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The International Standard 
Bible Encyclopaedia 


International Standard 
Bible Encyclopaedia 

JAMES ORR, M.A., D.D., General Editor 



MORRIS 0. EVANS, D.D., Ph.D., Managing Editor 

volume II 





I andover-Harvard 
! ThEiuLiKjiLAL Library 

OCT 10 1916 





coptrioht, 1915, by 
Thb Howard-Severance Company 

All Rights of TranslaUon and 
Reproduction Reserved 

International Copyright Secured 

Thr PubUaKera supply thia Encyclopaedia only throuich 
muthoriMd saW-sycnta. Booka«n«n rannoi oMmin it. 

Printed by the Lakeside Press 

Types cast and set by the University of ChicaKO Press 

Chica^rot Illinois, U.S.A. 




CLEMENT, klem'ent (KX^iiig, Klhnea, "mild"): 
A fellow-worker with Paul at Philippi, mentioned 
with especial commendation in Phil 4 3. The name 
being common, no inference can be drawn from this 
statement as to any identity with the author of the 
Epistle to the Corinthians published under this 
name, who was also the third bishop of Rome. The 
truth of this supposition ("it cannot be called a 
tradition," Donaldson, The Apostolical FallierSj 120), 
although found in Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius 
and Jerome, can neither be proved nor disproved. 
Even Roman Catholic authorities dispute it (art. 
"Clement," Cath. Cydopaedia, IV, 13). The remote- 
ness between the two in time and place is against it; 
"a whoUv uncritical view" (Cruttwell, Literary His- 
tory of Early Christianity, 31). H. E. Jacobs 

CLEOPAS, kle'A-pas (KX€6ira«, Kledvas, "re- 
nowned father"): One of the two disciples whom 
Jesus met on the way to Emmaus (Lk 24 18). The 
name is a contraction of Cleopatros, not identical 
with Clopas of Jn 19 25. See also Alphaeus; 

CLEOPATRA, klg-^pa'tra (KXioirAxpa, Kleo- 
pdlra, "from a famous father"): A daughter of 
Ptolemy VI (Philometor) and of Queen Cleopatra, 
who was married first to Alexander Balas 150 BC 
(1 Mace 10 58; Jos, Ant, XIII, iv. 1) and was 
afterward taken from him by her fatner and given 
to Demetrius Nicator on the invasion of Syria by 
the latter (1 Ma<;c 11 12; Jos, Ant, XIII, iv, 7). 
Alexander was killed in battle against the joint 
forces of Ptolemy and Demetrius while Demetrius 
was in captivity m Parthia. Cleopatra married his 
brother Antiochus VII (Sidetes), who in the absence 
of Demetrius had gained possession of the Syrian 
throne ( 137 BC). She was probably privy (Appian, 
Syr., 68) to the murder of Demetrius on his return to 
Syria 125 BC, but Josephus (Ant, XIII, ix, 3) gives 
a different account of his aeath. She afterward 
murdered Seleucus, her eldest son by Nicator, who 
on his father's death had taken possession of the 
government without her consent. She attempted 
unsuccessfully to poison her second son by Nicator, 
Antiochus VIII (Grypus), for whom she had secured 
the succession, because he was unwilling to concede 
to her what she considered her due share of power. 
She was herself poisoned (120 BC) by the draught 
which she had prepared for their son (Justin 39). 
She had also a son by Antiochus VII (Sidetes An- 
tiochus Cyzicenus), who took his name from the 
place in which he was educated. He was killed in 
battle 95 BC. The name Cleopatra was borne by 
many Egyp princesses, the first of whom w^as daughter 
of Antiochus III and was married to Ptolemy V 
(Epiphanes) 193 BC. J. Hutchison 

CLEOPHAS, kle'0-fas. See Clopas. 

CLERK. See Town Clerk. 

CLIFF, CLIFT. See Cleft. 

CLOAK, klok, CLOKE (b"»79, m^'il, nbpip, 
simldh, etc; tjiAriov, himdtion, <rToX^, stolt^ etc): 
"Cloke" is retained in ERV, as in AV, instead of 
mod. "cloak" (ARV). In the OT, m*'fZ (cf NT 
himaiion) uniformly stands for the ordinary upper 
gjirment worn over the coat (k'thoneth). In Mt 
6 40 both "cloak" and "coat" are mentioned 
together; cf Lk 6 29. In size and material the 
"cloak" differed according to age and sex, class 
and occupation, but in shape it was like our mantle 
or shawl. It might be sewed up to have the sur- 
plice form of the robe of the Ephod (Ex 39 23), 
or be worn loose and open like a Rom toga, the 

Arab. Ahaa, or the Geneva gown. This is the 
"garment" referred to in Gen 89 12; Ex 22 26: 
Dt 24 13; "the robe" that Jonathan "stripped 
himself of" and gave to David (1 S 18 4); "the 
robe" of Saul, "the robe" in which it is said the 
"old man" (Samuel) was "covered" (1 S 28 14); 
and in the NT "the best robe" put on the return- 
ing prodigal (Lk 16 22). Paurs "cloak" that he 
left at Troas (2 Tim 4 13; phaindles. Lat paentda, 
WH phehnes), it has been suggested, "may have 
been a light mantle like a casmnere dust-clod^, in 
which the books and parchment were wrapped" 
{HDB, S.V.). 

Figuratively: The word lent itself easily and 
naturally to fig. uses. We find Paul (1 Thess 2 5) 
disclaimmg using "a cloak of covetousness" (cf 1 
Pet 2 16) and Jesus (Jn 16 22) saying, "Now they 
have no excuse ["cloak"] for their sin." Some such 
usage seems common to all languages; cf Eng. "pal- 
liate." See Dress. Geo. B. Eager 

CLOD: In Job 7 5 (©"'J, glsh, tD^, gUsh, "a 
mass of earth"), "clods of dust," the crust of his 
sores, formed by the dry, swollen skin — ^a symptom 
of leprosy, though not peculiar to it. In Job 21 
33; 88 38 (S;}"!, reghebh, "a soft clod," "lump of 
clay"), "The clods of the valley shall be sweet 
unto him," "The clods cleave fast together." In 
Joel 1 17 (n^^jp, megkraphdh, "a furrow," "some- 
thing thrown off" [by the spade]), "The seeds rot 
[m ' ishrivel"] under their clods." 

Figurative: "Jacob shall break his clods" (Hos 
10 11), i.e. "must harrow for himself," used fig. of 
spiritual discipline (cf Isa 28 24 AV). 

M. O. Evans 

CLOPAS, klo'pas (KXwiras, Kldpds), CLEO- 
PHAS: The former in RV, the latter in AV, of Jn 
19 25, for the name of the husband of one of the 
women who stood by the cross of Christ. Upon 
the philological groimd of a variety in pronunci- 
ation of the Heb root, sometimes identified with 
Alphaeus, the father of James the Less. Said by 
tradition to have been the brother of Joseph, the 
husband of Mar>'; see Brethren of the Lord. 
Distinguished from Cleopas, a Gr word, while Clopas 
is Aram. 

CLOSE, vb. kl5z; adj. and advb., klos (HOS, 
kd^&h, "^91 ^^^'■/ Ka|i|ji^«», fcammtio): Other 
words are fidrdh, "to burn"; "Shalt thou reign, 
because thou closest thyself in cedar?" (Jer 22 15 
AV), RV "strivest to excel in cedar," m "viest 
with the cedar": ^agam, "to harden"; "Jeh hath 
closed your eyes (Isa 29 10); gadhar, "to hedge" 
or "wall up" (Am 9 11); ^agar, "to restrain" 
(Gen 20 18). In Lk 4 20, ptiissd, "to fold up." 
RV has "was closed," m "is Opened," for "are 
open" (Nu 24 3.15), "closed" for "narrow" or 
"covered" (Ezk 40 16; 41 16.26). To "keep close," 
sigdo (Lk 9 36), RV "held their peace." We have 
also "kept close" (RV Nu 6 13; Heb ^athar, "to 
hide"); also Job 28 21; "kept himself close," RVm 
"shut up" (1 Ch 12 1); "close places," mi^gereth 
(2 S 22 46; Ps 18 45 » "castles or holds shut in 
with high walls"). W. L. Walker 

CLOSET, kloz'et: Is the rendering in AV of (1) 
npri , huppdh, and (2) ratuCov, tameion, also tami- 
eion. Huppdh, derived from hdphdh, "to cover, ' ' was 
probably originally the name of the tent specially set 
apart for the bride, and later (Joel 2 16) used for 
the bride's chamber. The word fanieion, originally 
storeroom (cf Lk 12 24, AV "storehouse"; RV 
"storechamber"), but since for safety it was the 
inner rooms of the Heb house which were used for 
storage purposes, the word came to mean inner 



room, aa in Mt 6 6; Lk 12 3, in both AV "closet" 
(cf Mt 24 26, AV "secret chamber"). In all cases 
RV uses "inner chamber." See also House. 

David Foster Estbb 
CLOTH» kloth, CLOTHING, kl5th'ing. See 

CLOTHED, kldthd, UPON (linvS^, ependUo, 
"to put on over" another garment): Used onlv in 
2 Cor 6 2.4. In ver 4 in contrast with unclothed, 
cf 1 Cor 16 53 f , in which the idea of putting on, 
as a garment, is expressed of incorruption and im- 
mortSity. The meaning here is verv subtle and 
difficult of interpretation. In all probabilitv Paul 
thinks of a certain enswathement of his physical 
mortal body even in this life ("in this we groan," 
i.e. in this present body), hence the force of the pre- 
fixed preposition. The body itself was regarded 
by the philosophers of his day as a covering of the 
soul, and hence it was to be clothed upon and at 
the same time transformed by the superimposed 
heavenly bod^. EpendfUeSj an outer garment, is 
used several tunes in LXX for m**H an upper gar- 
ment or robe (cf Jn 21 7). 

Walter G. Clippinoer 

CLOTHES, kl5thz, RENDING OF (Hynj? 
D*^l}^, ICrVcUh h'g?Mdhlm): This term is used to 
describe an ordinary tear made in a garment. 
Samuel's skirt was rent when Saul laid hold upon it 
(1 S 16 27). Jesus spoke>bout a rent being made 
in a garment (Mt 9 16). The term is also used to 
describe a Heb custom which indicated deep sor- 
row. Upon the death of a relative or important 
personage, or when there was a great calamity, it 
was customary for the Hebrews to tear their gar- 
ments. Reuben rent his clothes when he found that 
Joseph had been taken from the pit (Gen 87 29). 
The sons of Jacob rent their clothes when the cup 
was found in Benjamin's sack (Gen i4 13). A 
messenger came to Eli with his clothes rent to tell 
of the taking of the ark of God and of the death of 
his two sons (1 S 4 12). David rent his gar- 
ments when he heard that Absalom had slain his 
brothers (2 S 13 31). See also 2 S 16 32; 2 K 
18 37: Isa 86 22; Jer 41 5. Rending of clothes 
was also an expression of indignation. The high 
priest rent his garment when Jesus spoke what he 
thought was blasphemy (Mt 26 65). See also 
Mourning. A. W. Fortune 

CLOUD, kloud CIJT, 'dndn, 17, 'dbh; »i«M^t|, 
nepfUHf v4^o%t ntphos) : 

/. GoudM in PalmBiinm. — In the Bible few ref- 
erences are found of particular clouds or of clouds 
in connection with the phenomena of the weather 
conditions. The weather in Pal is more even and 
has less variety than that in other lands. It is a 
long, narrow country with sea on the W. and desert 
on tne E. The wind coming from the W. is always 
moist and brings clouds with it. If the temperature 
over the land is low enough the clouds will be con- 
densed and rain will fall, out if the temperature is 
high, as in the five months of sunmier, there can 
be no rain even though clouds are seen. As a 
whole the winter is cloudy and the summer clear. 

In the autumn rain storms often arise suddenly 
from the sea. and what seems to be a mere haze, 
as small as a man's hand," such as 
1. Rain Gehazi saw (1 K 18 44) over the 
Clouds sea, within a few hours becomes the 

black storm cloud poining down tor- 
rents of rain (1 K 18 45). Fog is almost unknown 
and there is very seldom an overcast, gloomv day. 
The west and southwest winds bring rain (Lk 12 54). 

In the months of April, May and September a 
hot east wind sometimes rises from the desert and 

brings with it a cloud of dust which fills the air 
and penetrates everything. In the summer after- 
noons, esp. in the month of August, on 
2. Dis- the seacoast there is apt to blow up from 
agreeable the S. a considerable number of low 
Clouds cirro-stratus clouds which seem to fill 

the air with dampness, making more 
oppressive the dead heat of summer. These are 
doubtless the detested "clouds without water" men- 
tioned in Jude ver 12, and ''heat by the shade of a 
cloud" (Isa 26 5). 

//. Figurative C/ie<. — ^The metaphoric and sym- 
bolic uses of clouds are many, and furnish some of 
the most powerful figures of Scripture. 

1. Jeho- In the OT, Jeh's presence is made 
vah's manifest and His glory shown forth 
Presence in a cloud. The cloud is usually 
and Gloxy spoken of as bright and shining, and 

it could not be fathomed by man: 
"Thou hast covered thyself with a cloud, so that 
no prayer can pass through" (Lam 8 44). Jeh 
Himself was present in the doud (£x 19 9; 24 16; 
84 5) and His glory filled the places where the 
cloud was (Ex 16 10; 40 38; Nu 10 34); "The cloud 
filled the house of Jeh" (1 K 8 10). In the NT we 
often have "the Son of man coming on'' or "with 
clouds" (Mt 24 30; 26 64; Mk 18 26; 14 62; 
Lk 21 27) and received up by clouds (Acts 1 9). 
The glory of the second coming is indicated in 
Rev 1 7 for "he cometh with the clouds" and "we 
that are alive .... shall together with them be 
caught up in the clouds, to meet the Lord" and 
dwell with Him (1 Thess 4 17). 

The pillar of cloud was a symbol of God's guid- 
ance and presence to the children of Israel in their 

journeys to the promised land. The 

2. Pillar Lord appeared in a pillar of cloud and 
of Cloud forsook them not (Neh 9 19). They 

followed the guidance of this cloud 
(Ex 40 36; Ps 78 14). 
The clouds are spoken of in the OT as the S3anbol 

of God's presence and care over His 
8. Bow in i)eople: and so the "bow in the cloud" 
Cloud (Gen 9 13) is a sign of God's pro- 

As the black cloud covers the sky and blots out 
the sun from sight, so Jeh promises "to blot out 

the sins" of Israel (Isa 44 22); Egypt 
4. Clouds also shall be conquered. "As for her, a 
Blot Out cloud shall cover her^' (Ezk 80 18; 

cf Lam 2 1). 
There is usually a wide difference in temperature 
between day and night in Pal. The days are warm 

and clouds coming from the sea are 
6. Transi- often completely dissolved in the warm 
toxy atmosphere over the land. As the 

temperature falls, the moisture again 
condenses into dew and mist over the hills and 
valleys. As the sun rises the "morning cloud" 
(Hos 6 4) is quickly dispelled and disappears 
entirely. Job compares the passing of his pros- 
perity to the passing clouds (Job 80 15). 

God "bindeth up the waters in his thick clouds" 
(Job 26 8) and the "clouds are the dust of his feet" 

(Nah 1 3). Jeh "commands the clouds 
6. God's that they rain no rain" (Isa 6 6), but 
Omnipo- as for man, "who can number the 
tence and clouds ?" (Job 88 37) ; "Can any un- 
Man's derstand the spreadings of the clouds?" 

Ignorance (Job 86 29); "Dost thou know the 

balancings of the clouds, the wondrous 
works of him who is perfect in knowledge?" (Job 
87 16). See Balancings. "He that regardeth the 
clouds shall not reap" (Eccl 11 4), for it is God 
who controls the clouds and man cannot fathom 
His wisdom. "Thick clouds are a covering to him" 
(Job 22 14). 



8. The 
and Un- 

9. Various 



Clouds are the central figure in many visions. 

Ezekiel beheld "a stormy wind .... out of the 

north, a great cloud'' (Ezk 1 4), and 

7. Visions John saw ''a white cloud; and on the 

cloud one sitting" (Rev 14 14). See 

also Dnl 7 13; Rev 10 1; 11 12. 

The cloud is also the symbol of the terrible and 
of destruction. The day of Jeh's reckoning is 
called the 'Sday of clouds'' (Ezk 80 
3) and a day of "clouds and thick 
darkness" (Zeph 1 15). The invader 
is expected to "come up as clouds" (Jer 
4 13). Joel (2 2) foretells the coming 
of locusts as "a day of clouds and thick 
darkness" which is both literal and figurative. Mis- 
fortune and old age are compared to "the cloudy 
and dark day" (Ezk 84 12) and "the clouds return- 
ing after rain" (Eccl 12 2). 

Clouds are used in connection with various other 
figures. Rapidity of motion, "these that fly as 
a cloud" (Isa 60 8). As swaddling 
clothes of the newborn earth (Job 88 
9); indicating great height (Job 20 6) 
and fig. in Isa 14 14, "I will ascend 
above the heights of the clouds," por- 
traying the self-esteem of Babylon. "A mornine 
without clouds" is the symbol of righteousness and 
justice (2 S 28 4); partial knowledge and hidden 
glory (Lev 16 2; Acts 1 9; Rev 1 7). 

Alfred H. Jot 
CLOUD, PILLAR OF. See Cloud, II, 2; 
PiLLAB OF Cloud. 

CLOUT, klout: As subst. (n*nn)(pn, harf'hdbhoth) 
a patch or piece of cloth, leather, or the Hke, a rag. 
a shred, or fragment. Old "cast clouts and old 

rotten rags" (Jer 88 11.12 AV). As vb. («bp, 
(dZa*) "to bandage," "patch," or mend with a clout. 
"Old shoes and clouted [ARV "patched"] upon their 
feet" (Josh 9 5: cf Shakespeare, Cym.. IV, 2: 
"I thought he slept. And put my doiued brogues 
from off my feet"; Milton, Comus: "And the dull 
8wain treads on it daily with his cUnUed shoon." 

CLOVEN, klS'v'n: In the OT, represented by a 
participle from TQIp , 8hd^\ "to split," and applied 
to beasts that divide the hoof (Lev 11 3: Dt 
14 7). Beasts with hoofs completely divided into 
two parts, that were also runmiant, were allowed 
the Israelites as food; see Cud; Hoof. In the 
NT, for Biafupi^Sfuyaif diamerizdmenaiy in Acts 2 3 
AV, RV "tongues parting asunder," i.e. "bifurcated 
flames." Another explanation found in RVm ap- 
plies the word, not to tongues, but to the multi- 
tude, "parting among them," or "distributing them- 
selves among them, '"settling upon the head of each 
disciple. H. £. Jacobs 

CLUB, klub. See Arhob, III, 1; Shepherd; 

CLUSTER, klus'tSr: 

(1) ^SipjJ, 'eshkdl; cf proper name Vale of 
EsHGOL (q.v.), from root meaning "to bind to- 
gether." A cluster or bunch of grapes (Gen 40 
10; Nu 18 23; Isa 66 8; Cant 7 8; Mic 7 1, 
etc); a cluster of henna flowers (Cant 1 14); 
a cluster of dates (Cant 7 7). "Their grapes are 
grapes of gall, their clusters are bitter" (Dt 82 32). 

(2) /86r/»vf, bdlrus, "gather the clusters of the 
vine of the earth" (Rev 14 18). 

The "cluster of raisins" (fimmuj:iw) of 1 S 26 
18; 80 12, should rather be "raisin cakes" or "dried 


E. W. G. Mastbrman 

CNIDUS, ni'dus, kni'dus (Kv(8o«, Knidos, 
''age"): A city of Caria in the Rom province of 

Asia, past which, according to Acts 27 7, Paul 
sailed. At the S.W. comer of Asia Minor there 
projects for 90 miles into the sea a long, narrow 
pemnsula, practically dividing the Aegean from the 
Mediterranean. It now bears the name of Cape 
Crio. Ships sailing along the southern coast of 
Asia Minor here turn northward as they round the 
point. Upon the very end of the peninsula, and 
also U]x>n a small island off its point was the city 
of Cnidus. The island which in ancient times was 
connected with the mainland by a causeway is 
now joined to it by a sandy bar. Thus were 
formed two harbors, one of which could be closed 
by a chain. Though Cmdus was in Caria, it held 
the rank of a free city. There were Jews here as 
early as the 2d cent. BC. 

The ruius of Cnidus are the only objects of inter- 
est on the long peninsula, and as they may be 
reached by land only with great difficulty, few 
travelers have visited them; they mw, however, 
be reached more easily by boat. The nearest 
modem village is Yazi Keui. 6 miles away. The 
ruins of Cnidus are unusually interesting, for the 
entire plan of the city may easily be traced. The 
sea-walls and piers remain. The acropolis was 
upon the hill in the western portion of the town; 
upon the terraces below stood the public buildings, 
among which were two theaters and the odeum 
stiU well preserved. The city was esp. noted for 
its shrine of Venus and for the statue of that god- 
dess by Praxiteles. Here in 1875-78 Sir C. New- 
ton discovered the statue of Demeter, now in the 
British Museum. See also the Aphrodite of Cnidus 
in the South Kensington Museum, one of the love- 
Best statues in the world. From here also came the 
huge Cnidian lion. The vast necropolis W. of the 
ruins contains tombs of every size and shape, and 
from various ages. £. J. Banks 

COALy k5l (On^, peham, "charcoal"; cf Arab. 
fahrni, "diarcoal"; ribnj, gafkeleth, "burning coal" 
or "hot ember"; cf Arab, jahanif "to kindle"; 
nnntp, sk'tLOTy "a black coal" [Lam 4 8]; cf Arab. 
shahhdr, "soot" or "dark-colored sandstone"; 
tCfr\] regeph [1 K 19 6], and H^S"), rif^wXA [=Riz- 

pah] [Isa 6 6], m "a hot stone"; cf CIT^'J, reahephy 
"a flame" [Cant 8 6; Hab 8 5]; avOpot, dnthrax, 
"a live coal" [Rom 12 20] [--gaheUih in Prov 26 
22]; dvOpaKtd, antkrakid, "a live coal" [Jn 18 18; 
21 9]) : There is no reference to mineral coal in the 
Bible. Coal, or more properly lignite, of inferior 
quality, is foimd in thin beds (not exceeding 3 ft.) 
in the sandstone formation (see Geology, Nubian 
Sandstone), but there is no evidence of its use in 
ancient times. Charcoal is manufactured in a 
primitive fashion which does not permit the con- 
servation of any by-products. A flat, circular 
Slace (Arab. beidoTf same name as for a threshing- 
oor) 10 or 15 ft. in diameter is jprepared in or con- 
veniently near to the forest. (Jn this the wood, 
to be converted into charcoal, is carefully stacked 
in a dome-shaped structure, leaving an open space 
in the middle for fine kindlings. All except the 
center is first covered with leaves, and then with 
earth. The kindlings in the center are then fired 
and afterward covered in the same manner as the 
rest. While it is burning or smoldering it is care- 
fully watched, and earth is immediately placed 
upon any holes that may be formed in the cover- 
ing by the burning of the wood below. In several 
days, more or less, according to the size of the pile, 
the wood is converted into charcoal and the heap 
is opened. The charcoal floor is also called in Arab. 
mashharaht from ahahhdr. "soot"; cf Heb sh^hdr. 
The characteristic odor of the maahfjtarak clings for 
months to the spot. 




In Ps 120 4, there is mention of ''coals of juni- 
per," RVm "broom," rdthem. This is doubtless the 
Arab, retemy Retama roetam, Forsk.. a kind of broom 
which is abundant in Judaea and Moab. Charcoal 
from oak wood, especially Quercus cocciferay L., Arab. 
sindydn, is much preferred to other kinds, and fetches 
a higher price. 

In most of the passages where Eng. VSS have 
"coal," the reference is not necessarily to charcoal, 
but mav be to coals of burning wood. Peham in 
Prov 2o 21, however, seems to stand for charcoal: 

** As coals are to hot emberB, and wood to fire. 
So is a contentious man to inflame strife." 

The same mav be true of peham in Isa 44 12 and 
64 16; also ot sh'hdr in Lam 4 8. 

Alfred Ely Day 

COAST, kCst (b^SJI, (Thhuly etc, ''boundary"; cf 
b^d, g*bhalf ''mountain," and Arab, jebel, "moun- 
tain"; b^n , hebhely lit. "a rope"; cf Arab. habllJoah 
19 29 AV; Zeph 2 5.6.7]; Din, hdphy lit. "that 
which is washed"; cf Arab. Ao/feU Josh 9 lAV; Ezk 
26 16]; vapdXios, pardliosi lit. "by the sea" [Lk 6 
171): "Coast" (fr Lat casta, "rib" or "side") in the 
sense of "seacoast," occurs but a few times in the 
Bible. In nearly all the many passages where AV 
has "coast," Rv correctly has border," i.e. "bound- 
ary," translating fbhuly etc; in Acts 27 2 ARV, 
"coast" is the tr of rSroty tdpos, lit. "place." That 
the seacoast is but seldom mentioned arises naturally 
from the fact that, while the promised land ex- 
tended to the sea, the coast was never effectively 
occupied by the Israelites. 

RVm in a number of places renders % EV "isle" 
or "island" (q.v.), by "coastUmd," e.g. Isa 11 11; 
23 6; 24 15; 69 18; Jer 26 22; Ezk 89 6; Dnl 
11 18: Zeph 2 11. In Isa 20 6, AV has "isle," 
AVm ''country," and RV "coast-land." In Jer 47 4, 
AV has "country," AVm and RV "isle," and RVm 
"sear-coast." See Isle. Alfred Ely Day 

COAT, kdt. See Cloak; Dbess, etc. 

COAT OF MAIL» mal. See Armor, Arms; 

COCK, kok (AMicToip, dUktor; Lat gallus): 
There is no reference in the OT to domesticated 
poultry, which was probably first introduced into 
Judaea after the Rom conquest. See Chicken. 
The cock is several times mentioned in the NT and 
always with reference to its habit of crowing in 
eastern countries with such regularity as to be 
almost clocklike. The first full salute comes almost 
to the minute at half-past eleven, the second at 
half-past one, and the third at dawn. So uni- 
formly do the cocks keep time and proclaim these 
three periods of night that we find cock-crowing 
mentioned as a regular division of time: "Watch 
therefore: for ye know not when the lord of the 
house Cometh, whether at even, or at midnight, or 
at cockcrowing, or in the morning" (Mk 13 35). 
Jesus had these same periods of night in mind when 
he warned Peter that he would betray Him. Mt 
26 34; Lk 22 34; Jn 18 38, give almost identical 
wording of the warning. But in all his writing 
Mark was more explicit, more given to exact detail. 
Remembering the divisions of night as the cocks 
kept them, his record reads: "And Jesus saith unto 
him. Verily I say into thee, that thou today, even 
this night, before the cock crow twice, shalt deny 
me tlu-ice" (Mk 14 30). See Chicken. It is 
hardly necessary to add that the cocks crow at 
irregular intervals as well as at the times indicated, 
according to the time of the year and the phase 
of the moon (being more liable to crow during the 

night if the moon is at the full), or if a storm threat- 
ens, or there is any disturbance in their neighbor- 
hood. Gene Stratton-Porter 

COCKATRICE, kokVtris, kokVtrls (79^, 
gepha'; '^V^X, giph'onl; LXX, PaoriXOricof, bast- 
liskoSy "basilisk" [q.v.], and 4ov(t» aspls, "asp" [see 
Adder; Asp; Serpent]): A fabulous, deadly, mon- 
ster. The name "cockatrice" appears to be a cor- 
ruption of Lat calcairix, from calcarey "to tread," 
calcatrix being in turn a tr of the Gr Ix'^PMt^f ick- 
neilman, from tx^^y ichnos. "track" or "footstep." 
Herpesies ichneumon^ the icnneumon, Pharaoh's rat, 
or mongoose^ a weasel-like animal, is a native of 
northern Africa and southern Spain. There are also 
other species, including the Indian mongoose. It 
preys on rats and snakes, and does not despise 
poidtry and eggs. 

Pliny (nee Oxford Dielioruxry, &v. "Cockatrice") relates 
that the Ichneumon darts down the open moutn of the 
crocodile, and destroys it by gnawing through its belly. 
In the course of time, as the story underwent changes, 
the animal was metamorphosed into a water snake, and 
was confused with the crocodile itself, and also with the 
basilisk. According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica . 1 1 th 
ed, the cockatrice was believed as late as the 17th cent, 
to be produced from a cock's egg and hatched by a ser- 
pent, and "to possess the most deadly powers, plants 
withering at its touch, and men and animals being poi- 
soned by its look. It stood in awe however of the code, 
the sound of whose crowing killed it. ... . The weasel 
alone among animals was unaffected by the glance of its 
evil eye, and attacked it at all times successfully; for 
when wounded by the monster's teeth it found a ready 
remedy in rue. the only plant which the cockatrice could 
not wither." The real ichneumon does kill the most 
deadly snakes, and has been supposed to resort to a 
vegetable antidote when bitten. It actually dies however 
when bitten by a deadly snake, and does not possess a 
knowledge of herbs, but its extraordinary agility enables 
it ordinarily to escape injury. It is interesting to see 
how the changing tale of this creature with its marvelous 
powers has made a hodge-podge of Ichneumon, weasel, 
crocodile, and serpent. 

The Bib. references (AV Isa 11 8; 59 5; Jer 
8 17) are doubtless .to a serpent, the word "cocka- 
trice," with its mediaeval implications, having b^n 
introduced by the translators of AV. See Serpent. 

Alfred Ely Day 

COCK-CROWING, kok'kro-ing (&Xiicropo^«»v(a, 
alektorophonia): An ind^nite hour of the night 
between midnight and morning (Mk 13 35), referred 
to by all the evangelists in their account of Peter's 
denial (Mt 26 34.74; Mk 14 30; Lk 22 34; Jn 13 
38) . It is derived from the habit of the cock to crow 
esp. toward morning. See Cock. 

COCB[ER, kok'gr (Tiet|W», tithSnio, "to nurse," 
"coddle," "pamper"): Occurs only in Ecclus 30 9 
with the meaning "to pamper": "Cocker thy child, 
and he shall make thee afraid"; so Shakespeare, "a 
cockered silken wanton"; now seldom used; Jean 
Ingelow, "Poor folks cannot afford to cocker them- 

COCKLE, kok"l (AVm "stinking weeds," RVm 
"noisome weeds"; nipj|59, bo^ahdhy from Heb root 
©S?, b&'ash, "to stink"; pAros, bdtos): "Let 
thistles grow instead of wheat, and cockle instead 
of barley" (Job 31 40). On account of the mean- 
ing of the Heb root we should expect that the 
reference was rather to repulsive, offensive weeds 
than to the pretty corn cockle. It is very possible 
that no particular plant is here intended, though 
the common Palestinian "stinking" arums have been 
suggested by Hooker. 

Code of. 

COELE-SYRIA, se-K^sir'i-a (AV Celosyria; 
Ko(Xt| 2vp(a, KoUe SurUiy "hollow Syria"): So 




the Greeks after the time of Alexander the Great 
named the valley lying between the two mountain 
ranges. Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon. It is referred 
to in the OT as Bit;'alh horL'bhandn, ''the valley of 
Lebanon'' (Josh 11 17), a name the echo of which 
is still heard in d-Bv^&^t the designation applied 
today to the southern part of the valley. This 
hollow, which extends about 100 miles in length, 
is the continuation northward of the Jordan valley. 
The main physical features are described under 
Lebanon (q.v.). The name, however, did not 
always indicate the same tract of territory. In 
Strabo (xvi.2) and Ptolemy (v. 15), it covers the 
fertile land between Jehel eshSharlpy and the desert 
presided over by Damascus. In 1 Esd 2 17: 
2 Mace 3 8, etc, it indicates the country S. ana 
E. of Mt. Lebanon, and along with Phoenicia it 
contributed the whole of the Seleucid dominions 
which lay S. of the river Eleutherus. Jos includes 
in Coele-S3rria the country E. of the Jordan, along 
with Scythopohs (Beisan) which lay on the W., sepa- 
rated by the river from the other members of the 
Decapous (Antf XIII, xiii, 2^ etc). In XIV, iv, 5, 
he says that "Pompey comnutted Coele-Syria as far 
as the river Euphrates and E^gypt to Scaurus." The 
term is therefore one of some elasticity. 


COFFER, kofer (TJi^tft, 'argOz): A small box 
such as that in which the Philis placed their golden 
mice and other offerings in returning the Ark 
(1 S 6 8.11.16). 

COFFIN, kof'in. See Chest; Burial. 

COGITATION, koj-i-ta'shun, "JWI , ra'yan, "the 
act of thinking or reflecting,'' as in Dnl 7 28. "my 
cogitations much troubled me" (RV "my thougnts'') • 

COHORT, kS'hort: In RVm of Mt 27 27; 
Mk 16 16; Jn 18 3.12; Acts 10 1; 21 31; 27 1, 
the tr of speira (AV and RV, "band"); the tenth 
part of a legion; ordinarily about 600 men. In 
Jn 18 the word seems to be used loosely of a 
smaller body of soldiers, a detachment, detail. 
See Army; Band. 

COINS, koinz: There were no coins in use in 
Pal until after the Captivity. It is not quite cer- 
tain whether gold and silver were before that time 
divided into pieces of a certain weight for use as 
money or not, but there can be no question of coin- 
age proper until the Pers period. Darius I is 
credited with introducing a coinage system into 
his empire, and his were the first coins that came 
into use among the Jews, though it seems probable 
that coins were struck in Lydia in the time of 
Croesus, the contemporary of C3TUS the Great, 
and these coins were doubtless the model upon 
which Darius based his system, and they may have 
circulated to some extent in Babylonia before the 
return of the Jews. The only coins mentioned 
in the OT are the Danes (see Daric), and these 
only in the RV, the word "dram" being used in AV 
(Ear 2 69; 8 27; Neh 7 70-72). The Jews had 
no native coixis until the time of the Maccabees, 
who struck coins after gaining their independence 
about 143-141 BC. These kings struck silver and 
copper, or the latter, at least (see Money), in de- 
nominations of shekels and fractions of the shekel, 
until the dynasty was overthrown by the Romans. 
Other coins were certainly in circulation during the 
same period, esp. those of Alexander and his suc- 
cessors, the Ptolemies of Egypt and the Seleucids of 
Syria, both of whom bore sway over Pal before the 
rise of the Maccabees. Besides these coins there 
were the issues of some of the Phoen towns, which 
were allowed to strike coins by the Persians and 

the Seleucids. The coins of Tyre and Sidon, both 
silver and copper, must have circulated largely 
in Pal on account of the intimate conmiercial rela- 
tions between the Jews and Phoenicians •(for ex- 
amples, see under Money). After the advent of 
the Romans the local coinage was restricted chiefly 
to the series of copper coins, such as the mites 
mentioned in the NT, the silver denarii being 
struck mostly at Rome, but drculatixig wherever 
the Romans went. The coins of the Herods and 
the Procurators are abundant, but all of copper, 
since the Romans did not allow the Jewish rulers 
to strike either silver or gold coins. At the time 
of the first revolt (66-70 AD) the Jewish leader, 
Simon, struck shekels again, or, as some numis- 
matists think, he was the first to do so. But this 
series wa3 a brief one, lasting between 3 and 4 
years only, as Jems was taken oy Titus in 70 AD, 
and tlusput an end to the existence of the Jewish 
state. Tnere was another short period of Jewish 
coinage during the second revolt, in the reign of 
Hadrian, when Simon Barcochba struck coins with 
Heb legends which indicate his independence of 
Rom riue. They were of both silver and copper, 
and constitute the last series of strictly Jewish 
coins (see Money). After this the coins struck in 
Judaea were Rom, as Jems was made a Rom colony. 


COLA, ko'la. See Chola. 


COLD, k6ld Cypt kor; ^Inixp^i psuchrds [adj.]. 

t|r^os, psiichos [noun]): Pal is essentially a land 

of sunshine and warmth. The ex- 

1. Temper- treme cold of northern latitudes is 
ature in unknown. January is the coldest 
Palestine month; but the degree of cold in a par- 
ticular place depends largely on the 

altitude above the sea. On the seacoast and plain 
the snow never falls; and the temperature reaches 
freezing-point, perhaps once in thirty years. In Jems 
at 2,500 ft. above the sea the mean temperature in 
January is about 45^ F., but the minimum mav be 
as low as 25° F. Snow occasionally falls, but lasts 
only a short time. On Mt. Hermon and on the 
Lebanons snow may be found the whole year, and 
the cold is most intense, even in the summer. In 
Jericho and around the Dead Sea, 1,292 ft. below 
searlevel, it is correspondingly hotter, and cold is 
not known. 

Cold is of such short duration that no adeouate 
provision is made by the people to protect them- 
selves axainst the cold. The sun is 

2. Provi- alwa3rs bright and warm, and nearly 
sion against alwa3[8 shines for part of the day, even 
Cold in winter. After sunset the i)eople 

wrap themselves up and go to sleep. 
They prefer to wrap up their heads rather than their 
feet in order to keep warm. The only means of 
heating the houses is the charcoal brazier around 
which as many as possible gather for a little warmth. 
It is merely a bed of coals in an iron vessel. Peter 
was glad to avail himself of the little heat of the 
coals as late as the be^nning of Apfil, when the 
nights are often chilly in Jems: "Having made a 
fire of coals; for it was cold: .... and Peter also 
was with them, standing and warming himself" (Jn 
18 18). There is no attempt made to heat the whole 
house. In the cold winter months the people of the 
mountains almost hibernate. They wrap up their 
heads in shawls and coverings and only the nft)st 
energetic venture out: "The sluggard will not plow 
by reason of the winter" (Prov 20 4, AV "cold"). 
The peasants and more primitive people of the desert 
often make a fire in the open or in partial shelter, 
as in Melita where Paul was cast ashore after ship- 
wreck: "The barbarians .... kindled a fire ... 
because of the cold" (Acts 28 2). 




The cold is greatly dreaded because it causes so 

much actual suffering: ''Who can stand before his 

cold?" (Ps 147 17). The last degree 

8. Dread of degradation is to have ''no covering 

of Cold in the cold" (Job 24 7). 

In the heat of the long summer, the 
shadow of a rock or the cool of evening is most grate- 
ful, and the appreciation of a cup of cold water can 
easily be understood by anyone who 
4. Cold has experienced the burning heat of the 
Grateful in Syrian sun : ' 'As cold waters to a thirstv 
Summer soul, so is good news from a far ooimtry 

(Prov 26 25); "cold of snow in the 
time of harvest" (Prov 26 13), probably with refer- 
ence to the use of snow (shaved ice) in the East to 
cool a beverage. 

Figurative uses: "The love of the many shall 
wax cold" (Mt 24 12); "I know thy worlcs, that 
thou art neither cold nor hot" (Rev 3 15). 

Alfred H. Jot 

COL-HOZEH, kol-ho'ze (p^fhTb^ , kolrhozeh, "all 
seeing"; LXX omits): A man whose son Shallum 
rebuilt the fountain gate of Jems in the days of 
Nehemiah (Neh 3 15). The C. of Neh 11 6 is 
probably another man. 

COLIUS, kO'li-us (Ki&Xios, Kdlios, 1 E^ 9 23). 
See Calitas. 

COLLAR, kol'ar, kol'Sr: 

(1) (np'»PJ,n«(lpAaA, pi. niD'^pp, nflphdth, Ut. 

"drops," from D^J , ndtaph, "to drop"). Jgs 8- 26 
includes n't^phdth among the spoils taken from the 
Midianites and Ishmaelites; RV "pendants," AV 
"collars." . ^imhi ad loc. suggests ''perfume-drop- 

(2) (nj, peh, lit. "mouth"). In Job 80 18 the 
word is used to indicate the collar band, or hole of a 
robe, through which the head was inserted. Job, 
in describing his suffering and writhing, mentions 
the disfiguring of his garment, and suggests that the 
whole thing ^els as narrow or close-fitting as the 
neckband, or perhaps that in his fever and pains 
he feels as if the neckband itself is choking him. 

(3) (p'13''?, ^nob, Jer 29 26, "stocks"; RV 
"shackles," which see; RVm "collar")* An instru- 
ment of torture or punishment. 

Nathan Isaacs 
COLLECTION^ k6-lek'shun: 

(1) In the OT (n8Tp9 , maa'ith, "something taken 
up"), used in 2 Ch 24 6.9 AV with reference to the 
tax prescribed in Ex 80 12.16: RV "tax." 

(2) In the NT "collection^' is the tr given to 
Xo7^«, logUif found only twice (classical. <ri;\Xay^, 
8uUogt)» It is used with reference to tne collec- 
tion which Paul took up in the gentile churches for 
the poor Christians in Jems, as, for some reason, 
perhaps more severe persecutions, that church was 
esp. needy (1 Cor 16 1.2; ver 2 AV "^therings"). 
Other words, such as bounty, contribution, blessing, 
alms, ministration, are used to indicate this same 
ministry. Paul seems to have ascribed to it great 
importance. Therefore, he planned it carefully 
lon^ in advance; urged systematic, weekly savings 
for it; had delegates carefully chosen to take it to 
Jems; and, in spite of dangers, determined himself 
to accompany them. Evidently he thought it the 
crowning act of his work in the provinces of Galatia, 
Asia, Macedonia and Achaia, for as soon as it was 
finished he purposed to go to Rome and the West 
rActs 24 17; Rom 16 25.26; 2 Cor 8,9). See also 
Communion. G. H. Trever 

COLLEGE, korej: This is the rendering of AV 
for Heb Mishneh (HJIpP, miskneh, 2 K 22 14» 
2 Ch 84 22; cf Zeph 1 10). It is found in the 

Tg of Jonathan on 2 K 22 14 and rests on a faulty 
combination with Mish, the well-known code of laws 
of the 2d cent. AD. RV renders "second quarter" 
(of the city); 2 Ch 84 22 AVm "the school?' 

COLLOP, kol'up (Tip'^S , pimdh) : A slice of meat 
or "fat," AV in Job 16 27, "maketh coUop of fat 
[thick folds of flesh] on his flanks," said of the 
"wicked man." ARV reads "[hath] gathered fat 
upon his loins." 

COLONY, kor6-ni (KoXesvCa, koliMa, Gr trans- 
literation of Lat coUmia, from -/ coif "cultivate"): 
The word occurs but once (Acts 16 12) in refer- 
ence to Philippi in Macedonia. Rom colonies were 
of three kinds and of three periods: (1) Those of 
the early republic, in which the colonists, estab- 
lished in conquered towns to serve the state as 
guardians of the frontier, were exempt from ordinary 
militaiy service. They were distinguished as (a) 
c. civium Romanorumf wherein the colonists retained 
Rom citizenship, also called c. marilumaef because 
situated on the coast, and (6) c. LcUinae, situated 
inland among the allies (socii), wherein the colo- 
nists possessed the iua Lalinum, entitling them to 
invoke the Rom law of property (commercium), 
but not that of the family (connubium), and re- 
ceived Rom citizenship only when elected to magis- 
tracies. (2) The colonies of the Gracchan period, 
established in pursuance of the scheme of agrarian 
reforms, to provide land for the poorer citizens. 
(3) After the time of Sulla colonies were founded 
in Italy by the Republic as a device for granting 
lands to retiring veterans, who of course retained 
citizenship. This privilege was appropriated by 
Caesar and the emperors, who employed it to es- 
tablish military colonies, chiefly in the provinces, 
with various rights and internal organizations. To 
this class belonged Philippi. Partly organized after 
the great battle of 42 BC, fought in the neighbor- 
ing plain by Brutus and Cassius, the champions 
of the fated Republic, and Antonius and Octavian, 
it was fully established as a colony by Octavian 
(afterward styled Augustus) after the battle of 
Actium (31 BC), under the name Colonia Aug. lul. 
Philippi or Philippensis. It received the ius Italicum, 
whereof provincial cities acquired the same status 
as Itidian cities, which possessed municipal self- 
government and exemption from poll and land taxes. 
See Citizenship; Philippi; Roman. 

William Arthur Heidel 

COLOR, kul'gr, COLORS, kul'erz: The word tr^ 
"color" in AV is ^ayin, which lit. means "eye" or 
"appearance," and has been so tr<* in RV. In the 
NT the Gr Tp64>a<nt, prdphasiSf has the meaning of 
pretense or show (Acts 27 30; cf Rev 17 4AV). 
The references to Joseph^s coat of many colors 
(Gen 87 3.23.32) and "garments of divers colors" 
(2 S 13 18.19) probablv do not mean the color 
of the garment at all, but the form, as suggested 
in ARVm, "a long garment with sleeves." In Jgs 
6 30 the word for 'dip" or "dye" appears in the 
original and has been so tr** in ARV (see Dye). 
In 1 Ch 29 2 nppH, rifFmahf meaning "varie- 
gated," hence "varicolored," is found. In Isa 64 
11. tmkh is used. This name was applied to the 
sulpnide of antimony (Arab, kohl) used for painting 
the eyes. Hence the ARVm rendering "antimony 
instead of "fair colors" (see Paint). In £zk 16 16 

i^btt , {aW, is found, meaning "covered with pieces" 
or "spotted," hence by implication "divers colors." 
Although the ancient Hebrews had no specific 
words for "color," "paint" or "painter," still, as we 
know, they constantly met with displa3rs of the art 
of coloring among the Babylonians (Ezk 23 14) and 
Egyptians and the inhabitants of Pal. Pottery, 



glazed bricks, glassware, tomb walls, sarcopha^, 
wood and fabrics were submitted to the skill of the 
colorist. This skill probably consisted in bringing 
out striking effects Tby the use of a few primary 
colors, rather than in any attempt at the blending 
of shades which characterizes modem coloring. 
That the gaudy show of their heathen neighbors 
attracted the children of Israel is shown by such 
passages as Jgs 8 27; Ezk 23 12.16. 

Two reasons may be given for the indefiniteness 
of many of the Bib. references to color. (1) The 
origin of the Heb people: They had been wander- 
ing tribes or slaves with no occasion to develop a 
color language. (2) Their religious laws: These 
forbade expression in color or form (Ex 20 4). 
Yielding to the attractions of gor»Bous display was 
discouraged by such prophets as Ezekiel, who had 
sickened of the abominations of the Chaldaeans 
(Ezk 23 14.15.16); "And I said unto them, Cast 
ye away every man the abominations of his eyes" 
(Ezk 20 7). 

Indefiniteness of color language is common to 
oriental literature, ancient and modem. This 
does not indicate a want of appreciation of color but 
a failure to analyze and define color effects. The 
inhabitants of Sjnria and Pal today delight in bril- 
liant colors. Bright yellow, crimson, magenta 
and green are used for adornment with no evident 
sense of fitness^ according to the foreigners' eyes, 
other than theur correspondence with the glaring 
bri^tness of the eastern skies. A soapmaker 
once told the writer that in order to make his wares 
attractive to the Arabs he colored them a brilliant 
crimson or yellow. A peasant chooses without 
hesitation a flaring ma^nta or yellow or green 
zun-^nar (girdle), rather than one of somber hues. 
The oriental student in the chemical or physical 
laboratory often finds his inability to distinguish 
or classify color a real obstacle. His closest defi- 
nition of a color is usuallv "lightish" or "darkish." 
This is not due to color blindness but to a lack of 
education, and extends to lines other than color dis- 
tinctions. The colloquial language of Pal today 
is poor in words denoting color, and an attempt to 
seciire from a native a satisfactory description of 
some simple color scheme is usuallv disappointing. 
The harmonious color effects which have come to 
us from the Orient have been, in the past, more the 
result of accident (see Dye) than of deliberate 
purpose, as witness the clashing of colors where 
modern artificial dyes have been introduced. 

This inability of the p|eoples of Bible lands to 
define colors is an inheritance from past ages, a 
consideration which helps us to appreciate the 
vagueness of many of the Bib. references. 

The following color words occur in the AV or 
RV: (1) bay, (2) black, (3) blue, (4) brown, (5) 
crimson. (6) green, (7) grey, (8) hoar, (9) purple, 
(10) red, (11) scarlet, (12) sorrel, (13) vermilion, 
(14) white, (15) yellow. In addition there are 
indefinite words indicating mixtures of light and 
dark: (a) grisled (grizzled), (6) rings traked (ring- 
streaked), (c) speckled, (d) spotted. 

(1) Bay or red is more properly tr^ "strong" in 
the RV.' 

(2) Black (blackish) : Eight different words have 
been tr* "black." They indicate various meanings 
such as "dusky like the early dawn," "ashen," 
"swarthy," "moved with passion." Black is ap- 
plied to hair (Lev 13 31; Cfant 6 11; Mt 6 36); to 
marble or pavement (Est 1 6); to mourning (Job 
30 28.30; Jer 14 2): to passion (Jer 8 21 AV; Lam 
6 10); to horses (Zee 6 2.6; Rev 6 5); to the 
heavens (1 K 18 45; Job 3 5; Prov 7 9 AV; Jer 
4 28; Mic 8 6); to the sun (Rev 6 12); to the skin 
(racial) (Cant 1 5.6); to flocks (Gen 30 32.33.35. 
io); to brooks because of ice (Job 6 16). 

(3) Blite (npDP, i'khelethy a color from the 
cerulean mussel): This word was applied only to 
fabrics dyed with a special blue dye obtained from 
a shellfish. See Dye. WIB , sheshf in one passage 
of the AV is tr^ "blue" (Est 16). It is properly 
tr** in RV "white cloth." "Blueness of a wound'^' 
(Prov 20 30) is correctly rendered in RV "stripes 
that wound." Blue is applied to the fringes^ veil, 
vestments, embroideries, etc, in the description of 
the ark and tabernacle (Ex 25 ff ; Nu 4 6 f ; 16 38); 
to workers in blue (2 Ch 2 7.14; 8 14); to palace 
adornments (Est 16); to royal apparel (Est 8 15; 
Jer 10 9; Ezk 23 6; 27 7.24). 

(4) Brown: The Heb word meaning "sunburnt" 
or "swarthy" is tr^ "black" in RV (Gen 30 32 ff). 

(5) Crimson (b^'IP'lS, karmil): This word is 
probably of Pers origin and applies to the brilliant 
dye obtained from a bug. A second word fiyb^R, 
tdla^ath, is also found. Its meaning is the same. 
See Dye. Crimson is applied to raiment (2 Ch 
2 7.14; 8 14; Jer 4 30 AV); to sins (Isa 1 18). 

(6) Green (greenish): This word in the tr refers 
almost without exception to vegetation. The Heb 
p")3 , y&rdJp, lit. "pale," is considered one of the three 
definite color words used in the OT (see White ; Red) . 
TTie Gr equivalent is cklords; cf Eng. "chlorine." 
This word occurs in the following vs: Gen 1 30: 
9 3; Ex 10 15; Lev 2 14 (AV); 23 14 (AV); 2 K 
19 26; Ps 37 2; Isa 16 6; 37 27; Job 39 8; Mo- 
ro8, Mk 6 39; Rev 8 7; 9 4. "JJ^l , ra'dndn, closely 
allied in meaning to ydrdk, is used to describe 
trees in the following passages: Dt 12 2; 1 K 14 23; 

2 K 16 4; 17 10; 19 26; 2 Ch 28 4; Job 16 32; 
Ps 37 35; 62 8; Cant 1 16; Isa 67 5; Jer 2 20; 

3 6; 11 16; 17 2.8; Ezk 6 13; Hos 14 8. In the 
remaining vs the Heb equivalents do not denote 
color, but the condition of being full of sap, fresh or 
unripe (cf similar uses in Eng.) (Gen 30 37 [AV]; 
Jgs 16 7.8; Ps 23 2; Cant 2 13; Job 8 16; Ezk 
17 24; 20 47; Lk 23 31). In Est 1 6 the Heb word 
refers to a fiber, probably cotton, as is indicated by 
ARVm. Greenish is used to describe leprous spots 
in Lev 13 49; 14 37. The same word is tr*» *Vel- 
low" in Ps 68 13. 

(7) Gray: The Heb nH"^© , aebhahy means old age, 
hence refers also to the color of the hair in old age 
(Gen 42 38; 44 29; 44 31; Dt 32 25; Ps 71 18; 
Hos 7 9). See Hoary next paragraph. 

(8) Hoar (hoary) : The same word which in other 
vs is tr^ "gray" is rendered "hoar" or "hoary," 
applying to the hair in 1 K 2 6.9; Isa 46 4; Lev 
19 32; Job 41 32; Prov 16 31. Another Heb word 
is tr** "hoar" or "hoary," describing "frost" in Ex 
16 14; Job 38 29; Ps 147 16. 

(9) Purple: The Heb equivalent is TPJ^S^, 
'argdmdn; Gr Top<f>jlfpay porphura. The latter word 
refers to the source of the dye, namely, a shell- 
fish found on the shores of the Mediterranean. See 
Dye. This color, which varied widely according 
to the kind of shellfish used and the method of dye- 
ing, was utilized in connection with the adornment 
of the tabernacle (Ex 26, 26, 27, 28, 36, 36, 38, 
39 ; Nu 4 13) . There were workers in purple called 
to assist in beautifying the temple (2 Ch 2 7.14; 
8 14). Purple was much used for royal raiment 
and furnishings (Jgs 8 26; Est 1 6; 8 15; Cant 8 
10; Mk 16 17.20; Jn 19 2.5). Puiple was typical 
of gorgeous apparel (Prov 81 22; Jer 10 9; Cant 
7 5; Ezk 27 7.16; Lk 16*19; Acts 16 14; Rev 17 
4; 18 12.16). 

(10) Red: The Heb DllSt, 'ddhom, is from D*^, 
ddniy "blood " hence, 'Ijloodlike." This is one of 
the three oistinctive color words mentioned in 
the OT (see Green; White), and is foimd in most 
of the references to red. Four other words are 




used: (a) ''b'^b^n, hakMUl, probably "darkened" or 
"clouded" (Gen 49 12; Prov 23 29); (6) nijn, 
hdmar, "to ferment" (Ps 76 8m; laa 27 2AV); 

(c) tsnjl, baha^y probably "to glisten" (Est 1 6); 

(d) Tvpp6t, purrds, "firelike" (Mt 16 2.3: Rev 6 4: 
12 3). Red is applied to dyed skins (Ex 26 5; 26 
14; 36 7.23; 36 19; 39 34); to the color of aninuds 
(Nu 19 2; Zee 1 8; 6 2; Rev 6 4; 12 3); to the 
human skin (Gen 25 25; ruddy, 1 S 16 12; 17 42; 
Cant 6 10; Lam 4 7); to the eyes (Gen 49 12; 
Prov 23 29); to sores (Lev 13); to wine (Ps 76 8m; 
Prov 23 31; Isa 27 2 AV); to water (2 K 3 22); 
to pavement (Est 1 6); to pottage (Gen 25 30); to 
apparel (Isa 63 2); to the sky (Mt 16 2.3); to sins 
(Isa 1 18); to a shield (Nah 2 3). 

(11) Scarlet: Scarlet and crimson colors were 
probably from the same source (see Cbimson; 
Dye). PljbTP, tdla^alhj or derivatives have been 
tr* by both'"8carlet" and "crimson" (Gi kdkkinoa). 
A Chald word for purple has thrice been tr** "scar- 
let" in AV (Dnl 6 7.16.29). Scarlet is appUed to 
fabrics or yam used (a) in the equipment of the 
tabernacle (Ex 25 ff; Nu 4 8) ; (b) m rites in cleans- 
ing lepers (Lev 14) ; in ceremony of purification (Nu 
19 6) ; to royal or gorgeous apparel (2 S 1 24: Prov 
31 21; Lam 4 5; Dnl 6 7.16.29, "purple"; Nah 2 
3; Mt 27 28; Rev 17 4; 18 12.16); to marking 
thread (Gen 38 28.30; Josh 2 18.21); to lips (Cant 
4 3); to sins (Isa 1 18); to beasts (Rev 17 3); to 
wool (He 9 19). 

(12) Sarrd: This word occurs once in the RV 
(Zee 18). 

(13) Vermilion: This word, "liptp , shdshar^ occurs 
in two passages (Jer 22 14; Ezk 23 14). Vermilion 
of modem arts is a sulphide of mercury. It is not 
at all improbable that the paint referred to was an 
oxide of iron. This oxide is still taken from the 
ground in Syria and Pal and used for decorative 

(14) While: The principal word for denoting 

whiteness in the Heb was "ji}^ , lobkan, a distinctive 
color word. Some of the objects to which it was 
applied show that it was used as we use the word 
"white" (Gen 49 12). Mt. Lebanon was proba- 
bly named because of its snow-tipped peaks (Jer 
18 14). White is applied to goats (Gen 30 35); to 
rods (Gen 30 37); to teeth (Gen 49 12); to leprous 
hairs and spots (Lev 13; Nu 12 10); to garments 
(Eccl 9 8; Dnl 7 9); as symbol of purity (Dnl 11 
35; 12 10; Isa 1 18): to horses (Zee 1 8; 6 3.6); 
to tree branches (Joel 17); to coriander seed (Ex 
16 31). The corresponding Gr word, \tvK6t, leukds, 
is used in NT. It is applied to hair (Mt 6 36; Rev 
1 14); to raiment (Mt 17 2; 28 3; Mk 9 3; 16 5; 
Lk 9 29; Jn 20 12; Acts 1 10; Rev 3 4.5.18; 6 11; 
7 9.13.14; 19 14): to horses (Rev 6 2; 19 11.14); 
to a throne (Rev 20 11); to stone (Rev 2 17); to a 
cloud (Rev 14 14). Besides labh&n^ foiir other Heb 
words have been tr** "white": (a) ''TH, ^5ri, or 
■^'in, hur, meaning "bleached," applied to bread 
(Gen 40 16); to Unen (Est 1 6; 8 15); (6) n$, 
gahf or "^^HJ, gdhor, lit. "dazzling," is applied to 
asses (Jgs 6 10); to human appearance (Cant 6 
10); to wool (Ezk 27 18); (c) ^'^, dar, probably 
mother of pearl or alabaster (Est 1 6) ; (d) '^^'1, rlVj 
lit. "saliva," and, from resemblance, "white of egg" 
(Job 6 6). 

(15) Yellow: This word occurs in Est 1 6 to de- 
scribe pavement; in Lev 13 to describe leprous hair; 
in Ps 68 13 to describe gold. 

Mixtures of colors: (a) ^zzled (grisled), lit 
"spotted as with hail," applied to goats (G«n 31 
10.12); to horses (Zee 6 3.6); (6) ringstreaked 
(ringstraked), lit. "striped with bands, applied 
to animals (Gen 30 35 if; 31 8 IT); (c) speckled, 

lit. "dotted or spotted," applied to cattle and goats 
(Gen 30 32 ff; 31 8ff); to a bird (Jer 12 9): 
to horses (Zee 1 8 AV) ; (d) spotted, lit. "covered 
with patches," applied to cattle and goats (Gen 30 
32 ff). In Jude ver 23 "spotted" means "defiled." 
Figurative : For fig. uses, see imder separate colors. 

Literature. — Perrot and Chlplez, HUiory of Art in 
Ancient Sgypt, Hittory of Art in Chaldaea and Attyria, 
History of Art in Phoenicia and its Dependencies; WiUcio- 
son. The Ancient Sgyptiane; Jew Snc; BB; Delltzflch, 

James A Patch 

COLOSSAE, kMos'e (KoXoovaC, ' Kolossai, 
"punishment"; AV Colosse): A city of Phrygia 
on the Lycus River, one of the branches of the 
Maeander, and 3 miles from Mt. Cadmus, 8.013 
ft. high. It stood at the head of a gorge wnere 
the two streams unite, and on the great high- 
way traversing the country from Ephesus to the 
Euphrates vaUey, 13 miles from Hierapolis and 
10 from Laodicea. Its history is chiefly associated 
with that of these two cities. Early, according to 
both Herodotus and Xenophon, it was a place of 
great importance. There Aerxes stopped 481 BC 
(Herod. vii.30) and Cyrus the Youi^er marched 
401 BC (Xen. Anab, 1.2.6). From Col 2 1 it is 
not likely that Paul visited the place in person: but 
its Christianization was due to the efforts of Epa- 
phras and Timothy (Col 1 1.7)^anditwasthehome 
of Philemon and Epaphras. That a church was 
established there early is evident from Col 4 12.13; 
Rev 1 11; 8 14. As the neighboring cities, Hier- 
apolis and Laodicea, increased in importance, 
Colossae declined. There were many Jews living 
there, and a chief article of commerce, for which the 
place was renowned, was the coUossiivuSf a peculiar 
wool, probably of a purple color. In religion the 
people were specially lax, worshipping angels. Of 
them, Michael was the chief, ana the protecting 
saint of the city. It is said tnat once he appeared 
to the people, saving the cit^ in time of a flood. 
It was tliis oelief in angels which called forth Paul's 
epistle (Col 2 18). During the 7th and 8th cents, 
the place was overrun by the Saracens; in the 12th 
cent, the chureh was destroyed by the Turks and 
the dty disappeared. Its site was explored by 
Mr. Hamilton. The ruins of the chureh, the stone 
foundation of a larse theater, and a necropolis 
with stones of a peculiar shape are still to be seen. 
During the Middle Ages the place bore the name of 
Chonae; it is now called Chonas. E. J. Banks 

COLOSSIANS, kd-losh'ans, kMos'i-anz, EPIS- 
TLE TO THE: This is one of the group of St. 
Paul's epistles known as the Captivity Epistles (see 
Philemon, Epistle to, for a discussion of these as 
a group). 

/. Aaihentieiiy. — ^The external evidence for the 
Epistle to the Colossians, prior to the middle of the 

2d cent., is rather indeterminate. In 
1. External Ignatius and in Polycarp we have here 
Evidence and there phrases and terminology 

that suggest an acquaintance with 
Col but not much more (Ignat., ^p/ies., x 3, and 
Polyc. x.l; cf with Col 1 23). The phrase in Ep 
BamabaSf xii, "in him are all things and unto 
him are all things," may be due to Col 1 16, but 
it is quite as poasiblv a liturgical formula. The 
references in Justin Martyr's LHalogue to Christ 
as the firstborn {prMtokos) are very probably 
suggested by Col 1 15, ''the firstborn of all crea- 
tio?' {Dial., 84, 85, 138). The first definite witness 
is Marcion, who included this epistle in his collection 
of those written by St. Paul (Tert;. Adu. Marc, v. 19). 
A little later the Muratonan Fragment mentions 
Col amons the Epistles of St. Paul (10&, 1. 21, CoUh 
aensis). Irenaeus quotes it frequently and by name 
{Adv, haer., iii.l4, 1). It is familiar to the writers 




of the following cents, (e.g. Tert., De praescrip.f 7; 
Clem. Alex., Strom., 1, 1; Orig., Contra Celsunij v.8). 

The authenticity was not questioned until the 
second quarter of the 19th cent, when Mayerhoff 
claimed on the ground of style, vo- 
2. Xntemal cabulary, and thought that it was not 
Evidence by the apostle. Inc Tubingen school 
claimed, on the basis of a supposed 
Gnosticism, that the epistle was the work of the 
2d cent, and so not rauline. This position has 
been thoroughly answered by showing that the 
teaching is essentially different from the Gnosticism 
of the ^ cent., esp. in the conception of Christ as 
prior to and greater than all things create (see V 
Below). The attack in later years has been chiefly 
on the ground of vocabulary and style, the doctrinal 
position, esp. the Christology and the teaching 
about angels, and the relation to the Ephesian 
epistle. The objection on the ground of vocabulary 
and style is based, as is so often the case, on the 
assumption that a man, no matter what he writes 
about, must use the same words and style. There 
are thirty-four words in Col which are not in any 
other NT book. When one removes those that 
are due to the difference in subject-matter, the total 
is no greater than that of some of the acknowledged 
epistles. The omission of familiar Pauline par- 
ticles, the use of genitives, of "all" {pds), and of 
8ynon3rms, find parallels in other epistles, or are 
due to a difference of subject, or perhaps to the 
influence on the language of the apostle of his life 
in Rome (von Soden). The doctrinal position is 
not at heart contradictory to St. Paul's earlier 
teaching (cf Godet, IrUro NT; St, Patd'a Epistles, 
440 f). The Christology is in entire harmony with 
Phil (q.v.) which is generally admitted as Pauline, 
and is only a development of the teaching in 1 Cor 
(8 6; 16 24-28)i esp. in respect of the emphasis 
laid on "the cosmical activity of the preincamate 
Christ." Finally, the form in which St. Paul puts 
the Christology is that best calculated to meet the 
false teaching of the Colossian heretics (cf V below). 
In recent years H. Holtzmann has advocated that this 
epistle is an interpolated form of an original Pauline 
epistle to the Colossians, and the work of the author 
01 the Epistle to the Ephesians (q.v.). A modifi- 
cation of this theory of interpolation has recently 
been sus^ested by J. Weiss (TLZ, September 29, 
1900). Both these theories are too complicated to 
stand, and even von Soden, who at first followed 
Holtzmann, has abandoned the position (von Soden, 
Einl.f 12); while Sanday (DB^) has shown how 
utterly untenable it is. Sober criticism today has 
come to realize that it is impossible to deny the 
Pauline authorship of this epistle. This position is 
strengthened by the close relationship between Col 
and Philem, of which Renan says: "Paul alone, so 
it would seem, could have written this little master- 
piece" (Abbottj TCCy Iviii). If Philem (q.v.) stands 
as Pautine, as it must, then the authenticity of Col 
is established beyond controversy. 

//. Place and Date. — The Pauline authorship 
being established, it becomes evident at once that 
the apostle wrote Col along with the other Cap- 
tivity Epistles, and that it is best dated from Rome 
(see Philemon, Epistle to), and during the first 
captivity. This would be about 68 or, if the later 
chronology is preferred, 63 or 64. 

///. Destination. — ^The epistle was written, on the 
face of it, to the church at Colossae (q.v.), a town 
in the Lycus valley where the gospel had been 
preached most probably by Epaphras (Col 1 7; 
4 12), and where St. Paul was, himself, unknown 
personally (1 4.8.9; 2 1.5). From the epistle it 
is evident that the Colossian Christians were Gen- 
tiles (1 27) for whom, as such, the apostle feels a 
responsibility (2 Iff). He sends to them Tychicus 

(4 7), who is accompanied by Onesimus, one of 
their own community (4 9), and urges them to be 
sure to read another letter which will reach them 
from Laodicea (4 16). 

iV. Relation to Other NT Writingm.—Beyond 
the connection with Eph (q.v.) we need notice only 
the relation between Col and llev. In the letter to 
Laodicea (Rev 3 14-21) we have two expressions: 
"the beginning of the creation of God," and "I will 
give to him to sit down with me in my throne," in 
which we have an echo of Col which "suggests an 
acquaintance with and recognition of the earUer 
apostle's teaching on the part of St. John" (Light- 
foot, Col, 42, n. 5). 

K. 7%e Furpoee. — The occasion of the epistle 
was, we may be sure, the information brought by 
Epaphras that the church in Colossae was subject 
to the assault of a body of Judaistic Christians who 
were seeking to overthrow the faith of the Colossians 
and weaken their regard for St. Paul (Zahn). This 
"heresy," as it is commonly called, has had many 
explanations. The Tubingen school taught that 
it was gnostic, and sought to find in the terms the 
apostle used evidence for the 2d cent, composi- 
tion of the epistle. PUroma and gn&sis ("fulness" 
and "knowledge") not only do not require this 
interpretation, but will not admit it. The very 
heart of Gnosticism, i.e. the theory of emanation 
and the dualistic conception which regards matter 
as evil, finds no place in Col. The use of pleroma 
in this and the sister epistle, Eph, does not imply 
gnostic views, whether held by the apostle or by 
the readers ot the letters. The significance in Col 
of this and the other words adopted by Gnosticism 
in later years is auite distinct from that later mean- 
ing. The imderlying teaching is equally distinct. 
The Christ of the Colossians is not the aeon 
Christ of Gnosticism. In Essenism, on the other 
hand, Lightfoot and certain Germans seek the origin 
of this heresy. Essenism has certain affinities with 
Gnosticism on the one side and Judaism on the other. 
Two objections are raised against this explanation of 
the origin of the Colossian heresy. In the first place 
Elssenism, as we know it, is found in the neighbor- 
hood of the Dead Sea, and there is no evidence for 
its establishment in the Lycus valley. In the second 
place, no references are foimd in Col to certain dis- 
tinct Essene teachings, e.g. those about marriage, 
washings, communism. Sabbath rules, etc. 

The Colossian heresy is due to Judaistic influ- 
ences on the one hand and to native beliefs and 
superstitions on the other. The Judaistic elements 
in this teaching are patent, circumcision (2 11), 
the Law (2 14.15), and special seasons (2 16). 
But there is more than Judaism in this false teach- 
ing. Its teachers look to intermediary spirits, 
an^^ls whom they worship; and insist on a very 
stnct asceticism. To seek the origin of angel wor- 
ship in Judaism, as is commonly done, is, as A. L. 
Williams has shown, to miss the real significance 
of the attitude of the Jews to angels and to mag- 
nify the bitter jeers of Celsus. Apart from phrases 
used in exorcism and magic he shows us that there 
is no evidence that the Jew ever worshipped angels 
{JTS, X, 413 f). This element in the Colossian 
heresy was local, finding its antecedent in the wor- 
ship of the river spirits, and in later years the same 
tendency gave the impulse to the worship of St. 
Michael as the patron saint of Colossae (so too 
Ramsay, HDB, s.v. "Colossae"). The danger of 
and the falsehood in this teaching were twofold. 
In the firat place it brought the gospel under the 
bands of the Law once more, not now with the 
formality of the GaJatian opponents, but none the 
less surely. But as the apostle's readers are Gen- 
tiles (1 27) St. Paul is not interested in showing the 
preparatory aspect of the Law. He simply insists 




to them that they are quite free from all obligations 
of the Law because Chnst, in whom they have 
been baptized (2 12), has blotted out all the Law 
(2 14). The second danger is that their belief 
in and worship of the heavenly powers, false ideas 
about Christ and the material world, would develop 
even further than it had. They, because of their 
union with Him, need fear no angelic being. Christ 
has triumphed over them all, leading them as it 
were captives in His train (2 15), as He conquered 
on the cross. The spiritual powers cease to have 
any authority over the Christians. It is to set 
Christ forward, in this way, as Head over all creation 
as very God, and out of His relation to the church 
and to the universe to develop the Christian life, 
that the apostle writes. 

VL Argument, — ^The argument of the Epistle is 
as follows: 

1 1.2: Salutation. 

1 3-8: Thanksgiving for their faith in Christ, their 
love for the saints, their hope laid up in heaven, 
which thev had in and through the ^pel and of 
which he had heard from Epaphras. 

1 ^13: Prayer that they might be filled with the 
full knowledge of God's will so as to walk worthy 
of the Lord and to be fruitful in good works^ thank- 
ful for their inheritance of the kingdom of His Son. 

1 14-23: Statement of the Son's position, from 
whom we have redemption. He is the very image 
of God, Creator, preexistent, the Head of the 
church, preeminent over all, in whom aJl the ful- 
ness (plirdtna) dwells^ the Reconciler of all things, 
as also of the Colossians, through His death, pro- 
vided they are faithful to the hope of the gospd. 

1 24 — 2 5: By his suffering he is filling up the 
sufferings of Christ, of whom he is a minister, 
even to reveal the great mystery of the ages, that 
Christ is in them, the Gentiles^ the hope of glory, the 
object of the apostle's preachmg everywhere. This 
explains Paul's interest in them, and his care for 
them, that their hearts may be strengthened in the 
love and knowledge of Christ. 

2 6 — ^3 4: He then passes to exhortation against 
those who are leading them astray, these false 
teachers of a vain, deceiving philosophy based on 
worldly wisdom, who ignore the truth of Christ's 
position, as One in whom all the Divine pLeroma 
dwells, and their relation to Him, united bv baptism; 
raised through the faith; quickened ana forgiven; 
who teach the obligation of the observance of va- 
rious legal practices, strict asceticisms and angel 
worship. Tnis exhortation is closed with the ap- 
peal that as Christ's they will not submit to these 
regulations of men which are useless, esp. in com- 
parison with Christ's power through the Resurrec- 

3 5-17: Practical exhortations follow to real 
mortification of the flesh with its characteristics, and 
the substitution of a new life of fellowship, love and 

3 18—4 1 : Exhortation to fulfil social obligations, 
as wives, husbands, children, parents, slaves ana 

4 2-6: Exhortation to devout and watchful 

4 7-18: Salutations and greeting. 

Literature. — Lightfoot. St. PauVt Bpiallet to the 
Colotaiang and Philemon; Abbott, Epheeiane and Coloe- 
eiane, ICC; Peake. Coloaeiane, Bxpoeiior'e Greek Teeiament; 
Maclaren. Coloeaiana, Expoeitora Bible; Alexander, Coloa- 
aiana and Epheaiana, Bible for Home and School; Moule, 
Coloaaiana, Cambridge Bible; Haupt. Meyer's Krit. u. 
Exeg. Kom.; von Sqden. Hand-Kom. zum NT. 

C. S. Lewis 

COLT, k6lt (FOAL) (T?, 'ayir, la, hen; irdXo«, 

pdloSf vU«, huidSf with some word such as i^oiyylov^ 

nupozugloUf understood; huios alone = "son"): The 

Eng. words "colt" and "foal" are used in the Bible 

of the ass everywhere except in Gen 32 15, where 
the word "colt" is used of the camel in the list of 
animals destined by Jacob as presents for Esau. In 
most cases ^ayir (cf Arab, ^air, "ass") means "ass's 
colt," but it may be joined with ben,- "son," as in 
Zee 9 9, where we have: *al-hdmor W^al-^ayir ben^ 
*dlhondth, lit. "on an ass, and on an ass's colt, the son 
of the she-asses"; cf Mt 21 5: ^l dyov Kal irl tQXop 
vlbp inro^loVf epi 6non kai epi pdlon huidn hupozu- 
giou. "upon an ass, and upon a colt the foal of an 
ass.' In Jn 12 15 we have hrl irio\ov tfwv, epi pdlon 
dnoUf and in the previous ver the diminutive, dpdpiovy 
ondrion. The conmionest NT word for "colt" is 
pdlaa. akin to which is Ger. Fohle and Eng. "foal" 
and ''fillv." The Lat rndlus signifies either "foal" 
or "chicken," and in tne latter sense gives rise to 
Ft. poidet and Eng. "pullet." 

In view of the fact that horses are but little men- 
tioned in the Bible, and that only in connection 
with royal equipages and armies, it is not surprising 
that "colt" does not occur in its ordinary Eng. 
sense. Alfred Ely Day 

COME, kimi: The tr of many Heb and Gr words. 
In the phrase "The Spirit of Jeh came mightily upon 
him" (Jgs 14 6.19; 16 14: 1 S 10 10; 11 6; 16 
13), the word is gale^h; Jgs 14 6; 16 14 "came 
mightily," which is the uniform tr of RV (cf 13 25 
"to move," i.e. to disturb or stir up). In Jgs 6 34; 
1 Ch 12 18; 2 Ch 24 20, it is labhesh, "to clothe": 
RVm "The Spirit .... clothed itself with Gideon'^ 
and ... . 'Vith Zechariah," "The Spirit clothed 

Among its many changes, RV has "come forth" 
for "come" (Mt 2 6); "gone up" for "come" 
(14 32. a different text); "come all the way" for 
"come (Jn 4 15); "got out upon the" for "come 
to" (21 9); "draw near" for "come" (He 4 16): 
"come" for "come and see" (Rev 6 1); "secure'* 
for "come by" (Acts 27 16); "attain unto" for 
"come in" (Eph 4 13); and "I come" for "I come 
again" (Jn 14 28). W. L. Walker 

COMELINESS, kum'li-nes, COMELY, kum'Ii: 
Cognate with "becoming," viz. what is suitable, 

fraceful, handsome. The servant of Jeh in Isa 
3 2 is without "comeliness" {hddhdr, "honor"), 
i.e. there is in his appearance nothing attractive, 
while he is bowed beneath man's sin. "Praise is 
comeW" {na'wdhyf. of na'weh; Ps 88 1; 147 1), i.e. 
suitable or befitting "for the righteous," and. there- 
fore, an honor and glory; "uncomely parts,' ascht- 
mona (1 Cor 12 23), viz. less honoraole. See also 
1 S 16 18, "a comely person"; Cant 6 4, "comely 
as Jerus," etc. 

COMFORT, kum'fgrt (Dnj , nOham; irapaicaX^, 
parakaUd): The NT word is variously tr^, as 
"comfort," "exhort," "beseech," the exact tr to be 
determined by the context. Etymologically, it is 
"to call alongside of," i.e. to summon for assistance. 
To comfort is to cheer and encourage. It has a 
positive force wanting in its synonym "console," 
as it indicates the dispelling of grief by the imparta- 
tion of strength. RV has correctly changed the tr 
of paramuthiomai from AV "comfort," to "consola- 
tion." So in the OT, "Comfort ye mv people" (Isa 
40 1) is much stronger than "console, ''^ which affords 
only the power of calm endurance of affiction, while 
the brightest hopes of the future and the highest 
incentives to present activity are the gifts of the 
Divine grace tnat b here bestowed. 

*H. E. Jacobs 

COMFORTABLY, kum'f 6r-tarbli (H^"^?, 'al lebh, 
"to the heart"): "To speak to the heart," i.e. to 
speak kindly, to console, to comfort, is the ordinary 
Heb expression for wooing: e.g. Boaz spake "to the 




heart" of Ruth (Ruth 8 13m; AV **friendly," RV 
'"kmdljr"). The beautv of the Heb term is illus- 
trated in Gen 60 21 where Joseph ^ 'spake kindly" 
unto his brethren, winning them from fear to con- 
fidence. Rendered "comfortably" in five passages: 
thrice of human speaking, and twice of the tender- 
ness of Ciod's adoress to EQs people. David was 
urged to win back the hearts of the people by kind 
words: ''speak comfortably" (2 S 19 7). Hezekiah 
in like manner comforted the Levites (2 Ch 80 22) 
and encoura^d his captains (2 Ch 82 6). The term 
has exceptional wealth of meaning in connection 
with God's message of grace and forgiveness to His 
redeemed people. The compassionate love that has 
atoned for their sins speaks to the heart ("comfort- 
ably") of Jerus, saying "that her iniquity is par- 
doned" (Isa 40 2). The same promise of forgiveness 
isgiven to the penitent nation oy the prophet Hosea 
(Eos 2 14): ''comfortable words" (Zee 1 13), i.e. 
words affording comfort. Dwight M. Pratt 

COMFORTER, kum'fSr-tSr: This is a tr of the 
word TapdK\ffT09f pardklitoSf in the Johannine writ- 
ings. In the Gospel it occurs in 14 16.26: 16 26: 
16 7, and refers to the Holv Spirit. Tne word 
means lit. "called to one's side" ror help. The tr 
"Comforter" covers only a small part of the mean- 
ing as shown in the context. The word "Helper" 
would be a more adequate tr. The Spirit does a 
great deal for disciples besides comforting them, 
although to comfort was a part of His work for 
them. The Spirit guides into truth; indeed, He is 
called the Spirit of truth. He teaches and Quickens 
the memoiy of disciples and glorifies Christ in 
them. He also has a work to do in the hearts of 
unbelievers convicting the world of sin, of righteous- 
ness, and of judgment (Jn 14-16). The Comforter 
remains permanently with disciples after He comes 
in response to the prayers of Christ. The word 
paraklitos does not occur elsewhere in the Scriptures 
except in 1 Jn 8 1. In Job 16 2 the active form 
of the word (varaH&oe is passive) is found in the pi., 
where Job calls his friendis "miserable comforters. 
The word "Comforter" bein^ an inadequate, and the 
word "Helper" a too indefinite, tr of the word in the 
Gospel of John, it would probably be best to transfer 
the Gr word into Eng. in so far as it relates to the 
Holy Spirit (see Paraclete). 

In 1 Jn 8 1 the word parakletoe refers to Christ: 
"If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the. 
Father, Jesus Christ the righteous." Here the tr 
Advocate is quite correct. As the next ver shows 
the writer has in mind the intercession of Christ for 
Christians on the basis of His mediatorial work: 
"And he is the propitiation for our sins; and not for 
ours only, but luso for the whole world" (1 Jn 2 2). 
See Advocate; Holt Spirit; Paraclete. 

E. Y. Mullins 

COMFORTLESS, kum'fSrt-les (&p^vo^, orpha- 
nadSf "orphans"): The Gr original is found but 
twice in tne NT; rendered "comfortless" in Jn 14 
18, RV "desolate"; "fatherless" in Jas 1 27 (cf Ps 
68 5). The term signifies her^t of a father, parents, 
guardian, teacher, gjuide, and indicates what must 
be the permanent ministry of the Holy Spirit to the 
disciples of Jesus, in comforting their hearts. In 
harmony with these parting words Jesus had called 
the chosen twelve "little chUdren" (Jn 13 33); with- 
out Him they would be "orphans," comfortless, 
desolate. The coining of the Holy Spirit would 
make Christ and the Father forever real to them, an 
abiding spiritual presence. Dwioht M. Pratt 

COMING OF CHRIST. See Advent; Parou- 


COMING, SECOND. See Parousia. 

COMMANDMENT, k6-mand'ment, COM- 
MANDMENTS (nXfO , migwOh; IrroX^, entoU) : The 
commandments are, first of all, prescriptions, or direc- 
tions of God. concerning particular matters, which 
He wanted observed with reference to circumstances 
as they arose, in a period when He spake immediately 
and with greater frequency than afterward. They 
were numerous, minute, and regarded as codrdinate 
and independent of eacn other. In the Ten Com- 
mandments, or, more properly, Ten Words, EVm 
(O'^T^'^, cfohdrim), they are reduced to a few all- 
comprehensive precepts of permanent validitv. upon 
which every duty required of man is based. Certain 
prescriptions of temporary force, as those of the 
ceremonial and forensic laws, are applications of 
these "Words" to transient circimistances. and, for 
the time for which they were enacted, demanded 
perfect and imconditional obedience. The Fas, 
and esp. Ps 119, show that even under the OT, 
there was a deep spiritual appreciation of these 
commandments, and the extent to which obedience 
was deemed a privilege rather than a mere matter 
of constrained external compliance with duty. In 
the NT, Jesus shows in Mt 22 37.40; Mk 12 29. 
31; Lk 10 27 (cf Rom 13 8.10) their organic 
umty. The "Ten'' are reduced to two, and these 
two to one principle, that of love. In love, obe- 
dience begins, and works from within outward. 
Under the NT the commandments are kept when 
they are written upon the heart (He 10 16). While 
in the Synoptics they are referred to in a more 
abstract and distant way, in both the Gospel and 
the Epp. of Jn their rdation to Jesus is most 

Srominent. They are "my commandments'' (Jn 
4 15.21; 16 10.12); "mv Father's" (Jn 10 18; 
15 10): or, many times throughout the epp.. 'Iiis 
[i.e. Christ's] commandments."^ The new life in 
Christ enkindles love, and not only makes the com- 
mandments the rule of life, but the life itself the free 
expression of the commandments and of the nature 
of God, in which the commandments are grounded. 
Occasionally the word is used in the singular collect- 
ively (Ex 24 12; Fa 119 96; 1 Cor 14 37). See 
Ten Commandments, The. H. E. Jacobs 


KoxiH^, erUoU kaM) : Tne word "commandment" is 
used in the Eng. VSS of the OT to translate several 
Heb words, more esp. those meaning "word" (dd- 
bhdr) as the ten words of God (Ex 84 28) or king's 
"command" (Est 1 12); "precept" (mi^wOh) of 
God (Dt 4 2), of a kmg (2 K 18 36); "mouth" 
or "speech" (peh) of God (Ex 17 1), of Pharaoh 
(2 K 23 35). They express the theocratic idea of 
morality wherein the wiU or law of God is imposed 
upon men as their law of conduct (2 K 17 37). 

This idea is not repudiated in the NT, but sup- 
plemented or modified from within by making love 
the essence of the command. Jesus 
1. Christ Christ, as reported in the Synoptics, 
and the Old came not "to destroy the law or the 
Command- prophets .... but to fulfil" (Mt 6 
ment 17). He taught that "whosoever there- 

fore shall break one of these least com- 
mandments, and shall teach men so, ^all be called 
least in the kingdom of heaven" (Mt 6 19). He 
condemned the Pharisees for rejecting the command- 
ments of God as given by Moses (Mk 7 8-13). 
There is a sense in which it is true that Christ pro- 
pounded no new commandment, but the new thinff 
m His teaching was the emphasis laid on the old 
conimandment of love, and the extent and intent 
of its application. The great commandment is 
"Thou Shalt love the Lord thy God, .... [and] thy 
neighbor as thyself. On these two commandments 
the whole law hangeth, and the prophets" (Mt 22 
34-40; Mk 12 28-34; cf Dt 6 6; Lev 10 18). 



When the law realizes itself as love for God and 
man in men's hearts, it ceases to bear the aspect of 

a command. The force of authority 
8. Principle and the active resistance or inertia of 
instead of the subject disappear; the law be- 
Law comes a principle, a motive, a joyous 

harmony of man's will with the will 
ai God; and in becoming internal, it becomes uni- 
versal and transcends all distinctions of race or 
class. Even this was not an altogether new idea 
(cf Jer 31 31-34- Ps 61); nor did Christ's con- 
temporaries ana disciples think it was. The 
revolutionary factor was the death of Christ 

wherein the love of God was exempli- 
8. Christ's fied and made manifest as the basis 
Love Ful- and principle of all spiritual life 
filled in (Jn 13 34). Paul therefore general- 

Death Be- izes all pre-Christian morality as a 
comes the system of law and commandments. 
Law of the standing in antithesis to the grace and 
Church love which are through Jesus Christ 

(Rom 5-7). Believers in Christ felt 
their experience and inward life to be so changed 
and new, that it needed a new term {cLgdpe= "love") 
to express their ideal of conduct (see Charitt). 
Another change that grew upon the Christian con- 
sciousness, following from the resurrection and 
ascension of Christ, was the idea that He was the 
permanent source of the principle of life. ''Jesus 
IS Lord" (1 Cor 12 3). Hence in the Johannine 
writings the principle described by the new term 
agapi is associated with Christ's lordship and sol- 
emnly described as His ''new conmiandment." 
"A new commandment I give unto you, that ye 
love one another; even as I have loved you, that 
ye also love one another" (Jn 13 34). To the 
Christians of the end of the 1st cent, it was already 
an old commandment which they had from the 
beginning of the Christian teaching (1 Jn 2 7; 
2 Jn 5) ; out it was iJso a new commandment which 
ever came with new force to men who were passing 

from the darkness of hatred to the 
4. The New light of love (1 Jn 2 8-11). The term 
Revelation in the Gospel we may owe to the 

evangelist, out it brings into relief 
an element in the consciousness of Jesus which the 
author of the Fourth Gospel had appreciated more 
fully than the Synoptists. Jesus was aware that 
He was the bearer of a special message from the 
Father (Jn 12 49; Mt 11 27), that He fulfilled 
His mission in His death of love and self-sacrifice 
(Jn 10 18), and that the mission fulfilled gave 
Him authority over the lives of men, "even as I 
have loved you, that ye also love one another." 
The full meaning of Chnst's teaching was only real- 
ized when men had experienced and recognized the 
significance of His death as the cause ana principle 
of right conduct. The Synoptists saw Christ's 
teaching as the development of the prophetic 
teaching of the GT. Paul and John felt that the 
love of God in Christ was a new thing: (a) new as 
a revelation of God in Christ, (6) new as a principle 
of life in the church, and (c) new as a union of be- 
lievers with Christ. While it is love, it is also 
a commandment of Christ, calling forth the joyous 
obedience of believers. See also Brotherly Love. 

T. Reeb 

mandment; Ten Commandments. 

COMMEND, k6-mend': 

(1) For iraparC6t||u, paratithemi (Lk 23 46), trans- 
lating the Heb pdlpadh (Ps 81 5), in the dying words 
of Jesus: "Into thy hands I commend my spirit." 
AV in Ps has the more general word "commit." 
The use of the Gr word in the sense of "deposit 
what belongs to one into the hands of another" is 

not uncommon in the classics. So also the deriva- 
tives paraMke{2 Tim 1 12) and parakaioMki (1 Tim 
6 20- 2 Tim 1 14). See Deposit. This sense of 
the Eng., while slightly archaic, corresponds to the 
first meaning of the Lat, whence it comes, "to com- 
mit for preservation," esp. of the dying; to commend 
children, parents, etc, to the care of others (for 
examples, see Harper's Latin Dictionary), 

(2) For evviirrviiu, siunidtiTnif "to stand together," 
and then, by standing together, to establish, prove, 
exhibit, as "righteousness^' and "love of God" (Rom 
3 5: 6 8), and thus to attest (2 Cor 8 1; 4 2), and, 
finally, to certify or to recommend a stranger (Rom 
16 1; 2 Cor 6 4). The use of parittemi in 1 Cor 
8 8 is equivalent. 

(3) "To praise," iraipiv, epainid (Lk 16 8). and 
8uni8temi in 2 Cor 10 12.18; for the GT, Heb kiUel, 
in Gen 12 15 AV; Prov 12 8. H. £. Jacobs 

COMMENTARIES, kom'en-ta-riz: 
I. Thb Wobi>— Gbnbbal Scopb 


1. Barly Ck>mmentarie8 

(1) Orlgen, etc 

(2) OhryBostom. etc 

2. ScSiolastic Period 
Nicolas de Lyra 

3. Reformation and Post-Reformation Periods 
Luther and Oalvin 
Beza, Orotiufl, etc 
Later Writers 

4. iSth Oentury 

1) Oalmet, M. Hen^. etc 

2) Patrick. Lowth. Scott 

3) GiU. Doddridge 
J) Bensel 

6. The Modem Period — ^Its Oharacteriittoi 

(1) Germany 

(a) The Liberal Scho<d 

(b) Believing Tendency 

S) Ck>nfe88ional 
«) Godet (Swiss) 

(2) Britain and America 
ia) Alford. Eadie 
lb) EUicott and lightfoot 
le) Westcott 

Oritical Influences — ^Broad Ohurch 
Stanley and Jowett 
(e) General Commentaries (Series) 
6. Recent Period 

(1) Germany 

(2) Britain and America 


/. The Word— General Scope, — ^Etymolo^cally, a 
commentary (from Lat commentar) denotes jottings, 
annotations, memoranda, on a given subject, or 
perhaps on a series of events; hence its use in the 
pi. as a designation for a narrative or history, as the 
Commentaries of Caesar. In its application to 
Scripture, the word designates a work devoted to 
the explanation, elucidation, illustration, sometimes 
the homiietic expansion and edifying utilization, 
of the text of some book or portion of Scripture. 
The primary function of a good commentary is to 
furnish an exact interpretation of the meaning of the 
passage imder consideration: it belongs to it also 
to show the connection of icieas, the steps of argu- 
ment, the scope and design of the whole, in the 
writing in question. This can only be successfully 
accomplished by the help of a knowledge of the 
original language of the writing, and of the histori- 
cal setting of the particular passage: by careful 
study of the context, and of the author's general 
usages of thought and speech; and by comparison 
of parallel or related texts. Aid may also be ob- 
tained from external sources, as a knowledge of 
the history, archaeology, topography, chronology, 
manners and customs, of the lands, peoples and 
times referred to; or, as in Deissmann's recent dis- 
coveries, from the light thrown on peculiarities of 
language by pap3rri or other ancient remains (see 
his Light from the Ancient East). 



J7. Differences in Character. — It is obvious that 
oommentaries will vary greatly in character and 
value according as they are more scholarly ^ techni- 
cal, and critical, entering, e.g. into philological dis- 
cussions, and tabulating and remarking upon the 
various views held as to the meaning; or a^am, more 
populaTf aiming only at bringing out the general 
sense, and conveying it to the mind of the reader in 
attractive and edifying form. When the practical 
motive predominates^ and the treatment is greatly 
enlarged by illustration, application, and the en- 
forcement of lessons, the work loses the character 
of commentary proper, and partakes more of the 
character of homily or discourse. 

///. Range of Commentariee, — No book in the 
world has been made the subject of so much com- 
menting and exposition as the Bible. Theological 
libraries are full of commentaries of all descriptions 
and all grades of worth. Some are commentaries 
on the oridnaJ Heb or Gr texts; some on the Eng. 
or other VSS. Modem oommentaries are usually 
accompanied with some measure of introduction to 
the books commented upon; the more learned works 
have commonly also some indication of the dala for 
the determination of the textual readings (see 
CluncisM, Textual). Few writers are equal to 
the task of commenting with profit on the Bible 
as a whole, and, with the growth of knowledge, this 
task is now seldom attempted. Freauently, how- 
ever, one writer contributes many vaJuable works, 
and sometimes, by cooperation of like-mindea 
scholars, commentaries on the whole Bible are pro- 
duced. It is manifestly a very slight survey that 
can be taken in a brief art. of the work of comment- 
ing, and of the literature to which it has given rise; 
the attempt can only be made to follow the lines 
most helpful to those seeking aid from this class of 
books. On the use and abuse of oommentaries 
by the preacher, C. H. Spurgeon's racy remarks 
in his Commenting and CommerUariea may be con- 

Rabbinical interpretations and paraphrases of 
the OT may here be left out of account (see next 
art.; also Targums; Talmud; F. W. 
1. Eariy Farrar's History of InUrpretaiiony 
Commen- Lect II). Commentaries on the NT 
taries could not begin till the NT books 

themselves were written, and had ac- 
quired some degree of authority as sacred writings 
Csee Bible). The earliest commentaries we hear 
of are from the heretical circles of the Gnostics. 
Heracleon, a Valentinian (cir 175 AD), wrote a 
commentary on the Gospel of John (fragments in 
Ori^n), and on parts at least of the Gospel of Luke. 
Tatian, a disciple of Justin Martyr, about the same 
time, compiled his DiaUssaron, or Harmony of the 
Four Gospels, on which, at a later time, commen- 
taries were written. Ephraem SyruB (4th cent.) 
wrote such a commentcuy, of which an Armenian 
tr has now been recovered. The Church Father 
Kppolytus (beginning of 3d cent.), wrote several 
oommentaries on the OT (Ex, Pss, Prov, Eccl, Dnl, 
Zee, etc), and on Mt, Lk and Rev. 

(1) Origen, etc. — ^The strongest impulse, however, 
to the work of commenting and e^qposition of Holy 
Scripture undoubtedly proceeded from the school 
of Alexandria — esp. from Origen (203-54 AD). 
Clement, Origen's predecessor, had written a trea- 
tise called HupotuppseiSf or "Outlines,'' a survey of 
the contents of Holy Scripture. Origen himself 
wrote oonunentaries on all the books of the OT. 
Ruth, Est and Eccl alone excepted, and on most ot 
the books of the NT (Mk, 1 and 2 Cor, 1 and 2 
Pet, 1. 2. and 3 Jn, Jas, Jude, Rev excepted). He 
furnisned besides, schoHa, or notes on difficult pas- 
sages, and delivered Homilies, or discourses, the 
reoords of which fill three folio volumes. "By his 

Telrapla and Hexaplay'* says Farrar, "he became the 
founder of all textual criticism; by his Homilies he 
fixed the type of a popular exposition; his scholia 
were the earnest specimens of marginal explanations; 
his commentaries furnished the church with her 
first continuous exegesis" (op. dt., 188). Un- 
fortunately the Alexandrian school adopted a prin- 
ciple of allegorical interpretation which led it 
frequently into the most extravagant fancies. As- 
suming a threefold sense in Scripture — a literal, 
a moral, and a spiritual — ^it gave reins to caprice 
in foisting imaginary meanings on the simplest his- 
torical statements (Farrar, op. cit., 189 ff). Some 
of Origen's commentaries, however, are much freer 
from allegory than others, and all possess high value 
(of Lightfoot, GalatianSf 217). The later teachers 
of the Alexandrian school continued the exegeti- 
oal works of Origen. Pamphilus of Caesarea, the 
friend of Eusebius, is said to have written OT oom- 

(2) Chrysostom. etc. — ^At the opposite pole from 
the allegorizing Alexandrian school of interpretation 
was the Antiochian, marked by a sober, literal and 
grammatical style of exegesis. Its reputed founder 
was Lucfan (martyred 311 AD); but its real heads 
were Diodoms of Tarsus( 379-94 AD) and Theo- 
dore of Mopsuestia (393-428 AD): and its most 
distinguished representative was Jonn Chrysostom 
(347-4D7 AD). Chrvsostom wrote continuous 
commentaries on Isa (only 1 — 8 10 remaining) and 
on Gal; but his chief contributions were his^omi- 
lieSy covering almost the whole of the OT and NT. 
Of these over 600 remain, chiefly on the NT. They 
are unequal in character, those on Acts being re- 
puted tha/eeblest; others, as those on Mt, Rom and 
Cor, are splendid examples of expository teaching. 
Schaff speaks of Chrysostom as ''the prince of com- 
mentators among the Fathers'' (Hist., Ante-Nicene 
Per., 816). Thomas Aquinas is reported to have 
said that he would rather possess Chrysostom's 
homilies on Mt than be master of all Paris. In the 
West, Ambrose of Milan (340-97 AD) wrote exposi- 
tions of OT histories and of Lk (allegorical and 
typical), and Jerome (346-120 AD) wrote numerous 
oommentaries on OT and NT books, largely, how- 
ever, compilations from others. 

The mediaeval and scholastic period offers little 
for our purpose. There was dihgence in copying 
MSS, and producing catenae of the 
8. Scholas- opinions of the Fathers; in the case 
tic Period of the schoolmen, in building up 
elaborate systems of theology; but 
the Scriptures were thrown into the background. 

Nicolas de Lyra. — ^The 14th cent., however, pro- 
duced one commentator of real eminence — Nicolas 
de Lyra (1270-1340). Nicolas was a Franciscan 
monk, well versed in Heb and rabbinical learning. 
While recognizing the usual distinctions of the 
various senses of Scripture, he practically builds 
on the literal, and exhibits great sobriety and skill 
in his interpretations. His work, which bears the 
name PosttUae Pervetiiae in Universa Btblia, was 
much esteemed by Luther, who acknowledge his 
indebtedness to it. Hence the jest of his oppo- 
nents, Si Lyra non lyrasset, LiUherus non saUasset 
(a notice of Lyra may be seen in Farrar, op. dt., 

The Reformation brought men's minds back to 
the Scriptures and opened a new era in Bib. exposi- 
tion and commentary. It became 
3. Refer- the custom to expound the Scriptures 
mation and on Sundays and week-days in fdl the 
Post-Refor- pulpits of the Protestant churches, 
mation ''Luther's custom was to expound 

Periods consecutively in a course of sermons 
the Old and New Testaments" (Kost- 
lin). The Reformation began at Zurich with a 



series of discourses by Zwingli on the Gospel of Mt. 
The same was true of Calvin^ Beza, Knox and all 
associated with them. The production of commen- 
taries or expository homilies was the necessary 

(1) Luther and Calvin. — As outstanding examples 
may be mentioned Luther's Commentary on Gal, and 
the noble commentaries of Calvin. Not all bv anv 
means, but very many of the commentaries of Cal- 
vin were the fruit of pulpit prelections (e.g. the ex- 
positions of Job, the Minor Prophets, Jer, Dnl). 
Others, as the commentaries on Rom and the Pss 
^puted his best), were prepared with great care. 
Calvin's supreme excellence as a commentator is dis- 
puted by no one. From everv school and shade of 
opinion in Christendom could be produced a chorus 
of testimony to the remarkable gifts of mind and 
heart displayed in his expositions of Scripture — ^to 
his breadth, moderation, fairness and modemnesa of 
spirit, in exhibiting the sense of inward genius of Holy 
Writ. Tlie testimony of Arminius is as striking as 
any: "I exhort my pupils to peruse Calvin's com- 
mentaries .... for I affirm that he excels beyond 
comparison in the interpretation of Scripture, and 
that his commentaries ought to be more higKly valued 
than all that is handed oown to us by the library of 
the Fathers." 

(2) Beza, CfroHua, etc. — Lutheranism had its 
distinguished exegetes (Brenz. d« 1572), who wrote 
able commentaries on the OT, and in both the 
Calvinistic and Arminian branches of the Reformed 
church the production of commentaries held a 
chief place. Beza, Calvin's successor, is acknowl- 
edged to have possessed manv of the best exegetical 
qualities which characterized his master. Grotius, 
in Holland (d. 1645), occupies the foremost place 
among the expositors in this cent, on the Arminian 
side. His exegetical works, if not marked by much 
spirituality, show sagacity and learning, and are 
enriched by parallels from classical literature. The 
school of Cocceius (d. 1669) developed the doctrine 
of the covenants, and revelled in typology. Coc- 
ceius wrote commentaries on nearly all thebooks of 
Scripture. His pupil Vitringa (d. 1716) gained re- 
nown by his expositions of Isa and the Apocalypse. 

(3) Later writers. — Partly fost^^ by the habit 
of basing commentary on pulpit exposition, the 
tendency early set in to undue prohxity in the 
unfolding of the meaning of Scripture. 'In the 
Lutheran church," says Van Oosterzee, "they began 
to preach on whole books of the Bible; sometimes 
in a very prolix manner, as, e.g. in the case of the 
220 sermons by one Stri^nitz, a preacher at Meis- 
sen, on the history of Jonah, of which four are 
devoted to the consideration of the words 'Unto 
Jonah' " (Practical Theol., 120). The habit spread. 
The commentaries of Peter Martyr (Swiss Reform- 
er, d. 1562) on Jgs and Rom occupy a folio each; 
N. Bvfield (Puritan, d. 1622) on Col fills a folio; 
Caryl (Independent, d. 1673) on Job extends to 2 
folios; Durham (d. 1658) on Isa 63 consists of 72 
sermons; Venema (Holland, d. 1787) on Jer fiUs 
2 quartos, and on tne Pss' no less than 6 quartos. 
These are only samples of a large class. H. Ham- 
mond's A Paraphrase and Annotatione on the NT. 
from an Arminian Standpoint belong to this period 
(1675). Another work which long took high rank 
is M. Poole's elaborate Synopsis Criticorum Bihli- 
corum (6 vols, folio, 1669-76)— a summary of the 
opinions of 150 Bib. critics; with which must be 
taken his Eng. Annotations on the Holy BibUf onlv 
completed up to Isa 68 at the time of his deatn 
(1679). The work was continued by his friends. 

(1) Calmet, M. Henry^ etc.— The 18th cent, is 
marked by greater sobriety in exegesis. It is pro- 
lific in commentaries, but only a few attain to high 
distinction. Calmet (d. 1757), aleamed Benedictine, 

on the Roman Catholic side, produced his Com)' 
mentaire Utt&rcd sur tons les livres de VAncien et du 
Nouveau Testament, in 23 quarto vols 
4. IStli — a work of immense erudition, though 

Centuiy now necessarily superseded in its in- 
formation. On the Protestant side, 
Matthew Henry's celebrated ^xpo«t^n of the Old and 
New Testament (1708-10) easily holds the first place 
among devotional commentaries for its blending of 
good sense, quaintness, original and felicitous remark, 
and genuine insight into the meaning of the sacred 
writers. It is, of course, not a critical work in the 
modern acceptation, and often is undul v diffuse. M . 
Heme's work extends only to the end of Acts; the 
remaining books were done by various writers after 
his death (1714). Le Clerc (d. 1736) mav be named 
as precursor of the critical views now obtaining on 
the composition and authorship of the Pent. His 
commentaries began with Gen in 1693 and were not 
completed till 1731. Other commentators of note 
of Arminian views were Daniel Whitby (d. 1726; 
converted to Arianism), and, later, Adam Clarke, 
Wesleyan (1762-1832), whose work extends into 
the next cent. Clarke's Commentary on the Holy 
Scriptures (1810-^), still held by many in hijsh 
esteem, is marred to some extent by eccentricities 
of opinion. 

(2) Patrick, Lowth, Scott. — In the Aiiglican 
church the names of chief distinction in this cent, 
are Bishop Patrick, Bishop Lowth, and later. 
Thomas Scott. Bishop Patrick, usually classea 
with the Cambridge Platomsts (d. 1707), contributed 
paraphrases and conmientaries on the UT from Gen 
to Cant, while Bishop Lowth (d. 1787) acquired last- 
ing fame by his Prelections on Heb Poetry, and A New 
Trandation, with Notes on Isaiah, He was among 
the first to treat the poetical and prophetic writings 
really as literature. The commentaries of Patrick 
and Lowth were subsequently combined with those 
of Whitby and other divines (Arnold, etc) to form 
a complete Critical Commentary (1809), which 
went through many editions. The well-known 
commentary of Thomas Scott (1747-1821), repre- 
senting a moderate Calvinism^ is a solid and ''ju- 
dicious" piece of work, inspired by an earnest, 
believing spirit, though not presenting any markea 
originality or brilliance. Brilliance is not the 
characteristic of many commentators of this age. 

(3) Gin, Doddridge. — Two other Eng. writers 
deserving notice are Dr. John Gill (d. 1771; Cal- 
vinistic Baptist), who wrote Expositions on the OT 
and the Nt ana a separate Exposition of the Song 
of Solomon — ^leamed^ but ponderous and controver- 
sial; and Dr. Phihp Doddridge (d. 1751), whose 
Family Expositor, embracing the entire NT, with 
a harmony of the Gospels, and paraphrases of the 
meaning, is marked by excellent judgment, and 
obtained wide acceptance. 

(4) Berigel. — Meanwhile a new period had been 
preluded in Germany by the appearance in 1742 
of the Gnomon Novi Testamenti of J. A. Bengel 
(d. 1751), a work following upon his critical edition 
of the NT issued in 1734. Though belonging to the 
18th cent., BenoePs critical and expository labors 
really herald and anticipate the best work in these 
departments of the 19th cent. His scholarship was 
exact, his Judgment sound, his criticid skill remark- 
able in a neld in which he was a pioneer; his notes 
on the • text, though brief, were pregnant with 
significance, and were informed by a spirit of warm 
and living piety. 

The modem period, to which Bengel in spirit, if 
not in date, belongs, is marked by great changes 
in the style and character of commentaries. The 
critical temper was now strong; great advances 
had been made in the textual criticism of both 
OT and NT (see Criticism, Textual); the work 



of the higher criticism had be^n in the OT; in 
Germany, the spirit of humamsm, inherited from 
Lessmg, Herder and Goethe, had found 
6. The its wa^ into literature; knowled^ of 

Modem the sciences, of oriental civilizations, 
Period — Its of other peoples and religions, was con- 
Character- stantly on the increase ; scholarship was 
fetics more precise and thorough; a lusher 

ideal of what commentary meant nad 
taken possession of the mind. Learning, too, had en- 
larged its borders, and books on all suojects poured 
from the press in such numbers that it was difficult 
to cope with them. This applies to commentaries 
as to other departments of theolodcal study. Com- 
mentaries in the 19th cent., and in our own, are 
legion. Only the most prominent landmarks can 
be noted. 

(1) Germany (a) The liberal school. — ^In Germaiiy. 
as was to be anticipated^ the rise of the critical 
spirit and the profound influence exercised by it 
are reflected in most of the commentaries produced 
in the first half of the cent. On the liberal side, 
the rationalistic temper is shown in the rejection 
of miracle, the denial of prediction in prophecy, 
and the lowering of the idea of inspiration generally. 
The scholarship, however, is frequently of a very 
high order. This temper is seen in De Wette 
(d. 1849), whose commentaries on the NT, written 
when his views had become more positive, show 

Srace and feeling; in Gesenius (d. 1842), who pro- 
uoed an epoch-making commentary on Isa; 
in Knobel (d. 1863), pronouncedly rationalistic, but 
with keen critical sense, as evinced in his com- 
mentaries on the Pent and Josh, Eccl, and Isa; 
in Hupfeld (d. 1866) in his Commentary on the Psa 
(4 vols) ; in Hitzig (d. 1875), acute but arbitrary, who 
wrote on the Pss and most of the Prophets; above 
all, in Ewald (d. 1875), a master in the interpretation 
of the poetical and prophetical books, out who 
commented also on the first three Gospels, on the 
writings of John, and on Paul's epistles. Ewald's 
influence is felt in the History of the Jewish Church 
by Dean Stanley, in England. The Exegettcal 
Handbook (Ktirzgef assies exegetisches HandJbuch) 
embraced compendious annotations by Knobel, 
Hitzig, Bertheau (school of Ew^d), etc, but also 
Olshausen (d. 1839; wrote likewise on the NT), on 
all the books of the OT. 

(6) Believing tendency. — On the believing side, 
from a variety of standpoints^ evangelical, critical, 
mediating, confessional, a multitude of commentaries 
on the OT and NT were produced. The extremely 
conservative position in criticism was defended 
by Hengstenberg (d. 1869; on Pss, Eccl, Ezk, Jn. 
Rev), by Keil (d. 1888) in the well-known Keil and 
Delitzsch series (Gen to Est, Jer, Ezk, Dnl, Minor 
Prophets; also NT commentaries), and by Haver- 
nick (d. 1845; Dnl, Ezk). Delitzsch (d. 1890) wrote 
valued commentaries on Gen, Job, Pss, Prov, Cant, 
Eccl, Isa; also on He. ^ After the rise of the Well- 
hausen school, he considerably modified his views 
in the newer critical direction. His New Comm. 
on Gen (1887) shows this change, but, with his other 
works, is still written in a strongly believing spirit. 
On the other hand, the critical position (older, not 
newer) is frankly represented by A. Dillmann 
(d. 1894) in his commentaries on the books of the 
Pent and Josh (ET of Genesis^ 1897; many also of 
the above works are tr*0 . 

The mediating school, largely penetrated by the 
influence of Schleiermacher, had many distingmshed 
representatives. Among the most conspicuous may 
be named LUcke (d. 1855), who wrote on John; 
Bleek, the OT and NT critical scholar (d. 1859), 
who has a work on the first three Gospels, and lec- 
tures on Eph, Col. Philem, He and Kev (his 
Comm, on He \b the best known), and Tholuck 

(d. 1877). whose expositions and commentaries on 
Pss, Jn, Rom and He with his Comm. on the Sermon 
on the iiountf are fine pieces of exegetical work. 

A special jplace must be given to two names of 
high distinction in the present connection. One is J. 
P. Lange (d. 1884), the projector and editor of the 
great Bibeltoerk (theological and homiletical) in 22 
vols, to which he himself contributed the com- 
mentaries on Gen to Nu, Hag, Zee, Mai, Mt, Mk^ Jn, 
Rom, Rev, with introductions and homiletic hints. 
The other is H. A. W. Meyer (d. 1873). whose Crit- 
ical and Exegetical Comm. on the NT from Mt to 
Phil (the remaining books being done by other 
scholars, Ltlnemann, Huther, etc) is an essential 
part of every NT scholar's equipment. 

With the more positive and confessional theo- 
logians may be ranked E. R. Stier (d. 1862), whose 
Words of the Lord Jesus (ET in 8 vols; Bib., 
mystical, tendency to prolixity), with commen- 
taries on 70 selected Pss, Prov, 2d Isa, Eph, He, 
Jas and Jude, found much acceptance. A. von 
Harless (d. 1879) wrote a Comm. on ^pA, praised 
by Tholuck as one of the finest extant. Philippi 
(d. 1882), of Jewish extraction, best known by nis 
Comm, on Rom, was strictly Lutheran. One of the 
ablest of the Lutheran Confessionalists was Lu- 
thardt (d. 1892), whose works include a Comm. on 
St. John's Gosvel. Ebrard (d. 1887), as stoutly con- 
fessional on tne Reformed side, has an esteemed 
Comm. on He. An eminent continental theologian 
who cannot be overlooked is the Swiss F. L. Godet 
(d. 1900), whose admirable Comm. on St. John^s 
Gospelf and commentaries on Rom and Cor are 
highly appreciated. 

(2) Britain and America. — Meanwhile the Eng[.- 
speaking countries were pursuing their own paths in 
tne proauction of commentaries,either in continuing 
their old traditions, or in striking out on new lines, 
under the foreign influences which, from the begin- 
ning of the cent., had begun to play upon them. In 
En^and Bishop Blomfield (d. 1857) published Lec- 
tures on Jn and Acts. In the United States there 
appeared from the pen of Dr. J. A. Alexander, of 
Princeton (d. I860), a noteworthy Comm, onlsa^ fully 
abreast of the moaem learning, but staunchly con- 
'Servative: also a Comm. on Pss. From the same 
seminaiy proceeded the massive commentaries 
of Dr. Charles Hodge (Calvinistic) on Rom, Eph 
and Cor. Adapted for popular use and greatly in 
demand for Sunday-school purposes were the Notes, 
Critical, Explanatory and Practical of Albert Barnes 
(d. 1871; New School Presbyterian). These Notes, 
the fruit of the use of the early morning hours in a 
busv pastoral life, covered the whole of the NT, 
with several books of the OT (Job, Pss; Isa, Dnl). 
Sensible and informatory, rather than original or 
profound, they proved helpful to many. Over 
1,000,000 copies are stated to have been sold. Of 
similar aim, though less widely known, were the 
Notes of Professor M. W. Jacobus (d. 1876; on the 
NT, Gen and Ex). 

A new era was opened in critical commentary 
in England by the publication of the Gr Testament 
(1849-61) of Dean Alford (d. 1871), followed by his 
NT for Eng. Readers (1868). Here was presented 
a thoroughly critical treatment of the texts, with 
a full display of the critical apparatus, and notes 
philolo^cal and exegetical, accompaniea by learned 
and lucid introductions, on all the books of the NT. 
About the same time appeared the solid, if more 
theological and homiletic^, commentaries of the 
Scottish scholar, J. Eadie (d. 1876), on Gal, Eph, 
Phil, 1 and 2 Thess. Anglican scholarship pro- 
duced its ripest fruits in this fine in the classical 
Critical and Grammatical Comms. of Bishop EUicott 
(d. 1905) on Gal, Eph, Phil, Col, Philem, Thess, 
Pastoral Epistles, and the yet more remarkable 

c^!!hS?5w "t™^ international standard bible encyclopaedia 


series of commentaries of Bishop J. B. Lightfoot 
(d. 1889), massive in leamine, and wider in outlook 
than Ellicott'Si on Gal, Phil. Col and Philem. A 
large part of the value of Ligntfoot's works conasts 
in the special essays or dissertations on important 
subjects embodied in them (e.g. ''St. Paul and the 
Three", "The Christian Ministry," "The Colossian 
Heresy," etc). With these names should be asso- 
ciated that of Bishop Westcott, Dr. Lightfoot's 
successor in the see of Durham (d. 1901), whose 
commentaries on the Gospel and Epistles of St. 
John, and on He, take a place amone the foremost. 
Bishop Moule, who, in turn, succeeded Dr. Westcott, 
has also written commentaries, simpler in character, 
on Rom, Eph, Phil and Col, in the Cambridge 
Bible SerieSf and on Rom in the ExposUor'a Bible, 
In OT exposition mention should be made of Bishop 
Perowne's valuable work on the Book of Psalma 
(2d ed, revised, 1870), with his contributions to 
the Cambridge Bible (see below). 

The critical and theological liberalism of Ger- 
many has made its influence felt in England in the 
rise of a Broad Church party, the best products of 
which in commentary were Dean Stanley's (d. 1881) 
graphic and interesting Comm. on 1 and 2 Cor (1855) 
anci Dr. B. Jowett's Epistles of St. Paul to the Thess, 
Golf and Rom, with Critical Notes and Disserta- 
tions (1855). The new spirit culminated in the 
appearance of the famous Essays and Reviews (I860), 
and in the works of Bishop Colenso on the Pent and 
Josh (1862-79). Bishop Colenso had already pub- 
lished a tr of Rom, with commentary (1861)/ 

Besides works by individual authors, there ap- 
peared during this period several general conunen- 
taries, to the production of which many writers 
contributed. The following may be mentioned. 
The Speaker's Comm. (10 vols, 1871-82), under the 
general editorship of Canon F. C. Cook (d. 1889), 
was called forth by the agitation over Bishop 
Colenso. Dr. Cook himself wrote introductions 
to Ex, Pss and Acts, and contributed the entire 
commentaries on Job, Hab, Mk, Luke, 1 Pet, with 
parts of commentaries on Ex, Pss and Mt. ^ The 
work is of uneoual value. A serviceable series is 
the Cambridge BiUe for Schools and Colleges (1877 
ff), edited by Bishop Perowne, with SmaUer Cam-- 
bridge BiUe for SchoolSf and Cambridge Gr Test, 
for Schools and Colleges (still in process). Dr. 
Perowne (d. 1904) himself contributed to the first- 
named the oonmientaries on Ob, Jon, Hag, Zee, 
Mai and Gal. Many valuable contributions appear 
in this series, e.g. A. F. Kirkpatrick on 1 and 2 
8 and Pss, A. B. Davidson on Job and Ezk, Driver 
on Dnl^ G. G. Findlay on Thess, etc. Next, under 
the editorship of Bishop Ellicott, were produced 
(1877-84) A NT Comm. far Eng. Readers (3 vols), 
and AnOT Comm. for Eng. Readers (5 vols), which 
contained some valuable work (Gen by R. Payne 
Smith, Ex by Canon G. Rawlinson, etc). Akin to 
this in character was the Popular Comm. on the 
NT {A vols, 1879-83), edited bv Dr. W. Schaff. 
This embraced, with other excellent matter, com- 
mentaries on Thess by Dr. Marcus Dods. and on 
1 and 2 Pet by Dr. S. D. F. Salmond. The PtdpU 
Comm. (49 vols, 1880 flf), edited by J. S. Exell and 
Canon H. D. M. Spence, has expositions by good 
scholars, and an abundance of homiletical material 
by a gre&t variety of authors. The series of 
Handbooks far Bible Classes (T. & T. Clark, Edin- 
burgh) has a number of valuable commentaries, 
e.g. that of Dr. A. B. Davidson on He. 

In the most recent period the con- 
6. Recent spicuous feature has been the produc- 
Period tion of commentaries in series or by 

individual writers embodying the results 
of an advanced OT criticism — in less degree of a 
radical NT criticism. 

(1) Germany. — In Germany, in addition to the 
Kurzgefasstes exegeiisches Hanabuch, of older stand- 
ing (see above), to which Dillmann contributed, may 
be mentioned Martins Kurzer Hand-Commentar 
zwn AT (1897 ff) and Nowack's Handkommentar 
zum AT; also Strack and Zockler's Kvrzgefasster 
Kommentar (OT and NT: critical, but moderate). 
Marti contributes to his Hand-Commentar the vols 
on Isa, Dnl and the Minor Prophets; Nowack con- 
tributes to his Handkommentar the vols on Jgs and 
Ruth, 1 and 2 S and the Minor Prophets (of special 
importance in Nowack's series are the vols on Gen 
by H. Gunkel, and on Dt and Josh by C. Steucr- 
nagel) ; Strack writes in his own work the vols on 
Gen to Nu (Oettli contributes Dt, Josh and Jgs). 
Much more conservative in spirit are the commen- 
taries of H. C. von Orelli (Basel) on Isa, Jer, Ezk 
and the Minor Prophets. In the NT, Meyer's Com- 
meniary has been ''revised" by later writers, many 
of them (J. Weiss, W. Bousset, etc) of mucn more 
advanced tendency than the original author. 

(2) Britain and America. — In Britain and Amer- 
ica like currents are observable. Professor T. K. 
Cheyne, who wrote a helpful commentary on the 
Prophecies of Isa (1880-81), and subsequently 
commentaries on Mic and Hos (Cambridge Bible), 
Jer {Pidpit Comm.), and on The Book of Psalms 
(1884), has become more and more extreme in his 
opinions. Of works in series the most important 
is The International CriHcal Commentary, edited by 
Drs. Driver and Plummer in England, and Dr. C. A. 
Briggs in the United States, of which 16 vols in the 
OT and the NT have already appeared. It need 
not be said that the commentaries in this series 
are always scholarly and able: those on the OT are, 
however, all built on the Wellhausen foundations 
(see CRmcisM op the Bible. III). Dr. Driver 
himself writes on Dt: Dr. J. Skinner, on Gen: Dr. 
G. F. Moore, on Jgs; Dr. H. P. Smith, on 1 ana 2 S; 
Dr. Briggs, on Pss; Dr. Toy, on Prov: Dr. W. R. 
Harper (d. 1906), on Am and Hos; while Mt in the 
NT IS covered by W. C. Allen, Lk by Dr. Plummer, 
Rom b^ Drs. Saiiday and Headlam, etc. A similar 
series is the Westminister Comm., recently com- 
menced, to which Dr. Driver contributes the vol 
on Gen (1904; 7th ed, 1909). Yet another recent 
popular series is The Century Bible, to which again 
lesding critical scholars lend their aid (Dr. W. H. 
Bennett on Gen; also on "General Epistles'*; Dr. 
A. R. S. Kennedy on 1 and 2 S; Dr. Skinner on 1 and 
2 K; Dr. A. S. Peake on Job; also on He; Dr. 
Driver on a group of the Minor Prophets, etc). A 
well-planned one-vol Comm, on tKe Holy Bible, 
by various writers, has recently been edited by 
J. R. Dummelow (Cambridge). It is prefaced 
by a general Introduction, with a laree number of 
arts, on the principal subjects with which a reader 
of the Bible will desire to be acquainted. 

It need only be added that verv many of the for- 
eign works mentioned above (not simply those 
specially noted) are now accesable in Eng. tr*. 

LiTERATTTBB. — ^Works and arts, spectally devoted to 
commentaries are not numerous. Dr. S. Davidaon has 
an art. "Commentary'* in Kitto's Bib. Bne, Vol I. 
See also F. W. Farrar s HUt of Interpretation (Hampton 
Lects for 1885). O. H. Spurgeon's popular talks on 
Commenting and Commentariee are accompanied by 
extensive lists of Commentaries on all parts of the Bible 
(severely exclusive of works deemed dangerous). Lists 
of commentaries on the Bible as a whole, on the OT and 
NT separately, and on the several books, may be seen 
in most good works on Introduction, or tn prolegomena 
to oonmientaries on the different books; e^. in the 
general Introduction prefixed to Lanfre's Comm. on 
Genesis; also in the lengthy sections on Jewish, Or, Lat 
and Protestant commentators, and agiUn in the *' Index 
of the More Important Expository Works on the Bks 
of the OT." In Bleek's Introduction to the OT, very full 
information is given up to the author's date. Full 
bibliographies oi modem boolcs. Including commentaries 
on the OT. are furnished in Dr. Driver's Introdttction. 
Similar lists are given in other works regarding the NT. 



For the writen of the commentarieB on the special books 
In the above-noted German and Eiuf. aerieB, lists may 
generally be seen attached to each ToTof the series. 

James Obb 


1. Philo Judaeus 

2. Targom 

3. Ml(&ash 

4. Talmud 
Middle Ams 

1) Saacua ben JosQDh 

Joseph Kara 
Abraham Ibn Bb» 



Isaac Arama 
7. Mcdem Times 
The Brurtots 
[1) Mendelssohn 
Zunz, etc 

Malbim. Ehriich, etc 
Haldvy. Hoffmann. MueDer 
Oelger, Oraetz, Kohler 




The following outline alludes to the leading Jewish 
oommentators and their works in chronologic^ order. 
However widely the principles which gjuided the 
various Jewish schools of exegesis, or the individual 
commentators, differfrom those of the modem sdiool, 
the latter will find a certain su^^tiveness in the 
former's inteipretation which welT merits attention. 

PhUo Judaeus: A Hellenistic Jew of Alexandria, 
E^gypt. Bom about 20 BC; died after 40 AD. By 
his allegorical method of exegesis (a 
1. Philo method he learned from the Stoics), 
Philo exercised a far-reaching influence 
not onljr on Jewish thought, but even more so on 
the Christian church. We have but to mention his 
influence on Origen and other Alexandrian Christian 
writers. His purpose in emi)loying his allegorical 
method was, mainly, to reconcile Gr philosophy with 
the OT. See Philo Jxtdaeus. 

Joaephus cannot be called a Bible commentator 
in the proper sense of the term. See Josephus. 

TargUm (pi. TargHmlm): The Aram, tr of the OT. 
lit. the word designates a tr In general; its use, however. 

has been restricted to the Aram, version 
9 T«Mmm of the OT. Bs Contrasted with the Heb 
X. laignm ^^gj^ ^^^h. was caUed mi^ra\ The 

Tg Includes all the books of the OT 
eKOQptins Dnl and Bzr-Neh, which are written In part In 
Aram. Its Inception dates back to the time of the Second 
Temple, and It Is considered a first approach to a com- 
mentary before the time of Jesus. For the Tg Is not a 
mere tr. but rather a combination of a tr with a com- 
mentary, resulting In a paraphrase, or an Interpretative tr 
— Shaving Its origin In ezegeslB. The language of this para- 
phrase Is the vernacular tongue of Syria, which began to 
reftwsnrt Itself throughout Pal as the language of common 
Intercourse and trade, as soon as a familiar Knowledge of 
the Heb tongue came to be lost. The Targitmim are: 


(1) Targiim *0nMd9 or Bab Tg (the accepted and 

(2) Targdm yrH^kalml or Palestinian Tg ("Pseudo- 
Jonathan ; aside from this (complete] Tg there are 
fragments of the Palestinian Tg termed "Fragment 


(1) Targum Jonathan ben Uzzlel (being the official 
one; originated In Pal and was then adapted to the 
vernacular of Babylonia) ; 

(2) A Palestinian Targum. called TargUm y«r&»halml 
(Palestinian In origin; ed. Lagarde. "Prophetae Chal- 

Other TarsOmlm (not officially recognized) : (1) To the 
Psalms and Job; (2) to Proverbs; (3) to the ¥lve Rolls; 
(4) to Chronldee—all Palestinian. See Taboum. 

Midhrdsh: Apparently the practice of commenting 
upon and explaining the meaning of the Scriptures 

originated in the S3magogues (in the 
8. Ifidiash time of Ezra), from the necessity of 

an exposition of the Law to a congre- 
gation many of whom did not or might not imder- 

stand the language in which it was read. Such 
commentaries, however, were oral and extempore; 
they were not until much lat^ crystallized into a 
defiuiite form. When they assumed a definite and, 
still later, written shape, the name Midhrdah (mean- 
ing "investigation," '^interpretation," from dUrash, 
"to investi^te" a scriptural passage) was given. 
The word occurs in 2 Ch 13 22 where the RV trans- 
lates "commentary." From this fact some have 
drawn the inference that such Midkrdahlm were 
recognised and extant before the time of the Chroni- 
cler. They are: Midhrdsh Babbd* on the Pent and 
the Five Rolls (the one on Gen occupies a first posi- 
tion among the various exegetical MidhrdahlMf ooth 
on account of its age and importance) . Next comes 
the one on Lam. (Zunz pointed out that the Midhr 
lash Rabbd* consists of ten entirely different Midhr 
rdahlm.) On the same ten books there is a similar 
collection, called ha-Midhr&sh hargddhiBi (the "Great 
Midrash"), being a collection of Quotations from a 
ffood many works including the MidhrOah Rabbd\ 
Other MidkrSahlm are: The MidhrOsh Tanfyama' 
on the Pentateuch; the M'khtUd* on Exodus (this 
has been [Leipzig, 1909] tt^ into German by Winter 
and Wuensche: the latter also published, \mder the 
main title BtbUotheca RabbinicOf a collection of the 
old Midhr&shim in a German tr with introductions 
and notes) . Further, l^iphr^ on Lev; l^if^B on Nu 
and Dt; jf^iiUl*, which comments on sections taken 
from the entire range of Scriptiu-es for various festi- 
vals. There are also extant separate Midhriishlm 
on the Pss, Prov, etc. 

In this connection we have yet to mention the 
Yaltpuf SkMonl, a hag^adic compilation attributed 
to the 11th or, according to Zunz, the 13th cent. 
The Yalfpui extends over the whole of the OT and is 
arranged according to the sequence of those portions 
of the Bible to which reference is made. Further, 
the Yallfu^ Ao^Moj^lri, a work similar in contents to 
the Yailfu^ Shitn^onl, ed. Greenup. See CoidoiEN- 
TABiBs; Midrash. 

Talmud ( TalmUdh) : This term Is used here to designate 
the entire body of literature exclusive of the MidKrOth. 
Ample exegetical material aboimds In 
A TafmMil the Talm as It does In the Midhr^him. 
*• *»"»»«» The critical notes on the Bible by some 
Talmudists are very characteristic of 
their InteQectual temper. Some of them were extremely 
radical, and earo ro s so a freely their opinions on Important 
problems of Bible criticiBm. such as on the Integrity 
of the text, on doubtful authorship, etc. An Amird* 
of the 3d cent. AD held the opinion that the story of 
Job is purely fictitious, both as to the name of the hero 
and as to his fate. The Talmudists also generalized, 
and set up critical canons. The ** Bdraithd\ of the 
Thirty-two Rules" is the oldest work on Bib. her- 
meneuticB (Phllo's hermeneutlcal rules being rather 
fantastic), and contains exegetical notices valid to this 
very day. Hermeneutics. of course, Is not exegesis 
proper, but the theory of exegesis: one results from the 
other, however. This BdraithA* calls attention, for 
instance, to the fact that words occur In the OT in an 
abbreviated form — a thing now generally accepted. See 

Karaites: "Followers of the Bible." They are 
sometimes referred po as the ' 'Protestants of the 
Jews," professing to follow the OT 
6. Karaites to the exclusion of the rabbinical tra- 
dition. The founder of this Jewish 
sect was a Bab Jew in the 8th cent., Anan ben 
David, by name; hence they were first called Ana- 
nites. The principal Karaite commentators of the 
9th, 10th and 11th cents, are: Benjamin Al-Na- 
hawendi (he was the first to use the term "Karaites," 
"Ba^&le AfUrd' "), Solomon ben Jeroham, Sail ibn 
Mazliah, Yusuf al-Basir, Yafith ibn Ali (considered 
the greatest of this period), and Abu al-Faraij 
Harum. Of a later date we will mention Aaron 
ben Joseph and Aaron ben Elijah (14th cent.). 

The struggle between the Rabbinites and the 
Karaites undoubtedly gave the impetus to the 
great exegetical activity among the Jews in Arab.- 




roeaking countries during the 10th and 11th cents. 
The extant fragments of Saadia's commentary on 
the Pent (not less than his polemical writings 
proper) are full of polemics against the Karaite 
interpretation. And the same circumstance aroused 
Karaites to like efforts. 

Middle Ages: In the old Midhrdahlm as well as 
elsewhere the consciousness of a simple meaning of 
a text was never entirely lost. The 
6. Middle principal tendencies in exeeesis were 
Ages four; these were afterward designated 

by the acrostic "PaRDe§": i.e. P*«M 
(or the simple philological explanation of words); 
Remez (or the allegorical); D^rash (or the ethico- 
homiletical) ; and S6dh (or the mystical) . Naturally 
enough this division could never be strictly carried 
out; nence variations and combinations are to be 

Saadia hen Joseph (892-942), the severest an- 
tagonist of the Karaites^ tt^ the OT into Arab, with 
notes. The parts published are: Pent, Isa, Prov 
and Job. 

Moses hd-Barshan (the Preacher) of Narbonne, 
France, and Tobiah ben Eliezer in Castoria, Bul- 
garia (11th cent.), are the most prominent repre- 
sentatives of miarashic-symbolic Bible exegesis. 
The former's work is known only by quotations, 
and contained Christian theological conceptions; 
the latter is the author of "Lei»A TobK' or ^'P*^1^ 
m' Zuiarta' " on the Pent and the five M^ghtUoth. 

Rashi (Solomon ben Isaac, of Troyes; bom 1040, 
died 1105) wrote a very popular commentary, which 
extends over the whole of the OT, with the excep- 
tion of Ch, Ezr-Neh, and the last part of Job. He 
strives for the P^shatf i.e. for a sober, natural and 
rational interpretation of the Bible. His is still 
a comments^ both for the boy and the man among 
the Jews. (Jhristian exegetes of the Middle Ages 
as well as of more modem times made use of his 
Bible commentary. Nicolas de Lyra (see Com- 
mentaries) followed Rashi closely: and it is a 
known fact that Luther's tr of the Bible is depend- 
ent upon Nicolas de Lyra. Rashi's commentary 
has called forth numerous supercommentaries. 

An independent and important exegete was 
Joseph Kard* (about 1100). He edited and partly 
completed Rashi's commentary, particularly the 
part on the Pent. 

Abraham ifcn Ezra^s (1092-1168) commentary 
on the Pent, like Rashi's commentaries, has pro- 
duced many supercommentaries. His is very 
scholarly. He was the first to maintain that Isa 
contains the work of two authors; and his doubts 
respecting the authenticity of the Pent were no- 
ticed by Spinoza. 

The grammarians and the lexicographers were 
not merely exegetical expounders of words, but 
many of them were likewise authors of actual 
commentaries. Such were the f^imhls, Joseph 
(father), Moses and David (his sons)^ esp. the 
latter. The |$[imhls were the most brilliant con- 
tributors to Bible exegesis and Heb philology (like 
Ibn Ezra) in mediaeval times. 

Maimonides (1135-1204): Philo employed his 
allegorical method for the purpose of bringing about 
a reconciliation of Plato with the OT. Maimon- 
ides had something similar in view. To him Aris- 
totle was the representative of natural knowledge 
and the Bible oi supernatural — and he sought for 
a reconciliation between the two in his relidous 
philosophy. Exegesis proper was the one field, 
nowever, to which this great genius made no con- 
tribution of first-class importance. 

The MaimunistSf those exegetes of a philosophi- 
cal turn, are: Joseph ibn Akoin, Samuel ibn Tib- 
bon, his son Moses, and his son-in-law, Jacob ben 
Abba Mari Anatolio, whose Malmadh ha'Talmldhlm 

is the most important work of philosophical exe- 
gesis of the period. 

Joseph ibn Kofpl^ chiefly known as a philosopher 
of the Maimunist type, deserves attention. Ibn 
Ka^pl is an exegete of the first quality. His ex- 
position of Isa 63 might be the work of the most 
modem scholar. He refers the prophecy to Israel, 
not to an individual, and in this his theory is far 
superior to that of some other famous Jewish ex- 

gisitors who interpret the chapter as referring to 

Through the philosophical homily, which began 
to be used after the death of Maimonid^ Aristotle 
was popularized from the pulpit. The pulpit 
changed to a chair of philosophy. Aristotle's con- 
cepts—as Matter and Form, the Four Causes, Possi- 
bility and Reality — were tnen something ordinary 
in the sermon, and were very popular. 

The principal commentators with a Kabbalisiic 
tendency are: Nahmanides (1194-1270?) whose 
great work is his commentary on the Pentateuch; 
Immanuel of Rome (1270?-1330?) who does, how- 
ever, not disregard the lit. meaning of the Scriptures; 
Bahva ben Ac£er (d. 1340) who formulated the four 
methods of exegesis of 'TaRDe$'' referred to above; 
he took Nahmanides as his model; many super- 
commentaries were written on his commentary on 
the Pent; and Gersonides (1288-1334), a maternal 

g'andson of Nahmanides, who sees symbols in many 
ib. passages; on account of some of his heretical 
ideas expressed in his philosophy, some rabbis for- 
bade the study of his commentaries. 

We must not fail to mskQ mention of the Zohar 
(the ''Bible of the Kabbalists"), the book of aU 
others in the Middle Ag^ that dominated the 
thinking and feeling of the Jews for almost 500 
years, and which was in favor with many Christian 
scholars. This work is pseudepigraphic, written 
partly in Aram, and partly in Heb. It first appeared 
m Spain in the 13tn cent., and was made known 
through Moses de Leon, to whom many historians 
attribute it. 

Mention must also be made of Isaac Arama (1430- 
94), whose 'Alj^hdh, his commentary on the Pent 
(homiletical in style), was the standard book for 
the Jewish pulpit for cents., much esteemed by the 
Christian world, and is still much read by the Jews, 
esp. in Russia and Poland. 

Modem Times: Isaac Abravanel (or Abarbanel; 

1437-1508): A statesman and scholar who came 

nearest to the modern idea of a Bible 

7. Modem commentator by considering not only 
Times the literary elements of the Bible but 

the political and social life of the people 
as well. He wrote a general introduction to each book 
of the Bible, setting forth its character; and he was 
the first to make use of Christian commentaries 
which he quotes without the least prejudice. Moses 
Alshech (second half of 16th cent.) wrote com- 
mentaries, all of which are of a homiletical character. 
In. the main the Jewish exegesis of the 16th and 17th 
cents, branched out into homiletics. 

We will pass over the critical annotations con- 
nected with the various editions of the Heb Bible, 
based upon the comparison of MSS, on grammatical 
and Massoretic studies, etc, such as those of Elijah 
Levita, Jacob ben Hayyim of Tunis (afterward 
a convert to Christianity), etc. 

The ''Bi'urists" ("Commentators"): A school of 

exegetes which had its origin with Mendelssohn's 

(1729-86) lit. German tr of the Bible, 

8. The at a t^me when Christian Bib. studies 
"Bi'urists'' of a modem nature had made some 

progress, and under whose influence the 
Bi'urists wrote. They are: Dubno, Wessely, 
Jaroslav, H. Homberg, J. Euchel, etc. They laid 
a foundation for a critico-historicol study of the 



Bible amon^ modem Jews. It bore its fruit in the 
19th cent, in the writings of Philippson, Munk, 
Fuerst, etc. The same cent, produced Zimz's (1794- 
1886) Gottesdienstlichen Vortraege der Juden, the book 
of ''Jewish science." It also produced three Jewish 
exegeteSi Luzzatto in Italy, Malbim and Ehrlich in 
Russia (the latter since 1878 residing in New York) ; 
he published, in Heb, a commentary on the OT, 
entitled Afifrd' H-P^akutOh (Berlin, 1899-1901. 3 
vols), and, in German, Ranaglossen z. hebr. Bwelt 
two scholarly works written from the conservative 
standpoint (Leipzig, 1908-). Malbim was highly 
esteemed by the Christian commentators Franz 
DeUtzsch and Muehlau, who studied under him. 
Others are Joseph Hal6vy, a French Jew, a most 
original Bible investigator, and D. Hoffmann (the 
last two named are adversaries of ''higher criti- 
cism' and D. H. Mueller. M. Heilprin wrote a 
collection of BtbeUcrilisf^ Notizeh (Baltmiore, 1893), 
oontainins comparisons of various passages of the 
Bible, and The Historical Poetry of the Ancient He- 
hrewe (N.Y., 1879-80, 2 vols), and the American 
rabbi B. Szold, a Commentary on Job (Baltimore, 
1886), written in classic Heb, and with accurate 
scholarship and in which full accoimt is taken of the 
work of the Massorites. A new Heb commentary on 
the whole of the OT has been since 1903 in progress 
under the editorship of A. Kahana. This is the 
first attempt since Mendelssohn's Bi*ur to approach 
the Bible from the Jewish side with the latest phil- 
ological and archaeological ^uipment. Among 
the authors are Kahana on Geneeie and Jonahs 
Krauss on Isaiah, Chajes on Psalms and Amos^ 
Wynkoop on Hosea and Joely and Lambert on 
Danid. This attempt well deserves attention and 

There is still to be mentioned the work of M. M. 
Kalisch (1828-85), whose special object was to write 
a full and critical comm. on the OT. Of his His- 
torical and Critical Comm. on the OT, with a New 
Tr, only the following parts were published: Exo- 
dus, 1855; Genesis, 1858; LeirUicus (pts 1-2), 1867- 
72. They contain a r^um^ of all that Jewish and 
Christian learning had accumulated on the subject 
up to the dates of their publication. In his Leo 
he anticipated Wellhausen to a large extent. 

We conclude with some names of the liberals: 
Geiger (whose Urschrift is extremely radical), 
Graetz, the great Jewish historian, and Kohler 
(president of the Hebrew Union 0>llege, Cincin- 
nati, O.) whose Der Segen Jacobs is one of the earUest 
essays of "higher criticism" written by a Jew. 

* LiTBBATUBB. — Stoiiiflchnelder, Jewi»h Literature, Lon- 
don. 1857; Ztmz, OoUeedieneUichen Vortraege der Juden, 
2d ed, Frankfurt a. M., 1892; Jew Enc (arts, by Bacher 
and Ginzberg); Catholic Enc (art. "Commentaries*'); 
Rosenau, Jewish Biblical Commentator e, Bidtimore. 1006 
(popular); Winter- Wuensche, Geeehichte der Juediechen 
Literatur, Leipzig, 1892-95, 3 vols (the best existing an- 
thology of Jewish literature in a modem language; it con- 
tains -verr valuable introductions) ; Woeae,Hi»toire de la 
Bible et I exegiee bibliq^e juequ* dk noejoure, Paris, 1881. 

Adolph S. Oko 
COMMENTART, kom'en-tarri (V*?!?, midhr 
rdsh, "an investigation," from tn'^T, d&rash, "to 
search," "inquire," "explore": AV "story"): 
"The c. of the prophet Iddo" (2 Ch 18 22), "the 
c. of the book of the kings'! (24 27). In these 
passages the word is not used exactly in its modem 
sense. The Heb term means "an imaginative 
development of a thou^t or theme suggested by 
Scripture, esp. a didactic or homiletic exposition, 
or an edirying religious story" (Driver, I/)T^, 497). 
In the commentaries (Miahr&shlm) mentioned by 
the Chronicler as among his sources, the story of 
Abijah's reign was presumably related and elabo- 
rated with a view to moral instruction rather than 
historic accuracy. See Chbonicles, Books of; 


COMMERCE, kom'Srs (l|iiropCa, emporia): 
L OT Times. — ^There were forces in early Heb 
life not favorable to the development of commerce. 
Intercourse with foreigners was not 

1. Early encouraged by Israel s social and 
Overland religious customs. From the days of 
Commerce the appearance of the Hebrews in 

Canaan, however, some commercial 
contact with the peoples aroimd was inevitable. 
There were ancient trade routes between the East 
and the West, as well as between E^ypt and the 
Mesopotamian valley. Pal lay as a bndge between 
these objective points. There were doubtless 
traveling merchants from very remote times, inter- 
changing commodities of other lands for those of 
Pal. Some of the Heb words for "trading" and 
"merchant" indicate this (cf "^Hip, ^dhar, "to travel," 
bS'Jy rdkhal, "to go about"). In the nomadic 
period, the people were necessarily dependent upon 
overland commerce for at least a part of their food 
supply, such as grain, and doubtless for articles of 
clothing, too. Freouent local famines would 
stimulate such trade. Companies or caravans 
carrying on this overland commerce are seen in 
Gen 37 25.28, "Ishmaelites" and "Midianites, mer- 
chantmen," on their way to Egypt, with spices, 
balm and myrrh. Jacob causeci his sons to take 
certain products to Egypt as a present with money 
to Josepn in return for grain: balsam, spices, honey, 
m3rrrh, nuts, almonds (Gen 48 11 f). The presence 
of a "Bab mantle" among the spoils of Ai (Josh 7 21) 
indicates commerce between Canaan and the East. 

While there are slight indications of a possible 

sea trade as early as the days of the Judges (J^ 

5 17; cf Gen 49 13), we must wait 

2. Sea till the days of the monarchy of 
Traffic David and esp, Solomon for the com- 
merce of ships. Land traffic was of 

course continued and expanded (1 K 10 15.28.29; 
2 Ch 1 16). Sea trade at this time made large 
strides forward. The Philis were earlier in pos- 
session of the coast. Friendship with Hiram King 
of Tyre gave Solomon additional advantages sea- 
ward (1 K 6- 9 26; 10 19-29; 2 Ch 8 17; 9 14), 
since the Phoenicians were preeminently the 
Mediterranean traders among all the people of Pal. 
Later, commerce declined, but Jehoshaphat at- 
tempted to revive it (1 K 22 48; 2 Ch 20 36), 
but without success. Tyre and Sidon as great 
commercial centers, however, long impressed the 
life of Israel (Isa 23: Ezk 28-27). Later, in the 
Maccabean period, Simon acquired Joppa as a 
Jewish port (1 Mace 14 5), and so extended 
Mediterranean commerce. 

Dining the peaceful reign of Solomon, there came, 
with internal improvements and foreign friendships. 

a stimulus to traffic with Egypt ana 
8. Land the Far East over the ancient trade 
Traffic in routes as well as with Phoenicia on 
the Time of the northwest. He greatlv added to 
the Kings his wealth through tariffs levied UFK>n 

merchantmen (1 K 10 15). Trade with 
Syria in the days of Omri and Ahab is indicated 
by the permission Benhadad gave to Israelites to 
open streets, or trading quarters, in Damascus, 
as Syrians had in Samaria (1 K 20 34). The 
prophets disclose repeatedly the results of foreign 
commerce upon the people in the days of Jotham, 
Ahaz and Hezekiah, and of Jeroboam '11, under 
whom great material prosperity was attained, 
followed by simple luxury (Isa 2 6.7.16; Hos 12 
1.7.8; Am 8 3-6). The people in their greed of 
gain could not observe Sabbaths and feast days 
l[Am 8 5); cf Sabbath trading and its punishment 
in the days of the restoration (Neh 18 15-22). 
"Canaanite" became the nickname for traffickers 
(Zee 14 21; cf Isa 23 8). 




J7. NT Tbnmm. — ^After the conquests of Alexan- 
der 333 BC» trade between East and West was 
greatly stimulated. Colonies of Jews for trade 
purposes had been established in Egypt and else- 
where. The dispersion of the Jews throughout the 
Gr and Rom world added to their interest in com- 
merce. The Mediterranean Sea, as a great Rom 
lake, under Rom protection, became alive with 
commercial fleets. The Sea of Galilee with its 
enormous fish industry became the center of a large 
trading interest to sdl parts. The toll collect^ 
in Galilee must have been considerable. Matthew 
was called from his collectorship to discipleship 
(Mt 9 9); Zaccheus and other publicans became 
rich collecting taxes from large commercial inter- 
ests like that of balsam. Jesus frequentlv used 
the commerce of the day as illustration (Mt 13 
45; 25 14r-30). Along the Palestinian coast there 
were several ports where ships touched: Lydda, 
Joppa, Caesarea; and further north Ptolemais, 
Tyro, Sidon and Antioch (port Seleucia). 

The apostle Paul made use of ships touching at 
points on the coast of Asia Minor, and the islands 
along the coast, and also doing coast trade with 
Greece, Italy and Spun, to carry on his missionary 
enterprises (Acts 13 4-13; 16 11 f; 18 18; 20 
13-16; 21 1-8; 27 1^4; 28 1-14). The rapid- 
ity with which the gospel spread throughout the 
Rom world in the 1st cent, was due no little to the 
use of the great Rom highways, built partly as 
trade routes; as well as to the constant going to 
and fro of tradesmen of all sorts; some of whom 
like Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18 2.18.26), Lydia, 
(16 14.40) and Paul himself (who was a traveling 
tent-maker) wero active in disseminating the new 
faith among the Gentiles. In Jas 4 13 we have a 
good representation of the life of a large number of 
Jews of this period, who would '^go into such a city, 
and continue thero a year, and buy and sell, and get 
gain" (AV). See also Trade. 

Edward Bagbt Pollard 

COMMIT. k6-mit': Used in two senses: 

(1) "To give in charge" or "entrust": «Im. "to 
put'^ (Job 6 8); gOlal, "to roll" (Ps 87 5; Prov 
16 3); pdkadh, "to give in charge" (Ps 81 6 AV; 
cf Lk 28 46); tithSmi, "committed to us [RVm 
"placed in us"] the word of reconciliation" (2 Cor 
6 10); parath&e. "that which I have committed 
unto him" (2 Tim 1 12; RVm "that whiich he 
hath committed unto me," Gr "my deposit"); 
"that which is committed unto thee" (1 Tim 6 20, 
Gr "the deposit"): "that good thing," etc (2 Tim 
1 14, Gr "the good deposit"). 

(2) "To do or practise [evil]": prdsso, "commit 
such things" (Rom 1 32, RV "practice'*^; cf 2 2). 
In 1 Jn 8 4.8 "doeth sin" (poUo, AV "committeth 
sin") shows that it is not committing a single sin 
that is in view, but sinful practice. 

W. L. Walker 
COMMODIOUS, k6-m5'di-us (dvf«ecTo«, an«ti- 
thetoSf "not well placed") : The word occurs only in 
Acts 27 12. "As regards wintering, the place was 
certainly 'not commodious,' but as regards shelter 
from some winds (including N.W.), it was a good 
anchorage" (CH, XXIII, 639). 

COMMON, kom'un: koiv^s, koindSf in the 
classics, and primarily in the NT, means what is 
public, general, universal, as contrasted with fdiot, 
idioSf what is peculiar, individual, not shared with 
others. Thus, "common faith" (Tit 1 4), "com- 
mon salvation" (Jude ver 3), refer to that in which 
the experience of all Christians unites and is identical: 
"common," because there is but one faith and one 
salvation (Eph 4 4-6). From this comes the derived 
meaning of what is ordinary and, therefore, to be 
disesteemed, as contrasted with what pertains to a 

class, and to be priased, because rare. This naturally 
coincides with OT exclusivism, particularity and 
separation. Its religion was that of a separated 
people, with a separated class as its ministers, and 
with minute directions as to distinctions of meat, 
drink, times, places, rites, vessels, etc. Whatever 
was conmion or ordinary, it avoided. The NT, on 
the other hand, with its universalism of scope, and its 
sjpirituality of sphere, rose shove all such externals. 
The salvation which it brought was directed to the 
redemption of Nature, as well as of man, sanctify- 
ing the creature, and pervading all parts of man's 
bemg and all relations of life. The antithesis is 
forcibly illustrated in Acts 10 14 f, where Peter 
says: "I have never eaten anything that is c. and 
unclean." and the reply is: "Wnat God hath 
cleansed, make not thou c." H. E. Jacobs 

COMMONWEALTH, kom'un-welth (iroXirtCa, 
poftteia): Spoken of the theocracy (Eph 2 12). 
The same word is rendered "freedom," AV; "cit- 
izenship" RV. Also in the sense of common- 
wealth in the Apoc (2 Mace 4 11; 8 17; 18 14); 
in the sense of citizenship (3 Mace 8 21.23). See 

mOn'i-k&t, COMMUNICATION. ko-mQ-ni-k&'shun: 
To commime is to converse confidentially and svm- 

Eathetically. It is represented in both Heb ancf Gr 
y several words lit. signifying to speak (cf Lk 6 11, 
8ta\a\i<a, dialaUd; alsoLk 22 4; Acts 24 26,6maX^, 
homiUo), To communicate is to impart something 
to another, so that it becomes common to giver and 
receiver. In 1 Tim 6 18, "willing to communicate" 
(RVm "sjrmpathize"), represents a single word *coi- 
inaviKolj koinonikoif and refers to the habit of sharing 
with others either sympathy or property. RV gives 
"companionships" for homuiai m 1 Cor 16 33 (AV 
"communications"). See also Cobcmunion. 


The terms "communion" and "fellowship" of the 
Eng. Bible are varying tr* of the words xouHavla^ 
koin&niaf and Koiytapiia, koinorUo^ or their cognates. 
They designate acts of fellowship observed among 
the early Christians or express tne unique sensed 
unity and fellowship of wnich these acts were the 
outward expression. The several passages in which 
these terms are used fall into two groups: those in 
which they refer to acts of fellowship, and those in 
which they refer to fellowship as experienced. 

/. Acts of Felloumhip. — The acts of fellowship 
mentioned in the NT are of four kinds. 

Our information concerning the nature of the 
fellowship involved in the observance of this sac- 
rament is confined to the single notice 
1. The in 1 Cor 10 16.17, "The cup of bless- 

Lord's ing which we bless, is it not a oom- 

Supper munion of the blood of Christ? The 

bread which we break, is it not a 
communion of the body of Christ?" Owing to the 
presence of the material elements in the sacrament 
there is a temptation to limit the word for com- 
munion to the sense of partaking. This, however, 
does not entirely satisfy the requirements of the 
context. The full isignificance of the term is to 
be sought in the light of the argument of the whole 
section (vs 14-22). 

Paul is making a protest against Christians par- 
ticipating in idolatrous feasts on the ground that 
sucn feasts are really celebrated in honor of the 
demons associated with the idols, and that those 
who participate in them come into fellowship with 
demons. As a proof of this point the apostle cites 
the Lord's Supper with which his readers are 
familiar. By partaking of the cup and the bread 





the conunumcants are linked together in unity: 
''We, who are many, are one bread, one body: for 
we all partake of the one bread." Thus the com- 
munion of the elements is a real communion of the 
worshippers one with another and with^ Christ. 
Unless the conmiimion be understood in this spirit- 
ual sense Paul's illustration falls short of the mark. 
See Eucharist. 

The term for fellowship as used in Acts 2 42 is 
by some interpreted in this sense: ''They continued 
stedfastly in the apostles' teaching 
8. Com* and fellowship, in the breaking of 
mimism bread and the prayers." The fact 
that the four terms are used in pairs 
and that three of them refer to specific acts ob- 
served by the company of believers suggests that 
the term for fellowship also refers to some definite 
act similar to the others. It is very plausible to 
refer this to the conmiunity of goods described in 
the verses immediately following (see Coicmunity 
or Goods). The author mieht. however, with 
equal propriety have regarded tne interchange of 
tmrilual experiences as an act of worship in the same 
dass with ''the brealdng of bread and the prayers." 

Christian fellowship found a natural mode of 
expression in almsgiving. This is enjoined as a duty 
in Rom 12 13: 1 Tim 6 18j He 18 16. 
8. Contri- An example or such giving is the great 
tmtions collection raised among the sentile con- 

verts for the poor saints of Jems (Rom 
16 26; 2 Cor 8 4; 9 13). To this collection St. 
Paul attached so much importance as a witness to 
the spirit of fellowship which the gospel inspires in 
all hearts alike, whether Jew or Gentile, that he 
desired even at the peiil of his life to deliver it with 
his own hand. See Collection. 

A form of fellowship closely related to almsgiving 
was that of formal aid or cooperation in Christian 
work, such as the aid given to St. Paul 
4. Co6per« by the Pbilippians (Phil 15). A 
ation unique form of this codperation is the 

formal endorsement b^ giving the 
right hand of fellowship as described m Gal 2 9. 

//. Fettawmhip om Experienced, — ^From the very 
beginning the early Christians experienced a peculiar 
sense of unity. Christ is at once the center of this 
unity and the origin of every expression of fellow- 
ship. Sometimes the fellowship is essentially an 
experience* and as such it is scarcely susceptible of 
d^nition. It may rather be regarded as a mystical 
union in Christ. In other instances the fellowship 
approaches or includes the idea of intercourse. 
In some passages it is represented as a participa- 
tion or partnership. The terms occur most fre- 
quently m the writmgs of Paul with whom the idea 
of Christian unity was a controlling principle. 

In its various relations, fellowship is represented: 
(1) As a communion between the Son and the 
Father. The gospel record represents Jesus as 
enjoying a unique sense of communion and inti- 
macy with the Father. Among many such ex- 
pressions those of Mt 11 25-27 (cf Lk 10 21.22) 
and Jn 14-16 are especially important. (2) As 
our communion with God, either with the Father 
or the Son or with the Father through the Son or 
the Holy Spiri t . ' 'Our fellowship is with the Father, 
and with his Son Jesus Christ (1 Jn 1 3; cf also 
Jn 14 6.23.26). (3) As our commimion one with 
another. "If we walk in the li^ht, as he is in the 
light, we have fellowship one with another" (1 Jn 
1 7). Sometimes the idea of communion occurs in 
relation with abstract ideas or experiences: "Have 
no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness'' 
(Eph 6 11); "the fellowship of his sufferings" (Phil 
8 10); "the fellowship of thy faith" (Philem ver 6). 
In three passages the relation of the fellowship is 
not entirely clear: the "fellowship of the Spirit" 

(Phil 2 1); "the communion of the Holy Spirit" 
(2 Cor 18 14); and "the fellowship of his Son Jesus 
Christ" (1 Cor 1 9). The fellowship is probabty to 
be understood as that prevailing among Christians 
by virtue of the grace of Christ and the ministry of 
the Holy Spirit. 

It is not to be inferred that the idea of fellowship 
is limited to the passages in which the specific words 
for communion are used. Some of the clearest 
and richest expressions of imity and fellowship are 
found in the Gospels, though these words do not 
occur in them. In fact, perhaps, the most familiar 
and forcible expressions of the idea are those in which 
they are irepresented symbolically, as in the parable 
of the Vine and the Branches (Jn 16 1 ff ) or in the 
figure of the Body and its Members (Mt 6 291!; 
Rom 12 5; 1 Cor 12). 

Russell Benjamin Miller 

(DEVILS, dev"l2) : 

/. U— of Term, — ^The actual expression "com- 
munion with demons" (Kottwpol tQp datfjMpUar, koir 
nonci t&n daimonidn) occurs but once in Scripture 
(1 Cor 10 20) where its fig. meaning is evident, but 
it is implied in the Eng. version of a number of pas- 
sages by the terms "one who has" or "those who 
have" '^famiUar spirits" (Lev 19 31; 20 6.27; Dt 
18 11; 1 S 28; 2 K 21 6; 28 24; 1 Ch 10 
13; 2 Ch 88 6; Isa 8 19; 19 3; 29 4). These 
passages seem to be somewhat incongruous with 
Faults statement, but are in reality so intimately 
related to it as to give and receive light through the 

U. Teaching of Scripture, — ^To be^ with, we 
may safety say, in seneral, that there is no g^und 
for assertmg that the Bible admits the possibility 
of conscious and voluntary communion with spirits. 
This is an essential element of popular demonology 
in fJl ages, but it is absent from Scripture. Even 
in the passages mentioned above which refer to 
necromancers and wizards, while, as we shall 
see, the words indicate tnat such practitioners 
professed to rely upon spirits in their divinations, 
the Scriptures carefully refrain from sanctioning 
these claims, and a number of features in the vari- 
ous passages serve to indicate that the true scrip- 
tural view is (^uite the opposite. As this is not a 
prevalent opimon, we should do well to examine 
the passages with some little care. 

' (1) We may first deal with the NT. In the 
Gospels the demoniacs are consistently looked 
upon and treated as unconscious and 
1. The New helpless victims (see Demon, Db- 
Testament monolooy). The frequent use of this 
term "demonized" (daimonizdmenoi) 
together with all that is told us of the methods of 
treating these cases adopted by Our Lord and His 
apostles (see Exobcism) indicates the belief of the 
NT writers that the control of demons over men 
is obtained outside of or below the region of con- 
scious volition and that the condition of the suffer- 
ers is pathological. 

(2) The same must be said of the Lydian maiden 
whose cure by Paul is recorded in Acts 16 16. 
This is the one instance in the NT where divination 
is connected with spirits. The account emphasizes 
the excitable neurosis of the patient: and the be- 
lief on the part of the apostles and ot tiie' writer of 
Acts that tne gdrl was not the conscious accomplice 
of her masters, out their unfortunate victim through 
her mysterious malady, is clear. She was treated, 
as the other cases recorded in the NT, not as a 
conscious wrongdoer, but aa a sick person to be 

(1) Turning now to the OT, the instance which 
requires the most careful treatment, because it holds 
the key to all the rest, is the narrative of Saul's 




visit to the Witch of Endor in 1 S 88 3-25. The 
Heb word 'd&^ which is usually ti^ "one who has a 

familiar spirit" (see list of passages at 
2. The Old beginning of art.) occurs in this nar- 
Testament rative four times (vs 3, 7 twice, 8). 

According to the ordinary interpreta- 
tion it is used in three different senses, two of which 
occur here. These three senses are (a) a person 
who controls a spirit, (&) the spirit controlled, (c) 
the power to control such a spurit. This meaning 
appears to be altogether too broad. Omitting to 
translate the word we have: (ver 3) "Saul had put 
away 'dbhothy and yidh^dnim" ; (ver 7), a woman, a 
mistress of an 'Sbh; (ver 8) "Divine unto me ... . 
by the *dbh" It is extremely unlikely that the same 
word should be used in two senses so far apart as 
"person who has a spirit" and the "spirit itself" in 
the same context, in the last passage mentioned 
(ver 8) there is a double indication that the word 
*dbh cannot have either signification mentioned. 
Saul says: "Divine unto me by the *6bh and bring 
me up whomsoever I shall name unto thee." The 
expression "divine by" clearly points to some magi- 
cat object used in divination. Control of a spirit 
through some magical object is familiiur enough. 
The rest of Saul's statement confirms this view. 
The result of the divination is the calling up of a 
spirit. A spirit would hardly be used to call up 
another spirit. This conclusion is confirmed by 
the etvmology. The word 'obh is supposed to 
mean ''one who has a familiar spirit, from its 
rootHsignificance of hollow and its primary meaning 
of wineskin. According to this derivation the 
word is applied to a necromancer on the supposi- 
tion that tne spirit inhabits his bod^ and speaks 
from within. The transference to spirit is extremely 
unlikely and the explanation is not consistent witn 
primitive ideas on spirit manifestation (see BDBj 
an«, end). 

(2) We, therefore, hold with H. P. Smith {JCC, 
"Samuel" in loc), though partly on different 
^unds, that the word 'd&n has the same meaning 
m all the passages where it occurs, and that it refers 
to a sacred object or fetish by which spiritistic 
divination was carried on. 

The significance of this conclusion is that the 
misleading expression "familiar spirit" disappears 
from the text, for Dr. Driver's interpretation of the 
companion word yWConlm (see ICC. Gomm. Dt in 
loc.) will scarcely be maintained in the face of this 
new meaning for *obh. The prohibition contained 
in the law (Lev 20 27) against 'obhothf and those 
using them, places them m the same catalogue of 
offence and futility with idol-worship in general. 

(3) This opinion is confirmed by two separate 
items of evidence, (a) In the Witch of Endor 
story Samuel's appearance, according to the idea 
of the narrator, was due to a miradej not to the 
magic power of the feeble and cheating old woman 
to whom Saul had resorted. God speaks through 
the apparition a stern message of doom. No one 
was more startled than the woman herself, who for 
once had a real vision (ver 12). She not only gave 
a loud cry of astonishment and alarm but she 
described the figure which she saw as "a god coming 
up out of the earth." The story is told with fidelity 
and clearly indicates the opinion that the actual 
appearance of a spirit is so violently exceptional as 
to mdicate the immediate power and presence of God . 

(6) In Isa 8 19 the *dbhdlh and yidh^&nlm are 
spoken of as those who "chirp and mutter." These 
terms refer to the necromancers themselves (LXX 
translates *dbhdlh by eggastrdmiUhoi — ventnloquista) 
who practiced ventriloquism in connection with their 
magical rites. In Isa 29 4 it is said "Thy voice shall 
be as an ' d6/i, out of the ground . " Here ' 56/i is usually 
interpreted as "ghost, but it is far more probable 

(see BDB sub loc.) that it refers as in 8 19 to the 
ventriloquistic tricks of those who utter their oracles 
in voices intended to represent the spirits which they 
have evoked. They are stamped in these passages, 
as in the Witch of Endor narrative, as deceivers 
practising a fraudulent art. By implication their 
power to evoke spirits with whom they were in 
familiar intercourse is denied. 

This leaves the way clear for a brief consideration 
of the words of Paul in 1 Gor 10 20 in connection 

with cognate passages in the OT. 
8. The ^ (1) He argues that since idol-worship 

Meaning is really demon-worship, the partaking 
of Idol- of heathen sacrifice is a communion 
Worship with demons and a separation from 
Ghrist. It is usually taken for granted 
that this characterization of heathen worship was 
simply a part of the Jewish-Ghristian polemic against 
idolatry. Our fuller knowledge of the spiritism 
which conditions the use of images enables us to 
reco^ize the fact that from the viewpoint of hea- 
thenism itself Paul's idea was. strictly correct. The 
image is venerated because it is supposed to repre- 
sent or contain an invisible being or spirit, not 
necessarily a deity in the absolute sense, but a super- 
human living being capable of working good or ill 
to men. 

(2) In the AV the term devils is used in four 
OT passages (Lev 17 7; Dt 82 17; 2 Gh 11 15; 
Ps 106 37). In RV "devils" has disappeared from 
the text — ^the word he-aoata appears in Lev 17 7 
and 2 Gh 11 15, while demons appears in Dt 82 
17 and Ps 106 37. The tr of «**irim as "he-goats" 
is literally correct, but conveys an erroneous con- 
ception of the meaning. The practice reprobated 
is the worship of Sat3rr8 (see Satyr) or wood- 
demons supposed to be like goats in appearance 
and to inhabit lonely places. The same word is 
used in Isa 18 21; 84 14. The word tr^ "demons" 
in RV is ihedhlmj a term used only twice and both 
times in connection with the rites and abominations 
of heathen worship. It is interesting to note that 
the word ihidu is applied to the beings represented 
by the bull-colossi of Assyria (Driver, Dt in loc). 
BDB holds that the word ehedhim is an Assyr loan- 
word, while Brig^ {ICC, Ps 106 37) holds that 
ehedhim were ancient gods of Ganaan. In either 
case the word belongs to heathenism and is used in 
Scripture to describe heathen worship in its own 
terminology. The interpretation of these beings 
as evil is characteristic ot Bib. demonism in general 
(see Demon, etc). The worship of idols was the 
worship of personal beinm more than man and less 
than God, according to Jewish and Ghristian ideas 
(see Driver op. cit., 363). LXX translates both the 
above words oy daimdnia. 

The term "communion with demons" does not 
imply any power on the part of men to enter into 
voluntary relationship with bein^ of 
4. Conclu- another world, but that, by sinful 
sion compliance in wrongdoing, such as idol- 

worship and magical rites, men may 
enter into a moral identification with evil powers 
against which it is their duty to fight. 

Literature.— The Dictionaries and Commentaries 
dealing with the passages quoted above contain discus- 
sions of the various aspects of the subject. Jewish 
superstitions are ably treated by Edersneim, LTJM 
(8th ed), II, 771, 773. 

Louis Matthews Sweet 
COMMUNITY, k6-ma'ni-ti, OF GOODS (Airav- 
ra Kovvd ctxov, hdpanta koind eichon, lit. "They had 
all things [in] common") : In Acts 2 44, it is said 
that, in the infant church at Jerus, ''all that believed 
were together, and had all things common," and 
(4 34 f) "as many as were possessors of lands or 
houses sold them, and brouzht the prices of the 
things that were sold, and laid them at the apostles' 



feet," The inference from this, that there was an 
absolute disposal of all the property of all the mem- 
bers of the churchi and that itd proceeds were con- 
tributed to a common fund, has been disputed upon 
the sround that the example of Barnabas in selling 
'^a neld" for this purpose (4 37) would not have 
been mentioned, if this had been the universal rule. 
The thought conveyed is that all believers in that 
church held their property as a trust from the Lord, 
for the benefit of the entire brotherhood, and, as 
there was need, did as Barnabas. 

No commandment, of which record has been 
preserved, prescribed any such course. It came 
from the spontaneous impulse of the sense of 
brotherhood in Christ, when the band of disciples 
was still small, making them in a sense one fainily, 
and imder the external constraint of extreme want 
and persecution. So much there was, that they 
realized, under such conditions they had in com- 
mon, that they were ready to extend this to all 
things. It was, in a sense, a continuance of the 
practice of a common purse in the band of inmie- 
diate followers of Our Lord during his ministry. 
The penalty inflicted on Ananias and Sapphira 
was not for any failure to comply fully with this 
custom, but because this freedom which they 
possessed (Acts 5 4) they falsely professed to 
have renounced, thus receiving in the estimation 
of their brethren a credit that was not their due. 
This custom did not last long. It was possible 
only within a limited circle, and under very peculiar 
circumstances. The NT recognizes the right of 
individual property and makes no effort to remove 
the differences that exist among believers them- 
selves. The community of goods which it renders 
possible is spiritual (1 Cor 8 21 f), and not one of 
visible and external things. With respect to the 
latter, it enjoins upon the Christian, as a steward 
of God, the possession and administration of prop- 
erty for the progress of the kingdom of God, and 
the highest mterests of men. The spirit of Acts 
4 34 is always to pervade the association of be- 
lievers as a true Christian community. ^ Meyer, 
on the above passage, has suggested that it is not 
unlikely that the well-known poverty of the church 
at Jerus, and its long dependence upon the alms of 
other churches, may be connected with this early 
communistic practice, which, however justifiable 
and commendable at the time, bore its inevitable 
fruits in a subsequent season of great scarcity and 
lack of emplo3rment. H. £. Jacobs 

COMPACT, kom-pakt', COMPACTED, kom- 
pakt'ed ("QH, habhary ''to be joined"; wy^^^m, 
8uihbibdz5f "to raise up together"): "Compact" 
appears as tr of ft(S6Aar in Ps 122 3, "Jerus .... 
a city that is compact together" (well built, its 
breaches restored, walls complete, and separate 
from all around it); and "compacted" {sumbibazo) 
occurs in AV Eph 4 16, "fitly joined together and 
compacted," Rv "fitly framed and knit together." 
In RV "compacted" is also the tr of avylarrffu^ 
stmistemif "to set together" (2 Pet 3 6), "an earth 
compacted out of water and amidst [m, through] 
water," which suggests the idea of water as the pri- 
mary material (cfGen 12). W. L. Walker 

COMPANY, kum'parni: The fertility of the orig- 
inal languages in synonyms and varied shades of 
meaning is seen by the fact that 20 Heb and 12 Gr 
words are represented by this single term. An 
analysis of these words shows that "company" is 
both an indefinite and limitless term, signifying few 
or many, and all kinds of assemblages of people, e.e. : 

(1) Caravan, (a) migratory (Isa 21 13 Av); 
(6) commercial (Gen 87 25 AV); Job 6 19, "The 
companies of Sheba waited [in vain] for them." 

(2) Military, (Tdkiidh, "troop," hdman, 2 Ch 
20 12; Td'8hy "head," "detachment"; Jgs 7 16.20: 
"three companies"; 9 34.37.43: "four companies." 

(3) Band (hebher) or "gang," as rendered by 
Keil and Delitzsch; a gang of murderous priests 
(Hos 6 9). 

(4) Camp or encampment (Gen 32 8.21; 60 9). 

(5) Religious body, "company of prophets" 
(1 S 19 20). 

(6) Assembly, conjugation, "company of na- 
tions" (Gen 86 11; Ezk 38 

(7) A tumultuous crowd (2 K 9 17). 

(8) Associate, companion, often with reference 
to moral affinity (Job 84 8; Prov 29 3; AcU 
10 28), koU&omaij "to glue or cement together," 
indicative of the bmding power of moral affimty (RV 
"to join himself"); as a verb, to "company with" 
or "keep company" (Acts 1 21; 1 Cor 6 9.11; 
2 Thess 8 14). In Apoc in the sense of "to co- 
habit" (Sus 1 64.67.68). 

(9) A host. "Great was the company," etc (Ps 
68 11 RV "The women .... are a great host"). 
In the East it is the women who celebrate victories 
with song and dance (see 1 S 18 6.7). 

(10) A chorus, dance {m*hLoWi), "The company 
of two armies" (Cant 6 13 AV; RV "the dance of 

(11) Meal party, icXi<r£a, klitia^ "a reclining com- 
pany at meals." "Make them sit down [Gr "recline' '] 
m companies" (Lk 9 14). Cf ^'companion," from 
Lat corny *' together," and panisy ''bread." 

(12) A« myriad, a ten-thousand, an indefinite 
number (muricu; He 12 22 [RV "hosts"]). 

(13) Companions on a journey, sunodiay "a 
journeying together" (Lk 2 44). 

(14) Siflmif3ring kinship of spirit, idios, "one's 
own." "They came to their own company" (Acts 
4 23). 

(15) A mob (Acts 17 5 [RV "a crowd"]). 

DwiGHT M. Pratt 

COMPARATIVB, kom-par'a-tiv, RELIGION: 

I. Thb Subjkct in General 

1. Universality of Religion 

2. Theories of Its Origin 

3. Evolution 

II. Relation ofChsistianitt to Ethnic Faiths and 
' Thhir Tenets 

1. Karma 

2. God 

3. The Summnm Bonum 

4. Self-Revelation of God 

5. Incarnation 

6. Salvation 

7. Faith 

8. Approach to God 

III. Gbnebal Characteristics or Ethnic Faiths 
1. Tenets Common to All Religions 

2. Tendency to Degradation 

3. Mythology and ReUgic 

4. Religion and Morality 

IV. Supposed Resemblances to Revealed Reugion 

1. Rites 

2. Dogmas 

3. Asserted Parallels to Gospel History 

4. Virgin Birth 

5. Heathen Aspirations 

6. liessons Taught by Comparative Religion 

/. Thm Subject in Cmnerai, — ^The science of com- 
parative religion is perhaps the latest bom of all 
sciences. Largely in consequence of this fact, our 
knowledge of what it really proves is still far from 
definite, and men draw most contradictory conclu- 
sions on this point. As in the case of all new sciences 
in the past, not a few people have endeavored under 
its shelter to attack Christianity and all revealed 
religion. These assaults already give signs of failure 
— as in similar cases previously — and a new evidence 
of Christianity is emerging from the conflict. It is 
only "a little learning'" that is proverbially danger- 
ous. The subject with which the science of com- 
parative reli^on deals is religion in general and all 
the facts which can be learnt about all religions, 



ancient and modern, whether professed by savages 
or prevalent among highly civilized commmiities, 
whether to be studied in sacred books or learnt 
orally from the people. 

In this way we learn first of all that reli^on is a 

tmiversal phenomenon, found among all nations, 

in all conditions, though differing im- 

1. Univer- mensely in its teachings, ceremonies 
saUty of and effects in different places. It is per- 
Religion haps the most powerful for good or evil 

of all the instincts (for it is an instinct) 

which influence mankind. 
To account for the origin and growth of relimon 

various theories have been propounded: (1) "Hu- 
manism," which is the revival of the 

2. Theories ancient view of EuhSmeros (cir 400 EC) 
of Origin that all religion arose from fear of ghosts, 
and Growth and all the gods were but men who 
of Religion had died; (2) "Animism," which traces 

religion to early man's fancy that every 
object in Nature had a i)ersonality like his own; 
(3) the Astral Theory . which supposes that reli^on 
originated from worsnip of the heavenly bodies. 
It is clear that there are facts to support each of 
these hypotheses, yet no one of them satisfies all 
the conditions or the case. To (1) it has been re- 

§lied that most tribes from the earliest times clearly 
istinguished between those deities who had been 
men, and the gods proper, who had never been men 
and had never died. Regarding (2), it should be 
observed that it admits that man's consciousness 
of his own personalitv and his fancy thai it exists 
in other creatures also does not account for his 
worshipping them, unless we ^ant the existence of 
the sensus numinis •wiihm him: if so, then this 
explains, justifies, and necessitates religion. (3) 
The Astral Theory is in direct opposition to Eu- 
hSmerism or Humanism. It ascribes personality to 
the heavenly bodies in man's early fancy; but it, 
too, has to presuppose the sensus numinis, without 
which religion would be impossible, as would be the 
science of optics if man had not the sense of sight. 

It is often held that religion is due to evolution. 
If so, then its evolution, resulting ex hypothesi in 
Christianity as its acme, mujst be the 
8. Evolution worldng out of a Divine "Et^tmal 
Purpose" {prdthesis tdn aidndriy Eph 3 
11), just as has been the evolution of an amoeba 
into a man on the Evolutionary Theory. This would 
be an additional proof of the truth of Christianity. 
But. though doubtless there has been evolution-^r 
gradual progress under Divine guidance — ^in religion, 
the fact of Christ is sufficient to show that there is 
a Divine self-revelation too. Hence the claim of 
Christianity to be the absolute religion. 'The pre- 
Christian religions were the age-long prayer, the In- 
carnation was the answer" (Illingworth). Chris- 
tianity as revealed in Christ adds what none of the 
ethnic faiths could prove their claim to — authority, 
holiness, revelation. 

//. Relation of ChriMtianUy to Ethnic FcdthM 
and Their Tenete. — It is very remarkable that 
Christianity — though clearly not a philosophy but 
a rehgion that has arisen under historical circum- 
stances which preclude the possibility of supposing 
it the product of Eclecticism — ^yet sums up in itself 
tdl that is good in all religions and philosophies, 
without the bad, the fearful perversions ana cor- 
ruptions of the moral sense, too often found in 
them. The more the study of comparative religion 
is carried on the more plainly evident does this be- 
come. It also supplements in a wonderful way the 
half-truths concealed rather than revealed in other 
systems, whether religious or philosophical. We 
subjoin a few instances of this. 

Karma is strongly insisted on in Hinduism and 
Buddhism. These teach that every deed, good or 

bad, must have its result, that "its fruit must be 
eaten" here or hereafter. So does Christianity guite 

as forcibly (Gal 6 7.8). But neither 
1* Karma Indian faith explains how sin can be 

forgiven, evil be overruled for good, 
nor how, by trampling under foot their vices, men 
may rise mgher (Aug., Sermo iii, De Ascensione). 
They recognize, in some sense, the existence of 
evil, and fllogically teach that rites and certain 
ascetic practices help to overcome it. They know 
of no Atonement^ though modem Hindtiism en- 
deavors to propitiate the deities by sacrifices, as 
indeed was done in Vedic times. Conscience they 
cannot explain.^ Christianity, while showing the 
heinousness of sin as no other system does, and so 
supplementing the others, supplements them still 
furmer by the Atonement, snowine that God is 
just, and teaching how His very ri^teousness can 
be brought to ''justify" the sinner (Rom 3 26). 

Mahfiyfina Buddhism proclaims an immanent 
but not transcendent being {Dharmark&ya)^ who 

is ''the ultimate reality that underlies 

2. God all particular phenomena" (Suzuki), 

who wills and reflects, though not fully 
personal. He is not the Oeator of the world but a 
kind of Animus mundi. He is the sum total of all 
sentient beings, and they have no individual exist- 
ence, no "c^o-fioul." The world of matter has no 
real existence but is his self-manifestation. Chris- 
tianity supplements and corrects this by teaching 
the transcendence as well as the immanence (Acts 
17 28) of the Creator, who is iit least personal, if not 
something higher, who is the Source of reality 
though not Himself the sde reality, and of our 
personality and Ufe, and "who only hath immor- 
tality" (1 Tim 6 16). ♦ 

Vedantism and ^uflism proclaim that ultimate 
absorption in the impersonal "It" is the summum 

honumyBJid the Chdndogya Upanishad 

3. The says, 'There is just one thing, without 
"Summum a second" (Book VI, 2 1, 2). Of this 
Bonum" one thing everything is, so to speak, a 

part: there being no ultimate differ- 
ence between the human and the Divine. Thus sin 
is denied and unreality proclaimed {MdyS, illusion). 
The yearning for union with God underl3ring all 
this is satided in Christianitv, which provides 
reconciliation with God and shows how oy new 
spiritual birth men may become children of God 
(Jn 1 12.13) and "partakers of the divine nature" 
(2 Pet 1 4), without being swallowed up therein like 
a raindrop in the ocean: the union being spiritual 
and not material. 

Orthodox (Sunnt) Muslim theology declares 
God to be separated from man bv an impassable > 

^If and hence to be unknowable. 

4. Self- Fhilosophically this leads to Agnos- 
Revelation ticism, though opposed to Pol3rtheism. 
of God Among the Jews the philosophy of 

Maimonides ends in the same failure 
to attain to a knowledge of the Divine or to describe 
God except by negations {Sepher Ha^madd&^f 111). 
The Bible, on the other hand, while speaking of 
Him as invisible, and unknowable throu^ merelv 
human effort (Job 11 7.8; Jn 1 18), yet reveals 
Him in Christ, who is God and man. Jewish mysti- 
cism endeavored to solve the problem of creation by 
the invention of the 'Adhdm fpadhmdn (archetypal 
man), and earlier by Philo's Logos doctrine and the 
Memrd* of the Targums. But these abstractions have 
neither reality nor personality. The Christian Logos 
doctrine presents no theoretical but the actual his- 
torical, eternal Christ (cf Jn 1 1-3; 

5. Incar- He 1 2). 

nation Heathenism seeks to give some idea of 

the Invisible by means of idols; Vaish- 

navism has its doctrine of avataras; Bablism and 



Bahalism their dogma of '^manifestations'' (mazhar) 
in human beings; the *AZln/d^t8 are so called because 
they regard All as God. Instead of these unworthy 
theories and deifications, Christianitv supplies the 
holy, sinless, perfect Incarnation in Christ. 

HindCiism offers mukti {moksha), "deliverance" 

from a miserable existence; Christianity in Christ 

offers pardon, deliverance from sin, and 

6. Salvation reconoliation with God. 

Krishnaism teaches unreasoning "de- 
votion" (bhakti) of "mind, body, property" to certain 
supposed incarnations of Krishna (Vishi;iu), ouite 
regfurdless of their immoral conauct; 

7. Faith Christianity inculcates a manly, reason- 

able "faith" in Christ, but only after 
"proving all things." 

Pilgrimages in Islfim and HindQism indicate but 
do not satisfy a need for approach to God ; Christianity 

teaches a g^wth in grace and in like- 

8. Approach ness to Christ, and so a spiritual draw- 
to God ing near to God. 

///. Cmnertd CfunvcteriMticM of Eth - 

flic FaiihM, — In all reli^ons we find, though in 

many various forms, certain common beliefs, such as: 

(1) the existence of some spiritual 

1. Tenets power or powers, good or bad, superior 
Common to man and able to affect his present 
to All and future life; (2) that there is a 
Religions difference between right and wrong, 

even though not clearly defined; 
(3) that there is an after-life of some sort, with 
happiness or misery often regarded as in some 
measure dependent upon conduct or upon the ob- 
servance of certain rites here. In the main the 
fact of the all but universal agreement of religions 
upon these points proves that they are true in 
substance. Even such an agnostic philosophy as 
original Buddhism was, has been constrained by 
human need to evolve from itself or admit from 
without deistic or theistic elements, and thus 
Buddha himself has been deified by the Mahay&na 
School. Yet no ethnic faith satisies the "human 
soul naturally Christian," as TertuUian calls it 
(Liber Apoloaeiicus, cap. 17), for none of them 
reveals One Uod, personal, holy, loving, just, mer- 
ciful, omniscient and omnipotent. Even Isl&m 
fails here. Ethnic religions are either (1) poly- 
theistic, worshipping many gods, all imperfect and 
some evil, or (2) mystical, evaporating away, as 
it were, God's Personality, thus rendermg Him a 
mental abstraction, as in the HindQ philosophical 
systems and in Mah&y&na Buddhism. Christianity 
as revealed in Christ does just what all other faiths 
fail to do, reconciling these two tendencies and cor- 
recting both. 

As a general rule, the nearer to their source we 
can trace religions, the purer we find them. In 

most cases a tendency to degradation 

2. Ten- and not to progressive improvement 
dency to manifests itself as time goes on, and 
Degrada- this is sometimes carried to such an 
tion, not to extent that, as Lucretius found in 
Progress, in Rome and Greece, reh^on becomes a 
Ethnic curse and not a blessing. Thus, for 
Faiths example, regarding ancient Egypt, 

Professor Renoiif says: "The sub- 
limer portions of the Enrp reUgion are not the com- 
paratively late result of a process of development. 
Tlie subumer portions are demonstrably ancient, 
and ^e last stage of the Egyp religion was by far 
the grossest and most corrupt" (fftbbert LectureSf 
91). Modem HindOism, again, is incomparably 
lower in its religious conceptions than the religion 
of liie Vedas. In Polynesia the same rule holds 
spod, as is evident from the myths about Tangaroa. 
In Samoa he was said to be the son of two lyings, 
the "Cloudless Heaven" and the "Outspread 

Heaven."' He originally existed in open space. 
He made the sky to dwell in. He then made the 
earth. Somewhat later he was supposed to be 
visible in the moon! But a lower depth was 
reached. In Hawaii, Tangaroa has sunk to an 
evil being, the leader of a rebeUion against another 
god, Tane, and is now condemned to abide in the 
lowest depths of darkness and be the god of death. 
In South Africa, Australia and elsewhere, traditions 
still linger of a Creator of all things, but his worship 
has been entirely laid aside in favor of lower and 
more evil deities. 

Almost everywhere mytholo^ has arisen and 
perverted religion into something very different 
from what it once was. The same 
8. Mytholo- tendency has more than once mani- 
gy and fested itself in the Christian church, 

Religion thus rendering a return to Christ's 
teachings necessary. As an instance^ 
compare the modem popular religion of Italy witn 
that of the NT. It is remarkable that no relif^on 
but the Christian, however, has shown its capability 
of reform. 

For the most part, in ethnic reli|^ons, there is no 
recognized connection between religion and moral- 
ity. The wide extension of phallic 
4. Religion rites and the existence of hierddoulai 
and Moral- and hierddotdoi in many lands show 
ityin that religion has often consecrated 

Ethnic gross immorality. Mythology aids in 

Faiths this degradation. Hence Seneca, after 

mentioning many evil myths related 
of Jupiter, etc., says: "By which notmng else was 
effected but the removal from men of their shame 
at sinning, if they deemed such beings gods" 
(L. A. Senecai De beata vita cap. 26). With the 
possibly doubtful exception of the religion of cer- 
tain savage tribes, in no reli^on is the holiness of 
God taught except in Christianity and its initial 
stage, Judaism. Ethnic deities are mostly born 
of heaven and earth, if not identified with them in 
part, and are rarely regarded as creating them. It 
was otherwise, however, with Ahura Mazda in 
Zoroastrianism, and with certain Sumerian deities, 
and there are other exceptions, too. The "reUgions 
of Nature" have generally produced gross immor- 
ality, encouraged and even insisted upon as a part 
of their ritual; cf Mylitta-worship in Babylon and 
that of the **M(Uer de&m,*' Venus, Anfthita, etc. 

iV. SappoMed ReBembianeeM to RevetJed i?«« 

Ugion, — Much attention has been called to real or 

supposed community of rites and 

1. Rites "myths," esp. when any ethnic faith 

is compared with Christianity. Sac- 
rifice, for instance, is an essential part of every 
religion. In Christianity none are now offered, 
excejit the "living sacrifice" of the believer, though 
that of Christ offered once for all is held to be the 
substance foreshadowed by Jewish sacrifices. Purifi- 
catory bathings are foimd almost everywhere, and 
that very naturally, because of the universality of 
conscience and of some sense of sin. 

Belief in the fiery end of the world existed amonjg 
the Stoics, and is found in the Eddas of Scandi- 
navia and the PunStuu of India. 

2. Dogmas Traditions of an age before sin and 

death came upon mankind occur in 
many different lands. Many of these traditions 
may easily be accounted for. But in some cases 
the supposed resemblance to revealed religion does 
not exist, or is vastly exaggerated. Tne Y5|sa 
philosophy in India is popularly supposed to aim 
at union with God, as does Christianity; but (so 
understood) the Y5ga system, as has already been 
said, implies loss of personality and absorption 
into the impersonal, unconscious "It" {Tai), The 
doctrine of a Trinity is nowhere found, only Triads 



of separate deities. Belief in a resurrection is found 
in only very late parts of the Pers (Zoroastrian) 
scriptures, composed after cents, of communication 
with Jews and Christians. In the earlier Avesta 
only a "restoration" of the world is mentioned (cf 
Acts 8 21). Original (/fl7uz2/ana) Buddhism teaches 
"immortality" {amata), but b^ this is meant Nir- 
vdxia ("extinction"). Mithraism has been said to 
teach the "resurrection of the body," but, according 
to Eubfllus and Porphyry, it taught rather the 
transmigration of the soul. 

The assertion is often made that many of the 

leading gospel incidents in the life of Our Lord are 

paralleled in other religions. It is 

3. Asserted said, for instance, that the resiurec- 
Parallels to tion of Adonis. Osiris and Mithra 
Gospel was believed in by their followers. It 
History is true that, in some places, Adonis 

was said to nave come to life the day 
after he had met his death by the tusk of a boar 
(the cold of winter) ; but everywhere it was recog- 
nized that he was not a man who had been killed, 
but the representative of the produce of the soil, 
slain or dying down in the cold weather and grow- 
ing again in spring. As to Osiris, his tomb was 
shown in more than one place in Egypt, and his body 
was never supposed to have come to life i^ain, 
though his spirit was alive and was ruler of the 
underworld. Mithra was admitted to be the genius 
of the sun. He was said to have spnmg from a 
rock (in old Pers and Sanskrit the same word means 
"sky," "cloud" and "rock"), but not to have been 
incarnated, nor to have died, much less to have 
risen from the dead. The modern erroneous fancy 
that Mithraists believed in his resurrection rests 
solely on one or at most two passages in Christian 
writers, which really refer to the burial of Osiris 
and the removal of his body from the tomb by his 
hostile brother Tjrphon (Set). The high morality 
attributed to Mithraism and even to the worship 
of Isis rests on no better foundation than the wrong 
rendering of a few passages and the deliberate 
ignoring of many which contradict the theory. 

Virgin birth, we have been told, is a doctrine of 
many religions. As a matter of fact, it is found in 

hardly one ethnic faith. Nothing of 

4. '^^gin the kind was believed regarding 
Birth Osiris, Adonis, Horus, Mithra, Krish- 
na, Zoroaster. Of Buddha it is denied 

entirely in all the books of the Southern Canon 
(Pd/i), and is found expressed only vaguely in one 
or two late uncanonical works of the Northern 
(Sanskrit) School. It was doubtless borrowed from 
Christianity. Supernatural birth of quite a dif- 
ferent (and very repulsive) kind is foimd in many 
mythologies, but that is quite another thing. 

Heathenism contains some vague aspirations 
and unconscious prophecies, the best example of 
which is to be found in Vergil's Fourth 
6. Heathen Eclogue, if that be not rather due to 
Aspirations Jewish influence. Any such foregleams 
and Un- of the coming light as are real and not 
conscious merely imaginary, such, for instance, 
Ptophedes as the Indian doctrine of the avatdras 
or "descents" of Vishnu, are to be 
accounted for as part of the Divine education of 
the human race. The "false dawn," so well known 
in the East, is not a proof that the sun is not about 
to rise, nor can its existence justify anyone in shut- 
ting his eyes to and rejecting the day- 
6. Lessons light when it comes. It is but a 
Taught by harbinger of the real dawn. 
Compara- Comparative religion teaches us that 
tive religion is essential to and distinctive 

Religion of humanity. The failures of the eth- 
nic faiths no less than their aspirations 
show how great is man's need of Christ, and how 

utterly unable imagination has ever proved itself to 
be even to conceive of such an ideal character as 
He revealed to us in the full light of history and 
in the wonder-working effects of His character upon 
the lives and hearts of those who then and in all 
ages since have in Him received life and light. 

LiTEBATUBB. — TylOF, A tUhropologv : JordBSl, Compara- 
tive Religion, Its Oenesit and Oroioth; FaLke, Zum Kampfe 
der drei Welireliffionen; Gould. Origin and Development of 
Religiout Belief; JevODS, Introduction to the Hittory of 
Religion; Reville, Prolegomena to the History of Religions; 
Max MttUer, Introduction to the Science of Religion; Uand- 
wick. Christ and Other Masters; Kellogg, The Light of Asia 
and the Light of the World; Farrar, The Witness of History 
to Christ; A. Lang, Magic and Religion; The Making of 
Religion; Johnson,' Oriental Religions and Their Relation 
to Universal Religion; FarneU, The Evolution of Religion; 
Howltt, The Native Tribes of 3.E. Australia; Smith. Reli- 

B'on of the Semites; Relnach, CuUes, mythes et religions; 
ilger, Brldsehen des Menschen nach Hinduismus und 
Christentum; Rhys Davids, Origin and Growth of Religion; 
Kuenen, National Religions and Universal Religion (Hib- 
bert Lectures, 1882) ; Dttlllnger, The Gentile and the Jew 
in the Courts of the Temple of Christ (1862); Dodson. 
Evolution and Its Bearing on Religion; MacCmloch, Com- 
parative Theology; Baumann, Cber Religionen und Reli- 

Sion; Walta, Anthropologic der NaturvOlker; Hastings, 
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics; Frazer, Adonis, 
Attis, Osiris; Dufourcq, Hist, eomparie des rel. palennes et 
de la religion juive; Oesterley, Evolution of Religious Ideas; 
Martlndale, Bearing of Comp, Study of Religions on Claims 
of Christianity; W. St. Clair TisdalL Comparative Religion. 

W. St. Claib Tisdall 
COMPARE, kom-par' (niQl , ddmdh, bpp , mO- 
ahal, ^n^ , ^drakh; iiupa9dXX«, parabdlldf oifyKpLim, 
sugkrino): "Compare" is the tr of HtS^, ddmdh, 
"to be Uke" (Cant 19); of b«1J, indshal, "to 
Uken," "compare" (Isa 46 5); of T^ , 'drakh, "to 
set in array/' "compare" (Ps 89 6; Isa 40 18); of 
T\ytp, shdwdh, "to be equal" (Prov 3 15; 8 11). 

hi the NT sughrinOf "to judge" or "sift together," 
is tr^ "comparing/' "comparing spiritual things with 
spiritual" (1 Cor 2 13 ERV), ARV "combining" 
("adapting the discourse to the subject," Thayer). 
RVm ."interpreting spiritual things to spiritual 
[men]." W. L. Walker 

COMPASS, kum'pas; COBfPASSES, kum'pas- 
iz: "Compass." noun, is the tr of yni, iiugh, "a 
circle/' "vault or "arch" ("when he set a compass 
upon the face of the depth" Prov 8 27 AV, RV, 
ARV "circle"; cf Job. 26 10; and see Circle; 
Vault OP Earth) ; of 131$, karkdbh, "a margin," 
"border" (Ex 27 6, "the compass of the altar," 
RV "the ledge round," so 38 4); the phrase "to 
fetch a compass" is the tr of 1^9' sdhhabhf "to 
turn about," "go round about" (Nu 84 5; Josh 16 
3, RV "turn about," 2 S 6 23; 2 K 3 9. RV 
"make a circuit"); of peH^rchomai. "to go aoout" 
(Acts 28 13, RV "made a circuit"; m "Some 
ancient authorities read cast loose^'; see Circuit). 

"Compasses" is RV for "compass," HJ'inTp, 
m'fnighdhj an instrument for describing a circle: 
"He marketh it out with the compasses" (Isa 44 13) 
in making an idol. 

The vb. "to compass" occurs frequently in the 
senses of "to surround" and "to go round about," 
e.g. Gen 2 11, "which compassetn the whole land 
of Havilah," Dt 2 1, "We compassed [went around] 
mount Seir many days"; in Jer 31 22 we have 
"A new thing on the earth: a woman shall compass 
a man," RV "encompass"; possibly as a smtor; 
but more probably as a protector. In those happy 
days, the protection of women (under God, ver 28) 
will be sufficient, while the men are at their work; 
"to encompass" C*The cords of death compassed 
me," Ps 18 4; "the waves of death," 2 S 22 6). 
"To gird" (Isa 60 11 RV); "to lie around," "to 
be laid around" (He 6 2, "compassed with infirm- 
ity" [clothed with it]j 12 1, "compassed about with 
so great a cloud of witnesses"). 



In Apoc we have "compas^d about with yawning 
darkness'' (Wisd 19 17); ''compassed- the circuit oi 
heaven" (Ecclus 24 5); ''compassed with pome- 
granates of gold" (46 9); "The rainbow compasseth 
the heaven' (£k!clu8 43 12); the course of the sun 
(1 Esd 4 34). W. L. Walker 

COMPASSION, kom-pash'un: Compassion is the 
tr of Dnn, rdham, "to love," "pity," 'Hbe merciful" 
(Dt 18 17; 80 3); of rah^mlm, "mercies" (1 K 8 
50); of b^n, fiamal, "to pity," "spare" (Ex 2 6; 
1 S 23 21); D^ni, roAwm (Ps 78 38; 86 15; 111 
4; 112 4; 146 8). is rendered by ARV "merciful." 
We have ^nrXaYx^fr^A^S splagchnizomaif "to have the 
bowels yearning," in Mt 9 36; 14 14, etc; sumpaiMo 
(He 10 34), "to suffer with [another]"; sumpoMa 
(1 Pet 3 8, RV "compassionate," m "Gr sympa- 
thetic"); metriovath^ (He 6 2, RV "who can bear 
gently with") ; cie^5, "to show mildness," "kindness" 
(Mt 18 33; Mk 6 19: Jude ver 22, RV "mercy"); 
oikteird, "to have pity" or "mercy" (Rom 9 15 bis). 

Both rdham and splagchnizomai are examples of 
the physical origin of spiritual terms, the Dowels 
being regarded as the seat of the warm, tender 
emotions or feelings. But, while rGham applied 
to the lower viscera as well as the higher, spldgch' 
rum denoted chiefly the higher viscera, the heart, 
lungs, liver. 

RV gives ^'compassian^* for "mercy" (Isa 9 17; 
14 1: 27 11; 49 13; Jer 13 14; 30 18; Dnl 1 9 
AV ''tender love with" ; for "bowels of compassion," 
IJn 3 17): for "mercy" (He 10 28) | "full of 
compassion for "merciful" (ARV "merciful" in all 
cases) (Ex 34 6; Neh 9 17; Ps 103 8; Joel 2 13; 
Jon 4 2) ; "compassions" for "mercies" (Isa 63 15; 
Phil 2 1), for "repentings" (Hos 11 8). 

Compassion, lit. a feeling with and for others, 
18 a fundamental and distinctive quality of the Bib. 
conception of God, and to its prominence the world 
owes more than words can express. (1) It lay at 
the foundation of Israel's faith in Jeh. For it was 
out of His compassion that He, by a marvelous act 
of power, delivered them from Egyp bondage and 
called them to be His own people. Nothing, there- 
fore, is more prominent in the OT than the ascrip- 
tion of compassion, pity, mercy, etc, to God; the 
people may be said to have gloried in it. It is 
summed up in such sayings as that of the great 
declaration in Ex 34 6: "Jehovah— a God fiill of 
compassion [ARV merciful] and gracious" (cf Ps 78 
38: 86 15; 111 4; 112 4; 146 8; Lam 3 22, 
"liis compassions fail not"). And, because this 
was the character of their God, the prophets de- 
clared that compassion was an essential require- 
ment on the part of members of the commimity 
(Hos 6 6; Mic 6 8; cf Prov 19 17). (2) In Jesus 
Christ, in whom God was "manifest in the flesh," 
compassion was an outstanding feature (Mt 9 36; 
14 14, etc) and He taught that it ought to be ex- 
tended, not to friends and neighbors omy, but to all 
without exception, even to enemies (Mt 6 43-48; 
Lk 10 30-37). 

The God of the NT, the Father of men, is most 
clearly revealed as "a God fuU of compassion." 
It extends to the whole human race, for which He 
effected not merely a temporal^ut a spiritual and 
eternal, deliverance, giving up His own Son to the 
death of the cross in order to save us from the worst 
bondage o( sin, with its consequences; seeking 
thereby to gain a new, wider people for Himself, 
still more devoted, more filled with and expressive 
of His own Spirit. Therefore all who know the 
God and Father of Christ, and who call themselves 
His children, must necessarily cultivate compas- 
sion and show mercy, "even as he is merciful." 
Hence the many apostolic injunctions to that effect 

fiEph 4 32; Col 3 12; Jas 1 27; 1 Jn 3 17. etc). 
Christianity may be said to be distinctively the 
religion of Compassion. W. L. Walkeb 

COMPEL, kom-pel': Our Eng. word always has 

in it now the flavor of force, not alwajrs, however, 

physical. It may be strong moral urgency, though 

constrain" better expresses this. 

There are several words indicative of such strons 

pressure: (1) OJSt, 'dna^, "to press": "none could 

compel" to drink (Est 1 8); (2) nij, 

1. In the nddhah, "to drive," "force": "com- 
OT peUed Judah thereto" (AV, RVm) ; 'led 

Judah astray" RV (2 Ch 21 11). The 
same word rendered "force," as the adulteress by 
flattering words her victim (Prov 7 21); (3) n3<, 
^dbhadhf "to serve" : not to compel him to serve as 
a bond servant (Lev 25 39 AV, RV "make him 
serve"); (4) fl^* V^o-Q* *'to break forth upon," 
"urge": "his servants compelled him" (1 S 28 23 
AV, RV "constrained"). 

In the NT two words are found: (1) irrtapeOta, 

aggarefid: The word is of Pers origin and means 

to employ a courier. The Aggaroi 

2. In the were pubuc couriers stationed by ap- 
NT pointment of the kings of Persia, at 

nxed localities, with horses ready for 
use, to transmit speedily from one to another the 
royal messages. These couriers had authority to 
press into their service, in case of need, horses, 
vessels^ and even men, tney might meet (Jos. Ant, 
XIIL li, 3): "compel thee to go a mile" (Mt 6 
41 AV; RVm "impress"); "compelled Simon to 
bear his cross" (Mt 27 32; Mk 16 21 AV; RVm 
"impressed"). (2) dpayKd^, anagkdzd, "to con- 
strain," whether by force, threats, entreaties, per- 
suasion, etc: "compel them to come in" (Lk 14 23 
AV; RV "constrain"). This has been a favorite 
text of religious persecutors. As Robertson says 
in his history of Charles V, "As they could not per- 
suade, they tried to compel men to believe." But 
it simplv means that utmost zeal and moral urgency 
should be used by Christians to induce sinners to 
enter the Kingdom of God. Cf Acts 26 11. 

George Henry Trever 
COMPLAINING, kom-plan'ing (nn^S, ^toOr 

hah, "cry," "outcry," n*ip, «f«^ "meditation," 
"complaint"): f^u^fl^oA is tr<* "complaining" (Ps 144 
14, RV "outcry." "no c. [outcry] in our streets," i.e. 
"open places" where the people commonly assembled 
near the gate of the city (cf^2 Ch 32 6; Neh 8 1); 
a picture of peace in the citv (cf Isa 24 11; Jer 14 
2); some render "battlecry'*^; si^'h (RV Prov 23 29, 
AV "babbUng"), of the drunkard. 

COMPLETE, kom-plet': In AV for irXiyp6«, 
plerdo, the vb. ordinarily used for the coming to 
pass of what had been predicted. AV translates 
this "complete" in Col 2 10; 4 12 to express the 
final and entire attainment of what is treated, 
leaving nothing beyond to be desired or hoped for; 
otherwise rendered in RV ("made full"). In RV. 
c. appears once for Gr drtioSf from drd^ "to join,'' 
in 2 Tim 8 17, in sense of "accurately fitted for," 
where AV has "perfect." 

COMPOSITION, kom-pft-zish'un (HJ^n? , mathr 
koneth, "measure"); COMPOUND, kom'pound 
(subst.) (Hpl, rfi^, "to make perfume," njjh, 
rolfah, "perfume"): Used of the sacred anointing 
oil (Ex 80 25.32.33) and of the holy perfume (vs 
37.38), which were not to be used for any profane 

COMPREHEND, kom-pr^hend': Used in a 
twofold sense in both the OT and NT. Thia 





double meaning appears in two Heb and two Gr 
words which signify in turn (1) mental or spiritual 
perception, (2) capacity to hold or contain, as in a 
measure or in an all-inclusive principle, e.g. : 

(1) 37TJ, ycuiha\ "to see with the eyes or the 
mind " hence "know," "understand." Job was 
urged by Elihu to accept as inscrutable the ways of 
God, inasmuch as His operations in the physical 
world are so mighty and mysterious that "we 
cannot comprehend" them (Job 87 5). Modem 
science, in unveiling the secrets of Nature, is open- 
ing the way for a better understanding of Cod's 
creative purpose and plan. 

KaToKaLfipdyw, katalambdnd. "to lay hold of," hence 
mentally to appre/i«n(i; usea of the spiritual capaci- 
ty of the Christian "to comprehend [RV "appre- 
hend"] with all saints" (Eph 3 18) the measureless 
love of God; and of the inability of the unrenewed 
heart to know or perceive the revelation of God 
made in Christ: the darkness comprehended it 
not" (Jn 1 6 RV "apprehended"; RVm "overcame"; 
cf 12 35). 

(2) b'lS, fcwZ, "to measure" or "contain," as 
grain in a bushel. So God's immeasurable great- 
ness is seen in His being able to hold oceans in the 
hollow of His hand and "comprehend the dust of 
the earth in a measure" (Isa 40 12). 

dvaK€4>a\ai6u>, anakephalaido, "to sum up under 
one head," e.g. love includes every other moral 
principle and process. The entire law on its 
man ward side, says Paul, "is comprehended [RV 
"summed up"] in this saying, namely. Thou shalt 
love thy neighbor as thyself" (Rom 13 9). 

DwiGHT M. Pratt 

CONANIAH, kon-a-ni'a (^n;p3h3, konanyahU, 
"Jah has founded or sustained"; AV Cononiah): 

(1) A Levite, appointed with his brother Shimei 
by Hezekiah, the king, and Azariah, the ruler of the 
house of God, to be overseer of the oblations and 
tithes and the dedicated things (2 Ch 31 12.13). 

(2) One of the chiefs of the Levites mentioned in 
connection with the passover celebration in Joeiah's 
reign (2 Ch 85 9). 

CONCEAL, kon-sSr (irapaKoXihrTv, parakaliiptd) : 
Found but once in the NT (Lk 9 45). The primary 
meaning is to cover by hanging something m front 
of the oDJect hidden. The purpose of the one con- 
ceaUng is made prominent. There is, therefore, a 
reserve and studied progress in regard to the state- 
ment of facts, that is not always a suppression of 
truth (Prov 12 16.23). God withholds more than 
He reveals (Prov 25 2; cf Ps 97 2; 1 Tim 6 16). 

CONCEIT, kon-sSt': An idiomatic rendering of 
a phrase, 0p6i'(/AO( iy iavroTs, phrdnimoi en heaiUols, in 
Rom 11 25 J 12 16; meaning lit. "wise with one's 
self," i.e. "m one's own opinion," or, as in || OT 
passages (Prov 26 6.12 RVm), "in his own eyes" 
(Heb ayin). 

CONCEPTION, kon-sep'shun, CONCEIVE, kon- 
sev' (nnn, hSrdh, and derivatives; <rvXXa|iPdv«*, 
sullarnbdno) : Phjrsically, the beginning of a new life 
in the womb of a mother, "to catch on," used thus 
some fort^ times, as in Gen 3 16; 4 1; Ps 61 5. 
Metaphoncally, applied to the start and growth 
within the heart, of thought, purpose, desire, e.g. 
"c. mischief" (Job 16 35; Ps 7 14), "c. chaflf^' (Isa 
83 11). This figure is carried out in details in Jas 
1 15: "Lust, when it hath conceived, beareth sin." 

ulate Conception. 

CONCERNING, kon-s(irn'ing: 

RV nu^es frequent changes, such as "for," "as 

for," "from," "about." for "concerning"; "concern- 
ing" instead of "for,'' "of," "over," "in, '^"against," 
etc. Some of the other changes are, "unto that 

the Lord" (Acts 18 25), "concerning Jesus" (dif- 

erent text), "by way of disparagement" (2 Cor 11 
21), instead of "concerning reproach"; "Why askest 
thou me concerning that which is good?" (Mt 19 
17) instead of "Why callest thou me good?" (dif- 
ferent text; see RVm). W. L. Walker 

CONCISION, kon-flizh'un (Kararoii^, katalonU, 
"mutilation," "cutting"): A term by which St. 
Paul contemptuously designates the merely fleshly 
circumcision upon which the Judaizers insisted as 
being necessaiy for gentile converts (Phil 3 2), as 
distinguished from peritomt, the true circumcision 
(ver 3). a Gal 6 12 and Dt 28 1, and see Cir- 

CONCLUDE, kon-klood' (<rv|iPiPdt«, sumbibdzo) : 
Used only in Acts 16 10, where AV has "assuredly 
gathering " i.e. "inferring." Where AV has "con- 
clude," RV more accurately renders "reckon" (Rom 
3 28); "giving judgment" (Acts 21 25); "shut up" 
(Rom 11 32; Gal 3 22). 

CONCLUSION, kon-kloo'zhun (Ote, 9Qph): In 
Eccl 12 13 AV, where RV has "the end,''^ viz. a 
summary of the entire argument of the book. 

CONCORDANCE, kon-k6f'dans: 

1. Nature of Work 

2. Classes of Concordances 

3. Their Indispensableness 

4. Concordances to Latin Vulgate 

5. Concordances to the Heb OT 

6. Concordances to the LXX 

7. Concordances to the Greek NT 

8. Concordances to the English Bible 


The object of a concordance of Scripture is to 

guide the reader to any passage he is in search of 

by means of an alphabetical arrange- 

1. Nature ment of the words found in Scripture, 
of Work and the bringing together under each 

word of all the passages in which that 
word occurs. Thus, in the ver: "Cast thy burden 
upon Jeh'' (Ps 65 22), the reader will look in the 
concordance under the words "cast" or "burden," 
and there will find a reference to the text. The 
merit of a concordance is obviously exhaustiveness 
and clearness of arrangement. There are abridg^ 
concordances of the Biole which ^ve only the most 
important words and passages. These are seldom 
satisfactory, and a fuller work has in the end fre- 
quently to be resorted to. 

The ordinary reader is naturally most familiar 
with concordances of the Eng. Bible, but it will 

be seen that, for scholarly purposes, 

2. Classes concordances are just as necessary 
of Con- for the Scriptures in their original 
cordances tongues, and for versions of the 

Scriptures other than Eng. There 
are required concordances of the OT in Heb, of the 
NT in Gr, of the LXX version (Gr) of the OT, of 
the Vulg version (Lat) of the NT, as well as of the 
tr* of the Scriptures into German, French and 
other living languages. There are now, further, 
required concordances of the RW of the English 
OT and NT, as well as of the AV. There are 
needed, besides, good concordances to the Apoc, 
aUke in its AV and RV forms. Textual criticism 
leads to modifications of the earlier concordances 
of the Heb and Gr texts. It is customary in con- 
cordances of the Eng. version to facilitate reference 
by giving not only single words, but also phrases 




under which several passages are grouped, and to 
make the work more useful by furnishing lists of 
Scripture proper names, with their meanings, and, 
in tne larger works, references to the Heb or Gr 
words for which the Eng. words stand. 

The indispensableness of a good concordance 

for the proper study of the Bible is so apparent 

that it is not surprising that, since 

3. Their the idea was first conceived, much 
Indispensa- labor has been expended on the prep- 
bleness aration of such works. The wonder 

rather is that the idea did not occur 
earlier than it did. No single scholar could ever 
hope to produce a perfect work of the kind by his 
own efforts. Modern concordances are based upon 
the labors of previous generations. 

The oldest concordances date from the 13th 
cent., and are based, as was then natural, upon the 

Latin Vulgate. A Concordantiae Mo^ 

4. Concord- rales is attributed to Antony of Padua 
ances to (d. 1231). The first concordance of 
Latin which we have actual knowledge is 
Vulgate that of Hugo of St. Caro, Dominican 

monk and cardinal (d. 1263). It was 
called Concordantiae S. Jacobi from the monastery 
in which it was compiled. 500 monks are said 1^ 
have been engaged upon its preparation. Hugo's 
Concordance became the basis of others into which 
successive improvements were introduced. The 
words of passages, at first wanting, were inserted; 
indeclinable particles were added: alphabetic 
arrangement was employed. Verse divisions were 
unknown till the time of Robert Stephens (1555). 
See Bible. 

The earliest Heb concordance seems to have 
been that of Rabbi Mordecai ben Nathan (1438- 

48). It went through several eoitions 
6. Concord- and was tr<> into Lat by Reuchlin 
ances to the (1556). Both original and tr con- 
Hebrew OT tained many errors. It was improved 

by Calasio, a Franciscan friar (l^^l), 
and more thoroughly bv John Buxtorf, whose 
Concordance was published by his son (1632). 
This latter formed the basis of Dr. Julius Fiirst's 
Libr, Sacrorum Vet. Test. Concordantive Heb atque 
Chald; 1840 (Eng. tr, Hebrew and Chaldean Con- 
cordance), A later Heb Concordance in Germany is 
that of Solomon Mandelkern (1896). In England, 
in 1754, appeared the vsduable Heb Concordance^ 
Adapted to the Eng. Bible, by Dr. Taylor, of Nor- 
wich. With it may be classed The Englishman's 
Hd) and Chald Concordance (1843; rev. ed, 1876). 

Though earlier attempts are heard of, the first 

printed concordance of the LXX (the Gr OT) 

was that of Trommius, published in 

6. Concord- Amsterdam in 1718, in the author's 
ances to 84th year. This important work 
the L£C remained the standard till quite lately. 

It is verv complete, giving references 
not only to the LXX, but to other VSS (Aquila, 
Symmachus, Theodotion) in which the wordis occur, 
and showing by an index at the end the Heb or 
Chald wor£ to which the Gr words correspond. 
In 1887 Bagster published A Handy Concordance 
of the Sept. Earher works are superseded by the 
recent publication (1892, 1897, 1900) of Hatch and 
Redpath's scholarly Concordance to the Sept, and 
Other Gr VSS of the OT. 

Concordances of the Gr NT began with that of 
X3r8tus Betulius (his real name was Birck) in 1554. 

The Concordance (Tameion) of Era»- 

7. Concord- mus Schmid (1638) has often been 
ances to the reprinted and re^dited. On it is 
Greek NT based the useful abridged Concord- 
ance published by Bagster. Recent 

works are Bruder's (1842; 4th ed, 1888; based on 
Schmid, with many improvements); in America, 

Hudson's Critical Gr and Eng. Concordance^ re- 
vised by Ezra Abbot (1870); in England, Moulton 
and Geden's Concordance to the Gr Test, according 
to the Texts of Westcott and Hort, Tischendorf, and 
the Eng. Revisers (1897). 

The list of concordances to the Eng. Bible is a 
long one; it is necessary here to particularize only 

a few of the chief. The oldest is a 
8. Concord- Concordance of the NT, brought out 
ances to the before 1540 by one Thomas Gybson, 
English though, as appears from the Fteface, 
Bible it was principally the work of the 

printer John Day (the producer of 
Foxe's Book of Martyrs). The first Concordance 
to the whole Bible was that of John Marbeck 
(1550). In the same year was published a tr by 
Walter I^ne of the Index Librorum of Bullinger, 
Conrad Pelican and others, under the title of A 
Briefe and a Compendious Table, in maner of a 
Concordance, openving the ways to the prindvaH 
Histories of the whole Bible, etc. Alex. Cruaen, 
whose own Concordance, the most adequate of all, 
was published in 1737, enumerates most of his 
predecessors in the intervening period. Cruden's 
personal history is a pathetic one. A recurring 
mental malady overshadowed his career; but his 
indomitable perseverance and fixity of purpose, 
joined with a clear idea of what he wished to accom- 
plish, enabled him to overcome all obstacles, and 
produce a book for which the Christian world is 
grateful. The work is entitled A Complete Con- 
cordance to the Holy Scriptvres of the Ola and New 
Testaments, etc; to which is added, a Concordance to 
the Books called Apocrypha. Mr. Spurgeon said 
regarding it, ''Be sure you buy a genuine unabridged 
Cniden, and none of the modern substitutes, good 

as they may be at the price You need only 

one; have none but the b€«t.'' Many editions of 
this valuable book have been published. It no 
longer remains, however, the only authority, nor 
even the most complete and serviceable, though 
perhaps still the most convenient, for the purpose 
of the student. In 1873 was published the AnaljM- 
cal Concordance to the Bible by Robert Young, LL.D., 
to which an appendix has since been added. 
This bulkv work contains "every word in alphar 
betical order, arranged under its Heb or Gr original; 
with the literal meaning of each and its pronun- 
ciation.'' It marks 30,000 various readings, and 
gives geographical and antiouarian notes. Yet 
more comprehensive is The Exhaustive Concord- 
ance of the Bible by James Strong, LL.D. This 
includes the new feature of a comparative concord- 
ance of the Authorized and Revised (English) 
VSS. It embraces also condensed Dictionaries of 
the Heb and Gr words, to which references are 
made from the Eng. words by figures. It thus 
differs in plan from Young's, which gives the Heb 
and Gr words in the body of the concordance at 
the head of the passages coming under them. 
Lastly must be noticed the very valuable work 
published in the same year (1894) in America by 
J. B. R. Walker, Comprehensive Concordance, with 
an Introduction by Marshall Curtiss Hazard. It is 
stated to give 50,000 more passages than Cruden. 

LiTBRATURs. — Seo ftfts. on **CoDCordance" In the 
various Diets and Encys; arts, by Dr. Beard in Kitto't 
Ene (Vol I); and by Dr. C. R. Gregory In the New 
Sck-Her* Bnc (Vol III); Pref'to Cruden's complete 
Concordance, and Introduction by Hazard to Walker's 
Compreh. Concordance. 

James Orr 
CONCOURSE, konTcSrs (npn, hdmOh, "to 
hum^" "to make a noise''; <nMrTpo+^, sustropht, "a 
turmng" or "twistir^ together"): Hdmdh, usually 
tr** by some word signifying "sound" is rendered 
"concourse" in Pi-ov 1 21 (perhaps from the noise 
made by people thronging and talking together; 


cf 1 K 1 41, "uproar"), "She rwiadom] crieth in 
the chief place of concourse," RVm "Heb at the 
head of the noisy Istreela]"; »u»trophe ia tH "con- 
course" (Acts 19 40), a riotous crowd. Cf Jth 10 

COHCDBINAGE, ko^-kQ'bi-nftj. See Fauilt. 

COHCDPISCEHCE, kon-kO'pi-aena ((wi»v|aa, 
epithvmia): Not used in RV, but in AV, Rom 
T 8; Col 8 5; 1 TheBs 4 5. The Gr noun, Uke 
the vb. from which it comes, meaning "to yearn," 
"to king," "to have the heart set upon a thing," is 
determined in its moral (quality by the aource 
whence it epringa or the object toward which it is 
directed. Thus Our Lord uses it to express the 
intensest desire of His soul (Lk 32 15). As a rule, 
when the object is not expr^sed, it refers to lonong 
for that which God has forbidden, viz. lust. It is 
not limited to sexual desire, but includes all going 
forth of heart and will toward what God would not 
have us to have or be, as its use in the LXX of the 
Ten Commandments clearly shows, for "Thou shalt 
not covet" {Ex 20 17). H. E. Jacobs 



(1) The causative stem of Jw^, rOtha', "to de- 
clare [or make] wrong," "to condemn," whether in 

civil, ethical or religious relations. 
1. In the Taken in this sense the word needs no 
OT comment (Ex 32 9; Dt 2S 1; Job 40 

8); "Who then can condemn?" (Job 34 
29, AV "make trouble"). 

(2) tij?, 'Snath, "to fine." "Condemned the 
land" (2 Ch M 3 AV; AVm "mulcted"; RV 
"amerced"; ARV "fined"); "wine of the con- 
demned" (Am 3 8; RV "fined" [unjufltly]). 

(3) The active part, of B?^ , shaphaf, "to judge." 
"From those that condemn his soul" (Ps 100 31 
AV; RV "that judge his eoul"). 

The NT usage is much more complicat«d, both 

becauseof the greater number of Gr words rendered 

"condemn" and "condemnation," and 

3. In the because AVtr'thesamewordinseveral 

NT different ways, apparently with no rule 

(1) The most important word ia uplra, krind, 
"to judge." From it are a number of derivative 
vbs. and nouns. RV has rigidly excluded the 
harsh words "damn" and "damnation," substi- 
tuting "judge " "condemn," "judgment," "con- 
demnation." Tlus is proper, since tne word damn 
(Lat damnare, "to infiict loss" upon a person, "to 
condemn"), and its derivatives has, in process of 
time, suffered degradation, bo that in modern Eng. 
it usually refers to eternal punishment. This 
special application of the word tor some cents, ran 
ade by aide with the original meaning, but even as 
late as WvchfTc's verdon the wc»rd "dajnn" is usually 
employed in the sense of condemn, as in Job 9 20, 
"My mouth shall dampne me." It is even applied 
to the condemnation of Jesus by the chief priests 
and Bcribcs (Mk 10 33). This degeneration of 
the word is perhaps due, aa Bishop Sanderson says, 
"not so much to good acts as to bad manners." 
KrinO is rendered uniformly "judge" by RV, even 
where the context compete tne thought of con- 
demnation (Jn 3 17.18; 13 47; Acts 7 7; "might 
be damned," 2 Theas 2 12 AV; Rom 14 22; Jas 
8 9). 

(2) The more specific sense of condemn, however, 
is found in laru/iliw, kalakHno, "to judge one 
down" (Mt 12 41.42; Mk 14 64): "is damned if 
he eat" (Rom U 23; 1 Cor 11 32 AV; RV 
"condemned"). See also Mk IS 16; 2 Pet 3 6. 

(3) For "condemnation" there ia the noun irpl^, 
krima, or «pi>o, kHma (for accent see Tha^w's 
Lertcon), in a forensic sense, "the sentence of the 
judge" (Lk 2S 40; Mt 3S 14, omitted in RV; "con- 
demnation of the devil" 1 Tim 3 6; 8 12; Jude 

(4) Much stronger is Karitpiiia, koldkrima, "con- 
demnation" (Rom B 16,18; B 1) with refM«nce to 
the Divine judgment against sin. 

(5) tplfit, krixis, "the proceaa of judgment," 
"tribunal" (Jn 3 19; 8 24), with reference to "the 
judgment brought by men upon themselves because 
of their rejection of Christ." 

(6) A stronger word ia the adj. ofirwoTdipiToi, 
aulokaldkriloa, "self-condemned" (lit S 11; cf 1 Jn 
3 20.21). G. H. Tbeveh 

CONDUCT, kon'dukt. See Erraca. 

COHDDTT, kon'dit. See Cistern. 

CONEY, kO'ni (l^:^ , ahapkSn [Lev 11 5; Dt 
14 7; Ps 104 18; Prov SO 2fl|): The word "coney" 
(formerly pronounced cooney) means "rabbit" 
(from Lat CMiiculus). ShOvhOn is rendered in all 
four passages in the LXX x<"lx^P^^^^', t^wiro- 
grOUioa, or "hedge-hog," but is now universally 
considered to refer to the Syrian hyrax, Procavia (or 
Hyrax) Syriaca, which in southern Pal and Sinai 
is called in Arab, toahar, in northern Pal and Syria 
(obiSn, and in southern Arabia thufun, which is 
etymologically closely akin to sAdphdn. The word 
"hyrax" (tpai, Aiinw) itself means "mouse" or 

"qhrpw-mniiiv" it^f 1 jft Mnrfr'l an tVint. it bcvttiib In 


(cf Lat aorer), so that it s 

Group ot Conlee. 

have been hard to find a name peculiar to this am- 
mo!. In Lev 11 5 RVm, we find "rock badger," 
which is a tr of klip da», the rather inappropriate 
name given by the Boers to the Cape hyrax. The 
Syrian hyrax lives in Syria, Pal and Art,bia. A 
number of other species, including several that aie 
arboreal, live in Africa. They are not found in 
other parts of the world. In size, teeth and habits 
the Syrian hyrax somewhat resembles the rabbit, 
thouBh it is different in color, being reddish brown, 
and Tacks the long hind legs of tne rabbit. The 
similarity in dentition is coined to the large ^ze 
of the front teeth and the presence of a lai^^e space 
between them and the bock teeth. But whereas 
hares have a pair of front teeth on each jaw, the 
hyrax has one pair above and two below, Tbeae 




teeth differ also in structure from those of the hare 

and rabbit, not having the persistent pulp which 

enables the rabbit's front teeth to grow continually 

as they are worn away. They do not hide among 

herbage like hares, nor burrow like rabbits, but 

live in holes or clefts of the rock, frequently in the 

faces of steep cliffs. Neither the hyrax nor the hare 

is a ruminant, as seems to be implied in Lev 11 5 

and Dt 14 7, but their manner of chewing their 

food may readily have led them to be thought to 

chew the cud. The hyrax has four toes in front 

and three behind (the same niunber as in the tapir 

and in some fossil members of the horse family), 

all furnished with nails that are almost like hoofs, 

except the inner hind toes, which have claws. The 

hyraxes constitute a family of ungulates and, in 

spite of their small size, have points of resemblance 

to elephants or rhinoceroses, but are not closely 

allied to these or to any other known animals. 

The camel, the coney and the hare are in the list 

of unclean animals because they '^chew the cud but 

divide not the hoof,'' but all three of these are eaten 

by the Arabs. 

The Dlustration is from a photograph of a group of 
conies hi the Syrian Protestant Oollege at Beirut, prepared 
by Mr. Douglas Camithers, who collected these specimens 
in a cUff in the neighborhood of Tyre. Specimens from 
the Dead Sea are redder than those from Syria. 

Alfred Elt Day 
ARY, kon-fek'shun-drri (HJJl, rdiahf "perfume," 
"spice," nn^T , ral^l^dhdhf fem. "perfumer") : 

(1) "Confection" is found in AV only, and but 
once "a c. after the art of the apothecary" (Ex 30 
35; RV "perfume"); but the RV renders 1 Ch 
9 30. "the c. [AV "ointment"] of the spices." It 
stanos for something "made up," a mixture of 
perfumes or medicines, but never sweetmeats, as c. 
means with us. 

(2) Likewise a "confectionar3r" is a perfumer. 
This word, too, is found but once (1 S 8 13), 
"He will take your daughters to be perfumers [AV 
"confectionaries"], and to be cooled, and to be 
bakers." See Pebfumes, q^ 3 ^ager 

CONFEDERATE, kon-fed'6r-ftt, CONFEDER- 
ACY, kon-fed'gr-a-si: "Confederate" as an adj. 
in the sense of unUed or leagued is twice the tr of 
r''T5> b^riihf "covenant," in several instances tr<* 
"league" (Gen 14 13, ba'al 6t«A, "lord or master 
of a covenant," "an ally," "these were c. with 
Abram"; cf Ps 83 5; once of n^3, nl^«/^ '*to 
rest," "Syria is c. with Ephraim" (Isa 7 2, RVm 
'Vesteth on Ephraim"; also 1 Mace 10 47). 

As a noun "confederate" occurs in 1 Mace 10 16, 
9timmacho8, "confederates" (1 Mace 8 20.24.31; 14 
40; 16 17). 

Confederacy, as a 'league," occurs as the tr of 
IfrUh, "the men of thy c/' (Ob ver 7); as a con- 
spiracy it occurs in Isa 8 12 &i«, as tr of l^her from 
k&ahcar, "to bind" : "Say ye not, a c." Cf 2 S 16 12 ; 
2 K 12 20, etc. W. L. Walkeb 

CONFER, kon-fib*', CONFERENCE, kon'fer- 
ens: The equivalent of three Gr words of different 
shades of meaning. In Gal 1 16, irpwravaTieiffUf 
proaanaiilhSmif hadbeen used in classical writers for 
resorting to oracles (Lightfoot on Gal 2 6; Ellicott 
on Gal 1 16); hence, "to take counsel with," "to 
consult." In Acts 4 15, av/xfidWca^ eumbdUOf "to 
compare views," "discuss"; and in Acts 26 12, <rvX- 
XaX^, stdlaUOf "to talk together." Cf the single 
passage in the OT (1 K 1 7). 

CONFESSION, kon-fesh'un (HT", yOdhah; 
^fAoXo^^, homolagid, and their derivatives): The 
radical meaning is "acknowledgment," "avowal," 

with the implication of a change of conviction or of 
course of conduct on the part of the subject. In 
Eng. "profession" (AV 1 Tim 6 12; He 8 1; 4 
14), besides absence of the thought just suggested, 
emphasizes the publicity of the act. C, like its Gr 
equivalent, connotes, as its etymology shows (Lat 
coUf Gr hornoii), that the act places one in harmony 
with others. It is the uniting in a statement that 
has previously been nuide by someone eJse. Of the 
two Gr words from the same root in the NT, the 
compound with the Gr preposition ek found, among 
other places, in Mt 8 6; Acts 19 18; Rom 14 11; 
Phil 2 11, implies that it has come from an inner 
impulse, i.e. it is the expression of a conviction of 
the heart. It is referred anthropopathically to God 
in Job 40 14, where Jeh says to the patriarch sar- 
castically : "Then will I also confess 01 [unto] thee" ; 
and in Kev 8 5, where it means "to recognize" or 

When man is said to confess or make confession, 
the contents of the confession are variously dis- 
tinguished. All, however, may be grouped under 
two heads, confession of faith and confession of sin. 
(Ik)nfession8 of faith are public acknowledgments of 
fidelity to God. and to the truth through which 
God is revealea, as 1 K 8 33. They are declara- 
tions of unqualified confidence in Christ, and of 
surrender to His service; Mt 10 32: "Every one 
.... who shall confess me before men." In Phil 
2 11, however, c. includes, alongside of willing, also 
unwilling, acknowledgment of the sovereignty of 
Jesus. The word c. stands also for everything con- 
tained in the Christian religion — "the faith" used 
in the objective and widest sense, in He 8 1 : 4 14. 
In both these passages, the allusion is to tne NT. 
The "High PrStof our c." (He 8 1) is the Hi^h 
Priest, of whom we learn and with whom we deal in 
that new revelation, which in that epistle is con- 
trasted with the old. 

Confessions of sins are also of various classes: 
(1) To God alone. Wherever there is true repent- 
ance for sin, the penitent freely confesses his guilt 
to Him, against whom he has sinned. This is 
described in Ps 82 3-6; cf 1 Jn 1 9; Prov 28 
13. Such c. may be made either silently, or, as in 
Dnl 9 19, orally; it may be general, as in Ps 61, 
or particular, as when some special sin is recog- 
nized; it may even extend to what has not b^n 
discovered^ but which is believed to exist because 
of recogmzed inner depravity (Ps 19 12), and 
thus include the state as well as the acts of sin 
(Rom 7 18). (2) To one's neiehbor, when he has 
been wronged (Lk 17 4) : "If he sin against thee 
seven times in the day, and seven times turn again 
to thee, sa3nng, I repent; thou shalt forgive him." 
It is to tma form of c. that James refers (6 16): 
"CJonfess .... your sins one to another"; cf Mt 6 
23 f. (3) To a spiritual adviser or minister of the 
word, such as the c. of David to Nathan (2 S 12 
13), of the multitudes to John in the wilderness (Mt 
8 6), of the Ephesians to Paul (Acts 19 18). This 
c. is a general acknowledgment of sinfulness, and 
enters into an enumeration of details only when 
the consci^ence is particularly burdened. (4) To the 
entire church, where some crime has created public 
scandal. As "secret sins are to be rebuked secretly, 
and public sins pubhcly," in the apostolic age, where 
there was genuine penitence for a notorious offence, 
the acknowledgment wajs as public as the deed itself. 
An illustration of this is found in the well-known 
case at Corinth (cf 1 Cor 6 3 ff with 2 Cor 2 6 f). 

For auricular c. in the sense of the mediaeval 
and Rom church, there is no authority in Holy 
Scripture. It is traceable to the practice of exam- 
ining those who were about to make a public c. of 
some notorious offence, and of giving advice con- 
cerning how far the circumstances of the sin were 




to be announced; an expedient that was found ad- 
viBable^ since as much injury could be wrought by 
injudicious publishing of details in the c. as by the 
sin itself. The practice once introduced for par- 
ticular cases was in time extended to all cases: and 
the private c. of sin was demanded by the cnurch 
as a condition of the absolution, and made an 
element of penitence, which was analyzed into 
contrition, confession and satisfaction. See the 
Examen Concilii TriderUini (1st ed, 1565) of Dr. 
Martin Chenmitz, superintendent of Brunswick, 
for a thorougir exegetical and historical discussion 
of this entire subject. On the historical side, see 
also Henry Charles Lea, History of Auricvlar Con- 
fession and IndidQences in the Latin Church (3 vols, 
Philadelphia, 1896). H. E. Jacobs 

C0N7IDENCE, kon'fi-dens (PV^, bOtah, and 
forms, ^9?» ke§el; iro^^o-Ca, parrhesiaf mtdm, pel- 
thdy irfiro(6T|o-i«, pepoithesiSj virdo^rcuris, huvdsUms) : 
The chief Heb word tr** "confidence" {baton, and its 
forms) means, perhaps, radically, "to be open," 
showing thus what originated the idea of "confi- 
dence"; where there was nothing hidden a person 
felt safe; it is very frequently rendered "trust." In 
Ps 118 8.9 we have "It is better to take refuge in 
Jeh than to put confidence in princes," and in 66 5, 
"O God of our salvation, thou that art the confidence 
[mibhidh] of all the ends of the earth." Mxoh^dh is 
tr* "confidence" in Job 18 14; 31 24; Prov 21 22, 

Ke^d ('^firmness," "stoutness") is rendered "con- 
fidence" in Prov 3 26, and ki^lah in Job 4 6; peUho 
("to persuade") is tr** "confidence" in 2 Cor 2 3; 
Gal 5 10, etc; pepoUhSsis, in 2 Cor 1 15; 8 22. etc; 
hupostaeis ("what stands under")) in 2 Cor 11 17: 
He 3 14; 2 Cor 9 4; varrhesia ("out-spokenness, 
"boldness") is invariably tr<* in RV "boldness" (Acts 
28 31; He 3 6; 4 16; 10 35; 1 Jn 2 28; 3 21; 
6 14) ; tharaed or tharrfUo ("to have good courage") 
is so tr^ in RV, "being therefore sJways of good 
courage" (2 Cor 6 6) ; "I am of good courage con- 
cerning you" (2 Cor 7 16), AV "confident" and 

RV has "confidence" for 'Tiope" (Job 8 14); for 
"assurance" (Isa 32 17); for "trust" (2 Cor 3 4); 
for "same confident boasting" (2 Cor 9 4); "is con- 
fident" for "trusted" (Job 40 23); "to have con- 
fidence" for "thinketh that he hath whereof he might 
trust" (Phil 3 4); "confidently" for "constantly" 
(Acte 12 15); "confidently affirm" for "affirm" 
(1 Tim 1 7); conversely, we have for *Tiis confi- 
dence" (Job 18 14), "wherein he trusteth," for "with 
confidence" (Ezk 28 26) "securely therein." 

The Bible teaches the value of confidence (Isa 
80 15; He 10 35). but neither in "gold" (Job 31 
24), nor in man, nowever great (Ps 118 8.9; Jer 
17 5), nor in self (Prov 14 16; Phil 3 3), but in 
God (Ps 86 5; Prov 3 26; 14 26), as revealed in 
Christ (Eph 3 12; 1 Jn 6 13.14). 

W. L. Walker 

CONFIRM, kon-f{lrm, CONFIRMATION, kon- 
fer-ma'shim: In the OT represented by several 
Heb words, gener^dly with reference to an increase 
of external strength, as "c. the feeble knees" (Isa 
36 3); "c. the kingdom" (2 K 16 19); "c. in- 
heritance" (Ps 68 9). In the NT, this external, 
objective sense is expressed by /3€/3a*^, bebaidOy as 
in Mk 16 20; Rom 16 8. The strengthening of 
mind, purpose, conviction, i.e. the inner or subjec- 
tive sense (Acts 14 22; 16 32.41) corresponds to 
ivurTrfpHaj episterizo. Used also of ratifying or 
making valid (m/pdut, kurdo) a covenant (Gal 8 15). 
The noun is used in the second sense (He 6 16; 
Phil 1 7). Confirmation, the rite, in some denom- 
inations, of admission to the full communion of the 
church, which the Rom church has elevated to the 

place of a sacrament, has only ecclesiastical, but no 
Scriptural, authority. It is grounded, however, in 
the scriptural precedent of the laying on of hands 
after baptism. See Hands, Imposition of. 

H. E. Jacobs 

CONFISCATION, kon-fi».ka'shun. See Pun- 

CONFLICT, kon'flikt {iiy&v, ag&n, "contest," 
"fight"): In Phil 1 30, "having the same c. which 
ye saw in me." and Col 2 1 AV; 1 Thess 2 2 (AV 
^'contention"); AdXtjais, dthlSais flit, "combat in 
the public games"), in He 10 32 (AV "fight"). See 
also Agony. 

CONFORM, kon-f6rm', CONFORMABLE, kon- 
fArm'a-b'l (<rv|i|M>p^^, eummorphdo, "to become 
or be like," or "of the same form"): Indicating an 
inner change of nature, working into the outward 
Ufe (Rom 8 29; Phil 8 10.21); while <^wrx17A*aW^u, 
eiiediematizdj "fashioned according to" (Rom 12 
21 RV, AV "conformed"), refers to that which is 

CONFOUND, kon-found': The physical ori^n 
of spiritual terms is well illustrated by the pnn- 
cipal Heb words for "confounded" (rendered also 

• ■ 

"ashamed," etc); tD^iSl, bosh, is "to become pale" 
(2 K 19 26; Job 6 20; Ps 88 17; 129 5 AV: 
Isa 19 9, etc); "^Bn, hdpher, "to become red" 
(Ps 86 4; Isa 1 29; 24 23; "the moon shall be 
confounded," Mic 8 7); W^"], ydbhash, "to be 
dried up" (Jer 46 24 AV; 48 1 20 AV; 60 2 AV; 
Zee 10 6); D^^, kdlam, "to blush" (Ps 69 6AV; 
Isa 41 11, etc). In Gen 11 7.9, of the confusion 
of tongues, the word is bb^, bdMy "to mix," 
"mingle." In Jer 1 17 AV it is npn, Ij^athalh, 
"to bring or put down." 

In NT, kataischitnd. "to put to shame" (1 Cor 1 
27 AV; 1 Pet 2 6 AV); and augch-dno, "to pour 
together," "bewilder" (Acta 2 6; 9 22). RV^fre- 
(luently gives "ashamed" and "put to shame" 
instead of "confounded." W. L. Walker 

CONFUSION, kon-fu'zhun (n^3, bosheth, 
"shame, paleness," HTjbS, MimmOh, "blushing," 
^nin , tdhii; dKaTcurTao*(a, akataataeia, r^YKy^^^f *^ 
chusis): In the OT bosheth (1 S 20 30; Ps 109 29 
AV) and Iclimmdh (Ps 44 15; Isa 80 3) are the words 
most frequently tr** "confusion"; tohHf "wastiness," 
"emptiness" is so tr<i (Isa 24 10; 84 11; 41 29), 
also i^dn, 'lightness," "contempt" (Job 10 15 = 
ignominy, ARV) and tebhel, "profanation" (Lev 18 
23; 20 12); ra'ash, "shaking," "trembUng," rendered 
"confused" in Isa 9 5 AV; cf RV. Gr akatasiasia. 
"instability" is tr<» "confusion" (1 Cor 14 33: Jas 3 
16); sugchusiSf "a pouring out together" (Acts 19 
29). In Wisd 14 26, "changing of kind" (AV^ is 
rendered "confusion of sex." W. L. Walker 

TowEB of; Tongues, Confusion of. 

CONGREGATION, koi^-gr^g&'shun i^^p^^ hor 
half n*!?, ^edhdh): These two words rendered by 
"congregation" or "assembly" are used 
1. Terms apparently without any difference of 
Employed sense. They appear to include an as- 
sembly of the whole people or any 
section that might be present on a given occasion. 
Indeed, sometimes the idea appears to correspond 
closely to that conveyed by "horde," or even by 
"crowd." ^Sdhdh is once used of bees (Jgs 14 8). 
It has been sought to distinguish the two words by 
means of Lev 4 13, "if the whole ^edhah of Israel 




err, and the thing be hid from the eyes of the fiOhdl." 
The kahdl would then be the smaller body repre- 
senting the whole ^edhGh, but the general usage is 
not favorable to this view (compare e.g. Ex 12 19, 
"cutting off from the ^edhdh of Israel/' with Nu 
19 20, ''cutting off from the tohol"). The idea 
denoted by these words is said by Wellhausen to 
be '^foreign to Heb antiquity," though it "runs 
through the PC from beginning to end" (Pro- 
legomena. 78). Yet it is Dt that presents us with 
laws excluding certain classes from the l^dhalf and 
the word is also found in Gen 49 6; Nu 22 4 
(RV "multitude"); Dt 5 22; 9 10; 81 30: Josh 
8 35; 1 S 17 47; 1 K 8 14; Mic 2 5, and other 
early passages, while ^Sdhah occurs in 1 K 12 20 
(see further, Eerdmans, Das Buck Exodus f 80 f). 
On the other hand taste and euphony appear to be 
responsible for the choice of one or other of the 
words in manv cases. Thus the Chronicler uses 
iahdl frequently, but 'idhOh only once (2 Ch 6 6» 
1 K 8 6). 

Moses provided for the summoning of the con- 
gregation by trumpets (Nu 10 2-8). For the sin 

offering to be brought if the whole 
2. Legal congregation erred, see Lev 4 13-21. 
Provimons Dt 28 1-8 (in Heb 2-9) excludes 

bastards, Anmionites and Moabites 
from the assembly, even to the tenth p;eneration, 
while Edomites ana Egyptians were admitted in the 
third. Those who suffer from certain physical 
defects are also excluded. 

One other word must be noted, n^'YQ, md'^idh. 
It occius often in the phrase 'ohel mo^edh ("tent 

of meeting"; see Tabernacle). But 
8. Other in Nu 16 2 we find it used of certain 
Tenns princes who were "men of renown 

called to the assemblv." 
For 1^3??* ^dgerethj rendered by RV "solemn 
assembly," see Feasts. On K*7pV} mi}pr&\ see 
Convocation. Harold M. Wiener 

har-mo^edhj Isa 14 13): The prophet has depicted 
the excitement caused in Sheol D3r the descent of the 
once mighty kin^ of Babylon into the world of 
shades, and now himself points the contrast between 
the monarch's former haughty boastings and his 
present weak and hopeless condition: "Thou saidst 
m thy heart, I will ascend into heaven, I will 
exalt my throne above the stars of God; and I will 
sit upon the moimt of congregation, in the utter- 
most parts of the north." Instead he is brought 
down "to the uttermost parts of the pit" (ver 15). 
By the "mount of congregation" (meeting or as- 
sembly) is evidently meant the fancied Olympus of 
the gods on some lofty northern height. The 
king vaunted that he would make his abode with 
the gods in heaven; now he is cast down to the 
depths of Sheol. Jambs Orr 

CONIAH, k6-nra (^H^jp, hmyiihil, "Jah is 
creating") : A form of the name Jehoiachin, found 
in Jer 22 24.28; 87 1. See Jehoiachin. 

CONONIAH, kon-^-ni'a. See Ck)NANiAH. 

CONQUEROR, konlcSr-er: Known only in the 
compoimd vb. (^pviKA|Mv, hupemUOmenf Rom 8 
37): A usual meaning of the preposition in com- 
position is "above all measure"; hence "more than 
conquerors," RV, AV. The comparison is to the 
completeness of the victory. Others may place 
their enemies in subjection; those here mentioned 
master not orAy their foes, but themselves. Others 
destroy their foes and their resources; while those 
who are "more than conquerors" convert foes into 

means of still farther promoting the interests for 
which they struggle (Rom 8 3--5). Nor is the 
victory external and transient, but internal and 
permanent. H. E. Jacobs 

CONSCIENCE, kon'shens (^ (rwtC8t|cr%«, h^ sur 

I. Sbqubnt Conscikncb 
1. Judicial 
. 2. Punitive 

3. Predictive 

4. Social 

II. Antbcedbnt Consciencb ^ 

III. Intuitional and Associational Thbobzbb 

IV. Thb Education op Conscibncb 
y. History and Litbbature 

1. Earlier Views 

2. Reforxnation and After 

/. Sequent Conscience, — ^The aspect of conscience 
earliest noticed in ht. and most frequently referred 

to at all times is what is called the 
L Judicial Sequent Conscience — that is to say, 

it follows action. 
This is (1) judicial. No sooner is a decision 
formed than there ensues a judgment favorable or 
adverse, a sentence of guilty or not guilty. Con- 
science has often been compared to a court of law, 
in wbdch there are culprit, judge, witnesses and jury: 
but these are all in the subject's own breast, and 
are in fact himself. 

It is (2) TpunUive. In the individual's own 
breast are not only the figures of justice already 

mentioned, but the executioner as 
2. Punitive well: for, on the back of a sentence of 

condemnation or acquittal, there im- 
mediately follows the pain of a wounded or the 
satisfaction of an approving conscience; and of all 
human miseries or blisses this is the most poignant. 
Esp. has the remorse of an evil conscience impressed 
the human imagination^ in such instances as Cain 
and Judas, Saul and Herod : and the poets, those 
knowers of human nature, nave found their most 
moving themes in the delineation of this aspect of 
human experience. The ancient poets represented 
the terrors of conscience under the guise of the 
^inves or Furies, who, with swift, silent, unswerv- 
ing footstep, tracked the criminal and pulled him 
down, while Shakespeare, in such dramas as Macbeth 
and Richard the Thirds has burned the sanie lessons 
into ^e imagination of all readers of his works. 
The satisfaction of a good conscience may stamp 
itself on the habitual serenity of one f aoe^ and the 
accusations of an evil conscience may impart a 
hunted and sinister expression to another (cf Wisd 
17 11). 

It is (3) predictive. There is no instinct in the 
soul of man more august than the anticipation of 

something after death — of a tribunal 
8. Predict- at which the whole of life will be re- 
ive vised and retribution awarded with 

perfect justice according to the deeds 
done in the body. It is this which imparts to 
death its solemnity; we instinctively know that we 
are going to our account. And such great natural 
instincts cannot be false. 

It is (4) social. Not onty does a man's own con- 
science pass sentence on his conduct, but the con- 
sciences of others pass sentence on it 
4. Social too; and to this may be due a great 

intensification of the consequent sen- 
sations. Thus, a crime may lie hidden in the 
memory, and the p^n of its guilt may be assuaged 
by the action of time, when suddenly and unex- 
pectedly it is found out and exposed to the knowl- 
edge of all; and, only when the force of the public 
conscience breaks forth on the culprit, driving him 
from society, does he feel his guilt in all its niag- 
nitude. The ''Dapr of Judgment" (q.v.), as it is 
represented in Scnpture, is an application of this 




principle on a vast scale; for there the character 
and conduct of everyone will be submitted to the 
conscience of all. On the other hand, a friend may 
be to a man a second conscience, by which his own 
conscience is kept alive and alert; and this approval 
from without may, in some cases, be, even more 
than the judgment within, an encouragement to 
eversrthing that is good or a protection against 

//. Antecedent Conscience. — ^From the Sequent 
is distinguished the Antecedent Conscience, which 
desi^ates a function of this faculty preceding moral 
decision or action. When the will stands at the 
parting of the ways, seeing clearly before it the 
right course and the wrone, conscience commands 
to strike into the one and forbids to choose the 
Other. This is its imperative; and — ^to employ 
the language of Kant — ^it is a categorical impera- 
tive. What conscience commands may be ap- 
parently against our interests^ and it may be com- 
pletely contrary to our inchnations; it ma^ be 
opposed to the advice of friends or to the solicita- 
tions of companions; it may contradict the decrees 
of principalities and powers or the voices of the mul- 
titude; yet conscience in no way withdraws or 
modifies its claim. We may fail to obey, giving 
way to passion or being overborne by the allure- 
ments of temptation; but we know that we ought 
to obey; it is our duty; and this is a sublime and 
sacred word. The great crises of life arise when 
conscience is issuing one command and self-inter- 
est or passion or authoritv another, and the ques- 
tion has to be decided which of the two is to be 
obeyed. The interpreters of human life have 
known how to make use of such moments, and 
many of the most memorable scenes in literature 
are of this nature; but the actual history of man- 
kind has also been dignified with numerous in- 
stances in which confessors and martyrs, standing 
on the same ground, have faced death rather than 
contravene the dictates of the authoritv within; 
and there never passes an hour in which the eye 
of the All-seeing aoes not behold someone on earth 
putting aside the bribes of self-interest or the 
menaces of authority and pa3ring tribute to con- 
science by doing the right and taking the conse- 

///. intmiional and AseociationcJ TTkeones. — Up 
to this point there is little difiiculty or difference 
of opinion; but now we come to a point at which 
very differing views emerge. It was remarked 
above, that when anyone stands at the parting of 
the ways, seeing clearly the right course and the 
wrong, conscience imperatively ^ commands him 
which to choose and which to avoid; but how does 
anyone know which of the two alternatives is the 
right and which the wrong? Does conscience still 
suffice here, or is he dependent on another faculty? 
Here the Intuitional and the Associational, or — 
speaking broadly — the Scotch and the Englisn, the 
German and the French schools of ethics diverge, 
those on the one side holding that conscience has 
still essential guidance to give, while those on the 
other maintain that the guiaance must now be 
undertaken by other faculties. The Sensational 
or Experimental school holds that we are dependent 
on the authority of society or on our own estimate 
of the consequences of actions, while the opposite 
school teaches that in the conscience there is a 
clear revelation of certain moral laws, approving 
certain principles of action and disapproving others. 
The strong point of the former view is the diver- 
sity which nas existed among human beings in 
different ages and in different latitudes as to what 
is right and what is wrong. What was virtuous in 
Athens might be sinful in Jerus; what is admired 
as herdsm in Japan may be despised as fool- 

hardiness in Britain. To this it may be replied, 
first, that the diversity has been greatly exaggerat- 
ed; the unanimity of the human conscience under 
all skies being greater than is allowed by philoso- 
phers of this school. ''Let any plain, honest man,'' 
says Butler, "before he engages in any course of 
action, ask himself. Is this 1 am gping about right, 
or is it wrong? Is it good, or is it evil? and I do 
not in the least doubt but tnat this question will be 
answered agreeably to truth and virtue by almost 
any fair man in almost any circumstances.'^ Then, 
there are many moral judgments supposed to be 
immediate verdicts of conscience which are really 
logical inferences from the utterances of this faculty 
and are liable to all the fallacies by which reason- 
ing in any department of human affairs is beset. 
It is only for the major premise, not for the conclu- 
sion, that conscience is responsible. The strong 
point of the Intuitional school, on the other hand, 
IS the power and ri^ht of the individual to break 
awav from the habits of society, and, in defiance 
of the commands of authority or the voices of the 
multitude, to follow a course of his own. When he 
does so, is it a loeical conclusion as to the conse- 
(^uences of action he is obeying, or a higher intui- 
tion? ^ When, for example, Christianity^ announced 
the sinfulness of fornication in opposition to the 
laxity of Greece and Rome, was it an argument 
about consequences with which she operated suc- 
ceasfullv, or an instinct of purity which she divined 
at the Sack of the actions and opinions of heathen- 
dom? The lettering of the moral law may have to 
be picked out and cleansed from the accumulations 
of time, but the inscription is there all the same. 

iV» The Education of Conecience, — It may be, 
however, that a more exact analysis of the ante- 
cedent conscience is reauisite. Between the cate- 
gorical imperative, whicn commands to choose the 
rieht path and avoid the wrong, and the indicative, 
which declares that this is the right way and that 
the wrong, there ought perhaps to be assumed a 
certainty that one of the alternative ways is right 
and must be pursued at all hazards, while the other 
is wrong and must be abandoned at whatever cost. 
This perception, that moral distinctions exist, sepa- 
rate from each other as heaven and hell, is the pecul- 
iarity of conscience; but it does not excluoe the 
necessity for taking time to ascertain, in every 
instance, which of the alternatives haa the one 
character and which the other, or for employing a 
great variety of knowledge to make this sure. Those 
who would limit conscience to the faculty which 
utters the major premises of moral reasoning are 
wont to hold that it can never err and does not 
admit of being educated; but such a use of the term 
is too remote from common usage, and there must 
be room left for the conscience to enlighten itself 
by making acquaintance with such objective stand- 
ards as the character of God, the example of Christ, 
and the teaching of Scripture, as well as with the 
maxims of the wise and tne experience of the good. 

Another question of great interest about the con- 
science isj whether it involves an intuition of God. 
When it is suffering the pain of remorse, who is it 
that inflicts the jpunishment? Is it only the con- 
science itself? Or is man, in such experiences, 
aware of the existence of a Being outside of ana 
above himself? When the will is about to act, it 
receives the command to choose the right and refuse 
the wrong; but who issues this command? Is it 
only itself, or does the imperative come with a 
sanction and solemnity betokening a higher origin? 
Conscience is an intmtion of moral law — the read- 
ing, so to speak, of a luminous writing, which hangs 
out therCj on the bosom of Nature — ^but who penned 
that writing ? It used to be thought that the word 
Conscience implied, in its very structure, a reference 




to God, meaning lit. ''knowledge along with an- 
other, "the other being God. Though this derivation 
be uncertain, many think that it exactly expresses 
the truth. There are few people with an ethical 
experience of any depth who have not sometimes 
been overwhelmingly conscious of the approval or 
disapproval of an unseen Being; and, if there be any 
trustworthy argument for the existence of a Deity, 
prior to supernatural revelation, this is where it is 
to be found. 

V. HtMtory and LUerahtrm, — Only a few indica- 
tions of history can be given here. The conscience, 
at least the sequent conscience, was 

1. Earlier identified in the ancient world, and the 
Views rise of a doctrine on the subject belongs 

to the period when the human mind, 
being shut out from public activity through political 
changes, was thrown back upon itself and began to 
watch closely its own symptoms. The word has a 
specially prominent place in the philosophical writ- 
ings of Cicero. Strange to say, it does not occur in 
the OT; but. though not the name, the thing ap- 
pears there frequently enough. On the very firat 
page of revelation, the voice of God is heard calling 
among the trees of the garden (Gen 3 8); and, in 
the very next incident, the blood of Abel cries out 
to heaven from the ground (Gen 4 10). In the NT 
the word occurs with tolerable frequency, esp. in 
the speeches (Acts 24 16, etc) and writings of St. 
Paul (Rom 2 15; 9 1; 18 6; 1 Cor 6 7-12, etc); 
and this might have been expected to secure for it 
a prominent place in the doctrine of the church. 
But this did not immediately take effect, although 
Chrysostom already speaks of Conscience and 
Nature as two books in which the human mind can 
read of God, previous to supernatural revelation. 
In the Middle Ages the conscience received from 
two sources so much stimulation that both thing 
and name were certain to come into greater promi- 
nence in the speculations of the schools. The one 
of these influences was the rise of Monasticism, 
which, driving human beings into solitude, niade 
the movements of their own minds the objects 
of everlasting study to themselves; and the other 
was the practice of auricular confession, which 
became, especially to many of the inmates of the 
houses of religion, the most interesting business of 
life; because, in order to meet the confessor, they 
scanned every thought and weighed every scruple, 
becoming acfepts at introspection and self-disci- 
pline. Thus it came to pass that ethics took the 
form of Cases of Conscience, the priest having to 
train himself, or to be trained by professors and 
through books, to be able to answer every (^uery 
submitted to him in the confessional. The ripest 
fruit of this method appears in the Summa of 
Aquinas, who discusses elaborately the doctrine of 
conscience, dividing it into two parts — synderesis 
(from ffvrrijpiiins, simt^esis) and canscierUia — the one 
of which supplies the major premises and cannot 
err, while the other draws the inferences there- 
from and is liable to make mistakes. The M3r8tics 
identified the synderesis as the point in the spirit 
of man at which it can be brought into contact and 
connection with the Spirit of God. 

At the Reformation the conscience was much in 
the mouths of men, both because the terrors of 

conscience formed a preparation for 

2. The comprehending justification by faith 
Reformat and because, in appearing before 
tion and principalities and powers in vindica- 
After tion of their action, the Reformers 

took their stand on conscience, as 
Luther did so memorably at the Diet of Worms; 
and the assertion of the rights of conscience has 
ever since been a conspicuous testimony of Prot- 
estantism; whereas Romanists, especially as rep- 

resented by the Jesuits, have treated the conscience 
as a feeble and ignorant thing, requiring to be led 
by authority — ^that is, by themselves. The forms 
of mediaevalism long clung even to Protestant lit. 
on this subject. It may not be surprising to find 
a High Churchman like Jeremy Taylor, in his 
Ductor DubitanHumf discussing ethics as a system 
of cases of conscience, but it is curious to find a 
Puritan like Baxter (in his Christian Directory) j and 
a Scottish Presbyterian like David Dickson (in his 
Therapeutica ScuTa) doing the same. Deism in 
England and the Enlightenment in Germany mag- 
nified the conscience, to which they ascribed such 
a power of revealing God as made any further 
revelation unnecessary; but the practical effect 
was a secularization and vulgarization of the general 
mind; and it was against these rather than the 
system which had produced them that Butler in 
England and Kant in Germany had to raise the 
standard of a spiritual view of life. The former 
said of the conscience that, if it had power as it 
had right, ijb would absolutely govern the world; 
and Kant's sublime saying is well known, at the 
close of his great work on Ethics: ''Two tnings fill 
the soul with ever new and growing wonder and 
reverence, the oftener and the longer reflection 
continues to occupy itself with them — ^the starry 
heavens above and the moral law within/' The 
rise of an Associational and Developmental Phi- 
losophy in England^ represented by such powerful 
thinkers as the Mills, father and son, Professor 
Bain and Herbert Spencer, tended to dissipate the 
halo surrounding the conscience, by representing 
it as merely an emotional equivalent for the author- 
ity of law and the claims of custom, so stamped on 
the mind by the experience of generations that, its 
earthly source forgotten, it came to be attributed 
to supernatural powers. But this school was an- 
tagomzed with success by such thinkers as Mar- 
tineau and T. H. Green. R. Rothe regarded 
conscience as a term too popular and of too vari- 
able signification to be of much use in philosophical 
speculation; but most of the great succession* of 
writers on Christian ethics who followed him have 
treated it seriously; Dorner esp. recognizing its 
importance, and Newman Sm3rth bestowins on it 
a thoroughly modern treatment. Among German 
works on the subject that of Gass, which contains an 
appendix on the history of the term synderesis, is 
deserving of special attention; that by Kslhler 
is unfinished, as is also the work in En{^. by Robert- 
son; The Christian Conscience by Davison is slight 
and popular. Weighty discussions will be found in 
two books on Moral Philosophy — the Handbook of 
Calderwood, and the Ethics of Mezes. But there 
is abundance of room for a great monograph on 
the subject^ which would treat conscience in a 
comprehensive manner as the subjective standard 
of conduct, formed by progressive familiarity with 
the objective standards as well as by practice in 
accordance with its own authority ana with the 
will of God. James Stalker 


kon-s^krS.'shun: In the OT for several Heb words 
of different meanings: 

(1) Onn, haram: "I will consecrate [RV "de- 
vote"] their gain unto the Lord,'' i.e. the spoil of 
the nations shall be dedicated to the 
1. In the service of Jeh (Mic 4 13). See Ban; 


(2) St; , nSzar, ntj. , nezer (Nu 6 7. 
9.12; RV "separate"). See Nazirite. 

(3) tD"|J5, l^adhesh: "to be set apart," or "to be 
holy": of Aaron and his sons (Ex 28 3; 80 30; RV 
"sanctify"). The silver and gold and brass and 
iron of the banned city of Jericho are "consecrated" 




things (RV "holy") unto the Lord (Josh 6 19); of 
the priests (2 Ch 26 18); of sacrifices (2 Ch 29 33; 
81 6; Ezr 3 5). See Holiness. 

(4) T Vt^V , milW yadh, lit. "to fill the hand"; and 
subst. pi. D^^^^, miUu'lm, a peculiar idiom used 
frequently and generally for the installation of a 
priest into his omce; and subst. for the installation 
offerings which were probably put into the priest's 
hands to symbolize his admission into office; hence 
the phrase, "and thou shalt consecrate Aaron and 
his sons" (Ex 29 9; so 28 41; 29 29.33.35; 82 29; 
Lev 8 33; 16 32; 21 10; Nu 8 3; J^s 17 6.12; 
2 Ch 29 31); of Jeroboam's non-Levitical priest- 
hood (1 K 18 33; 2 Ch 18 9)j of the altar (Ezk 
48 26) and of those who contnbuted to build the 
temple (1 Ch 29 5). Subst. of an act of installa- 
tion (Lev 7 37; 8 33), and of installation offerings 
(Ex 29 Lev 8 
2. In the In the NT reXetiw, teleidOf "to make 

NT perfect"' (He 7 28; RV "perfected"): 

fyxatW^w egkainizo, "to make new 
(He 10 20; RV "dedicated"). T. Rebs 

CONSENT, kon-sent': The vb. implies com- 
pliance with the guidance and direction of another, 
and, therefore, a secondary and subordinate rela- 
tion of approval, sympathy and concurrence on 
the part of the one who consents. He does not 
take the initiative, but yields to what the principal 
proposes. The phrase ix a^vfi4>6vov^ ek sumphdnoUf 
"by consent," means "by mutual agreement (1 Cor 
7 5), both parties concerned beine placed on an 
equality. 'With one consent" (Zeph 8 9, Heb 
"with one shoulder"; Lk 14 18) suggests, although 
it does not necessarily imply, the result of delibera- 
tion and consultation; it may have no other force 
than that of unanimity. H. E. Jacobs 

CONSIDER, kon-sid'6r: In the NT the force 
of the word is brought out most vividly in Mt 6 26 
(KaTa|iav6dvo>, katamarUhdnd), where it means to 
"ejjamine closely," as though the observer had to 
bend down for this purpose, and in Lk 12 27; He 
10 24 (kalanoio, to "observe well"), while in He 18 
7 the anatheorio, "look up toward" or "look again 
at" is consistent with the reverential regard com- 
mended in the context. Used in the OT for a variety 
of Heb terms, signifying inspecting (Prov 81 16), 
examining (Lev 18 13), giving serious thoughts to 
(Ps 77 5; Isa 1 3), it often means little more than 
"see" or ^'behold" (Ps 8 3; 9 13). 

H. E. Jacobs 

CONSIST, konnnst' (crvvCoTT^jii, sunisiemi): To 
stand together, exist, subsist (Col 1 17, "in him all 
things consist, i.e. the continuance of the universe 
is dependent upon His support and administration). 
In Lk 12 15, It tr- the vb. elfd, eimi, "to be," to 
express the thought that wealth is only an accident, 
not an essential to the highest ideal of life. 

CONSOLATION, kon-sMa'shun (irapdicXvio-is, 
pardfdesis) : "Consolation of Israel" (Lk 2 25), 
refers to the fulfilment of the promises in Isa 40 1 ff . 
See Comfort. "Son of consolation" (Acts 4 36 
AV and ARVm); see Barnabas. 

CONSORT, kon-s6rt'(irpo<rKXtip6«, prosklerdd, "to 
allot," Acts 17 4). The vb. may be either in the 
middle or passive voice. RV, AV, and Luther's 
German tr regard it as middle, and render it: "cast 
their lots with," "associated," "united with." In ad- 
vocacy of the passive, see Alford's Greek Testamenty 
Croposing: "were added," as if by lot. the allotment 
ping determined by God who gave tnem the Holy 
Spirit directing their choice. The Eng. has the I^t 
for 'lot" as its base. 

CO NSPIRACY, kon-spir'a-si . See Confedera ct. 

CONSTANT, kon'stant, CONSTANTLY, kon'- 
stant-li: In 1 Ch 28 (h&salp) meaning "firm," 
"strong." In Prov 21 28 the advb. ("constantly") 
of AV is replaced in ARV by "shall speak so as to 
endure," ERV "unchallenged." RV gives "con- 
fidently" for AV "constantly" in Acts 12 15; Tit 

8 8. 

CONSTELLATIONS, kon-ste-lft'shuns (D"'b'^Q3, 
hfiUm, Ut. "Orions"). See Astronomy, II, 11. 

CONSTRAIN, kon-strSn': Generally in the 
sense of pressing urgently (2 K 4 8; Lk 24 29; 
Acts 16 15), to impel or carry away (2 Cor 6 14); 
sometimes to be compelled of necessity (Job 82 18; 
Acts 28 19; cf Gal 6 12). See Compel. 

CONSULT, kon-sult' (b^lp, shd'al, ?lb"a , malakh, 
T^ t y^^^f ^?1 [Aram.] y*^<4; <rv|*pov\€i»o|iat, sum- 
bouleiiomai) : 

(1) "To ask." "inquire," "seek advice." Ezekiel 
speaks of the king of Bab consulting the teraphim 
(Ezk 21 21). and the Israelites were admonished 
to have notning to do with "a consulter with a 
familiar spirit" (Dt 18 11). See Astrolggt; Com- 
munion WITH Demons; Divination. 

(2) "To take counsel," "devise," "plan." The 
various officials of Babylon "consulted together to 
establish a royal statute^' (Dnl 6 7; cf Mt 26 4). 

(3) "To deliberate with one's self," "make up 
one's mind." Nehemiah consulted with himseu 
as to what might be done for Jerus (Neh 6 7). 
Jesus spoke of a king "consulting" (AV) whether 
he be able to wage a war (Lk 14 31; RV "take 
counsel"). A. W. Fortune 

CONSUME, kon-sQm' (b^fijt , 'dkhd, T\)^ , kaWi, 
D9r\, tdmam; &vaX(o-K«», analiskd): In OT *&khal 
("to eat," "devour") occurs very frequently, and is 
trd "consumed" (Gen 81 40; Ex 16 7; Ps 78 63, 
etc); kalah ("to finish") is also frequently tr** "con- 
sume," "consumed" (Gen 41 30: Ex 82 10; Ps 69 
13, etc); tdmam, "to be perfect,'^ "finished" (Nu 17 
13; Dt 2 15; Ps 78 19, etc). There are many 
other words tr<* "consume" and "consumed," e.g. 
^uph, "to end" (Jer 8 13; Dnl 2 44; Zeph 1 2.3); 
bdlah, "to fade " "wear away" (Job 18 28; Ps 49 
14); gdzal, implying violence (Job 24 19); §dphdh, 
"to end" (Gen 19 15.17; Isa 7 20, etc); 'daheah, 
"to be old'^ (Ps 6 7; 81 9.10 AV); mdiuh, "to be- 
come completed" (Ezk 4 17; Zee 14 12 bis); ^dadh 
kdldh is rendered "utterly consume" (Neh 9 31); 
analiskOf "to use up," occurs in Lk 9 54; Gal 6 15; 
2 Thess 2 8 (AV); dapando, "to spend," is tr** "con- 
sume" in Jas 4 3 (RV "spend"); katanalUko, "to 
consume utterly," occurs only in He 12 29; "for 
our God is a consuming fire." 

In RV "devour," "devoured" are several times 
substituted for "consume," "consumed," e.g. Job 
20 26; Jer 49 27; Nu 16 35; "boil weU" (Ezk 
24 10); for "be consumed with dying" (Nu 17 13), 
"perish all of us": "consume" is substituted for 
"corrupt" in Mt 6 19; "my spirit is consumed," 
for "my breath is corrupt" (Job 17 1); instead of 
"the fiame consumeth the chaff" (Isa 6 24) we 
have "as the dry grass sinketh down in the flame"; 
and for "whom the Lord shall consume" (2 Thess 
2 8), RV reads (after a different text) "whom the 
Lord Jesus shall slay," "consume" in ARVm. 

W. L. Walker 

CONSUMMATION, kon-su-ma'shun Ori? , kil- 
Idyan, fr TO^ , kdldh) : The word, meaning destruc- 
tion, completion, or failing (Isa 10 23; 28 22; Dnl 

9 27) is tr** interchangeably in the AV for another 




Heb word referring to a physical disease, and best 
ti** "consumption'^ cf Lev 26 16; Dt 28 22. Not 
used in RV. The Heb variously but more accu- 
rately tr^ "fuU end"; cf Dnl 9 27; Isa 10 23; and 
''destruction"; cf Isa 10 22; 28 22. There seems 
therefore to be an inconsistency on the part of both 
the Authorised and Revised tr*. 

Walter G. Cupfinger 

CONSUMPTION, konnsump'shun (Pipn©, shor 
hepheth, ''wasting away"): One of the punishments 
which was to foUow neglect or breach of the law. 
It may mean pulmonary consumption, which occurs 
frequently in Pal; but from itis association with 
fever in the texts, Lev 26 16; Dt 28 22, it is more 
likely to be the much more common condition of 
wasting and emaciation from prolonged or often 
recurring attacks of malarial fever. 

CONTAIN, kon-tan'. See Continenct. 

CONTEND, kon-tend', CONTENTION, kon- 
ten'diun: The meeting of effort b^ effort, striving 
ajQunst opposition; sometimes physically, as in battle 
(Dt 2 9), or with horses (Jer 12 5), sometimes orally 
(Neh 13 11), sometimes spiritually (Isa 67 16). In 
the NT diaKplwetw, diakrineiny for the hostile separa- 
tion of one from another, dispute (Jude ver 9), or 
hraytavl^fjMi, epogihiizomai (Jude ver 3), descriptive 
of the strain to which a contestant is put. The 
noun is almost universally used with an unfavorable 
meaning, and as worthy of condenmation, for an 
altercation arising from a quarrelsome disposition. 
"By pride cometh only contention" (Prov 13 10). 
The contentions at Cormth (1 Cor 1 11) called forth 
the rebukes of Paul. Where used in AV in a good 
sense (1 Thess 2 2) RV has "conflict." In Acts 
15 39, the noun has a peculiar force, where EV 
translates paroxusmds (whence Eng. "paroxysm") 
by "sharp contention." The Gr word refers rather 
to the inner excitement and irritation than to its 
outward expression. H. E. Jacobs 

CONTENT, kon-tent', CONTENTMENT, kon- 
tent'ment (^71, ya^al; dpx^, arhM): To be free 
from care because of satisfaction with what is al- 
ready one's own. The Heb means simply "to be 
pleased." The Gr brings out the full force of the 
word in 1 Tim 6 8; He 13 5. Contentment 
(1 Tim 6 6) is more inward than sati^action; the 
former is a habit or permanent state of mind, the 
latter has to do with some particular occurrence or 

CONTINENCT, kon'ti-nen-si (fyKpardfoiuti, eg- 
kraleiiomai, "to have self-control" or "continency" 
RV, "to contain" AV) : Paul, although he would that 
all men were like himself unmarried, yet advises that 
they should marrv if they cannot control their sexual 
passions, and hold them in complete subjection to 
Christian motives (1 Cor 7 9). The same Gr vb. 
is used in 1 Cor 9 25, and tr** "is temperate" (AV 
and ERV) of the athlete who during the period of 
training abstains from all indulgence in food, drink, 
and sexual passion. For the general principle as 
expressed in subst. egkrdteia (Acts 24 25; Gal 6 23; 
2 Pet 1 6) and adj. egkrath (Tit 1 8) see Temper- 
ance, Temperate. T. Rees 

kon-tin'<l-a-li: Without cessation, although there 
may be intervals between its presence; that which 
FM^larly recurs throughout a period, as Lk 24 53: 
"[They] were continually in the temple"; "lest 
. . . . by her continual coming" (Lk 18 5). InOT 
for Heb iadhlr, "pursue," as one drop of rain foUows 
another in swift succession, but more frequently 
by tam%dk for offerings repeated at intervals, as 

Ex 29 42: occasionally the Heb has the phrase lit. 
meaning 'all the day" {hoi ha-yom), as Gen 6 5. In 
the NT most frequently for did pantdSf "through 
all" ("always" Mt 18 10; He 13 15), "sometimes," 
adialeiptds, "incessantly" (Rom 9 2 AV) and diene- 
kia, "continuously" (He 7 3). H. E. Jacobs 

CONTINUANCE, kon-tin'ft-ans: Not in RV; in 
Ps 139 16 AV, as an interpretation of Heb ySmfm, 
"days," treating of God's prevision, where RV has: 
"They were all written, even the days that were or- 
dained for me," i.e. all my days were in view, before 
one of them actually existed. In Isa 64 5 AV, for 
*oiam, "of long time," RV; in Rom 2 7, for hupo- 
monty "patience," RV, or still better, "stedfastness," 

CONTRADICTION, kon-tra-dik'shun: AV for 
&vriXo7Ca, antilogia (He 7 7; 12 3). In the former 
passiCge, RV has "without any dispute," i.e. what 
has been said requires no argument; in the latter 
"gainsaying," which is scarcely an improvement, the 
reference being to the oral attacks upon the words 
and character of Jesus. 

CONTRARY, kon'tra-ri (^njj, Jjm; ivavrCos, 
enantios): In the OT it has the sense of antago- 
nistic, as one person opposed or hostile to the other, 
esp. in Lev 26, where Jeh 
declares His attitude toward the people in such 
phrases as: "If ye will not for all this hearken imto 
me, but walk c. unto me; then I will walk c. unto 
you in wrath." 

In the NT it has a more varied significance and 
is applied to both material and human relations 
as simply opposite, set over against an object or 
thing. Used of the wind as in Mt 14 24; Mk 6 
48; Acts 27 4, where it is spoken of as c. Refers 
alsK) to conflicting doctrines, customs or beliefs, as 
1 Tim 1 10, "and if there be any other thing c. to 
the sound doctrine." Several other Gr words are 
tr^ with almost an identical meaning. Occasionally 
a prefix gives a slightly different shade of meaning. 
Walter G. Clipfinger 

CONTRIBUTION, kon-tri-bQ'shun (KOiw»vCa, 
koinoniaf "communion" or "fellowship," Rom 16 
26; 2 Cor 9 13): The meaning "contribution" 
is drawn from the context, rather than from the 
Gr word. The phrase in the passage cited, lit. 
rendered, would be "to exereise" or "put fellowship 
into activity." The koinonia subsisting among 
believers because of their inner communion with 
(^hrist places them and their gifts and posses- 
sions at the service of one another (see Com- 
munion). They are enjoined not to forget to com- 
municate (He 13 16). To be "communicative" 
(kainonikol) is to be a habit of their lives, the 
Christian principle being that of the holding of sdl 
property as a trust, to be distributed as there is 
need (Acts 2 44f; 2 Cor 8 14 f). The first occa- 
sion for calling this fellowship into activity, by way 
of "contributions." was witlun the church at Jems 
and for its needy members (see CoMBfUNrrr of 
GrooDs). The second occasion was repeatedly from 
the infant gentile churches for the poor within 
the same church (Acts 11 29; Rom 16 26; 2 Cor 
8 1-4; 9 2); the fellowship thus widening from 
intra-congre^tional to general chureh benevolence. 
These contributions were gathered weekly (1 Cor 
16 2f), were proportioned to the means of the 
givers (Acts li 29; 1 Cor 16 2), were not ex- 
acted or prescribed, in a legalistic manner, but were 
called forth as the free-will offerings of grateful 
hearts (2 Cor 8 7), springing from the community 
spirit, and were sent to their destination by ac- 
credited representatives of the congregations (1 Cor 
16 3; Acts 11 30). H. E. Jacobs 





CONTRITE, kon'trft, CONTRITION, kon- 
triah'un (i^^'H, dakkd', "bruise"): Only in OT 
(Ps 34 18; Pa 61 17; Isa 67 16); n?J, nOkheh, 
"smitten'' (Isa 66 2). Contrite, "crushed/' is 
only the superlative of "broken"; "a contrite 
heart" is "a heart broken to pieces." In Holy 
Scripturei the heart is the seat of all feeling, whether 
joy or sorrow. A contrite heart is one in which 
the natural pride and self-sufficiency have been 
completelv humbled by the consciousness of guilt. 
Tlie theological term "contrition" designates more 
thim is found in these passages. It refers to the 
gprief expNerienced as a consequence of the revela- 
tion of sin made by the preaching of the law (Jer 
28 29). The Augsburg Confession (Art. XII) 
analyses repentance into two parts: "Contrition 
and faithi" the one the fruit of the preaching of the 
law, the other of the gojspel. While c. has its de- 
grees, and is not equal in all persons, the prqmise 
of forgiveness is not dependent upon the degree of 
contrition, but solely upon the ment of Christ. It is 
not simpler a precondition of faith, but, as hatred of 
sin, combined with the purpose, by Uod's aid, to 
overcome it, grows with taith. fi. E. Jacobs 

CONTROVERSY, kon'tro-v&vsi p'^T, ribh, 
"strife," "contention"; 6^\oyov^Avtnf homologaum^ 
nos, "confessedly," "without controversy"): Used 
frequently of disputes among men (as Dt 17 8) 
and then transferred to the justice of God as 
directed against the sins of men. Thus we read 
«of Jeh's controversy with the nations (Jer 26 31); 
witii the inhabitants of the land (Hos 4 1); with 
His people (Mic 6 2). "Without controversy" 
(1 Tim 8 16), a positive rather than a negative 
expression, "by common consent," or better, "as 
unanimously confessed," introducing a quotation 
from a hymn or rhythmical confession of the early 
church. H. E. Jacobs 

CONVENIENT, kon-vBn'yent: In RV limited 
to tr of jcai/)^, kairdSf "suitable time," "season," 
and its compounds: "that which is seasonable" or 
"opportune'^ (Mk 6 21: Acts 24 25). AV is re- 
placed, in Prov 80 8 RV. by "needful" (Heb AW, 
"feed me with the food that is needful for me"; Jer 
40 4, by "right"; Eph 6 4, by "beBtting"; in Rom 
1 28, by "fitting," and in 1 Cor 16 12, by "op- 

CONVENT, kon-vent': Found in the AVm of 
Jer 49 19: "Who will convent me in judgment?" 
and in Jer 60 44: "Who will convent me to 
plead?" The Heb term which is rendered convent 
IS yd'^adhf and it means to summon to a court, to 
call on to plead. Convent is obsolete, but it was 
formerly used, and meant to summon, or to cfJl 
before a judge. Shakespeare used it several times. 
In King Henry VIII, Act V, he said, "The lords of 
the council hath commanded that the archbishop 
be convented to the council board." 

CONVERSANT, kon-v<ir'sant (^^H, halakh, 
"to go on," "to walk"): This word is tr** "conver- 
sant^ in Josh 8 35 AV (m "walked"), and 1 S 26 
15 A V meaning "going along with them;" ARV 

CONVERSATION, kon-vgr-s&'shun (Avoo^po^^, 
ancuUropMf ^H.iX(a, fumilia) : This word is another 
illustration of the changes which time makes in a 
living language. The modern sense of the term 
is mutual tidk, colloquy, but in AV it never means 
that, but always behavior, conduct. This broader 
meaning, at a time not much later than the date of 
AV, b^an to yield to the special, limited one of 

today, perhaps, as has been suggested, because 
speech forms so large a part otoonduct. The 
NT words for "converse" in the modem sense are 
homiUd (Lk 24 14.15; Acts 20 11) and aunomO^ 
(Acts 10 27). 

(1) In the OT the word used to indicate conduct 
is If'J^ , derekh, "way," the course one travels (AV 
Ps 87 14; m 60 23). It is the common Heb idea 
of conduct, possibly due, as Hatch thinks, to the 
fact that in Syria intercourse between village and 
village was so much on foot, with difficulty on 
stony tracks over the hills, and this is reflected in 
the metaphor. 

(2) In the NT the idea of deportment is once 
rendered by trdpoa. "Let your c. be without covet- 
ousness" (He 18 5 AV; RV "be ye free from the 
love of money"; RVm "let your turn of mind be 
free"). But the usual Gr word is anaatrophi, "a 
turning up and down " possibly due to the fact, as 
Hatch again avers, that life in the bustling streets 
of Athens and Rome gave rise to the conception of 
life as quick motion to and fro. "Ye have heard of 
my c." (Gal 1 13 AV; RV "manner of life"). So 
also Eph 4 22; 1 Tim 4 12; He 18 7; "Let him 
show out of a good c." (Jas 8 13 AV; RV "by his 
good life"); "vexed with the filthy c." (2 Pet 2 7 
AV; RV "lascivious life"); "holy c." (2 Pet 8 
11 AV: RV "holy Uving"); "Ourc. is in heaven" 
(Phil 8 20 AV; RV "citizenship" [q.v.]). See also 
in the Apoc (Tob 4 14; 2 Mace 6 8). 

The tr* in the Revisions put a wholesome em- 
phasis upon conduct, and ehminate the danger of 
much misunderstanding. See further Hatch, Essay $ 
in Biblical Greek, G. H. Tkbveb 

CONVERSION, kon-v(lr'shun: 
/. Thm Words "Convmrsion, " "Convert, " in Btb- 
Ucal Usage. — ^The noun "conversion" (^rto-r/w^ij, 
epistroiM) occurs in only one passage 

1. In the in the Bible, ' ^They passed through both 
English Phoenicia and Samaria, declanng the 
Bible conversion of the Gentiles" (Acts 16 

3). Derived forms of the vb. "con- 
vert" are used in the RV in Jas 6 19, "convert," 
"converteth" (6 20). "converted" (Ps 61 13, m 
"return"), "converts'* (Isa 1 27. m "they that re- 
turn"), in other instances where the AV uses 
forms of the vb. "convert" the RV employs "turn 
again" (Isa 6 10; Lk 22 32; Acts 8 19), or "turn" 
(&a 60 5; Mt 18 15; 18 3: Mk 4 12; Jn 12 40; 
Acts 28 27). In Ps 10 7 the reading; of the AV, 
"The law of the Lord is perfect, convertmg the soul," 
has been changed by the revisers into "restoring the 
soul." The words commonly used in the Eng. Bible 
as equivalent with the Heb and Gr terms are "tiun," 
"return," "turn back," "turn again" (cf Dt 4 30; 
Isa 66 7; Jer 8 12fP; 26 5; 86 15; Ezk 18 21- 
23; 88 11: Mai 8 7). Thus "convert" is synon- 
vinous with "turn," and "conversion" with "tum- 
mK." . 

The principal Heb word is ^W, skObh; other 
words are n}9» P^ndh, !(9n, hdphakh, ^9» 9^ 

hhahhf in Hiphil. They are used (1) in 

2. In the the lit. sense, for instance. Gen 14 7; 
OT Dt 17 16; Ps 66 9; Isa 88 8. (2) 

In the later prophetical writings the 
vb. shmbh refers, both in the ^al and Hiphil forms, 
to the return from the captivity (Isa 1 27; Jer 
29 14; 80 3; Ezk 16 53; Zeph 2 7). (3) In the 
fig., ethical or religious sense (a) from God (Nu 14 
43; 1 S 16 11; 1 K 9 6); (6) more frequently to 
turn back to God (1 S 7 3; 1 K 8 33; Isa 10 22; 
Joel 2 12; Am 4 Off; Hos 6 11; 7 10). 

The words used in the LXX and NT are orp^ 
^ciy, strSpfieiny and its compounds, dro, apostr., 
dva, anastr., iratfa, epanastr.f (nro^ huposlr., and esp. 
hrurrpi<ft€i.v^ epistriphein. The latter word occurs 




39 times in the NT. It is used (1) in the lit. 
sense in Mt 9 22; 10 13; 24 18; Acts 9 40; 16 
36. etc; (2) in the fig. sense, in tran- 
8. In the sitive form (Lk 1 16 f ; Jas 6 19 f). 
irr In Gal 4 9 and 2 Pet 2 21 it de- 

notes to turn from the right way to 
the wrong. The opposite meaning, to turn from 
the wrong way to the right, we find in Lk 22 32; 
Acts 9 35; 11 21; 14 15; 15 19; 26 18; 2 Cor 
3 16; 1 Thess 1 9; 1 Pet 2 25. In connection 
with metanoeiTij ''repent," it is used in Acts 3 19; 
26 20. The root word atrephein is used in the fig. 
sense in Mt 18 3; Jn 12 40. LXX and TR have 
here epislrephein, 

IL Thm Docirinm. — ^While the words "conversion" 
and "convert" do not occur frequently in our Eng. 
Bible the teaching contained therein is fundamental 
in Christian doctrine. From the words themselves 
it is not possible to derive a clearly defined doctrine 
of conversion; the materials for the construction 
of the doctrine must be gathered from the tenor of 
Bib. teaching. 

There is a good deal of vagueness in the modem 
use of the temi. By some writers it is used in "a 
vei-y general way to stand for the whole 
L Vague series of manifestations just preced- 
Use of the ingi accompanying, and immediately 
Word following the apparent sudden changes 

of character involved'' (E. D. Star- 
buck, The Psychology of Bdiaion, 21). "*To be 
converted,' 'to be regenerated, 'to receive grace,' 
'to expenence religion,' 'to gain an assurance,' 
are so many phraj»es which denote the process, 
gradual or sudden, by which a self, hitherto di- 
vided and consciously wrong, inferior and unhappy, 
becomes unified and consciously risht, superior ana 
happy in consequence of its nold upon religious 
reidities. This at least is what conversion si^ifies 
in general terms" (William James, The Varietiee of 
Rdigioue Experience^ 189). In this general, vague 
way the term is used not only by psychologists, but 
also by theological writers and in conmion religious 
parlance. A converted man is a Christian, a believer, 
a man who has religion, who has experienced re- 

In its more restricted meaning the word denotes 
the action of man in the initial process of salvation 
as distinguished from the action of 
2. Specific God. Justification and regeneration 
Meaning are purely Divine acts, repentance, 
faitlL conversion are human acts 
althou^ imder tne influence and by the power of 
the Divine agency. Thus conversion denotes the 
human volition and act by which man in obedience 
to the Divine summons determines to change the 
course of his life and turns to God. Arrested by 
God's call man stops to think, turns about and 
heads the opposite way. This presupposes that 
the previous course was not directed toward God 
but away from Him. The instances of conversion 
related in liie Bible show that the objective point 
toward which man's life was directed may be either 
the service of idols (1 Thess 1 9) or a life of reli- 
gious indifference, a self-centered life where material 
things engross the attention and deaden the sense 
of things spiritual (rich young ruler, Lk 18 22), 
or a life of sensuality, of open sin and shame (prodi- 
gal son, Lk 15 13) oreven a mistaken way of serving 
God (Saul, Acts 26 9). Accordingly in conversion 
either the religious or the ethical element may pre- 
dominate. The moral man who turns from self 
to God or, as Saul did, from an erroneous notion 
concerning God's will to a clear conception of his 
relation to God is more conscious of the reli^ous 
factor. Conversion brings him into vital, conscious 
feUowship with (jod through Jesus Christ. The 
immoral man who is awakened to a realization of 

the holiness of God, of the demands of His law, and 
of his own sin and ^It is more conscious of the out- 
ward change in his manner of life. The ethical 
change is the more outstanding fact in his exi)eri- 
ence, although it can never be separated from the 
rehjDOUs experience of the changed relation to God. 
The mode of conversion varies greatly according 
to the former course of life. It may be a sudden 
crisis in the moral and intellectual 

3. Mode life. This is very frequently the case 

in the experience of heathen who turn 
from the worship of idols to faith in Jesus Christ. 
A sudden crisis is frequently witnessed in the case 
of persons who, having lived a life of flagrant sin, 
renounce their former life. Conversion to them 
means a complete revolution in their thoughts, 
feelings and outward manner of life. In other 
instances conversion appears to be the climax of a 
prolonged conflict for supremacy of divergent mo- 
tives; and, again, it may be the goal of a n*adual 
^owth« the consummation of a process of aiscem- 
mg ever more clearly and yielding ever more defi- 
nitely and thus experiencme ever more vitally 
truths which have been implanted and nurtured 
by Christian training. This process results in the 
conscious acceptance of Jesus Christ as the personal 
Saviour and in the consecration of life to His service. 

Thus conversion may be an instantaneous act, or a 
process which is more or less prolonged. The latter 
IS more frequentlv seen in the case of children and 
voun^s people who have grown up in Christian 
families and have received the benc^t of Christian 
training. No conversions of this kind are recorded 
in the NT. This may be explained by the fact 
that most of our NT writings are addressed to the 
first generation of Christians, to men and women 
who were raised in Jewish legalism or heathen 
idolatry, and who turned to Christ after they had 
passed the* age of adolescence. The religious life 
of their children as distinguished in its mode and 
manifestations from that of the adults does not ap- 
pear to have been a matter of discussion or a source 
of perplexity so as to call forth specific instruction. 

Conversion comprises the characteristics both of 
repentance and of faith. Repentance is conversion 
viewed from its starting-point, the turning from the 
former life; faith indicates the objective point of 
conversion, the turning to God. 

Of late the psychoTosy of conversion has been 
carefuUy studied and c^borately treated by psy- 
chologists. Much valuable material 

4. Conver- has been gathered. It is shown that 
sion and certain periods of adolescent life are 
Psychology particularly susceptible to religious 

influences (cf G. Stanley Hall, Ado- 
lescence, II, ch xiv; E. D. Starbuck, Psychology of 
ReUgiony etc). Yet conversion cannot be explamed 
as a natural process, conditioned by physiological 
changes in the adolescent, esp. by approaching 
pubertv. The laws of psychology are certainly 
God's laws as much as all other laws of Nature, and 
His Spirit works in harmony with His own laws. 
But in genuine conversion there is always at work 
in a direct and immediate manner the Spirit of God 
to which man, be he adolescent or adult, consciously 
responds. Any attempt to explain conversion by 
eliminating the direct working of the Divine Spirit 
falls short of the mark. See Regeneration; Ka* 



T T ^Ittiptaen 
CONVICT, kon-vikt', CONVICTION, kon-vik'- 
shun (Mfjtn, eUgchdy and compounds, ''to prove 
guilty") : Usual tr of EV, where AY has "convince,** 
as in Jn 8 46; Tit 1 9; Jas 2 9; once also replacing 
AV "reprove" (Jn 16 8), while RV changes AV 
"convince" into "reprove" in 1 Cor 14 24. It 




always implies the presentation of evidence. It is 
a decision presumed to be based upon a careful 
and discriminating consideration of all the proofs 
offered, and has a legal character, the verdict being 
rendered either in God's judgment (Rom 8 19), 
or before men (Jn 8 46) by an appeal to their 
consciences in which God's law is wntten (Rom 2 
15). Since such conviction is addressed to the 
heart of the guilty, as well as concerning him exter- 
nally, the word "reprove" is sometimes substituted. 
To "convict .... m respect of righteousness, and of 
judgment" (Jn 16 8), refers to the conviction of the 
inadequacy and perversity of the ordinary, natural 
standards of righteousness and judgment, and the 
approval of those found in Christ, by the agency of 
the Holy Spirit, as the great inteipreter and applier 
of the work of Christ. H. E. Jagobs 

CONVINCE, kon-vins' (IXf/x»i eUgchd): An- 
other form et^rmologically of "convict, means to 
bring to a decision concerning the truth or the false- 
hood of a proposition (Job 82 12). As usually 
applied to what is of a more individual and private 
character, and having reference to what is either 
^ood or bad, or what is m itself without moral quality. 
It has given way in RV to either "convict," "reprove 
or "confute." See Convict. 

CONVOCATION, kon-v6-ka'shun: A rendering 
for fc^^JJXJ, mifprd\ chiefly in the frequent "Holy 
Convocation"; but the word is sometimes used 
alone, e.^. Nu 10 2; Isa 1 13; 4 5. On a holy 
convocation no work could be done. The phrase 
differs from "solemn assembly," which in the Pent 
is only applied to the concluding festivals at the 
end of Passover and Tabernacles, while "Holy Con- 
vocation" is used of the Sabbath and all the great 
holy days of the Mosaic legislation. 

CONVULSING, kon-vuls'ing (Mk 1 26 m [AV 
torn]). See Unclean Spibtt. 

COOKING, kd6k'ing. See Food. 

COOL, kool (rnn , ril<'h, "wind" ; Kara+^w, ka- 
tapsiicho, "to cool down"): "Cool of the day" 
(Gen 8 8, m "wind"), when the evening breeze 
has tempered the heat of the day, enabling Orientals 
to walk abroad. "Cool my tongue" (Lk 16 24), 
a phrase reflecting the Jewish notion that Abraham 
had power to rescue his descendants from the fires 
of Hades. 

COOS, ko'os. See Cos. 

COPING, kd'ping. See House. 

COPPER, kop'gr (m^n} , n'hdaheth) : The word 
is tr** "copper" in only one passage (Ezr 8 27 AV). 
In the ARV of this passage, "brass" has been sub- 
stituted. Neither describes the actual alloy accord- 
ing to present definitions so well as the word 
"bronze. Copper was one of the earhest metals to 
be known and utilized in alloy, but copper, as a single 
metal, was probably little used. The remains of 
spears, balances, arms, vases, mirrors, statues, 
cooking utensils, implements of aU kinds, etc, from 
Bible times are principally of an alloy of copper 
hardened with tin known today as bronze (see 
Brass). In such passages as Dt 8 9, where refer- 
ence is made to the native metal or ores, "copper" 
should be substituted for "brass" as in the ARV 
(cf Job 40 18). This is true also of coins as 
xaXic6t, chaUcdSf in Mt 10 9. 

Our modern Eng. word "copper" is derived from 
an old name pertaining to the island of Cyprus. 
Copper was known to the ancients as Cyprian brass, 

probably because that island was one of the chief 
sources for this metal. The Sinai peninsula and the 
mountains of northern Syria also contributed to the 
ancient world's supply (see Am Tab). No evidences 
of copper ore in any quantity are foimd in Pal proper. 
See Metal; Mine. James A. Patch 

COPPERSMITH^ kop'er-smith (x<^Kf^> chal- 
keiis): The word is found in NT once only, in 
2 Tim 4 14: "Alexander the coppersmith did [m 
"showed"] me much evil." As the Bible word 
rendered "copper" (see Ezr 8 27 AV) is tr** "brass" 
by RV, so the word here rendered "c." should be 
rendered "brazier," or "worker in brass." See 

COPTIC VERSIONS, kop'tik vOr'shuna: 

I. Lanouaob and Alphabet 

1. Alphabet 

2. Dialects 
IT. Vbrbions 

III. Chibf Editions 

/. Languagm and Alphabet. — The Coptic alphar 

bet consists of the Gr uncial letters, plus seven 

chaiucters taken from the Egyp de- 

1. Alphabet motic to express sounds not represented 

in the Gr. It can be traced back to the 
4th cent., as the oldest Coptic MSS belong to the 
end of the 4th or beginning of the 5th cent. The 
language still prevailed in E^ypt in the 9th cent., 
but was no longer understood m Middle Egypt in the 
12th. Its last speaker died in 1633. 

^ There were at least five written dialects and sub- 
dialects of Coptic. Of these the most important 

from a literary point of view was 

2. Dialects the (1) BiJjMiric, the dialect of Lower 

^Syp^y often called Coptic par ex- 
cellence, and also (wrongly) Memphitic. It is used 
as the ecclesiastical language in the services of the 
Coptic church. The other foiu* dialects are some- 
what more closely allied to one another than to 
Buhairic, which shows greater traces of Gr influence. 
These dialects are, (2) the Sahidic (§a^ldi, or dia- 
lect of upper Egypt), also called Thebaic; (3) the 
Bashmtlnc — or rather Bushmuric — (for which 
Fayyumic has been suggested); (4) the Middle 
Egyp proper (known from MSS found in the mon- 
astery of Jeremias near the Theban Serapeum), 
differing but little from (3) ; and (5) the Akhmlmic 
(Akhmim^ the ancient Chemmis). Akhmlmic is 
more primitive and more closely related to ancient 
Egyp than any other. Only a few fragments in it 
(of Ex, Ecclus. 2 Mace, the Minor Prophets, and 
Catholic epp.) nave yet been found. The last three 
dialects are often classed together as "Middle Egyp'' 
and (4) is then called "Lower Sahidic." 

//. Vmrwiona, — In aU 5 dialects more or less com- 
plete versions of the Bible once existed. They 
were the earliest made after the early Syr. At 
latest they began in the 3d cent., though some 
(e.g. Hyvemat) say as early as the 2d. It is 
thought that the Sahidic version was the earliest, 
then the Middle Egyp, and finally the Buhairic. 
The latter represents an early and comparatively 
pure Gr text, free from what are generally termed 
western additions, while the Sahidic, on the other 
hand, contains most of the peculiar western read- 
ings. It sometimes supports codex K, sometimes 
codex B, sometimes both, but generally it closely 
agrees with codex D (Bezae), esp. in the Acts. 
A Coptic (Sahidic) MS, written considerably before 
350 AD, and publishea by the British Museum in 
April, 1912, contains Dt, Jon, and Acts, and is 
older than any other Bib. MS (except a lew frag- 
ments) yet known to exist. It proves that this Sa- 
hidic version was made about 200 AD. It in general 
supports the "Western" text of cod Bezae (D). 




Much of the NT esp. still exists in Sahidic, though 
not Rev. In Bi^ahic we have the Pent, Job, Pss, 
Prov, Isa, Jer, Ezk, Dnl, the 12 Minor Prophets, 
and fragments of the hi£rtorical books of the OT, 
besides the whole NT, though the Book of Rev is 
later than the rest. In the other dialects much 
less had been preserved, as far as is known. In 
Bushmtlric we have fragments of Isa> Lam, Ep. Jer, 
and a good many fragments of the NT. In more 
than one dialect we have apoc gospels (see Texts 
and Studies, IV, no. 2, 1896) and Gnostic papyri, 
etc. The OT was tr*» from the LXX. The Pss 
seem to have been tr^ about 303 AD. 

///. Chimf EtBHont.— The Bul:iairic Pss were first 
published in 1659. Wilkins published the Buhairic 
NT at London in 1716, and the Pent in 1731; 
Schwartze the Gospels in 1846-47; de Lagarde the 
Acts and Epp. in 1852. He also edited the Pss (trans- 
literated) in 1875, 151 in number, of which the last 
celebrat^ David's victory over Goliath. He added 
fragments of the Sahidic Psalter and of the Buhairic 
Prov. Tattam published the MinorProphets in 1836 
and the Major in 1852, an ed of the Gospels in 
London in 1847, and of the rest of the NT in 1852 
(SPCK)f with a literal Arab, version. Homer's ed 
of the Buhairic NT (4 vols. 1898, etc, Clarendon 
Press) and of Sahidic Gospels (1910, 3 vols) is the 
standard ed. Ford published part of the Sahidic 
NT in 1799. Various edd of parts of OT and NT 
have since appeared: e.g. Ciasca published frag- 
ments of the Sahidic OT {jSacrorum bibliorum Frag- 
menta CoptoSahidica Musei Borgiani) at Rome, 

LiTBBATVBB. — Realeneyclopadie fUr prol, TfteoZ. und 
Kircke, III; Hyvemat, J&<ud« 8ttr lea vertiont coptet; Revue 
bihlique, 1896, 18Q7; ZeUeekriftfUr agypt. Sprache; Journal 
of Theol. Studies, I. 3; Nestle, Text. Crii of Qr NT; 
Forbes Robinson, Texte and Studiea, IV; Oesterley in 
Murray's New Bible Diet. 

W. St. Clair Tisdall 
COR, kdr (^ , kor) : A liquid and dry measure, 
same as the homer, of about 90 gals, capacity 
(£zk 46 14). See Homer; Weights and Meas- 

CORAL, kor'al (nittSn, ra'mdth, D'^r??, 
p^lnlm) : The red coral or precious coral, CoraUium 
rubrum, is confined to the Mediterranean and Adri- 
atic seas. It is the calcareous axis of a branching 
colony of polyps. It does not form reefs, but occurs 
in small masses from 40 to 100 fathoms below the 
surface. It differs totally in structure from the 
white corals which form coral reefs, belonging to 
the order of Octactinia or Eight-rayed Polyps, while 
the reef-building corals belong to the Hexactinia 
or Six-rayed Polyps. 

Rd^mdth, apparently from r. rd^am. "to be high'' 
(cf rum, "to De high")* occurs in three passages. 
In Prov 24 7, EVVhave "too high": **yfiadom is 
too high for a fool." In Job 28 12-19, where various 
precious things are compared with wisdom. EV 
has "coral" (AVm "Ramoth"). It is mentioned 
here sdong with ^ghar, "gold" (RVm "treasure"); 
keihem, "gold of Ophir"; shoham, "onyx" (RVm 
"beryr); ^appir, "sapphire"; zdhdbh, "gold"; 
fkkakhVh, "crystal" (RV "glass"); pa«, "gold": 
gdbhUh, "pearls" (RV"crystar); p*mnfm, "rubies'^ 
(RVm "red coral" or "pearls"); jni'dhohy "topaz." 
While the real meaning of some of these terms is 
doubtful (see Stones, Precious), they all, includ- 
ing rd'mdth, appear to be precious stones or metals. 
In Ezk 27 16, rd^moth occurs with ndphekhf "emer- 
alds" (RVm "carbuncles"): *argdmdny "purple"; 
ri^mdh, "broidered work"; hug, "fine linen"; 
faKiWb5dA, "agate" (AVm "chrysoprase," RV "ru- 
bies"). Here the context does not require a pre- 
cious stone or metal, and Vulg has sericum, i.e. 
"Chinese material" or "silk." Notwithstanding, 

therefore, the traditional rendering, "coral," the real 
meaning of rd^moth must be admitted to be doubtful. 
P'ntnlm (from r. pdnaUf "to divide up," "to 
separate"; cf Arab, janan, "a branch of a tree") 
occurs in Job 28 18; Prov 8 15; 8 11; 20 15; 
31 10; Lam 4 7. In all these passages EV has 
"rubies" (Job 28 18, RVm "red coral" or "pearls"; 
Lam 4 7, RVm "corals"). Everywhere a precious 
substance is indicated, but nowhere does the con- 
text give any light as to the nature of the sub- 
stance, except in Lam 4 7, where we have the state- 
ment that the nobles of Jerus "were more ruddy in 
body" than p*nfnim. This and the etymology favor 
a branching red substance such as precious coral. 
The occurrence of p'nlnim and rd*mdth together in 
Job 28 18 is, if we give the precedence to p'nlnlm, a 
further argument against rd^mdth meaning "coral. 

At iTRTTi T' T Y Da V 

COR-ASHAN, k6r-ash'an, kfi-ra'shan (ERV, 

AV Chor-ashan; "p^iT 113, k&r 'dshdn, 1 S 30 30): 

The original reading was probably Bor-ashan, 
"well of Ashan." See Ashan. 

CORBAN, k6r'ban f) J^p} , iorbdn; 8»pov, ddron; 
ti-* "a gift," "a sacrificial offering," Ut. "that which 
is broiight near," viz. to the altar) : An expression 
frequently used in the original text of the OT; in 
the Eng. Bible it occurs in Mk 7 11; cf ^so Mt 
16 5. It is the most general term for a sacrifice 
of anv kind. In the course of time it became asso- 
ciated with an objectionable practice. Anything 
dedicated to the temple by pronouncing the votive 
word "C." forthwith belonged to the temple, but 
only ideally; actuallv it might remain in the posses- 
sion of him who maae the vow. So a son nu^t be 
justified in not supporting his old parents sunply 
because he designated his propertv or a part of it 
as a gift to the temple, that is, as "C." There was 
no necessity of fulfilling his vow, yet he was actually 
prohibited from ever using his property for the 
support of his parents. This shows clearly why 
Christ singled out this queer regulation in order to 
demonstrate the sophistry of tradition and to bring 
out the fact of its possible and actual hostility to 
the Scripture and its spirit. Wiluam Baur 

CORBE, kdr'be. See Choree. 

CORD, k6rd (b^n, hebhel, nnj, yether, "^tT^, 
melhdr, til J , ^dbhoih; o^oivCov, schoinion) : 

(1) The Arab, hab^l corresponds to the Heb 
hehfud and is still the common name for cord or rope 
throughout the East. Such ropes or cords are 
made of goat's or camel's hair, first spun into 
threads and then twisted or plaited into the larger 
and stronger form. Hebhel is tr^ rather inconsistently 
in RV by "cord" (Josh 2 15; Job 36 8, etc); by 
"Une" (2 S 8 2; Mic 2 6; Ps 16 6: 78 55; Am 
7 17; Zee 2 1); by "ropes" (1 K 20 31), and by 
"tacklings" (Isa 33 23). 

(2) Yether corr^ponds to the Arab, vyittat, which 
means catgut. With a kindred inconsistency it is tr^ 
RV bv "withes" (Jgs 16 7 RVm "bowstring"); by 
"cord (Job 30 11), where some think it may mean 
"bowstring," or possibly "rein" of a bridle, and by 
"bowstring" (Ps 11 2), doubtless the true meaning. 

(3) Methdr is considered the equivalent of Arab. 
al^ndhy which means tent ropes, being constantly so 
used by the Bedouin. Thejr make the thing so 
called of goat's or camel's hair. It is used of the 
"cords" ofthe tabernacle (Jer 10 20), of the "cords" 
of the "han^in^" and "pillars" of the courts of the 
tabernacle in Ex and Nu, and fig. by Isa (64 2), 
"Lengthen thy cords," etc. 

(4) ^Ahhoth is thought to have its equivalent in 
the Arab. rUhiUs, which means a band, or fastening. 

SmBand. Itiatr^by "cordfl" inPs 118 27; 129 4; 
by "banda" in Eik S 25; Job 80 10; Hoa 11 4; 
by "ropes" in Jsa 16 13.14, and by "cart rope" in 
lea S 18. Sec Cart. See also Nu IS 38 and Auu- 
LBT. It seems to have the meaning of something 
twisted oi' interlaced. 

(5) In the NT "cord" iB found in Jn 3 15, trans- 
lating gchoinion, but in Acts 37 32 the same Gr 
word is rendered "ropea." 

Figurative: (1) of afSiction (Job 3S 8); (2) of 
God's laws (Pb 3 3); (3) of the artiHces of the 
wicked (Ps 139 4; 140 5); (4) of sinful habits 
(Prov 6 22)- (S) of true friendship or compan- 
ionship (Eccl 4 12); (6) possibly of the spinal cord 
(EccI 12 6) ; (7) of falsehood (Isa 18); (8) of the 

Siuit of enterprise and devotion (Isa H 2); (9) of 
od's gentleness. Geo. B. Eager 

CORDS, IcArdz, SUALL (vx"^"'"*, Khmnian, the 
diminutive of gdtoinos, "a rush," hence "a rope 
of rushes"): Tr^ "small cords" (Jn 3 15 AV; RV 
"cords"). The same word is tr^ "ropes" in Acta 37 
32. See also Job 41 2 m. 

CORIANDBR, kor-i-an'der (13, oadk; K«pu>v, 
fcfSrum): The fnnt of the CortaTidrumiSaiiiTim (N.O. 
i/ntMi^eroc), a plant indigenous around the Medi- 
terranean and extensively cultivated. The fruits 
are aromatic and stomatic-carminative. They are 
of a grayish-yellow color, ribbed, ovate-globular and 
in size about twice that of a hemp-«eed. "The 
manna was like coriander seed" (Nu 11 7; see also 
En 18 31). 

CORINTH, kor'inth (K«piv«»t, Kdrinthos, "or- 
nament") : A celebrated city of the Peloponnesus, 
capital of Corinthia, whioh lay N. of Argolis, and 
nith the isthmus joined the peninsula to the main- 
land. Corinth had three good harbors (Lechaeum, 
on the Corinthian, and Cenchreae and Schoentis 
on the Saronic Gulf), and thus commanded the 
traffic of both the eastern and the western seas. 
The larger ships could not be hauled across the 
isthmus (Acts 37 6.37): Bmaller vessels were 
taken over by means of a ship tramway with wooden 
roils. The Phoenicians, who settled here very 
early,' left many traces of their civilization in the 
industrial arts, such as dyeing and weaving, as well 
as in their religion and mythology. The Corin- 
thian cult of Aphrodite, of Melikertes (Melkart) 
and of Athene Phocnike are of Phoen origin, 
Poseidon, too, and other sea deities were held in 
high esteem in the commercial city. Various arts 
were cultivated and the Corinthians, even in the 
earliest times, were famous for theu' cleverness, 
inventiveness and artistic sense, and they prided 
themselves on surpassing the other Greeks m the 
embellishment of their city and in the adornment 
of their temples. There were many celebrated 

faintera in Corinth, and the city became famous 
)r the Corinthian order of architecture: an order, 
which, by the way, though held in high esteem by 
the Romans, was very little usedby the Grtcks them- 
selves. It was here, too, that the dithyramb (hymn 
to Dionysus) was first arranaed artistically to be 
Hung by a chorus; and the Isthmian games, held 
every two years, were celebrated just outside the 
city on the isthmus near the Saronic Gulf. But the 
commercial and materialistic spirit prevailed later. 
Not a single Corinthian distinguished himself in lit. 
Statesmen, however, there were in abundance; Peri- 
nnder, Phidon, Timoleon. 

Harbors are few on the Corinthian Gulf. Hence 
no ot^er city could wrest the commerce of these 

great material prosperity she would not risk all as 
Athens did, and win eternal supremacy over men: 
she had too much to lose to jeopardize her material 
interests for principle, and she soon sank into the 
second class. But when Athens, Thebes, Sparta 
and Argos fell away, Corinth came to the front 
again as the wealthiest and most important city 
in Greece; and when it was destroyed by Mum- 
mius in 146 BC, the treasures of art carried to Rome 
were as great as those of Athens. Delos became 
the commercial center for a time; but when Julius 

Ship-Canal >t Corinth. 

Caesar restored Corinth a cent. later (46 BC), it 
grew BO rapidly that the Rom colony soon became 
again one of the most prominent centers in Greece. 
When Paul visited Corinth, he found it the me- 
tropolis of the Peloponnesus. Jews flocked t« this 
center of trade (Acts 18 1-18; Rom 18 21ff: I Cor 
9 20), the natural siU; for a great mart, and flourish- 
ing under the lavish hand ol the Caesars; and this 
is one reason why Paul remained there so long 
(Acts 18 II) instead of sojourning in the old scats 
of aristocracy, such as Argos, Sparta and Athens. 
He found a strong Jewish nucleus to be^n with; 
and it was in direct communication with^phesus. 
But earthquake, malaria, and the harsh Turkish 
rule finally swept everything away except seven 
columns of one old Doric temple, the only object 
above ground left today to mark the site of the 
ancient city of wealth and luxury and immorality 
—the city of vice par enxUcnce in the Rom world. 
Near the temple have been excavated the ruins of the 
famous fount of Peirene, so celebrated in Gr litera- 
ture. Directly S. of the city is the high rock (over 
1,800 ft.) Acrocorinthus, which formed an impreg- 
nable fortress. Traces of the old ship-canal across 
the isthmus (attempted by Nero in 6&-67 AD) were 
to be seen before excavations were begun for the 
present canal. At this time the city was thoroughly 

Ram. Hence the many L&t names in the NT; 
Lucius, Tertius, Gaiiu, Erastua, Quartua (Rom 16 
21-23), Criapus, Titus Justus (Acta 18 7.8), For- 
tunatua, AcWcua (1 Cor 16 17). According to 
the testimony of Dio Chryaoetomus, Corinth had 
become in the 2d cent, of our era the rieheat city in 
Greece. Ita monumenta and pubUc buildings and 
art treasurefl are described in detail by Pauaanias. 

The church in Corinth consisted principally of 
non-JewB (1 Cor IS 2). Paul had ■ ■ 

fheaaalonica (1 Thesa 3 17.18). His pk _ 
changed by a revelation (Acta 18 9.10). The 
Lord conmianded him to speak boldly, and he did 

so, remaining in the ciLy eighteen months. Find- 

meroua (Acta 18 3); but no Corinthians were bap- 
tised by Paul himself except Criapua, Gaius and 
some of the household of Stephanas (1 Cor t 14.16) 
"the GiBtfruita of Achaia" (1 Cor 16 16). One 
of these, Gaius, was Paul's hoet the next time he 
visited the city (Rom 16 23). Silas and Timothy, 
who had been left at Beroea, came on to Corinth 
about 45 days after Paul's arrival. It was at thia 
time that Paul wrote his first Epistle to the Thessa- 
loniana (S 6). During Gallio'a administration the 
Jews accused Paul, but the proconsul refused to 
allow the case to be brought to trial. This decision 
must have been looked upon with favor by a large 
majority of the Coriathians, who had a great dislike 
fortheJews(AcU 18 17). Paul became acquainted 
also with Priscilla and Aquila (18 18.26; Rom 16 
3; 3 Tim 4 19), and later they accompanied him 
to EphesUB. Within a few years after Paul's first 
visit to Corinth the Christians had increased so 
rapidly that they made quite a large congrcsation, 
but it was composed mainly of the lower classes: 
they were neither 'learned, influential, nor of noble 
birth' (1 Cor 1 2«). 

Paul probably left Corinth to attend the cele- 
bration of the least at Jems (Acts 18 21). Little 
is known of the histoiy of the church in Corinth 
after his departure. Apollos came from Ephesus 
with a letter of recommendation to the brethren 
in Achaia (Acts 18 27; 2 Cor 3 1); and he exer- 
cised a powerful influence (Acts 18 27.28; 1 Cor 
1 12); and Paul came down later from Macedonia. 

His first letter to the Corinthians was written from 
Ephesus. Both Titus and Timothy were sent to 
Corinth from Ephesus (2 Cor 7 13.15; 1 Cor 4 17), 
and Timothy returned by land, meeting Paul in 
Macedonia (2 Cor 1 1), who visited Greece again in 
66-57 or 67-68. 

Lite RATC an. —Leake. TravtlM in (A( Morta. HI, 23»- 
304: Piloponntiiaca. 302 ff; Curlluii. Feloponnuoi, II. 
A14ff: Clark, Felopannetvi, 42--61: Conybeareuid How- 
son, rA( Lili and Spi'llti 0/ SI. Paul, ch xU: Rknuay. 
'-Corinth" (in HDB); Holm, HiUnrv 0/ Qrttct. I. 28eff: 
II. 142, and 306-lB: 111. 31-44. and 283; IV, 231,211, 
»47aiid4'" '■> 

J. E. HarrT 





1. Kilwnal E-ridence 

2, imernkl Evidence 

3. Consent ol Crltldun 

4. UlU-arKadlcal Attack (Dutch School) 



Integrity at I Cor 

Paul's Paivioira Bilations witb Corircb 

1. Corinth In H6 AD 




1. A PrevlouB Letter 

2. Letter trom Corinth 



1. Qeneral Character 

2. Order and Divl«lon 

3. OutUne 

(1) Cha 1-6 



D,ali«avi-Bi>ia Featueu 

1. Party Spirit 

2. OhrtBtian Connciance 

3. Pow« of the CroBB 

Paul's third missionary journey. They are the 
moat remarkable of his writings, and are usually 
distinguished as the four great or jirincipal epp.; 
a distmction which not only is a tribut« to their 
high originality and intrinsic worth, but also indi- 
cates the extremely favorable opinion which critics 
of almost all schools have held regarding their 
authenticity. Throughout the cenU. the tradition 
has remained practically unbroken, that they con- 
tain the very pect-ua Paulinum, the mind and heart 
of the great apostle of the Gentiles, and pieaeTve to 
the church an impregnable defence 01 historical 
Christianity. What has to be said of their genuine- 
ness applies almost equally to both. 

The two epp . have a conspicuous place in the most 
ancient lists of Pauline writings. In the Mura- 
torian Fragment (cir 170) thev stand 
1. External at the head of the nine epp. addressed 
Evidence to churches, and are declared to have 
been written to forbid heretical schism 
(pnniwn omnium CoriiUhiia scAwma haeresia in- 
iredicem); and in Marcion's AposlMieon (cir 140) 
they stand second to Gal. They are also clearly 
attested in the most important writings of the sub- 
apostoHc age, e.g. by Clement of Rome (cir 95), 
generally regarded as the friend of the apostle men- 
tioned in Phil 4 3; Ignatius (Ad Ephee., ch xviii, 
second decade of 2d cent.); Polycarp (chsii. vi, xi, 
first half of 2d cent.), a disciple of John; ana Justin 
Martyr (b. at close of Ist cent.); while the gnostic 
Ophites (2d cent.) were clearly famihar with both 
epp. (cf Westcott, Canon, Txusim, and Index II; also 
Charteris, CanonicUy, 222-24, where most of the 
original passages are brought together) . The witness 
of Clement is of the highest importance. Ere the 
close of the Ist cent, he himself wrote a letter to the 
Corinthians, in which (ch xlvii, Lightfoot's ed, 144) 
he made a direct appeal to the authority of 1 Cor: 
"Take up the letter of Paul the blessed apostle; what 
did he write to you first in the beginning of the gospel? 



Verily he gave you spiritual direction regarding him- 
self^ Cephas, and Apollos, for even then you were 
dividing yourselves into parties." It would be im- 
possible to desire more explicit external testimony. 

Within themselves both epp. are replete with 
marks of genuineness. They are palpitating human 
documents, with the ring of reality 
2. Intemal from first to last. They admirably 
Evidence harmonize with the independent nar- 
rative of Acts ; in the words of Schleier- 
macher (EinUg., 148), "The whole fits together 
and completes itself perfectly, and yet each of the 
documents follows its own course, and the data 
contained in the one cannot be borrowed from those 
of the other." Complex and difficult as the sub- 
jects and circumstances sometimes are, and var3ring 
as the moods of the writer are in dealing with them, 
there is a naturalness that compels assent to his 
good faith. The very difficulty created for a 
modem reader by the incomplete and allusive 
character of some of the references is itself a mark 
of genuineness rather than the opposite; just what 
would most likely be the case in a free ana intimate 
correspondence between those who understood one 
another in the presence of immediate facts which 
needed no careful particularization; but what 
would almost as certainly have been avoided in 
a fictitious composition. Indeed a modicum of 
literary sense suffices to forbid classification among 
the pseudepi^apha. To take but a few instances 
from many, it is impossible to read such passages 
as those conve3dng the remonstrance in 1 Cor 9, 
the alternations of anxiety and relief in connection 
with the meeting of Titus in 2 Cor 2 and 7, or 
the ever-memorable passage which b^ins at 11 24 
of the same ep. : ''Of the Jews five times received 
I," etc, without feeling that the hypothesis of fiction 
becomes an absurdity. No man ever wrote out 
of the heart if this writer did not. The truth is 
that the theory of pseudonymity leaves far more 
difficulties behind it than any it is supposed to solve. 
The unknown and unnamable literary prodigy of 
the 2d cent. 2 who in the most daring and artistic 
manner gloned in the fanciful creation of those 
minute and life-like details which have imprinted 
themselves indelibly on the memory and imagina- 
tion of mankind, cannot be regarded as other than 
a chimera. No one knows where or when he lived, 
or in what shape or form. But if the writings are 
the undoubted rescripts of fact, to whose life and 
personalitv do they fit themselves more exquisitely 
than to those of the man whose name stands at 
their head, and whose compositions they claim to 
be? They suit beyond compare the apostle of the 
missionary joumeys, the tender, eager, indomitable 
"prisoner of the Lord," and no other. No other 
that has even been suggested is more than the mere 
shadow of a name, and no two writers have as yet 
seriously agreed even as to the shadow. The perti- 
nent series of questions with which Godet (Intro to 
NT; Studies on the Epp., 305) concludes his remarks 
on the genuineness may well be repeated: "What 
use was it to explain at length in the 2d cent, a 
change in a plan of the journey, which, supposing 
it waa real, had interest only for those whom the 
promised visit of the apostle personally concerned? 
When the author speaks of five hundred persona 
who had seen the risen Christ, of whom the most 
part were still ahve at the time when he was writing. 
IS he telling his readers a mere story that would 
resemble a oad joke? What was the use of dis- 
cussmg at length and giving detailed rules on the 
exercise of the glossolafia at a time when that gift 
no longer existed, so to say, in the church? Why 
make the apostle say: 'We who shall be alive [at 
the moment of the Parousia]' at a time when every- 
one knew that he was long dead? In fine, what 

church would have received without opposition into 
its archives, as an ep. of the apostle, half a cent, 
after his death, a letter imknown till then, and filled 
with reproaches most severe and humiliating to it?" 
One is not surprised, therefore, that even the 
radical criticism of the 19th cent, cordially accepted 
the Corinthian epp. and their com- 

3. Consent panions in the great group. The men 
of Criticism who founded that criticism were under 

no conceivable constraint in such a 
conclusion, save the constraint of obvious and 
incontrovertible fact. The Tubingen school, which 
doubted or denied the authenticity of all the rest 
of the epp^fraukly acknowledged the genuineness 
of these. This also became the general verdict of 
the "critical" school which followed that of Tubin- 
gen, and which, in many branches, has included 
the names of the leading German scholars to this 
day. F. C. Baur*s language [Paul, I, 246) was: 
"There has never been the shghtest suspicion of 
unauthenticity cast on these four epp., and they bear 
so incontestably the character of Pauline originality, 
that there is no conceivable groimd for the assertion 
of critical doubts in their case." Renan {St. Paul, 
Intro, V) was equally emphatic: "They are incon- 
testable, and uncontested. 

Reference, however, must be made to the ultrsr 
radical attack which nas gathered some adherents, 

especially among Dutch scholars, 

4. Ultra- during the last 25 years. As early 
Radical as 1792 Evanson, a retired Eng. 
Attack clergyman, rejected Rom on the 

ground that, according to Acts, no 
church existed in Rome in Paul's day. Bruno 
Bauer (185(K-51-52) made a more sweeping attack, 
relegating the whole of the four principal epp. to 
the close of the 2d cent. His views receivea little 
attention, until, in 1886 onward, they were taken 
up and extended by a series of writers in Holland, 
Pierson and Naber. and Loman, followed rapidly 
by Steck of Bern, Vdlter of Amsterdam^ and above 
all by Van Manen of Leyden. ^ According to these 
writers, with slight modifications of view among 
themselves, it is very doubtful if Paul or Christ 
ever really existed; if they did, legend has long 
since made itself inaster of their personalities, and 
in every case what borders on the supernatural is 
to be taken as the criterion of the legendary. The 
epp. were written in the 1st quarter of the 2d cent., 
and as Paul, so far as he was known, was believed 
to be a reformer of anti-Juduc sjrmpathies, he was 
chosen as the patron of the movement, and the 
writings were published in his name. The aim 
of the whole series was to further the interests of 
a supposed circle of clever and elevated men, who, 
partly imbued with Heb ideals, and partly with 
the speculations of Gr and Alexandrian philosophy, 
desired the spread of a universalistic Christianity 
and true Gnosis. For this end they perceived it 
necessary that Jewish legalism should be neutral- 
ized, and that the narrow national element should 
be expelled from the Messianic idea. Hence the 
epp. The principles on which the main conten- 
tions of the critics are based may be reduced to 
two: (1) that there are relations in the epp. so diffi- 
cult to understand that, since we cannot properly 
understand them, the epp. are not trustworthy; and 
(2) that the reUgious and ecclesiastical develop- 
ment is so.great that not merely 20 or 30 years, but 
70 or 80 more, are required, if we are to be able 
rationally to conceive it: to accept the situation 
at an earlier date is simply to accept what cannot 
possibly have been. It is manifest that on such 
principles it is possible to establish what one will, 
and tnat any historical lit. might be proved un- 
trustworthy, and reshaped according to the sub- 
jective idiosyncrasies of the critic. The under- 



lying theory of intellectual development is too rigid, 
and is quite oblivious of the shocks it receives from 
actual lactSi bv the advent in history from time to 
time of powerful, compelling;, and creative person- 
alities, who rather mould theur age than are moulded 
by it. None have poured greater ridicule on this 
^^paeudo-KrUik" than the representatives of the 
advanced school in Germany whom it rather ex- 
pected to carry with it, and against whom it com- 
plains bitterly that they do not take it seriously. 
On the whole the vagaries of the Dutch school have 
rather confirmed than shaken belief in these epp.; 
and one may freely accept Ramsay's view {HDBy 
I, 484) as expressmg the modem mind regarding 
them, namely, that they are ^'the imimpeached and 
unassailable nucleus of admitted Pauline writings.'' 
(Reference to the following will give a sufficiently 
adequate idea of the Dutch criticism and the replies 
that have bc^n made to it: Van Manen, EB^ art. 
"Paul," and Exwa T, IX, 206, 257, 314; Knowling, 
Witness of the Epp.; Clemen, EinheUlichkeit der p. 
B.; Sanday and Headlam, Romans, ICC; Godet. 
Jtilicher and Zahn, in their Introductions; Schmiedel 
and Lipsius in the Hand-Commentar.) 

11. Text of 1 and 2 Cor. —The text of both epp. 
comes to us in the most ancient VSS, the Syr 

(Pesfaito), the Old Lat, and the Egyp, 
Integrity all of which were in very early use, 
of 1 Cor imdoubtedly by the 3d cent. It is 

complete in the great Gr uncials: 
Sin. («* and i<« 4th cent.), Vat. (B, 4th cent.), 
Alex. (A, 5th cent., minus two vs, 2 Cor 4 13^ 
12 7), and very nearly complete in Ephraemi 
(C, 5th cent.), and in the Gr-Lat Claromontanus 
(D, 6th cent.); as well as in numerous cursives. 
In both cases the original has been well preserved, 
and no exegetical diffioulties of high importance 
are presented. (Reference should be made to the 
Intro in Sanday and Headlam's Romans, /CC [1896], 
where §7 gives valuable information concerning the 
text, not only of Rom, but of the Pauline epp. 
generally; also to the recent ed [Oxford, 1910], NT 
Uraecae, hj Souter, where the various readings of the 
text used m RV [1881] are conveniently exhibited.) 
On the whole the text of 1 Cor flows on consistently, 
only at times, in a characteristic fashion, winding 
back upon itself, and few serious criticisms are made 
on its unity, although the case is different in this 
respect with its companion ep. Some writers, on 
insufficient grounds, believe that 1 Cor contains 
relics of a previous ep. (cf 6 9), e.g. in 7 17-24; 9 
1—10 22; 16 1-55. 

///. Faxd's Premoam RmlaHons with Corinth. — 
When, in the course of his 2d missionary journey. 

Paul left Athens (Acts 18 1), he sailed 
1. Corinth westward to Cenchreae, and entered 
in 56 AD Corinth ''in weakness, and in fear, 

and in much trembling" (1 Cor 2 8). 
He was doubtless alone, although Silas and Timothy 
afterward joined him (Acts 18 6; 2 Cor 1 19). 
The ancient city of Corinth had been utterly laid 
in ruins when Rome subjugated Greece in the 
middle of the 2d cent. BC. But in the year 46 BC 
Caesar had caused it to be rebuilt and colonized 
in the Rom manner, and during the cent, that had 
elapsed it had prospered and grown enormously. 
Its population at this time has been estimated at 
between 600,000 and 700,000, by far the larger 
portion of whom were slaves. Its magnificent 
narbors, Cenchreae and Lechaeum, opening to the 
commerce of East and West, were crowded with 
ships, and its streets with travelers and merchants 
from almost every country under heaven. Even 
in that old paean world the reputation of the city 
was bad; it has been compared (Baring-Gould, 
Study of St. Paul, 241) to an amalgam of New- 
market, Chicago and Paris, and probably it con- 

tained the worst features of each. At night it was 
made hideous by the brawls and lewd songs of 
drunken revelry. In the daytime its markets and 
squares swarmed with Jewish peddlers, foreign 
traders, sailors, soldiers, athletes in training, boxers, 
wrestlers, charioteers, racins-men, betting-men, 
courtesans, slaves, idlers and parasites of every 
description. The corrupting worship of Aphrodite, 
with its hordes of hierddouloi, was dominant, and iJl 
over the Gr-Rom world, "to behave as a Corinthian" 
was a proverbial synonym for leading a low. shame- 
less and inmioral life. Very naturally sucn a pol- 
luted and idolatrous environment accoimts for much 
that has to be recorded of the semi-pagan and im- 
perfect life of many of the early converts. 

Paul was himself the founder of the church in 
Corinth (1 Cor 3 6.10). Entering the city with 

anxiety, and yet with almost audar 
2. Founding cious hopefulness, he determined to 
of the know nothing among its people save 

Church Jesus Christ and Him crucified (2 2). 

Undoubtedly he was conscious that 
the mission of the Cross here approached its crisis. 
If it could abide here, it could abide anywhere. 
At first he confined himself to working; qmetly at 
his trade, and cultivating the friendship of Aquila 
and Priscilla (Acts 18 2f); then he opened his 
campaign in the synagogue where he persuaded 
both Jews and Greeks, and ultimately, wnen oppo- 
sition became violent, carried it on in the house of 
Titus Justus, a proselyte. He made deep impres- 
sions, and gradually gathered round him a number 
who were received mto the faith (Acts 18 7.8; 
1 Cor 1 14-16). The converts were drawn largely 
but not entirely from the lower or servile classes 
(1 26; 7 21); they included Crispus and Sosthenes, 
rulers of the synagogue. Gains, and Stephanas with 
his household, ''the firstfruits of Achaia'' (16 15). 
He regarded himself J03rfully as the father of this 
community (414.15), every member of which seemed 
to him like his own child. 

IV. Datm of thm Epittlm. — After a sojourn of 
eighteen months (Acts 18 11) in this fruitful field. 
Paul departed, most probably in the year 52 (ct 
Turner, art. "Chron. NT," HDB, I, 422 ff). and, 
having visited Jems and returned to Asia Kfinor 
(third journey), established himself for a period of 
between two and three years (trietia, Acts 20 31) 
in Ephesus (Acts 18 18 onwajnd). It was dining 
his stay there that his ep. was written, either in the 
spring (pre-Pentecost, 1 Cor 16 8) of the year in 
which he left, 55; or, if that does not give sufficient 
interval for a visit and a letter to Corinth, which 
there is considerable ground for believing inter- 
vened between 1 Cor and the departure from 
Ephesus^ then in the spring of the preceding year. 
54. This would give ample time for the conjecturea 
events, and there is no insuperable reason against 
it. Pauline chronology is a subject by itself, but 
the suggested dates for the departure from Ephesus, 
and for the writing of 1 Con really fluctuate between 
the years 53 and 57. Hamack (Gesch. der cUt- 
chrisL lAtt., II; Die Ckron., I) and McGiifert (Apos 
Age) adopt the earlier date; Ramsay (St, Paul the 
Traveller), 56: lightfoot (Bib. Essays) and Zahn 
(Einl.), 57; Turner (ut supra), 55. Many regard 57 
as too late, but Robertson (HDB, I, 485-86) still 
adheres to it. 

V. Occasion of thm Epittlm.—Mter Paul's de- 
parture from Corinth, events moved rapidly, and 

far from satisfactorily. He was quite 
1. A Pre- cognizant of them. The distance 
yious Letter from Ephesus was not great — about 

eight days' journey by sea — and in 
the constant coming and going between the cities 
news of what was transpiring must frequently have 
come to his ears. Members of the household of 



Chloe are distinctly mentioned (1 11) as having 
brought tidings of the contentions that prevailed, 
and there were no doubt other informants. Paul 
was so concerned by what he heard that he sent 
Timothy on a conciliatory mission with many 
commendations (4 17; 16 10 f), although the 
present ep. probably reached Corinth first. He 
nad also felt impelled, in a letter (5 9) which is now 
lost, to send earnest warning against compan3ring 
with the inmioral. Moreover, ApoUos. after 
excellent work in Corinth, had come to Ephesus, 
and was received as a brother by the apostle 
(3 5.6; 16 12). Equally welcome was a deputa- 
tion consisting of Stephanas, Fortimatus and 
Achaicus (16 17)^ from whom the fullest informal 
tion coidd be gamed, and who were the probable 
bearers of a letter from the chiu*ch of Corinth itself 

(7 1), appealing for advice and direc- 
2. Letter tion on a number of points. This 
from letter has not been preserved, but it 

Corinth was evidently the immediate occasion 

of oiu* ep., and its tenor is clearly indi- 
cated by the nature of the apostle's reply. (The 
letter, professing to be this letter to Paul, and its 
companion, professing to be Paul's own lost letter 
just referred to, which deal with gnostic heresies, 
and were for long accepted by the Syrian and Ar- 
menian churches, are manifestly apocryphal. fCf 
Stanley's Corinthians, Appendix: Hamack's Ge8(Ji, 
der aUchrist. LiU,, I, 37--39, and II, 506-8; Zahn, 
Einl,, 1, 183-249; Sanday. EB, I, 906-7.J If there 
be any relic in existence of Paul's previous letter, it 
is possibly to be found in the passage 2 Cor 6 14 — 
7 1 ^ at all events that passage mav be regarded as 
remmisoent of its style and messaee.) So that 1 Cor 
is no bow drawn at a venture. It treats of a fully 
understood, and, on the whole, of a most unhappy 
situation. Tlie church had broken into factions, 
and was distracted by party cries. Some of its 
members were living openly inmioral lives, and dis- 
cipline was practically in abeyance. Others had 
Quarrels over which they dragged one another into 
tne heathen courts. Great differences of opinion 
had also arisen with regard to marriage and the 
social relations generally; with regard to banquets 
and the eating of food offered to idols; with regard 
to the behavior of women in the assemblies, to the 
Lord's Supper and the love-feasts, to the use and 
value of spiritual gifts, and with regard to the hope 
of the resurrection. The apostle was filled with 
grief and indi^iation, which the too complacent tone 
of the CorintUans only intensified. They discussed 
questions in a lofty, intellectual way, without seem- 
ing to perceive their real drift, or the life and spirit 
which lay imperiled at their heart. Resisting the 
impulse to visit them ''with a rod" (4 21), the 
apostle wrote the present ep., and dispatched it, if 
not by the hands of Stephanas and his comrades, 
most probably by the hands of Titus. 

VL Conimnia of thm EpUile, — In its general char- 
acter the ep. is a strenuous writing, masterly in its 

restraint in dealing with opposition, 
1. General firm in its grasp of ethical ana spiritual 
Character principles, and wise and faithful in 

their application. It is calm, full 
of reasoning, clear ana balanced in judgment; very 
varied in its lights and shadows, in its kindness, its 
gravity, its irony. It moves with firm tread among 
the commonest themes, but also rises easily into 
the loftiest spheres of thought and vision, breaking 
again and again into passages of glowing and 
rhythmical eloquence. It rebukes error, exposes 
and condemns sin, solves doubts, upholds and 
encourages faith, and all in a spirit of the utmost 
tenderness and love, full of grace and truth. It is 
broad in its outlook, penetrating in its insight, 
unending in its interest and application. 

It is also very orderly in its arrangement, so that 

it is not difficult to follow the writer as he advances 

from point to point. Weizs&cker 

2. Order (Apos Age^ I, 324-25) suggestively 
and distin^ishes the matter into (1) sub- 
Division jects mtroduoed by the letter from 

Corinth, and (2) those on which Paul 
had obtained information otherwise. He includes 
three main topics in the first class: marriage, meat 
offered to idols and spiritual gifts (there is a fourth 
— ^the logia or collection, 16 1)} six in the second 
class : the factions^ the case of incest, the lawsuits, 
the free customs of the women, the abuse connected 
with the Supper and the denial of the resurrection. 
It is useful, however, t^ adhere to the sequence of 
the ep. In broadlv outlining the subject-matter we 
may make a threefold division: (1) ens 1-6; (2) chs 
7-10; and (3) chs 11-end. 

(1) Chs 1-6: After salutation, in which he asso- 
ciat€» Sosthenes with himself, and thanksgiving 

for the grace adven to the Corinthians 

3. Outline (1 1-9), Paul immediately begins 

(1 10-13) to refer to the internal 
divisions among them, and to the unworthv and 
misguided party cries that had arisen. (Mamr 
theories have been formed as to the exact signifi- 
cance of the so-called "Christus-party," a party 
whose danger becomes more obvious in 2 Cor. 
Cf Meyer-Heinrici, Comm.y 8th ed; Godet, Iniro^ 
250 ff; Stanley, Car, 29-30; Farrar, SL Paul, 
ch xxxi; Pfleiderer, Paidinism, II, 28-31; Weiss, 
Intro, I, 259-65; Weizsacker, Avoa Age, I, 325- 
33, and 354 ff . Weizsacker nolos that the name 
indicates exclusive relation to an authority, while 
Baur and Pfleiderer argue that it was a party watch- 
word [virtually Petrine] taken to brmg out the 
apostolic inferiority of Paul. On the other hand 
a few scholars mamtain that the name does not, 
strictly speaking, indicate a party at all but rather 
designates those who were disgusted at the display 
of all party spirit, and with whom Paul was in 
hearty sympathy. See McGiffert, Apoa Age, 
295-97.) After denouncing this petty partisan- 
ship^ Paul offers an elaborate defence of his own 
ministry, declaring the power and wisdom of God 
in the gospel of the Cross (1 14—2 16), returning in 
ch 3 to the spirit of faction, showing its absurdity 
and narrowness in face of the fulness of the Chris- 
tian heritage in ''all things" that belong to them 
as belonging to Chrbt; and once more defending 
his ministry. in ch 4, soaking a touching appeal to 
his readers as his ''beloved children," whom he had 
begotten through the gospel. In ch 6 he deals 
with the case of a notonous offender, c^ty of 
incest, whom they unworthily harbor in their midst, 
and in the name of Christ demands that they should 
expel him from the church, pointing out at the 
same time that it is against the countenancing of 
immorality within the church membership that he 
specially warns, and had previously warned in 
his former ep. Ch 6 deals with the shamefulness 
of Christian brethren haling one another to the 
heathen courts, and not rather seeking the settle- 
ment of their differences within themselves; revert- 
ing once more in the closine vs to the subject of 
imchastity, which irrepressibly haimts him as he 
thinks of them. 

(2) Chs 7-10: In ch 7 he begins to reply to two 
of the matters on which the church had expressly 
consulted him in its ep., and which he usually in- 
duces by the phrase peri de, "now concerning." 
The first of these bears (ch 7) upon celibacy and 
marriage, including the case of "mixed" marriage. 
These questions he treats quite frankly, yet with 
delicacy and circumspection, always careful to dis- 
tinguish between what he has received as the direct 
word of the Lord, and what he only deUvers as his 



own opinion, the utterance of his own sanctified 
common-sense^ yet to which the good spirit within 
him gives weight. The second matter on which 
advice was solicited, questions regarding eiddld- 
thtUa, meats offered to idols, he discusses in ch 8, 
recurring to it a^ain in ch 10 to end. The scruples 
and casuistries mvolved he handles with excellent 
wisdom, and lays down a rule for the Christian 
conscience of a far-reaching kind, happily expressed: 
''AU things are lawful; but not all things are ex- 
pedient. AU things are lawful; but not all things 
edify. Let no man seek his own, but each his neigh- 
bor's good" (10 23.24). By lifting their differences 
into the purer atmosphere of love and duty, he 
causes them to dissolve away. Ch 9 contains another 
notable defence of his apostleship, in which he 
asserts the principle that the Christian ministry has 
a claim for its support on those to whom it 
ministers, although in his own case he deliberately 
waived nis right, that no challenge on such a 
matter should be possible among them. The earlier 
portion of ch 10 contains a reference to Jewish 
idolatry and sacramental abuse, in order that the 
evils that resulted might point a moral, and act 
as a solemn warning to Christians in relation to 
their own rites. 

(3) Chs 11-16: The third section deals with 
certain errors and defects that had crept into the 
inner life and observances of the church, also with 
further matters on which the Corinthians sou^t 
guidance, namely, spiritual gifts and the collection 
for the saints. Oh 11 1-16 has regard to the de- 
portment of women and their veiling in church, a 
matter which seems to have occasioned some diffi- 
cidty, and which Paul deals with in a manner quite 
his own; passing thereafter to treat of graver and 
more disoraerly affairs, gross abuses in the form of 
gluttony and drunkenness at the Lord's Supper, 
which leads him, after severe censure, to make his 
classic reference to that sacred ordinance (vs 20 
to end). Ch 12 sets forth the diversity, yet true 
unity, of spiritual gifts, and the confusion and 
jealousy to which a lalse conception of them inevi- 
tably leads, obscuring that ^'most excellent way,'' 
the love which transcends them all, which never 
faileth, the greatest of the Christian graces, whose 
praise he chants in language of surpassing beauty 
(ch 13). He strives also, in the following chapter, 
to correct the disorder arising from the abuse ot 
the gift of tongues, many desinng to speak at once, 
and many speaking only a vain babble which no 
one coulcl imderstand, thinking themselves thereby 
highly gifted. It is not edifymg: **l had rather, ' 
he declaras, "speak five words with my imderstand- 
ing, that I might instruct others also, than ten 
thousand words in a tongue" (14 19). Thereafter 
follows the immortal chapter on the resurrection, 
which he had learned that some denied (15 12). 
He anchors the faith to the resurrection of Christ 
as historic fact, abundantly attested (vs 3-8), 
shows how all-essential it is to the Christian hope 
(vs 13-19), and then proceeds by reasoning and 
analogy to brush aside certain naturalistic objec- 
tions to the great doctrine, "then they that are 
Christ's, at his coming" (ver 23), when this mortal 
ahail have put on immortality, and death be swal- 
lowed up in victory (ver 54). The closins chapter 
(pves directions as to the collection for tne samts 
m Jems, on which his heart was deeply set, and in 
which he hoped the Corinthians would bear a 
worthy share. He promises to visit them, and 
even to tarry the winter with them. He then 
makes a series of tender personal references, and 
80 brings the great ep. to a close. 

VIL DiaHngutMhing Fmaturea. — ^It will be seen 
that there are passages in the ep. of great doctrinal 
and historical importance, esp. with reference to 

the Person of Christ, the Holy Spirit, the Euchar- 
ist and the Resurrection; also many that illuminate 
the nature of the religious meetings and services 
of the early church (cf particularly on these, Weiz- 
s&cker, Apos Age, II, 246 ff). A lurid light is cast 
on many of the errors and evils that not unnaturally 
still clung to those who were just emerging from 
paganism, and much allowance has to be made for 
the Corinthian environment. The thoroughness 
with which the apostle pursues the difficulties 
raised into their relations and details, and the wide 
scope of matters which he subjects to Christian 
scrutiny and criterion, are also significant. Mani- 
festly he regarded the gospel as come to fill, not a 
part, but the whole, of life; to supply principles 
that follow the believers to their homes, to the most 
secluded sanctum there, out again to the world, 
to the market-place^ the place of amusement| of 
temptation, of service, ot trial, of worship and 
prayer; and all in harmony with knowingnothing 
"save Jesus Christ, and him crucified." For Paul 
reg^uxls that not as a restriction, but as a large and 
expansive principle. He sets the cross on an emi- 
nence so nigh that its shadow covers the whole 
activities of human life. 

Three broad outstanding features of a practical 

kind may be recognized. The first is the earnest 

warning it conveys against a factious 

1. The 9R^^ ^ inimical to the Christian life. 
Party The Corinthians were imbued with 
Spirit the party spirit of Or democracy, and 

were infected also by the sporting 
spirit of the great games that entered so lar^ly 
into their existence. They transferred these things 
to the church. They listened to their teachers with 
itching ears, not as men who wished to leam, but 
as partisans who sought occasion either to applaud 
or to condemn. Paul recognizes that, thougn they 
are not dividing on deep things of the faith, they 
are giving way to "schisms" of a pettier and per- 
haps even more perilous kind, that appeal to the 
lowest elements in human nature, that cause 
scandal in the eyes of men and iimict ^evous 
wounds on the Body of Christ. In combating this 
spirit he takes occasion to go below the surface, 
and to reveal the foundations of true Christian 
unity. That must simply be "in Christ." And 
this is true even if the divergence should be on 
higher and graver things. Any unity in such a 
case^ still possible to cherish, must be a unity in 
Chnst. None can be unchurched who build on 
Him; none severed from the true and catholic 
faith, who confess with their lips and testify with 
their lives that He is Lord. 

The ep. also renders a high ethical service in the 

rules it lays down for the guidance of the Christian 

conscience. In matters where the 

2. The issue is clearly one of the great im- 
Christian peratives, the conflict need never be 
Conscience protracted. An earnest man will see 

his way. But beyond these, or not 
easily reducible to them, there are many matters 
that cause perplexity and doubt. Questions arise 
regarding things that do not seem to be wrong in 
themselves, yet whose abuse or the offence they 
give to others, may well cause debate. Meat 
offered to idols, and then brou^t to table, was a 
stumbling-block to many Connthian Chnstians. 
They said: "If we eat, it is consenting to idolatry; 
we dare not partake.' But there were some who 
rose to a higher level. They perceived that this 
was a groundless scruple, for an idol is nothing at 
all, and the meat is not affected by the supersti- 
tion. Accordingly their higher and more rational 
view gave them Uberty and left their conscience 
free. But was this really all that they had to con- 
sider? Some say: "Certainly"; and Paul ao- 



knowledges that this is undoubtedly the law of 
individual freedom. But it is not the final answer. 
There has not entered into it a consideration of the 
mind of Christ. Christian liberty must be willing 
to subject itself to the law of love. Granted that a 
neighbor is often short-sighted and over-scrupulous, 
and that it would be good neither for him nor for 
others to suffer him to become a moral dictator; 
yet we are not quite relieved. The brother may be 
weak, but the very claim of his weakness may be 
strong. We may not ride over his scruples rough- 
shod. To do so would be to put ourselves wrong 
even more seriously. And if the matter is one that 
is manifestly fraught with peril to him, conscience 
may be roused to say, as the apostle says: ^'Where- 
fore, if meat maketh my brother to stumble, I will 
eat no flesh for evermore." 

A third notable feature of the ep. is its exalta- 
tion of the cross of Christ as the pK)wer and wisdom 
of God imto salvation. It was the 
3. The force that began to move and unsettle, 

Power of to lift and change from its base, the 
the Cross life of that old heathen world. It was 
neither Paul, nor Apollos, nor Cephas 
who accomplished that colossal task, but the preach- 
ing of the crucified Christ. The Christianity of 
Corinth and of Europe began with the gospel of 
Calvary and the open toinb. It can never with 
impunity draw away from these central facts. The 
river broadens and deepens as it flows, but it is 
never possible for it to sever itself from the living 
foimtam from which it springs. 

LiTSBATURE. — The following writers wiU be found moflt 
Important and helpful: 

1. On mattera of introduction (both epp.): Holtzmann. 
Weias, Hausrath, Hamack, Pfleiderer, Godet. Weizslidcer, 
JtUicher. Zahn, Salmon, Knowling, MeOiflTert, J. H. 
Kennedy, Ramsay. Sabatier. Farrar. Dobschtttz, Robert- 
son {HDB), Sanday {EB), Plummer (Z>B), Ropes {Enc 
Bra, 11th ed). 

2. Comm€ntarie» and lecture* (onl Cor or both): Meyer- 
Heinrid. Godet, T. C. Edwards. Hodge, Beet, Ellicott, 
Schmledel iHand-Comm.) , Evans {Speakera' Comm.) , Farrar 
(Pulpit Comm.). Llffhtfoot (chs i-vii in Bib. Eaa.), Lias 

SCambr. Or Teat.), McFadyen, F. W. Robertson. Findlay 
Bxpoa. Or Teat.)\ and on 2 Cor alone: Klttpper, Waite 
Speaker a' Comm.) . Denney (B«po«. Bible) , Bernard (Expoa. 
Or Teat.). 

3. For ancient toritera and apeeial articlea, the list at 
dose of Plummer' s art. in 2>B should be consulted. 








Tbxt. Authbnticitt and Datb 

1. Internal Evidence 

2. External Evidence 

3. Date 

Rtfsuifd OF Events 
Thb New Situation 

1. The Offender 

2. The False Teachers 

3. The Painful Visit 

4. The Severe Letter 
Historical Rbconbtructiom 
Inteobitt of the Epistlb 

1. Che 14—7 1 

2. Ch 10 1—18 10 
Contents of the Epistlb 

1. Chs 1-7 

2. Chs 8-9 

3. Chs 10-18 
Valub of thb Epistlb 


/. Tmxtt Authenticity and Daim. — Cf what has 
ah'eady been said in the preceding art. In the two 
important 5th-oent. uncials, A (Alex.) 
1. Internal and C (Ephraemi), portions of the 
Evidence text are lacking. As to the genuine- 
ness internal evidence very vividly 
attests it. The distinctive elements of Pauline 
theology and eschatology, expressed in famiUar 
Pauline terms, are manifest throughout. Yet the 
ep. is not doctrinal or didactic, but an intensely 
personal document. Its absorbing interest is in 
events which were profoundly agitating Paul and 
the Corinthians at the time, straining their rela- 

tions to the point of rupture, and denuuiding strong 
action on Paul's part. Our imperfect knowledge 
of the circumstances necessarily hinders a complete 
comprehension, but the references to these events 
and to others in the personal history of the apostle 
are so natural, and so manifestly made in good 
faith, that no doubt rises in the reader's mind but 
that he is in the sphere of reality, and that the voice 
he hears is the voice of the man whose heart and 
nerves were being torn by the exi>eriences through 
which he was passing. However scholars may 
differ as to the continuity and integrity of the text, 
there is no serious divergence among them in the 
opinion that all parts of the ep. are genuine writings 
of the apostle. 

Externally, the testimony of the sub-apostolic 
age, though not so frequent or precise as in the 

case of 1 Cor, is still sufficiently clear 
2. External to establish the existence and use of 
Evidence the ep. in the 2d cent. Clement of 

Rome is silent when he naght rather 
have been expected to use the ep. (cf Kennedy. 
Second and Third Cor, 142 flf); but it is quoted 
by Polycarp (ild Phil., ii.4 and vi.l), and in the 
Epistle to Diognetus 6 12, while it is amply at- 
tested to by Irenaeus, Athenagoras, Theophilus, 
Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria. It was 

written from Macedonia (probably 
8. Date from Philippi) either in the autunm 

of the same year as that in which 
1 Cor was written, 54 or 55 AD, or in the autumn 
of the succeeding year. 

//. R4aum4 of Event; — Great difficulty exists 
as to the circumstances in which the ep. was written, 
and as to the whole situation between 1 and 2 Cor. 
In 1 Cor Paul had intimated his intention of visiting 
the Corinthians and wintering with them, coming 
to them through Macedonia (16 5-7; cf also Acts 
19 21). In 2 Cor 1 15.16 he refers to a somewhat 
different plan, Corinth-Macedonia-Corinth-Judaea; 
and describes this return from Macedonia to Cor- 
inth as a second or double benefit. But if this plan, 
on which he and his friends had counted, haa not 
been entirely carried out, it had been for good 
reason (1 17), and not due to mere fickleness or 
light-hearted change to suit his own convenience. 
It was because he would ''spare'' them (1 23), and 
not come to them ''again with sorrow" (2 1). That 
is, he had been with them, but there had been such 
a profound disturbance in their relations that he 
dared not risk a return meantime; instead, he had 
written a letter to probe and test them, "out of 
much affliction and anguish of heart .... with many 
tears" (2 4). Thank God, this severe letter had 
accomplished its mission. It had produced sorrow 
among them (2 2; 7 8.9), but it had brought their 
hearts back to him with the old allegiance, with 
great clearing of themselves, and fear and longins 
and zeal (7 11). There was a period, however, of 
waiting for knowledge of this issue, which was to 
him a period of intense anxietv; he had even ner- 
vously re^tted that he hacf written as he did 
(7 5-S). Titus, who had gone as his representative 
to Corinth, was to return with a report of how this 
severe letter had been received, and when Titus 
failed to meet him at Troas (2 13), he had "no 
relief for his spirit," but pushed on eagerly to Mace- 
donia to encounter him the sooner. Then came the 
answer, and the lifting of the intolerable burden 
from his mind. "He that comforteth the lowly, 
even God, comforted" him (7 6). The Corinthians 
had been swayed by a godly sorrow and repentance 
(7 8), and the sky had cleared again with almost un- 
hoped-for brightness. One who had offended (2 5 
and 7 12) — but whose offence is not distinctly speci- 
fied — ^had been disciplined by the church; mae^d, 
in the revulsion of feeling against him, and in sym- 



eathy for the apostle, he had been punished so 
eavily that there was a danger of passing to an 
extreme, and plunging him into despair (2 7). 
Paul accordingly pleads for leniency and forgive- 
ness, lest further resentment should lead only to a 
further and sadder wrong (2 6-11). But in addi- 
tion to this offender there were others, probably 
following in his train, who had carried on a relent- 
less attack against the apostle both in his person 
and in his doctrine. He earnestly defends himself 
against their contemptuous charges of fleshliness 
and cowardice (ch 10), and cralty venality (12 
16.17). Another Jesus is preached, a different 
spirit, a different gospel (11 4). They ''commend 
themselves" (10 12), out are false apostles, deceit- 
ful workers, ministers of Satan, fashioning them- 
selves into ministers of Christ (11 13.14). Their 
attacks are vehementlv repelled in an eloquent 
apologia (chs 11 and 12;, and he declares that when 
he comes the third time they will not be spared 
(13 2). Titus, accompanied oy other weU-known 
brethren, is again to be the representative of the 
apostle (8 6.17 ff). At no ^eat interval Paul 
himself followed, thus making his third visit (12 14; 
13 1), and so far fulfilled his original purpose that 
he spent the winter peacefully in Connth (cf Acts 
20 2.3; Rom 15 25-27 and 16 23). 

///. Thm Nmw SUuation, — It is manifest that we 
are in the presence of a new and unexpected situ- 
ation, whose development is not clearly defined, 
and concerning which we have elsewhere no source 
of information. To elucidate it, the chief points 
requiring attention are: (1) The references to the 
offender in chs 2 and 7, and to the false teachers, 
particularlv in the later chapters of the ep.; (2) 
the painful visit implicitly referred to in 2 1; and 
(3) the letter described as written in tears and for 
a time r^^tted (2 4; 7 8). 

The offender in 1 Cor 6 1-5 had been guilty of 
incest, and Paul was ^eved that the church of 
Corinth did not regard with horror 
1. The a crime which even the pagan world 

Offender would not have tolerated. His judg- 
ment on the case was imcompromising 
and the severest possible — that, in solenm assembly, 
in the name and with the power of the Lord Jesus, 
the church should deliver such a one to Satan 
for the destruction of the flesh. On the other 
hand, the offender in 2 Cor 2 5 ff is one who ob- 
viously has transgressed less heinously, and in a 
way more personal to the apostle. The church, 
roused by tne apostle to show whether they indeed 
cared for him and stood by him (2 9: 13 7), had, 
by a majority, brought censure to bear on this 
man, and Paul now urged that matters should go 
no farther, lest an excess of discipline should reaUy 
end in a triumph of Satan. It is not possible to 
r^ard such references as applying to the crime 
dealt with in 1 Cor. Purposely veiled as the state- 
ments are, it would vet appear that a personal 
attack had been made on the apostle: and the 
"many" in Corinth ^2 6), having at length es- 
poused his cause, Pam then deals with the matter 
m the generous spirit he might have been expected 
to diBplay. Even if the offender were the same 
person, which is most improbable, for he can scarce- 
ly have been retained in the membership, the lan- 
guage is not language that could have been applied 
to the earlier case. There has been a new offence 
in new circumstances. The apostle had been 
grievously wronged in the presence of the church, 
and the Corinthians had not spontaneouslv re- 
sented the wronff. That is what wounded the 
apostle most deeply, and it is to secure their change 
in this respect that is his gravest concern. 

Esp. in tha later chs of 2 Cor there are, as we 
have seen, descriptions of an opposition by false 

teachers that is far beyond anything met with 
in 1 Cor. There indeed we have a spirit of fac- 
tion, associated with unworthy par- 

2. The tiality toward individual preachers, 
False but nothing to lead us to suspect the 
Teachers presence of deep and radical differences 

undermining the gospel. The general 
consensus of opinion is that this opposition was 
of a Judaizing type, organized ana fostered by 
implacable anti-Paulme emissaries from Pal, who 
now followed the track of the apostle in Achaia as 
they did in Galatia. As th&y arrogated to them- 
selves a peculiar relation to Christ Himself ('^Christ's 
men" and "ministers of Christ," 10 7; 11 13), it 
is possible that the Christus-party of 1 Cor (and 
possibly the Cephas-party) may have persisted 
and formed the nucleus round which these new- 
comers built up their formidable opposition. One 
man seems to have been conspicuous as their ring- 
leader (10 7.11), and to have made himself specially 
obnoxious to the apostle. In all probability we 
may take it that he was the offender of chs 2 and 7. 
Under his influence the opposition audaciously 
endeavored to destroy the gospel of grace by per- 
sonal attacks upon its most distinguisned exponent. 
Paul was denoimced as an upstart and self-seeker, 
destitute of any apostolic authority, and derided 
for the contemptible appearance he made in person, 
in contrast with the swelling; words and presump- 
tuous claims of his epp. It is clear^ therefore, that 
a profound religious crisis had arisen among the 
Corinthians, and that there was a danger of their 
attachment to Paul and his doctrine being destroyed. 
2 Cor 12 14 and 13 1.2 speak of a third visit 
in immediate prospect, and the latter passage also 

refers to a second visit that had been 

3. The ahready accomplished; while 2 1 dis- 
Painful tinctly implies that a visit had taken 
Visit place of a character so painful that 

the apostle would never venture to 
endure a similar one. As this cannot possibly refer 
to the first visit when the church was founded, and 
cannot easily be regarded as indicating anything 
previous to 1 Cor which never alludes to such an 
experience,* we must conclude that the reference 
points to the interval between 1 and 2 Cor. It 
was then beyond doubt that the visit "with sorrow," 
which humbled him (12 21) and left such deep 
wounds, had actually taken place. "Any exegesis, 
says Weizsacker justly, "that would avoid the con- 
clusion that Paul had already been twice in Corinth 
is capricious and artificial" {Apostolic Aoe, I, 343). 
Sabatier ( Apostle Paul, 172 n.) records his revised 
opinion: "The reference here (2 1) is to a second 
and quite recent visit, of which he retained a very 
sorrowful recollection, including it among the most 
bitter trials of his apostolical career." 

Paul not only speaks of a visit which had ended 
grievously, but also of a letter which he had written 

to deal with the painful circumstances, 

4. The and as a kind of ultimatum to bring the 
Severe whole matter to an issue (2 4; 7 8). 
Letter This letter was written because he 

could not trust himself meantime to 
another visit. He was so distressed and a^tated 
that he wrote it "with many tears"; after it was 
written he repented of it; and until he knew its 
effect he endured torture so keen that he hastened 
to Macedonia to meet his messenger, Titus, half- 
way. It is impossible by any stretch of interpre- 
tation to refer this language to 1 Cor, which on the 
whole is dominated by a spirit of didactic calm, 
and by a consciousness of friendly rapport with its 
recipients. Even though there be in it occasional 
indications of strong feeling, there is certainly 
nothing that we can conceive the apostle might 
have wished to recall. The alternative has gen- 



erally been to regard this as another c^se of a lost 
e|>. Just as the writer of Acts appears to have been 
willing that the deplorable visit itself should drop 
into oblivion, so doubtless neither Paul nor the 
Corinthians woidd be very anxious to preserve an 
ep. which echoed with the gusts and storms of such 
a visit. On the other hand a strong tendency has 
set in to regard this intermediate ep. as at least 
in part preserved in 2 Cor 10-13, whose tone, it 
is universally admitted, differs from that of the 
preceding chapters in a remarkable way, not easily 
account^ for. The majority of recent writers seem 
inclined to favor this view, which will naturally fall 
to be considered under the head of ''Integrity. 

IV, Historical Rmeonatraetion. — In view of such 
an interpretation, we may with considerable proba- 
bility trace the course of events in the interval 
between 1 and 2 Cor as follows: After the dis- 
patch of 1 Cor, news reached the apostle of a 
disquieting character; probably both Titus and 
Timothy, on returning from Corinth, reported the 
growing menace of the opposition fostered by the 
Judaizing party. Paul felt impelled to pay an 
inmiediate visit, and found only too sadly that 
matters had not been overstated. The opposition 
was strong and full of effrontery, and the whole 
trend of things was against him. In face of the 
congregation he was baffled and flouted. He 
return^ to Ephesus, and poured out his indigna- 
tion in ft severe ep^which ne sent on by the hands 
of Titus. Before Titus could return, events took 
a disastrous form in Ephesus, and Paul was forced 
to leave that city in peril of his life. He went to 
Troas, but, unable to wait patiently there for 
tidings of the issue in Corinth, ne crossed to Mace- 
donia, and met Titus, possibly in Philii)pi. The 
report was happily reassuring; the majority of the 
congregation returned to then: old attachment, and 
theheavy cloud of doubt and anxiety was dispelled 
from the apostle's mind. He then wrote again — 
the present ep. — ^and forwarded it by Titus and 
other brethren, he himself following a little later, 
and finally wintering in Corinth as he had originally 
planned. If it be felt that the interval between 
spring and autumn of the same year is too brief for 
tnese events, the two epp. must be separated by 
a period of nearly 18 months, 1 Cor being referred 
to the spring of 54 or 55, and 2 Cor to the autumn 
of 55 or 56 AD. (Reference on the reconstruction 
should esp. be made to Weizs&cker's Apostolic Age, 
Eng. tr, I ; to Sabatier's Note to the Eng. ed [1893] 
of nis ApoaUe Paid; and to Robertson's art. in 

V. Intmgrity ofthm EpiMtU. — Although the genu- 
ineness of the various parts of the ep. is scarcely 
disputed, the homogeneity is much debated. Sem- 
ler and some later writers, including Clemen 
(EinheiUichkeit), have thought that ch 9 should 
be eliminated as logically inconsistent with ch 8, 
and as evidently forming part of a letter to the con- 
verts of Achaia. But the connection with ch 8 is 
too close to permit of severance, and the logical 
objection, founded on the phraseology of 9 1, is 
generally regarded as h3rpercritical. There are 
two sections, however, wnose right to remain 
integral parts of 2 Cor has been more forcibly 

The passage 6 14 to 7 1 deals with the incon- 
sistency and peril of intimate relations with the 
heathen, and is felt to be incongruous 
1. Ch 6:14 with the context. No doubt it comes 
— ^7:1 strangely after an appeal to the Cor- 

inthians to show the apostle the same 
frankness and kindness that he is showing them; 
whereas 7 2 follows naturally and links itself closely 
to such an appeal. When we remember that the 
particular theme of the lost letter referred to in 

1 Cor 5 9 was the relation of the converts to the 
immoral, it is by no means unlikely that we have 
here preserved a stray fragment of that ep. 

It is universally acknowledged that there is a 
remarkable change in the tone of the section 10 1 — 
13 10, as compared with that of the 
2. Ch 10: previous chs. In the earlier chs there 
1 — 13:10 IS relief at the change which Titus has 
reported as having t^en place in 
Corinth, and tne spirit is one of gladness and con- 
tent; but from ch 10 onward the hostility to the 
apostle is unexpectedly represented as still raging, 
and as demanoing the most strenuous treatment. 
The opening phrase, "Now I Paul" (10 1), is re- 
garded as indicating a distinctive break from the 
previous section witn which Timothy is associated 
(11), while the concluding vs, 13 11 to end, seem 
fittingly to close that section, but to be abruptly 
out of harmony with the polemic that ends at 
13 10. Accordingly it is suggested that 18 11 
should immediately follow 9 15, and that 10 1 — 
13 10 be regarded as a lengthy insertion from some 
other ep. Those who, while acknowledging the 
change of tone, yet maintain the integrity of the 
CD., do so on the ground that the apostle was a man 
of many moods, and that it is characteristic of him 
to make imexpected and even violent transitions; 
that new reports of a merely scotched antagonism 
may come in to rufSe and (usturb his comparative 
contentment^ and that in anv case he might well 
deem it advisable finallv to deliver his whole soul 
on a matter over which he had brooded and suffered 
deeply, so that there might be no mistake about 
the ground being cleared when he arrived in person. 
The question is still a subject of keen discussion, 
and is not one on which it is easy to pronounce 
dogmatically. On the whole, however, it must be 
acknowledged that the preponderance of recent 
opinion is m favor of the theory of interpolation. 
Hausrath (Der Vier-Capilel' Brief dea Patdii8 an 
die Korintherf 1870) gave an immense impetus to 
the view that this later section really represents 
the painful letter referred to in chs 2 and 7. As 
that earlier letter, however, must have contained 
references to the personal offender, the present 
section, which omits all such references, can be 
regarded as at most only a part of it. This theory 
is ably and minutely expoimded by Schmiedel 
(HandrKommentar) ; and Pfleiderer, lipsius, Clemen, 
Krenkel, von Soden, McGiffert, Cone, Plummer, 
Rendall, Moffatt, Adeney, Peake, and Massie are 
prominent among its adherents. J. H. Kennedy 
(Second and Third Cor) presents perhaps the ablest 
and fullest argument for it that has yet appeared 
in English. On the other hand Sanday (EB) 
declares against it, and Robertson (HDB) regards 
it as decidedlv not proven; while critics of such 
weight as Holtzmann, Beyschlag, Klopper, Weiz- 
sacker, Sabatier, Godet, Bernard, Denney, Weiss, 
and Zahn are all to be reckoned as advocates of 
the integrity of the ep. 

V7. Contmnta of thm EpiMtU, — ^The order of matter 
in the ep. is quite clearly defined. There are three 
main divisions: (1) chs 1-7; (2) chs 8-9; and (3) 
chs 10-18. 

The first seven chapters as a whole are taken up 
with a retrospect of tne events that have recently 
transpired, joyful references to the 
1. Chs 1-7 fact that the clouds of grief in connec- 
tion with them have been dispelled, 
and that the evangelical ministry as a Divine trust 
and power is clearly manifested. After a cordial 
salutation, in which Timothy is associated, Paul 
starts at once to express his profound gratitude to 
God for the great comfort that had come to him 
by the good news from Corinth, rejoicing in it as a 
spiritual enrichment that will maJce hS ministry 



still more fruitful to the church (1 3-11). He 
profeeses his sincerity in all his relations with the 
Corinthians, and particularly vindicates it in con- 
nection with a change in the plan which had origi- 
nally promised a return ("a second benefit'') to 
Cormtn; his sole reason for refraining, and for 
writing a painful letter instead, being his desire to 
roare them and to prove them (1 12; 2 4.9). 
Far from harboring any resentment against the 
man who had caused so much trouble, he sincerely 
pleads that his punishment by the majority should 
go no farther, but that forgiveness should now reign, 
lest the Adversary should gain an advantage over 
them (2 5-11). It was indeed an agonizing experi- 
ence until the moment he met Titus, but the relief 
was all the sweeter and more triumphant when 
God at length gave it, as he might have been sure 
He would gve it to a faithful and soul-winnins 
servant of Christ (2 12-17). He does not indeed 
wish to enter upon any further apologies or self- 
commendation. Some believe greatly in letters 
of conmiendation, but his Uving testimonial is in 
his converts. This he has, not of himself, but 
entirely through God, who alone has made him an 
efficient minister of the new and abiding covenant 
of the Spirit, whose glory naturally excels that of 
the old dispensation which fadeth because it really 
cannot bring life. Hoarding this glorious ministry 
he must be lK>ld and n-ank. It needs no veil as if 
to conceal its evanescence. Christ presents it 
unveiled to all who turn to Him, and they them- 
selves, reflecting His glory, are spiritually trans- 
formed (3 1-18). As for those who by God's 
mercy have received such a gospel ministry^ it is 
impossible for them to be faint-hearted m its 
exercise, although the eyes of some may be blinded 
to it, because the god of this world enslaves them 
(4 4). It is indeed wonderful that ministers of 
this grace should be creatures so frail^ so subject 
to pressure and affliction, but it is not mexplicable. 
So much the more obvious is it that all the power 
and glory of salvation are from God alone (4 7.15). 
Yea, even if one be called to die in this ministry, 
that is but another light and momentary affliction. 
It is but passing from a frail earthly tent to abide 
forever in a heavenly home (6 1). Who would 
not long for it, that this mortal may be swallowed 
up in immortality? Courage, therefore, is ours to 
the end, for that end only means the cessation of 
our separation from Chnst, whom it is a joy to 
serve absent or present. And present we shall all 
ultimately be before Him on the judgment throne 
(6 10). That itself unspeakably deepens the 
earnestness with which preachers of the gospel seek 
to persuade men. It is the love of Christ constrain- 
ing them (6 14) in the ministry of reconciliation, 
that they should entreat men as ambassadors on 
Christ's behalf (6 20). So sacred and responsible 
a trust has subdued the apostle's own life, and is 
indeed the key to its manifold endurance, and to 
the earnestness with which he has striven to culti- 
vate every grace, and to submit himself to every 
discipline (0 1-10). Would God the Corinthians 
might open their hearts to him as he does to them I 
(Let them have no fellowship with iniquity, but 
perfect holiness in the fear of God [6 14 — ^7 1].) 
He has never wronged them; they are enshrined 
in his heart, Uving or dying: he glories in them, and 
is filled with conoiort in all his affliction (6 11-13; 
7 2-4). For what blessed comfort that was that 
Htus brought him in Macedonia to dispel his 
fears, and to show that the things he rem-etted and 
grieved to have written had done no narm after 
all, but had rather wrought in them the joyful 
change for which he long^! Now both they and 
he knew how dear he was to them. Titus, too, was 
overjoyed by the magnanimity of their reception 

of him. The apostle's cup is full, and "in every- 
thing he is of good courage concerning them" (7 16). 
In the second section, chs &-9, the apostle, now 
abundantly confident of their good-will, exhorts the 

Corinthians on the subject of the col- 
2. Chs &-9 lection for the poor saints at Jerus. 

He tells them of the extraordinary 
liberality of the Macedonian churches, and invites 
them to emulate it, and by the display of this addi- 
tional grace to make full proof of their love (8 1-8). 
Nay, they have a higher incentive than the liber- 
ality of Macedonia, even the self-sacrifice of Christ 
Himself (8 9). Wherefore let them go on with the 
good work they were so ready to initiate a year 
ago, giving out of a willing mind, as God hath 
enabled them (8 10-15). Further to encourage 
them he sends on Titus and other well-known and 
accredited brethren, whose interest in them is as 
great as his own, and he is hopeful that by their aid 
the matter will be completed, and all will rejoice 
when he comes, bringing with him probably some 
of those of Macedonia, to whom he has already been 
boasting of their zeal (8 16—9 5). Above aU, let 
them remember that important issues are bound up 
with this grace of Christian liberality. It is impos- 
sible to reap bountifully, if we sow sparingly. 
Grudging ana compulsory benevolence is a contra- 
diction, but God loveth and rewardeth a cheerful 
giver. This grace blesseth him that gives and him 
that takes. Many great ends are served by it. The 
wants of the needy are supplied, men's hearts are 
drawn affectionately to one another, thanksgivings 
abound, and God himself is glorified (9 6-15). 

The third section, chs 10-13, as has been pointed 
out, is a spirited and even passionate polemic, in 

the course of which the Judaizing 
8. Chs 10- party in Corinth is vigorously assailed. 
13 The enemies of the apostle have 

charged him with being very bold and 
courageous when he is absent, but numble enough 
when he is present. He hopes the Corinthians will 
not compel him to show Ins courage (10 2). It is 
true, bemg human, he walks in the flesh, but not 
in the semsh ana cowardly way his opponents 
suggest. The weapons of his warfare are not car- 
nal/ yet are they mighty before God to cast down 
sucn strongholds as theirs, such vain imaginations 
and disobedience. Some boast of being ''Christ's," 
but that is no monopoly; he also is Christ's. They 
think his letters are mere ''sound and fury, signify- 
ing nothing": by and by they will discover their 
mistake. If he should glory in his authority, he 
is justified, for CJorinth was verily part of his God- 
appointed province, and he at least did not there 
enter on other men's labors. But it would be well 
if men who gloried confined themselves to glory- 
ing "in the Lord." For after all it is His com- 
mendation alone that is of any permanent value 
(10 3-18). Will the Corinthians bear with him 
in a Uttle of this foolish boasting? Truly he ven- 
tures on it out of concern for them (11 2). And as 
they are manifest adepts in toleration, abounding 
in patience toward those who have come with a 
different gospel, they niay perhaps extend some of 
their indulgence to him, for though he cannot lay 
claim to a polished oratory comparable to that of 
these "super-eminent" apostles, yet at least he is 
not behind them in knowledge (11 4-6). Can it 
be that he really sinned in preaching the gospel 
to them without fee or reward? Was it a mark of 
fleshly cunning when he resolved not to be burden- 
some to them, while he accepted supplies from 
Macedonia? Ah! it was not because he did not love 
them, but because he decided to give no occasion 
to those who were too ready to blame him — ^those 
false apostles, who, like Satan himself, masquer- 
aded as angels of light and ministers of righteous- 


Dess (11 7-15). Come, then, let him to this 

glorying, this poor foll^, which they in their super- 
&tive wwdom bear with eo gladly in the case of 
those insolent creatures who now bully and degrade 
them (11 1&-2I]. Hebrewsl Israelites! So is 
he. Minifltere of Christ! There he excels tbem — 
in labors, in perils, in persecutions; in burdeos, 
anxieties, sympathies; in visions and revelations 
of the Lord; in infirmities and weaknesses that iiave 
made more manifest in him the strength of Christ 
(11 22—12 10). Certainly all this is folly, but 
they are most to blame for it who, through lack of 
loyalty, have forced him to it. Did he injure them 
by declining to be burdensome? la it bo sore a 
point? Let it be forgiven? Yet when he comes 
iwain he will take no other course (12 11-18). 
They must not imagine that' in all this he is ex- 
cusing himself to them. He is sincerely and 
affectionately concerning himself for their emfying. 
He trembles lest when they meet again they should 
be disappointed in each other; lest they should be 
found in unworthy strife and tumults, and lest he 
should be humbled of God before them, having 
cause to mourn over some who are hardened and 
impenitent in their sins (12 19-21). For they must 
meet again — be is coming for the third time — and 
this time he will not spare. Let them prove them- 
selves whether they be in the faith; for surely they 
must know whether Christ be in them. He earnestly 
prays for their goodness and honor; not to the end 
that no display of his power may be called for, but 
simply that he will be glad to appear weak if they 
should appear strong. Could they but believe it, 
their perfecting is the aim of all his labors (13 1-10) . 
And so, with words of grace and tenderness, exhorting 
them to unity and peace, and pronouncing over them 
the threefold! benediction, he bids them farewell (13 

VII. Vahu of iht fipirtl..— The chief element 
of value in this ep, is the revelation it gives of the 
apostle himself. Through all its changing moods, 
Paul, in perfect abandon, shows us his very soul, 
suffering, rejoicing, enduring overcoming. It has 
been truly said that "it enables us, as it were, to 
lay our hands upon his breast, and feel the very 
throbbings of his heart." (1) In relation to his 
converts, it shows us how sensitive he was, how 
easy it was to touch him on the quick, and to wound 
his feelings. The apostle was very human, and 
nowhere are his kindred limitations more obvious 
than in these present incidents. He would prob- 
ably be the first to acquiesce, if it were said that 
even with him the creed was greater than the life. 
Id the hastily written and nervously repented 
passages of that severe ep.; in the restless wander- 
ing, like a perturbed spirit, from Troas to Mace- 
donia, to meet the news and know the issue of his 
acts, we see a man most lovable indeed, most hke 
ourselves when issues hang in the balance, but a 
man not already periect, not yet risen to the measure 
of the stature or Christ. Yet we see also the in- 
tensity with which Paul labored in his ministry — 
the tenacity with which he held to his mission, and 
the invincible courage with which he returned to 
the fight for his imperiled church. He loved those 
converts as only a great soul in Christ could love 
them. His keenest sorrow came in the disaster 
that threatened them, and he flew to their defence. 
He had not only won them for Christ, be was will- 
ing to die that he might keep them for Christ. 
(2) The ep. is charged with a maf^ificent conscious- 
ness on the apostle's part of Us hi^h calling in 
Christ Jesus. He has been called wnth a Divine 
calling to the most glorious work in which a man 
can engage, to be to this estranged earth an am- 
bassador of heaven. Received as Divine, this voca- 
tion is accepted with supreme devotion. It has been 

the flesh, its ouffeting of Satan. Yet through it all 
there rings the note of abounding consolation in 
Christ Jesus, and never was the "power of Christ," 
resting on frail humanity, more signally manifested. 
LiTEHtTUBE. — See the raterencee to both epp. , and to 
2 Cor alone, under this headtna Id Uie preceding art. To 
thellBt there Blvenabould be added Mdratfafnlrodudian 
to thi LUtratur, tf thi NT. IBII : valuable for Its critical 
preeentaUoa of recent views, and toe lU refersncea to Che 

R. DyKBS Shaw 

CORINTHUS, kO-rin'thus: Lat form for Gr 
KAHnlhos in the subscription to Rom (AV). See 

CORMORANT, kdr'mO-rant (^[bp, ahaUUA; 
KaTapdrri]!, katardldis; Lat Cirrvua twtrinua) : 
A large sea-fowl beloi^ng to the genus PhalaC' 
rocorax and well described by the Heb word used 
to designate it^which means a "plunging bird." 
The bird appears as large as a goose when in full 
feather, but plucked, the body is much smaller. 
The adult birds are glossy black with bronze tints, 
touched with white on the cheeks and sides as a 
festal dress at mating season, and adorned with 

Cormorant (PAaiacracnrai carba). 
fitumentary feathers on the head, and bright yellow 

bring to their mast era large quantities of good- 
sized fish: commonly so used in China. The 
Scsh is dark, tough and quite unfit to eat in tli« 
elders on account of their diet of fish. The nest 
is built mostly of seaweed. The eggs are small for 
the size of the birds, having a rough, thick, but 
rather soft shell of a bluish white which soon be- 
comes Boiled, as well as the nest and its immediate 
surroundinKS, from the habits of the birds. The 
young are leathery black, then covered with soft 
down of brownish black above and white beneath 
and taking on the full black of the grown bird at 
about three years. If taken in the squab state 
the young are said to be delicious food, resembling 
baked hare in flavor. The old birds ai ■• f 

Dt 1 

CORN, kflm (i;'=T, d&ghan; o-tro*, sUos): A 
word used for cereals generally (Gen 27 28,37, etc, 
AV) much as our Eng. word ''corn." ARV almost 

(3) filched (vetches), (4) lentils, '(5) be«is'"'C6) n,.,- 
let, (7) rye— the wrong tr for vetches, (8) pulse— 
for all these see separate articles. Rye and oats are 
not cultivated in Pal. For many references to com 
sec Aoriculturb; Food. "A corn [tittet, k6k- 
koa, RV "grain"! of wheat" is mentioned (Jn 12 

B Stratton-Portbk 



CORIVELinS, kor-nS'li-us (Kopv^Xios, Komt- 

Uo8, "of a horn") : The story of Cornelius is given 

in Acts 10 1 — 11 18. The name is 

1. His ^^. A^f^ belonged to distinguished 
Family and families in the imperial city, such as 
Station the Scipios and Sulla. Thus he was 

probably an Italian of Rom blood. 
Julian the Apostate reckons him as one of the few 
persons of distinction who became a Christian. He 
was evidently a man of importance in Caesarea 
and well known^ to the Jews (Acts 10 22). He 
was a centurion in the Italian cohort. To under^ 
stand this we must note that the Rom army was 
divided into two broad divisions, the legions and 
the auxiliary forces. See Army, Roman. 

Legions were never permanently quartered in Pal until 
the ^eat war which ended in the destruction of Jems, 
70 AD. From the year 6 AD, when Pal was made into a 
province of the second rank, until 66 AD, it was gar- 
risoned by auxiliary troops recruited amongst the Samar- 
itans and Syrian Greeks. The headquarters were naturally 
at Caesarea, the residence of the procurator. But it 
would not have been prudent for a garrison in Pal to be 
composed wholly of troops locally recruited. Therefore 
the Rom government mingled with the garrison 600 
soldiers, free Italian volimteers. With this cohort Cor- 
nelius was connected as centurion. 

He is described as devout and God-fearing, i.e. 

at least, one of those men so numerous in that effete 

age of decadent heathenism who, 6ia- 

2. ffis contented with polytheism, yearned 
Character for a better faitn, embraced, there- 
fore, the monotheism of the Jews. 

read the Scriptures, and practised more or less or 
the Jewish rites. He was well reported of by the 
Jews, and his religion showed itself in prayer at 
the regular hours, and in alms to the people (of 
Israel). Even Jewish bigotnr was dumb in pres- 
ence of so noble a man. Moreover, he seems to 
have made his house a sort of church, for his kins- 
folk and friends were in sympathy with him, and 
among the soldiers who closely attended him were 
some devout ones (Acts 10 1.27). 

The story of his conversion and admission into 
the Christian church is told with some minuteness 

in Acts 10. Nothing further is known 
8. ffis Ad- of (Ik)melius, though one tradition as- 
mission into serts that he founded the church in 
the Chris- Caesarea, and another legend that he 
tian Church became the bishop of Scamandros. 

The exact importance of the incident 
depends upon the position of Cornelius before it oc- 
curred. Certainly he was not a proselyte of the 

sanctuary, circumcised^ under the law, 
4« Signifi- a member of the Jewish communion. 
cance of the This is abundantly evident from Acts 
Incident 10 28.34.45; 11 3.18; 16 7.14. But 

was he not an inferior form of proeel^rte, 
later called ' 'proselytes of the gate' ' ? This question 
has been much debated and is still under discussion. 
Ramsay (St. Paid the Traveller, 43) says that the 
expression, "God-fearing/* applied to him, is always 
used in Acts with reference to this kind of prose- 
lytes. Such were bound to observe certain regu- 
lations of purity, probably those, this author 
thinks, mentioned in Acts 16 29, and which stand 
in close rdation to the principles laid down in 
Lev 17-18 for the conduct of strangers dwelling 
among Israel. Renan, on the other nand, denies 
that ComeUus was a prosel3rte at all, but simply a 
devout Gentile who adopted some of the Jewish 
ideas and religious customs which did not involve 
a special profession. The importance of the whole 
transaction to the development of the church seems 
to depend on the circiunstance that Cornelius was 
probably not a proselyte at all. Thus we regard 
Cornelius as lit. the first-fruits of the Gentiles. 
The step here taken by Peter was therefore one of 
tremendous importance to the whole development 

of the church. The significance of the incident 
consists exactly in this, that under Divine direc- 
tion, the first (xentile, not at all belonging to the old 
theocracy, becomes a Spirit-filled Christian, enter- 
ing through the front door of the Christian church 
without first goin^ through the narrow gate of 
Judabm. The incident settled forevear the great, 
fundamental question as to the relations of Jew 
and Gentile in the church. The difficulties in the 
way of the complete triumph of Peter's view of the 
eauaUty of Jews and Gentiles in the Kingdom of 
Cnrist were enormous. It would have been indeed 
little short of miraculous if the multitude of Chris- 
tian Pharisees had not raised the question again 
and again. Did they not dog PauTs steps iSter 
the Council? Certainly Ramsay is wrong in say- 
ing that the case of Cornelius was passed over or 
condoned as exceptional, for it was used as a prece- 
dent by both Peter and James (Acts 15 7.14). 

As for Peter's subsequent conduct at Antioch, 
no one who knows Peter need be surprised at it. 
The very accusation that Paul hurled at him was 
that for the moment he was carried into incon- 
sistency with his principles (hupdkrisis) . Of course, 
this incident of Comehus was only the first step in 
a long development J but the principle was forever 
settled. The rest in due time and proper order 
was sure to follow. By this tremendous innova- 
tion it was settled that Christianity was to be freed 
from the swaddling bands of Judaism and that the 
Christian church was not to be an appendix to the 
synagogue. The noble character of Cornelius was 
just fitted to abate, as far as possible, the preju- 
dices of the Jewish Christians against what must 
have seemed to them a dangerous, if not awful, 
innovation. G. H. Treveb 

CORNER, k6r'n6r (JISR'JQ, wtfoo^*, H^D, p^Shy 
np8, pinndh; &px4t arM, •ywvla, gonia, AKpo- 
•yooviatos, akrogdniaioa); In Ex 26 24; Ezk 41 
22: 46 21.22, milpgo^\ "angle" is tr«* "corner"; 
pe'dhf "side," "quarter," and pinnah, "corner," 
"front," "chief," are more frequently so tr**, ejL. 
Ex 26 26: Lev 19 9; Jer 9 26; 26 23; and Ex 
27 2; 1 K 7 34; Ps 118 22; Isa 28 16 ("comer- 
stone"); Jer 61 26. Other words are kandpk, 
"wing" (Isa 11 12; Ezk 7 2); katheph, "shoul- 
der" (2 K 11 11 AV 6i8); pa'am, "foot" (Ex 26 
12 AV); zamyoth, "comer-stones" (Ps 144 12; 
Zee 9 15 [tr^ "comers"]). 

For "comer" RV has "side" (Ex 86 25), "cor- 
ner-stone" (Zee 10 4), also for "stay" (Isa 19 13); 
instead of "teacher removed into a comer" (Isa 80 
20), "be hidden," "hide themselves"; for "comers" 
we have "feet" (Ex 26 12; 1 K 7 30); "ribs" (Ex 
80 4; 87 27): for "divide into corners" (Neh 9 22), 
"allot after tneir portions": for "into corners" (Dt 
82 26). "afar"; the words to Israel (Isa 41 9) 
"callea thee from the chief men ['<IfiZm] thereof" 
are rendered by RV "called thee from the comeia 
thereof" (of the earth). 

In the NT we have gonia ("angle," "comer"), 
"in the corners of the streets" (Mt 6 5), "the head 
of the corner" (21 42), "the four comers of the 
earth" (Rev 7 1; 20 8); arche ("a beginning") 
(Acts 10 11 j 11 5); "chief comer stone" (Eph 2 20; 
1 Pet 2 6), IS a tr of akrogoniaioa ("at the extreme 
angle"). W. L. Walker 

CORNER GATE, k6r'n6r g&t. See Jerusalem. 

Corners of. 

CORNER-STONE, k6r'ner ston (HSS?, pinnSh, 
tT^IJ, zdwtth; AKpaywviatos, akrogoniaioa) : Part of 
the public or imposing buildings to which impor- 




tance has been attached in all ages and in many 
nations, both on account of its actual service and 
its figurative meaning. Ordinanly its use in the 
Bible is figurative^ or symbolical. No doubt the 
original meaning was some important stone, which 
was laid at the foundation of a building. 

(1) With the Canaanites, who preceded Israel 
in the possession of Pal, comer-stone laying seems 
to have been a most sacred and impressive cere- 
monial. Under this important stone of temples, or 
other great structures, Dodies of children or older 
persons would be laid, consecrating the building 
Dv such human sacrifice (see Fortification, II, 
1). This was one of many hideous rites and prac- 
tices which Israel was to extirpate. It mav throw 
Ught on the curse pronounced upon the rebuilding 
of Jericho (Josh 6 26; see PEFSy January, 1904, 
July, 1908). See Canaan. 

(2) 07' references. — ^The Heb word pinndh, 
"comer," is found or implied in every occurrence 
of this idea. Derived from a root signifying "to 
turn," it means "turning," and therefore "«ige" 
or "corner." Ordinarily it is used with 'ebhen, 
"stone" (Ps 118 22) ; or it may occur alone, having 
acGuired for itself through frequent use the whole 
tecnnicfd phrase-idea (Zee 10 4 AV). While all 
the passages indicate the stone at the comer, 
there appear to be two conceptions: (a) the founda- 
tion-stone upon which the structure rested (Job 
38 6; Isa 28 16; Jer 61 26); or (6) the topmost 
or cap-stone, which linked the last tier together 
(Ps 118 22; Zee 4 7); in both cases it is an im- 
portant or key-stone, and figurative of the Messiah, 
who is "the First and the Last." In Job 88 6 it 

beautifully expresses in figures the 
Figurative stability of tne earth, which Jeh 
Uses created. In Zee 10 4 the leader or 

ruler in the Messianic age is repre- 
sented by the comer-stone. The ancient tradition 
of the one missing stone, when the temple was in 
building, is reflected in or has been sug^sted by 
Ps 118 22 rMidr quoted by Pusey underZec 4 7). 
It is probable that we should read in Ps 144 12 
not "corner-stones," but "comer-pillars^" or sup- 
ports (cf Gr Caryatides) from a different Ueb word, 
zdxvUh, BDB, s.v. 

(3) NT poMagea.—'Pa 118 22 is quoted and 
inteipreted as fulfilled in Jesus Christ in a number 
of passages: Mt 21 42; Mk 12 10; Lk 20 17; 
Acts 4 11 and 1 Pet 2 7; it is also the evident 
basis for Eph 2 20. Isa 28 16 is quoted twice 
in the NT: Rom 9 33, from LXX combined with 
the words of Isa 8 14, and in 1 Pet 2 6, which is 
quoted with some variation from LXX. The OT 
passages were understood by the rabbis to be 
Messianic, and were properly so applied by the NT 
writers. See also House. Edward Mack 

CORNETi k6r'net, kor'net. See Music. 

CORNFLOOR, k6m'fl6r (]yi 1'na , g&rm ddgh&n) : 
"Thou hast loved a reward upon every cornfloor" 
(Hos 9 1 AV, RV "hire upon every grainfloor"). 
Israel had deserted Jeh for supposed material bene- 
fits and regarded bounteous crops as the gift of the 
heathen gods which they worshipped. Jeh would 
therefore cause the com (grain) and wine to fail 
(ver 2). See also Threshing-Floor. 

CORONATION, kor-6-na'shun (irpwroicXMrCa, 
prdtoklisia): Occurs in 2 Mace 4 21 (AV, RV "en- 
thronement") where Apollonius was sent into Egypt 
for the coronation of Ptolemy Pldlometor as king. 
The Gr word protoklisia occurs nowhere else, and its 
meaning is uncertain. The reading in Swete is prd- 
toklesia, and this means "the first call." 

CORPSE, kdrps: This word m the AV is the tr 
of two Heb words, 'TJ5 » P^^» wid H^TI} , g'wiydh, 
while nbsp, n'bhUdh, and H^^, gUphOhf which 
mean the same, are tr** "body," with which the Eng. 
word "corpse" (Lat corpus) was originally syno- 
nymical. Therefore we nnd the now apparentlv un- 
necessary addition of the adj. "dead in 2 K 19 
35 and Isa 87 36. The Gr equivalent is ttQim^ 
ptdmaj lit. "a fallen body," "a ruin" (from tIxtw, 
piptd, "to fall"), in Mk 6 29; Rev 11 8.9. 

Corpses were considered as unclean and ddilinff 
in the OT, so that priests were not to touch dead 
bodies except those of near kinsfolk (Lev 21 1-3), 
the high pnest and a Nazirite not even such (Lev 
21 11; Nu 6 &-8). Nu 19 presents to us the 
ceremonial of purification from such defilement by 
the sprinkling with the ashes of a red heifer, cedar 
wood, hyssop and scarlet. 

It was considered a great calamity and disgrace 
to have one's body left unburied, a "food unto all 
birds of the heavens, and unto the beasts of the 
earth" (Dt 28 26; 2 S 21 10; Ps 79 2; Isa 84 
3: Jer 7 33, etc). Thence is explained the merit 
or Rizpah (2 S 21 10), and of the inhabitants of 
Jabesh-gilead, who protected or recovered and 
buried the mutilated bodies of Saul and his sons 
(1 S 81 11-13; 2 S 2 4r-7; cf 1 Ch 10 11.12). 
See Burial. 

Even the corpses of persons executed by hanging 
were not to remain on the tree "all night," "for he 
that is hanged is accursed of God; that thou defile 
not thy land which Jeh thy God ffiveth thee for an 
inheritance" (Dt 21 23). H. L. E. Luerinq 

CORRECTION, ko-rek'shun ("l^JW, mO^dr, 
usually rendered "instruction," is tr** "correction" 
in several passages): The yb. from which the noim 
is derivea signifies "to instruct" or "chastise." 
The idea of dmstisement was very closely connected 
in the Heb mind with that of pedagogy. See 
Chastisement. RV and ARV nave changed 
"correction" of AV to "instruction" in Jer 7 28, 

reversing the order in the margins. XSi^tp , shSbhef, 
rendered "rod" in Job 21 9, is unnecessarily 
changed to "correction" in 37 13. In 2 Tim 8 
16, Srav6p$uait^ epandrthdais, is tr** "correction." 
The difference between correction, discipline and 
instruction was not clearly drawn in the Heb mind. 

W. W. Davibs 
CORRUPTION, k6-rup'shun: The Heb words 

nnip9, mishhdth, nnip9, maahhath, T^TltplO, 
mashhlth. and their Gr equivalents, ^opd, phthordf 
and oici^Oopd, diaphlhordj with numerous deriva- 
tives and cognate vbs., iniply primarily physical 
degeneration and decay (Job 17 14; Acts 2 27, 

etc). The term rinV » shahalhf which AV translates 
with "corruption" in Jon 2 6, ought to be rendered 
"pit," as in Ps 80 9; 86 7 et passim, while sha- 
hath b'H in Isa 88 17 means the "pit of nothing- 
ness," i.e. of destruction. 

Figurative:^ At an early time we find the above- 
siven words in a non-literal sense denoting moral 
depravity and corruption (Gen 6 11; Ex 82 7: 
Hos 9 9; Gal 6 8, etc), which ends in utter moral 
ruin and hopelessness, the second death. The 
auestion has oeen raised whether the meaning of 
tnese words might be extended so as to include the 
idea of final destruction and annihilation of the 
spirit. Upon careful examination, however, this 
question must be denied both from the standpoint 
of the OT and of the NT. Apart from other con- 
siderations we see this from the metaphors used in 
the Scriptures to illustrate the condition of "cor- 
ruption," such as the "unquenchable fire," the 
"worm" which "dieth not" (Mk 9 43.48; cf Isa 




66 24), and "sleep" (Dnl 12 2). where a careful 
distmction is made between the olissfiil state after 
death of the righteous and the everlasting disgrace 
of the godless. The later Jewish theology is also 
fully agreed on this point. The meaning of the 
words cannot therefore extend beyond the idea of 
utter moral degradation and depravitv. 



har ha-moahhUh; rh 5po« ro^ Mo9t>dO, t6 dros toU 
Mosodth): The hill on the right hand of which 
Solomon built high places for Ashtoreth, Chemosh 
and Miloom (2 K 23 13). The mountain re- 
ferred to is no doubt the Mount of Olives. The 
hi^ places would, therefore, be on the southern 
height called in later Christian writinm the "Mount 
of Offence/' and now, by the Arabs. Bdien d-Havxi. 
Har hormashfiUh is probably onl^ a perversion 
of har ha^mishhdhj "Mount of Anointing, '* a later 
name of the Mount of Olives. W. Ewinq 

COS, kos (KAt, Kds, "summit"; AV Coos): An 
island off the coast of Caria, Asia Minor, one of the 
Sporades, mountainous in the southern half, with 
rid^ extending to a height of 2.500 ft.; identified 
with the modem Stanchio. It was famous in antiquitv 
for excellent wine, amphorae, wheat^intments, silk 
and other clothing {Coae vestes). The capitid was 
also called Cos. It possessed a famous hospital 
and medical school, and was the birthplace of 
Hippocrates (the father of medicine), of Ptolemy 
Philadelphus, and of the celebrated painter Apelles. 
The large plane tree in the center of the town (over 
2,000 years old) is called "the tree of Hippocrates'' 
to this day. The older capital, Astvpalaea, was in 
the western part of the island, the later (since 366 
BC) in the eastern part. From almost every point 
can be seen beautiful landscapes and picturesque 
views of sea and land and mountain. 

Cos was one of the six Dorian colonies. It soon 
became a flourishing place of commerce and in- 
dustry; later, like Corinth, it was one of the Jew- 
ish centers of the Aegaean, as well as one of the 
financial centers of the commercial world in the 
eastern Mediterranean. Among the benefactors 
of the people of Cos was Heroa the Great. It is 
mentioned in connection with Paul's third mission- 
ary journey in Acts 21 1, and in its relations with 
the Jews in 1 Mace 16 23; Ant, XIV, vii, 2; x. 15: 
BJf I, xxi, 11. For a list of works on the islana 
see Paton-Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, ix. 

J. E. Harry 

COSAM, kd'sam (KcM-d|fc, Kdsdm): An ancestor 
of Jesus in St. Luke's genealogy in the 5th genera- 
tion before Zerubbabel (Lk 3 28). 

COSMOGONY, koz-mog'o-ni. See Anthro- 
pology; Creation; Earth; Evolution; World. 

COSMOLOGY, koz-mol'o-ji. See World; Provi- 

COSTLINESS, kost'li-nes (ri^&rrfif timidies, 
''preciousness," ''an abundance of costly things"): 
Found only in Rev 18 19, ''made rich by reason 
of her costliness." 

COTES, kdts. See Sheepcote. 

COTTAGE, kot'&j. See House. 

COTTON, kof'n (081? , karpa^, is the better tr, 
as in RVm, where AV and RV have "green" in Est 
1 6) : The Heb karpa^ is from the Pers kirpds and 
the Sanskrit karpisa, "the cotton plant." The 
derived words originally meant "muslin or "calico," 
but in classical times the use of words allied to 

karpa^ — ^in Gr and Lat — ^was extended to include 
linen. The probability is in favor of "cotton" in 
Est 1 6. This is the product of Gossypium her' 
ha/xumy a plant originallv from India but now 
cultivated in many other lands. 


COUCH, kouch (subst.). See Bed. 

Couch (vb.): fjn, rdbhag, "to crouch," "lurk, 
as a beast in readiness to spring on its prey. "If 
thou doest not well, sin coucheth at the door" 
(Gen 4 7, AV "lieth"), waiting for it to open. 
Cain is warned to beware of the first temptations 
to evil, in his case esp. a sullen and jealous disposi- 
tion (cf Dante, Inferno j I, 30). See Abel; Cain. 
The tribe of Judah is compared for its braverv to a 
recumbent lion or lioness (Uen 49 9; cfNu 24 9 f); 
and Issachar to "a strong ass, couching down be- 
tween the sheepfolds" (49 14, AV "between two 
burdens"; cf Jgs 6 16). "The deep that coucheth 
beneath" (Dt SS 13), probably the springs of water, 
or possibly, as Driver su^ests, "the subterranean 
deep, pictured as a gigantic monster." See Abyss. 

M. O. Evans 

COUCHING-PLACE, kouch'ing-pl5s (pi* , 
marbeg; once in EV [Ezk 26 5]): The same Heb 
word, however, which means simply "place of lying 
down" of animals in repose, is used also in Zeph 2 15 
where the tr is "a place .... to lie down in." 
The figure, a common one in Scripture (see besides, 
Isa 17 2; 27 10), suggests desolation. 

COULTER, kol'tfir. See Plow. 

COUNCIL, koun'sil, COUNCILLOR, koun'si- 
iSr (crv|LPoi^Xiov, sumboiilion): An assembly of ad- 
visers (Acts 26 12) ; a body of those taking counsel 
(see Schiirer's Jevrish PeopU in the Time o/ Christ, 
I (1), 60). Distinguished from a^vp^Spioy, sunidrion, 
the supreme court of the Jews, by being of a less 
formal character, i.e. less of an institution. For 
"council" in the latter sense, its most frequent use, 
see Sanhedrin. A councillor (Gr houleutts) was a 
member of the Sanhedrin. Applied to Joseph of 
Arimathea (Mk 16 43; Lk 23 50). In AV "coun- 

COUNSEL, koun'sel, COUNSELLOR, koun'se- 
l6r (o^iJiPovXiov, sumboulion): Ordinarily found as 
object of vb. "to take" or "to give," eroressing, 
beside the idea of a practical end to be reached, that 
of consultation and deliberation among those united 
in a common cause (Mt 12 14* Mk 3 6). A 
counsellor (siimboulos) is a conndential adviser 
(Rom 11 34); often in the OT (Isa 9 6; Prov 
24 6, etc). Confounded in AV with "councillor" 
(see above), the latter being an official adviser, 
which the former does not necessarily mean. 

COUNT, kount (*1P9, 9^phar, HJ^, manOh; 
^^4«i psephizo): Used of arithmetical compu- 
tation "to number" (Ps 139 18; Nu 23 10); also 
for 2'Sy^ , kdthabhf "to reckon," to indicate classifi- 
cation amons or identification with, "c. for a 
stranger" (Job 19 15); "c. for his enemy" (Job 
33 10). In the NT the arithmetical computation 
is less prominent, except in the sense of "calculate," 
psevhizd, sumpsephizo, "to reckon with pebbles," 
each pebble representing a unit (Lk 14 28; Acts 
19 19); of moral estimate, ^ea^oTnat and logizomai 
(Phil 3 7.13). The noun, fr Heb kO^aih, "a count 
of" (Ex 12 4), viz. in the arithmetical sense. 

H. E. Jacobs 
COUNTENANCE, koun'te-nans: 

(1) The noun (see also s.v. Face) is the tr of a 
variety of Heb and Gr expressions, D*^«B, panlm; 
TpdfftoTov, prdsdpon, being the most frequent. Be 



sides these there are found H^^lp, mar^ehy "ap- 
pearance," "shape,'/ "comeliness," "visage," 1^?, 
^ayin, "the eye," nsr\ , Id'aTf "appearance," "figure," 
etc, and Aram. I^T, zlw. To the Oriental the coun- 
tenance mirrors, even more than to us, the character 
and feelings of the heart. The countenance (mar* eh) 
is "fair" (1 S 17 42; 2 S 14 27; Dnl 1 15); in 1 S 
16 12, lit. "fair of eyes"; "comely" (Cant 2 14); 
"beautiful" (to'ar, 1 S 26 3); "cheerful" {panim. 
Prov 16 13); "angry" (Prov 26 23); "fierce" (Dnl 
8 23)- "troubled" (Ezk 27 35); "sad" (1 S 1 18; 
Neh 2 2.3; Eccl 7 3). The countenance is "sharp- 
ened," i.e. made keen (Prov 27 17); it "falls," i.e. 
looks despondent, disappointed (Gen 4 5.6); is 
"cast down" (Job 29 24): "changed" (Job 14 
20; cf "altered" into dory, Lk 9 29; Dnl 6 6.9.10; 
7 28, Aram. sdw). To settle one's countenance 
stedfastly upon a person (2 K 8 11) is s3monymous 
with staring or gazing at a person. Not infre- 
quently we find compound expressions such as "light 
of countenance," i.e. favor (Job 29 24; Ps 4 6; 
44 3; 89 15: 90 8); "health of countenance" (Ps 
42 11: 43 5); "help of countenance" (Ps 42 5): 
"rebuke of countenance" (Ps 80 16); "pride oi 
countenance" (Heb *aph, fit. "haughty, "lofty 
nose " Ps 10 4). 

(2) As vb. (Heb *Y7n , hiSdhar, "to countenance") 
we find the word in AV of Ex 23 3, where the Re- 
visers translate "Neither shalt thou favor [AV 
"countenance") a poor man in his cause." Here 
the meaning seems to be that no distinction of 
persons shaU be made b^ the judse. See Lev 19 
15, where, however, a different word is used. There 
is therefore no need of the emendation proposed 
by Knobel and accepted by Kautzsch, who would 

read b^?, gOdholy "great," for b"!"), vfdhdl, "and 
the poor" of the text. The LXX has ir^nyj , phtes, 

"poor " 


COUNTER-CHARM, koun'tSr-charm. See Amu- 
let; Charm. 

COUNTERFEIT, koun'ter-fit (xCpStiXot, kibdelos, 
dvarvir^w, anaiupdo^ 6|iOidw, homoidd) : "C." occurs 
as the tr of kibdeloa, "mixed with dross," "not 
genuine" OVisd 16 9, "to make c. things," RV 
"mouldeth counterfeits," spurious things, imita- 
tions"); 2 16 RV "base metal" (cf LXX Lev 19 19; 
Dt 22 11, "mingled garment," and 2 Cor IS 6.6, 
addkimoSf "reprobate [.silver]). "Counterfeit" in 
the older sense of a representation occurs in Wisd 
14 17 (analupoOf "to make a likeness"), "c. of his 
visage," RV "imagining the likeness from afar," 
and Ecclus 38 27 OiomoioOj "to make like"), "to c. 
imagery," RV "to preserve likeness in his portrai- 
ture." W. L. Walker 

COUNTERVAIL, koun-tSr-vfil' (TllflJ, shdwdh, 
"equalize"): To thwart or overcome by acting 
against with equal force; thus, "The enemy could 
not c. the king's damage" or loss (Est 7 4 ARV 
reads "The adversary could not have compensated 
for the king's damage"). "Nothine doth c. [RV 
"can be taken in exchange for"] a mithful friend" 
(Ecclus 6 15). 

COUNTRY, kun'tri (fl^, Weg, "land," TTW , 
Bodheh, "field"; 47p6«, agrda, "field," x^pa, chd- 
ra, "region") : The foregoing are the principal words 
rendered "country" in EV, though we find also 
'ddhdmdh, "earth*^ (Jon 4 2); % "island" (Jer 47 
4 AV): g^nidh, "circuit" (Ezk 47 8 AV); hebhd, 
"rope'^(Dt 3 14); malpdm, "place" (Gen 29 26 AV); 
n«p/i«/;i, "hill" or "height" (Josh 17 11 AV); g^nosy 
"race" (Acts 4 36 AV); 7^, g^, "earth" (Mt 9 31 
AV; Acts 7 3 AV); irarpfj, po^ris, "native land" (Lk 

4 23; Jn 4 44; He 11 14); x€plx<apos, perichSroSy 
"country [ARV "region"] round about" (Mt U 35; 
Lk 3 3; 4 37; 8 37). In He 11 14 ff, "heaven" is 
referred to as a country. Egypt and Assyria were 
"far countries" (Jer 8 19 AV; Zee 10 9). The hill 
country (cf the numerous Gibeahs Igibh'^dh, "a hill"]) 
was the mountainous region to the N. or to the S. of 
Jerus. The low country, sh'pheldh (see Shephblah) , 
consisted of the foothills to the west of the hill 
country. The south country or Negeb (neghebh), 
q.v., was the dry, extreme southern part of Pal, ap- 
proximately between Beersheba and Kadesh-bamea. 

Alfred Ely Day 

COUNTRYMAN, kun'tri-man (<rvHwX<Tt|$, sumr 
phuUtea): "Of the same tribe" (1 Thess 2 14); 
also in idiomatic rendering (y^yosy ginos) for those 
of one's own race or kin {2 Cor 11 26; Gal 1 14 
AV, "one's own nation"), a Mk 6 4; Rom 9 3; 
and see Cousin; Kinsman, etc. 

COUPLE, kup"l: 

(1) Used as a noun, indicates two objects of the 
same kind that are considered together. Thus we 
read of a couple of cakes (2 S 13 6, used loosely), 
and a couple of asses (2 S 16 1, Heb gemedh). 

(2) Used as a vb^it means to join or fasten one 
thing to another. This term occurs most frequently 
in the description of the tabernacle (see Ex 26 6.9. 1 1 ; 
36 10.13.16). Couple is used in 1 Pet 8 2 to de- 
scribe the joining of fear to chaste behavior (Heb 

COUPLING, kup'ling: Is the EV rendering of 
nn^n^, mahbereth. This Heb word means join- 
ing, or the place ^'here one thing is joined to an- 
other, as of the curWns of the tabernacle (Ex 26 
4.5), and of the difflvent parts of the ephod (Ex 
28 27; 39 20). 

It is also the EV rendering of Pl'llSin'a , m'hab- 
b'roth, and this refers mcT^ to the thing that joins the 
two objects, as beams of wood (2 Ch 34 11), or 
hooks of iron (1 Ch 22 3>. 

COURAGE, kur'&j: Heb hOzaii, "to show one- 
self strong" (Nu 13 20; 2 S* 10 12; 1 Ch 19 13; 
2 Ch 16 8; Ezr 10 4; Ps' 27 14; 31 24; Isa 
41 6); ru«A, "spirit," "animV (Josh 2 11 AV); 
*amagy "to be alert" (physically and mentally), "to 
be agile," "quick," "energetic" (Dt 31 6.7.23: Josh 

1 6.9.18; 10 25; 1 Ch 22 13; 2S 20); lehhabhy "the 
heart," and flg.: "person," "spirit" (Dnl 11 25); 
Grthdraosy "cheer" (Acts 28 15). s A virtue highly 
esteemed among all nations, one\of the four chief 
"natural" (cardinal) virtues (Wisd 8 7), while 
cowardice ranks as one of the moJT^&l sins (Ecclus 

2 12.13; Rev 21 8). 


"race " 

COURSE, k5rs (from Lat cursuai "a running," 
ftce," "voyage," "way"): \ 

(1) €Mv8f>oiJL4iaj eulhvdromiOy "forwfi^d or onward 
movement," as of a ship: "We made V straight c." 
(Acts 16 11; cf Acts 21 1); "We haol finished our 
c." (RV "voyage," Acts 21 7). ' 

(2) A (prescribed or self-appointed)) path, as of 
the sun: "Swift is the sun in his c." (l) Esd 4 34); 
of the stars: "The stars in their cov 
against Sisera" (Jgs 6 20 AV) (see 
^trology) • of a river (or irrigating , 
willows by tne watercourses" (Isa 44 4 
(rpix^y iricho): "that the word of the 
have free c." (RV "may run") (2 Th« b 3 1). 

(3) A career in such a course (^p^ai »«i dr6nu)s): 
"I have finished my [RV "the") c." (2 Tim 4 7); 
"as John fulfilled [RV "was fulfilling") 1 us c." (Acts 
13 25); "that I might finish [RV "may a ccomplish"] 
my c." (Acts 20 24). \ 

(4) A way or manner, as of life: 'vEvery one 

?): "as 
; of a race 
Lord may 



Courts, Judicial 

turned to his c." (Jer 8 6); "their c. is evil" (Jer 
28 10): "walked according to the c. [a/c6v, aidn, 
RVm *Wl of this world" (Eph 2 2). 

(5) Orderly succession: "sang together by c." 
(ARV "sang one to another") (Ezr 3 11); "by c." 
(RV "in turn") (1 Cor 14 27); the courses of the 
priests and Levites (1 Ch 27 1-15; 1 Ch 28 1; 
2 Ch 6 11; Lk 1 5.8). See Priests and Levites. 

(6) A row or layer, as of masonry: "All the 
foundations of the earth are out of c." (RV "are 
moved": ARV "are shaken") (Ps 82 5). 

(7) [The tongue] "setteth onfire the c. [RV "wheel"] 
of nature" (Jas 3 6). The cycle of generation {t6n 
trochdn th gerUseos) here means the physical world 
as constituted by the round of origin and decay, and 
typified by the G^hic Qegendary) cycle of births and 
deaths through which the soul passes in metempsy- 
chosis. See also Games. 

William Arthur Heidel 
Priests and Levites. 

COURT» k5rt. See House. 



COURT, kOrt, OF THE SANCTUARY, sank'tft- 
a-ri (TABERNACLE, TEMPLE): By "court" 
C^n, h&ger) is meant a clear space inclosed by 
curtains or walls, or surrounded by buildings. It 
was always an uncovered inclosure, but might have 
within its area one or more edifices. 

The first occurrence of the word is in Ex 27 9, 

where it is commanded to "make the court of the 

tabernacle." The dimensions for this 

1. The follow in the directions for the length 
Tabernacle of the linen curtains which were to 

inclose it. From these we learn that 
the perimeter of the court was 300 cubits, and that 
it consisted of two squares, e£u;h 75 ft., Isdng E. and 
W. of one another. In the westerly square stood 
the tabernacle, while in that to the E. was the 
altar of burnt offering. This was the worshipper's 
square, and every Heb who passed through the 
entrance gate had immediate access to the altar 
(cf W. Robertson Smith, note on Ex 20 26, OTJC. 
435). The admission to this scene of the national 
solemnities was by the great east gate described 
in Ex 27 13-16 (see East Gate). 

The fundamental conception out of which grew 
the resolve to build a temple for the worship of Jeh 

was that the new structure was to be 

2. Solo- an enlarged duplicate in stone of the 
men's tent of meeting (see Temple). The 
Temple doubling in size of the holv chambers 

was accompanied by a doubling of 
the inclosed area upon which the holy house was 
to stand. Hitherto a rectangular oblong figure of 
150 ft. in length and 75 ft. in breadth had sufficed 
for the needs of the people in their worship. Now 
an area of 300 ft. in length and 150 ft. in breadth 
was inclosed within heavy stone walls, making, as 
before, two squares, each of 150 ft. luis was that 
"court of the priests" spoken of in 2 Ch 4 9, 
known to its builders as "the inner court" (1 K 6 
36; cf Jer 36 10). Its walls consisted of "three 
courses of hewn stone, and a course of cedar beams" 
(1 K 6 36), into which some read the meaning 
of colonnades. Its two divisions may have been 
marked by some fence. The innermost division, 
accessible only to the priests, was the site of the new 
temple. In the easterly division stood the altar 
of sacrifice; into this the Heb laity had access for 
worship at the altar. Later incidental allusions 

imply the existence of "chambers" in the court, 
and also the accessibility of the laity (cf Jer 86 4; 
36 10; Ezk 8 16). 

In distinction from this "inner" court a second 

or "outer" court was built by Solomon, spoken of 

by the Chronicler as "the great court" 

3. The (2 Ch 4 9). Its doors were overlaid 
Great with brass (bronze). Wide differ- 
Coiu*t ence of opinion obtains as to the rela- 
tion of this outer court to the inner 

court just described, and to the rest of the Solo- 
monic buildings — particularly to "the great court" 
of "the house of the forest of Lebanon" of 1 K 7 
9.10. Some identify the two, others separate them. 
Did tMs court, with its brass-covered gates, ex- 
tend still farther to the E. than the temple "inner" 
court, with, however, the same breadth as the 
latter? Or was it, as Keil thinks, a much larger 
inclosure, surrounding the whole temple area, ex- 
tending perhaps 150 cubits eastward in front of the 
priests"court (cf Keil, Bib. Archaeology , 1. 171, ET) ? 
Vet more radical is the view, adopted by many 
modem authorities, which regards "the great 
court" as a vast inclosure surrounding the temple 
and the whole complex of buildings described in 
1 K 7 1-12 (see the plan, after Stade, in G. A. 
Smith's Jeruaalemj II, 59). In the absence of con- 
clusive data the question must be left undetermined. 
In Ezekiers plan of the temple yet to be built, 
the lines of the temple courts as he had known them 
in Jerus are followed. 'Two squares 

4. Ezekiel's inclosed in stone walling, each of 150 
Temple ft., lie N. and S. of one another, and 

bear the distinctive names, "the inner 
court" and "the outer court" (Ezk 8 16; 10 5). 

In the Herodian temple the old nomenclature 
gives place to a new set of terms. The extensive 
inclosure known later as "the court 
6. Temple of the Gentiles" does not appear under 
of Herod that name in the NT or in Jos. What 
we have in the tract Middoth of the 
Mishnah and in Jos is the mention of two courts, 
the "court of the priests" and "the court of Israel" 
(Middothf ii.6; v.l; Jos, BJ, V, v, 6). The data 
in regard to both are difficult and confficting. In 
Middoth they appear as long narrow strips of 11 
cubits in breadth extending at right angles to the 
temple and the altar across the inclosure — the 
"court of Israel" being railed off from the "court 
of the priests" on the K ; the latter extending back- 
ward as far as the altar, which has a distinct 
measurement. The design was to prevent the too 
near approach of the lay Israelite to the altar. Jos 
makes the 11 cubits of the "court of Israel" extend 
round the whole "coiul; of the priests," inclusive of 
altar and temple (see Temple; and cf G. A. Smith, 
Jerusalem, II, 506-9, with the reconstruction of 
Waterhouse in Sacred Sites of the Gospels, 111 ff). 
For the "women's court," see Treasury. 

Many expressions in the Pss show how great was 
the attachment of the devout-minded Heb in all 
ages to those courts of the Lord's house where he 
was accustomed to worship (e.g. Ps 66 4; 84 2; 
92 13; 96 8; 100 4; 116 19). The courts were 
the scene of many historical events in the OT and 
NT, and of much of the earthly ministry of Jesus. 
There was enacted the scene described in the par- 
able of the Pharisee and Publican (Lk 18 10-14). 

W. Shaw Caldecotf 

COURTS, JUDICIAL, i6o-dish'al,Ju-di8h'al: At 
the advice of Jethro, Moses appointed judges 

(D'^5pTO.«AopV«m,Ex 18). In Egypt 
1. Their it appears that the Hebrews did not 
Organiza- have their own judges, which, of 
tion course, was a source of many wrongs. 

Leaving Egjrpt, Moses took the judi- 
cial functions upon himself, but it was impossible 


Covenant in OT 


that he should be eaual to the task of administer- 
ing justice to two and one-half million people ; hence 
he proceeded to organize a system of jurisprudence. 
He appointed judges over tens, fifties, hundreds, 
thousands — in all 78,600 judges. This system was 
adequate for the occasion, and these courts respec- 
tively corresponded practically to our Justices of 
the reace. Mayor's Court, District Court, Circuit 
Court. Finally, there was a Supreme Court under 
Moses and his successors. These courts, though 
graded, did not afford an opportunity of appeal. 
The lower courts turned their difficult cases over 
to the next hi^er. If the case was simple, the 
judge over tens would take it, but if the question 
was too intricate for him, he would refer it to the 
next higher court, and so on until it finally reached 
Moses. There were certain kinds of questions 
which the tens, fifties, and hundreds would not take 
at all, and the people understood it and would bring 
them to the higher courts for original jurisdiction. 
When any court decided it, that was the end of 
that case, for it could not be appealed (Ex 18 25. 
26). On taking possession in Pal, the judges were 
to be appointed for everv citv and vicinity (Dt 16 
18), thus giving to all Israel a speedy and cheap 
method of adjuchcation. Though not so pre- 
scribed by the constitution, the judges at length 
were generally chosen from among the Levites, as 
the learned class. The office was elective. Jos 
states this plainly, and various passages of the 
Scriptures express it positively by inference (see 
Dt 1 13). Jephthah's election by vote of the 
people is clearly set forth (Jgs 11 5-11). 

Among the Hebrews, the law was held very 

sacred; for God Himself had given it. Hence 

those who administered the law were 

2. Character God's special representatives, and 
of the their person was held correspond- 
Judges ingly sacred. These circumstances 

placed upon them the duty of admin- 
istering justice without respect to persons (Dt 1 17; 
16 18). They were to be guided Dy the inalienable 
rights granted to every citizen by the Heb consti- 
tution: (1) No man was to be deprived of life, 
liberty or property without due process of law 
(Nu S6 9-34). (2; Two or three witnesses were 
required to convict anyone of crime (Dt 17 6; 
19 2-13). (3) Punishment for crime was not to be 
transferred or entailed (Dt 24 16). (4) A man's 
home was inviolate (Dt 24 10.11). (5) One held 
to bondage but having acquired liberty through 
his own Sort should be protected (Dt 23 15.16). 
(6) One's homestead was inalienable (Lev 25 23- 
28.34). (7) Slavery could not be made perpetual 
without the person s own consent (Ex 21 2-6). 

Gradually a legal profession developed among the 
Hebrews, the memoers of which were designated 

aj3 "Lawyers" or "Scribes," also known 

3. Their as "Doctors of the Law" (Lk 2 46). 
Work Their business was threefold: (1) to 

study and interpret the law; (2) to 
instruct the Heb youth in the law; and (3) to decide 
questions of the law. The first two they did as 
scholars and teachers; the last either as judges or 
as advisers in some court, as, for instance, the 
Senate of Jerus or some inferior tribunal. No code 
can go into such details as to eliminate the neces- 
sity of subsequent legislation, and this usually, to 
a great extent, takes the form of judicial decisions 
founded on the code, rather than of separate enact- 
ment; and so it was among the Hebrews. The 
provisions of their code were for the most part quite 
eenersJ, thus affording large scope for casuistic 
interpretation. Regarding the points not explicitly 
covered by the written law, a substitute must be 
found either in the form of established custom or 
in the form of an inference drawn from the statute. 

As a result of the industry with which this hne of 
legal development was pursued during the cents, 
immediately preceding our era, Hebrew law became 
a most complicated science. For the disputed 
points, the judgments of the individual lawyers 
could not be taken as the standard; hence the 
several disciples of the law must frequently meet 
for a discussion, and the opinion of the majority 
then prevailed. These were the meetings of the 
"Doctors." Whenever a case arose concerning 
which there had been no clear legal decision, the 
question was referred to the nearest lawyer; by 
him, to the nearest company of lawyers, perhaps 
the Sanhedrin, and the resultant decision was 
henceforth authority. 

Before the destruction of Jerus technical knowl- 
edge of the law was not a condition of eligibility 
to the office of jud^e. Anyone who could command 
the confidence of his fellow-citizens might be elected, 
and many of the rural courts undoubtedly were 
conducted, as among us, by men of sterling Quality, 
but limited knowledge. Such men would avail 
themselves of the legal advice of any "doctor" who 
might be within reach; and in the more dignified 
courts of a large municipality it was a standing 
custom to have a company of lawyers present to 
discuss and decide any new law points that might 
arise. Of course, frequently these men were them- 
selves elected to the office of judge, so that prac- 
tically the entire system of jurisprudence was in 
their hands. 

Though Judaea at this time was a subject com- 
monwealth, yet the Sanhedrin, which was the body 

of supreme legislative and judicial 
4. Limita- authority, exercised autonomous au- 
tions under thority to such an extent that it not 
Roman only aidministered civil cases in accord- 

Rule ance with Jewish law — ^for without 

such a right a Jewish court would be 
impossible — but it also took part to a great extent 
in the punishment of crime. It exercised an- inde- 
pendent police power, hence could send out its 
own officers to make arrests (Mt 26 47; Mk 14 
43; Acts 4 3; 6 17.18). In cases that did not 
involve capital punishment, its judgments were 
final and untrammeled (Acts 4 2-23; 6 21-40). 
Only in capital punishment cases must the consent 
of the procurator be secured, which is not only 
clearly stated in Jn 18 31, but is also evident in the 
entire course of Christ's trial, as reported by the 
Synoptic Gospels. In granting or withholding his 
consent in such cases, the procurator could follow 
his pleasure absolutely, applying either the Jewish 
or Rom law, as his ^de. In one class of cases the 
ri^t to innict capital punishment even on Rom 
citizens was granted the Sanhedrin, namely, when a 
non-Jewish person overstepped the bounds and 
entered the interior holy place of the temple. Even 
in this case the consent of the procurator must be 
secured, but it appears that the Rom rulers were 
inclined to let the law take its course against such 
wanton outrage of the Jews' feelings. Criminal 
cases not involving capital punishment need not be 
referred to the procurator. 

The city in which the Sanhedrin met was Jerus. 
To determine the particular building, and the spot 

on which the building stood, is inter- 
6. Time esting to the archaeologist, not to the 
and Place student of law. The local courts 
of Sessions usually held their sessions on the 

second and fifth day (Monday and 
Thursday) of the week, but we do not know whether 
the same custom was observed by the Great San- 
hedrin. On feast days no court was held, much 
less on the Sabbath. Since the death penalty was 
not to be pronounced until the day after the trial, 
such cases were avoided also on the day preceding 



a Sabbath or other sacred day. The emphasis 
placed on this observance may be seen from the 
edicts issued by Augustus, absolving the Jews from 
the duty of attending court on the Sabbath. See 
Doctor; Lawyer; Sanhedrin; Scribe. 

Frank E. Hirsch 
COUSIN, kuz"n (dvi+i6«, anepsids): Only in 
Col 4 10, where Mark is said to be "cousin" (RV) 
to Barnabas, and not as in AV, "sister's son/' 
The renderixigs "cousin" of AV for ffvyyetrffs, sttg* 
gerUsj in Lk 1 36.58 were probably imderstood at 
the time of the tr, in the wider, and not in the more 
restricted, sense of the term, now almost universally 
prevalent. In view of this the renderings "kins- 
woman," "kinsfolk" in RV are preferable. As a 
title of honor and dignity, it occurs in 1 Esd 4 42, 
etc. See Kinsman. 

COUTHA, kou'tha, koo'tha. See Cuthah. 

COVENANT, kuv'e-nant (IN THE OT) (H'^n? , 

I. Gbnsral Meaning 
II. Among Men 

1. Early Idea 

2. Principal Elements 

3. Different Varieties 

4. Phraseology Used 
III. Between God and Men 

1. Essential Idea 

2. Oovenants Recorded in the OT 

3. Phraseology Used 

4. History of Covenant Idea 


/. Generai Meaning. — ^The etymological force of 
the Heb h*rUk is not entirely certain. It is probable 
that the word is the same as the Assyr hirihij which 
has the common meaning ''fetter/' but also means 
^'covenant." The significance of the root from 
which this Assyr word is derived is uncertain. It 
is probable that it is "to bind/' but that is not 
denoitely established. The meaning of biritu as 
covenant seems to come directly from the root, 
rather than as a derived meaning from fetter. ^ If 
this root idea is to bind, the covenant is that which 
binds together the parties. This, at any rate, is 
in harmony with the general meaning of the word. 

In the OT the word has an ordinary use, when 
both parties are men, and a distinctly religious use, 
between God and men. There can be no doubt 
that the religious use has come from the ordinary, 
in harmonv with the general custom in such cases, 
and not the reverse. There are also two shades 
of meaning, somewhat distinct, of the Heb word: 
one in which it is properly a covenant, i.e. a solemn 
mutual agreement, the other in which it is more a 
command,^ i.e. instead of an obligation voluntarily 
assumed, it is an obligation impeded by a superior 
upon an inferior. TUs latter meaning, however, 
has clearly been derived from the other. It is 
easy to see that an agreement, including as the 
contracting parties those of unequal position, might 
readilv include those agreements which tended to 
partake of the nature of a command; but the pro- 
cess could not readily be reversed. 

//. Among Men, — ^We consider first a covenant 
in which both contracting parties are men. In 
essence a covenant is an agreement. 
1. Eaxly but an agreement of a solemn and 
Idea binding force. The early Sem idea 

of a covenant was doubtless that which 
prevailed among the Arabs (see esp. W. Robertson 
Smith, Religion of the Semites, 2d ed, passim). 
This was primarily blood-brotherhood, in which two 
men became brothers by drinking each other's 
blood. Ordinarily this meant that one was adopted 
into the clan of the other. Hence this act in- 
volved the clan of one of the contracting parties, 
and also brought the other party into relation with 

the ^od of this clan, by brining him into the com- 
mumty life of the clan, which included its god. 
In this earty idea, then, "primarily the covenant 
is not a special engagement to this or that particular 
effect, but bond of troth and life-fellowship to all 
the effects for which kinsmen are permanently 
bound together" (W. Robertson Smith, op. cit., 
315 f). In this early ceremonial the religious idea 
was necessarily present, because the god was kindred 
to the clan; and the god had a special interest in 
the covenant, because ne esp. protects the kindred 
blood, of which the stranger thus becomes a part. 
This rdip^ous side always persisted, although the 
original idea was much modified. In later usage 
there were various substitutes for the drinking of 
each other's blood, viz. drinking together the sac- 
rificial blood, sprinkling it upon the parties, eating 
together the sacrificial meal, etc; but the same idea 
found expression in all, the community of Uf e result- 
ing from the covenant. 

The covenant in the OT shows considerable 
modification from the early idea. Yet it will 
doubtless help m understanding the 
2. Principal OT covenant to keep in mind the early 
Elements idea and form. Combining state- 
ments made in different accoimts, the 
following seem to be the principal elements in a 
covenant between men. Some of the details, it is 
to be noted, are not explicitly stated in reference to 
these oovenants, but may be inferred from those 
between God and men. (1) A statement of the 
terms agreed upon (Gen 26 29; 81 50.52). This 
was a modification of the earlier idea, which has 
been noted, in which a covenant was all-inclusive. 
(2) An oath by each party to observe the terms. 
God being witness ot the oath (Gen 26 31; 81 
48-53). The oath was such a characteristic feature 
that sometimes the term ''oath" is used as the 
equivalent of covenant (see Ezk 17 13). (3) A 
curse invoked by each one upon himself in case of 
disregard of the agreement. In a sense this ma^ 
be considered a part of the oath, adding emphasis 
to it. This curse is not explicitly stated in the case 
of human covenants, but may be inferred from 
the covenant with God (Dt 27 15-26). (4) The 
formal ratification of the covenant by some solemn 
external act. The different ceremonies for this 
purpose, such as have already been mentioned, are 
to be regarded as the later equivalents of the early 
act of orinking each other's blood. In the OT 
accounts it is not certain that such formal act is 
expressly mentioned in relation to covenants 
between men. It seems probable^ however that 
the sacrificial meal of Gen 81 54 mcluded Laban, 
in which case it was a covenant sacrifice. In any 
case, both sacrificial meal and sprinkling of blood 
upon the two j^arties, the altar representing Jeh, 
are mentioned in Ex 24 4-8, with allusions else- 
where, in ratification of the covenant at Sinai 
between Jeh and Israel. In the covenant of God 
with Abraham is another ceremony, quite certainly 
with the same purpose. This is a peculiar observ- 
ance, viz. the cuttmg of animals into two parts and 
passing between the severed portions (Gen 16 9-18), 
a custom also referred to m Jer 84 18. Here it 
is to be noted that it is a smoking furnace and a 
flaming torch, representing God, not Abraham, which 
passed between the pieces. Such an act, it would 
seem, should be shared bv both parties, but in this 
case it is doubtless to Be explained d^ the fact 
that the covenant is principally a promise by Jeh. 
He is the one who binds Himself. Concerning the 
significance of this act there is difference of opinion. 
A common view is that it is in effect a f onnal ex- 
pression of the curse, imprecating upon oneself 
the same, i.e. cutting in pieces, if one breaks the 
terms of the covenant. But, as W. R. Smith has 

CoTtnaiit in OT 



pointed out (op. cit., 481), this does not explain 
the paafring between the pieces, which is the char- 
acteristic feature of the ceremony. It seems rather 
to be a symbol that the two parties ''were taken 
within the mystical life of the victim/' (Cf the 
interpretation of He 9 15-17 in Covenant in 
THE NT.) It would then be an inheritance from 
the early times, in which the victim was regarded 
as kindred with the tribe, and hence also an equiva- 
lent of the drinking of each other's blood. 

The inmiutability of a covenant is everywhere 
assumed, at least theoretically. 

Other features beyond those mentioned cannot 
be considered as fundamental. This is the case 
with the setting up of a stone, or raising a heap of 
stones (Gen 81 45.46). This is doubtless simply 
. an ancient custom, which has no direct connection 
with the covenant, but comes from the ancient 
Sem idea cd the sacredness of single stones or heaps 
of stones. Striking hands is a general expression 
of an agreement made (Ezr 10 19; £zk 17 18, etc). 

In observing different varieties of agreements 
among men, we note that they mav be either be- 
tween individuals or between larger 
8. Different units, such as tribes and nations. In 
Varieties a great majority of cases, however, 
they are between the larger units. ^ In 
some cases, also, when an individual acts it is in a 
representative capacity, as the head of a clan, or 
as a king. When the covenant is between tribes 
it is thus a treaty or alliance. The following pas- 
sages have this use of covenant: Gen 14 13; 21 
27.32; 26 28; 81 44; Ex 28 32; 84 12.15; Dt 
7 2; Josh 9; Jgs it 2; 1 S 11 1: 

1 K 6 12; 16 19 || 2 Ch 16 3; 1 K 20 34; Ps 88 
5; Isa 88 8; Ezk 16 61; 17 13-19; 80 5; Dnl 
11 22; Am 1 9. In other cases it is between a 
king and his subjects, when it is more a command or 
ordinance, as 2 S 8 12.13.21; 6 3 || 1 Ch 11 3; 
Jer 84 8-18; Dnl 9 27. In other cases it is be- 
tween individuals, or between small groups, where 
it is an agreement or pledge (2 K 11 4 || 2 Ch 28 
1; Job 81 1; 41 4; Hos 10 4). Between David 
and Jonathan it is more specifically an alliance of 
friendship (1 S 18 3; 20 8; 28 18), as also ap- 
parently in Ps 66 20. It means an alliance of 
marriage in Mai 2 14, but probably not in Prov 

2 17, where it is better to understand the meaning 
as beins ''her covenant with God." 

In all cases of covenants between men, except 
Jer 84 10 and Dnl 9 27, the technical phrase for 
making a covenant is kdraih b*rith, 
4. Phrase- in which kdraih meant originally ''to 
ology Used cut." Ever^rthing indicates that this 
vb. is used with r^erence to the formal 
ceremony of ratification above mentioned, of cutting 
animals m pieces. 

///. Bmtwemn God and Men. — ^As already noted, 
the idea of covenants between God and men doubt- 
less arose from the idea of covenants 
1. Essential between men. Hence the general 
Idea thought is similar. It cannot m this 

case, however, be an agreement be- 
tween contracting parties who stand on an eciuality, 
but God, the superior, always takes the initiative. 
To some extent, nowever, varying in different cases, 
it b regarded as a mutual agreement; God with 
His conunands makes certain promises, and men 
agree to keep the commands, or, at any rate, the 
promises are conditioned on human obedience. 
In general, the covenant of (jod with men is a Divine 
orcunance, with signs and pledges on God*B part, 
and with promises for human obedience and penal- 
ties for disobedience, which ordinance^ is^ accepted 
by men. la one passage (Ps 26 14), it is used in 
a more general way of an alliance of friendship 
between God and man. 

A covenant of this general kind is said in the OT 
to have been made by God with Noah (Gen 9 9-17 
and elsewhere). In this the promise 
2. Cove- is that there shall be no more deluge. 
nantsRe- A covenant is made with Abraham, 
corded in the thought of wluch includes his 
the OT descendants. In this the promise of 
God is to multiply the descendants of 
Abraham, to give them the land of Canaan, and 
to make them a blessing to the nations. Tnis is 
narrated in Gen 16 18; 17 2-21, etc. A covenant 
is made with the nation Israel at Sinai (Horeb) 
(Ex 19 5; 24 7.8; 84 10.27.28, etc), ratified by a 
covenant sacrifice and sprinkling of blood (£x 24 
4-8). This constituted the nation the peculiar 
people of God, and was accompanied by promises 
tor obedience and penalties for disobedience. This 
covenant was renewed on the plains of Moab 
(Dt 29 1). In these national covenants the in- 
dividual had a place, but only as a memb^ of 
the nation. The individual misnt forfeit his rights 
under the covenant, however, oy deliberate rebel- 
lion against Jeh, sinning "with a hieh hand" (Nu 
16 30 f), and then he was regardeoas no longer 
a member of the nation, he was^'cut off from among 
his people," i.e. put to death. This is the teaching 
of r, and is also implied elsewhere; in the mercy 
of God, however, the punishment was not always 
inflicted. A covenant with the tribe of Levi, by 
which that became the priestly tribe, is alluded to 
in Dt 88 0; Jer 88 21; Mai 2 4ff. The cove- 
nant with Phinehas (Nu 26 12.13) established an 
everlasting priesthood in his line. The covenant 
with Joshua^ and Israel (Josh 24) was an agree- 
ment on their part to serve Jeh only. The cove- 
nant with David (2 S 7 J 1 Ch 17; see also Ps 89 182 12; Jer iS 21) contained a promise 
that his descendants should have an everlasting 
kingdom^ and should stand to God in the relation 
of sonship. The covenant with Jehoiada and the 
people (2 K 11 17 11 2 Ch 28 3) was an agreement 
on their part to be the people of Jeh. The covenant 
with Hezekiah and the people (2 Ch 29 10) con- 
sisted essentially of an agreement on their part 
to reform the worship: the covenant with Josiah 
and the people (2 K 28 3), of an agreement on 
their part to obey the Book of the Law. The 
covenant with Ezra and the people (Ezr 10 3) was 
an agreement on their part to put away foreign 
wives and obey the law. The prophets also speak 
of a new covenant, most explicitly in Jer, but with 
references elsewhere, which is connected with the 
Messianic time (see Isa 42 6; 49 8; 66 3; 69 21; 
61 8; Jer 81 31.33; 82 40; 60 5; Ezk 16 60.62; 
20 37; 84 25; 87 26; Hos 2 18). 

Vanous phrases are used oi the making of a 
covenant between God and men. The vb. ordina- 
rily used of making covenants be- 
8. Phrase- tween men, kdraih^ is often used here 
ology Used as well. The following vbs. are also 
used: AS^m, "to establish'' or "con- 
firm"; fUUhan, "to give''; aim, "to place"; ^towdh, 
"to command": ^Sbhar, "to pass over," foUowea 
by 6«, "into"; 66' "to enter,''^ followed by h"; and 
the phrase n^d' o*fiih ^al pi, "to take up a cove- 
nant upon the mouth of someone." 

The history of the covenant idea in Israel, as 
between God and man, is not altogether easy to 
trace. This appUes esp. to the great 
4. History covenants between God and Israel, 
of Covenant viz. the one with Abraham, and the 
Idea one made at Sinai. The earliest ref- 

erences to this relation of Israel to Jeh 
under the term "covenant" are in Hos 6 7; 8 1. 
The interpretation of the former passage is doubtful 
in details, but the reference to such a covenant 
seems clear. The latter is considered by many a 



later addition, but largely because of this mention 
of the covenant. No other references to such a 
covenant are made in the prophets before Jeremiah. 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel speak of it, and it is implied 
in Second-Isaiah. It is a curious fact, however, 
that most of the later prophets do not use the term, 
which suggests that the omission in the earlier 
prophets is not very significant concerning a knowl- 
edge of the idea in early times. 

In this connection it should be noted that there 
is some variation among the Hexateuchal codes in 
their treatment of the covenants. Only one point, 
however, needs special mention. P gives no ex- 
plicit account of the covenant at Sinai, and puts 
large emphasis upon the covenant with Abraham. 
There are, however, apparent allusions to the Sina- 
itic covenant (Lev 2 13; 24 8; 26 
The facts indicate, therefore, principally a differ- 
ence of emphasis. 

In the h^ht partly of the facts already noted, 
* however, it is held by many that the covenant idea 
between God and man is comparatively late. This 
view is that there were no covenants with Abraham 
and at Sinai, but that in Israel's early conceptions 
of the relation to Jeh He was their tribal God, b^und 
by natural ties, not ethical as the covenant implies, 
lliis is a larger question than at first appears. 
Reallv the whole problem of the relation of Israel 
to Jen throughout OT history is involved, in par- 
ticular the question at what time a comprehensive 
conception of the ethical character of God was 
developed. The subject will therefore naturally 
receive a fuller treatment in other articles. It is 
perhaps sufficient here to express the conviction 
that there was a very considerable conception of 
the ethical character of Jeh in the early history of 
Israel, and that consequently there is no sufficient 
reason for doubting the fact of the covenants with 
Abraham and at Sinai. The statement of W. 
Robertson Smith expresses the essence of the 
matter (op. cit., 319): ''That Jeh's relation is not 
natural but ethical is the doctrine of the prophets, 
and is emphasized, in dependence on their teaching, 
in the Book of Dt.^ But the passages dted show 
that the idea has its foundation in pre-prophetic 
times; and indeed the prophets, though thev give 
it fresh and powerful application, puunlv do not 
regard the conception as an innovation.''^ 

A little further consideration should be given to 
the new covenant of the prophets. The eeneral 
teaching is that the covenant was broken By the 
sins of the people which led to the exile. Hence 
during the exile the people had been cast off, the 
covenant was no longer in force. This is stated, 
using other terminology, in Hos 3 3 f^ 19; 2 2. 
The prophets speak, however, in anticipation, of 
the making of a covenant again after the return 
from the exile. For the most part, in the passages 
alreadv cited, this covenant is spoken of as if it were 
the old one renewed. Special emphasis is put, 
however, upon its being an everlasting covenant, 
as the old one did not prove to be, impl3dng that 
it will not be broken as was that one. Jeremiah's 
teaching, however, has a little different emphasis. 
He speaks of the old covenant as passed away 
(81 32). Accordinglv he speaks of a new cove- 
nant (81 31.33). This new covenant in its pro- 
visions, however, is much Uke the old. But there 
is a new emphasis upon individuality in approach 
to God. In the old covenant, as already noted, 
it was the nation as a whole that entered into the 
relation; here it is the individual, and the law is 
to be written upon the individual heart. 

In the later usage the specific covenant idea is 
sometimes less prominent, so that the term is used 
practically of the religion as a whole; see Isa 66 4: 
Ps 108 18. 

LiTEBATUBB.--Valeton. ZATW, XII, XIII (1892-03): 
CancLUah. Expoa 7, 1892, Oct., Nov.; Kraetzschmar. Die 
BundeavoratMung im AT, Marburg, 1896; arts. "Cove" 
nant" in HDB and EB, ^ •» t> 

Georob Kicker Berrt 

COVENANT (IN THE NT): Aiaa^icti, DiatM- 
ke, was the word chosen by the LXX translators 
to render the Heb h'Tlih. and it appears thus nearly 
300 times in the Gr OT in the sense of covenant, 
while surUhtke and entolai are each used once 
only. The choice of this word seems to have been 
occasioned by a recognition that the covenant which 
God makes with men is not fully mutual as would 
be implied in suntheke, the Gr word commonly used 
for covenant (althougn not a NT word), while at the 
same time the rarity of wills among the Jews made 
the common sense of diaiheki relatively unfamiliar. 
The Apocryphal writers also frequently use the same 
word m the same sense and no other. 

In the NT diatheke is used some thirty times in a 
way which makes it plain that its tr must be ' 'cove- 
nant." In Gal 8 15 and He 9 1&-17 it is held 
b3r many that the sense of covenant must be set 
aside in favor of will or testament. But in the 
former passage it can be taken in the sense of a dis- 
position of afiairs or arrangement made by God. a 
conception in substantial harmony with its regular 
NT use and with the sense of h'rUh. In the passage 
in He the interpretation is more difficult, but as it 
is acknowledged on all hands that the passage loses 
all argumentative force if the meaning testament 
is accepted, it seems best to retain the meaning 
covenant if possible. To do this it is only necessary 
to hold that the death spoken of is the death of the 
animal sometime^ if not, indeed, commonly slain 
in connection with the miaking or a covenant, and 
that in the mind of the author this death symbolized 
the death of the contracting parties so far at least 
as to pledge them that thereafter in the matter in- 
volved they would no more change their minds than 
can the dead. If thi£( view is^ ^ken, this passage 
falls in line with the otherwise invariable use of the 
word 6{ia//i€A;g by Jewish Hellenists. See Testament. 

LiTBBATUBB. — Lic^tfoot, Comm, on Oal; Ramsay, 
Comm, on Oal; Westcott, Comm. on Hebrewa; art. on He 
9 15-17. Bapliat Review and Bxpoa., July. 1904. 

David Foster Estes 
COVENANT, kuv'e-nant, kuVS-nant, ARK OP 
THE. See Ark of the Covenant. 

COVENANT OP SALT, s61t (nbp T'^n? , b'fUh 
mdah; &Xas, AdZos, classical Gr &Xs, hdU) : As salt 
was regarded as a necessary ingredient of the daily 
food,^ and so of all sacrifices offered to Jeh (Lev 2 
13), it became an easy step to the very close con- 
nection between salt and covenant-making. When 
men ate together they became friends. Cf the 
Arab, expression, "There is salt between us"; "He 
has eaten of my salt/' which means partaking of 
hospitality which cemented friendship; cf "eat the 
salt of the palace" (Ezr 4 14). Covenants were 
generally confirmed by sacrificial meals and salt was 
always present. Since, too, salt is a preservative, 
it would easily become symbolic of an enduring cove- 
nant. So offerings to Jeh were to be by a statute 
for ever, "a covenant of salt for ever before Jeh" (Nu 
18 19). David received his kingdom forever from 
Jeh by a "covenant of salt" (2 Ch 18 6). In the 
light of these concet)tions the remark of Our Lord be- 
comes the more significant : "Have salt in yourselves, 
and be at peace one with another" (Mk 9 50). 

Edward Bagbt Pollard 


§epher ha-b^Uh) : 

1. Historical Connection 

2. Analysis 

3. Critical Theories 

4. True, or Biblical Conception 

5. Nature of the Laws 




The name given in Ex 24 7 to a code or collec- 
tion of laws found in the preceding chapters, 20-23, 
as the terms of the covenant made with Jeh, and 
given for Israel's guidance until a more complete 
legislation should be provided. In this covenant 
between Jeh and Israel, Moses served as mediator; 
animals were sacrificed, the blood thus shed being 
also called "the blood of the covenant" (dam hor 
b'rlth^ Ex 24 8). 

This brief book of laws occupies a fitting and 

clearly marked place in the Pentateuchal collection. 

Examination of the historical context 

1. Histori- shows that it is put where it belongs 
cal Con- and belongs where it is put. A few 
nection months after the Exodus (Ex 19 1) 

Israel arrived at Sinai. Immediately 
at the command which Moses had received from 
Jeh in the Mount, they prepared themselves by a 
ceremonial of sanctification for entrance into cove- 
nant relation with Jeh. When the ^at day arrived 
for making this covenant, Moses in the midst of 
impressive natural phenomena went again to meet 
Jen in the top of the mountain. On his return 
(Ex 19 25), the words of the law, or the terms of 
the covenant, were declared to the people, and 
accepted by them. The first part of these cove- 
nant-terms, viz. the Decalogue (Ex 20 2-17), was 
spoken by the Divine voice, or its declaration was 
accompanied by awe-inspiring natural convulsions 
(Ex 20 18). Therefore in response to the pleadings 
of the terrified people Moses went up again into 
the mountain and received from Jeh lor them the 
rest of the "words" and "ordinances" (24 3); and 
these constitute the so-called Book of the Covenant 
(20 22 — ^23). In this direct and unequivocal manner 
the narrator connected the book with the nation's 
consecration at Sinai. ^ The prophets regarded the 
making of the Sinaitic covenant as the marriage 
of Israel and Jeh, and these laws were the terms 
mutually a^p^ed upon in the marriage contract. 

While it IS not possible to arrange the materials 
of this document into hard-and-fast divisions, the 

following analvsis may be suggestive 

2. Analysis and serviceable: (1) directions con- 

cerning w^orship, specifying prohibi- 
tion of images and the form of altar lor animal 
sacrifices (20 23-26) ; (2) ordinances for protection 
of Heb slaves, including betrothal, for a price, of 
a daughter (21 2-11); (3) laws concerning injuries, 
(a) to man by man (vs 12-27), (6) to man by beast 
(vs 28-32). (c) to beast by man (vs 33.34), (d) to 
beast by beast (vs 35.36): (4) concerning theft 
(22 1-4); (5) concerning damage to a neighbor's 
property, including violence to his dau^ter (vs 
6-17); (6) sundry laws against profanmg Jeh's 
name, under which are included proper worship, 
avoidance of oppression and dutiful offering oi 
first-fruits (vs 18-31): (7) against various forms of 
injustice and unbrotnerliness (23 1-9); (8) festal 
occasions, including the Sabbatical year and the 
three annual feasts: unleavened bread, first-fruits 
and ingathering (vs 10-17); (9) warning against 
certain wrong practices in their sacrifices (vs 18.19) : 
(10) in conclusion, a promise of God's continual 
presence with them in tne person of His Angel, and 
the conseouent triumph over enemies (vs 20-33). 
In this legislation are found two forms of laws 
or deliverances: (1) the ordinances (mishpGilm)^ 
which deal principaJly with civil and moral matters, 
are Uke coiirt decisions, and are introduced by the 
hypothetical "if"; (2) words, or commands (d'hhd- 
rim) J which relate chiefly to religious duties, being 
introduced by the imperative "thou shalt." 

. The critical analysis and dismemberment of the books 
of Moses, if accepted, renders the simple historical ex- 
planation of the introduction to this body of laws untrue 
and impossible. The four chapters are assigned to JE, 
the Decalogue to E. and the Book of the Covenant to J 

or E, the repetition of the Decalogue in chs 32-34 being 
J's account. Ordinarily the Book of the Covenant is 

held to be earlier than the Decalogue, and 
S Critical ^^ indeed the oldest body of Heb le^iation. 
ZC. *r However, it could not have been given at 

ineones one time, nor in the wilderness, since the 

laws are given for those in agricultural life, 
and seem to be decisions made at various times and finally 
gathered together. Fiirthermore, this more primitive 
code either contradicts the later legislation of D and P or 
reveals an entirely different point of view. The chief 
contradictions or divergences are: nature and number 
of altars, absence of an official priestly class, and simpler 
conception of the annual feasts as agricultiu*al celebra- 
tions. JB came into united form in the 9th or 8th 
cent., but this body of laws existed much earlier, em- 
bodying the ewrliest l^ral developments of Heb life in 
Canaan. It is suggested by some, as Driver. LOT, 
although he does not attempt the analysis, that this code 
is itseu a composite of various layers and ages. See 
Criticism (Gbaf-Wellhausen Htpothesib). 

But in favor of the simpler interpretation of these 
laws as the ethical obligations of the new bond 

between Jeh and Israel some state- 
4. True, ments deserve to be made. If a solemn 
or Biblical league and covenant was made at 
Conceptioii Sinai — and to this all the history, all 

the prophets and the Psalms give tes- 
timony — there must have been some statement of 
the germinal and fundamental elements of the na- 
tion's moral relation to Jeh. Such statement need 
not be final nor exhaustive, but rather intended to 
instruct and guide until later and more detailed 
directions might be given. This is exactly the posi- 
tion and claim of the Book of the Covenant; and 
that this was the thought of the editor of the Pent, 
and that this is the first and reasonable impression 
made by the unsuspecting and connected reading 
of the record, can hardly oe questioned by candid 
minds. In answer to the criticism that the agri- 
cultural flavor of the laws presupposes settlement 
in Canaan — a criticism rather remarkable for its 
bland ignorance — it may be suggested: (1) Israel 
had occupied in Egypt an agricultural section, and 
must have been able either to form or to receive a 
bodv of laws dealing with agricultiu'al pursuits. 
(2) They were on the march toward a land m which 
they should have permanent settlement in agri- 
cultural life; and not the presence of allusions to 
such life, but rather their absence, should cause 
surprise. (3) However, references to settled farm 
life are not so obtrusively frequent as those seeking 
signs would have us think. References to the ani- 
mal life of the flock and herd of a shepherd people, 
such as the Israelites were at Sinai, are far more 
frequent (21 28.33.35; 22 1.10; 28 4, etc). The 
laws are quite generic in form and conception, en- 
forcing such duties as would devolve upon both 
temporary nomad and prospective tillers of the soil. 
R. B. Taylor therefore (art. m one- vol HDB) accepts 
this code as originating in the desert wanderings. 

In answer to the view, best presented by Well- 
hausen in ProUg, and W. R. Smith in OTJCy that 
this code is in conflict with later legislation, it may 
be said that the Book of the Covenant, as an ethical 
and civil summary, is in its proper place in the 
narrative of the sojourn at Sinai, and does not pre- 
clude the expectancy of more elaborate organiza- 
tion of both ceremonial and civil order. But the 
whole question relates more properly to discussion 
of the mter legislation or of the particular topics in 
dispute (q.v.). For a thorough treatment of them 
consult W. H. Green, Heb Feasts, 

In the Book of the Covenant the moral elements 
strongly emphasized are: simplicity, directness and 

spirituality of worship : a hi^ and equi- 
6. Nature table standard of right; highest con- 
of llie Laws sideration for the weak and the poor; 

humane treatment of dumb animals; 

Eurity in the relations of life; the spirit of brother^ 
ood; and the simple and J03rful life. Whatever 
I development in details came with later legislation 



did not nullify the simple but lofty standards of the 
earlier laws. 

Literature. — Driver, LOT. under "Exodus"; Well- 
bauaen. PHI; Comp. d. Hex; W. R. Smith, OTJC; W. H. 
Green. Heb Feastt; Higher Crit of Pent; Dlllmann, Comm, 

Edward Mack 
COVENANT, THE NEW (Hfiq H'^nSl, b^rUh 
hddhdahdh, Jer 31 31; ^ 8ia6^Ki| Kaiv^, h6 dicUhtke 
letting f He 8 8.13, etc, or Wa, rUa, He 12 24: the 
former Gr adj. has the sense of the "new" primarily 
in reference to quality, the latter the sense of young, 
the "new," primarily in reference to time) : 

1. Contrast of "New" and "Old"— The Term "Cove- 

2. Christ's Use at the Last Supper 

3. Relation to Ex S4 

4. Use in Ep. to the Hebrews 

5. The Mediator of the New Covenant 

6. "Inheritance" and "Testament" 

7. Relation to Jer 81 31-34 

8. To Ezekiel 

9. Contrast of Old and New in 2 Cor 3 

The term "New" Covenant necessarily implies 

an "Old" Covenant, and we are reminded that God's 

dealings with His people in the various 

1. Contrast dispensations of the world's history 
of "New" have been in terms of covenant. The 
and "Old" Holy Scriptures by their most familiar 
— ^Uie Term title keep this thought before us, the 
"Covenant" OT and the NT or Covenant: the 

writings produced within the Jewish 
"church" being the wntings or Scrip^tures of the Old 
Covenant, those within the Christian church, the 
Scriptures of the New Covenant. The alternative 
name "Testament" — adopted into our Eng. descrip- 
tion through the Lat, as the equivalent of the 
Heb htilhf and the Gr diaiheke, which both mean 
a solemn disposition, compact or contract — sug- 
gests the disposition of property in a last will or 
testament, but although the word diaiheke may bear 
that meaning, the Heb h'rilh does not, and as the 
Gr usage in the NT seems esp. governed by the OT 
usage and the thought moves in a similar plane, it 
is better to keep to the term "covenant." The one 
passage which seema to favor the "testament'' idea 
18 He 9 16.17 (the Revisers who have changed the 
AV "testament" into "covenant" in every other 
place have left it in these two vs), but it is question- 
able whether even here the better rendering would 
not be "covenant" (see below'). Certainly in the 
inmiediate context "covenant is the correct tr 
and, confessedly, "testament;" if allowed to stand. 
is an application by transition from the original 
thought of a solenm compact to the secondary one 
of testamentaiy disposition. The theological terms 
"Covenant of Works" and "Covenant of Grace" do 
not occur in Scripture, though the ideas covered 
by the terms, esp. the latter, may easily be found 
there. The "New Covenant" here spoken of is 
practically equivalent to the Covenant of Grace 
established between God and His redeemed people, 
that again resting upon the eternal Covenant ot 
Redemption made between the Father and the Son, 
which, though not so expressly designated, is not 
obsciu^ely indicated by many passages of Scripture. 
Looking at the matter more particularly, we have 
to note the words of Christ at the institution of the 
Supper. In all the three Synoptists, 

2. Christ's as also in Paul's account (Mt 26 28; 
Use at Last Mk 14 24: Lk 22 20; 1 Cor 11 25) 
Sapper "covenant occurs. Mt and Mk, 

"my blood of the [new] covenant": 
Lk and Paul, "the new covenant in my blood.' 
The Revisers following the critical text, have 
omitted "new" in Mt and Mk, but even if it does 
not belong to the original MS, it is implied, and 
there need be little doubt that Jesus used it. The 
old covenant was so well known to these Jewish 

disciples, that to speak of the covenant in this em- 
phatic way, referring manifestly to something other 
than the old Mosaic covenant, was in effect to call 
it a "new" covenant. The expression, in any case, 
looks back to the old and points the contrast; but 
in the contrast there are points of resemblance. 

It is most significant that Christ here connects the 

"new" covenant with His "blood." We at once 

think, as doubtless the disciples would 

3. Relation think, of the transaction described in 
to Ex 24 Ex 24 7, when Moses "took the book 

of the covenant, and read in. the 
audience of the people" those "words," indicating 
God's undertaking on behalf of His people and what 
He required of them; "and they said. All that Jeh 
hath spoken will we do, and be obedient," thus 
taking up their part of the contract. Then comes 
the ratification. "Moses took the blood [half of 
which had already been sprinkled on the altar], and 
sprinkled it on the people, and said. Behold the 
blood of the covenant, which Jeh hath made with 
you concerning all tnese words" (ver 8). The 
blood was sacrificial blood, the blood of the animals 
sacrificed as burnt offering? and peace offerings 
(Ex 24 5.6). The one half of the blood sprinkled 
on the altar teUs of the sacrifice offered to God, the 
other hiJf sprinkled on the people, of the virtue of 
the same sacrifice applied to the people, and so the 
covenant relation is fully brought about. Christ, 
by speaking of His blood in this connection, plainly 
indicates that His death was a sacrifice, and that 
through that sacrifice His people would be brought 
into a new covenant relationshm with God. fiis 
sacrifice is acceptable to God and the virtue of it is 
to be applied to behevers — so all the blessings of the 
new covenant are secured to them; the blood "is 
poured out for you" (Lk 22 20). He specifically 
mentions one great blessing of the new covenant, 
the forgiveness of sins — "which is poured out for 
many unto remission of sins" (Mt 26 28). 

This great thought is taken up in He and fully 
expounoed. The writer draws out fully the con- 
trast between the new covenant and 

4. Use in the old by laying stress upon the per- 
£p. to the fection of Christ's atonement in con- 
Hebrews trast to the material and typical 

sacrifices (He 9 11-23). He was "a 
high priest of the good things to come," connected 
with "the greater and more perfect tabernacle." 
He entered the heavenly holy place "through his 
own blood," not that of "goats and calves," and by 
that perfect offering He nas secured "eternal re- 
demption" in contrast to the temporal deliverance 
of the old dispensation. The blood of those typical 
offerings procured ceremonial cleansing; much more, 
therefore, shall the blood of Christ avail to cleanse 
the conscience "from dead works to serve the living 
(jrod" — that blood which is so superior in value to 
the blood of the temporal sacrifices, yet resembles 
it in being sacrificial blood. It is the olood of Him 
"who, through the eternal Spirit offered himself 
without blemish unto God." It is the fashion in 
certain quarters nowadays to say that it is not the 
blood of Christ, but His spirit of selfngacrifice for 
others, that invests the cross with its saving power, 
and this verse is sometimes cited to show that the 
virtue hes in the surrender of the perfect will, the 
shedding of the blood being a mere accident. But 
this is not the view of the NT writers. The blood- 
shedding is to them a necessity. Of course, it is 
not the natural, material blood, or the mere act of 
shedding it, that saves. The blood is the life. The 
blood is the symbol of life; the blood shed is the 
symbol of life outpoured — of the penalty borne; and 
while great enophasis must be laid, as in this verse it 
is laid, upon Christ's perfect surrender of His holy 
will to God, yet the essence of the matter is found 



in the fact that He willingly endured the dread con- 
sequences of sin, and as a veritable expiatory sacrifice 
shed His precious blood for the remission of sins. 

On the ground of that shed blood, as the writer 
goes on to assert, ''He is the mediator of a new 
covenant; that a death having taken 
6. The Me- plaoe for the redemption of the trans- 
diatorof gressions that were under the first 
the New covenant^ they that have been called 
Covenant may receive the promise of the eternal 
inheritance" (ver 15). Thus Christ 
fulfils the tvpe in a twofold way: He is the sacrifice 
upon which the covenant is based, whose blood 
ratifies it, and He is also, like Moses, the Mediator 
of the covenant. The death of Christ not only 
secures the forgiveness of those who are brought 
under the new covenant, but it was also for the 
redemption of the transsressions under the first cove- 
nant, miplying that all the sacrifices gained their 
value by being types of Christ, and the forgiveness 
enjoyed by the people of God in former days was 
bestowed m virtue of the great Sacrifice to be offered 
in the fulness of time. 

Not only does the blessing of perfect forgiveness 
oome through the new covenant, out also the prom- 
ise of the "eternal inheritance" in 
6. "Inheri- contrast to the earthly inheritance 
tance" and which, under the old covenant, Israel 
"Testa- obtained. The mention of the inheri- 
ment" tance is held to justify the taking of 

the word in the next verse as "testa- 
ment,'' the writer passing to the thought of a 
testamentary disposition, which is only of force 
after the death of the testator. Undoubtedly there 
is good ground for the analogy, and all the blessings 
of salvation which come to the believer may be 
considered as bequeathed by the Saviour in His 
death, and accruing to us because He has died. It 
has, in that sense, tacitly to be assumed that the 
testator lives again to be His own executor and tor 
put us in possession of the blessings. Still, we think 
there is much to be said in favor of keeping to the 
sense of "covenant" even here, and taking the clause, 
which, rendered lit., is: "a covenant is of force [or 
firm] over the dead," as meaning that the covenant 
is established on the ground of sacrifice, that sacri- 
fice representing the death of the maker of the 
covenant. The allusion may be further explained by 
a reference to Gen 16 9.10.17, which has generally 
been considered as illustrating the ancient Sem 
method of making a covenant : the sacrificial animals 
being divided, and the parties passing between the 
pieces, implying that tn^ deserved death if they 
broke the engagement. The technical Heb phrase 
for making a covenant is "to cut a covenant. 

There is an interesting passage in Herodotus ill.8. 
concemiiig an Arabian custom which seems akin to the 
old Heb practice. "The Arabians observe pledges as 
religiously as any people; and they make them m the 
following manner; when any wish to pledge their faith, 
a third person standing between the two parties makes 
an incisfon with a sharp stone in the palm of the hand, 
nearest the longest fingers of both the contractors; then 
taking some of the nap from the garments of each, he 
smears seven stones placed between him and the blood; . 
and as he does this he invokes Bacchus and Urania. 
When this ceremony is completed, the person who pledges 
his faith binds his friends as sureties to the stranger, or 
the citizen, if the contract is made with a citizen, and the 
friends also hold themselves obliged to observe the engage- 
ment" — Gary's tr. 

Whatever the particular application of the word 
in ver 17, the central idea m the passage is that 
death, blood-shedding, is necessary to the estab- 
lishment of the covenant, and so he affirms that 
the first covenant was not dedicated without blood, 
and in proof quotes the passage already cited from 
Ex 24, and concludes that "apart from shedding of 
blood there is no remission" (ver 22). See Cove- 
nant IN NT. 

This new covenant established by Christ was fore- 
told by the prophet Jeremiah, who uses the very word 
''new covenant'' in describing it, and 

7. Relation verylikely Christ had that description in 
to Jer 81 : mind when He used the term, and meant 
81-84 His disciples to understand that the 

prophetic interpretation would in Him 
be realized. There is no cioubt that the author of 
He had the passage in mind, for he has led up to the 
previous statement bv definitely quoting the whole 
statement of Jer 81 31-34. He had in ch 7 spoken 
of the contrast between Christ's priesthood ''after 
the order of Melchizedek" (ver 11) and the imper- 
fect Aaronic priesthood, and he designates Jesus as 
"the surety of a better covenant" (ver 22). Then 
in ch 8, emphasizing the thought of the superiority 
of Christ's heavenly hijgh-priesthood, he declares 
that Christ is the "mediator of a better covenant, 
which hath been enacted upon better promises' 
(ver 6). The first covenant, he says, was not fault- 
less, otherwise there would have been no need for 
a second; but the fault was not in the covenant but 
in the people who failed to keep it, though perhaps 
there is also the suggestion that the external imposi- 
tion of laws oould not suffice to secure true obedience. 
"For finding fault with them he saith. Behold the 
da3r8 come, saith the Lord, that I will make a new 
covenant with the house of Israel and with the 
house of Judah." The whole passage (chs 8-12) 
would repay careful study^ but we need only note 
that not only is there prommence given to the great 
blessings of the covenant, perfect forgiveness and 
fulness of knowledge, but, as the very essence of the 
covenant — ^that which serves to diBtmf;uish it from 
the old covenant and at once to show its superiority 
and guarantee its permanence — ^there is this wonder- 
ful provision: "I will put niy laws into their mind, 
and on their heart also will I write them : and I will 
be to them a (jiod, and they shall be to me a people." 
This at once shows the spirituality of the new 
covenant. Its requirements are not simply given 
in the form of external rules, but the livmp Spirit 
possesses the heart: the law becomes an mt^nal 
dominating principle, and so true obedience is 

Ezekiel had spoken to the same effect, though 

the word "new covenant" is not used in the passage, 

ch 86 27: "I will put my Spirit within 

8. To you, and cause you to walk in my 
Ezekiel statutes, and ye shall ke^ mine 

ordinances, and do them." In ch 87 
Ezekiel again speaks of the great blessings to be 
enjoyed by the people of (jod, including cleansing, 
walking in (joa's statutes, recognition as Crod s 
people, etc, and he distinctly says of this era of 
blessing: "I will make a covenant of peace with 
them: it shall be an everlasting covenant with 
them" (ver 26). Other important foreshadowings 
of the new covenant are found in Isa 64 10; 66 3; 
69 21; 61 8; Hos 2 1^-23; Mai 8 1-4. We may 
well marvel at the spiritual insight of these prophets, 
and it is impossible to attribute their forecasts to 
natural genius; they can only be accounted for by 
Divine inspiration. 

The writer to the Hebrews recurs asain and again 
to this theme of the "New Covenant'^; in 10 16.17 
he cites the words of Jeremiah already quoted about 
writing the law on their minds, and remembering 
their sins no more. In 12 24, he speaks of "Jesus 
the mediator of a new covenant," and "the blood 
of sprinkling," again connecting the "blood" with 
the "covenant," and finally, in 13 20, he prays for 
the perfection of the saints through the 'blood of 
an eternal covenant." 

In 2 Cor 8 Paul has an interesting and instruct- 
ive contrast between the old covenant and the new. 
He begins it by sa3dng that "our sufficiency is 



from God; who also made us sufficient as ministers 
of a new covenant; not of the letter, but of the 

spirit: for the letter killeth, but the 
9. Contrast Spirit ^veth life" (vs 5.6). The 
of Old and ''letter" is the letter of the law, of the 
New in 2 old covenant which could only bring 
Cor 8 condemnation, but the spirit which 

characterizes the new covenant gives 
hfe, writes the law upon the heart. He goes on to 
sp^kk of the old as that "ministration of death" 
which nevertheless "came with glory" (ver 7), and 
he refers esp. to the law, but the new covenant is 
"the ministration of the spirit," the "ministration 
of righteousness" (vs 8.9), and has a far greater 
glory than the old. The message of this "new 
covenant" is "the gospel of Christ." The glory of 
the new covenant is focused in Christ; rays forth 
from Him. The glory of the old dispensation was 
reflected upon the face of Moses, but that ^lory was 
transitory and so was the physical manifestation 
(ver 13). The sight of the shining face of Moses 
awed the people of Israel and they revered him as a 
leader spedaUy favored of God (vs 7-13). When 
he had delivered his message he veiled his face and 
thus the people could not see that the glow did not 
last; every time that he went into the Divine 
presence he took off the veil and afresh his face was 
lit up with the ^lory, and coming out with the traces 
of that ^lory hngering on his countenance he de- 
livered his message to the people and again veiled 
his face (cf Ex A 29-35), and thus the transitori- 
ness and obscurity of the old dispensation were sym- 
bolized. In glorious contrast to that syqibofical 
obscurity, the ministers of the gospel, of the new cove- 
nant, use great boldness of speech; the veil is done 
away in Christ (vs 12 ff). The glory which comes 
through Him is perpetual, and fears no vanishing 
away. Archibald M'Caiq 

COVER, kuv'er, COVERING, kuv'fir-ing: The 
tr of several Heb words. The covering of the ark 
(n^^Q , mikh^eh, Gen 8 13) was possibly the Ud of 
a hatchway (cf Mitchell, World before Abraham, 

To the sons of Kohath was assigned the task of 
caring for the furniture of the Tabernacle whenever 
the camp was moved, a suitable covering (HO^, 

kdfdh) of sealskin being designated for each of the 
specially sacred objects, the temple curtains also 
being used (Nu 4 ff). 

Nu 19 15 (gdmidh) may refer to anything used 
as a lid or covering; Job 24 7; 81 19 (JC^ulh^ refer 
to clothing or bed-covering. 

Figurative: "Abaddon hath no covering" (JC^iUh) 
from God (Job 26 6); "He will destroy .... the 
face of the covering [horidt] that covereth all peoples" 
(Isa 26 7). The removal of the veil, often worn 
as a token of mourning (cf 2 S 19 4), signified the 
destruction of death. W. N. Stearns 

COVERED WAY, kuv'grd wa (^O'^IS, me^dkh, 
"a covered walk"): Mentioned in 2 K 16 18 (AV 
"covert'') as a gallery belonging to the temple, con- 
cerning the purpose of which opinions differ. Some 
consider it to have been the place where the king 
stood or sat during the Sabbath services; others, a 
public place for teaching; others, the way by which 
the priest entered the sanctuary on the Sabbath. 

COVERING, kuv'er-ing, FOR THE HEAD (vipi- 
PdXoMv, peribdlaion) : Mentioned in the NT only in 
1 Cor 11 15: "For her hair is given her for a cover- 
ing," lit. "something cast round," probably equiva- 
lent to "veil" (q.v.). Read in the light of the 
context: "Every woman praying or prophesying 
with her head unveiled dishonoreth her head" (ver 
5). The meaning would seem to be that Nature it- 

self, in providing women with a natural veil, has 
taught the lesson underlying the i)revailing custom, 
that woman should not be unveiled in tne public 
assemblies. Geo. B. Eager 

COVERT, kuVgrt: Now seldom used, except 
for game, and then generallv spelt "cover." "A 
covered way" (2 K 16 18 AV); also a shelter of 
any kind (Isa 4 6); "a hiding place," "a lair," "a 
hut" (Job 38 40); "a place of secrecy," "a secret 
way" (1 S 26 20: Job 40 21; Ps 61 4; Isa 16 4; 
82 2); "a den," ^'alair" (Jer 26 38). 

COVET, kuv'et (HIK, 'dwOh; lr\\6m, zeldo, "to 
desire earnestly," "to set the heart and mind upon 
anything"): Used in two senses: goodf singly to 
desire earnestly but le^timately, e.g. AV 1 (Jor 12 
31; 14 39: 6aa, to desire unlawfully, or to secure il- 
legitimately (y*^ , bdga\' inevfUw^ epitkumSo, Rom 

7 7; 18 9, etc); hence called "lust" (Mt 6 28: 
1 Cor 10 6), "concupiscence" (AV Rom 7 8; Col 

8 5). 

COVETOUS NESS, kuv'et-us-nes : Has a variety 
of shades of meaning determined largely by the 
nature of the particular word used, or the context, 
or both. Following are some of tne uses: (1) To 
gain dishonestly (7$?, baga'), e.g. AV Ex 18 21; 
Ezk 83 31. (2) The wish to have more than one 
possesses, inordinately, of course (rXco^e^^a, pUo^ 
nexia), e.g. Lk 12 15; 1 Thess 2 5. (3) An in- 
ordinate love of money {4»CKipyvpot^ phildrguroa, AV 
Lk 16 14; 2 Tim 8 2; pkilarguria, 1 Tim 6 10); 
negative in Se 18 5 AV. 

Covetousness is a very grave sin; indeed, so 
heinous is it that the Scriptures class it among the 
very gravest and grossest crimes (Eph 6 3). In 
Col 8 5 it is "idolatry," while in 1 Cor 6 10 it is 
set forth as excluding a man from heaven. Its 
heinousness, doubtless, is accounted for by its being 
in a very real sense the root of so many other forms 
of sin, e.g. departure from the faith (1 Tim 6 9.10); 
lying (2 K 6 22-25): theft (Josh 7 21): domestic 
trouble (Prov 16 27); murder (Ezk 22 12); in- 
deed, it leads to "many foolish and hurtful lusts" 
(1 Tim 6 9). Covetousness has always been a 
very serious menace to mankind, whether in the OT 
or NT period. It was one oi the first sins that 
broke out after Israel had entered into the promised 
land (Achan, Josh 7); and also in the early Chris- 
tian church immediately after its founding (Ananias 
and Sapphira, Acts 6); hence so Quiny warnings 
against it. A careful reading of the OT wiU reve^ 
the fact that a very great part of the Jewish law — 
such as its enactments and regulations regarding 
duties toward the poor, toward servants: concern- 
ing gleaning, usury, pledges, sold and silver taken 
during war — ^was introducea and intended to 
counteract the spirit of covetousness. 

Eerdmans maintains (Expos, July, 1909) that the 
commandment. "Thou shalt not covet thy neigh- 
bor's house" (Ex 20 17), meant to the Israelite that 
he should not take an3rthing of his neighbor's 
possessions that were momentarily unprotected 
by their owner. Cf Ex 84 23 flf . Thus, it refers 
to a category of acts that is not covered b3r the 
commandment, "Thou shalt not steal." It is an 
oriental habit of mind from of old that when anv- 
one sees abandoned goods which he thinks desirable, 
there is not the least objection to taking them, and 
Ex 20 176 is probably an explanation of what is to 
be understood by "house" in ver 17a. 

Examples of covetousness: Achan (Josh 7); Saul 
(1 S 16 9.19); Judas (Mt 26 14.15); Ananias and 
Sapphira (Acts 6 1-11); Balaam (2 Pet 2 15 with 
Jude ver 11). Wiluam Evans 

Oow, Kina 



COW, kou, SINE, kin HH^, hd^r [cf Arab. 
baiar, "cow"]; "IRJl nbjy, 'eghlathbdiar[lB& 7 21]; 
n*35 , pdrdh [cf Arab. furGr, "young of a sheep, goat, 

or cow"]; nib;? nini, parolk 'cUoth [1 S 6 7.10], 

"milch kine," from W, 'tZZ, "to suckle"; Db^, 
'deph): In Am 4 1, the term, "kine of Bashan," 
is applied to the voluptuous women of Samaria. 
In Gen 41 1-36 is the narration of Pharaoh's 
dream of the seven fat and seven lean kine. In 
Isaiah's vision (Isa 11 7) we have: "And the cow 
and the bear shall feed; their yoimg ones shall lie 
down together." Cows do not seem to have been 
sacrificed. The sacrifice of the kine that brought the 
ark back from the PhiUs (1 S 6 14) was due to the 
exceptional circumstances. See Calf; Cattle. 

Alfred Ely Day 
COZ, koz (7 ip , kdCy "thorn") : A man of Judah 
(1 Ch 4 8). ARV has added the art., making the 
name Hakkoz without sufficient reason. The name 
occurs with the art. (Ha-I^dg) in Ezr 2 61; Neh 8 
4.21; 7 63, and 1 Ch 24 10, but not with reference 
to the same person. Coz was of the tribe of Judah, 
while Hakkoz belonged to the family of Aaron. 

COZBI, koz'bl O-lT?, kozbl, "deceitful"): A 
Midianitish woman, distinguished aa the daughter 
of Zur, "head of the people of a fathers' house 
in Midian." She was slain by Phinehas at Shittim 
in company with "Zimri, the son of Salu, a prince 
of a fathers' house among the Simeonites" (Nu 26 

COZEBA, ko-zS'ba (1 Ch 4 22). See Achzib. 

CRACKNEL, krak'nel: Occurs in 1 K 14 3, 
where Jeroboam bids his wife go to Abijah to in- 
quire concerning their son: "And take with thee 
ten loaves and cracknels" (AVm "cakes," ERV 
"cracknels," ARV "cakes"). The Heb word is 
D''lj^5, nifpjpuddlm, from ndiadh, "to prick" or 
"mark"; most probably cakes with holes pricked in 
them like our biscuits. 

CRAFT, kraf t, CRAFTINESS, kraf' ti-nes (wavovp- 
^Co, panovrgia), CRAFTY, kraf'ti (iravoO|r|fo«, pa^ 
nourgos) : The original meaning is that of "ability 
to do anything," universally applied in a bad sense 
to unscrupulous wickedness, that stops short of no 
measure, nowever reprehensible, in order to attain 
its purposes; then, in a modified form, to resource- 
fulness in wrong, cunning (Dnl 8 25; 2 Mace 12 
24; RVm "jugglery"). In Lk 20 23, Jesus per- 
ceives "the craftiness" of His adversaries, i.e. the 
complicated network which they have laid to en- 
snare Him. The art with which a plot is concealed, 
and its direction to the ruin of others, are elements 
that enter into the meaning. Heinrici on 1 Cor 3 
19 illustrates from Plato the distinction between 
craftiness and wisdom. There is a touch of humor 
in 2 Cor 12 16, when Paul speaks of his conduct 
toward the Corinthians as having been "crafty." 

H. E. Jacobs 


I. Sources of Our Knowledge or the Cravtb or 
THE Bible 

1. Written Recordfl and Dlacoveries of Crafts- 

(1) Jewish 

(2) Canaanitish and Phoenician 

(3) Assyrian and Babylonian 

(4) Egyptian 

2. Post-Biblical Writincrs 

3. Present Methods in Bible Lands 
IL Grafts Mentioned in the Bible 

1. Brickmaking 

2. Carpentering (Wood- Working) 

3. Carving (Engraving) 

4. Ceramics 

5. Dyeing and Cleansing 

6. Embroidering (Needlework) 


7. Glass-Making 

8. Grinding 

0. Mason Work 

10. Metal- Working (Mining) 

11. OU-Making 

12. Painting 

13. Paper-Making 

14. Perfume-Making 

15. Plastering 

16. Spinning and Weaving 

17. Tanning 

18. Tent-Making 

19. Wine-Making 


/• Soarces of Oar Knowoledge. — Our knowledge 
of the arts and crafts of Bible times has come to us 

through two principal ways. First, 
1. Written from Bib., Assyr, Bab and Egyp 
Records written records. Of these the Egyp 
and Dis- are the most illuminating. Second, 
coveries of from examples of ancient handicraft 
Craftsman- which have been buried and preserved 
ship through many cents, and brought to 

light again by modem discoveries. 

(1) Jewish craftsmanship. — ^The chief written 
documenti^ from which we may learn about Heb 
handicraft are the Bible records. A study of what 
few references there are leads us to believe that 
before the Israelites came in contact with the people 
of Canaan and Phoenicia they had not developed 
any considerable technical skill (1 K 6 6; 1 Ch 
14 1; 2 Ch 2 7.14; Ezr 8 7). Some of the sim- 
pler operations, such as the spinning and weaving 
of the common fabrics and the shaping of domes- 
tic utensils, were performed in the Household (Ex 
36 25.26) but the weaving and dyeing of fine fabrics, 
carving, inlaying, metal-working, etc, was the work 
of foreigners, or was learned by the Jews after the 
Exodus, from the dwellers in Pal. 

The Jews, however, gradually developed skill in 
manv of these crafts. It is believed that as early 
as Nehemiah's time, Jewish craftsmen had organ- 
ized into guilds (rTeh 8 8.31.32). In post-Bib. 
times the Jews obtained monopolies in some of the 
industries, as for example, glass-making and dyeing. 
These trades remained the secrets of certain fami- 
lies for generations. It is because of this secrecy 
and the mystery that surrounded these trades, and 
is still maintained in many places, that we know so 
Uttle as to how they were conducted. Until re- 
cently the principal indigo dyers in Damascus were 
Jews, and the Jews shared with Moslem crafts- 
men the right to make glass. In some of the Syrian 
cities Jewish craftsmen are now outnumbering other 
native workmen in certain trades. 

Few examples of Heb handicraft have been dis- 
covered by the archaeologists which shed much 
light upon early Heb work. Aside from the pottery 
of the Israelitish period, and a few seals ana coins, 
no traces of Heb workmanship remain. It is even 
doubtful how many of the above objects are really 
the work of this people. 

(2) Canaanitish and Phoenician craftsmanship. — 
It is generally conceded that what technical skill 
the Hebrews acquired resulted from their contact 
with the Canaanites and Phoenicians. Frequent 
mention of the workmanship of these peoples is 
made in the Bible, but their own records are silent. 
Ezekiel's accoimt of the glories of Tyre (Ezk 27) 
gives son^e idea of the reputation of that city for 
craftsmanship: "Thy builders have perfected thy 
beauty" (ver 4); ''Syria was thy merchant .... 
Damascus was thy merchant for the multitude of 
thy handiworks" (vs 16.18). Adad-nirari III (812- 
783 BC), the Assyr king, enumerates the tribute 
which he exacted from the king of Damascus. 
"Variegated cloth, linen, an ivory bed, a seat of 
inlaid ivory, a table" were among the captured arti- 
cles. These were probably Phoen work. 



Cow, Kine 


Many examples of Phoen craftsmanship have 
been discovered. These are characterized, from 
the standpoint of art, by a crudeness which distin- 
guishes them from the more delicately and artis- 
tically wrousht work of their teachers, the Baby- 
lonians ana Ee^tians. The credit remains, 
however, to the rhoenicians of introducing skilled 
workmanship into Pal. The Phoenicians, too, fur- 
nished the means of intercoiurse between the Baby- 
lonians and Egyptians. From the very earliest 
times there was an interchange of commodities and 
ideas between the people of the Nile and those of 
the Tigris and Eupnrates. 

(3) Assyrian and Babylonian craftsmanship. — 
The Babylonians and Assyrians made few refer- 
ences to their own handicraft in their records, but 
the explorers of recent years have revealed many 
examples of the remarkable workmanship of the 
early inhabitants of Mesopotamia. In referring 
to a silver vase found in that country rTelloh), 
dating from the 4th millennimn BC, Clay (see 
"literature") savs "the whole is exceedingly well 
rendered ana indicates remarkable skill, which in 
no respect is less striking than that of Egyp con- 
temporaries in this handicraft." Jewelry, weapons, 
votive images, various utensils, tools of many lands, 
statues in the hardest stones, delicately wrought, 
gems, dating from the times of Abraham and earner, 
fead us to a^ when these people acquired their skill. 

(4) Egyptian craftsmanship. — ^The written records 
of Egypt are doubly important, because they not 

only refer to the various crafts, but 
2. and 3. also illustrate the processes by drawings 
Egyptian which can leave no doubt as to how 
and Post- the workmen accomplished their ends. 
Biblical The extensive explorations in Egvpt 
Craftsman- have given to the world many priceless 
diip relics of craftsmanship, some of them 

dating from the very dawn of civiliza- 
tion. Among the ruins of early Svrian and Pales- 
tinian cities are foimd numerous objects witnessing 
to the skill of the Egyptians. These objects and the 
evidences of the influence of their work on the Phoen 
arts show the part that the Egyptians played in 
moulding the ideas of the workmen who were chosen 
to build the temple at Jems. In the following brief 
summary of the crafts mentioned in the Bible, it will 
be noticeable how well they may be illustrated by the 
monuments of the Nile country. To confirm the 
knowledge derived from the above sources, post-Bib. 
writings and some of the present-dav customs in 
Bible ^ds are valuable. These will be mentioned 
in discussing the various crafts. 

//. Crafts Directly or indirectly Mentioned in 
the Bible. — (For a more detailed treatment of the 

crafts see under separate arts.) This 
1. Brick- industry probably originated in Baby- 
making Ionia, but the knowledge of the process 

was early carried to E^ypt, where later 
the Hebrews, along with other captives, were driven 
to making the bricks of the Egyp kings. The mak- 
ing of sun-dried bricks called for little skill, but the 
firmg and glazing of bricks required trained work- 
men. See Brick. 

Wood was extensively used by ancient builders. 
With the exception of the Egyp antiquities, little 

remains but the records to indicate 
8. Carpen- this fact. Numerous references are 
taring made to the carpenter work in build- 

(Wood- ing the temple and subsequent repair- 
Working) ing of this structure (1 K 6 6; 2 Ch 

2 3; 2 K 12 11: 2 Ch 24 12; 2 K 
22 6; Ezr 8 7; 4 1). David^s house and that of 
Solomon and his favorite wife were made partly 
of wood. In the story of the building of the 
tabernacle, wood-workins is mentioned (Ex 26). 
The people of Tyre built ships of cypress, with 

masts of cedar wood and oars of oak (Ezk 27 5.6). 
Idols were carved from wood (Dt 29 17; 2 K 19 
18; Isa 87 19: 46 20). The Philis built a wooden 
cart to carry the ark (1 S 6 7). Threshing instru- 
ments and yokes were made of wood (2 S 24 22). 
Ezra read the law from a pulpit of wood (Neh 8 4). 
Solomon's chariots were macle of wood (Cant 8 9). 
Inlaid work, still a favorite form of decoration in 
Syria, was used by the Phoenicians (Ezk 27 6). 
How the ancient carpenters did their work can be 
assumed from the Egyp monuments. Some of tne 
operations there pictured are still performed in the 
same ways. See Tools; Carpenter. 

The terms "carving" and "engraving** are used 
interchangeably in translating OT passages. The 
first mention made of engraved objects 
8. Carving is the signet of Judah (Gen 88 18). 
(Engraving) The art of engravii^ on various hard 
objects, such as clay, bone, ivory, 
metals and precious stones, probably came from 
Mesopotamia. The Hebrews learned engraving 
from the Canaanites. The nature of this engraving 
is shown by the Assyr cylinders and Egjrp scarabs. 
It is doubtful how many of the signets found in 
Pal are Heb work, as the engraved devices are 
mostly Phoen or Eg^rp. From the earliest times it 
has been the custom in the Orient for men of affairs 
to carry constantly with them their signets. The 
seal was set in a ring, or, as was the case with Judah. 
and as the Arabs do today, it was worn on a cord 
suspended about the neck. One of the present-day 
sights in a Syrian city street is the engraver of sig- 
nets^ seated at his low bench ready to cut on one 
of his blank seals the buyer's name or sign. 

The second form of carving is suggest^ by the 
Decalogue (Ex 20 4). The commandment explains 
why sculpturing remained undeveloped among the 
Jews, as it has to this day among the Moslems. 
In spite of the commandment, however, cherubim 
were carved on the wooden fittings of the temple 
interior (1 K 6 23). 

Among the peoples with whom the Jews came in 
contact, stone-cutting had reached a high degree 
of perfection. No stone proved too hard for tneir 
tools. In Egyp and Phoen tombs the carving was 
often done on plastered surfaces. See Carvinq. 

Both the Egyptians and Babylonians were skilled 
in molding and oaking objects of clay. The early 
Bab records consist of burnt clay tab- 
4. Ceramics lets. Glazed bricks formed an impor- 
tant decorative feature. In Egypt, 
idols, scarabs and amulets were often ma£ of 
fired clay, glazed or unglazed. By far the most im- 
portant branch of ceramic art was the making of 
lars for holding water or other liquids. These ^ars 
nave been used throughout the East from earhest 
times. The Jews learned what they knew about 
this art from the Phoenicians. See Pottery. 

Dyeing is one of the oldest of the crafts. The 
only references to the act of dyeing in the Bible are 
(a) in connection with the dyed skins of 
6. Dyeing animals (Ex 26 5; 26 14), and (b) Jgs 
and Cleans- 6 30. That it was a highly develop^ 
ing trade is implied in the many other 

references to dyed stuffs both in the 
Bible and in profane lit. Cleansing was done by the 
fuller, who was probably a dyer also. See Color; 
Dye; Fuller. 

Very little is known of the work of embroidering, 
further than that it was the workLng-in of color 
designs on cloth. In Ezk 27 7 we 
6. Embroid- learn that it was one of the exports 
ering of Egypt. See Embroidering. 

(Needle- In Dt 88 19 ''hidden treasures of 

work) the sand'' is interpreted bjr some to 

mean the making of glass objects from 
the sand. There can be no question about the 




Hebrews being acquainted with glass-makinp, as 

its history extends back to very early times. 

The Egyptians and Phoenicians made 

7. Glass- bottles, glass beads, idols, etc. These 
Making objects are among those usually found 

in the tombs. Glass beads of very 
early manufacture were foimd in the moimd at 
Gezer. Some of the pigments used for painting 
were made of powdered colored ^lass. In the NT 
we read of the ''sea of glass like unto crystal^' 
(Rev 4 6). See Glass. 

Grinding was a domestic task and can hardly be 
classed as one of the crafts. When flour was needed, 

the housewife, or more likely the serv- 

8. Grinding ant, rubbed the wheat or barley 

between two millstones (see Mill- 
stone) or, with a roimded river stone, crushed the 
wheat on a large flat stone. It is still a common 
custom in Sjrria and Pal for two women to work 
together as indicated in Mt 24 41 and Lk 17 35. 
Grinding of meal was a menial task, considered the 
employment of a concubine; hence setting Samson 
to grinding at the mill was intended as a disgrace. 
The rhythmic sound of the stone cutter at his work 
never ceases in the prosi)erous oriental city. It is 

more common today, however, than 

9. Mason in the earlier cents, when only high 
Work officials could afford stone nouses. 

frequently only the temple or shrines 
or tombs of a city were made of stone. As such 
building were very common, and much attention 
was paid to every aetail of their construction, there 
waJB developed an efficient corps of masons, espe- 
cially in Egypt and Syria. When the Israelites 
abandoned their nomadic life, among the first 
things that they planned were permanent places 
of worship. As these developed into structures 
more pretentious than mere piles of stones, the 
builders naturally resorted to the skill of the master 
builders of the country. A visitor to Jems may 
still see the work of the ancient masons. The so- 
called Solomon's Quarries under the city, the great 
drafted stones of the temple area, belonsr to an early 
date. The very shape of the masons tools may 
be determined from the marks on the stones. See 

Among the oldest objects that have been pre- 
served are those of silver, gold and bronze. These 

are proof that the ancients understood 

10. Metal- the various processes of mining, smelt- 
Working ing, refining and working of metals. 
(Mining) See Mining; Metal-Working. 

The oil referred to in the Bible is 
olive oil. Pliny mentions many other oils which 
were extracted in Egypt. The oils were usually ex- 
tracted oy first crushing the fruit and 

11. Oil- then pressing the crushed mass. At 
Making C^ezer, Tdl es ^dfi and other ancient 

ruins old oil presses have been discov- 
ered. See Oil. 

One who has visited the tombs and temples of 
Egypt will never forget the use which the ancient 

E^rp painters made of colors. The 

12. Paint- otherwise somber effect produced by 
ing expansive plain walls was overcome 

by sculpturing, either in relief or 
intaglio, on a coating of stucco, and then coloring 
these engravings in reds, yellows, greens and blues. 
Architectural details were also painted. The capi- 
tals of columns and the columns themselves received 
special attention from the painter. Colors were 
similarly used by the Greeks and Phoenicians. ^ In 
the Sidon tombs, at Palmyra and similar ruins, 
traces of painting are still evident. See Painting. 
The word "paper" occurs twice, once in the OT 
(Isa 19 7 AV) and once in NT (2 Jn ver 12). 
In Isa 19 7 the RV renders ''paper reeds," 

"meadows." Papyrus (q-v.) occurs in Isa 18 2 
and RVm of Ex 2 3. The nearest approach to 

our paper which the ancients possessed 
18. Paper- was that made from a species of papy- 
Making rus. The process consisted in spreading 

out, side by side, Ions strips of the 
inner lining of the papyrus reed, then over these 
other strips at right angles to the first, afterward 
soaking with some adhesive material and finally 
pressing and drying. Sheets made in this way w^ere 
fastened together with ^ue into a long scroll. The 
Gr for papyrus plant is **hiblo8^ from which the 
Eng. word "Bible" is derived. Parchment, leather 
ana leaves were also used as paper. The natives 
of Syria and Pal still call a sheet of paper a "leaf" 
(Arab, wara^et). 

The art of perfume-making dates back to the 
ancient Egyptians. In Ex 80 35 we have the 

nrst mention of scented anointing oils. 
14. Per- The perfumers' (AV "confectioner" 
fume- or "apothecary"), products were used 

Making (a) for religious rites as offerings and 

to anoint the idols and (6) for per- 
sonal use on the body cxr clothes. Some perfumes 
were powders (incense); others were scented oils 
or fats (ointments). See Pbrfxtmb. 

The tiude of plastering dates back to the begin- 
ning of the history of building. There were two 

reasons for using plastering or stucco: 

16. Plaster- (a) to render the buildings more re- 
ing (AV sisting to the weather and (&) to make 
''Plfldster- the surfaces more suitable for decorar 
ing") tion by engraving or painting. See 

The arts of spinning and weaving were early 
practised in the household (Ex 86 25). Many 
different fibers were spun and woven 
into cloth. Fabrics of wool, cotton, 
flax, silk, wood fiber have been pre- 
served from Bible times. In the more 
progressive communities, the weaving 
of the fabrics was taken over by the weavers who 
made it their profession. ^ In 1 Ch 4 21 it is stated 
that many of the families of the house of Asbea 
were workers in fine linen. The modem invasion 
of European manufacturers has not yet driven out 
the weavers who toil at looms much like those 
described by the ancient Egyp drawings. See Spin- 
ning; Weaving. 

Although it is known that tanning was practised, 

the only reference to this trade mentioned in the 

Bible is to Simon the tanner (Acts 9 

17. Tanning 43; 10 6.32). Leather girdles are men- 

tioned in 2 K 1 8; Mt 8 4. Relics 
taken from the tombs show that the ancients under- 
stood the various methods for preserving skins which 
are used in present-day practice. See Tanner. 

We think of Paul as the tent-maker. The tents 

which he made however were probably not like 

those so frequently referred to in the 

18. Tent- OT. Tents m Paul's time were made 
Making from Cilician cloth. Paul's work was 

probably the sewing together of the 
proper lengths of cloth and the attacking of ropes 
and loops. In OT times the tents were made of 
strips of coarse goat's hair cloth or of the skins of 
animals. See Tent. 

This art. is being written within sound of fes- 
tivities about the winepresses of Mt. Lebanon 
where men and women are gathered 

19. Wine- for the annual production of wine and 
Making molasses (Arab, dibs) . Their process is 

so like that of Bible times that one is 
transported in thought to similar festivities that 
must have attended the wine-making even so far 
back as the early Eg>'p kings. That these workers 
understood the precautions necessary for procuring 

16. Spin- 
ning and 


The choice of proper soil for the vineyards, . 

B(l<ting of preservatives to keep the wine, baling 
the juice to kill undedrable fennenta, guarding 
against putting new wine into old bottles, are ex- 
amples of their knowledge of wioe-making. See 
WmB Pbbss. 

ill. Cratttman. — Craftsmoi were early segre- 

Sled into groups. A trade usually remtuned in a 
nily. This is true to eonie extent in the East 
today. In such cities as Beirflt, Damascus, or 
Aleppo the shops of the craftsmen of a given trade 
will be found grouped together. There is a silver 
and goldsmiths market (Arab. «li), an iron market, 
a dyeing quarter, etc. Jewish craftsmen in early 
times sat separately in the s^agogucs. Some 
crafts were looked upon with disfavor, esp. those 
which brought men in contact with women, as for 
example, the trade of goldsmith, carder, weaver, 
fuller or tanner. There was a fellow-feeling among 
craftsmen referred to by Isaiah (Isa 11 6.7). This 
same feeling is observed among Syrian workmen 
today. The Arab has many phrases of encouiage- 
ment for a man at his work, such as, "Peace to your 
hands," "May God give you strength." A crowd 
of men pulling at a pulley rope, for example, shout 
or sing together as they pull. 

LiTiBiTUBB. — PeiTot Biid CUplei, nutoTti af Art in 
Sardinia, jMiata. etc; Hitloru of Art in AaciciU Bgvpl: 
HiUary ef Art in Phatnicia and Cvprui: WlUdason. Vh> 
Anciint Ssvptiani; MusUstar, Biblt Sidn-LithU from 
Iki Mound of Qeztr; Standard Did. of iht Bibit: Bilsa. 
MacalitterandWUiuch.Kieaiiiliini in Pal; HUprecht, Ei- 
Btorationi in Bibtt Landi during I'll I9lh Cent.: Euper. 
Lif:elc: Clay, Light on thi OT fiem Bobit; Jtv Bne. 

CRAG, kragn^,«ft«i [1ST 12; li 4; Job SS 28 
AVandERVJ): In a mountainous country composed 
of sedimentaiy rocks, like the cretaceous rocks of Pal, 
cliffs are formed on a slope where hard strata are 
underlaid by softer strata. The soft strata wear 
away more rapidly, undermining the hard strata 
above them, whicn for a time project, but finally 
break off by vertical joint planes, the fragments 
rolling down to form the talus slope at the foot of 
the cuff. As the breaking off of the undermined 
hard strata proceeds irregularly, there are left 
projecting crags, Bometimee at the top of the cliff, 
and sometimes lower down. Two sucn crags (sAfti 
fto-feio', "sharp rock," RV "rocky crag"), which 
were raven particular names. Bozez and Seneh, 
marked the scene of the exploit of Jonathan de- 
scribed in 1 S U. Conder failed to identify the 
crags, and it has been proposed to alter the text 
rather exten^vely to inake it read; "wall of rock" 
instead of "crag {EB s.v. "Michmash"). Such 
rocks form safe resting-places for birds of prey, as 
it ia said of the eagle in Job 89 28 ERV: 
"She dwelleth on the rock and hath lier lodging tberc^ 

U[K)n the crag of the rock, and the stron^old." 

AuHBD Ely Day 

CRANE, kriln (Hi:^ , 'OghUr; Y^vot, g6rano»; 
Lat Ona dnerea): A bird of the family gruidat. 
The crane is mentioned twice in the Bible: once 
on account of its voice (Isa 88 14: "Like a swallow 
or a crane, so did I chatter") : aoain because of the 
unforeettable picture these birds made in migra- 
tion (Jer 6 7) : "Yea, the stork in the heavens 
knoweth her appointed times; and the turtle-dove 
and the swallow and the crane observe the time of 
their coming; but my people know not the law of 
Jeh." Some commentators have adduced reasons 
for dronpina the crane from the ornithology of the 
Bible, but this never should be permitted! They 
were close relatives of stork, heron and ibis; almost 
as numerous as any of these, and reeidcnts of Pal, 
except in migration. The two quotations concern- 
ing them fit with their history, and point out the two 

features that made lliem as noticeable as any birds 
of Pal. Next to the ostrich and pelican they were 
the largest birds, haying a wing sweep of 8 ft. from 
tip to tip and standing 4 ft. in height. In migra- 
tion sucn immense fiocks passed over Pal as to 
darken the aky, and when they crossed the Red 
Sea they appeared to sweep from shore to shore, 
and BO became the most noticeable migratory bird, 
for which reason, no doubt, they were included in 
laaiah's reference to spring migration with the 

Crane — ffrui cincrta. 

beloved doves, used in sacrifice and for caged pels, . 
and with the swallows that were held tdmost sacred 
because th^ homed in temples. Not so many of 
them settled in Pal as of the storks, but large flocks 
lived in the wilderness S. of Jems, and a few pairs 
homed near water as far north as Merom. The 
grayish-brown cranes were the largest, and there 
were also a crested^ and a white crane. They nested 
on the ground or m trees and laid two large eggs, 
differing with species. The eggs of the brown bird 
were a light drab with brown speckles, and those of 
the white, tough, pale-blue with brown splotches. 
They were not so affectionate in pairs or to their 
young as storks, but were average parents. It is 
altogether probable that they were the birds 
intended by Isaiah, because they beat suited hia 
purpose, the crane and the swallow being almost 
incessant talkeia among birds. The word "chat- 
ter," used in the Bible, exactly suits the notes of a 
swallow, but is much too feeble to be used in de- 
scribing the vocalizing of the crane. They mi- 
grated in large wedge-shaped companies and cried 
constantly on wing. They talked incessantly while 
at the buainess of living, and even during the watches 
of the night thev scarify ceased passing ^ong word 
that all was well, or sending abroad danger signals. 
The Arabs called the cry of the cranes "bellowing," 
We usually express it by whooping or trumpeting. 
Any of these words ia sufGciently expressive to 
denote an unusual voice, used in an unusual manner, 
BO that it appealed to the prophet as suitable for use 
in a strong comparison. Gene Stratton-Portbr 

CRASHING, krash'ing C^^Tf, ahAher): This 
word, meaning "a breach," fig. "destruction," is 
tr^ eraahing in Zeph 1 10: "a great crashing 
from the hills," representing the doom to fall on 
evil-doers in Jerus, as the enemy advanced agmnst 
the cil^ from the north. 





CRATES, kr&'tez (Kpdrrit, Krdtes), governor of 
the Cyprians, left as deputy of Sostratus when the 
latter, who was governor of Jerus, was summoned 
to Antioch by Antiochus Epiphanes, in consequence 
of a dispute with Menelaus (2 Mace 4 29;. As 
Cyprus was not at the time in the possession of 
Antiochus, the words have been generally taken to 
mean Krates 'Vho had formerly been, or after- 
ward was, governor of the Cypnans." The Vulg 
translates the Gr into '^Sostratus autem praelatus 
est Cypriis." 

CREATION, krft-a'shun (Sn? , bdrd\ "to create"; 
KrCoTis, ktisis, "that which is created," "creature"): 

1. Creation as Abiding 

2. Mistaken Ideas 

3. True Conception 

4. The Genesis Cosmogony 

5. Matter not Eternal 

6. "Wisdom" in Creation 

7. A Free, Personal Act 

8. Creation and Evolution 

9. Is Creation Eternal 7 

10. Creation ex nihilo 

11. Prom God's WiU 

12. Error of Pantheism 

13. First Cause a Necessary Presupposition 

14. The End — the Divine Glory 


Much negative ground has been cleared away for 

any modem discussion of the doctrine of creation. 

No idea of creation can now be taken 

1. Creation as complete which does not include, 
as Abiding besides the world as at first consti- 
tuted, all that to this day is in and of 

creation. For God creates not being that can exist 
independently of Him. His preserving agency being 
inseparably connected witn His creative ix)wer. 
We nave long ceased to think of God's creation as 
a machine leit, completely made, to its own auto- 
matic workinff. With such a doctrine of creation, 
a theistic evolution would be quite incompatible. 

Just as little do we think of God's creative 

agency, as merely that of a First Cause, linked to 

the universe from the outside by 

2. Mistaken innumerable sequences of causes and 
Ideas effects. Nature in her entirety is as 

much His creation today as she ever 
was. The dynamic ubiquity of God, as efficient 
energy, is to be affirmed. God is still All and in All, 
but this in a way sharply distinguished from panthe- 
istic views, whether of the universe as God, or of 
God as the universe. Of His own freedom He creates, 
so that gnostic theories of natural and necessary 
emanation are left far behind. Not only have the 
"carpenter" and the "gardener" theories — ^with, of 
course, the architect or world-builder theory of 
Plato---been dismissed; not only has the conception 
of evolution been proved harmonious with creative 
end, plan, purpose, ordering, guidance; but evo- 
lutionary science may itself be said to have given 
the thought of theistic evolution its best base or 
groimding. The theistic conception is, that the 
world — that all cosmic existences, substances, events 
—depend upon God. 

The doctrine of creation — of the origin and per- 
sistence, of all finite existences — as the work of God, 

is a necessary postulation of the re- 

3. True ligious consciousness. Such conscious- 
Conception ness is marked by deeper insight than 

belongs to science. The imderlying 
truth is the anti-pa theistic one. that the energy and 
wisdom — by which that, which was not, became — 
were, in kind, other than its own. For science can 
but trace the continuity of sequences in all Nature, 
while in creation, in its primary sense, this law of 
continuity must be transcended, and the world 
viewed solely as product of Divine Intelligence, 
immanent in its evolution. For God is the Abso- 
lute Reason, always immanent in the developing 

universe. Apart from the cosmogonic attempts at 
the beginning of Genesis, which are clearly reli^ous 
and ethical in scope and character, the OT furnishes 
no theoretic account of the manner and order in 
which creative process is carried on. 

The early chs of Genesis were, of course, not 
given to reveal the truths of physical science, but 
they recognize creation as mark^ by 
4. The order, continuit^^, law, plastic power of 

Genesis productiveness in the different king- 
Cosmogony doms, unity of the world and progress- 
ive advance. The Genesis cosmogony 
teaches a process of becoming, as well as a creation 
(see E volution) . That cosmogony has been recog- 
nized by Haeckel as meritoriously marked by the 
two great ideas of separation or differentiation, and of 
progressive development or perfecting of the origi- 
nally simple matter. The OT presents the conception 
of time-worlds or successive a^es, but its real em- 
phasis is on the energy of the Divine Word, bringing 
mto being things that did not exist. 

The OT and the NT, in their doctrine of creation, 
recognize no eternal matter before creation. We 
cannot say that the origin of matter 
6. Matter is excluded from the Genesis account 
not Eternal of creation, and this quite apart from 
the use of h&rd\ as admitting of ma- 
terial and means in creation. But it seems unwise 
to build upon Genesis passages that afford no more 
than a basis which has prov^ exegetically insecure. 
The NT seems to favor the derivation of matter 
from the non-existent — that is to say, the time- 
worlds were due to the effluent Divine Word or 
originative Will, rather than to being built out of 
God's own invisible essence. So the best exegesis 
interprets He 11 3. 

In OT books, as the Pss, Prov, and Jer, the 

creation is expressly declared to be the work of 

Wisdom — a Wisdom not disjoined from 

6. *'Wis- Goodness, as is yet more fully brought 
dom" in out in the Book of Job. The heavens 
Creation declare the glory of God, the world 

manifests or reveals Him to our ex- 
perience, as taken up and interpreted by the religious 
consciousness. The primary fact of the beginning 
of the time-worlds — the basal fact that the worlds 
came into being by the Word of God —is something 
apprehensible only by the power of religious faith, 
as the only principle applicable to the case (He 11 
3). Such intuitive faith is really an application of 
first principles in the highest — and a truly rational 
one (see Logos) . In creation, God is but expressing 
or acting out the conscious Godhood that is in Him. 
In it the thought of His absolute Wisdom is realized 
by the action of His perfect Love. It is philosophi- 
cally necessary to maintain that God, as the Abso- 
lute Being, must find the end of creation in Himself. 
If the end were external to, and independent of, Him, 
then would He be conditioned thereoy. 

What the religious consciousness is concerned to 
maintain is, the absolute freedom of God in the 

production of the universe, and the 

7. A Free, fact that He is so much greater than 
Personal the universe that existence has been 
Act by Him bestowed on all things that 

do exist. The Scriptures are^ from firat 
to last, shot through with this truth. Neither Kant 
nor Spencer, from data of self-consciousness or sense- 
perception, can rise to the conception of creation, 
for they both fail to reach the idea of Divine Per- 
sonality. The inconceivabihty of creation has been 
pressed by Spencer, the idea of a self-existent 
Creator, through whose agency it has been made, 
being to him unthinkable. As if it were not a 
transparent sophism, which Spencer's own scien- 
tific practice refuted, that a hypothesis may not 
have philosophical or scientific value, because it is 




what we call unthinkable or inconceivable. As if 
a true and sufficient cause were not enough, or a 
Divine act of will were not a vera causa. Depend- 
ent existence inevitably leads thought to demand 
existence that is not dependent. 

Creation is certainly not dispVoved by evolution, 
which does not explain the origin of the homogene- 
ous stuff itself, and does not account 

8. Creation for the beginning of motion within it. 
and Evolu- Of the original creative action, lying 
tton beyond mortal ken or human observa- 
tion, science — as concerned only with 

the manner of the process — is obviously in no posi- 
tion to speak. Creation may, in an important 
sense, be said not to have taken place in time, since 
time cannot be posited prior to the existence of the 
world. The dimculties of the ordinary hypothesis 
of a creation in time can never be surmounted, so 
long as we continue to make eternity mean simply 
indefinitely prolonged time. Augustine was, no 
doubt, right when, from the human standiK)int, he 
declared that the world was not made in time, but 
with time. Time is itself a creation simultaneous 
with, and conditioned by, world-creation and move- 
ment. To sc^, in the ordinary fashion, that God 
created in time, is apt to make time appear inde- 
pendent of God, or God dependent upon tune. Yet 
the time-forms enter into all our psychological ex- 
perience, and a concrete beginning is imthinkable 
to us. 

The time-conditions can be transcended only by 

some deeper intuition than mere logical insight 

can supply — ^by such intuitive endeav- 

9. Is or, in fact, as is realized in the neces- 
Creation sary belief in the self-existent God. If 
Eternal? such an eternal Being acts or creates, 

He may be said to act or create in 
eternity; and it is legitimate enough, in such wise, 
to speak of His creative act as eternal. This seems 
preferable to the position of Origen, who specula- 
tively assumed an eternal or unbeginning activity 
for God as Creator, because the Divine Nature 
must be eternally self-determined to create in order 
to the manifestation of its perfections. Clearly did 
Aquinas perceive that we cannot affirm an eternal 
creation impossible, the creative act not falling within 
our categones of time and space. The question is 
purely one of God's free volition, in which — and not 
m "nothing" — ^the Source of the world is found. 

This brings us to notice the frequently pressed 

objection that creation cannot be out of nothing, 

since out of nothing comes nothing. 

10. Creation This would mean that matter is eter- 
**eznihilo" nal. But the eternity of matter, as 

something other than God, means its 
independence of God, and its power to limit or 
condition Him. We have, of course, no direct 
knowledge of the origin of matter, and the concep- 
tion of its necessary self-existence is fraught with 
hopeless difficulties and absurdities. The axiom, 
that out of nothing nothing comes, is not contra- 
dicted in the case of creation. The imiverse comes 
from God; it does not come from nothing. But the 
axiom does not really apply to the world's creation, 
but only to the succession of its phenomena. Entity 
does not spring from non-entity. But there is an 
opposite and positive truth, that something presup- 
poKses something, in this case rather some One — 
aliquis rather than aliquid. 

It is enough to know that God has in Himself 

the powers and resources adequate for creating, 

without being able to define the ways 

11. From in which creation is effected by Him. 
God's Will It is a sheer necessity of rational faith 

or spiritual reason that the something 
which conditions the world is neither t^Xi;, kdle, nor 
elemental matter, but personal Spirit or originative 

Will. We have no right to suppose the world made 
out of nothing, and then to identify, as Erigena did, 
this "nothing? with God's own essence. What we 
have a right to maintain is, that what God creates 
or calls into being owes its existence to nothing 
save His will alone. Ground of all actualities. Pre- 
existent Personality is the ground and the condi- 
tion of the world's beginning. 

In this sense, its beginning may be said to be 
relative rather than absolute. God is always 
antecedent to the universe — ^its prius, 
12. Error of Cause and Creator. It remains an 
Pantheism effect, and sustains a relation of causal 
dependence upon Him. If we say, like 
Cousin, that God of necessity creates eternally, 
we run risk of falling into Spinozistic pantheism, 
identifying God, in excluding from Him absolute 
freedom in creation, with the impersonal and un- 
conscious substance of the universe. Or if, with 
Schelling. we posit in God something which is not 
God — a dark, urational background^ which original 
ground is also the ground of the Divine Existence 
— ^we may try to find a basis for the matter of the 
imiverse, but we are in danger of being^ merged — ^by 
conceptions tinged with corporeity — ^in that form 
of pantheism to which God is but the soul of the 

The universe, we feel sure, has been caused; its 
existence must have some ground; even if we held 
a philosophy so idealistic as to make the scheme 
of created things one grand illusion, an illusion so 
vast would still call for some explanatory Cause. 
Even if we are not content with the conception of a 
First Cause, acting on the world from without and 
antecedently in time, we are not yet freed from the 
necessity of^ asserting a Cause. An underlying and 
determining Cause of the universe would still need 
to be postulated as its Groimd. 

Even a imiverse held to be eternal would need 
to be accounted for — ^we should still have to ask 
how such a universe came to be. Its 
18. First endless movement must have direc- 
Cause a tion and character imparted to it from 
Necessary some immanent ground or underly- 
Presupposi- ing cause. Such a self-existent and 
tion eternal World-Ground or First Cause 

is, by an inexorable law of thought, 
the necessanr correlate of the finitude, or contingent 
character of the world. God and the world are 
not to be taken simply as cause and effect, for 
modem metaph3rBical thought is not content with 
such a mere ens extror^mundanum for the Ground of 
all possible experience. God, self-existent Cause of 
the ever-present world and its phenomena, is the 
ultimate Groimd of the possibility of all that is. 

Such a Deitv, as causa sui, creatively bringing 
forth the world out of His own potence, cannot be 
allowed to be an arbitrary resting- 
14. The place, but a truly rational Ground, of 
End — the thought. Nor can His Creation be 
Divine allowed to b.e an aimless and mechani- 

Glory cal universe: it is shot through with 

end or purpose that tends to reflect 
the glory of the eternal and personal God, who is 
its Creator in a full and real sense. But the Divine 
action is not dramatic: of His working we can truly 
say, with Isa 46 15, "Verily thou art a God that 
hidest thyself." As creation becomes progressively 
disclosed to us, its glory, as revealing God, ought to 
excite within us an always deeper sense of the senti- 
ment of Ps 8 1.9. "0 Jeh our Lord, how excellent 
is thy name in all the earth I" See aJso Anthbo- 
pologt; Earth; World. 

LiTBBATURE. — ^James Orr, Christian View of Qod and the 
World, 1st ed. 1893; J. Iverach. Chrietianity and Evo- 
lution, 1894; S. Harris, God the CrecUor and Lord of All, 
1897; A. L. Moore, Science and the Faith, 1889; B. P. 
Bowne, Studies in Theism, new ed, 1902; O. P. Fisher. 




Oroundt of Theiatic and Christian Beliefs new ed. 1902; 
J. Lindsay, Recent Advances in Theistic Philosophy of 
Religion, 1897; A. Domer, Religionsphilosophie, 1903; 
J. LindiBay, Studies in European Philosophy, 1909; 
O. Dykes, The Divine Worker in Creation and Providence, 
1909; J. Lindsay, The Fundamental Problems of Meta- 
physics, 1910. _ _ 

Jaaies Lindsay 
CREATOR, kr^a'tgr (icrurr^, ktisUa, 1 Pet 
4 19): The distinctive characteristic of Deity, as 
the Creator, is that He is the Cause 

1. God as of the existent universe — Cause of its 
Creator being, not merely of its evolution or 

present arrangements. The doctrine 
of His being the Creator implies, that is to say, that 
He is the real and the exclusive Agent in the pro- 
duction of the world. For, as Herder remarked, 
the thought of the Creator is the most fruitful of 
all our ideas. As Creator, He is the Uncondi tioned, 
and the All-conditioningj Being, llie universe is 
thus dependent upon Hun, as its causative ante- 
cedent. He calls it, as Aquinas said, ^'according to 
its whole substance,'' into beins. without any pre- 
supposed basis. ^ His power, as Creator, is different 
in lund from finite power. But the creative process 
is not a case of sheer almightiness, creating some- 
thing out of nothing, but an expression of God, as 
the Absolute Reason, under the forms of time and 
space, causality and finite personality. In all His 
work, as Creator, there is no incitement from with- 
out, out it rather remains an eternal activity of 
self-manifestation on the part of a God who is Liove. 
God's free creative action is destined to realize 
archetypal ends and ideals, which are peculiar to 

Himself. For thought cannot be con- 

2. Purpose tent with the causal category under 
in Creation which He called the world mto being, 

but must run on to the teleological 
category, wherein He is assumed to have created 
with a purpose, which His directive agency will see 
at last fulfilled. As Creator. He is distinct from the 
universe^ which is the product of the free action 
of His will. This theistic postulation of His freedom, 
as Creator, rules out all theories of necessary 
emanation. His creative action was in no way 
necessarily eternal — not even necessary to His own 
blessedness or perfection, which must be held as 
already complete in Himself. To speak, as Pro- 
fessor James does, of '^the stagnant teUcity of the 
Absolute's own perfection" is to misconceive the 
infinite plenitude of His existence, and to place 
Him in a position of abject and unworthy depend- 
ence upon an eternal activity of world-making. 

God s action, as Creator, aoes not lower our con- 
ception of His changelessness, for it is a gratuitous 

assumption to suppose either that 
8. Relation the will to create was a sudden or 
to Time accidental thing, or that He could not 

will a change, without, in any proi)er 
sense, changing His will. Again, grave difficulties 
cluster arouna the conception of His creative 
thought or purpose as externalized in time, the 
chief source of tne trouble being^ as is often imper- 
fectly realized, that, in attempting to view things 
as they were when time began, we are really trying 
to get out of. and beyond, experience, to the think- 
ing of whicn time is an indispensable condition. 
God's work as Creator must have taken place in 
time, since the world must be held as no necessary 
element in the Absolute life. 

The self-determined action of the Divine Will, 
then, is to be taken as the ultimate principle of the 

cosmos. Not to any causal or metar 
4. Christ in physical necessity, but to Divine or 
Creation Absolute Personality, must the created 

world be referred. "Of him, and 
through him, and unto him, are all things" (Rom 11 
36). This creative action of God is mediated by 
Christ — ^by whom "were all things created, in the 

heavens and upon the earth, things visible and 
things invisible, whether thrones or dominions or 
principalities or powers; all things have been creat^ 
through him, and unto him" (Col 1 16). See 
Crbatign. James Lindsay 

CREATURE, krg'tftr: The word "creature," as 
it occurs in the NT, is the tr and also the exact Eng. 
equivalent of the Gr «rr<<rtt, ktlsUj or kt^/mi, 
ktisnia, from /erZito, ktizd, "to create." In the 
OT, on the other hand, it stands for words which 
have in the original no reference to creation, but 
which come from other roots. Nephesh, "living 
creature" (lit. "a breathing thing"), occurs in the 
accounts of the Creation and the Flood and at the 
close of the lists of clean and unclean animals in 
Lev 11 46. fff^Vt 'living creature" (lit. "a living 
thing"), occurs 13 times in Ezk 1, 3 and 10 (see 
Cbeaturb, Living}. Shereg, "moving creature" 
(lit. "a swarming thing," generally rendered "creep- 
ing thing," q.v.), occurs once in Gen 1 20. ^Ohlrn, 
"doleful creatures," occurs once only in Isa 18 21. 
It appears to be an onomatopoetic word referring 
to the mournful sounds emitted by the animals in 
Question. From the context it is fair to suppose 
tnat owls may be the animals referred to. See 
Owl; Creation. Alfred Ely Day 

CREATURE, LIVING (nm, hayyOh; l^v, 
zdon): "Living creature" (hayydh) is the desi^a- 
tion of each of the composite figures in Ezekiel's 
visions (1 5.13 ff; 8 13; 10 15.17.20) and, RV, of 
the similar beings in the visions of the Apocalypse, 
instead of the extremely unfortunate tr of zdon in 
AV by "beasts" (Rev 4 6ff; 5 6flF; 6 Iff; 7 11; 
14 3^ 16 7; 19 4), which, however, went back to 
Wiclif , in whose time the word had not the low 
meaning which "beast," 'lastly" have with us; 
hence he translates 1 Cor 16 44, "It is sowen a 
beestli body," meaning simply animal (see Trench's 
Select Glossary); in Rev "tne beasts of the earth," 
the "beasts" that came up, the notable "beast" that 
men worshipped, represent the Gr thSrionf "a wild 

The "living creatures" in Ezekiel's vision (1 5ff) 
were four in number, "with the general appearance 
of a man, but each with four faces and four wings, 
and straight legs with the feet of an ox. Under 
their wings are numan hands^ and these wings are 
so joined that they never require to turn. The front 
face is that of a man; right and left of this are the 
faces of a lion and [of] an ox. and behind, that of 
an eagle .... out of the miost of them ^eam fire, 
torches, lightnings, and connected with them 
are four wheels that can turn in every direction, 
called whirling wheels (10 12.13). Like the crea- 
tures, these are alive, covered with eyes, the si^ 
of intelligence; the spirit of the livine creatiires is m 
them. Tney are afterward discovered by the'prophet 
tobecA«ruWm"(Schultz.Or r^«ofo^,II,233). See 
Cherubim. In Ezekiel s vision they seem to be the 
bearers of the throne and glory of Uod; the bearers 
of His presence and of His revelation (9 3; 10 3). 
They atoo sound forth His praise (3 12; 10 2). (See 
Schultz as above.) 

The four living creatures in Rev (4 6) are not 
under the throne but "in the midst of the throne" 
(ARVm "before"; see 7 17; cf 6 6) and "round 
about the throne." They are also cherubimy and 
seem to represent the four beings that stand at 
the head of the four divisions of the creation; 
among the untamed animals the lion; among cattle 
the co^ or ox; among birds the eagle; among 
^1 created beings the man. It gives "a perfect 
picture of true service, which should be as brave 
as the lion, patient as the ox, aspiring as the eagle, 
intelligent as man" (Milligan in loc.). They repre- 



'Creed, Creeds 

sent the powers of Nature — of the creation, * 'full 
of eyes' ' as denoting its penneation with the Divine 
Rea^n, the wings si^nifyin^ its constant, ready 
service, and the unceasing praise the constant doing 
of God's will. The imagery is founded on Ezekiel 
as that had been modified in apocalyptic writings 
and as it was exalted in the mind of the Seer of 
Patmos. W. L. Walker 

CREDIT, kred'it {inmUiv, piatedein; 1 Mace 
10 46 AV,RV "gavenocr«dence^'; Wisd 18 6 AV, 
RV "trusted''; 1 Mace 1 30 AV, RV "credence"): 
In the modem commercial sense the noun "credit" 
does not occur in the canonical Scriptures or in the 

CRSDirOR, kred'i-tSr {[a] nV3 , ndsheh, partici- 
ple of n^; , nash&h: Ex 82 24 [ET 25]; 2 K 4 1; 
Isa 50 1; tr** "extortioner," Ps 109 11; "taker of 
usury," Isa 24 2 AV; [6] H^blQ, mahveh, participle 
of rnb, latodh, Isa 24 2 RV, AV ^lender"; [c] bj3 

yv TXtn, ba^almashshehy^hd: *^oTd of the loan of 
his hand," Dt 16 2; [d] Savurr^, danisOs: Lk 7 41, 
"creditor" AV, "lender" RV; cf further danw^d*, 
Su- 29 28, " lender " AV. "money-lender" RV) : In 
the ideal social system ot the OT, debts are incurred 
only because of poverty, and the law protected the 
poor debtor from his creditor, who in Ex 22 25 is 
forbidden to demand interest, and in Dt 16 2 to 
exact payment in view of the nearness of the year of 
release. 2 K 4 1 shows that the actual practice 
was not so considerate, and in consequence the cred- 
itor fell into bad repute. In Ps 109 11 he is the 
extortioner; in Prov 29 13 the oppressor is evi- 
dently the creditor, though a different word is used; 
cf also Prov 22 7. In Sir 29 28 the importunity 
of the creditor is one of the hardships of the poor 
man of imderstanding. The actual practice of the 
Jews may be gathereafrom Neh 6 1 n ; Jer 84 8 ff ; 
and Sir 29 1-11. See also Debt. 

Walter R. Betteridqe 

I. Scriptural Basis 

1. In the OT 

2. In the NT— Gospels 

3. In the Epistles 

1) Paul 

2) Later Writings 
,3) Hebrews 

II. Historical Forms 

1. The Apostles' Greed 

2. The Nicene Creed 

(1) Origin. Date. Character 
(2] "Fflioque" Clause 
\. The Athanasian Creed 
1) Authorship 

uestion of Imi^osture 
alue and Features 
e Reformation Creeds 

Westminster Confession 

By "creed" we understand the systematic state- 
ment of religious faith; and bv the creeds of the 
Christian church we mean the formal expression of 
''the faith which was delivered unto the saints." 
The word is derived from the first word of the Lat 
VSS of the Apostles' Creed, and the name is usuallv 
applied to those formulae known as the Apostles , 
the Nicene and the Athanasian creeds. 

In this art. we shall first indicate the Scriptural 
foimdation and rudimentary Bib. statements upon 
which the distinctive dogmas of the church are 
based; and, secondly , bnefly describe the origin 
and nature of the three most important symbols of 
belief which have dominated Christian thought. 

/. Seriptwarai Batit. — ^There are three forms in 
which the religious instinct naturally expresses 

itself — ^in a ritual, a creed and a life. Men first seek 
to propitiate the Deity by some outward act and 
express their devotion in some external ceremony. 
Next they endeavor to explain their worship and 
to find a rationale of it in certain facts which they 
formulate into a confession; and leistly, not content 
with the outward act or the verbal interpretation of 
it, they attempt to express their religion in life. 

Pagan religion first appears in the form of a rite. 
The worshipper was content with the proper per- 
formance Of a ceremony and was not, in the earliest 
stage at least, concerned with an interpretation of 
his act. The myths, which to some extent were an 
attempt to rationalize ritual, may be regarded as 
the earliest approach to a formulated statement of 
belief. But inasmuch as the myths of early pagan 
relinon are not obligatory upon the reason or the 
faith of the worshipper, they can scarcely be regarded 
as creeds. Pagan religion, strictl;yr si>eaking, has 
no theology and having no real historical basis of 
facts does not possess the elements of a creed. In 
this respect it is distinguished from revealed reli- 
{^on. This latter rests upon facts, the meaning and 
interpretation of which are felt to be necessary to 
give to revelation its values and authority. 

Even in the OT there are not wanting the germs 
of a creed. In the Decalogue we have the begin- 
nings of the formulation of belief, and 

1. In the in the proclamation, "Hear, O Israel: 
OT Jeh our God is one Jeh" (Dt 6 4), we 

have what may be regarded as the 
s3rmbol of the OT faith and the earliest attempt to 
enunciate a doctrine. 

It is to the NT, however, we must turn to find 
the real indications of such a statement of belief 

as may be designated a creed. We 

2. In must remember that Christ lived and 
the NT — taught for a time before any attempt 
Gospels was made to portray His life or to 

record His savings. The earliest writ- 
ings are not the Gospeb, but some of the Epistles, 
and it is to them we must look for any definite 
explanation of the facts which center in the appear- 
ance of Christ upon the earth. At the same time in 
the sequence of events the personality and teaching 
of Jesus come first, and in the relation to Him of His 
disciples and converts and in their personal confes- 
sions and utterances of faith we have the earliest 
suggestions of an expression of belief. The confession 
of Nathanael (Jn 1 49), "Rabbi, thou art the Son 
of God," and still more the utterance of St. Peter 
(Mt 16 16), "Thou art the Christ, the Son of the 
livinff God," and the exclamation of Thomas 
(Jn 20 28), contain the germ of a creed. It is to 
be noted that all these expressions of belief have 
Christ as their object and give utterance with more 
or less explicitness to a conviction of His Divine 
nature and authority. 

But while these sayings in the Gospels were no 
doubt taken up and incorporated in later inter- 
pretations^ it IS to the Epistles that 

3. In the we must first go, for an explanation of 
Epistles the facts of Christ's person and His 

relation to God and man. Paul's 
Epistles are really of the nature of a confession and 
manifesto of Christian belief. Communities of be- 
lievers ah-eady existed when the apostle directed to 
them his earliest letters. In their oral addresses 
the apostles must have been accustomed not only 
to state facts which were familiar to their hearers, 
but also to draw inferences from them as to the 
meaning of Christ and the great truths centering in 
His person — His incarnation. His death and resur- 
rection (as we may see from the recorded sermons of 
Peter and Paul in Acts). It is to these facts that 
the Epistles appeal. It was at once natural and 
necessary that some expression of the faith once 



delivered to the saints should be formulated for a 
body whose members were pledged to each other 
and united for conmion action, and whose bond of 
union was the acknowled^ent of ''one Lord, one 
faith." Paul recognizes it as vital to the very 
spirit of religion that some definite profession of 
belief in Chnst should be made: ''If thou shalt 
confess with thy mouth Jesus as Lord, and shalt 
believe in thy heart that God raised him from the 
dead, thou shalt be saved" (Rom 10 9). These 
words would seem to imply that a confession of the 
Deity, the atoning death, and resurrection of Jesus 
was the earliest form of Christian creed. 

It must also be observed that from the very first 
the confession of faith seems to have been connected 
with the administration of baptism. Already in the 
story of the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 8 37 AV) 
(a passage indeed of doubtful genuineness but 
attested by Irenaeus and therefore of great antiq- 
uity) we nnd that as a condition of baptism the 
convert is asked to declare his belief in Jesus Christ 
as the Son of God. The passage in 1 Tim (6 12; 
cf He 10 23), ''Lay hold on the life eternal, where- 
unto thou wast called, and didst confess the good 
confession in the sight of many witnesses," may refer 
to a confession required only of those who were 
bein^ ordained: but the context leads us to infer 
that it was a baptismal vow asked of members not 
less than of ministers of the church. The proba- 
bility is that the earliest form of creed r^ected 
little more than Christ's final command to baptize 
all men "into the name of the Father and of the 
Son and of the Holy Spirit" (Mt 28 19), or perhap 
simply "into the name of the Lord Jesus" (Acts lO 
5). The ver in 8 37 AV, though disputed by some, 
is instructive in this connection. Faith in Jesus 
Christ was regarded as the cardinal point of the 
New Revelation and may have been taken to imply 
a relation to the Father as well as a promise of the 
Holy Spirit. 

It is evident that the creeds that have come down 
to us are mainly an expression of the doctrine of 
the Trinity as embodied in the original baptismal 
formula derived from Our Lord s commission. 
Already indeed in some places of the OT this doc- 
trine is foreshadowed; but it is first clearly in- 
corporated in the Lord's command just mentioned 
ana in the benediction of St. Paul (2 Cor 18 14), 
and subsequently in the Christian doxologies. Some 
scholars have preferred to find traces in the later 
writings of the NT of a more definite summary of 
belief: as in the allusion to the form of sound words 
(2 Tim 1 13), the "deposit" or "good deposit" 
which was to be kept (1 Tim 6 20 RVm; 2 Tim 

1 14 RVm); also in "the faithful words" enumer- 
ated in these epistles (1 Tun 1 15; 3 1; 4 8.9; 

2 Tim 2 11); and in the remarkable passage in 
the beginning of He 6 in which the elementary 
doctrines of the Christian religion are enumerated; 
first on the subjective side, reperUxmce and faith^ 
and then objectively, the resurrection and the judg" 
ment. There are also brief summaries in several 
of the Pauline Epistles of what the apostle must 
have considered to be essential tenets. Thus for 
example we have the death, burial and resurrection 
of Christ mentioned in 1 Cor 16 3 f; Rom 1 3 f. 
Such summaries or confessions of personal faith as 
in 2 Thess 2 13 f are frequent in Paul's writinra and 
may correspond to statements of truth which the 
apostle found serviceable for catechetical purposes 
as he moved from one Christian community to 
another. See Catbchist. 

It is not indeed till a much later age-Hihe age of 
Irenaeus and Tertullian (175-200)— that we meet 
with any de^nite summary of belief. But it cannot 
be doubted that these Scriptural passages to which 
we have r^erred not only served as the first forms of 

confession but also contributed the materials out of 
which the articles of the church's faith were formu- 
lated. As soon as Christian preaching and teaching 
were exercised there would be a felt need for explicit 
statement of the truths revealed in and through 
Jesus Christ. It may be said that all the main 
facts which were subsequently embodied in the 
creeds have their roots in the NT Scripture and esp. 
in the Pauline Epistles. The only exception which 
might be made is in the case of the virgin birth. It 
does not lie within the scope of this art. to comment 
upon the silence of the epistles on this subject. 
This, however, we may say, that the omissions of 
Paul s reference to it does not prove it untrue. It 
only proves at most that it was not a part of the 
ground upon which the Christ was commended to 
the first acceptance of faith. But though no direct 
allusion to the virgin birth occurs in Paul's writ- 
ings the truth which gives spiritual value to the 
fact of the virgin conception, viz., God's new 
creation of humanity in Christ, is a vital and funda- 
mental element in the faith both of St. Paul and 
of the whole early church. The Christian life is 
essentially a new creation (2 Cor 6 17; Gal 6 15; 
Rom 6 4) in Jesus Christ, the second Adam (Rom 
6 12-21), who is from heaven (1 Cor 16 47). Into 
this spiritual context the facts recorded by Matthew 
and Luke introduce no alien or incompatible element 
(cf W. Richmond, The Creed in the Epistles of Pavl; 
Orr, The Virgin Birth of Christ). And therefore 
the story of Christ's birth as we have it in the 
Synoptics finds a natural place in the creed of those 
who accept the Pauline idea of a new creation in 
Christ. See Virgin Birth. 

It is beyond the scope of this art. to discuss the 
evidences of development in the main doctrines of 
the gospel, but however the later ages may have 
elaborated them, the leading tenets of the subse- 
quent faith of the church — ^the doctrine of the 
Trinity; Our Lord's divinity and real humanity: 
His atoning death and resurrection; the doctrine ol 
the Holy Spirit and of the catholicity and unity of 
the church — stand clear and distinct in these earnest 
Scriptural sources. 

//• HtMioriciil Forms, — ^Faith implies a creed as a 
confession and testimony. Such a confession and 
testimony answers to a natural impulse of the soul. 
Hence a profession of faith is at once a personal, 
a social and a historical testimony. A formal creea 
witnesses to the universality of faith, binds b^ 
lievers together, and unites the successive ages of 
the church. It is the spontaneous expression of the 
life and experience of the Christian society. As 
the purpose of this art. is chiefly to indicate the 
Scriptural sources of the creeds rather than to dis- 
cuss their origin and history, we can only briefly 
describe the main historical forms which have pre- 
vailed in the Christian church. 

The Apostles' Creed, anciently called the Roman 

Creed, though popularly regarded as the earliest, 

was probably not the first in chronologi- 

1. The cal order. Its origin and growth are 
Apostles' involved in considerable obscurity 
Creed (see separate art.. Apostles' Creed; 

and cf Heurtley, Harmonia Symbolica). 

The Nicene Creed, called sometimes ''the Creed 

of the 318" from the number of bishops reputed 

to have been present, was authorized 

2. The at the Council of Nice in 325 AD, and 
Nicene completed by the Council of Constanti- 
Creed nople in 381, when the clauses which 

follow the mention of the Holy Ghost 
were added. The opinions of Arius at the begin- 
ning of the 4th cent, created such unrest as to call 
forth not only the admonition of bishops but also 
the intervention of the emperor Constantino, who. 
as a professed Christian, had become the patron or 



the church. The efforts of the emperor, however, 
had no effect in allaying the dissensions of the church 
at Alexandria, which, upon the banishment of Arius, 

Spread throughout eastern Christendom. It was 
ecided, therefore, to convoke a general council of 
bishops in which the Catholic doctrine should be 
once and for all formally declared. This, the first 
oecumenical council, met at Nicaea in Bithvnia in 
325 AD. There is no detailed record of the pro- 
ceedings. ''We do not know whether it lasted weeks 
or days" (Stanley, Lects an East Ch.). Arius, being 
only a presbyter, had no seat in the conclave, but 
was allowed to express his opinions. His chief op- 
ponent was Athanasius. 

The controversy turned upon the nature of the 
Son and His relation to the Father. The word 
homoaiisios (''of one substance with''), used in the 
course of the argument with a view of controvert- 
ing the extreme orthodox position, became the 
battleground between the parties. The Arians 
violently condemned. The Sabellians or Semi- 
Arians to evade its full force contended for the 
term homaioiAsioi ("of like substance"). But the 
majority finally adopted the former expression as 
the term best suited to discriminate their view of 
the relation of the Father and Son from the Arian 
view. The assent of the emperor was gained and 
the words "being of one substance with the Father" 
were incorporated into the creed. The clauses de- 
scriptive of the Holy Spirit were added or coi^rmed 
at a later council (382), and were designed to refute 
the Macedonian heresy which denied His equality 
with the Father and Son, and reduced the Holy 
Spirit to a level with the angels. 

The phrase "proceedeth from the Father and the 
Son" is also of historical importance. The last 
three words are a later addition to the creed b^ 
western churches, formally adopted by the Council 
of Toledo in 589. But when the matter was re- 
ferred in the 9th cent, to Leo III he pronounced 
against them as unauthorized. This interpolation, 
known as the Filioqwe^ marks the difference still 
between the Lat and Gr churches. From the 9th 
cent, no change has been made in the Nicene Cr^d. 
It has remained, without the FUioque clause, the 
cecumenical symbol of the Eastern Church; and with 
the addition of that word it has taken its place 
among the three great creeds of the Western Church. 

The Athanaslan Creed, or the Symholum Quicunque, 
as it is called, from its opening words, differs entirely in 
its origin and history from those we have 
8. The J^^ considered. It is not a gradual 

AftionaeUfi KTowth like the Apostles' Creed, nor is it 
AT nan aB i nn ^j^^ outcome of synodical authority like 
Creed the Nicene Creed. "When the composi- 

tion appears for the first time as a document 
of authority It is cited in its completeness and as the work 
of the Father whose name it has since, in the most part, 
borne, although it was not brought to light for many cents, 
after his death" (Lumby. Hist of the Creeds). Without 

going into the full and intricate evidence which has been 
rought forward by scholars to prove that it is incorrectly 
attributed to Athanasius, it is sufficient to observe that 
both authorship and date are uncertain. Dr. Swalnson 
proves in the most conclusive manner that the existence of 
this creed cannot be traced before the age of Charlemagne, 
and that its origin may probably be ascribed to the then 
existing demandTfor a more detailed exposition of the faith 
than was to be found in the Apostles' Creed. It is no- 
where mentioned at synods before the end of the 8th 
cent., whose special business it was to discuss the very 
matters which were afterward embodied within it In 
such detail. 

The question of imposture has been raised with regard 
to this creed, and it has been maintained by some that 
it was originally a forgery of the same nature as the 
"false decretals and the equally famous "Donation of 
Constantine" (Swalnson). But it may be said that the 
word "imposture" is incorrectly appued to "a natural 
and Inevitable result of the working of the mind of the 
Western Church toward a more elaborate and detailed 
confession of its Trinitarian faith" (Tulloch. Ene Brit). 
The imposture, if there was any, consisted not in the 
origin of the creed but in the ascription of it to a name 
and a date with which it had no connection. This was 
done no doubt to secure for it credit and authority, and 

was supposed to be justified by its special doctrinal 

This symbol, though too compendious and elaborate 
to serve the purposes of a creed, itself standing in need 
of exposition and explanation, has its value as repre- 
senting a further stage of doctrinal development. If the 
Apostles' Creed determined the nature or God and the 
Nicene Creed defined the character and relation of the 
Son and the Holy Spirit, the Athanasian Creed may be 
regarded as establishing the great doctrine of the Trinity. 
Its distingiiishing features are the monitory clauses and 
its uncompromismg statement of the value of the Chris- 
tian faith. The other creeds set forth the mercies of 
Revelation; this adds the danger of rejecting them. The 
others declare the faith; this insists i^so on its necessity. 
This. also, alone insists upon the necessity of good works 
(Yonge, An Exposition of the Apostles* Creed). The clos- 
ing warning is based on Christ's own words: "Depart 
from me." etc (Mt 25 41.46). If this creed is solemn in 
its admonitions, we must remember that so also are the 
Gospels. On the whole it is a comprehensive summary of 
truth, laying down the rule of faith as a foundation, fol- 
lowing out its issues of good or evil. True belief is closely 
connected with right action. 

With the adoption of the "Athanasian" symbol, 
the creed-making of the early and mediaeval church 
ceases. Of the three mentioned one only in the 
broadest sense, the Nicene, is Catholic. Neither 
the Apostles' nor the Athsmasian Creed is known 
to the Gr or oriental church which remained faith- 
ful to the faith settled by the holy Fathers at Nicaea. 
The two others adopted by the West are really 
gradual growths or consequences from it^ without 
any definite parentage or synodic authontv. But 
the faith as aefined at Nicaea and ratified by sub- 
sequent councils is the only true Catholic symbol 
of the imiversal church. 

With the Reformation a new era of creed-formation 
began. It will not, however, be necessary to do 
more than mention some of the confes- 
4^ The sions of the Reformed churches which 

Reforma- consist mainlv of elaborations of the 
tion Creeds original creeds with the addition of 
special arts, designed to emphasize and 
safeguard the distinctive doctrines and ecclesiastical 
positions of particular branches of the church. Of 
this natiure are the Confessions of the Lutheran 
church — ^the Augsburg Confession of 1530; the Gene- 
vese or Calvinistic of 1549 consisting of 26 arts., 
defining particularly the nature of the Sacraments; 
confessions of the Dutch church confirmed at the 
Synod of Dort in 1619 and known as the "Decrees 
of Dort''; and the famous Heidelberg Catechism. 
To this series of Protestant confessions must be 
added the 39 Articles of the Church of En^^and and 
the Westminster Confession of Faith, which is the 
doctrinal standard not only of the churches of 
Scotland, but of the principal Presbyterian churches 
of Britain and America. 

LiTBRATUBE. — ^Wincr, Doctrines and Confessions of 
Christendom (tr Clark, 1873); Lumby, History of the 
Creeds; Swainson, The Nicene and Apostles' Creeds 
(1875); Heurtley, Harmonia Symboliea (1858); Zahn, 
A post. Symb. (1892); Hamack. Apost. Olaubensbekenntnis; 
Swete, Apostles' Creed; Hefele, Councils of the Church; 
Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom. For exposition, and 
of a more popular nature, may be mentioned the works of 
Hooker, Barrow, and Beveridge. and esp. Bishop Pearson; 
Westcott, Historic Faith; Norris, Rudiments of Theology; 
W. W. Harvey, The Three Creeds; J. Eyre Yonge, An 
Exposition of the Apostles' Creed (1888); Wilfred Rich- 
mond, The Creed in the Epistles of Paul (1900). 

Arch. B. D. Alexander 
CREEK, krek, coUoq. krik (K6Xiro«, Mpos [Acts 
27 39], RV "bay") : The spot has been identified as 
the traditional Bay of St. Paul about 8 miles N.W. 
of the town of Valetta in the island of Malta. See 

CREEPING, krep'ing, XmNG (teun, remes, 
f "Jip , shereg; 4pirfT6v, kerpet&n) : Remea and shere^f 
with the root vbs. ramas and shdrag^ are used with- 
out any sharp distinction for insects and other 
small creatures. Ramos means clearly "to creep/' 
and is used even of the beasts of the forest (Ps 104 

Ciiiii6y Ciimos 



20), while ahSrag is rather ''to swarm.'' But in at 
least one passage (Lev 11 44), we have the noun. 
ahereg, with the vb. r&mas; "with any manner ot 
creeping thing that moveth upon the earth.'' The 
principal passages where these words occur are the 
accounts of the Creation and the Flood and the 
references to unclean animals in Lev and in the 
vision of Peter. In the last we have the word 
herpeUm as the Gr eauivalent of the Heb words 
(Acts 10 12). Winged creeping thinjgs (shereg 
hdrdphj Lev 11 20 n), as well as the wingless, are 
unclean, but an exception is made in favor ot the 
locusts, ''which have legs above their feet, where- 
with to leap upon the earth." See Insects; Lo- 
cust. Alfred Ely Day 

CREMATION, kr^m&'shun (cf Vr\1f , adraph, 
Josh 7 15, etc, "shall be burnt with fire"; KaU, 
kaid, 1 Cor 13 3, "If I give my body to be burned," 
etc): Cremation, while the customary practice of 
the ancient Greeks, and not unknown amons the 
Romans, was certainly not the ordinary mode of 
disposing of the dead among the Hebrews or other 
oriental peoples. Even among the Greeks, bodies 
were often buried without being burned (Thuc. i. 
134.6; Plato Phaedo 116 E; Plut. Lye. xxvii). 
Cicero thought that burial was the more ancient 
practice, though among the Romans both methods 
were in use in his day (De leg. ii.22.56). Lucian 
(De luctu xxi) expressly says that, while the Greeks 
burned their dead, the Persians buried them (see 
Burial, and cf 2 S 21 12-14). In the case sup- 
posed bv Amos (6 10), when it is predicted that 
Jeh. in abhorrence of "the excellency of Jacob," shall 
"deliver up the city," and, "if. there remain ten men 
in one house, that they shall die," and "a man's kins- 
man TARVm] shall take him up, even he thai humeth 
hwij etCf thesug^estion seems to be that of pestilence 
with accompanymg infection, and that this, or the 
special judgment of Jeh, is why burning is preferred. 
When Paul (1 Cor 13 3) speaks of giving his body 
to be burned, he is simply accommodating his lan- 
guage to the customs of Corinth. (But see Plutarch 
on Zarmanochegas, and C. Beard, The Universal 

How far religious, or sanitary, or practical reasons 
were influential in deciding between the different 
methods^ it is impossible to say. That bodies were 
burned m times of p>estilence in the Valley of 
Hinnom at Jems is without support (see Ezk 89 
11-16). The "very great burning ' at the burial of 
Asa (2 Ch 16 14) is not a case of cremation, but 
of burning spices and furniture in the kind's honor 
(cf Jer 84 5). Nor is 1 K 18 2 a case m point; 
it is simply a prophecy of a king who shall take the 
bones of men previously buried, and the priests of 
the hi^ places that bum incense in false worship, 
and cause them to be burned on the defiled altar to 
further pollute it and render it abominable. 

There is in the NT no instance of cremation, Jew- 
ish, heathen or Christian, and clearly the early 
Christians followed the Jewish practice of burying 
the dead (see Tert., ApoL, xlii; Minuc. Felix, Octav., 
xxxix; Aug., De civ. Dei^ i.12,13). Indeed, cre- 
mation has never been popular among Christians, 
owing largely, doubtless, to the natural influence 
of the example of the Jews, the indisputable fact 
that Christ was buried, the vivid hope of the resur- 
rection and the more or less material views con- 
cerning it prevalent here and there at this time or 
that. While there is nothing anti-Christian in it, 
and much in sanitary considerations to call for it in 
an age of science^ it is not likely that it will ever 
become the prevailing practice of Christendom. 

Geo. B. Eager 

CRESCENSjkres'enz (Ep4ioici)«,Xr^A;e8, "increas- 
ing"): An assistant of Paul, mentioned in 2 Tim 

4 10 as having gone to Galatia. That he was one 
of the Seventy, and that he founded the church in 
Vienna in Gaul, are traditions without any trust- 
worthy basb. 

CRESCENTS, kres'ents (D'^j'^ntU, eah&ronlm): 
Moon-shaped necklaces (Jgs 8 21.26; Isa 8 18). 

CRETE, kret (Kp^, KrU&, ethnic Kpf^, Kr^ 
tea, Acts 2 11; Tit 1 12): An island bounding 
the Aegean Sea on the S. It stretches from 34° 5(r 
to 35° 40' N. lat. and from 23" 30^ to 26° 20' E. 
long. With Cythera on the N.W. and Carpathoe 
and Rhodos on the N.E., it forms a continuous 
bridge between Greece and Asia Minor. The 
center of the island is formed by a mountain chain 
rising to a height of 8^193 ft. in Mt. Ida, and fringed 
with low valleys beside the coast. There are no 
considerable rivers; the largest, the Metropole, on 
the S., is a tiny stream, fordable anywhere. An 
island of considerable extent (156 miles long, and 
from 7 to 30 miles broad), in several districts veij 
fertile and possessing one or two good harbors, it 
seems marked out by its position for an important 
rdle in tihe history of the eastern Mediterranean. 
But never since an age which was ahreadv legendary 
when Gr history began has Crete occupied a dominat- 
ing position among the powers of the surrounding 
continents. Internal dissensions, due in ancient 
times to the diversity of races inhabiting its soil 
(Eteocretans — the original inhabitants — Pelasgians, 
Achaeans, Cydonians and Dorians) ^ and in modem 
times to the fact that a large minonty of the popu- 
lation has accepted the Ottoman religion along with 
Ottoman government, have kept Crete in a position of 
political inferiority throu^out the historical period. 

Mt. Ida in Crete was famous in Gr legend as 
the birthplace of Zeus. The half-legendary, half- 
historical ^ng Minos was said to be 

1. Early the son of Zeus, and to have derived 
History from his father the wisdom to which, 

by a tvpe of myth common in Gr lands, 
the constitution of the Cretan cities was ascribed. 
Minos was accepted as a historical personage by 
Thucvdides and Aristotle, who say that he was the 
first dynast in Greece to establish dominion on the 
sea. (Jne of his exploits was the suppression of piracy 
in Cretan waters, a feat which had to be repeated 
by the Rom Pompeius at a later period. Aristotle 
compares the Cretan institutions with those of 
Sparta; the island was said to have been colonized 
by Dorians from Peloponnesus {Politics ii.lO). 
The most important cities in Crete were Knossos 
(whose palace has been excavated with fruitful 
results by Mr. Arthur Evans), Gortyna, near the 
Gulf of Messara, and Cydonia, with its river 
lardanus. The excavations of Mr. Evans at 
Knossos and of the Italians at Phaestos (near Fair 
Havens) prove that Crete was a center of Mediter- 
ranean civilization in an early age. In the Homer- 
ic poems, Crete is said to have contained an hundred 
cities; at that period the Cretans were still famed as 
daring sailors. In the classical age of Gr history 
they never held a leading position. They are men- 
tioned chiell}^ as traders and mercenary soldiers, 
skilled esp. in archery. During the Hellenistic 
period Crete remained free. Demetrius Nicator 
made the island his base of operations before his 
defeat at Azotus in 148. 

In 141, the Cretan Jews were influential enough 

to secure the patronage of Rome. They were being 

oppressed by the people of Gortyna, 

2. The and api)ealea to Rome, which gjranted 
Jews in them protection. In strengthening the 
Crete position of the Jews, the Romans were 

copying the Seleucid policy in Asia 
Minor; both the Seleucids and the Romans found 



Crime, Crimes 

the Jews among their most devoted supporters in their 
subject states. This interference of Rome in the 
interest of her future partisans paved the way for 
her annexation of the island in the following cent. 
FVt>m this date, there was a strong and pro6i)erous 
body of Jews in Crete, and Cretans are mentioned 
among the strangers present at the Feast of Pente- 
cost in Acts 2 11. Its alliance with Mithradates 
the Great, and the help it gave to the Cilician pirates 
gave Rome the pretext she desired for making war 
on Crete, and the island was annexed by Metellus 
in 67 BC. With Cyrcne on the N. coast of Africa, 
it was formed into a Rom province. When Augus- 
tus divided the Empire between the Senate and 
himself, Crete and Gyrene were sufficiently peace- 
ful to be given to the Senate. 

They formed one province tiU the time of Con- 

stantine, who made Crete a separate province. 

The Saracens annexed Crete in 823 

3. Later AD, but it was recaptured for the 
History Byzantine Empire by Nicephorus Pho- 

kas in the following cent. From the 
13th till the 17th cent, it was held by the Venetian 
Republic: from this period dates its modem name 
"KandiaJ* which the Venetians gave to the Saracen 
capital iChandax, and afterward to the whole island. 
After a desperate resistance, lasting from 1645 to 
1669 AD, Crete f eU into the hands ofthe Turks, who 
still exercise a nominal suzerainty over the island. 

In 1 S 80 14; Ezk 26 16, and Zeph 2 5, the 
Philis are described as Cherethites, which is usually 

taken to mean Cretans. The name is 

4. Crete in connected with Caphtor and the 
the OT Caphtorim (Dt 2 23; Jer 47 4; Am 9 

7). The similarity between the river- 
names Jordan and lardanos (Homer Odyssey iii. 
292) ''about whose streams the ICydones dwelt, has 
suggested that Caphtor is to be identified with 
Oy3onia; or possibly it was the name of the whole 
island. Tacitus beheved in an ancient connection 
between Crete and Pal; the Jews, he said, were 
fugitives from Crete, and derived their name ludaei 
from Mt. Ida {Hist. v. 2). Crete is mentioned 
in connection with the campaign of Demetrius 
Nicator, referred to* above, in 1 Mace 10 67. See 
Caphtor; Cherethites. 

Crete owes its connection with Pauline history 
to the accident of a gale which forced the ship 

carrying Paul to Rome to take shelter 
6. Crete in on the S. coast of the island. In the 
the NT harbor of M3rra, on the coast of Lycia, 

the centurion in charge of Paul trans- 
ferred him from the Adramyttian ship which had 
brought them from Caesarea, to a ship from Alex- 
andria in Egypt, bound for Ostia witn a cai^o of 
grain. The Tact that the centurion was in virtual 
command of the ship (Acts 27 11) proves that it 
was one of the vessels in the imperial transport 
service. Leaving Myra they came opposite Cnidus 
with difficulty, against a head-wind. The ordinary 
course from Cnidus in good weather was to steer 
straight for Cythera, but on this occasion the W. 
or NTW. winds made this route impracticable, and 
they sailed under the lee of Crete, whose S. coast 
would shelter them from a N.W. gale, and i^ord 
occasional protection from a W. gale. Theyjpassed 
Salmone, the N.E. comer of Crete, with difficulty, 
and worked round the coast to Fair Havens, a 
harbor somewhat to the E. of Cape Matala. The 
peat Feast fell while they were at Fair Havens; 
m 59 AD it was on October 5, in the middle of the 
season when the equinoxes made sailing impossible. 
Paul advised the centurion to winter in Fair Havens, 
but the captain wished to reach Phoenix, a harbor 
farther to the W., where ships from Egypt were 
accustomed to put in during the stormy season. 
It was decided to follow the captain's advice; but 

on its way to Phoenix the ship was struck by a 
N.E. wind called Euraquilo, which rushed down 
from Mt. Ida. The ship was carried out to sea: 
it managed to run under the lee of Cauda, an island 
23 miles W. of Cape Matala, where the crew hauled 
in the boat, undergirded the ship, and slackened 
sail. On the fourteenth night they were driven on 
the coast of Malta, and wrecked. 

The narrative aoes not state that Paul landed in 
Crete, but as the ship lay for some time at Fair 
Havens (Acts 27 8.9) ne had plenty of opportunity 
to land, but not to travel inland. The centurion 
gave him permission to land at Sidon. Paul left 
Titus in Crete (Tit 1 5) ; tradition made the latter 
its first bishop, and patron saint. 

Cretans were present, as noted above, at the 
Feast of Pentecost (Acts 2 11). Paul's estimate 
of the Cretan character (Tit 1 10- 
6. The 16) was the one current in antiquity. 

Cretans Paul quotes (1 12) a well-known line 
of the Cretan poet Epimenides (who 
lived about 600 BC) on the mendacity of the Cre- 
tans. The sentiment was repeated by Callimachus 
(Hymn to Zeus 8). Other ancient witnesses to 
the detestation in which the Cretan character was 
held are Livy xliv.45, and Plutarch Aemilius § 23. 

LiTEBATURB. — Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St, 
Paul; Ranuay. St. Paul the Traveler and Roman Cititen, 
320-30. On Crete in Gr and Rom times, consult e.g. 
Grote, Holm, and Mommaen. A succinct account of the 
prehistoric archaeology of the island is given in Burrows. 
The Discoveriee in Crete, and BaUde. The Sea Kings of 

W M Calder 
CRIB (D^« , 'Sbhu^) : ''Crib'' tr^btes the Heb 
word *&}ku9 exactlvj as it denotes ''a barred recepta- 
cle for fodder used in cowsheds and foldyards; also 
in fields, for beasts lying out in the winter." The 
Heb is from a word meaning to feed (0^^ , 'dhha§), 
and is used in the precise sense of the Eng. word in 
Job 89 9 of the "crib" of the wild ox, in Prov 14 4, 
"Where no oxen are, the crib is clean," and in Isa 
1 3, "The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his 
master's crib." 

CRICKET, krik'et (^linn , l^gdl) : This occurs 
in Lev 11 22 (AV "beetle"), and doubtless refers to 
some kind of locust or grasshopper. See Beetle; 
Locust; Insect. 

CRIER, kn'gr («njj , tard'; cf foAw, bodd) : 

(1) Neither is this exact word found in EV. nor 
a word exactly corresponding to it in the Heb Bible, 
but the character it stands for appears as "one 
who cries aloud," i.e., OTOclaims mandates or sives 
public messages. In Prov 1 21 it is said, ''She 
[Wisdom] crieth in the chief place of concourse." 
John the Baptist calls himself the voice of one crv- 
in^ in the wilderness" (Jn 1 23) — like a herald 
gomg before the king. 

(2) In the East today every village even has its 
public crier, selected for his loud or penetrating 
voice, and appointed to give notice of the fresh 
orders or mandates of the mudir T "governor") or 
other authorities. The muezzin of the Moslems, 
who at the five appointed times of prayer mounts 
the minaret and calls the faithful to prayer, is 
another strikins example. Something like the 
ancient "heraldsi ' of the king were the "heralds" 
of the Middle Ages in Europe who, preceded by 
trumpeters, made official proclamations. 

Geo. B. Eager 
CRIME, krim, CRIMES, krimz: This term is used 
in Eng. as the equivalent of the Heb Dl^tpT) , mishpdtj 
"judgment," "verdict" (Ezk 7 23); H^T, zimmdk, 
"a heinous crime" (Job 81 11); Dlpl^, 'dshdm^ 
"a fault," "sin" (Gen 26 10, EV "guiltiness"); 



and Gr alrta, aUia, "case," "cause" (Acts 25 27, 
RV "charges"). In AV Jn 18 38; 19 4.6, the 
rendition is "fault." 

lYicXT||ia, Sgklemaf "indictment," "charge" (Acts 
26 16 AV) is changed in RV to "matter." A crime 
is a transgression against the public right; serious 
offence against the law; a base weakness or iniquity, 
all of which are regarded by the Bible as offences 
against (1) God, or (2) man, or (3) both. An injury 
to the creature is regarded as obnoxious to the 
Creator. Specific forms of crime are the following: 

Adultery. — See separate art. 

Assassination. — This term does not occur in the 
EV, but, of course, is included in the more general 
"to kill," or "to slay" (Ji^n, h&ragh=''to smite with 

deadly intent," "destroy," "kill," "murder," "put 
to death"). The law distinguished between unpre- 
meditated and premeditated slaying, pronouncing 
a ciu-se upon tne latter (Dt 27 25). David ex- 
presses the deepest abhorrence of such an act (2 S 
4 9-12). Instances are found recorded in Jgs 3 
15-22; 2 S 8 27; 4 5-7; 18 28.29; 20 9.10; 2 K 
12 20; 19 37; Isa 87 38. See also separate art. 

Bestiality. — According to Webster: "imnatural 
connection with a beast." This form of vice was 
treated by the Mosaic law as something exceedingly 
loathsome and abhorrent, calling for extreme lan- 
^;uage in its description and rigorous measures in 
its punishment. Both the beast and the guilty 
human were to be put to death (Ex 22 19; Lev 
18 23; 20 15.16; Dt 27 21), in order, as theTahn 
says, to obliterate all memory of the crime. 

Blasphemy. — See separate art. 

Breach of Covenant (fT^nanTlSI "TiB, pdrar 

^eth horh'rith). — ^According to Poucher {HDB, art. 
"Crimes"), this term included: (1) failure to ob- 
serve the Dav of Atonement (Lev 28 29); work 
on that day (Lev 28 28); (2) sacrifice of children 
to Molech (Lev 20 3) ; (3) neglect of circumcision 
(Gen 17 14: Ex 4 26); (4) unauthorized manu- 
facture of the holy oil (Ex 80 33); (5) anointing 
an alien therewith (Ex 80 33); (6) neglect of the 
Passover (Nu 9 13). Note also the following: 
Gen 17 14; Lev 26 15-44; Dt 29 25; 81 16.20. 
Paul (Rom 1 31) speaks of d<Hrv6tTot, asiirUhetoi 
= "covenant-breakers." 

Breach of Ritual. — ^A term not found in the Scrip- 
tures, but designed to cover a number of acts pro- 
hibited by the ceremonial law. They have been 
exhaustively enumerated by Poucher (HDB, art. 
"Crimes"): (1) eating blood, whether of fowl or 
beast (Lev 7 27; 17 14); (2) eating; fat of the 
beast of sacrifice (Lev 7 25); (3) eatmg leavened 
bread during the Passover (Ex 12 15.19); (4) 
failure to brine an offering when an animal is 
slaughtered for food (Lev 17 4) ; (5) offering sacri- 
fice while the worshipper is imdcr the ban of un-- 
cleanness (Lev 7 20.21; 22 3.4.9); (6) making 
holy ointment for private use (Ex 80 32.33); 

(7) using the same for perfimie (Ex 80 38); 

(8) neglect of purification in general (Nu 19 13.20) ; 

(9) slaughtering an animal for food away from the 
door of the tabernacle (Lev 17 4.9); even the alien 
must comply, so that the introduction of worship 
at other places might be avoided; (10) touching 
holy things illegally (Nu 4 16.20 RV "the sanc- 
tuary"). The pumshment for the non-observance 
of these prohibitions was the "cutting off" from 
the transgressor's people (S'J)?''? f^"^??! nikhrath 
mi^^ebh^ *^cut off from among," i.e. excommimi- 

Breach of Trust.— See Trust, Breach or. 
Bribery. — See separate art. 
Burglary. — This term does not occur. The cor- 
responding act is defined as "thievery accompanied 

by breaking," and it places the offender beyond pro- 
tection from violence (Ex 22 2). The crime nu^t 
be committed in various degrees, and to biu*glarize 
the "devoted things" was punishable by death 
(Josh 7 25), as was also man-stealing (Ex 21 16: 
Dt 24 7). 

Debt. — See separate art. 

Deception. — See separate art. 

Disobedience. — See separate art. 

Divination. — See separate art. 

Drunkenness. — See separate art. 

Evil Speaking (Slander).— See Speaking Evil. 

Falsehood. — Occurs as the rendition of ^79, 
ma*aZ« "treachery," "sin," "trespass" (Job 21 34); 
and of ■^yjTp, sheier^"& sham," "deceit," "l3ring" 
(2 S 18 13; Ps 7 14; 119 118; 144 8.11; Isa 
28 15; 67 4; 69 13; Jer 10 14; 18 25; Hos 7 1; 
Mic 2 11). In every case wilfuJ perversion of the 
truth or preference for the untrutn is at least pre- 
supposed, hence falsehood always marks an evil 
disposition, enmity against truth, and hence against 
God; consequently is criminal in the fullest sense. 

False Swearing. — "Swearing to a lie or falsehood" 
(IJJTP , skeier) is mentioned in Lev 6 3.5; 19 12; Jer 
6 2; 7 9; Hos 10 4; Zee 6 4. From these pas- 
sages and their context, it appears that this crime 
was considered in the twofold sense of a wrong 
against (1) the neighbor, and (2) against God, for 
the oath was an appeal to God as a witness to the 
truthfulness of the statement; hence to swear 
falsely was to represent God as supporting a false 

Fornication. — Heb, HJT, zdndh = "to commit 
adultery," esp. of the female, and less frequently 
of mere fornication, seldom of involimtary ravish- 
ment; also used figuratively in the sense of idolatry, 
the Jewish people being regarded as the spouse ol 
Jch (2 Ch 21 11; Isa 28 17; Ezk 16 26). Once 
we find the derivative noun ri^3TC\, UizntUh (Ezk 
16 29). In the NT, with both the literal and the 
figurative application, we find vopviCa, pomela. 
and vopvf^, pomeUd (Mt 6 32; 16 19; Jn 8 
41; Acts 16 20: 1 Cor 6 1; 6 13.18; 7 2; 10 8; 
2 Cor 12 21; Gal 6 19; Eph 6 3; Col 8 5; 1 
Thess 4 3; Rev 2 14.20.21; 9 21; 14 8: 17 2.4). 
The intensive liciropvi^w, ekpomeud = '*to fee utterly 
unchaste" is foimd in Jude ver 7. Every form of 
unchastity is included in the term "fornication." 

Forswear. — Found only in Mt 6 33 in the sense 
of conunitting perjury (mopidw, epiorkid). 

Harlotry. — The avocational or at least habitual, 
notorious practice of unchastity. In most instances 
the ordinary term for unchaste living, njT , zdndh, 
is employed (Gen 84 31; 88 15.24; Lev 21 14; 
Josh 2 1 [Rahab]; Jgs 11 1; 16 1; 1 K 8 16; 
Prov 7 10; 29 3; Jer 6 7; Am 7 17). For the 
publicly known woman of the street and the pro- 
fessional devotee in the pagan temple-worship, the 

term HipTp), k^heshdhf was employed (Gen 3S 
21.22 AV; Hos 4 14). The Gr ir6pv»|, pdme, occurs 
in Mt 21 31 f ; Lk 16 30; 1 Cor 6 15.16; He 11 
31; Jas 2 25). Figurative: Often used metaphori- 
cally of idolatry or any defection from the Divine 
covenant, and applied particularly to Jems (Isa 1 
21); the Jewish nation* (Jer 2 20; 8 1.6 flf; often in 
Ezk 16 and 28; Mic 1 7); Israel (Hos 4 15); Nine- 
veh (Nah 8 4); Tyre, with reference to the various 
arts employed to renew her commerce (Isa 28 16) 
and to her restored traffic (ver 17); and to anti- 
Christian "Babylon" (Rev 17 5.15; 19 2). See also 
Homicide ="manslayer" (HJ'J, rdgahf "to dash 

in pieces," "to kill," "to murder"j Gr dvSpo^vot, 
anarophdnoSf with the same meamng): Mentioned 



in Nu 36 6.12; 1 Tim 1 9. The Heb law distin- 
guished between the premeditated and the unpre- 
meditated slaying. See separate art. 

Idolatry. — See separate art. 

Ill-treatment of Parents (Ex 21 15.17; Lev 20 
9; Dt 21 18ff).— See below. 

Injuries to the Person (Ex 21 18 ff ; Lev 24 19 f ; 
Dt 26 11). 

Irreverence. — Lack of respect for God or His 
natural representatives, the parents or govern- 
mental officers. See also Parents, Crimes against; 

Incest — Designated in Heb by HQT, zimmdh, 
"vice," "wickedness," "refined immorality" (Lev 
18 17; 20 14); also "unnatural vice," bjP, tebhdy 
the same word that is used to designate the unnat- 
ural commingling with beasts. Amnon's deed is 
designated as "l^H , he^edh, indicating the degrada- 
tion of the tenderness natural between brothers and 
sisters into a tenderness of an immoral character 
(2 S 13). The crime of sexual relation of per- 
sons within the degrees of relationship forbidden 
by the Levitical law, as for instance, that of Lot's 
daughters with their father (Gen 19 33); the son 
with his father's concubines, as for instance, Reuben 
(Gen 36 22), and Absalom (2 S 16 22; cf 1 Cor 6 
1); that of the father-in-law with his daughter-in- 
law (Gen 38 15ff; cf Ezk 22 11); of the brother 
with the sister or half-sister, as for instance, Am- 
non (2 S 13 14); of the brother-in-law with the 
sister-in-law (Mt 14 3) ; with the wife's mother, or 
the wife's daughter while living in apparent mar- 
riage with the mother (Lev 20 14; 18 17). Illicit 
relation with the brother's widow is designated 
(Lev 20 21) as a disgraceful deed, Ut. "uncleanness" 
(excepting the levirate marriage). Such acts were 
forbidden on the ground that the Jews were to avoid 
the evil practices of the Canaanites and the Egyp- 
tians in regard to marriage within the specified 
limits, because this would naturally result in break- 
ing down the sanctity of the bonds connecting near 
relatives^ and in throwing open the flood gates of 
immorahty among them. It is the Divine plan 
that the unions based on mutual choice and love, 
mingled with carnality, shall become clarified more 
and more into the purer love of close consanguineal 
relations; not vice versa. Then, too, such pro- 
visions would secm*e higher results in training and 
in the production of mentally and physically 
healthy children, the balancing and evening up of 
contrasts of Nature, and the production of new 
and improved types. The principle on which the 
prohibitions are imposed seems to be this : Marriage 
IS forbidden between any person and a direct an- 
cestor or a direct descendant or any close relative, 
such as brother or sister of either himself or any of 
his ancestors or any of his immediate descendants. 

Infanticide.^This crime, in the form in which it 
has been and is prevalent among barbarous nations, 
seems to have been quite foreign to the minds of 
the Hebrews, for they had too lofty a conception 
of the value of human life, and children were con- 
sidered a blessing; their absence in the home, a curse 
(cf Ex 1 17.21; Ps 127, 128). For this reason, 
there appeared to be no reason to prohibit it by law, 
excepting as the Israelites might be influenced to 
sacrifice their children to Molech when following the 
religious customs of the Canaanites. See Molech. 

Kidnam>ing (Man-Stealing). — dv8pairo8wTi|«, an- 
dropoc?w«8="man-6tealer," "slave-dealer" (1 Tim 
1 10). This was a mortal offence; but it seems 
that it, like some other forms of iniquity, was un- 
known to^ the Hebrews, excepting as they came in 
contact with it through their intercourse with other 
nations, such as the Romans and the Greeks, whose 
mythology frequently alludes to such acts. 

Lying, Malice, Manslaughter, Murder, Oath. — 

See separate arts. 

Parents, Crimes against. — ^The law enjoined upon 
the infant all the reverence toward his parents, esp. 
the father, that he could bestow on a merely human 
beins. The reason for this lay in the fact that the 
hea<£ of families were expected to transmit the 
Divine law to their household, and thus to stand 
in the place of God. That the mother was to share 
this reverence practically on equal terms with the 
father is shown by the fact that each is mentioned 
separately whenever obedience and reverence are 
enjoined upon the child (Dt 6 16). As the specific 
crime against Jeh consisted in blasphemy and open 
rebellion against the law, so the crime against 
parents consisted in deliberate disobedience and 
stubbornness (Dt 21 18). And here again both 
the father and the mother are directed to lay hands 
upon him and bring him unto the elders for punish- 
ment. How ^eatly such conduct was held in 
horror is seen m many of the Proverbs, esp. 30 17. 
It would be hard to specifv all the acts which, in 
view of the above, would be considered crimes 
against the parents, but it is evident that every- 
thing which would lower their dignity and influence 
or violate their sense of just recognition must be 
carefully avoided, as witness the curse visited upon 
Ham ((ien 9 20-27). 

Perjury. — See False Swearing; Forswear above; 
also art. Oath. 

Prophesying, False. — By reason of his position as 
the recognized mouthpiece of Jeh, the prophet's 
word was weighty in influence; hence to prophesy 
falsely was equivalent to practicing fraud pubUcly. 
Jeremiah described the condition as ''wonderful 
and horrible," which made such things possible 
(6 30.31). See also Jer 28 32; 20 8.9; £zk 21 
23; Zee 10 2; Mt 7 15; 24 11.24; Mk 13 22; 
Lk 6 26; Acts 13 6 (Bar-Jesus); 2 Pet 2 1; 1 Jn 
4 1; Rev 16 13; 19 20; 20 10. See also separate 

Prostitation. — Heb and Christian morality never 
condoned this practice, though the Bible recognizes 
its existence as a fact even among God's people. 
The Heb father was forbidden (Lev 19 29) to j^ve 

his daughter over to a life of shame (^^n, luilal, 
"to profane a person, place or thing," "to pollute"). 
See also Fornication, Harlotry, and whoredom 

Rape.— pin, hazah = *'to seize," "bind," "re- 
strain," "conquer," "force," "ravish." The pun- 
ishment for this crime was greater when the act 
was committed against a betrothed woman (Dt 22 
25-29). See also Seduction. 

Removing Landmarks (Dt 19 14). See Land- 

Reviling (Ex 22 28). See Irreverence above and 

Jirt Tl.EVTL«E 

Robbery.— bl|, ^daiZ = "to pluck off," "strip," 
"rob," "take away by force or violence"; forbidden 
in the law and frequently referred to as despicable 
(Lev 19 13; 26 22; 1 S 23 1; Prov 22 22; Isa 10 
2.13; 17 14; Ezk 33 15; 39 10; Mai 3 8.9). 

Sabbath-Breaking. — As the Heb Sabbath was 
regarded as a day of rest, all acts absolutely unne- 
cessary were considered a violation, a "breaking" of 
the Sabbath, which appears sufficiently from the 
commandment (Ex 20 8-11); and the head of the 
household was held responsible for the keeping of 
this commandment on the part of all sojourners 
under his roof. 

No other law gave the sophistical legalists of later 
Judaism so much opportunity for hair-splitting dis- 
tinctions as did this. In answer to the question what 
labors were forbidden, they mentioned 39 spedflc forms 
of work, and then proceeded to define what constituted 
each particular form. But as even these definitions 



would not cover all poarible questions, special jirecepts 
were Invented. In order that one might not be caught 
tn the midst of unfinished labors, when the Sabbath 
began (at sunset), certain forms of work must not be 
undertaken on Friday. Thus It was forbidden to fry 
meat, onions or eggs. If there was not suflldent time for 
them to be fully cooked before evening. No bread, no 
cakes, must be put Into the oven. If there was not suffi- 
cient time remaining for their surface to brown before 
night. See Sabbath. 

Seduction.— n^ , ta'ah, "to dissemble," "se- 
duce/' and r^ptp, (d*dA, with the same meaning; 
&wowXavd«», apoplando, "to lead astray"; wXavdv, 
planddf "to go astray," "deceive," "err," "se- 
duce"; and W|«i odesj "a wizard^" "an impostor," 
"seducer." In all the passages m which the idea 
of seduction is expressed in the Eng. the term is 
used not in the modem sense of a trespass against a 
woman's person, but in the more general and fig- 
urative sense of leading into sin generally (2 K 21 9; 
Prov 12 26 AV; Isa 19 13 AV; Ezk 13 10; Mk 
18 22 AV; 2 Tim 8 13 AV; 1 Jn 2 26 AV; Rev 
2 20) . However, the modem Eng. idea of the word 
is expressed in the law found in Ex 22 16.17. 

Slander. — See separate art. 

Sodomy. — See Unnatural Vice. 

Speaking £vil» "to bring an evil [T^y rd^] name 
upon" (Dt 19 15; 1 K 22 23; Ps 84 13; 41 5; 
60 19; 109 20; 140 11; Prov 16 28; 16 30). 
Evil speaking is considered a crime because it is 
simply the expression of the evil intents of the 
heart. This is brought out more clearly in the NT 
(Mt 7 17.18; 12 34.35; Mk 9 39; Lk 6 46). 
As such, evil speaking OXoo-^ilCo, blaaphemia) 
is represented as entirely unworthy a Cjiristian 
character (Eph 4 31; 1 Pet 4 4.14; 2 Pet 2 2; 
10.12; Jfus 4 11: Jude ver 10); and KaTciXaM«, 
katalaUd—^ babble against," "gossip." It will be 
noticed from the above that evil speaking against 
those in authority is designated with the same word 
("blasphemy") as raillery against God, they being 
considered Grod's representatives on earth. See 
also Evil Speaking; Slander. 

Stealing.— Heb a;|, ^nod^i- "to thieve" (lit. or 
fig.): by implication, "to deceive," "carry away," "se- 
cretly bring," "steal away" (Gen 44 8; Ex 20 15; 
21 16; 22 1; Prov 6 30; Zee 5 3; Gen 81 20. 
26 f; 2 S 16 6; 19 3; Job 27 20; Prov 9 17 
["Stolen waters are sweet": the forbidden is attrac- 
tive; cf Rom 7 7]). Gr kiJwrm, /c^pW-"to filch," 
"steal" (Mt 6 19.20; 19 18; Jn 10 10; Rom 2 
21; 18 9; Eph 4 28). See Theft. 

Suicide. — No special law is found ap^ainst this 
crime, for it is included in the prohibition against 
killing. Contrary to the practice and the phi- 
losophy of paganism, the act was held in deep ab- 
horrence by the Hebrews because of the high value 
placed on human life. It was held inexcusable 
that any but the most degraded and satanic should 
lajy hands on their own lives. Only the remorse 
of^the damned could drive one to it, as witness Saul 
(1 S 81 4) and Judas (Mt 27 5). 

Theft.— Heb rQSJ, g^nibhah "stealing" (con- 
crete), "something stolen," "theft" (Ex 22 3.4); 
mentioned in connection with other wickedness 
(icXo«t|, klop6) in Mt 16 19: Mk 7 21; and (kkfyj^joi, 
kUmma) in Rev 9 21. All three words are used 
abstractly for the act and concretely for the thing 
stolen. See Thief. 

Unchastity. — No other form of sin is mentioned 
with disapproval and threats more frequently than 
the various forms of carnal vice, for no other sin is 
more natural or widespread. See Chastity; Lewd- 
ness; Marriage. 

Unnatural Vice (Sodomy).— Alluded to with 
delicacy, but positively condemned as an abom- 
ination (Gen 13 13; 19 5.7; Lev 18 22; 20 13). 
It was the specific form of wickedness through which 

Sodom became n otori ous, so that "sodomite" is 
the regular tr of tDlpi tddhish, "a [quasi] sacred 
person," i.e. (technically) "a [male or female] 
devotee to licentious idolatry" (Dt 28 17; 1 K 14 
24; 16 12; 22 46; 2 K 28 7; Job 86 14m). Though 
permitted and even encouraged in heathen cult, it 
was never to be tolerated in the worship of Jeh. 

Usury. — See separate art. 

Witnessing, False.— The Heb idiom is "IJJip T? , 
^edh shelpeTy "witness of a falsehood," "lie" (Ex 
20 16; Dt 19 16.18: Prov 6 19; 14 5.25: 19 
5.9); Gr t|ftvSo|fcafmip«M, pseydomarturidf "to bring 
false testimony"; -uMfympCa, •^marturia, 'Hbearing 
of false testimony'* (Mk 10 19; 14 56.57). It 
^oes without saying that the law was emphatic in 
its denunciation of this practice, and in order that 
the innocent might be protected against the lying 
accuser, a criminal was to be convicted only on the 
testimony of at least two or three witnesses, tes- 
tifying to the same facts (Nu 86 30). If one be 
found testifying falsely, he was to be pimished by 
suffering the penalty which would have been in- 
flicted on him against whom he testified, had he been 
convicted (Dt 19 16-19). 

Whoredom. — ^Heb njj, zdndh^"U> commit adul- 
tery," "fornication or illicit incontinence of any 
kind"; and its derivative ri13TlJ\, to2ni2/A= "form- 
cation," "harlotry," "whoredom"; Gr ■ropvriw, 
pomeiid (vb.), and vopviCa, pomeia (noun), of the 
same meaning. The following passages will reveal 
the estimate m which such uncleanness was held, 
and the fact that men and women ^ven to it were 
held in equal abhorrence and designated by the 
same terms: Gen 88 24; Lev 19 29; Nu 14 33; 
26 1; Ezk 16; 28; 48 7.9; Hos 
12; 2 4: 4 11.12; 6 10; Nah 84; Mt 6 32; 
Rom 1 26f; 1 Cor 6 1; 7 2; 10 8; Jude ver 7; 
Rev 2 14.20 f; 18 9; 19 2. 

Figurative : Because of the infidelity to the life- 
mate and to right living involved in such acts, the 
practice became symbohcal of infidelity to God and 
His law, and thus served as a frequent figure of speech 
for Israel's error and apostasy. See Harlot. 

Frank E. Hirsch 

CRIMSON, krim'z'n. See (Colors. 

CRIPPLE, krip"! (x^^^i cholda): Only occurs 
in Acts 14 8, denoting the congenitallv lame man 
at Lystra. In AY (1611) the word is spelled 
"creeple." It originally meant one whose body is 
bent together as in the attitude of creeping. This 
was probably a case of infantile paralysis. 

CRISPING, kris'ping, PINS: Pins for crisping, 
or curling, the hair. Thus the AV renders Heb 
O'^P'^nn, hdri^lm (Isa 8 22; cf Vulg). RV substi- 
tutes more correctly "satchels" (so l^imhi [cf 2 K 
6 23]; cf Arab.). Others think of girdles; still 
others of veils or head-bands. 

CRISPUS, kris'pus (Kptcnrot, Kri8po8 "curled"): 
One of the small number baptized by raul among 
the Corinthian Christians (l.Cor 1 14). He had 
been ruler of the Jewish synagogue, but he * 'be- 
lieved in the Lord with all ms house" ; and, follow- 
ing Paul, withdrew from the synagogue (Acts 18 
7.8). He seems to have been succeeded by Sos- 
thenes (ver 17). According to tradition he became 
bi^op of Aegina. 


Archaeologt and Criticism. 

CRITICISM, krit'i-siz'm, OF THE BIBLE: 

Critidsm in General 
I. Divisions 

1. Lower or Textual Criticism 

2. Higher Oriticism 




and Dependence 

II. LowBB OB Tbxtval Obitxcibm 

1. Origin of the Science 

2. Methods Employed 

3. Oauses of Error 

4. Weifl^s of Authorities 

(1) The OT 
MSS and VSS 

(2) The NT 

(a) MSS and VSS 

(b) The Western Text 

(c) Results 
ni. HiGHBB Criticism 

1. The OT 

(1) Astruc and Successors 
~ Hupfeld 

Qraf and Wellhausen 

(4) Literary and Historical Grounds of Theory 

[5) The Codes 
Effects on History, etc 
General Results 
Criticism of Theory 

'he NT 

The School of Baur 
Synoptical Criticism 
(a) Oral. Documentary, 
) The*'Logia" 
) Two-Source Theory 
id) Authorship — Lukan and Johannine Ques- 

(3) Modem "Critical-Historical" School 

(4) Remaining Writings of NT 


So much has been said and written in recent years 
on ''Criticism" that it is desirable that the reader 
shoidd have an exact idea of what 
Criticism in criticism is, of the methods it employs, 
General and of the results it reaches, or belieyes 
itself to have reached, in its apphca- 
cation to Scripture. Such a survey will show the 
le^timacy and indispensableness of a truly scientific 
criticism, at the same time that it warns against 
the hasty acceptance of speculative and hypotheti- 
eal constructions. Criticism is more than a de- 
scription of phenomena; it implies a process of 
siftmg, testing, proving, sometimes with the result 
of establishing, often with that of modifying or 
reversing, traditional opinions. Criticism goes 
wrong when used recklessly, or imder the influence 
of some dominant theory or prepossession. A 
chief cause of error in its application to the record 
of a supernatural revelation is the assumption that 
nothing supernatural can happen. This is the 
vitiating element in much of the newer criticism, 
both of the OT and of the NT. 

/. /MniMoiis.— Criticism of Scripture ("Bib. criti- 
cism'') is usually divided into what is called "lower 
or textual criticism" and "higher criti- 
1. Lower cism" — ^the latter a phrase round which 
or Textual many misleading associations gather. 
Criticism "Lower criticism" deals strictl^r with 
the text of Scripture, endeavoring to 
ascertain what the real text of eacn book was as it 
came from the hands of its author; "higher criti- 
cism" concerns itself with the resultant 
S. Higher problems of age, authorship, sources, 
Criticism simple or composite character, histori- 
cal worth, relation to period of origin, 
etc. The former — "textual criticism" — ^has a well- 
defined field in which it is possible to apply exact 
canons of judgment: the latter — "hirfier criticism" 
—while invaluable as an aid in the domain of Bib. 
introduction (date, authorship, genuineness, con- 
tents, destination, etc), manifestly tends to widen 
out iilimitably into regions where exact science can- 
not follow it, where, often, the critic's imagination 
is his only law. 

It was only gradually that these two branches of 
criticism became differentiated. "Textual criti- 
cism" for long took the lead, in association with a 
sober form of Bib. "introduction." The relations 
now tend to be reversed. "Higher criticism," 
having largely absorbed "introduction" into itself, 
extends its operations into the textual field, en- 
deavoring to get behind the text of the existing 

sources, and to show how this "grew" from simpler 
beginnings to what it now is. Here, also, there is 
wide opening for arbitrariness. It would be wrong, 
however, to deny the legitimate place of "higher 
criticism," or belittle the great services it is capable 
of rendering, because of the abuses to which it is 
frequently fiable. 

It is now necessary that these two forms of criti- 
cism should be looked at more particularly. 

//. Lower or Textual CriticUm, — We take first 

lower or textual criticism. There has never been a 

time when criticism of gcripture-lower 

1. Origin of and higher — has been sJtogether absent, 
the Science The Jews applied a certain criticism to 

their sacreci writings, alike in the selec- 
tion of the books, and in the settlement of the text. 
Examples are seen in the marginal notes to the Heb 
Scriptures (^f -rg and K'thlbh) . The Fathers of the 
early church compared MSS of the NT books, 
noting their differences, and judging of the books 
themselves. The Reformers, it is well known, did 
not accept blindly the judgments of antiquity, but 
availed tnemselves of the ^st light which the new 
learning afforded. The material at the disposal of 
scholars in that age, however, were scanty, and such 
as existed were not used with much thoroughness or 
critical discernment. As aids multiplied with pro- 
gress of discovery, comparison of M^ and VSS one 
with another and with patristic quotations, revealed 
manifold divergencies and it became apparent that, 
in both OT and NT, the text in current use in the 
church was far from perfect. "Various readings" 
accumulated. Not a few of these, indeed, were ob- 
vious blunders; many had little or no support in the 
more ancient authorities: for others, again, authority 
was fairly equally divided. Some were interpola- 
tions which had no right to be in the text at all. 
How, in these circumstances, was the true text to 
be ascertained? The work was one of great deli- 
cacy, and could only be accomplished by the most 
painstaking induction of facts, and the strictest ap- 
plication of sound methods. Thus arose a science 
of textual criticism, which, ramif3ring in manv direc- 
tions, has attained vast dimensions, and yielded an 
immense body of secure knowledge in its special de- 
partment. • 

The materials with which textual criticism works 
(apparcUua crUicua) are, as just said, chi^y Ml^, 

VSS (translations into other tongues^, 

2. Methods quotations and allusions in patristic 
Employed writings, with lectionaries (church 

service-books), and similar aids. The 
first step is the collection and collation of the ma- 
terial, to which fresh discovery is constantly adding; 
the noting of its peculiarities, and testing of its 
age and value; the grouping and designation of it 
for reference. A next important task is the com- 
plete collection of the "various readings" and other 
diversities of text (omissions, interpolations, etc), 

brought to light through comparison 
8. Causes of the material, and the endeavor to 
of Error assign these to their respective causes. 

More frequently than not errors in 
MSS are unintentional, and the causes giving rise 
to them are sufficiently obvious. Sucn are the 
carelessness of scribes, lapses of memory, similarity 
of sounds (in dictation), or in shape of letters (in 
copying), wrong dividing of words, omission of a 
line or clause owing to successive lines or clauses 
ending with the same word. Intentional changes, 
again, arise from insertion in the text of marginal 
notes or fosses, from motives of harmonizing, from 
the substitution of smoother for harsher or more 
abrupt expressions — more rarely, from dogmatic 

Mistakes of the above kinds can generallv be 
detected by careful scrutiny of sources, but a large 



number of cases remain in which the correct read- 
ing is still doubtful. These, next^ have to be dealt 
with by the impartial weighing and 
4. Weighing balancing of authorities; a task involv- 
of Authori- ing new and delicate inquiries, and the 
ties application of fresh rules. It does not 

suffice to reckon numbers; MSS and 
VSS have themselves to be tested as respects reli- 
ability and value. Through the presence of pecul- 
iarities pointing to a common origin MSS come to 
be grouped into classes and families, and their 
individual testimony is correspondingly discounted. 
Older authorities, naturally, are preferred to younger 
but the possibility has to be reckoned with that a 
later MS may preserve a reading which the older 
MSS have lost. Such rules obtam as that, of two 
readings, preference is to be given to the more diffi- 
cult, as less likely to be the result of corruption. 
But even this has its limits, for a reading may be 
difficult even to the point of unintelligibility, yet 
may arise from a simple blunder. As a last resort, 
in cases of perplexity, conjectural emendation may 
be admitted; only, however, as yielding proba- 
bility, not certainty. 

In the application of these principles an important 
distinction has to be made between the OT and the 
NT, arising from the relative paucity of material 
for critical purposes in the one case, and the abun- 
dance in the other. The subject is treated here 
generally; for details see arts, on Language of the 
OT; Language op the NT; Text and MSS op 

(1) In the OTf textual criticism labors imder the 
peculiar disadvantage that, with one minute ex- 
ception (a papyrus fragment of the 2d cent., giving 
a version of the Decalogue), all known Heb MSS 
are late (the oldest not going beyond the 9th cent. 
AD) ; further, that the MSS seem all to be based 
on one single archetype, selected by the rabbis at 
an early date, and thereafter adhered to by copy- 
ists with scrupulous care (cf G. A. Smith, OTJU, 
69 ff ; Driver, Text of Sam, xxxvii ff ; Strack, how- 
ever, dissents). The variations which these MSS 
present, accordingly, are slight and unimportant. 
For a knowledge of the state of the text prior to the 
adoption of this standard, criticism is dependent 
on comparison with the VSS — esp. the Sbptua- 
GiNT (q.v.), with the Sam Pent (q^.v.), and with 
II passages in the OT itself (e.g. m S, K, Ch). 
Frequent obscurities in the Heb text, with unde- 
niable discrepancies in names and numbers, show 
that before the fixing of the text extensive corrup- 
tion had already entered. A simple instance of 
mistake is in Isa 9 3, where the AV reads: ''Thou 
hast multiplied the nation, and not increased the 
joy." The context shows that the "not" is out of 
place: the RV therefore ri^tly reads (with the 
Heb Jf're: the sounds are similar), "thou hast in- 
creased their joy." In the LXX the divergences 
are often very great in order, arrangement, and 
readings; there are extensive interpolations and 
omissions (in Jer, Graf reckons that 2,700 words of 
the Massoretic text are omitted) ; eviaences, where 
the alterations are not of design, that the Heb MSS 
employed by the translators often differed widely 
from those approved in Pal. The Sam recension 
likewise exhibits considerable differences. 

It does not follow that, where difference exists, 
these rival texts are to be preferred to the Mas- 
soretic. Few, since the exhaustive examination of 
Gesenius, would aflSrm the superiority of the Sam 
to the Heb; even in regard to the LXX the trend 
of opinion seems increasingly in favor of the text 
of the Massoretes (cf Skinner, "Genesis," ICC, 
xxxv-xxxvi). There is no need, however, to main- 
tain the general superiority of the above texts to 
the Massoretic to be convinced that, in many in- 

stances, the LXX, in some cases, probably, even 
the Sam, has retained readings from which the 
MT has departed. OT criticism has, therefore, a 
clear field for its labors, and there can be Httle 
doubt that, in its cautious application, it has 
reached many sound results. Less reliance can 
be placed on the conjectural criticism now so largely 
in vogue. Dr. G. A. Smith has justlv animad- 
verted on the new textual criticism of the poetical 
and prophetical books, "through which it drives 
Uke a great ploughshare, turning up the whole 
surface, and menacing not only the minor land- 
marks, but, in the case of the nrophets, the main 
outlines of the field as well" (Quarterly Rev., Jan- 
uary, 1907). This, however, trenches on the do- 
main of the higher criticism. 

(2) /n the NT the materials of criticism are 
vastly more abimdant than in the OT; but, with 
the abundance, while a much larger area of cer- 
tainty is attainable, more intricate and difficult 
problems also arise. The wealth of MSS of the 
whole or parts of the Gr NT far exceeds that exist- 
ing for any other ancient writings (Nestle mentions 
3,829: 127 uncials and 3,702 cursives: Intro to the 
Textual CrUicism of the Gr NT, ET, 34-35, 81); 
the MSS of VSS (excluding the Vulg, reckoned by 
thousands), are likewise very numerous. 

(a) MSS and VSS: Gr MSS are usually divided 
into imcials and cursives (or minuscules) from the 
character of the writing ; the oldest uncials go back to 
the 4th and 5th cents. The five chief, that alone need 
be named, are the Codex Sinaiticus (K , 4th cent.), 
the Codex Vaticanus (B, 4th cent.), the Codex Alex- 
andrinus (A, 5th cent.), the Codex Epbraemi (C, 5th 
cent.), the Codex Bezae (D, Grospels and Acts, Gr 
and Lat, 6th cent.). These MSS again are grouped 
according to affinities (Bengel, Griesbach, Lachmann. 
are here chief precursors; Westcott and Hort, chiet 
modem authority), K and B ^oing together as 
representing one type of text, m the opinion of 
WH the best (the so-called "Neutral"): D repre- 
senting a "Western" text, with marked pecuhari- 
ties; A and C exhibiting mixed texts. The VSS, 
in turn, Syr, Old Lat, Egyp (originating with 2d 
and 3d cents.), present interesting problems in their 
relations to one another and to the Gr MSS K , B, 
and D. With the Syr VSS (Sinaitic, Curetonian, 
Peshitta), Tatian's LHatessaron, or Harmony of the 
Gospels, ought to be mentioned. Formerly the 
Pesh was taken to be the oldest Sjr VS (2d cent.): 
now, esp. since the discovery of the Lewis (Sinaitic) 
palimpsest, it tends to be regarded as a later revi- 
sion of the older Sjr texts (probably by Rabula of 
Edessa, beginning of the 5th cent.). The old 
Lat, also the old Syr, MSS show marked afl^ties 
with the text of D--the "Western" type. 

(6) The Western text: The question chiefly exer- 
cising scholars at the present time is, accordingly, 
the relation of the W^H text based on K and B to 
the Western text represented by D, but now finding 
early support from the Old Lat and Syr, as well as 
from quotations in the 2d and 3d Fathers. The 
Western text is discounted by WH for its para- 
phrastic character, and "astonishing freedom" in 
changing, inserting and omitting (WH, 122 ff); 
yet, on internal grounds, certain important omis- 
sions in this text of the last three chs of Lk are 
accepted by these authorities as representing the 
purer text, the rejected readings being termed 
"non-Western interpolations." A newer school, 
however, is disposed to accept the Western readings, 
as, to a much larger extent than was formerly sup- 
posed, the more original; while some writers, as 
Blass, Nestle, in part Zahn (cf Nestle, op. cit., 
324 ff), seek a solution of the difference of texts 
in the theory of two editions (Blass, Lk and Acts; 
Zahn, Acts alone). This theory has not met with 



much acceptance, and the problems of the Western 
text must still be regarded as unsolved. The ques- 
tion is not, indeed, vital, as no important doctrine 
of the NT is affected; but it touches the genuine- 
ness of several passages to which high value is 
attached. E.g. the words at the Supper, "which is 
given for you," etc (Lk 22 19.20, not in D), are 
excluded by WH as a nary-Western interpolation; 
while the passage on the aneel and the bloody 
sweat (Lk 22 43.44 in both S and D), and the 
first word on the cross, "Father, forgive them," 
etc (Lk 23 34, in K, omitted by D and Sin Syr), 
are rejected as Western interpolations. The KV 
retains these passages with marginal note. 

(c) Results: As respects results, it may be said 
generally that the labors of a long line of scholars 
have given us a NT text on which, in nearly all 
essential respects, we can safely rely. Others, it is 
to be owned, take a less sanguine view (cf Nestle, 
op. cit., 227 ff).^ The correct reading seems un- 
deniably settled in a large majority of cases. The 
RV embodies most of the assured results; doubtful 
cases are noted in the margin. Among passages 
long known to be interpolations, now altogether re- 
moved, is that on the three witnesses in 1 Jn 6 8. 
The two longest passages noted as not belonging 
to the origin^ text are the last 12 vs of Mk (16 
9-20), and the story of the woman taken in adul- 
teiy (Jn 7 63—8 11). 

ill. Highmr CrUiciMm, — ^The scope of the higher 
criticism has already been indicated. Many of 
the inquiries it undertakes were formerly covered 
bv what was called Bib. introduction; the flight 
of the newer science, however, is bolder, and the 
problems it seeks to solve are more complicated 
and far-reaching. An important part of its work 
is the analysis of books, with the view of determin- 
ing their component parts (e.g. the J,E,P,D, of the 
Pent), the age, ori^n, and characteristics of each, 
their connection with external conditions and the 
state of belief and life of the time. The nature of 
its task will be better understood from a rapid 
survey of its procedure. 

Higher criticism began, mainly, with the OT, 
Already in the 2d cent., Gnostics assailed the OT 
as the work of an inferior deity (the 
1. The OT Demiurge), and heretical Ebionites 
{Clementine Recognitions and Homilies) 
declared it to be corrupted with false prophecy. 
In the 17th cent. Spinoza prepared the way in lus 
TractcUus (1670) for future rationalistic attacks. 

(1) Astruc and successors. — ^The beginning of 
higher criticism in the stricter sense is commonly 
associated with the French physician Astruc, who, 
in his Conjectures, in 1753, drew attention to the 
fact that, in some sections of Gen, the Divine name 
employed is "Elohim" (God), in others, "Jehovah." 
This he accounted for by the use of distinct docu- 
ments by Moses in the composition of the book. 
Eichhom (1779), to whom the name "higher criti- 
cism" is due, supplemented Astruc's theory by the 
correct observation that this distinction in the use 
of the names was accompanied by other literary 
peculiarities. It soon became further evident that, 
though the distinction in the names mostly ceased 
after the revelation of Jeh to Moses (Ex 3 6), the 
literary peculiarities extended much farther than 
Gen, indeed till the end of Josh (Bleek, 1822; 
Ewald, 1831; Stahehn. 1835). Instead of a 
"Pentateuch," recognized as of composite author- 
ship, there was now postulated a "Hexateuch" 
(see Pentateuch; Hexateuch). Meanwhile De 
Wette (1805-6), on grounds of style and contents, 
had claimed for Dt an origin not earlier than the 
reign of Josiah. "Fragmentarv" theories, like 
Vater's, which contributed little to the general 
development, may be left unnoticed. A conserva- 

tive school, headed by Hengstenberg (1831) and 
Havemick (1837), contested these conclusions of 
the critics, and contended for the unity and Mosaic 
authorship of the Pent. Bolder spirits, as Vatke 
(1835), anticipated the conclusions of the newer 
critical school in declaring that the Levitical laws 
were latest of all in origin. Their voices were as 
yet unheeded. 

(2) Hupfeld. — ^A distinct advance on preceding 
theories was made by Hupfeld (1853; in part an- 
ticipated by Ilgen, 1789). Hitherto the prevailing 
assumption had been that there was one funda- 
mental document — ^the so-called Elohistic, dated 
usually in the age of the Judges, or the time of Saul 
or David — and that the Jehovistic parts were "sup- 
plementary" to this (not a separate document). 
It was the merit of Hupfeld to perceive that not a 
few of the sections in the "Elohistic" document did 
not bear the usual literary marks of that writing, 
but closely resembled the "Jehovistic" sections in 
everything but the use of the Divine name. These 
portions he singled out and erected into a docu- 
ment by themselves (thoudi they bear no signs 
of being such)^ while the Jehovistic parts were 
relieved of their "supplementary" character, and 
regarded as belonging to a distinct document also. 
There were thus now 3 documents, attributed to 
as many authors — ^the original Elohist, the 2d or 
Younger Elohist and the Jehovist. Dt, as a dis- 
tinct book, was added to these, making 4 documents 
in all. 

(3) Graf and WeWiausen. — ^Thus matters stood 
till the appearance of Graf's work, The Historical 
Books of the 07, in 1866, through which something 
like a revolution in the critical outlook was effected. 
Following in the track of Vatke, earlier, Reuss^ of 
Strassburg, had t£^en up the idea that the Levitical 
legislation could not, as was commonly presumed, 
be earlier than Dt, but was, on the contrary, later 
— ^in fact, a product of the age of the exile. Graf 
adopted and developed this theory. He still for a 
time, while putting the laws late, maintained an 
earlier date for the Elohistic narratives. He was 
soon led, however, to see that laws and history must 
go together; so the whole Elohistic writing was 
removed from its former place, and brought down 
bodily to the end of the rehgious development. 
Graf, at the same time, did not regard it as an inde- 
pendent document. At first the theory was scouted, 
but gradually, through the able advocacy of Kuenen 
and Wellhausen — esp. the latter — ^it secured as- 
cendency, and is now regarded as the critical view 
par excellence. Order and nomenclature of the 
assumed documents were now changed. The 
Elohist, instead of standing first, was put last under 
the designation P or PC (Priestly Code). Well- 
hausen's symbol for this writing was Q. Its date 
was taken to be post-exilian. The Jehovist becomes 
J; the Elohist E. These are placed in the 9th or 
8th cents. BC (cir 850-750), but are supposed to 
have been combined a cent, or so later (JE). Dt, 
identified with the law-book found in the temple 
in the reign of Josiah (2 K 22), is thought to have 
been written shortly before that time. The order 
is therefore no longer Ist Elohist-Jehovist and 2d 
Elohist-Dt, but J and E-Dt-P. The whole, it is 
held, was finally united into the great law-book 
(Pent) brought by Ezra to Jerus from Babylon (458 
BC; Ezr 7 6-10), and read bv him before the 
people 14 years later (444 BC; Neh 8). 

(4) Literary and historical grounds of theory. — 
A sketch like the above gives, of course, no proper 
idea of the grounds on which, ^part from the dis- 
tinction in the Divine names, the critical theory 
just described is based. The grounds are partly 
literary — the discrimination of documents, e.g. 
resting on differences of style and conception. 



duplicates^ etc (see Pentateuch)— but partly also 
historicctlf m accordance with the critic's conception 
of the development of religion and institutions in 
Israel. A main reliance is placed on the fact that 
the history ) with its many sanctuaries up to the time 
of Dt, is in conflict with the law of that book, which 
recognizes onl^ one sanctuai^ as legitimate (ch 12), 
and equally with the PC| which throughout assumes 
this centralizing law. The laws of Dt and PC, 
therefore, cannot be early. The prophets, it is 
held, knew nothing of a Levitical legislation, and 
refused to regard the sacrificial system as Divine 
(Jer 7 22 ff). 

(5) Tfie code under which older Israel lived was 
that formulated in the Book of the Covenant (Ex 
20-23), which permitted manv altars (Ex 20 24f). 
The law of Dt was the product of a centralizing 
movement on the part of the prophets, issuing in 
the reformation of Josiah. The PC was the work 
of fertile brains and pens of post-exilian priests and 
scribes, incorporating older usa^ge, devising new 
laws, and throwing the whole into the fictitious 
form of Mosaic wilderness legislation. 

(6) Effects on history, etc, — The revolution 
wrought by these newer constructions, however, 
is not adeauately realized till regard is had to their 
effects on the picture given in the OT itself of Israel's 
history, religion and literature. It is not too much 
to say that this picture is nearly completely sub- 
verted. By the leaders of the school (Graf, Kuenen, 
Wellhausen, Duhm, Stade, etc) the supernatural 
element in the history and religion is totally elimi- 
nated; even by those who do not go so far, little is 
left standing. The history of the Pent — indeed 
the history down to the time of the kings — ^is 
largely given up. Gen is legend. Ex hardly more 
trustworthy, Josh a romance. The histories of 
Samuel and David are "written up" by a theo- 
cratic narrator. None of the laws — even the 
Decalogue — are allowed to be certainly Mosaic. 
Monotheism is believed to have come in with Amos 
and Hosea; earlier, Jeh was a "tribal'' God. Ark, 
tabernacle, priesthood, feasts, as depicted in the 
PC, are post-exilic fiction. The treatment accorded 
to the Pent necessarily reacts on the other historical 
books; the prophetic Ut. suffers in an almost equal 
degree through disintegration and mutilation. It 
is not Isaiah alone — ^wnere the question has long 
been mooted of the post-exilian origin of chs 40- 
66 (see Isaiah); the critical knife is applied with 
scarcely less freedom to the remaining prophetical 
books. Few, if any, of the psalms are allowed to 
be preexilic. Dnl is a work of the Maccabean age. 

(7) General results. — ^As a general simunary of 
the results of the movement, which it is thou^t 
"the future is not likely to reverse," the foUowmg 
may be quoted from Professor A. 8. Peake: "The 
analysis of the Pent into four main documents, the 
identification of the law on which Josiah's reformar 
tion was based with some form of the Deuteronomic 
Code, the compilation of that code in the reign of 
Manasseh at the earliest, the fixing of the Priestly 
Code to a date later than Ezekiel, the highly com- 
posite character of some parts of the prophetic lit., 
esp. the Book of Isa, the post-exilian origin of most 
of the Pss, and large parts of the Book of Prov, the 
composition of Job not earlier than the exile and 
probably later, the Maccabean date of Dnl, and 
the slightly earlier date of Eccl" ("Present Move- 
ment of Biblical Science," in Manchester, /n- 
augurcH LectSy 32). 

(8) Criticism of theory. — ^The criticism of this 
elaoorate theory belongs to the arts, which deal 
with the several points involved, and is not here 
attempted at length (cf the present writer's POT). 
The gains that have accrued from it on the literary 
side in a more exact and scholarly knowledge of the 

Phenomena to be explained (e.g. dbtinction in the 
)ivine names; distinction of P element in the Pent 
from that known as JE) are not to be questioned; 
on the historical and religious sides also much has 
been done to quicken interest, enlarge knowledge 
and correct older ideas which have proved unten- 
able — in general, to place the whole facts of the OT 
in a clearer and more assured Ught. On the other 
hand, much even in the literary criticism is sub- 

t'ective, arbitrary and conjectural, while the main 
lypothesis of the posteriority of the Levitical law 
to Ezekiel. with the general view taken of the his- 
torical ana religious development in Israel, is open 
to the most serious exception. The OT has its 
own accoimt to give of the origin of its religion in 
the monotheism of Abraham, the covenants with 
the patriarchs, the legislation through Moses, 
which is not thus readily to be set aside in the inter- 
ests of a theory resting largely on naturalistic pre- 
suppositions (see Bible). There is not a word in 
the history in Neh 8 to suggest that the law intro- 
duced by Ezra was a new one; it was received 
without demur by a deeply divided communitv as 
the ancient law of Moses. So with the law of Dt 
in the time of Josiah (2 K 22). Its genuineness 
was doubted by no one. The position of the theory, 
generally, is by no means so secure as many of its 
adherents suppose. Internally, it is being pushed 
to extremes which tend to discredit it to sober 
minds, and otherwise is undergoing extensive 
modifications. Documents are multiplied, dates 
lowered, authors are converted into "schools." 
Archaeologists, in large majority, declare against 
it. The facts they adduce tend to confirm the his- 
tory in parts where it had been most impugned. 
The new Bab school in Germany (that of Winckler) 
assails it in its foundations. Recently, the suc- 
cessor of Kuenen in Leyden^ Professor B. D. E^erd- 
mans, formerly a supporter, has broken with the 
theory in its entirety, and suojects the dociunentary 
hypothesis to a damaging criticism. It is too early 
vet to forecast results, out the opinion may be 
hazarded that, as in the case of the Tubingen NT 
critical school in last cent, referred to below, the 
prevailing critical theory of the OT will experience 
fundamental alteration in a direction nearer to 
older ideas, though it is too much to expect that 
traditional views will ever be resuscitated in their 

Higher criticism of the NT may be said to begin, 
in a Deistic spirit, with Reimarus (Fragments^ 

Sublished by Lessing, 1778), and. on 
[egelian lines, with Strauss (lAje of 
Jesus, 1835). In the interests of his 
mythical theory, Strauss subjected every part of 
the gospel history to a destructive criticism. 

(1) The school of Baur. — In a more systematic 
way, F. Baur (1826-60), founder of the famous 
Ttibingen school, likewise proceeding from Hegel, 
applied a drastic criticism to all the documents of 
the NT. Strauss started with the Gospels. Baur 
sought firmer ground in the phenomena of the 
Apostolic Age. The key to Baur's theory lies in 
the alleged existence of Pauline and Petrine parties 
in the early church, in conflict with one another. 
The true state of matters is mirrored, he holds, not 
in the Book of Acts, a composition oi the 2d cent., 
written to gloze over the differences between the 
original apostles and Paul, but in the four con- 
temporary and undoubtedly genuine epistles of Paul, 
Gal, 1 and 2 Cor, and Rom, and in the Book of Rev. 
In these documents the church is seen rent by a 
schism that threatened its very existence. By and 
by attempts were made at conciliation, the stages 
of which are reflected in the Gospels and remaining 
writings of the NT. The Fourth Gospel, about 170 
AD, brings up the rear. This theory, which found 



influential support in the scholarship of the time 
(Schwegler, Zeller, etc), could not stand the test 
of imp^ial investigation, and is now on all sides 
discredited. Professor Bacon, in a recent work, 
pronounces its theory of the Johannine writings 
to be ''as obsolete as the Ptolemaic geography'' 
(Fourth Gospelj 20) . Ita influence on later criticism 
has, however, been considerable. 

(2) Synoptic criticism. — Meanwhile more sober 
scholarship was concerning itself with the intricate 
problem of the relations of the Synoptic Gospds. 
The problem is a very real one (see Gospels). The 
three gospels of Mt, Mk and Lk are seen on in- 
spection to exhibit an amount of agreement in 
subject-matter, order, often in language, which 
cannot be accounted for except on Sie theory of 
some common source. Suppose the Gospels di- 
vided into sections, in 52 of these the narratives 
coincide. 12 more are common to Mt and Mk, 5 to 
Mk ana Lk. and 14 to Mt and Lk, while 5 are 
peculiar to Mt, 2 to Mk and 9 to Lk. Tlie verbal 
agreement is greater in the recital of the words of 
others, particularly of words of Jesus, than in the 
narrative portions. 

How is this to be explained? Three forms of 
theory were early propounded — ^the oraly the docu- 
mentary , and the hypothesis of dependence of one 
pospel upon another. Of these theories, the oldest 
IS the 3a (Augustine already held that Mk was an 
abridgment of Mt and Lk), and to it. in combina- 
tion with the 2d, though in reversed order (Mk being 
put first), it will be seen below that criticism has 
largelv reverted. The oral theory, proposed by 
Gieseler (1818), has, till recently, been the favorite 
one in England (Westcott, Alford, etc^ with Godet, 
Pressens^, Ebrard, etc, on the Contment). In it 
resemblances in the three Gospels are explained by 
an oral tradition assumed to have attained a rela- 
tively fixed form while the apostles were yet teach- 
ing together in Jerus. The documentary theory 
took its origin with Eichhorn (1794), but in the 
hands of Marsh (1801), finally in Eichhom's own 
(1804), received so elaborate a development as 
completely to discredit it. The dependence theory, 
in turn, went through every possible shape. Grad- 
ually, with sifting^ certain combinations were elimi- 
nated (those which put Lk first, or Mt last, or 
made Mk a middle term), till only two remained — 
Mt, Lk. Mk (Griesbach 1789-W, Baur, etc), and 
Mk, Nit, Lk (Weisse, 1838, Wilke, 1838, etc). 
The prestige of the Baur school obtained a tem- 
porary ascendency for the former view — that which 
put Mk last; this, however, has now quite given 
way in favor of Mk's priority. There remained 
a division of opinion as to whether the Mk emploved 
by the other evangelists was the canonical Mk 
(Weisse, Meyer, B. Weiss, etc), or an ur-Markua 
(Holtzmann, Reuss, etc), but the difficulties of the 
latter hypothesis proved so insurmoimtable that 
Holtzmann finally gave it up. 

It is obvious, however, that the use of Mk by the 
other evangelists, even if granted, does not yet 
completely solve the synoptical problem. There 
is still to be considered that large mass of matter — 
chiefly discourses — common to mt and Lk, not to 
speak of the material peculiar to Lk itself. For 
tne explanation of these sections it becomes neces- 
sary to postulate a second source, usually identified 
with the much-canvassed Loaiii of Papias, and 
designated by recent scholars (Wellhausen, etc) Q. 
It is regarded as a collection of disco\irseB^ possibly 
by Matthew, with or without an admixture of 
narrative matter (B. Weiss, etc). This yields the 
"two-source" theory at present prevailing in synop- 
tical criticism (for a different view, cf Zahn s In- 
trodtu^tion), Mt and Lk, on this view, are not 
independent Gospels, but are drawn up on the basis 

of (1) Mk and (2) Q»the Logiaj with original ma- 
terial on the part of Luke (see GtOSPels) . A theory 
which commandEf the assent of so many scholars 
has necessarily great weight. It cannot, however, 
be regarded as finally established. Many grave 
difficulties remain; there is, besides, a prima facie 
improbability in a Gospel like Mark's being treated 
in the manner supposed or included among the ''at- 
tempts" which Luke's own Gospel was designed to 
supersede (Lk 1 1-4; cf Wright, St, Luke*s Gospel 
in Grt xiv, xv). 

With criticism of the sources of the Gospels there 
goes, of course, the question of authorship. A 
powerful vindication of the Lucan authorship of the 
od Gospel and the Book of Acts has recently come 
from the pen of Professor A. Hamack, who main- 
tains that in this, as in most other points regarding 
early Christian lit., "tradition is right" Ccf his 
Luke, the Physidany ET). Outside the Synoptics, 
the burning question still is the authorship of the 
Johannine writings. Here also, however, the ex- 
treme positions of the Baur school are entirely given 
up ("It is perfectly apparent," says Professor Bacon, 
"that Baur mistook ttie period of dissemination for 
that of ori(iin" op. cit., 21), and powerful defences 
of Johanmne authorship have of late appeared 
(notably Sanday's Criticism of the Fourth Uospely 
and ex-Principal Drummond's Character and Author- 
ship of the Fourth Gospel). See Gospel of John. 

(3) Modem ^^historical-critical** school.— On the 
otner hand, a new and intensely aggressive radical 
school has recently come to the front, the so-called 
"historical-critical," which treats the text and 
history of the Gospels generally with a recklessness 
to which no limits can oe put. It is even doubted 
if Jesus claimed to be the Messiah (Wrede). Say- 
ings are accepted, rejected, or mutilated at pleasure. 
The latest phase of this scnool is the "Apocalyptic," 
which finds the essence of Christ's message in His 
insistence on the approaching end of the world 
^f Schweitzer, Von Reimarus zu Wrede; ET The 
Quest of the Historical Jesus). These excesses may 
be depended on to cure themselves. 

(4) Remaining writings of the NT. — For the rest 
of the ¥rritings on the NT, the trend of criticism has 
been in the main in a conservative direction. One 
by one the Pauline Epistles have been given back 
to the apostle — doubt chiefly still resting in certain 
minds on the Pastorals. The Book of Rev is re- 
stored by most to the age of Domitian, where tradi- 
tion places it. Its relation to the Fourth Gospel 
and to St. John is still in dispute, and some modems 
would see in it a groundwork of Jewish apocalypse. 
These and kindr^ questions are discussed in the 
arts, devoted to them. 

LxTSBATUBB. — Arts. Oil Text. MSS, YSS, of OT and 
NT in Bible Diets, and Encyclopaedias: works on Intro- 
duction to OT and NT. 

On the OT. — S. Davidson, Retinon of the Snglith OT; 
W. R. Smith, OT in the Jetoiah Church; Wellhausen, 
Prol to the Hiet of Israel (ET) ; Kuenen, The Hexateuch 

?GT); Oxford Hexateuch according to the RV; Orr. 
rob of the OT, and Bible Under Trial; H. M. Wiener, 
Beeaye on Pentaieuchal CrUiciem; W. M5Iler, Are the 
Critics Right? (ET). 

On the NT. — Westcott and Hort, The NT in Or, Intro; 
F. O. Kenvon. Handbook to the Textual Critieiam of the NT; 
Nestle, Textual Crit of the Or Teat. (ET); Scrivener, 
Intro to the Crit of the NT, 4th ed; K. LAke. The Text 
of the NT; Ebrard. Qoapel History (ET); P. O. Burkltt. 
The Gospel History and Its Transmission; Sanday, The 
Life of Christ in Recent Research; Schweitzer, Von 
Reimarus tu Wrede (ET The Quest of the Historical Jesus): 
A. S. Peake, Crit. Intro to the NT, 

James Orr 
CRITICISM (The Graf-Wellhausen Hypothesis): 

I. Pbbliminabt 

1. Thesis 

2. Historical Perspective 

3. Inspiration and Critidsni 
II. Thb Leqislation 

1. Groups 

2. Covenant Code 




3. The Sanctuary 

4. Kinds of Sacrifice 

5. Sacrifice in General 

6. Vestments 

7. Priests and Levites 

8. Dues 

9. Miscellaneous 

10. Summary 

11. Additional Note 
III. Thb Hibtort 

1. Chronicles 

2. Kings, etc 

3. The Conquest 

4. Ideas of uod 

5. Priesthood 

6. Summary 

IV. Rbconstruction 

1. Covenant Code 

2. Deuteronomy 

3. Later 

4. Evaluation 


/. Freliminary.—ln Jer 7 22.23 we read: "For 

I spake not unto your fathers, nor commanded them 

in the day that I brought them out of 

1. Thesis the land of Egypt, concerning burnt- 

offerings or sacrifices: but this thing 
I commanded theni, saying, Hearlcen unto my voice, 
and I will be your God, and ye shall be my people/' 
It is the contention of the present art. that this 
statement of the prophet is correct (cf II, 5). 

More specifically, it is contended that evidence 
can be product from the OT to show that Israel's 
religion can be seen in a long period of growth; 
and in this growth a fixed sacrificial law, with a 
minutely regulated ritual obligatory on all Is- 
raelites, the culmination and not the beginning of 
the process. It is contended, moreover, that this 
conception of the development of the institutional 
side of the reU^on of the OT is attained by the 
strictest evaluation of aZZthe OT evidence and by 
no a priori considerations. 

To De sure, one is met at once in the OT by what 

seem to be complete denials of this point of view. 

In the Pentateuch we nnd statement 

2. Histori- after statement that a given law was 
cal Per- due not to some late author but to 
spective Moses himself^ and there are numer- 
ous passages m the historical books 

(most notably in Ch) that speak of these laws as 
in effect from the earliest times. Such evidence 
must be paid all possible respect and must be over- 
ruled only on the most imperative considerations. 

However, if for the moment the books of the OT be 
viewed only as historical documents, it wHl be admitted 
that the possibility of overruling such evidence may well 
arise. Aiid it mav very well arise without calling in 
question in the slightest degree the good faith of the 
writers of questioned passages; for an acquisition of 
historical perspective comes very late in Intellectual 
evolution, particularly-— though not only — ^in the realm 
of religious history. Even the trained scholar has to be 
on his guard lest ne read back the concepts of his own 
time into some past generation, while the non-specialist 
never succeeds in avoiding this enx>r completely. For 
the uncultured mind, especially for the Oriental, the 
problem scarcely exists. That which Is generally ac- 
cepted and which is not obviously novel tends to be 
classifled as that which "always has been." A law so 
old that its actual source is forgotten is referred as a 
matter of course to some great lawgiver of the past. A 
custom that in a writer's own day is universtJly ob- 
served bv the pious must always nave been observed 
by the pious. Kven documentary evidence to the con- 
trary is not convincing to such a writer, for that docu- 
ments may be wrong is not a modem discovery. To be 
sure, the older document may be copied mechanically 
or the discrepancy may not even be noticed. But it is 
never surprising when we find a writer simply accrediting 
the pious men of old with the customs oi nis own day, 
since even documentary evidence to the contrary he felt 
could not be right. This is not forgery, as we understand 
the word, nor need there be the faintest moral reproach 
connected with such conduct. Quite on the contrary, 
such a writer may well be acting In the only sense that 
the conscience of any man of hla generation could con- 
ceive right. 

However, the OT is not a mere collection of human 
documents, and another question arises. Does the 
acceptance of inspiration compel us to assume that 

in every case a writer's ordinary historical methods 
were entirely overruled? The question is a rather 

broad one and does not relate merely 
8. Inspira- to the correct transmission of high 
tion toric facts. To be asked, rather, is 

this: Did God present to His instru- 
ments a mechanically accurate set of past facts 
which would give a conception of history that 
no one of the sacred writer's generation could 
understand? Or did He suffer His revelation to 
find expression in terms of the current conceptions 
of history, much as we are accustomed to say it 
found expression in terms of the current concep- 
tions of science? A full discussion of the various 
theological arguments involved would be qnuite out- 
side the provmceof an art. of this Encyclopaedia, 
but reference must be made to two important Bib. 
arguments: (1) In a question which thus affects 
the amount covered by the inspiration of the Bible, 
quotations from the Bible itself beg the question 
when adduced to show entire infallibility. So 
appeals to the NT are hardly helpful. Moreover, 
they prove too much. In Jude vs 14.15 there is a 
quotation from the Book of En (1 9), which is 
made in the most formal manner possible. But 
will anyone maintain that this compels us to believe 
that our Book of En was actually written by 
Enoch, the seventh from Adam? Yet if the quota- 
tion had been taken from an OT work, precisely 
this would have been maintained. (2) Far more 
important is the use of the OT by Chnst, for here a 
cfnte different authority comes m. But the ques- 
tion must be asked: Just how far did Our Lord's 
use of a passage involve ratification of all the current 
ideas about that passage? A ^ood answer is sup- 
plied by Acts 1 6.7. When He is asked, "Dost thou 
at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?" we 
know that the pedantically "correct" answer would 
have been, "The kingdom never will be restored to 
Israel in any such sense as ye conceive of it." Yet 
this is precisely what Christ does not say. "It is 
not for you to know times or seasons." No hint 
was given at all that the kingdom was imiversal, for 
the disciples would find that out for themselves in 

good time. In order that they should be able to 
o God's work there was no n^d to bewilder them 
with a truth as yet altogether revolutionary. And 
any close student of the "Kingdom of God" pas- 
sages soon realizes how often Christ uses current 
terminology without comment, even when it seems 
almost materialistic. A literal ex^esis of Lk 22 18 
would necessitate believing that grapes will grow 
in the world to come and that Christ will £ink 
wine made from them, and ^ almost certainly the 
disciples gathered just this idea from the words. 
But no one today finds them in the least a difficulty. 
The exact extent of the kingdom and the exact nature 
of the happiness in it were irrelevant to what the 
disciples had to do. And so it cannot be thou^t 
an injustice to treat Christ's use of the OT oy 
exactly the same rules, all the more as nowhere, 
not even in Mk 12 36, does the argument turn on 
the oridnal human author or the date of writing. 
What Christ Himself, in His inner consciousness, 
knew on the subject is something beyond our 
immediate data. But His use of the OT lends no 
support to a Kenotic theory, not even on the wildest 
OT critical hypotheses. See Kenosis. 

//. TTte Leffidation, — ^As is well known, among 
the laws of the Pentateuch there exist several well- 
raarked groups, of which the most 
1. Groups formal is Dt 12-26. Another such 
group is Lev 17-26 or the Holiness 
Code (H), and still another is Ex 20 22—23 19 or 
the Covenant Code (CC). With this last is closely 
connected the DecaJo^e and the little compend 
Ex 34 17-26. Now it will be convenient for 





Present purposes to designate the remaining mass of 
'entateuchal legislation under the non-conmiittal 
symbol X. 

In the first place, attention may be directed to 
CC as a whole. Whatever it was meant to be, it 
was not meant as a mere interims- 
S. Covenant code for the period of the wanderings, 
Code either in its civil or its religious pre- 

scriptions. One piece of evidence 
alone is enough to show the contrarjr: in the laws 
touching settlements of disputes it is presupposed 
that Moses himself is not accessible. And the hfe 
assumed is agricultural. Men are living in fields 
with settled Doundaries (22 5.6). The vine and 
the oUve are both under cultivation (22 5.29; 
i^ 11), under such settled circumstances that the 
rest of the Sabbatical year can be observed. And 
of the feasts, Weeks and Tabernacles are connected 
with the harvests (23 16). Of course, Moses may 
very well have given commands that looked to the 
future, but the present contention is simply that 
it was the remote and not the immediate future 
that is in point on this assumption. The hfe is 
Canaan and not the wilderness. But, now, the 
life is very primitive life. Flocks are of great im- 
portance, as is shown by the proportion of space 
given to laws about them. Rulers are mentioned 
only in 22 28 (ndsV), and judges, as settled officers, 
are not mentioned at all, for the very rare word in 
21 22 (poniy Dt 32 31: Job 31 11 only) should be 
tr* "umpire." Indeed in 23 1-9 the duties of 
citizens, witness and judge are so intermingled as 
to sug»3st that judgment was administered by a 
genersd gathering of the people. It is taken for 
granted that a master has marital rights over his 
maidservants (21 7-11). Coined money is men- 
tioned only in 21 32, if there. There is no attempt 
to define proportions exactly; cf 22 5 ("best of his 
own field^') and 22 29 (the amount of the gift— a 
tenth? — ^not stated). Similarly there is no precise 
dating of the feasts of Weeks and Tabernacles in 
23 16, while the exact day in Abib (ver 15) is at 
least not specified. Now, if this code could be iso- 
lated from the rest of the legislation, would not one 
refer it naturally on the above grounds alone to a 
time not very far either way from that of Saul? 

Now, in what follows, the prescriptions of the 
various codes will be compared with each other in 
regard to the various institutions of Israel's reUgion 
and also studied in the wider evidence of the his- 
torical books. The evidence of Ch, however, will 
be omitted for the most part, as a separate section 
is devoted to it (III, 1). 

(1) The firstling is to be with its dam seven days, 
but on the eigfUh (not later I) it is to be given to 
God. The offerings from the harvest 
8 The and from the presses (wine and olives) 

Sanctuary are to be offered without delay (Ex 22 
29.30). (Donsequently the place of 
offering must have been readily accessible. By what 
has been said above and by the mention of '^presses" 
here, ready accessibility in P (destine ia presupposed. 
But this imphes a multiplicity of sanctuaries. And 
in Samuel-Kings this multipucity of sanctuaries is 
exactly what is found. Samuel sacrifices in Mizpah 
(1 S 7 9). in Ramah (9 12 ff). in Gilgal (11 15) and 
in Bethlenem (16 5). David^s family held a yearly 
sacrifice in Bethlehem, which David attended regu- 
larly (20 6). Solomon received a special revela- 
tion from God at Gibeon (1 K 3 4ff— for the 
account in Ch see III, 1). Although the heart of 
Asa was perfect and the way of Jehoshaphat 
right, yet the many altars were suffered to re- 
main (16 14; 22 4a— again for Ch see III, 1). 
The destruction of the altars of God was to Elijah 
a terrible calamity (19 10). While Amos and Hosea 
abound in denunciations of sacrifices as substitutes 

for righteousness^ yet they never even intimate a 
duty to offer sacrifices in some other tdace (Am 1 2 : 
Hos 3 5 are irrelevant). Not even do Mic 4 2 and 
Isa 2 2 imply that Jerus was to have the sole right 
to the cultus. 

(2) Ezekiel is the first prophet who makes the place 
of sacrifice a matter of paramount importance, and 
this importance of the place is, in the Pentateuch, 
emphasized primarily in Dt. It is needless to col- 
lect the familiar evidence from Dt, but an illuminat- 
ing comparison with CC is given by the laws for 
firstlings. No longer is the firstling given on the 
eighth day. It must be kept, but not worked or 
shorn, until the time when year by year" it may 
be eaten in the chosen place (Dt 16 19.20). 1^ 
now the fruits of the field and the "presses" are 
not offered "without delay" but again "year by 
year," with a provision for turning them into money 
if the way be too long to the sanctuary (14 22- 
27). Dt and CC evidently have distinct concep- 
tions — and again attention may be called to the fact 
that CC contains laws for Pal, not for the wilder^ 
ness. H is as explicit as Dt — sacrifice anywhere 
except at the Tent is a capit^ offence (Lev 17 
8.9). And the evidence of jC need not be col- 
lected, but, passing out of the Pentateuch for the 
moment, Josn 22 10-34 represents Israel as under- 
standing from the first entrance into Canaan that 
sacrifice at any altar but the one was the worst of 


(3) How is the offering of sacrifices in various 
places by such men as Samuel to be explained? 
That the worship was disorganized and the proper 
sanctuary could not be reached is hardly an ex- 
planation. For no disorganization of the country 
could be great enough to justify the offering of 
sacrifices in places not only unauthorized but flatly 
forbidden in Lev 17 8.9. On the theory of Mosaic 
origin for the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation. 
Samuel knew as much about the clear statements ot 
the Law as does any Jew of today, but it is clearly 
enough recognized by all Jews that no disorganiza- 
tion of the county or Divine reprobation of the 
Temple justifies sacrifice in any other place. A 
key, however, seems to be found in Dt 12 8-11, 
where sacrifice in various places is actually author- 
ized imtil such a time as the land should be pacified 
and the Divine choice given to a place — a time re- 
presented in the history of Israel as about the time 
of David, or perhaps Solomon. This certainly does 
explain the situation as it is found in Samuel-Kings. 
Only, it is in flat contradiction with H and X. 

lliis point is important. Dt 12 8-11 not only 
represents sacrifice in various places as permitted 
until some later time, but it represents Moses and 
the IsraeUtes as practising the same things in the 
wilderness — "the things that we do here this day, 
every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes; 
for ye are not as yet come," etc; i.e. Dt's conception 
was that in the wilderness Moses and the Israelites 
offered sacrifice wherever they thought good. This 
was to continue until God gave them rest from their 
enemies roimd about. Then the sacrifices were to 
be brought to the chosen place and to be offered 
nowhere else. Now, the conception in H and X 
is wholly different. On the mount Moses received 
directions for the building of the Tabernacle, with 
its altar. From the beginning it was a capital offence 
to offer sacrifices on any other altar than this (Lev 
17 8.9), which was carried everjrwhere on the 
wanderings and brought into Canaan. In the very 
days of Phinehas, the offering of sacrifices on a 
different altar was enough to make civil war justi- 
fiable (Josh 22 12). For further discussion see 
III, 2. 

(4) The difficulties of these data are obvious but 
are completely satisfied by the assumption that 




different conceptions of past history are present. 
Dt belongs to a period when the unity of the sanc- 
tuary had become an established fact, but still 
before the memory of the many altars as com- 
paratively legitimate was extinguished. H and X, 
however, belong to a considerably later day, when 
the unity of the sanctuary h^ been so long taken 
for granted that no pious Israelite could conceive 
that an3rthing else had ever existed. The reference 
of the commands to Moses is altogether in oriental 

NoTB. — Bz 90 24 has not been used in the above 
argiunent, but with the evldenoe presented there seems 
tu De no obstacle to the tr* of thb EV. The familiar 
evidence of Jgs is of course merely cumulative. 

Lev 1-7 contains a list of the various kinds of 
sacrifices: (a) the sin offering and the trespass 

ofiPering, very elaborately treated 
4. Kinds of and obviously of the highest impor- 
Sacrifice tance: (&) the whole burnt offering 

and the peace offering; and, standing 
a little by itself^ the meal offering. The latter is 
of no especial significance for the present discus- 
sion and may be neglected. Now a curious fact 
may be noted. In the prophetic writings before 
Ezk there is not one single reference to dose (a). 
This is not simply the argument from silence, for 
sacrifices with their special names are mentioned 
freely and sacrificial ntes described — ^invariably of 
class (&}, even when presented for penitential pur- 
poses. If the ofiPering is not burnt whole, the wor- 
shipper eats of it — ^it is a peace offering. Jer 7 21 is 
a particularly significant example, but cf Am 4 4.5; 
6 22.25; Hos a 13; 9 4; Isa 1 11,; 22 12-14; 
28 7.8; Jer 6 20. Turning to Samuel-Kings we 
find this borne out. The names of the sin and 
trespass offerings appear in 2 K 12 16, but it is 
money that is referred to (the EV should be 
checked with the Heb here); just as the golden mice 
appear as a trespass offermg in 1 8 6 3ff. And 
in the codes, neither CC nor Dt mentions class (a) 
and even in H they appear only in Lev 19 21.22; 
i.e. what in later times appear as the greatest 
sacrifices of Israel — ^by Lev 8 Israel's first sacrifice 
was a sin offering — are foimd only in X and are 
mentioned in the prophets for the first time in 
Ezk 40 39, while the other classes are mentioned 
frequently. It seems difficult to escape the infer- 
ence that class (a) appeared relatively Late in Israel's 
history, a point discussed more fully in IV. 

The problem firesented by Jer 7 22 is a very 
serious one . Obviously, to say that the conmiand to 

offer sacnnce was not given on the 
6. Sacrifice da^ of the Exodus but on Sinai, is 
in General qmte unsatisfactory, for this would 

make Jeremiah quibble. He denies 
categorically that a command to offer sacrifice toas 
part of the Dwine Law at all. Now, if it be noted 
that the offering of firstlings and first-fruits was 
altogether distinct from the regular sacrifices, it 
will be seen that Jer can very well presuppose CC 
or even Dt, both of which contain only regulative 
prescriptions for sacrifice. (Whether Jer actually did 
conceive CC and Dt as binding is another question.) 
But by what exegesis of the passage can Jer pre- 
suppose X? The natural inference is that the 
regulations of X became obligatory on Israel after 
Jeremiah's day. 

What follows is in itself an infinitesimal matter but 
the evidence is significant. The prohibition of 8te];w for 

the altar in Ex 20 26 is based on the fact 
o. Vest- that the mlnistrants were very scantily 
ments <^^^ (^^ ^^ ^^^t clothing of pilgrims at 

Mecca). This is corroborated in 2 S 
6 14.20-22, where Michal reproves David for exposing 
himself. But in X the priests wear rather elaborate vest- 
ments, over linen breeche* (Ex 88 42). And. to call in Ch 
for the moment, this is the conception found there of 
David's religious zeal at the bringing in of the ark. Besides 
the ephod he wears a long linen robe and Michal despises 

him, not for exposing himself, but only for dancing 
(lOh 15 27-29). 

(1) OO has no regulations regarding the priesthood, 
but of course it does not follow that this silence has any 
■V Tk_s 4. significance. However, Samuel-Kings f ur- 

7. Pnests nish us with certain evidence. Samuel, 
and Levites although an Ephraimlte (1 S 1 1). offers 

sacrifice repeatedly (see 3. above). In 
2 S 20 25.26 the Hebrew says that Zadok and Abiathar 
were kdhdnim, and also Ira the Jairite was kdhin unto 
David. Exactly the same word is used for Zadok and 
Ira in practically the same sentence, and no one without 
prior conceptions would have dreamed of giving it en- 
tirely distinct tr> imder the circumstances, as do the A V 
and the RVY texts (not margins). Again in 2 S 8 18 
it is said that David's sons were kdhdnim and in 1 K 4 
5 that Zabud was kdken. Now if kdhin does not mean 
*' priest" in these passages, thev are the only cases out of a 
total of 750 occurrences. That the Chronicler under- 
stood the word to mean priest is shown by the fact that 
in his parallel to 2 S 8 18 (1 Ch 18 17) he uses a differ- 
ent word altogether. The natural inference firom these 
SuBsages is that the restriction of priestly ministration 
a certain line came about after Solomon's time (cf 
Jgs 17 12.13, a Levite is desirable but not essential). 

(2) In Dt the priesthood appears as limited to the sons 
of Levi, but it is at least safe to say that no explicit dis- 
tinction is made within the tribe. In 81 5 the priests 
are the "sons of Levi." Just as in 17 9; 18 1: 24 8 the 
term is "the priests the Levitos." In 10 8 the right 
to bless and in 88 8-11 the right to offer incense and 
sacrifice are in no ways said to be restricted to a very 
small proportion of the tribe. Cf Jer 88 21.22 (here 
questions of authenticity are Irrelevant). A clear dis- 
unction within the tribe of Levi appears in the prophetic 
writings for the first time in Ezk 44 10-31. where two 
kinds of Levites are spoken of, "the priests the Levites. 
the sons of Zadok" (ver 15) and the Levites, simphr 
(ver 10). No third class is recognized (cf 40 45.46, 
where the distinction is between two classes of priests). 
Now, the distinction between the Zadokian and non- 
Zadoklan Levites is based by Ezekiel on one thing only, 
in the past the former had been faithful and the latter 
had not (vs 10-15). Becauee the former had ministoi^Bd 
before idols, therefore should they not come to execute 
the office of a pnest, but perform only inferior minis- 
trations. Now this can mean only that the non-Zado- 
klans are excluded from priestly privileges that they once 
possessed. The non-Zadokians, if they had not sinned, 
would still have been legitimate priests in Ezekiel's 
eyes, for otherwise the exclusion from the altar would 
be eviscerated of all meaning as a punishment; i.e. 
Ezekiel knows of only two kinds of Levites, both kinds 
originally legitimate priests, but one class now to be 
forbidden access to the altar because of sin. A third 
class of Levite, non-Aaronites, who never had had ac- 
cess to the altar, but who, because of their righteous- 
ness, had been blessed with the privilege to poform 
minor ministerial acts, is conspicuous in Ezk by its 
absence. And this absence, in the face of the immense 
amoimt of minute detail contained in Ezk 40-48. can 
be explained on no other hypothesis than that Ei^ did 
not know of such a class. when the immense impor- 
tance of the non-Aaronite Levites in Ch, Ezr. etc, is 
thought of. what other explanation can be given for their 
omission in Ezk's elaborate regulations for the cultus 7 
To whom did Ezk consider the more menial work in the 
Temple would have fallen if the non-Zadokians had not 
sinned? Probably he never raised the question at all, 
but there is no objection to supposing that he would 
have assigned it to the priesthood as a whole. 

(3) It is needless to coUect the evidence of X. The 
non-Aaronite Levites appear there as ministers of the 
greatest importance, elaborately set apart, and with 
their duties and privileges accurately defined (Nu 8, 
esp.). Now, it is submitted that this evidence points 
in its most natural interpretation to a gradual narrowing 
of the priestly privileges in Israel through a period or 
many cents. It is natural, though by no means neces- 
sary, to identify the non-Zadoufans of Ezk with the 
non-Aaronites of X. At all events it is argued that in 
course of time, long after the priesthood had become 
restricted to Levites only, a considerable proportion 
of the latter lost their priestly privilege. Ezk stood 
near enough to the change (that he was the actual inno- 
vator is improbable) to state the fact of the degradation 
and its cause. X regarded the distinction as of such 
long standing that it must be accredited to Moses him- 
self. It is Mshiy probable that evidence of the change 
is to be founain Dt 18 0-8, but this will not be pressed 

(1) In CC first-fruits are to be ofTered in Ex 23 

19 and a portion (perhaps a tenth, but not specified 

as such) of the whole harvest in 22 29. 

8. Dues Nothing Ib said about their disposi- 

tion. In Dt, the first-fruits of grain, 
wine and oil (with fleece) belong to the "priests 
the Levites" (18 4). And the basket of "fruit" 
in the beautiful rite of 26 1-11 probably had the 




same destination. Of the general harvest the tithe is 
to be dedicated, as explained at length in 14 22-29. 
The worshipper is to eat it himselfj but shall take 
care to see tnat the Levite receives a portion . Every 
third year, however, the tithe is to be spent for the 
benefit of all who need charity, including the Levite. 
Note that in either case the Levite receives only a 
part of the tithe. In X the first-fruits are again 
assigned to the clergy (but now specifically to the 
priests — ^Nu 18 12.13). But it appears that the 
tithe is to be given wholly to the Levites in Nu 18 
21-24. The contradiction with Dt 14 22-29 is 
real. That two tithes were to be paid by the wor- 
shipper may safely be assumed as impossible, as a 
tax of one-fifth would have been unendurable. 
(It may be noted, though, that in later days the 
very pious took this interpretation — cf Tob 1 7 — 
but it is certain that no Quch ruling ever main- 
tained generally.) An alternative explanation 
offered is that it could be assumed that tne Levite 
would invite the worshipper to join in a feast on 
the tithe. Frankl3r, it is difficult to treat this as 
quite candid. In Dt the worshipper is an3rthing 
rather than a mere guest at another man's banquet. 
When the tithe has been brought as money, the 
worshipper is to spend it on an3rthing that best 
pleases fdm, and of the Levite it is said only ''thou 
shalt not forsake him.'' Moreover, the tithe is to 
be consumed at the sanctuary and nowhere else 
(Dt 14 23; cf 12 11). In Nu 18, however, the 
tithe becomes the exclusive property of the Levite 
and it is assigned him as his source of income (vs 
25-32) and so exclusively is it his that it in turn is 
tithed. And, far from being turned into a feast at 
which the worshipper shares, it need not be con- 
sumed at the sanctuary at all but may be eaten in 
"every place," wherever the Levite and his family 
may happen to live (ver 31). It would be hard to 
conceive of two rules more mutually exclusive than 
the tithe directions in Dt and Nu. That the live- 
lihood provided for the Levite in Dt is pitiful is 
hardly m point and at all events he received more 
than did tne widow and the orphan. But cf IV. 

(2) Firstlings in CC must be offered on the eighth 
day (Ex 22 30), but in Dt 16 19-22 they were 
preserved, without being worked or shorn, until 
''year by year" they could be taken up to the 
sanctuary. ^ (Apparently by 14 23-25 it might be 
converted into money in case of great distance.) 
Here the worshipper was to offer it and eat of* it (a 
peace offering). But in Nu 18 15-18 the firstling 
becomes the personal property of the priest ana 
he receives the flesh of the animal, if it can be sac- 
rificed (i.e. it is his peace offering, not the wor- 
shipper's). There is no question ot giving back a 
portion to the worshipper, again. Note, moreover, 
that in Dt 16 21-23, an animal not fit tor sacrifice 
was eaten at ?iome by the worshipper and so did not 
come in contact with the priest at eJl: contrast 
Nu 18 15. 

(3) A minor matter is found in the portion of the 
peace offering that went to the priest. In Dt 18 3 
it is specified as the shoulder, two cheeks and maw. 
In X (Ex 29 26-28, etc) this has become the breast 
and the right thigh — a considerably more advanta- 
geous portion. 

(4) In Dt it is laid down that a Levite has no 
inheritance among his brethren (10 9; 12 12; 18 1) 
and hence is recommended as an object of charity, 
like the widow and the orphan. And, like the 
widow and the orphan, he lives "within thy gates" 
(12 12, etc), i.e. in the same cities as the rest of the 
Israelites. Now in X the adjurations to charity 
disappear, because he receives a fixed income (from 
the tithe), but it is said that this tithe is given the 
Levrtes in lieu of an inheritance, "Among the 
children of Israel they shall have no inheritance" 

(Nu 18 21-24). In another part of X. however, 
there is still a different conception — ^tne Levites 
receive no less than forty-eight cities with ample 
"suburbs," expressly said toT)e given them "from 
the inheritance" of Israel (Nu 36 1-8). So in 
Lev 26 32-34 the houses of the Levites are "their 
possession among the children of Israel," and the 
fields "their perpetual possession" and inalienable. 
Is there any natural explanation of these passages 
except that they represent increasing efforts to 

?rovide properly for the Levites as time went on? 
'hat the different rules represent advances within 
Moses' own period cannot be taken seriously, esp. 
as on this h]nx)the8is the Dt laws would have been 
the latest. See, in addition. III. 

(1) OO and Dt have little mention of coined money 
and little attempt to define fractionfl exactly. Oontrast 
A ««-! « the elaborate regulatioiifl of, e.g. Lev 27. 
0. Miscel- It is not contended that the Israelites 
laneous could not have had enough culture in 

Moses' day to calculate so accurately, but 
attention must be drawn to the extreme contrast. 

(2) In GO (Ex 88 16) the year begins in the faU, hi H 
(Lev 88 6) andX (Bx 18 2; Nu 9 5; 88 16) it beghisin 
the spring. 

(3) Dt (16 3) explains the use 'of unleavened bread at 
the Passover as due to the haste with which the Israelites 
left Egypt (as in Ex 18 39), while Ex 18 15-20 makes 
this use depend on the positive command of Ood before 
the flrst-bom were slain. And note that, in Ez 18* vs 
18-20 are a simple repetition of vs 15-17 with a more 
precise dating added. For tills matter of dating com- 

Eare the rough statements of CO with the exactness of 
ev 88. 

(4) In OO marital rights of the master over his maid- 
servants are taken for granted (Ez 81 7-11); in Dt 
(15 17) the maidservant has the same privilege of release 
as the manservant, with the evident assumption that 
slavery does not confer marital rights on the master. (It 
is of course gratuitous to assume that two different kinds 
of maidservants are meant, particularly as in both cases 
the maidservant is contrasted in general with the man- 
servant in general.) Note, moreover, that in Ez 80 17 
"wife" follows "house" in the proliibition against covet- 
ing, while hi Dt 5 21 "wife" precedes "house" andadif- 
ferent vb. is used. The inference is natural that between 
OO and Dt woman, Jt)oth as slave and as wife, had risen to 
a higher position. 

(5) In both OO (Ex 81 6) and Dt (15 17) life-long 
slavery is permitted, if the slave desires it, otherwise 
the slave is free at the end of the sixth year. In H (Lev 
85 39-43). the slave serves until the Jubilee year and 
then goes free absolutely. 

Now, it is not claimed that all the discrepancies 

in the above lists are incapable of reconciliation, 

although the examples chosen are 

10. Sum- among those where reconciliation is 
maiy extremely difficult. The claim is 

made, however, that all of this evi- 
dence is cumulative and that each successive item 
points more and more forcibly toward a single con- 
clusion — ^that in the legislation of the Pentateuch, 
esp. when considered in connection with the Prophets 
and with Samuel-Kings, there have been incorpo- 
rated laws belonging to very different periods. And, 
for the most part, a development from the simple 
to the highly organized can be traced. And mis 
conclusion explains all the facts. 

The above examples have been chosen as those 
where no changes in the text need be made. Of the 

other instances, only one need be 

11. Addi- considered — Lev 17. On its surface, 
tional Note this ch appears to refer solely to life 

in the wilderness. But in vs 8.10.12. 
13.15 it appears that living in the midst of the 
Israelites are settled non-Israelites. And the 
"open field" of ver 5 is a contrast to city, not to 
tent, life. Now in vs 3-5 the question is not at 
all idolatry but eating of blood at an ordinary meal. 
An exact commentary is found on this in 1 S 14 
32-35, where the Israelites sin in eating the blood 
of animals "slain on the ground"; i.e. in both Lev 
17 and 1 S 14, at every slaying of an animal for 
food, some formal disposition of tne blood had to be 
made. In Lev 17 4 this is sacrificial, and the ap- 
pearance of the altar in 1 S 14 35 points in the 




same direction. Now this investing of every slay- 
ing of an animal with a sacrificial character, explains 
the permission of Dt 12 20-25 to eat flesh after 
ail the desire of thv soul/' a permission inexpli- 
cable imless there had been an earlier contrary 
Sractice. It is to be noted, moreover, that in Dt 
2 16 the blood is to be disposed of by pouring it 
on the earth, the practice condemned in 1 S 14 32. 
The conclusion is that before the legislation of Dt 
the Israelite offered the blood of every slain sacri- 
ficial animal at the local sanctuary. Dt's rigid 
enforcement of the one sanctuary made this impos- 
sible, and so permission was given to eat flesh at 
home, provided the blood was not eaten, and pro- 
vided that it was disposed of in a rion-sacrmcial way. 
Now in Lev 17 3-5 it becomes clear what has hap- 
pened. The passage read originally something 
like this : What man soever there be of the house of 
Israel, that killeth an ox, or lamb, or goat, and hath 
not brought it to offer it as an oblation unto Jeh. 

blood shall be imputed unto that man 

This offering was to take place at the local sanc- 
tuary. But when the passage was incorporated 
into the whole body of the legislation, the editor 
was working at a time when the legitimacy of the 
local sanctuaries had long been forgotten. And 
so reference to the "camp" and "the tent of meet- 
ing" were inserted, in accordance with the only 
laws that the editor conceived could ever have pre- 
vailed. The discrepancies with vs 5.8, etc, were 
probably not observed. 

It ifi to be understood that this passage is not used as 
presenting a basic argumeat for the Graf-Wellhausen 
hypothesis. But it is cited as an example of other pas- 
sages where the text is to be considered. And. also, 
because the assertion is made that this particular passage 
is a death-blow to the " critical " hypothesis. Naturally, 
It is nothing of the sort. 

///• The HtMtory, — It may be said at the outset 
that many of the attacks on the historic value of 

Ch have been very gravely exagger- 
1. Chroni- ated. But, none the less, a close 
des comparison with Samuel-Kings shows 

that the Chronicler has most certainly 
read back into history the reUgious institutions of 
his own late day; — ^it need not be said, with perfect 
innocence and sincerity. For instance, in compar- 
ing 2 K 11 4 with 2 Ch 28 2-6, we find the 
statement of K that Jehoiada brought captains of 
the Carites and of the guard into the house of Jeh 
quite altered. In Ch Jehoiada summons Levites 
and heads of houses, with the express provision 
that only Levites shall enter into the house of Jeh. 
So holy a priest as Jehoiada could not have acted as 
K says he did act. Similarly, the statement in 
1 K 16 14 that Asa did not remove the high places 
is changed into the statement that he did remove 
the high places (2 Ch 14 3-5), and only those in 
(northern) Israel were left (15 17). So did Je- 
hoehaphat (17 6), although in 20 33 the explicit 
statement to the contrary is copied (unnoticed?) 
from I K 22 43. Such righteous kings must have 
enforced the single sanctuary. The mmost trivial 
matter of David s garb when the ark was brought 
into Jerus (contrast 2 S 6 20-22 with 1 Ch 15 
27-29) has been noticed already in II, 6. The im- 
portant matter in Ch. however, is the history of the 
Tabernacle. In I Ch 16 39-42 the Tabernacle is 
at Gibeon, with the full ministiy surrounding it, 
with the exception of a detail left before the Ark 
in Jerus (cf 9 17-32). And in 2 Ch 5 5 it is 
brou^t up to Jerus, although the disposition made 
of it is not explained. Otherwise it is mentioned 
in 1 Ch 6 48; 21 29; 2 Ch 1 3. But the narra- 
tive presents some serious difficulties. Why did 
David build a special tent for the Ark in Jerus 
(1 Ch 16 1), if the one Divinely appointed cover- 
ing for the Ark was still standing — not to be brought 

to Jerus until its utility was past (2 Ch 5 5)7 
That it was too fragile to be moved can hardly be 
taken seriously. In the first j^lace, this explanation 
is without the least support in the text. And, in 
the second place, it is mcredible for such a solid 
structure of wood, silver and brass, however much 
repair the curtains might have needed. More- 
over, this explanation will not do at all for BezaleFs 
brazen altar, which was still quite usable in 2 Ch 
1 5, making the construction of a new altar (4 1) 
altogether inexpUcable. The impression is created 
at once that the Chronicler has injected the Taber- 
nacle into a narrative that knew nothing of it. 
This is corroborated by 1 Ch 21 29.30; the altar 
at the floor of Ornan is explained by the difficulty 
of reaching the Tabernacle. But the Ark, the 
natiu'al means for an inquiry of God, was in JeTUs, 
with an altar by it (16 1) — why this third altar on 
the threshing-floor? The inaccessibility of the 
Tabernacle is invoked here only to solve what was 
a difficulty to the Chronicler. Now if 2 Ch 1 3 
be compared with IKS 2-4, the key of the 
whole is discovered. K not only does not mention 
the presence of the Tabernacle at Gibeon, but 
excludes it. Solomon's sacrificing at Gibeon is 
explained by saying that such was the custom of 
all Israel, who sacrificed in high places before the 
Temple was built; Solomon also sacrificed in hi^- 
places and Gibeon was a great high-place. This 
IS an apology for Solomon's conduct — why should the 
editor of K have apologized for sacrifice offered at 
the Divinely appointed Tabernacle ? The Chroni- 
cler, however, could not believe that God blessed 
Solomon when offering sacrifice in a way forbidden 
by the law of Ch's times, and hence he solves the 
difficulty by bringing in something that is un- 
known to the narrative in K. 

Indeed, K mentions the Tabernacle only in 1 K 
8 4. S mentions the Tabernacle as such only in 
1 S 2 22. Jgs does not mention the 
2. Kings, Tabernacle at all (18 31 is the only 
etc possibiUty and the word there is 

^'house''). Now 1 S 2 22 is not found 
in the Vatican LXX, and the description of the 
Tabernacle as a tent contradicts 19; 3 15, where 
it appears as a temple or house. So it must be 
dropped as a gloss. Nor will it be denied that 1 K 
8 4 looks suspiciously like a gloss as well, particu- 
larly in view of the presence of Levites there, who 
are practically unmentioned elsewhere in Samuel- 
Kin^. At all events, there are only these two 
possible mentions of what should have been the 
center of Israel's worship in all of Jgs-Samuel- 
Kings. This is not the ordinary argument from 
silence, it is silent about what should have been the 
most vital matter of all. Dt knows nothing of the 
Tabernacle, and, as has already been shown in II, 
states as clearly as language only can that in the 
wilderness the centralization of worship was not ob- 
served. The argument from silence alone would be 
conclusive here, for how could the author of Dt 
in his passionate advocacy of the single sanctuary 
fail to appeal to the single sanctuary already estab- 
lished by God's decree, if he knew anything about 
it? But not only is there no such mention in Dt 
but a positive exclusion of such a sanctuarv in 
express terms. The case would seem to be complete. 
The Tabernacle of X and Ch is an ideal structure 
projected back into the past, just as the temple of 
Ezk is an ideal structure projected into the future. 
And it is needless to appeal to the familiar argu- 
ment that the Tabernacle of Ex 26 would have 
been blown to pieces by the first storm. It had 
no provision for tent poles deeply sunk, which alone 
could resist the blasts of the desert. 

It is impossible in the space of the present art. 
to enter into all the corroborative evidence, but a 




very few important arguments mav be mentioned. 

Simple people tend most naturally to think of 

heroes of the past as more and more 

3. The glorious as time passes. Now Jgs 1 
Conquest describes the conquest of Canaan as 

a slow and laborious process after 
Joshua's death. But in Josh 10 40-43; 11 10-23; 
21 43-45 — esp. 11 16-19 — Canaan was comj>letely 
swept of its mhabitants by Joshua in a series of 
annihilatoiy campaigns, making Jgs 1 quite im- 
possible. Evidently the Josh passages cited belong 
to a very much later conception of the past histoiy. 
The fate of Hebron is especially interesting. In 
Jgs 1 20 Caleb takes Hebron after Joshua's death. 
But in Josh 16 Caleb takes Hebron during Joshua's 
lifetime and at the latter's direction. In Josh 10 
36.37, however, Joshua takes Hebron personally 
and annihilates its inhabitants. Here are three 
distinct conceptions of Hebron's fate, a^ain. But 
still a fourth is found in Josh 21 XL 12: it was not 
Caleb who received the cit^^ but the Levites. This 
evidently belones to the time when the Levitical 
right to cities had become a conmionplace, and 
was therefore referred to the earliest days. The 
accounts of the annihilation of the Canaanites arose 
naturally enough. Accordings to Jgs the conquest 
was gradual and merciful. But the Canaanites 
seduced Israel to idolatry repeatedly. Therefore 
they should have been routed out (Dt 20 16-18). 
But Joshua was righteous and had all power. 
Therefore he mtiat have rooted them out. How 
they suddenly reappeared again was a question that 
was not raised. But perhaps it may be thought a 
relief to understand that the ruthless campaigns of 
the Israelites are due to reflection and not to de- 
scriptions of what actually happened. 

Simple people think of Ood quite natunJIy and rever- 
ently as a greater man. So in £z 24 ^11 we read that 
Moses and many others met God in the 

4. Ideas moimt. they all saw Him. and ate and 
Zt i^A^ dranlE before Him. A slightly more refined 
OC iTOa point of view is in Ez 88 11. where Moses 

(but no one else) sees God face to face, and 
Nu IS 8, where again he (alone) sees the form of God. 
But in Ex 38 20 no man. not even Moees, can see God 
face to face. In Dt 4 11-15 it is laid down tiiat only 
darkness was seen — "ye saw no form." Perhaps Moses 
was thought of as an exception, but the contradiction 
of the concept that oonoeived over seventy Israelites 
besides Moses to have seen God is complete. 

The reading back of an oiBdal priesthood into the 
time of Moses can be seen in certain passages where Aaron 
appears predominantly. Oontrast. e.g. 
6 Priest- ^ 8 20-24; 16 23-26; 17 1-7 with 7 1- 
ZJi4 1^» 16 9.10; Nu 90 2-13. Yet despite the 

nooa importance of Aaron in the latter passages, 

in Ex 88 11 the minister of Moses in the 
Tent Is Joshua, who is not a priest at all. Contrast simi- 
larly Dt 81 14.15 with Nu 27 18-21. noting how Eleaxar 
3>pear8 In the latter passage, although the former ex- 
udes him. At the time of X it was not thought possible 
that Moses could have acted without the olncial media- 
tion of the oiBdal priest. 

Reasons of space preclude a further discussion 
of the other arguments here, such as the linguistic. 

As a matter of fact, the sections that 
6b Sum- contain the more developed concepts 
maxy contain also a different vocabulary. 

To be repeated, however, is the fact 
that the argument is cumuLative and that a single 
explanation of the differences is offered in the 
hypothesis of very varying dates for the various 
portions. Of course an exact analysis of every 
yer and a rigorous reconstruction of every source 
is not daimea to be possible. Many scholars have 
been carried by their enthusiasm for analvsis into 
making preposterous dissections. But the prin- 
cipal Imes of division are sufficiently clear. And 
it may be hoped the reader will not think that the 
acceptance of them has been dictated by any motive 
except that of facing the truth — least of idl by any 
motive of a weakened faith in the power of God or a 
suspicion of the miraculous. 

iV. ReconMtntcHon. — Israel came into Canaan, 

after having received through the mediation of 

Moses a covenant relation with God 

1. Covenant and (almost certainly) some accom- 
Code panying legislation. But this legis- 
lation seems not to have prescribed the 

ritual form that the worship of God was to take. 
In part, old forms were simply continued and in 
part new forms were gradually developed or appro- 
priated, the emphasis of the Law at that time Being 
on the moral and the ritual being left quite free. 
In especial, sacrifices were offered wherever Israel- 
ites happened to live^ doubtless frequently at former 
Canaamte sanctuaries, now rededicated to Jeh. 
The local sanctuary was the center of the life. Men 
went thither to learn God's will and to give a re- 
ligious character to what we should call purely 
secular transactions (contracts, etc). Firstlings 
were offered there on the eighth day, first-fruits 
at once, every meal of flesh food was given a sacri- 
ficial cnaracter (peace offering), and, for more 
solemn purposes, the whole burnt offering was 
offered. So the local sanctuary corresponded to 
our ' 'village church"; it was the religious home of 
the people. Certain of these sanctuaries had an 
especial dignity, above all Shiloh, where the Ark 
was. Later, when a united Israel had been real- 
ized, David brought the Ark to Jems that the 
national capital mip^ht become the center of the 
national religious hfe as well, and Solomon en- 
shrined the Ark in the Temple. So to Jems there 
resorted naturally the best of Israel's religious 
leaders, and there the worship of God would be 
found in its purest form, normally speaking. 

As time went on, the progress of culture and the 

freer contact with other nations had bad effects as 

well as good. New and degrading 

2. Deuter- religious practices flowed into the 
onomy country and they revived old but 

equally degrading religious practices 
that had survived from the Canaanites. The 
priesthood at Jems did not escape a taint, but the 
place where such rites gained the readiest foothold 
was of course the obscure local sanctuaries. Not 
the best-minded king or the most zealous prophet 
could watch all the services at them all, and attempts 
at purging them of idolatry or idolatrous rites 
(Elijah, Jehu, etc) could not effect permanent im- 
provement. And it could not have been very long 
after David's own day that the idea must have 
begiin to grow that complete prohibition of country 
sacrifices and the rigid centralization of everything 
at Jems was the only measure possible. This would 
soon become a fixed conviction of the better class 
of the Jems priesthood and in a few generations 
would be a tradition. Detailed precepts to carry 
this tradition into effect arose necessarily and in 
turn became a tradition and in course of time were 
regarded as Moses' work and committed to writing. 
In this way the legislation of Dt took form and at 
the time of its discovery under Josiah there is not 
the slightest occasion to attribute fraud to anyone 
engaged in the transaction. The document a^^ed 
fairly well with what was the tradition of Jems, and 
no one at that day could distinguish between a 
writing a cent, old or even less and a writing of 
Moses own time. TTie country priests and the 
mass of the people were not consulted as to en- 
forcing it, and they would not have known if they 
had been consulted. On any reading of the history, 
the reforms proceeded from a very small group, 
and any general ''tradition of the Jews" was non- 

(1) The reforms added to the theoretical tradi- 
tion the additional influence of practical experience 
and the idea of course dominated the minds of 
the more earnest among the exiles. Ezekiel, in 




particular, realized that only at a single sanctuary 
could the worship of God be kept pure — ^the single 
sanctuarv was God's will. And Eze- 
8. Later kiel's influence was immense. Now it 
is to be noted that at the return only 
those came back who had a real enthusiasm for 
Jems, as Babylonia was, materially speaking, a far 
more attractive place than the Pal of that day. 
That the single sanctuary could have been ques- 
tioned by any of these Jews or that they could 
have conceived of Moses as instituting anything of 
less dimity is impossible. 

(2) Other reforms also had been at work. Even 
in Dt the more primitive note of joyousness was 
maintained in the sacrifices. But joyousness in 
simple life is often dissipation in cultured life and 
the peace offering could be made a debauch (Isa 
22 12-14; Prov 7 14). A sense of personal guilt 
had become far better developed and the incon- 
gruity of penitential worship with a festal meal was 
recognized. A very slight change was made: the 
portion was to be eaten by the priest instead of 
the worshipper — ^and the sin and trespass offerings 
emerged. The abuses were cut away by this one 
stroke and the peace offering proper retired into 
the background. And sacrifices were made the 
proper center of the official worship. In accord 
with the growing culture^ proportions of gifts, dates 
of feasts, etc, were specified more and more exactly, 
the worship was surrounded with a more impressive 
ritual, and, in particular, the officiating priests 
substituted vestments suited to the better taste of 
the time for the old loin-cloth. Traces are left 
in the OT of difficulties regarding the rights of the 
various classes of priests to minister but the matter 
was settled eventually in a manner that satisfied 
all. Priests formerly guilty of idolatry and their 
descendants were adinitted to share in the worship 
and the priestly revenues, but the actual offering 
of sacrifice was restricted to those who had been 
faithful. The proper support of the clergy so 
formed required, in accordance with their dignity, 
more elaborate provisions than had been needed m 
the simpler times of old, but was accomplished in a 
manner again entirely satisfactory. The religion 
of no other nation could have survived the Bab 
exile intact. But Israel returned, with the elements 
formerly necessary but now outgrown changed into 
a form adapted to the new task the nation had 
before it — ^the preparation of itself and the world for 
the advent of Chnst. 

This growth toward the higher, involving as it 
did the meeting of all kinds of obstacles, the solving 
of all kinds of problems, the learning 
4. Evalua- when to abandon elements that had 
tion been transcended, is unioue in the 

history of religions. And the explana- 
tion of its uniqueness can be found only m the 
guidance of God . And in the history as reconstruct- 
ed God is seen truly as the Father, who trained His 
children little by little, giving them only what they 
were able to receive but bringing them surely to 
Himself. And in the documents that contain the 
precepts for each stage of progress God's hand can 
be seen no less clearly. To be sure, in the secular 
science of history (as in physics or astronomy) His 
revelation was expressed in forms that His people 
could understand. This alteration — ^and this al- 
teration only — ^in our view of what is covered by 
Bib. inspiration is the sacrifice demanded by the 
Gr^-WeUhausen hypothesis. 

LiTBBATUBS. — ^This is Overwhelming and reference 
must be made to the separate arts. The standard analy* 
sis is that of The Oxford Hexateuch (1900), more briefly 
in The Compoeitian of the HexcUeuch by Carpenter and 
Harford (Battersby) (1902). Merz, Die BUcher Motet 
und Joaua (1907) , is the best brief introduction. Gunkel's 
Oeneaie (1910) in the Nowack series, his more popular 
Die UrgeeehiehU und die Patriarehen (1911), and his 

"Die israelitische Ldteratur'* in Die KuUur der Oegen- 
wart, I, 7 (1906), should on no accomit be neglected. 
The best treatment of the inspiration question from the 
standpoint of pure dogmatics is .F. J. Hall's AtUhority: 
Eeeleeiaatical and Biblical (1908). 

In the above discussion it has been assumed that our 
text of the OT is at least relatively trustworthy. The 
reader interested in what can be done by textual recon- 
struction will find the opposite poles represented in the 
works of Wiener and of Cheyne. 

Burton Scott Easton 

[Edxtobial Note. — ^The promoters of the Encydo' 
paedta are not to be understood as endorsing all the views 
set forth in Dr. Easton's art. (see Gbiticibm of thb 
Bible). It was thought right, however, that, in such a 
work of reference, there should be given a full and ade- 
quate presentation of so popular a theory.] 

CROCODILE, krok'6-dll. See Leviathan; 

CROCODILE, LAND. See Chameleon. 

CROOK-BACKED, krd6k'bakt Ci^^^* gihhSn; 
Kvfn^f kurtds): A disqualification for the priest- 
hood (Lev 21 20); was probably an angular curva- 
ture of the spine, usually the result of tubercular 
caries of the vertebrae. It was by no means un- 
common in ancient Egypt, where I have found a 
considerable nmnber m spines affected with this 
disease. Some Talmudic authorities explain it as 
meaning "very dark colored," but this is unlikely. 

The woman bound bv the spirit of infirmity and 
unable to lift herself (Lk 13 11-17) was affected 
with senile kyphosis, a chronic bone disease often 
found among aged men (and more frequently 
women) whose lives have been spent in agricultural 
labor. In these the vertebrae become altered in 
shape so that it is impossible to straighten the back. 
Some rabbinical authorities believed all deformities 
to be due to Satan^ and to this Our Lord seems to 
have alluded in his rebuke to those who caviled at 
His healing on the Sabbath. I have found this con- 
dition in some E^^ skeletons, and have seen it in 
a Palestinian fenan. A skeleton affected with a 
similar curvature was found buried under the 
threshold of a house at Gezer, where she had evi- 
dently been offered as a foundation sacrifice. 

. Alex. Macalisteb 

CROOKED, krook'ed (HI?, 'awah, ©f??, 'afpask, 

bfjbp^, 'di^my pribp:?, 'dhaUaikon, Vnbns, 

p'thaUol; oicoXt^s, akolids): Primarily designates 
something that ia bent, twisted or deformed (Isa 
27 1; 45 2AV). 

Figurative: (1) It designates a course of action 
that deviates from rectitude, esp. deceit, guile, hy- 
pocrisy (Dt 32 5; Prov 2 15; Eccl 1 15; Lk 3 6; 
cf Phil 2 15); (2) trials (sent by God, Eccl 7 13; 
Lam 8 9); (3) difficulties (removed by God, Isa 42 

CROOKED SERPENT, krd6k'ed s^r'pent. See 


(1) As noun the translation of n^*]p, inur*dh 
(Lev 1 16), which is the craw of a bird, esp. of 
doves and pigeons, which had to be removed by the 

Eriest before he offered the birds as a burnt sacri- 

(2) As a vb. it is (Ezk 17 4.22) the tr of ^Vp, , 
tdiaphj which has the meaning of "cutting off," 
"cutting down," "plucking." 

CROSS (<rravp6s, staurds, "a cross," "the cruci- 
fixion"; <rKdXo+, skdlopsy "a stake," "a pole"): 
The name is not foimd in the OT. It is derived 
from the Lat word crux. In the Gr language it is 
stauroSf but sometimes we find the word skolopa 
used as its Gr equivalent. The historical writers, 
who transferred the events of Rom history into the 




Gr language, make use of these two words. No 
word in human language has become more univer- 
sally known than this word, and that because all of 
the history of the world since the death of Christ 
has been measured by the distance which separates 
events from it. The symbol and principal content 
of the Christian religion and of Christian civiliza- 
tion is found in this one word. 

The cross occurs in at least four different forms: 
(1) the form usually seen in pictures, the crux 

immiaaa, in which the upright beam 
1. Forms of projected above the shorter crosspiece; 
the Cross this is most likely the type of cross 

on which the Saviour died, as may be 
inferred from the inscription which was nailed above 
His head; (2) the crux commiasa, or St. Anthony's 
cross, which has the shape of the letter T; (3) the 
Gr cross of later date, in which the pieces are equally 
long; (4) the crux decussata^ or St. Andrew's cross, 
which has the shape of the letter X- 

The early church historians Socrates (1,17), 
Soromen (2,1), Rufinus (1,7) and Theodoret (M8) 

all make mention of this tradition. The 
S. Discov- most simificant thing is that Eusebius 
ery of the {Vit. ConaL, iii.26-28), who carries 
True Cross more weight than they all together, 

wholly omits it. 
According to it, Helena, the mother of Constantine 
the Great, in 325 AD, when she was 79 years old, 
discovered the true cross of Jesus by an excavation 
she caused to be made on the traditional spot of His 
grave. With the cross of the Saviour were foimd 
the two crosses of the malefactors who were cru- 
cified with Him. A miracle of healing, wrought by 
touching the true cross, revealed its identity. When 
found it was intact, even the hol^r nails of the cruci- 
fixion bein^ discovered. The main part of the cross 
was deposited by Helena in a church erected over 
the spot. Of the remainder, a portion was inserted 
into the head of the statue of Constantine, and the 
balance was placed in a new church, specially erected 
for it at Rome and named after it Santa Croce. Small 
fragments of the wood of the true cross were sold, 
encrusted with gold and jewels, and since many 
among the wealthy believers were desirous of pos- 
sessing such priceless relics, the miracle of the 
"multiplication of the oross was devised^ so that 
the rehc suffered no diminution ''et quasi intacta 
maneret" (Paulinus ep 11 ad Sev). Fragments of 
the true cross are thus to be found in many Roman 
Catholic churches of many countries, all over 
Christendom. It is said that the East celebrated 
the 8tauro8imo8 hemera (Crucifixion Day) on Sep- 
tember 14, since the 4th cent. The evidence for 
this fact is late and untrustworthy. It is certain 
that the West celebrated the Invention of the Cross, 
on May 3, since the time of Gregory the Great in 
the 6th cent. The finding and publication of the 
apocryphal "Doctrina Addaei" has made it evi- 
dent that the entire legend of the discoverv of the 
cross by Helena is but a version of the old Edessa 
legend, which tells of an identical discovery of the 
cross, under the very same circumstances, by the 
wife of the emperor Claudius, who had been con- 
verted to Christianity by the preaching of Peter. 

(1) Extra-scriptural. — ^The sign of the cross was 
well known in the symbolics of various ancient 

nations. Among the Egyptians it is 
8. Symboli- said to have been the symbol of di- 
cal Uses of vinity and eternal hfe, and to have 
the Cross been found in the temple of Serapis. 

It is known either in the form of the 
Gr cross or in the form of the letter T. The 
Spaniards foimd it to be well known, as a symbol, 
by the Mexicans and Peruvians, perhaps signifying 
the four elements, or the four seasons, or the four 
points of the compass. 

(2) Scriptural. — ^The suffering implied in cruci- 
fixion naturally made the cross a symbol of pain, 
distress and burden-bearing. Thus Jesus used it 
Himself (Mt 10 38; 16 24). In Paulinic Ut. the 
cross stands for the preaching of the doctrine of the 
Atonement (1 Cor 1 18; Gal 6 14; Phil 8 18; 
Col 1 20). It expresses the bond of unity between 
the Jew and the Gentile (Eph 2 16), and between 
the behever and Christ, and also symbolizes sancti- 
fication (Gal 6 24). The cross is the center and 
circumference of the preaching of the apostles and 
of the life of the NT church. 

As an instrument of death the cross was detested 
by the Jews. "Cursed is everyone that hangeth on 

a tree" (Gal 8 13; cf Dt 21 23), 
4. Cruel- hence it became a stumbling-block to 
fixion them, for how could one accursed of 

God be their Messiah? Nor was the 
cross differently considered by the Romans. "Let 
the very name of the cross be far away not only 
from the body of a Roman citizen, but even from 
his thou^ts, his eyes, his ears" (Cicero Pro Rabi- 
rio 5). The earliest mode of crucifixion seems to 
have been by impalation, the transfixion of the body 
lengthwise and crosswise by sharpened stakes, a 
mode of death-pumshment still well known among 
the Mongol race. The usual mode of crucifixion 
was familiar to the Greeks, the Romans, the Egyp- 
tians, Persians and Babvlonians (Thuc. 1, 110; 
Herod, iii.125, 159). Alexander the Great exe- 
cuted two thousand Tyrian captives in this way, 
after the fall of the city. The Jews received tms 
form of punishment from the Syrians and Romans 
{Ant, Xlf, V, 4; XX, vi, 2; BJ, I, iv 6). The Rom 
citizen was exempt from this form ot death, it bein|; 
considered the death of a slave (Cicero In Verrem i. 
5, 66 ; Quint, viii.4) . The punishment was meted out 
for such crimes as treason, desertion in the face of the 
enemy, robbery, piracy, assassination, sedition, etc. 
It continued in vogue in the Rom empire till the 
day of Constantine, when it was abolished as an 
insult to Christianity. Amon^ the Romans cruci- 
fixion was preceded by scourging, imdoubtedlv to 
hasten impending death. The victim then bore 
his own cross, or at least the upright beam, to the 
place of execution. This in itself proves that the 
structure was less ponderous than is commonly 
supposed. When he was tied to the cross nothing 
further was done and he was left to die from starva- 
tion. If he was nailed to the cross, at least in 
Judaea, a stupefying drink was given him to deaden 
the agony. The number of nails used seems to 
have been indeterminate. A tablet, on which the 
feet rested or on which the body was partly sup- 
ported, seems to have been a part of tne cross to 
keep tne wounds from tearing through the trans- 
fixed members (Iren., Adv. haer., ii.42). The suffer- 
ing of death by crucifixion was intense, esp. in hot 
climates. Severe local inflammation, coupled with 
an insignificant bleeding of the jagged wounds. 

Produced traumatic fever, which was aggravated 
y the exposure to the heat of the sun, the strained 
position of the body and insufferable thirst. The 
wounds swelled about the rough nails and the torn 
and lacerated tendons and nerves caused excruciat- 
ing agony. The arteries of the head and stomach 
were surcharged with blood and a terrific throbbins 
headache ensued. The mind was confused and 
filled with anxiety and dread foreboding. The 
victim of crucifixion literally died a thousand 
deaths. Tetanus not rarely supervened and the 
rigors of the attending convulsions would tear at 
the wounds and add to the burden of pain, till at 
last the bodily forces were exhausted and the victim 
sank to unconsciousness and death. The suffer- 
ings were so frightful that "even among the raginff 
passions of war pity was sometimes excited" (B«/, 




1. In 

V, xi, 1). The length of this agony was wholly 
determined by the constitution of tne victim, but 
death rarely ensued before thirty-six hours had 
elapsed. Instances are on record of victims of 
the cross who survived their terrible injuries when 
taken down from the cross after many hours of 
suspension (Jos, 7ito, 75). Death was sometimes 
hastened by breaking the legs of the victims and 
by a hard blow delivered under the armpit before 
crucifixion. Crura fracta was a well-known Rom 
term (Cicero Phil. xiii.l2). The sudden death of 
Christ evidently was a matter of astonishment 
(Mk 16 44). The peculiar symptoms mentioned 
by John (19 34) would seem to point to a rupture 
of the heart, of which the Saviour died, independent 
of the cross itself, or perhaps hastened by its agony. 
See Blood and Water. Henry £. Dosker 

CROSSWAY, kros'wa (pn?, pere^, Ut. "divi- 
sion'') : A forking or dividing of the way. Obadiah 
warns Edom, "And stand thou not in the crossway, 
to cut off those of his that escape'' (Ob ver 14). In 
LXX, "a moimtain pass." 

CROWN, kroun: The word crown in the OT is 
a tr of five different Heb words, and in the NT of 
two Gr words. These express the several mean- 
ings, and must be examined to ascertain the same. 
The five Heb words are as follows: (1) ^^PIR, 
iodhl^ddh, from T!I?, h&dhadh; (2) HT, zer, from 
nif, zarar; (3) ^TJ, nezer, or njS, 
nizer, both from "^t? , nOzar; (4) fTJIJ^ , 
^6{ardh, from ng^, ^GJ^ar; (5) ninj, 
keOier^ from "^O^, kdlhar. 

(1) l^odhlfddh means "the crown of the head," 
and is also rendered in AV "top of the head," 
"scalp," "pate." It comes from ^ddkadhy meaning 
"to shrivel up," "contract," or bend the body or 
neck through courtesy. Both RV and ARV, in 
Dt 28 35 and 3d 16, tr it "crown" instead of "top" 
as in AV. Jacob in his prophecy concerning his 
sons sa3r8: "The blessings of thy father .... 
shall be on the head of Joseph, and on the crovm of 
the head of him that is prince among his brethren" 
(Gen 49 26ARVm). Other references are: Dt 
88 20; 2 S 14 25; Job 2 7; Isa 8 17; Jer 2 16; 
48 45. Tt^ "scalp" in Ps 68 21 and "pate" in 
Ps 7 16. 

(2) Zer means a "chaplet." something spread 
around the top as a molding about the border, and 
because of its wreath-like appearance called a crown. 
"That which presses, binds'^ (BDB). Comes from 
zdrary meaning "to diffuse" or "scatter." It is used 
in Ex 26 11.24.25; 80 3.4; 87 

(3) Nezer means something "set apart"j i.e. a 
dedication to the priesthood or the dedication of a 
Nazarite, hence a chaplet or fillet as a symbol of 
such consecration. The word in AV is rendered 
"crown," "consecration," "separation," "hair." 
Comes from ndzar, meaning "to hold aloof" from 
impurity, even from drink and food, more defi- 
nitely, "to set apart" for sacred purposes, i.e. "to 
separate," "devote," "consecrate.' It is foimd in 
Ex 29 6; 89 30; Lev 8 9: 21 12; 2 S 1 10; 2 K 

11 12; 2 Ch 28 11; Ps 89 39; 182 18; Prov 27 
24; Zee 9 16. 

(4) ^iijdrdA means a crown in the usual sense. 
Comes from *d^r, meaning "to encircle," as in 
war for offence or defence; also actually and fig- 
urativdy "to crown." Rendered sometimes "to 
compass." It is used in 2 S 12 30; 1 Ch 20 2; 
Est 8 15; Job 19 9; 81 36; Ps 21 3; Prov 4 9; 

12 4; 14 24; 16 31; 17 6; Cant 8 11: Isa 28 
1.3.5; 62 3; Jer 18 18; Lam 6 16; Ezk 16 12; 
21 26; 28 42; Zee 6 11.14; "crowned," Cant 
8 11; "crownest," Ps 66 11; "crowneth," Ps 108 

4. RV tr- "crowned," of Ps 8 5 "hast crowned." 
ARV prefers to tr "crowning," in Isa 28 8, "the 
bestower of crowns." 

(5) Keiher means a "circlet" or "a diadem." 
From kdthar, meaning "to inclose" : as a friend, "to 
crown"; as an enemy, "to besiege." Variously tr<* 
"beset round," "inclose round," "suffer," "compass 
about." Found in Est 1 11; 2 17; 6 8; "crowned," 
in Prov 14 18. 

Andent Asiatic Crowns. 

The two Gr words of the NT tr^ crown ore: (1) 
ffT4<f>avoSf 8Upharu)8f from stiphOj and (2) didBfi/ta 
diddema. from dicuUdj "to bind round.' 
2. In Greek (1) Stephanos means a chaplet 
(wreath) made of leaves or leaf-like 
gold, used for marriage and festive occasions, and 
expressing public recognition of victory in races, 
games and war; also figuratively as a reward for 
efficient Christian life and service (see Games). 
This symbol was more noticeable and intricate than 
the plain fillet. Only in the Rev of John is Stephanos 
caU^ "golden." The "crown of thorns" which 
Jesus wore was a Stephanos (woven wreath) of thorns; 
the kind is not known (Mt 27 29; Mk 15 17; 
Jn 19 2.5). Lk makes no mention of it. Whether 
intended to represent royalty or victory, it was a 
caricature crown. Stephanos is found in 1 Cor 
9 25; Phil 4 1; 1 Thess 2 19; 2 Tim 4 8; Jas 
1 12; 1 Pet 5 4; Rev 2 10; 8 11; 6 2; 12 1; 14 
14; plur. in Rev 4 4.10; 9 7; "crowned" in 2 
Tim 2 5; He 2 9; "crownedst" in He 2 7. 

(2) EHadema is the word for "diadem," from dia 
(about) and deo (bound), i.e. something bound about 
the head. In the three places where it occurs (Rev 
12 3; 18 1 and 19 12) both RV and ARV tr it not 
"crowns" but "diadems." thus making the proper 
distinction between Stephanos and dicuUma, such as 
is not done either in AV or the LXX (see Trench, 
Synonyrns of the NT). According to Thayer the 
distinction was not observed in Hellenic Gr. "Dia- 
dems" are on the dragon (Rev 12 3), the beast 
(Rev 18 1) and on the Rider of the White Horse, 
"the Faithful and True" (Rev 19 12). In each case 
the "diadems" are symbolic of power to rule. 

There are five uses of the crown as seen in the 
Scripture references studied, viz. decoration, con- 
secration, coronation, exaltation, and 
8. Use and remuneration. 

Significance (1) Decoration. — The zer of Ex, as 

far as it was a crown at all, was for 

ornamentation, its position not seeming to indicate 




any utility purpose. These wavelet, gold moldings, 
used in the furnishings of the tabernacle of Moses, 
were pla,ced about (a) the table of shewbread (Ex 
26 24; 87 II); (&) the ark of the covenant (Ex 
25 11; 87 2): (c) the altar of incense (Ex 30 3.4; 
37 26.27). The position of these crowns is a de- 
bated question among archaeologists. Their pur- 
pose other than decoration is not known. The 
encircling gold might signify gratitude, purity and 
enduring worth. 

(2) Consecration, — ^The nezer had a twofold use 
as the crown of consecration: (a) It was placed as 
a frontlet on the miter of the high priest, being tied 
with a blue lace (Ex 39 30). The priestly crown 
was aflat piece of pure gold, bearing tne inscription, 
"Holy to Jeh," signifying the consecration of the 
priest as the representative of the people (Ex 29 6; 
Lev 8 9). (6) Likewise the Heb king (2 K 11 12) 
was set apart by God in wearing on his head a royal 
nezetj whether of silk or gold we do not know. It 
was set with jewels (Zee 9 16) and was light enough 
to be taken into battle (2 S 1 10). 

(3) Coronation, — ^The ordinary use of the crown. 
There were three kinds of kingly crowns used in 
coronation services: (a) The nezer or consecration 
crowuj above referred to, was the only one used in 
crownmg Heb kings. What seems to be an excep- 
tion is in the case of Joshua, who represented both 
priest and king (Zee 6 11 ARVm). (6) The 
^di&rdh, and (c) the kether were used in crowning 
foreign monarchs. No king but a Heb could wear 
a nezer — a "Holy to Jeh" crown. It is recorded 
that David presumed to put on his own head the 
'dldrdh of King Malcam (2 S 12 30 ARVm). 
The kether or jeweled turban was the crown of the 
Pens king and queen (Est 1 11; 2 17; 6 8). 

(4) ExaUaHon. — ^The ^dtdr&h, the Stephanos and 
the diadSma were used as crowns of exaltation. 
Stephanas was the usual crown of exaltation for 
victors of games, achievement in war and places 
of honor at feasts. The ^dtdr&h was worn at ban- 
quets (Cant 8 11; Isa 28 1.3), probably taking 
the form of a wreath of flowers; also as a crown of 
honor and victory (Ezk 16 12; 21 26; 28 42). 
Stephanos is the crown of exaltation bestowed upon 
Christ (Rev 6 2; 14 14; He 2 9). "Exaltation 
was the lomcal result of Christ's humiliation" 
(Vincent). The Apocalyptic woman and locusts 
receive this emblem of exaltation (Rev 12 1; 9 7). 
The symbolic dragon and beast are elevated, wear- 
ing diadema (Rev 12 3; 18 1). The conquering 
Christ has "upon his head .... many diadems 
(Rev 19 12). See further Tertullian, De corona, 

(5) Remuneration, — Paul, witnessing the races 
and games, caught the vision of wreath-crowned 
victors flush with the reward of earnest endeavor. 
See Gabies. He also saw the persistent, faithful 
Christian at the end of his hard-won race wearing 
the symbolic Stephanos of rejoicing (1 Thess 2 19 
AV), of righteousness (2 Tim 4 8), of glory (1 Pet 
6 4), of life (Jas 1 12; Rev 2 10). Paul's fellow- 
Chnstians were his joy and Stephanos (Phil 4 1). 
"of which Paul might justlv make his boast" 
(Ellicott). Long before Paul, his Heb ancestors 
saw the ^d^drdh of glory (Prov 4 9) and the ^d^drdh 
of a good wife, children's children, riches and a 
peaceful old age (Prov 12 4; 14 24; 16 31: 17 
6). For Apoc references see 1 Mace 10 29; 11 35; 
18 39. William Edward Rapfbty 

CROWN OF THORNS, th6rnz (&Kdv6ivos o^o- 
w99t akdnthinos Stephanos) : Three of the four evan- 
gelists mention the crown of thorns, wherewith the 
rude Rom soldiers derided the captive Christ (Mt 
27 29; Mk 16 17; Jn 19 2). All speak of the 
akanthine (Acanthus) crown, but there is no cer- 
tainty about the peculiar plant, from the branches 

of which this crown of cruel mockery was plaited. 
The rabbinical books mention no less than twenty- 
two words in the Bible signifving thorny plants, 
and the word dkantha in the NT Gr is a generic 
and not a specific term. And this word or its 
adj. is used in the three Gospels, quoted above. It 
is therefore impossible definitely to determine what 
was the exact plant or tree, whose thorny branches 
were selected for this purpose. Tobler (DenkU.f 
113, 179) inclines to the Spina Christie as did Has- 
selqmst. Its botanical name is Zizyphus Spina 
Christi, It is very common in the East. Its 
spines are small and sharp, its branches soft, round 
and pliable, and the leaves look like ivy, with a 
dark, shiny green color, making them therefore 
very adaptable to the purpose of the soldiers. 
Others have designated the Paliurus acuteatus or 
the Lycium horridum. Both Geikie (Life of 
Christ, 549) and Farrar {Life of Christ, note 625) 

1)oint to the Nubk (ZizyphiLS lotus). Says the 
atter. "The Nubk struck me, as it has all travelers 
in Pal, as being most suitable both for mockery and 

{)ain, since its leaves are bright and its thorns singu- 
arly strong. But thou^ the Nubk is very common 
on the shores of Galilee, I saw none of it near Jems.'' 
The settlement of the question is manifestly im- 
possible. Henbt E. Doskeb 

CRUCIFIXION, kroo-si-fik'shun. See Cross; 


CRUEL, kroo'el, CRUELTY, kroo'el-ti (tpS, 
'akhzdr, "harsh," "fierce," OTpn, hdmd^, "vio- 
lence"): There are various uses of the word "cruel" 
in the OT: (a) "the cruel [deadly] venom of asps" 
(Dt 32 33); (&) spoken of men of relentle^ hate: 
"They hate me with cruel hatred" (Ps 26 19; cf 
Prov 6 9; 11 17; 12 10; Jer 6 23; 60 42); (c) 
Job speaks of God's dealmgs with him as "cruel" 
and arbitrary: "Thou art turned to be cruel to 
me" (Job 30 21) ; conscious of his virtue, yet hold- 
ing God to be the author of his sufferings, Job is 
dnven to the conclusion that God hajs become his 
enemy and is bent upon destroying him; (d) the 
"day of Jeh" — a prophetic phrase to denote the 
time of God's manifestation in judgment — ^is de- 
scribed as coming, "cruel, with wrath and fierce 
anger" (Isa 13 9). The word "cruelty" has nearly 
disappeared from the Bible. In RV it occurs only 
in Ps 27 12. AY has it in Gen 49 5; Ps 74 20 
(RV "violence"); Eak 34 4 (^^9, perekh, "crush- 
ing/' RV "rigor"). 

The OT records many acts on the part of chosen 
individuals and the elect nation wnioh^are marked 
by gross cruelty, particularly when measured by the 
standards of our own age. Some of these acts are 
sanctioned by Scripture or even presented as com- 
manded by God, as, for example, the sacrifice of 
Isaac, the extermination of the Canaanites, the 
authorization of the avenger of blood and of human 
slavery, and of retaliation for evil. Some of the 
deeds performed by Divinely aopointed leaders of 
Israel are characterized by inhumanity. Samuel 
"hewed Agag in pieces" (1 S 16 33). David mas- 
sacred the Ammonites with great barbarity (2 S 
12 31). Elijah slew the prophets of Baal (1 K 18 
40; cf 2 K 1 10; 10 25). Some of the utterances 
of the Psalmists breathe the spirit of hate and 
revenge, as in the so-called imprecatory psalms 
(Ps 137 8.9; 139 21 f). This has often been a 
matter of great perplexity to the devout student 
of the Bible. He has found it difficult to reconcile - 
such practices, which bear the stamp of Divine 
approval, with the highest standards of Christian 
morality. It is sometimes urged in justification 
that these deeds are permitted, but not commanded 
by God. But this answer hardly meets the facts of 




the case. We shall arrive at a truer answer if we 
recognize the fact, which Jesus emphasizes, that the 
OT religion is a self-accommodation to the low 
moral standard of those whom it was designed to 
instruct. This He reiterates in the Sermon on the 
Mount (Mt 6 22.28.34), and affirms in His reference 
to the hardness of the ancestral Jewish heart 
(Mt 19 8). In the OT we are dealing with the 
childhood of the world, in which revelation is com- 
pelled to limit itself to the comprehension of its 
subjects. It must speak so that they can under- 
stand. It must start with them where it finds 
them. It must lead them along Unes in which they 
of their own volition can walk, that character may 
grow step by step. A gradual development of 
spiritual and ethical ideals may clearly be traced 
in the sacred records. We must therefore read the 
OT narratives and interpret their teaching, not 
according to the standards of our own age, but in 
the light of the a^e to which these narratives belong. 
The spirit of Elijah may not be the spirit of Christ 
(Lk 9 55). While many of the acts of cruelty and 
barbarity recorded in tne OT are indicative of an 
age of a low type of morality, yet we must at the 
same time recognize the fact, that Israel's religion 
by emphasizing holy living and righteous conduct 
created an atmosphere favorable for the growth of 
high ethical ideals. Wherever this religion is seen 
at its best, as in the teachings of the prophets, it is 
the mark of the righteous man to treat niunan life 
as sacred and to refrain scrupulously from inflict- 
ing unnecessary pain. Even the Grentiles shall be 
brought to judgment for their barbarities and 
inhuman practices (Am 1 2 f; 2 K 26 7). Amone 
the blessmgs of the Messianic kingdom, predicted 
by the prophets, is the cessation of war with all of 
its attendant cruelties and horrors. The Law of 
Israel also reflected thb tendency toward humanity, 
and many of its ordinances, while seemingly in- 
human, really tended to mitigate prevailing bar- 
barity. Instances of such ordinances are those 
referring to the maltreatment of slaves (Ex 21 20), 
to the Cities of Refuge (Nu 36 19 ff ; cf Josh 20), 
to rules of warftire (Dt 20 10 f), etc. The exter- 
mination of the Canaanites is represented as a Di- 
vine judgment upon a morally corrupt civilization 
(Gen 16 16; Dt 12 30). It is declared necessary 
in order to guard the Hebrews from contamination 
by the sins of the Canaanites (Ex 23 32). It is 
not so far back, that many of the practices that 
are condemned by the most enlightened Chris- 
tianity of our day, prevailed universally and were 
not thought incompatible with Christian civiliza- 
tion. Even our own time needs to secure a more 
widespread practical recognition of the principles 
of humanity, kindness and justice, which are pro- 
fessedly the law of the Christian life. L. Kaiser 

CRUMB, krum (+ix^v, psichian, "a little bit") : 
Occurs only in the NT, of remnants of food, 
scraps. Lazarus desired 'Ho be fed with the crumbs 
that fell from the rich man's table" (Lk 16 21). 
"Even the [little] dogs eat of the crumbs" (Mt 16 
27; Mk 7 28), "possibly the fragments of bread 
on which the guests wiped their hands (after thrust- 
ing them into the common dish), and flimg to the 
dogs" (Farrar, Life of Christ, I, 476). 

CRUSE, kroos: A small earthen vessel or flask, 
usually for holding liquids: nnB$, gappahalh; as 
water, 1 S 26 11.12.16; 1 K 19 6; it being porous, 
the liquid is kept cool; also for holding oil, as in 
1 K 17 12.14.16. 

In 1 K 14 3 ("a cruse of honey") the word 
pISfJIl , bal^bu^j w^ould be better rendered * 'bottle," 

doubtless deriving its name from the gurgling sound 

of issuing liquids. In 2 K 2 20 Pl'^n'b? , ^lohUh, 
IB not a jar or flask, but a dish, or platter, for salt 
or other substances. 

In the NT a small jar or vial, dXdfioffTpov^ cM- 
hcistron, ''alabaster cruse" or flask, for holding oint- 
ment; not"box"asinAV(Mt 26 7; Mk 14 3; Lk 
7 37; cf 1 S 10 1; 2 K 9 1.3, where ''box" in AV 
is used for "vial" RV). Edward Bagby Pollabd 

CRY, CRYING, kri'ing (p?T, za'ab, pT^, fd'o* 
[and forms], S'JfJ, t&ra\ y^Tj?, 8hdwa\ MJT, rinr 
ndh; podoi, bodo, Kp4^» hrdzo, ^«>Wm, phonSo) : 

Various Words are tr^ "cry," "crjrmg," etc, the 
chief of which are those above given; zd'^aii and 
gd^aii denote esp. a cry for help, from pain or dis- 
tress, and are frequently usea for crying to God, 
e.g. («fi*fl*,Ex 2 23; Jgs 3 9.15; Ps 22 5; 107 13. 
19; Mic 3 4); (sd'alp, Ex 8 12; 16 25; Ps 34 
17; 77 1; Isa 19 20; Lam 2 18); l^rd' (a mimet- 
ic word) has the widest signification, but is often 
used of appealing to God (frequently tr^ "call," 
"called," etc, Gen 39 14.15.18: 41 43; Dt 16 9; 
24 15; 1 K 18 27; Ps 3 4; 22 2; 27 7; Prov 1 
21; Isa 34 14; Jer 2 2, etc); 8hdwa\ "to cry aloud" 
(Job 29 12: 30 20.28; Ps 18 6.41; 88 13: Jon 
2 2; Hab 1 2, etc) : rinndh, "a shouting," whether 
for joy or grief (1 K 8 28; Ps 17 1; 61 1; 88 2; 
119 169; 142 6; Isa 43 14 RV '^ejoicmg," etc). 
Other Heb words are *dna^f "to groan" (Ezk 9 4: 
24 17 AV; 26 15 AV); hdmdh, "to make a noise'' 
(Ps 66 17 AV); ru^\ "to shout" (Jgs 7 21 AV: 
Job 30 6; Isa 42 13, etc); rdnaUf '^to cry aJoud'* 
(Ps 84 2; Lam 2 19); 8hd^' "crying" (Isa 22 5); 
t*8hu*dth, "crymg," "noise" (Job 89 7 AV). 

In the NT we have hoao, "to cry," "shout" 
(Mt 3 3; Mk 1 3; 16 34; Gal 4 27, etc); krazd 
(mimetic, the hoarse cry of the raven), "to cry out" 
(Mt 9 27; 14 30; 21 9; 27 50; Mk 6 6; Gal 4 6; 
Rev 6 10; 7 2, etc); phoned, "to give forth the 
voice," "sound" (Lk 8 8: 16 24; 23 46; Acts 16 
28; Rev 14 18 AV); anabodo, "to cry out" (Mt 

27 46: Lk 9 38); aphiemi, "to let go," "to send 
away'* (Mk 16 37 AV); epibodo, "to cry about" 
(anything) (Acts 26 24); epiphorUo, "to give forth 
the voice upon" (Lk 23 21 AV); krai^zor "to 
make a cry, or outcry, or clamor" (Mt 12 19; 16 
22; Jn 11 43; 18 40: 19 6.15; Acts 22 23); ana- 
ATd«o,"tocryout" (Mk 1 23; Lk 4 33, etc) : Arau^^, 
"a crying out" (Mt 26 6; Acts 23 9 AV; He 6 7; 
Rev 21 4). 

Pop "cry" RV has "sound" (2 Ch 18 12); "cry 
because of these things" (Job 80 24ERy): "cry out*^* 
(Job 31 38; Isa 42 14); "caU" (Ps 28 1: 61 2; 141 1); 
"be blind" (Isa 29 9); "groan" (Ezk 26 15); "pant" 
(Joel 1 20); "cry aloud" (Mt 12 19); "clamor" (Acts 

28 9). Among the other changes are, "moan" for "cry 
aloud" (Ps 55 17); "sound an alarm" (Hos 5 8); "take 
your pleasure," m "blind yourselves," for "cry ye out" 
(Isa 29 9); "sigh, but not aloud" for "forbear to cry" 
(Ezk 24 17); ^shoutings" for "crytag" (Job 89 7); 
"destruction" for "crying" (Prov 19 18. where we have 
instead of *'let not thy soul spare for his dying." "set 
not thy heart on his destruction," m, Heb "cauang him 
to die" [rnuth, "to put to death"]); "went up^* for 
"crying aloud" (Mk 15 8, different text); "cry" for 
"voice^' (Lk 1 42); for "had cried" (Lk 28 46), ARV 
has "crying." 

W. L. Walker 
CRYSTAL, kris'tal: In EV the word is probably 
intended to signify rock-crystal, crystallized quartz. 
This thf; Greeks called Kp6<rTa\\os krd8taUo8, "ice," 
belie viiig it to have*been formed from water by in- 
tense cold. Thus in Rev 4 6; 21 11; 22 1, either 
"crystal" (EV) or "ice" (Gr kru8tallo8) suits the 
context. The word rendered , "crystal" in Ezk 
1 22 (n'lJJ, t^erah) is ambiguous in precisely the 
same way (RVm "ice"). In Job 28 17 the con- 
text favors AV "crystal," rather than RV "glass" 
(n-'P^DJ, z'khukhUh). Finally, in Job 28 18 RV 
reads "crjrstal" for AV "pearb" (Heb gahhUh; the 




weight of evidence favors RV in spite of the paral- 
lelism suggested by AV). See also Stones, Pre- 
cious. F. K. Farr 

CUB, kub (1^3, kubh; AV Chub): The word 
occurs only in Ezk 80 5. There it is almost cer- 
tainly a oorruptioni and we should read, as in LXX, 
"Lub," i.e. Ubya. Libya, in the earlier part of 
the same ver (AV), is a mistr of "Put," thus cor- 
rectly rendered in RV. 

CUBIT, ka'bit (nips , 'ammdh; iri|xv«, p^chua) : 
The standard for measures of length among the 
Hebrews. They derived it from the Babylonians, 
but a similar measure was used in Egypt with which 
they must have been familiar. The length of the 
cubit is variously estimated, since there seems to 
have been a double standard in both countries, and 
because we have no undisputed example of the cubit 
remaining to the present time. The original cubit 
was the length of the forearm, from the eloow to the 
end of the middle finper, as is implied from the 
derivation of the word m Heb and in Lat (cubitum). 
It seems to be referred to also in Dt 3 11: "after 
the cubit of a man." But this was too indefinite 
for a scientific standard, and the Babylonians early 
adopted a more accurate method of measurement 
which passed to the nations of the West. They 
had a double standard, the so-called royal cubit 
and the ordinary one. From the remains of build- 
ings in Assyria and Babylonia, the former is made 
out to be about 20.6 in., and a cubit of similar 
length was used in Egypt and must have been 
known to the Hebrews. This was probably the 
cubit mentioned by Ezk 40 5 and perhaps that of 
Solomon's temple, "cubits after the first measure" 
(2 Ch 3 3), i.e. the ancient cubit. The ordinary 
cubit of commerce was shorter, and has been vari- 
ously estimated at between 16 and 18 or more 
inches, but the evidence of the Siloam inscription 
and of thetombs in Pal seems to indicate 17.6 in. 
as the average length. See Weights and Meas- 
ures. This was the cubit of six palms, while the 
longer one was of seven (Ezk 40 5). The cubit 
mentioned in Jgs 3 16 is from a different word in 
Heb P^, gomedh) and was probably shorter, for 
Ehud girded it on his thigh under his clothing. 

The NT references are Mt 6 27; Lk 12 25, 
'Which of you .... can add a c. unto the measure 
of his life? , Jn 21 8, "about two hundred cubits 
off"; Rev 21 17, "the wall thereof, a hundred and 
forty and four cubits.'* H. Porter 

CUCKOW, k6&k'6o, kuk'oo (wlHTj?, shOhaph; 
X^4»os, Idroa; Lat Cuculus canorus) : The Heb root 
from which the word shdhaph is derived means "to 
be lean" and "slender," and in older VSS of the Bible 
was tr^ cuckow (cuckoo). It was mentioned twice 
in the Bible (Lev 11 16, and practically the same in 
Dt 14 15 AV "cuckoo"), in the list of unclean 
birds. The Lat term by which we designate the 
bird is very similar to the Arab., and all names for it 
in different countries are so nearly the same that 
they prove themselves based on its double cry. 
"cuck-oo," or the single note "kowk" or "gouk. 
The bird is as old as history, and interesting because 
the European species placed its eggs in the nests of 
other biras. which gave rise to much fiction con- 
cerning its nabits. The European bird is a brown- 
ish gray with white bars underneath, and larger 
than ours, which are a beautiful olive gray, with 
tail feathers of irregular length touched with white, 
knee tufts, black or yellow bill, according to species, 
and beautiful sleek head and shining eyes. Our 
birds build their own nests, attend their young with 
care and are much loved for their beauty. Their 
food is not repulsive in any species; there never 

was any reason why they should have been classed 
amon^ the abominations, and for these reasons 
scientists in search of a "lean, slender" bird of 
offensive diet and habit have selected the "sea-mew" 
(q.v.) which is substituted for cuckoo in the RV 
with good natural-history reason to sustain the 
ch^ige. Gene Stratton-Porter 

CUCUMBER, ka'kum-ber (D'^^l^p, iiahahu'ltn; 
o-Cicvosy 8lkuo8): One of the articles of food for 
which Israel in the wilderness looked back with 
longing to Egypt (Nu 11 5). Cucumbers are fx&BX 
favorites with all the people of Pal. Two varieties 
occur, Cucumis salivus (Arab. Khy&r), origpnallv 
a product of N.W. India, which is smooth-skinned, 
whitish and of delicate flavor, and requires much 
water in its cultivation, and Cucumis chcUe (Arab. 
faqqus), which is long and slender but less juicy thaji 
the former. Probably the Bib. reference is to this 
latter as it is a plant much grown in Egypt where it 
is said to attain unusual excellence. 

A "garden of cucumbers," or more literally a 
"place of cucumbers" {mii^hdh), is mentioned in 
Isa 1 8; Bar 6 70. "A lodge in a garden of 
cucumbers" (Isa 1 8) is the rough wooden booth 
erected by the owner from which he keeps guard 
over his ripening vegetables. It is commonly raised 
upon poles and, when abandoned for the season, it 
isSia into decay and presents a dreary spectacle of 
tottering poles and dead leaves. 

E. W. G. Masterman 

CUD. See Chew. 

CULTURE, kul'tdr: Found only in 2 Esd 8 6 
AV and RV, "give . . ., . culture to our under- 
standing," i.e. to nourish it as seed in the ground. 

CUMBER, kumlb^, CUMBERED (KartLf^, 
katargiOf "to make idle," iMpiOTrAojuii, periapd- 
omaif "to be drawn about," in mind "to be 
distracted"): Spoken of the barren fig tree in 
the parable: "Cut it down; wh}r doth it also cum- 
ber [block up, make unproductive] the ground?" 
(Lk 13 7). Cumbered means to be over-occupied 
with cares or business, distracted: "But Martha 
was cumbered about much serving" (Lk 10 40). 
The word cumbrance occurs only in Dt 1 12: 
"How can I myself alone bear your cmnbrance?" 
(irib, ^drcLhf "an encumbrance," "a burden"). 
Cf Isa 1 14, where RVm has "cumbrance," RV 

CUMI, koo'mg, ka'ml. See Talitha. 

CUMMIN, kum'in (]B3, kammon; idp|Uvov, JbtS- 
minon) : The seed of the herb Cuminum cyminum 
(N.O. UmbeUiferae), It has carminative properties 
and is used for flavoring various dishes, esp. during 
fasts. In flavor and appearance it resembles cara- 
way, though it is less agreeable to western palates. 
As an illustration of Jeh's wisdom it is said (Isa 28 
25.27) that cummin is scatto^ in sowing and 
beaten out with a rod in threshing. These facts 
sre true in Pal today. The Jews paid tithes of 
cummin (Mt 23 23) (see cut on following page). 

CUN, kun {yO y kun; A, 4k tAv IkXcktAv ic6\tmvt 
ek tdn eklekUhi pdleoriy "from the chosen cities"): 
One of the cities of Hadarezer, king of Syria, spoilcKl 
by David (1 Ch 18 8, AV "Chun'O- In the \\ pas- 
sage (2 S 8 8) its place is taken by Berothai, which 

CUNNING, kun'ing (Dpn, hdkham, ITpn, frd- 
shabh): In Bible-Ekiglish "cunning" means alwavs 
"wise" or "skilful"; the word does not occur in the 
bad sense, and it is found in the OT only. The 



chief Heb words are hskhim, "wise," "skUful" 
(2 Ch 2 7 AV "b. man cunning to work in gold": 
ver 13; Isa 3 3 AV, etc); hOthabh, "to think,'' 
"devise," "desire" (Ex 86 1.31; 88 6.15 AV,etc). 
We have also da'ath, "knowledge" (1 K 7 14 AV) ; 
bin, "to be intemgent" (I Ch 26 7 AV): ma- 
hdshebhelk, "thought/' "device," "design" (Ex 81 
4; SB 33.35AV); 'drndn, "artificer" (Cant 7 lAV); 
^iMAa', "to know." once tr^ "cunning" (Dal 1 4AV). 
For "cunning ARV pves "sElful" (Ex SI 4, 
etc; Isa 3 3 "expeti"); for "cunning work" the 
work of the "skilful workman" (Ex 26 1.31, etc, 
ERV "cunning workman"); for "curious," "skil- 
fully woven," ERV "cunningly woven" (Ex 28 
8, etc). W. L. Walker 

CUP (most frequently, 013 , kd^; four other words 
inonepaBsageeach; iroT^piov, polSrton) ; Avesselfor 
drinking from, of a variety of material (gold, silver, 
eaiirhenware) , patterns (Est 1 7} and elaboration. 

Figurative : By ordinary fig. of spoech, put some- 
times for the contents of tne cup, viz. for that which 
is drunk (Mt 28 39). In both OT and NT applied 
fig. to that which is portioned out, and of which 
one is to partsJte; most frequently used of what is 
sorrowful, ae God's judgments. His wrath, afflic- 
tions, etc (Ps 11 6; 76 8; .laa SI 17; Rev 14 10). 
In a similar sense, used by Christ concerning the 

~ ■ '■' T the 

(Mt 20 23). In the OT applied also to the bless- 
edncsa and joy of the children of God, and the full 
provision made for their wanla (Ps IB 6; 23 5; 
116 13; cf Jer 16 7; Prov 31 6), All these pas- 
sages refer not only to the experience of an allotted 
joy and sorrow, but to the fact that all others shwe 
in this experience. Within a community of those 
having the same interests or lot, each received his 
apportioned measure, just as at a feast, each cup is 
filled for the individual to drain at the same time 
that his fellow-guests are occupied in the same wav. 
The Holy Supper is called "the cup of the Lord" 
(1 Cor 10 21), since it ia the Lord who makes the 
feast, and tenders the cup, just as "the cup of 
demons" with which it is contrasted, refers to what 
they offer and communicate. In 1 Cor 11 25, 
the cup is called "the new covenant in my blood," 
i.e. it IS a pledge and eeai and means of imparting 
the blessings of the new covenant (He 10 16 f)— a 
covenant established by the shedding of the blood 
of Christ. The use of the word "cup" (or the sac- 
rament shows how prominent was the part which 
the cup hod in ihc Lord's Supper in apostolic times. 

Not only were all commanded to drink of the wine 
(Mt 26 27), but the very irregularities in the Cor- 
inthian church point to its universal use (I Cor 
11 27). Nor doee the Rom church attempt to 
justify its withholding the cup from the laity (the 
communion in one form) upon conformity with 
apostolic practice, or upon direct Scriptural author- 
ity. This variation from the original institution 
is an outgrowth of the doctrines of transubetan- 
tiation and sacramental concomitance, of the at- 
tempt to transform the sacrament of the Eucharist 
into the sacrifice of the Mass, and of the wide 
separation between clergy and laity resulting from 
raising the ministry to the rank of a sacerdotal 
order. The practice was condemned by Popes 
Leo I (d. 461) and Gelasius (d. 496); but gained a 
firm hold in the 12th cent., and was enacted into a 
church regulation by the Council of Constance in 
1415. See also Blessing, Cup of. 

As to the use of cups for divination (Gen 44 5). 
the reference is to superstitious practice derived 
from the Gentiles. For various modes of divining 
what is unknown by the pouring of water into bowls, 
and making observations accordingly, see Geikie, 
Hourt xpitk the Bible, I, 492 f, and art. Divination. 
. H, E. Jacobs 

CUPBEARER,kup'bar-er(rif)ljr5, maehlfeh, "one 
giving drink"; olvoxdst, oinochios): An officer of 
nigh rank at ancient oriental courts, whose duty 
it was to serve the wine at the king's table. («i 
account of the constant fear of plots and intrigues, 
a person must be regarded as thoroughly trust- 
worthy to hold this portion. He must guard 
against poison in the king's cup, and was sometimes 
required to swallow some of the wine before serving 
it. His confidential relations with the king often 
endeared him to his sovereign and also gave him a 
position of great influence. This officer is first 
mentioned in Scripture in Gen 40 1 ff, where the 
Heb word elsewhere tr^ "cupbearer" is rendered 
"butler." The phrase "chief of the butlers" (ver 
2) accords with the fact that there were often a 
number of such officials under one as chief (cf Xen. 
Hdlen, vii.l, 38). Nehemiah (cf 1 11) was cup- 
bearer to Artaxentes Longimanus, and was held in 
high esteem by him, as the record shows. His 
financial ability (Neh S would indicate 
that the office was a lucrative one. Cupbearers are 
mentioned further in 1 K 10 5; 2 Ch 9 4, where 
they, among other evidences of royal splendor, are 
stated to have impressed the oueen of Shcba with 
Solomon's glory. The title Rabshakeh (Isa 86 2), 
once thought to mean "chief of the cupbearers," is 
now given a different derivation and explained as 
"chief of the officers," or "princes" (BOB s.v.). 
See further on cupbearers HenJd, iii.34; Xen. Cyrop. 
i.3, 8, 9; Job, Aid, XVI, viii, 1; Tob 1 22. 

Benjamin Reno Downer 

CUPBOARD, kub'Srd (iraXUwv, kvlikwn. 1 
Mace 16 32): A lund of sideboard in or on which 
Simon's gold and silver vessels were displayed, and 
which, among other evidences of his glory, amazed 
the Syrian envoy Athcnobius. Cf the Rom abacus, 
said to have been introduced into Home from Asia. 

CDRDLE, kOr'd'l (K?j; , Ifdpka.', "to congeal," 
"harden," "curdle") : Occurs in Job 10 10, "Hast 
thou not .... curdled me like cheese?" i.e. mode 
him take solid form. "The formation of the embryo 
is a mystery on wliich the Heb dwells with a deep 
and reverential awe: cf Ps 139 13-16." These 
similes arc often met with in the Koran and oriental 
poetry. See Speaker's Comm. in loc. 

CURE, kOr, CURES: Represents thewords nn?, 
gOhak, OTTP, marpe', HD"? , ra-ph&h: Stpamte, the- 
rapeHo, too^f, lasts. G&h&k in Prov IT 22 tr" 




"medicine" means properly the removal of a band- 
age from a healed wound, and is used flgurativelj 

in Hoe 6 13; marpt', "healing," is used in the sense 
of deliverance of the city in Jer SS 6; with a nega- 
tive particle in 2 Ch 31 18 it is used to descrioe 
the bowel disease of Jehoram as incurable. The Gr 
words are used of physical cures (iasie in Lk 13 
32) as coDtradiBtinguiuied from the casting; out of 
demons as Mt 17 16; Lk 7 21; Jn 6 10. Cure is 
only used in the NT in the sense of physical heal- 
ing; in the OT usually in the sense of spiritual or 
national deliverance from danger. 

Albx, Mac a lister 
CURIOUS, ka'ri-us trQlpnl?, mahdBhebkelh; 
wipUpTfot, iperferptM) : The above Heb word, mean- 
ing "thought," "device," "design," is ti*' "curious," 
Ex 86 32 AV "curious works'*; ERV "cunning''; 
ARV "skilful"; hSahebh ("device," "deviae' 
tr^ AV "curious(!irdle,"is ti^ by ERV ", 
woven band," ARV "skiltully'' (Ex 38 
M 5; SO 5.20.21; Lev 8 7). In Pa 13« 1 

"embroidered," "variegated" is used flg. c. 

in the womb, tH "cunously wrought"; "the Ixxly 
or the foetus is described as woven together of bo 
many different-colored threads, like a cunning and 
beautiful network or tapestry'' (Perowne in loc). 
See also CtTRDLE. Ptriergoa, "worliing round about," 
is used of the "curious arts of some in Epfaesus who 
brought their books to be burned (Acts 19 19 ARV 
"magical"). See Astroloot 14. 

W. L. Walker 

CURRENT HONEY. See MoNsr, Current. 

CURSE, kflrs (nb^j!, 'dWft |Nu S 21.23.27, etc], 
rn^, nferSh [Prov 3 33; Mai 2 2, etc], nbbjJ, 
k-laiak (Gen 37 12.13|; xa-iV, katdra |Gal 3 10. 
13|) : TTiis word as noun and vb. renders different 
Heb words, some of them being more or leas 
synonymous, differii^ only in degree of strength. 
It is often used in contrast with 'l>le8B" or "bless- 
ing" (Dt 11 29). When a curse is pronounced 
against any person, we are not to understand this 
as a mere wish, however violent, that disaster 
should overtake the person in question, any more 
than we are to understand that a corresponding 
"blessing" conveys simply a wish that prosperity 
should bo the lot of the person on whom the bless- 
ing is invoked. A curse was considered to possess 
an iidierent power of carrying itself into effect. 
Prayer has been defined as a wish referred to God. 
Curses (or bleasiDgs) were imprecations referred to 
supernatural bein^ in whose existence and power 
to do good or infliPt harm primitive man believed. 
The use of ma^c and spells of all kinds is based on 
the belief that it is possible to enlist the support of 
the superhumflji beings with whom the universe 
abounds, and to persuade them to carry out the 
suppliant's wishes. It has been suggested that 
spclla were written on pieces of parchment and cast 
Ut the winds in the behef that they would find their 
way to their proper destination— that some de- 
moniac being would act as postman and deliver 
them at the proper address. In Zee (5 1-3) the 
"flying roll," with curses inscribed on it "goeth 
forth over the face of the whole land." It would 
find ile way into the house of every thief and per- 
jurer. But it was not always possible to commit 
curses to writing, it was enouffh to utter them aloud. 
Generally the name of some deity would be coupled 
with such imprecatiouH, as Goliath cursed David 
by his gods (1 8 17 43). Such curses once uttered 
poBseesed the power of self-realization. It was 
customarr for heads of families in their declining 
years to bless their children, such a blessing being, 
not simply a paternal wish that their children should 
prosper in life, hut a potent factor in determining 

their welfare (Gen 9 25). In this case Jacob seeks 
his father's blessing, which was more than his 
father's good wi^ea for his future career. Such 
blessings and curses were independent of moral 
considerations. Before moral distinctions played 
any part in molding theological conceptions it was 
not necessary, before a spell could oe effectual, 
that the individual against whom the spell was pro- 
nounced should be deserving, on moral grounds, of 
the fate which was invoked on him. It was suili- 
cient that he should be the foe of the author of the 
curse. We may assume that such curses mp- 
nalized the commencement of a battle. But m 
process of time such indiscriminate imprecatjons 
would not satisfy enlightened moral judement. In 
the dramatic situation depicted in Dt (11 29; 27 
12 f) the cuise was placed on Mt. Ebal and the 
blessing on Mt. Genzim. But the curse was the 
penalty for disobedience, as the blessing was the 
reward for obedience. The Book of Prov (26 2) 
summarily dismisses the traditional belief — ^"the 
curse that is cauaeless alighteth not." "In the dis- 
courses of Jesus we find blessings and curses. They 
are however simply authoritative declarations of the 
eternal connection between right doing and happi- 
ness, wrong doing and misery' (Cheyne). 

Whereas curses by ordinary persona were con- 
sidered more or less efficacious— some god being 
always only too (tlad ia speed them on their way 
'" their destination— yet special person*— "holy 

wrsona— in virtue of their special n 

□ to Divine 


listing supernatural aid. Balaam, according to the 
narrative in Nu (83 f), was an expert in the art. 
Balak was convinced that Balaam's curse would 
bring alx>ut the defeat of the Israelites (see Gray, 
"Numbere," ICC). 

The term — and the thing Mgnified — playa an im- 

Krtant part in Paul's interpretation of the cross. 
the light of the law all men are guilty. There is 
no acquittal through appeal to a law that commands 
and never forgives — prohibits and never relents. 
The violator ofthe law is under a curse. His doom 
has been pronounced. Escape is iropoesible. But 
on the cross Jesus Christ endured the curse — for 
"cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree" (GaJ 
3 10.13)— -and a curse that has overtaken its victim 
is a spent force. See PcNiSHUBNTa. 

Jeaua commands His disciples, "Bless them that 
curse you" (Lk 6 28; cf Rom 13 U). He Himself 
cursed the fruitless fig tree (Mk 11 21) — a symbol 
of the doom of a fruitless people. 

Curse as the rendering of O^n , tferem, implies a 
totally different idea (see AccuRSEn). T. Lewis 

CURTAIN, kfl/fn, -ten, -tin: The word ordina- 
rily used for curtain is nT^T), ifTi'ek. Thus in 
Ex 36 Iff; 36 8 ff of the curtains of the tabernacle 
(see Tabernaclb); in 2 S 7 2; Ps 104 2; Cant 
15; Isa H 2; Jer 4 20; 10 20; 40 29; Hab 
3 7. 

Figunitive: In Isa 40 22 (Uke Ps 104 2, of the 
heavens), the word used is pH , do^, Ut. "gauze." 


(1) The first of the sons of Ham, from whom 
sprang Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah and Sab- 
tecafa. He was also the father of 
1. The Nimrod, who founded Babel (Baby- 

AncestOI of Ion) and the other great states of 
Han; Shinar or Babylonia (Gen 10 A-8). 

Nations The meaning of the name is uncertain. 
(2) The name of the country around 
which the Gihon flowed (Gen 3 13), rendered 
"Ethiopia" in the AV, but in view of the distance 


Cut, Cutting 



of that country from the other rivers mentioned, 

this seems to be an unlikely identification. Fried. 

Delitzsch has suggested {Wo lag daa 

2. A Dis- Parodies f 74 fif ) that the watercourse in 
trict of the question is the canal Gu-l^andi or 
Garden of ArabiUy which, coming from the S., 
Eden entered Babylon a Uttle to the E. of the 

Euphrates, and, flowing alongside the 
Festival-Street, enterea the Euphrates to the N. of 
Nebuchadrezzar's palace. Koldewey (Tempel von 
Babylon und Borsippa, 38) regards the GyrlfarM as 
the section of the Euphrates itself at this point. 
There is no indication, however, that the district 
which it inclosed was ever called K-Qhi or Cush, and 
the suppression of the final syllable of GyrharM would 
remain unexplained. Moreover, the identification 
of Cush with a possible Cahy for Kasdu^ "Chaldea." 
seems likewise improbable, esp. as that name could 
only have been applied, in early times, to the dis- 
trict bordering on the Persian Gulf (see Chaldea). 
Another theory is, that the Cush of Gen 2 13 is the 
Ku8u of certain Assyr letters, where it seems to 

designate a district in the neighbor- 

3. Probably hood of Cappadocia. This identifi- 
not in Asia cation apparently leads us back to an 
Minor ancient tradition at one time current 

in the East, but later forgotten, which 
caused the Pyramus river to assume the name of 
JihUn (i.e. Gihon). This stream rises in the moun- 
tains N.E. of the Gulf of Alexandretta, and, taking a 
southwesterly course, flows into the Mediterranean 
near Karatash. Though nearer than the Ethiopian 
Cush, this is still too far W., and therefore unsatis- 
factory as an identification — all the streams or 
waterways of the Garden of Eden ought to flow 
through the same district. 

(3) The well-known country of Cush or Ethio- 
pia, from Syene (Ezk 29 10) southward — Egyp 
AdI, Bab KHiu, Assyr KiXsu, This 

4. The name sometimes denotes the land 
Ethiopian (Isa 11 11; 18 1; Zeph 3 10; Ezk 
Cush 29 10; Job 28 19; E^t 1 1; 8 9); 

sometimes the people (Isa 20 4; Jer 
46 9; Ezk 38 5); but is in many passages uncer- 
tain. Notwithstanding that the descendants of Ham 
are always regarded as non-Semites, the Ethiopians, 
Ge^ez, as they called themselves, spoke a Sem lan- 
guage of special interest on account of its likeness 
to Himyantic, and its illustration of certain forms 
in Ass3rro-Babylonian. These Cushites were in all 
probability migrants from another (more northerly) 
district, and akin to the Canaanites — like them, 
dark, but by no means black, and certainly not 
Negroes. W. Max MUller (Asien und Europa, 
113 n.) states that it cannot be proved whether the 
Egyptians had quite black neighbors (on the S.). 
In earlier times tney are represented as brown, and 
later as brown mingled with black, implying that 
negroes only came to their knowledge as a distinct 
and extensive race in comparatively late times. 
Moses' (first?) wife (Nu 12 1) was certainly there- 
fore not a Negress, but simply a Cushite woman, 
probably speaking a Sem language — ^prehistoric 
Ge^ez or Etniopian (see Cushite Woman). In all 
prrobability Sem tribes were classed as Hamitic 
simply because they acknowledged the supremacy 
of the Hamitic Egyptians, just as the non-Sem 
Elamites were set down as Semites (Gen 10 22) 
on account of their acknowledging Bab supremacy. 
It is doubtful whether the Hebrews, in ancient times, 
knew of the Negro race — ^they probably became 
acquainted with tnem long after the Egyptians. 

In the opinion of W. Max Miiller (A. und E., 
112), the Egjrptians, when they became acquainted 
with the Negroes, having no word to express this 
race, classed them with the nehese, which there- 
after included the Negroes. If the Heb name Phine* 

has (Pi^'fid^) be really Egyp, and mean "the 
black,'' there is still no need to suppose that this 

meant "the Negro," for no Israelite 
6. Nepoes would have borne a name with such a 
Probably signification. The treasurer of Candace 
not In- queen of Meroe (Acts 8 27-39)— the 

eluded Ethiopian eunuch — ^was an Abyssinian. 

not a Negro: and bein^ an educated 
man. was able to read the Heb Scriptures in the 
Gr (Sept) version. Cush (mdt Kusi, pr. Kushi) 
is frequently mentioned in the Assyr mscriptions 
in company with Melu^)^ (AferMa) to indicate 
Ethiopia and Meroe. See Eden; Ethiopia; Table 
OF Nations. T. G. Pinches 

CUSH, kush (tD13 , kusk; LXX Xotfcwt, Chou^ 
set J Ps 7 title) : A Benjamite, perhaps he that "was 
without cause" the "adversary" of David (cf 
Ps 7 4). See Cushi. 

CUSHAN, ka'shan: In the Ps of Habakkuk 
(Hab 3 7) "the tents of C." sre mentioned in an 
individualizing description of the effects of a the- 
ophany. Parallel is the phrase "the curtains of the 
land of Midian." LXX renders C, '^tp'O , kushdn, 
by KlBUnrutVj AithiSpdUy reading perhaps D'^tTl^, 
kushlniy or 1*^V^3, kushin (^9^3, kushin). The 
context indicates that the same land or people is 
intended as the OT elsewhere calls Cush, yet 
vaguely and not in any strict geographical usage 
that would limit it to Africa. 

CUSHAN-RISHATHAIM, kQ'shan-rish-Srth&'im 
(D^pytpi ]TJJ^3 ^ kuahan rish^athayim, tr**, or rather 
interpreted, as "man from Cush. he of the twofold 
crime"; LXX Xovo-apo-addi^L, Cfhousarsathdimf AV 
Chushan-rishathaim) : Mentioned in Jes 3 8-10 
as a kin^ of Mesopotamia who was chosen by 
God as his tool to chastise the Israelites for theu* 
idolatry. After Joshua's death the children of 
Israel soon b^an to affiliate themselves with the 
heathen peoples among whom they dwelt. This 
was the fertile source of all their troubles. God 
delivered ("sold") them into the hands of the 
heathen. C.-r. is the first whose name is given in 
this connection. Barring this short passage in Jgs 
nothing is known of the man. Eight years the 
Israelites were under his dominion, when the Lord 
raised up a deliverer to them, Othniel, the son of 
KenaZj Caleb's younger brother — the first of the 
judges. William Baur 


CUSHI, ku'shi : This name represents *^V0 , kushlf 
in the original (LXX Xovo-cC, Chouself Xovo-C, 
Chousi), either with or without the art. With the 
art. (so in 2 S 18 21-32 seven out of eight times, 
aU readings supported by LXX) it simply indi- 
cates that the person so designated was of the Cush- 
ite people, as in Jer 38 7 ff. Its use without the 
art. has doubtless developed out of the foregoing 
according to a familiar process. For the Cush of 
Ps 7, title read "Cushi" with LXX. 

(1) The messenger (RV "the Cushite") sent by 
Joab to acquaint David with the victory over 
Absalom. That this man was in fact a foreigner is 
indicated by his ignorance of a shorter path which 
Ahimaaz took, by his being unrecognized by the 
watchman who recognizes Ahimaaz, and by his 
ignorance, as compared with Ahimaaz, of the senti- 
ments of David, whom he knows only as a king 
and not as a man. 2 S 18 21 (twice, the second 
tune without the art.), 22.23.31 (twice), 32 (twice). 

(2) The great-grandfather of Jehudi, a contem- 
porary of Jeremian (Jer 36 14). The name Jehudi 
itself ("a man of Judah") is sufficient refutation of 
the opinion that the use of C. as or in lieu of a proper 




Cut, Cnttiiig 

name "seems to show that there were but few Cush- 
ites among the Israelites/' 

(3) The father of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph 
11). J. Oscar Boyd 

CUSHION, kd6sh'un (irpoo-icf^^aiov, proske- 
phdlaion): In NT, only in Mk 4 38 RV. The 
word means lit. a cushion for the head (AV "pillow") 
but was also used of one for sitting or reclining upon, 
e.g. of a rower's cushion. The art. used with it 
in this passage suggests that it was one of the cus- 
toniary furnishings of the boat, and it was probably 
similar to the cushion placed for the comfort of 
passengers in the stem of modern boats on the Sea 
of GaJUee. "Silken cushions" of Am 3 12 RV is 
a rendering of the Heb dhneahel^ from its supposed 
connection with damask. These cushions formed 
the divan, often the only article of fiu*niture in an 
oriental reception room. "Cushions" occurs further 
in the somewhat doubtful RVm rendering of Prov 
7 16; 31 22. Benjamin Reno Downer 

CUSHITE, kush'It: Whereas '^Tp'lS , kuahl, is ebe- 
where rendered Ethiopian, in 2 S 18 21-32 it is 
rendered Cushite in the RV (see Cushi and cf 
CuBHiTE Woman). Its pi., which occurs in Zeph, 
Dnl and 2 Ch, also in the form D*^^.tP^ , kushlylm^ 
in Am, is uniformly tr^ Ethiopians, following LXX. 
The other OT books use simply tD^D, kUsh, for 
people as well as land. 

Nu 12 1 Moses is condemned by his sister Miriam 
and his brother Aarpn "because of the Cush- 
ite woman [H'^V^n Hlj^^n , hd-ishak&h ?ia-kuahUh] 
whom he had married": and the narrator imme- 
diately adds by way of needed explanation, ",for 
he had married a Cushite woman" (n*^!?^ ^^'^^t 
^iahshdh khushUh), Views regarding this person 
have been of two general classes: (1) She is to be 
identified with Zipporah (Ex 2 21 and elsewhere), 
Moses' Midianitish wife, who is here called "the 
Cushite," either in scorn of her dark complexion 
(cf Jer 13 23) and foreign origin (so most older 
exepetes). or as a consequence of an erroneous 
notion of the late age when this apocryphal addi- 
tion, "because of the CJushite," etc, was inserted in 
the narrative (so Wellhausen). (2) She is a woman 
whom Moses took to wife after the death of Zip- 
porah, really a Cushite (Ethiopian) by race, whether 
the princess of Meroe of whom Jos (Ant, II, x, 2) 
romances (so Taraum of Jonathan), or one of the 
"mixed multitude^' (Ex 12 38; cf Nu 11 4) that 
acoompianied the Hebrews on their wanderings ^so 
Ewald and most ) . Dillmann suggests a compromise 
between the two classes of views, viz. that this 
woman is a mere "variation in the sa^a" from the 
wife elsewhere represented as Midianitish, yet 
because of this variation she was understood b^ 
the author as distinct from Zipporah. The impli- 
cation of the passage, in any case, is clearly that this 
connection oi Moses tended to injure his prestige 
in the eyes of race-proud Hebrews, and, equally, 
that in the author's opinion such a view of the 
matter was obnoxious to God. J. Oscar Boyd 

CUSTODY, kus't^-di (^7 , yOdh, mjjfi , p'lpid' 
dah): In Est 2 3.8 his.U, yddh, "the hand," is 
ta** "custody"; p'Ifudddh, "numbering," "chtirge": 
occurs in Nu. 3 36 RV "the appointed charge," 
m, Heb, "the office of the charge. 

CUSTOM, kus'tum (tax) : (a) ^bn , hMakh, Ezr 
4 13.20; 7 24 AV; (6) *lb2l, b*ld, Ezr 4 13, etc; 
(c) T€\ibptop, teUhiian, Mt99; Mk2 14; Lk 
6 27, "receipt of custom" AV, RV "place of toll," 

the collectors' office; (d) tAoi, Ulos, Mt 17 25 (RV 
"toll"); Rom IS 7; 1 Mace 11 35 (RV "tolls"; 
cf 1 Mace 10 31). The tax designated by hdl&kh 
in Ezr 4 13, etc, is usually taken to mean a road 
tax, a toll, from root hdlakh, but cf AOF, II, 
463, which derives from root Uku, a command, a 
decree, hence an imposed tax. BHo from root ydbhoL 
is supposed to be a tax on merchandise or produce 
(as distinguished from "tribute," or the tax on 
houses, lands and persons), usuall>r paid in kind and 
levied for the support of the native or provincial 
government. See Kyle, Cambridge Bible , Ezr-Neh, 
loc. cit. Telos in NT and Mace is an indirect tax 
farmed out to the pubUcans. 

Walter R. Betteridge 

CUSTOM, kus'tum (usage) : In the OT, except 
Gen 31 35 where RV renders, better, "manner" 
(=m» derekh, "way"), the words tr** "custom" are 
ho^f fiul^lfdhy "statute," and mishpOt, "judgment." 
Such passages as Jgs 11 39; Jer 32 11, and esp. 
Ezr 3 4 (AV "custom " RV "ordinance"), illus- 
trate the difficulty of deciding upon the proper tr 
in cases where "custom" might become statute," 
"usage" establish itself as "law." In Lev 18 30; 
Jer 10 3 the reference is to heathen religious prac- 

In the NT Lk 1 9; 2 42; Acts 6 14; 16 1 
(AV "manner"); 16 21; 21 21; 26 3; 28 17 
(iOos, ithoa)^ and Lk 2 27 from the same Gr root, 
refer Ukewise to definitely established religious 
practices; in every case except Acts 16 21, those of 
the Jewish law. The RV makes the tr of ethos 
uniform, reading "custom" in Lk 22 39 (AV "wont") 
and in Jn 19 40; Acts 26 16; He 10 25 (AV 
"manner"). Gr eZw^j, eioihds, from the same root, 
is rendered "custom" in Lk 4 16 by EV, and by 
RV also in Acts 17 2, its only other occurrence in 
the NT. In Jn 18 39; 1 Cor 11 16 "custom" is 
the tr of Gr sunitheia, in the sense of "usage" 
rather than of "law." F. K. Farr 

CUT, CUTTING (Pn?, karath, ri?, gSdha\ 
in^, kdhadh, Hip}, ndthah; diroK6«T«, apokdptd, 
4kk6«tc», ekkdpto) : Many Heb words are tr^ "cut." 
Of these kdrath, "to cut down, out, off," is the 
most freouent. As "cut off" it is used in the 
sense of laying or destro3ang (Gen 9 11; Dt 12 
29; 1 K 11 16; Ps 101 8, etc), abo for cutting 
off transgressors from the community of Jeh, which 
meant probably separation, or exclusion, rather 
than death or destruction (Gen 17 14; Ex 12 15. 
19). Other words are ddmam, "to be silent," 
"cease" (Jer 26 37 AV; 48 2); ffima^A, "to destroy" 
(Ps 54 5AV: 94 23, etc); gadhadh, "to cut one's 
self," is used of the cutting of one's flesh before 
heathen ^ods and in moumm^ for the dead, which 
was forbidden to the Israehtes (Dt 14 1; IK 
18 28; Jer 16 6; 41 5; 47 5); sere^, sdreieth, "in- 
cision," are also used of those "cuttings of the flesh" 
(Lev 19 28; cf 21 5). See Cuttings in the 
Flesh. The cutting of the hair of head and beard 
in mourning for the dead is referred to in Isa 16 2; 
"Every beard is cut off" (gadha'), and Jer 7 29, 
gazaz, "Cut off thy hair [RVm "thy crown"], O Jeru- 
salem" (cf Isa 22 12; Jer 16 6; Ezk 7 18; Am 8 
10). This early and widespread practice was also 
forbidden to the Israelites as being unworthv of 
them in their relation to Jeh (Lev 19 27 j Dt l4 1). 

Hdroshethy "carving " "engraving," is used for 
the "cutting of stones^* (Ex 31 5; 36 33). 

In the NT we have apokopto, "to cut away" 
(Mk 9 43.45; Gal 6 12 AV; see Concision); 
diaprioy "to saw through" (Acts 6 33, "they were 
cut to the heart"); dichoUmUo, "to cut in two" 
(Mt 24 51); sunt^no, "to cut together" (Rom 
9 28), "finishing it and cutting it short," i.e. 
"making it conclusive and brief." 



Among the changes of RV are "brought to si- 
lence" for "cut down" (Jer 26 37), also for "cut 
off" (Jer 49 26; 50 30); "sore wounded" for "cut 
in pieces" (Zee 12 3); for"cutoflf," "pass through" 
(Job 11 10), "gone" (Ps 90 10); "rolled up" (Isa 
38 12); "cut off" for "destroy" (Ps 18 40; 69 
4; 118 10.11.12); for "cut them in the head" 
(Am 9 1), "break them in pieces on the head of"; 
for "in the cutting ofif of my days" (Isa 38 10; 
Heb d-wi, "silence," "rest"), "noontide," m "Or, 
tranquillity" (Gesenius, Delitzsch, etc, "in the quiet 
of my days"); instead of. "I would that they were 
even cut off which trouble you" (Gal 6 12), ERV 
has "cut themselves off," m "mutilate themselves," 
ARV "go beyond circumcision," m "Gr mutilate 
themselves." W. L. Walker 

CUTH, kuth, CUTHAH, ku'tha (Pl'lS, kuih, 
n^^3, kvihdh; XovA, Chovd, XovvOd, Chounlhd): 
The longer writing is the better of the two, and gives 
the Heb form of the name of one of the cities from 
which Sargon of Assyria brought colonists to fill 
the places of the Israelites which he deported from 
Samaria in 772 BC (2 K 17 24.30). Probably in 
consequence of their predominating numbers, the 
inhabitants of Samaria in general were then called 
kuthlylm, or Cutheans. 

From contract-tablets found at Td-Ihrahtm by 

the late Hormuzd Rassam. on which the ancient 

name of the place is given as Gudua 

1. The or Kuldy it would seem that that is the 
Ruins of site which has to be identified with the 
Cuth«h Bib. Cuthah. It lies to the N.E. of 

Babylon, and was one of the most 
important cities of the Bab empire. The explorer, 
describes the ruins as being about 3,000 ft. in cir- 
cumference and 280 ft. high, and adjoining them on 
the W. lies a smaller mound, crowned with a sanc- 
tuary dedicated to Ibrahim (Abraham). From the 
nature of the ruins, Rassam came to the conclusion 
that the citv was much more densely i>opulated 
after the fall of Babylon than in earlier times. A 
portion of the ruins were in a very perfect state, 
and sugg&sted an unfinished building. 

The great temple of the city was called fl-meh- 
lanif and was dedicated to Nergal (cf 2 K 17 30), 

one of whose names was Me§lam-ta-^. 

2. The Both city and temple would seem to 
Temple have been old Sumerian foundations, 

as the name Gvdua and its later Sem 
form, Kutilf imply. 

LiTBBATURE. — Soo Rassam, A»9hur and the Land of 
Nimrod, 396, 409, and, for details of the worship of 
Nergal, PSBA, December, 1906, 203-18. 

T. G. Pinches 
CUTHA, kQ'tha (KovOd, KotUhd; 1 Esd 6 32, AV 
Coutha) : Head of a family of temple servants who 
returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon; not men- 
tioned in the canonical lists. 

CUTHAH. See Cuth, Cuthah. 

CUTHEAN, kfl-th5'an, CUTHITE, kuth'It. See 
Cuth; Samaritans. 

CUTTING ASUNDER. See Asunder; Pun- 

CUTTING OFF. See Concision; Punishments. 

CUTTINGS IN THE FLESH (t3nip , seret, r\'D'W , 
aareieth): For relatives or friends to cut or beat 
themselves even to free blood-flowing, especially 
in the violence of grief in mourning for their dead 
(see Burial; Mouknin«), was a Widely prevalent 
custom among ancient peoples, and is well-nigh uni- 
versal among uncivilized races today (see Spencer, 

Cutting the Flesh. 

Prin, of Soc.y 3d ed, I, 163 ff). The fact is abun- 
dantly attested for most of the nations of antiquity, 
but there are two notable exceptions, the Egyptians 
(Herod. ii.61, 85; Wilk., Anc. Egyp, II, 374), and 
the Hebrews (Dt 14 1; Lev 
21 5). According to Plutarch 
{Sol. 21) Solon forbade the 
women of Athens to beat them- 
selves to the e£fusion of blood, 
and the laws of the Twelve 
Tables, quoted by Cic. (De leg, 
ii.23) contained a like injunc- 
tion. Among the ancient Arabs 
the forbidden practice was as- 
sociated, as among the He- 
brews, with the cutting ofif of 
the hair (Wellhausen, Skizzen, 

That the prohibition among 
the Hebrews was urgently called 
for is made clear by the way it is 
dealt with by the Law and the 
prophets. The Law of Holiness reads: "Ye are 
the children of Jeh your God: ye shall not cut 
yourselves" (Dt 14 1), or "make any incision" 
(Onip, seret; Lev 19 28, fltt'lTp, sdreteth; LXX 
itn-ofdt^ eniomia) in the flesh "for the dead." Prob- 
ably the earliest reference to the custom as actually 
prevalent among the Hebrews is in Hos 7 14(ERVm). 
It was widely prevalent in the time of Jeremiah among 
his countrymen, even as among the Philis (Jer 47 5) 
and the Moabites (48 37; cf Am 8 10; Isa 3 24; 
16 2; 22 12; Mic 1 16; Ezk 7 18). 

In seeking for the reason or purpose underlying 
all such prohibitions, we may note, first, that the 
"cuttings and "baloness" forbidden are alike said 
to be "for the dead." Not less explicitljr are they 
said to be incompatible with Israel's unique rela- 
tion to Jeh — a relation at once of sonship (Dt 14 
1) and of consecration (14 2). Moreover such 
mutilations of the body are always dealt with as 
forming part of the religious rites of the heathen 
(as of the Canaanitish Baal [1 K 18 28] note "after 
their manner," see art. in HDB, s.v.). Both such 
shedding of blood and the dedication of the hair are 
found in almost all countries of that day in intimate 
connection with the rituals of burial and the pre- 
vailing belief in the necessity of propitiating the 
spirit of the deceased. The conclusion, then, seems 
clearly warranted that such tokens of grief were pro- 
hibit^ because they carried with them inevitably 
ideas and associations distinctly heathen in char- 
acter and so incompatible with the pure reUgion of 
Jeh, and unworthy of those who had attained to the 
dignity of the sons ("children") of Jeh. See also 
Mark; Stigmata. 

Literature. — Benzinger, Heb ArcA., J23;Nowack, Heb 
Arch., I, 33 f ; Tylor. Prim. CuU^ W. R. Smith. Rel Sem, 
Lect IX; and Comm.. Knobel-DIUmann. Ex- Let on Lev 
19 28; Driver, Dt on 14 1; and Lightfoot. Gal on 6 17. 

Geo. B. Eager 

CYAMON, sT'a-mon (Kva|ii6v, Ktiam&n, Jth 7 
3): Probably identical with Jokneam (q.v.). 

CYMBAL, sim'bal. See Music. 

CYPRESS, sl'pres. See Holm Tree. 

CYPRIANS, sip'ri-ans (KWptoi, Kuprioi): Oc- 
curs in 2 Mace 4 29. Menelaus who was high 
priest at Jerus, and Sostratus who was governor of 
the citadel, were summoned by King Antiochus 
to appear before him. "Menelaus left his own 
brother Lysimachus for his deputy in the high- 
priewthood; and Sostratus left Crates, who was over 
the Cyprians." The Cyprians were the inhabi- 
tants of the island of Cypras. Biirnabas, who was 
Paul's associate on his first missionary journey, was 


a Cyprian (K-uprios; see AcW i 36). RV desig- 
nates him as a man of Cyprus. The governor of 
the island was called a Cypriarch (aoe 2 Mace IS 
2, and cf Abiarch). A. W. Fortune 

CYPRUS, sl'prus (K^pM, K^pros): An island 
ntuated near the N.E. corner of the Levant, in an 

angle formed by the coasts of Cilicia 
1. Name and Syria. In the OT it is called Eit- 

tim, after the name of its Phoen capital 
Kition. The identification is expressly made by 
Job (AtU, I, vi, 1) and by the Cyprian "bishop Epi- 
phanius {Haer., kxs.25). In the tablets from Tell ■ 
el-Amama It is referred to as Alashia (E. Meyer, 
Geach. dea Allertkuma, I', §499), in Egyp records as 
Aai, while in the Assjr cuneiform inscnptions it is 
named Yavnan. 

The [sluid la tbs Isrgwt In the Mediterranean with the 
exception of Sardinia and Sidl]'. lis area belns about 

3,584 «. miles. It Ile« In 34° SC-M" 41' 
9. Reov- N. latitude and 32° 16'-34'' 36' B. lougl- 
A. UBOg j^^g_ jj^jy ^ ^j[^ distant from the near- 
npby est point ol the ClUdan coaat and 60 miles 

Irom the 9)^an. Thus from the northern 
re o( the taland the laalnland ot Ada Minor Is clearlr 

TldtdD and Ml. Lebiuion can be seen Ir 


ably lertlle. 

Crprus Ih rlchlr endowed bj' nature. Its tmita and 
flowen were famous In antiquity. StrabO, writing under 
AuKustui. sp^UcB of It as produdng wine 
9. Products and oil in abundance and com suffldenC 
for the needs ol Its Inhabitants (XIV. 
684). The elder Pliny reTarH to Cyprian salt, alum, 
Kypsum. mica, unguentB, laudanum, Btorai, revin and 
predouB stonea. Including agate, jaaper, amethyat, lapli 
lazuU and Beveral apedeH of rodnxygtal. His list 
Includes the diamond (ixxvUfiS) and the emerald 
(xiivll.S, 68). but there la reason to believe Chat under 
these names a variety of rock-crystal and tjie beryl are 
Intended. The chief source of the Island's wealth, bow- 
ever, lav In its mines and foresU. Sliver Is mentioned 
by StrabO (loc. dt.) among its [k«<Iuc(b; copper, which 
was <»lled by ttie Greeks after the name of the island. 
waseiteoslvMy mined there from the earlleM period down 
to the Middle Ages; Iron too was found in considerable 
quantities from the 0th cent. untU Bom times. Scared 
less important were the forests, which at an early date 
are Bald to have covered almost the whole island. The 
cypress aeems to have been the principal tree, but Pliny 
tdts of a giant cedar, 130 Bom feet In height, failed In 
Cyprus <ivl.203). and the Island aupplled limber tor 
■hlpbulldlng to many successive powers. 

The ori^al inhabitants of Cyprus appear to 
have been a race akin to the peoples of Asia Minor. 

Its vast resources in copper and timber 
4. Early gained for it a considerable importance 
HivtOiT and wide commercial relations at a 

very remote period. Its wealth at- 
tracted the attention of Baoylonia and Egypt, and 
there is reason to believe that it was conquered by 
Sargon l^ina of Accad, and about a millennium 
later by ThotWes III, of the XVIIIth Egyptian 
Dj^iaBty (1501-1447 BC). But the influences 
vhich molded its dvilization came from other 
quarteni also. Excavation has shown that in 
Cyprus were several seats of the Minoan culture, 
ana there can be httle doubt that it was deeplv 
influenced by Crete. The Minoan writingmay well 
be the source of the curious Cyprian syllabic script, 
which continued in use for the representation of the 
Grianguagedown to the4thcent. BC (A. J. Evans, 

Scripla Minoa, I). But the Minoan origin of the 
Cyprian Hyllabary is atill doubtful, for it may 
have been derived from the Hittite hieroglyphs. 
Phoen influences too were at nark, and the Phoen 
settiemenis — Cilium, Amathua, Paphos and others 
— go back to a very early date. The break-up of 
the Minoan civilization was followed by a "Dark 
Age," but later the island received a number of Gr 
Eettlers from Arcadia and other Hellenic states, as 
we judge nut only from Gr tradition but from the 
evidenoeof the Cyprian dialent, which is closely akin 
to the Arcadian. In 700 BC Sorgon II of Assyria 
made himself master of Cyprus, and tribute was 
paid by its seven princes to him and to his grand- 
son, iWhaddon (681-067 BC). The overthrow 
of the Assyr Empire probably brought with it the 
independence of Cyprus, but it was conquered 
afresh by Aahmes (Amaais) of Egypt {Herod, ii. 
1S2) who retained it till his death in 626 BC: but 
in the following year the defeat of his son and suc- 
cessor Psamtek 111 (Psammenitus) by Cambysee 
brought the island under Pers dominion (Herod. 
iu.19, 91). 

In 501 the Gr inhabitants led by Onesilus, brother 
of the reigning prince of Salamia, rose in revolt 

against the Persians, but were deeisive- 
B. Cyprus ly beaten (Herod. v.l04 ff), and in 480 
and the we find 150 Cyprian ships in the navy 
Greeks with which Xerxes attacked Greece 

(Herod . vii.90) . The attempts of 
Pausanias and of Cimon to win Cyprus tor the 
Hellenic cause met with but poor success, and the 
withdrawal of the Athenian forces from. the Levant 
after their great naval victory oS Salamis in 449 
was followed by a stronK anti-Hellenic movement 
throughout the island led by Abdemoii, prince of 
Citium. In 411 Euagoras ascended the throne of 
Salamis and set to work to assert Hellenic influence 
and to champion Hellenic civilization. He joined 
with Pharnabazus the Pers satrap and Conon the 
Athenian to overthrow the naval power of Sparta 
at the battle of Cnidus in 394, and in 3ST revolted 
from the Persians. He was followed by his son 
Nicocles, to whom laocrates addressed the famous 
pan^ync of Euagoras and who formed the subject 
of an enthusiastic eulogy by the same writer. 
Cyprus seems later to liave fallen once again under 
Pers rule, but after the battle of Issus (333 BC) it 
voluntarily gave in its submission to Alexander the 
Great and rendered him valuable aid at the siege 
of Tyre. On his death (323) it fell to the share of 
IHolemy of Egypt. It was, however, seized by 
Demetrius Pohorcetes, who defeated Ptolemy in a 
hotly contested battle off Satamis in 306. But 
eleven ^ears later it came into the hands of the 
Ptolemies and remained a province of I^ypt or a 
separate but dependent kingdom until the inter- 
vention of Rome (cf 2 Mace 10 13). We hear 
of a body of Cyprians, under the command of a 
certain Crates, serving among the troops of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes of Syria and forming part of the 
'son of Jerus about 172 BC (2 Mace « 29). 
interpretation of the passage seems preferable 
to that according to which Crates had been governor 
of Cyprus under the Ptolemies before entering the 
service of Antiochus. 

In 58^ BC the Romans resolved to incorporate 
Cyprus in their empire and Marcus Porciua Cato 

was intrusted with the task of its 
6. Cyprus annexation. The rdgning prince, a 
and Rome brother of Ptolemy Auletes of Egypt, 

received the offer of an honoraole 
retirement as high priest of Aphrodite at Paphos, 
but he preferred to end hia life by poison, and treas- 
ures amounting to some 7,000 talents passed into 
Rom hands, together with the island, which was 
attached to the province of Olitna. In the parti- 




tion of the Kom empire between Senate and Em- 
peror, Cyprus was at first (27-22 BC) an imperial 

J--1 fjyj^ Cassius Iiii.l2), administered oy " 

to the Senate together with southern Gaul in ex- 
change for Dalmatia (Dio Caaaius liii.12; Uv.4) 
and was Bubaequently governed by ex-praetors 
bearing the honorary title of proconsul and residing 
at Paphoa. The names of aoout a score of these 
governors are known to ue from ancient authors, 
inscriptions and coins and will be found in D. G. 
Hogarth, Devia Cypria, App. Among them is Ser- 
giuB Paulus, who wasproconsulat the time of Paul's 
. visit to PaphoB in 46 or 47 AD, and we may notice 
that the title applied to him by the writer of the 
Acts (13 7) ia stnctly accurate. 

Coin ol Cyprus under Emperor Clkudius. 

The pro^dmity of Cyprus to the Syrian coast 
rendered it easy of access from Pal, and Jews had 

Erobably begun to settle there evtn 
efore the tinie of Alexander the Great. 
Mid tho Certainly the number of Jewish resi- 

Tewfl dents under the Ptolemies was con- 

siderable (1 Mace IS 23; 2 Mace 13 
2) and it must have been increased later when the 
copper mines of tbe island were farmed to Herod 
the Great (Jos, Ant, XVI, iv, 5; XIX, xxvi 28; 
ct CIG, 2628). We shall not be surprised, there- 
fore, to find that at Salamis there was more than 
one synagogue at the time of Paul's visit (Acts 18 
6). In 116 AD the Jews of Cyprus rose in revolt 
and massacred no fewer than 240,000 Gentiiee. 
Hadrian crushed the rising with great severity and 
drove all the Jews from the island. Henceforth 
no Jew might set foot upon it, even under stress of 
shipwreck, on pain of death (Dio Casaius Ixviii.32), 
In the life of the early church Cyprus played an 
important part. Among the Chnstiaos who fied 
from Judaea in consequence of the 
8. The persecution which followed Stephen's 

Qiurch death were some who "travelled as far 

in Cyprus as Phoenicia, and Cyprus" (Acts 11 
19) preaching to the Jews only. 
Certain natives of Cyprus and Cyrene took a 
further momentous step in preaching at Antioeh 
to the Greeks also (Acts 11 20). Even before 
this time Joseph Barnabas, a Levite bom in 
CVprus (Acts 1 36), was prominent in the early 
Christian community at Jems, and it was in his 
native island that he and Paul, accompanied by 
Barnabas' nephew, John Mark, began their first 
missionary journey (Acts 13 4). After landing at 
Salamis they passed "through the whole island ' to 
Paphos (Acts IS 6), probably visiting the Jewish 
synagogues in its cities. The Peutingcr Table tells 
ua of two road's from Salamis to Paphos in Eom 
times, one of which ran inland by way of Tre- 
mithus, Tamassus and SoU, a journey of about 4 
days, while the other and easier route, occupying 
some 3 days, ran along the south coast by way of 
Otium, Amathus and Curium. Whether the 
"early disriple," Mnason of Cyprus, was one of the 
converts made at this time or had previously em- 
braced Christianity we cannot determine (Acts 

21 16). Barnabas and Mark revisited Cyprus later 
(Acts IB 39), but Paul did not again land on the 
island, though he sighted it when, on his last journey 
to Jerus, he sailed south of it on his way from Patara 
in Lycia to Tyre (Acts 21 3), and again when on 
his journey to Home he sailed "under the lee of 
Cyprus," that is, along its northern coast, on the 
way from Sidon to Myra in Lycia (Acts 37 4). 
In 401 AD the Council of Cyprus was convened, 
chiefly in consequence of the efforts of TheophiJua 
of Alexandria, the inveterate opponent of Ori- 
senism, and took measures to check the reading of 
Origen s works. The island, which was divided 
into 13 bishoprics, was declared autonomous in the 
fith cent,, after the alleged discovery of Matthew's 
Gospel in the tomb of Barnabas at Salamis. The 
bishop of Salamis was made metropolitan by the 
emperor Zeno with the title "archbishop of aJl 
Cyprus," and his successor, who now occupies the 
see of Nicosia, still enjoys the privilege of signing 
his name in red ink and is primate over the three 
other bishops of the island, those of Paphos, Kition 
and Kyrenia, all of whom are of metropolitan rank. 
Cyprus remained la tbe possession of the Rom and 
tbeu of the Byzantine emperon. though twice overrun 

and temporajlly occupleiTby the SanKens. 
A Later until 11S4. when Its ruler, Isaac Caaui»- 
S-rr! nu«, broke away from ConMantinople aitd 

uisroiy declared hinueli an Independent emperor. 

Prom him It was wrested In 1191 by the 
Crusaders under Richard I ot Eoglaod, who bestowed 
It on Guy de Luslgnan. the titular long of Jerus. and his 
doKendoDts. In 1489 It wu ceded to tbe Venetians 
by Catherine ComarOi widow of Jamee II. tbn last ot 
tbe Luslgnan Idngs. and nmained In their bands until 
It waa captured by tba Ottoman Turks under 8u]ud 
Sellm tl. who invaded and subJugiLtod the Island In 1570 
and laid etege to Paniagllsta, which, after a heroic 
defence, catdtulated on August l. 1571. Since that time 
Cyprus has formed part of the Turkish emidre. In spite 
of serious revolts In 17M and 1823; 
baa been occupied and administered by the British irav- 
. subject to an annual paynieiit to,the Sutumie 

than a Bfth were Moslems and the remainder chleQy 
members of tbo Or Orthodox church. 

exhaustive bibliography will be 

im. An AUempI at a BibUoffraphy of 

i^uprui, miiiBiB, vui ed. 1900. The following worlu 
may be specially mentioned: E. Oliorhummer, Aix 
Ciipera, Berlin, 1890-OZ: Sludien lur alien Ceoirrapjti* 
ron Kiiprot. Munich, 1891: A. SakeUarloa, Td Ku.p«i<i. 
Athens, ISSO-ei. Roferonces in ancient sources are 
co1loct«d In J. Meursius, C]/pra». Amsterdam, 1Q75, and 
W. Engel. Kuproi. Berlin, 1»41. Per Cyprian archae- 
ology see P. Gardner, Itiic Chapleri in Or Hiiloru. ch 

vi, London, ' ■ ■' "---•-■'-- 

Rlchwr Cal 

r, Nta Ckapltri in Or Hiton,. ch 
_. J. L, Myreo and M. Ohnefalsch- 
M o/tlit Ciipru. ^Msum, Oiford 1 — 

MlTO „ 

11th «d. TO, 697 H. For eieavatlons, ., 

HilUnic Sludia. IX. XI,_XII, XVII, and Exra«uionii» 
Cvprui. London (Brilisb Museum], 1900: for art. G, Per- 
rot and C, Chlpiez, Art <n PKotniexa and Cvprm, ET, 
London, IfSS: for coins. B. V. Head, H>.lma N^^morum. 
Oxford. 1911: for Inscriptions. SammUna der aritclt. 
Dialiki-Inickrijitn, I. GmUngen, 1SS3; tor the Cyprian 
church, J. Hacketl. HUlory of IKi Orlhodat Church of 
Cyprui, London, 1901 ; for authorities on mediaeval and 
modem history, C. D. Cobham. Enc Bril. 11th ed. VII. 

MARcua N. Tod 
CYRAHA, si-ra'ma, ur'a-ma. See Kiraiu. 

CYKEHE, Bl-re'n6 (SMffirt], Kurini, "wall"): 
Cyrene was a city of Libya in North Africa, lat. SZ" 

W N., long. 22° 15' E. It lay W. of 
1. Location ancient Ekypt, from which it was 

separated ^ a portion of the Libyan 
desert, and occupied the territory now belonging to 
Barca and Tripoli. It was situated upon an ele- 
vated plateau about 2,000 ft. above the sea, from 
which it was distant some 10 miles. A high range 
of mountains lies to the S., about 00 miles inland. 
This shelters the coast Wd from the scorching 


heat of the Sahara. The range drope down toward 
the N. in a Beriea of terrace-like elevations, thus 
^ving to the re^on a great variety of climate and 
VKetataon. The soil is fertile, 

Cyrene was originally a Gr coIodv founded by 
Battus in 630 BC. Because of the fertility of the 
soil, the great variety in climate and 
2. Sstoiy v^etation, together with its commer- 
cial advantages in location, the city 
soon rose to great wealth and importAnce. Greater 
fame, however, came to it through its diatinguiahed 
dtJc^. It was the home of Callimachus the poet, 
Cameacles the founder of the New Academy at 
Athens, and Eratosthenes the mathematician. To 
these must be added, from later timM, the elegant 
ancient Christian writer Syneaius. So important 
did this Gr colony become that, in little more than 
half a century, Amasis 11 of ^to'Pt formed an 
alliance with Cyrene, marryinK a Gr lady of noble, 
perhaps royal, birth (Herod, ii.181). Ptolemy III 
(Euergetes I), 231 BC, incorporated Cyrene with 
Egypt. The city continued, though with much 
restlessness, a part of the Eg™ empire until Apion, 
the last of the Ptolemies, willed it to Rome. It 
henceforth belonged to a Rom province. 

In the middle of the 7th cent., the conquering 
Saracens took possesdon of Cyrene, and from that 
time to this it has been the habitation of wandering 
tribes of Arabs, 

Cyrene comes into importance in Bib. histoiy 
through the dispersion of the Jews. Ptolemy 1, 
son of Lagus, transported Jews to this 
a. Bfbliaa and other cities of Libya (Job, CAp, 
Importance II, 4) and from this time on Jews wore 
very numerous there. By the return 
of the Jews of the Dispersion to the feasts at Jerus, 
CMenians came t« hare a conspicuous place in the 
NT history. "A man of Cyrene, Simon by name," 

in his sermon on that occamon (Acts 3 10). Cy- 
renian Jews were of sufficient importance in those 
days to have their name associated with a syna- 
gf^ue at Jerus (6 9). And when the persecution 
aroee about Stephen, some of these Jews of Cyrene 
who had been converted at Jerus, were scattered 
abroad and came 'with others to Antioch and 
TO<eached the word "unUt the Jews only" (11 19. 
20 AV}, and one of them, Lucius, became a prophet 
Id the early church there. In this case, as in so 
man^ others, the wise providence of God m the dis- 
persion of the Jews in preparation for the spread 
of the gospel of the MeaaiaJi is seen. 

Coin ot Cyrene. 

In the ruins of Cvrene are to be seen the remains 
of some beautiful Suildings, and a few seuiptures 

have been removed. The most inter- 
4. Archae- esting remains of the wondrous civil- 
olog; ization of this Gr colony are in a great 

system of tombs, some built, but the 
finest cut in the solid rock of the cliff. Doric archi- 

tecture and brilliant decorative painting adorn 
these tombs. 

Lite HA TDRR.— Herod, lij Job. CAp; Thrlge, Rti Ctfr*> 

"""'"""' M. G. Ktu! 

CYKERUIT, fd-re'ni-an, CTREIIIANS (Kvpn- 
vatoti Kurinaios, "a native or inhabitant of 
Cyrene"): Two Jews of Cvrene are mentioned in 
the NT, viz. Simon (Mk 16 21 and Lk 33 26 AV) 
who was impressed to bear the Lord's cross (Mk 
IB 21 RVm), and Lucius, a Christian teacher at 
Antioch (Acta 13 1). See Cybene; Lucius; SlMON. 

For Cyrenians see Cvrene. 

CTRIA, sir'i-a (Kupta, KiiHa) : The word means 
"lady," feminine of lord, and it is so tr^ in AV and 
(he text of RV (2 Jn ver 5 RVm). But it is 
possible that the word is a proper name, and this 
possibility is recognized by placing Cjfria, the usual 
transliteration of the word, in the marfpn by RV. 

CYS.DS, sl'rus (ITl'O, kSre»h; Old Pers Kurul; 
Bab Kur\T](a, Kur\r]ahi; Gr KOpot, K^ro*. 2 Ch 
30 22, etc): 

1. Genealogy of Cynu 

2. HIb Country. Auiui or Anian 

3. HlH Origin (HerodoCia) 

4. "' '" iXenophonl 

B. " " (Nieolaia of DamMCUB) 

B. ■■ ■' (CMBlas) 

7. Battylonlui Records o( RU Reign — the Cylinder <rt 

10. The Cylinder of Cyrus 

— The Capture of Babylon 

tsbyloniuu Accept Him T 

The son ot the earlier Cambygcs, of the royal race 
of the Achemenians. His genealogy, as given by 

himself, is as follows: I am (^rus, 
1. Gene~ king of the host, the great king, the 
alogy of mighty king, king of Tindir (Babylon], 
Cyrus king of the land of Sumem and AkkadQ, 

king of the four rc^ons, son of Cam- 
byses, the great king, king of the city AnSan, grand- 
son of Cyrus, the great king, king of the city Anfnn, 
;a1>^randson of SiSpiS [Teispes], the great king. 


ot the city A 

1, the all-enduT 

royal seed 

sovereignty Bel and Nebo love, etc (WAI, 
V, pi. 35, 20-22). 

As, in the Bab inscriptions, Ai$an ^Ani&n, 
Anzan) is eiqilained as Elam — the dty was, in tact, 
the capital of that country — it is 
S. His probable that Cyrus' name was Elam- 

Countiy, it«; but the meaning is doubtful. The 
Anian or old Gr etymology connecting it with 
Anzan khor. "the sun," in Perman, may there- 

fore be rejected. According to Strabo, 
he was at first called AgradatSs, the name by which 
he was universally known being taken from that 
of the river Cyrus. This, however, is more likely 
lo have been the reason why his grandfather (after 
whom he was probably named) was called Cyrus, 

Several versions o! hia birth and rise to power are 
recorded. Herodotus (i.95) mentions three. In 
that which he quotes (i.lOTfF), it is said 
3> His that Mandane was the dat^ter of the 

Origin Median king Astyages, who, in eon- 

(Herodotus) sequence ot a dream which he bad 
had, furetelUng the ultimate triumph 
of her son over his dynasty, gave her in marriage to 
a Persian named Cambyses, who was not one ot his 




peers. A second dream caused him to watch for 
her expected ofTspring, and when C^^us came into 
the world Astyages delivered the child to his rela- 
tive, Harpagus, with ordex^ to destro>r it. Being 
un^mling to do this, he handed the infant to a 
shepherd named Mitradates^ who, his wife having 
brou^t forth a still-bom child, consented to spare 
the hfe of the infant C3ms. Later on, in conse- 
quence of his imperious acts, C3rrus was recognized 
by Astyages. who came to learn the whole story, 
and spar^ liim because, having once been made 
king by his companions in play, the Magians held 
the predictions concerning his ultimate royal state 
to have been fulfilled. The venp^eance taken by 
Astyages upon Htirpagus for his apparent dis- 
obedience to orders is well known: nis son was 
slain, and a portion, disguised, given him to eat. 
Though filled with grief, Harpagus concealed his 
feeUngs, and departed with the remains of his son's 
body; and C>tus, in due course, was sent to stay 
with his parents, Cambvses and Mandane. Later 
on, Harpagus persuadea Cyrus to induce the Per- 
sians to revolt, and Astyages having blindly ap- 
pointed Harpagus commander-in-chief of the 
Median anny, the last-named went over to the side 
of Cyrus. The result was an easy victory for the 
latter, but Astyages took care to impale the Magians 
who had advised him to spare his grandson . Having 
gathered another, but smaller, army, he took the 
field in person, but was defeated and captured. 
Cyrus, however, who became king of Media as well 
as of Persia, treated him honorably and well. 

According to Xenophon, Cyropaedia i. § 2, Cam- 
byses, the father of Cyrus, was king of Persia.^ 
Until his 12th year, C3rrus was educa- 
4. His ted in Persia, when he was sent for. 

Origin with his mother, by Astyages, to whom 

(Xenophon) he at once manifested much affection. 
Astyages is said to have been succeeded 
by his son Cyaxares, and Cyrus then became his 
commander-in-chief, subduing, amon^ others, the 
Lydians. He twice defeated the Assynans ( « Baby- 
lonians), his final conquest of the country being 
while the Median king was still alive. As, however, 
the Cyropaedia is a romance, the historical details 
are not of any great value. 

Nicolaus of Damascus describes Cyrus as the 
son of a Mardian bandit named Atradates, his 
mother's name being ArgostS. While 
6. Nicolaus in service in the palace of Astyages, 
of Dam&s- he was adopted by Artembares, a 
Ctts cupbearer, and thus obtained promi- 

nence. Cyrus now made his bandit- 
father satrap of Persia, and, with base ingratitude, 
plotted against his king and benefactor. The 
preparations for a revolt haying been made, he and 
his general Oibaras were victorious at Hyrba, but 
were defeated at Parsagadae, where ms father 
Atradates was captured and later on died. Cyrus 
now took refuge in his mountain home^ but the 
taunts of the women sent him and his helpers 
forth again, this time to victory and dominion. 

Ctesias also states that there was no relation- 
ship between Cyrus and Astyages (Astyigas), who, 
when Cyrus conquered Media, fled to 
6. His Ecbatana, and was there hidden by 

Origin his daughter Am3rtis, and Spitamas her 

(Ctesias) husband. Had not Astyages yielded. 
Cyrus, it is said, would have tortured 
them, with their children. Cyrus afterward libera- 
ted Astyages, and married his daughter Amytis, 
whose husband he had put to death for telling a 
falsehood. The Bactrians are said to have been so 
satisfied at the reconciliation of Cyrus with Asty- 
ages and his daughter, that they voluntarily sub- 

1 He may have added Persia to his dominion, but ao- 
cordlDg to Cyrus himseLf, he was king of AnSan or Elam. 

mitted. Cyrus is said by Ctesias to have been 
taken prisoner by the Sacae, but he was ransomed. 
He died from a wound received in battle with the 
Derbices, assisted by the Indians. 

In the midst of so much uncertainty, it is a relief 
to turn to the contemporary documents of the Baby- 
lonians, which, though they do not 

7. Baby- speak of Cyrus' youth in detail, and 
Ionian refer only to other periods of his career 
Records of in which they were more immediately 
His Reign interested, may nevertheless, being 
— ^the CvU contemporary, be held to have an 
inder of altogether special authority. Accord- 
Nabonidtts ing to the inscriptions, the conflict with 

Astyages took p\&ce in 549 BC. 
From the cylinder of Nabonidus we learn that 
the Medes had been very successful in their war- 
like operations, and had gone even as far afield 
as Haran, which they had besieged. The Baby- 
lonian King Nabonidus desired to carry out the 
instructions of Merodach, revealed in a dream, 
to restore the temple of Sin, the Moon-god, in that 
city. This, however, in consequence of the si^e, 
he could not do, and it was revealed to him in a 
dream that the power of Astyages would be over- 
thrown at the end of three years^ which happened 
as predicted. "They [the gods Sm and Merodach] 
then caused Cyrus, king of Anzan, his [Merodach's] 
young servant^ witn his little army, to rise up against 
him [the Median]; he destroyed the wide-spreading 
Umman-manda [Medes], IStuwegu [Astyages], king 
of the Medes, he captured, and took [himj prisoner 
to his [own] land.'' The account of this engagement 
in the Babylonian Chronicle (which is, perhaps, Cy- 
rus' own), is as follows: "[Astyages] gathered his 
army, and went against Cyrus, kmg of AnSan, to 

capture him, and [as for] Astyages, his 

8. The army revolted against him and took 
Babylonian him, and gave him to Cyrus. Cyrus 
Chronicle went to the land of EcbatanaMiis royal 

city. He carried off from Ecbatana 
silver, gold, furniture, merchandise, and took to the 
land of An§an the furniture and merchandise which 
he had captured." 

The above is the entry for the 6th year of Na- 
bonidus, which corresponds with 549 BC; and it 
will be noticed that he is here called "king of Anfian." 
The next reference to Cyrus in the Bab Chronicle 
is the entry for Nabonidus' 9th year (646 BC) . where 
it is stated that "Cyrus, king of the land of Parsu 
[Persia], fathered his army, and crossed the Tigris 
below Arbela," and in the following month (lyyar) 
entered the land of I§- . • • • i where someone seems 
to have taken a bribe, garrisoned the place, and 
afterward a king ruled there. The passage, how- 
ever, is imperfect, and therefore obscure, but we 
may, perhaps, see therein some preparatory move 
on the part of Cyrus to obtain possession of the 
tract over which Nabonidus claimed dominion. 

The next year (545 BC) there seems to have been 
another move on the part of the Persians, for the 
Elamite governor (7) is referred to, and had appar- 
ently some dealings with the governor of Erech. 
All this time thin^ seem to have been the same in 
Babylonia, the kmg's son (he is not named, but 
apparently Belshazzar is meant) and the soldiers 
remaining in Akkad (possibly used in the old sense 
of the word, to indicate the district around Sippar), 
where it was seemingly expected that the main 
attack would be delivered. The reference to the 
governor of Erech might imply that some con- 
spiracy was on foot more to the south — a movement 
of which the native authorities possibly remained in 

After a gap. which leaves four years unaccounted 
for, we have traces of four lines which mention the 
goddess I§tar of Erech, and the gods of the land 




of Par .... (?Persia) are referred to. After this 
comes the long entry, which, though the date is 
broken away, must refer to the 17th 
9. The year of Nabonidus. A royal visit to a 

Chronicle — temple is referred to, and there is men- 
the Capture tion of a revolt. Certain religious cere- 
of Babylon monies were then performed, and others 
omitted. In the month Tanmiuz, Cyrus 
seems to have fought a battle in Opis, and succeeded 
in attacking the army of Akkaa situated on the 
Tigris. On the 14th of the month, Sippar was taken 
without fighting, and Nabonidus ned. On the 16th 
Ugbaru (Gobryas) governor of Media, entered Baby- 
lon, with the army of Cyrus, without fighting, and 
there Nabonidus was captured with his followers. 
At this time E-saggil and the temples of the land 
seem to have been closed, possibly to prevent the 
followers of Nabonidus from taking sanctuary 
there, or else to prevent plotters from coming forth; 
and on the 3d of Marcheswan (October), Cyrus 
entered Babylon. "Crowds collected before him, 
proposing peace for the city; Cyrus, conmiand the 
peace of Babylon, all of it." Gobryas, his vice- 
regent, then appomted governors in Babylon, and 
the gods whom Nabonidus had taken down to 
Babylon, were returned to their shrines*. On the 
night of the 11th of Marcheswan, Ugbaru went 
against (some part of Babylon), and the son of the 
kmg died; and there was mourning for him from 
the 27th of Adar to the 3d of Nisan (six days). 
There is some doubt as to whether the text speaks 
of the king or the son of the king, but as there is a 
record that Nabonidus was exiled to Carmania, it 
would seem most likely that the death of Belshazzar 
**in the night" is here referred to. The day after 
the completion of the mourning (the 4th of Nisan), 
Cambyses, ^n of Cyrus, performed ceremonies in 
the temple E-nig-^ad-kalamma, probably in con- 
nection with the new year's festival, for wmch Cyrus 
had probably timed his arrival at Babylon. Accord- 
ing to Herodotus (i.l91), Babylon was taken dur- 
inga festival, agreeing with Dnl 6 1 fif. 

The other inscription of Cyrus, discovered by 
Mr. H. Rassam at Babylon, is a kind of proclamation 

Sstifying his seizure of the crown, 
e states that the gods (of the various 
Cylinder cities of Babylonia) forsook their 
of Cyrus dwellings in anger that he (Nal^onidus) 
had made them enter within Su-anna 
(Babylon). Merodach, the chief divinity of Baby- 
lon, sought also a just king, the desire of his heart, 
whose hand he might hold — Cyrus, king of AnSan, 
he called his title — ^to all the kingdoms together 
(his) name was proclaimed. 

The glory of Cyrus' conquests probably appealed 
to the Babylonians, for Cyrus next states that Mer- 
odach placed the whole of the troops of Quttl (Media) 
under his feet, and the whole of the troops of the 
Manda (barbarians and mercenaries). He also 
caused his hands to hold the people of the dark head 
(Asiatics, including the Babylonians) — in righteous- 
ness and justice he cared for them. He commanded 
that he shoiild go to his city Babylon, and walked 
by his side like a friend and a companion — ^without 
fighting and battle Merodach caused him to enter 
§u-anna. By his high conmiand, the kings of 
every region from the upper sea to the lower sea 
(the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf), the kings 
of the Amorites, and the dwellers in tents, brought 
their valuable tribute and kissed his feet within 
Su-anna (Babylon). FVom Nineveh(?), the city 
Afidur, Susa, Asad^, the land of E&nunnak, Zamban, 
M6-Tumu. and D6ii, to the borders of Media, the 
gods inhabiting them were returned to their shrines, 
and all the people were collected and sent back to 
their dwelhngs. He finishes by soliciting the 
prayers of the gods to Bel and Nebo for length 

of days and happiness, asking them also to appeal 
to Merodach on behali of Cyrus "his worshipper," 
and his son Cambyses. 

It was probably between the defeat of Astyages 

and the capture of Babylon that Cyrus defeated 

Croesus and conquered Lydia. After 

11. Cjrrus' preparing to attack the Gr cities of 
History from Asia Minor, he returned to Ecbatana, 
Greek taking Croesus with him. The states 
Sources which had formed the Lydian empire, 

however, at once revolted, and had 
again to be reduced to submission, this time by 
Harpagus, his faithful general, after a determined 
resistance. It was at this period that Cyrus sub- 
dued the nations of Upper Asia, his next objective 
being Babylonia (§9 and the two preceding para- 
graphs), in this connection it is noteworthy that, 
m the Bab official account, there is no mention oi 
his engineering works preparatory to the taking of 
Babylon — ^the turning of the waters of the Gyndes 
into a number of channels in order to cross (Herod. 
i.l89); the siege of Babylon, lone and difficult, and 
the final capture of the city by changing the course 
of the Euphrates, enabling his army to enter by the 
bed of the river (Herod. 1.190-91). There may be 
some foundation for this statement, but if so, the 
king did not boast of it— perhaps because it did 
not entail any real labor, for the irrigation works 
already in existence may have been nearly sufficient 
for the purpose. It seems Ukely that the conquest 
of Babylon opened the way for other military ex- 
ploits. Herodotus states that he next attacked 

the MaBsagetae, who were located 

12. The beyond the Araxes. One-third of their 
Massagetae army was defeated, and the son of 

Tomyris, the queen, captured by a 
strata^^m: but on being freed from his bonds, he 
committed suicide. In another exceedingly fierce 
battle which followed, the Pers army was destroyed, 
and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there, 
after a reign of 29 years. (He had ruled over 
Media for 11, and over Babylonia [and As83rria] for 
9 years.) According to the Bab contract-tablets, 
Cambyses, his son, was associated with him on the 
throne during the first portion of his 1st year of 
rule in Babylon. 

According to Ctesias, Cyrus made war with the 

Bactrians and the Sacae, but was taken prisoner 

by the latter, and was afterward 

13. The ransomed. He died from a wound re- 
Sacae, Bar- ceived in battle with the Berbices. 
biceSi etc Diodorus agrees, in the main, with 

Herodotus, but relates that Cyrus was 
captured by the Scythian oueen (apparently 
Tomyris), who crucified or impaled him. 

It is strange that, in the case of such a celebrated 
ruler as Cyrus, nothing certain is known as to the 

manner of his death. The accounts 

14. Doubt which have come down to us seem to 
as to tlie make it certain that he was killed in 
Manner of battle with some enemy, but the state- 
His Dealii ments concerning his end are con- 

fficting. This absence of any account 
of his death from a trustworthy source implies that 
Herodotus is right in indicating a terrible disaster 
to the Pers arms, and it is therefore probable that 
he fell on the field of battle — ^perhaps in conffict 
with the Massagetae, as Herodotus states. Sup- 
posing that only a few of the Pers army escaped, it 
may be that not one of those who saw him fall lived 
to tell the tale, and the world was dependent on 
the more or less trustworthy statements which the 
Massagetae made. 

That he was considered to be a personage of noble 
character is clear from all that has come down to us 
concerning him, the most noteworthy being Xeno- 
phon's Cyropaedia and Institution oj Cyrus. The 




Bab inscriptions do not reproduce Bab opinion, 
but the fact that on the occasion of the siege of 
Babylon the people trusted to his 
16. Cyras' honor and came forth asking peace for 
Reputation the city (apparently with every confi- 
dence that their request would be 
granted); and that the Babylonians, as a whole, 
were contented under his rule, may be regarded as 
tacit confirmation. Nabonidus, before the invasion 
of his territory by the Pers forces, was evidently 
well disposed toward him, and looked upon him, as 
we have seen, as "the young servant of Merodach," 
the patron deity of Babylon. It is not altogether 
clear, however, why the Babylonians submitted to 
him with so little resistance — their inscriptions 
contain no indication that thev had real reason to be 
dissatisfied with the rule of Nabonidus — he seems 
to have been simply regarded as 
16. Why Did somewhat unorthodox in his worship 
the Baby- of the gods; but could they expect 
lonians an aUen, of a different religion, to be 

Accept better in that respect? Dissatisfac- 

Him? tion on the part of the Babylonian 

priesthood was undoubtedly at the 
bottom of their discontent, however, and may be 
held to supply a sufficient reason, tnough it does 
not redound to the credit of Bab patriotism. It 
has been said that the success of Cyrus was in part 
due to the aid given him by the Jews, who, recog- 
nizing him as a monotheist like themselves, gave 
liiTn more than mere sympathy; but it is probable 
that he could never have conquered Babylonia had 
not the priests, as indicated by their own records, 
spread discontent among the people. It is doubtful 
whether we may attribute a higher motive to the 
priesthood, though that is not altogether impossible. 
The inner teaching of the Bab polytheistic faith 
was, as is now wellknown, monotneistic, and there 
may have been, among the priests, a desire to have 
a ruler holding that to be the true faith, and also 
not so inclined as Nabonidus to nm counter to 
the people's (and the priests') prejudices. Jewish 
influence would, in some measure, account for 

If the Jews thought that they would be more 
sympathetically treated under Cyrus* rule, they 

17. Cjrras 
and the 

were not disappointed. It' was he who gave orders 
for the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerus (2 Ch 
36 23; Ezr 1 2* 6 13; 6 3), restored 
the vesseb of the House of the Lord 
which Nebuchadnezzar had taken away 
(Ezr 1 7), and provided funds to bring 
cedar trees from Lebanon (3 7). But 
he also restored the temples of the Babylonians, 
and brought back the images of the gods to their 
shrines. I^evertheless the Jews evidently felt that 
the favors he panted them showed sympathy for 
them, and this it probably was which caused Isaiah 
(44 28) to see in him a "shepherd" ^of the JLord, 
and an anointed king (Messiah, t<} xp^^'^'V f»»t 
td Chriaid mott, Isa 46 1) — a title suggesting to later 
writers that he was a type of Christ (Hieron., Comm. 
on Isa 44 1). 

From Persia we do not get any help as to his 
character, nor as to the estimation in which he was 
held. His only inscription extant 
is above his idealized bas-relief at 
Murgh&b, where he simply writes: 
"I am Cyrus, the Achemenian." The 
stone shows Cyrus standing, looking 
to the right, draped in a fringed gar- 
ment resembling those worn by the ancient Baby- 
lonians, reaching to the feet. His hair is combed 
back in the Pers style, and upon his head is an 
elaborate Egyp crown, two horns extending to front 
and back, with a uraeus serpent rising from each 
end, and between the serpents three vase-like ob- 
jects, with discs at their bases and summits, and 
serrated leaves between. There is no doubt that 
this crown is symboUcal of his dominion over 
Egypt, the three vase-like objects being modifi- 
cations of the triple helmet-crown of the Egyp 
deities. The king is represented as four-winged 
in the Assyro-Babylonian style, probably as a claim 
to divinity in their hier£U*chy as well as to dominion 
in the lands of Merodach and A§§ur. In his right 
hand, which is raised to the level of his shoulder, he 
holds a kind of scepter seemingly terminating in a 
bird's head — ^in all probability also a symbol of 
Bab dominion, though the emblem of the Bab cities 
of the South was most commonly a bird with wings 
displayed. T. G. Pinches 

18. Cyrus 
in Persia- 
His Bas- 

DABAREH, dab'a-re. See Daberath. 

DABB£SH£TH,dab'e-shetb, (n^^l, ddbbeshetk; 
Aapflur6aC, Dabasthal; AV Dabbashetfa, dab'arsheth) : 
A town on the western boundary of Zebulun (Josh 
19 11). It is probably identical with the modern 
Dabsheh, a ruined site to the E. of Acre. 

DABERATH, dab'6-rath (TIWH, horddbh^ralh, 
"pasture"; AePcipAO, Dabeirdth): A city in the ter- 
ritory of Issachar, on the boundary between that 
tribe and Zebulun (Josh 19 12). It was assigned 
to the Gershonite Levites (Josh 21 28; 1 Ch 6 72). 
The most probable identification is with Daburiyehy 
a village on the lower western slopes of Tabor. 

DABRIA, da'bri-a: One of the five who wrote 
down the visions of Esdras, described (2 Esd 14 24) 
as "ready to write swiftly." 

DACUBI, da-kft'bl, AV Dacobi, dA-kO'bl: Head 
of a family of gate-keepers (1 Esd 6 28). See 
Ajckub; Dakubi. 

DADDEUSf da-dg'us, RV LODDEUS (Ao88ato«, 
Loddaio8)t which see. 

DAGGER, dag'Sr. See Armor, Arms. 


DAGON, d&'gon (T^^^, ddghon; apparently de- 
rived from y^ , ddgk, "fish") : Name of the god of the 
PhiUs (according to Jerome on Isa 46 1 of the Philis 
generally); in the Bible Dagon is 
associated with Gaza (Jgs lo) but 
elsewhere with Ashdod (cf 1 S 6 
and 1 Mace 10 83f; 11 4); in 1 Ch 
10 10 there is probably an error (cf 
the II passage 1 S 31 10). The god 
had his temple ("thehouseof Dagon") 
and his priests. When the ark was 
captured by the Philis, it was con- 
ducted to Ashdod where it was placed 
in the house of Dagon by the side of 
the idol. But on the morrow it was 
found that the idol lay prostrate be- 
fore the ark of the Lord. It was 
restored to its place; but on the fol- 
lowing day Dagon again lay on the 
ground before the ark, this time 
with the head and both hands severed from the body 
and lying upon the miphtdn (the word is commonly 
interpreted to mean "threshold"; according to 
Winckler, it means "pedestal"); the body aJone 





remained intact. The Heb says: ''Dagon alone 
remained." Whether we resort to an emendation 


C^'^y ddghd, '*hi8 fish-part") or not, commen- 
tators appear to be right in inferring that the idol 
was hall man, half fish. Classic authors give this 
form to Derceto. The sacred writer adds that from 
that time on the priests of Dagon and all those that 
entered the house of Dagon refrained from stepping 
upon the miphtdn of Dagon. See 1 S 6 1-5. The 
prophet Zepnaniah (1 9) speaks of an idolatrous 
practice which consisted in leaping over the miph- 
tdn. The Septuagint in 1 S indeed adds the clause: 
^Ijut they were wont to leap." Leapii^ over the 
threshold was probably a feature of the Phili ritual 
which the Hebrews explained in their way. A god 
Dagon seems to have been worshipped by the Ca- 
naanites; see Beth-dagon. 

LxTBBATUBB. — Ck>mm6ntarie8 OH Jgsand 1 S; Winck- 
ler, AUorierUal* Portchungen^ III, 383. 

Max L. Margolis 
DAILY, dS'li: This word, coming as it does from 

the Heb Oi"^ , yom, "day," and the Gr 4l<^P^ ^^- 
mira. suggests either day h^ dav (Ex 6 13), that 
whicn is prepared for one dsuly (Neh 6 18), as e.g. 
our "daily bread." meaning bread sufficient for 
that day (Mt 6 11); or day by day continuouslv, 
one day after another in succession, as "the daily 
burnt offering" (Nu 29 6 AV), "daily ministra- 
tion" (Acts 6 1), and "daily in the temple" (Acts 
5 42 AV). The meaning of the word "daily" as 
used in the Lord's Prayer (Mt 6 11) seems to indi- 
cate sufficient for our need, whether we consider 
that need as a day at a time, or day after day as we 
are permitted to tive. "Give us bread sufficient 
for our sustenance." William Evans 



(PTSlTpQ, maf^ammdtk, "things full of taste," 
0*^^)9 y man^ammim, 1*770 , ma^ddhdn; Xiirap6s, 
lipards, "fat." "shining"): Jacob is represented as 
predicting ol Asher, "He shall yield royal d." ((3en 
49 20; cf II clause, "His bread shall be fat/' and 
Dt 83 24, "Let him dip his foot in oil"). David, 
praying to be deUvered from the ways of "men that 
work inquity," cries, "Let me not eat of their d." 
(Ps 141 4). The man who sitteth "to eat with a 
ruler" (Prov 23 1-3) is counseled, "If thou be a 
man given to appetite, be not desirous of his d. ; see- 
ing they are deceitful food" (cf John's words in the 
woes upon Babylon [Rev 18 14], "All things that 
were d. and sumptuous are penshed from thee," 
and Homer's Iliaa [Pope], xviii.456). "Dainties," 
then, are luxuries, costly, delicate and rare. This 
idea is common to all the words thus rendered; 
naturally associated with kings' tables, and with 
the lives of those who are lovers of pleasure and 
luxury. By their associations and their softening 
effects they are to be abstained from or indulged in 
moderately as "deceitful food" by those who would 
live the simple and righteous life which wisdom sanc- 
tions. They are also "offered not from genuine 
hospitality, but with some by-ends." He should 
also shun the dainties of the niggard (Prov 23 6). 
who counts the cost (ver 7 RVm) of every morsel 
that his guest eats. See Delicate: Food, etc. 

Geo. B. Eager 

DAISAN. da'san, da'i-san (Aauri^v, Daiadn): 
Head of a family of temple servants (1 Esd 6 31) 
called Rezin in Ezr 2 48: Neh 7 50, the inter- 
change of D and R in Heb oeing not uncommon. 

DAKUBI, darktll)i, da-koo'bi (AaxoiiP, DahrHh, 
Aaacovpc, Dakovki; AV Dacobi): Head of a family 

of gate-keepers (1 Esd 6 28) caUed "Akkub" in the 
canonical lists. 

DALAIAH, da-la'a, da-l&-I'a. See Delaiah. 

DALAN, da'lan (AaX<iv, DMn; AV Ladan): 
Head of a family that returned to Jems, but which 
"could shew neither their families, nor their stock, 
how they were of Israel" (1 Esd 6 37) ; corresponds 
to Delaiah (Ezr 2 60). Another reading is "Asan." 

DALE, d&l, KING'S (^bpn ppy, 'imei hor 

(1) "Absalom in his lifetime had taken and reared 
up for himself the pillar, which is in the king's dale" 
(2 S 18 18). According to Jos (Ant, VII, x, 3) 
this was a marble pillar, which he calls "Absalom's 
hand" and it was two furlongs from Jems. Warren 
suggests that this dale was identical with the 
King's Garden (q.v.), which he places at the open 
valley formed at the junction of the Tyropoeon 
with the Kidron (see Jerusalem). The so-called 
Absalom's Pillar, which the Jews still pelt with 
stones in reprobation of Absalom's disobedience, 
and which a comparatively recent tradition asso- 
ciates with 2 S 18 18, is a very much later stmcture, 
belon^ng to the Graeco-Rom p>eriod, but showing 
Egyp influence. 

(2) King's Vale (Gen 14 17; AV dale). See 
King's Vale; Vale. E. W. G. Masterman 

DALETH, da'leth (^ , ^) : The 4th letter of the 
Heb alphabet, and as such used in Ps 119 to 
designate the 4th section; transUterated in this 
Encyclopaedia with the dagesh as d, and, without, 
asdh {^thm the). It came also to be used for the 
number four (4), and with the dieresis for 4,000. 
With the apostrophe it is sometimes used as abbre* 
viation for the tetragrammaton. For name, etc, 
see Alphabet. 

DALLY, dal'i: Occurs in Wisd 12 26: "But they 
that would not be reformed by that correction 
wherein he daUied with them" (wcuyviott ^in/ui^fwf, 
paignlois epitimJ^edSf "child play of correction"), 
the reference being to the earlier and Ughter plagues 
of Eevpt; RV renders "by a mocking correction as 
of chudren," "by a correction which was os children's 
play," Gr (as above). He first tried them by those 
ughter inflictions before sending on them the heavier. 
In later usage "dally" implies delay. 

DALMANUTHA, dal-ma-ntl'tha. See Maga- 
dan. Cf Mk 8 10; Mt 16 39. 

DALMATIA, dal-ma'shi-a (AaX)iar(a, DalmaHaf 
"deceitful"): A district of the Rom empire lying 
on the eastern shore of the Adriatic. Writing from 
Rome to Timothy during his second imprisonment 
(in 66 or 67 AD. according to Ramsay's chronology), 
Paul records tne departure of Titus to Dalmatia 
(2 Tim 4 10). No mention is made of his special 
mission, and we cannot tell whether his object was 
to traverse regions hitherto unevangelized or to 
visit churches already formed. Nor can we deter- 
mine with certainty the meaning of the word Dal- 
matia as here used. Originally it denoted the land 
of the barbarous Dalmatae or Delmatae, a warlike 
lUyrJan tribe subjugated by the Romans after a 
long and stubborn resistance; it was then applied 
to the southern portion of the Rom province of 
Illyricum, lying between the river Titius (mod. 
Kerka) and the Macedonian frontier; later the 
name was extended to the entire province. On the 
whole it seems most probable that the apostle uses 
it in this last sense. See further s.v. Illyricum. 

Mabctus N. Tod 





DALPHON, dal'fon Oisb'^ , dalphan, "crafty") : 
The second of the ten sons of Haman, slain by the 
Jews (Est 9 7). 

DAM (D^J , *em, ordinary Heb word for "mother") : 
Heb law prohibited the destruction of the "dam" 
and the young of birds at the same time, conmiand- 
ing that if the yoimgbe taken from a nest the dam be 
allowed to escape (Dt 22 6.7). In the same spirit 
it enjoined the taking of an animal for slau^ter 
before it had been seven days with its "dam" (Ex 
22 30; Lev 22 27; cf Ex 23 19). 

DAMAGE, dam'ftj (Kb;in , MbhcUd') : This word 
expresses any inflicted loss of value or permanent 
injury to persons or things. "Why should damage 
CTOW to the hurt of the kings?" (Ezr 4 22). In 
Prov 26 6 "damage" means "wrong," "injury" 
(Heb Opn , hdmd^) . The tr of Est 7 4 is doubtful : 
"Although the adversary could not have compen- 
sated for the king's damage" (RVm "For our afflic- 
tion is not to be compared with the king's damage"; 
AV "could not countervail the king's damage"); 
but Heb pJJ., nezeii (Est 7 4) and Aram. pTJ , 
nazi]^ (Dnl 6 2) have the meaning of "molestation" 
or "annoyance (see Ges.-Buhl Diet, [15th ed] 489, 
806, 908). We therefore ought to read 'for that 
oppression would not have been worthy of the mo- 
lestation of the king' (Est 7 4) and 'that the king 
should have no molestation* (Dnl 6 2). The Gr 
foMo-i zemia, "loss" and ^7A"^, zemiddf "to cause 
loss"; RV therefore translates Acts 27 10 "will 
be with injury and much loss" (AV "damage"), and 
2 C>>r 7 9 "that ye might suffer loss by us in 
nothing" (AV "damage"). A. L. Bresugh 

DAMARIS, dam'a-ris (Ai£|ULpi«, DdmariSj pos- 
sibly a corruption of 8d)taXit, ddmalia, "a heifer") : 
The name of a female Christian of Athens, converted 
by Paul's preaching (Acts 17 34). The fact that 
she is mentioned in this passage together with Dio- 
nysius the Areopagite has led some, most probably 
in error, to regwtl ner as his wife. The singling out 
of her name with that of Dionysius may indicate 
some personal or social distinction. Cf Acts 17 12. 

DAMASCENES, dam-a-sSnz', dam'&-senz (t^v 
ir6Xiv Aa(uio-ici|vAv, thivdlin Damasken&n, "the city 
of the Damascenes") : The inhabitants of Damascus 
under Aretas the Arabian are so called (2 Cor 11 

DAMASCUS, da-mas'kus: 

1. Name 

2. Situation and Natural Features 

3. The City Itself 

4. Its History 

(1) The Early Period (to cir 960 BC) 

(2) The Aramaean Kingdom (cir 950-732 BC) 

(3) The Middle Period (732 BC-660 AD) 

(4) Under Islam 

The Eng. name is the same, as the Gr Aoiua<r«c6«, 
Damaskds. The Heb name is pVpi » DammeseJ^j but 

the Aram, form pTpPT'l , DarmeseJp, oc- 
1. Name curs in 1 Ch 18 5; 2 Ch 28 5. The 

name appears in E^rp inscriptions as 
Ti^mas-ku (16th cent. BC), BXidSa^a-^mas-ki (13th 
cent. BC), which W. M. Mtiller, Asien u. Europa, 
227, regards as representing Ti-ro-WMW-A^, conclud- 
ing from the 'Va' in this form that Damascus had 
by that time passed under Aram, influence. In the 
Am Tab the forms TirTna-cti-gi and Dirma^-ka occur. 
The Arab, name is Dimaahk eshSham (^'Damascus 
of Syria") usually contrasted to EshSham simply. 
The meaning of the name Damascus is unknown. 
EshSham (Syria) means "the left," in contrast to 
the Yemen (Arabia) = "the right." 

Damascus is situated (33** 30' N. lat., 36** 18' E. 

long.) in the N.W. comer of the Ghuta, a fertile 

plain about 2,300 ft. above sea level, 

2. Situation W. of Mt. Hermon. The part of 
and Natural the Ghuta E. of the citv is called d- 
Features A/cr/, the ' 'meadow-land of Damascus . 

The river Barada (see Abana) flows 
through Damascus and waters the plain, through 
which the Nahr el-Awaj (see Pharpab) also flows, 
a few miles S. of the city. Surrounded on three 
sides by bare hills, and bordered on the E., its open 
side, by the desert, its well-watered and fertile 
Ghuta, with its streams and fountains, its fields 
and orchards, makes a vivid impression on the Arab 
of the desert. Arab. lit. is rich m praises of Damas- 
cus, which is described as an earthly paradise. The 
European or American traveler is apt to feel that 
these praises are exaggerated, and it is perhaps 
only in early summer that the beauty of the in- 
numerable fruit trees — apricots, pomegranates, wal- 
nuts and many others — ^justifies enthusiasm. To 
see Damascus as the Arab sees it, we must approach 
it, as he does, from the desert. The Barada (Abana) 
is the life blood of Damascus. Confined in a narrow 
fiorge until close to the city, where it spreads itself 
m many channels over the plain, only to lose itself 
a few miles away in the marshes that fringe the 
desert, its whole strength is expended in maMng a 
small area between the hill? and the desert really 
fertile. That is why a city on this site is inevitable 
and permanent. Damascus, almost defenceless 
from a militanr point of view, is the natural mart 
and factory of inland Syria. In the course of its 
long history it has more than once enjoyed and 
lost political, but in all the vicissitudes 
of political fortime it has remained the natural 
harbor of the Syrian desert. 

Damascus lies along the main stream of the Bara- 
da, almost entirely on its south bank. The city is 

about a mile long (E. to W.) and abiout 

3. The City half a mile broad (N. to S.). On the 
Itself south side a long suburb, consisting 

for the most part of a single street, 
called the MeidaUf stretches for a mile beyond the 
line of the city wall, terminating at the Bavnoabet 
Allah, the '^Gate of God," the starting-point of the 
Hajf the annual pilgrimage to Mecca. The city has 
thus roughly the shape of a broad-headed spoon, of 
which the Meidan is the handle. In the Gr period, 
a long, colonnaded street ran through the city, 
doubtless the ^ Street which is call^ Straight" 
(Acts 9 11). This street, along the course of which 
remains of columns have been discovered, runs 
westward from the BabeshSherkiy the "East Gate." 
Part of it is still called Derh eh-Muatahim (''Straight 
Street"), but it is not certain that it has borne the 
name through all the intervening cents. It runs 
between the Jewish and Christian quarters (on the 
left and right, respectively, going west), and ter- 
minates in the Svk el-Mtdhaliyeh^ a bazaar built 
by Midhat Pasha, on the north of which is the main 
Moslem quarter, in which are the citadel and the 
Great Mosque. The houses are flat-roofed, and are 
usually built roimd a courtyard, in which is a foun- 
tain. The streets, with the exception of Straight 
Street, are mostly narrow and tortuous, but on the 
west side of the city there are some good covered 
bazaars. Damascus is not rich in antiquities. The 
Omayyad Mosque, or Great Mosque, replaced a 
Christian church, which in its time had taken the 
place of a pagan temple. The site was doubtless 
occupied from time inmiemorial by the chief reli- 

g'ous edifice of the city. A small part of the ancient 
hristian church is still extant. Part of the city 
wall has been preserved, with a foundation going 
back to Rom times, surmounted by Arab work. 
I The traditional site of Paul's escape (Acts 9 25; 



2 Cor 11 33) and of the House of Naaman (2 K S) 
are pointed out to the traveler, but the traditions 
are valueless. The charm of Damascus lies in the 
life of the bazaars, in the variety of types which may 
be seen there — the Druse, the Kurd, the Bedouin 
and nioDV others — and in ila historical associations. 
It had always been a manufacturing city. Our 
word "damask" bears witness to the fame of its 
textile industry, and the "Damascus blades" of the 
Crusading period were equally famous; and thou^ 
Timur (Tamerlane) deatroyed the trade in arms m 
1399 by carrying away the armorers to Samarcand, 
Damascus is stiU a city of busy crafteroen in cloth 
and wood. l\a antiquity casts a spell of romance 
upon it. After a traceable history of thirty^^ve 
cenla. it is still a populous and nourishing city, 
and, in spite of the advent of the railway and even 
the electric street car, it still preserves the flavor 
of the East. 

kingdom in Damascus. R«Eoa, son of Eliada, an 
officer in the army of Hadadezer, king of Zobab, 
escaped in the hour of defeat, and became a captain 
of banditti. Later be established himself in Da- 
mascus, and became ila kmg (1 K 11 23S). He 
cherished a not unnatural animosity against Israel, 
and the rise of a powerful and hostile kingdom in 
the Israelitisb frontier was a constant source of 
anxiety to Solomon (1 K 11 25). 

(2) The Aramaean kin^m (eir 960-7SS BC).— 
Whether Rezon was himself the founder of a dy- 
nasty is not clear. He has been identified with 
Hezion, father of Tab-rim mon, and grandfather 
of Ben-hadad (1 K IS IS), but the identification, 
though a natural one, is insecure. Ben-hadad (Bir- 
idri) is the first king of Damascus, after Recon, 
of whom we have any detailed knowledge. The 
disruption of the Heb kii^om afforded the Ara- 
maeans an opportunity of playing oS the rival Heb 

(1) The earli/ period ((o cir 950 BC).— The origin 
of Damascus is unknown. Mraition has alre^y 

been made (jl) of the references to the 
4. Its city to Egyp inscriptions and in the Am 

~" Tab. '■ ..... 


It appears oi 

14 15 we read that Abraham pursued the four kings 
as far as Hobah, "which is on the left hand [i.e. the 
north] of Damascus." But this is simply a geo- 
graphical note which shows only that Damascus 
waa well known at the time when Gen 14 was 
written. Greater interest attaches to Gen IS 2. 
where Abraham complains that he is childless and 
that his heir is "Dammeaek Eliezer" (ERV), for 
which the Syr ver6tonreadB"Elieier the Damaschul." 
The clause, however, is hopelessly obscun;, and it is 
doubtful whether it contains any reference to Da- 
maficua at all. In the time of David Damascus wns 
an Aramaean city, which assisted the neighboring 
Aramaean states in their unsuccessful wars against 
David (2 8 8 6f). These campaigns resulted in- 
directly in the establishment of a powerful Aramaean 

States against each other, and of bestowing their 
favors now on one, and now on the other. Ben- 
hadad was induced by Asa of Judah to accept a 
large bribe, or tribute, from the Temple treasures, 
and relieve Asa by attackii^ the Northern Kii^om 
(1 K IS 18 ff). Some years later (cir 880 BC) 
Ben-hadad (or his successor?) defeated Omri of 
Israel, annexed several Israelitish cities, and secured 
the right of having Syrian "streets" (i.e. probably a 
bazaar for Syrian merchants) in Samaria (1 K 20 
34). Ben-hadad il (according to Winckler the 
two Ben-hadads are really identical, but this view, 
though yasi, possible chronologically, conflicts with 
1 K 30 34) waa the great antagonist of Ahab. His 
campaigns against I^ael are narrated in 1 K 20 22. 
At first successful, he was subsequently twice de- 
feated by Ahab, and after the rout at Aphek was 
at the mercy of the conqueror, who treated him 
with generous leniency, claiming only the restora- 
tion of the lost Israehtish towns, and the right of 
establishing an Israelitish bazaar in Damascus. 
On the renewal of hostilities three years later Ahab 


(ell before Ramotb-nlead, and his death relieved 
B^-hadad of the only neighboring monarch who 
could ever challenge the Buperiority of Damascus. 
Further light ia thrown upon the history of Damaa- 
cua at this time by the AsByrian inscriptions. In 
854 BC the Aseyrians defeated a coahtion of Syrian 
and Palestine states (including Israel) under the 
leadership of Ben-hadad at Kar^. In 849 and 
846 BC renewed attacks were made upon Damascus 
by the Assyrians, who, however, did not effect any 
considerable conquest. From this date until the 
fall of the city in 732 DC the power of the Aramaean 
kingdom depended upon the activity or quiescence 
of A883Tia. Hazael, who murdered Ben-hadad 
and usurped his throne cir 844 BC, was attacked 
in 842 and 839, but during the next thirty years 
Assyria made no further advance westward. Hazael 
was able to devote all his energies to his western 
neighbors, and Isiael BufTercd 8e\'ere1v at his bands. 

made tributary to Rammiin-nirari III of Assyria. 
This blow wo^enod Aram, and afforded Jeroboam 
II of Israel an opportunity of avenging the defeats 
inflicted upon his country by Hazael. In 773 
Assyria aaain invaded the territory of Damascus. 
Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 BC) pushed vigorously 
westward, and in 738 R«zin of Damascus paid trib- 
ute. A year or two later he revolted, and attempted 
in concert with Pekah of Israel, to coerce Judah 
into joining an anti-Assyrian league (2 K IS 37; 
IS 5; Isa 7), His punishment was swift and de- 
cisive. In 734 the Assyrians advanced and laid 
siege to Damascus, which fell in 732. Rezin was 
executed, his kingdom was overthrown, and the 
city suffered the fate which a tew years later befell 

(4) The middle period (cir 7S$ BC-6S0 AD).— 
Damascus bad now lost its political importance, 
and for more than two cents, we have only one or 
two inconsiderable references to it. It is men- 
tioned in an inscription of Sargon (722-705 BC) as 
having taken part in an unsuccessful insurrection 
along with Hamatli and Arpad. There are inci' 
dental references to it in Jer 49 23 ff and Eik 27 
18: 47 16 ff. in the Pers period Damascus, if not 
poutically of great importance, was a prosperous 
city. The overthrow of the Pers empire by Alex- 
ander was soon followed (301 BC) by the estab- 
lishment of the Seleucid kii^om of Syria, with 
Antioch as its capital, and Damascus lost its posi- 
tion as the chief city of Syria. The center of gravity 
was moved toward the sea, and the maritime com- 
merce of the Levant became more important than 
the trade of Damascus with the interior. In 111 
BC the Syrian kingdom was divided, and Antiochus 
Cyxicenus became king of Coelc-Syria, with Da- 
mascus as his capital. His successors, Demetrius 
Eucaerus and Antiochus Dionysus, had troubled 
careers, being involved in domestic conflicts and 
in wars with the Parthians, with Alexander Jan- 
naeus of Judaea, and with Aretas the Nabataean, 
who obtained posseaaion of Damascus in 85 BC. 
Tigranes, being of Armenia, held Syria for some 
years after this date, but was defeated by the 
Romans, and in 64 BC Pompey finally annexed the 
country. The position of Damascus during the 
first cent, and a naif of Rom rule in Syria is obscure. 
For a time it was in Rom hands, and from 31 BC- 
33 AD its coins bear the names of Aug:ustus or Ti- 
berius, Subsequently it was again in the hands 
of the Nabataeans, and was ruled by an ethnarch, 
r governor, appointed by Aretas, the Nabataean 


again became a Rom city. In the early history of 
CSiristianity Damascus, as compared with Antioch, 

played a vray minor part. But it is memor^le in 
Christian history on account of its associations with 
Paul's conversion, and as the scene of his earliest 
Christian preaching (Acts 9 1-25). AlltheNTref- 
erences to the city relate to this event (Acts 1- 
25; 22 5-11; 3S 12.20; 2 Cor 11 32 f; Gal 1 17). 

Traditional House of Ananlu. 

Afterward, under the early Byzantine emperor, 
Damascus, thou^ important as an outpost of civiU- 
lation on the ,eage of the desert, continued to be 
second to Antioch both politically and ecclesiasti- 
cally, Itwasnotuntil the Arabian conquest (634 AX) 
when it passed out of Christian huids, and re- 
verted to the desert, that it once more became a true 

(4) Under lilam. — Damascus hM now been a Moslem 
dty. or rather a city uDdor Moalem rule, [or nsaxly thir- 
teen centuries , Foratmut t, cent, tttter 050 AD It was the 
■eat of the Omayyad caliphs, and enjoyixl a posltiaD of 
preemineace In the Moslem world. Laler It was sup- 
planted by Budad. and Id the lOCh cent. It cams under 
the rule oi the Fatlmltea of Egypt, Toward the close of 
the llth cent, the Seljuk Tui^s entered Syria and cap- 
tured Damascus. In the period of the Crusades the 
city, tlioush never of dedslva Importaoce. piayed ■ con- 
Btdersble mrt, and was for a Uma the headquart«n of 
Saladln. In 1300 it was plundered by the Tartui. 
and in 1399 Tlmur exacted an enormous ransom from 
It, and carried oft its famous armorers, thus robbing 
It of one of Its most important IndustrlM. Finally. 
In 1516 AD, the Oanuuill Turks under Sultan Sellm con- 
quered Syria, and Damascus became, and still is. the 
capital of a, province of the Ottoman Empire. 

C. H, Thomson 

EUEZGB (1), 

DAMN, dam, DAMNATION, dam-nft'shun, 
DAMNABLE,dam'na-b'l: These words have undei^ 
gone a chaise of meaning since the AV was made. 
They are derived from Lat dam7iare="to inflict a 
loss, "to condemn," and that was their ori^nal 
meaning in En^. Now they denote exclusively ihe 
idea of everlastmg punishment in hell. It is often 
difficult (^ determine which meaning was intended 
bv the translators in AV. They have been excluded 
altogether from RV. The words for which they 
stand in AV are: 

(1) iliriiX««i, apdleia, "destruction," tr^ "damna- 
ble" and "damnation" only in 2 Pet 21 3 (RV 
"destructive," "destruction"). False prophets 
taught doctrines calculated to destroy others, and 
themselves incurred the sentence of destruction 
such as overtook the fallen angeis, the world in the 
Deluge^ and the cities of the Plain, Ap6leia occurs 
otherwise 16 times in the NT, and is always tH in 
AV and RV by either "perdition" or "destruction"; 
twice of waste of treasure (Mt 26 8 — Mk 14 4): 
twice of the beast that comes out of the abyss and 




Some men are '^vessels of wrath fitted unto de- 
struction'' (Rom 9 22), and others, their ''end is 
perdition" (Phil 3 19). It is the antithesis of sal- 
vation (He 10 39; Phil 1 28). Of the two ways of 
life, one leads to aestruction (Mt 7 13). Whether 
it is utter, final and irretrievable destruction is not 

(2) jcp/w, krino. tr<* "damned" only in AV 
of 2 Thess 2 12 (RV "judged") means *^to judge" 
in the widest sense, "to form an opinion" (Lk 7 43), 
and forensically "to test and try" an accused person. 
It can only acquire the sense of "judging guOty" or 
"condemmng" from the context. 

(3) KaraKplpta^ kcUakrind, tr** "damned" only in 
AV of Mk 16 16; Rom 14 23 ("condemned'^' m 
RV), means properly "to give judgment against" 
or "to condemn and is so tr° 17 t in AV and 
always in RV. 

(4) KpUrts, krisis, tr** "damnation" in AV of 
Mt 28 33 : Mk 3 29; Jn 6 29 (RV "judgment," 
but in Mk 3 29, "sin" for d/udpri^jua, namdrtema), 
means (a) judgment in general like krinOf and is 
so used about 17 t, besides 14 t in the phrase "day 
of judgment"; (h) "condemnation," Hke AxitoMnd, 
about 14 t. 

(5) KplfjM, krima, tr** in AV "damnation" 7 t (Mt 
23 14 = Mk 12 40»Lk 20 47; Rom 3 8; 13 2; 1 
Cor 11 29; 1 Tim 6 12), "condemnation" 6 1, "judg- 
ment" 13 t, "law" and "avenged" once each; m 
RV "condemnation" 9 t (Mt 23 14 only inserted 
in m), "judgment" 17 t, and once in m, "lawsuit" 
and "sentence" once each. "Judgment" may be 
neutral, an impartial act of the judge weighing the 
evidence (so in Mt 7 2; Acts 24 25; Rom 11 33; 
He 6 2; 1 Pet 4 17; Rev 20 4) and 'lawsuit" (1 
Cor 6 7) ; or it may be inferred from the context 
that judgment is unto condemnation (so in Rom 2 
2.3; 6 16; Gal 5 10; 2 Pet 2 3; Rev 17 1; 18 
20, and RV Rom 13 2; 1 Cor 11 29). In places 
where hrima and hrisis are rightly tr** "condem- 
nation," and where "judgment regarded as an ac- 
complished fact involves a sentence of guilt, they 
together with kcUakrind define the relation of a per- 
son to the supreme authority, as that of a crimmal, 
found and held guilty, and liable to punishment. 
So the Rom empu*e regarded Jesus Christ, and the 
thief on the cross (Lk 23 40; 24 20). But gener- 
ally these words refer to man as a sinner against 
God, judged guilty by Him, and liable to the just 
penalty of sin. They imply nothing further as to 
the nature of the penalty or the state of man under- 
going it. nor as to its duration. Nor does the word 

eternal" (ali&v, cUdvws, aidn^ aU^ioSj often wrongly 
tr* "everlasting" in AV) when added to them, deter- 
mine the question of duration. Condemnation is 
an act in the moral universe, which cannot be deter- 
mined under categories of time. 

These terms d^ne the action of God in relation 
to man's conduct, as that of the Supreme Judge, 
but they express only one aspect of that relation 
which is only fully conceived, when co5rdinated with 
the more fundamental idea of God's Fatherhood. 
See Eschatology; Judgment. 

LiTBRATUBB. — Salmoiid, Chriatian Doctrine of Immor- 
tality; Charles, Eachatology, 

T. Rees 
DAMSEL, dam'zel: A young, unmarried woman; 
a girl (lass); maiden (cf I^. demoiaelle) . RV in Mt 
86 69; Jn 18 17; Acts 12 13: 16 16 gives "maid" 
for TcuSlaKtij paidiskej "a girl, i.e. (spec.) a maid- 
servant or young feniale slave (AV "damsel"), and 
"child" for raidlov^ paidioUf "a half-grown boy 
or girl," in Mk 6 39.40&i8.41. 

DAN (H, dan, "judge"; A«£v, Ddn)\ The fifth 
of Jacob's sons, the first borne to him b^ Bilhah, 
the maid of Rachel, to whom, as the child of her 

slave, he legally belonged. At his birth Rachel, 

whose barrenness had been a sore trial to her, 

exclaimed "God hath judged me ... . 

1. Name and hath given me a son, so she called 

his name Dan. i.e. "judg^" (Gen 80 
6). He was full brother oi Naphtali. In Jacob's 
Blessing there is an echo of Rachel's words, "Dan 
shall judge his people" (Gen 49 16). Of the pa- 
triarch Dan almost nothing is recorded. Of nis 
sons at the settlement in Egypt only one, Hushim. 
is mentioned (Gen 46 23). The name in Nu 2q 
42 is Shuham. The tribe however stands second 
in point of numbers on leaving Egypt, furnishing 

62,700 men of war (Nu 1 39); and 

2. The at the second census they were 64,400 
Tribe strong (26 43). The standard of the 

camp of Dan in the desert march, with 
which were Asher and Naphtali, was on the north 
side of the tabernacle (Nu 2 25; 10 25; cf Josh 
6 9 AVm "gathering host"). The prince of the 
tribe was Ahiezer (Nu 1 12). Among the spies 
Dan was represented by Ammiel the son of Gemalli 
(18 12). CK the tribe of Dan was Oholiab (AV 
"Aholiab") one of the wise-hearted artificers en- 
gaged in the construction of the tabernacle (Ex 81 
6). One who was stoned for blasphemy was the 
son of a Danite woman (Lev 24 10 f). At the 
ceremony of blessing and ciu*8ing, Dan and Naphtali 
stood on Mount Ebal, while the other Rachel tribes 
were on Gerizim (Dt 27 13). The prince of Dan 
at the division of the land was Bukki the son of 
Jogli (Nu 84 22). 

The portion assigned to Dan adjoined those of 
Ephraim, Benjamin and Judah, and lay on the west- 
em slopes of the mountain. The 
8. Territoiy reference in Jgs 6 17: "And Dan, 
why did he remain in ships?" seems to 
mean that on the W. Dan had reached the sea. But 
the passage is one of difficultv. We are told that 
the Amontes forced the children of Dan into the 
moimtain (Jgs 1 34)^ so they did not enjoy the 
richest part of their ideal portion, the fertile plain 
between the moimtain and the jsea. The strong hand 
of the house of Joseph kept the Amorites tributary, 
but did not drive them out. Later we find Dan 
oppressed by the Philis, against whom the heroic 
exploits of Samson were performed (Jgs 14 ff). 
The expedition of the Danites recorded in Jgs 18 
is referred to in Josh 19 47 ff . The 
4. The story affords a priceless glimpse of the 

Danite Raid conditions prevailing in those days. 
Desiring an extension of territory, the 
Danites sent out spies, who recommended an attack 
upon Laish, a city at the north end of the Jordan 
valley. The i)eople, possibly a colony from Sidon. 
were careless in their fancied security. The land 
was large, and there was "no want of an3rthing that 
was in the earth." The expedition of the 600, their 
dealings with Micah and his priest, their capture 
of Laish, and their founding of an idol shrine with 
priestly attendant, illustrate the strange mingUng 
of lawlessness and superstition which was charac- 
teristic of the time. The town rebuHt on the site 
of Laish they called Dan — see following art. Per- 
haps 2 Ch 2 14 may be taken to indicate that the 
Danites intermarried with the Phoenicians. Di- 
vided between its ancient seat in the S. and the new 
territory in the N. the tribe retained its place in 
Israel for a time (1 Ch 12 35; 27 22), but it played 
no part of importance in the subsequent history. 
The name disappears from the genealogical lists 
of Ch; and it is not mentioned among the tribes in 
Rev 7 6 ff . 

Samson was the one great man produced by Dan, 
and he seems to have embodied tne leading charac- 
teristics of the tribe: unsteady, unscrupulous, vio- 
lent, possessed of a certain grim humor; stithy 




in tactics — ''a serpent in the way, an adder in the 
path" (Gen 49 17) — ^but swift and strong in strik- 
ing — "a lion's whelp, that leapeth forth from Ba- 
shan" (Dt 33 22). Along with Abel, Dan ranked 
as a city in which the true customs of old Israel were 
preserved (2 S 20 18 LXX). W. Ewinq 

DAN: A city familiar as marking the northern 
limit of the land of Israel in the conmion phrase 
"from Dan even to Beer-sheba" (J^ 20 1:1 S3 
20, etc). Its ancient name was Laish or Leshem 
(Jgs 18 7. etc). It was probably an outl3ring set- 
tlement of Tyre or Sidon. Its inhabitants, pursu- 
ing the ends of peaceful traders, were defenceless 
against the onset of the Danite raiders. Having 
captured the city the Danites gave it the name of 
their own tribal ancestor (Jgs 18). It lay in the 
valley near Beth-rehob (ver &). Jos places it near 
Mt. Lebanon and the fountain of the lesser Jor- 
dan, a day's journey from Sidon (Ant, V, iii, 1: 
VIII, viii, 4; BJ, IV, i, 1). Onom savs it lay 4 
Rom miles from Paneas on the way to T}^^, at the 
source of the Jordan. This points decisively to 
Tell d'K&iy, in the plain W. of Banias. The moimd 
of this name — ^cUiy is the exact Arab, equivalent of 
the Heb Dan — arises from among the bushes and 
reeds to a height varying from 40 to 80 ft. The 
largest of all the springs of the Jordan rises on the 
west side. The waters join with those of a smaller 
spring on the other side to form Nahr d-Ledd&n 
which flows southward to meet the streams from 
B&niOa and Hasheiyeh, The mound, which is the 
crater of an extinct volcano^ has certain ancient 
remains on the south side, while the tomb of Sheikh 
Marzuk is sheltered by two holy trees. The sanc- 
tuary and ritual established by the Danites per- 
sisted as long as the house of God was in Shiloh, and 
the priesthood in this idolatrous shrine remained 
in the family of Jonathan till the conquest of Tig- 
lath-pileser (Jgs 18 30; 2 K 15 29). Here Jero- 
boam I set up the golden calf. The ancient sanctity 
of the place would tend to promote the success of 
hid scheme (1 K 12 28 f, etc). The calf, according 
to a Jewish tradition, was taken awav by Tiglath- 
pileser. Dan fell before Benhadad, King of Syria 
(1 K 15 20; 2 Ch 16 4). It was regained bv 
Jeroboam II (2 K 14 25). It shared the country s 
fate at the hands of Tiglath-pileser (2 K 15 29). 

It was to this district that Abraham pursued the 
army of Chedorlaomer (Gen 14 14). For Dr. G. 
A. smith's suggestion that Dan may have been at 
Banias see HGHL\ 473, 480 f . W. Ewing 

DAN (Ezk 27 19 AV). See Vedan. 

DANCING, dan'sing. See Games. 

DANDLE, dan'd'l (79^9, 8hd'dsha\ a Pulpal 
form, from root y?Tp , ah&Wf with sense of to "be 
caressed'^. Occurs in Isa 66 12, "shall be dandled 
upon the knees.'' 

DANGER, dan'jgr: Dan^^er does not express a 
state of reality but a possibility. In Mt 5 21 f, 
however, and also AV Mk 3 29 (RV "but is guilty 
of an eternal sin") the expression "dancer" refers 
to a certainty, for the danger spoken oi is in one 
case judgment which one brings upon himself, and 
in the other the committing of an unpardonable 
sin. Both are the necessarv conseauences of a 
man's conduct. The reason for translating the Gr 
Iwxof, ^nochoa (lit. "to be held in anything so 
one cannot escape") by "is in d^ger," instead of 
"guilty" or "liable," may be due to the translat- 
or's conception of these passages as a warning 
against sucn an act rather than as a statement of the 
judgment which stands pronounced over every man 
who commits the sin. A. L. Bbeslich 

DANIEL, dan'yel (^K^J'^, danlye% ^'^f^ , d&ni'U, 
"God is my judge"; Aaia^iX, DaniU): 

(1) One of the sons of David (1 Ch 3 1). 

(2) A Levite of the family of Ithamar (Ezr 8 2; 
Neh 10 6). 

(3) A prophet of the time of Nebuchadnezzar 
and Cyrus, the hero and author of the Book of Dnl. 

We know nothing of the early life of 

1. Early Daniel, except what is recorded in the 
Life book Searing his name. Here it is 

said that he was one of the youths of 
royal or noble seed, who were carried captive by 
Nebuchadnezzar in the third year of Jehoiakim, 
king of Judah. These ^rouths were without blem- 
ish, well-favored, skilful in all wisdom, endued with 
knowledge, and understanding science, and such 
as had ability to stand in the king's palace. The 
king commanded to teach them the knowledge and 
tongue of the Chaldaeans; and appointed for them 
a (^ily portion of the king's food and of the wine 
which he drank. After having been thus nourished 
for three years, they were to stand before the king. 
Ashpenaz, the master or chief of the eunuchs ^ into 
whose hands they had been intrusted, following a 
custom of the time, gave to each of these youths a 
new and Bab name. To Daniel, he gave the name 
Belteshazzar. In Bab this name was probably 
Belu-Uta-sharri-usur, which means "O Bel, protect 
thou the hostage of the king," a most appropriate 
name for one in the place which Daniel occupied 
as a hostage of Jehoiakim at the court of the king 
of Babylon. The youths were probably from 12 
to 15 years of age at the time when they were carried 
captive. (For changes of names, cf Jos^h changed 
to Zaphenath-paneah [Gen 41 45]; Eliakim, to 
Jehoiakim [2 K 23 34]; Mattaniah, to Zedddah 
[2 K 24 17); and the two names of the high priest 
Johanan's brother in the Sachau Papyri, i.e. Ostan 
and Anani.) 

Having purposed in his heart that he would not 
defile himself with the food and drink of the king, 
Daniel requested of Ashpenaz permission to eat 
vegetables and drink water. Through the favor of 
G<xl, this request was granted, notwithstanding the 
fear of Ashpenaz that ms head would be endangered 
to the king on account of the probably resulting 
poor appearance of the youths living upon this 
bloodKliluting diet, in comparison with the expected 
healthy appearance of the others of their class. 
However, ten days' trial having been first granted, 
and at the end of that time their countenances 
having been found fairer and their fiesh fatter than 
the other youths', the permission was made perma- 
nent; and God gave to Daniel and his companions 
knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom, and 
to Daniel understanding in all visions and dreams; 
so that at the end of the three years when the king 
communcKl with them, he found them much superior 
to all the magicians and enchanters in every matter 
of wisdom and understanding. 

Daniel's public activities were in harmony with 
his education. His first appearance was as an in- 
terpreter of the dream recorded in 

2. Dream- Dnl 2. Nebuchadnezzar having seen 
Interpreter in his dream a vision of a great image, 

excellent in brightness and terrible in 
appearance, its head of fine ^old, its breast and its 
arms of silver, its belly and its thighs of brass, its 
legs of iron, its feet part of iron and part of clay, 
beheld a stone cut out without hands smiting the 
image and breaking it in pieces, until it became like 
chaff and was earned away by the wind; while the 
stone that smote the image became a great mountain 
and filled the whole earth. When the king awoke 
from his troubled sleep, he forgot, or feigned that 
he had forgotten, the dream, and summoned the 
wise men of Babylon both to tell him the dream and 



to give the interpretation thereof. The wise men 
having said that they could not tell the dream, nor 
interpret it as long as it was untold, the king threat- 
ened them with death. Daniel, who seems not to 
have been present when the other wise men were 
before the lung, when he was informed of the threat 
of the kine, and that preparations were being made 
to slay alTof the wise men of Babylon, himself and 
his three companions included, boldly went in to the 
king and requested that he would appoint a time 
for him to appear to show the interpretation. Then 
he went to his house, and he and his companions 
prayed, and the dream and its interpretation were 
made known unto Daniel. At the appointed time, 
the dream was explained and the four Hebrews were 
loaded with wealth and given high positions in the 
service of the king. In the 4th chapter, we have 
recorded Daniel's interpretation of the dream of 
Nebuchadnezzar about tne great tree that was hewn 
at the command of an angel, thus prefiguring the 
insanity of the king. 

Daniel's third great appearance in the book is 

in ch 6, where he is called upon to explain the 

extraordinary writing upon the wall 

8. Inter- of Belshazzar's palace, which foretold 

Sreter of the end of the Bab empire and the in- 
igns coming of the Modes and Persians. 

For this service Daniel was clothed 
with purple, a chain of gold put around his neck, 
and he was made the third ruler in the kingdom. 

Daniel, however, was not merely an interpreter 
of other men's visions. In the last six chapters we 
have recorded four or five of his own ' 

4. Seer of visions^ all of which are taken up with 
Visions revelations concerning the future his- 
tory of the great world empires, esp. 

in their relation to the people of God, and predic- 
tions of the final triumph ot the Messiah's kingdom. 
In addition to his duties as seer and as inter- 
preter of signs and dreams, Daniel also stood high 
in the governmental service of Nebu- 

5. Official chadnezzar, Belshazzar, and Darius 
of the the Mede, and perhaps also of Cyrus. 
Kings The Book of Dnl, our only rehable 

source of information on this subject, 
does not tell us much about his civil duties and per- 
formances. It does say, however, that he was cnief 
of the wise men, that he was in the gate of the king, 
and that he was governor over the whole province 
of Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar; that Belshaz- 
zar made him the third ruler in his kingdom; and 
that Darius made him one of the three presidents to 
whom his himdred and twenty satraps were to give 
account; and that he even thought to set him over 
his whole kingdom. In all of these positions he 
seems to have conducted himself with faithfulness 
and judgment. While in the service of Darius the 
Mede, he aroused the antipathy of the other presi- 
dents and of the satraps. Unable to find any fault 
with his official acts, they induced the kins to make 
a decree, apparently general in form and purpose, 
but really aimed at Daniel alone. They saw that 
they coiAd find no valid accusation against him, 
unless they found it in connection with something 
concerning the law of his God. They therefore 
caused the king to make a decree that no one should 
make a request of anyone for the space of thirty 
days, save of the king. Daniel, having publicly 
prayed three times a day as he was in the habit of 
aoing, was caught in the act, accused, and on 
account of the irrevocability of a law of the Medes 
and Persians, was condemned in accordance with 
the decree to be cast into a den of lions. The king 
was much troubled at this, but was unable to with- 
hold the punishment. However, he expressed to 
Daniel his betief that his God in whom ne trusted 
continually would deliver him; and so indeed it 

came to pass. For in the morning, when the king 
drew near to the mouth of the den, and called to 
him, Daniel said that God had sent His angel and 
shut the mouths of the lions. So Daniel was taken 
up unharmed^ and at the command of the king his 
accusers, having been cast into the den, were de- 
stroyed before they reached the bottom. 

Literature. — Besides the commentaries and other 
works mentioned in the art. on the Book of Dnl, valuable 
Information may be fomid in Jos and in Payne Smith's 
Lectures on Daniel. _ ._% <v<>t 

R. Dick Wilson 
DANIEL, dan'yel, BOOK OF: 

I. Name 

II. Place in the Canon 

III. Divisions of the Book 

IV. Lanouaqbs 

V. Purpose or the Book 
VI. Unity 
VII. Genuineness 

1. The Predictions 

2. The Miracles 

3. The Text 

4. The Language 

6. The Historical Statements 
VIII. Interpretation 
IX. Doctrines 
X. Apocryphal Additions 

/• Name, — The Book of Dnl is rightly so called, 
whether we consider Daniel as the author of it, or 
as the principal person mentioned in it. 

//. Place in the Canon, — In the En^. Bible, Dnl 
is placed among the Major Prophets, inmiediately 
after Ezk, thus following the order of the Sept and 
of the Lat Vulg. In the Heb Bible, however, it is 
placed in the third division of the Canon, called 
the Kethuvim or writing, by the Hebrews, and the 
hagiographaj or holy writings, by the Seventy. It 
has been clauned, that Dnl was placed by the Jews 
in the third part of the Canon, either because they 
thought the mspiration of its author to be of a lower 
kind than was tnat of the other prophets, or because 
the book was written after the second or prophetical 
part of the Canon had been closed. It is more 
probable, that the book was placed in this part of 
the Heb Canon, because Daniel is not called a 
ncAhV ("prophet"); but was rather a hozeh ("seer") 
and a h&kh&m ("wise man"). None but the works 
of the Wbhl'lm were put in the second part of the 
Jewish Canon, the third being reserved for the 
heterogeneous works of seers, wise men, and priests, 
or for those that do not mention the name or work 
of a prophet, or that are poetical in form. A con- 
fusion has arisen, because the Gr word prophet is 
used to render the two Heb words ndbht* and hozeh. 
In the Scriptures, God is said to speak to the former, 
whereas the latter see visions and dream dreams. 
Some have attempted to explain the position of 
Daniel by assunimg that he had the prophetic 
gift without holding the prophetic office. It must 
be kept in mind that all reasons given 'to account 
for the order and place of many of the books in the 
Canon are purely conjectural, since we have no 
historical evidence bearing upon the subject earlier 
than the time of Jesus ben Sirach, who wrote prob- 
ably about 180 BC. 

ilL DadnonM of thm Book, — ^According to its sub- 
ject-matter, the book falls naturally into two great 
divisions, each consisting of six chapters, the first 
portion containing the mstorical sections, and the 
second the apoc^yptic, or predictive, portions; 
though the former is not devoid of predictions, nor 
the latter of historical statements. More specifi- 
cally, the first chapter is introductory to the whole 
booK; chs 2-6 describe some marvelous events in 
the history of Daniel and his three companions in 
their relations with the rulers of Babylon; and chs 
7-12 narrate some visions of Daniel concerning the 
great world-empires, esp. in relation to the kingdom 
of God. 



According to the languages in which the book is 
written, it may be divided into the Aram, portion, 
extending from 2 46 to the end of ch 7, and a Heb 
portion embracing the rest of the book. 

IV. Ixmgttagea. — The language of the book is 
partly Heb and partly a dialect of Aram., which 
nas been called Chaldee, or Bib. Aram. This Aram, 
is almost exactly the same as that which is found in 

S)rtions of Ezr. On account of the lar^e number of 
ab and Pers words characteristic of this Aram, and 
of that of the papyri recently found in Egypt, as 
well as on account of the general similarity of the 
nominal, verbal and other forms, and of the syn- 
tactical construction, the Aram, of this period might 
properly be called tne Bab-Pers Aram. With the 
exception of the sign used to denote the sound dhj 
and of the use of ^oph in a few cases where Dnl has 
^ayin, the spelling in the papyri is the same in gen- 
eral as that in the Bib. books. Whether the change 
of spelling was made at a later time in the MSS of 
Dnl, or whether it was a peculiarity of the Bab Aram, 
as distinguished from tne Egyp, or whether it was 
due to the unifying, scientific genius of Daniel him- 
self, we have no means at present to determine. In 
view of the fact that the Elephantine Papyri fre- 
quently employ the d sign to express the dh sound, 
and that it is always employed in Ezr to egress it; 
in view further of the fact that the z sign is found 
as late as the earliest Nabatean inscription, that of 
70 BC (see Euting, 349: 1, 2, 4) to express the dh 
sound, it seems fatuous to insist on the ground of the 
writing of these two soimds in the Book of Dnl, that 
it cannot have been written in the Pers period. As 
to the use of f^vh and ^ayin for the Aram, sound 
which corresponos to the Heb gadhe when equiva- 
lent to an Arab, dad, any hasty conclusion is de- 
barred by the fact that the Aram^apyri of the 5th 
cent. BC, the MSS of the Sam Tg and the Man- 
daic MSS written from 600 to 900 AD all employ 
the two letters to express the one sound. The 
writing of *&leph and hi without any proper dis- 
crimination occurs in the papyri as well as m Dnl. 
The only serious objection to the early date of Dnl 
upon the ground of its spelling is that which is 
based upon the use of a mial n in the pronominal 
suffix ot the second and third persons masc. pi. 
instead of the m of the Aram. pap3rri and of the 
Zakir and Sendschirli inscriptions. It is possible 
that Dnl was influenced in this by the correspond- 
ing forms of the Bab language. The Syr and Man- 
daic dialects of the Aram, agree with the Bab in 
the formation of the pronominal suffixes of the 
second and third persons masc. pi., as against the 
Hebj Arab., Minaean, Sabaean and Ethiopic. It is 
possible that the occurrence of m in some west Aram, 
documents may have arisen through the influence 
of the Heb and Phoen, and that pure Aram, always 
had n just as we find it in Assvr and Bab, and m 
all east Aram, documents thus far discovered. 

The supposition that the use of 2/ in Dnl as a pre- 
formative of the third p^'son masculine of the im- 
perfect proves a Palestinian provenience has been 
shown to be untenable by the discovery that the 
earliest east Syr also used y. (See M. Pognon, /n^ 
scnptions shniiiquesy premiere partie, 17.) 

Tliis inscription is dated 73 AD. This proof that 
in the earlier stages of its history the east Aram, 
was in this respect the same as that found in Dnl is 
confirmed by the fact that the forms of the 3d 
person of the imperiect found in the proper names 
on the Aram, dockets of the Assyr inscriptions also 
have the preformative y. (See CIS, II, 47.) 

K. Farpo9€ of ihm Book. — The book is not in- 
tended to give an account of the life of Daniel. It 
gives neither his lineage, nor his age, and recounts 
ut a few of the events of his long career. Nor is it 
meant to give a record of the history of Israel during 

the exile, nor even of the captivity in Babylon. Its 
purpose is to show how by His providential guid- 
ance, His miraculous interventions, His foreknowl- 
edge and almighty power, the God of heaven controls 
and directs the forces of Nature and the history of 
nations, the Uves of Heb captives and of the mist- 
iest of the kings of the earth, for the accomplish- 
ment of His Divine and beneficent plans for His 
servants and people. 

V7. Uniiy. — ^The unity of the book was first 
denied by Spinoza, who suggested that the firstpart 
was taken from the chronological works of the Qial- 
daeans, basing his supposition upon the difference 
of language Mtween the former and latter parts. 
Newton followed Spinoza in su^esting two parts, 
but b^an his second division witn ch 7, where the 
narrative passes over from the 3d to the 1st person. 
Kohler follows Newton, claiming, however, that the 
visions were written by the Darnel of the exile, but 
that the first 6 chapters were composed by a later 
writer who also redacted the whole work. Von 
Orelli holds that certain prophecies of Daniel were 
enlarged and interpolated oy a Jew living in the time 
of Antiochus Epiphanes, in order to show his con- 
temporaries the Gearing of the predictions of the 
book upon those times of oppression. Zockler and 
Lanse nold to the unity of the book in general; but 
the former thought that 11 5-45 is an interpola- 
tion; and the latter, that 10 1—11 44 and 12 5-13 
have been inserted in the original work. Meinhold 
holds that the Aram, portions existed as early as 
the times of Alexander the Great — a view to which 
Strack also incUnes. Eichhom held that the book 
consisted of ten different original sections, which 
are bound together merely by the circumstance that 
they are all concerned with Daniel and his three 
friends. Finally, De Lagarde, believing that the 
fourth kingdom was the llom, held that ch 7 was 
written about 69 AD. (For the best discussion of 
the controversies about the unity of Dnl, see Eich- 
hom, EinleUung, H 612-19, and Buhl ia RE, IV, 

V7/. GmnainmnmaB. — ^With the exertion of the 
neo-Platonist Porph3rry, a Gr non-C5hristian phi- 
losopher of the 3d cent. AD, the genuineness of the 
Book of Dnl was denied by no one until the rise 
of the deistic movement in the 17th cent. The 
attacks upon the genuineness of the book have been 
based upon (1) the predictions, (2) the miracles. 
(3) the text, (4) the language, (5) the historical 

The assailants of the genuineness of Dnl on the 
ground of the predictions found therein, may be 
divided into two classes — those who 
1. The Pre- deny prediction in general, and those 
dictions who claim that the apocalyptic char- 
acter of the predictions of Dnl is a 
sufficient proof of their lack of genuineness. The 
first of these two classes includes properly those 
onlv who deny not merely Christianity, but theism; 
and the answering of them may safely be left to 
those who defend the doctrines of theism, and par^ 
ticularly of revelation. The second class of as- 
sailants is, however, of a different character, since 
it consists of those who are sincere believers in 
Christianitv and predictive prophecy. They claim, 
however, that certain characteristics of definiteness 
and detail, distinguishing the predictive portions of 
the Book of Dnl from other predictions of the OT, 
bring the genuineness of Dnl into question. 

The kind of prediction found nere, ordinarily 
called apocalyptic, is said to have arisen first in the 
2d cent. BC, when parts of the Book of En and of 
the Sibylline Oracles were written; and a main 
characteristic of an apocalypse is said to be that it 
records past events as if they were still future, throw- 
ing the speaker back . into some distant past time, 



for the purpose of producing on the reader the im- 
pression that the book contains real predictions, 
thus gaining credence for the statements of the 
writer and giving consolation to those who are thus 
led to believe in the providential foresight of God 
for those who trust in Him. 

Since those who believe that God has spoken unto 
man by His Son and through the prophets will not 
be able to set limits to the extent and definiteness 
of the revelations which He may have seen fit to 
make through them, nor to prescribe the method, 
style, time and character oi the revelations, this 
attack on the genuineness of Dnl may safelv be left 
to the defenders of the possibility and the fact of a 
revelation. One who believes in these may logically 
believe in the g^uineness of Dnl, as far as this ob- 
jection goes. That there are spurious apocalypses 
no more proves that all are spurious than that there 
are spurious gospels or epistles proves that there 
are no genuine ones. The spurious epp. of Philaris 
do not prove that Cicero's Letters are not genuine; 
nor do the false statements of 2 Mace, nor the many 
spurious Acts of the Apostles, prove that 1 Mace or 
Luke's Acts of the Apostles is not genuine. Nor 
does the fact that the oldest portions of the spurious 
apocal3rp8es which have been preserved to our time 
are thought to have been written in the 2d cent. 
BC, prove that no apocal3rp6es, either genuine or 
spurious, were written b^ore that time. There 
must have been a be^nning, a first apocalypse, at 
some time, if ever. Besides, if we aomit that the 
earliest parts of the Book of En and of the Sibyl- 
line Oracles were written about the middle of the 
2d cent. BC, whereas the Book of. Esd was written 
about 300 AD, 450 years later, we can see no good 
literary reason why Dnl may not have antedated 
En by 350 years. The pcaiod between 500 BC and 
150 BC is so almost entirely devoid of all known 
Heb literary productions as to render it exceedingly 
precarious for anyone to express an opinion as to 
what works may have characterized that long space 
of time. 

Secondhr, as to the objections made against the 
Book of Dnl on the ground of the number or char- 
acter of the miracles recorded, we shall 
2. The only say that they affect the whole 

Miracles Christian system, which is full of the 
miraculous from beginning to end. If 
we begin to reject the books of the Bible because 
miraculous events are recorded in them, where in- 
deed shall we stop? 

Thirdly, a more serious objection, as far as Dnl 
itself 18 concerned, is the claim of Eichhom that 
the original text of the Aram, portion 
8. The Text has be^ so thoroughly tampered with 
and changed, that we can no longer 
get at the genuine original composition. We our- 
sdves can see no objection to the belief that these 
Aram, portions were written first of all in Heb, or 
even, if you will, in Bab; nor to the supposition that 
some Gr translators modified the meaning in their 
version either intentionally, or through a misunder- 
standing of the original. We claim^ however, that 
the composite Aram, of Dnl agrees m almost every 
particular of orthography, et3rmology and syntax, 
with the Aram, of the North Sem inscriptions of the 
9th, 8th and 7th cents. BC and of the Egyp papyri 
of the 5th cent. BC, and that the vocabulaiy of Dnl 
has an admixture of Heb, Bab and Pers words simi- 
lar to that of the papyri of the 5th cent. BC; where- 
as, it differs in composition from the Aram, of the 
Nabateans, which is devoid of Pers, Heb, and Bab 
words, and is full of Arabisms, and also from that of 
the Palmyrenes, which is full of Gr words, while hav- 
ing but one or two Pers words, and no Heb or Bab. 
As to different recensions, we meet with a similar 
difficulty in Jeremiah without anyone's impugning 

on that account the genuineness of the work as a 
whole. As to interpolations of verses or sections, 
thev are found in the Sam recension of the Heb text 
and in the Sam and other Tgs, as also in certain 
places in the text of the NT, Jos and many other 
ancient literary works, without causing us tO dis- 
believe in the genuineness of the rest of their works, 
or of the works as a whole. 

Fourthly, the objections to the genuineness of 

Dnl based on the presence in it of three Gr names of 

musical instruments and of a number 

4. The of Pers words do not seem nearly as 
Language weighty today as they did a hundred 

years ago. The Gr inscriptions at 
Abu Simbal in Upper Egypt dating from the time 
of Psamtek II in the early part of the 6th cent. BC, 
the discovery of the Minoan inscriptions and ruins 
in Crete, the revelations of the wide commercial 
relations of the Phoenicians in the early part of the 
1st millennium BC. the lately published inscriptions 
of Sennacherib about his campaigns in Cilicia 
against the Gr seafarers to which Alexander Pol}^- 
histor and Abydenus had refeixed, telling about lus 
having carried many Greeks captive to Nineveh 
about 700 BC, the confirmation of the wealth 
and expensive ceremonies of Nebuchadnezzar made 
by his own building and other inscriptions, all 
assure us of the possibility of the use of Gr musical 
instruments at Babylon in the 6th cent. BC. This, 
taken along with the well-known fact that names 
of articles of commerce and esp. of musical instru- 
ments go with the thing, leave no room to doubt 
that a writer of the 6th cent. BC may have known 
and used borrowed Gr terms. The Aramaeans 
being the great commercial middlemen between 
Egypt and Greece on the one hand and Babylon 
and the Orient on the other, and being in addition 
a subject people, would naturally adopt many for- 
eign words into their vocabulary. 

As to the presence of the so-called' Pers words in 
Dnl, it must be remembered that many words which 
were formerly considered to be such have been found 
to be Bab. As to the others, perhaps all of them 
may be Median rather than Pers; and if so, the 
children of Israel who were carried captive to the 
cities of the Medes in the middle of the 8th cent. 
BC, and the Aramaeans, many of whom were sub- 
ject to the Medes, at least from the time of the fall of 
Nineveh about 607 BC, may well have adopted 
many words into their vocabulary from the lan- 
guage of their rulers. Daniel was not writing 
merely for the Jews who had been carried captive 
by Nebuchadnezzar, but for all IsraeUtes through- 
out the world. Hence, he would properly use a 
language which his scattered readers would under^ 
stand rather than the purer idiom of Judaea. Most 
of his foreign terms are names of officials, legal terms, 
and articles of clothing^ for which there were no 
suitable terms existing m the earlier Heb or Aram. 
There was nothing for a writer to do but to invent 
new terms, or to transfer the current foreign words 
into his native language. The latter was the pref- 
erable method and the one which he adopted. 

Fifthly, objections to the genuineness of the Book 

of Dnl are made on the ground of the historical 

misstatements which are said to be 

5. Histori- found in it. These may be classed as 
cal State- (1) chronological, (2) geographical, and 
ments (3) various. 

(1) Chronological objections. — The 
first chronological objection is derived from Dnl 
1 1, where it is said that Nebuchadnezzar made an 
expedition against Jerus in the 3d year of Jehoiakim, 
whereas Jeremiah seems to imply that the expedition 
was made in the 4th year of that king. As Daniel 
was writing primarily for the Jews of Babylon, he 
would naturally use the system of dating that was 

d1^^^^*^' the international standard bible encyclopaedia 


employed there; and this 83rstem differed in its 
method of denoting the Ist year of a reign from that 
used by the Esyptians and by the Jews of Jerus for 
whom Jeremiah wrote. 

The second objection is derived from the fact 
that' Daniel is said (Dnl 1 21) to have lived unto 
the Ist year of C3mis the king, whereas in 10 1 he 
is said to have seen a vision in the 3d year of Cyrus, 
long of Persia. These statements are eajsily recon- 
ciled by supposing that in the former case it is the 
Ist year of Cyrus as king of Babylon, and in the 
second, the 3d year of Cyrus as king oi Persia. 

The third chronological objection is based on 
6 28, where it is said that Daniel prospered in the 
kingdom of Darius and in the kingdom of Cyrus 
the Persian. This statement is harmonized with 
the facts revealed bv the monuments and with the 
statements of the book itself by supposing that 
Darius reigned synchronously with Cyrus, out as 
sub-king under him. 

The fourth objection is based on 8 1, where 
Daniel is said to have seen a vision in the tmrd year 
of Belshazzar the king. If we suppose that Bel- 
shazzar was king of the Chaldaeans while his father 
was king of Babylon, just as Cambyses was king of 
Babylon while his father. Cyrus, was king of the 
lands, or as Nabonidus II seems to have been king 
of Harran while his father, Nabonidus I, was king 
of Babylon, this statement will harmonize with the 
other statements made with regard to Belshazzar. 

(2) Geographical objections, — As to the geograi)hi- 
cal objections, three only need be considered as im- 
portant. The first is, that Shushan seems to be 
spoken of in 7 2 as subject to Babylon, whereas it 
is supposed by some to have been at that time sub- 
ject to Media. Here we can safely rest upon the 
opinion of Winckler, that at the division of the 
Assyr dominions among the allied Medes and Baby- 
lonians, Elam became subject to Babylon rather 
than to Media. If, however, this opinion could be 
shown not to be true, we must remember that Daniel 
is said to have been at Shushan in a vision. 

The second geographical objection is based on 
the supposition that Nebuchadnezzar would not 
have gone against Jerus, leaving an Egyp garrison 
at Carchemish in his rear, thus endangering his Une 
of communication and a possible retreat to Babylon. 
This objection has no weight, now that the position 
of Carchemish has been shown to be, not at Cires- 
sium, as formerly conjectured, but at Jirabis, 150 
miles farther up the Euphrates. Carchemish would 
have cut off a retreat to Nineveh, but was far re- 
moved from the direct line of communication with 

The third geographical objection is derived from 
the statement that Darius placed 120 satraps in, or 
over, all his kingdom. The objection rests upon a 
false conception of the meaning of satrap and of the 
extent of a satrapy, there being no reason why a 
sub-king under Danus may not have had as many 
satraps under him as Sargon of Assyria had govern- 
ors and deputies under him; and the latter king 
mentions 117 peoples and countries over which he 
appointed his deputies to rule in his place. 

(3) Other otfjectiona. — ^Various other objections 
to the genuineness of Dnl have been made, the prin- 
cipal beins those derived from the supposed non-ex- 
istence of Kings Darius the Mede and Belshazzar the 
Chaldaean, from the use of the word Chaldaean to 
denote the wise men of Babylon, and from the silence 
of other historical sources as to many of the events 
recorded in Dnl. The discussion of the existence 
of Belshazzar and Darius the Mede will be found 
under Belshazzar and Dariub. As to the argu- 
ment from silence in general, it may be said that it 
reduces itself in fact to the absence of all reference 
to Daniel on the monuments, in the Book of Ecclus, 

and in the post-exilic lit. As to the latter books it 
proves too much; for Hag, Zee, and Mai, as well 
as Ezr, Neh, and Est, refer to so few of the older 
canonical books and earlier historical persons and 
events, that it is not fair to expect them to refer to 
Daniel — at least, to use their not referring to him or 
his book as an argument against the existence of 
either before the time when they were written. As 
to Ecclus, we might have expected him to mention 
Daniel or the Tluree Children; but who knows what 
reasons Ben Sira may have had for not placing them 
in his list of Heb heroes? Perhaps, smce he held 
the views which later characterized the Sadducees, 
he may have passed Daniel by because of his views 
on the resurrection and on angels. Perhaps he 
failed to mention any of the four companions be- 
cause none of their deeds had been wrought in Pal; 
or because their deeds exalted too highly the heathen 
monarchies to which the Jews were subject. Or, 
more Ukely, the book may have been unknown to 
him, since very few copies at best of the whole OT 
can have existed in his time, and the Book of Dnl 
may not have gained general currency in Pal before 
it was made so preeminent by the fulfilment of its 
predictions in the Maccabean times. 

It is not satisfactory to say that Ben Sira did 
not mention Daniel and his companions, because 
the stories concerning them had not yet been im- 
bedded in a canonical book, inasmuch as he does 
place Simon, the high priest, among the greatest of 
Israel's great men. although he is not mentioned in 
any canonical book. In conclusion, it may be said, 
that while it is impossible for us to determine why 
Ben Sira does not mention Daniel and his three 
companions among his worthies, if their deeds were 
known to him, it is even more impossible to under- 
stand how these stories concerning them cannot 
merely have arisen but have been accepted as true, 
between 180 BC, when Ecclus is thought to have 
been written, and 169 BC, when, according to 1 
Mace, Matthias, the first of the Asmoneans. ex- 
horted his brethren to follow the example ot the 
fortitude of Ananias and his friends. 

As to the absence of all mention of Daniel on the 
contemporary historical documents of Babylon 
and Persia, such mention is not to be expected, inas- 
much as those documents give the names oi none 
who occupied positions such as, or similar to, those 
which Daniel is said to have filled. 

VIIL Interpretation, — Questions of the interpre- 
tation of particular passages may be looked for in 
the commentaries and special works. As to the 
general question of the kmd of prophecy found in 
the Book of Dnl, it has already been discussed above 
under the caption of "Genuineness." As to the 
interpretation of the world monarchies which pre- 
cede the monarchy of the Messiah Prince, it may 
be said, however, that the latest discoveries, ruling 
out as they do a separate Median empire that in- 
cluded Babylon, support the view that the four 
monarchies are the Bab, the Pers, the Gr, and the 
Rom. According to this view, Darius the Mede 
was only a sub-king under Cyrus the Pers. Other 
interpretations have been made by selecting the four 
empires from those of Assyria, Babylonia, Media, 
Persia, Medo-Persia, Alexander, the Seleucids, the 
Romans, and the Mohammedans. The first and 
the last of these have generally been excluded from 
serious consideration. The main dispute is as to 
whether the 4th empire was that of the Seleucids, 
or that of the Romans, the former view being held 
commonly by those who hold to the composition 
of Dnl in the 2d cent. BC, and the latter by those 
who hold to the traditional view that it was written 
in the 6th cent. BC. 

IX. Doctrines, — It is universally admitted that 
the teachings of Daniel with regard to angels and 



the resurrection are more explicit than those found 
elsewhere in the OT. As to angels, Daniel attrib- 
utes to them names, ranks, and functions not men- 
tioned by others. It has become common in certain 
quarters to assert that these peculiarities of Daniel 
are due to Pers influences. The Bab monuments, 
however, have revealed the fact that the Babylo- 
nians believed in both good and evil spirits with 
names, ranks, and different functions. These 
spirits correspond in several respects to the Heb 
angels, and may well have affordea Daniel the back- 
ground for his visions. Yet, in all such matters, it 
must be remembered that Daniel purports to give 
us a vision, or revelation; and a revelation cannot 
be bound by the ordinary laws of time and human 

As to the doctrine of the resurrection, it is gen- 
erally admitted that Daniel adds some new and 
distinct features to that which is taught in the other 
canonical books of the Old Testament. But it will 
be noted that he does not dwell upon this doctrine, 
since he mentions it only in 12 2. The materials 
for his doctrine are to be found in Isa 26 14.21 and 
66 24; Ezk 37 1-14, and in Job 14 12; 19 25; 
Hos 6 2; 1 K 17; 2 K 4, and 8 1-5. as well as 
in the use of the words for sleep and awakening from 
sleep, or from the dust, for everlasting life or ever- 
lasting contempt in Isa 26 19; Ps 76 6; 13 3; 
127 2; Dt 81 16; 2 S 7 12; 1 K 1 21; Job 7 
21, and Jer 20 11; 28 40. The essential ideas and 

Shraseology of Daniers teachings are found in Isa, 
er, and Ezk. The first two parts of the books of 
En and 2 Mace make much of the resurrection; 
but on the other hand, Eccl seems to believe not 
even in the immortality of the soul^ and Wisd and 
1 Mace do not mention a resurrection of the body. 
That the post-exilic prophets do not mention a 
resurrection does not prove that they knew nothing 
about Dnl any more than it proves that they knew 
nothing about Isa, Jer, and Ezk. 

There are resemblances, it is true, between the 
teachings of Daniel with regard to the resurrection 
and those of the Avesta. But so are there between 
his doctrines and the ideas of the Egyptians, which 
had existed for millenniums before his time. Besides 
there is no proof of any derivation of doctrines from 
the Persians by the writers of the canonical books 
of the Jews; and, as we have seen above, both the 
ideas and verbiage of Daniel are to be found in the 
acknowledgedly early Heb literature. And finally, 
this attempt to find a natural origin for all Bib. ideas 
leaves out of sight the fact that the Scriptures con- 
tain revelations from God, which transcend the 
ordinary course of human development. To a 
Christian, therefore, there can be no reason for 
believing that the doctrines of Dnl may not have 
been promulgated in the 6th cent. BC. 

The best oommentarles on Dnl from a oonBervatlve 
point of view are those by Calvin, Moses Stuart, Keil, 

Zdckler, Strong in Lange's Bibelwerk, 
Commen- Puller in the Speaker's Commentary, 
fariflke anrl Thomson In the PtUpit Commentary, and 
unes aua bright. Daniel and Hie CrUiee. The 
Introauc- best defences of Daniel's authenticity and 
tions genuineness are Hengstenberg, AtUhen- 

ticity of the Book of Daniel, Tregelles, De- 
fense of the Authenticity, Auberlen. The Prophecies of 
Daniel, Puller, Essay on the Authenticity of Daniel, Pusey, 
Daniel the Prophet (stlU the best of all). C. H. H. Wright, 
Daniel and His Critics, Kennedy, The Book of Daniel from 
the Christian Standpoint, Joseph Wilson, Daniel, and Sir 
Robert AndOTSon. Daniel in the Critics* Den. One should 
consult also Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of the 
Historical Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Clay, Light 
on the Old Testament from Babel, and Orr, The Problem 
of the OT. For Eng. readers, the radical school is best 
represented by Driver in his Lit. of the OT and in his 
Daniel; by Bevan, The Book of Daniel; by Prince, 
Commentary on Daniel, and by Comill in his Intro to 
the OT. 

X, Apocryphai AdditionM, — In the Gr translations 
of Dnl three or four pieces are added which are not 

found in the original Heb or Aram, text as it has 
come down to us. These are The Prayer of Azarias, 
The Song of the Three Holy Children, Susanna, 
and Bel and the Dragon. These additions have all 
been rejected from the Canon by the Protestant 
churches because they are not contained in the Heb 
Canon. In the Church of England they are "read 
for example of life and instruction of manners." The 
Three was "ordered in the rubric of the first Prayer 
Book of Edward VI (AD 1549) to be used in Lent 
as a responsory to the OT Lesison at the Morning 
Prayer." It contains the Prayer of Azarias from 
the midst of the fiery furnace, and the song of 
praise by the three children for their deliverance: 
the latter being couched largely in phrases borrowed 
from Ps 148. Sus presents to us the story of a 
virtuous woman who resisted the seductive attempts 
of two judges of the elders of the people, whose 
machinations were exposed through the wisdom of 
Daniel who convicted them of false witness by the 
evidence of their own mouth, so that they were put 
to death according to the law of Moses; and from 
that day forth Daniel was held in ^at reputation 
in the sight of the people. Bel contains three stories. 
The first relates how Daniel destroyed the image of 
Bel which Nebuchadnezzar worshipped, by showing 
by means of ashes strewn on the floor of the temple 
that the offerings to Bel were devoured by the priests 
who came secretly into the temple by nieht. The 
second tells how Daniel killed the Dragon D^r throw- 
ing lumps of mingled pitch, fat and hair into his 
mouth, so causine the Dragon to burst asunder. 
The tlurd gives a detailed account of the lions' den. 
stating that there were seven lions and that Daniel 
lived in the den six days, being sustained bv broken 
bread and pottage whlcn a prophet named Habak- 
kuk brou^t to him throu^ the air, an angel of the 
Lord havmg taken him by the arm and borne him 
by the hair of his head and through the vehemenoy 
of his spirit set him in Babylon over the den, into 
which he dropped the food for Daniel's use. 

LiTBRATURB. — For ooDunentaries on the additions to 
the Book of Dnl. see the works on Dnl cited above, and 
also 7*^0 Apocrypha by Churton and others; the volume 
on the Apocrypha in Lange's Commentary by Bissell; 
"The Apocrypha" by Wace in the Speaker* s Commentary, 
and Schttrer, History of the Jewish People. 

DANITES, dan'Its OJ^n, ha^anl): Occurs as 
describing those belonging to Dan in Jgs 18 2; 
18 1.11; 1 Ch 12 35. 

DAN-JAAN, dan-ja'an QTl H, dan ya'an; B, 
Adv ElSdv Kal O^Bw, Ddn Eiddn kcA Ouddn) : A 
place visited by Joab and his officers when taking 
the census (2 S 24 6). It is mentioned between 
Gilead and Sidon. Some would identify it with 
Khdn Ddnidn, a ruined site N. of Achzib. The 
text is probably corrupt. Klostermann would read 
''toward Dan and Ijon'' (cf 1 K 16 20). 

DANNAH, dan'a (H^l, danndh): One of the 
cities in the hill country of Judah (Josh 15 49) 
between Socoh and Kiriath-sannah (Debir), prob- 
ably Idhna — the ledna of the Onam — 8 miles W. of 
Hebron. See PEF, III, 305, 330. 

DAPHNE, daf'n6 (Ael+vn, Ddphne, "bay-tree"): 
A suburb of Antioch on the Orontes, according to 
Strabo and the Jerus itinerary^ about 40 furlongs, 
or 5 miles distant. It is identified with Beit d-Md 
on the left bank of the river, to the S.W. of the city. 
Here were the famous grove and sanctuary of 
Apollo. The grove and shrine owed their origin 
to Seleucus Nicator. It was a place of great natural 
beaut>^, and the Seleucid kings spared no outlay 
in adding to its attractions. The precincts enjoyed 
the right of asylum. Hither fled Onias the high 




priest (171 BC) from the wrath of Menelaus whom 
he had offended by plain speech. To the disgust 
and indignation of Jew and Gentile alike, he was 
lured from the sanctuary by Andronicus and basely 
put to death (2 Mace 4 33-38). It sheltered fugi- 
tives dyed with villainy of every shade. It was the 
great pleasure resort of the citizens of Antioch; 
and it gained an evil repute for immorality, as 
witnessed by the proverbial Daphnid mores. In 
Tiherim defluxit OronteSj says Juvenal (iii462), indi- 
cating one main source of the corruption that de- 
moraSzed the imperial city. The decline of Daphne 
dates from the days of Christian ascendency in the 
reign of Julian. The place is still musical with 
fountains and luxuriant with wild vegetation; but 
nothing now remains to suggest its former splendor. 
See Antioch; Gibbon, Decline and Foil, ch xxiii. 


DARA, ddr'a (rn'^J , ddra*). See Darda. 

DARDA, dar'da {Tr\^,, darda\ "pearl of wis- 
dom' : One of the wise men to whom Solomon is 
compared (1 K 4 31). He was either a son of 
Mahol (ibid) or a son of Zerah, son of Judah (1 Ch 
2 6, where the corresponding name in the same list 
is given as Dara). In raboinic lore the name has 
been interpreted as dor dg**, "the generation of 
knowledge — the generation of the wilderness. 

DARE, d&r: The expression "to dare'' in the 
Scriptures never has the meaning of "to defy," "to 
challenge," or "to terrify." It is always found as 
the tr ofroXfidw, lolmdOf ' *to manifest courage. ' ' This 
b particularly evident from 2 Cor 10 12, "for we are 
not bold to number or compare ourselves" (AV "for 
we dare not make ourselves of the number ). 

DARIC, dar'ik (ptt^n^, dark^on, and I'DinS, 
'adharkon; 8apciK6«, dareikds): A Pers gold coin 
about a guinea or five dollars in value. The first 
form of the word occurs in 1 Ch 29 7; Ezr 2 69, 
and Neh 7 70-72^ the second in Ezr 8 27 and is 
rendered "dram" m AV and "daric" in RV. In the 
passage in Ch. it must refer to a weight, since at the 
time of David there were no coins, but in the days 
of Ezra and Nehemiah the Pers darics were current. 
See Money. 

DARIUS, da-ri'us: The name of three or four 
kings mentioned in the OT. In the original Pers 
it is spelled "Darayavaush" ; in Bab, usually "Dari- 
amusn"; in Susian(?), "Tariyamaush"; in Egyp, 
"Antaryuash"; on Aram, inscriptions, tDliT^lt or 

tJini'^'l'l ; in Heb, '?'3'?1^> ddr*yaioesh; in Gr, 
AapcMf, Dareios; in Lat, "Darius." In meaning it 
is probably connected with the new Pers word Dara, 
"kmg." Herodotus says it means in Gr, 'Epfefiyf, 
ErxeliSf coerdtoTf "restrainer," "compeller," "com- 

(1) Darius the Mede (Dnl 6 1; 11 1) was the 
son of Ahasuerus (Xerxes) of the seed of the Medes 
(Dnl 9 1). He received the government of Bel- 
shazzar the Chaldaean upon the death of that prince 
(Dnl 5 30.31; 6 1), and was made king over the 
kingdom of the Chaldaeans. 

From Dnl 6 28 we may infer that Darius was 
king contemporaneously with Cjrus. Outside of 
the Book of Dnl there is no mention of Darius the 
Mede by name, though there are good reasons for 
identifymg him with Gubaru, or Ugbaru, the gov- 
ernor of Gutium, who is said in the Nabunaid-Cyrus 
Chronicle to have been appointed by Cyrus as his 
governor of Babylon after its capture from the 
Chaldaeans. Some reasons for this identification are 
as follows: 

(a) Gubaru is possibly a tr of Darius. The same 
radical letters in Arab, mean "king," "compeller," 

"restrainer." In Heb, derivations of the root mean 
"lord." "mistress," "queen"; in Aram., "mighty," 

(6) Gutium was the designation of the country N. 
of Babylon and was in all possibility in the time of 
C3TUS a part of the province of Media. 

(c) But even if Gutium were not a part of Media 
at that time, it was the custom of Pers kings to 
appoint Medes as well as Persians to satrapies and 
to the command of armies. Hence Darius-Gubani 
may have been a Mede, even if Gutium were not a 
part of Media proper. 

(d) Since Daniel never calls Darius the Mede 
king of Media, or king of Persia, it is immaterial 
what his title or position may have been before he 
was made king over the realm of the Chaldaeans. 
Since the realm of the Chaldaeans never included 
either Media or Persia, there is absolutely no evi- 
dence in the Book of Dnl that its author ever meant 
to imply that Darius the Mede ever ruled over 
either Media or Persia. 

(e) That Gubaru is called governor (pihaiu). and 
Darius the Mede, king, is no objection to this identi- 
fication; for in ancient as well as modern oriental 
empires the governors of provinces and cities were 
often called kings. Moreover, in the Aram, lan- 
guage, no more appropriate word than "king" can 
be found to designate the ruler of a sub-kingdom, or 
province of the empire. 

(f) That Darius is said to have had 120 satraps 
under him does not conflict with this; for the Pers 
word "satrap" is indefinite as to the extent of his 
rule, just like the Eng. word "governor." Besides, 
Gubaru is said to have appointed viheUus under 
himself. If the kingdom of the Chaldaeans which 
he received was as large as that of Sargon he may 
easily have appointed 120 of these sub-rulers; for 
Sargon names 117 subject cities and countries over 
which he appointed his prefects and governors. 

(g) The peoples, nations and tongues of ch 6 are 
no objection to tnis identification: for Babylonia 
itself at this time was inhabited oy Babylonians, 
Chaldaeans, Arabians, Aramaeans and Jews, and the 
kingdom of the Chaldaeans embraced also Assprrians, 
Elamites, Phoenicians and others within its hmits. 

(h) This identification is supported further by 
the fact that there is no other person known to his- 
tory that can well be meant. Some, indeed, have 
thought that Darius the Mede was a reflection into 
the past of Darius Hystaspis; but this is rendered 
impossible inasmuch as the character, deeds and 
empire of Darius Hystaspis, which are well known 
to us from his own monuments and from the Gr 
historians, do not resemble what Daniel says of 
Darius the Mede. 

(2) Darius, the fourth king of Persia, called 
Hystaspes because he was the son of a Pers king 
named Hystaspis, is mentioned in Ezr (4 5, et al.). 
Hag (1 1) and Zee (11). Upon the death of 
Cambvses, son and successor to Cyrus, Smerdia 
the Magian usurped the kingdom and was de- 
throned by seven Pers nobles from among whom 
Darius was selected to be king. After numy rebel- 
lions and wars he succeeded in establishing himself 
firmly upon the throne (Antf XI, i). He reorgan- 
ized and enlarged the Pers empire. He is best 
known to general history from his conflict with 
Greece culminating at Marathon, and for his re-dig- 
ging of the Suez Canal. In sacred history he stands 
fortn as the king who enabled the Jews under Jeshua 
and Zerubbabel to rebuild the temple at Jems. 

(3) Darius, called by the GreeKs Nothus, was 
called Ochus before he became king. He reigned 
from 424 to 404 BC. In the Scriptures he is men- 
tioned only in Neh 12 22, where he is called Darius 
the Pers. probably to distinguish him from Darius 
the Mcae. It is not necessary to suppose that 




Darius Codomannus who reigned from 336 to 330 
BC, is meant by the author of Neh 12, because he 
mentions Jaddua; for (a) Johanan, the father of 
this Jaddua, was high priest about 408 BC, as is 
clear from the Aram, papyrus from Elephantine 
lately published bv Professor Sachau of Berlin, and 
Jaddua may well have succeeded him in those 
troublous times before the death of Darius Nothus 
in 404 BC. And (6) that a high priest named 
Jaddua met Alexander in 332 BC, is attested only 
by Jos (Ant, XI, viii, 5). It is not fair to take the 
testimony of Jos as to Jaddua without taking his 
testimony as to the meeting with Alexander and as 
to the appeal of Jaddua to the predictions of the 
Book of JJnl. But even if Jos be right, there may 
have been two Jadduas, one high priest in 404 BC, 
and the other in 332 BC; or the one who was alive 
and exercising his functions in 404 BC may still 
have been high priest in 332 BC. He need not 
have exceeded 90 years of age. According to the 
Efihki Harran inscription, w£ach purports to have 
been written by himself the priest of the temple 
in that city had served for 104 years. In our own 
time how many men have been vigorous in mind 
and body at the age of 90, or thereabouts; Bismarck 
and Gladstone, for example? R. Dick Wilson 

DARK, dSrk, DARKNESS, dark'nes OPpH, 

hdthekk; oictfTo«, akdtos) : The day and night, light 

and darkness, are notable antitheses 

1. Dark- in Pal. There the day does not slowly 
ne88 and fade away into the night after a period 
Light in of twilight, but before sunset there is 
Pfdestine the brightness of day, and when the 

sun has disappeared everything has 
changed and night is at hand. From sunset until 
the darkness of night is less than an hour. 

In the Bible the main use of darkness is in con- 
trast to light. light is the symbol of God's purity, 

wisdom and glory. Darkness is the 

2. Symbolic opposite. Miraculous occmrence of 
Uses darkness in the land of Egjrpt for three 

days is recorded in Ex 10 21.22, and 
at the death of Christ (Mt 27 45). See Plaques; 

The fig. uses of darkness are many and various. 
It is used as a symbol (a) of moral depravity and its 
punishment. The wicked walk and work m dark- 
ness (Ps 82 5; Prov 2 13; Jn 8 19; Rom 18 12). 
and their reward is to ''sit m darkness'' (Ps 107 10) 
or to be "cast forth into the outer darkness" (Mt 
8 12); (6) of things mysterious or inexplicable 
(1 K 8 12; Ps 97 2); (c) of trouble and affliction 
?2 8 22 29; Job 5 14; Prov 20 20; Isa 9 2; cf 
Gen 16 12); (d) of punishment (Lam 8 2; Ezk 
82 8; Zeph 1 15); (e) of death (1 S 2 9; Job 10 
21 f; Eccl 11 8); (J) of nothingness (Job 8 4-6); 
(o) of himian ignorance (Job 19 8; 1 Jn 2 11). 

"A dark [RVm "squaUd") place" (2 Pet 1 19) 
refers esp. to the state of thinigs described in ch 2. 

Alfred H Joy 

DARKLY, dark'li: The word occurs in 1 Cor 18 
12, *'For now we see in a mirror, darkly," in tr of the 
words iv aMyfULTi^ en ainigmatiy RVm "in a riddle." 
The contrast is with the "face to face" vision of 
Divine things in eternity. Earth's best knowledge 
is partial, obscure, enigmatic, a broken reflection of 
the complete truth ("broken ughts of Thee"). 

DARKON, daxOcon dV")*! , daridn, "carrier") : 
Ancestor of a subdivision of "Solomon's servants," 
so called, in post-exilic times (Ezr 2 56; Neh 7 58; 
Lozon, 1 Esd 5 33). 

DARK SAYINGS (Prov 1 6; Ps 78 2; sing., Ps 
49 4[51; niTn, hidhdth, sing. TTpVl, hWidh, else- 
where rendered "riddle," "proverb"): In the head- 

ing to the canonical Book of Prov, the general term 
"proverbs" is made to include "a proverb [^ipp, 

ma8hal\y and a figure [or, an interpretation, H^'^bp, 
mHlgah], the words [sing, n^*! , ddbhar] of the wise, 
and their dark sayings [or, riddles]." The "prov- 
erb" is either a saying current among the pieople 
(cf 1 S 10 12; "the proverb of the ancients" 24 
13[14]), or a sentence of ethical wisdom composed 
by the order of wise men (D'^ppn, h^h&mlm). Of 

the latter kind are the sententious maxims of the 
Wisdom lit. (chiefl^r Prov, but also Job, Eccl, and 
among the uncanonical writings Ecclus). They are 
characterized by a secular touch; wisdom, moreover, 
flourished omong the neighbors of Israel as well: 
so in Edom and elsewhere. Whatever the date oi 
the collection known as the "Proverbs of Solomon," 
the wise men existed in Israel at a very early period; 
the prophets allude to them. But the Heb mdshoL 
is sometimes of a more elaborate character corre- 
sponding to our "parables" ; frequently a vein of 
taunt runs through them, and they played an im- 
portant part in compositions directed against other 
nations (cf Nu 21 27). The prophets are fond of 
employing this genre of Hterary production; in 
theur hands the m&shdl becomes a fig. or allegorical 
discourse (cf Ezk 21 5ff [8ff]). The m(Mdl in 
the sense of a didactic poem occurs also in the 
Psalms (Pss 49 and 78). Hence it is that "prov- 
erb" and "figure," or "proverb" and "dark saying" 
are interchangeable terms. The "dark saying" is 
the popular "riddle" (cf Jgs 14) raised to the 
dignit}^ of elaborate production. It is in short an 
allegorical sentence requiring interpretation. Both 
prophets and psalmists avail themselves thereof. 
The word of God comes to the prophet in the form 
of a vision (cf the visions of Amos or Jeremiah), i.e. 
the truth presents itself to them in the form of a 
simile. To the perfect prophet of the type of Moses 
the revelation comes direct in the shape of the naked 
truth without the mediation of figures of speech or 
obscure utterances reouiring elucidation (cf Nu 12). 
In the same way St. Paul (1 Cor 13) distinguishes 
between the childish manner of speaking of things 
spiritual and the manner of a man: "For now we 
see in a mirror, darkly [Gr "in a riddle"]; but then 
face to face." The rabbis say that, whereas all the 
other prophets saw God and things Divine in a dim 
mirror, Moses saw them in a polished, clear mirror. 
Both St. Paul and the rabbis feel the difference 
between mediate and immediate vision, the reve- 
lation which requires dark fig. language as a vehicle 
and the clear perception which is the direct truth. 

Max L. Mabgolis 
DAWNING, dar'Hng (T>n: , ydhUh, "only," AVm 

"only one" ; ARVm *'dear life") : Used poetically for 
the life or soul (Ps 22 20; 86 17). 

DART, dart CTTf , he^; p^os, h&m) : A pointed 
missile weapon, as an arrow or light spear (2 S 18 
14; Job 41 26). See Armor, Arms, III, 4; Ar- 

Figurative: (1) Of the penalty of mn (Prov 7 23 
AV); (2) of strong suggestions and fierce tempta^ 
tions to evil (Eph 6 16; cf 1 Mace 6 51). 

DART-SNAKE, dart'snake (Isa 84 15). See 

DASH: The idea of "to throw violently" or "to 
strike" with purpose of causing destruction is usually 
connected with the word "to dash." There is per- 
haps but one exception to this: Ps 91 12 and the 
quotations of this passage in the NT (Mt 4 6; Lk 
4 11, TpwTK&KTfa^ 'pro8k6ptd)f have the meaning "to 
strike against accidentally" and not intentionally. 
Nah 2 1, "he that dasheth in pieces" is doubtful. 




''He that scatters" would be in better harmony 
with the Heb y^lS^lQ , mephlQ, and the following de- 
scription of destruction. In all other cases "to 
dash" is connected with the idea of destruction, esp. 
the infliction, of punishment which is usually ex- 
pressed by tJ^l, rdtashf "to dash to the ground" 
(2 K 8 12; Isa 13 16 ff, et al., "to dash in pieces/' 
AV simply "to dash"), but also by 75? > naphoQf "to 
break to pieces" (Ps 2 9; 137 9, et al.)- See also 
Punishments. A. L. Bresuch 

DATES, d&ts (pyi, d'bJuuh): Arab, dibbs (2 Ch 
31 6 AVm); EV Honey (q.v.). See also Palm 

DATHAN, d&'than (1^*1, ddthdrif meaning and 
derivation unknown, though the name is found in 
Assyr, in the records of Shaimanezer II) : The son 
of Eliab the son of Pallu the son of Reuben (Nu 26 
5flf; Dt 11 6; Ps 106 17). He and his brother 
Abiram, with others, followed Korah the Levite in 
disputing the authority of Moses and Aaron in the 
wUderness (Nu 16-17, 26; Dt 11 6: Ps 106 17). 
Other followers of Korah perished by fire before 
the tent of meeting, but Dathan and Abiram were 
swallowed up by the earth, with their families and 
their goods, at their tents. See Korah. 

Willis J. Beecher 

DATHEMA, dath'^ma (Aoecito, Ddthtma): A 
stronghold (1 Mace 6 29) in Gilead to which the 
Jews fled for refuge from the heathen (ver 9) . They 
were delivered by Judas and Jonathan his brother. 
It was within a night's march from Bosora. It 
may possibly be identical with ^Atham&n which lies 
E. of elrMuzirlb. 

DAUB, d6b: "To daub" always has the meaning 
"to cover," "to smear with" in the Scriptures. Ezk 
compares the flatteries of the false prophets to a 
slight wall covered with whitewash (lit. "spittle''). 
See Ezk 13 lOff; 22 28. In Ex 2 3 "daubed it 
with slime and with pitch" (Heb H^JpHril, wot" 
tahmTdhf denom. of ^l^U , ftem&r, "bitumen" or "as- 
phalt"), "to daub" has the same meaning as in the 
Ezk passage. 

DAUGHTER, d6'tgr (PS, bath; Ovydrvip, thu- 
ffdier): Used in Scriptures in several more or less 
distinct senses: (a) for daughter in the ordinary, 
literal sense (Gen 46 25; Ex 1 16); (b) daughter- 
in-law (Ruth 2 2): (c) granddaughter or other 
female descendant (Ex 21; Lk 1 5; 13 16); (d) the 
women of a country, or of a place, taken collectively 
(Lk 23 28), of a particular religion (Mai 2 11); 
(e) all the population of a place, taken collectively, 
esp. in Prophets and poetic books (Ps 9 14; Isa 23 
10; Jer 46 24; Mt 21 5); (/) used in familiar 
address. "Daughter, be of good comfort" (Mt 9 22 
AV; Mk 6 34; Lk 8 48); (g) women in general 
(Prov 31 29); (h) the personification of towns or 
cities, as of the female sex (Isa 47 1; Ezk 16 
44.46; cf Nah 3 4.7), esp. of dependent towns and 
villages (Ps 48 11; Nu 21 25m; Jgs 1 27m); 
(i) in Heb idiom for person or thing belonging to 
or having the characteristics of that with which it 
is joined, as "daughter of ninety years," of Sarah. 
ninetyyearsold(Gen 17 17); "daughters of music, 
singing birds, or singing women (Eccl 12 4); 
daughters of a tree, i.e. branches; daughter of the 
eye, i.e. the pupil. 

Daughters were not so highly prized as sons, not 
being usually mentioned by name. A father might 
sometimes sell his daughter as bondwoman (Ex 21 
7); though not to a foreigner (ver 8); daughters 
might sometimes inherit as did sons, but could not 
take the inheritance outside of the tribe (Nu 36 
1-12). Edward Baqby Pollard 

DAUGHTER-IN-LAW. See Relationships, 

DAVID, da'vid C^rl , datmdh, or T^Tl , daiMh, 
"beloved"; AaviCS, Daueld, also in NT, Dauid, 
Dabid; see Thayer's Lex.): 

/. Ntunm and Gmnmalogy. — ^This name, which is 
written "defectively" in the older boolu, such as 
those of S, but pl^ with the yodh in Ch and the 
later books, is derived, like the simiUur name Jedi- 
diah (2 S 12 25), from a root meaning "to love." 
The only person who bears this name in the Bible is 
the son of Jesse, the second king of Israel. His 
genealo^ is given in the table appended to the 
Book of Ruth (4 18-22). Here the following points 
are to be noted: David belonged to the tnbe of 
Judah: his ancestor Nahshon was chieftain of the 
whole tribe (Nu 1 7; 2 3; 1 Ch 2 10) and brother- 
in-law of Aaron the high priest (Ex 6 23). As no 
other descendants of Nahshon are mentioned, his 
authority probably descended to Jesse by right of 

grimogeniture. This supposition is countenanced 
y the fact that Salma (Salmon), the name of the 
son of Nahshon and father of Boaz, is also the name 
of a grandson of Caleb who became "father" of 
Bethlehem, the home of Jesse (1 Ch 2 51). David 
was closelv connected with the tribe of Moab, the 
mother of his grandfather Obed being Ruth the 
Moabitess. Of the wife or wives of Jesse we know 
nothing, and consequently are without information 
upon a most interesting point — ^the personality of 
the mother of David; but that she too may have 
been of the tribe of Moab is rendered probable b^ 
the fact that, when hard pressed, David placed his 
parents under the protection of the king of that 
countnr (1 S 22 3.4). 

//. £ariy Yean. — ^The home of David when he 
comes upon the stage of history was the picturesque 
town of Bethlehem. There his family 
1. Shepherd had been settled for generations, in- 
deed ever since the Israelite nation had 
overrun the land of Canaan. His father was appaiv 
ently not only the chief man of the place, but he 
seems to have been chieftain of the whole clan to 
which he belonged — the clan of Judah. Although 
the country round Bethlehem is more fertile than 
that in the neighborhood of Jerus, the inhabitants 
joined to the cultivation of the soU the breeding of 
cattle (Lk 2 8). David's father, not only culti- 
vated his ancestral fields, but kept flocks of sheep 
and goats as well. The flocks were sent out every 
day to pasting in the neighboring valleys attended 
by the herdsmen armed so as to defend themselves 
and their charge, not only against marauders from 
the surrounding deserts, but also from the lions 
and bears with which the country was then infested. 
David seems to have been in the habit of accom- 
pan3ring his father's servants in their task (1 S 17 
20.22), and on occasion would be left in full charge 
by himself. Nor was his post at such times a sine- 
cm^. He had not only to keep a sharp lookout 
for thieves, but on more than one occasion had with 
no other weapon than his shepherd's club or staff 
to rescue a lamb from the clutches of a lion or a 
bear (vs 34 ff). Such adventures, however, must 
have been rare, and David must often have watched 
eagerly the lengthening of the shadow which told 
of the approach of sunset, when he could drive his 
charge into the zariba for the night and return home. 
There is, indeed, no life more monotonous and en- 
ervating than that of an eastern shepherd, but David 
must have made good use of his idle time. He 
seems, in fact, to have made such good use of it as 
to have neglected his handful of sheep. The inci- 
dents of which he boasted to Saul would not have 
occurred, had his proper occupation taken up all 
his thoughts; but, like King Alfred, his head seems 




to have been filled with ideas far removed from his 
humble task. 

David, like Nelson, does not seem to have known 
what it was to be afraid, and it was not to be ex- 
pected that he could be satisfied with 
2. Stinger the lot of the youngest of eight sons 
of the now aged chief (1 S 17 12; 
1 Ch 2 13 ff). In the East every man is a soldier, 
and David's bent was in that direction. The tribes- 
men of Benjamin near whose border his home was 
situated were famed through all Israel as slingers, 
some of whom could sling at a hair and not miss 
(Jgs 20 16). Tau^t, perhaps, by one of these, 
but certainly by dmt of constant practice, David 
acquired an accuracy of aim which reminds one of 
tales of William Tell or Robin Hood (1 S 17 49). 

Another of the pastimes in the pursuit of which 
David spent many an hour of his youthful days 
was music. The instrument which he 
8. Harpist used was the ^'harp^' (Heb kinndr). 
This instrument had many forms, 
which may be seen on the As^ and Egyp monu- 
ments; but the kind used bv David was probably 
like the modem Arab, rubdbaf having onlv one or 
two strings, played not with a plectrum {Ant, VII, 
xii, 3) but by the hand (cf 1 S 16 23, etc, which 
do not exclude a quill). Whatever the nature of the 
instrument was, D. acquired such proficiency in 
playine it that his fame as a musician soon spread 
throughout the countryside (ver 18). With the 
passing of time be becomes the Heb Orpheus, in 
whose music birds and mountains joined (cf Korftn, 

To the accompaniment of his lyre David no doubt 
sang words, either of popular songs or of lyrics of 
his own composition, in that wailing 
4. Poet eastern key which seems to be an imi- 
tation of the bleating of fiocks. The 
verses he sang would recount his own adventiu*es 
or the heroic prowess of the warrior of his clan^ or 
celebrate the loveHness of some maiden of the tnbe, 
or consist of elesdes upon those slain in battle. 
That the name of D. was long connected with music 
the reverse of sacred appears from the fact 'that 
Amos denoimces the people of luxury of his time for 
improvising to the sound of the viol, inventing in- 
struments of musiCj like D. (6 5). (It is not clear 
to which clause ''like D.'' belongs, probably to 
both.) The only remains of the secular poetry of 
D. which have come down to us are his elegies on 
Saul and Jonathan and on Abner (2 S 1 19-27; 
8 33.34), which show him to have been a true poet. 
Did D. also compose religious verses? Was he 
"the sweet psaknist of IsraeP (2 S 23 1)? In the 
oldest account which we have, con- 
6. Psalmist tained in the books of S, D. appears 
as a musician and as a secular poet 
only, for it is obvious the poetical passages, 2 S 22 
1 — 28 7, do not belong to the origmal form of that 
book but are thrust in in the middle of a long list of 
names of D.'s soldiers. The position is the same 
in Am (6 5). It is in the later books and passages 
that sacred music and psalms begin to be ascribed 
to him. Perhaps the earliest instance is the pas- 
sage just cited containing the ''last words" of D. 
(2 S 28 1-7). The Chronicler (about 300 BC) 
seems to put parts of Pss 105, 96 and 106 into the 
mouth of D. (1 Ch 16 7 ff), and Nehemiah (12 36) 
regards him apparently as the inventor of the instru- 
ments used in the Temple service (1 Ch 23 5), or 
as a player of sacred music. So too in the LaX 
psalter (161 2) we read, "My hands made an organ, 
my fingers fashioned a psaltery" ; and gradually the 
whole of the Psalms came to be ascribed to D. as 
author. In regard to this question it must be 
remembered that in the East at any rate there is 
no such distinction as that of sacred and secular. 

By sacred poetry we mean poetry which mentions 
the name of God or quotes Scripture, but the Heb 
or Arab poet will use the name of God as an accom- 
paniment to a dance, and will freely sprinkle even 
comic poetry with citations from ms sacred book. 
D. must have composed sacred poems if he com- 
posed at all, and he would use his musical gift for 
the purposes of religion as readily as for those of 
amusement and pleasure (2 S 6 14.15). Whether 
any of our psalms was comix)8ed by D. is another 
question. The titles cannot be considered as con- 
clusive evidence, and internal proofs of his author- 
ship are wanting. Indeed the only psalm which 
daima to have been written b^ D. is the 18th ( — 
2 S 22). One cannot help wishing that the 23d 
were simg by the little herd lad as he watched his 
father's flocks and guarded them from danger. 

There are sayings of Mohammed that the iiappiest 
life is that of the shepherd, and that no one became 

a prophet who had not at one time 
6. Tribes- tended a flock of sheep. What Mo- 
man hammed meant was that the shepherd 

enjoys leisure and solitude for reflec- 
tion and for plimging into those day dreams out of 
which prophets are made. If D., like the Arab poet 
Tarc^a, indulged in eportf in music and in poetry, 
even to the neglect of his charge, he must have sought 
out themes on which to exercise his muse; andf it 
must have been with no little chagrin that he leamt 
that whereas the tribes of Ephraim, Benjamin, 
Naphtali, Manasseh, Issachar. Zebulun, Levi, Dan, 
ana even the non-Is'aelite tribes of Kenaz and the 
debatable land of Gilead could boast of having held 
the hegemony of Israel and led the nation in battle, 
his own tribe of Judah had played a quite subor- 
dinate part, and was not even mentioned in the 
national war song of Deborah. As contrasted with 
the poets of these tribes he could boast in his verses 
only of Ibzan who belonged to his own town of 
Bethlehem (Jgs 12 8). The Jerahmeelites were 
no doubt a powerful clan, but neither they nor any 
other of the subdivisions of Judah had ever done 
anything for the common good. Indeed, when the 
twelve pathfinders had been sent in advance into 
Canaan, Judah had been represented bv Caleb, a 
member of the Uitlander tribe of Kenaz (Nu 18 6). 
He became apparentlv the adopted son of Hezron 
and so. D. might claim kinship with him, and through 
him with Otnniel the first of the judges (J09 1 13). 
D. thus belonged to the least efiicient era all the 
Israelitish tribes except one, and one which, con- 
sidering its size and wealth, had till now failed to 
play a worthy part in the confederacy. It is diffi- 
cult to believe that the young D. never dreamed of 
a day when his own tribe should take its true place 
amon^ its fellows, and when the deliverer of Israel 
from its oppressors should belong for once to the 
tribe of Judah. 

///• in the Service of SaaL — ^The earliest events 
in the career of D. are involved in some obscurity. 

This is due mainly to what appears to 
1. David be an insoluble difficulty in ens 16 and 
First Meets 17 of 1 S. In ch 16, D. is engaged 
Saul to play before Saul in order to dispel 

his melancholy, and becomes his squire 
or armor-bearer (16 21), whereas in the following 
chapter he is unknown to Saul, who, after the death 
of Goliath, asks Abner who he is, and Abner replies 
that he does not know (17 55). This apparent 
contradiction may be accounted for by the f olfowins 
considerations: (a) 16 14-23 may be inserted out^ 
its chronological order for the sake of the contrast 
with the section immediately preceding — "the spirit 
of JHVH came mightily upon D. from that day for- 
ward .... the spirit of JHVH departed from Saul" 
(16 13.14); (6) the fact of D. becoming Saul's 
squire does not imply constant personal attendance 




upon him; the text says D. became an (not his) 
armor-bearer to Saul. The king would have many 
such squires: Joab, though only commander-in- 
chief, had) it seems, eighteen (2 S 23 37 reads 'W- 
mor-oearers"); (fi) D. would not play before Saul 
every day: his presence might not be required for 
a space of weeks or months; (d) Saul's failure to 
recognize D. may have been a result of the 'evil 
spirit from JHVH' and Abner's denial of knowl- 
edge may have been feigned out of jealousy. If 
we accept all the statements of the dramatis per- 
sonae in these narratives we shall not get very far. 
The facts seem to have been somewhat as follows: 
It had become evident that Saul was not equal to 

the task to which he had been set — 
2. His First the task of breaking the Phili power, 
Exploit and it became the duty of Samuel, as 

the vicar of Jeh and as still homing 
very large powers, to look about for a successor. He 
turned to the tribe of Judah (the full brother of his 
own ancestor Levi), a tribe which was fast becoming 
the most powerful member of the federation. The 
headman of this clan was Jesse of Bethlehem. His 
name was well known in the country — Saul does not 
require to be told who he is (1 S 16 18; 17 68) — ^but 
he was by this time advanced in years (17 12). He 
had, however, many sons. Old men in the East 
often foretell a great future for a young boy (cf Lk 
2 34). Samuel saw that D. was formed of other 
clay than his brothers, and he anointed him as he 
had done Saul (1 S 10 1). But whereas the 
anointing of Saul was done surreptitiously and for 
a definite purpose which was explained at the time 
(10 1), that of D. was performed before his whole 
family, but with what object he was not told (16 
13). His brothers do not seem to have thought the 
matter of much consequence (cf 17 28), and all D. 
could conclude from it was that he was destined to 
some high office — perhaps that of SamueFs succes- 
sor (cf 1 K 19 15.16). It would have the effect 
of nerving him for any adventure and raising his 
hopes high and steeling his courage. Whether by ac- 
cident or by contrivance he became attached to Saul 
as minstrel (cf 2 K 8 15) and subsequently as one 
of his armor-bearers. He would probably be at this 
time about twenty years of age. It must have been 
after an interval of some months that an event hap- 
pened which made it impossible for Saul ever again 
to forget the existence of D. This was the famous 
duel between D. and the Phili Goliath, which saved 
the situation for Saul for the time (ch 17). In 
regard to this narrative it must be noted that vs 
12- and the first five verses of ch 18 
are wanting in the best MS of the LXX, that is, 
the sending of D. from Bethlehem and his fresh 
introduction to Saul and Saul's failure to recognize 
him are left out. With the omission of these verses 
all the difficulties of the narrative vanish. For 
the reason whv D. could not wear the armor offered 
him was not because he was still a child, which is 
absurd in view of the fact that Saul was excep- 
tionally tall (1 S 9 2), but because he had had no 
practice with it (17 39). It is ridiculous to sup- 
pose that D. was not at this time full-grown, and 
that two armies stood by while a child advanced to 
engage a giant. The event gained for D. the repu- 
tation won in modem times at the cannon's mouth, 
but also the devoted friendship of Jonathan and 
the enmity of Saul (1 S 18 1-9). 

The next years of D.'s life were spent in the serv- 
ice of Saul in his wars with the rhilis. D.'s suc- 
cess where Saul had failed, however, instead of 
gratifying only inflamed the jealousy of the latter, 
and he determined to put D. out of the way. More 
than once he attempted to do so with his own hand 
(18 11 ; 19 10), but ne also employed stratagem. It 
came to his ears that his daughter Michai, as well 

as his son Jonathan, loved D., and Saul undertook 
to give her to D. on condition of his killing a hundred 
Philis. The gruesome dowry was paid, 
3. Envy of and D. became Saul's son-in-law. The 
Saul and Heb text states that Saul first offered 
Flight of his elder daughter to D., and then 
David failed to implement his promise (18 

17-19.216), but this passage is not 
found in the Gr. D.'s relation to Saul did not 
mitigate the hatred of the latter; indeed his enmity 
became so bitter that D. determined upon fiisht. 
With the help of stratagem on the part of Michai, 
this was effected and D. betook himself to Samuel 
at Ramah for counsel and advice (19 18). Thither 
Saul pursued him, but when he came into the pres- 
ence of the prophet his courage failed and he was 
overcome by the contagion of the prophetic ecstasy 
(19 24) as he had been on a previous occasion (10 
11). D. returned to Gibeah, while the coast was 
clear, to meet Jonathan, but Saul also returned 
immediately, his hatred more intense than before. 
D. then continued his flight and came to Ahimelech. 
the priest at Nob (21 1). It is sometimes supposea 
that we have here two inconsistent accounts of D.'s 
ffight, according to one of which he fled to Samuel at 
Ramah, and according to the other to Ahimelech 
at Nob; but there is no necessity for such a suppo- 
sition, and even if it were correct, it would not clear 
up all the difficulties of the narrative. There is 
evidently much in these narratives that is left imtold 
and our business should be to fill up the ga]>s in a 
way consistent with what we are given. That Saul 
made sure that D. would not return is shown by 
the fact that he gave his daughter Michai to a man 
of the tribe of Benjamin as wife (25 44). 

The relation existing between Jonathan and David 
was one of pure friendship. There was no reason 
why it should not be so. A heredi- 
4. Jonafhan tary monarchy did not yet exist in 
and David Israel. The only previous attempt 
to establish such an institution — ^that 
of Gideon's family (Jgs 9) — thou^ not of Gideon 
himself (8 23) — ^had ended in failure. TTie prin- 
ciple followed hitherto had been that of election by 
the sheikhs or caids of the clans. To this Saul owed 
his position, for the lot was a kind of ballot. More- 
over, behind all national movements there lav the 
gower of the prophets, the representatives of Jeh. 
aul was indeoted for his election to Samuel, just 
as Barak was to Deborah (Jgs 4 6). like the 
judges who preceded him he had been put forward 
to meet a definite crisis in the national affairs — ^the 
rise of the Phili power (9 16). Had he succeeded 
in crushing these invaders, the newly established 
kingdom would in the absence of this bond of union 
have dissolved again into its elements, as had hap- 
pened on every similar occasion before. He was 
the only judge who had failed to accomplish the 
task for which he was appointed, and he was the 
only one who had been appointed on the imder- 
standing that his son shoulcl succeed him, for this 
constitutes the distinction between king and judge. 
Moreover, not only was Saul aware that he had 
failed, but he saw before him the man who was readv 
to step into his place and succeed. Hia rival hadf. 
besides, the backing of the mass of the people and 
of Samuel who was still virtual head of the state 
and last coiu*t of appeal. It is not to be wonder^ 
at that Saul was hostile to D. Jonathan, on the 
other hand, acquiesced in the turn things had taken 
and bowed to what he believed to be the inevitable. 
Such was his love for D. that he asked only to be his 
wazeer (vizier) when D. came to the throne (1 S 23 
17) . D.'s position was perhaps the most difficult im- 
aginable. He had to fight the battles of a king whose 
one idea was to bring about his ruin. He was the 
bosom friend of a prince whom he proposed to sup- 




plant in his inheritance. His hope of salvation lay 
m the death of his king, the father of his wife and 
of his best friend. The situation would in ordinary 
circumstances be intolerable, and it would have been 
impossible but for the fact that those concerned 
were obsessed by a profound belief in Fate. Jona- 
than bore no grudge against D. for aimine at the 
throne because to the throne he was destined by the 
will of Jeh. To D. it would never occur that he 
had the choice of declining the high destiny in 
store for him. Had he had thepower to refuse what 
he believed to be the decree of Fate, he would hardly 
escape censure for his ambition and disloyalty. 

IV. Daoid in Exile. — ^From the moment of his 

flight D. became an outlaw and remained so until 

the death of Saul. This period of his 

1. David career is full of stirring adventures 
as Outlaw which remind us of Robert Bruce or 

William Wallace of Scotland. Like 
King Arthur and other heroes he carried a famous 
sword — the sword of Goliath (21 9). Having ob- 
tained it of Ahimelech, he for the first time left Is- 
raelite territory and betook himself to the Phili city 
of Gath (21 10). Not feeling safe here he left and 
took up his abode in the cave of Adullam (22 1) in 
the country of Judah, almost within sight of his 
native Bethlehem. This cave was admirably suited 
to the outlaw's purpose and no doubt D. had many 
a time explored its recesses when a boy. Here he 
was joined by his parents and brothers, with their 
servants, as well as by all sorts of persons who were 
at war with the government, debtors, fugitives from 
justice, and discontented persons generally . D . thus 
became the chief of a band of outlaws who num- 
bered about 400. Of such stuff some of his bravest 
soldiers were made (2 S 23 13 ff). He had an 
augur, too, to direct his actions^ and. after the mas- 
sacre of the priests at Nob, a pnest, Abiathar. carry- 
ing an ephod with which to cast lots (1 S 22 5; 
23 6). During this period he supported himself 
and his men bv making raids on the Phili outposts 
and levying blackmail on his own countrymen (25 
2 ff) in rotum for giving them his protection from 
the Philis (23 Iff). Hard pressed both by Saul 
and the PhiUs (who had established themselves even 
in Bethlehem) he committed his parents to the keep- 
ing of the king of Moab, and began to rove as a free- 
b(x>ter through the coimtry (23 On 
two occasions D. had Saul in hiis power, but refused 
to seize the opportunity of taking his life (24-26). 
Here again there are no adequate grounds for sup- 
posing we have two accounts of one and the same 
mcident. During his wandering D.'s followers in- 
creased in numbers (cf 22 2; 23 13; 25 13). His 
chief lieutenant was his nephew Abishai, the son of 
his sister Zermah, but his brothers Joab and Asahel 
do not seem to have joined D. yet. Another of his 
nephews, Jonathan the son of Shimei (Shammah), 
is mentioned (2 S 21 21; cf 1 S 16 9) and the 
Chronicler thinks many other knightsjoined him 
during this period (1 Ch 11 10 ff). The position 
of D. at this time was very similar to that of the 
brigand Raisuli of late in Morocco. That there was 
some stability in it is shown by his taking two wives 
at this time — ^Ahinoam and Abigail (1 S 25 42.43). 
D. now, abandoning all hope of ever conciliating 
the king (1 S 27 1), made a move which shows at 

once his reckless daring and consum- 

2. David mate genius. He offered the services 
Joins the of himself and his httle army of 600 
Philistmes men to the enemies of his coimtry. 

The town of Gath appears to have been 
an asylum for furtive Israelites (1 K 2 39). D.'s 
first impulse on his flight from Saul had been to seek 
safety there (1 S 21 10-15). Then, however, he 
was the hero of Israel, whose assassination would 
be the highest gain to the Philis; now he was the 

embittered antagonist of Saul, and was welcomed 
accordingly. Achish placed at his disposal the 
fortified town of Ziklag in the territory of the now 
extinct tribe of Simeon, and there he and his follow- 
ers, each of whom had his family with him, took up 
their quarters for sixteen months (27 6.7). The 
advantages to D. were many. He was safe at last 
from the persecution of Saul (27 4) ; he could secure 
ample supplies by making raids upon the Ama- 
lekites and other tribes hostile to Israel toward the 
S. (27 8); and if the opportunity presented itself 
he could deal a serious blow at the Phili arms. The 
position was no doubt a precarious one. It could 
last i us t as long as D. could hoodwink Achish by per- 
suacun^ him that his raids were directed against his 
own tnbe (27 10). This he succeeded in doing so 
completely that Achish would have taken him with 
him on the campaign which ended in the decisive 
battle of Gilboa, out the other chiefs, fearing treach- 
ery, refused to allow him to do so. D. was forced 
to return with his followers to Ziklag. only to find 
that town razed to the ground and all the women 
and children carried off by his old enemies the 
Amalekites (SO 1.2). By the time he had recovered 
the spoil and returned in triumph to Ziklag the battle 
of Gilboa had been fought and Saul was slain. The 
conduct of D. in his relations with the Philis was not 
more reprehensible than that of the Cid who allied 
himself with Al-Mu'taman of Saragossa, or of 
Coriolanus who went over to the Volsci. D. com- 
posed upon the death of Saul and Jonathan an elegy 
every sentence of which has become classic. 

V. David €u King. — D. immediately removed 

from Ziklag and took up his quarters at Hebron, 

where he was at once anointed king 

1. Civil over his own tribe of Judah. Thus 
War began the cleavage between Judah and 

Israel. Here he was joined, appar- 
ently for the first time, by his nephew Joab. Abner. 
however, loyal to his former master, had Esh-baal 
(1 Ch 8 33), son of Saul, anointed king over the 
remaining tribes at Mahanaim, a fortifi^ town E. 
of the Jordan. War continued between D. and 
Abner for several years, fortune always favoring D. 
Seeing things were goine against him Abner forced 
Esh-baal into a personal cjuarrel with himself and 
then transferred his allegiance and persuaded his 
side to transfer theirs to D. (2 S 8 21). He did 
not reap the fruit of his defection, as he was imme- 
diately after assassinated by Joab in revenge for the 
death of Asahel whom Abner had killed in self- 
defence (8 27). Deprived of his chief support 
Esh-baal also fell a victim to assassination (4 2 ff). 
D. denounced both crimes with apparent sincerity. 
He composed an elegy and fasted for Abner (8 33 ff) 
and avenged the death of Esh-baal (4 9ff). Yet 
these acts of violence laid the sovereignty of all 
Israel at his feet. Of the male heirs of Saul there 
remained only a son of Jonathan, Merib-baal (1 Ch 
8 34) who was a crippled child of 7. D. was there- 
fore elected king over the nation (2 S 5 1 ff). His 
sovereignty of Judah is said to have lasted 7} years 
and that over the undivided people 33. maiung a 
reign of 40 years, beginning from D/s 30tn year (5 5; 
1 Ch 8 4; m 2 S 2 10 the text is probably corrupt). 
These are round numbers. 

King of all the Israelitish tribes, D. found his 

hands free to expel the foreigners who had invaded 

the sacred territory. His first step 

2. Con- was to move his headquarters from the 
quests Southern Hebron, which he had been 
Abroad compelled at first to make his capital, 

to the more central Jems. The fort 
here, which was still held by the aboriginal Jebusites, 
was stormed by Joab^ D.'s nephew, who also super- 
intended the rebuilding for D. He was in conse- 
quence appointed commander-in-chief (1 Ch 11 




6.8), a post which he held as long as D. lived. The 
materifius and the skilled workmen for the erection 
of the palace were supplied by Hiram of Tyre 
(2 S 5 II). p. now turned his attention to the 
surrounding tribes and peoples. The most for- 
midable enemy, the Philis, were worsted in several 
campaigns, ana their power crippled (2 S 6 17 ff; 
8 1). In one of these D, so nearly came by his 
death, that his people would not afterward permit 
him to take part in the fighting (21 16.17). One of 
the first countries against which D. turned his arms 
was the land of Moab, which he treated with a 
severity which would suggest that the Moabite 
king had ill-treated D.'s father and mother, who 
had taken refuge with him (8 2). Yet his conduct 
toward the B*ne ^Ammdn was even more cruel (12 
31), and for a less cause (10 1 ff). The king of 
Zobah (Chalkis) was defeated (8 3), and Israel te 
garrisons were placed in Syria of Damascus (8 6) 
and Edom (8 14). The 6*ne ^ Amman formed a 
league with the Syrian kingdoms to the N. and E. 
of Pal (10 6.16), but these also had no success. All 
these people became tributary to the kingdom of 
Israel imder D. (10 18.19) except the B^n^^Ammdn 
who were practically exterminated for the time 
being (12 31). Thus Israel became one of the 
"great powers" of the world during the reign of D. 
and his inmiediate successor. 

There is no doubt that the expansion of the bound- 
aries of Israel at this period almost to their ideal 
limits (Dt 11 24, etc) was largely due 

3. Political to the fact that the two great empires 
Situation of Egypt and Assyria were at the mo- 
ment passing through a period of 

weakness and decay. The Assyr monarchy was 
in a decadent state from about the year 1050 BC. 
and the 22d Dynasty — ^to which Shishak belongea 
(1 K 14 25) — ^had not yet arisen. D., therefore, 
had a free hand when his time came and found no 
more formidable opposition than that of the petty 
states bordering upon Pal. Against the combined 
forces of all the Israelitish tribes these had never 
been able to effect much. 

It had been the custom of the Israelites on setting 

out upon expeditions in which the nation as a whole 

took part to carry with them the sacred 

4. The Ark box or "ark" wmch contained the two 

stone tables (Josh 4 7, etc). When 
D. had secured the fortress of Jebus for his metropo- 
lis one of his first thoughts was to bring into it tnis 
emblem of victorv. It was then l3ring at Kiriath- 

J'earim, possiblv Abu Gosh about 8 noiles N.W. of 
ferus (cf Ps 132). Owing to the sudden death of 
one of the drivers, which he interpreted as indica- 
tive of anger on the part of Jeh, D. left the ark at 
the house of a Phili which happened to be near 
at hand. As no misfortune befell this person, but 
on the contrary much pjrosperity, D. took coura^ge 
after three months to bring the sacred chest and its 
contents into his royal city. The ceremony was 
conducted with military honors (2 S 6 1) and with 
religious dancing and music (6 5.14) and festivity 
(6 18.19). A tent was pitched for it, in which it 
remained (7 2), except when it was sent with the 
army to the seat of war (11 11; 15 24). D., how- 
ever, had flJready built for himself a stone palace, 
and he wished now to add to it a chapel royal in the 
shape of a small temple, such as the neighboring 
kings had. He was the more anxious to so do as he 
had much of the material ready to hand in the pre- 
cious metals which formed the most valuable part 
of the spoil of the conquered races, such as bronze 
from ChaJkis (8 8), gold and silver (8 11) and the 
vessels which he had received as a present from the 
king of Hamath (8 10). He was persuaded, how- 
ever, by the prophet Nathan to forego that task, 
on the ground of his having shed much human 

blood, and to leave it to his successor (1 Ch 22 
8; 28 3). 

V7. DofneUic Life* — In accordance with the 

practice of the kings of his time D. had sevconal 

wives. His first wife was Michal, the 

1. His younger daughter of Saul. When D. 
Wives and fled from Saul she was dven to Phal- 
Children tiel, but was restored to D. after Saul's 

death. She does not appear to have 
borne any children. In 2 S 21 8 "Michal" should 
be Merab (1 S 18 19). During the period of separ 
ration from Michal, D. took to wife Ahinoam 
of Jezreel and Abigail the wife of Nabal (1 S 25 
43.42), who accompanied him to Ziklag (27 3 ff), 
when they were among those captured by the Ama- 
lekites (30 5). A fourth wife was the daughter of 
TaJmai of Oeshur, Maacah, whom he had captured 
in war (27 8; 2 S 3 3). When he removed to 
Hebron Ahinoam bore him his eldest son Amnon, 
and Abigail his second son Chileab or Daniel (2 S 8 
2.3; 1 Ch 3 1); his third son was Absalom, whose 
mother was Maacah, and his fourth Adonijah. His 
mother's name was Haggith; nothing is known about 
her. Two other sons, Shephatiah and Ithream were 
also bom in Hebron (2 S 3 2-5: 1 Ch 3 1-4). 
When D. added the kingdom of Israel to that of 
Judah, he, in accordance with custom, took more 
wives with a view to increase his state and dignity. 
One of these was Bathsheba, who became the mother 
of Solomon (2 S 5 13 ff ; 1 Ch 3 5 ff ; 14 3 ff). 
D.'s sons discharged priestly functions (2 S 8 18; 
cf Nathan in Zee 12 12). 

It was perhaps inevitable that in so large a house- 
hold the usual dissensions and crimes of the hainm 

should have sprung up in plenty. A 

2. Domestic most unvamisned account of these is 
Troubles given in 2 S 11-20— it has been 

suggested by Abiathar the priest in 
order to avengenimself on Solomon for his disgrace 
(1 K 2 26.27), Solomon's mother being Bath£eba 
(2 S 11, 12). Ch 13 recounts the wrong done to 
Tamar, the daughter of D. and Maacah, and sister 
of Absalom, and how the last named, having avenged 
his sister's honor by killinjg Amnon, Qs elc^t 
brother, fled for asylum to his mother's father, the 
king oi Geshur. Thence after two years he re- 
turned (ch 14), only to foment rebellion against his 
father (ch 15), leading to civil war between D. and 
Judah on the one side and Absalom and Israel on 
the other (chs 16, 17), and ending in the death of 
himself (ch 18) and of Amasa, D.^s nephew, at the 
hands of his cousins Joab and Abishai (20 7 ff), 
as well as nearly precipitating the disruption of the 
newly foimded kingdom (19 43). The rebeUion of 
Absalom was probably due to the fact of Solomon 
having been designated D.'s successor (cf 12 24; 
1 Ch 22 9),for Absalom had the best claim, Amnon 
being dead and Chileab apparently of no account. 

VU. HtM OfRdaU, — ^As D.'s circumstances im- 
proved he required assistance in the management 

of his affairs. The beginning of his 

1. Prophets good fortune had been the friendship 

of the prophet Samuel (1 S 16 13; 
19 18). The prophet or seer was keeper of the 
king's conscience and was not appointed by him. 
but claimed Divine authority (2 S 7 3.5ff; 12 
Iff; 24 11 ff). Among the persons who discharged 
this duty for D. were Gad the seer (1 S 22 5) and 
Nathan the prophet (1 K 1 11 ff). All these are 
said to have written memoirs of their times (1 Ch 
29 29; 2 Ch 9 29). 

Next to the prophet came the priest. The ko- 
hen (priest) was, as the name indicates, a soothsayer 

or diviner. The duty of Abiathar, 

2. Priests D.'s first priest (1 S 22 20 ff), was to 

carry the ephod — an object used for 
casting lots (23 6 ff), in order to decide what to do 




in cases where there was no other way of making 
up one's mind (SO 7). It is not to be confused with 
the dress of the same name (1 S 2 18). Later, at 
Hebron. Abiathar was given a colleague, Zadok 
(1 Ch 12 28), and it became their duty to carry 
the ark in exoeditions (2 S 15 24). Shortly after 
the death of D., Abiathar was deposed by Solomon 
for his part in Adonijah's attempt to seize the 
throne ( 1 K 2 26.27), and Zadok remained sole 
priest to the king (2 35). D.'s sons also acted in 
the same capacity (2 S 8 18). An extra private 
priest is mentioned in 2 S 20 26 (cf 28 26.38). 

When still an outlaw D. required the services of 
a henchman to take command of his men in his 

absence. This post was held at first 
8. Military by different pereons according to cir- 
Officers cumstances, but generally, it seems, 

by his nephew Abishai (1 S 26 6). 
It was only after the death of Saul that his brother 
Joab threw in his lot with D. His great military 
talents at once gave him a leading place, and as a re- 
ward for the captiu^ of Jebus he was given the chief 
conmiand, which he held against all rivals (2 S 3 
27; 20 10) during the whole reign. D.'s special 
body-^piard of Pmli troops — ^the Cherethites and 
Pelethites — were conmianded by Benaiah, who in 
the following reign, succeeded Joab (1 K 2 35). 

The office of recorder or maaister memoriae was 
held during this reign and in the following by Je- 

hoshaphat (2 S 8 16): and that of 

4. Other secretary by Seraiah (2 S 8 17), also 
Officials called Shavsha (1 Ch 18 16) or Shisha 

(1 K 4 3). There were also the coun- 
sellors, men noted for their great acumen and 
knowledge of himian natiu*e, such as Ahithophel and 

It was natural that there should be much mutual 
jealousy and rivalry among these officials, and that 

some of them should attach them- 

5. Mutual selves to one of D.'s many sons, others 
Rivalry to another. Thus Amnon is the spe- 
cial patron of D.'s nephew Jonaoab 

(2 S 13 3; cf 21 21), and Absalom is backed by 
Amasa (17 25). The claim of Adonijah to the 
throne is supported Iw Joab and Abiathar (1 K 1 
7), as against that of Solomon who is backed by 
Nathan, Benaiah, Zadok (ver 8) and Hushai (cf 
Ant, VII, xiv, 4). Ahithophel sides with Absa- 
lom; Hushai with D. (2 S 16 12.32). 

Viil. Penonai Character of DtwitL—We should 
obtain a very different idea of the personal character 

of D. according as we drew our con- 
1. Chroni- elusions from the books of S and K or 
des from the books of Ch. There is no 

doubt whatever that the former books 
are much truer to fact, and any estimate or appre- 
ciation of D. or of any of the other characters de- 
scribed must be based upon them. The Chronicler, 
on the other hand, is biased by the religious ideas 
of his own time and is prejudiced in favor of some of 
those whose biographies he writes and against others. 
He accordingly suppresses the dark passages of 
D.'s life, e.g. the miuxier of Uriah (1 Ch 20), or 
sets them in a favorable light, e.g. by laying the 
blame of the census upon Satan (1 Ch 21 1). D.'s 
success, esp. as against SauFs misfortune, is greatly 
exaggerated (12 2.22). Ceremonial functions are 
greatly elaborated (ch 16; cf 2 S 6). The various 
orders of priests and singers in the second temple 
have their origin traced back to D. (16 4 ff.37 ff ; 
chs 28-27),. and the temple of Solomon itself is to 
all intents and purposes built by him (chs 212, 28). 
At the same time there may be much material in 
the shape of 'names and isolated statements not 
found in the older books, which so long as they are 
not tinged with the Chronicler's pragmatism or 
"tendency," may possibly be authentic records pre- 

served within the circle of the priestly caste, e.g. we 
are told that SauPs skull was fastened in the temple 
of Dagon (1 Ch 10 10). There is no doubt that the 
true names of Ish-bosheth. Mephibosheth and Eliada 
(2 S 2 8: 4 4: 6 16)wereIsh-baal(£sh-baal),Merib- 
baal and Beeliada (1 Ch 8 33; 9 39: 8 34; 9 40; 
14 7); that the old name of Jerusalem was Jebus 
(11 4.5; cf Jgs 19 10.11); perhai>sasonofD. called 
Nogah has to be added to 2 S 5 15 from 1 Ch 8 
7; 14 6: in 2 S 8 8 and 21 18, for Betah and Gob 
read Tebah (Tibhath) and Gezer (1 Ch 18 8; Gen 

22 24: 1 Ch 20 4). The incident recounted in 
2 S 28 9 ff happened at Pasdammim (1 Ch 11 13). 
Shammah the Harodite was the son of EUka (2 S 

23 25; cf 1 Ch 11 27), and other names in this 
list have to be corrected after the readings of the 
Chronicler. Three (not seven) years of famine 
was the alternative offered to D. (2 S 24 13; cf 
1 Ch 21 12). 

If we could believe that the Book of Pas was In whole 

or In part the work of D.. It would throw a flood of light 

upon the religious side of his nature. 

2. Psalms indeed, we should know as much about his 

religious life as can well be known about 
anyone. Unfortimately the date and authorship of the 
Pss are questions regarding which the most divergent 
opinions are held. In the early Christian centuries all 
the Pss were ascribed to D. and, where necessary, ex- 
plained as prophecies. The author of the Ep. to the He 
speaks of the Book of Pss simply as " David (4 7). The 
6r text, however, of that book ascribes only some 87 
of the poems to D., and the Heb only 73. Some of these 
are not D.'s, and in the whole book there is only one 
which professes from its contents to be his. namely, Ps 18 
(»2 S 28). The ocea«ton on which a psalm was composed 
is stated only in the case of 13 psalms, all of which are 
ascribed to D. Each of these is referred to some incident 
recorded in the books of S, although sometimes the cita- 
tion is erroneous (see Psalmb). The LXX supplies 
occasions to two or three more psalms; but all such state- 
ments are merely the conjectures of readers and scribes 
and are of no historical vuue. 

To form a correct opinion of anyone is much more 

difficult than to state the facts of his life; to form 

an opinion which will be generally 

3. Complex accepted is impossible. Of D.'s char- 
Character acter the most opposite estimates have 

been formed. On one hand he is ex- 
tolled as a saint^^and vet few men have committed 
worse crimes. The character of D. must remain, 
like that of everyone, an insoluble enigma. A per- 
son is to be judged by his motives rather than by his 
actions, and one's true motives are unknown even 
to oneself (Jer 17 9). There are several sides of 
D.'s nature in regard to which there cannot be two 

Perhaps the feature of his character which stands 

out most prominentl]^ in his earlier years, at any 

rate, is ms boundless physical courage. 

4. Physical He never shirked danger (1 S 17 28. 
Courage 34 IT) and delighted m hairbreadth 

escapes (26 6). ^ Like most Semites he 
was fond of gamoling and liked to take risks (18 
26; cf 23 9; 30 7), even when modesty would have 
led him to decline them (17 32: cf Jgs 8 20). A 
native indifference to the shedding of blood grew 
into a liking for it, giving rise to acts of gross cruelty 
(1 S 27 9; 2 S 8 2; 16 7, etc). He had need, 
indeed, to be a brave man, considering the charac- 
ter of the men whom he ruled (1 S 22 2). Yet he 
coiild rule them by gentleness as well as by force 
(30 23). All classes had unboimded confidence in 
his personal courage and soldierly qualities (2 S 18 
3), and were themselves driven to restrain his mili- 
tary ardor (21 17). 

Whether D. possessed moral courage to an equal 
degree is another matter. Had he done so he would 

hardly have permitted the execution 

5. Moral of seven sons of Saul (2 S 21 Iff), 
Courage and that, too, at the cost of breaking 

his plighted word (1 S 24 21); he 
would not have stood in awe of the sons of his sister 




Zeruiah (2 S 3 39)^ and would have punished Joab 
instead of weakly invoking an imprecation on his 
head (ver 29), however much he might have felt 
the loss of his services. But in manv matters his 
natural sense of justice was blunted by the super- 
stitions of the age in which he lived. 

But D. was even more prudent than courageous. 

He is so described by the person who reconunended 

him (somewhat eulogistically) to Saul 

6. Prudence (1 S 16 18). Prudence or wisdom 

was indeed what his biographer most 
remarks in him (18 5.30), and situated as he was 
he could not have too much of it. It shows itself 
in the fact that he consistently made as many friends 
and as few enemies as was possible. His wonderful 
foresight is shown in such acts as his conciliating 
the Judaean chiefs with gifts taken from his spoO 
(30 26 ff), in his commendation of the men of Ja- 
besh-gilead (2 S 2 5-7), and in his reception of 
Abner (3 20). Yet it must be confessed that this 
constant looking forward to the future takes away 
from the spontaneity of his virtue. His gratitude 
is often a keen sense of favors to come. His kind- 
ness to Merib-baal did him no harm and some 
advantage (ch 9; 19 24ff), and his clemency to 
Shimei helped to win him the tribe of Benjamin 
(19 16 ff). Even in his earliest youth he seems 
to have preferred to attain his ends by roundabout 
ways. The means by which he obtained introduc- 
tion or reintroduction to Saul (1 S 17 26 ff) afford 
some justification for the opinon which his eldest 
brother held of him (ver 28). Perhaps nothing 
proves the genius of D. better than his choice of 
Jebus as the capital of the country — ^which it still 
continues to be after a lapse of three thousand 

Yet it must be confessed that D.'s prudence often 
degenerates into cunning. With true oriental sub- 

tletv he beheved firmly in keeping 

7. Strategy one s secret to oneself at all costs (IS 

21 2). The manner in which he got 
himself out of Gath after this first visit there (21 13) 
and the fact that he hoodwinked Aclush during 
sixteen months (ch 27 ; 28 1 ; 29) may excite our 
admiration but not our respect. The Oriental, 
however, delishts in a display of cunning and makes 
use of it without shame (2 S 15 34), just as the 
European does in secret. There is something ciui- 
ously modern in the diplomacy which D. employed 
to ensure his own return in due state (19 11 ff). 
We must remember, however, that D. lived among 
persons hardly one of whom he could trust. Joab 
accuses Abner of deceit, while he himself was faith- 
ful to none except D. (2 S 3 25). Ziba accuses 
Merib-baal of treachery, and Merib-baal, Ziba of 
falsehood, and D. cannot tell which is speaking the 
truth (2 S 16 1 ff; 19 24flf). D. himself is out- 
witted by Joab, though with a friendly purpose 
(2 S 14 1 AT). The wonder, therefore, is, not that 
D. was guilty of occasional obliquity, but that he 
remained as straighforward and simple as he was. 
D. was, indeed, a man very much ahead of the 
times in which he Uved. His fine elegies upon the 

death of Saul and Jonathan, Abner 

8. Nobility and Absalom show that his nature 

was untainted with mahce. It was 
no superstitious fear but a high sense of honor which 
kept him back from putting out of his way his arch- 
enemy when he had him in his power (IS 24-26). 
He even attempts to find an excuse for him (26 19), 
while depreciatmg himself (24 14; 26 20) in phrases 
which are more than a mere oriental metonymy 
(2 S 9 8). It was the ambition of his life to be the 
founder of a permanent dynasty (2 S 7 29), yet 
he was willing that his house should be sacrificed 
to save his nation from destruction (24 17). Like 
most Orientals he was endowed with a refinement of 

feeling unknown in the West. His refusal to drink 
of water obtained at the cost of bloodshed has be- 
come classic (2 S 23 17). And he seems to have 
been gifted with the saving sense of humor (1 S 26 
15). That he was a religious person goes without 
saying (2 S 7: 8 11). He did not probably believe 
that outside tne land of Israel Jeh ceased to rule: 
the expression used in 1 S 26 19 is not a term of 
dogmatic theology. Like other Hebrews D. had 
no theolo^^. Hebelieved in Jeh alone as the ruler, 
if not of the universe, at any rate of all the world 
known to him. He certainl}^ did not believe in 
Chemosh or Miloom, whether in the lands of Moab 
and Ammon or out of them (2 S 12 30; for ''their 
king'' read Malcam [Milcom]). 

D. discharged, as most ChientaJs do, his duty 

toward his parents (1 S 22 3). To Michal his 

nrst wife his love was constant (2 S 

9. David in 8 13). although she did not bear him 
Relation to any children. In accordance with the 
His Family custom of the times, as his estate im- 

§ proved, he took other wives and slave- 

'rls. The lavorite wife of his latter days was 
athsheba. His court made some show of splendor 
as contrasted with the dwellings of the peasantry 
and the farmer class (19 28.35), but his palace was 
always small and plain, so that it could be left to 
the keeping of ten women when he removed from it 
(16 16). D. and Michal seem to have Uved on 
terms of perfect equality (6 20 ff). In this he con- 
trasts somewhat with Ahab (1 K 21 5ff). D.'s 
chief weakness in regard to his family was his indul- 
gence of some of his sons and f avormg some above 
others, and want of firmness in regard to them. He 
could refuse them nothing (2 S 13 27). His first 
favorite was his eldest son Amnon (13 21 LXX). 
After the death of Amnon, Absalom became the 
favorite (18 33), and after the death of Absalom, 
Adoni|ah (1 K 1 6). Yet D. lived for two whole 
vears m Jems along with Absalom without seeing 
him (2 S 14 28), and he was succeeded not by 
Adonijah, but bv Solomon, whose mother was the 
favorite wife of his later years. 

Not only did D. know the value of having many 

friends, but he was capable of sincere attachment. 

There is no reason to doubt the sin- 

10. David in cerity of his love for Jonathaji, al- 
Relation to though it is not so completely cut off 
His Friends from all suspicion of self-interest as is 

that of Jonathan for him. D., indeed, 
had the faculty of winning the confidence and love of 
all sorts and conditions of people, not only of Jona- 
than (1 S 18 Iff; 20; 23 16 ff), butof J.'s sister 
Michal (18 20), of the whole people (18 28 LXX; 
2 S 19 14), and even of his people's enemies (2 S 
17 27 ff). His friendship lasted as long as the ob- 
ject of it lived (2 S 1 17 ff ; 10 1 f). In the case 
of his officers this was partly due to his faculty for 
choosing good men (2 S 8 16 ff), so that the same 
persons often held the same offices dining D.'s life 
(20 23 ff). Yet the services of one of them at least 
were retained more by compulsion than by choice 
(2 S 8 39). He seems, indeed, to have continu^ 
Joab in his post because he felt he could not do with- 
out him. Joab was devoted to D. with the devotion 
of Caleb Balderstone to his master, and he was as 
utterly unscrupulous. He did not nesitate to com- 
mit any crime that would benefit D. The latter 
dared not perpetrate these atrocities himself, but 
he did not mind taking advantage of such a useful 
instrument, and never punished Joab for them, 
save with an impotent curse (3 29). He dealt 
otherwise with malefactors who could be better 
spared (2 S 1 14ff; 4 9ff). Indeed, a suspicious 
juryman might find that D. put both Abner and 
Amasa in tine way of Joab (3 23 ff; 19 13; 20 
4 ff). It does not say much for D. that he fell so 




low as to fear losing the good opinion even of Joab, 
this ready instrument of lus worst crime (11 25). 

One reason for the high position D. held in the 
popular estimation was no doubt his almost unin- 
terrupted success. He was regarded 

11. "Bib as the chosen of Heaven, by friend and 
Success foe alike (1 S 23 17). Fortune seemed 

to favor him. Nothing could have 
been more timely than the death of Saul and Jona- 
than, of Ishbaai and Abner, of Absalom and Amasa, 
and he did not raise his hand against one of them. 
As a guerilla chief with his 600 bandits he could 
keep at bay Saul with his 3,000 picked men (IS 
24 2; 26 2), but he was not a great general. Most 
of the old judges of Israel did in one pitched battle 
what D. effected in a campaign (1 S 18 30; 19 8; 
23 Iff; 2 S 6 17ff: 21 15 ff). Most of his con- 
quests were won for nim by Joab (1 Ch 11 6; 2 S 
11 1), who willingly accorded D. the credit of what 
he himself had done (2 S 12 27.28; cf 2 S 8 13; 

I Ch 18 11 with the title of Ps 60). And to crown 
all, when he came to turn lus arms east and west, 
he found his two most formidable opponents in these 
directions crippled and harmless. That he ever 
survived Saul he owed to a timely incursion of the 
Philis (1 S 23 24 ff). and his whole career is largely 
to be explained by the fact that, at the moment, the 
tribe of Judah as a whole was passing from insig- 
nificance to supremacy. 

In the prosecution of his military achievements 

D. employed everyone who came to his hand as an 

instrument without any question of 

12. ffis nationality. This is not to impugn 
Foreign his patriotism. Eastern peoples are 
Friends united not by the ties of country but 

of religion. Still it does seem strange 
that two of D.'s best friends were two enemies of his 
nation — Nahash, king of the B*ne ^Ammon (1 S 11 
1; 2 S 10 1 ff) and Achish, lord of Gath (1 S 21 
10; 27; 28 1 ff; 29). He appears to have found 
the Philis more reliable and trustworthy than 
the Hebrews. When he became king his personal 
body-guard was composed of mercenaries of that 
nation — ^the Cherethites and Pelethites — ^with whom 
he had become acquainted when at Ziklag (1 S 30 
14; 2 S 8 18^ 20 23). It was to a native of Gath 
that he committed the care of the sacred ark on its 
passage from Kiriath-jearim to Jems (2 S 6 10.11). 
When the rebellion broke out under Absalom, he com- 
mitted one-third of his forces to a banished soldier 
of the same town, who had come to him a little 
while before with a band of followers (2 S 16 19 ff; 
18 2). Some of the soldiers in whom he placed the 
greatest confidence were Hittites (1 S 26 6; 2 S 

II 6), and his commissariat was furnished by persons 
outside of Israel (2 S 17 27; the Machir tribe 
were half Syrian; Gilead is the son of Machir,* 1 Ch 
7 14) . The threshing-floor of a Jebusite became the 
site of the temple of Solomon (2 S 24 18 ff). 

D. was a strong believer in the power of Nemesis, 

and that daughter of Night played a considerable 

part in his life. He felt a peculiar 

13. Neme- satisfaction in being undeservedly 
sis cursed by Shimei, from a conviction 

that poetic justice would in the end 
prevail (2 S 16 12). He must have felt that the 
same unseen power was at work when his own eldest 
son was guilty of a crime such as his father had com- 
mitted before him (2 S 13 and 11), and when the 
grandfather of the wife of Uriah the Hittite became 
the enemy whom he had most to fear (2 S 11 3; 
23 34; cf Ps 41 9; 65 12 f). And D.'s own last 
hours, instead of being spent in repose and peace 
following upon a strenuous and successful life, were 
passed in meting out vengeance to those who had 
incurred his displeasure as well as commending 
those who had done him service (1 K 2 5 ff). 

Even as early as Ezekiel D. became the ruler who 
was to govern the restored people of Israel (34 23. 

24; 37 24). If there were to be a rul- 
14. Refer- ing house it must be the Davidic 
ences in dynasty; it did not occur to the Jews 
the NT to think of any other solution (Am 

9 11: Hos 3 5; Jer 30 9; Zee 12 8). 
That Jesus was descended from D. (Mt 9 27, etc) 
is proved by the fact that his enemies did not deny 
that he was so (22 41 ff). In the NT, D. is re- 
garded as the author of the Pss (Acts 4 25; Rom 
4 6; He 4 7). He is also one of the OT saints 
(He 11 32) whose actions (unless otherwise stated) 
are to be imitated (Mt 12 3); but yet not to be 
compared with the Messiah (Acts 2 29 ff; 13 36) 
who has power over the life to come (Rev 3 7) 
and who is "the Root of David" (6 5; 22 16). 

Literature. — See the commentaries on the books of 
S. K. Ch. and Pss, and histories of the kingdoms of 
Israel and Judah, esp. Wellhausen and Kittel. A sketch 
of the life and historical position of David from the 
modem Continental point of view will be foimd in G. 
Beer, Saul, David, Salomo, published by Mohr, Tttbingen, 

Thomas Hunter Weir 
DAVID, CITY OF. See Zion. 

DAVID, ROOT, root, OF (4| fila. AavcCS, he 
rhiza Daueidy Rev 6 5; 22 16): Root here means 
stock, family, descendant, hence ''the Root of 
David'' is that which descended from David, not 
that from which David descended. Jesus Christ 
in His human nature and family connections was 
a descendant of David, a member of his family. 

DAVID, TOWER, tou'6r, OF. See Jerusalem. 

DAWN, d6n, DAWNING: The word means the 
approach of the morning light, the breaking of the 
day. There are several words in the Bible that indi- 
cate this. C)tnj, nesheph, ''twiUght" of the morn- 
ing (Job 7 4: Ps 119 147). The same word is 
used for evemng twilight (1 S 30 17; 2 K 7 5.7); 

*\fjSin niSlp , p*nolh fia-bdier, "the turning" of the 
morning, the change from darkness to light, approach 
of the morning (Jgs 19 26); *\ntJ ''BJB?, ^apk^appe 
BhahaTf "the eyeUds" of the morning (Job 8 9; 41 
18 [10]) ; nnign nnby, *<tt5/AAa-«^Aar, "the ascent" 
or "rise" of the morning (Josh 6 15); ^irt0(4<ricw, epi- 
ph&akOf "to grow Hght," the approach of the dawn 
(Mt 28 1: Lk 28 54 m): diavydi;io^ diaugdzo, "to 
grow bright," "lustrous'^ (2 Pet 1 19), "until the 
day dawn"; fig. of the Second Coming of Christ 
(cf ver 16). H. Porter 


DAY, d& (Uy^ , yom; ^fi^pa, henUra) : This com- 
mon word has caused some trouble to plain readers, 
because the^ have not noticed that the woi^d is used 
in several different senses in the Eng. Bible. When 
the different uses of the word are understood the 
difficulty of interpretation vanishes. We note 
several different uses of the word: 

(1) It sometimes means the time from daylight 
till dark. This popular meaning is easily discovered 
by the context, e.g. Gen 15; 8 22, etc. The 
marked periods of this daytime were morning, noon 
and night, as with us. See Ps 66 17. The earlv 
hours were sometimes called "the cool of the day 
(Gen 3 8). After the exile the day or daytime 
was divided into twelve hours and the night 
into twelve (see Mt 20 1-12; Jn 11 9; Acts 28 
23) : 6 AM would correspond to the first hour, 9 
AM to the third ; 12 M to the sixth, etc. The hours 
were longer during the longer days and shorter 
during the shorter days, as they always counted 12 
hours Detween sunrise and sunset. 

(2) Day also means a period of 24 hours, or the 



time from sunset to sunset. In Bible usage the 
day begins with sunset (see Lev 23 32: Ex 12 15- 
20; 2 Cor 11 25, where night is put before day). 
See Day and Night. 

(3) The word "day'' is also used of an indefinite 
period, e.g. "the day" or "day that" means in 
gencotil '^hat time" (see Gen 2 4; Lev 14 2): 
^day of trouble" (Ps 20 1): "day of his wrath'' 
(Job 20 28); "day of Jehovah" (Isa 2 12); "day of 
the Lord" (1 Cior 6 6: 1 Thess 6 2; 2 Pet 8 
10); "day of salvation" (2 Cor 6 2); "day of Jesus 
Christ" (Phil 1 6). 

(4) It is used figuratively also in Jn 9 4, where 
"while it is day" means "while I have opportunity 
to work, as daytime is the time for work."^ In 1 
Thess 6 5.8, "sons of the day" means spiritually 
enlightened ones. 

(5) We must also bear in mind that with God time 
is not reckoned as with us (seePs 90 4; 2 Pet 8 8). 
* (6) The apocalyptic use of the word "day" in Dnl 
12 11; Rev 2 10, etc, is difficult to define. It evi- 
dently does not mean a natural day. See Apoca- 

(7) On the meaning of "day" in the story of 
Creation we note (a) the word day" is used of the 
whole period of creation (Gen 2 4); (6) these days 
are days of God. with whom one day is as a thousand 
years; the whole a^e or period of salvation is called 
"the day of salvation"; see above. So we believe 
that in narmony with Bible usa^e we may under- 
stand the creative days as creative periods. See 
also Abtronomt; (Creation; Evolution. 

G. H. Gerberding 

Figurative : The word "day" is used fig. in many 
senses, some of which are here given. 

(1) The span of human life. — Gen 6 4: "And the 
days of Adam .... were eight hundred years." 
"And if thou wilt walk .... then I will lengthen 
thy days" (1 K 3 14; cf Ps 90 12; Isa 88 5). 

(2) An indefinite time. — Existence in general: 
Gen 8 14: "All the days of thy life" (cf Gen 21 34; 
Nu 9 19; Josh 22 3; Lk 1 24; Acts 21 10). 

(3) A set time.— Gen 26 24: "And when her 
days .... were fulfilled": Dnl 12 13: "Thou 
shalt stand in thy lot, at tne end of the days" (cf 
Lev 12 6; Dnl 2 44). 

(4) A historic veriod. — Gen 6 4 : "The Nephilim 
were in the eartn in those days"; Jgs 17 6: "In 
those days there was no king in Israel (cf 1 S 8 1; 
1 Ch 6 17; Hob 2 13). 

(5) Past <im«.— Ps 18 18: "the day of my ca- 
lamity"; Pa 77 5: "I have considered the days of 
old" (cf Mio 7 20; Mai 8 7; Mt 28 30). 

(6) FtUure time.—Dt 81 14: "Thy days ap- 
proach that thou must die"; Ps 72 7: ^'In ms 
days shaU . . . ." (cf Ezk 22 14; Joel 2 29; Mt 
24 19; 2 Pet 8 3; Rev 9 6). 

(7) The eternal.— In Dnl 7 9.13, where God is 
called "the ancient of days." 

(8) A season of opportunity. — ^Jn 9 4: "We must 
work the works of him that sent me, while it is day: 
the night cometh, when no man can work" (cf Rom 
18 12.13; 1 Thess 5 5-«). See Day (4), above. 

(9) Time of «aZi;o/ion.— Specially referring to the 
hopes and prospects of the parousia (see E^cha- 
TOLOGT OP NT). Rom 18 12: "The night is far 
spent, and the day is at hand." 

Henrt E. Dosker 

DAY AND NIGHT: "Day," Ur^. yOm; ordi- 
narily, the Heb "day" lasted from dawn to the 
coming forth of the stars (Neh 4 21). The con- 
text usually m^es it clear whether the term "day" 
refers to the period of twenty-four hours or to day- 
time; when there was a possibility of confusion, 

the term nb;«b , laylOh, "night," was added (Gen 7 
4.12; 81 39). The "day" is reckoned from evening 

to evening, in accordance with the order noted in 
the account of Creation, viz. "And there was even- 
ing and there was morning, one day" (Gen 1 5): 
Lev 28 32 and Dnl 8 14 reflect the same mode or 

reckoning the day. The phrase ^tM yy^, ^erebh 
bdlper, "evening-morning," used in this last passage, 
is simply a variation ofydm and laylOh, "day" ana 
"nieht"; it is the equivalent of the Gr wxHf^po^t 
nuMhhneTon (2 (I!or 11 25). That the custom 
of reckoning the day as beginning in the evening 
and lasting until the following evemng was probably 
of late origm is shown by the phrase "tarry all night 
(Jgs 19 0-9); the context shows that the day is 
regarded as banning in the morning; in the even- 
ing the day "declined," and until the new day 
(morning) arrived it was necessary to "tarry all 
night" (cf also Nu 11 32). 

The transition of day to night begins before sun- 
set and lasts till after sunset; the change of night 
to day begins before sunrise and contmues until 
after sunrise. In both cases, neither ^erebh^ ''even- 
ing," nor hdlper^ "morning," indicate an exact space 
of time (cf Gen 8 11; Ex 10 13; Dt 16 6). The 

term Dipj , nesheph, is used for both evening twilight 
and morning dawn (cf 1 S 80 17; 2 K 7 5.7; Job 
7 4). As there were no definite measurements of 
the time of day, the various periods were indicated 
by the natural changes of the day; thus "midday" 
was the time of the day when the sun mounted its 
highest (D7*^il^ , QQh&r&yim) ; afternoon was that 
part of the day when the sun declined (D^^H D^I^p , 
n*\M, ha-vom) ; and evening was the time of the going 
down of the sim (^'J^, ^erebh). "Between the even- 
ings" (tJ'^S'Wl ]''3, hen hd-^arbayim) was the inter- 
val between sunset and darkness. The day was 
not divided into hours until a late period. TM^ , 
sfid^Qh^'Aram. (Dnl 8 6), is common in S3nr and 
in later Heb; it denoted, originally, any short space 
of time, and only later came to be equivsdent to our 
"hour" (Driver). The threefold oi vision of the 
day into watches continued into post-exilic Rom 
times; but the Rom method of four divisions was 
also Imown (Mk 18 35). where all four divisions are 
referred to: "at even" (i^^, opsi), "midnight" 
(fi£<roy6icnotff mesonuktion)^ "at cock crowing" (dXcic- 
TopwfMavla, aUktorophdnia), "in the morning" (irp«{, 
prdi). These last extended from six to six o'clock 
(cf also Mt 14 25: Mk 18 35). Acts 12 4 speaks 
of foiu* parties of tour Rom soldiers (quatermons), 
each of whom had to keep guard during one watch 
of the night. In B^dkhoth 86. Rabbi Nathan (2d 
cent.) knows of only three night-watches; but the 
patriarch. Rabbi Judah, knows four. See also Day. 

Horace J. Wolf 
hS paraskev^, "jpreparation") : Considered as a day 
of preparation, in accordance with Ex 16 23, both 
before the regular Sabbath and before a feast Sab- 
bath (Mt 27 62; Mk 16 42; Lk 28 54; Jn 19 14. 
31.42). At 3 PM, the Hebrews began to prepare 
their food for the next day, and to perform all 
labors which were forbidden to be done on the Sab- 
bath and yet must be done. They bathed and puri- 
fied themselves, dressed in festive apparel, set their 
tables, and lighted their lamps. On the day before 
Easter, the Hebrews of the later period made it 
their chief business to remove all leaven from the 
house (1 Cor 5 7). This custom of converting at 
least a portion of the day before the Sabbath mto 
a holy day was recognized by the Romans to such 
an extent that, according to a rescript of Augustus, 
Jews need not appear in court after 3 PM on such 
days. Criminal cases were not brought before 
court on this day, and journeys exceeding 12 Rom 
miles were prohibited. The signal for the prepa- 



rations was given by the priests by means of trum- 
pets blown six times at intervals. 

Frank E. Hirsch 
DAY, BRBAK OF. See Break of Day. 

DAY, JOSHUA'S LONG. See Beth-horon, 
Battle of. 

DAY, LAST (4i loxan) 4||Upa, he eschdlS kenUra) : 
Repeatedlv used by Jesus in Jn (6; 11 
24; 12 48) for the day of resurrection and judgment 
(see EscHATOLOGT OF THE NT). Cf the usage in 
the OT (Isa 2 2; Mic 4 1) and the NT (Acts 2 
17; 2 Tim 8 1; 2 Pet 3 3; 1 Jn 2 18: Jude ver 
18) of 'Oast days" and "last time" to denote the 
Messianic age. See Latter Days; Last Days; 
Last Time. 

In Jn 7 37, "the last day, the great day of the 
feast" refers to the eighth day of the feast of Taber- 
nacles. This closing day was observed as a Sab- 
bath (Lev 23 36). On it the libation of water 
made on other days was not made; hence the allu- 
sion of Jesus to Himself as the Giver of the living 
water. James Orr 

DAY, LORD'S. See Lord's Day. 

DAY OF ATONEMENT. See Atonement, Day 


DAY OF CHRIST. See Day of the Lord. 
DAY OF JEHOVAH. See Day of the Lord. 
DAY OF JUDGBCENT. See Judgment, Last. 

ydm YHWH; ^ ^^^ toO KvpCov, he hemh-a toiX 
Kwriou) : The idea is a common OT one. It denotes 
the consummation of the kingdom of God and the 
absolute cessation of all attacks upon it (Isa 2 12; 
18 6.9; 84 8; Ezk 13 5; 30 3; Joel 1 15; 2 11; 
Am 6 18; Zeph 1 14; Zee 14 1). It is a ''day 
of visitation*' (Isa 10 3), a day "of the wrath of Jeh'^' 
(Ezk 7 19), a "great day of Jeh" (Zeph 1 14). 
The entire conception in the OT is dark and fore- 

On the other hand the NT idea is pervaded with 
the elements of hope and joy and victory. In the 
NT it is eminently the dav of Christ, the day of 
His coming in the glory of His father. The very 
conception of Him as the "Son of Man'' points to 
this day (E. Kuehl, Das SeJbetbewuestsein Jesu, 68). 
Jn 6 27: "And he gave him authority to execute 
judgment, because he is a son of man'' (cf Mt 24 
27.30; Lk 12 8). It is true in the NT there is a 
dark background to the bright picture, for it still 
remains a "day of wrath" (Rom 2 5.6), a "great 
day" (Rev 6 17; Jude ver 6), a "day of God" 
(2 Pet 8 12), a "day of judgment" (Mt 10 15; 
2 Pet 3 7: Rom 2 16). Sometimes it is called 
"that day^' (Mt 7 22: 1 Thess 6 4; 2 Tim 4 8), 
and again it is called the day" without any quah- 
fication whatever, as if it were the only day worth 
ooimting in all the history of the world and of the 
race (1 Cor 8 13). To the unbeliever, the NT 
depicts it as a day of terror ; to the behever, as a dav 
of joy. For on that day Christ will raise the deaa. 
esp. His own dead, the bodies of those that believea 
in Him — "that of all that which he hath given me 
I should lose nothing, but should raise it up at the 
last day" (Jn 6 39). In that day He comes to His 
own (Mt 16 27), and therefore it is called "the day 
of our Lord Jesus" (2 Cor 1 14), "the day of Jesus 
Christ" or "of Christ" (Phil 1 6.10), the day when 
there "shall appear the sign of the son of man in 
heaven" (Mt 24 30). All Paulinic Ut. is esp. suf- 

fused with this longing for the "parotma," the day 
of Christ's glorious manifestation. The entire con- 
ception of that day centers therefore in Christ and 
points to the everlasting establishment of the king- 
dom of heaven, from which sin will be forever elim- 
inated, and in which the antithesis between Nature 
and ^ace will be changed into an everlasting 
synthesis. See also Eschatology (of OT and NT). 

Henry E. Dosker 

DAY'S JOURNEY, jiir'ni (Ur^ ^n^ , derekh y&m, 
Gen 30 36; Nu 10 33; 11 31; 4||jipa« &S<S«, hemSras 
hodds, Lk 2 44) : The common wav of estimating 
distances in the East is by hours and days. This is 
natur^ in a country where roads are mere bridle 
paths or non-existent, as in the desert. The dis- 
tance traveled must of course differ largely accord- 
ing to the difficulties of the way, and it is more 
important to know where night will overtake the 
traveler than the actual distance accomplished. A 
day's journey is now commonly reckoned at about 
3 miles per hour, the distance usuallv covered by a 
loaded mule, the number of hours Being about 8. 
Hence a day's journey is about 24 miles, and this 
may be taken as a fair estimate for Bible times. 

H. Porter 

DAYS, LAST. See Last Days. 

DAYSMAN, d&z'man (119^ , yakhah, "to argue, de- 
cide, convince," RV UMPIRE) : The use of this 
word appears to have been more common in the 16th 
cent, than at the later date of the tr of AV, when its 
adoption was infrequent. The oldest instance of 
the term given in the Oaford English Dictionary is 
PlumpUm Corresp. (1489), p. 82: "Sir, the dayes- 
men cannot agre us." It appears also in the 1551 
ed of the OT in 1 S 2 25, where the EV "judge" 
is tr** "dayes-man." Tindale's tr has for Ex 21 
22, "He shall paye as the dayesmen appoynte him" 
(EV as the * 'judges determine") . See also Edmund 
Spenser's Faerie QiLeene, ii. c. 8, published in 1590. 
As used in AV (Job 9 33) the word means an ar- 
bitrator, umpire, referee; one who stands in a judi- 
cial capacity between two parties, and decides upon 
the merits of their arguments or case at law. "Nei- 
ther is there any daysman [RV "umpire"] betwixt 
us, that might lay his hand upon us both" (cf Gen 
31 37). It was the eastern custom for a judge to 
lay his hands upon the heads of the two parties in 
disagreement, tnus emphasizing his adjudicatory 
capacity and his desire to render an unbiased ver- 
dict. Job might consider a human judge as capa- 
ble of acting as an umpire upon his own claims, but 
no man was worthy to question the purposes of Jeh, 
or metaphorically, to "lay his hands upon" Him. 

In the NT (1 Cor 4 3, dv^pwirfi^, anthr opine, 
iffiipa hernia) "man's judgment" is Ut. "man's 
day,' in the sense of a day fixed for the trial of a 
case. Both Tindale and Coverdale so translate. 
See also 1 Tim 2 5, where the Saviour is termed the 
"one mediator .... between God and men." 
Here the word understands a pleader, an advocate 
before an umpire, rather than the adjudicator him- 
self (see Job 19 25-27). 

Arthur Walwyn Evans 

DAYSPRIN6, d&'sprin^: This beautiful Eng. 
word, in current use in the time of the AV^ is found in 

the OT as the tr of ^tHTp, s^Aor, "Hast thou .... 
caused the da^rspring to know his place?" (Job 38 
12 AV) . This is no doubt intended lit. for the dawn. 
The "place" of the dayspring is the particular point 
of the horizon at which the sim comes up on any given 
day. This slowly changes day bjr day through the 
year, movine northward from midwinter till mid- 
summer, and back again southward from midsum- 
mer to midwinter. See Astronomy, I, 2. Also 
once in the NT for dwroXiJ, anaiM, "a rising." 

Dead Sea 



"The dayspring from on high hath visited us" (AV; 
RV "shaU visit us," Lk 1 78). Also in Apoc, "At 
the daysprins pray unto thee" (AV; RV "plead 
with thee at the dawning of the light," Wisd 16 28). 
Both the Heb and Gr words, however, are of fre- 
quent occurrence, but variously rendered, "dawn," 
"break of day, "morning," "sunrise, "east." 
Note esp. "the spring of the day" (1 S 9 26), 
"the dav began to spring** (Jgs 19 25). Used with 
hUioUj "sun," for rising of the sun (Rev 7 2; 16 
12). In LXX the same Gr word is used for Heb 
^emahf "branch," to designate the Messiaii (Jer 
28 5: iSec 6 12). But this sense of the word is 
wholly unknown in profane Gr. The word is also 
employed in LXX to express the rising of a heavenly 
body, as the moon (Isa 60 19). TUs is good Gr. 
See the kindred vb. anai&lo. "to rise" (LAX, Isa 
60 1: Mai 4 2). 

What is the meaning of anatole in Lk 1 787 
Certainly not branch; that does not fit anv of the 
facts, unless it be rendered "branch of light" (see 
Reynolds, John the Baptist^ 115). It occurs in 
Zacharias' hymn over the birth of his son. The 
ode consists of two parts, "The glory and security 
of the Messiah's kingdom," and The glory of the 
Forerunner." The expression before us is in the 
latter part. It naturally refers, therefore, not to the 
Messiah himself, but to John. He is the dayspring 
from on high wno hath visited the people who sat 
in darkness and the shadow of death. With Godet 
we beheve that the picture is borrowed from the 
caravan which has missed its way in the desert. 
The unfortunate pilgrims, overtaken by the night, 
are sitting down expecting death, when suddenly a 
star brightly beams above them. They take cour- 
age at the sight. The whole caravan leaps to its 
feet. It is the herald of the coming day and soon 
they see the great orb himself filling the east with 
orient pearl and gold. Is not one tempted to go a 
little farther and see here the morning star, herald 
of the coming sun to be obliterated by his rising? 
'He must wax, but I must wane' (Jn 3 30). What 
was John's work but, by his own testimony, to guide 
the benighted pilgrims into the way of peace, that 
is, to Him who was the Prince of Peace? If, however, 
as by most commentators, it be taken to refer to the 
Messiah, it probably implies prophetic knowledge 
that the conception of Jesus had already taken place, 
and that the Messianic era was at hand, when the 
Jewish world should be filled with spiritual splendor. 
See Day-Star. G. H. Trever 

DAY-STAR (nrnp-ja bb-^n, hUel benrshcJuir, Isa 
14 12; ^4»(r4»dpos, pho8^h6ro8. 2 Pet 1 19): The 
OT passage is rendered in AV "Lucifer, son of the 
morning, in AVm and RV "day-star," i.e. the 
morning star. The reference is to tne king of Baby- 
lon (ver 4). In 2 Pet 1 19, "Until .... the day- 
star arise in your hearts," the word is lit. "light- 
bringer." It is applicable, therefore, not only to 
the planet Venus, seen as a morning star, herald of 
the dawn, but to the sun itself, and is used here 
as a title of Our Lord. See Astronomy, I, 6. 

DAY, THAT (THE). See Day of the Lord. 

DEACON, de'k'n, DEACONESS, delc'n-es: 
The term didKovot^ didkonosj and its cognates occur 
many times in the NT, as do its synonyms wirijp^ijj, 
huper^eSf and ioOXof, doiUoSf with their respective 
cognates. It may be said in general that the terms 
denote the service or ministration of the bondserv- 
ant (doulos), underling (kupereles) or helper {dia- 
kono8)t in all shades and gradations of meaning both 
literal and metaphorical. It would serve no useful 
purpose to list and discuss all the passages in detail. 
Chnstianity has from the beginnmg stood for filial 

service to God and His kingdom and for brotherly 
helpfulness to man, and hence terms expressive of 
these functions abound in the NT. It behooves us 
to inquire whether and where they occur in a tech- 
nical sense sufficiently defined to denote the institu- 
tion of a special ecclesiastical office, from which the 
historical diaconate may confidently be said to be 

Many have sought the origin of the diaconate 
in the institution of the Seven at Jerus (Acts 6), 
and this view was coimtenanced by many of the 
church Fathers. The Seven were appomted to 
"serve tables" (diakonein trapizaiB)^ m order to 
permit the Twelve to "continue stedfastly in prayer, 
and in the ministry [diakonia] of the word." They 
are not called deacons (diakonoi), and the qualifica- 
tions required are not the same as those prescribed 
by Paul in 1 Tim 8 8-12; furthermore, Stephen 
appears in Acts preeminently as a preacher, and 
Philip as an evangelist. Paul clearly recognizes 
women as deaconesses, but will not permit a woman 
to teach (1 Tim 2 12). The obvious conclusion 
is that the Seven may be called the first deacons only 
in the sense that they were the earliest recorded 
helpers of the TVelve as directors of the church, 
and that they served in the capacity, among others, 
of specially appointed ministrants to the poor. 

Paul says, "I commend unto you Phoebe our 
sister, who is a servant [RVm "or, deaconess"] of 
the church that is at Cenchreae" (Rom 16 1). 
This is by many taken as referring to an officially 
appointed deaconess: but the fact that there is in 
the earlier ^oup of Paul's epistles no clear evidence 
of the institution of the diaconate, makes against 
this interpretation. Phoebe was clearly an honored 
helper in the church closely associated with that 
at Corinth, where likewise evidence of special eccle- 
siastical organization is wanting. 

In Phil 1 1 Paul and Timothy send greetings "to 
all the saints .... at Philippi, with the bishops 
and deacons." Here then we find mention of "dea- 
cons" in a way to suggest a formal diaconate; but 
the want of definition as to their qualifications and 
duties renders it impossible to affirm with certainty 
the existence of the office. 

In 1-Tim 8 8-12. after prescribing the qualifi- 
cations and the metnod of appointment of a bishop 
or overseer, Paul continues: "Deacons in like man- 
ner must be grave, not double-tongued, not raven to 
much wine, not greedy of filthy lucre; holding the 
mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And let 
these also first be proved; then let them serve as 
deacons, if they be blameless. Women in like 
manner must be grave, not slanderers, temperate, 
faithful in all things. Let deacons be husbands ot 
one wife, ruling their children and their own houses 
well." Deacons and deaconesses are here provided 
for, and the character of their qusdifications makes 
it clear that they were to be appointed as dispensers 
of alms^ who should come into close personal rela- 
tions with the poor. 

We conclude, therefore, that the Seven and Phoebe 
did not exercise the diaconate in a technical sense, 
which appears first certainly in 1 Tim 3, although 
it is not improbably recognized in Phil 1 1, and 
was foreshadowed in the various agencies for the 
dispensing of alms and the care of the poor of the 
church instituted in various churches at an earlier 
date. See also Bishop; Church; Church Gov- 
ernment. William Arthur Heidel 

DEAD, ded (H^IQ , miUh; vcKp6«, nekrds) : Used 
in several senses: (1) as a substantive, denoting 
the body deprived of life, as when Abraham speaks 
of burymg his dead (Gen 23); (2) as a collective 
noun including all those that have passed away from 
Ufe (as Rev 20 12). In several passages dead in 


thiB Benae 10 used in contrast to the quick or Uving 
(as Nu 16 48). This collecUve mode of etpressioa 
is used when reeurreciion is dieecribcd aa "lismg from 
the dead"; (3) aa an adj., coupled with body, car- 
case or man, aa Dt 14 8 AV; (4) moat frequently it 
is uaed aa a complement of the vb. ''to be, reTemiig 
to the condition of being deceased or the period of 
death, e.g. 2 S IS 19: Mk S 35; (6) in the sense 
of b^ng Sable to death it occura in Gen SO 3: Ex 
IS 33; 2 S 16 9; (6) as an intensive adj. it is 
uaed in the phrase "dead sleep," to mean profound 
sleep simulating death (Pa 78 6); (7) flgiiratively 
"dfid" is used to express the spintual condition of 
thoae who are unable to attain to the life of faith. 
They are dead in tTe^paBsea, as in Eph S 1, or con- 
vraaelj;, thoee who by the New Birth are delivered 
from sin, are said to be dead to the Law (as Col 3 
20, etc). Afuth which does not show its Ufe in the 

ricti(^ Tirtues of Christianity is called dead (Jas 
17); (8) in Rom 1 19; He 11 12, "dead" aignifies 
the senile condition of loss of vigor and virility. 

The passage in Job (SB 5), whendn in AV "dead 
tlungs seem to mean things that never had life, 
is more accurately tr^ in RV as "they that are de- 
ceased," i.e. the shades of the dead. 

There are few references to the phyrical accom- 
paniments of the act of dying. Deborah has a poet- 
ical account of the death of Sisera (Jgs 6 24 IT), and 
in Eccl 12, where the failure of the bodily faculties 
in old age culminales in death, it is piclorially com- 
pared to the breaidng of a lamp extiiwiishmg the 
name ("golden" being probably used of oil," as it is 
in Zee 1 12), and the loomng of the ^ver ^kel or 
chain hy which the lamp is suspended in the tent 
of the Arab. 

The dead body defiled those who touched it (Lev 
11 31) and therefore sepulture took place speedily, 
as in the case of Lazarus (Jn 11 17-39) and Ananias 
and Sapphira (Acts S 6-10). This practice is still 
folbwed by the fellahin. 

The uselessness of the dead is the subject of a 
proverb (Eccl 9 4) and the phrase "dead dog" is 
used OS a contemptuous epithet as of a person utterly 
worthless (1 S 34 14; 2 S B 8; 16 9). 

Alex. Macalibter 

roB THE Dead. 

DEAD BODY. See Cobpse. 

DEADLY, dedli: In the OT two words are used 
in the sense of a "mortal [Heb ne^liesh, "hateful," 
"foul"j enemy" (Pa 17 9), and m the sense of 
"fatal disease^" the destructiveness of which causes 
a general pamc (Heb matoeth, "death," I S 5 11). 

In the NT we have in Rev IS 3.12 the ejtpres- 
Bon "deadly wound" (Gr thdnalos), better "death- 
stroke," as in RV, and the phrases "deadly thing," 
i.e. poison (Uiandgimdn H, Mk IB 18), and "full of 
deadly poison" (meett wni thanatephdrou, Jas 8 8), 
Bud of an unruly tongue. Both Gr words convey 
the idea of "causing or bringing death" and occur 
in classical lit. in a variety of usee in combination 
with the bite of venomous reptiles, deadly potions, 
mortal wounds and fatal cont^on. 

««.» «T<. „.„^ H. L. E. LusfuMO 


IIL Let 


The name riven by Gr and l4it writers to the 
remarkable inland lake occupying the deepest part 

of the depression of the Ahabah (q.v.). In the Bible 
it ia called the Salt Sea (Gen 14 3; Dt 8 17); the 
Sea of the Plain {'AriAkiih) (Josh 3 16); and the 
(East) Eastern Sea (Ezk 47 18: Jocl320). Among 
the Arabs it is still called Bahr Ml (Sea of Lot). 
By Jos it was called Lake Asphaltites (Ant, I, ix) 
from the quantities of bitumen or asphalt occasion- 
ally washed upon its shores and found in some of 
the tributary wadies. 

/. Pratent Arwi, — The length of the late from 
N. to S. is 47 miles; its greatest width 10 miles nar- 
rowing down to less than 2 miles opposite Point 
Molyneux on d-Liadn. Its area is approximately 
300 sq. miles. From various levelings its surface 
is found to be 1,292 ft. below that of the Mediter- 
ranean, while its greatest depth, near the eastern 
shore 10 miles S. of the mouth of the Jordan is 
1,278 ft. But the level varies from 10 to 15 ft. 
semiannually, and more at longer intervals; and 
we are not sure from which one of these levels the 
above figures have been derived. Throughout the 
northern half of the lake on the E. side the descent 
to the extreme depth is very rapid; while from the 
wesfem side the depth increases more gradually, 
esp. at the extreme northern end, where the lake 
has been filled in by the delta of tne Jordan. 

Jebel Usdum from the South. Looking over the Mud 

Flat (ValB of SlddlmJ Covered by (he Sea In 

HlEb Water. (Fboto. by libbey.) 

About two-thiids of the distance to the southern 

end, the peninsula, el-IA^n ("the Tongue"), pro- 

I'ects from the E. more than half-way across the 
ake, being in the ahape, however, of a boot rather 
than a tongue, with the toe to the N., forming a bay 
between it and the eastern mainland. The head 
of this bay has been largely filled in by the debris 
brought down by Wady Kerak, and Wady Ben 
Uamid, and shoals very gradually down to the 
greatest depths to the N. The toe of this penin- 
sula is named Point Coetigan, and the heel. Point 
Mol3meux, after two travelers who lost their lives 
about the middle of the 19th cent, in pioneer at- 
tempts to explore the lake. Over the entire area 
S. of Point Molyneux, the water is shallow, being 
nowhere more than 15 ft. deep, and for the moat 
part not over 10 ft., and in some t>lacea less than 6 
It. In high water the lake extenos a mile or more 
beyond low-water mark, over the Mud Flat {Seh- 
kak) at the south end. 

lYom the history of the crossing of the Jordan by 
Joshua and the expedition of Chedorlaomer when 
Lot was captured, it is evident that the outlines of 
the sea were essentially the same 3,500 years ago 
as thev are now, showing that there has been no 
radical change in climatic conditions since then. 

//, former Etdargament. — But if we go back a 
few thousand years into prehistoric times the evi- 
dence is abundant that the valley has witneroed 
remarkable climatic changes (see AjtAHAu). At Ain 
Aim Werideh, about 40 miles beyond the south 
end of the lake. Hull in 1883 discovered deposits 
of an abandonea shore line 1,400 ft. above its level 
(see A&abah). A pronounced abandoned shore 



line at the 650 ft. level had been observed first 
by Tristram, and noted afterward by many trav- 
cIciB. But from the more detailea examination 

Romnuit of the 650-tt. Abandoned Shore Line at 
S. W. Comer of Dead Sea. Surmounted by Cru- 
saders' Caitle and In Ptscag Excavated to Fumlah 
Places of Shelter. (Pboto. by F, B. Wrigbt.) 

Burrounding the valley at the following approjd- 
mate heights above the present level ot the lake: 
1,430, 640, 430, 300 and 250 ft. He writes that 
"at its greatest exl«nt the eea stretched at least 
30 miles south of its present termination, while 
northward it probably covered the Sea of Galilee 
and the Watersof Merom, and sent an arm into the 

Vale of Jezreel Lacustrine deposits exist in 

the Jordan valley shortly south of the Sea of Gali- 
lee. A mile north of Jiar el-M'ujamii/eh, as the 
modem railroad bridge is called, a tilted series ' 

vatjon here is about 840 ft. below that of the 
Mediterranean Sea, or 450 above the Dead Sea. 
. . ., So far as can be detected by the aneroid the 
highest depositfl [about the Dead Sea] lie at the 
same elevation on all sides of the lake," 

There are also numerous minor strands below the 
250 ft. major strand. These are estimated by 
Huntington as 210, 170, 145, 115, 90, 70, 56, 40, 30 
and 12 ft. above the lake succesaively. It is noted, 
also, that the lower beaches all show less erosion 
than those above them. This certainlv points to a 
gradual diminution of the water in the basin during 
the prehistoric period, while on the other hand there 
is much evidence that there has been a considerable 
rise in the water within the historic period. Date 
palms and tamarisks are seen standing out from the 
water in numerous places some little distance from 
the present shore where the water is several feet 
deep. These are of such size as to show that for 
many years the soil in which they grew was not 
subject to overflow. As long ago as 1876 Merrill 
noticed such trees standing in the water 40 ft. from 
the shore, near the N.E. comer of the lake (Eagt 
of the JoTdan,224) . Numerous trunks of date palms 

and tamarisks can now be s 
similar extent along the western shore. In 1818 
Irby and Mattes (TrtaieU, 454} saw a company of 
Arabs ford the lake from Point Molyneux to the 
west side, and noted that the line of the ford was 
marked by branches of trees which had been stuck 
into the Dottom. In 1838 Robinson found the 
water at such a stage that the ford was impracti- 
cable and BO it has oeen reported by all travelers 
since that time. But Mr. A. Forder, having re- 
cently examined the evidence for the Pol Explora- 
tion Fund, leams from the older Arabs that formerly 
there was a well-known causeway leading from «- 
Lisdn opposite Wady Kerak to Wady Umnt Baghek, 
across wnich sheep, goats and men could pass, while 
camels and mules et)uld be driven across anywhere 
in the water. Moreover the Arab guide said that 
the channel "was so narrow that the people of Ills 
tribe used to sit on the edge of the Li*/Ln and parley 
with Arabs from the west as to the return of cattle 
that had been stolen by one or other of the parties." 
(See PEFS [April, 1910], 112.) 

III. Laval of. in Earfy fStoric Tunea.— Numer- 
ous general considerations indicate that in the earlv 
historic period the level of the water was so much 
lower than now that much of the bay S. of Point 
Molvneux was dry land. In Josh 15 2.5 f the 
Boutu border of Judah is said to extend from "the 
bay [tongue, Lisdn] that looketh southward": while 
the "boiler of the north quarter was from the bay 
[tongue, Ltsdnl of the sea at the end of the Jor- 
dan; and the border went up to Belh-hoglah, and 

Eassed along by the north of Belhrarabah. If the 
mit« of the north end of the Dead Sea were the 
same then as now the boundary must have turned 
down to the mouth of the Jordan by a sharp angle. 
But according to the description it runs almost 
exactly £. and W. from beyond Jems to Beth-hog' 
[ah, and nothing is said about any change in direc- 
tion, while elsewhere, any such abrupt change In 
direction as is here supposed is carefully noted. 
Furthermore, in detailing the boundary of Benja- 
min (Josh 18 19) we are told that ''the border 
passed along to the side of Beth-Logtah northward; 
and the goings out of the border were at the north 
bay [tongue, Liidn] of the Salt Sea. at the south end 
of the Jordan: this was the south border." This 
can hardly have any other meaning than that the 
north end of the Dead Sea was at Beih-hoglak. fVom 
these data Mr. Clermont-Ganneau (see ReeueU 
d'archiologi« orimtate, V [1902], 267-80) infemd 
that in the time of Joshua the level of the sea waa 

Beach at Low Water at the North End Of tbe Dead 

a«». Bordering tho Plata ol Jericho. 

(Ptaoto. bfUbber.) 

so much higher than now that a tongue-like exten- 
sion reached the vicinity of Belh-hoMi, while the 
underlying topography was essentially the same as 
now. On the contrary, our present knowledge of 
the geolopic forces in operation would indicate that 
at that time the Dead Sea was considerably lower 
than now. and that its rise to its present level has 
been partly caused by the silting up of a bay which 
formerly extended to Btik-hoglah. 


The geological evidence concerning this point is 
so inl«resting, and of so much importance in its 
bearing upon our interpretation of various historical 
Statements concerning the re^on, that it is worth 
while to present it somewhat in detail. As already 
stated (see Arabkb), the present level of the Dead 
Sea is determined by the equilibrium established 
between the evaporation (estimated at 20,000,000 
cubic ft. per diem) over the area and the amount of 

the extent to which these encroachments have 
tended to narrow the limits of the original lake. 
The sediment deposited by the Jordan, at the north 
end of the Dead Sea, is practically all derived from 
the pori^on of the drainage basin between it and the 
Sea of Gahlee — the latter serving as a catch-bamn 
to retain the sediment brought down from the up- 
per pari; of the valley . The Z6r, or narrow cliannel 
which the Jordan has eroded in the sedimentary 


water brought into the valley by the tributary 
streams. Tne present area of the sea is. in round 
numbers, 300 sq. miles. The historical evidence 
^ws that this evaporating surface has not varied 
(^>preciably since the time of Abraham. But the 
oicroachments of the delta of the Jordan upon this 
ace:a, as well as of the deltas of several other Htreams, 
must have been very great since that period. The 
effect of this would be to limit the evaporating sur- 
face, which would cause the watw to rise until it 
oversowed enough of the low land at the south end 
to restore the equilibrium. 

It is easy to make an approximate calculation of 

plain through which it flows (see Jordan, Valx,ET 
of}, is approximately half a mile wide, 100 feet deep, 

and 60 miles long. All the sediment which formerly 
Med this has been swept into the head of the sea, 
while the Jarmuk, the JcAbok. and a score of smaller 
tributaries descending rapidly from the bordering 
heights of Gilead, three or four thousand ft. above 
the valley, bring an abnormal amount of debris 
into the river, as do a large number of short«r trib- 
utaries which descend an equal amount from the 
mountains of Gahlee, Samaria, and Judah. The 
entire area thus contributing to this part of the 
Jordan is not less than 3,000 sq. milcx 

Dead Sea 



All writers are impressed by the evidence of the 
torrential floods which fill these water courses after 
severe storms. The descent being so rapid, permits 
the water after each rainfall to run off without 
delay, and so intensifies its eroding power. The 
well-known figure of Our Lord (Mt 7 26 ff) in de- 
scribing the destruction of the house which is built 
upon the sand, when the rains descend and the winds 
beat upon it, is drawn from Nature. The delta 
terraces at the mouths of such mountain streams 
where they debouch on the lowlands are formed 
and re-formed with extreme rapidity, each succeed- 
ing storm tending to wash the previous delta down 
to lower levels and carry away whatever was built 
upon it. 

The storms which descend upon the plains of Gilead, 
as well as those upon the Judaean hills, are exceedinKly 
destructive. For though the rainfall at Jerus, according 
to the observations of Chaplin (see J. Glaisher, "On the 
FaU of Rain at Jems," PEF3 [January. 1894], 39) 
averages but 20 inches annually, ranging from 32.21 
inches in 1878 to 13.39 inches in 1870, nearly all occurs 
in the three winter months, and therefore in quantities 
to be most effective in erosive capacity. And this is 
effective upon both sides of the Jordan vallev. in which 
the rainfall is very slight. " Day after day, Tristram 
remarks, "we have seen the clouds, after pouring their 
fatness on Samaria and Judaea, pass over the vallev, and 
then descend in torrents on the hills of Gilead and Moab," 
a phenomenon naturally resulting from the rising column 
oi heated air coming up from the torrid conditions of the 
depressed Jordan valley. 

Tristram {The Land of Moabj 23, 24) gives a vivid 
description of the effect of a storm near Jerus. As 
his party was encamped during the night the whole 
slope upon which they pitched became a shallow 
stream, while ''the deep ravines of the wilderness of 
Judah [were] covered with torrents, and tiny cas- 
cades rolling down from every rock So 

easily disintegrated is the soft limestone of these 
wadies, that the rain of a few hours .... did more 
to deepen and widen the channels than the storms 
of several years could effect on a Northumbrian 
hillside. No geologist could watch the effect of this 
storm without being convinced that in calculating 
the progress of denudation, other factors than that 
of time must be taken into account, and that denu- 
dation may proceed most rapidly where rains are 
most uncertam." 

Lieutenant Lynch writes that while ascending 
the Kerak ''there came a shout of thunder from the 
dense cloud which had gathered at the summit of 
the gorge, followed by a rain, compared to which 
the gentle showers of our more favoured clime are as 

dew drops to the overflowing cistern The 

black and threatening cloud soon enveloped the 
mountain tops, the lightning pla3dng across it in 
incessant flashes, while the loud thunder reverber- 
ated from side to side of the appalling chsusm. Be- 
tween the peals we soon heard a roaring and con- 
tinuous sound. It was the torrent from the rain 
cloud, sweepin^^ in a long line of foam down the steep 
dechvity, bearmg along huge fragments of rocks, 
which, striking against each other, sounded like 
mimic thunder." 

I can bear similar testimony from observations 
when traveling in Turkestan where the annual rain- 
fall is only about 4 inches. At one time a storm 
was seen raging upon the mountains 20 miles away, 
where it spent its entire force without shedding a 
drop upon the plain. Upon skirting the base of 
the mountain the next day, however, the railroad 
track was covered for a long distance 2 or 3 ft. deep 
with debris which had been washed down by the 
cloudburst. No one can have any proper compre- 
hension of the erosive power of the showers of Pal 
without duly taking into account the extent and 
the steepness of the descent from the highlands on 
either side, and the irregularity of the rainfall. These 
form what in the Rocky Mountains would be called 


1. From Ain Feshkhah to £. shore. 


2. From Ain Feshkhah to Wady Zerka Ma*ain. 

8. From Ain TezAbeh to Wady Zerka. 

4. From Ain Terftbeh to Wady Mojib. 

5. From Ain Jidy to Wady Mojib. 

8. From Ain Jidy to the N. point of PeninsnUu 

7. From the W. shore to the N. point of Peninsola. 





Ford rear S. end 
of Penlnsul*. 

AeroM the LAgoon from B. to W. 

Transverse Section (from West to East) of the Dead 

Sea; Plotted from the Soundings Given 

by Lynch, 1849. 

arroyos. After the debris has been brought into 
the Jordan by these torrents, and the rise of watei 


makes it "overflow all ita banka," the aediment is 
then swept on to the Dead Sea with great rapidity. 

All thesecoiuuderationaiiidicale that the deltas of 
the streams cominR into the valley of the Jordan 
and the Dead Sea must be increasing at an unusually 
rapid rate. It will be profitable, therefore, to com- 
paie it with other deltas upon which direct obser- 
vations have been made. The MiBsisaippi River 
is sweeping into the Gulf of Mexico sediment at a 
rate which represents one foot of surface soil over 
the whole drainage basin, extending from the Rocky 
Mountains to the Allcghcnies, in a little less than 
5,000 years. The Hoang-Ho is lowering its drain- 
age basin a foot in 1,464 ^eare, while the river Fo 
is reducing its level a foot in 729 years. So rapidly 
has the river Po filled up its valley that the city of 
Adria, which was a seaport 2,000 years ago, is now 
14 miles from "the mouth of the nver. The Tigris 
and Euphrates rivers have silted up the head of the 
Persian Gulf nearly 100 miles. (See CroU, Climate 
and Tinw, 332, 333; Darwin, Formi^ion o/ VegetaMe 
Mould through the Action of Worme, 233.) From 
these considerations it is a conservative estimate 
that the tributaries of the Jordan valley between 
the I-^e of Galilee and the Dead Sea bring down 
sediment, enough to lower the basin one foot in 
2,000 years, bo that since the time of Abraham 167,- 
270,400,000 cubic feet of soUd matter have been 
added to ita delta. This would cover 25 sq. miles 
250 ft. deep. Taking into consideration the prob- 
able depth of water at the north end of the sea, it is, 
therefore, not aa extravagant supposition that the 
Jordan delta baa eocroacncd upon the sea to the 
extent of 15 or 20 sq. miles, hraiting the evapo- 
rating surface to that extent and causing the level 
of the water to rise, and extend an equal amount 
over the low lands at the south end. 

At the same time the other streams coming direct- 
ly into the lake have been contributing tleltas to 
oarrow its margin at various points. The Kerak, 
the Amon and the Zerka Maain bring in an im- 
mense amount of sediment from the H.; el-Heg»i, 
el-Jeib and el-Fikri from the S.; and Wady eU 
MukaKw&t,ti-ATeyeh»iiA the Kedron, with numerous 
smaller intermediate streams, from the W. A de- 
tiuled examination of theee deposits will serve the 
double purpose of establishing the point in question 
and of giving a vivid conception of the sea and its 

gorge caUed the Ztr. whlcb the river . . . _ 
soft oedlmentkiT deposltB which cover the bottom of the 
Talley (or QhtT) from side to dde. Opposite Jerlcbo the 
Ohtr is about 16 milee wide. The Z6t, however, does nut 
average more than one-holt mile In width and Is about 
100 ft. towoT than Uie general level of the Ghd!-. But at 
'"the Jews' Castle." about 8 miles from the mouth of the 
Jordan, the 26t befffna to enlarge aud merge Into a true 
delta. The embankinent of the Zir alopee away In a 

a.W. direction till II 

Khurbtt Ku> 
low land bel 

in. 10 ni 

by the small wadiea wblch come 

border erf the Ztr tbroughout (] 

of 10 or 15 Hq. miles. Again, upon the eastern Bide of the 
Jordan the other limb of the delta, though smaller, Is 
equaUy In evidence. MerriU {East d/ tht Jordan. 223. 
224), In descrlbioK his survey of the region. sa>*s be was 
compelled to walk far some hours along the shore and 
then north to reach bis horses, which evidently had been 
oondng over tbe harder and more elevated amrace of the 
QMr. "The plain." be says, "for many sq. miles north 
of the aaa Is like ashes In which we otlen sank overshoe." 

miles, the . 
gravel averaging a 
Wadyie "---■-' — 

extending 2 miles farther south with an average 
width of one-half mile to R&s Feskkah, which rises 
abruptly from the wal«r'a edge, and renders it 
impossible for travelers to follow along the shore. 
But just beyond RAs Feshkah a delta half a mile or 
more in length and width is projected into the sea 
at the mouUi of Wady en N&r, which comes down 
from JeruB and is known in its upper portions aa 
Kedron. This is the wady which passes the con-' 
vent of Mar Saba and is referred to in such a striking 
manner in Ezk 47. Like most of the other wadies 
coming into the Dead S^^ this courses the most of 
its way through inaccessible defiles and has built 
up a delta at its mouth covered with "fragmenta of 
rock or boulders swept along by the torrent in its 
periodical overflows" (De Saulcy, I, 137, 138). 

From Ada ^ohtah to Rdt Meriid, a distance of 15 

Is bordered wltb a deposit of sand and 

' " a mUe In wldui, wiille opposite 

-,— .. ^dy Ilitita (which descend from 

Lud the wllderaoas of Tekoali) the width Is 

fully one mile. At the mouth of one at the smaller 
gorges De Saulcy not«d what eeologlsts call a "cooe of 
dejection" where "the gravel washed down from the 
heights was heaped up to tbe extant of nearly Z50 yards" 
(1.44). "^ 

Rds Mersid, agmn, obstrucU the passage along 
the shore almost as effectually as did B&s Fethkah, 
but farther aouth there is no other obstruction. 
The plain of En-gedi, connected in such an interest- 
ing manner with the history of David and with 
numerous other events of national importance, is 
described bv the Pal Exploration Fund as "about 
half a mile Droad and a mile in length." This con- 
sists of material brought down for the most part by 
Wady el-' Areijeh, which descends from tbe vicinity 
of Hebron with one branch pasMng through Tekoah. 
The principal path leading from the west aide of the 
Dead Sea to the hills of Judaea follows the direction 
of this wady. 

Between Ea-gedi and Stbbth (Jlfaiada). a distance ot 
10 miles, the limestone cliffs retreat till tbey are fully 
I from the shore. Acavn this space numerous 

a». ...».» A»...j,»*»B »»»_ ..«w .»,.»wd by R< 
Q aa he looked southward from the height abovo 
aidi, but their aigniacaiice waa not understood. 

"One feature of the lea." he says, "struck us Imme- 
diately, which was miexpectod to us. viz. the number of 
shoal-llke points and peninsulas which run into Its soutta- 
ent part, appearing at first sight like flat sand-banka or 
Islands. Below us on the S. were two such projecting 
b&nks on tbe west«n shore, composed probably of pebbles 
and gravel, extending out Into the sea for a condderable 
distance. The larger and more Important of these Is on 
~ ot the spot called Birkel el-KkUtl. » Uttio bay w 

Photograph of the Channel of Wady 

__ 31lftB on the^iif t.°"Note~the" hSb 

of the Bowlders Rolled Along by the Torrent ot 
Water. (Photo, by Ubbey.l 

Six miles S. of Masada, probably at the mouth of 

D««iJ S«a 



oombined delta of the Wady Zuvxirah and Wady 
Muhauw&t covers an area or 2 or 3 sq. miles, and is 
dotted with bowlders and fragmente of rock a. foot 
or more in diameter, which have been waslied over 
the area by the torrential floods. Beyond Jehel 
Vtdum, Wady d-Fikreh, draining an area of 200 
or 300 sq. miles, haa deposited an immense amount 
of coarse sediment on the W. side of the Sebkah 

the aepreaaion, extending from the Sdikak to the 
Ascent of Akrabbim, deltas of Wady d-Jeib, Wady 
d-Khamireh and Wady Tufikh have Id connection 
with Wady Fikreh ennroacbed upon the vaUey to the 
extent of 12 or 15 eq. milee. Altogether these wadies 
drain an area of more than 3,000 sq. miles, and the 
granitic formations over which they pass have been 
so diaint^^ated by atmospheric influences that an 
excessive amount of coarse sediment is carried along 
by them (see Hull, Moani Seir, etc, 104-6). In 
ascending them, one encounters every indication of 
=3nai destructive floods. 

Followliig up tho eaiit«ni shore. Wadi/ el'th 

dutaa encroachod to the exu 
the betid ol tho bay, projoc 
Point Conlean. StilT Farlt 

■e of the greBtor depth ot th( 
ren to thoy uro by m 
rojectmn a halt-mile 

EdoiQ uis buUt up the 

■ - tho neck of the 

, miles. Farther 

' have with their 

3 sq, milos upon 

adu Mojib (the 

hito the lake. 

Putting all these items together, there can be 
little doubt that the area of the Dead Sea has been 
encroached upon to the extent of 25 or 30 sq. miles 
wnce the time of Abraham and that this has resulted 
in a rise of the general level of the water sufficient 
to overflow a considerable portion of the lagoon at 
the S. end, thus keeping the evaporating area con- 
stant. The only escape from this conclusion is the 
supposition that the rainfall of the region is less 
than it was at the dawn of history, and so the smaller 
evaporating area mould be sufEcient to maintain the 
former level. But of this we have no adequate evi- 
dence. On the contrary there is abundant evi- 
dence that the climatic conditions connected with 
the production of the Glacial Period had passed 
away long before the conquest of the Vale of Sid- 
dim by Amraphel and his confederates (Gen H). 

The consequences of this rise of water are various 
and significant. It lends credibility to the persist- 
ent tradition that the sites of Sodom and Gomorrah 
are covered by the shallow water at the S. end of 
the sea, and also to the statement of Scripture that 
the region about these cities (on the supposition 
tiiat lliey were at the S. end of the sea) was like the 
garden of the Lord; for that plain was then much 
Eu^er than it is now, and was well watered, and 
possessed greater elements of fertility than are now 
apparent. Furthermore, this supposed lower level 
01 the lake in early times may have greatly facili- 
tated the passage of armies and caravans from one 
end to the other, thus rendering it more easy to 
understand the historical statements relating to the 
earliest periods of occupation. Even now the road 
at the base of Jebel Utdjim which is open at low 
water is impassable at high water. On the last of 
December, 1883, Professor Hull (Mount Seir, etc, 
133) traversed the shore at the base of the salt cUffs 
alonff a gravel terrace 100 ft. wide, which "abruptly 
terminated in a descent of about 6 ft. to the Une of 
driftwood which marked the upper limit of the 
waters." On the 1st of January, 1901. the water 
aJon^ the base of the salt cUffs was so deep that it 
was impossible for my party to pass along the shore. 
It is easy to believe that the level might have been 

lowered sufficiently to expose a mai^n of shore 
which could be traversed on the W. side from one 
end to the other. 

IV, Contlitation of the Walmr. — As in the case of 
all inclosed basins, the waters of the Dead Sea are 
impr^nated to an excessive degree with saline 
matter. "The salt which they contain," however, 
"is not whoUy or even principally common salt, but 
is mostly the chloride and bromide of magnouum and 
calcium, bo that they are not merely a strong brine, 
but rather resemble the mother liquors of a salt- 
pan left after the common salt has cr^tallized out" 
(Dawson, Egypt and Syria, 123). The following 
analysis is pven by Booth and Muckle of water 
brought by Commander Lynch and taken by him 
May 5 from 195 fathoms aeep opposite the mouth 
of Wady Zerka Ma'ain. Other analj'ses vary from 
this more or less, onii^ doubtless to the dinerent 
localities and depths from which the specimens had 
been obtained. 

Spedflc gravity at 00* . 1.23743 

Cbloride ol munealuni 146 8071 

Chloride ot c^um . 31.0740 

Chloride of sodJum 78.6637 

Chloride ot potassium 0.6860 

BroiDlda of potaHduoi 1 . 3741 

Sulphate otlline 7013 


WaMo- 73S.8133 

ToUl amouiil of wild matter found 

by direct experiment 304.0000 

What is here labeled bromide of potassium, how- 
ever, is called by most other anal3«ts bromide of 
magnesium, it being difficult to separate and dis- 
tinguish these elements in composition. The large 
percentage of bromide, of which but a trace is found 
in the ocean, is supposed to have been derived from 
volcanic emanations. As compared with sea water, 
it is worthy of note that that of the Dead Sea yields 
26 lbs. of salta to 100 lbs. of water, whereas that 
of the Atlantic yields only 6 lbs. in the same quan- 
tity. Lake Urumiah is as salt aa the Dead Sea. 

As results of this salinity the water is excessively 
buoyant and is destructive of all forms of animal 
life. Lynch found that his metal boats sank an 
inch deeper in the Jordan when equally heavily 
laden than they did in the Dead Sea. All travelers 
who bathe in it relate that when they throw them- 
selves upon their backs their bodies will be half out 
of the water. Jos (fiJ, IV, viii, 4) relates that the 
emperor Veepaman caused certain men who could 

Bathing at the North End ot the Dead Sea. the 

Mountains ot Moab In the Background. 

(Photo, by F. B, WrightT 

not swim to be thrown into the water with thdr 
hands tied behind them, and they floated on the 
surface. Dead fish and various shells are indeed 
often found upon the shore, but liiey have evi- 
dently been brought in by the tributary fresh-water 
streams, or belong to species which live in the brack- 
ish pools of the oorderine lagoons, which are abun- 
dantly supplied with fresh waler. The report ex- 
tensively circulated in earlier times that birds did 


I>atf 8m 

not fly over the lake has no fouDdation in fact, as 
Bome epeciea of birds are known even to %ht upon 
the Burface and sport upon the waters. The whole 
depression is subject to frequent storms of wind 
blowing through ito length. These produce waves 
whose force is very destructive of boata encounter- 
ing them owing to the high specific gravity of the 
water; but for the same reason the waves rapidly 
subside after a storm, so that the general appear- 
ance of the lake is placid in the 

Skit CattB on the KiM SMe <^ Jebel Umum. Wubed 

bj-the Wat«raoftheLake. Plllarof SaltReHly 

toFkll. (Pboto. by F.B. Wright.) 

The source from which these saline matters have 
been derived has been a subject of much speculation 
— some having supposed that it was derived from 
the dissolution of the salt cliffs in Jebel Uadum. 
But this theory is disproved by the fact that com- 
mon salt forms but a small portion of the material 
held in solution by the water. It is more correct 
(o regard this salt mountain aaadepoait precipitated 
from the saturated brine which had accumulated, 
as we have supposed, during the Cretaceous age. 
Probably salt is now being deposited at the bottom 
of the lake from the present saturated solution to 
appear in some future age in the wreck of progress- 
ive geological changes. The salts of the Dead Sea, 
like those in all similarly inclosed basins, have been 
broueht in by the streams of water from all over 
the ctainage basin. Such streams alwa}^ contain 
more or leas solid matter in solutionj which becomes 
concentrated through the e^^lI>o^atlDn which takes 
place over inclosed oasins. Tne ocean is the great 

The extreme salinity of the Dead Sea water