age, or other characteristics of the 
speaker, person addressed , or person spoken of, 
are well known to all students of linguistics. 
These devices belong properly in the domain of 
abnormal types of speech, and quite a number 
of them have been brought together in an in- 
teresting paper written recently by Dr. Sapirand 
entitled " Abnormal Types of Speech in 
Nootka 2 ". Consequently, I am not going to 
expose myself to the reproach of repetition by 
quoting the examples cited by Dr. Sapir, but 
will confine myself to referring all those inte- 
rested in this subject to the highly instructive 
and illuminating article mentioned above. 

This paper deals only witch such abnormal 
types of speech as have been observed by me 
in the Quileute language during extensive stu- 
dies conducted for the Bureau of American 
Ethnology in the summer of 1915 and again 
in the summer and fall of 1916. My informants 
were Hallie George, an intelligent young half- 
blood Quileute, whose father was a white man, 
and Arthur Howeattle, a full-blood Indian and 
the eldest son of the last chief of the Quileute 
tribe. In justice to Howeattle be it said that he 
was by far the better of the two informants and 
that he was still able to recollect and explain 
the exact function of practically each abnormal 
type of speech. I do not claim, however, to have 

1. Published with permission of the Smithsonian Ins- 
titution. 

2. Memoir 62, No. 5, Anthropological Series, Ottawa 
Government Printing Bureau, 1915. 



succeeded in collecting every device, owing to 
the rapid process of disintegration which the 
Quileute language is undergoing and to its 
gradual replacement by the English tongue. 

A few words concerning the position and 
distribution of the Quileute language and In- 
dians may not be out of place here. These In- 
dians belong to the Chimakuan family which 
embraces, in addition to this tribe, also the 
totally extinct Chimacum division. The diffe- 
rences between the two dialects are very slight, 
being confined to a certain amount of lexico- 
graphic and to some phonetic divergences. There 
are good reasons to believe that Chimakuan, 
Wakashan, and Salishan may be proved to be 
genetically related, representing three linguistic 
stocks that ultimately go back to a single source. 
Assuming, for the time being, this to be the 
case, I would suggest the term Mosan for this 
group of languages, in view of the fact that the 
numeral for FOUR (tnos or bos) is commonly 
found in the dialects of each of these three 
groups. Ethnologically little is known of the 
Chimacum tribe, whose territory lay in the 
northeastern portion of Jefferson County in the 
State of Washington. The Quileute Indians 
lived formerly in the western part of Clallam 
County, but occupy today a small strip of land 
around the mouth of the river of the same 
name. A smaller sub-division, called the Hoh 
Indians, live some twenty miles farther south. 
The mythology and culture of these Indians 
are closely related to the mythologies and cul- 
tures of the adjoining tribes, especially those 
of the Quinault to the south and the Nootka 
to the north. Particularly close points of contact 



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VOL. I 



have been observed between the Quileute and 
Makah tribes. The members of these two are 
the otily Indians in the United States proper 
known to have actually engaged in whale- 
hunting. And, while the Makahs gave up this 
occupation with the advent of the white man, 
the Quileutes still pursued it up to about 20 
years ago. 

One of the forms of abnormal types of speech 
first observed in Quileute pertains to certain 
words used by children. These words are dis- 
tinguished from similar terms used by grown- 
up people either by means of a certain suffix, 
or also by the exhibition of internal changes 
which, to borrow Sapir's terminology, are 
based upon the principle of " consonantal or 
vocalic play ''. A few words have been found 
which are totally distinct from the stems used 
by individuals other than children. 

In a majority of cases the children add the 
suffix -ck! to each word used by them. This 
sutfix has no other grammatical function. Thus 
a child says ', 



d'lo'ck ! 

tcttla'ck! 

aback! 



FATHER for o'/d' 

UNCLE for tcfe'la' 

GRANDPARENT for aba' 



In addressing its mother, a child uses the 
term ka'a'dada instead of ka'a. In this case the 
reduplicated form of the suffix -da merely 
represents the babbling of a young child and 
was referred to by my informant as " baby 
talk. " 

Some " baby talk " words are based upon 
changes involving " consonantal and vocalic 
play. " Thus a child calls the DEER bdwa'yicka 1 
instead of hawa'yicka' ; a CAT is referred to as 
puda instead of pia'c ; while a cow in " baby 
talk " is ma" instead of bosbos. In this connec- 



i . The phonetic transcription of sounds agrees in the 
main with the recommandations made by the Committee 
of the American Anthropological Society. 



tion it is worth while noting that the nasal m 
is foreign to Quileute phonetics, being always 
replaced by a labial />. The inferences that may 
be drawn from this will be discussed later on. 
Among the words used by children only and 
totally distinct from similar terms employed by 
grown-up persons the following may be men- 
tioned. 



MM* 

bo ' 



FOOD 

WATER 

CROW 

CLOTHES 

TOY 



for a' liia 
for q!u<a'\a 
for ht'iiw 
for yfsdak' 



Of afar greater importance, particularly from 
a comparative point of view, are those abnor- 
mal types of speech which are used whenever 
it is desired to single out some physical trait 
of the speaker, of the person addressed, or of 
the person spoken of. For that purpose the na- 
tive Quileute uses partly certain prefixes, and 
partly internal changes involving " consonan- 
tal play ". It will be well to state at the outset 
that these forms of speech apply only to persons 
physically abnormal and to mythological beings 
or animals. Sufficient data from other languages 
are still lacking to justify even the attempt at 
explaining or accounting for the psychological 
reasons underlying this linguistic phenomenon. 
Attention, however, may be called to the ex- 
planation given by one of my informants. Ac- 
cording to his testimony, this phenomenon 
goes back to an ancient custom whereby each 
individual discriminated his own speech by 
means of an affix. The individual in question 
usually had some physical deformity. Now, 
while this explanation may not be convincing, 
it is original and, in the absence of weightier 
reasons, must be taken at its face value. 

Most affixes and forms representing an abnor- 



2. These two terms may be onomatopoetic in origin 
and character. 



NO. 4 



ABNORMAL TYPES OF SPEECH IN Q.UILEUTE 



mal type of speech are used either by the speak- 
er himself or by another person speaking of 
the individual whom such a speech-form intends 
to single out. In few cases only is the abnor- 
mal form used in direct address, the reason for 
this being too apparent to require any comment. 
In some instances the speaker himself refrains 
from using the appropriate affix, because such 
a use would constitute an admission of some 
deformity. 

When speaking of SNAIL or of a cross-eyed 
and one-eyed person the prefix L- is placed 
before each word ; such individuals, when 
speaking themselves, also change all sibilants (s 
and c sounds) to i sounds. In this manner i is 
substituted for s or c ; L for ts and tc ; and L! 
for ts! or tc!. These forms are never used in 
direct address. The following examples may be 
given for the use of such forms of speech with 
SNAIL or a cross-eyed person as the speakers or 
persons spoken of. 

L-ii'yali i SEE IT for si'yali 

L-U'quli i PULL IT for cfquli 

L-iLelU I INTEND TO DOIT for ttsJHi 

L-d'xaiLaa WHERE is IT? for ay a$ tea 'a 
L-L!i\j/i'ti WORLD for tsH'qa'ti 

When addressing a funny person, the prefix 
tck- is used ; when speaking to a small-sized 
man, a sibilant (s-) is placed before each word; 
in talking of a hunchback, the affix ts ! is em- 
ployed ; while the prefix tcx- refers to a lame 
person. Two other prefixes of this type were 
mentioned by Arthur Howeattle (tc-, ta/-)who 
could not, however, state definitely what kind 
of individuals they singled out. 

Turning now to types of speech peculiar to 
mythological beings and animals, we find first 
of all the prefix sx- characterizing each word 
used by Qjwa'ti, the culture-hero of Quileute 
mythology (Students of Nootka linguistics will 
recognize in this being the Kwa'tiyat' ofNootka 



and Kwe'ti of Makah mythologies.) Thus 
Qlwa'ti is supposed to say, 



sx-qd'qal 
sx-ba'kutax 



TAKE IT ! for qa'qal 

COME HERE! forhakutax,etc. 



In like manner RAVEN prefixes to each word 
a c-, as c-ki'taxaili i AM GOING, etc. His wife 
uses the prefix ts- and changes d and / to n and 
b to m. Here again I call attention to the 
fact that these abnormal forms are the only 
instances in Quileute where the nasals m, n, 
occur. These two nasals are foreign to this 
language, being always represented by b and d 
respectively. Examples illustrating abnormali- 
ties in the speech of Raven's wife may be given 
as follows : 

ts-task GO OUT for task 

ts-L/oxwa'nas OLD MAN for Lloxwa'das 

ts-he tkuni i AM SICK for be'tkuli 

ts-mo'yiikwatslo SOMETHING for bo'yakwa'tslo' 

Furthermore, to all words used by DEER or 
employed when speaking of DEER there is added 
the prefix Lk-, and in such words all sibilants 
are changed to laterals. Thus I is changed to s or 
c; L is substituted for ts or tc; and L ! replaces 
both ts! and tc!. The examples follow. 

ik-bawa 'yiika' DEER for hawa'yicka' 

Lk-da'lkiya GIANTESS for Ja'skiya 

Lk-Loyo'l SHOOT IT! for tsoxo'l 
ik-Libod HALIBUT HOOK for tcibo'd 
Lk-Lliqa'l KILL HIM! for tcliqa'l 

Lastly, there are two devices in Quileute 
which imply a distinction in regard to the sex 
of the person addressed; one consisting of a 
prefix, and the other, of syntactic particles pla- 
ced at the very end of the sentence. These two 
devices may be the result of the presence, in 
this language, of sex gender. Thus whenever 
a man speaks to a woman directly or whenever 
one woman speaks of another woman who is 



298 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



absent, each word must be preceded by the 
prefix tcx-. It is rather interesting to note that, 
in this case, the man is not afraid of giving 
offense to the addressed person by calling at- 
tention to her " abnormality ", from which it 
will be seen that the Quileute Indians were not 
afraid of their women. In the same manner the 
particles tea and da are used in addressing a 
man and a woman respectively ; the first being 
usually translated by my informant by means' 
of the English term SIR, and the latter being 
rendered by MADAM or LADY. 

The most important problem suggesting itself 
in connection with the abnormal types of 
speech in Quileute, to which I wish here to 
call attention briefly, is their probable relation 
to a similar phenomenon observed by Dr. Sa- 
pir in the Nootka language. This problem 
becomes more interesting when it is considered 
that there exist close cultural and linguistic af- 
tiliations between these two groups. Very close 
correspondences have been observed in this res- 
pect between these two languages. Thus both 
havedistinct devices indicating the speech of chil- 
dren, small persons, cross-eyed and one-eyed 
people, hunchbacks, and lame persons. Turning 
to mythological beings and animals, we find 
that both single out the speech ot the Culture- 
Hero, of Raven, and of Deer. Furthermore, 
some of this distinctiveness in speech is accom- 
plished in both tongues by means of certain 
consonantic changes ; a particularly close resem- 
blance being furnished by the change of s and 
c sounds into i sounds, which is found in both 
languages to apply to the speech of Deer. These 
correspondences are certainly close. On the 
other hand, divergences have been observed 
which are just as striking. Aside from the fact 
that the Nootka speech-peculiarities attributed 
to large persons, left-handed persons, circum- 
sized people, greedy persons, cowards, and to 
small birds, to bear, and to elk, are missing in 
Quileute, the Quileute grammatical and pho- 



netic devices are different from those employed 
in the Nootka language. Suffixation is replaced 
in Quileute by prefixation, where the phone- 
tic composition of the elements is also different 
and shows a greater variety of sounds. 

The question which confronts us now is 
this ; Are these abnormal types of speech, as 
observed in Quileute and Nootka, the result ot 
an independent origin and development, or 
are they due to contact ? A categorical an- 
swer to this question at the present writing is 
impossible. However, when we consider that 
the Quileute language, in using abnormal types 
of speech, resorts to the borrowing of foreign 
phonetic elements, we ought to feel justified 
in the assumption that this phenomenon goes 
back to a time when these two languages were 
one, but that in addition it was developed in- 
dependently and modified through a later close 
contact between these two tribes . It is safer to 
hold to this assumption until such time as 
comparative data shall be made available from 
the Salish tribes adjoining the Quileute, which 
may furnish the sole and ultimate proof for the 
exact origin and distribution of this interesting 
linguistic peculiarity. 



TABULAR PRESENTATION OF ABNORMAL TYPES 
OF SPEECH USED IN QUILEUTE 

TYPE OF PERSON LINGUISTIC PECULIARITY 

Child Add-r/,'/ 

Cross-eyed ore one- Prefix t- ; change s and c 

eyedperson;Snail sounds to i sounds 

Funny person Prefix tck- 

Small person Prefix s- 

Hunchback Prefix />/- 

Lame person Prefix tcy- 

? Prefixes tc-, tcq- 



NO. 4 



ABNORMAL TYPES OF SPEECH IN QUILEUTE 



299 



Male to female Prefix tcx- ; or add particle 

da at end of sentence 
Female to male or Add particle tea at end of 

male to male sentence 

Culture hero Prefix sx- 

QjiM 'tt 



Raven 
Raven's wife 

Deer 



Prefix c- 

Prefix is- ; change d, I to 

n and b to m 
Prefix ik-; change s and c 

sounds to i sounds 



3OO 



INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



TWO PHONETIC SHIFTS OCCURRING IN MANY ALGONQJJIAN LANGUAGES' 

By TRUMAN MICHELSON 



I STATED in the " Journal of the Washington 
Academy of Sciences ", 4 : 404, that the inter- 
change of 6 before consonants, and aw before 
vowels, was universal in Fox. This it not quite 
accurate, for aw shifts to a, not 6, before cer- 
tain consonants. An examination has revealed 
that the same (or closely allied) shifts occur 
in many Algonquian languages. Specifically 
the languages in which I have thus far been 
able to establish that the shifts take place are 
Fox, Kickapoo, Cree (see below), Montagnais 
(see below), Shawnee, Ojibwa, Algonkin, 
Potawatomi, Peoria, and Delaware. Since these 
shifts are shared by so many Algonquian lan- 
guages, and since these languages are in subs- 
tantial agreement in the shifts, it is clear that 
these changes must be very ancient, and presu- 
mably in their beginnings go back to the 
Algonquian parent-language. I have derived 
my examples, for Fox, from Jones's Texts 
(references by page and line)and my unpublish- 
ed texts, and notes in a few cases (for the 
principle differences between Jones's and my 
phonetics see p. 54 of this Journal) ; for Kic- 
kapoo, Jones's Tales (references by page and 
line) ; for Cree, Lacombe's grammar and dic- 
tionary ; for Montagnais, Lemoine's grammar 
and dictionary ; for Shawnee, Gatschet's manu- 
scripts in the Bureau of American Ethnology 
and my early Shawnee notes ; for Ojibwa, 
Baraga's grammar and dictionary and Jones's 
Texts, Volume I (references by page and line); 
for Algonkin, Cuoq's grammar and dictionary; 



i . Printed by permission of the Secretary of the Smith- 
sonian Institution. 



for Potawatomi, photostat copies of Gailland's 
dictionary ; for Peoria, Gatschet's manuscripts 
in the Bureau of American Ethnology ; for 
Delaware, Zeisberger's grammar. These sources 
are of greatly varying quality, not to speak ot 
quantity. Moreover, it has not been possible 
for me to control their phonetics in all cases : 
hence it is that I cannot formulate definite 
laws covering all the languages concerned. Nor 
do I claim to give exhaustive rules for even 
those languages with which I am tolerably 
familiar. It would be an easy matter to obtain 
full data in the field ; in the office, it means 
the reading of hundreds of pages of texts, 
without being sure of completeness. What I 
wish to do is to establish the shifts and give 
such rules as I can, in the hope that others 
will assist in gathering materials which will 
enable complete laws to be formulated, and 
especially to find out whether these same shifts 
occur in other Algonquian languages. The fol- 
lowing table shows the provisional results : 



Fox 



Kickapoo ... aw 
Shawnee. . . au' 



> o before);, '/,./, | <'/,],. 
y,v> 

> <7 before g, k [= g], t 

> o before n, 'k, tc 

> a before g 

> u, o [= (ij before / 

> a before g, k [= g} 



Cree aw, a'w[aw] } > d [ti] before /, k [=^ 

( tch 

Montagnais. J > I [= ,/| before * 

> 6 before ;;, * (Fox 'A 
Ojibwa a', rfw [dty] ^=,7,1^ 

> d before g, s, /, rf 



2. Terminally ; Gull Lake dialect -dt' according to 
Michelson. 



NO. 4 



TWO PHONETIC SHIFTS OCCURRING IN MANY ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES 



301 



Algonkin . . . aw 
Potawatomi. mi> [aw] 

Peoria aw 

Delaware. . . aw 



> o [= o] before n 
a [= a 



> 



] before g, t, d 



> d [ a] before k [g] 

> o before / 

> a fa) before fe [= A, 
not ff] 

> o before 7 

> a before^ 



It will be recalled that Shawnee, Peoria, and 
Delaware / corresponds to n ot the other dia- 
lects. I have not discussed the Cree examples 
that may'be extracted from Horden's grammar, 
as I do not know how to interpret the forms 
(see pp. 153, 154, et seq. Note netoshetozvow 
but nttoshetwak, etc.). 

FOX 

aneno'taivaic' HOW SHE UNDERSTOOD HIM 224. 5 , 
'agu'i pwdwineno'tonAgivin"" HE WILL NOT FAIL 
TO UNDERSTAND us, keneno'tdgiindn'"" HE UNDER- 
STANDS us ; netdtawaut" i BROUGT THIS ON HIM 

190.6, '(ftdtaU&Wi&tt?' HOW THEY TREATED HIM; 

a'i'cimemvitotawiyaguf BY THE KINDESS THAT 
YE HAVE DONE ME 180.13, 'd'totonAgo""" HOW i 
TREATED YOU, dgwi nAndciniydcitotdtiu'dtcin' THEY 

NEVER ILL-TREATED EACH OTHER 148.3, 'd'tdtti- 
gOWd d tc" HOW THEY WERE TREATED BY ; kldse- 

tawiyagu* WHAT YE HAVE SET FOR ME 374.19, 
kekl'cisetdgundn""' HE HAS SET IT FOR us, 
dneckisetotc' HE SPREAD IT OPEN 172.10; 
dnotawatc' WHEN HE HEARD HIM 110.16, neteci- 
notdgdpen" SUCH is THE RUMOR WE HAVE HEARD 

154.7, dnStdgdtC' WHEN SHE HEARD THE NEWS 

170.19 ; nodclganitc' WHEN HE HEARD THE NEWS 
146.14, d'pydtciiidtdgitsinitc' HE WAS HEARD AP- 
PROACHING 156.22 ; Ind'pydnutau'dtc' WHEN HE 
CAME TO HIM THERE 368.21, pyanntagiitcini THE 

ONE BY WHOM SHE WAS VISITED 154.2,5, pydtlU- 

tagute" SHE WAS VISITED BY 1 54. io, wi'pydnu- 
tdgog' [so read] THEY WILL BE VISITED BY 184. 14, 
lualcipyanutunAguuS [read -toriAgdu/] WHY i CAME 
TO VISIT YOU 178.10; a'kiciketeminauAivdt^ FOR 
THEY HAVE PITIED ME 186.18, d'kicilrdgiketemi- 



THEY HAVE ALL BLESSED ME 184.7, 

ii'iketeminau'iyAn* THAT YOU WILL TAKE PITY ON 
ME 380.2, keketeminonep"'"' i BLESS YOU, neketemi- 

ndgOg' THEY HAVE BLESSED ME 376.8, kldtcagl- 

ketcniinagu d tc'' AFTER HE HAD BEEN BLESSED BY 
ALL ; anaghkmvatc HE MET HER 208.19, anAgis- 
kdgutc HE WAS MET BY 2o8.i^(, d'pydtdnagtskd- 
kuwatc THEY CAME TO MEET THEM [a passive in 
formation] 218.12 ; dgwiydp' ivigetawitcini HE 

NOT SO MUCH AS GAVE ME EVEN A REPLY 368.!, 

d'ptvaii'iwigetdgutc' WHEN HE GOT NO REPLY 
FROM HIM 360.24 ; neneskinawaw a \ LOATHE HIM 
68.14, aneskinau'Mc' FOR THAT YOU LOATHE HIM 
68.17,20, wdtcineskinfman' [read -nondn r \ WHY i 
HATE THEE 140.4, kme'ckino'ii 1 ' i HATE THEE, 
kene'ckitidgundn"'" HE HATES us ; d'kaske'tawcltc 

SHE HEARD THEM 222.8, ka'cke'td'gn'sT 1 "'" HE IS 

HEARD, kd i cke'tag h ""' HE is HEARD BY; keki'ci'ta'- 
u'ipen""' YE MADE IT FOR us, ktki'ci'td'n' i MADE 

IT FOR THEE, mki'd'td.' g kwa( HE MADE IT FORME, 

neki' ci'ta 'gundn'"" HE MADE IT FOR us (exclusive); 

md'ki't&g&W&t" IF THEY MADE A SUDDEN ASSAULT 

[contrast this with Cree (from Lacombe) mos- 
kistawew IL FONCE SUR LUI and Ojibwa (from 
Baraga) ninmdkilawa i RUSH UPON HIM SUDDEN- 
LY]. In the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook 
of American Indian Languages, part I, para- 
graph 34 I mentioned the use of -Amd- beside 
-Amaw-, -Amd- in the double object construc- 
tion. At the time I was unable to explain its use. 
It is now apparent that -amfl- is simply due to 
the operation of phonetic law. An example from 
the sketch is niivitamagwa-md OF COURSE HE 
WILL TELL ME IT as contrasted with awitAmman' 

I TELL IT TO THEE, klWitAmawciw a THOU WILT 

TELL IT TO HIM. Other examples can be readily 
found in the sketch. It is probable that -td- 
discussed in the same section is to be explained 
as being a phonetic reflex, and corresponds to 
-law- before vowels, and -to- before certain 
consonants. [It may be observed that d'tota'utc 

HOW HE HAD BEEN TREATED 204.14)5 an error 

for d'totau'iitc as is dtotalmtc HOW SHE WAS 



302 



INTKRNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS 



VOL. I 



TREATED 226.4; dtota' 'o 'mete HOW HE WAS TREA- 
TED is an error for d'totaiuumetc.] 

KICKAPOO 

[The discussion of variations (PAES 9 : 119- 
123) should be read to understand some of 
the forms cited below.] 

dnenu'tawatci HE HEARD HIM 94.11, dnenu- 
'taatci HE HEARD HER ;o.2o, dneno'to'kiydtugc HE 

PROBABLY HEARD THEE 74. 2O, Wlicinetlll 1 lilgnh'i 

THAT in- MK;HT BE HEARD BY 8. 21 ; d'pyanuta&tci 
HE CAME TO HIM 52.22, a'pyanutdgntci HE CAME 
TO HIM [really a passive] ; imelaco'kaitcitcdi HE 

TRULY TRIED TO RAPE ME 76. 1 1, tttmetiWkAgWa 

HE is RAPING ME 70. 18; dme'kagutci HE WAS 
FOUND 106.7 [contrast trus with F x iime'kau'fltc' 
THEN SHEFOL'ND HIM 160. 1 5] ; duci tawdteha HE 

MADE IT FOR HIM 72.7, dad'tdtct HE THOUGHT IT 

OUT 94.3, nekici'lagwa HE MADE IT FOR ME 
72. 17 [contrast -'law-, -'to-, -'ta-^anagiskaatci 

HE MET HIM 18.13. 20.12, 26.1 3, 1 02. 1 8, dlll\(l- 

neskttgiitci THEY WERE MADE SICK BY 66.10 [con- 
trast -ska(w)ti-, -ska-; Fox, Cree, Ojibwa, also 
support the variation : see pp. 301, 302, 303]; 
aiie'taalci THEN HE KILLED HIM FOR HIM 8.6, 
kuii-'tone i WILL KILL FOR YOU 8.5 ; witotaiiteha 

WHAT SHOULD BE DONE WITH HIM 40.4, Wltdtd- 

nagevfE SHALL DO FOR THEE 42.14. 
SHAWNEE 

mdelelamawn'dsbi SHE CREATED FOR THEM, me- 
telrtamako'H SHE CREATED FOR HIM (really a pas- 
sive); ninataiita'wa.i HELP HIM, nenatamagieta A 
HELPER (really a participial, gi probably repre- 
sents an anterior palatal g) ; niwitamawa 'gi .1 

TELL THEM, kt'hwitamuh I WILL TELL THEE ; 

nitamwe"tau-a i CARRY IT AWAY FROM HIM, nitam- 
wetagwa HE CARRIED IT AWAY FROM ME, kilam- 
wela'gun' 1 HE CARRIED IT AWAY FROM us (exclu- 
sive). 



CREE 

wittamdwew IL LUICONFESSE, wiltamdtuwokiis 
S'AVERTISSENT, wittamdkew u. DECLARE; totanui- 

WtW IL LE FAIT POUR LUI, tOtailtOli'ill ACTION, 

totamdkew IL FAIT CELA POUR AUTRUI ; totawnv 

IL LUI FAIT, totdkew IL FAIT, UpiskOWeW IL LUI VA 

BIEN, tepiskdkew IL VA BIEN, takiskdkew IL DONNE 

UN COUP DE pIED ; noJttskaWUt IL LE RENCONTRE, 

iiakiskdkciv IL RENCONTRE, nakisktititwol; ILS SE 

RENCONTRENT ; IllOskistaU'CW IL S*ELANCE SUR 

LUI, moskistdketu IL S'ELANCE ; tdpwetiawew n. 
LE CROIT, tdpwetdkew IL CROIT ; tepittaweui IL 
L'ENTEND BIEN, tepittdtcbikeu' n. ENTEND BIEN, 
tcpittdkushu IL EST BIEN ENTENDU ; mamiskotamd- 
-M~w IL LUI EN PARLE, tna>niskotamdktt0 IL EN 

PARLE. 

MONTAGNAIS 

iiitiitiiaii JE LE i AIS, tiitultiku IL ME FAIT; tshis- 
kulamiiau JE LUI ENSEIGNE, nitshiskutamaku IL 
M'ENSEIGNE ; niuilamuati JE L'AVERTIS, niuitanni- 
kii n. M'AVERTIT, niuitamakunan IL NOUS AVER- 
TIT, tshiiiiltiiinikiiiiii n. vous AVERTIT. 

OJIBWA 
(a) From Baraga. 

kinondiiu'imin THOU HEAREST us, kinondon i 

HEAR THEE, kisbfnil >IOIliioildll IF I HEAR THEE, 

kishpin nondok IF HE HEAR THEE, kishpin nondokwa 

IF THEY HEAR THEE, kishpill nondomgWd IF THEY 

SEE YOU, kinondag HE HEARS THEE, kinondagog 

THEY HEAR THEE, kiliondagom YE ARE HEARD, 

kinondagowa HE HEARS YOU, kwondagowag THEY 
HEAR YOU, kishpin nonddgoidn IF I AM HEARD ; 
ningaskkitamawa i EARN IT FOR HIM, ningasbki- 
taniadis i EARN IT FOR MYSELF, ttingashkitamas i 
EARN IT FOR MYSELF ; ninwindamawa I TELL 
HIM, ninwindamagen i RELATE IT ; nimvdbanda- 
mawa \ SEE HIS, ninwdbandamadis i SEE MYSELF, 
i SEE MINE; ninnagishkawa i MEET HIM, ninna- 



NO. 4 



TWO PHONETIC SHIFTS OCCURRING IN MANY ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES 



303 



gishkdge i MEET ; nintangishkawd \ KICK HIM, 
nintangisbkdge i KICK ; nindlbcu&awa i BELIEVE 
HIM, nindelnultagos i SPEAK THE TRUTH, nindeb- 
wctage i SPEAK THE TRUTH ; nindddawo. i DO IT 
TO HIM, nindodadis i DO IT TO MYSELF, nindodas 

I DO IT TO MYSELF, dodddiwin MUTUAL TREAT- 

MK\T, ninnigitawa i GIVE BIRTH TO A CHILD FOR 
HIM, kinigitagmua HE is BORN TO YOU, ninnigildg 

HE IS BORN TO ME. 

(b) From Jones's Ojibiva Texts, Part i 
uflndanuncicin TELL ME 92.7, kigaivlndaiu^u i 

WILL ADVISE YOU 2O.I, UWindailWgdn HE WAS 

INFORMED S8.iS;ogi'i'fi'a'cdnidkaivAn HE MADK 
HIM RETRACE ins WAY 18.17, ka' icndcv a~ jan'ici- 

'kiiifltt HE WAS DRIVEN BACK FROM THAT PLACE 

18.18; k&'i'fitQngickaw&t HE KICKED HIM 34.21, 
kttanfickogut HE WAS KICKED BY 172.10; ninga- 
tOlawa i WILL DO TO HIM i^2.i^,kiwanitotau'ninvi 

WE NEARLY DID A MISTAKE TO HIM 130.14, tdtA- 

gut HE \v.\s TREATED BY 9O.2I, wdntdtotawit 

WHY HE SHOULD TREAT ME I 1 0.5, tdtOtOtit THAT 

THEY SHALL DO TO EACH OTHER 38.23; nSndawiyan 

IF YOU HEAR ME 2)4.12, kinondawHl SHE HEARD 
THEM 4. JO, HgindlltilU'it HE HEARD THEM 134.9, 

unontawa HE WAS HEARD 124.17, nondagusi HE 
WAS HEARD 238. 17, ningijcki'ton [so read] I SHALL 

BE ABLE TO MAKE IT 224.28, klCpitl gftcki't<>\<ni 
IF YOU CAN MAKE IT 224.27, kl'kici'tffwat THEN 
THEY WERE DONE WITH IT 226.3 [F x -'/'-, 

-'to-, -'/<?-] 

ALGONKIN 

ninondawa i HEAR HIM, kinondon i HEAR THEE, 
nondagosi HE is HEARD, nondage HE HEARS; ninii- 
nolotawak \ TREAT THEM WELL, to/a-widjik THOSE 

WHO TREAT MK, IlimhlOtOlagO I AM WELL TREAT- 
ED, niinotoiiiiitik TREAT EACH OTHER WELL, 
piyndau'a IL EST ECOUTE, opi^indiigon IL EST 

ECOUTE DE LUI, kipttfndag TU ES ECOUTE DE LUI, 

pizjndatik ECOUTEZ-VOUS LES UNS LES AUTRES ; 
for examples of -amaw-, -amo-, -ainn-, of the 
double object, see paragraphs 222-225. 



POTAWATOMI 

nito' towa* i TREAT HIM, to'ta'kt'win TREAT- 
MENT ; nino'towa' i HEAR HIM, nota'ke'ivin HEA- 
RING; nide'bwetoiua i BELIEVE HIM, tS'bweta'klt A 
BELIEVER; niurltimo'wa i TELL HIM, ivi'lamaW 

win INFORMATION. 

PEORIA 

wcndamawatci' SHE ADVISED HIM, windatnakotc 

HE WAS INFORMED ; Ult'tldaWdtC HE HEARD HIM, 

nnndako'watch THEY WERE HEARD. 

DELAWARE 

npendawa i HEAR HIM, n'pendawawak i HEAR 
THEM, pendawake IF i HEAR HIM, pendamte IF HE 
HEARS ME, pendawate IF HE HEAR HIM, pendawil 

DO THOU HEAR ME, k'pmdohn I HEAR THEE, 

n'pendagttn HE HEARS ME, k'pendugitii HE HEARS 
THEE, pendagol HE HEARS HIM, k'pendagiiwa HE 
HEARS YOU ; n'petawawak i BRING TO THEM, 
k'petawi THOU BRINGEST TO MK, pcttnuil BRING 

THOU TO ME, pCtawik BRING YE TO ME, petOWlte IV 
HE BRINGS TO ME, fetaWOte IF HE BRINGS TO HIM, 
k'pfloleil I BRING TO THEE, petdgol HE BRINGS TO 

HIM, n'petaguneen HE BRINGS TO us (excl.), k'pe- 

tagllWCl HE BRINGS TO YOU. 

Addition Nov. ist, 1920. This paper was 
written nearly three years ago. An abstract will 
be found in the Journal of the Washington 
Academy of Science, 9.333.334. Ottawa, 
Passamoq noddy, and Penobscot should be added 
to the list of languages (given above) in which 
the changes take place. The inferences regard- 
ing Ottawa are drawn from unpublished ma- 
nuscripts in the possession of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology ; those appurtaining to 
Passamoquoddy from a number, of sources ; 
those concerning Penobscot, Speck's material 
published in this Journal, vol. 1, p. 187 ff. It 
may be well to give a few examples showing 



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the changes in the last : ude'dfmi'ka'wan 
HE OVERTOOK HIM [exact reference lost], udafa- 
mi'"karigun HE WAS OVERTAKEN BY [203], uda- 
d?mi- ( 'ktxgul CAUGHT UP TO HIM [really a passive; 
213]; uno { so''kawxn HE CHASED HIM [213], no- 
'so' 'kzrgotci' 'djihi' CHASING AFTER HIM [really a 
passive : THOSE BY WHOM HE WAS CHASED; 213]; 
gi-fi'be'su't'kawaJt i CAN APPROACH HER [2 17], 
iube''stit'kz'go HE HAS COME NEAR ME [really a 
passive; 235], ki' 'ft'be' 'sut'kfk'w HE ALREADY 

HAS BEEN NEAR YOU [235]; Se'to'iuit HE THAT 
CONQUERS ME [2 1 6], fe^'kask' HE WHO SHALL 



CONQUER YOU [2l6]j gVnd' ' Stohn I PUT IT ON 

YOU [241], unasta'wxn HE PUT IT ON HIM [241]; 
udama'sMo''tawa.n HE MOCKED HIM [205], uda- 
masfolo' 'txrgut HE MOCKED HIM [really a passive; 
205] ; note also -tmaiv-, -ymo- (Fox -Amaw-, 
-amd-} : alxmbe'sJinawi CUT THEM (INAN.) UP FOR 
ME [209], kan'fga'dtmo'liM i LEAVE IT WITH YOU 
[223]. From my work among the Plains Cree 
this summer it would seem that aw contracts 
only to -a-, not to -(-. [Penobscot -ar,g- (?g-) 
corresponds to Fox -ag-. | 



NO. 4 



REVIEWS 



305 



REVIEWS 



MASON, J. ALDEN. The Language of the 
Salinan Indians. University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and 
Ethnology, vol. 14, no. i, pp. 1-154. Ber- 
keley, 1918. 

Our previous knowledge of the language of 
the Salinan Indians, of southwestern California, 
had been embodied in Sitjar's not easily acces- 
sible " Vocabulary of the Language of San 
Antonio Mission, California " (Shea's Library 
of American Linguistics, 1861) and in a very 
brief sketch of Kroeber's published in 1904. 
The present work is another of those happily 
increasing studies for which future Americanists 
will be thankful, studies of aboriginal languages 
doomed to extinction within at most a few 
decades. Mason has in this volume given us 
the linguistic results of two field trips to Mon- 
terey County in 1910 and 1916, besides a 
convenient summary of the older material con- 
tained in Sitjar. The whole makes a very useful 
compendium of the language in both its extant 
dialects, Antoniano and Migueleno. To the 
treatment of the phonology (pp. 7-17) and of 
the morphology (pp. 18-58) are added a series 
of twenty-seven Antoniano and eleven Migue- 
leno texts with both interlinear and free trans- 
lations (pp. 59-1 20) and a systematic vocabulary 
of all extant Salinan words (pp. 121-154). The 
handling of the language, which is characterized 
by considerable irregularity, is competent. A 
number of obscure or imperfectly analyzed 
features remain, but these are as much due to 
the fragmentary nature of our material as to 
any shortcomings on the part of the author. 
The language is moderately synthetic in struc- 
ture, with a drift towards analytic methods. 



Mason's treatment of the Salman phonetic 
system, as a system and without regard to 
sound relationships, is eminently satisfactory 
and shows considerable grounding in general 
phonetics. It is refreshingly unlike the ama- 
teurish sound surveys that have generally done 
duty in American linguistics for " phonetics ". 
The description of a (p. 7) as " mid-mixed- 
narrow ", however, is an error, probably an 
oversight ; a is a " back ", not a " mixed " 
vowel. Less satisfactory are Mason's contribu- 
tions to the phonology of Salinan. For purposes 
of linguistic comparison it is important to know 
not so much the distinctive sounds found, in 
their various nuances, in a given language, as 
the irreducible set of organically, or better 
etymologically, distinct sounds with which 
one has to operate. Thus, to say that two lan- 
guages both possess a given sound, say x, is 
not even suggestive unless we know that the 
status of the x is analogous, in other words, 
that it is in both a primary consonant or secon- 
darily derived from an identical source. From 
this standpoint Mason, like most Americanists, 
leaves something to be desired. It is not alto- 
gether easy to be clear, for instance, from his 
data whether the aspirated surds are an orga- 
nically independant series or merely a secondary 
development of the intermediate-surds. The 
former is the impression conveyed in the pho- 
netic portion of the paper, the latter as the 
data unfold themselves in the body of the 
work. In other words, it would seem that the 
Yana-Pomo-Shastan-Chimariko organic diffe- 
rentiation, say, of older k and k' has been obli- 
terated (or never developed) in Salinan and 
that Salinan k', and apparently often x, are 
but secondary developments of k (leveled or 



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VOL. I 



original) ; cf. Salinant ko- NOT with Yana l;'u- 
and Chimariko xu- (from *&'-). Further com- 
parative research ma}' lead us to modify this 
view. Meanwhile it seems fairly clear that the 
great majority of instances of Salinan aspirated 
surds are merely due to positional causes. 

Mason's examples of " metathesis " (p. 15) 
are not convincing. They seem best explained 
as due to vocalic syncope, e. g. lice YEAR : elci'- 
taneL YEARS in all probability presupposes an 
originally trisyllabic stem with initial vowel 
did-, dice-. The recognition of this type of 
stem, which may almost be considered the 
original norm for the Hokan languages (e. g. 
* ipali TONGUE, *axu'ctti BLOOD) would, in gene- 
ral, have helped to clear up more than one 
stubborn feature ot Salinan phonetics or mor- 
phology. In particular, I am inclined to suspect 
that many examples analyzed by Mason as con- 
sisting of prefixed consonant plus vowel follow- 
ed by stem with initial consonant would have 
been more accurately interpreted as consonan- 
tal prefix followed by stem with initial vowel. 
Salinan here offers precisely the same difficulties 
and perplexities that Dixon met with in Chi- 
mariko. 

Under reduplication (p. 14) Mason omits to 
mention several interesting examples of final 
reduplication in Salinan, e. g. t-ikclele ROUND, 
k-itspilil PAINTED, t'pelel STRIPED, exoxo BRAIN. 
This would not be so important if not for the 
presence of analogous forms in other Hokan- 
Coahuiltecan languages, e.g. Chimariko le'trelrr 
SPOTTED, -poxolxol TO PAINT; Washo tamo" mo 
WOMAN, tewi'ivi YOUTH ; Pomo pololo ROUND, 
matoto THUNDER ; Tonkawa pilil ROUND. There 
are also indications of the former existence in 
Salinan of a method of forming the plural by 
final reduplication, e. g. icxexe FEET (this is 
doubtful because -ex- seems often in Salinan 
to act as a single consonant related to -r-), 
t-icxeplip FEET (apparently old plural * -icxepip 
later re-pluralized by infixed -/-). This is very 



suggestive, as final reduplication to express 
plurality of the noun is much in evidence in 
Esselen and Washo. 

There seems some evidence for a diminutive 
suffix -la-, though this is not explicitly recog- 
nized by Mason, e. g. cxapa-la-t PEBBLE (cf. 
cxap STONE) ; t'o'-l HEAP (cf. t'oi MOUNTAIN) ; 
lua-ne-lo SLAVE (cf. hta MAN) ; k-'eke'-l-e TO 
HAVE A FATHER (cf. ek FATHER); ito-l BROTHER, 
plur. ito'-la-nel ; mace-l GREAT-GRANDCHILD. 
The establishment of a diminutive suffix -la- 
would receive its due significance by referring 
to the common Chimariko diminutive -/-(/), 
-la-; this element is also frequently found in 
Chimariko terms of relationship. 

One of the most interesting and irregular 
features of Salinan is the formation of the plu- 
ral of nouns and of the plural and iterative of 
verbs. No less than a dozen distinct types and 
a large number of irregular formations arc 
discussed and illustrated by Mason, the great 
majority of them involving a suffixed or infixed 
-/-, --, or -/-. Significantly analogous plurals, 
often of great irregularity though of less fre- 
quency, are found in Yana ; e. g. such Salinan 
plurals as t-eleyithiai ARROWS (sing. (-eteyini'~) 
and awtciii SEVERAL REMAIN (sing, anem) offer 
more than a cursory parallel to such Yana 
forms as mut'djaut'i-vri CHIEFS (sing, mifiljan- 
/vr), k'nru','i SHAMANS (-r- <; -d-; sing. 
Ku'wi), sa'dimsi- SEVERAL SLEEP (sing, samsi-, 
sums-'). The Salinan type with infixed -/;-, -x- 
(e. g. meben- HANDS, sing, men-; kaxan SEVERAL 
SLEEP, sing, kaii) may be analogous to such 
Yana forms as dja'li- SEVERAL LAUGH (from 
* djabali- ?), sing. djal-. 

The most striking feature of Salinan noun 
morphology is the prefixing of an element /- 
or /-. This prefix occurs both in primary nouns 
and in nominal derivatives of verb stems. 
When the noun is preceded by possessive pro- 
nominal prefixes, the /- sometimes appears 
before the pronominal element, at other times 



NO. 4 



REVIEWS 



307 



it is lacking. It seems highly probable, moreo- 
ver, that a number of other /- prefixes (verbal 
and local) that Mason discusses in the progress 
of his sketch are etymologically identical with 
the nominal t- (e. g. conditional t-, la-, p. 44). 
It is most plausibly interpreted as a kind of 
nominal article of originally demonstrative 
force (cf. Hokan demonstrative stem * ta ; this 
fuller form seems to be found in Salinan en- 
clitic -ta NOW). It offers a striking and probably 
significant analogy to Washo d-, similarly pre- 
fixed to both primary and derivative nouns. 
The possessive pronominal prefixes of Salinan 
offer important analogies to the corresponding 
elements of other Hokan languages, notably 
Chimariko and Washo ; the lack of a distinct 
pronominal prefix for the first person singular 
is paralleled, it would seem, in Yuman. 

In discussing the pronominal system of Sali- 
nan, Mason points out the presence of six more 
or less distinct series of elements : the indepen- 
dent personal pronouns ; the "proclitic" series, 
which might better have been frankly recogni- 
zed as constituting true prefixes (they occur 
only as verb subjects and are closely connected 
with the stem, whose initial vowels they 
sometimes displace) ; the objective elements, 
suffixed to the verb ; the locative series (e. g. 
NEAR ME, TO HIM); the possessive prefixes ; and 
the enclitic subjects. The last of these, however, 
are merely a secondarily abbreviated set derived 
from the independent pronouns. Of the others, 
the objective series stands out, for the most 
part, as distinctive, the others show consider- 
able interrelationship. The locative series, in 
particular, is evidently closely related, not, as 
Mason remarks, to the independent series, but 
to the " proclitics " and possessives. It is com- 
pounded of the pronominal element proper and 
a preceding k-, ke-, evidently an old locative 
or objective particle (cf. Yana objective and 
locative particle gi") ; hence, e. g., -k'e ME (loca- 
tive) and -ho HIM (locative) are to be analyzed 



as k(e)-'e TO-ME and ke-o TO-HIM (such a form 
as Mason's tewa'kok'e NEAR ME is most easily 
interpreted as f-e*r/b-'eTHE-pROXiMITY TO-ME). 
The close parallelism between the first person 
singular and plural forms in Salinan is charac- 
teristic of other Hokan languages ; the contrast 
of the e (/) or zero of the singular with the a 
of the plural is strikingly reminiscent of Chi- 
mariko. 

In the section on " temporal proclitics " 
(pp.. 3 4, 35) there is betrayed a certain incom- 
pleteness or haltingness of analysis which is in 
evidence also elsewhere in the book. Phoneti- 
cally, this comes out in the author's treatment 
of the pronominal prefix or initial vowel of .the 
stem, which is often mistakenly, I imagine, 
drawn to the proclitic. To say that " the prefix 
ma- probably differs only phonetically from 
me- [WHEN]" (p. 25) is misleading. Such 
examples as me-yam WHEN I SEE and ma-yaL 
WHEN WE GO suggest strongly the analysis 
m-e-yatn and m-a-yaL with the regular " pro- 
clitic " pronouns e- i and a- WE. Morphologi- 
cally, Mason does not seem to realize the pro- 
bable denominating, in part demonstrative, 
origin of his temporal proclitics. They are only 
secondarily subordinating elements. Such a 
form as be'-ya WHEN i WENT (better b-c'ya or 
contracted be-eyd) is, without doubt, an indi- 
cative -fya i WENT subordinated by the demons- 
trative stern pe, pa " the, that " ; THAT I-WENT, 
whence WHEN i WENT, is a method of subor- 
dination that seems to be paralleled by like 
constructions in Yana and is strongly reminis- 
cent of Siouan . 

The use of the perplexing verbal prefixes p- 
and k- (pp. 38, 39) suggests a fundamental 
generic classification of verbs. Mason himself 
doubtfully describes the p- verbs as transitives, 
the k- verbs as intransitives (e. g. k-enai TO 
HURT ONESELF, p-enai TO WOUND). This is the 
most obvious explanation but there are many 
difficulties in the way of its acceptance. That 



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VOL. I 



p- verbs embrace such ideas as TO THINK and 
TO CIRCLE AROUND seems to suggest that the 
proper basis of classification is not so much 
transitive and intransitive as active and sta'tic, 
as in Haida-Tlingit, Siouan, and Chimariko. 
A more intensive study of the Salinan material, 
supplemented eventually by comparison with 
Chumash, Yuman, Seri, and possibly Coahuil- 
tecan-Tonkawa (cf. Comecrudo pa- verbs and 
Seri, like Salinan, adjectives in -), will doubt- 
less clear up this fundamental problem of Sali- 
nan morphology. The t- verbs (pp. 39, 40) 
seem most intelligibly explained as subordinates 
(conjunctives), morphologically nothing but 
nominalized forms, the /- being identical, as 
Mason suggests with reserve, with the common 
nominal /- prefix. This explanation gains force 
from the fact that the /-forms regularly replace 
p- and k- forms after " proclitic " and other 
prefixed elements. Thus, such a form as 
ram-t'-xwen THEN (HE) ARRIVED is really THEN- 
THE-ARRIV(ING), THEN (JT is) THAT (HE) ARRIV- 
ED; similarly me-t-amp' WHEN (IT) CAME OUT 
must be understood as TIME-THE-COMING our. 
Such constructions, rt need hardly be added, 
are common in America. 

The negative verbal prefix ko-, k (pp. 41, 
42) otters many points of similarity with the 
Chimariko negative xu,- .\-. The pronominal 
element follows in Salinan, regularly precedes 
in Chimariko. Dixon, however, remarks that 
the first person singular negative of verbs with 
y-, i- as first person singular pronominal prefix 
is generally xe-, the -e- replacing frequently the 
initial vowel of the stem. This feature is so 
isolated as to appear archaic ; it strongly, and 
perhaps significantly, parallels Salinan k-e NOT i. 

The locative adverbsand prepositions (pp. 55- 
57) are frequently characterized by certain 
prefixed elements (ina-\ tuma- ; urn-; /inn-; 
umpa-, tumpa- ; /-, //'-) which seem to me not 
quite fully understood by Mason. The most 
likely analysis, it seems to me, assumes a 



petrified noun *mna- PLACE, THERE, which may 
appear abbreviated to ma- or urn-, according to 
phonetic, perhaps accentual, conditions. To 
this element may be prefixed the article-like 
/-, while the demonstrative pa THAT may fol- 
low. The correctnessof this view is corroborat- 
ed by such an independent adverb as tumpa 
THERE, evidently t-um-pa THE-PLACE-THAT ; 
similarly, rnin-t'ca' IN THE WATER is to be un- 
derstood as r-iim-t'-ca' THE (r-<?-)-PLACE-THE- 
WATER. The element inn-, inn-, -nnia-\s cognate 
to ma- forms in Yana, Chimariko, and Porno. 
A detailed linguistic analysis of the first text 
(pp. 64-67) makes concrete in the mind of the 
reader what has been given in analytic form in 
the grammatical survey. This analysis is con- 
vincing in the main. The chief misunderstand- 
ings, if I may be allowed the term, are due 
to a failure to recognize in all cases the nominal 
/- prefix and to a tendency to cut loose the 
initial vowel of the stem or the pronominal 
" proclitic " vowel afld attach it to the preced- 
ing consonant. Thus, the form tiyaten', trans- 
lated as (THEN WHY) TO GO ALSO ? (freely, 
WHY SHOULD i COME ?) is analyzed as consist- 
ing of a general preposition //-, the stem ya, 
and the iterative suffix -Inn. Far more plausible 
is the analysis t-iya-lcn (\VHY) THE-GOING-ALSO? 
(stem iya, ia ; cf. Washo iye TO GO), possibly 
t-i-ya-ten (WHY) THE-I-GO-ALSO ? The " prepo- 
sition " //'- is probably a phantom. 

In view of the rapidly increasing importance 
of lexical comparisons in American linguistics, 
the full Snlinan vocabulary included by Mason 
is in the highest degree welcome and will 
eventually constitute not the least valuable part 
of the book. It is precisely because of the grow- 
ing importance of comparative work that I 
have in this review emphasized- points of rela- 
tionship between Salinan and other languages 
of its group, for that it belongs to the group 
provisionally known as " Hokan " is now 
abundantly clear. Much more might have been 



NO. 4 



REVIEWS 



309 



advanced on this point than I have touched 
upon, but a review is not the proper place for 
a full discussion. 

E. SAPIR. 

RENWARD BRANDSTETTER. - Die Redupli- 
kation in den indianischen, indonesischen 
und indogermanischen Sprachen (Beilage 
zum Jahresbericht der Luzerner Kantons- 
schule) : 1917. 

In this treatise the author gives a survey of 
those phenomena of reduplication which are 
found in each of the three groups of languages 
mentioned in the title. Types found in only 
one or two of these groups, however interest- 
ing they may be, are left out of consideration. 
Each type mentioned is represented by one 
example drawn from each of the three groups. 
When the author assures us that his examples 
are taken from the best texts we are, of course, 
quite willing to believe him ; but still we should 
have been much obliged to him if he had taken 
the trouble to mention his sources" in each 
separate case. Especially regarding the origin of 
his Indian examples some more information 
would not have been superfluous, since even an 
americanist can hardly be supposed to recognise 
these sources by intuition. The paper is purely 
descriptive throughout : it is an enumeration 
of parallels, and even the relations between 
forms and functions have hardly been taken 
notice of. So the reader who expects to learn 
something about the essential character of this 
interesting phenomenon will be sorely disap- 
pointed : what he does learn is that, even after 
Bra n dste tier's list of parallels from a great num- 
ber of linguistic stocks published in 1917, 
Pott's well-known book on reduplication, 
printed in 1862, remains our best starting-point 
for further inquiry. Evidently Brandstetter 
himself is not aware of this fact; at least he 
never shows that he is, though it is hardly to 



be supposed that the imposing array of data 
presented by that eminent scholar has not ma- 
terially facilitated his own investigations. 

As Brandstetter's study practically contains 
neither new facts nor new ideas, the task of 
his reviewer is not a grateful one. 

It might have been otherwise if the author 
had made an effort to penetrate a little deeper 
into his subject. That he has not done so is the 
more astonishing because some valuable pre- 
paratory work has already been done. Already 
Pott had perceived that the numerous and very 
divergent functions of reduplication (in its 
widest sense) may, all of them, be traced back 
to the same psychic motive. He speaks of 
" quantitative steigerung ", which, however, 
may lead to a qualitative change of meaning 
(Pott, Die Reduplikation, p. 22). About 45 
years later the snme idea was much more tech- 
nically expressed by van Ginneken when he 
demonstrated that all reduplication is a mani- 
festation of psychic energy (Jac. van Ginneken, 
Principes de linguistique psychologique, see 
Index s. v. redoublements). Pott distinguished 
further between intensive and extensive " stei- 
gerung " : the former manifesting itself e. g. 
in reduplicated interjections, "lallworter", ono- 
matopoeia ; the latter in reduplicated plurals 
and distributive numerals. Thus far these two 
groups of Pott correspond to van Ginneken's 
general classification, which distinguishes bet- 
ween extrinsic and intrinsic energy ; but Pott's 
conception of the essential character of each 
group is rather superficial. As to this point van 
Ginneken'sargumentopensanew aspect. Accord- 
ing to him the difference between e. g. " lall- 
worter" and plurals consists in this that the psy- 
chic energy manifesting itself in the reduplica- 
tion in the former case originates from the 
emotional attitude of the speaker and in the 
latter case is stimulated by the meaning of the 
grammatical form itself. In his opinion the 
types of reduplication belonging to group I 



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VOL. I 



(extrinsic energy) represent a period in the 
development of language when people used to 
speak 'H'itb more sentiment or to articulate less 
clearly. He might have added that both factors 
may easily be observed in modern child lan- 
guage, though I am far from asserting that this 
proves anything. In group I are also classed the 
reduplicated forms of numerous very old roots 
which could not possibly be classified accord- 
ing to their meaning, but which generally 
belong to the most indispensable part of the 
vocabulary. As usually, van Ginncken, after 
stimulating our interest to the utmost, leaves 
the subject ; attempting to construct a well 
thought out theory out of his sporadic remarks 
is quite as useless as trying to read by an occa- 
sional flash of lightning. In the first place his 
explanation of reduplications resulting from 
extrinsic energy is rather vague. That uncivi- 
lized peoples speak with more sentiment than 
we do, is not to be denied, but about the sta- 
tement that they articulate less clearly we 
should be glad to hear something more. Fur- 
ther, does van Ginneken mean that there has 
been a period in the development of language 
when all words occurred in a reduplicated form 
only? This must be our inference if it is true 
that the meaning of the words themselves had 
nothing whatever to do with the circumstance 
that they were reduplicated. But in this case it 
is obviously impossible to distinguish between 
the two groups, as any reduplicated form may 
have originated in the period when reduplica- 
tion was universal. It is evident that van Ginne- 
ken's theory cannot quite satisfy us, but this 
does not imply that his classification is wholly 
wrong. It will be admitted, I think, that at 
least one of his groups is really suggestive of a 
definite semantic category. This category 
comprises those cases of reduplication whose 
functions may be summarized by the general 
term increase: plural forms, distributives, inten- 
sity of action, continuity of action, repetition 



of action, customary action, superlatives etc. 
(for American examples see the Handbook of 
American Indian Languages I). With a view to 
the mental attitude of the speaker we may per- 
haps call them emphatic reduplications. If we 
now consider the numerous reduplications 
which are not immediately recognizable as 
belonging to the emphatic group, we meet 
with a striking variety : thus we find a. o. ono- 
matopoeia, " lallworter ", adjectives of color, 
shape and surface quality, nomina actons and 
acti ; further reduplication may express unrea- 
lity, imitation, playful activity. Among these 
various functions the last mentioned group 
seems to present itself as a semantic category 
indicating the idea of unreality. According to 
van Ginneken, this group has about the same 
function as the Indo-European vrddhi-deriva- 
tives, which he calls " allongements d'hesita- 
tion " in contradistinction to the " allonge- 
ments d'emphase ", which seem to be (psy- 
cologically) akin to our emphatic reduplica- 
tions. Further the onomatopoeia and " lall- 
worter ", whose common characteristic seems 
to consist in their emotional nature, cannot well 
be separated from the foregoing group, though 
here the emotional element is less obvious. No 
doubt van Ginneken's first class, with which 
the " lallworter" group brings us into touch 
again, is large enough to embrace both of 
them. However, there is no reason to regard 
these reduplications as " survivals " belonging 
to a period when reduplication was well-nigh 
universal because people used to speak with 
more sentiment : even to our " civilized " 
conceptions the character of the concerned 
words is quite sufficient to explain the senti- 
ment with which they were pronounced. The 
only kind of reduplications which undoubtedly 
originate of extrinsic energy are those found 
among the interjections; but these belong to 
all times and all peoples. 

It is quite true that there remain a great 



NO. 4 



REVIEWS 



number of reduplications, especially in Indo- 
European, whose functions we cannot even 
guess, but the very fact that these roots belong 
to the most primitive part of the vocabulary 
(as van Ginneken argues) would seem to sug- 
gest the possibility that we are here confronted 
with an ethno-psychological problem which the 
present state of our knowledge does not enable 
us to solve. Some types may be less mysterious 
than they would seem to be at first sight. If e. 
g. the adjectives of color, shape, and surface 
quality are really to be regarded as iteratives 
(red here and there), as Gatschet thought 
(Contributions to North American Ethnology II, 
part i, p. 276), they belong to our emphatic 
group; and this author's valuable information 
about distributive nomina actoris and acti in 
Klamath whose distributive meaning (" action 
done at different times or occasions repeatedly, 
habitually or gradually " ; Gatschet, ibidem) 
suggests the idea that perhaps all reduplicated 
nomina actoris, agentis, and acti may originally 
have had this meaning. 

These few remarks about some of the most 
common types of reduplication may suffice to 
show that a careful inquiry into the psycholo- 
gical background of the phenomenon consider- 
ed in its entirety may be expected to yield 
important results. However, such an inquiry 
should be founded on a somewhat complete 
set of data and not on a number of facts arbi- 
trarily selected. A very valuable foundation 
would e. g. be afforded by a survey of all the 
types reduplication of found in languages of 
North America, whereas a comparative treat- 
ment embracing such an enormous field as the 
one represented by Brandstetter's short paper 
cannot be but both incomplete and superficial. 

Finally I may be allowed to remind the 
reader of the existence of a highly important 
morphological problem connected with our 
subject, viz. the relation between reduplica- 



tion and vocalic intermutation (" change ") in 
North American languages. Several years ago 
Uhlenbeck pointed out the probability that, 
wherever it presents itself, this vocalic inter- 
mutation has originated of reduplication attend- 
ed with vocalic differentiation (C. C. Uhlen- 
beck, Grammatical distinctions in Algonquian 
demonstrated especially from the Ojibway- 
dialect, Leyden, E. J. Brill, 1909, pp. 10-20). 
Though the available evidence is perhaps not 
yet conclusive it is not to be disputed that 
more recent data point in the same direction . 
So Boas is inclined to think that certain plural 
forms in the Nass river dialect which show 
modifications of length and accent of stem syl- 
lables have originated by secondary modification 
of reduplicated forms (Handbook Amer. Ind. 
Lang. I 373)- The same may be said of modi- 
fication ofthe vowel replacing distributive redu- 
plication in Kwakiutl (Boas, ibid., 519, 522). 
An interesting example of how this process may 
take place is to be found in Sapir's paper on 
noun reduplication in Comox(Canada Geologic 
al Survey, Memoir 63 : type IV on p. 16), in 
which language we also meet with nouns 
reduplicated to begin with and substituting for 
plural reduplication a change of the first stem 
vowel (ibid., p. 18). If it could be proved that 
Uhlenbeck's suggestion is true, this would be a 
discovery of the greatest importance, not only 
with regard to the North American languages 
under consideration, but also with a view to 
the problem ofthe qualitative " ablaut " in 
Indo-European, although the psychological rela- 
tion between the latter and the North American 
" change " is still obscure. 

It is to be hoped that Brandstetter's descrip- 
tive essay is to be regarded as the precursor of 
a thorough inquiry in which full justice will be 
done to every side of the problem. 

J. P. B. DE JOSSELIN DE JONG. 

State Museum of Ethnography, Leiden. 



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