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International  Journal  of 
American  Linguistics 

Edited  by 
FRANZ  BOAS  and  PLINY  EARLE  GODDARD 

With  the  assistance  of 

WILLIAM  THALBITZER,  Copenhagen  ;  and 
C.  C.  UHLENBECK,  Leyden. 

VOLUME  I 

1917-1920 


PM 

lol 

1s- 


CONTENTS 


Introductory : Fran\  Boas  i 

El  Dialecto  Mexicano  de  Pochutla,  Oaxaca Fran%  Boas  9 

A  Siletz  Vocabulary Leo  J.  Frachtenberg  45 

Unclassified  Languages  of  the  Southwest John  R.  Swanton  47 

Notes  on  Algonquian  Languages Truman  Michelson  50 

A  Passamaquoddy  Tobacco  Famine /.  Dineley  Prince  58 

Myths  of  the  Alsea  Indians  of  Northwestern  Oregon Leo  J.  Frachtenberg  '   64 

Tepecano  Prayers /.  Alden  Mason  9 1 

Types  of  Reduplication  in  the  Salish  Dialects Herman  K.  Haeberlin  154 

Comparative  Studies  in  Takelman,  Kalapuyan  and  Chinookan  Lexico- 
graphy, a  Preliminary  Paper Leo  J.  Frachtenberg  175 

Penobscot  Transformer  Tales Frank  G.  Speck  187 

La  Langue  Kayuvava Dr.  Rivet  245 

Has  Tlingit  a  Genetic  Relation  to  Athapascan? Pliny  Earle  Goddard  266 

The  Hokan  and  Coahuiltecan  Languages E.  Sapir  280 

A  Note  on  the  First  Person  Plural  in  Chimariko E.  Sapir  291 

Abnormal  Types  of  Speech  in  Quileute Leo  J.  Frachtenberg  295 

Tow  Phonetic  Shifts  occurring  in  many  Algonquian  Languages Truman  Michelson  300 

REVIEWS  : 

Linguistic  Publications  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  a  General  Review.  E.  Sapir  76 
Uhlenbeck,  C.C.,  Het  Passieve  Karakter  van  het  Verbum  Transitivum  of  van 

het  Verbum  Actionis  in  Talen  van  Noord-Amerika E.  Sapir  82 

Uhlenbeck,  C.C.,  Het  Identificeerend  Karakter  der  Possessieve  Flexie  in  Talen 

van  Noord-Amerika • ..  E.  Sapir  86 

Moseteno  Vocabulary  and  Treatises.  Benigno  Bibolotti,  Priest  of  the  Franciscan 

Mission  of  Immaculata  Concepcion  de  Covendo  in  Bolivia E.  Sapir  183 

Geers,  G.J.,  The  Adverbial  and  Prepositional  Prefixes  in  Blackfoot A.  L.  Kroeber  184 

Mason,  Alden  J.,  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians E.  Sapir  305 

Brandstetter  Renward,  Die  Reduplikation  in  den  Indianischen,  Indo- 

nesischen  und  Indogermanischen  Sprachen P.J.B.  de  Josselin  dejong  309 


International  Journal  of  American  Linguistics 


Volume  i 


July,  1917 


Number  i 


INTRODUCTORY 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERI- 
CAN LINGUISTICS  will  be  devoted  to  the 
study  of  American  aboriginal  languages.  It 
seems  fitting  to  state  briefly  a  few  of  the 
problems  that  confront  us  in  this  field  of 
research. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  set  forth  the  frag- 
mentary character  of  our  knowledge  of  the 
languages  spoken  by  the  American  aborigines. 
This  has  been  well  done  for  North  America 
by  Dr.  Pliny  Earle  Goddard,1  and  it  is  not 
saying  too  much  if  we  claim  that  for  most  of 
the  native  languages  of  Central  and  South 
America  the  field  is  practically  terra  incognita. 
We  have  vocabularies;  but,  excepting  the  old 
missionary  grammars,  there  is  very  little 
systematic  work.  Even  where  we  have 
grammars,  we  have  no  bodies  of  aboriginal 
texts. 

The  methods  of  collection  have  been  con- 
siderably improved  of  late  years,  but  never- 
theless much  remains  to  be  done.  While 
until  about  1880  investigators  confined  them- 
selves to  the  collection  of  vocabularies  and 
brief  grammatical  notes,  it  has  become  more 
and  more  evident  that  large  masses  of  texts 
are  needed  in  order  to  elucidate  the  structure 
of  the  languages. 

The  labors  of  Stephen  R.  Riggs,  James 
Owen  Dorsey,  and  Albert  S.  Gatschet  marked 
a  new  era  in  the  development  of  linguistic 
work.  Besides  these,  should  be  mentioned 
the  "Library  of  Aboriginal  Literature,"  edited 
and  published  by  Daniel  G.  Brinton,  which 
contains  largely  older  material  of  a  similar 
character.  During  the  following  decades, 
texts  were  published  on  a  quite  extended 
scale,  but  largely  brought  together  by  the 
same  methods.  They  were  obtained  by 

1  Anthropology  in  North  America  (New  York,  G.  E.  Stechert 
&  Co.,  1915),  pp.  182  tt  set. 


dictation  from  a  few  informants,  and  taken 
down  verbatim  by  the  recorder.  In  later 
years  the  example  of  James  Owen  Dorsey, 
who  published  texts  written  by  natives,  has 
been  adapted  to  the  recording  of  aboriginal 
literature;  and  quite  a  number  of  collections 
of  folk-lore  have  been  published  in  Indian 
languages,  the  originals  of  which  have  been 
written  by  the  natives  themselves. 

Marked  differences  in  stylistic  character 
exist  between  tales  thus  recorded  and  those 
written  by  investigators  who  are  not  in 
perfect  command  of  the  language,  who  often 
have  to  acquire  it  by  means  of  the  collected 
text  material.  The  slowness  of  dictation  that 
is  necessary  for  recording  texts  makes  it  diffi- 
cult for  the  narrator  to  employ  that  freedom 
of  diction  that  belongs  to  the  well-told  tale, 
and  consequently  an  unnatural  simplicity  of 
syntax  prevails  in  most  of  the  dictated  texts. 
When,  on  the  other  hand,  a  native  has  once 
acquired  ease  in  the  use  of  the  written 
language,  the  stylistic  form  becomes  more 
natural,  and  refinements  of  expression  are 
found  that  are  often  lost  in  slow  dictation. 

Nevertheless  the  writing  of  single  indi- 
viduals cannot  replace  the  dictated  record, 
because  the  individual  characteristics  of  the 
writer  become  too  prominent,  and  may  give 
a  false  impression  in  regard  to  syntactic  and 
stylistic  traits;  even  the  variability  of  gram- 
matical form  may  be  obscured  by  the  one- 
sidedness  of  such  records.  Whenever  it  is 
possible  to  train  several  writers,  many  of 
these  difficulties  may  be  overcome.  Where 
a  native  alphabet  exists,  as  among  the 
Cherokee,  Fox,  and  Cree,  and  where  for  this 
reason  many  persons  write  with  ease,  a 
serviceable  variety  of  stylistic  and  syntactic 
expression  may  be  secured.  Excellent  ex- 
amples of  native  texts  recorded  naively  by 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


natives  are  contained  in  the  Eskimo  publica- 
tions printed  in  Greenland,  which  are  devoted 
both  to  topics  of  daily  interest  and  to  ancient 
folk-lore.  Similar  conditions  prevail  in  the 
Cherokee  material  collected  by  James 
Mooney,  and  in  some  of  the  daily  papers 
printed  in  aboriginal  languages.  Even  when 
good  written  records  are  available,  control 
by  means  of  the  spoken  language  is  necessary, 
because  the  expression  of  the  written  language 
may  differ  considerably  from  the  spoken  form. 

Up  to  this  time  too  little  attention  has  been 
paid  to  the  variety  of  expression  and  to  the 
careful  preservation  of  diction.  We  have 
rather  been  interested  in  the  preservation  of 
fundamental  forms.  Fortunately,  many  of 
the  recorded  texts  contain,  at  least  to  some 
extent,  stereotyped  conversation  and  other 
formulas,  as  well  as  poetical  parts,  which  give 
a  certain  insight  into  certain  stylistic  pecu- 
liarities, although  they  can  seldom  be  taken  as 
examples  of  the  spoken  language. 

An  added  difficulty  in  the  use  of  texts 
written  by  natives  is  that  most  are  written 
by  Indians  who  have  had  a  modern  school 
education.  It  may  be  observed  in  all  parts 
of  America  that  the  native  languages  are 
being  modified  by  the  influence  of  European 
languages,  not  only  in  vocabulary,  but  also 
in  phonetics  and  grammar.  The  far-reaching 
influence  of  these  causes  may  be  observed  in 
a  most  striking  manner  in  modern  Mexican 
and  other  Central  American  languages,  that 
have  been  under  Spanish  influence  for  centu- 
ries, and  which  not  only  have  lost  large  parts 
of  their  vocabularies,  that  have  disappeared 
with  the  ancient  ideas,  but  which  have  also 
developed  a  new  syntax,  and,  in  part  at  least, 
new  morphological  forms.  Modifications  of 
this  type  are  common  in  those  regions  where 
the  intercourse  between  Indian  and  white  is 
intimate,  and  particularly  where  the  children 
are  segregated  from  the  parents.  On  the 
Pacific  coast,  for  instance,  the  articulation 
of  the  glottalized  fortis  loses  much  of  its 
strength,  old  words  disappear,  and  new 


syntactical  forms  develop.  Even  the  old 
facility  of  composition  of  stems  tends  to  dis- 
appear. It  is  therefore  necessary  to  obtain 
text  material  also  from  the  older  generation, 
because  it  is  required  for  the  study  of  the 
recent  development  of  the  languages. 

On  account  of  the  difficulties  and  expense 
involved  in  the  collection  of  texts,  collectors 
have  not  only  hesitated  to  obtain  similar 
material  from  different  individuals,  but  they 
have  also  confined  themselves  largely  to  the 
collections  of  native  traditions.  In  some 
cases,  native  poetry  has  been  included  in  the 
collections.  Albert  Gatschet  recognized  the 
need  of  varied  material  and  collected  texts 
on  diverse  topics  in  his  studies  of  the  Klamath, 
and  J.  Owen  Dorsey  published  a  collection  of 
letters.  The  contents  of  the  Eskimo  publica- 
tions and  the  native  newspapers  previously 
referred  to  also  form  a  notable  exception  to 
this  rule.  Among  later  collectors,  Drs.  God- 
dard  and  Sapir  have  given  particular  atten- 
tion to  the  collection  of  texts  of  varied  con- 
tents. On  the  whole,  however,  the  avail- 
able material  gives  a  one-sided  presentation 
of  linguistic  data,  because  we  have  hardly 
any  records  of  daily  occurrences,  every-day 
conversation,  descriptions  of  industries,  cus- 
toms, and  the  like.  For  these  reasons  the 
vocabularies  yielded  by  texts  are  one-sided 
and  incomplete. 

Notwithstanding  the  progress  that  during 
the  last  few  decades  has  been  made  in  the 
character  of  the  material  recorded,  both  as 
regards  the  accuracy  of  phonetic  transcription 
and  the  character  of  the  matter  recorded, 
there  is  ample  room  for  improvements  of 
method. 

With  the  extent  of  our  knowledge  of 
native  languages,  the  problems  of  our  inquiry 
have  also  assumed  wider  and  greater  interest. 
It  is  quite  natural  that  the  first  task  of  the 
investigator  was  the  registering  and  the 
rough  classification  of  languages.  It  appeared 
very  soon  that  languages  are  more  or  less 
closely  related,  and  that  comparison  of  brief 


NO.  I 


INTRODUCTORY 


vocabularies  was  sufficient  to  bring  out  the 
most  striking  relationships.  The  classifica- 
tion of  North  American  languages,  that  we 
owe  to  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  which  will  form 
the  basis  of  all  future  work,  was  made  by  this 
method.  Further  progress  on  these  lines  is 
beset  with  great  difficulties,  that  are  common 
to  America  and  to  those  continents  in  which 
we  cannot  trace  the  development  of  languages 
by  means  of  historical  documents.  The 
results  of  the  historical  and  comparative 
studies  of  Indo-European  languages  show 
very  clearly  that  languages  that  have  sprung 
from  the  same  source  may  become  so  distinct, 
that,  without  documents  illustrating  their  his- 
torical development,  relationships  are  difficult 
to  discover;  so  much  so,  that  in  some  cases 
this  task  might  even  be  impossible.  We  are 
therefore  permitted  to  assume  that  similar 
divergences  have  developed  in  American 
languages,  and  that  quite  a  number  of 
languages  that  appear  distinct  may  in  a 
remote  period  have  had  a  common  origin. 
Here  lies  one  of  the  most  difficult  problems 
of  research,  and  one  in  which  the  greatest 
critical  caution  is  necessary,  if  we  wish  to 
avoid  the  pitfalls  that  are  besetting  the  path 
of  scientific  inquiry.  The  method  of  investi- 
gation has  to  take  into  account  possibilities 
of  linguistic  growth,  in  regard  to  which 
generalized  data  are  not  available.  Modern 
languages  have  developed  by  differentiation. 
In  so  far  as  this  is  true,  the  establishment  of  a 
genealogical  series  must  be  the  aim  of  inquiry. 
On  the  other  hand,  languages  may  influence 
one  another  to  such  an  extent,  that,  beyond 
a  certain  point,  the  genealogical  question  has 
no  meaning,  because  it  would  lead  back  to 
several  sources  and  to  an  arbitrary  selection 
of  one  or  another  as  the  single  ancestral  type. 
Our  knowledge  of  linguistic  processes  is 
sufficiently  wide  to  show  that  lexicographic 
borrowing  may  proceed  to  such  an  extent,  that 
the  substance  of  a  language  may  be  materially 
changed.  As  long,  however,  as  the  inner 
form  remains  unchanged,  our  judgment  is 


determined,  not  by  the  provenience  of  the 
vocabulary,  but  by  that  of  the  form.  In 
most  Indian  languages  etymological  processes 
are  so  transparent,  that  borrowing  of  whole 
words  will  be  easily  detected;  and,  on  the 
whole,  the  diffusion  of  words  over  diverse 
groups  does  not  present  serious  difficulties, 
provided  the  borrowed  material  does  not 
undergo  radical  phonetic  changes. 

The  matter  is  different  when  we  ask  our- 
selves in  how  far  phonetics  and  morphological 
features  may  have  been  borrowed.  In  these 
cases  our  experience  does  not  permit  us  to  give 
a  definite  answer.  The  system  of  sounds  of 
a  language  is  certainly  unstable;  but  in  how 
far  inner  forces  and  in  how  far  foreign  influence 
mould  its  forms,  is  a  question  not  always  easy 
to  answer.  In  America  we  can  discern  various 
areas  that  have  common  phonetic  charac- 
teristics; like  the  areas  of  prevalence  of 
nasalization  of  vowels,  of  glottalized  fortes, 
of  superabundant  development  of  laterals,  of 
absence  of  bi-labials  or  of  labio-dental  spi- 
rants, or  of  trills.  These  areas  do  not  coincide 
with  any  morphological  groupings,  and  are 
apparently  geographically  well  defined.  If 
we  are  dealing  here  with  phenomena  of  late 
assimilation,  a  disturbing  element  is  intro- 
duced that  will  make  it  more  difficult  to 
assign  a  language  to  a  definite  genealogical 
line,  much  more  so  than  is  the  case  in  the 
borrowing  of  words.  The  conditions  favoring 
such  phonetic  influence  must  have  been  much 
more  numerous  in  primitive  America  than 
they  were  in  the  later  development  of  Euro- 
pean languages.  The  number  of  individuals 
speaking  any  given  American  dialect  is  small. 
Many  women  of  foreign  parentage  lived  in 
each  tribe,  and  their  speech  influenced  the 
pronunciation  of  the  young;  so  that  phonetic 
changes  may  have  come  about  easily. 

Still  more  difficult  is  the  problem  presented 
by  the  distribution  of  morphological  traits. 
Even  with  our  imperfect  knowledge  of 
American  languages,  it  may  be  recognized 
that  certain  morphological  types  have  a 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


wide  continuous  distribution.  This  is  true 
of  morphological  processes  as  well  as  of  par- 
ticular psychological  aspects  of  American 
languages.  Thus  the  incorporation  of  the, 
nominal  object,  which  in  former  times  was 
considered  one  of  the  most  characteristic  feat- 
ures of  American  languages,  is  confined  to 
certain  areas,  while  it  is  foreign  to  others.  The 
tendency  to  qualify  generalized  verbal  terms 
by  means  of  elements  which  express  instru- 
mentality is  characteristic  of  some  areas. 
The  occurrence  of  various  specific  elements 
that  define  locality  of  an  action,  as  affecting 
objects  like  "hand,"  "house,"  "water," 
"fire,"  or  other  special  nominal  concepts,  is 
characteristic  of  other  regions.  Classification 
of  actions  or  of  nouns  according  to  the  form 
of  the  actor  or  of  the  object  also  belong  to 
several  groups  of  languages.  Nominal  cases 
are  present  in  some  languages,  absent  in 
others.  In  a  similar  way  we  find  present  in 
some  regions,  absent  in  others,  processes  like 
that  of  reduplication  or  of  vocalic  or  conso- 
nantic  modification  of  stems. 

Attempts  to  classify  languages  from  these 
distinct  points  of  view  do  not  lead  to  very 
satisfactory  results.  Not  only  would  the 
purely  morphological  classifications  be  contra- 
dictory, but  in  many  cases  where  a  close 
morphological  agreement  exists,  it  remains 
highly  unsatisfactory  to  co-ordinate  vocabu- 
laries and  the  phonetic  equivalents  of  similar 
morphological  ideas.  On  the  basis  of  Indo- 
European  experience,  we  should  be  very  much 
inclined  to  seek  for  a  common  origin  for  all 
those  languages  that  have  a  far-reaching 
morphological  similarity;  but  it  must  be 
acknowledged,  that,  when  the  results  of 
classifications  based  on  different  linguistic 
phenomena  conflict,  we  must  recognize  the 
possibility  of  the  occurrence  of  morphological 
assimilation.  The  problem  is  analogous  to 
that  of  the  relation  between  Finnish  and 
Indo-European  languages,  which  Sweet  as- 
sumed as  established,  while  the  observed 
relations  may  also  be  due  to  other  causes. 


Owing  to  the  fundamental  importance  of 
these  questions  for  the  solution  of  the  prob- 
lem of  the  historical  relationship  between 
American  languages,  it  seems  particularly  im- 
portant to  attempt  to  carry  through  these 
classifications  without  prejudging  the  ques- 
tion as  to  the  genealogical  position  of  the 
various  groups.  It  is  quite  inconceivable 
that  similarities  such  as  exist  between  Quil- 
leyute,  Kwakiutl,  and  Salish,  should  be  due 
to  a  mere  accident,  or  that  the  morphological 
similarities  of  Californian  languages,  which 
Kroeber  and  Dixon  have  pointed  out,  should 
not  be  due  to  a  definite  cause.  The  experience 
of  Aryan  studies  might  induce  us  to  agree 
that  these  must  be  members  of  single  lin- 
guistic stocks;  but  this  assumption  leaves 
fundamental  differences  unaccounted  for, 
and  neglects  the  possibility  of  morphological 
assimilation,  so  that  at  the  present  time  the 
conclusion  does  not  seem  convincing.  We 
ought  to  inquire,  first  of  all,  into  the  possi- 
bility of  mutual  influences,  which  will  be 
revealed,  in  part  at  least,  by  lack  of 
correspondence  between  lexicographic,  pho- 
netic, and  detailed  morphological  classifica- 
tions. 

We  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  investiga- 
tion may  not  satisfactorily  prove  certain 
genealogical  relationships;  but  what  should 
be  emphasized  is,  that,  in  the  present  state 
of  our  knowledge  of  primitive  languages,  it  is 
not  safe  to  disregard  the  possibility  of  a 
complex  origin  of  linguistic  groups,  which 
would  limit  the  applicability  of  the  term 
"linguistic  family"  in  the  sense  in  which  we 
are  accustomed  to  use  it.  It  is  certainly 
desirable,  and  necessary,  to  investigate  mi- 
nutely and  carefully  all  suggestive  analogies. 
The  proof  of  genetic  relationship,  however, 
can  be  considered  as  given,  only  when  the 
number  of  unexplained  distinct  elements  is 
not  over-large,  and  when  the  contradictory 
classifications,  to  which  reference  has  been 
made  before,  have  been  satisfactorily  ac- 
counted for. 


NO.  I 


INTRODUCTORY 


It  is  quite  evident,  that,  owing  to  the  lack 
of  knowledge  of  the  historical  development 
of  American  languages,  convincing  proof  of 
genealogical  relationship  may  be  impossible 
to  obtain,  even  where  such  relation  exists; 
so  that,  from  both  a  practical  and  a  theoreti- 
cal point  of  view,  the  solution  of  the  problems 
of  genetic  relationship  presents  a  large 
number  of  attractive  problems. 

Considering  the  complexity  of  this  question, 
and  the  doubts  that  we  entertain  in  regard 
to  some  of  the  principles  to  be  followed  in  our 
inquiry,  it  seems  probable  that  a  safer  basis 
will  be  reached  by  following  out  dialectic 
studies.  Very  little  work  of  this  kind  has 
been  done  on  our  continent.  James  Owen 
Dorsey  was  able  to  point  out  a  few  phenomena 
pertaining  to  the  inter-relation  of  Siouan 
dialects.  Similar  points  have  been  made  in 
regard  to  the  Salish  languages  and  in  a  few 
other  cases,  but  no  penetrating  systematic 
attempt  has  been  made  to  clear  up  the  pro- 
cesses of  differentiation  by  which  modern 
American  dialects  have  developed.  It  is 
fortunate  for  the  prosecution  of  this  study 
that  quite  a  number  of  linguistic  families  in 
America  are  broken  up  into  numerous  strong- 
ly divergent  dialects,  the  study  of  which  will 
help  us  the  more  in  the  investigation  of  the 
relations  between  distinct  languages,  the 
more  markedly  they  are  differentiated. 
Siouan,  Algonquin,  Muskhogean,  Salishan, 
Shoshonian,  Wakashan,  Caddoan,  are  lan- 
guages of  this  type.  They  present  examples 
of  divergence  of  phonetic  character,  of  differ- 
ences in  structure  and  vocabulary,  that  will 
bring  us  face  to  face  with  the  problem  of  the 
origin  of  these  divergent  elements. 

The  more  detailed  study  of  American 
languages  promises  rich  returns  in  the  fields 
of  the  mechanical  processes  of  linguistic 
development  and  of  the  psychological  prob- 
lems presented  by  languages  of  different 
types.  In  many  American  languages  the 
etymological  processes  are  so  transparent, 
that  the  mechanism  of  phonetic  adaptation 


stands  out  with  great  clearness.  Contact- 
phenomena,  and  types  of  sound-harmony 
that  affect  more  remote  parts  of  words, 
occur  with  great  frequency.  Phonetic  shifts 
between  related  dialects  are  easily  observed, 
so  that  we  can  accumulate  a  large  mass  of 
material  which  will  help  to  solve  the  question 
in  how  far  certain  phonetic  processes  may  be 
of  more  or  less  universal  occurrence. 

Remotely  related  to  this  problem  is  the 
question  that  was  touched  upon  by  Gatschet, 
in  how  far  the  frequent  occurrence  of  similar 
sounds  for  expressing  related  ideas  (like  the 
personal  pronouns)  may  be  due  to  obscure 
psychological  causes  rather  than  to  genetic 
relationship.  Undoubtedly,  many  hitherto 
unexpected  types  of  processes  will  reveal 
themselves  in  the  pursuit  of  these  studies. 

The  variety  of  American  languages  is  so 
great,  that  they  will  be  of  high  value  for  the 
solution  of  many  fundamental  psychological 
problems. 

The  unconsciously  formed  categories  found 
in  human  speech  have  not  been  sufficiently 
exploited  for  the  investigation  of  the  cate- 
gories into  which  the  whole  range  of  human 
experience  is  forced.  Here,  again,  the  clear- 
ness of  etymological  processes  in  many  Ameri- 
can languages  is  a  great  help  to  our  investiga- 
tion. 

The  isolation  of  formal  elements  and  of 
stems,  or  of  co-ordinate  stems, — whichever  the 
case  may  be, — is  easily  performed,  and  the 
meaning  of  every  part  of  an  expression  is 
determined  much  more  readily  than  in  the 
innumerable  fossilized  forms  of  Indo-Euro- 
pean languages. 

Lexicographic  differentiation  corresponds 
to  the  morphological  differentiation  of  lan- 
guages. Where  ideas  are  expressed  by  means 
of  separate  stems  or  by  subordinate  elements, 
generalized  stems  will  be  found  that  express 
a  certain  action  regardless  of  the  instrument 
with  which  it  has  been  performed;  while,  in 
languages  that  are  not  provided  with  these 
formal  elements,  a  number  of  separate  words 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


will  take  the  place  of  the  modified  general 
stem.  In  languages  that  possess  a  full  equip- 
ment of  adverbial  and  locative  formative 
elements,  generalized  words  of  motion  may  be 
qualified  by  their  use;  while,  wherever  these 
elements  are  absent,  new  stems  must  take 
their  place.  The  same  is  true  of  grammatical 
elements  that  designate  form  or  substance. 
Where  these  occur,  the  languages  may  lack 
words  expressing  predicative  ideas  relating 
to  objects  of  different  form  and  consisting  of 
different  substances  (like  our  words  "to  lie," 
"to  sit,"  "to  stand,"  "to  tear,"  "to break"). 

A  lexicographic  analysis  based  on  these 
principles  of  classification  promises  important 
results,  but  requires  a  much  more  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  stems  than  is 
available  in  most  cases. 

No  less  interesting  are  the  categories  of 
thought  that  find  expression  in  grammatical 
form.  The  older  grammars,  although  many 
of  them  contain  excellent  material,  do  not 
clearly  present  these  points  of  difference, 
because  they  are  modelled  strictly  on  the 
Latin  scheme,  which  obscures  the  character- 
istic psychological  categories  of  Indian  lan- 
guages. Thus  the  idea  of  plurality  is  not  often 
developed  in  the  same  sense  as  in  Latin,  but 
expresses  rather  the  idea  of  distribution  or  of 
collectivity.  The  category  of  gender  is  rare, 
and  nominal  cases  are  not  common.  In  the 
pronoun  we  find  often  a  much  more  rigid 
adherence  to  the  series  of  three  persons  than 
the  one  that  we  apply,  in  so  far  as  the  distinc- 
tion is  carried  through  in  the  pronominal 
plural  and  in  the  demonstrative.  Further- 
more, new  ideas —  such  as  visibility,  or  posi- 
tion in  regard  to  the  speaker  in  the  six  princi- 
pal directions  (up,  down,  right,  left,  front, 
back) ,  or  tense  —  are  added  to  the  concept  of 
the  demonstrative  pronouns.  In  the  numeral 
the  varied  bases  of  numeral  systems  find 
expression.  In  the  verb  the  category  of 
tense  may  be  almost  suppressed  or  may  be 
exuberantly  developed.  Modes  may  include 
many  ideas  that  we  express  by  means  of 


adverbs,  or  they  may  be  absent.  The  dis- 
tinction between  verb  and  noun  may  be  dif- 
ferent from  ours.  In  short,  an  enormous 
variety  of  forms  illustrates  the  multifarious 
ways  in  which  language  seizes  upon  one  or 
another  feature  as  an  essential  of  expression 
of  thought. 

Besides  the  greater  or  lesser  development 
of  categories  that  are  parallel  to  our  own, 
many  new  ones  appear.  The  groups  of  ideas 
selected  for  expression  by  formative  elements 
are  quite  distinctive,  and  they  belong  to  the 
most  important  features  in  the  characteriza- 
tion of  each  language.  In  some  cases  they 
are  poorly  developed,  but  most  American 
languages  possess  an  astonishing  number  of 
formative  elements  of  this  type. 

In  some  cases  their  number  is  so  great,  that 
the  very  idea  of  subordination  of  one  element 
of  a  word  under  another  one  loses  its  signifi- 
cance; and  we  are  in  doubt  whether  we  shall 
designate  one  group  as  subordinate  elements, 
or  whether  we  shall  speak  of  the  composition 
of  co-ordinate  elements.  While  in  some  lan- 
guages, as  in  Algonquin  or  Kutenai,  this  may 
be  a  matter  of  arbitrary  definition,  it  involves 
a  problem  of  great  theoretical  interest; 
namely,  the  question  whether  formative 
elements  have  developed  from  independent 
words,  as  has  been  proved  to  Be  the  case  with 
many  formal  suffixes  of  European  languages. 

The  objectivating  tendency  of  our  mind 
makes  the  thought  congenial,  that  part  of  a 
word  the  significance  of  which  we  can  deter- 
mine by  analysis  must  also  have  objectively 
an  independent  existence;  but  there  is  cer- 
tainly no  a  priori  reason  that  compels  us  to 
make  this  assumption.  It  must  be  proved 
to  be  true  by  empirical  evidence.  Although 
the  history  of  American  languages  is  not 
known,  and  therefore  cannot  furnish  any 
direct  evidence  for  or  against  this  theory, 
the  study  of  the  etymological  processes  will 
throw  light  upon  this  problem,  because  in 
many  cases  the  very  phonetic  weakness  of 
the  constituent  elements,  their  internal 


NO.  I 


INTRODUCTORY 


changes,  and  the  transparency  of  the  method 
of  composition,  make  it  clear  that  we  are 
performing  here  an  analytical  process,  that 
does  not  need  to  have  as  its  counterpart  the 
synthesis  of  independent  elements.  The  same 
question  may  also  be  raised  in  regard  to 
phonetic  modifications  of  the  stem,  which 
may  be  secondary,  and  due  to  the  influence 
of  changing  accents  in  composition  or  to 
vanished  component  elements,  while  they  may 
also  be  primary  phenomena. 

This  problem  is  in  a  way  identical  with  the 
whole  question  of  the  relation  between  word 
and  sentence.  Here  also  American  languages 
may  furnish  us  with  much  important  material 
that  emphasizes  the  view  that  the  unit  of 
human  speech  as  we  know  it  is  the  sentence, 
not  the  word. 

The  problems  treated  in  a  linguistic  journal 
must  include  also  the  literary  forms  of  native 
production.  Indian  oratory  has  long  been 
famous,  but  the  number  of  recorded  speeches 
from  which  we  can  judge  their  oratorical 
devices  is  exceedingly  small.  There  is  no 
doubt  whatever  that  definite  stylistic  forms 
exist  that  are  utilized  to  impress  the  hearer; 
but  we  do  not  know  what  they  are.  As  yet, 
nobody  has  attempted  a  careful  analysis  of 
the  style  of  narrative  art  as  practised  by  the 
various  tribes.  The  crudeness  of  most  records 
presents  a  serious  obstacle  for  this  study, 
which,  however,  should  be  taken  up  seriously. 
We  can  study  the  general  structure  of  the 
narrative,  the  style  of  composition,  of  motives, 
their  character  and  sequence;  but  the  formal 
stylistic  devices  for  obtaining  effects  are  not 
so  easily  determined. 

Notwithstanding  the  unsatisfactory  charac- 
ter of  the  available  material,  we  do  find  cases 
in  which  we  may  at  least  obtain  a  glimpse  of 
the  intent  of  the  narrator.  In  many  cases 
metaphorical  expressions  occur  that  indicate 
a  vigorous  imagination.  Not  much  material 
of  this  character  is  available,  but  what  little 
we  have  demonstrates  that  the  type  of  meta- 
phor used  in  different  parts  of  the  continent 


shows  characteristic  differences.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  know  in  how  far  these  expres- 
sions have  become  purely  formal  without 
actual  meaning,  and  in  how  far  they  reflect  an 
active  imagination. 

Evidence  is  not  missing  which  shows  that 
the  sentence  is  built  up  with  a  view  of  stressing 
certain  ideas  or  words  by  means  of  position, 
repetition,  or  other  devices  for  securing  em- 
phasis. There  are  curious  differences  in  the 
tendency  to  fill  the  discourse  with  brief 
allusions  to  current  ideas  difficult  to  under- 
stand for  any  one  who  is  not  versed  in  the 
whole  culture  of  the  people,  and  the  enjoyment 
of  diffuse,  detailed  description.  Collectors  of 
texts  are  fully  aware  that  in  the  art  of  narra- 
tive there  are  artists  and  bunglers  in  every 
primitive  tribe,  as  well  as  among  ourselves. 
At  present  there  is  hardly  any  material 
available  that  will  allow  us  to  characterize 
the  tribal  characteristics  of  the  art  of  nar- 
rative. 

The  most  promising  material  for  the  study 
of  certain  aspects  of  artistic  expression  are 
the  formal  elements  that  appear  with  great 
frequency  in  the  tales  of  all  tribes.  Most  of 
these  are  stereotyped  to  such  an  extent,  that 
little  individual  variation  is  found.  Even  in 
poorly  recorded  tales,  written  down  in  trans- 
lation only,  and  obtained  with  the  help  of 
inadequate  interpreters,  the  sameness  of 
stereotyped  formulas  may  sometimes  be 
recognized.  Conversation  in  animal  tales  and 
in  other  types  of  narrative,  prayers  and  incan- 
tations, are  probably  the  most  important 
material  of  this  character. 

Attention  should  also  be  paid  to  the  existing 
forms  of  literature.  The  narrative  is  of 
universal  occurrence,  but  other  forms  show  a 
much  more  irregular  distribution.  The  psy- 
chological basis  of  the  trivial  American  anec- 
dote is  not  easily  understood.  The  connota- 
tion of  meaningless  syllables  that  occur  in 
songs,  the  frequent  use  of  distorted  words  in 
poetry,  and  the  fondness  for  a  secret  language, 
including  obsolete,  symbolic,  or  arbitrary 


8 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


terms,  deserve  the  most  careful  attention. 
Here  belong  also  the  peculiar  modes  of  speech 
of  various  personages,  that  are  recorded  in 
many  tales,  and  which  Dr.  Sapir  has  found  so 
fully  developed  among  the  Nootka,  and  Dr. 
Frachtenberg  among  the  Quilleyute.  The 
fixity  of  form  of  the  recitative  used  by  certain 
animals,  to  which  Dr.  Sapir  has  called  atten- 
tion in  his  studies  of  the  Paiute,  also  suggests 
an  interesting  line  of  inquiry. 

Equally  important  is  the  absence  of  certain 
literary  forms  with  which  we  are  familiar. 
The  great  dearth  of  proverbs,  of  popular 
snatches,  and  of  riddles,  among  American 
aborigines,  in  contrast  to  their  strong  develop- 
ment in  Africa  and  other  parts  of  the  Old 
World,  requires  attentive  study.  The  general 
lack  of  epic  poetry,  the  germs  of  which  are 
found  in  a  very  few  regions  only,  is  another 
feature  that  promises  to  clear  up  certain  prob- 
lems of  the  early  development  of  literary 
art.  We  are  able  to  observe  lyric  poetry  in 
its  simplest  forms  among  all  tribes.  Indeed, 
we  may  say  that,  even  where  the  slightest 
vestiges  of  epic  poetry  are  missing,  lyric 


poetry  of  one  form  or  another  is  always 
present.  It  may  consist  of  the  musical  use  of 
meaningless  syllables  that  sustain  the  song; 
or  it  may  consist  largely  of  such  syllables, 
with  a  few  interspersed  words  suggesting  cer- 
tain ideas  and  certain  feelings;  or  it  may  rise 
to  the  expression  of  emotions  connected  with 
warlike  deeds,  with  religious  feeling,  love,  or 
even  to  the  praise  of  the  beauties  of  nature. 
The  records  which  have  been  accumulated 
during  the  last  few  years,  particularly  by 
students  of  primitive  music,  contain  a  mass  of 
material  that  can  be  utilized  from  this  point 
of  view. 

Undoubtedly  the  problems  of  native  poetry 
have  to  be  taken  up  in  connection  with  the 
study  of  native  music,  because  there  is  prac- 
tically no  poetry  that  is  not  at  the  same  time 
song.  The  literary  aspects  of  this  subject, 
however,  fall  entirely  within  the  scope  of  a 
linguistic  journal. 

Let  us  hope  that  the  new  journal  may  be 
able  to  contribute  its  share  to  the  solution  of 
all  these  problems! 

FRANZ  BOAS 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


EL  DIALECTO  MEXICANO  DE  POCHUTLA,  OAXACA1 
For  FRANZ  BOAS 


POCHUTLA,  capital  del  distrito  del  mismo 
nombre  del  Estado  de  Oaxaca,  esta  ubicada 
al  Oeste  de  Tehuantepec  y  al  Sur  de  Oaxaca, 
aproximadamente  a  tres  leguas  del  Oceano 
Pacifico.  En  todas  las  poblaciones  que  estan 
al  rededor  de  Pochutla  se  hablaba  el  Zapoteca, 
pero  entre  los  vocabularies  recogidos  por  el 
eminente  sabio  Sr.  Doctor  Antonio  Penafiel, 
quien  bondadosamente  me  di6  permiso  de 
hacer  uso  de  sus  importantisimas  colecciones, 
se  encuentra  un  vocabulario  como  de  80 
vocables  de  Pochutla,  los  cuales  muestran 
claramente  que  alii  se  habla  el  idioma  nahua 
o  mexicano.  El  vocabulario  lo  recogieron  en 
1888  y  en  ese  ano  ya  iba  desapareciendo  el 
idioma.  Los  datos,  aunque  muy  imperfectos, 
indican  que  el  idioma  se  diferencia  mucho  del 
mexicano  clasico  y  que  su  fonetismo  se  parece 
al  de  los  dialectos  del  Sur. 

A  mi  modo  de  ver,  la  cuesti6n  de  la  dis- 
tribuci6n  antigua  de  los  dialectos  mexicanos 
es  importantisima  y  crei  que  valia  la  pena 
visitar  el  pueblo  y  recoger  todo  lo  que  se 
pudiera  sacar. 

Llegue  a  Pochutla  en  enero  de  1912,  y 
qued6  alia  hasta  fines  de  febrero,  cuando  ya 
no  se  podia  conseguir  mas  de  los  pocos 
individuos  que  conocen  parte  del  idioma. 
Son  mujeres  casi  todas  las  personas  que 
todavia  se  acuerdan  de  algunos  vocables  y 
frases,  y  no  hay  mas  que  una  que  lo  pueda 
hablar,  conociendo,  como  conoce,  un  mimero 
bastante  grande  de  palabras  y  teniendo 

1  El  estudio  del  dialecto  de  Pochutla  se  hizo  cuando 
desempenaba  el  cargo  de  Director  de  la  Escuela  Inter- 
national de  Arqueologia  y  Etnologia  mexicanas.  La 
publication  iba  a  hacerse  en  los  Anales  del  Museo 
Nacional  de  Mexico.  A  causa  de  las  condiciones 
politicas  y  economicas  del  pais  el  manuscrito  original 
se  perdio  y  no  es  probable  que  siga  la  impresion  que 
ya  se  habia  principiado. 


dominio  sobre  las  formas  gramaticales.  Se 
llama  Sabina  Martinez  y  es  una  anciana  como 
de  75  anos.  Desgraciadamente  no  fue  posible 
explicarle  que  para  apuntar  las  formas  se 
necesita  una  pronunciaci6n  clara  y  lenta  y 
la  repetici6n  de  las  mismas  frases.  Siempre 
cambiaba  ella  la  forma  de  las  frases  y  por  esa 
raz6n  fue  muy  dificil  recoger  un  buen  acopio 
de  datos.  Despues  de  unos  cuantos  dfas 
empez6  a  creer  que  hablar  lentamente  era 
repetir  la  primera  silaba  del  vocablo  despacio 
y  despues  pronunciar  toda  la  palabra  o  toda 
la  frase  muy  de  prisa.  Aunque  otras  mujeres, 
con  las  cuales  estaba  trabajando,  le  explicaron 
muchas  veces  lo  que  queria  y  hasta  le  ense- 
naron  como  se  debia  hablar,  fu6  imposible 
lograr  una  buena  pronunciaci6n.  Por  esa 
razon  siempre  me  acompanaban  Mauricia 
Riquel,  anciana  muy  inteligente  que  recuerda 
muchos  vocablos  y  que  me  ayud6  repetiendo 
los  vocablos  pronunciados  por  Sabina,  cuando 
ella  se  acordaba  de  ellos.  Mauricia  y  Maria 
Trinidad  son  las  que  tienen  los  mejores 
conocimientos  del  idioma,  despues  de  Sabina. 
Son  como  de  65  y  70  anos  de  edad.  Otras 
que  conocen  bastantes  vocablos  son :  Feliciana, 
Francisca,  Joaquina  y  Paula  Nicha,  ancianas 
como  de  75  anos,  Ines  Vazquez,  como  de  60 
anos  y  Eleuteria  Avesilla,  quien  no  tiene  mas 
de  50  anos.  Muy  escasos  son  los  conoci- 
mientos de  Andrea  Castillo,  senora  como  de 
50  anos,  quien  siempre  se  interesaba  en  el  idio- 
ma, y  aunque  su  madre  no  lo  hablaba,  habia 
aprendido  muchos  vocablos  y  frases. 

Pocos  son  los  hombres  que  recuerdan  el 
idioma.  Estanislao  y  Epifanio  Pina,  hombres 
como  de  50  anos,  me  comunicaron  un  pequeno 
numero  de  vocablos;  Pedro  Marcelino  Pastor, 
hombre  como  de  60  anos,  es  el  que  tiene  los 
mayores  conocimientos,  relativamente  al 
idioma  mexicano,  entre  los  hombres. 


10 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


Otros  individuos  que,  segun  lo  que  se  dice, 
hablan  el  idioma  mexicano,  han  sido  exam- 
inados,  pero  no  tienen  conocimientos  utiles. 
Se  dijo  que  habia  un  vocabulario  escrito,  pero 
es  muy  claro  que  eso  se  refiere  al  vocabulario 
del  Sr.  Dr.  Penafiel,  el  cual  ha  sido  escrito  por 
el  Sr.  Apolonio  Rosario. 

La  Sra.  Ines  Vazquez  tiene  fama  de  saber 
de  memoria  una  carta  que  un  tal  Pepe 
escribi6  en  el  dialecto  a  su  madre,  cuando 
estaba  preso  en  Oaxaca,  pero  la  carta  estaba 
casi  toda  escrita  en  castellano. 

— Mama  Florentina,  nebd  (')  ntzichud  (2) 
mandar  las  expresiones  que  nquet  (3)  en  la 
prisi6n  con  cabal  salud.  Titiz  (*)  con  mucho 
carino  a  nob'lugdm  (6).  Az  xichuS  (6)  perder 
la  esperanza  que  nen  quiciz  (7)  de  la  prisi6n. 
Tixchud  (8)  contestar  todo  lo  mas  pronto  que 
puedas.  Nebd  (')  ntzichud  (2)  unos  abrazos 
para  noyi  (9)  Florentina. — Don  Pepe. 

El  dialecto  mexicano  de  Pochutla  es  uno  del 
grupo  de  dialectos  meridionales  del  nahua, 
cuyo  fonetismo  se  diferencia  mucho  del  nahua 
clasico.  Ese  grupo  de  dialectos  incluye  los  de 
la  America  Central  y  la  mayoria  de  los  de  Ta- 
basco, Vera-Cruz,  probablemente  de  Chiapas  y 
tambien  el  dialecto  de  Jalisco.  Sus  rasgos 
mas  importantes  son  la  ausencia  de  conso- 
nantes  africativas,  antes  de  otras  consonantes, 
y  la  substituci6n  de  la  t  en  vez  de  la  tl. 

El  fonetismo  del  dialecto  de  Pochutla  tiene 
otros  caracteres  importantes.  Hay  grupos  de 
consonantes  al  principle  de  las  palabras  y 
tambien  grupos  de  mas  de  dos  consonantes, 
los  cuales  nunca  se  encuentran  en  el  mexicano 
del  Valle  de  Mexico  y  de  las  regiones  vecinas. 
Tambien  hay  cambios  regulares  de  las  vocales. 
Casi  siempre  el  acento  esta  en  la  ultima  y 
parece  que  la  elisidn  de  vocales  y  el  origen  de 
grupos  de  consonantes  se  deben  en  parte  al 
cambio  del  acento. 

Las  noticias  que  recogf  sobre  la  gramitica 
de    Pochutla,    son    muy    incompletas.      Sin 
(')  aqul  (2)  te  hago  (')  estoy 

(4)  guardaras       (5)  mishijos  («)  nohaz 

C)  saldr6  (8)  hazme  (")  mi  madre 


embargo,  parece  que  hay  unas  cuantas  formas, 
tal  vez  mas  antiguas  que  las  del  mexicano 
clasico,  como  la  terminaci6n  del  plural  en  quit; 
terminaci6n  w  del  posesivo,  y  la  forma  na  del 
articulo. 

El  vocabulario  es  muy  semejante  al  del 
mexicano  clasico  y  se  reconocen  facilmente 
muchos  vocablos.  Hay  unas  diferencias 
interesantes.  El  vocablo  dual,  mujer,  no 
se  encuentra,  sino  g'lazt,  que  es  la  forma  de 
Pochutla  para  quilaztli,  la  diosa  mexicana. 

FONETISMO 
CONSONANTES 

Explosivas    Continuas  Africativas   Nasales 

Labiales  .    .    .  (b)  p  m 

Dentales .    .    .  (d)  t  z  (c.)  tz         n 

x  ch 

Paladiales   .    .  (g)  c  (qu)   h  n 

Laterales.   .  1  —        — 


Semivocales 


(gu)  (u) 


VOCALES 


La  e  y  la  o  son  muy  semejantes  a  las  del 
castellano.  Creo  que  no  hay  vocales  largas 
en  Pochutla.  Las  vocales  terminales  tienen 
aspiraci6n  fuerte. 

En  el  mexicano  clasico  todas  las  explosivas 
son  insonoras,  sin  aspiraci6n,  mientras  que 
en  Pochutla  las  explosivas  iniciales  siempre 
principian  sonoras  y  nazarizantes.  Despu£s 
hay  oclusi6n  lenta  del  conducto  nasal  y  se 
pierde  el  caracter  sonoro.  Por  eso  la  p  inicial 
se  pronuncia  como  la  transici6n  mbp,  la  t 
inicial  como  ndt,  la  c  inicial  (antes  de  o  y  u) 
como  ngc.  El  caracter  nasal  es  mas  d6bil  en 
la  p  inicial  que  en  las  otras  consonantes 
explosivas. 

patec      se  pronuncia  mbpade'c,  ancho 

pib'luc   se  pronuncia  mbpib'lu'c,  envolver 

pinaua'  se  pronuncia  mbpinaua,  tener  vergiienza 

tot  se  pronuncia  ndtotn,  piedra 

te  se  pronuncia  ndte,  <ique? 

caxani    se  pronuncia  ngcaxani',  esta  sanando 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


II 


La  explosiva,  cuando  se  encuentra  entre  dos 
vocales,  es  muy  suave.  La  p,  en  esa  posici6n 
tiene  casi  siempre  el  caracter  de  la  b  castellana 
(continua);  la  t  tambien  es  muy  suave  y  la 
articulaci6n  laringeal  de  la  vocal  precedente 
continua  hasta  que  se  forme  la  oclusi6n  de  la 
dicha  /.  For  esa  raz6n,  cuando  la  palabra 
se  pronuncia  aprisa,  la  t  es  muy  semejante  a 
la  d,  y  tambien  asi  la  c  es  semejante  a  la  g. 

tapotuc  se  pronuncia  como  ndtavoduc:  esta  contando 
tequel  se  pronuncia  como  ndteguetn,  hombre 

Las  consonantes  sonoras  influyen  de  la 
misma  manera  sobre  las  explosivas  que  las 
siguen  y  preceden. 

unti'  se  pronuncia  undi',  borracho 

Las  explosivas  sonoras  tienen  un  caracter 
muy  distinto  del  de  las  insonoras,  cuando  una 
vocal  sin  acento  ha  desaparecido  entre  la 
explosiva  y  otra  consonante  sonora.  En  ese 
caso,  siempre  tienen  el  caracter  sonoro,  cuya 
pronunciaci6n  nunca  cambia: 

POCHUTLA  MEXICANO  DEL  VALLE 

ug'lo'm  <         ocuilin    gusano 

pig'lia'  <         (piqui'f)     golpear 

b'tet  <         petlatl    petate 

g'lazt  <         quilaztli    mujer 

Cuando  la  vocal  se  pierde  delante  de  una 
insonora,  la  primera  consonante  explosiva 
sigue  insonora: 

ctze  <         quetza    levantar 

Las  linguales,  cuando  se  encuentran  en 
posici6n  terminal,  son  insonoras  y  requieren 
la  oclusi6n  linguo-paladial  mientras  se  abre 
la  nariz,  saliendo  el  aire  por  ella.  For  esa 
raz6n  tienen  el  caracter  de  consonantes 
insonoras  explosivas  nasales.  La  z  terminal 
tiene  el  mismo  caracter,  es  decir,  que  al  ter- 
minar  se  abre  la  nariz  y  el  aliento  sale  por  ella. 

La  n  se  encuentra  solamente  delante  de  las 
g  y  c  (o  qu)  y  es  la  n  modificada  por  las  con- 
sonantes paladiales. 

La  x  es  distinta  de  la  del  mexicano.  En  ese 
dialecto  se  articula  formando  una  estrecha 
hendedura  entre  el  paladar  y  la  punta  de  la 


lengua,  que  se  aplana  y  se  pega  al  primero,  y 
con  otra  estrechez  entre  el  paladar  y  el  dorso 
de  la  lengua;  asi  es  que  el  sonido  de  la  x  mexi- 
cana  se  forma  de  dos  clases  de  vibraciones,  las 
unas  anteriores  y  semejantes  a  las  de  la  sh 
inglesa,  las  otras  posteriores  y  semejantes  a 
las  de  la  j  castellana.  Un  sonido  de  esa  clase 
se  encuentra  tambien  en  el  zapoteca  de  Oa- 
xaca.  En  Pochutla,  cada  vez  que  la  he  oido, 
era  igual  a  la  sh  inglesa  pura. 

Mientras  que  en  el  mexicano  moderno  del 
Valle  de  Mexico  todas  las  consonantes  ter- 
minales  son  insonoras,  hasta  las  nasales  y  la 
/,  en  Pochutla  las  nasales  terminales  y  la  / 
quedan  sonoras. 

En  el  dialecto  de  Pochutla  faltan  unos 
cuantos  sonidos  del  mexicano  clasico,  que  son 
el  saltillo  y  la  consonante  hui,  o  sea  una  con- 
tinua paladial  que  principia  con  resonancia 
de  la  u  (caracter  labial)  y  termina  con  reso- 
nancia de  la  i  (caracter  paladial).  El  fone- 
tismo  del  mexicano  moderno  del  Valle  de 
Mexico  demuestra  que,  no  obstante  el  cambio 
de  la  resonancia,  el  sonido  corresponde  a  una 
sola  consonante,  porque  se  encuentra  muchas 
veces  en  posici6n  terminal,  en  la  que  no  se 
permite  mas  de  una  consonante.  Tampoco 
hay  la  h,  consonante  continua  paladial  con 
estrechez  en  la  regi6n  de  la  c  (ca,  co,  cu), 
como  la  hui,  pero  solamente  con  resonancia 
de  la  'i  (paladial).  Ya  he  mencionado  que  no 
hay  la  tl  del  mexicano,  en  lugar  de  la  cual  la  t 
se  encuentra  siempre. 

Los  grupos  de  consonantes  de  Pochutla  son 
distintos  de  los  del  Valle  de  Mexico.  Las 
africativas  no  se  pueden  poner  antes  de  otras 
consonantes,  asi  como  en  el  dialecto  de  Jalisco,1 
aunque  en  el  mexicano  clasico  y  tambien  en 
el  mexicano  moderno  del  Valle  de  Mexico,  hay 
todas  las  combinaciones  de  africativas  y  otras 
consonantes: 

1  Ger6nimo  Thomas  de  Aquino,  Arte,  Vocabulario  y 
Confesionario  en  el  idioma  mexicano,  como  se  usa  en  el 
obispado  de  Guadalaxara,  1765,  pp.  5,  6. 

Fr.  Juan  Guerra.  Arte  de  la  lengua  mexicana. 
Guadalajara,  1900,  p.  9. 


12 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


POCHUTLA                   MEXICANO  DEL  VALLE 

POCHUTLA            MEXICANO 

S,  z<tz 

ato'mt                          atemitl     piojo 

uzti'                          otzli    embarazada 

act'                             act    encontrar 

ui'sti                        uitzli    espina 

ac                                 ac     quien 

mezt                         metztli    luna 

aque't                           acatl    carrizo 

id'pozla'c                teputzli    sus  espaldas 
ozc                           (uelzi)    cayo 

2.   d  del  mexicano  se  vuelve  a  en  Pochutla: 

x<ch 

taca'                           tlaca    medio  dia 

oco'xt                       oquichtli    hombre 

talenli'                       tlatlani    preguntar 

oxque't                     ichcatl    algod6n 

noquexque'm            quechquemitl    mi  huipil 

3.   a  del  mexicano  se  vuelve  e  en  Pochutla: 

totomo'xt                  totomochtli    mazorca 

ame't                          amatl    papel 

En  ciertas  formas  gramaticales,  cuando  la 

etu'l                           atolli    atole 

africativa  se  pone  delante  de  otra  consonante, 
tambien  cambia  y  llega  a  ser  una  continua: 

iye'c                           lyac    huele 
(yeque'l)                     yacatl    nariz 
ozle'l                            iztatl    sal 

moztemutu'c    <     motztemutu'c    andan  buscandote 

tepu'                            tlapoa    abrir 

motzapi'zc        <!     motzapi'tzc    te  pario 

tepo'xt                        tlapechtli    cama 

tixnamig'li      <     tichnamig'li    vendeme 

teque't                         tlacatl    hombre 

nixmexti'c       <     nichmexti'c    me  ensen6 

teloa                           tlaloa    correr 

taxpo'l             <     tachpol    perrito 

4.   e  del  mexicano,  con  acento,  se  vuelve 

En    el    mexicano    moderno    del    Valle    las 

o  en  Pochutla: 

explosivas   no  se  pueden   poner  delante  de 

ato'mt                         atemitl    piojo 

otras   consonantes.      Cuando   se   encuentran 

pot                             petlatl    petate 

en  esa  posici6n  se  les  da  una  aspiraci6n  fuerte 

mot                              metlatl     metate 

con    resonancia    paladial,    y    los   sonidos    se 

tepo'xt                        tlapechtli    cama 

pueden  escribir  pi,  ti,  qui.    Muchas  veces  la  c 

tot                                tell     piedra 
to$o'                             ted  1     moler 

llega  a  ser  una  continua  paladial   (h).     En 

toxt                             textli    harina 

Pochutla  las  explosivas  se  encuentran  delante 

noxt                             nextli    cenizas 

de  todas  las  otras  consonantes. 

(on                               centli     mazorca 

Se  permiten  tambi6n  grupos  de  consonantes 

coxqui                          (quequexquia)     comezon 

al  principio  y  al  fin  de  las  palabras,  cosa 

cocxt                             quechtli    pescuezo 

imposible  en   el   mexicano  clasico,   del   que 

En  unos  cuantos  vocablos  se  encuentran 

muchas  irregularidades  se  expliquan.    La  /  se 

dos  formas,  una  en  o,  otra  en  e;   pero  parece 

encuentra  al  principio  de  la  palabra.     Hay 

que  la  forma  en  o  es  mucho  mas  frecuente: 

combinaciones    de    tres    consonantes,    pero 
parece  que  se  forman  solamente  en  palabras 

b  'let  y  pot                   petlatl    petate 
quext  y  coxt       ,         quechtli    pescuezo 

compuestas. 

Entre  el  dialecto  de  Pochutla  y  el  del  Valle 

5.   La  e  y  la  i,  sin  acento,  del  mexicano  cor- 

de  Mexico  hay  un  niimero  de  cambios  foneticos 

responden  a  una  oclusi6n  de  la  glotis: 

regulares  : 

at'bet                         altepetl    pueblo 

I.  a   (larga)   del  mexicano  se  vuelve  a  en 

d'potz                         teputzli    espalda 
nod'mu'z                   temo    voy  a  bajar 

Pochutla: 

n'qui                           nequi    querer 

POCHUTLA            MEXICANO 

z'li                            celic    tierno 

xmoctze'                    (quetza)     j  pirate! 

ayu't                            dyutl    tortuga 
apa'zt                          apaztli    olla 
ame't                           amatl     papel 

ig'ti'                          iquiti    tejer 
ptzec                           pitzauac     delgado 

at                               all    agua 

1  Segun  Carochi  la  e  en  teci  es  larga. 

NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO      DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


POCHUTLA            MEXICANO 

10.  Las  aua  del  mexicano  se  vuelven  e  en 

enopib'lu'c                 (pipiloa)     me  envolvf 

Pochutla: 

nob'lu'                        (nopiltzin)     mi  hijo 
xiub'lu'                     (piloa)     icuelgalo! 

POCHUTLA              MEXICANO 

mexti'c                        (machitia)     enseno 

pate'c                         patlauac    ancho 

tixnamig'li'                namiquiltia     jvendeme! 

ptzec                            pitzauac    delgado 

xtactze'                      (tlaquetz)     jhabla! 

chique'c                       chicauac     duro 

g'lazt                           quilaztli    mujer 

ii.  La   tl    del    mexicano    se   vuelve   t    en 

6.  La  i  del  mexicano  sevuelve  oen  Pochutla  : 

Pochutla: 

ecfo'c                          icucic     maduro 

tzique't                        tzicatl     hormiga 

icoci'                           (tlanquiquici)     chiflar 

xucho't                       xochitl    flor 

ozte't                         iztatl    sal 

(on                               centli    mazorca 

oxque't                        ichcatl    algodon 

noxt                           nextli    ceniza 

opque't                       icpatl    hilo  (metatesis  de  la  cp) 

neque't                       nacatl    carne 

oco'xt                          oquichtli    hombre 

til                               tlilli    negro  del  humo 

uluni'                        olinia    menear 

teque't                          tlacatl     hombre 

ntapoxque'z               (pixca)    voy  a  pizcar 

let                               tletl    fuego 

moc                           mic    muerto 

tepo'xt                        tlapachlli    cama 

ito'c                          Itic    adentro 

teyu'l                           tlayolli    maiz 

oxt                              iztetl    una 

te                                 tie     <ique? 

namocti'                    namiquia    casarse 

tal                              tlalli    tierra 

tzucua'zt                   tzicanaztli    peine 

tayua'                        tlayoa    oscuro 

chock                         chichi    escupir 

micho'm                    michin    pescado 

ACENTO 

Sin  embargo  hay  muchas  i  que  no  cambian: 

El  acento  cae  casi  siempre  en   la   ultima 

aci'                            aci    encontrar 

sflaba. 

iue                            icuitl    hermana 

En  todas  las  formas  que  no  tienen  la  vocal 

ixqu                            ixquia    asar 

de  la  sflaba  terminal  que  es   caracteristica 

ig'ti                           iquiti    tejer 

de  las  formas  del  mexicano  clasico,  el  acento 

yuli'c                        yolic    poco  a  poco 
ui'tz                            uitz    venir 

cae  en  la  misma  silaba  en  los  dos  dialectos: 

Casi  todas  las  i  que  se  vuelven  o  son  breves. 
Parece  que  la  i  larga  del  mexicano  casi  siempre 

apa'zt                        apazlli    olla 
apoto'ct                      ipotoctli    humo 
ate'n                          atentli    rio 

es  i  en  Pochutla  : 

ato'mt                        atemitl    piojo 

ic                              \c    a  donde 

quexque'mt                  quechquemitl     huipil 

ixt                             ixtli    cara 

etu'l                           atolli    atole 

teyu'l                         tlayolli    maiz 

7.  La  ui  sin  acento  del   mexicano  corres- 
ponde  a  una  oclusi6n  de  la  glotis: 

Cuando  la  ultima  silaba  no  pierde  la  vocal, 
el  acento  no  cae  en  las  mismas  silabas  en  los 

tag'lutu'c                   (cuiloa)     esta  escribiendo 
ug'lo'm                       ocuilin     gusano 

dos  dialectos: 

teque't                        tlacatl    hombre 

8.  Law  del  mexicano  sevuelve  o  en  Pochutla: 

quagu't                       quauitl    arbol 

ozc                             (ouetz)    cayo 

micho'm                     michin    pescado 

emo'c                         omic    murio 

9.  La  o  (larga)  del  mexicano  se  vuelve  e  en 

momai'                      moma    tu  mano 

Pochutla.       Parece  que  ese  fen6meno  tiene 
lugar  solamente  en  la  o  del  preterite: 

Hay  un  pequeno  mimero  de  palabras  cuyo 
acento  cae  en  la  pemiltima  silaba.     Parece 

emo'c                         ontic    muri6 

que  el  acento  de  todas  las  palabras  que  tienen 

INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


eu  en  las  ultimas  silabas  cae  en  la  e.  Son  las 
formas  posesivas  en  eu,  como: 

noat'be'u     mi  pueblo 
nogiie'u      mi  marido 

Tambi6n : 

cye'uc        cansado 

El  acento  de  palabras  que  terminan  en 
ai  y  oi:  cae  en  la  penultima: 

otca'i         dulce 
noxo'i        ml  pi6 

Otras  palabras  que  tienen  el  acento  en  la 
penultima  silaba  son: 

tu'chi  pequeno 

te'ipo  lagarto 

a'mpa  porque 

ui'zti  uiztli    espina 

El  ultimo  vocablo  conserva  su  vocal  terminal. 
La  forma  de  los  demas  sustantivos  que  ter- 
minan en  tli  en  el  mexicano  clasico  terminan 
en  t  en  Pochutla. 

GRAMATICA 
FORMAS  DEL  SUSTANTIVO 

En  el  mexicano  clasico  no  se  permiten 
grupos  de  mas  de  dos  consonantes,  ni  la 
terminaci6n  de  la  palabra  con  dos  con- 
sonantes. Las  raices  que  terminan  con  una 
consonante  o  con  dos  consonantes  tienen 
terminaciones  particulares:  la  mayorfa  de 
las  que  terminan  con  una  consonante  toman 
tli;  las  que  terminan  con  dos  consonantes 
toman  una  vocal  auxiliar  y  //.  En  Pochutla 
las  palabras  pueden  terminar  con  grupos  de 
dos  consonantes,  y,  por  esa  raz6n,  no  hay 
formas  distintas  de  nombres  en  t  (que  cor- 
responde  a  la  //  del  mexicano). 

Raices  que  terminan  con  una  vocal: 

POCHUTLA         MEXICANO 

at  all    agua 

let  tletl     fuego 

tot  tetl    piedra 

cue't  coatl    culebra 


Raices  que  terminan  con  una  consonante: 


POCHUTLA 

apa'zt 

apoto'ct 

eyu't 

ezt 

mezt 

tepo'xt 

noxt 


MEXICANO 
dpaztli    olla 
ipotoctli     humo 
ayotli    calabaza 
eztli    sangre 
metztli    luna 
tlapechtli    cama 
nextli    ceniza 


Despu6s  de  la  n  no  se  oye  la  t  terminal: 

ten  tentli    boca 

ate'n  atentli    rfo 

nixtu'n  ( — tontli)     pequeno 
tzon     pelo 

Apolonio  Rosario  escribe : 

adem    rfo 
sont    pelo 

Despu6s  de  la  I  desaparece  la  t,  probable- 
mente  a  causa  de  la  antigua  asimilaci6n  entre 
la  terminaci6n  tli  y  la  I: 

etu'l  alolli    atole 

mil  milli    campo 

tal  tlalli    tierra 

teyu'l  tlayolli    maiz 

nenepi'l  nenepilli    lengua 

Ese  fen6meno  es  muy  importante,  porque 
demuestra  que  la  t  de  Pochutla  precede  de  dos 
elementos  foneticos  (/  y  tl).  A  lo  menos  hay 
la  combinaci6n  de  /+/  sin  asimilaci6n  en 
chilto't  piedra  para  moler  (<chil-\-tof).  No 
encontr6  otros  ejemplos  que  muestren  clara- 
mente  si  se  conserva  la  /  antes  de  la  /.  En 
el  dialecto  de  Guadalajara  en  el  cual  tambien 
falta  la  //  hay  la  misma  combinaci6n,  como: 

lalticpac     mundo  (/.  c.,  p.  142) 

Encontr£  una  palabra  que  tiene  la  termi- 
naci6n  ti  como  los  nombres  del  mexicano  cuya 
raiz  termina  con  una  sola  consonante: 


ui'zti 


ui'ztli    espina 


Las  raices  que  terminan  con  dos  consonantes 
toman  una  vocal  auxiliar  (o  conservan  una 
vocal  antigua  de  la  raiz) : 

opque't  icpatl     hilo 

ozte't  iztatl    sal 

oxque't  ichcatl    algod6n 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO      DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


Es  probable  que  en  esos  casos  tambi6n  per- 
siste  una  condicion  mas  antigua,  en  la  cual 
se  encuentra  todavia  el  dialecto  del  Valle  de 
Mexico. 

Las  raices  que  terminan  con  una  t  tienen 
dos  formas;  las  unas  terminan  con  una  vocal 
auxiliar,  las  otras  no  tienen  terminaci6n. 
La  ultima  clase  es  mas  frecuente: 

POCHUTLA  MEXICANO 

b'tet  y  hot  petlatl     petate 

mot  metlatl    metate 

(oxt)  ixtetl     una 

cute't  cuitlatl     mierda 

En  el  mexicano  clasico  muchas  raices  que 
terminan  con  consonantes  que  no  pueden 
formar  el  primer  elemento  de  un  grupo  de 
consonantes  tienen  vocales  auxiliares  (o  con- 
servan  vocales  antiguas  de  la  raiz).  Los 
sonidos  mas  importantes  de  esa  clase  son  la 
c  y  la  m  (aunque  las  raices  en  m  tienen  formas 
en  -ntli) . 

Las  raices  que  terminan  en  c  tienen  tam- 
bien  vocales  auxiliares  en  Pochutla: 


teque't 
neque't 
ceque't 
tzique't 


tlacatl  hombre 

nacatl  carne 

(acatl  zacate 

tzicatl  hormiga 


Las  raices  que  terminan  en  m  no  tienen 
vocal  auxiliar,  y  corresponden  a  las  formas 
clasicas  en  tli: 


ato'mt 
quexque'mt 
cumt 
xamt 


atemitl     piojo 
quechquemitl     huipil 
comitl    cantaro 
(xamitlt)     tortilla 


Se  saca : 

ot  omitl    hueso 

Hay  una  clase  de  nombres  que  terminan 
en  om  o  em.  Los  nombres  de  ciertos  ani- 
males  pertenecen  a  esa  clase: 

achiquelo'm  camaron 

ug'lo'm  ocuilin     gusano 
tacho'm  perro 

micho'm  michin     pescado 

cuixo'm  iguana 

picho'm  ? 


POCHUTLA 

todolem  (Apo- 
lonio  Rosario) 


quizco  m 

mixco'm(~!) 

huhio'm 

eyo'm 

nayo'm 


MEXICANO 

totolin    guajalote 

ome    dos 
(quezqui)     cuantos 

nixtamal 

(uey)     grande 
yei    tres 
naui    cuatro 


Tal  vez  esa  terminaci6n  corresponda  a  la 
in  del  mexicano  clasico.  No  cabe  duda  que 
no  forma  parte  de  la  raiz,  porque  se  encuentra 
taxpo'l,  perrito,  de  tacho'm;  pero  es  posible 
que  corresponda  al  plural  me. 

PLURAL 

No  encontr6  formas  distintas  del  plural  en 
la  mayoria  de  los  nombres.  Puede  ser  que 
eso  se  deba  a  que  con  adjectives  que  expresan 
el  plural  no  se  usan  formas  distintas  o  a  que 
ya  se  hayan  olvidado  las  formas.  En  pocas 
palabras  encontre  la  reduplicaci6n : 

SINGULAR  PLURAL 

g'lazt  quig'lazqui'l    mujer 

cone't  cocone't     nino 

conebo'l  coconepo'l    criatura 

teque't  tetequetqui't     hombre 

La  terminaci6n  quit  que  tienen  dos  de  las 
palabras  que  mencione,  corresponde  a  que 
del  mexicano  clasico  y  es  terminaci6n  del 
plural  del  verbo  que  se  halla  frecuentemente: 

tiquazqui't    comemos 
quaguzqui't    vamos  a  lenar 
tmotezqui't    nos  veremos 
ecmoctiqui't     le  mataron 

FORMAS  POSESIVAS 

Son  muy  irregulares  las  formas  posesivas. 
La  terminacion  uh  del  mexicano  corresponde 
a  la  terminacion  u  en  Pochutla.  A  mi  parecer 
esa  era  la  terminaci6n  antigua  del  posesivo. 
Se  pronuncia  hui  sonido  que  se  ha  descrito 
(p.  n).  En  Pochutla  es  vocal  y  siendo  la 
ultima  silaba,  como  es,  siempre  lleva  el  acento. 
Solamente  cuando  la  raiz  termina  en  e  el 
acento  esta  en  la  penultima. 


16 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


Formas  en  u  con  acento  en  la  u: 

POCHUTLA             MEXICANO 

POCHUTLA           MEXICANO 

totoltzi'n                     nuestro  cura 

nob'lu'                       nopillo    mi  hijo 
notecu'                       notecuiyo     mi  padre 
notulu'                                     mi  atole 

noquaxa'xt                    —     mi  faja 
notepo'xt                    (notlapech)     mi  cama 
moco'ch                       moquech     tu  pescuezo 

nogiielu'                                mi  esposa 
nochibilu'                              tu  vulva 

icho'ch                       ichlchi    su  saliva 
noquanco'ck              mi  costal 

nocholu'                      mi  hermano 

noneque'z                  nonacaz    mi  oido,  oreja 

nonenepi'l                 nonenepil    mi  lengua 

noquatu                       *~°  ~*^~     mi  lauo 
nocomalu'                    nocomal     mi  comal 

noce'l                                     mi  pene 

nopanu'  (castel- 
lano)                                  mi  pan 

notupi'l                       mi  tenate 
nomi'l                        nomtt    mi  milpa 

notilanu'                    mi  gallina 
j      *     /  / 

nicu'l                         mi  nombre 
noibe'                         mi  hermana 

notumtnu   (y 

notumi'n)                mi  dinero 

iye'                             su    madre 

noznu'  (de  con)         mi  mazorca 

nopima'                        —     mi  hermana 

noxamu'  y  noxa'm     noxan     mi  tortilla 

nomai'                        noma     mi  mano 

nopayu'                                mi  rebozo 

noquai'                         noqua     mi  cabeza 

nolyu'                        noyollo    mi  coraz6n 

nocue'i                        nocue    mi  enagua 

nomelegu'                    nomalac     mi  huso 
nopcu'                        (nopcauh)     mi  hilo 

noxo'i                         noxo    mi  pie 
nixtotolu'                     nixtelolo     mi  ojo 

noxcu'                        nochcauh     mi  algod6n 
notachu'  (de 

Segun  la  lista  de  vocablos  parece  que  los 

tacho'm)                             mi  perro 

sustantivos  en  tzin  no  tienen  la  terminaci6n 

Formas  en  u  con  acento  en  la  penultima 
silaba: 

en  u,  y  que  no  es  frecuente  en  raices  que 
terminan    en    «.      Sustantivos    cuyas    raices 

terminan  en  una  vocal  no  pierden  la  i  en  las 

noat'be'u  (naf- 
be'u)                         naltpeuh     mi  pueblo 
nogiie'u                                  mi  marido 

formas  posesivas. 
La  contracci6n  de  la  vocal  del  pronombre 

nomeche'u                   mi  machete 

con  la  vocal  inicial  del  sustantivo  se  encuentra 

nocumpale'u 

cuando  el  sustantivo  principia  con  la  o: 

(castellano)             mi  compadre 

opque't    hilo               nopcu'     mi  hilo 

Formas  sin  terminaci6n: 

moxt    tu  una 

moxt                          mitte,mozte    tu  una 

oxque't     algodon        noxcu'     mi  algodon 

moi'x                         mix    tu  cara 
noxca't                                   mi  jiruru 

Los  sustantivos  que  principian  con  otras 

noye'c                        noyac     mi  nariz 

vocales   no   forman    contracciones   sino   que 

ixi'c                           ixic    su  ombligo 

son    irregulares,    encontrandose    formas    con 

notzo'c                       mi  camisa 

contracci6n  que  son  raras,  y  otras  sin  con- 

nomo'l                       nometl     mi  metate 
nob'te't,  nopo't           nopetl    mi  petate 

tracci6n  que  son  mas  frecuentes: 

mocu'm                       mocon     tu  cantaro 

at'be't     pueblo            noat'beu     mi  pueblo 

noquexqut'm              noquexquen     mi  huipil 

mat'beu     tu   pueblo 

notipe'n                     nitipan     mi  pecho 

ixt    cara                    moix    tu  cara 

note'n                        noten     mi  boca 

mixcuay    tu  frente  (Apo- 

notumi'n                    mi  dinero 

lonio  Rosario) 

notentzo'n                   notentzon     mi  barba 

ixtotolu'    ojo              mixtololu',  \   , 

mod'po'tz                   moteputz    tu  espalda 

'  >  tu  ojo 
moxlotolu    } 

nocha'n                       nochan     mi  casa 

etu'l    atole                motolu'    tu  atole 

noVltzi'n                    nopiltzin     mi  ahijado 

noapa'z     mi  olla 

notaltzi'n                    notatzin     mi  padrino 

noachu'     mi  semilla 

nonantzi'n                  nonantzin     mi  madrina 

noibe'     mi  hermana 

NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


El  plural  de  las  formas  posesivas  tiene  el 
sufijo  gam  (mex.  huan).  Una  vez  oi  gan,  seis 
veces  gam. 

mocholuga'm    tus  hermanos 
mob'luga'm    tus  hijos 

COMPOSICION   DE   LOS   NOMBRES 

El  diminutive  mas  frecuente  es  pol  (mex. 
pulh). 

cayupo'l    caballito     (de  cayu') 
taxpo'l    perrito     (de  tacho'm) 
g'lazpo'l     muchacha     (de  g'lazt) 
conepo'l    criatura     (de  cone't) 

El  diminutive  tun  (mex.  ton,  tontli)  se 
encuentra  solamente  en 

nixlu'n    pequeno 

El  reverencial  es  tzin  (mex.  tzin,  tzintli) 

totoltzi'n    el  cura 
motaltzi'n    tu  padrino 
monantzi'n     tu  madrina 
mob'ltzi'n    tu  ahijado 

Encontre  pocas  postposiciones : 
-c  en 

POCHUTLA  MEXICANO 

toque'lc  (iti'c  calco)    en  la  casa 

ato'k  fuera 

Las  otras  se  encuentran  solamente  con 
pronombres  posesivos: 

ito'c  itic    en 

ipe'n  sobre 

ite'nc  Man     debajo 

ixna'c  ixnauac    f  rente 

tacpa'c,  icpa'c  icpac    sobre 

PRONOMBRES 

Los  pronombres  del  verbo  intransitive  son: 


yo    ft — 

tu     t— 
el     - 


nosotros     t — 
vosotros     ? 
ellos     - 


Los  pronombres  del  verbo  reflexive  son: 


yo — me 
tu — te 

el— se 
nosotros — nos 


no — ,  nmo— 
to—? 
mo — 
tmo — 


Los  pronombres  del  verbo  transitive  son  : 

tu  —  me  tick  — 

el  —  me  nich  — 

yo  —  te  ntz  — 

el  —  te  motz  — 

yo  —  le  nc  — 

tu—  le  ti  — 

el—  le  c— 

Las  formas  de  la  segunda  persona  del  im- 
perative son  : 

Verbo  intransitive     tii  x  — 

Verbo  reflexive          tu  xo  —  ,  xmo  — 

Verbo  transitivo       tu  —  me  tick  — 

tu—  le  x— 

Es  un  rasgo  caracteristico  del  dialecto  de 
Pochutla,  que,  con  los  pronombres  transitivos 
no  se  usan  los  sujetos  del  intransitive,  sine 
que  formas  compuestas  indican  la  combina- 
ci6n  particular  del  sujeto  y  del  regimen  pro- 
nominal. Combinaciones  de  esta  clase  se 
encuentran  en  muchos  idiomas  americanos  y, 
por  esa  raz6n,  no  es  de  suponerse  que  las 
formas  de  Pochutla  se  desarrollaron  por  con- 
tracci6n  recente. 


tick  <  t  +  nech 
nich  <  nech 


ntz  <!  n  +  mitz 

motz  <  mitz 


En  el  verbo  reflexivo  tampoco  se  usan  los 
sujetos  del  verbo  intransitive,  sino  sujetos 
particulares  del  verbo  reflexivo.  Sin  embargo, 
lo  mismo  que  en  el  mexicano  clasico,  hay  otras 
formas  del  verbo  reflexivo  las  cuales  tienen 
el  prefijo  mo  con  los  sujetos  del  verbo  intran- 
sitive. 

Entre  el  pron>_  .nbre  y  el  verbo  se  encuentran 
ligaduras  que  no  se  explican  facilmente.  En 
muchos  verbos  no  hay  ligadura;  en  otros  se 
explica  la  ligadura  por  el  fonetismo  del  dia- 
lecto, pero  es  claro  que  hay  otras  causas  que 
la  determinen. 

Se  pueden  dar  las  reglas  siguientes  : 

La  t  de  la  segunda  persona  toma  una  liga- 
dura antes  de  las  consonantes  dentales  y  pala- 
diales.  Casi  siempre  la  ligadura  es  i. 

(tamota1)     tirar  titamote'c     tiraste 

tali'    poner  titali'z    pondras 

temoa'    buscar  titemoa'    buscas 

(tuca1)    sembrar  etituque'c    sembraste 


18 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


namocti'    casarse  tinamocti'    te  casas 

nutza'     llamar  tinutza'    llama* 

nqui    querer  tinqui'     quieres 

(tzecue')     cerrar  titzecue'    cierras 

(tzoma')    coser  titzome'z    coseras 

chua'    hacer  tichue'    haces 

quifa'    salir  tiquifa'     sales 

qua'    comer  tiqua'z    comes 

cua'    comprar  ticua'z    compras 

La  x  del  imperativo  toma  una  ligadura 
antes  de  las  consonantes  dentales,  continuas 
y  aspiradas,  y  antes  de  las  paladiales.  Casi 
siempre  la  ligadura  es  i. 


(falu1)     comprar 
(tzecue')     cerrar 
(tzupcua')     cortar 
tzulua'    sacudir 
che    esperar 
chua'    hacer 
quifa'    salir 
quixi'    sacar 
cua    comprar 
hulu'    pepenar 


xifalu'     jc6mpralo! 
xitzecue'     jcierralo! 
xilzupcue'     jcortalo! 
xitzulu'     jsacudelo! 
xiche'     jespera ! 
xichue'     jhaz! 
xiquice'     jsal! 
xiquixi'     jsacalo! 
xicue'     jc6mpralo! 
xihulii'     ipepenalo! 

En  otros  verbos  no  se  puede  dar  suficiente 
explicaci6n. 

pechua'    apretar          xipechu'     japri6talo! 
po    contar  xipo'     ;cuentalo! 

(mo?)     traer  ximoti'     janda,  traelo! 

mocti'    matar  ximocti'     jmatalo! 


pen  i 


ximanli'     jrie! 

xmamui'     jhana! 
xmoteque'     jacuestate! 
xmetze'     jsientate! 

La  c,  regimen  de  la  tercera  persona,  nunca 
toma  la  ligadura  i,  sino  o.  Las  demas  formas 
transitivas  excepto  t  y  x  toman  la  misma 
ligadura.  No  se  pueden  dar  reglas  que  indi- 
quen  cuando  se  toma  la  o.  Los  verbos  que 
toman  la  o  toman  la  ligadura  i  en  la  segunda 
persona  del  indicative  y  del  imperativo,  y  en 
la  primera  del  plural. 
bia'  tener  ncobia'  lo  tengo 


pua'  limpiar 
ma  tomar 

mama1  cargar 


encopu'c  lo  limpie' 
motzuma'  le  tomo 
nichuma'c  me  tomo 


tepoa'  abrir       ncolepo'c  lo  abri 
tuca'  sembrar  encotuque'c  lo 
sembr£ 


tibia'  lo  tienes 
tibialu't  tenemos 
xipue'  illmpialo! 
xima'  jtomalo! 

timama'c  lo  car- 

gaste 

xitepu'  jabrelo! 
etitutque'c  sem- 

braste 


tqui  llevar         ncotqui'  lo  lleve  xitco'  jllevalo! 

nqui  querer      nconqui'  quiero  tinqui'  quieres 

che  esperar       ntzochetuc'  estoy  xiche'  jespera! 

esperandote 

chua'  hacer      entzuchu'c  me  hiciste  xichue'  jhaz! 

cua' comprar    encocu'c  lo  compre  xicue'  jc6mpralo! 

ticue'z  compraras 
ctze  parar         ncoctze'c  lo  pare 

hulu'  pepenar  encuhulu'c  lo  pepene  xihulu'  ipepenalo! 

Sacanse 

ma    tomar  cmac    lo  tom6 

che    esperar          tixche'     iesperame! 

nchez    voy  a  esperar 
chua'    hacer          nixchua'    me  hace 

Dos  verbos  cuyas  raices  principian  probable- 
mente  con  i  toman  la  o  en  la  misma  posici6n. 

ita'    ver 

nichote'c    el  me  ve          tite'c    lo  viste 

tichota'     me  ves  xite'     jmira! 

ecote'c    lo  vi6,  etc. 
ilpi'    atar 

encolpi'c    lo  at6  tilpi'c    tii  lo  ataste 

xilpi'     jatalo! 

El  verbo  meca',  dar  siempre  toma  la  i. 


ntzimeca'    te  doy 
tichimeque'     jdame! 
nichime'c    61  me  di6 


motzimequi't    te  dieron 
timeca'     das 
ximeque'     jdaselo! 


No  estoy  seguro  si  es  de  la  misma  clase 

coxqui'    comez6n 

nicoxqui'    tengo  comez6n 

Un   niimero   pequeno  de  verbos    tiene   la 
ligadura  a. 

(peca')     lavar 

encape'c    lo  Iav6 

xapeque'     jlavalo! 
(pelua')     lamer 

encapelu'c     lo  laml 

xapelu'     jlamelo! 
(pitza1)     parir 

motzapi'zc    te  pari6  (pero  xipitze'  jsopla!) 
pig'li'    golpear 

capig'li'c     lo  golpeo 

napig'le'z    voy  a  golpear 

ntzapig'le'z    voy  4  golpearte 

tichapig'li'     jgolpeame! 

xapig'li'     ipegalo! 
(queua')     guardar 

caqueue'z     jve  a  guardarlo! 
(quana1)     rascar 

xaquane'     ;rascalo! 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


Excepto  las  formas  en  a  que  acabo  de  men- 

Ejemplos  de  los  pronombres  reflexives  y 

cionar,  la  n  de  la  primera  persona  nunca  toma 

transitivos  siguen: 

ligadura. 

Reflexives;  primera  forma: 

Hay  un  numero  de  verbos  que  tienen  la 
ligadura  o  en  la  segunda  persona.    Parece  que 

enopib'lu'c    me  envolvi          xopib'lu'     [envuelvete! 
nopina'     tengo  frio 

todos  son  intransitivos,  pero  no  es  clara  la 

xotepu'     i&brete! 

causa  que  produce  la  o.     No  creo  que  sea 
indicacion  de  una  forma  reflexiva. 

nocyeui'     estoy  cansado 
nofute'c     tengo  miedo 

noxixe'z     voy  a  mear 

tochuca'    tu  lloras        totactze'    hablas 

nococoa'     estoy  enfermo 

toquequi'  tu  oyes          toeueta'c     estas  viejo 

xucochoti'    \  vete  a  dormir  ! 

totaqua'c  tu  comiste     tounti'    estas  borracho 

enoya'c     me  escondi 

nod'mu'z     voy  a  bajarme      xod'mu'     jbijate! 

Ejemplos  de  formas  sin  ligadura  son  : 

Reflexives  ;  segunda  forma  : 

aue'c     se  mojo              naue'c     me  moje 

enmoteque'c     me  acoste           xmoteque'     jacuestate! 

ape'c    entro                 napeco'z    entrare 

enmohue'c  nen     me  bane         

aci'     encontrar             tichaci'     me  encuentras 

nmofute'     me  espante 

it?    decir                       ntzeti'c     le  dije 

enmoco'zc    me  levante            xmoctze'     ilevantate! 

ixmeti'    conocer           nquixmeti'     lo  conozco 

xmoyane'     iescondete! 

(ya)     ir                          niaz     ire 

tia'z     iras 

Transitivos: 

(penoa1)     pasar            epenu'c    pasaste 

tii  —  me 

petebi'     ayudar             mozpetebi'c     te  ayudo 

tichimeque'     jdamelo!      tixpechu'     japrietame! 

pechoa'    apretar          tixpechu'     japrietame! 

ticheli'c    dijiste                tixpetebi'     jayudame! 

ma     tornar                    cmac     lo  tomo 

ticholmeque'  jpasamelo!  tixnamig'li'     jvendemelo! 

meti'    saber                  cmetV    lo  se 
mexti'    ensenar            nmexti'z    ensenare 

tichapig'li'  ipegame         tixche'     jesperame! 
un  golpe! 

nixmexti'c    me  enseno 

el—  me 

metza'    sentarse           xmetze'     jsientate! 

nichuma'c    me  cogi6       nixmexti'c     me  ensen6 

modi'     matar                ecmoctiqui't     lo  mataron 

nichime'c     me  lo  dio        nixmocti'c     me  mato 

mamui'    bafiar            xmanui'     jbana! 
tapeca'     lavar               ntapeque'z     lavare 

nichimequi't  me  dieron    enixtacui'c     ya  me  pag6 
nifhota'     me  mira            nixtzupini'c    me  pic6 

tamota'    tirar               xtamote'     jtirelo! 

nicheti'c    me  dijo 

enctamote'c     lo  tire 

tatenli'     preguntar       ntatenli'z     preguntare 
xtatenl?     jpreguntale! 
tati'     quemar                xtati'     jquemalo! 
tacui'c    pago                enixtacui'c    me  pag6 

yo  —  te 

ntzaci'     te  encuentro       ntzimeca'     te  doy 
ntzapig'le'z  voy  a  pegar  ntzoche'     te  espero 
te  un  golpe                   ntzeti'c    te  dije 

temi'    acabar               enctemi'c    lo  acabe 

el  —  te 

xtemi'     jacabalo! 

motzapizc     te  pario          moztemutu'c     estan 

tecu'    subir                   ntecu'z    subire 

motzuma'    te  coge               buscandote 

xtecu'     jsube! 

mozmexti'     te  enseno       motzeti'c    te  dijo 

namig'li'     vender         tixnamig'li'     ivendeme! 

motzimequi't    te  dieron 

namoct    casarse           encnamocti'c    lo  case 

yo  —  lo 

tzaua'    hilar                 ntzaue'z    hilare 

ncobia'     lo  tengo              encapelu'c     lo  lame 

tzupini'     picar              niztzupini'c     me  pico 

ncotepo'c    lo  abrf             enctemi'c    lo  acabe 

tzulu'    sacudir             entzulu'c    sacudf 

ncotqui'     lo  lleve              enctamote'c     lo  tire 

die    esperar                 nchez    voy  a  esperar 

encape'c    lo  lave              nconqui'   lo  quiero 

chua'     hacer                 nixchua'    me  hace 

tu—  lo 

chuca'     llorar                nchuca'     lloro 

timama'c     lo  cargaste      timeca'     se  lo  das 

qua     comer                    nquaz     comere 

tinqui'     lo  quieres            tichua'     lo  haces 

guala'c    venir               nola'c    vine 

ticue'z     compraras            tiqua'z     lo  comes 

tola'c    veniste 

iite'c     lo  viste 

20 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


61— lo 

ecote'c    lo  vi6  cmac    lo  tom6 

caqueue'z  va  a  guardarlo    ecmoctiqui't    lo  mataron 

EL   PLURAL  DEL   VERBO 

Ya  se  han  mencionado  los  plurales  en  quit 

(p.  15)- 

Hay  otra  forma  que  se  encuentra  solamente 
en  la  primera  persona  del  plural.  Me  parece 
muy  probable  que  esa  sea  la  forma  impersonal 
que  tiene  el  sufijo  lo  en  el  mexicano  clasico. 

tibialu't    tenemos 
tuilu't    nos  vamos 
tuitzelu't    venimos 
untilu't    estdmos  borrachos 
tichulu't    haremos 

FORMACI6N   DEL   PRETERITO 

Los  verbos  del  mexicano  clasico  que  termi- 
nan  en  el  preterito  con  el  sonido  final  de  la 
raiz,  anaden  en  el  dialecto  de  Pochutla  c  a  la 
raiz. 

POCHUTLA  Y  MEXICANO  MEXICANO 

Raiz                Preterito  Presente 

pitz-  pizc   (pitz)     nacer  pitza 

ma  mac   (ma)     tomar  ma 

mama'  mama'c   (mama)     cargar  mama 

torn-  tome   (ton)    desatar  toma 

quiz-  quizc    (quiz)     salir  qui$a 

cotz-  coze  y  ctzec   (quetz)     levantar  quetza 

cyeu-  cye'uc   (ciauh)     cansar  ciaui 

cu-  cue   (couh)     comprar  coa 

pu-  puc   (pouh)     limpiar  pout 

chu-  chuc   (chiuh)     hacer  chiua 

otz-  ozc   (uetz)    caer  uetzi 

cock-  coxc   (cock)     dorrnir  cochi 

quec-  quec    (cac)     oir  cachi 

patan-  pala'nc   (patlan)     volar  patlani 

molun  molu'nc    (molon)     hervir  moloni 

xaman-  xama'nc   (xantan)     quebrar  xamani 

caxan-  caxa'nc   (caxan)     sanar  caxani 

temi-  temc   (tlan)     acabar  tlami 

moyan-  moya'c   (yan)     esconderse  yana 

apec-  apec    entrar 

En  esa  clase  se  encuentran  los  verbos  en  oa 
del  mexicano  clasico  cuyas  raices  terminan 
en  d,  y  los  en  ia  cuyas  raices  terminan  en  i. 

pelu-  pelu'c   (polo)     lamer  paloa 

pib'lu-        pib'lu'c   (pipilo)     envolver        pipiloa 


POCHUTLA  Y  MEXICANO  MEXICANO 

Raiz                   Preterito  Presente 

polu-  polu'c   (polo)     perder  poloa 

tepu-  tepo'c   (tlapo)    abrir  tlapoa 

tzulu-  tzulu'c   (tzolo)     sacudir  tzoloa 

hulu-  hulu'c    pepenar 

ixque'  ixque'c    (ixqui)     asar  ixquia 

mexti'  mexti'c   (maxti)    ensenar  maxtia 

modi'  mocti'c   (micti)     matar  mictia 

mamui'  mamui'c    banar 

tati'  tate'c   (tlati)     quemar  tiatia 

tali'  tali'c   (tlali)     poner  tlalia 

temi'  temi'c   (tlami)     acabar  tlamia 

namocti'  namocti'c   (namicti)     casarse    namictia 

tzupini'  tzupini'c   (tzupini)     picar  tzupinia 

quixi'  quixi'c    sacar 

tipi'  ilpi'c   (Upi)    atar  ilpia 

iti'  iti'c   (ito)     decir  tioa 

Los  verbos  cuyas  raices  terminan  en  d  son 

tambien  de  esa  clase : 


qua 


quac   (qua)     comer 


I/mi 


Los  verbos  cuyas  raices  terminan  en  c  y  que 
toman  ac  en  mexicano,  no  toman  sufijo  en 
Pochutla. 


pec- 
mee- 

y  talvez 
apec- 


pec   (pac  y  pacac)     lavar 
mec   (macac)     dar 

ape'c    entrar 


paca 
maca 


Los  verbos  del  mexicano  clasico  que  anaden  c 
a  la  a  del  presente,  o  a  la  o  (sin  saltillo)  de 

la  raiz,  anaden  en  Pochutla  c  a  la  e  del  im- 
perative. 

Imp.  Preterito  Presente 

(ule'c   (ifotlac)     vomitar  ifotla 

mote'  mote'c   (motlac)     tirar  motla 

mohue'        mohue'e    banar 

tayue'c   (tlayoac)     oscurecer  ttayoa 

tie1  ite'c   (ittac)     ver  itta 

teque'          teque'c   (tecac)     acostarse  teca 

tuque'c    (tocac)     sembrar  toca 
nuque'c     decir 

fute'  (ute'c   (fotlauac)     espantarse  fotlaua 

penu'c   (panoc)     pasar  pano 

d'mu  d'muc   (temoc)     bajar  temo 

Verbos  que  en  el  mexicano  clasico  terminan 
en  i  y  toman  la  c,  en  Pochutla  cambian  la  i 
que  llega  a  ser  o. 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


21 


POCHUTLA  Y  MEXICANO              MEXICANO 

POCHUTLA                    MEXICANO 

Presente           Preterito                               Presente 

yequi'                                Hover 

aci              afo'c   (acic)     encontrar               act 

nqui                                   nequi    querer 

ecso'c   (icucic)     cocer                   icuci 

tqui                                     (tequiti)     llevar 

tatzi'            tatzo'c    (tzatzicl)     gritar               tzatzii 

calamqui'                          acordarse 

cug'K'         cug'lu'c    hace  frio 

d'mu                                 temo    bajar 

Los  verbos  cuyas  raices  terminan  con  una 

FORMACI6N   DEL   PRESENTE 

consonante  y  que  toman  i  en  el   mexicano 

clasico,  toman  el  mismo  sufijo  en  Pochutla. 

Los  verbos  que  terminan  en  a  en  el  mexi- 

Raiz                           Presente 

cano  clasico,  tienen  la  misma  terminaci6n  en 

caxan-   (caxan-)            caxani'   (caxani)      sanar 

Pochutla. 

quec-   (cac-)                   quequi'   (caqui)        oir 

Raiz                           Presente 

torn-   (torn-)               toma'   (toma)               desatar 

Los  en  e  en  el  dialecto  de  Pochutla  no  toman 

nutz-    (notz-)             nutza'   (notza)              llamar 

sufijos  aunque  en  el  mexicano  clasico  tomen  a. 

mec-   (mac-)              meca'   (maca)              dar 

POCHUTLA               MEXICANO 

tayu-   (tlayo-)            tayua'   (tlayoa)            obscurecer 
it-   (»'«-)                     ita'   (itta)                     ver 

eke                                 chia                           esperar 

nuc-                           nuca'                            decir 

fute'                               fatlaua                     espantarse 

chu-   (chiuk-)            chua'     (china)             hacer 

chuc-   (choc-)             chuca'   (choca)             llorar 

FORMACI6N    DEL    IMPERATIVO   Y  DEL    FUTURO 

quiz-    (quiz-)              quifa'    (quifa)              salir 
cuizc-                           cuizca'                           tirar 

El   imperative  de  todos  los  verbos  cuyo 

cotz-    (quetz-)             ctza   (quetza)                levantar 

presente  toma  el  sufijo  a,  toma  e;  y  el  future 

temo-   (temo-)            temoa'   (temoa)            buscar 

se  forma  anadiendole  z  al  imperative. 

teto-   (Oatb-)              tetoa'   (tlatoa)               bramar 
tag'lu-   (cuild-)          tag'lua'   (cuiloa)          escribir 
cu-   (couh-)                cua'   (coa)                    comprar 

POCHUTLA                  MEXICANO 
Imperative    Future             Presente 

apitze'z            apitza               purgar 

Raices  que  terminan  en  d  no  toman  a  en  el 

moyane'          moyane'z         yana                 esconderse 

presente. 

peque'             peque'z             paca                  lavar 

r 

pitze'                                     pitza                 soplar 

Raiz                        Presente 

poxque'z           pixca                pizcar 

ma-   (ma-)                 ma   (ma)                     tomar 

melze'             metze'z                                     sentarse 

mama-    (mama-)       mama   (mama)            cargar 

meque'                                   maca                 dar 

qua-    (qua-)                qua    (qua)                     comer 

mote'              mote'z              motla                tirar 

mohue'            mohue'z                                   bafiar 

Las  raices  en  I  que  toman  a  mexicano,  no 

tachapane'      tlachpana          barrer 

tienen  sufijo  en  Pochutla. 

He'                  ite'z                  itta                    ver 

teque'              teque'z              teca                   acostarse 

Raiz                          Presente 

tome'              tome's              toma                 desatar 

machfi-              mexti   (machtia)                  ensenar 

tuquf'z             toca                   sembrar 

namicA-            namocti'   (namictia)            casarse 

nuque'z                                      decir 

tzopini-             tzupini'   (tzopinia)               picar 

xixe'z               xixa                  mear 

tziiini-               tzilini'   (tzilinia)                 sonar 

tzaue'z              tzaua                  hilar 

tzome'z             tzoma                coser 

Otros  verbos  cuyas  raices  terminan  en  i  y  o 

che                 chez                 chia                  esperar 

sin  saltillo  no  tienen  sufijos,  ni  en  el  mexicano 

chue'                                      chiua                hacer 

clasico  ni  en  Pochutla. 

quane'                                                            rascar 

queue'             queue'z                                     guardar 

POCHUTLA                  MEXICANO 

quice'              quice'z             qui$a                salir 

aci'                                   aci    encontrar 

cuique'                                   cuica                 cantar 

tatti'                                 tzatzi  (?)     gritar 

ctze                 ctzez                 quetza                levantar 

22 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


Verbos  cuyas  raices   terminan  en  o,    o,   i 

POCHUTLA                           MEXICANO 

en  el  mexicano  clasico  no  toman  sufijo  en  el 

Presente    Imp.     Futuro      Preterite     Presente 

imperative,  y  anaden  2  a  la  raiz  en  el  future. 

calamqui'  calamco'z  acordarse 

cocho'z       cochi  dormir 

POCHUTLA                   MEXICANO 
Imperative     Futuro           Presente 

cug'li'        cug'lu'c        hacer  frio 
(apequi')   apeco'  apeco'z      ape'c            entrar 

paxalu'z                                   pasearse 

pechu'                                   pechoa               apretar 
pelu'                                      paloa                lamer 

FORMACI6N    DEL    IMPERFECTO 

pib'lu'                                   pipiloa              envolver 
tepu'                                      tiapoa               abrir 
telu'z                tlaloa                correr 

El  imperfecto  se  forma  anadiendo  el  sufijo 
ya  al  imperative. 

tziilu'                                     tzoloa                sacudir 

nuca'                       nuqueya'    decfa 

hulu'                                                              pepenar 

act'                          ntzafoya'    te  encontraba 

tecu'               tecu'z               tttco                  subir 

(otzi1)                        otzoya'     cata 

d'mu              d'muz              temo                  bajar 

nqui                          nconcoya'     lo  queria 

petebi'                                                            ayudar 

Hi'                           nichitiya'    me  decfa 

pig'li'             pig'le'z                                     golpear 

bia'                          ncobeya'    lo  tenfa 

mexti'z             machtia             ensenar 

mocti'                                       niictiu                 mat.ir 

FORMAS  COMPUESTAS  CON  LOS  VERBOS  DE   IR, 

tnatnui'                                                              banar 

tatenli'            tatenli'z            tUMania            preguntar 

VENIR   Y   ESTAR 

tali'                                          tlatia                  quemar 

Encontre  dos  formas  del  "Gerundio"  con 

tali'                tali'z                tlalia                 poner 
/(•»;/'                                         tlnmiii                acabar 

"ir,"  el  imperative  y  el  preterite.    El  impera- 

lotoqui'                                 toquia.               atizar 

tive  tiene  el  sufijo  ti  (mexicano  ti). 

namig'li'        (namaquiltia)   vender 

ximoti'  at    i  trae  agua  ! 

namocti'z          namictia            casarse 

xlag'luti'    ivete  a  escribir! 

quixi'             quixi'z             quixia               sacar 

xtemuti'     ianda,  buscalo! 

ilpi'                ilpi'z                iipia                 atar 

xtaquali'     ivete  a  comer! 

xamani'z          xamani             quebrar 

xicueti'     ivete  a  comprar! 

Los  verbos  cuyas  raices  terminan  con  una 

xucochoti'    ianda,  duerme! 

consonante  y  toman  i  en  el  presente,  tienen  el 

El  preterite  tiene  el  sufijo  tu  (mexicano  lo). 

sufijo  z  en  el  future.    No  pude  apuntar  im- 

tyac paxalutu'    fuiste  a  pescar 

peratives  de  ese  grupo. 

yac  tapequelu'     fu6  a  lavarlo 

POCHUTLA                   MEXICANO 

yac  mamuitu'     fu6  a  banar 

Future                         Presente 
pata'nz                         patlani                       volar 

Tengo  solamente  el  imperative  del  gerundio 
con  "venir,"  que  tiene  el  sufijo  qui  (mexicano 

Los  verbos  cuyas  raices  terminan  en  i  sin 

qui). 

saltillo  la  cambian  en  o  en  el  imperative  y 

xtaquaqui'     i  vente  a  comer! 

future  (vease  el  mismo  cambio  en  el  preterite, 

p.  20). 

En  el  perfecto  siempre  se  usa  el  gerundio  con 

POCHUTLA                            MEXICANO 

"ir"  en  vez  del  con  "venir." 

Presente    Imp.       Futuro      Preterite       Presente 

enola'c  nlzimequetu'    vine  a  darte 

ig'to'z        iguiti      tejer 

enola'c  tixtacuetu'     vine  para  que  me  pagues 

yequi'        yeco'z        Hover 

Las  formas  en     tuc   (mexicano  ti  +  oc)  se 

WICCQO      sc^o  c              t^na       coccr 

usan  mucho. 

tatzi'                                          tatzo'c             tz&tzif    gritar 

tofo'       tofo'z         teci         moler 

nlapolu'c     estoy  contando 

tqui            tco                                                  (tequiti)  llevar 

tatzotu'c    esta  gritando 

nqui           •       ncoz                                 nequi    querer 

tag'lutu'c    esta  escribiendo 

NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


moztemutu'c     estan  buscandote 
ntatzontu'c     estoy  cosiendo 
cocoxlu'c     esta  durmiendo 
enquig'totu'c     estoy  tejendolo 
titzintu'c     esta  naciendo 
ntzochetu'c     estoy  esperandote 
quiztu'c    esta  saliendo 
ntacuiquetu'c    esta  cantando 
tacoztu'c     esta  platicando 
moluntu'c    esta  hirviendo 

Todas  las  formas  anaden  el  sufijo  al  impera- 
tive. 

PREFIJO   DEL   PRETERITO 

El  preterite  toma  el  prefijo  e  (mexicano  o) 
el  cual  prefijo  no  se  junta  firmemente  con  el 
verbo. 

enopib'lu'c    ya  me  cubri 
etapig'le'c     golpeo 
encupu'c     lo  limpie 
enola'c    vine 
enctamole'c    ya  lo  tire 
ecmoctiqui't    ya  lo  mataron 

REDUPLICACI6N 

Ya  se  mencionaron  los  plurales  de  sustan- 
tivos  que  reduplican  la  primera  silaba. 
Ejemplos  de  verbos  frecuentativos  con  redu- 
plicaci6n  son : 

pib'loa    envolverse 

totoqui'    atizar 

tutuca'    correr 

cocoxtu'c    esta  durmiendo 

Tambien  debemos  mencionar 
yidicytdi'c    despacio 

VERBOS    IRREGULARES 

Encontre  las  formas  siguientes  del  verbo 
irregular  ui  irse. 

POCHUTLA  MEXICANO 

nui'  niauh    me  voy 

tui'  tiauh    te  vas 

ui'  yauh    se  va 

tui'  tiaui,  tiui    nos  vamos 

ui'  yauih,  iuh    se  van 

unya'c  onia    me  fui 

tia'c,  tui'c  olia    te  fuiste 

uya'c  oya    se  fue 


POCHUTLA 

nyaz 
tui'z 


MEXICANO 
niaz    ire 
tiaz    iras 


ma  xiauh     jvete! 

niaya    iba 

(de  u-iloa)     vamos 


nuaya 

tuelu't 

euelu't    ya  se  fueron 

nyan    vaya  yo 

Por  ejemplo 

nen  nyan  cocho'z    vaya  yo  a  dormir 
nyan  tofo'z     vaya  yo  a  moler 
anya'n  patani'     vaya  el  a  volar 

Encontre  pocas  formas  del  verbo  ui'tz,  venir. 
nui'tz  ninuitz     vengo 

tui'tz  tiuitz    vienes 

ui'tz  uitz    viene 

VERBO  GUALAC,  VENIR 

nola'c  oniuala    vine 

lola'c  otiula    veniste 

guala'c  ouala     vino 

tolaqui't  otiualaque     venimos 

leca'  (xinalacan  ?)     jvente! 

COMPOSICION 

Encontre  un  niimero  pequeno  de  vocables 
que  demuestran  que  los  metodos  de  com- 
posicion  del  dialecto  de  Pochutla  y  del  de 
Mexico  eran  iguales. 

POCHUTLA  MEXICANO 

Sustantivos  • 

quaxilu't 

(<  quagut  +  xilu't) 
tentzo'n 

(<  ten  +  tzon) 
eluxa'mt 

«  elu't  +  xami) 
tequagu't 

«  let   +  quagu't) 
at'be't ' 

«  all  +  t'bet) 
ixquai' 


coaxilotl    platano 
lentzonlli    barba 

tortilla  de  elote 

tizon 


(<  ixt  +  quait) 
Sustantivos  y  verbos 
ixmeti' 

«  ixt  +  meti') 
taquechua' 

(<  tequet   +  chua) 


altepetl    pueblo 
ixquaitl    frente 


iximati    conocer 
tlacachiua    parir 


1  No  oigo  yo  la  I,  aunque  en  el  vocabulario  de  Apolonio  Rosario 
se  encuentra. 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


POCHUTLA 
Verbos  y  adverbios 
olmeti' 

(<  ol  +  meti) 
olmeca' 

(<  ol  +  meca') 

Verbos 

quafonqui' 

(<  quaz  +  nqui) 


MEXICANO 


ualmati    irse  a  ver 

pasar,   dar    (movi- 

miento  por  aca) 


quaznequt     quiero  comer, 

tengo  hambre 
calamqui'  (?   +  nqui)  acordarse 


VOCABULARIO 


ABREVIATURAS 


A  Andrea  Castillo 

El  Eleuterio  Avesilla 

Ep  Epifanio  Pina 

Es  Estanislao  Pina 

F  Feliciana 

Fr  Francisca 

I  Ines  Vazquez 

Jo  Joaquina 

pr.  presente 
p.  preterito 
f.  future 


M     Mauricia  Riquel 
Mr  Maria  Trinidad 
P      Paula  Nicha 

Pe    Pedro  Marcelino 

Pastor 
S      Sabina  Martinez 


imp.  imperative 
impf.  imperfecto 
ger.  gerundio 


POCHUTLA-CASTELLANO 

ayago'  (mex.  ayac)  no  hay  F  M  P  S 

az  nui'  Uetu'l  ampa  ayago'  tumi'n    no  me 
voy  a  Huatulco  porque  no  hay  dinero  F  M 
quineba'  ayagoai'    no  esta  aquf  S 
ayago'  nintega'    no  hay  nada  F  M 
ite  ayago'  moye'?     jno  estd  tu  madre?  S 
ayu't  (mex.  ayotl)     tortuga  F  M 
ay  te1  (mex.  aya  tie)     jno!  A  I  Es  Mr  P  S 

(hayte  Apolonio  Rosario) 
ay  te',  tiome'n    no,  despues  I 
ay  te',  az  nui'     no,  no  me  voy  A 
ay  te',  az  nococoa'    no,  no  estoy  enfermo 

MrS 
ay   te',  COMPADRE   J     jbuenos   dias,   com- 

padre!  (?) 

aue'c  (vease  mex.  uacqui)     mojarse  M  Mr  S. 
Vease  uac.     Segiin  esa  forma  la  a  de 


uacqui  SECO  es  larga,  la  de  uaqui  MOJARSE 

breve 

a$o'c  aue'c    mucho  se  moj6  S 
naue'c    me  moje  S 
aueque't  (mex.  ahuacatl)     aguacate  S 
apa'zt  (mex.  apaztli)    olla  A  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
noapa'z    mi  olla  Fr  Jo 
exama'nc  napa'zt    se  quebr6  la  olla  S 
apeco',  imp.;  eyape'c,   ape'c;  apeco'z    entrar 

AFM  Mr  PS 
ape'c  ce  ui'zti  noxo'i    me  entr6  una  espina 

en  el  pi6. 

eyape'c  ito'c  quagu'l    ya  entr6  en  la  carcel  P 
eyape'c  ogue'l    ya  entr6  la  noche  Mr  S 
eyape'c  tune'l    ya  se  ha  puesto  el  sol  P 
nebape'c  (<neba'  ape'c)     aquf  entr6  S 
xapeco'     jentra!  A  F  M  S 
nui'  napeco'z    voy  a  entrar  S 
apitze'z  f.  (mex.  apitza)     purgar 

nui'  napitze'z    voy  a  purgar 
apoto'ct  (mex.  ipotoctli)     humo  Mr  S 
ame't  (mex.  amatl)     papel  S;  carta  S 
a'mpa  (mex.  ipampa)     porque  AFM  Mr  P  S 
xmuyane'    ampa    moztemutu'c      esc6ndete 

porque  te  estan  buscando  S 
az  nyac  ampafo'c  (<  ampa  aqo'c)  nichota' 

noguelu'    no  me  fui  porque  mucho  me 

mir6  mi  marido  P 
naco'  igile'n  uya'c.  Iteca'?  ampaqo'c  chuca' 

ib'lu'      hace     poco     tiempo     se     fue. — 

iPor  que? — Porque  llora  su  hijo  P 
nonocoa'  noliu'  a'mpa  emo'c  nob'lu'    me  duele 

el  coraz6n  porque  se  muri6  mi  hijo  F  M 
mue'n  tui'  a'mpa  tibia'  tumi'n     tu  te  vas 

porque  tienes  dinero  F  M 
nen    unya'c   a'mpa    naguaqonqui'     me    fui 

porque  tengo  hambre  M  Mr  S 
Iteca'?  a'mpa  az  ncobia'  tumi'n    <;por  qu6? — 

Porque  no  tengo  dinero  P 
at  (mex.  dtl)     agua  F  Jo  M  Mr  S  (ad  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
ate'n  (mex.  atentli)  rio  F  Jo  M  P  S  (adem 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
antu'  ate'n     jvamonos  al  rio!  S 
tutuca'  ca  xue'  ate'n;  que  pronto  vayas  al 

rio!  F  M 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,      OAXACA 


at'be't  (mex.  Sltepetl)     pueblo  Mr  S  (altibet 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

noat'be'u    mi  pueblo  S 

mat'be'u    tu  pueblo  S 

(alvuna    mar,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
ato'mt  (mex.  atemitl)     piojo  S 
ato'lc    fuera  F  M  P  S 

malo'lc  (<  ma  ato'lc)     alii  fuera  P  S 

tiquiqa'  mato'lc     i sales  fuera?  S 

xiquice'  mato'lc     jsale  fuera!  S 

ma  guet  ato'lc    esta  fuera  F  M 
anye'n  (?)  (vease   ui'    irse) 

anye'n  nui'  Uaxe'c    no  he  ido  a  Oaxaca  S 

anye'n  totoqua'c     ino  has  comido?    S 
antu'     jvamonos!  A  Es  F  Fr  I  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 

antu'  totaqua'z     jvamonos  a  comer!  A  P 

antu'  leca'     jvamonos  pronto!  F  M  (vease 
leca'    venir) 

antu'  pa  tocha'n     jvamonos  a  nuestra  casa ! 

Jo 

az    no  A  F  Fr  I  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
az  nui'    no  me  voy  I  M  Mr  S 
az  ncobia'  teyu'l    no  tengo  maiz  P 
az  tinqui'    no  quieres  P  S 
az  ncota'    no  lo  ve  F  M 
te  az  tiba'  ce  tila'n     ino  tienes  un  polio?  S 
ni  az  nui'z  naco',  quago'  nui'tz    si  no  vengo 

ahora,  vengo  manana  S 
xite'  na  conebo'l  que  az  chuque'     jmira  al 

nino  que  no  llore!    F  M 
ay  te',  az  nococoa'    no,  no  estoy  enfermo 

MrS 

aci';   aqo'c;   a$oya'  (mex.  aci)     encontrar 
si  az  tui'  naco'  nime'n  az  caci'    si  no  te  vas 

orita,  no  lo  encuentres  (caci',  sin  sujeto 

de  la  segunda  persona)  Mr 
ma  ntzaci'    alii  te  encuentro  S 
neba'  tichaci'    aqui  me  encuentras  S 
encago'c    ya  lo  encontre  F  M  S 
tigo'n    nonago'c    neba',    ntzochetu'c    llegue 

aqui,  estoy  esperandote  S 
ntzaQoya'     te  encontraba  S 
ago'c  (mex.  a$o)     mucho,  muy  A  F  Fr  I  Jo 

M  Mr  P  S  (asot,  asoc  Apolonio  Rosario) 
aQo'c  tamoca'  noliu'     mucho  me  duele  el 

coraz6n  F  P 


ago'c  tacho'm  unyo'c  neba'    aqui  hay  muchos 

perros  S 

aqo'c  unti'    muy  borracho  S 
a$o'c  unyo'c    hay  muchos  Mr  S 
aqo'c   unyo'c   cue't     hay    muchas   culebras 

FM 

achiquelo'm  P  S,  azquelo'm  F  M     camar6n 
(axt)  noachu'  (mex.  achtli)     mi  semilla  Fr  Jo 
ah  na  (mex.  auh  ini)     entonces 

te  tichemeca',  ah  na  nui'    dame  cosa,  enton- 
ces me  voy  M  S 
ac  (mex.  ac)     iquien?  F  M  P  S 

ac  totactza'     icon  quien  hablas?  F  M 

ac  nacona'     iquien  es  ese?  P  (ac  nacona 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
ac  nuca'     iquien  dijo  eso?  F  M 
ac  mozmexti'  LA  IDIOMA     iquien  te  ensen6 

el  idioma?  S 

ac  mozpetebi'c     iquien  te  ayud6?  S 
nue'n  tite'z  ac  timeca'  veras  a  quien  le  des  S 
(agueneumi,  andar,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
aque't  (mex.  acatl)     carrizo  S 
algua'  (mex.  yalhua)     ayer  M  Mr  S  (algua 

Apolonio  Rosario) 

algua'  tolaqui't    manana  vendremos  S 
eyo'm  (mex.  yei)     tres  Ep  M  Mr  S  oyo'm  A 

(eyom  Apolonio  Rosario) 
eyu't  (mex.  ayotli)    calabaza    F    Fr  Jo   M 

(eyud  Apolonio  Rosario) 
eueta'c  (mex.  huehue)     esta  viejo  F  M  (eguetac 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
ac,o'c  toeueta'c    estas  muy  viejo  P 
eti'  (mex.  etic)     pesado  M  Mr  S 

az  eti',  nen  cotqui'    no  esta  pesado,  puedo 

llevarlo  S 
eliote'c    P,    teote'c    P    (mex.    teotlac)     tarde 

(eyudeu  Apolonio  Rosario) 
nui'  a'mpa  aQo'c  etiote'    me  voy  porque  es 

muy  tarde  P 

ago'c  etiote' 'c    ya  es  muy  tarde  P 
etu'l  (mex.  atolli)     atole  F  I  M  Mr  S 

motolu'     tu  atole  Mr  S 
ezt  (mex.  eztli)     sangre    F  M   (est  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
(escocul,  arco,  Apolonio  Rosario) 


26 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


(mex.  icucic)     cocido,  maduro  M  Mr  S 
mecqo'     jcuecelo!  S 
elu't  (mex.  elotl)     elote  Mr  S 
iye'c  (mex.  lyac)     apesta  A 

iye'c  tacho'm    apesta  el  perro  A 
ita'   pr.;    ite'  imp.;    ite'c   p.;    ite'z  f.    (mex. 

itta)     ver  A  F  I  M  Mr  P  S 
xte  ce  cue't     jmira,  una  culebra!  M  Mr  S 
xite'     jmira!  A 

xite'  na  conebo'l     jmira,  el  nino!  F  M 
nichota'    el  me  mira  P 
tichota'     tii  me  miras  F  M 
ecote'c    ya  lo  vi6  F  M 
az  tite'c     ,jno  lo  viste?  S 
az  tichote'c     ^no  me  viste?  S 
az  nichote'c     ^no  me  vi6?  P 
encote'c    ya  lo  vf  P 
nui'  ncote'z    voy  a  verlo  S 
mue'n  tite'z    vas  a  verlo  S 
tite'z    ya  veras  I 

nen  ncote'z  nomi'l    voy  a  ver  mi  milpa  P 
nui'  ncote'z   nocoMPALE'w    voy  a  ver    mi 

compadre  I 
ite'nc  (mex.  itlan)     debajo  S 

ite'nc  apa'zt    debajo  de  la  olla  S 
iti,  eti;  iti'c  p. ;  itiya'  impf .  (mex.  Itoa)     decir 

M  Mr  PS 

igue'n  nicheti'    ella  me  dijo  P 
te  motzeti'c     ique  te  dijo?     M  Mr  S 
te  ticheti'c     ique  me  dijiste?  S 
az  ntzeti'c  az  monamocti'     ^no  te  dije  que 

no  te  cases?  S 

ue'  na  ntzeti'c  eso  es  lo  que  le  dije  S 
nicheti'c  noye'  me  dijo  mi  madre  S 
nichitiya'  noye'  na  IDIOMA  me  hablaba  mi 

madre  el  idioma  S 
igue'n  (mex.  yehuatl)  el  F  M  P  (iguin  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
az   conqui'gue'n    (<conquir  igue'n)     el   no 

quiere  F 

igue'n  nicheti'    ella  me  dijo  P 
(iuit  ?)   noibe'   (mex.  icuitl   ?)   mi  hermana. 

Talvez  se  debe  escribir  noiue'  en  vez  de 

noibe' 
ina'   (mex.  inin)     este  A  S   (inac  Apolonio 

Rosario) 


quet  MAS  BUENO  ina'  o  nami'n     <|esta  mejor 

6ste  o  £se?  S 
ina'  conebo'l  quixi'c  itecu'    este  muchacho 

es  parecido  a  su  padre  S 
ina'  neque't  quet  MANIDU     esta  carne  esta 

manida  S 
inane'l   teque't   ago'c   picho't    este  hombre 

esta  muy  viejo  A 
entzute'c  p.  (mex.  i$otla)     vomitar  S 

entzute'c  na  conebo'l    vomit6  el  nino  S 
(ixt)  moi'x  (mex.  ixtli)     tu  cara  Mr  S  (mix 

Apolonio  Rosario) 

(mixcuay  [<ixt  +  quait]     tu   f  rente,   Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 
ixi'c    semejante,  parecido  Mr  S 

ina'  conebo'l  quixi'c  itecu'    este  muchacho 

es  parecido  a  su  padre  S 
ac.o'c  ixi'c  itecu'     muy  parecido  a  su  padre 

Mr 
(ixtotolu't)    (mex.   ixtololdtli)     ojo    F    M    Mr 

Pa  P  S  (extodolu  Apolonio  Rosario) 
noxtotolu'     mi  ojo  F  M  Mr  P  Pa 
nixtotolu'    mi  ojo  S 
ixtotolu'    su  ojo  F  M 

ixna'c  (mex.  ixnauac)     frente.     Vease  nac 
xmoteque'  ixna'c  quagu't     jacuestate  frente 

al  banco !  S 
ixque'  imp.;  ixque'c  p.  (mex.  ixquia)  asar  M 

MrS 

xixque'  jasalo!  M  Mr  S 
xixque'  na  quaxilu't  PA  tiquazqui't    asa  el 

platano  para  que  lo  comamos  S 
enoxque'c    ya  esta  asado  M  Mr  S 
ic  (mex.  ic)     ,/cuando?  A  F  M  Mr  S 
ic  tui'z     ^cuando  te  vas?  F  M 
ic  tinamocte'     icuando  te  casas?  Mr  S 
ic  tola'c     icuando  vinieron?  S 
icualgua1 ',  igualgua' '(?)    an  tier  M  MrS.    V6ase 

algua 
(icoz-)  (mex.  quiquic,oa  ?)     chiflar  S 

nen  nicoztu'c    estoy  chiflando 
icpa'c  (mex.  icpac)     sobre  S 
icpa'c  nomi'l     en  mi  milpa 
tacpa'c     sobre 

ig'ti' ;  ig'to'z  f . ;  ig'totu'c  (mex.  iquiti)     tejer  S 
tui'  tig'to'z    vas  a  tejer  S 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO      DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


nui'  nig'to'z  ce  tzoct    voy  a  tejer  un  pano  S 
enquig'totu'c    estoy  tejiendolo  S 
ilpi'  imp. ;  ilpi'c  p. ;  ilpi'z  f .  (mex.  ilpia)     atar 

M  MrS 

xilpi'     jatalo!  M  Mr  S 
encolpi'c    lo  ate  S 
mue'n  tilpi'c     tu  lo  ataste  S 
nui'  ncolpi'z    voy  a  atarlo  S 
(ya  ?);  moyane'  imp.;  enoya'c  p.;  moyane'z  f. 

(mex.  inaya,  yana  ?)    esconderse  S 
xmoyane'    iesc6ndete!S 
xmoyane'    a'mpa    moztemutu'c    esc6ndete, 

porque  estan  buscandote  S 
enoya'c    estoy  escondido  S 
noyane'z    voy  a  esconderme  S 
(yajai,  alas,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(yactangui,  olvidar,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(ye)     madre  F  Fr  M  Mr  S 
noye'     mi  madre  F  Fr  M  Mr  S 
moye'     tu  madre  F  Fr  M  Mr 
iye'     su  madre  F  M 
(yeque't  [mex.  yacatl]     nariz  F  M  Mr  S) 
noye'c    mi  nariz  S  (mec,  tu  nariz,  Apolonio 
Rosario)  F  y  M  dijeron  none'c  MI  NARIZ, 
lo  que  es  une  equivocaci6n ;  otra  vez  dijeron 
mec,  tu  nariz, como  Apolonio  Rosario;  evi- 
dentemente  eso  tambien  era  une  equi- 
vocaci6n 

yect,  yequi'  pr.;  yectu'c  p.;  yeco'z  f.     lluvia. 
(Vease    mex.   ectal,   viento  ?)    M   Mr  S 
(yexixiltud,  yeexniduc  Apolonio  Rosario) 
me  ui'tz  yect    alii  viene  lluvia  Mr  S 
nichoma'c  yect    me  cogi6  la  lluvia  M  Mr 
yectu'c    est&  lloviendo  Mr  S 
ui'  yeco'z    va  a  Hover  S 
yequi'    llueve  S 
yut,  viento,  (yud  Apolonio  Rosario)  S 

yut  tetoa'   brama  el  viento  S 
yulicyuli'c  (mex.  yolic)     despacio  M  Mr  S 
yulicyuli'c  ui'  caxa'nz    sana  poco  a  poco 

M  MrS 

yulicyuli'c  xapeque'  na  apa'zt    \  lava  la  olla !  S 
ogiiel  (mex.  yoalli)     noche  Mr  S 

eyape'c  ogue'l    ya  entr6  la  noche  Mr  S 
pen  ogue'l    anoche  S 


opque't  (mex.  icpatl,  metatesis  de  la  cp)     hilo 

Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 

xitzuqua'  na  opque't     jcorta  el  hilo!  S 
nopcu'     mi  hilo  Fr  Jo  S 
ome'm  (mex.  ome),  dos  A  Ep  M  Mr  P  S  (omem 

Apolonio  Rosario) 

xima'  ome'm  tito't     jtoma  dos  huevos!    Mr 
ome'm  cobia'  JOAQUINA  Joaquina  tiene  dos  S 
omeme't  quig'lazqui't     dos  mujeres  P 
ot  (mex.  omitl),  hueso  M  Mr  S  (tood,  nuestro 

hueso,   Apolonio   Rosario) 
ot'ca'n  (mex.  btli)     camino  Mr  S.    Vease  mex. 

dtlica    en  el  camino 
otca'i    dulce  S 
ozte't  (mex.  iztatl)     sal  F  I  M  Mr  Pa  (oste't 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
(oxf)     (mex.  iztetl) 

moxt     tu  una  F  M.     Se  pronunci6  clara- 
mente  moxt,  no  mozt.    Apolonio  Rosario 
tambien  escribe  moxt 
oxca'zt    jicara  F  Fr  M  Mr  S 
oxque't  (mex.  ixcatl)     algod6n  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr 

PS 

noxcu'     mi  algod6n  F  M 
moxcu'     tu  algod6n  S 
(otz-);  ozc  p.;  otzo'z  f.  (mex.  uetzi)     caer  S 
ozc    cay6  S 
nozc    cai  S 

nui'  noctzo'z  (sic)     voy  a  caer  S 
nui'  noctzoya'  (sic)     iba  a  caer  S 
oco't  (mex.  ocotl)     ocote  MrS 
oco'xt  (mex.  oquichtli)     hombre  Mr  S 

quizco'm  oco'xt     icuantos  varones?  Mr 
Uaxe'c    Oaxaca  A  F  Fr  Jo  M 
(ua'c);  euac  p.  (mex.  uaqui)     seco  S.  Vease 

auec 

eua'c  xut    estan  secas  las  hojas 
Uetu'l    Huatulco  F  M  Mr  S 
ue'l  (mex.  uel)     poder  S 

az  uel  noctza'n     no  se  puede  levantar  S 
ui'  (mex.  yuah)     ir.     Vease  p.  23    A  El  F  Fr 

I  M  Mr  P  S 

nui'  ncutuque'z  teyu'l    voy  a  sembrar  maiz  I 
nen  az  nui'     no  me  voy  F  M  Mr  S 
ic  tui'     icuando  te  vas?  Mr  S 
uli'c  tui'     jque  vayas  bien !  F  M 


28 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ca  tui'  quago'     ^a  d6nde  te  vas  manana? 

MrS 

ma  ui'  cue' I    alii  va  una  culebra  S 
ui'  pata'nz    va  a  volar  S 
nocho'  tui'     todos  nosotros  vamos  F  M 
az  tuilu't    no  iremos  A 
nen  nconcoya'  nyaz    querfa  irme  P 
ic  tui'z     icuando  te  vas?  F  M 
nen  unya'c  pen  tepo'x    me  acost6  (fu(  a  mi 

cama)  A 
unya'c,  PERO  nichoma'  yect    me  fuf,  pero 

me  cogi6  la  lluvia  M 
ca  tia'c    id6nde  fuiste?  (ic  tui'c    ^cuando 

fuiste?  M) 

ticon  tia'c     ^a  qu6  hora  te  fuiste?  S 
uya'c  pata'nc    se  vo!6  S   (uyac  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
ca  uya'c  motecu'     ±a  d6nde  se  fu6  tu  padre? 

FM 

ma  nuaya'  nozc    allf  andando  caf  S 
nen  nyan  cocho'z    voy  a  dormir  F  M 
nyan  to^o'z    voy  a  moler  Jo 
nyam  patani'    voy  a  volar  S 
ca  xue'     jam  la!  vete!  A  F  M  Mr  S 
az  tuelu't    no  nos  vamos  P 
euelu't    ya  se  van  P 
ui'zti  (mex.  uiztli)    espina  F  Fr  M  Mr  S 

noni'zt    mi  espina  S 
ui'tz  (mex.  huitz)     venir  A  F  M  Mr  P  S  (ehuix 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
ni  az  nui'z  naco',  quago'  nui'tz    si  no  vengo 

ahora,  manana  vendr6  S 
naconime'n  nui'tz    ahorita  vengo  P 
az  tui'tz  quago'     ,mo  vienes  manana?  S 
ma  ui'tz    allf  viene  F  M 
ma  ui'tz  totoltzi'n    alii  viene  el  cura  A  S 
enui'tz  totoltzi'n    ya  vino  el  cura  Mr  S 
ui'tz  yect    viene  la  lluvia  M  S 
tuitzelu't    venimos  A 
unyo'c  (mex.  onoc)     estar  echado  F  Fr  Jo  M 

MrS 
ac.o'c   unyo'c   cue't    hay    muchas   culebras 

FM 

unti'  (mex.  iuinti)     borracho  A  F  M  P  S 
teca'    tounti'  mue'n     ipor  qu6    te    embo- 

rrachas?  P 


ui'  unti'    anda  borracho  S 

untilu't    estan  borrachos  A 
uzti'  (mex.  otzti)     embarazada  P  S 
ug'lo'm  (mex.  ocuilin)     gusano  A  S 
uli'c  (mex.  ueli)     bueno  Ep  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P 

quet  uli'c  F  M  uli'c  quet  Ep  esti  bueno 
uluni'  imp.  (mex.  olinia)     menear,  echar  S 

xuluni'  ca  ce  quagu't  jmen6alo  con  un  palo! 
S 

az  xuluni'  napa'zt     jque  no  muevas  la  olla! 
S 

xuculuni'  ito'c  apa'zt     j6chalo  en  la  olla!  S 
ba     tener.     V6ase  bia 

payo'    (castellano   pano  ?)    rebozo,  pano  Jo 
MrS 

nopayu'    mi  rebozo  Jo  Mr  S 
pata'nc  p.;  pata'nz  f.  (mex.  patlani)  volar  S 

epata'nc    vo!6  S 

uya'c  pata'nc    se  vo!6  S 

ui'  pata'nz    va  a  volar  S 
pate'c  (mex.  patlauac)     ancho  S 
pan  (castellano)     pan  Fr  I  Jo  Mr 

nopanu'     mi  pan  I 

(paxalu-) ;  paxalu'z  f.  (castellano  ?)     pasearse 
M  MrS 

nui'  npaxalu'z    voy  a  pasearme  S 

yac  paxalutu'    fu6  paseandose  S 
peu'c  p.  (mex.  peua)     empezar  S 
pebe't  jicalpezte  F  M  Mr  P 
petebi'  imp. ;  petebi'c  p.     ayudar  S 

ac  mozpetebi'c     iquien  te  ayud6?  S 

nixpetebi'c    me  ayud6  S 

tixpetebi'  jayiidame!  S 
(pen)  (mex.  pan)     sobre  A  F  Jo  M  P  S 

ma  quet  ipe'n  MESA    esta  alii  en  la  mesa 
FM 

xtecu'  ipe'n  na  quagu't     jsube  el  palo!  S 

ma  quet  ipe'n  tepoxpo'l    estd  en  el  tabanco 

nope'n    sobre  mi  S 

tope'n     sobre  nosotros  S 

mope'n    sobre  ti  P 

ipe'n    sobre  61  S 

ipe'n  ogue'l    anoche  S 
(pen)  tiope'n  (mex.  teopantli)     iglesia  S 
penu'c  p.  (mex.  pano)     pasar  S 

epenu'c  ce  BRUJA     pas6  una  bruja  S 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


neba'  penu'c  ce  BRUJA  ogue'l    aquf  pas6  una 

bruja  anoche  S 
quern  (penu'c  na  ate'n     ic6mo  pasaste  el 

rio?  S 

pechu'  imp.  (mex.  pechoa)     apretar  Mr  S 
xipechu'     japrietalo!  S 
tixpechu'     japrietame!  S 
(bee?)  nobe'c    el  mio  Fr  Jo 
mobe'c    el  tuyo  Fr  Jo 
ibe'c    el  suyo  P 
peque'  imp.;  pec  p.;  peque'z  f.   (mex.  paca) 

lavar  Jo  M  Mr  S 

xapeque'  napa'zt     jlimpia  la  olla!  S 
xicapeque'  WOROPA     jlava  mi  ropa!  Jo 
encape'c    ya  lo  lave  S 
yac  tapequetu'    se  fu6  a  lavar  S 
nui'     ntapeque'z    quago'    voy     a     lavarlo 

manana  M 

pelu'  imp. ;  pelu'c  p.  (mex.  paloa)     lamer  S 
xapelu'  napa'zt     jlame  la  olla!  S 
encapelu'c    lo  lame  S 

bia',  ba  (mex.  pia)     tener  A  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
ncobia'  nixtu'n  mil    tengo  una  milpa  muy 

pequena  S 

az  ncobia'  tumi'n  no  tengo  dinero  P 
tibia'  nub'luga'm  itienes  hijos?  Mr  S 
quizco'm  tibia'  mob'lu'  ^cuantos  hijos  tie- 

nes?  Mr  S 

te  cobia'     iqui  tiene?  P 
tue'n  tibialu't    nosotros  lo  tenemos  S 
tilanqui't  ncoba'    tengo  gallinas  S 
ncoba'  nayo'm     tengo  cuatro  S 
nucoba'   tal   ago'c   notzo'c    mi    traje    tiene 

mucho  lodo  A 
quizco'm  mocha'n  tiba'     icuantas  casas  tie- 

nes?  S 

ome'm  coba'  JOAQUINA    Joaquina  tiene  dos  S 
ncobeya'  eyo'm  tito't    tenia  tres  huevos  S 
pib'lu'  imp.;  pib'lu'c  p.   (mex.  pipiloa)     en- 

volver  S 
xopib'lu'  ca  payu'     jenvuelvete  en  tu  rebo- 

zo!S 

enopib'lu'c    ya  me  cubri  S 
xiub'lu'     i  cue'lgalo ! 
(pima'),    nopima'     mi    hermana    F    M    Mr 

(nobima  Apolonio  Rosario) 


pina'  (mex.  pineua  ?)     hace  frio  F  Jo  M  P  S 

nopina'    tengo  frio  F  Jo  M  P  S 
pinaua'  (mex.  pinaua)     tener  vergiienza  S 
pizc  p.  (mex.  pitza  en  opitzaloc  BIEN  NACIDO) 
F  M  S;  solamente  en  la  afrenta 

PUTA  motzapi'zc    una  puta  te  pari6 ;  LALMA 

motzapi'zc    el  alma  te  pari6 
pixt    nube  (?)  P 
pitze'  imp.     soplar  S 

xipitze'  na  let     jsopla  el  fuego!  S 
picho'm     (?) 
picho't    viejo  A 

pig'li'  imp. ;  pig'le'c  p. ;  pig'le'z  f .  (mex.  piqui  ?) 
golpear 

az  tichapig'li'     \  no  me  golpea !  A 

xapig'li'     jpegale!  P 

capig'le'c  iye'     su  madre  le  golpe6  S 

etapig'le'c    golpe6  S 

nui'  napig'le'z    voy  a  golpearlo  P 

nui'  ntzapig'le'z    voy  a  golpearte  S 
picl  (mex.  piqui)     tamal  A  S 
boz  (?)     echar  Mr  S 

nuibo'z  motolu'    echare  atole  Mr  S 
(bu  ?)  (nobu',  mi  hermano,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
po  imp. ;  potu'c  ger.  (mex.  tlapoa)     contar  S 

xipo'  motuminu'     jcuenta  tu  dinero!  S 

tapotu'c    estci  contando  S 

ntapotu'c    notuminu'    estoy    contando    mi 

dinero  S 
pue'  imp. ;  puc  p.  (cf .  mex.  poui)     limpiar  S 

xipue'  na  conebo'l     jlimpia  la  criatura!  S 

encopu'c    lo  limpie  S 
pot  (mex.  petlatl)     petate  S.    Vease  Viet 

mopo't    tu  petate 

puQone'l  (mex.  po$onilotl)     espuma  S 
poxque'z  f.  (mex.  pixca)     pizcar  S 

nui'  ntapoxque'z  noznu'    voy  a  pizcar  mi 

mazorca  S 

pochu't  (mex.  pochotl)     Bombax  ceiba  S 
polu'c  p.  (mex.  poloa)     perder  Fr  Jo  P  S 

epolu'c    se  perdio  Fr  Jo 

noche'  polu'c    todos  se  perdieron  S 

empolu'c  otca'n    perdi  el  camino  S 
Viet  (mex.  petlatl)     petate  Mr  S.     Vease  hot 

noVte't    mi  petate  S 
ptzec  (mex.  pitzauac)     delgado  S 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


(b  7)  (mex.  pilli)     hijo  F  M  Mr  P  S 
ib'lu'    su  hijo  P 
nob'lu'    mi  hijo  F  M  Mr  (noblu  Apolonio 

Rosario) 

nob'luga'm    mis  hijos  Mr  S 
nob'ltzi'n    tu  ahijado  S 
ma,  me    alii,  ese  F  Fr  I  Jo  M  Mr  P  S  (ma  alia, 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
ma  ntzaci'    alii  voy  a  encontrarte  S 
ma  teque't  ma  pen  LOMA     ese  hombre  alii 

en  la  loma  Jo 
me  que't    alii  esta  F  Jo  M  (megue  Apolonio 

Rosario) 

me  ui'tz    alii  viene  Jo 
me  onque't    alii  hay  P 
me  que't  ito'c  apa'zt    esta  alii  en  la  olla  F  M 
ma  que't  oque'lc    esta  adentro  S 
ma  imp.     dar,  tomar  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S.    Vease 

meca 

xima'  ome'm  tito't     jpasame  dos  huevos!  Mr 
xima'  noxa'zt     jtoma  mi  jicara!  S 
xima'  ce  quagu't     jtoma  un  palo!  F 
ma  (?);  mac  p.     tomar  M  Mr  S 
molzuma'     te  cogi6  S 

nichuma'c  yect    me  cogi6  la  lluvia  M  Mr  S 
to/  cmac  noxo'i,  me  ca  nozc    la  tierra  cogi6 

mi  pie,  alii  cai  S 
mai  (mex.  maitl)     mano  F  M  Mr  Pa  P  S 

(may  Apolonio  Rosario) 
nomai'    mi  mano  F  M  Mr  S 
imai'  nomo't    mano  de  mi  metate  F  M 
(noma'l,  mi  brazo,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(mateesu  once,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(matu  diez,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(matu  eyem  doce,  [evidentemente  trece]  Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 
macui'l  (mex.  macuilli),  cinco  Ep  Mr  P  S 

(maguel  Apolonio  Rosario) 
mama'c  p.  (mex.  mama)     cargar  S 

me  timama'c    lo  cargaste  S 
(manli    reir,  Apolonio  Rosario) 

(ximanli  imp.  Apolonio  Rosario) 
malague'u  F  Mr  melegu'  Fr  Jo  M  (mex.  ma- 

lacatl)  huso,  malacate 
nomelegu'    mi  malacate  F 
meti'  (mex.  mati)     saber  F  Jo  M  Mr  S 


nen  nocece'  meti'  IDIOMA  noat'be'u    yo  s61o 

conozco  el  idioma  de  mi  pueblo  S 
az  cmeti'  noch     no  s6  todo  S 
az  meti'     no  s6  F  Jo  M 
az  nolmeti'  Uaxe'c     no  conozco  el  camino 

para  Oaxaca  S  (vease  p.  24) 
ixmeti'    (mex.    iximati    <    ixtli    +    mati) 

conocer 

az  nquixmeti'     no  los  conozco  S 

az  nchixmeti'     no  te  conozco  S  (equivoca- 

ci6n  en  vez  de  ntzixmeti'  ?) 
meqa't  (mex.  mafatl)     venado  F  Fr  Jo  M  P  S 
mezt  (mex.  metztli)     luna  F  M  (mest  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
mexti';  mexti'c  p.;  mexti'z  f.   (mex.  machtia) 

ensenar  S 

acmozmexti'   iquien  te  ensefia?  S 
nixmexti'c  noye'     me  ensen6  mi  madre  S 
nui'  nmexti'z    voy  a  ensenar  S 
metze'  imp.;  metze'z  f.     sentarse  F  I  Jo  Mr  S 

(esmeu  Apolonio  Rosario) 
xmetze'     jsientate!  F  I  Jo  Mr  S 
leca'   PARA    metze'z   ito'c     jvente   a   sentar 

adentro!  S 
meche't,  machete,  Mr  S 

nomeche'u     mi  machete  Fr  Jo  M   Mr  P  S 
meca'  pr.;  meque'  imp.;  mec  p.  (mex.  maca) 

dar  A  Ep  F  I  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
enola'c  ntzimequetu'  ce  RECUERDO     vine  a 

darte  un  recuerdo  S 
mue'n  tite'z  ac  timeca'     tu  veras  a  quien  se 

lo  das  S 
tiume'n  ntzimeca'    dentro  de  un  rato  te  dare 

una  cosa  I 
az  ximeque'  na  conebo'l    ique  no  lo  des  a  la 

criatura!  S 
ximeque'  CONSEJO    jaconsejalo!  Ep  P  (xime- 

gui  Apolonio  Rosario) 
tichimeque'  nixtu'n  at     jdame  un  poco  de 

agua!  S 

tichimeque'  noxamu'     jdame  mi  tortilla!  S 
tichimeque'    enquibo'z     jdame     que    beba! 

FM 
tichimeque'  ce  iluxa'm  jdame  una  tortilla  de 

elote!  A 
nichime'c    el  me  di6  S 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO      DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


quizco'm  time'c     icuantos  has  dado?  S 

nichimequi't     me  dieron  S 

motzimequi't    te  dieron  S 

ticholmeque'  na  notupi'l  ipasame  mi  tenate! 

Jo 

ticholmeque'  noexque't,  nantzaue'z     jpasame 
mi  algod6n!  voy  a  hilar  M  Mr  S 

ticholmeque'     jpasame!  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
mie'c  (mex.  miac)     bastante  S 

mie'c  motzimequi't    te  dieron  bastante  S 
micilu't  (mex.  miztli)     puma  S 
micho'm  (mex.  michin)     pescado  M  Mr  P  S 
mixco'm  nixtamal 
micui'x  (mex.  metl)     maguey  P  S 
mil  (mex.  milli)     campo,  milpa  Mr  P  S 

momi'l    tu  milpa  P  S 
milyu'  ce    un  real  Mr 
(mo  ?)  ximoti'  at     jtrae  agua!  Mr  S 
mayn't  (mex.  moyutl)     mosca 
mot  (mex.  metlatl)     metate  F  Fr  M  Mr  P 

nomo't    mi  metate  Mr 
(motudis,  bailar,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
mue'n,  til   Ep  F  Fr  Jo  M   Mr  P  S   (muen 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

mue'n  tite'z    tu  veras  S 

cocho'  mue'n     jduerme!  F  M 

mue'n  tui'     til  te  vas  S 

(te)  mote'  imp. ;  mote'c  p. ;  mote'z  f.  (mex.  motla) 
tirar  M  Mr  S 

xtamote'  na  tot     jtira  la  piedra!  S 

xtamote'  na  noxt     jtira  las  cenizas!  M  Mr 

enctamote'c    ya  lo  tire  S 

QUE  etitamote'c  na  tot     ^tiraste  la  piedra?  S 

nui'  nctamote'z    voy  a  tirarlo  S 
moc  (mex.  miqui)     morir  F  M  Mr  P  S  (moctis 
Apolonio  Rosario;  vease  mocti) 

emo'c  nob'lu'    esta  muerto  mi  hijo  F  M 

noch  moqui't     todos  murieron  S 

emo'c  noche'     todos  murieron  S 

mocti'  imp. ;  mocti 'c  p.  (mex.  mictia)     matar 
F  M  Mr  S  (mochis  Apolonio  Rosario) 

ximocti'  ce  tila'n     jmata  una  gallina!  Mr  S 

ximocti'     jmatalo!  S 

nixmocti'c     me  mat6  S 

moctiqui't  meQa't     mataron  venados  S 

ecmoctiqui't    ya  lo  mataron  S 


(moca')  tamoca'  noguai'     me  duele  la  cabeza  S 

tamoca'  note'n     me  duele  la  boca  M  Mr  S 
(mougui,  estar  en  pie,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(mo)hue'  imp.;   mohue'c  p;  mohue'z  f.  banar, 

lavar  A  F  I  Jo  M  P  S 
mohue';  jlavate!  F  M 

mohue'  momai'     jlavate  la  mano!  F  M 
enmohue'c  nen    ya  me  bane  A 
nen  mohue'z    voy  a  lavarme  I  Jo 
nui'  mohue'z    voy  a  banar  A  F  M  P 
mamui'  imp.,  mamui'c  p.     banar  S 
xmamui'  jbafia!  S 
yac  mamuitu'     se  fue  a  banar  S 
toque'lc  mamui'c    adentro  se  ban6!  S 
molu'nc  p.  (mex.  moloni)     hervir  S 
emolu'nc    ya  hirvi6  S 
moluntu'c    esta  hirviendo  S 
tayua' ;  tayue'c  p.  (mex.  tlayoa)     obscurecer  P 
aQo'c  tayua'    esta  muy  obscuro  Mr  S 
etayue'c    ya  esta  obscuro  S 
tatenli'  imp.;  tatenli'z  f.   (mex.  tlatlani)     pre- 

guntar  S 

xtatenli'     jpregiintale!  S 
nui'  ntatenli'z    voy  a  preguntarlo  S 
tati'  imp. ;  tate'c  p.  (mex.  tlatia)     quemar  Mr  S 
xtati'  na  oco't     jquema  el  ocote!  S 
tate'c  nomai'     quemo  mi  mano  S 
(dasupua    [mex.    tlagotli    +   poa  ?,    estimar] 

mentir,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(taxpan-)    tachapane'  imp.    (mex.    tlachpana) 

barrer  Jo  M  Mr  S 
xtachapane'   na   moxt     jbarre   las   cenizas! 

M  MrS 

taxpana'zt    escoba  MrS 
notaxpana'zt    tu  escoba  Jo 
(taxiquetuc    [mex.    ixica],     gotear,     Apolonio 

Rosario) 

(taxtoc,  robar,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
tatzi';  tatzo'c  p.  (mex.  tzatzi  ?)     ladrar  S  gritar 

M  MrS 
tatzi'    ladra  S 
etatzo'c    grit6    M    Mr   S    (taxoc   Apolonio 

Rosario) 

tatzotu'c  tecolote    esta  gritando  el  tecolote  S 
tacho'm     (mex.  techichi  ?)  perro  A  F  M  P  S 
(tachom  Apolonio  Rosario) 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


aQo'c  tacho'm    muchos  perros  S 

notachu'    mi  perro  P  S 

taxpo'l    perrito  S 

tacane'l  (mex.  tided.)     medio  dfa  Fr  Jo  S 
taquechu'c  p.  (mex.  tlacachiua)     parir  S 

etaquechu'c    ya  pari6 
tacui'c  p.  (mex.  coa  ?)     pagar  S 

enixtacui'c    ya  me  pag6  S 

enola'c  tixtacuetu'    vine  a  que  me  pagues  S 
tacpa'c,  sobre  (mex.  tlacpac).    Vease  ipac 
(tagmum  [mex.  tlacomoni  ?]  trueno,  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
tal  (mex.  tlalli)     tierra  Jo  M  Mr  P  S,  mugre  S 

(tals  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(tal)  motaltzi'n    tu  padrino  S  (mex.  tdtzintli) 

totoltzi'n    el  cura  (nuestro  padrino?) 
tali'  imp. ;  tali'c  p. ;  tali'z  f .  (mex.  tlalia)    poner  S 

xtali'  motzo'c    iponte  tu  camisa!  S 

enctali'c  notzo'c    me  puse  mi  traje  S 

te  az  tinqui'  motzo'c  PA  titali'z    i  no  quieres  tu 

traje  para  ponertelo?  S 
te  (mex.  tie)     ique?  A  I  M  Mr  P  S  cosa 

te  nuca'     ique  dices?  F  I  M 

te  nacona'     ique  hay  ahora?  A 

te  titemoa'     ique  buscas?  M  Mr  S 

te  tichua'  mue'n     ique  haces?  P 

te  cobia'     ique  tienes?  A 

te  tichimeca'  ic  tui'  PA  matbe'u     ique  me 
vas  a  dar  cuando  te  vayas  a  tu  pais?  S 

te    se  usa  en  cuestiones,  como ' '  que ' '  en  cas- 
tellano: 

te  tinqui'  at     ique  quieres  agua?  S 

te  tibia'  CALENTURA     itienes  calentura?  S 

te  tibia'  moguelu',  ic  tinamocti'     iya  tienes 
esposa?  (icuando  vas  &  casarte?  Mr 

teca'  (mex.  tleica)     ipor  que?  F  M  P  S 

teca'  tochuca'     ipor  que  lloras?  S 
te'ipo     lagarto,  caiman  Mr  S 
teyu'l  (mex.  tlayotti)     maiz  A  F  M  Mr  P  S 

(tegul  Apolonio  Rosario) 
teote'c  (mex.  teutlac)     tarde  P.     Vease  etiote'c 
teue'  (mex.  tlaueltia)     enojarse  P 

afo'c  nteue'  nen    mucho  me  enojo  P 
tepu'  imp.;  tepo'c  p.  (mex.  tlapoa)     abrir,  des- 
tapar  P  S 

xotepu'     jabrelP 


xitepu'     jabre !  S 

ncotepo'c     lo  destape  S 
tepo'xt  (mex.  tlapechtli)     cama  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 

notepo'xt    mi  cama  Jo 

tepoxpo'l    tabanco  A 

temi'  imp. ;  temi'c,  temc  p.  (mex.  tlamia)  acabar 
PS 

nenctemi'    voy  a  beber  S 

xtemi'     jbebelS 

etemi'c    lo  acab6  S 

ete'mc  se  acab6  S 

enctemi'c    lo  acabe  P  S 
temoa'  (mex.  temoa)     buscar  F  M  Mr  S 

te  titemoa'     ique  buscas?  F  M  S 

nen  ntemoa'  nomeche'u    busco  mi  machete 
MS 

xtemuti'     janda,  buscalo!  S 

moztemutu'c    andan  buscandote  S 
let  (mex.  tletl)     fuego  El  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 

(nantitulguid  Apolonio  Rosario) 
tetoa'  (mex.  tlatoa)     hablar  (?)  S 

yut  tetoa'     brama  el  viento  S 
ten   (mex.   tentli)    boca  F  M   Mr   P   Pa  S 
(modenx    tu  boca,  Apolonio  Rosario) 

noten    mi  boca  F  M.     Vease  tzon 
teque'  imp.;  teque'c  p.;  teque'z  f.  (mex.  teca) 
acostarse  S 

xmoteque'  ic  na  quagu't     jacuestate  en  el 
banco! S 

enmoteque'c    me  acoste  S 

nui'  moteque'z    voy  a  acostarme  S 
teque't  (mex.  tlacatl)     hombre  A  F  Jo  Mr 
P  S  (tequet  Apolonio  Rosario) 

tequetque't     (plural)  P 

telequelque't     (plural)  P 

V£ase  taquechu'c  <  teque't  +  chua 
(tecu')  (mex.  tecutli,  senor)     padre  F  M  Mr  P  S 

notecu'  mi  padre  F  M 

itecu'    su  padre  P 
tecu'  imp.;  tecu'z  f.  (mex.  tleco)     subir  M  Mr  S 

xtecu'     jsube!  M  Mr  S 

nui'  ntecu'z    voy  a  subir  S 
tecolo't    tecolote 
telu'z  f.  (mex.  tlaloa)     correr  S 

nui'  motelu'z    voy  a  correr  S 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


33 


tiope'n  (mex.  teopantli)     iglesia  El  M  Mr  P  S 

(tioben  Apolonio  Rosario) 
tiome'n    ahorita,  despues  I  S 

tiome'n  tolazqui't    ahorita  vendremos  I  S 
tipe'n  (mex.  itipan)     pecho  Mr  S 

notipe'n     mi  pecho  Mr  S  (nodevin  Apolonio 

Rosario) 
(tit)  (mex.  atetl)     testiculos  M  Mr  S 

motitu'     tus  testiculos  M'Mr  S 
tito't    huevo  Mr  S.     Vease  tot,  piedra 

ome'm  tito't    dos  huevos  Mr 
tice't  (mex.  tifatl)     huesos  quemados  que  se 

usan  para  blanquear  algod6n  Jo  S 
tiquani'  (mex.  taquani)     tigre  P  S  (tequam 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
tico'n     icuando?  S 

tico'n  monaQo'c    icuando  vino?  S 

tico'n  tia'c    icuando  te  fuiste?  S 
til  (mex.  tlillf)     tizne  S 

tila'n  (mex.  totolin  ?)     gallina  A  Es  F  Jo  M 
Mr  P  Pa  S 

tilanqui't  nocoba'     tengo  gallinas  S 

notilanu'    mi  gallina  Jo 

tue'n  (mex.  tehuan)     nosotros  Es  F  M  S  (tuen 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

tuen  tibielu't     tenemos  S 
tup    culo  F  M  S 

itu'p     su  culo  F  M 

motu'p    tu  culo  S 

motupozta'c  quet    esta  en  tu  culo 
tupi'l  (mex.  topilli)     tenate  Jo  S 

notupi'l    mi  tenate  Jo 

toma';  tome'  imp.;  tome  p.;  tome'z  f.    (mex. 
toma)     desatar  M  Mr  S 

nctatoma'     voy  a  desatarlo  S 

xtatome'     jdesatalo!  M  Mr 

enctato'mc    lo  desate  M  Mr  S 

nui'  nctatome'z    voy  a  desatarlo  S 
tome't  (mex.  tomatl)     jitomate  F  M  Mr  S 
tumi'n  (mex.  tomin)     dinero  El  F  I  Jo  M  P  S 

notumi'n    mi  dinero  El 

notuminu'     mi  dinero  S 

tot  (mex.  tetl)     piedra  El  F  M  Mr  P  S  (toot 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

tito't    huevo 

chilto't    piedra  para  moler  chile  Mr 


totoini'     blando  P  S 

totomo'xt  (mex.  totomochtli)     mazorca  A  S 

tutu't   (mex.   tototl,   pajaro)     carne    F   M    S. 

Vease  neque't 
totoqui'  imp.  (mex.  toquia)     atizar  S 

xtotoqui'     jatfzalo!  S 
tutuca'  (mex.  totoca')  pronto  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr 

PS 

tutuca'  leca'     jvente  pronto!  Fr  Jo 
xtutuque'  na  tacho'm    icorre  el  perro!  M 
toto'l  (mex.  totoli'n)     guajalote  F  M  (todolem 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
totoli't    iguana  verde  H  Mr  S 
(to)toltzi'n    cura  A  El  Fr  Jo  Mr  P  S  (togolim 

Apolonio  Rosario).    Vease  taltzin 
tune'l  (mex.  tonalli)     sol  F  Fr  Jo  M  P  (dunel, 

dia,,tunel,  sol,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
tutune'    calentura  A 
ac,o'c  tuni'    muy  caliente  S 
tuni'  quet  na    eso  esta  caliente  Fr  Jo  (tuni 

Apolonio  Rosario) 

tinqui'  mas  tuni'    ilo  quieres  mas  caliente?  S 
xtutune'  na  xam    icalienta  la  tortilla!  S 
toQo'  imp. ;  toc,o'z  f .  (mex.  teci)   moler  Jo  M  Mr  S 
xtoQo'     jmuelelolS 
nyan  toQo'z    voy  a  moler  Jo 
nen  ntogo'z    voy  a  moler  M  Mr  S 
toxt  (mex.  textli)     masa  Jo  M  Mr  S 
noto'xt    mi  masa  Jo 
eque't  toxt    ya  esta  (molida)  la  masa  S 
tu'chi    pequeno,  no  bastante  F  M  S  (tu'qui 

P)  (tuche  Apolonio  Rosario) 
quet  tu'chi  nocha'n    mi  casa  es  muy  pequena 

F 

(tog,  dios  Apolonio  Rosario) 
-toe  (mex.  tic)     en,  adentro  F  M  P  S 
ito'c  at    en  el  agua  S 
ma  quet  ito'c  apa'zt    esta  en  la  olla  F  M 
toque'lc  (mex.  Hoc  calco)     en  la  casa  S 
xmetze'  ito'c    sientate  adentro!  S 
tuque' c  p.;  tuque'z  f.  (mex.  toco)     sembrar  M 

MrS 
quizco'm  etituque'c  teyu'l     icuanto  maiz  has 

sembrado?  M 

eyo'm  oxca'zt  encotuque'c    sembre  tres  jicaras 
M 


34 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


nui'  ncotuque'z  teyu'l    voy  a  sembrar  maiz  S 

tituque'z  teyu'l    vas  a  sembrar  maiz  Mr 

cotuque'z    61  va  a  sembrar  S 
(tocdoz    [mex.    tequiti]       trabajar,    Apolonio 
Rosario).     Vease  tqui 

ncoba'  toco't     tengo  trabajo  S 
d'potz  (mex.  teputztli)     espalda  S 

nod'po'tz    mi  espalda  S 

mod'pozta'c     tus  espaldas  S 

id'pozta'c     la  cara  exterior  de  una  olla  S 
d'mu  imp.;  d'muc  p.;  d'muz  f.   (mex.  temo) 
bajar  S 

xod'mu'     jvente  abajo!  S 

enod'mu'c    baj£  S 

nod'mu'z    bajar£  S 

tqui  (mex.  tequiti)     llevar  M  Mr  S.     V£ase 
tocdoz 

nen  ncotqui'     lo  lleve  M  Mr  S 

ncotqui'     lo  Ilev6  S 

xitco'     jlleValo!  S 
na  (mex.  in)  el  A  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 

ximocti'  na  tila'n     jmata  la  gallina!  S 

xima'  na  conebo'l     jtoma  la  criatura!  F  M 

xtati'  na  oco't     jquema  el  ocote!  Mr  S 

chuca'  na  cone't     llora  el  nino  F  M 

unti'  na  conebo'l  estci  borracho  el  muchacho 
P 

coba'  DOLOR  na  g'lazt     la  mujer  tiene  dolor  S 

nocho'  xama'nc  napa'zt    se  quebraron  todas 
las  ollas  S 

na  g'lazt  uzti'    la  mujer  estci  embarazada  S 

na  teque't  ui'  unti'     el  hombre   anda  bo- 
rracho S 

tuni'  quet  na    ese  estci  caliente  Fr  Jo 

na  mue'n  tibia'     tu  lo  tienes  P 
nayo'm  (mex.  naui')     cuatro  Ep  Fr  Jo  Mr 
P  S  (tayo'm  A)  (nayom  Apolonio  Rosario) 
name'l    6ste   A   S    (namel,   aqu61,    Apolonio 
Rosario) 

xite'  name'l  xucho't     jmira  esta  flor!  A 

ina'  o  name'l    aquel  o  £ste  S 
namig'li'  imp.  (mex.  namaquiltia)     vender  S 

tixnamig'li'  pict     jvendeme  tamales!  S 
namocti' ;    namocti'c    p.;    namocti'z    f.    (mex. 
namiquia)     casarse  Mr  P  S 

ic  tinamocti'     icuando  te  casas?  S 


az  monamocti'     ino  te  casas?  S 
enamocti'c    ya  se  cas6  S 
encnamocti'c    ya  me  cas£  S 
nui'  namocti'z    voy  a  casarme  P 
nan  (mex.  nantli,  madre)  S.     Vease  ye 

monantzi'n    tu  madrina  S 
nac  (mex.  nauat)     cerca  S 

xmoteque'  ixna'c  quagu't    acu£state  frente 

al  banco  S 
nocha'n  quet  ina'c  ate'n    mi  casa  estci  en  la 

orilla  del  rio  S 
naco'    ahorita  A  F  I  M  P  S  (naco',  hoy,  ac 

nacona'  ,;quien?  Apolonio  Rosario) 
naco'  quet  uli'c    ya  estci  bueno  F  M 
te  naco'  na  tui'tz     iqu6  traes?  A 
nagua'l  (mex.  nahuatl)    nombre  del  idioma  de 

Pochutla  I 
neba'  (mex.  nepa)     aquf  A  Ep  F  I  Jo  M  S  (neva 

Apolonio  Rosario).    V6ase  quin 
leca'  neba'     jvente  aca!  Ep  Jo 
ac,o'c  tacho'm  unyo'c  neba'    hay  aquf  muchos 

perros  S 

neba'  pec    aquf  entr6  S 
neba'  quet    aquf  estci  F  M 
nen  (mex.  nehuatl)     yo  F  Jo  M  Mr  S  (nen 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
az  nui'  nen    no  me  voy  F  M 
nen  az  nui'    no  me  voy  F  M  Mr  S 
nen  az  nconqui'  cocho'z     no  quiero  dormir  F 

M 
nen   ca   igiie'n   tacoztu'c    estoy   platicando 

con  61  S 

nenepi'l  (mex.  nenepilli)     lengua  F  M  Mr  S 
nonenepi'l    mi  lengua  F  M  (monenevil,  tu 

lengua,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
neque't    (mex.    nacatl)     carne    A    S    (nequet, 

Apolonio  Rosario).     Vease  tutu't 
neque'zt  (mex.  nacaztli)     oreja  M  Mr  P  Pa  S 
noneque'zt     mi  oreja,  mi  oido  Mr  S  (mon- 

gues,  tu  oido,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
ni    si  S 

nime'n  (mex.  nimen)     ahorita  I  Mr  P  S 
naco'  nime'n  nui'tz    ahorita  vengo  P 
naco'  nime'n  nui'    ahorita  me  voy 
nintega'     nada  A  F  M  P  S 

nintega'  az  nconqui'     no  quiero  nada  P 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO      DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


35 


ayogo'  nintega'     no  hay  nada  P 

nixtu'n  (mex.  — tontli)     un  poquito  F  M  Mr  S 
nixtu'n  quete'    queda  un  poquito  Mr  S 
nixtu'n  ncoba'     tengo  un  poquito  S 
nixtu'n  at  nichimequi't    me  dieron  un  po- 
quito de  agua  S 

nobe'c    el  mio  F  Fr  Jo  M 

nobegu'c    manana  F  M  (?).    Vease  quago' 

noxt  (mex.  nextli)     ceniza,  polvo  El  M  Mr  S 

nutza'  (mex.  notza)     llamar  S 

te  tinutza'  noibe'    ile  llamas  a  mi  hermana?  S 

nocho'  (mex.  mochi,  nochi)     todo  F  M  S 
nocho'  tui'     todos  nosotros  vamos  F  M 
emo'c  nocho'     todos  murieron  F  M 
az  ncalamqui'  noch     no  me  acuerdo  de  todo 

S 
noch  ma  til     todo  alii  esta  (lleno  de)  tizne  S 

nuca';  nuque'c  p.;  nuqueya'  impf.;  nuque'z  f. 

decir,  pensar  F  I  M  P  S 
te  nuca'     <que  dice?  F  I  M  S 
ac  nuca'     iquien  dice  eso?  F  M 
qui  na  nuqueya'    asi  decfa  P 
nen  nuque'c  nconquiya'  ce  tumi'n    cref  que 

queria  un  peso  P 
mue'n  nuque'z     tu  diras 

nqui;    ncoya'    impf.;    ncoz    f.    (mex.    nequi) 

querer  El  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
nconqui'  taqua'z    quiero  comer  F  M 
az  tinqui'  cocho'z     ,mo  quieres  dormir?  F  M 
az  conqui'  igue'n    el  no  quiere  F  M 
az  conqui'  tue'n     no  queremos  F  M 
nconcoya'    queria  P 
te  tinconcoya'     ique  querias?  S 
tinco'z    tu  querras  M 

Qalu'  imp.  (mex.  Qaliui)     comprar  S 
xiqalu'     jc6mpralo!  S 

ce  (mex.  ce)     uno  A  El  Ep  F  M  Mr  P  S  (se 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
ce  milyu'    un  peso  Mr 
techimeque'  ce  quagu't     jdame  un  palo!  A 
xte  ce  cue't     jmira  una  culebra!  A 
nen  nocece'  meti'  LA  IDIOMA     yo  s61o  conozco 

el  idioma  S 

Qampe'  (mex.  ceppa)     otra  vez  S 
xicobe'  Qampe'     jhazlo  otra  vez!  S 

ceque't  (mex.  $acatl)     zacate  S 


eel  noce'l    mi  pene  P 

cyeui';  cye'uc  (mex.  ciaui)     cansado  S 

nocyeui'    estoy  cansado  S 

enocye'c    me  canse  S 

ecye'uc  nod'po'tz    esta  cansada  mi  espalda  S 
(semibuel,  veinte,  Apolonio  Rosario) 

magiii'l  (mex.  cempualli);  cemengili'l 
El ;  qumpa'n  magiii'l  A    veinticinco  Fr  Jo 
',  fute'c  p.  (mex.  qotlaua)     espantarse  A  S 

noqute'c    me  espante  A  S 

nmofute'     tengo  miedo  S 
Son  (mex.  centli)     mazorca  S 

noznu'     mi  mazorca  S 
(sousongui,  amar,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(z'li)  (mex.  celic)     tierno  P  S 
xama'nc  p. ;  xamani'z  f .  (mex.  xamania)     que- 
brar  S 

nocho'  xama'nc    todos  se  quebraron  S 

exama'nc  napa'zt    se  quebr6  la  olla  S 

nui'  xamani'z    voy  a  quebrarlo  S 
xamt  (mex.  xamitl,  adobe)     tortilla  A  El  Es 
F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 

noxa'm  El,  noxamu'  Jo  S     mi  tortilla 

eluxa'mt    tortilla  de  elote  A 
xab6  (castellano)     jab6n  Mr  P 
xipu'n  (mex.  xipintli)     prepucio 
xixe'z  f.  (mex.  xixa)     mear  P 

nui'  noxixe'z    voy  a  mear  P 
xict  (mex.  xictli)     ombligo  S 

ixi'c    su  ombligo  S 

noxi'c    mi  ombligo  S 

(xo-)  (mex.  xotl)     pie  A  F  M  Mr  Pa  P  S  (xoy, 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

noxo'i    mi  pie  S 
xui'    verde  M  Mr  S.    Vease  xut 

quet  xui'  na  quaxilu't    esta  verde  el  platano  S 
xut  (mex.  xiuitl)     hoja  M  Mr  S  (xut,  Apolonio 

Rosario) 

xucho't  (mex.  xochitl)     flor  A  Fr  Jo  S 
tzaue'z  f.  (mex.  tzaua)     hilar  Jo  M  Mr  S 

nentzaue'z    voy   a   hilar   Jo    M    Mr   S 

nui'   ntzaue'z    voy   a   hilar    M    Mr   S 
(tzeue',  ceue'  ?)     apagar  S 

xitzeue'  na  let     japaga  el  fuego!  S 

xiceue'  na  tequagu't  japaga  los  tizones!  S 

enceu'     lo  apague  S 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


tzepo't  (mex.  tzapotl)     zapote  S 
tzecue'  imp.;  tzec  p.;  tzecuo'z  f.  (mex.  tzaqua) 
cerrar     M  Mr  S 

xitzecue'  na  xamt     jtapa  la  tortilla!  M  Mr  S 

etze'c    esta  cerrado  S 

enctze'c    lo  cerre  S 

te  titze'c     i\o  cerraste?  S 

etze'c  noneque'z    esta  cerrado  mi  oido  S 

nui'  nctzecuo'z    voy  a  taparlo  S 
tzinaca'  (mex.  tzinacari)     murcielago  (chinaca, 

Apolonio  Rosario) 

(tzintu'c)    (mex.    tzinti)     nacer,    animales    y 
plantas  S 

z'li  titzintu'c    ternito  esta  naciendo  S 

titzintu'c  WIOPOLLITO    esta  naciendo  tu  po- 

llito  S 

tzique't  (mex.  tzicall)     hormiga  S 
(tzilini)     (mex.  tzilini)     sonar  S 

tzilintu'c    esta  sonando  S 
tzupine' ;  tzupini'c  p.  (mex.  tzupinia)  picar  S 

nentzupine'  ca  ce  quagu't    pic6  con  un  palo  S 

nixtzupini'c  ce  culu't    me  pic6  un  alacran  S 

nixtzupini'c  nomai'    pic6  mi  mano  S 
tzupilu't  (mex.  Izopilotl)     zopilote.  Vease  cuzt 
(tzupcu — ?)  tzucua';  tzucua'c,  tzupa'c  (sic)  p.; 
tzupa'z  (sic)  f.     cortar  P  S 

xitzucua'  na  opque't    icorta  el  hilo!  S 

etzucua'c    ya  esta  cortado  S 

tzupa'c  nomai'    cort6  mi  mano  P  S 

PA  tzupa'z  na  quagu't    para  cortar  el  palo  S 
(tzoma1);  tzome'z  f.  (mex.  tzoma)    coser  M  Mr 
S 

ti tzome'z    tu  vas  a  coser  S 

nui '  ntatzome'z    voy  a  coser  S 

ntatzontu'c    estaba  cosiendo  S 
tzon  (mex.  tzontli)     pelo  Mr  P  Pa  S  (sont, 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

motzo'n     tu  pelo  P 

motentzo'n     tu    barba    P    (tu     boca-pelo) 

(modensen  Apolonio  Rosario) 
tzoct    pano,  traje,  camisa  M  Mr  S 

notzo'c    mi  traje 
tzocua'zt  (mex.  tzicauaztli)     peine  S 

ntzocui'z    voy  a  peinar  S 
tzulu'  imp. ;  tzulu'c  p.  (mex.  tzoloa)     sacudir  M 
MrS 


xitzulu'  na  tepo'xt    sacudi  la  cama  M  Mr  S 

entzulu'c    lo  sacudf  S 

(chan)  (mex.  chantli)  casa  A  El  F  Fr  M  Mr 
P  Pa  S  (nochan,  mi  casa  Apolonio 
Rosario) 

huhio'm  nocha'n    mi  casa  es  grande  F  M 

icha'n    su  casa  S 

quizco'm  mocha'n  tiba'     ^cuantas  casas  tie- 
nes?  S 

tocha'n     nuestra  casa 
che  pr.  e  imp.;  chez  f.  (mex.  ckia)     esperar  S 

neba'  ntzoche'    aquf  te  espero  S 

xiche'     jespera!  S 

tixche'     jesperame!  S 

nui'  nchez    voy  a  esperar  S 

ntzochetu'c    estoy  esperandote  S 
(chibilu')  (mex.  tepilli  ?)     vulva  P 

mochibilu'     tu  vulva  P 
chicala't    corriente  del  rio  P 
chique'c  (mex.  chicauac)     duro  P  S 
chil  (mex.  chilli)     chile  Mr  S  (chil,  Apolonio 
Rosario) 

chilto't    piedra  para  moler  chile  Mr 
chua':  pr. ;  chue'  imp.;  chuc  p.   (mex.  chiua) 
hacer  A  El  F  Fr  I  taquechuc  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 

nixchua'  PULGA     me  pica  (hace)  la  pulga  S 

te  tichua'     ique  haces?  F  M 

chua'  DANO  quaxilu't  xui'     hace   dano  el 
platano  verde  S 

PA  chue'  AMARRAR     para  amarrarlo  M  Mr 

xichue'    jhaz!  A  El  F  Fr  I  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 

echu'c  uli'c    lo  hizo  bueno  F  M 

tichulu't    vamos  a  hacerlo  S 

chutu'c  PLANCHANDO    esta  planchando  S 

entzuchu'c  VENDER     yo  te  lo  he  vendido  A. 

Vease  taquechu'c 

chupe'c  (mex.  chipauac)     bianco  A  M  Mr  S 
chock  (mex.  chica,  chicha)     escupir,  saliva  S 

icho'ch    su  saliva  S 

nocho'ch     mi  saliva  S 
chucha'c     huele  A  Fr  Jo  P  S 
chuca'  (mex.  choca)     llorar  F  M  P  S 

chuca'  na  cone't     llora  el  nifio  F  M 

teca'  chuca  ipor  qu£  llora?  F  M 

teca'  tochuca'     ipor  que  lloras?  S 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


37 


nchuca',  a'mba  emo'c  nob'lu'    lloro,  porque 

se  muri6  mi  hijo  S 
chucoce'  (mex.  chiquacen)     seis  Ep  S  (chigon, 

Apolonio  Rosario) 

chucula't  (mex.  chocolatl)    chocolate  F  M  Mr  S 
(chol  ?)  nocholu'    mi  hermano  Fr  Jo  S 

mocholuga'm    tus  hermanos  S 
ca  (mex.  ca)  (particula)  A  F  M  Mr 
ca  xui'     janda!  F  M 
ca  xui  PA  mocha 'n  jvete  a  tu  casa!  Mr 
ca  quixui'  PA  nocha'n     jandale  a  tu  casa!  Mr 
ca  (mex.  can)     donde  A  F  I  M  Mr  P  S 
ca  tui'     ipor  d6nde  te  vas?  M  Mr  S 
ca  tiba'  at     ,-a  d6nde  tienes  agua?  S 
ca  tyac     ipor  d6nde  fuiste?  S 
campa'  (mex.  campa)     id6nde?  A  El  P 
POR  campa'  tui'     ipor  d6nde  te  vas?  A 
ca  (mex.  ca)     con  F  M  P  S 

nen  ca  igue'n  natacoztu'c    estoy  platicando 

con  el  S 
nen  tzupine'  ca  ce  quagu't    pic6  con  un  palo 

S 

ca  nen    conmigo  P 

ximocti'  ca  moxo'i     jmatalo  con  tu  pie!  S 
(cayivima,  frio,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
cayu'    caballo   Fr  Jo   P  S    (cayu,   Apolonio 

Rosario) 

cayupo'l    potro,  caballito  S 
can  (mex.  caua)     quedarse  S 

nen  mocau'  nocece'    me  quedo  s61o  S 

az  cauanqui'     no  sirve  F  M  P  (az  caban- 

qui'?) 
caxani';  caxa'nc  p.  (mex.  caxani)     sanar  M  Mr 

S 
te  motzeti'c  DOCTOR  te  caxani'      ite  dijo  el 

doctor  que  sane?  M 
caxani'    esta  sanando  S 
yulicyuli'c  ui'  caxa'nz    despacio  va  a  sanar 

M 
calamqui' ;  calamco'z  f.     acordarse  S 

az  ncalamqui'  noch    no  me  acuerdo  de  todo 

S 

nui'  ncalamco'z    voy  a  acordarme  S 
queue'  imp.;  queue 'z  f.  (mex.  cauia)  guardar 

M  Mr  S  (aqueue'f) 
nui'  caqueue'z    voy  a  guardarlo  M  Mr  S 


xaqueue'     jguardalo!  S 
quern  (mex.  quen)     c6mo  S 

quern  tpenu'c  na  ate'n  ic6mo  pasaste  el  rio  ?S 
quet;  quetya'     (mex.  catqui)     hay  A  Ep  F  Fr  I 

Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
neba'  quet    aqui  esta  F  M 
ma  quet    alii  esta  F  M 
az  quet  uli'c    no  esta  bueno  Ep 
quet  tu'chi  nocha'n    mi  casa  es  pequena  F  M 
ma  quet  oque'lc    esta  alii  adentro  F  M 
ma  quet  ite'nc  apa'zt    esta  debajo  de  la  olla  S 
na  quet  ma    esta  alii  I 
neba'  quetya'    aqui  estaba  P  S 
onque't  (mex.  onca)     hay  P  S 

aqo'c  onque't  cue't    hay  muchas  culebras 

P 
quago'   az    nonque't    neba'      mafiana   no 

estar6  aqui  S 

eyonque't  xamt    hay  tortillas  Fr  Jo 
quexque'mt  (mex.  quechquemitl)     huipil  F  Jo 

M  Pa  (quext,  coxt    pescueso) 
noquexque'm     mi  huipil  Jo 
quequi' ;  quec  p. ;  quez  f .  (mex.  caqui)     oir  F  M 

MrS 

az  ncoquequi'    no  lo  oigo  Mr  S 
toquequi'    oyes  F  M 
encoque'c    oi  S 
nui'  ncoque'z    voy  a  oir  S 
(quel)  (mex.  calif)     casa  F  M 
ito'c  quelc    en  la  casa  F  M 
quin  (mex.  quin)   solamente  con  neba'  y  na  A 

Jo  PS 

quineba'  nui'    aca  me  voy  Jo 
leca'  PA  quineba'     jvente  aca!  A 
quina'  nuqueya'    asi  decia  A  P 
quicfl' ;  quice'  imp.;  quizc  p.;  quice'z  f.  (mex. 

qui^a)     salir  F  I  M  P  S 
tiqui^a'  mato'lc    sales  fuera  S 
xiquice'  S;  quice'  F  M  P  S     jsal! 
ma  que't  quiztu'c  apoto'ct    alii  esta  saliendo 

el  humo  S 

equi'zc  tune'l    salio  el  sol  P 
nen  quice'z     saldre  I 

quizco'm  (mex.  quezqui)     icuantos?  Mr  S 
quizco'm  meleque't  tiba'     icuantos  malacates 
tienes?  S 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


quixi'  imp. ;  quixi'c  p. ;  quixi'z  f .  (mex.  quixtia) 

sacar  S 

xiquixi'     jsacalo!  S 
enquixi'c    lo  saqu£  S 
nquixi'z    voy  a  sacarlo  S 
co  naco'     ahora  S  P.     Wase  naco' 
(qua);  quac  p.;  quaz  f.  (mex.  qua)     comer  A  F 

Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
etaqua'c    comi6  M  P 
totaqua'c    has  comido  S 
az  nconqui'  taqua'z    no  quiero  comer  F  M 
az  tiqua'z    no  lo  comeras  F  M 
totaqua'z    comeremos  A  (totaguasquit,  Apo- 

lonio  Rosario) 
xicque'  na  quaxilu't  PA  tiquazqui't    asa  el 

platano  para  que  lo  comamos  F  M  S 
xicueti'  ce  pan  PA  tiquazqui't    compra  un 

pan  para  que  lo  comamos  S 
PA  nqua'z    para  que  lo  coma  S 
xtaquati'     jvete  a  comer!  S 
xtaquati'  mocha' n     jvete  a  tu  casa  a  comer! 

S 

xtaquaqui'     jvente  a  comer!  S 
nen  naqua^amqui'     tengo  hambre  Fr  Jo  S 
noqua^onqui'     tengo  hambre  P 
cua';  cue  imp. ;  cue  p. ;  cua'z  f .  (mex.  coo)   com- 

prar  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 
ticucua'     lo  compras  Fr  Jo 
xicue'     jc6mpralo!     S 
xicueti'     jvete  a  comprarlo!  S 
encocu'c    lo  compre  S 
encucu'c  teyu'l    compr6  maiz  M  Mr  S 
az  ticua'z  tutu't  pa  taqua'z     ^no  compraras 

carne  para  comerla?  F 

(quail)  (mex.  quaitl)     cabeza  F  M  Mr  P  Pa  S 
noquai'     mi  cabeza  (noquay,  Apolonio  Ro- 
sario) 

quane'  imp.     rascar  P  S 
xaquane'     irascalo!  S 
chua'  naquantu'c    esta  rascandose  S 
quanco'ch    costal    Fr  Jo 
quaxa'xt     faja  M  Mr  S 
quaxilu't  (mex.  coaxilotT)     platano  A  El  F  M 

MrS 

quago'     manana  A  Fr  Jo  Mr  P  S  (cuago,  goago, 
Apolonio  Rosario) 


quagu't    (mex.     quauitl)     palo,     arbol,     lena 
banco,  carcel,  fusil  A  El  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 
noquagu't    mi  fusil  El 
tequagu't     tiz6n  S 
nyac  quagutu'     fuf  a  lenar  S 
antu'  quaguzqui't     jvamonos  a  lenar!  A  Jo 

Mr 

quala't  lagartija  S 

guala'c  (mex.  huallauh)     venir  F  I  M  P  S 
neba'  guala'c     aca  vino  S 
eguala'c  totoltzi'n    vino  el  cura  P 
enola'c    vine 

ic  tola'c     icuando  viniste?  S 
nola'c  tixtaguetu'    vine  para  que  me  pagues 

S 

tolaqui't    venimos  S 
ic  molaqui't    <icuando  vinieron?     S 
(qual  ?)  noqualu'     mi  lado  M  Mr  S 
(gue,    cue  ?)    nogiie'u    mi    marido    Mr  P  S 

(noquehu,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(cueit)  (mex.  cueitl)     enagua  El  F  Jo  M  Mr 

PaS 

nocue'i     mi  enagua  Mr 
cue't    (mex.    coatl)     culebra    F   Fr   Jo    M    S 

(cuet,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
aQo'c  cue't     muchas  culebras  F  M 
cuete'xt  (mex.  cuetlaxtli)     cuero,  piel  S 
giiecha'l  (vdase  mex.  uiptla)     pasado  manana 
M  Mr  P  S  (guechal  si,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
Gueualla'n    LACUNA      nombre    antiguo    de 

Pochutla  Fr  Jo 
gueque'  (mex.  ueca)     lejos  Fr  Jo  (asoc  gueque 

muy  lejos,  Apolonio  Rosario) 
(guel  ?)  iguelu'     su  esposa  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  P  S 
te    micu'l    moguelu'     ic6mo    se    llama    tu 
esposa?  Mr  S  (noquelu,  mi  esposa,  Apo- 
lonio Rosario) 
(cuizca'  ?)     traer  I 
ac.o'c  VIENTO  cuizca  LA  LUNA     mucho  viento 

trajo  la  luna  I 
cuixo'm    iguana  (mex.  cuixin  MILAN)  F  Fr  Jo 

MS 
(cuique)  (mex.  cuica)     can  tar  S 

ntacuiquetu'c    estoy  cantando  S 
coyu'd  (mex.  coyotl)  coyote  (Apolonio  Rosario) 
cope'c  (mex.  copetic)     grueso  S 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


39 


coma'l  (mex.  comalli)     comal  A  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr 

nocomalu'    mi  comal  A  F 
nocumale'u  (castellano  comadre)  mi  comadre 

FS 

nocumpale'u  (castellano  compadre)     mi  corn- 
padre  El  Fr  Jo  Mr  P  S 

cumt  (mex.  comitl)     cantaro  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 
cute't  (mex.  cuitlall)     mierda  A 
cone't  (mex.  conetl)     nino  El  F  M  P 

xite'  na  cone't     mira  el  nino  F  M 

cocone't    ninos  F  M  P  (coconet,  muchacho; 
coconets,  muchachas,  Apolonio  Rosario) 

conebo'l    criatura  F  M  P  (conevol,  Apolonio 
Rosario) 

coconebo'l     criaturas  P 

(contze   ?)    xucontze'     jechalo    (adentro)!    Fr 
Jo  Mr  S 

nenconce'z    voy  a  hacer  tortillas  Fr  Jo 

enconce'c     hice  tortillas  Fr  Jo 
cuzt    zopilote  Mr  S.     Vease  tzupilu't 
coztu'c.     Vease  (ta)ctze    platicar 
coxt  (mex.  quechtli)  pescuezo  M  Mr  S.     Vease 
quexque'mt 

moco'ch     tu  pescuezo  S 
coxqui'  (mex.  quequexquid)     comez6n  A  S 

nicoxqui'     tengo  comez6n  S 
(cochi');  coxc  p. ;  cocho'z  f.  (mex.  cochi)     dormir 
FM  Mr  PS 

eco'xc    durmi6  S 

cocoxtu'c    esta  durmiendo  F  M 

nen  cocho'z    voy  a  dormir   F  M    (cochos, 
Apolonio  Rosario) 

az  nconqui'  cocho'z     no  quiero  dormir  F 

cocho'  mue'n     jduerme!  F 

xucochoti'     jvete  a  dormir!  S 

afo'c  ncocoxni'    deseo  mucho  dormir  P 
cuchi'     puerco  M  Mr  S 
cocoa'  (mex.  cocoa)     enfermo  F  M  Mr  S 

nococoa'   nomai'     tengo   enferma   la   mano 
FM 

az  nococoa'     no  estoy  enfermo  S 

nococoa'  noye'     mi  madre  esta  enferma  S 
cug'li;  cug'lu'c  p.     frio  M  Mr  S 

aqo'c  cug'li'     se  enfri6  mucho  M  Mr  S 

ecug'lu'c    ya  se  enfri6  S 

quet  cug'luni'     hace  frio  S 


(cul  ?)  (mex.  colli,  antepasado  ?)  nombre 

te  nicu'l  mue'n     ic6mo  te  llamas?  F  M 

QUE  micu'l  moye'     ic6mo  se  llama  tu  madre  ? 
S 

que  tmocu'l     ic6mo  te  llamas?  S 

icu'l  mogilelu'  MARIA     mi  esposa  se  llama 

Maria  S 

culu't  (mex.  colotl)     alacran  A  F  M 
colme'n  (mex.  queman  ?)     hace  poco  tiempo  S 

colme'n  nola'c    vino  hace  poco  tiempo  S 

icolme'n  yac    se  fue  hace  poco  tiempo  S 

colme'n  quizc    sali6  hace  poco  tiempo  S 
ctza;  ctze  imp.;  coze,   ctzec  p.;  ctzez  f.  (mex. 

quetza)     levantar  F  M  S 

az  ue'l  noctza'n    no  se  puede  levantar  S 

xmoctze'     jparate!  F  M 

te  ncoctze'c     ien  que  pise?  S 

enmoco'zc    me  levante  S 

nui'  ncoctze'z  nocha'n    voy  a  parar  a  mi 
casa  S 

az   nconqui' timoctze' z   no  quiero  levantarme 

FM 
(to)  ctze'  (mex.  quetza)     platicar  F  M  S 

totactze'     hablas  F  M 

xtactze'     jhabla!  S 

tacoztu'c    esta  platicando  F  M  S   (dacus, 
tagustuc,  Apolonio  Rosario) 

totacoztu'c    estamos    platicando    S,    estas 
platicando  S 

ntacoztu'c  neba'    estoy  platicando  aqui  S 
g'lazt  (mex.  quilaztli)     mujer  A  F  Fr  Jo  M 
Mr  P  S  (claxtl,  Apolonio  Rosario) 

quig'lazqui't     mujeres  P  S 

omeme't  quig'lazqui't    dos  mujeres  P 

nog'la'zt    mi  esposa  Fr  Jo 

g'lazpo'l    muchacha  A 
(to)  g'lua'  (mex.  cuiloa)     escribir  S 

tag'lutu'c    esta  escribiendo  S 

xtag'luti'     Describe!    S 

huhio'm  (mex.  uei)     grande  F  Fr  Jo  M  Mr  S 
hulu'  imp.;    hulu'c  p.  (mex.  oilia)    pepenar,1 
recoger,  separar    S 

xihulu'  na  teyu'l    \  pepena  el  maiz  S ! 

1  Vease  Cecilio  A.  Robelo,   Dicionario  de  Aztequis- 
mos  (Cuernavaca,  1904),  p.  632. 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


encuhulu'c    lo  pepene  S 
leca'     jvente!  A  Ep  Fr  Jo  Mr  PS 
lipu'    bule   F   Fr  Jo   M    Mr  calabazo  con 

cintura1  (mex.  ilpia  atar  ?) 
(lyu)  (mex.  [no]  yollo)     coraz6n  Mr  S  (noliu, 

Apolonio  Rosario) 
CLQO'C  tamoca'  nolyu'    mucho  me  duele  el 

coraz6n  S 

luxalyu'  (castellano  rosario)  Fr  Jo  S 
noluxalyu'    mi  rosario  Fr  S 

CASTELLANO-POCHUTLA 

abrir    Upu' 

aca     quineba'  (quin) 

acabar    temi' 

acordarse    calamqui'  (nocho1) 

acostarse    teque'  (ixna'c) 

adentro    toe  (ma,  metze',  quet).    Vease    EN 

agua    at  (meca,  toe,  nixtu'n,  ca) 

aguacate    aueque't 

ahijado    Vltzin 

ahora    naco'  (at,  ui'tz) ;  nacona'  (te) ;  conaco' 

alas    yajai' 

alacran     culu't  (tzupine') 

algodon     oxque't  (meca) 

alii    ma  (ato'lc,  aci',  ui',  ui'ts,  yect,  pen,  toe,  nocho', 

quet,  quifa') 
amar    sousongui 
ancho    pate'c 
;anda!    ca  (ui) 
andar    agueneumi 
anoche    ogiie'l  (apeco',  pen,  penu'c) 
antier    icualgua'  (igualgua'  ?) 
apagar    tzeue',  ceue'  (?) 
apestar    iye'c 
apretar    pechu' 
aqu!     neba'  (ayago1,  apeco',  aci',  oco'c,  penu'c,  guala'c, 

quet) 

4rbol     quagu't 
arco    escocu'l 
asar     ixque'  (qua) 
asf     qui  na  (quin) 
atar    ilpi' 
atizar     totoqui' 
atole    etu'l  (boz) 
ayer    algua' 
ayudar    petebi'  (ac) 
bailar     moludi's 
bajar     d'mu 
banco    quagu't  (ixna'c,  teque') 

1  Vease  Cecilio  A.  Robelo,  Dicionario  de  Aztequis- 
mos,  Apendice,  p.  2. 


banar    mohue',  mamui' 
barba     (tzo'n) 
barrer    tachapane' 
bastante     mie'c 

no  bastante    tu'chi 
beber    temi'  (meca') 
bien     uli'c  (ui') 
bianco     chupe'c 
blando    totoini' 
boca    ten  (moca1) 
Bombax  Ceiba     pochu't 
borracho    unti'  (afo'c,  na) 
bramar    tetoa'  (yut) 
brazo     (mai) 
bueno     uli'c  (chua1,  quet) 
buenos  dlas    ay  te' 
bule    lipu' 

buscar    temoa'  (ampa,  ya,  te) 
caballo    cayu' 
cabeza     quail  (moca') 
caer    otz  (ui',  ma) 
caim&n    te'ipo 
calabaza    eyu't 
calentura    tune'l 
caliente    tune'l  (na) 
cama    tepo'xt  (ui',  tzulu') 
camar6n    achiquelo'm 
camino    ot'ca'n 
camisa    tzocl  (tali') 
cansado    cyeui' 
cantar    cuique 
cantaro     cumt 
cara    ixt 

carcel    quagu't  (apeco') 
cargar    mama' 

carne    neque't  (ina') ;  tutu't  (cua) 
carrizo    aque't 
carta    ame't 

casa    chan  (antu',  bia,  tu'chi,  qua,  quet,  ctza) 
casarse    namocti'  (ili',  ic,  te) 
ceniza    noxt  (mote1,  tachapane') 
cerrar    tzecue' 
cinco    macui'l 
cocido    ecfo'c 
coger    ma  (ui',  yect) 
colgar    pib'lu' 
comadre    cumale'u 
comal    coma'l 

comer    qua  (antu',  anye'n,  ixque',  nqui) 
comezon     coxqui' 
como    quern  (penu'c) 
compadre    cumpale'u 
comprar     cua'  (qua);  f,alu' 
con     ca  (uluni1,  pib'lu',  tzupine',  nen) 
conmigo    ca  nen  (ca) 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


contar    po 

coraz6n    lyu  (ampa,  a$o'c) 

correr    telu'z 

corriente  del  rfo    chicala't 

cortar    tzucua'  (opquet) 

cosa    te  (ah  na) 

coser    tzoma' 

costal     quanco'ch 

coyote     coyu'd 

criatura     cone't  (pue',  meca',  na) 

(icuando?    ic  (ui',  te,  namocti',  guala'c) ;  tico'n  (ui1) 

^cuantos?     quizco'm    (oco'xt,    bia',    meca',    tuque'c, 

chan) 

cuatro    nayo'm  (bia') 
cuero    cuete'xt 

culebra    cue't  (afo'c,  ui',  unyo'c,  ce,  quet) 
culo    tup 

cura    totollzi'n  (ui'tz,  guala'c) 
chiflar     (icoz-) 
chile    Ml 
chocolate     chucula't 

dar    ma;  meca'  (ah  na,  ac,  mie'c,  te,  ce,  nixtu'n) 
debajo    ite'nc  (quet) 

decir    iti  (igiie'n,  caxani');  nuca'  (ac,  te,  quin) 
delgado    ptzec 
desatar    toma' 
despacio    yuli'c  (caxani') 
despues    tiome'n  (ay  te') 
destapar    tepu' 
dia    tune'l 
diez    matu 

dinero    tumi'n  (ayago',  ampa,  po,  bia') 
dios    tog 

doler    moca'  (afo'c,  lyu) ;  cocoa'  (ampa) 
donde     ca  (ui') ;  campa' 
dormir    cochi'  (ui',  mue'n,  nen,  nqui) 
dos    ome'm  (bia',  ma  [dar],  tito't,  g'lazt) 
dulce    otca'i 
duro    chique'c 
echar     602;  (contze) ;  uluni' 
el    na 

el    igiie'n  (ampa,  nen,  nqui,  ca) 
elote    elu't 

tortilla  de  elote  (xamt,  meca') 
ella.     Vease     EL  (iti) 
embarazada    uzti'  (na) 
empezar    peu'c 
en    toe  (apeco',  uluni',  ma  [allf]);    nac;   ic  (teque1); 

pen  (ogue'l) 
enagua     (cueil) 
encontrar    aci'  (ma  [allf]) 
enfermo    cocoa'  (ay  te',  az,  ampa) 
enojarse    teue' 
ensenar    mexti'  (ac,  meti) 
entonces    ah  na 


entrar    apeco'  (ogue'l,  neba') 
envolver     pib'lu' 
es     quet  (tu'chi) 
escoba     (tachapane') 
esconderse    ya  (ampa) 
escribir    g'lua' 
escupir    choch 
ese     ina'  (name'l)  •  ma 
ese    na  (ac,  ina') 
eso     na  (tune'l) 
espalda    d'botz  (cyeui') 
espantarse    fute' 
esperar    che  (aci') 
espina     ui'zti  (apeco') 
esposa    giie'l  (te,  cul) ;  g'lazt 
espuma    puQone'l 

esta     quet  (ato'lc,  na,  cug'li',  uli'c,  pen,  ma  [alii],  tup, 
toxt,  neba',  naco',  toe,  na,  nac,  xuV  quic,a') 

esta  en  pie    mougui' 

esta  echado    unyo'c 
este    ina'  (ixi'c) ;  name'l 
faja     quaxa'xt 
flor    xucho't  (name'l) 
frente    ixt;  ixna'c 
frio    pina';  cug'li';  cayivima 
fuego     let  (tzeue1) 
fuera     ato'lc  (quica1) 
fusil     quagu't 

gallina    tila'n  (bia,  modi',  na) 
golpear    pig'li' 
gotear     taxiquetuc 
grande    huhio'm  (chan) 
gritar    tatzi' 
grueso    cope'c 
guajalote    toto'l 
guardar    queue' 
gusano    ug'lo'm 
hablar    tetoa';  ctze  (ac) 
hacer     chua'  (te,  fampe',  quane') 
hace  poco  tiempo    naco' 
hambre     naquac,amqui' ;  (ampa) 
hay    unyo'c  (aqo'c,  neba') ;  que't  (ma) 

no  hay     ayago'  (nintega1) 
hermana    iuit;  (pima');  (nutza') 
hermano     (bu);  chol 
hervir    molu'nc 

hijo     b'l  (ampa,  bia',  mac,  chuca') 
hilar    tzaue'z  (meca') 
hilo     opque't  (tzupua) 
hoja     xut 

hombre    teque't  (ina',  ma  [alii],  na) ;  oco'xt 
horraiga    tzique't 
hoy    naco' 
Huatulco     Uetu'l 
huele    chucha'c 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


hueso    ot 

huesos  quemados    tice't 

huevo    tito't  (ome'm,  bia',  ma  [dar],  tot) 

huipil     quexque'mt 

humo    apoto'ct  (quice1) 

huso     malage'u  (quizco'm) 

iglesia    tiope'n  (pen) 

iguana    cuixo'm 

iguana  verde    totoli't 

ir     ui'  (ay  te',  ampa,  ate'n) 

jab6n    xabo' 

jicalpezte    pebe't 

jtcara    oxca'zt  (ma  [dar],  tuque'c) 

lado     I/mil 

ladrar    tatzi' 

lagarto     te'ipo 

lagartija     quala't 

lamer    pelu' 

lavar    peque'  (yulicyuli'c) 

lavar     mohue' 

lejos     giieque' 

lengua     nenepi'l 

lefta     quagu't 

levantar    tqui;  ctza  (ue'l) 

limpiar    pue' 

lo    me  (mama'c) 

lodo    tal  (bia) 

luna     meti 

llamar    nutza' 

llevar    tqui  (eti') 

llorar     chuca'  (ampa,  at,  te,  na) 

lluvia    yect  (ui',  ui'tz,  ma  [tomar]) 

machete    meche't  (temoa') 

madre    ye  (ayago',  Ui,  pig'li',  meti',  cul,  cocoa') 

madrina     nan 

maduro    ecfo'c 

maguey     micui'x 

maiz    teyu'l  (az,  ui',  tuque'c,  cua) 

malacate    malague'u  (quizco'm) 

mano    mat  (tati1,  tzupine',  cocoa') 

manana     quago'  (az,  ui',  ui'tz,  peque',  quet) ;  nobegu'c 

man. in. i,  pasado    guecha'l 
mar    at 

marido    giie'  (ampa) 
masa    toxt 

matar     modi'  (ca  [con],  na) 
mazorca     totomo'xt;  (.on  (poxce'z) 
mear    xixe'z 
medio  dfa     tacane'l 
menear     uluni' 
mentir    dasupua 
metate    mot  (mai) 
mierda     cute't 
milpa    mil  (bia',  ita') 
mio     nobe'c 


mirar    ita'  (ampa,  az,  name'l,  ce,  cone't) 

mojar    aue'c 

moler    tofo'  (ui') 

morir    moc  (ampa,  nocho',  chuca) 

mosca     moyu't 

mover    uluni' 

muchacha    g'lazt 

muchacho    cone't  (ina',  ixi'c,  na) 

mucho    afo'c  (aue'c,  ampa,  unyo'c,  ug'li',  bia',  teue', 

tacho'm,  neba',  cochi',  cuizca',  cue't,  quet) 
mugre    tal 
mujer    g'lazt  (na) 
murcielago     tzinaca' 

muy    afo'c  (etiote'c,  eueta'c,  ina',  tayua',  tune'l,  lyu) 
nacer    tzintu'c 
nada     nintega'  (ayago') 
Nahuatl     nagua'l 
nariz    yeque't 

nino    cone't  (az,  entzute'c,  ita',  na,  chuca') 
no    az  (ampa,  ayago',  ay  te',  aci',  eti',  ita',  iti,  igue'n, 

ui',  ue'l,  ui'tz,  uluni',  bia',  pig'li',  meti',  meca', 

tali',  cau,  namocti',  nqui,  nen,  nintega',   nocho' 

calamqui',  quet,  quequi',  qua,  cua',  cochi',  cocoa', 

ctza) ;  ayago';  ay  te'  (az) 
noche    ogiiel  (apeco') 
nombre     cul  (giiel) 
nosotros     tue'n  (bia',  nqui) 
nube    pixt  (?) 

Oaxaca     Uaxe'c  (anye'n,  meti') 
ocote    oco't  (na) 
oido     neque'zt  (tzecue) 
oir     quequi' 
ojo     ixtotolu't 
olla    apa'zt  (ite'nc,  yuli'c,  uluni',  ma  [all!     peque', 

pelu',  toe,  na,  xama'nc,  quet) 
olvidar     yactangui 
ombligo    xict 
once    mateesu 
oreja     neque'zt 
orita  (ahorita)     naco';  nime'n;   (aci',  ui'tz);  tiume'n 

(meca') 

obscurecer    tayua' 
otra  vez     fampe' 
padre     (tecu')  (ina',  ixi'c,  ui') 
padrino     (tal) 
pagar    lagiii'c  (guala'c) 
palo     quagu't    (uluni',   pen,   ma   [dar],   tzupine',   ca 

[con],  ce) 
pan     pan 

pane    payo';  tzoct  (ig'ti1) 
papel     ame't 
parecido     ixi'c  (ina') 
parir    taquechu'c;  pizc 
pasar    penu'c  (quern) 
pasearse    paxalu- 


NO.    I 


EL     DIALECTO     MEXICANO     DE     POCHUTLA,     OAXACA 


43 


pecho    tipe'n 

peine    tzucua'zt 

peinar    tzucui'z 

pelo    tzon 

pene     eel 

pensar     nuca' 

pepenar    hulu' 

pequeno     nixtu'n  (bid1) ;  tu'chi  (quet) 

perder    polu'c 

perro    tacho'm  (ac.o'c,  iye'c,  tutuca',  neba') 

pesado    eti' 

pescado    micho'm 

pescuezo     coxt 

peso    milyu'  (ce) ;  tumi'n  (nuca') 

petate     b'tet;  pot 

picar     tzupine' 

pie    xo-  (apeco',  ma  [tomar],  ca  [con]) 

piedra     tot  (mote') 

piedra  para  moler  chile     chilto't 
piel     cuele'xt 
piojo     ato'mt 
pizcar     poxque'z 

platano    quaxilu't  (ixque',  xui',  chua',  qua) 
platicar    cozlu'c,  ctza  (nen) 
poco    nixtu'n  (meca1) 
Pochutla     Cuenatla'n 
poder     ue'l  (ctza  [levantar]) 
polio     tila'n  (az) 
poner    tali'  (apeco') 
poquito     nixtu'n 

porque    ampa  (ayago',  etiote'c,  ya,  chuca') 
por  que    te  (ampa,  unti',  chuca') 
potro     cayu' 
preguntar     tatenli' 
prepucio     xipu'n 

pronto    tutuca'  (ate'n)  •  leca'  (vease  VENIR) 
pueblo    at'be't  (meli',  te) 
puerco    cuchi' 
puma     micilu't 
purgar    apitze'z 
que   te  (ayago',  az,  iti,  bia',  temoa',  tali',  naco',  caxani', 

chua',  tzecue',  nqui,  nuca',  ctze  [levantar],  cul, 

gue'l) 

quebrar    xama'nc  (apa'zt,  na) 
quedarse     cau  (nixtu'n) 
quemar    tali'  (na) 
querer    nqui  (az,  igiie'n,  ui',  te,  tali',  nuca',  nintega', 

nen,  cochi',  qua,  ctza  [levantar]) 
quien     ac  (petebi1,  meti',  meca',  nuca') 
rascar     quane' 
real     milyu' 
rebozo    payo'  (pib'lu1) 
reir     (manli) 

rfo    ate'n  (penu'c,  nac,  quem) 
corriente  del  rio     chicala't 


robar    taxto'c 

rosario    luxalyu' 

saber     meti'  (ce) 

sacar    quixi' 

sacudir     tzulu' 

sal     ozte't 

salir    quifa'  (ato'lc,  colme'n) 

saliva    choch 

sanar    caxani'  (yuli'c) 

sangre    ezt 

seco     (ua'c)  (aue'c) 

seis    chucoce' 

sembrar     tuque'c  (ui') 

semejante    ixi'c 

semilla     (axt) 

sentarse    metze'  (toe) 

servir    cau 

si     ni  (az,  ui'tz) 

sobre    pen  (ma) ;  tacpa'c 

sol     tune'l  (apeco',  quic,a') 

solo    ce  (meti,  cau) 

sonar     (tzilini) 

soplar    pitze 

subir    tecu'  (pen) 

suyo     (bee) 

tabanco    tepo'xt  (pen) 

tamal     picl  (namig'li') 

tarde    etiote'c,  teote'c 

tecolote    tecolo't 

tejer    ig'ti' 

tenate    tupi'l 

tener     ba,  bia'  (ampa,  az,  ome'm,  tila'n,  tue'n,  te,  na, 

nixtu'n,  ca  [donde],  chan,  quizco'm) 
testi'culo     (tit) 

tiempo,  hace  poco    colme'n  (ampa) 
tierno    z'li  (tzintu'c) 
tierra    tal 
tigre    tiquani' 
tirar     mote 
tizne     til  (nocho1) 
tizon     quagu't  (tzeue1) 
todo    nocho'  (ui',   polu'c,   moc,  meti',  na,  xama'nc, 

calamqui') 

tomar    ma  (ome'm,  na) 
tomate    tome't 
tortilla    xamt  (meca',  tzecue',  quet) 

tortilla,  hacer    contze 
tortuga    ayu't 
trabajar     tocdoz 

traer     ui'tz  (naco') ;  mo;  cuizca'  (?) 
traje     tzoct  (bia',  tali') 
trece    matu  eyem 
tres    eyo'm  (bia',  tuque'c) 
trueno    tagmum 


44 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


tu    mue'n  (ampa,  ac,  unti',  meca',  te,  no,  nuca,  cochi', 

ilpi',  cul) 
uno     ce  (apeco',  az,  ig'ti',  uluni',  penu'c,  ma  [tomar], 

meca',  modi' ,  nuca' ,  tzupine',  ca  [con],  qua) 

11  M.I        OXt 

ivamonos!     antu'  (ate'n,  quagu't) 

veinte     semibuel 

veinticinco  c.umpe'1  magiii'l;  cemengiii'l;  fumpa'n 
magiii'l 

venado    mega't  (mocti1) 

vender    namig'li' 

venir  ui'tz  (az,  yect,  ma  [alii],  nime'n);  guala'c 
(algua1,  ic,  tiome'n,  meca',  colme'n);  leca'  (antu', 
metze',  neba',  tutuca',  quin).  Vease  PRONTO 


ver    ita'  (ampa,  az,  meca',  mue'n) 

verde    xui'  (chua) 

vergiienza,  tener    pinaua' 

viejo    picho't  (ina') ;  eueta'c 

viento    yut 

volar     pata'nc  («»') 

vomitar    entzute'c 

vulva     chibilu' 

yo    nen   (ampa,  eti',  icoz-,   ui',   mohue,  meti',  ita', 

tofo',  teue,  temoa',  tqui,  nuca',  ca  [con],  cau,  ce, 

qua,  cochi',  qui(a') 
zapote    tzepo't 
zopilote    tzupilu't,  cuzt 


NO.    I 


A    SILETZ    VOCABULARY 


45 


A  SILETZ  VOCABULARY 
By  LEO  J.  FRACHTENBERG 


THE  dialect  spoken  by  the  Indian  tribe  that 
lived  on  the  Siletz  River  prior  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Siletz  Indian  Reservation  (1856) 
represents  the  most  southern  branch  of  the 
Salish  linguistic  family.  The  origin  of  the 
word  "Siletz"  was  for  a  long  time  a  puzzle  to 
the  students  of  Indian  linguistics.  The  most 
frequent  explanation  that  was  put  forth  was, 
that  it  represented  a  corrupted  form  of  the 
name  "Saint  Celestine."  This  explanation 
seemed  quite  plausible,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  earliest  white  people  that  came  in 
contact  with  these  Indians  were  Catholic 
missionaries.  I  myself  considered  this  ety- 
mology correct  up  to  the  time  of  my  recent 
trip  to  the  Grande  Ronde  Reservation.  While 
stopping  at  Devil's  Lake  (situated  three  miles 
north  of  the  Siletz  River),  I  was  informed 
that  this  lake  and  also  the  Siletz  River  were 
known  as  Silet  Lake  and  Silet  River  respec- 
tively. Further  inquiries  proved  that  the 
word  "Silet"  is  of  Athapascan  origin,  meaning 
"Black  Bear"  (compare  Rogue  River  Sili't 
and  Tutu'-tunneS^i'i).  This  explanation  of 
the  word  "Siletz"  is  more  correct  than  the 
former  etymology,  for  two  reasons, — first, 
because  of  the  established  fact  that  in  a 
majority  of  cases  the  names  for  Indian 
tribes,  localities,  etc.,  are  not  native;  and, 
secondly,  because  of  the  fact  that  to  this  day 
many  black  bears  are  found  in  the  woods 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Siletz  River, — hence  I 
have  no  hesitation  in  accepting  the  word 
"Siletz"  as  of  Athapascan  origin. 

The  following  material  was  obtained  in 
1910  from  Susan  Fuller,  an  old  Indian  woman 
living  on  the  Siletz  Reservation.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  many  of  the  terms  of  relation- 
ship obtained  from  her  include  the  possessive 
pronouns;  but  I  had  no  means  of  verifying 
this  suspicion,  because  of  the  fact  that  she 


was  the  only  Siletz  Indian,  and  that  she 
spoke  very  little  English.  I  have  therefore 
put  down  the  words  obtained  from  her 
without  any  changes,  leaving  the  correct 
grammatical  analysis  to  the  students  of 
Salishan  linguistics. 


SOUNDS. 
a,  e,  i,  o,  u 
a,  e,  i,  B,  u 
at,  au,  eu 
ai 
a 


f,  u"      .  .  . 

g       .      .  .  . 

t,  k,  ts,  tc  .  . 

q       .      .  .  . 

k',  ts'      .  .  . 

t',9'       •  •  • 

tl,  ts!,  let,  k'l,  q! 

x       .      .  .  . 

s       .     .  .  . 

c      .     .  .  . 


n 
I 

L 

t 


h,  y,  w 


NUMERALS. 
tsxai,    one 
hEsd'lt,     two 
tcana't,     three 
lawu's,     four 
tslxus,     five 


short  vowels  of  continental  values. 

long  vowels  of  continental  values. 

short  diphthongs. 

long  diphthong. 

as  in  German  wdhlen. 

obscure  vowel. 

whispered  vowel. 

nasalized  vowels. 

sonant  stop. 

unaspirated  surds. 

velar  k. 

palatalized  surds. 

aspirated  t  and  q. 

explosives. 

like  ch  in  German  Bach. 

as  in  English. 

like  sh  in  English  she. 

as  in  English. 

like  /  in  English  lure. 

vocalized  n. 

spirant  lateral. 

surd  lateral. 

glottal  stop. 

aspiration. 

as  in  English. 

stress  accent. 


yilha'tci,    six 
t'tdo'ls,     seven 
t'qd'tci,     eight 
lEyu'1,     nine 
laha'*tcis,     ten 


TERMS    OF    RELATIONSHIP. 
tata's,     mother 
wawu'a's,     father 
ci'guts,     older  sister 
su'qles,    elder  brother 
xehcfs,     grandfather 


46 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS. 


VOL.  I 


qe'na's,     grandmother 
tawu'na's,    son 
lcita*s,    daughter 

/  grandson 
\  granddaughter 
st'la's,     grandchild 
swad'ls,     paternal  uncle 
qe'sa's,     maternal  uncle 
/  paternal  aunt 
tcats>     \  maternal  aunt 
nd'tclti,     father-in-law 
tatsd'lcis,     mother-in-law 
tasti'au'in,     brother-in-law 
sister-in-law 
f  son-in-law 
\  daughter-in-law 
son  of  elder  brother 
son  of  younger  brother 
daughter  of  elder  brother 
daughter  of  younger  brother 
son  of  older  sister 
son  of  younger  sister 
daughter  of  older  sister 
daughter  of  younger  sister 
taskd'tslis,   relatives   after   death    of    person 
caused  a  relationship 


sux*sl'xis, 
snd'tcltf, 

sliga'lc, 


that 


PARTS   OF   THE   HUMAN 
xa'lxal,     head 
waq'i'n,     hair 
wa'qsin,     nose 
tintlana's,    ear 
ttEd'ls,     forehead 
kunai'sun,     eyebrow 
tsitsi'n,     lip 
tasl'linu",     tooth 
wil'ya*,    tongue 
t'lcld'satci,    index-finger 
t'qe'tci,     middle  finger 
tslxus,     little  finger 

ANIMALS. 

asai'yshaL,     coyote 
talya'cl,     panther 
si'yu,    grizzly  bear 
tluntcdi's?,     black  bear 
xqax,     cinnamon  bear 
IsEa'ha'f,     wolf 
tasqa'qai,     fox 
u'xudltsi'nu,    coon 
a'lf'u',     wildcat 

NOUNS. 

tskak'leu',    coals 
tasnd''win,     house 


BODY. 

llyu1',     second  finger 

from  last 

ta't'and'tci,     thumb 
qtaxd'tct,     finger-nail 
tlEtca''saus,     neck 
tasha'niliP,     arm 
t'inha'ksdtci,     shoulder 
ci'yEcin,     knee 
I'cfts,     leg 
o'tsinali'kas,     breast 
ntsttls,     rib 
ylnka's,     heart 

si'sxqlu",     eagle 
ka'katlatci,     buzzard 
kEki'ki,     screech-owl 
ahd'lu,     salmon 
qElu",     Chinook  salmon 
cecia'wal,  silver-side  sal- 
mon 
tasni'c,    salmon-trout 


qalqa'l,     ashes 


SILETZ,   ORE., 

September.  1913. 


NO.   I 


UNCLASSIFIED    LANGUAGES    OF    THE    SOUTHEAST 


47 


UNCLASSIFIED  [LANGUAGES  OF  THE  SOUTHEAST 
By  JOHN  R.  SWANTON 


IN  Bulletin  43  of  the  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology  I  undertook  a  classification  of  the 
Indian  tribes  of  the  Lower  Mississippi  Valley 
and  the  adjacent  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
based  on  known  or  indicated  similarities  in 
their  languages;  and  in  another  paper,  now 
practically  completed,  I  have  attempted  the 
same  work  for  those  between  the  area  first 
covered  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Here  I 
intend  merely  to  indicate  a  few  of  the  more 
important  results,  and  to  list  the  languages 
which  I  have  so  far  been  unable  to  classify 
with  certainty,  in  order  to  put  the  present 
status  of  the  subject  on  record. 

So  far,  my  work  reveals  no  new  stock 
language;  nor  does  it  indicate  the  likelihood 
of  finding  any,  except  in  one  region,  southern 
Florida.  Some  years  ago  Mooney  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  there  was  not 
sufficient  evidence  on  which  to  extend  the 
Timuquanan  family  over  the  southern  part 
of  the  peninsula.  In  the  first  place,  the  tribes 
called  "Timucua"  by  the  Spaniards  never 
included  those  south  of  Tampa  Bay  and  Cape 
Canaveral;  and,  secondly,  although  we  have 
scarcely  any  linguistic  material  from  the 
South  Florida  tribes,  a  comparison  of  the 
place-names  in  the  two  areas  shows  striking 
differences.  At  the  same  time,  they  seem  to 
indicate  that  South  Floridians — the  Caloosa, 
Ais,  Tekesta,  and  their  neighbors — were 
related  to  each  other,  the  differences  between 
them  being  probably  only  dialectic.  Other 
evidence  points  toward  a  connection  between 
all  of  these  and  the  tribes  of  the  Muskhogean 
family;  but  definite  classification  must  wait 
upon  further  discoveries,  which  can  hardly 
be  outside  of  manuscripts,  since  there  is  small 
ground  for  hope  that  any  speakers  of  the  old 
Florida  languages  have  survived  to  the  present 
day.  If  a  Muskhogean  connection  were 


actually  established,  an  interesting  question 
would  at  once  arise  as  to  how  it  came  about 
that  the  Muskhogean  stock  was  cut  in  two  by 
a  people  entirely  distinct  from  it,  or  only  very 
remotely  related. 

All  of  the  other  tribes  which  history  reveals 
to  us  as  living  in  the  Southeast  probably 
belonged  to  the  stocks  already  recognized. 
In  the  majority  of  cases  we  can  prove  this, 
or  at  least  show  its  extreme  likelihood;  but 
there  are  a  few  tribes  whose  position  is  uncer- 
tain. I  will  review  them  briefly. 

Beginning  at  the  northeast,  the  first 
problematical  tribe  is  the  Coree,  which  lived 
about  Cape  Lookout  and  Core  Sound,  on  the 
coast  of  North  Carolina.  In  this  neighbor- 
hood three  stocks  met.  Northward  began 
that  fringe  of  Algonquian  peoples  which 
extended  unbrokenly  to  the  St.  Lawrence, 
south  were  Siouan  tribes  on  Cape  Fear  River, 
and  inland  the  Iroquoian  Tuscarora.  So  far, 
I  am  aware  of  but  one  fragment  of  evidence 
bearing  on  the  affinities  of  the  Coree.  This  is 
dropped  incidentally  by  Lawson,  who  says: 
"I  once  met  with  a  young  Indian  woman  that 
had  been  brought  from  beyond  the  mountains, 
and  was  sold  a  slave  into  Virginia.  She  spoke 
the  same  language  as  the  Coramine  [Coree], 
that  dwell  near  Cape  Lookout,  allowing  for 
some  few  words,  which  were  different,  yet  no 
otherwise  than  that  they  might  understand 
one  another  very  well."  1 

If  any  theory  may  be  based  upon  this,  it 
seems  to  exclude  the  Siouan  connection  and  to 
point  to  Iroquoian  relationship,  the  Iroquois 
having  been  the  principal  enemies  of  the 
tribes  of  this  area. 

The  Pascagoula  of  the  river  which  now 
bears  their  name  cannot  be  placed  with 

1  Lawson,  History  of  North  Carolina,  280. 


48 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


certainty,  because,  while  they  were  always 
closely  associated  with  the  Siouan  Biloxi, 
they  are  just  as  constantly  distinguished  from 
them.  Their  name,  which  signifies  "Bread 
People,"  is  from  Choctaw  or  a  related  dialect. 
This  circumstance,  contrasted  with  the  fact 
that  Biloxi  is  a  corruption  of  the  proper 
Siouan  term  for  that  tribe,  along  with  some 
additional  bits  of  evidence,  have  led  the 
writer  to  consider  the  Pascagoula  Muskho- 
gean,  but  the  proof  is  insufficient. 

The  Grigra,  or  Gri,  formed  a  distinct 
village  among  the  Natchez  Indians;  but  Du 
Pratz  states  that  they  were  an  alien  people, 
whose  language  was  distinguished  by  the  use 
of  a  well-developed  r.1  From  the  fact  that 
they  sharedthis  peculiarity  with  four  neighbor- 
ing tribes, — the  Tunica,  Yazoo,  Koroa,  and 
Tiou, — while  it  was  absolutely  wanting  from 
the  tongues  of  the  other  people  of  that  section, 
I  have,  in  Bulletin  43,  assigned  all  of  these 
conjecturally  to  one  stock,  called  from  the 
only  recorded  language  Tunican.  At  the  time 
when  I  wrote  the  above  work,  my  argument 
was  rather  weak,  because  the  association 
between  the  five  tribes  was  based  merely  on 
circumstantial  evidence,  albeit  rather  strong 
evidence  of  that  class.  Recently,  however,  my 
attention  has  been  called  to  the  following 
important  statement  in  the  "Journal  of  Diron 
d'Artaguette,"  under  date  of  Jan.  14,  1723: 
"We  summoned  the  Natchez  chiefs  to  supply 
us  with  provisions,  which  they  agreed  to  do; 
also  the  chief  of  the  Tyous.  This  is  a  small 
nation  which  has  its  village  a  league  to  the 
south  of  the  [Natchez]  fort.  This  nation  is  not 
very  large,  consisting  of  only  50  men  bearing 
arms.  It  has  the  same  language  as  the 
Thonniquas  [Tunica],  and  does  not  differ  from 
them  in  any  way  as  to  customs."  2 

This  strengthens  the  whole  case  very 
considerably,  since  circumstantial  evidence 

1  Du  Pratz,  HistoiredeLa  Louisiane  (1758),  2:  222- 
226. 

'Travels  in  American  Colonies  (ed.  by  Mereness), 
46. 


connecting  Yazoo  and  Koroa  with  Tunica 
was  stronger  than  that  linking  Tiou  and 
Tunica,  until  the  discovery  of  this  reference. 
Nevertheless,  Grigra  still  remains  somewhat 
in  doubt,  since  the  tribe  cannot  be  traced 
back  to  Yazoo  River,  like  all  of  the  others  of 
the  stock,  and  Du  Pratz  tells  us  that  it  united 
with  the  Natchez  earlier  than  the  Tiou. 

The  Opelousa  lived  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
near  the  place  which  perpetuates  their  name. 
Although  this  name  is  in  Choctaw,  the  tribe 
certainly  was  not  Muskhogean.  It  is  always 
referred  to  as  allied  with  the  Chitimacha  and 
Atakapa,  but  rather  with  the  latter  than  the 
former.  For  this  reason  I  have  placed  it 
provisionally  in  the  Atakapan  stock,  but 
absolute  proof  is  wanting. 

The  Okelousa,  or  "Black  Water"  people,— 
not  to  be  confused  with  the  preceding, — are 
mentioned  seldom.  They  seem,  however,  to 
be  associated  with  the  Houma,  who  are  known 
to  have  been  of  Muskhogean  stock,  and  hence 
I  have  so  classed  them. 

The  Bidai  were  on  and  near  a  western 
branch  of  the  middle  Trinity  River,  Texas, 
called  after  them.  The  word  is  perhaps 
Caddo,  but  evidence  collected  by  Professor 
H.  E.  Bolton  from  the  Spanish  archives  points 
to  a  connection  with  the  Atakapan  stock. 

A  great  many  tribes,  and  probably  dialects 
as  well,  have  been  exterminated  throughout 
southern  Texas,  but  there  is  as  yet  no  evidence 
that  any  of  these  was  divergent  enough  to  be 
given  an  independent  position.  In  fact, 
relationships  are  rather  indicated  between 
the  bodies  now  rated  independent. 

It  is  gratifying  to  the  writer  to  find  that  of 
three  cases  in  which  proof  of  relationship  has 
come  to  light  since  the  publication  of  Bulletin 
43,  the  writer's  hypothesis,  based  on  circum- 
stantial evidence  or  slight  indications,  was 
established  in  two  cases  and  disproved  in  but 
one,  the  case  for  which  was  exceptionally 
weak.  One  of  these  was  the  status  of  the 
Tiou  Indians,  which  has  already  been  con- 
sidered. Another  was  the  position  of  the 


NO.  I 


UNCLASSIFIED    LANGUAGES    OF    THE    SOUTHEAST 


49 


Akokisa.  My  belief  that  this  tribe,  or  group 
of  tribes,  belonged  to  the  Atakapan  stock, 
has  been  absolutely  confirmed  by  the  dis- 
covery of  a  vocabulary  of  forty-five  words  in 
an  unpublished  manuscript  among  the  valu- 
able documents  in  the  Edward  E.  Ayer 
collection  at  the  Newberry  Library,  Chicago. 
This  vocabulary,  and  an  equally  valuable 
Karankawa  vocabulary  in  the  same  manu- 
script, will  be  reproduced  and  fully  discussed  in 
a  future  number  of  this  Journal.  From  a  second 
document  in  the  Ayer  collection  I  obtained, 
however,  a  correction  of  my  position  regarding 
the  classification  of  two  little  tribes  on  Bayou 
La  Fourche,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
— the  Washa  and  Chawasha.  These  I  had 
considered  Muskhogean;  but  the  author  of 
the  document  just  alluded  to,  who  seems  to 
have  been  none  other  than  Bienville,  and 
should  therefore  know  whereof  he  writes,  not 
only  states  that  these  tribes  have  always 
spoken  almost  the  same  language  ("ont 
toujours  par!6  presque  la  meme  langue"),  but 


begins  his  account  of  the  Chitimacha  by 
saying  that  the  Tchioutimachas,  who  live 
six  leagues  from  the  Houmas  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river,  are  of  the  same  genius  and  the 
same  character  as  the  Tchaouachas  and  the 
Ouachas,  with  whom  they  have  always  been 
allied,  and  who  also  speak  almost  the  same 
language  ("Les  Tchioutimachas  qui  demeur- 
ent  a  six  lieiies  des  Houmas  sur  la  gauche  du 
fleuue  sont  du  me'me  genie,  et  du  meme 
caractere  que  les  Tchaouachas,  et  les  Ouachas 
auxquels  ils  ont  toujours  et6  alliez,  et  dont  ils 
parlent  aussy  presque  la  meme  langue"). 

This  carries  the  stock  boundary  of  the 
Chitimacha  eastward  over  all  of  Bayou  La 
Fourche  and  as  far  as  the  mouths  of  the 
Mississippi. 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  number, 
position,  and  boundaries  of  all  of  the  linguistic 
groups  of  the  Southeast,  at  least  those  east- 
ward of  the  Mississippi  River,  are  now  satis- 
factorily established,  such  lacunae  as  exist 
being  small  and  of  little  apparent  importance. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 
WASHINGTON,  D.C. 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


NOTES  ON  ALGONQUIAN  LANGUAGES  l 
By  TRUMAN  MICHELSON 


NOTES  ON  Fox  VERBAL  COMPOSITION.— 
I  have  tried  to  show  in  the  "American 
Anthropologist"  (N.  s.,  15: 473  et  seq.)  that  the 
very  great  firmness  in  the  verbal  complex  was 
more  apparent  than  real.  In  the  present  paper 
I  propose  to  emphasize  a  special  feature  which 
escaped  me  at  the  time;  namely,  that  what  I 
have  termed  "incorporation"  should  rather  be 
called  "loose  composition,"  for  it  is  desirable  to 
restrict  the  word  "incorporation"  to  such  cases 
as  lose  their  word-forming  elements  in  the 
verbal  complex.  In  the  above-mentioned  paper 
I  have  given  some  examples  which  clearly 
show  that  such  elements  are  not  lost  in  the 
Fox  verbal  complex;  but,  to  bring  this  out 
more  patently,  it  may  be  well  to  amplify 
the  material.  The  examples  are  all  taken 
from  my  unpublished  texts,  with  a  few  ex- 
ceptions which  are  from  Jones's  "Fox  Texts." 
The  phonetic  system  employed  is  that  of 
Jones;  but  I  should  state,  that,  after  several 
seasons'  field-work  with  the  Foxes,  I  am 
convinced  that  this  system  is  inadequate  in  a 
number  of  important  points.  As  long  as  this 
paper  does  not  deal  with  purely  phonetic 
problems,  however,  it  is  justifiable  to  use  a 
known  system  rather  than  confuse  the  reader 
with  a  new  transcription  of  the  same  language. 
The  sections  (§)  referred  to  are  those  of  the 
Algonquian  sketch  in  the  "Handbook  of 
American  Indian  Languages."  Jones's  "Fox 
Texts"2  and  "Kickapoo  Tales"3  are  quoted 
respectively  "J."  and  "J.  Kickapoo,"  followed 
by  reference  to  page  and  line. 

A  good  illustration  of  this  looseness  in 
composition  is  a'pdnuwlpitwdWAnaiyouiatc' 

THEN     THEY     CEASED     USING     THEIR     TEETH. 

Observe    that    uwipitwawAri    THEIR    TEETH 

1  Printed  with  permission  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution. 

2  William  Jones,  Fox  Texts  (PAES  l). 

*  William  Jones,  Kickapoo  Tales  (PAES  9). 


occurs  in  the  middle  of  a  verbal  complex,  but 
suffers  no  elimination  of  the  pronominal 
elements  u — wdWAn'  (§  45)  beyond  that  of  the 
terminal ',  which  would  be  lost  also  if  we  had 
to  deal  with  a  verbal  stem.  The  initial  ai  oj 
the  stem  aiyo  is  responsible  for  this  alone, 
exactly  as  is  the  initial  u  of  uwlpitwawAn'  for 
the  loss  of  the  terminal  i  of  the  stem  poni 
CESSATION  (see  §  1 6).  Such  a  loss  is  not 
comparable  with  the  elimination  of  terminal 
w  of  nouns  before  the  possessive  suffix  m: 
e.g.,  ketugimamenanAg' *  OUR  [inclusive]  CHIEFS 
(J.  62.22)  as  contrasted  with  ugimdwa 
CHIEF,  the  "  of  which  is  a  suffix  showing  that 
the  noun  is  singular  and  animate;  and  with 
the  denominative  ugimawis"  HE  WOULD  HAVE 
BECOME  CHIEF  (J.  26. 1 6),  in  which  i  is  the 
copula,  and  s°  is  the  verbal  pronoun  of  the 
potential  subjunctive  third  person  animate 
singular  (§  30).  Had  we  true  cases  like  this  in 
verbal  complexes,  we  should  call  them 
"incorporations."  Examples  like  ki'u'tugi- 
mdmipen"  THOU  SHALT  BE  CHIEF  TO  us  (J.  8.3) 
do  not  count;  for  tugimam  is  simply  abstracted 
from  the  possessed  noun,  and  then  verbalized 
in  the  manner  shown  in  the  above-mentioned 
paper.  A  supposed  case  in  which  certain 
elements  were  thought  to  be  eliminated 
(American  Anthropologist,  15 : 473)  has 
turned  out  to  be  erroneous.  The  error  was 
induced  by  two  factors;  namely,  a  mistrans- 

4  A  word  like  netugimdm"  MY  CHIEF,  reconstructed 
by  myself,  but  absolutely  certain  in  formation  (cf.  the 
Kickapoo  vocative  netogimame  o  MY  CHIEF!  [J. 
Kickapoo  86.17,  26]),  would  bring  this  out  more  clearly. 
The  difference  in  the  vowel-quantities,  supported  by 
Kickapoo,  is  unexplained. — The  elimination  of  w 
before  the  possessive  suffix  m  occurs  also  in  Cree, 
Ojibwa,  and  Algonkin;  very  probably  also  in  other 
Algonquian  dialects.  Lacombe  has  a  completely 
wrong  explanation.  Owing  to  phonetic  laws,  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Ojibwa  and  Algonkin  is  largely  disguised. 


NO.  I 


NOTES  ON  ALGONQUIAN  LANGUAGES 


lation  on  the  part  of  an  interpreter,  and  a 
faulty  phonetic  restoration  on  my  part. 

In  the  paper  mentioned  above  I  also  stated 
that  incorporation  of  the  nominal  object  did 
not  occur.1  It  does  not  if  we  follow  the 
argument  of  the  preceding  paragraph;  we  do 
find  loose  composition-  wherein  the  objective 
noun  is  in  the  midst  of  a  verbal  complex.  The 
example  of  the  preceding  paragraph  is 
absolutely  parallel  to  ne,pydtciketdnesawdpA- 
mdpen"  WE  HAVE  COME  TO  SEE  THY  DAUGH- 
TER.2 In  this  verbal  complex,  ketanes"  THY 
DAUGHTER  is  treated  precisely  as  it  would  be 
in  a  sentence  before  a  word  beginning  with  a 
consonant.  If  I  am  asked  to  define  under 
what  circumstances  the  nominal  object  is 
within  the  verbal  compound  and  when 
without  it,  I  candidly  admit  I  do  not  know, 
any  more  than  I  know  under  precisely  what 
conditions  particles,  independent  pronouns 
(see  below),  and  so  on,  occur  within  or  without 
the  verbal  complex.  I  say  this,  after  going 
over  hundreds  of  pages  of  Fox  texts;  and 
it  is  precisely  this  inability  to  define  the 
conditions  that  leads  me  to  believe  in  an  ex- 
treme looseness  of  structure:  that  is,  for  the 
greater  part  there  are  no  hard  and  fast  rules. 

To  go  on  with  examples.  An  example 
where  a  locative  singular  of  a  noun  is  in  a 
verbal  complex  without  losing  the  locative- 
making  element  is  pwdwaskutdgipAgise' kA- 

mdn'   THAT    I    DID    NOT   JAM    MY    FOOT    IN    THE 

FIRE  (J.  306.21).  Here  askutagi  IN  THE  FIRE 
is  between  two  verbal  stems. 

The  following  are  some  cases  in  which 
independent  personal  pronouns  are  found  in 
the  heart  of  verbal  compounds:  initcd1' 
ivl'utcindnlndnatdpwe'tondge  THAT  VERILY  is 

WHY    WE    SHALL    BELIEVE    YOU    (mndn"      WE 

1  For  recent  discussions  of  nominal  incorporation 
in  American  Indian  languages,  see  Boas,  Handbook 
of  American  Indian  Languages,  Part  I.  (BBAE 
40:  74,  75);  Putnam  Anniversary  Volume,  436; 
Sapir,  AA  N.  s.,  13  : 250-282;  Kroeber,  XVI  Internal. 
Amerikanisten-Kongress,  569-576;  AA  N.  s.,  13  :  577- 

584- 

1  See  Journ.  Wash.  Acad.  Sc.,  4  :  405. 


excl.,  §44),  ketcagimegukinwdwakegApihenepwa 
dme'tosdneniwite'kdsoydgw1  i  HAVE  PLACED  IT 

ALL  FOR  YOU  WHO  ARE  CALLED  MORTALS  (kitl- 

•wawP  YOU,  §  44),  klwicigimegune'  kinwdwapese- 
tawipen"  YOU  ARE  TO  LISTEN  VERY  ATTENTIVELY 
TO  us  (kinwdw*  YOU,  §44).  From  these  it 
appears  that  not  only  subjective,  but  objec- 
tive, independent  pronouns  may  occur  in  the 
midst  of  a  verbal  compound.  It  should  be 
noticed  that  the  presence  of  the  independent 
pronouns  does  not  in  the  least  affect  the 
verbal  pronouns  (for  -ndge  see  §  29 ;  for  ke — 
nepw°,  §  28;  for  ki — ipen",  §  28).  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  in  all  cases  a  particle  occurs  before 
the  independent  pronoun.  Whether  this  will 
turn  out  to  be  an  unvarying  rule,  I  do  not 
know. 

Instances  of  demonstrative  pronouns  occur- 
ring in  verbal  complexes  without  suffering  the 
loss  of  such  terminal  elements  as  show 
animateness  or  inanimateness,  and  singularity 
or  plurality,  are:  kicinakAnone'k'  AFTER  THAT 
ONE  HAS  TOLD  THEE  (ktci-,  kAno-,  §  16;  Ina, 
§47;  n,  §  21,  but  conventionalized  [American 
Anthropologist,^. s.,  15  :  476];  eto prevent  -nk-, 
§  8 ;  '£',  §  29) ;  klcmigutc'  AFTER  HE  WAS  TOLD 
THAT  (for  kici-ini-i-gu-tc';  kid,  i,  §  16;  In1 
THAT,  inanimate  sing.,  §  47;  tc',  §  29);  klclnd- 

tcimutC*   AFTER    HE    NARRATED   THAT    (for  klCl- 

Ini-dtcimutc' ,  and  written  correspondingly  in 
the  current  syllabary;  only  an  apparent 
exception  to  the  above  statement:  the 
terminal  '  of  in'  is  not  lost,  because  it  is  in 
front  of  a  verbal  stem  per  se;  it  is  elided 
because  the  stem  begins  with  a  vowel;  it 
would  be  elided  outside  of  a  compound  if  the 
next  word  began  with  a  vowel;  the  loss  of  i 
of  klci  is  referred  to  in  §16);  d'pltcimAnikl- 
cdgutcisAnAgindgwA'k*  THAT  THIS  CONTINUES 

TO    LOOK    AS    DIFFICULT    AS     POSSIBLE    (mAn' 

THIS,  inanimate  sing.,  §  47). 

In  the  above-mentioned  paper  I  have  given 
some  examples  of  indefinite  pronouns  being 
in  the  middle  of  verbal  complexes.  The 
point  that  I  wish  to  emphasize  is,  that  the 
terminal  grammatical  elements  are  treated 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


precisely  the  same  as  they  would  be  outside 
of  a  compound,  and  that  whatever  phonetic 
changes  they  suffer  is  not  due  to  intimate 
association  in  the  compound.  Thus  uwlyd'" 
SOMEBODY  (§48)  becomes  uwlya'a,  because 
the  stem  kAski  ABILITY  begins  with  a  con- 
sonant. Similarly  Kickapoo  awiydhi  SOME- 
THING retains  the  terminal  i  to  show  that  the 
form  is  inanimate  singular  (J.  Kickapoo,  127). 
A  less  clear  case  is  Fox  wi'pwdwuwiyd'And- 
'kwAmAtAminitc'  THAT  NO  ONE  WOULD  BE 
SICK.  This  stands  for  wi'pwdwi-uwlyd'Ani- 
d' kwAmAtAminitc'.  The  elision  of  i  in  both 
instances  is  due  to  ordinary  euphonic  rules. 
The  difficulty  is,  that  in  the  sentence  it  is 
necessary  to  carefully  distinguish  identity  and 
difference  in  the  third  person,  a  well-known 
feature  of  Algonquian  languages.  Hence  it  is 
that  uwlyd'"  needs  an  obviative,  which  is 
uwlyd'An'.  The  obviatives  of  indefinite 
pronouns  are  not  discussed  in  the  Fox  sketch 
in  the  "Handbook  of  American  Indian 
Languages,"  but  they  exist;  exactly  as  do 
obviatives  of  demonstrative  pronouns,  pointed 
out  by  me  elsewhere  (J.  Kickapoo,  127). 
The  formation  is  exactly  the  same  as  in 
animate  nouns.  Note  that  terminal  ATI'  loses 
its  '  because  a  vowel  immediately  follows,  and 
for  no  other  reason.  For  uH — Atninitc',  see 
§§29,  34;  t,  §21;  pwdwi,  below,  p.  54; 
d'kwAttiA  is  the  stem,  meaning  SICK.  Another 
example  is  d'pwdwigdmegupuwiyd'AnikAs- 
kipydnutAminitc'  IT  is  INDEED  SAID  THAT  NO 

ONE  SUCCEEDED  IN  REACHING  IT  (awigwam). 

In  this  case  the  terminal  '  of  uwlyd'An'  has 
become  full-sounding,  as  a  consonant  immedi- 
ately follows.  A  brief  analysis  of  the  whole 
compound  is:  d — Aminitc',  §§  29,  34;  pwdwi, 
an  original  verbal  stem  which  in  Fox  is  used  as 
a  modal  negation;  gd  and  megu,  particles  of 
weak  meanings;  p  for  pi,  a  quotative  (cf. 
§  41) ;  kAski  ABILITY,  pyd  MOVEMENT  HITHER- 
WARD,  both  well-known  verbal  stems  (§  16); 
nu,  a  verbal  stem  of  no  independent  existence ; 
the  combination  pydnu  means  REACH. 


The  inclusion  of  particles  and  adverbs 
within  verbal  compounds  has  been  sufficiently 
illustrated  in  the  above-mentioned  paper.  I 
may  add,  however,  that  it  would  be  an  easy 
matter  to  give  almost  unlimited  examples. 

Formerly  I  could  give  but  two  examples  of 
verbal  compounds  included  within  other 
verbal  compounds.  To  these  I  now  add 
d'pwdwimegunAndcima'katdwino'i'netc'  HE 
NEVER  WAS  TOLD,.  "FAST."  This  stands 
for  d'-pwdwi-megu-nAndci-ma 'katdwino-inetc'; 
ma-'katdwino  is  a  rhetorical  lengthening  of 
ma'kat&win"  (see  §  6) ;  the  imperative  sen- 
tence is  in  the  midst  of  another  sentence. 
For  -n"  see  §31;  d — etc*,  §41;  pwdwi,  as 
above;  similarly  megu;  nAndci,  an  adverb, 
used  apparently  only  with  negatives,  with  the 
combined  sense  of  NEVER;  i,  §  16;  n,  §21, 
but  conventionalized  in  meaning. 

This  leads  me  to  discuss  a  new  type  of 
verbal  composition;  namely,  where,  from  our 
point  of  view,  Fox  has  a  sentence  within  a 
verbal  compound,  which,  from  the  Fox  point 
of  view,  is  quite  distinct  from  the  type  above. 
An  example  is  keklcimeguydwenepowaneme- 
nepen"  WE  INDEED  ALREADY  THOUGHT  YOU 
WERE  DEAD.  This  stands  for  ke-klci-megu- 
yowe-nep-o-w-dne-m-e-nepen":  kid  and  megu 
have  been  explained  above;  yowe  is  an  adverb 
meaning  IN  THE  PAST,  dne  is  a  stem  which, 
so  far  as  known,  cannot  occur  independently, 
and  has  the  meaning  MENTAL  ACTIVITY  (§  18) ; 
m  is  used  simply  to  transitivize  the  verb  (§  37) ; 
e  is  to  prevent  the  combination  mn;  ke — 
nepena  are  the  subjective  and  objective  pro- 
nominal elements  (§  28) ;  nep  is  a  verbal  stem 
of  considerable  independence,  meaning  TO 
DIE;  I  cannot  as  yet  give  the  value  of  o,  but 
we  find  nepohvuf  as  well  as  nepvf,  apparently 
both  with  the  same  meaning;  the  w  is  also 
unexplained,  but  see  p.  53.  In  the  combina- 
tion, nep  is  simply  an  object  clause.  An 
example  almost  the  same  as  the  above  is 
wdtci  nepowdnemendg'  WHY  WE  THOUGHT  YOU 
WERE  DEAD.  For  -ndge,  the  pronominal 
elements,  see  §  29.  On  the  same  order  is 


NO.  I 


NOTES  ON  ALGONQUIAN  LANGUAGES 


53 


kicikiganowdnemAg*    i    THOUGHT    THEY    HAD 

COMPLETED     THEIR     CLAN-FEAST:       kid,     dne, 

and  m  have  been  explained  above,  and  w  has 
been  referred  to;  Ag*  is  a  termination  of  the 
conjunctive  mode  showing  that  I  is  the 
subject  and  THEM  (animate)  the  object; 
klganu  is  a  verbal  stem  TO  HOLD  A  CLAN- 
FEAST.  Observe  that  no  subjective  pronouns 
in  the  object-clause  are  expressed.  In  a  way, 
it  resembles  accusative  and  infinitive  con- 
struction in  Latin  indirect  discourse.  Nearly 
allied  is  nepecigwdnemegdtuge  HE  PROBABLY 
THOUGHT  ME  UPRIGHT.  The  analysis  is: 
ne — go  for  ne — g-uf  (§  28)  before  the  affix 
tug"  PROBABLY,  the  phonetics  are  not  treated 
in  the  Fox  sketch;  dneme,  explained  above; 
pecigw  for  pecigwi  before  a  vowel;  pecigwi 
means  UPRIGHT  in  the  moral  sense.  Compare 
kepecig-wtcdmegumAniwltAmdnepw"  I  TRULY 

INDEED    TELL    YOU    THIS    UPRIGHTLY,    a    COIT1- 

pound  of  the  type  discussed  above  (ted,  megu, 
mAtii,  included  within  a  verbal  compound; 
ke — nepw*,  §28;  Amo,  §34;  stem  probably 
•an,  not  wit  as  in  §  16;  t,  §  21),  and  pecigwimeg" 
me'tosdneniwigwdni  WHOSOEVER  LIVES  UP- 
RIGHTLY. 

Another  novel  type  of  composition  is 
cdgwdnemowindgwAtw*  IT  SEEMS  THAT  THEY 
ARE  UNWILLING:  cdgw,  UNWILLING,  §  16;  dne, 

MENTAL  ACTIVITY,    §  IQ;    mo,   §§21,  40;    W*  is 

the  inanimate  singular  pronoun  of  the  inde- 
pendent mode,  §28;  ndgwAt  cannot  be 
analyzed  in  a  completely  satisfactory  manner, 
but  it  is  evident  that  it  is  to  be  connected  with 
a  stem  nagu  APPEARANCE,  LOOK  (§  18),  which 
apparently  cannot  occur  in  initial  positions; 
and  at  the  same  time  the  posterior  portion 
resembles  the  copula  gin  At,  §  20;  it  is  possible 
that  ndgwAtis  for  *nagugwAt  (cf.  §  13);  but  it 
is  also  possible  that  we  have  a  copula  At,  for 
all  inanimate  copulas  are  not  given  in  §  20 
(for  instance,  /  in  mydnetw'  IT  is  BAD  as  con- 
trasted with  myanesivf  HE  is  BAD)  ;  and  it  will 
be  noted  that  the  animate  copula  si  goes  with 
nagu.  [Ojibwa  has  a  formation  that  corre- 
sponds exactly  to  ndgwAt.  April,  1917.]  Note 


that  cdgwdnemo  starts  out  just  as  if  animate 
intransitive  verbal  pronouns  were  to  be  im- 
mediately suffixed,  whereas  none  are.  The 
element  wi  is  at  present  completely  obscure, 
though  it  may  be  cognate  to  the  w  mentioned 
above,  and  compare  the  w  in  two  examples 
below.  Observe,  furthermore,  that  a  verbal 
stem  is  found  fartheron  in  the  compound,  which 
is  quite  contrary  to  the  ordinary  views  of 
Algonquian  grammar.  The  two  examples  re- 
ferred to  above  are  wi'tAcimAmdtumowApitc'HE 
SHALL  SIT  IN  WORSHIP  THERE  and  mAmdtumo- 

witdhdtC*  HE  IS   PRAYERFUL  IN    FEELING.       We 

cannot  tell  whether  the  element  is  w  or  wi;  for 
the  i,  in  any  case,  would  be  elided  before  the 
A  of  Api  TO  SIT  (§  16)  and  itd  TO  FEEL  (§  18). 
The  analysis  otherwise  is  wi — tc',  §  29;  tAci 
THERE,  §  16;  OT/I,  §25;  matu  PRAY,  a  verbal 
stem  of  considerable  independence,  §  16;  mo, 
§§21,  40;  Api,  a  verbal  stem  of  considerable 
independence,  §  16;  itd,  a  verbal  stem  of 
apparently  limited  position,  §  18;  tc*,  §29; 
hd,  a  connective  stem,  practically  a  copula, 
§  20.  Observe  that  both  these  compounds 
start  out  as  if  animate  intransitive  verbal 
pronouns  were  immediately  to  follow,  whereas 
they  do  not;  and  other  verbal  stems  occur 
farther  on  in  the  compounds,  which  are  the 
same  anomalies  as  those  referred  to  above. 
Yet  another  novel  type  of  composition  is 
kewltcitcamegutdpesimenepw"  I  AM  INDEED 
TRULY  HAPPY  WITH  YOU.  The  inclusion  of 
the  particles  tea  VERILY,  TRULY,  and  megu,  is 
of  the  type  discussed  above.  The  analysis  of 
the  other  elements  is:  ke — nepw",  the  sub- 
jective and  objective  pronouns  of  the  entire 
complex,  §28;  wi,  initial  stem,  meaning 
ASSOCIATION;  tci,  the  same  element  as  appears 
in  conjunction  with  pyd  (pydtci) ,  sagi  (sdgitci), 
etc.,  the  exact  meaning  of  which  is  unknown, 
and  probably  is  conventionalized  in  use; 
tape,  an  initial  stem  HAPPY;  si,  the  copula, 
§20;  m,  to  transitivize  the  verb,  §37;  e,  to 
prevent  the  combination  mn,  §  8.  Observe 
that  in  this  compound  we  have  the  copula 
immediately  before  the  transitivizing  suffix. 


54 


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VOL.  I 


I  think  that  the  explanation  is  that  tdpesi  is 
taken  as  a  unit.  This  is  confirmed  by  klwd- 
pesihihegog'  THEY  WILL  SET  YOU  CRAZY,  J. 
308.21  (ki — gog',  §28;  si,  apparently  for 
si;  hi,  §  20;  h,  §§  21,  37;  e,  §  8).  In  this 
compound  also  the  copula  precedes  the  tran- 
sitivizing  suffix.  For  tdpesi  and  wdpesi,  note 
d'tdpesiwdtc'  THEY  WERE  HAPPY  (a — watc', 
§  29) ,  nekatawiwdpes'  i  HAVE  ALMOST  GONE 
CRAZY,  J.  308.18  (ne-,  §  28;  katawi  ALMOST). 

THE  POSITION  OF  THE  Fox  VERBAL  STEM 
kAski  ("ABILITY"). — In  the  "American  An- 
thropologist" (N.  s.,  15  : 475)  I  stated  that 
the  Fox  verbal  stem  kAski  could  not  occur 
outside  a  compound.  I  have  just  discovered 
from  a  text  recently  collected  that  it  can  do 
this  very  thing:  thus,  ki'uwlgipwameg"  kAski 
noteg'  YOU  (pi.)  WILL  BE  ABLE  TO  LIVE  THERE 
WHEN  IT  IS  WINDY. 

REMARKS  ON  THE  PHONETIC  ELEMENTS  OF 
Fox.  —  On  p.  50  I  stated  that  I  do  not  con- 
sider Jones's  phonetic  scheme  adequate  for 
the  Fox  dialect.  Our  chief  points  of  difference 
are:  that  I  hear  aspirations  before  all  initial 
vowels  and  diphthongs,  after  all  terminal 
voiceless  vowels,  and  after  all  vowels  when 
followed  by  sibilants;  long  vowels  for  short, 
and  vice  versd;  o  for  u  always;  sometimes  o 
for  u;  always  u  for  o  initially  and  terminally, 
rarely  otherwise;  but  one  sound  (')  for  h  and 
' ;  ck  always  for  sk;  surd  stops  as  glides  after 
sonant  stops  when  immediately  preceding 
terminal  voiceless  vowels  which  are  at  the 
same  time  aspirated ;  a  voiceless  w  after  stops 
in  the  same  position;  surd  m  and  n  as  glides 
after  m  and  w  respectively  in  the  same  posi  tions ; 
a  fricative  that  begins  as  a  sonant  stop,  gliding 
into  a  surd  fricative,  for  tc  when  preceding  the 
terminal  voiceless  aspirated  vowels,  and  in  a 
few  other  cases;  glides  for  Jones's  inverted 
periods;  the  main  accent  in  different  positions; 
'a'-  (Jones  a-)  and  wi'-  everywhere  in 
verbal  complexes,  and  not  solely  before  k,  t,  p. 

A  SECOND  NOTE  ON  Fox  PWAWI-.  —  In  the 
"American  Anthropologist"  (N.  s.,  15  :  364)  I 
pointed  out,  that,  from  the  evidence  of  Kick- 


apoo,  we  must  consider  Fox  pwawi-,  the 
negative  particle  of  the  conjunctive  and  cer- 
tain other  subordinate  modes,  to  be  a  primary 
stem.  At  the  time  I  overlooked  the  fact  that 
the  published  Cree,  Ojibwa,  and  Algonkin 
material  also  supported  this  view  (see  La- 
combe,  under  pwd  [I/re  impuissant],  etc.; 
Baraga,  under  bwdma,  etc.;  Lemoine,  under 
incapable  [pwd-,  pwa-,  pwdwi-];  Cuoq,  under 
pwa-,  pwawi-).  I  may  add  that  Ojibwa 
ninbwdma  i  CANNOT  PREVAIL  UPON  HIM  is  to 
be  analyzed  thus:  nin — a,  the  subjective  and 
objective  pronominal  elements;  bwd,  the 
primary  stem;  -m-,  the  instrumental  particle 
DONE  WITH  THE  MOUTH,  with  animate  object. 
Evidently  the  wi  of  Fox  pwawi-  and  Algonkin 
pwdwi-,  pwawi-,  needs  further  elucidation. 
Shawnee  pwd-,  the  equivalent  of  Fox  pwdwi-, 
sheds  no  light  on  the  problem,  owing  to  the 
phonetics  of  that  language. 

REMARKS  ON  THE  PHONETICS  OF  THE  GULL 
LAKE  DIALECT  OF  OJIBWA. — The  material 
from  which  these  notes  are  taken  was  gathered 
about  two  years  ago  from  a  single  informant; 
namely,  William  Potter,  at  that  time  sixty-one 
years  old.  The  informant  was  nearly  a  full- 
blooded  Indian,  and  spoke  but  broken  Eng- 
lish. We  may  therefore  presume  that  his 
pronunciation  is  characteristic  of  the  dialect. 
These  notes  are  assembled  here  in  the  belief 
that  they  will  be  of  interest,  and  stimulate 
others  to  note  peculiarities  of  the  various 
Ojibwa  dialects.  They  are  not  exhaustive, 
and  other  points  in  the  phonetics  of  this 
dialect  may  surely  be  found  out  by  a  pro- 
tracted study;  for  a  half-hour  with  the  infor- 
mant was  all  that  was  possible,  owing  to  his 
own  pressing  business  in  Washington.  Some 
features  of  the  Gull  Lake  dialect  are  thus  far 
quite  unique,  not  occurring  in  the  dialects 
of  Bois  Fort  or  Fort  William  or  Leech 
Lake,  to  judge  from  the  texts  of  William 
Jones  and  De  Jong.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
Radin's  texts  may  be  published  soon,  that 
the  phonetics  may  be  compared  with  those 
of  the  Gull  Lake  dialect. 


NO.   I 


NOTES    ON    ALGONQUIAN    LANGUAGES 


55 


1.  Glottal  Stop.  —  The  glottal  stop  is  often 
found    where    other    writers    have    recorded 
nothing.      Examples   are    nick&'dis?    HE    is 
ANGRY,  minona'gusi*  SHE  is  GOOD-LOOKING. 
The  glottal  stop  doubtless  is  a  relic  of  the 
personal  pronoun, — Fox  -w"  in  Jones's  tran- 
scription; or  -w°',  as  I  think  correct.     The  si 
in  both  cases  is  the  copula. 

2.  Weakly  Articulated  Vowels. — Long  vowels 
at    times    are    followed    by    corresponding 
weakly  articulated  short  vowels  which   are 
voiced,  not  voiceless.     At  present  I  cannot 
formulate  a  rule  governing  the  usage.    Exam- 
ples are:    s^bi'  RIVER,   pimuse'e   HE  WALKS 
PAST,  naanArn  FIVE,  mlfLa'c  AND,    wa'JbAng' 
TO-MORROW,  wl^Ad'  IT  is  DIRTY.   Something 
like  this  apparently  occurs  in  the  dialects  of 
Bois  Fort  and  Fort  William. 

3.  The  Correspondent  to  'k  of  Other  Dialects. — 
The  'k  of  other  Ojibwa  dialects  goes  back  to 
a  sibilant  followed  by  a  palatal  surd  stop.    In 
the   Gull   Lake  dialect  we  have  a  marked 
aspiration,   followed   by  a  glottal  stop  and 
then  a  surd  stop,  which  is  certainly  velar  as 
compared  with  English  k,  but  not  as  pro- 
nounced as  the  surd  velar  stop  of  the  North- 
west-coast Indian  languages.     Probably  it  is 
akin    to    the    corresponding    Paiute    sound. 
Examples  are,  a'*qi'  GROUND,  ntAlsqwa  BEAR. 

4.  Terminal  Aspirations. — Terminally  after 
stops  I  hear  very  distinct  aspirations.     It  is 
very  probable  that  sonant  stops  glide  into 
surds  before  the  aspiration,  as  is  the  case  in 
Potawatomi,    but    I    find    that    I    have   not 
recorded  the  glide  in  most  cases.     In  Fox, 
sonant  stops  always  glide  into  surds  before 
terminal  vowels  which  are  both  voiceless  and 
aspirated.    We  may  therefore  conclude  that 
the  phenomenon  is  old.     Examples  from  the 
Gull    Lake    dialect    are,   mA'*qwAgkl    BEARS, 
•un-nAd '  IT  is  DIRTY,  md"'jimagwAdli  IT  SMELLS 

BADLY. 

MISCELLANEOUS  NOTES. — The  miscellany 
presented  here  deals  with  a  number  of  novel 
points  in  Algonquian  philology,  which  are 
assembled  in  the  belief  that,  as  our  knowledge 


is  so  woefully  deficient,  it  is  suitable  to 
promptly  publish  any  new  facts  that  are 
firmly  established.  I  have  adhered  to  Jones's 
Fox  phonetic  scheme  for  the  reasons  set  forth 
on  p.  50. 

The  Change  of  n  to  c. — In  the  "American 
Anthropologist"  (N.  s.,  15:470  et  seq.)  and 
"Journal  of  the  Washington  Academy  of 
Sciences"  (4:403)  I  have  shown  that  n  becomes 
c  before  i,  which  is  either  a  new  morphological 
element  or  the  initial  sound  of  such  an  element 
in  Fox,  Potawatomi,  Ojibwa,  and  probably 
in  Shawnee.  From  my  last  summer's  field- 
work  this  last  is  amply  confirmed.  I  also 
find,  from  my  early  work  with  the  Menominee, 
that  we  have  the  same  or  an  allied  phenome- 
non (s  for  c)  in  that  dialect.  From  the 
material  contained  in  the  works  of  Cuoq  and 
Lemoine,  it  is  patent  that  in  Algonkin  we  have 
the  same  or  a  similar  phenomenon  (e.g., 
mikaj  BATS-LE,  in  which  a  final  '  has  been 
lost,  as  shown  by  Fox,  etc.).  From  my  work 
in  Peoria  last  summer,  it  is  evident  that  the 
same  phenomenon  occurs  in  that  dialect,  but 
apparently  a  preceding  original  I  cancels  the 
law.  The  n,  of  course,  is  replaced  by  /. 
Examples  are:  ma'ci'V'  HE  WHO  COPULATED 
WITH  ME  (stem  VIA;  vowel-change,  as  the 
form  is  a  participial;  -ita'  HE — ME)  as  con- 
trasted with  mAlititawd"'  LET  us  COPULATE 
(i,  to  prevent  the  combination  It;  ti,  sign  of 
the  reciprocal,  as  in  Fox,  etc.;  tawan,  the 
termination  of  the  intransitive  first  person 
inclusive  of  the  imperative,  corresponding  to 
Fox  taW);  pl'ci't"'  HE  WHO  BROUGHT  ME 
(stem  pi,  for  older  pyd  [Fox  pyd],  hence  not 
contradicting  the  law;  c,  the  instrumental 
particle  DONE  BY  THE  HAND,  owing  to  the  action 
of  the  law;  t'  for  I  before  sibilants);  pl'cf" 
BRING  THOU  HIM  (i",  THOU — HIM  of  the  imper- 
ative mode,  Fox  ') ;  pl'cl'yangktl  YE  BROUGHT 
us  (lydngktl ,  YE — us  of  the  conjunctive  mode 
[Ojibwa  iidng,  from  Baraga;  Algonkin  Hang, 
from  Lemoine]) ;  kipl"clmiva"  YE  BROUGHT  ME 
(ki — Imwa",  the  pronominal  elements  for  YE — 
ME  in  the  independent  mode  [Ojibwa  and 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


Algonkin  ki — im,  from  Baraga  and  Lemoine; 
see  also  folder  at  end  of  RBAE  28]) ;  pl'ciwd'- 
'kitce  THEY  MUST  BRING  ME  (iwd'kitce,  the  pro- 
nominal elements  for  THEY — ME  in  the 
potential  mode ;  apparently  Fox  has  the  medial 
portion  in  a  reversed  order;  Kickapoo 
apparently  agrees  with  Peoria), — all  as  con- 
trasted with  kifnlami'na"  WE  BROUGHT  THEM 
(ki — dmina",  the  pronominal  elements  for 
WE  [inclusive] — THEM  [animate]  of  the  inde- 
pendent mode  [Potawatomi  has  a  similar 
termination:  see  RBAE  28:267];  I  ls  the 
instrumental  particle  DONE  BY  THE  HAND); 

pll.\tc''  THOU  BROUGHTEST  THEM  (Ate''  THOU — 

THEM  [animate]  of  the  conjunctive  mode;  com- 
pare the  equivalents  in  Fox,  Sauk,  Kickapoo, 
and  Shawnee) ;  pile'ko'  BRING  YE  HIM  (e,  to 
prevent  a  consonantic  cluster  foreign  to  the 
language;  'ko  are  the  pronominal  elements  for 
YE — HIM  of  the  imperative  mode  [Fox  '&"]); 
nimbila'  i  BROUGHT  HIM  (nim — a'  are  the 
elements  for  I — HIM  of  the  independent  mode; 
b,  regularly  for  p  after  a  nasal).  The  action  of 
original?  nullifying  the  lawwhen  it  immediately 
precedes  the  consonant  is  illustrated  by  mllllo' 
GIVE  THOU  ME  (Fox  nilcin")  as  contrasted  with 
niml'ld'  (Fox  nemlndwa)  i  GAVE  HIM.  Note  also 
mill't?'  HE  THAT  GAVE  ME  as  compared  with 
pi'ci'V1' .  This  proves  that  Fox  yd  after 
consonants  is  more  original  than  Peoria  I. 
The  same  contraction  takes  place  in  Ojibwa 
and  Menominee.  Besides  establishing  the 
fact  that  Fox  e  and  i  are  more  original  than 
Ojibwa  *  (see  the  papers  cited  above),  the  law 
shows  that  the  terminal  vowels  in  Sauk,  Fox, 
Kickapoo,  Shawnee,  and  Peoria,  which  are 
lacking  in  Ojibwa,  etc.,  are  more  primitive, 
as  I  previously  inferred  from  the  evidence  of 
Montagnais  (see  RBAE  28  :  247). 

The  Interchange  of  a  and  a.  —  At  the  end 
of  §  1 1  of  the  Algonquian  sketch  in  the 
"Handbook  of  American  Indian  Languages" 
I  pointed  out  that  a  and  a  interchange 
in  Fo.x  under  unknown  conditions:  e.  g., 
pydw"  HE  COMES,  pydn"  COME,  d'pydlc'  WHEN 
HE  CAME,  etc.  The  same  phenomenon 


naturally  occurs  in  Sauk  and  Kickapoo. 
From  my  early  Shawnee  notes  (collected  in 
the  summer  and  fall  of  1911)  and  recent 
(summer  and  fall  of  1916)  work  with  Peoria, 
I  find  that  we  have  the  same  phenomenon  in 
both  these  dialects,  though  it  is  disguised  in 
Peoria  owing  to  phonetic  laws.  Examples 
are,  Shawnee  pyditf  HE  COMES,  pydte  IF  HE 
COMES.  As  pointed  out  above,  yd  after 
consonants  in  Peoria  contracts  to  I,  and  so  we 
find  the  variation  *  and  ya.  An  example  is 
piw"'  HE  COMES  as  compared  with  kipydmwa" 
YE  COME,  pydtci  WHEN  HE  CAME,  pya'kitce' 

HE    MUST    COME. 

The  Conjunctive  of  the  Independent  Passive 
with  Obviatives  as  Subjects. — The  conjunctive 
of  the  independent  passive  with  obviatives 
as  subjects  is  not  touched  upon  in  the  Algon- 
quian sketch  in  the  "Handbook  of  American 
Indian  Languages."  For  -etc'  we  have 
-mete'.  Examples  are,  d'inemetc'  THEY  WERE 
TOLD,  anesemetc'  ugydn'  Acaha''  HIS  MOTHER 
WAS  SLAIN  BY  THE  sioux,  utdneswdwa''  dme- 
cenemetc'  THEIR  DAUGHTERS  WERE  CAPTURED. 
In  the  examples  given,  terminal  vowels  have 
not  been  elided  before  initial  ones,  that  the 
point  at  issue  may  not  be  obscured. 

THE  LINGUISTIC  CLASSIFICATION  OF  Mo- 
HEGAN-PEQUOT. — The  material  upon  which  I 
base  my  classification  is  contained  in  the 
articles  by  Speck  and  Prince  in  Volumes  5 
and  6  of  the  "American  Anthropologist,"  N.  S. 
In  my  "Preliminary  report  on  the  Linguistic 
Classification  of  Algonquian  Tribes"  (RBAE 
28)  I  left  the  affiliations  of  this  dialect  unde- 
cided. Prince  and  Speck  (I.e.  5:195)  say: 
"Pequot,  a  dialect  which  shows  a  more  striking 
kinship  with  the  idiom  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Narragansetts  and  with  the  present  speech  of 
the  Canadian  Abenakis  than  with  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Lenni  Lenape  Mohicans  .  .  . 
it  seems  probable  either  that  the  Pequot- 
Mohegans  were  only  distantly  akin  to  the 
Mohicans  of  the  Hudson  River  region,  or  that 
the  Pequots  had  modified  their  language  to  a 
New  England  form  during  the  years  of  their 


NO.  I 


NOTES  ON  ALGONQUIAN  LANGUAGES 


57 


migration  into  Connecticut.  The  former 
theory  is  the  more  likely  of  the  two."  At  the 
time,  hardly  more  could  be  said.  Since  then, 
however,  enough  material  has  been  gathered 
to  definitely  settle  the  question.  The  tables  in 
my  "Preliminary  Report"  show  clearly  that 
Canadian  Abenaki  and  Natick  do  not  belong 
closely  together;  and  the  evidence  that  Nar- 
ragansett  linguistically  belongs  with  Natick  is 
quite  conclusive.  A  few  summers  ago  I  was 
able  to  gather  a  few  texts  and  a  vocabulary  of 
the  Mohicans  of  the  Hudson  River  region, 
which  I  hope  will  soon  be  published;  and  this 
new  material,  together  with  similar  material 
published  by  Prince  in  Volume  7  of  the 
"Anthropologist,"  N.  S.,  establish  firmly  the 
conjecture  of  Prince  and  Speck  that  Pequot 
and  Mohican  are  not  closely  related,  though, 
as  I  shall  show  later  on,  Mohican  is  more 
closely  related  to  Pequot  than  it  is  to  Dela- 
ware-Munsee,  contrary  to  the  prevalent 
belief.  I  think  the  following  facts  prove  that 
Mohegan-Pequot  belongs  with  the  Natick 
division  of  Central  Algonquian  languages:  a 


sibilant  is  retained  before  k,  q,  but  lost  before 
a  dental  stop  *  (squaaw  WOMAN  ;  metoog  TREE)  ; 
the  inanimate  plural  ends  in  sh  (nish  THOSE)  ; 
the  verbal  pronouns  of  the  independent  mode 
for  I — THEE  are  g — sh  (germeesh  i  GIVE  THEE)  ; 
the  verbal  pronoun  of  the  imperative  mode  for 
the  second  person  singular  is  a  sibilant  (beush 
COME,  cowish  GO  TO  SLEEP).  These  features 
are  characteristic  of  Natick  (see  RBAE  28: 
272-275;  and  Eliot,  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  2d  ser.,  9).  From  the  scanty  material 
available,  it  would  seem  that  Mohegan-Pequot 
is  a  y  dialect,  thus  agreeing  with  Narragansett, 
rather  than  a  dialect  in  which  n  at  times  is 
totally  eliminated,  as  Prince  and  Speck  would 
have  it.  However,  this  is  a  minor  point. 

TRUMAN  MICHELSON 

BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

1  Where  a  sibilant  is  retained  before  a  dental  stop,  a 
medial  vowel  has  been  lost;  e.g.,  wiistu  HE  MADE=FOX 
'A'ci'tdw°';  cf.  Ojibwa  uji  TO  MAKE.  (The  etymology 
of  wiistu  was  previously  unknown.) 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


A  PASSAMAQUODDY  TOBACCO  FAMINE 
By  J.  DYNELEY  PRINCE 


THE  following  curious  tale  was  related  to 
me  at  St.  Andrew's,  New  Brunswick,  by 
Bennett  N.  Francis  of  the  Passamaquoddy 
tribe  of  Pleasant  Point  (Me.)  Reservation 
(Sibdyik).  The  story  is  interesting,  in  that  it 
indicates  how  precious  a  commodity  the 
Indian  tobacco  was  in  the  sparsely  settled 
districts.  The  dramatis  persona  are  the  usual 
magically  endowed  hero  and  a  companion,  in 
this  case  his  little  brother  (osimi'z'l),  and  the 
mysterious  old  woman  who  forms  the  staffage 
around  which  the  exploits  of  the  hero  are 
grouped.  Like  so  many  eastern  Algonquin 
tales,  it  runs  along  in  jerky  conversational 
style,  and  has  no  particular  ending.  The  hero 
obtains  his  tobacco  from  the  demon,  while 
flying;  and  then  the  story  rambles  on,  de- 
scribing his  escape  from  her  vengeance,  with 
no  account  of  what  actually  happened.  Lin- 
guistically, the  tale  is  in  very  pure  Passama- 
quoddy with  some  highly  idiomatic  combina- 
tions, indicated  in  the  following  commentary. 

The  Passamaquoddies  live  about  four  hun- 
dred strong  at  Pleasant  Point,  Me.,  and  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  persons  near  Princeton, 
Me.  They  show  no  signs  of  diminishing 
numerically,  and  retain  their  language  with 
great  persistence.  The  small  children  all 
speak  in  Indian  much  better  than  in  English, 
a  certain  evidence  that  their  idiom  is  not 
going  to  perish  with  the  present  generation. 
These  people  are  linguistically  identical  with 
the  Maliseet,  or  St.  John's  River  Indians, 
whose  headquarters  are  near  Fredericton, 
N.  B.  As  there  are  nearly  five  hundred  of 
these,  it  is  safe  to  estimate  that  about  a  thou- 
sand persons  still  speak  Passamaquoddy. 

Students  interested  in  this  highly  character- 
istic eastern  Algonquin  language  will  find 
material  published  by  me  as  follows: — 


Morphology  of  the  Passamaquoddy  Language  of  Maine 
(Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
53:  92-117),  a  fairly  full  grammatical  sketch,  with 
paradigms  and  discussion. 

Kuloskap  the  Master  (Funk  &  Wagnalls,  1902), 
folk-lore. 

American   Anthropologist,   9:    310-316;    n:    No.   4. 

Annals  of  the  New  York  Academy  of  Sciences,  1 1 : 
369-377;  13:  381-386. 

Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  36: 
479-498;  38: 181-189. 

Compare  also  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  Religions,  sub- 
ject "Algonquins,"  on  the  religion  of  these  people. 

I  intend  to  publish  shortly  a  complete 
chrestomathy  of  Passamaquoddy  tales,  with 
dictionary  and  grammatical  sketch,  as  the 
oral  "literature"  of  this  race  has  been  much 
neglected. 

W'ma'tagwe'sso 
(The  Man  with  the  Rabbit) 

Wut-a'gw  nelcwt1    w'ski'jin*    yu'tau'tcmike'sic3 
Once  upon  a  time      an  Indian       scared  up  (from 

the  tall  grass) 

ma'tagwe'sul.4      w'tazowita"kozi'nul.6     ma'- 
a  rabbit.  He  throws  it  over  (his  He 

shoulder). 

1  wul-a'gw  nekwt:  wut  THAT+demonstrative  -agw; 
nekwt=  ONCE,  THAT  ONCE  (cf.  note  2,  p.  60). 

1  w'ski'jin  the  usual  word  for  INDIAN. 

'yu'tau'tomike'sso  HE  STARTED  HIM  UP  (the  words 
FROM  THE  TALL  GRASS  are  an  addition  of  the  narrator's) : 
yu'ta  HERE+w'tomike'sso  (from  temg  TRAMPLE,  seen  in 
k'temgago'kech  THEY  WILL  TRAMPLE  YOU,  k'temgibi'Ikon 

HE   WILL   TRAMPLE   THEE,   w'temgite'km'n   HE   STUMBLES 
OVER    IT). 

tma"tagwes  RABBIT;  with  the  obviative  -ul  (see 
w'ma'tagwe'sso,  note  25,  p.  59). 

6w'tazowita"kozi'nul;  from  ake  BEND,  THROW;  the 
form  may  be  analyzed:  a>'=3d  per.-H-  infix +a'zowi 
OVER-H-  infix+a'kos  THROW  OVER+- inul  verb-ending 
=  IT  (animate).  With  a'zowi,  cf.  azos  ON  TOP,  seen  in 
a'soswu'n  HAT,  a'snumelo'k  LAP  (see  below),  ot-asho'nel 
BED-CLOTHES  =  COVERINGS,  etc.  With  a'kos,  cf.  the 
same  stem  in  tesa'giu  OVER,  ACROSS,  kwuska'phin  SET 
ME  OVER.  The  idea  SHOULDER  is  not  expressed. 


NO.  I 


A  PASSAMAQUODDY  TOBACCO  FAMINE 


59 


jehan1  nimi'an2  m'dawa"kwem3 

goes  along;  he  sees  a  pole 

p'kwuna'kwe'ta'zul.4         osimi'z'l5          ni'tta6 
peeled.  With  his  little  brother     then 

majeau'sa'nia.7         s'la'ki'd68         nod'wa'wal9 
he  goes.  Then  he  hears 

wa'sis'l10     mededemi'lit.11        macheati'sa'nia12 
a  child  crying.  They  go  along; 

w't-asi'kwa'nia13     pu'chinskwe'sul14     wa'sis'l 
they  meet  Pu'chinskwes;  a  child 

pemipaha'jil.15  pwaska''polal16          wa'ji 

she  is  carrying.  She  shakes  it  in  order 

sosde'mit17    wa'sis.      elmosa"tit18    ma'lum-de 
to  make  it  the  As  they  go  then 

cry,  child.  along, 

I  ma.' jehan  HE  GOES  (from  maj-  \passim]). 
'nimi'an  HE  SEES  IT;  really  SEEING  IT  (participle). 

The  stem  nim  occurs  passim    (note  19,  p.  60). 

3  m'dawa"kwem  POLE;  cf.  m'tewa'g'nem  FLAG-POLE. 

4  p'kwuna'kwe'ta'zul  IT  PEELED,  with  3d  per.  -ul.    The 
root  is  p'kwun,  as  in  kis-p'kwuna'sik  WHAT  HAD  BEEN 
PEELED. 

5  osimi'z'l;  diminutive  from  si'wes  BROTHER. 

'nj'«a  =  THEN:  m'/  =  THAT  TIME,  THEN  +  ta  (particle). 

'  majeau'sa'nia:  literally,  WITH  HIS  LITTLE  BROTHER 
THEY  GO;  the  dual  idea  attracting  the  verb  into  the 
plural;  cf.  the  similar  expression  in  Russian:  WE  WITH 
YOU  =  YOU  AND  I  (see  note  12). 

8 s'laki-'de  THEN,  a  common  resumptive;  appears  re- 
duplicated in  seslaki. 

'nod'wa'wal  HE  HEARS  HIM  (from  nod  HEAR). 

10 wa'sis' I  CHILD  =  wa'sis,  with  obviative  -'/  (-ul). 

II  mededemi'lit  HIM  CRYING;  obviative  of  mede-demit 
HE  (SHE)  CRIES.     Mede-  is  durative.     With  the  stem 
dem  (tern)  CRY,  cf.  sa'sdemo  IT  CRIES,  and  see  notes  17; 
15,  p.  60;  16,  p.  62). 

12  macheau'sa'nia:     cf.    footnote    7,    majeau'sa'nia. 
The  narrator  distinctly  said  ch  here,  although  j  would 
be  expected  between  vowels. 

13  w'tasi'kwa'nia  THEY  MEET  (from  a'sik,  as  in  w'naji- 
asikwa'nia  THEY  GO  OUT  TO  MEET  HIM). 

uPu'chi'nskwes  a  malevolent  female  demon. 

l<"  pemipaha'jil:  pemi  (durative)  -\-p CARRY  +  the  ob- 
viative ending;  cf.  opemi'phal  SHE  CARRIES  HIM; 
pemip'ta'sik  A  LOAD  =  SOMETHING  CARRIED. 

"  pwaska'polal:  the  root  seems  to  be  p'wa;  cf.  etli- 

pewa'lkik  HE  SHAKES  HIMSELF. 

"wa'ji  sosde'mit  =  so  THAT  (wa'ji)  IT  SHALL  CRY 
(sosde'mit);  cf.  note  n  on  dem,  and  note  15,  p.  60. 

lielm-osa"tit  =  elmi  (durative)  +  05  GO  +  participial 
ending;  cf.  spig-os  GO  UP,  p-os  GO  IN  CANOE,  pech-os 
COME  TO  (cf.  note  19). 


becho'se'yik19    wigwa'mik.20       kwussaiisa'n.21 
they  come  to  a  house.  They  enter. 

kwuskweso's22  e'bit23  k'liu'tu'me'.24 

An  old  woman  is  sitting,  smoking. 

w'ma'tegwe'sso25        w'ti'yal26         kutsunmi'27 
The  man  with  the  says  to  her:          "Give  me  a 

rabbit  smoke, 

no"k'mi.28      tan-bal29    t'li-gizi-gutsunmu'lin30 
grandmother."  —  "How        can  I  give  you  a  smoke? 

ni'tte    edotsu'ssit31    notma'gun.32      t'ma'wei24 
for        nearly  gone  my  pipe.  Tobacco 

out  is 

1*becho'se'yik  =  pecho'se'yik  with  6  for  p  between 
vowels;  peck  HITHER,  and  os  GO. 

20 wigwam  HOUSE  =  PLACE  TO  LIVE:  wig  =  LIVE,  and 
note  wigwus  MOTHER  =  LIFE-GIVER. 

21  kwussaiisa'n  THEY  ENTER  :  kwus  COME  ACROSS,  seen 
in  kwuska'phin  SET  ME  ACROSS;  the  stem  also  means 
ENTER;  cf.  k'sa'hacouE  IN  imper.  (note  23,  p.  61),  and 
kwusse"tese  HE  ENTERS  (notes  23  and  25,  p.  61). 

22  kwuskweso's  OLD  WOMAN. 

aebit  SHE  (HE)  is  SITTING:  <J&  =  SIT;  cf.  ol-e'bin  HE 
SITS,  m'sigw-e'ba  HE  SITS  DOWN. 

24  The  narrator  pronounced  k'li  throughout  instead 
of  t'K.  fli-u'tu'me'  SHE  (HE)  SMOKES;  w'tem  as  in  nil 
nfli-w'te'man  THAT  I  SMOKE.  Note  also  wigi-w'te'me  HE 
LIKES  (wigi)  TO  SMOKE  (w'teme).  In  t'mawei  TOBACCO 
the  w  of  the  stem  is  elided  (see  notes  27,  32 ;  and  note  9, 
p.  60). 

Kw'ma'tagwe'sso  HE  (w')  WHO  HAS  A  RABBIT  (see 
note  4,  p.  58).  The  rabbit  was  his  charm. 

26  w'ti'yal  =  w  -\- 1  =  infix  +  i  SAY  +  y-  connective,  -al 
obviative  (cf.  note  21,  p.  61). 

27  kutsunmi'  GIVE  ME  TO  SMOKE  :  k  =  2d  per.  DO  THOU  + 
utsun   SMOKE  +  m  (inanimate)  +  i  TO  ME.     The  stem 
u'tsum  contains  the  same  element  as  in  w'te'me;  cf. 
etli-  kisi-u'tmats  HOW  HE  SMOKED  A  PIPE  (see  notes  24 
and  30). 

wno'k'mi  MY  GRANDMOTHER  (from  o'k'mis).  No'k'mis 
with  rising  tone  =  DEAD  GRANDMOTHER;  with  falling 
tone  =  LIVING  GRANDMOTHER  (cf.  note  4,  p.  60). 

29  tan-bal:  tan  =  interrogative  +  conditional  ba  +  ob- 
viative -/. 

30  t'li-gi'zi-gulsunmu'lin:   t'li  for  k't'li;  k=2d  per.  TO 
THEE  +  gizi  CAN+g  =  &  (zd  per.  repeated) -\-ulsun  SMOKE 
+  m  (inanimate  object)  +  -ul  (ist  per.)  \-\-in  (conjunc- 
tive participial  ending). 

31  edotsu'ssit    IT    HAS    GONE    OUT  =  BECOME    EXTIN- 
GUISHED; the  usual  word  is  nekas-;  cf.  wa  we'ji  ska 
neka'swenuk  so  THAT  IT  SHALL  NOT  GO  OUT. 

32  notma'gun  MY  PiFE  =  hutma'gon  PIPE,  containing 
the  same  stem  as  w'teme  and  t'mawei  TOBACCO  (note 
24). 


6o 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ne'get2  emegwabi'yit3 

Once,          when  he  (was)  young, 
tabi-nojiptone'p'n5       t'ma'wei 
used  to  get  tobacco 


nu'd'wut.1 
is  scarce. 

k'mu'sums4 

your  grand- 
father 

m'ni"kuk.6     loke"sin7     nd-a'smelok.8     ni'tte 

on  an  island.        Put  (your          in  my  lap."  Then 

head) 

ntulkwe'sm'n.7      ni'tte  ho'd'mun9    nit-we'ji10 

he  lays  his  head         Then      he  begins       after  that, 
down.  to  smoke; 

wi'kwipk'do'gihi'git.11       (i'dam)      naji'pton12 
he  inhales  (the  smoke).  (He  says)       "I  will  fetch 

t'ma'wei.  ni'tte  atisossada'nin13 

the  tobacco."  Then  began  to  cry 

kwuskwe'sos.14      ke"kw-se14     mest'e'miyi'n.15 

the  old  woman.       "Why  do  you       cry?"  (she  says). 

kada"ta16      k'tabi-naji'ptowun17     k't'ma'wei. 
"Not  you  cannot  get  it  your  tobacco. 

lnud'wut  IT  is  RARE;  either  an  error  for,  or  cognate 

with,  mud'wut  SCARCE. 

*neget  =  nekwt  ONCE;  both  pronunciations  are  in  use 

(note  i,  p.  58). 

'  emegwabi'yit  WHEN  HE  WAS  YOUNG.    I  cannot  place 

the  root.    The  usual  form  is  ewasi'swiyin  WHEN  I  WAS 

A  CHILD  (wasis). 

*  k'mu'sums  YOUR  GRANDFATHER   (mu'sums).    This 

word,  when  pronounced  with  a  rising  tone  on  the  last 

syllable,  means  DEAD  GRANDFATHER;  with  a  falling  tone 

=  LIVING  GRANDFATHER    (cf.   note  28,  p.  59). 

6  tabi-nojiptone'p'n  USED  TO  GET.  Here  noji  denotes 
purpose+P'  OBTAIN  +ep'n  =  past  element;  cf.  naji'pton 
I  WILL  FETCH  (see  note  12). 

'm'ni'kuk;  m'ni'kw  ISLAND +locative  directive  -uk. 
She  says  to  the  hero  these  words. 

7 lake' 'sin:  from  lake's  PUT  DOWN;  cf.  ntu-l'kwe'smin 

LAY  HIS  HEAD  DOWN. 

8  nd-a'smelok    MY  LAP,   written    by   Louis   Mitchel 
nd-a'snumelok. 

9  hod'mun  =  how'tem'n  HE  SMOKES  (from  w'tem,  note 

24,  P-  59)- 

10  nit  weji  AFTER  (weji)  THAT  (nit). 

11  wi'kwipk'do'gihi'git  HE  INHALES  seems  to  contain 
wi'kw  svc«.+p-k-d+(ih)-igit. 

12  naji'pton  I  WILL  FETCH  (see  note  5). 

13  ausossada'nin  SHE  BEGINS  TO  CRY  (from  sa'sdemo  IT 
CRIES;  see  note  17,  p.  59). 

14  kwuskwe'sos  (see  note  22,  p.  59).     ke"kw-se  really 
=  WHAT  INDEED;  WHY  is  properly  ke'kw-we'ji. 

15  meste"miyi'n:  root  tern  (dem)  CRY,  with  prefix  mes, 
probably  durative  (notes  II,  17,  p.  59). 

l"kada'ta  nOT  =  kada  (kat)+ta;  NOT  is  usually 
ka'dama  (s-kat  in  Maliseet). 


k'mach  mud'we'yo.    tanajia'ga  tutha'ntowi'n 
It  is  very  difficult.  If        you  are  very  brave, 

k'tabis-naji'ptowun     t'ma'wei. 
you  can  get  the  tobacco." 

Ni'tte      oma'jehan      osemi'z'l.       meskw18 
Then  he  goes         with  his  little         Before 

brother. 

peji'a'ti"kw  m'ni"kuk  n'mi"ton19  w'sk'ni'zul20 

he  comes  to     the  island,       he  sees  bones; 

weji  muduamka"tek21  ma'jehan.     ma'lum-de 
from      the  beginning  of  he  goes  Then 

the  pile  along. 

nimi'al    he'pili'jil22  ali-labodyihi'ge.23      ni'tte 
he  sees        a  woman         looking  (through  Then 

a  spy-glass). 

ot'lian21     p'giga'lstowuk26     al-epnu'lstowuk26 
he  goes  up         they  wrestle;  they  struggle; 

to  her; 

wi'nial."27         huna'pcha28      kezami'ko'twun.29 
she  throws  Again  they  get  up  (some- 

himdown.  how). 

"k'tabis-naji'ptowun:  cf.  tabi-najiptone'p'n  (notes), 
and  note  negative  -owun. 

"meskw  followed  by  negative  verb  always  =  BEFORE; 
pejia'ti'kw  =  negative  participle. 

19  n 'mi 'ton  inanimate,  from  nim  (note  2,  p.  59), as  seen 
by  -ton. 

10  w'sk'ni'zul  BONES;  pi.  of  w'ski'nis. 

nmuduamka"tek  AT  THE  PiLE+locative  -ek. 

0  he'pili'jil;  obviative,  with  prefixed  aspirate  of  e'pit 
WOMAN. 

a  ali-labodyihi'ge  LOOKING;  the  words  THROUGH  A 
SPY-GLASS  have  been  added  by  the  narrator.  The  root 
is  ab  LOOK;  cf.  w't'l-a'b-mun  HE  LOOKS  AT  HIM. 

uot'li'an:  from  el  GO,  with  prefixed  o  for  w  and 
infixed  /. 

"  p'giga'lstowuk  THEY  WRESTLE;  probably  connected 
with  mika'ka-,  as  in  k'mika'kamen  YOU  FIGHT  THEM; 
sigi-mika' ket  HE  FIGHTS  FIERCELY. 

26  al-epnu'lstowuk  THEY  CONTINUE  FIGHTING  ;  pn  FIGHT  ; 
cf.  kizi-p'n'lti'tit  AFTER  THEY  FOUGHT;  wichi-p'nu'sin  HE 
FIGHTS  WITH  HIM  (cf.  notes  it,  p.  61 ;  25,  p.  62). 

87  wi'nial  SHE  THREW  HIM  DOWN.  The  stem  seems  to 
be  simply  n,  with  a  possible  prefixed  p,  as  in  w'pene- 
gua'khan  HE  THREW  HIM  DOWN. 

28  huna'pcha:  distraction  of  n-apch  AGAIN  with  pre- 
fixed aspirate;    cf.  hepili'jil   (note  22)  and  huha'chio 
for  achi. 

29  kezami'ko'twun:  keza  =  kiz  (past  sign) -\-rni' kot,  the 
same  root  as  seen  in  wetta-mikte'kwhit  HE  WAKED  UP 
(see  note  I,  p.  61). 


:NO.  I 


A  PASSAMAQUODDY  TOBACCO  FAMINE 


61 


'tte  eli-w'nak't'kwe"tit1  na'ga2 

Then  then  they  (both)  get  up,  and 

1-mid'wi'at3      kaka'go's.4         kizi-pi'lwale'su5 
he  flies  away         (as)  a  crow.  He  changes  himself 

ha'lo6     k'chi7     zips.8       ni'tte     noso'kwan.9 
ito  (like)       big          a  bird.        Then       he  follows  her. 

talep'n'lti'nia.11       ma'lum-de 
they  fight.  Then 

ni'tte     kizi-p'kiga'd'mun13 
he  swoops  up.  Then  he  seizes 


is'wugi'skw10 
In  the  air 

,'li-na'kasl"tit.12 


t  ma  wei. 
It  he  tobacco. 


ni'tte    majepto'wun.14 


Then 


he  brings  it 
back. 

t'ma'wei 
the  tobacco," 


w'ti'yan 
He  says, 


kwuskwe'sul. 

to  the  old 

woman. 

(ndege'k'ma'jehan) 

"You'd  better  go 

your  way; 


rio'k'mi         yut 
'•  My  grand-    here 
mother,         is 

,i(lege'k't'li'an15 

(She  says) 

<'dunlogo'kw.16 
he  will  be  after  you." 

leli-w'nak't'kwe"tit  THEN  THEY  GET  UP:  w  -f-  na 
demonstrative  +  k't'kw,  same  root  as  above  (note  29, 

5.00). 

2  naga  AND. 

8  el-mid'wi'at  SHE  FLIES  AWAY  (from  root  t'wi  FLY,  as 
n  kwuskwijit'wi'yan  HE  FLIES  OVER). 

4  kaka'go's  CROW;  probably  onomatopoetic. 

5  kizi-pi'lwale'su    HE    CHANGED    (kizi  =  past)    (from 
Dot    pi'lw[i]);    ki'zi-eso'ke-pilweso'ltu-wuk    THEY    CAN 

'(kizi)  CHANGE  FROM  ONE  FORM  TO  ANOTHER. 

6  taha'lo  preposition  LIKE. 

7  k'chi  BIG;  indeclinable  adjective. 

'zips  BIRD,  with  z  after  vowel  (  =  sips  BIRD). 

*  noso'kwan  FOLLOW,  for  w' noso'kwan.    The  3d  per. 

is  frequently  omitted. 

a  i>is'wugiskw  AIR. 

lfl  talep'n'lti'nia:  see  above  (note  26,  p.  60),  for  p'n 
|FHT;  tale  THERE. 

"eli-na'kasi'tit  SWOOPS.    The  stem  nak  really  =  RISE, 

w'na"kesit  HE  RISES  UP;  here  the  idea  is  of  rising  in 
he  air,  as  the  hero  took  the  tobacco  from  the  demon  in 
flight. 

3  kizi-p'kiga'd'mun  HE  SEIZED  (kizi  =  past).    This  is 
i  new  stem  to  me. 

14  maje'ptowun  HE  BRINGS  IT  BACK.  Here  -owun  is 
lot  negative;  cf.  w'ma'jephon  HE  BRINGS  IT  TO  HIM. 

lindege'k't'li'an  YOU  HAD  BETTER  GO.  The  particle 
idege  is  recommending  cohortative +&'/Vt'a»,  2d  per. 
rom  el  TO  GO,  or  k'ma'jehan. 

16  k'dunlogokw  SHE  WILL  BE  AFTER  YOU.  This  is  an 
nteresting  form.  The  stem  -og-,  seen  here,  is  possibly 


Amsk'wa's-de17  petkaudi'nia18  wigwa'm'k.19 
First  they  come  to          a  wigwam. 

w'ski'jin      e'bit      ne'he20    i'dam21     w'lt'-de22 
An          is  sitting   "Ha,  ha!"        he  "Please 

Indian          there;  says, 

k'sa'ha23nau'tek.24  ni'tte  w'skt'noskwusse"tese25 
come  in       to  the        Then      the  lad      enters  (quick- 
open  ly) ; 
space." 

i'dam  tohate'b'n26  I'dam  ple'ta27  mits.28  ni'tte 
he        "Let  us  play      He      "(First)    eat."        Then 
says,          ball."  says, 

na  sakhi'pton29  sa'skich30  p'su'npede31  mime'i32 
he  fetches  a  birch  full  of  oil, 

basket 

the  -ok-  seen  in  noso'k-  FOLLOW  (note  9).  The  com- 
bination is  k  =2d  per.  +  infixed  phonetic  t  +  the  to  me 
unknown  element  un  +  connecting  /.  My  narrator  said 
THEY  BE  WILL  AFTER  YOU,  but  this  would  be  properly 
k'dunlogo'kwuk. 

17  amsk'wa's  FIRST. 

IS  petkaudi'nia  =  kau,  as  in  weswe-kaudi'nia  THEY  GO 
BACK-macke-kaudi'tit  THEY  HAVE  STARTED  OFF.  "They" 
refers  to  the  hero  and  his  little  brother,  mentioned 
first  below. 

19  wigwam' k  TO  THE  HOUSE,  with  locative  'k,  also 
pronounced  -ek,  -uk. 

Knehe;  exclamation  HA,  HA! 

11  i'dam  indefinite  from  i  SAY;  cf.  w't-tyal;  cf.  note  26, 

P-59- 

Kw'li-de  PLEASE  =w'li  (wuli1)  GOOD  +  cohortative 
particle  -de. 

**k'sa'ha  imperative,  COME  IN;  cf.  kwussausa'n  (note 

21,  p.  59)- 

unau'tek  IN  THE  »<ztt'/  =  open  space  in  the  wigwam, 
where  the  fire  is  made;  cf.  Natick  nut  FIRE. 

45  kwusse"tese;  see  above  k'saha  (note  23;  and  note 
21,  p.  59);  kwussau'sa'n. 

26  tohate'b'n  LET  us  PLAY  BALL;  -e6'n=the  imperative 
ist.  per.  pi.    The  stem  tohat,  or  t-ohal,  is  new  to  me. 
This  game  is  not  la  crosse;  cf.  naji-ep' skumhu' din  LET 
us  PLAY  LA  CROSSE;  ubeskhitumhu'd'wuk  THEY  PLAY. 

27  ple'ta  may  be  a  corruption  of  Fr.  plait-il.    It  seems 
to  be  cohortative  here. 

28  mits  EAT;  with  ts  changing  to  j,  as  in  mijwa'g'n 
FOOD  (note  8,  p.  62). 

29  sakhi'pton  FETCH:  sakhi-  —  quick  motion -\-pt  FETCH. 
M sa'skich  LARGE  BASKET,  apparently  of  birch;  thus 

my  narrator. 

31  p'su'npe-de  =  pese'n-te  IT  is  FULL;  cf.  p'su'npoek  IT 
(inanimate)  is  FULL. 

32  mime'i  OIL. 


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ta    pu'n'mon'l1      elkwa'bit.2       i'dam    ne'he 
and    he  places  it         before  him.         He  says,     "Ha, 

ha! 

kudo"sum.8        te"po4      sikteTma6      meskw 
drink!"  Only  he  laughs:          "Before 

ng'dosme'tiwun6      nit    nil    elegut7      ni'l-ga-8 
I  drink  that,     I       like  this       (=  I  in- 

deed) 

wi'os-me'ji  muze'i.9  ni'tte 

eat  (meat)  moosemeat."  Then 

na'jie'-beska'm'n10       w'tu'm'ha11        p'st'de-12 
he  goes  (to  play  he  wins;  every  one 

ball); 

w'nu'tka-tu'm'ha.13       w'ta-ma'jehan14      we'ji 
he  beats.  He  goes  along  to 

where 

p'sad'lgwi'ye.15         ni'tte      na      peji-p'sa'n.16 
it  snows.  Then  it  begins  to 

snow. 

I  pu'n'mon'l  HE  PUTS  IT  +  -/  (from  pu'n'mon). 

2 elkwa'bit  IN   FRONT  OF  HIM;    cognate  with  el'gui 

ALONG  BY,  AROUND  (cf.  note  7). 

3kudo"sum  imperative  DRINK;  cf.  n'g'da'u'sem  I  AM 
THIRSTY,  and  meskw  ng'dosme'uwun  BEFORE  I  DRINK 
(cf.  note  6). 

tte'po  ONLY. 

6  sikte'l'ma  HE  LAUGHS;  cf.  sikte'l'mit  HE  LAUGHING. 
'meskw  ng'dosme'uwun  (see  note  3) 

7  e'legut  =  eli  (continuative)  +  que  (participial)  +  -t 
(cf.  el'gui,  note  2). 

8  ni'l-ga  wt'os-me'ji:  ni'l-ga  I  INDEED +wi'os  MEAT  + 
me'ji  EAT,  derivative  of  mils  (see  note  28,  p.  61). 

'muze'i  MOOSE-MEAT;  note  that  -ei  always  denotes 

the  meat,  as  ko'wus  cow  (loan-word);  kowuse'i  BEEF. 

10  na'jie'-beska'm'n;  literally  HE  GOES  AWAY  FROM  = 

pesk   BURST  AWAY. 

II  w' turn' ha  HE   BEATS    THEM;    cf.    w'nu'tka-tu'm'ha 
(note  13);   cf.  Natick  tummuhho'uau  HE  EARNS;  DE- 
SERVES (Natick  Diet.  166). 

"p'st'de  EVERY  ONE;  usually  m'st'de  or  m'si'u  ALL. 

"w'nu'tka-tu'm'ha  HE  BEATS  THEM:  nutka  not  clear, 
but  may  be  nut'k  pi.  of  nut,  nit,  used  here  in  the  sense 
THESE. 

14  w'ta-ma'jehan  HE  GOES  ALONG;  ta = ALONG. 

15  we'ji  p'sad'lgwi'ye  TO  WHERE  (weji)  IT  is  SNOWING. 
Louis  Mitchel  gives  k'san  as  SNOW;  cf.  Natick  kun. 
The  form  p'san  appears  in  peji  -p'san  IT  is  BEGINNING 
TO  SNOW  and  in  the  noun  p'san  (note  26).     I  cannot 
explain  the  final  elements  of  p'sad'lgwi'ye,  except  that 
-gwiye  indicates  a  continuous  present. 


s'la"ki-de  maje-de'mo16  osimi'z'l.    w'skino"sis 
Then         begins  to  cry       his  little       The  little  lad 
brother. 

ma'jehan        wizgamgwe'sso17 


goes  along;         it  is  a  fierce  storm; 


ti'ke'pode.18 
it  rumbles 
away. 

no'd'han  w'skino"sis  wi'kw'nan1'; 

he  hears  it  the  little  lad,  it  calling 

ulgwunsi'z'l20         masejika'men21         eli'yat.22 
at  his  heels;  it  sweeps  where 

he  goes. 

I 

ma'Ium-de  ke'skw-de23  heliya'tp'n24  w'nimi'al 
Then  while          he  was  going         he  sees 

him  (his 
brother)  i 

etli-p'n'sili'jil25     p'sa'nul.26       ni'tte     bejia't27 
fighting  with  the  Then       coming, 


snow. 


holago'zin28 
he  asks 


p'san        w'ti'yan         p'sa'nul 

the  he  says  to  the 

snow;  to  it  snow, 

k'ma'jehan      wajeyawi'yun29    na'ga     to'jiu30 
"You  go  where  you  and          then 

back  to  came  from," 

>emaje-demo  BEGINS  (maje  =  mache)  TO  CRY  +  demo 
(see  notes  n.  17,  p.  59;  15,  p.  60). 

17  wizgamgwe'sso  IT  STORMS  FURIOUSLY:  wizg-  VERY 
MUCH+om-s  STORM;  cf.  etut-l-a'm-s-ek  IT  BLOWS. 

"ti'ke'pode  IT  RUMBLES  AWAY;  ti'ke'pudek  IT  DIES 

AWAY. 

"wi'kw'han  (HOW)  IT  CALLS  (not  RUMBLES,  as  the 
narrator  had  it). 

20  ulgwunsi'z'l:     from    mu'(l)kwun    HEEL  =  AT    HIS 

HEELS. 

11  masejika'men  IT  SWEEPS. 

« eli'yat  WHERE  HE  GOES  (el);  cf.  heliya'tp'n,  with 
aspirate  (note  24). 
23  keskw-de  WHILE. 

21  heliya'tp'n;  cf.  note  22. 

25  etli-p'n'sili'jil  WHILE  HE  is  FIGHTING  (p'n)  (see  notes 
26,  p.  60;  n,  p.  61). 

M  p'sa'nul  SNOW,  with  obviative  -ul  (see  note  15). 

27  pejia't  HE  is  COMING  (from  peji  APPROACH). 

28  holago'zin  HE  ASKS;  the  usual  form  is  w't-ekwe'chi- 
mo'ldn. 

29  wajeyawi'yun   participle   in  2d  per.   WHERE   YOU 
COME  FROM;  a  distracted  form  of  weji  FROM,  verbalized: 
cf.  etli-wechiwe"tit  WHERE  THEY  GO. 

30  to'jiu  THEN. 


NO.  I 


A  PASSAMAQUODDY  TOBACCO  FAMINE 


ne'g'm               w'z'we'ssin.1                   osimi'z'l 
he                          turns  back.                          His  little 
brother 

k'lulwiga'lal2     p'sa'nul     mo'za3     apch4     nit 
calls                 to  the          "Do          again       now 
snow,            not                          ever 

lw'zwessin  HE  TURNS  BACK  FROM:  weswe  BACK;  cf. 
weswe-ma"tit  WHEN  HE  COMES  BACK. 
2  k'lulwiga"lal  HE  CALLS  AT  HIM;  evidently  a  form  of 
k'lul  CALL;  cf.  noji-k'lu'l-wet  CALLER;  HERALD. 
a  mo'za  prohibitive  negative. 
4  apch  AGAIN. 

ke'k'si'-p'gussino"kich.6        nitte    m'st'u6     nit 
falls  so  thickly."                    Then        all        after 

toji        w'z'we'ssin.            mejaldet'geulmi'ye.7 
that               return.                   Perhaps  he  is  still  going. 

5  ke'k'si-p'gussino'kich    DO     NOT    FALL    so    THICK; 
ke'k'si  =  ke'kw-se  SOMEWHAT  +p'gu(s)  =  pa'kw'tek  THICK; 
etli-pakw'tek  IT  BECOMES  THICK. 
*m'siu  ALL. 
7  mejaldet'geulmi'ye:   mech+al  (both  continuatives) 
+phonetic  <f+e/'ge  =  continuous  motion+«/  (—el)  GO 
-\--miye  =  present  ending;  literally  STILL  CONTINUOUSLY 
HE  is  GOING.    The  idea  PERHAPS  inserted  by  the  narra- 
tor would  be  expressed  by  chip'duk,  but  is  omitted  here. 

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MYTHS  OF  THE  ALSEA  INDIANS  OF  NORTHWESTERN  OREGON  > 
By  LEO  J.  FRACHTENBERG 

INTRODUCTORY 


THE  following  four  texts  form  part  of  a  fair 
collection  of  Alsea  traditions  obtained  by 
Dr.  Livingston  Farrand  in  1900,  and  by  myself 
in  1910  and  1913.  The  greater  part  of  this 
collection  is  in  process  of  publication  as  a 
Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnol- 
ogy. For  several  reasons  it  was  deemed  ad- 
visable to  omit  these  four  texts  from  the 
above-mentioned  publication.  It  therefore 
became  necessary  to  publish  them  separately. 

The  Alsea  Indians,  who,  with  the  Yaqwina 
tribe,  form  the  Yakonan  linguistic  family, 
occupied  in  former  days  a  small  strip  of  the 
northwestern  coast  of  the  State  of  Oregon. 
They  are  a  small  band  practically  on  the  very 
verge  of  extinction.  At  present  they  live  on 
the  Siletz  Reservation,  and  at  the  time  of  my 
last  visit  (in  1913)  they  numbered  only  five 
individuals.  The  Yaqwina  subdivision  is 
totally  extinct,  the  last  member  of  this  sub- 
tribe  having  died  some  three  years  ago. 

Culturally  the  Alsea  Indians  are  closely 
related  to  the  several  smaller  coastal  stocks 
that  inhabit  the  northern  part  of  California 
and  the  whole  of  the  State  of  Oregon.  Lin- 
guistically they  show  a  close  affiliation  with 
the  Kusan,  Siuslauan,  and  Kalapuyan  stocks. 
Their  mythology  is  typical  of  this  region, 
which  embraces  northern  California,  Oregon, 
and  part  of  Washington,  and  shows  many 
points  of  contact  with  the  folk-lore  of  the 
Maidu,  Yana,  Shasta,  Takelma,  Molala, 
Kalapuya,  Tillamook,  and  Chinook  Indians. 
The  main  aspects  of  this  mythology,  and  its 
relation  to  the  folk-lore  of  the  neighboring 
tribes,  have  been  discussed  in  a  separate 

1  Published  with  the  permission  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution. 


paper,    which    appeared    in    the    "American 
Anthropologist,"  N.  s.,  3  1240-247. 

ALPHABET 


a  . 

e  . 

i  . 

0  . 
u  . 

a  . 

1  . 
i  . 

s  . 

a  . 

a",  «", 


B    . 

a    i 

II 

of  . 
Hi. 

au 
au 

ou 
Hi 

af 
aV 
uf 
q  . 
ql  . 

x  . 
k  . 
kl 


k-! 


.   like  a  in  shall. 

.  like  e  in  helmet. 

.  like  f  in  it. 

.   like  o  in  sort. 

.  like  «  in  German  Furcht. 

.  like  a  in  car. 

.  like  a  in  table,  but  with  a  strong  i-tinge. 

.  like  ee  in  teem. 

.  like  o  in  rose,  but  with  a  strong  w-tinge. 

.   like  oo  in  too. 
f,on,u",  short    vowels    of    continental    values, 

slightly  nasalized. 

i",  d*,u",  long    vowels    of    continental     values, 
slightly  nasalized. 

.  obscure  vowel. 
*     .      .   resonance  and  epenthetic  vowels. 

.   like  f  in  island. 

.  same  as  preceding,  but  with  second  ele- 
ment long;  interchanges  with  i. 

.   like  on  in  mouth. 

.  same  as  preceding,  but  with  second  ele- 
ment long;  interchanges  with  u. 

.   diphthong  ou. 

.  diphthong  ui. 

.   diphthong  ai  slightly  nasalized. 

.  diphthong  at  slightly  nasalized. 

.  diphthong  ui  slightly  nasalized. 

.  velar  k. 

.  same  as  preceding,  with  great  stress  of 
explosion. 

.   like  ch  in  German  Bach. 

.  like  c  in  come,  but  unaspirated. 

.   same  as  preceding,  with  great  stress  of 
explosion. 

.   palatal  g,  like  g  in  give. 

.   palatal  k,  like  c  in  cubic. 

.  same  as  preceding,  with  great  stress  of 
explosion. 

.  like  ch  in  German  ich. 

.  aspirated,  like  c  in  come. 


NO.    I 


MYTHS    OF    THE    ALSEA    INDIANS    OF    NORTHWESTERN    OREGON 


d,  t      .      .      .   as  in  English;  sonants  and  surds  difficult 
to  distinguish;   surd  not  aspirated. 

//....   like  t,  with  great  stress  of  explosion. 

<'....   aspirated,  like  t  in  ten. 

s    .      .      .      .  palatal  spirant,   like  Polish  s. 

ts         ...   like  Polish  c. 

ts!       ...  same  as  preceding,  with  great  stress  of 
explosion. 

p   .      .      .      .  as  in  English. 

pi       ...  same  as  preceding,  with  great  stress  of 
explosion. 

p'        ...  aspirated  p. 

I,  m,  n      .      .as  in  English. 
•   ....   palatal  /,  like  /  in  lure. 


Ll 

! 


h,y,  w 

'w 


.  spirant  laterals;  subject  to  frequent  in- 
terchange. 

.  like  L,  with  great  stress  of  explosion. 

.  glottal  stop. 

.  aspiration  whose  palatal  or  velar  char- 
acter depends  upon  the  character  of 
the  vowel  that  precedes  it. 

.  as  in  English. 

.   like  wh  in  whether. 

.  accent. 

.  denotes  excessive  length  of  vowels. 

.  is  an  etymological  device  indicating 
loose  connection  between  stems  and 
formative  elements. 


i.  PA'LIS  (SKUNK)1 

Suda'"st     Lmu'tsk'Exltlenu't.        hau'k'siLx 

x'Q'lam    'k'ta's    le'wi'.        'LaLxiya82  qa"'tsE 

x'Q'lamtxa,    te'mltaLx    tsqe'wiLx    as    LEya'- 

tsit.        "a'a,    ya'tsxax-a    hun'k'i    mEha'It?" 

5  -  -   "a'a,       hun'k'i       sin       le'wi',       hQn'k'in 

hi'tslEmal.          na'k'sautxap-E'n      mun'hu?" 

-"'Lallya83        nak's        ya'xau.  hi'k'e'L 

x'ii'lam       Lha'nut       'k'ta's       hl'tsLEm       Is 

qauwai'-slo."      -  "temip-a'     mEha'ntEx     as 

I0  hi'tslEm    aili'k'I?"  --  "uya8."  —  "sips4tqa- 

ia'ldl  Lha'nut   as   hi'tslEm,   k'ins  aya'yusup 

na'k'eai  kus  hi'tslEm  k'a'xk'ex." —  "k'eai'sa, 

k'-qau'wis  xakuli'n  hast!  usta'yu." 


Temau'x  mun'hu  k'e'a  ayai'.      'Lauxiya8  5 

15  qa*'tsE        ya'xau,        temau'x        haihaitxai'. 

temau'x   qalpal'   xe'tsux".      te'mtta   mun'hu 

tsimsalsxai'.  k-u'kus-axa6        k'  linayu'Li. 

"x-au    Lpun'k!uyEmts,    x-au    'Liya8    LEhya'- 

Isalsxam."7      k'is   mun'hu   k'e'a   Lhilkwai'si. 

20  k'Ets     hi'k'e     sa'xtlell     ts-pa'halyust!Emk-. 

tern   k-au'xuts   haihaitxai'   qalpal'.      qalpal' 

k'au'xuts    xe'tsuxu,     te'mlta    hi'k'e    hala'tsi 

1  Told   by   Thomas   Jackson   in    1910.     This  story 
would  seem  to  be  one  of  the  few  distinctive  traditions 
that  were  obtained  either  by  Farrand  or  myself.     At 
least,  thus  far  this  myth  has  not  been  found  recorded 
among  any  other  tribe  of  this  region. 

2  Consists  of  'Liya'  NOT;  -LX  3d  per.  pi. 


I.   THE   STORY   OF  SKUNK 

(Once  there  were)  five  (boys)  related  as 
younger  brothers.  They  were  travelling  all 
over  the  world.  They  did  not  travel  long, 
when  they  came  upon  a  person  (Skunk). 
"Oh,  dost  thou  live  here,  old  man?"  --  "Yes, 
here  is  my  place,  here  I  grew  into  a  man. 
Where  are  you  going  now?"  —  "We  are  not 
going  anywhere.  We  just  travel  to  look  over 
the  people  everywhere."  "And  have  you 
seen  any  people  already?"  —  "No."  —  "If 
you  want  to  look  at  people,  I  will  constantly 
go  with  you  where  the  people  come  together." 
—  "All  right,  this  our  eldest  brother  will  go 
with  thee  first." 

And  then,  indeed,  they  two  started.  They 
two  were  not  going  long,  when  they  two 
rested.  Then  they  two  started  again.  And 
now  (Skunk)  began  to  try  repeatedly  (his)  own 
(power).  He  was  constantly  looking  back  at 
(the  man  who  followed  him).  "Thou  shalt 
follow  right  behind  me,  thou  sha'n't  be  dodg- 
ing here  and  there."  Then,  indeed,  he  would 
do  it.  (And  Skunk)  would  just  open  his  anus. 
Then  again  they  two  would  take  a  rest.  Once 
more  they  two  would  start,  but  just  similarly 

3  Consists  of  'Liya.*  NOT;  -I  ist  per.  pi. 

4  Consists  of  sis  conditional  particle;   -p  2d  per.  pi. 

6  Consists  of  'Liya?  NOT;  -aux  3d  per.  dual. 
'Consists  of  k-is  temporal  particle;    -uk?  suffixed 

particle  AWAY;  -axa  suffixed  particle  AGAIN. 

7  hil-  TO  MISS,  TO  DODGE. 


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'hO    wil    na'k-eai    kus 
x-au  Lpun'k!uyEmts 


i'mstatxu.  temun'hu,  sudaB'stk-emyuk-aux 
xe'tsux".  "k'ist  mu 
mEqami'nt  hi'tslEm. 
hi'k-e  qaa'ltE."  temun'hu  k-e'a  Lhilkwai'- 
5  SEX,  tem-uku  mun'hu  LpiLa'yutiLx.  Loi'- 
ItEx1  mun'hu,  qaha'lk-s  xqui'nx.  xami'- 
axa  tem-axa  yalsai'.  temun'hu  mis-axa 
wilx,  tern  pxeltsQsa'Lnx.  "na'k'-En  tEli'n 
ha««t!?"  --  "a'a,  lEmu'ltiiyQ  'k-a'sxan 

10  wili'sal.  qauwa8"  hi'k-e  ta'xti  'k'sili'- 
kwEx;  Lpu'pEnhaut,  Ixwi'lxwiyaut,  LEyan/- 
hatslit,  qauwa8"  hi'k-e  tas  intsk'i's 
Lhilkwai'sLnx."  —  "a'a,  k-eai'sa,  k'il 
ayai'mi."  --  "k'ip  xa'mEnt!"  -  "k-eai'sa, 

15  k-in    qan    usta'a."       temau'x    mun'hu    k-e'a 


ayal'. 


'Lauxiya8    qaa'tsE    ya'xau,    temau'x 


hai'haitxai.  temau'x  qalpai'  xe'tsux", 
te'mlta  k'Ets  hi'k-e  hala'tsi  i'mstatxu. 
suda'astk-emyuk-aux  qalpai'  xe'tsux",  tem 

20  k-Ets  qalpai'nx  LpiLa'yutiLx.  qalpai'nx 
k-Ets  haitsai'nx  qaha'lk's,  tem  k'Ets-axa 
qalpai'  yalsai'.  tem  k'Ets-axa  wilx 
qalpai'.  "a'a,  wi'lxax-a  axa?"  -  "a'a, 
wi'lxan-axa  xamk1!."  -  "temau'x-En  na'- 

25  k-eai?"  -  "a'a,  lEmu'ltiiyusxaux.  qauwa'" 
hi'k-e  ta'xti  Lhilkwai'sLnx,  'k'a'sil  wili'- 
sal."  -  "k-eai'sa,  x-axa-a'  qalpai'm 
ayai'mi?"  -  -  "a'a,  k'in-axa  ayai'm 

qalpai'm."  -  -  "k-in  ai'i  usta'yfl?" 

30  "k-eai'sa,  k'ist  ayai'mi."  tem  k-au'xuts 
mun'hu  k-e'a  ayai'xa.  !Lauxiya8  qaa'tsE 
ya'xau,  tem  k-au'xuts  hai'haitxai,  pilai'- 
xaux.  "hanhu'u  tEha'm  mu'kutsiu!" 
tem  k-e'a  ihi'yux".  iltli'nx.  "aqa8at 

35  tEha'm  mu'kutsiu."  —  "a'a,  sin  k-g'+k'- 
istxau."2  tsamsa!8yai'nx,  txwai'nx  xu'si. 
"he  +  ,  xa-'Liya8  ta'axwai  tsaa'mE,  sin 
k-e'+k-istxau!  sin  ta*  ts-ta'ak-  ts-mu'- 
kutsiuk-."*  qalpai'  k-au'xuts-axa  xe'tsux". 


1  wil-  TO  KILL. 
1  k'ist-  TO  LEAVE. 

3  Skunk    utters  each  word   in   this  sentence   in  a 


it  would  happen.  At  last  they  two  started 
out  for  the  fifth  time.  "We  two  are  now 
about  to  arrive  at  where  there  are  many 
people.  Thou  shalt  always  follow  me  close 
behind."  And  then,  indeed,  (the  man)  did  it, 
whereupon  (Skunk)  broke  wind  at  him  sud- 
denly. He  killed  him,  (and)  dragged  him  to 
one  side.  He  turned  back  and  went  home. 
And  then,  when  he  came  home,  he  was  asked, 
"Where  is  our  oldest  brother?"  -  -  "Oh,  he 
remained  at  (the  place)  to  which  we  two  came. 
(Those  people  there)  are  doing  all  sorts  of 
things,  —  they  play  shinny-ball,  they  throw 
spears  through  hoops,  they  play  the  guessing- 
game, — all  sorts  of  things  are  done  (by  them) . ' ' 
—  "Oh,  all  right,  we  shall  go  (together)."  — 
"You  will  (come  with  me)  one  at  a  time." 
-  "All  right,  I  will  go  with  him."  And  then, 
verily,  they  two  went.  They  two  did  not  go 
long,  when  they  two  took  a  rest.  Then  they 
two  started  out  again,  but  (soon)  the  same 
thing  would  happen  as  before.  For  the  fifth 
time  they  two  started  out  again,  whereupon 
(Skunk)  once  more  broke  wind  at  him  sud- 
denly. Again  he  carried  him  to  one  side,  and 
went  back  home  once  more.  Then  he  arrived 
home  again.  "Oh,  didst  thou  come  back?"  — 
"Yes,  I  came  back  alone."  —  "And  where 
are  they  two?"  -  "Oh,  they  two  remained 
(there).  All  sorts  of  things  are  done  at  where 
we  two  came."  -  "All  right,  art  thou  going 
back  again?"  -  "Yes,  I  am  going  back  once 
more."  -  -  "May  I  go  with  thee?"  -  -  "Cer- 
tainly, we  two  shall  go."  Then  they  two, 
verily,  started  out.  They  two  did  not  go  long, 
when  they  two  took  a  rest  (and)  sat  down. 
"Let  me  have  this  thy  bow!"  Then,  indeed, 
he  gave  it  to  him.  (The  man)  began  to  exam- 
ine it.  "Thy  bow  is  good."  -  -  "Yes,  I  have 
inherited  it,"  (said  Skunk.)  (The  man)  tried 
it  several  times,  he  pulled  it  a  little.  "Hey! 
do  not  pull  it  hard,  (it  is)  my  heirloom.  (It  is) 
the  bow  of  my  father's  father."  Again  they 

whining  tone.    He  is  afraid  lest  his  bow  (in  reality  his 
anus)  be  broken  by  the  young  man. 


NO.    I         MYTHS    OF    THE    ALSEA    INDIANS    OF    NORTHWESTERN    OREGON 


hala'tsi  I'mstatxu.  temun'hu  sQdaa'stk-- 
emyuk-aux  ts-xatsuwi'sk-  tern  yasau8- 
yai'nx.  "Lpun'k!us-u!,  x-au  'Llya* 

LEhya'lsalsxam ;        la'lta      sxaus1      LEhya'- 
5  Isalsxam,     hustsk-     qau'k'eai     qainkwa'yu." 
k-is     mun'hu     k'e'a    Lhilkwai'si.        tem-uku 
mun'hu        qalpal'nx        LpiLa'yutiLx        tern 
k'Ets-axa      mun'hu      yalsai'xa.         temun/hu 
mis-axa     wilx,     temau'x     LEa'laux.       "k-i'- 
10  stinxaLxan-axa."  —  "k'eai'sa,  x-axa-a' 

qalpal'm  ayai'mi?"  -  "a'a,  k'in-axa 
ayal'm."  ayai'  k'au'xuts2  axa  qalpai'. 
'Lauxiya8  qaa'tsE  ya'xau,  tern  k-au'xuts 


mun'hu      hai'haitxai. 
15  mu'kutslu!"  ihi'nx 

kutsluk-.  "aqa8at 

tEha'm      mu'kutslu."  - 


"hanhu'u      tEha'm 

mun'hu       ts-mu'- 

mun'hu 

-  "a'a,      sin 


k-e'a 
k-e'- 


+k'istxau."  tern  txwai'nx  ts-la'tuk'-auk-. 
"he+,  xa-'Llya"  ta'axwai  tsa»'mE!"  te'- 

20  mlta  Lta'xwalx  tsaa'mE.  "he  +  ,  xa-'Liya* 
ta'axwai  tsa'"mE!  xa-qainkwa'a.  sin 
k-e'+k'istxafl,  sin  ta*  ts-ta'ak-  temaxa 
sin  ta'  ts-mu'kuts!uk-."  qalpai'  k-au'- 
xuts xe'tsux".  "Lpu^'klus-u!  x-au 

25  'uya8  LEhya'lsalsxam."  k'u'kus-axa 

k'linayu'Li.  "he,  LEhya'lsalsxax-au. 

Lpun'k!us-u,  Lpun'k!us-u,  Lpun'k!us-u!" 
k-Ets  mun'hu  Lpun'k!wi,  la'k-auk'Ets 3 
ts!ina'slyuxu  ik'ts-hain'k-  ts-pa'halyust!Emk-. 

30  k-Ets  hi'k-e  sa'xtleli  ts-pa'halyust!Emk-. 
temun'hu  sudaa'stk-emyuk-  ts-xatsuwi'sk-aux 
tern  k-Ets  mun'hu  I'mstE  hala'tsi.  "Lpun'- 
k!us-u!  x-au  'Liyae  LEhya'lsalsxam." 
tern  k-Ets  mun'hu  qalpal'nx  LpiLa'yutiLx. 


35  Tern  k-Ets-axa  mun'hu  yalsai'.  tern 
mis-axa  wilx,  tern  pxeltsusa'Lnx.  "na'k-- 
ILX  tEha'm  plui's?"  -  -  "a'a,  k'i'stinxaLxan- 


1  sis    (conditional  particle)   +  -x  (2d  per.  sing.)  + 
-u  (suffixed  particle)  HERE. 


two  started  out.  The  same  thing  was  done 
as  before.  Finally,  after  their  (dual)  fifth 
start,  (Skunk)  said  to  him  several  times, 
"Keep  thou  right  behind  me!  Thou  shalt  not 
dodge  back  and  forth;  because,  if  thou 
keepest  on  dodging  here  and  there,  perchance 
somebody  will  hurt  thee."  Then  (the  man) 
did  it,  indeed.  Thereupon  again  he  quickly 
broke  wind  at  him,  after  which  he  went  home 
once  more.  And  then,  when  he  came  back, 
he  told  the  two  (remaining  brothers),  "I  left 
them  behind."  —  "All  right,  art  thou  going 
back  again?"  —  "Yes,  I  am  going  back." 
Then  they  two  (Skunk  and  the  fourth  brother) 
went  back  again.  They  two  did  not  go  long, 
when  they  two  took  a  rest.  "Let  me  have  thy 
bow!"  So  he  gave  him  his  bow.  "Verily,  thy 
bow  is  good."  —  "Yes,  (it  is)  my  heirloom." 
Then  (the  boy)  began  to  pull  its  string.  "Hey ! 
do  not  pull  it  hard !"  Nevertheless  he  kept  on 
pulling  it  harder.  "Hey!  do  not  pull  it  hard! 
Thou  wilt  spoil  it.  (It  is)  my  heirloom,  it  is 
the  bow  of  my  father's  father  and  also  of  my 
father."  Then  they  two  started  out  again. 
"Keep  right  behind  me!  Thou  shalt  not  twist 
thyself  here  and  there."  He  looked  back  at 
him  once  in  a  while.  "Hey!  thou  art  twisting 
thyself  here.  Follow  close  behind  me,  follow 
close  behind  me,  follow  close  behind  me!" 
Then  (the  boy)  walked  right  behind  him, 
although  his  anus  was  all  the  time  repulsive 
to  his  sense  (of  smell).  (Skunk)  was  continu- 
ally opening  his  anus.  Finally,  after  their 
(dual)  fifth  start,  (Skunk)  did  the  same  thing 
as  before.  (He  kept  on  saying,)  "Keep  right 
behind  me!  Thou  shalt  not  dodge  here  and 
there."  Then  at  last  he  again  broke  wind  at 
him  suddenly.  (The  boy  died.) 

Then  he  went  home.    And  when  he  came 
back,  he  was  asked   (by  the  last  brother), 
"Where  are  thy  (former)  companions?" 
"Oh,  I  left  them  behind.     They  refused  to 

2  k-Ets  (temporal)  particle)  +  -aux  (ad  per.  dual). 
'  Id  (pronominal  particle)  +  k'Ets  (temporal  particle) 
+  -auk-  (suffixed  particle)  INSIDE. 


68 


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VOL.   I 


axa.  lEmu'ltliyusxaLx.  qauwata  intsk'I's 
Lhilkwai'sLnx;  tpu'pEnhaut,  LEyan'hats!It, 
Lku'kumkwaut,  tsxwa'tsxwataut,  Ixwi'- 
Ixwlyaut."  -  "a'a,  k-Ex-a'  axa  ayai'mi?" 
5  -  -  "a'a,  k-in-axa  qalpai'm  ayai'm." 
"k'eai'sa,  k-in-axa  usta'yu." 


Temau'x  mun'hu  k-e'a  ayal'.  'Lauxiya8 
qa*'tsE  ya'xau,  temau'x  mun'hu  hai'haitxai. 
"hanhu'u  tEha'm  mu'kutslu!"  temun'hu 

10  k-e'a        ihi'yux".  temun'hu        tsimai'nx 

txwal'nx.  "he  +  ,  xa-'Liya'  ta'axwai 
tsa»'mE!  xa-tk-isa'a  sin  hi'hisxau,1 
sin  k-I'stEx.2  sin  ta'  ts-ta'ak-  tem-axa 
ts-ta'ak-  ts-mu'kutsluk-."  —  "mun'hQ  k-e'a 

15  aqatat       tEha'm       mu'kutslu."  k-is-axa 

qalpa'a  txwa'a.  "he  +  ,  xa-'Liya'  ta'axwai 
tsa»'mE!  hu'tsk-Ex  tk-isa'a."  qalpal' 
k-au'xuts  xe'tsux".  hala'tsi  k'Ets  mu 
i'mstE  qalpal'.  tern  k-au'xuts  mu 

20  qalpal'       xe'tsux".  "Lpun'k!us-u       aa'qa 

qoma'ts,  hu'tsk1  qau'k-eai  qai"kwa'yu." 
k-iltas8  'Liya';  hak'ln"yaisl  hi'k-e  ya'xau. 
"hehe',  'Laxauya14  Lpun'k!uyEmtsx.  Lpun'- 
k!us-u!"  k'Ets  mun'hu  qa'halt  Lpklui'nx, 

25  k-Ets  hl'k-e  sa'xtlell  tspa'halyustlEmk-.5 
hai'haitxai'xaux  qalpai'  suda»'stk-emyuk-. 
"hanhu'u  tEha'm  mu'kutslu!  k'in  qan 
spai'dl  tEha'm  mu'kutslu."  -  "'Llya*. 
xa-k-imha'k-  !Liya'  iltqa'yusi.  ma'- 

30  mhatsEx."  tern  k'Ets  mun'hu  qalpal'nx 
txwal'nx.  k-Ets  xu'sl  hl'k-e  ItExwa'yutx. 
"he,  xa-'Liya'  ta'axwai!  he,  xa-'Liya* 
ta'axwai!"  txwal'nx  k-e'tk'i  tsaa'mE. 
"he+,  xa-'Liya'  ta'axwai!  aitwai'6  sin 

35  mu'kuts!u!"  -  -  "'Liya8!  k'Ex-axa  ihi'- 
yEmtsu  asi'n  ha'tloo,  k-ins-axa  ihi'yEm 
tEha'm  mu'kutslu."  -  "k-eai'sa,  tern 
ait-u  sin  mu'kutslu!"  -  "!Llyae!  ha'aits 
qau'wis  ha  ai'ait  a'sin  ha'tloo,  k-ins-axa 


'hu 
'hu 


1  Reduplicated  stem  hlsx. 

1  Nominalized  verbal  stem. 

1  k'is  temporal  particle;  ltd  particle. 


come  home.  All  sorts  of  things  are  done 
(there),  —  shinny-playing,  guessing,  running, 
wrestling,  throwing  spears  through  hoops." 
-  "All  right,  wilt  thou  go  back?"  -  "Yes, 
I  am  going  back  once  more."  •  "All  right, 
I  will  go  back  with  thee." 

Then,  verily,  they  two  went.  They  two 
did  not  go  long,  when  they  two  took  a  rest. 
"Let  me  have  this  thy  bow!"  (said  the 
young  man).  Thereupon,  indeed,  (Skunk) 
gave  it  to  him.  So  then  he  tried  to  pull  it. 
"Hey!  do  thou  not  pull  it  hard!  Thou  wilt 
break  my  ancient  heirloom,  (the  thing)  which 
was  left  to  me.  (This  is)  the  bow  of  my 
father's  father,  and  then  (of)  his  father." 
-  "Now,  verily,  thy  bow  is  good."  Again 
he  would  begin  to  pull  it.  "Hey!  do  thou 
not  pull  it  hard!  Thou  wilt  break  it,  per- 
chance." Again  they  two  started  out.  Once 
more  then  similarly  (it  was  done)  thus. 
Then  they  two  would  start  out  again. 
"Follow  me  close  right  behind,  perchance 
somebody  might  hurt  thee."  Nevertheless 
(the  young  man  would)  not  (do  this) ;  he  just 
kept  on  going  alongside  (of  him).  "Hey!  thou 
art  not  walking  behind  me.  Keep  right  be- 
hind me!"  Then  (the  boy)  would  pretend  to 
walk  behind  him,  whereupon  (Skunk)  began 
to  open  his  anus.  At  the  fifth  time  they  two 
rested  again.  "Let  me  see  this  thy  bow!  I 
am  going  to  carry  thy  bow."  —  "No.  Thou 
mayst  not  (know)  what  to  do  with  it.  Thou 
art  young  (yet)."  (Finally  the  boy  persuaded 
Skunk  to  part  with  his  bow.)  And  then  he 
began  to  pull  it  again.  He  would  pull  it 
quickly  just  a  little.  "Hey!  do  thou  not  pull 
it!  Hey!  do  thou  not  pull  it!"  He  pulled  it 
a  little  harder.  "Hey!  do  not  pull  it!  Give 
me  back  my  bow!"  "No!  Thou  shalt 

(first)  give  me  back  my  elder  brothers,  then 
I  will  return  to  thee  thy  bow."  -  -  "All  right, 
but  give  me  back  my  bow!"  "No!  First 

4  'Liya*  NOT  +-*  (2d  per.  sing.)  +  -au  (suffixed  par- 
ticle) HERE. 

5  Without,  however,  killing  him. 

6  Consists  of  ait  +  -u  +  -af. 


NO.    I          MYTHS    OF    THE    ALSEA    INDIANS    OF    NORTHWESTERN    OREGON 


69 


mun'hu      ihl'yEm      tEha'm      mukutslu." 
"k-eai'sa."  temun'hu       k'e'a       ayal'xa. 

'Liya8      qa»'tsE       pal"yuxu,       te'mltaLx-axa 
wllx.       qau'watiLx-axa    spaa'yaux.       "hun'- 
5  k-i    tEha'm    ha'tloo."  -  -  "ham     mu'kutslu 
a         as         anhu'u?"    —    "a'a."  "hEn, 

'Liya8,     sin     anal's.        ham     pa'halyustlEm, 
'Liya8        ham        mu'kutslu."  txwai'nx 

mun'hu.        tai8     mun'hu.        mis     ta'xusanx, 
IO  k'Ets       hi'k-axa       hya8qai'txa.          temun'hu 
Iqaya'yu    ts-mu'kutsluk-.       hi'k-axa    tsliya'- 
qtEx,    qe'ntEx    mun'hu. 
Tai8    mun'hu. 

2.    COYOTE  AND  THE  TWO  OTTER-WOMEN  > 


Hamsti8      hl'k'e      intsk'I's      Lhllkwal'sEx 

15  Mo'luptsini'sla.  namk-        mis       qaml'n 

qainhal'   LEya'tsit,    temun'hu    tl'fltl'wantxal' 

is  le'wi'.  namk'       mis-axa  wi'lal       kus 

tsudal's,      tern      ti'utl'wantxai'      is      k-ean/- 

k-elau,        is        tsudal's        ts-k-ea"'k-elauk-. 

20  temun'hu      k'ilwi'      is      tsudal's      ts-k'ea"'- 

k-etauki'k's.2 

Tern-auk-  mun'hu  tlxal'nx  ts-hain'k', 
k'-Loqudi'im  is  mukwa£stELi.  temau'x 
mEla'nx  xe'Lk'it-s-tsa'sidoo.  tern-auk1 

25  Itla'xsalx  tshain'k'.  "k'in  mukwa'tstELiya'a 
xam8."  hi'k'aux  Lhaya'nix  ts-xa'lxask' 
hamstl*.  temau'x  'Liya8  tqaia'ldEx, 

sau'xus3  xam8  na  ya'tsi.  k'aux  hl'k'e 
k'a'axk'e  ya'tsi.  temau'x-auk'  hi'k'e 

30  qaa'ltE  I'mstE  Itla'xsalx  ts-hain'k-. 
"k--Liya8  na  ya'tsi  ku'sin  qtlm.  k'-xan 
hi'k-e  k'a'axk-e  ya'tsi."  la'ltasaux 

Lhaya'nix  hi'k'e  tsaa'mE  haihayast  ts- 
k-ell'sk-,  la'ltasaux-auk-  I'mstE  ts-hain'k', 

35  "xan-'Llya8  namk-  ya'tsi.  xan-qal'k'- 

al'm,  la'lta  mi'sxan  'Liya8  tqaia'ldEx. 
k'-LlyaE  sa'lsxaim  is  mukwasstELl,  sis 
tepll'i;  kus  tsa8  haihaya8t  ts-k-ell'sk-." 

"Told  by  William  Smith  in  1910.  Compare  Frach- 
tenberg  (CU  4  :  88  et  seq.). 

1  This  part  of  the  story  hardly  belongs  here.    It  may 


bring  back  here  my  elder  brothers,  then  I  will 
return  to  thee  thy  bow."  —  "All  right." 
Then,  indeed,  he  went.  He  was  not  absent 
long,  when  they  (all)  came  back.  He  brought 
them  all  back.  "Here  are  thy  elder  brothers." 
—  "Is  this  here  thy  bow?"  —  "Yes."—  "Hm! 
no,  my  friend  1  (It  is)  thy  anus,  not  thy  bow." 
So  he  began  to  pull  it.  Only  (this  much  was 
necessary).  As  he  kept  on  pulling  it,  (Skunk) 
just  whined  all  the  time.  Finally  his  bow 
broke.  (Then  Skunk)  just  straightened  out 
again,  and  died. 

Only  now  (the  story  ends). 

2.    COYOTE   AND  THE  TWO   OTTER-WOMEN 

Coyote  did  all  sorts  of  things.  When  long 
ago  he  was  ready  (for)  people,  he  created  the 
world.  Again,  after  the  salmon  (began  to) 
arrive  regularly,  he  made  a  fish-basket,  —  a 
fish-basket  for  salmon.  Thereupon  the  salmon 
went  into  their  fish-basket. 


Then  (one  day)  he  thought  in  his  inner 
mind  that  he  would  take  (unto  him)  a  wife. 
Now,  he  knew  (of)  two  women.  So  he 
thought  in  his  inner  mind,  "I  am  going  to 
marry  one  (of  them)."  Modo  videbat  vulvas 
utrarumque.  But  they  two  did  not  desire 
that  one  of  them  should  live  somewhere  (else). 
They  two  were  just  going  to  stay  together. 
Thus  they  two  were  always  thinking  in  their 
inner  minds:  "My  younger  sister  is  not  going 
to  live  somewhere  (else).  We  two  are  just 
going  to  stay  together."  Quia  illae  duae 
videbant  penem  eius  modo  longum  esse, 
propterea  eae  duae  sic  cogitabant.  "We  two 
shall  never  stay  with  him.  We  two  are  going 
to  run  away,  because  we  two  do  not  like  him. 
Mulier  cum  qua  hie  copulabit  non  superstes 
erit;  valde  longus  penis  eius  est." 

be  looked  upon  as  a  description  of  the  part  which  Coyote 
had  in  the  Creation. 

*  Consists  of  sis  conditional  particle;  -aux  3d  per. 
dual. 


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VOL.  I 


Tern  Is  xa'mEt-s-qamH's  tem-axa  wllx.1 
tern  yasau'yai'nx  xa'mELi.  "xa-telo'- 
qudlxwal'm  is  tsudal's  kwe'k's-auk-." 
tern  yasau'yal'nx  ts-qti'mk-.  "xa-ts!Ila'a 
5  kus  tqauli'ts!.  k-in  spai'dl  sin  puu'ya8, 
sins2  ayai'mi  ko'kus."  temun'hu  mis 
pk-Iai'nx  kus  tqauli'ts!,3  tern  mun'HI 
hl'tslEm  pi'usxal.  laa  kus  aili'k'I  yu'xtEx 
kus  Iku'husal  Itsa'nt.  "namk-  sins 

10  'Liya'-axa  wil   ha'afqa,   k-xau'k-s  4  tlxa'yflts 
'k-xa'm     haint,    'mun'hu     tsqwa   qal'k-ai'." 
tern       yasau'yai'nx       ts-qti'mk-.  "k'in 

hak-i'm     ma'ntitxu.        k-ist     !Llya'     namk- 
ya'tsELl,     k'ist      'Liya1     namk-      sa'lsxalm. 

15  tsa»'mE  hi'k-e  haihaya't  ts-k-eH'sk-." 
temun'hu  ayal'.  temun'hu  mis  ayal' 
ats-sa'ak-,  tem  pl'usxa*yal'  ats-temxtsi'sk- 6 
ts-Ili'diyuk-.  "'Laniya*  tqaia'ldEx  sxas 
ayai'm  k'i'mhak-s.  'Liya',  sin  mukwa'- 

2O  StELl." 


Temau'x  mun'hu  qal'k-a!'.  temun'hu 
k-i'mhak-s  Lqwa'miLx  ats-sa'ak-.  "tsa'tl 
SEX  tas  wllx.  k-ist  qark-al'm  nl'sk-ik-s." 
te'mlta  'Liya*  qaa'tsE  tem  LEai'sx  ats- 

25  si'tEk-  awi'lau.  temun'hu  yasau'yai'nx 
ats-sa'ak-.  "auH'xa.  k--Llya*  qaa'tsE  k'ist 
Lqwa'mits."  temun'hu  mEya'saux  ats- 
sa'ak-.  "k-ist  'Ltyae  le'wi'yaisi  qal'k-- 
ai'm,  k-ist  k'ilu'waisi  qal'k-ai'm."  temau'x 

30  mun'hu  k-e'a  imsti';  k'ilu'wasyaux  qal'k-ai'. 
tem  mEya'saux  ats-sa'ak-.  "k'ist  k'i'- 
mhak-s  k-a«  wil,  tem  mis  qalpai'm 
qwa'mstoxs  halts,  k'i'stauk-s6  ku'kus 
ayai'm."  te'mlta  'Liya'  qaa'tsE  tem 

35  llxusal'  tem  xudui'  yal'x-auk-  Is  hai"8. 
te'mlta  'Liya8  qaa'tsE  tem  LEai'sx  mukwi'- 
sta.  tem-axa  hak-i'm  qalpal'  xe'tsux". 


1  In  the  mean  while  Coyote  seems  to  have  succeeded 
in  persuading  these  women  to  become  his  wives. 

2  Consists  of  sis  conditional  particle;    -n    1st   per. 
sing. 

»  This  pitch  was  to  answer  in  her  stead,  in  case  her 
husband  called  for  her. 


Then  one  night  he  came  back.  Then  he  said 
to  one  (of  them),  "Thou  shalt  fetch  the  salmon 
at  the  canoe."  So  (the  older  woman)  said  to 
her  younger  sister,  "Thou  shalt  split  this  pitch- 
wood.  I  am  going  to  take  my  bucket  along 
when  I  go  to  the  river."  So,  after  she  stood 
up  that  pitch-wood,  it  produced  sounds  just 
like  a  human  being.  Now,  the  one  who  went 
down  to  the  river  to  fetch  water  had  already 
disappeared.  (But  before  she  left,  she  told 
her  younger  sister,)  "Should  I  not  come  back 
right  away,  thou  shalt  think  in  thy  inner 
mind,  'Now  she  must  have  escaped.'  '  Then 
she  (also)  told  her  younger  sister,  "I  shall  wait 
for  thee  there.  We  two  shall  never  live  with 
him,  we  two  shall  never  survive.  Modo  valde 
longus  penis  eius  est."  Then  she  went 
(away).  And  after  her  older  sister  went 
(away),  her  husband  kept  on  shouting  his 
(following)  message:  "I  do  not  want  that  thou 
shouldst  go  there.  (Do)  not  (act  so),  my 
wife!" 

So  they  two  escaped.  And  now  she  over- 
took her  older  sister  there.  "(I)  am  glad  that 
thou  hast  come.  We  two  are  going  to  run 
away  far."  But  not  long  (afterwards)  she  saw 
her  husband  coming.  Then  she  said  to  her 
older  sister,  "He  is  coming  nearer.  It  will  not 
be  long  before  he  will  overtake  us  two."  So 
then  her  older  sister  kept  on  saying,  "We  two 
shall  not  escape  on  land,  we  two  shall  travel 
on  the  water."  Thereupon  they  two  did  so, 
they  two  began  to  travel  on  water.  Then  her 
older  sister  said,  "We  two  shall  stop  there  for  a 
while;  and  if  (we  two)  are  overtaken  here 
again,  we  two  will  go  into  the  middle  of  the 
ocean."  Then  not  long  (afterwards)  it  began 
to  rain  and  blow  exceedingly  hard.  And  not 
long  (afterwards)  she  saw  him  (come)  in  a 
canoe.  So  (they  two)  departed  from  there 


4  k'is  (temporal  particle)    +  -x  (zd  per.  sing.)   + 
-auk'  (suffixed  particle)  INSIDE. 

5  te'maxt  BROTHER-IN-LAW. 

6  k'is  (temporal  particle)   +  -st  (inclusive  dual)  + 
-auk-  (suffixed  particle)  INSIDE. 


NO.    I          MYTHS    OF    THE    ALSEA    INDIANS    OF    NORTHWESTERN    OREGON 


"k'ist  'Liya8  ayai'm  k'i'luk's  qalpai'm. 
k'ist  hl'k'e  qluli'm  kwas  na'tk'au." 
temau'x  mun'hu  ayai'  k'i'mhak's  qauxa'- 
nk's  kwas  tsk'In'tsi.  temau'x  k'i'mhaisl 
5  mEya'xauxa.  te'mlta  'Liya8  qas'tsE  mis 
mEya'sauxa.  "auli'xa,  auli'xa."  temau'x 
mun'hu  Iqwa'miLx  qaux  Is  tsk'In'tsi. 
"namk'  st-Iqwa'mits,  k'ist  ayai'm  ku'kus. 
k'ist  k'i'mhak's  spai'dT."  temau'x 

10  mun'hu     k'e'a     imstl'xa. 


Tern  mEqami'nt  as  kuFai's  hi'k'e 
tsaa'mE.  narnk-  k'au'xuts  qti'xa  'k'as 
ku'xu,  k'au'xuts  hi'k'e  hamsti'  LEai'stu 
ts-spal'k1.  tsa'maux  hl'k'e  ma'k'st  ts- 
15  spai'k1.  tern  Is  I'mstE  tern-auk-  Itla'xsalx 
ts-hai"'k'  kuts-sI'tEk-aux,  "la'xauxs '  m'- 
sk'ik's  ayai'm,  k'i'naux  'Liya8  namk' 
Lxaai'.  Is  I'mstE  ts-kwa'lnk'  la'xauxs 
ni'sk'ik's  ayai'm,  k'i'naux  'Liya*  namk' 

20  Lxaal',  la'ltasaux  ma'k'st  ts-spal'k', 
la'lta  aqa'titaux  s-mukwa8stELl. 2  nl'- 
tsk'aux-auk-  Itla'xsalx  ts-hain'k',  temau'- 
xin-auk'  mEla'niyuxu  ts-k'a'ltsuk'."  tern- 
auk'  I'mstE  ts-hain'k'.  "k'inau'x  'Llya* 

25  namk'  Lxaal'."  temi'Lx  mun'hu  mEya'- 
xauxa. temi'Lx  mun'hu  wllx  LEya'tstik's. 
"st-hak'in'k'I  qalpa'a  k'i'stl."  tem 

yasau'yai'nx    kuts-qti'mk'.        "mEla'nlyEm- 
tsxast    ni'tsk'ast-auk-    Itla'xsalx    stin    hain8. 

30  k'ist  k'i'sti,  namk'  sis  atsk'al'm."  na'- 
mk'siLx  wllx  LEya'tstik's,  "tsaa'mEn 
hi'k'e  Lqa'lhlyu."  temun'hu  yasau8yai'nx 
kuts-qti'mk'.  "xa-'Llya8  a'tsk'a!  namk- 
sis  lunqlwaixwai'm,  k'i'stis  ta'mink'ink' 

35  k'i'stl."  temun'hu  k'e'a  Lunqlwalxwai'xa. 
temun'hu  yasau£yal'nx  ts-qti'mk'.  "k'ist 
qal'k'ai'm  mun'hu;  atsk'ai'  mun'hu." 
temau'x  mun'hu  qal'k'al'.  "xa-xe'ilk'e 
Ihaya'nauwi.  xa-'Liya8  tsa'amE  tu'msa 3 

40  kus  tu'msa!      k'ist  limla'ntEmts."      temau'- 

1  laxs  (particle)  +  -aux  (3d  per.  dual). 

2  The  plural  form  ma'mkusH  would  have  been  more 
proper  here. 


once  more.  "We  two  shall  not  go  into  the 
water  again.  We  two  shall  just  go  upstream 
along  that  creek."  So  then  they  two  went 
there  on  top  of  a  mountain.  Then  they  two 
kept  on  travelling  there.  But  (it  was)  not  long 
before  she  said  (again),  "He  is  approaching, 
he  is  approaching!"  So  then  he  overtook 
those  twq  on  top  of  the  mountain.  "If  he 
should  overtake  us  two,  we  two  will  go  west. 
We  two  will  lead  him  there."  Then,  verily, 
they  two  did  so. 

Now  (on  that  place),  there  were  very  many 
windfalls.  Whenever  they  two  went  over  a 
log,  (Coyote)  modo  de  more  videbat  vulvas 
ambarum.  Valde  modo  pingues  vulvas  illae 
duae  habebant.  And  it  was  for  that  reason 
that  their  (dual)  husband  was  continually 
thinking  in  his  inner  mind,  "Even  if  they  two 
should  go  far,  I  shall  never  give  them  up.  For 
that  reason  will  I  never  give  them  up,  although 
they  two  may  go  far,  propterea  vulvae  am- 
barum pingues  sunt,  propterea  eae  duae 
formosae  mulieres  sunt.  Whatever  they  two 
are  thinking  in  their  inner  minds,  I  know  their 
(dual)  inner  thoughts."  Then  such  (were)  his 
inner  thoughts:  "I  shall  never  give  those  two 
up."  Then  they  kept  on  going.  And  then 
they  came  to  a  village.  "We  two  are  going  to 
leave  him  behind  right  here."  Then  (the  older 
woman)  said  to  her  younger  sister,  "He  knows 
(what)  we  two  (are  going  to  do,  and)  whatever 
we  two  are  thinking  in  our  inner  thoughts. 
We  two  will  leave  him  when  he  is  asleep." 
When  they  came  to  the  village,  (the  younger 
woman  said,)  "I  am  very  tired."  Thereupon 
(the  older  woman)  said  to  her  younger  sister, 
"Thou  shalt  not  sleep!  As  soon  as  he  begins 
to  snore,  we  two  will  leave  him  at  that  time." 
And  then,  verily,  he  began  to  snore.  So  then  she 
said  to  her  younger  sister,  "We  two  will  escape 
now ;  he  is  asleep  now."  So  they  two  ran  away. 
"Thou  shalt  watch  him  carefully.  Do  thou 
not  close  the  door  hard !  He  will  find  us  two 


'  timsu-  TO  SHUT  (of  door  only). 


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x-auk-  mun'hu  ko'kus  ayai'.  "stis l  qal- 
pa'yErnts  Lqwa'mits  k-i'mhak's,  k'i'stauk's 
ko'kus  px-ilmisai'm."  temau'x  mun'hu 
mEya'xauxa.  k-au'xuts-axa  hiai';  !LauxIya8 
5  la"  Lhaya'nix. 

Temun'hu  Lqou'tsxa  kuts-sI'tEk'aux. 
aili'k-aux  wa8  I'lElI'ts.  tern-auk-  mun'hu 
tlxal'nx  ts-haink-.  "'Lauxlya*  tai*  qo'tsE 
tsa'sidu.  mEqami'nt  tsa'sidu."  tern 

10  kus-auk-  tlxai'nx  ts-hain'k-.  "k-aux 

'Liya6  hi'tslEm.  k-aux  hi'k'e  k-ilfl't!in, 
k-aux  hl'k-e  'k-qe'xan  ya'tsl  Is  qalxa'tsit! 
ts-Li'qayuk-.  k-aux  hi'k-e  k-ilu't!in  ts- 
lank-,  k-aux  'Liya'  hi'tsLEm  ts-lank1. 

15  k-aux  hi'k-e  qaa'ltE  yatsl  Is  k'i'lu,  k-aux 
mEitsai'st  is  qalxa'tsit!  ts-Li'qayuk-,  aul 
hi'k-e  Is  k-i'lu." 

Temun'hu     tsqa'mtliyu. 


3.  COYOTE  AND  THE  TWO  FROG-WOMEN1 

Xa'mEt-s-hi'tslEm 3    ya'tsx.        wa'na'    ts- 

20  mukwa'slik-.  'Liya*  qafl'k-eai  tqaia'ldEx. 
tem  Is  xa'mEt-s-pi'tskum  tern-auk- 
tbcal'nx  ts-hain'k-,  k'-ayai'mi  ko'kus  phai- 
nai'st  is  Jowa'qatit-s-tsudai's,  k'ai'i 
qlowi'i.  temun'hu  k-e'a  ayai'.  'Liya* 

25  qa*'tsE  ya'xau,  te'mlta  Jyai'xaiLx  xe'Lk-- 
it-s-tsa'sidu  k'in'wa'txaux.  temau'x 

pi'usxa8yarnx.  "na'k-sEx-E'n  ya'xau?" 
k'Ets  ta'mE  'Liya8  tsku'yai'x.  k'Ets 
psini'k-  Ixekemyuk-  ts-plwi'slnsk-  tem  k'Ets 

$0  qa'halt  tskwal'tEx.  "la-E'n  k-ipst  tqaia'- 
IdEx?"  -  'Liya8.  hi'k-exan  pxe'ltsusa'- 
txuxu."  —  "is  intsk-I's-En?"  "a'a, 

na'k'sEx-E'n  ya'xau?"  "ku'kusin  phai- 
nal'st  is  tsudai's."  -  "k-eai'sa.  k--xan- 

•ic  axa  a'  ha'qwawits 4  'k'ha'm  ya'xau,  sxas- 
axa  yala'sautxam?"  -  "k'eai'sa."  tem 
k'Ets  mun'hu  xe'tsux". 

1  sis  (temporal  particle)  +  -st  (inclusive  dual). 

2  Told   by   Thomas   Jackson   in    1913.      A   similar 
tradition    was    also   obtained    among   the    Kalapuya 
Indians. 


out."  Then  they  two  went  to  the  middle  of 
the  sea.  "If  he  should  again  overtake  us  here, 
we  two  will  travel  in  the  centre  of  the  ocean." 
Then  they  two  kept  on  going.  They  two 
looked  back  occasionally ;  they  two  did  not  see 
anything. 

And  now  their  (dual)  husband  woke  up. 
The  two  (women)  were  already  gone  long  ago. 
So  he  was  thinking  in  his  inner  mind.  "They 
two  are  not  the  only  women  (in  this  world). 
There  are  many  (other)  women."  Then  he 
thought  in  his  inner  mind,  "They  two  shall 
not  be  human  beings.  They  two  shall  just  be 
Otters,  they  shall  simply  live  beneath  the 
roots  of  the  alder-tree.  Their  (dual)  names 
shall  just  be  Otter,  their  (dual)  names  shall 
not  be  People.  They  two  shall  always  live  in 
the  water,  they  two  shall  have  for  a  house  the 
roots  of  the  alder-tree,  just  close  to  the  water." 

And  now  (the  story)  comes  to  an  end. 

3.  COYOTE  AND  THE  TWO  FROG-WOMEN 

A  man  was  living.  (It  was  Coyote.)  He 
had  no  wife.  Nobody  wanted  him.  So  one 
day  he  decided  in  his  inner  mind  that  he  would 
go  to  the  coast  to  look  for  dried  salmon,  in 
order  that  he  might  buy  it.  Then,  verily,  he 
went.  He  was  not  going  long,  when  he  came 
upon  two  women  (who)  were  digging  the 
ground  (for  camas).  Then  they  two  re- 
peatedly hailed  him.  "Where  art  thou  go- 
ing?" He  acted  as  if  he  did  not  hear.  Upon 
his  being  hailed  for  the  third  time,  he  seemed 
to  pay  attention.  "What  do  you  two  want?" 

-  "Nothing.  We  two  have  just  been  asking 
thee  (a  question)."  -  -  "What  is  it?"  - 
"Oh,  where  art  thou  going?"  "To  the 
coast  I  (am  going)  for  the  purpose  of  looking 
for  salmon."  -  "All  right;  art  thou  going 
to  leave  us  two  (some)  on  thy  way,  after  thou 
wilt  be  going  back?"  -  "Certainly."  There- 
upon he  departed. 

3  For  example,  Coyote. 

4  haqu-  TO  LEAVE. 


NO.    I         MYTHS    OF    THE    ALSEA    INDIANS    OF    NORTHWESTERN    OREGON 


73 


Tern  k-au'k-Ets  mun'hu  t  !axsalsyai'nx 
ts-hain'k-.  "k-i'naux  hi'tE  mun'hu  laa 
klwaya'a?"  'Liya8  qaa'tsE  ya'xau,  te'- 
mlta  LEai'stsiLx  as  la£wus  'k-qe'lyEm. 
5  temiT'hu  pii'xanx  tern  yuxayu'Lx  tern 
timsiyu'Lx,  k'ai'i  'Liya8  k-  !ila"tsxam. 
tem-uku  mun'hu  qaayu'Lx  'k'ts-sa'yuk-. 
temun'hu  mis-uku  Iqaai'Lx,  tem-axa 
mun'hu  wahayu'Lx,  tem-uku  mun'hu 
10  li'yEqa  Iqinqe'nx  ats-sa'yuk-.  temun'hu 
mis  Itla'msitEx,  temun'hu  tsulqanayu'Lx, 
tem-axa  mun'hu  yalsai'. 

WIlx*     mun'hu-axa      k'i'mhak's      na'k-eai 
'k-a'saux      xe'Lk'it-s-tsa'sidoo      k'in'wa'txa. 

15  k-Ets  ta'mE  'Liya8  ts!owai'nx-sl6,  mis-axa 
wilx  k-i'mhak-s.  pi'usxa8yai'nx  k-au'xuts 
mun'hu  xas  tsa'sidu.  "yala'sautxax-a' 
axa?"  "a'a,  yala'sautxan-axa." 

"qami'nt-a    axa    ham    ya'xau?"      -  "'Liya8 

20  ha  tsaa'mE."  -  "xan-axa  ha'quts  hinsk-." 
—  "k-eai'sa,  ai'xEpst-u!."  temau'x-axa 
mu"'hQ  k-e'a  ayal',  temau'x  mun'hu 
tsqe'wiLx  'k'as  ya'tsx.  temau'x  mun'hu 
wahau'hinx.  "pst-u  awi'lxasxam  ts!a8wa." 

25  tem-uku  mun'hu  k'ikuyu'Lx  ats-tsola'qank-. 
"siyai'tipst-uku  pstin  Lok'  'k'ta'sin  sa'yu!." 
temau'x  k-e'a  hllkwalsai'nx.  temun'hu 
mi'saux  si'yaitEx  ts-L5'k'ik',  temun'hu 
stuqwa'yutliLx l  ats-tsula'qank'.  tern 

30  hi'k-e  xupui'txa  tas  Ia8wus,  te'maux  mun'- 
hu  LxuI'Jnx  as  tsa'siduwaux,  te'maux 
mun'hu  ha'sk'Ex.  tern  mi'saux  ha'sk'- 
istEx,  temau'x  mun'hu  yu'xtlayux"  ts- 
spai'k'aux,  temau'x  mun'hu  k'i'stinx. 

35  mun'hu  namk-  k'Qts 2  hituwai',  k-is 
munhu  spa'a  kus  le'wi',  k'is  k'i'mhak-s 
k'tsla'a  kus  spal',  k'is  mun'hu  k'wal'mi 
k'i'mhak's. 

Temun'hu     mi'saux-axa     salsxa8yai',     tern 

40  Iltli'xasx    kwas    xam8.       "wa8na'    sin    spal'. 

kwa£la"    tEni'x?"        temun'hu    k-e'a   qalpai' 

1  stqu-  TO  KICK. 


Now,  he  was  constantly  thinking  in  his 
inner  mind,  "(I)  wonder  how  I  am  going  to 
play  a  trick  on  those  two?"  He  was  not  going 
long,  when  he  happened  to  look  at  some  yel- 
low-jackets where  (they  were)  hanging  on  a 
branch.  Thereupon  he  went  to  the  (nest)  and 
took  it  off  (the  tree),  and  closed  it  so  that  (the 
yellow-jackets)  would  not  come  out.  Then  he 
put  (the  nest)  into  his  basket.  And  after  he 
put  it  (into  his  basket),  he  opened  (the  nest) 
again  and  tied  his  basket  tightly.  Then,  after 
he  finished,  he  carried  it  like  a  pack,  and  went 
back. 

Then  he  came  back  there,  where  those  pre- 
viously mentioned  two  women  were  digging 
the  ground.  He  did  not  seem  to  pay  any  at- 
tention to  (those  two)  after  he  came  back. 
Then  those  women  shouted  at  him,  "Art  thou 
on  thy  way  home?"  "Yes,  I  am  on  my 
way  home."  "Is  it  much  (what)  thou  art 
bringing  back?"  —  "Not  very  much." 
"Thou  shalt  leave  some  behind  for  us  two." 
-"All  right,  do  you  two  come  here!"  So  they 
two,  verily,  went,  and  came  near  to  where  he 
was  staying.  Thereupon  he  beckoned  to 
those  two.  "You  two  shall  come  nearer  here." 
Then  he  began  to  untie  his  pack.  "Do  you 
two  put  your  (dual)  heads  inside  this  basket!" 
Then  they  two  did  it,  indeed.  Thereupon, 
after  they  two  put  their  heads  inside,  he 
quickly  kicked  his  pack.  Then  the  yellow- 
jackets  just  became  active,  whereupon  the 
two  women  were  stung,  and  then  they  two 
died.  And  after  they  two  were  dead,  he  took 
off  them  their  (dual)  female  organs  and  left 
those  two.  Nunc  quandocunque  congressum 
habere  desiderabat,  terram  fodebat  atque 
vulvam  ibidem  ponebat  atque  ibidem  co- 
habitabat. 

Then  after  those  two  (women)  came  to  life 
again,  one  of  them  began  to  examine  herself. 
"My  female  organ  is  gone.  How  art  thou?" 
Thereupon, -verily,  the  other  one  in  turn  ex- 

2  k-Ets  temporal  particle;  -u  suffixed  particle  HERE. 


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Iltll'xasx  tas  xam*,  te'mlta  mun'hu  ita* 
hala'tsl  wa£na'  spal'k'.1  "a'a,  Mo'luptsi- 
ni'sla  qa'sist  klwa'yEmtsx." 

T'mstE    tem    kus    wa8na'    ts-spai'k'    kus 
5  wula'tat.       tai8    mun'hu    I'mstE. 

4.  COYOTE'S  AMOROUS  ADVENTURES' 
I 

Xa'mEt-s-hi'tslEm 3  wllx  k'au'k's.  te'- 
mlta  LEai'sx  xe'Lk'it-s-tsa'sidu  Iun'tsxaux. 
temau'x  pqai'txalnx.  "k'inau'x  hi'tE 
mun'hu  laa  mEhllkwai'si?  maai"tsitx-Q 

10  mun'hu  k'e'a.  mEla'nxan  k'inau'x 

iltqa'a."  tem  k'Ets  mun'hu  Iqaitia'yusx 
tem  k'Ets  mun'hu  siLxui'nx  k'au'k's  ats- 
k'eli'sk'.  yasau'yai'nx  ats-k'ell'sk'. 

"xa-kwas  mukwa'ntsit  k'Ex  qo'tsE  Iqaa'- 

15  yutELi." 


Temun'hu  ayai'  auL  Is  Iqami'laut. 
temun'hu  wllx  k'au'k's,  temun'hu  qalxe'xa. 
temun'hu  kuya'lnx.  temun'hu  mis 

tqiai'lnx,       temun'hu       quwi'.  tem-axa 

20  mu"'hu   Iqla'yuslnx   k'au'k's.     tem   pxeltsu- 

sai'.       "qami'nt-a    tas   hi'tslEm?"  —  "a'a." 

—  "ta'xti-En    sili'kwEx?"  —  "'Llya8    ta'xtl. 

xa'mEt    tai1    tk'a'mk'la    Lqali'tEx    tsaa'mE." 

-  "a'a,    la'-En    Iqali'tEx?"  -  -  "a'a,    p'ui'x 

25  ts-qalo'nak'."  -  -  "a'a."  temun'hu  wl'- 
Ismx  k'au'k's  temun'hu  ayai'  LEya'tstik's. 
k'Ets  lts!uya'tEsalx-slo.  temun'hu  tipxa'- 
Inx,  te'mlta  'Llya8  tsaa'mE  nunsal'.  tem 
pxeltsusa'lnx,  sis  'Liya8  a'  ts!uya'tELi-slo? 

.jo  tem  ma'yEx.  "a'a,  ts!flya'tELin-sl5." 
tem  pts!uitELiya'lnx-slo.4  tem  wustlinai' 
temu"'hu  ayai'.  temun'hu  mEtsimxaxai'. 
'Liya8  qaa'tsE  mEtsi'mxaxa,  temun'hu 
ma'yEx,  k--uku  qui'siyuln  is  tsExai'. 

1  Simplified  for  ts-spal'k: 

2  Told  by  Thomas  Jackson  in  1913. 

•Compare  Boas  (JAFL  11:140-141);  Dixon 
(PAES 4 :75) ; Sapir  (PAES  2:11).  Similar  stories  were 


amined  herself,  but  likewise  her  female  organ 
was  gone.  "Yes,  (it  was)  Coyote  who  played 
this  trick  on  us  two." 

For  that  reason  frogs  have  no  female  or- 
gans. Only  now  thus  (it  ends). 

4.  COYOTE'S  AMOROUS  ADVENTURES 
I 

One  man  (Coyote)  went  across  the  river. 
Then  he  saw  (on  the  other  side)  two  women  in 
the  act  of  bathing.  So  he  watched  those  two 
on  the  sly.  "I  wonder  what  I  can  do  to  those 
two!  Verily,  (they  two)  are  nice  to  look  at. 
I  know  (what)  I  am  going  to  do  with  those 
two."  Nunc  abscindebat  penem  suum  atque 
transmittebat.  Loquebatur  ad  penem  suum. 
"Thou  shall  go  in  quickly  into  that  pretty 
one." 

Then  he  went  on  towards  evening.  Then 
he  came  to  the  other  side,  and  shouted  (for 
some  one  to  take  him  across).  Thereupon 
somebody  came  down  to  the  bank  after  him. 
Then,  when  (the  unknown  person)  crossed 
over  to  him,  he  got  into  the  canoe.  And  then 
(the  ferryman)  came  across  with  him.  Then 
(Coyote)  asked,  "Are  there  many  people 
here?"  —  "Yes."  —  "What  are  they  all  do- 
ing?" -  "Nothing  at  all.  Only  one  girl  who 
has  attained  the  age  of  puberty  is  very  sick." 

-  "Oh,  what  ails  her?"  -  -  "Well,  her 
abdomen  has  swollen  up."  -  -  "Oh!"  So 
then  he  was  arrived  with  at  the  other  side, 
whereupon  he  went  towards  the  village.  He 
acted  (like)  a  medicine-man.  Then  food  was 
placed  before  him,  but  he  did  not  eat  much. 
Then  he  was  asked  if  he  were  a  medicine-man. 
And  he  said,  "Yes,  I  am  a  medicine-man." 
Then  he  was  asked  to  try  (his  skill  as  a) 
medicine-man.  So  he  agreed,  and  went  (into 
the  house).  Then  he  began  to  doctor.  He 
was  not  doctoring  long,  when  he  said  that  a 
partition  should  be  put  in  front  (of  the  sick 

also  recorded  among  the  Molala,  Thompson  River,  and 
Kwakiutl  Indians. 
4  Passive. 


NO.    I          MYTHS    OF    THE    ALSEA    INDIANS    OF    NORTHWESTERN    OREGON 


75 


temun'hu       k'e'a       imstl'lnx.  temun'hu 

qalpai'    tsi'lhidux".        "ha'mk'ix,1    ha'mk'ix, 
ha'mk'ix!"         temun'hu      aini'suwltxal'      as 
mukwa8sli.         "ana'-f-,     la'ltqalx-E'n     tsasti 
5  a'sin      ma'hats?"      ts-yEai'sk'      ats-u'yak'. 


!Llya8    qaa'tsE    temun'hu    k'eai'. 
mun'hu     yuxe'lnx     as     tsExal'. 


tem-axa 


mis        k'eai'        mun'hu 


ma  yEx 
limtsi'mxaxamt." 


tem-axa    mun'hu    qal'k'a!'.        La'qayu-axa  - 
10  mun'hu       tsimtsi'mxaxak'.3         tern       k'Ets 
mun'hQ    qal'k'al'.       xuts    hl'k'e    mis    qal'- 
slo,     temun'hu    xe'tsux". 


II 

Temun'hu 4  qalpai'  wllx  Is  tsa'mst 
na'tk'1.  temun'hu  ayai'.  te'mlta  LEai'sx 

15  as  tsa'sidu  k'aux  lun'tsxa.  "k'i'naux 
hi'tE  mun'hu  la"  klwaya'a?  a'a,  k'in 
qa'halt  ma'hats  k'lai'tlyutlE'mxus 6 

mukwi'st-auk'."  tem  k'Ets  mu"'hfl 

laai'tlyutlEm  as  mEta'lkustlxatu,6  k'Ets 

20  a'niyux"'  temau'x  LEai'sx  xas  tsa'sidu 
as  mEta'lkustlxatu  k- laya'tauyEm,  temau'x 
mun'hu  pli'xanx.  te'mlta  mun'hu  k'e'a 
hauwi'tit-s-ma'hats.  temau'x  mun'hu 

k-  loqudiyu'Lx,  temau'x  mun'hu 

25  pxe'pxeltsusi'ltlxa.  "k'ist  iltqa'a-En? 

xukwai'tist-auk-  a'!"  temau'x  mun'hu 
k-e'a  Imstl'nx.  tem  mi'sxwauk- 7  }ha'- 
kwai'tEx,  k'Ets  yal'x-auk-  Is  hain8 
a'nlyux".  k'Ets  hl'k'e  hauk's  tsila"tal. 

30  !Llya'  qaa'tsE  tsila"tal  hauk's,  te'mltak" 
pa'kantxal.  "pqanl'sEx!8  qo'tsE  k'Ets 
ta*  Lxama'k'ink-alsx."  temun'hu  Lxauwai'- 
stEx  ya'sau:  "Q'k'Ex-E'n?  tas  S8u'ku 
yal'tsxa  ham  hllkwal's." 9  tem  k'Ets 

35  mun'hu  tslqui'xa.  "he+,  tsilhu£naku  tas 
tk'a'mk'la." 

Tai*    mun'hu. 
1  mk--  TO  JOIN. 

*  Oq-  TO  BE  WELL. 

3  Contracted  for  ts-ntEtsi'mxaxak'. 

4  Compare  Boas  (JAFL  11:145);  Sapir  (PAES  2:3). 
6  ait-  TO  DRIFT. 

'ta'lkust!  RECEPTACLE. 


person).  Thereupon  it  was  done  so.  So  then 
he  began  to  sing  his  song:  "Come  together, 
come  together,  come  together!"  Then  the 
woman  (whom  he  was  doctoring)  attempted  to 
cry.  "Well,  what  on  earth  is  he  doing  to  my 
child?"  (those  were)  the  words  of  her  mother. 
Then  (it  was)  not  long,  when  he  finished. 
Thereupon  the  partition  was  removed.  "He 
said  that  he  was  now  through  doctoring."  And 
then  he  ran  away.  Now,  his  subject  for  doc- 
toring became  well  after  he  ran  away.  As 
soon  as  daylight  appeared,  he  started  out. 

II 

And  then  he  came  again  to  another  river. 
Then  he  went  on.  Soon  he  saw  two  women 
who  were  bathing.  "(I)  wonder  in  what  way  I 
can  fool  those  two!  Yes,  (disguised)  as  a  child 
I  will  float  in  a  canoe."  Then  he  floated  in  a 
basket,  crying  all  the  time.  Then  the  two 
women  saw  the  basket  as  it  was  floating, 
whereupon  they  two  went  to  look  at  it.  And, 
verily,  a  young  child  (was  in  that  basket). 
Then  they  two  took  hold  of  it,  and  began  to 
ask  each  other,  "What  shall  we  two  do  with 
it?  Pray,  let  us  take  it  out  (from  the  basket) !" 
So,  verily,  they  two  did  this.  And  after  they 
two  had  taken  it  out,  (the  child)  kept  on  cry- 
ing very  hard.  It  was  just  reaching  out  (with 
its  hands)  everywhere.  It  was  not  reaching 
out  everywhere  (very)  long,  cum  vulvam 
(puellae  quae  infantem  tenebat)  tangere 
inchoaret.  "What  a  nasty  thing!  Why!  it  is 
bent  upon  mischief!"  Thereupon  it  was 
thrown  (away,  and  the  two  girls)  kept  on  say- 
ing, "Who  art  thou?  Thy  actions  are  differ- 
ent (from)  those  (of)  S8Q'ku."  And  then 
(Coyote)  laughed.  "Hey!  macilenta  est  vulva 
puellae  eae." 

Only  now  (it  ends). 

7  Transposed  for  mi'saux-auk'. 

'  A  term  denoting  anger,  and  corresponding  to  the 
English  expletive  "  'S'-  death!" 

9  This  sentence  is  not  correct;  for,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
S'tiku,  the  Transformer,  tried  to  perform  a  similar  trick. 


76 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


REVIEWS 


LINGUISTIC  PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  BUREAU 
OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY,  A  GENERAL 
REVIEW 

IF  only  by  virtue  of  its  historical  position, 
the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  is  easily  the 
most  prominent  American  institution  engaged 
in  scientific  research  and  publication  on  the 
ethnology,  archaeology,  physical  anthropology, 
and  linguistics  of  the  natives  of  America, 
particularly  of  the  tribes  north  of  Mexico. 
For  linguistic  students  there  is  cause  for 
congratulation  that  from  the  very  first  the 
Bureau  has  devoted  a  considerable  share  of 
its  attention  to  the  study  of  the  languages  of 
these  tribes.  For  this  policy  they  must  ever 
remain  thankful  to  the  founder  of  the  Bureau, 
J.  W.  Powell,  who,  though  not  a  linguist, 
clearly  perceived  the  value  of  linguistic  data 
to  Americanistic  studies.  He  himself  set  the 
ball  rolling  with  his  "Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  Indian  Languages,"  published  in 
1877.  Since  then  there  has  been  a  steady 
stream  of  Bureau  linguistic  publications,  of 
varying  interest  and  importance,  but,  on  the 
whole,  of  constantly  increasing  merit,  until 
the  total  output  has  reached  the  respectable 
figure  of  well-nigh  ten  thousand  printed  pages. 
It  is  now  just  forty  years  since  the  Bureau,  or 
rather  its  immediate  government  precursor, 
published  the  "Introduction"  referred  to,  so 
that  this  would  seem  to  be  an  appropriate 
enough  time  to  get  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the 
whole  linguistic  output.  A  specific  review  of 
each  and  every  publication  would  be  both 
useless  and  impossible,  but  perhaps  a  few 
general  impressions  may  not  be  without  value. 
The  publications  themselves  are  listed  in  the 
following  bibliography. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  BUREAU  PUBLICATIONS  IN 
AMERICAN  INDIAN  LINGUISTICS 

I.  General 

1.  POWELL,   J.   W.     Introduction   to  the   Study  of 

Indian  Languages,  with  Words,  Phrases  and 
Sentences  to  be  collected  (Washington,  BBAE, 
Government  Printing  Office,  1877  :  1—104;  2<J 
edition,  1880  :  1-228). 

2.  DORSEY,  J.  O.;  GATSCHET,  A.  S.;  and  RIGGS,  S.  R. 

Illustration  of  the  Method  of  Recording  Indian 
Languages  (RBAE  I  [1881]  :  579-589). 

3.  POWELL,  J.  W.    On  the  Evolution  of  Language,  as 

exhibited  in  the  Specialization  of  the  Grammatic 
Processes,  the  Differentiation  of  the  Parts  of 
Speech,  and  the  Integration  of  the  Sentence; 
from  a  Study  of  Indian  Languages  (Ibid.,  1-16). 

4.  —  Philology,  or  the  Science  of  Activities  designed 

for  Expression  (RBAE  20  [1903]  :  cxxxix-clxx). 

5.  BOAS,  FRANZ.    Introduction  (Handbook  of  Ameri- 

can Indian  Languages,  BBAE  40  [pt.  I,  1911]: 
1-83). 

II.    Bibliography 

6.  PlLLING,  J.  C.   Catalogue  of  Linguistic  Manuscripts 

in  the  Library  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology 
(RBAE  I  [1881]  :  553-577). 

7.  —  Proof-sheets  of  a  Bibliography  of  the  Languages 

of  the  North  American  Indians  (Distributed 
only  to  collaborators)  (Washington,  Govern- 
ment Printing  Office,  1885  :  1-1135). 

8.  —  Bibliography  of  the  Siouan  Languages  (BBAE  5 

[1887]  :  1-87). 

9.  —  Bibliography  of  the  Eskimo  Language  (BBAE  I 

[1887]  :  1-116). 

10.  —  Bibliography  of  the  Iroquoian  Languages(BBAE 

6  [1888]  :  1-208). 

11.  —  Bibliography   of   the   Muskhogean   Languages 

(BBAE  9  [1889]  :  1-114). 

12.  —  Bibliography    of    the    Algonquian    Languages 

(BBAE  13  [1891]  :  1-614). 

13.  —  Bibliography    of    the    Athapascan    Languages 

(BBAE  14  [1892]  :  1-125). 

14.  —  Bibliography  of  the  Salishan  Languages  (BBAE 

16  [1893]  :  1-86). 

15.  —  Bibliography    of    the    Wakashan    Languages 

(BBAE  19  [1894]  :  1-70). 


NO.    I 


REVIEWS 


77 


1 6.  —  Bibliography  of  the  Chinookan  Languages  (in- 

cluding the  Chinook  Jargon)  (BBAE  15  [1893]  : 
1-81). 

III.    Texts 

17.  GATSCHET,  A.  S.    The  Klamath  Indians  of  South- 

western Oregon  (Texts,  CNAE  2  [pt.  I,  1890]  : 

13-197). 

18.  DORSEY,  J.  O.    The  Cegiha  Language  (CNAE  6 

[1890]  :  1-794). 

19.  —  Omaha  and  Ponka  Letters  (BBAE  11  [1891]  : 

1-127). 

20.  MOONEY,  J.    The  Sacred  Formulas  of  the  Chero- 

kees  (Specimen  Formulas,  RBAE  7  [1891]  :  344- 

397)- 

21.  RIGGS,  S.  R.   (ed.  by  J.  O.  Dorsey).   Dakota  Gram- 

mar, Texts,  and  Ethnography  (Texts,  CNAE  9 
[1893]  :  81-152). 

22.  BOAS,  FRANZ.   Chinook  Texts  (BBAE  20  [1894]  : 

1-278). 

23.  —  Kathlamet  Texts  (BBAE  26  [1901]  :  1-251). 

24.  --  Tsimshian  Texts  (BBAE  27  [1902]  :  1-220). 

25.  HEWITT,  J.  N.  B.   Iroquoian  Cosmology  (RBAE  21 

[1903]  :  141-339)- 

26.  SWANTON,  J.  R.    Haida  Texts  and  Myths,  Skide- 

gate  Dialect  (Texts,  BBAE  29  [1905]  :  7-109). 

27.  RUSSELL,  F.  The  Pima  Indians  (Linguistics  [Songs 

and  Speeches],  RBAE  26  [1908]  :  269-389). 

28.  SWANTON,  J.  R.   Tlingit  Myths  and  Texts  (Texts, 

BBAE  39  [1909]  :  252-415). 

29.  DORSEY,  J.O.;  and  SWANTON,  J.  R.   A  Dictionary 

of  the  Biloxi  and  Ofo  Languages,  accompanied 
with  31  Biloxi  Texts  and  Numerous  Biloxi 
Phrases  (Texts,  BBAE  47  [1912]  :  13-116). 

IV.   Lexical  Material 

30.  DALL,  W.  H.    Terms  of  Relationship  used  by  the 

Innuit:  a  Series  obtained  from  Natives  of  Cum- 
berland Inlet  (Appendix,  CNAE  i  [pt.  I,  1877]  : 
117-119). 

31.  GIBBS,  GEORGE;  and  DALL,  W.  H.    Comparative 

Vocabularies  (Tribes  of  the  Extreme  Northwest) 
(Appendix,  CNAE  I  [pt.  I,  1877]  :  121-153). 

32.  GIBBS,    GEORGE.     Dictionary    of    the    Niskwalli 

(Niskwalli-English  and  English-Niskwalli)  (Ap- 
pendix, CNAE  i  [pt.  2,  1877]  :  285-361). 

33.  GIBBS,  G.;  TOLMIE,  W.  F.;   and  MENGARINI,  G. 

Tribes  of  Western  Washington  and  Northwest- 
ern Oregon;  Vocabularies  (Appendix,  CNAE  i 
[pt.  2,  1877]  :  247-283). 

34.  POWERS,  STEPHEN.    Tribes  of  California;  Appen- 

dix,  Linguistics   (Appendix,   CNAE  3    [1877]  : 

439-613). 

35.  BOAS,  F.   The  Central  Eskimo  (Glossary,  RBAE  6 

[1888]  :  659-666). 


36.  GATSCHET,  A.  S.    The  Klamath  Indians  of  South- 

western Oregon  (CNAE  2  [pt.  2,  1890]  :  1-705). 

37.  RIGGS,  STEPHEN   R.    (ed.  by  J.   O.   Dorsey).    A 

Dakota-English  Dictionary  (CNAE  7  [1890]  : 
1-665). 

38.  HOFFMAN,  W.  J.    The  Menomini  Indians  (Vocab- 

ulary, RBAE  14  [1896]  :  294-328). 

39.  MOONEY,  J.   The  Ghost-Dance  Religion  (Arapaho 

Glossary,  RBAE  1012-1023;  Cheyenne  Glos- 
sary, 1039-1042;  Paiute  Glossary,  1056,  1057; 
Sioux  Glossary,  1075-1078;  Kiowa  Glossary, 
1088-1091;  Caddo  Glossary,  1102-1103). 

40.  —  Calendar  History  of  the  Kiowa   (The  Kiowa 

Language,  RBAE  17  [1898]  :  389-439)- 

41.  TRUMBULL,  JAMES  H.    Natick  Dictionary  (BBAE 

25  [1903]  :  1-349)- 

42.  DORSEY,  J.  O.;  and  SWANTON,  J.  R.  A  Dictionary 

of  the  Biloxi  and  Ofo  Languages,  accompanied 
with  31  Biloxi  Texts  and  Numerous  Biloxi 
Phrases  (Dictionary  and  Phrases,  BBAE  47 
[1912]  :  117-340). 

43.  BYINGTON,  CYRUS  (ed.  by  J.  R.  Swanton  and  H.  S. 

Halbert).  A  Dictionary  of  the  Choctaw  Lan- 
guage (BBAE  46  [1915]  :  1-611). 

V.   Grammatical  Material 

44.  FURUHELM,  J.   (communicated  to  G.  Gibbs).  Notes 

on  the  Natives  of  Alaska  (Appendix,  CNAE  i 
[pt.  I,  1877]  :  111-116). 

45.  GIBBS,  GEORGE.    Note  on  the  Use  of  Numerals 

among  the  T'sim  si-an'  (CNAE  155-156). 

46.  GATSCHET,  A.  S.    The  Klamath  Indians  of  South- 

western Oregon  (Grammar,  CNAE  2  [pt.  i, 
1890]  :  199-711). 

47.  RIGGS,  S.  R.  (ed.  by  J.  O.  Dorsey).    Dakota  Gram- 

mar, Texts,  and  Ethnography  (Grammar,  CNAE 

9  [1893]  :  3-79)- 

48.  GODDARD,  P.  E.  Athapascan  (Hupa),  in  Handbook 

of  American  Indian  Languages  (BBAE  40  [pt.  I, 
1911]  :  85-158). 

49.  SWANTON,  JOHN  R.  Tlingit  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  :  159- 

204). 

50.  —  Haida  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  :  205-282). 

51.  BOAS,  FRANZ.   Tsimshian  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  :  283- 

422). 

52.  —  Kwakiutl  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  :  423-557). 

53.  —  Chinook  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  :  559-677). 

54.  DIXON,  R.  B.   Maidu  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i] :  679-734). 

55.  JONES,    WM.     (revised    by    Truman    Michelson). 

Algonquian  (Fox)  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  :  735~873)- 

56.  BOAS,    FRANZ;    and   SWANTON,    J.    R.     Dakota 

(Teton  and  Santee  dialects),  with  remarks  on 
the  Ponca  and  Winnebago  (BBAE  40  [pt.  i]  : 
875-965). 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


57.  THALBITZER,  WILLIAM.    Eskimo  (BBAE  40  [pt.  l]: 

967-1069). 

58.  SAPIR,  EDWARD.  The  Takelma  Language  of  South- 

western Oregon,  in  Handbook  of  American  In- 
dian Languages  (BBAE  40  [pt.  2,  1912]:  1-296). 

59.  FRACHTENBERG,  L.  J.    Coos   (BBAE  40  [pt.  a, 

1914]  :  297-429). 

59a.   —  Siuslawan  (Lower  Umpqua)  (BBAE  40  [pt.  2, 
1917]  :  431-629). 

VI.    Comparative  Linguistics 

60.  POWELL,   J.    W.     Indian   Linguistic   Families   of 

America  North  of  Mexico  (RBAE  7  [1891]  :  i- 
142). 

61.  HEWITT,  J.  N.  B.   Comparative  Lexicology  [of  Seri 

and  Yuman]  (RBAE  17  [1898]  :  299*~344*). 

62.  SWANTON,  J.   R.    Social  Condition,   Beliefs,  and 

Linguistic  Relationship  of  the  Tlingit  Indians 
(Relationship  between  the  Tlingit  and  Haida 
Languages,  RBAE  26  [1908]  :  472-485). 

63.  THOMAS,  CYRUS;    and  SWANTON,  J.  R.    Indian 

Languages  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  and 
their  Geographical  Distribution  (BBAE  44 
[1911]  :  1-108). 

64.  MICHELSON;  TRUMAN.    Preliminary  Report  on  the 

Linguistic  Classification  of  Algonquian  Tribes 
(RBAE  28  [1912]  :  221-290  b). 

In  brief,  370  pages  are  devoted  to  linguistic 
papers  of  a  general  nature,  1526  pages  to 
linguistic  bibliographies  (not  counting  No.  7), 
2612  pages  to  Indian  text  (including  connected 
English  translations),  3007  pages  to  lexical 
material,  2211  pages  to  grammatical  studies, 
and  382  pages  to  comparative  linguistics.  Nor 
is  this  all,  for  a  very  considerable  body  of  lexical 
and  text  material  (chieflysongs  and  short  ritual- 
istic texts)  is  scattered  up  and  down  various 
ethnological  monographs  (for  example,  in 
Miss  Fletcher's  "Hako  Ceremony,"  Mrs. 
Stevenson's  "Zuni  Indians,"  J.  P.  Harring- 
ton's "Ethnogeography  of  the  Tewa  Indians," 
and  elsewhere).  Moreover,  there  is  much 
unpublished  manuscript  of  a  linguistic  nature 
in  the  hands  of  the  Bureau,  some  of  which 
has  been  drawn  upon  for  the  published 
papers.1  As  regards  mere  bulk,  the  linguistic 

1  And  let  us  not  forget  that  not  a  few  linguistic 
papers  and  monographs  published  in  anthropological 
journals  and  in  the  anthropological  series  of  other 
institutions  were  based  on  material  obtained  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Bureau. 


output  of  the  Bureau  is  impressive  enough, 
even  when  allowance  is  made  for  a  consider- 
able share  of  material  (such  as  Nos.  6-16)  that 
is  intended  merely  as  a  help  for  scientific  re- 
search. Nor  should  we  forget  that  lexical  and 
text  matter,  the  indispensable  raw  material 
of  all  linguistic  studies,  is  necessarily  a  some- 
what forbidding  item  from  the  quantitative 
standpoint.  The  total  readable  volume  of 
linguistic  contributions  (aside  from  transla- 
tions of  texts)  boils  down,  therefore,  to  hardly 
more  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole. 

How  about  quality?  It  is  a  thankless, 
certainly  a  somewhat  dangerous,  proceeding 
to  pronounce  judgment  right  and  left  wise- 
acre-fashion, so  much  depending  on  personal 
bias  and  the  peculiar  circumstances  attending 
each  publication.  Nevertheless  it  seems  safe 
to  say  that  in  quality  the  Bureau  linguistic 
publications  run  a  very  long  gamut  indeed, 
extending  all  the  way  from  the  distressing 
amateurishness  of,  say,  No.  34,  to  work 
exemplified,  say,  in  No.  57,  of  as  high  a 
standard  of  phonetic  finish  and  morphological 
insight  as  one  could  hope  to  find  anywhere  in 
descriptive  linguistic  literature.  As  these 
examples  indicate,  the  general  standard  has 
improved  with  time,  as  was  indeed  to  be 
expected  on  general  principles.  Yet  this  is 
not  unreservedly  true,  for  I  should  consider  it 
beyond  dispute  that,  for  instance,  J.  O. 
Dorsey's  text  material  (Nos.  18  and  19)  can 
more  than  hold  its  own  in  comparison  with 
much  that  followed. 

Any  general  criticism  of  the  linguistics  of 
the  Bureau  should  be  tempered  by  three 
considerations.  In  the  first  place,  much  of 
the  output  is  the  work  of  men  who  were 
either  not  trained  in  linguistic  methods  at  all, 
or,  at  any  rate,  did  not  receive  a  training 
rigorous  enough  to  set  them  the  highest 
desirable  standard  of  accomplishment.  Under 
the  circumstances  in  which  the  scientific 
activities  of  the  Bureau  were  launched,  this 
is  perfectly  excusable;  for  most  of  the  trained 
linguists  were  and  still  largely  are  men  devoted 


NO.    I 


REVIEWS 


79 


to  specialist  researches  of  a  more  traditional 
color,  —  men  who  shrink  from  the  serious 
study  of  languages  spoken  by  mere  Indians 
with  the  same  amusing  helplessness  that  the 
conventional  classicist  seems  to  betray  when 
he  gets  a  whiff  of  modern  ethnological  method. 
The  Bureau  could  not  pick  and  choose,  it  had 
to  avail  itself  of  the  services  of  such  enthusi- 
asts as  could  be  found.  In  the  second  place, 
the  languages  studied  by  the  Bureau  were  in 
most  cases  a  veritable  terra  incognita  when 
first  handled  by  its  investigators.  It  was  not, 
as  had  already  come  to  be  the  case  among  the 
Semitists  and  Indogermanists,  a  question  of 
refined  morphologic  analyses  and  of  subtle 
phonetic  determinations.  The  problems  were 
rougher  and  more  fundamental,  in  many  ways 
all  the  more  fascinating  on  that  account.  The 
vast  number  of  aboriginal  American  languages 
had  to  be  roughly  compared  with  one  another, 
and  grouped  into  at  least  temporarily  exclu- 
sive "stocks;"  the  phonetic  systems,  vocabu- 
laries, and  structures  of  these  languages  had 
to  be  painfully  worked  out  point  by  point; 
the  oral  literature  of  the  Indians  had  to  be 
slowly  recorded  in  the  form  of  texts  which 
might  serve  as  a  bona  fide  basis  for  the  gram- 
matical superstructures  built  out  of  the  raw 
materials  of  field-work.  The  subject  of 
North  American  linguistics  was,  when  Powell 
first  took  the  work  in  hand,  a  tangled  thicket 
with  few  discernible  trails;  now,  chiefly 
through  the  labors  of  the  Bureau  itself,  trails 
have  been  blazed  all  through  the  thicket,  and, 
though  there  are  still  many  clumps  of  virgin 
forest,  most  of  the  trees  have  been  felled,  and 
a  good  part  of  the  land  turned  over  to  agri- 
cultural uses.  Finally,  there  is  a  third  con- 
sideration, in  part  already  anticipated,  that 
makes  any  direct  comparison  of  American 
Indian  linguistic  work  with  that  of,  say, 
most  Indogermanic  philologists  highly  mis- 
leading. The  latter  deals  chiefly  with  written 
records  whose  accuracy  is  beyond  personal 
control,  the  former  includes  and  is  further 
based  on  field-records  for  whose  accuracy  the 


Americanist  is  himself  responsible.  There  is 
therefore  no  use  contrasting  the  breathless 
finesse  of  a  German  Lautschieber  with  the 
relatively  rough-and-ready  carrying-on  of  the 
majority  of  Indian  linguists.  One  can  be 
sword-maker  and  swordsman  too,  but  is  not 
likely  to  be  equally  clever  at  both  jobs. 
Anyway,  most  of  us  have  a  shrewd  suspicion 
that  many  a  renowned  denizen  of  the  German 
universities,  impressive  in  his  balancing  of 
imponderable  phonologic  nuances,  would  find 
himself  sadly  up  a  tree  when  confronted  with 
the  live  problems  of  an  intricate  Indian  lan- 
guage that  he  was  forced  to  study  by  pure 
induction.  In  spite  of  the  difficulties  that  we 
have  mentioned,  the  general  level  of  quality 
in  the  linguistic  publications  of  the  Bureau 
must  be  admitted  to  be  high. 

The  corner-stone  of  the  linguistic  edifice  in 
aboriginal  North  America,  one  might  almost 
say  of  North  American  anthropology  gener- 
ally, is  Powell's  "Indian  Linguistic  Families 
of  America  North  of  Mexico"  (No.  60  of  the 
bibliography).  Though  the  work  generally 
passes  under  Powell's  name,  it  is  of  course  a 
compilation  based  on  the  labors  of  several 
members  of  the  Bureau  staff.  This  monu- 
mental work,  with  its  appended  map,  has 
served,  and  on  the  whole  still  serves,  as  the 
basis  of  all  classificatory  work  in  North 
American  linguistics,  secondarily  (and  less 
justly)  in  ethnology  as  well.  Despite  its 
inevitable  errors  of  detail,  it  has  proved  itself 
to  be  an  eminently  reliable  guide.  The  lines 
of  linguistic  cleavage  laid  down  in  it  still  have 
a  fundamental  significance,  though  the  inter- 
pretation of  these  lines  of  cleavage  has  been 
somewhat  modified  by  recent  research.  There 
can  now  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the 
"stocks"  of  Powell's  linguistic  map  are  not 
all  to  be  taken  in  the  mutually  exclusive 
sense  in  which  he  defined  them.  New 
syntheses  are  forced  upon  us  by  further 
investigation,  the  terrifying  complexity  dis- 
closed on  Powell's  map  progressively  yielding 
to  simplification.  On  the  basis  of  evidence 


8o 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


already  present,  and  of  advance  statements 
whose  validity  remains  to  be  demonstrated, 
I  should  say  that  the  57  distinct  stocks 
recognized  on  the  revised  linguistic  map  of 
the  Bureau  may  be  expected  to  re-arrange 
themselves  into  perhaps  not  more  than  16,  or 
even  less.  Always  bear  in  mind,  however, 
that  the  great  divisions  recognized  by  Powell 
still  have  significance,  only  that  many  of  them 
are  now  to  be  understood  as  major  subdivis- 
ions of  larger  linguistic  units.  While  nothing 
is  further  from  my  mind  than  to  minimize 
the  great  usefulness  of  Powell's  classification, 
I  may  be  pardoned  for  regretting  the  too 
definitive  and  dogmatic  form  in  which  it  was 
presented.  This  has  had  the  effect  until 
recently  of  discouraging  further  researches 
into  the  problem  of  linguistic  groupings  in 
America.  It  is  always  dangerous  to  erect  a 
formidable  structure  on  a  largely  negative 
basis,  for  one  tends  to  interpret  it  as  a  positive 
and  finished  accomplishment.  However,  I 
would  freely  grant  that  the  services  rendered 
by  Powell's  classification  have  far  outweighed 
its  deterrent  influence.  A  thoroughly  revised 
map  of  linguistic  stocks  north  of  Mexico  will 
sooner  or  later  have  to  be  issued;  but  it  is  as 
well  not  to  be  too  precipitate  about  this,  as 
the  whole  subject  of  the  genetic  classification 
of  Indian  languages  is  at  present  in  a  state  of 
flux. 

In  reviewing  the  linguistic  publications  of 
the  Bureau  as  a  whole,  we  have  a  right  to  ask 
three  leading  questions:  Is  the  standard  of 
phonetic  accuracy  adopted  in  the  recording  of 
the  languages  adequate?  Are  the  grammars 
of  these  languages  so  presented  as  to  convey 
a  satisfactory  notion  of  the  fundamental 
characteristics  of  their  structure?  and,  Have 
various  languages  been  treated  from  the  com- 
parative standpoint,  so  as  to  suggest  histori- 
cal perspectives  transcending  those  obtained 
from  the  intensive  study  of  particular  lan- 
guages? Let  us  briefly  consider  each  of  these 
queries. 


Early  in  its  career  the  Bureau  outlined  a 
phonetic  alphabet,  which,  as  compared  with 
the  best  that  phonetic  research  at  the  time 
had  to  offer,  was  quite  inadequate,  but  which 
was  so  vast  an  improvement  on  the  amateur- 
ish methods  in  vogue  for  recording  Indian 
words,  that  its  adoption  must  be  considered  a 
great  step  forward  in  the  study  of  American 
Indian  linguistics.  It  has  undoubtedly  done 
good  work  in  its  day,  and  must  be  taken  as 
the  basis  for  further  improvements.  However, 
as  it  was  framed  without  any  very  deep  knowl- 
edge of  the  actual  phonetic  problems  pre- 
sented by  American  languages,  many  of 
which  are  of  exceptional  difficulty  and  com- 
plexity in  this  respect,  field  investigators 
soon  found  it  impossible  to  give  an  even 
approximately  adequate  idea  of  the  requisite 
phonetic  facts  without  straining  its  resources. 
In  this  way  new  symbols  were  added  from 
time  to  time  by  various  investigators,  and 
the  accuracy  of  linguistic  notation,  limited 
naturally  by  the  native  abilities  of  the  record- 
ers, grew  apace.  It  is  difficult  to  dispose  of 
the  phonetic  quality  of  the  series  in  a  word. 
It  is  hardly  fair  to  lay  stress  on  the  orthog- 
raphies of  some  of  the  earlier  works;  e.g., 
Nos.  30-34  and  44.  On  the  other  hand,  I  do 
not  think  one  could  candidly  say  that  much 
even  of  the  more  recent  work  is  as  good  as  we 
should  like  to  have  it  (Nos.  18,  52,  and  57 
probably  about  represent  the  high-water 
mark).  The  general  run  of  the  linguistic 
papers  might  be  not  unfairly  described  as 
"reasonably  good"  in  phonetic  respects, 
certainly  no  better. 

Had  a  really  scientific  and  reasonably 
complete  phonetic  alphabet  been  adopted 
earlier  in  the  life  of  the  Bureau,  I  believe  the 
phonetic  standard  of  some  of  the  later 
linguistic  work  done  under  its  auspices  would 
have  been  even  higher  than  it  is.  Experience 
shows  that  a  field-worker  tends,  in  his  hearing 
9f  unfamiliar  sounds,  to  be  influenced  by  the 
standard  phonetic  scheme  that  has  made 
itself  at  home  in  his  inner  ear;  he  will  assimi- 


NO.     I 


REVIEWS 


81 


late  to  this  scheme  more  readily  than  recog- 
nize and  record  as  distinctive  elements  sounds 
not  already  provided  for.  For  this  reason  the 
new  phonetic  scheme  adopted  by  a  committee 
of  the  American  Anthropological  Association, 
and  recently  published  in  the  "Miscellaneous 
Collections  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,"  l 
is  timely,  and,  let  us  hope,  adequate.  I 
believe  that  the  Bureau  cannot  do  better 
than  adopt  it  as  the  standard  alphabet  for  its 
future  publications.  While  a  fetich  should 
not  be  made  of  uniformity  in  orthographic 
matters,  I  do  not  think  it  is  altogether  wise 
to  indulge  in  too  many  individual  vagaries. 
It  is  in  morphology  that  I  think  the  Bureau 
has  done  its  most  valuable  linguistic  work. 
Chiefly  under  the  enthusiastic  guidance  of 
Boas,  we  have  presented  to  us  in  Nos.  48-59 
(other  sketches,  such  as  Kutenai,  Alsea, 
Siuslaw,  and  Paiute,  are  to  follow)  an  excel- 
lent set  of  descriptive  analyses  of  the  struc- 
tures of  several  Indian  languages.  How 
excellent,  on  the  whole,  they  are,  may  be  best 
gathered  by  contrasting  them  with  the  con- 
ventional grammatical  treatment  with  a 
Latin  bias,  that  we  find  in  so  many  of  the 
older  Indian  grammars  (No.  47  is  not  alto- 
gether free  from  this  bias).  "The  Handbook 
of  American  Indian  Languages"  is,  indeed, 
easily  the  most  significant  linguistic  achieve- 
ment of  the  Bureau;  taking  it  all  in  all,  it 
probably  marks  the  crest  up  to  the  present  of 
research  in  American  Indian  linguistics,  and 
at  the  same  time  constitutes  one  of  the  really 
important  monuments  to  Boas's  versatility  as 
anthropologist.  It  would  be  idle  to  pretend 
that  all  are  equally  good,  or  that  any  one, 
indeed,  is  altogether  perfect.  Many  valid 
criticisms  could  be  made  of  all  or  most  of 
them;  but  they  certainly  do  succeed,  for  all 
that,  in  giving  a  vivid  picture  of  the  exuberant 

1  rhonetic  Transcription  of  Indian  Languages, 
Report  of  Committee  of  American  Anthropological 
Association  (Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collections, 
vol.  66,  no.  6,  1916),  15  pp.  and  2  tables. 


variety  and  distinctiveness  of  American 
Indian  linguistic  morphology.  To  the  lin- 
guistic psychologist  and  to  the  comparative 
philologist  alike  it  is  certainly  something  very 
like  an  aesthetic  delight  to  have  clearly 
revealed  to  him,  for  instance,  two  such  unique 
linguistic  organisms  as  those  described  in  Nos. 
48  and  51. 

One  cannot  with  such  enthusiastic  affirma- 
tion answer  the  third  of  our  leading  questions. 
Nos.  60  and  63  are  really  studies  in  linguistic 
geography  and  classification  rather  than  in 
comparative  philology  proper,  though  they 
constitute  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the 
latter  type  of  investigation.  No.  61  is  a 
purely  negative  and  rather  fruitless  type  of 
linguistic  research;  while  No.  62,  despite  its 
more  positive  outlook,  is  too  hesitating  and 
incomplete  a  presentation  of  evidence  to  merit 
unqualified  praise.  This  leaves  No.  64  as  the 
only  really  serious  work  yet  undertaken  by 
the  Bureau  in  comparative  linguistics;  and 
even  this,  valuable  as  it  is,  is  too  restricted  in 
scope  to  mark  a  very  notable  advance.  The 
truth  is,  that  the  Bureau  has  not  yet  fairly 
reached  the  comparative  stage  of  linguistic 
work,  but  is  still,  and  for  quite  some  time  to 
come  necessarily  will  be,  mainly  concerned 
with  purely  descriptive  labors.  Nevertheless, 
I  do  not  believe  that  this  almost  total  lack  of 
emphasis  on  comparative  work  is  altogether 
due  to  the  fact  that  so  much  remains  to  be 
done  in  the  amassing  of  lexical  and  text 
materials  and  in  the  analysis  of  individual 
morphologies.  Comparative  work  in  linguis- 
tics, if  it  is  to  be  of  any  scientific  value,  re- 
quires a  keenly  sensitive  historical  conscious- 
ness in  the  handling  of  linguistic  phenomena. 
It  is  precisely  the  historical  interpretation  of 
cultural  elements,  however,  that  has  up  to 
the  recent  past  been  most  conspicuously 
absent  in  Americanistic  work.  The  lack  of 
linguistic  studies  of  a  comparative  nature  is 
merely  a  symptom  of  this  general  defect. 

E.  SAPIR. 


82 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


UHLENBECK,  C.  C.,  Het  Passieve  Karakter 
van  het  Verbum  Transitivum  of  van  het 
Verbum  Actionis  in  Talen  van  Noord- 
Amerika  ("The  Passive  Character  of  the 
Transitive  Verb  or  of  the  Active  Verb  in 
Languages  of  North  America").  Reprinted 
from  "Verslagen  en  Mededeelingen  der 
Koninklijke  Akademie  van  Wetenschappen, 
Afdeeling  Letterkunde,  5e  Reeks,  Deel  II," 
187-216.  Amsterdam,  1916. 

In  this  highly  suggestive  and  important 
paper  the  distinguished  Dutch  philologist 
Uhlenbeck  undertakes  to  show  that  in  many 
American  languages  (as,  for  example,  also  in 
Basque)  the  transitive  verb  or  verb  of  action 
is  not  fundamentally  active  in  voice,  but 
rather  passive;  that  the  logical  subject  (from 
our  own  point  of  view)  is  really  a  sort  of 
instrumental,  or,  better,  agentive;  and  that 
the  logical  object  is  grammatically  the 
subject  of  a  passive  verb.  Thus,  in  a  sentence 
like  i  KILLED  HIM,  the  primary  idea  expressed 
by  the  verb-stem  is  BEING  KILLED  rather  than 
KILLING:  whence  it  follows  that  the  I  is  really 
an  agentive  (BY  ME,  THROUGH  MY  MEDIATION), 
and  that  the  HIM  is  best  rendered  as  a  sub- 
jective HE  :  HE  WAS  KILLED  BY  ME.  Uhlenbeck 
does  not  assume  this  interpretation  to  hold 
generally  for  America,  but  is  careful  to  point 
out  that  in  a  number  of  American  languages 
(e.g.,  Klamath  and  Maidu)  we  have  true 
active  forms.  Nevertheless,  he  looks  upon 
the  passive  conception  of  the  logically  transi- 
tive or  active  verb  as  belonging  to  a  particu- 
larly primitive  stage  of  linguistic  evolution. 
Even  where  a  newer  conception  has  sup- 
planted the  old,  he  sometimes  finds  reason 
to  believe  that  the  latter  may  still  be  traced 
in  survival  phenomena.  In  other  words,  he 
believes  that  the  passive  verb  as  funda- 
mental concept  belongs  to  the  same  group 
of  antique  linguistic  phenomena  as,  say, 
grammatical  gender. 

I  think  it  would  be  doing  Uhlenbeck  no 
injustice  to  say  that  his  main  interest  in 


writing  the  paper  was  not  a  strictly  philo- 
logical one,  but  rather  to  contribute  to 
ethno-psychologic  speculation  on  the  basis 
of  linguistic  data.  The  gist  of  the  paper, 
together  with  Uhlenbeck's  psychological 
interpretation  of  the  linguistic  facts  and  the 
inferences  made  by  him,  is  given  towards  the 
end  (pp.  213-215),  and  it  seems  advisable  to 
quote  from  this  passage  in  some  detail:  "The 
pronominal  elements  in  conjugation  present, 
as  we  have  already  noted  more  than  once,  a 
certain  case-value.  In  the  languages  with 
passive  conception  of  the  so-called  active,  or 
of  only  the  transitive,  verb,  two  case-values 
are  to  be  clearly  distinguished  in  the  pro- 
nominal affixes;  namely,  that  of  a  casus 
energeticus  and  that  of  a  casus  inertia.  Each 
of  these  two  is  found  in  two  varieties,  accord- 
ing to  whether  the  whole  active  verb,  or  only 
the  transitive  verb,  is  passively  conceived. 
The  energetic,  in  other  words,  may  be  a 
transitive  case  (as,  for  example,  in  Basque), 
in  which  case  it  has  an  intransitive  case 
opposed  to  it;  or,  as  case  of  the  logical  sub- 
ject in  all  verbs  of  action,  it  may  be  an  active 
case  (as,  for  example,  in  Dakota),  in  which  in- 
stance it  may  be  contrasted  with  an  inactive 
case.  It  is  easy  to  discover  the  nature  of  the 
casus  inertia,  whether  intransitive  or  inactive. 
It  is  the  case  of  him  who  or  that  which  is,  or 
gets  to  be,  in  a  certain  state,  aside  from  his 
(or  its)  own  will  and  without  his  (or  its)  own 
participation,  whether  under  the  influence  of 
a  stronger  person  or  thing  or  as  if  it  were  of 
himself  (or  itself).  But  what  is  the  essential 
nature  of  the  energetic  case?  It  is  a  case  of 
instrumental-like  character,  but  nevertheless 
to  be  clearly  distinguished  from  an  ordinary 
instrumental.  One  might  call  the  energetic 
the  case  of  the  primary  instrument;  the 
ordinary  instrumental,  that  of  the  secondary 
instrument.  For  the  primitive  linguistic 
feeling,  the  real  agent  is  a  hidden  power.  It 
acts  via  the  apparent  agent,  the  primary 
instrument,  which  again  can  itself  make  use 
of  a  secondary  tool.  Take,  for  example,  a 


NO.    I 


REVIEWS 


sentence  like  HE  KILLS  THE  BIRD  WITH  A 
STONE.  A  Blackfoot  would  express  this  in 
the  following  manner:  THE  BIRD  BY-MEANS- 

OF-IS-KILLED-BY-HIM  A   STONE.      He  who   kills 

is  what  is  generally  called  the  'agent,'  but 
in  truth  is  only  the  apparent  agent,  the  pri- 
mary instrument,  which  is  itself  controlled  by 
a  hidden  power.  The  apparent  agent,  al- 
though itself  dependent,  works  on  the  logical 
object  (i.e.,  the  grammatical  subject)  by  its 
own  emanating  orenda;  and  even  when  it  is 
the  logical  subject  of  an  intransitive  action, — 
which  is  often  the  case  in  the  mentality  of 
peoples  that  recognize  the  contrast,  not  of 
transitive  and  intransitive,  but  of  active  and 
inactive, — it  works  similarly  by  virtue  of  the 
same  outstreaming  mystic  power.  Therefore 
the  energetic  case,  the  exclusively  transitive 
as  well  as  the  general  active,  can  be  called 
casus  emanativus  or  'case  of  outstreaming 
power.'  When  it  is  an  active  case,  it  can  be 
more  closely  defined  as  the  'case  of  operative 
power;'  when  it  is  a  transitive,  as  the  case  of 
power  that  operates  on  something  else." 

For  us  the  main  point  of  value  in  the  paper 
is  the  fact  that  Uhlenbeck  has  striven  to 
explain  three  distinct  linguistic  phenomena, 
each  of  which  had  been  abundantly  recog- 
nized as  such,  as  symptomatic  of  one  funda- 
mental feature, — the  passivity  of  the  so-called 
transitive  and  active  verbs.  These  phe- 
nomena are  the  close  morphological  resem- 
blance in  certain  languages  between  normal 
passive  forms  and  at  least  certain  transitive 
forms;  the  classification  of  verb-stems  on  the 
basis  of  singularity  or  plurality,  according  to 
the  number  of  the  intransitive  subject  and 
transitive  object;  and  the  frequent  classifica- 
tion of  pronominal  elements  into  two  groups 
that  do  not  correspond  to  our  normal  sub- 
jective and  objective  (i.e.,  either  into  in- 
transitive subject  and  transitive  object  versus 
transitive  subject,  or  into  inactive  subject 
and  transitive  object  versus  active  subject). 
A  few  remarks  on  each  of  these  points. 


Uhlenbeck's  data  for  the  first  class  of  evi- 
dence are  taken  from  Algonkin  alone  (Ojibwa 
and  Blackfoot;  Michelson's  corroborative  evi- 
dence for  Fox  is  also  referred  to) .  For  certain 
Algonkin  verb-forms  there  can,  indeed,  be  no 
doubt  that  Uhlenbeck's  findings  are  correct; 
but  frankly  I  do  not  see  that  he  has  succeeded 
in  showing  that  the  Algonkin  transitive  as  a 
whole  needs  to  be  interpreted  as  a  passive.  I 
would  tend  rather  to  feel  that  certain  true  pas- 
sives had  been  dragged  for  purely  paradigmatic 
reasons  into  transitive  company;  e.g.,  Jones's 
Fox  form  for  HE — ME  is  evidently  identical  with 
his  I  as  passive  subject,  and  has  morpholog- 
ically nothing  to  do  with  such  true  pronom- 
inally  compound  transitive  forms  as  THOU — 
ME.  That  the  passive  is  unrelated  to  the  true 
transitive  in  Fox,  seems  to  me  to  be  strongly 
suggested  by  the  occurrence  of  two  morpho- 
logically very  distinct  forms  for  the  combin- 
ation of  two  third  persons, — a  true  transitive 
(e.g.,  HE  SEES  HIM),  and  a  passive  of  the  same 
structure  as  the  HE — ME  and  similar  forms 
already  instanced  (this  passive  occurs  in  two 
distinct  forms, — an  agentive,  HE  is  SEEN  BY  HIM; 
and  a  non-agentive,  HE  is  SEEN  indefinitely). 
However,  there  no  doubt  are  languages  whose 
whole  transitive  is  morphologically  a  true 
passive.  This  is  notably  the  case  with  Yana, 
in  which  such  a  form  as  HE  SEES  ME  is  quite 
evidently  to  be  interpreted  as  meaning 
properly  i  AM  SEEN  BY  HIM;  THOU  SEEST  ME, 
as  i  AM  SEEN  (BY  THEE  is  merely  implied); 
i  SEE  THEE,  as  THOU  ART  SEEN  (BY  ME  is  merely 
implied);  and  so  on.  Yet  even  where  there 
is  a  close  morphological  resemblance  between 
transitives  and  passives,  it  does  not  always 
follow  that  the  transitives  are  of  passive  origin. 
Thus,  in  Takelma  such  a  form  as  HE  SEES  ME 
is  closely  related  to  I  AM  SEEN,  but  is  not 
derived  from  it.  On  the  contrary,  the  passive 
is  formed  from  the  transitive  by  means  of  a 
suffix  which  differs  for  various  tense-modes. 
Hence  it  seems  plausible  to  interpret  it  as  a 
sort  of  impersonal,  though  there  is  a  true 
impersonal  (with  or  without  object)  in 


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VOL.  I 


Takelma,  besides.  At  any  rate,  the  pro- 
nominal object  of  the  transitive  cannot  in 
Takelma  well  be  interpreted  as  the  subject  of 
a  passive,  for  the  simple  reason  that  it  shows 
no  resemblance  to  the  intransitive  subject, 
which  differs  in  turn  from  the  transitive 
subject.  This  and  other  examples  that  might 
be  adduced  show  conclusively  that  evidence 
of  the  relation  between  passive  and  transitive 
forms  cannot  without  further  ado  be  used  to 
demonstrate  the  passive  origin  of  the  transi- 
tive. Morphological  evidence  for  such  an 
origin  undoubtedly  exists  in  some  cases,  but 
hardly  so  abundantly  as  to  establish  the 
general  validity  of  Uhlenbeck's  main  thesis. 
That  in  those  American  languages  that 
distinguish  singular  and  plural  verb-stems 
the  determining  factor  is  not  altogether  the 
number  of  the  subject,  but,  where  the  verb  is 
transitive,  the  number  of  the  object,  is  well 
known  to  Americanists.  Uhlenbeck  quotes  ex- 
amples from  Athapascan,  Haida,  Tsimshian, 
Chinook,  Coos,  and  Porno.  Naturally  there 
are  many  other  languages  that  present  the 
same  feature.  Uhlenbeck  considers  it  as  a 
reflex  of  the  primarily  passive  nature  of  the 
transitive  verb;  the  logical  object  of  an  action 
being  psychologically,  and  in  many  cases 
grammatically,  the  subject  of  the  passive 
form  of  the  action,  and  hence  directly  com- 
parable to  the  subject  of  an  intransitive  verb. 
A  rapid  survey  of  American  languages  classi- 
fying verb-stems  in  the  manner  described 
soon  discloses  the  fact,  however,  that  there  is 
no  clear  correlation  between  this  feature  and 
the  classification  of  pronominal  affixes  into 
transitive  versus  intransitive,  or  into  active 
versus  inactive,  as  contrasted  with  subjective 
versus  objective.  Thus,  while  Haida  classifies 
its  pronominal  elements  into  active  and 
inactive  (to  use  Uhlenbeck's  terminology), 
and  Tsimshian  and  Chinook  into  transitive 
and  intransitive,  there  are  not  a  few  languages 
of  subjective  versus  objective  pronominal 
classification  that  recognize  precisely  the 
same  feature  of  number-classification  of 


verbs  as  these  languages.  Shoshonean,  for 
example,  is  a  group  of  languages  (I  speak 
chiefly  for  Southern  Paiute)  that  rigidly 
classifies  its  pronouns  into  subjective  and 
objective;  yet  it  makes  an  unusually  liberal 
use  of  verb-stems  that  are  distinct  for  singular 
and  plural,  singularity  or  plurality  of  the 
transitive  verb  being,  as  usual,  determined  by 
the  object.  One  way  out  of  the  difficulty  is 
to  assume,  as  Uhlenbeck  is  evidently  inclined 
to  do,  that  in  such  languages  as  Shoshonean 
and  Klamath  the  present  classification  of 
pronominal  elements  is  a  secondary  feature, 
and  that  the  numerical  classification  of  verb- 
stems  reflects  an  older  status  of  pronominal 
classification.  As  I  see  no  warrant  for  such 
an  inference,  I  prefer  to  doubt  seriously 
whether  the  two  features  are  causally  related. 
On  general  psychological  principles,  it  seems 
likely  enough  that  transitive  activities  are 
necessarily  more  closely  connected  in  experi- 
ence with  the  object  than  with  the  subject. 
A  passive  interpretation  of  the  transitive  is 
hardly  necessary.  I  would  suggest,  however, 
that  the  link  between  the  subjectively  deter- 
mined intransitive  and  the  objectively  deter- 
mined transitive  verbs  lies  in  the  the  causative 
origin  of  many  transitives.  If  TO  KILL  is 
really  in  origin  TO  CAUSE  TO  DIE,  then  the 
difference  between  ONE  MAN  DYING  and 
SEVERAL  DYING  would  necessarily  have  to 
be  reflected  in  a  difference  between  CAUSING 

ONE  MAN  TO  DIE,  KILLING  ONE  MAN,  and 
CAUSING  SEVERAL  TO  DIE,  KILLING  SEVERAL. 

And,  indeed,  a  survey  of  transitive  verb-stems 
that  recognize  a  distinction  of  number  shows 
that  they  consist  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  of 
such  as  can  be,  in  part  even  morphologically, 
explained  as  causative  derivatives  of  intransi- 
tives.  If  such  causatives  be  taken  as  a  start- 
ing-point for  number-discrimination  in  the 
object,  other  types  of  transitive  with  number- 
discrimination,  if  such  exist,  might  be 
explained  as  due  to  analogy. 

The  greater  part  of  Uhlenbeck's  paper  is 
taken  up  with  his  third  class  of  evidence,  the 


NO.    I 


REVIEWS 


classification  of  pronominal  affixes.  The 
Basque  forms  (intransitive  subject  and  transi- 
tive object  versus  transitive  subject)  are 
taken  as  his  starting-point,  and  attention  is 
called  to  parallels  in  Eskimo  and,  hypotheti- 
cally,  an  inferred  stage  in  Indogermanic.  The 
Indian  forms  are  quoted  from  Tlingit,  Haida, 
Tsimshian,  Chinook,  Muskhogean.and  Siouan. 
Riggs's  Dakota  evidence,  in  particular,  is 
presented  in  great  detail;  the  conclusion 
arrived  at  being  that  all  active  verbs  are 
passives  in  nature,  the  logical  subject  being 
really  an  agentive.  Comparison  with  other 
Siouan  dialects  (Hidatsa,  Ponca,  Winnebago, 
Tutelo)  shows  the  pronominal  peculiarities  of 
Dakota  to  be  general  to  Siouan ;  the  Catawba 
evidence  throws  no  light  on  the  subject  (I 
cannot  refrain,  in  passing,  from  remarking 
that  there  is  no  bit  of  American  Indian 
linguistic  research  that  more  urgently  needs 
doing  than  the  preparation  in  the  field  of  a 
Catawba  grammar;  Gatschet's  sketch  is 
worthless).  It  follows  clearly  enough  from 
Uhlenbeck's  evidence,  which  could  no  doubt 
be  greatly  augmented,  that  the  ordinary 
contrast  between  subject  and  object  does  not 
hold  in  these  languages ;  but  I  do  not  see  that 
the  interpretation  of  the  transitive  or  active 
verb  as  a  passive  is  a  necessary  one.  At 
least  two  other  possibilities  seem  open. 
Uhlenbeck's  casus  inertia  may  be  an  intrinsi- 
cally caseless  form  which  takes  on  all  functions 
not  specifically  covered  by  the  transitive  or 
active  case  (subject  of  transitive  or  active 
verb) ;  in  other  words,  the  I  of  I  SLEEP,  and 
the  ME  of  HE  KILLS  ME  may  be  identical  in 
form,  not  because  of  any  identity  of  verb- 
morphology,  but  merely  by  way  of  contrast 
to  the  distinctively  transitive  form  of  the  I  of 
I  KILL  HIM.  This  explanation  would  probably 
imply  a  previous  stage  of  complete  lack  of 
pronominal  differentiation.  Secondly,  instead 
of  interpreting  the  object  of  the  transitive 
verb  as  a  sort  of  subjective  (in  other  words, 
deriving  it  from  the  intransitive  or  inactive 


case),  one  may,  on  the  contrary,  look  upon 
the  latter  as  an  objective,  the  inactive  or 
intransitive  verb  being  interpreted  as  a 
static  verb  without  expressed  subject,  but 
with  direct  or  indirect  object.  Thus,  forms 
like  i  SLEEP  or  i  THINK  could  be  understood  as 
meaning  properly  IT  SLEEPS  ME,  IT  SEEMS  TO 
ME  (cf.  such  German  forms  as  mich  hungert). 
Personally,  I  consider  the  latter  explanation 
as  very  likely  for  those  languages  that,  like 
Tlingit,  Haida,  Muskhogean,  and  Siouan, 
distinguish  between  active  and  inactive  verbs. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  considerably 
more  far-fetched  in  the  case  of  languages  that 
distinguish  between  transitive  and  intransi- 
tive verbs  (i  RUN,  for  example,  as  IT  RUNS  TO 
ME).  This  brings  me  to  what  I  consider  the 
greatest  weakness  of  Uhlenbeck's  paper, — the 
inclusion  under  one  rubric  of  transitive  versus 
intransitive,  and  active  versus  inactive.  I 
believe  he  would  have  made  a  more  con- 
vincing case  if  he  had  confined  himself  to  the 
former  category,  and  adopted  our  second 
suggestion  for  the  latter.  In  brief,  the 
transitive  verb  may  be  plausibly  interpreted 
as  a  passive,  though  this  hardly  seems  neces- 
sary to  me  where  there  is  not  direct  morpho- 
logic evidence  of  the  kind  that  Uhlenbeck  has 
produced  for  certain  Algonkin  forms;  the 
active  verb  is  far  more  plausibly  otherwise 
interpreted. 

To  Uhlenbeck's  speculations  as  to  the 
primitiveness  of  the  passive  verb  I  am  not 
inclined  to  attach  much  importance.  Such 
questions  must  be  attacked  morphologically 
and  historically,  not  ethno-psychologically. 
As  long  as  we  are  not  better  informed  as  to 
the  exact  distribution  of  types  of  pronominal 
classification  and  as  to  the  historical  drifts 
inferred  from  comparative  linguistic  research, 
it  is  premature  to  talk  of  certain  features  as 
primitive,  of  others  as  secondary.  For  the 
present,  I  should  like  to  point  out  that  we 
know  of  at  least  five,  fundamentally  probably 
only  three,  types  of  pronominal  classification 


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INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


in    America,    as   indicated    in    the   following 
table:  — 


Obj.  tr. 

Subj.  inlr. 
Inactive.       Active. 

Subj.  ir. 

Example. 

I. 

A 

A 

B 

Chinook 

3. 

A 

A             B 

B 

Dakota 

3- 

A 

B 

C 

Takelma 

4- 

A 

B 

B 

Paiute 

S- 

A  (sometimes 

A 

A 

Yana 

subj.  of 

passive) 

Identity  of  letter  symbolizes  identity  of 
pronominal  form.  Type  4  is  probably  either 
simplified  from  type  3  or  else  represents  an 
earlier  stage  of  it;  both  developments  may 
well  have  taken  place.  Type  5  is  no  doubt  a 
specialized  simplification  of  type  4.  What 
the  historical  relations  between  types  I  and  2 
and  between  each  of  these  and  types  3-5  are, 
it  is  impossible  to  tell  at  present,  though 
there  is  at  least  some  evidence  to  show  that 
type  4  tends  to  develop  from  type  2.  The 
interpretation  of  the  nature  of  the  verb  in 
each  of  these  types  is  not  always  easy.  The 
passive  interpretation  of  the  transitive  may 
apply  in  certain  cases  of  types  I  and  5. 

E.  SAPIR 

UHLENBECK,  C.  C.,  Het  Identificeerend 
Karakter  der  Possessieve  Flexie  in  Talen 
van  Noord-Amerika  ("The  Identifying 
Character  of  the  Possessive  Inflection  in 
Languages  of  North  America").  Reprinted 
from  "Verslagen  en  Mededeelingen  der 
Koninklijke  Akademie  van  Wetenschappen, 
Afdeeling  Letterkunde,  5"  Reeks,  Deel  II," 
345-371.  Amsterdam,  1916. 

Uhlenbeck  calls  renewed  attention  in  this 
paper  to  the  well-known  fact  that  in  many 
American  languages  the  possessive  pronouns, 
generally  affixed  to  the  noun,  occur  in  two 
more  or  less  morphologically  distinct  series, — 
one  for  nouns  possession  of  which  is  of  an 
inseparable  nature,  the  other  for  nouns 


denoting  separable  possession.  The  former 
category  includes  chiefly  terms  of  relationship 
and  nouns  denoting  parts  of  the  body.  A 
careful  survey  of  the  evidence  presented  by 
Uhlenbeck  shows,  that,  though  body-part 
nouns  and  terms  of  relationship  are  not 
infrequently  classed  together  in  contrast  to 
separable  nouns,  there  are  sometimes  special 
morphological  features  that  distinguish  the 
two  types  of  inseparable  nouns;  further,  that 
in  certain  languages  only  the  terms  of  rela- 
tionship constitute  a  special  class  as  regards 
possessive  affixes.  Languages  distinguishing 
separable  and  inseparable  possession  as  such 
are  Tlingit,  Haida,  Tsimshian,  Chimariko, 
Muskhogean,  and  Siouan.  As  a  rule,  how- 
ever, the  two  pronominal  series  are  not  funda- 
mentally distinct,  but  are  morphologically 
related;  in  Tlingit,  Tsimshian,  and  Siouan, 
the  separability  of  the  noun  is  indicated  by 
an  affixed  element,  while  only  in  Chimariko 
are  the  possessive  elements  of  the  two  series 
radically  distinct.  Moreover,  in  both  Haida 
and  Siouan  the  terms  of  relationship  are  not 
treated  in  quite  the  same  manner  as  the  body- 
part  nouns.  In  Algonkin,  of  which  he  treats 
Blackfoot  in  particularly  great  detail,  Uhlen- 
beck finds  that,  while  there  is  no  rigid 
classification  of  possessed  nouns  into  sepa- 
rable and  inseparable,  a  suffixed  -m-  is  used 
with  great  frequency  to  indicate  the  separa- 
bility of  the  noun. 

The  relative  independence  of  terms  of 
relationship  as  a  class,  suggested  by  Haida 
and  Siouan,  is  still  further  emphasized  by 
Takelma,  in  which  such  nouns  have  a  peculiar 
set  of  possessive  affixes  as  distinct  from  all 
other  nouns,  including  such  as  refer  to  parts 
of  the  body;  further  by  Yuki  and  Pomo,  in 
which  only  terms  of  relationship  have  posses- 
sive pronominal  affixes.  In  Mutsun  (Costa- 
noan),  moreover,  where  there  is,  properly 
speaking,  no  possessive  inflection,  terms  of 
relationship  have  different  endings,  according 
to  the  person  of  the  possessor.  Such  examples 
strongly  suggest  that  alongside  of,  or  inter- 


NO.    I 


REVIEWS 


crossing,  the  classification  of  possessed  nouns 
into  separable  versus  inseparable,  there  is  to 
be  recognized  an  independent  classification  of 
possessed  nouns  into  terms  of  relationship 
versus  all  others.  Uhlenbeck  does  not  take 
this  view.  He  prefers  to  consider  such 
languages  as  Takelma,  Yuki,  Porno,  and 
Mutsun  as  survivals  of  an  earlier  condition, 
in  which  both  terms  of  relationship  and  body- 
part  nouns  constituted  a  separable  class  of 
possessed  nouns ;  and  that,  as  they  grew  more 
analytic  in  character,  the  body-part  nouns 
gradually  yielded  to  the  analogy  of  the  vast 
majority  of  nouns.  Such  a  language  as 
Haida,  according  to  Uhlenbeck,  represents  a 
transition  stage. 

So  long  as  we  look  at  the  facts  in  a  purely 
schematic  way,  Uhlenbeck's  historical  theory 
seems  plausible;  but  further  consideration 
of  the  facts  tends  to  cast  doubt  on  the  correct- 
ness of  his  view.  Leaving  Chimariko  aside, 
it  certainly  seems  suggestive  that  the  funda- 
mental difference  between  the  separable  and 
inseparable  pronominal  affixes  of  such  lan- 
guages as  recognize  the  distinction  merely 
lies  in  the  presence  of  an  affix  of  separable 
significance.  The  example  of  Algonkin, 
further,  strongly  suggests  that  this  type  of 
affix  is  a  morphological  element  that  has  per 
se  nothing  to  do  with  pronominal  classifica- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  pronominal 
relationship-term  affixes  of  Takelma,  Yuki, 
Pomo,  and  Mutsun  form  a  morphologically 
distinct  class  of  elements.  In  other  words, 
the  two  types  of  classification  of  possessed 
nouns  (separable  versus  inseparable,  and 
terms  of  relationship  versus  other  ncuns) 
work,  on  the  whole,  along  quite  distinct  lines; 
whence  we  must  conclude  that  they  are 
historically  distinct  phenomena,  and  merely 
intercross  in  certain  languages  (Haida, 
Siouan). 

That  our  point  of  view  is  sound  (i.e.,  that 
the  concept  of  separability  or  inseparability 
is  generally,  directly  or  at  last  analysis, 
indicated  by  an  affix,  and  that,  on  the  other 


hand,  the  terms  of  relationship  generally  owe 
their  distinctness  as  a  class  to  the  factor  of 
pronominal  classification),  is  further  indicated 
by  other  linguistic  data,  in  part  not  accessible 
to  Uhlenbeck.  In  Southern  Paiute  there  is 
no  real  classification  of  possessed  nouns  into 
separable  and  inseparable,  nor  any  classifica- 
tion of  possessive  pronominal  affixes;  but 
there  are  two  suffixes  of  not  infrequent  use 
that  bear  on  the  concepts  of  acquirement  and 
inseparability, — i'ni-  ACQUIRED  BY,  OWNED 
BY  (e.g.,  qani-i'ni-  HOUSE  OWNED  BY  ONE, 
qani-  HOUSE,  HOUSE  ONE  LIVES  IN);  and  -'a- 
INSEPARABLY  BELONGING  TO,  chiefly  used  with 
body-part  nouns  that  in  ordinary  experience 
often  occur  disconnected  from  the  body,  like 

BONE,  SALIVA, '  SINEW,  FAT,  HORN  (e.g.,  00- 
BONE,  00- a-  BONE  IN  ONE'S  BODY). 

In  Nootka,  again,  there  is,  with  certain 
interesting  exceptions  to  be  presently  noted, 
but  one  series  of  possessive  pronominal  affixes; 
but  before  the  possessive  suffix  proper  nor- 
mally appears  one  of  two  suffixed  elements, — 
-uk-,  -'ak-,  indicating  that  the  possessor  and 
the  object  possessed  are  physically  separable 
(hence  including  terms  of  relationship) ;  or 
-'at-,  indicating  that  they  are  not  physically 
separable  (hence  applying,  above  all,  to  parts 
of  the  body).  The  latter  element  is  morpho- 
logically identical  with  the  passive  suffix  in 
verbs.  The  Nootka  -'at-  forms  suggest  that, 
in  any  reduction  of  the  range  of  the  insepa- 
rable class  of  possessed  nouns,  it  would  be  the 
terms  of  relationship  —  not,  as  Uhlenbeck 
assumes,  the  body-part  nouns — that  would 
be  levelled  out  by  analogy.  From  another 
point  of  view,  however,  the  Nootka  terms  of 
relationship  stand  in  a  class  by  themselves. 
Not  only  are  most  of  them  provided  with  a 
distinctive  relationship-term  affix  -qso  (cf. 
the  corresponding  -mp  of  Kwakiutl),  but  the 
second  person  singular  possessive  is  either 
formed  in  the  regular  manner  (-qso  plus 
separably  possessive  -'ak  plus  pronominal 
-'itqak,  contracted  to  -qsak'itqak)  or,  far  more 
frequently,  by  using  the  bare  stem  without 


88 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


any  affix  whatever  (-qso  drops  off:  hence 
THY  UNCLE  is  a  simpler  term  than  UNCLE). 
Further,  the  terms  for  MY  FATHER  and  MY 
MOTHER  are  irregularly  formed  by  adding  the 
first  person  singular  "objective"  element  -s 
directly  to  the  stem,  the  vowel  of  which  is 
lengthened  (the  normal  affix  for  MY  is  -qsak- 
qas).  These  facts  mean,  for  example,  that 
while  the  forms  for  MY  FATHER  and  THY 
FATHER  have  no  suffix  of  physical  separa- 
bility, and  fall  outside  the  ordinary  possessive 
pronominal  scheme,  such  forms  as  HIS  FATHER, 
OUR  FATHER,  and  MY  UNCLE  are  treated,  as 
far  as  the  possessive  pronominal  affixes  are 
concerned,  like  an  ordinary  possessed  noun; 
in  neither  sets  of  forms  is  the  suffix  of  physical 
inseparability  in  place.  As  far  as  the  Nootka 
evidence  is  pertinent,  it  is  obvious  that  the 
concepts  of  separability  and  relationship- 
term  classification  are  morphologically  and 
historically  unrelated. 

The  pronominal  distinctness  of  terms  of 
relationship  is  not  as  isolated  a  phenomenon 
as  Uhlenbeck  implies.  Wishram '  (Upper 
Chinook)  affords  us  some  interesting  data. 
The  possessive  pronominal  prefixes  of  terms 
of  relationship  in  this  language  are  precisely 
the  same  as  for  all  other  nouns,  except  for  the 
first  and  second  persons  singular  of  the  words 
for  FATHER  and  MOTHER.  In  these  isolated 
cases  MY  and  THY  are  respectively  expressed 
by  -na-  and  -ma-  instead  of  the  normal  -tc-, 
-k-  MY  and  -mi-  THY;  the  interesting  point  is, 
that  -na-  and  -ma-  are  evidently  closely 
related  to  the  verbal  pronominal  prefixes  n- 
and  m-.  Body-part  nouns  with  possessives 
are  in  no  way  peculiarly  treated  in  Wishram. 

The  combined  evidence  of  Takelma,  Yuki, 
Porno,  Mutsun,  Nootka,  and  Chinookan  for 
the  occurrence  of  a  distinctive  series,  some- 
times only  preserved  in  very  fragmentary 
form,  of  possessive  pronominal  affixes  for 
terms  of  relationship,  can  hardly  be  set  aside 

1  The  Paiute,  Nootka,  and  Wishram  facts  are  quoted 
from  my  manuscript  field-notes. 


as  pointing  to  a  merely  secondary  reduction 
of  the  inseparable  class  of  possessed  nouns. 
A  little  reflection  shows  that  terms  of  rela- 
tionship as  modified  by  possessive  pronouns 
differ  from  most  other  nouns  so  modified,  not 
so  much  in  the  matter  of  inseparability  as  in 
the  fact  that  in  the  former  a  personal  relation 
is  defined,  while  in  the  latter  true  possession 
or  some  allied  concept  is  indicated.  Thus, 
MY  FATHER  is  not  one  who  is  owned  by  me, 
but  rather  one  who  stands  to  me  in  a  certain 
relation;  moreover,  he  may  be  some  one 
else's  father  at  the  same  time,  so  that  MY 
FATHER  has  no  inherently  exclusive  value. 
On  the  other  hand,  MY  ARM,  like  MY  HAT, 
indicates  actual  and  exclusive  possession. 
Hence  we  can  readily  understand  both  why 
certain  non-kinship  nouns  that  indicate  rela- 
tionship are  sometimes  morphologically 
classed  with  kinship  terms  (e.g.,  FRIEND  in 
Takelma,  SWEETHEART  in  Nootka),  and  why, 
on  the  other  hand,  such  relationship  terms  as 
do  not  involve  an  inherent  or  non-controllable 
relation  frequently  fall  outside  the  true  set  of 
kinship  terms  (e.g.,  HUSBAND  and  WIFE  are 
not  treated  like  relationship  terms  in  either 
Takelma  or  Nootka).  That  personal  relation, 
not  possession,  is  primarily  expressed  by  the 
possessive  pronominal  affixes  of  relationship 
terms,  is  beautifully  illustrated  by  the  Iro- 
quois  usage  of  expressing  many  such  relations 
as  transitive  verbs;  thus,  one  cannot  say  MY 

GRANDFATHER   Or   MY    GRANDSON    in    Iroquois, 

but  uses  formal  transitives  which  may  be 
respectively  translated  as  HE  GRANDFATHERS 
ME  or  I  GRANDFATHER  HIM.  Clearly,  the 
morphological  isolation  of  possessed  terms  of 
relationship  finds  abundant  justification  in 
psychological  considerations.  I  would,  then, 
in  contradistinction  to  Uhlenbeck,  allow  for 
three  fundamental  types  of  classification  of 
possessive  pronouns  in  America:  — 

1.  All  nouns  treated  alike  (Yana,  Southern 
Paiute). 

2.  Relationship  terms  contrasted  with  other 
nouns  (Takelma). 


NO.    I 


REVIEWS 


89 


3.  Possessed  nouns  classified  into  insepa- 
rable (comprising  chiefly  body-parts  and 
terms  of  relationship)  and  separable  (Chima- 
riko). 

Sometimes  types  2  and  3  intercross,  when 
we  get  the  triple  classification  of  languages 
like  Sioux  and  Haida. 

Uhlenbeck's  desire  to  look  upon  insepara- 
bility as  the  most  fundamental  concept 
involved  in  the  so-called  possessive  relation 
is  evidently  largely  determined  by  reasons  of 
a  speculatively  psychological  order.  He 
notes  with  justice  that  the  possessive  pro- 
nouns of  the  inseparable  category  are  gener- 
ally simpler  than  those  of  the  separable  cate- 
gory; that  the  latter  are,  indeed,  frequently 
derivatives  from  the  former.  From  this  he 
argues  that  originally  only  inseparable  nouns 
(body-part  nouns  and  terms  of  relationship) 
had  possessive  affixes  at  all.  Further,  aside 
from  certain  exceptions  (Miwok,  Mutsun, 
Chumash),  he  finds  that  where,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  possessive  pronouns  are  related 
to  the  pronominal  affixes  of  the  verb,  they 
agree  in  form,  not  with  the  subjective  or 
energetic,  but,  on  the  whole,  with  the  objec- 
tive or  casus  inertia.  The  evidence  for  this 
important  and  well-known  fact  is  drawn  from 
Tlingit,  Haida,  Tsimshian,  Chinook,  Chim- 
ariko,  Maidu,  Yuki,  Pomo,  Muskhogean,  and 
Siouan,  to  which  we  might  add  Shoshonean 
and  Nootka. 

Uhlenbeck's  psychological  interpretation  of 
this  fact,  as  well  as  of  the  greater  primitive- 
ness  of  the  possessive  pronominal  affixes  of 
inseparable  nouns,  is  given  at  the  close  of  the 
paper:  "Where  there  is  identity  of  the  posses- 
sive elements  with  inert  personal  elements, 
there  can  hardly  be  any  talk  of  real  'posses- 
sion,' seeing  that,  where  real  'possession'  is 
involved,  we  should  rather  expect  similarity  of 
possessive  with  energetic  elements,  as  opposed 
to  a  distinct  series  of  inert  personal  pronouns 
or  personal  affixes.  If,  now,  we  recollect  the 
excellent  remarks  of  Lucien  Levy-Bruhl  on 
'possession'  in  Melanesia,  and  bear  in  mind 


that,  for  example,  in  Dakota  a  noun  with 
inseparably-possessive  affixes  has  entirely,  or 
nearly  so,  the  form  of  a  conjugated  adjective, 
or,  aside  from  the,  in  Dakota,  differently 
placed  pronominal  element,  of  a  verbalized 
independent  noun,  we  shall  not  go  wrong  in 
recognizing  in  the  so-called  possessively  in- 
flected noun  an  identifying  expression.  A 
[Dakota]  form  [meaning  'my  heart']  thus  does 
not  signify  'my  heart'  in  the  manner  of  our 
civilized  languages,  but  indicates  the  identity 
of  myself  with  the  one  heart  with  which  I, 
and  no  other,  stand  in  the  closest  relation. 
Similarly  the  inclusive  [Dakota  form  meaning 
'child  of  us  two']  is  not  so  much  'child  of  us 
two'  as  indeed  'the  child  that  we  both  are,' 
'the  phase  of  us  two  which  is  the  child.'  But 
it  is  impossible  to  transcribe  into  modern 
words  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  'primi- 
tives,' even  though  we  are  perhaps  able  to 
think  and  feel  ourselves  into  them." 

This  psychological  interpretation  strikes  me 
as  extreme,  the  more  so  as  I  see  no  conclusive 
reason  for  assuming  that  possessive  pro- 
nominal affixes  were  originally  not  employed 
with  separable  nouns.  If  we  interpret 
Uhlenbeck's  casus  inertia,  as  suggested  in  the 
preceding  review,  as  a  neutral  form  of  no 
intrinsic  case  significance,  then  the  identifica- 
tion of  a  functional  possessive  with  a  specifi- 
cally intransitive  or  inactive  case  is  arbitrary. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  quite  a  number  of 
American  languages  we  find  that  the  posses- 
sive affixes,  while  generally  closely  related  to 
a  series  of  pronominal  affixes  in  the  verb,  are 
composed  of  a  distinctively  possessive  element 
of  non-personal  significance  and  a  pronominal 
element  proper.  This  is  the  case,  for  instance, 
in  Nootka  and  most  of  the  Takelma  possessive 
affixes.  In  such  cases  the  possessive  affix 
must  naturally  be  periphrastically  inter- 
preted: MY  as  OF  ME,  BELONGING  TO  ME. 
Where  the  sign  of  general  possessive  relation 
is  lacking,  the  pronominal  affix  can  be  con- 
ceived of  as  standing  in  an  implicit  position- 
determined  genitive  relation  to  the  noun, 


90 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


more  or  less  as  in  noun-compounds  (i.e.,  i- 
HOUSE,  for  MY  HOUSE,  might  be  conceived  of 
as  a  compound  with  merely  implied  genitive 
relation,  precisely  as  in  a  form  like  HEN- 
HOUSE if  interpreted  as  HOUSE  OF  HENS). 
There  is  still  a  further  method  of  interpreta- 
tion, corresponding  to  the  objective  inter- 
pretation of  the  inactive  or  intransitive  case 
given  in  the  preceding  review.  This  is  to 
look  upon  the  possessive  affix  as  frankly 
objective  (or  dative)  in  character;  e.g.,  to 
interpret  a  form  like  MY  HOUSE  as  a  semi- 
verbal  HOUSE  (is)  TO  ME.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  line  between  such  predicative  forms 
as  IT  is  MY  HOUSE  and  such  purely  denomina- 
tive forms  as  MY  HOUSE  is  often  very  difficult 
to  draw;  e.g.,  in  Chinookan.  Either  of 
these  explanations  of  the  verbal  affiliation  of 
the  possessive  pronouns  of  so  many  American 
languages  seems  preferable,  in  my  opinion,  to 
Uhlenbeck's  mystical  theory  of  identification. 
The  less  we  operate  with  "primitive"  psy- 
chology, the  better.  Modern  research  is 
beginning  to  make  it  clear  that  the  psychology 
of  civilized  man  is  primitive  enough  to 
explain  the  mental  processes  of  savages. 

One  more  point  before  closing.    I  feel  that 
Uhlenbeck  is  too  much  inclined  to  look  for 


functional  or  semantic  explanations  of  posses- 
sive pronominal  differentiation  where  purely 
phonetic  factors  are  probably  all  that  is  really 
involved  (e.g.,  in  Washo;  Salinan;  Algonkin; 
and  Takelma,  aside  from  terms  of  relation- 
ship). A  striking  example  of  the  failure  to 
evaluate  purely  phonetic  factors  is  afforded 
by  his  discussion  of  the  Blackfoot  terms  isk 
BUCKET  and  its  possessives  (e.g.,  no-xk  MY 
BUCKET).  He  considers  the  forms  isk  and 
-(o)xk  as  representing  two  etymologically 
unrelated  stems,  and  connects  this  surprising 
phenomenon  with  such  suppletive  examples 
in  Blackfoot  as  HORSE  and  MY  HORSE  (as  also 
in  Southern  Paiute;  similar  cases  occur  fre- 
quently for  DOG  in  America).  It  seems  very 
much  more  likely  to  me  that  we  are  not  here 
dealing  with  independent  stems  at  all,  but 
that  an  original  osk  was  in  Blackfoot  regularly 
shifted  to  oxk  (the  back  vowel  and  k  pulling 
the  5  to  a  back  position;  namely,  x).  This 
explanation  is  practically  demonstrated  by 
comparing  no-xk  with  Blackfoot  mo-xkats-is 
FOOT  (from  Algonkin  *-skat-;  cf.Creemiskdt1 
LEG). 

E.  SAPIR. 

1  Quoted  from  Lacombe. 


International  Journal  of  American  Linguistics 


Volume  I 


May,  1918 


Number  2 


TEPECANO  PRAYERS 
By  J.  ALDEN  MASON 

INTRODUCTION 


THE  following  prayers  or  perdones  as  they 
are  locally  termed  were  collected  during 
the  months  of  December,  1911,  to  March,  1912, 
and  from  November  of  the  latter  year  to  Jan- 
uary, 1913,  while  I  was  enjoying  the  facil- 
ities for  field  work  afforded  me  as  representa- 
tive from  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  to 
the  International  School  of  Mexican  Ethnol- 
ogy and  Archeology.  They  were  secured  in 
Azqueltan,  a  little  pueblo  in  the  northeastern 
corner  of  the  state  of  Jalisco,  some  hundred 
miles  west  of  Zacatecas  and  nearly  the  same 
distance  north  of  Guadalajara.  Here  live  the 
remainder  of  the  Tepecanos,  at  present  the 
southernmost  people  speaking  a  language  of 
the  Piman  group.  A  brief  sketch  of  their  life 
and  customs '  and  collections  of  their  folk- 
tales *  have  been  published  as  well  as  a  short 
account  of  one  of  the  religious  fiestas.8 

The  principal  results  of  the  residence  in 
Azqueltan,  in  addition  to  the  above-mentioned 
sketches,  were  studies  of  the  language  and  of 
the  religion  of  this  group.  An  exposition  of 
the  language  is  being  published  by  the  New 
York  Academy  of  Sciences.4  To  the  same 
Academy  is  due  no  little  credit  for  the  appear- 
ance of  the  present  paper,  since  it  supplied 

1  The  Tepehuan  Indians  of  Azqueltan,  Proceedings 
of  the  XVIII  International  Congress  of  Americanists, 
London,  1912,  p.  344. 

1  Four  Mexican-Spanish  Fairy-Tales  from  Azqueltan, 
Jalisco,  J.  A.  F.  L.,  XXV,  p.  191;  Folk-Tales  of  the 
Tepecanos,  ibid.,  XXVII,  p.  148. 

1  The  Pinole  Fiesta  at  Azqueltan,  University  of 
Pennsylvania  Museum  Journal,  III,  p.  44. 

4  Tepecano,  A  Piman  Language  of  Western  Mexico, 
Annals  of  the  New  York  Academy  of  Sciences.  The 
appearance  of  this  article  is  delayed  on  account  of  the 
war. 


the  needed  funds  for  its  preparation.  The 
present  collection  of  prayers  is  presented 
partly  as  illustrative  material  for  the  afore- 
said linguistic  sketch  and  partly  as  basic  ma- 
terial for  the  study  of  the  religion  which  is 
to  be  prepared.  For  this  reason  the  prayers 
are  presented  with  little  introduction  and  no 
attempt  has  been  made  to  explain  the  cere- 
monial allusions.  Footnotes  have  been  ap- 
pended only  to  elucidate  grammatical  points. 

The  greater  number  of  the  prayers  were 
given  me  by  my  principal  informant,  Eleno 
Aguilar.  A  few  were  given  by  the  Cantador 
Mayor  or  High  Priest,  Rito  de  la  Cruz,  and 
one  was  secured  from  Francisco  Aguilar.  But 
all  were  revised  and  corrected  by  Eleno. 

The  religion  of  the  Tepecanos  appears  to  be 
very  similar  to  those  of  the  other  neighboring 
peoples  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental,  the 
Huichol,  Cora,  Tepehuane  and  Tarahumare. 
Preuss  has  published  a  voluminous  account 
of  the  religion  of  the  Cora 6  and  Lumholtz 
more  or  less  detailed  accounts  of  those  of  the 
other  groups,6  particularly  the  Huichol.7  The 
religion  of  the  latter  appears  to  be  somewhat 
specialized  but  those  of  the  other  groups  are 
doubtless  basically  the  same.  Preuss  gives 
many  songs  and  prayers  very  similar  in  form 
and  concept  to  those  given  here  and  Lum- 
holtz mentions  the  same  among  other  groups. 

6  K.  T.  Preuss,  Die  Religion  der  Cora-Indianer, 
Leipzig,  1912,  and  many  smaller  articles  in  various 
periodicals. 

6  Karl   Lumholtz,    Unknown   Mexico,    New   York, 
1902,  and  several  smaller  articles. 

7  Symbolism  of  the  Huichol  Indians,  Memoirs  of  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  New  York,  III, 
May,  1900,  and  other  papers. 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


The  old  Tepecano  religion  is  now  practically 
abandoned  in  favor  of  Catholicism  and  the 
Christian  influence  may  be  traced  in  several 
of  the  prayers.  Fortunately  it  is  slight.  But 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  prayers  are 
traditional  material  and  many  have  not  been 
recited  for  years.  Probably  a  large  number 
have  been  lost  beyond  possibility  of  record. 
The  possibility  of  inaccuracy  is  therefore  con- 
siderable. In  many  cases,  the  exact  meaning 
of  esoteric  phrases  has  been  forgotten  or  they 
are  interpreted  differently  by  different  infor- 
mants. In  other  cases  the  purpose  of  the 
prayer  itself  is  disputed  by  various  author- 
ities or  changes  suggested  in  the  final  revision. 
It  is  with  a  full  realization  of  these  possible 
inaccuracies  that  the  collection  is  presented. 

For  the  greater  part,  the  texts  have  been 
printed  exactly  as  written  down  even  in  cases 
where  cumulative  evidence  of  many  records  of 
the  same  word  indicates  that  a  certain  instance 
was  incorrectly  recorded.  In  addition  to  cer- 
tain regular  changes  to  conform  with  the 
orthography  now  in  standard  usage,1  the  prin- 
cipal change  in  preparation  of  manuscript  has 
been  in  the  cases  of  the  complexes  pb,  td,  and 
kg  where  the  initial  surd  is  not  released,  to 
B',  D-,  and  G-,  respectively. 

For  a  complete  account  of  the  phonetics 
and  morphology  of  the  language  the  reader  is 
referred  to  the  before-mentioned  linguistic 
paper.  A  brief  r6sum6  of  the  phonetic  key 
used  is  here  appended  for  ready  reference: 

a          as  in  arm 

e          as  in  end  (very  rare  and  probably  reduced  from 

diphthong  in) 
i  as  in  machine 

o  as  in  orb 

6          as  in  urn  (»  and  lii  were  occasionally  written  as 

variants  of  0) 

u          as  in  rule  (approaches  o  of  note) 
y          as  in  yes  (generally  as  an  »'  glide) 
w         as  in  wet  (generally  as  an  u  glide;  also  confused 

with  ») 
w         semi-voiceless  w 

1  Phonetic  Transcription  of  Indian  Languages, 
Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collections,  publication 
2415,  Washington,  D.  C. 


in         as  in  men 

M         semi-voiceless  m 

n  as  in  net 

N          semi-voiceless  n 

)j          as  in  sing  (rare) 

r  as  in  Spanish  pero 

R          semi-voiceless  r 

1  approaching  r  but  untrilled  (rare) 

v          as  in  Spanish  pavo 

v          semi-voiceless  p 

s          as  in  so 

c  as  in  show  (but  approaching  s) 

h          as  in  hat  (probably  not  differentiated  from  x) 

x  as  in  Spanish  jota  (probably  not  differentiated 

from  h) 

b          as  in  bed 

d          as  in  day 

g  as  in  go 

B          intermediate  surd-sonant  p-b 

D          intermediate  surd-sonant  t-d 

G  intermediate  surd-sonant  k-g 

p          as  in  Spanish  pero 

t  as  in  Spanish  tan 

k          as  in  Spanish  casa 

ts         as  in  hats  (rare) 

tc         as  in  church  (rare) 

glottal  stop  or  occlusion 
accent  after  vowel  denotes  stress  accent 
accent  over  vowel  denotes  pitch  accent 
grave  accent  denotes  secondary  accent 

i  iota  subscript  denotes  nasalization 

raised  period  denotes  doubled  length 
period  denotes  hesitation,  cessation  of  breath  or 
voice,  or  separation  of  normally  connected  ele- 
ments of  diphthongs  or  other  combinations 
superscript  characters  are  pronounced  with  less 
than  normal  force 

i.  TO  PREPARE  THE  PATIO  FOR  THE 
FIESTA  OF  THE  RAIN 

adiu's.um?  naparin.Q''G3  naparinda-'D4 
To  God,"  thou  who  art  my  Father,'  who  art  my* 

Mother,1 

1  Adios  is  the  most  frequent  beginning  for  most  of  the 
prayers  and  is,  of  course,  a  Christian  influence.  It  is  a 
question  whether  it  represents  a  dedication  to  the 
Christian  God  or  merely  an  exclamation  of  greeting,  in 
which  sense  it  is  frequent  in  Spanish  usage.  It  has  been 
most  frequently  translated  as  "Hail!"  The  particle  um 
here  is  of  doubtful  nature. 

1  The  stem  means  FATHER  ;  it  has  frequently  been 
translated  as  "Lord." 

4  The  stem  means  MOTHER;  it  has  frequently  been 
translated  as  "Lady." 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


93 


ganavarci'vgok     cr'hi     to'tvag.wofa     piho' 
they  which  are  seven    beautiful    skies  beneath,    where 

napimpuma'r'giD  kutsapica'tivbo'hi'mo'D 

that  ye  are  formed.  We  say  we  hither  came 


amta  rum 
begging  you 


ha'gicdara 
pardon, 


para 
in  order 


nantu.i'ntamtuha-'na1      nanpu.i'ni.ci'a.da'rsa 
that  I  here  may  meddle, '     that  I  here  them  may  place, 

hidi  nampurict6k6"dam          cidu'Dkam2 

these  which  are  powerful  fetishes2 

nampumto'tok        aniho'         nampu.a'r'gidic3 
that  they  are  named       hereabouts,       that  they  are* 
formed,' 

hacnaci'dtidu4   kuha'pu.pi"c.6'B    nica'rrra'tuD 
thus  that  hoards.4        Then  likewise  also        I  give  you* 
to  know 

kupimitunha'gicda       hidi       ho'mao       gcr'k 
that  ye  me  will  pardon  these  one  two 

va-'ik        ni''o-kh6kot        nicputo'mai.amta'n 
three  word  with.  I  continually  you  beg 

ha'gicdara5  kupiminma'kia          lise'nsia 

pardon'  that  ye  me  will  give  permission 

ku<n.inta<Mto'nim6r.cituha-'na  nanpu.i'ni.tu'- 
that  I  here  suddenly  may  meddle    that  I  here  may  pass» 

kacda      para      nanpu.i-'n.cituna-'da        hidi 
the  night      in  order      that  I  here  may  make  fire      this 

1  It  has  been  difficult  to  translate  this  stem  suc- 
cinctly. It  is  better  transited  by  the  Spanish  manejar, 
the  idea  being  to  putter  around,  putting  things  in  order. 

1  Probably  from  the  stem  cidu,  TO  HOARD  or  CHERISH. 
They  are  commonly  known  by  their  native  name  but 
are  translated  on  demand  as  IDOLS.  They  are  small 
objects  of  stone,  bone,  etc. 

8  This  stem  has  given  great  trouble  as  it  seems  to  be 
used  in  a  passive  sense  either  with  or  without  the  passive 
particle. 

4  This  is  a  word  of  esoteric  meaning  which  has  prac- 
tically been  forgotten.  My  informant  translated  it  by 
different  phrases  until  at  last  he  settled  on  como  per- 
tinece  a  los  cuatro  vientos.  It  seems  to  contain  the  same 
stem  as  cidukam,  TO  GUARD  AND  CHERISH. 

6  The  phrase  "to  beg  pardon"  seems  to  carry  both 
the  idea  of  craving  forgiveness  and  beseeching  favor. 

•Always  translated  "green"  but  probably  signifies 
"blue"  as  well. 


navaricto'doG6       anrai'niG.dam7        piho'dor 
which  is  green6          your  petals'  on.          Where  from 

napuixi'kmao    napuivo'pmiG    ganavaramhi'- 
that  it  clouds  up        that  arises         that  which  is  your* 

koma     navarica'pma'citka-t      na.icva"ufak8 
cloud        which  is  well  appearing,  spread  out       which* 
drizzles8 

navaricto'Dgitka't         piho1        napum.a'r'gio 
wh  ich  is  very  green ,  spread  out .     Where   that  it  is  formed 

navarni'.okio9    ganavarinsu'sBidat10  inci'u'G11 
which  is  her9  word      she  who  is  my  Guide,10       my 
Morning  Star,11 

in.cr'G      napuboito'kdim       gano'vio      para 
my  Father,    that  he  hither  to  us  comes  reaching    that* 
his  hand        in  order 

natpuha'bantuD'a'gimoD  gamtono'f.dida 

that  we  in  it  enveloping  ourselves      will  go  beholding 

wo'c.0ras.a"ba  piho  napua'r'gidic12  navarci"- 
all  hours  in.       Where       that  it12  is  formed      which  is* 

a-r.wota.hovan       pihodor       napuboiwo'pgo 
east  beneath  there      whence       that  lightninged  down 

natpubo'.in5613       amohodor       natpua'.vo'm 
that  spoke"  down  hither.     From  afar     that  has  arisen 

natpuma'.nio'k'i  gava'Varipkam  hu-'rnipkam 
that  has  spoken  to  him      he  of  the  north       westerner 

7  Nahua  petlatl,  MAT,  generally  translated  CARPET. 

8  Llaviznar. 

'  The  singular  pronoun  is  frequently  used  in  appo- 
sition to  the  names  of  several  deities.  It  is  one  of  the 
most  puzzling  problems  which  of  the  divinities  named 
is  referred  to  or  whether  they  are  conceived  as  being 
various  attributes  of  one  individual.  At  other  times 
the  plural  pronoun  is  employed. 

10  Evidently  combined  of  sob',  PROTECT,  and  dad, 
MOTHER.    The  guia  is  interpreted  as  a  small  star  which 
rises  immediately  before  the  Morning  Star. 

11  Evidently  related  to  cic,  ELDER  BROTHER. 

12  Reference  doubtful. 

13  The  thunder  is  conceived  as  a  voice,  the  Word. 
In  many  of  the  prayers  the  Word  seems  to  be  con- 
ceived as  an  entity,  arising,  being  formed,  speaking 
and    performing    other    anthropomorphic    functions. 
This  concept  has  rendered  certain  translations  very 
equivocal. 


94 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


o'gipaskam  aniho'.ci'kor  ho'van  tuma"- 
southerner.  Hereabouts  there  has  gone* 

aGdimok  namitpunratok  gama'dara-iwa 
conversing,  that  they  knew  they  already  sat 

namitpubo.afo'k        hoganavarano'v        para 
that  they  to  us  liave  reached     that  which  is  their  hand 
in  order 

natpuha'bantuD-a'gimoo  gamtbnofdida  kuga'- 
that  we  in  it  having  wrapped  ourselves  may  go  be- 
holding. Then 

guraho'mi.iu'rnida  h6ga  navaricto'nkam 
aside  will  go  casting  that  which  is  heat 

hoga  navara.u"umi.h6'k6t1  mipuga'guraho'.- 
that  which  are  their  arrows'  with  they  aside  will* 

iir'rnida  ganavaraka'kvarakho'kot2  Miput- 
go  casting  that  which  are  their  chimales*  with.  They 

so'sbidida  gahactucko'k'dakam  napubom.a"- 
for  us  shall  go  attacking  whatever  sickness  that  may= 

gida  porki  a'tiamnoTio  atictu'kipgamtono'io 
come  being  reported.      Because     we  do  not  see,     we« 
in  darkness  go  peering 

porki  ti'carici''korakam  iti'krad6'k6D 
because  we  are  vile  our  filthiness  with 

ti'cputso-'sbidim  &0n£t'hapd"gia.f  ni'cpuanv- 
we  go  obstructing  ourselves.  With  which  this  only  l- 

a'tut       kupiminka'ok       kupimi'tunha-'gicda 
cause  you  to  know.       Then  hear  ye  me.     Then  ye  me= 
will  pardon 

nanpui'nicituha-n  hi'di  navaramno'ik-ar.dam 
that  I  here  meddle  this  which  is  your  patio  in. 

kuni'pui'niciko-'sa  gana'varanrai'niG  gana1- 
Then  I  here  will  place  this  which  is  your  petate  that* 

varicta'  amba'tu.dam*  pixo'  napimpuma-'r'git 
which  is  white       your  tapexte*  on       where      that  ye= 
are  formed 

wos.0ras.a''B  Jfettnjh'nicputOmaianva'tuD 

all  hours  in.       With  which  I  constantly  give  you  to* 
know. 

ku<fio'sp6cambi'ak-a 
Then  God  feel  for  you. 

1  u'mi  is  the  ceremonial  arrow,  as  distinguished  from 
«,  the  hunting  arrow. 

*  Chimal  is  the  native  adaptation  of  the  Nahua 
chimalli,  SHIELD.  The  chimal  is  the  little  diagonal  or 


NOTE 

This  prayer  is  recited  by  the  Cantador 
Mayor,  the  principal  functionary  of  Tepecano 
religion,  to  beg  permission  of  the  divinities  to 
clean  and  prepare  the  ceremonial  patio  for  the 
celebration  of  the  Rain  Fiesta,  the  principal 
fiesta  of  the  year,  held  on  the  fifth  of  April. 
This  is  done  in  the  late  afternoon.  After 
reciting  this,  the  Cantador,  or  Chief  Singer, 
sweeps  the  dance  patio,  lights  the  fire  and 
decorates  the  altar  with  the  necessary  cere- 
monial objects. 

TRANSLATION 

Oh  ye  who  are  my  Lord  and  my  Lady  who 
were  created  beneath  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens!  Hither  have  we  come  to  ask  your 
forgiveness  so  that  I  may  here  prepare  and 
may  place  here  these  powerful  Cidudkam,  as 
they  are  called  hereabouts  where  they  are 
formed  and  cherished.  Also  do  I  say  unto 
you  that  ye  must  forgive  me  these  few  words. 
Continually  do  I  implore  you  that  ye  give  me 
leave  to  work  here  and  to  pass  the  night  here 
that  I  may  kindle  fire  on  this  your  green  carpet. 

Thence  the  heaven  becometh  overcast  and 
your  cloud  ariseth,  beautifully  outspread, 
which  drizzleth  and  is  very  green.  There  is 
formed  the  Word  of  Him  who  is  my  Guide, 
my  Morning  Star  and  my  Lord,  who  cometh 
teaching  unto  us  his  hand  that  we,  gathering 
ourselves  into  it,  may  go  beholding  in  all 
hours.  There  beneath  the  east  is  it  formed 
whence  he  hath  sent  his  lightning  and  spoken. 
From  afar  it  hath  arisen;  he  hath  spoken  to 
them  of  the  north,  the  west  and  the  south, 
telling  to  all  parts.  Thus  did  they  know  it; 
they  have  seated  themselves  and  have  reached 
unto  us  their  hand  that  we,  wrapping  our- 
selves in  it,  may  go  observing. 

They  will  repel  the  heat  with  their  arrows; 
with  their  chimales  will  they  cast  it  aside. 

hexagon  of  yarn,  the  "God's  eye"  of  the  Huichol.    To 
the  Tepecanos  it  is  God's  face. 

*  Nahua  tlapexlle,  the  white  cloth  erected  on  the 
altar. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


95 


They  will  shield  us  from  whatever  pestilence 
may  come.  For  we  may  not  see  and  in  dark- 
ness we  grope,  for  we  are  vile  and  with  our 
filthiness  we  impede  ourselves. 

This  only  do  I  say  unto  you.  Hear  ye  me! 
Ye  will  pardon  me  for  meddling  here  in  this 
your  court.  Here  will  I  place  your  white 
cloth  on  your  carpet  where  ye  are  formed  in 
all  hours.  Continually  do  I  implore  you. 
May  God  bless  you. 

2.  TO  COMMENCE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  RAIN 

(PERD6N  MAYOR) 

adio's  ino''G  inda'o  inci'u'c 

To  God,       my  Lord,       my  Lady,       my  Morning  Star. 

ati'puhi'mot  aptu'i'  napimaringo"korak1 
We  have  come;  to  be  that  ye  are  my  manes1 

a-'moh6van  napimarda'darkam          ho'- 

there  that  ye  are  the  sitters  that- 

ga-rictuma'M  icto'doc  ci"a-r  wo'fa 
is  five  green  east  beneath. 

a'momo'dor  napimivo'pmiGda  hoga 

There  from  that  ye  will  lift  that 

na'varicda'dik'am      navarumu"umi2       naB'- 
which  is  health.         Which  are  thy'  ceremonial  arrows 
that* 

aituda'giuna      h6g-a      na'pgama'.itwi'cturda 
thou  hither  us  wilt  cleanse     that        that  thou,  coming* 
wilt  force  away  from  us 

hog'ac'ko'k'dakam  aruri'koT  umto' 

that  sickness  is  vicinity  thy* 

tvagiwopta  a'bi'dor  na'puiwu'wacda 
skies  beneath.  There  from  thou  wilt  select 

navarumvo'p-oikaM  a'nih6dor  naB'ai'- 
which  is  thy  path.  Here  from  that  thou* 

tuda'giuna          ho'ga  navaricxo'pitkam3 

hither  us  wilt  cleanse      that       which  is  the  coldness3 

1  Translated    "Our    Fathers   and    Mothers   of   the 
heavens."    It  is  not  quite  certain  whether  these  are  the 
major  divinities,  minor  divinities  or  ancestral  spirits. 

2  The  changes  in  person  in  this  and  other  prayers 
are  very  confusing.    Their  signification  is  most  puzzling. 


navarumno'v        ho'kot        na'puho'kot.itka'- 
which  is  thy  hand        with;        that  thou  with  it  for  us* 

pkaturda        navarum.6ra'dakam        napit'6'- 
wilt  constrain  which  is  thy  inwardness;  that* 

vo'rturda  hoga  navarumhr'Mda 

thou  for  us  wilt  lengthen       that       which  is  thy  way 

napgamipkitot'  ko'hiniD'a    hoga    navaruma'- 
which  thou  also  now  us  wilt  cause  to  tread        that 
which  is* 

t'vagi.sa-'gio      ku'hidi'koo      apictunha'gicda 
thy  altar  between.        Then  this  with        thou  me  wilt* 
pardon, 

dio's        in.o-'G        inda-'o        inci'u'k        hidi 
God     my  Lord,      my  Lady,      my  Morning  Star,    this 


h&maD         go''k         ba'ik         tak-u'gumo'kot 
one  two  three  fragments  with 

navaricda'dik-am 
which  is  health 


nanitaitumno'i'puctur 
which  I  to  thee  have  recited 


navarumni"o'k'     kuhi'di     ho'madakamo'kot 
which  is  thy  word.  Then  this  creation  with 

api'ctunha'gicda         porki        aniamai'cturda 
thou  me  wilt  pardon        because        I  not  may  fulfill 

hoga  naVarumhi'mda  hoga 

that  which  is  thy  way  that 

navarumt6voriG         hoga         napubo.'ima-'c 
which  is  thy  length        that        which  hither  appears 

hoga         avemicmokor         havaricda'dik-am 
that  it  very  distant  and  it  is  health 

havaric'i'du'k'am       ku.ha'bandor       a'niam- 
and  it  is  treasure.         Then  with  it  from         I  not* 

pihoamto'gio'a4         kuhi'di&ma'dakam.hok'ot 
anywhere  you  may  see.4        Then  this  creation  with 

adio's        in.o-'G        inda-'t        inci'u'k. 

to  God,      my  Lord,      my  Lady,      my  Morning  Star. 

ha-'pih6'van  napimaringo"koraG 

In  that  place  that  ye  are  my  manes 

amihovaN       napimarda'darkam        icto'doG5 
there  that  ye  are  sitters  green' 

8  Cold  and  wind  are  conceived  as  health-giving  and 
purifying,  heat  as  synonymous  with  sickness. 
4  Possibly  auditory  error  for  -urn-,  THEE. 
6  The  color  appropriate  to  the  east. 


96 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ci"a-rw6'ta' 
east  beneath 

cr'hi'  SO'SO'B 

beautiful  bead 


h&ga  navaricto'doG 

that  which  is  green 

navarum.a'toc-kar1 
which  is  thy1  seat, 


ha'bandor     nagamida-'diG     nagamihi'komaG 
where  from        that  comes  health        that  it  clouds  up 

nagamiwo'pgovi'     ha'barrdor     naB'iva"utaG 
that  comes  lightning        where  from      that  it  hither- 
drizzles. 

kua'mom6dor    napum.a-'rgida*  navaricto'do 
Then  there  from         that  will  be  formed1         which  is* 
green 

o-'hi          hi'komo"k'6D          go'gOT          cr'hi 
beautiful  cloud  with  great  beautiful 

hi'komsa'  'gio         na*  'puwo'poga'ma.iwo'  'cnia 
cloud  between.  That  advancing  will  start 

na'puwa'tono'fdida  va'viar*  cr'hi 

that  will  go  beholding  gray*  beautiful 

to'tvacwo't'a     napumai'vanio'k-ida     ba'viar 
skies  beneath.        That  hence  already  will  go  speaking 
gray 

o''hi      so'so'Btio'D      amomo'      navarda'k-am 
beautiful  bead-man  there  that  is  sitter 

navarva'viar         to'vakwot'a"         na'purnu'- 
that  it  is  gray  sky  beneath  that  he» 

k-ao-am  navarva'viar  o-'xi 

is  guardian  which  is  gray  beautiful 

navarumva'p'a'moriG        ha'ba'ndor        nafl-- 
that  are  thy  lakes.  Thence  that» 

6ixa''duG4        na'puivi'ngi       ku'.a'm6m6"dor 
it  hither4  .    .    .  that  it  ...  Then  there» 

from 

na'puva'tonfi'idida 
that  already  will  go  beholding 


napuivo  nrgia 
that  will  arise 


navargo  go-r  va  paviar  o  xi 

which  are  great  gray  beautiful 

hi'kom.fir  a'bim6  na'puvadu'via 

cloud  within.  There  that  already  arrives 

1  Possibly  auditory  error  for  -am-,  YOUR. 

1  From  here  on,  the  references  of  the  third  person 
are  doubtful.  Most  if  not  all  of  them  probably  refer 
to  the  journey  of  the  Word,  the  prayer,  the  formula, 
through  the  heavens  though  some  may  have  reference 
to  the  habitant  spirits  of  the  cardinal  directions. 

1  Yellowish-gray,  the  color  of  the  north. 


na'puvam.a-'rgida        go'gor        hikomsa-'gio 
that  will  be  formed  great  cloud  within. 

naB'ai'vatuda'giuna  navaricda'dik'am 

That  thou  already  wilt  cleanse  which  is  health 

navarumsa-'kumigo'koD  ku.a'bim6"dor 

which  is  thy  tears  with.  Then  there  from 

na'pumg6kipt6tugia   navargS'go-r   va'pavia-r 
that  to  both  sides  will  look        which  are  great        gray 

xi'komsa-'gi'D  na'pgamisa'ki'D-a 

cloud  within.  That  thou  wilt  weep, 

naB-ai'vada'giuna  avaricho'pitkam 

that  thou  hither  already  wilt  cleanse         it  is  coldness 

navarumu"umih6'k6D    na'pgama.itwr'cturda 
that  it  is  thy  ceremonial  arrows  with.     That  thou  from 
us  wilt  chase  away 

navaricko'kdakam      ci'k'OT      to'tvacwo'pta 
which  is  pestilence  vicinity  skies  beneath 

navaricxo-'p-itkam       ka'va'r       navarumwu'- 
which  is  coldness  chimal  which  is» 

p-uivas       ho"k6D       aniho'        napuvatono'- 
thy  faces          with.          Hereabouts          that  already 

idida      aric'i'k'o'r      na'va'rumto'tvagiwo'pta 
will  go  beholding         is  vicinity         which  is  thy  skies* 
beneath 


napuma-'r'gidida 
that  will  be  formed 


navaricxo'pitkaM 
which  is  coldness 


ho"kia       ma'mciM       navarumxi'komago'koD 
how  many        apparitions        which  is  thy  cloud  with. 

na'puva'tonft'idida         navarictu'k5          o-'xi 
That  already   will   go   beholding         which   is   black* 
beautiful 

navarumto'tvagiwo'ta  napumai'vatuda'- 

which  is  thy  skies  beneath  which  hence« 

giunio'a       na'varich&p'itkam       navarumu"- 
already  wilt  cleanse       which  is  coldness        which  are» 

umi  h6'ko  napumai'vani6k'ida 

thy  ceremonial  arrows      with.        That  hither  already 
will  go  speaking 

4  These  two  stems  evidently  carry  an  esoteric  cere- 
monial significance  which  has  been  forgotten  by  the 
present  natives.  None  of  the  authorities  interrogated 
was  able  to  give  a  translation  of  them.  They  probably 
refer  to  various  phases  of  the  rain. 

1  The  color  of  the  west. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


97 


ha"kic  u'vikam  na'puarinda-'o 

tell  womankind  who  is  my  Lady. 

arictu'c  cx'xi  to'vacwot-a 

Is  black  beautiful  sky  beneath 

napurda-'kaM  na'purnu'k'aD'aM 

that  is  sitter  that  she  is  guardian 

navarumba'pamoriD         a'midor         nafl'ivo'- 
that  are  thy  lakes  there  from  that  thou* 

pmigiD         navaricda'dik'am         navarumci'- 
liftest  which  is  health  which  is  thy 

cvordaD  ha'barrdoT  na'p-uio-'hi 

plumes.  Thence  it  becomes  beautiful, 

naB'iha-'duG          ha'barrdor  napuivi'jjgi 

that  it  .     .     .,  whence  that  it  ... 

naB'a'iD'a'giuna        navarurrra'maR        i'nimo 
That  thou  hither  us  wilt  cleanse    who  are  thy  sons  here 

na'tputuwo'inuG       hi'di       navaricda'dik-am 
that  we  wander  this  which  is  health 

navarum.o'k'aD'a  wo't'a        kuB'ai'.iD'a'giuna 
which  is  thy  shadow  beneath.      Then  thou  hither  us* 
wilt  cleanse 

navaricda'dik'am        navarumsa'kumgih6'k6t 
which  is  health  which  is  thy  sorrow  with. 

napgama.'ifo'vorturda     navarumgo'gircdara 
That  thou  for  us  wilt  increase      which  is  thy  succor. 

ku.a'mi'dor        na'pivo'mgia       navarictu'tuk 
Then  there  from       which  will  arise       which  are  black 

navarumhi'komaG     6rh8d6r     na'puva'tono'- 
which  is  thy  cloud        within  from        which  already* 

idida          navargo'goR         cr'xi          xi'kom6r 
will  go  beholding  which  are  great   beautiful  cloud  within 

napho'ko'pa'.uma-'rgida         navaricdadik-am 
Which  with  will  be  formed  which  is  health 

navarumxi'komaG'S'ko't  ha'barrd6r 

which  is  thy  cloud  with  whence 

nagamiwo'pgov       ha'ba'ndor       naB'iva"uta 
which  it  lightnings  whence  which  drizzles. 

a'bi.mSdoT    napuga'mini6k'    na'pu.umho'gio 
There  from  that  speaks  that  to  thee  replies 

hodoT    navarumxi'komaG.6ra    ku.a'bim&doT 
alone       which  is  thy  cloud  within.       Then  there  from 

napumgo'kiptotu'gia          naB-ai'vatuda'giuna 
that  to  both  sides  will  look       that  thou  hither  already* 
wilt  cleanse 


navaricxo'p'itkam          navarumu"umid6'k6D 
which  is  coldness       which  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows** 
with. 

na'p-uva'tonoidida  a'ric'i'k'OT 

Which  already  will  go  beholding  is  vicinity 

navarumto'tvagiwo't'a  napubai'vatuda'- 

that  is  thy  skies  beneath.  That  hither  already 

giuna         navaricho'pitkam         navarumsa-'- 
wilt  cleanse  which  is  coldness  which  is  tiiy 

kumigo"kot        navarci'k'OT        navarumbo'- 
sorrow  with  which  is  vicinity  which  are* 

p-oiga'ba        napubaiVaha'dirc        napubai'- 
thy  paths  in.      Which  hither  already  .     .     .      which* 

vavi'qgi        ha'ba'ndor        naB'aiVahi'komac 
hither  already  .     .     .  Thence  which  hither* 

already  clouds  up 

umhi'komaksa''giD  na'pgamiwopgov 

thy  cloud  between  that  thou  sendest  lightnings 

naga'maictuma'ma'c         navarumbo'poiga'ba 
that  appear  which  are  thy  paths  in. 

ku.a'miD-or       napuma'vaton&idida      aricta'1 
Then  there  from    that  hence  already  will  go  beholding 
is  white1 

o-'hi         umto'vagiwota'         a'ricta         cv'hi 
beautiful        thy  sky  beneath        is  white        beautiful 

hi'komo"k6D     na'puwama-'rgida     napuma'- 
cloud  with        that  already  will  be  formed.       Which* 

ivanio'k'ida       a'ricta'       o-'hi       so'so'Btio'o 
hence  already  will  go  speaking      is  white         beautiful 
bead-man 

a'ricta'    o-'hi    umto'vagiwo'ta'    napurdak'aM 
is  white      beautiful      thy  sky  beneath       that  is  sitter 

a'ricta'    6-hi    SO-'SO'B    navaruma'toc'kardam 
is  white        beautiful        bead        which  is  thy  seat  on 


naparnukao-am 
which  is  guardian 


navarumba'p-amo-rit 
which  are  thy  lakes. 


ku.a'miD-or      napivo'pmiD-a      a'ricta'      o>fhi 
Then  there  from         that  thou  wilt  lift         is  white 
beautiful 

navarumci'cwordao    ha'ba-ndd'R    na'puio-'hi 
which  are  thy  plumes  whence        that  becomes* 

beautiful 

1  The  color  of  the  south. 


98 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ha'ba'ndor       na'B'uida'di       ku'ganavaricta' 
whence      that  thou  healthenest.      Then  that  which  is» 
white 

cr'hi  navarumci'cvoo  a'pdor 

beautiful  which  are  thy  plumes  in  from 

na'puiha-'duG          na'B'uivi'?jgi          napuha'- 
that  it  ...  that  it  ...  that» 

bandor         na'puihi'komac         hi'komsa-'giD 
whence  that  it  clouds  up  cloud  within 

na'pgamiwo'p'gov  nagamictuma'ma'c 

that  thou  sendest  lightnings  which  they  appear 

a'ricta'  cr'hi  navarum-ai'nic-dam 

is  white  beautiful  which  is  thy  petale  on. 

kuamomo'dor  napugo'  'kip.a'ptotugia 

Then  there  from  that  in  both  sides  wilt  look 

na'puva'tunoidida  a'ricta'  o-'hi 

that  already  will  go  beholding        is  white        beautiful 

hi'kom. or  napho'ko'D.uma-'rgida 

cloud  within;  that  with  it  will  be  formed 

aricta'ta  hi'komd'ko't  napuha'bandorbi.ivo'- 
are  white         cloud  with.         That  whence  hither  wilt« 

pmikda      navaricda'dik'am      navarumu"umi 
raise          which  is  health        which  are  thy  ceremonial* 
arrows 

bai'vatuda'giuna      aric'i'k'OT      navarumto'- 
hither  already  cleanse  is  vicinity  which  are« 

tvagiwo't'a  na'pumftraton&rdida 

thy  skies  beneath.          That  within  will  go  beholding 

a'rictuma'M  to' 'do  tovakwo't'a 

it  is  five  green  sky  beneath 

na'puh6'kouma''rgida       a'rictuma'M        O''hi 
that  with  will  be  formed  is  five  beautiful 

navarumhi'komag6"k6't  na'pam6m6d6r 

which  is  thy  cloud  with.  That  there  from 

napiwo'mgia         a'rictuma'M         navarumni'- 
that  will  arise  is  five  which  is» 

o'k'ho'koo        napuba'vatun&idida        arici'- 
thy  word  with,        that  hither  already  will  go  beholding 
are- 

vgo'k-  o''hi  to'vacdam  a'bi'm6 

seven  beautiful  sky  on.  There 

na'puvadu'via  naB'ai'vanio'k'ida 

that  already  arrives          that  hither  already  will  come* 
speaking 


na'varit.o-'G 

who  is  our  Lord 

cidukaM 

Fetish, 


to'nOT 
Sun 

ha'ba'ndor 
whence 


hi'kom 
Cloud 


ci'vo't 
Plume 


na'gamida'dic 
that  comes  health 


ho"kia  ma'mciM  hi'kom&'koo 

how  many  apparitions  cloud  with. 

na'B'ida'giuna  va'pa-viar  o-'hi 

That  thou  wilt  cleanse  gray  beautiful 

navarumu"umih6'k6'D  ku.a'bim6dor 

which  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows  with.   Then  there  from 

na'parda-'k'am  aric'i'vgo'k'  o-'hi 

that  thou  art  sitter  is  seven  beautiful 

navaruma'tockardam  naparnu'kaD-am 

which  is  thy  seat  on  that  thou  art  guardian 

aric'i'vgo'k'         6'hi         navarumva'p-amoriG 
are  seven  beautiful  which  are  thy  lakes 

napivo'pmikda  navaricda'dik'am 

that  thou  wilt  raise  which  is  health 

navarumci'cvordaD        aric'i'ko'r        na.ima'- 
which  are  thy  plumes  is  vicinity  which- 

ma'C'i"a'rwo"ta  va'varip-  hu'r-nip- 

appear  east  beneath  north  west 

ku.a'bimftdor  naB'iwo'pgov 

Then  there  from  •  that  it  lightnings 

na'gamistuma'ma'c     arici'vgo'k'      hi'kom. 6r 
that  appear  are  seven  cloud  within. 

a'bimodor     na'pgaminio'k'ia     napumho'kda 
There  from         that  thou  begin  wilt  speak         that  to> 
thee  will  reply 

a'rici'ko-r  t6'tvacw6"ta  ba'varip- 

is  vicinity  skies  beneath  north 

hu'rnip-  o'gipas  a'ricivgo-'k 

west  south  are  seven 

hi'kom.6R        naB'iku'G'ida        na'varictumaM 
cloud  within.  That  thou  hither  wilt  go  ceasing 

which  are  five 

o''hi  navarumni'o'k'  kuhi'di 

beautiful  which  is  thy  word.  Then  this 

ho'ma'dakam         ho'koo         api'ctunha'gicda 
creation  with  thou  me  wilt  pardon. 

adio's       in.o-'G        inda-'t        inciu'k 
To  God          my  Lord          my  Lady         my  Mornings 
Star. 


o  gipas 
south. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


99 


NOTE 

This  is  the  Perdon  Mayor  or  principal 
prayer,  it  being  the  opening  prayer  of  the 
most  important  of  the  four  annual  fiestas. 
After  the  patio  has  been  prepared,  the  altar 
arranged  and  the  fire  lighted,  the  communi- 
cants arrive.  Then,  after  darkness  has  set 
in,  the  Chief  Singer  takes  his  seat  facing  the 
altar  to  the  east  and  recites  the  prayer. 

This  prayer  must  also  be  recited  by  one 
desiring  to  become  a  shaman  in  order  to 
prove  his  knowledge  and  ability. 

TRANSLATION 

Oh  my  Lord,  my  Lady,  my  Morning  Star! 
Hither  have  we  come.  Ye  are  my  spirits  who 
are  seated  there  in  the  five  heavens  beneath 
the  green  east.  From  there  will  ye  bring 
health. 

With  thy  arrows  thou  wilt  purify  us;  thou 
wilt  quit  from  us  the  pestilence  which  sur- 
roundeth  us  beneath  thy  heavens.  From  there 
thou  wilt  lead  thy  path.  Thou  wilt  cleanse 
us  with  the  cold  which  is  thy  hand,  with 
which  thou  wilt  intensify  for  us  thy  spirit. 
Thou  wilt  lengthen  for  us  thy  way  which 
thou  wilt  now  cause  us  to  tread,  which  is 
between  thy  altar.  With  these  few  fragments 
which  I  have  recited  unto  thee  thou  wilt 
pardon  me,  God,  my  Lord,  my  Lady,  my 
Morning  Star,  for  they  are  thy  Word  which 
is  health.  With  this  formula  thou  wilt  pardon 
me  for  I  may  not  fulfill  thy  commandment, 
thy  course  which  hither  leadeth,  for  it  is 
very  far;  it  is  health  and  treasure.  There- 
fore I  never  may  behold  thee.  So  with  this 
formula  Hail!  my  Lord,  my  Lady,  my  Morn- 
ing Star. 

There  are  ye  seated,  my  spirits,  beneath 
the  green  east,  on  the  beautiful  green  bead 
which  is  your  throne,  whence  come  health 
and  the  clouds,  lightning  and  drizzle.  There 
will  it  be  created  of  the  beautiful  green  cloud 
between  the  great  beautiful  clouds. 

Forward  will  it  proceed,  observing  beneath 
the  beautiful  gray  heavens.  Hence  will  go 


speaking  the  beautiful  gray  Bead-man  who 
sitteth  there  beneath  the  gray  heaven,  the 
guardian  of  thy  beautiful  gray  lakes.  Then 
from  there  will  it  arise  and  go  observing 
within  the  beautiful  great  gray  cloud.  Far 
away  will  it  arrive  where  it  will  be  formed 
within  the  great  cloud.  There  wilt  thou 
purify  it  with  thy  tears,  which  are  health. 
Thence  will  it  look  to  both  sides,  within  the 
great  gray  clouds.  Thou  wilt  weep  and  purify 
it  with  thy  arrows  which  are  the  cold.  Thou 
wilt  quit  from  us  the  pestilence  round  about 
beneath  thy  heavens  with  the  cold  of  thy 
chimal  which  is  thy  countenance.  Here  will 
it  go  about  observing  beneath  thy  heavens 
where  it  will  be  formed  of  the  cold  with  thy 
many-colored  cloud. 

Then  will  it  go  about  observing  beneath 
thy  beautiful  black  heavens  where  thou  wilt 
cleanse  it  with  the  cold  of  thy  arrows.  Hither 
will  come  speaking  and  reciting  the  Woman 
who  is  my  Lady.  Beneath  the  beautiful 
black  heaven  is  she  sitting,  guarding  thy 
lakes  whence  thou  drawest  health,  thy  plumes. 
From  them  cometh  beauty.  Thou  wilt  cleanse 
us  who  are  thy  sons  who  wander  here  beneath 
thy  healthful  shadow.  Thou  wilt  purify  us 
with  thy  health-giving  tears.  Thou  wilt  in- 
crease for  us  thy  succor.  Thence  will  it  arise 
from  out  thy  black  cloud  and  will  go  behold- 
ing within  the  beautiful  great  cloud.  It  will 
be  created  with  thy  healthful  cloud  whence 
come  the  lightning  and  the  drizzle.  From 
there  he  speaketh,  answering  thee  within  thy 
cloud,  alone.  Then  will  it  look  to  both  sides 
and  thou  wilt  cleanse  it  with  the  cold  of  thy 
arrows.  Round  about  beneath  thy  heavens 
will  it  gaze  and  thou  wilt  purify  it  with  the 
cold  of  thy  tears,  round  about  in  thy  paths. 
From  it  thou  sendeth  the  clouds  and,  within 
the  cloud,  thy  lightning  which  appeareth  in 
thy  paths. 

From  there  will  it  go  beholding  beneath 
thy  beautiful  white  heaven  where  it  will  be 
formed  of  the  beautiful  white  cloud.  Hence 
will  go  speaking  the  beautiful  white  Bead- 


IOO 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


man  who  sitteth  beneath  thy  beautiful  white 
heaven  on  the  beautiful  white  bead  which  is 
thy  throne,  guarding  thy  lakes.  From  these 
wilt  thou  raise  thy  beautiful  white  plumes 
whence  come  beauty  and  health.  From  thy 
beautiful  white  plumes  cometh  the  rain;  from 
them  come  the  clouds  and  within  thecloud  thou 
sendest  lightnings  which  flash  on  thy  beauti- 
ful white  carpet.  From  there  will  it  look  to 
both  sides,  gazing  within  the  beautiful  white 
cloud  where  it  will  be  formed  of  the  white 
cloud.  From  it  thou  wilt  bring  health  and 
wilt  cleanse  with  thy  arrows,  round  about 
beneath  thy  heavens. 

It  will  go  about  gazing  beneath  the  five 
green  heavens  where  it  will  be  formed  of  thy 
five  beautiful  clouds.  From  there  will  it 
arise  with  thy  five  Words  and  will  go  about 
observing  in  the  seven  beautiful  heavens. 
There  will  arrive  speaking  our  Lord,  the  Sun, 
the  Cloud,  the  Plume,  the  Cidukam  from 
which  cometh  health  in  the  many-colored 
cloud.  With  thy  beautiful  gray  arrows  wilt 
thou  cleanse  it.  Thou  art  seated  on  thy 
seven  beautiful  thrones  guarding  thy  seven 
beautiful  lakes  whence  thou  wilt  raise  thy 
health-giving  plumes  which  appear  round 
about  beneath  the  east,  the  north,  the  west 
and  the  south.  From  there  afar  the  lightnings 
flash  through  the  seven  clouds.  From  there 
thou  wilt  speak  and  they  will  reply  unto  thee 
from  all  around  beneath  the  heavens,  from 
north,  west  and  south  within  the  seven  clouds. 
So  wilt  thou  end  thy  five  beautiful  Words. 

With  this  formula  thou  wilt  forgive  me. 
Hail!  my  Lord,  my  Lady,  my  Morning  Star. 


3.  TO  CONCLUDE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  RAIN 


a'tiputhi'mot 
We  have  come 


a-ptu'i* 
be 


dio's 
God 


in.o-'o 
my  Lord. 


api'ctunha-'gicda       i'nim&  napitio-a'kta 

Thou  me  wilt  pardon          here         that  thou  didst  us* 
leave 


hi'd'i  navaricto'd'OG  unrai'niGdam 

this  that  is  green  thy  petale  on. 

kuamomo'dor  naB-ivo'pmicda          h6g-a 

Then  there  from        that  thou  hither  wilt  raise        that 

va-'viar          6hi          gamu"umi          napho"- 
gray  beautiful  those  thy  ceremonial  arrows 

which  thou  with- 

kotitso-'sbida        h8g-a        navaricko'k'dakam 
us  wilt  go  shielding  that  which  is  sickness 

arici'koT  navarumtotvag'i  ci"a-r 

is  vicinity  which  are  thy  skies  east 

wot'a'  ba'varip  hu'rnip  o'gipa 

beneath 


north 


west 


south 


a'ricivgo'k'    6'hi    tot'vaGdam    kuamomo'dor 
are  seven       beautiful        skies  on.        Then  there  from 

airaiD'a'giuna  na'varicho'pitkam 

thou  hither  us  wilt  cleanse  which  is  coldness 

na'varumno'v  na'pgama.i'twi'cturda 

which  is  thy  hand.          That  thou,  beginning,  from  us= 
wilt  repel 

h6g-a  navaricko'k'dakam  xu'p-ur 

that  which  is  sickness  wind 

cr'cvoriG  na'funon-6'  hidi 

plumes  which  fly  this 

navarunrai'niGdam  a.monvodor 

which  is  thy  palate  on.  There  from 

naB-ai.iD-a'g'io'a  na'varumgo'gu-cdara' 

that  thou  hither  us  wilt  send  which  is  thy  succor 

na'phSk'otit-o'vortu'rda  na'varum.- 

which  thou  with  to  us  wilt  extend  which  is  thy« 

6'rad'ak-am 
inwardness. 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  recited  by  the  Chief  Singer 
at  the  close  of  the  Rain  Fiesta  about  dawn 
on  the  following  day. 

TRANSLATION 

Oh  God,  my  Lord!  We  have  come  where 
thou  art.  Thou  wilt  forgive  me,  thou  who 
didst  leave  us  here  on  this  thy  green  carpet. 
From  afar  thou  wilt  raise  thy  beautiful  gray 
arrows  with  which  thou  wilt  shield  us  from 
sickness  round  about  in  thy  heavens,  beneath 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


IOI 


the  east,  the  north,  the  west  and  the  south  in 
thy  seven  beautiful  heavens.  From  there 
thou  wilt  purify  us  with  the  cold,  which  is 
in  thy  hand.  Thou  wilt  cast  from  us  the 
pestilence,  the  whirlwinds,  the  plumes  which 
fly  about  on  this  thy  carpet.  From  afar  thou 
wilt  send  us  thy  succor  and  wilt  reveal  unto 
us  thy  spirit. 


4.   TO  PREPARE  THE  PATIO  FOR  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  ELOTES1 

adiu's  naparinsu'sbidat  inci'u'k 

To  God      that  thou  art  my  Guide,      my  Morning  Star, 

in.o-'G          naparinda-'t  ci"arw6't-aho' 

my  Lord.      That  thou  art  my  Lady       east  beneath* 
there 

napusoi"ma-c  napitpub6.'ini6' 

that  thou  sad  appearest      that  thou  didst  hither  speak 

napitpuboiwo'pgo  amohodor 

that  thou  didst  hither  send  lightnings          there  from 

napitpuboihikmat     ati'cumta'n     ha-'gicdara 
that  thou  didst  hither  send  clouds.         We  thee  beg 
pardon 

navarci'vgok      ohi      totvacwo't'a      pixodor 
that  are  seven       beautiful       skies  beneath        where* 
from 

napuboim.a'r'giD  kuticputomai.amta'n 

that  thou  hither  art  created.          Thus  we  continually* 
you  beg 

ha'gicdara       kupimi.'tutha'gicda        kupimi'.- 
pardon        that  ye  us  will  pardon,        that  ye  us  will* 

itma'kia        lise^'nsia        kutsapi'ni.itu'kakda 
give        permission        that  we  here  may  pass  the  night 

kutk6'amdo''dicda      hoga      navaramnoik'ar 
that  we  decorated  for  you  may  make      that      which  is= 
your  patio 

para       natpumci'cvoD'a2         hoga       it.6-'ciG 
in  order       that  we  for  thee2   may  make  plumes       he 
our  Corn 

kut.i'ni.cia'da'rsa     gactoko.dam     ci'du'okam 
that  we  here  them  may  place     that  powerful     fetishes 

1  Nahua  elotl,  GREEN  EAR  OF  CORN. 

1  Possibly  auditory  error  for  -pu-am-,  YOU. 

*  On  the  musical  bow. 


nampumto'tok       ganavaricta       ava't'o.dam 
that  they  are  called          that  which  is  white          their* 
tapexte  on 

ganavaricta          mai'nic.wo't'a          kutsapi'- 
that  which  is  white  petate  beneath.  Then  we* 

putuasa'sa-uda3  para  natputuiakta4 

say  for  them  we  will  play3        in  order      that  we  may* 
bless4 

para  napucbai'k-a  nat'uuh'gia 

in  order  that  may  be  able  that  we  may  eat. 

kuti  'puamci'cvoD-a  hoganavarcivgok 

Then  we  for  you  will  make  plumes      that  which  is  seven 

amni'o'khokot         para         natpuanra-'toD'a 
your  word  with        in  order       that  we  you  may  cause* 
to  know 


ganavarani'o'k 

that  which  is  their  word 


ganamaritgokorak 
they  who  are  our  manes 

wopuhimdam        nampuboit'Skdim        gana'- 
before  gone  on;        that  they  hither  us  come  extending 
that  which' 

varano'v        para         natpua'bantuD'a'gimot 
is  their  hand  in  order  that  we  in  it  having* 

enfolded  ourselves 

gamtonoi.dida      w6corasa"Ba      kuha'pu.pu- 
may  go  beholding  all  hours  in.  Then  so* 


i'copata'n 
also  them  beg 


ha-'gicdara 
pardon 


WO  pu 
first 


hoga         navaritci'uk         kuvipuboitnof.dida 
he      that  he  is  our  Morning  Star.      Then  he  hither  us* 
will  come  beholding 

pix6      nafuha''nda       pixo      nat'ima-'cdida6 
where      that  we  will  meddle       where       that  we  will* 
go  dawning 6 

pixo'  natitu'kakdida  kuyam- 

where       that  we  will  go  passing  the  night       that  not* 

ha'ctuiD-amhacumwa-'da  ickogokot 

anything  over  us  anything  will  happen         strong  with 


aticia'D'ida5 
we  will  arise.6 
holding 


kumipuboitnoidida 
Then  they  hither  us  will  come  be- 


4  By  raising  the  ears  of  corn  to  the  heavens. 

'The  stem  nurc  denotes  APPEAR;  the  stem  cia  is 
evidently  related  to  ci"a~r,  EAST.  Both  are  used  with 
the  idea  of  ARISING  AT  SUNRISE,  amanecer. 


IO2 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ganamaritgo'korak  konkihapogia.- 

they  who  are  our  manes.  With  which  thus  only 

ti'cpuanva'tuD  hidi          taku'gum6"k6t 

we  you  give  to  know  this  fragment  with 

porki          avi'a'mhacicbaiG          natama'toD'a 
because        not  anyhow  can       that  we  you  will  cause* 
to  know 

ganavaramni'o'k  navaramhi'mda 

that  which  is  your  word  which  it  is  your  way 

porkia-'tlv         iti'krado'kot         putso'sbidim 
because  we       our  filthiness  with        us  go  obstructing. 

konki'.hapl        itkaok       kudtVspocambi'ak'a 
With  which  thus  is;        us  hear.       That  God  you  will= 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

The  Fiesta  of  Elates  or  ripe  ears  of  corn  is 
held  on  September  fifth.  The  Chief  Singer 
arrives  early  in  the  evening  and  recites  this 
prayer  to  the  divinities  to  beg  permission  to 
prepare  the  patio  for  the  fiesta. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Guide,  my  Morning  Star  and 
my  Father. 

My  Mother,  who  sadly  appearest  beneath 
the  east,  whence  thou  didst  speak,  sending 
thy  lightnings  and  clouds,  we  crave  thy  for- 
giveness. Beneath  the  seven  beautiful  heav- 
ens thou  wast  created. 

Continually  do  we  implore  you  to  forgive 
us  and  to  give  us  leave  to  pass  the  night  here, 
to  array  your  court  for  you,  to  make  you 
plumes  of  our  Corn,  and  to  place  here  the 
powerful  cidudkam,  as  they  are  called,  on 
their  white  cloth  beneath  their  white  carpet. 
We  will  play  for  them  in  worship,  that  we 
may  be  enabled  to  eat.  Also  will  we  make 
plumes  for  you  with  your  seven  words,  that 
we  may  teach  you  the  Word  of  our  spirits 
who  have  gone  before.  They  come  reaching 
unto  us  their  hand  that  we,  enfolding  our- 
selves in  it,  may  go  beholding  in  all  hours. 

Likewise  do  we  beg  forgiveness  first  of 
Him  who  is  our  Morning  Star.  He  will  come 


to  watch  over  us  where  we  perform,  where 
we  pass  the  night  and  rise  with  the  dawn,  so 
that  no  ill  may  befall  us  and  we  may  arise 
with  strength.  Our  spirits  will  come  to  watch 
over  us. 

Only  this  fragment  do  we  say  unto  you,  for 
we  may  not  teach  you  more  of  your  Word, 
which  is  your  Way,  for  we  are  confused  by 
our  sinfulness.  This,  no  more.  Hear  us! 
May  God  bless  you. 

5.  TO  COMMENCE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  ELOTES 

adio's  na'par.ino/'k  tunha'gicio 

To  God,          that  thou  art  my  Father.          Me  pardon 

hi'di  homaD  gok-  ba'ik  ni'.o'k'h6k-6f 
this  one  two  three  word  with. 

tunha'gicio  porke  na'naric.i'kra'k'aM 
Me  pardon  because  that  I  am  vile 

h6g-ah6k6D  a'nicpons6'Bdim  goko 

that  with  I  myself  obstructing.  Therefore 

nipumtaN  hagicdara  ku'pi'am.ago'- 

I  thee  beg  pardon.  Then  thou  not  in  two* 

kiptono'noik'da' 
places  wilt  look. 


picina'ptunda'gia1 
Thou  in  me  me  wilt  seize1 


namarit.go'korak     vopohimdam     na'pu.pui'- 
that  they  are  our  manes  before  go  on.  Thus* 

c6-p  pi'miambi'ak-a  napimarapim 

also  ye  not  will  need  that  ye  are  ye 

pimia'm.soi'umo'riD-a  pi'micbointo'kda 

ye  not  sad  selves  will  feel.  Ye  hither  me  will  extend 

hog-a          navaramno'v          para  nan.- 

that  which  is  your  hand  in  order  that  I« 

a'ptunda'gia        para         nanick5-k-.h6k'6D.- 
in  it  me  will  seize          in  order          that  I  happy  with" 

ima-'cdida       ga"guraho'van       pimi.iu-'rnida 
will  go  appearing.      Aside  there      ye  will  go  casting 

gacto'nkam      h6ga      navaramu"umi      ho'ga 
that  heat       that       which  are  your  ceremonial  arrows 
that 

navaramkavarakho'koD      pi-vmi.potso'sbidim 
which  are  your  chimales  with  ye  us  go  protecting 

1  If  correctly  given,  this  form  is  inexplicable. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


103 


bo-c  ci'kcrrhSvan  hogacto'nkam 

all  vicinity  there  that  heat. 

ku'pigama.iwa'hida  hoga  ictonkam 

Then  thou  wilt  go  repulsing  that  heat 

natpoio'am.hago'i  go'ko  ni'puMta'n 

that  it  did  us  over  already  fall.        Therefore       I  thee* 
beg 

ha-'gicdara      pia'Mbi'ak'a      napsoi'umo'riD'a 
pardon.         Thou  not  wilt  need         that  thou  sad  thy- 
self wilt  feel. 

apica'p'  tumda'gia  ganamaritg&korak 

Thou  in  them  thyself  wilt  seize  they  that  are  our« 

manes 

amoh8d6r  namitpoihikmat 

there  from  that  they  did  cloud  up 

namitpoboiwop-go  .         hoga  na'vargo'.- 

that  they  did  hither  lighten         that         that  is  great* 

to'vakwo't'a  navarci'aT          amoho'van 

sky  beneath.  That  is  east  there  from 

natpova'nio  ha'va  natpobia'ho'k 

that  did  already  speak        and         that  he  did  hither* 
already  reply 

ba''baripkam        natpowa'nio        havaho'rnip 
North.  That  he  did  already  speak  and  west 

natpo'vahok  hoga  hu'huktuv'D 

that  did  already  reply  that  Pine-Man 

na'tpu.boa-'hok          ha'pu          natpova'p-nio 
that  did  hither  already  reply.        Thus        that  did  al- 
ready again  speak 

natpobo.a-'hok      ho'ga'      o'gipa      anihovan 
that  did  hither  already  reply      that      south.       There 

tunra"aGdimuk  cikorhovan  hi'di 

hence  already  gone  conversing       vicinity  there       this 

ho'koo  namitpova'nio  ci'vgo'k" 

with  that  they  did  already  speak,  seven 

to'tvacdam         natpuvak'U'gat 
skies  on        that  did  already  arrive. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Father.  Pardon 
me  these  few  words;  forgive  me  them.  For 
I  am  vile  and  therefore  do  I  obstruct  myself. 
Therefore  do  I  beg  thy  forgiveness.  Look 
not  askance;  thou  must  be  possessed  of  our 
spirits  who  have  gone  before. 


And  ye  who  are  ye,  do  not  feel  sad.  Ye 
will  reach  unto  me  your  hand  that  I  may  be 
held  in  it  and  arise  with  gladness.  With 
your  arrows  will  ye  cast  aside  the  heat;  with 
your  chimales  will  ye  shield  us  from  it,  round 
about. 

Thou  wilt  repel  the  heat  that  has  fallen 
upon  us.  Therefore  do  I  beg  thy  forgiveness. 
Be  not  sad.  Thou  must  be  gathered  unto 
them  who  are  our  spirits  who  from  afar  send 
the  clouds  and  the  lightnings  beneath  the 
great  heaven. 

From  the  east  he  spoke  and  He  of  the  North 
replied.  He  spoke  and  the  West  replied, 
replied  the  Pine-Man.  Again  he  spoke  and 
the  South  replied.  And  so  did  each  in  turn 
repeat  the  word  they  had  spoken  till  it  came 
unto  the  seven  heavens. 


6.  TO  CONCLUDE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  ELOTES 

adiu's  naparin.Q-'c  naparinci'u'k 

To  God  that  thou  art  my  Lord,  that  thou* 

art  my  Morning  Star, 

insu-'sbidat      ati'cpubohimoD      puctuga"i'M 
my  Guide.         We  hither  came        desirous  of  roasting 

hi'dimn6i"karda-m      boc      na'tpuin.da"rim 
this  thy  patio  on  all  that  we  here  are  sitting 

navarumnoi"kardam  pihovan  na'- 

that  is  thy  patio  on  where  that* 

pitpuda'iwak'  sa'sa'kic          navarumo-'k 

thou  didst,  having  sat  down       weep  for  him        who  is= 
thy  Lord, 

naVarumda-'t  ci"arwo't'aho'  napu- 

who  is  thy  Lady,  east  beneath  there  that* 

a-'rgidic    pixo'    napuka't'     ganavarumhavu l 
is  created,        where        that  is  hung         that  which  is* 
thy  jicara1 

boc        umu"umih6k'6't        umka'kvarhoku'D 
all       thy  ceremonial  arrows  with       thy  chimales  with 

1 A  cup  or  bowl  made  from  a  gourd  and  generally 
decorated  with  beads  impressed  in  wax. 


104 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


navaricta'rrrai'niGwota     navarici'kmatka't' 
which  is  white  thy  petate  beneath          which  is  cloudy 
overspread 


napucva"irtaG 
which  drizzles 


napucbr'gikam          piho' 
which  .  where 


napui.vtr'sandim        ganavarhi'ko-m        piho' 
that  arises  that  which  is  cloud  where 

natpuboiw6p-go     natpub6'ini6'      ganavarci'- 
that  did  hither  lighten  that  did  hither  speak 

they  which* 

vgok        o'hi        to'tvacwo't'a        amuho'dor 
are  seven  beautiful         skies  beneath.         There* 

from 


napuboiva'VtaG 
that  hither  drizzles. 


napubo'inio'k'im 

that  hither  comes  speaking 

amuhodor  napuvackaftim  ho'ga 

There  from  that  already  comes  listening  she 

navarmaraD          natpub6'ih6-t'          ga.o-'gao 
who  is  his  daughter        that  he  did  hither  send         he,- 
her  father 

hidi  navarict&doG  mai'niGda'm 

this  that  is  green  petate  on 

napuica'picda'tparrra'c  natpui'nimoho'- 

that  it  well  clean  appears.  That  she  did  here- 

vadiivia-      hidi      nofkargio-am      bochok'u't 
already  arrive          this  his  patio  on  all  with 

hacnapuci'diidu      ci'korhuwan      puva.'o'imft 
thus  that  hoards         vicinity  there         already  walked 

piho 'dor 

where  from 

father. 


natpubo'ixo't 
that  he  did  hither  send 


ga6-gat 
that  her> 


kuna'tpuno'vadu'via'       hidi       noikargiD'am 
Then  she  did  here  already  arrive        this        his  patio  on 


sa'kimoG 
having  wept 

to'tvakwofa 
skies  beneath 

o-'gipa 

south 


ganavarci'vgok 
they  which  are  seven 

ba-'bariB 
north 


ci"arw6t-a 
east  beneath 


natpuboiho't' 

that  he  did  hither  send 


gao-'gad 
he  her  father 


o-'hi 

beautiful 

hu'rniB 
west 

pixodor 
where  from 

para 
in  order 


1  This  form  is  impossible;  the  future  suffix  is  proba- 
bly superfluous. 


navpuini.ma-"Riat          hidi          noi'kargiD'am 
that  she  here  should  appear          this         his  patio  on. 

kuna'titpua'bo'i          para          nat-ivo-'micda 
So  we  did  already  take  up      in  order      that  we  will  lift 

natpuva.a'r'gi(dida)1  ha'cnacidudu 

that  he  did  already  (will)  '  create          thus  that  hoards 

ci'k'orhiiwan  napurnoi'kargiD'am 

vicinity  in  that  is  his  patio  on 

puva'tfi          ganavarictodok         ba't'ogiD'am 
already  placed        that  which  is  green        his  tap<*xle  on 

pix6  napua-'r'gidic  natitpuva'ga'i 

where          that  creates  that  we  did  already  roast 

natitpuva'hir     kuvictutha'gicda     ganavar6-- 
that  we  did  already  eat.       Then  us  will  pardon       he» 

gat  ganavardo.ut  wfi-c  isa'- 

who  is  her  father  she  who  is  her  mother  all 

her* 

sakumgidSko't  piho'  natpuma'cir 

tears  with  where  that  she  did  appear. 

natpuva'nirk'        a'sta 
That  she  did  already  guard 
will  raise.* 


until 


that  not* 


ku'nkihapi  nicpunrafuD  konkidio's 

With  which  thus  I  thee  give  to  know.  With* 

which  God 

pi'cumbi'ak'a 
for  thee  will  feel. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Lord,  my  Morning 
Star  and  my  Guide.  Hither  did  we  come  to 
roast  in  this  thy  court,  all  of  us  who  here  are 
seated  in  thy  court.  There  thou  didst  seat 
thyself  and  didst  cry  unto  Him  who  is  thy 
Lord  and  thy  Lady  who  was  created  beneath 
the  east.  There  is  hung  thy  jicam  with  all 
thy  arrows  and  thy  chimales  beneath  thy 
white  carpet  o'erspread  with  drizzly  clouds. 
There  ariseth  the  cloud  whence  came  the 
lightnings  and  the  voice  beneath  the  seven 
beautiful  heavens.  Thence  it  cometh  speak- 
ing and  drizzling. 

2  Probably  a  direct  translation  of  the  Spanish  idiom 
hasta  que  no  in  the  sense  of  UNTIL. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


105 


From  afar  cometh  hearkening  she  who  is 
his  daughter  whom  he,  her  father,  did  send 
to  this  green  carpet,  beautifully  clean.  Here 
she  arrived  in  this  his  court  with  every  adorn- 
ment that  belongeth  to  her,  having  journeyed 
from  whence  her  father  sent  her.  At  last 
she  came,  weeping,  unto  this  his  court,  be- 
neath the  seven  beautiful  heavens,  beneath 
the  north,  the  west,  the  south  and  the  east. 
From  there  did  her  father  send  her  that  she 
might  appear  in  this  his  court. 

Therefore  did  we  grasp  her  to  raise  up  her 
who  was  created  round  about;  laying  her  on 
her  green  cloth  in  her  court,  where  she  was 
created,  we  did  roast  and  eat  her.  Therefore 
will  He  who  is  her  father  and  her  mother 
forgive  us  because  of  all  her  tears.  There 
did  she  appear  and  wait  until  we  should 
raise  her  up. 

Thus  do  I  give  thee  to  know.  May  God 
have  mercy  on  thee. 


7.   TO  PREPARE  THE  PATIO  FOR  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  PINOLE 

odious  naparinsu'sbidat  inci'u'k 

To  God          who  thou  art  my  Guide,         my  Morning* 
Star, 

in.o-/G        inda-'o        aniho        napimpuda'dar 
my  Lord,        my  Lady.        There       that  ye  are  seated 

ci'ko'r  ganavarica'p.ma-'cim  am.a'- 

vicinity  that  which  is  well  appearing  your* 

tockarda-m  navarictodoo  kuha'pu.- 

seat  on  that  is  green.  Then  thus* 

puic6'B  nicamtan  ha-'gicdara 

also  I  you  beg  pardon 

napimitunha'-gicda        hidi        homat        gok 
that  ye  me  will  pardon  this  one  two 

vaik         ni'o'khokot         navartakugamhokot 
three  word  with  which  is  fragment  with 

porki         aniamha'cicba'ik         nananratoD-a 
because         I  not  any  can        that  I  you  will  cause  to* 
know 

1  Nahua  pinolli,  PULVERIZED  CORN-MEAL. 


ganavaramni.'o-k      hoga      navaramt6tnorik 
that  which  is  your  word          that  which  are  your* 

suns. 


kunsapi'tuw6-cka  hfdi 

Then  I  say  will  sweep  this 

amnoikarda'm  para 

your  patio  on  in  order 


navarictodo 
which  is  green 

nansapi'ni.i'1- 
that  I  say  here* 


citu'kakda 

will  pass  the  night 


nanpu.i'ni.tuna-'da 
that  I  here  will  make  fire 


navaramnoikarda'm      para      nan.i'ni.ada'rsa 
that  is  your  patio  on     in  order      that  I  here  them  will* 
place 

hoga        ciduokam        nampumt&tok        hidi 
that  idols  that  they  are  named  this 

navaricta'  ava't'o.dam  navaricta' 

that  is  white  their  tapexte  on  that  is  white 

amainicw6fa      ganavarau"umihSkot      hoga 
their  petate  beneath.  That  which  are  their  ceremonial  ar- 
rows with        that 

navaraka'k-varak      piho'      nampuokoditso''- 
that  are  their  chimales       where         that  they  with  us= 

sbidim  aniho  woc'ikorhSvan 

go  protecting  there  all  vicinity  there. 

kuti'puama-'t6D-a     kutsapi'pumiwa'G     hoga 
Then  we  them  will  cause  to  know      that  we  say  hence* 
scatter        that 


navaratui'spi1 
which  is  their  pinole l 


navaravamuit2 
which  is  their  atole.2 


kuti.ini.piicito'kia       hidi       navaraha'vu-ora 
Then  we  here  will  place          this  which  is  their* 

jicara  within. 

kuticpu.ama'fut  ganamaritgftkorak 

Then  we  them  cause  to  know    they  who  are  our  manes 

w6puhi''mdam  aniho'  nampuda'dar 

before  go  on  there  that  they  are  seated 


nampuboitnoiD 

that  they  hither  us  watch 

nampuboito'k-it 
that  they  hither  us  extend 


wocorasa'ba 
all  hours  in 

hoganavarano'v 
that  which  is  their  hand 


natpwa'ban.tuD-a'gimot  gamtonofdim 

that  we  in  it  having  wrapped  ourselves  going  observing 

2  Nahua  atotti,  PINOLE  MIXED  WITH  WATER  AS  A 
GRUEL. 


io6 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


wocorasaB-a 
all  hours  in. 


kuti'cpuatan 
Then  we  them  beg 


ha-'gicdara 
pardon 


ganavarinsusbidat  inci'uk  incr'k 

she  who  is  my  Guide,     my  Morning  Star,     my  Lord, 

inda-'D  kumi'puma-'t6hi  itka'ok 

my  Lady.  Then  they  shall  know.  Us  hear! 

kumitutha-'gicda          konkidio'spocambi'ak-a 
Then  they  us  will  pardon.      With  which  God  you  will* 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  spoken  by  the  Chief  Singer 
upon  arriving  at  the  ceremonial  patio  early 
in  the  evening  of  the  fifth  of  January  in  order 
to  beg  permission  of  the  divinities  to  prepare 
the  patio  for  the  Fiesta  of  the  Pinole  to  be 
held  that  night. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Guide,  my  Morning  Star,  my 
Lord  and  my  Lady  who  are  seated  round 
about  on  your  pleasant  green  throne.  I  be- 
seech you,  forgive  me  these  few  words,  this 
fragment,  for  I  may  not  teach  you  your 
word,  which  is  your  days.  I  will  sweep  this 
your  green  court  that  I  may  pass  the  night 
here,  that  I  may  kindle  fire  here  in  your 
court  and  place  here  the  Cidudkam,  as  they 
are  called,  on  this  their  white  cloth  beneath 
their  white  carpet.  With  their  arrows  and 
their  chimales  do  they  protect  us  in  all  parts. 
We  say  unto  them  that  we  will  scatter  about 
their  pinole  and  their  atole,  and  will  place 
them  here  in  this  their  jicara. 

Also  do  we  implore  our  spirits  who  have 
gone  before,  there  where  they  are  seated, 
watching  us  in  all  hours,  that  they  reach 
unto  us  their  hand  that  we,  wrapping  our- 
selves in  it,  may  go  beholding  in  all  hours. 

Also  do  we  beg  forgiveness  of  my  Guide, 
my  Morning  Star,  my  Lord  and  my  Lady. 
So  may  they  know.  Hear  us  and  forgive  us! 
May  God  grant  you  his  mercy. 


8.  TO  COMMENCE  THE  FIESTA  OP" 
THE  PINOLE 

napimarinhaha'cdun        anihonapimtuda'da'r 
That  ye  are  my  relations          there  that  ye  are  seated. 

kupi'miambi'ak'a     hactudo'ko'f     napimsoi'- 
Then  ye  not  will  feel  anything  with  that  ye* 

um'6'riD'a         hoga         amom&doT         hoga 
sad  will  feel.  He  there  from  that 

dio's          ito/'k-  io'a''t  avipuboiam- 

God  our  Lord,  our  Lady  he  hither  you* 

da'giuna  hog'a  navaricxo'pitkam 

will  cleanse  that  which  is  coldness 

navaramu"umihok6D  kumgama.iam- 

which  are  your  ceremonial  arrows  with.        Then  they 

wr'cturda  hoga  navaricko"dakam 

you  will  quit  that  which  is  sickness 

ga"gurahu'van  nagamau-'rna  mokorho'- 
aside  there  that  he  will  raise  distant- 
van  kuviambiha'k'tu'rda  ha'cio-u'nia 
within.  Then  not  hither  will  finish  any  us  will* 
happen 

hi'd'itu'ki'psagio         i'nimo         natitpubaiva- 

this  night  within  here  that  we  did  hither* 

da'ra'iwa         hi'di         navaricto'd'o         o''hi 
already  seat  ourselves  this  that  it  is  green 

beautiful 

navaranoi'kardam       hoga       namaritg6korao 
which  is  their  patio  that  that  they  are  our* 

manes. 

kuxa'cumduk'aDho'koD  ku.a'mum&do'r 

Then  any  happening  with.  Then  there  from 

amato'vo'rturd'a1  gu'gucdara          da''di 

they  for  them1  will  lengthen  succor  health 

hi'ko'm         natxok'6'gamtotu'gia         kirhi'di 
cloud  that  we  with  will  see.  Then  this 

ho'mad'akamS'k'o  a'pimi'ctunha'gicda 

creation  with  ye  me  will  pardon 

napimarinhaha'cdun          napimitci'va.umta't 
that  ye  are  my  relations.        That  ye  did  tired  your- 
selves feel 


amumodor 
there  from 


napimitso'soigiM 
that  ye  did  sadly  go 


1  Possibly  should  be  amit — ,  FOR  us. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


107 


napimitacihu't'ua 
that  ye  did  stumble 
selves  pain. 


p&fO 
But 


hogakot 
that  with 


think. 


kugamumo'doT 
Then  they  there  from 

a'migama.itwr'cturda 
they  from  us  will  quit 


napimit'atumk6'kdat 
that  ye  did  already  your- 

pi'miamhacuma'k'a 
ye  not  any  yourselves  will* 

namaritgo'k'oraG 
that  they  are  our  manes 

amiivo'  'pmicda 
they  will  raise 


navarawo  p'uivas 
that  is  their  faces 


namho'kotso'sbi'da 
that  they  with  will  shield 

ci"a'rwo"ta 
east  beneath 


navaricda'di        ka'vaT 
that  is  health.  Chimal 

navaricko  "  k'dakam 
that  is  sickness 

va'varip  hu'rnip 

north  west 

o'gipas1  arici'vgo'k  rrhi  to'- 

south l  are  seven  beautiful  skies= 

tvacdam      ku.a'bimodor     amiboimu'mgiaD'a 
on.  Then  there  from  they  hither  will  bend 

hog'a      na'va'raci'cvoD'aD      namhok'o'itxo'- 
that        that  they  are  their  plumes        that  they  with* 

pictorda  hog'a  navarha'k'"da2 

for  us  will  chill  that  which  is  complete.2 

kuhidi'ko'D          pimictunha'gicda  kirrr- 

Then  this  with  ye  me  will  pardon.  Then  I* 

i'nim&.ha'pu.anra'tuD     napimarinha'ha'cdun 
here  thus  you  give  to  know     that  ye  are  my  relations. 

dio's  picambi'ak'a 
God  for  you  will  feel. 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  addressed  by  the  Chief  Singer 
to  the  communicants  assembled  to  celebrate 
the  Fiesta  of  the  Pinole,  or  corn  meal,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  ceremony. 

TRANSLATION 

Ye  are  my  brethren  who  are  seated  here. 
Ye  need  on  no  account  feel  sad.  For  God 
who  is  our  Father  and  our  Mother  will  purify 
you  from  afar  with  your  arrows,  which  are 

1  Eleno  gave  o'gipa;  Rito  insisted  that  o'gipas  was 
correct. 


the  cold.  They  will  cast  from  you  the  pesti- 
lence which  he  will  put  far  aside.  No  harm 
will  come  unto  us  this  night  while  we  are 
seated  here  in  this  beautiful  green  court  of 
our  spirits.  From  afar  they  will  send  us 
increased  succor,  health  and  clouds,  that  with 
their  help  we  may  behold. 

Ye  will  pardon  me  this  formula,  my  breth- 
ren. Ye  have  tired  yourselves  on  your  sad 
way  hither;  ye  have  stumbled  and  hurt 
yourselves.  But  do  not  on  that  account  ap- 
prehend anything.  Our  spirits  will  protect  us; 
they  will  bring  health.  With  the  chimal,  which 
is  their  faces,  will  they  shield  us  from  sickness 
beneath  the  east,  the  north,  the  west  and  the 
south  in  the  seven  beautiful  heavens.  From 
there  will  they  bend  hither  their  plumes 
with  which  they  will  chill  us. 

With  this  ye  will  pardon  me.  Thus  do  I 
say  unto  you,  my  brethren.  May  God  bless 
you. 

9.   TO  CONCLUDE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  PINOLE 

adiu's         ing-'G         inci'u'k          tunha-'giciD 
To  God,        my  Father,         my  Morning  Star.         Me* 
pardon. 

a'tivatsapi'cpuinda"rim  amtanimot 

We,  we  say  here  seating  ourselves  you  begging 

ha-'gicdara  porki  titi'ma"wa  gatui'sap 
pardon  because  we  did  hence  already  scatter 

that  pinole. 

kuti'cpuama-'tuD         b&'cir         natpuindadar 
Then  we  you  cause  to  know       all       that  we  here  are» 
seated 

nati'tpua'.ma'ciD  hidi  tukasd'git 

that  we  did  already  appear          this  night  within 

natitupui'niva.dara-iwa  ti'cputo'maiam- 

that  we  did  here  already  seat  ourselves.       We  continu* 

sd'kcit  napimargS'gurkam  ci'du'Dkam 
ally  you  weep  that  ye  are  greatnesses  fetishes 

kuha'pu.pui'c6-p 
Then  thus  also 


na'pimumtotoG 
that  ye  are  named. 


'  Difficult  to  translate. 


io8 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


ti'camtan     ha'gicdara     kuvia'miD'am.tuo-ka 
we  you  beg  pardon  that  not  us  over* 

will  happen. 

ku<ganavaramu"umih6k-6         pimitso'sbidida 
Then  that  which  are  your  ceremonial  arrows  with     ye« 
us  will  go  shielding 

ho'ga        navaricko'k'dakam        vfdcorasa"ba. 
that  which  is  sickness  all  hours  in 


icxo'pitkamok'6'D 
coldness  with 


kuga"gurah6wan 
Then  aside  towards 


pi'miD-a-'giunio-a 
ye  us  will  go  cleansing. 

api'mino-'niD-a 
ye  will  cause  to  fly 

gact6nkam     kuha'pu.pui'cop     ati'cumta'nim 
the  heat.  Then  thus  also  we  thee  go  begging 

ha'gicdara     na'paritam.itci'u'c     na'pu.o'Jdak 
pardon       who  thou  art  our  yellow,  our  Morning  Star 
that  thou  belongest 

ci'arwo'faho'van  na'pitpubo'iwop-go 

east  beneath  there  that  thou  didst  hither  send* 

lightnings 

na'pitpubo'ihi'kmaD  napitpub6irri6 

that  thou  didst  hither  send  clouds         that  thou  didst = 
hither  speak 

na'pitpubo'it'fik  h6'ganavarumn6v 

that  thou  didst  hither  us  extend          that  which  is  thy 
hand. 

kuha'ctu.go'kamo'k-6't        kuvia'miD'amha'c- 
Then  anything  greatness  with.  Then  not  over  us« 

tuacumwada        kutiti'ct6'nim6r.ba'cituhaha1 
anything  will  happen.  Then  we  did  suddenly  al- 

ready make  izquite.1 

kutiti'puma'vwa  hoga  a"rak.uv 

Then  we  did  hence  already  scatter          that          child' 
female 

navarunvar  na'pitpuboida'kta  hidi 

which  is  thy  daughter  that  thou  didst  hither  send 

this 

oi'dadam       kugSku.ti'pumtan       ha-'gicdara 
world  on.  Then  on  this  account  we  thee  beg 

pardon 

na'varci'vg6k  6'xi  t&'tvak.wSfa 

that  are  seven  beautiful  skies  beneath 


na'pua-'rgidic 
that  thou  art  created, 
ourselves 


kutiti'cpuboidaraiwa 
Then  we  did  hither  seat* 


1  Nahua  izquitl,  TOASTED  CORN. 


navaric.hi'dicto"do       amno'i'kardam       v6-c 
that  is  this  green  your  patio  on  all 

itha'pu.hok'6      ithio-'cgiho'k-o2        havahidi.- 
ourjicara  with  our  flower*  with  and  this* 

itva'm'uit          ku'pimia'mpiho'.sa'sarkadiD'a 
our  atole.  Then  ye  not  anywhere  will  discompose 

ganavaramhi'mda  navaramni.o'k' 

that  which  is  your  way  that  which  is  your  word 

navaramt6tnorik    kutiti>cto"nimor.ba>'cituha 
that  which  is  your  suns.          Then  we  did  suddenly  al- 
ready make  izquite 

hidi          amnoi'kardam          kuticpuamtanim 
this  your  patio  on.  Then  we  you  go  begging 

ha-'gicdara  hidi  navarci'vgok 

pardon  this  which  is  seven 

ni.'o'k'ho'ko't  na'pitpubo'idak'ta 

word  with.  That  thou  didst  hither  leave 

ganavarunrar         na'pitpubo'ini6         ci'vgok 
she  who  is  thy  daughter  that  thou  didst  hither» 

speak        seven 

ni'o'k'hokot  na'pitpub61ih6't  hidi 

word  with  that  thou  didst  hither  send  this 

navaricto'do         amai 'madam          navaricap- 
that  is  green  your  petate  on  that  is  beautiful' 

ma'cim.ka't        na'varichi'komak        navaric- 
appearing,  outspread,      that  is  overclouded       that  is» 

va"utak      navarichi'kmat.ka't      kuha'pu.6-p 
drizzly     that  is  beclouded,  outspread.     Then  thus  also 

ati'cama'tut  ku'nkiha'p.i  inka'ok 

we  you  cause  to  know.     With  which  thus  is.     Me  hear 

naparincr'G          naparinda-'t          naparinsir'- 
who  thou  art  my  Father,  who  thou  art  my  Lady, 

who  thou  art  my» 

sbidat       inci'u'k        kunkidios    pocumbi'aka 
Guide,    my  Morning  Star.    With  which  God    thee  feel. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Lord  and  my  Morning  Star. 
Forgive  me.  Seating  ourselves,  we  beg  your 
forgiveness,  for  we  have  scattered  the  pinole. 
We  give  you  to  know,  all  of  us  who  here  are 
seated,  that  we  have  this  night  appeared  here 
and  seated  ourselves. 

2  The  "flower"  signifies  peyote,  Nahua  peyotl,  Echino- 
cactus  or  Lophophora  Williamsii. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO    PRAYERS 


IO9 


Continually  do  we  beseech  you,  ye  who 
are  called  the  powerful  Ciditdkam.  Like- 
wise do  we  beg  your  forgiveness,  that  no  ill 
may  befall  us.  With  your  arrows  will  ye 
cast  from  us  all  sickness  and  in  all  hours  will 
ye  purify  us  with  the  cold.  Ye  will  put  to 
flight  the  heat. 

Likewise  do  we  beg  thy  forgiveness,  our 
Golden  Morning  Star  who  belongest  beneath 
the  east,  whence  thou  didst  send  the  light- 
nings and  the  clouds,  whence  thou  didst 
speak  and  didst  reach  unto  us  thy  hand  with 
magnitude.  Therefore  no  ill  will  befall  us 
because,  unbidden,  we  have  toasted  izquite. 
We  have  scattered  the  maiden  who  is  thy 
daughter  whom  thou  didst  send  to  this  world. 
Therefore  do  we  beg  thy  forgiveness,  who 
wast  created  beneath  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens. 

We  have  seated  ourselves  in  this  your 
green  court  with  our  jicaras  and  our  peyote 
and  our  atole.  Ye  will  not  interrupt  your 
way,  your  word,  your  days  because,  unbidden, 
we  have  toasted  izquite  in  this  your  court. 
Therefore  do  we  beg  your  forgiveness  with 
these  seven  words. 

Here  thou  didst  leave  thy  child.  Speaking 
the  seven  words  thou  didst  send  her  to  this 
thy  green  carpet,  beautifully  outspread,  over- 
cast with  drizzly  clouds. 

Likewise  do  we  give  you  to  know. 

So  be  it!  Hear  me!  thou  who  art  my 
Father,  my  Mother,  my  Guide  and  Morning 
Star.  May  God  bless  thee. 

10.  TO  PREPARE  THE  PATIO  FOR  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  MILPA  CUATA1 

adiu's        naparinsu'sbidat  inci'uk 

To  God     that  thou  art  my  Guide,     my  Morning=Star, 

ino-'k         indat         aniho'         napimpudadar 
my  Father,        my  Mother,         there          that  ye  are* 
seated 

1  Nahua  milpa  properly  signifies  a  cornfield;  among 
the  Tepecanos  it  connotes  the  growing  corn  plant. 
Nahua  cuate  means  "twin;"  Tepecano  changes  it  to 
cuata  to  agree  with  milpa. 


cikorho'van    ganavarictod6    ama'tockardam 
surroundings  in       that  which  is  green       your  seat  on. 

kupimi'tutmakia  lisensia  kutpu- 

Then  ye  us  will  give  permission  that  we* 

i'nicituha-'na       para      natko'tudo'da      hidi 
here  will  handle          in  order  that  we  decorated' 

will  make        this 

navaramnoikardam       para       natsapuka-'iya 
which  is  your  patio  on          in  order  that  we  may* 

hear 


hoga 
that 


ni'ok'io 
his  word 


hoga 
that 


O-B- 


stranger 

napumohodora.umd.gim  ci'arwo'tahodor 

that  he  afar  from  already  comes  conversing  east* 

beneath  from. 

kutsapi'pu.inino'ra       hidi        t&ho-v       pixo' 
Then  we  say  here  will  await       this       cave       where 

namiamifogia  hidi  navarictutu'k 

that  they  not  us  will  see  this  that  are  dark 

u'u-c.6r*  para  natpugamika'hida 

mountains*  within  in  order  that  we  may  go* 

hearing 

ganio'k'it  kuvipum6h6dorva"umagim 

that  his  word.  Then  he  there  from  already  comes* 

reminding 

pixodor  natpuboiho''t  ganavar6gat 

whence          that  he  did  hither  send          he  who  is  his* 
father 

navard6.6t  para  napu.intam.soi- 

who  is  his  mother         in  order          that  he  here  sadly* 

'md'cka      initsagit       napuitkumpa-'niarawa 
should  appear      here  us  between       that  he  us  should* 
accompany 

pix6  napusoi'ma'cka  itvo'm 

where  that  he  sadly  should  appear  us  with. 


kupum6h6dorva"hi-m 
Then  he  there  from  already  comes 
spoke 

boawop-go  wo'c 

hither  already  lightened  all 

woc'i'cvoDgio'okot 
all  his  plumes  with. 


puboa'nio 
hither  already* 

kotui'kamokot 
decorations  with 

hacnapua'r'gidic 
Thus  as  he  forms 


2  This  is  the  term  applied  to  the  Mexican  neighbors. 

3  Montanas,  WOODED  HILLS;    we  signifies  TREE. 


no 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


napuca'pma-'cim          kotui'k-am          bo'him 
that  good  appearing  decoration  comes 

ganavarictSdok      to'id6kot      pumohodorva'- 
that  which  is  green          garb  with          thence  already 

umagim      woci'korhovan       hacnapuci'diidu 
goes  counselling      all  surroundings      thus  that  hoards. 

kuti'pukoD'urrahi  para  natpunfrra 

Then  we  decorated  ourselves  will  make  in  order 

that  we  will  await 

hi'di  navarnofkaraD'am          kuvi'puboi- 

this  that  is  his  patio  on.  Then  hither* 

du'via        para       natsap'ukafya        ganio'kit 
arrives  in  order  that  we  may  hear          that" 

his  word, 

para       natpunofo-a       para       natputotgicda 
in  order         that  we  may  see,         in  order        that  we= 
may  repeat 

hoga         nio'kit         para         natpuhf-nkoida 
that         his  word,         in  order       that  we  shall  cry  to- 
him, 

para  natpuma'toD-a  navaro'gat 

in  order       that  we  may  give  him  to  know          who  is= 
his  father 

navard&.ot  natpuboiho't  hidi 

who  is  his  mother         that  he  did  hither  send          this 


oi'dadam 
world  on 
will 


para  napurifu'kuka1 

in  order  that  he  be  our  flesh1* 


para             natpuokot.gamtonoiD-a  hidi 

in  order              that  we  with  may  go  seeing  this 

oi'da.dam         &onjh'mi<puma''t6hi  inka'ok 

world  on.      With  which  they  shall  know  it.  Me  hear 


ganamaringokorak 
they  which  are  my  spirits 


wopuhi'mdam 
before  gone  on. 


kuhapu.puicfi-p  nicata'n  hagicdara 

Then  thus  also  I  them  beg  pardon. 

konkidiospocambl'ak-a 
With  which  God  you  feel. 


NOTE 


The  Fiesta  of  the  Milpa  Cuata,  celebrated 
on  the  fifth  of  March,  is  rather  variant  from 

1  The  flesh  of  our  bodies. 


the  other  three  fiestas.  It  is  held  in  a  cave 
or  rock  shelter  and  is  quite  different  from  the 
others  in  type.  As  before,  the  Chief  Singer 
arrives  early  in  the  evening  before  the  others 
and  recites  this  prayer  to  the  divinities  to 
beg  permission  to  prepare  the  dance  patio 
for  the  celebration  of  the  fiesta. 

The  Milpa  Cuata  is  any  corn  plant  which 
grows  with  a  forked  stalk  and  an  ear  on  either 
branch.  It  probably  has  an  intimate  con- 
nection with  the  horns  of  the  deer.  At 
harvest  time  the  forked  stalks  are  garnered 
with  a  special  prayer  (no.  29).  They  are  then 
bound  in  a  sheaf  and  preserved  until  this 
fiesta. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Guide,  my  Morning  Star,  my 
Father  and  my  Mother,  seated  round  about 
on  your  green  throne.  Ye  will  give  us  leave 
to  work  here,  to  adorn  this  your  court  that 
we  may  hear  the  words  of  the  stranger  who 
from  afar  cometh  counselling  from  beneath 
the  east.  Here  will  we  await  him  in  this 
cave  among  the  dark  forests  where  the  neigh- 
bors will  not  behold  us,  that  we  may  hear 
his  word.  He  cometh  counselling  from  afar 
whence  his  Father  and  his  Mother  did  send 
him  mournfully  to  appear  here  among  us 
and  accompany  us.  Already  he  cometh ;  he 
hath  spoken  in  the  lightnings  with  all  his 
adornment,  with  all  his  plumes.  He  cometh 
arrayed  in  his  glorious  green  garb  with  which 
he  was  created,  counselling  on  every  side. 

Therefore  will  we  adorn  ourselves  to  wait 
for  him  in  this  his  court.  Here  he  will  arrive 
that  we  may  hear  his  word,  that  we  may 
behold  him,  that  we  may  repeat  his  words 
and  that  we  may  cry  unto  him.  We  will  say 
unto  Him  who  is  his  Father  and  his  Mother 
that  he  did  send  him  to  this  world  to  be  our 
flesh,  that  we  might  go  beholding  in  this 
world. 

Thus  shall  they  know  it.  May  my  spirits 
who  have  gone  before  give  ear  unto  me.  Like- 
wise do  I  beseech  them.  May  God  bless  you. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


III 


ii.   TO  COMMENCE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  MILPA  CUATA 

a'diu's  in.cr'G  inda-'t 

To  God,  my  Lord,  my  Lady, 

inci'u'c  tirtha-'giciD  hi'd'i 

my  Morning  Star.  Us  pardon  this 

ho'mat  go'k  nio'khoko'D 

one  two  word  with 

napimaritgo"koraG  napimitNoidim 

that  ye  are  our  spirits  that  ye  us  go  beholding 

v6-c0'rasa"Ba  nati'ma-cdim  piho'- 

all  hours  in.  That  we  go  appearing  where* 

natihunrndim1  napimitno'i.dim 

that  we  go  retiring1  that  ye  us  go  beholding 

vocorasa'Ba  napimaritg6"korak 

all  hours  in.  That  ye  are  our  spirits 

pi'miambi'a'ka'  pihona'pimago'kiptuno'- 

ye  not  will  feel  where  that  ye  to  both  sides* 

noikda  ku'pimi1ctutha''gicda  piho'- 

will  look.  Then  ye  us  will  pardon  where* 

natitukacdim        piho'naticia'dim        na'pim- 
we  go  passing  the  night  wherever  that  we  go= 

dawning  that  ye= 

itnii'kaD'a        na'pimaritgo'koraG         kupi'm- 
us  will  guard          that  ye  are  our  spirits.         Then  ye* 

iamgcr'kiptun&noik'da'  kuti'camta-'nim 

not  to  both  sides  will  look.        Then  we  you  go  begging 

ha'"gicdara'  ga"gurha'  pinoniD'a 

pardon  aside  where  will  cause  to  fly 

hoganavarictoN'kaM  pinat.a1tiviam6ipo 

that  which  is  heat  where  that  we  we  not  walk. 

ku'pimicb6\ituda"giuna      icho-'pitkamok'OD1 
Then  ye  hither  us  will  cleanse  coldness  with. 

ku'pimi'no-niD-a  rno'khi"  ho'ga- 

Then  ye  will  cause  to  fly  distant  that* 

navarict6n'kaM  ku'pimicbo'ituda-'giuna 

which  is  heat.  Then  ye  hither  us  will  cleanse. 

kupimicnoniD-a  mQ'kha'  va'p-a'viar 

Then  ye  will  cause  to  fly  distant  gray 

u"umi.h6'k'6'  pinat.a<tiviam6ipo 

ceremonial  arrows  with        where  that  we,  we  not  walk 

1  huru-n,  TO  SET  IN  THE  WEST,  related   to   hu-rnip, 
WEST. 


naVaramka'va'rigo'ko'D         napimbo'.ituso''- 
that  which  are  your  chimales  with  that  ye  hither* 

sbidim        hoganavaricko'kdakam  ku- 

us  go  shielding          that  which  is  sickness.  Then* 


gav'gura.h6Vin6rriD'a 
aside  will  cause  to  fly. 


kuViamha'ctu. ID-- 
Then not  anything  us* 


am.ha'ctua'cumwada     ati'puta-'ni'm         ha-- 
over  anything  will  occur.  We  go  begging         par* 

gicdara          ho'ganavaritsu'sBidat          itciu'o 
don  he  who  is  our  Guide,  our  Morning  Star, 

navarit.6'G  na'pubo'it'ok'dim 

who  is  our  Father      that  he  hither  us  comes  extending 

ganavarn6vit  natpuha'ba'ntuD'agrm 

that  which  is  his  hand         that  we  in  it  ourselves  may* 
go  seizing 

para  nagama'itwic'turda  hoga 

in  order  that  he  for  us  will  go  repulsing  that 

navarick6'kdakam      ha'pu'pi'co'p      ticta'nim 
which  is  sickness.  Thus  also  we  go  begging 


ha'gicdara 
pardon 

wadalw'pi 
Guadalupe 


ho'ga 


she 


piho 
where 


ho'ganavaricta'hiko'm.sa'git 
that  which  is  white  cloud  within, 


napua-'rgidic 
that  she  forms. 


hoga 
That 


navario'at 
who  is  our  Lady 

napuaptu'i' 
that  she  is 

orxova'n 
within  there 

navarci'vgo'k 
which  is  seven 


o'xi  totvak.daM  piho'napusoi'.ma'c 

beautiful          skies  on          where  that  she  sad  appears. 


napuboitnoi'dim 

That  she  hither  us  comes  looking 


v6'co'ra.sa"ba 
all  hours  in 


natarmirrrrat  piho  natsoi'mama'c 

that  we  are  her  children      where      that  we  sad  appear 


kuvi'pubo'itnoi'dida 
Then  she  hither  us  will  come* 


iti"koraksa'gio 
our  filthiness  among, 
beholding, 

avi'pugama'itwi'cturda  gact6n'kam 

she  from  us  will  repulse  that  heat 

a'tiv    nata-rma'mrat    kuvia'miD'a'm.to'o'k-a 
we          that  we  are  her  children.        Then  not  us  over* 
will  happen. 


112 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


kumia'mpiho'.ita'riwa'da      gapa'rnio'k'dam ' 
Then  they  not  anywhere  us  small  will  make  that* 

bad  word  on ' 


namani'Nmam2 
that  they  are  foreigners.2 
pi'miaso'sfiidida 
ye  them  will  cast 

b6'.itn6i"dida 

Hither  us  will  go  beholding 

avi'puta-'givida 
she  us  will  go  covering 


ga"guraho'van 
Aside  there 

ha<ctuicto'nkam6ko't 
any  heat  with. 

ho'ganavario'a'  't 
she  who  is  our  Lady, 

boco'rasa'ban 
all  hours  with. 


kunkiha'p.i 
With  which  thus  is. 


ma't'ok  inka'ok 

Know!  Me  hear 

naparinsu'sBidat  inci'u'k  in.cr'G 

that  thou  art  my  Guide,       my  Morning  Star,         my* 
Lord. 

konkihap'l 

With  which  thus  is. 


ditt'spo'cumbi'ak'a 
God  thee  feel. 


TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Father,  my  Mother,  my  Morn- 
ing Star.  Forgive  us  these  few  words,  ye 
who  are  our  spirits  who  do  watch  over  us 
through  all  hours.  Ye  watch  over  us  when  we 
arise  at  dawn  and  when  we  retire  at  dusk  and 
in  all  hours.  Ye  need  not  look  askance,  our 
spirits.  Ye  will  forgive  us  and  ye  will  guard 
us,  our  spirits,  here  where  we  pass  the  night 
and  the  dawn.  Do  not  look  askance;  we  be- 
seech you,  put  to  flight  the  heat,  aside  where 
we  walk  not.  Ye  will  cleanse  us  with  the 
cold;  far  away  will  ye  put  to  flight  the  heat. 
Ye  will  come  to  cleanse  us.  With  your  gray 
arrows  will  ye  put  it  to  flight,  far  away  where 
we  walk  not.  And  with  your  chimales  will 
ye  shield  us  from  the  sickness.  Aside  will  ye 
put  it  to  flight,  that  no  ill  may  befall  us. 

We  beseech  him  who  is  our  Guide,  our 
Morning  Star  and  our  Father  that  he  reach 
unto  us  his  hand  that  we  may  be  gathered 
into  it  so  that  he  may  shield  us  from  the 
pestilence. 

Likewise  do  we  beseech  our  Lady  of  Guada- 
lupe,  she  who  was  created  within  the  white 

» "Unintelligible." 


cloud  in  the  seven  beautiful  heavens  where 
sadly  she  doth  appear.  Hither  she  looketh 
in  all  hours,  beholding  her  children,  how  piti- 
ful we  appear  in  our  sinfulness.  Hither  will 
she  look  upon  us  who  are  her  children  and 
will  cast  from  us  the  heat.  Then  will  no  ill 
befall  us;  then  will  the  strangers  who  speak 
strange  tongues  not  molest  us.  With  the 
heat  will  ye  cast  them  aside.  And  she  who  is 
our  Mother  will  watch  over  us  and  will  pro- 
tect us  in  all  hours. 

So  may  it  be!  Know  it  and  hear  me,  thou 
who  art  my  Guide,  my  Morning  Star  and  my 
Lord.  So  be  it.  May  God  bless  thee. 


12.  THE  CALL  OF  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  MILPA  CUATA 


hu'giangiv 
Come! 


ha'haxduN 

relations. 


gamava'tiac 
Having  bathed, 


gamamsu'sak      cida'rsaG        kutsa'pmika-'ya 
those  your  sandals        having  put  on.       Then  we  say* 
hence  will  hear 


h6ga' 
that 


O'B- 
stranger 


amohodor 
there  from 


na'puamo-rin-ogim      icamba'hac      orho'd'Sr 
that  he  already  goes  running      yellow  broom     within* 
from 

na'puwa'nio'k-im        h&g-a        navarictu'tuk- 
that  he  already  .goes  speaking        that       which  is  dark 

o'idak  '       hu'rap  hod'or          na-puva'- 

hill  midway  from.  That  he  already 

morimno'gim  ic'a'pko'cimdu'na'G 

goes  running  well  decorated  himself  having  made 

ci'cwoD-6k6  puvatu'tuatuG  gatuo 

his  plumes  with          already  them  carries          his  bow 

cibo'G         havaga.u"uD         havagana'vsogaD 
carries         and  that  his  arrows         and  that  his  wrist- 
guard. 

ku<tsapmika-'him6G  a'mohodor 

Then  we  say  hence  having  gone  hearing        there  from 

1  Used  in  practically  the  same  sense  as  O'B-  but  gen- 
erally collective. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


na'puva'nio'k'im  m&riirogimoD 

that  already  goes  speaking  having  gone  running . 

kutsapamika'oG        amina"bi  6: 

Then  we  say  hence  having  heard          nearby.          Oh ! 

NOTE 

The  festival  of  the  Milpa  Cuata  has  a  parti- 
cular extra  prayer  or  announcement  which  has 
no  counterpart  in  the  other  fiestas.  Several 
times  during  the  night's  ceremony,  at  the  end 
of  every  song,  the  Master  of  the  Fiesta,  the 
man  who  has  brought  the  sheaf  of  Milpa 
Cuata  and  supplied  the  other  paraphernalia 
for  the  celebration,  advances  to  the  four 
quarters  of  the  dance  circle,  east,  north,  west 
and  south  in  turn,  in  company  with  a  small 
boy  dressed  to  represent  the  Morning  Star. 
Both  carry  stalks  of  the  forked  twin  corn  and 
raise  these  on  high,  while  the  Master,  in  a 
loud,  joyful  voice,  shouts  out  the  prayer  over 
the  hillside. 

TRANSLATION 

Come,  brethren!  Come  cleansed  and  with 
your  sandals  tied!  Let  us  go  to  hear  the 
stranger  who  cometh  hither!  He  cometh  run- 
ning from  out  the  yellow  broom-grass.  He 
cometh  speaking  from  the  slopes  of  the  dark 
hills.  Beautifully  arrayed  with  his  plumes 
he  cometh.  His  bow  he  carrieth  ready,  his 
arrows  and  likewise  his  wrist-guard.  Then, 
having  given  ear  to  him  who  cometh  running 
and  speaking  from  afar,  let  us  go  hence.  Yea ! 


13.   TO  CONCLUDE  THE  FIESTA 
OF  THE  MILPA  CUATA 

adio's  in.o-'G  inda'D  inci'u'c 

To  God,      my  Lord,      my  Lady,      my  Morning  Star. 

api'ctunha'gicda          hidi          go'k         va'ik- 
Thou  me  wilt  pardon  this  two  three 

ni'.o'k-  nanitbaivaumno'i'poctur(da)1 

word       that  I  did  hither  already  to  thee  (will) '  recite. 

1  Probably   incorrectly   given   in   revision;      future 
suffix  is  probably  superfluous. 


kuhi'diho'madakamho'ko'D     apictunha'gicda 
Then  this  form  with  thou  me  wilt  pardon 

navarumni"o-k-  go-'k  va'ik- 

which  is  thy  word  two  three 

na'nitumha'kiactur       ku.inimo'd-or.iD'a'giD-a 
that  I  did  to  thee  tell.         Then  from  here  us  will  send 

da'dic    gago'gucdara     nat(it)go-'kipt6tu'gia2 
health  the  succor  that  we  (did) s  to  both* 

sides  may  look. 

ku'tiamha'ctuda.iD'aM'acumdu'  hi'di 

That  did  not  anything  us  over  already  happen          this 

tu'kipsa'giD         i'nimo         na'titiva.citu'k-ak- 
darkness  within  here  that  we  did  already* 

pass  the  night 

navaricda'dikam  navarumno'ik-ardam 

that  is  health  that  is  thy  patio  on 

ha'cumdu'kaoh&'ko't  kupi'puitma-'kida 

some  space  of  time  with.         Then  thou  to  us  wilt  give 

natgamiumha'k-icturd-a 
that  we  to  thee  will  tell 

navarumka'k-krt3  adio's  in.o-'G 

which  is  thy  ceremonial  rabbit.3          To  God,         my* 
Lord, 

inda't  inci'u'c  kuhi'dihoko't 

my  Lady  my  Morning  Star.  Then  this  with 

pictunha'gicda  porki  aviamha'- 

thou  me  wilt  pardon  because  not  any= 

cicbai'gi'o        nanmcr>.yga'miamha"kiacturd'a 
how  can  that  I  more  to  thee  may  tell 


ho'gagu'gucdara 
that  succor 


hoga 
that 

hoga 
that 

k-am 

treasure. 


naVarum.a'r'aG 
which  is  thy  form 

avaricda'ra'kam 
it  is  value 


porki 
because 

havaric-idu'- 
and  it  is« 


hQga'ko't         a'via-micbai'gio 
That  with  not  can. 


napgamaiumto'vor.turda  h6ga  amoho.vi'pu.- 
That  thou  shalt  lengthen  that  there  thus* 

ima-c  navarumhi'Mda  a'tiambium- 

appears        which  is  thy  way       we  not  hither  for  thee= 

2  Probably  incorrectly  given  in  revision;  past  pre- 
fix probably  superfluous. 

8  At  the  altar  are  placed  several  figures  made  of 
cooked  cornmeal  dough  in  the  form  of  rabbits. 


114 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


bo'p-a-uwda            itki'kiturda1  kuhi'di' 

may  equal  our l  Then  this 

api'citma'k'ia  gu'gucdara  nat(it)- 

thou  us  wilt  give  succor  that  we  (did)1' 

go'kiptotu'gia2 

to  both  sides  may  look. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail !  thou  who  art  my  Father,  my  Mother, 
my  Morning  Star.  Thou  wilt  forgive  me  these 
few  words  which  I  have  spoken  unto  thee. 
With  this  formula,  with  these  few  words  of 
thine  which  I  have  recited  unto  thee,  thou 
wilt  pardon  me.  Thou  wilt  send  us  health, 
thy  succor,  that  we  may  behold  about  us. 
No  harm  hath  come  unto  us  in  the  darkness; 
here  have  we  passed  the  night  in  health,  a 
short  time  on  this,  thy  court.  Thou  wilt 
give  thy  succor,  which  is  thy  rabbit,  to  us 
who  have  prayed  unto  thee.  Hail!  my  Lord, 
my  Lady,  my  Morning  Star. 

Thou  wilt  pardon  me  this  for  I  cannot  re- 
cite to  thee  more  of  thy  formula,  for  it  is 
rare  and  dear.  It  may  not  be.  Thou  length- 
enest  thy  way  which  here  appears  and  we 
may  never  complete  it.  Thou  wilt  give  us 
succor,  that  we  may  behold  all. 

14.  TO  LEAVE  THE  OFFERINGS 
IN  THE  HILLS 

adiu's  aniho'  napimputuda'da-r 

To  God  hereabouts  that  ye  are  seated 

ci'korho'wan  hasnaci'diidu 

vicinity  there  as  that  hoards. 

kuticpubohf-mot        to'nimora'ciamnio'k-idim 
Then  we  hither  were  coming  suddenly  already  to* 

you  go  speaking. 

pero      pi'miamha'c.uma'k'a      pi'mica'p'tum- 
But      ye  not  any  will  think.      Ye  in  them  yourselves- 

da'gia         ganamaritgo'k-orak.ap-8         kuha'- 
will  seize  they  that  are  our  spirits  in.  Then* 

1  Incomprehensible;  informant  was  neither  able  to 
translate  nor  suggest  revision. 

a  Probably  incorrectly  given  in  revision;  past  pre- 
fix probably  superfluous. 


pu.pui'c.fi'p1        pimi'cata'nida        ha-'gicdara 
thus  also  ye  them  will  go  begging  pardon 

para  napimiampiho'.ci't-o'gia  aticpubohrmot 
in  order      that  ye  not  anywhere  us  will  ignore.       We» 
hither  were  coming 


pubi'amnamo'kdaM 
hither  you  paying 


ha'va 
and 

ha-'gicda 
will  pardon 

oi'da.a"ba 
hill  at 


hi'di 
this 


hi'di 
this 

SO-'SO'B 
bead. 


ha'vuhoko'o 
jicara  with 


napimpurkio'kam 
that  ye  are  dwellers 

natitpubo'idada 
that  we  did  hither  arrive 


kupimitut- 
Then  ye  us* 

hi'di 

this 

hi'di 

this 


amnoi'kardam 
your  patio  on 

kuto'maiamtan 


na'titpui-'n.igo'gu 
that  we  did  here  stay. 


ha-'gicdara 
pardon. 


prm- 
Ye. 


napimsoi  mo'riD'a 
that  ye  sad  will  feel 

ha'pu.pui'c.o-p- 
Thus  also 

gana'marit- 
they  who  are  our> 


Then  continually  you  beg 

iambi'aka  piho' 

not  will  feel  anywhere 

na'pimago'kiptono'noiD'a 
that  ye  to  both  sides  will  look. 

pi'mi'cata'nia         ha"gicdara 
ye  them  will  beg  pardon 

go"k-orak    ha'cnat.a'tiv.amtanim    ha'gicdara 
manes  as  that  we,  we  you  go  begging          pardon 

hidita'kugumoko't  porki  avia'm- 

this  fragment  with  because  it  not« 

ha'cicba'fk  hacnatwfl's.ama4  'toD'a 

anyhow  can  as  that  we  more  you  will  cause  to» 

know. 

konki'hapl-  pinra'tok  inka'Qk 

With  which  thus  is.  Ye  know,  me  hear. 

£0M/h'<fi0'sp6cama'ri'dak'am3 
With  which  God  you  smallness.3 

NOTE 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  fiestas,  parti- 
cularly after  that  of  the  rain,  messengers  are 
sent  to  the  sacred  places  at  the  four  cardinal 
directions  around  Azqueltan  with  jicaras 
decorated  with  beads  and  other  ceremonial 
objects  which  they  leave  there  as  presents 

3  Difficult  to  translate. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


to  the  divinities  of  the  localities,  after  re- 
citing  this   prayer. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  ye  who  are  seated  round  about. 
Unbidden  have  we  come  here  to  speak  unto 
you.  But  do  not  apprehend  anything.  Ye 
must  be  possessed  of  them  who  are  our 
spirits.  Also  must  ye  beg  their  forgiveness, 
that  ye  may  nowhere  ignore  us.  We  have 
come  hither  to  pay  you  with  this  jicara  and 
these  beads,  that  ye  may  forgive  us,  ye  who 
are  the  spirits  of  this  hill,  because  we  came 
here  and  stayed  on  this  your  court.  Continu- 
ally do  we  ask  your  forgiveness.  Be  not 
sad.  Neither  look  askance.  Ye  must  beg 
pardon  of  our  spirits  like  as  we  now  beg 
yours  with  this  fragment,  for  we  cannot  tell 
you  more. 

So  be  it.  Know  it  and  hear  me!  May 
God  be  as  a  Father  unto  you. 


15.  TO  BEG  PERMISSION  TO  ENTER 
A  SACRED  PLACE 

adiosum       aticbohi'moo       to"nimor.vacitu- 
To  God.  We  hither  came  suddenly  already* 

ha-'niM        pero        hogako't        anicbohiividaD 
handling         but         that  with         I  hither  was  coming 

amta'nim  ha'gicdara  kuhoga'koD 

you  begging  pardon.  Then  that  with 

pimiambi'aka  napimago'kip'tono'noicda 

ye  not  will  feel  obliged  that  ye  to  both  sides  will- 

look. 


kuga"gur.aho'van 
Then  aside  there 

hogacto'nkam 
that  heat 


hava 
and 


pimi.iu''rnid-a 
ye  will  go  lifting 

gacko'k'dakam 
that  sickness 


havawo'cichopitkam.ho'ko'D     pimi.io-a'giuna 
and  all  cold  with  ye  us  will  cleanse. 

ga'navaramu"umi  ganavaramka'kvarak 

They  which  are  your  ceremonial  arrows  they= 

which  are  your  chimales 

napimpuho'ko't.itso'sbidim  ganavaric- 

that  ye  with  us  go  shielding  that  which  is 


ko'k'dakam        kuxa'pu.pwic.o'p        pimiam- 
sickness.  Then  thus  also  ye  not  will* 

bi'ak-a        napimsoi'mo'riD'a       kuticbohimot 
feel  obliged      that  ye  sad  yourselves  will  feel.      Then* 
we  hither  came 

amta'nim  lisensia  para 

you  begging  permission  in  order 

nat.i'nituha-  'na  kupimiamitno'id'uk-a 

that  we  here  may  handle.     Then  ye  not  us  will  ignore. 

kupimicma-'kam          xo'p'or          kuno'n-io-a 
Then  ye  give  winds.  Then  will  cause* 

to  fly 

ga'guraho'van  kupimpuma'toN          tun- 

aside  there.  Then  ye  know.  Me* 

ha'gicio  adio's  naparinsu'sbidao 

pardon.  To  God  that  thou  art  my  Guide, 

inci'u'k  in.o-'k 

my  Morning  Star,  my  Father. 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  spoken  by  anyone  who  enters 
a  ceremonial  patio  or  other  sacred  place  for 
any  purpose;  particularly  when  coming  to 
begin  a  religious  performance  or  fiesta. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  Unbidden  have  we  come  hither  to 
arrange,  but  on  that  account  I  have  come  to 
crave  your  forgiveness.  Do  not  therefore 
look  askance.  To  one  side  will  ye  put  away 
the  heat  and  the  pestilence  and  with  all  the 
cold  will  ye  purify  us.  With  your  arrows 
and  with  your  chimales  will  ye  shield  us  from 
sickness.  So  ye  need  not  feel  sad.  We  have 
come  hither  to  beg  your  leave  to  perform  here. 
Do  not  refuse  us.  Ye  will  send  your  winds 
and  will  put  to  flight  all  ills.  Know  this 
and  forgive  me. 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Guide,  my  Morn- 
ing Star,  my  Lord. 

16.   TO  BEG  PERMISSION  TO  LEAVE 
A  SACRED  PLACE 

adiu's  na'parino-'k  naparinci'u'k 

To  God        that  thou  art  my  Father,       that  thou  art* 
my  Morning  Star, 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


napimpu- 
that  ye> 


naparinda-'t  aniho'napimpuda'da-r 

that  thou  art  my  Mother.  Hereabouts  that  ye= 

are  seated 

hasnacidtidu      ni'cpu.amtanim      ha-'gicdara 
as  that  hoards.  I  you  come  begging  pardon 

napimaringo"korak      wopuhimdam      aniho' 
that  ye  are  my  manes         before  go  on.       Hereabouts 

na'pimpudadar  ganavarica'p-ma-'mcim 

that  ye  are  seated  that  which  is  well  appearing 

am.a"tockar.dam          aniho'          napimpum- 
your  seat  on.          Hereabouts          that  ye  yourselves- 

na'mo'k-     ci'korxovan    navarci'vgo-k-     cv'hi 
encounter     vicinity  there      that  are  seven      beautiful 

to'tvakdam  piho' 

skies  on  where 

a'r'gidic        ganavaricto'doc        anrai'nikdam 
create.  That  which  is  green  your  petate  on 

navarica'pma'cimka-t             navaricvi'g'ikam 
that  is  well  appearing  outspread         that  is 

icxa'duk-am  na'.icva"utakat.ka't 
that  was  drizzling,  outspread 

pixodor  napuboixi'kmat 

where  from  that  hither  clouds  up 

na'tpuboiw&pgo  natpubo'.inio'          na1- 

that  did  hither  lighten     that  did  hither  speak.     That» 

puamftho'dor.apum.a'gim  na'pumoho1- 

there  from  already  goes  conversing  that  there» 

d6rm6rirrogim  ganavaritsu'snidat 

from  comes  running  she  that  is  our  Guide 

itci'u'k  it.o/'k  iD'a-'t  ati'c- 

our  Morning  Star,      our  Father,      our  Mother.      We« 

puta-'n  ha-'gicdara  kuvi'tut- 

beg  pardon.  Then  us  will* 

ha-'gicda  hidita'kugumoko't  porki 

pardon  this  fragment  with  because 

a'tiv.iamha'cicba'ik       natawftpatrda       porki 
we  not  anyhow  can    that  we  them  will  equal    because 

ti'carici'k-orak'am         porki         iti'kradoko't 
we  are  vile  because  our  filthiness  with 

ti'cputsoB'dim  puya'm.hacicba'ik' 

we  ourselves  go  obstructing  not  anyhow  can 

nataw6pa-trda  ganavarahi-'mda 

that  we  them  will  equal  that  which  is  their  way 


navarato't-norik 
which  are  their  suns. 


kugo'kuti'puata'n 
Then  therefore  we  them  beg 

ha-'gicdara  pixo'  nampuda'daT 

pardon  where  that  they  are  seated 

nampubo'itNo.Jt          wocora5a"ba          intam 
that  they  hither  us  behold  all  hours  in.  Here 

natpuda"Rim       ticputo'maiasa-'kcit       piho' 
that  we  go  sitting  we  continually  to  them* 

weep  where 

natitpua"ma'cit  navaranoi'karda'm 

that  we  did  already  appear  that  is  their  patio  on 

navarica'p.ma'citka't         navaricta'         mai'- 
that  is  well  appearing,  outspread    that  is  white    petatc* 

nikwftta  piho'dor  napuihi'k'mat 

beneath  where  from  that  clouds  up. 

ticputo'mai.arrra'turit  ganavarci'vgo'k 

We  continually  them  cause  to  know  that  which* 

is  seven 

o'hi  to'tvakwot'a  kumi'tutha'gicda 

beautiful  skies  beneath  that  they  us  will* 

pardon 

hidi  takugumoko't  ba'barip- 

this  fragment  with.  North 

hidi'ko't 


hu-'rnip- 


west 


o  gipas 
south 


this  with 


iD'a'mahowan        nampubo.itno.ft        pihodor 
over  us  there        that  they  hither  us  observe       where* 
from 

nampuboit'6'kdim      ganavarumn6v1        para 
that  they  hither  us  go  extending        that  which  is  thy* 
hand '  in  order 

natpuha'bantuD-agimot  gamtunoidida 

that  we  in  it  ourselves  having  enfolded  may  go* 

beholding 

w6corasa"ba  kuha'ctuicto'nkam 

all  hours  in.  Then  any  heat 

naboma-'gida  ga"gurah6<mi.ir'rnida 

that  hither  will  come  announcing          aside  hence  will* 
go  thrusting. 

ho'ga  navaraka'k'varh6k'6't 

That  which  are  their  chimales  with 

mipuitso'B'ida  navarau"umihok-6't 

they  us  will  go  shielding       which  are  their  ceremonial* 
arrows  with 

1  Probably  error  for  -ano'v,  THEIR  HAND. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO      PRAYERS 


117 


mi'puga'gurahononiD-a      gacto'nkam      wb'c 
they  aside  there  will  cause  to  fly          that  heat          all 

icxo'pitkamokot  mi.io-a'giunida 

cold  with  they  us  will  go  cleansing 

ganamaritgo'korak  bopuhimdam 

that  which  they  are  our  manes  before  go  on 

ci"a'rw6t-aho       napua'r.gidic       navaritci'uG 
east  beneath  there  that  create  which  is  our* 

Morning  Star. 

konki'hapi  ma'tok  inka'ok 

With  which  thus  is.  Know;  me  hear. 

kudiospocumbi  'aka1 

That  God  thee  will  sympathize.1 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  spoken  after  the  termination 
of  a  fiesta,  the  following  morning  when  the 
communicants  are  about  to  depart,  or  when 
one  who  has  come  alone  to  a  sacred  place 
for  any  purpose  desires  to  leave. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Father,  my  Morning  Star,  and 
my  Mother  who  are  seated  round  about.  I 
come  to  beg  your  forgiveness,  my  spirits  who 
have  gone  before.  Round  about  are  ye 
seated  on  your  pleasant  throne.  Round 
about  are  ye  met  in  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens  where  ye  were  created.  On  your 
green  carpet,  beautifully  o'erspread  with 
rain  and  drizzle,  whence  come  the  clouds, 
the  lightnings  and  the  voice,  cometh  running 
and  counselling  he  who  is  our  Guide,  our 
Morning  Star,  our  Father  and  our  Mother. 

We  beg  their  pardon  and  they  will  forgive 
us  this  portion  for  we  cannot  equal  them. 
For  we  are  vile  and  with  our  filthiness  do 
we  obstruct  ourselves;  we  may  not  equal 
their  ways,  their  days.  Therefore  do  we  beg 
their  pardon,  where  they  are  seated,  watching 
us  in  all  hours.  Sitting  here  we  do  continu- 
ally beseech  them,  having  appeared  in  this 

1  Possibly  -ambi'aka,  YOU  WILL  SYMPATHIZE;  this 
final  phrase  is  very  frequent  and  difficult  to  interpret 
precisely.  It  probably  carries  some  esoteric  signifi- 
cance. 


their  sacred  place,  beautifully  outspread,  be- 
neath their  white  carpet  whence  spring  the 
clouds.  Continually  do  we,  beneath  the  seven 
beautiful  heavens,  tell  them  that  they  must 
forgive  us  this  fragment. 

From  above  us  do  they  watch  us  from  north, 
west  and  south  whence  they  reach  unto  us 
their  hand  that  we,  wrapping  ourselves  in  it, 
may  go  beholding  through  all  hours.  They 
will  thrust  aside  whatever  heat  may  draw 
near.  With  their  chimales  will  they  shield  us, 
with  their  arrows  will  they  put  to  flight  the 
heat  and  with  all  manner  of  cold  will  they 
purify  us,  our  spirits  who  have  gone  before 
to  beneath  the  east  where  was  created  our 
Morning  Star. 

So  be  it;  know  it  and  hear  me!  May  God 
bless  you. 


17.   TO  DELIVER  THE  FIRE  TO  THE 
CARE  OF  ITS  GUARDIAN 

esta'          mui          bien          apiampum.a-'gaD 
It  is  very  well,  thou  not  wast  thinking 

putuda'kat         kuto"nimor.puba.ciumnio'k'it 
seated  wast  that  suddenly  hither  already  thee« 

speak. 

kupica'ptumda'gia     hoga     namaritgo'k-orak 
Then  thou  in  them  thyself  wilt  seize         that        that= 
they  are  our  manes 

wopuhimdam  apiamago'kiptononoikda 

before  go  on.  Thou  not  in  two  places  wilt  look. 

ati'cpumta'n     ha-gicdara    apia'mhacuma-'ka 
We  thee  beg          pardon.          Thou  not  any  wilt  think 

hactugokamo'kot  pica'ptumda'gia 

anything  greatness  with.          Thou  in  him  thyself  wilt* 


kupsapipui  'ntamnoiD'a 
Then  thou  say  here  wilt  look 


it.o-'oa'ba 
our  Father  in. 

hoganavarito-'o    natpubo'i.ci'cvot   amohodor 
he  that  is  our  Father  that  did  hither  raise* 

plumes.  There  from 

pixodor          natpubo'ixo-'t          ganavaro'gaD 
where  from      that  he  did  hither  send       he  who  is  his* 
Father 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ci"arwotah6'          napuo'idak          navarita'm 
east  beneath  there         that  he  belongs          who  is  our* 
yellow 

itci'u'c       napubo.it'6k'dim       ganavarno'vit 
our  Morning  Star  that  he  hither  us  comes  ex- 

tending that  which  is  his  hand 

natpuha'ban.tuD-agimot  gamtono-idim 

that  we  in  it  ourselves  having  seized      going  beholding 

wocorasa"ba         kuti'pumtan          ha'gicdara 
all  hours  in.  Then  we  thee  beg  pardon. 

kupitutha-'gicda         hidi         navarictuma-'m 
Then  thou  us  wilt  pardon.  This  that  is  five 

cr'hi  totvakwot'a  natpubo'iw&pgS 

beautiful         skies  beneath         that  did  hither  lighten 

natpub6'.ini6-       amohodor       natpuixi'k'mat 
that  did  hither  speak.     There  from     that  did  cloud  up 

navarci"a-rw6ta  ba-'varip  xir'rnip 

which  is  east  beneath  north  west 

o'gipa         aniho         ci'korh&         ofmorimok 
south.          Hereabouts          vicinity  there          walking 

aka-'himok          namarmanrrat  kutipu- 

them  hearing      that  they  are  his  children.      Then  did« 

i'nihovadu'viA  kuvia'mhacumdu'kat 

here  already  arrive.  Then  not  anything  itself  was= 

making. 

api'tutha-'gicda  hidi  ho'mat 

Thou  us  wilt  pardon  this  one 

gcrk      vai'k      ni'.o'khoko't      porkiatiamha'- 
two  three  word  with  because  we  not» 

cicba-io     natma'5unra'toD-a    ganavarni'ok'it 
anyhow  can  that  we  more  thee  will  cause  to* 

know  that  which  is  his  word 

hogansu'sbidat        inci'u'k        in.Q-'G        porki 
she  my  Guide,  my  Morning  Star,  my= 

Father,  because 

a'ni.ina"ba.ti'pua'p.u-r  porkiantV- 

1  me  in  did  also  remain  because  I  did' 

amnir'k-tur  hoga  navara'r'gat 

not  guard  that  which  is  his  creation. 

kugo'k'u  nipuia'rrrat 

Then  therefore  I  not  know 

hacna'numt&'da         apicapma'mcimpucxo-  'hi 
what  that  I  thee  shall  say;  thou  well  appearing* 

desirest 


ica'picdaopam 
well  explained 

haputu'ki-p 
Thus  darkness 


£er0avia'mha'cicba-fG 
but  not  anyhow  can. 

nicga'mup'tonQ'it 
I  also  behold 


pero         ma'skise'a         hidi         takiigumokot 
but         more  than  might  be        this         fragment  with 

ani<cpuma''tuD  kupiama'cunra'k'a 

I  thee  cause  to  know.      Then  thou  not  any  wilt  think; 

pica-'aptumda'gia  ganamaritgokorak 

thou  in  them  thyself  wilt  seize  they  who  are  our= 

manes. 


konkihapo'g\a 
With  which  thus  only 


nicunra'tuD 
I  thee  cause  to  know. 


kumsapiaffo5p6cumbi'ak-a        kupsaparru'k1- 
Then  they  say  God  thee  will  sympathize.     Then  thou« 

turda       ganavarata'fk'        ganamaritgfikorak 
say  for  them  wilt  guard  that  which  is  their* 

fire  they  that  are  our  manes 

aniho'          namda'daT          navaricapma''cim 
hereabouts  that  they  are  seated          that  is  well= 

appearing 

a'tockardam        hidi         navaramnoikardam1 
seat  on  this  which  is  your1  patio  on. 

konkidiuspbcumbi  'ak'a 
With  which  God  thee  sympathize. 

NOTE 

After  the  Cantador  has  prepared  the  fire 
for  the  fiesta  and  is  ready  to  commence  the 
ceremonies,  he  goes  up  to  one  of  the  men  pres- 
ent, whom  he  has  decided  upon  to  be  Guar- 
dian of  the  Fire  (ci'ciktio"t),  and  addresses 
him  as  follows.  Thereafter  no  one  but  him 
may  touch  the  fire. 

TRANSLATION 

It  is  well  that  thou,  seated  there,  didst 
not  dream  that  of  a  sudden  I  would  speak 
unto  thee.  Thou  must  be  possessed  by  them 
who  are  our  spirits  who  have  gone  before. 
Look  not  askance;  we  beg  thy  forgiveness. 
Neither  be  vain.  Thou  shalt  be  possessed 
of  our  Father.  Thou  must  here  watch  for  him 

1  Possibly  should  be  -anoikar,  THEIR  PATIO. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


119 


who  is  our  Father  who  here  hath  raised  his 
plumes. 

From  there  beneath  the  east  where  he 
belongeth,  whence  he,  his  father,  did  hither 
send  our  Golden  Morning  Star,  he  now 
cometh,  reaching  unto  us  his  hand  that  we, 
wrapping  ourselves  in  it,  may  go  beholding 
through  all  hours.  Thus  do  we  beg  thy 
pardon  and  thou  must  forgive  us.  Beneath 
these  five  beautiful  heavens  did  he  send  his 
lightnings  and  his  voice.  From  afar  come  the 
clouds  beneath  the  east,  the  north,  the  west 
and  the  south,  where  wander  and  hearken  his 
children.  Here  they  arrived  but  nothing 
befell. 

Thou  wilt  forgive  us  these  few  words,  for 
we  cannot  teach  thee  more  the  Word  of  my 
Guide,  my  Morning  Star,  and  my  Father. 
For  it  remaineth  within  me,  because  I  have 
not  obeyed  his  commandment.  Therefore  I 
know  not  what  I  shall  say  unto  thee;  thou 
desirest  it  beautiful  and  clearly  explained, 
but  thus  it  cannot  be.  For  in  darkness  I 
also  grope,  but  nevertheless  do  I  teach  thee 
this  fragment.  Be  not  offended;  thou  must 
be  gathered  unto  them  who  are  our  spirits. 
Thus  only  do  I  give  thee  to  know;  may 
God  bless  thee.  Thou  must  guard  the  fire  of 
our  spirits  who  are  seated  round  about  on 
their  pleasant  seat  in  this  their  court.  May 
God  bless  thee. 

18.  TO  CURE  THE  SICK 

adio's  ino-'k  abimo  napaptu'i' 

To  God,          my  Father.          There          that  thou  art 

hoga  navaric'ivgo-'k  o-'hi 

that  which  are  seven  beautiful 

to'tvakdam  naparicidu-'kam 

skies  on  that  thou  art  treasure. 

abimohodor       napitumto-'f       napitbai'vahi 
There  from         that  thou  didst  thyself  name          that* 
thou  didst  hither  already  come 

1  Probably  incorrectly  given;  past  prefix  probably 
superfluous. 


hidi  navarunrai'niGdam 

this  that  is  thy  petate  on. 

already  also  do 


napitapdu' 
That  thou  didst* 


tuvolunta'd         ku.i'na         hidi         mai'ndam 
thy  will  then  here  this  petate  on 

kumu  to'tvacdam  kunapaitma-'k 

as  skies  on.  Then  that  thou  us  givest 

umgo'gucdara  voc  to'nora"ba 

thy  succor  all  sun  at. 


ia1          umci'v         api'ctun- 
Then  thou  (didst)1  hither  us  will  give       now.       Thou* 

ha-'gicda  umta-'giv  vacitu'o-a 

me  wilt  pardon         thee  before         already  will  dance. 

ku.i'ni  apictunha'gicda  porke 

Then  here  thou  me  wilt  pardon  because 

nicarici"krakam  kupictunha-  'gicda 

I  am  filthiness.  Then  thou  me  wilt  pardon. 

kupiamio'a'k'ta'ka  nati.i'akia' 

Then  thou  not  us  wilt  permit  that  we  shall  fall. 

apiamvi'ak'a  hactudo'ko 

Thou  not  wilt  feel  anything  with 

napasa'sa'rkadida          api.io'a'giD'a          voc 
that  thou  wilt  go  withdrawing.     Thou  us  wilt  send  all 

icko'k'dakam2  ame'n 

sickness.2  Amen. 

NOTE 

Disease  among  the  Tepecanos  was  com- 
monly treated  by  a  priest-doctor  by  cere- 
monial and  magic  means.  The  patient  is 
laid  on  his  back,  the  doctor  standing  at  his 
feet.  He  blows  tobacco  smoke  to  the  four 
winds  and  recites  one  of  several  prayers  in 
a  low  voice.  Five  puffs  of  smoke  are  then 
blown  on  the  invalid's  hands,  feet  and  fore- 
head. The  body  is  then  stroked  vigorously 
from  the  extremities  to  the  center  of  pain 
and  the  latter  is  subjected  to  a  vigorous 
suction.  Thick  spittle,  blood,  or  a  tangible 
object  is  extracted.  The  first  is  proof  of 
affliction  by  a  chan,  a  mythical  water-serpent, 
the  second  of  affliction  by  the  spirits  of  the 
dead,  the  last  of  witchcraft.  The  object 

1  Undoubtedly  error  for  icxo'pitkam,  THE  COLD. 


120 


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VOL.  I 


extracted  is  then  rubbed  and  palmed  until 
it  disappears. 

Smoke  is  then  blown  five  times  on  the 
affected  part  and  the  cure  is  effected.  The 
shaman  rinses  his  mouth  well  and  recites 
the  prayer  again  to  the  west,  whence  the 
evil  spirits  flee.  If  the  individual  is  very 
sick,  a  different  prayer  is  repeated  every 
third  day. 

The  following  prayer  is  of  doubtful  value. 
Together  with  no.  26  it  was  given  to  me  to 
show  the  lack  of  antagonism  between  the 
old  Tepecano  and  the  Catholic  religions,  and 
was  termed  the  "Our  Father."  The  informant 
constantly  compared  the  Christian  prayer 
while  giving  it.  It  was  originally  claimed  to 
be  a  prayer  to  beg  permission  to  enter  a 
sacred  place. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Father  who  art  in  the  seven 
beautiful  heavens.  Thou  art  dear.  From 
there  where  thou  wast  named,  thou  didst 
come  to  this  thy  carpet.  Thou  didst  thy  will 
here  on  this  earth  as  in  the  heavens.  Thou 
givest  us  thy  succor  daily.  Thou  wilt  give 
it  us  now.  Thou  wilt  pardon  me;  before 
thee  will  we  dance.  Thou  wilt  forgive  me 
for  I  am  vile.  Thou  wilt  not  allow  us  to  fall. 
Thou  needst  on  no  account  hold  aloof.  Thou 
wilt  send  us  all  the  cold.  Amen. 


19.  TO  CURE  ONE  VERY  ILL 

adios     in.o-'G     inda't     inci'u'k     amumodor 
To  God,      my  Father,       my  Mother,      my  Morning* 
Star.  There  from 

napivo'pmicda      na-'varumu"umi      ha'ba-n- 
that  thou  wilt  raise  which  are  thy  ceremonial* 

arrows  whence* 

dor  napgamihi'komacda  na'pu- 

from  that  thou  cloudest.  That  thou« 

ho'kot.ino'nio-a  navaricko"k'dakam 

with  wilt  cause  to  fly  which  is  sickness 

ga"gura.h6van        apiD'a'gio-a        go'gu-cdara 
aside  to.  Thou  us  wilt  send  succor 


nagamupkitotu'gia  ica'pum.&'rdaD 

that  he  again  soon  may  see  well  himself  may  feel. 

kui.avi>amibiha"tuD-a.da'maN.a>cumdu'nia 
Then  not  hither  anything  above  already  will  make. 

kupipuso'sbid'a  icko'k'dakam 

Then  thou  wilt  repulse  sickness 

naVaricda'di        k'avaT     navarumbu'p-uivas 
which  is  health  Mmal  which  are  thy  faces* 

ho'koo         cfk'or          navarumt&t'vagiwop'ta 
with  vicinity          which  are  thy  skies  beneath 

ci'a'rwot-a  ba'barip  hu'Rnip 

east  beneath  north  west 

ogipas  kuhi'diho'madakamhfi'kot 

south.  Then  this  creation  with 

api'ctunha'gicda  hoga  na'varunvaR 

thou  me  wilt  pardon  that  who  is  thy  child, 

dios  in.o-'G  inda't  inciuk 

God,         my  Father,         my  Mother,        my  Morning* 
Star. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Lord,  my  Lady, 
my  Morning  Star.  From  afar  thou  wilt 
raise  thy  arrows  whence  come  the  clouds. 
With  them  wilt  thou  put  to  flight  the  sickness. 
Thou  wilt  send  us  succor,  that  this  invalid 
soon  again  may  behold  and  feel  himself  well. 
No  evil  must  come  upon  him.  Thou  wilt 
repel  the  sickness  with  the  health  of  thy 
chimal,  which  is  thy  face,  round  about  be- 
neath thy  heavens  to  east,  north,  west  and 
south.  With  this  formula  thou  wilt  pardon 
me,  who  am  thy  son. 

Hail !  my  Father,  my  Mother,  my  Morning 
Star. 

20.  TO  CURE  ONE  ON  POINT  OF  DEATH 

adiu's  naparinsu-'sBidat  inci'u'k 

To  God,         that  thou  art  my  Guide,        my  Morning* 
Star, 


in.Q''G 
my  Father 

totvakdam 
skies  on 


navarci'vgok 
that  are  seven 


ohi 
beautiful 


piho  na'puda 

where  that  thou  art  seated. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


121 


na'pitpubo'io'akta  hi'di 

that  thou  didst  hither  us  leave          this 


napubo'itN&i'dim  napuboit'6'kdim 

That  thou  hither  us  comest  beholding  that  thou* 

hither  us  comest  extending 

gana'varumn6v          navarumt6'N          natpu- 
that  which  is  thy  hand      which  is  thy  foot      that  we* 

ha'bantuo-a'gia       para       natga'mtunoid'ida 
in  it  ourselves  will  envelop  in  order          that  we= 

will  go  beholding 

hidi          gok          vaik          t6tnor          piho' 
this  two  three  suns  where 

oi'dadam 
world  on. 

na'tpuga'mtunoidim      porki     a'tiv      tu'ki'p 
That  we  going  beholding       because       we       darkness 

ti'cgamtuno'idim  nataric.i'k'orak'am 

we  going  beholding  that  we  are  vile 

it.r'kra'do'kut        ticputs6Bdim        kuvitoka.- 
our  filthiness  with  we  ourselves  go  obstruct- 

ing. Then  above» 

umb&'ya  gact6nkam  kuvi- 

self  will  raise  that  heat.  Then  will* 

xo'pria          hidick6'ok-am  kuti'cpumtan 

recover  this  sick  one.  Then  we  thee  beg 

ha-gicdara  hidi  go~k 

pardon  this  two 

va'ik      ni.Q-k-h6k'6't  kupi'puso''sbid'a 

three  word  with.          Then  thou  wilt  go  repulsing 

ganavarictonkam  umu'umihfik'o't 

that  which  is  heat  thy  ceremonial  arrows  with 

umka'k'var6ko't  hasnaci'diidu 

thy  chimales  with  thus  that  hoards. 

kupia>mago-'kiptun6noikda    pi'cpubo'.it'&kda 
Then  thou  not  to  both  sides  wilt  look         thou  hither* 
us  wilt  extend 


hoganavarumn6v 
that  which  is  thy  hand 

aba-n.tuo-agida 
in  us  will  go  seizing. 


para 
in  order 


natwoc.oras.- 
that  we  all  hours* 


kuya'miD-am.ha'ctu- 
Then  not  over  us  anything* 


a'cumwa'da  kuw6-'c.ich§ipitkamok'6't.pubo1- 
itself  will  make.  Then  all  cold  with  hither* 

iD'agiuni'da  naparinda't  kuvix6pria 

us  will  come  cleansing  who  is  our  Mother. 

Then  will  recover 


hidick6.o-k-am         kunkiha-'p.i         nicumta-n 
this  sick  one.  With  which  thus  is.  I  thee  beg 

ha-gicdara  hi'di  ho'mat  g6'k- 

pardon  this  one  two 

nio'k'hok-o't  ci'arwo'faho' 

word  with.  East  beneath  there 

nap'um.a'r'git  va-'varip  huT'nip 

that  thou  thyself  formest  north  west 

cr'gipa  hidi'koiD'arrroho  na'pudi 

south  this  with  over  us  there  that  thou  art= 

seated 

navarci'vgok  ohi  totvakdam 

that  are  seven  beautiful  skies  on 

napubo.itnoit    woco'rasa'ba    kuhapu.puic&p- 
that  thou  hither  us  observest       all  hours  in.       Then* 
thus  also 

ti'cpumta'n  ha'gicdara  kuvi%- 

we  thee  beg  pardon.  Then* 

pugamupkitot6'gia       h6gack6'ok-am       hoga 
again  soon  will  behold  that  sick  one.  That 

navarumu'umihok'6'D  napida'giuna 

which  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows  with  that  thou* 

wilt  cleanse; 

kuga"gura.x6<pi.iiiTna  gacko"k'dara 

then  aside  there  wilt  cast  that  sickness. 

kuaViamimu'k'ia  hidick6'ok'am 

Then  he  not  will  die  this  sick  one. 

kunkiha'p  h&gia  nic.unvatut 

With  which  thus  only  thee  cause  to  know 

na'parin.6'k  naparinsir'sBidat 

that  thou  art  my  Father,          that  thou  art  my  Guide, 

inci'u'k  konkidiospocumbi'ak'a 

my  Morning  Star.  With  which  God  thee  will* 

sympathize. 

NOTE 

This  is  the  last  resort  of  the  shaman,  re- 
cited when  the  patient  is  nearly  on  point  of 
death.  The  accompanying  treatment  is  the 
same  as  for  the  other  prayers. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Guide,  my  Morn- 
ing Star  and  my  Father  who  art  seated  in 
the  seven  beautiful  heavens.  Thence  thou 


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VOL.  I 


watchest  us  and  reachest  unto  us  thy  hand 
and  thy  foot  that  we  may  be  held  in  them  and 
go  beholding  these  few  days  in  this  world 
where  thou  didst  leave  us.  In  darkness  we 
grope  for  we  are  vile  and  with  our  filthiness 
do  we  obstruct  ourselves. 

The  heat  must  take  itself  hence  that  this 
invalid  may  recover.  With  these  few  words 
do  we  beg  thy  forgiveness.  Thou  wilt  repel 
the  heat  with  thy  arrows  and  with  thy 
chimales.  Do  not  look  askance.  Thou  must 
reach  unto  us  thy  hand  that  we  may  be  gath- 
ered into  it  in  all  hours.  Then  will  no  evil 
befall  us.  With  all  manner  of  cold  will  our 
Lady  purify  us.  Then  will  this  invalid 
recover.  So  be  it.  With  these  few  words 
do  I  beg  thy  forgiveness.  Thou  who  wast 
created  beneath  the  east,  the  north,  the 
west  and  the  south  art  seated  above  us  in 
the  seven  beautiful  heavens  whence  thou 
watchest  us  in  all  hours. 

Thus  do  we  beg  thy  pardon.  Soon  will 
this  invalid  see  again.  With  thy  arrows 
wilt  thou  cleanse  him;  thou  wilt  cast  aside 
the  affliction  that  he  may  not  die.  This 
only  do  I  say  unto  thee,  my  Lord,  my  Guide, 
my  Morning  Star.  May  God  bless  thee. 


21.  TO  CURE  ONE  SICKENED  BY  THE 
SPIRITS  OF  THE  DEAD 

adio's  naparicmu'k'am  nap'u.oi'dak 

To  God  that  thou  art  Death  that  thou  per- 

tainest 


oi'dawo'p'ta 
world  beneath 

ma'i'nik.wo't'a 
petate  beneath. 


navarumictodoG 
that  is  thy  green 

napimpurickoi'k'am 
That  ye  are  the  dead 


piho'wan  ganavaricta'  amku'rar.br 

where  that  which  is  white  your  corral  in 


pih6 
where 


napimpuoidaG 
that  ye  pertain. 


kuni'camta'n 
Then  I  you  beg 


ha'gicdara        kupimiampiho'.tunko'k'datuD'a 
pardon.          Then  ye  not  anywhere  me  will  cause  to* 
be  sick, 


ni  a'ni  pero  ninfami'lia 

neither  I  but  nor  my  family. 

woe  ichopitkamoko't  pimipuboin- 

All  cold  with  ye  hither  me  will  come* 

da'giunida  kuga"gura  pimi.iu''rnida 

cleansing.  Then  aside  ye  will  go  casting. 

kuvia'mindam.ha'ctu.indama'cumwa'da 
Then  not  over  me  anything  over  me  itself  will  make. 

kupimia'mpihotunko'k'datuD'a       ganavargo' 
Then  ye  not  anywhere  me  will  cause  to  be  sick.     That* 
which  is  great 

to'tvakdam  piho'  na'pu.ambi'a 

skies  on  where  that  he  you  holds 

hoga  navarit.o/'k'  ganavariD-a-'t 

he  who  is  our  Father  she  that  is  our  Mother 

napubo'.it'&k'dim  ganavarno'vit 

that  he  hither  us  comes  extending          that  which  is-- 
his  hand 


natpuha'bantuD'a'gim 
that  we  in  it  us  seizing. 

avi'pub6-'.iD-a'giuna 
he  hither  us  will  cleanse 
order 


kuwo'c.icxo'pitkam 
Then  all  cold 


na'varit.o-'G 

that  is  our  Father 


para 
in* 


natpugamtonoi.dida          hi'di  oi'da.dam 

that  we  may  go  beholding  this  world  on. 

kuyamha'ctu.iD-am.ha'cumwa'da 

Then  not  anything  over  us  any  itself  will  make. 

kupimimonr.u'rin'ka       hoga       navaramku'- 
Then  ye  hither  yourselves  will  cast         that         which* 

krus.avui  navaram6'kaD'a  pixo' 

are  your  crosses  with       which  is  your  shadow       where 

napimpu.a'r'gidic  navaramicto'do 

that  ye  are  formed  which  is  your  green 


anrainik.wo't'a 
your  petate  beneath 


piho'        napimpua'r'gidic 
where          that  ye  are  formed 


hoga  navaramhi'komsa'git  piho' 

that  which  is  your  cloud  between  where 


nampu.ambia 
that  they  you  possess 


ganamari  tgokorak 
they  who  are  our  manes 


wo'puhi'mdam  nampubo'ifo'k'dim 

before  go  on.  That  they  hither  us  come  extending 


navara.a'Vak 
which  is  their  form 


pixo  nampuhokoDboi- 

where        that  they  with  hither* 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


123 


0'  XI 

beautiful 


a'r'gidic  ganavarci'vgcrk 

are  formed  they  which  are  seven 

to'tvak.dam        nampuda-'dar       gatgo'korak 
skies  on  that  they  are  seated  that  our  manes 

napurica'p'ma'cimka't  ga.anoi'k'ar 

that  is  well  appearing,  spread  out        that  their  patio. 

kuha'pu.pi'c.6-p-        ti'cupata'n        ha-'gicdara 
Then  thus  also  we  also  them  beg  pardon 


ganamarickoi '  k-  am 
they  who  are  the  dead 
seated 


nampuaniho'da'dar 
that  they  hereabouts  are* 


kuga"gurahowan 
Then  aside  there 


awo'poi.dam 
their  paths  on. 

mi'M.u'rin-ka  kuhi'dikoD  ami'tun- 

they  selves  will  cast.  Then  this  with          they  me* 

ha-'gicda     konki'hap.i     ni'c.anra'tut     kumi'- 
will  pardon.  With  which  thus  is  I  them= 

cause  to  know        that<= 

tunha-'gicdaN         konkidios         pocambi'ak'a 
they  me  will  pardon.         With  which  God        you  will* 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

After  death,  at  least  before  Christian  times, 
a  person  became  a  puff  of  wind,  wandering 
over  the  world  and  sickening  those  with 
whom  it  came  into  contact.  When  the  priest- 
doctor's  diagnosis  showed  sickness  caused  by 
the  spirits  of  the  dead,  this  being  determined 
by  the  extraction  of  blood  in  the  sucking  ex- 
amination, the  following  prayer  was  recited 
to  cause  the  spirit  to  quit  the  body  it  was 
afflicting.  The  same  prayer  was  also  spoken 
to  drive  away  a  persistent  haunting  spirit. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail !  thou  who  art  Death.  Thou  belongest 
beneath  the  ground,  beneath  thy  green  carpet. 
And  ye  who  are  the  Dead  in  your  white 
fields  where  ye  belong,  I  beg  your  forgiveness. 
Ye  must  not  sicken  me,  neither  myself  nor 
my  family.  With  all  manner  of  cold  will  ye 
purify  me;  to  one  side  will  ye  cast  the  sick- 
ness, that  no  ill  may  befall  me.  Ye  must  not 
afflict  me. 


From  the  great  heavens  where  he  who  is 
our  Father  and  our  Mother  holdeth  you,  he 
reacheth  unto  us  his  hand  that  we  may  be 
gathered  into  it.  With  all  the  cold  will  he, 
our  Father,  cleanse  us,  that  we  may  go  be- 
holding in  this  world.  Then  will  no  evil 
befall  us. 

Ye  must  take  yourselves  hence  to  your 
crosses,  your  shadows,  where  ye  were  created, 
beneath  your  green  carpet  where  ye  belong. 
There  within  your  cloud  are  ye  held  by  our 
spirits  who  have  gone  before.  From  the 
seven  beautiful  heavens  where  they  are  seated 
in  their  pleasant  broad  court  our  spirits 
stretch  unto  us  their  forms  in  which  they 
were  created. 

Likewise  do  we  beg  forgiveness  of  the  Dead 
who  are  seated  round  about  on  their  accustom- 
ed paths.  They  must  take  themselves  hence. 
Thus  will  they  forgive  me ;  I  warn  them  that 
they  must  forgive  me. 

May  God  have  pity  on  you. 


22.  TO  SEIZE  DEATH 

adio's  naparin.Q-'k  insu'ssidao 

To  God          that  thou  art  my  Father,  my  Pro- 

tector, 

inci'u'k  nda-/D  ani'cho-'hi' 

my  Morning  Star,  my  Mother.  I  desire 

ku'piboin.to'k'da       gana'varumno-'v       para 
that  thou  hither  me  wilt  extend          that  which  is  thy 
hand        in  order 

natuma'p-tuda'gia     para    na'.itwi'.unra-'cda 
that  we  thee  in  will  seize  in  order  that  she= 

with  us  herself  will  appear 

gacmu-k-ik-am  para  naD-agia 

that  Death  in  order  that  we  shall  seize 

aniho'  wo'poidam          ha'cnapuma-r'giD 

hereabouts  paths  on  as  that  she  is* 

formed 

ci'korh&wan  ha'snapu.oi.mor  ci"ar- 

vicinity  there  as  that  she  walks.  East* 

wofah&  napuoidak  amuhodor 

beneath  there  that  she  belongs  there  from 


124 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


natpuboix6't  hb'ga  navarit.cr'G 

that  he  did  hither  send                that  who  is* 
our  Father 

para                na'puitir'k-atok'da  para 

in  order         that  she  us  carried  shall  place  in  order 

natpuma-kira          kwe'nta         hoga  diu's 

that  we  shall  go  to  give          report          that  God 

it.o-'k                 ha'cnatputuvwa  hi'di 

our  Father                      how  that  we  do  this 


oi'dadam 
world  on. 


kuha'puti'cuptan 
Then  thus  we  also  beg 


hoga 
that 


navant.o-'G 
who  is  our  Father 


para 
in  order 


ha''gicdara 
pardon 

kuvi'putmak-ia  lise"nsia 

that  he  us  shall  give  permission 

naD'a'gia  gacmii'k'ikam  anih6dor 

that  we  shall  seize  that  Death  hereabouts- 

from 

na'pubo'umagim  aniho'  na'puoform 

that  she  hither  comes  conversing      hereabouts      that« 
she  walks 

ci'korhfivan     hasnaci'diidu     na'pua.u'k'atok1 
vicinity  there  as  hoards  that  she  them  car- 

rying places 

ganamarma'mrat      kuti'cx6'xi      kuvia'mkit- 
they  that  are  his  children.         Then  we  desire       that* 
she  not« 

pa'rcvnda         porki        tisorkam        na'tpar6 
soon  us  shall  maltreat     because     we  many     that  she« 
did  maltreat. 

kuti'cputa'n  ha'gicdara  gat.o-'k 

Then  we  beg  pardon  that  our  Father 

gaD-a-/D      kuvi'pubo'it'ok'da      ganavarn6vit 
that  our  Mother     that  he  hither  us  will  extend     that« 
which  is  his  hand 

ganavart6-nat      para      natpwa'bantuo-a'gia 
that  which  is  his  foot  in  order  that  we  in  it* 

ourselves  shall  seize 

natia'mpiho'tuko'k'orda  kuvi'putMa'kia 

that  we  not  anywhere  ourselves  will  sicken.  Then* 

he  us  will  give 

gani'6k'it      para      naya'mpihoit'ir'k'atok'da 
that  his  word          in  order         that  she  not  anywhere* 
us  carried  shall  place. 


kuti'ho-'tsa  kuhimia  pih6 

Then  we  will  dispatch  her          that  will  go          where 

napu.a-'r'gidic  naputunyk'aD 

that  she  is  formed  that  she  guards 

gana'varahir'k'UG  ganamaritg&k'orak 

that  which  are  their  torches     they  who  are  our  manes 

nampubo'.itnoidim  woe  orasa'ba 

that  they  hither  us  watch  all  hours  in 

na'tica'pitft'r.daD.ima'c.dida  a'niho' 

that   we  well  ourselves  shall   feel   will   go  appearing 
hereabouts 

nat.o-'ipu       gana'varicto'dok       ma-'inikdam 
that  we  walk  that  which  is  green  pelate  on. 

kuya'mpiho.'ita-'ri.wa'da         kuhapu.pi'.6'p- 
Then  not  anywhere  us  small  will  make.       Then  thus* 
also 


ganavarci'vgok 
that  which  is  seven 


ti'cta-n  ha'gicdara 

we  beg  pardon 

o'hi  to'tvakdam          piho'            napuda 

beautiful  skies  on              where         that  is  seated 


gana'varit.^'k- 
he  that  is  our  Father, 

ti'cpunra'tuD 
We  cause  to  know 
maltreat 


gana'variD-a-'D 

she  that  is  our  Mother. 

kuya'mpiho'.itparxynda 
that  not  anywhere  us  shall* 


natarma-'mrat        konkidius        pocambi'ak'a 
that  we  are  his  children.       With  which  God      you  will* 
sympathize. 

NOTE 

When  there  has  been  a  great  deal  of  sick- 
ness and  many  deaths  among  the  Tepecanos, 
the  five  principal  men  of  the  village  meet 
and  hold  a  consultation.  They  decide  that 
the  Death  Goddess  has  been  too  active  and 
must  be  sent  hence.  They  therefore  undergo 
an  ablutionary  fast  of  five  days.  At  midnight 
on  the  fifth  day  they  meet  in  the  graveyard 
and  together  recite  in  a  low  voice  the  fol- 
lowing prayer,  begging  permission  of  the 
higher  Gods  to  seize  the  Death  Goddess  and 
send  her  away.  They  all  carry  their  bows 
and  arrows.  One  remains  in  the  town  while 
the  other  four  seek  to  the  four  winds.  One 
of  them  encounters  the  Death  Goddess  in 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


125 


the  form  of  a  mortal  woman  and  bids  her 
begone  and  not  molest  them  more. 

The  information  volunteered  to  the  effect 
that  each  person  has  a  lighted  candle  in 
heaven,  representing  his  spirit,  and  that  the 
Death  Goddess  goes  about  snuffing  them  out, 
is  probably  of  Christian  origin. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail,  O  God,  thou  that  art  my  Father  and 
Mother,  my  Guide,  and  Morning  Star!  I 
beseech  thee,  stretch  forth  thy  hand  that  it 
lay  hold  upon  us.  Then  will  the  Goddess 
Death  herself  appear  before  us  that  we  may 
seize  her  as  she  walketh  about  on  her  ac- 
customed paths.  She  belongeth  beneath  the 
east  whence  our  Father  has  sent  her  to 
carry  us  hence,  so  that  we  may  give  report 
to  Him,  our  God  and  Father,  of  how  we  have 
acted  in  this  world. 

Likewise  do  we  beseech  of  our  Father  that 
he  give  us  leave  to  seize  the  Death  Goddess, 
she  who  cometh  whispering,  stalking  about 
and  carrying  off  his  children.  We  ask  that 
she  shall  not  harm  us  as  already  she  has 
harmed  so  many. 

Likewise  do  we  beg  of  our  Lord  and  Lady 
that  he  stretch  forth  his  hand  and  his  foot 
so  that  we  may  be  upheld  and  not  be  sick- 
ened. He  will  give  us  his  word  that  she  shall 
not  carry  us  away.  We  will  send  her  where 
she  belongeth  where  she  guardeth  the  torches 
of  our  spirits  who  watch  us  through  all  hours. 
Then  will  we  be  well  here  where  we  wander 
on  the  green  carpet.  Then  will  we  never  be 
decreased. 

Also  do  we  beg  forgiveness  of  our  Lord 
and  Lady  seated  in  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens.  We  will  let  the  Death  Goddess 
know  that  nothing  shall  harm  us  who  are  the 
children  of  the  Father. 

May  God  bless  you. 

23.   TO  PLACATE  THE  CHANES 


adiu's.um 
To  God, 


su-'di.6-r 
water  within 


o^'oik^am1 

chanes1 


na'pimpumtotok-        anih&       napimpuda'dar 
that  ye  are  named  hereabouts  that  ye  are* 

seated 

na'pimputunu-nkat          hoga          navarahi'- 
that  ye  guard  that  which  is  their* 

komac      ganamaritgo"koraG      b6puhi'mdam 
cloud  they  who  are  our  manes          before  go  on. 

aniho  nampuda'daR  ci'korxfivan 

Hereabouts  that  they  are  seated  vicinity* 

there 

ha'cnaci'diidu        kuticbo'hrmot        amtanim 
as  that  hoards.       Then  we  hither  were  coming      you* 
begging 

hagicdara  konkiha'pi  mitok- 

pardon.  With  which  thus  is.  Know! 

pimiam.pixo.in'&id'uk'a  niganfamr'lia 

Ye  not  anywhere  me  will  ignore         nor  that  my  family 

anih6  namoipu  r'ntam 

hereabouts  that  they  walk  here 

pusoi"mama-c  hoga  navaricma'nr- 

sad  appear  that  that  is  trans* 

dormao       anvai'nikwo't'a       na'pimpudadaR 
parent  your  petale  beneath  that  ye  are* 

seated. 

kuni'cpuanratuD  porki  anta's6na-t 

Then  I  you  cause  to  know  because  I  did  al* 

ready  begin 


i'ntaM 
here 
meddle 


nano'imo'R 
that  I  walk 


na'npuamha'nciD 
that  I  for  you* 


ganaVaricmanrdormaG   amainik   konkiha'p.i 
that  which  is  transparent          your  petate.  With* 

which  thus  is. 

anti'cpubi'amnamQk'dam    hi'di    so-'sobo'kot 
I  did  hither  you  come  paying  this  bead  with 

para  napimia'mpiho'tunko'kdatuD'a 

in  order  that  ye  not  anywhere  me  will  sicken 


wiganma.ma'R  i-'ntam 

nor  that  my  children  here 

amicmamdormaG 

your  transparent 


na'mpuo'ipu 
that  they  walk 

amva'pamor.&r 
your  lakes  in. 


1  Said  to  be  derived  from  tenchaniados,  etymology 
unknown. 


126 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


ati'cupta'nim  ho'ga 

we  also  begging  that 

itciu'k  ci'a'rw&ta 

our  Morning  Star,  east« 


kuha'pu.6-p 
Then  thus  also 

navarica''m 

which  is  yellow 
beneath 

na'pu6idac     kuipuboito'k'da     ganavarno'vit 
that  belongs.  Then  hither  us  will  reach          that« 

which  is  his  hand 

para  na'tpuhabantuD'agimoo 

in  order  that  we  in  it  us  having  seized 

xu'viamha'ctuD'am.a'cumwa'da  txvc 

then  not  anything  over  us  any  itself  will  do  all 

gacko'k'dakam        pixftvan        ativct6.nimor.- 
that  sickness  where  we  suddenly* 

putuhan        g6k-6        ti'puta'n        ha'gicdara 
meddle.          Therefore          we  beg  pardon 

para          naga-'gurha.noniD'a          gact6nkam 
in  order        that  he  aside  will  cause  to  fly        that  heat 

para    na'miampih6'tutk6kdatuda    ganamar.- 
in  order     that  they  not  anywhere  us  will  sicken     they 
who  are- 

su'di.6r.6ik'am  na'mpumtfituk' 

water  in  chants  that  they  are  called 

nampuaniho.dadar  namputunirnkat 

that  they  hereabouts  are  seated  that  they  guard 

gi"g'ior  nampumto'tok  ku.ha'p.i 

rainbows  that  they  are  called.  Then  thus  is. 

nicpuanvatut  na'pimaring6'korak' 

I  you  cause  to  know  that  ye  are  my  manes. 

adius.u'm  naparinsu'ssidat  inci'u'k 

To  God,      that  thou  art  my  Protector,      my  Morning' 
Star. 

avi'puboint6kdida  ganavarno'vit 

He  hither  me  will  come  reaching         that  which  is  his> 
hand. 

kuyampihS.indam.a'ctu.acumwa'da        konki- 
Then    not    anywhere    over    me  anything   itself    will' 
do.     With  which- 

ha'p.i          nicputo'mai.umtan          ha'gicdara 
thus  is.  I  continually  thee  beg  pardon 

na'parino-'G  fco'nJh'ha'p.matoG  dio's 

that  thou  art  my  Father.  With  which  thus  know.   God 

pocumbi'ak'a 
thee  will  sympathize. 


NOTE 

The  chanes  are  malevolent  water-serpents 
which  inhabit  the  springs  and  streams.  They 
are  horned  and  of  many  colors.  They  always 
travel  in  pairs,  male  and  female,  and  love  to 
stretch  themselves  through  the  clouds  in 
rainy  weather,  head  in  one  spring  and  tail 
in  another,  visiting.  In  this  form  they  appear 
as  rainbows.  They  are  called  the  "winds  of 
the  water." 

The  chanes  are  vicious  and  will  sting  those 
who  have  not  placated  them.  For  this 
reason  a  native  will  never  put  his  mouth  to 
a  spring  while  drinking;  the  water  is  dashed 
into  the  mouth  with  the  hand.  When  thus 
bitten,  malaria,  fever,  headache  and  many 
other  ills  result. 

When  a  man  decides  to  build  a  house 
and  make  his  home  on  a  new  site  it  is 
necessary  for  him  to  placate  the  chanes  of 
the  spring  whence  he  draws  his  water  supply. 
To  this  end  he  prepares  a  jicara  decorated 
with  transparent  small  glass  beads  (water 
beads)  and  fills  it  with  a  gruel  of  pinole  and 
water.  This  is  scattered  to  the  four  winds 
at  the  spring  while  the  following  prayer  is 
recited.  The  jicara  is  then  left  there  as  an 
offering. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  ye  who  are  called  Chanes,  who  are 
seated  hereabouts  in  the  waters,  guarding 
the  cloud  of  the  spirits  of  those  who  have 
gone  before  and  are  seated  round  about  us. 
We  come  to  beg  forgiveness.  Know  ye  that 
it  is  so.  Ye  must  not  ignore  me  nor  my 
family  who  walk  about  here.  Sadly  do  they 
appear  beneath  your  crystal  carpet  where 
ye  are  seated.  Thus  do  I  give  you  to  know, 
for  already  have  I  begun  to  walk  about  here 
and  to  meddle  with  your  lucid  carpet.  So 
be  it!  I  have  come  hither  to  offer  you  these 
beads  that  ye  may  not  sicken  me  nor  my 
children  who  wander  here  among  your  limpid 
lakes. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


127 


Likewise  do  we  beg  forgiveness  of  our 
golden  Morning  Star  who  belongeth  beneath 
the  east.  He  will  stretch  unto  us  his  hand 
so  that,  wrapping  ourselves  in  it,  no  sickness 
may  come  upon  us  because  we  have  meddled 
here  unbidden.  Therefore  do  we  beseech  that 
he  will  put  to  flight  the  heat.  Then  they  will 
not  sicken  us,  they  who  are  called  Chanes  who 
are  seated  hereabouts  in  the  waters  guarding 
those  that  are  called  the  rainbows. 

Thus  do  I  give  you  to  know,  my  spirits. 
Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Guide,  my  Morning 
Star.  He  will  reach  me  his  hand,  that  no 
ill  may  befall  me.  So  be  it!  Know,  O  my 
Lord,  that  I  do  continually  implore  thee. 

24.  TO  CURE  ONE  SICKENED  BY  THE 
CHANES 

adio's  o"oik'am  na'pimpumtfttok 

To  God  chanes  that  ye  are  named 

aniho'      napimpuda'dar      napimputumrnkat 
hereabouts  that  ye  are  seated  that  ye  guard 

ho'ga  navarahi-'komac  ganamarit- 

that         which  is  their  cloud         they  who  are  our« 

gfi'korak          hoga  navaric.ma'mdormaG 

manes.  that  that  is  transparent 

anrai'nik          hoga          navaric.ma'mdormaG 
their  petate  that  that  is  transparent 

aka'va-rik  nampuho'kodumsosbidim 

their  chimal  that  they  with  selves  protecting. 

aniho'namdadar1        nampuanukturiD      ho'ga 
Hereabouts  that  they1  are  seated      that  they  for  them- 
guard        that 

navarahi'komac  na'maritgft'korak 

which  is  their  cloud  that  they  are  our  manes. 

ha'pu.pui'c6-p         ti'camtanim         hd'gicdara 
Thus  also  we  you  beg  pardon. 

kuga"gurah6pimitu.u-'rinka       ganavaricma'- 
Then  aside  ye  will  cast  that  which  is« 

mdorma'   amba'sa.&r  namia'mpiho'.tuha'nda 
transparent  your  gourd  within  that  they 

not  anywhere  will  meddle 

"Although  in  the  third  person,  evidently  refers  to 
the  chanes. 


ganma.mar  ganamaramho'ho-cia 

they  my  children  those  which  are  your  saucers 

ganamaramha'ha'  ganamaramha'ha'kar 

those  which  are  your  jars  those  which  are  your* 

griddles 

namaramba'paidaka     ganavaricma'mdormaG 
those  which  are  your  pitchers  that  which  is  trans- 

parent 

am6'cic.6r  namia'mpihotuamha'hi-cda 

your  cornfield  within  that  they  not  anywhere  for* 

you  will  break 

pom  napirniampihotuakok'datud'a 

in  order  that  ye  not  anywhere  them  will  sicken 

ganfami-'lia         go'koni'puama'tuD         porki 
that  my  family.  Therefore  I  you  cause  to* 

know  because 

aniho'mioi'pu  ganfami-'lia          amicto"- 

hereabouts  they  walk  that  my  family  they 

nim6r.bituha-'nda         go'ko         ni'puamta'n 
suddenly  hither  will  meddle.         Therefore          I  you* 
beg 

ha'gicdara  porki  niti'matfit 

pardon  because  I  if  cause  to  know 

ho'ga  navarinsu'seidat  inci'u'k 

he  who  is  my  Protector,  my  Morning  Star, 

kuho'ga-vi'tuamko'k'daD-a  kupi'mia'nv- 

then  he  you  will  sicken.  Then  ye  not» 

a"a-kda  kuniti'amanva'tot  go'ko 

later  will  say  that  I  did  not  you  cause  to  know. 

Therefore 

ni'puamtanim  ha'gicdara 

I  you  am  begging  pardon 

orasa"ba          koha'pu.pi"c6p          ati'ta-nida 
hours  in.  Then  thus  also  we  will  go  begging 

ganavaritci'u'k  kovibito'kdida 

he  who  is  our  Morning  Star,      that  hither  us  will  come* 
reaching 


wb'c 
all 


ganavarno'vit 
that  which  is  his  hand 


para  natha'ban.tu- 

in  order          that  we  in  it« 


D-a.'gim6t 
us  seizing 


ga'mtono-fdida 
will  go  beholding 


ha'ctu 

anything 


napuaniho'dorumagida  ha'cnaci'dudu 

that  from  hereabouts  will  come  thinking         thus  that* 
hoards. 


128 


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VOL.  I 


go'kunipuama4  'giD 
Therefore  I  you  advise 

ganavaricma'mdorma' 
that  which  is  transparent 


ku'pimi'motu.uR'na 
that  ye  hence  will  cast 

amba'sa.ftra 
your  gourd  within. 


konki'ap.i  pimima-'t6hi  kunki.- 

With  which  thus  is.        Ye  must  know.        With  which* 


Pitt's.  po'cambi'ak'a 
God  you  will  sympathize. 

NOTE 

When  the  priest-doctor  has  determined 
by  the  extraction  of  thick  spittle  from  the 
patient  in  the  sucking  examination,  that  he 
is  afflicted  by  a  chan,  he  makes  a  chimal 
and  a  bastdn  with  feathers  of  the  heron  and 
cleanses  the  invalid  by  waving  the  latter  over 
him.  He  then  deposits  it  at  the  spring  whence 
the  water  is  brought.  The  balance  of  the 
treatment  is  as  before  but  the  following  prayer 
is  recited. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  ye  who  are  called  Chants  who  are 
seated  round  about,  guarding  the  cloud  of  our 
spirits.  It  is  their  transparent  carpet,  their 
limpid  chimal  with  which  they  do  shield  them- 
selves. Round  about  are  ye  seated,  guard- 
ing the  cloud  of  our  Gods. 

We  beseech  you,  put  away  your  saucers, 
your  jars,  your  griddles  and  your  pitchers. 
Hide  them  within  your  transparent  gourd. 
Then  will  my  children  not  meddle  with  them; 
then  they  will  not  break  anything  which  lieth 
within  your  transparent  cornfield.  Then  will 
you  not  afflict  my  family.  Thus  do  I  say 
unto  you  for  already  do  my  family  walk 
about  here  and  mayhap  will  meddle.  This 
do  I  ask  of  you,  for  if  I  tell  him  who  is  my 
Protector  and  my  Morning  Star,  he  will  then 
afflict  you.  Then  do  not  say  afterwards  that 
I  did  not  warn  you. 

Therefore  do  I  implore  you  in  all  hours. 
And  also  will  we  beseech  him  who  is  our 
Morning  Star  that  he  stretch  unto  us  his 
hand.  Then,  held  in  it,  we  may  safely  behold 
whatever  may  come  unto  us.  Therefore  do 


I  bid  you  begone  into  your  transparent  gourd. 
Thus  shall  ye  know.  May  God  have  pity 
on  you. 


25.  TO  RETIRE  THE  CHANES 


adio's.um 
To  God 


na'pimaro"oik-am 
that  ye  are  thanes. 


pimi'mom.u-'rin-ka        ganavaricma'mdorma' 
Ye  hence  yourselves  will  cast    that  which  is  transparent 


anva-'iniGwd'fa 
your  pelate  beneath. 


pimia'mpixo'.tua- 
Ye  not  anywhere  them« 


ko'k'datUD-a  ganfami-'lia  porki 

will  sicken  that  my  family  because 

ni.a-'k''da         ganavarinsu'ssidat         inci'u'k 
I  will  tell        he  who  is  my  Protector,        my  Morning* 
Star, 

in.o-'k'  para  natuamko'k'dao-a 

my  Father,  in  order  that  he  you  will  sicken. 

pimia'masa'nda  porki          hogavi'tuam- 

Ye  not  later  will  weep  because  he  you« 

ko"kdaD-a  kuha'pi  nicamta'nim 

will  sicken.  Then  thus  is;  I  you  am  begging 

ha-'gicdara  kupi'mfm6m.u-'rinka 

pardon.  Then  ye  hence  yourselves  will  cast 

ganavaricma'mdorma'  amba'kuri.ftra 

that  which  is  transparent        your  water-gourd  within. 


pimti'pu.da'nyo 
Ye  if  endanger 


api'minwi'cdim 
ye  me  following, 


kuni'tuamko'k'daD'a       hoga       navarci'vgo'k 
then  I  you  will  sicken  that  which  is  seven 

a'raG  napimpuo'kota'rgidic  go'ku 

formations        that  ye  with  are  formed.          Therefore 

nipu.amta'nim       ha"gicdara  konki'hap.i 

I  you  begging  pardon.  With  which  thus  is. 


pinva'tok 
Ye  know, 


inka'oG 
me  hear. 


pimihi'mia 
Ye  will  go 


piho'  napimpuaptu'i'  ganavaram- 

where  that  ye  are  that  is  your 

hi'komak.Sr         kudt'os.pocam.ora'dakam 
cloud  within.        Then  God  you  withinness. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


129 


NOTE 

This  prayer  is  spoken  after  the  invalid  is 
convalescing  from  the  sickness  caused  by  the 
chanes  and  is  intended  to  cause  them  to 
depart  from  the  vicinity.  It  is  recited  to 
the  west,  whither  they  flee. 

TRANSLATION 

Farewell!  Chanes.  Ye  shall  take  your- 
selves beneath  your  lucid  carpet.  Ye  must 
not  sicken  my  family,  or  I  will  tell  him  who 
is  my  Protector,  my  Morning  Star  and  my 
Lord  so  that  he  may  sicken  you.  Then  do 
not  afterwards  weep  if  he  shall  have  sickened 
you.  So  be  it;  I  beg  your  forgiveness.  You 
must  take  yourselves  within  your  crystal 
water-gourd.  For  if  ye  follow  to  persecute 
me,  I  will  sicken  you  with  the  seven  forms 
in  which  ye  were  created.  Therefore  do  I 
beg  your  forgiveness. 

So  be  it.  Know  it  and  hear  ye  me!  Ye 
shall  take  yourselves  within  your  cloud  where 
ye  belong.  May  God  bless  you. 


26.  TO  BEWITCH 

adio's  in.o''G'  inda-'D 

To  God,  my  Father,  my  Mother, 

inci'u'G         abimo         naparda-'kam         hoga 
my  Morning  Star.  Afar  that  thou  art* 

sitter  that 

to'tvak.dam       ku.inimo'        navarunrai'nak- 
skies  on.  Then  here  that  is  thy  petate* 

dam  napargokami  naparicidu-'kam 

on  that  thou  art  greatness  that  thou* 

art  value. 

natarunva'ma'r  ku.inim6km6dor 

That  we  are  thy  children.  Then  here  distant  from 

abi.mo'dor  hudur  napituma'Vgi 

afar  from  alone  that  thou  didst  thyself  form 

napitbaivatuda'giu          inimo          napitivu'si 
that  thou  didst  already  hither  cleanse.  Here  that* 

thou  didst  select 


huga 
that 


man  a 
Mary 


na'puriD-a''D 
that  she  is  our  Mother 


na't'una'koc  inim6  umwo'famo 

that  we  are  suffering  here  thee  beneath. 

napitbaivatuda'giu  ku.ani.modor 

That  thou  didst  hither  already  cleanse.  Then* 

hereabouts  from 

napitbaiVavo'm  hud6-r  napit.- 

that  thou  didst  hither  already  arise          alone         that 

a-'ban.ai'vavoi  hoga  umkurosic 

thou  didst  in  it  already  recline          that          thy  cross 

napitmu'  amumo  napitpuago'i 

that  thou  didst  die.  There          that  thou  didst* 

already  fall 

navaricda'dik'am  navarumva'sa'Sr 

which  is  health  which  is  thy  box  within 

navarictuto'G'am.6r  va-'iG  um- 

which  is  darkness  in  three  thy* 

to'tnoric         kuabimoapti'ma-'cir         asa-'giD 
suns.  Then  afar  thou  didst  appear  them* 

between 

hoga  namaricko'i'kam  ku.inimfidor 

that  which  they  are  Dead.  Then  here  from 

napithapuva't-ut6      hoga      navarto'tvakdam 
that  thou  didst  thus  already  behold          that         that* 
is  skies  on. 

naparda'kam        napara'o'k'aMhoko'o        dios 
That  thou  art  sitter  that  thou  art  arrangement* 

with  God 


naparin.o-'k 
that  thou  art  my  Father 
tion  on. 


naparumno'icturiD-am 
that  thou  art  thy  observa- 


ku.ami.dor 
Then  there  from 
cleanse 


napubaivatuda-  'giuna 
that  thou  hither  already  us  wilt* 


hidi 


this 


natopkivoi'nok 

that  we  also  soon  journey 

napopkitma-'kiM          gogucdara 
that  thou  also  soon  us  giving  succor.          Then> 

thou  hither* 


maindam 
petate  on 

kupibai- 


iD-agiuna 
us  wilt  cleanse 


hoga 
that 


navaricda*  'dikam 
that  is  health 


navarumokaDwo'ta' 
that  is  thy  shadow  beneath 
wilt  send 

natapovabo'iya        hoga 
that  we  already  will  carry 


that  thou  hither  us* 

navaricho'pitkam 
that          which  is  cold 


130 


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VOL.  I 


navarumno'nov.aM    kudikot    pictutha-'gicda 
which  are  thy  hands  in.       Then  this  with      thou  us* 
wilt  pardon 

porke  nataric.i"korak'am 

because  that  we  are  vile. 

ku.hidi.homadakamho'ko't  apihra^'giD'a 

Then  this  formation  with  thou  us  wilt  send 

navargo  'gucdara 
which  is  thy  succor. 


amen 
Amen. 

NOTE 


This  prayer  is  merely  one  of  several  modes 
of  casting  spells  of  witchery,  the  others  not 
entailing  the  use  of  any  set  prayer  and  savor- 
ing more  of  European  custom.  Even  this, 
however,  is  of  dubious  authenticity  as  its 
resemblance  to  Christian  philosophy  is  only 
too  evident.  In  fact  it  was  given  in  order  to 
prove  to  me  the  lack  of  antagonism  between 
the  old  Tepecano  religion  and  Catholicism 
and  was  entitled  the  "Creed."  I  have  great 
suspicion  that  it  was  created  to  suit  the 
occasion,  like  no.  18.  It  was  originally  said 
to  be  a  prayer  to  beg  permission  to  enter 
a  sacred  spot  but  my  principal  informant 
pronounced  it  to  be  a  prayer  to  bewitch. 

It  is  recited  at  midnight  when  the  one 
whom  it  is  desired  to  bewitch  is  asleep,  and 
is  addressed  to  the  pagan  idols  (cidudkam) 
and  the  Christian  cross.  A  fast  is  likewise 
enjoined.  Then  the  supplicant  goes  to  the 
cemetery  and  lights  a  wax  candle  and  buries 
there  a  figure  he  has  made  in  representation 
of  the  hated  one.  It  is  buried  at  the  foot  of 
the  cross  and  a  prayer  said  entreating  the 
death  of  the  individual. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail !  thou  who  art  my  Father,  my  Mother, 
and  my  Morning  Star  who  art  seated  afar 
in  the  heavens.  Here  on  thy  earth  thou  art 
powerful,  art  dear.  We  are  thy  children. 
From  afar  where  alone  thou  wast  formed 
thou  didst  come  to  cleanse  us.  Here  thou 
didst  choose  Mary,  the  Mother  of  us  who 
suffer  here  beneath  thee.  Thou  didst  purify 


us.  From  hence  thou  didst  arise  alone, 
thou  didst  lay  thyself  on  thy  cross  and  die. 
There  thou  didst  descend  into  thy  grave, 
into  the  darkness  for  three  days.  Afar  thou 
didst  appear  among  the  dead. 

From  here  thou  didst  behold  Him  who  is 
in  heaven.  Thou  art  seated  with  the  chosen, 
God,  who  art  my  Father,  which  is  thy  thought. 
From  there  thou  wilt  send  purification  to 
us  who  also  journey  through  this  world,  and 
give  us  succor.  Thou  wilt  come  to  cleanse  us 
with  the  health  which  is  beneath  thy  shadow; 
thou  wilt  send  us  the  cold  which  is  in  thy 
hand  that  we  may  lay  hold  upon  it.  With 
this  thou  wilt  pardon  us,  for  we  are  vile. 
With  this  formula  thou  wilt  send  us  thy 
succor.  Amen. 


27.  TO  CURE  FROM  WITCHCRAFT 

adio's  inda't  inci'u'k 

To  God,  my  Mother,  my  Morning  Star. 

anipumta-'nim  hagicdara  kovi'- 

I  thee  am  begging  pardon  that- 

to'k'owumbfiya  ganavarict6n'kam 

above  itself  will  take  that  which  is  heat. 

avi'pubointo'k'da  gano'vit  ganci'u'k 

He  hither  me  will  stretch  that  his  hand,  he< 

my  Morning  Star 

ci"arw6'taho       napua'Vgidic       koVixfi'pria 
east  beneath  there  that  he  is  formed.  Then* 

will  recover 

hidick6'ok'am  ati'piho.va'.amha'G 

this  sick  one.  It  if  anywhere  already  self  lacks 

komi'pu.hfvo'i's  kuaviamiputu'ik-a 

that  they  bewitch.  Then  not  thus  shall  be. 

icx6''pitkam6ko't       a'pi.ida-'giunida       ho'ga 
Cold  with  thou  wilt  go  cleansing  that 

namarumu.umihoko't  ha'vanava'ricta 

that  they  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows  with,      and  which* 
is  white 

amka'varik&ko't1  ku.ga"gura.ha'pi'mi.- 

your1  chimal  with.  Then  aside  to,  ye« 

1  The  change  from  second  person  singular  to  plural 
is  rather  inexplicable  here. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


iir'rnida 

will  go  repulsing 


ganavarick6k'dakam 
that  which  is  sickness. 


kuni'puamtan         ha'gicdara         naparinda't 
Then  I  you  beg  pardon  that  thou  art  my= 

Mother, 


in.6'k' 
my  Father. 


kua'nibi'aka 
Then  I  will  have 


masp6de~r 
more  power 


Jb'm'ho'ganahivo'is  kupi'mianva-'kda 

than  even  he  who  is  bewitching.      Then  ye  not  will  give 

li-se-'nsia  ku'pix6.puita-"riwa'da 

that  anywhere  us  small  shall  make 


permission 

hidicto'nkam6kot 
this  heat  with. 


hoganavarinciu'c 
He  who  is  our  Morning  Star 


avi'pubo.in.da'giunihida     kuvia'mina'p.hak'- 
he  hither  me  will  come  cleansing     that  not  in  me  back* 


go  cia 
will  fall 


gact6nkam 
that  heat. 


hidi 
This 


na'varinu'umi.hoko  ni'puns6sbida 

which  are  my  ceremonial  arrows  with         I  me  will  go» 
protecting. 

kuvia'mindam.ha'ctuacumdunia      konkih&p.i 
Then  not  over  me  anything  itself  will  make.          With= 
which  thus  is. 

pima'tok          piminka'ok          kudio's.pdcam- 
Ye  know.  Ye  me  hear.  Then  God  ye« 

6'ra'dak'am 
withinness. 

NOTE 

When  a  man  is  ill  and  suspects  witchcraft 
he  sends  for  a  doctor  of  reputation.  The 
latter  bathes  and  fasts  seven  days.  It  is 
revealed  to  him  in  his  dreams  and  later  veri- 
fied by  examination  of  the  patient  whether 
he  is  sickened  by  will  of  God,  by  a  chan,  by 
disembodied  spirits,  or  by  witchcraft.  Knead- 
ing and  squeezing  the  joints  is  one  of  the  cri- 
teria, sucking  being  another,  the  drawing  of 
blood  being  a  certain  sign  of  witchcraft. 

Having  assured  himself  of  the  cause,  the 
doctor  brings  his  ceremonial  arrows  and  other 
paraphernalia.  First  three  arrows  are  placed 
around  the  patient's  head  and  another  at 


his  feet,  stuck  in  the  ground.  The  one  to 
the  left  of  the  head  is  then  raised  and  carried 
to  the  foot  and  these  two  are  lifted,  one  in 
either  hand,  and  pointed  in  turn  to  the  east, 
north,  west,  south  and  zenith,  the  prayer 
being  repeated  five  times,  once  to  each  direc- 
tion. Then  the  five  ceremonial  circuits  are 
performed  around  the  sick  man  and  he  is 
sucked  vigorously.  The  arrows  are  then  re- 
placed, two  at  the  head  and  two  at  the  feet. 
The  doctor  stands  at  the  foot,  then  goes  to 
the  right  and  performs  the  sucking  operation 
again.  He  then  goes  to  the  patient's  head 
and  spits  in  his  hand  to  note  the  result  of 
the  sucking  treatment.  This  is  repeated  five 
times  on  different  parts  of  the  body,  each 
time  returning  to  the  sick  man's  head  by 
a  counter-clockwise  direction.  Usually  some 
tangible  object  is  extracted  by  these  means. 
To  finish  the  treatment  the  doctor  seizes  all 
four  arrows,  two  in  either  hand,  and  circles 
them  over  the  patient  to  purify  him.  The 
treatment  is  repeated  every  three  days  for 
five  times  and  is  said  to  be  generally  effica- 
cious. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail !  my  Mother,  my  Morning  Star.  I  be- 
seech thee  that  this  heat  may  take  itself  hence. 
My  Morning  Star  must  stretch  unto  me  his 
hand  from  beneath  the  east  where  he  be- 
longeth.  Then  shall  this  invalid  recover. 
Mayhap  something  is  lacking  that  thus  they 
bewitch  him.  But  it  must  not  be  so.  Thou 
wilt  cleanse  him  with  the  cold  and  with  thy  ar- 
rows; with  your  white  chimal  will  ye  cast  aside 
the  pestilence.  Therefore  do  I  implore  you, 
my  Lord  and  my  Lady.  I  must  have  more 
power  than  even  he  who  is  bewitching.  Ye 
will  not  allow  him  to  molest  us  with  this 
heat.  Our  Morning  Star  will  come  to  cleanse 
me  that  this  heat  may  not  return  unto  me. 
With  my  arrows  will  I  shield  myself,  that  no 
ill  may  befall  me.  So  be  it!  Know  ye  it 
and  hear  me! 

May  God  bless  you. 


132 


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VOL.   I 


28.  TO  SOW  THE  CORN 

adio's          naparin.o'G          naparinsir'sbidao 
To  God,  that  thou  art  my  Father,          that  thou* 

art  my  Protector, 

inci'u'c       tunha'giciD       a'nitsapita'.puto.o'f 
my  Morning  Star.  Me  pardon  I  did  say* 

almost  sowed. 


ku'ni.i'ni.puciwa''k 
Then  I  here  scatter 


ganavarurrvar 
she  who  is  thy  child 


napitpubo'iho't  natpu.i'ni.ma'ciR 

that  thou  didst  hither  send  that  she  did  here  appear 

hi'di              navarictodo  unvai'nikdam 

this                       that  is  green  thy  petate  on. 

hi'koM                na.oimor  navarici'vgok 

Cloud                  that  wanders  which  are  seven 

o'hi         to'tvak.wo'pta  pina'pui'ciko'kwa 

beautiful         skies  beneath  where  that  she  will  rest 


na  pu.ivir  snia 
that  she  will  arise 


hoga 
that 


a'ra'k 
creature 


uv  napumto'tok  na'varuma'R 

female  that  she  is  called  that  is  thy  child. 

kuha'pu.pi'cop          ti'cumta'n          ha'gicdara 
Then  thus  also  we  thee  beg  pardon 

naparin.cv'k  naparinda-'t  naparin- 

that  thou  art  my  Father,  that  thou  art  my« 

Mother,  that  thou  art  my. 

su'sbidat  inci'u'k  napu.uma'r'gio 

Protector,  my  Morning  Star  that  is  formed 

ci'a'rwo't'ahowan  napitpuboi.hcr't 

east  beneath  there  that  thou  didst  hither  send 

ga'nrar          kuti'pubo'idu'via          is'o'soigim 
that  thy  child.         Then  did  hither  arrive         weeping 

hi'di  oi'dadam  para 

this  world  on  in  order 

na'puitgo'gucio-a  para  natpukada 

tb.at  she  us  will  succor        in  order        that  we  shall  eat 

natga'mton6idida  hidi  6idadam 

that  we  will  go  beholding  this  world  on 

i-'ntaM       natpumo-rirrok       hiditukip.sa-'git 
here  that  we  run  this  darkness  within 

i-ntaM        natpuv6i.nuG        hi'di        oi'dadam 
here  that  we  journey  this  world  on. 


kotipunra-'tuD  kuti'pu.i'ni.cito.o'cia 

Then  we  thee  cause  to  know        that  we  here  will  sow 

na-'kutnii-kda  ho'ga  na'varunraR 

to  see  if  we  will  guard  she  who  is  thy  child. 

kupia'mago<kipt6n6nikda     pi'cpuboirrto'k'da 
Then  thou  not  to  two  sides  wilt  look,       thou  hither* 
me  wilt  stretch 

ganavarumn6v   pa'ra    nanha'bantundagimoD 
that  which  is  thy  hand  in  order  that  I  in* 

it  myself  may  seize 

gamtonoidida  wo'c  o'rasa"ba 

will  go  beholding  all  hours  in. 

konkihap.l  ni'cpunva'tut  naparin- 

With  which  thus  is.          I  thee  cause  to  know          that, 
thou  art  my 

su'spidat        inci'u'k        ino'G        kunki'.hap.f 
Protector,  my  Morning  Star,  my« 

Father.     With  which  thus  is. 

<&0s.p6cambi'ak-a 
God  bless  you. 

NOTE 

After  the  first  heavy  rain  in  June  the  corn 
is  planted.  A  fast  of  five  days  and  a  purify- 
ing bath  are  the  primary  requisites.  After 
this  has  been  undergone  small  beads  and  a 
jicara  of  pinole  mixed  with  water  are  prepared. 
The  beads  are  placed  in  the  four  corners  and 
in  the  center  of  the  field  to  prevent  injury  by 
crows  and  other  animals.  The  pinole  water 
is  then  sprinkled  to  the  four  cardinal  points 
and  the  prayer  is  recited  while  facing  east. 
The  pinole  serves  to  prepare  the  soil  for  the 
reception  of  the  kernels.  The  corn  may  then 
be  planted  but  the  kernels  taken  from  the 
twin  ears,  the  Milpa  Cuata,  must  be  planted 
first. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Lord,  my  Guide 
and  my  Morning  Star.  Forgive  me  because 
I  am  about  to  sow.  Here  am  I  scattering 
thy  daughter  whom  thou  didst  send  hither 
to  appear  on  this  thy  green  carpet.  The 
cloud  wanders  beneath  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens  where  she  will  come  to  rest,  where 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


133 


will  spring  up  the  maiden  who  is  thy  child. 
Likewise  do  we  beg  forgiveness  of  thee,  my 
Father  and  Mother,  my  Guide  and  Morning 
Star,  who  dwellest  beneath  the  east  whence 
thou  didst  send  thy  child  hither.  Here  did 
she  arrive  in  this  world  weeping,  to  succor 
us  that  we  might  have  food  and  might  go 
beholding  where  now  we  grope  in  darkness, 
journeying  through  the  world.  We  say  unto 
thee  that  we  will  sow  here,  if  perchance  we 
may  guard  well  thy  daughter.  Do  not  look 
askance;  thou  must  reach  me  thy  hand  that 
I  may  be  held  in  it  and  go  beholding  through 
all  hours.  Thus  do  I  say  unto  thee  who  art 
my  Lord,  my  Guide  and  Morning  Star. 
So  be  it. 

May  God  bless  you. 


29.   TO  REAP  THE  MILPA  CUATA 

adiu's  a'raG'  uv  na'pumto'tok 

To  God,  creature  female          that  thou  art* 

called. 

avnih6  napuo'idak  hacnaci'diidu 

Hereabouts  that  thou  belongest  thus  that* 

hoards 

ci'korho'wan  navarci'arwo't'a 

vicinity  there.  That  is  east  beneath 

amohodor    natpubo'imho''t    ganavarum.o'k' 
there  from  that  did  hither  thee  send          he  that* 

is  thy  Father 

navarumna'na.1          kuha'pu.6p-          ati'ctan 
that  is  thy  Mother.1  Then  thus  also  we  beg 

ha'gicdara  babarip'kaM  pixo' 

pardon  North  One  where 

napua-'rgidic         kupi'pugamihi'mia         pixo' 
that  thou  art  formed.         Then  thou  wilt  go         where 

nanumbo'k'ta  kupi1puga'minka''hida 

that  I  thee  shall  carry.      Then  thou  me  wilt  go  hearing 

hoga          navarumu"umi.h6ko'D  na'pu.- 

that      which  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows  with      that* 

a-'rgidic        hapu.pic&'p        navarxu'rnipkam 
thou  art  formed.          Thus  also          that  is  West  One, 

1  nana,  MAMA,  childish  word  for  mother. 


hu'huktio't 
Pine-Man 


na'pumto'tok 
that  is  called. 


kuha'pu.- 
Then  thus* 


p'i'cS'p'  ti'ctan  ha'gicdara 

also  we  beg  pardon 

ganavaro'gaD  navardo"uD          kutia'mi- 

he  that  is  her  Father         that  is  her  Mother.         Then* 

pixo'panrn'da        kuti'noixra        pono'gitn6v 
we  not  anywhere  will  maltreat.      Then  we  will  watch* 
her  like  our  hand. 


kuha'pu.pi'c6'p' 
Then  thus  also 

hoganavaricta' 
that  which  is  white 

napumt&tok 
that  is  called 


ati'ctan 
we  beg 

tO'Vorip 
star 

o-'gipa 
south 


ha'gicdara 
pardon 

cidu'kam 
fetish 


ganavarma'rat 
she  that  is  his  child. 


amohft 
there 

ku- 
Then* 


ganavanr'gat 
he  who  is  her  Father 


natpuma'cir 
that  did  appear 

ti'cputa-n          ha'gicdara 
we  beg  pardon 

havaganavardo'.UD     kuti'pugama'hi     aniho' 
and  she  who  is  her  Mother.    Then  did  already  go    here- 
abouts 

ci'korho'wan  avi'puva'nidk'im  ku- 

vicinity  there  she  already  speaking.  Then* 

ha'pu.puicfi'p'        ti'pumoVadu'via         aniho' 
thus  also          did  hence  already  arrive          hereabouts 

O''im6rim6k  ci'korho'van  sa'kimoo 

having  walked  vicinity  there  having  wept 

pumo'vadu'via        navaro-'gatvwi          puva'- 
hence  already  arrive     who  is  her  Father  with     already* 

'a'G         kumi'pupa'ro'n          ganamarmamraD 
tell  that  they  maltreat  they  who* 

are  his  children. 

kugSku        aticpugomhowan2         kuti'puin6r 
Then  therefore        she  did  away.*         Then  did  return 

navaro' 'gat.wi  a'bimohSwan  pix&' 

that  is  her  Father  with  afar  there  where 

navarci'vgok  6'hi 

that  are  seven  beautiful 


na'tpuku'gao 
that  she  did  finish 


to'tvakdam        pixo' 
skies  on  where 

her  Father. 


napuda'        ga.o-'gat 
that  is  seated  he* 


*  Verbal  in  form  but  with  locative  in  place  of  verbal 
stem. 


134 


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VOL.  I 


koha'pu.pwi'co-p-         ati'cta'n         ha'gicdara 
Then  thus  also  we  beg  pardon; 

ti'punva'k      ganavaritni'o'k      kutiamipiho'- 
we  thee  give  that  which  is  our  word          that  we» 

not  anywhere  will* 

paro-nda      kuica-'pti'moto'kia      konkip\a*m- 
maltreat  that  well  we  hence  will  place.          With« 

which  thou  not« 

bi'aka  napiho'.soi'mo'riD-a  pia'm.- 

wilt  need  that  thou  anywhere  sad  wilt« 

feel.  Thou  not« 

ago'kiptono'nikda        sa"rak        napumtotok 
to  two  places  wilt  look  Milpa  Cuata  that- 

thou  art  called 

napara'rak.uv        amoho'dor        na'punio'kim 
that  thou  art  creature  female.       There  from         that- 
thou  speaking 

umhi'kom.orhodor          hi'di          navaricto'do 
thy  cloud  within  this  that  is  green 

mai'ndam    na'pitpurrra'cir    kupictunha'gicda 
petate  on  that  thou  didst  appear.  Then« 

thou  me  wilt  pardon 

piho'      nant6'nim6r.i'civo'mikda       kupia'm- 
anywhere       that  I  unbidden  will  raise.       Then  thou- 

bi'aka  napiho'soi'mo'ri'da  kugoku 

not  wilt  need  that  thou  anywhere  sad  wilt- 

feel.        Then  therefore 

ni'pumtan  ha-gicdara  konki.dios.- 

I  thee  beg  pardon.  With  which  God« 

pocambi'aka 

you  will  sympathize. 

NOTE 

When  the  corn  is  ripe  and  the  harvest  time 
has  come,  the  owner  of  the  field  goes  forth 
and  reaps  all  the  ordinary  ears  of  corn.  But 
the  Milpas  Cuatas,  the  corn  plants  with  a 
forked  stem  and  two  ears,  are  left  standing 
after  the  others  have  been  gathered.  Then 
the  field  is  encircled  with  ceremonial  circuits 
as  many  times  as  there  are  Cuatas  within 
and  the  following  prayer  is  recited. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  called  Maiden.  Round 
about  us  art  thou  met!  From  beneath  the 


east  did  thy  Father  and  Mother  send  thee 
hither.  Likewise  do  we  beseech  him  of  the 
North  where  thou  belongest.  Thou  must 
accompany  me  wherever  I  may  carry  thee. 
Thou  must  harken  unto  me,  formed  as  thou 
art  with  thy  arrows.  And  also  he  of  the  West 
who  is  called  the  Pine-Man.  We  promise  her 
Father  and  her  Mother  that  we  will  not 
maltreat  her;  we  will  guard  her  like  our 
own  hand.  Likewise  do  we  beseech  him  who 
is  called  the  White  Star  Cidukam  who  be- 
longeth  in  the  south  where  appeareth  the 
child  of  the  Father.  We  beseech  her  Father 
and  her  Mother. 

Hereabouts  did  she  walk,  bemoaning.  Then, 
having  wandered  and  wept  here  she  returned 
unto  her  Father  and  told  him  that  his  children 
had  mistreated  her.  Therefore  did  she  depart ; 
she  returned  unto  her  Father  and  arrived 
there  afar  where  he  is  seated  in  the  seven 
beautiful  heavens.1 

Thus  do  we  pray.  We  give  thee  our  word 
that  we  will  not  mistreat  her,  that  we  will 
guard  her  well.  Thou  needst  not  feel  offended. 
Nor  look  askance,  Milpa  Cuata,  as  thou  art 
called,  maiden.  Speaking  from  within  thy 
distant  cloud  thou  didst  appear  on  this 
green  carpet.  Thou  wilt  forgive  me  if,  un- 
bidden, I  reap.  Do  not  feel  sad;  on  this 
account  I  beg  thy  pardon. 

May  God  bless  you. 

30.  TO  BEG  PERMISSION  TO  HUNT  DEER 

anicbo'himdaD  to"nimor  puamta'nim 
I  hither  coming  was  unbidden  you  begging 

ho'gam  namaramso'soik'  aniho'van 

they  that  they  are  your  pets.  Hereabouts 

hoga  namarictu'tu'k' 

that  that  they  are  black 

6i'dak-.a"ba  su'suimar  nampumto'tok' 
hills  in  deer  that  they  are  called 


nampu.oi  po 
that  they  walk 


hoga 

that 


navaricto'doc 
that  is  green 


amai'nikdam 
your  petate  on. 


1  Cf.  JAFL,  xxvii,  155. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


135 


aniho  nampua'  'rgidic          hacnaci'dud'u 

Hereabouts         that  they  belong         thus  that  hoards. 

kuha'pu.pwico'p  a'nicho'hi  napim- 

Then  thus  also  I  desire  that  ye* 

xo'mai.intane''tiD'a        navarci'vgo-k1        o-'xi 
one  me  will  lend  that  is  seven  beautiful 

xi'komorh&van  nampu6ip'u  ku- 

cloud  within  that  they  walk.  Then* 

xa'pu.pwi'co'p         ani'camtan        ha-'gicdara 
thus  also  I  you  beg  pardon. 

kupi'mipuma-'tohi  gamrnka-'hida 

Then  ye  know  me  will  go  hearing 

ganavarxo'por  na'mpuaniho'.mo'riirok' 

they  which  are  winds.  That  they  hereabouts  run 

hoga  navaricto'dok'  amai'nikdaM 

that  which  is  green  their  petate  on 

na'mpuaniho.soi'ma'ma'c  hacnaci'dudu 

that  they  hereabouts  sad  appear       thus  that  hoards. 

hoga       navarakai"k-oraG       navarinsu'ssidat 
That  which  is  their  master  who  is   my* 

Protector, 

inci'u'k  in.o-'k'  kunicpurrratirt 

my  Morning  Star,  my  Father.          Then  I  cause* 

to  know 

hidi        ho'maD        ni'.o-k        nampuha'ban.- 
this  one  word  that  they  in  it* 

a'rgidic        namaramso'soi'k'am        nampum- 
are  formed          that  they  are  your  pets          that  they* 

to'tok      /feow/h'ha'p.ma'toD        inka'uk       tun- 
are  called.     With  which  thus  know;     me  hear,     me* 

ha'gicit 
pardon. 

NOTE 

The  deer  is  the  animal  of  consummate 
importance  in  all  the  religions  of  the  Tepecano 
region1  and  around  it  center  many  ceremonies 
and  rites. 

When  a  man  desires  to  hunt  deer,  which 
is  a  requisite  for  certain  ceremonies,  he  com- 
mences a  fast  of  seven  days.  On  the  first 

1  Cf.  Lumholtz,  Symbolism,  p.  22. 

!  Nahua  otlatl,  the  base  of  a  reed  with  branching 
roots  which  are  trimmed  and  decorated  to  represent 
the  head  of  a  deer.  Cf.  Lumholtz,  Symbolism,  p.  51. 


day  he  goes  to  the  Cerro  del  Cantaro  with 
an  otate 2  decorated  with  beads,  to  resemble 
the  head  of  a  deer,  a  jicara  decorated  with 
beads,  and  a  chimal  of  pure  white  cotton. 
The  otates  have  the  same  name  and  spirit  as 
a  deer  and  are  made  with  green  beads  for 
the  eyes.  But  if  no  otate  is  available  a  figure 
of  a  deer  may  be  made  of  clay  or  wax  and 
used  instead.  At  the  Cerro  del  Cantaro  the 
supplicant  leaves  his  offerings  and  recites  the 
prayer. 

The  following  day  he  hunts  to  the  east, 
the  third  day  to  the  north,  the  fourth  to  the 
west  and  the  fifth  to  the  south.  Thereafter 
he  may  hunt  where  he  wishes  as  long  as  he 
desires.  But  the  first  deer  secured  must  be 
entirely  distributed  among  the  others;  he 
may  not  touch  it.  Candles  must  be  made  of 
the  fat  and  he  must  light  one  and  put  it 
in  his  house  before  setting  forth  again.  This 
is  for  the  spirits.3 

For  the  Fiesta  of  the  Milpa  Cuata  the  deer 
of  which  the  chuales 4  are  made  must  be 
caught  in  a  snare  and  cooked  whole,  head  and 
all. 

TRANSLATION 

Unbidden  have  I  come  hither,  craving 
your  pets  which  wander  about  in  the  dark 
hills,  the  deer  as  they  are  called  hereabouts 
on  your  green  carpet  where  they  belong.  I 
ask  that  ye  lend  me  one  of  these  which 
wander  in  the  seven  beautiful  clouds.  Like- 
wise do  I  beg  your  forgiveness.  Ye  should 
know  that  they  may  hear  me  in  the  winds, 
running  about  on  their  green  carpet  where 
mournfully  they  appear.  Their  Master  is  my 
Lord,  my  Guide,  my  Morning  Star.  I  will 
speak  unto  him  the  one  word  with  which  were 
created  these  which  are  called  your  pets. 
Know  it;  hear  me  and  pardon  me. 

'Uncertain  whether  the  spirits  of  the  deer  or 
whether  disembodied  or  unembodied  anthropomorphic 
spirits. 

4  Nahua  chualli,  a  mush  made  of  pinole  and  finely 
chopped  meat,  cooked  in  corn  husk;  practically  equiva- 
lent to  tamale. 


136 


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VOL.  I 


31.  TO  RID  THE  RANCH  OF  SCORPIONS 

adio's        naparinci'u'k-         apipubo.in-6idida 
To  God,        that  thou  art  my  Morning  Star.      Thou« 
hither  me  wilt  come  watching, 

kuya'm.inda'mactuacumwa-'da       di       aniho 
that  not  over  me  anything  itself  will  make      of     here- 
abouts 

namputuldk-io  hi'di  oi'da.daM 

that  they  live  this  world  on 

namictoko.u-t  aniho'  namputuoipu 

that  they  vicious  hereabouts  that  they  walk 

namarna'na'skor  kuha'pu.pui'c6-p 

that  they  are  scorpions.  Then  thus  also 

ni'cata'n       ha-gicdara       ku'mimomir'iTnka 
1  them  beg  pardon  that  they  hence  selves- 

will  take 

pixo'      nania'mano'noikda      ga"gu-rahu'wan 
where  that  I  not  them  will  see  aside  there 

pixo'  nampuoidaG  aniamho-'hi 

where  that  they  belong.  I  not  wish 

nan.i'ntaM.ano'noikda        piho'        nanoi'mor 
that  I  here  them  will  see  where  that  I  walk. 

kuhapu.pwicft-p         ni'canvatuo         ganavar- 
Then  thus  also  I  them  cause  to  know  that- 

ci'vgo'k  o-'hi  to'tvakwo'p'ta 

which  is  seven  beautiful  skies  beneath 

nampua'r'gidic       kumi'momu'riivka       porki 
that  they  form      that  they  hence  selves  will  take     be- 
cause 

niti'.anato          ani'tuako'k'daD-a        kuni'pu- 
I  if  here  them  see  I  them  will  sicken.  Then. 

ma-'tuo  ganci'u'k  kui'bu.intok'da 

I  cause  to  know          that  my  Morning  Star,          that< 
hither  me  will  extend 


gano  V1D 
that  his  hand 


para  nawo-'c.oVa5.a'b- 

in  order  that  he  in  all  hours* 


irru'k'dida        kumia'm.piho'.tunko'k-datuD'a 

me  will  go  guarding  Then  they  not  any- 
where me  will  sicken 

ganamarictuk6'dam  kugo'kuni'puta'N 

they  which  are  vicious  ones.  Then  therefore  I  beg 

ha-gicdara         ganci'u'c  kuvi'.aha"pud'a 

pardon      he  my  Morning  Star  that  them  will  restrain 


ganampuanihopukikio 
they  which  hereabouts  live 


hidioi'daga'ba 
this  hill  in 


namarhipitpak1 
that  they  are  spiders, 


namarnana'skor 
that  they  are  scorpions, 

namark6k-o  ha'ctunampu.i'ntampukikio 

that  they  are  snakes,  any  that  they  here  reside. 

kumi'.momir'rna  ganavaricto'doG 

Then  they  hence  selves  will  take      that  which  is  green 

ma-'inikwo't'a  kuniamho-'hi 

petate  beneath.  Then  I  not  wish 

nanano'noik-da          konki'hapi          nicma-tut 
that  I  them  will  see.       With  which  thus  is,       I  cause, 
to  know 


ganavarinci'u'k 

he  that  is  my  Morning  Star. 


tunha-'gicio 
Me  pardon 

naparinci'u'k'  naparinda-'o  in.o-'k 

that  thou  art  my  Morning  Star,         that  thou  art  my» 
Mother,         my  Father. 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  recited  by  a  man  when  he 
goes  to  a  new  locality  to  build  his  house  and 
make  his  home.  It  has  the  power  to  drive 
away  the  scorpions,  snakes,  spiders,  and  other 
poisonous  insects  and  animals. 

He  must  first  fast  for  five  days  and  prepare 
a  jicara  of  pinole  mixed  in  water  or  of  holy 
water.  This  jicara  is  decorated  with  small 
beads.  At  the  end  of  the  fast  it  is  placed  in 
the  center  of  the  holding  and  the  water 
sprinkled  to  the  four  cardinal  points  while 
the  prayer  is  recited.  The  latter  is  addressed 
to  the  Morning  Star,  the  arch-enemy  of  the 
scorpions  who  are  the  cattle  of  the  Devil. 
The  principal  scorpion  is  in  the  sky;1  those 
on  earth  are  smaller  copies  of  it. 

The  prayer  must  be  repeated  every  year 
if  the  scorpions  are  to  be  kept  under  control. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  my  Morning  Star. 
Thou  wilt  come  to  watch  over  me  that  no 
evil  may  come  upon  me  from  those  who  dwell 

1  Probably  borrowed  from  the  European  zodiac. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO      PRAYERS 


137 


hereabouts  upon  the  earth,  the  poisonous 
scorpions  which  here  wander. 

Likewise  do  I  beseech  them  that  they 
take  themselves  hence  where  I  may  not  be- 
hold them,  away  where  they  belong.  I  do 
not  wish  to  see  them  hereabouts  where  I 
walk.  Also  do  I  give  them  to  know,  formed 
as  they  are  beneath  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens,  that  they  must  take  themselves 
hence,  for  if  I  behold  them  hereabouts  I  will 
sicken  them. 

Also  do  I  beseech  my  Morning  Star  that 
he  reach  unto  me  his  hand  to  shield  me 
through  all  hours.  Then  will  these  poisonous 
ones  not  sicken  me.  Therefore  do  I  beseech 
him,  my  Morning  Star,  that  he  restrain  them 
who  live  in  this  hill,  the  scorpions,  the  spiders, 
the  serpents,  and  all  those  who  here  dwell. 
They  must  take  themselves  beneath  the 
green  carpet,  for  I  do  not  wish  to  behold 
them. 

Thus  do  I  say  unto  my  Morning  Star. 
Forgive  me,  my  Morning  Star,  my  Lord  and 
my  Lady. 


32.  TO  OBTAIN  A  SERPENT  PROTECTOR 

adiu's  naparin.Q-'k  naparinda-'D 

To  God  that  thou  art  my  Father,          that  thou* 

art  my  Mother. 

pimi'tunha'gicda       kunivda'gia       hi'di        ko 
Ye  me  will  pardon      that  I  will  seize      this      snake 

i'ntaM  na'nitpuvat6  ku'nibo'k'ta 

here        that  I  did  already  find.        That  I  will  carry 

inki'amha  para  natun-uk'turio-a 

my  home  to         in  order         that  he  for  me  will  guard. 

hi'di  navarictodo  ama'inikdam 

This  that  is  green  your  petate  on 

napuoidak         napuma'r'git         hacnaci'diidu 
that  he  belongs       that  he  is  formed       as  that  hoards 

napu.i'ntam         napumvap'an         kuvin.oida 
that  he  here     that  he  is  stretched  out.     Then  me  will* 
accompany 

piho      nanpunxopit      inki'a-m      napumtotok 
where       that  I  me  rest,       my  home       that  it  is  called 


para     natun-ukturio-a     ha'ctunanpiho'dakta 
in  order       that  he  for  me  will  guard      anything  that* 
I  anywhere  will  leave 

piho'van      a'npusoi"ma-c      hi'di      oi'dada'm 
where  I  sad  appear  this  world  on. 

kuha'pu.o'p-  ani'ctanim  ha'gicdara 

Then  thus  also  I  am  begging  pardon 

hidi         navarictodo         mai'nikdam         piho 
this  that   is  green  petate  on  where 


nanpusoi  mac 
that  I  sad  appear 

to'tvakwo'pta 
skies  beneath. 


navarci'vgo'k 
that  is  seven 


kuhi'di 
Then  this 


ohi 
beautiful 

ko 

snake 


aviamipihoin6'p'kioD-a 

he  not  anywhere  me  will  frighten. 


kuni'puta'n 
Then  I  beg 


hagicdara  kuvi'.mom.u'rin-ka  pixo 

pardon  that  he  hence  self  will  shelve  where 


nanda'k'ta 
that  I  will  leave. 


kuviamiadak'  taka 
Then  not  them  will  leave 


nampih6tunha-'niD'a  ganha'haxdun 

that  they  anywhere  me  will  meddle     that  my  relations, 

kumiamha'ctupixo.inbo'boitciD'a          kuvi'.a- 
that  they  not  anything  anywhere  me  will  steal.     Then* 

wu'pu'rda         amti'piho'.hactucinvwfdrcdam 
he  them  will  tie  they  if  anywhere  anything  me* 

with  wish  to  take. 


kuvia'mi.ada'k'taka 
Then  not  them  will  leave. 


goko  ni'puta'n 

Therefore  I  beg 

favo-r  kuvi'n.ofda  inki'amha' 

favor  that  me  will  accompany  my  home  to. 

kuhapu.o'p-  nicmatuD  gan.Q-'G' 

Then  thus  also  I  cause  to  know  that  my* 

Father, 

inda-'t         nampunma'kim        lisensia      hi'di 
my  Mother,        that  they  me  give        permission       this 

oi'dadam  na'npugamtonoidim  hidi 

world  on  that  I  going  beholding  this 

go'k  va'ik  t6no-r  nanitpua"- 

two  three  sun  that  I  did  already* 

cima-cit  kuhapu.&'p-  avi'pkindak-ta 

appear  that  thus  also  he  also  yet  me* 

will  leave 


138 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


hidi 

this 


gok 
two 


vaik 
three 


t6noT 
sun 


nani'pkicihilruirda 
that  I  also  yet  will  set. 

inka'ok          dios 


&o»/b'<hap.mat6k' 
With  which  thus  know; 

pocumvi'ak'a 


me  hear.  God          thee  will  sympathize. 

NOTE 

Large  constrictor  serpents  are  said  to  live 
in  the  forests  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental 
above  Azqueltan  and  these  are  claimed  to 
make  excellent  pets  and  house  guardians.1 
If  properly  approached  they  will  accompany 
the  finder  to  his  house  and  guard  it  for  him. 
They  give  notice  of  danger  by  striking  the 
ground  with  the  tail  and  bind  and  hold 
any  one  who  may  come  with  intent  to  rob. 
If  the  owner  is  asleep  they  strike  him  in  the 
face  with  the  tail  to  awaken  him.  But  they 
must  be  given  bread  to  eat  every  Thursday 
if  they  are  to  remain  content. 

When  a  man  wishes  to  secure  one  of  them 
he  first  buys  a  candle  and  begs  permission 
of  Maria  Santisima  in  the  church.  Then 
he  takes  a  white  cloth  with  which  to  bind 
the  snake  and  hunts  to  the  four  cardinal 
points.  When  he  has  found  it  he  recites 
this  prayer. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Father  and  my  Mother.  For- 
give me  if  I  carry  hence  this  serpent  which 
I  have  found  here.  I  will  carry  him  to  my 
house  that  he  may  be  my  guard.  On  this 
your  green  carpet  where  he  belongeth  was 
formed  he  who  lieth  here.  He  must  go  with 
me  to  where  I  rest,  my  home  as  it  is  called, 
to  keep  watch  for  me  over  anything  which 
I  may  leave  wherever  I  do  mournfully  appear 
in  this  world. 

Thus  do  I  pray  here  where  I  do  sadly 
appear  on  this  green  carpet  beneath  the 
seven  beautiful  heavens.  This  serpent  must 
not  frighten  me.  I  beg  that  he  may  stay 
hidden  wherever  I  may  put  him.  He  must 

1  Cf.  Lumholtz,  Unknown  Mexico,  II,  p.  124. 


not  allow  my  neighbors  to  meddle  anywhere 
nor  to  steal  from  me.  He  must  wrap  himself 
around  them  if  they  come  to  rob  me  of  any- 
thing. He  shall  not  permit  them.  Therefore 
do  I  ask  the  favor  that  he  accompany  me 
to  my  home. 

Likewise  do  I  say  unto  my  Father  and  my 
Mother  who  have  given  me  leave  to  go  be- 
holding in  this  world  these  few  days  which 
have  dawned,  that  they  shall  still  allow  me 
yet  a  few  days  which  shall  yet  come  to  a  close. 

Know  it  to  be  thus  and  hear  me!  May 
God  bless  thee. 


33.  TO  BEG  RICHES  OF  THE  TOLOACHE 

adio's  na'parino/'G'  na'parinda''D 

To  God        that  thou  art  my  Father,       that  thou  art* 
my  Mother. 

pi'tunha'gicda         ku.a-'ni.a'nsapiwi-<nartun-- 
Thou  me  wilt  pardon  that  I,  I  say,  to  him  me- 

ma'kia  gako'frup-2  a'niho' 

will  give  that  Toloache  !  hereabouts 

nampudadaR  ganavargo'gur 

that  they  are  seated  that  which  are  great 

to'hungio'am          aniho'  hasnaci'diidu 

rock-piles  on  hereabouts  thus  that  hoards. 

kuni'puta'n'ia  gago'guxdara 

Then  I  will  beg  that  fortune 

ave'r.ti*nsokore''rota.  ku'intane''tiD'a 

to  see  if  me  will  succor.  Then  me  will  lend 

gago'gucdara    go'kuni'puamtaN     ha-'gicdara 
that  fortune.  Therefore  I  you  beg  pardon 

napimaringo"korak  vo'puhimdam 

that  ye  are  my  manes  before  go  on. 

kuhapu.p'icS'p          ni'cta'n  gahd'gicdara 

Then  thus  also  I  beg  that  pardon 

gako't'rup'     kupimima'kia     lise^'nsia     anih6 
that  Toloache.     Then  ye  will  give    permission.     Here- 
abouts 

nampudadaT  ha'snaci'diidu  ci'arwot'ahowan 
that  they  are  seated      thus  that  hoards    east  beneath' 
there 

2  Nahua  toloatzin,  Datura  stramonium. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO      PRAYERS 


139 


va-'rvariB 
north 


hir'rniB 

west 


o-'gipa 
south. 


hidi'ko'D 
This  with 


ga- 

that* 


iD'amohowan  natpubo'ida'kta 

us  over  there  that  he  did  hither  leave 

ba"maro''gat  para  ha'stu 

his  father-in-law  in  order  anything 

nat'a'ndao  kuvi>putma-'kda  natar- 

that  we  might  beg        that  he  us  will  give        that  we« 

ma-mrat          gat.o-'k-  kuvi'.putma-'kida 

are  his  children  that  our  Father.          Then  he  us= 

will  go  giving 

ha'snata-nida  aniho'  nampudadar 

thus  that  we  will  go  begging.  Hereabouts        that* 

they  are  seated 

hacnaci'diidu         ganavaricto'do        ma''inic- 
thus  that  hoards  that  which  is  green  petate* 

dam          navarica'pma'cimka-t          ichikmao 
on.  That  is  well  appearing  spread  out  cloudy 

icva"irtaG    navarahi'kom.or    na'mpua'r'gidic 
drizzly  which   is  their  cloud   within  that* 

they  form 

ganavargo'gur    to'hongiD'am    aniho'    ci'ko-r 
that  which  is  great  rock-piles  on  hereabouts 

vicinity 

puha'kago'cim  ba-'variB  hu'rniB 

returning  north  west 

o-'gipa  hidi'ko't  navaricto'doc 

south.  This  with  which  is  green 

to'vaga'pa  puva'kuG'atim  hi'di 

sky  in  already  finishing  this 

ho'mat  gcr'G  vaik  nf.o/k- 

one  two  three  word 


natpuho'ko'tbo'i.a'r'gidic 
that  he  did  with  hither  form 

kuti<cpuaw61t-am6-mgia 
Then  we  them  beneath  will  bow 


hi'di 

this 


oi'dadam 
world  on. 


O''hi 
beautiful 


to't'vakwot'a 
skies  beneath 


gana'varci'vgok 
they  which  are  seven 

piho'dor 
where  from 


na'tpuboio-a'kta  na'variD-a-D  pa'ra 

that  she  did  hither  us  leave  that  she  is  our* 

Mother  in  order 


natputan.daD 
that  we  should  beg 


gako'tT'up1 
that  Toloache 


ha'stu- 

anything* 


naticho-'hidao  kuvi'.put-ma''kida 

that  we  might  wish.  That  he  us  will  go  giving 

ha'stunata-'nda    natarma'mraD    na'tpupiho'- 
anything  that  we  will  beg  that  we  are  his  children 

that  we  anywhere* 

soima.mac  kuha'pu.pi'cop*  ati'cta'n 

sad  appear.  Then  thus  also  we  beg 

ha-'gicdara        ganavarinsu'sbidat        inci'u'k 
pardon         she  that  is  my  Protector,        my  Morning* 
Star, 

in.Q-'k        inda-'t        aniho'         nampudada'r 
my  Father     my  Mother     hereabouts     that  they  are* 
seated 

ganavarci'vgok  o-'hi 

they  which  are  seven  beautiful 

konkihap.i  ma-'tok 

With  which  thus  is;  know, 


Then  God  thee  will  sympathize. 


to'tvakdam 

skies  on. 

inka'ok 
me  hear. 


NOTE 

The  toloache  is  a  plant  of  great  power, 
being  the  son-in-law  of  the  Father  Sun.  He 
attained  this  by  reason  of  his  marriage  to 
the  Corn  Daughter.  But  he  mistreated  her 
by  having  two  mistresses,  Crow  and  Map- 
uache,  and  was  fastened  head-downward  in 
the  ground,  his  limbs  outstretched  and  was 
commanded  to  give  mortals  whatever  they 
might  beg  of  him.1 

It  is  said  to  have  a  thick  trunk  of  nine 
inches  diameter  and  no  roots,  growing  on  the 
bare  rock.  Its  five  branches  extend  to  the 
cardinal  points  and  to  heaven.  It  is  made 
of  money  and  each  one  has  a  jicara  full  of 
coin  in  front  of  it.  One  may  borrow  this 
money  and  return  it  in  five  years  time.  But 
having  done  so,  he  may  not  attend  confession. 
Or  he  may  beg  fortune  which  will  later  be 
vouchsafed  to  him.  Needless  to  say,  the 
toloache  is  an  extremely  rare  plant  in  the 
Tepecano  country. 

To  beg  fortune  of  the  toloache  one  must 
first  fast  seven  days  for  Maria  Santfsima  and 

1  Cf.  JAFL,  xxvii,  160. 


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INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.   I 


go  to  church  and  recite  this  prayer  to  her  to 
beg  her  permission.  Then  he  fasts  forty  days 
for  the  toloache.  He  goes  to  the  river  and 
finds  a  black  stone  which  has  a  child,  a 
smaller  black  stone,  beside  it.  These  two 
he  takes  away,  the  smaller  one  for  Maria 
Santisima,  the  larger  one  to  pay  the  toloache. 
He  also  carries  a  bastdn  decorated  with  cotton 
and  a  jicara  decorated  with  beads.  Going 
to  the  toloache,  he  recites  this  prayer  and 
leaves  the  offerings  there.  Soon  thereafter 
he  attains  great  wealth. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail !  thou  who  art  my  Father  and  Mother. 
Thou  wilt  forgive  me  for  I  am  about  to 
give  myself  unto  the  Toloaches  who  are  seated 
round  about  among  the  great  rocks.  I  will 
beg  fortune  of  one  of  them,  if  perchance  he 
may  succor  me  and  lend  me  riches. 

Therefore  do  I  beg  your  forgiveness,  my 
spirits  who  have  gone  before.  And  likewise 
do  I  beg  forgiveness  of  the  Toloache;  ye 
shall  give  me  leave  to  do  so. 

Round  about  are  they  seated  in  their  places 
beneath  the  east,  the  north,  the  west  and  the 
south.  There  did  their  father-in-law  who  is 
above  us  put  them  that  they  should  render 
unto  us  whatever  we  might  crave,  who  are 
the  children  of  the  Father.  They  must  give 
us  whatever  we  ask.  Round  about  are  they 
seated  on  the  verdant  carpet.  Within  their 
drizzly  cloud,  beautifully  o'ercast,  were  they 
formed,  from  whence  they  returned  hither 
to  the  great  rocky  slopes  to  north,  west  and 
south. 

So  doth  ascend  unto  the  blue  heavens 
these  few  words  with  which  he  was  created 
in  this  world.  So  do  we  bow  our  heads  be- 
neath the  seven  beautiful  heavens  from 
whence  our  Mother  sent  us  to  beg  of  the 
Toloache  whatever  we  might  crave.  He 
must  grant  us,  the  children  of  the  Father, 
whatever  we  may  wish,  wherever  we  may 
appear. 


Likewise  do  we  beg  forgiveness  of  my  Lord 
and  my  Lady,  my  Guide  and  Morning  Star 
there  where  they  are  seated  in  the  seven 
beautiful  heavens. 

Know  it  to  be  thus  and  hear  me!  May 
God  bless  thee. 


34.  TO  BEG  FORTUNE  OF  THE  HILLS 

adio's  naparin.o-'G"  naparinda'o 

To  God  that  thou  art  my  Father,          that  thou= 

art  my  Mother, 

aniho'  napimpudada'r  ci'kor 

hereabouts  that    ye   are   seated  vicinity 

x6vwan  ganaVaricapMa-'cim  am- 

there  that  which  is  well  appearing  your» 

a'tockardam     navarichi'kmat.ka-D      navaric- 
seat  on  which  is  cloudy,  outspread  which  is» 

va"u-tak  anihft  na'pimpudd.da'r 

drizzly.  Hereabouts  that    ye   are   seated 

hasnaci'.dudu  na'pimpubo'.it'noidim 

thus  that  hoards  that  ye  hither  us  watching 

gana'varumbu'p'uivashftku't"  navaram- 

those  which  are  thy  faces  with  which  are= 

ka'k'varik  navarumu"umi  piho'dor 

your  chimales.  Which  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows 

wherefrom 

napu.iwa-N    ganavarhfko'm    ganavarci'vgo'k 
that  it  rises  that  which  is  cloud          that  which  is* 

seven 

o-'hi         totvacwo'tadftr        kuti'c.pu.amta-n 
beautiful  skies  beneath  from.  Then  we= 

you  beg 

ha-gicdara  pih&dor  na'pimitbo'.inid 

pardon  where  from  that  ye  did  hither  speak 

gaci'vgo'k  amni"o'kh5k'u't  ha'p'u 

that  seven  your  word  with  thus 

namita'paM.ho'k  ha'pu  hakia 

that  they  did  already  also  you  reply          thus          same 

ni'o-khfiko't        kuna'mita'paMta        lise-'nsia 
word  with.  Then  that  they  did  already  also  you 

begged  permission 

para  na'rnpu.itma'k'ia  gaha'ctu 

in  order  that  they  us  will  give  that  anything 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


141 


natatanida  gago'gtrcdara  hastu 

that  we  them  will  go  begging     that  succor     anything 

naticho-'hida  hastu  na'pustuhaitu 

that  we  will  desire  anything  that  it  exists 

hi'di  navaricto'doG  amai'nikdam 

this  which  is  green  your  petate  on 

piho'         natpusoi'mama'c         napimaring&'- 
where  that  we  sad  appear.  That  ye  are  my* 

korak  ti 'cam  tan  ha'gicdara 

spirits  we  you  beg  pardon. 

ku'pimi'tutha-gicda         ti'cputo'maiamsa'kcit 
Then  ye  us  will  pardon.     We  continually  to  you  weep 

ha-'cnapuci'dudu  na'pimpuaniho'.dadar 

thus  that  hoards  that  ye  hereabouts  are  seated 

na'pimaringo.korak  ci"arwot'ah6 

that  ye  are  my  manes  east  beneath  there 

napimpusoi.mama'c         ba'varip         hir'rnip 
that  ye  sad  appear  north  west 


O-  gipa 
south. 


koha'pu.pwic.op' 
Then  thus  also 


ni'camtan 
I  you  beg 

ha'gicdara          ku'pimi'nma'kia          lise~'nsia 
pardon  that  ye  me  will  give  permission 

nanpuavwi'tunma'kia     gana'mpuaniho'tukio' 
that  I  with  them  me  will  give      they  who  hereabouts* 
reside 


ganavarictutuk 
that  which  is  black 


cr'hi  ofdak-.a'ba 

beautiful  hill  in. 


kumia'mpiho'.cin'oi'da  kuminma'kia 

Then  they  not  anywhere  me  will  ignore.         Then  they* 
me  will  give 

ha'ctunanpiho'.ata-nida  ganiho 

anything  that  I  anywhere  them  will  beg.  That* 

hereabouts 

namputukik'io          ganavarci'vgcrk'          cr'hi 
that  they  dwell  that  which  is  seven  beautiful 

t6vakwop'ta       piho'dor       napimi'tpub6it'6k 
sky  beneath  where  from          that  ye  did  hither* 

us  extend 


ganaVarumn6v 
that  which  is  thy  hand 


na'titpuha'bantuD'a 
that  we  did  in  it  us  seized 


natitpua'ta  gagogircdara  ku- 

that  we  did  begged  that  succor.  Then* 


ha'pu.pwi'cop-        ticamta-n  ha'gicdara 

thus  also  we  you  beg  pardon 

hiditakugumoko't'  kuya'mha'ctu.iD-am.- 

this  fragment  with,  that  not  anything  over  us* 

acumwa'da  tia'mpiho'kdk'orda  woe 

itself  will  make        we  not  anywhere  will  sicken.        All 

icxo'pitkamSkot  pimi'pubo.iD'agiunida 

cold  with  ye  hither  us  will  go  cleansing 

gana'varamu"umi.6k6't  ganavaram- 

they  which  are  your  ceremonial  arrows  with       those* 
which  are  your* 

ka'k'varik      ganavaramcr'cvoD          piho'dor 
chimales  with       those  which  are  your  plumes      where* 
from 


konki\hap.i 
With  which  thus  is; 

kupiminka-'ok 
that  ye  me  hear 

konki  \hap.f          dios.- 


napuboi.hik'maD 
that  it  hither  clouds  up. 

ni'cpuama't'ut 
I  you  cause  to  know 

napimaring&korak 

that  ye  are  my  manes.        With  which  thus  is.        God* 

pocamari  'dak-  am 
you  smallness. 

NOTE 

The  surrounding  hills  or  cerros  are  elements 
of  the  greatest  importance  in  the  religion 
of  this  region  and  the  more  important  ones 
have  their  particular  habitant  spirits.  These 
can  grant  wealth  to  mortals  if  properly  ap- 
proached. The  method  displays  a  strange 
mixture  of  Christian  and  pagan  philosophy 
but  the  prayer  is  purely  aboriginal. 

When  one  has  determined  to  sell  himself 
to  the  hills  in  return  for  fortune  he  first 
fasts  seven  days  for  Maria  Santisima.  At 
midnight  on  the  seventh  day  he  goes  to  the 
church  carrying  a  lighted  twenty-five  cent 
candle  and  says  this  prayer  to  sever  his  con- 
nection with  the  church.  Then  he  rests 
several  days,  bathes  himself  and  then  fasts 
forty  days.  At  the  end  of  this  fast  he  goes 
to  one  of  the  principal  hills  carrying  a  jicara 
decorated  with  small  beads  (chaquira)  and 
many  larger  beads  for  payment.  There  he 
says  the  prayer  again  and  leaves  the  offering. 


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VOL.   I 


From  a  neighboring  spring  he  takes  a  gourd 
of  water  and  carries  it  to  his  cornfield  (codtnil) . 
Here  he  sprinkles  it  to  the  four  corners  and 
in  the  middle  while  reciting  the  prayer  for 
the  third  time.  After  he  has  sown  and  reapt 
his  crop  he  becomes  very  wealthy.  He  may 
not  go  to  confession  thenceforth  and  every 
fifth  of  May  he  must  go  to  the  hill  to  repeat 
his  vows.  Every  fifth  year  he  must  repeat 
the  fast  and  the  visit  to  church. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  my  Father  and  my  Mother,  seated 
somewhere  on  your  pleasant  throne,  o'er- 
spread  with  drizzly  clouds.  From  there  where 
ye  are  seated  do  ye  gaze  upon  us  with  your 
countenances,  which  are  your  chimales.  From 
your  arrows  ariseth  the  cloud  from  beneath 
the  seven  beautiful  heavens.  We  beg  your 
forgiveness.  From  there  did  ye  speak  your 
seven  words  and  they  replied  unto  you  with 
the  same  words.  They  besought  you  that 
they  might  grant  us  anything  which  we 
might  crave  of  them,  that  they  might  succor 
us  with  anything  we  might  wish  upon  this 
your  green  carpet  where  mournfully  we 
appear. 

We  also  beg  your  forgiveness,  my  spirits. 
And  ye  will  forgive  us.  Continually  do  we 
cry  unto  you,  my  spirits,  seated  there  be- 
neath the  east,  the  north,  the  west  and  the 
south,  where  ye  do  sadly  appear. 

Likewise  do  I  beseech  you  that  ye  grant 
me  leave  to  give  myself  unto  them  who  live 
hereabouts  in  the  beautiful  dark  hill.  They 
must  not  refuse  me;  they  must  give  me 
whatever  I  may  ask  of  them.  Hereabouts 
do  they  dwell  beneath  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens  whence  ye  did  reach  unto  us  your 
hand  into  which  we  were  gathered  when  we 
begged  succor. 

So  with  this  fragment  do  we  beseech  you 
that  no  evil  may  come  upon  us  and  that  we 
may  not  be  sickened.  W7ith  all  the  cold  will 
ye  cleanse  us;  with  your  arrows,  your 


chimales  and  your  plumes  whence  spring  the 
clouds. 

Thus  do  I  give  ye  to  know.     Hear  me,  O 
my  spirits!  So  be  it.    May  God  bless  you. 


35.  TO  GAIN  A  SWEETHEART 

adio's  naparmaiMda1  ci"arwotaho 

To  God       that  thou  art  the  intoxicated  '  one        east* 
beneath  there 

napu.a'rgidic         napucmai'M         ati'cumta'n 
that  thou  art  formed    that  thou  art  intoxicated.     We« 
thee  beg 

ha'gicdara  navaric'i'vgo'k'  6hi 

pardon  which  are  seven  beautiful 

tfiwakwo'ta  napu.oi'dok  kupi'pu.- 

sky  beneath  that  thou  belongest.  That  thou» 

ci'korhi'mia        ho'ga         na'varica'pmamcim 
about  wilt  go  that  which  is  well  appearing 

um.a"rach6k-6't         napua'r'gidic         kuni1.- 
thy  form  with  that  thou  art  formed.          Then  !• 

pucho'hi  kupi'.mai'muD'a  hoga 

desire        that  thou  wilt  cause  to  be  intoxicated      that 

uv       nanica'pnoio       ica'pmimcim       xio'cio 
woman       whom  I  well  see       well  appearing       flower 


nanpuho'kota'rgidic 
that  I  with  am  formed. 


kuha'pi.pwic&'p 
Then  thus  also 


ni'ctan  ha-'gicdara  xio'ciktio"o 

I  beg  pardon  Flower  Man. 

ku'niho'ko.pua'Vgidic        navaricap.mamcim 
Then  I  with  am  formed  which  is  well  appearing 

u-'par2  xio'cgi  nanpuho'kokotuf 

guisache1  flower  that  I  with  am  decorated. 

kuvi'naptotu'gia  hoga  uv 

Then  with  me  shall  behold  that  woman 

nanica'pnoio  kuni'pucho'hi         na.ina'p- 

whom  I  good  see.        Then  I  desire      that  she  with  me* 

totu'gia  kuvia'wa'5  homai 

shall  behold.  Then  not  more  other 


xio'ci'k 
flower 


ica'pma''cka 
well  shall  appear 


mas 
more 


1  Intoxicated  with  peyote. 

*  Nahua  huisalzin,  probably  Pithecolobium  albicans. 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


143 


than 

rntam 
here 

avia'mbia'ka 
she   not   need 

xi'ociG 


ga.a'ni  nanpuanhokokotui 

the  I  that  I  here  with  am  decorated 


nanpusoi'ma'c 
that   I  sad  appear. 

pixowan 
anywhere 

na.icapno'io-a 


kuha'pu.pi'cS.p 
Then  thus  also 

naxo'mai 
that   she   other 

mas 
more 


flower  that   she  good  shall   behold 

di  nanpuhokot.kutui  ^avarsa'mar 

than  that  I  with  am  decorated  which  is* 

palo  mulato1 

hio'cgi  nanpuho'ko.a-'r'gidic 

flower  that  I  with  am  formed. 

kuvi'cpuh6'gia.hogacapnoi"da  kuhapu.- 

Then  she  only  that  well  shall  behold.  Then  thus* 

pwic&-p  hoga  navarho"oG'i'suriG2 

also  that  which  is  garambuHoi 

hio'cgi.hoko      nanpuhokoDina'r'gio       napu.- 
flower  with  that  I  with  me  form  that  she* 

a"rak  ha'cnacidu'du  hava 

form  thus  that  hoards  and 

ga.a'rak3          hio'cikhoko         nanpu.a'r'gidic 
that  rosa  maria?       flower  with      that  I  am  formed. 

kuni'pucho'hi  kuvi'cinho'hida  h6ga 

Then  I  desire          that  she  me  shall  desire          that 

uv  nanica'pnoit  gana'varici'vgok 

woman       whom  I  well  behold        that  which  is  seven 

o-'hi  to'twak  napua-'r.gidic 

beautiful  skies  that  is  formed. 

ci"arwo'fa        na'tpumoho'ma'cir 
East  beneath          that  she  did  there  appear 

ma'mcim  hiocig&ko't  ko'tuik'am 

appearing  flower  with  decoration 

natpubo'iho-D  ganavar.o-'gat  hava 

that  he  did  hither  send       he  who  is  her  father       and 

navardo"6o    navarica'pma'mcim    a'rakhokot 
who  is  her  mother    which  is  well  appearing    form  with 

kotui'k-am  hapu.p'ic6'p  ni'c.ta'n 

decoration.  Thus  also  I  beg 

hagicdara          hoga          navar6'gat          hava 
pardon  he  who  is  her  father  and 

1  Possibly  Xanthoxylum  pentanome. 
1  Unidentified. 


ica  p- 

welU 


navardu"uD  kumi.tunha-gicda  ku- 

who  is  her  mother     that  they  me  will  pardon.     Then* 

vr'nwi.tunva'kia  hoga  uv 

with  me  self  shall  give  that  woman 

nanica'pnofD       havaganavarkofrup4  hio'cic- 
that  I  well  behold.    And  that  which  is  toloache*     flower» 

ho'k'o't        nanpuho'kot.ko'tui  kuhapu.- 

with  that  I  with  am  decorated.        Then  thus« 

pi'co'p          kuni'pucho'hi          kuvi'cinho'hida 
also  that  I  desire  that  she  me  shall* 

desire 

hi'di  u'v  ha'vagana'varmai'mda 

this        woman        and  she  who  is  the  intoxicated  one 

uvikami  napumtStok  ganavari- 

womankind  that  she  is  called  that  which  is* 

c'i'vgok  o'hi  towakwo't-a 

seven  beautiful  sky  beneath 

napu.oi'dak  kuha'pupi'c6-p  nictan 

that  she  belongs.  Then  thus  also  I  beg 

ha-'gicdara         ganavarhio'ciktio"t        go'gur 
pardon  he  who  is  Flower  Man  great 

tiihungiD-am          na'pu6idak          konki'.hapi 
rock-piles  on  that  he  belongs.  With 

which  thus  is; 

dios        pocambi'ak'a 
God  you  will  sympathize. 

NOTE 

This  prayer  is  the  native's  substitute  for 
the  love  potions  of  the  European  necromancer. 

When  a  boy  desires  the  love  of  a  girl  who 
has  given  him  no  encouragement  he  must 
first  fast  five  days.  Then  if  he  does  not  know 
the  prayer  he  must  secure  the  services  of  one 
who  does,  paying  him  for  the  labor.  He  has 
first  stealthily  secured  some  article  of  apparel 
worn  by  the  girl.  A  figure  or  "doll"  is  made 
from  this  and  another  from  one  of  his  gar- 
ments. The  latter  is  decorated  with  the 
flowers  of  five  narcotic  plants,  guizache,  palo 
mulato,  garambullo,  rosa  maria  and  toloache. 

'  Cannabis  indica,  "Indian  hemp,"  "hashish  "  mari- 
guana. 

'  Nahua  toloatzin,  Datura  stramonium. 


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VOL.    I 


At  midnight,  when  the  girl  is  asleep,  a  candle 
is  lighted  and  the  two  figures  placed  in  a 
jicara  or  bowl  of  water  where  they  float. 
The  prayer  is  then  recited  and  a  ceremonial 
song  sung  five  times  to  the  accompaniment 
of  the  musical  bow.  Five  ceremonial  circuits 
of  the  bowl  are  then  made  and  the  charm  is 
complete.  If  the  figures  have  floated  to- 
gether, the  prayer  will  be  answered;  if  they 
have  parted,  the  case  is  hopeless. 

The  prayer  is  replete  with  allegory  and 
ceremonial  allusions. 

TRANSLATION 

Hail!  thou  who  art  called  the  Intoxicated 
Woman  who  wast  created  beneath  the  east, 
intoxicated.  We  beg  thy  forgiveness,  thou 
that  belongest  beneath  the  seven  beautiful 
heavens.  Thou  shalt  return,  formed  as  thou 
art  with  thy  beauteous  figure.  I  ask  that 
thou  wilt  intoxicate  the  woman  whom  I  crave, 
who  am  arrayed  with  pretty  flowers. 

Likewise  do  I  beseech  the  Flower  Man. 
For  I  am  arrayed  with  the  pretty  flower 
of  guizache.  She  must  look  upon  me,  this 
woman  whom  I  covet;  I  ask  that  she  look 
upon  me,  that  no  other  flower  shall  please 
her  but  the  one  with  which  I  am  arrayed, 
sadly  appearing  here.  She  must  not  crave 
another  flower  but  that  with  which  I  am 
arrayed,  the  flower  of  palo  mulato.  This 
only  shall  she  like.  And  likewise  the  flowers 
of  rosa  maria  and  garambullo  of  which  I  am 
made.  I  wish  that  she  shall  want  me,  this 
woman  whom  I  crave,  who  was  created  be- 
neath the  seven  beautiful  heavens.  Beneath 
the  east  did  she  appear,  arrayed  with  pretty 
flowers.  Thence  did  her  father  and  her 
mother  send  her,  arrayed  with  her  beauteous 
form. 

Likewise  do  I  beseech  her  father  and  her 
mother  that  they  forgive  me.  She  must  give 
herself  unto  me,  this  woman  whom  I  covet. 
For  I  am  arrayed  with  the  flower  of  toloache. 
Therefore  do  I  ask  that  this  woman  shall 
want  me,  and  also  she  who  is  called  the 


Intoxicated  Woman  who  belongeth  beneath 
the  seven  beautiful  heavens. 

Thus  do  I  beseech  the  Flower  Man  who 
dwelleth  on  the  great  rocky  slopes. 

So  be  it.     May  God  bless  you. 


36.   TO  SECURE  A  BRIDE 

a'nicb6-'him      a'piam.ha'pum.a-'gat      i'nim6 
I  hither  come;       thou  not  thus  shouldst  think       here 

konticanboidu'viac      to"nimor.va.umni'ok'iD 
that   I   did  here  hither  have  arrived  unbidden* 

already  to  thee  speak. 

hoga'k-6't  api'ctunha'gicda 

that-with  thou  me  wilt  pardon 

porke  na''numn6it  na'psoi'ma'c 

because  that  I  thee  behold  that  thou  sad* 

appearest. 

ku'hoga'kot  anicto"nim6r.ba"umnio'k'it 

Then  that-with  I  unbidden  already  thee  speak. 

ku'animok.modQr          namaivanioki          dios 
Then  afar-from     that  he  hence  already  speaks     God 

na'pua'ptuf        ci'vgo'k'         o-'hi        to'tvak- 
that  he  is  seven  beautiful  skies» 


pero 
But 


dam 
on. 
create 


nava-rdo"6f 
who  is  her  mother 

ci'vgo'k' 
seven 


abimo'  natpuvaho'madi1 

There  that  he1  did  already* 


O- 'gat- 
her father 

hi'kom&ra 
cloud  within. 


h&ga 
that 

hoga 
That 


navaric.to'dok-  o-'hi  ha'vu.6ra 

which  is  green  beautiful  jicara  within 

natpuho'mad'idak     natpuhivisaptiik     dS'u't- 
that  he  did  form  that  he  did  hide  carry          her* 

mother 

o-'gat          natpuaniho'vanra'ci'r          ta'tpan 
her  father.          Then  she  did  hereabouts  appear         in* 
the  legs 

natpuvaso's'oigim       natsa'sa       kuamiho'dor 
that  she  did  already  sorrowing  that  she  did* 

weep.  Then  there-from 

1  The  parents  seem  to  be  generally  spoken  of  in  the 
singular  number,  inclusively. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


145 


na'tpuai'vavom1  natpuva't'okohi 

that  she1  did  already  arise      that  she  did  already  tread 

navarict6do  cr'hi  mai'nda'm 

which  is  green  beautiful  petate  on. 

amiho'van     natpuva.a-'rgi     ha'cmacimo'kot' 
There          that  she  did  already  form          any  appear- 
ance with 


na'p-ua-"rak' 
that  she  form 


hoga 

that 


do"irf 

her  mother 


O-'gat 
her  father. 


ku.a'midor 
Then  therefrom 


natpu.aivawo'mik 
that  she  did  already* 


napuvatono'id'im        hoga        navarictuma'M 
that  she  already  beholding        that         which  is  five 

hi'kom.or    napubava.a-'rgidiM     navaric.to'do 
cloud  within      that  she  hither  already  forming    which* 
is  green 

cr'hi     hi'komagido'k'of      natpugamivavomit 
beautiful         his  cloud  with.        That  she  did  already* 
raise 

natpuvano'id'im  h6ga  ho"kia 

that  she  already  beholding  that  so  many 

ma'mciM  hi'k-om  orho'van 

appearances  cloud  within 

abiho'van       na'pubava'sa-'kim       sa'kumgid- 
there       that  she  hither  already  sorrowing       her  tears* 

6"k6t-    na'puida'giunim     napugamamo'riT/gia 
with        that  she  goes  cleansing.         That  she  will  run 

hikom.orhu'van  napubavama-'rgidida 

cloud  within  that  she  hither  already  self  will  go* 

forming 

ho'gactumaM       ci'c.wordado"kof        navar.- 
that  five  his  plumes  with  who  is  her* 

cc'gat'           ha'ban'd6r             nabai'vaha-'duG 
father         which-from         that  hither  already 

nabai'vaviV  nabai'vahi'koma 

that  hither  already that  hither  already  clouds  up. 

kua'bimohodor  hoga  hi'kom.- 

Then  there-from  that  cloud* 

'From  here  on,  the  reference  of  the  third  person 
singular  is  very  equivocal.  It  seems  to  refer  to  the 
peregrinations  of  the  girl  before  birth  but  may  refer 
to  the  journey  of  the  Word  as,  apparently,  is  the  case 
in  the  very  similar  prayer,  No.  2. 


o-rho'dor  napubaiva'niok-im  hog-a 

within-from      that  hither  already  goes  speaking      that 


navaric.da'dikam 
which  is  health 


hi'kom.orho'van 
cloud  within 

na-pubavamho'git-  ku.a'mimo'dur.- 

that  hither  already  replies.        Then  there-from  in  two* 

go'kpaN.totu'gia     napubavatuno'idim     aric.- 
places  will  see      that  hither  already  beholding.       Is* 

to'd'o  o-'hi  ba'hakorho'dor 

green  beautiful  broom  within-from 

amiho      napubavamo'rijjgim       napubavam.- 
there          that  hither  already  comes  running,          that* 
hither  already  self* 

a-'rgidiM  aric.to'do 

is  forming  is  green 

na-pubava'noidim 

That  hither  already  watching 

avarica'pma-'ciMnaka-'t' 

it  is  well  appearing  outspread  is ... 

aricvi-'ijgikam  aricva"utaG'at 
is  drizzly  is* 

to'tgitna'ka't         hoga          na'varuma-'ing!at 
his  green,  outspread  that  which  is  his  petate. 


hi'komho'ko't- 
cloud  with. 

navaruma'  'ii/giat 
which  is  his  petate 

ari-cha-'duk-am 


anc- 


ku.amiho'dor 
Then  there-from 


napuivo'  pmiD'a 
that  will  raise 


navanc.- 
which  is» 


da'dik'am      navarva"u-tagit      napu.ho'ko't- 
health  which  is  his  drizzle  that  he  with* 

baivada'giuna          naVarumarat         a'midor 
hither  already  will  cleanse       who  is  his  child.       There- 
from 


avimivo'mikda 
she  hence  will  arise 

gog'6r 
great 


napuho>ko't.uma''rgida 
that  she  with  self  will  form 


o-'hi 
beautiful 


va'hak'hoko't 
broom  with. 


napuvatoto'gia  aricto'do    va'mor.o'r    amiho' 
That  she  already  will  behold          is  green  lake* 

within  there 

napuvatono'idida    amiho'     napuvama-'rgid-a 
that  she  already  will  go  watching.        There         that* 
she  already  self  will  form 


to"do 
green 


O-'hi 
beautiful 


hi'komo'k-6't 
cloud  with. 


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VOL.    I 


napuvatono'idida  ci'koT  va'mor 

that  she  already  will  go  watching         vicinity         lake 

hu'gid'aM        aric.a'pma'citnaka-'t        i'ciam.- 
at  shore  is  well  appearing,  outspread  very 

puho'pgivi  ha'ba'rrdor  naB'oi- 

brilliant  which-from  which  hither. 

hi'koma         ha'ba'irdor         nagamiwo'p-govi 
clouds  up  which-from  which  lightnings 

na'gamaictuma-'c  hog'a  hi'kom.- 

which  appears  that  cloud« 

orho'van  kira'mi.dor  na-var- 

within.  Then  there-from  which  is« 

icda-'di  va"trtagiDh6'koD          a'vi.um- 

health  his  drizzle  with  she  self« 

a-'rgida  napubaivada'giuna  ho'g'a 

will  form       that  he  hither  already  will  cleanse       that 

navar.a'ri'g'it     amih&van     na'p'uva'sa-'k'im 
which  is  his  little  one.         There  that  she  already 

goes  weeping 

na'puga-'gim  hoga  navar- 

that  she  goes  seeking  that  which  is« 

hoi"gurda-rgaD        navaricto'do        va'mor.fir 
her  sadness  which  is  green  lake  within. 

napugamivo'cnia      napuvaton&idida      h6g-a 
That  she  will  depart  that  she  already  will  go« 

seeing  that 

ci'k'OT  totvakwo'pta  a'nihfivan 

vicinity  skies  beneath.  Hereabouts 

napubavako'hirrida  ku.anihovan 

that  she  hither  already  will  go  treading  then  here- 

abouts 

ha'cnatpu.o-'imor         navard&'irt         o-'gaf 
as  that  she  did  walk    which  is  her  mother    her  father. 

kirhacmaciMh&'kot-      natpuma-'rgida1       ku- 
That  what  appearance  with       that  she  did  self  will- 

form,1  then. 

ha'pu.ma-'ciM.hft'koD       natpubia-'rgi       nav- 
thus  appearance  with    that  she  did  hither  form     that> 

a'rma'raD     a'ric.tumso'soi'gim     sa'sa'Gsa'gi'D 
is  her  child  is  sad  weeping  between. 

amiho'  napuvako'  'hinim  napuva- 

There       that  she  already  treading       that  she  already 

1  Probably  incorrectly  given;  future  suffix  probably 
superfluous. 


ma'mciria  aric.tfid'o  cr'hi 

will  appear  is  green  beautiful 

hi'komorho'van      napuva.uma"'rgida      aric.- 
cloud  within        that  she  already  will  be  formed         is= 

to'do  o-'hi  so'so'p  navartftio 

green         beautiful         bead         which  is  his  garment 

ho'ganavar.o'gao  ku.a'mi.dor 

he  that  is  her  father.  Then  therefrom 

napuvaton6idida          navar.va'viar          o-'hi 
that  she  already  will  go  seeing    which  is  gray    beautiful 

to'vakwofa      na'varic.a-'m      va'viar      o-'hi 
sky  beneath          that  is  yellow          gray          beautiful 

mai'ngiD'am  kuanihonapuvadu'via 

his  petale  on.  Then  hereabouts  that  she  already 


navaruma-'rgida 
that  she  self  will  form 

navarci'cwo'd'adftk'of 
which  are  her  plumes  with. 


vaviar  ohi 

gray  beautiful 

ku.a'miho 
Then  there 

napuatono'idida  va'paviar  cv'hi 

that  already  will  go  seeing  gray  beautiful 

vahak.6r  na-puvaho'kodambo'himof 

broom  within  that  she  with  hither  having  come 

va'paviar  cr'hi  navarci'cwodat 

gray  beautiful  which  are  her  plumes 

nahftk'odamda'giuna  ku.a'mih6van 

that  she  with  self  will  cleanse.          Then  there-from 

natpuvawu'p-au  navardfi'iro  o-'gao 

that  she  did  them  equal!       who  is  her  mother,       her* 
father. 


ha'c.macimho'kot 
What  appearance  with 

kupuma'ciMhfi'k'OD 
then  appearance  with 

nava'rma'raD 
who  is  his  child. 


na'tpuvam.a-'rgi 
that  she  did  already  self  form, 

avi'c.upa'Vak- 
he  also  forms 

kuamiho'dor 
Then  there-from 


natpugamatono'idida2         aric.tumaM        o-'hi 
that  she  did  will  go  seeing1  is  five  beautiful 

hi'kom.6ra       ku.a'mi'dor        natpuvam.a-'rgi 
cloud  within.  Then  there-from  that  she  did* 

already  self  form 

1  Probably  incorrectly  given;   future  suffix  probably 
superfluous. 


NO.  2 


TEPECANO     PRAYERS 


navar.va'paviar  rr'hi  hi'kom&k'b't 

which  is  gray  beautiful  cloud  with. 

ku.a'mi'dor         natgo'kpan.toto         arici'koT 
Then  there-from       that  she  did  in  two  places  look      is= 
vicinity 

navarto'tvagiD.wop'ta  natpugamisa-'ki 

which  are  his  skies  beneath.  That  she  did* 

begin  to  weep 

arictumso'soi'gim  sa'sagiansa'cit 

is  sad  her  tears  between 

napuvam&ri?7gim  na'puva'm.a-'rgidim 

that  she  already  goes  running.    That  she  already  self* 
goes  forming 

ho'kia  ma'mciM  hi'kom&'k'ot 

so  many  appearances  cloud  with. 

napuwatoto'gia          ci'k'OT          ma-'ingio-am 
That   she  already   will   look  vicinity  his* 

petate  on 

napuvatono'idida  hu'rnip-  aric- 

that  she  already  will  go  seeing  west  is* 

tu't'irk'  cr'hi  hi'komagido'k'OD' 

black  beautiful  his  cloud  with 

na'puvama-'rgida      kua'mi      ha'cnatuma-'rgi 
that  she  already  will  be  formed.     Then  there      as  that* 
she  was  formed 

do'irt'  cr'g'at'  kupuma'ciMh6'k-6t' 

her  mother,  her  father,  that  appearance  with 

avi'c.up-a''r'ak-  kua'mi.dor  natpui- 

she  also  form.  Then  there-from  that  he  did* 

vo'pmic  ho-'ga  aric.a'pma'mciM 

raise  that  is  well  appearing 

hi'kom8'k6t-  natopkibaivada'giu 

cloud  with  that  he  did  also  now  hither  already 

cleanse 


natpuida'gio      go'gucdara 
That  he  did  send  succor 

nathS'kodgami- 
that   he  did   with* 


navaruma-'r'aG1 
which  is  thy  form.  ' 

da'dik-  hi'kom 

health  cloud 

to-'vu'rtor       navar.8rd-ak-am        kuvi'pu'p-- 
increase       which  is  inwardness.        Then  he  thus  also* 

kima-'kim       go'gucdara       na'gamaipupkito- 
now  giving  succor  which  he  thus  also  now 

1  Probably   incorrect;     apparently    should   be  HER 

FORM. 


ko'hina          hi'di          a'tvacsa-'giD          ku\- 
will  tread  this  altar  between.         Then» 

amiho'van       napuvatotu'g'ia       na-varictiik- 
there        that  she  already  will  see        which  is  black 

o-'hi  va'mor.fir  amih8          na'p-uda 

beautiful          lake  within          there          that  is  seated 

navardfi'irt-  o-gat-  napuvamaida'- 

who  is  her  mother        her  father.        That  he  already* 

giunim      navaricda'dik'aM      u"irmigid5'k6D 
hence  cleansing        which  is  health         his  ceremonial' 
arrows  with 

nagamiwi'cturda      icko'kdakam      rct6Nkam 
that  he  will  repel  sickness  heat. 

ku.inim6    napuvam&rirrogim    na'puvasa-'kin 
Then  here          that  she  already  goes  running          that 
she  already  goes  weeping 

naga'gimof         h6g-a         navarhoi'gurdargat 
that  she  went  seeking       that       which  is  her  sadness. 

ku.a'mi.dor         nagamivo'mgia         i'ctuma'M 
Then  there-from  that  she  will  arise  five 

hi'komagid&'kot  na'pugama.iw6-'cnia 

his  cloud  with  that  she  will  depart. 

na'tpuvapno'idida2          ci'ko'r        va'mor.Sra 
That  she  did  already  also  will  go  beholding2       vicinity 
lake  within 

aric.a'pma'c.itka'D                          aricha'dugat 
is  well  appearing  outspread  is 

aricviVgat  a'midor  naivo'pmik 

is There-from  that  it  arises 

navarhi'k'om  ha'ba'ndor  na'ga'mi- 

which  is  cloud  which-from  that  it* 

wo'p'govi  wo'c  hi'komorho'van 

lightens  all  cloud  within 

na'gamaictuma''c       kua'mi'dor       napuvatu- 
that  it  appears.       Then  there-from       that  she  already 


to'gia 
will  see 


hoga 
that 


na'pubavako'hinim 


navarvo'p'oigiD.a'ba 
which  are  his  paths  in 

hov'ga  navaric- 


that  she  hither  already  goes  treading.  That    which  is» 

da-'dik'am     hi'komagido"k'6't  h6"ko'dum- 

health                  his  cloud  with  with  self  was* 

2  Probably  incorrectly  given;   past  prefix  probably 
superfluous. 


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VOL.   I 


a''rgidimok'      aric'i'k'crr       na'pugamisa'kim 
forming.  Is  vicinity  that  she  weeping 

ci'ko'ri'pas       na'gamik6''hinim       a'ri.ci'koT 
vicinity          that   she   goes   treading.          Is   vicinity 

na'pubaivaha'duG          na'gamivi'ijgi          ari.- 
that  hither  already that is  all- 

ci'ko'ri'pas    ha"dor    nabihi'komaG     hi'kom- 
around        to-from        that  hither  clouds  up        cloud» 

sa'git       na'<gamiw&pgov       vo'p'oigiDa'p'd6'r 
between  that  lightnings  his  paths  in-from 


nabaivato'tvak- 
There-from        that- 


nabaiva'trta      abimSdo'r 
that  hither  already  drizzles, 
hither  already  skies' 

nabaiva.va"irtak        aric.to'do        ma'indam 
that  hither  already  drizzles  is  green  petate  on 

aric.a'pma'c          aricto'tgio         aricva"irtag1 
is  well  appearing  is  his  green  is  drizzly 

aric.hadu'Gaf        ada'maN        ati"am.t6'ka-k 
is Above  she  did  self  place 

na'tpubaivad'a'giM  nava'rma''rat' 

that  he  did  hither  already  sending       who  is  his  child. 

natpugamaivavom          hu"kia          ma''mciM 
That  she  did  hence  already  arise   so  many   appearances 

hi'komfi'rho'van      nap'uvat'on&idim      aricta' 
cloud  within       that  she  already  beholding       is  white 

cr'hi  t6vakw6'ta  aricta'  o-'hi 

beautiful          sky  beneath.          Is  white          beautiful 

mai'ngiD'aM  a'mihfi  na'puvadiivia 

his  petate  on  there  that  she  already  arrives 

na'tpuvam.a-'rgi  aricta' 'ta  rr'hi 

that  she  did  already  self  form       is  white       beautiful 

hi'komagido'kot'  natpugamai.vatoto' 

his  cloud  with.         That  she  did  hither  already  see 

a'ric.tuma'M  h&'kia  ma-'mciM 

is  five  so  many  appearances 

hi'kom.fi'r      kua'mi.dor      na'tpuva'tono'idim 
cloud  within.  Then  there-from  that  she  did" 

already  beholding 

navaricta'ta  cr'hi  va'ha'k.&ra 

that  is  white  beautiful  broom  within 


amiho'  napuamo'riijgim  aric.ta'ta 

there  that  she  already  running.  Is  white 

1  Possibly  incorrect,  verbal  form  with  nominal  stem. 


amih& 
there 

va'pamor.orh&dor 
Lakes  within-from 


o-'hi  u"umigido'kof  na'puho'kot.- 

beautiful        his  ceremonial  arrows  with        that  she- 

bama-'rgidim  ku.ami.dor  nat- 

with  hither  self  forming.        Then  there-from        that» 

go'k-paN.toto         na-puvatotu'gia         aric.ta' 
she  did  in  two  places  look        that  she  already  will= 
see  is  white 

cr'hi  va'mor.fir 

beautiful  lake  within 

napuvadu'via 

that  she  already  arrives. 

na'puvanvo'riirogim         navarvamor        hu'- 
that  she  already  goes  running  that  is  lake  on« 

gid'aN     napugamasa-'kim     arictumsosoi'gim 
shore  that  she  weeping  is  pitiful 

sa'sa'gio  sa-'gio  napugama'niok'iM 

her  tears  within  that  she  speaking 

napuga'giM  navar.ho'i'gur.dargat 

that  she  seeking  which  is  her  sadness 

navar.dii'uf  o-'gat'          ku.a'mi.hftdor 

who  is  her  mother          her  father.          Then  there-from 

na'tpuva'm.a-'rgi  navaric.da-'dic 

that  she  did  already  self  form  which  is  health 

sa'kumgidft'kot        na'tpuivo'pmiD        navar.- 
her  weeping  with.  That  did  raise  which  are* 

ci'cvordat'      na'tpugamaivakugat      aric'ikor 
his  plumes         that  did  already  finish         is  vicinity 

t6tvakw6pta  ci"a-rw6ta  ba-'barip 

skies  beneath  east  beneath  north 

hurnip  o'gipas  ku.amih&dor 

west  south.  Then  there-from 

pu'iw6mik'  na'Varmarat'  ida'giuna 

raise  who  is  his  child  will  cleanse 

navarichfipitkam      da'dikam       napubovato- 
which  is  cold  health        that  he  hither  already* 

to'gio'a        navaric.to'do        o-'hi         so'so'p' 
to  see  that  is  green  beautiful  bead* 

will  cause 

a'tockaraD-am  napubava.u'rna 

his  seat  on  that  he  hither  already  will  raise. 

THE  REPLY  OF  THE  FATHER  OF  THE  GIRL 

ha'pu.pi'cam.a-'gat      hapu.tu.6'ip-u       ho'g-a 
Thus  also  ye  were  thinking  thus  walk.  That 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO      PRAYERS 


149 


inmaR  ave'ma''t  ha'ctuna'c.du'nia 

my  child       she  not  know       anything  that  she  will  do. 

ave'ma''t  tot'ut'u'a'  avicicto'o'hot' 

She  not  know  to  grind.  She  lazy. 

pero      apimtic.a-'pn6'it      kuha'pu.pimi'soi'da 
But  ye  if  well  see  then  thus  ye  will  suffer. 

kuaviam.hactu.dam  ku.i'nimd 

Then  not  anything  over.  That  here 

napimitaivago'gu  napimitcr'wa.uMta't.- 

that  ye  did  already  halt  that  ye  did  already* 

r'bwimda  napimita'cihu't'ua 

yourselves  tire  that  ye  did  already  stumble 

napimit'atumko'k'dat  ho'.gamih&wan 

that  ye  did  already  yourselves  sicken.  That  there 

a'piambi'ak'a1  hactu.da'koD 

thou  not  wilt  need1  anything  with 

napimha'cum.a'  'ka  api'miam.bi'ak'a 

that  ye  any  will  think.  Ye  not  will  need 

hactuda'kot  napimsa'sa'kida 

anything  with  that  ye  will  weep 

navar.o'ra'dakam  namaritgo"korak 

which  is  inwardness  that  they  are  our  manes. 

ku'amihovan     ha'pu.ni'cup.ta-n     ha-'gicdara 
Then  there  thus  I  also  beg  pardon 

wo'puhimdam      namaritgo"korak     ago'kip-- 
before  go  on       that  they  are  our  manes       two  parts* 

dor  na-pima-rma'Mraf  navaritcr'G' 

from.       That  ye  are  his  children       who  is  our  Father, 

iD'a't  itci'u'k  ha'pu.pwi'c 

our  Mother,  our  Morning  Star.  Thus 

a'mi.dor          amiboiamda'giuna          navaric.- 
there-from       they  hither  you  will  cleanse       which  is* 

da''dik-am  navarumxi'komak'h&'kot'2 

health  which  is  thy  cloud  with2 


namgamaitumto'gicda 
that  they  thee  will  cause  to  see. 


namivo'pmiGda 
That  they  will  raise 


nvaricda-'dikam  navarumu"umi 

which  is  health          which  are  thy  ceremonial  arrows 

1  Possibly  error  for  apimiam-,  YE  NOT,  as  in  next 
line. 

1  The  use  of  the  second  person  singular  in  these 
lines  is  quite  puzzling. 


nam.h&'koD.gamaiumwo'ctirrda          navaric- 
that  they  with  from  thee  will  repulse  which  is* 

ko'k'dakam    aric'i'kcrr    nava'rto'tvakwo'pta 
sickness  is  vicinity  which  is  skies  beneath. 

kuha'ban'dor         namivo'p-micda         ho"kia 
Then  which-from       that  they  will  raise  so  many 

ma'mcim         ahi'komak'         na'mgamai.am- 
appearances        their  cloud  that  they  selves  will* 

a-'rgida       ku.a'mimSdoT       go'kpan.puto'gia 
form.  Then  there-from         two  places  will  see 

navar.h6'kia  ma'Mcim  hi'kom.or 

which  are  so  many  appearances  cloud  within. 

ku. a'mi.dor  nam.ho"k6D.puvatuda'giuna 

Then  there-from        that  they  with  already  will  cleanse 

navaraxi'komak  navarada-'dic 

which  is  their  cloud  which  is  their  health 

navarava"utak-  kugaku  a'bi.mSdor 

which  is  their  drizzle.       Then  therefore       there-from 

apimictunha-'gicd-a  porke  i'nimo 

ye  me  will  pardon  because  here 

nanitaivamnoip'uctur        navargo'k'        va'ik 
that  I  did  already  to  you  relate       that  is  two       three 

ni'.o-k-         porke         hact6i.dok-         a'viam.- 
word  because  anything  it  not* 

acic.bai'gio         nanaha"kiacturda         na'var- 
anyhow  is  able      that  I  for  them  will  recount      which* 

ama'Vak3  namaritgo"koraG  hog' a 

are  your  forms'  that  they  are  our  manes         that 

ha'puvi'cima-'c  avi'ricda"rakam 

thus  appears  it  is  dear 

avaric'idukam       inwi'dur      porke     anicaric- 
it  is  treasure  me  with-from        because        I  am* 

i'krakam          to'vur.da'm.kam4  kugoko 

vile  wind  overness.4  Then  therefore 

a'barrdor  aviam.ha'cic.bai'gio 

which-from  it  not  anyhow  is  able 

nanavo'p-auvturda        navara.a'rak        porke 
that  I  them  will  equal       which  is  their  form       because 


hactu'i'duk' 
anything 


ku'amohSvan.pubo'.- 
then  there  hither* 


8  Probably  should  be  -a.a"rak,  THEIR  FORMS. 

4  The  accuracy  of  this  phrase  is  very  questionable. 


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VOL.    I 


ima-c 
appears. 

nanaMka'icturdao 
that  I  for  you  should  hear 

a'ricap-ma-'cim 
is  well  appearing. 


a'pimpimicho'hidat 
Ye,   ye  were  desiring 

h&ga  ni'o'k' 

that 


pero 
But 


word 

h&ga.ti'am.- 
she  if. 


inmaR  dios  intindimiento  pero 

my  child  God  willing  but 

nan6'kodama"turdal  pero          maskisi'a 

that  I  with  to  you  will  teach.1         But        more  than= 
might  be 

go-k-  ta'kugum&'k'ot          hi'di          pi'm- 

two  fragment  with  this  ye« 

ictunha-'gicda         ku.avi.icbai"gria          hoga 
me  will  pardon.  Then  it  will  be  able  that 

ha'ctu  na'pim.pu.a'k  kuhi'di 

anything  that  ye  say.  Then  this 

hfimadak'amo'koD  kudios  in.o-'k 

creation  with  then  God  my  Lord, 

inda-'t  inci'u'k  ku.hoga'kot.gamtu.- 

my  Lady,          my  Morning  Star.          Then  with  that- 

amtfigicda  api'migamai.pwoptokohina 

you  will  cause  to  see  ye  begin  thus  also  will  tread 

navarmai'ngio'am  aric.a'pma'citnaka-'t 

which  is  his  petate  on  is  well  appearing,  outspread. 

avarichi'komagat         da'marrdor         nagami- 
It  is  his  cloud  above  from  that* 

ha-'duc       nagamivi'Tjgi'       ha'bairdor       na.- 
it that  it which-from  that- 

ivo'p'migit       navarci'cwo'rdaD        aric'i'k'OT 
he  raises  which  are  his  plumes  is  vicinity 

napubima'ma'c          ci"a'rwot'a          va'varip 
that  hither  appears  east  beneath  north 

xurnip          o'gipas          arici'vgo'k'          o-'hi 
west  south.  Is  seven  beautiful 

to'tvakdam  a%bim6  navarda'kam 

skies  on  there  that  she  is  sitter 

navaric.da'dikam  to'do  u'vikaM 

that  it  is  health  green  womankind 

navariD-a-'D        nabai.it'6'kio        navarno'vio 
who  is  our  Mother  that  she  hither  to  us« 

extends  which  is  her  hand 

1  The  exact  meaning  here  is  dubious. 


natha'bantuda       kuhi'di       ho'madakamftkot 
that  she  did  in  it  seize.         Then  this       creation  with 

pictunha'gicda         dios         pi'amhacunra'k-a 
thou  me  wilt  pardon      God     thou  not  anything  wilt* 
think. 

NOTE 

This  long  and  involved  prayer  is  spoken 
to  the  father  of  a  girl  desired  in  marriage.2 
Marriage  generally  takes  place  at  about  the 
age  of  eighteen.  The  details  having  been 
arranged  informally,  the  husband-to-be  and 
his  father  appear  at  the  house  of  the  girl 
on  a  Wednesday  night.  It  happens  that  at 
present  only  two  Tepecanos  know  this  long 
prayer  and  one  of  them  must  be  engaged  at 
a  fee  of  a  peso  per  night  to  accompany  the 
supplicants  and  recite  the  prayer.  It  must 
be  recited  five  times  on  successive  evenings, 
Wednesday,  Saturday,  Wednesday,  Saturday 
and  Wednesday.  On  the  final  night  the  father 
makes  his  reply.  Since  the  affair  is  always 
prearranged,  the  reply  is  never  negative. 

Then  a  whke  cloth  is  spread  out  and  the 
clothes  and  other  property  of  the  girl  and 
the  wedding  gifts  placed  upon  it.  The  bride 
and  groom  and  their  fathers  each  seize  a 
corner  and  raise  the  cloth  and  the  ceremony 
is  complete. 

After  this  they  are  married.  The  boy 
gives  a  present  to  his  parents-in-law  and  goes 
to  live  with  them  for  a  short  period,  six 
months  or  a  year  before  setting  up  a  separate 
home.  Two  wedding  feasts  and  dances  are 
held,  one  in  the  house  of  each  parent. 

The  prayer  is  extremely  long  and  involved 
and  so  full  of  ceremonial  and  esoteric  allusions 
as  to  be  very  difficult  of  proper  translation. 
In  many  cases  the  exact  meaning  is  very 
doubtful  and  obscure. 

TRANSLATION 

Hither  have  I  come.  Do  not  wonder  that 
I  have  come  here  to  speak  unto  thee  unbidden. 
Thou  wilt  forgive  me,  for  I  behold  that  thou 

*  Cf.  Lumholtz,  Unknown  Mexico,  II,  p.  93. 


NO.    2 


TEPECANO      PRAYERS 


art  sad.  Therefore  do  I  thus  unbidden  speak 
unto  thee. 

From  afar  God  speaketh  from  his  seven 
beautiful  heavens.  There  did  her  father  and 
her  mother  create  her  within  the  seven  clouds ; 
within  the  beautiful  green  jicara  where  she 
was  formed  did  she  carry  her  hidden,  until 
at  last  she  appeared  between  the  limbs,  sor- 
rowfully weeping. 

Then  she  arose  and  trod  on  the  beautiful 
green  carpet  where  she  was  formed  in  the 
image  of  her  father  and  her  mother.  From 
there  she  arose  and  went  observing  within 
the  five  clouds,  where  she  was  formed  of  his 
beautiful  green  cloud.  Then  she  arose,  gaz- 
ing within  the  many-colored  cloud  and  wept, 
cleansing  it  with  her  tears.  Within  the  cloud 
will  she  run  about,  being  formed  of  the  five 
plumes  of  her  Father  from  which  spring  the 
clouds  and  the  rain.  From  within  that  cloud 
he  speaketh  and  within  the  healthful  cloud 
is  answered.  From  there  will  she  look  in 
two  directions,  observing.  From  within  the 
beautiful  green  broom-grass  she  cometh  run- 
ning, being  formed  of  the  green  cloud.  She 
looketh  down  upon  his  green  carpet,  beauti- 
fully outspread  with  fog  and  drizzly  rains. 
His  carpet  is  verdantly  spread  out.  From 
there  he  will  draw  his  welcome  drizzle  with 
which  he  will  purify  his  child.  Thence  will 
she  arise  and  be  formed  of  the  great  beauti- 
ful broom-grass.  Within  the  green  lake  which 
she  watcheth  will  she  gaze.  There  will  she 
be  formed  of  the  beautiful  green  cloud.  She 
will  gaze  all  around  on  the  shores  of  the  spark- 
ling lake,  beautifully  outspread,  whence  rise 
the  clouds.  From  within  these  clouds  flash 
the  lightnings.  There  will  she  be  formed  of 
the  healthful  drizzle  with  which  he  will  purify 
his  little  one.  There  she  goeth  about  weep- 
ing, seeking  her  sorrow  within  the  green  lake. 
She  will  depart  and  will  gaze  about  beneath 
the  heavens.  Here  will  she  come  to  tread 
just  as  have  her  father  and  her  mother  walked. 
In  the  same  likeness  as  were  her  parents 
created,  so  did  they  form  their  child,  with 


sad  tears.  There  will  she  appear,  walking 
within  the  beautiful  green  cloud  where  will 
be  formed  the  beautiful  green  bead  which  is 
the  garment  of  the  Father. 

From  there  will  she  go  beholding  on  his  beau- 
tiful golden  gray  carpet  beneath  the  beautiful 
gray  heaven.  There  she  arriveth  where  she 
will  be  formed  with  her  beautiful  gray  plumes. 
Within  the  beautiful  gray  broom-grass  will 
she  gaze,  purifying  herself  with  her  beauti- 
ful gray  plumes,  with  which  she  came.  Thus 
did  she  resemble  her  father  and  her  mother. 
In  the  same  likeness  as  were  they  formed,  so 
also  did  they  form  their  child.  Then  did  she 
go  beholding  within  the  five  beautiful  clouds; 
there  was  she  formed  of  the  beautiful  gray 
cloud. 

Thence  did  she  look  to  both  sides  round 
about  beneath  his  heavens.  She  began  to 
weep,  running  about  amidst  sad  tears.  With 
many  forms  of  cloud  is  she  created.  Round 
about  doth  she  gaze  upon  his  carpet,  looking 
to  the  west  where  she  will  be  formed  of  his 
beautiful  black  cloud.  As  were  formed  her 
father  and  her  mother,  so  with  the  same  like- 
ness do  they  create  her.  Thence  did  he  lift 
his  graceful  cloud  with  which  he  did  purify 
her  form.  He  sent  succor  and  health  in  his 
cloud,  thereby  augmenting  his  spirit.  So  also 
doth  he  now  send  succor  to  him  who  will 
tread  between  this  his  altar.  There  will  she 
gaze  into  the  beautiful  black  lake  where  are 
seated  her  father  and  her  mother.  With  his 
health  will  he  purify  and  with  his  arrows  will 
he  cast  out  sickness  and  heat.  Here,  running 
sadly  about,  did  she  seek  her  sorrow.  Thence 
will  she  arise  with  his  five  clouds  and  depart. 
She  will  gaze  within  the  lake,  beautifully 
spread  out  with  rain  and  fog.  From  there 
ariseth  the  cloud  within  which  flash  the  light- 
nings. Thence  will  she  look  upon  his  paths 
where  she  treadeth.  With  his  health-giving 
cloud  is  she  formed.  All  around  doth  she 
go  wandering  and  weeping.  Round  about 
it  raineth  and  showereth  and  cloudeth  up 
and  within  the  cloud  flash  the  lightnings. 


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VOL.    I 


From  his  paths  cometh  the  drizzle.  From 
afar  cometh  the  drizzle  on  his  pleasant  green 
carpet.  From  there  above  where  she  was 
placed  did  he  send  hither  his  child. 

Then  did  she  arise  within  the  many-colored 
cloud,  gazing  beneath  the  beautiful  white 
heaven.  On  his  beautiful  white  carpet  did 
she  arrive  and  was  formed  of  his  beautiful 
white  cloud.  She  gazed  within  the  five 
many-colored  clouds.  Thence  did  she  go 
gazing  within  the  beautiful  white  broom-grass 
where  she  was  running.  With  his  beautiful 
white  arrows  is  she  formed.  Thence  did  she 
glance  to  both  sides,  gazing  into  the  beautiful 
white  lake  where  she  now  arriveth.  From 
within  the  lakes  she  goeth  running  along  the 
shore,  pitifully  weeping  and  speaking  through 
her  tears,  seeking  her  father  and  her  mother 
in  her  sadness.  There  was  she  formed  with 
her  health-giving  tears. 

Thus  did  he  raise  his  plumes  unto  the  end 
round  about  beneath  the  heavens  to  east, 
north,  west  and  south.  Lifting  from  there 
his  child  he  will  purify  her  with  the  cold, 
the  health.  He  will  give  her  sight  and  raise 
her  unto  the  beautiful  green  bead  which  is 
on  his  throne. 

THE  REPLY  OF  THE  FATHER  OF  THE  GIRL 

With  this  thought  have  ye  come.  But 
my  child  knoweth  nothing.  She  cannot  grind 
corn;  she  is  lazy.  But  if  ye  so  desire,  so 
must  ye  endure.  May  no  ill  ensue.  Here 
have  ye  stopped;  ye  have  tired  yourselves, 
ye  have  stumbled  and  hurt  yourselves.  But 
do  not  think  of  that.  Neither  weep;  it  is 
the  will  of  our  spirits. 

I  also  beseech  our  spirits  who  have  gone 
before  from  both  sides.  Ye  are  the  children 
of  our  Lord,  our  Lady,  our  Morning  Star. 
From  afar  will  they  come  to  purify  you  with 
their  healthful  cloud,  and  will  give  you  sight. 
They  will  bring  health  and  with  their  arrows 
will  they  repel  the  pestilence  round  about 
beneath  the  heavens.  From  them  will  they 
draw  their  cloud  of  many  colors  with  which 


they  will  be  formed.  Thence  will  they  look 
to  both  sides  within  the  many-colored  cloud. 
Thence  will  they  cleanse  with  their  cloud 
and  their  health-giving  drizzle. 

Ye  will  forgive  me  because  I  have  recited 
unto  you  only  a  few  words.  For  I  cannot 
repeat  to  you  the  formulas  of  our  spirits  as 
they  appear.  For  they  are  rare  and  are 
cherished ;  they  depart  from  me  to  the  winds, 
for  I  am  vile.  Therefore  I  cannot  imitate 
their  formula,  for  it  appeareth  afar.  You 
desired  that  I  should  hear  your  word  clearly. 
But  if  my  child  so  wishes,  God  willing,  I 
will  teach  you.  But  nevertheless  ye  must 
forgive  me  these  few  fragments.  Then  will 
ye  be  enabled  to  say  anything. 

With  this  formula,  God,  my  Lord,  my  Lady, 
my  Morning  Star.  With  this  he  will  give 
you  sight,  ye  who  will  tread  thus  his  carpet, 
pleasantly  outspread.  From  his  cloud  above 
come  the  rains  and  fogs  from  which  he  raiseth 
his  plumes  which  appear  all  about  beneath 
the  east,  the  north,  the  west  and  the  south. 

There  in  the  seven  beautiful  heavens  sit- 
teth  the  healthful  Green  Woman  who  is  our 
Lady  who  reacheth  unto  us  her  hand  that 
we  may  be  gathered  into  it. 

So  with  this  formula  forgive  me  God,  thou 
who  holdest  no  malice. 


37.  TO  BEG  PARDON  WHEN  ANGRY 
WITH  ANOTHER 

adiosum  anicbo'himdat  to"nimor.- 

To  God.        I  hither  was  coming      unbidden  already 

vaciumnio'k'idim     piambi'ak'a     pihonapsoi'- 
thee  speaking.  Thou  not  wilt  need          anywhere* 

morid'a  anicumta-'niM  ha'gicdara 

that  thou  sad  wilt  feel.      I  thee  am  begging      pardon. 

pero         hoga'kot'         piambi'ak-a          napa- 
But      that  with      thou  not  wilt  need      that  thou  in« 

go'kip.tono'nikda  pi-captumda'gia 

two  places  wilt  look.          Thou   in   them   thyself  wilt« 


NO.   2 


TEPECANO      PRAYERS 


153 


hoganamaritg&'korak  w&'pohi-'mdaM 

they  that  are  our  spirits  before  go  on. 

kuha'pu.pwo'co-p-  pimica-ptumda'gia 

Then  thus  also  ye  in  him  yourselves  will  seize 

hoga      navaritcr'k      napuboit'6'kdiM      hoga 
that       who  is  our  Father       who  hither  us  is  extend- 
ing that 

navarno-'vit'  para  natpuga'nv- 

which  is  his  hand  in  order  that  we  going* 

tono'idim  woe  oras.a"ba 

beholding  all  hours  in. 

namputso''sbit'urdim        gacto'nkam        hoga 
That  they  for  us  protecting          that  heat  that 

navara.u"umih6kof  navaraka'k'varak 

which  are  their  ceremonial  arrows  with        which  are* 
their  chimales 

navarawu'p'uivas     hoga'k-of     mi'pugama'.- 
which  are  their  faces  this  with  they 

itwi'ct'urdiM  gacko'k'dakam  hoga 

for  us  repelling  that  sickness.  That 

navariD-a-/D  navaritna-'na          wadalupi 

who  is  our  Mother       who  is  our  mama       Guadalupe 

awi'putnoidim  para  nata-'niD'a 

she  us  watching       in  order       that  we  shall  go  begging 

ha-'gicdara  havaganavarit.o-'k1 

pardon.  And  he  who  is  our  Father 

santontie-'ru  amipuboit.nu'kdida 

San  Anton  Tierra        they  hither  us  will  go  guarding 

woe  0rasa"ba  kuaviamha'ctuD-am.- 

all  hours  in  that  not  anything  over  us* 

a-'cumdu'nia  fco'wHhap'i  ho'gia 

itself  will  make.  With  which  thus  only 

ni'cpunra'tuD  kupiambi'a'ka  nap'i- 

I  thee  cause  to  know.     Then  thou  not  wilt  need     that* 

ho'wan.soi'mo'rida  rrrvwi'  kupi'- 

thou  anywhere  sad  wilt  feel       me  with.       Then  thou= 


captumda'gia       navarinsu'spidaf       inci'u'k- 
in  him  thyself  wilt  seize       who  is  my  Protector,      my* 
Morning  Star, 

ino-'k-    konkiha-'po-'p-    ha-c-unro'ra'd-ak-am 
my  Father.  With  which  thus  also  any  thy* 

withinness. 

NOTE 

When  one  person  is  angry  with  another 
or  on  bad  terms  with  him  and  wishes  to 
resume  amicable  relations,  he  goes  to  the 
other's  house  and  recites  to  him  the  follow- 
ing prayer. 

The  influence  of  Christian  theology  is  un- 
usually evident. 

TRANSLATION 

Greetings!  Unbidden  have  I  come  hither 
to  speak  unto  thee.  Thou  must  not  feel 
angry;  I  come  to  beg  forgiveness.  Neither 
look  askance.  Thou  must  be  possessed  of  the 
spirits  of  those  who  have  gone  before.  Thou 
must  be  possessed  likewise  of  our  Father  who 
reacheth  unto  us  his  hand  that  we  may  go 
beholding  throughout  all  hours.  With  their 
arrows  do  they  protect  us  from  the  heat  and 
with  their  chimales,  which  are  their  faces,  they 
cast  from  us  the  plague.  She  who  is  our 
Lady,  our  Mother  of  Guadalupe,  is  watching 
us  that  we  beg  forgiveness.  And  He  who  is 
our  Father,  San  Anton  Tierra,  will  guard  us 
throughout  all  hours  that  no  evil  may  be- 
fall us. 

This  only  do  I  say  unto  thee.  Thou  needst 
not  feel  angry  at  me.  Thou  must  be  pos- 
sessed of  my  Lord,  my  Guide  and  Morning 
Star.  Thus  be  thy  thought. 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


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VOL.    I 


TYPES  OF  REDUPLICATION  IN  THE 
SALISH  DIALECTS 

By  HERMAN  K.  HAEBERLIN 
INTRODUCTION 


THE  following  paper  was  originally  intended 
to  be  a  part  of  a  more  comprehensive  work 
on  the  Classification  of  Salish  Dialects.  This 
latter  paper  has  been  prepared  by  Prof.  Franz 
Boas  and  the  writer,  and  will  be  published  by 
the  Smithsonian  Institution.  The  available 
material  on  Salishan  reduplications  was  found 
to  be  too  fragmentary  to  be  embodied  in  that 
paper.  I  have,  therefore,  preferred  to  present 
it  in  the  present  form  as  a  basis  for  further 
work  on  the  classification  of  the  Salish  dia- 
lects from  the  point  of  view  of  reduplication 
systems.  While  the  material  lacks  uniformity 
for  the  different  linguistic  areas,  it  is  sufficient 
to  point  out  the  main  problems  and  to  present 
a  number  of  interesting  facts  concerning  lin- 
guistic differentiation  in  the  Salish  area. 

My  method  of  procedure  has  been  to  present 
successively  the  material  available  for  the 
different  dialects.  I  have  done  this  in  the 
order  adopted  by  Prof.  Boas  in  his  compar- 
ative vocabularies  which  will  be  published  in 
the  above-named  paper,  namely,  starting  with 
the  inland  dialects,  then  taking  up  the  coast  dia- 
lects from  south  to  north,  and  ending  with  the 
isolated  dialects  of  the  Bella  Coola  and  Tilla- 
mook.  The  more  general  comparative  con- 
siderations are  presented  in  the  concluding 
paragraphs.  All  of  the  material  both  pub- 
lished and  in  manuscript  form  has  been  util- 
ized. The  manuscript  material  is  the  Salish 
vocabularies  recorded  by  Prof.  Boas  and 
Mr.  J.  Teit,  Dr.  Leo  Frachtenberg's  notes  on 
the  plural  and  diminutive  forms  in  Quinault 
and  Clallam,  and  finally  the  writer's  Snohom- 
ish  material,  collected  in  the  fall  of  1916,  and 
his  Thompson  and  Shuswap  forms,  collected 
in  the  summer  of  1917.  The  vocabularies  and 


grammatical  notes  published  by  Prof.  Boas 
and  Mr.  Hill-Tout  are  found  in  the  following 
series:  "British  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Science,"  Volumes  1890,  1898,  1899, 
1900,  1902;  "Journal  of  the  Anthropological 
Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,"  Vol- 
umes 34,  35,  37,  41. 

Most  of  the  material  collected  by  Mr.  Teit 
and  that  collected  by  myself  has  been  procured 
on  expeditions  that  were  made  possible  by  the 
generous  donations  of  Mr.  Homer  E.  Sargent, 
who  has  for  many  years  supported  our  researches 
in  the  Salish  area.  While  the  paper  deals  pri- 
marily with  forms  of  reduplication,  it  was  neces- 
sary also  to  include  in  many  cases  derivatives 
formed  by  the  extension  of  vowels  (dieresis), 
for  in  a  discussion  of  the  formation  of  plurals 
and  diminutives  this  process  cannot  be  sepa- 
rated consistently  from  that  of  reduplication. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  augmentative 
forms  are  very  important  in  a  consideration  of 
the  grammatical  processes  in  question.  Our 
material  on  these  is,  however,  so  meager  that 
I  was  only  able  to  cite  a  few  more  or  less 
detached  examples. 

The  abbreviations  used  are  as  follows-. 

BAAS     British  Association  for   the   Advance- 
ment of  Science. 

JAI.       Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute. 

B.  Boas. 

H.T        Hill-Tout. 

G.  Giorda  (Dictionary  of  the  Kalispelm). 

Hbl.        Haeberlin. 

Throughout  this  paper  x  is  used  for  the  velar 
and  *  for  mid-palatal. 

LILLOOET 

Very  little  material  is  available  from  this 
dialect.  The  plural  seems  to  be  ordinarily 


NO.    2 


TYPES   OF    REDUPLICATION    IN    THE    SALISH   DIALECTS 


155 


formed  by  a  reduplication  of  the  stem-syllable 
including  the  consonant  following  the  first 
vowel. 

ecze'k,  LOG;  pi.,  Eczuksze'k    H.T. 

qa'moz,  MAIDEN;  pi.,  qumqa'moz    H.T. 

cya'kstca,  WOMAN;  pi.,  cyuksya'ktca    H.T. 

t'lu'qwon,  TO  SLAP;  tlu'kwitlqwon,  SLAPPING     H.T. 

Esqu'mox,  ROUND;  pi.,  ssqu' maqumox    H.T. 

naq",  TO  ROB;  nufnafo'L,  ROBBER     H.T. 

(-OL=  suffix  denoting  the  person  who  does  something) 

The  following  example  consists  in  a  redupli- 
cation of  the  stem-syllable  and  a  reduction  of 
the  reduplicated  syllable  by  a  shift  of  the  ac- 
cent on  the  reduplicating  syllable: 


skau'yux,  MAN;  pi,  skai'yukyux    H.T. 
Compare — Thom :  sqai'yux,  pi.,  sqai'keux 


B. 


In  the  following  words  only  the  first  con- 
sonant and  the  first  vowel  are  reduplicated : 

tuil'wit,  LITTLE  BOY;  pi.,  tutau'wit    H.T. 
skdza'a,  CHILD;  pi.,  sku'kuzd    B. 

The  diminutive  is  formed  either  by  a  re- 
duplication of  the  first  consonant  and  the  first 
vowel  of  the  stem  or  by  a  phonetic  change  of 
the  stem-vowel : 

iqa'yux,  MAN;  sqE'qsyux,  BOY    B. 
kwatlt,  DISH;  kwd'kwEtlt,  PLATE    H.T. 

tld'XUtc,  LARGE  PLATE;     tli'tl'xutc,   SMALL  PLATE      H.T. 

cyd'kEtca,  WOMAN;  ci'yaktca,  GIRL     H.T. 
(c  is  a  prefix) 

The  last  two  examples  suggest  the  presence 
of  an  t'-type  of  reduplication,  that  is  to  say  a 
change  of  the  stem-vowel  to  *  in  the  redupli- 
cating syllable. 
ck'uk'met,  INFANT    B.  (kui=  SMALL  G.) 

StCUd'WUX,  LARGE  CREEK;  stcUO'WUX,  SMALL  CREEK    H.T. 

tco'kwaz,  BIG  FISH;  ts'skwdz,  SMALL  FISH    H.T. 

The  last  two  examples  may  prove  to  be  aug- 
mentative forms  rather  than  examples  of  di- 
minutives. 

The  plural  of  a  diminutive  may  be  formed 
by  a  double  process  of  reduplication.  It  is 
important  to  notice  that  in  the  following  cases 
the  plural  reduplication  (i.e.,  that  including  the 
consonant  after  the  first  vowel)  precedes  the 


diminutive  reduplication  (i.e.,  that  including 
only  the  first  vowel). 

skukumet,  CHILD;  pi.,  skwumkokome't     H.T. 
ci'yaktca,  GIRL;  pi.,  cukye'yuktca    H.T. 
(cya'kEtca=  woman) 

Obviously  the  formation  of  the  plural-di- 
minutives in  Lillooet  is  the  same  as  in  Thomp- 
son and  Shuswap. 


THOMPSON 

The  plural  or  distributive  is  usually  formed 
by  a  repetition  of  the  stem-syllable  including 
the  consonant  (or  vowel)  following  the  first 
vowel :  The  accent  seems  to  remain  invariably 
on  the  reduplicated  syllable  (see  Boas :  BAAS 
1898,  p.  28). 

ca'Enx,  STONE  ;  pi.  cEnca'Enx     B. 

squm,  MOUNTAIN;  pi.,  squmqu'm    B.,  Hbl. 

tEmfl'x,  GROUND;  pi.,  tEmtEmd'x    B. 

spam,  CAMP  FIRE;  pi.,  spEmpa'm    B. 

snikia'p,  COYOTE;  pi.,  sniknikia'p    B. 

spEzo',  ANIMAL;  pi.,  spEzpEzo'     B. 

snu'koa,  FRIEND;  pi.,  snuksnu'koa    B. 

tsqau'tl,  CANOE;  pi.,  tsqtsqau'tl    H.T. 

CEm'a'm,  WIFE;  pi.,  cEmE'mam    H.T. 

kEnu'x,  SICK;  pi.,  ksnkEnu'x    B. 

sko'um,  CRUMPLED;  pi.,  skoumko'um     B. 

sxuasi't,  TO  WALK;  pi.,  sxusxuasi't    B. 

pa'zutqo,  LAKE;  pi.,  pEzpa'zulqo    Hbl. 

sqa'xa',  DOG,  HORSE;  pi.,  sqaxqa'xa'     Hbl. 

smu'lats,  WOMAN;  pi.,  smlmu'iats    Hbl. 

tuwe"ut',  YOUTH;  pi.,  tu"tuwe"ut'     Hbl. 

tsi'a',  BASKET;  pi.,  tsi'Etsi'a'     Hbl. 

qlu'mqEn,  HEAD;  pi.,  qlEmqlu'mqEn     Hbl. 

splsa'qs,  NOSE;  pi.,  sp!Esp!sa'qs    Hbl. 

qoe'sp1,  BUFFALO;  pi.,  qosqoe'sp    Hbl. 

spla'nt,  SKUNK;  pi.,  splpla'nt     Hbl. 

klo'n'e',  MOUSE;  pi.,  k!otk!otne''    Hbl. 

?6'pa',  TAIL;  pi.,  sopso'pa"    Hbl. 

si'tslum,  BLANKET;  pi.,  sltssl'tslum    Hbl. 

smanx,  TOBACCO;  pi.,  SmEnma'nx    Hbl. 

sa'Me'c,  KNIFE;  pi.,  sa'"lsa'ale'c    Hbl. 

q!ume"Ema',  LITTLE;  pi.,  q!umq!ume"Ema'     Hbl. 

ktest,  BAD;  pi.,  klEsklE'st    Hbl. 

nuLlo's'n',  EYE;  pi.,  nuLlnuLlo's'n'     Hbl. 

i''a',  GOOD;  pi.,  I'T^a'    Hbl. 

1  ?=  intermediate  between  s  and  c. 


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VOL.    I 


The  plural-forms  of  the  following  loan-words 
are  instructive: 

ko'so1,  PIG  (cochon);  pi.,  kocko'so    Hbl. 

pos,  CAT;  pi.,  pospo's    Hbl. 

td'kEn,  CHICKEN;  pi.,  tci'ktci'kEn     Hbl. 

tcai'namEn,  CHINAMAN;  pi.,  tcintcai'namEn     Hbl. 

mu'la,  MULE;  pi.,  mulmu'la     Hbl. 

ma'nta,  COVER,  CANVAS;  pi.,  manma'nta     Hbl. 

sa'ma",  WHITE  MAN;  pi.,  sEmsa'ma"     Hbl. 

sil  (=sail)  CALICO;  pi.,  silsil    Hbl. 

These  modern  forms  demonstrate  that  the 
regular  plural-derivation  includes  the  con- 
sonant following  the  stem-vowel.  There  are, 
however,  a  number  of  plurals  in  which  the 
process  of  reduplication  does  not  include  this 
consonant,  for  example: 

stsuq,  PICTURE;  pi.,  stsutsu'q     B. 

smo'a",  COUGAR;  pi.,  smomo'a"     Hbl. 

sno'ya,  BEAVER;  pi.,  snonS'ya    Hbl. 

sm$x*,  SNAKE;  pi.,  smEm^"*    Hbl. 

[In  the  last  four  examples  the  initial  s(s) 
is  doubtlessly  a  prefix.] 

xazo'm,  BIG  (=  Shuswap  xayu'm),  pi.,  xaxazo'm  Hbl. 

The  following  plural-forms  show  slight  in- 
dividual peculiarities: 

sqa'yux",  MAN;  pi.,  sqai"qeuxu    Hbl. 

(Compare:  dim.  sqa"qeuxu) 
sau"ut,  SLAVE;  pi.,  so'usau"ut     Hbl. 
qo",  WATER;  pi.,  qo'uqo"     Hbl. 

(Compare:  dim  q6'qo') 

For  examples  of  plural-reduplication  in 
agent  nouns  see:  Hill-Tout:  BAAS  1899, 

P-  23. 

The  usual  type  of  diminutive  formation 
consists  in  reduplicating  the  stem  exclusive 
of  the  consonant  following  the  first  vowel.  In 
contradistinction  to  the  plural  reduplication 
the  accent  of  the  diminutives  is  thrown  back 
to  the  reduplicating  syllable.  This  is  usually 
associated  with  the  reduction  of  the  vowel  of 
the  reduplicated  syllable  (see  Boas:  BAAS 
1898,  p.  29;  also  Hill-Tout:  BAAS  1899,  p.  24). 

snu'koa,  FRIEND;  dim.,  nu'nkoa  B. 
cme'its,  DEER;  dim.,  cmE'meits  B. 
sp6e"tc,  BLACK  BEAR;  dim.,  spa'paats  B. 

1  o=  short  open  o. 

1  £=  begins  a  and  ends  ai. 


pa'zulqo,  LAKE;  dim.,  pa'pzulqo    Hbl. 

(Compare  pi;  pEzpa'zulqo) 
sqa'xa',  DOG,  HORSE;  dim.,  sqa'qxa'     Hbl. 
smo'a",  COUGAR,  dim.,  sm5'm8a"     Hbl. 

(Compare  pi.,  smomo'a") 
qoe'sp,  BUFFALO;  dim.,  qoi'qsp    Hbl. 
klo'n'e',  MOUSE;  dim.,  k!ok!ln'e'     Hbl. 
sm£x,  SNAKE;  dim.,  sma'ma'x    Hbl. 
?8'pa',  TAIL;  dim.,  so'spa'     Hbl. 
squ'm,  MOUNTAIN;  dim.,  sqo'qum    Hbl. 
si'tslum,  BLANKET;  dim.,  si'sts!um    Hbl. 
smanx,  TOBACCO;  dim.,  sma'manx    Hbl. 

(Compare  pi.,  smEnma'nx) 
kte'st,  BAD;  dim.,  k!a'k!Est     Hbl. 
smu'tats,  WOMAN;  dim.,  smu"mlats    Hbl. 
sno'ya,  BEAVER;  dim.,  sno"nea    Hbl. 

(Compare  pi.,  snono'ya) 

The  following  derivatives  of  the  verb 
tcu'umkEn,  "I  work,"  are  instructive  for  the 
different  positions  of  the  accent  in  the  plural 
and  the  diminutive: 

tcutcu'umkEn,  i  WORK  OFTEN     Teit. 
tcu'tcuEmkEn.  i  WORK  A  LITTLE     Teit. 

The  reduplication  of  loan-words  demon- 
strates clearly  the  fundamental  principles 
underlying  the  formation  of  diminutives: 

ko's3,    PIG;  dim.,    ko'k?3    Hbl. 
pos,  CAT;  dim.,  po'ps    Hbl. 

(pi.,  pospo's) 

tci'kEn,  CHICKEN;  dim.,  tcitckEn     Hbl. 
tcai'namEn,  CHINAMAN  ;  dim.,  tca'tcainamEn    Hbl. 
mu'la,  MULE;  dim.,  mu"mla     Hbl. 
ma'nta,  CANVAS;  dim.,  ma'manta    Hbl. 
$a'ma",  WHITE  MAN;  dim.,  sa'sEma"     Hbl. 

The  change  in  the  vowel  of  the  reduplicated 
syllable  of  the  following  word  appears  to  be 
slightly  irregular: 

sqa'yux",  MAN;  dim.,  sqa"qeuxu    Hbl. 

(Compare  pi.,  sqai"qeuxu  and  plural-diminu- 
tive, sqaqa"qayux")     Hbl. 

In  some  cases  the  diminutive  and  its  deriv- 
ative, the  plural-diminutive,  is  distinguished 
from  the  simplex  and  the  plural  by  the  closing 
of  the  terminal  vocalized  consonant  (n,  m,  1) 
with  a  glottal  stop,  thus: 

q!o'q!umqEn",  SMALL  HEAD,  and     Hbl. 
q!Emq!o'q!umqEn",  SEVERAL  SMALL  HEADS;  but 
qlu'mqEn,  HEAD  and  qlEmqlu'mqEn,  READS 
xazo'm,  BIG;  pi.,  xaxazo'm,  but 
dim.,  xazo'zom'  and  pl.-dim.,  xaxazo'zom'     Hbl. 


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157 


The  same  phenomenon  appears  in  the  fol- 
lowing loan-word : 

51!  (sail),  CALICO;  pi.,  silsll,  but 
dim.,  si'sil",  pi. -dim.,  silsi'sfl"     Hbl. 

The  following  word  shows  a  related  phe- 
nomenon : 

tsi'a',  HEAD;  pi.,  tsi'Etsi'a',  but 
dim.,  tsiai",  pl.-dim.,  tsitsiai"     Hbl. 

This  word  also  shows  the  peculiarity  of  the 
change  of  the  terminal  accented  o-vowel  to  an 
ai.  The  same  is  the  case  with  the  following 
word: 

i'V,  GOOD;  dim.,  i''ai'     Hbl. 

(pi.  i"i"a',  pl.-dim.,  I''I"ai') 

I  am  not  able  to  say  whether  these  forms  are 
derived  by  dieresis  of  the  stem-vowel  or  by  a 
type  of  end-reduplication.  Probably  the  final 
i  corresponds  to  I  in  Shuswap;  compare: 
Shuswap:  tslila",  BASKET,  dim.,  tslila'l'a;  la', 
GOOD,  dim.,  la'l'a.  In  some  cases  the  diminu- 
tive is  derived  from  the  simplex  by  means  of 
an  internal  reduplication,  while  the  plural  is 
formed  by  initial  reduplication.  Good  exam- 
ples are: 

spla'nt,  SKUNK;  dim.,  spla'l'nt    Hbl. 

(pi.,  splpla'nt) ' 
xazo'm,  BIG;  dim.,  xazo'zom'     Hbl. 

(pi.,  xaxazo'm) 
q!ume"Ema',  LITTLE;  dim.,q!uma'me'Ema'     Hbl. 

(pi.,  q!umq!ume"Ema') 
stloma'1-t'1,  COW;  dim.,  stloma'mal-t; 
pi.,  stumtluma'1-t'     Hbl. 

The  following  word  apparently  forms  its 
diminutive  in  the  same  way: 

sa'Me'c,  KNIFE;  dim.,  sa'»le"c    Hbl. 
(pi.  sa'«lsa'"le'c) 

This  diminutive  was  sometimes  also  heard 
as  sa'Me'lc.  The  glottal  stop  in  the  accented 
syllable  of  sa'»le"c  corresponds  doubtlessly  to 
an  /,  since  the  shift  of  this  sound  to  a  stop  or 
to  an  t-vowel  is  characteristic  of  Thompson  in 
general. 

Possibly  the  following  diminutive  is  derived 
likewise  by  internal  reduplication.  But  it 

1  The  initial  s  is  a  prefix. 
'  !•=  long  /. 


may  also  be  a  type  of  initial  reduplication, 
provided  we  assume  the  initial  n  to  be  a  prefix : 
nuwa'n'os,  FORMERLY;  dim.,  nowau'"n'os    Hbl. 

The  word  spEzu'zu,  BIRD  B.  [splspEzu'zo, 
BIRDS  (Teit)  ]  appears  to  be  a  diminutive 
formed  by  a  process  of  end-reduplication  from 

SpEZo',  ANIMAL. 

spEyu'zu,  SMALL  BIRD,  is  derived  by  dieresis  and 
with  a  shift  of  accent  from  spEzo' 

Of  considerable  interest  is  the  type  of  di- 
minutive end-reduplication  that  occurs  in  the 
words  compounded  with  the  suffix  -e'Et 
(=  Shuswap  -e'lt),  "young  one."  In  these 
the  terminal  consonant  of  the  stem  and  the 
initial  vowel  of  the  suffix  are  repeated ;  see  for 
example : 

st !omal-te"Et,  YOUNG  cow  (stloma'1-t',  cow)   Hbl. 

stlomal-te'te'Et,  SMALL  YOUNG  cow  ' 

(Shuswap:    stlomal-te'tE'lt;     compare  also 
Shuswap:    stlomal'txwi'xwi'lt,  CALF) 

qospe"Et,  YOUNG  BUFFALO  (qoe'sp,  BUFFALO)    Hbl. 

qOSpE'pe'Et,  SMALL  YOUNG  BUFFALO4 

snoyahe"Et,  YOUNG  BEAVER  (sno'ya  beaver)     Hbl. 
sndyahe'he'Et,  SMALL  YOUNG  BEAVER 
klotnE'ne'Et,  SMALL  YOUNG  MOUSE'    Hbl. 

(k!o*n'e'=  mouse) 

skukluma'me'Et,  SMALL  CHILD    Hbl. 
(sku'ku'me'Et,  CHILD;  skukukluma'me'Et,  SEVERAL 
SMALL  CHILDREN) 

The  type  of  diminutive  reduplication  with  a 
change  of  the  stem-vowel  to  an  i-vowel  in  the 
reduplicating  syllable — a  type  so  common  in 
many  of  the  dialects — seems  to  be  absent  in 
Thompson  and  Shuswap.  It  is  barely  possible 
that  we  are  dealing  with  it  in  the  following 
words : 

Thompson:   sau"ut,  SLAVE;    dim.,  se'so'ut    Hbl. 

Shuswap  and  Thompson:  la'rxqst,  FINGER;  dim., 
le'laxqst     Hbl.  (pi:  laxEla'rxqst) 

Apparently  there  is  a  type  of  diminutive 
formation  in  Thompson  derived  by  means  of  a 

'  st!umt!uma'mal-t',  SEVERAL  SMALL  cows 
st!umt!umal-te"Et,  SEVERAL  YOUNG  cows 
st!umt!umal-te'te'Et,  SEVERAL  SMALL  YOUNG  cows 

4  qOSqOSpg"Et,   SEVERAL   YOUNG   BUFFALOS 

qosqospE'pe'Et,  SEVERAL  SMALL  YOUNG  BUFFALOS 

5  klotklotns'ne'Et,  SEVERAL  SMALL  YOUNG  MICE 


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change  of  the  stem-vowel  without  reduplica- 
tion.   For  instance: 

tce'umkEn,  i  WORK  INDIFFERENTLY     Teit 

(tcu'umkEn,  i  WORK,  tcu'tcuEmkEn,  I  WORK 
A  LITTLE) 

tuawo"ut',  BOY  (Hbl.)  is  probably  derived  by  such 
a  process  from  tuwe"ut',  YOUTH  (Hbl.) 
(tuatuawo"ut',  BOYS) 

A  few  plurals  seem  to  be  formed  by  similar 
methods : 

Laq,  TO  COME;  pi.,  La'zfik     Teit. 
wuxt,  TO  SNOW;  pi.,  we'iixt     Teit. 

The  plurals  of  diminutives  are  formed  con- 
sistently by  means  of  a  process  of  double  re- 
duplication. They  are  derived  directly  from 
the  diminutive.  The  first  reduplicating  syl- 
lable which  precedes  the  diminutive  form  de- 
notes the  plural  and  is  identical  with  the  re- 
duplicating element  of  the  simplex.  The 
accent  remains  on  the  same  syllable  as  in  the 
singular-diminutive  form. 

pa'zulqo,  LAKE;  dim.  pi.,  pEzpa'pzulqS    Hbl. 
sqa'xa1,  DOG;  dim.  pi.,  sqExqa'qxa'     Hbl. 
Mini' l.its,  WOMAN;  dim.  pi.,  smlmu'mlats    Hbl. 
qlu'mqEn,  HEAD;  dim.  pi.,  q'.Emqlo'qlumqEn"  Hbl. 
fmo'a",  COUGAR;  dim.  pi.,  smSmo'moa"    Hbl. 
qoe'sp,  BUFFALO;  dim.  pi.,  qosqoi'qsp    Hbl. 
sno'ya,  BEAVER;  dim.  pi.,  snono"nea    Hbl. 
MII..I\,  SNAKE;  dim.  pi.,  smama'ma'x    Hbl. 
so'pa',  TAIL;  dim.  pi.,  sopso'spa'     Hbl. 
squ'm,  MOUNTAIN;  dim.  pi.,  squmqo'qum    Hbl. 
si'tslum,  BLANKET;  dim.  pi.,  sltssi'stslum    Hbl. 
qo',  WATER;  dim.  pi.,  qo'uqo'q6'     Hbl. 

(Compare:  dim.,  qo'qo',  pi.,  q6'uqo") 
smanx,  TOBACCO;   dim.  pi.,  smEnma'manx    Hbl. 
klEst,  BAD;  dim.  pi.,  k!Esk!a'k!Est    Hbl. 
sku'ku'me'Et,  CHILD;  pi.,  skuku'ku'me'Et     Hbl. 

(sku'ku'me'Et  is  no  doubt  a  diminutive  form) 

The  following  word  suggests  an  irregularity 
in  the  plural-reduplicating  syllable  of  the 
plural-diminutive : 

sqa'yux",  MAN;  pi.  dim.,  sqaqa"qayux"     Hbl. 
(pi.,  sqai"qeux°) 

The  following  are  forms  derived  from  loan- 
words : 

ko'so,  PIG;  pi.  dim.,  kosko'kso    Hbl. 

DOS,  CAT;  pi.  dim.,  pospo'ps    Hbl. 

tci'kEn,  CHICKEN;  pi.  dim.,  tciktci'tckEn    Hbl. 


tcai'namEn,  CHINAMEN;  pi.  dim.,  tcintca'tcainamEn 
sil,  CALICO;  pi.  dim.,  silsi'sil"     Hbl.  [Hbl. 

mu'la,  MULE;  pi.  dim.,  mulmu"mla     Hbl. 
ma'nta,  CANVAS;  pi.  dim.,  manma'manta     Hbl. 
sa'ma",  WHITE  MAN;  pi.  dim.,  sEmsa'sEma"     Hbl. 

The  plural-diminutives  are  formed  by  pre- 
fixing the  reduplicating  syllable  of  the  plural 
to  the  diminutive  even  in  those  cases  where  the 
dimunitive  is  not  formed  by  the  ordinary  type 
of  initial  reduplication : 

tsi'a',  BASKET;  pi.  dim.,  tsitsiai"    Hbl. 

(dim.  tsiai") 
I''a',  GOOD;  pi.  dim.,  il'i''ai'     Hbl. 

(dim.  i''ai') 
xazo'm,  BIG;  pi.  dim.,  xaxazo'zom'     Hbl. 

(dim.  xazo'zom') 
spla'nt,  SKUNK;  pi.  dim.,  spElplaTnt    Hbl. 

(dim.,  spla'l'nt) 
q!ume"Ema',  LITTLE;  pi.  dim.,  q!umq!uma'nie'Ema' 

Hbl.     (dim.,  qluma'me'Ema') 
sa'ale'c,  KNIFE;  pi.  dim.,  silsa'Me'c    Hbl. 

(dim.,  sa'*le"c) 

sau"ut,  SLAVE;  pi.  dim.,  so'"se'so'ut     Hbl. 
(dim.,  se'so'ut,  pi.,  so'usau"ut) 


SHUSWAP 

The  principles  by  which  the  Shuswap  re- 
duplications are  formed  are  identical  with 
those  in  Thompson.  Thus  the  plural  is  ordi- 
narily derived  from  the  simplex  by  a  repetition 
of  the  stem  including  the  consonant  following 
the  vowel  (see  Boas:  BAAS  1890,  p.  683). 

pa'zutqwa,  LAKE;  pi.,  pEzpa'zutqwa     Hbl. 
sqa'lEniux",  MAN;  pi.,  sqa'lqalEmux"     Hbl. 
no'xEnox,  WOMAN;  pi.,  noxno'xEnox    Hbl. 
tslila",  BASKET;  pi.,  ts!ilts!ila"     Hbl. 
sqla'pqEn,  HEAD;  pi.,  sq!apq!a'pqEn    Hbl. 
sqlau',  BEAVER;  pi.,  sqlqlau"     Hbl. 
xala'x",  TOOTH;  pi.,  xalxala'x"    Hbl. 
ci'ttslu,  MOCCASIN;  pi.,  dci'hslu    Hbl. 
sok!Eme"n,  KNIFE;  pi.,  suk!suk!Eme"n     Hbl. 
cxa'nix,  STONE;  pi.,  cxEnxa'nix    Hbl. 
sq le'txalaqs,  BADGER;  pi.,  sq!Etq!e'txalaqs     Hbl. 
sqlwa'xt,  FOOT;  pi.,  sqloxqlwa'xt     Hbl. 
stcEkwi'l,  ARROW  (Thompson,  stcEkwi'); 

pi.,  stcukutcEkwi'l     Hbl. 
klolte",  QUIVER;  pi.,  klolktolte"     Hbl. 
klect,  BAD;  pi.,  klEckle'ct    Hbl. 
la',  GOOD;  pi.,  Ifila"     Hbl. 


NO.    2 


TYPES    OF    REDUPLICATION    IN   THE    SALISH   DIALECTS 


159 


xkEma'xEn,  ARMPIT;  pi.,  xkEmkEma'xEn1     B. 
tsi'pwEn,  CACHE;  pi.,  tsiptsi'pwEn     B. 

Sts'os,  TATTOOED  LINE;    pi.,  stSESts'oS      B. 

ska'u,  HUSBAND'S  SISTER;  pi.,  skska'u     B. 
tEme'x,  COUNTRY;  pi.,  tEmtEme'x    B. 
rulral,  STRONG;  pi.,  rilErilEra'l    B. 
nox,  TO  RUN;  pi.,  no'xnox    B. 
qoie'lx,  TO  DANCE;  pi.,  qoiqoie'lx     B. 
la'rxqst,  FINGER;  pi.,  laxEla'rxqst    HU. 

In  the  following  word  the  reduplication 
includes  the  vowel  following  the  second  con- 
sonant: 

stsila'ut,  TO  STAND;  pi.,  stsistsila'ut    B. 

In  other  cases  the  plural-reduplication  does 
not  include  the  sound  following  the  first  vowel 
of  the  stem: 

sq'oa'xt,  LEG,  FOOT;  pi.,  skuq'oa'xt     B. 

xio'm,  LARGE;  pi.,  xaxio'm    B. 

tuwe'ut,  BOY;  pi.,  tutuwe'ut     B. 

xa'utEm,  GIRL;  pi.,  xuxa'utEm     B. 

gie'ia,  OLD  WOMAN;  pi.,  gigie'ia     B. 

ka'wulx,  OLD;  pi.,  kuka'wulx    B. 

xaxEwa't,  ROAD;  pi.,  xaxaxEwa't    Hbl. 

tii'q",  FIRE;  pi.,  titii'q"    Hbl. 

Lliya",  BARK  CANOE;  pi.,  Llu-liva"     Hbl. 

(Compare:  Thompson:  Liza',  pi.,  LleLlEza"     Hbl.) 

In  the  following  words  the  consonant  fol- 
lowing the  vowel  of  the  stem  does  not  belong 
to  the  stem  and  is  not  included  in  the  redupli- 
cation : 

tci'tx",  HOUSE;  pi.,  tcitci'tx"    Hbl. 
sitse'nEm,  TO  SING;  pi.,  sisitse'nEm     B. 
(-tsen=  suffix  for  MOUTH,  -Em=  verbal  suffix) 

This  restriction  of  the  process  of  reduplica- 
tion to  the  stem  does  not  seem  to  be  a  general 
rule  in  Shuswap,  see  for  instance: 

Llame'n,  AXE;  pl.,LlEmL!ame'n     Hbl. 
(-men  =  instrumental  suffix) 

In  some  cases  the  L  of  the  reduplicated  syl- 
lable changes  to  t  in  the  reduplicating  one : 

sLx'a'am,  OLD  MAN;  pi.,  stExLx'a'am    B. 
sL'ax,  TO  COME;  pl.,stELa'x    B. 

As  in  Thompson,  the  diminutive  is  formed 
by  a  reduplication  of  the  first  consonant  and 
first  vowel  of  the  stem.  The  type  of  diminu- 
tive reduplication  with  i-shift  does  not  seem  to 

1  x=  prefix;  kEm=stem,  -axEn=  suffix  for  "arm." 


occur.  The  accent  is  thrown  back  on  the  re- 
duplicating syllable,  usually  causing  a  reduc- 
tion of  the  stem- vowel. 

pa'zutqwa,  LAKE;  dim.,  pa'pzulqwa    Hbl. 
sqa'lEmux",  MAN;  dim.,  sqa'qalEmux"     Hbl. 
no'xEnox,  WOMAN;  dim.,  nu'noxEnox    Hbl. 
sqla'pqEn,  HEAD;  dim.,  sqla'qlpqEn     Hbl. 
ci'ltslu,  MOCCASIN;  dim.,  ci'cltslu     Hbl. 
tci'tx",  HOUSE;  dim.,  tci'tctx"     Hbl. 
hau'Ent,  RAT;  dim.,  ha'hauunt    Hbl. 

(Thompson:  hau"ut,  RAT,  dim.,  ha'hau'ut, 

pi.,  hauhau"ut    Hbl.) 
cxa'nix,  STONE;  dim.,  cxa'xEnix    Hbl. 
sq  le'txalaqs,  BADGER;  dim.,  sqle'qltxalaqs    Hbl. 
la'rxqst,  FINGER;  dim.,  le'laxqst    Hbl. 
sqlwa'xt,  FOOT;  dim.,  sq!wa'q!°xt    Hbl. 
klect,  BAD;  dim.,  k!e'k!ct     Hbl. 
la',  GOOD;  dim.,  la'l'a    Hbl. 

(cf:  pi.,  lEla") 

sQ'nkum,  ISLAND;  dim.,  su'sEnkum     B. 
ptepir'sE,  SNAKE;  dim.,  p'.Epli'pli'sE    Hbl. 

The  last  form  may  really  be  a  diminutive- 
plural.  As  in  Thompson,  some  diminutives 
are  formed  by  an  internal  reduplication,  while 
the  corresponding  plurals  are  reduplicated  ini- 
tially: 

xala'x11!  TOOTH;  dim.,  xala'lux"    Hbl. 
(pi:  xalxala'x") 

stcEkwi'l,  ARROW;  dim.,  stcEkwi'kwEl    Hbl. 
(pi.,  stcukHcEkwi'l) 

xkulta'm,  MEADOW;  dim.,  xkulta'tEm    B. 

In  the  following  words  the  diminutive  (and 
plural-diminutive)  is  formed  by  reduplicating 
the  first  consonant  of  the  instrumental  suffix 
-me'n: 

sok!Eme"n,  KNIFE;  dim.,  suk!Eme"me'n; 

pl.-dim.,  suk!suk!Eme"me'n    Hbl. 
Llame'n,    AXE;  dim.,    Llame'mEn; 

pl.-dim.,    LlEmLjEme'mEn    Hbl. 

Some  diminutives  are  formed  by  a  process  of 
end-reduplication : 

tslila'1,  BASKET;  dim.,ts!ilaTa    Hbl. 
klolte",  QUIVER;  dim.,  kiolte'te'E    Hbl. 

Probably  the  following  is  formed  in  the  same 
way: 

Lily  a",  BARK  CANOE;  dim.,  L!iye"a    Hbl. 
(Compare  with  this  Thompson:  Liza',  dim., 
Llzai'  or  Llza'za';    the  latter,  however,  is 
used  less  frequently) 


i6o 


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VOL.    I 


The  diminutive  of  sqlau',  BEAVER,  is  formed 
by  initial  as  well  as  terminal  reduplication: 
sqEqla'lo',  pl.-dim.,  sqlqEqla'lo'. 

As  in  Thompson,  the  diminutive  of  words 
compounded  with  the  suffix  -Elt,  YOUNG  ONE, 
is  derived  by  a  reduplication  of  the  terminal 
consonant  of  the  stem: 

stlomal'txwi'xwi'lt,  CALF     Hbl. 

qoi'sp,  BUFFALO;  xquspe'pElt,  BUFFALO-CALF    B. 

sLEmka'lt,  DAUGHTER;  dim.,  sLEmqa'kElt     B. 

emts,  GRANDCHILD;  EtnEmtsi'tsilt,  GREATGRAND- 
CHILD   B. 
(Snohomish:  e'bats,  GRANDCHILD,  e"ebats, 

GREATGRANDCHILD      Hbl.) 

According  to  the  following  cases  the  diminu- 
tive sometimes  shows  a  double  initial  redupli- 
cation : 

xa 'ut  Km,  GIRL;  dim.,  xuxa'xutEm    B. 

ts'aL,  COLD;  dim.,  ts'Etsa'tsELt    B. 

A  few  diminutives  are  formed  by  an  exten- 
sion of  the  accented  vowel: 

tcuwa'x,  CREEK;  dim.,  tcuwo'ux    B. 
xaxEwa't,  ROAD;  dim.,  xaxEwa'ut    Hbl. 
tii'q",  FIRE;  dim.,  tii"qu     Hbl. 

(pi.,  titii'q",  pl.-dim.,  titii"q") 

Reduplication  is  also  used  to  form  the 
following  augmentatives: 

sxaiix,  STONE;  aug.,  sxaxa'nx     B. 

(Compare:  cxa'nix,  STONE;  drm.,  cxa'xEniy    Hbl.; 
N.  B.   The  diminutive  shows  a  forward  shift 
of  the  accent) 
skulkoa'k'ult,  A  SINGLE  HIGH  MOUNTAIN    B. 

Probably  ko'kpi,  CHIEF,  is  also  an  augmen- 
tative form.  The  plural  of  this  word  is 
kupko'kpi  B.  (Compare  Lillooet:  kwakwokpl, 
CHIEFS,  H.T.) 

The  plural-diminutives  are  formed  in  exactly 
the  same  way  as  in  Thompson.  They  are  in- 
variably derived  from  the  diminutive  form: 

pa'zutqwa,LAKE;  dim.  pl.,pEzpa'pzulqwa    Hbl. 

sqa'lEmux",  MAN;  dim.  pi.,  sqalqa'qalEmux"    Hbl. 

no'xEnox,  WOMAN;  dim.  pi.,  noxnu'noxEnox    Hbl. 

tslila",  BASKET;  dim.  pi.,  ts lilts lila'l'a     Hbl. 

sqla'pqEn,  HEAD;  dim.  pi.,  sq!apq!a'q!pqEn     Hbl. 

sqlau',  BEAVER;  dim.  pi.,  sqlqEqla'lo'     Hbl. 

xala'x",  TOOTH;  dim.  pi.,  xalxala'lux"    Hbl. 

ci'ltslu,  MOCCASIN;  dim.  pi.,  ciici'cltslu     Hbl. 

tci'tx",  HOUSE;  dim.  pi.,  tcitci'tctx"    Hbl. 


xaxEwa'l,  ROAD;  dim.  pi.,  xaxaxEwa'ul    Hbl. 
cxa'nix,  STONE;  dim.  pi.,  cxEnxa'xEniy    Hbl. 
sq  le'txalaqs,  BADGER;  dim.  pi.,  sq!Etq!e'q!txalaqs 
tii'q",  FIRE;  dim.  pi.,  titii"q"    Hbl.  (Hbl. 

sqlwa'xt,  FOOT;  dim.  pi.,  sq !oxq !waq !°xt     Hbl. 
la'rxqst,  FINGER;  dim.  pi.,  laxEle'laxqst    Hbl. 

(dim.,  le'laxqst) 

stcEkwI'l,  ARROW;  dim.  pi.,  stcukutcEkwi'kwEl     Hbl. 
Llame'n,  AXE;  dim.  pi.,  LlEmLlEme'mEn     Hbl. 
kiolte",  QUIVER;  dim.  pi.,  klotklolte'te'E    Hbl. 
klect,  BAD;  dim.  pi.,  k!Eck!ek!ct    Hbl. 
la',  GOOD;  dim.  pi.,  lEla'l'a    Hbl. 
Lliya",  BARK  CANOE;  dim.  pi.,  L!iL!iye"a    Hbl. 
(Thompson:  Liza',  dim.  pl.,L!EL!Ezai"  or 

LiELlEza'za'     Hbl.) 
tEmta'tEmt,  SMALL  CLOUDS    Hbl. 
xqEqS'qcin't,  SMALL  STARS    Hbl. 

The  word  xuxxa'xutEm,  LITTLE  GIRLS  (B.), 
shows  a  triple  initial  reduplication.  It  is 
formed  from  xuxa'xutEm,  LITTLE  GIRL  (x-a'- 
utEm,  GIRL).  (Compare  Kalispelm:  sheshu'tem, 

LITTLE      GIRL,      sheushu'tem,      LITTLE      GIRLS, 

Giorda.) 

OKANAGON 

Examples  of  the  typical  plural  reduplication 
in  which  the  stem  including  the  consonant 
after  the  first  vowel  is  repeated  are : 

sqEltEmS'x,  MAN;  pi.,  sqElqEltEme'y     B. 

hilme'sum,  CHIEF;  pi.,  hllelme'xum     B. 
(il  =  TO  STRIKE    G.) 

k'oms,  EYEBROW;  pi.,  k'umko'ms     B. 

xopt,  WEAK;  pi.,  xupxo'pt    B. 

x-Lot,  STONE;  pi.,  xELxLot     B. 

snaq,  TO  STEAL;  pi.,  snoqEna'q     B. 

tsqoaq,  TO  CRY;  pi.,  tsuqtsqoa'q     B. 

smalElaxa'a,  TO  TELL  A  LIE;  pi.,  smElma'lElaxaa    B. 

As  in  Lillooet,  Thompson,  and  Shuswap, 
the  accent  is  not  shifted  back  in  this  type  of 
reduplication. 

The  plural  is  sometimes  also  formed  by  a 
dieresis  of  the  stem-vowel. 

g'utcgoa'tst,  STRONG;  pi.,  g'uzetckoa'tct     B. 

sa'intcQt,  TO  LAUGH;  pi.,  sayaintcut    B. 

The  diminutive  is  formed  by  the  shorter 
type  of  reduplication  with  a  shift  of  the  accent 
on  the  reduplicating  syllable: 

t'e'k'ut,  LAKE;  dim.,  t'e't'aakut    B. 
tEtuwit,  BOY 


NO.    2 


TYPES   OF   REDUPLICATION   IN   THE    SALISH   DIALECTS 


161 


xe'xotEm,  GIRL  (she'utem=  LARGE  GIRL    Kalispelm) 
Compare:   GIRL:   xi'xotEtn  in  Sans  Poll,  Col- 
ville,  Lake;    ce"cuEtEm  in  Spokane,  Pois 
d'Oreille,  Coeur  d'Alene. 

In  the  following  two  words  the  diminutive 
is  formed  by  a  process  of  end-reduplication : 
mEkwi'ut,  MOUNTAIN;  mukwl'woat,  HILL     B. 
skukEma'met,  INFANT  (from  sku'kamet)     B. 

The  plural  of  the  diminutive  is  formed  in  the 
following  example  by  a  double  reduplication: 
xe'xotEm,  GIRL;  pi.,  xExe'oxotEm    B. 

Compare:    Kalispelm:   sheushu'tem,  LITTLE 
GIRLS    G. 

The  plural  of  tEtuwe't,  BOY,  is  to'tuit  B. 
This  appears  to  be  an  irregular  formation. 

KALISPELM 

Giorda's  dictionary  of  the  Kalispelm  offers 
much  material  for  the  study  of  the  systems  of 
reduplication  in  this  dialect.  The  phonetics 
as  well  as  the  English  translations  in  this  dic- 
tionary are  often  deficient.  In  extracting  the 
material  of  interest  to  us  I  have  not  changed 
the  phonetic  transcription  used  by  Giorda. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  his  g  =  x 
(orx),k  =  korq.ch  =  tc.sh  =  c,  z  =  ts.gu  =  x, 
and  '  often  represents  an  obscure  vowel. 

The  references  given  in  the  discussion  below 
refer  to  the  pages  of  the  Kalispelm-English 
section  of  Giorda's  dictionary.  Giorda  dis- 
cusses the  types  of  reduplication  on  pp.  34 
and  35  of  the  appendix. 

The  fundamental  type  of  plural  formation 
is  the  reduplication  of  the  stem  including  the 
consonant  after  the  vowel.  The  accent  re- 
mains normally  in  its  original  position. 

smo'lemen,  LANCE;  pi.,  smlmo'lemen  p.  530 

se'me,  WHITE  MAN;  pi.,  s'mse'me  p.  499 

ske'Itich,  FLESH,  BODY;  pi.,  skalke'ltich  p.  274 

koelzen,  FIR  TREE;  pi.,  kolkoeMzen  p.  284 

s'chitemi'p,  CLOUD;  pi.,  s'chitemtemi'p  p.  494 

moko,  MOUNTAIN;  pi.,  mkomo'k  p.  398 

ni'chemen,  SAW;  pi.,  nchni'chemen  p.  413 

szolem,  BULL;  pi.,  sz'lzo'lem  p.  544 

sko'i,  MOTHER;  pi.,  sko'iko'i  p.  292 

koleuie,  ONION;  pi.,  kolkole'uie  p.  306 


kali'i,  LAKE;  pi.,  chilkalkali'i 
snaze'ne,  EARRING;  pi.  snazaze'ne 

(az  =  (root)  TO  TIE  ;  sn  are  prefixes) 
golko,  WHEEL;  pi.,  go'lgo'lko 
chkai'tmen,  HOOK;  pi.,  chkatkai'tmen 
sge'lui,  HUSBAND;  pi.,  sgalge'lu 
galegu,  TOOTH;  pi.,  galgale'gu 
oli'n,  BELLY;  pi.,  ololi'n 
ies-ila'ganem,  I  STRIKE  HIS  ARM 
ies-nilila'ganem,  i  STRIKE  BOTH  ARMS 
chin-u'gchst,  MY  HAND  is  FROZEN 
chin-ugu'gchst,  MY  HANDS  ARE  FROZEN 


P-257 
P-  3i 

p.  184 
p.  86 

P-  159 
p.  140 
p.  441 

P-233 
p.  607 


P-459 
p.  528 
p.  460 
P-494 
JP- 619 

548 


In  the  following  examples  z.  becomes  t  in 
the  reduplicating  syllable;  compare: 
sgutle'chst,  SHOULDER  BLADE;  pi.,  sgutgutle'chst   p.  504 
skutlu's,  FACE;  pi.,  skutkutlu's  p.  529 

In  some  plurals  the  consonant  following  the 
vowel  is  not  included  in  the  reduplication.  In 
these  cases,  too,  the  accent  seems  to  remain 
normally  in  the  position  it  has  in  the  simplex 
and  is  not  thrown  backward  as  in  the  diminu- 
tive reduplication. 

peninch,  LIVER;  pi.,  papeni'nch 

skoalshi'n,  CRANE;  pi.,  skokoalshi'n 

pia'k,  RIPE;  pi.,  pipia'k 

s'che'it,  SPIDER;  pi.,  s'chiche'it 

chines-chzalu'si,  i  HAVE  A  SORE  EYE 

chin-chzazalu's,  i  HAVE  SORE  EYES 
zal  (root)  =  SORE 

chines-tapmi'ni,  i  SHOOT  AN  ARROW 

chines-tatapmini,  I  SHOOT  ARROWS 
tap  (root)  =  TO  SHOOT 

As  far  as  I  can  see  from  Giorda's  material 
the  plural  reduplication  in  Kalispelm  does  not 
normally  seem  to  extend  beyond  the  stem  and 
to  include  the  initial  sound  of  a  suffix.  Where 
the  stem  consists  only  of  a  consonant  and  a 
vowel  the  reduplication  is  restricted  to  it. 
See  for  instance: 

s'che'ilegu,  SHADY  PLACE;  pi.,  s'chicheile'gu      p.  494 

-ilegu=  suffix  for  PLACE 
szoshin,  LEG,  FOOT;  pi.,  szozooshi'n  p.  545 

-shin=  suffix  for  FOOT 

s'chua'gan,  ARM;  pi.,  s'chuchua'gan  p.  494 

s'chaupu's,  TEAR;  pi.,  s'chauaupu's  p.    22 

-au  =  (root)  TO  FALL  IN  DROPS 

Possibly  the  following  may  be  an  exception 
to  this  rule: 

sups,  TAIL;  pi.,  spsups  p.  543 


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VOL.    I 


The  diminutive  is  usually  formed  by  a  re- 
duplication of  the  stem  exclusive  of  the  con- 
sonant following  the  vowel.  In  contradistinc- 
tion to  the  shorter  type  of  plural  reduplication 
the  accent  of  the  diminutive  is  ordinarily 
thrown  backward  with  the  effect  of  reducing 
the  vowel  of  the  reduplicated  syllable. 

ni'chemen,  SAW;  dim.,  ni'nchemen     p.  413-4 

(pl.=  nchni'chemen) 
smo'lemen,  LANCE;  dim.,  slmo'mlemen     p.  530 

(1  =  diminutive  prefix) 

(pl.=  smlmo'lemen) 
se'me,  WHITE  MAN;  dim.,  se'seme    p.  499 

(pl.=  s'mse'me) 
ske'ltich,  FLESH,  BODY;  dim.,  slka'kaltich    p.  274 

(pl.=  skalke'ltich) 
moko,  MOUNTAIN;  dim.,  tmmo'ko    p.  398 

(pl.=  mkomo'k) 
szotem,  BULL;  dim.,  slzo'  ztem     p.  544 

(pl.=  sz'lzo'lem) 

sko'i,  MOTHER;  dim.,  slko'koi  p.  292 
golko,  WHEEL;  dim.,  tgo'glko  p.  184 
sne'ut,  WIND;  dim.,  slne'neut  p.  411 
skaltemi'gu,  MAN  | 

kakaltemi'gu,  A  LITTLE  FISH  J  P'  2?5 
gal,  BRIGHT;  dim.,  i-lgaga'l  p.  137 
cheep,  SOFT;  dim.,  chche'p  p.  44 
ike'ikgui,  I  DRIVE  FOR  A  LITTLE  DISTANCE  p.  270 

(keig  (root)=TO  DRIVE) 
chin-nana'sshin,  MY  FOOT  is  A  LITTLE  WET    p.  406 

(nas[root]=  WET) 
hia'nkoi,  i  STEAL  A  LITTLE    p.  404 

(nako  (root)=TO  STEAL) 

The  diminutive  prefix  I  is  not  always  asso- 
ciated with  the  diminutive  reduplication,  for 
instance : 

smo'mshin,  MARE;  dim.,  stmo'mshin     p.  386 

For  a  discussion  of  I  see  Giorda  I,  p.  351. 

Certain  verbal  and  nominal  suffixes  are 
almost  invariably  associated  with  the  re- 
duplicated form  of  the  stem.  The  type  of 
reduplication  occurring  with  them  is  usually 
the  longer  plural  one. 

With  the  verbal  ending  -t: 

che'chilt,  NAUSEATING  p.    50 

ku'skust,  WONDERFUL  p.  333 

koi'lkoh,  LIVELY  p.  295 

pelpa'lkot,  AFFECTIONATE  p.  452 

koi'mkomt,  A  QUICK  WORKER  p.  295 


-t  with  the  diminutive  reduplication : 
Ikake'iet,  NARROW    p.  352 

With  the  suffix  -u},  denoting  "the  person 
who  does  something:" 

SUSUnu't,  ONE  WHO  LIKES  TO  ASK  QUESTIONS      p.  50! 

seu(root)=TO  ASK 
nlkalkalshu'J,  A  PROSTITUTE    p.  355 
kaikaimu'l,  ONE  WHO  WRITES  MUCH    p.  254 

kai=  (root)  TO  WRITE 
npelpelskcligu'},  MURDERER    p.  474 
But:  popolsemu'},  ONE  WHO  ESPECIALLY  KILLS 

ANIMALS 

pols(root)=  TO  KILL 

With  -(s)nug,  TO  BE  WORTHY  OF: 
npupusnu'g,  WORTH  LOVING    p.  487 

pus  (root)=TO  LOVE 

ngutgut't'snu'g,  WORTHY  OF  ANGER  p.  211 
iaiaasnu'g,  ONE  WHO  INSPIRES  AWE  p.  220 
iguigusnug,  WORTHY  OF  COMPASSION  p.  230 

With  -nueg,  which  denotes  reciprocity: 

kaes-ngalgalnue'gui,  WE  FRIGHTEN  ONE  ANOTHER 
p.  158 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  plural  reduplica- 
tion never  seems  to  be  used  with  the  frequenta- 
tive suffix  -luisi: 

chines-gei'lshemlui'si,  i  GO  NOW  AND  THEN  TO 

STEAL  HORSES      p.  155 

The  plural  is  sometimes  expressed  by  an  ex- 
tension of  the  stem- vowel: 
chines-chiulshi,  i  CLIMB  UP        1 
kaes-chue'ulshi,  WE  CLIMP  UP    ]  p' 
she'utem,  LARGE  GIRL;  pi.,  shue'utem          1 
sheshu'tem,  LITTLE  GIRL;  pi.,  sheushu'tem    }  P-  ^IO 
skue'st,  NAME;  skue'est,  NAMES  OF  ONE  PERSON 
(skuskue'st,  NAMES  OF  SEVERAL  PERSONS)  p.  324 

This  extension  of  the  stem-vowel  is  also 
used  to  denote  inchoative  action: 

Zli'sh,  IT  GOT  WARM      p.  630 

zish=  WARM 
es-tiimi',  IT  is  BECOMING  WET     p.  569 

tim=  WET 

The  formation  of  the  plurals  of  diminutives 
is  interesting.  Giorda's  material  seems  to 
show  clearly  that  they  are  never  formed  by 
means  of  a  double  reduplication.  The  follow- 
ing examples  show  that  they  are  derived  from 
the  reduplicated  form  of  the  diminutive,  the 


NO.   2 


TYPES   OF   REDUPLICATION   IN   THE   SALISH   DIALECTS 


163 


plural  being  indicated  by  an  extension  of  the 
reduplicating  vowel,  sometimes  by  a  diph- 
thongization  of  this  vowel  with  an  i.  They 
never  seem  to  be  derived  from  the  plural  of 
the  simplex. 

kali'i,  LAKE;  chitkaikali'i,  SMALL  LAKES    p.  257 

(chiikalkali'i=  LAKES) 
skuse'e,  SON;  skoikuse'e,  BOYS  p.  529 

(skukuse'e=  BOY) 

kokomeus,  YOUNG  HORSE;  pi.,  koikome'us    p.  296 
titui't,  BOY;  pi.,  tiitui't     p.  572 
pogo't,  PARENT;  pi.  dim.,  piipogo't    p.  470 

(pogpogo't,  PARENTS) 
she'utem,  GIRL;  pi.  dim.,  sheushu'tem     p.  510 

(sheshu'tem=  LITTLE  GIRL, 
shue'utem=  GIRLS) 

End-reduplication,  that  is  to  say,  the  re- 
peating of  the  last  consonant  of  the  stem,  is  a 
prominent  feature  of  Kalispelm.  It  occurs  in 
some  plural  forms: 

skolchemu's,  CHEEK;  pi.,  skolchemmu's    p.  52 

chem  (root)=  EXTREMITY  OF  SOMETHING 
s'cheme'pshin,  HEEL;  pi.,  schemme'pshin  p.  494 
ies-nchehu'sem,  I  UNCOVER  HIS  FACE 
ies-kolchehehu'sem,  i  UNCOVER  HIS  CHEEKS 
chines-lke'ilshi,  i  LAY  DOWN 
kaes-lkali'lshi,  WE  LAY  DOWN 
kaes-lkalkali'lshi,  WE  LAY  DOWN  IN  GROUPS 
es-npenna'ksi,  THEY  LIE  ON  THE  ROAD,  ALL 

IN  ONE  PLACE 

es-npenpenna'ksi,  THEY  LIE  HERE  AND  THERE 

ON  THE  ROAD 

(pen=root;  -aks=  suffix  for  ROAD) 


P-45 


P-354 


p.  466 


In  the  verb  the  end-reduplication  ordinarily 
expresses  the  passing  from  one  state  into 
another: 

tgO'gO,  IT  BECAME  STRAIGHT      p.  591 
tOg=  STRAIGHT 

chines-tkokomi',  i  FALL  p.  578 

tk"=  (root)  TO  LIE 
chines-ko'lili,  JE  DEVIENS         p.  297 

kol=  (root)  to  make 

chines-ntkokomi',  i  AM  BEING  CONCEIVED.    (This 
expresses  the  act  of  passing  from  a  state  of  not 
being  conceived  to  one  of  being  conceived, 
Giorda)     p.  430 
chines-na'kokoi,  i  GO  TO  STEAL     p.  404 

nako=  (root)  TO  STEAL 
es-mkokomi',  IT  SWELL  UP  p.  398 

moko=  root 


gui'kuku,  IT  IS  BEING  DRESSED       p.  197 

guika=  root 
chines-ia't'ti,  i  AM  BEING  SHAKEN  p.  223 

khi'ch,  IT  BECOMES  BOUND  p.  34! 

lich=  (root)  TO  BIND 

eS-DOz'z,  IT  FLATTENS  p.  455 

i-pOZ=  FLAT 

pini'n,  IT  BECAME  FULL  p.  465 

pin=  FULL 
es-telilemi,  IT  GROWS  HARD          p.  564 

til=  (rOOt)  TO  HARDEN 

pgO'g,  IT  GOT  SCATTERED  p.  460 

P0g=  (root)  TO  SCATTER 

Certain  verbal  suffixes  are  ordinarily  asso- 
ciated with  the  end-reduplication.  Thus 
-nunem,  TO  SUCCEED  IN  SOMETHING  occurs 
almost  always  with  this  form  of  the  verb. 

ies-kammnu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  SWALLOWING  IT 

p.  261 
ies-gol'lnu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  THROWING  IT  AWAY 

p.  176 

ies-skakanu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  SPLITTING  IT  p.  492 
ies-paag'ganu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  CURING  p.  448 
ies-lz'znu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  WHIPPING  HIM  p.  365 
ies-koeenu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  BITING  IT  p.  281 

ies-il'lnu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  STRIKING  p.  232 

ies-gukukunu'nem,  i  SUCCEED  IN  CLEANSING  IT  p.  204 

End-reduplication  with  -utem: 
elchchutem,  ABLE  TO  BE  BOUND    p.  343 

lech=  (root)  TO  BIND 
ngal'lu'tem,  TO  BE  FEARED          p.  157 
gul'lu'tem,  SANABILIS  p.  197 

gez'ztmu'tem,  ABLE  TO  DIG          p.  168 

The  end-reduplication  seems  almost  always 
to  be  used  with  the  negation: 

taS-10'O,  NOT  WELL,  io',  WELL      p.  237 

taks-shni'n,  IT  WILL  NOT  STICK    p.  516 

shin=  root 

tas  gokoko'tem,  INSEPARABLE      p.  183 
tas  kue'lchch,  IT  DOES  NOT  UPSET    p.  324 
tas  kup'p,  IT  DOES  NOT  MOVE    p.  333 
ta-spi'pe,  but:  chines-spmi',  i  WHIP 

Verbs  may  have  an  initial  as  well  as  an  end- 
reduplication  in  one  and  the  same  form. 

chines-chshiteshtemu's,  I  RAISE  MY  EYES  1 
chin-chshiteshit'temu's,  MY  EYES  RISE  UP  f  p.  519 

BY  THEMSELVES 

sgolkolkoiTl,  UNJUST  PROFITS    p.  294 

koil=  (root),  TO  CHEAT 

kaes-zkakali'lsh,  WE  FALL  ON  OUR  BACKS    p.  630 
(chines-zkalo't,  i  LIE  ON  MY  BACK) 


1 64 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


From  Mengarini's  "Flathead  Grammar" 
(Grammatica  Linguae  Selicae)  it  is  clear  that 
the  plural  and  diminutive  forms  of  this  dialect 
are  the  same  as  those  of  Kalispelm.  See  for 
instance : 

Plural: 

skoi,  MOTHER;  pi.,  skoikoi 
esmo'ck,  MOUNTAIN;  pi.,  esmkmo'ck 
sko'lchemu's,  CHEEK;  pi.,  sko'lchammu's 

Diminutives: 

eslmmo'ck,  SMALL  MOUNTAIN 
she'shu'tem,  SMALL  GIRL 

IgOglko,  SMALL  WHEEL 
Slko'koi,  SMALL  MOTHER 


QUINAULT 

Dr.  Leo  Frachtenberg  has  studied  the  form- 
ation of  the  diminutive  and  of  the  plural  in  this 
dialect.  He  has  kindly  permitted  me  the  use 
of  his  manuscript.  He  has  established  the 
interesting  fact  that  the  process  of  reduplica- 
tion is  practically  absent  in  this  Salish  dialect. 

The  only  clear  case  of  reduplication  in 
Quinault  is  the  following: 

ki'utan,  HORSE 

tci'Lla'k!"  kigwe"tan,  i  HAVE  GOOD  HORSES 

Possibly  the  following  may  also  suggest  the 
presence  of  a  reduplication  provided  one  pos- 
tulates the  change  of  y  to  dj  in  the  reduplicated 
syllable: 

xwa'  yi'lEn,  KNIFE 

ta'  an  letc!  xwe'  idjelEn,  MY  SHARP  KNIVES 

In  the  vocabulary  collected  by  Dr.  Boas  it 
may  be  that  tce'l.tceltcu,  SPINSTER,  is  a  re- 
duplicated form. 

From  Frachtenberg's  material  it  is  plain 
that  the  plural  in  Quinault  is  formed  either  by 
the  particle  xwe,  MANY,  or  the  suffix  -elma'. 

sqe'qlnat,  WOMAN;  pi.,  xwe  sqeqe'lnal 

ma'qsin,  NOSE;  pi.,  ma'qsinelma' 

The  diminutive  is  formed,  in  addition  to  a 
suffixed  o,  by  means  of  a  change  of  the  stem- 
vowel.  This  change  consists  ordinarily  either 


in  replacing  a  simple  vowel  by  an  echoed  one 
or  by  simply  introducing  a  glottal  stop. 

qa'yis,  STONE;  dim.,  qa'aiso 

si'plEn,  AXE;  dim.,  si'pte'no 

tell,  HIGH;  dim.,  tci'il 

The  same  type  of  vowel-extension  is  ob- 
served in  the  word  kwaiai'El,  INFANT,  which 
is  common  to  Satsep,  Upper  Chehalis,  and 
Cowlitz.  It  is  the  diminutive  form  of  kwai'il, 
YOUNG. 


SNOHOMISH 

The  reduplications  of  this  dialect  were  re- 
corded by  the  writer  during  his  field-work 
among  the  Snohomish  and  Snuqualmi  in  the 
fall  of  1916. 

The  plural  is  formed  almost  without  excep- 
tion by  a  repetition  of  the  stem  including  the 
consonant  following  the  vowel.  The  vowel  of 
the  reduplicating  syllable  remains  the  same 
as  that  of  the  simplex. 

klo'spt,  TROUT  (k!wa'spl  Snuqualmi);  pi.,  k!o'sk!spl 

L!xuai",  DOG-SALMON;  pi.,  L!xuL!x"ai" 

Lltcets,  BOW;  pi.,  L!a'tcL!atcit8 

sqEbai",  DOG;  pi.,  sqEbqbai" 

tS'sid,  ARROW;  pi.,  te'stesid 

steqa'yu",  WOLF;  pi.,  stEqtqa'yu' 

stcE'txud,  BEAR;  pi.,  stcE'ttctxud 

yix°Ela',  EAGLE;  pi.,  yixuyix"Ela' 

cau',  BONE;  pi.,  cau"cau' 

Lle'lbid,  CANOE;  pi.,  Lle'lLlelbid 

x°k!o'dcEd,  FOOT;  pi.,  x"k!o'dk!odcEd 

tca'las,  ARM;  pi.,  tca'ltcElas 

t'klo's,  OWL;  pi.,  t'kt'klo's 

sqlEbia',  SKUNK  (sqtebio"  Snuqualmi); 

pi.,  sq!E'bq!bia 

tcia'lasats,  FERN;  pi.,  tcla'ltclElasats 
k!"a'lu,  SKIN;  pi.,  k!ua'lk!"Elu 

SpEtCO',  BASKET;    pi.,  SpE'tCptCO 

axa',  GOOSE;  pi.,  'ax'axa' 
spo'kuab,  HILL;  pi.,  spo'k°p5kuab 
stcEbe'dats,  FIR;  pi.,  stcEbtcEbe'dats 
xpai'  CEDAR;  pi.,  xEpxpai" 
kuag"e'dtcEd,  ELK;  pi.,  k"agukuague'dtcEd 
sk!"aqe'q,  ROBIN;  pi.,  sk!"aqk!uaqe'q 
xebxeb,  HAWK;  pi.,  xebxebxeb 
so'pqs,  SEAL;  pi.,  so'psopqs 
sqe'xa',  WOOL  DOG;  pi.,  sqe'xqexa' 
a'lal,  HOUSE;  pi.,  a'lalal 


NO.   2 


TYPES   OF   REDUPLICATION    IN    THE    SALISH   DIALECTS 


165 


bo'ctcEb,1  MINK;  pi.,  bo'cboctcEb 
xa'tcu,  LAKE;  pi.,  xa'tcxatcu 

Plurals  which  do  not  reduplicate  the  con- 
sonant following  the  stem-vowel  seem  to  be 
rather  exceptional.  See  the  following  exam- 
ples: 

tciLla',  STONE  (tcla'Lla'  Snuqualmi);  pi.,  tcitciLla' 

sbyau,  FOX;  pi.,  sbi'byau' 

sla'dai',  WOMAN;  pi.,  stala'dai' 

swawa',  LION;  pi.,  swawawa' 

The  following  does  not  belong  properly  in 
this  class  as  it  is  onomatopoetic : 
k!a'k!a,  CROW;  pi.,  k!a'k!ak!a 

It  seems  to  be  a  constant  feature  of  the 
plural-reduplication  in  Snohomish  that  the 
repetition  is  restricted  to  the  stem  and  does 
not  include  the  initial  consonant  of  the  suffix 
when  the  stem  consists  only  of  two  sounds.  See: 
po'tEd,  SHIRT;  pi.,  po'potEd 

(-tEd  =  instrumental  suffix) 
sqla'cEd,  MOCCASIN;  pi.,  sqla'qlacfid 

(-cEd  =  suffix  for  FOOT) 
dzidi's,  TOOTH;  pi.,  dzidza'dis 
(-nis  =  suffix  for  TOOTH) 

The  following  plural  forms  seem  to  be  like- 
wise explained  by  the  presence  of  a  suffix: 
bo'q",  DUCK;  pi.,  bo"bo'qu 
stsa'li,  HEART;  pi.,  stsa'tsali 
sq!a'"L!,  OTTER;  pi.,  sq!a'a'q!a'*L! 

The  Comox  plural-reduplications  are  dis- 
tinguished from  those  of  the  Snohomish  in 
that  the  former  do  not,  like  the  latter,  restrict 
themselves  to  the  etymological  stem,  but  may 
also  include  part  of  a  suffix,  for  instance 
(Sapir:  "Noun  Reduplication  in  Comox"  pp. 
12  and  13): 

q'.a'Ll,  LAND-OTTER;  pi.,  q!AL!q!a'aL! 

q!a'"sa',  SEA-OTTER;  pi.,  q!A'sq!a"sa'  (Kwakiutl) 

mA'qsin',  NOSE;  pi.,  mA'qlmAqsin' 
(-qsin'  =  suffix  for  NOSE) 

dji'cin',  FOOT;  pi.,  dji'cdjicin' 

dji'dis,  TOOTH;  pi.,  dji'ddjidis 
(-dis  =  suffix  for  TOOTH). 

The  following  plural  forms  are  irregular: 
sxlu's,  HEAD;  pi.,  sxaxa'yus 

This  plural  form  is  explained  by  the  Snuqual- 
mi word  for  HEAD:  sxa'yus. 

1  6  like  in  German  offnen 


sya'b,  CHIEF;  pi.,  si'ya'b 
sto'bc,  MAN;  pi.,  sto'b5bc 

This  last  form  is  very  extraordinary,     -be  is 

the  suffix  for  PERSON.    Compare  the  Comox 

form  tA'mto'mic.2 

There  are  two  types  of  diminutive  redupli- 
cation in  Snohomish.  In  the  one  type  the 
vowel  of  the  stem  is  repeated  in  the  redupli- 
cating-syllable,  in  the  other  this  vowel  is 
changed  to  an  i  (or  e).  In  either  case  the 
consonant  following  the  vowel  is  not  included 
in  the  reduplication.  It  is  almost  a  constant 
feature  that  the  accent  is  thrown  back  on  the 
reduplicating-syllable.  This  is  usually  associ- 
ated with  a  reduction  or  complete  elimina- 
tion of  the  vowel  of  the  reduplicated  syllable. 
Examples  of  reduplication  of  the  first  type  are: 

tca'las,  ARM;  dim.,  tca"tcElas 
k"ague'dtcEd,  ELK;  dim.,  kuak»gue'dtcEd 

(Compare:  pi.,  kuaguk"ague'dtcEd) 
sk!uaqe'q,  ROBIN;  dim.,  sk!uak!"qe'q 
so'pqs,  SEAL;  dim.,  so'sEpqs 
a'lal,  HOUSE;  dim.,  a"alal 
xa'tcu,  LAKE;  dim.,  xa'xtcu 
sto'bc,  MAN;  dim.,  stu'tubc 
kla'kla,  CROW;  dim.,  k!a'k!k!a 
sla'dai',  WOMAN;  dim.,  sla'ladai'  *;    pi.,  slala'dai' 
stsa'li,  HEART;  dim.,  stsa'tsEli 
sqlaLl,  CLOUD;  dim.,  sq!a'q!L! 
cau',  BONE;  dim.,  ca"cu' 
swawa',  LION;  dim.,  swa'uwa' 

Instances  of  the  second  type  of  diminutive 
reduplication  (with  a  shift  to  i  in  the  redupli- 
cating-syllable) are: 

po'tEd,  SHIRT;  dim.,  pi'potEd 
sqla'cEd,  MOCCASIN;  dim.,  sq!e'q!acEd 
bo'qu.  DUCK;  dim.,  bi"  bo'qu 
sqla'n.!,  OTTER;  dim.,  sq!e"eq!a'"L! 
bo'ctcEb,  MINK;  dim.,  bi'bctcEb 
k!"a'lu,  SKIN;  dim.,  k.TkWu 
xuk!o'dcEd,  FOOT;  dim.,  xuk!e'k!odcEd 
klo'spl,  TROUT;  dim.,  k!ue'sk!"spl 
Lltcets,  BOW;  dim.,  Lle'Lltcits 

(pi.,  Lla'tcLlatcits) 
sxius,  HEAD,  (sxa'yus  Snuqualmi) 

dim.,  sxi'xius 
stcE'txud,  BEAR,  (ctca'txud  Snuqualmi) 

dim.,  stci'tctxud 

2  Sapir:  op.  cit.  p.  14. 

3  See  Nisqualli  la'ledai  =  GIRL  (Teit). 


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In  some  cases  the  vowel  of  the  reduplicating- 
syllable  represents  a  diphthongization  with  *': 
axa',  GOOSE;  dim.,  i'axa 
sqEbai'',  DOG  (squbai"  Snuqualmi); 

dim.,  squi'qubai1 
tcla'lasats,  FERN;  dim.,  tc!a'''tc!Elasats 

Words  in  which  the  stem-vowel  is  obscure 
or  is  itself  an  t-vowel  cannot  be  attributed 
either  to  one  or  to  the  other  of  the  above  types, 
for  instance: 

spEtco',  BASKET;  dim.,  spi'ptco 

te'sid,  ARROW;  dim.,  te'tsid 

L!x"ai",  DOG-SALMON;  dim.,  L!i'L!xuai' 

steqa'yu',  WOLF;  dim.,  stitqa'yu' 

Lle'lbid,  CANOE;  dim.,  Lte'Ltelbid 

t'klO's,  OWL;  dim.,  t'i't'klos 

sqlEbia',  SKUNK;  dim.,  sqle'qtebia 

stcEbe'dats,  FIR;  dim.,  stcltcbi'dats 

xpai',  CEDAR;  dim.,  xe'xpai' 

xebxeb,  HAWK;  dim.,  xe'xebxeb 

sqe'xa',  WOOL  DOG;  dim.,  sqe'qxa 

sya'b,  CHIEF;  dim.,  se'ya'b 

dzidi's,  TOOTH;  dim.,  dzi'dzidis 

tciLla',  STONE;  dim.,  tcitcxla' 

(tc!a'L!a'=  STONE  Snuqualmi) 

sbyau,  FOX;  dim.,  sbi'byau. 

In  the  following  word  the  diminutive  is 
formed  by  an  extension  of  the  stem-vowel 
without  reduplication: 

sp6'kuab,  HILL;  dim.,  spo'°'kuab 

Probably  the  same  is  true  in  the  following: 
yixuEla',  EAGLE,  yi'ix"Ela' 

As  far  as  I  can  judge  from  my  material  the 
plural-diminutives  are  invariably  derived  from 
the  diminutive  form.  This  general  principle 
of  formation  contrasts  with  that  of  Comox 
where  the  corresponding  forms  are  always 
diminutized  plurals,  the  first  reduplicating 
syllable  being  of  the  diminutive  type,  the 
second  of  the  plural  type  (cf.  Sapir:  op.  cit. 
p.  34).  With  the  exception  of  the  words  for 
"man"  and  "woman"  the  Snohomish  plural 
diminutives  are  formed  by  repeating  the  re- 
duplicating syllable  of  the  diminutive  form. 

spEtco',  BASKET;  pi.  dim.,  spi'piptco 
(dim.,  spi'ptco;  pi.,  spE'tcptco) 

te'sid,  ARROW;  pi.  dim.,  te'tetsid 
(dim.,  te'tsid;  pi.,  te'stesid) 


L!x"ai',  DOG-SALMON;  pi.  dim.,  L!i'L!iL!xuai' 
steqa'yu',  WOLF;  pi.  dim.,  stititqa'yu' 
Lie'lbid,  CANOE;  pi.  dim.,  Lle'L'.eLlElbid 
t'klo's,  OWL;  pi.  dim.,  tTt'it'klos 
sqlfibia',  SKUNK;  pi.  dim.,  sqle'qleqlfibia 
stcEbe'dats,  FIR;  pi.  dim.,  stcitcitcbi'dats 
xpai',  CEDAR;  pi.  dim.,  xe'xexpai' 
xebxeb,  HAWK;  pi.  dim.,  xe'xexEbxEb 
sqe'xa',  WOOL  DOG;  pi.  dim.,  sqe'qeqxa 
dzidi's,  TOOTH;  pi.  dim.,  dzidzEdza'dis 
tcu-Ia',  STONE;  pi.  dim.,  tcItcitcLla' 
sbyau,  FOX;  pi.  dim.,  sbi'bi'byau 
tca'las,  ARM;  pi.  dim.,  tca"tca'tcElas 
kuag"e'dtcEd,  ELK;  pi.  dim.  k"akuakugVdtcEd 
sk!uaqe'q,  ROBIN;  pi.  dim.,  sk!uak!"ak!uqe'q 
s5'pqs,  SEAL;  pi.  dim.,  so'sospqs 
a'lal,  HOUSE;  pi.  dim.,  a'Valal 
xa'tcu,  LAKE;  pi.  dim.,  xa'xaxtcu 
kla'kla,  CROW;  pi.  dim.,  k!a'k!ak!k!a 
stsa'li,  HEART;  pi.  dim.,  stsa'tsatsnli 
sqlaLl,  CLOUD;  pi.  dim.,  sq!a'q!aq!L! 
cau',  BONE;  pi.  dim.,  ca"ca'cu' 
swawa',  LION;  pi.  dim.,  swa'uwa'uwa' 
pS'tEd,  SHIRT;  pi.  dim.,  pi'pipotEd 
sqia'cEd,  MOCCASIN;  pi.  dim.,  sq!e'q!eq!acEd 
bo'q",  DUCK;  pi.  dim.,  bi"bi'bo'qu 
sq!a'*L!,  OTTER;  pi.  dim.,  sq!e'"'q!e'eq!a'aL! 
bo'ctcEb,  MINK;  pi.  dim.,  bi'blbctcEb 
k!"a'lu,  SKIN;  pi.  dim.,  k!ui'k!uik!ulu 
xuk!o'dcEd,  FOOT;  pi.  dim.,  $uk!e'k!ek!odcEd 
klo'spl,  TROUT;  pi.  dim.,  k!ue'k!uesk!uspl 
LltCEts,  BOW;  pi.  dim.,  Lle'LleLltcits 
sxiu's,  HEAD;  pi.  dim.,  sxexxa'yus 
stcE'txud,  BEAR;  pi.  dim.,  stci'tcitctxud 
axa',  GOOSE;  pi.  dim.,  'i"iaxa 
sqEbai",  DOG;  pi.  dim.,  squi'quiqEbai' 
tcla'lasats,  FERN;  pi.  dim.,  tc!a"'tc!a''tc!Elasats 
yix"Ela',  EAGLE;  pi.  dim.,  yi'yi'ixuEla 
spo'kuab,  HILL;  pi.  dim.,  spo°'pok"ab 

(dim.,  spo'°'kuab,  pi.,  spo'ku'pokuab) 
sya'b,  CHIEF;  pi.  dim.,  se'e'ya'b 

(dim.,  se'ya'b) 

The  only  two  exceptions  known  to  me  of  the 
above  method  of  forming  the  plural-diminu- 
tive are  the  words  for  MAN  and  WOMAN. 
sto'bc,  MAN;  pi.  dim.,  sto'hotobc 
(pi.,  sto'bobc,  dim.,  stu'tubc) 
sla'dai',  WOMAN;  pi.  dim.,  sla'haladai' 
(pi.,  slala'dai',  dim.,  sla'ladai') 

These  two  plural-diminutives  are  also  de- 
rived from  the  diminutive  form,  but  not  by 
means  of  an  additional  reduplication,  but  by 


NO.    2 


TYPES   OF    REDUPLICATION    IN   THE    SALISH    DIALECTS 


I67 


an  extension  of  the  vowel  of  the  reduplicating 
syllable  of  the  diminutive. 

It  is  a  general  rule  that  the  accent  in  the 
plural-diminutive  is  thrown  back  on  the  first 
reduplicating  syllable. 

CLALLAM-LKUNGEN 

Dr.  Frachtenberg  has  collected  reduplica- 
tions of  the  Clallam.  He  has  kindly  let  me 
use  the  material  in  his  manuscript.  Where  no 
other  author  is  mentioned  the  Clallam- 
Lkungen  reduplications  cited  below  were  re- 
corded by  him.1 

There  are  three  distinct  types  of  plural 
formation  in  Clallam.  In  the  first  the  stem, 
including  the  consonant  following  the  first 
vowel,  is  reduplicated.  Dr.  Frachtenberg's 
material  seems  to  show  that  this  type  of  plural 
is  not  very  frequent. 

xo'unt,  PADDLE;  pi.,  xo'nxwant 

stca'ninux",  SALMON;  pi.,  stcintca'ninux" 

slinEtcatl,  GIRL;  pi.,  slinlinatcalatl     H.T. 

Luqu,  TO  STICK;  Luq"Luqu,  STICKY      H.T. 

dja'tdjutxum,  TO  BUILD  A  HOUSE       B. 

In  the  last  example  the  reduplication  in- 
cludes the  initial  consonant  of  the  suffix 
(-txu,  HOUSE). 

The  second  type  of  plurals  is  formed  by 
repeating  the  stem  without  the  second  con- 
sonant. Here  we  can  distinguish  between  re- 
duplications in  which  the  reduplicating  syl- 
lable repeats  the  quality  of  the  stem-vowel 
and  such  in  which  the  vowel  is  changed  to 
i  (or  e). 

sqo'nltct,  WILLOW;  pi.,  sqoqo'nhct 

qlwa'yin,  EAR;  pi.,  q!uq!we'yin 

sto'owe,  RIVER;  pi.,  sto'tauwi 

paq!,  WHITE;  pi.,  pi'paq! 

qa'yin,  EYE;  pi.,  qeqa'yin 

anitsa'qu,  RED;  pi.,  anitsitsa'qu 

sma'yits,  ELK;  pi.,  smime'its 

Finally,  the  third  type  is  not  formed  by  re- 
duplication, but  by  means  of  an  extension  of 
the  stem-vowel. 

sma'tslEn,  SKUNK;  pi.,  smaya'tstens 
tcuxwa'yo°,  WHALE;  pi.,  tcayuxwe'yo" 
'Compare:  Hill-Tout   JA1  37,  p.  314 


khva'yinsin,  SEAGULL;  pi.,  khvaya'yinsin 
Lla'qt,  LONG;  pi.,  Lla'yaqt 
tslila'aftc,  MAPLE;  pi.,  ts!a'iJa'a}tc 

The  material  recorded  by  Hill-Tout  in 
JAI  Vol.  37  is  from  Lkungen,  a  dialect  very 
closely  related  to  Clallam.  The  extension  of 
the  stem-vowel  in  the  plurals  of  this  dialect  is 
not  brought  about  by  a  y-glide,  but  by  an 
/-glide;  see  for  instance: 

qa'ni,  MAID;  pi.,  qala'ni     H.T. 

kwa'nin,  ORPHAN;  pi.,  kwEla'nin     H.T. 

This  difference  between  Clallam  and  Lkun- 
gen corresponds  to  the  shift  of  /  to  i,  char- 
acteristic of  Clallam. 

The  extension  of  the  stem-vowel  is  often 
brought  about  by  the  introduction  of  an 
t-vowel : 

sxas,  BAD;  pi.,  sxlya's 

t.'at.'au'sna',  STAR;  pi.,  t!i'yat!au'sna' 

sxuna'am,  SHAMAN;  pi.,  sxumya'am 

kwa'ckwac,  BLUEJAY;  pi.,  kwa'yickuc 

The  diminutives  in  Clallam  seem  to  be 
formed  regularly  by  a  repetition  of  the  stem 
exclusive  of  the  second  consonant.  We  can 
distinguish  between  diminutive  reduplications 
in  which  the  reduplicating  syllable  repeats  the 
vowel  of  the  stem  and  such  in  which  this  vowel 
is  changed  to  an  a.  A  corresponding  type  with 
a  shift  to  i  does  not  seem  to  exist  in  this 
dialect. 

xo'unt,  PADDLE;  dim.,  xo'xwant 
paq!,  WHITE;  dim.,  pa'pa'q.'al 

(pi.,  pi'paq!) 
xpal',  CEDAR;  dim.,  xaxa'pe 

(pi.,  xlxa'pe) 

sqo'nltct,  WILLOW;  dim.,  sqoqo'nltct 
sqa'xa',  DOG;  dim.,  sqa'qa'xa 

(pi.,  sqa'ya'xa) 

Diminutive-reduplications  with  c-shift: 
steqeu',  HORSE;  dim.,  stateqeu' 

(pi.,  stiteqeu') 
ctca'tci'ayil,  CHILD 
qu'ni,  SEAGULL;  dim.,  qwa'qun-I 
tcli'tcJaftc,  SPRUCE;  dim.,  tc!a'tc!itc!altc 

In  the  following  words  not  the  same  syl- 
lables are  reduplicated  in  the  plural  and  in[the 
diminutive : 


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VOL.    I 


anitsa'qu,  RED;  pi.,  anitsitsa'qu 

dim.,  a'anitsa'qu} 
anELa},  BLUE;  pi.,  aniLe'Lal 
dim.,  a'ani'.i.al 

Diminutives  which  are  not  formed  by  re- 
duplication seem  to  be  very  unusual,  see  for 
instance : 

sma'yits,  ELK;  dim.,  sme'Its 
klwa'yanisin,  EAGLE;  dim.,  Idwe'eyini'sin 

The  plural-diminutive  is  never  derived  from 
the  plural,  but  always  from  the  diminutive. 
It  is  not  formed  by  an  additional  reduplica- 
tion, but  by  means  of  extending  the  vowel  of 
the  reduplicating  syllable  of  the  diminutive. 
This  extension  does  not  seem  ever  to  be 
brought  about  by  an  introduction  of  an  i- 
vowel  as  is  the  case  in  many  plurals  derived 
from  the  simplex. 

siqle,  HEAVY;  pi.  dim.,  sa'yase'qle 

dim.,  sa'se'qle;  pi.,  sa'yi'q.'e 
tcEla't,  THICK;  pi.  dim.,  tca'ya'tce'tt 

dim.,  tca'tce'It;  pi.,  tcitca'ft 
plau'wi',  FLOUNDER;  pi.  di*n.,  p!a'ya'p!a'uwi' 

dim.,  p!a'p!a'uwi';  pi.,  pla'yau'wi' 
waxa'},  FROG;  pi.  dim.,  wa'yawaxa'l 

dim.,  wa'waxa't;  pi.,  wiya'xal 
sldwato',  RAVEN;  pi.  dim.,  sk!wa'ya'k!ut6' 

dim.,  sklwa'lduto';  pi.,  sklwa'yitS' 

Lkungen  has  again  the  extension  with  / 
instead  of  y: 

ska'kala,  INFANT;  pi.,  skala'kala    H.T. 
sLCLuLkEL,  CHILD;  pi.,  sLaleLULkEL    H.T. 


SQUAMISH 

Our  material  on  the  reduplications  of  this 
dialect  is  very  meager.  This  is  especially  re- 
grettable as  Squamish  is  linguistically  more  or 
less  independent  from  the  other  northern 
coast  dialects. 

Hill-Tout  gives  a  list  of  plural  reduplica- 
tions: BAAS  1900,  p.  497.  Furthermore,  the 
following  examples  are  found  in  his  vocabulary 
(ibidem  pp.  513  et  seq.): 

a'xuai,  HOUSE-FLY;  pi.,  oxa'xuai 
stao'tl,  CHILD;  pi.,  stutao'tl 
tcuwa'c,  WIFE;  pi.,  tcutcu'wac 


sue'ka,  MAN;  pi.,  siwe'Eka 

tcima'c,  BROTHER-IN-LAW;  pi.,  tcimtcima'c 

mEn,  SON;  pi.,  mEnmEn 

SLa'nai,  WOMAN;  pi.,  sLinLa'nai 

Compare:  slgnio'L,  YOUNG  WOMAN  (Boas) 
(-OL=  diminutive  suffix) 
pi.,  sLfinLfnio'L. 
sqa'qel,   INFANT,  is  also  a  diminutive  form. 

From  the  examples  cited  above  it  is  clear 
that  as  in  other  Salish  dialects  the  plural  is 
formed  by  repeating  the  stem  either  with  or 
without  the  consonant  following  the  vowel. 


NANAIMO  AND  LOWER  FRASER 

These  are  very  closely  related  dialects.  A 
list  of  Nanaimo  reduplications  is  given  by 
Dr.  Boas:  BAAS  1890,  pp.  680-681.  Hill- 
Tout  gives  a  number  from  the  Lower  Fraser: 
BAAS  1902,  p.  20. 

There  are  two  chief  types  of  plural  forma- 
tion represented  in  this  material.  The  first 
type  consists  in  reduplicating  the  stem-syl- 
lable either  with  or  without  the  consonant 
following  the  vowel. 

Nanaimo: 

spal,  RAVEN;  pi.,  spElpa'l 
qEla'qa,  CROW;  pi.,  qElqEla'qa 
sta'lo,  RIVER;  pi.,  stElta'lo 
stia'aLtEm,  SALMON;  pi.,  stsEltsa'aLtEn 
la'lEm,  HOUSE;  pi.,  lala'lEm 

Lower  Fraser: 

skwomai',  DOG;  pi.,  skwomkwomai' 
smalt,  STONE;  pi.,  smEma'lt 
kwEtla'i,  LOG;  pi.,  kwEtlkwEtli     H.T. 
me'la,  SON;  pi.,  ma'mela 

Compare:  Squamish:  mEn,  pi.,  mEnmEn     H.T. 
sElia'tl,  LITTLE  GIRL;  pi.,  sisElia'tl     H.T. 

(-atl=  diminutive  suffix) 
lulcElu'kEm,  DRIVER  (lu'kEm=TO  DRIVE)     H.T. 

The  second  type  of  plurals  is  formed  by  an 
extension  of  the  stem-vowel  by  means  of  an 
1-glide: 

Nanaimo: 

ha'pet,  DEER;  pi.,  hala'pet 
qa'qEn,  POST;  pi.,  qa'laqEn 
spa'qEm,  FLOWER;  pi.,  spa'laqEm 


NO.   2 


TYPES   OF   REDUPLICATION   IN   THE   SALISH  DIALECTS 


169 


Lower  Fraser: 

q'ami,  MAID;  pi.,  q'a'lami 
ya'suq,  HAT;  pi.,  ya'lsuq. 

This  is  the  same  type  of  plural  formation  as 
occurs  in  Lkungen  and  Clallam  (extension 
with  a  y-glide  in  this  dialect). 

qa'ni,  MAID;  pi.,  qala'ni  Hill-Tout:  JAI  37,  p.3H 
(Lkungen  n  <  Nanaimo — Lower  Fraser  m) 

sqa'xa,  DOG;  pi.,  skala'xa 

The  diminutive  is  formed  as  usual  by  a 
repetition  of  the  stem  exclusive  of  the  second 
consonant  and  by  a  shifting  of  the  accent  on 
the  reduplicating-syllable. 

sta'lo,  RIVER;  dim.,  sta'tElo    B.  (H.T.) 

stca'atltEm,  SALMON;  dim.,  stca'tsElatltEm     B. 

qa'qEn,  POST;  dim.,  qa'qqEn     B. 

spa'qEm,  FLOWER;  dim.,  spa'pqEm     B. 

Augmentative  forms  in  Nanaimo  are: 
snE'xuitl,  BOAT;  aug.,  sno'xuotl 
sia'm,  CHIEF;  sfsia'm,  HIGHEST  CHIEF 

There  is  one  Lower  Fraser  example  of  a 
plural-diminutive  formation  in  our  material: 
q'ami,  MAID;  pi.  dim.,  qaka'lami  \H.T.: 

dim.,  qa'qami;  pi.,  q'a'lami   J  BAAS  1902  p-372 

I  regard  this  form  very  interesting  when 
compared  with  the  plural-diminutive  forms 
of  Clallam.  While  the  plurals  and  the  diminu- 
tives are  formed  according  to  the  same  prin- 
ciples in  Nanaimo-Lower  Fraser  and  in  Clal- 
lam-Lkungen,  this  plural-diminutive  form  is 
derived  in  a  different  way.  As  already  stated, 
the  plural-diminutives  of  Clallam  are  always 
derived  from  the  diminutive  form  with  an  ex- 
tension of  the  reduplicating-vowel  by  means 
of  a  y-glide  (Clallam  y  —  <  /  in  Lkungen, 
Nanaimo,  etc.).  But  the  Lower  Fraser  form 
qaka'lami  is  derived  from  the  plural  form  by 
means  of  a  diminutive  reduplication.  Com- 
pare for  instance,  qaka'lami  with  Clallam: 

sta'tcin,  WOLF;  pi.  dim.,  sta'ya'ta'tcin 
dim.,  stata'tcin;  pi.,  sta'ya'tcin 

SESHELT 

The  only  material  on  reduplications  from 
this  dialect  is  that  published  by  Hill-Tout  in 
JAI  Vol.  34- 


The  plural  is  formed  by  a  reduplication  of 
the  stem  with  or  without  the  second  con- 
sonant : 

sto'mic,  MAN;  pi.,  stE'mtomic 

stEkai'Q,  HORSE;  pi.,  stEkte'akaiu 

Lu'mstan,  HOUSE;  pi.,  La'Lumstan 

kwo'yiluk,  TO  MURDER;  kwokwoyi'luk,  MURDERER 

There  are  no  examples  of  a  plural  formation 
by  means  of  an  extension  of  the  stem-vowel  as 
found  so  frequently  in  Clallam-Lkungen  and 
Nanaimo-Lower  Fraser.  Compare  for  in- 
stance : 

Seshelt:  ho'pit,  DEER;  pi.,  hEpho'pIt     H.T. 

Nanaimo:  ha'pet,  DEER;  pi.,  hala'pEt     B. 

The  diminutive  is  formed  by  the  common 
process  of  repeating  the  stem  without  the  con- 
sonant following  the  vowel.  This  is  sometimes 
associated  with  a  shift  of  the  reduplicating 
vowel  to  an  i  (e) : 

tlu'mstan,  HOUSE;  dim.,  tle'tlumstan 

sto'lo,  RIVER;  dim.,  sto'tElo 

ho'pit,  DEER;  dim.,  hohoplt,  FAWN 

skwuke't,  SPLINTER;  dim.,  skwe'kwuket 

tla'nai,  WOMAN;  LiLa'nai,  GIRL 
(Pentlatch:  sla'aLnae,  GIRL) 

I  can  cite  only  the  following  three  examples 
of  plural-diminutive  formation: 

tla'nai,  WOMAN;  tli'tlintlanai,  GIRLS 

tlitla'nai=  GIRL 

me'man,  CHILD;  mume'man,  CHILDREN 
swa'wElos,  BOY;  pi.,  swawe'wElos 
Compare : 

Lower  Fraser:  swe'wilus,  YOUTH; 

pi.,  swa'wilus    H.T. 
Comox:  we'walQs;  pi.,  we"'walps    Sapir. 

Seshelt  is  a  dialect  closely  related  to  Comox 
and  Pentlatch.  The  form  tli'tlintlanai  is  de- 
rived in  the  same  way  as  the  Comox  plural- 
diminutives,  namely,  by  a  secondary  redupli- 
cation of  the  plural  form  (see  p.  170). 

COMOX 

In  his  paper  on  "Noun  Reduplication  in 
Comox"  (Geological  Survey  of  Canada, 
memoir  63),  Dr.  Sapir  has  given  us  much 
valuable  material.  He  has  tabulated  it  in 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


numerous  types  and  sub-types  from  a  purely 
phonetic  point  of  view.  For  our  purposes  of 
comparative  study  we  can  adapt  a  much  sim- 
pler scheme  of  classification  of  types.  The 
essential  characteristics  of  plural  and  diminu- 
tive reduplications  in  Comox  seem  to  me  to  be 
as  follows.  As  in  other  Salish  dialects  there 
are  two  kinds  of  plural  reduplication.  In  the 
first  the  stem  is  repeated  including  the  con- 
sonant following  the  first  vowel,  for  instance: 

ts!ox6"°,  CODFISH;  pi.,  ts!o'xts!ox6'° 

qA'I-q!,  WARRIOR;  pi.,  qA'1-qAlq! 

qex",  RING  FINGER;  pi.,  qA'xuqexu 

In  some  cases  the  reduplicating  vowel  shows 
a  shift  to  an  i: 

sa'paxps,  HORN;  pi.,  si'psapaxps 
so'sin',  MOUTH;  pi,  si'ssosin' 

In  the  second  type  of  plural  reduplications 
the  stem  is  repeated  without  the  consonant 
following  the  vowel.  In  this  type  the  vowel 
of  the  reduplicating  syllable  changes  to  *  (e) 
apparently  with  rather  few  exceptions.1  Such 
are,  for  instance : 

a'xu,  SNOW-FLAKE;  a'ax",  FALLING  SNOW 
yi'p-i'x",  HOLE;  pi.,  ya'yipl'x" 

In  the  usual  form  with  a  change  to  *  the 
accent  is  ordinarily  thrown  back  on  the 
reduplicating  syllable : 

sa"idJA',  LEAF;  pi.,  si'sa'idJA1 
tca'yac,  HAND;  pi.,  tci'tcayac 
sa"yal,  LAKE;  pi.,  si'sa'yal 
qa"ya',  WATER;  pi.,  qe'qa'ya1 

As  in  other  Salish  dialects  the  diminutive 
is  formed  by  repeating  the  stem  exclusive  of 
the  consonant  following  the  vowel.  The  vowel 

1 1  do  not  think  it  is  necessary  to  postulate  another 
type  of  reduplication  in  which  the  vowel  changes  to  o 
in  the  reduplicating  syllable,  for  instance  in  such 
words  as: 

}a'»gygt!a,  HERRING;  pi.,  lo'la'gJ'lt!'' 

he'gyps,  CHIEF;  pi.,  ho '"he 'gyps 

(See  Sapir:  op.  cil.  p.  15) 

As  Dr.  Sapir  suggests,  this  peculiarity  is  most  likely 
explained  by  the  fact  that  g>  which  follows  the  vowel  of 
the  stem  is  etymologically  equal  to  w.  Thus  Comox 
g-  <  w  of  Pentlatch. 


of  the  reduplicating  syllable  either  maintains 
the  quality  of  the  stem-vowel  or  shows  a  shift 
to  i  (e). 

so'sin',  MOUTH;  dim.,  so'ssin' 
sS'pAdatc,  TAIL;  dim.,  so'"sp.\datc 
t!a''q!at',  MOUNTAIN;  dim.,  t!a't!q!e't' 
xa"a,  BIG  CLAM;  dim.,  xe'xA'a'* 
pa'xai',  CREEK;  dim.,  pj'p'xe'1 
L!a'"q!wai,  FISH-GILL;  dim.,  L!i'jL!q!wai 

In  those  cases  where  the  accent  is  thrown 
on  the  reduplicating  syllable  the  vowel  of  the 
reduplicated  syllable  is  frequently  reduced  or 
eliminated. 

In  those  cases  where  the  plural  as  well 
as  the  diminutive  are  formed  by  repeating 
the  stem  without  the  second  consonant  and 
by  changing  the  vowel  to  i  the  two  forms 
are  ordinarily  distinguished  by  the  different 
position  of  the  accent.  It  is  thrown  on  the 
reduplicating  syllable  in  the  plural  form,  but 
remains  on  the  reduplicated  one  in  the  dimin- 
utive. 

tca'yac,  HAND;  pi.,  tci'tcayac;  dim.,  tcjtca"'yac 
qa"ya',  WATER;  pi.,  qe'qa'ya';  dim.,  qeqa"ya' 
sa"yal,  LAKE;  pi.,  si'sa'yal;  dim.,  sisa"yal 
xa"adjaic,  STONE;  pi.,  xe'xa'adjaic; 
dim.,  xexa"adje'ic 

As  mentioned  elsewhere  the  plural  redupli- 
cation is  not  necessarily  confined  in  Comox 
to  the  etymological  stem.  The  initial  con- 
sonant of  a  suffix  may  be  included  in  the  repe- 
tition ;  for  instance  in : 

mA'qsin',  NOSE;  pi.,  mA'qiniAqsin' 

dji'cin',  FOOT;  pi.,  dji'cdjicin' 

The  plural-diminutives  in  Comox  are  formed 
by  a  double  process  of  reduplication,  the  first 
reduplicating  syllable  expressing  the  diminu- 
tive idea,  the  second  that  of  plurality  (see 
Sapir:  op.  cit.  p.  34  et  seq.). 

Lli'kuinAs,  HEART;  pi.  dim.,  Lli'Ltek'LlikuinAs 

aL,  LEGGING;  pi.  dim.,  e"aL'ai. 

ya'xai'1,  PACK-BASKET;  pi.  dim.,  yiyi'xiyaxai' ' 

BELLA  COOLA 

From  this  dialect  I  can  cite  only  a  very  few 
examples  from  the  material  of  Dr.  Boas. 


NO.    2 


TYPES    OF    REDUPLICATION    IN    THE    SALISH    DIALECTS 


171 


Plural: 

stn,  TREE;  pi.,  stntn 
mE'na,  CHII.D;  pi.,  mame'nts 

Diminutive: 

x'nas,  WOMAN;  x'ix-na's,  GIRL 

(the  plural  of  x'nas  is  formed  by  means  of  a 
suffix: 

x-na'cuks=  WOMEN,  cf:  Boas:  BAAS  1890, 
p.  679) 
qe'qte,  CHILD 

imi'lk-,  MAN;  imilimi'lk',  BOY 
(imilkuks=  MEN) 

imilimi'lk-  is  the  only  diminutive  form  that 
I  can  cite  from  any  Salish  dialect  in  which  the 
reduplication  includes  the  consonant  follow- 
ing the  stem-vowel.  This  type  of  reduplica- 
tion is  always  characteristic  of  the  plural. 


TILLAMOOK 

Our  material  on  the  reduplications  of  this 
dialect  is  equally  meager. 

Plural: 

t'ane',  EAR;  pi.,  t'Ent'a'ne 

Attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  in  this 
word  the  reduplication  includes  part  of  the 
suffix,  -(a)ne  =  EAR. 

Diminutive: 

sna'win,  HOUSE;  dim.,  snonena'wun 
gaa'kaL,  BOY;  dim.,  gogaa'kaL 
hanE'luin,  ARM;  dim.,  hohanE'Iuin 
sqaga'yin,  FOX;  dim.,  sqoqaga'yin 
goqa'nis,  A  YOUNG  WHALE 
toteyi'lho,  A  LITTLE  MAN 
stote'wat,  SLAVE  (ste'wat=  MAN) 

These  few  examples  seem  to  indicate  a  di- 
minutive reduplication  with  a  shift  of  the 
vowel  to  o. 

CONCLUSIONS 

It  appears  from  the  above  presentation  of 
material,  that  there  are  wide  gaps  in  our 
knowledge  of  the  processes  of  reduplication  in 
the  Salishan  dialects.  From  a  considerable 
number  of  dialects  we  have  no  material  at  all. 


It  is  especially  regrettable  that  this  is  the  case 
with  Nootsak,  Twana,  and  Squamish,  since 
these  show  a  number  of  linguistic  peculiarities. 
In  spite  of  these  deficiencies,  however,  a  com- 
parison of  our  material  brings  out  a  number  of 
important  points  which  I  shall  try  to  sum- 
marize in  the  following  remarks. 

The  most  general  observation  is  that  ap- 
parently all  Salish  dialects  make  use  of  the 
process  of  reduplication  with  the  exception  of 
Quinault.  It  must,  however,  be  mentioned 
that  we  have  no  material  on  reduplications 
from  Satsep,  Upper  Chehalis,  Lower  Chehalis, 
and  Cowlitz.  As  these,  especially  Lower  Che- 
halis, are  the  dialects  which  are  most  closely 
related  to  Quinault,  it  will  be  of  interest  to  know 
whether  they  too  are  without  the  grammatical 
process  in  question.  In  regard  to  the  presence 
of  reduplications  the  Salish  stock  must  be 
grouped  together  with  Chemakum,  Waka- 
shan,  and  Tsimshian,  as  belongs  to  the  great 
continuous  area  in  which  this  process  occurs, 
and  must  be  contrasted  against  the  area  of 
the  Haida,  Tlingit,  and  Athapascan,  in  which 
it  is  absent. 

Reduplication  is  used  in  Salish  pre-emi- 
nently for  the  formation  of  distributive-plurals 
and  of  diminutives  and  presumably  also  of 
augmentatives.1  It  is  often  closely  asso- 

1  In  the  numerals  reduplication  of  different  types  is 
used  to  express  ideas  distinct  from  those  of  the  dis- 
tributive and  diminutive.  Thus  in  Thompson  (see 
Boas:  BAAS  1898,  p.  29-30)  there  are  two  reduplicated 
series  of  the  cardinals,  one  for  animals,  the  other  for 
persons.  Compare  for  instance: 
mus,  FOUR  (inanimate) 

mo'ms,  FOUR  ANIMALS 

mu'smust,  FOUR  PERSONS 

Distributive  numerals  are  also  formed  by  means  of 
reduplication.  The  animate  and  personal  series  of  the 
distributives  have  a  triple  reduplication.  Compare: 
moamo'ms  (animate),  musmu'smust  (personal.)  See  also 
Lower  Fraser:  H.T.:  BAAS,  1902,  pp.  29-30. 

In  the  Salish  dialects  there  are  furthermore  a  number 
of  singulars  that  are  reduplicated.  For  example: 
Lower  Fraser:  la'tem,  HOUSE  (H.T.);  Snohomish: 
xebxeb,  HAWK  (Hbl.);  Shuswap:  no'xEnox,  WOMAN 
(Hbl.). 


172 


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VOL.    I 


ciated  with  the  process  of  vowel  extension. 
Reduplication  is  used  in  nouns  as  well  as  in 
verbs.  In  the  inland  dialects  initial  as  well  as 
terminal  reduplication  is  used.  The  latter 
may  be  restricted  to  the  inland.  The  only 
reduplication  from  the  coast  known  to  me 
which  is  not  initial  is  Snohomish  sto'bobc, 
MEN,  from  sto'bc.  The  same  word  is  redupli- 
cated tA'mto'mic  in  Comox.  sto'bobc  is  not 
properly  speaking  a  terminal  reduplication  as 
the  repeated  b  is  the  initial  sound  of  the  suffix 
-be,  MAN.  From  the  large  amount  of  material 
we  have  from  Kalispelm  it  is  obvious  that 
terminal  reduplication,  that  is  to  say,  the 
repetition  of  the  terminal  sound  of  the  stem, 
is  a  prominent  feature  in  this  dialect  (see 
p.  161).  Some  of  the  plurals  in  Kalispelm  are 
formed  by  terminal  reduplication,  whereas 
none  of  the  diminutives  seem  to  be  formed  by 
this  process  in  that  dialect.  But  from  Thomp- 
son, Shuswap,  and  Okanagon,  we  have  exam- 
ples of  diminutives  formed  by  terminal  re- 
duplication. In  Thompson  and  Shuswap  a 
number  of  diminutives  are  also  formed  by 
internal  reduplication.  None  of  the  plurals 
of  these  two  dialects  seem  to  be  formed  either 
by  internal  or  by  terminal  reduplication.  This 
shows  a  striking  difference  between  these  dia- 
lects and  Kalispelm. 

There  are  two  large  types  of  plural  redupli- 
cation which  seem  to  be  common  to  all  of  the 
reduplicating  Salish  dialects.  In  the  first  type 
the  stem  including  the  consonant  following  the 
vowel  is  repeated,  in  the  second  this  consonant 
is  not  included.  There  seems  to  be  a  general 
tendency  that  in  contradistinction  to  the 
diminutive  formations  the  accent  remains  on 
the  reduplicated  syllable.  The  dialects  differ 
as  to  whether  in  the  process  of  reduplication 
the  stem  of  a  word  is  regarded  as  a  unit  or  not. 
Thus,  in  words  which  consist  only  of  one  con- 
sonant and  of  one  vowel  the  initial  sound  of  the 
suffix  may  or  may  not  be  included  in  the 
plural-reduplication.  While  in  Kalispelm  and 
Snohomish,  the  process  does  not  extend  be- 
yond the  stem,  this  is  frequently  the  case  in 


Comox  (see  pp.  169-170).  Compare  for  in- 
stance: Comox  tA'mto'mic,  MEN.  As  far  as 
I  know,  a  prefix  is  never  included  in  the  re- 
duplication in  any  of  the  dialects. 

The  general  type  of  diminutive  reduplica- 
tion common  to  all  of  the  reduplicating  dia- 
lects consists  in  repeating  the  stem  exclusive 
of  the  consonant  following  the  vowel.  This 
process  is  distinguished  from  the  shorter  type 
of  plural  reduplication  by  the  more  or  less 
general  tendency  in  the  diminutive  to  throw 
the  accent  on  the  reduplicating-syllable.  Com- 
pare for  instance:  Snohomish  sla'tadai',  LIT- 
TLE WOMAN  and  slala'dai',  WOMEN.  A  con- 
comitant phenomenon  of  this  shift  of  accent 
is  the  tendency  towards  reduction  or  elimina- 
tion of  the  unaccented  stem-vowel  in  the 
diminutive  forms  (see  p.  164). 

The  vowel  of  the  reduplicating-syllable  of 
the  diminutive  may  either  be  the  same  in 
quality  as  the  stem-vowel  of  the  simplex  or 
it  may  show  a  shift.  The  most  common  shift 
of  this  kind  is  that  to  an  t-vowel.  This  dimin- 
utive-reduplication with  i-shift  is  a  very  per- 
sistent feature  in  the  Salishan  dialects  and 
seems  to  be  common  to  most  of  them;  how- 
ever, it  does  not  appear  to  occur  in  Clallam, 
or  in  Thompson  and  Shuswap.  The  most 
frequent  vowel-shift  in  the  diminutives  of 
Clallam  is  that  to  a  (see  p.  167).  In  Thompson 
and  Shuswap  the  vowel  of  the  reduplicating- 
syllable  is  normally  the  same  as  that  of  the 
stem. 

As  shown  repeatedly  in  the  above  discus- 
sions, the  plural  or  the  diminutive  of  one  and 
the  same  word  may  be  formed  in  different 
ways  in  different  dialects.  For  instance: 

Seshelt:  ho'pit,  DEER;  pi.,  hEphS'pit 

Nanaimo:  ha'pet;  pi.,  hala'pet 

and: 

Kalispelm:  she'utem,  GIRL;  pi.,  shue'utem 
Shuswap:  ya'utEm;  pi.,  yuyautEm 

or: 

Snohomish:  sto'bobc 
Comox:  tA'mto'mic 


NO.    2 


TYPES   OF    REDUPLICATION    IN    THE    SALISH   DIALECTS 


173 


While  the  general  principles  that  underlie 
the  formation  of  the  plural  and  of  the  diminu- 
tive are  practically  the  same  for  all  the  dia- 
lects, we  find  an  entirely  different  state  of 
affairs  in  the  case  of  the  formation  of  plural- 
diminutives.  Almost  each  dialect  follows  a 
distinctive  method  of  deriving  these  forms. 
Different  psychological  concepts  obviously 
underlie  this  heterogeneity.  Thus,  in  contra- 
distinction to  other  dialects  the  Comox  forms, 
as  Dr.  Sapir  has  pointed  out,  are,  properly 
speaking,  diminutized-plurals.  The  hetero- 
geneity is  all  the  more  surprising  when  it  is 
taken  into  consideration  that  in  all  of  the 
dialects  the  plural-diminutives  are,  built  up 
on  the  common  principles  of  plural  and  of 
diminutive  formation. 

In  Lillooet  we  find  examples  of  plural- 
diminutives  in  which  the  first  reduplicating 
syllable  expresses  plurality  and  is  a  repetition 
of  the  stem  of  the  simplex,  while  the  second 
syllable  expresses  the  diminutive  idea  (see 
skwumkokomevt,  CHILDREN).  This  is  the  type 
of  formation  of  plural-diminutives  that  is  so 
typical  of  Thompson  and  Shuswap.  It  shows 
a  high  degree  of  relationship  between  these 
three  dialects  as  far  as  the  process  of  redupli- 
cating is  concerned.  In  Kalispelm  they  are 
apparently  never  formed  by  double  redupli- 
cation, but  are  always  derived  from  the  dimin- 
utive of  the  simplex  by  means  of  an  extension 
of  the  reduplicating  vowel  (see  sheushu'tem). 
In  this  the  Kalispelm  method  is  identical  in 
principle  with  that  obtaining  in  Clallam  and 
Lkungen.  In  these  dialects  the  forms  in  ques- 
tion are  derived  from  the  diminutive  by  means 
of  extending  the  reduplicating  vowel  by  a  y 
(Clallam)  or  an  I  (Lkungen)  glide  (see 
p!a'ya'p!a'uwi',  SMALL  FLOUNDERS;  skala'kala, 
INFANTS).  The  plural-diminutives  of  Sno- 
homish  are  formed  by  double  reduplication 
(with  the  exception  of  the  words  for  MAN  and 
WOMAN),  and  are  derived  from  the  diminutive. 
The  idea  of  plurality  is  expressed  by  repeating 
the  reduplicating  syllable  of  the  diminutive 
(see  for  example:  spl'piptco,  SMALL  BASKETS.) 


This  feature  distinguishes  the  Snohomish 
forms  from  the  double  reduplications  of 
Lillooet  on  the  one  hand  and  of  Comox  on 
the  other.  Our  material  from  Lower  Fraser 
and  Seshelt  is  very  meager.  The  few  exam- 
ples from  the  latter  show  double  reduplica- 
tion, while  the  Lower  Fraser  form  qaka'lami 
from  q'ami,  MAID,  represents  a  new  type  in 
which  the  plural-diminutive  is  derived  from 
the  extended,  non-reduplicated  plural  (see 
p.  169).  Finally,  the  Comox  derivatives  are 
formed  by  a  process  of  double  reduplication, 
in  which  the  first  reduplication  is  of  the  dimin- 
utive type,  while  the  second  is  of  the  plural 
type. 

The  enormous  diversity  in  the  formation  of 
plural-diminutives  shows  that  they  have  been 
developed  by  a  high  degree  of  local  differen- 
tiation. This  contrasts  strikingly  with  the 
comparatively  great  uniformity  of  the  prin- 
ciples common  to  the  plural  and  the  diminu- 
tive reduplications  of  the  whole  Salish  area. 
This  situation  suggests  clearly  that  the  plural- 
diminutives  are  genetically  secondary  to  the 
latter.  Another  outstanding  difference  is  that 
in  one  and  the  samg  dialect  the  plural-diminu- 
tives show  great  consistency  in  the  regularity 
with  which  they  are  formed.  In  each  dialect 
they  are  all  derived,  almost  without  excep- 
tion, according  to  one  principle.  In  contra- 
distinction to  this  the  plurals  and  diminutives 
of  a  given  dialect  are  formed  according  to  sev- 
eral principles  and  contain  a  number  of  irregu- 
lar forms.  This  again  is  significant  for  the 
genetic  priority  of  the  plurals  and  of  the 
diminutives  as  compared  with  the  plural- 
diminutives. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  classification 
of  the  Salish  dialects  the  plurals  and  the 
diminutives  on  the  one  hand  and  the  plural- 
diminutives  on  the  other,  offer  criteria  of 
heterogeneous  value  for  the  degree  of  affilia- 
tion between  the  various  dialects.  The  Salish 
plural-diminutives  clearly  presuppose  the 
plural  as  well  as  the  diminutive  forms.  They 
are,  therefore,  phenomena  of  a  higher  degree 


174 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


of  complexity.  Where  in  two  or  more  dialects 
the  same  principle  is  employed  for  the  forma- 
tion of  plural-diminutives,  we  have  a  criterion 
for  a  very  close  affiliation.  This  is  the  case  in 
Clallam  and  Lkungen,  as  well  as  in  Thompson 
and  Shuswap.  It  is  obvious  that  when  we 
shall  have  sufficient  material  from  all  the  dia- 
lects, the  plural-diminutives  will  be  of  con- 


siderable importance  for  a  refined  grouping  of 
the  dialects  with  indications  for  the  degrees 
of  their  linguistic  affiliations.  And  as  products 
of  comparatively  recent  developments  they 
will  also  be  of  general  interest  from  the  point 
of  view  of  understanding  the  linguistic  pro- 
cesses of  local  differentiation  and  of  inter- 
dialectic  borrowing. 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 
NEW  YORK  CITY 


NO.    2 


TAKELMAN,    KALAPUYAN,    AND   CHINOOKAN   LEXICOGRAPHY 


175 


COMPARATIVE  STUDIES  IN  TAKELMAN,  KALAPUYAN 

AND  CHINOOKAN  LEXICOGRAPHY 

A  PRELIMINARY  PAPER  » 

By  LEO  J.  FRACHTENBERG 
INTRODUCTION 


THE  last  ten  years  or  so  have  witnessed 
an  almost  feverish  activity  in  the  field  of 
American  Indian  linguistics,  culminating  in 
more  or  less  successful  attempts  to  reclassify 
and  to  reduce  the  seemingly  too  great  number 
of  linguistic  stocks  that  are  found  on  the 
American  continent  north  of  Mexico.  It  is  by 
no  means  accidental  that  these  efforts  should 
have  commenced  at  such  a  late  date.  It  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  the  real  stimulus  to  a 
comprehensive  and  intelligent  study  of  the 
various  American  Indian  languages,  both  ana- 
lytical and  historical,  came  not  from  the  writ- 
ings of  the  earlier  students  but  through  the 
activities  of  Powell  and  Boas,  especially 
through  the  comparatively  recent  undertaking 
of  the  latter  to  compile  and  edit  a  handbook 
of  American  Indian  languages.  Consequently, 
during  the  last  ten  years  more  voluminous 
data  have  been  made  accessible,  in  the  form  of 
grammatical  sketches,  vocabularies,  and  texts, 
than  during  any  other  previous  period.  The 
wealth  of  the  material  presented  by  the  vari- 
ous investigators  resulted  in  the  perfectly 
natural  tendency  to  look  for  and  to  establish, 
wherever  possible,  genetic  relationships  be- 
tween the  multiple  linguistic  stocks.  Fur- 
thermore, it  was  perfectly  natural  that  these 
reductive  efforts  should  be  applied  to  a  field 
where  the  greatest  multiplicity  of  stocks  pre- 
vailed and  where  these  stocks  were  observed 
to  occupy  a  comparatively  limited  and,  in 
most  cases,  continuous  area.  Two  such  areas, 

1  Published    with    permission    of   the    Smithsonian 
Institution. 


peculiarly  adapted  for  investigations  of  this 
sort,  were  found:  the  Pacific  Coast,  and  the 
region  adjacent  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico;  and 
regardless  of  the  relative  merits  of  the  reduc- 
tions that  have  been  thus  far  made  in  the  lin- 
guistic stocks  of  these  two  areas,  it  seems  un- 
likely that  the  enormous  multiplicity  of 
languages  in  these  two  littoral  regions  should 
be  purely  accidental. 

The  greatest  diversity  of  aboriginal  lan- 
guages obtains  in  California  where,  according 
to  previous  investigators,  are  found  not  less 
than  twenty-one  linguistic  families,  or  over 
one-third  of  all  languages  known  to  have  been 
spoken  by  the  Indians  north  of  Mexico.  Con- 
sequently, the  first  efforts  towards  a  possible 
reduction  were  made  in  the  California  area. 
In  1914  Dixon  and  Kroeber  *  presented  evi- 
dence tending  to  show  that  the  twenty-one 
languages  of  California  may  be  reduced  to 
twelve  distinct  stocks.  They  claimed  that 
the  Yokuts,  Wintun,  Costanoan,  Maidu,  and 
Miwok  languages  are  reducible  to  one  group, 
called  the  Penutian  languages;  that  Karok, 
Chimariko,  Shasta,  Pomo,  Esselen,  Yana,  and 
Yuman  form  another,  the  Hokan  group;  that 
Chumash  and  Salinan  are  related;  and  that 
Yurok  and  Wiyot  had  a  common  origin. 
Simultaneously  with  this  announcement  came 
Sapir's  paper3  attempting  to  demonstrate  a 
genetic  relationship  between  Wiyot,  Yurok, 
and  Algonkin.  Before  and  after  these  reduc- 

*  New  Linguistic  Families  in  California  (AANS,  vol. 
iv,  no.  4,  pp.  647-655). 

*  Wiyot  and  Yurok,  Algonkin  Languages  of  Califor- 
nia (AANS,  vol.  xv,  no.  4,  pp.  617-646). 


1 76 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


tive  attempts  Sapir1  presented  voluminous 
evidence  for  a  genetic  relationship  between  the 
Shoshonean,  Piman,  Sonoran,  and  Nahuatl 
languages. 

From  now  on  the  comparative  investigations 
shifted  to  the  north.  In  addition  to  verbal 
announcements  made  on  several  occasions  by 
Sapir  of  his  belief  that  a  genetic  relationship 
may  be  ultimately  established  between  the 
Takelma  and  Coos  languages  of  Oregon,  he 
wrote  a  preliminary  paper2  on  the  ultimate  re- 
lationship between  Athapascan,  Haida,  and 
Tlingit.  In  my  own  field  I  have  collected  a 
mass  of  material  establishing  a  probable  com- 
mon origin  for  the  Kusan,  Siuslawan,  Yakon- 
an,  and  (perhaps)  Kalapuyan  languages  which 
will  be  presented  in  the  near  future  either  in 
the  conclusion  to  my  grammatical  sketch  of 
the  Alsea  (Yakonan)  language,3  or  else  in  a 
separate  paper.  I  have,  furthermore,  gath- 
ered voluminous  data  supporting  previously 
expressed  contentions  concerning  the  genetic 
relationship  between  Lutuamian,  Wailatpuan, 
and  Sahaptin,  which  will  be  published  as  soon 
as  additional  material  from  the  Sahaptin  field 
will  be  made  available;  and  I  have  also  good 
material  for  a  comparative  study  of  Salish, 
Chimakuan,  and  Wakashan.  The  latest  ef- 
forts towards  a  re-classification  of  the  Indian 
languages  were  made  by  Swanton4  in  the 
southeastern  field  which,  however,  are  still  in 
an  experimental  stage,  although  the  Natchez- 
Muskhogean  relationship  would  seem  a  prac- 
tically established  fact.5 

To  be  sure,  a  number  of  these  reconstruc- 
tions are  by  no  means  new  ideas.  They  were 
formulated  by  previous  investigators  who,  for 
lack  of  suitable  data,  could  merely  indicate 
but  not  follow  them  up  minutely.  Thus,  the 
Uto-Aztekan  relationship  was  suspected  long 

2  Southern  Paiute  and  Nahuatl — a  Study  in  Uto- 
Aztekan  (Journal  de  la  SocietS  des  Amtricanistes  de 
Paris,  NS.,  vol.  x,  pp.  379-425;  and  AANS,  vol.  xvii, 
no.  I,  pp.  98-120;  ibid.  no.  2,  pp.  306-328). 

*  The  Nadene  Languages,  a  Preliminary  Report 
(AANS,  vol.  xvii,  no.  3,  pp.  534-558). 


ago  by  Buschman  and  Brinton;  similar  ideas 
were  held  concerning  Haida,  Tlingit,  and  Ath- 
apascan by  Boas  and  Swanton;  marked  re- 
semblances between  Siuslawan  and  Yakonan 
were  first  noticed  by  Latham  and  Gatschet; 
Gatschet  and  Hewitt  were  convinced  of  a 
genetic  relationship  between  Lutuamian,  Wai- 
latpuan, and  Sahaptin;  and  Boas  long  ago 
called  attention  to  the  marked  structural 
agreements  between  the  Salish,  Chimakuan, 
and  Wakashan  languages.  Thus,  it  will  be  seen 
that,  in  most  cases,  the  younger  linguists 
merely  tried  to  follow  up  and  develop  the  de- 
ductions arrived  at  by  their  predecessors. 

Concerning  the  merits  of  the  relationships 
that  have  been  promulgated  thus  far  in  print, 
not  all  of  them  are  tenable  when  subjected  to 
the  acid  test  of  minute  and  scientific  criticism. 
This  is  especially  true  of  the  several  proposed 
reductions  in  California.  Thus  Dixon's  and 
Kroeber's  presentation  of  Penutian  and  Hokan 
are  exceedingly  inadequate,  both  methodo- 
logically and  in  regards  to  subject  matter. 
The  conclusions  arrived  at  by  these  two  stu- 
dents are  based  upon  such  fragmentary  ma- 
terial and  presented  so  scantily  that,  while 
their  Penutian  and  Hokan  relationships  may 
be  probable,  they  are  by  no  means  a  certainty. 
Comparisons  presented  of  five  or  more  stems 
and  of  a  few  formative  elements  and  not 
backed  by  exhaustive  grammatical  sketches, 
can  not  be  accepted  as  conclusive  evidence, 
and  all  judgment  concerning  the  correctness 
of  these  conclusions  must  be  withheld  pending 
the  introduction  of  additional  and  extensive 
data.  During  a  recent  visit  to  San  Francisco 
I  was  accorded  access,  for  a  brief  time,  to  the 
comparative  vocabularies  of  the  so-called 
Penutian  and  Hokan  languages  that  have  been 

1  Now  in  course  of  publication  by  the  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology  as  part  of  volume  ii  of  the  Hand- 
book of  American  Indian  Languages. 

4  Linguistic  Position  of  the  Tribes  of  Southern  Texas 
and  Northeastern  Mexico  (AANS,  vol.  xvii,  no.  i,  pp. 
17-40). 

'Ethnological  Position  of  the  Natchez  Indians  (AA) 
vol.  ix,  no.  3,  pp.  513-528). 


NO.    2 


TAKELMAN,    KALAPUYAN,    AND   CHINOOKAN    LEXICOGRAPHY 


177 


compiled  by  Dixon  and  Kroeber,  and  while  my 
superficial  examination  of  this  lexical  material 
impressed  me  with  the  probable  soundness  of 
Dixon's  and  Kroeber's  conclusions,  I  still  must 
refuse  to  accept  them  as  final,  as  long  as  these 
vocabularies  are  continued  to  be  withheld  from 
publication  and  until  more  morphological  evi- 
dence is  brought  into  play.  Nothing  is  more 
dangerous  and  unsatisfactory  in  an  investi- 
gation of  this  sort  than  to  arrive  at  so-called 
final  conclusions  that  are  seemingly  based 
solely  upon  lexicographical  material.  In  the 
same  way  it  would  be  wrong  to  deny  the  exist- 
ence of  a  relationship  between  two  languages, 
merely  because  the  evidence  of  the  lexical 
material  is  negative.  It  is  well  to  bear  in  mind 
that  in  trying  to  establish  genetic  relationships 
between  languages  that  seem  to  be,  at  first 
sight,  non-related,  lexical  and  morphological 
evidence  must  be  treated  separately,  and  that 
morphological  evidence  must  be  accorded 
greater  weight.  I  believe  it  to  be  a  fact,  es- 
tablished by  investigations  in  other  linguistic 
fields,  that  lexicography  is  more  easily  subject 
to  borrowing,  to  loss  of  words  and  stems,  and 
to  new  additions;  and  that  the  formative 
elements  and  structure  of  a  language  are  more 
stationary  and  less  influenced  by  those  of  some 
neighboring  tongue.1  Of  course,  I  am  per- 
fectly aware  of  the  fact  that  instances  may  be 
cited  where  the  morphology  of  one  language 
has  undergone  changes  due  to  borrowing.  But 
these  instances  are  so  few  that  they,  in  no  way, 
affect  the  correctness  of  my  statement. 

The  absence  of  conclusive  evidence  concern- 
ing Penutian  and  Hokan  is  the  more  unfortu- 
nate, as  there  exist  strong  reasons  to  believe 
that  the  Takelman,  Kusan,  Siuslawan,  Yakon- 
an,  Kalapuyan,  and  (perhaps)  Chinookan  lan- 
guages spoken  in  Oregon  may  be  proven  to  be 
Penutian  sister-tongues.  For  that  reason,  the 

1  A  paper  dealing  with  this  question  and  particularly 
showing  how  dialects  may  undergo  considerable  lexical 
changes  and  still  retain  their  full  original  structure,  is  in 
the  course  of  preparation. 


additional  collection  of  material  from  the  Pe- 
nutian field  in  California  and  the  immediate 
publication  of  the  data  thus  far  collected 
would  seem  to  constitute  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant tasks  that  confront  the  investigators 
in  the  California  area.  Without  such  material 
the  Penutian  theory  must,  for  the  time  being, 
be  held  in  abeyance,  and  the  establishing  of  a 
relationship  between  California-Penutian  and 
Oregon-Penutian  must  be  deferred  to  the 
future. 

Undoubtedly  the  strongest  and  best  evi- 
dence adduced  by  Dixon  and  Kroeber  is  that 
upon  which  they  base  their  conclusion  con- 
cerning the  genetic  relationship  between  Yu- 
rok  and  Wiyot.  The  amount  of  lexical  cor- 
respondences, the  existence  of  phonetic  shifts, 
and  the  presence  of  structural  similarities  are 
too  numerous  and  too  regular  to  be  accounted 
for  as  due  to  accident  or  to  borrowing,  al- 
though it  would  be  highly  desirable  to  produce 
more  evidence  in  the  near  future.  But  suf- 
ficient proof  has  already  been  furnished  to  jus- 
tify a  belief  that  additional  material  would 
rather  increase  than  decrease  the  certainty  of 
a  genetic  relationship  between  Yurok  and 
Wiyot. 

A  very  weak  case  of  reduction  is  found  in 
Sapir's  previously  mentioned  attempt  to  clas- 
sify Yurok  and  Wiyot  as  Algonkin  languages, 
which,  on  the  face  of  the  evidence  presented,  is 
far  from  conclusive.  The  difficulties  encount- 
ered by  him  were  twofold:  First,  inadequate 
Yurok  and  Wiyot  data,  both  grammatical  and 
lexical;  and,  secondly,  unfamiliarity  with  the 
intricate  and  complicated  structure  of  the  Al- 
gonkin languages.  To  the  first  are  probably 
due  the  unsatisfactory  and  irregular  corre- 
spondences quoted  by  him  as  based  upon 
phonetic  shifts,  while  the  second  has  been  re- 
sponsible for  the  numerous  comparisons  of 
wrong  morphological  elements.  Sapir's  paper, 
more  than  any  other  effort,  demonstrates  the 
imperative  necessity  of  basing  all  attempts  at 
establishing  relationships  upon  exhaustive  and 
(phonetically)  sound  lexical  material  and  upon 


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VOL.    I 


comprehensive  grammatical  sketches.  Still, 
his  evidence  for  the  probable  Algonkin  origin 
of  Yurok  and  Wiyot  is  of  such  a  character  as 
to  take  it  out  of  the  "purely  accidental"  class 
and  to  justify  further  researches  in  this  field. 
It  is,  therefore,  desirable,  even  imperative  that 
in  the  near  future,  the  Wiyot  language  be 
made  the  object  of  a  thorough  investigation 
and  that  this  investigation  be  carried  on  by 
some  authority  on  the  structure  of  the  Algon- 
kin languages.  To  my  mind,  such  a  study, 
whether  positive  or  negative  in  its  results,  will 
contribute  far  more  to  the  general  problem 
presented  by  the  American  Indian  languages, 
than  can  be  said  of  the  continued  researches 
into  the  minutest  details  of  Algonkin  word- 
formation  or  into  the  dialectic  differentiations 
within  the  Algonkin  family. 

On  the  other  hand,  Sapir's  articles  establish- 
ing relationships  between  Uto-Aztakan  and 
between  Haida,  Tlingit,  and  Athapascan  are 
most  convincing.  The  comparative  data  pre- 
sented in  these  two  papers  are  so  voluminous 
and  conclusive,  covering  not  only  phonetics 
and  lexical  material  but  also  morphology  and 
structural  correspondences  that,  to  my  mind, 
the  unreserved  acceptance,  by  all  students  of 
the  American  Indian  languages,  of  a  genetic 
relationship  between  the  Shoshonean,  Sonoran- 
Piman,  and  Nahuatl  families  on  one  hand,  and 
of  a  similar  affiliation  between  Athapascan, 
Haida,  and  Tlingit  on  the  other  hand,  is  only 
a  question  of  time.  The  extreme  likelihood  of 
these  two  reductive  theories  is  undoubtedly 
due  to  the  fact  that  all  comparisons  have  been 
based  upon  extensive  material;  and  although 
some  of  the  Nadene  correspondence  may, 
upon  further  investigations,  prove  to  be  er- 
roneous, sufficient  correspondences  have  been 
found  to  meet  the  requirements  of  even  the 
conservative  and  exacting  scholars. 

I  have  purposely  dwelt  at  such  length  upon 
the  efforts  of  my  co-workers  to  reclassify  and 
to  reduce  a  number  of  so-called  independent 
stocks,  so  that  my  own  conservative  attitude 
towards  a  potential  genetic  relationship  be- 


tween the  Takelman,  Kalapuyan,  and  Chi- 
nookan  languages  may  become  clear.  While 
carding  and  indexing  my  Kalapuya  field- 
material  (collected  three  years  ago),  prepar- 
atory to  the  writing  of  a  grammatical  sketch 
of  these  languages,  I  was  forcibly  struck  by 
some  marked  correspondences  in  the  lexi- 
cography of  Kalapuya  and  Takelma,  and  of 
Kalapuya  and  Chinook.  The  Kalapuyan-Chi- 
nookan  agreements  are  far  less  than  those  be- 
tween Takelma  and  Kalapuya ;  and  I  am  will- 
ing to  admit  that  some  of  these  correspond- 
ences may  be  due  to  borrowing  or,  in  part,  at 
least,  to  unconscious  substitutions,  by  my  in- 
formants, of  Chinookan  equivalents  for  Kala- 
puyan values.  Such  a  possibility  must  by  no 
means  be  disregarded,  in  view  of  the  close 
proximity  and  long  contact  that  has  existed 
between  the  peoples  speaking  these  two  di- 
vergent languages.  Still,  some  of  these  re- 
semblances are  so  peculiar  as  to  render  the  ex- 
clusive theory  of  borrowing  rather  doubtful, 
especially  since  all  Kalapuya  data  are  not  yet 
available.  On  the  other  hand,  the  resem- 
blances between  Kalapuya  and  Takelma  are 
much  greater  and  far  more  numerous,  al- 
though, as  has  been  stated  before,  only  part 
of  the  Kalapuya  data  have  thus  far  been  tab- 
ulated. I  am  certain  that  a  complete  analysis 
of  the  lexical  material  of  all  Kalapuya  dialects 
will  substantially  add  to  the  amount  of  com- 
parative data.  Whether  such  an  analysis  will 
bring  forth  close  morphological  and  structural 
correspondences,  I  am  as  yet  unprepared  to 
say.  I  am  at  present  working  out  minutely 
the  morphological  structure  of  the  Kalapuya 
language  and  will,  upon  the  completion  of  this 
work,  institute  comparisons  between  the  mor- 
phological elements  of  Kalapuya  and  Takelma. 
I  will,  however,  state  that  the  highly  special- 
ized character  of  Takelma  may  prove  a  serious 
obstacle  in  the  finding  of  many  positive  cor- 
respondences. However,  this  statement  must 
be  taken  as  only  tentative.  There  are  so  many 
radical  agreements  and  disagreements  be- 
tween the  structures  of  these  two  languages, 


NO.   2 


TAKELMAN,    KALAPUYAN,    AND   CHINOOKAN    LEXICOGRAPHY 


179 


and  the  work  on  Kalapuya  is  in  such  a  prelimi- 
nary stage,  that  it  seems  highly  desirable  to  be 
cautious  and  not  to  jump  at  any  too  hasty 
conclusions.  But,  the  resemblances  that  have 
been  observed  thus  far  are  so  striking,  and  their 
bearing  upon  a  general  revision  of  our  present 
classification  of  the  languages  of  California  and 
Oregon  so  important,  that  I  feel  justified  in 
presenting  these  correspondences,  deferring  a 
conclusive  discussion  until  all  evidence  has 
been  carefully  analyzed  and  critically  sifted. 
In  view  of  the  fact  that  only  nineteen  lexical 
correspondences  have  thus  far  been  observed 
between  Kalapuya  and  Chinook,  while  a  com- 
parison of  Kalapuya  and  Takelma  lexicog- 
raphy has  yielded  not  less  than  fifty-five 
agreements,  a  discussion  of  phonetic  shifts  will 
be  confined  to  only  these  two  languages. 


PHONOLOGY l 

Pending  the  presentation  of  additional  com- 
parative data,  no  attempt  will  be  made  to  es- 
tablish probable  vocalic  shifts  in  these  two 
languages.  The  vocalic  systems  of  Kalapuya 
and  Takelma  differ  but  slightly.  The  charac- 
teristic umlauted  w-vowel  and  diphthongs  of 
Takelma  are  missing  in  Kalapuya  where,  how- 
ever, we  meet  with  an  umlauted  o-vowel  and 
di-diphthong.  In  the  consonantic  systems  of 
the  two  languages  we  find  close  correspond- 
ences on  one  hand,  and  marked  disagreements 
on  the  other  hand,  which  would  seem  to  place 
Kalapuya,  phonetically  at  least,  midway  be- 
tween the  vocalic,  musical  languages  of  the 
south  and  the  consonantic,  harsh  languages  of 
the  north.  Thus,  the  surd  lateral  (L)  is  missing 
in  both,  while  its  spirant  equivalent  (1)  occurs 
rarely.  Similarly,  the  alveolar  and  palatal 
spirants  (c,  y)  are  lacking  in  both,  and  both 
languages  show  a  constant  variation  between 

1  My  phonetic  transcription  of  Kalapuya  sounds 
agrees  in  main  with  the  recommendations  made  by 
the  committee  of  the  American  Anthropological  Asso- 
ciation. No  changes,  however,  were  made  in  the 
transcription  of  the  Takelma  and  Chinook  words. 


5  and  palatized  5  ($).  Furthermore,  the  oc- 
currence of  aspirated  surds  (p1,  t' ,  k')  is  ex- 
ceedingly common  in  both  languages.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Takelma  consonantic  system 
is  characterized  by  the  absence  of  velar  sounds 
(q,  q!) ,  both  of  which  occur  in  Kalapuya ;  and 
it  lacks  the  labial  spirant  (/),  the  mid-patatal 
spirant  (x),  the  anterior  palatal  surd  (k),  the 
linguo-dental  surd  (£) ,  and  the  long  (doubled) 
laterals  and  nasals  (/•,  wr,  »•),  all  of  which  are 
found  in  Kalapuya.  Consonantic  clusters  oc- 
cur in  both  languages,  but  they  are  greatly 
limited  in  numbers  and  can  hardly  be  consid- 
ered difficult. 

Turning  now  to  the  question  of  possible  pho- 
netic shifts  the  following  changes  have  been 
observed  to  occur  with  a  marked  degree  of  reg- 
ularity: 

Takelma 2  b  is  represented  in  Kalapuya  by 
p,  regardless  of  position.  (In  one  instance  a 
Takelma  b  in  medial  position  would  seem  to 
correspond  to  a  Kalapuya  m.  cf.  T.  tlibisT' 
ANT;  K.  tlmois,  ANT). 
Examples : 

T.  beyan-,  DAUGHTER;  K.  pi'ne,  GIRL 
T.  b6p',  ALDER;  K.  pu'p',  ALDER 
T.  deeb-,  TO  ARISE;  K.  tap-,  TO  STAND 

Takelma  d  corresponds  to  a  Kalapuya  t, 
regardless  of  position. 
Examples: 

T.  t'a'd-,  MATERNAL  AUNT;   K.  tat',  MATERNAL 
AUNT 

T.  oud-,  TO  LOOK  FOR;  K.  ot-  .     .     .  kwa',  TO 

LOOK  FOR 

T.  doum,  SPIDER;  K.  to',  SPIDER 
T.  dan,  ROCK;  K.  ta'  ROCK 

Takelma  g  is  represented  in  Kalapuya  by 
g,  9.,  k  or  &. 
Examples: 

T.  t'gwala'*,  OWL;  K.  du'gulhu',  OWL 

T.  t'gam,  ELK;  K.  tqa",  ELK 

T.  naga-,  TO  SAY;  K.  nak'-TO  SAY 

T.  ga"m,  TWO;  K.  ke'ma',  TWO 

1  The  Takelma  forms  are  quoted  from  Sapir's,  "The 
Takelma  Language  of  Southwestern  Oregon,"  extract 
from  Handbook  of  American  Indian  Languages  (BBAE, 
40,  part  2). 


i8o 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


Takelma  p,  t  correspond,  in  most  cases,  to 
Kalapuya  p,  t. 

Examples: 

T.  plan,  LIVER;  K.  pau',  LIVER 
T.  t'palt',  SNAIL;  K.  tpoi't',  SNAIL 
T.  tlibisT',  ANT;  K.  t!moi§,  ANT 

Takelma  k  is  represented  in  Kalapuya  by 
k,  £,  or  q. 

Examples: 

T.  duik!-,  TO  PUSH;  K.  tlolk-,  TO  PUSH 
T.  dak'-,  TO  FINISH;  K.  t!ok-,  TO  FINISH 
T.  bo'ik',  CHIPMUNK;  K.  po'yaq,  SQUIRREL 
T.  k!as-,  MOTHER'S  PARENTS;  K.  lje't§o', 

GRANDMOTHER 

Takelma  s  is  found  in  Kalapuya  as  s  or  /5, 
while  Takelma  ts  remains  unchanged. 
Examples: 

T.  gwisgwas,  CHIPMUNK;  K.  kwi'se'k',  CHIPMUNK 
T.  bals,  LONG;  K.  po's,  LONG 
T.  s-om,  MOUNTAIN;  K.  t§e'mo',  MOUNTAIN 
T.  al-ts-11,  RED;  K.  tsl'lolo',  RED 

Takelma  /,  m,  n  remain  unchanged,  except 
on  occasions  when  they  form  diphthongs  with 
a  preceding  vowel,1  in  which  cases  they  are 
represented  in  Kalapuya  by  the  glottal  stop 

(')• 

Examples: 

T.  k'al,  PENIS;  K.  qal,  PENIS 

T.  la'law-,  TO  CALL;  K.  lalaw-,  TO  SHOUT 

T.  naga-,  TO  SAY;  K.  nak'-,  TO  SAY 

T.  mel,  CROW;  K.  mo'la,  CROW 

T.  bals,  LONG;  K.  po's,  LONG 

T.  t'palt'  SNAIL;  K.  tpoi't',  SNAIL 

T.  t'gam,  ELK;  K.  tqa',  ELK 

T.  t'gQ'm,  RATTLESNAKE;  K.  tlja',  RATTLESNAKE 

T.  dan,  ROCK;  K.  ta',  ROCK 
T.  plan,  LIVER;  K.  pau',  LIVER 

Takelma  x  apparently  becomes  /  in  Kala- 
puya.2 

Examples: 

T.  m6x,  GROUSE;  K.  muf,  GROUSE 
T.  mox6,  BUZZARD;  K.  tifo',  BUZZARD 

1  See  The  Takelma  Language,  loc  cit.  p.  10. 

1  The  same  change  apparently  also  takes  place  be- 
tween a  Chinook  x  and  a  Kalapuya  /  (cf.  Chinook 
tE'xEm,  six;  Kalapuya  ta'fo  six). 


Takelma  h,  y,  w  remain  unchanged  in  Kala- 
puya. 

Examples: 

T.  hulk',  PANTHER;  K.  hu'ts,  PANTHER 
T.  yok'y-,  TO  KNOW;  K.  yuk'-,  TO  KNOW 
T.  wog-,  TO  ARRIVE;  K.  wok-,  TO  ARRIVE 

Having  thus  discussed  the  phonetic  shifts 
that  apparently  take  place  in  the  two  lan- 
guages, it  now  remains  to  present  the  lexical 
correspondences  that  have  been  found  in  both. 


LEXICAL  CORRESPONDENCES 

BETWEEN  TAKELMA  AND 

KALAPUYA 


TAKELMA 

1.  bals,  LONG* 

2.  be,  SUN,  DAY 

3.  beyan-,  DAUGHTER 

4.  bob6p',  SCREECH  OWL 
5-    bolk',  CHIPMUNK 

6.  bdp',  ALDER 

7.  dak'-,  TO  FINISH 

8.  dan,  ROCK 

9.  de'b-,  TO  ARISE 

10.  d?l,  YELLOW  JACKET 

11.  dip',  CAMASS 

12.  d5um,  SPIDER 

13.  -duik!-,  TO  PUSH 

14.  ga'm,  TWO 

15.  gungun,  «  *gun),  OTTER 

1 6.  gwan,  TRAIL 

17.  gwisgwas,  «  *gwis), 

CHIPMUNK 

18.  ham-  (ma-),  FATHER 

19.  has-,  MATERNAL  UNCLE 

20.  hilw-,  TO  CLIMB 

21.  hin-  (ni-),  MOTHER 

22.  hOlk',  PANTHER 

23.  k'al,  PENIS 

24.  k!as-,  MOTHER'S  PARENTS 

25.  la"law-,  TO  CALL 

26.  15m,  CEDAR 

27.  mel,  CROW 

28.  mdx,  GROUSE 

29.  naga-,  TO  SAY 

30.  0°d-,  TO  LOOK  FOR 


KALAPUYA 
po's 
pya'n 
pi'ne  GIRL 
tpopo' 

po'yaq,  SQUIRREL 
pu'p' 
t!ok- 
ta' 

tap-  TO  STAND 

tyal 
tip- 
to' 

tloik- 
ke'ma' 
klwin 
kau'ni' 

kwi'se'k' 
ma,  ma'ma' ' 
ha's 

hoil-,  bai- 
rn* 
hu'ts 
qal 

ke't§0F,  GRANDMOTHER 

lalaw-,  TO  SHOUT 

la1 

mo'la 

muf 

nak'- 

6t-  .  .  kwa' 


3  Unless  otherwise  stated,  the  English  equivalent  is 
the  same  in  both  languages. 

4  Compare  here  Chinook  -ma,  -am  FATHER. 
6  Compare  here  Chinook  -naa  MOTHER. 


NO.    2 


TAKELMAN,    KALAPUYAN,    AND   CHINOOKAN   LEXICOGRAPHY 


181 


31.  plan,  LIVER 

32.  p!61,  SOIL 

33-    S'Om,  MOUNTAIN 

34.  t'ad-,  PATERNAL  AUNT 

35.  t'a'g-,  TO  CRY 

36.  tle'weks,  tlewex,  FLEA 

37.  tlibis-J'1,  ANT 

38.  t'gam,  ELK 

39.  t'ga'nt'gan  «  *t'gan), 

FLY 

40.  tgu'm,  RATTLESNAKE 

41.  t'gwala'",  OWL 

42.  t'palt',  SNAIL 

43.  al-ts-il,  RED 

44.  wai-,  TO  SLEEP 

45-    WOO-,  TO  GO  FOR 

46.  WOg-,  TO  ARRIVE 

47.  xi'bini  «  *x!n),  THREE 

48.  yak'w,  WILDCAT 
49-  yalg-,  TO  DIVE 

50.  yet,  TEARS 

51.  yOug(w)-,  TO  MARRY 

52.  yok'y-,  TO  KNOW 

53.  yom,  BLOOD 


pau 

plo' 

tse'mo' 

tat' 

taq- 

twaq 

t  Imois. 

tqa' 

tka'naq 

tka' 

du'gulhu' 

tpoi't' 

tsllolo'  «*tsll) 

wai- 

wo-,  wot- 

wok- 

psin' 

ye'kwa1 

yauk- 

ya't' 

yuw- 

yuk'- 


yu' 

To  these  the  following  two  additional  correspon- 
dences may,  perhaps,  be  added : 

54.  bo'k'd-an,  NECK  pw'maq 

55.  moxo,  BUZZARD  tifo' 


LEXICAL  CORRESPONDENCES 

BETWEEN  CHINOOK  AND 

KALAPUYA 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  correspondences  that 
have  been  observed  between  Chinook  and  Kal- 
apuya.  As  has  been  stated  before,  these  are 
less  numerous.  In  this  list  are  not  included 
words  that  have  been  undoubtedly  borrowed 
through  the  medium  of  Chinook  jargon.  The 
most  interesting  feature  of  these  correspond- 
ences is  found  in  the  fact  that,  while  in  Chi- 
nook most  of  these  words  are  stems  that  must 
be  used  with  some  affix,  in  Kalapuya  they  are 
treated  as  independent  words.  The  following 
correspondences  have  been  observed: 

CHINOOK  '  KALAPUYA 

1.  -ca'yim,  GRIZZLY  BEAR       sa'yim 

2.  -cgan,  CUP  u'sjcan 

1  AH  Chinook  vocables  are  quoted  from  Boas,  "The 
Vocabulary  of  the  Chinook  Language"  (AANS,  vol. 
vi,  no.  I,  pp.  118-147). 


3.  -'Ixaiu,  SEAL 

4.  koa'itst,  NINE 

5.  -ma  (redupl.),  FATHER 

6.  -mo'lak,  ELK 

7.  -naa,  MOTHER 

8.  pa'L,  pa'Lma,  FULL 

9.  po-,  TO  BLOW 

10.  -po'tSElal,  KINGFISHER 

11.  ptClX,  GREEN 

12.  -qElEma,  FALL  SALMON 

13.  -qElo'q,  SWAN 

14.  -'qawEn, 

SILVERSIDE  SALMON 

15.  qoas  (redupl.),  CRANE 

16.  qui'nEm,  FIVE 

17.  si'nam6kct,  SEVEN 

18.  tE'xEm,  six 

19.  Lull,  THREE 


u'lxayu 

kwi's.ta 

ma,  ma'ma' 

mu'lukwa,  cow 

ni 

pa'tem,  DRUNK 

pul- 

tsa'lal 

ptjix,  BLUE,  GREEN 

qa'l-am  SILVERSIDE 

SALMON 
qo'l-oq 
qau'wan 

CHINOOK  SALMON 

kwa'skwas 

wan' 

psinmlwe' 

ta'fo 

psin" 


CONCLUSION 

The  correspondences  quoted  on  the  pre- 
ceding pages  are  by  no  means  exhaustive;  and, 
while  it  is  highly  probable  that,  upon  further 
investigations,  some  of  them  may  have  to  be 
disregarded,  I  feel  reasonably  certain  that  a 
great  deal  of  additional  comparative  material 
will  be  disclosed  in  the  near  future.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  thus  far  less  than  one-third 
of  all  available  Kalapuya  data  have  been 
carded.  The  highly  polysynthetic  character 
of  Chinook  would  be  sufficient  to  render  a 
comparison  between  this  language  and  Kala- 
puya (which  is  inflective  par  excellence)  an  al- 
most hopeless  task,  were  it  not  for  the  great 
lexical  and  structural  divergencies  that  have 
been  noted  to  exist  within  the  Kalapuya  di- 
alects themselves.  The  Kalapuya  family  con- 
sists of  seven  distinct  dialects  that  may  be 
sub-divided  into  three  separate  groups:  the 
Northern  (embracing  Yamhill  and  Atfalati); 
the  Central  (to  which  belong  the  Santiam, 
Lakmayut,  Ahantsayuk,  and  Mary's  River 
dialects) ;  and  the  Southern  group  (consisting 
of  Yonkalla).  Now,  while  the  work  on  each 
of  these  dialects  is  far  from  being  completed, 
enough  data  have  already  been  extracted  to 
give  us  a  bird's  eye  view  of  the  lexical  and 


1 82 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


structural  differences  that  exist  between  the 
separate  groups.  Thus,  some  very  distinctive 
traits  have  been  noted  in  the  northern  group, 
where  a  great  number  of  nouns  which,  in  the 
other  groups,  appear  as  independent  words, 
are  treated  as  suffixed  stems.  For  that  reason, 
a  conclusive  discussion  of  the  probable  genetic 
relationship  between  Chinook  and  Kalapuya 
will  depend  largely  upon  whether  the  distinct- 
ive traits  of  the  northern  dialects  are  due  to 
bodily  borrowing  from  the  immediately  ad- 
joining Chinook  or  whether  they  represent  a 
survival  of  structural  features  that  have  be- 
come lost  in  the  other  dialects.  Until  this 
problem  has  been  settled,  we  must  refrain 
from  jumping  at  any  too  hasty  conclusions 
concerning  the  probable  Chinook-Kalapuyan 
affiliations,  no  matter  how  tempting  such  con- 
clusions may  appear. 

Turning  now  to  the  Takelma-Kalapuyan 
aspect,  the  possibilities  of  a  probable  ultimate 
relationship  are  much  stronger,  although  in 
this  case  also  extreme  caution  must  be  exer- 
cised, at  least  for  the  time  being.  The  struc- 
tural differences  between  these  two  languages 
are  too  great  to  be  entirely  wiped  away  be- 
cause of  lexical  correspondences  of  even  the 
closest  type.  I  shall  mention  only  some  of  the 
most  salient  distinctive  traits.  Nominal  in- 
corporation is  lacking  in  Kalapuya,  and  pro- 
nominal incorporation  is  confined  to  the  ob- 
ject. All  subjective  relations  are  expressed  by 
means  of  the  independent  pronouns  which 
precede  the  verb  in  the  form  of  very  loose  pre- 
fixes; similarly  possessive  relations  are  ex- 


pressed by  means  of  loose  prefixes.  No  dis- 
tinction is  made,  in  Kalapuya,  by  means  of 
phonetic  changes  between  aorist  and  non- 
aorist  stems,  tense  being  indicated  by  means 
of  particles.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are 
evidences  of  structural  elements  which,  when 
considered  from  a  numerical  point  of  view, 
would  seem  peculiarly  typical  of  these  two 
languages.  Among  these  correspondences  may 
be  mentioned :  the  lack,  in  both  languages,  of 
a  dual  number;  of  an  inclusive  and  exclusive 
person;  the  absence  of  nominal  cases;  the 
considerable  use  of  end-reduplication  and  the 
total  absence  of  initial  reduplication;  the 
presence  of  instrumental  affixes  denoting 
body-part  nouns  (in  Kalapuya  these  appear  as 
suffixed  particles ;  in  Takelma  as  prefixes) ; 
and  the  apparent  absence  of  distinct  verb- 
stems  for  the  singular  and  plural. 

To  sum  up,  while  the  correspondences  that 
have  been  noted  between  Kalapuya  and  Chi- 
nook on  one  hand,  and  between  Kalapuya  and 
Takelma  on  the  other  hand,  are  too  numerous 
and  too  close  to  be  explained  away  by  a  theory 
of  accident  or  recent  borrowing,  they  are  not 
conclusive  enough  to  constitute  adequate 
proof  for  a  genetic  relationship  between  these 
three  linguistic  stocks.  Such  an  assumption, 
to  be  correct,  must  be  predicated  upon  the 
introduction  of  additional  material,  especially 
from  the  field  of  Kalapuya  linguistics.  And  I 
make  bold  to  predict  that  additional  data  will 
be  produced  in  the  near  future,  for,  it  must  be 
remembered,  this  is  after  all  only  a  preliminary 
paper. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


NO.    2 


REVIEWS 


183 


REVIEWS 


MOSETENO  VOCABULARY  AND  TREATISES. 
BENIGNO  BIBOLOTTI,  Priest  of  the  Francis- 
can Mission  of  Inmaculada  Concepci6n  de 
Covendo  in  Bolivia.  From  an  Unpublished 
manuscript  in  possession  of  Northwestern 
University  Library.  With  an  Introduction 
by  Rudolph  Schuller.  Northwestern  Uni- 
versity: Evanston  and  Chicago,  1917.  pp. 
cxiii,  141,  facsimile,  map  of  Bolivia. 

The  external  facts  leading  up  to  the  publi- 
cation of  this  sumptuously  printed  volume  are 
given  by  Dr.  Schuller  in  his  preface:  "North- 
western University  Library  possesses  a  fairly 
large  collection  of  unpublished  Spanish  manu- 
scripts which  are  probably  unique  in  the 
United  States  .  .  .  Professor  Lichten- 
stein,  Librarian  of  Northwestern  University, 
acquired  this  material,  consisting  of  books, 
pamphlets,  early  periodicals  and  the  like,  from 
Senor  Donato  Lanza  y  Lanza  during  a  sojourn 
in  Bolivia.  In  September,  1916,  Professor 
Lichtenstein  asked  me  to  arrange  and  collate 
the  manuscripts  and  prepare  them  for  the 
binder.  While  examining  the  different  pack- 
ages in  order  to  make  a  preliminary  selection 
of  the  papers  according  to  the  subjects  treated 
in  them,  I  found  Bibolotti's  manuscript  deal- 
ing with  the  Moseteno  language.  The  un- 
expected discovery  is  all  the  more  important 
since  it  concerns  extensive  materials  gathered 
together  by  a  yet  unknown  author  of  a  rela- 
tively little  studied  Bolivian  aboriginal  idiom 
spoken  by  Indians  who  have  almost  vanished. 
If  there  are  still  a  few  of  them  remaining 
without  foreign  admixture,  they  are  destined 
to  be  absorbed  completely  in  the  near  future 
by  the  process  of  amalgamation  . 
Within  a  few  years  the  name  of  the  Moseteno 
will  be  added  to  the  alarmingly  long  list  of 
extinct  South  American  Indian  tribes."  The 
manuscript  is  the  work  of  an  Italian  Fran- 


ciscan, concerning  whom  very  little  is  known; 
it  was  written  some  time  between  1857  and  1868. 

The  Moseteno,  also  known  as  Chumanos  or 
Chomanes,  are  or  were  one  of  the  Andean 
tribes  of  western  Bolivia;  their  territory  was 
embraced  within  the  present  province  of 
Yungas.  More  exactly,  to  quote  from  Dr. 
Schuller,  "the  habitat  of  the  Moseteno-Chu- 
mano  embraced  the  mountainous  regions  to 
the  east  of  the  Beni,  more  or  less  between  15° 
and  16°  south  latitude,  and  69°  to  71°  longi- 
tude west  of  Paris.  Their  eastern  neighbors 
were  the  Yurucare ;  in  the  north  they  reached 
as  far  as  the  territories  occupied  by  Mobima 
and  Moxo,  or  Mojo,  tribes,  and  in  the  north- 
west they  touched  Tacana  and  Leco  speaking 
peoples.  The  natural  border  to  the  south  and 
the  west  is  the  range  of  the  higher  Andes." 

Dr.  Schuller's  editorial  work  has  been  most 
painstaking,  and  the  volume  is  a  highly  wel- 
come addition  to  our  knowledge  of  the  exceed- 
ingly tangled  and  obscure  problems  of  Bolivian 
linguistics.  In  his  lengthy  introduction  Dr. 
Schuller  discusses  first  the  manuscript;  the 
author;  the  Moseteno  Indians  and  the  Fran- 
ciscan Missions  ("in  spite  of  uninterrupted 
intercourse  for  many  centuries  with  the  more 
highly  developed  culture  of  Peru  and  Bolivia, 
the  primitive  tribes,  like  the  Moseteno,  Ta- 
cana, Leco,  Araona,  etc.,  were  not  much  in- 
fluenced"); and  gives  a  critical  analysis  of 
previous  writings  on  Moseteno.  Pages  xxviii 
to  xcv  of  the  introduction  give  a  digest  in 
English  of  our  present  knowledge  of  Moseteno, 
as  based  on  Bibolotti  and  other  writers  (Wed- 
dell,  Heath,  Armentia).  This  section  includes 
notes  on  phonetics;  vocabularies;  grammat- 
ical processes  (nouns:  number,  gender,  for- 
mation of  nouns,  grammatical  cases;  adjec- 
tives; pronouns:  personal,  possessive,  relative 
and  demonstrative,  indefinite,  interrogative; 
numerals;  adverbs;  prepositions;  conjunc- 


1 84 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF   AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


tions;  verbs:  verbal  stems,  classification  of 
verbs,  tenses,  the  imperative  mood,  the  par- 
ticipal  mood,  other  moods);  and  general 
observations  on  suffixes,  reduplication,  and 
affiliated  languages  and  peoples.  Of  the  three 
appendices,  one  is  devoted  to  a  full  bibliog- 
raphy of  manuscript  and  printed  sources.  The 
body  of  the  work  is  a  transcript  of  Bibolotti's 
Spanish  text  (Spanish-Moseteno  vocabulary 
and  supplementary  papers). 

A  few  of  the  more  interesting  points  may 
be  noted  here.  Sex  gender  is  indicated  in 
nouns  and  adjectives  by  distinctive  suffixes 
(e.g.,  izanqui-t  "baby  boy:"  izanqui-s  "baby 
girl;"  w0ft-/"new"m.:  mofi-s "new"f.).  There 
is  a  genitive  suffix  in  -5  or  -si,  also  a  number  of 
local  case  suffixes.  The  curiously  widespread 
American  second  person  singular  in  m-  meets 
us  here  once  more  (mi  "thou").  Pronouns  are 
not  welded  with  the  verb  stem,  but  occur  inde- 
pendently (e.g.,  ye  queti  "I  plant").  A  con- 
siderable number  of  verbal  suffixes  have  been 
isolated  by  Dr.  Schuller,  but  more  intensive 
study  of  Moseteno,  at  first  hand,  if  possible,  is 
needed  to  make  clear  their  functions.  Phonet- 
ically, Moseteno  would  seem  to  be  "far  from 
agreeable  to  the  ear;"  it  has  many  "clusters  of 
totally  heterogeneous  consonants."  In  this 
respect  it  differs  from  Tacana,  Cavineno  and 
other  languages  of  the  Bolivian  highlands,  ap- 
proaching the  "Chaco-Guaycurii  linguistic 
family,  although  it  does  not  have  the  slightest 
affinity  with  the  latter."  Nevertheless,  Dr. 
Schuller  finds  that  "the  morphological  and 
syntactical  structure  convey  the  impression 
that  the  Moseteno  is  related  to  the  Tacaan 
group,  and  particularly  to  the  Cavineno." 

Dr.  Schuller  leaves  no  doubt  of  the  thor- 
oughness of  his  task,  and  students  of  American 
linguistics  owe  him  a  very  real  debt  of  grati- 
tude. Perhaps  one  may  be  pardoned,  how- 
ever, for  expressing  the  wish  that  penetrating 
first-hand  phonetic  and  morphological  studies 
of  a  number  of  South  American  languages,  of 
a  standard  corresponding  to  some  already  ac- 
cessible for  certain  North  American  languages, 


be  vouchsafed  to  us  in  the  course  of  time.  These 
interminable  vocabularies,  grammatical  notes, 
and  classificatory  speculations  are,  let  us  hope, 
but  the  harbingers  of  more  substantial  meals. 


E.  SAPIR 


GEOLOGICAL  SURVEY  OF  CANADA, 
OTTAWA,  ONT. 


GEERS,  G.  J.  The  Adverbial  and  Prepositional 

Prefixes   in    Blackfoot.      L.    van    Nifterik, 

Leiden:   1917. 

This  excellent  doctor's  dissertation  consists 
of  two  parts:  a  critical  discussion  of  the  nature 
of  the  elements  that  enter  into  the  Algonkin 
verb,  and  a  list  of  nearly  150  Blackfoot  verbal 
prefixes  with  illustrations  drawn  from  text 
material. 

The  character  of  the  highly  complex  verb 
of  Algonkin  has  been  examined  by  Jones, 
Michelson,  Uhlenbeck,  and  others,  and  is  too 
intricate  for  detailed  review  here;  except  for 
a  statement  of  Dr.  Geers'  conclusion  that  this 
part  of  speech  is  "a  compound  of  various  ele- 
ments (verbal,  adverbial,  nominal,  etc.)  char- 
acterized as  a  verbal  form  by  means  of  a 
verbal  ending."  American  students  have 
sought,  admittedly  with  qualified  success,  to 
find  the  rules  by  which  verb  building  is  con- 
trolled or  limited  in  these  languages.  Dr. 
Geers'  position  seems  to  be  that  there  are  no 
limiting  rules,  and  that,  except  for  the  crystal- 
lization of  idiom,  elements  of  any  character 
can  enter  the  complex.  It  is  the  verbal  end- 
ing, and  not  any  relation  of  the  constituents, 
that  makes  the  verb.  This  interesting  con- 
ception the  author  considers  documented  by 
the  second  part  of  his  work;  but  as  the 
material  in  his  list  of  prefixes  there  is  not 
synthesized,  his  new  evidence,  while  perhaps 
sufficient,  does  not  substantiate  his  proposi- 
tion as  directly  as  might  be.  The  somewhat 
aggressively  controversial  tone  is  to  be  re- 
gretted, as  weakening  rather  than  strengthen- 
ing the  keen  analysis  displayed  in  the  paper. 


NO.    2 


REVIEWS 


185 


Particularly  is  this  true  of  the  strictures  on 
William  Jones,  the  modern  pioneer  in  this 
field,  whose  farther  progress  in  the  subject 
was  cut  off  by  his  early  death. 

It  may  be  added  that  while  the  problem  in 
question  must  be  solved  by  strictly  technical 
means,  its  bearings  are  certainly  of  some  gen- 
eral interest.  The  Algonkin  family  of  lan- 
guages is  one  of  the  most  widely  spread  and 
populous  in  America;  its  distribution  in  part 
coincides  with  lines  of  cultural  cleavage;  and 
its  type  is  an  extremely  peculiar  or  radical 
one.  Its  characteristic  qualities  clearly  cul- 
minate in  its  verbs;  so  that  a  just  understand- 


ing of  these  promises  to  be  of  ultimate  sig- 
nificance to  anthropologists  engaged  in  other 
lines  of  work. 

The  author  is  to  be  congratulated  on  his 
capacity  for  analytic  criticism ;  and  Professor 
Uhlenbeck  on  his  success  in  stimulating  an- 
other productive  convert  to  American  philol- 
ogy. Anthropologists  in  this  country  will 
appreciate  the  interest  developing  in  this  field 
abroad,  and  can  but  be  the  gainers  by  hearty 
cooperation  with  the  new  Dutch  school. 

A.  L.  KROEBER 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


International  Journal  of  American  Linguistics 


Volume  i 


August,  1918 


Number  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 
By  FRANK  G.  SPECK      DICTATED  BY  NEWELL  LION 

INTRODUCTION 


THE  following  material  is  part  of  a  col- 
lection of  mythological  texts  obtained 
from  Newell  Lion  of  the  Penobscot  tribe,  at 
Oldtown,  Me.  After  devoting  parts  of  sev- 
eral years  prior  to  1910  to  a  general  study  of 
Penobscot  ethnology,  I  fortunately  joined 
forces  with  Mr.  Lion,  who  through  a  life-long 
interest  in  his  native  literature,  has  become  a 
sort  of  raconteur  among  the  Indians.  Our 
combined  labors  then  narrowed  down  to  a 
study  of  linguistics  and  mythology.  I  am 
glad  to  pay  him  well-deserved  tribute  by 
stating  that  he  has  shown  the  interest  and 
natural  ability  of  a  scholar  in  our  common 
work.  Discounting  the  fact  that  he  himself 
ranks  as  the  principal  informant  among  the 
older  men,  he  was  wise  enough  to  consult 
other  old  people  for  corroborative  and  supple- 
mentary material.  Consequently  I  feel  quite 
safe  in  presenting  this  version  of  the  trans- 
former trickster-cycle  as  being  fairly  complete 
and  typical  so  far  as  the  Penobscot  are  con- 
cerned. 

No  previous  attempt  has  been  made  to 
record  texts  in  the  Penobscot  language, 
although  Professor  Prince  has  recorded  some 
short  texts  in  its  near  relative,  Passama- 

1J.  D.  Prince,  The  Differentiation  Between  the 
Penobscot  and  the  Canadian  Abenaki  Dialects  (A  A  4 
[1902]  :  17-32). 

1  Penobscot,  Gluskq'be;  Wawenock,  Gluskq'be;  Pas- 
samaquoddy,  Malecite,  and  Micmac,  Glu'skap. 

*  S.  T.  Rand,  Legends  of  the  Micmacs  (New  York 
and  London,  1894);  F.  G.  Speck,  "Some  Micmac  Tales 
from  Cape  Breton  Island"  (J  A  F  L  28  :  59-69). 

4  W.  H.  Mechling,  Malecite  Tales  (G  S  Can,  Anthro- 
pological Series,  No.  4);  E.  Jack,  Maliseet  Legends 
(J  A  F  L  8  [1895]);  and  F.  G.  Speck,  Some  Malecite 
Tales  (J  A  F  L  30  [1917])- 


'  quoddy,  and  has  occasionally  remarked  in 
comparison  on  characteristics  of  Penobscot 
grammar.1 

In  the  versions  of  eastern  Indian  myths 
given  by  the  authors,  there  is,  however,  an 
undertone  of  untrue  if  not  inferior  reconcep- 
tion,  which  takes  away  the  smack  of  origi- 
nality that  every  reader  feels  the  true  exam- 
ples of  native  oral  literature  should  possess. 
This  is  unfortunately  the  case  with  all  the 
hitherto  published  material  from  this  region. 
Without  exception,  it  has  been  interpreted 
and  rendered  in  an  altered  form.  Irrespon- 
sibility for  the  intrinsic  worth  of  the  original 
must  pass  by  before  primitive  literature  is  free 
to  make  its  own  appeal  to  the  interest  of  stu- 
dents. 

Among  the  tribes  forming  the  Wabanaki, 
or  north-eastern  Algonkian  group,  the  mythi- 
cal personage  known  as  the  "Deceiver"  2  fig- 
ures pre-eminently  in  the  r61e  of  the  transform- 
er-trickster. Already  a  number  of  published 
versions  of  the  hero-myth  are  available  from 
the  Micmac,3  the  Malecite,4  and  the  Passama- 
quoddy,6  although  the  myths  of  the  last- 
named  people  are  not  presented  objectively 
enough  nor  recorded  critically  enough  to  be 
of  much  value  for  comparison.  Incidentally 
I  have  also  prepared  another  set,  in  text  form, 
from  the  Wawenock.6  Accordingly,  when 

6  C.  G.  Leland,  Algonquin  Legends  of  New  England, 
or  Myths  and  Folk-Lore  of  the  Micmac,  Passama- 
quoddy  and  Penobscot  Tribes  (Boston,  1884);  C.  G. 
Leland  and  J.  D.  Prince,  Kuloscap  The  Master  and 
Other  Algonkin  Poems  (New  York  and  London,  1902). 

6  This  small  tribe  formed  a  division  intermediate  in 
dialect  between  the  Penobscot  and  Aroosaguntacook 
(St.  Francis  Abenaki),  formerly  living  southwest  of 
Penobscot  Bay,  and  now  settled  at  Becancour,  P.  Q. 


1 88 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


more  versions  from  the  widely  separated 
bands  of  Micmac  and  from  the  Passama- 
quoddy  and  St.  Francis  Abenaki1  are  avail- 
able, we  shall  be  in  a  position  to  discuss  the 
problems  of  the  culture-hero  concept  among 
the  tribes  of  this  group. 

As  regards  the  Gluskp'be  myth,  making  due 
allowances  for  individual  variations  in  the 
narrative,  we  may  assume  that  in  each  tribe 
there  is  a  more  or  less  standard  pattern  which 
embraces  the  individual  versions.  These  ver- 
sions may,  however,  show  a  considerable  range 
in  the  sequence  and  choice  of  episodes  form- 
ing the  whole.  Much  seems  to  depend  upon 
the  personality  of  the  narrator.  In  this  region 
there  are  no  organized  cults  to  hold  before 
the  people  a  fixed  version  of  any  myth,  no 
matter  how  important  it  may  be.  There  is 
no  attempt  anywhere  to  correct  tendencies 
toward  divergence  in  narration,  no  tendency 
to  eliminate  intrusive  features  which  may 
seem  to  fit  the  pattern,  and  there  is  no  single 
personal  source  of  authority  for  the  stories. 
We  must,  in  short,  conceive  the  picture  of 
life  among  these  nomadic  hunting-people  to 
understand  how  myths  are  handed  down,  and 
how  the  versions  are  governed  by  individual 
tastes,  individual  memory,  and  local  factors, 
such  as  interest,  time,  place,  and  like  circum- 
stances. Individuals  who  may  be  gathered 
together  in  camps  hear  stories,  which  they 
may  remember  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  par- 
ticular features  of  which  may  be  lost  and  ulti- 
mately forgotten  through  mere  accident  of 
circumstance.  In  small  tribes  we  can  thus 
appreciate  how  myth  elements  may  be  lost 
to  the  dialect  if  by  chance  through  a  genera- 
tion they  do  not  happen  to  be  repeated  to 
hearers  who  may  number  all  told  not  more 
than  several  hundred  souls.  Radin  2  discusses 
very  clearly  both  sides  of  the  question  of  the 
priority  of  fixed  or  correct  versions  of  myths 

1  It  seems  almost  too  late  to  hope  to  secure  an  Abe- 
naki version  of  the  myth.  The  only  reference  so  far  to 
the  hero  in  Abenaki  was  encountered  by  the  writer  in 
1908  at  Indian  Lorette,  P.  Q.  Jean  Baptiste  de  Gon- 


over  the  fluctuating  element-construction.  On 
the  whole,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  suffi- 
cient reason,  in  the  existing  material  from 
these  tribes,  to  assert  the  contrary  to  what 
has  been  assumed. 

Briefly,  in  the  Penobscot  transformer  cycle, 
Gluskp'be  appears  in  the  mixed  role  of  a 
shaman,  trickster,  and  a  somewhat  altruistic 
culture-hero.  His  benevolence  grows  as  the 
story  of  his  career  progresses.  Consecutive 
geographical  transformations  show  considera- 
ble forethought  for  his  'descendants'  by 
which  are  meant  the  Indians  of  the  present  era. 
In  the  animal  kingdom,  however,  most  trans- 
formations may  be  laid  to  more  trivial  causes, 
vengeance  or  rivalry.  Other  causations  are 
found  in  first  results,  apparently  accidental 
actions,  becoming  future  fixed  traits.  In  gen- 
eral the  episodes  in  myths  of  the  eastern 
region  correspond  well  with  those  of  the  cen- 
tral and  northern  Algonkian,  the  common  ele- 
ments being  re-combined  in  various  ways  in 
different  tribes. 

My  present  object  is,  however,  not  to 
attempt  a  discussion  of  the  eastern  trans- 
former concept,  but  to  offer  carefully  prepared 
objective  material  until  we  have  sources  suf- 
ficient to  warrant  conclusive  comparisons. 

As  regards  transformer  characters,  several 
other  secondary  personages  may  be  noted  in 
Penobscot  mythology, — Kwun-a'was  ("Long- 
Hair"),  Bi-"tes  ("Froth"),  and  Gesi-'lat  ("Fast- 
Runner").  The  first  two  of  these  are  included 
in  this  paper;  others  will  be  presented  in  a 
subsequent  part.  The  "Froth"  story  is  as 
remarkable  for  its  contents  as  is  the  Gluskg/be 
cycle,  in  that  it  shows  the  virgin  birth  con- 
cept and  the  well-known  Achillean  conquest 
combined  in  the  same  tale.  Discussion  of 
these  interesting  phenomena  is  to  form  a  sep- 
arate study,  for  our  main  concern  at  present 

zague,  an  Abenaki  married  to  a  Huron  woman,  related 
several  episodes  in  the  career  of  Gluskpba',  the  Abenaki 
form  of  the  name. 

2  P.  Radin,  Literary  Aspects  of  American  Mythology 
(GSCan,  Bull.  1611915]). 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


189 


Varying  between 
true  sonant    and 
intermediate 
surd-sonant. 


is  to  make  available  the  body  of  the  north- 
eastern Indian  material. 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  CHARACTERS 
AND  SOUNDS  IN  PENOBSCOT 

a  .  as  in  father,  of  medium  length. 

a'  .  .  lengthened. 

e  .  .  open  medium,  about  as  in  met. 

t  .  .  long  open  e,  as  in  North  German  Bar. 

e-  .  .  close  and  long,  like  a  in  say. 

i  .  .  short,  as  in  pin. 

r  .  .  long  and  close,  like  ee  in  queen. 

0  .  .  close,  medium  in  length. 

o-      .      .     close  and  longer,  with  more  protruding  lips. 

u       .      .     like  oo  in  boot. 

u'      .     .     long,  with  protruded  lips. 

a        .      .     dulled  form  of  short  a,  like  «  of  English  but. 

3  .  .  short  obscure  vowel  of  uncertain  quality, 
like  e  in  flower. 

o'  '  .  .  rather  long,  like  a  in  fall;  o,  open  and 
shorter. 

b-p  .     .     bilabial  stops. 

d— t    .      .     alveolar  stops,   no   lin- 
gual-dental contact. 

g-k   .      .     medial  palatal  stops. 

s— z    .      .     dorsal  sibilants. 

tc  and  dj  surd  and  sonant  sibilant  affricatives,  cor- 
responding respectively  to  English  ch 
and  j. 

m      .      .     as  in  English. 

n  .     as  in  English. 

i;        .      .     palatal  nasal,  like  ng  of  English  sing. 

1  as  in  English. 

1  .  ,  soft  lateral  surd,  tongue-tip  and  alveolar 
contact,  preceded  and  accompanied  by 
aspiration.  The  effect  of  this  sound  is 
approximated  by  condensing  vowel  fol- 
lowed by  aspiration  and  I;  (Via). 

h  .     as  in  English. 

w  as  in  English. 

y  as  in  English. 

t         .      .     nasalized  vowel,  <j,  f. ,  etc. 

.     aspiration  following  vowel  or  consonant. 
.     accent  stress;   '  secondary  stress. 

A  superior  dot  following  a  vowel  or  conso- 
nant denotes  lengthening. 

There  is  a  rhetorical  tendency  among  the 
purest  speakers  to  separate  two  consonants 
coming  together  by  a  weak  vocalic  glide. 

1  Published  with  the  permission  of  the  Division  of 
Anthropology,  Geological  Survey  of  Canada. 


This  largely  eliminates  the  consonant  clusters 
from  Penobscot,  which  occur  commonly  in 
neighboring  dialects.  Furthermore,  in  Pe- 
nobscot, the  endings  of  words  are  slurred  in 
utterance.  There  are  no  pronounced  tone 
modulations.  In  recording  the  texts,  where 
the  narrator  occasionally  varied  in  the  pro- 
nunciation of  words,  the  variances  were  re- 
tained for  their  rhetorical  value. 


TALES  OF  GLUSKA'BE 
"THE  DECEIVER"1 


I.   GLUSKA'BE'S  CHILDHOOD 


ndatlo"kp'gan 
My  story 


Gluskp'be 
Gluskp'be. 


wi'gi-'djik 
Lived 


moni'mkwes-u  na'ga  o'kwenas-al' 

woodchuck  and  her  grandchild 

Gluskp'be         oma'djeganan         mgsr'gegwus 
Gluskp 'be.  He  grew  up,  everything 

udagi-"krmun         eli'gado'n'kemun 
she  taught  him, —  how  to  hunt, 


na  ga 
and 


e'-li-a'tc 
also  how 


a'malut 
to  catch 


gi-za'uwasehi-'dit 
they  could  live. 


na  me  s-a 
fish,— 

ma'lam 

At  last 


we'dji'tc 
so  that  also 

Gluskp'be 
Gluskp'be 


de''bagil    ogi-zawe"kahan 2     ta'mbi'al    na'ga 
grew  up  enough      that  he  could  handle 2     bow      and 

ba"kwal 
arrows, 

ali-'ta'wi          ta'mbi 
"Make  me  bow 


na'ga        o"kamas'al' 
and          to  his  grandmother 


na  ga 
and 


udr'lan 
he  said, 

ba"kwal 
arrows, 


naga'di'gadona'lan        no'lke        ki's 
I  want  to  hunt  deer;  already 


wa'daman 
weary 


ma't3gwe"s'wi-ye 
of  rabbit-meat 


nzr- 
I  am' 

na'ga 
and 


name"s'i'ye     nogr'wo's'an     unr'tan      no'lka' 
fish-meat."      Then  he  roamed  in  the  woods,      he  slew* 
deer. 

ki'i-      wli'daha'zu     moni'mkwe's-u     ga'matc 
Ki-i-1  she  rejoiced  Woodchuck.  Very 

2  Between  ten  and  thirteen  years  of  age. 


INTERNATIONAL  JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN  LINGUISTICS 


VOL.  I 


oga'bami'dahamal          kwe-'nas-al'          mi'na 
proud  she  felt  of  her  grandson.  Again 

ki-'u'set     nunr'lan     awe-"s'usal'     bedjo"set 
he  roamed,          then  he  slew          a  bear.          Coming 

bedawa-'mal  awe'Vusal'  udr'lan 

carrying  back  the  bear,  he  said 

o'^amas-aP         awe'nowa"        moni'mkwes-u 
to  his  grandmother,    "What  creature  is  this?"     Wood- 
chuck 

wanagi-'gadaho       na'ga       obamagete"si-nan 
jumped  up  and  danced  quickly, 

e'dudji'      wulr'dahazit      udr'lan      kwe-'nas 
so  greatly        she  rejoiced.        She  said,        "Grandson 

ktci-awa-'s       ne'lat       awe-"s-us       nagasr'bi 
a  great  beast  killed,  bear!  And  indeed 

ni'"kwup'      ko'lausr'nena       mse''Ia      pami' 
now  we  shall  live  well,  abundant  fat, 

kirli-'tc  muwi'"pi-bana  ga'matc1 

and  you  did  well.       We  shall  live  richly!"     "Greatly  ' 

nkwe-'nas      ga'di      ki-nha'n-do      ni'grni-'da- 
my  grandchild      will  be      great  magician,      I  greatly 

ha'ma       ne'gamatc       we'li-hala       e'lmausi't 
trust          he  also          will  do  wonders  as  he  goes 

no'sa'snawa'         wzam        mi-'lrgan       nesa'- 
for  our  descendants,         because         various         dan« 

natjgwa'k  kedona'Igoho'dit          ni'"kan-i 

gers  will  seek  to  destroy  them,  in  the  future 

mi'-li-gowa      awa'Va'      kedona'lgohodi'djihi 
various  beasts  will  seek  their  lives, 

na'gadja'tc        sr'buwal       ugrziuli'"tona'ldj 
and  besides  rivers  he  can  transform 

we'dji        p'da       ado'dji      nso'naijgwa'donuk 
so  that          not          ever  so          dangerous  they  are." 

Gluska'be  udr'lan  o"kamas-al' 

Gluskp'be  said  to  his  grandmother, 

Nda'^cwe'ldaman     kadage"kimin     eli-"t9zik 
"I  should  like  you  to  teach  me  how  to  make 

a'gwi'dan     we'dji'tc     ka'dona'luk       si-'psak 
canoe,  so  that  hunt  ducks." 

namoni'mkwes'u  udi-'lan  ke'le't 

Then  Woodchuck  said,  "Surely 

1  Here  follows  a  soliloquy  by  Woodchuck. 


kadage"ki-mar         nkwe-'nas        noda"toli-na 
I  will  teach  you,          grandson."       Then  they  made  a 
canoe. 

mala'm'te        ugi-zi-"tona       agwi-'dan       ki'i 
At  last          they  finished  making          canoe.         Ki-i't 

ulr'dahazu       Gluska'be       na't'e        obo-'sin 
she  rejoiced.         Gluskp'be       right  then       embarked 

udasi-'psak       ama'staha       si-'psa'      ma'lam 
ducking      he  secured  quantities      of  ducks.      At  last 

sala"ki  be'dji  kasala'm'sani-"ke 

all  at  once  came  a  great  deal  of  wind. 

nda"tegani  gi-'zi-amrlrbrye 

Not  enough  he  paddle  out 

ela'm's-an       grwo'Van      kpi-      uga'don'kan 
such  a  wind.       He  went  about       in  the  woods,       he« 
hunted, 


wzam 
because 


eli-'dahazit 
thinking, 

e'ligadon'ka 
is  hunting." 

wi'gwomuk 
home. 


ga'madje't  na'gahogat 

"Very  evidently  slow 

oba'dago'Van  oma'djin 

He  turned  back,  he  went 


TRANSLATION 


Here  starts  my  story  of  Glusk/be.  He 
lived  with  his  grandmother,  Woodchuck.  She 
raised  him  and  taught  him  everything — haw 
to  hunt,  fish,  and  how  to  make  his  living. 
When  he  grew  up  large  enough  to  use  a  bow 
and  arrow,  he  said  to  his  grandmother,  "Make 
me  a  bow  and  arrows,  as  I  want  to  hunt  deer; 
I  am  already  tired  of  rabbit's  meat  and  fish." 
Then  he  roamed  away  and  killed  a  deer,  and 
she  was  glad.  She  was  very  proud  of  him. 
Then  next  he  roamed  away  and  killed  a  bear. 
"What  creature  is  it?"  he  asked  her  when  he 
brought  it  home.  She  was  glad,  and  began 
to  dance.  "You  have  killed  a  bear,  a  great 
piece  of  meat.  Now  we  shall  have  plenty  of 
fat.  We  shall  live  richly."  Said  she,  "He  will 
be  a  great  magician.  He  will  do  great  won- 
ders for  our  descendants  as  he  goes  on," 
thought  she  to  herself,  "because  various  dan- 
gers will  in  the  future  endanger  their  lives, 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


191 


different  beasts  will  seek  their  lives,  also 
rivers,  and  he  can  transform  them  so  that 
they  will  not  be  dangerous."  Then  Gluskg/be 
said  to  his  grandmother,  "I  should  like  you 
to  show  me  how  to  build  a  canoe,  so  that  I 
can  hunt  ducks." — "Surely  I  will  teach  you, 
grandson!"  So  she  taught  him  how  to  build 
a  canoe,  and  at  last  it  was  finished.  She  was 
glad  when  he  paddled  out  to  get  ducks.  He 
got  a  great  many. 

Now  at  last,  as  time  went  on,  the  wind  got 
so  strong  that  he  could  not  paddle  about. 
He  tried  hunting  in  the  woods,  thinking, 
"Hunting  is  evidently  very  slow."  So  he  re- 
turned to  his  wigwam. 


2.  GLUSKA'BE  BAGS  ALL  THE 

GAME-ANIMALS 

ma'nife    wula's-in    uda'bonuk    umodje'n'tun 
Then      he  lay  down      on  his  bedding,      he  began  to* 
sing, 

ali'nspin'tu          e"tcwe'ldak          bi'e'sawrye 
so  singing  his  words          wishing  for          made  of  hair 

ami-'ganagwe    we'dji    naga'nrrhat    awa'Va' 
receptacle,    so  that    he  could  secure  more  easily    the* 
beasts. 

moni'mkwes'u       ola'bin       na'ga       udli'"tun 
Woodchuck  sat  down  and  made 

no'lkai      bie'swrye      mr'ganagwe1        gizi'"- 
deer  hair  material  receptacle.1  When* 

tak'w      udla"kewun       kwe'ns-al'       da"toma 
done          she  tossed  it          to  her  grandchild.         Not 

tcani-'n'to     Gluskp'be     nami-'na     mu'si-bre- 
he  ceased  singing        Gluskgi'be.         Then  again         of* 

swi'ye      kada'k      udli'"tun      moni'mkwes'u 
moose-hair  material  another    she  made    Woodchuck. 

mi-'na     udla"kewun     pe'sagwun     e'lin'tak'w 
Again          she  tossed  it  to  him,          still          singing. 

ne'dudji         ma'newadak'w         moni'mkwes'u 
Thereupon  pulling  Woodchuck 

1  They  used  to  have  game-bags  made  of  woven 
animal  wool  or  hair.  Mi-' ganagwe  is,  however,  more 
specifically  a  birch-bark  basket. 


abi-e'somal'        udlr"tun        kada'k       mi-'ga- 
her  hair,  .          she  made  another  recepta* 

nagwe  moni'mkwes-wi          bi'e'sawrye 2 

cle  of  Woodchuck  hair  material.  * 

nagasi-'bi  uli-'dahasin  Gluska'be 

Then  indeed  he  was  glad  Gluskp'be 

e'bagwa"tc       ala-'mi-zu       noma'djin       kpi- 
on  account  of  it      he  thanked  her.      Then  he  left    in* 
the  woods, 

na'ga        ugaga'loman'        awa-'s-a'      udr'lan 
and  he  called  for  beasts.  He  said, 

ne'udabazik'w  awa-'s-aduk  ga'dr 

"Come          assemble,          you  animals!          It  will  be, 

metka'mi-ge        kanoka'n-ebatc        nage-'hel'a 
end  of  the  world.          You  will  all  perish."  Then* 

accordingly 

awa-'s-ak        usakhaba'srna        ekrki-'krdjik 
animals  came  forth  of  all  kinds. 

nodi-'lan        i-'yu-       bi'zaba'zik'"        nami-'- 
Then  he  told  them,      "Here     you  all  get  inside      my* 

ganagwek       natc       a"tama       knami-"tona 
bag,  here  not  you  will  see 

metka'mi'gek     na'ga     ne'ka     bi-gi-'daba'silit 
the  end  of  the  world."     And     then     they  all  entered 

mi- 'ganagwek      amadjewa'lan       wi-'gwomuk 
the  bag,  he  carried  it  to  the  wigwam. 

udi-'kn        o"kamas-ar        an-r"        no"kami 
He  said  to         his  grandmother,         "So!         grandma, 

nabedji'p'han       awa-'s-ak       na'djini-"kwup' 
I  come  bringing          game-animals.          From  now  on 

a 'da      nsa-'gibabmigio'se-wan      nono'de's'an 
not       I  (shall  have)  such  a  hard  time  wandering  for* 
game."        Then  she  went  out 

moni'mkwes-u       ela'bit       mazi-'       eki-'kigit 
Woodchuck  looking  at  all  sorts  of 

awa-'s      mazi-'      ayo'lduwak      mi- 'ganagwek 
animal  all  they  were  there  in  the  bag. 

ubi-'di'gan  moni'mkwes-u  udi-'lan 

She  went  in  Woodchuck,  she  said  to 

kwe-nas-al'     a"tama     kola'lo'keu     kwe-'nas 
her  grandson,        "Not       you  did  well,          grandson, 

2  That  is  why  the  Woodchuck  has  only  a  thin  coat 
of  hair  on  her  belly  to  this  day. 


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VOL.  I 


gwa'skwalamolduwa'gtc  ni-'kcr'ni 

they  will  starve  to  death  in  the  future 

go'sa'snawa        udr'lan        ki-'a       nkwe-'nas 
our  descendants."      She  said,      "You,      my  grandson, 

ki-'a  lrani-"kalodaguk          go'sa'snawak 

you  I  have  great  confidence  in  you  for  our* 

descendants. 

mo'za'k        nalalo"kekatc        kda"tcwi'da'kik 
Don't  do  that  ever,  for  you  must 

ala'lo'ke        dantc     weli'ha'Igohodit      go'sa'- 
work,  whatever  they  will  benefit  our« 

snawa'  Gluskp'be  ola'm'sadawon 

descendants."  Gluskj'be  believed  her 

o"kamasar  nono'de's-an  na'ga 

his  grandmother,  then  he  went  and 

abi-'kwade'naman        amr'ganagwe      udr'lan 
opened  up  the  bag.  He  said 

awa'Va'        noda-'basik'w        gi-s        pami-'le 
to  the  animals,     "Come  out,     already     has  gone  past 

e'linsa'noijgwak         madjo'basik'" 
the  dangers.        You  all  go  out!" 

TRANSLATION 

Then  he  lay  down  on  his  bedding  and  began 
to  sing,  wishing  for  a  game-bag  of  hair,  so  that 
he  might  get  the  beasts  more  easily.  His 
grandmother  Woodchuck  then  made  him  a 
game-bag  of  deer-hair.  When  it  was  finished, 
she  tossed  it  to  Gluskp'be;  but  he  did  not 
stop  singing.  Then  again  one  of  moose-hair 
she  made,  and  tossed  it  to  him;  but  he  did 
not  stop.  Then,  pulling  woodchuck-hairs 
from  her  belly,  she  made  one  of  those. 
Gluskp'be  was  indeed  glad,  and  he  thanked 
her.  Then  he  went  into  the  woods  and  called 
all  the  animals.  He  said  to  them,  "Come  on, 
you  animals!  the  world  is  coming  to  an  end, 
and  you  animals  will  all  perish."  Then  the 
animals  of  all  kinds  came  forth;  and  he  said 
to  them,  "Get  inside  my  bag  here!  In  there 
you  will  not  see  the  world  come  to  an  end." 
Then  they  entered  the  bag,  and  he  carried  it 
to  the  wigwam.  "Now,  grandmother,"  said 
he,  "I  have  brought  some  game-animals. 


From  now  on  we  shall  not  have  such  a  hard 
time  searching  for  game."  Then  Woodchuck 
went  and  saw  all  the  different  kinds  of  ani- 
mals which  were  in  the  bag.  She  went  into 
the  wigwam,  and  said,  "You  have  not  done 
well,  grandson.  Our  descendants  will  in  the 
future  die  of  starvation.  I  have  great  hopes 
in  you  for  our  descendants.  Do  not  do  what 
you  have  done.  You  must  only  do  what  will 
benefit  them,  our  descendants."  Gluskp'be 
heeded  his  grandmother.  He  went  and  opened 
the  bag,  and  said  to  the  animals,  "Go  out! 
The  danger  has  already  gone  by.  Go  out!" 
And  they  scattered. 


3.  GLUSKA'BE  TRAPS  ALL  THE  FISH 

medji-'mi  pabp'mile  nbedjr'lotc 

Always        he  went  about.        Then  when  he  returned 

wi'gwomwak         una-'mihan         o"kamas'ol' 
to  the  wigwam,  he  saw  his  grandmother 

edalame'lrdjil         mala'm'te      osrgi'dahamal 
there  fishing.  At  last  he  became  impatient. 

nda"tam?gwi-'na      uba't'hawra      name"s-a' 
Not  really  much  she  caught  fishes. 

elr'dahp'zit  me'wia  wi'djo'ke'moge 

He  thought,  "Better  I  help  her 

no"kamas  we'djip'da  sa-'giamek'w 

my  grandmother,       so  that  not       so  difficult  fishing." 

nodli'"tun  kse'naTjgan1  k'wsagp'i- 

Then  he  made  a  weir1  across 

si-'bu  S£»)g3de"t3gwek        ni'grzi-"tak'w 

the  river    at  the  river-mouth;    then,  when  itwas  made 

uda'znaman     eba'Vi     wedji-'tc     name"s-ak 
he  made  an  opening       half  way,       so  that       the  fish 

bi'thi-'laha'dit  ne'dudji  madje'bret' 

could  enter;  then  he  started  paddling 

ami''li-     so'beguk    na'ga     aba'bmigagabwun 
out  upon        the  ocean        and        round  about  called. 

udi'da'man      nameVaduk     ga'di'      si'n'kHe 
He  said        to  the  fishes,        "It  is  going        to  run  dry 

1  The  Indians  made  rock  and  brush  fences  part  way 
across  streams,  so  that  they  could  spear  fish  as  they 
passed  through  the  opening  left  in  the  middle. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


193 


so-'bek'w       ga'di-       met'ka'mi-ge       masr'tc 
the  ocean,      going  to  be      end  of  the  world,      and  all 

ki-'lawa  Iranak'a'neba  nani-"kwup' 

you  will  die.  So  now 

ngi'zi-'tun  we'dji'tc  pma£zo'ldrek'w 

I  have  made  so  that  you  will  all  live, 

masi''       tan       noda'wi't       name's-i''nagwzit 
all  that  hear  me  of  the  fish  kind 

bi't'hi'Iatc     nazr'bomuk    masr'tc     kabmau- 
enter  in  my  river,  and  all  you  will* 

zo'ldi'ba         wzam         medjr'mrtc         a'yu 
live,  because  always  will  exist 


mazr 
all 


tan 
that 


nazi-'bum          nr"kwup' 
my  river.  Now 

noda'wit        bi't'hr'tatc 
hear  me        will  enter." 

na-'lau  name'Vak  ekrki-'gi'dji'k 

Then  coming  the  fish  all  kinds 

ma'lam          psa'n'te          yir          kse'na^gan 
at  last  it  was  full  this  fish- weir; 

nogu'p'haman      te'dalrmedji-'mi     azu'ldi'dit 
then  he  closed  it,         then  there  always        they  were* 
enclosed. 

ne'noma'djin         awr'gwomwak         nodr'lan 
Then  he  went  away     to  his  wigwam.    Then  he  said  to 

o"k3mas-al' 


an-r 


no"kamr 


his  grandmother,          "£»»»•' 


ada'tc 


grandma,          never 

ni-"kwup  ksa-'gi-ameu'  rbi-'tdetc 

now  you  fish  so  hard  only  will 

kana'djip'hak       na'me's-ak       tan       edu'dji 
you  go  and  get  fishes  as         much  as 

tcwe'lmat  namoni'mkwes-u  nodji-'- 

you  want."  Then  Woodchuck  then  went  to* 

dabana'uzin      tan      owa'      ugi-'zrala'lo'kan 
examine  what  he  he  had  worked  at. 


nama'be'djo's-et 
When  she  arrived 


yuda"k          kse'na»;gan 
here,  the  fish-weir 


wuli-psa'n'te        ekrki-'gi'hi-dit        na'me's-ak 
brimful  all  kinds  fish, 

e'bagwa'tc   kaba'ka'wadi'hadowak   ma'djelan 
on  account  of  it     they  crowded  each  other  out.       She 
left 


moni'mkwes-u         bedji-'lat        wr'gwomwak 
Woodchuck  and  came  to  the  wigwam. 

udi-'lan        kwe'nas        a"tama        kola'lo'keu 
She  said,        "Grandson,        not        you  have  done  well, 

mazi-'ne'k-a"tahat          na'me's-ak          tandj 
all  annihilating  the  fish.  How  will 

wudlauzo'ldi-na        go'sa'snawak        ni-'ka'n-i 
they  finally  all  do       our  descendants       in  the  future, 

wzam     gi-u'na     gwa'skwai-ge'sit     na'me's-a' 
should          you  and  I        have  plenty  as  many        fish 

tan  ge"si-tcuwe'lmak'w  ni'"kwup'te 

as  many  as  wish?  Now  at  once 

na'dji     no'dahale     gehe'la     o'na'gin      i-'dak 
go    turn  them  loose."    Accordingly    he  got  up,    said, 

ko'Iame     no"kami     na'dji      pkwu'daha'laTjk' 
"You  are  right,       grandma,        I  will  go       open  it  up 

ni-"kwup' 
now." 

TRANSLATION 

Then  he  went  wandering  about.  When  he 
returned  to  his  wigwam,  he  saw  his  grand- 
mother there  fishing.  He  at  last  became  im- 
patient, as  he  saw  that  his  grandmother  was 
having  a  hard  time  fishing.  Then  he  thought, 
"I  had  better  help  my  grandmother,  so  that 
she  will  not  have  such  a  hard  time."  Then  he 
made  a  weir  across  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  left  an  opening  half  way  in  the  middle, 
so  that  the  fish  could  enter.  Then  he  started 
out  upon  the  ocean,  and  called  everywhere  to 
all  the  fish,  saying  to  them,  "The  ocean  is 
going  to  dry  up,  the  world  is  coming  to  an  end, 
and  you  will  all  die;  but  I  have  arranged  it 
so  that  you  will  all  live  if  you  will  listen  to  me. 
All  who  hear  me,  enter  into  my  river,  and  you 
will  live,  because  my  river  will  survive!  Enter 
all  ye  who  hear  me!"  All  kinds  of  fish  came, 
until  the  fish-weir  was  full;  and  then  he 
closed  it  up  and  held  them  there.  Then  he 
went  to  his  wigwam,  and  said  to  his  grand- 
mother, "Now,  grandma,  you  will  not  have  to 
fish  so  hard,  you  will  only  have  to  go  and 
gather  as  many  fish  as  you  want."  Then 
Woodchuck  went  to  examine  what  he  had 


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VOL.  I 


done;  and  when  she  arrived,  she  saw  the  weir 
brimful  of  all  kinds  of  fish  that  were  even 
crowding  one  another  out.  Then  she  went 
back,  and  said  to  her  grandson,  "Grandson, 
you  have  not  done  well  by  annihilating  all  the 
fish.  How  will  our  descendants  manage  in 
the  future,  should  you  and  I  now  have  as  many 
fish  as  we  wish?  Now  go  at  once  and  turn 
them  loose!"  Accordingly  he  said,  "You  are 
right,  grandmother,  I  will  go  and  open  up 
[the  weir] ;"  and  he  went  and  turned  them  loose. 

4.  GLUSKA'BE  TEMPERS  THE  WIND 

nodami-"k-3n3man  Gluska'be  kwesawa'pskek 
Then  he  overturned  Glusk^'be  a  rocky  point, 

u'djr'tun  wuduT1  nodasr'pso'kon 

he  made  of  it  his  canoe."        Then  he  went  duck> 

hunting 

wudo-'luk  pana'pskolak'"  pdagwr'na 
in  his  canoe  of  hollowed-out  stone.  Not  indeed 

unr'lpwi'a'  sr'psa'  medjr'mi  kasala'm'san 
he  killed  birds;  always  the  wind  blew, 

sa-'grgi''zi'bi'e  mala'm'te  sala"ki 

he  could  hardly  paddle.  At  last  suddenly 

muska'wHe  elr'dahpzi't  tona'gi'ma 

he  grew  angry,  thinking,  "What 

alr'dabi'le          edu'dji  medji'mala'm'sak 

causes  such  continuous  winds?" 

r'dam  Gluskp'be  no"komi  naga'di 
Said  Gluskp'be,  "Grandma,  I  am  going 

gwHawa"tun  da'nwedla'm'sak  moni'- 
to  search  for  where  the  wind  blows."  Wood* 

mkwes'u  r'dam  nkwe'nas  ga'matc 
chuck  said,  "Grandchild,  very 

nawa'doge  r'dak  Gluskp'be  ndlo"san 
far  away."  Said  Gluskp 'be,  "I  am  going  there, 

da'nte  be'loda'k  naga'di  na"'miha  awe'n 
no  matter  how  far.  I  am  going  to  see  who 

gi-zi'"tok'w  gasala'm'san  na'bi'tc  be'djo'se 
makes  the  wind.  Soon  I  shall  return." 

1  No  particular  locality  is  indicated. 


noma'djin    we-'tcsak    na'lo'set 
Then  he  went        against  the  wind        going;        as  he= 
gained  headway, 

aha/dji    aijgwa'malam'san    ma'lam    tqba'was 
further     increased  the  wind.      Then     on  the  seventh 

ge''sogana'ki'wik        grzawa"kotc        gi-zo"se 
day  he  could  hardly  could  walk 

edu'dalam'sak          masi1'          manala'm'senal 
such  strong  wind.  All  blew  off 

ubi'e'somal       mala'm       una-'mihal       eda'li- 
his  hair.  Then  he  saw  there,  swaying- 

gwanewi'lit    ktaha'n'dwi'    sr'bas    mala'm'te 
his  wings  slowly,        a  great  magic         bird.         Then, 

mobe'djo'se     awa"katc     e'Hit     ktci-'si-psal 
when  he  came  there    with  difficulty    where  was    the« 
great  bird, 

udi-'lan     namo"sumi-     ndaha'be't     ki-si'ha'- 
he  said,          "My  grandfather          could  not          you» 

dawan        aijgwo'mola'm'san        naktci''si'bas 
possibly  make       stronger  wind?"       Then  the  big  bird 

udr'lan    no"s3s    na't'e     tege"sigi-zi'ha'dawa 
said,     "My  grandchild,       that's       as  much  as  I  can= 
make." 

Gluskp'be     udr'lan     ni-"kwup'      ni'"kwQba 
Glusk^'be  said,  "Now       now  if  possible 

aTjgwo'mi-spa'brane  ye-e'+  nama't 

sit  higher  up  far  over  there 

tokwoT/k'i'  edali'spadanek  naba" 

on  the  hill          where  there  is  a  peak,  then  ought 

oTjgwo'mala'm'san2  i'da'k  si''bas 

blow  stronger.1  Said  the  bird, 

nada"tegani'         kwe'nas        yu't'e       e'bi'a' 
"Not  able  am  I,         grandson;         here         I  have  sat 

ne-'ge-gefoge  udi-'lan  Gluskp'be 

since  the  beginning."  Said  Glusk/be, 

namo"sumi-  nig'atc  kwi-djo"kemal 

"My  grandfather,  I  indeed  will  help  you." 

si-'bas  i-'dak  eda'git'e  ki-'si- 

The  bird  said,  "If  so  you  can 

wi'djo"kemrane  ke'hele't  ndlo"s<m 

help  me,  surely  I  will  go  there, 

2  Mentioned  by  the  narrator  as  another  one  of 
Gluskp'be's  deceptions  following  the  spirit  of  those 
narrated  in  the  two  preceding  episodes. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


195 


wzam     nda'tcwe'ldam9n     masr'     elkwe'bi'a 
because  I  wish  that          all          facing  where  I  sit 

wulr'gasala'm'san         naGluska'be          awi'"- 
to  have  benefit  of  wind."        Then  Gluskp'be        took* 

xowa-'man1      ktci-'sr'psal'     oma'dje'wa-'man 
him  on  his  back1       the  big  bird,        he  carried  him  off. 

mala'm'te  eda'li'spa"se-gek  neda'li' 

Then  where  the  high  peak  was,  there 

balr'p'hat  ktca'wa'is  naktcr'sr'bas 

he  dropped  him         accidentally,         then  the  big  bird 

tamilgwane-"te'sin   naGluska'be  odji''madjin 
suddenly  had  his  wing  broken.    Then  Gluskp'be    went* 
away. 

malam"te    uwi'gwomuk   ube'djo'set    udr'lan 
At  last  to  his  wigwam  he  came.  He  said 

o"kamas-al'         anni'"         natc        ni-"kwup' 
to  his  grandmother,  "So!  here  now 

no'li'sr'pso'kan        nr"kwambtc       medjr'mi 
I  shall  have  good  duck-hunting        and  now       always 

wuli'awr'ban  ke'helat'e          wula'wi'ban 

it  will  be  good  calm."         Surely         it  was  good  calm, 

na-'lau        udasr'pso'kan        me'djrmawrban 
then        he  went  duck-hunting        always  it  was  calm, 

ka'span'e'  ge"sok  a'gwa?jgwa'lzabi- 

thick,  so  much  scummy  water, 

a"tama          e'bwe          gi'zr'bre          udr'tan 
not  it  seemed  he  could  paddle.  He  said 

o"kamas-al'       e'lawetc       mr'na       ndlo"san 
to  his  grandmother,     "I  think     again     I  will  go  where 

kasala'm'san    e-'i't    wza'mi    medji'ma'wrban 
the  wind  is,  because          it  is  always  calm." 

mi''na         oma'djin          ktci''si''bas         e-'i't 
Again  he  went  (where)  the  big  bird         was; 

ma'lam        nama'       bedjo"set        nda"tama 
then,  when  there  he  came,  it  did  not 

wewi'nago'wi'a'l     wzam     mr'na     grzr'ganut 
recognize  him,        because        again         already  grown 

ubi-e"soma    Gluska'be    udi'lan    ktcr'sr'psal' 
his  hair.  Gluskp'be          said          to  the  big  bird, 

n9mu"sumi  danali''dabi'<le  edu'dji 

"My  grandfather,          what  is  the  reason          so  much 

1  X,  accidental  soft  gutteral  spirant,  resulting  from 
collision  of '  and  h. 


medji-'mi   awr'bak  ta'nagwabe't   ali-'dabi-'le 
always        it  is  calm?" — -        "For  the  simple        reason 

se'nabe     ryu'dali     be'djo'san     abala"sad9be 
a  man  here  came  bald-headed, 

madji''nagwsu       uda"tcweldam9n       aijgwa'- 
evil-looking,  he  wished  stronger* 

mgla'm'sgn    naso"ke    di-'lan     ndadje''li-'tun 
wind,      so  then      I  told  him      I  could  not  manage  it, 

na'fe      tega'gi'       grzi'ha'dawa      ndi-'fogun 
this        was  as  much        as  I  was  able.        He  told  me, 

kgma'djewa'mgbn  edalr'spadgnek  n9ge'hel-a' 
'I  will  carry  you          to  where  it  is  higher'.          Then,* 
sure  enough, 

madjewa'mit      n9b9na"kalggun       ndgmi-'lg- 
he  carried  me;          then  he  dropped  me,          and  my* 

wane'te"si-magu'n       ni'"kwup'      pe'sagwut'e 
wing  was  broken,  now  just  one 


i-'bi- 

only, 


na'lagwan 
my  wing." 


udi-'}an 
Said 


Glusk^'be 
Glusk^'be, 


namu"sumi       ni'a'tc       mi-'na       gaba'dago'- 
"My  grandfather,          I         again  will  carry  you* 

sailed      e'bi'anaban       na-'gatc      kuli-'to'lan 
back          where  you  would  sit  and  also  heal 

ka'bgwan        udi-'lan        eda'gife        kwe'nas 
your  wing."         He  said,         "Forsooth,         grandchild, 

ali'gi'zi-hada'wane      ga'modjitc      noli-'dahasi 
if  you  could  do  it,          very  much         I  should  rejoice; 


grs          ga'matc          r'yu 
already  very  here 


nsrwa  s-rnan 
I  am  tired  lying." 


neGluskp'be        uwi-'xoa'man         udlo'sa-'lan 
Then  Glusk^'be      took  him  on  his  back,      he  carried* 
him 

ebi-'li-daban  uli-'ta'wan  ulagwa'nal 

where  he  would  sit,  he  healed  his  wing. 

udi''lan         nehe"         namu"sumi         agwe'- 
He  said,  "Nehe'!  grandfather,  try» 

dji'lagwa'newi  nagehe'l'a          ktci-'si'bas 

moving  your  wing."         Then  surely         the  great  bird 

udag'wedji'lagwa'newi  Gluska'be 

tried  to  move  his  wing.  Gluskp'be 

ugi'bla'm'soge       ni-'dak       si-'bas       ga'matc 
blew  over.        Then  said        the  bird,          "Very  much, 


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VOL.  I 


kwe'nas     kadala-'mihi-      Gluska'be     udi-'lan 
grandchild,     you  have  pleased  me."    Glusk/be     said, 

namu"sumi       ni-"kwup'       mo'zak        mi-'na 
"Grandfather,  now  do  not  again 

ado'dji-       medji-'mi1       da'lelagwa'newi-'katc 
so  much  always  use  your  wings  so  steadily, 

wza'mi          medji-'malam'sak          nda"tama 
because  continuous  winds,  not 

go'sa'snawak       gi-'zi-       gado'n'kazo'ldi-wiak 
our  descendants  can  hunt  for  their  living, 

edu'dlam's-ak   tane'dudji   da'lrlagwa'newran 
such  winds  whenever  you  move  your  wings 

nda"tomo       go'sa'snawak     gi-'zi-        si-'pso'- 
not  our  descendants  can  hunt* 

kazo'ldi-wiak        wzam         a"tama         awe'n 
ducks,  because  not  any  one 

gi-zi-'bi-e  so-'beguk  ni-'kwpbaba' 

can  paddle  on  the  ocean.  Now,  if  possible, 

na'nagwutc         ke-'gi-         ali-'lagwane'wi-ane 
sometimes  for  a  day  move  your  wings, 

a'l'a-  ni'so'gani  na'g3dandala"si-mi 

or  else  for  two  days,  then  rest 

ke-'gi1      ndjawe-'dji'gi'zi      si-'pso'kaso'ldi'dit 
a  day,  so  that  they  can  hunt  ducks 

go'sa'snawak        so-'beguk        i-'dak        si-'bas 
our  descendants       on  the  ocean."       Said       the  bird, 

ko-'lome        kwe'nos        e'lwefe'f        wza'mi- 
"You  speak  truth,       grandson.       I  guess       too  much 

medji-'mala'm'san    ni'"kwabtc  a 'da     ado'dji 
steady  wind  (there  was),     and  from  now     not     such 

medji-'mala'm'sanu     nama'djin     wi'gwomuk 
steady  wind."        Then  he  departed        to  his  wigwam 

Gluska'be        namabe'djo'set        wuli-'dahasu 
Gluskp 'be.  When  he  arrived,  she  rejoiced 

moni'mkwes-u 
Woodchuck. 

TRANSLATION 

Then  Gluska'be  overturned  a  rocky  point 
and  made  of  it  a  canoe  for  himself.  Then  he 
went  duck-hunting  in  his  hollow  stone  canoe. 
He  could  not  kill  any  birds,  as  the  wind  blew 
so  hard  that  he  could  hardly  paddle  about. 


At  last  he  suddenly  grew  angry,  thinking, 
"What  causes  such  continuous  winds?" 

Then  Gluska'be  said,  "Grandma,  I  am  going, 
to  search  for  the  place  where  the  wind  comes 
from." — "It  is  very  far,"  said  his  grandmother. 
"No  matter  how  far  away  it  is,"  said  he,  "I 
am  going  to  find  out  who  causes  it.  Soon  I 
shall  return."  He  went  away,  going  against 
the  wind,  it  growing  stronger  as  he  went.  On 
the  seventh  day  he  could  hardly  walk,  it  was 
so  strong.  It  blew  off  all  his  hair.  Then  he 
saw  a  great  magic  bird  slowly  waving  its 
wings,  making  the  wind.  Then,  when  he 
reached  the  place  with  difficulty,  he  said, 
"Grandfather,  couldn't  you  possibly  make 
stronger  wind?" — "Grandchild,  that's  the  best 
I  can  do,"  said  the  big  bird.  Then  Gluska'be 
said,  "If  you  could  possibly  sit  higher  up,  far 
over  there  on  the  hill  on  the  peak,  you  would 
make  it  stronger." — "No,  grandson,  I  could 
not,"  said  he;  "I  have  sat  here  since  the  begin- 
ningof  things." — "I  will  help  you,  grandfather," 
said  Gluska'be.  "Very  well,"  said  the  bird. 
"If  you  will  help  me,  I  will  go,  because  I 
want  all  who  face  me  to  have  the  benefit  of 
my  wind."  Then  Gluska'be  took  the  big  bird 
on  his  back,  carried  him  to  a  high  ledge,  and 
there  dropped  him  accidentally,  so  that  he 
suddenly  broke  his  wing.  Then  Gluska'be 
left,  and  went  home.  "Now,"  said  he,  "I 
shall  have  good  duck-hunting.  We  shall 
always  have  a  calm."  Then  he  went  out 
paddling.  Surely  it  was  calm.  The  water 
grew  so  thick  with  scum,  that  he  could  hardly 
paddle.  Said  he,  "I  think  I  will  go  again  there 
where  the  wind  is.  It  is  always  too  calm." 
Then  he  went  to  where  the  great  bird  was. 
The  bird  did  not  know  him  now,  when  he 
arrived,  because  Gluska'be's  hair  had  already 
grown  out  again.  "What  has  always  caused  so 
much  calm,  grandfather?"  asked  Gluska'be 
of  the  big  bird.  "Simply  that  an  ugly  bald- 
headed  man  came  here  and  wanted  stronger 
wind;  and  I  told  him  that  I  could  not  manage 
it,  that  it  was  all  I  could  do;  and  he  told  me 
he  would  carry  me  on  to  a  higher  place.  Then, 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT   TRANSFORMER  TALES 


197 


sure  enough,  he  carried  me;  and  he  dropped 
me  and  broke  my  wing.  Now  I  have  only 
one  wing."  Then  said  Gluska'be,  "Grand- 
father, I  will  carry  you  back  again  where  you 
sat,  and  will  also  heal  you." — "O  grandchild!" 
said  the  bird,  "I  should  rejoice  so  much  if  you 
would.  I  am  already  tired  of  lying  here." 
Then  Gluska'be  carried  him,  and  put  him 
back  where  he  wanted  to  sit,  and  healed  his 
wing.  "Now,  grandfather,  try  your  wing." 
And  the  bird  tried  his  wing,  and  it  was  healed. 
Gluska'be  was  blown  over.  The  bird  was  very 
glad.  "Very  much  you  have  pleased  me, 
grandchild." — "Now,  grandfather,"  said  Glus- 
ka'be, hereafter  do  not  use  your  wings  too 
steadily,  because  our  descendants  cannot  hunt 
for  their  living  when  there  are  such  continu- 
ous winds.  When  you  move  your  wings,  our 
descendants  cannot  paddle  or  hunt  ducks  on 
the  water.  Now,  if  possible,  wave  your  wings 
a  day  or  for  two  days,  then  rest  a  day,  so  that 
our  descendants  can  hunt  ducks  on  the  ocean." 
— "You  speak  the  truth.  I  guess,  grandson, 
there  was  too  much  wind.  From  now  on 
there  shall  not  be  such  strenuous  wind."  Then 
Gluska'be  went  home;  and  when  he  arrived, 
his  grandmother  rejoiced. 


5.    GLUSKA'BE  STEALS  TOBACCO  FROM 

GRASSHOPPER,  AND  BESTOWS  IT  UPON 

THE  WORLD 


monim'kwes-u 
Woodchuck 


udr'lan 
said 


Gluska'bal' 
to  Glusk/be, 


nkwe'nas          kmi'tsana'zi'bna          udama'we 
"My  grandchild,  we  are  out  of  tobacco." 

Gluska'be         udi-'lan         dana'skwe        e-'i't 
Glusk/be  said,  "Where  lives 

udama'we     moni'mkwes'u     udr'lan     wa-'ka 
tobacco?"  Woodchuck  said,  "Far  out 

ami-'li'  ktcr'mana'hanuk  tc<r'las 

on  the  water  on  a  big  island  Grasshopper 

1 A  commonly  recognized  unit  of  measure,  known  as 
a  "look."  In  the  open  or  on  the  water  this  would  mean 
about  a  league;  in  the  woods,  about  two  hundred  yards, 
as  the  term  is  used  by  the  Indians. 


eda'li'madje'ganat       udama'weal'        ke-'nuk 
there  raises  tobacco;  but 

nda"tama        ugi'ze'lma'wral        sagi-'nogwzu 
not  he  will  share  it,  he  is  stingy, 

na'ga       a"tci-        kr'nha'n'do        nsana'gwzu 
and  besides          great  magician  dangerous." 

Gluska'be       udi-'lan       o"k3mas-al'       ni-a'tc 
Glusk/be  said  to  his  grandmother,  "I 

gi-zi'ha'dawun        ugi'ze'lmun       udama'weal' 
am  able  to  distribute  the  tobacco." 

noli'"tun    agwi-'dan    mala'm'te    gi'zi'"tak'w 
Then  he  made    a  canoe.    At  last,    when  it  was  made, 

udjawa"p3n3man      nabr'k     na'ga     udarni-'- 
he  put  it  in         in  the  water         and         pushed  it  off» 

heka'man         nabedjr'sawHe         pe'sagwada 
with  his  foot.  Then  it  glided  once 

tegaga'bi'muk'1  nda"tegani  te-'bi- 

as  far  as  one  can  see.1          Not  enough         sufficiently 

kasi'"kawi-'le     wadu't     nr'kada'k     udli-'tun 
fast  enough  goes    his  canoe.   Then  another    he  made; 

na'tc  gi-zi'"tak'w  udjawa"panam3n 

and  also,  when  it  was  made,  he  launched  it, 

udebi'gada'hin     udamr'ttekaman     nabedji''- 
he  jumped  in,     he  pushed  it  off  with  his  foot.     Then* 

sawile       ni-'sada       tegaga'brmuk'        rni-'na 
it  glided  twice  a  "look"  again 

a"tama     udebi'na'muwan     nami-na     kada'k 
not          it  was  sufficient.          Then  again          another 

udli'"tun        gi-zi'"tak'w        udjawa"p3n3man 
he  made.  When  it  was  made,          he  launched  it, 

mi-'na          udebr'gadahin          ami-'ltekaman 
again      he  jumped  in,      he  pushed  it  off  with  his  foot 

nsa'da  tegaga'bi-muk  bedji-'sawHe 

thrice  a  "look"  it  glided. 

nagasi-'br  e'bagwatc  abede'lmu 

And  then  because  of  it  he  laughed. 

nudli-daha'man2      tca'lsal      ki'u"se3     we'dji 
Then  he  wished2      Grasshopper      to  be  cruising  away= 
from  home3         so  that 

*  The  magic  will  possessed  by  the  conjurers. 

3  Denotes  to  be  abroad  in  the  woods  in  search  of 
favorable  conditions  for  hunting.  This  is  a  common 
Indian  occupation. 


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ne-'gama  nrgi-"kanat  udama'weal 

he  could  secure  his  tobacco. 

bedjo"set        nama'        gehela't'e        a"tama 
When  he  arrived          there          sure  enough,          not 

tca'las       a'yi'        masi''       ge-'salat       tca'las 
Grasshopper     was  there,      all      he  possessed  himself* 
of        Grasshopper, 

be-'djit-e  pemi-'gi'djik  udama'weal 

even  what  was  growing  tobacco 

uda'ki-'konuk       Gluska'be       na'ga       mi-'na 
in  his  garden  Glusk/be.  And  again 

ude'bi'hasin       wudu'luk       na'ga       udami1'- 
he  got  in  his  canoe,  and  he  pushed  it« 

Itekaman  nama'fe  bedjr'sawi'te 

off  with  his  foot  there  he  glided 

uda'si-'damonuk1       udr'lan          o"kamas-al' 
to  his  beach.1  He  said  to  his  grandmother, 

nabe't'ho'lan      udama'we      a'ndatc      mr'na 
"I  have  brought  tobacco,  never  again 

kanada'wi'hogowi'na      wulr'dahasu      moni'- 
will  it  be  scarce."  Rejoiced  Wood« 

mkwes-u  e'slcwan  edaldo'n'kehedit 

chuck.  While  they  were  talking  there 

nobedji'bre'lan  tca'las  nogwa'galon 

then  came  paddling  up         Grasshopper;          then  he- 
shouted, 

udi'da'man     kanaka'kmo'dana'mi      nodama'- 
he  said,  "You  have  stolen  all  my 

we'im    naGluska'be     node' 'Ian     onaska-'wan 
tobacco!"     Then  Glusk^'be     then  went  out     he  met» 
him 

tca'lsal         udr'lan         ko-'lame         nak'a'na 
Grasshopper,    he  said,     "You  speak  truth,     I  took  all 

wedji'a'slcwe     nr'ka'n'i     go'sa'snawak     a'tc 
so  that         in  the  future         our  descendants         also 


ne-  gama 

they 


gi-zawe"kaha-dit  udr'lan 

can  enjoy  it."  He  said 

tca'lsal      a"tamo      ko'la'lo'ke      kada'li'sa-'- 
to  Grasshopper,          "Not          you  do  well,          you= 


1  In  the  old  days  each  hunter  had  his  own  strip  of 
beach  where  his  canoe  could  be  kept,  and  where  he 
always  landed  when  returning  home.  Beach  rights 
are  still  preserved  among  the  Montagnais  and  Naskapi. 


gelman        udama'we        ge'"sr       gi'zi-'ganat 
begrudge          tobacco,          as  much  as          you  raise 

nda'haba      ki-a      ke"sawe'kaha'wan      r'dak 
cannot  you  so  much  enjoy."  Said 

tca'las      ki-'nak'wga      mi-'li-       skani-'mrnal 
Grasshopper,  "Please  give  me  seeds, 

we'djitc         ki-zi-'ganuk          dan 
so  that  I  can  raise  how 


ge-sr 

much 


tcuwe'lmuk      Gluska'be      udr'lan      a"tama 
I  need."  Glusk/be  said,  "Not 

kmi-'lowanal          skani-'mi-nal          ke'nukdji 
I  will  give  you  seeds,  but  will 

kami-'lan      dan      ge-"si-      kadawawe"kahat 
I  give  you  how  much  you  will  need 

dan        kwena'si'an        nodr'lan        ni'"kwup' 
as         long  as  you  live."         Then  he  said,          "Now, 

kami-'l-an      udama'we      dan      gwena'bemat 
I  give  you  tobacco  as  will  support  you 

kwena'si'an       udr'tan       nehe"       kado'newi 
while  you  live."    He  said,    "Nehe'l    open  your  mouth." 

nubi-'znamawan         udo'nuk         udama'weal 
Then  he  placed  in  his  mouth  tobacco. 

udr'tan        an'i1"        ni'"kwup'        ki'za'bezin 
He  said,         "an-i-"        now  you  have  your  share 

ki-a          uni-mi'p'han  tca'lsal  na'ga 


you! 


He  took  him 


Grasshopper 


and 


uba'si-gi-nahada'wan    uda'pskwansi    udr'tan 
he  split  the  back  of  his  coat.  He  said, 

yu-'gani-'kwup'      grzi-"tolan      ka'l'agwanak 
"From  now  on  I  have  made  your  wings, 

ni-"kwup'      madje'dawrla       na'k'i'za'besin 2 
now  fly  away,  you  have  your  share."  * 

TRANSLATION 

Once  Gluska'be's  grandmother  said  to 
Gluska'be,  "My  grandchild,  we  are  out  of 
tobacco." — "Where  does  it  exist?"  asked  he. 

2  This  accounts  for  the  brown  juice  which  exudes 
from  the  grasshopper's  mouth  and  his  long  double 
wings.  "He  only  has  enough  for  one  chew,  but  that 
lasts  him  all  the  time,"  the  Indians  say. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT   TRANSFORMER   TALES 


199 


Woodchuck  answered,  "Far  out  on  a  big  island 
in  the  water.  Grasshopper  raises  tobacco; 
but  he  won't  share  it,  he  is  so  stingy;  and,  be- 
sides, he  is  a  great  dangerous  magician." — "I 
am  able  to  distribute  it,"  said  Gluska'be  to  his 
grandmother.  Then  he  built  a  canoe;  and 
when  it  was  made,  he  pushed  it  off  with  his 
foot.  Its  first  glide  was  as  far  as  he  could  see.1 
It  did  not  go  fast  enough,  this  canoe.  So  he 
made  another,  and  pushed  this  off,  jumped 
in,  and  it  went  twice  as  far,  "two  looks."  This 
was  not  enough.  Again  he  made  one,  jumped 
in,  and  pushed  it  off.  This  went  "three  looks." 
Then  he  laughed.  Then  by  a  magic  wish  he 
wished  Grasshopper  to  leave  home,  so  that  he 
could  secure  his  tobacco.  When  he  arrived  at 
Grasshopper's  place,  sure  enough,  he  was 
gone.  Then  Gluskp'be  took  it  all,  even  what 
was  growing  in  the  fields,  got  into  his  canoe, 
pushed  it  off,  and  returned.  He  said  to  his 
grandmother,  "I  have  brought  tobacco.  Never 
again  will  it  be  scarce."  And  they  rejoiced. 
Then,  while  they  were  talking,  Grasshopper 
came  paddling  up.  He  shouted,  and  said, 
"You  have  stolen  all  my  tobacco!"  Gluska'be 
went  out  to  meet  him.  "It  is  true,"  said 
Gluska'be,  "I  have  taken  all.  The  reason  is, 
that  in  the  future  our  descendants  too  may 
enjoy  it.  You  do  not  do  well  to  begrudge 
tobacco.  You  raise  so  much,  that  you  cannot 
enjoy  or  use  it."  Replied  Grasshopper,  "Please 
give  me  seeds,  so  that  I  may  raise  what  I 
need!"— "No,"  said  Gluska'be,  "I  will  not  give 
you  seeds,  but  I  will  give  you  as  much  as  you 
need  for  your  lifetime.  I  give  you  sufficient 
for  life.  Now  open  your  mouth!"  Then  he 
put  some  tobacco  in  his  mouth.  "Now  you 
have  your  share."  Then  he  took  Grasshopper 
and  split  the  back  of  his  coat,  and  said, 
"From  now  on  you  shall  have  wings.  Fly 
away,  you  have  your  share!"  (The  grass- 
hopper has  his  tobacco  in  his  mouth,  and  he 
chews  and  spits  it  all  the  time,  as  may  be  seen 
by  picking  him  up.) 

1  "One  look,"  a  unit  of  distance. 


6.    GLUSKA'BE  FIXES  THE  RIVERS 
'  AND  FALLS 

Gluska'be     udr'lan     o"kamas-al'     nr"kwup' 
Glusk/be         said         to  his  grandmother,         "Now, 

no"kami          nagwr'lawi'wali'"tun          dantc 
grandma,  I  shall  search  out  and  prepare  for 

go'sa'snawak2          we'dji-         a.da'        sak-a"- 
our  descendants,2  so  that  not  hard* 

hedi-hedik'w          elmauzo'ldrdit          ni'k'a'ni 
times  they  will  have      while  they  live      in  the  future. 

ni-"kwup'          nabo-'sin         ndabana-'wr"tun 
Now  I  leave,  I  will  inspect 

si-'bual    na'ga    nagwa'sabe'mal    ni'"kwup'tc 
rivers  and  lakes.  Now  also 

nsi-'pkHa        no"kami         ke'nuk        mo'zak 
I  shall  be  a  long  time,         grandma,         but         don't 

nsa'hi-'katc     nubo-'sin    oma'dje'bian     masr' 
worry."        Then  he  left,         he  began  paddling,         all 

ubi-t'hi-'tanal         si-'bual       sa'Tjkade'tagwegil 
he  entered  the  rivers  which  emptied  into 

so'beguk         uda'banawi'"  tonal         nada-'ma 
the  ocean,  he  inspected  them.  Then  where 

sa-'gi-k'e      uli'"tun     e'lami      ba'n'tagwr'kek 
difficulties  were     he  fixed  it     going  among     the  river> 
fall  places, 

we'dji'tc     a'da     ado'dji      sak'a"hedi'hi'dik'w 
so  that      not      ever  so      hard  times  they  would  have 

o"sas-a'         ni-'ka'n'i        masi'a"tc         be'dji 
his  descendants         in  the  future.         And  all         even 

wunr'ganal3     ugr'zi'mosi'kte'manal      we'dji 
the  carrying  places  *  he  cleared  out  for 

wulau'das'ak  mala'm'te  pe-'sagwun 

good  path  place.  Then  one 

si-'bu         bi't'hr'bret         nabo-'nak         udu't 
river      he  paddled  into.    Then  he  placed      his  canoe, 

2  This  implies  that  people  were  always  in  existence 
somewhere. 

3  A  "carry"  is  the  land  separating  two  navigable 
pieces  of  water. 


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VOL.  I 


ugadagwa"tun      nafe 
turned  it  over  then 


edalipamapskwi'lak 
where  it  turned  to  stone 


e'skwat'e 
still  there 


ni'"kwup'te'  ' 
now  even.1 

TRANSLATION 


Then  said  Glusk^'be  to  his  grandmother, 
"Now,  grandmother,  I  am  going  to  travel  to 
search  for  and  transform  things,  so  that  our 
descendants  may  not  have  such  hard  times  to 
exist  in  the  future.  Now  I  am  leaving,  and 
shall  inspect  the  rivers  and  lakes.  I  shall  be 
gone  long,  but  do  not  worry."  Then  he  started 
off  paddling,  and  entered  all  the  rivers  empty- 
ing into  the  ocean.  He  inspected  them. 
Wherever  there  were  bad  falls,  he  lessened 
them,  so  that  they  would  not  be  too  dangerous 
for  his  descendants.  He  cleared  the  carrying- 
places.  Then  he  left  his  canoe  upside  down, 
where  it  turned  into  stone,  and  may  be  seen 
there  yet.* 

7.   GLUSKA'BE  STOPS  THE  WATER 

FAMINE,  ORIGINATES  FISHES  AND  THE 

FAMILIES 

amaska-'man  o'dene  kadama'gi'nagwsulduwak 
He  found       a  village  (where)  they  looked  feeble 

a'lnpbak        e'lmi*         na'lmuik      pglabemu  * 
the  people.  Up  river  Guards-Water  ' 

uga'lhama'wun        nabi''        a'lnpba'       nabi'' 
held  back          water          from  the  people.          Water 

na'nagwutc    kwa'skwi'     ka'dawusmo'lduwak 
some  to  death  died  of  thirst. 

mala'm'te  Gluskp'be  dalibe'djo'se  una''mi'ha 
Then  Gluskj'be  there  came  he  saw 


udalna'bema 
his  people 


kadamagi'nagwsu'lduwak 
looking  sickly  feeble. 


no'dagwedji-<molan       tanali''dabi'vle       rda'- 
Then  he  asked,   "What  is  the  reason  (of  this)?"   They* 

1  This  was  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot  River,  and 
the  canoe  is  nowadays  pointed  out  as  a  rock  lying  on 
the  shore  near  Castine. 

1  The  rock  near  Castine,  Me.,  mentioned  in  preced- 
ing footnote. 


nagi'zi-ha'dawun 
can  make  him 


mohodit       ke'ganaka"tahogona       pglabe'mu 
said,  "Almost  he  has  killed  us         Guards- Water; 

ngwa'skwi'        kada'wusmoldi'bana      nagaT- 
we  are  dying  of  thirst,  as  he* 

hamogonena  nabi''  no'drdaman 

forbids  us  water."  Then  he  said 

Gluskp'be  ni-'a'tc 

Glusk?'be,  "I 

kemi-'lgona     nabi''     nodlo"sana    sa'rjgamal4 
give  you         water."         They  went          to  the  chief4 

pglabe'mu        e-'i't        nodi' 'Ian        kegame'si- 
Guards-Water     where  he  was;     then  he  said,     "Why 

kadama'gi'hat'          go'sa'snawa'          naso"ke 
do  you  enfeeble  our  descendants?  For  this 

ni'"kwup'     gode'ldaman     elr'gadama'gi'hat' 
now  you  will  be  sorry  for  enfeebling 

go'sa'snawa'       ni'"kwup'       nra       namr'lan 
our  descendants,  now  I  shall  give  them 

nabi''     namazi-'tc'      kade'dabi''    wulp'beda'- 
water,          and  all  will          share  the  water          good* 

mana  ni'mi'p'hon  na'ga  wdama'hi'ganip'han 
benefit."     Then  he  grabbed  him     and     he  broke  his* 
back: 

we'dji'       ni'"kwup'     tama'hi'ga'nat      masi'' 
hence  now  broken-backed  all 

kaba'lamak    metcda"tamo    ugi'zelda'muwan 
bull-frogs  are.         Even  then  not         he  would  give  up 

nabi''  Gluskp'be   wr'kwanaman    uda'mhi'gan 
water.  Gluskp'be  took  his  axe 

nagasr'bi'  uda'm'tahan  ktci'a'bas'i 

and  cut  down  a  big  tree 

wi'gwe'sk'  uga'uhan  pglabe'mual 

yellow  birch,         cutting  it  so         upon  Guards- Water 

nelega'wi'lat          wr'gwesk'  pgbbe'mual 

when  it  fell  yellow  birch  Guards- Water 

gwa'sk'wtahan        nawe'dji'         ki'zi'dabr'taTjk 
it  struck  him  dead.  That  is  how  originated 

si''bu        pan-awa'mpskewtuk'w6          namazi'' 
the  river  Penobscot  River 5  then  all 

*  A  frog-like  monster,  the  prototype  of  the  frogs. 

4  Supposed  to  have  been  at  Chesuncook  Lake. 

5  The  etymology  of  this  name  is  not  clear.      It  is 
translated  by  the  narrator  as  "river  that  broadens  out." 
Varying  translations  have  been  suggested. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


201 


pska"tagwnul  si-'bual  namazi-' 

branch  streams  rivers  and  all 

soTjgade'tagwal  ktci'si-'buk  wadji'' 

river  inlets  into  the  big  river  so 

ki-'si'dabi-'te  ktci'sr'bu  namazi-' 

originated  the  great  river,  and  all 

a'lnpbak        edu'dji        ka'dawusmo'ldrhi'dit 
the  people  so  were  thirsty 

namazi''  udja'u'pigi'daho'ldi'no.  nona'nagwutc 
then  all  jumped  into  the  water,  then  some 

name"s'Ha1uladowak   tcigwa'lsuHa'uladowak 
became  fish,  became  frogs, 

to'lbaHa'uladowak  wa"kesuak  i-'bi 

became  turtles,  a  few  only 

we'dauzo'ldi'djik         ni'"kwup'         nawe'dji' 
survived.  Now  from  this 

madje'gedit'  kada-'gik  a'lnpbak 

they  increased  others  people. 

ni'"kwup'.       we'dji-       ude'dagwabr'ta'mana 
Now  hence  they  inhabit  the  length  of 

pan-awa'mpskewtu'k'w    nawe'dji'     ni-"kwup'. 
Penobscot  River.  Thence  now 

a'li'wi-zo'ldi'dit        na'nagwatc        na'me's-ak 
they  are  named  some  fishes 

na'me's-Ho'ldi'dit  uda'ln^be'mnaga 

having  become  fish  their  departed  relatives. 

ni'"kwup'  nawe'dji-  wr'kwu'modit 

Now  thence  so  they  took 

eli'wi'zo'ldi'dit          eki-'ki'git          na'me's'ak 
their  namings  all  kinds  fishes 

na'ga        do'lbak 
and  turtles. 

TRANSLATION 

He  came  to  a  village  where  the  people 
looked  feeble.  Up  the  river,  a  monster  frog 
(aTjglabe'mu)  held  back  the  water  from  these 
Indians.  Some  even  died  on  account  of 
thirst  for  water.  Then  Gluskp'be  came  there. 
He  saw  his  people  looking  sickly.  He  asked 
them',  "What  is  the  trouble?"  They  told  him, 
"Guards-Water  has  almost  killed  us  all.  He 
is  making  us  die  with  thirst.  He  forbids  us 


water."  Then  Glusk/be  said,  "I  will  make 
him  give  you  water."  Then  they  went  with 
Gluskp'be,  their  chief,  to  where  Guards- Water 
is.  Then  he  said  to  him,  "Why  do  you  enfeeble 
our  grandchildren?  Now,  you  will  be  sorry 
for  this,  for  enfeebling  our  grandchildren.  Now, 
I  shall  give  them  the  water,  so  that  all  will 
receive  an  equal  share  of  the  water.  The 
benefit  will  be  shared."  Then  he  grabbed  him 
and  broke  his  back.  Hence  all  bull-frogs  are 
now  broken-backed.  Even  then  he  did  not 
give  up  the  water.  So  Gluskp'be  took  his  axe 
and  cut  down  a  big  tree,  a  yellow  birch,  cut- 
ting it  so  that  when  it  fell  down  upon  Guards- 
Water,  the  yellow  birch  killed  him.  That  is 
how  the  Penobscot  River  originated.  The 
water  flowed  from  him.  All  the  branches  of 
the  tree  became  rivers.  All  emptied  into  the 
main  river.  From  this  came  the  big  river. 
Now  all  the  Indians  were  so  thirsty,  nearly 
dying,  that  they  all  jumped  into  the  river. 
Some  turned  into  fish,  some  turned  into  frogs, 
some  turned  into  turtles.  A  few  survived. 
Now,  that's  why  from  them  other  Indians 
increased.  Now,  that's  why  they  inhabit  the 
length  of  the  Penobscot  River.  Thence  now 
they  took  their  names.  Some  took  fishes' 
names,  since  their  departed  relatives  turned 
into  fish.  Now  thence  in  this  way  they  took 
their  family  names  from  all  kinds  of  fish  and 
turtles. 

NOTE 

To  this  transformation  certain  fish,  crus- 
taceans, and  amphibians  owe  their  origin.  As 
the  myth  explains,  though  perhaps  rather 
vaguely  for  a  matter  of  such  importance  in 
the  social  life  of  the  tribe,  the  human  creatures 
who  escaped  transformation  took  the  names, 
and  assumed  some  associated  characteristics, 
of  their  transformed  relatives.  From  this  de- 
veloped some  of  the  totemic  family  groups 
with  totemic  associations  in  naming,  paternal 
descent,  and  imaginary  physical  peculiarities. 
Like  the  other  eastern  and  northern  Algonkian, 
the  Penobscot  families  each  possessed  inher- 


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VOL.  I 


ited  hunting-territories  which  were  desig- 
nated by  the  totemic  animal  names.  So  we 
find  those  families  located  near  the  ocean 
bearing  marine-animal  names,  while  the  terri- 
tories of  the  land-animal  families  are  situated 
in  the  interior.  The  latter  trace  their  origins 
to  independent  causes.  The  family  hunting- 
territory  is  called  nzi-'bum  ("my  river").  The 
family  groups  had  no  definite  marriage  regula- 
tions, or  taboos  against  killing  the  associated 
animals.  Aside  from  nicknames,  individuals 
were  generally  known  by  their  family-group 
names. 

In  this  phase  of  Penobscot  social  life  we  have 
the  most  interesting  case  of  the  sort  encoun- 
tered in  a  series  of  family  social-unit  studies 
made  among  the  northern  Algonkian  tribes.1 

8.  GLUSKA'BE  KILLS  THE  MONSTER  MOOSE 
AND  CREATES  LANDMARKS 

naGluskp'be  odjr'madjelan  kada-'gi"hi 
Then  Gluskp'be  departed  others 

agwHa'ohan  a'lnaba'  ma'lam  be'djHat 
he  searched  for  people.  At  last  he  reached 

ktcri-nagwa-'sabem  dali'mskaowat 

a  very  big  lake  where  he  met 

a'lnoba'  udr'tagun  ga'matc  sa'naTjgwa'di 
people.  They  told  him,  "Very  dangerous 

yu  ndode'nena  namas-elo"tohogona 

here  our  village.  Many  of  us  he  has  killed 

ktaha'n'dwi'  mu's  a"tame'lawe 

a  great  magic  moose,  not  hardly 

ngi'zika'don'ka'zoldi'bana  udi-'Jan  nra'tc 
can  we  go  hunting."  Said  he,  "I 

ngwHa'oha  ni'a'tc  k3nr"tamo'lana 

will  search  for  him,        I        will  destroy  him  for  you." 

1 A  brief  discussion  of  this  feature  of  Algonkian 
social  organization  has  been  given  by  the  writer  in 
"The  Family  Hunting  Band  as  the  Basis  of  Algonkian 
Social  Organization"  (A  A  17  [1915],  and  "Game  Totems 
of  the  Northeastern  Algonkians"  (A  A  19  [1917]). 
A  more  intensive  study  of  the  Penobscot  family  group 
is  now  in  preparation. 

2  In  the  winter  the  moose  congregate  in  a  common 
feeding-ground  where  they  trample  down  the  snow  in 
paths  from  which  they  browse.  This  is  called  a  "yard." 


wespoza"ki'wik    odjrmadje'lan    agwrla'ohan 
In  the  morning  he  departed  to  search  for 


ktcrmo'sul' 
the  big  moose. 

awu'sanudi2 
in  his  yard  * 


ma'lam 
At  last 


amaska-'man 
he  found  him 


uga'la'banan 
he  started  him  up, 


edala'sanelit  na'ste 

where  he  yarded.  Soon 

nuno"so'kawan 
then  he  followed  him. 

elmi'p'hogwet       mo'zul'       sala"ki       e'labit 
As  he  was  following     the  moose,     suddenly     looking 

nr'ka'n'i  e'lkwelat  una-'mr'tun 

ahead  where  he  was  going  he  saw 

wi-'gwomsrs  sadi'k'ansis*  na'ste 

little  wigwam,  little  bough  shelter,'  soon 

uza'jjk'hi-no'des-an  phe'nam  elp'bit 

came  walking  out  a  woman  looking 

Gluska'be          pukadji'nskwes'u4        ma'nit'e 
Glusk^'be  (it  was)  Squatty- Woman.4  Then 

bmr'le       a"tamo       udpzide'mawial       ke'di 
going  by  not  he  answered  her  when 

pa"pi'mago't  be-'sagun  e'lHat 

she  joked  with  him  still  going  on. 

pukodji'nskwes'u         mu'skweldam         r'dak 
Squatty-Woman  became  angry.  She  said, 

ga'matc    ka'di    pplr'gweyu   ni'"kwupa'skwe 
"Very          you  want  to         be  haughty,          now  then 

kdli'na-'mi-'tundj       ne'dudji       no"so'ka'w0t 
you  will  see."  Then  she  followed  him 

Glu'skobal'     e'lamHat     e'lamrlat     ta'maba- 
Gluskp'be        going  along       going  along        wherever 

ni'lotc  na'w^ba-'magwek5  a"tama 

she  reached  a  viewing-place*  not 

*  This  is  a  sort  of  temporary  shelter  made  by  lean- 
ing spruce-branches  together.  It  is  conical  in  shape, 
like  the  regular  bark  wigwam. 

4  This  creature  is  also  known  popularly  as  "Jug- 
Woman."  She  is  conceived  of  as  a  short,  ugly  woman, 
with  no  curves  at  the  waist.  So  when  the  Indians 
first  saw  a  stone  jug  or  pitcher,  they  nicknamed  it 
Puksdji'nskwes'u.  This  hag  figures  prominently  in 
mythology. 

6  An  opening  in  the  woods  where  a  view  can  be  had 
of  game. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


203 


na-'mi-hawial  mr'na  tamabanr'lat 

she  could  see  him        again        where  she  reached  (an* 
opening) 

a"tamo     na-'mi-hpwial          i-'dak     ga'matc 
not         she  could  see  him.  She  said,          "Very 

karjga'wHe       se'nabe       ^'skwe       Glu'skabe 
fast  going  man  that  Gluskp 'be." 

be'djHat  si-'buk  sa'Tjgade'tagwutc 1 

When  she  reached       the  river       mouth  of  the  river, 1 

ela'bit   aga'mi   kwe'sawa'pskek   nona'mi'han 
looking      across      a  rocky  point,       then  she  saw  him 

elmi-Ja'li-djil     mo'zul'     nogwu's'ag^i'gada'hin 
going  along    with    the  moose.  Then  he  jumped  across 

na'ste  ude'mi'zal'          udadami-"kaT;gun 

soon  his  dog  overtook  him. 

nodi-'lan  yu'gi'a          abi'"  sko'hple 

Then  he  said,  "Here  you  sit  watch  for 

pukadji'nskwes'   nageheTa  a'lamus   uda-'bin 
Squatty-Woman."     Accordingly     the  dog     sat  down, 

nodasko'hplan      pukadji'nskwes'uwal'    nowa' 
then  he  watched  for       Squatty-Woman.       Then  that 

pukadji'nskwes'u          medabe'lat          sr'buk 
Squatty- Woman  came  down  to  the  river, 

una-'mi'tun  kwesawa'pskek  na'ste 

she  saw  a  rocky  point,  soon 

gwus'p'gadahin      abe'gas'ik 2     i''dak     tci-<  3 
she  jumped  across          where  he  struck  (Gluskp'be).  2« 
She  said,        "Tci-'l* 

tcu'     kdlrna-'mi-'tun     ne'labit     una-'mi'han 
surely     you  will  see  ultimately."     Then  looking     she* 
saw 

ktci'  'a'lamus'al'  nedalr  'nasko'dahpzit 

the  big  dog,  then  there  she  got  discouraged, 

u'zawelan  ma'lam  ye'ugana'k'i'wik 

she  turned  back.  Then  on  the  fourth  day 

uda'dami-'ka'wan     mo'zul'     na'ste     uni-'lan 
he  overtook         the  moose.         Soon        he  killed  him. 

abi-'kwe'dji'lan      nodla"kewan      ude'mi-zal' 
He  butchered  him,  then  he  threw  to  his  dog 

1  Penobscot  River,  near  Castine,  Me. 

*  Where  Gluskp'be  and  Pukadji'nskwes'u  struck 
are  to  be  seen  two  imprints  on  the  rock.  One  of  these 
is  of  the  ordinary  snowshoe  shape,  this  is  Gluskp'be's 
snowshoe;  the  other  is  a  round  one.  Pukadji'nskwes'u's. 


mu'zula<gwzi-al          nsa'da          tegag^'brmuk 
the  moose  intestines  thrice  "looks" 


udli-'naga-'lol 
he  left  him  behind 


ude'mi-zal  nbeda"ket 

his  dog.          As  far  as  they  fell 

wula'gwzi-al      na'bmus      umi-'tsin      nte'lp- 
the  moose  intestines     that  dog     ate  them.     There  it* 

bek'tek         nabr'k         na'ga         daligada-"le 
lay  as  it  fell        in  the  water,        and        there  it  sank; 

na't'e      dali'pana'pskwr'lak     wD'mba'pask'w 
then  there  it  became  stone  white  stone. 

eskwa't'e        ni-"kwup'         wewr'na)jgwa'<du 
It  is  still  now  to  be  seen. 

ni'"kwup'  ali-wi'"tpzu  musr'katcr4 

Now  it  is  called  Moose-Buttocks.4 

na't'e  dali'pana'pskwr'lak  a'lamus 

Then  there  he  became  stone,  the  dog 

e'skwat'e      ni-"kwup'      uda-'bin      oma'djin 
still  now  he  sits.  Went  away 

Gluska'be  ba'dagi'  grzi-'p'sanlat 

Glusk?'be  back  after  he  filled 

uda"tawar/kwa'zudi'al        wi'u"s        mu'si-ye 
his  cooking  kettle  with  meat  of  moose 

obadago"san  ma'lam  bedjo"se 

he  went  back.  Then  he  reached 

ktci'nagwa'zabe'muk  ne'dalajjkwa-'zit 

a  big  lake,  then  there  he  cooked; 

giza'ijkwa'zit  umi-'tsin  gi'zi-"pit 

after  he  had  cooked,        he  ate;        after  he  had  eaten, 


ugadagwa- "kan 
he  turned  over 

pana'pskwral 
of  stone, 

oda'linaga-'lan 
there  he  left  it. 

uga'dagwa-'bin 
turned  over  it  sits 


uda"tawa7jkwa'zudi-al 
his  kettle 

noga'dagwa'tan  na'ga 

then  he  upset  it;  and 

ni-"kwup'  eskwa't-e 

Now  still 

nani'"kwup'          wa-'djo 
that  now  mountain 


This  place  is  called  Mada'jjgamas  ("Old  Snowshoe"), 
and  may  be  seen  at  Castine  Head,  Me.  The  impres- 
sions are  rapidly  disintegrating  for  the  rock  is  soft. 

3  Extending  her  finger  at  him  from  arm's  length — a 
common  sign  of  emphasis. 

4  This  is  Cape  Rosary  (Rosier),  on  the  eastern  shore 
of  Penobscot  Bay. 


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VOL.  I 


ali-'wrzo         ki-'ni-yu1       ga         ubadagr'lan 
is  named         Ki-'ni-yu."  *          And  he  went  back 

udi-'lan  a'lnaba'  o"sas-a'  an'r" 

he  said         to  the  people,         his  descendants,         "So! 

grzr'ntamo'lna    ktci-awa-'s     anda'tc    mi-'na 
I  have  destroyed         the  big  beast,         never         more 

koda'mi-hogoVi'wa  ga'matc  nulr'- 

will  he  bother  you."  Very  much  they 

dahaso'lduwak  a'lnabak  udi-'lana 

rejoiced  then  the  people.  They  said  to 

Gluskabal'  ga'matc  kolra'li'bana 

Gluskp'be,  "Very  well  you  have  done  for  us, 

de'baneba-'na      nak-a"tehogona      kda'lami-- 
soon  might  that      have  destroyed  us  all;      we  thank« 

zwa'malabana  *        mawa'i 

you  very  much  *  all  together." 

TRANSLATION 

Then  Gluska'be  started  out  again  in  search 
of  other  people.  At  last  he  reached  a  large 
lake.*  There  he  met  the  people  and  they  said, 
"Our  village  is  in  great  danger  from  a  giant 
magic  moose,  for  fear  of  whom  we  can  hardly 
go  hunting.  He  has  killed  many  of  us." — "I 
will  search  for  him,"  said  Gluska'be,  "and 
destroy  him  for  you."  Then  he  started  to 
search  for  him,  and  reached  the  "yard"  where 
the  giant  moose  was,  and  started  him  running. 
As  he  was  following  the  moose,  suddenly, 
looking  ahead,  he  saw  a  little  bough  shelter, 
and  a  woman  came  walking  out.  It  was 
Squatty-Woman  (Pukadji'nkwes-u).  Then  he 
went  right  on  by,  and  did  not  answer  her  jok- 
ing. Then,  as  he  went  on,  Squatty-Woman 
became  very  angry,  and  said,  "You  are  very 
haughty.  Now  you  will  see!"  Then  she  fol- 
lowed Gluska'be.  He  went  along  so  fast,  that 
whenever  she  came  to  an  outlook,  she  could 
not  see  him.  She  said,  "That  Gluska'be  is  a 

1  Mount  Kineo,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Moosehead 
Lake.  Folk  etymology  among  the  Indians  says  that 
the  first  people  who  saw  the  mountain  after  its  transfor- 
mation declared,  "kvv  ni-'yu!"  ("oh,  [see]  here!") 

*  A  very  formal  expression. 

*  Moosehead  Lake. 


very  swift  man."  When  she  reached  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  looking  across  a  rocky 
point,  she  saw  him  going  along  after  the  moose. 
Then  he  jumped  across.  His  dog  overtook 
him.  He  said,  "You  sit  here  and  watch  for 
Squatty-Woman."  Accordingly  the  dog  sat 
down  and  watched  for  her.  When  she  came 
down  to  the  river,  she  saw  the  rocky  point, 
and  jumped  across  in  the  same  place  where 
Gluska'be  landed.4  She  said,  "Tci-1,  you  will 
soon  see."  Then  she  beheld  the  big  dog,  and 
became  disheartened,  and  turned  back.  He 
followed  the  moose,  and  on  the  fourth  day 
overtook  him  and  killed  him.  He  took  his 
insides  out  and  threw  them  to  his  dog.  They 
reached  the  distance  of  three  "looks."  His 
dog  ate  as  far  as  they  went.  As  the  intestines 
fell  in  the  water,  so  they  lay  and  sank,  turn- 
ing into  stone,  and  may  still  be  seen  white  on 
the  bottom  of  the  river.  Now  it  is  called 
Musi'katci  ("moose  hind-parts").6  Then  he 
turned  his  dog  into  stone,  and  there  he  sits 
too.  Then  Gluska'be  returned  and  cooked 
his  moose-meat  in  his  kettle  near  the  big  lake. 
When  he  had  eaten,  he  turned  his  kettle  over, 
and  left  it  there  turned  into  stone.  Now  it 
may  still  be  seen.  It  is  the  mountain  called 
Kineo.6  Then  he  went  back  and  told  his 
people,  his  descendants,  "Now  I  have  killed 
the  big  beast.  He  will  never  bother  you 
again."  They  rejoiced,  and  said,  "You  have 
done  very  much  for  us.  We  thank  you  ex- 
ceedingly all  together." 


9.  GLUSKA'BE  OVERCOME  BY  WINTER 

nodjima'djelan  wi'gwomwak  e-'ilit 

Then  he  went  to  his  wigwam  where  was 

o"k3mos-al'  ga'matc  wuli'dahasu 

his  grandmother.  Very  much  she  rejoiced 

4  Rocks  at  Castine  show  imprints  of  the  snowshoes 
of  both  personages. 

6  A  landmark  at  Cape  Rosary. 

6  For  the  Indian  explanation  of  this  term  see  foot- 
note I  on  this  page. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


205 


moni'mkwes'u      udr'ial      kwe'nos     ga'matc 
Woodchuck.         She  told  him,         "Grandson,         very 

nolr'dahas  bedjr'tan  ga'matc   kr'si'sagip'on 
I  am  glad       that  you  come,       very       has  been  hard* 
winter, 

sa'gi'kr'zauzolduwak    go'sa'snawak    pselga'- 
they  have  had  hard  living       our  descendants,       very 

mate  kwa'skwalamo'ldi'djik  eduda'^gwa^tek 
many         have  starved  to  death ;         so  deep  was  the= 
snow 

a"tama      aba'si'ak      na'mi'ha'wrak      mssi'' 
not  the  tree-tops  could  they  see.  All 

wa'waho'k'hadawak       nodi' 'Ian       Gluska'be 
were  buried  in  snow."  Then  said  Gluska'be 

o"kamas'al'     da'naskwe     na     e-'rt     pabu'n 
to  his  grandmother,      "Where       that      is      winter?" 

udr'lan       nkwe'nas       ga'matc       nawa'doge 
She  said,  "Grandchild,  very  far  off 

ndahaba'wen  oda/uzi'wun  alo"sede 

cannot  any  one  not  live.  If  he  goes  there, 

kwa'skwadjo'ba       r'dak      Gluska'be       ni'a 
he  would  freeze  to  death."       Said        Gluskp'be,        "I 

nda'gwedji       alo"san       naga'di       na-'mi'ha 
will  try  to  go  there,  I  want  to  see 

pabu'n  ni-"kwup'  nda'tcwe'ldaman 

winter.  Now  I  wish 

kdlha'T/gamewin      nda"tcwelmak     ni-sa'Tjga- 
you  to  make  snowshoes  for  me,       I  want  them      two» 

ma'gzawak    ma'gali-buwewcr'i-yak    nr'sajjga- 
pair  snowshoes  of  caribou-skin,  two  pair* 

ma'gzawaga"tc    no'lkewa-'iyak    ni'sar/gama1- 
snowshoes  also  of  deer-skin,  and  two  pair* 

gzawaga"tc       mu'sewa-'iyak        no'madjelan 
snowshoes  of  moose-skin."  Then  he  went 


e-'ebmi-'lat1 
going  along. l 


ma'lam 
At  last 


met'ka'wa 
he  wore  out 


ni'sarjgama'gzuwa  mu'se'wa-1iyak  pe-'sagwun 
two  pair  snowshoes  moose-skin  still 

e-lo"set       ma- 'lam       mi-'na       ume't'ka'wa 
going  on  at  last  again  he  wore  out 

1  Vowel-lengthenings  of  this  sort  (e~e  +)  are  rhetori- 
cal effects  of  the  narrator. 


no'lkewa-'iyak    pe-'sagwun    elo"set    ma'lam 
the  deer-skin  (ones)          still          going  on          at  last 

aha'dji-       almi't'ke'       ma'lam      met'ka-'wa 
growing  colder  at  last  he  wore  out 

nagwada'Tjgama'gzuwa      ma'gali-<buwewa>vye 
one  pair  snowshoes  of  caribou-skin, 

masala't-e  nagwada'jjgama'gzuwa  uda'r/gama 
finally  only         one  pair  snowshoes         his  snowshoes. 

natc     gi'zatc     ga'matc     ka'wa'djo     mi-'na 
Then        it  had  also  become       very       cold,        again 

una'slan        kada'gihi        ebmr'lat        aha'dji 
he  put  on      the  others.       Going  along      still  growing 

almi't'ke'         mala'm'te.       ke-'gome't'ka'wa 
colder.  At  last  then  he  almost  wore  out 

uda'rjgama     wusa'gi'ga'Vadjo     gi-z    gi-'zatc 
his  snowshoes    it  was  terribly  cold    after    also  already 

una-'mi-'tun      wr'gwom      e"tek     e'muk'wte 
he  saw  wigwam  where  it  was  just  then 

be'djo'se    klar;ga''nuk    na'ste    umet'ka-'wan 
he  came          to  the  door          at  once          he  wore  out 

uda'Tjgama       ubr'di-gan       pkwa'mi-ga'mik'w 
his  snowshoes.  He  entered  an  ice-house. 

gi-zi-bi-'di-get        nkla'Tjgan        gabade'de's-an 
When  he  entered,          then  the  door          closed  tight, 

a"tama        gi-'zi'         node'Van         Gluska'be 
not  he  could  get  out.  Gluskp'be 

i''dak         kwe'2          namu"sumi         ma'nit'e 
said,  "Kwe-12  my  grandpa!"  Then 

udamaskalo"taj)gul  palus-a'si'zal 

he  mocked  him  the  old  man 

pkwa'mi'al      i-'dak     wa     palu's'as'i's    kwe- 
of  ice.  Said          that          old  man,  "Kwe4! 

namu"sumi     Gluska'be     edu'dji     kawa-'djit 
my  grandpa."  Glusky'be  was  so  cold 

udr'lan     namu"sumi     ga'matc    nakawa-'dji 
he  said,  "Grandfather,  very  I  am  cold, 

pkwude'hema'Vi 3       palu's-as-i-s       udama'- 
open  the  door."  *  The  old  man  mocked* 

skaloutawan  namu"sumi  ga'matc  nakawa''dji 
him,  "Grandfather  very  I  am  cold, 

2  The  regular  Algonkin  salutation. 

3  Every  wigwam  had  a  drop  flap  of  skin  or  bark  for 
a  door. 


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VOL.  I 


pkwude'hema-'wi         naGluskp'be         r'dam 
open  the  door."  Then  Gluskp'be  said, 

n3mu"sumi          pkwude'hema-'wi          ke-'ga 
"Grandfather,  open  the  door,  almost 

ngwa'skwa-'dji  palu's-as-i-s          udama'- 

I  am  frozen."  The  old  man  mocked« 

skalo"tawan        a'Tjgwama'doge       e'bagwatc 
him  more  than  ever,  on  account  of  it 

awi'"kwrna<wan        namu"sumi        pkwude'- 
he  laughed  at  him.  "My  grandfather,  open- 

hema-'wi  ke-'ga  ngwaskwa-'dji 

the  door,  almost  I  am  frozen." 

nagwaskwa-'djin        Gluskp'be        palu's'as-i's 
Then  he  froze  to  death        Glusk/be.         The  old  man 

unoda"kalan    nafelas'ik    Gluskp'be    ma'lam 
threw  him  outside,     there  he  lay     Gluskf'be.     At  last 

si-'gwan       nami-'na       abma'uzi'lan       i-'dak 
spring  (came),    then  again    he  came  to  life.     He  said, 

to"ki'lat    tce'he    net'e't    nra    ngawi-'nes-a' 
"Awake!     tce'he!     well  there     I     I  have  been  asleep." 

elp'bit       a"tama       da'ma       wr'gwomte'wi 
Looking          not          anywhere          was  the  wigwam. 

odji-ma'djelan        awi-'gwomwuk        udli*'lan 
He  went  away  to  his  wigwam,  he  arrived. 

TRANSLATION 

Then  Gluskp'be  went  home  to  his  grand- 
mother (Woodchuck).  She  rejoiced  to  see 
him,  but  said,  "Grandson,  I  am  glad  you 
came  back,  as  this  has  been  a  very  hard  winter. 
A  great  many  of  our  descendants  have  starved 
to  death.  So  deep  was  the  snow  that  the 
tree- tops  could  not  be  seen;  they  were  cov- 
ered with  snow."  Then  Gluskp'be  said, 
"Where  is  that  Winter?"— "Very  far,  grand- 
child. No  one  can  live  there.  He  would 
freeze  to  death  if  he  went  there." — "I  will 
try  to  go  there,  I  want  to  see  Winter,"  said 
Gluskp'be.  "Now  I  want  you  to  make  snow- 
shoes  for  me, — two  pairs  netted  with  caribou, 
two  with  deer,  and  two  with  moose  skin. 
Then  he  started.  First  he  wore  out  the 
moose-skin  snowshoes,  then  next  the  deer- 
skin pair,  and  lastly  one  pair  of  the  caribou- 


skin  ones.  At  last  it  was  still  growing  colder, 
and  he  nearly  wore  out  his  last  pair.  Then  he 
came  to  a  wigwam.  It  was  an  ice-house. 
When  he  went  in,  the  door  closed  tight,  so 
that  he  could  not  get  out.  Gluskp'be  said, 
"Kwe,  grandfather!"  At  once  the  old  man 
mocked  him  in  the  same  voice,  "Kwe,  grand- 
father!" He  was  a  man  of  ice.  Then  said 
Gluskp'be,  "Grandfather,  I  am  very  cold, 
open  the  door  for  me."  The  old  man  mocked 
him  in  the  same  tones.  "Grandfather,  open 
the  door  for  me,  I  am  almost  frozen,"  said 
Gluskp'be.  He  was  mocked  again,  in  the 
same  tones.  Then  he  froze  to  death.  The 
old  man  threw  him  out,  and  there  Gluskp'be 
lay  until  spring.  Then  he  woke  up.  Said  he, 
"Awake!  Why  there,  tcehe',  I  have  been 
asleep."  The  snow  wigwam  was  gone.  Then 
he  went  back  home. 


10.   MEANWHILE  THE  FOXES  ABUSE  HIS 

GRANDMOTHER,  AND  GLUSKA'BE  RETURNS 

AND  PUNISHES  THEM 

kweni-'lat          Gluskp'be          kwa'ijk'ws3s-ak 
While  he  was  away  Gluskp'be  the  foxes 

unaba'kada'wanal  monimkweVuwal 

deceived  Woodchuck. 

medjr'mi'     kwa'?;k'ws3s     udlr'lan     wr'gHit 
Always  a  fox  went  where     she  camped 

monimkwe's'uwal     na'ga    udr'lan     no"kami 
Woodchuck,  and  said,  "Grandma, 

nabe'djHa   kwe'nas   Gluskp'be   spk'habr'lide 
I  have  come      grandchild       Glusk^'be."      When  she* 
looked  out, 

monimkwe's'uwal          usi-gr'lon         si-'saguk 
Woodchuck  he  urinated  in  her  eyes. 

nis       monimkwe's-u       ugi-nila'welan       natc 
Then      Woodchuck      became  greatly  angered.     Then 

kwa'T)k'wsas        madjegwagwo'maian        na'ga 
fox  ran  away  and 

udabade'lmu'kazin  medji' 'mi- 

laughed  to  himself,  always 

n3kwa'7jk'wsasak  e'linaba'  'kada'wadit 

then  the  foxes  so  deceiving 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


207 


monimkwe's-uwal     ma'lam     e'lawe     ntka'bo 
Woodchuck.         At  last  almost  became  blind 

moni'mkwes'u         a"toma         gi-zim'sa'wrha 
Woodchuck,  not  she  would  give  up  hope, 

medji-'mi-   sakha'bi'azu  edu'dji   kwr'lumant 
always  looking  out  when  so  anxious 

kwe'nas-al     Glu'skobal     mala'm'te     sala"ki 
for  her  grandson      Gluskp 'be.      At  last     after  a  while 


tka'bo 
blind, 

ubedjr'lalin 
his  return. 


na'dji 
then 

Glu'skabal 
Glusk?'be 


naska'daha-'mat 
she  despaired  of 

kwe'nas'al 
her  grandchild. 


bedji-'lat       Gluska'be       udi-'lan       no"kami 
When  he  came     Gluska'be     he  said,     "Grandmother, 

bedji'la     pkwude'hema'wi     namoni'mkwes-u 
I  am  come,          open  the  door."          Then  Woodchuck 

udi-'lan      kelbi-ma'djin     kwa'r;k'ws3s     ke'ga 
said,  "Go  away,  fox,  almost 

kani-'li'ba      ge-"si      sagr'li-ek'"     Gluska'be 
you  have  killed  me,          so  many  times          have  you* 
urinated  on  me."        Gluskp'be 

ugadamak'sada'wul       o"k3mas-al'       udi-'lan 
pitied  deeply  his  grandmother.  Said  he, 

no"kami         anda-'ga        nra        kwa'7)k'wsas 
"Grandma,  not  indeed  I  (am)  fox!" 


namoni'mkwes'u 
Then  Woodchuck 


udr'lan 
said, 


nda"tama 

"Never 


mi-'na     ki'zin3ba"kadaVi'laba       Gluska'be 
again  can  you  deceive  me."  Gluskp'be 

udi-'lan     nda     ni-a     kwa'7?k'wsas     no"kami 
said,  "Not  I  fox,  grandma, 

tcka'wip'trnewi        nage'hel'a       uno'dep'ti-1- 
hold  out  your  hand."     Accordingly     she  held  out  her* 


newm 
hand 


moni'mkwes-u 
Woodchuck. 


naGluskp'be 
Then  Gluskp'be 


wi'"kwun3maVan  pud'i-'n  kri- 

took  hold  of  her  hand.  Kvvl 

1  Crying  for  joy  is  commonly  heard  of  among  the 
old  people.  The  quavering  voice  of  the  woodchuck  is 
thought  to  be  crying. 


uli-'dahasu    edu'dji   wulr'daha'sit   e'bagwatc 
she  was  glad,      so  much     she  was  glad,     on  account* 
of  it 

seska'demu1      i-'dak      ga'matc      noli-'dahas 
she  cried.1  She  said,  "Very  I  am  glad 

bedji-'lan     ke-'ga     kwa'7jk'wsas-ak     ni-'taguk 
that  you  have  come,      almost      the  foxes      killed  me 

e'bagwatc  ni-"kwup'  a"tama 

on  account  of  it.  Now  not 

kana-'mrho'lu      kwe'nas      a'ndatc      mi-'na 
I  can  see  you,  grandchild,  never  more 

kana^'mrho'lu     wzam     ni-'ka'bi'    Glusk^'be 
I  can  see  you,       because       I  am  blind."       Gluskp'be 

udr'tan       o"k3mas-al'       e'kwr'       ni-      i-'da 
said        to  his  grandmother,        "Don't        that        say, 

mrna'tetc  kana-'mrhi  ni-a'tc  k3da'si-"pi-lal2 
yet  again     you  will  see  me,      and  I      will  treat  you,8 

mr'nat'etc  k3na''mi'hi         .naGluska'be 

yet  again  you  will  see  me."  Then  Gluskp'be 

uda'si-"pHan       nabi-'na»;gwa't       ogi-'gahan 
treated  her,  very  quickly  he  cured  her, 

ki'hi'i'3          wulr'dahasu  moni'mkwes'u 

Ki-hi-i-ll  she  rejoiced  Woodchuck. 

naGluskp'be  udi-'lan  o"k3mas-al' 

Then  Gluskp 'be  said  to  his  grandmother, 

ni-"kwup'     medji-'mi'     kana^'mrhi    aska'mi' 
"Now  always  you  will  see  me  forever." 

naGluska'be      uga'dona'lan       kwa'?jk'ws3s-a' 
Then  Glusk^'be  went  hunting  foxes. 

ma'lam  unak'a"taha  pe-'sagoal 

Then  he  killed  them  all,  but  one 

uda'kw3tci'"tahan  uma'djep'han 

he  spared,  he  took  him 

awi'gwomwuk       udla"ke-wan       o"k3mas-al' 
to  his  wigwam,      he  tossed  him      to  his  grandmother. 

udi-'lan     n-i-'     kabedji'p'tolan     kwa'ijk'wsas 
He  said,  "Now  I  bring  you  a  fox 

ni-"kwup'  kada'benka'das-in  ge"si- 

now  you  take  your  revenge  as  much  as 

2  The  Penobscot  have  an  extensive  knowledge  of 
herb  medicines. 

8  Emphatic  form  of  ki-i-  +  exclamation,  equivalent 
to  "oh!" 


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usi-'gi'hus        kwa'7)k'ws3s-akl          una'dji'ka- 
you  were  abused  by  the  foxes."'  She  went* 

dona'dan      rbr'si'al      moni'mkwes-u      na'ga 
gathering  switches  Woodchuck,  and 

ug3la"kwe'bHan          kwa'7/k'wsasal          na'ga 
tied  him  to  a  tree  the  fox,  and 

uda'sem'han  ma'lam  kwa'jjk'wsas 

she  whipped  him.  At  last  fox 

se"siawi-'gwod3me          udi-'lan          no"kami 
cried  and  begged.  He  said,  "Grandma, 

node'ldaman     ge"si-     usi-'gi'holek'     a'ndatc 
I  am  sorry     as  much  as      I  have  abused  you,      never 

mi''na      kadaTrho'lowan      kadamo'ksada'wi 
again  I  will  do  it  to  you.  Have  pity  on  me, 

te'bat  e'k'wtahe'  namoni'mkwes'u 

enough !       do  stop  (beating  me) ! "     Then  Woodchuck 

ude'k'wtahon     udi-'lan     arrr"     kola'msadul 
stopped  beating  him.    She  said,    "Now    I  believe  you." 

noda'pkwi-a'lan  udi-'lan  ni'"kwup' 

Then  she  untied  him.  She  said,  "Now 

elama'uzran       mo'zak       mi-'na      wi-ni-na'- 
you  may  live.  Don't  again  look- 

wa'katc       wi-ne"sosis      dali-nagwi-"tci-'nide 
down  upon  (scorn)        an  old  woman        wherever  she> 
is  helpless 

ta'mo    naGluska'be    udi-'lan    kwa'7jk'ws3s-al' 
anywhere."  Then  Gluskp 'be       said       to  the  fox, 

mo'zak  amo'tcke  be"sotka'mo'katc 

"Don't  even  near  approach  near 

wi-'gwam     abi-'ta'sige     nawe'dji     ni-"kwup' 
a  wigwam  inhabited."  That  is  why          now 

kwa'jjk'ws3s        a"ka'l3mit 
the  fox  is  shy. 

TRANSLATION 

While  Gluska'be  was  away,  the  Foxes  had 
deceived  his  grandmother,  Woodchuck.  They 
went  to  her  camp,  and  kept  saying,  "Grand- 
ma, I  have  come,  your  grandson."  Then, 
whenever  she  looked  out,  they  urinated  in 

1  The  eastern  Indians  often  treated  prisoners  in  this 
manner,  killing  all  but  one  and  torturing  him,  then  turn- 
ing him  free  to  return  and  tell  his  people  what  kind  of 
treatment  to  expect  in  the  future. 


her  eyes.  Then  they  ran  away  laughing. 
They  were  always  plaguing  her,  until,  because 
of  her  anxiety  to  greet  Gluska'be,  they  at 
last  blinded  her;  and  because  he  did  not  re- 
turn, she  gave  him  up  for  dead.  When 
Gluska'be  did  at  last  come,  he  said,  "Grand- 
ma, open  the  door!"  But  she  answered,  "Go 
away,  Fox,  you  have  almost  killed  me,  so 
many  times  you  have  urinated  on  me." 
Gluska'be  then  said,  "I  am  no  Fox."  She  said, 
"You  cannot  deceive  me  any  longer." — "I  am 
no  Fox,  grandmother,"  said  Gluska'be;  "hold 
out  your  hand."  Then  he  took  her  hand,  and 
she  cried,  she  was  so  glad.  "I  am  glad  you 
have  come;  the  Foxes  almost  killed  me;  be- 
cause of  it  I  cannot  see  you  now,  grandson, 
I  am  blind." — "Don't  say  that!  You  will  see 
me  again,"  said  Gluska'be.  "I  will  heal  you." 
Then  he  cured  her.  She  was  so  glad  when  he 
said,  "You  will  always  see  me  hereafter." 
Then  he  went  hunting  Foxes,  and  killed  all 
but  one.  This  one  he  took  to  his  wigwam, 
and  threw  it  to  his  grandmother.  "Now  take 
your  revenge.  I  have  brought  you  a  Fox." 
Then  she  gathered  switches  and  lashed  the 
Fox  to  a  pole,  and  whipped  him.  He  cried  and 
begged,  saying,  "Grandmother,  I  am  sorry 
for  abusing  you.  Never  will  I  do  so  any  more." 
Then  she  stopped,  and  said,  "I  believe  you," 
and  untied  him.  "Now  you  shall  live,  but 
don't  ever  have  contempt  for  a  helpless  old 
woman  again."  Then  Gluska'be  said  to  the 
Fox,  "Don't  ever  go  near  an  inhabited  wigwam 
again."  That  is  why  Foxes  are  shy. 

ii.   GLUSKA'BE  VISITS  HIS  FATHER,  AND 
OVERCOMES  HIS  BROTHERS 

ni-"kwup'  udi-'lan  o"kamas-al'  mi-'na 
Now  he  said  to  his  grandmother,  "Again 

namo'djela  ni-"kwup'aga"k  nda'haba'- 
I  go  away,  now  indeed  impossible,  I  will  stay* 

nsi-'pko'seu  udi-'lan  o"kamas-al' 

away  long."  He  said  to  his  grandmother, 

nda"tcwi-  alo"kewa7jk  go'sa'snawa 

"I  must  work  for  our  descendants, 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


209 


naga'di  nadji'ode'kawp  pabir'n 

I  am  going  to  visit  winter. 

pi"tamadja<m'to   ugadam^'grha   go'sa'snawa 
He  is  very  cruel,  he  abuses  our  descendants, 

oza'mi-      a'we'kat      el'ha'n'dowit      udi-'lan 
too  much          using          his  magic  power."          He  said 

o"kamas-al'        dana'skwe        e-'rt        ni-'ban 
to  his  grandmother,      "Where  is  that     he  lives     Sum* 
mer?" 

udr'lan     sawa-'nauk     ga'matc     sa-'gi-nena- 
She  said,  "In  the  south,  very  difficult,* 

we'ldijzu          medjr'mi          une'nawe'lmawul 
guarded,  always  he  is  guarded 

spada'hi  a'tc  ni'bp'i'          udr'lan 

in  daytime,  also  by  night."  He  said 

o"kamas-ar  nda"tcwr  alr'lan 

to  his  grandmother,  "I  must  go. 

alambe'samawi  walo'gesal1  na'ga 

Cut  up  for  me  rawhide  strings1  and 

kadada'p'hodun  nage'hel-a  na-'lau 

roll  them  into  a  ball."    Accordingly     (undertook)  then 

udl9.be"si''gan          moni'mkwes'u          ma'lam 
the  cutting  Woodchuck.  Then 

tpba'wus       ge'sa'pskal       walo'gesal       na'ga 
seven  rolls  of  rawhide  and 


ni'saiygama'gzuwak 
two  pairs  of  snowshoes 


ali-'ta'wi        nage'hel'a 
she  made.          Accordingly 


moni'mkwes'u    udaThp'gaman2    nomodje'lan 
Woodchuck  filled  the  snowshoes.2  Then  he* 

started  out 

Gluskp'be      udr'Ian      o"kamas'al      mo'zak 
Gluskj'be,        said         to  his  grandmother,          "Don't 

nsa'hi-'katc  na-'bi'tc  nabe'dji'la 

worry!  soon  I  shall  come." 

moni'mkwes'u      kwe'nas'al      udr'lal      nama' 
Woodchuck          to  her  grandson          said,          "There 

be'djHa-'ne  we'dji'dj  we-'wi-na'wat 

when  you  arrive,  so  that  you  will  know 

kami-"taT)gwus   nagwadala'gi'gwe   oma'djelan 
your  father,  he  has  one  eye."  He  departed 

1  "Babiche,"  fine  strips  of  rawhide  used  for  filling 
snowshoes  and  the  like. 

2  Wove  in  the  netting  or  "filling." 


elami-'lat  ma'lam'te  sala"ki 

going  along,  at  last  then  soon 

madje'pa'parjgwanga'te     pe-'sagwun     e'lHat 
began  to  be  less  depth  of  snow,          still          going  on. 

mala'm'te    ta'ka'mrge   na'ste   ome't'ka-'wan 
At  last  bare  ground,  soon  he  wore  out 

uda'?)gama  nagada'gihi  ude'k'holan 

his  snowshoes;  the  others  he  hung  on  a  tree 

uda'T)gama      na'ga      uma-'n-aman      si-'suk'w 
his  snowshoes,  and  he  took  out  his  eye 

na'ga         uda"sap'kwa'n         abi-'gwe'sa-'guk 
and  he  hid  it  in  a  hollow  tree, 

na'ga  udr'lan  gitcrgi'gr'la'suwal' 

and  said  to  the  Chickadee, 

ne'naw^'bad-'man        nsi-'suk'w       oma'djelan 
"Take  care  of  my  eye."  Then  he  left, 

matci'si'da'hi  e'lamHat         ma-a'lam'te3 

on  foot  going.  At  last3 

sala"ki  unoda-'man  ka-dwa'gamuk' 

suddenly  he  heard  noise  of  dancing. 

nona-'mi-'tun          o'dene          nama'be'djHat 
Then  he  saw  village.  There  when  he  came 

uda'li  udji"tci-wan  umi-"ta7)k'wsal 

there  he  came  as  a  guest  to  his  father's 

wi-'gwomuk       udr'lon       kwe1      mi-"tcn7gwi 
wigwam.  He  said,  "Kwr,  father!" 

r'dak       kwe-       ne-'man        kabe'dode'k'awi 
He  said,      "Kwe-t         my  son,         you  have  come  to* 
visit  me, 

nolr'dahas    nage'nuk   awr'dji'a    anda'gwi'na 
I  am  glad."     But  then     his  brothers     not  really  (glad) 

abe'k-wHa'magowia'    ma'nit'e    we-'wi-navwp 
because  of  jealousy.  Then  he  knew 

uga'dona'lgo       nabe-'sago       dalibi-'tsana'lan 
they  sought  his  life.  Then  one  there  filled 

ktaha'n-dwi'       pana'pskwa'Vanal'4        uba'- 
great  magic  stone  pipe,4  he* 

skwule'pan       na'ga       udi-'lan       Glu'sk^ibal 
lighted  it  and  said  to  Gluskp'be, 

3  Emphatic. 

4  Stone  pipes  with  a  flat  vertical  keel-like  base  were 
typical  of  the  region. 


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nehe"        uda-'ma        nage'hel'a        Gluska'be 
"Now,  smoke!"  Accordingly  Gluskp'be 

awi"kwanan    uda'maTjga'nal    nomam'hona1'- 
took  his  pipe,  then  he  inhaled' 

zaha'lon  nr'sada  e'lrasaha'lat 

deeply  twice.  When  he  inhaled, 

nozr'k'aha'lan l       udama'jjga'nal       namr'na 
he  emptied  '  the  pipe.  Then  again 

wi'"kwi-bagade"pat  nozekska'm'ki'a'zin 

he  took  a  puff,  then  it  burst 

uda'maTjgan         udi'da'man         ak-wa-'dale  * 
the  pipe.  He  said,  "Ak-wa-'dalel  * 

po'skalr'zas'u          godo'moTjgan          nr'dji'e' 
it  breaks  easily  your  pipe,  my  brother, 

tce'na'nra'  nabi-'tsanon 

let  me  fill  it." 


nane-  gama 
Then  he 


uda'maijganal       ubr'tsana'lan       pi-'usas-wal 
his  pipe  filled  it.  It  was  small, 

ke-'nuk       wj'bi'ga'ni-yal*       ubaVkwule'pan 
but  made  of  white  bone.1  He  lighted  it, 

na'ga      umi-'lan      wr'djral      tce-'na      o'wa 
and      he  gave  it      to  his  brother.      "Let  (us)         this 

agwe-'dji  udame'k'hane  ma'nit'e 

try,  let  us  smoke!"  Then 

kada'welamual    wr'djral    awr'kwr'dahamal 
he  began  to  smile       his  brother,       he  scorned  in  his- 
mind 

uda'maijga'nal  edu'dji  bi'u'sa's'Hit 

his  pipe  so  small. 

eli-'daha'sit          waga-"gatc  be-'sagwada 

He  thought  to  himself,  "So  this  thing  once 

wi'"kwi'bagade"poge  nsi'k'aha'latc 

taking  a  puff  I  will  empty  it." 

nage'hel-a    wr'kwi'ba'gade    na'lal    oda-'man 
Accordingly      he  took  a  puff,      then  he      he  smoked, 

ma'lam        pa'ta-'zu        nodi' 'Ion        kada-'gil 
then     he  sickened  with  smoke.     Then  he  said     to  the* 
other 

1  Smoked  the  tobacco  all  to  ashes. 

J  Another  exclamation  of  surprise. 

*  This  material  is  supposed  to  be  ivory,  which  figures 
occasionally  in  the  myths.  It  is  possible  that  the  Indi- 
ans on  the  coast  of  Maine  had  ivory,  as  the  walrus  was 


wi-'dji-al          nehe'  gra"tc          uda-'ma 

his  brother,  "Now,  you  also  smoke, 

ga'matc  wula'Vanal  uda'majjga'nal 

very  sweet  flavor  his  pipe, 

kado"kani''mi-zana        ne"na'tc         ne-'gama 
our  younger  brother's."  Then  also  he 

oda-'man         ma'lam         pa'ta-'zu         mr'na 
smoked.       Then       he  sickened  from  smoke,       again 

kada'k        oda-'man         en-a"tc         pa'ta-'zu 
another       smoked,       and  that  one       sickened  from* 
smoke. 

mala'm'te        mazi1'        ge"si-lit        awi-'dji-a' 
Then       all,       as  many  as  there  were       his  brothers, 

ni'gi-"ka         pa"tazo'lduwak         nam'lo"s-as 
all  sickened  with  smoke.  Then  the  old  man 

udi-'lan        ga'matc        ktaha'n'do        kado"- 
said,  "Very  magic  your  younger- 

kani-'mi-zuwa  e"kwi-  gadona'lo'k 

brother,  don't  seek  his  life 

metca't-e          gase'ka'Tjgowatc  metca't-e 

lest  certainly          he  overcome  you."          In  spite  of  it 

uga'donalawal      udo"kani-'mrzuwal      wzam 
they  sought  his  life      their  younger  brother,      because 

udji-'skawa'lawal          nami-'na          udi-'lana 
they  were  jealous  of  him.         Then  again        they  said 

udo'^ani-'mi-'zuwal  amadi-'hi-di-'n-e 

to  their  younger  brother,  "Let  us  play, 

wa'la-de'ham'ha'di-n-e 4  amoska'nana 

dish-game  let  us  play."4  They  produced 

wala-'de          ha'majjga'nal          pana'pskwi-ye 
a  dish  game  of  stone. 

ki-r'nha'n-dowi-nagwzu       i-'dak      Gluska'be 
Ki-i-  it  was  magic  looking.  He  said         Glusk? 'be, 

nehe"         amadi-'hi'di'n-e         wzam         ni'a 
"Now,  let  us  play!  because  I 

ga'matc     nawr'gam'ke     noda'madi-'hidi-'n-a 
very  I  fond  of  playing."  Then  they  played. 

known  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  as  late  as  1761 
in  New  Brunswick  waters. 

4  This  is  the  well-known  dish  and  dice  game.  It  is 
played  with  six  dice  and  fifty-two  counting-sticks.  The 
dice  are  shaken  in  the  dish,  five  or  six  of  one  face  count- 
ing for  the  thrower.  The  counting  is  very  complex. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


211 


tam'ka't-e  ke'tca'iwit  awr"kw3nan 

The  first  elder  brother  took 

wala-'dal  udl'te"si-man  ma'lam 

the  dish,  he  threw  it,  then 

amaste'hemana'l  agi'da'mcujga'nal 

he  secured  many  counting-sticks. 

naGluskp'be  awr"kwanan         wala-'dal 

Then  Gluskp'be  took  the  dish 

pe-'sagwada't-e      ela"ket      uza'kskam'ki'te"- 
once  only        throwing,        he  broke  it  all  to  pieces  by* 

srmal  ume'rn'la'we'lamin          Gluskp'be 

throwing.  He  gave  a  great  laugh  Glusky'be, 

i-'dak  ak-wa-'dale  poskali-'zas-u 

said,  " Ak-wa-' dale!  it  breaks  easily 

kawala-'dena    tce-'na    o'wa    nra    nawala''de 
your  dish.          Let  us  this  '         my         my  dish 

agwe'tcskoha'lane     nomo'skanan     awala-'dal 
let  us  try!"  Then  he  produced  his  dish 

bi'u"s9s-as'wal         w^mbi'ga'nryal         ni-'na 
small  of  ivory,  then  at  that 

kada-'webmu  ke'tca'iwit  wi-'dji'al 

smiled  the  elder  brother. 

naGluskp'be          udl-te"si-man         awala-'dal 
Then  Gluskp'be  threw  his  dish. 

ma'lam     amaste'hemana'l     agi'da'maj/ga'nal 
Then  he  secured  many  counters. 

ne'      nake'tca'iwit      wr'djral      wi'"kwanan 
Then  then  the  elder  brother  took 

wala-'dal     elr'dahasit    waga"k    pe''sagwada 
the  dish,  thinking,  "This  once 

ala"ka'ne    nsu'ksk'wte"srma    nage-'diala'ket 
when  I  throw  it  will  break  in  pieces."  Then* 

about  to  throw 

udala-'wunal      rbi't'e      daliwasa"si'ha'suwa 
he  could  not  lift  it,       only  just      there  it  slipped  from 

o'ka-'si'a'         neda'li         se'ka-'ut         udr'lan 
his  finger-nails.       Then  there       being  defeated,       he» 

said, 

nda"te'gani       i-'dji-e       bagwa-'na      wala-'de 
"Not  possible,         brother,  to  raise  the  dish. 

gase'ka-'wi 
You  have  won." 


TRANSLATION 

Then  Glusk^'be  said,  "I  am  going  away 
again  to  stay  a  while.  I  shall  not  stay  long. 
I  must  work  for  our  descendants.  I  am  going 
to  visit  Winter.  He  is  very  cruel.  He  abuses 
our  descendants  too  much  by  his  magic 
power.  Where  does  Summer  live?"  he  asked 
his  grandmother.  "In  the  south,"  said  she, 
"always  very  well  guarded  by  day  and  night." 
—"Well,  I  must  go,"  he  said.  "Cut  me  some 
rawhide  strings  and  roll  them  into  a  ball." 
Then  she  made  seven  rolls  of  rawhide  and 
two  pairs  of  snowshoes.  Accordingly,  she 
netted  the  snowshoes.  Then  Gluskp'be  de- 
parted, saying,  "Don't  worry!  I  shall  soon 
return."  Then  his  grandmother  said,  "Your 
father  has  one  eye;  you  will  know  him  when 
you  get  there."  Then  he  went.  As  he  went, 
soon  the  snow  appeared  less  and  less;  then, 
as  he  went  on,  bare  ground  appeared,  and 
he  wore  out  his  snowshoes.  Then  he  hung 
his  other  snowshoes  on  a  tree.  Then  he  took 
out  his  eye  and  hid  it  in  a  hollow  tree,  and 
told  the  Chickadee,  "Watch  over  it  for  me." 
Then  he  walked  on.  At  last  he  heard  dan- 
cing and  saw  a  village.  Then  he  went  in  as  a 
guest  to  his  father's  wigwam.  "Kwe,  father!" 
said  he.  "Kwe,  son!"  said  the  father,  "I  am 
glad  you  have  come."  But  his  brothers  were 
not  glad  to  see  him.  Then  Gluskp'be  knew 
they  were  seeking  his  life.  One  of  them  began 
to  fill  a  magic  stone  pipe.  He  lighted  it,  and 
said  to  Gluskp'be,  "Now  smoke!"  Gluskp'be 
inhaled  a  long  breath  twice,  and  emptied  the 
pipe.  Then  he  took  another  long  breath, 
and  the  pipe  exploded.  Said  he,  "Oh!  it 
breaks  easily.  Let  me  fill  a  pipe,  brother!" 
So  he  took  his  pipe,  a  small  one  of  ivory,  and 
lighted  it  and  gave  it  to  his  brother.  "Let 
us  try  this!  Let  us  smoke!"  Then  his 
brother  smiled  with  a  sneer,  because  the  pipe 
was  so  small.  He  thought  he  would  empty  it 
with  one  breath.  Then  he  began  to  smoke. 
He  got  sick.  Then  he  told  the  other  brother 
to  smoke,  and  he  got  sick;  and  the  third  the 


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VOL.  I 


same,  until  all  were  sick.  Then  the  father 
said,  "Your  younger  brother  is  a  great  magi- 
cian. Do  not  seek  his  life,  for  he  will  over- 
come you."  Despite  this,  they  sought  his 
life,  because  they  were  jealous.  "Let  us  play 
the  dish-game!"  They  brought  a  dish  of 
stone,  a  big  magic  dish.  Said  Gluska'be, 
"Now,  let  us  begin  for  I  am  fond  of  playing." 
They  began  playing.  The  oldest  brother 
threw  first,  and  won  many  counters.  Then 
Gluskp'be  threw  once,  and  broke  the  dish  to 
pieces.  He  gave  a  great  laugh,  and  said, 
"Oh!  it  breaks  easily.  Let  us  try  my  dish!" 
Then  he  produced  his  dish,  a  small  one  of 
ivory.  The  oldest  brother  smiled.  Gluskp'be 
threw,  and  won  many  counters.  The  oldest 
brother  thought,  "At  once  I  shall  break  it  in 
pieces  when  I  throw."  But  when  he  tried,  he 
could  not  lift  it;  his  finger-nails  only  slipped 
on  it.  He  was  beaten.  "I  am  not  able  to 
raise  the  dish,  brother.  You  have  won." 


12.   GLUSKA'BE  STEALS  SUMMER  FOR  THE 

PEOPLE,'  ESCAPES  FROM  THE  CROWS, 

AND  OVERCOMES  WINTER 

udlo"san        eda'lgamuk'         nodjr'wr'dagan 
He  went         to  where  they  were  dancing         to  dance* 
with  them. 

M.uiitt  be'djo'set  una^'mrhan 

When  there  he  arrived,  he  saw 

pma'uzowr'n'owa'       peba'mi       krgi'm'don'- 
living  people  going  about  in  groups  talking* 

ka'hadr'djik  na'tc  ne-'gama 

low.  Then  also  he 

uda'si-'djo'san      uda'gwedjo'damu'kan      dan 
edged  up.  He  inquired,  "What 

mi-'na     ali-'dabr'le     ke-'gwus     ali'"ta7)gwat 
next  has  occurred,  what  is  being  done?" 

ma'nit'e      pe-'sagoal      udr'fogul      tca'stci'1  * 
Then  one  of  them  told  him,          "Tca's-tci-l1 

ki-abe"t  eli'gra'  gwe'we'ldaman  e'ltaTjgwa'k 
you     the  likes  of  you.      You  know     what  is  going  on!" 

1  Accompanied  by  an  insulting  gesture,  spreading 
the  knuckles  of  the  first  two  fingers  and  pointing  toward 
him, — a  most  insulting  exclamation  and  motion. 


na'na      a'tc      ne'gama      Gluska'be      udr'lal 
Then          also  he          Gluskp'be  said  to  him, 

ki-a'ga"tc          tca's-tcr'          oma'nr'ta'nenan 
"You  yourself         tca's-tci'l"        He  twisted  his  nose  off 
(with  his  fingers), 

nobi-'di'gan         eda'lgamuk'          nowr'dagan 
then  he  went  in      where  they  were  dancing,     then  he» 
danced, 

wi-wunage"ta'wawal         ni- 'banal         teba'bo 
round  about  they  danced  (circling)      summer      a  fluid 


ktci-'p'kan-a-'djo 2          ni-'yu 
in  a  big  bark  receptacle.1  Here 


nr'swak 
two 


na'j/kskwak 
young  girls 


ba-'magat 
were  dancing 

wulr'gowak 
handsome. 


ugalo'lan        nda"tama       uda'si'de'magowi'a' 
He  spoke  to  them,  not  they  answered  him, 

e'bagwa'tc      awr'kwi-'naTjgu       amo'skwHa'- 
on  account  of  it  they  made  fun  of  him.  He* 

ohogo     ne'bagwatc     wza'mi      p'skwa'nenan 
became  angry.     Then  on  account  of  it,     because     he* 
stroked  them  on  the  back, 

ne'lami         wi'wuna'gaha'dit         pe^'sagwada 
while  they  circled  around,  at  once 

gi'z      madje'       pi'lwrna'gwzuwak     me"soma 
already        they  began          to  look  strange  before 

mi-'na       wi'wuna'gaha'dik'"       ndala'oga'na 
again          they  circled  about          they  could  not  dance. 


e'laboldi'hidit 
Looking  on 


a'lnpbak          una-'mi'hana. 
the  people  saw 


ni-'swa'    ma'skak    e'bi'r'djik    no'noda"kana 
two        toads        sitting.        Then  they  threw  them  out. 

ma'lhi'dahasu'ldowak     e-'li-      ma'skaitahadit 
They  wondered  at  how         they  turned  into  toads 

na^kskwak    ke'nuk    pe-'sagwun    e'lgaha'dit 
the  girls,  but  still  kept  dancing 

wzam     medji-'mi     tcuwi'1    wi'wuna'ge'ta'wa 
because  always  must  surround 

ni-'ban       we'dji'tc       a'nda      a'wen      gi-'zi-- 
summer  so  that  no  one  could* 

2  Birch-bark  vessels  of  at  least  eight  different  styles 
were  used  for  storage  and  culinary  purposes. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


213 


sa'manak'"  Gluska'be          eli-'dahasit 1 

touch  it.  Gluskp'be  thought  * 

pasaga"taha'sitc  wi-'gwom  nugr'zi- 

for  darkness  to  come     (in)  wigwam     then  he  was  able 

ni-mi'p'han      nr'banal      kwe'ni-basaga"tek'w 
he  grabbed  summer  while  it  was  dark 

unode'gada<-hin      ama'djegwago'ma      sala"- 
he  jumped  outside  he  began  to  run  suddenly 

kit'e          yu'geda'lgadjik          wunoda'wawal' 
at  once  those  dancing  here  heard 

ni-  'banal      mekwe'li'djil      nde'bena'wrahadit 
summer     groaning;     then  they  examined  it  (and  saw) 

tcr'lnazu        ma'nit-e        ka'rjgalowa'hadowak 
finger-marks  where  it  was  seized.  Then  they* 

quickly  cried  out, 

a'wen  ugr'zr  tcr'lnal  nr'banal 

"Someone     has  succeeded     snatching  away    summer!" 

i'da'mohodit      nabr'lwi      a'lnobe     nela'lo'ke 
They  said,        "That  strange       man       has  done  that!" 

nono'degadaho'ldina  nono"so'ka'wana 

Then  they  leaped  to  pursue        then  they  chased  him 

Glu'skabal    sala"kit-e    Gluska'be    e'lamrlot 
Gluskf'be.        Suddenly         Gluskf 'be         going  along 

unoda-'wa         no'so"ka7jgotci>%djihi'       ktcr'- 
heard  them  chasing  after  him  big' 

m'ka'sesa'        noda"srda'bi'dun        wa'dabak 
crows;  then  he  tied  on  on  his  head 


be'dagwa'pskek 
ball 


wlo'ges 
of  rawhide 


pe'  sagwun 
one 

pe-  'sagwun     elr'lat     mala'm'te     pe-'sagowal 
still  going  on  at  last  one 

ktci'm'ka-'ses-al  uda'dami'^k^gul 

big  crow  caught  up  to  him; 

no'ni'mip'hogun        wa'dabak        nam'ka-'ses 
then  he  grabbed  him  on  the  head  this  crow 

omo'wip'tun 
he  grabbed 

alr'dahasu 
he  thought 

ka-'ses      wada'p'      Glusk^'be      pe'mip'tak'w 
the  crow     [it  was]  head,     Gluskp'be     he  was  carrying^ 
along. 

1  The  conjurer's  wish-thought. 


naga 
and 


be'dagwa'pskek 
the  ball 

agwulbi-  'dawi-  'Ian 
flew  back 


wlo'ges 
of  rawhide 


mala'm'te         elp'bit         wlo'ges         ke'lnak 
At  last  looking  at          the  rawhide          he  seized 

me"tci  abi-'ta"pode  malhi-'daha'su 

the  end  unrolled  he  was  surprised 

ka-'ses        namr'na      uno'so"kawan      mi-'na 
crow.  Then  again  he  chased  him  again 

uda'damr'ka'wan         mi-'na         uni-'mip'han 
he  overtook  him  again  he  grabbed 

wa'dobak    mi-'na    ozawe'dawr'lan    nami-'na 
his  head          again  he  flew  about          then  again 

i-'bi'fe  wlo'ges  ke'lnak         me"tci 

just  only  the  rawhide  he  seized  the  end 

abi-'ta"pode          nonaska'dahasin         ka-'ses 
unrolled.  Then  he  gave  up  crow. 

pe-'sagwun        eli-'tat        Gluska'be       el^'bit 
Still  going  on  Gluskj'be  looking 

una-'mi-'tun      wa'zali 2    pe-'sagwun      eli-'lat 
saw  snow  *  still  going  on 

mala'm'te    be'djHe    wa'zali    e-'rk    ki-sa"tc 
at  last      he  came  (where)      snow      was,      and  already 

m'ka-'sesak      gwa"li      ayo'lduwak      ke'nuk 
the  crows  near  were;  but 

na-mi-"toho<dit  wa'zali   una'ska'dahasoldi-na 
when  they  saw  snow,  they  all  gave  up 

nobadagi-'dawi'ha'ldi'na  Gluska'be 

then  they  all  flew  back.  Gluskp'be 

una-'mi'han       uda'jjgama       e'khodjinli-'djihi 
saw  his  snowshoes  hanging  together. 

be'djHot  una'slan  uda'?jgama' 

When  he  came  up,       he  fastened  on       his  snowshoes, 


nagwHa'wa"tun 
then  he  searched  for 


wsi''suk'w 
his  eye 


a"tama 
not 


maska'mowun     naktci-'gi'gi-'laswal     udi-'lan 
he  found  it.  Then  to  Chickadee  he  said, 

don          si-'suk'w          udi-'tagun        di'ktagli 3 
"Where      is  eye?"     He  answered  him,     "Horned-Owl  3 

udl'mi'p'tone        nogaga'loman       dikta'gli'al 
carried  it  off!"  Then  he  called  Horned-Owl 

1  A  graphic  indication  that  he  was  returning  rapidly 
to  the  north  country. 

'American  long-eared  owl  (Asia  Wilsonianus). 
The  name  is  derived  from  the  bird's  supposed  cry. 


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wr"kwi-man         bedjr'dawi'lan         di'ktogli 
he  called  him  to  him      he  came  flying      Horned-Owl; 

nonr'mip'han      Gluska'be     noge'dnama'wan 
then  he  took  hold  of  him   Gluskp'be,   then  he  pulled  out 

si-'suk'w      ne'gama      una'stun      noma'djelan 
eye,  he  put  it  in.  Then  he  left 

pabu'nkik  elami-'lat  gwaskwa'i'  + 

for  winter  land  going  along  it  grew  colder. 


mala'm'te 
At  last 


una'mi'"tun 
he  saw 


pkwa'mi-ga'mik'"  nama' 

an  ice-house.  When  there 


e"tek 
where  sat 

bedjr'lat 
he  arrived, 


ubi-'di-gan     napalu's-as-is     e-'bit'     udr'lagul 
he  entered;       then  the  old  man     sitting  there     said- 
to  him, 

kwe-    kwe'nas   kwe-    kwe'nas1      naGluska'be 
"Kwr,     grandson!" —      "Kwe\       grandson!"1    Then- 
Gluskp'be 

amo'skanon       ni ''banal        na'ga        abo'n'on 
took  up  the  summer  and  set  it  down 

e'lkwe'bi'lit  palus-a's-i-zal  sala"kit-e 

facing  in  front  of  the  old  man.  Suddenly 

bedji'a'mpse'zu  palu's-as'is  i-'dak 

he  came  to  sweat  the  old  man.  He  said, 

kwe'nas      ga'matc     nda'bama'lsin     me'wi-a 
"Grandson,  very  I  am  hot,  it  is  better 

ma'dji-a'-ne  --  kwe'nas        ga'matc        nda'- 
that  you  go  away." — "Grandson,  very  I  am« 

bama'lsin       me'wi'a       ma'djra'ne.      ke'nuk 
hot,          it  is  better          that  you  go  away."  But 

Gluska'be      pe-'sagwun      ela-'bit      nami-'na 
Gluskp'be  still  sat  there.  Then  again 

palu's-as-is     awr'kwo'dama-'won    Glu'skabal 
the  old  man  begged  him  Gluskp'be 

ama'dji'lin        udr'lan        kwe'nas        nabe"t 
that  he  go  away.        He  said,        "Grandson,        I  wish 

ma'dji-a'ne        ke-'ga        kani-'Ji-         kwe'nas 
that  you  would  go,      almost      you  kill  me!" — "Grand* 
son,' 

1  Gluskp'be  is  mocking  him. 

8  An  insulting  exclamation,  accompanied  by  spread- 
ing the  knuckles  and  pointing. 


nabe"t         ma'dji-a'ne         ke-'ga         kanr'li- 
I  wish      that  you  would  go,       almost      you  kill  me!" 

uda'maskalo"tawal         Gluska'be         ma'lam 
He  mocked  him  Gluska'be,  then 

palu's'as'is       wi-"tan       pani-'le       ga'span'e' 
the  old  man      his  nose      melted  off      continuing  until 

upu'di'nal  pani-'lal  ka'skame'lal 

his  legs  melted  off  he  melted  away. 

naGluska'be     odji-'madjin     ne'li-     no'des-et' 
Then  Gluskp'be      departed.       Then  as      he  went  out 

na'ste       gr'bi'le       pkwa'mi-ga-'mik'w 
soon        melted  down        the  ice-house. 

TRANSLATION 

Then  Gluska'be  went  on  to  where  they  were 
dancing.  He  saw  the  living  people  in  groups 
talking  low.  He  edged  up,  and  asked,  "What 
is  going  on  next?"  Then  one  answered, 
"Tcestcil*  the  likes  of  you  to  know  what  is 
going  on?"  Gluska'be  said,  "You  yourself 
tcestcil"  and  he  twisted  his  nose  off  with  his 
fingers.  Then  he  entered  where  they  were 
dancing  round  about  a  big  bark  dish  which 
contained  Summer  like  a  kind  of  jelly.  Two 
handsome  girls  were  there  dancing.  Gluska'be 
spoke  to  them,  but  they  did  not  answer.  They 
made  fun  of  him.  Because  of  this  he  stroked 
them  on  the  back  as  they  were  dancing  around. 
After  circling  once,  their  appearance  began  to 
change;  before  they  made  another  turn,  they 
could  not  dance.  The  people  looking  on  them 
saw  two  toads  sitting  there.  They  threw  them 
out,  because  the  girls  had  turned  into  toads.8 
They  wondered,  as  they  still  kept  on  dancing, 
why  the  girls  had  become  toads,  guarding  the 
Summer  (Je''y)  so  that  no  one  could  touch 
it.  Then  Gluska'be  wished  for  darkness  in 
the  wigwam.  Then  he  grabbed  the  Summer 
in  the  dark,  and  started  to  run  away  with  it. 
The  others,  dancing,  heard  the  Summer 
groaning.  Examining  it,  there  were  finger- 
marks where  it  had  been  picked  out.  They 

'  Probably  accounting  for  the  origin  of  the  Toad- 
Woman  creature  (Maski''k'wsi)  mentioned  before  as 
a  minor  supernatural  being. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


215 


cried  out,  "Somebody  has  snatched  away 
Summer.  That  stranger  has  done  this." 
Then  they  leaped  up  and  went  in  pursuit  of 
Gluskp'be.  Soon  he  heard  them  coming  in 
the  shape  of  big  crows.  He  tied  his  rawhide 
ball  on  his  head.  Then  one  of  the  big  crows 
grabbed  him  on  the  head.  He  grabbed  the 
ball  of  rawhide  and  flew  back,  thinking  he 
had  Gluskp'be's  head.  Then  he  saw  the  end 
of  the  rawhide  as  he  unrolled  it  flying  along. 
He  started  again  in  pursuit,  and  again  grabbed 
another  ball,  thinking  it  was  the  head.  Then 
again  only  rawhide  he  held  by  the  end.  Then 
he  gave  it  up.  Gluskp'be  kept  on  until  he 
saw  snow.  Soon  he  reached  the  snow.  The 
crows  chasing  him  turned  back  when  they 
saw  the  snow.  Glusk^'be  took  his  snowshoes 
from  the  tree,  put  them  on,  and  looked  for  his 
eye.  He  could  not  find  it.  "Where  is  my 
eye?"  he  asked  the  Chickadee.  "A  big  Horned- 
Owl  carried  it  off,"  answered  the  Chickadee. 
Then  Gluskp'be  called  the  Owl,  and  it  came 
flying,  and  he  pulled  out  the  Owl's  eye  and  put 
it  in  his  own  head.  Then  he  left,  going  to 
where  it  was  still  colder.  Then  he  came  to 
where  the  ice-house  was.  He  entered,  and  the 
old  ice-man  said,  "Kwe-,  grandson!"  Glus- 
kp'be  mocked  him  in  return.  Then  Gluskp'be 
took  the  Summer,  and  set  it  down  in  front 
of  the  ice-man.  He  began  at  once  to  sweat, 
saying,  "Grandson,  I  am  very  hot.  You 
better  go  away."  Glusk^'be  mimicked  him, 
but  sat  still.  Then  the  old  man  begged  him, 
"Grandson,  go  away,  you  are  almost  killing 
me."  Gluskp'be  again  mimicked  him.  Then 
the  ice-man's  nose  melted  off,  then  his  legs, 
and  finally  he  melted  away.  Then  Gluskp'be 
left,  and  the  ice-house  melted  away  too. 

13.   GLUSKA'BE  DEPARTS,  AND  PROMISES 

TO  AID  THE  PEOPLE  WHEN 

HE  RETURNS  AGAIN 

omadji'n  wr'gwomwuk  nama'  be'djo'set 
He  went  to  his  wigwam.  When  there  he  arrived, 

wulr'dahasu  moni'mkwes'u  Glusk^'be 
rejoiced  Woodchuck.  Gluskp'be 


udi-'lan       an-i"       ni-"kwup'       gi-zi-'uli'"tun 
said,  "So!  Now  it  is  fixed 

anda'tc       mr'na       ado'dji       sa-'gi-po-'nuwi 
never  again  such  severe  winter. 

name"talo"kewan     go'sa'snawa'      ni'"kwup' 
I  have  finished  working      for  our  descendants.      Now 

ki'u'na         kamadje'ode'bana         me"tagwi-v- 
you  and  I  will  move  away  to  the  extreme* 

djr'lak  kada'ki'na1          nadjiwr'grak'" 

end  of  our  land l  to  live  there 

aska4'mi       metca't'etc       kda'lo'kewana'wak 
forever.  Nevertheless          we  shall  work  for  them 

go'sa'snawak          medjr'mitc          noda-'waTjk 
our  descendants,         and  always         I  shall  hear  them 

wi-'kwu'damawi-'hi'di'de  wrdjo'ke'dawa'jjgan 
whenever  they  call  for  me  for  help. 

nadji-ni-"kwup'  nadje'dala'lo"kan 

From  now  on  I  shall  work 

eda'li-'ta'wa  sa-'wonal  tci'ba-'dok' 

to  make  stone  arrow-heads  perhaps 

e'lami-ga-'dak'  ktcra-'odin  nHdj 

in  future  years  a  great  war  these  will 

ewe"ke-'di-djil       mi-ga'ke'hi'dr'dit       go'sa'- 
be  used  when  they  fight  our* 

snawak  nodi'da'man  moni'mkwes-u 

descendants."  Then  spoke  Woodchuck: 

an-i-"    nega'tc     nra     ndlr"tun    ni-'ma4wan2 
"So!          then  also  I         shall  make         lunches2 


basada-'mun 
of  crushed  corn 

uni-  'mawa'nuwul' 

their  lunches." 


a'o'dimge 
in  the  war 


ni-"kwup'         pemgi-'zaga 
Now  to-day 


go'sa'snawak 
our  descendants 


tanedu'dji 
whenever 


atlo"kalut  tcana'lo'ke  Gluskp'be 

a  story  is  told  of  him,         he  stops  work         Gluskp 'be 

nodaba'skwazin          na'ga          udabade'lmin 
raises  his  head  and  laughs  heartily, 

1  Surmised  to  be  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  world. 

2  Hunters  and  warriors  carried  small  quantities  of 
prepared  corn  and  smoked  meat  in  their  belts  on  their 
journeys,  called  "lunches." 


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VOL.  I 


udi'da'man       aha-a"'       eskwa't'e       nami1"- 
he  says,         "Aha-a-t        Yet  even         they  remember* 

kawr'daha'mguk        go'sa'snawak 


me 


our  descendants." 


TRANSLATION 


Then  he  went  home,  and  his  grandmother 
rejoiced.  "Now,"  said  he,  "I  have  fixed  it  so 
that  never  again  will  there  be  a  winter  too 
hard.  I  have  finished  working  for  our  descend- 
ants. Now  you  and  I  will  go  away  from  here 
to  the  extreme  end  of  our  land  (the  earth). 
There  we  shall  live  forever;  nevertheless  we 
shall  work  for  our  descendants.  I  shall  always 
hear  them  whenever  they  ask  help  of  me. 
From  now  on  I  shall  continue  to  work.  I  shall 
make  arrow-points.  Perhaps  in  future  years 
a  great  war  will  come.  Then  they  can  use 
them,  our  descendants."  Then  Woodchuck, 
his  grandmother,  said,  "Now  I  also  shall  make 
stores  of  baked  crushed  corn  for  our  descend- 
ants' food  when  the  great  war  takes  place, 
to  be  their  provisions." 

Even  now,  to-day,  whenever  a  story  is  told 
of  him,  Gluskp'be  stops  work,  raises  his  head, 
and  laughs  heartily.  He  says,  "Aha-a-t  Even 
yet  our  descendants  remember  me."1 


SECONDARY  MYTHS  CONCERNING 
GLUSKA'BE 

14.   GLUSKA'BE  IS  DEFEATED  BY  A  BABY 

Gluskp'be  ga'matc  ktci'se'npbe 

Glusk^'be  very  great  man 

pse'li-gi'si'ha'du         mazi-'          wuse'ka-'wan 
many  things  he  could  do  all  he  overcame 

ktci-awa''s-a'   ne"sana'gwzrlrdji-hi  mazi-a"tc 
great  beasts,  dangerous  ones,  and  all 

ktcrmade'olinowa'2        wuse"ka-'wp      be'dji- 
great  conjurers1  he  overcame,  even 

kasala'm'san  wuse"ka-'wp  an-i-" 

the  wind  he  overcame.  "So !" 

1  It  was  believed  even  until  recently  by  some  of  the 
older  people  that  Glusk^'be  would  some  day  return  and 
restore  the  country  to  the  Indians;  the  expulsion  of 


udi'da'man     ni-a     nda"tama     awe'n     a'yr 
he  said,  "I  not  any  one  there  is 

tan         se'ka''wit         nap'hs'nam         udr'lan 
but  I  conquer!"        Then  a  woman  said, 

e"kwi-ni-'da         a'yii         a'wen         se"kask' 
"Don't  say  that,      there  is      one  who      will  conquer* 
you." 

Gluskp'be    i-'dam    awenaskwe'na    se'ka-'wit 
Gluskp'be      said,      "Who  is  that  who      conquer  me?" 

udi'da'man    p'h«'nam    nra'ga    ni-'gwomnuk 
She  said     the  woman,     "Indeed  in  my      own  wigwam 

a'yu     se"kask'     Gluskp'be     i-'dak     naga'di 
there  is      who  will  conquer  you."      Gluskp'be      said,- 
"I  want 

na-'mi'ha        nap'he'nam        udr'lan        naga' 
to  see  him."      Then  the  woman      said,      "Well,  then, 

a- 'lose       nr'gwomnuk       Gluskp'be       r'dam 
come  to  my  wigwam."  Gluskp'be  said, 

p'ha  nadjina-'mi'ha  nodlo"san 

"Yes,  to  see  him."  Then  he  went 

wr'gwomuk    nama'     be'djo'set    una''mrhan 
to  the  wigwam.      When  there       he  came,          he  saw 

awa's'izal'        dalimrli'ha'dage        nap'he'nam 
a  baby          there  in  his  mischief.          Then  the  woman 

i-'dam     owa'was-is     nda'haba     gase"ka''wp 
said,  "That  baby  cannot         you  conquer." 

Gluskp'be  udabade'lmu  nawawo's'is 

Gluskp'be  laughed.  Then  the  baby 

muskwe'ldaman    tci'bago"kezin    seska'demin 
got  angry,  gave  a  great  scream  cried, 

a"tama  gi'zi'djr'gana  muskwe'ldak 

not  could  hush  him  he  was  mad. 

nodr'lan         p'he'nam        ehe"         Gluskp'be 
Then  said  woman,  "Ehe"!  Gluskp'be 

agwedji-'se^kawe  Gluska'be  mi-'na 

try  to  conquer  him."  Glusk/be  again 

udabade'lmu       nawa'wa's'is       tci'bago"kezu 
laughed,  then  the  baby          made  a  scream. 

naGluskp'be  uga'digla'hama-'wul 

Then  Gluska'be  tried  to  stop  him 

se'skade'mizi  be-'zagwun  e'l'kwesit 

crying  himself  still  he  kept  on. 

the  Europeans  to  be  accomplished  by  one  sweep  of 
the  hero's  foot  forcing  them  into  the  sea. 
1  Made'olinu,  professional  conjurer. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


217 


udr'lan       Gluska'be       naga'saga'o        ta'gwi 
Said  Gluskp'be,  "Then  let  us  both 

se'skade'mirre     na''tc      Gluska'be      useska'- 
letuscry!"  Then  Gluskp'be  cried, 

demin   tci'bago"kezu    na-'lau   se'skade'mi'na 
gave  a  great  scream,  so  thence  they  cried. 

ma-'alam'     awa's'is     e'k'wpazu     nomr'li'ha- 
At  last  baby  stopped  crying,  then  he* 

dagun     a'was'is     nabi"'     soge'wadun     na'tc 
made  mischief         baby,         water         spilling;        then 

Gluska'be          mHi'ha'dagun          mala'am'te 
Gluskp'be  likewise  did  mischief,  until  at  last 

a'was-is         sawa"tu         ola-'bin         awa's-is 
baby  got  tired,  he  sat  down  baby, 

ane'bi't  udaldja'go'kan  ma'nit'e 

then  there  sitting  there  he  defecated,  then 

kwa'lbada'bo    na'ga    umi-'djin     naGluska'be 
he  turned  around       and       ate  it.        Then  Glusk/be 

se'ka-'wun         nedali'se'ka'wat         Gluska'be 
was  conquered,       there  he  was  conquered       Gluska'be 

nda"tama         udlr'gi'zi'ha'dawun 
not         he  could  accomplish  it. 

TRANSLATION 

Gluska'be  was  a  very  great  person.  He  did 
many  things.  He  defeated  all  his  opponents. 
Great  dangerous  beasts,  all  great  magicians, 
he  defeated.  Even  the  wind  he  defeated. 
"So,"  he  said,  "I — why,  there  is  no  one  but 
whom  I  can  conquer."  Then  a  woman  who 
heard  him  said,  "Better  refrain  from  saying 
that ;  there  is  some  one  who  will  conquer  you." 
Said  Gluska'be,  "Who  is  he  who  can  conquer 
me?"  Said  the  woman,  "Even  in  my  wigwam 
there  is  one  who  will  conquer  you."  Said 
Gluska'be,  "I  want  to  see  him."  This  woman 
replied,  "Well,  then,  come  to  my  wigwam." 
Said  Gluska'be,  "Yes,  I  will  go  and  see  him." 
Then  he  went  to  the  wigwam.  Arriving  there, 
he  saw  a  baby  in  his  usual  mischief.  The  woman 
said,  "This  baby  you  are  not  able  to  conquer." 
Gluska'be  laughed  loudly.  The  baby  grew 
angry.  He  gave  a  scream;  and,  crying,  he 
would  not  be  hushed,  because  he  was  angry. 
Then  said  the  woman,  "Well,  Gluska'be,  try 


to  conquer  him."  And  Gluska'be  laughed 
again.  Then  the  baby  uttered  another 
scream,  and  Gluska'be  tried  to  stop  his  cry- 
ing; but  he  kept  on  just  the  same.  Then  said 
Gluska'be,  "So,  let  us  both  cry."  Then  he, 
too,  uttered  a  scream,  and  Gluska'be  cried. 
So  they  were  both  crying  and  screaming.  At 
last  the  baby  stopped  crying;  but  he  began 
more  mischief,  he  began  spilling  water.  Then 
Gluska'be  did  the  same.  They  both  spilled 
water  all  about.  Soon  the  baby  got  tired 
spilling  water  and  sat  down.  Forthwith  he 
defecated,  and  then  he  turned  around  and 
ate  it.  Now  Gluska'be  was  conquered.  Right 
there  he  was  conquered ;  Gluska'be  could  not 
do  that. 

15.   GLUSKA'BE  CAUSES  HIS  UNCLE,  TURTLE, 

TO  LOSE  HIS  MEMBER,  AND 

RECOVERS  IT  FOR  HIM 

sala"ki  bemo"sedit  kpi-'  Gluska'be 
Once  walking  along  in  woods  Gluskp'be 

na'ga  wusa"srzal'  do-'labal  J  umada'bana 
and  his  mother's  brother  Turtle  '  they  came  down 

ktci'si-'buk  udlaTjkwa'zi'na  gi'zaTykwa'- 
to  a  big  river;  finally  they  cooked  dinner;  after* 

zi'hi-'dit  umi-'tsi-na  grzi-"pi-hi''dit 

they  had  cooked,    they  ate.          After  they  had  eaten, 

dali'uda-'mona  sala"ki         ela'brhi-'dit 

there  they  smoked.  Suddenly  they  looked 

aga'muk  sr'buk  una''mi'hana  p'he'namu 
across  the  river,  they  saw  women 

me'daba'bazi'djik  dali'tkasmo'ldi-na 

coming  down  to  the  shore,        there  they  went  in  bath« 
ing. 

ak-wa-'dale   awr'gi'na'wa   do'l'be    p'ht'namu 
Ak-wa-dale!       He  wanted  to  cohabit      Turtle      with= 
the  women. 

i-'dak  nda'wazam2  tanbet-e"t  ndla-'lo'kan 
He  said,  "Nephew,2  how  please  shall  I  do 

we'dji'  gi'zi'be'su't'kawak  ni-'gik 

so  that  can  approach  those 

'Sculptured  terrapin  (Chelopus  insculptus). 

2  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  relationship  terms 
employed  here  indicate  Turtle  to  have  been  the  hero's 
maternal  uncle. 


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VOL.  I 


p'ht'nomu          ga'matc          nga'dawa'dabebi 
women,  very  much  I  desire  to  cohabit." 

udi-'lan  wza"si'zal  kdla-'lo'ke'gatc 

He  said  to  his  uncle,       "So  finally  you  do  this, 

ta'nraze     gabe'skuhwo'di  '     na'ga     aba'Vik 
cut  off  your  member  *  and  on  a  stick 

kwu's'aga'k'whaman        nage'hel'a        doTbe 
push  it  across."  Accordingly  Turtle 

uga'dona'dun  kwe'nahavn'dowa"kwak 

hunted  for  a  long  magic  wood 

aba'Vi    na'ga    abe'skuhwa'di    uda'mazaman 
stick,  and  his  member  he  cut  off 

na'ga        ubi'za'mudun        aba'Vik        na'ga 
and  stuck  it  through  on  the  stick,  and 

agwu's'aga'k'whaman  nabe'dak'"hak 

pushed  it  across.  Then,  when  it  reached 


eba-'s'tagwe 
middle  of  river, 


aa  nozaTjk'hi-'gada'hin 

of/  then  jumped  out 


sko"tam       noba'gaha'dun        udl'mikwu's'i'- 
a  trout,  then  he  grabbed  it,  he  finally 


ha'done 

swallowed  it 


do'l-be 
Turtle's 


ube'skwahadi 
member, 


kr'n'gi'nrla'wele  do'l'be  e'bagwa'tc 

terribly  greatly  he  got  angry        Turtle        on  account' 
of  it 

se"srla'we      naGlusko'be      udi-'lan      e"kwi 
he  cried.  Then  Gluskp'be  said,  "Don't 


ge-  gwus 
anything 


alr'daha'zi 
think  of  it, 


wulago'gatc 
for  this  evening 


kama's'anaman     kabe'skuhwa'di  name'- 

you  will  get  it  your  member."  Then  he= 


wi'a'dahasin 
felt  better 


do'l-be 
Turtle. 


nowela'gwi'wik 
Then  that  evening 


Gluska'be    uma'damr'man   i'zame'gwesawal2 
Gluskp'be  hired  Fish-Hawk » 

awa'"s'ana*    udi''lan   mo'zak  sap'taha"katc 
to  go  torching  for  fish.*    He  said,     "Don't     spear  him 


1  Literally,  "gun." 

1  Osprey  (Pandion  haliastus). 


1  To  fish  at  night  from  canoes  with  torches  made  of 
birch-bark  which  light  up  the  depths  of  the  river  and 
also  draw  the  fish  so  that  the  spearmen  can  see  them. 


na-  mes 

a  fish 


kr'napska'ldjade  eba'Vi 

big-bellied  in  his  middle, 

wu'dabak            gasa'p'tahan  mala'm'te 

on  the  head                   you  spear  him."  Then 


una-'mihal          i-'zame'gwe's'u          na-'mes'al 
he  saw  it  Fish-Hawk  the  fish 

ki'napska'ldjal         wsa'p'tahan         wu'dabak 
big-bellied  he  speared  him  on  the  head, 

gi'i'  wulr'dahasu  do'l'be  na't'e 

£»'•»•/  he  rejoiced  Turtle.  Then 

oba'skazan'     na-'mes'al     na'ga     uge'dnaman 
he  cut  open  the  fish  and  he  took 

abe'skuhwa'di       e'bagwa'tc       w^'ba'gwas'an 
the  member        on  account  of  (the  soaking)        it  was» 
shrivelled. 

udi-'lan    Gluska'be    wza"si-zal'    wi'"hwi'za'e 
He  said         Gluskp'be         to  his  uncle,         "Hurry  up 

gla''modu'  ane'dudji  wi-za'nagwzit 

attach  it!"  Then  so  much  he  hurrying 

do'l'be  galama"ket  abe'skuhwadi 

Turtle  to  attach  quickly  his  member 

e'bagwa'tc       wzu'skwi'p'tun       wzo'skwa"t'e 
on  account  of  it   belly  up  he  put  it     right  upside  down 

abe'skuhwa'di      we'dji      ni"kwup'      do'l'be 
his  member  so  that  now  Turtle 

soskwa"tek         abe'skuhwadi          e'bagwa'tc 
upside  down  member  on  account  of  this 

ni'"kwup'      ali'wi-'la      do'l'be      soskwa-'los 
now          he  is  called          "Turtle      inverted  member." 

TRANSLATION 

Once  upon  a  time  Gluska'be  was  walking 
along  in  the  woods.  His  mother's  brother, 
Turtle,  was  with  him.  They  came  to  a  big 
river,  where  they  cooked  a  meal  and  ate  it. 
After  they  had  eaten,  they  smoked  together. 
All  of  a  sudden,  looking  across  the  river,  they 
saw  some  women  coming  down  to  the  shore 
to  go  in  bathing.  Turtle  voluit  copulare  cum 
mulieribus  very  eagerly.  Said  he,  "Nephew, 
what  shall  I  do  so  that  I  may  get  near  those 
women?  Volui  copulare  very  much."  His 
uncle  replied,  "Cut  off  your  member,  put  it 
on  a  stick,  and  send  it  across:  that  is  what 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


219 


you  will  do."  So  thus  Turtle  found  a  great 
long  stick,  cut  off  his  member,  and  stuck  it 
upon  the  end  of  the  stick.  Then  he  pushed 
it  across  the  river  underneath  the  water. 
When  he  had  sent  it  half  way  in  the  middle 
of  the  river,  lo,  a  trout  jumped  out  of  the 
water  and  grabbed  and  swallowed  Turtle's 
member.  Ki-nl  he  was  angry.  So  angry  was 
Turtle,  that  he  cried.  Then  Gluskp'be  said, 
"Don't  think  anything  of  it,  for  to-night  we 
shall  recover  your  member."  Then  Turtle 
felt  more  at  ease,  and  that  evening  Gluskp'be 
hired  a  Fish-Hawk  to  go  spearing  fish  by 
torch-light.  Said  he  to  the  Fish-Hawk,  "If 
you  encounter  a  great  big-bellied  fish,  don't 
spear  it  in  the  middle,  but  hit  it  on  the  head." 
So  the  Fish-Hawk  went  spearing  by  torch- 
light. At  last  he  saw  the  big-bellied  fish,  and 
speared  it  on  the  head.  Kvvl  how  Turtle  re- 
joiced! Straightway  he  cut  open  the  fish,  took 
out  his  member.  On  account  of  its  being  in  the 
belly  of  the  fish  so  long,  it  was  much  water- 
soaked  and  wrinkled.  Then  said  Gluskp'be, 
"Hurry,  stick  it  on,  connect  it!"  And  Turtle 
hurried,  and  quickly  joined  his  member  on; 
but  he  put  it  on  his  belly  bottom  side  up  in 
his  haste,  so  that  now  Turtle  has  his  member 
upside  down.  That  is  why  the  turtle  is  now 
called  "wrong-side  up  member." 


16.   GLUSKA'BE  AIDS  TURTLE 

TO  GET  MARRIED;  BUT  TURTLE 

GETS  BURNED,  AND  TRIES  IN  VAIN 

TO  KILL  GLUSKA'BE 

nodji'ma'djrna     nodlo"sana    a'lnpbai  o'dene 
Then  they  started  out,      then  they  went    to  a  village* 
of  people, 

noda'li        udji-"tcrhi'wpna          sa'Tjgama'k'e 
and  there  they  came  as  visitors  to  the  chief 

kal-u"1        kal-u"       lowa'udo'zal       nado'l'be 
Auk.1       Auk        had  three  daughters.         That  Turtle 

1  Supposed  to  be  Great  Auk  (Plaulus  impennis)  or 
perhaps  Razor-Billed  Auk  (Alca  torda). 

1  The  formal  proposal  by  means  of  wampum.  Some 
male  relative,  in  behalf  of  the  suitor,  carries  a  belt, 
collar,  or  handkerchief  full  of  wampum  to  the  mother  of 


o'li'na'wan     pe-'sagowal     na'kskwal    udi-'lan 
liked  one  girl.  He  said 

uda'wpzamal          Glusk^'bal 
to  his  nephew  Gluskp'be, 


nda"tcwelmo 
I  want 


nabe-'sago 
that  one 

ni-"kwup' 

Now 


"My  nephew, 

na'kskwe 
girl 

nra 
I 


youngest. 

nda"tcwevldaman  gra  kal-u'lwewin2  i-'dak 
wish  you  to  propose."  2  Said 

Gluskp'be  an-i-"  ni-'atc  kal-u'lwewul 
Glusk^'be,  "So!  I  will  propose  for  you." 

gehe'l'a  wela'ijgwrwik  ogal'u'lwan 

Accordingly  at  evening  he  proposed 

Gluskp'be  uli-'daha'ma  do'l'be  na'fe 
Gluskp'be.  He  was  accepted  Turtle,  right  away 

unr'ba->wina  ki-i--f-  mam'ho'nagan 

they  married.  Kvv+  a  big  dance 

na'ga  o'manaska"s-in  do'l'be  nami-tso'ldin 
and  provided  a  feast  Turtle.  Then  they  ate 

na'ga  pa"poldin  ne'ngama'dr'hi'din' 
and  played  games  and  running-races, 

na'ga  elrgada"holdin  Gluskp'be  udr'lan 
and  also  jumping.  Gluskp'be  said 

wza"si-zal  ki-a"tc  wi'djr'gada'hi 

to  his  nephew,  "And  you  ioin  in  jumping, 

k'wskwrdji''gadavhi  kasi'l'hos  wr'gwom 
jump  over  the  top  your  father-in-law's  wigwam 

kal'u"  saTjgma'wi'ga'mik'"  nsa'da 

Auk  the  chief's  house,  three  times 

k'wskwi-dji-'gada'hin  ke-'nuk  p'da 

jump  over  it,  but  no 

a'Tjkwomu'k'  nsa'da  kri'-f  edu'dji 
more  than  thee  times."  Ki-v  +  when 

spi-'gada'hit  do'l'be  mazi1'  oma'Jhrna'wal 
over  the  top  he  jumped  Turtle,  all  were  surprised 

e'dudji  spi-'gada'hHit  do'l'bal  mszr' 
when  he  jumped  over  Turtle.  All 

the  girl  desired,  at  the  same  time  delivering  a  commenda- 
tory speech.  If  the  suit  is  favorable,  the  wampum  is 
accepted;  otherwise  it  is  returned.  This  procedure  con- 
stituted one  of  the  few  ceremonies  in  the  native  life  of 
the  region. 


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VOL.  I 


wna'k'anaga'mi'ha          skrno"sa'          edu'dji 
he  outstripped  them  the  youths.  Then  so 

bali-'daha'sit    doTbe    i-'dak    nda'tenage'k'" 
he  felt  proud.      Turtle      he  said,       "That  is  not  my 
limit!" 

nami-'na          udlr'gada'hin  naGlusko'be 

Then  again  he  tried  to  jump,          then  Gluskp'be 

udli-'daha'man  nabr't'e'sin          na'ga 

caused  him  by  wishing,  "Get  caught  and 

gabani-'lan  a'rraba'ndje'lan1 


fall." 


naga 
Then  he  fell  (the  rascal),1  and 


skwude-'  zu'sk'wte's-in  mazi'- 

(in)  the  fire  lay  on  his  back,  all 

wi'kwu'tkade'k  ba'skwan  nawe'dji 

wrinkled  dried  his  back.  That's  why 

a'li'guk       doTbe       uba'skwan       ni-"kwup' 
looks  so  turtle  his  back  now. 

awa"katc  ugi-zrkaba"kana'l  kal'u" 

Hardly  he  could  snatch  him  out  Auk 

udalu'sagul  doTbe  wewr'daha'man 

his  son-in-law  Turtle.  He  knew 

uda'wazemal     ne'li'ho'go't     amuskwr'daha1- 
his  nephew       so  was  causing  it.       He  got  angry  with" 

man     eli'ho'go't     ga'matc    aga-'djo    doTbe 
him         for  doing  it,         very         ashamed         Turtle 

e'dudji    muskwr'daha'sit    ugi'zi-'dahada'man 
so  much  he  felt  angry.  He  made  up  his  mind 

wani-'lan  Glu'skobal  wela'gwrwik 

to  kill  Gluskp'be.  At  evening 

udi-'lan  uda'wazamal  pe'malo'gwik 

he  said  to  his  nephew,  "To-night 

ki-u'nat'e  ni-zo'si-'nun-e  ge'hel'a 

you  and  I  directly       together  will  lie."       Accordingly 


wa'skwe 
that 


Gluska'be 
Gluskp'be 


they  lay  together 

wewi-'daha'mol       ke-'di-alalo"kelit       ma'ni- 
knew  it  what  he  would  do.  After 

1  The  first  degree  of  objurgative  emphasis  in  verbs, 
translated  ordinarily  nowadays  as,  "Then  he  fell, 
damn  him!"  The  objurgative  element  here  \s-dj-,  a 
still  more  forceful  element  is-djale-,  and  the  ultimate  is 


kr'sasr'nohodit   udlr'dahaman    madje'ganatc 
they  had  lain  down,       he  wished,       "Commence  also= 
to  grow 

gabe'skuhwpdi  nage'hel'a          madje'gan 

your  member."  Accordingly  it  grew 

doTbe  abe'skuhwahadi  ma'lam' 

Turtle  his  member.  Then 

ude'd3bi-gwunagwzo"tf  gun  to'  'gi-  'lat 

it  became  as  long  as  to  reach  to  his  head.   He  woke  up 

pema"kwasi'gwa-<wen  elr'dahasit 

lying  alongside  of  him  some  one      he  thought  (it  was) 

Gluska'be         ga-'o         agwr'lonot         i-'dak 
Gluskp'be         sleeping;         he  felt  of  him,         he  said, 

ki'i'+  ule'wagan  wewa'mada''man 

*Ki-i-+  his  heart!"  He  felt  of  it 

eda'l'te's'ak     uni'se-'kwak'"     wi-"kw3n3man 
there  it  beating,  his  knife  he  took. 

sesala"ki  uz^'p'tahan  ne'dudji 

All  of  a  sudden  he  jabbed  him.  Then 

tci'ba'gawet          age«'+  ya"          e'labit 

he  gave  a  cry,  "Aftt+        ya"l"  Looking 

a'nsama      ude'z^k'wtahe'm3n     ube'skuhwadi 
right  square      he  had  jabbed  it  through      his  member. 

TRANSLATION 

After  this  they  started  out,  and  went  to  a 
village,  where,  as  strangers,  they  entered  the 
chief's  house.  Auk  was  the  chief.  Auk  had 
three  daughters.  Now,  the  Turtle  took  a 
liking  to  one  girl;  so  he  said  to  his  nephew, 
Gluska'be,  "Nephew,  I  should  like  that  par- 
ticular girl,  the  youngest  one;  so  now  I  want 
you  to  propose  for  me."  Gluska'be  replied, 
"All  right,  I  will  propose  for  you."  So  that 
night  Gluska'be  sent  the  proposal-wampum 
to  the  chief  for  Turtle,  and  he  was  accepted. 
Right  away  they  got  married.  Kvi'l  a  splen- 
did dance  and  a  great  feast  were  furnished 
by  the  Turtle.  The  people  ate  and  played 
games,  running  races  and  jumping.  Then  said 
Gluska'be  to  his  uncle,  "Now  you  jump  in  the 
contests,  too.  Jump  over  your  father-in-law's 
wigwam,  Auk's,  the  chief's  house.  Jump  over 
it  three  times,  but  not  more  than  three  times." 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


221 


Ki-i-l  when  Turtle  jumped  over  the  top  of 
Auk's  wigwam,  all  the  people  were  greatly 
astonished.  He  beat  every  one  in  jumping. 
And  he  became  very  proud,  this  Turtle,  and 
said,  "Oh !  that's  nothing."  Then  he  tried  to 
jump  again.  Now  Gluskp'be,  by  thinking, 
caused  him  to  get  caught  in  the  wigwam-poles 
of  Auk's  house;  and  there  the  rascal  stuck, 
and  soon  fell  into  the  fire,  where  he  lay  on  his 
back.  His  back  was  all  wrinkled  and  dried. 
That's  why  the  turtle's  back  is  so  nowadays. 
Auk,  indeed,  could  hardly  snatch  his  son-in- 
law  from  the  fire.  Turtle  knew  that  his  nephew 
was  the  cause  of  his  trouble,  and  so  got 
angry  with  him  for  what  he  had  done.  Turtle 
was  very  much  ashamed,  and,  besides,  very 
angry;  so  he  made  up  his  mind  to  kill 
Glusk/be  that  evening.  That  evening  he 
said  to  his  nephew,  "To-night  we  shall  lie 
down  together."  Accordingly  they  slept  to- 
gether that  night.  Now,  Gluska'be  knew 
what  Turtle  was  planning.  So,  after  they  had 
lain  down,  Gluskp'be,  by  thinking,  caused 
Turtle's  member  to  grow  very  large.  So  Tur- 
tle's member  began  to  grow  very  large  indeed, 
until  at  last  it  got  to  be  as  large  as  his  own 
body,  as  tall  as  his  head.  When  he  woke  up, 
Turtle  thought  that  the  object  lying  beside 
him  was  Gluskp'be,  sound  asleep;  so  he  felt 
of  him,  and  said,  "Kvvl  his  heart  throbs." 
He  could  feel  the  pulse  beating  in  his  member. 
Then  he  took  his  knife  and  all  of  a  sudden 
stabbed  it.  He  made  an  outcry.  "Agtt'+ya"!" 
Point  blank  he  had  jabbed  his  knife  through 
his  own  member. 

SECONDARY  HERO-TRANSFORMER 
TALES 

i.  LONG-HAIR  (KWUN-A-'WAS)  IS  ABANDONED 

BY  HIS  PARENTS,  AND"  IS  RAISED  BY 

HIS  GRANDMOTHER,  WOODCHUCK 

wa"ka  na'bmak  me"tagwik  pan-awa'- 
Far  up  river  at  head  of  Penobscot* 

mske'u'tuk'"  np'wat  e-'rgasa  o'dene 
River  long  ago  where  was  village 


ali'wi'"tazu        p'zwazo'ge's'ak 
called  Crooked-Channel 


ni'wr'gi'za 
there  lived 

nak'wtata-'wit 
Lone-Light, 


na  ga 
and 


na'ga 
and 


grnr  nagwzu 
very  powerful 

taba-'wus 
seven 


ktci'sa'ijgamo        a'li'wi-'zo 
great  chief  named 

gi-nha'n-do 
great  magician 

gizi-  'd3ha'nig3zo"sa 
beloved  by  his  people; 

une-'mona        na'gwudas        gi-'nrnagwzowak 
his  sons.  Six  were  powerful, 

ke-'nuk  nihrmosa'dji-na  ke-'nuk 

but  these  he  loved ;  but 

made'Va        pi'waba's'u        nHil        a"tama 
the  youngest  small,  that  one  not 

amosa'dji-na  e'bagwa'tc         ami-'lw?-na 

he  loved  so  much  that  he  gave  him  away 

wuzu-'gwu's-a  moni'mkwes-uwal'  nemoni'mk- 
to  his  mother-in-law         Woodchuck.         Then  Wood" 

wes-u  oma'dje'ganan  o'kwe'nasal' 

chuck  raised  him  as  her  grandchild, 

nodli-'wrlan    Kwun-a-'was  wutc   eli-'wli-<guk 
then  called  him        Long-Hair,        for        so  nice  (was) 

ubre'somal'  ga'matc  omosa'djrna 

his  hair,  very  much  she  loved 

o'kwe'nasal  uzam  una'mr'ta'wan 

her  grandson,  because  she  saw  him 

e'li        ga'di        gi-nhan-do'wHit        nodage"- 
how         going  to  be         great  magician.        Then  she= 

ki-man         e'li-         ka'dona-'lut         awa-'s-ak 
taught  him  how  to  hunt  beasts, 

pala't'e  nta'm'ka          e'li- 
the  very  first  of  all  how 

ma'tagwe'Vu        be'djHeo        kado'powa'gan 
rabbit.  Came  here  a  famine, 

na'mas'i'  madje"kenoldi-na          a'lnabak 

then  all  left  the  place  the  people. 

noda'li          naga'la'na          moni'mkwes-uwal' 
Then  there  they  abandoned  Woodchuck 

na'ga      kwe'nasal      na'ga      ma'djega'don'ka 
and  her  grandson.  And  began  to  hunt 

Kwun-a-'was        pala'fe         ma'tagwesmwal' 
Long-Hair,  first  of  all,  rabbits 


po'nama'wut 
to  set  snares  for 


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VOL.  I 


ogadona'la  we'dji  kisimi'tsi-'dit 

to  hunt,  is  that  they  could  eat. 

naKwurra'was    uda'tcwe'ldama   c/'kamas-al' 
Then  Long-Hair  wanted  his  grandmother 

udli'"tagwun        to'mbial      na'ga      ba"kwal 
to  make  him  a  bow  and  arrows 

we'dji  giz-r'bmot  madj'i'les'uwal 

so  that  he  could  shoot  partridges. 

moni'mkwes-u       udlr'han      to'mbial     na'ga 
Woodchuck  made  for  him  bow  and 

ba"kwal    nta'mka'fe    ki-u"set  Kwun-a'was 
arrows.      The  first  time     he  walked  about  (hunting),- 
Long-Hair 

ogi-mataba'wus     ne'ladji'hr     madji-'les-uwal 
remarkable  seven  killed  partridges. 

e'dudji  wli'daha'sit  moni'mkwes-u 

So  much  she  rejoiced  Woodchuck 

e'bagwatc'    ba'mage'    moni'mkwes-u    udi-'lan 
on  account  of  it,       she  danced.       Woodchuck       said 

kwe'nus-al          a'rri"        kwe'nus-is         na'ga 
to  her  grandson,        "Now,        little  grandson!        and 

pmauzi-'nena      ni      ni-"kwup'      ka'dona'lan 
we  shall  live  this  now  you  will  hunt 

ktci'-awa'Vak  ni-"kwup'  kami-'lan 

big  animals  now  I  shall  give  you 

kamo"sumsal    uda"tambial   namoni'mkwes-u 
your  grandfather's       his  bow.       Then       Woodchuck 

omu'ska'naman       mi-gana'gwe      udli'k'hasin 
took  out  a  bark  vessel,  searching 

odji'mo'skana       wa'mbiga'nrye1       ta'mbial 
she  took  from  it         white  bone  made  (ivory)1        bow 

na'ga         sa-'wonal         nodi4 'Ian         kwe'nas 
and         flint  arrows,          then  she  said,        "Grandson, 

wa       ta'mbi       kmo"sumsal       uda"tambial 
that  bow  your  grandfather  his  bow. 

na         ni-"kwup'         masi-'dan         ne'mi-hat 


Hence 


now 


all  whatever 


awa-'s     a"tomatc      kabu'lgu 
beast  never  escape  you." 


nta'm'ka'fe 
The  first  time 


gi'wr'lat 
he  went  about, 


you  may  see 


Kwun-a'was 
Long-Hair 


1  Described   as   a    composite   bow  made   of  three 
lengths  of  ivory  lashed  together. 


a'gi-matoba'was 
remarkable  seven 


no'lka' 
deer 


ne'la'dji'hi 
killed. 


dana'skwe         no"kami         a'nda         mi-'na 
"How  is  it,  grandma,  not  more 

ta'ma     ai-'wi-yak     a'lnabak     moni'mkwes-u 
anywhere  exist  people?"  Woodchuck 

seska'demin  si'pki'  dabr'dahasu 

cried  for  a  long  time  she  pondered 

moni'mkwes'u     mala'm'te    r'dak    nkwe'nas 
Woodchuck        then        she  said,         "My  grandchild, 

ai-'wak        kada'gik        a'lnabak        ki'u'natc 
there  exist          other          people, —          your  and  my 

kada'lnabe'mnawak  ke'nuk  r'yu 

our  people  (relatives),  but  here 

eda'li-naga'lnagoban   we'dji    gwaskwa'lamiak 
is  where  they  abandoned  us    so  that    starve  to  death, 

aso"ke  gabma'uzi'bana  e'skwa 

in  spite  of  it  we  are  living  yet. 

a'lmot'ha'doba'nik  ala'gwi  we'dji 

They  moved  away  in  direction  whence 

sa'rjkhi-lat        gi-'zo's2      nr"kwup'        gwa"li 
comes  out  the  sun.2  Now  near 

ktci'so'beguk    ayo'lduwak    mazi-'    ela'goda'- 
the  great  ocean  they  exist.  All  our  kin 

man          udalrwi'djr'lana          naKwun-a'was 
there  went  with  them."  Then  Long-Hair 

udi-'daman  ni-"kwup'  ngwrla'uhan 

said,  "Now  I  shall  search  for  them, 

naga'di  na-'mrhak  ndalna'bemak 

I  want  to  see  them  my  people." 

udr'lan  moni'mkwes-u  o'kwe'nas'al 

Said  Woodchuck  to  her  grandchild, 

ga'matc      nagwi-'te'ldaman      anda'      mi-'na 
"Very  much  I  am  afraid  not  again 

kana-'mi'ho'lawan          wzam          na'nagwutc 
I  shall  see  you,  because  some 

ma'dji-se'nabak     ki-'dji'ak     ka'dona'lgogatc 
are  bad  men  your  brothers  seeking  your  life 

na'mi-uske      kda"tcwi      wuli-'sko'hoda'man 
when  they  see  you  you  must  take  good  care. 

1  The  east. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


223 


ni-'snoldji          o'denal        e'tcwi-adodjosa-'nil 
There  will  be  two       villages       equally  to  be  passed* 
through 

ni''lil      sppka-'mane      kabma'uzi'     ni'"kwup' 
these        if  you  succeed  with        you  will  live.         Now 

kda"tcwi'  ni-'a  wi'djo"kemal 

must  I  help  you." 

namoni'mkwes-u      udli'kha'sin   mi'gana'gwik 
Then  Woodchuck  searched  in  a  bark  vessel, 

omo'skanaman       ka'dagwa'bi'zun       udr'lan 
she  took  out  a  belt.  She  said, 

r'yu  da'nteliktcwe'ldaman  kdli''- 

"Here  whatever  you  wish  it  will, 

gi-zobeda'man  i'br'tde  kalo'ldamgn 

obey  you,  only  speak  to  it 

e'li'tcwe'ldaman        nagasi-'bi       Kwun'a'was 
what  you  wish."  Then  Long-Hair 

udr'lan  o"kmas-al  mo'za'k 

said  to  his  grandmother,  "Do  not 

nsa'hi-'katc        nda'gwe'dji'        nenawe'lmasi' 
worry  about  me,      I  shall  try      to  take  care  of  myself 

gweni'"la        tcumi-'na       be'djHa       udr'lan 
while  going.      Surely  again      I  shall  come."      He  said 

o"k3mas-al  o'wa  noda'mpgan 

to  his  grandmother,  "This  my  pipe 

kaivaga'damo'lan       panapskwa"s-9n       o'wa 
I  leave  with  you,  stone  pipe,  this 

gabcr'nan      elkwe'srnan      nakadabr'na^'wan 
place  in  your  bed    as  you  lie  down,    and  you  watch  it. 

tan    gwe'ni'      nr'wigit     mo'za'k     sa'hr'kat 
As          long  as          it  is  empty,          don't          worry; 

azo"ke  na-'mrha'de  udo'ta'oban 

but,  on  the  other  hand,          if  you  see  it          contains 

paga"kan  ka'dabrna'wan  na'djan 

blood,  watch  it,  for  then 

eda'li       da'yine's-a'       sa'n?gwa"k       ke'nuk 
there  is  present  danger,  but  if 

a'nda     psa'n-abekwe     nabma'uzin     nizna-'bi 
not  it  is  full,  I  am  alive,  soon 

be'dji'le 

I  shall  come  back." 


TRANSLATION 

Far  up  the  river,  at  the  head  of  Penobscot 
River,  where  there  was  a  village  called  Crooked 
Channel,  there  lived  a  great  chief  named  Lone- 
Light.  He  was  a  great  and  powerful  magician, 
beloved  by  his  people,  and  he  had  seven  sons. 
Six  were  strong,  and  these  he  loved ;  but  the 
youngest  was  small,  and  that  one  he  loved 
not.  On  this  account  he  gave  him  away  to 
his  mother-in-law,  Woodchuck.  Then  Wood- 
chuck  raised  him  as  her  grandchild,  and 
called  him  Long-Hair,  for  he  had  such  nice 
hair.  Very  much  she  loved  her  grandson. 
Then  she  taught  him  how  to  hunt  beasts, 
first  of  all  how  to  set  snares  for  rabbits. 

There  came  a  famine,  and  all  the  people 
left  the  place  and  abandoned  Woodchuck  and 
her  grandson.  Then  Long-Hair  began  to 
hunt.  First  of  all,  rabbits  he  hunted,  so  that 
they  could  eat.  Then  Long-Hair  wanted  his 
grandmother  to  make  him  a  bow  and  arrows, 
so  that  he  could  hunt  partridges.  Woodchuck 
made  for  him  a  bow  and  arrows.  The  first 
time  he  went  about,  Long-Hair,  strange  to 
say,  killed  seven  partridges.  So  much  Wood- 
chuck  rejoiced  on  account  of  this,  that  she 
danced,  and  said  to  her  grandson,  "Now, 
little  grandson,  indeed  we  shall  live  from  now 
on.  You  will  hunt  big  animals.  Now,  I  shall 
give  you  your  grandfather's  bow."  Then 
Woodchuck  took  out  a  bark  basket.  Search- 
ing in  it,  she  took  out  a  bow  of  ivory,  and  flint 
arrows,  and  said,  "Grandson,  that  bow  is  your 
grandfather's  bow.  Henceforth  whatever 
beasts  you  may  see  will  never  escape  you." 
The  first  time  he  went  about,  Long-Hair, 
strange  to  say,  killed  seven  deer.  "How  is  it, 
grandmother,  that  no  more  people  exist  any- 
where?" Woodchuck  wept;  and  for  a  long 
time  she  pondered,  then  she  said,  "My  grand- 
child, there  do  exist  other  people, — your  rela- 
tives and  my  relatives, — but  they  abandoned 
us  here  to  starve  to  death.  In  spite  of  it, 
however,  we  are  living  yet.  They  moved 
away  in  the  direction  whence  comes  up  the 


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VOL.  I 


sun.  Now,  near  the  great  ocean  they  still 
exist.  All  our  kin  went  there  with  them." 
Then  Long-Hair  said,  "Now,  I  will  search  for 
them,  for  I  want  to  see  my  people."  Said 
Woodchuck  to  her  grandchild,  "Very  much  I 
fear  that  not  again  shall  I  see  you,  because 
some  are  bad  men,  your  brothers,  who  will 
seek  your  life  when  they  see  you.  You  must 
take  good  thought,  for  there  will  be  two  vil- 
lages equally  to  be  passed  through;  and  if 
you  pass  these,  you  will  live.  But  now  I  must 
help  you."  Then  Woodchuck  searched  in  a 
bark  basket,  and  took  out  from  it  a  belt. 
Said  she,  "Here!  Whatever  you  wish  for, 
it  will  obey  you  if  you  only  say  to  it  what  you 
wish."  Then  Long-Hair  said  to  his  grand- 
mother, "Do  not  worry  about  me.  I  shall 
try  to  take  care  of  myself  on  my  journey. 
Surely  I  shall  come  again."  He  said  to  his 
grandmother,  "Here  is  my  pipe;  I  shall  leave 
it  with  you,  my  stone  pipe.  Place  this  in  your 
bed  as  you  lie  down,  and  watch  it.  As  long 
as  it  is  empty,  worry  not;  but  should  you  see 
it  contain  blood,  watch  it  well,  for  then  danger 
is  present  before  me.  But  if  it  does  not  be- 
come full,  I  am  still  living,  and  shall  soon 
come  back." 

2.  LONG-HAIR  STARTS  OUT 

IN  SEARCH  OF  HIS  PEOPLE,  AND  OVERCOMES 

THE  BAD  PEOPLE  OF  THREE  VILLAGES 


naKwun'a'was 
Then  Long-Hair 

udalna'bemal 
his  people, 

ke'sogna'ki'wik 
days  ends 

ubi-'di'gan 
He  entered 

wli'daha'suwak 
they  rejoiced 

tcrpht'nam 
old  woman. 


ga'matc 
"Very  much 


in 


omadje'lan      agwrla'ohan 
went  away  to  seek 

elmo"set  taba'was 

going  along  seven 

abe'djo'san          o'denek 
he  came  to  a  village. 

ni'ta'ma'tek  wr'gwam 

the  first  wigwam, 

ktci-palu'Vis  na'ga 

old  man  and 

udi-'lana          Kwun-a'wasal 
They  said  to  Long-Hair, 

u'na          sa'nagwat          r'yu 
we  dangerous  here 


ndode'nena        ga'matc  ma'dji'  se'nabe 

our  village,                  very                  bad  man 

oga'dona'lan1          mazi''  dan 

he  tries  to  kill '                all  who 


so  gama 
chief 


be'djo'set    udode'nenuk    de'banuk    gabe'dji- 
come        to  his  village,         soon         they  will  come  to» 

nadji'p'hoge  ko'lr'sko'hodaman 

get  you;  you  take  good  care  for  yourself, 

kadona'lguk         kawrdjo"kemzi'          tega'gi' 
they  want  to  kill  you ;     you  help  yourself     as  much  as 

bagwa"ta'wan          tebedjo"san          ni-'zwak 
you  are  able  to."  Then  came  two 

se'nobak  udi'da'mena  kana'dji- 

men  they  said,  "We  are  going 

kadona-'lana          tama"kwe          nagwazabe'- 
to  kill  beaver  in  the» 

msr'sak          udi'da'man          ni'a          dlr'lon 
little  pond."  He  said,  "I  will  go." 

paluVasis    udr'lan     ni'a'tc     kwi'djo"kemal 
The  old  man          said,          "And  I  will  help  you. 

taba'was     se'nabak     ki'gr'mr     ndla'grman 
Seven  men  secretly  I  ordered 

kaso"sana         omadjabo'si'na         tama"kwe 
to  go  along."  They  all  started  to  where       beaver 

e-'i't  e'labit  Kwun'a'was  ktci' 

was.  He  saw  Long-Hair,  big 

nagwa'sabem       e'lmaga'me'k       una-'mi'han 
lake  along  the  lake;  he  saw 

ktci'         wa'djowal         nodr'lagun         yu-'hi' 
big  mountains.  They  told  him  these 

a'lnaba     na     wa's'is'e'     tama"kwe    wzo'rni- 
people,  "That  nest  of  beaver  too 

a'gwane'gi-zagat         se-'batc'          kmo'dnana 
late  in  the  day,      but  to-morrow      we  will  attack  him 

tama"kwe       yut       kda'tcwi'       ka'daguni'1- 
beaver.  Here  must  we  stay  over* 

di'bna         ma'nit'e         wula'gwak         yu-'gik 
night."  Then  they  lay  down  these 

madji'a'lnabak  be'malagwek  na'tc 

bad  people  on  the  glare  ice.  Then 

1  This  verb  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "hunting  down," 
"preying  upon,"  in  reference  to  game-animals. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


225 


Kwurra'was 
Long-Hair 

pagwa'mik        nagazi-'br 


sena'bema 
his  men 


ola'gwana 
lay  down 

uda'do'kso'ldi'na 
on  the  ice.  At  the  same  time         they  told  stories 

a'badelmo'lduwak  naKwurra'was 

they  were  laughing.  Then  Long-Hair 

wudagwa'bi'zun       wi'sekhoso'ldi'na        na'g- 
his  belt  covered  them,  and 

a'tc        ne'gama        uda'dokso'ldrna        na'ga 
also  they  told  stories  and 

uda'badelmo'ldrna     mala'm'te     ktcr    gr'lak 
laughed.  Then  great       stillness 

kada'gik    a'lnabak    masi'fe    kwa'skwadjo-'- 
the  others,  people  all  froze  to= 

Idowak         ma'djra'lnaba'         ne'gama'skwe 
death  bad  people.  Then  they 

Kwurra'was  na'ga  usena'bema 

Long-Hair  and  his  men 

dje"kwani-       gao'ldowak      nama'djabo'si-na 
all  night  slept.  Then  they  went 

o'denek  masr'awen  ulr'dahasu 

to  the  village,  every  one  rejoiced 

nek'a'nehe'dit  rna'dji'  a'lnabak 

that  they  overcame  bad  people. 

ba'maga'na  a'lnabak  edu'dji' 

They  danced  the  people,  so  much 

wulr'dahaso'ldi'hrdit  e''bagwatc 

they  rejoiced  on  account  of  it 

mo'wi'mi'tsoldowak        mi-'na       odjr'madjin 
they  held  a  great  feast.  Again  departed 

Kwurra'was  mr'na  taba'was 

Long-Hair,  again  in  seven 

kesogna'ki'wik  obedjo"san  kada'k 

days'  time  he  came  to  another 

o'dene     mrna't'e     obr'di'gan     ni^'tama^tek 
village,  then  again  he  entered  the  first 

wr'gwam         mi-'na         tci'a'lnabe         na'ga 
wigwam,  again  an  old  man  and 

tciphe'nam  ulr'daha'suwak  mi-'na 

old  woman  rejoiced,  again 

udr'lana       Kwun'a'wasal      no'li'daha'si'bna 
they  said  to  Long-Hair,  "We  rejoice 


nr'una  ne''mrholek'w  ke'nuk 

that  we  see  you,  but 

ka'dona'lguk     nda'ln^be'mnawak     nru'natc' 
they  seek  your  life  our  people,  and  our 

madji'se'npbe    sa'Tjgama    de'bane    kabe'dji'- 
bad  man  chief  soon  will  come  to» 

nadji'p'hoge         kda"tcwi-         ko'li'ne'nawe'- 
get  you  you  must  take  good  care  for* 

Imas-in         tebe'dji'nadji'p'hogon        se'naba 
yourself."  Then  came  for  him  men. 

udi-'tago     kna'dahe'oldi'bna    bantu'k'wsi'sak 
He  was  told,      "We  will  engage  in  sport      in  the  little» 
rapids." 

gi'zi'"pit    omo'djewi'djo"san    ube'daba-'si-na 
After  he  had  eaten,         he  went  with  them.         They= 
reached 

ktci'bo'n'taguk        udi-'lana        Kwun'a'wasal 
a  great  rapid.  They  said  Long-Hair, 

nehe"    debo"se    ki'a    nr'ka'n'ke    debo"san 
"Now,        embark  in  the  canoe !        You        get  in  the= 
bow!"        He  got  in 

agwr'danuk         noda'mrla"kana         nagwa'- 
into  the  canoe,      then  they  pushed  him  off.         Then* 

dagwa'bi'zun  una'stun  udr'lan 

his  belt  he  put  on,  he  said 

uga'dagwabi'zun  kdli'ha'lgwebna          na 

to  his  belt,  "We  will  drift  down."  Then 

moni'mkwe's'u  e'labit  uda'maTjgan 

Woodchuck  looking  at  her  pipe 

ta''obe       paga"kan       seska'demin      i-'dam 
in  it  was  blood,  she  wept;  she  said, 

nkwe'nas  sa-'gi'  mi-"ko'kam 

"My  grandchild  severe  is  in  danger." 

noda'bi'na'wun        uda'maijgan        mala'm'te 
Then  she  watched  it  her  pipe.  At  last 

si'nkrle          uda'maijgan          moni'mkwe's'u 
it  went  dry  her  pipe.  Woodchuck 

onagi-'gadahi'n  oba'magan  i-'dam 

jumped  up,  she  danced,  she  said, 

kwe'nasis         pma'uzas'u 
"My  little  grandchild         is  living!" 

Kwun'a'was      madja'halagwan       ba'n'taguk 
Long-Hair         began  to  drift  away         into  the  rapids. 


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mala'm'te       sabi'ha'lagwe        udjis'a'gabi'an 
Then      safely  he  drifted  through,      he  paddled  ashore 

uma'djeni-'gep'tun      nab'muk       uni-ga'nuk 
he  began  to  carry  his  canoe     up  river    on  the  portage. 

namabe'djrtat  udi-'lan  yir'hi' 

When  he  arrived  there,          he  said  to  them  these 

ma'dji'a'lnaba        ga'matc  wi'gawa'djen 

bad  people,  "Very  much  I  like  the  sport, 

mr'na     a'lehalgo'di'ire      masi't'e      nodi' 'tan 
again      let  us  drift  down."      All      then  he  told  them, 

a'eda     teba'bosik'"    ga'matc     segaso'ldowak 
"Well,      you  get  in."      Very  much      they  were  afraid, 

ke'nuk        tcwi'deba'bazak      a'lehalgo'di'iral 
but  they  had  to  get  in.  They  drifted  down. 

masi'fe  nagi-'ka'rregak  masr't'e 

All  were  killed.  All 

sukskatcagi'haso'lduwak     oma'djin     o'denek 
they  were  ground  to  pieces.      He  went      to  the  village 

pa'tagi'  mr'na  wulr'dahaso'lduwak 

back  again,  they  rejoiced 

e'li'neka"tahat      ktaha'rrdowak      ma'dji'a'- 
for  killing  the  great  magicians  bad* 

Inabak       e'bagwatc       oba'magana       na'ga 
people,          on  account  of  it          they  danced          and 

ami'tso'ldi'na 
feasted. 

mi-'na  odjr'madjin  taba'wos 

Again  he  went  away,  seven 

ge'sogana'ki'wik  be'djo'san  kada'k 

days'  time  he  came  to  another 

o'dene      mr'na      obi-'di'gan      ni-'ta'ma"tek 
village,  again  he  went  in  the  first 

wr'gwom        yuo'dene        i'siga'ni        tcr'kte 
wigwam.          This  village          one  side          was  quiet, 

a"tcsi'ga'ni'     na'ska"ta7jgwat    wulr'dahaso'- 
the  other  side  was  uproarious;  they 

Iduwak      e'bagwatc      ba'magan      uga'gahi'1- 
rejoiced        on  account  of  it        a  dance,       they  were* 

kr'hawa         yirhr'         kada'gi'hi         a'ln^ba 
tormenting  these  other  people 

a'gamo'dene  uga'gahr'kr'hawa      wza'm 

across  the  village,       they  were  tormenting       because 


agwi-"telm3'gawa       ni-'yir       eda'li'wadji'"- 
they  were  afraid.         Then  here  where  coming- 

tci'hawe't      udr'bgo      nani'u'na    metci-'mi1 
from  he  was  told,  "So  we  always 

e'hpgwak        ndode'nena        nga'damagi'ho'- 
so  are  doing  our  village,  they  abuse* 

gonawak          wza'm         nagwi-'te'lmana'wan 
us  because  we  are  afraid  of  them, 

e-'li-      gr'nhan'do'ldi'dit     rnadji4'     sa'Tjgama 
such        great  magicians  are  they,        the  bad        chief 

na'ga      wsena'bema      udr'bgun      de-'banuk 
and  his  men."  He  was  told,        "Very  soon 

gabe'dji'nadji'p'hoge     wza'm      ka'donaMguk 
they  will  come  to  get  you      because      they  seek  your« 
life. 

ni-"kwup'     koli-'nenawe'lamasin      ge'hela't-e 
Now,          take  good  care  of  yourself."         Accordingly 

na'nagae-'was       be'dji'na'djip'han       se'n^be 
soon  after  he  came  for  him  a  man 

be'dji'lat      udi-'lan      Kwun'a'wasal       nehe" 
coming  said  to  Long-Hair,  "Now, 

nr'dabe        kaba'po'ldi'bana'gwa        kadebe'- 
my  friend,      we  are  going  to  play  they  say,       we  will« 

skwomha'di'bna1        Kwun-a'was          udi-'lan 
play  ball."1  Long-Hair  said  to  him, 

ke'hel-e't        ni''dabe        ndli-'lan         ni-"atc 
"Surely,  my  friend,  I  shall  go,  for  I 

nawi-'gi-  ebe'sk'wha'ma          noma'ganan 

I  am  fond  of  ball."  Then  he  picked 

taba'was 
seven 


se'naba 
men 


ke'so'se'dji'hi 
to  go  with  him. 

e'lmabo'sihi'dit  Kwun'a'was  grzi-'dami'p'han 
While  they  were  going,      Long-Hair     took  and  broke» 
off 

kwa'n'a'skwonda'gwi'zal    na'ga    udala'm'sa'- 
the  tip  of  a  spruce-branch,  and  put  it  in  his* 

hasin       be'djo'set       eda'li       ebe'skwomha'- 
bosom,  coming  there  they  played* 

di-hi->dit        udr'Jagun        nehe"         nr'dabe 
ball.  He  was  told,  "Now,  my  friend, 

1  Lacrosse.    This  game  was  formerly  played  after 
the  Iroquois  manner. 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT   TRANSFORMER   TALES 


227 


yu'gi'lwala'gwi    nu'dalaba'si'na    Kwun'a'was 
this  is  your  direction."      Then  they  went       Long-Hair 

no'ga        wi''daba'         ugi'za'dji'na         no'wa 
and          his  friends          ready  to  play,  then  that 

ktaha'rrdo          ube'djip'han          ebe'sk^ha'- 
magician  brought  the= 

maganal       na'ga       udla"kan       ktaha'n'dwi 
ball  and  threw  it  down,  a  magic 

wa'sagaga'dap         mani't'e         madje'gwe'Ie 
empty  head,  skull.  Then  it  began  to  roll 

ktaha'rrdowi  wa'saga'dap  na'lau 

the  magic  skull.  Then 

oma'dnago'no.         wa'saga'dap          mala'm'te 
it  attacked  them  the  skull.  At  last 


ubet'ko'gona 
it  drove  them 


gwa"li'  ktci'so'beguk 

near  the  great  ocean, 


me"tagwe'dji'lak       kwesa'wei'k       nedu'dji' 
to  the  end  of  a  point  of  land.  Then  so 

Kwun'a'was  gada'ksko'dak  masi''  wzu'kskam- 
Long-Hair  kicked  it  all  smashed  to= 

ki'"teka'man  ne'dudji  Kwun'a'was 

pieces.  Then  Long-Hair 

memla'uelmit   i''dak  Kwun'a'was  ak'wa'dale 
gave  a  great  laugh.       He  said,       Long-Hair,      "Oho! 

ni-'dabe      bo'skali-'zas'u      ebe'sk'wha'magan 
my  friend,  a  very  tender  ball 

tce-'na       o'wa      ni-'a      ndabesk'wha'magan 
let  us  '  this  my  my  ball 

agwe'tskoha'lane  nr'yomo'skip'han 

let  us  try."  Then  he  took  out 

kwan'a'skwonda'gwal  nabe'gas'ik 

his  spruce-branch  tip.  When  it  struck  ground, 

madje'gwe'le  kada'k  wa'saga'dap 

it  began  to  roll  another  skull 

nawo-'mbi'ga'ni'ye       ma'n'ife        ma'djeba'- 
that  of  ivory.  At  last  it  began* 

gahada'mu       nda"tama       ugi-'zi-        tca'n'- 
to  bite,  not  could  they  kick* 

tekamo'na  ktaha'n'dowak  ma'lam 

it  away  the  magicians.  Then 

abe'tpo'lagona      nabr'k      so'beguk      mani' 
it  drove  them       to  the  water       in  the  ocean,       then 


tca'uwapi'gidaho'lduwak  nabr'k 

they  jumped  all  into  the  water. 

begas'o'ldi'dit          ktci'name"s'i'la<uladowak1 
Where  they  struck        they  were  transformed  into  big= 
fish.1 

naKwun'a'wasal  wun'a'dodama'wona 

Then  Long-Hair  they  begged  of  him 

uni'dja'nowa  wulege"si'zowa'2  naKwun-a'was 
their  children's  little  breech-cloths.2  Then* 

Long-Hair 

udi''Jan       nda"tama      kami'lo'nak      wza'm 
said,        "Not        I  shall  give  them  to  you        because 

e'li'gadona'li'ek'"     be''dji'      na'dode'kolek'1" 
that  you  sought  my  life          coming          to  visit  you. 

nawa'doge          no''djibe''dji'la       no'djrna1'- 
A  long  ways  I  came  from  in  order  to  see* 

mi'hyo'lek'w    ki-'bwa    nr'dji'ak  nani'"kwup 
you,  you        my  brothers.  But  now 

ndje''li'bma'uzi'ek'w  ni'dji'a'steke>srek'w 

hence  so  you  shall  live  you  shall  never  increase." 

wuli-'dahaso'ldi'wrna     Kwun'a'was  ni-'daba' 
They  rejoiced  Long-Hair  his  friends. 

ba'maga'na          na'ga          mi'tso'ldi'na 
They  danced  and  feasted. 

TRANSLATION 

Then  Long-Hair  went  away  to  seek  his 
people.  Travelling  for  seven  days,  he  came 
to  a  village.  He  entered  the  first  wigwam; 
and  an  old  man  and  woman  in  it  rejoiced,  and 
said  to  Long-Hair,  "We  are  very  dangerous 
here  in  our  village.  A  very  bad  man  is  our 
chief.  He  tries  to  kill  all  who  come  to  his 
village.  In  a  short  time  they  will  come  to 
get  you;  so  take  good  care  of  yourself,  for 
they  seek  your  life.  You  help  yourself  as 
much  as  you  are  able  to."  Then  came  two 
men.  They  said,  "We  are  going  to  kill  beaver 
in  the  little  pond."  Said  he,  "I  will  go  too." 
The  old  man  said,  "And  I  will  help  you. 
Seven  men  secretly  I  ordered  to  go  along  with 

1  Becoming  sharks. 

2  The  sharks  asked  for  these  as  a  means  of  recover- 
ing something  to  enable  them  to  restore  themselves 
by  their  magic. 


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you."  Then  they  all  started  to  where  the 
beaver  was.  Long-Hair  saw  a  big  lake,  and 
along  the  lake  he  saw  a  big  mountain.  Then 
they  told  him,  these  people,  "That  is  the  nest 
of  the  beaver.  It  is  too  late  in  the  day  now; 
but  to-morrow  we  shall  attack  him,  the  beaver. 
We  must  stay  here  over  night."  Then  they 
lay  down,  these  bad  people,  on  the  glare  ice, 
and  Long-Hair  and  his  men  lay  down  on  the 
ice  at  the  same  time.  They  told  stories  and 
were  laughing.  Then  Long-Hair  covered 
them  with  his  belt.  And  they  too  told  stories 
and  were  laughing.  At  last  a  great  stillness 
came  over  the  other  people.  They  all  froze 
to  death,  the  bad  people.  Then  Long-Hair 
and  his  men  slept  all  night;  and  they  went 
to  the  village,  where  every  one  rejoiced  that 
they  had  overcome  the  bad  people.  They 
danced,  and  the  people  rejoiced  so  much  over 
it  that  they  held  a  great  feast. 

Again  Long-Hair  departed;  and  again,  in 
seven  days'  time,  he  came  to  another  village; 
and  then,  again,  he  entered  the  first  wigwam; 
and  again  an  old  woman  and  an  old  man 
rejoiced;  and  again  they  said  to  Long-Hair, 
"We  rejoice  that  we  see  you;  but  our  people 
seek  your  life,  and  our  chief  is  a  bad  man. 
Soon  he  will  come  to  get  you.  You  must  take 
good  care  of  yourself."  Then  came  for  him 
some  men;  and  he  was  told,  "We  will  engage 
in  sport  in  the  little  rapids."  After  he  had 
eaten,  he  went  with  them,  and  they  reached 
the  Great  Falls.  And  they  said  to  Long-Hair, 
"Now  get  into  the  canoe.  You  sit  in  the  bow." 
He  got  into  the  canoe,  and  they  pushed  him 
off.  Then  he  put  his  belt  on,  and  said  to  his 
belt,  "We  will  drift  down." 

Then  Woodchuck,  looking  at  her  pipe,  saw 
in  it  blood,  and  she  wept.  She  said,  "My 
grandchild  is  in  severe  danger;"  and  she 
watched  it,  her  pipe,  and  at  last  the  pipe  went 
dry.  Then  Woodchuck  jumped  up,  danced 
about,  and  said,  "My  grandchild  is  still  living!" 

Long-Hair  then  began  to  drift  away  into 
the  rapids.  At  last  safely  he  drifted  through 
and  paddled  ashore,  and  he  began  to  carry 


his  canoe  up  the  river  on  the  portage.  When 
he  reached  them,  he  said  to  these  bad  people, 
"Very  much  I  like  the  sport;  let  us  drift  down 
again."  Then  he  told  them  all,  "So,  you  get 
in."  They  were  very  much  afraid;  but  they 
had  to  get  in,  and  they  all  drifted  down  and 
they  were  killed.  They  were  ground  to  pieces, 
all  of  them.  Then  he  went  back  to  the  village 
again,  and  they  rejoiced  for  the  killing  of  the 
great  bad  magicians,  and  on  account  of  it 
they  danced  and  feasted. 

Again  he  left,  and  in  seven  days'  time  he 
came  to  another  village;  and  again  he  went 
in  the  first  wigwam.  In  this  village  one  side 
was  quiet,  and  the  other  side  was  uproarious. 
On  account  of  it  a  rejoicing  and  a  dance  were 
being  held.  The  latter  were  tormenting  the 
other  people  across  the  village;  they  were  tor- 
menting them  because  they  were  afraid.  Then, 
as  he  came  up  here,  he  was  told, "Thus  they  are 
always  doing  in  our  village;  they  abuse  us 
because  we  are  afraid  of  them;  such  great 
magicians  are  they,  the  bad  chief  and  his  men." 
He  was  told,  "Soon  they  will  come  to  get  you, 
because  they  seek  your  life.  Now  take  good 
care  of  yourself."  Accordingly,  soon  after  a 
man  came  for  him,  saying  as  he  came  up  to 
Long-Hair,  "Now,  my  friend,  we  are  going  to 
play;  we  will  play  lacrosse."  Then  Long-Hair 
said  to  him,  "Surely,  my  friend,  I  shall  go,  for 
I  am  fond  of  lacrosse."  Then  he  picked  seven 
men  to  go  with  him;  and  while  they  were  on 
the  way,  Long-Hair  took  and  broke  off  the 
tip  of  a  spruce-branch  and  put  it  in  his  bosom. 
When  he  reached  the  place  where  they  played 
ball,  he  was  told,  "Now,  my  friend,  this  is  the 
direction  of  your  goal."  Then  they  went, 
Long-Hair  and  his  friends,  and  were  ready 
to  play.  Then  the  magician  brought  the  ball 
and  threw  it  down.  It  was  a  great  magic 
skull.  And  it  began  to  roll,  this  magic  skull, 
and  it  attacked  them,  and  at  last  it  drove 
them  near  the  great  ocean  to  the  end  of  the 
land.  Thereupon  Long-Hair  kicked  it,  and 
smashed  it  all  to  pieces.  Thereupon  Long- 
Hair  gave  a  great  laugh.  Said  Long-Hair, 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


229 


"Ho,  ho,  my  friend,  such  a  tender  ball!  Let 
us  try  this,  my  ball."  Then  he  took  out  his 
spruce-branch  tip;  and  when  it  struck  the 
ground,  it  began  to  roll,  another  skull  of  ivory. 
At  last  it  began  to  bite.  The  magicians  could 
not  kick  it  away.  Then  it  drove  them  to  the 
water  into  the  ocean,  and  they  all  jumped 
into  the  water.  When  they  struck,  they  were 
transformed  into  big  fish,  sharks.  Then  they 
begged  of  Long-Hair  the  breech-cloths  of  their 
little  children;  but  Long-Hair  said,  "I  shall 
not  give  them  to  you,  because  you  sought 
my  life  when  I  came  to  visit  you.  A  long  dis- 
tance I  travelled  in  order  to  see  you,  my 
brothers,  but  henceforth  thus  you  shall  live. 
You  shall  never  increase."  Long-Hair  and 
his  friends  then  rejoiced.  They  danced  and 
feasted. 


3.   LONG-HAIR  FINDS  A  GOOD  VILLAGE,  AND 
DOMESTICATES  THE  DOG 

nodjr'madjin         Kwun'a'was         nona"stun 
Then  he  went  away         Long-Hair;         then  he  put  on 

a'gudagwa'bi'zun  na'ga  udi'da'man 

his  belt  and  said, 

itda'tcwi'          bedjo'sebna          no"kamasage' 
"We  must  come  back  to  grandmother 

pe'mla'rjgwik  ge'lafe  be'djosak 

this  evening."  Straightway  they  came 

o"k3mas'3ge'          moni'mkwe's'u          e'dudji 
to  his  grandmother  Woodchuck;  so  much 

wulr'dahasit       moni'mkwe's'u       e'bagwa'tc 
rejoiced  Woodchuck  on  account  of  it, 

seska'demu      nodo'dala"si'min      Kwun'a'was 
she  wept.  Then  he  rested  Long-Hair, 

taba'was      geso'gani       ka-'o     me'magwa'vsit 
seven         days         he  slept.         When  he  had  enough, 

mi-'na       o'kama's'al'         udr'lan          mi-'na 
again          to  his  grandmother          he  said,          "Again 

ngwHa'ohak  kada'gik  a'lnabak 

I  will  search  for  other  people 

pi-'lwam'to'di'djik  pska'oge  natc 

of  a  different  kind.  Where  found,  there 


kdloda'nena     pi-"ta     i-'yu-      nagi'wadjr'na- 
we  will  move.          Extremely         here         lonely  it  is 

gwat       ni'"kupaga"k       na'bi'tc       be'djo'se 
now  indeed,  soon  I  shall  come  back, 

na't'etc       kma'dje'oda'nena      nodjr'ma'djin 
and  there        we  shall  begin  to  move."        Then  he  left 

Kwun-a'was  udr'Jagun  o"kamas-al 

Long-Hair.          He  was  told          by  his  grandmother, 

ni-"kwup  kdlo"san  pa'skwenauk 

"Now  you  walk  southward, 

nr'dji'dali'mska'wat  wuli-'alna'bak 

because  there  you  will  find  good  people." 

taba'was         ge'sogaiia'ki'wik         ube'djo'san 
Seven  days'  length  he  came 

o'denek      mi-'na     ni-'tama"tek      wr'gwom 
to  a  village,  again  in  the  first  wigwam 

ubi-'di'gan      wuli-'dahaso'lduwak       a'lnabak 
he  entered.  They  rejoiced  the  people 

eda'li     udji'"tci'hiwet     udi-'lagun     ga'matc 
there      he  was  a  guest.      He  was  told,      "Very  much 

nolr'daha'si'bana      be'djo'san      ga'madji'yu' 
we  rejoice  that  you  come,  very  here 

u'li'o'dene     se-'luk     awa-'s'ak    wala"kaga'n' 
a  good  village      many      beasts  (game),      good  place* 
to  live  in 

i-'bi'tde  na'nagwutc  ma'dji'gowak 

only  some  bad 

awa'Vak        nsana'gwzowak         ni'"kwapaba 
beasts  dangerous.  Now,  if 

r'yua'yane    kr'aba    nr'gik    ma'dji'awa'Vak 
here  you  stay,  you  may         these  bad  beasts 

gabemha'n-dwi'ka^dawak     r'dak     Kwun-a'- 
you  subdue  them  by  magic."  Said  Long= 

was  nolr'dahas  a"tc  nr'a 

Hair,  "I  am  glad,  and  I 

kana-'mi'ho'lna     e'lwete'tc     nabe'do'debana 
see  you,  and  probably  we  shall  move  here, 

na'ga  kwi-'djHevmalana'  nr'una 

and  we  shall  stay  with  you,  I  and 

no"kamas      wespoza"krwik     o'dji'modje'lan 
my  grandmother."  The  next  morning  he  left, 

na'gadagwa'bi-zun      una"stun      ugalo'ldaman 
his  belt  he  put  on,  he  spoke  to  it, 


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i-'dak  kda"tcwi-  bedjo"sebana 

he  said,  "Must  we  come 

pe'malp'gwik        ki-'gwamnuk       wulr'dahasu 
this  evening  to  our  camp."  Rejoiced 

moni'mlcwe's'u       na't'e       ola'dji'na       na'ga 
Woodchuck  there,  they  got  ready,  and 

omadje'oda'na   wulr'dahasolduwak   a'lnpbak 
they  started  off.  They  rejoiced  the  people 

nama'bedode'hi'dit        o'denek 
when  they  arrived  at  the  village. 

oma'djin        kpi'        ugwrla'ohan       awa'Va' 
He  went        to  the  woods        searching  for        beasts. 

ma'lam'te  amaska'wp  nagasi-'bi 

At  last  he  found  them,  and  then 

ugoga'loman          awi-"kwi-man  pala't-e 

he  called  for  them,        he  called  them  to  him.        First 

agwrla'ohan  do'nowa  wr'g^dak' 

he  looked  for  which  one  was  willing 

awi'djr'leman   a'lnpba'    gr'zr    be'daba'zi'dit 
to  stay  with       people       after       they  had  assembled 

awa'Va'       ne       udr'lon       nehe"       a'wen 
the  beasts;          then          he  said,          "Now,          who 

wr'gadak'         awi'djr'leman         ko'so'snawa 
is  willing  to  stay  with  our  descendants?" 

ma'nit'e      na'nagwutc      gi-nHa'wele      na'ga 
Then  some  were  very  angry  and 

uda'lmi-  bawa'skaha'sin  udi'da'man 

went  off  shaking  themselves,  said, 

a"tama       ni'a        nawr'djHe'man        uza'mi 
"Not  I  I  stay  because 

kadamp'ksasu'lduwak      mala'm'te        sala"ki 
they  are  too  poor."  At  last  suddenly 

be-'sago        i-'dak        ni-'a        nawi'djr'teman 
one  said,  "I  I  stay  with 

ko'sa'snawak  na'lawr'ste         nawr'dji'- 

our  descendants,        I  am  willing  now        I  with  them* 

ka'dampksaswama'ijk      na      a'bmus      i-'dak 
will  share  poverty."  That  dog  said. 

naKwurra'was  udi-'lan  ga'matc 

Then  Long-Hair  said,  "Very  much 

kadala'mi'hi         gra'tc'        kr'sr        wi'djo"- 
I  thank  you,  you  also  can  help* 


kemak      ko'sa'snawak      ni-"kwup'     yu-'gi'k 
them  our  descendants,  now  these 

e'lami  bawa'skahaso'ldi'djik  ni-'gi'k 

going  off  shaking  themselves  these 

gi'a'tc  gwi-'te'lmaguk  ni'ki-a'mazi' 

you  also  they  will  fear  you.  They  all 

eki'ki-'ki'djik       gwr'te'lmaguk       na'gasr'bi' 
different  kinds          they  will  fear  you."          And  then 

wr"kwrmp      kada'gi'hi      awa-'s-a'     udi-'Ian 
he  called  them  to  him     the  other     beasts.      He  said, 

o'wa          ni-"kwup  a'lamus  owa'tc 

"This  now  dog  him 

gwe'te'lamik         owa'         mi'"kwe         ne'ka 
you  will  fear.  This  squirrel  (is)  most 

ma'dji'git        ke'nuk       ni'a'       grzra'dawun 
evil  one,  but  I  can  fix  him 

a"tama'tc        mr'na       sona'gwsi-wi        na'ga 
and  not  will  again  be  dangerous."  And 

wr"kwrman         udHan         gi''a        mi'"kwe 
he  called  him  to  him,        he  said,        "You        squirrel 

ki-ni-'na'gwzi  ni-'atc'  ki'zi-a'dolan 

powerful  I  indeed  can  fix  you 

gabi'ir'sas'in  e'dudji  djabi'ir'sas'ian 

you  become  small,  so  small  you  become 

kwr'te'lmatc       ka''ses       nosa'mtaga'wenan 
you  will  also  fear      the  crow."      Then  he  stroked  his» 
hair, 

noma'djebrir'sas'in       mi'"kwe       ni'"kwup' 
then  he  began  to  grow  small  squirrel.  Now 

eli'gi'lsas'it         mi'"kwe 
he  is  as  large  as        the  squirrel. 

TRANSLATION 

Then  he  went  away,  Long-Hair;  and  he 
put  on  his  belt,  and  said,  "We  must  go  back 
to  grandmother  this  evening."  Straightway 
they  arrived  at  his  grandmother's.  Wood- 
chuck  rejoiced  so  much,  that  Woodchuck 
wept  on  account  of  it.  Then  Long-Hair  rested 
for  seven  days.  He  slept.  When  he  had 
enough,  again  he  said  to  his  grandmother, 
"Again  I  will  search  for  other  people,  of  a 
different  kind.  We  will  move  there  where 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


231 


they  are  found.  Extremely  lonely  it  is  here, 
for  now  I  shall  soon  come  back,  and  we  shall 
begin  to  move  there."  Then  Long-Hair  left. 
He  was  told  by  his  grandmother,  "Now  you 
walk  southward,  because  there  you  will  find 
good  people."  After  seven  days  he  came  to  a 
village,  and  again  he  entered  the  first  wigwam. 
The  people  rejoiced,  and  there  he  was  their 
guest.  He  was  told,  "We  rejoice  very  much 
that  you  have  come,  for  here  is  a  very  good 
village.  There  is  much  game.  This  is  a  good 
place  to  live  in,  only  that  some  beasts  are 
dangerous.  Now,  if  you  stay  here,  you  can 
subdue  these  bad  beasts  by  magic."  Then  said 
Long-Hair,  "I  am  glad  to  see  you ;  and  proba- 
bly we  shall  move  here,  and  we  shall  stay 
with  you,  I  and  my  grandmother."  The  next 
morning  he  left.  He  put  on  his  belt;  he  spoke 
to  it;  he  said,  "We  must  come  this  evening  to 
our  camp."  Woodchuck  rejoiced,  and  they 
got  ready  and  started  off.  The  people  re- 
joiced when  they  arrived  at  the  village. 

Then  he  went  into  the  woods,  searching  for 
beasts.  At  last  he  found  them,  and  then  he 
called  them  by  hallooing  to  them.  First  he 
sought  out  which  one  was  willing  to  stay  with 
the  people.  After  the  beasts  had  assembled, 
then  he  said,  "Now,  who  is  willing  to  stay 
with  our  descendants?"  And  some  were  very 
angry,  and  went  off  shaking  themselves,  say- 
ing, "Not  I  will  stay,  because  they  are  too 
poor."  At  last  suddenly  one  said,  "I  will  stay 
with  our  descendants,  I  am  willing  now,  I 
will  share  their  poverty  with  them."  It  was 
the  dog  that  spoke.  Then  Long-Hair  said, 
"I  thank  you  very  much,  for  you  also  can 
help  them,  our  descendants.  Henceforth 
those  who  went  off  shaking  themselves,  they 
shall  also  hold  you  in  fear.  All  of  the  other 
different  kinds  shall  hold  you  in  fear."  And 
then  he  called  the  other  beasts,  and  he  said, 
"Now,  this  dog,  him  you  shall  fear.  The 
squirrel  is  the  most  evil  one,  but  I  can  fix 
him  so  that  he  will  not  again  be  dangerous." 
And  he  called  him,  and  said,  "You,  squirrel, 
powerful  one,  I  indeed  can  make  you  become 


small;  so  small  may  you  become,  that  you 
indeed  will  fear  the  crow."  And  he  stroked 
his  hair,  and  the  squirrel  began  to  grow  small. 
Now  he  is  only  as  large  as  the  squirrel. 


4.  LONG-HAIR'S  GRANDMOTHER  DIES,  AND 

HE  FALLS  IN  LOVE,  ONLY  TO  BE  KILLED 

BY  A  JEALOUS  SORCERESS 

nuna'di'elin  ama'stahan  awa'Va' 

Then  he  went  hunting,     he  got  a  supply  of        beasts. 

na'gasi-'bi          amr'tawan          mr'tcawci'gan 
And  then  he  gave  away  the  food 

awa-'s-wi'ye        na'ga       wuli-'dahaso'lduwak 
animal  meat  and  they  rejoiced 

a'lnpbak        edu'dji        wala'm'tak'w        pi-'li- 
the  people,  so  kind  he  was  the  strange 

a'lnpbe  umi'tso'ldi'na  ba'magana 

man,  they  feasted  they  danced. 

namoni'mkwe's'u      uda"kwama<lsin      na'ste 
Then  Woodchuck  became  sick,  soon 

ume"tci-ne  ga'motc  Kwun-a'was 

she  died.  Very  Long-Hair 

usigi'dahasu         ode'ldamanal         o"kamas-al 
felt  lonesome,  he  missed  his  grandmother, 

taba'was     geso'gani     seska'demu     ndo'kHat 
seven  days  he  wept,  then  he  woke  up; 

agwHa'wamba'man      p'he'namu      e'lpkwa"- 
he  went  to  look  for  a  woman  to  cook  for* 

lagotcil         nr'swa'        o-'li'na'wan        be'ssgo 
him,  two  looked  good  to  him, —  one 

sa77gama"skwe"s-is     kada'k    ktaha'n'doskwe' 
a  chief's  daughter,         the  other         a  great  sorceress. 

ni-la"skwe         a'was-a-'gi  tcuwe'lmagu'l 

The  latter  beyond  measure  wanted  him. 

na'kskwe          Kwun-a'was          abe-'mebman 
Young  girl  Long-Hair  he  preferred, 

sa'Tjgamaskwe'Vi'sal       e'dudji       naktaha'n-- 
the  chief's  daughter;  so  then  the* 

doskwe          ali-'daha'mat          ndahaba'skwe 
sorceress  thought,  "Impossible  that  one 

Kwun'a'was  ama's'ana'wi'al  ni-'lil 

Long-Hair  will  get  her  the  one 


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VOL.  I 


e'tcwe'lmadji'l      ni''a      nda"tcwi     masa'iva 
he  wants,  I  I  must  possess 

Kwurra'was    ala'tc    ni-'takta'gwi    ni'"kwup 
Long-Hair          or  else          I  will  kill  both."          Now 

namadjedabr'dahada'man    dan    udli'gi'zrna- 
then  she  began  to  think  out  how  she  could« 

ba"ka'tawan          Kwun-a'was'al          pala'fe 
entice  Long-Hair.  First  of  all 


ogomo'dana'man 
she  stole 


uga'dagwa'bi'zun 
his  belt, 


na'gasr'bi     udlo"san     e-'Hit    wr'gwomwa'k 
and  then      she  went      where  he  was      in  his  wigwam. 


udr'lan 
She  said 


Kwurra'wasal 
to  Long-Hair, 


nabe't' 
"I  wish 


gi-'zi'alho'li'a'ne    ktcr'mana'hanuk    naga'di'- 
you  could  paddle  me  over     to  the  big  island,     I  want 

nada'wi'zi  asi^'ki'mr'nal  gi's 

to  pick  low-bush  cranberries.  Can 

nda'lawadmr'gemi      nda'l'hcr'tagen      ki'a't'e 
not  get  any  one  else       to  paddle  me  over,        but  you 

mas-aha-'la      ka'dawo-'mbemal     naKwuiva'- 
are  the  last  one          I  am  going  to  request."         Then- 

was         udr'lan          ni-a         nawr'gada'man 
Long-Hair  said,  "I  I  am  willing 

gadoTho-'l-an         naga'matc        wuli-'doha'su 
to  paddle  you  over."  Then  very  much       she  felt« 

pleased 

ktaha'rrdoskwe     nawubcr'srna     ktcrmana'- 
the  great  sorceress.        Then  they  went        to  the  big- 

hanuk    bedjr'ta-'dit    udr'lan    Kwun-a'wasal 
island.         When  they  came  there,         she  said         to« 
Long-Hair, 

nsa'wa'tu  nga'drandala"si-mi  r'yu- 

"I  am  tired,  I  want  to  rest  here, 


pal'a"        a-'birre        ma'^ae'Vos        udr'lan 
first         let  us  sit  down         a  little  while."         He  said 

Kwun'a'was         a'ha         a-'bin-e       nola'bin 
Long-Hair,       "Yes,       let  us  sit  down."       Then  they 
sat  down. 

oma'dje      a'eda      wula'wenan     Kwun'a'was 
She  began         so         to  stroke  his  hair,         Long-Hair 


uga-'win        nawaha'n'doskwe        ude'stawan 
fell  asleep,  then  the  sorceress  placed 


uma'ksan 
her  moccasin 


wa'dabak 
on  his  head, 


Kwun'a'wasal 
Long-Hair's. 


nega-'lat        wi'"kw3n3m3n       udu'l       na'ga 
Then  she  left  him,         she  took         her  canoe         and 


abcr'sin 
went  away, 

to"ki-lat 
He  woke  up 

una-'mi'ha'wial 
he  saw  her 


unaga't'han 
she  abandoned 


Kwun-awasal 
Long-Hair. 

Kwun-a'was  nda"tama 

Long-Hair,  not 


p'he'namu 
his  woman, 


ma'nit'e 
then 


awewi-'daha'mal        unaga'thogul        nobaba'- 
he  knew  (what  had  happened).        He  was  abandoned, 

mo'san  mana'hanuk  uma-'daban 

then  he  wandered  all  about  the  island.  He» 

walked  down 


si-'damuk' 
to  the'shore, 


nona-'mi'han 
then  he  saw 


name"slzal 
a  little  fish, 


nodr'lan        naga't'hoge-'nia        nodla'gi'man 
then  he  said,  "I  am  abandoned  then  inform 

na'dji'       we'wado"keman       ktci'a'srga-'Iadi 
go  tell  him  the  big  bone  shark 


nda'tcwe'ldaman 
I  wish 


nat'a'gaho'lngun 
to  be  taken  ashore." 


nobeda'gadelan  asi'ga'ladi  udi-'lan 

Then  he  came  swimming      the  bone  shark.       He  said 

Kwun-a'wasal        kanofa'gaho'lal        de'so"se 
to  Long-Hair,       "I  will  take  you  ashore;         get  upon 


na  ga 
and 


ksba'sigi'gwewin 
close  your  eyes, 

ke-'gwus 
whatever 


nbeskwa-'nak 
my  back 

mo'zak  ampska'br'katc 

do  not  open  your  eyes, 

noda-'mane   no'noda-man    mi-'lkwezovlduwak 
you  may  hear."        Then  he  heard       various  kinds  of« 
noises. 

mala'm'te      sala"ki-      wunoda-'wal      a'wenil 
At  last  suddenly  he  heard  some  one 

ke-'dawinto'li'djil 
singing, — 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


233 


po'gadja'wana'daba's       pe'bam      ho-'o'lut 
"Old  ruffled  head  of  hair  is  sailing          about. 


kr'nau         kr'nau 
See  him!        see  him!" 

awe'rra         ge-'dawi'ntak         agwedji-'molan 
"Who  that  singing?"  he  asked  him. 

e'kwadji'ksi'da'we     eVaga-'na'     unafa'gos-a 
"Dont"  listen,  it  is  clams."  He  walked  ashore, 

ama'djin  awr'gwomuk  be'djo'set 

he  went  to  his  wigwam.  When  he  came 

wr'gwo'muk     e'bagwatc        ki'stemr'tcawa- 
to  the  wigwam,     on  account  of  it     ready  at  once     was* 


gan          grzai/gwa  saman 
food  already  cooked 


ktaha'rrdoskwe 
the  sorceress. 


Kwurra'was         udr'lan         ge-'gwi'welo'san 
Long-Hair  said  to  her,  "Why  did  you  come? 

ke'labi'no'des'e       ktaha'irdoskwe1         i-'darn 
Get  out  of  here !"  The  sorceress  said, 

a-'ha'  no'des-e'  kami^'mi-wra'!!' 

"Yes!         I  will  get  out,        you  have  driven  me  away, 

ke'nuk        kadi- 'HI         gode'ldamantc        e'li- 
but  I  say  to  you  you  will  be  sorry  how 

mi-"mi-wi-ha'li-an      ni-"kwup      kadado"keul 
if  you  drive  me  out.  Now  I  will  tell  you 

elr'dabr'lak    wu'ira    na'kskwe    e'tcwe'lmat 
what  has  happened,          that          girl          you  desired 

kwo'zi-'lat       se'nabal        madje"kawa'dowak 
has  run  away  with  a  man.  They  ran  away, 

ke'nuk          ni-'a          nawe-'welamo          e-'rt 
but  I  I  know  where  she  is. 

nda'haba         gi'a'         kamaska'o         ke'nuk 
It  is  impossible  you  you  find  her;  but 

tcwelda-'mane  kada"ki-'nosa'laltc 

if  you  wish,  I  will  show  you." 

Kwun-a'was         awr'gada'man          udlo"san 
Long-Hair  was  willing  to  go, 

noma'djrna         ktahan'do'skwal          ma'lam 
they  started  the  sorceress.  At  last 


be'djo'sak        elama'dani-"kik        udi'da'man 
they  came  among  the  mountains.  She  said 

auha'n-doskwe'  an-i-'  gabedjo"san 

that  sorceress,  "Now  you  have  come 

gwa"h'-     e-'i'hi-'dit     oda'lo'hwi-<gan     udr'lan 
near        where  they  are."        She  pointed,        she  said, 

ne'i'hi-'dit         nr'swak        wa'djowak         ni- 
"There  are  two  mountains,  there 

awa"s-i          e-'i'hi-'dit          de'banuk          ki-s 
beyond  they  are,  soon  after 

basade-'ge  kdlo"sa<nena  note 

nightfall  we  will  go,  and  there 

ngama's-ana'nena     mala'm'te    ki-s    ba'sadek 
we  shall  take  them  unawares."     Then      after       dark 


madji-'na 
they  went. 


ma-'lam'te 
At  last 


gwa"Jr        nama' 
near  to  where 


wa'djowak        e-'i'hi'dit        udi-'ian        nehe" 
the  mountains          they  were          she  said,         "Now, 


gra 
you 


nr'ka'n'ose 
go  ahead!" 


uni''ka'n-o'san 
He  went  on  ahead 


Kwun-a'wos       ma'lom'te       eba-"s-i        e'i-'t 
Long-Hair.  At  last  half  way  he  was, 


numi-"kawi-vdahada<man 
then  he  remembered 

na'ste'  ti'k-e"pode 

Soon  the  earth  rumbled, 


uga'dagwa'bi'zun 
his  belt. 

na'skwe  gi's 

then  already 


wza'mi        me"tsi       gi'z  we-'udji'te'si-nu 

too                late,                already  they  collided 

wa'djowak       nomadje'lan  ktaha'n-doskwe' 

the  mountains.     Then  she  went  the  great  sorceress 


wr'gwomuk 
to  her  wigwam. 

Kwun-a'wasal 
Long-Hair. 

n'doskwe' 
sorceress 

Kwun-a'wasal 
Long-Hair. 


wuli-'daha'su 
She  rejoiced 

wi-'kwi-'dahasu 
She  made  fun 

e'li'gr'zi' 
how  she  had 

nana'kskwesis 
That  young  girl 


se'ka'wat 
conquering 

ktaha'- 
the» 

ba'kada'wa 
fooled 

a"tama 
not  ever 


madji-'lewi-'sa     e'bagwatc   no    na'kskwesi-'s 
went  from  home,     on  account  of  it     that     young  girl 


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VOL.  I 


usi-gi-'daha'su    e'li-    me"tci'ne    Kwurra'was 
felt  sorry  how  he  died  Long-Hair. 

name'tp'begat        atlo"kpga'n 
Then  here  ends  the  story. 

TRANSLATION 

Then  he  went  hunting  and  got  a  great  sup- 
ply of  game.  And  then  he  gave  away  the 
food,  this  animal  meat;  and  the  people  re- 
joiced, so  kind-hearted  was  the  strange  man, 
they  feasted,  they  danced.  Then  Woodchuck 
became  sick,  and  soon  she  died.  Very  lone- 
some was  Long-Hair.  He  missed  his  grand- 
mother. For  seven  days  he  wept,  then  he 
woke  up;  and  he  went  to  look  for  a  woman  to 
cook  for  him.  Two  looked  good  to  him*  One 
was  the  chief's  daughter,  the  other  was  a  great 
sorceress.  The  latter  desired  him  beyond 
measure.  But  the  young  girl  Long-Hair  pre- 
ferred, the  chief's  daughter.  So  then  the 
sorceress  thought,  "Never  that  one  will  Long- 
Hair  get, — her,  the  one  he  wants;  for  I  indeed 
must  possess  Long-Hair,  or  else  I  shall  kill 
both."  Thereupon  she  began  to  think  out 
how  she  could  entice  Long-Hair.  First  of  all, 
she  stole  his  belt;  and  then  she  went  where  his 
wigwam  was,  and  said  to  Long-Hair,  "I  wish 
you  could  paddle  me  over  to  the  big  island,  for 
I  wish  to  pick  low-bush  cranberries.  I  cannot 
get  any  one  else  to  paddle  me  over.  Now  you 
are  the  last  I  am  going  to  request."  Then  Long- 
Hair  said,  "I?  I  am  willing  to  paddle  you 
over."  Then  she  felt  very  much  pleased,  the 
great  sorceress.  And  they  went  to  the  big 
island.  When  they  came  there,  she  said  to 
Long-Hair,  "I  am  weary,  I  wish  to  rest  here 
first ;  so  let  us  sit  down  a  little  while."  Then 
said  Long-Hair,  "Yes,  let  us  sit  down."  And 
they  sat  down.  She  began  so  to  stroke  his 
hair  that  Long-Hair  fell  asleep.  Then  the 
sorceress  placed  her  moccasin  on  his  head, 
and  she  left  him.  She  took  her  canoe  and 
went  away,  abandoning  Long-Hair.  When 
Long-Hair  woke  up,  he  did  not  see  his  woman, 
then  he  knew  what  had  happened.  He  was 


abandoned.  And  he  wandered  about  the 
island  and  walked  down  to  the  shore.  Then 
he  saw  a  little  fish,  and  said,  "I  am  abandoned, 
go  inform  the  big  Bone  Shark.  Go  tell  him 
that  I  wish  to  be  taken  ashore."  Then  the 
Bone  Shark  came  swimming,  and  said  to 
Long-Hair,  "I  will  take  you  ashore.  Get  upon 
my  back  and  close  your  eyes.  Do  not  open 
your  eyes,  whatever  you  may  hear."  And  he 
heard  various  kinds  of  noises.  At  last  he 
heard  some  one  singing, — 

"Old  ruffled  head  of  hair  is  sailing  about.  See  him! 
See  him!" 

"Who  is  that  singing?"  he  asked  him. 
"Don't  listen  to  it,  it's  the  clams."  Then  he 
walked  ashore  and  went  to  his  wigwam. 
When  he  came  to  his  wigwam,  food  was  ready 
at  once.  It  had  already  been  cooked  by  the 
sorceress.  Then  Long-Hair  said  to  her,  "Why 
did  you  come?  Get  out  of  here!"  Then  the 
sorceress  answered,  "Yes,  I  will  get  out.  You 
have  driven  me  away.  But  I  say  to  you,  you 
will  be  sorry  if  you  drive  me  out.  Now  I  will 
tell  you  what  has  happened.  That  girl  you 
desired  has  run  away  with  a  man.  They  have 
gone.  But  it  is  I  who  knows  where  she  is. 
It  is  impossible  for  you  to  find  her;  but  if 
you  wish,  I  will  show  you."  Long-Hair  was 
willing  to  go,  and  they  started.  At  last  they 
came  among  the  mountains;  and  the  sorceress 
said,  "Now  you  have  come  near  where  they 
are."  She  pointed,  and  said,  "There  are  two 
mountains.  Over  there,  beyond,  they  are. 
Soon  after  nightfall  we  will  go  and  take  them 
unawares."  Then  after  nightfall  they  went; 
and  when  they  were  near  the  mountain,  she 
said,  "Now,  you  go  ahead."  Long-Hair  went 
on  ahead.  At  last,  when  he  was  half  way,  he 
remembered  his  belt.  Soon  the  earth  rum- 
bled ;  but  then  it  was  already  too  late,  for  the 
mountains  had  collided. 

Then  the  great  sorceress  went  to  her  wig- 
wam. She  rejoiced  at  conquering  Long-Hair. 
The  sorceress  made  a  joke  of  how  she  had 
fooled  Long-Hair.  That  young  girl  had  never 


NO.  3 


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235 


left  home.  On  account  of  it  the  young  girl 
grieved,  because  Long-Hair  was  dead.  Here 
ends  the  story. 

5.  FROTH-OF-WATER  (BI-"TES) 

[The  Virgin  Birth;  Abandonment  of  the 
Mother;  The  Child  becomes  a  Prodigy,  and 
Kills  the  Invulnerable  White-Bear  by  a 
Shot  in  the  Heel,  and  Frees  the  People.] 

wo.wi-'git  atlo"kagan  na'kskwe 

Here  camps  story.  Young  girl 

be'ki-'nakskwe l  wi-git'tka"samo  medjr'mi 
pure  girl '  was  fond  of  swimming,  always 

kla'hama'wan  neba'udodji  wi-git'tka"samin 
advised  her  against  so  much  fond  of  swimming 

wi-ga'wus-al  sala"kitc  alambegwr'no'sis2 
her  mother  (said),  "Some  time  Under- Water-Nymph  2 

gama'dji'be'djip'hak'*  a"tama  djiksada'mu 
will  put  you  in  trouble,"  Not  she  obeyed, 

pe'sagw-un  eli-\vrgit'tka"s3rnit'  sala"ki 
just  the  same  so  fond  of  swimming.  At  last 

peba'mi-tka"samit'  unafaga'zogun 

once  moving  around  swimming,     as  she  waded  ashore, 

ni-we'lkwes-et  una-'mi-han  bo'kade'za' 
in  front  of  where  she  was  going  she  saw  bubbles 

moski-'lpdjik  ski-'dabegwe  amal'hi-na'wa 
coming  up  on  the  surface  of  water.  She  was* 

surprised, 

nodjani-'gaba'win  e'skwatelaba'mat  sala"- 
then  she  stopped  and  looked.  While  looking,  sud= 

kife  ma'djebi-'ta'ilak  e'skwelaba'mat 
denly  began  gradually  turning  while  looking 

udli-na'wa  ma'n-aba  awa's-is  na'ste 
ultimately  it  appeared  resembling  baby, 

be'dji-no'lam'san  manife  skaula'm'soge 
then  came  a  breeze.  Then  it  blew  towards  her 

bi'"te  nozek'pa'ulagun  noga'di-  madje'- 
the  froth.  Then  she  got  frightened.  Then  she* 

p'howan  gi-za'skwe  nda"tegane  wza'mr 
wanted  to  get  away  from  it,  already  could  not,  too 

1  A  virgin. 

1 A  supernatural  creature  believed  to  live  beneath 
the  water. 


me'tsi-         ki-s         bi-"tes        amo/te"ka7/gun 
much  late    already    froth    came  into  contact  with  her. 

na'ste       da'li-wa'nrle       bi-"tes       unat-aga'- 
Then  it  disappeared  froth.          She  waded* 

zogan     noma'djin     wi'gwomwak     a'skamat' 
ashore,          then  she  went          home.          Thereafter 

a"tami-'na         tka"sami-        anelmi-'dabi-'lak 
not  again  swam.  As  time  went  on, 

sala"kife      madje'gan      wa-'de     nodi-'bgun 
all  at  once       began  to  grow       her  belly.       Then  said 

wi-ga'wus-al         tanmi-'na  kdli'dabi-'lan 

her  mother,      "What  more      trouble  has  happened  to= 
you?" 

i-'dak    na'kskwe    nda'fegek'w    ndli'dabi-'iau 
Said  the  girl,  "Nothing  ails  me, 

ke'gwuseb3gwa'       wi-ga'wus-al'       udi-'Jagun 
what  for  (why)?"  Her  mother  said  to  her, 

ga'madjga       k3mal'hi-'nagwzi-       ke'geme"si- 
"Very  you  look  surprising  why 

madje'gak'     ka'de     e'lwe't     se'n^be     ki-'zi- 
grows       your  belly,          it  seems        man        already 

be"sut'kpk'w        i-'dak        na'kskwe        ni-'ga 
has  been  near  you."        Said         the  girl,         "Mother, 

e'sma  ni-a'  se'nabe  nabe" 

never  me  man  came 

sut'ka'go       udi-'Jagun      wi-ga'wus-al'      ka'di 
near  me."     She  said     her  mother,     "You  are  trying  to 

naba"kadawi-    kenu'gtc   a'da   ki-'zi-ka'bzi-yu 
deceive  me,      but  also      not      you  can  hide  yourself, 

debane'tde     kwe'wHa     mala'm'te     sala"ki- 
here  soon       you  will  be  found  out."       Then       at  last 

ki'na'p'skazu      ne'mi-ho'go't      ami-"tak'wsal' 
very  large  she  looked.     When  he  saw  her,     her  father 

udi-'bgun    ga'matc     kama'dji-     p'he'namwi- 
he  said,  "Very  you  are  bad  woman, 

a'nsaba      r"kaska'mone      gwa'sk'wtaho'bba 
I  have  a  notion    if  I  did  not  hold  in  myself    to  strike* 
you  dead. 

nani'"kwup'     yu't-etc    wi-'gi-an    n9gwi-"tci- 
Now  here  you  will  live  alone, 

ta'nt'e        eli'bedji-'ian        ni'"kwup'       yu't'e 
whatever      (fate)  may  come  to  you.         Now         here 


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edalinagado'damlek'        ni-a       kadjrbagi-'de- 
where  we  are  going  to  leave  you.     I      I  am  disgusted* 

homed    ni'"kwup'   ta'n't'e    eli'gwaskwa'lami- 
with  you     now,     whether     you  may  die  of  starvation 

alet'da       noma'djeoda'di'no.       nagwado'dene 
or  not."      Then  they  moved  away      the  whole  village. 

na'fe      edali'naga'lot'     na'kskwe      ga'matc 
Then          there  leaving  her          young  girl  very 

o'da  uli-'dehazi  me'tci'naga'lot' 

not          she  was  happy.          She  was  left  alone  to  die, 

eli-daha'zit'  ta'rrdje't'  ndlr'debHan 

she  thought,  "What  now  will  become  of  me« 

ultimately? 

e'lwefetc  yunda'li-  kwaskwa'lamin 

It  seems  probable       here       I  shall  die  of  starvation." 

ne'dudji-     memla'wr     seska'demit'     ma-'lam 
Thereupon       greatly       she  burst  out  crying.      Then, 

eskwedaTpozit        sala"kr         bedjr'dawrtat 
while  she  was  crying,  suddenly  came  flying 

kaskama'nas-u     i-'dak     ek'wpa'zi-     nda'haba 
Kingfisher.       He  said,       "Don't  grieve,       impossible 

kwaskwa'lami-yu        nr'a'tc        wi'djo"kemal 
to  die  of  starvation  here.         For  I         I  will  help  you, 

naga    ko"kemasarradja"tc    karrena'welmuk' 
and        our  grandmother  also  will        take  care  of  you, 

p'ske'gadamu's1     kri-    ulr'dehozu    na'kskwe 
P'ske'gadsmu's.1         Ki-i;       she  was  glad       the  girl; 

i'-dak         en-i'"         nabma'uzin         nodr'ton 
she  said,  "So!  I  will  live."  She  told 

kaskama'nas'wal'  wlr'unr  ga'matc 

Kingfisher,  "Thank  you  very  much 

kdala'mi'hr          mala'm'te          wela'gwrwik 
you  please  me  very  much."  Then  in  evening 

bi'dr'get     wi'ne"so's'is      alas'a"kamr'gwrye 
came  old  woman,  ground-moss  material 

udlagwde'wa?;gan        na'ga        ka^kski-'gabral 
her  clothing  and  cedar-bark 

ugadagwa'bi'zun2  udr'lon  kwe'nas 

her  belt;1  she  said,  "Grandchild, 

moza"k        ke'gwus        debr'dahada'mo'katc 
don't  anything  worry,  in  mind 

1 A  female  supernatural  creature,  referred  to  by 
the  Kingfisher  as  their  "grandmother." 

8  This  is  the  native  conception  of  the  appearance  of 
the  fairy-woman. 


sarrkewi-'dehasi        ni-'a'tc        kanena'welmal 
be  contented,  for  I  will  take  care  of  you." 

ta'nedodji      de'banaskawi'ha'dan      na'kskwe 
When  it  was  time          for  her  to  bear  a  child  girl 

udr'lan       no"kami-       ga'matc       nolr'dahasi 
said,  "Grandma,  much  I  am  glad. 

kada'lamrzawa'mal 

I  thank  you  very  much"  (for  what  you  are  going  to  do). 

yuga'skwe8    abma'uzwr'noma   ktci'so'r/gama 
These  his*  people  great  chief 

ktci'azaga"te4       elmot'ha'di'hi'dit         si'pki- 
Big-Screech-Owl 4  moved  away  long  while 

bedo't'hadowak      awa"s-i-       bema'dani'"kik 
getting  there         far  over          the  range  of  mountains* 
(divide) 

ne'dali'ska'mohodit  o'dene  ma'nit-e 

there  they  met  with          village.  Then 

uda'liwrk'azo'ldi'na       yuga'skwe       a'lnabak 
there  they  settled  these  people 

eda'lode'nedjik   adagwr'na  oli-dahama'wi-wa 
inhabitants  of  village.  Not  really  they  were<= 

pleased. 

ma'nife         uma'djeka'dona'lawa         yu'hi-' 
Then  they  began  to  be  hostile  to  these 

pr'lawi      a'lnoba       ma'nit'e       ktci-azaga"te 
strange  people.  Then  Big-Screech-Owl 

owe'wi'na'wa      elikadona'lgohodit       udi'lan 
knew          how  they  were  after  their  lives;          he  said 

ubmauzwi-'noma'     kda"tcwrtc   mi-ga"kebna 
to  his  people,  "Must  we  fight 

ka'di-a'iyagwe     mala'm'te     sala"ki     a'lnabe 
if  we  want  to  stay."          Then          at  last          a  man 

be'djo'se      udr'lan      ktci'azaga"tal'      ka'di- 
came;       he  said  to       Big-Screech-Owl,       "If  you  are* 
going 

i-'yu        a'iyegwe        kda"tcwi'tc        mi'ga"ke 
here  to  stay,  you  must  also  fight, 

wzam       a'da      ni'u'na       namo'sadjrune'wi'- 
because  not  we  we  love  them 

8  The  scene  here  reverts  to  the  girl's  father  and  his 
band. 

4  The  species  denoted  here  is  Cryptoglaux  acadica. 
The  name  is  derived  from  the  native  idea  of  its  cry. 


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237 


na'wak       brlwi'a'ln^bak       wzam       ni'u'na 
strange  people,  because  our 

sa'Tjgamamna  womp'sk'"  ba'lpba'o 

our  chief  White-Bear  is  proud. 

kda"tcwi'tc     se'ka'wi'bena     p'da     se'kawi''- 
You  must          conquer  us,        not         if  you  conquer* 

wek'we  kda"tcwrtc    ali'bma'uzrba  tphalau' 
us  you  must  live  the  same  as 

awa"kanak      i-'dak      ktci-pzaga"te      airi1" 
slaves."  Said  Big-Screech-Owl,  "So! 

ki-zpdji'to'bba         ta'rrtado'dji-        ki'zp'djr 
we  are  ready  whenever  you  are  ready 

nami'ga"kon     a"tama     nodji'madje'oda'wan 
to  fight;      not  ever      away  from  here  we  shall  leave." 

noma'djin      a'lnpbe      saTjgama'k-e     udr'lan 
Then  left    the  man,     (he  went)  to  the  chief.     He  said 

sa'T/gamal'         a"tarrm         madjeoda'drwi'ak 
to  the  chief,  "Not  they  will  leave; 

ugi'zp'dji'na  umi-ga"kana  r'dak 

they  are  ready,  they  fight."  Said 

sa'ngama    arri-"    nagase'ba    kwi-'ldawo'nena 
the  chief,       "So,       and  to-morrow       we  will  attack." 

geheTa        wespoza"ki-wik        agwrlda'wona 
Accordingly  next  morning  they  attacked; 

noda'odina     ma- 'lam     sala"kr     sa'jjk'hHat 
they  began  a  battle.       Then       suddenly       came  out 

wamp'sk'w        ni'uk      a'eda1       ktci-pzaga"te 
White-Bear          these          well1  Big-Screech-Owl 

wzenp'bema  elpbo'ldihi'dit          ma'nife 

his  men  they  looked  and  saw.  Then 

madjep'ho"hadowak  naktcrpzaga"te 

they  began  to  run  with  fright.    Then  Big-Screech-Owl 

noda'dahazu      elp'bit      sai/k'hi-'lat'      awa'V 
became  discouraged     when  he  saw     coming  up     the* 
beast 

elgi'kwi-'nogwzit      amp'tawa"kwe      aspo"s-e 
so  big  looked  he       half  way  up  the  trees       his  height 

nedalrnaska'dahazit     noga'galawan     udr'lan 
here  he  got  discouraged  he  cried  out  he  said 

wa'mp'skwal'       gi'sta'hi'bana      kla'hamaVe 
to  White-Bear,       "You  have  conquered  us        stop  off 

1  Rhetorical  pause. 

1  The  scene  now  returns  to  the  heroine. 


kQzeiVbemak  nala'wiste  nda'wa'ka'nwi'bana 
your  men       I  give  up  now         we  will  become  slaves," 

i-'dak          wamp'sk'w  arri-"          uli-'gan 

said  White-Bear,  "So!  that's  good." 

noga'l'hamawan         wzenp'bema          udi-'lan 
Then  he  stopped  his  men  he  said, 

e"kwi'huk'        awa'ka'rrowak 

"Let  them  alone      they  have  become  slaves." 

wana'kskwe2  ktcipza'ga"te          udo'zal' 

That  girl 2  Big-Screech-Owl  his  daughter 

abr'us'as'i'dami'n  ski-no"si-zal         ma's- 

had  delivered  her  baby  a  boy  Ma's= 

ki-k'wsi'3        udi-'lan         senp'besis         nami-- 
ki-k'wsi-J  said,  "The  little  man  is  now* 

hi-'gwsu       ke'gwus        tci'gadli-'wi'la      i-'dak 
seen  what     will  you  name  him?          She  said, 

po'kade'zi'bi-"tes       wzam         p'skwe     dali'- 
'  Bubble-Froth'  because  why      there  he* 

krzi-'dabr'le       nabr'k 
was  conceived         in  water." 

i-'dak         p'ske'gadamu's          an-i1"         uli-'- 
Said  P'ske'gadamu's,  "So!  a  good* 

wi-zu     owa"tc     ki-z^ba'i'de     ne'k'^ktaha'n1- 
name       he  also,       after  he  becomes  a  man, 
(will  become)        greatest  great* 

dowit         se'npbe          i-'yu         alak'wamr'gi' 
magician        man         here         on  this  side  of  the  land 

naste'tc     awa"s-i'     pda'wahanik     ulr'dahpzu 
and  soon  across         the  top  of  the  range."       Rejoiced 

na'kskwe    na'lau     p'ske'gadamu's     olrnena'- 
the  girl  then  P'ske'gadamu's  took* 

welman       wiga'wus'uit       na'ga       une'manal 
good  care  of  her          the  mother          and          her  son 


ki'i- 
Ki-i-1 


na'tcwa 
Then  that 


kaskama'nas'u 
Kingfisher 


abe'dewa'da's'in  e'ki'ki'gi'li-<dji'hi-  na'me's'a' 
bringing  back  all  kinds  of  fish 

*  A  supernatural  creature,  another  name  for 
P'ske'gadamu's.  The  etymology  of  the  name  is  not 
clear.  The  narrator  interpreted  it  as  denoting  "a 
woman  whose  eyes  tempt  men." 


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ga'matc         ola'uzik'ha         nenawelma'dji-hi- 
very  much       he  fed  them  well       those  whom  he  was* 
taking  care  of, 

a"tcwa        skigno"sis        sa'TjglabaVu       na'ga 
and  that  boy  grew  very  healthy  and 

na'bi'go       nagi'ste'bagi-'luk'       nama'ski-k'*"si 
fast.          Then  when  he  had  grown  enough,  then- 

Ma'ski'k'wsi- 

udage"ki-mon      unadre'lHin      ugi-zi-'ta'wun 
taught  him  to  hunt,  made  him 

tabi-al'  na'ga  kpi-  udlo"salan 

a  bow  and  in  woods  took  him 

ma"tagwe'sgu"kana       gi-zage"ki-man       elr- 
they  hunted  rabbits.       When  she  taught  him        how= 

nadi-e'li-muk  nane'gama  ski-no"sis 

to  hunt  then  he  boy 

nagwig"tci-tge        una'di-elin        mHewa'da's-u 
all  alone  hunted  lots  of  game  he  brought, 

awa's-wi-ye      oli'grza'uzik'ha      wrga'wus-al' 
wild  meat  well  provided  for  his  mother 

na'ga  o"kamas-al'  maski-'k'wsi-al'1 

and  his  grandmother  Maski-'k'wsi-.1 

ma-la'm'te   gi-zaba'o   ni-u'l    kaskama'nas-wal 
Then    when  he  became  a  man    then  this     Kingfisher, 

gwi-'na      wi-'dabal       udi-'lagun         tca"kaba 
really          his  friend          told  him,          "You  ought  to 

kwi'la'oha      kmo"sumas      na'ga      ko"kamas 
search  for    your  grandfather    and    your  grandmother 

na'ga     kada-'gik     kdalna'bemak     nabe'djo'- 
and  others  your  people."  Then  coming- 

sgat      wi-'gwomwak      udi-'lan      wi-ga'was-al' 
to  his  wigwam,  he  said  to  his  mother 

na'ga  maski-'k'wsi-al  ndi-'lak'w 

and  Maski-'k'-si-,  "Told  me 

kaskama'nas-u  ndalna'bemak         a'gwa 

Kingfisher  my  relatives,  it  is  said, 

pse'luk'        nanig"kwup        nagadi-kwHaohok' 
are  many.    Now  then    I  am  going  to  search  for  them." 

udi-'lan  maskr'k'wsigal'  tanala'gwi- 

He  said  to  Maski-'k'wsi-,  "Which  way 

1  The  term  "grandmother"  is  here  used  in  accordance 
with  native  ideas  of  courtesy. 


e'i-hi'dit       ndalnp'bemak       ma'nife       i-'dak 
are  they  my  people?"  Then  said 

ma'ski-k'wsi'      ga'matc      nawa'doge      ke'nuk 
Ma'skrk'wsi',          "Very  far  away  but 

aso"ke          tcu'         kabe'dji'lan          e'oldi'dit 
certainly       surely     you  will  come       where  they  are." 

i-'dak     an-i-"     ni-"kwup'     yu't'e    gadlo"s-an 
She  said,      "So!        now        here        you  go  on  toward 

nala"t3gwe's-naok   ma-'lam'tetc   kanami-"tun 
north  direction  at  length  also  you  see 

pe'mrawanad3ni-'<kek  ane-o'ldi-hi'dit 

a  cross-range  of  hazy  mountains      then  there  they  are 

awa"si         kdalna'bemak         wespoza"ki-wik 
across  your  people."  Next  morning 

u'dji'madje'lan  Bi-"tes  na'lau 

went  away  Froth  meanwhile 

abmo'Van  kage'so'gani-  ma'la'm'te 

walking  along  a  long  day's  journey.  At  last 

sala"ki       ela'bit'       pe'  +  'mrawana'doni-'kek 
suddenly     looking  [he  saw]     way  off  a  cross-range  of» 
misty  mountains. 

ki'i-          uli-'dahazu          i-'dak          de'bonefe 
Ki-i-l  He  rejoiced,  he  said,  "Soon 

nbe'dji-'an          eo'ldi-hi'dit          ndalna'bemak 
I  shall  come  where  they  are  my  people." 

ki'i-        elmi-'lat        wi-zana'gwzu         taba'was 
Ki-i-        going  along          he  hurried  himself         seven 

kesogana'ki'wik    nobe'dji'lon    awa'sa'donowa'i 
days'  time.      Then  he  came      to  the  other  side  of  the» 
mountains. 

una'mi-'tun     o'dene     i-'dak     an-i'"     de'bane 
He  saw  a          village.          He  said,          "So!          Soon 

na'mrhan    ndalna'bemak    ela'bit  una'mi-'tun 
I  shall  see  my  people."  Looking          he  saw 

eba'so'dene         tcr'k'te         a'skwe        kada'k 
half  the  village  quiet,  then  other 

agamo'dene  tci'bagi-"ta7/gwat  dali-- 

side  the  village  appeared  noisy,  many 

abe'skwomhadi-djik          kada-'gik          a'skwe 
together  there  playing  ball,  others  then 

bamaga'hadowak       ni"tam'tek         wi-'g\\rom 
were  dancing.  The  first  wigwam 


NO.  3 


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239 


amadje'gi-- 
Then  she* 


ubi-'di-gan        tci-'k'tek       ala'gwi-        wada"k 
he  entered         in  the  quiet         direction         there  was 

moni'mkwes-u  ma'nife  wi'se'lmu 

Woodchuck.  Then  she  cried 

anspi-'     da'ldon'ke     i-'dak    ali-'ge    nkwe'nas 
while      there  talking.       She  said,        "Poor  grandson, 

ga'matc  ni-'una  nza'k-ahadi-'bana 

very  much  we  we  suffer 

mazi-'      ni-'una       awa"k-anak 
all  we  slaves." 

dama'wan  Bi-"tezal'  weda'uzHit 

began  to  relate  to  Froth  her  life-history. 

i-'dak  nadja"tc  gra  kawi-'dji- 

She  said,  "And  then  you  you  with 

awa"kanwi-      anode'k'wpazin     anobe'nagwzin 
slave  sort."     Then  she  stopped  grieving     she  bustled* 
around. 

udla'jjkwelan  uda'dji'han  Bi'"tesal 

She  prepared  food,          she  made  him  over  with  good* 
food,  Froth. 

nomi-'tsi        Bi-"tes        neda'li-'pit        a'lnabe 
Then  he  ate       Froth;       while  there  eating,       a  man 

bi'di-gi-'gada'hit        i-'dak 
rushed  in  quickly.        He  said, 

kpi-'wus       p'ma'p'tuwHan       kaba'po'ldi'ben 
in  the  bush          is  tracked  going  by          we  will  have* 
sport, 

a'gwa    no'so'ka'wona     i-'dak     moni'mkwes-u 
it  is  said,      they  pursued  him."     Said      Woodchuck, 

ki-'nagwba     pla"gi-zr"po     se'nabe     ma'nit'e 
"At  least  ought  to     wait     till  he  is  done  eating     the* 
man."      Then 

Bi-"tes     i-'dak    an-i-"     debne't-e     ngi-za'dji- 
Froth         said,         "So!         soon         I  shall  be  ready, 


awa  s-is        ivyu 
A  little  beast     here 


nawi'gam'holagun 
I  am  fond  of 


ni-a"tc  ga'matc 

I  too  very 

pa"pwagan     na't'e     gi'zi'"pit     uwi'"kwunan 
sport."        Then       when  he  finished  eating       he  took 

uda"tabi-al         udr'lan  moni'mkwes'wal' 

his  bow.  He  told  Woodchuck, 

mo'za'k     nsa'hi'katc     no"kami-      nono'delan 
"Don't       worry  about  me,       Grandmother."       Then* 
he  went  on 


Bi-"tes     yu'geda'k      se'nabak     se'ka'ldi'djik 
Froth.          Here  (outside)          men         were  standing 

eda'lska-wazo'ldi'djik       udi'-Jan        Bi'"tesal' 
there  waiting  for  him.  They  said  to  Froth, 

yu't-e     kpi-'wus     abma'p'tuwi-'lan    awa's-is 
"Here       in  the  thicket  fresh  tracks  going  by,* 

little  animal 

nauza'man'e        nage'hel'a        ama'djaba'zi-no 
let  us  chase  him."          Surely          they  all  went  forth. 

ma-la'm'te  pema'p'tuwi-'lat  ela'bit 

Then  his  tracking  looking 

Bi'"tes  ki'nala'gitdi'e'na1  wada"k 

Froth,  ki-nala'gitdi-e'na  *  there 

pema'p'tuwi->tat  ma'n'aba  wi'gwom 

his  tracks  going  like  a  wigwam 

wa'djr          kedji'p'tazi-gaza'ne          wudjki-'k 
as  though         greatly  pulled  out         from  the  ground 

e'sp<xmp'tak'w     e-e" 2  ma'nit'e     kwagwo'male 
such  big  tracks     e~e-l2     Right  away     he  began  to  run 

Bi-"tes      uno"so'ka<wan      awa-'s-i'zal        e-e- 
Froth,  chasing  the  little  animal,  «•«•/ 

na-'lau       agwagwo'male       yu'gaskwa'ln^bak 
Then  how  he  ran.  These  people 

mazr'         bad9ge'k'hodjo'lduwak        udji'gi'1- 
all  hung  back.  They  let  him* 

ta'wawat  Bi-"tesal'  uni'"- 

go  ahead  Froth  he  went  ahead* 

kanHalin       e'bagwa'tc      awi-'kwi'dahamawal 
of  them        on  account  of  it        they  were  laughing  at* 
him  in  their  minds 

wa'skwe         Bi-"tes         e'lmi-lat         ma-'lam 
this  Froth          as  he  was  going  along.          Then 

udad3mi'"ka'wal  awas'i'zal'  ela'bit 

he  overtook  him          little  beast          looking  (he  saw) 

gi-'nalagitdre'na  wada"k  se"ket 

gi-'nalagildi-e'na  there  standing 

amptawa"kwe          spo"se         w5-bi'awe"s-us 
half  way  up  the  trees  in  height  White-Bear 

ktaha'n-dwi'   wamp'sk'w  gi'i'  nabma'dje'wan3 
magic         White-Bear        gi-vl      then  he  shot  at  him ' 

1  An  expression  of  extreme  surprise. 

2  Rhetorical,  like  ki~i\ 

3  An  objurgative  form,  see  footnote  I,  p.  220. 


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VOL.  I 


a"tebagwatc     weo'lpwral    nemi'na    a'bamon 
not  because  of  this     he  felt  it.    Then  again     he  shot, 

ma1 'lam     me"tcHal     aba"kwal      mas-ala'fe 
then          all  were  used  up          the  arrows          except 

be'sagwun      aba"kwe      ki's      mal'hi-'dahazu 
one  arrow.  Thereupon  he  wondered 

Bi-"tes  sala"kife  soj/k'hi'dawi-'Jat 

Froth,  suddenly  came  out  flying 

ktci'gi'gHa"sis     ma'nife     pa'gas'in     Bi-"tes 
Chicadee.         Then         he  alighted  (struck)         Froth 

udla'lmaTjga'nok'       ma'nife       madje"kwezu 
on  his  shoulder.          Then          began  making  a  noise> 
(whispering) 

ki'gi-'mi'  ktcrgi'grgi-gr  wa'gwa'nak 

slyly  "Ktci-gi-gi-gi-  heel." 

eVbit         Bi-"tes         ke'gwus       neda'ltes-uk 
Looking         Froth         something         throbbing  there 

wa'gwa-nak     wamp'sk'"      p+      aba'madje1- 
at  his  heel  White-Bear  ^-|-  he  shot- 

oda'man1  edalap'skr"tes-uk  na'ste 

it '  where  the  throbbing  thing  was.  Then 

udlmi-gi-'bi'lan  wamp'sk'"  Bi'"tes 

he  toppled  over  White-Bear,  Froth 

eli-'lat          wa'ijgada'k          tci-dana"kwrhazu 
going  there  he  was  dead  he  was  stiff. 

me"tci-ne        el^'bit        Bi'"tes        udeza'k'"- 
He  died  looking  Froth  he  had- 

tela'man     ule'war/gan     womp'sk'"     aba"kwe 
shot  him  his  heart  White-Bear  arrow 

spba-'mo       ule'waTjganuk      ki'r      ma-'lam'te 
clear  through        in  his  heart.        Ki-i-t  Then 

saTjk'haba'zi'hi-'dit       a'ln^bak       na'n-agwutc 
they  came  up  in  a  mass  the  people,  some 

e'bagwatc    abadelmo'lduwak    bed^ba'zi-hrdit 
on  account  of  it     were  laughing      when  they  got  there 

elpbo'ldi'hi'dit  nada"k  wamp'sk'" 

they  looked  and  saw  there  White-Bear 

ela's-ik        me"tcadje'ne2        i-'dak       Bi-"tes 
lying  there  dead.1  Said  Froth, 

kad^'bagwaho'lna      awa's-is      ki'i-      ga'matc 
"I  will  give  you  your  share     of  the  beast    Ki-i-1  Very 

1  An  objurgative  form. 
'Another  objurgative  form. 


wli-'gan      pa"pwpgan     yugo'skwe     a'ln^bak 
good  sport."  These  people 

ma'nit'e  atcrdawa'm'kwahazo'lduwak 

right  away  they  cast  their  faces  down  quickly. 

a"tawen     klo'zi-     ma'nife     badag^'bazuwak 
Nobody          spoke.  Then          they  walked  back 

o'denek'     na'tc     Bi-"tes     ama'djin     o'denek 
to  village.      Then      Froth      walked      to  the  village. 

ma-la'mte  moni'mkwe's-o'ke          udi-'lan 

Then  (he  got)  to  Woodchuck.  He  said, 

no"k3-mi-       ndlmadje"telawa       awo'mp'sk'w 
"Grandma,     I  have  shot  him  dead    that  White-Bear." 

ki'i-        ma'nife       wrse'lmu        moni'mkwes- 
Ki-i-1  Then  cried  Woodchuck 

e'dudji-wuli-  'dahasit  p  +  noba'bamagano 

so  glad  she  felt  9  +  then  they  danced  around. 

udr'lan        kwe'nas'is      ga'matc       game'm'- 
She  said,         "Grandson,         very        you  have  done* 

lawi'gi-'zi-hadu  gase"kawan  ne'k-^i 

a  great  thing,        you  have  conquered        the  greatest 

gr'nhan'dowit      se'nabe     dalwski'tka'mi'gwe 
magician  man  there  in  the  world." 

r'dak        Bi-"tes       naga'el^i'bemuk       kaska- 
Said  Froth,  "By  the  help  of  King- 


manaru 

fisher 


na  ga 
and 


elmi'wla'ngwi-wik 
that  evening 


ktci'gi'gr'la's'is         ki'i' 
Chickadee!"  KH-I 

ktci'uli-'dahazwaTjgan 
a  big  rejoicing, 


e'bagwa'tc          ktci'ba'magan          mazr'awen 
on  this  account  big  dance,  every  one 

uli-'dahazi      wespoza"ki-wik      odjr'madjelan 
was  happy.  Next  morning  he  left  for 

wi'ga'wus'age  udli-'lon  ma'la'm'te 

his  mother's.  He  went  along.  At  last 

be'dji'lot      udi''lon      wrga'wus'al'      wul^'dji' 
he  arrived,    he  said    to  his  mother,    "Be  well  prepared, 

se'ba          kamadje'odebna          namas'ka'wpk 
to-morrow      we  will  move.       I  have  found  (and  met) 


kda'lnpbe'  'mnawak 
our  people." 


wespoza"ki'\vik 
The  next  morning 


umadje'odana       obe'dji'lan       ka'skamanas'u 
they  started  off;  along  came  Kingfisher 


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PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


241 


na'ga     ktci'gi'gr'la'-s'is     na'ga     maski-'k'wsr 
and  Chickadee  and  Maski-'k'wsi- 

ube'dji*         adi-o'hewr"kadavwana         kaska- 
came,  good-by  they  bid  him.  King* 

ma'nas-u          udi-'lan          a'di'yo1        Bi-"tes 
fisher  said,  "A'diyo1  Froth 

ni-"kwup'  elma'uzi-an  ke'gwus 

now  (in  future)  as  long  as  you  live          anything 

ali-sa-'gi-mr'ko'ka'mane  gami-"kawi'<- 

if  you  meet  with  great  danger  think  of» 

dahamin  kwi'djo"kemaldj  a'tc 

me,  I  will  help  you  accordingly."  And 

maski-'k'wsi-         a'tc         udi-'lan       Bi'"tesal' 
Maski-'k'wsi'  also  said  to  Froth, 

ni-a"tc     kwe'nas     ke'gwus     alrsa''gi-mr'ko'- 
"And  I,     grandson,     anything     when  you  meet  with 

ka'ma'ne          kami'"kawi- 'dahamin          na'tc 
difficulty,  think  and  wish  for  me."  And 

ktci-gi'gi-'la's-is        i-'dak      ni-a"tc        kami-" 
Chickadee  said,  "And  I,  think» 

kawi-'dahomin      wi-djo"kemoldj      nodjrma'- 
of  me,  I  will  help  you."  Then  they 

dji'na      wi-ga'wus-al'      ma-'lam      be'djo's-ak 
went         and  his  mother.         At  last         they  reached 

o'denek  ma'nit-e  moni'mkwes-oke 

a  village.  Then  to  Woodchuck's  (wigwam) 

bi-'di-gan    ma'nife    wi-se'lmu    moni'mkwes-u 
they  went  in.  Then  cried  Woodchuck 

edudjiwli-'dahazit         nairagae'wus       abedo- 
so  glad  was  she.  After  a  little  while          they  all- 

ba'zi-na  udalna'bema  amo"sumsal' 

came  up,  his  relations,  his  grandfather, 

o"kemas-al'  na'ga  gada'gi'hi- 

his  grandmother,  and  the  other 

udalna'bema          udr'fegun         umo"sumsal' 
relatives.  Said  to  him  his  grandfather, 

wedji'beda'bazi-'ek'  ni'u'na   nda'tcwe'ldamen 
"The  reason  why  we  came,  we  I  wish  you 

kada'n'heldama'wi-nena  elrkadama'gi-- 

to  forgive  us  for  leaving  you  so  misera* 

pagr'logat  krga'wus  ga'matc 

bly,  your  mother.  Very 

1  From  French  adieu. 


kamas-e'li-ki-'gahi-'bena       se'ka'wat       ne'k'a 
a  lot  you  saved  us;  conquered  the  greatest 

ktaha'n-dowit  se'nabe  nanr"kwup' 

magic  man.  Now  then 

i-yu'tc        eda'liktci-sa'Tjgamawi-an        nani-'a 
here  also  you  will  be  a  great  chief,  and  I 

ni"kwup'      nga'dnaman      ndli-'daba's-waijgan 
now  take  off  my  office  mantle 

nagi-'a  gana-'stokn  noga'dnaman 

and  you  I  put  it  on."  Then  he  took  off 

uza'Tjgama'odi2         unasta'wan        kwe'nas-al' 
his  chieftainship-path,2       he  put  it  on      his  grandson 

Bi-"tesal       naBi-"tes       udali'ktci-sa^gema'in 
Froth.         Then  Froth  there  great  chief  became. 

TRANSLATION 

Here  camps  story  of  a  young  girl,  a  virtuous 
girl,  who  was  fond  of  swimming.  Her  mother 
advised  her  against  too  much  swimming. 
Her  mother  said,  "Some  time  a  water-nymph 
will  put  you  in  trouble."  She  did  not  obey  her 
mother.  She  was  just  as  fond  of  swimming. 
Once  as  she  waded  ashore,  after  swimming, 
she  saw  bubbles  coming  up  to  the  surface  of 
the  water  in  front  of  where  she  was  going. 
She  was  surprised.  Then  she  stopped  and 
looked.  While  looking  at  the  bubbles,  they 
suddenly  turned  to  froth,  and  appeared 
finally,  while  she  looked  on,  to  resemble  a 
baby.  Then  came  a  breeze  that  blew  the 
froth  towards  her.  She  became  frightened, 
and  wanted  to  get  away  from  the  froth;  but 
it  was  too  late.  The  froth  came  in  contact 
with  her  body,  and  then  disappeared  after 
touching  her.  She  waded  ashore,  and  then 
went  home.  Thereafter  she  did  not  swim. 

Time  went  on,  and  all  at  once  her  belly  be- 
gan to  grow.  Her  mother  asked,  "What 
trouble  has  happened  to  you?"  The  girl  said, 
"Nothing  ails  me.  Why?"  Her  mother  said, 
"You  look  strange.  Why  does  your  belly 
grow?  It  seems  man  has  already  been  near 
you."  Said  the  girl,  "Mother,  man  has  not 
been  near  me."  Then  the  mother  said,  "You 

2  This  was  a  robe  of  bear-skin  with  painted  designs. 


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are  trying  to  deceive  me,  but  you  cannot  hide 
yourself  here.  Soon  you  will  be  found  out." 
Then  at  last,  when  her  belly  was  very  large, 
her  father  saw  her,  and  said,  "You  are  a  very 
bad  woman.  I  have  a  notion,  if  I  do  not 
restrain  myself,  to  strike  you  dead  at  once 
here.  You  will  have  to  live  here  alone,  what- 
ever may  come  to  you.  I  am  disgusted  with 
you;  and  we  are  going  to  leave  you  here, 
whether  you  die  of  starvation  or  not." 

Then  the  whole  village  moved  away  and 
left  the  young  girl.  She  was  very  unhappy 
after  she  was  left  alone,  and  thought,  "What 
will  ultimately  Become  of  me?  It  seems  prob- 
able that  I  shall  die  of  starvation  here." 
Then  in  consequence  she  burst  out  crying. 
While  she  was  crying,  Kingfisher  came  flying 
to  her  suddenly.  He  said,  "Don't  grieve!  It  is 
impossible  to  die  of  starvation  here.  I  will  help 
you,  and  my  grandmother,  P'ske'gadamu's, 
and  I  will  take  care  of  you."  Krv,  the  girl 
was  glad,  and  said,  "an'r",  now  I  shall  live." 
She  told  the  Kingfisher,  "Thank  you  very 
much.  You  have  pleased  me  exceedingly." 
Then  in  the  evening  came  an  old  woman. 
Ground-moss  was  the  material  of  her  clothing, 
and  cedar- bark  her  belt.  She  said,  "Grand- 
daughter, don't  let  anything  worry  you.  Be 
contented,  for  I  shall  take  care  of  you."  When 
it  was  time  for  her  to  bear  a  child,  the  girl 
said,  "Grandmother,  I  am  very  glad,  and 
thank  you  for  what  you  are  going  to  do  for 
me." 

Big-Screech-Owl,  great  chief,  and  his  peo- 
ple, moved  away,  and  were  a  long  while 
getting  far  over  the  divide  of  mountains. 
There  they  came  to  a  village,  and  there  they 
settled.  The  inhabitants  of.  the  village 
did  not  like  it  very  well;  they  were  not 
pleased.  Then  they  began  to  antagonize  the 
strange  people.  When  Big-Screech-Owl  knew 
that  they  were  after  the  lives  of  his  people,  he 
said,  "We  must  fight  if  we  want  to  stay."  At 
last  a  man  came  to  Big-Screech-Owl,  and  said, 
"If  you  are  going  to  stay  here,  you  must  fight, 
because  we  do  not  love  you  strange  people, 


and  because  our  chief  White-Bear  is  proud. 
You  must  conquer  us,  or,  if  you  do  not  con- 
quer us,  you  must  live  as  our  slaves."  Said 
Big-Screech-Owl,  "Go  ahead!  We  are  ready 
to  fight  whenever  you  are,  and  we  shall  never 
leave  here."  Then  the  man  left,  and  went  to 
his  chief  and  said,  "They  will  not  leave,  and 
they  are  ready  to  fight."  Said  the  chief, 
"So  then!  To-morrow  we  will  attack  them." 
Next  morning  they  attacked,  and  began 
battle.  Then  suddenly  White-Bear  came 
rushing  up.  Big-Screech-Owl 's  men  looked 
and  saw  him,  and  then  began  to  run,  they 
were  so  frightened.  Then  Big  Screech-Owl 
became  discouraged  when  he  saw  the  beast 
coming  up.  The  beast  was  so  big,  that  he  was 
half  way  up  the  trees  in  height.  Big-Screech- 
Owl  was  discouraged,  and  cried  out  to  White- 
Bear,  "You  have  conquered -us.  Stop!  Hold 
off  your  men!  I  give  up  now!  We  will  be 
your  slaves."  Said  White-Bear,  "So!  That's 
good."  Then  he  called  off  his  men,  and  said, 
"Let  them  alone,  they  have  become  our 
slaves." 

The  girl,  Big-Screech-Owl's  daughter,  had 
delivered  her  baby,  which  was  a  boy.  Mas- 
ki-'k'wsi-  said,  "The  little  man  is  now  seen 
here.  What  will  you  name  him?"  She  said, 
"Bubble-Froth,  because  he  was  conceived 
there  in  water."  Said  P'ske'godomu's,  "So! 
A  good  name;  and  after  he  becomes  a  man, 
he  will  become  the  greatest  magician  on  this 
side  of  the  land-divide,  and  soon  after  also 
across  the  top  of  the  range."  The  girl  rejoiced. 
P'ske'gadamu's  thereupon  took  good  care  of 
both  mother  and  son.  Ki~vl  That  Kingfisher 
brought  them  all  kinds  of  fish,  which  fed  very 
well  those  whom  he  cared  for.  The  boy  grew 
very  fast  and  was  healthy.  Then,  when  he 
had  grown  enough,  then  Maski-'k'wsi-  taught 
him  to  hunt.  She  made  him  a  bow  and  took 
him  in  the  woods.  Rabbits  they  hunted. 
When  she  had  taught  him  how,  then  he  hunted 
alone,  and  brought  in  an  abundance  of  wild 
meat.  He  provided  well  for  his  mother  and 
grandmother,  Maskr'k'wsi-.  When  he  be- 


NO.  3 


PENOBSCOT  TRANSFORMER  TALES 


243 


came  a  man,  his  true  friend,  Kingfisher,  said 
to  him,  "You  ought  to  search  for  your  grand- 
father and  your  grandmother  and  the  others 
of  your  people."  When  he  came  back  to  his 
wigwam,  he  said  to  his  mother  and  Mas- 
ki-'k'wsi',  "Kingfisher  told  me  it  is  said  I  have 
many  relatives.  Now,  then,  I  am  going  to 
search  for  them."  Then  said  Maski-'k'wsi- 
"Very  far  away,  but  you  will  surely  come 
to  their  abode."  She  said,  "Now  go  to  the 
north  until  you  see  a  cross-range  of  hazy 
mountains,  and  across  them  you  will  find  your 
people."  Froth,  on  the  next  morning,  went 
away,  and  walked  for  many  days.  At  last 
he  suddenly  saw  a  range  of  misty  mountains 
in  the  distance.  Ki-i-1  He  rejoiced,  and  said, 
"Soon  I  shall  come  to  where  my  people  are." 
He  hurried  along  for  seven  days'  time,  and 
then  he  came  to  the  other  side  of  the  moun- 
tains. He  saw  a  village,  and  said,  "Now,  then, 
soon  I  shall  see  my  people."  Looking,  he 
saw  half  the  village  quiet,  and  the  other  half 
noisy,  and  many  there  together  playing  ball, 
and  others  dancing.  He  entered  from  the 
quiet  direction,  and  in  the  first  wigwam  he 
entered  was  Woodchuck.  When  Woodchuck 
saw  Froth,  she  began  to  cry,  and  at  the  same 
time  spoke  and  said,  "Poor  grandson!  we 
suffer  very  much  because  we  are  all  slaves." 
Then  she  began  to  relate  to  Froth  the  history 
of  her  life.  She  said,  "And  you  are  now  with 
the  slave  sort."  Then  she  stopped  grieving, 
she  bustled  about  and  prepared  food,  and  gave 
it  to  him.  Then  Froth  ate;  and  while  eating, 
a  man  rushed  in  quickly,  and  said,  "A  little 
beast  is  tracked,  having  gone  by  in  the  bush. 
We  shall  have  great  sport,  it  is  said."  Said 
Woodchuck,  "At  least  you  ought  to  wait  until 
the  man  (Froth)  is  done  eating."  Then  Froth 
said,  "So!  I  shall  soon  be  ready.  I  too  am 
very  fond  of  sport."  When  he  had  finished 
eating,  he  took  up  his  bow.  He  told  Wood- 
chuck,  "Don't  worry  about  me,  grandmother." 
When  he  went  outside,  men  were  standing 
there  waiting  for  him.  They  said  to  Froth, 
"Here  in  the  thicket  a  little  way  off  are  the 


fresh  tracks  of  the  animal  going  by.  Let  us 
chase  him!"  Accordingly  then  they  all  went 
forth.  Froth  began  looking  at  the  tracking; 
and  when  he  saw  the  tracks,  ki'nalagitdie'-na 
they  looked  like  the  place  where  a  wigwam  had 
been  after  being  wrenched  from  the  ground, 
e-e-,  they  were  so  big  and  deep!  Right  away 
Froth  began  to  run  and  chase  the  little  animal. 
e-e!  How  he  ran  then!  These  people  all  hung 
back,  they  let  him  go  on  ahead.  He  went 
ahead  of  them,  and  on  this  account  they  were 
all  laughing  in  their  minds  at  him.  Then,  as  • 
he  went  on,  he  overtook  the  little  beast,  and 
saw  it  standing  there  half  way  up  to  the  trees 
in  height.  It  was  the  great  magic  White-Bear. 
Then  Froth  shot  at  it.  But  even  so,  he  did 
not  notice  it.  Gi-v,  then  again  he  shot.  Then 
at  last  all  his  arrows  were  used  up  except  -one. 
Suddenly  a  Chickadee  appeared  flying,  and 
alighted  on  Froth's  shoulder  and  began  to 
whisper,  "Ktci-gi-gi-gi-  heel!"  Looking,  Froth 
saw  something  throbbing  on  White-Bear's 
heel.  £+/  He  shot  at  that  cursed  throbbing 
round  thing.  Then  White-Bear  toppled  over. 
Froth  went  up  to  him.  White-Bear  was  stiff 
and  dead.  Looking  at  him,  Froth  saw  that 
he  had  shot  White-Bear  in  his  heart,  and  the 
arrow  had  gone  clear  through.  Kvi-l  The 
people  came  up  in  a  mass.  Some  of  them  were 
laughing  when  they  got  there  because  of  it. 
They  looked,  and  saw  White-Bear  lying  there 
dead.  Said  Froth,  "I  will  give  you  your  share 
of  the  beast.  Ki-i-1  It  was  very  good  sport." 
The  people  right  away  cast  down  their  faces 
quickly.  Nobody  spoke.  Then  they  walked 
back  to  the  village.  When  Froth  saw  Wood- 
chuck,  he  said,  "Grandma,  I  have  shot  him 
dead,  that  White-Bear."  Ki-i-1  Then  Wood- 
chuck  cried,  she  was  so  glad.  $+!  They  danced 
around,  and  she  said,  "Grandson,  you  have 
done  a  very  great  thing.  You  have  conquered 
the  greatest  magic  man  in  the  world." 
Froth  said,  "It  was  by  the  help  of  Kingfisher 
and  Chickadee."  Ki-i-1  That  evening  there 
was  a  big  rejoicing- feast.  There  was  a  big 
dance  on  this  account,  and  every  one  was 


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INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL  OF  AMERICAN   LINGUISTICS 


happy.  Next  morning  Froth  left  for  his 
mother's.  Going  along,  at  last  he  arrived, 
and  said  to  her,  "Get  well  ready.  To-morrow 
we  shall  move.  I  have  found  and  met  our 
people."  The  next  morning  they  started  off. 
Along  came  Kingfisher  and  Chickadee  and 
Maski-'k^si4.  They  came  to  bid  good-by. 
Kingfisher  said,  "Adieu,  Froth!  now  as  long 
as  you  live,  in  the  future,  if  you  meet  with 
•  danger,  think  of  me.  I  will  help  you 
accordingly."  And  Maski-'k^si1  also  said, 
"Froth,  when  you  meet  with  difficulty,  think 
of  and  wish  for  me."  And  Chickadee  said, 
"And  as  for  me,  think  of  me.  I  will  help  you." 
Then  they  went  away.  At  last  Froth  and  his 
mother  reached  a  village.  Then  to  Wood- 
chuck's  wigwam  they  went;  and  Woodchuck 
cried,  she  was  so  glad.  Soon  after,  all  his 


relatives  came  up, — his  grandfather,  his  j. 
mother,  and  the  other  relations.     His  j. 
father  said  to  him,  "The  reason  we  come  i 
we  wish  you  to  forgive  us  for  aband:  :> 
mother  so  miserably.    You  saved  us  a  great 
deal  when  you  conquered   the  great   >• 
man.     Now,  then,  here  is  where  you  will  be 
a  great  chief,  and  I  now  take  off  my  office 
mantle"  and  I  put  it  on  you."   Then  he  took 
off  his  chieftainship-path2  and  put  it  on  his 
grandson.   Then  Froth  was  a  great  chief. 

1  This  mantle  was  generally  a  tanned  bear-skin 
with  flower  designs  painted  on  the  leather  side,  and 
decorated  with  porcupine-quills,  it  is  said. 

1 A  figurative  expression  for  the  responsibilities  and 
insignia  of  the  chieftaincy.  The  bear-skin  and  the  eagle's 
feather  were  regarded  a»  the  emblems  of  a  chief;  these 
being  trie  most  noble  among  the  mammals  and  birds. 


International   Journal    of  American    Linguistics 


VOLUME  i 


NUMBER  4 


LINGUISTIQUE    BOLIVIENNE. 


LA     LANGUE    KAYUVAVA, 
Par  G.  DE  CREQUI-MONTFORT  ET  P.  RIVET. 


«  La  nation  des  Cayuvavas,  avant  de  se  sou- 
mettre  au  christianisme,  habitait,  ecrit  d'Orbi- 
gny1,  la  rive  occidentale  du  Mamore,  a  une 
quinzaine  de  lieues  au-dessus  de  son  confluent 
avec  le  Guapor£  ou  Irenes,  sur  les  plaines  en- 
trecoupees  de  marais  et  de  bouquets  de  bois 
qui  caracte"risent  ces  terrains.  Les  Cayuvavas 
etaient  dissemines  en  tribus  sur  les  bords  de 
cette  grande  riviere,  et  sur  les  petits  affluens 
des  plaines  de  1'ouest,  du  iae  au  i3cdegre  de 
latitude  sud  et  au  68e  degr£  de  longitude  ouest 
de  Paris.  Leurs  voisins  Etaient,  au  sud,  les  Mo- 
vimas ;  a  Test,  les  Itenes ;  a  1'ouest,  les  Maro- 
pas  de  Reyes,  et,  au  nord,  les  Pacaguaras  du 
rio  Beni.  Us  etaient  separes,  surtout  des  deux 
dernieres  nations,  par  des  deserts  d'une  immense 
etendue.  Tous  Chretiens,  ils  sont  actuellement 
reunis  dans  la  mission  d'Exaltacion,  sur  la  rive 
ouest  du  Mamore,  a  douze  lieues  au-dessous 
de  1'embouchure  du  rio  Yacuma.  Le  nombre 
des  Cayuvavas  etait,  en  1831,  de  2073  indivi- 
dus  ».  En  1693,  le  Pere  Eguiluz  estimait  cette 
population  a  3000  ames,  et  en  1767,  les  mis- 
sionnaires  comptaient  2000  Kayuvava  a  Exal- 
tacion,  en  outre  d'une  petite  colonie  installee  a 
San  Pedro,  en  pays  kanicana  2. 


1.  D'ORBIGNY  (Alcide).    Voyage  dans  TAme'rique  meri- 
dioimle,  t.  IV,  uepartie,  Paris,  1839  :  L'homme  americain 
(ile  fAmeriqne  mMdionale),  consider?  sous  ses  rapports  pliy- 
siologiques  ft  moraux,  p.  305  . 

2.  HERVAS  (Lorenzo).    Catdlogo  de  las  lenguas  de  las 
iidtiones  fonocidas,  y  numeration,  division,  y  clases  de  estas 
segiin  la  diversidad  de  sus  idiomas  y  dialectos.  T.  I:  Lenguas 
y  naciones  americanas.  Madrid,  1800,  p.  250. 


Toujours  d'apres  d'Orbigny  ',  la  mission 
d'Exaltacion  e"tait  divisee  en  huit  sections,  dont 
les  noms  commencent  tous  par  la  syllabe  mai 
qui,  ainsi  que  nous  le  verrons,  indique  le  plu- 
riel  en  Kayuvava  :  c'etaient  les  Mai-simat,  les 
Mai-dibocoke,  les  Mai-depurupiM,  les  Mai-rouaha, 
les  Mai-auke,  les  Mai-dixibobo,  les  Mai-maxuya, 
les  Mai-tnosoroya. 


La  langue  kayuvava  est  deja  connue  par  un 
certain  nombre  de  vocabulaires  et  quelques 
textes  dont  void  la  liste  complete  : 

1.  HERVAS  (Lorenzo).  Idea  delT  Universe,  Ce- 
sena,  t.  XIX,  1786  :  Arittnetica  di  quasi  lutte  le 
nation  i  conosciute,   p.    102-103  '•>  r-  ^^>   T7^7  : 
Vocabolario  poligloto,  p.    161-219  (Vocabulaire 
de  56  mots  et  21  noms  de  nombre). 

2.  D'ORBIGNY,  op.  cii.,  p.  80  (Vocabulaire  de 
23  mots). 

3.  FONSECA  (Joao  Severiano  da).  Viagem  ao 
rcdor  do  Brazil,  1875-1878.  2  vol.,  Rio  de  Ja- 
neiro, 1880-1881,  t.  II,  p.  239-240  (Vocabu- 
laire de  65  mots). 

4.  HEATH  (Edwin  R.).  Dialects  of  Bolivian 
Indians.  A  philological  contribution  from  material 
gathered  during  three  years  residence  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Beni,  in  Bolivia  (Kansas  city  Review  of 
Science,  and  Industry,  a  monthly  Record  of  Progress 
in  Science,  mechanic  Arts  and  Literature,  vol.  VI, 

3.  D'ORBIGNY,  op.  cit.,  p.  306. 


246 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


n°   12,  avril   1883,   p.   679-687),  p.   683-687 
(Vocabulaire  de  39  mots). 

5.  CARDUS  (Josd).  Las  inisiones  fninriscnims 
cut  1 1'  /o.v  in  fides  de  Bolivia.  Barcelone,  1886,  p. 
315-316  (Liste  de  48  mots  et  phrases). 


(Listede85  mots  et  phrases;  un  court  texte1). 
A  ces  divers  documents  que  nous  reprodui- 
sons  inte'gralement,  parce  que  la  plupart  sont 
inaccessibles  aux  chercheurs,  nous  ajoutons  le 
vocabulaire  reste  inedit  recueilli  par  d'Orbigny, 


Carte  dc  l.i  Bassc-Bolivic,  indiquam  1'cmplacenient  du  Kayuvava. 


6.  TEZA  (E.).  Saggi  inediti  di  lingue  anieri- 
cane.  Appuiiti  bibliografici  (Annali  delle  Univer- 
sita  Toscane,  t.  X,  Parte  prima,  Science  noolo- 
gicbe.  Pise,  1868,  p.  117-143),  p  133  (Texte 
eligieux  non  traduit  comprenant  le  Pater  nos- 
ter,  YAve  Marian  le  Credo). 


Stockholm,   1911,  p.  231,   232,  234-239,  241 


et  conserve  parmi  les  manuscrits  de  la  Biblio- 
theque  nationale  de  Paris. 


i.  De  petits  vocabulaires  se  trouvent  ^galement  dans 
les  ouvrages  suivaots : 

ADELUNG  (Johann  Christoph)  et  VATER  (Johann  Sevc- 
\lilli-iJatfi  oder  allgemeine  Sprachfnkiindc  mil  ilcm 


NO.    4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


247 


Genre.  —  Comme  la  plupart  des  langues  de 
la  region,  le  Kayuvava  ne  semble  pas  connaitre 
la  distinction  de  genre.  Pour  distinguer  le  male 
de  la  femelle,  il  juxtapose  au  nom  de  celle-ci 
le  mot  yasi  «  homme  »,  ou  au  nom  de  celui-la 
le  mot  torane  «  femme  ». 

Ex. :  poule,  takura ,  tdkardro,  coq,yasi-takurako, 
garden,  mamixi,  miitni,  jeune  fille,  mami- 

torani  '. 

Toutefois,  d'apres  ce  que  nous  verrons  plus 
loin  a  propos  de  1'article,  il  semble  qu'il  existe, 
au  moins  dans  ce  cas  particulier,  une  distinction 
entre  1'homme  et  les  etres  anthropomorphes 
(dieu)  d'une  part,  les  animaux  et  les  objets, 
d'autre  part. 

l^ater  unset  ah  Sprachprobe  in  beynahe  fiinjhundert  Sftrachen 
unil  Munilarten.  Dritter  Theil,  zweyte  Abtheilung,  Ber- 
lin, 1815,  p.  571,  576. 

BALBI  (Adrien).  Atlas  ethnographique  du  Globe,  ou  clas- 
sification des  peuples  anciens  et  modernes  d'apres  leurs  langues. 
Paris,  1826,  table  XLI,  n°  466. 

ORTON  (James).  The  Andes  and  the  Amazons  or  across 
the  continent  of  South  America.  J«  edit.,  New  York,  1875, 
P-475 

BRINTON  (Daniel  G.).  The  American  Race.  New  York, 
1891,  p.  560. 

Ces  vocabulaires  ne  sont  pas  originaux.  Ceux  du  Mi- 
tliridates  (23  mots)  et  de  Balbi  (26  mots)  soot  pris  dans 
Hervas  ;  celui  d'Orton  (8  mots)  dans  d'Orbigny,  bien 
quc  le  voyageur  ecrive  kratoloratu,  femme,  au  lieu  de 
kratalorane,  et  nhararnan,  soleil,  au  lieu  de  niimiiiaii.  Ce- 
lui de  Brinton  (17  mots)  est  extrait  en  partie  de  d'Orbi- 
gny, en  partie  de  Heath  ;  les  trois  premiers  noms  de 
nombre  sont  empruntes  a  AdeHing  et  Vater  (op.  cit., 
p.  576)  ;  its  n'appartiennent  pas  d'ailleurs  au  Kayuvava 
mais  au  Sapibokona  (dialecte  takana).  Les  linguistes  alle- 
mands,  en  les  copiant  eux-memes  dans  Hervas  (Aritmetica, 
op.  cit.,  p.  576),  ont  en  effet  interpose  les  noms  de  nombre 
kayuvava  et  sapibokona,  erreur  dont  Brinton  ne  s'est 
pas  apercu  en  les  transcrivant  a  son  tour. 

i.  On  pourrait  supposer,   d'apres  1'exemple   suivant, 
que  la  distinction  du  male  et  de  la  femelle  peut  etre 
indiquee  par  le  prffixe  i-  : 
chien,  nahua, 
chienne,  i-ndhua. 

Toutefois,  nous  pensons  que,  dans  ce  cas,  ce  prefixe 
n'est  autre  que  celui  que  nous  trouvons  dans  un  grand 
nombre  de  substantifs  et  dont  nous  expliquons  plus  loin 
le  sens  (p.  132). 


II  est  par  centre  certain  que  les  adjectifs  sont 
invariables  : 

pd-riki-ha,  tu  es  content, 
pa-pira-hd,  tu  es  benie. 

Nombre.  -  -  Le  pluriel  est  indique  d'une  fa- 
c,on  tres  reguliere  par  le  prefixe  may-,  mey-, 
ma-,  me-,  mi-,  qui  correspond  exactement  au 
prefixe  mi-  de  1'Itonama  : 

Ex.:  chien,   nahua,       les  chiens,  mey-n&hua, 
poule,  tdkardro,     les  poules,  mey-tdkardro, 
homme,  yasi,       peuple     (les    hommes), 

me-ylse, 

saint,  santo,          les  saints,  ma-santo, 
femme,  torim,      les    femmes,    mai^torene. 

Article.  —  De  meme  qu'en  Mobima,  il  existe 
en  Kayuvava  une  particule  remplissant  le  role 
assez  vague  d'article  ou  d'adjectif  inde"fini  : 

xuariye     ki    xetdaba. 

j'ai-tud     un     jaguar. 

patdara     kixarese    ko     dabapa. 

grand        j'aime      le       dieu. 

cu    anuexi     ko    dabapa  ? 

y  a-t-il        un       dieu  ? 
ko    dabapa     ara-icu     kei       lui       yi-tdal. 
le       dieu  est  en-haut     au-ciel. 

mia-ca-e    ki    daka     ki     tdati  ? 
qui         la     crea     la     terre  ? 
ana     ko     dabapa     ki    daka. 
le       dieu       la     crea. 
ca-icu-aca    ko    dabapa  ? 
oii-est       le      dieu  ? 

Comme  en  Mobima  egalement,  il  semble  y 
avoir  deux  formes,  suivant  que  1'article  est  joint 
a  un  nom  d'etre  (ko)  ou  a  un  nom  de  chose  ou 
d'animal  (ki). 

Pronoms.  —  Void  la  liste  des  pronoms 
personnels,  telle  qu'on  peut  1'etablir  d'apres  nos 
differentes  sources  d'information  : 


248 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


je,  moi,   are-ahi       nous,         are-risi 
are-ill  are-rixi 

are-ay  ane-re 

tu,  toi,     are-a         vous,         are-kpere 
art- a 
are-a 

il,  elle,     are  ils,  elles,   'are-riki 

ari 

Tous  ces  pronoms  sont  formes  avec  le  meme 
radical,  nrc.  auquel  som  ajoutdes  des  desinences 
variables. 

D'apres  le  texte  de  Teza,  il  semble  que  ces 
desinences  puissent  etre  employees  isolement 
a  la  place  de  la  forme  complete  correspondante. 

C'est  ainsi  que  ritii   a    le  sens  de  «  nous  » 
dans  les  phrases  suivantes  : 
p-ide-i->ibi,  pardonne-nous  ! 
\ape  bir-idf-ha  rihi,  comme   nous    pardonnons 

(lilt.:  aussi  pardonnons  nous). 
p-ipepe-lhi-dopai  rib'i,  que  tu[abandonncs?]  nous! 

Toujours  d'apres  notre  texte,  ce  mot  rihi 
semble  pouvoir  se  decliner.  C'est  ainsi  qu'a 
cote  de  la  forme  rihi,  qui  nous  est  attestee 
comme  .sujet  ou  regime,  nous  avons  les  formes 
cihl,  icib'i,  qui  correspondraient  a  :  a  nous, 
pour  nous. 

Le  radical  are  entre  aussi  dans  la  composition 
des  pronoms  demonstratifs  : 

ce,  cette,  arc-na.\i, 
ceux-la,  celles-la,  ara-naxi. 

Adjectifs  possessifs.  -  -  Seule,  la  2e  per- 
son ne  du  singulier  nous  est  fournie  par  notre 
vocabulaire.  Nous  y  retrouvons  le  radical  des 
pronoms  personnels : 

ton,  are-n. 

Mais,  nous  avons  dans  nos  listes  un  grand 
nombre  de  mots  ou  les  relations  de  la  posses- 
sion sont  indiquees  par  prefixation. 

La  premiere  personne  du  singulier  semble 
indiquee  soit  par  les  prefixes  ara-,  art-,  era-, 
soit  par  les  prefixes  ana-,  an-,  a-  '• 


mes  dents,  an-aisiro, 


mon 


mon  epouse,  ara-nya- 
toniini, 

fils    )  mon     fils,     arc-ci-ro- 

...        .   ana-ci-roini  .,  . 

ma  hi  If     |  mini  ', 

ma  mere,     an-d'u.  ma  mere,  eni-pipi, 

mon  ne/.,     a-buaii^c,  mon  mari,  ara-tiri, 

mon  pied,   a-iey,  mon  pere,  era-papa, 
ma  main,     a-nri,  iini-bnopi*. 

ma  maison,  a-ii\lk<i, 
ma  langue,  a-nytnyi. 

La  deuxieme  personne  du  singulier  est  indi- 
quee par  les  prefixes  Anapa-,  arepd-,  kapa-,  a  pa-, 
pa-: 

tes  dents,         anap-iiysi, 

ton  fils,          artpd-romibi, 

ta  main,          anapii-1'n, 

ton  idiome,     knpa-raiuiiiiiia, 

ton  nom,         knpa-emi, 

ton  nez,          pa-hiiarit'iic, 

ta  langue,        npa-nye, 

ton  fils,          apa-romibi, 

ton  royaume,  a  pa  -  re  i  no, 

tor.  pied,         npa-lv\, 

ton  nom,         apa-enic, 

ta  maison,       apit-n\ika. 
Signalons  aussi  les  formes  probablement  er- 
ronees  : 

ton  pere,  na-intJti>,     ta   mere,    ila-pedi. 

1.  L'interposition   de   la    particulo   ci  cnnc  le  prelixe 
possessif  et  le  radical   romi  nous  fait  supposer  que  ces 
deux  mots  signifient  en  r^alite  «  c'cst  mon  fils  ».  Cf.  ce 
que  nous  disons  plus  loin  de  1'existence  d'un  verbeauxi- 
liaire  en  Kayuvava. 

2.  A  ce  groupe  appartiennent   vraisemblablement  les 
mots  de  notre  vocabulaire  : 

ira-hibiki,  fltclic, 
ini-toko,  6paule, 
ira-polii,  ira-pelntt,  menton, 
ira-fokoho,  front . 

Ces  mots  nous  sont,  par  ailleurs,  donnes  avec  un  autre 
prefixe  : 

da-bihiki,  fleche, 
tia-M'ike,  arc, 
i-loko,  epaule, 
ila-poto,  barbe, 
/  u'/tv,  Irom. 


NO.    4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


249 


Le  prefixe  possessif  de  la  3epersonnene  nous 
est  atteste  que  par  1'exemple  suivant  du  texte 
de  Teza  : 

.  son  fils,  abi-co-rome. 

Quant  au  prefixe  qui  traduit  «  notre  »,Nor- 
denskiold  nous  donne  pour  1'exprimer  yu-  : 

notre  village,  y-ii-indero,  (entaru,  village] 

et  le  texte  de  Teza  le  prefixe  tres  voisin  o- : 

notre  nourriture,  o-an-afitbi, 
notre  pere,  o-dobapa,  o-dabapa. 

Adjectifs.  —  D'apres  d'Orbigny  ',  les  adjec- 
tifs  sont  invariables. 

Le  plus  grand  nombre  se  terminent  en  -ha, 
-ha,  -xa,  beaucoup  plus  rarement  en  -xi,  -be;  en 
outre,  ils  sont  precedes  de  divers  prefixes,  qui 
peuvent  etre  classes  en  deux  groupes  :  i"  ha-, 
ira-,  2°  pa-,  p-. 

L'exemplc  suivant,  qui  nous  est  fourni  par 
Norde.nskiold  : 

hd-riki-ba,  je-suis  content, 
pa-riki-ba,  tu  es  content, 

corrobore  par  deux  exemples  extraits  du  texte 
de  Teza  : 

p-ipoh)-ha,  tu  es  pleine, 
pa-pira-ha,  tu  es  benie, 

prouve  que  ces  deux  classes  de  prefixes,  qui 
correspondent  d'ailleurs  aux  prefixes  possessifs 
de  la  rc  et  dc  la  2C  personnes,  serventa  consti- 
tuer  des  phrases  nominales  :  moi-content,  toi- 
content,  etc....  Voici  les  nombreux  exemples 
que  nous  en  avons  releves  dans  nos  vocabu- 
laires  : 

ini -Ivre,  blanc. 
pa-idao-M ,  obscur, 
pa-iibe-ba,  odorant, 
pa-ibokoro-ba,  clair, 

i.  D'ORBIGNY,  of.  cit.,  p.  305. 


pa-tc-ba,  rouge, 
pd-yrd-ha,  bon, 
pa-ito-ba,  doux, 
pa-ira-xa,  sain. 

Le  sufBxe  -ha  se  retrouve  dans  les  adjectits 
suivants  employes  comme  substantifs  : 

ipu-xa,  voleur, 
mai-budu-ha,  les  pecheurs, 
idoko-ha,  createur. 

Le  renforcement  des  adjectifs  est  indique  par 

le  prefixe  na-  : 

fia-raparetay ,  tres  beaucoup, 
fia-haorike,  tres  peu, 
iui-iiavari,  rien  (yavari,  il  n'y  a  pas), 
na-rama,  pres  (sans  doute  :  tres  pres). 

C'est  sans  doute  le  sens  qu'il  faut  donner  au 
prefixe  (n)yd-,  ya-,  dont  notre  vocabulaire  nous 
fournit  de  nombreux  exemples  : 

ya-dace-xa,  ivre, 

ya-puxa-he,  gras, 

ya-moe-xi,  sale, 

\a-te-xa,  (ii)ya-ta-ha,  rouge, 

ya-ta-xa,  (ii)yd-ta-ba,  noir, 

ya-raka-xa,  mechant, 

ya-kevaine-xa,  malade, 

ya-rero-xa.,  propre, 

ya-pora-xa,  (ji)ya-bore-ha ,  blanc. 

Signalons  enfin  le  prefixe  ice-,  cc-,  qui  semble 
avoir  le  sens  des  prefixes  francais  ml-  ou  in-  : 

ice-une,  aveugle, 
ice-aita,  sourd, 
ce-beyre,  chetif, 
ce-xeire,  mauvais, 
ce-aptihi,  maigre. 

Prefixes.  -  -  Nous  groupons  ici  un  certain 
nombre  de  prefixes,  dont  les  uns  correspondent 
certainement  aux  prefixes  possessifs  precedem- 
ment  etudies,  mais  dont  les  autres  sont  parfois 


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VOL.     I 


d'une  interpretation  difficile  ou  impossible  pour 
1'instant, 

Prefixe/-.  Ce  prefixe  correspond,  sans  doute, 
a  la  forme  substantive  sans  indication  de  pos- 
session, ainsi  qu'il  resulte  de  quelques  exemples 
emprunt£s  a  nos  textes  : 

bi-koce    ye-Dios     i-dabapa,     i-doko-bii . 
je-crois    en-Dieu     le-pere,      createur. 

II  est  t'res  frequent  dans  nos  vocabulaiivs, 
surtout  dans  les  mots  designant  les  parties  du 
corps  : 

i-diaice,  bouche, 
i-yokori,  oeil, 
i-nt,  langue, 
i-hiriobb,  nez, 


i-radike,  oreille, 

i-rilvra,  jambe, 
i-nahtie,  bras, 
i-rakaxe.  poitrine. 


Prefixe  ir-.  Nous  voyons  dans  ce  prefixe 
1'equivalent  du  precedent,  IV  jouant  peut-etre 
un  role  simplcnient  euphonique,  dans  les  mots 
commencant  par  une  voyelle.  Les  deux  exemples 
suivants  empruntes  a  nos  textes  vienncnt  a 
1'appui  de  cettc  hypothese  : 

/.I/7.V  vi1       ir-ananieariri       rabuddu, 
je-crois       au-pardon       des-peches, 

ir-ilekerchc-tni       tinii-r-iia '. 
u-la-resurrection      des-morts. 

Ce  prefixe,  le  plus  abondainment  represente 
dans  nos  vocabulaires,  se  rencontre  surtout  dans 
les  mots  qui  designentdes  plantes,  desanimaux 
ou  des  phenomenes  naturels  : 

a  me,  ir-iii, 
animal,  ir-abatiio, 
ann<5e,  ir-idore-maka, 
bambou,  ir-ad%ud-ii, 
canne-a-sucre,  ir-aliitu, 
cassique  tojo,  ir-iaralv. 
chocllo,  ir-isoild, 
courant,  ir-ihnici, 


i.   Dans  ce  mot,  mai-r-tia,  \'r  est  egalement  eupho- 
nique, le  radical  de  «  mourir  »  itant  ua. 


etoile,  ir-ahuabua, 
ir-aguagua, 

ir-aiibtifibiia, 
jour,  ir-iarama, 
luue,  ir-are, 
miel,  ir-iitnln, 
montagne,  ir-uretnbi, 
moufette,  ir-ibokolv, 
nuit,  ir-iiinbii, 
(X-uf,  /Y-ow/.vi1, 
paille,  prairie,  ir-ixeke, 
palmier  du  Guapord,  ;>-/<//, 
plaine,  ir-ibudkoe, 


roi  des  vautours,  ir-apacabua, 

sable,  ir-ipn, 

scorpion, 

tonnerre, 


Prefixe  ana-,   na-,  ma-,   en-.  Ce  prefixe  est 
vraisemblablement  le  prefixe   possessif  de  la 

premiere  personne  : 

fn-diih'i,  bouche,  na-rakdxt,  ca-ur, 

anA-yokuosi.l     ..  ena-xendtikui,) 

ceil, 

en-tako,  na-rta%tke, 

nti-nt',  langue,  ena-xirira, 

M-buaftoxo,  nez,  iHi-rilvra, 

na-cobo,  ombilic,  iia-nabua,  bras. 
cna-xakde,  poitrine. 


oreille, 
jambe, 


Prefixe  da-,  //<;-,  ;'/- : 


o,  cou, 
Ja-ivro,  cou, 
il-rakabc,  ca'ur, 


da-cekero,   cheville, 
da-roto,  coude, 
tin  I'lintbe,  poignet, 


ita-tokoro,  index,     da-lania,  sang, 
ilti-kint,  ongle,       da-rakahiia,  ventre. 

Ainsi  qu'on  peut  s'en  rendre  compte  en 
confrontant  les  listes  qui  precedent,  ces  trois 
prefixes  peuvent  alterner  les  uns  avec  les  autres. 

Ce  n'est  que  dans  notre  vocabulaireque  nous' 
trouvons  partbis  des  mots  depouille's  de  tout 
prefixe.  Voici  la  liste  de  ces  mots  : 


NO.  4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


25  r 


FORMES  PREFIXEES. 

chicha,  vfiki,  i-vciki, 

perroquet,  bdro,  i-baro. 

lac,  kuri,  i-kuri, 

poisson,  data,  i-data, 

patate,  kori,  i-keri, 

fleur,  coa,  i-coa, 

mai's,  xiki,  i-xiki, 

terre,  datii,  i-datu,  n-ddti, 

arc,  raupn,  i-rahupui, 

eau,  kita,  i-kitd, 

feu,  dore,  i-dore, 

pied,  ahei,  d-axe,  iddb-hds,  en-arxe, 

femme,  tortnt,  i-torenc, 

sang,  torofaia,  da-tarua, 

bouche,  diaca,  en-didci,  i-diaice, 

oiseau,  titido,  i-tilido. 

Prefixe  krata-.  Ce  prefixe,  assez  rare,  nous 
semble  correspondre  a  1'adjectif  numeral  karata, 
un,  dont  il  serait  la  forme  de  mot  secondaire. 

kra-torane,  krata-lorana,  femme  (litt.  :  une 

femme), 

krata-mihi-torane,  fille, 
knil-asi,  homme, 
krata-dapa,  canot, 
karata-irare,  mois  (litt.:  une  lunc), 
karata-nika,  maison. 

Suffixes.  —  Les  suffixes  paraissent  etre  aussi 
varies  que  les  prefixes.  Le  radical  raka  par 
exemple  se  retrouve  sous  les  multiples  formes 
suivantes : 


na-raka-xe, 

it-raka-be, 

i-raka-bc, 

ena-xakd-f, 

a-raka-be, 

ena-naka-bi, 

da-raka-hna, 

da-raka-iin'tsi, 


coeur,  poitrme.  . 


ventre. 


Autant  qu'il  est  possible  de  le  faire  avec  les 


documents  dont  nous  disposons,  on  peut  dis- 
tinguer  les  suffixes  suivants  : 

Suffixe  -xe,  -be,  -e,  -yi  (?)  : 
na-raka-xe,  it-raka-be,  cceur, 
i-raka-he,  i-raka-xe,  ena-xakd-t,  poitrine, 
na-raki-he,  na-raki-yi,  os, 
da-baru-he,  poignet. 

Suffixe  -do,  -to,  -tu,  -ta,  -te.  Ce  suffixe  parait 
special  aux  mots  designant  les  polls  de  Phomme 
et  des  animaux,  et  les  plumes  : 

da-po-to,  barbe, 

ira-po-ta,  menton  (litt,  :  barbe), 

iia-piru-ln,  cils, 

na-inaravo-do,  sourcils, 

a-po-ta-kaine,  da-pe-ta-gnanq,  cheveux, 

/><>-/f,  plume. 

Suffixe  -bua,  -hue  : 

dii-raka-btia,  ventre, 
ira-pe-bue,  menton, 
toro-hua,  da-tar-ua,  sang. 

Suffixe  -be,  -bi  : 

a-raka-be,  ena-naka-bi,  ventre. 

Suffixe  -ra.  Ce  suffixe  ne  nous  est  atteste 
que  par  1'exemple  suivant  : 

da-bnro-ra,  cou  (cf.  ita-boro,  da-voro). 

Suffixe  -ri  ou  plutot  -si : 

i-yoko-ri,  dnd-yokuo-si,  ceil  (cf.  ni-yoko), 
iena-si,  feuille  (cf.  yenq}. 

Suffixe  -katna,  -kame,  -kamei,  -kuana,  -guana  : 

a-bara-kama,  na-huara-kama ,  guana-kudna, 

d-huara-kdmei,  na-ora-kama,  tete, 
a-pota-kame,  da-peta-guanq,  cheveux. 

Suffixe  -kuhe.  Nous  n'avons  note  ce  suffixe 
que  dans  les  deux  mots  suivants  : 

idabu-kuhe,  vent, 
irid^ii-knbe,  tonnerre. 


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Verbe  auxiliaire.  -  -  Le  Kayuvava  possede 
un  radical,  ten,  qui  indique  1'existence  : 

ara-icn,  arc-icu,  ilest, 

arep-icu,  toi-qui-es, 

ca-icu-aca  ko  dabapa,  ou  est  dieu  ? 

Nous  retrouvons  le  meme  radical  dans  les 
deux  formes  verbales  suivantes  : 

or-icn-bue'iibua,  je  veux, 
bie-icu-cnbna,  je-ne-veux-pas, 

qui  doivent  signitier  sans  doute  «  il  y  a  volon- 
t£  »,  «  il  n'y  a  pas  volontd  ». 

Conjugaison.  --La  deuxieme  personne  de 
1'imperatifest  indiquee,  d'une  facon  assez  g£ne- 
rale,  par  la  prefixation  de  p-  ',  qui  est  le  pro- 
nom  personnel  de  la  2°  personne  : 


!  prie  ! 
p-ibolo'nc  !  donne-moi  ! 
p-idei-ribi  !  pardonne-nous  ! 
p-itHiti  !  rcgardc  ! 
bore  p-adtlabi  !  donne-moi  plus! 
p-iiinkiiiiii  !  couche-toi  ! 
p-itaktreya-tubii  Icve-toi  ! 
p-uecai  !  apportc  ! 
p-arorokni  !  marche  ! 

Le  mime  prefixe  se  retrouve,  semble-t-il,  a 
la  2C  personne  du  present  de  1'indicatif  : 

ca-p-iitdi-aca  ?  ou  vas-tu  ? 
ba-ca  p-icaxcc?  que  cherches-tu  ? 
bit  -ca  p-naugiiiuJ  que  veux-tu  ? 

Il'est  par  suite  probable  que  les  verbes  sui- 
vants,  qui  nous  sont  donnes  par  nos  informa- 
teurs  commeetant  a  1'infinitif,  sont  en  realite  a 

i  .  II  y  a  cependant  des  exceptions  : 
tatiilipa,  appelle  !    . 
i'lirniya,  assieds-toi  ! 
o/x),  t/a  vhno,  prends  ! 

K,  dhuiru,  viens  ici  ! 


1'imperatir",  ou    a   1'indicatif   present    (2°  per- 
sonne) : 

p-iecei,  rire,  p-uirihi,  pleurer, 

p-uaribi,  tuer,  p-ipatebi,  uriner, 

p-ibiribi,  ramer,  p-aromibi,  accoucher, 

p-aki,  danser,  p-ibitii,  dormir. 

p-anii,  manger,  p-itahiii,  nager, 

p-ajdi^trai,  parler,  p-ikiti-tithi,  pecher, 

p-aparaice,  payer,  p-imiicc,  donner. 
f>-a.\e>'fi,  peindrc, 

L'imp^ratif   precatif  est    indique,  dans   nos 

textes  religieux,  par  la  suftixation  de  -dopai  : 

tiibni-ti-dopai,  que  soit  etabli ! 
adaroso-b&-dopai,  que  soit  adore! 
/>-//v/v-/.w-</«/w/,  que  tu  abandonnes  ! 
p-imihi-dopai,  que  tu  donnes ! 
tiko-ha-dopai,  qu'ils  obdissent  ! 

Dans  ces  textes  ^galement,  la  troisieme  per- 
sonne du  singulicr  du  parfait  est  indiquee  tres 
reguliercment  par  le  suffixe  -hnipe,  exception- 
nellement  reduit  a  -ni  : 

aloka-ui,  naquit, 
adabehepc-buipe,  soufl'rit, 
nn-btiipe,  mourut, 
adabari-huipt,  fut  entenv, 
obi-hnipe,  alia, 
itwu-huipe,  s'assit. 

Negation.  -  -  La  negation  est  indiquee  par 
prefixation  de  ye-  : 

pa-gibckexa,  je  comprends, 
\t'-gibekii,  je  ne  comprends  pas, 
or-ihi-hue'ubua,  je  veux, 
hie-icii-eiibua,  je  ne  veux  pas, 
n\iai,  jc  vais, 

ye-xabe ar-uxi,  je  ne  vais  pas, 
ye-bari,  ye-pcan\  il  n'y  a  pas, 
\e-rirc,  laid. 

Interrogation.  • — L'interrogation  se  marque 
par  la  particule  ca,  exceptionnellement  ce  ou  en  : 


NO.  4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


253 


ca-icu-aca  ko  dabapa  ?  ou  est  dieu  ? 

"ca-p-utdi-aca  ?  ou  vas-tu  ? 

ba-ca,  bds-tca-e?  que,  quoi  ? 

ba-ca   kapa-eme?  comment  t'appelles-tu ? 

(litt. :  quoi  ton  nom?) 
ba-ca  p-icaxee  ?  que  cherches-tu  ? 
ba-ca  p-uauguae,  bds-tca-e  ?  que  veux-tu  ? 
ya-ce?  que  dis-tu? 
mia-ca-e,  mia-tca-y,  mia-ca-y  ?  qui  ? 
mia-tca-y  ?  qui  [est-ce]  ? 
tnia-ca-y  kibnede?  qui  est  la? 
mia-ca-e  Id daka?  qui  crea? 
bu-ahucxi  ko  dabapa  ?  y  a-t-il  un  dieu? 
ca-sidara?  quand? 

Propositions .  —  Le  prefixe  yi-,  ye-  a  le  sens 
de  «  dans,  a,  parmi  »  : 

ye-mai-torene,  parmi  les  femmes, 

ye-mai-rua,  parmi  les  morts, 

yi-hilinibo,  a  1'enfer, 

\i-tdal,  dans  le  ciel, 

yi-idag,  au  ciel, 

yi-ritoki,  a  la  droite, 

y-apa-nika,  a  ta  maison, 

y-arakabe,  dans  le  ventre, 

hikoce  ye-Dios,  ye-Xesu  Kristo,  yc-Espirilit 
Santo,  je  crois  en  Dieu,  en  Jesus-Christ,  au 
Saint-Esprit. 

Le  prefixe  yo-  a  le  sens  de  «  avec  »  (accom- 
pagnement)  : 

yo-dabapa,  avec  Dieu. 

En  fin,  le  prefixe  fie-  a  le  sens  de  «  par  », 
quoique,dans  un  cas,  la  meme  relation  soitindi- 
quee  par  le  prefixe  y-  : 

he-tasi,  par  1'ordre, 
he-tidoko,  par  1'oeuvre, 
\-ira-bibiki,  par  ma  fleche. 

Composition.  -  Les  mots  composes  sont 
formes  par  juxtaposition  des  composants,  mais, 
contrairement  a  ce  qui  se  passe  dans  la  grande 


majorite  des   langues  indiennes,  il  ne  semble 
pas  que  le  determinant  suive  le  determine  : 

yaca-titido,  bee  (litt.  :  bouche-oiseau), 
pote-arabadio,  poil(litt.:  plume-animal)  '. 

Cette  observation  est  confirmee  par  la  place 
qu'occupe  le  genitif  dans  nos  textes ;  il  est  vrai 
qu'il  s'agit  peut-etre  de  caiques  de  1'espagnol  : 

adite  ape  Diosi,  mere  de  dieu, 
y-arakabe  Virgen,  dans  le  ventre  de  lavierge, 
iie-tidoko  Dios,  par  1'oeuvre  de  Dieu, 
he-tasi   Ponsio  Pilato,  par  1'ordre  de  Ponce- 
Pilate, 

\i-ritol:i  Diosi,  a  la  droite  de  Dieu, 
ir-anameariri  rabuddu,  le  pardon  des  peches. 


L'etude  de  nos  documents  permet  de  pres- 
sentir  d'autres  faits  grammaticaux  interessants, 
mais  nous  preferons,  pour  1'instant,  nous  en 
tenir  aux  particularites  qui  nous  sont  attestees 
d'une  facon  a  peu  pres  certaine,  et  attendre, 
pour  completer  cette  breve  esquisse  gramma- 
ticale  du  Kayuvava,  des  materiaux  d'etude  plus 
complets. 

Pour  la  meme  raison,  nous  mentionnerons 
seulement  que  nous  avons  note  entre  le  Kayu- 
vava et  les  langues  de  la  famille  Guaykuru 
quelques  similitudes  lexicographiques,  dont  le 
nombre  ne  nous  parait  pas  suffisant  pour  affir- 
mer,  des  maintenant,  une  parente  entre  les 
deux  idiomes.  Le  fait  est  toutefois  a  retenir, 
car,  dans  une  autre  langue  bolivienne,  encore 
bien  mal  connue,  le  Tuyoneiri,  nous  avons 
trouve  des  concordances  identiques. 

Aux  langues  qui  1'environnent,  le  Kayuvava 
ne  semble  pas  avoir  fait  beaucoup  d'emprunts. 


i.  Signalons  toutefois  une  exception  :  le  mot  qui  signi- 
fie  «  grande  maison  »  d'apres  Nordenskiold  :  idore-nyika, 
peuteneffet  se  decomposer  en  idore-inika  «  feu-maison  » 
et  doit  evidemment  etre  traduit  «  la  maison  du  feu  » . 


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Nous  avons  don  116,  dans 

un  travail  anterieur  ', 

bois              pipade                   ni-pati-huare 

la  liste  des  mots  communs  au  Mobima  et  au 

capricorne    kara-ta                 nt-kora-pas 

Kayuvava;  voici,  d'autre 

part,  les  rares  ressefn- 

pied              J-axe                    eu-xatsi 

blances   que   nous   avons   relevees    entre   cet 

cotes'            tiii-taraka              eu-turaxa 

idiome  et  le  Kanicana  : 

courant         iri-biiiii                ilv-btiii 

trois             knrapa,  kitldpa      kalaxa-ka. 

KAYUVAVA. 

KANICANA. 

De  nos  recherches,   il  resulte.  en  definitive, 

aujourd'hui  hoxo 

utiexe 

qu'il  y  a  lieu  provisoirement  dc  maintenir  la 

sain              pairaxa 

ta-pcreko 

famille  linguistique  Kayuvava  comme  famille 

blanc            ya-pora-xa 

m-bala,  hm-bara 

independante. 

KAYUVAVA  '. 


I.  VOCABULAIRF. 


abcille 

accoucher 

agouti 

aimer  : 
j'aimc  [Dieu] 

aller  : 

je  vais 
tu  vas 
je  suis  alle  [ce 

matin  | 
il  est  alle 
j'irai  [deinain| 
j'irai  [au  cicl  avcc 

Dieu] 
je  ne  vais  pas 


kcnarn  (2) 

pa-romibi  (2)  [cf.  fils| 
yekdtt  (2)  [cf.    paca,  lapin 
d'Ameriquc] 

[pahiara]  kixarese  [ko  dabti- 
/>"   (5) 

nxi-ai  (>)  iisi-tii  (7) 

</(!/)/  (7) 

.v///Vvr  (<>n7//]  (5) 

ariiiko  (7) 

inanix-nxi  [&M&IJHJ  (5) 

inanix-uxi    \tni   \i    Ida  I 
ilabapa]  (5) 
,tbe  ar-iixi  (5) 


1.  CREQUI-MONTFORT  (G.  de)  et  RIVET  (P.). 

tiqut  Mh'ienne.  La  languc  Mobima  (Jounul  ile  la  Societi 
<!es  AmMcausttl  de  Paris,  nouvelle  serie,  t.  XI,  1914, 
p.  1X5-211),  p.  194-195. 

2.  Nous  designons  par  I  le  Kayuvava  d'Hervas,  par  2 
le  Kayuvava  de  d'Orbigny,  par  3  le  Kayuvava  dc  I-'onseca, 
par  4  le  Kayuvava  de  Heath,  par  5  le  Kayuvava  de  Car- 
diis,  par  6  le  Kayuvava  de  Teza,  par  7   le  Kayuvava  de 
Nordenskiold. 

Pour  notre  notation  phonetique,  cf.  CREQUI-MONT- 
I-DRT  (G.  de)  et  RIVET  (P.).  Linguistique  bolivienne.  Le 
groupe  Otiikl  (Journal  de  la  Sociele  des  Amcricanistes  de 
Paris,  nouvelle  s^rie.  t.  IX,  1912.  p.  317-357),  p.  318. 


va  a  ta  maison  et     tcrei-hama  \  v-apa-nika,  \nii- 


rexira  iiie]  (5) 
OY.TC  (2)  iisi-ere  (7) 
lerei  (5) 
i-apnhliaca(s) 
\emnii  (5) 


revicns  vitc  ! 
allons ! 

allez,  marche/ 
oil  vas-tu  ? 
allons-nous-iMi 

d'ici  ! 
ame 
ami 
ananas 
animal 
amice 
appelle ! 
s'appeler : 

comment  t'appel-    ba£akapa-emt(fi[\itt.:  quoi 
ton  nom  ?] 

plichtl  (2) 

\oropo  (2) 

i-rabupui  (2)  ninpit  (4)  > 

na-bibiki  (3)  [ct.  flcche] 

/vv;<;  (2) 


rkii  (.))  [cf.  maison] 
yon  (2) 
ir-iibihlio  (i) 
ir-idoremaka  (i)  fcf.  feu] 
Inlulipa  (2) 


les-tu  ? 
apporte  ! 
araignee 
arc 


argile 
s'asseoir: 
assieds-toi  ! 
aujourd'hui 

aveugle 
avoir  : 
il  y  a 


ruruiya  (2) 

fioxo  (2)  irioho  (6) 

iceune  (2) 

aiincxi  (5)  at'nibebi  (~)  arexi 

(2) 


3.  Vraisemblablement  faute  d'impression  pour  :  raupn. 


NO.  4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


255 


il  n'y  a  pas 

ya-t-il  [un  Dieu]? 
bambou  (grand) 
banane 
barbe 
en  bas 
beaucoup 
superlatifde  beau- 
coup 

beau-frere 
bee 

blanc 

blatte 

bleu 

bois 

bois,    broussailles 

bois,  foret 

bois  a  bruler 

bon 

bouche 

bouilloire 
bouton  de  fleur 
bras 

brun 

cabiai 

calebasse  en  arbre 

canne  a  sucre 


canot 
capricorne 
rambyx) 

ce,  cette 
cendre 


(Cr- 


ycbari  (5)  yavari  (2)  yeari, 

yipeAri  (7)  [cf.  non] 
cu  anuexi  \ko  dabapa]  (5) 
ir-ad^ud^u  (2) 
ikoko  (2)  ikutinko  (7) 
da-polo  (2) 
yabu  (i) 
tadeta  (2) 
naraparetay  (2) 

saiti  (2) 

ya'ca  titido  (2)  [cf.  bouche, 

oiseau] 
ya-pora-xa  (2)  ira-bore  (i) 

(n^vd-bore-ba  (7) 
bibi  (2) 

yuntsi  (2)  (ri)yorosi  (7) 
nardv  (3) 
bispode  (3) 

pipade  (2)  pipodd  (7) 
iniranare  (i) 

»&'«'  (2) 

pd-yrd-ha  (7)  [cf.  joli] 

en-ilidci  (4)  i-diaice  (fidiaca 

(2)  iyacae  (r) 
torendi'ito  (4) 
araipa  (3) 
nanyau  (4)  na-fidma  (3)  wfl- 

iiabua  (2)  i-nahue  (i) 
(ti)yd-la-ha    (7)  [cf.    noir, 

rouge] 
yoanan  (2) 
£c)fi;p/  (2) 
ir-alntu  (2)    [cf.    bambou, 

mielj 
id^iikar  (7)  [esp.  :   a -near, 

sucre]     . 
krata-dapa  (2) 
karata  (2) 

arenaxi  (2) 


cerf  guazu   pucu 

(Cervus  paludo- 

sus) 
cerf  guazu  ti  (CVr- 

ww  campestris) 
cerf    guazu     bira 

(Cervus  simpli- 

cicornis) 
cervelle 

ceux-la,  celles-la 
chaleur 
chanter 
chat 

chauve-souris 
chemin 

chemise  d'ecorce 
chenille 
chercher  : 
quecherches-tu  ? 
chetif,  miserable 
cheveux 


cheville 

chicha 

chien 

chienne 

les  chiens 

ciel 

[Dieu  est]  au  ciel 

[j'irai]au  ciel[avec 

Dieu] 
[qui  crea]  le  ciel 

[et  la  terre  ?] 
cigale 
cils 
cire 
citrouille 


idarehe  (2)  (n)dara  (7) 

idoho  (2)  ido  (7) 
"cote  (2) 


i-iwtutu  (2) 
aranaxi  (2) 
baiboko  (3) 
paitonoi  (2) 
bariekeke  (2) 
zcecfl  (2) 
i-nanaka  (i) 
i-moro  (2) 
naihu  (2) 


ca  picaxee  (5) 
cehcyre  (j~)  [cf.  mauvais] 
a-potakame  (i)  da-petagiia- 

na(2) 

tdlob(4)  ndalah  '  (3) 
da-cehro  (2) 
«/#'£/  (2)  z/«'^/  (5) 
nahua  (2-7) 
i-ndhua  (7) 
mey-ndhua  (7) 
zWflfr  (i)  /rffl^M  (2) 
[fo  dabapa  araicu  kei  liii]  yi- 


[maraxuxi  //»']  yi-tdal   [yo 

dabapa]  (5) 
[miacae  ki  dakd]i  tdal  [auai- 

pa  ki  tdati]  (5) 
takiiiere  (2) 
na-pirtilH  (2) 
kenara  (2)  [cf.  abeille] 

«(=) 


i.  Fonseca  donne  pour  nJalah  le  sens  de  « tete  »  et  pour 
na-orakama,  le  sens  de  «  cheveux  ».  L'inversion  est  evi- 
dente.  Aussi  avons-nous  cm  pouvoir  la  supprimer. 


256 

INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL    Oh    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS                                       VOL.     t 

clair 

pa-ibokoro-ba  (i) 

Dieu  le  crea 

ana  ko  dabapa  ki  daka  (s) 

coati  roux(Niwwtf) 

kapuya  (2) 

crocodile 

ii  ute  (2) 

cobaye 

ir-udyu  (2) 

cuir 

iiabedirca  (3)  [cf.  ecorce] 

coeur 

it-rakabe  (2)  na-rakdxe  (4) 

cuisse 

;-(/rt.\r(2) 

[c'f.  ventrej 

danser 

paki(2) 

comment  : 

dauphin    des    ri- 

piHob'i (2) 

comment  t'appel- 

baca    kapa-etn&  (5)    [litt.  : 

vieres 

les-tu  ? 

quoi  ton-nom?] 

demain 

teakalo(t') 

comprendre  : 

[j'irai]  demain 

[maraxuxi]  coiikacn  (5) 

je  comprends  ton 

pagibekexa      kapa-raminina 

dent 

id-t'ibi  (5)  rf/iV(i) 

idiome 

(5) 

dents  incisives 

d-axi  (2) 

je    ne  comprends 

yegibekii  kapa-raminina  (5) 

mes  dents  incisi- 

an-alsiro (7) 

pas  ton  idiome 

ves 

content  : 

tes  dents  incisives 

anap-ayai  (7) 

je  suis  content 

ba-iiki-ba  (7) 

dents  molaires 

dadiodie  (2) 

tues  content  (heu- 

pa-riki-ba  (7) 

(.liable 

mahinaxe  (2) 

reux) 

didelphe 

ciicobc  (2) 

copris  ou  bousier 

korocodapixi  (2) 

dieu 

niai-tnona  (i) 

corbeille 

sncra  (3) 

i-dabap:i  (2) 

corde 

rna-sakatia  (4) 

v  a-t-il  un  Dieu  ? 

hi  iiiinexi  ko  dabapa  (>) 

cornes  de  cerf 

iia-derebe  (2) 

ou  est  Dieu  ? 

cai  ciiaia  ko  dabapa  (5) 

corps 

bintbe  (i) 

Dieu  est  au  ciel 

ko  dabapa  araiiit  kei  tiii  yi- 

cotes  (os) 

da-taraka  (2) 

tdal  (5) 

coton 

\nxnru  (2) 

Dieu  le  crea 

ana  ko  dabapa  ki  daka  (5) 

cou 

dn-butora    (4)    ita-boro  (3) 

j'aime  Dieu 

paldara  kixarese  ko  dabapa 

da-ivio  (2) 

()) 

se  coucher  : 

j'irai  au  ciel  avec 

maraxuxi  tni  \i  liliil  \o  Ja- 

couche-toi  ! 

piiinkitha  (2) 

Dieu 

li'pi  (5) 

coude 

da-roto  (2) 

dire  : 

couguar(/Y//.<  con- 

tapii  (2) 

que  dis-tu  ? 

yo&(S) 

color) 

doigt 

en-<liulra(.'\)  [cf.  main] 

courant  des  rivie- 

it-ibnici (2) 

<;.v//.'/n  (i) 

res 

iarue-tdrusi  (3)  [cf.  main] 

courir 

p-irerebe  (2) 

indicateur 

italokoro  (2) 

court 

inacaxakama  (2) 

n  led  i  us 

yeupare  (2) 

couteau 

andatudre  (4) 

auriculaire 

/it'flfO  (2) 

[je  veux]  un  cou- 

| .YHrt^Hrt.vfl]  ratdaure  (5) 

pouce 

en-iladra    (4)     [cf.    doigt, 

teau 

main] 

crabe  d'eau  douce 

£01*0(2) 

iiiini'irc  (2) 

crapaud 

/wo  (2) 

doigt  des  pieds 

sisibadaxe  (2) 

creer  : 

dormer 

phniice  (2) 

qui  crea  le  ciel  et 

inittcae  ki  daka  i  tdal  anaipa 

donne-moi  ! 

piboloire  (2) 

la  terre  ? 

kitdali  (5) 

donne-moi  plus  ! 

/'(ire  padllalri  (7) 

NO.  4 

LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 

257 

dormir 

pibitii(2) 

mon  fils 

ana-ciromi  (4)  are-ciromihi 

doux 

pa-ito-bA  (i) 

(7) 

drap,  etoffe 

iod~a  (3) 

ton  fils 

drepd-romihi  (7) 

eau 

ikita  (i)  ikita  (2)  kita  (3-5) 

fleche 

ira-bibiki  (2)  da-bibiki  (4) 

kita  (7) 

%erd-bi  (3) 

eclair 

icarara  (i) 

[j'ai  tue  un  jaguar] 

[xuariye    Id  xetdaba]  y-ira- 

ecorce 

isaheddva  (3)  [cf.  cuir] 

avec  la  fleche 

'  bibiki  (5) 

ecureuil 

tutu  (2) 

fleur 

a5a(3)  icoa  (2) 

enfant 

mami-torani  (4)  [cf.  garcon, 

fleuve 

fe'/fl  (3)  [cf.  eau] 

femme] 

force 

isid^ixa  (2) 

enfant  male 

nan  i'<  (3)  inainixini  (2) 

fourmi 

/)/«(3) 

enfant  femelle 

mavaona  (3)  krata-mihi-lo- 

isoodo  (2) 

rane  (2) 

fourmilier    tama- 

patano  (2) 

epaule 

i-toko  (i)  ira-loko  (2) 

noir  (Myrmeco- 

epine 

yaiixa  (2) 

pbaga  fitbata) 

epouse  : 

fourmilier  taman- 

»«o/o  (2) 

mon  epouse 

ara-nyatonuni  (4) 

dua 

etcile 

ir-agaagna  (i)  ir-atibiiabtia 
(2)  ranabiia  (5)  ir-abi'ia- 

1             f     \ 

fourmiliere 
frere 

coodo(2)  [cf.  fourmi] 
vadapuhite  (2) 

feu  (7) 

froid 

nW~/«  (3) 

etre  : 

front 

z'-cofo  (i)  ira-cokobo  (2) 

oil  cst  Dieu  ? 

caz  niacfl  &o  dabapa  (5) 

na-rdna  (4)  [cf.  face] 

Dieu   est  dans  le 

fe>  dabapa  araicu  kei  tni  yit- 

fruit 

j/)fl  (2) 

ciel 

dal  (5) 

anahim  (3) 

face 

i-rabiiHiia  (i)  i-rahtina  (2) 

fumee 

naino  (3) 

femme 

na-ranna  (4)  [cf.  front] 
itorcnc^i)  torene  (7)  krala- 

/•     \ 

garcon 
genou 

\-J  y 

m/'/wzz  (4)  maixim  (2) 
da-cokod~p  (2) 

torane  (2) 

glouton  tai'ra 

^flpa  (2) 

teniini  (4) 

graine 

wm'e  (2)  [cf.  noyau] 

femme  mariee 

torana,  krala-torana  (3) 

grand 

patara  (2) 

for 

hckararebe  (2) 

grand'mere 

j'te/fl  (2) 

fesse 

inedare  (2) 

grand-pere 

imt/a  (2) 

feu 

/Wore  (1-2)  zWorz  (3  )  <iore  (  5  ) 

gras 

ya-puxa-be  (2) 

zWrire  (7) 

grenouille 

kurara  (2) 

feuille 

rc;w  (2)  tV«aj/  (3) 

grillon 

teri-tere  (2) 

filer 

cakfumi  (2) 

guepe  a  miel 

m;«0  (2) 

fille      (oppose     a 

krata-mihi-torane  (2)  inami- 

guerrier 

nacumi  (4) 

garcon) 

torani  (4)    [cf.    garcon, 

haricots 

zpcte  (2) 

femme] 

en  haut 

/»z'  (  i  ) 

fille  (oppose  a  fils) 

fiivmixi  (2) 

herbe     pour     les 

r-is6ko  (3)  [cf.  paille,  prai- 

ma  fille 

ana-ciromi  (4) 

bestiaux 

rie] 

fils 

i'h'omixi  (2) 

bier  : 

258 


INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL   OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


[mon     pere 
mort]  hier 
homme 


Hydromys 
idiome  : 
[jecomprendsjton 

idiome 
[je  ne  comprends 

pas]  ton  idiome 
iguane 
il,  elle 
ils,  elles 
indiens    Kayuva- 

va 

intestin 
iule 

ivre 

jaguar  (Fclis  oiifa) 

[j'ai  tue]  un  ja- 
guar [avec  la 
fleche] 

jambe 

jaune 
je,  moi 
c'est  moi 
jeune 

job' 

joue 
jour 

lac 

lac  Rojo  aguado 
laid 
laine 

lampyre  ou  h  e"  la- 
ter 


est     rarirue  \bua  ka  papa]  (5) 

xadsi  (i)  krat-asi  (2)  idst 
(7)  yasi  (6)  me-yese  (4) 
[cf.  peuple] 

idM  (3) 

variri  (2) 


\pagibekexa}    kapa-ram  in  iiia 

(5) 

[yegibeka]  kapa-  ra  m  in  iiia  (  5  ) 

Iniiri-huiri  (2) 
are  (2)  or,'  (5) 
are-riki  (2-5) 
mi-Juyuvabd  (7) 

na-kono  (2) 

cameroi\i  (2)  [cf.  scolopen- 

dre] 

ya-dace-\a  (2) 
yedava  (2)  yctJnha  (  >  )  vn/<;- 

biui  (7) 
[xuariye]  hi  xtldaba  \  \-ira- 

bilnki]  (5) 

i-ribera  (i)  i-rabara  (2)  na- 
ribera  (3)  eiia-\in'ra  (^) 
(/(//•/(/(/  (2)  ihinitf  (7) 
an-tthi  (2)  d;w;  (  5  )  ariay  (7) 


inciiiii-basi  (2)  [cf.  garcon, 

homme] 

/ra-ATfl  (2)  [cf.  bon] 
i-ribuxfi  (2)  [cf.  visage) 
ir-iaratna   (1-6)   ir-iarama 

(2) 

(i)  ^(/n  (2)  A«n  (7) 


0) 

irana  (2) 
d^ape  (2) 


i-nc  (i)  na-yi  (4)  na-ne  (2) 

nauhe  '  (3) 
a-nylnyi  (7) 


yekeke  (2)  [cf  .  paca,  agouti] 
tokuke  (2) 


langue 

ma  langue 
ta  langue 
lapin  d'Amerique 
lentes  de  pou 
se  lever: 
leve-toi ! 

lezard 

libellule 

loin 

long 

loup  rouge  (Canis 

jubatui) 
loutre  (grande) 
loutre  (petite) 
lune 

maigre 
main 

ma  main 

ta  main 

mai's 

ma'is  vert  (cbocllo) 

maison 
ma  maison 
ta  maison 
[va]  a  ta    maison 
[etreviensvite!] 
grande  maison 
petite  maison 
malade 
manger 
manioc 


1.  Vraisemblablement  erreur  d'impression  pour 
[transcription  portugaise)  =  >Mn«. 

2.  Fonseca  donne  :  ira>«  pour  «  langue  »  et  naufe  pour 
lune  ».  11  yaeuividemment  inversion  entre  ces  2  mots 

qui  se  suivent  dans  son  vocabulaire. 

3.  Le  premier  r  est  nasal. 


tubi  (2)    [cf.    en 
haut] 
iboro  (2) 

IUllHliii'tll'0  (2) 

ir-abnxa  (2) 
dareaama  (2) 
daw  (2) 

katada  (2) 

cara-katada  (2) 

ir-are  (1-5)  ir-are  (2)  ir- 

are  1  (3)  ir-dre  !  (7) 
ceapulri  (2) 
fl-n#  (i)  t/a-r«  (2-3)   f»- 

ili'tdra  (4)  [cf.  doigt] 
</-/•;»  (7) 

anapa-lu  (7)  (I  roul^) 
ixiki  (2)  A-//V/  (5)  /)//«'  (7) 
ii'-i.^oiki     (2)     |cf.     herbe, 

paille,  prairie] 
karata-nika  (2)  J-W//M  (i) 
d-nyika  (7) 
dpa-iiyika  (7) 
[tereinama]y-npa-nika,  [yan- 

rexica  ihe\  (5) 
idore-nylka  (7)  [cf.  feu] 
muderi-niyiha  (7) 
ya-kevaine-xa  (2) 
/WKM  (2) 
daduxu  (2)  ddhubu  (7) 


ND.  4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


259 


marais 
marcher  : 
marche ! 
mari 

mon  mari 
matin  : 
je     suis 
matin 
mauvais 
mediant 
mentir 
menton 
mere 

ma  mere 

ta  mere 

mesquin 

miel 


mois 

mollusques  : 
mulette  longue 
mulette  epaisse 
anodonte 
helices  et  ampul- 

laires 
montagne 

mouche 

mouche   marehui 

moufette  (Mephi- 
tis) 

mourir  : 

mon  pereest  mort 
hier 

moustique 

musique 

nager 

narines 

neveu,  niece 

nez 


nakedoxe  (2) 

parorokni  (2) 

krat-asi  (3)  [cf.  homme] 

ara-tiri  (4) 


alle     ce     xuica  oreiri  (5) 


cexcire  (2)  [cf.  chetif] 
ya-raka-xa  (2) 
abnexa  (2) 

ira-pota  (3)  ira-pehue  (2) 
i-dite  (i) 


era-pipi  (4) 

an-ditey  (7) 

da-ptdi  (7) 

ibnica  (2) 

ir-atulti    (2)    [cf.    canne  a 

sucre] 
karala-irare  (i) 

mayarivi  (2) 
irai'o  (2) 
paxave  (2) 
iboco  (2) 

ir-urettibi  (2) 
tint] are  (3) 
n antic  (3) 
ikarahue  (2) 
meko  (2) 
ir-ibokolx  (2) 


rarinte  hua  ka  papa  (5) 

nanucu (2) 
ww/w  touopa  (2) 

r       \    J 

pitabni  (2) 

vareoxe  (2) 

nihikuce  (2) 

i-bariobo  (i)  na-hiiareoxo(2) 


mon  nez 
ton  nez 
noir 


non 

nourriture 
nous 

nous  tous 

noyau 

nuit 

obscur 

odorant 

ceil 


oeuf 
oiseau 

roi   des    vautours 

(Sarcoramphus 

papa} 
perenoptere  uru- 

bu    (Catharthes 

urubii) 
perenoptere    aura 

(Catharthes  an- 


na-hauveo  (4) 
na-orand<a  (3) 
a-huarioie  (7) 
pa-bitariose  (7) 
ya-ta-xa  (2)  (n)yd-ta-ha(j) 

[cf.  rouge,  brun] 
imranare  (i)  [cf.  bois] 
jyofo  (2) 

yebari  (5)  [cf.  il  n'y  a  pas] 
rabnrurue  (5) 
are-risi    (2)    are-rixi    (5) 

fln<fre  (7) 
kuoesdere  (7) 
twrfl!  (3)  [cf.  graine] 
ir-idahu  (2) 
xarao  (i) 
pa-idao-ba  (i) 
pa-ube-ba  (i) 
i-yokori  (i)  ni-yoko  (2)  4^ 

yokuosi  (7) 
en-cdko  (4)  [cf.  front] 
na-rincoh  (3) 

ir-omixe  (2) 
mislmi  (3) 
///?Wo  (2)  ititido  (i) 
ir-apacahua  (2) 


(2) 


(2) 


caracara     (grand)     r«ra  (2) 

(Polyborus   vul- 

garii) 
caracara       (petit)     /rye  (2) 

(Polyborus    chi- 

macUnui) 
aigle     (Morphnus     kerekere  (2) 

urubitinga) 


260 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


chouette     ourau- 

moinon'koto  (2) 

arara     (Macrocer-     araba  (3) 

courca 

Cttf) 

ducnacurutu(,Btt- 

kit  nt  htipu  (2) 

ara  j.mne                   / 

oraca  (2) 

bo  mageUanicns) 

perroquet  amazo-     ibaro  (2) 

effraie  (Strix  /><•;•- 

taho(2) 

ne 

lata) 

perroquet                 baro  (3) 

petit    due    (Scops 

vady  (2) 

perroquet  sey            knnrtce  (2) 

ckoliba) 

, 

perruche   (Psitla-     foxi  (2)  Iwi/  (3) 

tres  petite  chouet- 

lotoxo (2) 

t«/a) 

te 

ara  a  collier               koiii  (2) 

tangara  bleu 

mituhu  (2) 

todier(7W«.$)           inni'isi  (2) 

tyran  bienteveo 

dakiririti  (2) 

hoceo  a  bee  rouge    yoti  (2) 

(Tyrannus  sul- 

(Crax  sp  .  ) 

furatus} 

hocco  a  crcte             pico  (2) 

fournier    (Furna- 

ttitii  (2) 

(Crfl.v  sp  .  ) 

rius  riifui) 

faisan  a  cravate        /Wo  (2) 

hirondelle 

dapitorodo  (2) 

faisan  noir                ivi.v/(2) 

engoulevent  (Ca- 
prinntlgus) 
moineau  cardinal 
grand  cassique 
cassique  tojo 
cassique  matico 

Ivkora  (2) 

picaktiri  (2) 

Ivkt'iVilo  (2) 
ir-inrabo  (2) 
potokimi  (2) 

faisan  hucloeo           yomkodalv  (2) 
coq                         yasi-taJturabo  (2) 
poule                         takiirn  (2)  tdkardro  (7) 
les  poules                  nicy-1/ikait'iro  (7) 
perdrix                      boyokoko  (2) 
faisan  catinguera       A-<IH«  (2) 

troupiale      chopi 
(Icterus  sp.) 
oiseau-mouche 

toti  (2) 
tntiitu  (2) 

pigeon                       CM^/<  (2) 
tourterelle   yeruti     jc.vo  (2) 
tourterelle  pecui      corcnv  (2) 
autruche                    doxc  (2) 

martin-pecheur 

parasasa  (2)    , 

vanneau  arnie           /wc/w  (2) 

(Alcedo  sp.) 

V      / 

courlan                      korahna  (2) 

pic  en  general 
coucou  (Cnculus) 

couroucou    (Tro- 
\ 

ccxoxaiiai'((2) 
J^aJokoko  (2) 
isoha  (2) 

t:                   \                S 

grand  heron  eou-     huahnkarc  (2) 
leur  de  plornb 
hdron  roux                jote(2) 

gon) 

aigrette                      -;v//.r  (2) 

ani    des    savanes 

ittithi  (2) 

cigogne                      bnaccbnhii  (2) 

(Crotophaga 

jabiru       (Ciconia     vabo  (2) 

am) 

mycteria) 

toucan  toco 

\ampa  (2) 

tantale  (Tantalus}     codoce  (2) 

(Rhamphastos 

spatule  (Platalea)     bebcb'e(2) 

loco) 

ibis  de  Cayenne 

aracari       superbe 

/>/w;W  (2) 

ibis  bronze" 

cacalta  (2) 

(Pteroglossus) 

grand  ibis 

ara  rouge  (Macro- 

tava (2) 

becassine 

s-tens  macao) 

jacana  (Parra)           xckche  (2) 

NO.  4 

LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 

261 

kamichi       huppe 

dokaha  (2) 

palmier  petit  epi- 

1/huare  (2) 

(Palamedea) 

neux 

poule  d'eau 

korokoro  (2) 

papillon 

-antdrod') 

rale  geant 

sirikoba  (2) 

yariiyaru  (2) 

grebe  (Podiceps) 

popo(2) 

paresseux    tridac- 

biifiyore  (2) 

mouette 

davrikita  (2) 

^     tyle 

cormoran    nigaud 

vayuyu  (2) 

parler 

paid^arai  (2) 

haninga      (Plotus 

torayuyu  (2) 

patate  douce 

ikeri  (2)  kori  (7) 

anbinga) 

payer 

paparaice  (2) 

canard  musque 

yabaca  (2) 

pave 

paparai  (2) 

petit  canard 

visisi  (2) 

peau 

da-isi  (2) 

ombilic 

na-coho  (2) 

pecari 

yukuku  (2) 

oncle 

tete  (2) 

pecher 

pikiti  tuhi  (2) 

ongles 

do-kira  .(4)  da-kirn  (2) 

peigne 

rapapdda  (3) 

niasou  ban  si  (3) 

peindre 

paxerei  (2) 

oreille 

i-radih  (2)   a-ridyiM  (7) 

penis 

na-nidna  (3) 

na-ridiyke  (3)  ena-xengi- 

pere 

i-dabapa(i')  a  pa  pa  (2) 

kui  [probablement  :  e;w- 

mon  pere 

era-papa  (4) 

xeiui^ikui]  (4) 

dra-hiwpi  (7)  (r  nasal) 

OS 

iia-rakibe  (2)  na-rakiyi  (4) 

ton  pere 

nanioto  (7) 

oil  : 

mon     pere     [est 

[rarirue  hua\  ka  papa  (5) 

oil  vas-tu  ? 

taputdlala  (5) 

mort  hier] 

ou  est  Dieu  ? 

cflz  cMaca  fc  dabapa  (5) 

petit 

motriye  (2) 

oui 

axa(2)xal  (5) 

peu 

rikenaxi  (2) 

paca 

vftaVcr  (2)  [cf.  agouti,  lapin 

tres  peu 

hahaorike  (2) 

d'Amerique] 

peuple 

me-yke  (4)  [cf.  homme] 

paille 

ir-ixeke     (2)    [cf.     prairie, 

pied 

«/;«'  (i)  d-0.ve  (2)  en-arxe 

herbe] 

(4)  idab-hds  (3) 

paille  de  mai's 

^/  (2) 

mon  pied 

d&y  (7) 

palmier  totai 

padaku  (2) 

ton  pied 

dp-ahey  (7) 

palmier      motacu 

hitai'i-kete(2) 

pierre 

iyaroha  (i)yaroho  (2)  iarogo 

(Attalea  Hum-  , 

(3)  wifofo  (7) 

boldtiana) 

piment 

kadabu  (2) 

palmier  carundai 

kete  (2) 

plaine 

ir-ibuokoe  (7) 

palmier  chonta 

papafo  (2) 

plante  du  pied 

^-axe  (2)  [cf  .  pied] 

palmier  cusi  (Al- 

murerelceleu  (2) 

pleurer 

puirihi  (2) 

lalea  spectabilis) 

pleuvoir 

mairibokidabo  (2) 

palmier  royal 

Aw//a'  (2) 

il  pleut 

//ftw  ybV/a&j  (5) 

palmier  marayahu 

yadadeu  (2) 

pluie 

zWfl^tt  (i) 

(Bactrix   mar  a- 

plumes 

/wte  (2) 

/«) 

plus  : 

palmier  du   Gua- 

»•-»<«'  (2) 

donne-moi   plus! 

i(Jr<;  pddetahi  (7) 

pore 

• 

poignet 

da-barube  (2) 

262 

INTERNATIONAL   JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS                                       VOL.     I 

poll 

potearabadio(2')[c{.  plume, 

queue  (du  chien) 

yinytn-nahua  (7) 

animal] 

qui  ? 

poisson 

iddta  (3)  idata  (i)  data  (2) 

qui  [est-ce]? 

miatcay  (7) 

[jeddsirejdu  pois- 

[atdaicd] dakta  (5) 

qui  est  la  ? 

mia  cay  kihuedc  (7) 

son 

qui  crea  le  ciel  et 

iiiiurae  ki  daka  i  tdal  anaipa 

raie  anne'e  des  ri- 

bikidi (2) 

la  terre  ? 

hi  tdali  (5) 

vieres 

rainette 

dabiikn  (2) 

dorade 

iroba  (2) 

rame 

ira-biri  (2) 

bagre  arme" 

korokoro  (2) 

ramer 

pibirihi  (2) 

s;ibalo 

coboko  (2) 

rat 

naiiiono  (2) 

bagre  surubi  (Pla- 

yiitapa  (2) 

regarde  ! 

pttnai  (2) 

tysloma  sp.) 

rc'iiard 

iivxtt  (2) 

palometa 

dadiure  (2) 

revenir  : 

anguille  ou   syn- 

pucntu  (2) 

va  a  ta  maison  et 

tereifiauia  yapanika,  yaitrc- 

branclie 

reviens  vite! 

xica  ine  (5) 

bagre 

caka  (2) 

rien 

iiahavari  (2) 

pacu  (Prockilodus, 

barikidi  (2) 

rire 

piece  i  (2) 

Myletes  sp.) 

riviere 

iiidininl'iiiiiki  (2) 

poitrine 

i-rakaht1   (i)    i-rakaxe  (2) 

rio  ltd  nes  ou  Gua- 

i  tents  (2) 

ena-xakde  (4) 

pord 

na-nit'niif  (3)  [cf.  sein] 

rio  Mamore 

marambartki  (2) 

pore-epic 

hitiiriiiiibnii  (2) 

idardma  (7) 

se  porter  : 

rio  Itonama 

w/nvr  (2) 

comment  te  por- 

pa-ira-xii  (2)  tw-ira-xa  (5) 

rio  Blanco 

ya-bore-xa  (2)  [cf.  blanc) 

tes-tu  ? 

riz 

ir-autara  (2) 

je  me  porte  bien 

pairaxiii  (2)  pairaxai    ()) 

rose  (adject.) 

WWfe  (7) 

[cf.  sain,  bon,  joli] 

roscuu    en    even- 

yumarl  (2) 

pot 

riratodto  (3) 

tail 

pou  de  tete 

dafxcece  (2) 

ros£e 

ibarakoho  (2) 

pourri 

oripono  (2) 

rouge 

pa-to-ha   (i)   ya-te-xa   (2) 

prairie 

iri-xekc    (2)     fcf.     paille, 

(n)yd-ta-ha  (7)  [cf.  noir, 

berbe] 

brun] 

prendre  : 

sable 

//•-//)/(  (2) 

prends  ! 

olio  (2)  iit'iyhno  (7) 

idatbi($)  [cf.  terre] 

pres 

iiaraina  (2) 

sain 

pa-ira-xa  (2)  |cf.  bon,  joli 

propre 

ya-rero-xa  (2) 

et  se  porter] 

puce  penetrante 

kocepa  (2) 

sale 

ya-moe-xj  (2) 

punaise 

yaxixabibi  (2) 

sang 

torobua  (2)da-larua  (4) 

quand  ? 

casidura  (2) 

sauterelle 

cacflca  (2) 

que  ? 

scolopendre 

cameroro  (2)  [cf.  iule] 

que  dis-tu  ? 

JB&  (5) 

scorpion 

ir-ocobikidi  (2) 

que  cherches-tu  ? 

baca  picaxde  (5) 

sein  de  fern  me 

ana-mdmi  (4)  [cf.  poitrine] 

que  veux-tu  ? 

/wf«  /waitgiiac  (5)  kistah'(~~) 

/orawe  (2)  [cf.  femmej 

NO.    4 

LA    LANGUE  KAYUVAVA 

263 

sel 

copara  (2)  copdla  (7) 

dati   (5)  ndati   (7)  [cf. 

serpents  : 

sable] 

orvet   et  nmphis- 

cukuhu  (2) 

[qui  crea  le  ciel  et] 

[miacae  ki  daka  i  tdal  anai- 

bene 

la  terre  ? 

pa]ki  tdati  (5) 

boa 

yoari  (2) 

tete 

a-barakama    (i)  na-huara- 

couleuvre 

yataxaeni  (2) 

kama     (2)   gu-anakudna 

crotale 

sisisi  (2) 

(4)  d-huarakamei  (7)  na- 

singes  : 

orakama  (3) 

atele  coai'ta  ^te- 

yoara (2) 

tique  garrapata 

pecece  (2)  - 

les  paniscus) 

tisser 

iratiki  (2) 

alouate     rouge 

yatexa,  maxani  (2) 

ton 

arin  (7) 

(Slentor) 

tonnerre 

ir-id%ukuhe  (2) 

alouate  noir  (Sten- 

maxani,  fiataxa  (2) 

tortue  d'eau  douce 

cubada  (2) 

tor) 

tortue  de  terre 

bada  (2) 

callitriche 

ftoko  (2) 

tous  : 

callitriche  lion 

isiiixa  (2) 

nous  tous 

kudesa-ere  (7) 

maquis   nocturne 

\    y 

d^ud{u  (2) 

vous  tous 

kuoe'sd-pere  (7) 

sceur 

amabo  (2) 

triste 

imixairakahe  (2) 

soif 

araxexa  (2) 

tu,  toi 

area  (2)  araf  (5)^5  (7) 

soleil 

iyaramd  (i)    haraman   (2) 

c'est  toi 

arin  cdy  '  (7) 

sot 

naramdn  (3)  yarama  (5) 
[cf.  jour]  imdka  (7) 
cakuice  (2) 

tuer 
j'ai  tu£  [un  jaguar 
avec  la  fleche] 

puarihi  (2) 
xttariye    [ki   xetdaba  y-ira- 
Inbiki]  (5) 

sourcils 

na-marawdo  (2) 

uriner 

pipatebi  (2) 

sourd 
spectre  (insecte) 

\    / 

iceaita  (2) 
vaba  (2) 

vase  de  terre 
veine 

£«£M  (2) 
nakuoomone  (2) 

tabac 

yupa  (j)  v«/)fl  (2)  vuhd  (7} 

venir  : 

.» 

talon 

tokororo-daxe  (2) 

•    /•      \ 

viens  ! 
viens  ici  ! 

yaviru  (2) 
dbiiiru  (7) 

tante 
taon 
tapir 

mamut  (2) 
pakorava  (2) 
fozte   (2)  bahata  (3)  mbatle 
'(7) 

vent 
ventre 

v  /  y 

idabukuhe  (2)  idabuku  (i) 
arakabe  (i)  da-rakahua  (2) 
da-rakdurusi  (3)  ena-na- 
kabi  (4) 

tatou  geant  (Dasy- 

bayaka  (2) 

ver  a  viande 

nanSievaka  (2) 

pus  gigas) 

vers  : 

\    y 

tatou  peba 

dapide  (2) 

lombrics  et   asca- 

cukuhu  (2) 

tatou     encoubert 

toro-dapyde  (2) 

rides 

(Dasypus     sex- 

vert 

diveverea  (2) 

cinctus) 

vessie 

dikipata  (2) 

tenebrion 

tutiiama  (2) 

vieux 

iratakasi  (2) 

termite 

corapada  (2) 

^floi«  C?) 

\  y  y 

termitiere 

caraca  (2) 

terre 

iWa/w  (i)  da/«  (2)  iddM(^) 

i  .  Cette  phrase  doit 

etre  interrogative  fcf.  p.  i}8]. 

264 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


village 

notre  village 

visage 

vice  : 

va  a  ta  maison  et 

reviens  vite! 
vivre  : 
nous  vivons  la 

voleur 

vouloir  : 

je  veux 

je  ne  veux  pas 

je  veux  [un  cou- 

teauj 
je  desire  [du  pois- 

son] 
que  veux-tu  ? 

vous 

vous  tous 

vulve 

un 

deux 

trois 

quatre 

cinq 

six 
sept 
huit 
neuf 

dix 
onze 
douze 
dix-neuf 

vingt 


cutaru  (4) 
yu-indero  (7) 
i-ribu^o  (3)  [cf.  joue] 

lereihama   vapanika,   yatire- 
xica  iiie  (5) 


mi-varyt'  (7)  [litt. 

bitantsj 
ipiixa  (2) 


les  ha- 


(2) 

bieiciieiibna  (2) 
\uagua.\a  [ratdanre]  (5) 

atdaica  [dakta\(fi 

[baca]  p-itaugitof  (5)  bd>tcdc 

(7) 

nrekperc  (5) 
kinxidpere  (7) 
da-bibc  (3) 

karata  (1-2-6)  karata  (7) 
tiiitia  (  i  )  tnitiba  (2)  mitia  (7) 
k  urn  pa  (1-2-6)  kulapa  (7) 
fiiilii  (2)  fiidda  (i)  caila  (7) 
mttiilarfi    (i)    nuiiJani  (2) 

mindau  (7) 
ktirata-rirobo  (1-2)  kardta- 

hitbii  (7) 
initia-rirobo(i-2~)  mit-iairtibu 

(7) 
kitrapa-rirobo  (1-2)  kulapa- 

iriibu  (7) 
caJara-rirobo  (2)  cadda-riro- 

bo  (i)  cada-irubu  (7) 
burunice  (1-2)  bururut'd(^]} 
bnruruce-karato-rogiknl  (i  ) 
btiruroce-tnitia-ropiknc  (  i  ) 
btiruruce-cadda  -  rirobo-  rosi- 


tnitiba-btininice  (2)   mitia- 
burtice  (  i  ) 


•  vingt-un 
vingt-deux 

t  rente 

trente-un 

quarante 

cinquante 

soixantc 

soixante-dix 

quatrc-vingts 

quatre-vingt-dix 

cent 

mille 


tnitia-bururute-karata-rogik- 

nc  (i) 
mitia-bufurute-mitia-rogiknt 

(0 

kitrapa-lntruruce  (1-2) 
ktoapa-bnruruct-karala  -  i'o  - 

Zibit  (i) 
cada-biinirnce  (2)  caJitti-lm- 

rnrnce  (i) 

Hiaitlani-biiruruce  (2) 
karata-rirobo-biii'ti  nice  (2) 
mitia-rirdbo-bumnttt  (2) 
kiinipa-rirobo-bururuce  (2) 
ladara-rirobo-buruntie  (2) 


biiniriice-poil-buntruce  (  I  ) 

II.  TEXTES. 
Pater  Noster. 


O-dobapt't       urep-icii         tiii  \i-idag, 

Notre-Pere  toi-qui-es  cn-liaut    dans-le-ciel, 
adaroso-ha-dopai    apa-eme ;      ttlbuia-dopai    yere 
adore-soit-que    ton-nom  ;  etabli-soit-que  fici) 

apa-reino ;       tiLv-hii-doptii     api      mui-vaiic 
ton-royaume ;  obeissent-que  [toi]  les-habitants 
_)'«/;//,    _)Ta/^      i>iai-vari<'          tui        yi-idag. 
en-has,  aussi  les-habitants  cn-liaut  dans-lc-cicl. 

P-imihi-dopai  cihi  o-ananihi 

Tu-donnes-que        a-nous        notre-nourriture 
/MO/A)  ;         irebereM      [ire     bereh/]     atirahi 
aujourd'luii ;        mal 

p-idci-rihi,       yapc  bir-ide-ba         rihi ; 

pardonne-nous,   aussi  nous-pardonnons  nous ; 
p-ipepc-ba-dopai  ribi  [rih'i]       yi-ireherehe 

tu-abandonnes-que       nous  dans-le-mal 

yacbcha  '.  Amen. 
[ne-pas].    Amen. 


i.  Sur  la   2C  copie,  ou  lit  clairement  ce   mot 
prcniiurc,  il  y  a  doutc  pour  w.'(Note  tic  TCX.I.) 


sur  la 


NO.  4 


LA    LANGUE    KAYUVAVA 


265 


Ave  Maria. 

Ave  Maria  p-ipobo-ka    b  grasia,  dre-icuama 
Salut  Marie  tu-es-pleine  de  grace,  il-est 
ye-pa-yaba  o-dabapa;  p-apira-ba 

[dans-ton- ?J          notre-Pere;          tu-es-aimee 
ye-mai-torene,       yape       na          are-koca-ui 
parmi-les-femmes,    aussi    [celui]      qui-naquit 
ye-pa-yaba    apa-romihi  Xesnsii.    Sankta  Maria, 
[dans-ton-  ?]     ton-fils     Jesus.     Sainte     Marie, 
adite       ape          Diosi,     p-ivoroko-ha      icibi 
mere      [toi]      de-Dieu,        prie        pour-nous 
inai-budu-ba,      inoho,       mai-yeipeca        cihi 
pecheurs,     aujourd'hui,  pour-nous 

rakabe.     Amen. 
mediants.  Amen. 

Credo. 

Hikoce.    ye  Dios     i-dabapa  cebe  rnkaba  atibeke 
Je-crois  en  Dieu       Pere 

i-doko-ha    dag,  \kareheca  idatu.   Hikoce  ye    Xesu 

createur     cid,  terre.  Je-crois  en  J6sus 

Krislo     o-dabapa,   karata   e    abico-rome ;   areca 

Christ  notre-Pere,     un  son-fils;       qui 

ikuddue      yasi ;         y-arakabe       virgin      Santa 

[se-fitj    homme;   dans-ventre    Vierge    Sainte 

Maria  he     tidoko     Dios  Espiritu  Santo  acoka-ui ; 

Marie  par  1'oeuvre  Dieu    Esprit    Saint  naquit ; 

adabehepe-hiti-pe    fie      tasi         Ponsio      Pilato  ; 

souffrit          par  1'ordre   de-Ponce  Pilate  ; 

ua-hiii-pe ;   adabari-bui-pe ;  obi-bui-pe        po 

mourut ;       fut-enterre ;  alia         [en-bas] 


yi-bilimbo    tapeariki     mo     aya    Santo    Pay  ni 
a-1'enfer  [ou]   Saints  Peres 

tiboatae ;          itekerene-tui  ye-mai-rua, 

se-leva  [ressuscita]    parmi-les-morts, 

kurapa     iriarama        ome          ua ;      ohi-bui-pe 
trois         jours        [apres]     mort;          alia 

tui          yi-idag ;       i-curu-hm-pe       yi-ritoki 

en-haut      au-ciel ;  s'assit  a-la-droite 

Diosi     a-bope   c(he  rukaha    atibeke.    Hikoce 

de-Dieu     pere  Je-crois 

ye     Espiritu  Sankto.     Hikoce      santa     iglesia 

dans    Esprit      Saint.     Je-crois    sainte     eglise 

kalholika.       Hikoce      komunioniki      ma-sanlo. 

catholique.    Je-crois    communion    des^saints. 

Hikoce       ir-anameariri      rabiiddu.        Hikoce 

Je-crois  pardon  peche.         Je-crois 

ir-itekereiie-tui  mai-rua.  Hikoce 

levee  [resurrection]         des-morts.        Je-crois 

cehesi  ua  ihe.    Amen. 
vie-eternelle.  Amen. 

Chanson. 

Usiere          yu-indero  anere       htoesalre 

Allons        notre-village       nous      nous-tons 
mi-kayuvaba  anere  mi-kayuvaba    kuodaire     anere 
Kayuvava    nous    Kayuvava    nous-tous    nous 
les-habitants  '. 
ini-varye. 

I .  Nordenskiold  traduit  mi-varye,  nous  vivons  la.  Notre 
traduction  s'accorde  mieux  avec  le  texte  du  Pater  Noster. 


266 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


HAS  TLINGIT  A  GENETIC  RELATION  TO  ATHAPASCAN  ? 
By  PLINY  EARLE  GODDARD 


THE  question  of  the  possible  connection  ol 
Tlingit  and  Athapascan  presented  itself  to  Pro- 
fessor Franz  Boas,  when,  during  his  work  on 
the  Northwest  coast,  the  morphological  simi- 
larities were  observed  by  him'.  At  that  time 
the  requisite  knowledge  of  both  Athapascan 
and  Tlingit  was  lacking  for  a  final  determina- 
tion of  the  question  of  genetic  relationship. 

When  some  years  later  Dr.  John  R.  Swanton 
was  engaged  in  field-work  on  the  Northwest 
coast,  he  secured  Tlingit  linguistic  material J 
from  which  a  grammatical  sketch  was  prepared 
for  the  Handbook  of  American  Languages  '. 
The  recording  of  this  Tlingit  material  lacked 
the  phonetic  accuracy  necessary  for  a  basis  of 
comparison,  and  the  meanings  of  the  stems 
were  not  determined  with  sufficient  exactness. 
Dr.  Swanton  was  aware  of  the  general  resem- 
blance of  Haida,  Tlingit,  and  Athapascan,  but 
realized  the  futility  of  making  a  prolonged  and 
detailed  comparison  based  on  limited  and  faul- 
ty material. 

Dr.  E.  Sapir  read  a  paper  at  the  Philadelphia 
meeting  of  the  American  Anthropological  As- 
sociation in  1914,  on  the  Na-dene,  a  name  he 
chose  for  a  linguistic  group  composed  of  Haida, 
Tlingit,  and  all  the  Athapascan  languages*. 
Dr.  Sapir's  contention  was  that  these  three 

1.  The  relationship  of  Haida  and  Tlingit  was  suggest- 
ed and  discussed  in  an  article,   «  Classification  of  the 
Languages  of  the  North  Pacific  Coast  »  (Memoirs  of  /he 
International  Congress  of  Anthropology  [Chicago,   1893], 
339-346). 

2.  The  texts  were  published  in  BBae  39  (1909). 

3.  BBae  40  (pt  i)  :  159-204. 

4.  T!K    Na-J-ne    Languages,    a    Preliminary   Report 
(AA  I7[i9i5]=  534-558). 


hitherto  considered  independent  stocks  were 
genetically  related.  The  material  used  for 
Tlingit  was  that  embodied  in  Dr.  Swanton's 
two  contributions  mentioned  above.  He  drew 
upon  the  various  sources  of  Athapascan  mater- 
ial, restoring  in  many  instances  hypothetical 
parent-forms  with  which  to  make  his  compa- 
rison. The  paper,  which  appeared  in  the 
"  American  Antropologist  ",  was  called  preli- 
minary ;  but  the  final  results  of  the  study 
have  not  yet  appeared  in  print. 

It  was  only  in  the  winter  of  1914-15  that  an 
opportunity  presented  itself  for  a  satisfactory 
examination  of  Tlingit.  Mr.  Louis  Shotridge,  a 
Tlingit  Indian,  spent  some  wee^s  in  New  York 
City,  during  which  time  Professor  Boas  secur- 
ed rather  full  material,  chiefly  in  the  form  of 
grammatical  notes  and  lists  of  words.  Particular 
attention  was  given  by  Professor  Boas  and  his 
students  to  an  exact  classification  and  represen- 
tation of  the  sounds  of  Tlingit.  With  the  pre- 
paration and  publication  of  this  material  ',  an 
opportunity  for  a  profitable  comparative  study 
from  the  side  of  Tlingit  was  presented  for  the 
first  time. 

During  the  years  in  which  a  satisfactory 
knowledge  of  Tlingit  has  been  awaited,  various 
Athapascan  languages  have  been  studied,  and 
bodies  of  texts  and  grammatical  sketches  have 
been  published.  The-first  of  these  dealing  with 
Hupa  contains  some  regrettable  deficiencies 
in  phonetic  exactness.  There  are  still  large 
and  important  groups  of  Athapascan  dialects  as 
yet  unstudied  or  unavailable,  due  to  delay  in 

5.  Fr-nz  Boas,  Grammatical  Notts  on  the  Language  of 
the  Tlingit  Indians  (U.  Penn.  8  [1917]  :  1-179). 


NO.    4 


HAS    TL1NGIT    A    GENETIC    RELATION    TO    ATHAPASCAN 


267 


the  preparation  and  publication  of  collected 
material.  The  Wailaki  and  Tolowa  in  north- 
western California  will,  when  published,  pre- 
sent very  important  linguistic  material.  The 
Yukon  dialects  are  practically  unknown,  with 
the  exception  of  Ten'a  '.  While,  without  this 
at  present  unavailable  Athapascan  material,  the 
final  word  on  the  subject  of  a  genetic  relation- 
ship between  Tlingitand  Athapascan  cannot  be 
said,  some  useful  comments  and  comparisons 
may  be  made.  These  indicate  rather  clearly 
what  may  be  anticipated  as  the  final  decision 
on  the  subject. 

In  some  respects  the  material  to  be  compared 
presents  unusual  opportunities.  Both  Tlingit 
and  the  Athapascan  languages  have  a  rather 
large  number  of  monosyllabic  nouns,  and  the 
larger  number  of  these  are  apparently  simple 
and  primary.  The  phonetic  changes  possible 
are  therefore  simplified  and  reduced  in  number; 
for  the  action  of  word-accents,  both  of  stress  and 
pitch,  are  eliminated.  Phonetic  changes  should 
therefore  proceed  with  unusual  regularity. 
Simple  nouns  like  these  present  great  advantages 
also  in  the  matter  of  stable  and  easily-determin- 
ed meanings.  In  the  case  of  Athapascan  ca  SUN, 
we  have  a  memory  association  tying  a  simple 
phonetic  group  with  a  definite  single  object. 
In  most  other  instances  there  is  opportunity 
for  varying  ranges  of  application.  The  word 
t'n  WATER  may  come  to  be  applied  to  LAKE 
and  OCEAN  ;  but,  aside  from  an  expansion  or 
contraction  of  application,  a  change  of  meaning 
in  the  majority  of  such  simple  words,  so  com- 
plete as  to  make  an  original  identity  of  form 
and  meaning  in  the  parent  language  untraceable 
in  the  descendants,  is  not  likely  to  happen. 
The  known  history  of  Indo-European1  languages 
shows  that  certain  classes  of  words  —  such  as 
numerals,  body-parts,  and  terms  of  relationship 
—  are  particularly  stable. 

i.  J.  \V.  Chapmann,  Ten'a  Texts  and  Tales  (Paes  6, 
[1914]:  1-230). 


What  appears  to  have  happened  in  the 
Athapascan  languages  is  that  monosyllabic, 
non-descriptive  nouns  have  been  gradually 
replaced  by  longer,  descriptive  terms.  A  suffi- 
cient number,  however,  of  these  simple  nouns 
remain  in  the  various  languages  to  furnish  a 
fair  basis  of  comparison.  For  Tlingit,  Professor 
Boas  has  furnished  upward  of  three  hundred 
simple  nouns.  When  the  Athapascan  nouns  of 
identical  or  closely  related  meanings  are  placed 
beside  these  Tlingit  nouns  in  parallel  columns, 
only  a  few  words  are  sufficiently  alike  to  attract 
attention  2.  With  the  Tlingit  words  arranged 
alphabetically,  phonetic  sound-shifts  between 
Tlingit  and  Athapascan,  if  present,  should 
appear  at  once.  No  such  shifts  are  found  after 
careful  study. 

There  are  two  relationship  terms  similar  in 
form  and  of  identical  or  allied  meaning.  In 
Tlingit,  MOTHER-IN-LAW,  is  lean,  and  in  Beaver, 
icon.  Tlingit  'at',  FATHER'S  SISTER  ;  and  -at  in 
the  Athapascan  dialects  of  Northwestern  Cali- 
fornia, where  the  meaning  is  ELDER  SISTER  or 
COUSIN.  This  term,  in  these  dialects,  is  also 
applied  to  FATHER'S  SISTER.  Were  it  not  for 
this  anomaly  in  classification,  the  meanings  of 
the  words  would  not  in  the  least  coincide.  A 
connection  is  possible  if  it  be  assumed  that  in 
Athapascan  the  term  for  FATHER'S  SISTER  came 
to  be  applied  to  ELDER  SISTER.  If  the  change 
was  from  ELDER  SISTER  to  include  FATHER'S 
SISTER,  the  connection  in  meaning  disappears. 

A  connection  might  be  assumed  between 
Tlingit  wan  EDGE,  and  Ten'a  -vwon  EDGE  or 
BORDER,  if  a  parallel  of  w—wv  could  be  found. 
The  Athapascan  sound  which  appears  with  a 
queer  alternation  in  various  dialects  as  b  and 
m,  becomes  vw,  a  bilabial  spirant,  in  Ten'a. 
Without  other  correspondences,  nothing  can 
be  made  of  this  single  instance. 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  correspondence 

2.  See  below,  p.  271. 


268 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


in  the  nouns  is  the  word  for  CRANE,  —  dni  in 
Tlingit,  and  dd  in  Kato,  and  found  fairly 
frequently  in  other  Athapascan  dialects.  A  rela- 
tion between  Tlingit  n  and  Athapascan  s  or  i 
is  all  that  is  lacking.  Since  the  word  is  almost 
an  isolated  case  of  phonetic  correspondence  of 
nouns  of  identical  meaning,  as  will  appear 
below,  it  seems  more  logical  to  consider  the 
word  one  that  Tlingit  has  borrowed  from  a 
neighboring  Athapascan  dialect. 

Almost  equally  exact  is  the  agreement  of 
Tlingit  (aw  FEATHER,  and  fa  which,  in  Atha- 
pascan frequently  translated  FEATHER,  is  eve- 
rywhere restricted  to  the  larger  stiff  feathers  of 
the  wings  and  tail.  The  more  exact  rendering, 
then,  would  be  PLUME.  I  am  told  there  is  a 
corresponding  restriction  in  meaning  in  Tlingit. 

In  only  one  instance  is  there  an  indication 
of  several  nouns  with  the  same  phonetic  cor- 
respondences. Tlingit  Saq'  and  Athapascan  ts'in 
mean  BONE;  Tlingit  sax  means  HAT  and  Chi- 
pewyan  tc'a  DANCE-HAT  ;  and  Tlingit  six'  and 
Jicarilla  ts'ai  mean  DISH.  In  these  cases  there 
is  agreement  only  between  the  initial  conso- 
nants, the  other  sounds  varying.  A  dance-hat 
is  probably  something  quite  different  from 
simply  a  hat.  The  case  is  too  weak  to  be  con- 
vincing, and,  unsupported  as  it  is,  carries  very 
little  weight.  Two  other  fair  agreements  appear 
in  the  list,  -  -  Tlingit  can  OLD  PERSON,  and 
Beaver  con  OLD  AGE  ;  Tlingit  ci  SONG,  and  Chi- 
pewyan  an  SONG. 

Out  of  over  three  hundred  monosyllabic 
nouns  gathered  by  Professor  Boas,  most  of 
which  have  clear-cut  meanings,  one  hundred 
and  fifteen  have  been  matched  with  Athapascan 
words  of  identical  or  closely-related  meanings. 
Some  of  the  unmatched  Tlingit  nouns  have 
meanings  too  general  or  too  specialized  to  be 
matched  satisfactorily  with  Athapascan  forms. 
In  many  instances  the  Athapascan  nouns  of 
corresponding  meanings  are  dissyllabic  and 
have  descriptive  meanings,  and  are  therefore 


not  comparable  with  the  monosyllabic,  non- 
descriptive  nouns  of  Tlingit.  This  tendency  to 
replace  the  simple  nouns  with  longer  descrip- 
tive terms  is  very  pronounced  in  Athapascan. 
The  unmatched  Tlingit  nouns,  then,  do  not 
weaken  the  case  for  genetic  relation.  However, 
five  fairly  satisfactory  agreements  out  of  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  which  have  been  matched 
in  meaning  do  not  present  an  impressive  pro- 
portion. 

In  addition  to  these,  Sapir  lists  the  follow- 
ing : 


ATHAPASCAN 


TLINGIT 


~te>  Xe  grease  ex  grease 

-;t«>  tooth  HX  tooth 

-k.'a  arrow  g!a  point 

-onaye  elder  brother  bitnx  man's  older  brother 

t'e^  night  t'a't  night 

/o£'  fish  tUn'k!  cohoes 

mis  cheek  wye  cheek 

no  place  of  retreat,  nn  fort 
island 

Of  these  xe  GRESSE  is  unfamiliar  to  me  in 
Athapascan  ;  and  Tlingit  c'.y  (Boas  'ex)  is  given 
the  meaning  FISH-OIL.  The  Athapascan  word 
for  TOOTH  is  -70,  or  -wo  ;  Boas  gives  for  Tlingit 
'iix.  Sapir  gives  q!a  as  meaning  POINT,  and 
compares  it  with  Athapascan  k!a  ARROW.  Swan- 
ton's  texts  and  Boas',  wordlist  give  the  meaning 
POINT  OF  LAND.  The  connection  in  meaning 
would  appear  far-fetched.  The  Athapascan 
word  k!a  does  not  refer  to  the  point  ot  the  ar- 
row, but  to  the  shaft,  since  the  separable 
pointed  end,  either  of  stone  or  wood,  has  a 
different  name.  Boas  has  i'uk"'  COHOE-SALMON, 
which  leaves  only  the  vowel  n  to  carry  the 
phonetic  similarity;  for  glottalixed  /'  and  k'  are 
very  distinct  from  /  and  k  without  glottalixa- 
tion.  In  Athapascan,  no  does  not  mean  a  PLACE 
OF  RETREAT,  it  means  an  ISLAND. 

Dr.  Sapir  has  assumed  that  the  primitive  Na- 


NO.  4 


HAS    TLINGIT    A    GENETIC    RELATION    TO    ATHAPASCAN 


269 


dene  language  had  the  form  cv,  the  elements 
always  ending  in  a  vowel,  and  that  final  conso- 
nants result  from  suffixes.  There  is  evidence,  as 
Sapir  states,  that  Athapascan  verb-stems  have 
final  consonants  representing  disappearing  suf- 
fixes; but  no  good  evidence  is  known  for 
concluding  that  nouns  also  have  been  given 
their  final  consonants  by  this  method.  To  be 
sure,  the  ignoring  of  all  final  consonants  adds 
much  to  the  ease  with  which  equivalent  forms 
can  be  found. 

In  the  case  of  the  verbs,  Professor  Boas  has 
segregated  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  stems, 
to  the  greater  number  of  which  he  has  assigned 
meanings.  The  opportunity  for  comparison  is 
not  nearly  so  favorable  in  the  case  of  verbs  as 
in  that  of  nouns.  Phonetically,  the  verbal  stem 
is  part  of  a  complex,  subject  to  accent  variations 
and  to  assimilation.  In  the  case  of  Athapascan 
verbal  stems,  the  presence  of  a  series  of  reduced 
suffixes  is  to  be  suspected.  These  suffixes  may 
appear  as  the  final  consonants  of  the  apparently 
monosyllabic  stems.  The  meaning  of  a  mono- 
syllabic noun  appears  without  analysis,  while 
the  meaning  of  a  verbal  stem  can  be  determined 
only  by  the  examination  of  several  verbs  con- 
taining it.  Often  even  then  the  meaning  is 
elusive,  and  difficult  of  precise  statement.  It 
happens,  therefore,  that  the  matching  of  Pro- 
fessor Boas'  list  of  Tlingit  verb  stems  with 
Athapascan  stems  of  equivalent  meanings  is  a 
difficult  matter.  It  has  been  attempted  only 
where  the  meanings  of  the  Tlingit  stems  have 
been  rather  definitely  given.  While  the  complete 
verbs  in  Tlingit  usually  can  be  rendered  in  an 
Athapascan  dialect  by  verbs  of  fairly  equivalent 
meaning,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  stems 
are  comparable,  for  other  elements  than  the 
stem  in  each  case  help  to  make  up  the  verb. 

It  has  been  possible  to  match  one  hundred 
and  twenty-four  of  the  Tlingit  stems  with 
Athapascan-stems  of  similar  meaning  '.  In  a  fair 

I.  See  below,  p.  275. 


number  of  these  instances,  the  agreement  in 
meaning  is  satisfactory.  Of  these  one  hundred 
and  twenty-four  compared  forms,  only  five 
show  sufficient  phonetic  similarity  to  require 
comment. 

Tlingit  'a  TO  SIT  agrees  in  form  with  -ai, 
-a,  an  Athapascan  stem  used  almost  exclusively 
of  the  position  of  single  inanimate  objects.  If 
the  Tlingit  meaning  could  be  shown  to  be  a 
derived  one,  the  correspondence  might  be  cited 
as  evidence  of  common  origin. 

Tlingit  stem  na  TO  DRINK,  and  Athapascan 
-nan  with  the  same  meaning,  are  irreproach- 
able, since  the  final  n  of  Athapascan  is  ex- 
plainable as  a  suffix. 

Tlingit  t't),  I'd,  t'en,  mean  TO  SLEEP.  Athapas- 
can /c£,  fin,  also  has  that  for  a  secondary  mean- 
ing. Its  primary  meaning  relates  to  the  posi- 
tion or  movement  of  anything  animate.  The 
concept  of  SLEEPING,  itself  seems  often  to  be 
connected  with  dreaming,  the  subjective  view 
of  sleep,  while  a  reclining  position  is  the  ob- 
jective view.  The  Tlingit  verb-stem  is  also  a 
noun  meaning  SLEEP,  and  comparable  with 
Athapascan  bxi.  In  primary  meaning,  then,  the 
two  stems  are  widely  separated. 

Following  in   alphabetical  order   is   Tlingit 

/'rt«  TO  CARRY  A  SOLID  ELONGATED  OBJECT.  There 

is  an  Athapascan  stem  t'an,  relating  to  the 
position  or  movement  of  a  long  object,  such 
as  a  pole.  The  particular  Tlingit  verbs  given 
are  not  comparable  with  the  Athapascan,  but 
there  seems  to  be  a  fair  agreement  in  the 
meaning  and  the  phonetic  form  of  this  stem. 

One  of  the  Tlingit  stems,  meaning  TO  SHOOT 
WITH  A  BOW  AND  ARROW,  is  fuk.  Navajo  has  a 
stem  t'o,  which  also  means  TO  SHOOT  WITH  A 
BOW.  Beaver  has  a  stem  t'ok,  t'o  TO  SHOOT,  but 
employed  of  shooting  with  a  gun. 

Tlingit  has  a  stem  set'  TO  TEAR,  and  Athapas- 
can one,  ted  with  a  similar  meaning. 

Dr.  Sapir  cites  additional  correspondences  : 
such  as  Athapascan  -ca,  -cal,  TO  CATCH  WITH  A 


270 


INTERNATIONAL   JOUKNAL   OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.    I 


HOOK  ;  and  Tlingit  cat,  TO  TAKE,  TO  PICK  UP,  TO 
SEIZE.  The  difference  in  meaning  should  be 
sufficiently  apparent  without  comment. 

The  pronouns  show  but  one  resemblance 
sufficient  to  warrant  comment.  Tlingit  has  a 
third  person  singular  form  dn.  Certain  of  the 
northern  Athapascan  dialects  have  a  reflexive 
third  person  possessive  pronominal  prefix  de. 
Here,  again,  is  a  possible  borrowing,  which 
has  been  responsible  for  the  limited  distribution 
of  the  form  in  Athapascan. 

Among  the  numerals,  THngit  has  Lr.v'  ONE, 
with  which  Athapascan  Kato  in  ONE,  is  com- 
parable. 

Professor  Boas  has  succeeded  beyond  expec- 
tation in  isolating  and  defining  the  etymolo- 
gical parts  of  the  verbs.  The  adverbial  prefixes 
are  of  the  same  general  sort  as  are  found  in 
Athapascan,  but  among  these  there  are  no 
correspondences  of  note.  Professor  Boas  lists  as 
an  incorporated  noun  if  it  SPACE,  used  in  such 
expressions  as  qudil'iik"  IT  is  WET  (weather, 
soil).  Compare  with  this  Kato  kou.'zns*l  IT  WAS 

HOT. 

Tlingit  has  a  set  of  classifiers  seemingly  enti- 
rely lacking  in  Athapascan  verbs  which  classify 
the  subject  or  object  solely  by  the  limited 
application  of  the  stem. 

Morphologically,  Tlingit  is  very  similar  to 
Athapascan.  The  nouns  in  both  stocks  seem  to 
have  been  originally  monosyllabic.  To  these 
primary  nouns  certain  suffixes  to  form  diminu- 
tives and  augmentatives,  etc.,  were  added.  The 
verbs  are  similar  in  structure,  having  elements 
of  the  same  character  which  take  the  same 
general  order.  First  are  adverbial  elements  of 
direction  and  position,  and  pronoun  objects. 
The  stems  are  toward  the  end,  and  are  preceded 
by  the  subject  pronouns.  In  Athapascan  there 
are  modal  elements,  some  of  which  precede  the 
subject,  and  others  follow.  Tlingit  has  modal 
prefixes  preceding  the  subject,  but  with  classi- 


fiers following  it.  Both  Tlingit  and  Athapascan 
have  suffixes  for  customary  action,  etc. 

The  most  striking  resemblance  is  the  fact 
that  each  has  a  modification  of  the  stem  itself, 
which  affects  in  Tlingit  the  quality  and  pitch 
of  the  vowel,  and  in  Athapascan  the  quality  of 
the  vowel  and  modifies  the  final  consonant. 
These  modifications  of  the  stems  are  connected 
in  both  instances  with  differences  in  mode  and 
tense. 

With  this  striking  likeness  in  morphology, 
one  would  expect  lexical  similarity  leading  to 
the  definite  conclusion  that  the  languages  were 
originally  one,  or  sprang  from  the  same  source. 
The  comparisons  made  of  the  lexical  content, 
however,  do  not  justify  this  conclusion.  The 
similarities  are  few,  forming  but  a  slight  percent- 
age of  the  whole.  They  might  all  be  attributed 
to  accident  were  there  not  at  hand  a  more 
acceptable  solution.  The  few  nouns  that  are 
common  are  probably  due  to  borrowing.  It 
would  be  a  remarkable  thing  if  fully  the 
number  noted  had  not  been  borrowed  in 
the  course  of  the  generations  that  Tlingit  and 
Athapascan  peoples  have  been  neighbors. 

The  large  majority  of  Tlingit  monosyllabic 
nouns,  stems,  and  other  elements  making  up 
the  verbs,  the  pronouns,  post-positions,  and 
adverbs,  are  totally  different  from  any  known 
Athapascan  words  or  elements  having  a  similar 
meaning.  Until  some  satisfactory  explanations 
can  be  given  for  this  mass  of  apparently  unre- 
lated material,  a  common  genetic  origin  cannot 
be  admitted.  Were  a  genetic  relationship  to 
be  assumed,  one  of  three  possible  explanations 
must  be  accepted  : 

1.  That  changes  in  the  forms  of  the  words 
and  in  their  meanings  have  been  so  great  and 
so  general,  that  resemblances  have  disappeared 
without  leaving  discoverable  phonetic  shifts. 

2.  That  the  original  parent  language  from 
which  Tlingit  and  Athapascan  have  sprung  had 
such  a  complete  double  set  of  names  for  com- 


NO.    4 


HAS   TLINGIT    A    GENETIC    RELATION   TO   ATHAPASCAN 


271 


mon  objects,  that  it  was  possible  for  Tlingit  to 
be  supplied  with  one  set,  and  all  the  many 
Athapascan  languages  with  the  other,  totally 
different  set. 

3.  That  the  Tlingit  have  a  creative  genius 
for  language-formation  which,  since  they  sepa- 
rated from  the  Athapascan  peoples,  has  led 
them  to  replace  all  the  older  forms  with  newly- 
created  ones. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  the  linguistic  uni- 
verse might  have  been  so  ordered  that  any  one 
or  all  of  these  three  things  might  have  happen- 
ed. In  particular,  there  seems  to  be  no  evident 
reason  why  words  should  not  be  created  con- 
stantly in  any  language.  However,  modern 
linguistic  study  is  based  on  a  belief  in  phonetic 
laws  which  produce  uniform  results  under 
identical  conditions.  The  one  recognized  method 
of  establishing  genetic  relationship  is  to  point 
out  the  uniform  changes  which  in  the  course 
of  time  have  caused  the  separation  of  a  uniform 
linguistic  area  into  dialects  and  related  lan- 
guages. This  method  of  establishing  genetic 
relationship  has  failed  in  several  instances  to 
produce  a  definite  conviction  that  relationship 
really  exists.  Critics  are  urged  to  accept  the 
results  on  the  plea  that  the  particular  problems 
are  too  difficult  to  be  solved  by  this  method. 
The  question  then  presents  itself  whether  we 
shall  retain  the  old  definition  of  a  linguistic 
stock  as  a  group  of  languages  whose  genetic 


relationship  has  been  established  by  showing 
that  they  have  diverged  as  a  result  of  uniform 
phonetic  change,  or  whether  we  shall  form  a 
new  definition.  A  linguistic  stock,  such  as  the 
proposed  Na-dene,  consists  of  a  group  of  lan- 
guages called  Athapascan  which  have  become 
divergent  as  a  result  of  phonetic  change,  and  of 
two  other  languages  which  contain  a  few 
words  and  elements  resembling  similar  ones  in 
the  first  group. 

For  one,  I  contend  that  the  present  defini- 
tion should  be  kept.  "  Athapascan  "  is  an 
exceedingly  useful  designation  of  a  definite 
group.  If  the  name  "  Na-dene  ''  is  to  be  esta- 
blished, may  we  not  have  also  a  new  generic 
term  to  be  applied  to  such  groups  of  a  linguist- 
ic stock  plus  others  ? 

When  once  we  have  concluded  that  Tlingit 
and  Athapascan  are  either  unrelated,  or  so 
remotely  related  as  to  have  left  no  clearly  per- 
ceptible evidence  of  the  relationship,  a  new  and 
interesting  problem  will  present  itself.  When 
two  peoples  either  linguistically  unrelated  or 
very  remotely  related  come  into  prolonged 
contact,  to  what  extent  do  their  languages 
become  assimilated,  phonetically,  morphologi- 
cally, and  lexically  ? 

That  the  various  correspondences  pointed  out 
in  this  paper  and  by  Dr.  Sapir  are  the  result 
of  such  acculturating  influence,  I  have  little 
doubt. 


i. 
2. 

•> 

4- 


COMPARATIVE     VOCABULARY  ' 


NOUNS 


TLINGIT. 
'd  a  lake 

'at'  father's  sister 
'as  tree 

'an  town 


i.  The  abbreviations  used  in  the  vocabularies  to  indi- 
cate  the  dialect  from  which  the  examples  are  taken  are 


ATHAPASCAN 

mank  lake  H 

at  older  sister,  father's  sister  K 

k\n  tree  H 

kai  village  Ten'a . 

the  following:  B,  Beaver j  CC,  Chasta  Costa  ;  Chip,  Qhi; 
i;  H,  Hupa;  K,  Kato  ;  Nav,  Navajo;  T,  Tolowa. 


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5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 

10. 

u. 

12. 

13- 

14. 

15- 

16. 

17- 
18. 

i9- 

20. 

21. 

22. 
23- 
24. 
25. 
26. 

27- 
28. 

29. 
30. 

JI- 
J2. 

33- 
34- 

35- 

36. 

37- 

ty'  beach 
V  place 
'ic  father 
7/r'  rock 
'ii'  brother 
'i.y/'  shaman 
'//.v  tooth 
ya  face 
jdi/'  offspring 
;)'*»  hunger 
yak"'  canoe 

^i-y  border,  edge 

yet  fat 
j$'  spirit 
ri  place  underneath 

v//'  son 

• 

jw  spear 

^«<a'  stomach 
wac  cheek 

if  aw  edge 
wa^'  eye 
wit  food 

/Vii.'  dung 

hit'  house 

/.»/;;  water 
/)j».y  elder  brother  (said  by  male) 
</fl  weasel 
</<'  trail 
(/u  moon 

link"  skin 

</;/(/  cottonwood-tree 
(////  crane 
(/'«)  sleep 

i/fl5r  beach  Ten'a 
-dm  place  at  which  (suffix)  H 
-t'a  father  H 
tsi  stone  H 
F-./  (younger)  brother  H 
-yvn  to  practise  shamanism  Ten'a 
-u'O  tooth  K 
-iw'i  face  H 
-varfr  young  K 
don'  famine  B 
tci  canoe  K 
i-man  border,  edge  H 
-i*iwn  border,  edge  Ten'a 
k'wa'  fat  K 
-dje.  mind  H 
-uyt  under  K 
\    -itc  son  (man  speaking)  K 
'    -parson  (woman  speaking)  K 
diin'i  spear  Chip 
tut  spears  Ten'a 
/"./'  stomach  K 
-;»'  tace  '  B 
^   -man  border,  edge  H 
-iii'on  border,  edge  Ten'a 
-ita  eye  H 
kf  food  B 
/<•'(/;"/  food  K 
tc'ani  faeces  K 
,    VE  house  K 
k-.ii'  house  B 
nixti  house  T 
/'D  water  K 
oiuiii  older  brother  K 
main  weasel  K 
/'-.//  trail  H 
ca,  sun,  moon 
sits  skin  H 
i3tO  skin  Chip 
fis  cottonwood  Apache 
(/£/  crane  K 
but  sleep  B 

i.  A  separate  simple  word  for  CHEF.K  is  generally  lacking  in  Athapascan  languages. 


NO.  4 


HAS    TLINGIT    A    GENETIC    RELATION    TO    ATHAPASCAN 


273 


?8. 

39- 

40. 
41. 
42. 
43- 

44- 

45- 
46. 

47- 
48. 

49- 
50. 

52. 
S3- 
54- 
55- 

56. 

57- 
58. 

59- 
60. 
61. 
62. 

63. 

64. 
65. 
66. 

67. 

68. 
69. 

t'ay  fat 
t'at'  night 

t'an  navel 
t'an  sea-lion 
/V.y'  heart 
t'i  stone 

(t'ix'*)  rope 

t'ii  shoe 
/'//  mind 
t'oq'  anus 

t'a  king-salmon 

t'aw  feather 

fly  elbow 
t'uk'  cradle 
(sai)  name 
51  neck 
5/  daughter 
sit'  spruce 

sik'  strap,  belt,  cord 
5«  rain 

52  clay 

irf<y'  bone 
i'a.v"  hat 
(i'Ay)  smoke 
s"tk'  black  bear 

5/x'  dish 

stik"'  rib 
rf^a5  skin 
/5u5^'«  owl 

tsutsk"'  bird 

ca  head 
can  old  person 

ifttw'  fat  K 
1    f  s'  night  K 
(    /'sS  night  Chip 
-tfifct  navel  K 
/^i/5  sea-lion  K 
-to"  heart  K 
/5s  stone  H 
t'ot  rope  H 
hi  rope  K 
-/c's  moccasin  Chip 
niy-  mind  Chip 
-5/s'  anus  K 

(   k'ga  dried  king-salmon  Ten'a 
f   ^£5  black  salmon 
t'a   feather  K 
-/'fly  to  fly 
-to'/c  elbows  H 
ts'al  cradle  K 
-^/'  name  Chip. 
•k'os  neck  B 
-/5s  daughter  H 
xai  spruce  T 
Ba's  belt  Chip 
f   515  belt  Jic 
(    tea'  rain  Chip 
f    ftcxn  rain  T 
(    hts  clay 
/   ii5  adobe 
lsa.fi  bone  K 
fc'fl  dance-hat  Chip 
/-./  smoke  H 
5fl/5  bear  H 
(    S'ai  dish  Chip 
j    tsa  dish  B 
[    -ts'ai  dish  Jic 
tcohgt  ribs  B 
51/5  skin  bark  H 
bo'  owl  Apache 
(   tcwa  birds  B 
|   tc'ac  bird  CC 
-si'  head  K 
con  old  age  B 

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70.       cxi  spoon 


72. 

73- 
74- 
75- 


77. 
78. 
79. 
80. 
81. 
82. 
83. 
84. 

85. 

86. 

87. 

88. 
89. 
90. 

91. 
92. 
93. 
94. 

95. 

96. 
97. 
98. 


too. 

101. 
102. 
I03. 

104. 


cat  salmon-trap 
ci  blood 
dt  horn 
00  song 
dj(n  hand 


76.       tcan  mother-in-law 


teal  cache 
gxx"  duck 
g\jf  cloud 
£w&"'  ear 
gwtt  bag,  pouch 
k'ai't'  ashes 
*'<!!L  dog 

mud 

fire-wood 

g's.  place  between  folds  of  something 
q'oi!  stomach 


pot 

(q'waC}  down,  feathers 
xuctc  frog 

xiid^i  burnt  wood,  coals 
x'at'  island 
x'fii  club 
war 

hair 


.*?/  chest 
xiy  pack 
xox"  husband 


99.       x'a  mouth 


x'an  fire 
x't'is  foot 
ia.y»  famine 
icq   red  ochre 


nose 


ius  spoon  Chip 
s&s  spoon  T 
ej  fish  trap  H 
dcd  blood  Chip 
-dt    horn  K 
-csn'  song  Chip 
-la'  hand  K 

-///.<  mother-in-law  Chip 
-Icon  mother-in-law  B 
tso  caches  Ten'a 
/C£  duck  Chip 
k'os  cloud  B 
-tc'gs.'  ear  K 
s«6  sack  Chip 
/q[  ashes  Chip 
/iw  dog  H 
<//a;>  mud  K 
/ci/r   fire- wood  K  (?) 
tcwitc  tire- wood  H 
-t'a  blanket  fold  K 
-bit'  stomach,  belly  Chip 
eOo  pot  Ten'a 
isa  pot  Apache 
-O'aOe  feathers,  downy  Chip 
tew  a  I  frog  H 
tc'aile.  frog  Chip 
fas  coal  Chip 
;;/(,  tiuufi  island  Chip 
xal  club  Chip 
man  war-party  H 
-gd  hair  K 
-^a'  liair  B 
-ko  breast  Chip 
xail  load  H 
-A'fl;"i  husband  H 
-da'  mouth  K 

-sa  opening  of  the  mouth  H 
hum  fire  K 
-hue  toot  K 
don'  famine  B 
etc  ochre  K 
nisi  nose  Chip 
nose  B 


NO. 


HAS   TL1NG1T    A    GENETIC    RELATION    TO    ATHAPASCAN 


275 


105.  few  sand 

1 06.  fi'tt'  tongue 

107.  i'uk"'  cohoe-salmon 

108.  Lfl  mother 

109.  Lak'  sister 

1 10.  Let'  snow- 
in.  iiy  meat 

112.  Lak'  dress 

113.  Leg'  finger 

114.  L'ei  mentula 

115.  L'it'  tail 


TLINGIT 

'a,  \'i,  'en  to  sit  (sing.) 

'«/',  '<?/',  'a/',  'a  to  walk  in  company 
'in'  cold 

'dk',  'die',  'ik'  to  interlock 

'(ix,  'iix,  "xx  to  carry  a  textile 
'ay,  \'iy,  'i.y  to  hear 

>/;«'  bad 

V/X  to  whistle 

\n  to  pick  up;  to  carry  in  a  vessel 
'/;/  to  kill  many 

ix'  to  shout,  to  call,  to  invite 

'it,  '/'i,  en  to  dwell 
'it,  '/i,  ''jin  to  buy 

'tis,  'its,  'j.v,  to  wash 

'«&"',  'uk"',  'u/fe"'  to  boil 
'ux,  'iix,  'ux,  to  blow 


sai  sand  K 
-tso  tongue  Nav 
iok'  salmon  H 
-nan  mother  K 
-t'eci'  sister  K 
yas  snow  K 
-tun  meat  H 
kya  dress  H 
-la'  finger  K 
-lai'  mentula  K 
-tct  tail  Chip 


VERBS 


ATHAPASCAN 


'I  - 

\ 

I 

\ 

i 


-ai,  -'a  to  have  position  (of  round  objects) 

Chip 

-dd  to  walk  (pi.)  Chip 
-t'xh,  -t's.  to  be  cold  K 
-Km  cold  Nav 
-dli,  -dlu  to  be  cold 
-fan,  fy  to  tie,  to  knot  Chip 
-i'on,  I'oi  to  weave  baskets  H 
-k'yos  to  carry  a  flexible  obfect  H 

to  move  flat,  flexible  objects  H 
-/J'SY,  trV  to  hear  K 
-tee.'  to  be  bad  K 
-Ic's.,   -tc'ok'  to  be  ill  tempered,  to  be  angry 

Chip 

-yic  to  whistle  K 
-sol  (-yoi)  to  whistle  Jic 
-k'  an,  -k'a  to  move  a  vessel  containing  liquid  K 
-gan,  -gal  to  kill  (pi.  object)  K 
-%el,  -%el  to  shout  Chip 
t'ai  to  speak  as  a  chief  Jic 
-et,  -et'  to  stay  at  a  place  Chip 
-xait,  -xai  to  buy  H 
-ds.  to  wash  Chip 
-gis  to  wash  Nav 
-bij  to  boil  Nav 
— foe  to  boil  Jic 
-»«e<//  to  boil  H 
-yol,  -yol  to  blow  (with  the  breath)  H 


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yd,  yd,  y'zn  to  pack  ' 

ya.t'  long 

y&S  to  step 

yaq'  to  pull 

v<;.y,  v£y,  V£.y  to  whittle 

yit',  yit',  yit'  to  pull 

yitc,  yitc  to  fly 

yiik"',  yii/t"',  yjk"'  to  shake 

w&l,  was,  wis  to  inquire 

ii'dC,  u>dl,  wif  to  break 

wtis  tough,  hard 

wtti,  witt,  wtii,  to  ask,  to  inquire 

u'ltif  wide 

hat',  hit'   to  drive  (animals) 

bik'  full 

hit,  hit,  hen  to  wade,  to  swim 

buk  to  shout 

das  to  catch  in  snare 
dati,  heavy 
dex'  ashamed 
dil  to  watch 

tiiix'"  to  tie  a  knot 

dm'  to  fly 

/'(/  to  boil  in  water 

fa,  I'd,  fin  to  sleep  (sing.) 

t'aw  to  steal 

ran,    fan,    fin   to    carry  a    solid,   elongated 

object 

fit]'  to  hit  with  the  point  of  a  long  thing. 
fix'  to  twist 
fin,  t'in,  t'in '  to  see 

fiiu'  to  count 

fill,  fiii,  f-Ji  to  drill 

/'d,  /'if,  /Yw  hot 


-v/«,  -YS/  to  carry  on  the  back  Chip 

-ins  long  H 

-to/,  -tai  to  step  H 

-/c.«  to  drag,  to  pull  along  H 

-was  to  shave  off,  to  whittle  H 

-yos  to  draw  out  of  narrow  space,  to  stretch  H 

-t'a-;,  -t'a'  to  fly  K 

-:cal,  -:i'd  to  shake  H 

-.YJI/,  -.va/  to  ask  a  question  1 1 

-A'^'flj  to  break  H 

-/a/v  to  be  strong  K 

-.va/,  -.Y>/  to  inquire  H 

-/';/,  /'<//  to  be  wide,  to  be  flat  K 

-yot,  -yoi  to  drive,  to  chase  K 

-a  to  be  full  Chip 

4a»'  to  be  full  K 

-koi  walking  in  water  (wolf)  Chip 

-ti'iit,  -teat  to  shout  K 

-$et,  -^t  to  shout  Chip 

-It"  to  snare  K 

-das  to  be  heavy  H 

-vaii  to  be  ashamed  K 

-yan,  -yxii  to  watch,  to  spy  upon  II 

-Aw  to  tie,  to  knot  Chip 

-yets  to  lie  H 

-/',r,-,  -/V  to  fly  K 

-»;/£(//'  to  boil  H 

-ft,  -I'm  to  lie  down  (sing  only)  1 1 

-V  to  steal  Chip 

-/'«/;,  -t'xii,  I'uu'  to  handle  or  move  a  long 

object  H 

-ge.t,  got  to  spear  H 
-d'.ts,  -dis  to  twist  K 
-m   to  look,  to  see  K 
-t'i-r  to  teach  H 
-/'a&  to  count  H 
-nil  to  drill  Nav 
-do  to  heat  Nav 
-do  to  be  hot  Apache 
-se.1,  -sii  to  be  warm  H 


I.   See  also 


,  gen,  gin. 


NO.    4 


HAS    TLINGIT    A    GENETIC    RELATION    TO    ATHAPASCAN 


277 


fax  to  bite 

t'e.\  to  fish  with  hook 

/Yv'  to  pound 
t'l,  t'i,  t'i  to  find 

t'uk"',  t'tik"',  t''Jk"'  to  shoot  an  arrow 

sd,  sa,  sen  to  name  ;  to  breathe 
sis,  sis,  sis  to  sail  ;  smoke  rises 

set',  sef ,  si?  to  tear 
sti  to  sew  with  cedar-withes 
suw,  stiWf  suw  to  chop 

tsaq'   tsaq',  tsxq'  to  push  with  the  point  of  a 
long  thing 

tscx,  tsex,  tsiy  to  kick 

tsis,  tsis,  tsti  to  dive,  to  swim  under  water 
tshi  alive,  strong 

cat',  cat',  czt'  to  take 
cxn  old 
cu  to  hunt 

cuwq,  cuwq, c'jU'q  to  laugh 
djaq',  djaq1,  djzq'  to  kill  (siiig.  object) 
dji  to  think 
djitu  to  dream 

djiix,  d/i'ix,  djjx  to  roll  a  ring  or  hoop 
tciin  to  wound 

tciik"',  tciik"',  U-jk"'  to  rub  a  skin  in  order  to  sof- 
ten it 

mi  to  drink 

ni,  H  i,  nxn  to  do,  to  work 
113.1'  to  shake 

Mi</',  «»/',  nig'  to  stand  (pi.) 
ni,  ni,  tiin  to  carry  several  things 

nut'  to  swallow 


-gits  to  bite  K 

-ca'  to  catch  with  a  hook  K 

-hwal,  -hwai  to  fish  for  with  a  hook  H- 

-tss.1',  -tsd  to  pound  H 

-tsan,  -tsMi  to  find  H 

-t'o  to  shoot  with  arrow  Nav 

-t'ok,  -t'o  to  shoot  (with  a  gun)  B 

-t'as  to  shoot  (with  bow  and  arrow)  Chip 

-yi,  -yf  to  be  named  Chip 

•kit   to    hang,  to   spread,   to  settle  (fog  or 

smoke)  H 

-tcul,  -tcul,  -tc'tl  to  tear,  to  rend  Chip 
-da  to  sew  Chip 

-/6d,  -Wit,  -Qel  to  strike,  to  chop  Chip 
-tse,  tsi,  tsi'  to  push  (long  object  ?)  Chip 

'its  to  kick  B 

-t'al  to  kick  H 

-/«,  -/£  to  dive,  to  swim  underwater  H 

-iia,  -nai  to  be  alive  Chip 

-kit  to  catch  with  the  hands  H 

-leu  to  seize  Chip 

sa  old  age  Nav 

-/£  to  hunt  game  Nav 

-^E,  -^E'  to  hunt  Chip 

-dlo  -dlok'  to  laugh  Chip 

-^i/'  to  kill  (sing,  object)  Chip 

-5a«,  -6*H,  -is/2,  -fJi«  to  think  Chip 

-lal,  -lal  to  dream  to  sleep  Chip 

-bas  to  roll  a  hoop  Jic 

-/a/5  to  shoot,  to  wound  B 

-gis  to  rub  a  skin  Jic 

-naw  to  drink  K 
-in  to  do  K 

-mat  to  shake  (intrans.)  H 
-ya  to  stand  on  one's  feet  (pi.  only)  H 
-la,  -lai,  -hi  relating  to  the  position  or  mo- 
vement of  two  or  three  objects  Chip 
-kat  to  swallow  K 
-dzk'  to  swallow  B 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


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nlkf,  nik',  uik'  to  tell 

nix'  to  smell 

gxs  a  long  thing  moves  straight  ahead 

gac  to  cohabit 

g in,  gdn  to  burn 

g I,  gin  large 

git'  to  move 

g"t'>gtU',  gW,  g'J  to  go  (sing.) 

gwdi,  gwds,  gwzi  fog 

k'e,  k'tii  to  track 

k't'i.  k'-jfa  to  know 

k'i<q',k'iiq',k'-J<i'  to  bubble 

kwatc  to  swallow 

jt'a/y  sharp-pointed 

k'nts  to  break  (a  strap) 

gax,gdx,gixtocry 
gxt  to  split 

git',  ft/'  dark 

f^n,  ff'w,  f  SM  '  to  look 
geq  to  throw 
^'*J,  q'd,  q'en  to  sew 
j'a  to  say 

q'i,  q'e,  q'in  to  sit  (pi.) 

q'lt'  to  suspect 

ij'-jy  to  travel  by  canoe 

q'dq',  q'dq',  q'xq'  to  swim  (fish) 

q'xi!  to  cut  fish  lengthwise 

q'zs  to  urinate 

xdc,  xdf,  xfa  to  cut 

xlt',  xil\  xit'  to  sweep 

xjk"'  dry 

Ar'ai  to  scrape,  to  slice 

xa,  yd,  yen  to  eat 

1 .  See  also  /'in,  t'in,  fin,  above. 

2.  See  ink',  nik',  nik1,  above. 


-l:k  to  relate  H 

-Hzk  to  relate  K 

-ni,  -ni,  -n  to  speak  K 

-ICMI,  -tcic,  to  smell  K 

-k'ats,  -k'as,  -k'ai  relating  to  the  movement 
of  long  objects  H 

-git  to  have  intercourse  B 

-k'a  to  burn  Chip 

-tcai  large  Chip 

-k'e  to  fall  Chip 

-jo  to  be  happy  Apache 

-kit  to  hang,  to  settle  (of  fog)  H 

-k'i,  -k'ai  to  follow  track,  to  trail  Chip 

-tsil  to  know  H 

--•<>(•  to  ferment  Jic 

-dxk  to  swallow  B 

-l'a<l  sharp-pointed  Chip 
\   -t'ai,  -/'a/  to  break  (string  or  line)  Chip 
/    -k'yas  to  break  H 

-tsy.k'  to  cry  Chip 

-k\l,  k''.i  to  split  H 

-g £/',  -gtl,  -g-j.1  relating  to  the  passing  K 

of  the  night,  dark  K 

~g^ts>  -g&i  ~S-' to  look,  to  see  H 

-(/;/,  -dti  to  throw  H  Chip 

-</(/  to  sew  Chip 

-nxk  to  relate  K 

-da  to  sit  (sing.) 

-i'e  tosit(du.)  B 

-ts'a,  -Is'i  to  sit  (pi.) 

-yan,  yxii  to  observe  with  suspicion  H 

-k'i  to  travel  by  canoe  Chip 

-lit,  -Is  to  swim  (fish)  H 

-ai,  -zi  to  slit  open  H 

-lits  to  urinate  K 

-fats,  fas  to  cut  K 

co  to  sweep  Nav 

-tciwig  to  sweep  H 

-tsai,  sai  to  be  dry  K 

-gats,  -gats  to  scrape  K 

-yan,  -yil',  -tan  to  eat  K 


NO.  4 


HAS    TLINGIT    A    GENETIC    RELATION    TO    ATHAPASCAN 


279 


ya  to  paddle 

yt,  xt,  yen  to  camp  over  night 

xict'  to  whip,  to  club 

xiit'  to  drop,  to  chop,  to  pull 
yi'iy",  yi'ix",  .yj.y"  to  call 
Lan,  Ldn  deep  (water,  snow) 
La  to  feed 

Ldq',  rA(/',  Lxq'  to  overcome,  to  win 
L'xk"'  scared 
L'zk'  wet 

L'it',  L'it',  L'U'  cast  off,  to  abandon 

L\L'  to  defecate 
la  complete;  deep 
I' ex,  t'ex,  f'iy  to  dance 


?  - 


-k'i  to  paddle  Chip 

-wil',  -w.l,  -wd  the  passing  of  the  night  H 

-xat ,  -xil  to  strike  repeatedly,  to  beat  a  drum  B 

-sil',  -sxi,  -tszl  to  strike  repeatedly  K 

-gal',  -gxl,  -gat  to  drop,  to  beat  K 

-teat,  -text  to  shout  K 

-sat  deep  (water)  K 

-teat'  to  feed  K 

-na  to  win  in  a  contest  Chip 

,  -dt'  to  win  K 
~S^t  ~g*c  to  be  afraid  K 
-czl  to  be  wet  B 
-1&1,  -tcy.1  to  be  wet  or  damp  K 
-/£  to  leave  to  quit  B 
-tcan,  -tcic  to  leave  one  K 
-tca.fi  to  defecate  K 
-sat  deep  H 
-ys.  to  dance  H 


280 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


THE  HOKAN  AND  COAHUILTECAN  LANGUAGES 
By     E.     SAPIR 


In  the  general  simplification  of  American 
Indian  linguistic  stocks  which  is  at  last  being 
seriously  undertaken  by  various  investigators, 
two  recently  published  articles  are  of  particu- 
lar interest.  These  are  Kroeber's  Strian,  Tequis- 
tlatrcan,  and  Hokan  '  and  Swanton's  Linguistic 
Position  of  tlx  Tribes  of  Soutlxrn  Texas  ami  Nortlj- 
eastein  Mexico '.  The  former  adds  to  the  Hokan 
stock  recently  determined  by  Dixon  and  Kroe- 
ber  (Shasta-Achomawi,  Chimariku,  Karok, 
Porno,  Yana,  Yuman,  Esselen  ;  possibly  also 
Chumash  and  Salinan),  the  Seri  language  of 
western  Sonora  and  the  Tequistlatecan  or 
Chontal  language  of  Oaxaca  ;  the  latter  gives 
good  evidence  to  show  that  a  number  of  lan- 
guages spoken  along  the  Texas  coast  and  back 
into  the  interior  from  it  (Coahuilteco,  Coto- 
name,  Comecrudo ;  Karankawa ;  Tonka wa  ;  and 
Atakapa),  which  have,  according  to  Powell's 
scheme,  been  classified  into  four  distinct  lin- 
guistic stocks,  are  best  considered  as  genetically 
related.  The  full  evidence  for  the  validity  of 
the  Hokan  stock  has  not  yet  been  made  public, 
but  we  have  been  promised  it  by  Dixon  and 
I^roeber.  A  comparative  Hokan  vocabulary 
insofar  as  it  affects  Yana  has  been  kindly  put 
into  my  hands  by  Dr.  Kroeber;  this,  together 
with  such  descriptive  or  comparative  gramma- 
tical and  lexical  Hokan  material  as  has  been 
published  and  such  further  comparative  evi- 
dence serving  to  link  Yana  with  Hokan  as  I 

1.  University  of  California  Publications  in  American 
Archaeology   and  Ethnology,  vol.    II,  n°  4,  pp.   279-290, 
1915. 

2.  American  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  vol.  17,  pp.  17-40, 
1915. 


have  been  able  to  gather  from  time  to  time, 
leaves  small  doubt  in  my  mind  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  theory.  5 

In  going  through  Swanton's  comparative 
vocabularies,  I  was  soon  struck  by  a  number  of 
startling  Hokan  echoes.  My  interest  having  been 
actively  aroused,  I  looked  into  the  matter  more 
carefully.  The  following  comparative  vocabu- 
lary of  over  a  hundred  stems  and  elements  is 
the  result.  When  \ve  consider  that  only  a  very 
limited  number  of  comparable  terms  were  avai- 
lable for  any -two  of  the  languages  concerned, 
this  result  seems  astonishing.  It  is  difficult  for 
me  to  suggest  any  alternative  to  the  hypothesis 
of  a  common  origin  of  the  Hokan  and  Coahuil- 
tecan  4  languages.  True,  I  have  little  morpholo- 
gic evidence  at  hand,  but  the  study  of  the  pro- 
blem thus  newly  opened  up  is  confessedly  in 
its  infancy.  As  it  is,  the  very  imperfect  sketch 
of  Tonkawa  given  by  Gatschet  suggests  a  con- 
siderable number  of  Hokan-Tonkawa  parallels 
in  morphological  elements. 

In  order  not  to  complicate  our  problem, 
I  have  not  listed  in  the  table  such  Chumash 
and  Salinan  terms  as  seemed  likely  to  be  con- 
nected with  Hokan  words.  These  have  been 
referred  to  in  the  notes  to  the  vocabularies.  A 
few  Chumash-Coahuiltecan  terms  are  noted  at 
the  end. 

Kroeber's,  Dixon's,  Barrett's,  and  Swanton's 

;.  Since  this  was  written,  there  lias  appeared  H.  Sapir's 
The  Position  of  Yana  in  the  Hokan  Slock  (University  of 
California  Publications  in  American  Archaeology  and 
I-lhiiolofy,vol.  13,  pp.  1-34,  1917). 

4.  I  here  use  the  term  Coahuiltecan  to  include  Coa- 
huilteco, Comecrudo,  Cotoname,  Karankawa,  Tonkawa, 
and  Atakapa. 


NO.  4 


THE    HOKAN    AND    COAHUILTECAN    LANGUAGES 


28l 


orthographies  have  been  preserved,  except 
that  Swanton's  I  (i  of  English  //),  e  (e  of  English 
niei),  and  a  (it  of  English  but}  have  been  respec- 
tively changed  to  t,  E  and  a ;  Kroeber's  and  Bar- 
rett's G',  g'  (voiced  velar  spirant)  have  been 
changed  to  y. 

The  vocabularies  have  been  derived  from  the 
following  sources  : 

1 .  Chontal  material  obtained  from  vocabu- 
lary quoted  in  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Serian,  Tequis- 
tlatecan,  and  Hokan.  A  few  forms  I  owe  to  ma- 
nuscript material  loaned  by  Dr.  P.  Radin. 

2.  Seri  material  obtained  from  vocabularies 
quoted  in  J.  N.  B.  Hewitt,  Comparative  Lexi- 
cology, pp.  299-344  of  W  J   McGee,  The  Sen 
Indians,  ijth  Annual  Report  Bureau  of  Ameri- 
can Ethnology,  part  I,  1898. 

3.  Yuman  dialects  quoted  are  :    Diegueiio 
(Dieg.),  Mohave  (Moh.),  Tonto,  Kutchan  (or 
Yuma),    Cocopa    (Coc.),  Tulkepaya    (Tul.), 
Santa    Catalina  (de    los    Yumas)  (S.    Cat.), 
H'taa'm,     Maricopa   (Mar.),    Walapai   (Wai.), 
Kiliwi,  and  Cochimi.  Most  of  this  material  is 
taken  from  Yuman  vocabularies  quoted  in  J.  N. 
B.  Hewitt,  ibid. ;   and  in  Albert  S.   Gatschet, 
Der  Yuma-Sprachstamin  nacb  d(n  neuesten  hand- 
schriftlichen   Qnellen    dargestelll,  Zeitschrift   fur 
Ethnologic,  vol.  9,  pp.  365-418, 1877.  (K)  after 
Mohave  and  Diegueno  forms  indicates  that  they 
are  quoted  from  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Phonetic  Ele- 
ments of  the  Mohave  Language,  University    ot 
California  Publications  in  American  Archaeo- 
logy and  Ethnology,  vol.  10,  n°  3,  pp.  45-96, 
1911  ;  and  A.  L.  Kroeber  and  J.  P.  Harrington, 
Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Diegueno  Language,  ibid., 
vol.  n,  n°  2,  pp.  177-188,  1914. 

4.  Esselen    material    obtained    from    A.    L. 
Kroeber,  Esselen,  pp.  49-68  of  The  Languages 
of  the  Coast  of  California  south  of  San  Francisco, 
ibid.,  vol.  2,  n°  2. 

5 .  Seven  dialects  of  Porno  are  recognized  by 


Barrett  :  Northern  (N.),  Central  (C.),  Sou-, 
them  (S.),  Southwestern  (S.  W.),  Southeas- 
tern (S.  E.),  Eastern  (E.),  and  Northeastern 
(N.  E.).  All  forms  whose  dialect  is  expressly 
given  are  from  S.  A.  Barrett,  vocabularies  given 
(pp.  56-58)  in  The  Ethno-geography  of  the  Porno 
and  neighboring  Indians,  ibid.,  vol.  6,  n°  i,  1908. 
Porno  forms  not  specified  as  to  dialect  are  from 
Kroeber's  Eastern  Pomo  material  in  The  Lan- 
guages of  the  Coast  of  California  north  of  San 
Francisco,  vol.  9,  n°  3,  1911, pp.  320-347. 

6.  Yana   material   obtained  from    my  own 
manuscripts..   Central  Yana   forms  are  given 
except  where  S.  indicates  that  Southern  Yana 
(Yahi)is  meant. 

7.  Chimnriko  material  obtained  from  R.  B. 
Dixon,    The  Chimariko  Indians  and   Language, 
ibid.,  vol.  5,  n°  5,  pp.  293-380,  1910. 

8.  Karok  material  obtained  from  A.  L.  Kroe- 
ber, Karok  sketch  (pp.   427-435)  in   The  Lan- 
guages of  the  Coast  of  California  north  of  San 
Francisco.  Further  material  obtained  from  Mr. 
E.  W.  Gifford's  Karok  manuscripts  is  indicated 
(G). 

9.  Shastan  consists  principally  of  three  lan- 
guages :   Shasta  (S.),  Achomawi  or  Pit  River 
(Ach.),  and   Atsuge\\i   or  Hat  Creek   (Ats.). 
Forms  given  are  obtained  from  R.  B.  Dixon, 
The  Shasta- Achonia'iL'i  :    a  new  Linguistic  Stock, 
u'ilh  four  new  Dialects,  American  Anthropolo- 
gist, N.  S.,  vol.  7,  pp.  213-217,  1905 ;  also  his 
comparative  Chimariko-Shastan  table  given  on 
PP-   337  and  338  of  The  Chimariko  Indians  and 
Language.  A  few  Achomawi  words  marked  (S) 
are  taken  from  a  manuscript  vocabulary  I  ob- 
tained in  1907  while  engaged  in  Yana  work  for 
the  University  of  California.  Certain  Achomawi 
and  Shasta  forms  were  also  obtained  from  Mr. 
E.  W.  Gifford's  manuscripts;  they  are  indicated 
(G.). 

10.  All  undesignated   Tonkawa  words  and 


282 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


all  Karankawa,  Atakapa,  Coahuilteco,  Come- 
crudo,  and  Coton'ame  words  are  taken  from 
Swanton's  article  cited  above.  Tonkawa  words 


followed  by  (G)are  taken  from  A.  S.  Gatschet, 
Die  Spracbe  tier  Tonkawas,  Zeitschrift  filr  Eth- 
nologic, vol.  9,  1877,  pp.  64-73. 


COMPARATIVE  VOCABULARY  OF  HOKAN  AND  COAHUILTECAN  * 

LANGUAGES 

i.  Chontal  —  2.  Seri  --    5.  Yunian    —  4.  Esselen  —  5.  Porno  —  6.  Yana  —  7.  Chimariko  —  8.  Karok   --   9. 
Shastan—  10.  Tonkawa —  u.  Comecrudo  —  12.  Cotoname  —  13.  Coahuilteco  —  14.  Karankawa  —  15.  Atakapa. 

I.  --  PRONOUNS. 


i.  I,  me,  my 


2.  I 

3.  me,  my' 


4.  thou,     thee, 
thy« 


3 .  Dieg.  nya  I ;  4.  <•»/, 
ene  I,  mV-my  ;  7.  tiout  I ;  8 . 
na,  ni-l,  tia-me,  nani-my; 
1 1.  mil;  13.  na-l;  14.  iit'iyi  1 

5 .  ha  ;  10.  -ha  *  (G) 

i.  ka-,  ki-l  (incorporat- 
ed) ;  5 .  N,  C,  ke  my  ;  10. 
ka  me 

i .  itna  thou ;  2 .  me  thou ; 
3.  Dieg.  ma  thou,Moh.  nii'i- 
nya  tliou(K);4-  iteini,  name 
thou,  iiemic-,  inic-  thy ;  5 .  N, 
C,  E,  SW,  SE  ma  thou,  N 
;/;/  thy,  E  mi  thee  ;  6.  -tut- 


5.  that  • 


ma  tliou,  -iua-ma  1-thee; 
7.  ma-nnit  thou,  111(1")-,  -'"' 
thou,  thy;  8.  lin  thou,  wi- 
thy: 9.  mai  thou,  Ach.  ini- 
thou,  /H/i-thy  (S),  Ats.  ini- 
thou ;  13.  wfl-thou 

2.  //rt»«  he,  that;  5.  C  t<?- 
ya  those  people  (-ya  plural 
suffix) ;  6  (a)dai-(rty,  rfa 
that ;  <S  .  /a-adverbial  par- 
ticle, "  probably  indefinite 
or  imperfect  time  ";  10.  lei, 
la-ha, u'a-ta-c that,  this;  13. 
ta  that,  the  ;  14.  /a/that,  he 


II.  —  PERSONAL  NOUNS. 


6.  aunt 


5.  C  mamn-tsak,  SW  mft- 


1 .  Cf.  also  Gnimash  (Santa  Ynez,  S.  Yn. )  HOI  I ;  (Santa 
Barbara,  S.    Bar.)  and  (Santa  Cruz,  S.  Ctuz)  noo  «  I  »  ; 
(San  Buenaventura,  S.  Buen.)  HO  «  I  »  ;  (San  Luis  Obispo, 
S.L.O)  is  not  available  for  comparison.  Chumash  material 
obtained  from  A.  L.   Kroeber,  Chumash,  pp.  51-43   of 
Tilt  Lingwiges  of  the  Coast  <>/  California  south  of  San  l-'ran- 
cisco;    and  Chumash  comparative  vocabularies  in  A.   L. 
Kroeber,  The  Chumash  and  Costanoan  Languages,  Univer- 
sity of  California  Publications  in  American  Archaeology 
and  Ethnology,  vol.  9,  n°  2,  pp.  257-271,  1910. 

2.  K.  g.  xaxa-la  i  WAS,  \axa-ba-ha  I  WAS  NOT. 

3.  Cf.  also  Salinan  be  I.  Salinan  material  obtained  from 
pp.  43-47  of  Krocbtr's  Lansiuigfs  of  the  Coast  of  Califor- 
nia south  of  San  Francisco  ;  forms  marked  (M;  arc  from 
manuscript  material  of  Dr.  J.  A.  Mason.  Cf.  further  Chu- 
mash k-  "  I ;  my  ". 

4.  Cf.  also  Salinan  wo  THOU,  t--m-  THY  (/•-  is  article). 


tsen  father's  sister;  6.  mtt'xdi 
paternal  aunt,  S  mu'sdi ;  7. 
iimlti-la^-i)  (my)  maternal 
aunt;  8.  mildji-ts  father's  sis- 
ter, initca-u'iici  father's  sis- 
ter after  death  of  father 
(G);  9.  Ach.  hamiit  father's 
sister  (G) ;  13.  mitcal  aunt . 

5.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.  Bar.)  He  THIS;  (S.  Cruz) 
tii\n  -mis.  Identical  in  origin  with  this  Hokan-Coahuil- 
tecan  demonstrative  stem  */</  may  well  be  Chumash  /- 
found  prefixed  in  absolute  forms  of  certain  noun  stems  (e. 
g.  S.L.O.  t-axa  :  S.  Yn.,  S.  Bar.,  S.  Buen.  ax  «  bow  »  ; 
S.L.O.  t-awa  :  S.  Yn.,  S.  Bar.  awai  MOON).  Cf.  also 
article-like  noun  prefix  /•-  of  Salinan  (e.  g.  t'-fim  HOUSE; 
t--ulet  TEETH). 


NO.  4 


THE    HOKAN    AND    COAHUILTECAN    LANGUAGES 


.  aunt 


8.  brother 


9.  father 


5.  E  cex-a  mot lier's  sis- 
ter ;  10.  ivacekzunt 

5.  C  to-de,  SW  (a)-kin 
older  brother,  Cekil,  SW  kun 
younger  brother;  10.  hena 
brother;  u.  kanosa  brother 

5.  N,  NE  -mee,  S-tnen, 
SE -mek;  n.  mam,  mawts  ; 
13.  mama 

10.  grandmother       5 .  N-tni-ka,  C  ka-tsf,  S- 

ka-tsen,  SE-mii-xa  mother's 
mother;  io.ekak,ekac grand- 
mother 513.  /CM,  &7&j  grand- 
*  mother 

1 1 .  man  5 .  E  xak;  10.  haakon  man, 

male;  13.  xagu  man,  male 

12.  man'  i .  acans  "  person  ";  5 .  N 

tea  "  person,    SW  fl/ca,  C 
tcatc,  S  rt/on  "    man  ";  6. 


V«  man,  male;  7.  //rt,  //a; 

9 .  5zV ;  15.  icak 

13.  mother  4.  atsia;    5.   C  /«*</<;,  S 

-Icen,  SE-rc£;  7.  cido-i,  sito-i; 

10.  issa 

14.  mother'  3.  Tonto  ti-ti,  Moh.  W«- 

/fl/&,  Dieg.  taill,  Kutchan 
talle,  Cochimi,  ka-tai ;  13. 
tai;  15.  /«« 

15.  mother  5.  E  nixa  ;  6.  ni'na;  9.  S. 

ani  (G);  Ach.  -ani(G);  13. 
S.  F.  Solano6  naha 

16.  sister  5.  S  finnan  younger  bro- 

ther, younger  sister;  lo.itla 
sister  ;  1 5 .  bilet  sister 

17.  woman,     to       4.  to-    woman;  5.  E  da 

marry  woman,  NE  dtffo;  10.  ta-e 
to  marry;  13.  tayagu  man 
marries,  wife 


III.  —  BODY-PART  NOUNS. 


18.  arm,  hand          2.  inoi  3.*  — ;  5.  N,  C, 

S  tana  hand,  SE  atan;  6. 
dal-  hand  ;  7.  b-itanpu  ',  /;- 
itcanpu  arm,  b-ilra,  h-ita, 
b-itca  hand,  -/?;//  hand  ;  9. 
Ach.  iV  hand  «  *itali) 
(S)  ;  10.  /;///a  H 

19.  belly'  5.  N  M,  E  xo ;   12.  /bx; 

1 5 .  koni 

20.  breast  3.  Dieg.  itctnkh,  i.  e.  ztoA- 

breast ;  6.  tc'i'  k!i  female 
breast ;  9.  Ach.  f'tcit  female 
breast  (S),  S  itsikmilk,  Ats. 
atciska  milk;  10.  yatcax 
breast ;  15.  itsk  breast 

21.  female  breast       3.  H'taiim  n\cnial,  Kiliwi 

1.  Cf.  also  Chumash(S.  Yn.)  /s/h/.v  HUSBAND. 

2.  Moh.  is.i/w  HAND,  Dieg.  KiE/  are  probably  not  con- 
nected with  these  words  but  are  rather  comparable  to  S. 
Porno  Jfii,  /I'IIH  ARM,  S.  \V.  iVa,  N.,  C.  ca,  S.  E.  .ra/. 

5.   •/>«  of   C.himuiko  iUni-pu  is  perhaps  to  be  compa- 
red with  Chumash  fit  ARM,  HAND. 
4.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.  Buen.)  qop  BELLY. 


nemayo,  Cochimi  yamai;  10. 
nayoman  ;  1 1 .  AnA»  ;  1 2 . 
kinam;  14.  ^an/« 

22.  foot,  leg  "  i.  imils  8  ;   3.   Moh.  zm« 

leg,  foot(K);  5.  »  — ;  7." 
— ;  1 1 .  ««/  foot 

23.  heart  "  7.  h-usaan-lcei;   10.  ja- 

tsanan;  13 .  AWfl/ 

5.  Cf.  also   Chumash  (S.L.O)  Itiyu,  (S.  Yn.)  te?  MO- 
THER. 

6.  San  Francisco  Solano  is  an  isolated,  apparently  Coa- 
huiltecan,   dialect   of  which  Swanton    publishes   a  brief 
vocabulary. 

7.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.  Yn.,  S.  Bar.)  /-cm  LEG,  FOOT, 
possibly  also  (S.  Cruz)  n-ime-l  LEG,  FOOT  with  n-  prefix 
(cf.  note  17). 

8.  Chontal  -ts  is  suffixed,  as  further  evidenced  by  aniats 
EARTH  (cf.   Chimariko  ama  EARTH)  and  if  mats  EAR  (cf. 
Chimariko  -icani  EAR). 

9.  Here  probably  belongs  also  Pomo  mi-  instrumental 
prefix  v  with  the  foot  ». 

10.  Perhaps  Chimariko  (///-/('('-instrumental  prefix  WITH 
THE  FOOT  belongs  here. 

1 1 .  Cf.  perhaps  also  Chumash    (S.    Yn.)  uriu  CHEST, 
HEART;  this  is  more  likely,  however,    to  be  cognate  to 
Chim.  b-usi  BREAST. 


284 


1NTHRNATIONAL   JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


24.  hair 


25.   mouth,  lip 


26.  nail 

27.  neck 

51.  crow  ' 

32.  dog 

33.  deer 


37.  arrow 

38.  bow  ' 

39-  day  ' 


3.  Tonto  yamia  skin, 
hide  ;  6 .  mi'-ui,  -mi  hide ; 
7.  b-inia  hair;  1 1.  cwo/  skin, 
hair  on  body 

3.  Kiliwi  0Mfl-0,  \.e.axaa, 
Cochimi  ha,  jaa,  i.  e.  xaa 
mouth;  5.  N,  C,  ha,  S,  SW 
aha,  Exalsida,  SExasw,  NE 
Ija-mo  mouth ;  10.  kala 
mouth  (G);  n.  xal  lip 

5.N,  S,  SW/v/r,  Crtc, 
NE/tf/ra;  10.  yo-tcan  (G) 

3.  Wai.  //>;<£,  Dieg.  // 


I  ftaam  epok;  10.  hepei^ci)  (G) 

28.  nose  s  2.  fiiif,  hif;  3.  Moh.  /'/;/'/ 

(K),  Dieg.  V.v«  (K);  4. 
h-tvi-s;  ~.  h-oxu  ;  S.yuji;  9. 
Ach.  \yinnii  (S);  11.  w.v ; 
12.  vfl'.v,  }ra.y  " 

29.  tooth  3.  Tonto  _yo,    Moh.    cS's, 

Dieg.  EyrtH,  Kiliwic-rf/i,  i.e. 
mm;  5.  E_)Wt>';  n.  iy;  i^.e 

30.  sexual  organs     3.  Tonto  miu\eia    penis; 

11.  tiielliuai  female  sexual 
organs;  13.  tiialiinx  male 
sexual  organs 


3-  Moh. ni/dijti  raven  (K); 
5.  N,  C,  E.S,  SW  kaai;  6. 
g&'gi ;  10.  kal 

3.  Coc.  couwaick,  i.  e. 
ka(ii)waik-t  10.  eku'an;  12. 


IV.  —  ANIMALS. 


7.  fl'a;  10.  ao 


}  |.   tish 

35.  goose 

36.  rabbit 


V.  —  OBJECTS. 


6.sdiL'a;~.saa\\o.caxai  * 

7.    xapwieu  ;    9.   S  xa«; 

10.  nixa-u;  i  i.jca/;  i^.gai 

2.  sax   sun,    ua.v  moon; 

4.  «MJ,  act  sun,  rtja/5fl  day ; 

7.  <KJ;  9.  S  atcaii,   Ats.  flj- 

ff)p/ ;  10.  etc-nan  (G) 


1.  Cf.  also  Salinan 

2.  Resembles  Karok  cat  ARROWFOINT,   Achomawi  sat 
(<  *wt ;  cf.  n°  20)  ARKOWPOINT,  but  comparison  \viih 
Yana  liaga,  xaga  FLINT,  ARROWFOINT  and  E.  Porno  viiy.i 

ARROWPOINT,  FLINT  (ill  XOfa-Xabe  ARROWPOINT-STONE, 
OBSIDIAN,  lHMSi/M-.v.lv(/  TERRIBLE-FLINT,  METAL)  makes  it 

clear  that  th.  se  orms  go  back  to  "xagii  (for  Hokan  x,  h  > 
Karok  and  Shastan  c,  s,  cl.  further  Mohave  a/;./,  Yana/Ai-, 
xa-,  Porno  xii  WATER  :  Karok  isa,  Achomawi  ac). 

3.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.L.O)  t-axa,  (S.  Yn.,  S.  Bar., 
S.  Buen.)a.v  BOW. 

4.  Cf.  probably  also  Chumash  al-aca,  al-ica,  icau  SUN. 
See  note  27. 


5.  N,  C,  E,  \H  fa,  S, 
SW  aca;  10.  esva-laii  (G) 

3.  Moh.  niago-e  ;  5.  SW 
lain  ;  6.  lal'igi;  ~  •  Itilo  ;  14. 


.  Dieg.  khilkbiui,  i.  e.  .v//- 
;  1  1  .  kicxiicn  ;  1  2  .  kidyhem 


3.  Tul.  o/w;  5.   N  to,  S, 
*u,  S,  SW,NE<)te  ;  14. 


3.  Moh.  a^rt  (K)  ;  4.  / 


40.  fire 

41.  house  7 


5.  Cf.  probably  also    Chumash  (S.  Bar.,  S.    Buen.) 
n-oXc  NOSE,  (S.   Yn.)  it-oX  NOSE  ;  for  n-  cf.    (S.   Cruz) 
n-ime-l  (note  12). 

6.  It  seems  likely  that  Hokan-Coahuiltecan  'yavu  is  to 
be  assumed  for  NUSI:.    vn-  (v*-),  labialized  in  Karok  to 
yu-,  is  found  intact    in    Comecrudo,   Cotoname,    Acho- 
mawi, and  Karok  ;   it  is  monophthongized  to  /-,   e-  in 
Seri  and  Yunian  ;  this  front  vowel  is  further  rounded  10  o- 
in  Chimariko  and   Esselen   because  of   following  -xti ;  .v 
has   become  labialized  to  /,  because  of  originally  follow- 
ing u,  in  Karok  and  Seri.  .v  has  become  c,   s  in  Esseltn, 
as  regularly  (cf.  ffJ<WW#WATER<Hokan  *a.va).  Seri  variant 
orthographies  /and  nn  may  point  to  some  such  sound  as 
u,  labialized  form  ofi.  Achomawi  yimmi  may  be  assimi- 
lated from  older  'yax-ini . 

7.  Cf.  possibly  also  Chumash p-awa-yic  «  house  ». 


NO.  4 


THE    HOKAN    AND    COAHUILTECAN    LANGUAGES 


285 


42.  house 

43.  moccasins 

44.  moon 

45.  mountain 

46.  river 
47-  sky  ! 

48.  sky 

49.  sun  4 


56.  black 


wo;  6.  iva'-wi;  j.awa;  n. 
wam&k 

5.  N,  C  to,  S   a/ffl,  SE 
/.ja,  NE  to ;  13.  /A.WM  house, 
to  dwell 

3 .  Tonto  nayo,  nann ;  7 . 
(pa)-nna  (snow)shoes  '  ; 
15.  na-u 

3.  Cochimi  kon-ga,  gam- 
ma, ganeh-majen  ;  1 1 .  kan 

3.  Dieg.  umaleti,  H'taa'm 
molar;  13.  Maratino  2  w/a- 
/OMMM  to  the  mountain 

6.  rfY?-  water  lies,  da-ba 
river ;  1 5 .  ta-i  river 

i .  etnaa ;  2 .  amime ;  3 .  Moh . 
amiiiaya,  Dieg.  am  mat;  4. 
irnita;  6.  'a'p'sa;  ir.  a/>e/ 

3.  S.  Cat.  akwarra ;  13. 
w.vHa/  heaven 

3:  Moh.  awyd  (K);  5.  E 
la,  S  alaca  moon,  SW  /ia- 
/acfl  moon;  7.  a//a,  a/a 
sun ;  ii.  al  sun;  13.  anna 
month 


VI.  -  -  ADJECTIVES. 


2.    fo'-/> 

rt/- ;  14. 


1.  It  Is  barely   possible   that  Chimariko  panna  is  to  be 
analyzed  zsp'a-  SNOW,  -inia  FOOTWEAR,  p'a-  would  then 
be  cognate  with  Yana  p'a-tljj  "  snow  ",/)'ii-  "  snow  lies 
spread  out  "  ;    Tonto  paka  SNOW.  This  pii-  would  only 
accidentally  resemble  Chimariko /a,  ipa  MOCCASIN'.  Snow 
in  Chimariko  is  ordinarily  hipiii,  hipue  ;  cf.  Chumash  (S. 
Buen.)  poi  SNOW. 

2.  Maratino   is  an  isolated,   apparently  Coahuiltecan, 
dialect  of  which  Swanton  publishes  a  brief  vocabulary. 

3.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.   Yn.,    S.  Bar.)  al-apa  SKY, 
(S.  Buen.)  hal-acpai  ;  possibly  also  Salinan  l-i'iu  SKY. 

4.  Cf.  perhaps  also  Chumash  (S.  Yn.)  a/«ca  SUN,  (S. 
Bar.)  aliai  SUN.  However  (S.  Buen.)   icau  SUN  (cf.  per- 
haps Esselen  as!,  act   SUN  ;  Chimariko  asi  DAY  ;  Ats.  as- 
styi  DAY)  suggests  that  these  forms  are  to  be  understood 
as  a-l-aca,  a-l-ica  (for  prefixed  ii-/-,  /-,cf.  Chumash  a-l-apa 
SKY,  a-I-jpa\a  ABOVE  :    Salinan    I-em  SKY,  1-emo  ABOVE  : 


57.  cold 


50.  sun  2.  tabj  i.    e.  /ax  ;  5.  NE 

-daka;  10.  /rt.vaf,  tagacsun, 
day 

51.  stone  3.  Tonto  zwz,  Moh.  aw, 

Dieg.  F.  wi;  n.  woyekutl; 
1 5 .  uvn' 

52.  thunder  5.  N    makila,  C   makela, 

SW  makala,  NE  ti-mamka  ; 
1 1 .  (pa~)-mak,  (pa)-mok 

53.  thunder  5.    E    kall-matoto6  ;    10. 

H/£tew  to  lighten  (G) ;  n. 
(pa)-metot  ligh  tn  i  ng 

54.  water  "  i.  aba;   2.  ax;    3.  Moh. 

a/;a  (K);  4.  asa-nax;  5.  NE, 
SE  ,vfl,  C,  NE  ^a,  S,  SW  aka; 
6.  ha-,  S  xa- ;  7.  rt'A'a,  a/ca; 
8.  as,  isa;  9.  Ach.  ac  (S),  S 
aisa ;  10.  ax  water,  xana  to 
drink  ;  1 1.  ax;  12.  ax;  15. 
ok,  ka,  kan 

55.  wood  i.  eke;  2.  ehe;  3.    Kiliwi 

khaipak,  i.  e.  xaipak;  5.  N, 
C  to',  E,  SE  xai,  S,  SW 
»;  ii.  xai,  tree,  wood 


3.  Mar.  h'tcburk,  i.  e. 
xtcuq,  Moh.  hatcu-urk,  i.  e. 
batcuuq,  Kiliwi  abhtchak,  i.e.  ' 
ax  teak;  6.  hats!it'-to  be  cold; 
7.  xatsa;  9.  Ach.  actda- 
(S);  10.  hat  sex 

58.  large  i.  kweka;  2.  ka-kolch,  i.e. 

-fo/  ;  10  .  fei/d/o  great  515. 
great 


Chontal  fw«a,  Seri  ami-me,  Mohave  ammaya,  Esselen  imi- 
ta,  Yana  'ap'-sa  SKY).  More  likely  to  be  related  is  (S. 
Cruz)  t-anum  SUN. 

5.  ko-  is  (color-)  adjectival  prefix. 

6.  foi/J  denotes  SKY. 

7.  Cf.  also  Salinan  t-ca'  "  water  "  (M)  (/-  prefixed  ar- 
ticle ;  -ca  <  *.ra'). 


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59.  old 


60.  red 


61.  round 

62.  small  > 

65.  one  « 

66.  two 


68.  to  blow 


1 .  akwe  old  man;  3 .  Moh . 
-  old  (man),  Cochimi 

acuso,  i.  e.  akuso;   10.  Jtwa 
old,  ancient 

2.  ko'tnassolt  ', \.e.-massoi 
brown,  nwssoli1,  i.  e.  »;;0550/ 
yellow  2 ;    7.    inasoinas    red 
salmon;  n.  (j>a)-nisol  red; 
12.  w.svi-£  red 

5.  SW  /wfofo;  6.  /)';7V.  /// 
round  basket  cap ;  io. />//;'/, 
&>-/w/  ;  1 1 .  pa-wa-pel 

3.  Tonto  /•<>/;?;  4.  oxns-k, 
nkns-ki,  ttk/ls  smz\\,  infant; 


63.  white 
6.  white  6 


VII..  —  NUMERALS. 


|.  [vk  ;  6.  1'iii-  ;  10.  pax, 
paxaatak  alone,  only 

i.  oko;  2.  (ka)xhi-(ni} ; 
3.  Moh.  biti'i-k,Dieg.  xawo- 
k;  4.  xtilax;  5.  N  fe,  C, 
SW  /•(>,  S  rtte,  K  xfilo,  SE 


67.  three 


VIII.  —  VERBS. 


5.  pii-ccn,  pn-fnm  to  take 
breath,  pit-cnl  to  blow,  w-vrt 
to  whistle,  H  fiii-xaink  to 
whistle ;  6.  />'(>- , />';<-  to  blow ; 

7--.VH-    -A'Hf-  s   tO  blow,  -A'H- 

to  whistle;  10.^0*0  to  blow; 
11.  (/w)-/^'/  to  blow,  (/w )/>;/- 
sn-niai  to  whistle 


1.  A-o-  is  (color-)  adjectival  prefix. 

2.  It  is   barely  possible  that  two  phonetically  similar 
but  etymologic.illy  distinct  stems  .ire  here  involved.    Al- 
most certainly  cognate  with  Seri  wwW  is  Chimariko  redu- 
plicated -tnamsa-  of  himamsiit  GREEN,  BLUE,  YKLI.CMV. 

i.  With  Hokan-Coahuiltecan  *A-'«-  SMALL,  IXFANT  is 
perhaps  also  cognate  Chumash  <;n-,  kit-  of  (S.  Buen.) 
giiiinf  CHILD  (S.  Cruz)  kntco  CHILD. 

4.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.  Yn.,S.  Bar.)/Ki*a,  (S.Buen.) 

/I(l^/   ONE; 

').  llokan  f>'ii  seems  regulary  to  have  developed  to  xu 
in  Chimariko.  Other  examples  are  :  Chimariko  -.vf<-  TO 


69.  to  burn 


0.  to  come 


71.  to  cry 


72.   to  cry 


5.  N  kawl  infant,  C-kn  son, 
daughter,  kfi-  boy,  girl  in- 
fant, kilts  small,  E  kawi  boy, 
ki'is  infant,  katc  small,  SW 
kaii'J  small  ;  10.  ca-xun 
small,  «7-.v/mgirl;  12.  A-HZW>- 
siini  small,  young;  i^.kivan, 
kwttan  small,  young;  15. 
kun  girl 

3.  Moh.  nya-inasaiii,  S. 
Cat.  hnia'ifia,  Kiliwi  «//;<•- 
M/>;  10.  nuislak  ;  12.  »;<•.«>-/ 

.1.  -/"«/(•«  ;  2.  M-'/HI  ';  11. 
-/w^',  -pitk;  14.  /vA-(/ 


AW,  NE  koon  ;  6.  «'-,  S  «A--  ; 
7.  A-O^»  ;  8.  axak;  9.  S, 
xvku'ti,  Acli.  /wA'!  (S);  Ats. 
/)o/i-/;  io.  iikettti  ;  1  3.  rtA'/c" 

4.  xulap;   5.    XOA-^/  ;    14. 
kaxayi 


7.  -maa-;   io.   ma-i  ;   11. 
(pa)-makua 

3.  Kutchan  kirik,  Dieg. 
/,'/v//  ;  6.  -/•'/-;  7.  -/•-  hither; 
1  3.  /vf/;  14.  fa'.v,  AV/J 

6.  -tw?-,  -wa-  ;  7.  -wo;  9. 
Ach.  -«'o-;  13.  wayo;  14. 


3.  -;  5.  miixar  ;  6.  ';  io. 
'rt;  12.  pa-iiia 


SWIM  :  Yana/'«-  TO  SWIM;  Chimariko  -xu-  i  AT  (adj.)  : 
Yana  />'«/'-  TO  BE  FAT.  Where  Dixon  writes  />!«,  probably 
I'll  (with  intermediate  />)  or  p!n  is  to  be  understood. 

6.  Cf.   also    Chumash   (S.     Cruz)    reduplicated   pufiu 
WHITE. 

7.  It  does  not  seem  impossible,  if  not  very  probable, 
that  Yana  nji-   TO  CRY,    WAIL,  Tonto  mi  TO  CRY,  YELL, 
SIGH  are  also  cognate. 


NO.  4 


THE    HOKAN    AND   COAHUILTECAN    LANGUAGES 


287 


73.  to  cry 

74.  to  cut 


76.  to  do 

77.  to  drink 

78.  to  eat  2 


79.  to  cat 


80.  to  fall 

81.  to  forget 

82.  to  give  ' 

83.  to  go 


5.  SE  xakit,    SW  katca, 
NEkatcet;  12.  xaktie  to  weep 
5.  xa  to  cut,  to  cut  off; 

10.  kaetca;  n.  kawi 

75.  to  die,  to  i.  maa-  to  kill;  3.  Dieg. 
be  dead  meley;^.  ' ;  5.'";  6.  ma/-  to 
get  hurt,  (moccasin)  has 
holes,  (basket)  is  torn  ;  r  i . 
pa-plai'i  (from  *-mlan);  14. 
mal  dead 

5.  hit;  7.  -xaz-  to  make; 
13.  hawai,  hoi  to  do,  to 
make;  14.  ka-bawan 

5.  C,  N  kotcim,  E  xoxiln, 
S  hokoi ;  10.  (ben)nk-(nd)  ; 
12.  xuaxe  ;  13.  o/m>;  14. 
akiveten  ;  1 5 .  foz-w 

3.  Coc.    abma,    Tonto 
ma  ;  4 .  a  war ;  5 .  N  maamaa  ; 

6.  ino-,(ma-}  ;  7.  -ama-;  8. 
az;  (<  aw);  9.  Ach.  -aw-, 
Ats.    -ammi;     12.    bahdme, 
xnxdme;  13.  /;<?>;/ 

5.  C  kaiuan,  SE  kawa'- 
niniika;  10.  3'a-A'fl  (G),  }'ax; 

1 1 .  (pa)-kai   to  eat,  (/>a)- 
/M/.-M/  to  masticate 

i.  mef ;  7.  -man-,   -;wo-; 
II.  we/;  14.  amoak;  15.  ;//(?/,• 
7.  -xome-;  13.  xam 

4.  /«&;  7.  -/;flA'-  (?);  10. 

(T.V 

5.  u'fl,  «,a/togo,  to  walk; 

7.  -warn-,  -owa-;8.var(am~); 
10.  wana  they  go;    12.  a- 
tfiiyo  go    over  there!;    14. 

1.  Here  belong  perhaps  also   Esselen  molio  HE  DIED; 
Pomo  miidal   TO   DIE,   DEAD.  Pomo  mudal  is,  however, 
better  compared  with  Yana  muntl-  to  lie,  metaphorically 
"  to  lie  dead  ". 

2.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.    Buen.)   umu  TO  EAT  ;  Sal. 
awo'(M). 

3.  Cf.  also   Chumash  (S.   Yn.)  ik,  (S.  Bar.  x»fa)  TO 

GIVE. 


84.  to  go  out 

85.  to  hear 

86.  to  kill 

87.  to  laugh 

88.  to  like 


89.  to     be    pre- 

gnant 

90.  to  run 


wana  go  away  !  ;  1  5  .  wan  to 

g° 

6.  -dam-  (to  go)  out  01 
house  ;  7.  -tap  out  of; 
9.  Ach.  -da  out  of,  Ats.  -la 
out  of  ;  15  .  ta  to  come  out 

5.  cok;  13.  tcaku'ei 

5.  C  hum  ;  7.  -ko-;  12. 
watxu-ka;  iq.abiik 

5  .  SE  ke  ;  i  o.  xaxaya  ;  1  4  . 
kaita  515.  hayu 

5  .  NE  kamantfi  ;  6.  £/«»-  ; 
1  1  .  kuail  to  love  ;  13.  kawa 
to  love  ;  14.  ka  to  love 

i-*;   13.  sahui(ii) 


91.  to  say 


92.  to  scratch 

93.  to  see 


3.  Kutchanowo,  i.e.&owd, 
Dieg.  £  flnfltt  ;  4  .  o»;«t  ;  5  . 
E  kak,  S  katan,  SE  xawaka  ; 

10.  A"fl»a  to  go  away;  14. 
xankaye  to  run,  to  hasten 

5.  ha-  to  tell,  to  preach  ; 
6.    fa-    to    call  ;    7.  -/>fl-, 
-paid-;  iov  /;«/>0;  14.  pat  situ 
.  j.-xolgo-;  10.  -/.wacnka 

j  .  ina-bi,  ma-yap  to  face, 
to  look,  mag.  a  to  look  for; 

6.  miniii-,  nil-,  me-  to  look; 

7.  -mam-  to  see  ;  8.  H/J/J- 
to  see  ;  9.  Ach.  -nimii-,  Ats. 
-;';//«-    to  see  ;    1  1.    /w/^.y, 

;  13.  mas 
5.  N  tcadin,  S  to^/H  ;  10. 

(G);  14.  tea 
7.  -p«-;  15.  po/j 
7.  -/>«/-  (plural  subject); 

11.  (paynel-pdu',    12.  pa-we 
i  .     fwfl/  ;     2.     .V//H  ;    3. 


94.  to  see 

95.  to  shoot 

96.  to  "sit 

97.  to  sleep 


4.  Yana ^  corresponds  to  Chimariko-Karok  s,  c  in  cer- 
tains words,  e.  g.  Yana  'iw  TRAIL  :  Chimariko  his.w  ; 
Yana  uv'vu  HORN  :  Chimariko  wee-,  Karok  vecu-ni  ;  Yana 
-ya  FEMALE  :•  Chimariko  -sa  (e.  g  tcii-mako-sa  MOTHER- 
IX-I.AW  :  tcit-mahi  I  ATHEK-IX-LAW). 


288 


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VOL.    I 


98.  to  speak 


101.  alone 


102.  near 


103.  no,  not  ' 


104.  no,  not « 


Moh.  isma ;  4.  atsini-si ;  5. 
N,  E,  S,  SW,  sima,  C  sfima, 
NE  tima  ;  6.  saw  si-  ',  S, 
tc'amsi- ;  9.  Ats.  itsmi  (K), 
S.  {tsmas  (K) ;  1 1 .  (ti)emtt ; 
13.  tsamdxuam;  14.  im 

5.  ga-nuk;  6.  ga-2;  7. 
-ko-,  -go-  to  talk ;  13.  ka  to 

IX.  - 

7 . pola ;  n.  paltteni alone, 
only 

3.  Tonto  ipe,  Moh.  bipa- 
nil;,  Mar.  bepanik;  14.  />a- 
/>«<///;  15.  //>«/ 

5.  E  /h?y/;  6.  A-'/(-;  7. 
-.VM-,  A--,  -gu;  13.  c.v,  I'xna 
not  ;  14.  fc?m.  kw6-om  no, 
not 

3.  Wai.  opa  no ;  7 .  /><;/<-;'- 


99.  to  tear 
too.  to  touch 


say,  to  speak ;  15.  ko-i  to 
say,  to  speak 

5.'°;  7.  -tra-  to  tear  ;  14. 
tabaina  to  break,  to  tear 

6.  din-  to'  touch,  to  put 
out  one's  hand  to;  10.  ta-an 
to  handle,  to  touch 


ADVERBS. 


105.  now 

106.  quickly 

107.  south 

108.  where  ? 


gun,  patent  no;  8.  pu  not, 
-piix  -less  ;  10.  -pe-,  -ba,  -bo 
(G)" 

5.  co;  19.  hue  514.  acdbak 

j.  wel-mu,  luele-ni ;  14. 
ewt-e,  ewe  quick,  quickly 

3.  Moh.  kdveik  (K);  u. 
kiiiu 

7.  qo-malii  '* ;  10.  a/a; 
13.  ami,  an/ 


X.  —  GRAMMATICAL  ELEMENTS 


109.  derivative        .\.->uix,  -nex,  -no  •  ;  6.  -na  6  ; 
noun  suffix  7.  -m  •"•';  8.  -aw,  -ar8;  10. 
-on,  -nn  9  (G) 


1.  Simpler  form  of  stem,  sum-,  implied  in  plur.  sfiJim- 
(alongside  of  siiJimsi-),  with  infixed  -Ji-. 

2.  Occurs  only  in  compounds,  e.  g.  ga-yii-  TO  TALK  : 
ga-'Iii-  TO  CRY  ;  ga-witc'ui-  TO  TEI.I.  A  LIE  4  ga-ri-  TO 
TALK  N.  YANA  ;  ga-t'ii-  TO  TALK  C.  YANA  ;  and  .many 
others. 

3.  Cf.  also  Salinan  kit  (M). 

4.  Cf.  also  Chumash  (S.  \D.)  pwo  NO. 

5.  Ksselen  -nax,  -nex  in,  e.  g.,  asa-nax  WATER,  pagu- 
mi.v  BOW,  katin-nex  MOUTH  ;  -no  in,  e.  g.,  iu'ti-uo  HOUSE. 

6.  Yana  (N.   and  C.  dialects)  -na  is  regularly  suffixtd, 
in  male   forms,  to  all   monosyllabic  noun  stems  and  to 
all  nouns  ending  in  long  vowel,   diphthong,    or  conso- 
nant ;  it  is  assimilated   to  -la  after  preceding  -/-.  E.  g. 
lia-na  WATER,  df'mait-na   PINE  MARTEN,  klu-rul-hi  CRANE. 

7.  E.  g.    tcimar  MAN,  funtsar  WOMAN,  kosar  CRANE. 
Forms  like  tsabokor  MOLE,  tagnir  WILDCAT,  and  himetmur 
MORNING  suggest  that  only  -r  is  suffixed,  preceding  a,  i, 
o,  and  u  being  stem  vowels.  This  -r  varies  in  orthogra- 
phy with  -/,  e.  g.  sapxel  SPOON,  variant  fwnsal-i  MY  WIFE  . 


no.  derivative  4.  -sn',    8.  -r  " ; 

noun  suffix  -.f's  (G) 


10.  -c, 


Forms  like  pxicira  SKUNK  and  ta'ira  GROUND  SQUIRREL 
suggest  that  -r,  -I  is  abbreviated  from  -;«. 

K.   Karok  -an,  -ar  makes  nouns  of  agent  and  instru- 
ment, c.  g.  kivip-an  "  runner  ",  xw-ar  THINKI  R. 

9.  E.  g.    kanoc-an  MEXICAN   from   (\inn-  MEXICO,  he- 
yatc-on  SPYGLASS  from  atce  TO  SEE,  ye-kox-on  HOOT   from 
kaxa  TO  GO,  yt-tsox-an  TENT  from  tsox  CLOTH,  CANVAS. 
These  nouns   are    evidently    instrumental   in  force,  like 
their  Karok  parallels. 

10.  Perhaps  also  Porno  dak  "  to  split  ". 

it.  E.  g.  tca-pe-no  NOT  TO  BE, yaxa-bo  HE  DOES  NOT 
i. AT,  xnxa-ba-l.<a  i  WAS  NOT. 

12.  </r>-  is  found  also  in  other  interrogatives,  e. 
mas  WHO  ?  go-si  WHERE  ? 

13.  E.   g.  cbepa-s  RABBIT-SKIN  ROBE,  lioci-s  NOSE,  opo- 
pubo-s  SEAL,  imitcka-s  COYOTE,  tcapln-s  BIRDS,  xeki-s  PAN- 
THER. 

14.  In  kimi-c  EVIL  THING,  MONSTER  from  keni  BAD. 
15.!:.  g.  tin'ii-c,   luxii-c  SUN,  naci-c  TERRAPIN,  auu\i-c 

BUFFALO,  apinco-s  HOUSE-FLY.  In  Esselen,  Karok,  and 
Tonkawa  -c,  -s  seems  to  forms  chiefly  animate,  e.  g. 
animal,  nouns. 


NO.    4 


THE    HOKAN    AND    COAHUILTECAN    LANGUAGES 


289 


in.  diminutive          7.    -lla1;   10.  -lo,   -la-n, 
suffix  -lo-n,  -li-n  2  (G) 

112.  adjective  suf-      3.   -k>;    4.  -A',  -ki  4;  5. 

fix  -A  > ;  10.  -A  6  (G) 

113.  locative  case       5 .  -ka-te  at,  to,  by,  near  ? ; 


suffix  8.    -ak   in,  at8;    10.  -ok  ' 

(G) 
114..  instrumental       8.  -m-uk  with,  -& 

case  suffix  account  »f;  10.  -o/fe  I0  (G) 


on 


SUPPLEMENTARY     CHUM  ASH-CO  A  HUILTEC  AN     VOCABULARY 


115.  (S.  Bar.)  akcewe,  (S.  Tonk.  acwi  belly 

Yn.)  fl&cw  belly 

1 1 6.  (S.  Bar.)  jront  mo-  Tonk.: xai mother 

ther 

117.  (S.    Bar.)  pafa-wac  Tonk.    ewac     fa- 

old  man,    eneXe-  ther;  Atak.  wa- 

wac  old   woman  ci  old,  ancient 

Some  of  these  comparisons  are  doubtful  at  best 
and  a  number  of  them  will,  on  maturer  know- 
ledge, have  to  be  discarded.  A  certain  amount 
of  groping  in  the  dark  cannot  well  be  avoided 
in  the  pioneer  stage  of  such  an  attempt  as  this . 
Careful  scrutiny  of  the  comparative  vocabulary 
brings  out  a  very  considerable  number  of  cognate 
series  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  explain  away 
on  the  score  of  accident  (e.  g.  nos  14,  20,  22, 
28,  40,  50,  52,  53,  54,  55,  57,  60,  61,  64,  72, 
93,  98,  103).  A  large  number  of  the  cognates 
are  widespread  Hokan  stems  (e.  g.  nos  41,  54, 
55,  68,  78).  Such  a  double  correspondence  as 
S.  W.  Porno  maka-la  THUNDER  :  Comecrudo 

1.  E.  g. itri-Ua  KK (d.  itri MAN),  tumlile-Ila SWALLOW, 
Icisuinii-lla  ORPHAN,  -lla  is  quite  likely  assimilated  from 
-r-Ja  (-/•  as  in  89  a),  e.  g.  puntsu-lla  (read  puntsa.-')  GIRL 
<  "puntsa-r-la  (puntsa-r  WOMAN). 

2.  These  elements  are  not  specifically  termed  diminu- 
tive by  Gatschet,  but  some  of  his  examples  suggest  that 
they  are.   E.   g.  enopxa-lo  MOSQUITO,  apinki-llin  GREEN 
FLY,  RED  FLY,  ewa-lan  FISH,  naxtcon-se-loii  MATCH  (lite- 
rally perhaps   LITTLE  FIRE-MAKER,  cf.  itaxtcon  FIRE).  -« 
probably  as  in  106. 

5-  E.  n.  Mar.  mil-k,  Moh.  Incdi-ayel-k,  Kutchan 
nyul-k,  Kiliwi  ;nv-<,'  HLACK  (contrast  Kutchan  nyil,  H'taa'm 
nvi/);Mar.  ahot-k,  Moh.  axot-k,  Kutchan  ahot-k  GOOD  ; 
Mar.  pin-k,  Moh.  hai-pin-k,  Kutchan  epil-k  WARM,  HOT 
(contrast  Kutchan  kii-pil,  Kiliwi  pal). 

4.  E.  g.  oxus-k,  ttkus-ki  SMALL,  putu-ki  LARGE,  sale-ki 
GOOD,  ala-ki  BLACK. 


Tonk.  yila  to  sit 


(cf.  eneq  woman), 
(S.  Buen.)  paku- 
•  was  old  man 
r  1 8.  (S.  Yn.)*/«hi«,  (S. 
Bar.)    leken,   (S. 
Buen.)   hiliko  to 
sit 


(pa)mak  THUNDHR,  E.  Pomo  -matoto  (with  final 
reduplication)  THUNDER  :  Comecrudo  (pa)mct6t 
(with  final  reduplication)  LIGHTNING  does  not 
smack  of  accident. 

An  important  feature  of  both  Hokan  and 
Coahuiltecan  languages  is  the  alternation  of 
stems  with  initial  vowels  with  forms  of  the  stem 
without  the  vowel  ",  e.  g.  Chontala/w,  Seria.v, 
Mohave  aba,  S.  Pomo  oka,  Esselen  asa-,  Karok 
as-,  Achomawi  ac,  Shasta  atsa,  Tonkawa  ax, 
Atakapa  ak,  Comecrudo  ax,  Cotoname  ax  WA- 
TER :  N.  E.  Pomo  xa-,  Yana  ha-,  Tonkawa 

5.  E.   g.  E.  Pomo  kirik~ili-k  WHITE,   kedtiki'Ja-k  RED, 
torotoro-k  STRIPED. 

6.  E.  g.  maki-k  YELLOW,  masLi-k,  maslo-k  WHITE,  gala-k 
MORE,  -k  occurs  also  as  noun  suffix,  e.  g.  kalo-k  "  mus- 
tache "  (cf  kala  MOUTH),  oyu-k  POCKET.  Such  substanti- 
vized adjectives  as  maki-k  GOLD  (from  YELLOW)  and  mas- 
lo-k CATTLE  (from  WHITE)  suggest  that  nouns  in  -k  may 
be  primarily  adjectives. 

7  Cf.  probably  also  -k  in  -ima-k  IN  COMPANY  WITH 
(with  Pomo  -mm-  cf.  Esselen  -tna-nu  TOGETHER  WITH, 
Yana  verbal  suffix  -ma-  TOGETHER  WITH). 

8.  Locative  -ka-,  -k  probably  also  compounded  with 
other   elements  in  -k-cu   IN,  -ava-ka-m  ON,  OVER,  -os- 
ka-m  BEFORE,  -vasi-ka-m  "  behind  ",  -xa-ka-n  "  in  com- 
pany with  ",  -curu-k  UNDER. 

9.  E.  g.  yetsoxan-ak  TENT-IN. 

10.  E.  g.  hetcool-ok  BY  MEANS  OF  WHAT  ?  xanan-oke  ON 

ACCOUNT  OF  POISON. 

1 1 .  See  Sapir,  The  Position  of  Yana  in  the  Hokan  Stock, 
pp.  28-32. 


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VOL.    I 


xa-na  TO  DRINK,  Atakapa  ka;  Atsugewi  -ima-, 
Achomawi  -(ii)iiiia-,  Comecrudo  imdy  TO  SEE  : 
Pomo  ma-,  Yana  ml-,  Chimariko  -mam-,  Karok 
inah-,  Coahuilteco  mas,  Comecrudo  mdhe.  Even 
the  dialectsof  a  single  group  vary  on  this  point, 
as  could  be  abundantly  illustrated  from  Pomo 
and  Yuman. 

Statistics  based  on  the  comparative  vocabu- 
lary are  of  little  significance  at  present,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  most  of  the  languages  are  but 
sparsely  represented,  some  far  more  sparsely 
than  others.  Thus,  the  fact  that  Pomo,  Chima- 
riko, Yuman,  and  Yana  offer  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  cognates  to  the  CoahuHtecan  languages, 
while  Chumash,  Esselen,  Shastan,  Seri,  Karok, 
and  Chontal  offer  the  least  loses  nearly  all 
its  significance  when  we  remember  that  there 
was  less  matori.il  available  for  comparison  in  the 
latter  group  than  in  the  former.  In  proportion 
to  the  amount  of  material  to  chose  from,  indeed, 
Esselen,  Karok,  Seri,  and  Chontal  seem  to  offer 
more  similarity  to  the  Coahuiltecan  languages 
than  Yana,  which,  in  manuscript  form,  is  by 
far  the  best  known  to  the  writer  of  all  the  lan- 
guages compared  '.  The  relatively  small  num- 
ber of  Yana-Coahuiltecan  cognates  found  is 
probably  the  only  significant  point  that  could 
at  present  be  made  on  statistical  evidence.  It 
is  doubtless  closely  related  to  the  fact,  abun- 
dantly proven  by  other  evidence,  that  of  all 
Hokan  languages  Yana  is  the  most  specialised 
and  therefore  the  least  typical.  Turning  to  the 

i .  This  I  consider  a  most  encouraging  fact.  If  the 
resemblances  here  discussed  were  entirely  explainable  as 
due  to  accident,  the  Yana-Coahuiltccan  parallels  should 
have  been  several  time  as  numerous  as  for  any  other 
pair,  whereas,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  are  only  a  trifle 
over  half  as  many  Yana-Coahuiltecan  parallels  as  Pomo- 
Coahuiltecan  ones. 


Coahuiltecan  languages,  we  find  that  the  order 
of  degree  of  similitary  to  Hokan  is  Tonkawa, 
Comecrudo,  Coahuilteco  (including  one 
example  each  from  San  Francisco  Solano  and 
Maratino),  Karankawa,  Atakapa,  and  Coto- 
name,  the  number  of  Tonkawa-Hokan  cognates 
being  somewhat  greater  than  of  Pomo-Coa- 
huiltecan.  This,  if  significant  at  all,  is  as  it 
should  be,  for  Tonkawa  is  an  interior  language 
and,  geographically  speaking,  relatively  nearest 
the  Hokan  languages  of  California. 

A  glance  at  Powell's  linguistic  map,  so  far 
from  creating  dismay  at  the  hazardous  nature 
of  our  attempt,  rather  serves  to  render  it  intel- 
ligible.. True,  there  is  an  enormous  distance 
separating  Tonkawa  and  Yuman,  or  Coahuil- 
teco and  Seri.  But  is  it  an  accident  that  practi- 
cally the  whole  of  the  vast  stretch  of  country 
separating  the  Coahuiltecan  from  the  Yuman 
tribes  is  taken  up  by  the  Southern  Athapascans 
(Lipan,  various  Apache  tribes,  and  Navaho)  ? 
That  these  last  are  intrusive  in  this  area  has 
always  been  felt  probable  by  both  ethnologist 
and  linguist.  The  relationship  of  Athapascan 
to  Haidaand  Tlingit,  which  I  have  demonstrat- 
ed in  another  paper  2,  raises  this  feeling  to  a 
certainty.  I  venture  to  put  forward  the  hypo- 
thesis that  the  Hokan-speaking  and  Coahuilte- 
can-speaking  tribes  formed  at  one  time  a  geo- 
graphical continuum  and  that  at  least  one  of 
the  factors  in  their  disruption  was  the  intrusion 
of  Athapascan-speaking  tribes  from  the  north. 
An  earlier  intrusion  of  Uto-Aztekan  (more  par- 
ticulary  Sonoran-Shoshonean)  tribes  from  the 
south  may  eventually  also  have  to  be  taken 
account  of. 

2.  The  Na-dene  Languages,  a  Preliminary  Report,  Ame- 
rican Anthropologist,   n.  s.,  vol.  17,  pp.  554-558,  1915. 


NO.  4 


A    NOTE    ON    THE    FIRST    PERSON    PLURAL    IN    CHIMARIKO 


291 


A    NOTE    ON    THE    FIRST    PERSON     PLURAL    IN     CHIMARIKO 

By     E.     SAPIR 


I  know  of  few  irrevocable  facts  in  the 
domain  of  American  linguistics  that  are  quite 
so  regrettable  as  our  scanty  knowledge  ot 
Chimariko.  What  attention  I  have  been  able 
to  give  the  Hokan  problem  has  tended  to  con- 
vince me  that  in  Chimariko  we  possess,  or 
possessed,  one  of  the  most  archaic  languages 
of  the  whole  group,  perhaps  the  one  language 
in  California  which  came  nearest  a  faithful 
representation  of  the  theoretical  Hokan  proto- 
type. As  it  is,  we  must  make  shift  to  get  on 
with  such  material  as  has  been  spared  us  and 
be  doubly  thankful  for  the  fragmentary  data 
that  Dixon  was  able  to  secure  in  1906  from  the 
one  or  two  aged  or  half-witted  survivors  of 
the  tribe'.  The  present  note  will  serve  to 
illustrate  how  unexpected  and  far-reaching  may 
be  the  threads  that  bind  Chimariko  to  geogra- 
phically remote  languages  in  California. 

The  first  personal  pronominal  affix  for  Chi- 
mariko verbs  always,  or  nearly  always,  shows 
clearly  related  forms  for  singular  and  plural. 
This  will  be  evident  from  the  following2-: 

"tc-,  first  person  singular.  Prefixed  or  suffixed 
as  subject  of  intransitive  verbs,  with  adjectival 
stems.  Prefixed  as  object  of  transitive  verbs. 

tea-,  tea-,  first  person  plural.  Prefixed  or 
suffixed  as  subject  of  intransitive  verbs,  with 
adjectival  stems.  This  suffix  '  is  distinguished 
from  singular  tc-  by  change  of  vowel.  If  the 
singular  has  a  as  connecting  vowel,  the  plural 

1.  Roland  B.   Dixon,  Tlte  Chimariko  Indians  and  Lan- 
guage (University  of  California  Publications  in  American 
Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  vol.  5,  pp.  293-380,  1910). 

2.  Dixon,  op.  cit.,  p.  318. 

3.  Read  doubtless  "  affix  ". 


has   o,    and    vice-versa.  Prefixed    as   object  of 
transitive  verbs. 

i-,y-,  first  person  singular.  Prefixed  or  suffixed 
as  subject  of  intransitive  verbs,  with  verbal 
stems.  Prefixed  as  subject  of  transitive  verbs. 

ya-;  we-,  w-,  first  person  plural.  Prefixed  or 
suffixed  as  subject  of  intransitive  verbs,  with 
verbal  stems.  Prefixed  (va-)  as  subject  of  tran- 
sitive verbs.  " 

Further  on  Dixon  remarks  •* : 
"  It  will   be  seen  that  two  wholly  different 
forms  are  given  in    both   singular  and  plural 
for  the  first  person.  In  the  use  of  the  one  or 
the  other  of  these,  there  is  a  fairly  clear  dis- 
tinction  in  use.  The    first    type,  tc,  is  never 
employed  with  verbal  stems  indicating  action 
or  movement,  but  with  those,  on  the  contrary, 
which  indicate  a  state  or  condition.  On   the 
other  hand,  whereas  the  second  form,  /,  y,  is 
invariably  used  with  the  former  class  of  verbal 
stems,  it  is  also  employed  with  the  latter,  but 
is  then  always  suffixed.  In  most  cases,  there  is 
no  confusion  between  the  two  forms,  i.  e.,  if 
the  first  person  singular  is/ or  y,  the  first  person 
plural  is  ya.   A  few  instances  appear,  however, 
in  which  this  does  not  hold,  and  we  have  /  in 
the   singular,  and  tc  or  ts  in  the  plural.  In  a 
limited  number  of  cases  also,  either  form  may 
apparently  be  used,  zsqf-i-xanan,qs.--tce-xanan 
I  SHALL  DIE,  i-saxni,  Ica-saxni  I  COUGH  [perhaps 
better  understood  as  stem  asax-,  with  /  displa- 
cing a-  of  stem ;  tc-  prefixed  :  tc-asax-ni.  Cf. 
tc-a'wi'n  I  FEAR  and  other  singulars  in  tc-a-]. 
A  phonetic  basis  is  to  some  extent  observable, 

4.  Op.  cit.,  pp.  325,  326. 


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VOL.    I 


in  that  tc  or  ts  is  never  a  prefix  when  the  verbal 
stem  begins  with  a  vowel.  [This  seems  doubt- 
ful.] As  between  /  and  y,  it  appears  that  the 
latter  is  always  used  before  stems  beginning 
with  a  vowel  except  i,  whereas  i  is  employed 
before  stems  beginning  with  i  or  with  conson- 
ants. [There  seems,  however,  to  be  some  evi- 
dence to  show  that  /'-  may  displace  the  initial 
stem  vowel,  just  as  u  of  tcu-  MY  displaces  the 
initial  vowel  of  the  noun  stem,  e.  g.  ni-isam 

THY  EAR,   b-istllll    HIS  EAR,    but  tCH-Sillll  MY  EAR.] 

The  first  persons  singular  and  plural  are  distin- 
guished from  each  other,  where  the  form  tc  is 
used,  only  by  a  change  of  connecting  vowel 
already  pointed  out.  [Dixon's  "  connecting 
vowel  ",  in  the  verb  as  in  the  noun,  as  is  shown 
by  general  Hokan  comparative  evidence,  is  in 
all  probability  either  the  initial  vowel  of  the 
stem  or  a  prefixed  vowel  inhering  in  the  pro- 
nominal or  other  prefixed  element.  ] 

"  The  pronominal  elements  as  given,  are, 
when  used  as  prefixes,  attached  to  the  verb  by 
means  of  connecting  vowels.  These...  often 
show  some  relation  to  the  vowel  of  the  verbal 
stem,  but  this  is  noticeable  chiefly  in  the  case 
ot  o  and  u  stems.  The  first  person  singular  and 
plural  are  distinguished  from  each  other  only 
by  the  change  in  this  connecting  vowel.  As  a 
rule,  the  first  person  singular  it  tco-  or  ten-, 
whereas  the  plural  is  tea-.  In  one  or  two  in- 
stances, however,  this  seems  to  be  reversed. 

Forms  with  combined  prelixed  pronominal 
subject  and  object  involving  the  first  person 
are  given  by  Dixon  as  follows  : 

i-:  I-THEE,  I-HIM,  I- YE 

ya-:  WE-THEE,  WE-IHM,  WE-YK,  \VE-THEM; 

I  IK-US 
tCU-,  Ua-:   HE-ME,   THEY -ME 

tea-:  HE-US,  THEY-US 

The  material  contained  in  Dixon's  paper  is 
hardlv  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  unravel  all  the 


details  of  first  person  pronominal  usage.  Much 
remains  uncertain  or  obscure.  It  is  fairly  clear 
that  a  number  of  phonetic  laws  are  operative 
that  Dixon  lias  not  succeeded  in  disentangling; 
it  is  also  possible  that  certain  phonetic  niceties 
not  explicitly  taken  into  account,  particularly 
vocalic  quantity,  may  be  significant.  Thus,  it 
is  observable  that  verb  stems  in<i-  with  preced- 
ing first  personal  r-  show  a  ye-  in  the  first 
person  singular,  ya-  in  the  first  person  plural; 
e.  g.,  from  -ania-  TO  EAT  :  y-ema  I  EAT,  \a-nni 
LET  us  EAT.  Apparently,  in  the  singular  the  a- 
of  the  stem  has  been  palatalized  to  e.  by  the 
preceding  y-\  in  the  plural  the  ya-  of  the  pro- 
nominal prefix  has  displaced  the  a-  of  the  stem, 
or  the  two  a-  vowels  have  contracted  to  a 
single  vowel  that  ordinarily  resists  palatalization. 
It  seems  more  likely  that  the  -a-  of  ya-  and  tea- 
regularly  displace  initial  stem  vowels.  The 
simplest  statement  of  the  facts  that  it  seems 
possible  to  formulate  is  as  follows  : 


SiHg. 


1'lni: 


Subjective(i.  e.  subject  y-  (belore  vowels)  \ya~ 

.  tivc  \erb)          i-  (before  consonants)    ) 

Objective  (1.  e.  subject  -/  -y,i 

of  static   verb    and  leu-  (before  consonants)  L  :,. 
object  of  transitive  tc-  (before  vowels)  ;         . 
verb)  -leu.  -/<•- 


The  vowels  of  ten-  (singular)  and  of  ya- 
leu-  (plural)  are  probably  inherent  vowels  of 
the  prefixes  that  normally  displace  initial  stem 
vowels  ;  lea-  for  ten-  and  tco-  for  tea-  are  pro- 
bably secondary  phonetic  developments  due  to 
assimilation,  contraction,  or  elision.  The  first 
person  plural,  then,  is  formed  from  the  cor- 
responding singular  by  adding  an  -a-  to  the  y- 
or  tc-  of  the  singular  or  by  displacing  the  vowel 
ot  the  singular  leu-  by  an  -a-.  In  other  words, 
the  really  essential  element  of  the  affixed  first 
person  plural  of  Chimariko  is  -a-. 

The  truth  of  this  is  confirmed  by  certain 
first  person  plural  forms  in  a-  (without  prece- 
ding y-  or  tc-')  that  are.  not  explicitly  discussed 


NO.    4 


A   NOTE   ON    THE    FIRST    PERSON    PLURAL    IN    CHIMARIKO 


293 


by  Dixon  but  are  scattered  about  in  his  texts. 
The  verb  -uwarn-,  -owam-io  GO  (-warn-  appears 
also  as  -wum-,  -wauni-')  regularly  appears  with 
"  connecting  vowel  "  -«-,  -0-,  e.  g.  : 

y-owa' m-xa-nan  I'LL  GO  (p.  349,  l.n) 

y-uwaum-xa' -nan  I  SHALL  GO  (349.5) 

y-uivau'm-ia  I  GO  (349.2) 

m-aiua' m-xa-nan  YOU  SHALL  GO  (349.14) 

h-ou,>a'  m-da  HE  WENT  (349.1) 

n-u-'wam  GO  !  (349-8  ;  n-  is  second  person 

singular  imperative) 
n-ifwa'um  GO  BACK  !  (351.1) 
nu'-g-n'wa'm-na  "DON'T GO!  "  (350.18) 

With  these  forms  contrast  the  following 
first  person  plurals  : 

a~' -warn  LET'S  GO  (351.9  ;  343-4) 
a'-wa'm  GO  (359.5) 
a-wa'm  LET'S  GO  (351.18) 
a-wn'm  LET'S  GO  (341.6) 
a-wa'm-an  WE'LL  GO  (351.16) 
mr'tcidut  a-'-iuam  WE  GO  (349.9) 
\oko-h'1 -Ice     a-wa' m-xa-nan      TWO-OF-US 

WILL-GO   350.17;  351. 3) 

xotai '-re-tee  a-wa' m-xa-nan  (WE)  -THREE  WILL- 
GO  (350.15) 

Obviously  a-  is  here  a  pronominal  element, 
displacing,  as  do  ya-  and  tea-,  the  initial  vowel 
of  the  stem.  The  verb  -uwam-  probably  con- 
tains a  suffixed,  perhaps  local,  -in-,  as  shown 
by  other  derivatives  of  -uwa-,  e.g.: 

n-u-a-kta  GO  (359.6) 

m-uja-dok-ni  YOU  COME  BACK  (360.2) 

In  such  verbs  also  the  first  person  plural  is 
characterized  by  an  a-  displacing  the  u-  of  the 
stem,  e.  g.  : 

a-wd-kda-xa'n  LET'S  GO  AROUND  (341.10;  n) 
Finally,  the  negative  of  the  first  person  plu- 


ral,  ordinarily  ya-x-,  tca-x-,    is  for  the  verb 
-uwa-  (in-)  apparently  a-x-,  e.  g. : 

a-x-am-gu-tcai' -da-nan  (WE)  DON'T  WANT  TO 
GO  (350-14) 

On  the  basis  of  Chimariko  alone  one  might 
surmise  that  the  original  form  for  the  first 
person  plural  pronominal  prefix  (perhaps  only 
for  the  "  subjective  "  series)  was  a-  and  that 
the  ya-  (and  perhaps  also  tea-)  forms  arose 
under  the  influence  of  the  singular.  An  original 
Hokan  paradigm  for  the  first  person  pronominal 
prefixes  : 

Sing,  i-  Plur.  a- 

is,  indeed,  preserved  in  Salinan  '.  The  contrast 
of  sing.  /-  (which  generally  appears  in  Salinan 
as  e-;  for  Salinan  e  <  i  cf.  Antoniano  epa'l 
TONGUE,  Migueleno  ipaL  <  Hokan  *  ipali,  Chi- 
mariko ipen,  Achomawi  ip'lf)  :  plur.  a-  appears 
in  the  independent  personal  pronoun  (Anto- 
niano he-'k'  I,  ba-'k'  WE  ;  Migueleno  k'e'  I,  k'a' 
WE)  ;  in  the  prefixed  subjective  elements  (e-  I, 
a-  WE)  ;  and  in  the  locative  pronominal  series 
(  -k'e  TO  ME,  -k'a  TO  us).  The  possessive  pro- 
nominal prefixes  are  all  but  analogous.  The 
first  person  singular  is  characterized  by  the 
absence  of  a  prefix  except,  in  the  case  of  stems 
with  initial  vowel,  for  the  prefixed  article-like 
element  (-,  which  is  not  properly  a  possessive 
pronominal  element ;  the  corresponding  plural 
has  t-a-,  the  article-like  t-  plus  the  properly 
pronominal  -a-,  or  (before  vowels)  t-a-t-,  in 
which  t-  seems  to  be  used  pleonastically.  The 
only  pronominal  series  in  Salinan  not  characte- 
rized by  a  distinctive  a-  in  the  first  person 
plural  is  the  objective,  suffixed  to  the  verb  (-ak 
ME  ;  -t'ak  us)  ;  here  the  plural  is  derived  from 
the  singular  by  means  of  the  common  Salinan 

i.  See  J.  A.  Mason,  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  In- 
dians (University  of  California  Publications  in  American 
Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  vol.  14,  pp.  1-154,  1918). 


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VOL.    I 


pluralizing element -/-(cf.  also  -ka  THEE  :  -fkam 
YOU  ;  -o,  -ko  HIM  :  -ot,  -hot  THEM). 

It  is  the  series  of  subjective  pronominal  pre- 
fixes that  most  closely  corresponds  to  the 
Chimariko  "  subjective  "  series.  This  is  true 
for  all  persons,  as  indicated  in  the  following 
comparative  table  : 


Cbitnariko 

Sing,  i  y-,  i- 

2  m- 

3  *- 
Plur.   i  a-  ;  ya- 

2  q- 

3  *- 


Salinan 


e- 
m- 

a- 


k-  (subject  of  2nd  per. 
plur.  imperative  ') 


i.  Treated  by  Mason  (p.  41)  as  a  modal  (imperative) 
prefix  of  the  plural,  but  evidently  pronominal,  as  shown 
by  the  parallel  use  of  pronominal  in-  in  the  imperative  of 
the  singular,  by  the  analogy  of  the  Salinan  possessive 
form  t-k-,  l-uk-,  t-ko-  YOUR,  and  by  the  comparison  of 
other  Hokan  dialects  (besides  Chimariko  q-,  qo-,  qe-  we 
have  also  Yana  -ga  YE).  Cf.  also  Washo£<-,  imperative 
prefix  ;  this  is  likely  to  be  the  old  second  person  plural 
prefix,  generalized  for  both  numbers.  The  leveling  of 
singular  and  plural  pronominal  prefixes  is  characteristic 
ul"  \\.islio.  The  pronominal  analogies  of  \Vasho  ;•<•-  have 
been  already  pointed  out  by  Kroeber. 


As  so  often  in  Chimariko,  the  Salinan  pro- 
nominal elements  of  the  first  person  frequently, 
if  not  regularly,  displace  or  contract  with  the 
initial  vowel  of  the  stem  or  displace  the  vowel 
of  a  preceding  element  (e.  g.  ko-  NOT  ;  k-e- 
NOT  I,  k-a-  NOT  WE).  Examples  of  Salinan  forms 
in  e-  and  a-  are  : 

e-ki  AM  I  GOING  ?  a-kiyal  ARE  WE  GOING  ? 

k-t-cxai'    I    WOKE   UP     n-a-paLa  LET  us  DANCE 

('icxai'  TO  ARISE  AT 

DAWN) 
k-e-k'a'k'a  I  WILL  NOT    k-a-suxtax  WE  ARE  NOT 

SING  AFRAID 

111  e-yax  WHEN  i  CAME     m-a-ya  WHEN    WE  GO 
(iyax  TO  COME)  (iya  SEVERAL  GO) 

Note  that  /-  of  iya  TO  GO,  iyax  TO  COME  (for 
i-  cf.  Washo  iye  TO  GO  ;  for  -x  <  -k'  cf.  Chi- 
mariko -uu>a-k-  TO  COME  <  -uwa-,  -uwa-m-  TO 
GO  and  Yana  -k'i-  HITHER,  e.  g.  ni-sa-  TO  GO 
AWAY,  ni-k'i-  TO  COME)  is  displaced  by  first 
person  plural  pronominal  a-  as  in  Chimariko 
(e.  g.  ya-mitcit-ni  WE  KICK,  b-imitcit-ni  HE  KICKS; 
stem  -imilcit-,  cf.  Hokan  *  imi-  LEG). 


NO.  4 


ABNORMAL    TYPES    OF    SPEECH    IN    Q.TJILEUTE 


295 


ABNORMAL    TYPES     OF    SPEECH     IN     QUILEUTE  ' 
BY     LEO    J.    FRACHTENBERG 


THE  devices  employed  in  a  number  of  lan- 
guages, primitive  and  otherwise,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  implying  something  in  regard  to  the 
status,  sex,  age,  or  other  characteristics  of  the 
speaker,  person  addressed ,  or  person  spoken  of, 
are  well  known  to  all  students  of  linguistics. 
These  devices  belong  properly  in  the  domain  of 
abnormal  types  of  speech,  and  quite  a  number 
of  them  have  been  brought  together  in  an  in- 
teresting paper  written  recently  by  Dr.  Sapirand 
entitled  "  Abnormal  Types  of  Speech  in 
Nootka2  ".  Consequently,  I  am  not  going  to 
expose  myself  to  the  reproach  of  repetition  by 
quoting  the  examples  cited  by  Dr.  Sapir,  but 
will  confine  myself  to  referring  all  those  inte- 
rested in  this  subject  to  the  highly  instructive 
and  illuminating  article  mentioned  above. 

This  paper  deals  only  witch  such  abnormal 
types  of  speech  as  have  been  observed  by  me 
in  the  Quileute  language  during  extensive  stu- 
dies conducted  for  the  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology  in  the  summer  of  1915  and  again 
in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1916.  My  informants 
were  Hallie  George,  an  intelligent  young  half- 
blood  Quileute,  whose  father  was  a  white  man, 
and  Arthur  Howeattle,  a  full-blood  Indian  and 
the  eldest  son  of  the  last  chief  of  the  Quileute 
tribe.  In  justice  to  Howeattle  be  it  said  that  he 
was  by  far  the  better  of  the  two  informants  and 
that  he  was  still  able  to  recollect  and  explain 
the  exact  function  of  practically  each  abnormal 
type  of  speech.  I  do  not  claim,  however,  to  have 

1.  Published  with  permission  of  the  Smithsonian  Ins- 
titution. 

2.  Memoir  62,  No.  5,  Anthropological  Series,  Ottawa 
Government  Printing  Bureau,  1915. 


succeeded  in  collecting  every  device,  owing  to 
the  rapid  process  of  disintegration  which  the 
Quileute  language  is  undergoing  and  to  its 
gradual  replacement  by  the  English  tongue. 

A  few  words  concerning  the  position  and 
distribution  of  the  Quileute  language  and  In- 
dians may  not  be  out  of  place  here.  These  In- 
dians belong  to  the  Chimakuan  family  which 
embraces,  in  addition  to  this  tribe,  also  the 
totally  extinct  Chimacum  division.  The  diffe- 
rences between  the  two  dialects  are  very  slight, 
being  confined  to  a  certain  amount  of  lexico- 
graphic and  to  some  phonetic  divergences.  There 
are  good  reasons  to  believe  that  Chimakuan, 
Wakashan,  and  Salishan  may  be  proved  to  be 
genetically  related,  representing  three  linguistic 
stocks  that  ultimately  go  back  to  a  single  source. 
Assuming,  for  the  time  being,  this  to  be  the 
case,  I  would  suggest  the  term  Mosan  for  this 
group  of  languages,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
numeral  for  FOUR  (tnos  or  bos)  is  commonly 
found  in  the  dialects  of  each  of  these  three 
groups.  Ethnologically  little  is  known  of  the 
Chimacum  tribe,  whose  territory  lay  in  the 
northeastern  portion  of  Jefferson  County  in  the 
State  of  Washington.  The  Quileute  Indians 
lived  formerly  in  the  western  part  of  Clallam 
County,  but  occupy  today  a  small  strip  of  land 
around  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same 
name.  A  smaller  sub-division,  called  the  Hoh 
Indians,  live  some  twenty  miles  farther  south. 
The  mythology  and  culture  of  these  Indians 
are  closely  related  to  the  mythologies  and  cul- 
tures of  the  adjoining  tribes,  especially  those 
of  the  Quinault  to  the  south  and  the  Nootka 
to  the  north.  Particularly  close  points  of  contact 


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VOL.    I 


have  been  observed  between  the  Quileute  and 
Makah  tribes.  The  members  of  these  two  are 
the  otily  Indians  in  the  United  States  proper 
known  to  have  actually  engaged  in  whale- 
hunting.  And,  while  the  Makahs  gave  up  this 
occupation  with  the  advent  of  the  white  man, 
the  Quileutes  still  pursued  it  up  to  about  20 
years  ago. 

One  of  the  forms  of  abnormal  types  of  speech 
first  observed  in  Quileute  pertains  to  certain 
words  used  by  children.  These  words  are  dis- 
tinguished from  similar  terms  used  by  grown- 
up people  either  by  means  of  a  certain  suffix, 
or  also  by  the  exhibition  of  internal  changes 
which,  to  borrow  Sapir's  terminology,  are 
based  upon  the  principle  of  "  consonantal  or 
vocalic  play  ''.  A  few  words  have  been  found 
which  are  totally  distinct  from  the  stems  used 
by  individuals  other  than  children. 

In  a  majority  of  cases  the  children  add  the 
suffix  -ck!  to  each  word  used  by  them.  This 
sutfix  has  no  other  grammatical  function.  Thus 
a  child  says  ', 


d'lo'ck  ! 

tcttla'ck! 

aback! 


FATHER  for   o'/d' 

UNCLE  for  tcfe'la' 

GRANDPARENT  for  aba' 


In  addressing  its  mother,  a  child  uses  the 
term  ka'a'dada  instead  of  ka'a.  In  this  case  the 
reduplicated  form  of  the  suffix  -da  merely 
represents  the  babbling  of  a  young  child  and 
was  referred  to  by  my  informant  as  "  baby 
talk.  " 

Some  "  baby  talk  "  words  are  based  upon 
changes  involving  "  consonantal  and  vocalic 
play.  "  Thus  a  child  calls  the  DEER  bdwa'yicka1 
instead  of  hawa'yicka' ;  a  CAT  is  referred  to  as 
puda  instead  of  pia'c ;  while  a  cow  in  "  baby 
talk  "  is  ma"  instead  of  bosbos.  In  this  connec- 


i .  The  phonetic  transcription  of  sounds  agrees  in  the 
main  with  the  recommandations  made  by  the  Committee 
of  the  American  Anthropological  Society. 


tion  it  is  worth  while  noting  that  the  nasal  m 
is  foreign  to  Quileute  phonetics,  being  always 
replaced  by  a  labial  />.  The  inferences  that  may 
be  drawn  from  this  will  be  discussed  later  on. 
Among  the  words  used  by  children  only  and 
totally  distinct  from  similar  terms  employed  by 
grown-up  persons  the  following  may  be  men- 
tioned. 


MM* 

bo   ' 


FOOD 

WATER 

CROW 

CLOTHES 

TOY 


for  a' liia 
for  q!u<a'\a 
for  ht'iiw 
for  yfsdak' 


Of  afar  greater  importance,  particularly  from 
a  comparative  point  of  view,  are  those  abnor- 
mal types  of  speech  which  are  used  whenever 
it  is  desired  to  single  out  some  physical  trait 
of  the  speaker,  of  the  person  addressed,  or  of 
the  person  spoken  of.  For  that  purpose  the  na- 
tive Quileute  uses  partly  certain  prefixes,  and 
partly  internal  changes  involving  "  consonan- 
tal play  ".  It  will  be  well  to  state  at  the  outset 
that  these  forms  of  speech  apply  only  to  persons 
physically  abnormal  and  to  mythological  beings 
or  animals.  Sufficient  data  from  other  languages 
are  still  lacking  to  justify  even  the  attempt  at 
explaining  or  accounting  for  the  psychological 
reasons  underlying  this  linguistic  phenomenon. 
Attention,  however,  may  be  called  to  the  ex- 
planation given  by  one  of  my  informants.  Ac- 
cording to  his  testimony,  this  phenomenon 
goes  back  to  an  ancient  custom  whereby  each 
individual  discriminated  his  own  speech  by 
means  of  an  affix.  The  individual  in  question 
usually  had  some  physical  deformity.  Now, 
while  this  explanation  may  not  be  convincing, 
it  is  original  and,  in  the  absence  of  weightier 
reasons,  must  be  taken  at  its  face  value. 

Most  affixes  and  forms  representing  an  abnor- 


2.  These  two  terms  may  be  onomatopoetic  in  origin 
and  character. 


NO.  4 


ABNORMAL   TYPES   OF   SPEECH    IN    Q.UILEUTE 


mal  type  of  speech  are  used  either  by  the  speak- 
er himself  or  by  another  person  speaking  of 
the  individual  whom  such  a  speech-form  intends 
to  single  out.  In  few  cases  only  is  the  abnor- 
mal form  used  in  direct  address,  the  reason  for 
this  being  too  apparent  to  require  any  comment. 
In  some  instances  the  speaker  himself  refrains 
from  using  the  appropriate  affix,  because  such 
a  use  would  constitute  an  admission  of  some 
deformity. 

When  speaking  of  SNAIL  or  of  a  cross-eyed 
and  one-eyed  person  the  prefix  L-  is  placed 
before  each  word ;  such  individuals,  when 
speaking  themselves,  also  change  all  sibilants  (s 
and  c  sounds)  to  i  sounds.  In  this  manner  i  is 
substituted  for  s  or  c  ;  L  for  ts  and  tc ;  and  L! 
for  ts!  or  tc!.  These  forms  are  never  used  in 
direct  address.  The  following  examples  may  be 
given  for  the  use  of  such  forms  of  speech  with 
SNAIL  or  a  cross-eyed  person  as  the  speakers  or 
persons  spoken  of. 

L-ii'yali        i  SEE  IT  for  si'yali 

L-U'quli         i  PULL  IT  for  cfquli 

L-iLelU  I  INTEND  TO  DOIT  for   ttsJHi 

L-d'xaiLaa    WHERE  is  IT?       for  ay a$ tea 'a 
L-L!i\j/i'ti      WORLD  for  tsH'qa'ti 

When  addressing  a  funny  person,  the  prefix 
tck-  is  used ;  when  speaking  to  a  small-sized 
man, a  sibilant  (s-)  is  placed  before  each  word; 
in  talking  of  a  hunchback,  the  affix  ts  !  is  em- 
ployed ;  while  the  prefix  tcx-  refers  to  a  lame 
person.  Two  other  prefixes  of  this  type  were 
mentioned  by  Arthur  Howeattle  (tc-,  ta/-)who 
could  not,  however,  state  definitely  what  kind 
of  individuals  they  singled  out. 

Turning  now  to  types  of  speech  peculiar  to 
mythological  beings  and  animals,  we  find  first 
of  all  the  prefix  sx-  characterizing  each  word 
used  by  Qjwa'ti,  the  culture-hero  of  Quileute 
mythology  (Students  of  Nootka  linguistics  will 
recognize  in  this  being  the  Kwa'tiyat'  ofNootka 


and  Kwe'ti    of  Makah    mythologies.)    Thus 
Qlwa'ti  is  supposed  to  say, 


sx-qd'qal 
sx-ba'kutax 


TAKE  IT  !          for  qa'qal 

COME  HERE!     forhakutax,etc. 


In  like  manner  RAVEN  prefixes  to  each  word 
a  c-,  as  c-ki'taxaili  i  AM  GOING,  etc.  His  wife 
uses  the  prefix  ts-  and  changes  d  and  /  to  n  and 
b  to  m.  Here  again  I  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  these  abnormal  forms  are  the  only 
instances  in  Quileute  where  the  nasals  m,  n, 
occur.  These  two  nasals  are  foreign  to  this 
language,  being  always  represented  by  b  and  d 
respectively.  Examples  illustrating  abnormali- 
ties in  the  speech  of  Raven's  wife  may  be  given 
as  follows  : 

ts-task  GO  OUT  for  task 

ts-L/oxwa'nas      OLD  MAN  for  Lloxwa'das 

ts-he  tkuni  i  AM  SICK  for  be'tkuli 

ts-mo'yiikwatslo  SOMETHING  for  bo'yakwa'tslo' 

Furthermore,  to  all  words  used  by  DEER  or 
employed  when  speaking  of  DEER  there  is  added 
the  prefix  Lk-,  and  in  such  words  all  sibilants 
are  changed  to  laterals.  Thus  I  is  changed  to  s  or 
c;  L  is  substituted  for  ts  or  tc;  and  L !  replaces 
both  ts!  and  tc!.  The  examples  follow. 

ik-bawa 'yiika'  DEER  for  hawa'yicka' 

Lk-da'lkiya      GIANTESS  for  Ja'skiya 

Lk-Loyo'l  SHOOT  IT!  for  tsoxo'l 
ik-Libod  HALIBUT  HOOK  for  tcibo'd 
Lk-Lliqa'l  KILL  HIM!  for  tcliqa'l 

Lastly,  there  are  two  devices  in  Quileute 
which  imply  a  distinction  in  regard  to  the  sex 
of  the  person  addressed;  one  consisting  of  a 
prefix,  and  the  other,  of  syntactic  particles  pla- 
ced at  the  very  end  of  the  sentence.  These  two 
devices  may  be  the  result  of  the  presence,  in 
this  language,  of  sex  gender.  Thus  whenever 
a  man  speaks  to  a  woman  directly  or  whenever 
one  woman  speaks  of  another  woman  who  is 


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absent,  each  word  must  be  preceded  by  the 
prefix  tcx-.  It  is  rather  interesting  to  note  that, 
in  this  case,  the  man  is  not  afraid  of  giving 
offense  to  the  addressed  person  by  calling  at- 
tention to  her  "  abnormality  ",  from  which  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  Quileute  Indians  were  not 
afraid  of  their  women.  In  the  same  manner  the 
particles  tea  and  da  are  used  in  addressing  a 
man  and  a  woman  respectively ;  the  first  being 
usually  translated  by  my  informant  by  means' 
of  the  English  term  SIR,  and  the  latter  being 
rendered  by  MADAM  or  LADY. 

The  most  important  problem  suggesting  itself 
in  connection  with  the  abnormal  types  of 
speech  in  Quileute,  to  which  I  wish  here  to 
call  attention  briefly,  is  their  probable  relation 
to  a  similar  phenomenon  observed  by  Dr.  Sa- 
pir  in  the  Nootka  language.  This  problem 
becomes  more  interesting  when  it  is  considered 
that  there  exist  close  cultural  and  linguistic  af- 
tiliations  between  these  two  groups.  Very  close 
correspondences  have  been  observed  in  this  res- 
pect between  these  two  languages.  Thus  both 
havedistinct  devices  indicating  the  speech  of  chil- 
dren, small  persons,  cross-eyed  and  one-eyed 
people,  hunchbacks,  and  lame  persons.  Turning 
to  mythological  beings  and  animals,  we  find 
that  both  single  out  the  speech  ot  the  Culture- 
Hero,  of  Raven,  and  of  Deer.  Furthermore, 
some  of  this  distinctiveness  in  speech  is  accom- 
plished in  both  tongues  by  means  of  certain 
consonantic  changes ;  a  particularly  close  resem- 
blance being  furnished  by  the  change  of  s  and 
c  sounds  into  i  sounds,  which  is  found  in  both 
languages  to  apply  to  the  speech  of  Deer.  These 
correspondences  are  certainly  close.  On  the 
other  hand,  divergences  have  been  observed 
which  are  just  as  striking.  Aside  from  the  fact 
that  the  Nootka  speech-peculiarities  attributed 
to  large  persons,  left-handed  persons,  circum- 
sized  people,  greedy  persons,  cowards,  and  to 
small  birds,  to  bear,  and  to  elk,  are  missing  in 
Quileute,  the  Quileute  grammatical  and  pho- 


netic devices  are  different  from  those  employed 
in  the  Nootka  language.  Suffixation  is  replaced 
in  Quileute  by  prefixation,  where  the  phone- 
tic composition  of  the  elements  is  also  different 
and  shows  a  greater  variety  of  sounds. 

The  question  which  confronts  us  now  is 
this ;  Are  these  abnormal  types  of  speech,  as 
observed  in  Quileute  and  Nootka,  the  result  ot 
an  independent  origin  and  development,  or 
are  they  due  to  contact  ?  A  categorical  an- 
swer to  this  question  at  the  present  writing  is 
impossible.  However,  when  we  consider  that 
the  Quileute  language,  in  using  abnormal  types 
of  speech,  resorts  to  the  borrowing  of  foreign 
phonetic  elements,  we  ought  to  feel  justified 
in  the  assumption  that  this  phenomenon  goes 
back  to  a  time  when  these  two  languages  were 
one,  but  that  in  addition  it  was  developed  in- 
dependently and  modified  through  a  later  close 
contact  between  these  two  tribes .  It  is  safer  to 
hold  to  this  assumption  until  such  time  as 
comparative  data  shall  be  made  available  from 
the  Salish  tribes  adjoining  the  Quileute,  which 
may  furnish  the  sole  and  ultimate  proof  for  the 
exact  origin  and  distribution  of  this  interesting 
linguistic  peculiarity. 


TABULAR  PRESENTATION   OF  ABNORMAL  TYPES 
OF  SPEECH  USED  IN  QUILEUTE 

TYPE  OF  PERSON      LINGUISTIC  PECULIARITY 

Child  Add-r/,'/ 

Cross-eyed  ore  one-  Prefix  t- ;  change  s  and  c 

eyedperson;Snail       sounds  to  i  sounds 

Funny  person  Prefix  tck- 

Small  person  Prefix  s- 

Hunchback  Prefix  />/- 

Lame  person  Prefix  tcy- 

?  Prefixes  tc-,  tcq- 


NO.  4 


ABNORMAL    TYPES   OF   SPEECH    IN    QUILEUTE 


299 


Male  to  female          Prefix  tcx- ;  or  add  particle 

da  at  end  of  sentence 
Female  to  male  or  Add  particle  tea  at  end  of 

male  to  male  sentence 

Culture  hero  Prefix  sx- 

QjiM  'tt 


Raven 
Raven's  wife 

Deer 


Prefix  c- 

Prefix  is-  ;  change  d,  I   to 

n  and  b  to  m 
Prefix  ik-;  change  s  and  c 

sounds  to  i  sounds 


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VOL.    I 


TWO  PHONETIC  SHIFTS  OCCURRING  IN  MANY  ALGONQJJIAN  LANGUAGES' 

By    TRUMAN     MICHELSON 


I  STATED  in  the  "  Journal  of  the  Washington 
Academy  of  Sciences  ",  4  :  404,  that  the  inter- 
change of  6  before  consonants,  and  aw  before 
vowels,  was  universal  in  Fox.  This  it  not  quite 
accurate,  for  aw  shifts  to  a,  not  6,  before  cer- 
tain consonants.  An  examination  has  revealed 
that  the  same  (or  closely  allied)  shifts  occur 
in  many  Algonquian  languages.  Specifically 
the  languages  in  which  I  have  thus  far  been 
able  to  establish  that  the  shifts  take  place  are 
Fox,  Kickapoo,  Cree  (see  below),  Montagnais 
(see  below),  Shawnee,  Ojibwa,  Algonkin, 
Potawatomi,  Peoria,  and  Delaware.  Since  these 
shifts  are  shared  by  so  many  Algonquian  lan- 
guages, and  since  these  languages  are  in  subs- 
tantial agreement  in  the  shifts,  it  is  clear  that 
these  changes  must  be  very  ancient,  and  presu- 
mably in  their  beginnings  go  back  to  the 
Algonquian  parent-language.  I  have  derived 
my  examples,  for  Fox,  from  Jones's  Texts 
(references  by  page  and  line)and  my  unpublish- 
ed texts,  and  notes  in  a  few  cases  (for  the 
principle  differences  between  Jones's  and  my 
phonetics  see  p.  54  of  this  Journal)  ;  for  Kic- 
•  kapoo,  Jones's  Tales  (references  by  page  and 
line)  ;  for  Cree,  Lacombe's  grammar  and  dic- 
tionary ;  for  Montagnais,  Lemoine's  grammar 
and  dictionary  ;  for  Shawnee,  Gatschet's  manu- 
scripts in  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 
and  my  early  Shawnee  notes ;  for  Ojibwa, 
Baraga's  grammar  and  dictionary  and  Jones's 
Texts,  Volume  I  (references  by  page  and  line); 
for  Algonkin,  Cuoq's  grammar  and  dictionary; 


i .  Printed  by  permission  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution. 


for  Potawatomi,  photostat  copies  of  Gailland's 
dictionary ;  for  Peoria,  Gatschet's  manuscripts 
in  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  ;  for 
Delaware,  Zeisberger's grammar.  These  sources 
are  of  greatly  varying  quality,  not  to  speak  ot 
quantity.  Moreover,  it  has  not  been  possible 
for  me  to  control  their  phonetics  in  all  cases  : 
hence  it  is  that  I  cannot  formulate  definite 
laws  covering  all  the  languages  concerned.  Nor 
do  I  claim  to  give  exhaustive  rules  for  even 
those  languages  with  which  I  am  tolerably 
familiar.  It  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  obtain 
full  data  in  the  field  ;  in  the  office,  it  means 
the  reading  of  hundreds  of  pages  of  texts, 
without  being  sure  of  completeness.  What  I 
wish  to  do  is  to  establish  the  shifts  and  give 
such  rules  as  I  can,  in  the  hope  that  others 
will  assist  in  gathering  materials  which  will 
enable  complete  laws  to  be  formulated,  and 
especially  to  find  out  whether  these  same  shifts 
occur  in  other  Algonquian  languages.  The  fol- 
lowing table  shows  the  provisional  results : 


Fox 


Kickapoo  ...  aw 
Shawnee.  .  .  au' 


>  o  before);, '/,./,  |      <'/,],. 
y,v> 

>  <7  before  g,  k  [=  g],  t 

>  o  before  n,  'k,  tc 

>  a  before  g 

>  u,  o  [=  (ij  before  / 

>  a  before  g,  k  [=  g} 


Cree aw,  a'w[—aw]  }   >  d  [ti]  before  /,  k  [=^ 

(       tch 

Montagnais.   «  J  >  I  [=  ,/|  before  * 

>  6  before  ;;,  *  (Fox  'A 
Ojibwa a«',  rfw  [dty]             ^=,7,1^ 

>  d  before  g,  s,  /,  rf 


2.  Terminally  ;  Gull  Lake   dialect   -dt'   according  to 
Michelson. 


NO.  4 


TWO   PHONETIC   SHIFTS   OCCURRING    IN    MANY    ALGONQUIAN    LANGUAGES 


301 


Algonkin . . .  aw 
Potawatomi.  mi>  [aw] 

Peoria aw 

Delaware.  . .  aw 


>  o  [=  o]  before  n 
a  [=  a 


> 


]  before  g,  t,   d 


>  d  [—  a]  before  k  [g] 

>  o  before  / 

>  a  fa)  before  fe  [=  A, 
not  ff] 

>  o  before  7 

>  a  before^ 


It  will  be  recalled  that  Shawnee,  Peoria,  and 
Delaware  /  corresponds  to  n  ot  the  other  dia- 
lects. I  have  not  discussed  the  Cree  examples 
that  may'be  extracted  from  Horden's  grammar, 
as  I  do  not  know  how  to  interpret  the  forms 
(see  pp.  153,  154,  et  seq.  Note  netoshetozvow 
but  nttoshetwak,  etc.). 

FOX 

aneno'taivaic'  HOW  SHE  UNDERSTOOD  HIM  224. 5 , 
'agu'i  pwdwineno'tonAgivin""  HE  WILL  NOT  FAIL 
TO  UNDERSTAND  us,  keneno'tdgiindn'""  HE  UNDER- 
STANDS us  ;  netdtawaut"  i  BROUGT  THIS  ON  HIM 

190.6,  '(ftdtaU&Wi&tt?'  HOW  THEY  TREATED  HIM; 

a'i'cimemvitotawiyaguf  BY  THE  KINDESS  THAT 
YE  HAVE  DONE  ME  180.13,  'd'totonAgo"""  HOW  i 
TREATED  YOU,  dgwi  nAndciniydcitotdtiu'dtcin'  THEY 

NEVER  ILL-TREATED  EACH  OTHER  148.3,  'd'tdtti- 
gOWddtc"  HOW  THEY  WERE  TREATED  BY  ;  kldse- 

tawiyagu*  WHAT  YE  HAVE  SET  FOR  ME  374.19, 
kekl'cisetdgundn""'  HE  HAS  SET  IT  FOR  us, 
dneckisetotc'  HE  SPREAD  IT  OPEN  172.10; 
dnotawatc'  WHEN  HE  HEARD  HIM  110.16,  neteci- 
notdgdpen"  SUCH  is  THE  RUMOR  WE  HAVE  HEARD 

154.7,  dnStdgdtC'    WHEN    SHE    HEARD   THE  NEWS 

170.19  ;  nodclganitc'  WHEN  HE  HEARD  THE  NEWS 
146.14,  d'pydtciiidtdgitsinitc'  HE  WAS  HEARD  AP- 
PROACHING 156.22  ;  Ind'pydnutau'dtc'  WHEN  HE 
CAME  TO  HIM  THERE  368.21,  pyanntagiitcini  THE 

ONE  BY  WHOM  SHE  WAS  VISITED  154.2,5,    pydtlU- 

tagute"  SHE  WAS  VISITED  BY  1 54. io,  wi'pydnu- 
tdgog'  [so  read]  THEY  WILL  BE  VISITED  BY  184. 14, 
lualcipyanutunAguuS  [read  -toriAgdu/]  WHY  i  CAME 
TO  VISIT  YOU  178.10;  a'kiciketeminauAivdt^  FOR 
THEY  HAVE  PITIED  ME  186.18,  d'kicilrdgiketemi- 


THEY    HAVE   ALL    BLESSED    ME    184.7, 

ii'iketeminau'iyAn*  THAT  YOU  WILL  TAKE  PITY  ON 
ME  380.2,  keketeminonep"'"'  i  BLESS  YOU,  neketemi- 

ndgOg'  THEY    HAVE   BLESSED  ME   376.8,   kldtcagl- 

ketcniinagudtc''  AFTER  HE  HAD  BEEN  BLESSED  BY 
ALL  ;  anaghkmvatc  HE  MET  HER  208.19,  anAgis- 
kdgutc  HE  WAS  MET  BY  2o8.i^(,  d'pydtdnagtskd- 
kuwatc  THEY  CAME  TO  MEET  THEM  [a  passive  in 
formation]  218.12  ;  dgwiydp'  ivigetawitcini  HE 

NOT   SO  MUCH   AS  GAVE  ME  EVEN   A  REPLY  368.!, 

d'ptvaii'iwigetdgutc'  WHEN  HE  GOT  NO  REPLY 
FROM  HIM  360.24  ;  neneskinawawa  \  LOATHE  HIM 
68.14,  aneskinau'Mc'  FOR  THAT  YOU  LOATHE  HIM 
68.17,20,  wdtcineskinfman'  [read  -nondnr\  WHY  i 
HATE  THEE  140.4,  kme'ckino'ii™1'  i  HATE  THEE, 
kene'ckitidgundn"'"  HE  HATES  us ;  d'kaske'tawcltc 

SHE  HEARD  THEM   222.8,  ka'cke'td'gn'sT1"'"  HE  IS 

HEARD,  kdicke'tagh""'  HE  is  HEARD  BY;  keki'ci'ta'- 
u'ipen""'  YE  MADE  IT  FOR  us,  ktki'ci'td'n™'  i  MADE 

IT  FOR  THEE,  mki'd'td.' gkwa(  HE  MADE  IT  FORME, 

neki'  ci'ta  'gundn'""  HE  MADE  IT  FOR  us  (exclusive); 

md'ki't&g&W&t"  IF  THEY  MADE  A  SUDDEN  ASSAULT 

[contrast  this  with  Cree  (from  Lacombe)  mos- 
kistawew  IL  FONCE  SUR  LUI  and  Ojibwa  (from 
Baraga)  ninmdkilawa  i  RUSH  UPON  HIM  SUDDEN- 
LY]. In  the  Algonquian  sketch  in  the  Handbook 
of  American  Indian  Languages,  part  I,  para- 
graph 34  I  mentioned  the  use  of  -Amd-  beside 
-Amaw-,  -Amd-  in  the  double  object  construc- 
tion. At  the  time  I  was  unable  to  explain  its  use. 
It  is  now  apparent  that  -amfl-  is  simply  due  to 
the  operation  of  phonetic  law.  An  example  from 
the  sketch  is  niivitamagwa-md  OF  COURSE  HE 
WILL  TELL  ME  IT  as  contrasted  with  awitAmman' 

I   TELL    IT  TO  THEE,    klWitAmawciwa  THOU  WILT 

TELL  IT  TO  HIM.  Other  examples  can  be  readily 
found  in  the  sketch.  It  is  probable  that  -td- 
discussed  in  the  same  section  is  to  be  explained 
as  being  a  phonetic  reflex,  and  corresponds  to 
-law-  before  vowels,  and  -to-  before  certain 
consonants.  [It  may  be  observed  that  d'tota'utc 

HOW  HE   HAD    BEEN    TREATED  204.14)5  an  error 

for    d'totau'iitc  as  is  dtotalmtc  HOW     SHE  WAS 


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TREATED  226.4;  dtota' 'o 'mete  HOW  HE  WAS  TREA- 
TED is  an  error  for  d'totaiuumetc.] 

KICKAPOO 

[The  discussion  of  variations  (PAES  9  :  119- 
123)  should  be  read  to  understand  some  of 
the  forms  cited  below.] 

dnenu'tawatci  HE  HEARD  HIM  94.11,  dnenu- 
'taatci  HE  HEARD  HER  ;o.2o,  dneno'to'kiydtugc  HE 

PROBABLY    HEARD    THEE  74. 2O,  Wlicinetlll1  lilgnh'i 

THAT  in-  MK;HT  BE  HEARD  BY  8. 21  ;  d'pyanuta&tci 
HE  CAME  TO  HIM  52.22,  a'pyanutdgntci  HE  CAME 
TO  HIM  [really  a  passive]  ;  imelaco'kaitcitcdi  HE 

TRULY  TRIED  TO  RAPE  ME  76. 1 1,  tttmetiWkAgWa 

HE  is  RAPING  ME  70. 18;  dme'kagutci  HE  WAS 
FOUND  106.7  [contrast  trus  with  F°x  iime'kau'fltc' 
THEN  SHEFOL'ND  HIM  160. 1 5] ;  duci  tawdteha  HE 

MADE  IT  FOR  HIM  72.7,  dad'tdtct  HE  THOUGHT  IT 

OUT  94.3,  nekici'lagwa  HE  MADE  IT  FOR  ME 
72. 17  [contrast  -'law-,  -'to-,  -'ta-^anagiskaatci 

HE  MET  HIM  18.13.  20.12,  26.1  3,  1 02. 1 8,  dlll\(l- 

neskttgiitci  THEY  WERE  MADE  SICK  BY  66.10  [con- 
trast -ska(w)ti-,  -ska-;  Fox,  Cree,  Ojibwa,  also 
support  the  variation  :  see  pp.  301,  302,  303]; 
aiie'taalci  THEN  HE  KILLED  HIM  FOR  HIM  8.6, 
kuii-'tone  i  WILL  KILL  FOR  YOU  8.5  ;  witotaiiteha 

WHAT    SHOULD   BE   DONE  WITH   HIM    40.4,  Wltdtd- 

nagevfE  SHALL  DO  FOR  THEE  42.14. 
SHAWNEE 

mdelelamawn'dsbi  SHE  CREATED  FOR  THEM,  me- 
telrtamako'H  SHE  CREATED  FOR  HIM  (really  a  pas- 
sive); ninataiita'wa.i  HELP  HIM,  nenatamagieta  A 
HELPER  (really  a  participial,  gi  probably  repre- 
sents an  anterior  palatal  g)  ;  niwitamawa  'gi  .1 

TELL    THEM,    kt'hwitamuh    I    WILL    TELL    THEE  ; 

nitamwe"tau-a  i  CARRY  IT  AWAY  FROM  HIM,  nitam- 
wetagwa  HE  CARRIED  IT  AWAY  FROM  ME,  kilam- 
wela'gun'1  HE  CARRIED  IT  AWAY  FROM  us  (exclu- 
sive). 


CREE 

wittamdwew  IL  LUICONFESSE,  wiltamdtuwokiis 
S'AVERTISSENT,  wittamdkew  u.  DECLARE;  totanui- 

WtW    IL    LE    FAIT    POUR    LUI,    tOtailtOli'ill    ACTION, 

totamdkew  IL  FAIT  CELA  POUR  AUTRUI  ;  totawnv 

IL  LUI  FAIT,  totdkew  IL  FAIT,  UpiskOWeW  IL  LUI  VA 

BIEN,  tepiskdkew  IL  VA  BIEN,  takiskdkew  IL  DONNE 

UN  COUP  DE  pIED  ;  noJttskaWUt  IL  LE  RENCONTRE, 

iiakiskdkciv  IL  RENCONTRE,   nakisktititwol;  ILS  SE 

RENCONTRENT  ;     IllOskistaU'CW     IL     S*ELANCE     SUR 

LUI,  moskistdketu  IL  S'ELANCE  ;  tdpwetiawew  n. 
LE  CROIT,  tdpwetdkew  IL  CROIT  ;  tepittaweui  IL 
L'ENTEND  BIEN,  tepittdtcbikeu'  n.  ENTEND  BIEN, 
tcpittdkushu  IL  EST  BIEN  ENTENDU  ;  mamiskotamd- 
-M~w  IL  LUI  EN  PARLE,  tna>niskotamdktt0  IL  EN 

PARLE. 

MONTAGNAIS 

iiitiitiiaii  JE  LE  i  AIS,  tiitultiku  IL  ME  FAIT;  tshis- 
kulamiiau  JE  LUI  ENSEIGNE,  nitshiskutamaku  IL 
M'ENSEIGNE  ;  niuilamuati  JE  L'AVERTIS,  niuitanni- 
kii  n.  M'AVERTIT,  niuitamakunan  IL  NOUS  AVER- 
TIT,  tshiiiiltiiinikiiiiii  n.  vous  AVERTIT. 

OJIBWA 
(a)  From  Baraga. 

kinondiiu'imin   THOU  HEAREST  us,  kinondon  i 

HEAR    THEE,     kisbfnil    >IOIliioildll    IF  I    HEAR    THEE, 

kishpin  nondok  IF  HE  HEAR  THEE,  kishpin  nondokwa 

IF  THEY  HEAR  THEE,   kishpill   nondomgWd  IF  THEY 

SEE  YOU,  kinondag  HE  HEARS  THEE,  kinondagog 

THEY    HEAR    THEE,    kiliondagom    YE    ARE    HEARD, 

kinondagowa  HE  HEARS  YOU,  kwondagowag  THEY 
HEAR  YOU,  kishpin  nonddgoidn  IF  I  AM  HEARD  ; 
ningaskkitamawa  i  EARN  IT  FOR  HIM,  ningasbki- 
taniadis  i  EARN  IT  FOR  MYSELF,  ttingashkitamas  i 
EARN  IT  FOR  MYSELF  ;  ninwindamawa  I  TELL 
HIM,  ninwindamagen  i  RELATE  IT  ;  nimvdbanda- 
mawa  \  SEE  HIS,  ninwdbandamadis  i  SEE  MYSELF, 
i  SEE  MINE;  ninnagishkawa  i  MEET  HIM,  ninna- 


NO.    4 


TWO    PHONETIC    SHIFTS    OCCURRING    IN    MANY    ALGONQUIAN    LANGUAGES 


303 


gishkdge  i  MEET  ;  nintangishkawd  \  KICK  HIM, 
nintangisbkdge  i  KICK  ;  nindlbcu&awa  i  BELIEVE 
HIM,  nindelnultagos  i  SPEAK  THE  TRUTH,  nindeb- 
wctage  i  SPEAK  THE  TRUTH  ;  nindddawo.  i  DO  IT 
TO  HIM,  nindodadis  i  DO  IT  TO  MYSELF,  nindodas 

I  DO    IT    TO   MYSELF,    dodddiwin   MUTUAL  TREAT- 

MK\T,  ninnigitawa  i  GIVE  BIRTH  TO  A  CHILD  FOR 
HIM,  kinigitagmua  HE  is  BORN  TO  YOU,  ninnigildg 

HE  IS  BORN  TO  ME. 

(b)  From  Jones's  Ojibiva  Texts,  Part  i 
uflndanuncicin  TELL  ME  92.7,  kigaivlndaiu^u  i 

WILL    ADVISE    YOU    2O.I,    UWindailWgdn    HE    WAS 

INFORMED  S8.iS;ogi'i'fi'a'cdnidkaivAn  HE  MADK 
HIM  RETRACE  ins  WAY  18.17,  ka' icndcv a~ jan'ici- 

'kiiifltt    HE    WAS    DRIVEN   BACK   FROM   THAT  PLACE 

18.18;  k&'i'fitQngickaw&t  HE  KICKED  HIM  34.21, 
kttanfickogut  HE  WAS  KICKED  BY  172.10;  ninga- 
tOlawa  i  WILL  DO  TO  HIM  i^2.i^,kiwanitotau'ninvi 

WE  NEARLY   DID  A  MISTAKE  TO  HIM   130.14,  tdtA- 

gut  HE  \v.\s  TREATED   BY  9O.2I,   wdntdtotawit 

WHY  HE  SHOULD  TREAT  ME  I  1 0.5,    tdtOtOtit  THAT 

THEY  SHALL  DO  TO  EACH  OTHER  38.23;  nSndawiyan 

IF  YOU  HEAR  ME  2)4.12,  kinondawHl  SHE  HEARD 
THEM  4.  JO,  HgindlltilU'it  HE  HEARD  THEM  134.9, 

unontawa  HE  WAS  HEARD  124.17,  nondagusi  HE 
WAS  HEARD  238. 17, ningijcki'ton  [so  read]  I  SHALL 

BE  ABLE  TO  MAKE  IT  224.28,  klCpitl  gftcki't<>\<ni 
IF  YOU  CAN  MAKE  IT  224.27,  kl'kici'tffwat  THEN 
THEY  WERE  DONE  WITH  IT  226.3  [F°x  -'/««'-, 

-'to-,  -'/<?-] 

ALGONKIN 

ninondawa  i  HEAR  HIM,  kinondon  i  HEAR  THEE, 
nondagosi  HE  is  HEARD,  nondage  HE  HEARS;  ninii- 
nolotawak  \  TREAT  THEM  WELL,  to/a-widjik  THOSE 

WHO  TREAT  MK,  IlimhlOtOlagO  I  AM  WELL  TREAT- 
ED, niinotoiiiiitik  TREAT  EACH  OTHER  WELL, 
piyndau'a  IL  EST  ECOUTE,  opi^indiigon  IL  EST 

ECOUTE  DE  LUI,  kipttfndag  TU  ES  ECOUTE  DE  LUI, 

pizjndatik  ECOUTEZ-VOUS  LES  UNS  LES  AUTRES  ; 
for  examples  of  -amaw-,  -amo-,  -ainn-,  of  the 
double  object,  see  paragraphs  222-225. 


POTAWATOMI 

nito' towa*  i  TREAT  HIM,  to'ta'kt'win  TREAT- 
MENT ;  nino'towa'  i  HEAR  HIM,  nota'ke'ivin  HEA- 
RING; nide'bwetoiua  i  BELIEVE  HIM,  tS'bweta'klt  A 
BELIEVER;  niurltimo'wa  i  TELL  HIM,  ivi'lamaW 

win  INFORMATION. 

PEORIA 

wcndamawatci'  SHE  ADVISED  HIM,  windatnakotc 

HE  WAS  INFORMED  ;    Ult'tldaWdtC    HE   HEARD  HIM, 

nnndako'watch  THEY  WERE  HEARD. 

DELAWARE 

npendawa  i  HEAR  HIM,  n'pendawawak  i  HEAR 
THEM,  pendawake  IF  i  HEAR  HIM,  pendamte  IF  HE 
HEARS  ME,  pendawate  IF  HE  HEAR  HIM,  pendawil 

DO    THOU     HEAR     ME,     k'pmdohn    I    HEAR    THEE, 

n'pendagttn  HE  HEARS  ME,  k'pendugitii  HE  HEARS 
THEE,  pendagol  HE  HEARS  HIM,  k'pendagiiwa  HE 
HEARS  YOU  ;  n'petawawak  i  BRING  TO  THEM, 
k'petawi  THOU  BRINGEST  TO  MK,  pcttnuil  BRING 

THOU  TO  ME,  pCtawik  BRING  YE  TO  ME,  petOWlte  IV 
HE  BRINGS  TO  ME,  fetaWOte  IF  HE  BRINGS  TO  HIM, 
k'pfloleil  I  BRING  TO  THEE,  petdgol  HE  BRINGS  TO 

HIM,  n'petaguneen  HE  BRINGS  TO  us  (excl.),  k'pe- 

tagllWCl   HE   BRINGS  TO   YOU. 

Addition  Nov.  ist,  1920.  This  paper  was 
written  nearly  three  years  ago.  An  abstract  will 
be  found  in  the  Journal  of  the  Washington 
Academy  of  Science,  9.333.334.  Ottawa, 
Passamoq  noddy,  and  Penobscot  should  be  added 
to  the  list  of  languages  (given  above)  in  which 
the  changes  take  place.  The  inferences  regard- 
ing Ottawa  are  drawn  from  unpublished  ma- 
nuscripts in  the  possession  of  the  Bureau  of 
American  Ethnology ;  those  appurtaining  to 
Passamoquoddy  from  a  number,  of  sources ; 
those  concerning  Penobscot,  Speck's  material 
published  in  this  Journal,  vol.  1,  p.  187  ff.  It 
may  be  well  to  give  a  few  examples  showing 


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the  changes  in  the  last  :  —  ude'dfmi'ka'wan 
HE  OVERTOOK  HIM  [exact  reference  lost],  udafa- 
mi'"karigun  HE  WAS  OVERTAKEN  BY  [203],  uda- 
d?mi-('ktxgul  CAUGHT  UP  TO  HIM  [really  a  passive; 
213];  uno{so''kawxn  HE  CHASED  HIM  [213],  no- 
'so'  'kzrgotci'  'djihi'  CHASING  AFTER  HIM  [really  a 
passive  :  THOSE  BY  WHOM  HE  WAS  CHASED;  213]; 
gi-fi'be'su't'kawaJt  i  CAN  APPROACH  HER  [2 17], 
iube''stit'kz'go  HE  HAS  COME  NEAR  ME  [really  a 
passive;  235],  ki' 'ft'be' 'sut'kfk'w  HE  ALREADY 

HAS  BEEN  NEAR  YOU  [235];  Se'to'iuit  HE  THAT 
CONQUERS  ME  [2 1 6],  fe^'kask'  HE  WHO  SHALL 


CONQUER   YOU  [2l6]j  gVnd'  ' Stohn    I    PUT    IT    ON 

YOU [241],  unasta'wxn  HE  PUT  IT  ON  HIM  [241]; 
udama'sMo''tawa.n  HE  MOCKED  HIM  [205],  uda- 
masfolo'  'txrgut  HE  MOCKED  HIM  [really  a  passive; 
205] ;  note  also  -tmaiv-,  -ymo-  (Fox  -Amaw-, 
-amd-} :  alxmbe'sJinawi  CUT  THEM  (INAN.)  UP  FOR 
ME  [209],  kan'fga'dtmo'liM  i  LEAVE  IT  WITH  YOU 
[223].  From  my  work  among  the  Plains  Cree 
this  summer  it  would  seem  that  aw  contracts 
only  to  -a-,  not  to  -(»-.  [Penobscot  -ar,g-  (?g-) 
corresponds  to  Fox  -ag-.  | 


NO.  4 


REVIEWS 


305 


REVIEWS 


MASON,  J.  ALDEN.  —  The  Language  of  the 
Salinan  Indians.  University  of  California 
Publications  in  American  Archaeology  and 
Ethnology,  vol.  14,  no.  i,  pp.  1-154.  Ber- 
keley, 1918. 

Our  previous  knowledge  of  the  language  of 
the  Salinan  Indians,  of  southwestern  California, 
had  been  embodied  in  Sitjar's  not  easily  acces- 
sible "  Vocabulary  of  the  Language  of  San 
Antonio  Mission,  California  "  (Shea's  Library 
of  American  Linguistics,  1861)  and  in  a  very 
brief  sketch  of  Kroeber's  published  in  1904. 
The  present  work  is  another  of  those  happily 
increasing  studies  for  which  future  Americanists 
will  be  thankful,  studies  of  aboriginal  languages 
doomed  to  extinction  within  at  most  a  few 
decades.  Mason  has  in  this  volume  given  us 
the  linguistic  results  of  two  field  trips  to  Mon- 
terey County  in  1910  and  1916,  besides  a 
convenient  summary  of  the  older  material  con- 
tained in  Sitjar.  The  whole  makes  a  very  useful 
compendium  of  the  language  in  both  its  extant 
dialects,  Antoniano  and  Migueleno.  To  the 
treatment  of  the  phonology  (pp.  7-17)  and  of 
the  morphology  (pp.  18-58)  are  added  a  series 
of  twenty-seven  Antoniano  and  eleven  Migue- 
leno texts  with  both  interlinear  and  free  trans- 
lations (pp.  59-1 20)  and  a  systematic  vocabulary 
of  all  extant  Salinan  words  (pp.  121-154).  The 
handling  of  the  language,  which  is  characterized 
by  considerable  irregularity,  is  competent.  A 
number  of  obscure  or  imperfectly  analyzed 
features  remain,  but  these  are  as  much  due  to 
the  fragmentary  nature  of  our  material  as  to 
any  shortcomings  on  the  part  of  the  author. 
The  language  is  moderately  synthetic  in  struc- 
ture, with  a  drift  towards  analytic  methods. 


Mason's  treatment  of  the  Salman  phonetic 
system,  as  a  system  and  without  regard  to 
sound  relationships,  is  eminently  satisfactory 
and  shows  considerable  grounding  in  general 
phonetics.  It  is  refreshingly  unlike  the  ama- 
teurish sound  surveys  that  have  generally  done 
duty  in  American  linguistics  for  "  phonetics  ". 
The  description  of  a  (p.  7)  as  "  mid-mixed- 
narrow  ",  however,  is  an  error,  probably  an 
oversight ;  a  is  a  "  back  ",  not  a  "  mixed  " 
vowel.  Less  satisfactory  are  Mason's  contribu- 
tions to  the  phonology  of  Salinan.  For  purposes 
of  linguistic  comparison  it  is  important  to  know 
not  so  much  the  distinctive  sounds  found,  in 
their  various  nuances,  in  a  given  language,  as 
the  irreducible  set  of  organically,  or  better 
etymologically,  distinct  sounds  with  which 
one  has  to  operate.  Thus,  to  say  that  two  lan- 
guages both  possess  a  given  sound,  say  x,  is 
not  even  suggestive  unless  we  know  that  the 
status  of  the  x  is  analogous,  in  other  words, 
that  it  is  in  both  a  primary  consonant  or  secon- 
darily derived  from  an  identical  source.  From 
this  standpoint  Mason,  like  most  Americanists, 
leaves  something  to  be  desired.  It  is  not  alto- 
gether easy  to  be  clear,  for  instance,  from  his 
data  whether  the  aspirated  surds  are  an  orga- 
nically independant  series  or  merely  a  secondary 
development  of  the  intermediate-surds.  The 
former  is  the  impression  conveyed  in  the  pho- 
netic portion  of  the  paper,  the  latter  as  the 
data  unfold  themselves  in  the  body  of  the 
work.  In  other  words,  it  would  seem  that  the 
Yana-Pomo-Shastan-Chimariko  organic  diffe- 
rentiation, say,  of  older  k  and  k'  has  been  obli- 
terated (or  never  developed)  in  Salinan  and 
that  Salinan  k',  and  apparently  often  x,  are 
but  secondary  developments  of  k  (leveled  or 


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original)  ;  cf.  Salinant  ko-  NOT  with  Yana  l;'u- 
and  Chimariko  xu-  (from  *&'«-).  Further  com- 
parative research  ma}'  lead  us  to  modify  this 
view.  Meanwhile  it  seems  fairly  clear  that  the 
great  majority  of  instances  of  Salinan  aspirated 
surds  are  merely  due  to  positional  causes. 

Mason's  examples  of  "  metathesis  "  (p.  15) 
are  not  convincing.  They  seem  best  explained 
as  due  to  vocalic  syncope,  e.  g.  lice  YEAR  :  elci'- 
taneL  YEARS  in  all  probability  presupposes  an 
originally  trisyllabic  stem  with  initial  vowel 
did-,  dice-.  The  recognition  of  this  type  of 
stem,  which  may  almost  be  considered  the 
original  norm  for  the  Hokan  languages  (e.  g. 
*  ipali  TONGUE,  *axu'ctti  BLOOD)  would,  in  gene- 
ral, have  helped  to  clear  up  more  than  one 
stubborn  feature  ot  Salinan  phonetics  or  mor- 
phology. In  particular,  I  am  inclined  to  suspect 
that  many  examples  analyzed  by  Mason  as  con- 
sisting of  prefixed  consonant  plus  vowel  follow- 
ed by  stem  with  initial  consonant  would  have 
been  more  accurately  interpreted  as  consonan- 
tal prefix  followed  by  stem  with  initial  vowel. 
Salinan  here  offers  precisely  the  same  difficulties 
and  perplexities  that  Dixon  met  with  in  Chi- 
mariko. 

Under  reduplication  (p.  14)  Mason  omits  to 
mention  several  interesting  examples  of  final 
reduplication  in  Salinan,  e.  g.  t-ikclele  ROUND, 
k-itspilil  PAINTED,  t'pelel  STRIPED,  exoxo  BRAIN. 
This  would  not  be  so  important  if  not  for  the 
presence  of  analogous  forms  in  other  Hokan- 
Coahuiltecan  languages,  e.g.  Chimariko  le'trelrr 
SPOTTED,  -poxolxol  TO  PAINT;  Washo  tamo" mo 
WOMAN,  tewi'ivi  YOUTH  ;  Pomo  pololo  ROUND, 
matoto  THUNDER  ;  Tonkawa  pilil  ROUND.  There 
are  also  indications  of  the  former  existence  in 
Salinan  of  a  method  of  forming  the  plural  by 
final  reduplication,  e.  g.  icxexe  FEET  (this  is 
doubtful  because  -ex-  seems  often  in  Salinan 
to  act  as  a  single  consonant  related  to  -r-), 
t-icxeplip  FEET  (apparently  old  plural  *  -icxepip 
later  re-pluralized  by  infixed  -/-).  This  is  very 


suggestive,  as  final  reduplication  to  express 
plurality  of  the  noun  is  much  in  evidence  in 
Esselen  and  Washo. 

There  seems  some  evidence  for  a  diminutive 
suffix  -la-,  though  this  is  not  explicitly  recog- 
nized by  Mason,  e.  g.  cxapa-la-t  PEBBLE  (cf. 
cxap  STONE)  ;  t'o'-l  HEAP  (cf.  t'oi  MOUNTAIN)  ; 
lua-ne-lo  SLAVE  (cf.  hta  MAN)  ;  k-'eke'-l-e  TO 
HAVE  A  FATHER  (cf.  ek  FATHER);  ito-l  BROTHER, 
plur.  ito'-la-nel  ;  mace-l  GREAT-GRANDCHILD. 
The  establishment  of  a  diminutive  suffix  -la- 
would  receive  its  due  significance  by  referring 
to  the  common  Chimariko  diminutive  -/-(/«), 
-la-;  this  element  is  also  frequently  found  in 
Chimariko  terms  of  relationship. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  and  irregular 
features  of  Salinan  is  the  formation  of  the  plu- 
ral of  nouns  and  of  the  plural  and  iterative  of 
verbs.  No  less  than  a  dozen  distinct  types  and 
a  large  number  of  irregular  formations  arc 
discussed  and  illustrated  by  Mason,  the  great 
majority  of  them  involving  a  suffixed  or  infixed 
-/-,  -»-,  or  -/-.  Significantly  analogous  plurals, 
often  of  great  irregularity  though  of  less  fre- 
quency, are  found  in  Yana  ;  e.  g.  such  Salinan 
plurals  as  t-eleyithiai  ARROWS  (sing.  (-eteyini'~) 
and  awtciii  SEVERAL  REMAIN  (sing,  anem)  offer 
more  than  a  cursory  parallel  to  such  Yana 
forms  as  mut'djaut'i-vri  CHIEFS  (sing,  mifiljan- 
/vr),  k'nru'«,'i  SHAMANS  (-r-  <;  -d-;  sing. 
Ku'wi),  sa'dimsi-  SEVERAL  SLEEP  (sing,  samsi-, 
sums-').  The  Salinan  type  with  infixed  -/;-,  -x- 
(e.  g.  meben-  HANDS,  sing,  men-;  kaxan  SEVERAL 
SLEEP,  sing,  kaii)  may  be  analogous  to  such 
Yana  forms  as  dja'li-  SEVERAL  LAUGH  (from 
*  djabali-  ?),  sing.  djal-. 

The  most  striking  feature  of  Salinan  noun 
morphology  is  the  prefixing  of  an  element  /- 
or  /-.  This  prefix  occurs  both  in  primary  nouns 
and  in  nominal  derivatives  of  verb  stems. 
When  the  noun  is  preceded  by  possessive  pro- 
nominal prefixes,  the  /-  sometimes  appears 
before  the  pronominal  element,  at  other  times 


NO.  4 


REVIEWS 


307 


it  is  lacking.  It  seems  highly  probable,  moreo- 
ver, that  a  number  of  other  /-  prefixes  (verbal 
and  local)  that  Mason  discusses  in  the  progress 
of  his  sketch  are  etymologically  identical  with 
the  nominal  t-  (e.  g.  conditional  t-,  la-,  p.  44). 
It  is  most  plausibly  interpreted  as  a  kind  of 
nominal  article  of  originally  demonstrative 
force  (cf.  Hokan  demonstrative  stem  *  ta  ;  this 
fuller  form  seems  to  be  found  in  Salinan  en- 
clitic -ta  NOW).  It  offers  a  striking  and  probably 
significant  analogy  to  Washo  d-,  similarly  pre- 
fixed to  both  primary  and  derivative  nouns. 
The  possessive  pronominal  prefixes  of  Salinan 
offer  important  analogies  to  the  corresponding 
elements  of  other  Hokan  languages,  notably 
Chimariko  and  Washo  ;  the  lack  of  a  distinct 
pronominal  prefix  for  the  first  person  singular 
is  paralleled,  it  would  seem,  in  Yuman. 

In  discussing  the  pronominal  system  of  Sali- 
nan, Mason  points  out  the  presence  of  six  more 
or  less  distinct  series  of  elements  :  the  indepen- 
dent personal  pronouns ;  the  "proclitic"  series, 
which  might  better  have  been  frankly  recogni- 
zed as  constituting  true  prefixes  (they  occur 
only  as  verb  subjects  and  are  closely  connected 
with  the  stem,  whose  initial  vowels  they 
sometimes  displace)  ;  the  objective  elements, 
suffixed  to  the  verb  ;  the  locative  series  (e.  g. 
NEAR  ME,  TO  HIM);  the  possessive  prefixes  ;  and 
the  enclitic  subjects.  The  last  of  these,  however, 
are  merely  a  secondarily  abbreviated  set  derived 
from  the  independent  pronouns.  Of  the  others, 
the  objective  series  stands  out,  for  the  most 
part,  as  distinctive,  the  others  show  consider- 
able interrelationship.  The  locative  series,  in 
particular,  is  evidently  closely  related,  not,  as 
Mason  remarks,  to  the  independent  series,  but 
to  the  "  proclitics  "  and  possessives.  It  is  com- 
pounded of  the  pronominal  element  proper  and 
a  preceding  k-,  ke-,  evidently  an  old  locative 
or  objective  particle  (cf.  Yana  objective  and 
locative  particle  gi")  ;  hence,  e.  g.,  -k'e  ME  (loca- 
tive) and  -ho  HIM  (locative)  are  to  be  analyzed 


as  k(e)-'e  TO-ME  and  ke-o  TO-HIM  (such  a  form 
as  Mason's  tewa'kok'e  NEAR  ME  is  most  easily 
interpreted  as  f-e«*r/b£-'eTHE-pROXiMITY  TO-ME). 
The  close  parallelism  between  the  first  person 
singular  and  plural  forms  in  Salinan  is  charac- 
teristic of  other  Hokan  languages ;  the  contrast 
of  the  e  (/)  or  zero  of  the  singular  with  the  a 
of  the  plural  is  strikingly  reminiscent  of  Chi- 
mariko. 

In  the  section  on  "  temporal  proclitics  " 
(pp..  3 4,  35)  there  is  betrayed  a  certain  incom- 
pleteness or  haltingness  of  analysis  which  is  in 
evidence  also  elsewhere  in  the  book.  Phoneti- 
cally, this  comes  out  in  the  author's  treatment 
of  the  pronominal  prefix  or  initial  vowel  of  .the 
stem,  which  is  often  mistakenly,  I  imagine, 
drawn  to  the  proclitic.  To  say  that  "  the  prefix 
ma-  probably  differs  only  phonetically  from 
me-  [WHEN]"  (p.  25)  is  misleading.  Such 
examples  as  me-yam  WHEN  I  SEE  and  ma-yaL 
WHEN  WE  GO  suggest  strongly  the  analysis 
m-e-yatn  and  m-a-yaL  with  the  regular  "  pro- 
clitic "  pronouns  e-  i  and  a-  WE.  Morphologi- 
cally, Mason  does  not  seem  to  realize  the  pro- 
bable denominating,  in  part  demonstrative, 
origin  of  his  temporal  proclitics.  They  are  only 
secondarily  subordinating  elements.  Such  a 
form  as  be'-ya  WHEN  i  WENT  (better  b-c'ya  or 
contracted  be-eyd)  is,  without  doubt,  an  indi- 
cative -fya  i  WENT  subordinated  by  the  demons- 
trative stern  pe,  pa  "  the,  that  " ;  THAT  I-WENT, 
whence  WHEN  i  WENT,  is  a  method  of  subor- 
dination that  seems  to  be  paralleled  by  like 
constructions  in  Yana  and  is  strongly  reminis- 
cent of  Siouan . 

The  use  of  the  perplexing  verbal  prefixes  p- 
and  k-  (pp.  38,  39)  suggests  a  fundamental 
generic  classification  of  verbs.  Mason  himself 
doubtfully  describes  the  p-  verbs  as  transitives, 
the  k-  verbs  as  intransitives  (e.  g.  k-enai  TO 
HURT  ONESELF,  p-enai  TO  WOUND).  This  is  the 
most  obvious  explanation  but  there  are  many 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  its  acceptance.  That 


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p-  verbs  embrace  such  ideas  as  TO  THINK  and 
TO  CIRCLE  AROUND  seems  to  suggest  that  the 
proper  basis  of  classification  is  not  so  much 
transitive  and  intransitive  as  active  and  sta'tic, 
as  in  Haida-Tlingit,  Siouan,  and  Chimariko. 
A  more  intensive  study  of  the  Salinan  material, 
supplemented  eventually  by  comparison  with 
Chumash,  Yuman,  Seri,  and  possibly  Coahuil- 
tecan-Tonkawa  (cf.  Comecrudo  pa-  verbs  and 
Seri,  like  Salinan,  adjectives  in  £-),  will  doubt- 
less clear  up  this  fundamental  problem  of  Sali- 
nan morphology.  The  t-  verbs  (pp.  39,  40) 
seem  most  intelligibly  explained  as  subordinates 
(conjunctives),  morphologically  nothing  but 
nominalized  forms,  the  /-  being  identical,  as 
Mason  suggests  with  reserve,  with  the  common 
nominal  /-  prefix.  This  explanation  gains  force 
from  the  fact  that  the  /-forms  regularly  replace 
p-  and  k-  forms  after  "  proclitic  "  and  other 
prefixed  elements.  Thus,  such  a  form  as 
ram-t'-xwen  THEN  (HE)  ARRIVED  is  really  THEN- 
THE-ARRIV(ING),  THEN  (JT  is)  THAT  (HE)  ARRIV- 
ED; similarly  me-t-amp'  WHEN  (IT)  CAME  OUT 
must  be  understood  as  TIME-THE-COMING  our. 
Such  constructions,  rt  need  hardly  be  added, 
are  common  in  America. 

The  negative  verbal  prefix  ko-,  k  (pp.  41, 
42)  otters  many  points  of  similarity  with  the 
Chimariko  negative  xu,-  .\-.  The  pronominal 
element  follows  in  Salinan,  regularly  precedes 
in  Chimariko.  Dixon,  however,  remarks  that 
the  first  person  singular  negative  of  verbs  with 
y-,  i-  as  first  person  singular  pronominal  prefix 
is  generally  xe-,  the  -e-  replacing  frequently  the 
initial  vowel  of  the  stem.  This  feature  is  so 
isolated  as  to  appear  archaic ;  it  strongly,  and 
perhaps  significantly,  parallels  Salinan  k-e  NOT  i. 

The  locative  adverbsand  prepositions  (pp.  55- 
57)  are  frequently  characterized  by  certain 
prefixed  elements  (ina-\  tuma-  ;  urn-;  /inn-; 
umpa-,  tumpa- ;  /«-,  //'-)  which  seem  to  me  not 
quite  fully  understood  by  Mason.  The  most 
likely  analysis,  it  seems  to  me,  assumes  a 


petrified  noun  *mna-  PLACE,  THERE,  which  may 
appear  abbreviated  to  ma-  or  urn-,  according  to 
phonetic,  perhaps  accentual,  conditions.  To 
this  element  may  be  prefixed  the  article-like 
/-,  while  the  demonstrative  pa  THAT  may  fol- 
low. The  correctnessof  this  view  is  corroborat- 
ed by  such  an  independent  adverb  as  tumpa 
THERE,  evidently  t-um-pa  THE-PLACE-THAT  ; 
similarly,  rnin-t'ca'  IN  THE  WATER  is  to  be  un- 
derstood as  r-iim-t'-ca'  THE  (r-<?-)-PLACE-THE- 
WATER.  The  element  inn-,  inn-,  -nnia-\s  cognate 
to  ma-  forms  in  Yana,  Chimariko,  and  Porno. 
A  detailed  linguistic  analysis  of  the  first  text 
(pp.  64-67)  makes  concrete  in  the  mind  of  the 
reader  what  has  been  given  in  analytic  form  in 
the  grammatical  survey.  This  analysis  is  con- 
vincing in  the  main.  The  chief  misunderstand- 
ings, if  I  may  be  allowed  the  term,  are  due 
to  a  failure  to  recognize  in  all  cases  the  nominal 
/-  prefix  and  to  a  tendency  to  cut  loose  the 
initial  vowel  of  the  stem  or  the  pronominal 
"  proclitic  "  vowel  afld  attach  it  to  the  preced- 
ing consonant.  Thus,  the  form  tiyaten',  trans- 
lated as  (THEN  WHY)  TO  GO  ALSO  ?  (freely, 
WHY  SHOULD  i  COME  ?)  is  analyzed  as  consist- 
ing of  a  general  preposition  //-,  the  stem  ya, 
and  the  iterative  suffix  -Inn.  Far  more  plausible 
is  the  analysis  t-iya-lcn  (\VHY)  THE-GOING-ALSO? 
(stem  iya,  ia  ;  cf.  Washo  iye  TO  GO),  possibly 
t-i-ya-ten  (WHY)  THE-I-GO-ALSO  ?  The  "  prepo- 
sition "  //'-  is  probably  a  phantom. 

In  view  of  the  rapidly  increasing  importance 
of  lexical  comparisons  in  American  linguistics, 
the  full  Snlinan  vocabulary  included  by  Mason 
is  in  the  highest  degree  welcome  and  will 
eventually  constitute  not  the  least  valuable  part 
of  the  book.  It  is  precisely  because  of  the  grow- 
ing importance  of  comparative  work  that  I 
have  in  this  review  emphasized- points  of  rela- 
tionship between  Salinan  and  other  languages 
of  its  group,  for  that  it  belongs  to  the  group 
provisionally  known  as  "  Hokan  "  is  now 
abundantly  clear.  Much  more  might  have  been 


NO.    4 


REVIEWS 


309 


advanced  on  this  point  than  I  have  touched 
upon,  but  a  review  is  not  the  proper  place  for 
a  full  discussion. 

E.  SAPIR. 

RENWARD  BRANDSTETTER.  -  Die  Redupli- 
kation  in  den  indianischen,  indonesischen 
und  indogermanischen  Sprachen  (Beilage 
zum  Jahresbericht  der  Luzerner  Kantons- 
schule)  :  1917. 

In  this  treatise  the  author  gives  a  survey  of 
those  phenomena  of  reduplication  which  are 
found  in  each  of  the  three  groups  of  languages 
mentioned  in  the  title.  Types  found  in  only 
one  or  two  of  these  groups,  however  interest- 
ing they  may  be,  are  left  out  of  consideration. 
Each  type  mentioned  is  represented  by  one 
example  drawn  from  each  of  the  three  groups. 
When  the  author  assures  us  that  his  examples 
are  taken  from  the  best  texts  we  are,  of  course, 
quite  willing  to  believe  him  ;  but  still  we  should 
have  been  much  obliged  to  him  if  he  had  taken 
the  trouble  to  mention  his  sources"  in  each 
separate  case.  Especially  regarding  the  origin  of 
his  Indian  examples  some  more  information 
would  not  have  been  superfluous,  since  even  an 
americanist  can  hardly  be  supposed  to  recognise 
these  sources  by  intuition.  The  paper  is  purely 
descriptive  throughout :  it  is  an  enumeration 
of  parallels,  and  even  the  relations  between 
forms  and  functions  have  hardly  been  taken 
notice  of.  So  the  reader  who  expects  to  learn 
something  about  the  essential  character  of  this 
interesting  phenomenon  will  be  sorely  disap- 
pointed :  what  he  does  learn  is  that,  even  after 
Bra n dste tier's  list  of  parallels  from  a  great  num- 
ber of  linguistic  stocks  published  in  1917, 
Pott's  well-known  book  on  reduplication, 
printed  in  1862,  remains  our  best  starting-point 
for  further  inquiry.  Evidently  Brandstetter 
himself  is  not  aware  of  this  fact;  at  least  he 
never  shows  that  he  is,  though  it  is  hardly  to 


be  supposed  that  the  imposing  array  of  data 
presented  by  that  eminent  scholar  has  not  ma- 
terially facilitated  his  own  investigations. 

As  Brandstetter's  study  practically  contains 
neither  new  facts  nor  new  ideas,  the  task  of 
his  reviewer  is  not  a  grateful  one. 

It  might  have  been  otherwise  if  the  author 
had  made  an  effort  to  penetrate  a  little  deeper 
into  his  subject.  That  he  has  not  done  so  is  the 
more  astonishing  because  some  valuable  pre- 
paratory work  has  already  been  done.  Already 
Pott  had  perceived  that  the  numerous  and  very 
divergent  functions  of  reduplication  (in  its 
widest  sense)  may,  all  of  them,  be  traced  back 
to  the  same  psychic  motive.  He  speaks  of 
"  quantitative  steigerung  ",  which,  however, 
may  lead  to  a  qualitative  change  of  meaning 
(Pott,  Die  Reduplikation,  p.  22).  About  45 
years  later  the  snme  idea  was  much  more  tech- 
nically expressed  by  van  Ginneken  when  he 
demonstrated  that  all  reduplication  is  a  mani- 
festation of  psychic  energy  (Jac.  van  Ginneken, 
Principes  de  linguistique  psychologique,  see 
Index  s.  v.  redoublements).  Pott  distinguished 
further  between  intensive  and  extensive  "  stei- 
gerung "  :  the  former  manifesting  itself  e.  g. 
in  reduplicated  interjections,  "lallworter",  ono- 
matopoeia ;  the  latter  in  reduplicated  plurals 
and  distributive  numerals.  Thus  far  these  two 
groups  of  Pott  correspond  to  van  Ginneken's 
general  classification,  which  distinguishes  bet- 
ween extrinsic  and  intrinsic  energy  ;  but  Pott's 
conception  of  the  essential  character  of  each 
group  is  rather  superficial.  As  to  this  point  van 
Ginneken'sargumentopensanew  aspect.  Accord- 
ing to  him  the  difference  between  e.  g.  "  lall- 
worter" and  plurals  consists  in  this  that  the  psy- 
chic energy  manifesting  itself  in  the  reduplica- 
tion in  the  former  case  originates  from  the 
emotional  attitude  of  the  speaker  and  in  the 
latter  case  is  stimulated  by  the  meaning  of  the 
grammatical  form  itself.  In  his  opinion  the 
types  of  reduplication  belonging  to  group  I 


3io 


INTERNATIONAL    JOURNAL    OF    AMERICAN    LINGUISTICS 


VOL.     I 


(extrinsic  energy)  represent  a  period  in  the 
development  of  language  when  people  used  to 
speak  'H'itb  more  sentiment  or  to  articulate  less 
clearly.  He  might  have  added  that  both  factors 
may  easily  be  observed  in  modern  child  lan- 
guage, though  I  am  far  from  asserting  that  this 
proves  anything.  In  group  I  are  also  classed  the 
reduplicated  forms  of  numerous  very  old  roots 
which  could  not  possibly  be  classified  accord- 
ing to  their  meaning,  but  which  generally 
belong  to  the  most  indispensable  part  of  the 
vocabulary.  As  usually,  van  Ginncken,  after 
stimulating  our  interest  to  the  utmost,  leaves 
the  subject  ;  attempting  to  construct  a  well 
thought  out  theory  out  of  his  sporadic  remarks 
is  quite  as  useless  as  trying  to  read  by  an  occa- 
sional flash  of  lightning.  In  the  first  place  his 
explanation  of  reduplications  resulting  from 
extrinsic  energy  is  rather  vague.  That  uncivi- 
lized peoples  speak  with  more  sentiment  than 
we  do,  is  not  to  be  denied,  but  about  the  sta- 
tement that  they  articulate  less  clearly  we 
should  be  glad  to  hear  something  more.  Fur- 
ther, does  van  Ginneken  mean  that  there  has 
been  a  period  in  the  development  of  language 
when  all  words  occurred  in  a  reduplicated  form 
only?  This  must  be  our  inference  if  it  is  true 
that  the  meaning  of  the  words  themselves  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  circumstance 
that  they  were  reduplicated.  But  in  this  case  it 
is  obviously  impossible  to  distinguish  between 
the  two  groups,  as  any  reduplicated  form  may 
have  originated  in  the  period  when  reduplica- 
tion was  universal.  It  is  evident  that  van  Ginne- 
ken's  theory  cannot  quite  satisfy  us,  but  this 
does  not  imply  that  his  classification  is  wholly 
wrong.  It  will  be  admitted,  I  think,  that  at 
least  one  of  his  groups  is  really  suggestive  of  a 
definite  semantic  category.  This  category 
comprises  those  cases  of  reduplication  whose 
functions  may  be  summarized  by  the  general 
term  increase:  plural  forms,  distributives,  inten- 
sity of  action,  continuity  of  action,  repetition 


of  action,  customary  action,  superlatives  etc. 
(for  American  examples  see  the  Handbook  of 
American  Indian  Languages  I).  With  a  view  to 
the  mental  attitude  of  the  speaker  we  may  per- 
haps call  them  emphatic  reduplications.  If  we 
now  consider  the  numerous  reduplications 
which  are  not  immediately  recognizable  as 
belonging  to  the  emphatic  group,  we  meet 
with  a  striking  variety  :  thus  we  find  a.  o.  ono- 
matopoeia, "  lallworter  ",  adjectives  of  color, 
shape  and  surface  quality,  nomina  actons  and 
acti  ;  further  reduplication  may  express  unrea- 
lity, imitation,  playful  activity.  Among  these 
various  functions  the  last  mentioned  group 
seems  to  present  itself  as  a  semantic  category 
indicating  the  idea  of  unreality.  According  to 
van  Ginneken,  this  group  has  about  the  same 
function  as  the  Indo-European  vrddhi-deriva- 
tives,  which  he  calls  "  allongements  d'hesita- 
tion  "  in  contradistinction  to  the  "  allonge- 
ments d'emphase  ",  •  which  seem  to  be  (psy- 
cologically)  akin  to  our  emphatic  reduplica- 
tions. Further  the  onomatopoeia  and  "  lall- 
worter ",  whose  common  characteristic  seems 
to  consist  in  their  emotional  nature,  cannot  well 
be  separated  from  the  foregoing  group,  though 
here  the  emotional  element  is  less  obvious.  No 
doubt  van  Ginneken's  first  class,  with  which 
the  "  lallworter"  group  brings  us  into  touch 
again,  is  large  enough  to  embrace  both  of 
them.  However,  there  is  no  reason  to  regard 
these  reduplications  as  "  survivals  "  belonging 
to  a  period  when  reduplication  was  well-nigh 
universal  because  people  used  to  speak  with 
more  sentiment  :  even  to  our  "  civilized  " 
conceptions  the  character  of  the  concerned 
words  is  quite  sufficient  to  explain  the  senti- 
ment with  which  they  were  pronounced.  The 
only  kind  of  reduplications  which  undoubtedly 
originate  of  extrinsic  energy  are  those  found 
among  the  interjections;  but  these  belong  to 
all  times  and  all  peoples. 

It  is  quite  true  that  there    remain    a  great 


NO.    4 


REVIEWS 


number  of  reduplications,  especially  in  Indo- 
European,  whose  functions  we  cannot  even 
guess,  but  the  very  fact  that  these  roots  belong 
to  the  most  primitive  part  of  the  vocabulary 
(as  van  Ginneken  argues)  would  seem  to  sug- 
gest the  possibility  that  we  are  here  confronted 
with  an  ethno-psychological  problem  which  the 
present  state  of  our  knowledge  does  not  enable 
us  to  solve.  Some  types  may  be  less  mysterious 
than  they  would  seem  to  be  at  first  sight.  If  e. 
g.  the  adjectives  of  color,  shape,  and  surface 
quality  are  really  to  be  regarded  as  iteratives 
(red  here  and  there),  as  Gatschet  thought 
(Contributions  to  North  American  Ethnology  II, 
part  i,  p.  276),  they  belong  to  our  emphatic 
group;  and  this  author's  valuable  information 
about  distributive  nomina  actoris  and  acti  in 
Klamath  whose  distributive  meaning  ("  action 
done  at  different  times  or  occasions  repeatedly, 
habitually  or  gradually  "  ;  Gatschet,  ibidem) 
suggests  the  idea  that  perhaps  all  reduplicated 
nomina  actoris,  agentis,  and  acti  may  originally 
have  had  this  meaning. 

These  few  remarks  about  some  of  the  most 
common  types  of  reduplication  may  suffice  to 
show  that  a  careful  inquiry  into  the  psycholo- 
gical background  of  the  phenomenon  consider- 
ed in  its  entirety  may  be  expected  to  yield 
important  results.  However,  such  an  inquiry 
should  be  founded  on  a  somewhat  complete 
set  of  data  and  not  on  a  number  of  facts  arbi- 
trarily selected.  A  very  valuable  foundation 
would  e.  g.  be  afforded  by  a  survey  of  all  the 
types  reduplication  of  found  in  languages  of 
North  America,  whereas  a  comparative  treat- 
ment embracing  such  an  enormous  field  as  the 
one  represented  by  Brandstetter's  short  paper 
cannot  be  but  both  incomplete  and  superficial. 

Finally  I  may  be  allowed  to  remind  the 
reader  of  the  existence  of  a  highly  important 
morphological  problem  connected  with  our 
subject,  viz.  the  relation  between  reduplica- 


tion and  vocalic  intermutation  ("  change  ")  in 
North  American  languages.  Several  years  ago 
Uhlenbeck  pointed  out  the  probability  that, 
wherever  it  presents  itself,  this  vocalic  inter- 
mutation  has  originated  of  reduplication  attend- 
ed with  vocalic  differentiation  (C.  C.  Uhlen- 
beck, Grammatical  distinctions  in  Algonquian 
demonstrated  especially  from  the  Ojibway- 
dialect,  Leyden,  E.  J.  Brill,  1909,  pp.  10-20). 
Though  the  available  evidence  is  perhaps  not 
yet  conclusive  it  is  not  to  be  disputed  that 
more  recent  data  point  in  the  same  direction . 
So  Boas  is  inclined  to  think  that  certain  plural 
forms  in  the  Nass  river  dialect  which  show 
modifications  of  length  and  accent  of  stem  syl- 
lables have  originated  by  secondary  modification 
of  reduplicated  forms  (Handbook  Amer.  Ind. 
Lang.  I  373)-  The  same  may  be  said  of  modi- 
fication ofthe  vowel  replacing  distributive  redu- 
plication in  Kwakiutl  (Boas,  ibid.,  519,  522). 
An  interesting  example  of  how  this  process  may 
take  place  is  to  be  found  in  Sapir's  paper  on 
noun  reduplication  in  Comox(Canada  Geologic 
al  Survey,  Memoir  63  :  type  IV  on  p.  16),  in 
which  language  we  also  meet  with  nouns 
reduplicated  to  begin  with  and  substituting  for 
plural  reduplication  a  change  of  the  first  stem 
vowel  (ibid.,  p.  18).  If  it  could  be  proved  that 
Uhlenbeck's  suggestion  is  true,  this  would  be  a 
discovery  of  the  greatest  importance,  not  only 
with  regard  to  the  North  American  languages 
under  consideration,  but  also  with  a  view  to 
the  problem  ofthe  qualitative  "  ablaut  "  in 
Indo-European,  although  the  psychological  rela- 
tion between  the  latter  and  the  North  American 
"  change  "  is  still  obscure. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Brandstetter's  descrip- 
tive essay  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  precursor  of 
a  thorough  inquiry  in  which  full  justice  will  be 
done  to  every  side  of  the  problem. 

J.   P.    B.  DE  JOSSELIN  DE  JONG. 

State  Museum  of  Ethnography,  Leiden. 


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