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Full text of "Interstate migration. Hearings before the Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, House of Representatives, Seventy-sixth Congress, third session, pursuant to H. Res. 63 and H. Res. 491, resolution to inquire into the interstate migration of destitute citizens, to study, survey and investigate the social and economic needs and the movement of indigent persons across state lines"

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Given By 
John H. Tolan 



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INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SELECT COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

INTEESTATE MIGEATION OF DESTITUTE CITIZENS 

HOUSE OF EEPEESENTATIYES 

SEVENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 

THIRD SESSION 

PUESUANT TO 

H. Res. 63 and H. Res. 491 

RESOLUTIONS TO INQUIRE INTO THE INTERSTATE 

MIGRATION OF DESTITUTE CITIZENS, TO STUDY, 

SURVEY, AND INVESTIGATE THE SOCIAL AND 

ECONOMIC NEEDS AND THE MOVEMENT OF 

INDIGENT PERSONS ACROSS STATE LINES 



PART 6 
SAN FRANCISCO HEARINGS 

SEPTEMBER 24 AND 25, 1940 



Printed for the use of the Select Committee to Investigate the 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens 




INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SELECT COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

INTERSTATE MIGEATION OF DESTITUTE CITIZENS 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SEVENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 

THIRD SESSION 

PUnSUANT TO 

H. Res. 63 and H. Res. 491 

RESOLUTIONS TO INQUIRE INTO THE INTERSTATE 

MIGRATION OF DESTITUTE CITIZENS, TO STUDY, 

SURVEY, AND INVESTIGATE THE SOCIAL AND 

ECONOMIC NEEDS AND THE MOVEMENT OF 

INDIGENT PERSONS ACROSS STATE LINES 



PART 6 
SAN FRANCISCO HEARINGS 

SEPTEMBER 24 AND 25, 1940 



Printed for the use of the Select Committee to Investigate the 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
260370 WASHINGTON : 1941 



SELECT COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE INTERSTATE MIGRATION 
OF DESTITUTE CITIZENS 

JOHN H. TOLAN, California, Chairman 
CLAUDE V. PARSONS, Illinols^V. •>-», "yW CARL T. CURTIS, Nebraska 
JOHN J. SPARKMAN, Alabama FRANK C. OSMERS, Jr., New Jersey 

Dr. ROBERT K. Lamb, Chief Investigator 
Elmer A. Reese, Secretary 



Richard S. Blaisdell, Editor 
Harold D. Ccllen, Associate Editor 



Dr. Edward J. Rowell, Chief Field Investigator 



LIST OF WITNESSES 
AT SAN FRANCISCO HEARINGS 



Arpke, Frederick, economist, Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Address: Page 
Berkeley, Calif 2422 

Bauer, Miss Catherine, secretary of California Housing Association; Rosen- 
berg professor, University of California; consultant to United States 
Housing Authority. Address: 2525 Hill Court, Berkeley, Calif 2570,2581 

Benedict, Dr. M. R., of the College of Agriculture, University of California. 

Address: Berkeley, Calif 2468, 2495 

Clawson, Marion, principal field representative, Bureau of Agricultural 

Economics. Address: Spokane, Wash 2635,2691 

DeLong, William W., former Nebraska farmer. Address: Willow Creek, 

Greg 2710 

Derryberry, Thomas L., former Oklahoma farmer. Address: Firebaugh 

Camp, Calif 2207 

Douglas, Mrs. Helen Gahagan. Address: Hollywood (Los Angeles), 

Calif 2402 

Duffy, Walter A., regional director, region XI, Farm Security Administra- 
tion. Address: Portland, Oreg 1 2635,2648 

Findley, Iven H., former Colorado farmer. Address: Ontario, Oreg 2704 

Frye, Horace E., former Missouri farmer. Address: 932 K Street, Sanger, 

Calif 2419 

Fuller, Varden, acting leader. Division of Farm Population and Rural Wel- 
fare, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Pacific area. Address: Berke- 
ley, Calif 2254, 2262, 2377 

Gulden, Guy F., former Nebraska farmer. Address: Watson ville, Calif 2394 

Hatfield, Clarence, former Kansas farmer. Address: Cornelius, Oreg 2693 

Hernandez, Philip H., licensed labor contractor. Address: Hayward, 

Calif 2218 

Hewes, Laurence I., regional director, region IX, Farm Security Adminis- 
tration. Address: San Francisco, Calif 2604,2615 

Hopkins, Dr. William S., associate professor, department of economics, 

Leland Stanford University. Address: Palo Alto, Calif 2378 

Howden, Edward, executive director, California Housing Association. 

Address: San Francisco, Calif 2715, 2724 

Hutchison, Dr. C. B., dean of college of agriculture, University of Cali- 
fornia. Address: Berkeley, Calif 2468,2487 

Kates, Mr. and Mrs. John W., former Missouri farmer. Address: Mi- 
gratory labor camp, Westley, Calif 2697 

Knapp, Mrs. Walter A., representing the California Congress of Parents 

and Teachers. Address: 144 26th St., Merced, Calif 2432 

Lundberg, Alfred A., president of California State Chamber of Commerce. 

Address: Oakland, Cahf 2468, 2469 

McWilliams, Carey, chief, division of immigration and housing. State 
department of industrial relations. Address: San Francisco, Calif_ 2529, 

,, , ^ 2538,2554,2557 

Myderick, Perry, former North Dakota farmer. Address: Migrant labor 
camp, Yakima, Wash 2465 

Olson, Hon. Culbert L., Governor of California. Address: Sacramento, 

Calif 2232 

Pike, Roy M., owner of El Solyo Ranch, Stanislaus County, Califr Ad- 
dress: Vernalis, Calif 2714 

Pomeroy, Harold, executive director, housing authorities of the city and 

county of Sacramento. Address: Sacramento, Calif 2504 

Robinson, Harrison S., attorney and chairman State-wide committee, 
California Chamber of Commerce. Address: Care of Robinson, Price 
& McDonald, Oakland, Calif 2468, 2470 

III 



IV WITNESSES AT SAN FRANCISCO HEAKINGS 

Page 
Schaupp, Dr. Karl L., California member board of directors, Agricultural 

Workers Health and Medical Association. Address: 490 Post St., 

San Francisco, Calif 2512 

Shepard, Dr. William P., president, western branch, American Public 

Health Association. Address: Los Angeles, Calif 2457 

Stoll, Leland C, director, Oregon State Employment Service. Address: 

Salem, Oreg 2587,2595 

Torbert, Dr. Edward N., field coordinator, Columbia Basin Project, 

Bureau of Reclamation. Address: Ephrata, Wash 2635,2681 

Woods, Albert J., former Texas farmer. Address: Firebaugh Camp, 

Calif 2201 

Young, Walker R., supervising engineer. Central Valley Water Project. 

Address (present): Bureau of Reclamation, Washington, D. C 2622, 2631 



I 



STATEMENTS AND MATERIAL SUBMITTED BY WITNESSES 



Subject and author 



Introduced by- 



Agreement for Harvesting Spinach 

Agreement for Picking Fruit 

Statement by the Governor of California. _-. 
Section 10, Unemployment Relief Act, Cali- 
fornia, May 21, 1940. 

Recommendations of the Governor 

Statement from Bureau of Agricultural 

Economics. 
Supplementary Reports, Bureau of Agricul- 
tural Economics. 
Migratory Labor in the Economic Scheme.-. 

Our Agricultural Revolution 

Extract from Speech of President of Lockheed 

Aircraft Corporation. 
Recent Distressed Migration of Cahfornia 

and the Trend of Public Expenditures. 
Effect of Migration on California's Educa- 
tional System. 
Study Made in the Schools of Southern Kern 

County by Clarence E. Spencer. 
Health Conditions Among Migrants in 

Western States Other Than California. 
Report and Recommendations, State-wide 
Committee on the Migrant Problem, Cali- 
fornia State Chamber of Commerce. 
Brief of Present California Social Security, 

Welfare, and Relief Laws (Chart) . 
Report of Survey of Substantial Dwellings — 
Health Services for the Migrant Population 

in California and Arizona. 
Administration of Medical Care to Migrant 
Agricultural Workers — by Dr. Lily G. 
Harris, of the California-Osteopathic 
Association. 
Labor Contractor System in Far Western 

States. 
Housing Conditions Affecting Migrants in 

California. 
A Housing Program for California, from 

California State Planning Board. 
Report of Rural Housing Survey Committee, 

by a Subcommittee. 
Housing of California's Agricultural Workers- 
Oregon and Her Migrants 

Material Relating to Employment Agencies 

in Oregon. 
Activities of the Farm Security Adminis- 
tration, in Region IX. 

The Central Valley Project 

Activities of the Farm Security Administra- 
tion in Region XI. 
Employment Situation of Those Living in 
F. S. A. Labor Camps, in Far Western 
States. 
Legal Status of Destitute Migrants by Gil- 
bert Sussman, Regional Attorney, Depart- 
ment of Agriculture. 



Philip H. Hernandez 

Philip H. Hernandez 

Culbert L. Olson 

Culbert L. Olson 

Culbert L. Olson 

Varden Fuller 

Varden Fuller 

Wm. S. Hopkins 

Wm. S. Hopkins 

Helen Gahagan Douglas. . 

Frederick Arpke 

Mrs. Walter A. Knapp..- 

Mrs. Walter A. Knapp... 

William P. Shepard 

Harrison S. Robinson 

Harrison S. Robinson 



2220 
2222 
2233 
2250 

2251 
2255 

2269 

2378 
2390 
2406 

2422 

2432 

2432 

2457 

2470 

2483 



Harold Pomeroy 

Karl L. Schaupp 


2504 
2513 


Edward J. Rowell 


2526 


Carey Mc Williams 


2529 


Carey Mc Williams 


2541 


Carey McWUliams 


2558 


Carey McWiUiams 


2565 


Catherine Bauer 


2570 


Leland C. StoU . - - 


2587 


LeIandC.Stoll 


2601 


Laurence I. Hewes, Jr 


2604 


Walker R. Young 

Walter A. Duffy 


2623 
2635 


Walter A. Duffy .. 


2640 


Walter A. Duffy 


2651 



VI 



STATEMENTS AND MATERIAL SUBMITTED 



Subject and author 



Introduced by- 



Migratory Labor Camps and Farm Labor 
Employment, by John E. Cooter and 
George B. Herington. 

Columbia Basin Project 

Migrant Settlement on Reclamation Projects- 
California's Housing Needs 

Resolutions by California Conference of 
Social Work. 

Letter from San Francisco Chapter, American 
Association of Social Workers. 

Letter from State Department of Education 
of Oregon. 

Statement from Kern County Labor Council. 

Statement from Sigurd Johansen, New Mex- 
ico State College of Agriculture and Me- 
chanic Arts. 

Recommendations by the California Tuber- 
culosis Association. 

Letter from Dr. S. F. Atwood. State Super- 
intendent of Education of Washington. 

Letter from Community Chest of San Fran- 
cisco. 

Statement of Pacific Northwest Planning 
Commission. 

Statement of Associated Farmers of Cali- 
fornia. Inc. 

Reprint of "Migrants — A National Problem 
and its Impact on California", Issued by 
California State Chamber of Commerce. 

Letter from Stanislaus County Central Labor 
Council. 

Letter from Mrs. Grace J. Corrigan, Super- 
intendent of Public Instruction of New 
Mexico. 

Letter from California State Relief Adminis- 
tration. 

Agricultural Migratory [Workers 

Prosecution for Bringing Indigents into Cali- 
fornia. 



Walter A. Duffy. 



E. N. Torbert 

Marion Clawson... 
Edward Howden_. 
Edward J. RowelL 

Edward J. Rowell. 

Edward J. Rowell. 

Edward J. Rowell. 
Edward J. Rowell. 



Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Edward J. Rowell 

Mrs. F. E. ShotwelL. 
R. W. Henderson 



2657 



2665 
2683 
2716 
2725 

2731 

2732 

2733 
2733 



2734 
2735 
2735 
2736 
2750 
2755 

2792 
2792 

2793 

2795 
2796 



INTERSTATE MIGEATION 



tuesday, september 24, 1940 

House of Kepresentatives, 
Select Committee to Investigate 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, 

Washington^ D. G. 

The committee met at 10 a. m., September 24, 1940, in room 276 in 
the Post Office Building, San Francisco, Calif., Hon. John H. Tolan 
(chairman) presiding, _ 

Present were Kepresentatives John H. Tolan (chairman), of Cali- 
fornia ; John J. Sparkman, of Alabama ; Carl T. Curtis, of Nebraska ; 
and Frank C. Osmers, Jr., of New Jersey. 

Also present were Dr. Robert K. Lamb, chief investigator; Dr. 
Edward J. Rowell, chief field investigator ; Edwin Bates, field inves- 
tigator ; and Alice M. Tuohy, field secretary. 



The Chairman. The committee will please come to order. 

Mr. Reporter, note in your record that Congressman Curtis, of Ne- 
braska, Congressman Sparkman, of Alabama, and Congressman 
Osmers, of New Jersey, are present, and that Congressman Parsons, 
of Illinois, was called back to Washington on official business. 



The Chairman. Will Mr. Albert J. Woods please take the witness 
stand ? 

TESTIMONY OF ALBERT J. WOODS, FIREBAUGH CAMP, CALIFORNIA 

The Chairman. I want to say to you, Mr. Woods, that we are glad 
to have you here and you can relax because this committee does not 
"show up" any witness. We don't cross-examine you, except to get 
the facts. We have not issued a subpena, and at all our hearings we 
have not attempted to show-up any witness. So you just be yourself 
and tell your story in your own way. 

The Chairman. Wliat is your full name ? 

Mr. Woods. Albert Jesse. I sign my name, "Albert J. Woods." 

The Chairman. Wliere are you living now? 

Mr. Woods. I am living at Firebaugh Camp. 

The Chairman. Wliere is that? 

Mr. Woods. That is, oh, something like 200 miles from here. 

2201 



2202 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

The Chairman, Two hundred miles south from here ? 

Mr. Woods. A little east, I suppose. Isn't it southeast? 

The Chairman. It is in California, is it not? 

Mr. Woods. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Where were you born? 

Mr. Woods. Texas. 

The Chairman. How old are you ? 

Mr. Woods. Sixty- four. 

The Chairman. How many are there in your family, Mr. Woods ? 

Mr. Woods. There are just three in our family at the present time, 
at home. 

The Chairman. How many children did you have? 

Mr. Woods. You mean living? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Woods. Well, I have five children living. 

The Chairman. How many dead? 

Mr. Woods. Five dead. 

The Chairman. Are any of your children living with you now? 

Mr. Woods. One; one girl. 

The Chairman. How old is she ? 

Mr. Woods. Eleven years old. 

The Chairman. Is your wife living? 

Mr. Woods. Yes ; the last wife. 

The Chair^nian. You started farming in Texas; did you not? 

Mr. Woods. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. When? 

Mr. Woods. Well, let's see. I couldn't exactly give the date, like I 
have told some of them this morning, just to give the date of these 
things, but I was about 14 years old. I took the farm over from my 
mother. My father died when I was 14. 

The Chairman. How long did you farm in Texas? 

Mr. Woods. Well, I fanned there practically all of my< life, as far 
as that is concerned. But we left out of there — I farmed on this — ■ 
in Texas some years after that. I don't just remember how long, 
but in the period of time I moved to Childress, Tex. 

The Chairman. Well, why did you leave Texas? 

Mr. Woods. Oh, well, you see, along about that time was when 
the boll weevil hit. I moved into Fannin County in Texas. The boll 
weevils hit in this country where I was and it got so hard to farm I 
pulled out. And I went from there to Childress, Tex., and I went 
into the railroad yards, sold my stock after I came out to Childress. 

The Chairman. Then after that you went to Arkansas ? 

Mr. Woods. No. I went back to Texas, back to Fannin County, Tex. 

The Chairman. Did you farm there again? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

The Chairman. Then when did you leave Texas? 

Mr. Woods. Well, my mother died, and a short while after we 
went back there I bought out the heirs of the estate. I bought 110 
acres, and I farmed on there until right after the World War ended, 
and then moved to Mena, Ark., for about 3 years. 

The Chairman. Then what became of vour farm in Arkansas? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2203 

Mr. Woods. Well, you see, I sold out in Fannin County and went 
over and bought 228 acres of land about 12 miles east of Mena. 

The Chairman. What became of that ranch? 

Mr. Woods. I sold out and traded it off later for a quarter of a 
section close to Childress, Tex. 

The Chairman. What were your best years on the west iexas 

lands? 

Mr. Woods. My best year was 1929. 

The Chairman. When did you leave west Texas? 

^Ir. Woods. Well, the drought was then. I suppose you folks read 
all about that dust in there, the sand. v • • 

The Chairman. In other words, you could not make a living m 
west Texas on account of the drought; is that right? 

Mr. Woods. That's right. 

The Chairman. You couldn't raise anything ; is that the idea ? 

Mr. Woods. Well, now, in '31 1 made a good crop, but that is when 
it hit me the hardest, in '31. We made a bumper crop on the place, 
but I got 18 cents a bushel for my wheat and 17 cents for row-crop 
stuff such as maize. That's what hurt me. That is the year that 
hurt me most there. 

The Chairman. Wlien did you move to California ? 

Mr. Woods. I came here, I guess, the 10th of last September, this 
last September a year ago. 

The Chairman. Why did you come to California ? 

Mr. Woods. Well, it looked— of course, now, I made another move 
from Mena, Ark., when I bought this place, and then I moved back 
to Childress and worked 2 years at the shop, and then went from 
there to the Plains, but that's the way I made it. 

The Chairman. Well, you came to California last September? 

Mr. Woods. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Why did you come to California? 

Mr. Woods. Well, we wasn't making anything there after moving 
over to Arkansas in '36. I bought a farm there— 40 acres— and didn't 
have but little money when I got back there. I didn't have very 
much money there to get by on, but I thought I had enough, and I 
thought I could get back there and put a few cattle on the ranch. 

The Chairman. Did you have much money when you hit Cali- 
fornia ? 

Mr. AVooDS. We had about $350 in money when we got here. 

The Chairman. What did you do when you got here in California? 

Mr. Woods. We got here on the 10th, and the 23d day of September 
I took an oil station from the Signal Oil people. 

The Chair^ian. Did you make it go at the oil station ? 

Mr. Woods. No. That is where I got set flat with what little I 
had. We run that station about 3 months, I believe, lacking about 
3 days of being 3 months. We lost money there in the station all 
the time. They got us a dead corner ; didn't know it at the time. I 
spent a lot of "money advertising. They promised me a lot of good 
things on this corner, but it had changed hands by all of the companies, 
different oil companies, three different times in the last 3 years. But 
you know about what that does for an oil station. WelL I done 



2204 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

lots of work, and we got up about 2 weeks before they pulled this 
deal on me. We were just about breaking even on the station, and so 
I sold out. I sold out to them fair and square. He was to give mo 
a check for $375, and after I got the inventory taken and signed up, 
he refused to do this. 

Well, I got mad and said some things to him I oughtn't have said, 
I suppose. He got in his car and pulled out, and the second day they 
came up and wanted an attachment on my car of $152.48 I owed the 
Signal Oil people. But this was to be included in this trade, and 
he ran an attachment on my car. I was just 

The Chairman (interposing). Mr. Woods, the committee is not so 
interested 

Mr. Woods (interposing). How is that? 

The Chairman. The committee is not so interested in this attach- 
ment. Anyway, you lost your place? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

The Chairman. Have you ever been on relief? 

Mr. Woods. Not until after this station affair. 

The Chairman. When did you go on relief in California? 

Mr. Woods. I got my first help along in January, I reckon — January 
or February. 

The Chairman. Were you absolutely broke at the time? 

Mr. Woods. I had $3.50 when I went on relief. 

The Chairman. Are you on relief now ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes, I have been. 

The Chairman. What are you doing in Firebaugh now ? 

Mr. Woods. We are picking cotton at the present time. 

The Chairman. Picking cotton ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

The Chairman. Who do you mean by "we" ? 

Mr. Woods. That's me and my wife. 

The Chairman. How much do you earn? 

Mr. Woods. Well, of course, the cotton picking hasn't opened up 
right well yet. We have made right around $5 a day. Of course, the 
cotton picking hasn't opened up, and we figure we will make $5 or $6 
a day. 

The Chairman. Does your wife pick cotton alongside of you ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

The Chairman. How old is your wife ? 

Mr. Woods. Forty-eight. 

Mr. Curtis. I am interested in the farm situation that you had to 
leave. How many acres did you farm most of the time; about how 
big a farm? 

Mr. Woods. Where was that now ? 

Mr. Curtis. In the original home in Texas. 

Mr. Woods. In Texas I had 640 acres. 

Mr. Curtis. What was the average rainfall, about? 

Mr. Woods. Just exactly what that was, I really couldn't say. 

Mr. Curtis. Now, in west Texas, what was your nearest large city? 

Mr. Woods. Well, Amarillo was our nearest large city. 

Mr. Curtis. How far and in what direction were you from Amarillo ? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2205 

Mr. Woods. Southwest. 

Mr. Curtis. How much land did you farm in Arkansas ? 

Mr. Woods. Well, when I first went over into Arkansas the farm I 
bought was 220 acres. It was about, oh, CO or 75 acres in cultivation 
on that, not including the hay meadows. 

Mr. Curtis. Now, when you were farming in Texas what were your 
principal crops? 

Mr. Woods. Well, really just wheat and row-crop stuff — kafir, maize, 
and corn. 

Mr. Curtis. How many milk cows did you keep ? 

Mr. Woods. Well, we run anyway from 3 to 18. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you sell cream and butter? 

Mr. Woods. Yes ; sold cream. 

Mr. Curtis. About how much would your cream check run a week ? 

Mr. Woods. The last year we were in west Texas our cream checks 
was running right around from eighty-five to a hundred dollars a 
month. 

Mr. Curtis. What livestock did you have when you went to Ar- 
kansas? 

Mr. Woods. I disremember just how many. We had 18 milk cows. 
I think maybe we had 20 milk cows when we sold out, and I had a 
few heifers. 

Mr. Curtis. Are you happier off the farm than you were on? 

Mr. Woods. No, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. You are a natural-born farmer? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. I love the farm. I always taught — tried to teach 
them to love the farm — the kids. 

Mr. Curtis. It is a question of getting a farm to produce in accord- 
ance with the price of it and the amount of interest you have to pay, 
together with a fair price for what you have to sell ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. That is all. 

The Chairman In other words, Mr. Woods, you are like thousands 
of others in the South, or in the Great Plains States, who find when 
there comes a time that you cannot make a living you have got to 
move ; is that right ? 

Mr. Woods. That's right. 

Mr. Curtis. One more question I think the record should show. 
This was the 640-acre farm; that is the one you bought of your 
family ? 

Mr. Woods. No. I bought this land from J. B. Anderson, of Far- 
well, Tex. 

Mr. Curtis. How much did you pay for that ? 

Mr. Woods. I think that was $40 an acre. It kind of slipped my 
mind. I could get some papers and figure up on that. You see, I 
had this quarter section. I first bought a half section, and when I 
first went on the plains I bought that through the Senator people 
there. I don't know. It's something that they bought this land up 
years and years ago and selling it out, and they got me on this half 
section of land, and later I found this section that I got cheaper, and 
I turned this back to them, lost my first down payment on that. 



2206 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Curtis. Well, now, at the time you gave up there in Texas, 
how much of a mortgage did you owe on the entire tract? 

Mr. Woods. On the entire property when I bought this section ? 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. At the time you quit. 

Mr. Woods. Let's see. When I let it go I owed $3,100. 

Mr. Curtis. $3,100. At about what rate of interest? 

Mr. Woods. I believe that was 8 percent. 

Mr. Curtis. It was that interest load that got you down, was it 
not? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. That is all. 

Mr. Woods, In 19 — you see, in '29 I had taken up all these indi- 
vidual notes. I only had left there — it left me $2,100. 

Mr. OsMERs. Where are you staying now, Mr. Woods? 

Mr. Woods, At Firebaugh. 

Mr. OsMERS, A Government camp? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS, A Federal camp? 

Mr. Woods, Yes, 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you pay anything to stay there, or is that abso- 
lutely free? 

Mr. Woods. Well, the camp, of course, we work that out. We pay 
a camp dues now, a dollar a month. 

Mr. OsMERs. That is, $1 a month for you, your wife, and your 
youngster ? 

Mr. Woods. That is for the camp-fund money. 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes. They have a little pool ? 

Mr. Woods. No charge is made for the cabin, and so forth. We 
work that out. 

Mr. OsMERS. You say you are on relief now ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS, How much do you get on relief ? 

Mr. Woods. About $17 a month. 

Mr. OsMERs. $17 a month? 

Mr. Woods. A little more than that. Our first check we got, I be- 
lieve, was twenty-some-odd dollars. The last check was $20. 

Mr, OsMERS. $20 for the month ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, are you doing any work for pay in addition to 
receiving that? 

Mr. Woods. Yes ; all I can get. Of course, it's been a little hard up 
to the cotton picking. One of the boys worked a month — a little better 
than a month on the yard. 

Mr. OsMERS. On the what? 

Mr. Woods. On the yard, camp yard, cleaning up a little. He got 
50 cents an hour on that. 

Mr. OsMERS. What would you say that your monthly income was, 
taking the $20 of relief that you get and the amount of money that you 
and your wife make besides? 

Mr. Woods. Well, I judge that on her, perhaps since we have been 
out here now — this is getting it all together — we have made something 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2207 

like between $45 and $50 since we have been there, 5 months the 19th 
of this month. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is in addition to relief? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is about $25 a month ? 

Mr. Woods. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS. So that your total income each month would be $20 
from the Government relief and $25 from work that you could get, a 
total of about $45 a month? 

Mr. Woods. Something like that. 

Mr. OsMERS. I see. That is your income. Wliat do you expect to do 
in the future, Mr. Woods ? Do you want to stay there ? 

Mr. Woods. I am going to stay here until something opens up. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is all I have. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Woods. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Derryberry will be the next witness. 

TESTIMONY OF THOMAS L. DEERYBERRY, FIREBAUGH CAMP, 

CALIFORNIA 

Tlie Chairman. Will you give your first name, please? 

Mr. Derryberry. Thomas L. 

The Chairman. Wliere do you live ? 

Mr. Derryberry. At Firebaugh. 

The Chairman. Congressman Curtis will ask you the questions. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Derryberry, by "Firebaugh" you mean 

Mr. Derryberry (interposing). That is a Government migratory 
camp. 

Mr. Curtis. How many families are living there ; about how many ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I believe he said they had about 125 families. 

Mr. Curtis. How many rooms do you have there? 

Mr. Derryberry. Two cabins. 

Mr. Curtis. Two cabins? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How many in your family ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Six. 

Mr. Curtis. Your wife and four children? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How large are these cabins ? 

Mr. Derryberry. They are 14 by 16, 1 believe. 

Mr. Curtis. Wliat rent do you pay? 

Mr. Derryberry. A dollar a month and 2 hours' work each week. 

Mr. Curtis. You are from Oklahoma, are you not? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Wliat part of Oklahoma? 

Mr. Derryberry. The eastern part. 

Mr. Curtis. Near what large town or city ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, the closest town is — the biggest place is Fort 
Smith. Oklahoma City is 150 miles; Fort Smith, 110. 



2208 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Curtis. You were about 150 miles north and a little east or a 
little south? 

Mr. Derrtberry. Southeast of Oklahoma City. 

Mr. Curtis. What is the occupation of your father? 

Mr. Derrtberry. Farmer. 

Mr. Curtis. How many children in your father^s family? 

Mr. Derrtberry. Twelve. 

Mr. Curtis. Are you one of the younger ones? 

Mr. Derryberry. No. 

Mr. Curtis. You are one of the older ones ? 

Mr. Derryberry. There is three older than I. I am the fourth child. 

Mr. Curtis. How much education have you had ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Seventh grade. 

Mr. Curtis. When did you get married ? 

Mr. Derryberry. 1930. 

Mr. Curtis. You were about 20 years old then ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. What were you doing at that time ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Farming. 

Mr. Curtis. For yourself ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, with my father; helping my father. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you live in the same household as your father? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. I was living in the same house with him. 

Mr. Curtis. How much education has your wife had? 

Mr. Derryberry. Eighth grade. 

Mr. Curtis. How big a farm does your father operate? 

Mr. Derryberry. About 60 acres row crop at that time. 

Mr. Curtis. And how much other crop ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, about 40 acres. That is what he was farm- 
ing, but the Government has cut him out of that now. _ 

Mr. Curtis. I mean, at the time that you went in with him? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. What kind of deal did he give you ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I just worked there, you see, and took in so big a 
crop, you see, about 10 or 12 acres of row crop is what I got. 

Mr." Curtis. What row crop were you farming? 

Mr. Derryberry. Cotton. 

Mr. Curtis. How much could you make working for your father if 
you had an average crop with just a fair price ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, it got down to where that it was impossible 
to break even. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, I mean, when you went in there how much did you 
expect to make if you had an average crop and a fair price ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I come out with $20 or $25 with a fair crop. 

Mr. Curtis. At the end of the year? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. But you boarded at your father's table ? 
Mr. Derryberr. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Were there any other jobs available in Oklahoma at the 
time you moved in with your father when you were married ? 
Mr. Derrtberrt. The coal mines. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2209 

Mr. Curtis. Are you trained to do any other work than farm work, 
and that sort of thing ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I am not scheduled for nothing but farm work. I 
have been raised and born on a farm. I have worked on threshers, 
and that goes with farm work. 

Mr. Curtis. You have never had an opportunity to become skilled 
in any line of work ? 

Mr. Derryberry. No. 

Mr. Curtis. When did you leave Oklahoma ? 

Mr, Derryberry. I left Oklahoma the 3d day of July in 1940. 

Mr. Curtis. Why did you leave ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Looking for support for my family. 

Mr, Curtis. Was any work available in the coal mines? 

Mr. Derryberry. No, sir; the coal mines was all shut down and 
they had taken about 400 or 500 men out of work. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, when the coal mines shut down, does that have 
a direct effect on the farmers? 

Mr. Derryberry. Absolutely, That killed the farmers. When 
they shut down, the farmers couldn't sell the produce, 

Mr. Curtis. What kind of produce could you sell to the miners ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Anything you raise — chickens, watermelons, any- 
thing. They have big coal-mine camps there. Wlien they were oper- 
ating, you could take eggs and milk and butter. You see, they had 
a pay roll coming in there. They could buy that stuff. That boosted 
the farmer, and he could pay some man to help him with that stuff. 

Mr. Curtis. He could sell his butter and eggs at retail prices? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. He could get a good price. 

Mr. Curtis. And he could butcher cattle and hogs and sell them 
out in small lots and get more than by shipping it? 

Mr. Derryberry. Four or five cents more. 

Mr. Curtis. What was the condition of the crops, the last year 
or two that you were trying to make a go of it on the farm? 

Mr, Derryberry, It wouldn't average over a quarter to a half a 
bale to the acre of cotton, 

Mr, Curtis, What was the cause of that? 

Mr, Derryberry, Drought, 

Mr. Curtis. Have tractors and other mechanized farming imple- 
ments come into that territory very much ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir; tractors have taken it. The big 
farmer — the big farmer that used to work from 5 to 10 men has got 
1 man and a tractor now on the farm. 

Mr. Curtis. "Wliat has induced him to do that? 

Mr. Derryberry. Like in every country the tractor has taken the 
country over wherever you go now. They are discarding the teams. 
Where we used to go out in the prairies and cut this hay where 
it employed lots of men, well, we would take this hay and sell 
it to the farmer for the teams, and to big stockholders. AYliy, now, 
you don't do that. They have sold the teams and bought a tractor 
and mortgaged the teams, and they are gone. 

Mr, Curtis. Now, has the crop reduction and the payments pro- 
gram done anything to stop that movement toward large farmers? 



2210 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Derrtberrt. Well, the last 5 to 6 years the Government has 
cut each farmer, and it never was a big farming place there. There 
was my father farming from 60 to 70 acres and only allowing him 
30 to 35 acres with 12 in the family. 

Mr. Curtis. And your production is running down? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Wliile that has gone down and cotton has increased 
over in the Delta country and some of the more productive areas? 

Mr. Derryberry. I understand they have cut the cotton acreage 
everywhere. 

Mr. OsMERS. They have cut the acreage, but they have in some 
places increased the total amount of cotton produced? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you get any kind of Government work before 
you left Oklahoma? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, I never was on any work. I was given $5 
worth of stamps. 

Mr. Curtis. In Oklahoma? 

Mr. Derryberry. In Oklahoma. 

Mr. Curtis. When was that? 

Mr. Derryberry. That was in June. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, back in 1933 and 1934 did you not get a little 
work on the F. E. R. A.? 

Mr. Derryberry. On the F. E. R. A. 

Mr. Curtis. How much did they pay you there ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I got about $1.65 a day. 

Mr. Curtis. How long did you work? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, I worked something in the neighborhood of 
20 days, I guess, all told on that. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you ever get on W. P. A. ? 

Mr. Derryberry. No; couldn't get on it. 

Mr. Curtis. Of the children in your father's family, how many of 
them are boys? 

Mr. Derryberry. There are seven boys. 

Mr. Curtis. How many of them are older than you? 

Mr. Derryberry. Three. 

Mr. Curtis. The drought and crop conditions caused you to leave; 
did they? 

]\Ir. Derryberry. Yes, sir. And they are going to cause my father 
to leave, too. 

Mr. Curtis. As a matter of fact, though, even if things had gone 
pretty well on the farm, there were some of the boys who would have 
to do something else? 

Mr. Derryberry. If the farm was kept good, well, us boys would 
have been out farming for somebody else. 

Mr. Curtis. Farming for somebody else if land were available ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. How did it happen you chose California? 

Mr. Derryberry. I started looking this way, and when I found cot- 
ton, that's where I stopped. 

Mr. Curtis. How many were in your family when you started out? 

Mr. Derryberry. Six. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2211 

Mr. Curtis. How did you travel? 
Mr. Derryberrt. In an automobile. 
Mr. Curtis. Do you own the car? 
Mr. Derryberrt. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How much money did you have when you left Okla- 
homa ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I had about $43. 
Mr. Curtis. But the car was pretty good ? 
Mr. Derryberry. It was in fair running shape ; nothing extra. 
Mr. Curtis. Did you have any property other than a few personal 
belongings that you put in the car ? 
Mr. Derryberry. No. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you get any work along the way ? 
Mr. Derryberry. No. 

Mr. Curtis. At what point in California did you first get your 
work? 

Mr. Derryberry. In Planada. 
Mr. Curtis. What did yoii do up there ? 
Mr. Derryberry. Cut grapes. 
Mr. Curtis. Wliat did you make ? 

Mr. Derryberry. We made around $2.50 or $3 a day cutting 
grapes. 
Mr. Curtis. Some of your family helped? 
Mr. Derryberry. Yes. 
Mr. Curtis. Just your wife? 

Mr. Derryberry. My wife and my oldest little boy. 

Mr. Curtis. He is only about 5 years old ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Seven. The one that cut grapes. The oldest one 
didn't cut grapes ; he was taking care of the baby. My wife helped, 
too ; three of us worked. 

Mr. Curtis. How many of your youngsters are old enough to go to 
school ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Two. 

Mr. Curtis. Are they in school this year ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you picked any cotton out here ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. What are they paying a hundred pounds? 

Mr. Derryberry. Eighty-five cents. 

Mr. Curtis. What are tliey paying in Oklahoma ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Forty to sixty cents. 

Mr. Curtis. The farmer pays for the picking ; does he ? 

Mr. Derryberry. The farmer pays for the picking. 

Mr. Curtis. That is all he can afford to pay ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. You have raised cotton for your father? 

Mr. Derryberry. The picker with 40 to 60 cents a hundred is com- 
ing out with as much money as the farmer has. 

Mr. Curtis. While we would like to see the price higher, it has not 
been willful on the part of those farmers that they have kept it 
down? 



260370— 41— pt. 6- 



2212 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Derrtbeeky. That's ri^ht. 

Mr. Curtis. How many days' cotton picking have you had out 
here ? 

Mr. Deeryberry. Well, something like 7 days cotton picking. 

Mr. Curtis. How much do you make a day ? 

Mr. Deeryberry. We run anywhere from $4.50 to $5 a day. 

Mr. Curtis. And how many of you pick ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, my wife and I pick, and then the oldest boy 
picks on Saturday, you see. She doesn't pick steady all day. She 
picks — goes out some days and picks. 

Mr. Curtis. Has your boy been kept out of school to work ? 

Mr. Deeryberry. No ; he hasn't. 

Mr. Curtis. Has he always worked under your supervision as a 
parent ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. You have never hired him out to a farmer or under a 
foreman ? 

Mr. Derryberry. He has worked by my side. He hasn't worked any 
other way. 

Mr. Curtis. But he has been right by you so he hasn't had any 
abuse from that angle? 

Mr. Dereybeeby. That's right. 

Mr. CuETis. You are doing better here than you did in Oklahoma ? 

Mr. Deebybeeey. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you think your father will be able to hang on 
back there? 

Mr. Derryberry. I doubt it. 

Mr. Curtis. How old a man is he ? 

Mr. Derryberry. He is 59 years old. 

Mr. Curtis. Is he skilled in any trade? 

Mr. Dereybeeby. No, sir. 

Mr. CuBTis. For how long have you had a drought there ? 

Mr. Debeybeery. We haven't been where we could make anything in 
the last 9 or 10 years up until this year, and they have got better crops 
this year than they have had in the'last 10 or 11 years. 

Mr. Cuetis. Do they raise a family garden on your father's place? 

Mr. Deeeybeeby. Yes. They have got a family garden. 

Mr. Cuetis. How many cows does your father keep ? 

Mr. Deeeybeeby. Well, he had about 11 or 12 head of cattle until the 
Government come around and taken his cattle and killed them. 

Mr. Cuetis. That was a long time ago ? 

Mr. Debbyberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How many milk cows does he have now ? 

Mr. Deeeybeeby. About four milk cows. 

Mr. Cuetis. Does he sell any cream ? 

Mr. Deeeybeeby. I don't believe he does sell any cream at all. 

Mr. Cuetis. Is your father able to produce enough foodstuffs with 
the garden and dairy products and the like, so that the family back 
there have enough to eat ? 

Mr. Deebybeeey. No. 

Mr. Cuetis. Whether they raise a cash crop or not? 

Mr. Derryberry. No. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2213 

Mr. Curtis. Do you think his farm could be planned so that it could ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, he could — if he could be allowed to plant 
enough crops. 

Mr. Curtis. No ; I am not talking about his crop that he sells. I am 
talking about vegetables, tomatoes, beans, and potatoes, and all that 
sort of thing that you can store away, together with milk and cream, 
and so on. 

Mr. Derryberry. He couldn't raise enough of that stuff. 

Mr. Curtis. He can't raise enough ? 

Mr. Derryberry. No, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Why can't he? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, because it burns up in the summertime. The 
ground back there where we are at is so dry anyway it just burns up. 

Mr. Curtis. Can you not irrigate a little bit with your windmill ? 

Mr. Derryberry. If you could find water enough to stick that wind- 
mill up on. 

Mr. Curtis. There is a shortage of underground water ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. I am not criticizing, but I want to get the situation there. 

Mr. Derryberry. Tlie water don't furnish enough for the house use 
where he lives, and not only there but thousands of wells won't furnish 
enough water, see, and the lakes around there dry up in the summer- 
time. 

Mr. Curtis. Is your father a good farmer if he gets a good chance ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir; he missed the last war by being a good 
farmer. The people up around McAlester, Okla., kept him from going 
to war because he was the best farmer in that country, besides having a 
large family, too, to support. 

Mr. Curtis. If something could be done to help him solve the prob- 
lem of poor soil, together with a water supply in the area that either 
had enough rain or irrigation, he would take care of himself and 
family ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir; not only him but everybody. Nobody 
would be leaving if that could be done. 

Mr. Curtis. How about the people iii this territory ? Do they want 
to be on relief ? 

Mr. Derryberry. They would rather be off of it. 

j\Ir. Curtis. INIost of them would rather make their own way? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you had any relief in California ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, I got one batch of groceries. 

Mr. Curtis. When you have been traveling around hunting for 
work have you run into other Oklahoma people? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. What other States have you seen these people from? 

Mr. Derryberry. Every State. 

Mr. Curtis. What particular States? 

Mr. Derryberry. Pittsburg County, I guess, is 

Mr. Curtis (interposing). Pittsburg County what? 

Mr. Derryberry. Pittsburg County, Okla. That is where I am 
from. 

Mr. Curtis. Wliat other States? 



2214 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Derrtberry. Well, you notice Arkansas, Texas, Missouri, and 
Kansas. The}' are the four or five States that you see most eastern 
people from. 

]SIr. Curtis. Do you see any New Englanders from Massachusetts ? 

Mr. Derrtberry. Well, not many. 

Mr. Curtis. They don't get that far? 

Mr. Derryberry. No. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you see many unemployed city dwellers ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well 

Mr. Curtis. In those camps? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, there's not any to speak of. There is some 
W. P. A. workers around. 

Mr. Curtis. Most of them that you run in contact with are forced 
from the land? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you know of anyone in those camps that is unem- 
ployed, yet they are highly skilled in some trade ? 

Mr. Derryberry. No, I don't. 

Mr. Curtis. Are you working now? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. What are you doing? 

Mr. Derryberry. Picking cotton. 

ISIr. Curtis. You said 5 or 6 days. You are still on the job? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How long will this cotton picking run? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, now, from the looks of the cotton and stuff, 
it will run up around the first of the year. It is one of the best things 
that I can see. 

Mr. Curtis. Were 3'ou ever stopped at any State line when you left 
Oklahoma until you got to your job here? 

Mr. Derryberry. Wlien we came into the State of California we 
were stopped. 

Mr. Curtis. Wiat did they say to you? 

Mr. Derryberry. They went through our car, through our grips and 
everything we had. 

Mr. Curtis. What were they looking for ? 

Mr. Derryberry. They were looking for insects, fruits, or anything 
like that. 

Mr. Curtis. Did they have any questions to ask you ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, they asked us where we was going. 

]Mr. Curtis. Anything else? 

ISIr. Derryberry. That's all. They told us what they were there for. 

IMr. Curtis. Did they ask you how much money you had ? 

Mr. Derryberry. No, sir. 

Mr. CuKTis. They didn't suggest that you go back? 

Mr. Derryberry. No, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. You said you had about how much money? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, when I left Oklahoma I had about $43. 

Mr. Curtis. When you hit the line here you did not have very 
much of that left ? 

Mr. Derryberry. I had a little bit over $9 when I got into Cali- 
fornia. 



INTEIlSa?ATE MIGRATION 2215 

Mr. Curtis. Is your family in reasonably good health? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir; we are in good health. My wife isn't 
going to be able to work much longer. 

Mr. Curtis. Expecting another child ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. But the children are all strong? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you think any of your children are suffering from 
undernourishment ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Not now. 

Mr. Curtis. You have been able to take care of them? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. That's one thing about back east — you 
can't get proper food either. You go out to buy fmit, oranges and 
stuff, and you give 40 to 50 cents a dozen for common oranges like 
you get here for 5 cents a dozen. Maybe on Christmas they will get 
an orange, you know. 

Mr. Curtis. You mean in Oklahoma? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. And in Texas you give about 35 or 40 cents 
a dozen for oranges. 

Mr. Sparkman. Where was it you said you stopped on the way 
out and picked grapes ? 

Mr. Derryberry. That was in Planada, just before you get to 
Chowchilla. 

Mr. Sparkman. What State is that in ? 

Mr. Derryberry. That's in California. Also, after that, we picked 
figs. 

Mr. Sparkman. You have kept your family together during all of 
the time ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. We have been together. 

Mr. Sparkman. How old are you ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Thirty ; 30 years old. 

Mr. Sparkman. I believe that is all. 

Mr. OsMERS. When did you come to California, Mr. Derryberry? 

Mr. Derryberry. You mean when I got in here ? 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes. 

Mr. Derryberry. I got in here about the 6th — about the 7th. I 
guess, of July. 

Mr. OsMERs. July 1940? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, j-ou said you had one batch of groceries from 
State relief or from relief since you have been here ? 

Mr. Derryberry. That was a little over a week ago. 

Mr. Osmers. a little over a week ago ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Osmers. Wlio supplied you with that ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Farm Security. 

Mr. Osmers. I was wondering whether it was a State agency or 
Federal agency. 

Mr. Derryberry. Farm Security. 

Mr. Curtis. Have there been people turned down who could not 
get in this camp where you were living because there wasn't room? 

Mr. Derryberry. No. 



2216 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Curtis. So far as you know, they have been taken care of, 
anybody that has come along since you have been there ? 

Mr. Derryberry, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Mr. Derryberry, what I get from your story is 
simply this : That you, like thousands of others in Oklahoma, Texas, 
Arkansas, and the Great Plains States, want to stay home on the 
farm if you can? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. But there comes a time on account 

Mr. Derryberry (interposing). Move or starve. 

The Chairman. And you refuse to starve sitting down ; isn't that 
about the story? 

Mr. Derryberry. That's right. 

The Chairman. Now, we hear it in all of our different hearings 
from different people, and there is a school of thought in California 
on it: "Why don't you stay home?" 

Well, now, a program — a Federal program — can help to make them 
stay home. For instance, the Farm Security Administration has 
taken care of 500,000 families ; that is, loaned them money to buy a 
horse, a mule, or a cow or seed, and 85 percent of those people are 
paying it back. 

Mr. Derryberry. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. But there are 800,000 families still uncared for. 

Mr. Derryberry. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. And I get from your story — I believe all the way 
through — that there comes a time, with worn-out soil, mechanization, 
wind, where you simply have got to move ; you can't make it go ? 

Mr. Derryberry. That's right. If a man has got a family, and he 
is going to support them, he has just got to keep going all the time. 
That is the only way he is going to support them. 

The Chairman. You have lost in the Great Plains States, accord- 
ing to the Census, over a million people, and I doubt if there was 
1 percent of them who would want to leave if they didn't have to 
leave. 

Mr. Derryberry. Oh, they would be ones, once in a w^hile, I guess. 
I take it on the average people would rather be sitting down at home 
where their family is than they would be out jouncing and dragging 
them around. 

The Chairman. In other words, you agree with me that keeping 
them home is only part of the solution because there is a time when 
they can't stay home? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. They tell me that in the Great Plains States there 
are a million acres where only 25 percent of the top soil is left. 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. AVlien the drought has been in, and when 
it does rain after the crops are all out it does damage; and it just 
washes away what little soil is there. 

The Chairman. Wlien you left Oklahoma did you intend to come 
to California? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Wliy? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2217 

Mr. Derryberrt. Well, I was coming out here to pick cotton and 
work on the fruit harvest. 

Mr. OsMERS. Had you seen an advertisement, or had someone told 
you about California, or did you just have that in your own mind? 

Mr. Derrtberry. Well, you hear of California fruits and stuff, and 
we have heard that back in our older days; and you can pick up the 
papers and read where they have got good cotton in Arizona and 
California, and about what "it produces to the acre; and I come this 
way because I couldn't get any place else, and I got to the point where 
I couldn't support my family. 

Mr. OsMERS. It was not a case of direct advertisement? 

Mr. Derryberry. No ; it wasn't. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is all. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Derryberry, you made some statement awhile 
ago about your father's farm, and you referred to the Government 
killing his cattle or taking his cattle. 

Was that in connection with the disease-eradication campaign? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, now, they came around once and they were 
claiming that they were killing the cattle that people wasn't able to 
feed. Well, then they came around again testing the cattle to see if 
they had T. B., and nearly all the cattle that was fattened up in good 
shape had T. B. But the poor cattle that was ready to fall down, 
you kept her; and I wouldn't be surprised but what we are eating 
some of that beef today. 

Mr. Sparkman. When was that? 

Mr. Derryberry. That was about 7 years ago. 

Mr. Osmers. As a matter of fact, it was 6I/2 years. 

Mr. Derryberry. It was something like that. I don't know. It 
was back in the neighborhood of 6 or 7 years ago. 

Mr. Sparkman. How much cotton can you pick in a day ? 

Mr. Derryberry. How much cotton? Well, I can average 400 
pounds a day. 

]Mr. Sparkman. Four hundred a day at 85 cents a hundred ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Yes. That is, if the dew and stuff wouldn't keep 
us out, but it's getting now where it's going to be foggy. If I can 
get out early and stay late, I can make my 400 every day. 

Mr. Sparkman. How long will the cotton-picking season last here? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, they tell me everything will be picked 
around about January, maybe the 11th. 

Mr. Sparkman. Wliat do you anticipate after that ? 

Mr. Derryberry. What am I going to do ? 

Mr. Sparkman. What do you plan to do after the cotton is out? 

Mr. Derryberry. I plan to do something else on the farm, as long 
as they will let me, as long as there is a job open. 

Mr. Sparkman. You have not had any trouble so far finding some- 
thing to do ? 

Mr. Derryberry. Well, no. I have been pretty busy picking 
cotton. 

Mr. Sparkman. That is all. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Derryberry. 
(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. Philip Hernandez. 



2218 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

TESTIMONY OF PHILIP H. HERNANDEZ, HAYWARD, CALIF. 

The Chairman. Will you please give your name to the reporter? 

Mr. Hernandez. Hernandez, Philip H. 

The Chairman. Wliere do you live ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Hayward, Calif. 

The Chairman. Congressman Osmers will interrogate you. 

Mr. OsMERS. Are you a licensed labor contractor? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes, sir. 

Mr. OsMERs. How long have you operated as a labor contractor 
in agriculture in California ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Since 1930. 

Mr. Osmers. Would you tell us about the different types of crops 
that you have harvested and the kinds of concerns that you have 
contracted with, and describe your business in general ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, practically everything in the agricultural 
line. Wliat I mean by that is, relating to tomatoes and harvesting of 
tomatoes, harvesting of apricots, harvesting of beans, and of sugar 
beets. 

Mr. OsMERS. Will you give us the names of some of the large firms 
that you have contracted with? 

Mr. Hernandez. California Packing Corporation, and the Pacific 
Produce Distributors, San Jose. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, liave you been offered contracts outside of the 
State of California? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. In what other States? 

Mr. Hernandez. Idaho. I have never left the State, though. 

Mr. Osmers. What canning firms operate in California and in other 

States ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, I don't know nuich about the other btates. 
In the State of California I know quite a few of them. 

Mr. Osmers. Will you name a couple of them ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, yes. There is, for instance, F. M. Ball Can- 
ning Corporation. There is Cal-Pack, which is another canning 
corporation. 

Mr. Osmers. They operate in two or three States ? 

Mr. Hernandez. "Well, as I understand, they don't only operate in 
two or three other States ; they operate all over the continent. 

Mr. Osmers. Are there a great many labor contractors that work in 
two or three States, different States ? 

Mr. Hernandez. There's quite a few of them. 

Mr. Osmers. As I understand it, they take the workers right along 
with them from State to State and follow the crops? 

Mr. Hernandez. No. There's only a certain number of them that 
go. They don't take all their workers along with them. 
"^ Mr. Osmers. Well, do you mean they do not take them all because 
they don't need them all, or because they are not all fitted? 

Mr. Hernandez. Partly because they don't need them all and partly 
because they wouldn't let them go. 

Mr. Osmers. Who? 

Mr. Hernandez. The contractor himself. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2219 

Mr. OsMERS. Why would he not let them go ? 

Mr. Hernandez. If he only needs a hundred, he is not going to take 
a thousand. 

Mr. OsMERS. In the State of California is the use of labor contrac- 
tors increasing or decreasing? 

Mr. Hernandez. I think it's increasing. 

Mr. OsMERS. How many licensed contractors are there in Alameda 
County, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Hernandez. To my knowledge there are about three or four 
of them. 

Mr. Osmers. And how many unlicensed contractors are there ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Oh, I would say approximately 50. 

terms of license to labor contracttor 

Mr. Osmers. You are licensed by the State of California; is that 
right ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Osmers. Do you pay a fee for that license ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. Osmers. What is the size of the fee ? 

Mr. Hernandez. We will pay a fee according to the population of 
the township in which your employment agency applies. 

Mr. Osmers. In j^our own instance what is that? 

Mr. Hernandez. $10. 

Mr. Osmers. Do you have to post any bonds ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right; $500 collateral bond. 

Mr. Osmers. How many workers does that allow you to contract 
with ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That doesn't specify any amount of workers at all. 

Mr. Osmers. There is no limit as to the number that vou can use on 
that? 

Mr. Hernandez. No. 

contract with cannery 

Mr. Osmers. In your contract, let us say with a cannery, what degree 
of control does the cannery have over your operations ? 

Mr. Hernandez. All the control. 

Mr. Osmers. They have control as to the method of packing ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. Osmers. Complete control ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Would you care to see a specimen of the contract? 

Mr. Osmers. I would like to see one. I wonder if you could loan 
one to the committee so we could incorporate it in our record ? 

Mr. Hernandez. There is a specimen of the contract this season 
[handing document to the committee] . This is with Cal-Pack. 

Mr. Osmers. I will give that to our chairman. 

(The matter referred to follows:) 



2220 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Agreement for Cutting, Trimming, Harvesting, Sorting, Crating, and Loading 

Spinach 

This agreement, made this 4th day of December, 1939, by and between 
California Packing Corporation, a corporation, hereinafter called the "Corpo- 
ration," and Philip Hernandez, hereinafter called the "Contractor," 

WITNESSETH : 

Whereas the Corporation has entered into various contracts whereby it has 
purchased spinach to be grown during the season of 1940 in the counties of 
Alameda, in the State of California, which contracts give the Corporation the 
option at any time, or from time to time, to have such spinach harvested above 
the ground ; and 

Whereas the Contractor represents that he is able and willing to cut, trim, 
harvest, sort, crate, and load spinach as required by the Corporation under the 
harvesting above the ground method ; and 

Whereas it is the desire of the parties to enter into an agreement for such 
purpose ; 

Now, Therefore, in consideration of the mutual promises of the parties and 
for other good and valuable consideration, receipt whereof is hereby acknowl- 
edged by each of the parties, the parties agree as follows : 

1. The Contractor agrees to furnish such sufficient and competent men as may 
be necessary from time to time to cut, trim, harvest, sort, crate, and load, at such 
time or times as the Corporation may see fit, spinach to be grown and delivered 
to the Corporation under the contracts described in Exhibit "A" hereto attached 
and hereby by reference made a part hereof and under such other contracts as 
Corporation may designate in writing before March 15, 1940. 

2. When the spinach has reached the state of maturity acceptable to the 
Corporation for canning, the Contractor agrees to cut, trim, harvest, sort, crate, 
and load said spinach according to the best approved methods now in practice, 
under the harvesting above the ground method. Such harvesting will be so 
arranged that it will not be necessary to deliver the spinach to the Corporation's 
canneries on Saturdays, Sundays, or holidays unless the Corporation requests 
such delivery. 

3. It is contemplated that the work to be performed under this contract shall 
take place during the spring spinach season, which should be the months of March 
and April. The Corporation shall have the right at its option to direct the time 
and method of cutting, trimming, harvesting, sorting, crating, and loading, and 
the quantity to be ready for delivery daily, and to specify the average fill of 
crates. 

4. Only spinach of good color, quality, and in good condition for canning, at the 
state of maturity required by the Corporation, and free from spray residue, 
visible worms, visible insects, insect bites, or other pest infections, hail, surface 
moisture, yellow leaves, mildew, dirt, weeds, aphis, and other foreign matter, and 
in all respects conforming to the requirements of the California State Board of 
Health, shall be harvested and crated for delivery to the Corporation. Further- 
more, all spinach shall be free from waste, such as roots, crowns, stalks and 
stems longer than four (4) inches or which, in Corporation's opinion, are too 
tough and coarse to blanch properly in Corporation's normal blanching process. 

5. When the spinach has been cut, trimmed, harvested, sorted, crated, and 
loaded by the Contractor, it will be hauled to Corporation's canneries by Corpora- 
tion or Grower. A test grade then will be made of each separate lot by the 
Corporation, and if such test shows imperfections or waste of five per cent (5%) 
or less by weight, such lot will be accepted as complying with the contract. If, 
however, the test shows impei-fections or waste in excess of five per cent (5%) 
but not in excess of ten per cent (10%) by weight, no payment will be made to 
the Contractor for the percentage of waste and imperfections determined by the 
test grade, and in such case there will be no tolerance allowed. The Contractor 
shall also be obligated to pay a fixed charge of One Dollar ($1) per ton on the 
entire lot and to reimburse the Corporation for any loss, cost, or expense which 
the Corporation may suffer or incur in connection with the hauling of the 
percentage of waste and imperfections determined by the test grade. 

6. In the event that the test grade shows imperfections or waste in excess of 
ten per cent (10%) by weight, the Corporation shall have the further right to 
reject the entire lot, or any part thereof that it may see fit, and the Contractor 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2221 

shall receive no payment for the entire lot or portion thereof so rejected. Further- 
more, the Contractor shall reimburse Corporation for any loss, cost, or expense 
which it may suffer or incur in connection with the hauling, sorting, and removal 
of such rejected spinach and any payment which the Corporation may be obliged 
to make to the Grower therefor. 

7. If the Contractor performs the above-mentioned work to the satisfaction of 
the Corporation, the Corporation agrees to pay the Contractor Nine Dollars ($9.00) 
per ton for the acceptable spinach upon demand of Contractor as soon as practi- 
cable after the spinach has been delivered to Corporation's cannery. 

8. If the Contractor has fully performed all the terms and conditions of this 
contract upon his part to be performed, the Coi-poration agrees to pay the Contrac- 
tor an additional sum of One Dollar and Fifty Cents ($1.50) per ton for all 
acceptable spinach not later than 2 weeks after the close of the season. 

9. The Corporation shall have the right to deduct, offset, and withhold from 
the payments herein provided to be made to the Contractor the amounts of any 
loss, cost, or expense which may have been suffered or incurred by the Corpora- 
tion in connection with spinach received which is not of the quality and condition 
herein specified. 

10. The Contractor agrees to keep the premises upon which the work is being 
performed in a clean and sanitary condition at all times and not to allow any 
rubbish or refuse of any sort to accumulate. If the Contractor fails to comply 
with these covenants, the Corporation is authorized to do so at the Contractor's 
expense. 

11. The Corporation will supply the Contractor with crates for the spinach, 
and the Contractor agrees to use the same exclusively for the handling and 
delivery of the spinach hereunder. Crates shall be handled carefully and must 
be returned to the Corporation in good condition, reasonable wear and tear ex- 
cepted, at the close of the season. The Contractor shall be charged for all 
crates lost, damaged, or destroyed by any cause within his control, at the rate of 
fifty cents (500) for each crate, to cover all expenses that may be incurred by 
the Corporation in repairing, replacing, recovering, or attempting to recover 
the same; said charge to be in the nature of liquidated damages, it being im- 
practicable and extremely difHcult to fix the Corporation's actual damages. 
Said charge does not equal the value of the crates and the same does not pass 
title to the Contractor. 

12. It is distinctly understood by the parties that this agreement is for the 
specified object of cutting, trimming, harvesting, sorting, crating, and loading 
spinach upon the terms and conditions herein specified, and that the Contractor 
is and understands himself to be an independent contractor for this purpose 
and in no sense an employee of the Corporation. The Contractor shall employ 
all workmen and persons necessary for the performance of the terms and con- 
ditions upon his part to be performed hereunder, and the Corporation shall be 
in no way liable or responsible to them on account of accidents or injuries under 
the Workmen's Compensation Insurance and Safety Act of the State of Cali- 
fornia, or otherwise, and the Contractor hereby agrees to indemnify and hold 
the Corporation harmless of and from all liability of every kind or nature 
which the Corporation may incur, either on account of or in connection with 
any accidents or injuries happening or occurring on or about the hereinabove 
described premises, either to the Contractor or any agent or servant employed 
by the Contractor, or to any other person, or damage to property or destruction of 
poperty, in any way arising from the performance by the Contractor of any of 
the terms or conditions of this agreement upon his part to be performed. 

13. It is understood by both the parties hereto that the Corporation is not 
hereby obligated to have any spinach cut, trimmed, harvested, or sorted here- 
under in the event that the operations of the Corporation should be such as to 
make the same inadvisable in the discretion of the Corporation. 

14. The Contractor shall have no right to transfer or assign this agreement, 
or any part thereof, without the written consent of the Corporation first having 
been obtained. 

In -witness whereof, the California Packing Corporation has hereunto caused 
its corporate name to be signed and its corporate seal to be affixed by its officers 



2222 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

thereunto duly authorized, and the Contractor and his associates have caused 
their names to be signed, the day and year first above written. 

California Packing Corporation, [seal] 
By A. W. Eames, Corporation Vice President. 

Philip Hernandez, Contractor. 

(Below is reprinted a second example of labor contract submitted to 
the committee by Mr. Hernandez :) 

Memorandum of Agreement for Picking Apricots, Pears, and Plums 

Joe Valente, First Party, and Philip Hernandez, Second Party, have agreed 
and hereby do agree as follows : 

Second Party agrees to pick, during the season of lOSG', all of the crop of 
Apricots now growing on the Shaffer Ranch located, on Mt. Eden and Harder 
Roads, in the County of Alameda, California, which said ranch is now leased to 
First Party, and to furnish in and about said picking sufficient pickers to pick 
said crop of Apricots, and in case of need to furnish not less than seventy (70) 
pickers in and about said work; and also to furnish not less than four (4) fore- 
men to supervise said picking ; and in case a greater number of pickers shall be 
necessary, or in case Second Party shall not furnish suflScient pickers. First 
Party may employ suflScient pickers at the cost and expense of Second Party ; 
and to do and perform said picking in a husbandlike manner ; and, particularly, 
Second Party agrees that all picking shall be done from the trees and not from 
the ground, and without breaking of any trees; and all of said work and the 
disposition of all fruit shall at all times be subject to the direction of First 
Party, or his agent or representative. 

In case said Apricots shall be sold to a cannery, Second Party agrees to deliver 
and/or cause to be delivered, at his own expense, the said fruit at a designated 
location on the premises, and in such ease Second Party shall sort said Apricots ; 
and in case said fruit shall not be sold to a cannery but shall be dried on the 
premises, Second Party agrees to deliver said fruit to the dryer on the premises ; 
and Second Party agrees to distribute all boxes from the place where they are 
now stored around the Apricot orchard and at such places as will best facilitate 
the speedy picking of said crop and to return the empty boxes to the place where 
same are now stored, or to such other place as First Party may designate ; Second 
Party also agrees to return all ladders, boxes, and other equipment to their 
proper places at the conclusion of the picking. 

Second Party agrees that the orchard shall be cleared of all picked fruit not 
later than 6 o'clock P. M. of each day during the picking. 

Second Party also covenants that he will pay for all damages to equipment, 
grounds, and all other damages resulting from any act or omission of any 
person employed by Second Party in and about said picking. 

In consideration of the said services to be performed Iby Second Party, First 
Party agrees to pay to Second Party the sum of $6.00 net per ton in case the 
frliit shall be delivered to the dryer on the premises; and the sum of $7.00 
net per ton in case said fruit is sold to a cannery. Second Party agrees to do 
all sorting of fruit that may be required by the cannery to wliich said fruit 
may be sold ; and in case any fruit shall be docked at the cannery the weight 
of the fruit so docked shall be deducted from the total tonnage for which 
Second Party is to receive payment; and if any of said fruit which shall be 
delivered to the dryer shall not be fit for drying, the same deduction shall be 
made. 

Said prices are to be paid as follows: Thirty (30) percent thereof, plus the 
amount to become due for the picking of Twenty-five (25) tons of said fruit 
shall be held by the First Party until the conclusion of the picking and full 
performance of this contract, and the remaining percent shall be paid to 
Second Party whenever the same shall be needed by the Second Party for the 
payment of wages. 

As security for the performance of this contract Second Party hereby au- 
thorizes First Party as his attorney-in-fact to appear before any court and 
confess judgment against Second Party for the amount of any damages sus- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2223 

tained by First Party by reason of any breach of this Agreement by Second 
Partv 

In case any pickers, or other persons employed by Second Party during the 
picking of said Apricots, shall camp on the premises during the picking of 
said Apricots, Second Party shall be responsible for all damages that may be 
done by said campers and covenants that the grounds will be cleaned after the 
removal of said campers; provided, however, that no campers shall be allowed 
on the said grounds unless cutters are furnished therefrom by Second Party, 
it being the intention that only in case such cutters are furnished that any 
camping on the ground shall be allowed. 

Second Party agrees that he shall not be excused from full performance of 
this contract by any strike or by other causes but agrees that strict per- 
formance is covenanted on his part. 

Second Party also agree to pick all of the Pears on the said Shaffer Ranch, 
according to the rules and regulations of the cannery to which said Pears 
may be sold, in case the same are sold to a cannery; and First Party agrees 
to pay for such picking at the rate of $3.50 net per ton, if the same shall be 
sold to a cannery; and $3.00 net per ton if the same shall be dried, and all 
hauling on the premises must be done by Second Party at his own cost and 
expense; the same times of payment thereof, as hereinbefore specified as to 
the picking of Apricots, shall apply to the picking of Pears. 

Second Party also agrees to pick all of the Plums on the said Shaffer Ranch 
according to the rules and regulations of the cannery to which said Plums may 
be sold, in case the same are sold to a cannery ; and First Party agrees to pay 
for such picking at the rate of $4.50 net per ton, if sold to a cannery or if the 
same shall be dried; and all hauling on the premises must be done by Second 
Party at his own cost and expense; the same times of payment thereof as 
hereinbefore specified as to the picking of Apricots shall apply to the picking 
of Plums. 

Second Party further agrees that he will be responsible for all wages for 
labor during said pickings, and that First Party shall not be responsible for 
any part of said wages; and Second Party further agrees to reimburse First 
Party for all liability insurance covered by First Party at the rate per $100.00 
paid by First Party therefor. 

Witness the hands of the parties, in duplicate, this 5 day of July 1939. 

Joe Vauente. 

First Party. 
Philip Hernandez. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5 day of July 1939. 

[SEiAL] Hazfx G. Ceomie, 

Notary PuUic in and for the County of Alameda, State of California. 

My commission expires July 28, 1941. 

State of Caxitoknia, 

County of Alameda, ss: 
Philip Hernandez, being duly sworn, says that he is the Second Party therein 
and that he has read the foregoing statement in writing and knows the contents 
thereof and that the same is true of his own knowledge. 

Philip Hernandez. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of July 1939. 
■ [SEAL] Hazel G. Cromie, 

Notary PiiUlc in and for the County of Alameda, State of California. 

My commission expires July 28, 1941. 

Mr. OsMEES. Now, you deliver this produce to the canneries by the 
load? 

]Mr. Hernandez. I don't — well, all I do is harvest and let it stay in 
the field. 

Mr. OsMEES. And then the cannery picks it up from the field ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, they have their own drayage. 



2224 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. OsMERS. Do they have the authority and the power under this 
contract to reject any load of produce that you have picked for them? 
Mr, Hernandez. Yes, sir. 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you operate a grocery store and gasoline station? 
Mr. Hernandez. Yes, sir. 
Mr. OsMERS. Where? 
Mr. Hernandez. At Hayward, 25402 Niles Road. 

TICKET MKEHOD OF PAYMENT OF WAGES 

Mr. OsMERs. In your operations and in the handling of your labor, 
do you ]3ay them with the ticket method ? 

Mr. Hernandez. No ; the ticket method is used for whatever they 
are doing. What I mean by that is, for instance, if they are harvest- 
ing 'cots, we will say — apricots — they are paid by the ton. The ticket 
method is used by the ton, or it's used by the box, or whatever it is for. 
But they are not paid by that. In other words, the tickets are re- 
deemable every Saturday. They are payable, once a week. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, they are redeemable where ? 

Mr. Hernandez. With me, anywhere. 

Mr. Osmers. With you where the job is going on? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERs. They are redeemable in cash ? 

Mr. Hernandez, In cash. 

Mr. OsMERS. In connection with the operation of this store and gaso- 
line station, is that where they cash these tickets ? 

Mr. Hernandez. No. 

Mr. OsMERs. That is not? 

Mr. Hernandez. The gasoline station and grocery store gives them 
the privilege of trading them off. If they want gas or if they want 
groceries, it gives them the privilege of trading them off. But the 
grocery store and gasoline station have nothing to do with my work 
on the outside whatsoever, 

Mr, Osmers. You mean they can get face value, dollar value, for the 
amount of their tickets ? 

Mr, Hernandez, That's right. 

Mr, OsMERS, Are they allowed to use these tickets in any other 
stores ? 

Mr, Hernandez, In previous years. This year they haven't because 
it's my own store, 

Mr, Osmers, What is the arrangement that you used to have with 
these other storekeepers ? Would they take them in and bring them 
to you and redeem them? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS, Now, would you pay them the full value, or would you 
take a discount ? 

Mr, Hernandez. Full price of the ticket, whatever the ticket is 
worth. If it calls for 20 cents, that's what it is worth. If it calls for 
25 cents, that's what it is worth. 

JNIr, Osmers, That is what you paid the other stores ? 

Mr, Hernandez, Yes, sir, 

Mr. Osmers, Did most contractors use the ticket system ? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2225 

Mr. Hernandez. Some of them do and some of them don't. I use 
a different type of ticket from some of the other fellows. The type 
of ticket I use is in the form of a theater ticket. It gives you my name 
and address, and it's also made for— well, to prevent duplicating. 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes? 

Mr. Hernandez. I have the Hancock Bros, out of San Francisco 
do the printing for me, and they hold a copyright on the paper. If 
you lose a roll of those tickets, it could amount to a lot of money. It 
could amount to the profit on two or three jobs to me. 

Mr. OsMERs. Well, these tickets are exactly the same as cash, just 
like your check. 

Mr. Hernandez. I have to make them good. 

Mr. OsMERS. Either in your own establishment or in these other 
establishments that used to redeem the tickets. Was it possible for 
the worker to buy liquor at any of these places ? 

Mr. Hernandez. It was possible for them to buy anything that was 
in the store. 

Mr. OsMERS. Well, was liquor sold? 

Mr. Hernandez. I don't recall oflfhand whether there was liquor 
sold in any of those stores. 

Mr. OsMERS. The inference is, though, that it was the same as cash 
and it wouldn't make any difference whether they changed the ticlvets 
in for liquor or changed the tickets in for cash ? 

Mr. Hernandez. It didn't make any difference. They could use 
them for anything. 

EXTENT AND TYPE OF HOUSING FACILITIES PROVIDED BY LABOR CX)NTRACT0R 

Mr. OsMERS. How about the housing for workers that are under 
your supervision ? Do you supply them with housing ? 

Mr. Hernandez. No; in most, instances I don't. I have furnished 
camps on several occasions. 

Mr. OsMERs. You have ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Os]viERS. What do you charge for the use of that ? 

Mr. Hernandez. I charged nothing for the use of the camp when I 
furnished it. 

Mr. OsMERS. You charged nothing? 

Mr. Hernandez. I charged nothing for camping space or anything 
that I furnished. I charged nothing for it. 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you furnish board for these people ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Xo. 

Mr. OsMERS. You have never furnished board at all ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes, sir. 

Mr. OsMERS. You have furnished board ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes ; last year on beet topping. 

Mr. OsMERS. What type of board was that? I mean, did you open 
a community kitchen ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Oh, no, no ; no community kitchen ; just for the 
amount of men I had, which I think at the peak was 26 men. In that 
instance, yes ; I furnished them with beds and I furnished them with 
living quarters and I furnished them with everything. 



2226 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. OsMERS. And you employed a cook or someone to cook their 
food for them ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. OsMERS. Wliat did you charge them ? 

Mr. Hernandez. A dollar a day. 

Mr. OsMERS. For that room and board ? 

Mr. Hernandez. And board and transportation to and from work. 

Mr. OsMERs. I see. And what were the earnings of that particular 
group engaged in that particular endeavor, the daily earnings ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, ranging from 50 cents an hour to 70. 

Mr. OsMERS. Which would be daily earnings of what ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Figured about eight and a half or nine hours a day. 

Mr. Osmers. You mean they would have four or five dollars a day ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. OsMERS. You would charge them a dollar for their room and 
board ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

workmen's compensation insurance 

Mr. Osmers. Now, do you carry workmen's compensation insurance ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. Osmers. You do. And how are your rates on agricultural 
workers ? Are they high ? 

Mr. Hernandez. If I am not mistaken, I think it is $1.38 on a blanket 
policy. 

Mr. Osmers. That covers all of your risks? 

Mr. Hernandez. All the types of work that I do. 

Mr. Osmers. Would that cover your truck drivers, if any ? 

Mr. Hernandez. I have no truck drivers. I don't do any hauling 
whatsoever. All I have got is a pick-up to haul these men around, 
and I drive that myself. 

income of labor contractor 

Mr. Osmers. How do you make your own income ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, my income is based on tonnage. For in- 
stance, right now I am topping beets which range from 79 cents, I 
tliink, up to $2.23, according to the yield of the crop or the yield of 
the field, we will say. 

In other words, if your tonnage dropped from 5 tons or less, you 
would average $2.23 a ton. If your tomiage was 20 tons or above 20 
tons, it would be 79 cents a ton. 

Mr. Osmers. You have a sliding scale ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, the Government puts it out. 

Mr. Osmers. The Government scale sets forth what a labor con- 
tractor is to make ? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. Osmers. And it starts off with about how much; 5 tons and 
under ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Five tons to twenty ; 5 tons or under, $2.23 ; 20 tons 
or above, 79 cents. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2227 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, is that figured on a daily basis? 

Mr, Hernandez. Well 

Mr. OsMERS (interposing). Or the total? 

Mr. Hernandez. That is figured on the total crop m the acreage. 
In other words, supposing that you had 150 acres of beets. Out of 
these 150 acres, you would probably have a part of the field that would 
average 23 or 24 tons to the acre. You would have part of the field 
that wouldn't average 10. Well, this is all prorated on the basis of 
whatever the average would be. If the average would be 15 tons, you 
would get paid for 15 tons. 

Mr. Osmers. The average of the 20-ton figure there is per acre i 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes, sir. 

Mr. OsMERS. In other words, 5 tons per acre or 20 tons per acre i 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Are you paid on each acre, or on a whole tract of 150? 

Mr. Hernandez. Whatever it is. 

Mr. Osmers. On the average? 

Mr. Hernandez. If the field is 80 acres, you are paid for the average 
of the field. 

Mr. Osmers. For the whole operation ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Now, when you say you are paid these prices of $2.23 
down to 79 cents, does that compensate you or is it to compensate all of 
your workers, too? 

Mr. Hernandez. That is to compensate my workers. That is the 
total amount. 

Mr. Osmers. That is the total amount of income you get? 

Mr. Hernandez. If I have men that can offset the wages, fine. If I 
go under that, that's my hard luck. 

Mr. Osmers. In other words, you have to hire the men, pay them, 
and pay all of your other expenses incidental to the operation of your 
business, workmen's compensation, transportation, board, lodging, 
camp, and so forth, and make your own living ? 

Mr. Hernandez. If there is anything left, it's mine. 

Mr. Osmers. And if not, it is out of your own pocket? . 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. What was your income for 1939 ? 

Mr. Hernandez. My income for 1939 was about $1,600. 

Mr. Osmers. Coukryou give the committee a rough idea of the size 
of your operations; in other words, how much money went through 
your hands ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Last year? 

Mr. Osmers. In that time; yes. 

Mr. Hernandez. Last year I would say it was about $34,000 to 
$35,000. ^ . 

Mr. Osmers. In other words, you received and paid out something 
around $34 000 to $35,000 and when it was all through you had about 
$1,600 left? 

Mr, Hernandez, That's right. 

Mr. Osmers, Is that over and above your living expenses? 

Mr, Hernandez, No ; that's all told. 



260370— 41— pt. 



2228 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. OsMERS. That is the totah Now, describe to me, to the com- 
mittee, a little bit about this unlicensed labor contractor. 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, the idea of the unlicensed contractor is that 
they go out here and underbid us on the work. Well, they really can 
underbid because they have no expense whatsoever connected with it. 

Mr. OsMERS. Where do they recruit their labor? Do they get 
their labor from the same place or places as you do ? 

Mr. Hernandez. I don't recruit any labor, for the simple reason 
that this labor that works for me, they have worked for me off and 
on for maybe 4 or 5 years; 6 years, some of them. They know where 
I Jive. They have my address and they keep dropping in at the 
house. 

Mr. Osmers. What kind of people are they ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, the working type. I would say most of 
them are Mexicans; quite a few are from Oklahoma and Arkansas, 
and some of them different places. 

Mr. Osmers. I see. Some of them that have come in in the last few 
years are like the men that we have been talking to this morning? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Is your business highly competitive, Mr. Hernandez? 

Mr. Hernandez. Plenty. 

Mr. Osmers. I mean, the contractors vie with one another to get 
the jobs?; 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. 

Mr. Osmers. Now, what do you call your fixed operating or over- 
head expenses? 

IVir. Hernandez. Well, I have never given that much thought. If 
I did, I think I would have quit working. If I had given that much 
thought, I think I would have quit operating a long time ago. 

Mr. Osmers. Well, you have your compensation insurance and 

Mr. Hernandez (interposing). If you want a good example, take 
a look at that agreement Avitli Cal-Pack. There is an $1,860 loss, my 
own loss, if you call that "compensation." 

Mr. Osmers. Well, I wouldn't say that is very good compensation. 
All you need is vohune. You are doing all right. Now, do you ever 
use any of the public employment ser\dces like the California State 
Employment Service, to get men? 

Mr. Hernandez. Very seldom. They have sent me men, yes; but 
at their own request. I have never asked them to. 

Mr. Osmers. Why don't you use them ? Do you get enough men ? 

Mr. Hernandez. I never had occasion to use them. 

wages of AGRICUT/mRAL LABORERS 

Mr. Osmers. I see. Now, the committee is very much interested in 
one thing, and I must warn you that we have not been very success- 
ful in finding out from labor contractors the answer to this question : 
What are the daily earnings of the workers that work under you ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Right now; an average? 

Mr. Osmers. Yes. 

Mr. Hernandez. Straight through ? The average right now would 
be, for the men that I have got working, $4.50 a day. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2229 

Mr. OsMERS. What are the deductions from tliat? 

Mr. Hernandez. No deductions at all. 

Mr. OsMERS. About $4.50 a day, and that is for 

Mr. Hernandez (interposing). Beet topping. 

Mr. OsMERS. Beet topping. I see. 

Mr. Hernandez. And that is an able-bodied man working 8 or 9 
hours a day, figuring on a 9-hour basis. 

Mr. OsMERS. On a 9-hour basis, about 50 cents an hour ? 

Mr. Hernandez. The minimum is 50 cents an hour. That is the 
minimum I pay, although the Government puts out a scale whereby 
I could pay 45 cents for beet hoeing and 50 cents for topping. 

Mr. Osmers. Now, following that same thought through, what 
would, in your estimation, be the average annual income of these 
workers? Presuming they are making $4.50 a day — and I suppose 
they work 6 days a week — do they work 5, 6, or 7 days? 

Mr. Hernandez. Six. You can't take that under consideration 
because a job like that will last for a month, and they will probably 
be out of work again for another 2 weeks or 3 weeks. 

Mr. Osmers. Do they work a half of the year, a third of the year, 
or three-quarters of the year? 

Mr. Hernandez. I would say about half of the year. Although 
in some instances, take the men that I have working there for me, 
right there, some of them have been up in Montana thinning beets. 
They thin the beets there, do the hoeing, come down here and start 
on the topping ; get through with the topping here and go back. 

Mr. Osmers. TVHiat is the j^rocess of topping? 

Mr. Hernandez. Topping consists of taking the leaf off of the 
sugar beet. I should have brought one down. They have a knife 
which I would say is about 18 inches long and an inch and a half 
wide with a hook at one end of it so you can hook up the beet and 
top it off (demonstrating). 

Mr. Osmers. I see. That is when they are harvesting the beets? 

Mr. Hernandez. Harvesting the beets ; yes. 

INIr. Osmers. Now, the condition that you have described, with 
respect to wages, is rather a favorable one. Is that a general reflec- 
tion of the wages being paid? 

Mr. Hernandez. Oh. no. 

Mr. OsMiajs. Throughout the State ? 

Mr. Hernandez. I don't know^ what the wages throughout the 
State are. That is my own wages, and the reason I pay that is I 
have men that I know will do the work. In other words, if a man 
can't earn 50 cents an hour for me, I would rather not have him 
working. 

Mr. Osmers. Will j^ou tell us about the method of harvesting 
spinach ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, I have harvested spinach two different 
ways. I have cut it below the ground and I have cut it above the 
ground. 

Mr. Osmers. Now, which way do the canneries like to get it? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's pretty hard to say, because previous to 
this year I have cut it above and below. For some canneries, above ; 
and for some canneries, below. 



2230 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. OsMERS. Does that still hold ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Oh, j^es; some canneries have used one method, 
and others have used another. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, is most of your business with canneries? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, in spinach, and that; yes. Beets, the sugar 
mills ; in other words, it's sugar refineries. 

Mr. OsMERS. Well, that w^ould occupy the same relative position 
according to the industry? 

Mr. Hernandez. In most cases it is through the individual grower. 

Mr. OsMERS. And you are helping him to carry out his contract with 
the sugar refinery? 

Mr. Hernandez. That's right. But you take like this here spinach, 
why, the way they harvest that spinach, it would be pretty hard for 
an individual grower to harvest his own crop. The simple I'eason is 
that he would never be able to get the amount of help we can on such 
a short notice, and if he did get it, he could only use it for 4 or 5 
days at the most. This way we use it for the period of the season, 
which may run from 24 to 25 days. 

LABOR SUPPLY IN CALIFORNIA 

Mr. Osmers. Is there a shortage of labor in California in agricul- 
tural pursuits? 

Mr. Hernandez. I have never had any shortage in labor. 

Mr. Osmers. Would you say there is a tremendous surplus, that 
there were thousands upon thousands that cannot be employed? 

Mr. Hernandez. I wouldn't say there was a tremendous surplus, 
either, because there is a shortage of labor right now as far as some 
people are concerned. I haven't ever l^een bothered with a shortage of 
labor, because, for one thing, I haven't got any work for that amount 
•of men right now. All I need is 12 men, and I have got them. 

Mr. Osmers. I would like to get your impression from one who has 
been working in the field on the basic problem of this committee, and 
that is, these huge numbers of people that have moved from one pro- 
ductive area of the United States to the State of California and other 
73laces that they consider more productive. Do you think that it has 
been a bad thing for California to have these large numbers come here, 
or a bad thing for your labor contracting, or what? 

Mr. Hernandez.' No. For the labor contracting it's the contrary. 
It's been the best. Of course, some of them have taken advantage 
of it. 

Mr. Osmers. It has brought a new supply of skilled agricultural 
labor ? 

Mr. Hernandez. No; not skilled, unskilled. Because 90 percent of 
these people who have come into this State from other States don't 
know this type of work at all. 

Mr. Osmers. I see. 

Mr. Hernandez. But for some of these contractors it has been an 
advantage. 

Mr. Osmers. You mean some of them have abused this? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2231 

Mr. Hernandez. Previous to tins time they weren't able to t^et the 
help, and tliis way they can oet it. lliey can cut the price, and still 
the help has to take it. 

Mr. OsMERs. They just take advantaoe of the law of supply and 
demand. If there is an oversupply of labor, they squeeze the laborer? 

i\Ir. Hernandez. That's ri^ht. 

Mr. OsMFJis. Would you say that the men that do that are ])rin- 
cipally unlicensed contractors, or would that fall equally on both 
licensed and unlicensed contractors? 

Mr. Hernandez. There are two men in this county, the county of 
Alameda, a fellow^ by the name of Lopez and a fellow^ named Yunoz, 
besides myself. And I have seen these fellows here where they wilt 
take a job and they w^on't cut down in price at all. In fact, I know 
they won't. But they have ootten into the position where they have 
been underbid on a job and they have lost them, and if they take the 
jobs on less money, they are not goinor to pay the workers as much 
money. 

HOUSING CONDITIONS 

Mr. OsMERs. What, in general, w'ould you say the housino- condi- 
tions have been for these people that have come in from the Middle 
West? 

Mr. Hernandez. Well, the housino; conditions in the permanent 
camps, considering that they are permanent camps, are terrible in 
some of them. In others it has been pretty fair. 

Mr. OsMERS. Would you care to make a general statement as to 
what the average is, w'hether it is good or poor? We know that 
the Government has some pretty nice camps out here. 

Mv. Hernandez. The Government camps are good — what I have 
seen. Although I never went through them very much, I have 
seen this one over at Westley, I have seen the one here back of 
Windsor. 

Mr. OsMERS. These are Government camps that you are speaking 
about ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Government camps. That's the only two that 
I have actually been in and looked at, and they looked pretty good. 

Mr. OsikiERS. Well, these conditions that you described as "ter- 
rible," are those camps privately operated or are they on private 
fanns, or were they established by the migrants themselves? 

Mr. Hernandez. Established by the migrants themselves. 

Mr. OsMERS. I see. 

Mr. Hernandez. Here's a case: If we get a permit to open up 
a camp to harvest any crop at all, we have to comply with the rules 
of the State. In other words, we have to have so many latrines 
for so many persons employed; we have to have so many w^ater 
faucets for so many tents, and so many garbage cans, and these tents 
have got to be elevated above the ground so much. 

Mr. OsMERs. That is under the State law% the State of California? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. And if you don't abide by it, you are just 
automatically subject to a fine, which I don't feel myself capable of 
paying. So I have to abide by it. 



2232 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you have any set percentage that you try to 
make in your business? 

Mr. Hernandez. No. You don't operate on a set percentage at all. 

Mr. OsMERS. It's largely a matter of guesswork and hope? 

Mr. Hernandez. Hope, more than anything else. 

Mr. OsMERS. It is like all kinds of business, then. Would you 
say that the State of California is in a position to absorb still more 
people than have come into it in the past 5 years? 

Mr. Hernandez. You are getting down into politics right now, 
which I don't know much about. 

Mr. OsMERS. I am not looking at the political as])ect at all. I 
have noticed the tremendous increase in population in this State, 
and I have just been wondering if the conditions remained the 
same in the Middle West as they have been — and there doesn't 
seem to be any reason to believe they are going to change — if any 
further large numbers come into this State, will the State be able 
to support them and absorb them — put them to work? 

Mr. Hernandez. I am not in a position to answer that. If you 
are in doubt, it is better to keep your — I don't know whether the 
State can support them. 

Mr. Osmers. I don't mean that. I mean is ajiriculture of the 
State able to support them ? 

Mr. Hernandez. There is enough work here ; yes. 

Mr. Osmers. For many people ? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. There are many crops that are going to 
waste right now for lack 

Mr. Osmers. Lack of agricultural help? 

Mr. Hernandez. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. At fair prices? 

Mr. Hernandez. There is where 3"our contractor comes in. In a 
lot of cases not fair prices; no. They are not paying a fair price. 

Mr. Osmers. I think that is all. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Hernandez. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chaersian. The committee will take a 5-minute recess at this 
time. 

(Whereupon, a brief recess was taken after which procedings were 
resumed as follows:) 

The Chairman. The committee will please come to order. 

TESTIMONY OF HON. CULBERT L. OLSON, GOVERNOR OF 

CALIFORNIA 

The Chairman. Governor, I want to say in behalf of the com- 
mittee that we feel honored to have you here to present the facts 
on behalf of the State of California on this very important problem, 
and also to say to you that we have had many Governors sippear as 
witnesses, but so that none of them woidd be overlooked we have 
contacted every Governor in every State of the Union so the picture 
in their individual States as related to this ])roblem would be in our 
record. Our first witness in New York was Mayor LaGuardia, and 
through him we are contacting all the mayors. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2233 

Now, here is the real State of destination, the State of California. 
We have gone throu^rh the South and the East and the West and 
found out somethintr in the States of origin, about what caused 
people to migrate. And I think the committee will agree with me 
that you can present the facts that you desire to present and any 
recommendations in your own way, Governor, and we would be 
delighted to hear from you. 

Governor Olson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And let me say 
that California welcomes the visit here of this committee and its 
inquiry into this problem of interstate migration of labor and the 
destitution of migratory laborers. 

We have long wanted Congress to take up this matter in the 
manner in which it appears that it has now decided to do, through 
the appointment of your committee to get at this serious problem for 
the State of California, as well as for other States. We are particu- 
larly anxious, therefore, to be of every possible aid to your committee 
in your eflforts to get the facts, which will be the basis of your recom- 
mendations and which will serve to inform Congress with regard to the 
policy which it may adopt in meeting this serious problem. 

As Governor I want to say that our State administration is ready 
to furnish you all of the results of researches and experiences in 
connection with our contact with this problem. 

I have prepared, with the aid of our administrative officers, and 
with the aid of reliable research agencies and persons who have 
given careful study to the history of migratory labor, a statement on 
the migratory labor problem, particularly as aifecting California, 
tind I am hoping that statement will be helpful. Excepting certain 
recommendations which I have ventured to make, it is entirely fac- 
tual. I am not going to take your time and mine to read it, in- 
asmuch as it is prepared in printed form and it would facilitate your 
work and conserve your time for me to file this statement of mine 
with you instead of reading it aloud to you here. 

The Chairman. The committee, Governor, will make that order 
at this time, that it be inserted in the record in full. 

STATEMENT OF GOV. CULBERT L. OLSON OF CALIFORNIA 

As Governor of California, I want to extend to the members of this com- 
mittee, and through them to Congress, the appreciation of the present admin- 
istration in this State to Congress for its favorable action on House Resolution 
No. G3, creating a committee to inquire into interstate migration of destitute 
citizens and to study the movement of indigent persons across State lines. It 
is an inquiry which, for reasons which I shall point out later, this State has 
long invited. 

Population Increase in Califoknia 

To understand the importance which the problem of migration has come 
to assume in this State it is necessary to explain one or two features which 
have long characterized the growth of population in California. This State has 
been settled by waves or tides of migration. For years it has shown an aston- 
ishing net increase in population through interstate migration. For example, 
during the years 1920 to 1930, California received one-fourth of the total net 
inflow of migration across State lines. The population of the State has been 
increasing at an annual rate approximating 50 percent nearly every 10 years 



2234 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

since the historic trelv of 1849. In the first decade after 1849 the population 
trebled. The average S-year increase' between 1920 and 1930 was, in round 
numbers, 075,000. Somewhat more than a half million nonresidents from other 
States, on the average, were living in California at any given date during the 
period 1920-30. In the year 1930, only 34 percent of the population of this 
State had been born in California. Urban population in California between 
1920 and 1930 increased by approximately 1.800,000. The parallel figure for 
rural growth was approximately 422,000. (See Newcomers and Nomads in 
California, by William T. Cross and Dorothy E. Cross, 1937.) According to 
preliminary figures released by the Bureau of the Census, the population of Cali- 
fornia increased by 1,190,437 in the decade from 1930 to 1940. In other words, 
the population of the State increased by about 21.1 percent in a decade and, of 
course, the considerable portion of this increase is to be attributed to interstate 
migration. (San Francisco Chronicle, Sept. 13, 1940.) 

Due to the peculiar circumstai^ces under which this State was settled, and 
the distances which, at that time, separated it from established centers of 
population, it was recognized at an early date that it would be difficult to 
achieve an adequate population ad.iustnient within the State, and that for 
this reason the development of the State's natural resources might be retarded. 

In 1866 the transactions of the State agricultural society carried a report 
indicating that in the judgment of the society, "Nothing will contribute more 
to the advancement of our prosperity as a Commonwealth than the influx 
of a large immigration of industrious citizens." Thereafter and for a great 
number of years, a studied effort was made to encourage immigration to Cali- 
fornia through settlement companies, colonization enterprises, immigration so- 
cieties, and other activities, which in many instances had ofl^cial encouragement 
and support. 

In large measure it can be said that California, during the years from 
1850 to 1920 adhered to the public policy of encouraging immigration, and that 
this policy was largely responsible for the rapid growth of population in the 
State, the quickness with which settlement was achieved under difficult cir- 
cumstances, and the remarkably rapid development of natural resources within 
the State. Despite the success of these endeavors, however, a proper popu- 
lation adjustment, particularly as between rural and urban elements within 
the State, was never achieved. In part the failure to achieve this adjust- 
ment may be traced to the peculiar patterns of land ownership and farm 
operations that had developed in California. Thus it has been pointed out 
that in the period 1920-30 the rural farm population per farm increased in 
California by less than two-tenths of 1 percent. In the statistics of agricul- 
tural settlement, therefore, there is little if any trace of the annual increase 
of 225,000 people to the jpopulation of the State which was going on through- 
out this decade. (See U. S. Bureau of the Census release, July 24, 1935.) 
One other factor also retarded this adjustment of iwpulation, namely the early 
and consistent use that was made over a period of many years of alien 
immigrant labor in agriculture. 

The industrial commission, in a report in 1901, referred pointedly to the 
"unequal and unnatural battle which the white laborer on the coast has been 
compelled to wage against his Asiatic competitors" ; a competition which to a 
considerable degree prevented the American agricultural worker from getting 
a foothold in the State. Students of population in California have long pointed 
to these trends and have generally been in agreement that the extensive use 
of alien labor frustrated the efforts that were made to achieve population 
adjustment within the State. (See The Poor Migrant in California, Social 
Forces, Mar. 13, 1937, and The Immigration Problem, by Jeremiah W. Jenks 
and W. Jett Lauck.) 

Peoblem of Indigent Transients 

At an early date this unequal, and in some respects unnatural, population situa- 
tion made itself felt throughout the State. For a great many years prior to the 
depression of 1929 the cities in California, notably San Francisco, experienced a 
considerable amount of difficulty with the problem of indigent single men during 
the winter months. Carleton H. Parker, at one time executive officer of the 
Division of Immigration and Housing, pointed out that in December 1913 a survey 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2235 

made in San Francisco of the 10- and 15-cent lodging houses and cheap hotels 
indicated that there were about 40,000 single men "lying in," so to speak, in the 
■city for the winter ; a similar survey, made at the same time, indicated some 
25,000 indigent single men in Los Angeles ; and important additions came from 
Stockton, Fresno, and Bakersfield. (See The Casual Laborer and Other Essays, 
1920, p. 80.) Surveys made by private social agencies in Los Angeles and San 
Francisco in 1924, 1927, and 1929 indicated the existence of the same general 
situation. (See Newcomers and Nomads in California, supra, p. 28.) Farm 
labor, as such, became increasingly migratory and seasonal in character, and 
-winter unemployment increased. In 1914 the Commission of Immigration and 
Housing, in a report filed with Gov. Hiram Johnson, on the subject of imem- 
ployment, called attention to the fact that a serious situation had even then 
developed within the State with respect to unemployed transient labor. In the 
•winter of 1921 this unemployment problem in connection with transient labor 
became so acute that a series of mass meetings were held throughout the State. 
(See The Nation's Health, November 1921, for an article by Mr. Justin Miller, 
then executive officer of the Division of Immigration and Housing.) 

An example of the early dislocations that occurred may be found in connection 
"With the widespread importation of Mexican labor to California in the years 
from 1914 to 1929. The use of this labor created many of the problems in 
•connection with health, housing, and relief, that have subsequently recurred in 
relation to the Dust Bowl migration. In many respects, the pattern is quite 
■similar. But, wliile there were many manifestations of lack of population 
stability, these manifestations did not assume grave proportions until subsequent 
to 1929. 

Even prior to 1929, a factor developed which has had an important Influence 
upon migration. I refer, in this connection, to the ever-increasing mobility 
of population through the use of the automobile as a mode of transportation. 
•Overland auto traffic started in 1912, when it was estimated that some 200 
automobiles had crossed the continent. But the real tide of interstate auto 
traffic started in 1919; and, by 1922. it was estimated that some 22,000 cars 
•crossed the continent. Since then, of course, the volume of interstate auto 
traffic has grown enormously. In the beginning, however, it was found that a 
considerable proportion of these new interstate migrants had to apply for one 
type or another of local, private, charitable assistance. A survey made of pri- 
vate agencies in western citiesi in 1925 pointed out that, even then, the burden 
•of caring, from a welfare point of view, for this new migration was makng itself 
felt. (Automobile Migrants, by Adaline A. Buffington, The Family, July 1925.) 

How California Has Met Crises in Migratory Problem 

As the depression began to make itself felt subsequent to 1929, the migrant 
problem rapidly assumed serious proiwrtions in California. In fact, during the 
jears from 1929 to date, three serious crises have developed. The first, in 1931 ; 
the second, in 1935 and 1936, and the third, in 1937. By the autumn of 1931 
it had become apparent that local and private agencies throughout the State 
had exhausted their resources with respect to the care of transients. 

1031 : labor-camp program 

In November 1931 the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, alarmed over re- 
ports then being received from private social agencies in Los Angeles, sent a 
committee to Sacramento to ask the Governor to call out the National Guard 
and station it along the State's border to keep back the horde of interstate 
transients then entering the State. The situation rapidly became so acute that 
■on November 16, 1931, on the suggestion of the State unemployment commission. 
Governor Rolph appointed a State labor camp committee and allocated to it 
approximately $110,000 from the emergency funds of the State to maintain a 
number of labor camps, or shelters, for transient men. These camps, which 
were maintained during the winter of 1931 and 1932, helped to tide the State 
over this period. On November 24, 1931, however (San Francisco Examiner of 
that date). Governor Rolph announced that law-enforcement officials at the 
border towns had been instructed to invoke the vagrancy statutes in an effort 
to turn back transients who at that time were allegedly entering the State at the 



2236 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

rate of 1,200 a day. Appropriation for the camp program was quickly exhausted^ 
and again, early in 1933, an emergency situation had arisen. It should be 
remembered, in this connection, that the problem encountered in 1931 and 1933 
was primarily a problem of Indigent and destitute transients, for the most part 
single men and boys. The influx of Dust Bowl migrants, as such, had not as yet 
made itself noticeable, as began to be the case subsequent to 1933. In the fall of 
1933 the problem again became most acute. A 1-day census of transients was 
taken on September 1, 1933, which indicated that at that time there were 
present in California approximately 101,174 destitute transients. Prior to this 
date a State-wide conference had been called on the transient problem, at San 
Francisco, by the State emergency relief commission for August 17 and 18, 
1933. To indicate how serious the problem was at that time, it is sufticient to 
point out that the railroad having the largest mileage in California reported nearly 
a quarter of a million evictions of trespassers from trains within the State of 
California in the first 6 months of 1933. During this 7-month period, 49 tres- 
passers had been killed and 117 others injured on this one railroad in Cali- 
fornia. The consensus at this conference was unanimous that Federal aid must 
be solicited, and to this end California took the initiative in urging congres- 
sional action. 

The gravity of the situation in California was, of course, one of the important 
considerations that led to the creation of the Federal Transient Service, whicli 
went into effect in connection with the passage of the Federal Emergency Relief 
Act in 1933. During the period from May 12, 1933, until September 20, 193.5, when 
the Federal Transient Service was discontinued, the rigor of the situation in 
California was considerably abated. How important this Service was in Cali- 
fornia is indicated by the fact that although California, according to the census of 
1930, had only 4.7 percent of the total population of the Nation, it was found that 
the California cose load of the Federal Transient Service accounted for about 
13.5 percent of all transients aided by the Service. At times during this period 
the Federal Transient Service was caring for as many as 38,815 transients in 
California. 

1935-36 : BORDKR PATROL 

The abrupt cessation of this service in the fall of 1935 once again created an 
emergency in California. So grave did the situation become that the then chief 
of police of the city of Los Angeles established a border patrol at some 16 border 
stations at which, throughout the months of November and December 1935, and 
January, February, March, and April 1936, some 125 policemen in the city of Los 
Angeles were on duty in an effort to turn back all incoming migrants. The prac- 
tice of the border patrol during the time it was in operation was outlined as fol- 
lows : (1) All incoming trains, passenger and freight, were searched for persons 
evading payment of train fare. (2) Such persons once detected were charged 
with suspicion of vagrancy and evasion of payment of fare, both misdemeanors. 
(3) Such persons were then taken before magistrates where they were given a 
chance of leaving the State or serving jail terms. (4) All highway and .secondary 
roads were carefully watched and persons having no apparent means of support 
were, as the phrase was, "discouraged" from entering California. (See San 
Francisco Examiner, February 5, 1936.) This border patrol was established, inci- 
dentally, despite the fact that on February 18, 1936, the attorney general of Cali- 
fornia had rendered an opinion to the effect that the patrol was illegal. It might 
be noted, in passing, that it was also ineffective, since only about 1,400 persons 
were actually turned back at the border. 

When the border patrol was abandoned, an effort was made to get at the situa- 
tion through legislative action, and in tlie 1935 session of the legislature, assembly 
bill No. 2459 was introduced — a copy of which I am filing with this statement. 
This bill, if enacted, would have had the effect of preventing so-called paupers, 
indigents, and transients from entering the State. It might also be added, in this 
connection, that on January 23, 1939, assembly bill No. 1356 was introduced, which, 
if enacted, would have had the same effect. I have cited these early approaches 
to the pi'oblem that were made in California as indicative of its seriousness at that 
time. The failure of the border patrol, waiving the question of its legality, is, of 
course, the best proof of the futility of all such measures. 



INTEIISTATE MIGRATION 2237 

10 07 : F. S. A. PROGEAM 

Throughout 1937 the problem became increasingly acute, with conferences being 
held on the problem of transient and migrant care in San Francisco, Tulare, San 
Jose, and T.os Angeles in the summer, and numerous applications and petitions 
were sent to Washington for Federal assistance throughout the year. Earlier in 
the year, namely, on January 2'.), 1937, Governor Merriam announced (San Jose 
Mercury Herald of that date") that he was giving consideration to the possibility 
of utilizing the powers of the department of public health to revive the border 
l>atrol, to check the influx of migrants into the State. On August 12, 1937, the 
Stipervisor's Association of the San Joaquin Valley met and considered the matter, 
and petitioned the Federal Government for immediate assistance. By July 20, 
1937, the situation was so acute in Los Angeles County (and this during a period 
of usually high seasonal employment) that the board of supervisors adopted a 
resolution which was sent to the Governors of the 48 States, warning that Los 
Angeles County would refuse to extend any further care of migrants. 

Accompanying all of this activity was a noticeable trend, as manifested by the 
action of numerous county boards of supervisors throughout California, announc- 
ing that all further aid would be suspended, posting signs along the highways, 
warning migrants and transients to move on, and curtailing the extension of med- 
ical aid to the nonresident sick. Also accompanying this general campaign 
throughout the State, there was a strong drive against the squatter camps and the 
.so-called jungle canjps which had sprung up throughout the State after the suspen- 
sion of the Federal Transient Service, paralleling a similar growth of so-called 
Sfpiatter camps and jungle camps which had been noticeable in 1931 and 1932. In 
addition to this activity, various State, county, and Federal agencies in Califor- 
nia broadcast warnings throughout the Nation that migrants should not come to 
this State. 

Yet despite all of the concerted activities, and despite the fact that, in the years 
intervening since 1931, thousands of migrants had been transported back to their 
place of origin, the influx into California continued. The emergency of 1937 was, 
in fact, only abated by prompt and elfective action on the part of the Farm 
Security Administration which, in the spring of 1938, inaugurated its medical-aid 
program for indigent agricultural workers, and later in the same year began its 
program of grants-in-aid which, for the time being, at any rate, relieved the pres- 
sure upon the State and county governments in California. Had it not been for 
this action on the part of the Farm Security Administration and its continuance to 
the present time, the situation would be much graver in California than it is today. 
From the preceding outline, it is, I think, apparent that California has been torn 
by agitation over the migrant issue more or less continuously from 1931 to date, 
with periodic crises w^hich have arisen from time to time and which have only been 
overcome in each instance by Federal intervention. 

Trends of Migration Since 1933 

Subsequent to 1933, the migration from the Dust Bowl or Great Plains area 
began to show startling proportions. Inasmuch as the details of this migration, its 
character and scope, will, I understand, be presented to you by other witnesses, I 
shall not go into the matter in great detail. A number of circumstances, however, 
combine to intensify the hardships experienced by this group of migrants. It has 
been, for the most part, a movement of families, not of single men ; of people looking 
for permanent settlement, not for temporary employment; and has been crowded 
into a brief span of years. The distances traveled by the migrants have been con- 
siderable, and the migrants themselves have been, for the most part, wholly with- 
out funds or property or other means of temporary subsistence. This particular 
migration, moreover, coincides with a period when controlled programs of one type 
or another. Federal and State, had begun to be largely operative throughout Cali- 
fornia agriculture, .so that by 1938 the production of most crops in the State was 
subject to restrictive provisions. Moreover, the Dust Bowl migrants, in their 
experiences prior to coming to California, had been familiar with an entirely dif- 
ferent agricultural economy to that which they encountered in this State. Here 
they found high land values, heavy operating costs, and large-scale industrialized 
production ; in short, they found it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to gain a 



2238 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

foothold in agriculture other than as seasonal laborers in an already crowded 
labor market. 

Not only did their presence, as such, present a serious problem to the people 
of California, but, by moving into an already crowded agricultural labor mar* 
ket, they were forced, by the desperate circumstances facing them, to offer 
competition to agricultural workers long resident in California. The effect of 
this surplus of workers in agriculture was twofold ; in the first place, it re- 
sulted in decreased annual earnings in a type of employment that has never 
returned a living wage, on an annual basis, for most of the workers employed ; 
and, second, it decreased the average period of emijloyment, for those who did 
find work. The trends which I have mentioned were carefully considered in a 
report entitled "The Problems of Relief in Agriculture in California," sub- 
mitted to the State relief administration in December 1937. This competition 
not only seriously affected the welfare of agricultural workers in general in 
California, but it constituted a grave threat to the small family-sized farm 
in this State. As indicating the nature of this competition, I quote from a 
statement of a representative of the Farm Bureau Federation, made on July 
20, 1937 (San Francisco Chronicle of that date) : 

"Wherever such a large surplus is available, there are those who will chisel, 
using cheap labor and cutting prices. That condition is a constant threat to the 
independent farmers who attempt to maintain good standards of living, and 
who work their properties themselves with the aid of their families, llie 
accumulation of surplus labor is a menace to agricultural stability throughout 
the State." 

I shall not touch upon the burden that this movement of interstate migrants 
has caused the State of California since the inauguration of the State relief 
administration. State appropriations for unemployment relief have mounted to 
nearly $50,000,000 a year, causing huge deficits and the luibalancing of our State 
budget. What I have said should, however, indicate the continuing gravity of 
the situation insofar as this State is concerned. 

But there are much larger issues involved in the problem of interstate 
migration than those which have to do with the administration of welfare 
programs as such. 

Causes of Migration 

The Dust Bowl migrants are for the most part casualties of change. They 
are not vagrants or paupers or hoboes. They are American citizens who have 
been thrown out of gainful employment and self-supporting occupations largely 
as a result of the profound dislocations which have taken place and are 
continuing to take place in American agriculture. These changes have to 
do largely with such matters as the displacement of workers through mech- 
anization ; the curtailment of crop acreage : the loss of export markets in 
agriculture, and numerous other factors. Most of these matter.s were gone into 
extensively at the reopening of the La FoUette committee hearings in Washing, 
ton, in May of this year, and I shall only allude to the testimony thei'e pre- 
sented. It has been generally estimated, for example, that with restricted 
demand and increased efficiency, we can now produce the normal requirement 
for agricultural products with approximately one and a half million fewer 
workers in agriculture than were needed in 1929. (Migration in the Near 
Future, by T. J. Woofter, Jr., given to the National Conference of Social Work, 
April 15, 1940.) It has likewise been estimated that in the next decade tech- 
nological changes may result in the displacement of another million and a 
half workers. The Russell Sage Foundation on February 10 of this year, as a 
result of its investigation, stated that within the immediate future an outgoing 
migration of from 1,500,000 to 6,000,000 people might be anticipated from 4 
major depressed areas in the United States. 

Population has become congested in rural areas and the pressure of popu- 
lation upon resources has been most striking in precisely those areas where 
resources are most limited. Because these changes which are taking place 
have by no means worked themselves through to a conclusion, it is altogether 
reasonable to assume that more and more workers will be displaced in agri- 
culture, and that we can anticipate a continuing, although perhaps a diminish- 
ing, influx of migrants into this State. It has long since become generally 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2239 

recognized in California that this is a problem which the State alone, or the State 
acting in concert with other States, cannot solve. It is a problem that calls for 
far-reaching Federal action. 

Possible Effect of National Defense on Migration 

On considering what type of action should be undertaken by the Federal 
Government, I should like to stress the importance of taking a long-range 
point of view of the entire problem. An entirely new factor has developed in 
connection with this problem since September 1939, and the resultant pre- 
occupation of the American people with the problems of national defense. It 
is necessary for us to remember that in 1917 and 1918 this State faced a serious 
problem of labor shortage. Farms, canneries, and food-processing concerns 
in California at that time had to resort to every conceivable type of expedient 
to recruit sufficient labor to meet the expansion which wartime necessity placed 
upon the agricultural resources of this State. This same situation, or a similar 
situation, is likely to recur in the immediate future. Consequently, while there 
is still a surplus, and a sizable surplus of agricultural workers in this State, 
this surplus can be reduced swiftly as a result of conscription and other 
measures now being undertaken by the Federal Government. 

The full and efficient operation of our considerable agricultural resources is a 
matter of vital concern from the point of view of national defense. And it is not 
altogether unlikely that the migrants who have entered this State since 1933 
from the Great Plains area may be the saving factor in a highly difficult situa- 
tion. Likewise the development of wartime industries, or industries vital to 
national defense, many of which are rapidly expanding in California today, will 
unquestionably have the effect of drawing off a certain amount of the existing 
surplus of agricultural workers. 

Migrants coming to California, in the years subsequent to 1929, have not found 
those employment and work opportunities that were associated with the pioneer 
West. Moving into California and the Northwest, in a period of general economic 
stagnation, with work opportunities, industrial and rural, seriously restricted, 
they have faced an extremely difficult position. Frontier conditions no longer 
obtain ; settlement is no longer axiomatic. 

Possibilities of Expansion in West 

While this general situation is only too obvious, nevertheless we still have 
frontiers in the West, new frontiers which are being opened up largely by reason 
of the enterprise and initiative of Government itself. We have by no means ex- 
hausted the possibilities of a further extension of the rich natural resources as 
yet undeveloped in the West. Most of the States on the Pacific coast are fully 
capable of sustaining a much larger population than they at present have, but 
this assumption, of course, presuppo.ses governmental intervention and large- 
scale long-range planning. 

Here, in California, to mention but two major projects, we have in the Central 
Valley water project, and the future development of the East Mesa District 
of Imperial Valley, two frontiers of the kind that I have mentioned. Here are 
illustrations of the opportunities that still exist and that, if fully utilized, can 
be made to sustain a portion of the population that we have received. But 
these are opportunities which, if not realized, will certainly not be regained. 
They are, in effect, the last opportunities of the sort that remain. 

It is, therefore, a matter of grave concern that the land to be brought into pro- 
duction, in connection with these projects, should be carefully considered with 
respect to the type of settlement made available, to the end that the most demo- 
cratic utilization of this land can be effected. Are the lands that will be watered 
by these projects to be developed on the basis of existing patterns of large-scale 
commercial corporate farming? If this type of development is to be used, then it 
seems to me that by legislative action and through the joint efforts of State 
and Federal Governments, precautions should be taken to see to it that those 
workers who are to secure employment on large-scale commercial farms should be 
afforded a standard of living with respect to housing, social security and wages 
that would at least approximate the generally accepted concepts of an American 
standard of living. The workers on these farms should have at least the same 



2240 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



measure of security that they would have if they were operating their owu single 
family farms. If this precaution is not taken, then we are indirectly substitut- 
ing rural slums for our traditional concept of American life. 

On the other hand, this need not be the pattern which the development of these 
projects will follow. Demonstration units of the type that have already been 
established by the Farm Security Administration might well be used to deter- 
mine whether or not, with adequate Government supervision and tinancing, large- 
scale cooperative farming can be made to provide the.se workers with adequate 
housing, security, social services, medical care, and the other items that neces- 
sarily enter into our concept of decent standards of American life. 

Necessity of Stimulating Industrial Production 

There is one other aspect of this matter which I should like to stress. The 
problem of the migrant is not just a specialized social problem as such. If the 
inequalities and discriminatory phases of all welfare programs as they relate 
to migrants could be eliminated tomorrow, it would not solve the migrant prob- 
lem, although it would unquestionably improve the inunediate plight of these 
people. The migrant problem is part and parcel of the general economic problem 
in the Nation today. It can only be approached, from the point of view of a 
solution, by a general recognition of the necessity of stimulating general industrial 
expansion. AVork opportunities in agriculture are likely to decline, not to 
Increase. Agriculture cannot sustain the present rural population. And from 
what sources is it reasonable to anticipate a general stimulation of industrial 
production? It seems to me that it is becoming increasingly apparent that the 
<iovernment must, more and moi'e, assume the role of the enterpriser in the 
sense that it can stimulate and initiate activities i-esulting in mass employment. 
How this can be done has been variously illustrated. For example, it has been 
pointed out that if all the forests of the West were owned by the Federal Gov- 
cn-nment, all the migrants that have migrated into the Pacific Coast States could 
be employed in highly valuable and socially desirable work in these forests in the 
direction of fire prevention, soil conservation, reforestation, and related activi- 
ties. Whether activities of this type be regarded as work programs, as such, or 
as rehabilitation projects, is immaterial. Here is a field in which, at great social 
benefit, work can be made available. But private initiative cannot stimulate or 
Itiunch projects of this kind ; they can only be undertaken, on the scale demanded, 
by tlie Federal Government. 

GOATERNMENT RELIEF AlD ESSENTIAL 

In moving into this field. Government is, in no sense competing with private ini- 
tiative. On the contrary, it is initiating production and creating valuable services, 
providing mass employment on the scale demanded, and, in so doing, is merely 
exercising its inherent power to provide for the general welfare. The field that 
might well lend itself to providing employment is the extension of badly needed 
social services in rural areas. Speaking at the National Conference of Social Work 
at Grand Rapids, Mich., the director of women's activities for the American Farm 
Bureau Federation stated that medical clinics at the present time are available to 
only 2 percent of the rural population, although approximately half of the births 
take place annually in this group. 

As late as 1938, 1,338 of 3,072 rural counties had no hospitals. At the height 
of prosperity, four-fifths of the rural areas lacked adequate medical care. I 
mention this merely to indicate that here is a field in which a sponsorship 
of social service through Government assistance and support could not only 
meet an important and immediate need, but would also stimulate employment. 
It would also seem that the sponsorship requirement for Work Projects Admin- 
istration projects might well be relaxed in rural areas or placed upon such a 
basis as to encourage the inauguration of services such as I have mentioned. 

To indicate some of the problems and difficulties which have arisen in the 
absence of more direct Federal assistance on the migrant (luestion, I should 
like to point out that special-interest pressure groups in this State have seized 
upon the migrant problem as a menus of lowering all I'elief standards in this 
State. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2241 

Through cleverly timed publicity campaigns, usually launched on the eve 
■of a session of the legislature, they have endeavored, by all the resources at 
their disposal, to identify, in the public mind, the migrant problem and the 
problem of unemployment. A studied attempt has been made in this State 
■to convince the public that the migrant problem is somehovp synonymous vpith 
unemployment in general. No attempt has been made by these groups to 
differentiate between the two problems, and so successful has this propaganda 
been in its effect, that the legislature has constantly lowered general relief 
standards and allotments in this State, which is severely felt by our destitute 
unemployed citizens. Acting in response to these pressures, and with a view to 
discouraging an influx of indigents to receive unemployment relief aid la 
California, the legislature has increased the eligibility requirements for relief 
from 1 year to 3 years. While, without my approval, the 3-year requirement was 
restricted in effect to those who enter California subsequent to February 18, 1940, 
nevertheless the result of this legislation has been to increase the hardships of 
migrants and to cast an additional burden on such agencies as the Farm Security 
Administration. 

In the absence of adequate Federal assistance, it has become extremely 
diflicult to secure an equitable administration of welfare programs in this 
State. It is in part for this reason that your committee can discharge such an 
important public service by calling attention to the Nation-wide aspects of 
this matter and by pointing the way to Federal intervention. 

The migrant problem in California has lent itself readily to unfair exploita- 
tion for partisan political purix»ses. Taxpayers naturally want to see their 
Tjurdens lightened, and when they are made to believe that hordes of migrants 
are flooding the State, draining its resources and undermining its .standards, 
they frequently react in a manner that works an injury not only to migrants 
"but to long-time residents in this State. 

In making this statement I do not attempt to minimize the seriousness of 
the migrant problem as it affects California, but I do feel that all of the 
facts, not a few selected facts, should be presented if a clear understanding 
of the issues involved is to be had. Frankly, we are looking to this commit- 
tee for such a presentation. One difficulty that we have experienced has been 
that which I have indicated, namely, a distorted presentation of the facts for 
their propagandistic effects by pressure groui>s. These groups, for example, 
appeared in Sacramento and bitterly opposed all assistance to migrants, con- 
tending that the problem is one for the exclusive consideration of the Federal 
<jOvernment. At the same time, these same groups appear in Washington, and 
with equal vehemence oppose the Farm Security Administration for its inter- 
Tention in California. These same interests never point out, for example, that 
this State has profited handsomely from the interstate migrations. It has 
l)eeu estimated, for example, that in 1939 out-of-State tourists spent $193,000,000 
in California, and that over $10,000,000 in taxes annually reach the State 
treasury from travelers and tourists. (See statement of the Traveler's Aid 
•Society of Los Angeles released August 29, 1940.) 

Furthermore, the connection between migration and unemployment does not 
have the importance which has been attributed to it. The registration figures 
Tvept by the Federal Transient Service, for example, indicate that on December 
SI, 1934, the registration of transients for assistance was equal to only 56 per- 
sons per 10,000 of general population, and it is generally recognized that the 
highest case loads and the largest rates of unemployment in relief to the total 
population are to be found in those distressed areas which were losing popu- 
lation prior to 1929 (Population, and Economic Recovery, by Howai'd 
Brown, published by the University of Southern California Press, May 1937). 
This general observation, however, should not blind us to the fact that under 
present conditions an enormous aggregate of new population in a particular 
area, with its inevitable fringe of indigents and near-indigents does constitute 
an extraordinary problem for any settled community, and this is, of course, 
particularly true where the conditions of settlement have themselves changed. 

Under these circumstances, a State which has been receiving a large net 
increase in population through interstate migration, such as California, neces- 
sarily requires Federal assistance, not only to provide temporary relief and 
assistance, but to finance resettlement projects themselves, and also through 
an established Nation-wide policy on migration, to check and also to guide and 
tdirect the flow of migration. 



2242 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

EECOMMENDATIONS 

1. From the point of view of tbe administration of welfare programs, it seems 
to me to be liigbly desirable tbat tbere he uniform provisions among the several 
States with respect to residence requirements, not only as to when residence, 
or legal settlement isi acquired, but it is also desirable when it is lost by absence 
or nonresidence, that some degree of uniformity be established with respect to 
relief standards ; that an effort be made, in other words, to equalize standards 
in relation to living costs. This is, I know, a difficult problem, involving, as it 
does, a consideration of the average per capita distribution of wealth and income 
in a particular State, and other variable factors. But the principle itself is^ 
it seems to me, sound. 

Uniformity of this type can be achieved in one of two ways. A special cate- 
gory might be added to the Social Security Act, to provide for transients. This 
is tlie basis of the proposal advanced by Congressman Jerry Voorhis, and em- 
bodied in H. R. 2974 and H. R. 2775. I have previously endorsed these mea.sures 
as being at least a step in the right direction. But it is apparent that, perhaps, 
a better and sounder approach to the entire problem, is for the Federal Govern- 
ment to concern itself directly with the administration of relief, by providing 
grants-in-aid under the Social Security Act, to a single welfare department in 
each State, to be administered under proper supervision, so as to insure uni- 
formity of regulations and requirements, and also to insure adherence to the 
highest personnel practices and standards. There would be, under this proposal, 
but a single welfare agency in each State, which would get around one difficulty 
of the moment. 

For example, at present the Farm Security Administration, by making grants- 
in-aid, parallels, to some extent, the State relief administration. It would also 
get away from any further break-down of welfare programs into specialized 
categories. Quite apart from how the end is achieved, it seems clear that the 
present settlement laws of the various States are chaotic and conflicting. 

I am, however, of the opinion that the proper approach to the unemployment 
problem in general is not through a dole system, however administered, but 
through a sound works program, jointly undertaken by the States and the 
Federal Government aimed at providing rehabilitation through productive em- 
ployment. 

2. A paramount consideration with respect to migration is a recognition of 
the necessity for the formulation of a comprehensive national policy. Popula- 
tion movement has been guided, in the past, through the simple expedient of 
allowing settlers to move into unoccupied areas or through opening up new regions 
for homesteading. This policy — that of tolerance — no longer squares with exist- 
ing realities. Today there is a great necessity for planned resettlement ; a policy 
that will embrace, in addition to guidance with respect to available areas, 
organized assistance to migrants during the period when they are endeavoring 
to gain a foothold. No single aspect of the dust-bowl migration to California 
has been more deplorable than the absence of this kind of guidance, planning, 
and direction. As a result, many migrant settlements have grown up in the 
State located in the most unlikely areas with respect to soil considerations, work 
opportunities, and future development. We must stimulate our planning pro- 
grams, down to the level of rural county planning, if this mistake is to be cor- 
rected in a measure, and if we are to plan for those who may still migrate to 
this State. And, above the level of county and State planning, some agency 
such as the National Resources Planning Board should continue to study this 
problem and to work out general regional plans for development and settlement. 
Planning alone, however, is not enough. 

One major difficulty with the migrant settlements in California, in addition to 
the fact that in many instances they are improperly located, is the fact that no 
effort has been made to provide at least the minimum social facilities. If a frame- 
work had been provided for these communities, in the sense of adequate roads, 
proper sanitation, water and sewer facilities, then even if the housing was make- 
shift and improvised, the community might still have shown definite develop- 
ment and improvement over a period of years. 

Because this precaution has not been taken, it is apparent that we have per- 
mitted several potential rural slum areas to come into existence in California. 
To correct this situation requires, in the judgment of this administration, the 



INTEHSTATE MIGRATION 2243 

creation of a State Housing Authority to cooperate with the United States Hous- 
ing Authority in planning a comprehensive program for rural housing in Cali- 
fornia. In the meantime, however, what guidance has been supplied, and the 
ameliorating steps that have been taken from the point of view at least of shelter 
if not housing, have been taken by the Farm Security Administration. In their 
mobile camps, migratory labor camps, and farm laborers' homes, they have 
worked out, on a demonstration basis, the general pattern which might be fol- 
lowed, on a broader plan, by a State Housing Authority. For this reason, I feel, 
of course, that the Farm Security Administration deserves the strongest possible 
support in the furtherance of its camp, housing, grants-in-aid, and medical pro- 
grams. 

It is also quite possible that, before the United States Housing Authority can 
be elTectively used in rural areas, some amendments may be necessary to the act, 
in order to provide a more flexible mode of operation, and to take into consid- 
eration some of the factors encountered in rural housing. Planning along the 
lines that I have indicated should be premised upon the assumption that organized 
assistance is a prerequisite to successful resettlement under modern conditions. 

,3. There is obviously a field in which much can be accomplished through inter- 
state cooperation on a regional basis. The solicitation o-f out-of-State cotton 
pickers for employment in Arizona is a matter of direct concern to the State of 
California, as experience has shown that migrants, having reached Arizona, are 
likely to enter this State. Not only is regional cooperation necessary in connec- 
tion with matters of this type, but it is also extremely important generally with 
respect to planned resettlement and the integrated functioning of employment 
services. The groundwork for this type of cooperation has already been laid 
through the Conference of Governors of the 11 Western States, and it is certainly 
to be hoped that those States which have been seriously affected by migration 
can unite and cooperate in working out a unified legislative program. 

4. There are certain fields in which Federal action can be quite effective other 
than those which I have mentioned. For example, the operations of labor con- 
tractors and private employment services, including those recruiting agencies 
which do not charge a fee for their services, might well be investigated, with the 
thought in mind of placing their activities under some type of Federal legislation, 
particularly inasmuch as members of these labor-contractor and employment 
services operate throughout the Pacific coast and Southwestern States. 

Certain of their operations have long given rise to grave abuses and they are 
one of the factors at present which militate against a proper functioning of the 
employment services. Likewise, the Federal Go-vernment could do much that 
would be extremely helpful in the form of maintaining adequate and effective 
border counts on the movement of population in the West. If some such agency 
as the Department of Agriculture would maintain a series of such border sta- 
tions, keeping a constant check on the westward and eastward movement of 
migrants, it would perform an important function. 

5. It is also apparent that the time is rapidly approaching when we must give 
serious consideration to the advisability of including agricultural labor within 
the protection of most modern social legislation. By this I refer in particular 
to such legislation as wages and hours, social security, and the National Labor 
Relations Act. The application of such legislation to agricultural labor presents 
many difficult problems, but there is nothing inherently diflicult about the 
extension of such legislation, and the administrative details are capable of 
being satisfactorily worked out. The extension of legislation of this character 
to agricultural workers will become essential if we are to prevent the creation 
of an American peasantry. If for no other reason than considerations affecting 
national security and national defense, it is imperative that the living and 
working conditions of this large segment of American population be pi'Otected 
by adequate safeguards. 

In closing this statement I should like to quote again a passage from the report 
of the President's Committee on Farm Tenancy, which I quoted before the La Fol- 
lette committee. The committee said that it observed with deep concern "an in- 
creasing tendency for the rungs of the agricultural ladder to become bars, forcing 
imprisonment in a fixed social status from which it is increasingly difficult to 
escape * * * should the rungs of the agricultural ladder become rigid between 
classes, an American ideal would be lost. In a community of rigid groups 
normal democratic processes are unable to function." 

260370— 41— pt. 6 4 



2244 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

TESTIMONY OF GOV. CULBERT L. OLSON— Eesumed 

Governor Olson. Now, if tliere are any particular questions — and 
I understand there may be — that you want to ask me, I shall try to 
answer them as best I can. 

The Chairman. Well, Governor, I think that is a very fair, and I 
know it is a very valuable, statement. 

There are some questions probably that the Congressmen will 
desire to ask you. One of the things that I wonder if you will agree 
with me on, and with Mayor LaGuardia of New York, and the other 
•Governors, is that this mass migration of destitute citizens from 
.State to State is a national problem. 

Governor Olson. I certainly will agree to that, and I have con- 
sistently taken that position in the past. 

The Chairman. Yes. And, Governor, we have a school of thought, 
prevalent in California and other States, which says, ''Why don't 
.they stay at home?" 

Well, now, to my way of thinking, speaking for myself only, that 
is a partial solution only. The Farm Security Administration has 
taken care of 500,000 families, that is, loaned them money to buy 
seed, a horse, a mule, a cow, to keep them ; but there are 800,000 un- 
'Cared for. And there comes a time, when, on account of worn-out 
soil, mechanization, unemployment, that the American people will 
move rather than to sit and starve. 

Governor Olson. Unquestionably. 

The Chairman. Now, I will say that I think your recommenda- 
tions are along the lines that have been discussed in our other hear- 
ings. We opened in New York. We went from New York to Ala- 
bama, Chicago, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and here. 

The reason the committee decided on going into New York and 
New Jersey first was to show that this was not a problem peculiar 
to California alone, although we are the State of destination for the 
greatest numbers of migrants. And we found that New York State 
spent $3,000,000 last year for the care of these destitute people. We 
found 5,000 deportations from the State of New York. 

Governor Olson. You mean only $3,000,000 for the care of migrants 
in New York? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Governor Olson. You mean that was outside of and in addition to 
their usual State, city, and county relief load ? 

The Chairman. Absolutely ; yes. 

Governor Olson. I see. 

The Chairman. Now, another thing that we found is that there are 
several States in the Union that make it a misdemeanor to transport 
a migrant citizen across the State line. And we also found out that 
in South Dakota there is a statute that it makes it a felony, a peniten- 
tiary offense, to transport a destitute migrant citizen across the State 
line. 

Governor Olson. Have those laws ever been held up as constitu- 
tional ? 

The Chairman. They have never reached the Supreme Court. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2245 

GoA-ernor Olson. I will predict when they do they will be nullified. 

The Chairman. Yes. Now, the approach to the solution has been 
mentioned many places, namely, to help them remain home as far as 
possible. And there has been another problem that has been developed 
in the hearings, and that is transportation by trucks across State hues. 
In Florida they charge them $17 a head and then collect up there m 
New Jersey and New York. Certainly this committee can make some 
recommendations about that, can they not, where they cross State lines? 

Governor Olson. Well, I would, of course, say that this committee 
could make recommendations about that as well as anythmg. Were 
you going to question the soundness of the recommendations that 
might be made on that subject, or where you asking me about that ? 

The Chairman. No. I am just getting into the proposition to make 
jou acquainted with some of the problems that we have found, you see. 

Governor Olson. That's right. 

The Chairman. Now, we also find out that private employment 
agencies are taking the last dollar of these migrants and promising 
-them jobs over the State line. Certainly we as a committee can make 
Tecommendations concerning that, because that is interstate commerce. 

Governor Olson. I have ventured to make a recommendation on 
that subject because that, I believe, has been a phase of the problem 
that needs attention and needs regulation and planning. 

The Chairman. Yes. Now, Governor, I am just thinking out loud 
with you because you have studied this problem and you are the Gov- 
ernor of the State. And as we talk to these migrant witnesses in the 
-various hearings we find out that they received a lot of misinformation 
regarding employment in the States of destination. 

federal information service 

Do yon not think. Governor, that probably a recommendation along 
the line of some Federal agency or local agency to give correct infor- 
mation would be helpful? 

Governor Olson. I do. And I believe instances of misinformation 
about opportunities for employment are quite easily ascertained in 
your inquiry. 

There has been a drive against that, I might say, by our own State 
Immigration and Housing Authority. We have endeavored to cor- 
rect such misinformation so far as our State agency has been able to do 
it here, with reference to misinformation given to migratory laborers 
from other States as to opportunities in California for employment 
when there was really a surplus, a tremendous surplus of agricultural 
laborers and laborers of all sorts in California. And to the extent 
possible, we have done what we could. But I do believe that, along 
with the entire principle, this is a Federal problem; it should be 
handle<:l also through Federal agencies. 

settlement laws 

The Chairman. Now, Governor, what bothers me — speaking for 
myself personally again — is that the figures indicate, so far as we 
have been able to get them, that about four million of the so-called 



2246 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

migrant citizens are moving from State to State. I haven't read 
your report, but I don't doubt that you hit on the subject of these 
various so-called "settlement laws" — 1 year in one State, 5 years in 
another State ; people have lost their residence in the State of origin ; 
they haven't gained any residence in the State of destination. One 
of the peculiar things I learned before I left Washington, Governor^ 
was simply this: That the Census Bureau's final report is being held 
up because they camiot find the States 

Governor Olson (interposing). Of residence. 

The Chairman (continuing). Of residence of hundreds of thou- 
sands of our citizens, and that's a fine thing for us, isn't it ? 

Governor Olson. Yes. Well, it is a pathetic situation. You mean 
conflicts in the various State relief eligibility rules ^ 

The Chairman. That's it. 

Governor Olson. I have covered that in my statement and made 
recommendations for uniformity. 

The Chairman. How would you go about that. Governor? 

Governor Olson. Well, if the migratory labor problem is handled 
through the Social Security Administration, part of it, so as to give 
grants-in-aid, then those grants-in-aid can require uniformity, and 
the standard can be set for the various States as it has been set in 
other grants-in-aid measures. 

Now, that has been a very cruel thmg in California to migrants 
who find themselves here, ineligible for any State relief. And be- 
cause of the tremendous burden of State relief on the tax resources 
of this State there has been a determined purpose to increase restric- 
tions with reference to residence requirement, and also other restric- 
tions which leave the migratory people in absolute distress and want^ 
resorting to private charity but no public aid. 

We had in our State relief eligibility law a residence requirement 
of 1 year until during the past year the legislature — and at a time 
when our relief load was at an all-tmie high after the W. P. A. had 
curtailed to the extent of some 30,000 cases or more that came back 
onto the relief administration, and it was amounting to more than 
$50,000,000 a year for unemployment-dole relief — the legislature be- 
gan writing in restrictions to the relief appropriations allowances, 
both as to the "ceiling" for families, and particularly as to residence 
requirements. And the present law requires a 3-year residence in 
the State before an applicant for relief is eligible for it. 

So that emphasizes, I believe, Mr. Tolan, the situation in which 
those who come here seeking employment for one reason or another 
are driven here in the hope of an opportunity to find a way of living' 
for themselves. Under the law there is a provision for assisting 
them to return to their own previous places of residence, but there is 
a large portion unable to obtain relief through any State relief sup- 
port, and therefore they should be considered by the Federal Gov- 
ernment. 

The Chairman. You see. Governor, the weakness in many cases of 
this "return home" is that there is nothing for them to do when they 
get home. 

Governor Olson. I realize that. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2247 

The Chaikman. Now, take Nebraska, where Congressman Curtis' 
•district is. His district has decreased in population about half — his 
xjongreissional district. Is that right, Carl? 

Mr. Curtis. Not quite. It has borne half of the loss of the entire 
State, and the State's loss is about third highest in the Union. So 
my district perhaps has lost a greater percent of population than any 
■congressional district in the country. 

The Chairman. Now, the point of it is this, Governor : They have 
had a 7-year drought there, and it has been absolutely impossible to 
make a living. And you say, "Send them back home." In the mean- 
time, when they have moved they have lost their residence and they 
can't get it back there. 

One million people in the last 10 years have left the Great Plains 
■States. One million people! Speaking again for myself, only, it 
keeps recurring to me — and I may be wrong — that there should be 
some sort of a national status for these hundreds of thousands of 
jnigrants who are forced from their homes under circumstances oveir 
which they have no control. 

In other words. Governor, we absolutely take care of iron and coal 
and steel and other commodities which move across State lines. They 
iiave free flow between the States. But we have not done much for 
liuman interstate commerce; have we? 

Governor Olson. No. Of course, I think it is entirely a false premise 
to say that we should, even if provision were made, consider it a sound 
permanent policy to return people to places where they cannot find a 
basis of subsistence. And the way I look at it here in California is 
this: These people that are driven by physical conditions from their 
homes, the foundation for their work, however industrious they may 
be, taken from under them, naturally, as you stated, are going to go 
some place, find some place under the sun where they may get their 
feet on the ground and establish themselves and raise their families 
:and, by their own industry, support them. 

They have come to California in droves because they felt the natural 
Tesources and climatic conditions of this great State might offer them 
that opportunity, and it does. But they cannot be assimilated imme- 
•diately. It takes time. There is where this Federal aid should come. 
Insteacl of throwing them onto our State tax resources w^hen we are 
carrying a heavy burden for those who are eligible under restrictions 
of our laws as to residence qualifications, there should be that Federal 
aid given until they can become assimilated, until our own State plan- 
ning and our own industries can be expanded to absorb them. 

Now, the great central valleys of this State are going to be supplied 
with water and power for extensive development, as you know, ]\Ir. 
Tolan. We have resources sufficient to support a population of millions 
of people more than we have. And so in other parts of the State our 
resources, potential means of production, are sufficient to support many 
times the population of California, in the long-range view of it. 

Now, I feel that every State in the Union and its resources, Cali- 
fornia's included, should not be denied access to by the man who wants 
to work, to sustain himself, build a strong citizenship, a home, any 
more than it should be denied to the adventures of capital. 



2248 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

We want to consider the problem here in this State from that view- 
point, asking that the Federal Government realize that during- the time 
that these developments occur, during the time that we are working 
out these things through every State policy and agency that we are 
able to formulate and act through, that the migrant is the Federal 
Government's problem. And they shotild help us. 

And in the course of time, throtigh an extension of the work of the 
Farm Security Administration and coordination of its work with our 
State agencies, we can go forward to make these people permanent 
residents, good citizens, building our population, enjoying tlie benefits 
of our great resources, so that our resources will serve mankind instead 
of being narrowly considered merely for us who happen to be here 
now with an attitude and a complex of exclusion of everyone else that 
has not happened to come here with money. That is my attitude,, 
Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. In other words, it is not a good thing for the 
Nation's life to be kicking around about 4,000,000 people. Stateless 
and homeless and voteless? 

Governor Olson. And they can be placed under sensible planning^ 
with a knowledge of where the resources are and where they can be 
helped to get a start. I think that is an important consideration for 
Congress. 

POPULATION INCREASE OF A MILLION AND A HALF SINCE 19 3 

Mr. OsMERS. Governor Olson, what has been the increase in popu- 
lation in the State of California in the last 10 years? 

Governor Olson. Well, the increase in the last 10 years has been 
a million and a half, I should say. I have it in my statement. I can 
check that. 

Mr. OsMERS. The actual figures are not important. What I have 
in mind is this. Governor : The majority of these migrants have come 
in in the last 5 years, have they, from the Dust Bowl area, the Great 
Plains area? 

Governor Olson. Well, yes. Of course, the Dust Bowl migration 
has added acutely to the situation. However, as I point out in this 
statement, we can look back in the history of this State almost to its 
earliest days and see the migrant problem. 

Mr. OsMERS. Of course, everyone in California is a migrant ? 

Governor Olson. Has been so considered. Of course, the problem 
has been contributed to by numerous factors. 

I think there have been times when the desire on the part of those 
engaged in the developing of the resources through their ca})ital in- 
vestments have sought labor as cheaply as it could be obtained. I 
believe there have been times when contract labor has been brought 
in from Mexico, and there have been other more or less alien labor 
elements entering in here to perform labor cheaply, and that has tended 
to displace the normal opportunities for native American citizens to 
labor in the development of California. 

Mr. OsMERs. Now, I had this in mind when I asked you about the 
increase in the population in the last 5 years and in the last 10 years: 
From the studies that the committee made so far it is apparent that 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2249^ 

migration to California from these miderproductive areas will con- 
tinue over the next few years. In other words, if in Mr. Curtis' 
area they haven't made a crop in 7 years, and a third of the people 
moved out, if they don't make crops for the next 2 or 3 years a lot 
more will move out, and probably come to California. 

GREATER RELIEF PROBLEM 

Now, compared with 5 years ago, does the State of California- 
have any greater proportioned relief problem than they had then? 
Governor Olson. You mean during the past 5 years? 
Mr. OsMERS. I am trying to find out the effect of immigration. 
Governor Olson. Oh, yes; it increased our relief problem im- 
mensely. 

Mr. OsMERS, In other words, with more of them still coming, the 
chances are that the situation, from the California tax standpoint, 
will become more aggravated rather than less aggravated? 

Governor Olson. Well, necessarily so, that is, assuming that pri- 
vate employment is not expanded through some temporary prepared- 
ness expenditure, or anything of that sort. But even then, if that 
continued, I feel certain that it would continue to load our relief 
agencies. 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes ; I mean if you had skilled defense labor, why 

Governor Olson (interposing). And especially if there w^ere no 
restrictions as to residence requirement. But there is the pathetic 
thing. They come here, and if they are not eligible to any State 
aid in the first place for 3 years they must rely upon some charity, 
private social charity somewhere, for their subsistence. 

Mr. OsMERS. Of course, if they don't, you will have violence. 

Governor Olson, To avoid starvation. On the other hand, if there 
were no restriction as to residence, you might well see that, especially 
because California's budget allowance, although it may be still below 
a decent subsistence standard, is higher than that of most other States. 

Mr. OsMERs. Yes; I know that. 

Governor Olson. And it would be an invitation to come here for 
relief, purely, if not for anything else, if that were not so. So you 
see it emphasizes the need for Federal attention and immediate 
attention, I think. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is all I have, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Curtis. Governor, who takes care of the people who arrive here 
who cannot qualify for relief under State laws if they are hungry? 

Governor Olson. I might say no one, except for such little aid as is 
given through our division of immigration and housing to try to get 
them placed through the F. S. A., with its limited funds, and through 
local voluntary charities. 

It is entirely inadequate, of course. They are unable to draw from 
the money appropriated by the legislature for unemployment relief 
under existing law. 

I might read section 10 of our Unemployment Belief Act— I don't 
believe I have it in this statement — that is operating now, which ap- 
propriated $24,347,091 to the relief administrator for unemployment 



2250 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

relief doles, from the date of the act which was on May 21, 1940, until 
March 31, 1941. Section 10 of that act reads as follows : 

* * * None of the appropriation made by this act shall be expended for the 
relief of any person who : 

(1) Has not either (i) lived continuously in this State for five years, if he 
began to live in the State of California after June 1, 1940, or (ii) lived continu- 
ously in the State of California for three years, if he began to live in the State of 
California on or before June 1, 1940 ; or 

(2) Has lost his residence by remaining av^^ay from this State for an uniu- 
terrui)ted period of one year. 

Within the meaning of this subdivision (a), time spent in a public institution 
or on parole therefrom is to be disregarded in determining the period of residence 
in this State. Absence from the State for labor or other special or temporary 
purposes does not occasion loss of residence. 

(b) Notwithstanding the provisions of subdivision (a), the appropriation made 
by this act may be expended for the relief of any person who : 

(1) On February 18, 1940 (i) is receiving or has received relief from the 
Relief Administrator and the Relief Commission or (ii) is certified or has been 
certified to the Work Projects Administration or its predecessor by the Relief 
Administrator and the Relief Commission, and 

(2) Has not left the State with intent to reside elsewhere, and 

(3) Has not remained away from the State for a period of one year. 

(c) Notwithstanding the provisions of subdivision (a), the appropriation shall 
be available for relief pending transportation, but not to exceed thirty days, 
and for the costs of transix)rtation of a nonresident to any State in which he 
resides. Every nonresident, who has once received assistance under this sub- 
division (c), or subdivision (c) of section 9 of Chapter 12 of the Statutes of 1940, 
shall not be granted further assistance from the appropriation made by this act. 

I think that should be in your record as showing as completing my 
statement to you. 

Mr. Sparkman. Governor, there are one or two things I want to 
ask you about with reference to that section 10. 

I see a tiling in there that we have run into practically every place 
we have been. It seems to me that it is producing a great deal of 
trouble. For instance, under that section you require a person to 
reside in this State for 5 years before he is eligible for local relief, 
whereas a person going out of the State loses it within 1 year. 

Now, if every State had that same provision, a person migrating 
would lose 4 years somewhere ? 

Governor Olson. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. So it seems to me that that within itself is an argu- 
ment for uniformity in our settlement laws. 

Governor Olson. Absolutely. I don't think there is any question 
about that. It is perfectly obvious that there must be uniformity 
in the settlement laws that have to do with eligibility for Federal or 
State aid because it is nothing but chaos and confusion as it stands. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, Governor, I have not seen your recommenda- 
tions and, of course, I do not care about asking you to go over them 
in detail. But I am just wondering w^hat your reaction is as to where 
the major emphasis should be placed; if it should be placed in an 
effort to stem the tide back at its point of origin, in other words, to 
tie the people down where they are ? 

REHABILITATION AT POINT OF ORIGIN 

Governor Olson. I w^ouldn't think it would be sensible to try to 
hold people at the point of origin of the migration, unless the condi- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2251 

tions at the point of origin are such as to give them an opportunity 
to live and grow decently. I think that it would be a very narrow,, 
inhuman, and ridiculous thing to contemplate as a general public 
policy. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, in asking you the question I really meant 
that a program should be formulated 

Governor Olsox (interposing). I haven't quite finished. 

Mr. Sparkman. Pardon me. 

Governor Olson. If I may, ISIr. Congressman. I do feel, however^ 
that at the point of initial residence, and before migration starts, in 
fact, there the opportunity, lack of opportunity, unemployment con- 
ditions, need for assistance should be considered with reference to^ 
the resources of that particnlar place. And if proper aid is granted, 
they can be established there instead of pulling up stakes and goin^ 
elsewhere to be established. They should be established there, and a& 
many returned there as a place for can be found. 

Mr. Sparkman. "Well, we are in agreement on that. I certainly^ 
contended that the conditions must be subject to rehabilitation or tO' 
improvement through this program back home. 

Now, you mentioned the question of grants-in-aid to the various 
States. I wonder on what basis your idea would be for those grants 
to be made — on the present plan of matching or on the present basis of 
need. 

Governor Olson. I think on the basis of need. 

]\Iay I have that statement? I will try to give you my recom- 
mendation as I have Avritten it on that matter as well as the recom- 
mendations in brief, and it might serve to emphasize your questions 
if I simply read it [reading] : 

From the point of view of ttie administration of welfare programs, it seems to 
me to be liighly desirable, that there be uniform provisions among the several 
States with respect to residence requirements, not only as to when residence, 
or legal settlement, is acquired, but when it is lost by absence or nonresidence. 
It is also desirable that some degree of uniformity be established with respect 
to relief standards ; that an effort be made, in other words, to equalize standards- 
in relation to living costs. This is, I know, a difficult problem, involving, as it 
does, a consideration of the average per capita distribution of wealth and income 
in a particular State, and other variable factors. But the principle itself is, it 
seems to me, sound. 

Uniformity of this type can be achieved in one of two ways. A special 
category might be added to the Social Security Act, to provide for tran- 
sients. This is the basis of the proposal advanced by Congressman Jerry 
Voorhis, and embodied in House Resolution 2974 and House Resolution 2775.^ 
I have previously endorsed these measures as being at least a step in the 
right direction. But it is apparent that, perhaps, a better and sounder ap- 
proach to the entire problems is for the Federal Government to concern itself 
directly with the administration of relief, by providing grants-in-aid under 
the Social Security Act, to a single welfare department in each State, to be 
administered imder proper supervision, so as to insure uniformity of regula- 
tions and requirements, and also to insure adherence to the highest personnel 
practices and standards. There would be, under this proposal, but a single 
welfare agency in each State, which would get around one difficulty of the 
moment. For example, at present the Farm Security Administration, by 
making grants-in-aid, parallels, to some extent, the State relief administration. 
It would also get away from any further break-down of welfare programs^ 



1 See statement of Congressman Voorbis, Washington, D. C, hearings, Dec. 11, 1940. 



2252 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

into specialized categories. Quite apart from how the end is achieved, it 
seems clear that the present settlement laws of the various States are chaotic 
and conflicting. 

STATE-FEDERAL WORKS PROGRAM 

With reference to the whole question of sound economy and the 
economic question involved in this whole unemployment relief prob- 
lem, I am, however, of the opinion that the proper approach to 
the unemployment problem in general is not through a dole system, 
however administered, but through a sound works program, jointly 
undertaken by the State and the Federal Govermnent aimed at 
providing rehabilitation through productive employment. 

We have been treating relief with doles as a temporary problem, 
looking forward to absorption in the various business cycles of re- 
employment in private industry, and undoubtedly the expenditure 
of the billions now provided for in preparedness activities and the 
circulation of that money \\i\\ provide employment for vast num- 
bers now on relief and greatly reduce the relief loads in all States 
and help solve the migrant problem temporarily. 

But permanently considered upon the principle that it is the 
social responsibility and duty of government to provide opportuni- 
ties for employment at a decent standard of living to American 
citizens who are displaced from and cannot find employment in 
private enterprise, we should treat relief as, in the long range, a 
permanent problem and adopt that fundamental policy to follow. 
Dole is demoralizing; children come into the world in families on 
relief; health standards are low. Their morale is destroyed and it 
contributes to social disease and inferior citizenship. [Keading:] 

A paramount consideration with respect to migration is a recognition of the 
necessity for the formulation of a comprehensive national policy. Population 
movement has been guided, in the past, through the simple expedient of allowing 
settlers to move into unoccupied areas or through opening up new regions for 
homesteading. This policy— that of tolerance — no longer squares with existing 
realities. Today there is a great necessity for planned resettlement; a policy 
that will embrace, in addition to guidance with respect to available areas, organ- 
ized assistance to migrants during the period when they are endeavoring to gain 
a foothold. No single aspect of the Dust Bowl migration to California has been 
more deplorable than the absence of this kind of guidance, planning, and direc- 
tion. As a result, many migrant settlements have grown up in the State located 
in the most unlikelv areas with respect to soil considerations, work opportuni- 
ties, and future development. V^e must stimulate our planning programs, down 
to the level of rural county planning, if this mistake is to be corrected in a meas- 
ure, and if we are to plan for those who may still migrate to this State. And, 
above the level of county and State planning, some agency, such as the National 
Resources Planning Board, should continue to study this problem and to work 
■out general regional plans for development and settlement. Planning alone, how- 
ever, is not enough. One major difficulty with the migrant settlements in Cali- 
fornia, in addition to the fact that in many instances they are improperly 
located, is the fact that no effort has been made to provide at least the minimum 
social facilities. If a framework had been provided for these communities, in 
the sense of adequate roads, proper .sanitation, water and sewer facilities, then, 
even if the housing was makeshift and improvised, the community might still have 
shown definite development and improvement over a period of years. Because 
this precaution has not been taken, it is apparent that we have permitted several 
potential rural slum areas to come into existence in California. To correct this 
situation requires, in the judgment of this administration, the creation of a State 
housing authority to cooperate with the United States ^Housing Authority in 
■planning a comprehensive program for rural housing m California. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2253 

That I have tried heretofore to get, but I haven't had a legislature 
that would agree with me in the adoption of that measure. [Continues 
reading :] 

EXTENSION OF FEDERAL SECITRITY ADMINISTRATION AND UNITED STATES HOUSING 

AUTHORITY 

In the meautime, however, what guidance has been supplied, and the amelio- 
rating steps that have been taken from the point of view at least of shelter, if 
not housing, have been taken by the Farm Security Administration. In their 
mobile camps, migratory labor camps, and farm laborers' homes, they have 
worked out, on a demonstration basis, the general pattern which might be 
followed, on a broader plan, by a State Housing Authority. For this reason, 
I feel, of course, that the Farm Security Administration deserves the strongest 
possible support in the furtherance of its camp, housing, grants-in-aid, and medi- 
cal programs. It is also quite possible that before the United States Housing 
Authority can be effectively used in rural areas that some amendments may 
be necessary to the act, in order to provide a more flexible mode of operation, and 
to take into consideration some of the factors encountered in rural housing. 
Planning along the lines that I have indicated should be premised upon the 
assumption that organized assistance is a prerequisite to successful resettlement 
under modern conditions. 

There is obviously a field in which much can be accomplished through inter- 
state cooperation on a regional basis. The solicitation of out-of-State cotton 
pickers for employment in Arizona is a matter of direct concern to the State of 
'California, as experience has shown that migrants, having reached Arizona, are 
likely to enter this State. Not only is regional cooperation necessary in con- 
nection with matters of this type, but it is also extremely important generally 
with respect to planned resettlement and with respect to the integrated func- 
tioning of employment services. The ground work for this type of cooperation 
has already been laid through the conference of the Governors of the 11 Western 
States, and it is certainly to be hoped that those States which have been seriously 
affected by migration can unite and cooperate in working out a unified legislative 
program. 

Well, that would be for the States regionally considered, or other- 
wise, to cooperate with the State legislative policies and administra- 
tion, with a planned arrangement for eliminating confusion that may 
come out of Federal action and administration. [Continues reading :] 

LABOR CONTRACTORS 

There are certain fields in which Federal action can be quite effective other 
than those which I have mentioned. For example, the operations of labor 
•contractors and private employment services, including those recruiting agencies 
which do not charge a fee for their services, might well be investigated, with 
the thought in mind of placing their activities under some type of Federal legisla- 
tion, particularly inasmuch as a member of these labor contractors and employ- 
ment services operate throughout the Pacific coast and Southwestern States. 

Of course, they employ people for transfer from one State to 
another. [Continues reading:] 

Certain of their operations have long given rise to grave abuses, and they are 
one of the factors at present which militate against a proper functioning of the 
employment services. Likewise, the Federal Government could do much that 
would" be extremely helpful in the form of maintaining adequate and effective 
■border counts on the movement of population in the West. If some such agency 
as the Department of Agriculture would maintain a series of such border stations, 
Iceeping a constant check on the westward and eastward movement of migrants, 
it would perform an important function. 



2254 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

IXCLL:DE AGRICULTlTiAr, LABOR IN SOCIAL LEGISLATION 

It is also apparent that the time is rapidly approaching when we must give 
senoiis consideration to the advisability of including agricultural labor mthia 
the protection of most modern social legislation. By this I refer in particular 
to such legislation as wages and hours, social security, and the National Labor 
Relations Act. The application of such legislation to agricultural labor pre- 
sents many difficult problems, but there is nothing inherently difficult about the 
extension of such legislation, and the administrative details are capable of 
being satisfactorily worked out. The extension of legislation of this character 
to agricultural workers will become essential if we are to prevent the creation 
of an American peasantry. If for no other reason than considerations affecting 
national security and national defense, it is imperative that the Uving and 
working conditions of this large segment of American population be protected 
by adequate safeguards. 

In closing this statement I should like to quote again a passage from the 
report of the President's Committee on Fann Tenancy, which I quoted to the 
La Follette committee. The committee said that it observefl with deep concern 
"an increasing tendency for the rungs of the agricultural ladder to become bars» 
forcing imprisonment in a fixed social status from which it is increasingly 
difficult to escape * * *. Should the rungs of the agricultural ladder becom© 
rigid between classes, an American ideal would be lost. In a community of 
rigid groups, normal democratic processes are unable to function." 

I don't know wlietlier those recommendations have covered any 
further questions or not, but I thought I would read them again to see 
if they might elicit any questions. 

The Chairman. I want to say to you, Governor, this: That you 
certainly have made a very valuable contribution to the work of this 
committee, and undoubtedly it will find high place in the final con- 
sideration that this committee gives to it. And we appreciate very 
much that you took the time to come here and give us your views 
and reconnnendations. Thank you. 

Governor Olson. Thank you. And, Mr. Chairman, let me say this 
before leaving : That if there is anything further we can do to facili- 
tate your work in this State or in your movements to any part of the 
State, we would like to do for this connnittee what we have done for 
any and all investigating committees that have come from the Con- 
gress to California, furnish you every possible aid and assistance, 
and if there is anything that is not contained in our report to you 
that our State agencies can furnish, do not hesitate to call upon us. 

The Chairman. Thank you, Governor. Thank you very much. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. We will call Mr. Fuller. 

TESTIMONY OF VARDEN FULLER, ACTING LEADER, DIVISION OF 
FARM POPULATION AND RURAL WELFARE, PACIFIC AREA, 
UNITED STATES BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, 
BERKELEY, CALIF. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Fuller, give your full name and official title 
to the reporter. 

Mr. Fuller. Varden Fuller ; V-a-r-d-e-n F-u-1-l-e-r, associate agri- 
cultural economist, United States Bureau of Agricultural Economics. 

Mr. Sparkman. At Berkeley? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sparkman. The statement of your summary, conclusions, and 
recommendations will go into the record at this point. 

(The statement submitted by Mr. Fuller is as follows:) 



t 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2255 

STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY VARDEN FULLER, ASSOCIATE AGRICUL- 
TURAL ECONOMIST, UNITED STATES BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL 
ECONOMICS, BERKELEY, CALIF. 

Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations 

In 193S, tlie Bureau of Agricultural Economics, and the Farm Security Ad- 
jiiinistratiuu, in cooperation with the several State agricultural colleges under- 
took a broad investigation of recent migration to the Pacific coast. This 
investigation was directed toward detei-mining the size and characteristics of 
the recent inward movement of population and tcnA'ard an appraisal of some of 
the principal types of resettlement as they occurred within agriculture. As a 
means of investigating total in movement, questionnaires were obtained from 
pupils in the public schools whose parents or guardians had moved into the 
particular State after the 1st of January 1930. California, Washington, Oregon, 
Idaho, and Arizona wei'e all covered on a state-wide basis in the investigation. 
'These questionnaires supplied information concerning occupations, places of 
origin, and other similar data. In order to secure the more detailed information 
required to appraise the various types of resettlement within agriculture, field 
studies were conducted in sample areas. Field studies were made of farm 
settlement in the cut-over areas of Northern Idaho and Western Washington, 
on newly irrigated land in Eastern Oregon, and of settlement as farm laborers 
in California and the Yakima Valley of Washington. In addition, the Bureau 
-of Agricultural Economics has been collaborating with the Pacific Northwest 
Regional Planning Commission in the development of an inventory of land- 
<levek)pment possibilities in the Pacific Northwest. 

INVESTIGATION NOT LIMITED TO THE DESTITUTE 

Although a considerable proportion of the population brought under this 
analysis might well be classified as destitute at the time of their migration, no 
attempt has here been made to identify it. Justification for not endeavoring 
to identify and segregate the destitute lies partly in the essential imprecision 
•of the nxeaning of destitution. Destitution can be only a matter of degree 
.and no major migration ever carries with it a majority of people capable, 
by reason of financial reserves, to exist long without recourse to their own 
productivity in the new economic environment. Ultimately, the characteristic 
of destitution must attach even more significantly to the economic resources 
of the environment in which the migration occurs than to the people involved 
In the migration. 

SIZE AND NATURE OF THE MIGRATION TO PACIFIC AREAS, 1030-39 

Total population movement into the Pacific States during 1930-39 has been 
found to be smaller than that of the preceding decade. California received 
slightly more than one-half as many people as during the prece<ling decade, 
while Washington, Oregon, and Idaho received approximately the same numbers 
in both decades. 

Although the principal movement of i)opulation in the Pacific States has 
been inward, there has nevertheless been some out-movement. When those 
leaving are set otf against the new aiTivals, it is found that net migration 
during 1930-39 had added population to the various States approximately as 
follows : California, 19.4 percent ; Washington, 7.8 percent ; Oregon, 11.4 percent ; 
Idaho, 6.6 percent ; Arizona, 7.1 percent. 

People niiiving to the Pacific coast during the 1930's have come from all areas 
of the United States. They have come from all occupations and from all social 
and economic groups. Although the popular impression appears to have been 
that it was principally displaced farm people who were moving, findings of this 
survey indicate tliat those formerly engaged in agriculture constituted only a 
fraction of the total. Of all people moving into California, only one-fifth had been 
farmers or farm laborers prior to migration. For the Pacific Northwest and foil 
Arizona the comparable proportion was approximately one-third. The skilled, 
semiskilled, and unskilled workers of nonagricultural industry and those formerly 
occui>ied in the trades and professions have all formed important sectors of the 
imigrating population. 



2256 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Actually nonagricultural groups from all States exc<'pt Oklahoma were over- 
proportioually drawn upon in the migration to California. That is to say that, 
with the exception of Oklahoma, farmers and farm laborers tended to remain 
behind, while many nonagricultural groups tended to move in greater proportions, 
than they represented in the 1930 population of the various States. 

On the whole, the movement was purposive. The people generally appeared to- 
have a fairly definite idea of their destination ; they moved directly and without 
any considerable aimless wandering. The great majority of migrating families- 
proceeded immediately to a particular county and have remained there con- 
tinuously. 

There was a marked tendency for migi-ating people to move directly westward — 
those arriving in the Northwest came principally from the North Plains States ; 
those arriving in California and Arizona came principally from the South Plains'. 
This tendency to move along parallels was much more marked in the case of the 
people formerly engaged in agriculture and much less true of the nonagricultural 
group. The latter came largely from the principal population centers and those 
arriving in each particular State came from all parts of the Nation. 

When all five States — Oregon, Washington, Idaho, California, and Arizona — 
are considered together, the role of the South Plains States as the principal area 
of origin becomes sharply defined. This is one respect in which the migration of 
the 1930's appears to differ from that of earlier decades, for prior to 1930 migra- 
tion to the Pacific coast appears to have been principally from the North Plains, 
the Midwest, and the Atlantic coast. 

The arrival of migrants was not evenly spaced over the decade. During the 
latter half of the decade the rate of arrival was two to three times the rate of 
1930-40. Severe droughts and prolonged depression were probably the two 
factors encouraging an increased rate in the latter half of the decade. 

ASPECTS OF NORMALITY AND ABNORMAUTY 

To sum up the characteristics of the migration, it can be said that thi.s phe- 
nomenon was not abnormal in the following respects: (1) It was not unprece- 
dentedly large ; (2) it was not selected from any particular occupational, social, or 
economic group or any single area ; (3) the movement was not an aimless wander- 
ing but rather the purposive endeavor of seeking reestablishment in a new eco- 
nomic environment. The respects in which the migration, as summarized thus far, 
could be said to be somewhat abnormal are these: (1) The South Plains States 
contributed a larger proportion of the people than heretofore; (2) the movement 
was concentrated in the latter half of the decade; and (3) uneven distribution of 
newcomers resulted in large additions to some communities and negligible addi- 
tions to others. 

Tlie most significant aspect of abnormality not yet summarized relates to the 
nature of the economic environment in which the migration took place. Prior to 
1930, people seeking new homes in the Pacific area moved into a generally hospi- 
table environment of undeveloped farm land and expanding industiy. In contrast, 
neither the opportunity to develop farms nor the chance of securing nonagricul- 
tural employment were generally as attractive as compared with earlier years. 
Nevertheless, people have continued to come, largely because of the expulsive force 
of contracting economic opportunity elsewhere. 

There appears little doubt but that it has been the inhospitality of the economic 
environment which, more clearly than any other characteristic, distinguishes the 
migration of the 1930's from tliat of any other recent period. While the process 
of migration and adjustment may always have involved some immediate hardship, 
the promise of ultimate return, for the majority of people migrating prior to 1980, 
was much more favorable. 

In the absence of a favorable structure of economic opportunity, offering abun- 
dant cheap land for the development of farms or employment in nonagricultural 
industries, recent migrants to the Pacific States have had to fit themselves into 
certain available openings which offered very small returns. This is especially 
true of those who have arrived without either capital accumulation or occupational 
training which was in demand. 

As regards agriculture, the principal opportunities to acquire cheap lands were 
in the cut-over areas of the Northwest and in certain reclamation projects. The 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2257 

other opportunity in agriculture was to work as hired laborers on farms in the 
areas of intensive cultivation where seasonal labor demand was relatively great. 
Some migrants have, of course, come with sufficient capital to purchase or rent 
existing farms or new farms created by the subdivision of already developed farm 
land. 

EIXPEKIENCE OF SETTLERS ON NEWLY IRHIGATED LANDS 

Among the more important reclamation developments of the past decade are the 
Vale and Owyhee irrigation projects of Malheur County, Oreg., where more than 
1,000 new farms have been established since 1930. More than 700 of these were 
started in the 3 years 1936, 1937, and 1938. 

Family farm income in 1938 for labor and interest on investment averaged only 
$130 for settlers studied who had been on their farms one crop year but income 
increased rapidly with length of settlement to about $1,300 for farms in operation 
more than 5 years. Irrigation construction charges, when assessed, will be a de- 
duction from this income. More crop acres, larger livestock numbers, increased 
intensity of production, and improved production facilities are factors accounting 
for this increase in income with added length of settlement. 

Most settlers are making substantial financial progress, although living condi- 
tions often have been poor and most settlers have been hard pressed for cash. 
Financial progress has been largely in terms of improvements to land, buildings, 
and equipment. Cash and liquid assets at the end of 1938 were much less than at 
the time of settlement. Net worth at time of settlement wa^ $1,565 for those set- 
tlers who because of a shortage of capital became Farm Security Administration 
clients, and $3,188 for other settlers. Financial progress was slow during early 
years of settlement but f(jr those farm studies that were settled 5 years or more, 
net worths of operators had increased $5,800 through farm incomes, development 
of land and buildings, and some off-farm income. 

Cash or credit requirements for farm investment and family living were large 
the first few years. About one-half of all settlers borrowed from the Farm Security 
Administration, the average loan being over $1,000. Most of this loan was needed 
the first year of settlement. Not until the farms had been operating 5 years or 
more have most settlers been able to make substantial repayment of loans. 

Credit extended to new settlers should be in suflicient amounts to provide an 
adequate productive unit as soon as possible after settlement ; should be made 
available when needed, largely the first year of settlement; and repayment 
should be based on probable income year by year, which means little if any 
repayment the first 5 years after settlement. 

Proper type sizes of farms to be developed on new reclamation areas are 
important considerations in providing adequate incomes to settlers. A 40-acre 
farm of good quality soil and level land operated intensively is probably the 
smallest size farm that will support a family on new reclamation areas. With 
general crop and livestock systems that are likely to prevail in newly irrigated 
areas the average size farm should probably be 70 or 80 acres in order to 
provide an adequate income to farm families. 

Land and water policies should be designed to discourage speculation in 
land and to encourage subdivision and use of land in a manner that will pro- 
vide for adequate incomes to settlers and maintain their resources. 

Special assistance to new settlers in the form of extension education in irri- 
gation and management practices on new lands should be provided. Organiza- 
tion of the new farm and lay-out of irrigation systems is beyond the experience 
and ability of many settlers, particularly those from nonirrigated sections of 
the country. 

While delivery of water to arid lands, with construction costs repaid over a 
long period of years at no interest, has provided opportunities to settlers, pres- 
ent conditions appear to warrant expansion of assistance, particularly during 
the early years of settlement. Extension of development credit to needy set- 
tlers, prevention of speculation and improper land and water use, and closer 
supervision of the development process, should protect both the settlers' and the 
Government's investment in reclamation developments, and insure greater 
opportunities for misplaced agricultural population. 



2258 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

EXPERIENCE OF SETTLERS ON CUT^OVER LANDS 

Settlement of cut-over lands in nortliern Idaho and western Washington has 
been extensive since 1929, with most settlers obtaining practically undeveloped 
tracts of land. Progress in land clearing and development has been very slow. 
The average rate of clearing of those settlers studied was 1.7 acres per farm 
.annually in northern Idaho and about one-half acre per farm in western Wash- 
ington. In 1939 the settlers had only 16 acres of cleared land per farm in 
northern Idaho and 9 acres per farm in western Washington. 

Income from the farm was closely associated with the number of acres 
cleared and the number of farm livestock. Where the settler was able to pur- 
chase or clear an appreciable acreage of cultivable land and stock the farm 
with livestock, he has been able to make sufficient income from the farm to be 
Jess dependent on outside sources of income than the settlers with only a few 
acres of cleared land and few livestock. The majority of settlers, however, 
receive insufficient income from their farms to support their families and are 
therefore dependent on off -farm sources of income. About one-fifth of the set- 
tlers in northern Idaho and half of those in western Washington received vary- 
ing amounts of relief and other forms of public assistance. There was a close 
relationship between amount of farm development and dependence upon relief 
assistance Only a few operators of farms developed sufficiently to provide 100 
or more days of productive farm work to the operator had received public 

iiSsist&IlCG 

On the whole, the settlers have improved their financial position during their 
period of settlement. The average annual increase per family in net worth has 
been in the neighborhood of $200, represented chiefly by equity in their farms 
and the improvements that they had made. While making this financial 
advancement, however, the settlers in both areas have been able to afford only 
a very meager scale of living, going without many things generally regarded as 
part of the accepted standard of living in the area. 

Opportunities for off-farm employment in both western Washington and north- 
ern Idaho will probably decrease rather than increase in the future because of 
the decline in the lumber industry. This emphasizes the need for public assist- 
ance in land clearing by financing of newly developed low-cost clearing with 
power machinery in order that the settlers may increase their acreages of cleared 
land to the point where their farms will produce at least a minimum living. This 
effort should permit of substitution of farm income for income now received 
from public relief assistance. 

Alternatives that might be used for advancing assistance in land clearing 
arte the following: (1) cooperative clearing associations with the cost of the 
equipment advanced in whole or in part by public credit agencies such as the Farm 
Security Administration, supplemented by loans to individuals for cash costs 
■of clearing on individual farms; (2) publicly owned clearing machinery with 
individual clearing jobs done on a contract or hourly rate basis and public 
loans to individuals for cash clearing costs; (3) clearing of large blocks of land 
l)y a public agencv with sale to settlers on a long-term contract at low interest 
rates, similar to the plan followed in developing irrigation reclamation projects. 

Much of the settlement on cut-over land has been on soils that are unsuited 
to cultivation and it is therefore doomed to failure. Public guidance and assist- 
ance in selection of land for clearing should be provided and control should be 
exercised to prevent settlement and clearing of unsuitable land. 

POTENTL\.L OPPORTITNITIES FOR LAND SETTLEMENT 

Potential opportunities for land settlement in the western States are limited 
to: (1) existing farms; (2) new farms created by subdivision of existing farms; 
and (3) new farms made possible by development of new cultivable land through 
irrigation, drainage, or clearing. 

Considerable subdivision of farms has taken place in recent years. In some 
areas this has resulted in the creation of a large number of farms too small to 
-support an average family at a reasonably adequate standard of living. It 
appears that public policy "should be directed toward the accomplishment of all 
feasible development of new land to provide farms of adequate size before en- 
-couraging further subdivision of farms with its attendant danger of lowered 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2259 

planes of living There are, however, a limited number of very large farms 
that could be subdivided to provide a larger number of family-sized farms 

From the national standpoint, such limited data as there are indicate that 
development of all land potentially suitable for cultivation may fail to keep pace 
wiCh the increase in population and the erosion and the depletion of present 

cultivated lands. ^ ^^-,1^1 1 

A preliminary and necessarily incomplete summary of potential land develop- 
ment opportunities in the Pacific Northwest from studies that are now in prog- 
ress indicates that something over three and one-half million acres of land not 
now in cultivation would be suitable for cultivation following development by 
irrio-ation drainage, or clearing. It is estimated, however, that perhaps three 
milfion acres should be retired from present cultivation because it is not suitable 
for sustained cultivation even under the best soil conserving practices. This 
leaves an ultimate net gain of from one-half to one million acres in land suitable 
for continued cultivation in the three Pacific Northwest States. Desirability of 
earlv development of all suitable agricultural land is Indicated m order that 
submarginal lands mav be retired from cultivation before they are entirely de- 
stroved by erosion, and to provide farms for as many as possible of the migrants 
to the region who have been forced to abandon farms in other parts of the country. 

SITUATION OF THOSE EMPLOYED ON FARMS 

The opportunity for the greatest number of people to get into agricultural 
work without capital or even much experience has been in the capacity of 
hired laborers in the casual and seasonal work of the intensive farming areas. 
The Salt River Valley of Arizona, the Sacramento, San Joaquin, Imperial, and 
Salinas Vallevs of California, the Willamette Valley of Oregon, the Yakima 
Valley of Washington, and the Snake River Valley of Idaho have all drawn 
large* numbers of migrants into agricultural labor. 

Studies of the situation of migrants relocated as agricultural laborers have 
been made in California and in Yakima, Wash. Prior to 1930, seasonal labor 
demands in both these areas were met largely by migratory workers. The 
newly arrived workers, however, indicate a marked propensity to establish per- 
manent homes. In the absence of available housing within their means, they 
have bought cheap building lots and have improvised housing on them. The 
result is the numerous and rapidly growing shacktowns which are to be found 
in all important intensive farming areas. While these new shacktowns signify 
a commendable determination to settle down and establish homes, they are 
nevertheless leading toward a serious rural slum problem. 

Approximatelv one-fifth of the newly arrived agricultural laborers have been 
able to obtain 'permanent jobs. The great majority, however, are dependent 
upon temporarv jobs in the harvest season and other casual work. Such work — 
in the production and harvest of fruits, vegetables, sugar beets, cotton, potatoes, 
etc.— i-equires little skill or experience. Hence, women and children are fre- 
quently employed along with the mature males of the family. Because of 
short seasons, all members of the family are generally not able to work enough 
to achieve the equivalent of one fully employed worker. As may be expected, 
employment, and hence earnings, are highly seasonal, with the busy season 
coming through the summer and fall. Unfortunately, agricultural laborers 
appear not to be able to obtain much nonagricultural employment during the 
slack agricultural season. 

Average earnings per day for all workers vary from area to area, but are 
usually within the range of $1.75 to $2.50. Since most agricultural laborer 
families have, in recent years, obtained a total of 200 to 250 man-days of 
employment, it is evident that their annual earnings usually range between 
$4()0 and $600. AVith so low an annual earning and with a long slack season, 
it is to be expected that the majority of families would be forced to sefek public 
assistance. 

Public assistance has been found to be an important factor in the economic 
life of recent agricultural laborer families. In both the Yakima and the 
California studies, it was found that approximately two-thirds of the families 
received public aid but that only about one-eighth of farm laborer families' 
income was from this source. 



260370— 41— pt. 6- 



2260 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Cash earnings are further augmented by subsistence production and through 
the receipt of perquisites from employers. The latter is generally of little 
consequence, but in a few areas home production contributes substantially 
to family living. Lack of water, poor soil, and insufficient space stand in the 
way of home production becoming more generalized. 

Migrants employed as farm laborers have made but little financial pi'ogress 
since resettlement. The majority had practically nothing upon arrival ; what 
little they have gained is now tied up almost entirely in equities in cheap lots 
and shackhouses. 

Optimism regarding the economic future of migrants resettled as agricultural 
laborers could easily be overextended. It is true that the economic status 
of the casual farm laborer could be materially improved if there should occur 
a sufficient economic expansion to draw away the great surplus in farm labor 
supply. This would enable the remaining farm laborers to receive a greater 
number of annual man-days employment and possibly also an improvement in 
wage rates. Although the majority of migrants now engaged in farm labor 
indicate considerable tendency toward maintaining stability, there is little ques- 
tion but that a material change in alternative employment opportunities would 
attract many away. 

However, the present pattern of agriculture in most intensive farming areas on 
the Pacific coast is such that the majority of laborers could not l)e fully employed 
even though all surplus of labor supply were removed. Moreover, agricultural 
labor has traditionally occupied the residual category in the national occupational 
structure. Hence, those who are regularly occupied as agricultural laborers 
(particularly at casual and seasonal jobs) are constantly vulnerable to comi)eti- 
tion from the unemployed of all industries. 

This being the structure of economic opportunity for agricultural laborers, it 
would appear unquestionable that all programs, such as social security, should 
be examined as regards their applicability to agricultural laborers. Likewise 
the administration of public assistance should be carefully examined with regard 
to a more definite relationship to agricultural employment. In addition, it would 
appear desirable that educational assistance, with a view to training eligible 
members of agricultural lalxirer families for an occupational skill more in 
demand, should be thoroughly examined. 

Some endeavor is now being directed toward improvements in housing and 
toward the provision of free medical assistance. It seems clear that a further 
extension of these programs is consistent with total national welfare. 

BBXATIONSHIP OF MIGRATION TO CHANGES IN PUBLIC EXPENDITURES 

The fact that destitute migrants have, in many cases, been forced to resort 
to some form of public assistance in order to supplement their meager and wholly 
inadequate incomes has led to a tendency on the part of some citizens to look upon 
these newcomers as a distinct group and to see in their arrival a major explana- 
tion of the recent increases in the expenditures of local government. 

The population of Yuba County increased from 11,331 in 1930 to 16,998 in 1940. 
an increase of 50 percent. The Bureau of Agricultural Economics has estimated 
that migration into the county from outside of California between 1930 and 1939 
amounted to 3,700 persons, and 68 ijercent arrived during the last 6 years. There 
is, of course, some basis for the presumption that many of this latter group were 
in need of, and became objects of, public assistance. 

While total public expenditures in 1939-40 were slightly higher than in 1929-30, 
the curve of annual total expenditures shows the typical sharp decline and sub- 
sequent rise that we expect to find during a period of business depression, and 
much of the increase since 1933-34 is, therefore, simply a return to normal spend- 
ing and has little or no relationship to distressed migration. This is particularly 
true of such Budget items as "general government," "highway and bridges," 
"health," "protection to persons and property," and "miscellaneous." 

Certain special items of expenditure, however, did not simply shrink during the 
depth of the depression and increase with recovery but, rather, expanded steadily 
throughout the entire decade and are still growing rapidly. This is particularly 
characteristic of the welfare expenditures. Much of the increase in welfare 
costs must be attributed to the circumstances that prevail during a period of 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2261 

general unemploymeut and to a growing consciousness that care of the helpless 
and destitute is a public responsibility. An extremely important factor has been 
the stimulation of Federal grants-in-aid under the social-security program. 

The item of county hospital and physician shows a substantial increase, and 
closer examination reveals that this is due to a complete change in the function 
of the county hospital from a home for destitute elderly men to an agency pro- 
viding complete medical service to needy individuals. This change has been 
hastened by the depression, which has increased the number of destitute people, 
long-time county residents as well as distressed newcomers. 

A very substantial increase in the use of the facilities of the county hospital by 
persons who had been in the county but a few years was definitely established. 
This, and the fact that the county hospital is supported entirely by local funds, 
lead to the conclusions that in this item of expenditures we have one of the 
clearest examples of the effects of the arrival in the county of distressed migrants 
on local public finances and welfare facilities. 

Aid to needy children has increased greatly, due almost entirely to the stimula- 
tion of grants from the Federal Government. The absolute contribution of local 
funds remains very small. The item of county welfare, involving the care of 
unemployables, ha.s increased considerably in relative terms, but the absolute 
Increase"^ in the local contribution is not large enough to warrant detailed 
examination. ^ , . ^ i, 

Costs for aid to the needy aged show the most spectacular mcrease of all 
county functions. The .5-year residence requirement has, however, prevented 
recent distressed migrants from having any appreciable effect on this item of 

exx)ense. ,. „ , i. ti • 

Expenditures and case load in unemployment relief have gone up steadily in 
Yuba County since the program was first organized, but especially in the last 
few years of the period under study. There is reason to believe that the increase 
has been influenced by distressed migration, although it would be virtually im- 
possible to isolate the effect of this factor from the many other more important 
ones However, in California this burden is borne almost entirely by the State 
and Federal Governments so that local governments have not had to face this 
problem and have been affected only indirectly. , . ^ y. 

Throughout the decade expenditures for maintenance and operation of Yuba 
County's educational system have remained very uniform. There has been a 
sharp increase in capital outlay in the last 2 years due primarily to— 

(a) Catching up with capital outlay neglected during the depression, particu- 
larly in the case of the high schools. 

(b) The building of a new junior college. . 

(c) Extraordinary capital outlay in two elementary districts in which migra- 
tion has been heavy. (Linda and Ella.) .... 

Onlv this last-mentioned factor can be directly associated with recent migration. 

As a result of additional capital outlay for schools necessitated by migration, 
owners of agricultural land in the Linda and Ella school districts have had to 
carry an added burden in the form o-f a higher tax rate unaccompanied by any 
manifest benefits. On the other hand, the migrants who have settled in thes<^ 
areas have themselves become substantial taxpayers, not only m the form ot 
sales taxes, but also by virtue of their ownership of land purchased at excessive 
prices in the subdivided districts south of Marysville. , ^ , 

In conclusion, local government costs in Yuba County have increased sharply 
in recent years due primarily to a return to normal si^endmg following a busi- 
ness depression and to the acceptance of certain new responsibilities by all 
levels of government. „ , . ■, 

In many cases, distressed migrants, as victims of the business depress on, 
have temporarily become objects of public assistance but in no case can they 
be said to have'caused a serious problem in local government finance because 

(a) they are themselves important contributors of State and local taxes, aul 

(b) all welfare activities, with the important exception of the county hospital, 
are financed largely by the State and Federal Governments. 

CONSIDERATIONS FOB NATIONAL MIGRATION POLICY 

Migration to the far West during the thirties cannot be evaluated apart 
from the interests of national welfare ; it is therefore essential to consider three 



2262 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

aspects: (1) The effect of migration on the migrants themselves, (2) the effect 
of the migration on the economy of the far West, and (3) the effect on the 
welfare of the Nation as a whole. 

There is evidence that tlie far West has continued throughout the thirties to 
offer greater income opportunities than were available in the areas from which 
the majority of the migrants have come. Since the majority of the new- 
comers show every indication of remaining in the far West, the implication 
clearly is that a more hospitable economic environment has been found. 

Although the migration of 1930-39 took place in a decade of depression and 
unemployment, when there were few opportunities either for employment or to 
develop new farms, the reduced level of opportunity in the far West was never- 
theless superior to that in the principal place of origin. Therefore, for the 
migrating population and for the national welfare, the migration can be 
j'egarded as generally beneficial. 

The relative economic position of the far West, with respect to the Nation, has 
tept pace with the expansion of population. The per capita income position 
has been maintained in its advantaged position, relative to the rest of the 
United States, throughout the decade 1930-39. This may well suggest that the 
continued economic development of the far West may be partly dependent on 
additional migration to this area. 

Evidence from the migration survey points to the fact that there is no general 
migrant problem. Certain localities have experienced extraordinary population 
increases and concurrent unexpected strains on community facilities. At the same 
time, other localities — those of contracting opportunity — face burdens they can 
ill afford because of the reluctance of people to move. It is, however, the prob- 
lems of the migrants themselves which demand national and State attention. 
Migration unguided or unaided by any national or State policy, even to an area 
of relative advantage, has resulted in the creation of new slums ; in resettlement 
in some areas offering little prospects for the future ; in the creation of new farms 
far from markets, and, in some cases, on land which national efforts towai'd soil 
conservation and flood control would condemn as imdesirable. For some, migra- 
tion has been followed by a nomadic life in the West as families continuously 
follow crop harvests over vast areas. 

Some of these maladjustments in resettlement will surely involve heavy social 
costs sometime in the future. Ultimately, there is little question but that the 
costs of correcting maladjustments will greatly exceed the present cost of dealing 
with the problems of the migrants as they appear or as they can be anticipated. 

TESTIMONY OF VARDEN FULLEE— Resumed 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Fuller, I have read your presentation with 
much interest, and it seems to me to be packed with valuable infor- 
mation. The entire paper is a part of our record, and I shall not ask 
you to go over the entire paper. But I do have a few questions noted 
here which I would like to ask you. How does the westward migra- 
tion to the west coast in the thirties compare with migration during 
earlier years? *: 

Mr. Fuller. Well, the westward migration to the coast in the past 
decade through the thirties has been relatively smaller than in some of 
the previous decades, particularly as compared with the migration 
during the twenties. 

For instance, we had coming into California during the twenties 
approximately 2,000,000 people, whereas during the thirties we esti- 
mate approximately 1,200,000 people moving into California. 

OCCLTPATTONS REPRESENTED BY MIGRANTS INTO CALIFORNIA 

Mr. Sparkman. Wliat occupations are represented among those 
coming into California ? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2263 

Mr. Fuller. All occupations are represented. The occupational 
structure of the people coming west corresponds very closely to the 
occupations that are represented in the entire population and witliin 
the particular States from which the people are coming. They are 
also represented in about the same proportion. 

Mr. Sparkman. There is one thing that I noticed from your state- 
ment which was of much interest to me. A great many people think 
that the vast majority of these people coming out here are agricultural 
workers, either farm owners or farm tenants or farm laborers. I 
believe your statement shows that that is not true? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes; that is not true. Approximately 22 percent of 
the people moving into California having been formerly engaged in 
agriculture. 

Mr. Sparkman. Less than one-fourth? 

Mr. Fuller. Less than one-fourth ; that's right. 

Mr. Curtis. May I ask a question at that point? 

Mr. Fuller. Surely, 

Mr. Curtis. You are confining that to actual farmers, either as 
owners, farm hands, or tenants, are you ? 

Mr. Fuller. And sharecroppers. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. He said "and farm laborers." 

Mr. Curtis. What percent come from farming communities where 
the whole source of original income for that community is agriculture? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, a much larger proportion, of course, than 22 per- 
cent, or less than one-quarter of the figure we just mentioned. 

Mr. Curtis. Approximately ? 

Mr. Fuller. I am sorry I can't give a very accurate statement of 
that. It is large, and it probably runs up to 30 or 40 percent in many 
areas. I might call your attention to the map ^ which I have here, 
indicating a very large proportion of the people coming to California 
from Oklahoma and from neighboring Great Plains States. 

Now, then, many of those people coming from there — this map here 
indicates the former locations, that is, the residences in 1930 of the 
people who were engaged in agriculture before coming to California. 
And you will notice a very extreme concentration here in Oklahoma 
and in Arkansas and other Great Plains States [indicating] . Whereas, 
the others are scattered over a pretty wide area. 

Mr. ToLAN. Wait a minute, Mr. Fuller. Is that map not identified 
in any way ? 

I suggest, Mr. Keporter, that you mark it as an exhibit. 

Mr. Fuller. Congressman Tolan, may I interrupt? The Bureau 
has been asked to present documentary testimony, and if I could I 
would rather not submit this for the record because the other will be 
explained. 

Mr. ToLAN. Go right ahead. 



1 See supplemental report by staff of Bureau of Agricultural Economics, p. 2282, 



2264 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Fuller. In answer to that question, I think the best I can do at 
this moment is to show that the former farmers and farm laborers, 
those people engaged in agriculture, were pretty well concentrated in 
essentially farm communities. 

Mr. ToLAN. Name the States. 

Mr. FuLi.ER. Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska, 
North and South Dakota. 

Mr. ToLAN. Are those the Great Plains States? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes. These States through here [indicating] would 
be identified as the southern Great Plains States. These States ex- 
tending over through Montana and Wyoming would ordinarily be 
identified as the northern Great Plains State [indicating]. 

Mr. Curtis. To make my question a little more clear — we don't 
want this record to give a wrong impression — in the northern Great 
Plains, particularly, there is little manufacturing, and there is ab- 
sence of many lines of occupation, no commerce to speak of. When 
we say that we have an influx of so many barbers, and so many 
plasterers, and so many paperhangers, and so many doctors that 
means that we have barbers, and paperhangers, and plasterers, and 
doctors who have been caring for the needs of farmers back in their 
former homes? 

Mr. Fuller. That's right. 

Mr. Curtis. And you still think that that woidcl only raise it up 
to about 30 percent? 

Mr. Fltller. It probably would not raise it very far above 30 
percent. 

Let me indicate what I have on the second map here which will 
show the nonagricultural people, those people formerly engaged in 
industry other than agriculture, who move to California, come from 
other areas, or other farming communities. 

We have them concentrated around the manufacturing and pop- 
ulation centers of the Eastern States as well as down in Oklahoma 
and the southern Plains States, where the agricultural population 
is also concerned. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you have that map broken down as to retired 
people and people who are bringing wealth into the State ? 

Mr. Fuller. I am sorry, I do not. However, that proportion of 
retired people is not very large. We do have in our studies a com- 
plete break-down of those folks. However, we don't know anything 
about their financial set-up when they come into the State, whether 
they are prepared to retire or not. 

But you will notice there has been very heavy migration into 
California from population centers where agriculture has not been 
the sole economic means of support. 

Mr. Curtis. Have those people arrived in California as destitute 
people ? 

Mr. Fuller. No; these people are all people representative of all 
people moving to California and are not necessarily destitute. It 
is veiy difficult as a research technique to be able to identify those 
people who are destitute. 



I 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2265 

Mr. Curtis. Now, you have a lot of people coming from the Lower 
Great Lakes area? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes [indicating map]. (See p. 2283.) 

Mr. Curtis. Have those people been any great burden upon relief 
loads in California? 

Mr. Fuller. As a whole, I would say that they have not been. 
Many of them have come to California and been al)le to be absorbed 
in the nonagricultural industries of California in full time, in fairly 
well-paying jobs, and I think are just filling out or continuing the 
normal process of migration which has been taking place to the 
Pacific Coast States through their entire history. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, now, this committee is confining its study en- 
tirely to interstate migration of destitute persons. It is perhaps 
true, then, that the migration of destitute persons into California has 
not followed the same pattern as your general immigration; has it? 

Mr. Fuller. On the whole, the people who might be termed "des- 
titute," that is, those people who find it difficult to become absorbed 
in California, have probably come from these areas, and are prob- 
ably agricultural people. 

Mr. Curtis. By "these areas" you mean what? 

Mr. Fuller. These southern Great Plains areas. 

Mr. Curtis. And northern? 

Mr. Fuller. And northern. 

Mr. Sparkman. Among these people coming out, Mr. Fuller, are 
there any skilled workers? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes; they are skilled workers. For instance, from 
the southern Great Plains we have lots of former oil workers. We 
have people who have developed skills in manufacturing industrj' 
coming around from the Great Plains area and in from Ohio and 
Iowa. 

Mr. Sparkman. There is a great defense program being carried on 
in California, particularly in the aviation industry. Are many of 
them absorbed in that, or are many of them capable of being absorbed? 

Mr. Fuller. I think many of them are being absorbed and many 
moi*e of them are capable of being absorbed. One indication of that 
is a very large proportion of the recent migrants into California have 
located in the vicinity of Los Angeles and been absorbed there in 
manufacturing industries which have been expanding. 

Mr. Sparkman. Have you made a study — I know you have, because 
it is included in your report here — as to how long these people moving 
into California remain migrants? 

Mr. Fuller, On the whole, they remain migrants a very short time. 
Our studies indicate that the people move, sj)end a very short time in 
transit, and the majority of them proceed directly to a county, or a 
community within a county, and remain there continuously. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do most of them start out with a definite place in 
mind ? 

Mr. Fuller. On the whole, I would say that they do; that is, the 
majority of them probably have a fairly definite destination in mind. 



2266 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

based on information which they have been able to get from their 
friends, from what reading they are able to pick up on that subject, 
principally from friends and relatives who have been formerly estab- 
lished here in California or in other Western States. 

Mr. Sparkiman. I was just going to ask you : Your studies have not 
been limited to California? You have covered the entire State of 
California and the Northwest, also? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes. We covered Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Cali^ 
fornia and Arizona. You might be interested in 

MIGRATION TO CUT-OVER AREA 

Mr. Sparkman (interposing). Do the cut-over lands attract many 
of the families? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes. They attract quite a number of migrant fami- 
lies — those, incidentally, are more destitute in the sense that they 
don't have a large financial reserve and who have no particular skills 
and who would like to remain on farm units with part-time employ- 
ment. Many of them are attracted into cut-over lands in northern 
Idaho, western Washington, and other areas up through Montana, 
although we do not have these studies up in that area. 

Mr. Sparkman. How rapidly can a family develop a cut-over farm ? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, families of the type who go in there — and, inci- 
dentally, I should say that there are other people than migrants who 
go in there, unemploved from the metropolitan industries along the 
coast — the type of families who go in there ordinarily are rather 
destitute in the sense that they have not much propertv to start a 
farm, and they have not much of a financial reserve. They are de- 
pendent upon rather crude methods to remove stumps from that cut- 
over land, and hence, not being able to command a better technique, 
and those techniques available, they do not clear very rapidly, ordi- 
narily less than two acres a year. In Washington, for instance, less 
than 1 acre a year, and most of the land is completely uncleared at the 
time they purchase it. So that it takes them on the average more than 
10 years, and apparently it is going to take them longer to bring in 
morp cleared land on the basis of which to achieve significant 
production. 

FARM families IN CALIFORNIA 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Fuller, do these people coming into California 
and the Northwest, generally speaking, follow the same line of work 
when they get out here? In other words, do the agricultural workers 
continue to be agricultural workers and industrial workers continue 
to be industrial workers? 

Mr. Fuller. That is probably true. IVIost of the people are able to 
locate — that is, taking all operations in all industries, most peo])le are 
able to locate in approximately the same or closely related industries 
as they worked in before. However, there is one instance, and that is 
of farmers. Now, the majority of farmers who come west are not able 
to ofet on farms. That is particularly true in Arizona and California. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, now, you mean they cannot get on farms to 
operate themselves. But do they become agricultural laborers? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2267 

Mr. Fuller. They do become agricultural laborers, and there is also 
quite a marked tendency for people who have nonagricultural skills 
and experience to locate in metropolitan centers, such as Los Angeles, 
Spokane, Portland, and over along the coast. 

Mr. Sparkman. To what extent do the women and children of those 
farm families work? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, of the people who are now employed as agricul- 
tural laborers, a fairly large proportion of them, some additional mem- 
bers other than the head of the family work at some time during the 
year. 

AVERAGE FAMILY INCOME FROM AGRICULTURAL EMPLOYMENT 

Mr. Sparkman. What would be the average family income? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, the average family income from agricultural em- 
ployment is around $550 to $600. A 'great number of them receive 
additional earnings from other industries and small amounts from 
public assistance. 

Mr. Sparkman. How would that compare with the family income 
of a family taking over a cut-over farm ? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, as compared with those on cut-over farms, it is 
a little bit higher. That is, the gross cash amount, the amount which 
is available for the family living, is probably comparable in both 
instances, because in the case of those located as agricultural laborers 
in California or Arizona, it is necessary for them to maintain an 
automobile in order to provide transportation for themselves back 
and forth from short-term jobs in the vicinity in which they are 
located. So that that reduces their earnings, and they are approxi- 
mately comparable in both instances, not much more than $500 on the 
average available for a living in either instance. 

Mr. Sparkman. If the income is practically the same, however, the 
family that is developing the stump farm is earning a little more being 
rooted to the soil, is it not ? 

Mr. Fuller. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. And probably its future security is a little greater ? 

Mr. Fuller. Oh, yes. I think that is unquestionably true ; that is, 
the security may be a low one, indeed. But at least they are pretty 
well fastened down there. 

Mr. Sparkman. To what extent are the agricultural workers de- 
pendent upon relief ? 

Mr. Fuller. We have made studies of agricultural workers living 
in some of the new shack towns established through the Sacramento 
and San Joaquin and Salinas Valleys. 

Mr. Sparkman. Let me ask you : You say "new shack towns." Are 
those the migrant camps built by the Farm Security Administration ? 

Mr. Fuller. No. 

Mr. Sparkman. What are those? 

Mr. Fuller. By "shack towns" I mean small communities adjacent 
to older established communities, or sometimes right out in the open 
country, such as jou see depicted in the pictures done by Miss Doro- 
thea Lange. Those are new communities with improvised housing. 

Mr. Sparkman. Are they privately owned and rented to these 
people ? 



2268 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Fuller. For the most part they are owned by the new settlers 
themselves; that is, they are being purchased by them. Other units 
withhi such a community are OAvned and rented. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, now, they make that just kind of an operating 
base ; do they ? Do they work out from there ? 

Mr. FuLLKR. I think the most general technique in recent years is 
to establish that as a base and work within a radius of some 10 or 20 
miles rather than migrate over the wdiole State or over the Western 
States. They will stay in this community and move out 4 or 5 or 10 
miles, as it is required. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Fuller, I take it that you and I are in agreement 
to the effect that a certain amount of migration is necessary and 
desirable ? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, we have always experienced it. It is the means 
by which people are able to move to localities where their economic 
opportunities are better than they were elsewhere. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, has there been an overmigration to this part 
of the country ; in other words, have they come in faster than could be 
conveniently absorbed ? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, I should say not, although the Western States 
during the past decade have not been able to absorb them as rapidly 
as might be desired. The other alternative is for them to stay where 
tliey were, and they would be a problem there, too, because their 
incomes there would be just as low if not lower than they are when 
they come to the Western States. 

Mr. Sparkman. In other words, it has simply shifted the scene of 
the problem ? 

Mr. Fuller. Shifted the scene of the problem which we can safely 
say would exist in the same proportions or even greater proportions, 
probably greater proportions, if they stayed where they were. 

Mr. Sparkman. And it is the mere fact of that shifting from State 
to State that makes it a Federal problem ? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, of course, we are all citizens of the Nation. We 
are all Federal assets as well as Federal problems. These people hap- 
pened to have attention focused upon them. They do constitute 
people who lack opportunities of employment. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Fuller, from your study do you believe that we 
may expect any slowing up of this migration, or w'ill it be accelerated 
or maintained about as it is? 

Mr. Fuller. I would say that that depends pretty largely upon 
what the economic situation is in the next 2 or 3 years. ^If we don't get 
into a war boom, we probably will experience westward migration in 
approximately the same proportion that we have in the past 3 or 4 
years. However, it may not be achieved within the next few years. 
It may never achieve the same level as through the drought years, 
1936 to 1938 ; that is, out of the drought areas. 

Mr. Sparkman. Your statement is primarily a factual one. I won- 
der if you have any recommendations or expressions of opinion that 
you would like to make ? 

Mr. Fuller. Well, I prefer not to. I think Governor Olson has 
represented the interests of California pretty well, and as a Federal 
worker I would not care to make any recommendations at this time. 



i 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2269 

However, I would like to say this : That we would like permission 
to — we have been asked by the staff of the committee to present a much 
longer and more detailed report, and I would like to say that there 
will be in that report some recommendations which have been con- 
sidered by other members of the staff.^ 

(The report referred to is as follows:) 

SUPPLEMENTAL REPORTS SUBMITTED BY THE STAFF OP THE 
BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, UNITED STATES DEPART- 
MENT OF AGRICULTURE, PACIFIC AREA 

OUTLINH 

(a) Summary, conclusions, and recommendations. (See p. 2255 this volume.) 
(6) Volume, and Characteristics of Recent Migration to the Far West, by 

Seymour J. Janow. 
(c) Experience of Settlers on Cut-over Lands in the Pacific Northwest, by Carl 

P. Heisig and H. E. Selby. 
((?) Experience, Situation, and Prospects of Migrants Resettled on Newly Irri- 
gated Lands, by Carl P. Heisig and Marion Clawson. 
(e) Potential Opportunities for Land Settlement, by H. E. Selby and Gilbert G. 

Stamm. 
(/) Employment of Migrants as Hired Laborers in Western Agriculture, by 

Varden Fuller. 
(g) Recent Distressed Migration to California and the Trend of Public E3xpendi- 

tures, Yuba County, Calif., by Frederick Arpke and Harry J. Voth. (Held 

in committee files, not printed. ) 

Volume and Characteristics op Recent Migration to the Fab West 

By Seymour J. Janow, Assistant Agricultural Economist, United States Bureau 
of Agricultural Economics 

FOREWORD 

A study of the general aspects of the migration to California, Arizona, Oregon, 
Washington, and Idaho during the decade 1930-39, was conducted by the Bureau 
of Agricultural Economics of the United States Department of Agricul- 
ture, collaborating with the Farm Security Administration, region XI, of the 
United States Department of Agriculture, and the University of Arizona, with 
the cooperation of the departments of education of the five States. 

In all five States the project was under the direction of Davis McEntire, 
leader. Division of Farm Population and Rural Welfare, Pacific region, of the 
Bureau of Agricultural Economics, United States Department of Agriculture. 

In Oregon, W^ashington, and Idaho the survey was conducted by the Bureau 
of Agricultural Economics, collaborating with the Farm Security Administi'a- 
tion, region XI, George B. Herington, labor relations adviser, in general charge 
for the Farm Security Administration, and with the Oregon, Washington, and 
Idaho State Departments of Education cooperating. The migration survey 
conductetl through the public-school systems of Oregon, Washington, and 
Idaho was supervised by Willard W. Troxell, Division of Land Economics, 
Bureau of Agricultural Economics, and W. Paul ODay, of the Farm Security 
Administration. This report draws heavily from an unpublished manuscript, 
Migration Into the States of the Pacific Northwest, 1930-38, by Willard W. 
Troxell and W. Paul ODay. 

The school survey in California was under the supervision of Seymour J. 
Janow, Division of Farm Population and Rural Welfare, of the Bureau of 
Agricultural Economics, with the cooperation of the California State Depart- 
ment of Education. 



1 See also testimony of H. R. Tolley, Chief, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, in 
Washington, D. C, hearings. 



2270 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

111 Arizona the school survey was under the supervision of Varden Fuller, 
Division of Farm Population and Rural Welfare of the Bureau of A^icultural 
Economics, in collaboration with E. D. Tetreau, of the University of Arizona, 
the Arizona State Department of Education cooperating. This exhibit has 
drawn extensively from an unpublished manuscript. Volume and Characteristics 
of Recent Migration to Arizona, by Varden Fuller and E. D. Tetreau. 

Acknowledgment is made to Elizabeth Fine, of the Bureau of Agricultirral 
Economics staff, who supervised the statistical work, and to Howard Finn, 
Work Projects Administration project supei-visor and statisticiaai, for their 
outstanding services. 

Assistance in the preparation of these materials was furnished by the per 
sonnel of Work Projects Administration, Official Project No. 65-2-08-366. 

SECTION 1. THE MIGRATION SUKVEYS 

The need for adequate information concernhig the migration of the 1930's 
on which broad national and State policies for dealing with migrants could 
be formulated, led several State and Federal agencies under tlie leadership 
of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics to undertake a comprehensive study 
of migration. As a part of the larger study, a survey was made to provide 
measures of the size, origins, the general social and economic characteristics 
and resettlement patterns of the interstate migrants to the Pacific region dur- 
ing the past decade. 

Data for these purposes were obtained through the public school systems of 
California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and Arizona by means of a simple 
questionnaire filled out by school children belonging to families that had moved 
into the particular State since 1929. 

The returned questionnaires were matched into family groups and data on 
the familv have been used as the unit in the tabulation and analysis. This 
sample provides information on 116,000 families in California, 45,000 families 
in the three Pacific Northwest States ' and 13,000 families in Arizona. 

The sole criterion used in this selection of families was entrance into the State 
since 1929. The survey was conducted in all grades of the public-school systems 
of the five States, and only a small proportion of the schools did not participate 
in the study. Included in the survey were families from all sections of the 
Nation representing all economic and social classes. The school surveys were 
designed to secure general information from questions which school pupils could 
easily comprehend. Necessarily, these surveys do not provide detailed analyses 
from" which it is possible to estimate income, to evaluate economic progress, or 
to appraise the special and complex problems incident to resettlement. Specific 
studies, limited in large part to the problems of the agricultural population seek- 
ing resettlement in the West, have been made in selected areas.- Summaries of 
the field studies are presented in other exhibits prepared for the committee by 
the Bureau of Agricultural Economics. 

SECTION 2. PEBJVIOUS MIGRATIONS TO THE FAR WEST 

One of the earliest findings of the sun-ey was that the migration of "drought 
refugees" (distressed agricultural population) to the far West during the 
decade of the 1930's was only a fractional part of the large-scale population 



1 Pacific Northwest States as here used means the States of Oregon, Idaho, and Wash- 

^"2 Detailed field surveys were made in California, Oregon, Washiiigton, and Idaho. These 
surveys were limited to represent the more important situations under which migrant 
families were attempting to resettle in agriculture. Hence, about 20 commiinities were 
studied in the Sacramento, San Joaquin, and Salinas Valleys of California wheie laige 
numbers of recent migrants are engaged in seasonal agricultural labor. Ihe \akima Valley 
in Washington was surveyed as presenting a similar situation. A study in tbe \ aie- 
Owyhee reclamation project in eastern Oregon dealt with settlers on newly irrigated lands 
Other surveys were concerned with the situation of new settlers on the cut-over lands of 
northern Idaho and western Washington. Detailed records were secured from nearly 
2,000 settlers in all of these areas covering employment, income, financial progress, ae- 
pendency, farm organization (where relevant), levels of living, social participation and 
other factors pertinent to an evaluation of the settlers' economic and social situation 
These data were supplemented by interviews with local officials and others familiar with 
the local situation, and by recourse to whatever secondary sources of information were 
available. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2271 

movement to this area, llie "distressed migrant" of recent years cannot 
properly lie understood apart from an analysis of the entire migration of the 
decadef Moreover, westward migration of population in the decade 1930-39 
represents only the latest stage of a continuous movement of population to this 
area which has been going on since the days of the pioneers. 

Historically, the result of westward migration has been a continuous and 
rapid increase in the population and in the economic development of the far 
West. Most of the people who cleared the farms of the Pacific Northwest, who 
brought water to the land in California and Arizona, and who developed the 
commerce and industry of this region were "migrants" to the West. 

In 1930 only one-third of the population in California had been born in 
California; and only 40 percent of the population in Oregon, 36 percent of the 
population in Washington, and 38 percent of the population in Arizona were 
native to these respective States. 

From 380,000 persons in 1860 the population in California increased to 
.5.677,000 in 1930 — a growth of 1500 percent in 70 years. This rate of growth 
was nearly 4 times as rapid as tlie growth of the national population during 
the same period. Only a small part of this rapid increase in population wais 
due to the natural growth of the population — the excess of births over deaths. 
While exact measures of earlier migrations do not exist, it is estimated from 
census data that not less than nine-tenths of the increase in the population of 
California within the 8 decades from 1860 to 1940 has been due to migration.' 

The largest migration to California, both in iiumlier and relative to the 
population already in the State, took place during the decade 1920-29 when more 
than 2.000,000 persons entered the State. The number of persons moving to 
California in the 1920's constituted a larger numerical addition than has been 
made to the population of any State by inteimal migration within any 10-year 
period in American history.^ "Migrants" to California in the 1920's made an 
addition of more than 60 percent to the population in the State at the beginning 
of the decade. 

Between 1870 and 1910 a continuous stream of migration doubled the population 
of the Pacific Northwest, on the average, every 10 years. The rate of growth in 
the Northwest was much slower between 1910 and 1930, averaging but 18 percent 
per decade ( fig. 2 ) . 

In the last 50 years the population of Arizona has been rapidly increased by 
migration from other States. During each of the decades from 1900 to 1919 the 
population in the State increased by two-thirds, and during the 2 decades from 
1920 to 1939 population growth, while greatly diminished from this rate, still 
grew at twice the rate of the national population. 

While the population of most regions of the cotmtry has at some time during 
the past century been increased through the net effects of internal migration, the 
States of the far West for a century have consistently attracted and held popula- 
tion from other States. "By 1930 all the States west of the Mississippi River 
except the three Pacific Coast States (Oregon, Washington, California), Ai'izona. 
and Nevada were losing more people than they were gaining througli migration." ^ 

While commerce and industry were expanding, when fertile lands remained 
unoccupied and additional agricultural population was needed, migration was 
regarded, in the West, as an adjunct to the general prosperity and as necessary 
to the expansion of economic activities. In previous decades there was a fair 
chance that every migrant would find employment and even a welcome in the 
economic and social life of his new community. 

The movement of population to the Pacific region, which has continued since 
1930, has been distinguished from previous westward migrations by occurring 
during a decade of industrial and agricultural depression and widespread unem- 
ployment. In the 1930's newcomers had become conspicuous proportions of the 
depression problems of the State such as relief, unemployment, health costs, hous- 
ing, and many others. The word "migrant" has been used in this decade, not as a 
term of honor describing a latter-day pioneer ; rather, it has become synonymous 
with "indigent," with "drought refugees," with habitual "migratory workers," 
with the "Joads" of the Grapes of Wrath. 



* See appendix V for tbe method of making this estimate. 

* National Resources Committee, The Problems of a Ctianging Population, 19.38, p. 91. 
« Ibid., p. 91. 



2272 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



CALIFORNIA'S POPULATION GROWTH BY DECADES AS 
CAUSED BY NATURAL INCREASE AND MIGRATION 
1860-1940 



7.0 r 



6.5 




1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 

Decade Ending 

*Census dolo incomplete (or 1850 



U.S. Oeporfment o' Aqncultur 



Bureau of Agricultural Econorr 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2273 



In sharp contrast with previous decades, popular attitude toward newcomers 
have been actively hostile in many sections of the Pacific region and unfriendly 
almost everywhere. A widely known example of this attitude was the "bum 
blockade" maintained bv the Los Angeles city police force during the fall of 1935 
at the southeastern border of California. Police stationed at the border turned 
back or arrested "migrants" who were without means of support and were pre- 
sumably bound for Los Angeles. , 

Another example was the organization in 1938 of the California Citizens Asso- 
ciation which calls upon the people ot the State to "use every effort to discourage 
this migration both at its sources and its destination, or be overwhelmed by eco- 
nomic chaos and tinancial ruin." 



3,000,000 
2,000,000 




50,000 

30,000 
20,000 

1 0,000 

1870 1880 1890 »900 1910 1920 1030 

Figure 2. 

In a recent circular the association states, "In the 2 years during which this 
organization has been in operation for the sole purpose of discouraging the 
migration of unemployed to California, we have had the hearty cooperation of 
the press." Migrants are described by the association as follows: "Great 
numbers of them do not read. What limited information they get on public 
affairs is by means of radio and word of mouth. Generally speaking, they have 
neither the income, the education, the skill, nor the desire to attain to Cali- 
fornia's normal standard of living." 

To discourage migration, Oregon in 193.5 and California in 1940 raised the 
continuous residence requirement from 1 year to 3 years before a "migrant" 
would be accepted as the relief responsibility of the State. 

SECTION 3. THE VOLUME OF MIGRATION 1920-29 AND 1930-39 

Public comment on the "migrant problem" of the 1930's has created the 
impression that the westward migration during this decade has been of a mag- 
nitude unprecedented in the West's history. 



2274 



INTEBSTATE MIGRATION 



The number of persons who migrated to the far West during the 1930's can 
be approximated from the 1940 census, and data from the migration survey 
made through the agency of the public schools provide a basis for a rough 
estimate of the number of migrants. This survey enumerated more than 
187 000 school children, members of 116,000 families who had entered Cali- 
fornia since 1929. It is estimated that the survey enumerated 84 percent of 
all the families with children in the public schools who were eligible for in- 
clusion Hence, it is probable that there were in California, in the spring of 
1939 approximately 139,000 families who had entered the State after 1929 
and these families' had 239,000 children in public schools at the time of the 
survey.* This survey did not enumerate unattached persons or families without 
school children. Assuming that the proportion of school children in the total 
population migrating to California is about the same as in the general popula- 
tion of the principal areas from which these migrants came, it is estimated that 
a total of approximately 1,100.000 persons moved to California after 1929 and 
were still in the State in the spring of 1939.' This number is only an estimate 
of inward migration during this period, since departure from California and 
the balance of births and deaths in the State for the decade ha,ve not been 
taken into account. Moreover, this estimate is not complete for the 10-year 
period between 1930 and January 1940 as the school survey was made in the 
spring of 1939. An estimate of the total number of "migrants" entering Cali- 
fornia after 1930 who were still in the State in 1940 would doubtless not 
exceed 1,200,000. ^ . , 

If none of the people in California in 1930 had left the State m the next 10 years, 
the natural increase in the population (excess of births over deaths) would have 
been approximatelv 130,000. Adding the 130,000 additional people by natural 
increase to the 1,200,000 estimated persons entering California during the decade 
would have given a population increase of 1,330,000. Final reports from the 1940 
census indicate for California a population increase since 1930 of 1,230.000. Hence, 
it seems likely that during tliis decade about 100,000 people left California. In 
other words, for every 12 persons who came to California in the 1930's and re- 
mained, 1 person already in the State left during this decade. 

The estimated migration to California in the i)eriod of 914 years from 1930 to 
June of 1939 of 1,200,000 persons is almost a million less than that number which 
migrated to California in the preceding decade of the 1920's. The number mi- 
grating to California from 1920-29 was 64 percent of the population of the 
State in 1920; the migration of the 1930's has been but 22 percent of the 
population in the State in 1930. 

In table 1 the inunber of persons moving into California and the States of the 
Pacific Northwest in the 1930's has been compared to the number entering these 
States in the decade 1920-29. 

It is estimated that 277,000 persons entered Wasliington, 231,000 entered Oregon, 
and 112,000 entered Idaho in the 9-year period from 1930 to the spring of 1939 
(when the survey was made).* 

The estimated migration into the States of the Pacific Northwest during the 
1930's, 620,000 persons, is somewhat less than the 680,000 estimated as moving into 
the area in the decade 1920-29. Expressed in relation to the population of the 
State, the migration of the 1930's was substantially smaller (table 1). 

« See appendix I and appendix II. .. , , . 

' For each child enrolled in public schools in the States which contributed most heavily 
to the California migration, there were approximately 4.6 persons in the population. 
Therefore, an estimate of the total number migrating to California would be based on the 
estimated children from "migrant" families in California schools, 239,000 times 4.6, or 
1,100.000 persons. See appendix III. ^^ , . .^ .-o-,i 

8 The school survey in the Northwest (Washington. Oregon, Idaho) enumerated 45,211 
families. It is estimated that because some schools did not cooperate and in others some 
of the eligible pupils failed to respond, the enumerated families represented approximately 
6.3 percent of all that were eligible for inclusion ; hence, it is likely that there were in the 
Northwest, in the spring of 19.39, some 22,000 families that had entered their States after 
1929 and who had children in the public schools at the time of the survey. On this basis, 
it is calculated that approximately 620,000 persons had come into the States of Wash- 
ington Oregon, and Idaho after 1930. Of these, about 46.5,000 had come from outside the 
Northwest the others having moved from State to State within the area, or perhaps 
reentered the State in which they had lived previously. See appendixes I, II, and III. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2275 



Table 1 Estimated numher of persons who moved into the States of the Pacific 

region, 1920-29 and 1930-39 



1920 census population 

Total in-migration 1920-29 ' 

Ratio: In-migration 1920-29 divided by 1920 census 

population 

1930 census population 

In-migration 1930-39 (Survey =) 

Ratio: In-migration 1930-39 divided by 1930 census 

population 



California 



3, 427, 000 
2, 196, 000 

0.64 
5, 677, 000 
1, 200, 000 

0.22 



Washing- 
ton 



1, 357, 000 
328, 500 

0.24 

1, 563, 000 

277, COO 

0.18 



Oregon 



783, 000 
251, 000 

0.32 
954, 000 
231,000 

0.24 



Idaho 



432, 000 
100, 500 

0.23 
445,000 
112,000 

0.25 



1 Inward migration as used here means the number of persons who moved into the State during the decada 
and who were living in the State at the end of the decade. See Appendix IV. 

2 Estimates are for 9-year period for the Northwest and 10-year period for California. 

During Uie decade 1920-29, many of the people living in the States of the 
Pacific Northwest in 1920 left these States. Estimates indicate that the excess 
of the migrants entering this region over the persons leaving the region, made 
a net addition to the population of about 196,000. In Idaho, the net result of mi- 
gration during 1920-29 was the loss of approximately 39,000 persons (table la). 

Table la. — The net effects of immigration and emigration on the population of 
the States of the Pacific region, 1920-29 and 1930-39 ' 



Population 1920 

Net addition by 1920-29 migration 
Percent added to 1920 population. 
Population 1930 

Net effects of migration 1930-39... 
Percent added to 1930 population. 



California 



3, 427, 000 
2, 074, 000 

60.5 
5, 677, 000 
1, 101, 000 

19.4 



Washing- 
ton 



1, 357, 000 

113, 500 

8.4 

1, 563j 000 

122, 000 

7.8 



Oregon 



783, 000 
122, 000 

15.6 
954, 000 
109,000 

11.4 



Idaho 



432, 000 

-39,500 

-9.2 

445, 000 

29,300 

6.6 



334, 162 

78,000 

23.3 

435, 600 

31,100 

7.1 



: Estimates of net effects of migration are made by adding to the population m the area at the hegmning 
of a decade the births that would occur in the decade and deducting losses from deaths. The calculated 
population for the State compared with the census enumeration at the end of the decade indicates the net 
effects of migration into and out of the area during the decade. Methods of estimating out -migration are 
described in appendLi 1. 

The net effects of the migrations of 1920-29 and 1930-39 on the size of popu- 
lation in the States of the far West has been shown in table la. To the States 
of the Pacific Northwest in the 1920's, migration made an addition of 196,000 
persons; the net addition by migration for the decade 1930-39 was 242,000. 
Relative to the population in the State at the beginning of the decade, the net 
effects of migration in the 1930's was less in both Washington and Oregon than 
in the decade 1920-29. However, m Idaho, where the net effects of migration 
during the 1920's had resulted in a substantial loss in population, during the 
decade 1930-39, the net effects of migration added 7 percent to the population 
of the State. 

The population of California had been increased 60 percent from its 1920 
level ])y the net effects of migration during the 10 years from 1920 to 1929. The 
net effects of the migration of the 1930's has been an addition of but 19 percent 
to the population in California at the beginning of the decade. Considered in 
absolute magnitude, the influx of migrants into California during the 1930's has 
been but three-fifths of the immigration to this State during the previous decade ; 
the net effects of migration on the size of California's population has been but 
one-third of the addition made by the migration of the 1920's. 

While the net effects of migration on population in Arizona from 1900 to 1919 
had been additions of more tlian 60 percent in each decade, and the net addition 
in the 1920's was 23 percent in the decade 1930-39, hut 7 percent was added to 
the population. These figures are the net results of immigration to and emigra- 
tion from Arizona. They do not necessarily provide an index to the volume of 
persons entering or leaving the State. It is estimated from the migration survey 
that in the decade from 1930-39, 134,0(10 persons entered Arizona and were still 
260370— 41— pt. 6 6 



2276 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

there in January 1940. This inward migration amounts to 31 percent of the 
1930 population of the State. Relative to the 1930 population in the State, im- 
migration to Arizona was a gi-eater influx than occurred to California, Oregon, 
Washington, or Idaho. Yet the net effects of migration to Arizona — the balance 
of people moving in against the number moving out — ^made a smaller addition 
than was made to any of the other far Western States. Dr. Fuller and Dr. 
Tetreau suggest that Arizona in recent years has played an important role as 
a place of transitional residence, and that many people who are migrating we.st- 
ward stop over in this State for one or two harvest seasons while en route. Others 
make Arizona a temporary stopping point in a fairly well-established migratory 
pattern.9 

SEX'TION 4. SOUBCES OF THE MIGRATION 

Migrants to the States of the far West during the 1930's were drawn from 
virtually all occupations, from servants and unskilled laborers to the most 
highly trained professional persons. Questionnaires Avere returned by children 
from families of nationally known motion-picture stars as well as from migra- 
tory agricultural workers. Agricultural people were an important element in 
the migrating population, but, contrary to popular impressions, they were by 
no means predominant. Less than one-fourth of all families enumerated in 
the migration survey in California had been engaged in agriculture either as 
farmers or farm laborers prior to migration. Pupils from one-third of the 
families enumerated in the States of the Pacific Northwest and in Arizona 
indicated that their fathers had been engaged in agriculture either as farmers 
or farm laborers before migrating.'" 

A graphic presentation of the State and county of residence in 1930 (pre- 
ceding migration) of all the families enumerated in the migration surveys 
in California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and Arizona is shown in figure 3. 
This figure does not include "migrants" who in 1930 were living in any of 
the States of the far West or in foreign countries. It will be observed that 
population has been drawn from every State in the Union, and in important 
proportions from as far away as the large industrial centers of the Atlantic 
seaboard. An adequate life history on a representative sample of the "mi- 
grants" of the 1930's to the Pacific region would tell us a great deal about 
industrial New England, about the tri-State mining area of Oklahoma, Arkan- 
sas, and Missouri, particularly about drought and changes in farming methods 
in the Great Plains, the opening of Oklahoma Territory, the Alaska fish- 
eries, etc. 

Residence data from the survey in the Pacific Northwest indicated a large 
migration from the States of the Northern Great Plains, especially Nebraska, 
North Dakota, Montana, South Dakota, and Kansas. The Northern Great 
Plains contributed most heavily to the movement of population to this region " 
during the last half century and, in this respect, the migration of the 1930's 
seems to be an extension of an historical migration from the same areas. 

Tlie States of residence in 1930 of agricultural families moving to the 
Pacific Northwest in this decade are concentrated largely in the Dakotas, 
Nebraska, and Kansas (fig. 4). Nonagricultural families show striking con- 
centrations in and around the large cities of the sjune general region. Clusters 
of dots mark the Salt Lake area, Denver, Omaha, Minneapolis, and St. Paul, 
Duluth, Chicago, and Detroit (fig. 5). 



9 Fuller, Varden, and Tetreau, E. D., "Volume and Characteristics of Recent Migration 
to Arizona," unpublished manuscript. . 

w Occupations of migrant family heads, both before migration and at the time of the 
survey, were determined from pupils' replies to questions regarding parents' occupations 
and the kind of company or industry for which they worked. Occupations and industries 
were classified according to the U. S. Census Alphabetical Index of Occupations, 19o0. 
Occupational group classifications were based on Alba M. Edwards' A Social Economic 
Grouping of the Gainful Workers of the United States, 1930. Questionnaires were checked 
in several areas against field investigations. As a result of this check, the distinction 
between farmers and farm laborers will not be made in the surveys in Oregon, Washington, 
and Idaho. Questions regarding occupation and industry were asked in a different 
manner in the California and Arizona schools and this made possible a reliable distinction 
between farmers and farm laborers. In this connection, the average age of pupils return- 
ing questionnaires in California was 13 years and the standard deviation from ttiis 
average was 2 vears. In most cases more than one questionnaire was received per family 
and data were coded for a given family bead after considering all replies. See 
appendix I. . . j, ^ , 

"■ See C. W. Thornthwaite, Internal Migration in United States. University of Pennsyl- 
vania Press, 1934. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2277 




2278 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 




INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2279 




2280 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



A large movement from State to State within the Northwest is indicated. 
One-fourth of the families enumerated in the Pacific Northwest were living 
in the Northwest in 1980 and subsequently moved to other States in this 
region or out and back again (table 2). More of the families studied came 
from California than from any other State in the Nation. In general, the 
Northwest States drew larger numbers from nearby areas than from more 
distant ones. To some degree the migration can be envisaged as a movement 
along lines of latitude. 

Table 2. — Families enumerated in California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and 
Arizona migration surveys: Classified by their States of residence in 1939 and 
by region of residence in 1930 





Total 
region 


State of residence in 1939 


Region of residence in 1930 


Califor- 
nia 


Wash- 
ington ' 


Oregon i 


Arizona 


Idaho 1 


Total reporting region of residence in 1930: 
Number 


167, 543 
100.0 


112, 515 
100.0 


18,304 
100.0 


17. 178 
100.0 


12. 979 
100.0 


6,567 
100.0 


Percent 




Middle Atlantic and New England 


6.6 


8.8 


1.8 


1.5 


3.8 


ft 






East North Central 


10.4 


12.5 


6.4 


5.4 


8.5 


2.7 




Dlinois 


4.2 
2.0 
1.9 


5.3 
2.4 
2.4 


1.9 
1.4 

.7 


1.6 
1.1 
.6 


3.1 
1.4 
1.9 


1.1 
5 


Michigan 


Ohio 


.8 




West North Central .. . 


22.7 


20.9 


30.9 


32.1 


10.4 


32.4 




Mis'jouri 


4.8 
2.1 
2.3 
4.3 


5.6 
1.0 
1.4 
3.7 


2.9 

7.4 
5.2 
4.9 


2.5 
4.8 
5.4 
7.9 


3.6 
.3 
.4 

1.2 


4.S 
3 5 


North Dakota ... 


South Dakota 


4 2 


Nebraska.. 


10.7 




South Atlantic 


1.9 
1.5 


2.2 

1.7 


1.3 
.7 


.7 
.6 


1.6 
2.1 




East South Central 


4 






West South Central 


20.0 


22.9 


5.1 


6.6 


41.3 


5 8 






Oklahoma 


9.8 
6.8 


11.1 
7.7 


2.8 
1.1 


3.9 
1.6 


20.0 
16 


3 


Texas . 


1 2 






Mountain 


17.5 


15.8 


21.7 


17.8 


18.3 


32.1 




Idaho 


2.6 
3.1 
3.9 
2.1 
2.5 


1.3 

3.8 
4.0 
1.0 
3.7 


8.2 

.5 

3.2 

7.1 

.9 


5.9 
.9 
4.2 
3.3 
1.2 


.6 
4.9 
3.5 

.4 
1.0 


6.2 
g 


Arizona 


Colorado 


4 9 


Montana. 


6 7 


Utah 


10.0 




Pacific 


16.0 


11.5 


27.4 


33.0 


12.5 


23.9 




California 


6.6 
5.1 
4.3 


4.5 
3.8 
3.2 


9.7 

4.2 

13.5 


13.7 
15.9 
3.4 


11.2 
.6 
.7 


5 4 


Washington. . . 


11 8 


Oregon 


6 7 






Foreign 


3.4 


3.7 


4.7 


2.3 


1.5 


1 4 






Canada . . 


1.0 
.9 
.3 
.1 

1.1 


.7 
1.2 
.3 
.1 

1.4 


3.0 
.4 
.1 
.1 

1.1 


1.2 
.2 
.2 
.1 
.6 


.1 
.1 
.1 

1.2 


g 


Europe 


1 


China. 


4 


Japan 


Other 







' For families enumerated in Washington, Oregon, and Idaho in which the oldest responding child was 
born after 1930, the actual place of residence in 1930 could not be determined. In such cases the 1930 residence 
was taken to be the birthpl-ice of the oldest reniondhig child. The initial questionnaire which was used in 
some of the Oregon coiintips did not ask for years of residence in the various States; hence, in many ca.ses the 
location of 1930 residence could not be determined. 

» Less than Ho of 1 percent. 

The most important sources for Washington were Oregon, California, Idaho, 
North Dakota, and Montana in the order named; for Oregon, they were Wash- 
ington, California, Nebraska, Idaho, and Kan.sas ; and for Idaho, they were 
Washington, Nebraska, Utah, Oregon, and Montana. Less than one-tenth of the 
families came from east of the Mississippi River (table 2). 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2281 



Tlie States of orijrin of the migration to California in the 1980's were signifi- 
cantly different from those losing population to the Pacific Northwest, and in 
this decade the movement of population to California was from different areas 
than those which contributed most heavily to California in previous decades. 

The migration of tlie li;»3(»"s to (\ilifornia was from four sections of the Nation. 
One-fourth of the enumerated families camo from three States of the west 
south-central region— Oklahoma, Arkansas, and Texas; one^fourth of the families 
came from the Great Plains States of the west north-central region— Missouri, 
Kansas, Nebraska. Iowa, Minnesota, and the Dakotas. Another principal source 
was the Mountain States of New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and Utah ; and the 
fourth important source was the industrial centers in the Great Lakes States, 
in the New England States, in New York, and in Pennsylvania. 

Previous migrations to California were in much larger proportion from the 
Great Lakes States of the east north-central region and the Great Plains States of 
the west north-central region, and in much smaller proportions from Oklahoma, 
Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah.'" (See 
table 3.) 

Table 3. — Origin of migration frmn other States to California, 1900-39 





Percentage of migration 


Region of origin 


1900-09 1 


1910-19 1 


1920-29 1 


1930-39 » 


Total 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 








18.1 

31.9 

38.5 

(») 

3.7 

4.1 

3.7 

(3) 


11.0 
34.2 
35.1 

(3) 
(0 

9.0 
5.1 
5.6 


10.1 
22.6 
32.8 

3.0 
12.3 
13.3 

5.9 


9.6 




13.6 


West North Central . 


22.7 




2.4 




1.9 


West South Central 


25.0 




17.2 




7.6 







> Based on net decennial changes in the birth-residence remainders of the several pairs of States: Thorn- 
thwaite, C Warren, Internal Migration in the United States. University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 18-19. 
1934. 

' Origin of migration from other States to California based on California migration survey. 

' Less than }.io of 1 percent. 

The majority of the agricultural people migrating to California in the 1930's 
came from the South Plains States (fig. 6). Approximately one-fourth of all 
enumerated families who were engaged in agriculture prior to migration were 
living in Oklahoma in 1980. Oklahoma, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri were the 
States of residence in 1930 of more than half of the agricultural families enumer- 
ated. Most of the other agricultural families came from the States of Kansas, 
Nebraska, Colorado, Iowa, and South Dakota, in the order named. 

In contrast with the concentration of agricultural families in the States of 
Oklahoma, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri, less than 20 percent of all families 
who were employed in nonagricultural industries reported these States as their 
residence in 1930 (fig. 7). Eleven percent of the nonagricultural families were 
in the New England and Middle Atlantic States, 15 percent were in the East 
North Central States, 20 percent in the West North Central States, and 24 percent 
in the Mountain and Pacific States in 1930. 

Striking concentrations are observed in the cities of Texas, Oklahoma. Arkan- 
sas, and Missouri, and around the large urban centers of New York, Chicago, 
Detroit, Cleveland, St. Louis, Omaha, Wichita, Denver, Salt Lake City, Spokane, 



^ The census, until 1940. did not report migration data that are strictly comparable 
with the origin data collected through the migration survey ; however, it is possible to 
make estimates of the States of origin of migrants from birth and State of residence data 
which have been reported by the census. Such estimates do not specifically indicate where 
the mierauts of the decade came from, but rather where they were born ; however, it is 
believed that the State of birth and the State of origin are in a sufficient number of cases 
the same to warrant at least a proportional comparison between the birth-residence data 
of the census for previous decades and the State-of-3930 residence data from the migration 
survey. 



2282 



INTERSTATE ^MIGRATION 




INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2283 



o 

I- 



> 

o 

en 



< 

o o 

e) _ 
< 



o 



CD 

a> 

00 
CD 



UJ 

o 

UJ 
Q 

cn 

UJ 

a: 



^: 



..^••^- 



■•■'.'••!*&^^«^i;:.^•.^•: 



1 




J 






2284 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Seattle, and Portland. Four percent of the families were in California iu 1930 
but left the State and returned in subsequent year.s (table 2). 

The people moving to Arizona in the decade 1930-39 were largely concentrated 
in the States of Oklahoma, Texas. Arkansas, Missouri, and New Mexico prior to 
migration (table 2). One-fifth of all families and one-third of the agricultural 
families moving to Arizona had been liring in Oklahoma in 1930. 

Agricultural families were drawn to Arizona almost entirely from the South 
Plains States (fig. 8). Most of the families who were employed in nonagricul- 
tural industries prior to migration came from urban centers, Los Angeles, Salt 
Lake City, Chicago, Detroit, New York, and cities iu the South Plains States 

(fig- 9). 

The Arizona survey indicated that a large number of families who had been in 
Arizona in 1930 left the State but returned before 1940. Arizona was the fifth 
State in importance as a place of residence iu 1930. California was third, rank- 
ing next to Oklahoma and Texas. 

SEC. 5. TIMING OF THE MIGBATIOIT 

Migration of the thirties to California and to the Pacific Northwest reached a 
peak in 1936 and 1937 ; however, the peak year for arrivals in Arizona was 1939. 
More of the families enumerated in Washington arrived in 1937 than in any other 
year, while for Oregon and Idaho the peak year was 1936. Arrivals of agricul- 
tural families in the Northwest and in California were more highly concentrated 
in 1936 and 1937 than was true of the nonagricultural migrants ; large volume 
in 1936 and 1937 was followed by a sharp reduction in 1938. (See figs. 10 and 
10a and table 3a.) 

Table 3a. — Families enumerated in the Pacific region migration survey, dis- 
tributed ly year of an-ival in the States of 1939 residence 





Total 


8tat« of residence in 1939 


Year of arrival 


California 


Washing- 
ton 


Oregon 


Arizona 


Idaho 


Total reporting year of arrival: 


168, 808 
100.0 


111.526 
100.0 


18, 773 
100.0 


19, 153 
100.0 


12,666 
100.0 


6,690 


Percent 


100.0 


1930 . 


6.6 
6.5 
6.3 
6.5 
9.2 
11.9 
18.1 
17.0 
13.4 
4.5 


7.2 

6.8 
6.4 
6.5 
9.1 
12.1 
18.4 
16.8 
13.2 
13.5 


5.7 
6.5 
6.5 
7.0 
9.7 
11.4 
17.3 
18.9 
14.3 
12.7 


4.7 
6.1 
6.5 
6.7 
9.7 
12.2 
18.9 
18.4 
14.7 
12.1 


5.6 

4.7 
4.6 
4.3 
7.0 
10.3 
15.6 
14.6 
11.5 
2 21.8 


5.5 


1931 


6.8 


1932 


6.8 


1933 


6.7 


1934 .- 


10.4 


1935 


12.9 


1936 


18.3 


1937 -- 


16.3 


1938 . 


13.6 


1939 


•2.7 







I Survey conducted in spring of 1939. 



2 Survey conducted in January 1940. 



These figures of the year of arrival of the enumerated families probably tend 
to exaggerate the relative inflow of the later years since the families included 
in the survey were only those who were still in the Western States in 1939 
and there is no enumeration of those who moved into those States and out of 
them before the survey was made. This residual of the immigration is probably 
somewhat less for the arrivals of earlier years because of the greater period 
available to earlier arrivals for removal. It is also not unlikely that there has 
been an underenumeration of families arriving earlier in the decade as many of 
their younger children, born in the State in which they were living at the time 
of the survey, might not for this reason resiwnd to the questionnaire. 

The survey in Arizona indicated more arrivals In 19.36 than in 1937 or 1938. 
This agrees "closely with the findings of the survey in the other four States but 
the Arizona survey differed sharply by reporting its peak in 1939. It seems 
likely from what has already been indicated regarding the large in- and out- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2285 




2286 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 




INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2287 



movement of population during this decade, that the explanation of this peak 
would be found in a migration pattern of two elements — one group of migrants 
to Arizona remain in the State for several years or perhaps permanently ; the 
other group of migrants who have recently arrived are really in transit and 
most of them will move on after a short stay. 

Marked differences in timing were apparent as between various regions of 
origin. Nearly half of the migrants from the Southwest came to California 
during the 2 years 1936 and 1937. In the Pacific Northwest the years from 1934 to 

Year OT arrival in California and the Pacific Northwest 
Dy major occupational groups. 




1930 



1931 



1932 



1933 



1934 



1935 



1936 



1937 



1938 



Migration surveys mode in California ond Pacific Northwest in the 
spring of 1939. 

Figure 10 

1937 were characterized by a rapidly increasing movement from the northern 
Plains States, bringing in relatively large numbers of farm people. The severe 
droughts in 1934 and 1936 probably account for the high concentration of the 
migration from the Southwest and the Great Plains in 1936 and 1937. Persons 
employed in providing goods and services to the agricultural population neces- 
sarily experienced the full impacts of drought and the migration of families 
employed in uonagricultural pursuits was simultaneous with the migration of 
agricultural families from the Great Plains region. 

There was a marked difference in tlie timing of the migration to the Pacific 
Northwest as between the migrants from the Pacific region and other sources. 
The inflow from the Pacific States was nearly constant from year to year, in 
contrast with the sharp rise from 1933 to 1936 in the migration from other 
areas, iwrticularly the Great Plains. 

Arrivals in California from the Great Lakes States and the Atlantic sea- 
board were more evenly distributed over the 9-year period with approximately 



2288 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



30 percent arriving in 1936 and 1937. Tlie inflow from Oregon and Washington 
was practically constant during the entire period. 

The arrivals of all occupational groups into Arizona had their peak in 1939 ; 
however, 1936 and 1937 were next in importance as the years of migration for 
families coming from the southern Great Plains. 

Seventy percent of the families migrating to the States of the Pacific North- 
west moved directly from their States of 1930 residence to the States where they 

Year of arrival in Arizona by major occupational groups. 



24 



20 



12 



o 



Occupation Group 
^ White Collo 
^^ Laborers 

^M Agricultura 




1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 i937 1338 1939* 
**Migratior» surveys mode in Ar'^ono in 

Jdnuo^y 1940 
Figure 10a. 

were living at the time of the survey. There was some tendency for a higher 
proportion of families coming from States more distant from the Northwest ta 
have lived for 6 months and more in intermediate States before moving lnto> 
their State of 1939 residence. However, the great majority of the families 
from even the most distant regions moved directly to the Pacific Northwest. 

A few families moved into California before going to the Northwe.«;t, but there 
is no evidence that the migration into the Northwest has been in any substan- 
tial amounts an overflow of a heavy California-bound movement. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2289 



A more elaborate aualysis of Uie inter«tate migrations of the families enumer- 
ated in the California survey has been made. It indicates that nearly three- 
fourths of the families moved to California directly from their States of resi- 
dence in 1930, and that this was as true of agricultural poinilation as of 
families wiiose heads were white-collar workers or skilled and unskilled laborers 
(table 4). 



Table 4. — Families cnmncrated in California school surrey: Classified 6;/ region 
of residence in 1930, hy occupation groups, and by number of States lived in 
since J930 ' 





Total reporting 

residence in the 

United States in 

1930 


Number of States lived in since 1930 ' 


Region of residence in 1930 


No inter- 
vening 
States, 
percent 


1 inter- 
vening 
State, 
percent 


2 inter- 
vening 
States, 
percent 


3 or more 
inter- 
vening 




Number 


Percent 


States, 
percent 


Total families 


102, 805 


100.0 


72.4 


15.8 


7.5 


4 3 






Agricultural 


26,986 ! 100.0 


70.8 
71.7 
72.4 


16.5 
16.3 
15.8 


7.8 
7.9 
7.5 


4 9 


Laborers 


19, 732 
40. 915 


100. 
100.0 


4.1 
4.3 


Oklahoma . 


12, 447 


100.0 


65.5 


19.6 


9.3 


S 6 






White collar. 


1,325 
5,281 
4,468 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


70.4 
63.8 
64.6 


17.3 
20.5 
20.0 


7.5 
9.9 
9.6 


4 8 


Agricultural 


5 8 


Laborers 


5.8 


West South Central 


13, 241 


100.0 


71.5 


15.8 


8.3 


4 4 






White collar . 


2, 163 
4, 067 
5,027 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


69.1 
69.9 
70.9 


16.0 
16.7 
16.3 


8.9 
9.0 

8.4 


6 


Agricultural- 


4 4 


Laborers . . . . 


4 4 






Middle Atlantic and New England 


9,876 


100.0 


71.5 


15.5 


7.5 


6.6 


White collar 


4,221 

164 

3,955 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


69.5 
75.6 
72.9 


16.9 
11.0 
14.7 


8.0 
7.3 
7.0 


5 6 


Agricultural 


6 1 


Laborers... 


5 4 






East North Central 


13, 968 


100.0 


73.9 


15.5 


6.5 


4 1 






White collar.. . 


6, 353 
602 

5,788 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


70.9 
76.1 
75.7 


16.9 
14.5 
14.8 


7.3 
5.3 
6.1 


4 9 


-Agricultural 


4 1 


Laborers 


3 4 






West North Central 


23, 315 


100.0 


75.4 


15.0 


6.4 


3 2 






White collar 


5,880 
5,412 
8,960 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


73.7 
78.8 
74.1 


15.8 
13.4 
15.6 


7.0 

5.2 
6.7 


3 5 


Agricultural 


2 6 


Laborers 


3.5 






South Atlantic . 


2,609 


100.0 


50.1 


23.3 


13.8 


12 8 






White collar 


902 

115 

1,077 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


40.4 
72.2 
51.2 


2,5.4 
19.1 
23.4 


17.2 
6.1 
12.7 


17 


-\gricutural 


2 6 


Laborers.. 


12 7 






East South Central 


1,944 


100.0 


66.9 


18.6 


9.0 


5 5 






White collar .. 


427 
393 
785 


100.0 
100. 
100.0 


.59.2 
74.8 
67.3 


20.4 
15.5 
18.6 


10.3 
6.6 
9.0 


10 1 


Agricultural 


3 1 


Laborers. 


6 1 






Mountain States ... 


17, 081 


100.0 


75.0 


14.0 


7.4 


3 6 






White collar 


4, 151 
3,023 
7,558 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


74.0 
72.2 
7.5.1 


15.2 
14.5 
13.8 


7.1 
9.2 
7.5 


3 7 


Asrricultural 


4 1 


Laborers .. 


3 6 






Pacific Northwest 


7.824 


100.0 


77.1 


13.5 


6.6 


2 8 






White collar 


2,564 

675 

3,297 


100.0 
100. c 
100.0 


75.6 
78.1 
76.6 


14.4 
13.5 
13.7 


6.8 
6.2 
6.8 


3 2 


Agricultural 


2 2 


Laborers 


2 9 







' States lived in for 1 month or longer since 1930. 

» Does not include States of residence in 1030 or California. 



2290 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

While the survey in the Pacific Northwest did not count an intermediate State 
of residence unless such residence was for 6 months or more, the survey in Cali- 
fornia and Arizona instructed pupils to indicate States where they had lived for a 
month or more. Notwithstanding this short-time definition of intervening resi- 
dence, three-fourths of the migrants to California came directly, and the direct- 
ness of migration was common to all occupational classes and to all regions of 
origin. The only regions of origin from which migrants deviated from the high 
proportions of direct moves were the South Atlantic and the East South Central 
regions, but even from these distant areas, the great majority of the families 
came directly to California. 

Nearly 60 percent of the families enumerated in the Arizona survey had 
migrated directly to Arizona from the States in which they had been living prior 
to 1930. Approximately one-fourth had lived temporarily in one intermediate 
State and one-tenth in two intermediate States. Even among the group who had 
formerly been farm laborers, more than half migrated directly to Arizona. 

Frequently the agricultural migrants to California, Arizona, and the States of 
the Pacific Northwest have been described as chronic itinerants, as habitually 
nomadic, as a group without a background of a settled home or a continuous 
occupation. Findings to the contrary are the result of a field study of 1,000 
agricultural families who migrated to California in the 1930" .s. It was found 
that 11.3 years was the average length of residence in the State of origin — in this 
case defined as the last State in which the family lived continuously for 1 year 
or more before departure for California/"^ 

Part of the general conception of the agricultural migration to the far West 
during the 1930's has been the impression that such migrants have drifted west- 
ward, stopping to work in several States and finally arriving in the far West after 
a period of more or less haphazard wandering. The findings of the migration 
surveys do not support this conception." Migration in most cases was direct, and 
there is strong evidence that specific and local destinations in the Western States 
were chosen in advance of migration. 

SECTION 6. AREAS OF RESETTLEMENT 

The evidence is clear that, for the majority of families, migration was a direct 
and purposeful move to counties and cities of the Pacific region, probably selected 
in advance as relatively promising in opportunities for employment because of the 
family's former occupational experience. 

The survey in the Northwest found that about four-fifths of all the enumerated 
families had lived in the same county ever since entering the State and 86 percent 
settled in the county the same year they entered the State. More than 80 percent 
of the survey families in California had lived continiiously in the same county 
since the year in which they had entered the State. In all five States the propor- 
tion that moved into the county where they were enumerated in 1939 in the same 
year they arrived in the State was smaller for the earlier arrivals, since the 
original group entering a county in any year was depleted each subsequent year 
through removals to other counties. The data show that a very large majority 
of all families cease to be migrants within a verv short tin>e after entering the 
State. 

Even in Arizona, which has been, more than any of the other Western States 
in this decade a place of transitional residence, more than three-fourths of the 
enumerated families arriving in 1930-32 lived continuously in the same county 
since their arrival in the State. 

Even among those families who reported themselves as agricultural laborers in 
California and Arizona in 1939, three-fourths of them had lived continuously in 
the same counties since the year they entered the State. This purposeful migra- 
tion and immediate relocation of agricultural migrants is at variance with the 
popular impres.sion of the 1930"s "drought refugee" migration to the West. The 
trek of the migratory agricultural laborer moving by seasons to crop harvests in 
various parts of California as well as to the harvests of the Northwest and 
Arizona has been so widely known and so forcefully portrayed in John Stein- 
beck's The Grapes of Wrath that this agricultural migrant has become identified 
with the interstate migration of the decade. The evidence is unmistakable that 



^2 Fuller. Varden. and Seymour, J. Janow, "Job.s on Farms in California." Art. IV of 
The Migrants, Land Policy Review, March-April 1940. 
w Ibid. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2291 



of the interstate migrants to California in tlie 1930's, even of those formerly 
engaged in agriculture, only a small fraction had become "migratory" agricul- 
tural workers in the far West. 

In general, the former occupational experience of the migrant families seems 
largely to have guided their selection of places to settle in California. More 
than half of the families settling in California's richest agricultural valley had 
been engaged in agriculture prior to migration. Few of the clerical class, or of 
the professional workers, settled here (table 5). 

Table 5. — Families enumerated in California migration survey, 1939, hy per- 
centage distributioji of occupational groups prior to migration by counties of 
residence in California in 1939 





State 
total 


California counties of residence in 1939 


Occupational group prior to 
migration 


San Joa- 
quin 
Valley ' 


Sacra- 
mento 
Valley 2 


Southern 
Califor- 
nia 3 


Coast 
counties ^ 


Moun- 
tain 
counties « 


Metro- 
politan 
counties » 


All groups 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
100.0 




6.6 
14.4 
11.4 
13.6 
17.0 
17.3 
7.5 
9.1 
3.1 


2.7 
30.8 

4.6 

5.0 
11.9 
10.8 
21.4 
11.2 

1.6 


4.8 
20.? 

8.1 

7.9 
17.4 
14.8 
11.5 
12.5 

2.8 


4.8 
21.8 

8.1 

9.3 
16.2 
14.1 
12.3 
11.2 

2.2 


7.4 
16.8 
11.9 
13.2 
15.4 
14.6 
9.1 
9.0 
2.6 


3.7 
15.6 

6.8 

6.3 
18.9 
16.5 

6.8 
23.5 

1.9 


8.2 




8.0 




14.2 


Clerks 


17.6 




18.5 




20.2 




2.7 




6.8 




3.8 







1 San Joaquin Valley counties: Fresno, Kern, Kings, Madera, Merced, San Joaquin, Stanislaus, Tulare. 

2 Sacramento Vallev counties: Butte, Colusa, Glenn, Sacramento, Solano, Sutter, Tehama, Yolo, Yuba. 

3 Southern California counties: Imperial, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Santa Barbara, Ventura. 
» Coast counties: Lake, Marin, Monterey, Napa, San Benito, San Luis Obispo, San Mateo, Santa Clara. 

Santa Cruz, Sonoma. „ ,_ ,, t t 

5 Mountain counties: Alpine, Amador, Calaveras, Del Norte. El Dorado, Humboldt, Inyo, Lassen, 
Mariposa, Mendocino, Modoc, Mono, Nevada, Placer, Plumas, Shasta, Sierra, Siskiyou, Trinity, Tuo- 
lumne. „ _, 

6 Metropolitan counties: Alameda, Contra Costa, Los Angeles, San Diego, San Francisco. 

To the counties in California where the large urban centers are located and 
where the commerce, industry, and trade of the State are concentrated, 
migrated families whose former occupations were largely in professional, mana- 
gerial, clerical, skilled labor, and other labor groups. Only 11 percent of the 
families enumerated in the metropolitan counties had been engaged in agricul- 
ture prior to migration. 

Three-fourths of the former professional people settled in cities with popula- 
tions in excess of 10,000; more than a fourth of this group settled in the city 
of Los Angeles alone. Approximately two-thirds of the skilled and semiskilled 
workers were enumerated in cities of 10,000 population and over; a fourth of 
these workers were in the city of Los Angeles. More than 40 percent of the 
former clerical and office workers settled in the three cities of Los Angeles, 
Oakland, and San Francisco, and of these a third were in Los Angeles. In 
contrast, nearly three-fourths of those who had formerly been farmers and 
four-fifths of those who had formerly been farm laborers settled in communities 
having less than 10,000 population. 

Of all families included in the California survey (116,000), more than three- 
fourths settled in urban areas— cities of 2,500 population and larger. Nearly 
40 percent settled in cities of over 100,000 iwpulation, 23 percent in the city of 
Los Angeles alone. 

While the impact of the migration, as measured by the ratio of newcomers to 
the resident population of the State, has not been as great during the thirties 
as in most other decades, local difficulties attendant upon the movement have 
in part resulted from the uneven distribution of the newcomers. Some counties 
have received few migrants in relation to their 1930 population, but others 
have experienced disproportionately large increases due to migration (table 6). 



260370— 41— pt. G- 



2292 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 6. — FainUies enumerated in California migration, survey, distributed bij 
counties of residence in 1939, and compared with distril)ution of California's 
population in 1930, and percentage increases in population, 1920-29, 1930-39 





Enumer- 
ated fami- 
lies 


County population in 
1930 


Percentage increase 
in population 


California— county of residence 


Percentage 
of total 


Number of 

enumerated 

families 

per 1,000 

population 


1930-39 


1920-29 


State total: 

Number 


116,333 
100.0 


5, 677, 251 
100.0 


21 






Percent . 


21.1 


65.7 








Ban Joaquin Valley counties 


14.5 


9.6 


31 


35.1 


27.8 






Fresno -- 


2.7 

3.6 

.6 

.6 

.8 

1.8 

1.4 

3.0 


2.5 
1.5 
.4 
.3 
.7 
1.8 
1.0 
1.4 


22 
51 
27 
43 
25 
20 
28 
46 


23.7 
61.7 
38.3 
43.5 
27.7 
30.3 
32.3 
37.2 


12.1 


Kern 


50.6 


Kings. - 


15.2 




40.7 


Merced 


49.6 


San Joaquin 


28.8 


Stanislaus -- 


30.0 


Tulare 


31.2 






Sacramento Valley - 


4.8 
10.1 
6.0 
4.0 


5.3 
9.1 
8.6 
3.9 


19 
23 
14 
21 


19.6 
15.6 
23.6 
25.6 


29.3 


Southern California 


72.5 


Coast counties - . -- .. 


48.9 


Mountain counties 


18.3 








60.6 


63.5 


20 


19.3 


84.6 






Alameda -- 


4.7 
1.2 
45.3 
5.4 
4.0 


8.3 
1.4 

38.9 
3.7 

11.2 


12 
18 
24 
30 
7 


6.6 
24.4 
25.8 
38.1 
-.8 


38.0 




45.9 




135.8 


San Diego - . -. 


8C. 8 




25.2 







The five metropolitan counties which containeed 64 percent of the population 
of the State in 1930 received only 61 percent of the enumerated families. Los 
Angeles County, however, did receive relative to its 1930 population a higher 
proportion of the enumerated families. San Joaquin Valley counties, which 
contained 10 percent of the population of the State in 1930, contained 15 percent 
of the survey families. In the State as a whole the survey enumerated 21 
migrant families to each 1,000 population, according to 1930 figures. However, in 
Kern Cbunty, in the southern San Joaquin Valley, there were 51 survey families 
per 1,000 of 1930 population. Several other valley counties received a similarly 
disproportionate share of the newcomers. In the decade 1920-29 the population 
of Los Angeles County increased 136 percent ; during the decade of the 1930's the 
population increased only 26 percent. In general, only in the San Joaquin Valley 
counties and in some of the mountain counties did population increases take place 
in the 1930's which were greater than those of the decade 1920-29. 

As pointed out above, more than half of the enumerated migrants to the San 
Joaquin Valley had been engaged in agriculture before coming to California. In 
large part, these are the families that are meant when the term "migrant" or 
"drought refugees" are used. From other studies of the Bureau of Agricultural 
Economics ^ it is known that many of the agricultural families came to the Cali- 
fornia valleys with little or no capital and with few employment prospects. They 
came from communities where they had long been resident, from an environment 
in which they had been a stabilized population attached to their communities by 
various forms of land tenure and an intricate pattern of family relationshii)S. 

Unable to afford productive farm land, or even lots, within the older communi- 
ties, newcomers to whom a lot and a shack are symbols of a new start have 
settled in thousands on the fringes of cities and towns in the California valleys. 
The result has been the development of new slums surrounding the valley com- 



« Ibid. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2293 

munities with a fringe of shack towns. In almost every instance these new shack 
towns are known to the older coninumities as "Little Oklahomas." 

The testimony of Carey McWilliams, chief, State division of immigration and 
housing, before the subconmiittee of the United States Senate Committee on 
Education and Labor (pt. 59, p. 21899), treats of the development of the rural 
shack town of the "migrants" relocating in California agricultural valleys. ''The 
trends indicated * * * are confirmed in a reix)rt issued July 1, 1939, titled 
'Survey of Kern County Migratory Labor Problem,' prepared by C. F, Baughman, 
chief, sanitation division of the Kern County Health Department. This report 
reflects the progression in housing followed by most of the Dust Bawl migrants 
in Kern County — from the squatter cainps on their first arrival, to the cheaper 
auto camps after their arrival, and from this point to smaller self-constructed 
homes purchased in the cheaper tyi^es of subdivisions. The report observes that 
the migratory worker is rapidly disappearing, that his place has been taken by the 
Dust Bowl migrant, with a permanent residence in the county, and indicates 
generally that "the growers have lost their fluid Mexican workers who miracu- 
lously appeared on harvest day and silently slipped away after their work was 
done." I quote from page 7 of this report : 

Bakersfield has experienced the creation of new subdivisions almost com- 
pletely inhabited by people from Oklahoma, Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri. 
Many have purchased lots for as low as $3 per month ; houses have been con- 
structed of any materials that can be salvaged from the alleys or retrieved from 
dismantled structures in exchange for laboi-. Some of these communities have 
no satisfactory water supply, poor sewage disposal, no gas or electricity; yet, 
they are teaming [sic] with hopeful life, buildings spring up overnight; shrubs, 
flowers, and scraggly trees swelter in the California sun drooping for the water 
that in some cases must be carried a considerable distance from a rasping, rusty 
pitcher pump. 

On many of these properties can be seen three stages of the owners' life in 
the golden State. On the back of the lot may be the remains of the family car 
or truck with obsolete license plates from the State of origin ; the chicken shed 
was once the pasteboard and refuse house of their squatter camp residence and 
on the front of the lot is a crude house of good, used lumber, perhaps with one 
side partially stuccoed or otherwi.se finished ; built piece by piece as the family 
income permits. The lots generally are strewn with the litter of wire, boards, 
and tin destined for a part of the finished home. Crude, often offensive, toilets 
dot the alley line, which threaten to leak their contents into the same strata 
of sand and subsoil from which come the water supply. 

The laige squatter camps of yesterday are no more. Now, only a few isolated 
squatters can be located during a busy harvest season and none at all during the 
slack periods. 

In isolated areas the growers have accepted the responsibility of housing their 
workers. 

But rural and suburban slums are now the problem which Kern County must 
face. In these slums live the agricultural shock troops ; the men and women 
who harvest the cotton in the fall, go on relief until May, harvest the potatoes 
in the spring, work the vegetables and fruits in the summer and rest on relief 
until cott(.n harvest again. They work within a radius of 30 miles. They 
are learning to can vegetables, preserve fruits, and otherwise augment their 
annual income in ways that are impossible for itinerant migratory workers. 

Rfloration i)i A7-izona. — Among the States of the Pacific region, the number of 
families enumerated in the survey in relation to the population in the State in 
19.30 was highest in Arizona. 

Newcomers to Arizona made relatively large additions to the population of 
some counties, and small additions to others (table 7). Maricopa County, which 
had one-third of the population of the State in 1930, was the residence of one- 
half of the enumerated families in 1940. Phoenix, in Maricopa County, the 
large.st city in the State, had 11 percent of the population of the State in 1930 
but was the residence of more than one-fourth of the enumerated families. 
More than one-fourth of the survey families were foitnd in three southern 
Arizona counties — Pima, Pinal, and Yuma — with nearly 15 percent in Pima 
County. 6 percent in Pinal County, and 5 percent in Yuma County. Four-fifths 
of the families were enumerated in the counties of southern Arizona in which 
are located the major irrigated areas of the State and the larger towns and 
cities. 



2294 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 7. — Families enumerated in Arizona migration survey,, distributed iy 
counties of residence in 1940, and compared with distribution of Arizona's 
population in 1930, and percentage increases in population, 1920-29, 1930-39 



Arizona— County of residence 



Enumer- 
ated 
families 



County population 
in 1930 



Percent. 
age of 
total 



Number 
of enu- 
merated 
families 
per 1,000 
popula- 
tion 



Percentage of in- 
crease in population 



1930-39 



1920-29 



State total: 
Number 
Percent. 

Apache 

Cochise 

Coconino 

Gila 

Graham 

Greenlee 

Maricopa.—. 

Mohave 

Navajo 

Pima 

Pinal 

Santa Cruz.. 

Yavapai 

Yuma 



13, 334 
100.0 



435, 573 
100.0 



30.6 



14.3 



1.4 
4.5 
1.5 
2.5 
1.9 
1.4 

50.9 
2.2 
2.2 

14.7 
6.5 
.9 
4.1 
5.3 



4.1 
9.4 
3.2 
7.1 
2.4 
2.3 

34.6 
1.3 
4.9 

12.8 
5.1 
2.2 
6.5 
4.1 



10.7 
14.6 
13.8 
10.9 
23.9 
18.6 
45.0 
52.8 
13.6 
35.3 
39.0 
13.0 
19.2 
39.5 



35.5 

-15.8 

31.6 

-22. 9 

17.2 

-11.8 

22.8 

•53.5 

18.7 

31.0 

30.5 

-1.5 

-7.7 

7.9 



30.3 



34.6 

-11.8 

40.9 

20.8 

2.2 

-35.6 

68.5 

6.0 

31.9 

60.5 

36.9 

-23.7 

18.5 

19.5 



In general, families chose communities in Arizona on the basis of their occupa- 
tional experience. In excess of half of the former professional workers, more 
than half the managerial and proprietor group, the clerks and kindred workers, 
and those in domestic and personal services were enumerated in the two cities 
of Phoenix and Tucson. Of those who had formerly been farpjers and farm 
laborers, more than half were enumerated in places of less than 1,000 in popu- 
lation (table 8). 



Table S.— Families enumerated in Arizona school survey 19/fO: Classified by 
former occupational group and by residence classification, 1940 ^ 



Former occupa- 
tional group 






Present residence-classification by size of population 


Total families 


Less 


100 to 


500 to 


1,000 to 


2,500 to 


5,000 to 


Phoenix 


Tucson 








than 100 


499 


999 


2,499 


4,999 


9,999 




Number 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


Percent 


State total... 


13, 334 


100.0 


18.8 


8.5 


7.8 


12.5 


8.6 


7.2 


25.5 


11.1 


Professional per- 
























607 


100.0 


11.2 


6.8 


3.8 


7.4 


10.5 


9.4 


28.3 


22.6 


Farmers (owners 




and tenants) 


2,519 


100.0 


26.3 


12.3 


12.0 


15.7 


9.1 


5.7 


15.4 


3.5 


Owners, managers. 






















and oflicials 


1,005 


100.0 


11.0 


3.4 


3.3 


10.5 


7.6 


10.2 


35.3 


18.7 


Clerks and kindred 






















workers 


1,078 


100.0 


11.5 


4.3 


2.6 


8.5 


7.4 


7.5 


40.7 


17.5 


Skilled workers and 






















foremen. 


1,625 


100.0 


19.1 


6.8 


6.3 


13.9 


9.5 


7.1 


24.7 


12.6 


Semiskilled work- 






















ers 


1,712 


100.0 


17.2 


8.8 


5.4 


11.9 


8.5 


7.7 


28.7 


11.8 


Farm laborers. 


1,467 


100.0 


25.0 


16.0 


15.2 


15.1 


8.5 


3.2 


14.1 


2.9 


Unskilled laborers . 


1,110 


100.0 


24.4 


8.9 


9.2 


15.1 


8.9 


10.0 


16.8 


6.7 


Domestic and per- 






















sonal workers. -_ 


268 


100.0 


9.7 


5.2 


7.1 


8.6 


7.1 


8.9 


35.5 


17.9 


Nongainful persons. 


230 


100.0 


15.2 


5.2 


7.0 


9.1 


9.1 


5.2 


30,0 


19.2 


Unclassified occu- 






















pations 


1,713 


100.0 


13.9 


5.1 


5.3 


9.7 


8.0 


8.0 


34.5 


15.5 



' Enumerated families are classified in this table by their address in 1940, and this place of residence is 
given the population classification of the 1930 census. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2295 



Relocation in the Pacific Northwest.— The survey made in the Pacific North- 
west found that while nearly one-third of all the survey families settled in or near 
cities of over 10,000 population, only 13 percent of the agricultural workers 
(farmers and farm laborers) were found in these cities (table 9). In general, the 
areas chosen for relocation followed the former occupational experience of the 

families. , 

In the Pacific Northwest the most populous areas generally attracted the most 
newcomers. The areas of greatest concentration were Portland and the Wil- 
lamette Valley, the Puget Sound region, the Yakima Valley, Spokane, the north- 
ern counties of Idaho, and the Snake River Valley (table 9). The part of Wash- 
ington and Oregon lying west of the Cascade Mountains included 59 percent of 
the survey families and 63 percent of the population of the 3 States. The 10 
leading counties, ranked according to number of enumerated families were (1) 
Multnomah, Oreg. (Portland) ; (2) King, Wash. (Seattle) ; (3) Spokane, Wash.; 
(4) Yakima, Wash.; (5) Pierce, Wash. (Tacoma) ; (6) Marion, Oreg. (Salem) ; 
(7) Lane, Oreg. (Eugene) ; (8) Snohomish, Wash. (Everett) ; (9) Clackamas, 
Oreg.; (10) Jackson, Oreg. (Medford). In these 10 counties were 43 percent of 
the enumerated cases, and 50 percent of the population of the 3 States. 

Table 9. — Percentage distribution of families enumerated in the Northwest 
migration surveii, ly residence classification, and 'by former occupational 
groups 









Residence classification 






Occupational groups 


All enumer- 
ated fam- 
ilies 


All classes 


Cities over 
100,000 


Cities 
10,000 to 
100,000 


Cities 
2,500 to 
10,000 


Rural areas 


All groups 


Number 
37, 314 


Percent 
100.0 


Percent 
17.8 


Percent 
14.0 


Percent 
17.4 


Percent 
50.8 






Former occupational group: 


1,844 
2,945 
3,473 
5,757 
5,800 
5,355 
12, 142 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


30.5 
29.2 
36.1 
18.5 
18.1 
11.9 
5.3 


19.2 
18.6 
18.6 
15.9 
15.9 
11.7 
8.0 


19.5 
18.7 
16.3 
19.1 
17.7 
16.7 
16.5 


30.8 




33.6 


Clerks 


29.0 




44.5 


Semiskilled workers 

Unskilled workers 

Farmers and farm laborers. 


48.3 
58.7 
70.2 



While the geographical distribution of the newcomers was generally similar 
to that of the resident population, some differences appear when the pattern is 
examined in detail (tables 10, 11, and 12). Noteworthy areas in which the ratio 
of newcomers to population was greater than average ai-e the western Oregon 
counties south of Portland (except Curry), the Yakima Valley, the three north- 
ernmost counties of Idaho, and the irrigated area in Payette, Gem, and Canyon 
Counties of Idaho, and Malheur County, Oreg. There are several areas of espe- 
cially high ratio that can be explained by local circumstances. In Grant County, 
Wash., most of the returns were from families of workers on the Grand Coulee 
Dam in the northeastern corner of the county. The construction of Bonneville 
Dam probably accounts for a large part of the relatively high concentration of 
newcomers in Hood River County, Oreg., and Skamania County, Wash. In 
Boundary and Bonner Counties in Idaho there has been especially heavy settle- 
ment on cut-over land. In Malheur County, Oreg., the opening of new land in the 
Vale-Owyhee reclamation project brought in hundreds of settlers from outside 
the State. 



2296 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 10. — Families enumerated in Washington migration survey, disirihuted 
by counties of residence in 1939, and compared with distrihution of Washing- 
ton's population in 1930, and percentage increases in population, 1920-29 
1930-39 





Enumer- 
ated 
families 


County population in 
1930 


Percentage increase in 
population 


Washington— county of residence 


Percentage 
of total 


Number of 

enumerated 

families 

per 1,000 

population 


1930-39 


1920-29 


State total: 

Number 


24, 843 
100.0 


1,563,396 
100.0 


15.9 






Percent 


10.1 










Western counties . . 


60.5 


70.5 


13.6 


9.0 


20.1 




Clallam . 


l.f. 
5.0 
4.2 
4.6 

.2 

.3 

13.3 

2.5 

4.3 

1.1 

.9 
8.2 

.1 
2.0 

.4 
6.4 
2.2 

.3 
2.9 


1.3 
2.6 
2.0 
3.8 

.3 

.5 

29.7 

2.0 

2.6 

.6 

1.0 

10.5 

.2 
2.2 

.2 
5.0 
2.0 

.2 
3.8 


19.2 
30.9 
32.9 
19.1 
10.2 
9.9 
7.1 
20.5 
27.0 
26.9 
14.7 
12.4 
5.2 
14.4 
33.2 
20.2 
17.4 
16.8 
12.0 


5.0 

20.1 

23.8 

-13.0 

12.3 

5.6 

8.6 
44.2 

2.4 
1.5.4 

5.1 

7.2 
.2 

6.7 
59.8 
12.1 
17.7 
10.2 

1.9 


79.9 

22.9 

170.6 

34.1 

-2.2 

27.3 

19.1 

-7.2 

S.7 

104.5 

.5 

13.7 

-14.1 

5.3 

22.7 

16.5 

40.2 

11.2 

16.9 


Clark.. 


Cowlitz ... . 


Gray.s Harbor 


Island -_ 


Jefferson 


King 


Kitsap 


Lewis ... 


Mason . . 


Pacific 


Pierce . 


San Juan ... 


Skagit 


Skamania . 


Snohomish . 


Thurston 


Wahkiakum 


Whatcom... 




Central counties ... 


18.0 


10.7 


26.9 


20.8 


19.2 




Benton 


1.4 
2.6 
1.3 

d 

10.2 


.7 
2.0 
1.2 

.6 
1.2 
5.0 


32.8 
20.1 
18.2 
22.3 
21.3 
32.7 


9.5 
8.8 
10.7 
15.8 
32.9 
27.1 


.4 

51.3 

2.4 

6.0 

8.3 

21 5 


Chelan . 


Kittitas 




Okanogan 


Yakima. 




Northwestern counties 


12.2 


11.6 


16.8 


7.8 


3.5 




Ferry .. 


.3 

.6 
9.9 
1.4 


.3 

.5 

9.0 

1.2 


18.9 
20.0 
16.4 
18.3 


9.3 

-2.4 

9.1 

.5 


-16. f 

12.4 

6.5 

-14.1 


Pend Oreille 




Stevens 




East Central counties 


4.2 


2.6 


27.0 


22.9 


-18.5 




Adams. 

Douglas... . 


.1 
.5 
.6 
2.6 
.4 


.5 
.5 
.4 
.4 
.8 


4.5 
16.3 
24.4 
115.2 

7.7 


-20.1 

25.9 

2.6 

156.7 

-4.5 


-19.8 
-19.5 
4.4 
-27.1 
-21.6 


Franklin. 


Grant . 


Lincoln 




Southeastern counties 


5.1 


4.6 


17.2 


2.0 


-2.4 




Asotin .- ... 


1.4 
.3 
.3 
1.7 
1.4 


.5 
.3 
.2 
1.8 
1.8 


43.3 
13.5 
18.3 
14.8 
12.7 


3 3 

4.0 

-8.3 

7,4 
-2,9 


24.4 

-12.6 

-5.5 

3.3 

-10.6 




Garfield 


Walla Walla 


Whitman 





INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2297 



Table 11. — Families enumerated in Oregon migration survey, distributed by 
counties of residence in 1939, and compared with distribution of Oregon's 
population in 1930, and percentage increases in population, 1920-29, 1930-39 





Enumer- 
ated 
families 


County population in 
1930 


Percentage increase in 
population 


Oregon— county of residence 


Percentage 
of total 


Number of 

enumerated 

families 

per 1,000 

population 


1930-39 


1920-29 


State total: 


20,462 
100.0 


953, 786 
100.0 


21.5 






Percent - 


14.0 


21.8 








IVnrtliwPst nniint.ifis 


65.1 


70.5 


19.8 


13.3 


22.7 






Benton - -. -. 


2.2 
5.2 
1.3 
1.8 
7.9 
1.3 
3.6 
8.8 
22.9 
2.4 
.8 
3.4 
3.5 


1.7 
4.9 
2.2 
2.1 
5.7 
1.0 
2.6 
6.3 
35.5 
1.8 
1.2 
3.2 
2.3 


27.6 
23.0 
12.8 
18.7 
29.6 
26.2 
29.8 
29.6 
13.9 
29.0 
14.4 
23.4 
32.4 


12.4 
23.0 
14.8 

3.2 
26.7 
46.0 
23.3 
24.1 

5.1 
17.8 

3.2 
29.0 
19.3 


20.5 




22.6 


Clatsop^ 

Columbia 


-8.3 
43.6 


Lane 


50.7 


Lincoln 

Linn. . 


62.8 
.6 


Marion 

Multnomah 

Polk 


28.3 
22.6 
18.0 


Tillamook 

Washington 

Yamhill .. . 


34.2 
14.8 
7.3 






North Central counties ... 


2.9 


3.4 


17.4 


3.8 


-6.8 






Gilliam.. . .... 


.1 
1.6 

.2 
1.0 
1.0 


.4 
.9 
.5 
.3 
1.3 


3.5 
35.8 

8.7 

15! 5 


-18.4 

29.0 

-12.2 

-21.8 

4.2 


-12.4 


Hood River. . .... 


7.5 


Morrow 

Sherman . 


-12.0 
-22.2 


Wasco 


-7.3 






Northeastern counties . . .. 


5.8 


7.0 


17.9 


4.6 


-5.4 






Baker 


1.3 

2.5 

1.5 

.5 


1.8 

2.6 

1.8 

.8 


16.0 
20.9 
17.8 
12.8 


9.0 

6.5 

1.0 

-2.5 


—6.6 


Umatilla 


-6.0 


Union 

Wallowa.- 


5.1 
-20.1 


Southwestern counties . - 


13.6 


10.3 


28.3 


16.8 


31.3 






Coos . 


3.5 
.3 
2.7 
4.9 
2.2 


3.0 
.3 
2.3 
3.5 
1.2 


2.5.1 
20.9 
24.7 
30.4 
38.7 


14.0 
34.9 
16.6 
8.9 
41.2 


27.5 


Curry ... ... 


7.7 


Douglas.. .. ... ..... . ... 


3.0 


Jackson 

Josephine 


61.3 
50.2 




12.6 


8.8 


31.1 


28.4 


62.3 






Deschutes 

Grant 

Harney ... 


.5 
1.9 

.4 

.3 
1.0 
3.9 

.5 
4.9 

.2 


.4 
1.6 
.6 
.6 
.2 
3.4 
.5 
1.2 
.3 


30.9 
26.0 
14.6 
10.0 
3.5 
24.7 
23.6 
88.6 
16.1 


65.2 

26.3 

7.0 

-9.5 

-11.0 

24.6 

29.9 

75.3 

5.8 


-2.6 
63.3 

8.1 
48.3 


Jefferson 


—28.7 


Klamath 


183.9 


Lake 

Malheur. 


21.1 
3.3 


Wheeler 


.3 







^ Less than 1^ of 1 percent. 



2298 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 12. — Families enumerated in Idaho migration survey, distnbuted by 
counties of residence i7i 19S9, and compared tvith distribution of Idaho's popu- 
lation in 1930, and percentage increases in population,. 1920-29, 1930-39 





Enumer- 
ated 
families 


County population in 
1930 


Percentage increase in 
population 


Idaho— county of residence 


Percentage 
of total 


Number of 

jnumerated 

families 

per 1,000 

population 


1930-39 


1920-29 


State total: 


9,582 
100.0 


445,032 
100.0 


21.5 






Percent 


17.6 


3.0 




29.3 


27.1 


23.5 


12.9 


6.6 








1.5 
5.9 
2.3 
1.6 
1.2 
6.8 
3.1 
.2 
3.2 
3.5 


1.4 
3.0 
1.0 
1.5 
2.3 
4.4 
4.0 
1.2 


23.2 
43.0 
48.5 
23.9 
11.2 
33.5 
16.8 
3.8 


14.9 
18.9 
29.5 
24.8 
25.1 
14.2 

5.5 
-11.4 

7.1 
11.1 


-8.9 




1.5 




1.8 




32.2 




-14.0 




8.9 




-1.6 




-10.5 




4.0 17.5 
4.3 17.6 


15.3 


Shoshone— --- 


33.8 




31.1 


24.3 


27.4 


28.9 


6.1 






Ada - - -- 


10.0 

.4 

.4 

10.6 

1.2 

2.9 
.2 

3.8 
.4 

1.2 


8.5 

.6 

.4 

7.0 

1.0 

1.7 

.9 

1.6 

.8 

1.8 


25.2 
12.9 
18.9 
32.9 
25.2 
36.8 
3.9 
50.2 
10.3 
14.4 


32.1 
18.7 
26.3 
32.0 
21.8 
28.5 
37.4 
29.8 
14.3 
11.3 


7.7 




-3.3 




1.4 




14.8 




-11.7 


Gem - 


15.4 




-12.6 




4.2 




38.2 


Washington 


-15.5 




20.0 


16.9 


25.2 


20.0 


-.4 








.7 

.1 

2.4 

1.3 

1.3 

.9 

2.0 

11.3 


.8 
.3 
2.9 
1.7 
1.9 
.7 
1.9 
6.7 


17.3 
9.9 
17.6 
15.8 
14.7 
25.6 
22.6 
36.2 


40.2 
-3.5 
11.0 
21.6 
18.2 
30.5 
17.2 
22.4 


-15.8 




-18.4 




-16.2 




.4 




45.9 




-5.9 




-7.0 




5.0 




19.6 


31.7 


13.4 


11.7 


-.1 




6.0 
.8 

2.4 

3.3 
.2 
.2 
.1 
.2 

1.3 
.8 
.6 

2.1 
.6 
.4 
.3 
.3 


7.0 

1.8 

4.2 

4.4 

.4 

.5 

.3 

.7 

2.1 

2.2 

2.1 

1.0 

1.9 

1.3 

1.0 

.8 


18.3 

10.3 

12.3 

16.0 

8.8 

10.4 

10.7 

6.3 

13.5 

8.1 

6.1 

43.1 

7.5 

6.6 

6.5 

9.2 


10.2 

.4 

13.2 

30.8 

-3.7 

7.0 

-10.5 

11.8 

9.1 

3.5 

16.2 

39.9 

10.3 

-9.7 

-10.2 

.7 


13.6 




-10.4 




1.4 




12.4 




-34.2 




-3.2 




-40.5 




-10.9 




8.4 




-4.4 




-2.9 




-10.1 




-9.3 




-12.7 




-12.7 


Teton 


-8.9 







INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2299 



In contrast to the irrigated areas, tlie dry-farming and range livestock areas 
which lie east of the Cascades atti-acted relatively very few out-of-State 
people. 

The impact of the migration, as measured by the ratio of newcomers to 
resident population, was somewhat greater in the rural areas and small cities 
than Ln the large cities. Table 13 shows the distribution of the enumerated 
families and the 1930 population by residence classification. Because the 
residence classification of the survey cases was on a school-district basis in 
Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, and the urban districts usually included 
areas outside the corporate limits of the city, the numbers classified as living 
in the cities are somewhat inflated. Furthermore, a significant number of 
rural schools in Idaho did not cooperate in the survey; hence, the proportion 
of rural cases is smaller than it should be. The percentage distributions shown 
in table 13 are, therefore, not strictly comparable, but they do serve to indicate 
that the ratio of newcomers to resident popvilation was lower in the large 
cities and higher in rural areas and small cities. This can be largely accounted 
for by the higher proiwrtion of farm families in the incoming group, since 
farm people entering the Northwest chose as areas of relocation agricultural 
sections of the State. 

Table 13. — Families enumerated in the Northwest migration surrey and per- 
centage distrilution of the 1930 population by residence classification^ 





1930 popu- 
lation 


Families enumerated in migration survey 


Residence classification 


Total 


Washington Oregon 


Idaho 


Total 


Percent 
100.0 


Number 
45, 211 


Percent 
100.0 


Number 
18, 997 


Number 
19, 421 


Number 
6,793 




30.0 


8,032 


17.8 


3,911 


4,121 








Portland 


10.2 
12.3 
3.9 
3.6 


4,121 

1,491 

1,443 

977 


9.1 
3.3 
3.2 
2.2 


i,"49i' 

1,443 

977 


4,121 














Tacoma... 










Cities 10,000 to 100,000 

Cities 2,500 to 10,000 


11.0 
9.8 
49.2 


6,339 

7,873 
22, 967 


14.0 
17.4 
50.8 


3,382 
2,289 
9,415 


2.988 
2,921 
10, 391 


969 
2,663 


Rural areas 


3,161 







1 Residence classification was based on the school district attended by the youngest child in the family. 
The school districts were classified according to the 1930 population of the largest city in the district. Those 
containing no city over 2,500 population are rural. 

> Because of a difference in the method of conducting the survey in Seattle, the enumeration there was less 
complete than in most other areas. 



SECTION 7. OCCUPATIONS OF MIGRANTS AND THE OCCUPATIONAL STEUCTURE OF THE 

FAR WEST 

California. — As indicated previously, migrants to California have been drawn 
from many occupations and, in general, are a cross section of the social- 
economic structure of the States from which they came. This is shown in 
figure 11 by comparing the social-economic group distribution of the family 
heads by regions of origin with the distribution of all gainfully employed males 
in the population of these regions. 

Because of the larger number of families from Oklahoma, this State has been 
shown separately. The proportion of farmers and farm laborers among the 
families migrating from Oklahoma is somewhat greater than the proportion in 
the working population of Oklahoma in 1930. Proprietors, managers, and pro- 
fessional groups were somewhat underrepresented among the Oklahomans. 
From all regions, except Oklahoma, migration to California drew more heavily 
on nonagricultural groups than on the farmers and farm laborers. There was 
a marked tendency for both farmers and farm laborers to remain in the areas 
losing population to California. 

This underrepresentation of agricultural population among the families in- 
cluded in the California migration survey is in sharp contrast with prevailing 



2300 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



o o 2 O 




INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2301 



impressions regarding tbe social-economic character of the migration of the 
1930's. The popular impression has tended to identify "the Dust Bowl refugees" 
with the entire migration to California in this decade. 

Among nonagricultural groups in the California survey, professional persons, 
proprietors, managers, clerical, and semiskilled workers were substantially over- 
represented relative to the proportion of the gainfully occupied in these groups 
in the areas of origin. Unskilled laborers and domestic servants were under- 
represented. 

Figure 110 Mole heods of enumerated families by 1939 occupational groups one) 
former occupotjonol groups OS per cent of total. 




f-foleiS'Cc:! Forrr.efi 0*"ers, 
Monoger; 



SMlle.1 bemi-sKiiiej harm Otner Servonts 

Laborers Laborers Laborers Lobcrers 



Figure lib. — Percentage distribution of employed male heads of enumerated families by 
1939 occupational groups in Califoi-nia compared with distribution of all gainfully occu- 
pied males according to 19.30 census. 



1930 Census 



Professionol 
formers 

Owners, Monagers 



Cierks 

Skilled LoDorers 

Sem-Skiiled Laborers 
Form Laborers 

Other Laborers 

Servonts 



Migration 
Survey 



00% 




The distribution of occupations pursued by migrant family heads in California 
in 1939 was strikingly similar to the occupational structure of the California 
population in the last census (fig. lib). This is not surprising, as it can 
probably be assumed that employment opportunitie.s in California are likely 
to be roughly proportional to the numbers already employed in the various 
occupations. Relatively, more of the enumerated families were farm laborers, 
semiskilled laborers, and skilled workers, than among the California population 
in 1930, but the differences are not outstanding. 



2302 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



The process of adjustment by the newcomers to employment opportunities 
in California required much shifting from one occupation to another (fig. 11a). 
The number of farmers among the group as a whole had decreased by three- 
fourths from the number who were farmers before coming to California; 
farm laborers had increased from 8 to 12 percent of the total, but when both agri- 
cultural groups are considered together the net effect has been a shift out of 
agriculture following migration to California. Very few of the agricultural 
migrants to California had succeeded in establishing themselves as farmers ; the 
great majority of those engaged in agi'iculture were working as hired laborers. 

Proprietor and managerial classes, skilled, semiskilled, and domestic workers 
were all somewhat increased in California over the number in these groups 
prior to migration. (See fig. 11a.) 

The shifting of occupations was considerable among all occupational groups 
but greatest among the former farmers, only 16 percent of whom became farm- 
ers in California. Most of those who had been farmers became farm laborers 
and skilled and semiskilled workers in California. The professional classes 
showed the greatest occupational stability, but even among them only three- 
fourths of those who had been in the professional classes before coming to 
California were still in this group in California in 1939. Nearly two-thirds ol 
the former skilled workers remained within this group subsequent to migration. 
In general, the greatest occupational changes took place among agricultural 
and unskilled labor groups (table 14). 

Table 14. — Families enumerated in California migration survey, 1939: Classified 
by the occupational grouping of male parents or guardians prior to migration 
and hy 1939 occupational distribution for each group 





Total reporting 


1939 occu 


pational group (male parents 
or guardians) 


Former occupational group of male 
parents or guardians 


Number 


Pcrccnt 


Profes- 
sional, 
percent 


Farmers, 
percent 


Propri- 
etors, 
percent 


Clerks, 
percent 


Total, excluding unknown, relief programs 


79, 354 


100.0 


6.3 


3.9 


12.2 


14.4 












» 5,511 

[11,231 

9,842 

11,048 

14, 403 

13, 840 

5,501 

6,545 

1,433 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


77.7 
.6 
2.2 
1.7 
.8 
.8 
.4 
.5 
.4 


.9 1 5.7 
16.4 4.1 

1.8 1 59.9 
1.2 11.3 

1.4 4.4 

1.9 5.2 
3.6 1 1.4 

3.5 I 3.9 
1.5 , 5.3 


6.3 




4.4 




14.7 




64.7 




4.0 


Semiskilled workers 


6.3 




2.0 




4.4 




5.2 








ents or 


1939 


occupatior 
guard 


lal group (male parents or 
ans)— Continued 


Former occupational group of male par 
guardians 


Skilled 

^laborers, 

percent 


Semi- 
skilled 
laborers, 
percent 


Farm 
laborers, 
percent 


Un- 
skilled, 
percent 


Domes- 
tic, 
percent 


Total, excluding unknown, relief programs 
gainful 


and non- 


21.3 


18.6 


11.9 


s.r 


2.7 




3.5 
15.2 

7.6 

6.6 
72.4 
11.9 

7.9 
13.5 

7.2 


2.7 
15.7 
7.8 
8.0 
8.3 
58.4 
11.9 
16.9 
9.8 


1.0 
28.7 
2.1 
1.9 
3.3 
5.9 
60.4 
16.0 
4.3 


1.1 

12.8 
2.5 
3.2 
4.2 
7.4 
10.9 
38.6 
5.6 


.5 




2.1 




1.4 


Clerks 


1.4 




1.2 




2.2 




1.5 




2.7 




60.7 







INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2303 



Of all the family heads included in the survey, more than one-fourth had worked 
In manufacturing and mechanical industries prior to migration ; 23 ix'rcent had 
been engaged in agriculture ; 18 percent had been occupied in trade ; and the other 
principal industries in which they worked were transportation and communication, 
mining, and providing professional services of all kinds. 

At the time of the survey, only 16 percent of the families were reported to be 
engaged in agriculture in California. The proportion of the enumerated families 
working in manufacturing and mechanical industries was 26 percent before com- 
ing to California and 32 percent in California in 1939. Before coming to California, 
4 percent of the families were employed in mining industries ; in California, 3' per- 
cent of the families were employed in this industry. The proportion employed in 
trade in California had slightly diminished from those employed in this industry 
prior to migration. 

The former occupational groups of the family heads is shown, classified by the 
industries in which they were employed, in table 15. That more than a third of the 
enumerated family heads had, previous to migration, been skilled and semiskilled 
workers employed largely in manufacturing and mechanical industries, is a finding 
closely related to the expansion of manufacturing industries in California. 

Table 15. — Families enumerated in California migration survey, 1939, classified. 
6y former occupation and former industry 





Total reporting 


Former industry 


Former occupational group 


Number 


Percent 


Agricul- 
ture, 
percent 


Forestry 

and 
fishing, 
percent 


Extrac- 
tion of 
minerals, 
percent 


Manu- 
turing 
and me- 
chanical, 
percent 


Total 


91, 140 


100.0 


23.9 


0.9 


3.9 


26.3 








6,235 
14.014 
10, 865 
12, 492 

14, 598 

15, 596 
7,343 
7,152 
2,845 


100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 
100.0 


.1 

100.0 

.5 

.1 

1.2 

1.0 

100.0 



.3 


.1 



1.2 
.1 
.2 
.3 



8.3 
.2 


1.6 



1.4 

.4 

2.3 

1.1 



38.6 

.1 


6.3 







Proprietors, managers, and officials 


18.1 
13.5 




80.2 




42.0 


Farm laborers . _ - 





Unskilled laborers, etc 


23.6 


Domestic 


.6 








Former industry— Continued 


Former occupational group 


Trans- 
portation, 
commu- 
nication, 
percent 


Trade, 
percent 


Public 
service, 
percent 


Profes- 
sional 
service, 
percent 


Domestic 

and 
personal 
service, 
percent 


Total 


7.9 


17.7 


6.1 


7.1 


6.2 






Professional 


1.4 


5.5 
8.6 
9.5 

15.4 


21.3 
3.4 


.6 


49.2 
71.2 
2.0 
8.2 


3.9 
1.3 


3.4 


12.7 

2.7 

3.9 
18.1 



2.5 
.9 


86.5 


2.9 
2.5 
.4 
1.3 

9 
4.6 










Proprietors, managers, and officials 


8.6 


Clerks and kindred workers..- 


.0 


Skilled workers ... 


.3 


Semiskilled workers. . 


12.6 


Farm laborers 





Unskilled laborers, etc 


.g 


Domestic 


88.6 







The distribution of the occupations in 1939 of migrant family heads compared 
to that of their States of residence in the far West is shown in table 16 for all five 

States. 



2304 



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INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



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INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



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2306 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

To repeat, the survey families from New England, Pennsylvania, and New York 
were drawn mainly from the professional, proprietor-managerial, clerical, and 
skilled worker classes. This was true as well of those from the Great Lakes 
States, from the States of the Ohio Valley, and among the migrants from the 
northern Great Plains. 

From a close insi>ectiou of table 16a, the migration of the 1930's, as measured 
by this survey, might be characterized as a general movement of population to 
California which drew, from all regions, more heavily on the professional and 
white-collar classes and skilled workers than on agricultural population or un- 
skilled labor groups. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2307 



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260370 — 41— pt. 



2308 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

The Pacific Xorthwest. — The survey families in the Northwest were, like 
those ill California, a fair cross section of the areas from which these people 
came. This is shown graphically by a comparison of the social-economic group 
distribution of the survey cases from the various regions of origin with the 
distribution of the male working population of the same regions (fig. 12). 
The professional group was slightly overrepresented in the survey cases for 
most of the regions, and this was true as well of skilled, and particularly 
semiskilled, workers. The proportion of unskilled workers among the survey 
cases was somewhat lower than in the population of nearly all regions (fig. 12a K 

About one-third of the survey families in the Northwest had been engaged 
in farm work (farmers and farm laborers) before coming into the State (fig. 
12). This was a much higher proportion than was the finding of the survey 
in California, where only 23 percent of the families had previously been engaged 
in agriculture. Among the migrants to the Northwest from Missouri, Colorado, 
Kansas. Nebraska, and Oklahoma the proportion of agricultural population was 
relatively high as compared with the occupational distribution of the popula- 
tion in this region. The States .showing a disproportionately high ratio of farm 
workers were all in the areas of drought in 1934 and 1936. This is in contrast 
with the findings of the California survey, where agricultural population was 
underrepresented from every State but Oklahoma. 

Mr. Troxell and Mr. O'Day find from the Northwest survey that there was a 
marked similarity in the distribution of the occupations pursued in 1939 by the 
employed heads of the families studied and the male working population of 
the Northwest States as indicated by the 1930 census (fig. 12b). 

The process of adaptation of the newcomers to the occupational opportunities 
of the Pacific Northwest involved a considerable amount of shifting from one 
occupation and industry to another. The number working in agriculture in the 
Pacific Northwest was considerably less than the number who previous to migra- 
tion had been engaged in agriculture (fig. 12a). The unskilled labor group was 
larger in 1939 than before migration. Although the other groups were of approxi- 
mately the same size in 1939 as before migration, this is not to say that all who 
were formerly members of these groups were able to find employment at their 
usual occupations in the Northwest. 

There was a great deal of occupational shifting by members of all occupational 
groups, but the greatest amount took place among the members of the unskilled 
labor and agricultural groups. Less than half of the former farmers and farm 
laborers were employed in agriculture in the Northwest in 1939. Nearly three- 
fourths of those who were formerly in the professional group were still members 
of this group at the time of the survey."** 

The similarity between the distribution of the occupations in 1939 of migrant 
family heads to that of the gainful workers of the State in 1930 is not as close 
for the Idaho cases as for Washington and Oregon. In Idaho the agricultural 
group was unduly small, probably because a significant proportion of rural schools 
did not cooperate in the study (fig. 12b). 

In Washington and Oregon agricultural workers were relatively about as 
numerous in the survey group as in the population. Certain of the nonagricul- 
tural occupations were proportionately larger in the survey sample than in the 
resident population. There were, relative to the 1930 census, three to five times 
as many clergymen in the survey group. "United States officials and inspectors," 
which include Army and Navy officers, were also considerably overrepresented. 
Salesmen, carpenters, mechanics, foremen, painters, manufacturing operatives, 
and truck drivers were occupations more frequently found in the survey sample 
than in the population. 

Arizona. — More than 40 percent of the families enumerated in the Arizona 
migration survey were living in the three States of Oklahoma, Texas, and Arkan- 



'8 Percentage of the male family heads of each group -whose occupational group In 1939 
was the same as it had been before migration : 

Occupational group : Percent 

Professional 73 

Owners, managers, oflBcials 58 

Clerks 61 

Skilled workers 60 

Semiskilled workers 46 

Unskilled workers 50 

Farmers and farm laborers 45 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2309 



Pacific Northwest 

Fig.iZ -Percentage distriDution of male neads of enumerofea 
families by former occupational groups by regions of last residence; 
and comparison with distribution of all gainfully occupied maleS; 
in those regions according to 1930 census. 



AllCases Northwest 



Mil) 
Surv, 



Colifornio NGreatPloins S G'eo I Plains North Central 



Professiono' — ► 
Owners, Monooers— *■ 

ClerKS 

SKiilcd 
Semisn 

Unskilled 
(exc fcrm (obc 

Formers end 
Fcrm Lcbore.i 




Fig. I2a-Ma!e heads of enumerated families, by 1939 occupational 
groups and former occupational groups. 



Former 1939 



Former 1939 




Former |939 Former ' 



I 



0,000 




Professionol Owners Clerks ond Skilled Se'^iskiiled Unskilled Formers and 
Monogers Kindred (Except farm Form 

Officials Workers loOorers) Laborers 



Fig. 12b.- Percentage distribution of employed male heads of 
enumerated families by 1939 occupational groups, by state 
of residence in 1939; and comparison with distribution of all 
gainfully occupied males occording to 1930 census. 



All Coses Washington 

Mig. 
Surv. 



Oregon 



Professional - 

Owners, Managers — » 

Clerks ► 

Skilled ► 



Semiskilled 

Unskilled 
(except form laborers) 

Formers and ^ 

Farm Laborers 




2310 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



sas in 1930, and more than half of these families were engaged in agriculture 
prior to migration. Movement of population to Arizona from this region drew 
proportionately more heavily on farmers and farm laborers than the distribution 
of agricultural workers among all workers in these States in 1930. Migrants to 
Arizona from all other regions of the United States underrepresented the agri- 
cultural population in those regions and substantially overrepresented the white- 
collar and skilled-worker groups. 

Among all the enumerated migrant families, those who had been in the white- 
collar groups before migrating to the States were about the same proportion as 
these groups made up of the gainful workers in Arizona in 1930. Relative to 
the occupational structure of Arizona in 1930, the enumerated migrant families 
contained twice the proportion of farmers but only half the Arizona proportion 
of unskilled laborers. 

Adjustment to occupational opportunities in Arizona required a great deal of 
shifting in occupations and the distribution of all the enumerated families among 
the social-economic groups was substantially different in Arizona in 1940 from 
the grouping of families prior to migration (table 17). 



Table 17.- 



-Families enumerated in Arizona migration survey, classified hy social- 
economic groups prior to migration and in Arizona in 19^0 



Social-economic grouping 


Prior to 
migra- 
tion 


In Ari- 
zona in 
1940 


Social-economic grouping 


Prior to 
migra- 
tion 


In Ari- 
zona in 
1940 


Professional 


5.2 
21.7 
8.6 
9.3 
14.0 
14.7 


5.1 
4.5 
10.1 
10.3 
15.2 
15,3 


Farm laborers 


12.6 
9.6 
2.3 
2.0 


19.7 


Farmers . . - 


Unskilled laborers 


12.2 


Proprietors 


Domestic workers ... 


3.6 


Clerks 


Nongainful 


4.0 




Total 




Semiskilled workers . 


100.0 


100.0 







The proportion of the "migrant" families who were farm operators, in Arizona 
in 1940, had decreased by three-fourths from those who previous to migration had 
been in this group. Following migration, farm laborers among the group had in- 
creased by half and substantial increases also occurred among the unskilled 
laborers and proprietor classes. 

SECTION 8. RELIEF AND UNEMPLOYMENT 



In reply to the occupational questions, some pupils reported their parents or 
guardians as unemployed, on Work Projects Administration, or receiving relief. 
While replies of this character are not an index to the extent of unemployment or 
dependency among the survey group as a whole, because specific questions regard- 
ing unemployment were not asked, nevertheless these replies provide a basis for 
some comparisons within the group of enumerated families. 

Among all the male heads of families enumerated in California, 11 percent were 
reported to be on I'elief, working on AVork Projects Administration, or unem- 
ployed. To repeat, this is by no means an absolute measure of the incidence of 
unemployment among the group, but there is reason to believe that variations in 
the proportions of families reported in these categories do represent varying pro- 
portions of unemployment and dependence (table 18). 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2311 



Table 18.— MaZe heads of families enumerated in California migration surrey, 
1939, and the Arizona migration survey, 1940: Classified by former occupational 
group and by percentage of each group reported on relief, unemployed, or 
tvorking on Work Projects Administration in California and Arizona in 1939 





Unemployed, re- 
ceiving relief, or 
on W. P. A. 


Former occupational group 


Unemployed, re- 
ceiving relief, or 
onW. P. A. 


Former occupational group 


In 

Arizona, 

1940 


In 

California, 

1939 


In 

Arizona, 

1940 


In 

CaUfomia, 

1939 


All occupational groups.. 


Percent 
9.8 
4.4 
12.5 
5.3 

5.8 

8.2 
10.7 


Percent 
11.2 

3.3 
16.0 

4.3 

6.5 

9.5 

10.1 


All occupational groups— Con. 


Percent 
9.8 
12.6 

11.8 
8.0 

14.6 


Percent 
20.7 


Other laborers 


18.7 




Domestic and personal 




Proprietors, managers 

Clerks and kindred 


10.5 




4.0 


Unemployed, receiving 
relief, or working on 
Work Projects Ad- 




Skilled workers and fore- 
men . 




Semiskilled workers 


36.4 









Of the male family beads who, before migratioii, were unemployed, on Work 
Projects Administration, or receiving relief, 36 percent were reported to be still 
in these groups in California. Twenty-one percent of the former farm laborers, 
19 percent of the unskilled laborers, and 16 percent of the former farmers were 
reported as unemployed, on Work Projects Administration, or on relief in Cali- 
fornia. In contrast, only 7 percent of the former clerical workers and 3 percent 
of the fomer professional persons were reported as unemployed, on Work Proj- 
ects Administration, or receiving relief in California. By this index, the agricul- 
tural and unskilled labor groups were the least successful in establishing them- 
selves in California. 

Families with a female head were reported in larger proportion to be unemployed 
and on relief than was true of the families in which the father or a male guardian 
was indicated as the head. Therefore, when all of the enumerated families are 
considered, the ration of unemployed and relief dependence rises to 13 percent of 
all the survey families. 

Striking differences from this State average are apparent in various sections of 
California. Of the enumerated families in the five metropolitan counties of Cali- 
fornia, only 11 percent were reported to be unemployed or receiving relief; 
whereas, in the San Joaquin Valley counties, 20 percent of the families were so 
reported (table 19). It has been indicated earlier in this exhibit that 52 percent 
of the families enumerated in the San Joaquin Valley counties had been engaged 
in agriculture prior to migration as compared with 23 percent of all of the families 
enumerated throughout the State. 

Table 19. — Families enumerated in California migration survey: Classified by 
counties of residence in California in 1939 and by number receiving relief, 
working on relief programs, and unemployed at the time of the survey 



County of residence in California 


Families 

reporting 

present 

occupation 

(number) 


Families unemployed 
and on relief 




Number 


Percent 


State total .- -- 


102, 790 


13, 150 


12.8 








14,871 
4,918 

10, 355 
6,183 
4,110 

62, 3.53 


3,027 
711 

1,378 
756 
464 

6,S14 


20.4 




14.5 


Southern California 


13.3 




12.2 




11.3 




10.9 







2312 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



For the State as a whole, the migration survey enumerated 21 families for 
each 1,000 persons in the State according to the 1930 census ; however, the 
ratio of enumerated migrant families to population was 31 for the San Joaquin 
Valley counties. The migration of distressed agricultural population to the 
agricultural valleys of California in addition to the relatively greater volume 
of migration to these valleys is doubtless among the basic causes of this 
disproportionately high incidence of relief and unemployment among the 
migrant families in these agricultural counties. 

The proportion of all enumerated families receiving relief or unemployed, 
was smaller in Arizona (10 percent) than in California (13 i>ercent i or in 
the Pacific Northwest (14 percent). Those family heads who, previous to 
migration, had been farmers and those who had formerly been unskilled laborers 
were more frequently reported to be receiving relief or unemployed in Arizona 
(table 18). 

Of the heads of families enumerated in the survey in the Northwest, 14 per- 
cent were reported to be unemployed, receiving relief, or on Work Projects 
Administration when the survey was made in 1939 (table 20K A relatively 
high percentage of Work Projects Administration cases in Washington and a 
low percentage in Oregon are i)erhaps only a reflection of the relative size of 
the Work Projects Administration programs in the two States." 



Table 20. — Male heads of families enumerated in the Northwest migration 
survey who were unemployed or on Work Projects Administration in 1939, 6y 
former occupational groups 



Former occupational group 



Total un- 
employed 
receiving 
relief and 
on Work 
Projects 
Adminis- 
tration 



Work 
Projects 
Adminis- 
tration oc- 
cupational 

group 



Unemploy- 
ed occu- 
pational 
group 



All groups 

Professionals 

Owners, managers, officials 

Clerks and kindred workers 

Skilled workers and foremen 

Semiskilled workers 

Unskilled workers (except farm laborers) 
Farmers and farm laborers ._ 



Percent 

13.7 



Percent 



Percent 

5.9 



3.8 
6.3 
6.4 
12.0 
13.9 
25.0 
18.1 



1.4 
2.2 
2.9 
6.4 
8.0 
15.0 
10.8 



2.4 
4.1 
3.5 
5.6 
5.9 
10.0 
7.3 



Former unskilled workers and people engaged in agriculture were the two 
groups which made up most of the people who were unemployed, on relief, and 
working on Work Projects Administration (table 20). About 18 percent of the 
agricultural groups and 25 percent of the unskilled group, as compared to 10 
percent of other groups, were reported to be on Work Projects Administration, 
receiving relief, or unemployed in the Northwest in 1939 (table 20). 

A classification of the total unemployed group by year of arrival in the States 
of the Northwest shows a slightly higher proportion among the 1934 to 1937 
arrivals. This is a reflection of the greater number of agricultural workers 
arriving in these years. The 1938 arrivals had the highest proportion unem- 
ployed in 1939, but only a few of these late comers were on Work Projects 
Administration, probably because of the requirement of 1 year's residence before 
application for work can be made. 



" In March. April, and May of 1939. ■when the survey data were being collected, the 
average number on the Work "Projects Administration rolls was approximately 41,000 in 
Washington, 17,000 in Oregon, and 10,600 in Idaho, according to the April to June 1939 
issues of the Statistical Bulletin compiled by the Work Projects Administration Division 
of Statistics. These figures represent approximately 6 percent, 4 percent, and 6.5 percent, 
respectively, of the working population of these States, including both men and women. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2313 

SEr-nON 0. CONSIDERATIONS IN A NATIONAL POLICY FOR MIGRATION 

Mifjratio-H aixl the economy of the Far West.- — In recent years, a great deal of 
attention has been given to the effects of a decline in the growth of population 
on economic development. The considerable literature discussing the relationship 
between population movements and the expansion and contraction of economic 
activities frequently raises the onestion as to "* * * whether the failure of 
the American economy to en.ioy full recovery since 1929 is not, at least partly, a 
result of the decline in the rate of population growth. It has been felt that the 
decline in the birth rate and the decline in immigration are to a certain degree 
resiwnsible for the large scale unemployment that has characterized the economic 
development in this country in the last 10 years.'* 

In such discussions, it is frequently pointed out that in the past, new invest- 
ments in prodxictive capacity have been frequently made by businessmen in the 
expectation that continued increases in population would provide the market for 
the products of new or extended factories. During the last decade it has become 
apparent that population was not increasing at its past rates and that invest- 
ments could not be wisely made on growth expectations. 

Discussions of the retarding effects on economic expansion of a diminishing 
rate of population growth have not been limited to pi'ofessional economists ; the 
subject has appeared, as well, in the journals of business, and the interpretation 
of population trends is often quite pessimistic. For example, "As a result of a 
slowing up of the Nation's forward march (in population) some of today's gilt- 
edge bonds will never be paid, and many a mortgage thought to be as good as 
gold won't be worth the paper it takes to record it." "" 

To discuss the effects of the 1930-39 migration to the Far West on the economy 
of the areas to which they came, it is not necessary to explore the theoretical 
labyrinths of the arguments by which the relationship between population growth 
and the level of economic activities is established. In brief, the position is often 
taken that decline in population growth will of itself necessarily curtail the 
volume of expansion in old as well as new enteriirises.™ 

Whether or not this point of view will be accepted, there is some evidence that 
in States and regions within the United States, population and industry have in 
the past two decades expanded together. Using estimates of national income 
made by the National Industrial Conference Board, it was found that the 12 
States, in the decade 1920-29, in which the largest percentage increases took 
place in the proportion of the national income they received, were also the States 
which experienced the largest increases of population during this period. 

Examined in another way, the 12 States whose share of the national population 
increased most in the decade 1920-29 also received proportional increases in their 
share of national income. The simultaneous expansion of Income and population 
was true as well, but for different States, in the decade of the 1930's. 

For the 12 States whose share of the national population decreased most from 
1920^-30, a more than proportional decrease took place in the share of the national 
income received by these States. And this was true as well in the years since 1930. 

These data on the concomitant variations of population size and income do not 
identify the causal factors — whether the population came or stayed in the region 
and therefore the income rose, or whether it was the relative expansion of 
economic activities which attracted people to and held people in these areas cannot 
be deduced from these relationships. However, the evidence seems clear that at 
least for the past two decades, the areas showing the greatest changes in income 
showed changes in the same direction in population, and likewise the States 
experiencing the greatest changes in population showed the greatest changes in 
the same direction in income. And frequently changes in relative income were 
proportionately higher than changes in population. 



^« Statement of Otto Nathan, in the Round Table on Population Problems, American 
Economic Review, March 1940, pt. 2, supplement. 

" Sterns, Fred H., New Signposts for Industry, Barron's Financial Weekly, February 
5. 1940. 

20 "* * * when population is increasing, absolute diminutions of demand are likely 
to be somewhat fewer, and somewhat less acute when they do occur, than when population 
is stationary." Cannon, E.. The Changed Outlook in Regard to Population, Economic 
Journal, vol. 41, December 1931. 



2314 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Westward migration during the 1930's has more frequently been regarded as 
a movement away from depressed areas than as a population movement toward 
areas of industrial development and relative economic expansion. Yet, the rela- 
tive economic position of the far West in the Nation has kept pace witli the 
expansion of its population. California, Oregon, and Washington combined, had, 
in 1920, 5.26 percent of the national population and received 7.19 of the national 
income. In 1930, these three States contained 6.67 percent of the national 
population and accounted for 8.66 percent of the national income. By 1938, 
the three States had approximately 7.24 percent of the population of the Nation 
and their share of the national income had increased to 9.34 percent. The per 
capita-income position of the population in these three States has been substan- 
tially maintained in its advantaged position relative to the rest of the United 
States for the past two decades (table 21). It is not possible to say with cer- 
tainty what would have been the effect of the economy of the far West if no 
migration to this region had taken place in the depression decade of the 1930's. 
However, from evidence reviewed above the extension of economic activities and 
the expansion of population seem to have a synchronous existence. What would 
happen to the population of the far West without migration can be quite accu- 
rately estimated. 

Table 21. — Perceyitage of the national population in the Pacific region {Cali- 
fornia, Oregon, and Washington) and percentage of the national income paid 
to persons in the Pacific region, 1919-38 





Pacific region (California, Oregon, 
and Washington) 


Year 


Pacific region (California, Oregon, 
and Washington) 


Year 


Percentage 
of the 
national 
popula- 
tion 1 


Percentage 

of the 

national 

income 2 


Ratio of Pa- 
cific region 
per capita 
income to 
United 
States 
average 
per capita 
income 


Percentage 
of the 
national 
popula- 
tion I 


Percentage 

of the 

national 

income -' 


Ratio of Pa- 
cific region 
per capita 
income to 

United 

States 

average 
per capita 

income 


1919 


5.19 
5.26 
5.40 
5.54 
5.68 
5.82 
5.96 
6.10 
6.24 
6.39 


6.78 
7.19 
7.77 
7.94 
8.07 
8.25 
8.37 
8.54 
8.56 
8.49 


1.31 
1.36 
1.44 
1.43 
1.42 
1.42 
1.40 
1.39 
1.37 
1.33 


1929 


6.53 
6.67 
6.74 
6.81 
6.88 
6.95 
7.02 
7.09 
7.17 
7.24 


8.73 
8.66 
8.54 
8.82 
8.93 
8.56 
8.74 
8.96 
9.11 
9.34 


1.34 


1920 


1930 


1..30 


1921 


1931 


1.27 


1922 


1932 


1.29 


1923 


1933._ 

1934 


1..30 


1924 


1.24 


1925 


19.35 


1 25 


1926 


1936 


1.28 


1927 


1937 


1.27 


1928 


1938 


1.29 









> Population from U. S. Census. Change in population between census periods distributed evenly o\er 
the decade. 

2 National and regional income figures from the National Industrial Conference Board Studies in Enter- 
prise and Social Progress, November 1939, pages 116-117. 



Population groivth and migration. — The national birth rate has been declining 
for a century (the total number of births per year reached its peak in 1921-25). 
Effects of this secular decline in the birth rate have been offset by a substantial 
and secular decrease in mortality rates, by heavy immigration of adults from 
foreign regions of high birth rates, and by the large number of females in the 
child-bearing ages. The National Resources Board estimates of future popula- 
tion, however, indicate small additions to the national population by the excess 
of births over deaths for the next three decades with the total population in 
1980 at a figure somewhat higher than that of 1940.^ 

As regards the natural growth of their populations, Oregon, Washington, and 
California are in a substantially different position from the Nation as a whole. 
In 1930, Oregon had the lowest birth rate (per 1,000 people in her State) of all 
the States in the Nation (14.1). Nevada was second lowest with 14.6, Washing- 
ton third with 14.7, and California fourth from the bottom of the list with 14.8. 



21 National Resources Committee, The Problems of a Changing Population, 1938. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2315 

Looking at fertility a little differently, in the number of children under 5 years 
of age per 1,000 women, aged 20--i4 years, California stood lowest in the Nation 
with a ratio of 357. The fertility rates of Oregon and Washington was not 
much larger at 387 and 396, respectively. 

In order to show what this low fertility means to the population growth of 
Oregon, Washington, and California, we have taken an average of the birth 
and death rates in the period 1929-31 and from these rates (and the population 
in the three States in 1930) estimated what the natural trend of population in 
these States would be in the period 1930-60. We have assumed, for this purpose, 
that the birth and death rates would remain static at this 1929^1 level and 
that no migration to these States or emigration from them would take place. 
This projection has been made by 5-year age groups so that the changing age 
composition of this population under these conditions can be observed.^- 

Under these conditions (without migration), the total population would in- 
crease in Washington until 1950, after which it would decline. The population 
of Oregon would start to decline after 1945 ; the population of California would 
start to diminish after 1940, and by 1950 would be less than it had been in 1935 
(tables 22, 23, and 24). 



22 This assumption probably maximizes tbe period of growth as there seems to be no rea- 
son to believe that birth rates -nill not continue to fall. 



2316 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



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2318 



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INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2319 

Without migratiou to these Western States and with the same birth and 
death rates, the number in the youns-age groups would shrlnlj and there would 
be a substantial increase in both the number and proportion of older persons 
in the population of these States. Of the total population in California in 1930, 
15 percent were over 54 years of age: by 1940, 20 percent of the population 
would be in this age group. This proportional shift in age composition would 
also obtain in Oregon and Washington. 

The increases mentioned above which would take place in the decade between 
1930-39, are, of course, only a partial index to what would be the changing 
composition of the population in the Western States under these assumptions. 
In 1930, the i)ersons over 54 made up 14.8 percent of the total population of 
California, 15.4 percent of the total population of Oregon, and 14.5 percent of the 
population of Washington. By 1960, the proportion of total population aged 54 
and over in California would be 27.9 percent ; in Oregon, they would make up 
25.3 percent ; and in Washington, 25 percent. 

On the other hand, the proportion of the population 5 to 19 years of age would 
change in California from 23.2 in 1930 to 17.3 in 1960. In Washington, the 
change over this same interval would be from 26.3 to 19.2 and in Oregon from 
25.9 to 18.9. 

The growth and changing age composition of population through births and 
deaths is affected by three elements: (1) The size of the base population, (2) 
fertility and mortality rates at specific ages, and (3) the age and sex distribu- 
tion of the population. 

It is estimated from the Bureau's study of migration to the Western States 
and from reports from the 1940 census that the apparent net effects of interstate 
migration from 1930-39 has been an addition of 19 percent to the population of 
California, an addition of 8 percent to Washington, and 11 percent to the popula- 
tion in Oregon. The age and sex composition of the population migrating to 
the West cannot be ascertained from the migration surveys as the sample was 
limited to migrant families having children in school. Therefore, tlie effects of 
the total westward migration on the sex and age di.stribution and on the fer- 
tility and mortality rates of the population in Western States will not be accu- 
rately known until the 1940 census is published. 

The Bureau's surveys have indicated that the majority of newcomers to the 
West in this decade have migrated from the States of the Great Plains and the 
Southwest — areas characterized by relatively high birth rates. The effect of 
these newcomers on the birth rates of the Western States cannot be accurately 
foretold, but it seems not unlikely that the effect of this migration has been at 
least to diminish the rate at w^hich the birth rate is declining. 

Actually, by the end of the decade, from 1930-39, the crude birth rate (number 
of births per 1,000 population in the State) rose in California. In 1930, the 
crude birth rate was 18.83 per 1,000, and in 1939 it was 15.32." And the rate 
of natural increase (the excess of births over deaths) rose from 3.20 per 1,000 
in 1930 to 3.90 in 1939. This occurred, not only because the birth rate rose to 
this 1939 figure but the crude death rate in 1939 was slightly less than it had 
been in 1930. 

The crude rate of natural increase for Oregon and Washington combined was 
3.68 per 1,000 in 1930; in 1939 it was 4.80. The birth rate had increased from 
14.50 per 1,000 in 1930 to 15.26 in 1939. 

The increase in these rates cannot be attributed solely, and perhaps not even 
In largest part, to the entry of newcomers into the far West, because of the opera- 
tion of many other factors on the birth rate, such as economic recovery, relief, etc. 
However, it seems likely that the westward migration of the 1930's probably 
retarded the rate of decline of the fertility ratio, delayed the aging of the popula- 
tion in the Western States, maintained the al)solute number of school-attending 
population in Oregon and Washington, substantially increased the school popu- 
lation in California, and added to the population in all three States. 

In regard to the school-attending population, the evidence from the migration 
survey is clear. Changes in the volume of school attendance in the counties of 



23 This rate is calculated by assuming that in April 1&39 nine-tenths of the total noinila- 
lation increase from the 19.30 to the 1940 census has taken place. 



2320 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



California, Oregon, and Wa.shingron were highly correlated with iuter.state 
immigratic^n to tlie counties."^ 

The apparent net effect of migration on the average daily attendance in the 
public-school system of the State of Washington has been to maintain school 
attendance almost at the level of 1930. Actually, total school attendance fell off 
2 percent from the 1930 figure, but if there had been no migration into or out of 
the State after 1930 (projected population) and no secular change in the ratio 
of school attendance by those of school age, the diminished number of children 
of school age in Washington would have resulted in a decrease in attendance of 
approximately 15 percent. It is known from the migration. survev that pupils 
from families who moved into Washington after 1930 constituted 12 percent of 
the average daily attendance in the State in 1939 (table 25). 

Table 25.— Changes in average daily attendance in the puUic-school sus^tems of 
California, Oregon, and Washington, 1930-39. and proportion of 19S9 attendance 
made up hy pupils from families entering the State since 1930 





Ratio of 
1939 aver- 
age daily 
attendance' 
to 1930 
average 
daily 
attendance 
(in percent) 


Ratio of children from 
families moving to 
State since 1930 2 to— 


State and region 


1930 aver- 
age daily 
attendance 


1939 aver- 
age daily 
attendance 


California: 

State total 


118.6 


21.0 


17.7 




San Joaquin Valley counties 


123.8 
117.1 
116.5 
123.8 
116.9 
118.5 


27.5 
20.6 
19.7 
22.2 
15.0 
19.8 




Metropolitan counties 


17.6 
16.9 
17.9 
12.8 
16.7 


Sacramento Valley counties.. . 


Southern California counties . 


Coast counties.-- - 


Mountain counties 




Washington: 

State total - 


98 1 


lO o 








Western counties 




10.7 
16.6 


Central counties 


106.5 
89.2 
87.3 
84.0 


17.6 
12.4 
16.3 
11.6 


Northeastern counties.. . 


East Central counties... 


16.6 
13 9 


Southeastern counties 






Oregon: 

State total _. 


104.3 


17.3 


16.5 




Northwestern counties. 


104.0 
93.6 
91.5 
108.1 
116.9 


16.7 
11.4 
12.9 
19.5 
21.4 


16.1 
1' 2 


North central counties 


Northeastern counties 


14 


Southwestern counties 


18 


Central southeastern counties 


20 5 







Average daily attendance figures from: California State Department of Education, Oregon State De- 
partment of Education, and Washington State Department of Education. 

2 The number of pupils from families entering the States since 1930, from the migration survev corrected 
include nonresponding children in enumerated families. 

The approximate net effects of migration to Oregon increased school attendance 
in 1939, 4 percent over the 1930 level. Without migration school attendance would 
have fallen about 15 percent by 1939. Pupils from migrant families made up 
16.5 percent of the average daily attendance in Oregon in 19.39 (table 25). 

In California, school attendance had been increased, by 1939, about 19 i>ercent 
over the 19.30 level instead of diminishing about 5 percent as our projected popula- 
tion indicated. Children from families moving to California after 1930 made up 
18 percent of the average daily attendance in the schools of the State in 1939 
(table 25). 



=^It was found that in the counties of California, Oregon, and Washington the ratio 
19:^9 average daily attendance 
1930 average daily attendance 
was closely correlated -with the ratio : 

school children of familie.s entering State since 1929 
^, ^ average daily attendance in 19.30 

the coefficient of correlation was 0.75 ±0.038 (S. E.). 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2321 

SUMMAKY 

It is not the intention of this exhibit to nihiimize tlie economic and social 
problems aggravated and created by the 1930-3!> migration. The effects of the 
influx have not been evenly distributed over the States and this uneven distribu- 
tion has meant that wiiile some communities and counties have hardly noticed 
any influx of newcomers, in others, new shack towns have rapidly appeared, 
schools have become crowded, hospitals and relief agencies liave been called upon 
for unprecedented amounts of aid, and public costs have climbed. 

However, it is essential to recognize that it was economic necessity which 
attracted these people toward the far West, where they thought they could create 
the means of living under relatively more favorable conditions. The evaluation 
of what constitutes more favorable conditions is subject to historical variations. 
The migrants of previous generations generally moved to a diminishing frontier 
or to an expanding urban commerce and industry. Their place in the economic 
and social life of their new communities was relatively easy to acquire because 
of the general demand for their labor, because of investment and development 
opportunities and because of the apparent benefits of their presence to their new 
communities. 

The migrants of the 1930's came into the economic and political life of already 
well established communities. They came in a time of depression, when there 
was unemployment rather than a scarcity of labor, when public costs were rising, 
when there were few opportunities to develop new farms, and when new invest- 
ment opportunities were curtailed and previous investments were in jeopardy. 
Nevertheless, there is evidence that even the diminished opportunities in the far 
West were superior to those in places of origin. 

Income data clearly indicate the Western States as affording more per capita 
opportunities than the areas from which the majority of the migrants have 
come.^^ As the great majority of newcomers show every indication of remaining 
in the West, it is clear that the alternative action of returning to the areas from 
which they migrated is not going on because the far West is a more hospitable 
environment than the areas from which they came. 

Then, from the point of view of the migrants and from considerations of national 
welfare, westward migration during the 1930's can probably be regarded as gener- 
ally beneficial. Removal to the West has resulted in a larger proportion of the 
population of the Nation living in a region of higher per capita income. 

In some respects, the migration to the far West during 1930-39 may be envisaged 
as a self-generating correction of an unwise distribution of population which took 
place in the absence of a national policy for migration. That section of the Middle 
West made up by the States of Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, and 
North Dakota was the area which received the largest population increases in the 
Nation by internal migration during the period from 1880-1920." JIuch of this set- 
tlement was made on a foundation of a type of farming now generally recognized as 
unsuited to the area. The result of this unwise settlement can in part be seen in the 
substantial emigration from this region which took place during the depression 
decade of the 1930's ; the population in each of these States was less in 1940 than it 
had been in 1930. 

However,, evidence suggests that for the far West as a whole, there may be 
no important migrant problem thought of as an unprecedented influx of a 
great horde of unskilled and destitute persons ; the continued ix>pulation growth 
and perhaps the economic development of the far West is still partly dependent 
upon a continued westward migration of population similar to that which came 
in the 1930's. The problems of the migi'ant, on the other hand, are acute. 
Migration, unguided and unaided by any national or State policy has resulted 
in the creation of new slums in the West which now cannot be removed 
except by the expensive process of buying out individual holdings. Resettle- 
ment has taken place in some areas offering little prospects for the future. 
New farms have been created far from markets and in some cases on land 



25 The ratio of Oklahoma's i>er capita income to the United States average per capita 
income was 0.60 in 1930. For Arkansas, it was O.-ST, 0.69 for Texas, 0.9.3 for Missouri, 
and 0.60 for North Dakota in 1930. For the three far western States, California. Oregon, 
and Washington, considered as a unit, the ratio of per capita income to this United 
States average was 1.30 in 1930. Source: National Industrial Conference Board Studies 
in Enterprise and Social Progress, November 1929. 

^ Goodrich. Carter, Migration and Economic Opportunity, University of Penn.sylvania 
Press, 1936, p. 676. 



2322 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

which national efforts toward soil conservation and flood control would con- 
demn as undesirable. In some cases, westward migration has resulted in a 
nomadic life in the West as families continuously follow crop harvests over 
vast areas, and this migratory agricultural pattern is undirected and takes 
place without regard to the labor needs of local areas. The policy followed by 
almost all States of extending aid only to those who have legal residence in the 
State and the absence of Federal relief have left that fraction of the new- 
comers who were in need of assistance in helpless suspension between the mi- 
grant's legal, but perhaps iminhabital residence and his new community from 
which he is likely to be excluded as a public charge. 

It seems likely that the ultimate social costs of problems such as these, if 
neglected, will probably far exceed the costs of dealing with them in advance 
or as they appear." 

Appendix I 

SURVEY METHODS 

Data for the survey were obtained from questionnaires filled out by public- 
school children, members of families that had moved into the State after 1029. 
The questionnaire was designed to be answered by children with a minimum of 
instructions and, therefore, the questions were kept simple. Teachers were 
requested to check their pupils' replies for completeness of response and to 
make sure that they understood the questions. 

Returned questionnaires were sorted alphabetically, and the replies of brothers 
and sisters were clipped together. Those families for which returns were 
received from all children reported to be attending school were considered to be 
"complete." The "incompletes" were alphabetized for the entire county and 
then with the "incompletes" in adjacent counties. After this process, the 
remaining groups, in which there were pupils reported to be in school but 
for which no questionnaires were found, were considered to be "incomplete." 

Data for each family were coded for punching on a Hollerith card. The 
family was considered as the unit, and during the coding the replies from 
all re.sponding children were consulted. Frequently the information on ques- 
tionnaires was incomplete and could be supplemented from the replies of other 
children in the family. If there were discrepancies between the various returns, 
the reply of the majority of the children was followed, and if there was no 
majority, the reply of the oldest child was used. 

Followng are definitions and descriptions of the methods used in deter- 
mining the principal statistical items : 

Families included. — Families eligible for inclusion were those who had moved 
into the State after 1929 and had children enrolled in the public schools 
at the time of the survey. Families that had been living in the survey 
States but who moved out and in again after January 1, 1930, were included. 

Residence classification. — In the surveys made in Oregon, Washington, and 
Idaho, the school districts from which returns were received were classified 
according to the 1930 Census of population of the largest city or town in the 
district. In the California and Arizona surveys, the home address of the family 
was given the 1930 Census classification for population size. 

Residence, 1930. — Residence on January 1, 1930, was determined in the sur- 
veys made in Oregon, Washington, and Idaho from the date of birth, length 
of residence reported in each State, and date of entry into the State the 
child was living in at the time of the survey. If the oldest responding child 
in the family was born after January 1, 1930, this child's birthplace was taken 
to be the 1930 residence of the family. In many cases the year and place 
of birth of one of the responding children established the an.swer. 

In the California and Arizona surveys, pupils were asked to give the county 
and State of their parents' residence in 1930. 

Occupations. — The "1939 occupations" were classified from replies to the 
question, "What kind of work does your father (or guardian) do right now?" 
Both the job and the industry worked in were specified. "Former occupa- 
tions" were classified from the replies to the question, "What kind of work 
did he do before he came to this State?" In order to make the occupational 
classifications comparable with the census, the census code book. Alphabetical 
Index to Occupations, Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930, was used. 



^ Exhibits which follow this one treat of the problems of migrants seelving reestabllsh- 
ment as farmers on cut-over lands and newly irrigated lands, and as agricultural laborers 
in the far West. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2323 



Occupations were grouped according to the system described by Alba M. Ed- 
wards iu A Social-Economic Grouping of the Gainful Workers of the United 
States and the group symbols were taken from the Alphabetical Index of 
Occupations by Industries and Social Economic Groups, Bureau of the Census, 
1937. A special group symbol was used to designate the unemployed. 

Appendix II 

ESTIMATING THE RATIO OF COVERAGE 

In this survey the attempt was made to enumerate, by means of question- 
naires distributed through the public-school system, all families that had moved 
into the States of Arizona, California, Oregon, Washington, and Idaho since 1929 
and had children in school at the time the survey was made. Lack of complete- 
ness in the enumeration was due to : (1) Absence from school at time survey was 
taken, (2) unwillingness to cooperate, (3) misunderstanding of survey, and (4) 
schools not returning questionnaires. Estimates of coverage within the reporting 
schools can be made by assuming the first three of the above reasons followed 
chance. Since a family was enumerated if only one child responded, the proba- 
bility of missing a family is less, the larger the family. It is assumed that 
failure to respond is distributed at random among all eligible pupils, the prob- 
able number of families missed can be estimated by application of probability 
theory. The available information for this calculation is: (1) Total number of 
families reporting, (2) number of school children in each family reporting, and 
(3) number of children responding for each family reporting. 

In the binominal expansion p-{-g=l 

/)=proportion of families responding 
g=proportion of families failing to respond 
For those families with two children in school (p+q)' will represent the pro- 
portions of the two-child families where both children responded, one child 
responded, and no response 

{p+Qy=p-+2pq-\-q' 
If families with both responding children=A, and families with one respond- 
ing child=-B, and total eligible families=r, 



2 ^■ 



p2 



T= 



B 

2pq 



V 2? 

2qA = Bp = B{l-q) = B-Bq 

2qA + Bq = B 

q{2A + B)=B 

_ B _ Number of families with only one return 
^~2A + B~ total number of children reporting 



Proportion 

of families 

with: 



both 

children 

responding 

p2 



+ 



one 

child 

responding 

2pq 



+ 



neither 

child 

responding 



= all families 



1 



2_ 2 19 _ number of responding families 
^ ~^ P^~ number of eligible families 



Eligible families = 
260370— 41— pt. 6 9 



responding families 



2324 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

"(/" was calculated for 3-, 4-, and 5-child families and showed a tendency to 
increase as the number of families increased. This action is explained by the 
fact that the larger families would contain a higher proportion of siblings in 
the same school and even in the same class. In some of the smaller schools it 
was observed that where there were siblings in the same school, the teachers 
had only one of the children fill out a questionnaire. This effect was not great, 
but showed its effect in the larger families. Thus, if we are to assume a chance 
probability the more correct "p" and "g" would be the "p" and "g" of the 
2-child families. 

The ratio of families enumerated to the total number of eligible families is 

determined as follows: Where n=number of school children in the family, 

(P+g')"=l^proportion of total eligible families, 

A- „, , An}{n~l\ (n)(n-l)(n-2) 
expanding: p'> + np"-^q-] ^, — )p"-V+ 3 ^ -p'^-^q^+- -+5" 

"qn» represents the proportion where no reports are received from the fami- 
lies to the total eligible families. 

,, , . . families reporting at all , 

.*. the proportion of , , . — ,■ ■ , , — . .,. = 1 — 5" 

■^ ^ total eligible families 

i2=responding families 

£'=total eligible families 

R 

M^=number of eligible children in eligible families. 

In order to estimate those families who were not included due to the schools' 
not returning the questionnaires, it was assumed that migrant families in those 
regions existed in the same proportion as the average among all reporting 
schools. Thus, the number of eligible children is corrected by the factor of 

/ average daily attendance of schools reporting \ 
\ total average daily attendance of all schools/ 
The total eligible children is now corrected for those : (1) not replying, — = — : 

(2) schools not participating, o a ^DA ^^ .^ ^^^^-^ gijgjj-,ig children(NE), 

responding ADA ' ° " ^ /> 

total ADA y "Rn 
~ responding ADA ^ 1 — g" 

Appendix III 

ESTIMATES OF IN-MIGRATION, 1930-39 (BASED ON THE STJRVEYS) 

To obtain from the survey data an estimate of the total in-migration in the 
period 1930-39, it is necessary to determine the probable value of the ratio of total 
persons entering the area to school children in the migrant group. This "in- 
flating ratio" multiplied by the total number of pupils eligible for inclusion in the 
survey gives the total estimated persons entering these States. Two methods can 
be used. In one, the proportion of school children in the net migration of the 
1920-29 decade is estimated and the assumption is made that the proportion is 
the same for the 1930-39 migration. The other method assumes that the propor- 
tion of school children among the migrant group is the same as in the population 
of the States from which the migrants came. 

The estimate of the proportion of school children in the 1920-29 migration fol- 
lows a procedure which has been widely used to determine the age distribution of 
migrants. V. B. Stanbery -" has made such a calculation for the Oregon net 
migration of 1920 30. Dorothy Swaine Thomas^" describes the method, its 
weakness, and the many calculations which have been made using it. This method 
has not been used in making estimates of 1930-39 in-migration because in addi- 
tion to defects in census data, the method results in net migration estimates and 
does not give the age distribution of either the incoming or outgoing migrants. 

The method used involves the assumption that the ratio of total "migrants" to 
"migrant" school children is the same as the ratios between total population and 
school population in the areas of origin. These ratios were weighted according 

2« Migration into OreRon, 19:^0-37. Oregon State Planning Board. 

^ Research Memorandum on Migration Differentials, Bull, of Social Science Research 
Council 43, 1938. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2325 

to the number of families origiuating in the State as indicated by migration 
survey data. Ratios calculated by this procedure wei-e 4.77 for Washington, 4.72 
for Oregon, 4.61 for Idaho. 4.n3 for Arizona, and 4.68 for California.'" 

Support for the assumption that the ratio of total persons to school children is 
the same in the migrant group as in the population of the States of origin is 
offered by the reasonable results derived by this method when compared with the 
estimates of the net effects of migration calculated from population changes in 
the decade 1930-3'J as reported in the 1940 census. 

Appendix IV 

ESTIMATES OF MIGRATION, 1920-29 

To arrive at an estimate of in-migratiou for the decade 1920-29 which will 
compare with the estimates from the survey for the decade 1930-39, the migration 
difference for the entire population must be established. This is equal to the 
population of the State in 1930 less the population there in 1920, less the births 
occurring in the State during the period and plus all deaths in the State. 

The migration difference for natives of the State is used to estimate the total 
emigration from the State, which added to the total migration difference gives 
the estimated iu-migration. 

The number of surviving immigrants plus the births that have occurred to them 
while in the State is the figure desired for comparison with the estimated total 
number of "migrants" of the post-1930 period living in the State at the time of 
the survey in 1939. 

To arrive at the migration difference for the natives of the State, it is necessary 
to know the age distribution of the natives of the State alive in 1920 in order to 
obtain their mortality in the ensuing lOi/i years of the intercensal period. This 
is estimated by taking the number less than 1 year of age in each census from 1850 
to 1920. It is assumed that all such infants are natives of the State and that any 
error on this score would apply uniformly to all decades. It is also assumed that 
the under-enumeration is constant for each census;" while this might result in 
the wrong total mmiber of natives, it should yield the correct age distribution, 
which is all this calculation is intended to give. 

To each of these census numbers of infants nuist be applied a factor which gives 
the probability of survival to 1920. This is done by means of life tables. Tlie 
gross survival till 1920 is calculated, multiplying together the probabilities of 
successive 10-year survivals. 

Deaths occurring to natives between 1920-29 were estimated from life tables 
for each age group. Total natives (of State in question) in the United States in 
1930= (total natives in 1920) — (deaths of total 1920 natives in decade 1920- 
29) + (births (in State) in decade) — (deaths of those born in decade). Natives 
leaving the coamtry are neglected in this calculation. 

The migration difference for natives indicates a net outward movement of na- 
tives of the Western States during the 1920-29 decade. The net outward move- 
ment of natives is used to estimate total out-migration by making the following 
assumptions: (1) The number of natives moving back into State can be neglected 
compared to the number moving out, and (2) the outward migration of nonnatives 
is assumed to bear the same ratio to the total number of nonnatives in the State 
as does the outward migration of the natives to the number of natives in the 
State. (The means of the 1920 and 1930 native and nonnative populations are 
used here. ) 

The estimated emigration is added to the migration difference and gives an 
approximation of the volume of in-migration. The number of surviving immi- 
grants is estimated from the total immigration by applying five times the average 
annual mortality rate for the State and subtracting the deaths so calculated. 
(It is assumed that all the immigrants were in the State half the time.) 

With the assumption that all of the immigrants were in the State half the 
time, it was further assumed that they would have the same crude birth 
rate as the population of the State to which they came and their numbers 



^o These ratios, which were the ones used in estimating the total migration into the 
survey States, are not greatly different from the average ratio of 5.0, which is calculated 
on the basis of the 1920-29 migration from the census figures. 

31 Whelpton. P. K.. "The Completeness of Birth Registrations in the United States," 
Journal of the American Statistical Association, vol. 29, No. 125, 1934. 



2326 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

would then be increased by the "natural increase" yielded from such assump- 
tions. 

One-half total immigrants >,rn i. i • • , ■ ^r. • c. ^ 

XTotal survivmg births in State 



Average population of decade 



The natural increase to surviving immigrants was added to the immigrants 
in order to yield an estimate of in-raigratiou effects for the decade 1920-29 
that would be comparable to the estimate of in-migration from the migration 
survey in 1939. The in-migration estimates from the survey necessarily in- 
eluded children born to migrants. 

Appendix V 

METHOD FOR APPORTIONING A POPULATION CHANGE AS BETWEEN THE INFLUENCE OF 
BIRTHS AND DEATHS AND OF MIGRATION 

The net effects of migration '^ on population between census enumerations 
can be approximated from the following data: (1) The total births and deaths 
within the area for the i^eriod. (2) The total population at the beginning 
and the end of the period. 

Subtracting the total number of deaths from the total number of births gives 
the total natural increase during the period. This total natural increase has 
occurred not only to the population in the State at the beginning of the decade 
but includes as well the births and deaths occurring to immigrants who en- 
tered the State during the decade. This natural increase will also include 
the births occurring to i^ersons in the area at any time during the decade 
but who emigrated from the area before the end of the decade. The addi- 
tion of the total natural increase during a decade to the population at the 
beginning of the decade equals the total number of persons in the region at 
the end of the decade except for the net difference between the number of 
persons entering over the persons leaving the region. The natural increase 
occurring to the (net) migrants is assumed to bear the same ratio to the 
total natural increase as does the (net) migrants to the average population 
of the decade. 

Following is the derivation of the mathematical procedure by which net migra- 
tion effects is approximated : 

Mm=migration minimal Bt=total births during period 

Pi=population at beginning of period Dt=total deaths during period 

P2=population at end of period Mt=net migration effects 

Io=natural increase AP^change in population during period 

Definition of net migration: (migration minimal) 

Equation (1) Mm=P2— [Pi-f (Bt— Dt)] 

Natural increase of migrants added to minimal migration : 

^ t 

Equation (2 Mt=M^+ .^^^(B^-DO 

2 
Rearranging the equation: 

Equation (3) Mt=[(Mt)(|^^')] = M„Mt(l-~^') 
Simplifying to solve for net migration effects : 

1? +• rA^ TV/r (P2-P1) - (Bt-Dt) _ AP-I. 

Equation (4) Mt= ra tTn 1 

1 _ v-Pt~-L't; 1 _ ip 

(P1 + P2)" Pl-fP2 



53 The net effects of migration differ from net migration in that the birtlis occurring to 
the migrants entering the region are taken into account. Net migration is the difference 
between the number arriving and the number leaving by the end of the decade. 

^ It is assumed that net migration is evenly distributed throughout the period, thus tlie 
average length of residence for the people arriving, and leaving the region is one-half the 
total period. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2327 

Experience of Settlers on Cut-Over Lands in the Pacific Northwest 

By Carl P. Heisig, Agricultural Economist, and H. E. Sexby, Senior Agricultural 

Economist 

INTRODUOnON 

The low cost of cut-over land in the Pacific Northwest and the opportunity to 
start farming with little capital appeal to many who are unable to find employ- 
ment elsewhere and lack sufficient capital to purchase land in developed farming 
areas. Estimates are that about 460,000 persons moved from other States into 
the Pacific Northwest (Oregon, Washington, and Idaho) in the years 1930 to 1938. 
Approximately half of them settled in rural areas. Undoubtedly many thousands 
settled in cut-over areas, but the exact number is not knowu. 

Only a part, however, of the total recent settlement on cut-over lauds is by 
migrant families from other States. Many of the new settlers came from Pacific 
coast cities, seeking an alternative to unemployment. Others were farm tenants 
and laborers in nearby areas. 

To determine the economic situation of these settlers and appraise the oppor- 
tunities afforded by settlement on cut-over lands, studies were made in 1939 in 
two areas in northern Idaho and five in western Washington (figs. 1 and 2). 

LOCATION AND APPROXIMATE EXTENT OF LOCAL 
AREAS STUDIED IN WESTERN WASHINGTON, 1939 







Figure 1 



2328 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



LOCATION OF RURAL SETTLERS INCLUDED IN 
CUT-OVER LAND SETTLEMENT STUDY, 1938-39 

EACH DOT = ONE FAMILY 



U S DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 

BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS 

AND 

IDAHO AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION 



r" 




r-^" 



r^ 



PLUMMER o 



BENEWAH 
COUNTY 



L. 






NORTHERN j 
IDAHO ( 



Figure 2. 



In western Washington all resident families, 1,051 in number, were enumerated 
briefly and detailed records were obtained from 267 families, including 156 who 
settled after 1929 and 111 who had been on their farms from 10 to more than 30 
years. In northern Idaho data were obtained from 189 settlers, all but four of 
whom had located there since 3929. Complete records of income and progress 
were obtained from 150 of these settlers who had located on farms in 1930 and 
subsequent years/ 

In all the five Washington areas from 50 to 70 percent of the families residing 
in the areas in 1939 had moved to the areas since 1929. 

Thus, in two areas, fewer than a third of the families had been there in 1930. 
Some families have moved out of the areas since 1930, so the above figures do not 
represent a net increase in population. 

Of the families who settled in these areas since 1929, 31 percent were in the 
same county before 1980. An additional 24 percent were in other Washington 



''^A farm was defined as 3 or more acres of cut-over laud. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2329 

counties before 1930. Thus, more than half of the recent settlers in the five local 
areas came from within the State. 

Of the interstate migrants, about half came from the Great Plains and slightly 
more than a fourth from Pacific and Intermountain States. Of those who came 
from the Great Plains States, about two-thirds were from the northern plains. 

In northern Idaho, more than 60 percent of the farm settlers came from the 
Great Plains. 

CHARACTFERISTICS OF SETTLERS 

Families of the new settlers (since 1929) averaged 4.3 persons in northern Idaho 
and 3.9 persons in western Washington. The new settler families have relatively 
more young people and fewer old people than are found in either the farm popula- 
tion or the general population of the Pacific Northwest. Nearly a third of all 
persons in the new settler families of northern Idaho were under 15 years, while 
fewer than 10 percent were more than 55 years old. However, nearly half of the 
family heads are more than 50, and therefore, in many cases, the ultimate clearing 
of the farm will dei>end on the younger members of the family. 

In the northern Idaho areas the principal motivating reason for the settlers 
coming west was to obtain better economic opportunities. Crop failure and 
drought account for 53 percent of the reasons given. Only 2.6 percent of the 
settlers signified their desire to get off relief as their reason for coming west. 
The reasons given are those which the individuals reported in response to an 
enumerator's question, which may or may not have suggested to them certain types 
of response. 

In the western Washington areas, because of their nearness to large urban 
areas such as Portland and Seattle, a somewhat different situation exists. 
Almost one-half of the 156 settlers studied in detail who moved into the rural 
areas since 1929 gave nonagricultural work as their previous occupation. A 
large part of this group was doubtless drawn from nearby urban areas. Lack 
of opportunity elsewhere and availability of cheap laud were frequent reasons 
given by this" group. Crop failure and drought were reported as the primary 
reasons" for leaving the Great Plains States. The presence of relatives in the 
area and availability of cheap land were the most frequent reasons reported 
for settling in the areas studied. A liking for the local climate was a reason 
expressed by a number for locating where they did. 

In many" cases settlement on cut-over land has meant a shift from farm 
tenancy or laborer status to small-scale farm ownership. Of 150 farm settlers 
in northern Idaho from whom complete income records were obtained, 37 were 
farm owners before moving to northern Idaho, 11 were owner-renters, 41 were 
farm tenants, 16 were farm laborers, and 45 were in nonfarming occupations. 
Of 138 settlers who have purchased or are purchasing land, 70 were farm 
tenants or farm laborers in their former locations. On the other hand, of 
the 12 settlers who are now renting their farms, 3 were farm owners before 
coming to northern Idaho. 

In western Washington approximately one-half of those previously engaged 
in agricultural occupations had been in a tenant or farm laborer statvis. In 
1939 less than 9 percent of recent settlers were renting farms. 

The shifts from renter or laborer to farm ownership have not, however, 
necessarily involved an improvement in economic status, as farm ownership 
often consisted only of an equity in an undeveloped, stump-covered farm. 

KIND OF FARMS OBTAINED AND LAND-PURCHASE TERMS 

The Washington localities typify conditions common to the cut-over Douglas 
fir region west of the Cascades. Except in the higher mountain areas, most 
of the timber in this region was logged off more than 30 years ago and land 
clearing for agriculture has been in progress ever since. The many stumps 
are large and decay very slowly ; agricultural development therefore has been 
slow. Most farms still liave uncleared land within their boundaries, and many 
extensive areas are in practically the same condition now as when the timber 
was first removed. In northern Idaho, however, the stumps, mostly pine, are 
smaller and rot more readily. Clearing is easier and more can be accom- 
plished with limited means. Even here, however, agricultural development 
has been slow and the land is largely still covered with stumps, brush, and 
second-growth timber. 



2330 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Merely because large, numerous stumps occupy a piece of laud, it does uot 
follow that such soil is fertile and adapted to the production of cultivated 
crops. Much commercial timber has been harvested from rough, gravelly soil 
areas that have little or no value for anything but the continued production 
of forests. Many settlers who have come from parts of the country where 
vegetation is sparse are misled by such profuse growths of vegetative matter 
as occur in western Washington into the belief that the soil must necessarily 
be equally productive for cultivated plants. 

The truth is that there is little correlation between native vegetative growth 
and soil quality, and soil types vary remarkably and change rapidly from good 
to poor quality in short distances. Because of the relatively small amount of 
growing season precipitation, a soil retentive of moisture is necessary for suc- 
cessful farming. While there are yet many acres of good farm land uncleared, 
there are likewise many acres of poor, unproductive soil. Preiser selection 
of land is one of the most imixtrtant considerations for the prospective settler 
who contemplates hewing a farm out of timber or stump land. 

Western Washinf/fo)i. — Most of the settlers who moved into the areas studied 
obtained tracts of land having from 20 to 45 acres of stump, brush, and second- 
growth timberland. Approximately 65 percent of the families who had settletl 
in the areas since 1929 and from whom detailed information was obtained had 
secured farms with less than 3 acres cleared at time of settlement. About 30 
percent of the farms had from 3 to 30 acres cleared at time of settlement, and 
only 5 percent had more than 30 acres cleared. Practically all settlers, there- 
fore, are faced with the task of clearing a considerable tract of land if they 
hope to obtain their entire living from the land they purchased. 

Sixty of the group of recent settlers had purchased land on which there were 
no buildings at time of purchase, though a small amount of clearing may have 
been done. These 60 land purchases averaged 46 acres per farm at an average 
purchase price of $15 per acre. There was a wide range in price both between 
different areas and between farms within the same area. Most purchases were 
made at from $10 to $30 per acre for cut-over land with no clearing done. 

Very few of the settlers paid cash for their land. Most of them purchased 
on a contract, with from 10 to 20 percent of the purchase price as a down pa.\- 
ment, the balance payable in installments over a period usually from 5 to io 
years. The interest rate was 6 percent in most cases, though 4 percent was 
a common rate in the Yacolt area in Clark County. 

Northern Idaho. — The farms on which the settlers located consisted predomi- 
nantly of undeveloped cut-over land. Many .settlers acquired completely raw 
land, others obtained partly developed farms, and a few purchased or rented 
more completely developed farms. The soils are predominantly rolling upland 
types that are subject to erosion unless carefully handled. Because of the 
original forest cover of these soils, a nitrogen and organic matter deficiency 
has resulted and farming practices must be followed to build up these constitu- 
ents and to combat erosion. 

From soil and land classification maps, of the areas in which the settlers are 
situated, it has been estimated that for northern Idaho as a whole, only about 
half of the newly settled land can be classed as good cropland, the other half 
being of doubtful value for cultivation or definitely nonagricultural. However, 
the settlers' own estimates that 78 percent of their land is suitable for cultiva- 
tion may not be overly optimistic since these records were taken in areas which 
are generally somewhat better than average. It appears probable that in 
many cases settlers have obtained and are laboriously clearing land of doubtful 
value. 

From reconnaissance land classifications and soil surveys, it is estimated that 
there are about 600.000 acres of good agricultural land in the upland cut-over 
areas of northern Idaho. From the 1930 census precinct data and the school 
survey, it is estimated that there are about 1,000,000 acres in farms in these 
same areas. These estimates indicate that a considerable body of nonagricul- 
tural land is included within present farm boundaries. This leads to the con- 
clusion that there are only very limited amounts of additional good land avail- 
able for new farm development, exclusive of the undeveloped agricultural land 
already in farms, and hence emphasizes the importance of careful selection of 
land before it is developed for agriculture. Possibilities of the migration of 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2331 

fjirm settlers to northern Idaho are limited not only because of the limited areas 
of agirciiltnral land available for development but because some of this will 
be required if rural families already in the area are to become established on 
farms. 

The average size farm obtained by the 150 farm settlers was 98 acres. The 
acreage of cultivatab'^i cropland was 8 acres per farm with 0.3 additional acre 
of cleared pasture la/id. Eighty-thi-ee settlers obtained less than 1 acre of 
cleared land at time of settlement. 

Improvements on the farms obtained by the settlers varied widely. Forty- 
four percent of the 138 settlers purchasing farms obtained entirely uncleared 
cut-over land with no improvements ; 13 percent obtained no cleared land with 
some improvements : and 43 ijercent obtained some cleared land and improve- 
ments, usually consisting of a 1-room or 2-room house and a barn of frame 
or log construction. All of the 12 settlers who were renting their farms obtained 
improvements with their places. 

The new settlers paid an average of $880 for their farms, or $10 per acre, 
although individual purchase prices ranged from $1.50 to $83 per acre, including 
improvements. Improvements, however, were almost negligible, amounting to an 
average of only $28 per farm. Only 30 settlers out of the 138 purchasing land 
paid for their land in full at time of purchase ; the remainder made down pay- 
ments averaging $199 and ranging from $15 to $1,400. One hundred and two of 
the purchasers bought their land on purchase contracts ranging from 1 to 40 
years, averaging 8 years. The most common form of contract called for 10 
Ijercent down with 10 years to pay at 6 percent interest. Sixty-six percent of the 
purchasers obtained farms from other individuals ; 21 percent pui'chased on con- 
tract ; and 6 percent obtained deeds from lumber companies ; and the remainder 
purchased from banks, the State, and the county. Lumber companies were the 
principal vendors of the more recently logged-off land, but in previously logged-off 
areas much of the land was purchased by individuals and held without improve- 
ments until sold to new settlers during the past decade. 

Few of the purchase contracts contained provisions for compensation for 
improvements made to property if the settlers were dispossessed, but vendors 
were reported as having been very fair in this respect. When a new settler 
purchased a previous settler's contract he usually paid an agreed price for im- 
provements and payments already made, then continued to pay the balance of 
the contract price to the original vendor. 

While the settlers with substantial amounts of cash could have chosen to make 
relatively large down payments or outright purchase of farms, they tended to 
make more modest down payments and use the remaining available cash for 
living and operating expenses. In general, those with the most cash contracted 
to buy the most expensive farms, but one settler with no cash on arrival con- 
tracted to buy a farm for $2,250, giving $125 worth of livestock as down payment. 

SOURCES OP FAMILY LIVING 

Anyone driving through the cut-over areas would wonder how most of these 
people make a living at all. Income from an undeveloped cut-over farm is 
exceedingly meager. The present study reveals a high degree of dependence on 
nonfarm income by most settlers. 

Western Washitif/ton.- — In the 5 local rural areas surveyed a total of 1,051 
families were residents on the land. Some of these farms were merely rural 
residences with little land and practically no contribution made by the land to 
family living. Others were full-time farms from which the families obtained all 
funds used in family living. 

Only 26 percent of the total number had no off-the-farm employment or receipts 
from grants or pensions (table 1). Lumber industries provided employment to 
15 percent of the farm operators in varying amounts of 2 to 12 months' employ- 
ment. Work on nearby farms was a source of employment to about 6 percent of 
the operators ; most of this group obtained from one-half to 4 months of employ- 
ment. Other public service and private employment of a nonrelief nature fur- 
nished employment in various amounts to 17 percent of the operators. Relief 
work provided employment to 24 percent of all farm families, over 50 percent of 
this group having from 10 to 12 months' employment in 1938. 



2332 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 1. — Numier of farms, with specified amotmts of off-the-farm employments 
classified hy major type of employment, summary of 5 sample areas, ivestern 
Washington, Apr. 1, 1938, to Mar. 31, 1939 

















Combi- 












Other 






nation 






No off- 




Lum- 


private 




Grants 


relief 




Number of months of 


the-farm 


Nearby 


ber 


public- 


Relief 


and 


work, 


Total 


employment 


employ- 


farms 


indus- 


service 


work 5 


pen- 


pensions, 




ment 




tries 1 


employ- 
ment ' 




sions < 


and 

private 

jobs 




None ........ 


270 










77 




347 


Less than 0.5 


9 
14 
15 
6 
4 
5 
6 
2 


1 
6 
33 
21 
31 
23 
41 
2 


10 
21 
26 
20 
18 
11 
65 
8 


2 
4 
10 
26 
37 
23 
128 
23 


22 


0.5 to 1.9 . 








45 


2.0 to 3.9 







4 

4 
10 

9 
24 

2 


88 


4.0 to 5.9.. 




77 


6.0 to 7.9 . 




100 


8.0 to 9.9 




71 


10.0 to 12.0 




264 


Length of time not reported... 




37 


Total 


270 


61 


158 


179 


253 


77 


53 


1,051 


Percent of total 


26 


6 


15 


17 


24 


7 


5 


lOO 







* All woodworking enterprises, including logging, fuel cuttings, etc. 

* All private employment except woodworking, and regular public-service employment, such as road 
work, postal service, teaching, etc. 

' Includes Work Projects Administration and Civilian Conservation Corps. 

* Cash or in kind pajTnents from public funds where no work is performed in return for the consideration 

Among the five areas there were some significant variations in employment dis- 
tribution. For instance, lumber industries provided employment to 30 percent of 
the operators in one area, and to only 6 percent in another. Private and public 
service employment other than lumber industries, neighboring farms, and relief 
work was very unifomi from area to area, varying from 15 to 19 percent. Relief 
wox-k, grants, and pensions probably were residual items ; that is, they supplied 
income where it was unavailable from other sources. 

For the settlers from whom detailed records were obtained, the source of funds 
for family living was significantly different for farms of different sizes and length 
of settlement. Medium-size and large farms, both old and new, necessitated little 
if any dependence upon public-relief work. Small farms and nonfarm tracts, on 
the contrary, averaged from $146 to .$277 of income from relief work. All groups 
of farms had appreciable amounts of income from off-fann work of a nonrelief 
nature. 

The total amount of cash available for family living, not including the value of 
farm-produced commodities used in the home, averaged about $500 for settlers on 
all groups of farms except on the larger older fanns, the latter averaging nearly 



The explanation of this relative uniformity of cash income lies in the source 
from which these funds were obtained. On the larger and older farms, approxi- 
mately 65 percent of the net family cash receipts came from the farm itself. The 
smallest and least developed farm, on the other hand, contributed less cash than 
was spent for their development, but the families received more than half of their 
income from public assistance (Work Projects Administration, Civilian Conserva- 
tion Corps, direct relief, etc.) The farms did, however, contribute materially to 
family living in noncash items such as food, fuel, and dwelling. 

There were significant differences between new and old farms as to the amount 
of public-relief assistance received by families residing on these farms. Over 82 
percent of the families residing on farms established prior to 1930 were receiving 
no relief assistance in 1938, compared with only 49 percent on farms established in 
1930 or later years. About 38 percent of the farm families on recently established 
farms were receiving over $500 per year from public assistance. This greater 
dependence on the part of moi-e recent settlers is associated with smaller farms, 
less cleared land, fewer livestock, and perhaps lack of opportunity for outside 
employment because of recently established residence in the communities. 

Norihern Idaho. — For the year 193S the total family earnings of the 150 farm 
settlers in northern Idaho averaged $708 per family, including farm perquisites 
used by the family averaging $189 per farm (table 2). This is the cash or cash 
equivalent available for the family living and debt repayment from all sources 
after farm operating expenses, interest payments, and depreciation of building 
and equipment are deducted. Family earnings ranged from minus $46 to plus 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2333 



$2,275. Reuters and owners renting additional land had larger incomes than own- 
ers ; their farm earnings were larger, chiefly because of larger crop acreages, and 
also their earnings from off-farm work. 

Table 2. — Average income per farm family from major sources, northern Idaho 

settlers, 1938 





Owners 


Renters 


Owner- 
renters 


Total 


Number of settlers 


127 
6.4 


12 
33.0 


11 
33.0 


150 


Acreage of crops per farm . . 


10.6 






Farm receipts' 


$271 
190 


$397 
237 


$676 
432 


$311 
212 


Farm expenses 






Net farm earnings 1 _ 


81 

296 

58 

48 


160 

510 

40 

2 


244 

476 



8 


99 


Ofl-farm work 


330 


Public assistance 


48 


Other ofl-farm receipts 


42 






Total family earnings 


483 


712 


728 


519 







U: 



' Including crop and livestock inventory increases, but not value of farm perquisites used by family, 

Receipts from off-farm work, public assistance, and other off-farm sources 
amounted on the average to more than one-half of the total family income. In 
other words, off-farm sources of income were more important to the average settler 
than the net receipts from his farm, even considering the value of farm products, 
including dwelling and fuel supply, used by the family. There was wide variation 
between different farms in the amount of off-farm income. 

Public assistance, including Work Projects Administration, Civilian Conserva- 
tion Corps, and National Youth Administrati(jn employment and direct relief, was 
not as large on the average as many might expect, only $46 per farm. Thirty-two 
families, or 21 percent, received income from these sources, amounting to $227 per 
family receiving it. 

FARM ORGANIZATION AND INCOME 

Western Washington. — For purposes of analysis and comparison, the farms on 
which detailed information was obtained were divided into groups according to 
the length of time the farm had been developed, irresi)ective of the length of 
occupancy by the present settlers, and by size of operation, as follows : 

Group A : Farms in operation prior to 1930 having less than 100 P. M. W 
in 1938. 

Group B : Farms in operation prior to 1930 having from 100 to 199 P. M. W. U. 
in 1938. 

Group 0: Farms in operation prior to 1930 having 200 or more P. M. W. U. 
in 1938. 

Group D : Nonfarm tracts, those occupied pieces of land on which none of the 
following conditions are exceeded : 3 acres of cleared land, 25 P. M. W. U. of crops 
and livestock, or $250 gross value of farm production, including value of farm 
products used in the home. Where any of these conditions are exceeded the oper- 
ation is considered a farm and is included in some other grouping. Length of 
development is not considered in this grouping. 

Group E : New farms (developed since 1930)^ having less than 100 P M W U 
in 1938. 

Group F : New farms having 100 or more P. M. W. U. in 1938. 

The differences between the various groups as to acres in farm, acres of crops, 
acres of seeded pasture, and numbers of live.'-tock are shown in table 8. Acres of 
crops and numbers of livestock are the determinants of farm size and therefore 
are greater on tlie larger farms. Group D, nonfarm tracts, is composed almost 
entirely of recent settlers who either have no intention of developing a farm or 
have had insuffi:-ient time or capital to carry on any farm development. This 
group of settlers is almost entirely dependent upon off-farm emplovment for their 
living. 



2p M. W. U=productive man work unit: The amount of work performed during a 10- 
nour day at average rates of performance on directly productive farm enterprises 
^J^y"^^^^^^ u'^^-, ^5^™*^ ^l^ distinguished by the date the farm was placed in operation, 
rather than the date on which the present operator occupied the farm 



2334 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Table 3. — Farm organization by size and type of farm, 5 local areas of u-estem 

Wasliington, 1938 



I 



Farm group ■ 



Group A 
Group B. 
Group C. 
Group E 
Group F. 
Group D 



Number 
of farms 


Total 
land in 
farms 


Crop- 
land 


Seeded 
pasture 


Dairy 
cows 


1 
Poultry 


Number 


Acres 


Acres 


Acres 


Number 


Number 


56 


38,6 


7.1 


5.8 


2.7 


34 


57 


82.5 


17.8 


18.1 


5.7 


119 


35 


131. 2 


31.3 


36.7 


10.6 


323 


58 


35.9 


3.5 


4.0 


1.5 


58 


14 


68.3 


7.1 


1.4 


4.0 


485 


47 


30.2 


.7 


4.7 


.3 


10 



Produc- 
tive 
animal 
units 2 



A'';; mber 
4.8 
12.1 
21.5 
3.9 
14.9 
.7 



' Sec pp. 15-16 for definition of farm groups. 

2 Conversion basis: 1 animal unit = l cow, 2 young cattle, 5 hogs, 
animal units do not include horses or mules. 



sheep, or 100 checkens. Productive 



Hay for feeding to livestock is by far the most important crop produced. The 
upland soils upon which most of these farms are established are not well adapted 
to more intensive crops because of their lack of moisture retention during the 
relatively dry summer months, although most farms have gardens and many 
have small patches of berries. With higher prices, these latter crops might be 
expanded to advantage. 

Dairying and poultry are the two most imiwrtant sources of cash income in 
the areas. 

Very little labor is hired on most farms. In groups C and F, the largest farms, 
an average of about $60 per farm was, expended for hired labor (table 4). The 
largest item of expense in all farm groups was for feed. This item was probably 
somewhat larger than usual because the 1938 season had less than normal pre- 
cipitation, particularly in the Salkum area of Lewis County. Group F had the 
largest expense of any group, because of the greater number of poultry farms 
in this group than in any of the others. Much of the hay for feeding dairy cows 
is raised on western Wa.shington farms, but relatively little grain is produced, 
necessitating large purchases where poultry is a major farm enterprise. 

Table 4. — Farm expenses and farm income, hy type and size of farm, five local 
areas of ivestern Washi^igton, April 1938 to March 1939 



Item 


Group A 


Group B 


Group C 


Group E 


Group F 


Group D 


Number of farms 


56 


57 


35 


58 


14 


47 






Farm receipts: 

Crops - . _-----._ 


$19 
45 

180 
34 


$34 
160 
588 
38 


$91 

330 

1,195 

28 


$17 
52 

144 
29 


$3 

248 

1,533 

5 


$1 


Livestock . ......... 


10 


Livestock products - 


4 


All other receipts 


20 






Total receipts '- 


278 


820 


1,644 


242 


1,789 


35 






Farm expenses: 

Hired labor . 


15 
151 

15 

24 
115 

31 


19 
340 

30 

38 
204 

85 


58 
733 
49 
62 
254 
135 


5 
173 
15 
12 
101 
24 


62 
978 

36 

30 
158 

45 


2 


Seed and feed 


27 


Gas and oil ....... 


2 


Taxes and insurance 

Buildings and machinery cost ^ 

All other expenses-- 


6 
33 
13 


Total expenses . 


351 
-73 


716 
104 


1,291 
353 


330 

-88 


1,309 
480 


83 


P'amily farm income . . . . 


-49 






Farm perquisites: 

Food products 


190 
35 
85 


198 
36 
109 


288 
46 
132 


207 
35 
74 


196 
27 

68 


64 


Wood for fuel 


27 


Dwelling rental 


33 






Total 


310 
237 


343 
447 


466 
819 


316 
228 


291 
771 


124 


Family farm earnings 


75 



1 Includes inventory charges. 



2 Includes an allowance for depreciation. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2335 



Income to the family from fanning operations, after allowing for depreciation 
of bnildings and equipment but not including farm-produced commodities used 
in the home, was negative in groups A, E, and D— small farms and nonfarm tracts. 
None of the groups, even those with the larger farms, had large farm incomes. 
However, when the value of farm-produced commodities used in the home and 
the rental value of the dwelling is added to family farm income, the earnings 
from the farm are greater by approximately $ir,0 to $400 for each group. Groups 
C and F thus have family farm earnings of about $800, which is suflScient to pro- 
vide these families with a fairly comfortable living, particularly when supple- 
mented by some off-the-fann earnings, as many of them are. Even the nonfarm 
tracts have a small family farm earning. 

Income from these nonfarm tracts and from the small farms is largely poten- 
tial, however, and must await further development of the farms through clearing 
and addition of livestock before the families residing on them will be provided 
with any degree of independence from off-the-fann income. 

The relation between size of farm and source of family income from all sources 
is shown in table 5. There was little if any dependence on relief work for income 
on the larger farms, because farm income, together with some off-farm work of a 
nonrelief nature, was sufficient to provide the family with a living. This fact is 
significant in a consideration of the advisability of extending public assistance 
for land-clearing operations. 

Table 5. — Source of funds used for farm operation and family living, farms of 
five local areas in western Washington, classified h\j size and type, Apr. 1, 1938 
to Mar. 31, 1939 



Item 


Group 
A 


Group 
B 


Group 
C 


Group 
E 


Group 
F 


Group 
D 




.56 


57 


35 


58 


14 


47 








$296 
321 


$938 
724 


$1,695 
1,212 


$258 
349 


$1,793 
1,537 


$29 




106 








-25 

140 

223 

64 

54 

-23 


214 

33 

195 

1 

43 

30 


483 


-91 

277 
240 
32 
52 

-42 


256 


-77 


Off-farm employment: 


250 


Private and nonemergency public 


177 
18 
82 

18 


137 


225 
80 




8 
93 


32 


Net additions from borrowing and cash 
reserves after interest and indebtedness 


-15 






Net available for family living 


439 


516 


778 


474 


494 


495 



Northern Idaho. — In 1938 the new settler farm.s contained an average of 16.2 
acres of cleared land, of which 10.6 acres were in crops, exclusive of cultivated 
pasture, summer fallow, and new seedlings from which no returns were obtained. 
,OJf the several crops grown, alfalfa hay utilized 38 percent of the total crop 
acreage. Crops per farm and their per acre yields were as follows : Alfalfa hay, 
4 acres, 1.6 tons; grain hay 2.1 acres, 0.9 ton; wheat 1.8 acres, 8.6 bushels; 
other hay 0.7 acre, 0.9 ton; oats 0.6 acre, ll.!") bushels; and potatoes 0.4 acre, 
32.8 bushels. The production of other crops utilized an average of one acre per 
farm. These usually consisted of barley, berries, orchards, miscellaneous truck 
crops and from one-eighth acre to 1 acre of garden for home use. 

The low average crop yields obtained are caused in part, no doubt, by the 
planting of crops on raw land and by inexperience of the new settlers, but it is 
believed that they also reflect the fact that many of the settlers have located 
on poor land that is not suited to agricultural use and that will not produce 
satisfactory crop yields. 

Receipts from farm products sold or on hand at tlie end of the year totaled 
$811 per farm (table 6), of which livestock and livestock products amounted to 
$150. wood products $99, and crops $62. In addition, the farm products used by 
the family, including an estimated rental value of the dwelling and of the fuel 
used, amounted to $189 per farm. The.se are not net amounts available for family 
living and debt paying, however, since most of the farm expenses of $212 per farm 
are chargeable to them. 



2336 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 6. — Average farm receipts and expenses per farm in 19S8 of settlers in 

northern Idaho 



Number of settlers 

Receipts: 

Crops sales.- 

Crops on hand end of year. 

Livestock products 

Livestock net increase. 

Wood products.- 

Total receipts 

Farm expenses: 

Labor 

Feed and seed 

Automobile and truck 

Hauling and machine work 

Taxes --- 

Interest 

Depreciation -.- 

Rent 

Other - 

Total farm expenses. 

Family farm income ' 

Value of farm products used 

Family farm earnings 



Owners 



127 



Renters 



Owner- 
renters 



Total 



35 
67 

58 
102 



$22 
94 

109 
85 
87 



$54 
152 
206 
174 
90 



$13 
49 
81 
69 



271 



397 



676 



4 
142 
74 
40 
27 
43 
37 
47 
18 



190 



237 



432 



10 
80 
43 
16 
14 
16 
16 
6 
11 

212 



81 
171 



160 
302 



244 
250 



99 
189 



252 



462 



494 



• Includes ending crop inventory and livestock inventory increases. 

Feed and seed purchased amounted to $80 of the $212 total expenses per farm. 
Automobile and truck expense was the next largest item, $43 per farm. This 
was for the expense chargeable to the farm business and does not include the 
personal or pleasure use of automobiles by the family. Very little labor was 
hired, only $10 work per farm on the average, and taxes and interest payments 
were low, $14 and $16 per farm, respectively. 

Besides cash receipts, many settlers increased their crop and livestock in- 
ventories from $10 to $250. The majority were also clearing land and making 
other improvements to their farms. Products from the farm, important noncash 
items in the family living, were valued at $200 to $300 for most groups of farms. 
The farms with little or no clared land produced much less than this, while the 
larger and older farms supplied the family with a larger share of their living. 

Of 127 settlers who owned or were purchasing their farms, 99 had less than 
10.0 acres of crops, 18 had 10.0 to 19.9 acres, and only 10 had 20 or more acres 
(table 7). The settlers with 20 acres or more of crops had larger family incomes 
and had increased their net worth more rapidly than those with smaller farms, 
despite the fact that the settlers on the smaller farms had more off-farm work and 
received more public assistance. The settlers with more than 20 acres of 
crops received a larger income, chiefly from their farms, than the average settler 
received from all sources. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2337 



Table 7. — Relation of crop acreage to income avd progress of settlers m northern 

Idaho (127 owners) 



Itora 



Number of settlers 

Crop acreage per farm 

Average period of settlement- 



Eeceipts: 

Crops and livestock. 

Wood products 

Off-farm work 

Public assistance 

Other 



Total receipts 

Total farm expenses. 



Net cash family income ' 

Value of farm products used.- 

Total family earnings___ 
Total increase in net worth-. . 
Annual increase in net worth- 
Land cleared in 1938 - 



Unit 



Number. 

Acre 

Month... 



Dollar. 

do- 

do. 

do. 

do- 



.do- 
-do. 



.do. 
.do. 



do. 

do. 

do- 
Acre... 



Acres of crops 



Under 
10.0 



99.0 

2.9 

40.0 



95.0 
119.0 
310.0 
62.0 
53.0 



639.0 
178.0 



461.0 
160. 



621.0 

494.0 

148.0 

1.6 



10.0-19.9 



18.0 
13.7 
51.0 



267.0 
51.0 

311.0 
46.0 
52.0 



727.0 
191.0 



636.0 
214.0 



750.0 

750. 

176.0 

2.9 



20.0 and 
over 



10.0 
28.0 
57.0 



644.0 

114.0 

134.0 

31.0 

0.0 



923.0 
308.0 



615.0 
217.0 



832.0 

1, 390. 

293.0 

3.0 



All 



Includes ending crop inventory and livestock inventory increase. 



127.0 

6.4 

43.0 



169.0 
102.0 
296.0 
68.0 
48.0 



673.0 
190.0 



483.0 
171.0 



654. 

600.0 

168.0 

2.0 



FINANCIAL POSITION AND PROGRESS 

Western Washington. — Families who settled between 1930 and 1938 in the 
areas studied in western Washington had for the most part relatively small 
resources. Almost 32 i^ercent of 152 families had a net worth at time of settle- 
ment of less than $500; an additional 28 ixjrcent had net worths of $500 to 
$1,500; about 35 ijercent had between $1,500 and $5,000; and only 4.6 ijercent 
had net worths of over $5,000 (table 8). 

Table 8—Distrihi(tion of recent settlers by net worth at time of settlement and 

on Mar. 31, 1939 





Western Washington i 


Northern Idaho 


Net worth (dollars) 


At time of settle- 
ment 


Mar. 31, 1939 


At time of settle- 
ment 


Mar. 31, 1939 




Number 
of farms 


Percent 


Number 
of farms 


Percent 


Number 
of farms 


Percent 


Number 
of farms 


Percent 








3 

1 
8 
7 
18 
17 
27 
44 
20 
7 


2.0 

.7 
5.3 
4.6 
11.8 
11.2 
17.8 
28.9 
13.1 
4.6 


7 

9 

17 

21 

39 

27 

23 

4 

3 




4.7 
6.0 
11.3 
14.0 
26.0 
18.0 
15.3 
2.7 
2.0 



2 

1 
6 
16 
23 
38 
45 
15 
4 



1.3 


to 99 


10 
14 
24 
23 
20 
27 
27 
6 
1 


6.6 
9.2 
15.8 
15.1 
13.1 
17.8 
17.8 
3.9 
.7 


.7 


100 to 249 


4.0 


250 to 499 


10.7 


500 to 999 


15.3 


1 000 to 1,499 


25.3 


1,500 to 2,499 


30.0 


2,500 to 4,999 


10.0 


5,000 to 9,999 


2.7 


10,000 and over 





All farms 


152 


100.0 


152 


100.0 


150 


100.0 


150 


100.0 



1 Settlers who moved into the areas in 1930 and later years. 

The financial statement as of March 31, 1939, as given by the settlers indicates 
that most of them have made some improvement, though a few sustained losses. 
Only 13 percent reported a net worth less than $500. About 47 percent reported 



2338 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



a net worth over $2,500, compared with only 21 percent in that category at time 
of settlement. This comparison is apt to be misleading, however, as there was 
apparently a tendency to value land and buildings higher than the original 
purchase price, even though no improvements had been made. This is a reflec- 
tion of optimism coupled with a natural belief on the part of most people that 
they obtain a bargain when they make a purchase. 

It is extremely difficult to measure land values under any circumstances, and 
when the original j»urchase includes buildings and improvements (as many of 
them did) the task of measuring change in value becomes almost impossible. 
Perhaps a more realistic indication of progress is the change in financial i>osi- 
tion from the beginning to the end of the most recent year of record, rather than 
from date of settlement to the present time. Land values are then held constant, 
except for actual land clearing, and buildings are valued the same at the begin- 
ning and end of the period le.ss a depreciation charge for 1 year based on the 
probable length of life of the improvements. Such a comparison indicates that 
the group of old farms included in the survey had a small loss in net worth 
from April 1, 1938, to March 31, 1939, averaging $48 per farm. The new farms 
and nonfarm tracts had an increase in net worth of $96 per farm, which repre- 
sents a small amount of land clearing and some improvement to buildings and 
equipment. Occupants of old farms (those established prior to 1930) did little 
clearing, and the loss probably represents in large part depreciation of buildings. 
Income was apparently just about sufficient to offset expenses of farm operation 
and family living. Wide variations occur, of course, between farms of different 
sizes and between individuals with varying opportunities for oft'-farm employ- 
ment. 

The various types of assets and their amounts and the amount of liabilities at 
time of settlement and on March 31, 1939, are shown in table 9 for those 119 set- 
tlers who moved onto land that had little or no land clearing prior to the time 
of settlement, though many such tracts included buildings constructed by pre- 
vious occupants. A number of recent settlers who acquired previously developed 
farms had a somewhat better financial situation than those who acquired unde- 
veloped lands. 

Table 9.— Average assets and liabilities of 119 recent settlers on new land at 
time of settlement and on Mar. 31, 1939, 5 local areas of western Washington 



Item 


At time 
of settle- 
ment 


On Mar. 
31, 1939 


Item 


At time 
of settle- 
ment 


On Mar. 
31, 1939 


Assets: 


Dollars 
94 
157 
62 
23 


Dollars 
901 
1,146 
229 

7 


Liabilities: 

Mortgages, liens, notes... 

Accounts payable 

Delinquent interest and 


Dollars 

57 
9 

1 
1 


Dollars 

288 


Buildings and machinery- 


92 


Other farm property 


8 


Other liabilities 


1 




336 
152 

572 
356 


2,283 
253 

149 
170 


Total liabilities .- 




Total farm property 

Household goods . _ . 


68 


389 


Cash and accounts re- 


Net worth .-. 


1,348 


2,466 


All other assets 












1,416 


2,855 









The most important asset at time of settlement was cash, which averaged $572 
for all settlers. Total farm property at time of settlement before purchase of land 
(except for a few who acquired their land several years before settlemeent) w^as 
valued at $336, about one-half of which was farm machinery and equipment. 
Liabilities amounted to $68 and total assets were valued at $1,416, leaving a net 
worth at time of settlement of $1,348. 

By the end of March 1939 the average net worth of these settlers had increased 
to $2,466, an increase of $1,118, though there was a wide variation, depending 
upon the length of settlement, available opportunities for employment, and many 
other factors. Farm assets were 81 percent of total assets in March 1939, but 
only 24 percent at time of settlement. The value of household goods had increased 
by $100, but cash, accounts receivable, and other nonfarm assets had decreased 
from $928 to $319. In other words, the settlers had converted their liquid assets 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2339 



into acquirement of farm property. Liabilities increased over $300, most of which 
represented land-purchase contracts or mortgages. 

Northern Idaho. — The settlers had widely varying resources when they arrived 
in northern Idaho to begin their new venture. Their net worths averaged $934 
(table 10). but ranged from miniis $1.9."iO to plus $6,450. The assets which the 
settlers brought with them consisted of machinery and equipment, automobiles, 
livestock and poultry, household goods, and cash, with a scattering of miscel- 
laneous items ranging from wheat allotments and agricultural conservation bene- 
fit payments to paid-up insurance policies. Of their $1,094 average total assets, 
$4S9, "or nearly half, was reported as cash. Only 12 settlers, or 8 percent, reported 
no cash at time of settlement, while one man had $5,000 cash. Fifty-two settlers, 
or 3.1) percent, reported that they had $500 or more when they arrived in Idaho to 
settle. 



Table 10. 



-Average resources of settlers at time of settlement '^ and in 
Decemher 1938 





At time 
of settle- 
ment 


Decem- 
ber 1938 




At time 
of settle- 
ment 


Decem- 
ber 1938 


Number of settlers .-. .-- 


150 


150 


Liabilities: 

Land contract 

Federal land-bank loans.. 

F. S. A. loans 

Feed and seed loans 

Doctor and hospital bills. . 
Other bills . ... 



$37 

4 
57 
30 

2 
30 






$369 
40 
30 


Assets: 

Keal property . 


$.37 

114 



122 
132 
132 
489 
C8 


$1,242 
278 
53 

215 
104 
173 
45 
63 


Livestock and poultry 

Crops 


58 
37 


Machinery and equip- 


27 


Other liabilities.- 


89 


Automobile 


Total liabili ties 




160 






640 




Net worth 






934 


1, .533 








Total assets 


1,094 


2,173 









1 Prior to acquisition of land in northern Idaho. 

Liabilities averaged $160 per settler, consisting of feed and seed loans, a few 
mortgages, and various miscellaneous obligations. 

Many settlers shipped tools and livesrock in immigrant cars or brought them 
out on their farm trucks or trailers. However, the kind of farm machinery that 
was well adapted to use in the Plains States is generally poorly adapted to the 
small-scale type of farming practiced on the cut-over lauds of northern Idaho. 
Those who shipped livestock fared better, since the livestock found a ready 
market in the area or was capable of producing income on the farms, whereas 
machinery was often difflcult to dispose of or to put to advantageous use on the 
small lields usually found on the cut-over farms. 

As of the close of 1938, the settlers had increased their net worth by an 
average of $599 since settlement, or at the rate of $172 per year (table 10). 
The increase is represented principally by farm improvements, livestock, and 
crop inventories, and machinery and equipment. 

It was estimated that the settlers purchasing farms had increased the value 
of their farms $470, of which two-thirds was from increased value of improve- 
ments and one-third from increased value of land through clearing. Ninety-six 
percent of them reported having made improvements on their places at an aver- 
age cash cost of $172. Of these, 7 percent had spent $500 or more cash, and 51 
percent had spent less than $100 cash. Cash costs of building are relatively small 
where logs and sawmills are numerous. Settlers may haul logs from saw timber 
on their places, have it sawed and pay for the sawing by hauling additional logs. 

Settlers purchasing land had a 5.j-percent equity in their farms in 1936. 
Thirty-four percent had a 100-percent equity, an increase of 12 percent over those 
who paid all cash at the time of purchase. The average balance due on farm 
purchase price was $398 iiev farm. Twenty-two percent of the settlers reported 
difficulty in meeting their payments. 

Commercial bank loans averaged $49 per settler, while loans from the Farm 
Security Administration amounted to only $30 per settler. Most of the settlers 
were not eligible for Farm Security loans, Ijecause of inadequate farm units. 



260370 — 41— pt. 6- 



-10 



2340 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



UVING CONDITIONS 

Living conditions on these cut-over areas are generally poor, though there 
is an abundance of wood and water — factors of importance in the minds of 
many settlers from drier regions. The typical dwelling is a frame, rough board 
or log structure with three or four rooms, unpainted, an unfinished interior, 
and a shake roof. The number of rooms per person was 1.1 for recent settlers 
in western Washington and 0.8 in northern Idaho. 

In western Washington, 21 percent of recent settlers (since 1929) had running 
water in the house and 11 percent had indoor toilets. Percentages of settlers 
with other home conveniences were as follows : Electric lights, 52 percent ; 
electric refrigerators, 11 percent; electric stoves, 3 percent; radios, 72 percent; 
telephones, 3 percent ; washing machines, 50 percent ; and furnaces, 2 percent. 

In northern Idaho home conveniences were listed in the following order : 
Sewing machines, 66 percent; radios, 47 percent; washing mhchines, 47 percent; 
electricity, 88 percent; running water in house, 9 percent; baths, 2 percent; 
and telephone, 2 percent. Sources of domestic water were: Wells, 40 percent; 
hauling from elsewhere, 83 percent ; and springs, 27 percent. Only 69 percent of 
the settlers had automobiles. 

PROGRESS IN LAND CLEARING 

Western Washington. — IMuch of the upland areas on which most settlement 
is taking place was originally covered with a dense forest, largely Douglas fir. 
Many of the stumps remaining are from 6 to 8 or more feet in diameter and 
are extremely difficult and expensive to remove. These stumps decay yery 
slowly so that little is gained by waiting, although many settlers clear the 
brush from between the stumps and use stump land for pasture, or clear the 
smaller stumps out and plow around the larger ones. However, this practice 
is inefficient where machines are utilized in farming. 

Clearing has progressed slowly on most farms, not only on recently estab- 
lished farms but on the older farms as well. Almost 30 percent of farms occu- 
pied by the present families since before 1920 have had less than 5 acres cleared 
since settlement by the present occupants (table 11). Almost 50 percent of that 
group had cleared 10 acres or more. With shorter lengths of settlement the 
amount cleared was less and less. Over 50 percent of those settled from 1932 to 
1935, for instance, have cleared less than 2 acres since settlement, and 80 
percent of those settled from 1936 to 1938 cleared less than 2 acres. 

Table 11. — Percentage of farms settled at various periods, having specified 
amounts of land cleared since settlement, all farms in five local areas of 
western Washington, 1939 





All 
farms 


Farms settled by present occupant 


occupant 


Before 
1920 


1920 to 
1927 


1928 to 
1931 


1932 to 
1935 


1936 to 
1938 


None - - 


Percent 

25.2 
22.5 
23.0 
13.2 
10.2 
4.5 
1.4 


Percent 
2.9 
4.0 
22.0 
22.5 
27.8 
15.6 
5.2 


Percent 
11.2 
13.7 
30.4 
20.8 
15.7 
6.1 
2.1 


Percent 

14.1 
26.fi 
25.0 
17.2 
14.8 
2.3 


Percent 
21.4 
30.1 
31.7 
11.2 
3.6 
1.5 
.5 


Percent 
49.9 


0.1 to 1.9 acres 


30.8 


2 to 4 9 acres 


13.8 


5 to 9.9 acres - - . 


4.0 


10.0 to 19.9 acres . .- 


.6 


20 to 39 9 acres 


.6 


40.0 or more acres . 


.3 






Total 


100.0 
1,048 


100.0 
173 


100.0 
197 


100.0 
128 


100.0 
196 


100.0 
354.0 







With greater length of settlement more acreage was cleared, but the process 
has been exceedingly slow. The modal rate of clearing was from one-quarter to 
three-quarters of an acre per year. Fewer than 30 percent had cleared more 
than an acre a year, and only 2 recent settlers out of 156 had succeeded in 
clearing 5 or more acres annually. At the modal rate of clearing it would take 
about 40 years to clear 20 acres of land. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2341 



A number of the settlers obtained some laud already cleared, so the total 
acreage cleared in the areas is more thau that indicated in table 11, though 
not much more. Of the 1,051 farms occupied in the five areas studied, 87 percent 
were larger than 10 acres in size and 70 percent were larger than 20 acres. 
However, 32 percent of the total number of farms occupied had less than 2 
acres cleared in 1939; 57 percent had less than 5 acres cleared; and 75 percent 
had less than 10 acres cleared. It is obvious, therefore, that relatively few 
farms have enough cleared acreage for a full-time farm, and at the present and 
past rates of clearing, few of the present occupants will ever have enough 
cleared acres for a full-time farming operation, assuming that the land 
selected for clearing is sufficiently productive. Most settlers on these lands must 
of necessity continue to depend upon off-farm sources of income, or thoy must 
find some wav of speeding up the clearing rate if they can look forward to 
having sufficient cleared land within a reasonable length of time. 

Northern Idaho.— The settlers' progress in farm development has been slow. 
The average increase in cultivable land since settlement was 6 acres, or 1.7 
acres a year (table 12). At this average annual increase, over 11 years would 
be required to have a farm with 20 acres of cleared land, and the estimated 
average potential cropland of 70 acres would require 47 years to clear. Twenty- 
two percent of the settlers had no increase in cleared land; 29 percent had a 
total increase of 0.1 to 2.9 acres ; and 49 percent had 3 acres or more. 

Table 12.— 7 



ype and value of land and improvements in Jannary 1939 of farms 
of northern Idaho settlers 



Number of settlers 

Average per farm: 

Crops 

Other cropland * 

Cleared pasture (seeded). 

Uncleared pasture 

Other land -- 



Total farm area. 



Land cleared since settlement, per farm - 

Average period of settlement 

Annual rate of clearing 

Value of land and improvements per farm 

Value per acre 

Increased value of farm since settlement 

Value of improvements per farm 

Increased value of improvements since settlement. 



Unit 



Number 

Acre 

...do 

...do.— . 

...do 

...do 



-do. 



...do 

Month.. 

Acre 

Dollar... 

...do 

...do 

...do 

...do 



Owners 



127 

6.4 

2.6 

2.4 

45.9 

32.7 



90 



5.0 

43.0 

1.4 

1, 265. 

14.0 

444.0 

301.0 

258.0 



Renters 



12 

33.0 

1.0 

1.2 

66.9 

23.9 



126 



U.O 

23.0 

.5 



Owner- 
renters ' 



11 

33.0 

10.0 

.3 

72.9 
39.8 



156 



13.0 
41.0 
3.6 
2, 330. 
22.0 
763.0 
566. 
450.0 



Total 1 



150 

10.8 
3.4 

2.2 
49.6 
32.2 



6.0 

42.0 

1.7 

1, 350. 

15.0 

470.0 

322.0 

294.0 



1 Value of land and improvements only for land owned or under purchase by settlers, including 107 acres 

per farm for owner-renters. 
3 Fallow, new seeding, etc. , .^ , . • •, ^ u » 

» 3 renters cleared land— 1 as payment of rent, 1 who must clear a specified amount m order to purchase, 

and 1 who cleared while purchasing, then discontinued his contract and rented the farm. 

The settlers with 20 or more crop acres cleared an average of 3 acres of land 
each in 1988 as compared with 1.6 acres for those with less than 10 acres, which 
doubtless was made possible at least partly by the larger incomes received from 
the larger farms. The settler with insufficient crop acreage not only receives a 
smaller income for his living but is handicapped by his lack of income in clearing 
additional land with which to increase his income. 



NEED FOE PUBLIC ASSISTANCE IN LAND CLEARING 

Comparatively few of the present settlers will ever live to see their farms fully 
improved, unle.s's some means is worked out for more rapid clearing than settlers 
have been able to attain thus far. 

The rehabilitation of these settlers as self-supporting farmers depends on in- 
creasing their ability to clear land. The use of large machinery for land clearing 
has not materially helped tlie new settlers because they cannot pay cash for 
clearing. The Farm Security Administration has made loans in northern Idaho 
for the purchase of blasting powder and has financed a cooperative machine- 



2342 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



clearing association in one county in western Washington with apparent good 
results, but the scope of these measures has been very limited thus far. 

Relatively little clearing can be done by the farmer and his family without 
exj)ensive machinery. Recent years have witnessed the development of machine 
methods of clearing land with resulting material reduction in costs. Studies of 
clearing costs indicate that western Washington cut-over land can be cleared by 
machines at a cash cost of $20 to $80 an acre, depending on the density, size, and 
age of stumps. Machine dealing, however, requires a cash outlay which most 
settlers are unable to afford. Consequently they either clear not at all, or use old- 
fashioned methods requiring little cash but much labor and gradually work the 
stumps out of a half-acre or so a year. 

Long-term credit for the purposes of clearing land and providing livestock 
with the provision for no payment of principal or interest during the first 4 or 5 
years would appear to be essential for developing a successful farm. Extension of 
credit in varying amounts from year to year as needed, with increasing rather than 
decreasing total amounts of debt assumed up to the time when the farm is large 
enough to be considered an economic unit, points toward a budget type of loan 
running over several years under supervision such as that provided by the Farm 
Security Administration. It may be that arrangements of the character now used 
to develop land under Government reclamation projects should be applied to 
finance clearing In cut-over areas. 

A more general program for Government aid in clearing land, with a repayment 
plan similar to that now in effect for irrigation projects, would place the settler 
on cut-over lands in a very much more favorable position than he now is. At least 
it should permit substitution of income from farming for income now received 
from public assistance. 

Expedience, Situation, and Prospects of Migrants Resettled on Newly 

Irbigated Lands 

By Carl P. Heisig, Agricultural Economist, and Marion Ct.awson, Principal 

Agricultural Economist 

Widespread opportunities for settlement on irrigation projects have existed 
in many areas of the West. Recently settlement opiwrtunities on such projects 
have become less numerous because of previous development of most of the easily 
accessible irrigable land, although important additions to irrigation agriculture 
have been made. Now under construction are such developments as the Black 
Canyon project in Idaho, the Roza Division of the Yakima project and the Grand 
Coulee project in the State of Washington, and the East Mesa unit of the 
Imperial Valley project in California. These and other developments will offer 
additional opportunity to misplaced farmers in the far West and for rural 
migrants from other regions. 

Aside from other considerations of reclamation as a national policy or the 
impact of such developments upon the agriculture of older estaldislied farming 
areas, these projects offer problems of public policy directly concerned with 
settlers. Newly irrigated lands are one of the means for accommodating part 
of the influx of migrants. Therefore, an appraisal of the opportunities offered, 
the problems encountered by settlers in the development of a new farm, the 
financial needs during early years of settlement, and prosiiects for eventual 
success are of primary concern to many public agencies, other interested parties, 
and the settlers themselves. 

When irrigation water is brought to raw land, a long series of complex and 
interrelated changes is started. The changes which occur affect the land, the 
farm as a business enterprise, the farmer as an income producer, the family as 
a social group, and the community as a whole. There is presented here an 
analysis of these changes and the problems they cause on the Vale and Owyhee 
projects in northeastern Malheur County, Oreg., where more tlian 1,000 new 
farms have been established since 1930; more than 700 of these started in the 
3 years— 1936, 1937, and 1938. This area is located in eastern Oregon near the 
Snake River, which forms the boundary between Oregon and Idaho. 

the people and their living 

Most of the settlers surveyed came from the Western States, although sub- 
stantial numbers were from the Great Plains. For the most part, the settlers 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2343 



operating farms are middle-aged, over half of them being from 35 to 54 years 
old. About 15 percent were less than 35 years old, and over 20 percent were in 
excess of 55 years. Over 75 percent of all settlers were in agriculture before 
settlement and about 90 percent had some previous agricultural experience. 

Although the majority of the new settlers were making substantial additions 
to their net worth, most of them were hard-pressed for cash and compelled to 
live at low levels. Houses were generally small and cheap, poorly constructed, 
and equipped with few conveniences. Overcrowding of dwelling space was com- 
mon. Settlers who were borrowing funds from the Farm Security Administra- 
tion, about half of the total number of new settlers, spent an average of ?425 
for family living during 1938 (table 1). 

Table 1. — Scale of family living, Farm Security Administration and non-Farm 
Security Administration farmers in new project areas and farmers in older 
districts, Vale-Ontario area, Malheur County, Oreg., 1938 



Item 



Number of families 

Number persons per family... 

Cash expenditures in 1938 for: 

Food.- 

Clothing 

Household operation 

Personal 

Medical 

Housing 

Auto 

All other 

Total family living 

Life insurance premiums 

Value of automobile ' 

Value of dwelling 

Rooms in dwelling 



Farm Se- 
curity Ad- 
ministra- 
tion clients 
in new 
project 
areas 



40 
4.7 

Dollars per 
family 
194 
67 
20 
01 
37 
22 
16 
9 



426 

17 

142 

398 

Number 
2.6 



Non-Farm 
Security 
Adminis- 
tration 
farmers in 
new pro- 
ject areas 



49 

4.8 

Dollars per 

family 

227 

105 

24 

72 

50 

25 

19 

19 



541 

11 

200 



Number 
3.4 



Farmers in 
older irri- 
gation 
districts 



33 
4.2 

Dollars per 
family 

279 
122 
20 
88 
78 
84 
47 
80 



49 

327 

1,640 

Number 



Includes pick-up truck where no automobile is owned. 



Dwellings of these settlers were valued at an average of $398, with 2.6 rooms 
to accommodate an average family of 4.7 persons. The average settler not bor- 
rowing from the Farm Security Administration spent $540 cash for family living 
and had a house valued at $686, containing 3.4 room.s for 4.8 persons. Major 
items of equipment for family comfort and convenience, such as electric refriger- 
ators, running water, indoor toilets, and furnaces were almost unknown among 
the very recent settlers, but increased in frequency with added length of settle- 
ment. In most cases houses were added to or improved as length of settlement 
increased and income permitted. 

Notwithstanding the prevailing low levels of living, optimism and few com- 
plaints typified the new settlers included in this survey, for they looked forward 
to the time when they could enjoy incomes like those of the older settlers. 
Farmers in the nearby older irrigation districts spent an average of $798 for 
family living, even though the families were somewhat smaller (4.2 persons) than 
new settler families. Expenditure per person was slightly more than twice as 
great as for the Farm Security Administration clients in the new districts. As 
the families were settled longer, the amount spent for family living became 
greater (table 2). Expenditures for family living exceeded $600 for 75 percent 
of the farm families in the older irrigation districts, for 33 percent of the non- 
Farm Security Administration families in the new areas, but for only 17 percent 
of the Farm Security Administration families in the new districts. In addition 
to cash expenditures, farm-produced commodities added materially to the family 
living. Expenditure for family living was closely related to net farm income, 
which in turn was dominated by length of settlement. 



2344 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Table 2. — Cash spent for family living and value of farm perquisities, Farmers 
classified by settler type and length of time on farm, Vale-Ontario area, 
Malheur County, Oreg., 1988 



Farms 



Cash 

spent for 

family 

living 



Value of farm per- 
quisites 



Food 
produc- 
tion 



Dwell- 
ing I 



Total 
valuB of 
farm 
family 
living 



Farm Security Administration clients: 

On farm 1 year._ 

On farm 2 years --. _ 

On farm 3-4 years 

On farm 5 years or more 

All farms. 

Non-Farm Security Administration farmers 

On farm 1 year _.. 

On farm 2 years 

On farm 3-4 years 

On farm 5 years or more 

All farms 

Farmers in older districts: All farms 



Number 

8 

20 

5 

7 



Dollars 
361 
332 
.529 
693 



Dollars 
272 
271 
228 
310 



Dollars 
38 
39 
39 

87 



Dollars 

671 

642 

796 

1,090 



40 



426 



273 



747 



426 
522 



204 
286 
239 
403 



45 



65 
129 



772 
1,316 



798 



304 



165 



1,267 



' Calculated rental value of dwelling based on depreciation, repairs, and interest costs, which approxi- 
mate 10 percent of the value of dwelling. 

Prospects for future improvement in living conditions, however, can not dis- 
guise the prevalence of poverty and hardship during the development period of 
the new farms. The numerous families who had less than ,$400 to spend on family 
living, and more particularly those with less than $300, were in many cases in- 
adequately supplied with goods and services necessary for health and decent living. 
Nearly two-thirds of the Farm Security Administration clients were living below 
the levels of expenditure established by that agency as minimum for the main- 
tenance of health (table 3). 

Table 3. — Cash expenditures and adequacy of family living in Yale-Owyhee 

areas, 1938 





Farm Security Administration clients in 
new project areas 


Non-Farm Security Administration farm- 
ers in new project areas 


Cash expenditures 
in 1935 for family 
living 


Num- 
ber 


Aver- 
age 
size of 
family 


Aver- 
age 

spent 
per 

family 


Ade- 
quate ' 


Percent 
ade- 
quate 


Num- 
ber 


Aver- 
age 
size of 
family 


Aver- 
age 

spent 
per 

family 


Ade- 
quate ' 


Percent 
ade- 
quate 


$150-$199. 


Number 
4 
12 
9 

8 

7 


Number 
4.5 
4.5 
4.2 
4.9 
5.6 


Dollars 

187 
259 
368 
513 
821 


Dollars 
450 
450 
420 
490 
560 


Percent 
42 
58 
88 
105 
146 


Number 
2 
6 

17 
8 

16 


Number 
2.5 
2. 7 
4 A 
5.4 
6.0 


Dollars 
162 
236 
369 
498 
906 


Dollars 
250 
270 
440 
540 
600 


Percent 
65 


$200-$299 

$300-$499 


87 
84 


$450-$599 


92 


$600 and over 


151 


Total... 


40 


4.7 


430 


470 


92 


49 


4.8 


541 


480 


113 



' Based on Farm Security Administration estimates of $100 per year per person. 

It would have been possible to have improved the level of living to the 
minimum acceptable standard of Farm Security Administration by extension 
of more credit to settlers so that the increases in net wortli could have been 
translated into cash and thus made available for familv living. 



FARM INCOME BY IJiNGTH OF SETTLEMENT 

Length of settlement was the predominant factor affecting size of farm in- 
come in 1938. Farm incomes vary in direct proportion to the number of years 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2345 



of development. Farms operated for one crop year, because of their relatively 
small acreage in crops, low yields, and small number of livestock, had a 
family farm income' of only $130 (table 4). Farms operated for two crop 
years increased their family farm income to $310. The additional 11 acres 
in crops, 3 extra animal units, and slightly increased crop yields were all 
factors in this larger income. Farms in operation 3 or 4 crop years secured 
a much larger family farm income — $944 on the average. Crop acreage had 
increased by 12 acres; livestock numbers were 50 percent larger; and crop 
yields were 28 percent higher than on the farms in operation 2 crop years. 
Family farm income of $1,357 was reported by those farms in operation 5 to 7 
crop years. Again, more crop acres, more livestock, and higher yields were 
responsible for the increase. Farms in operation 8 or more years reported no 
larger incomes than those in operation 5 to 7 years. Approximately full de- 
velopment apparently was reached about the sixth crop year after settlement. 
This proportionate variation of farm income is consistent with the growth of 
fai-m size and farm experience. It is not believed, however, that this relation- 
ship is dependent in any way on differences in kinds of land available to early 
and late settlers. These projects were opened up by divisions as water was 
made available, and there is no evidence that the last divisions opened for 
settlement were any more or less productive than the first. 

Table 4. — Rclatirmship of number of crop years on present farm to income, 
organization, and efliciency factors, Vale-Ontario area, Malheur County, Oreg., 
1938^ {average per farm) 



Number of crop years 
on present farm 


Farms 


Full- 
time 
man 
work- 
ers 


Crop 

years 

on 

farm 


Crop 
acres 


Pro- 
duc- 
tive 
animal 
units 


Productive 

man work 

units 


Crop 
yield 
index 


Gross 
farm 
re- 
ceipts 


Family farm 
income 


Per 
farm 


Per 

worker 


Per 
farm 


Per 

crop 
acre 


Vale and Owyhee 
projects: 


Num- 
ber 
23 
33 
15 
13 
5 


Num- 
ber 
1.3 
1.2 
1.4 
1.5 
1.6 


Num- 
ber 
1.0 
2.0 
3.5 
5.3 
10.4 


Num- 
ber 
43.8 
55.3 
67.5 
74.0 
73.8 


Num- 
ber 
8.2 
U.O 
16.8 
27.2 
36.9 


Num- 
ber 
150 
188 
254 
314 
375 


Num- 
ber 
112 
159 
176 
216 
228 


Per- 
cent 
87.5 
91.9 
107.2 
109.9 
121.9 


Dol- 
lars 
8-55 
962 
1,723 
2,883 
2,705 


Dol- 
lars 
130 
310 
944 
1,357 
1,322 


Dol- 
lars 
2.99 


2 


5.61 


3 to4 


13.99 


5 to7 


18.34 


8 or more 


17.91 


All farms 

Older irrigation dis- 
tricts: All farms 


89 
33 


1.3 
1.7 


3.0 
10.2 


58.2 
68.9 


15.1 
29.2 


218 
296 


164 
180 


97.7 
131.5 


1,441 
2,267 


560 
937 


9. 02 
13.60 



1 Income calculations do not include a deduction for irrigation-construction charges. These construction 
assessments, which are essentially an addition to capital investment, would reduce the amount available 
for family living. 

Average farm income for all farms surveyed was rather low. Yet if one 
considers only farms in operation 5 or more years, family farm income was fairly 
high, averaging approximately $1,300 return to the farm operator and family for 
labor and interest on investment. The average farmer had little capital, and yet • 
these incomes compare well with those received in older good-farming areas. The 
increased income secured by the older settlers was doubtless responsible for a good 
share of the high hopes held by the new settlers. Settlers on the older irrigated 
lands in the same vicinity obtained a family farm income of $937, but they were 
paying construction assessments and higher taxes than the newer settlers. 

Within groups of settlers who have operated for the same number of crop years, 
the most important determinants of farm income were size of operation and type 
of farm. Farms of the same age and size had important differences in the 1938 



1 Family farm income is gross farm receipts (inclnding inventory increases of crops and 
livestock) minus farm expen.ses (including depreciation on buildings and equipment and 
inventory decreases, but not including irrigation construction charges, interest payments, 
or unpaid family labor). It is the amount available to the operator and family for then- 
own labor and for interest on investment, from which can be paid family living expenses. 
Interest payments, and capital investment or savings. It does not include the value of 
farm products used in the home. 



2346 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



farm family incomes owing to differences in type of farm. Sugar beets were the 
most profitable crop grown on a large acreage. Grain farms had the lowest 
incomes of any group. Many of these farms were very new, but, even when 
comparisons are made for farms of the same age, grain farms made a poor show- 
ing. Livestock farms produced more income than did crop farms of the same 
acreage and age, because they offered a greater opportunity for profitable farm 
employment, a better market outlet for farm-raised feed, and better opportunity 
for sustained fertility. Livestock farms in operation 3 or more years averaged 
more than $4 higher farm family incomes per crop acre than crop farms of 
similar length of settlement. 

Cash diffleulties. — Family farm income may be misleading in areas of new 
settlement. The average Farm Security Administration client on a farm for the 
first crop year had a family farm income of $106; if estimated increases in value 
of land are added to his family farm income, his total income was $697 ; yet he 
spent $892 more in cash on his farm than he received in cash, and in addition he 
had to support his family. These differences are due to the fact that large 
investments of cash must be made in early years of settlement, and the necessity 
for building up inventories of livestock and feed reduces the cash income. 

The average Farm Security Administration client who was on his farm for the 
first crop year borrowed over 40 percent of the total cash which was available to 
him in 1938 (table 5). The average Farm Security Administration client who 
was on his farm the second year borrowed over 20 percent of his available funds. 
These borrowings were necessary in order that he might improve his farm. The 
non-Farm Security Administration farmer borrowed some money but financed 
most of his investments by expending the cash he had on hand. Cash from farm- 
ing operations was less than half the total cash available for farmers operating 
for the first crop year, but by the third crop year cash farm income was the source 
of over four-fifths of the cash available. 

TABLE 5. — Source of funds iised for all purposes during 1938, Farm Security 
Administration and non-Farm Security Administration farmers classified by 
number of crop years on present farm, Vale-Owyhee projects, Malheur County, 
Oreg. 



Source of funds and type of settler 


Number of crop years on 
farm 


present 


All 


1 


2 


3 to 4 


5 or 
more 


groups 


Farm Security Administration client^: 


8 


20 


6 


7 


40 




..percent.. 

do_... 

do...- 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 




Gross farm receipts... 

Outside work 

Ottier income... 


32.3 
7.1 
9.3 


50.4 
18.8 
5.7 


84.7 

1.2 

11.7 


78.9 
6.1 
15.0 


60.2 
10.8 
10.2 


Gross income 

Net borrowings ' 

Decrease in cash ' 


48.7 
42.9 
8.4 


74.9 

22.2 

2.9 


97.6 


100.0 


81.2 
17.0 


2.4 




1.8 


Total funds used 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


Non-Farm Security Administration farmers: 
Number of farms . .. 


15 


13 


10 


11 


49 




..percent.. 

do.. 

do.... 

do..,. 

do.... 

... .do.... 




Gross farm receipts .- 

Outside work 

Other income 


48.2 
12.7 
2.5 


66.6 
6.9 
12.2 


96.0 

3.1 

.9 


91.4 
4.1 
4.5 


79.9 
7.1 
5.5 


Gross income 


63.4 
5.fi 
30.9 


85.7 
5.5 
8.8 


100.0 


100.0 


92.5 








7.5 




do_-.. 








Total funds used 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 







1 Loans received in 1938 minus indebtedness repaid in 1938. Where no figures are given, repayments 
exceeded borrowings for that group of farms during 1938. 

» Includes accounts receivable. Where no figures are given there was a net increase from Jan. 1 to Dec. 31 
1938, in cash and accounts receivable. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2347 

FARM DEA'ELOPMENT FOLI^OWING SETTLEMENT 

From the time the new settler first moves onto his tract of raw land, until the 
time when a fully developed and improved farm exists, many changes occur. 
Although sagebrush land can be cleared and put in shape for the plow quite 
rapidly, this work is not completed the first year or two after settlement. On 
the group of farms surveyed, those who had produced but one crop on the 
land in 1938 had cleared 44 acres in time to plant that year (table 4). This 
usually represented some effort during the fall or even summer months of the 
preceding year, as well as clearing work during the winter and spring. Farms 
settled 2 crop years had an average of 55 acres cleared in 1938 ; those settled 
3 to 4 years had 67 acres; and farms in operation 5 years or more had 74 
acres cleared for crops. Most of the irrigable land was cleared on the farms 
in operation 5 years or more, although some of the earlier clearings were 
leveled and prepared more carefully in later years. 

Along with this increase in crop acres as the farms were developed longer, 
there was also a marked change in the use of cropland. Grain was the most 
common crop the first year of settlement, with 55 percent of the total cropland 
being used for that purpose. Alfalfa and clover were usually seeded with the 
grain, the latter serving as a nurse crop. As the farms became older, a 
smaller portion of the cropland was used to produce grains, and on farms 3 
years old and older only 20 percent of the cropland was in grain. The acreage 
of alfalfa increased rapidly until the third year, but remained about constant 
thereafter. Alfalfa and clover constituted almost two-thirds of the crop acre- 
age after the third or fourth year of development. Sugar beets were not 
usually found until the fourth or fifth year after development, because this 
crop needs soil well supplied with organic matter and nitrogen which can be 
introduced into raw desert land only by rotations and legumes. Irrigated pas- 
ture acreage increased from 7 percent of the cropland during the first year of 
development to 25 percent on farms in operation for 7 or more years. 

Farms in operation 1 year in 1938 had 10 animal units of productive live- 
stock, as follows: 3 dairy cows, 6 other cattle (including young animals), a 
few hogs and chickens. Livestock numbers were about the same for farms in 
operation 2 years, but thereafter the numbers of livestock increased quite rap- 
idly. Those farms in oi^eration 7 or more crop years had 33 productive animal 
units in 1938. Although livestock numbers appeared to increase rapidly with 
added length of settlement, the increase was much less than the increase of 
hay crops, with the result that there was a serious oversupply of feed in the 
area. Livestock increases are necessarily slow when the farmer must raise his 
own stock, and can be increased rapidly only if the farmer has resources avail- 
able for purchases of livestock. However, where all farmers in an area are 
attempting to purchase livestock, there is apt to be a shortage in the surround- 
ing area, and it becomes almost impossible to increase livestock numbers rap- 
idly enough to take care of the increasing hay supply. This problem of adjust- 
ment of livestock to feed supplies is one of the many problems encountered in 
the development of new areas. 

There were marked increases in crop yields with longer periods of settlement, 
owing to increased organic matter in the soil, to better soil tilth, to better 
leveling for more efficient irrigation, and to more eflficient cropland preparation. 
If average crop yields on the Vale project in 1938 are assigned the figure 100, 
the crop-yield index for farms in operation 1 year was only 87: for farms in 
operation 2 years the yield index was 92; for farms in operation 3 to 4 years 
it was 107; for farms in operation 5 to 7 years, 110; and for farms in operation 
8 or more years the yield index was 123. Comparative yields in the older 
irrigated areas surrounding the Vale and Owyhee projects were 132 in 1938. 

Farm organization on the new lands as measured by total crop acreage, use 
of cropland, numbers and kinds of livestock, and crop yields seemed to be 
approaching farm organization on the older adjacent districts as the farms 
became older. 

FINANCIAL PROGRESS 

During the first year or two financial progress was confined very largely to 
improvements to land, such as clearing, leveling, and seeding. With increased 
length of settlement, gains from land improvement became less and such gains 



2348 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



as increased livestock, better buildings, and more feed on hand became greater. 
Settlers had less cash and liquid assets at the end of 1938 than they had at the 
time of settlement. They had invested all their money and borrowed more; 
but their farms had increased in value to such an extent that their net vporth 
had increased. The average settler in 1938, even the longer-established one, 
was still pressed for cash to make improvements and to repay debts. Family 
living expenses still had to be held to a minimum, for the increased net worth 
was all in the farm. A large part of the increased net worth came from a 
willingness to increase the farm productive plant at the expense of family 
living. 

The average settler who secured a loan from the Farm Security Administra- 
tion had a net worth of $1,565 at time of settlement (table 6). The average 
settler who did not borrow from Farm Security Administration had a net worth 
of $3,188 at time of settlement. The 18 farmers included in the survey who had 
been on their farms .5 years or more had increased their net worth by $5,800, 
of which less than $1,500 was due to increased land value (table 7). This 
increase was more than a doubling of net worth in 5 to 8 years, and for this 
group of farms amounted to an average of about $900 annually since time of 
settlement. 



Table 6. — Average value of assets and liabilities of farmers at time of settle- 
ment — classified bij type of settler and tenure of operator, Vale-Ontario area, 
Malheur County, Oreg} 





Owners and part-owners 


Renters 


Item 


Farm 
Security 
Adminis- 
tration 
clients in 
new areas 


Non-Farm 
Security 

Adminis- 
tration 

farmers in 

new areas 


Farmers 
in older 
irrigation 
districts 


Farm 
Security 
Adminis- 
tration 
clients in 
new areas 


Non-Farm 
Security 

Adminis- 
tration 

farmers in 

new areas 


Farmers 
in older 
irrigation 
districts 


Number of farms . .... 


36 


45 


29 


4 


4 


4 






Farm assets: 

Machinery and equip- 
ment --- 


$247 
207 
73 


$426 
865 
160 


$348 
756 

278 


$56 

140 

2 


$420 
2 
12 


$18 


Livestock . 


213 


Other farm property 






Total farm property 

Cash and accounts receivable. 
All other assets - 


527 
646 
549 


1,451 
1,107 
1,121 


1,382 

3,047 

731 


198 
40 

178 


434 
438 
639 


230 
58 

717 






Total, all assets . .. 


1,722 
157 


3,679 
491 


6,160 
159 


416 
219 


1,511 
44 


1,005 


Total liabilities 


68 






Net worth. 


1,565 


3,188 


6.001 


197 


1,467 


937 







1 The flnanrial statement was obtained for the period immediately preceding the purchase of land or 
other property on the present farm. No land values are thus included in the statement of farm assets 
except for 1 or 2 farms in each of the owner groups where the land was purchased several years prior to the 
time of settlement. These values are included in the item "other farm property." Real estate owned 
elsewhere than the present farm is included under "all other assets." Value of household property com- 
prises an important part of this latter item. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2349 



Table 7. — Increase in net worth, fy-om time of settlement to Dec. SI, 1938, and 
from Jan. 1 to Dec. 31, 1938, and amount of increase attributable to improve- 
ments to land, oivncd farms on new project areas classified by number of crop 
years on present farm, Vale-Oicyhee projects, Malheur County, Oreg. 





Farms 


Time of settlement toDec. 31, 1938 


Jan. 1, 


1938, to Dec 


. 31, 1938 


Number of crop years 
on present farm 


Increase 
in net 
worth 


Appraised 
value of 

land im- 
prove- 
ments 


Increase 
excluding 

land im- 
prove- 
ments 


Increase 
in net 
worth 


Appraised 
value of 

land im- 
prove- 
ments 


Increase 
excluding 

land im- 
prove- 
ments 


1 . 


Nu ruber 
20 

28 
14 
13 
5 


Dollars 
I 1,371 
1,410 
3,200 
6,338 
4,376 


Dollars 
1,017 
1,142 
1,435 
1,507 
1,097 


Dollars 
354 

268 
1,765 
4,831 
3,279 


Dollars 

1 558 

485 

683 

1,168 

750 


Dollars 
622 
381 
255 
39 
101 


Dollars 
-'64 


2 


104 


3 to4 - 


428 


5 to 7 


1,129 


8 or more .. . 


649 






AH farms 


80 


2,699 


1,226 


1,473 


665 


349 


316 



' The difference in net worth between time of settlement and Jan. 1, 1938, for this group of farms is due to 
the fact that most of these farms were settled several months before Jan. 1, 1938, and some as early as April 
and May of 1937, though no crop was produced in 1937. The farmers therefore had several months of time in 
which to increase net worth through improvement operations and earnings from outside employment. 

' Decrease. 

The rate of financial pi-ogress varied considerably between farms, and on a 
few farms settled only 1 or 2 years there was an actual decrease in net worth 
of the operator. In part, progress depended upon net worth at time of settle- 
ment and ability to borrow. The man with some money could develop his farm 
faster and borrow less than the man with less money. During the first year or 
two, increased net worth came about largely by applying labor to land for im- 
provement. Later, cash was needed to make improvements. Size of family, 
ability to do hard work, opportunity for off-farm employment, willingness to 
forego better living conditions, and family needs were all factors affecting 
progress of individual farmers. 



Credit needs were inversely proportional to the net worth of the settler. The 
man with few assets had to borrow money in order to develop his farm. Ap- 
proximately half of all the new farms in the Vale-Owyhee area were financed, 
in part at least, by the Farm Security Administration. The average settler who 
was on his farm for the first crop year, and who was able to borrow from the 
Farm Security Administration, borrowed $1,047 from the Farm Security Admin- 
istration and $25 from other sources during 1938 (table 8). He paid $158 on 
indebtedness, including land-purchase payments, making a net borrowing of $914 
for the year. The settler who was on his farm the second crop year and had 
borrowed from the Farm Security Administration, borrowed a net amount of 
$247 in 1938. Most of this money came from the Farm Security Administration. 
The settler who was on his farm 3 or 4 crop years and was a Farm Security 
Administration client had net payments of $72 in 1938. Some of these farmers 
were not borrowers that year. Not until farmers had been operating 5 years 
or more were net repayments substantial. Settlers who did not find it necessary 
to borrow from the Farm Security Administration contracted small loans, a 
large part of which was repaid during the year. On the average these farmers 
were net borrowers the first 2 years of settlement and made substantial repay- 
ments only after 5 or more years of settlement. Most of the Farm Security 
Administration loans were set up for substantial net repayments during the first 
and second years of the loan. The fact that it was impossible or unwise for 
the farmer to make repayments of these loans the first and second years indicates 
the need of longer term credit. New settlers were unable to obtain credit from 
the Federal land bank. The land bank has refused to make loans in the area 



2350 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



until the amount of the construction charge levied against the land is known. The 
Farm Security Administration represented the chief source of credit for the 
settler with few assets. 

Table 8. — Average loans received and deht repayments made in 1938, Farm 
Security Administration and Non-Farm Security Administration farmers on 
neiv project areas and farmers in older irrigation districts classified by number 
of crop years on present farm, Yale-Ontario area, Malheur County, Oreg. 



Settler type and number of crop 
years on present farm 



Farms 



Loans received in 1938 



From Farm 
Security Ad- 
ministration 



From other 
sources 



Total 



Repay- 
ments of 
principal 
in 1938 ' 



Excess or 
deficit of 
principal 
repayments 
over loans 
received 



Farm Security Administration 
clients (new areas) : 

1 crop year 

2 crop years 

3 to 4 crop years 

5 or more crop years.. 

All Farm Security Ad- 
ministration clients 

Non-Farm Security Administra- 
tion farmers (new areas) : 

1 crop year 

2 crop years 

3 to 4 crop years 

5 or more crop years _ 

All Non-Farm Security 

Administration farms.. 
Farmers in older districts: 

1 crop year 

2 crop years 

3 to 4 crop years. 

6 or more crop years 

All farmers in older areas. 



Number 
8 

20 
5 

7 

40 



Dollars 

1,047 

319 

80 

202 

414 



Dollars 
25 
47 
115 
29 

48 



274 
202 
132 
650 

310 

836 
386 
532 
482 
503 



Dollars 

1,072 

366 

195 

231 

462 



274 
202 
132 
650 

310 

836 
386 
541 
482 
504 



Dollars 
158 
119 
267 
486 

209 



197 
126 
218 
838 



860 
346 
612 
733 
659 



Dollars 

-914 
-247 
-1-72 
-f255 

-253 



-77 
-76 

-1-86 
-fl88 

+16 

+24 

-40 

+71 

+251 

+ 155 



' Includes mortgage and land-purchase contract payments. 

ACTIVITIES OF GOVERNMENTAL AGENCIES 

The Bureau of Reclamation and the Farm Security Administration are the 
two most important Federal agencies in the area. The former has provided 
irrigation water to all new farms and supplemental water to most of the older 
area farms. The latter agency has provided credit for farm development to 
several hundred new farmers, generally those with least resources. 

Bureau of Reclamation provisions regarding speculation, size of holdings, 
settler selection, and water charges have affected and will continue to affect 
settlement patterns, farm organization, and family income. 

Farm Security Administration loans to settlers have made possible more 
rapid settlement than might otherwise have occurred, have provided many with 
small financial means the opportunity to become farm operators, and have 
reduced family hardships during the early years of settlement. 

The Agricultural Extension Service has provided instruction and advice on 
irrigation and farm problems to those unfamiliar with the area and the agricul- 
ture. Such services are invaluable to many settlers, especially during the first 
few years of settlement. 

Local governmental agencies have been faced with a serious problem in pro- 
viding school facilities and local roads prior to any appreciable increase in 
local taxation revenues. These problems would be even more serious in a new 
development isolated from old established areas. 



SUGGESTIONS FOR DE\'ELOPMENT OF FUTURE RECLAMATION AREAS 

Credit. — Most settlers on new land will have insufficient capital with which 
to fully develop their farms. Men with ample capital generally prefer to buy 
farms in established farming areas. If the settler with inadequate capital 
is going to succeed, he must have credit from some source. Demand for ade- 
quate credit has been experienced on most reclamation areas. Various public 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2351 

agencies have an interest in seeing tliat tlie settler is adequately provided with 
credit, so that the project will be successful and people will have satisfactory 
living conditions. , • , ^ 

The settler on new land who has little capital, and the agency which finances 
him must choose between a small family farm with smaller income possibilities 
and smaller debt and a larger farm which will provide more income but will 
necessitate heavier indebtedness. There are various ways in which a settler 
can hold his capital investment to a minimum. He may get along with poor 
buildings He mav do all his land clearing with his own labor. He may 
build his livestock numbers up from his own herd. All of these measures 
will lengthen the time required to bring the farm into full production, and 
most of them will result in a lowered scale of living at least for several years. 
The settler should have adequate credit to erect necessary buildings, includ- 
ing a comfortable if modest home and a satisfactory water-supply system. If 
the farm is a success, the home can be improved from current income. Erec- 
tion of a high-priced home will provide the family on the farm with a nice 
place to live, but mav take too large a part of the family income to pay interest 
on the extra debt. Adequate credit for prompt development of the land into 
a productive farm, but without excessive indebtedness for items that can be 
satisfactorily postponed, promises the most successful record of repayment. 

Settlers in new reclamation areas have usually been handicapped by inade- 
quate cash or credit for development. This has resulted in poor housing and 
inadequate living for the farm family, and in retardation of farm development. 
One approach in dealing with this problem would be for public credit agencies 
to advance sufficient credit to permit rapid development of the farm and to 
provide adequate living facilities for the family during the development period 
as well as later. For an 80-acre farm this might require about a $6,000 invest- 
ment distributed approximately as follows: $1,800 for a dwelling: $250 for a 
well and pump ; $600 for outbuildings ; $800 for land ; $750 for clearing, leveling, 
ditching, and fencing ; and $1,800 for operating credit. 

If an investment of this size were advanced as credit it should be made as 
a part of a complete settlement plan that involves adequate supervisory assist- 
ance until farmers have become familiar with the area and with irrigation 
farming. Payment would have to be delayed during the early years of the 
settlement period, and a long-term, low-interest payment plan developed. 

An alternative approach to the problem is a more gradual development of the 
farm plant but one that involves more liberal use of credit than usually has been 
available to settlers in reclamation areas. This involves gradual clearing and 
leveling of land, substitutiou of family labor for hired labor in construction of 
buildings, and more modest but still acceptable housing conditions, particularly 
during the development period. On the other hand, this approach makes it pos- 
sible for most settlers to assume the responsibilities of managing a full-time irri- 
gated farm somewhat on an apprenticeship basis. If adequate supervision and 
credit (on a long-term, low-interest basis) are not available, this approach will be 
the only alternative to the unsatisfactory progress resulting from lack of credit. 
Even under the delayed development plan for a reasonably adequate farm set-up 
the settler must have at least .$4,000 in cash or credit available for investment 
within the first 2 years of settlement. A smaller sum than this will severely 
handicap the settler. 

In the Vale-Owyhee area it was possible to secure irrigable land for an average 
of about $10 per acre. In most reclamation areas raw land values will be low, 
since the speculative element is largely kept out by the Bureau of Reclamation's 
antispeculation policy. Dwellings can be erected for widely varying sums, depend- 
ing upon the size and type of house, number and kind of facilities provided for, 
and the extent to whicli the settler does the work of construction. An adequate 
house erected immediately upon settlement will cost at least $1,000 for materials 
alone. If any smaller sum is spent for housing it is of the utmost importance that 
the initial dwelling be of a flexible type which can be added to in later years when 
the settler has increased resources and more time available for construction of a 
better house. Some setters in the Vale-Owyhee area have started out with base- 
ment houses consisting of a finished basement to which they expect to add above- 
ground floors in later years. Such dwellings, while far from adequate as perma- 
nent housing, are nevertheless, if properly constructed, warm and dry in this 
climate and, if the family is not too large, provide fairly satisfactory accommoda- 
tions for a few years. Dwellings of this type are far superior to the crude shacks 



2352 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

in which many families are living. For settlers with small resources they have 
the further advantage of being susceptible of improvement without loss of previous 
investment, whereas the shack-type dwelling is hardly capable of being improved 
without extensive alteration in basic design and structure. 

If a flexible building program is adopted, in which only part of the eventual 
dwelling is erected at time of settlement, $500 should be the minimum cash 
outlay for materials, with an additional $5C0 expended at a later date. It may 
be noted that even this low minimum is considerably higher than the average 
value of dwellings of the new settlers inelude<l in the present siirvey. From 
a social point of view, however, it would be preferable to advance settlers suflS- 
cieut long-term credit to permit construction of an adequate house immediately 
upon settlement, rather than holding to a bare minuuum with exiiectation of 
subsequent improvement. Other farm buildings will depend upon livestock 
needs, but will probably average at least $600. Necessary machinery, livestock, 
and other items will cost at least $1,600 for a general type of farm. Some cash 
costs will be involved in clearing land. Farm operations the first year or two 
will probably be carried on at a loss, and cash is required for family living. 

The absolute minimum of money required to develop new farms in new 
reclamation areas will vary with many factors, such as cost of land, type of 
buildings and machinery needed, size of farm, amount of livestock kept, and 
difficulties of preparing land. Careful study will be required in each area to 
determine this minimum. If farms vary considerably in size, so will capital 
requirements. Various unforeseen events, either on the farm or within the 
farm family, may necessitate capital in excess of the minimum. 

It seems evident that certain principles should be followed in extension of 
credit to settlers on new land. If an agency is gouig to make any credit 
available to a settler, it should be prepared to make enough available. Insuffi- 
cient credit will not result in an efficient productive unit, and both borrower and 
creditor will lose. If credit is to be extended, it should be available when 
needed, which generally means very shortly after settlement. The plan for 
repayment of the loan should be reasonable in view of the settler's probable 
income year by year. To set up a repayment plan which cannot be met gives 
the borrower a bad credit rating, tends to discourage him, and makes the 
creditor believe that he is being cheated. However, it should also be recog- 
nized that too liberal a credit plan is likely to destroy the initiative of the 
settler, result in high costs of other loans, and impair any attempt to select 
settlers. 

The amount of loan repayment which can be expected each year depends upon 
probable income and upon settlers' willingness to repay debt. The obstacles to 
be overcome in getting farms in productive condition determine the rapidity with 
which farm income will rise. Sagebrush clearing takes some time, though lands 
previoiisly dry-farmed can be put into cultivation more quickly. The amount 
of leveling necessary makes a great deal of difference in the time required to 
bring a farm into full production. Where the soil is largely sand and topography 
is rough, a great deal of work, considerable expense, and several years will be 
necessary to bring all the land into cultivation. Where slopes are not excessive 
and a true soil development makes extensive leveling unwise, less exiiense and 
time will be required. Transformation of raw land into a productive irrigated 
farm is a major imdertaking, likely to encounter unexpected obstacles at any 
time. 

The experience of new settlers on the Vale and Owyhee projects provides a 
valuable guide as to probable repayments. The first crop year and the settlement 
period which precedes it require considerably more outlay of money than is 
received in income. The second crop year also requires an outlay of money in 
excess of income, but much less than the first crop year. In the third and fourth 
crop years some farmers will still be expending money in excess of current income, 
while others will be paying off indebtedness or adding to cash on hand. Little 
principal will be repaid until after the fifth crop year. A few farmers may 
require additional investment credit even in these years. The amount borrowed 
and its repayment depend upon the level of living of the farm family. On the 
Vale and Owyhee projects it was very clear that new settlers were sacrificing 
their living conditions considerably in order to lessen the amount they needed to 
borrow and to increase the amount of repayments. While it is probably desirable 
that i)eople heavily in debt should live frugally in order to increase their assets, 
it certainly is not socially desirable that the level of living should be too 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2353 

depressed. Public credit agencies would probably be severely criticized if they 
insisted ou a repayment schedule which seriously impaired settlers' living. 

A desirable credit plan for a new reclamation area would provide a repayment 
plan based on estimated income and expense by years. Such a plan should be 
conservative. Records should be obtained from both borrowers and persons able 
to finance their own improvements, and such modifications made in repayment 
plans as farm incomes seemed to justify. 

In older settled areas a sound loan is one upon which interest is paid currently 
and on which principal payments are made frequently, often yearly. In new 
reclamation areas a new definition of "soundness" is required. A loan may 
be sound, even though no interest is paid and more is borrowed each year, if 
improvements are made to offset the increased loans and if the farm is being 
placed in condition to produce a larger income. Loans might well be made with 
requirements that certain acreages be cleared or seeded to some crop, or that 
livestock numbers be increased a given amount. Fulfillment of these objectives 
would be considered a satisfactory fulfillment of loan conditions. Supervision 
of such loans would be essential in order that the lending agency could be sure 
its equity was protected. 

In general, a major part of the settlers will require some credit, and a large 
part of them will need public-agency credit. The comparatively low equities of 
many settlers, the relatively large debts, and the time interval between extension 
of credit and its repayment, as well as the fairly high risks involved, make it 
highly desirable that some public agency be in a position to extend the necessary 
credit. The needs of many settlers for advice and assistance make loan super- 
vision desirable. The Farm Security Administration or some agency organized 
on similar lines seems particularly well qualified for credit extension to new 
settlers on reclamation projects. 

Land and water policies. — The Bureau of Reclamation or any other agency 
responsible for the development of a new reclamation area can guide the course 
of development by its policies regarding the use of land and water. 

One basic consideration, and one which should be introduced before settlement 
begins, is subdivision of the area into farms on the basis of natural boundaries 
and not on the basis of customary legal descriptions. Farms formed by the 
customary legal subdivision lines are not natural units; the oddly shaped fields, 
the problems of irrigation through one or more neighbors' farms, the necessity 
of circuitous routes from farmstead to field and return, are all handicaps which 
this method of subdivision imposes on farm operation. Their combined effect 
imposes a considerable hardship on the operation of some farms, with a conse- 
quent impairment of income and land values. There can be no doubt that sub- 
division of irrigated areas into farm units along natural boundary lines will 
increase farm operating efliciency, although it must be recognized that there 
will be many difficulties in such subdivision. 

The present policy of the Bureau of Reclamation is to discourage speculation 
in land. This is done by requiring that at least one-half the excess sales price 
over appraised value must be paid in cash to the Bureau, to be applied on the 
indebtedness for construction of the irrigation system. Restrictions are also 
placed on the price at which raw land may be sold. Critics of the restrictions on 
raw-land price have pointed out that it is extremely difficult to know the price at 
which raw land is sold without mucli intensive investigation. There is nothing to 
prevent the sale of a tract of irrigalile land at the established price with a simul- 
taneous sale of nonirrigable land at a price far in excess of its real value. All 
provisions against speculation in land values should be continued and in many 
instances strengthened. 

Government purchase of all irrigable land, with subsequent resale to actual 
settlers, would have many advantages. Raw land could be purchased at actual 
appraisals, completely stopping speculation of this kind. The area could be 
divided into natural operating units. Farm and area planning would be greatly 
simplified. Restrictions regarding land use and sale could be written into sales 
contracts wherever restrictions were clearly necessary : and. finally, raw-land 
cost could be added to reclamation cost, thus materially easing the credit problem 
of the settler. Raw land will rarely average as high as $10 per acre, while 
reclamation costs will generally exceed $100 per acre, so that the cost of raw- 
land purchase would not be large in proportion to other reclamation costs. 

The Bureau of Reclamation or other land administering agency can do a great 
deal to promote desirable land and water use by the manner in which it levies 



2354 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

water charges. The customary method is to levy a flat annual per acre charge 
which entitles the farmer to a given amount of water, then to levy a charge for 
all extra or surplus water actually used. If the base charge is reasonable and 
the charge for extra water is graduated steeply upward, the result of this method 
is promotion of efficient and careful use of water. If extra water can be freely 
purchased at a cost per acre-foot as low as or lower than the cost of water pro- 
vided for the flat per acre base charge, there is no incentive to conserve water, 
with the result that much is wasted, a smaller area is irrigated than could be irri- 
gated with better management, lower lands are ruined by waterlogging, and 
excessive leaching occurs. AVater can be substituted for labor within wide 
limits. If water is cheap, there is a tendency to irrigate the quickest way, even 
when considerable water is wasted. This is particularly the case when labor is 
hired and the operator balances cost of water against cost of labor. 

Type mid size of f «?■«;.— What kind of farming is most likely to succeed? Two 
considerations enter here : The natural factors which determine what crops and 
livestock can be grown, and the economic factors which determine the crops and 
livestock that will be grown. 

On the economic side it is somewhat easier to say which crops have the least 
chance of success than it is to say which have the best chance. Fruit has been 
grown on many reclamation developments in the past, but most established fruit 
areas of the West are now experiencing materially lower incomes, and some of 
them are in actual distress. Trees are being pulled more rapidly than they are 
being planted in many parts of the West. This situation offers little hope of suc- 
cess to large new areas of fruit. Small new areas might find a market for superior 
yields, quality, and out-of-season production for special markets. The situation 
for most truck crops is little better than for fruit. When established areas with 
established market outlets, where farmers fully understand the technical prob- 
lems of production, are having difficulty in securing reasonable farm incomes, the 
outlook for new areas is not good. 

Many past irrigation developments have produced feed crops for wintering 
range animals. Range lands of the West are fully stocked, and in many areas 
some reduction in range livestock numbers will be necessary in order to protect 
the range. Perhaps a shortened grazing season, with consequent lengthened 
feeding season, would relieve the load on range lands and also pro^'ide an outlet 
for farm-raised feeds. However, farm feeds are more costly than range feed, and 
possibilities of changes of this type will be severely restricted because of the costs 
involved. Fattening of range livestock for market may provide an outlet for 
feeds produced on reclaimed lands. 

From a social standpoint it may be well to prevent the adoption of crop systems 
that entail sharp peak demands for labor. The surplus migrant labor problem 
which usually attends such systems will often offset any increase in farm incomes. 
Most newly reclaimed land will be used for feed crops such as hay, pasture, and 
grain, and for cash crops such as sugar beets, alfalfa, and clover seed; farm live- 
stock will consume the feed crops produced. In most instances, reclamation in 
the next decade or two is going to mean increased farm livestock, particularly 
dairy cows, hogs, and poultry. Competition with established areas will be encoun- 
tered for these products, but the market for them is Nation-wide and the volume 
of production is large. National agricultural programs may offer restrictions or 
inducements to certain products. 

Physical factors such as the length of growing season, soil types, slope, and 
rainfall are generally recognized as important. In years past, development of 
farming on reclamation areas has taken place without adequate consideration of 
conservation of the soil. The topography of the land to be irrigated varies greatly 
in different parts of most reclamation projects, and farm size and cropping pro- 
grams must be adapted to topography in order to conserve the soil. 

On most reclamation projects there is some irrigated land which can be used 
only for pastures or other perennial crops, if severe soil erosion is to be avoided. 
A cropping system which will maintain yields will have to provide for weed con- 
trol and maintenance of soil fertility. 

Within the general pattern of farming as determined by market outlets and 
natural factors common to the entire area, individual farms should vary consid- 
erably in organization and tyi>e, in order to make the best adaptation to natural 
conditions of the particular farm. 

Equally important with considerations of most desirable type of farm are 
those of best size of farm. Once subdivisions have been carried out in a new 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2355 

reclamation area, changes can be made only with difficulty and expense. Con- 
solidation is particularly slow and expensive. Correct division into farm vmits 
in the original settlement is much more satisfactory than later efforts to 
adjust farm size. Public policy regarding farm size has been expressed fairly 
well in the various acts authorizing reclamation developments. The reclama- 
tion restrictions on maximum acreage per operator are assumed to limit farms 
to family size farms, and to exclude large commercial farming developments, 
with the'a.ssumption that the specified acreage is enough to produce an adequate 
living for the farm family. 

A more fundamental consideration of minimum farm size than any acreage 
measure is this : Farms should be at least large enough to provide full employ- 
ment for the farmer and his family during the peak season of work. If 
there is a sharp seasonal peak in labor demand, farms might well be large 
enough to provide full employment at other times in the year, and seasonal 
labor could be employed during the periods of peak demand. In some fruit 
areas, for instance, the desirable farm size is one that permits the operator 
to do most of the work except at picking time. If regularly established, de- 
pendable sources of employment are available off the farm, part-time farms 
may be satisfactory. Farms which do not fully employ the operator and 
his family at some season are definitely too small. This does not deny, but 
rather assumes, such other fact(n-s of good farm organization as well-designed 
cropping systems, efficient layout of buildings and fields, and use of livestock 
to consume farm feeds. 

Farm income for a given type of farm was fairly closely related to 
P. M. W. U." i>er worker on the farms in the Vale-Owyli('(> area. Judging 
by experience in that area, it is possible to set up some ratlipr definite stand- 
ards of minimum farm size. General farms with cash crops and livestock should 
be large enough to provide at least 175 P. INI. W. U. per adult worker, and 
preferably 2(10 or more P. M. W. U. per worker. Cash crop farms should be 
large enough to provide at least 140 and preferably 170 or more P. M. W. U. 
per worker. Specialized crop farms, under conditions particularly well-suited 
to the particular crop, should provide at least 120 and preferably l."0 P. M. W. U. 
per worker. These standards are on the basis of full-time adult workers. If 
more family labor than one full-time adult worker is available on a farm, the 
size should be increased accordingly. 

In any program for subdivision of irrigated areas into farm luiits. some pro- 
vision should be made for farms of dilTi'rent sizes (probably within limits 
of 40 to 200 acres) to fit the varying capacities of farmers. Some variation 
may be achieved by the farmers themselves in the intensities at which they 
can or will operate. Some farmers are good managers, employing their own 
fime, hired labor, and capital to good advantage; others arc able to accom- 
plish materially less. Sometimes physical disabilities lessen the amount 
of work that a farmer can do. Size of the operator's family is an important 
factor. A family of growing boys may make dairying or sugar-beet raising 
both possible and desirable, when a childless farmer would not be interested 
in either. The most appropriate organization for a young, physically active, 
ambitious farmer who has had to incur considerable debt in order to get 
started differs greatly from that most appropriate for this same man in 
midde age when his boys are able to help with farm work and from that most 
appropriate in later years when the family is grown and gone, he is no longer 
.so physically active, and the mortgages have all been paid off. 

A 40-acre' farm, all irrigable and nearly level, with perhaps 8 acres of sugar 
beets epch year; some irrigated and highly productive pastures, with the 
remainder of the land mostly in alfalfa and with sufficient dairy cattle to 
consume the farm-raised feeds, would have 210 to 230 P. M. W. U., depending 
somewhat upon crop yields. This is a fairly adequate size unit for one man 
whose children are unable to help with farm work. A 40-acre farm which 
was not all irrigable, or one on wliich sugar beets coixld not be grown because 
of soil or slope conditions, would provide less opportunity for employment. 
If truck or fruit crops can be grown profitably, farms smaller than 40 acres 
will provide fairly full employment for one man. 



'P. M. W. U. = a productive mau work unit. A lO-hour day of productive employment, 
at average rate of performance, constitutes a P. M. W. IJ. 



260.370—41- 



2356 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

A 40-acre general farm is the smallest unit that will provide full employment 
to one man, and will do so only when operated rather intensively and when all 
conditions are favorable. An 80-acre farm, with perhaps 70 acres irrigable, 
some of it rather steep, used for grain, hay, and seed crops, with some farm 
livestock but almost no dairy cattle, and with a large part of the crops sold, 
would have 175 to 20<) productive man work units. This farm would actually 
be smaller, based on opportunity for employment, than the intensively operated 
40-acre farm. There would be opportunities for additional employment by sub- 
stituting alfalfa for part of the grain, or alfalfa for part of the clover seed, by 
feeding all of the crops on the farm instead of selling them, or by substituting 
dairy cattle for beef or dual-purpose cattle. If all these changes were made, 
this farm would have 330 to 360 productive man work units. It would provide 
employment for the farmer and two half-grown sons, and would require a small 
amount of seasonal hired labor. The possibilities of adjustment of the 80-acre 
farm, as compared with the 40-acre one, are considerably greater. Differences 
in family size, age, or ability of the farmer can be taken care of more readily 
on the 80-acre farm than on the 40-acre farm. A community with a large 
proportion of 80-acre or larger farms would have far greater possibilities for 
adaptation to different economic and population conditions than a community 
primarily of 40-acre farms. 

The above examples are illustrative only. They do show that total acreage 
within the farm boundaries is a poor measure of economic size. Careful and 
detailed consideration of each particular situation is necessary before a judg- 
ment can be made as to appropriate farm size. An arbitrary decision to divide 
an entire area into one or two sizes of farms, along legal subdivisions and 
without regard for natiiral conditions, is certain to result in many uneconomic 
and inefficient iinits. Some general principles regarding farm subdivision can 
be laid down, but detailed study in the field is necessary for effective subdivision. 

Settler selection and the settlement i)rocess. — Since a major objective of 
reclamation is provision of homes, emphasis will naturally be placed upon farm 
operation by owners. Even if all farms were settled by owners, some tenancy 
would normally arise as present owners were succeeded by sons, other heirs, or 
purchasers. Some tenancy, particularly of some types, is not undesirable and 
should be expected. Research directed toward equitable and satisfactory tenure 
relations may be needed. 

Some degree of settler selection is desirable from the standpoint of settler, 
reclamation agency, and credit agency. A person unsuited to irrigation farming 
has not been benefited if he luulertakes raw land reclamation and fails. Failures 
are undesirable to the reclamation and credit agencies and to the community 
at large. It is difficult to define and measure the qualities necessary for success 
in reclamation of new land. Farming experience, particularly under irrigated 
conditions, is desirable ; so is a minimum amount of capital. Yet some persons 
succeed with very little of either. Ability and willingness to do hard work, 
managerial capacity, and a spirit akin to that of the early pioneers, are all 
valuable assets. 

If irrigation water is provided by one public agency, credit by one or more 
public and many private agencies, and land is for sale by many private persons 
and corporations, it is virtually impossible to exercise a very large degree of 
settler selection. A large supply of pro.spective settlers provides the opportunity 
fo!r settler selection and yet may actually defeat it. When many people are 
seeking a limited number of opportunities for earning a living, the poorest 
businessmen among them may bid up the price of land to the point where 
better judges will refuse to buy. Antispeculation provisions will partly eliminate 
this situation. When piiblic agencies are furnishing both irrigation water and 
development credit, they are justified in exercising such selection of settlers as 
will result in the most successful development of the area. The whole process 
of settler selection would be greatly simplified and made more effective if the 
raw land were owned by the Government. 

Settlement on a large reclamation project should be by districts or units, with 
virtual completion of settlement in one district before another is opened. Many 
of the earlier projects were opened for settlement over too large an area, with 
resultant scattered development. High road and school costs and high expenses 
of operating the irrigation system resulted. Development by districts is now 
generally accepted as sound. 

In selection of settlers and in development of areas, some consideration should 
be given to essentially sociological factors. For instance, the most desirable 
age distribution of settlers in an area should be taken into account. If all 



INTERSTATE MICKATION 2357 

settlers are approximately the same age. whether yonng or old, the commuiiit.v 
will (le distinctly ahiiormal. The time will come when all farmers are old. 
School huildiugs will he overtlowing at one time and empty at another. Settle- 
ment in an area shonld have an age distrihution at least approximating that of 
old estahlished commnnities. Another factor which shoidd be given some con- 
sideration is that of community life. Race, religion, and cultural background all 
determine the pattern of community institutions. A considerable share of settler 
discontent on some projects is traceable to lack of satisfactory community 
groups. At best, the settler on a new area has many diflicult adjustments to 
make ; their impact will be lessened if some features of his community life 
resemble those of the area in which he formerly lived. 

A valuable addition to community life would be the establishment of reci-eation 
areas. Such areas could be established with little expense in some of the gullies, 
and canyons at the edge of the irrigated areas, where waste water from irrigation 
usually runs and willows and other trees naturally grow. If the local people 
were to provide some labor, a small cash expenditure would create very attractive 
grounds for picnicking, camping, and other recreation. The accessibility of 
these spots and the present lack of good I'ecreation areas enhance the value of 
such an undertaking. 

Special assista»ce to settlers. — In the settlement process special advice and 
instruction from public agencies are required. Many settlers are unfamiliar with 
irrigated agriculture ; others will have had no experience with particular crops or 
livestock. The accumulated experience of the agricultural colleges, the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, the Bureau of Reclamation, and other agencies .shotild be 
made availal)le by some form of extension edttcation and stipervisory assistance. 
The amoimt of educational assistance in a n.ew area should be several times that 
in an established area. The cost of such assistance would be negligible compared 
with the other costs incurred. Some of this assistance could be provided most 
advantageously by the credit agency, hut settlers who were able to finance their 
own development would also require special assistance. 

Organization of a farm for irrigation and the first few irrigations may require 
ni(He knowledge and skill than many settlers possess. The possibilities of serious 
damage through unwise use of irrigation water are great. When the settler is 
erecting his farm buildings he is deteiminiiig the farmstead layout of his farm 
for many year.s. A little advice at that time might later save him a vast amount 
of labor. Most settlers are anxious to construct the best btiildings they can with 
the money available and frequently construct their own. Assistance in planning 
dwellings, barns, and other buildings would be very worth while. So might 
education in building construction. It is probably safe to estimate that settlers 
in the Vale-Owyliee area liave had need for more special assistance and advice in 
the first 5 years of settlement tlian they will require in the next 20 years. 

If proper assistance were available to all settlers, there would still be wide 
variations in family living owing to differences in the ability and willingness of 
the families to do things for themselves. Many settlers have previously developed 
skills in carpentry, plumbing, masonry, and similar trades which they can use in 
adding to their own conveniences and also in adding to their incomes by work on 
neighboring farms or in town. The family diet can usually be bettered if the 
family will rai.se a garden and preserve the prodttcts of the garden. Distinct 
differences will also occur in the ability of farmers to see and do the many odd 
jolis which can add to the value of the farm and the convenience of farming 
operations. 

Potential Opportunities for Land Settlement 

By H. E. Sei.by, Senior Agricultural Economist, and Gilbeirt G. Stamnf, 
Assistant Agricultural Economist 

There is practically no land in the Western States suitable for cultivation 
in its present condition that is not already in farms and in agricultural u.se. 
New settlers must therefore acquire: (1) Existing farms; (2) new farms 
created by subdivision of existing farms: or, (8) new farms made iwssible 
by development of now cultival)le land through irrigation, drainage, or clearing. 

Oidy a very small proportion of the immigrants to the Western States who 
are interested in farming have sufflcient capital to buy going farms large enough 
to support a family. The purchase demand for such farms has not as yet 
been sufficiently great to cause any marked increases in land values. 



2358 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



POSSIBILITIES OF FARM SUBDIVISION 

Considerable subdivision of farms has taken place in recent year,s. In some 
areas this has resulted in the creation of a large number of farms too small 
to support an average family at a reasonably adequate standard of living. 
In the three Pacific Coast States the census data show that from 1920 to 1935 
the acreage of land in farms increased only from 56 to 62 million acres, while 
the number of farms increased from 234,000 to 299,000, giving a decrease in 
average size of farm from 240 to 209 acres. Even more significant, the num- 
ber of farms of less than 20 acres increased by 90 percent, while farms of 
100 acres or more decreased by 9 percent (table 1).^ 

Table 1. — Change in numher of farms of (jiven size in California, Oregon, and 
Washington, 1920 to 1935 





Number of farms 


Increase or decrease 




1920 


1935 


Number 


Percent 


Under 20 .- 


57, 666 
88, 117 
88, 381 


109, 429 
109, 737 
80, 401 


+51. 763 

+21, 620 

-7, 980 


+90 


20to99 - 


+25 




-9 






Total 


234, 164 


299, 567 


+65, 403 


+28 







Source of data: U. S. Census. 



The average acreage of improved land per farm in the Pacific Coast States de- 
creased from 102 to 78 acres between 1920 and 1935. It is still slightly above the 
average for the United States (fig. 1), but the question is: How much lower can 
it go without also lowering average incomes and living standards to a point where 
a serious situation may bo faced? In these States 37 percent of the farms re- 
ported a value of farm products exceeding $2,500, as compared with only 19 i)er- 
cent for the entire country. Larger farms are in no small measure resix)nsible 
for this higher income and the higher scale of living that accompanies it. The 
1980 census showed an average value of farm dwellings of $1,617, as compared 
with only $1,126 for the entire United States. The favorable situation with re- 
spect to the proportion of farms having electricity, running water, automobiles, 
telephones, and radios is shown in figure 2. 

An example of excessive number of inadequate-sized farms is given by a survey 
which the Farm Security Administration conducted in a county in western Wash- 
ington in 1939.^ Of the 2,967 farms in the county, 932 had an average of 32 crop 
acres, while 2.0.35, or 69 percent, averaged only 3.9 acres. The rural relief load, 
excluding employees of the Work Projects Administration, was 1,350 cases. Of 
300 families who were contacted in an area of about 98 square miles, only 72 were 
on self-supporting farms. Thirty-two farmers, with an average of 3.3 crop acres, 
were on direct relief ; 71, with 5.6 acres, were on AVork Projects Administration ; 
and 42, with 4.7 acres, had Farm Security Administration loans. The remainder 
were engaged in logging or were commercially employed while endeavoring to 
develop their farms and homes.** 

It is possible in some cases that by following a more intensive type of produc- 
tion equally large incomes per farm may be obtained from smaller as from larger 
farms. Because increase in the market for more intensive crops is limited b.v a 
relatively small prospective increase in population, however, there are very defi- 
nite limits upon the amount of intensification of production that can take place 
without oversupplying markets. 

It appears, therefore, that to the extent that additional land settlement is jus- 
tified, public policy should be directed toward the accomplishment of all feasible 



1 Difference in census procedure probably accounts for part of the change indicated but 
there is a significant and substantial trend over and above the eflfect of this factor. 

2 H. E. Drew, discussion in Proceedings, Fifth Pacific Northwest Regional Planning 
Conference, Seattle, Wash., 19.39, pp. 79-80. 

* The excessive number of farms of inadequate size results not only, of course, from 
subdivision of farms but also from the establishment of small farms on new land or 
insuflBcient cleared acreage on farms on cut-over land. The inadequacy of the cleared 
acreage on recently settled cut-over lands is discussed in the section of this statement 
dealing with experience of settlers on such lands. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2359 



development of new land to provide farms of adequate size before encouraging 
further subdivision of farms, with its attendant danger of lowered planes of 
living and overproduction of intensive crops. It is recognized, however, that there 
are some very large farms that could be subdivided to provide a number of ade- 
quate family-sized farms. 

Many smaller farms, especially around urban centers, are part-time farms 
occupied by people whose main income is from employment or occupations off 
the farm. These are more rural residences than farms. They make consider- 
able contributions of garden and other products to the family living, but produce 
relatively small amoimts of commercial agricultural products. The desirability 
of further development of this type of farm depends upon the development of 



Acres 
Per Farm 



Figure 1. — Improved land per farm,* 1870-1935 



250 



200 



160 



100 



50 




1920 



1930 



1940 



1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 

* 1925-1935, total of cropland harvested, crop failure, idle or fallow, and plowable pasture. 



industries that will furnish dependable employment. Unless employment is 
available to provide the major source of income, the occupants of such farms 
soon become a perplexing public -relief burden and concentrations of such farms 
become rural slums. There undoubtedly will be further opportunities, however, 
for development of sound part-time farming in connection with seasonal indus- 
trial employment, especially in forest industries supported by sustained-yield 
forestry. The need for "retirement farms" as a result of social-security pro- 
grams is an important consideration in this connection. 



2360 



INTERSTATE INIKIUATION 



POTENTIAI, LAND THROUGH IRRIGATION, DRAINAGE, AND CLEARING 



As to the total amount of land in the western States that would be suitable 
for cultivation if irrigated, drained, or cleared, no reliable information based on 
accurate surveys is yet available. Various estimates have been made but they 
are little more than guesses. 

The most recent and perhaps most reliable estimates are those made by the 
Soil Conservation Service in 1938 of lands in the United States suitable for con- 






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tinned cultivation. These estimates include land not now in cultivation that 
would be suitable for continued cultivation if tlie best soil conservation practices 
were used. They indicate that of such lands in the three Pacific Coast States 
there are about IVt million acres now in plowable pasture, 1 million in brush or 
timber, one-quarter million in need of drainage, and 2 million in need of irriga- 
tion, a total of 4V2 million acres of potential new agricultural land (table 2). 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2361 









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2362 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

It is estimated, however, that of the 19 million acres in cultivation in 1935, about 
31/^ million are nnsuited for continued cultivation even under the best soil-conserva- 
tion practices, This land is rapidly being destroyed for agricultural use by erosion 
and if not taken out of production by land-retirement programs, it will cease to be 
cultivated within a comparatively few years because it will become unprofitable 
for such use. It is estimated that another SVi million acres in the three States have 
been essentially destroyed for tillage already/ 

Deducting the SV^ million acres of present cultivated land nnsuited for continued 
cultivation from the 4% million acres of potential new land gives a net increase 
of only 1 million acres, or about a 5-percent increase in the 19 million acres in cul- 
tivation in 1935. It would make possible an eventual future increase of only about 
13,000 farms with 78 acres of cultivable land per farm, the average cultivated acre- 
age per farm in the three States in 1935. The number of new farms doubtless will 
be somewhat greater, however, because they will be developed chiefly in humid or 
irrigated rather than dry-land farming conditions, and under such conditions an 
average of somewhat less than 78 cultivated acres will provide adequate sized 
family farms without undue intensification. 

Tlie figures that have been given refer to land considered suitable for continued 
cultivation. Probably there is considerable additional land suitable for intermit- 
tent cultivation in rotation with grass. Also, productivity of considerable land 
already in cultivation will be increased by irrigation, drainage, and other improve- 
ment. On the other hand, the productiveness of much of the present land in culti- 
vation is decreasing under present soil-management practices, and it is possible 
that over a period of years this may more than offset any increased productiveness 
of other land. 

OTHER ESTIMATES OF POTENTIAL AGRICULTUBAL LAND 

The estimates of potential agricultural land by the Soil Conser^■ation Service 
that have been discussed are much more conservative than certain other estimates 
that have been made. For example, they indicate only 5,848,729 acres of suitable 
land in need of irrigation in the entire country, whereas the Bureau of Reclama- 
tion has estimated that an additional 10 million acres are feasible for irrigation 
under present standards ° and the land-planning committee of the National 
Resources Board estin)ated that 26,000,000 acres are potentially irrigable.' The 
estimates of land suitable for clearing or drainage are likewise much lower 
than those published by the National Resoui'ces Board. Much of the difference can 
be accounted for, however, by differences in the basis of estimate. For instance, 
the Soil Conservation Service estimate of irrigable land is limited to lands not now 
in cultivation, whereas the Bureau of Reclamation estimate includes lands already 
in cultivation but not irrigated. The Bureau of Reclamation estimate is limited to 
projects feasible under present standards, while the National Resources Board 
estimate includes many projects of questionable economic feasibility. In the 
National Resources Board estimates there is inevitable duplication of acreage in 
the irrigation, drainage, and clearing categories because large acreages require 
more than one of these types of development, and probably less conideration was 
given to erodibility of the soil involved than in the more recent estimates of the 
Soil Conservation Service. 

Development of such limited potential agricultural land as there is will require 
many years to accomplish. The Columbia Basin irrigation project, for instance, 
probably will require 20 to 25 years for complete settlement. Not even prelimi- 
nary plans have been made for development of much of the potential new land 
included even in the conservative figures of the Soil Conservation Service. 

There can be no question but that present immigrants to the Western States 
find much more limited opp<n'tunities for settlement than those of a few years ago. 
Even if the present rate of development of new land were greatly increased, only a 
small fraction of the number of new settlers who have found farms in the past 
would be able to do so from now on. 

Perhaps the best opportunity to increase the chances for land settlement 
is through a public program of assistance in land clearing. Governmental assist- 



* Soils and Men. U. S. Department of Agriculture, Yearbook of Agriculture, 193S., 
p. 90. 

* National Irrigation Policy. S. Doc. No. 36, 76th Cong., 1st sess., p. 35. 1939. 
"Land Available for Agriculture Through Reclamation, National Resovuces Board, 1936, 

p. 5. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2363 

auce is given by tlie Bureau of Reclamation in development of irrigated land, but 
there is just as great or greater opportunity to provide new farm land at feasible 
costs through a comparable program of reclamation by land clearing. This could 
be done through large land-clearing projects, through financial assistance to indi- 
vidual settlers, or perhaps preferably by a combination of both methods. 

L.\ND SUPPLY IN RELATION TO LAND NEEDS 

Consideration of all of the arguments for and against the need for land reclama- 
tion is beyond the scope of this discussion, but a few relationships between 
prospective population and land supply may be pointed out briefly. The land- 
planning committee of the National Resources Board estimated the acreage of 
harvested crops that will be needed in the United States in 19G0 to be 374,000,000 
to 386,000,000 acres.' This, however, is only the needed acreage of harvested crops, 
without allowance for normal crop failure and crop hind normally idle or fallow 
in any given year. Census statistics on crop failure and idle and fallow land were 
not obtained prior to the 1925 agricultural census. In 1924 and 1929, however, the 
acreage of crop failure and idle and fallow land averaged 14.3 percent of the har- 
vested-crop acreage. This appears to be the best available figure on the amount 
of land normally used in this way. The acreage of crop failure in 1934 was so 
abnormally high because of drought conditions that it is not indicative. 

Increasing the land-planning committee estimate by this 14.3 percent gives 
427,000,000 to 442.000,000 acres as the total crop acreage that will be needed in 
1960. These figures get pretty close to the Soil Conservation Service estimate of 
the total acreage suitable for continued cultivation— 447,000,000 acres (table 2), 
which is an increase of only about 8 percent over the total acreage of cropland in 
the United States in 1930. A rather conservative population estimate for 1960 is 
141.000,000 people,' an increase of 15 percent over 1930, nearly, twice as great as the 
maximum possible increase in total acreage of land suitable for continued cultiva- 
tion. These relationships are presented graphically in figure 3. 

To have the estimated total acreage of land suitable for continued cultiva- 
tion available bv 1960 would require reclamation in the next two decades of 
6,000,000 acres by irrigation, 8,000,000 by drainage, and 42,000,000 by clearing 
(table 2). This exceeds the bounds of probability and even pos.sibility. The 
present public program of land reclamation is limited chiefly to irrigation and 
drainage development with comparatively little attention to land clearing. 

Because available new land has become scarce, many settlers are undertaking 
to farm laud not suitable for cultivation and upon which they have no possi- 
bility of making a living. Furthermore, settlement is occurring in isolated 
areas where provision of public services will be abnormally costly to local 
governments. There is greater need than ever for programs of land classifica- 
tion, and aLso for making available to prospective settlers information on 
the suitability for agriculture of all land in areas receiving immigration. 

INVENTORY OF LAND DE:^■EL0PMBINT POSSIBILITY IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST 

With the continued high level of migration to the Northwest in recent years, 
an intense need for comprehensive information regarding settlement opportuni- 
ties has been felt. To meet this, various governmental agencies are expending 
considerable effort to locate and investigate lands potentially suitable for agri- 
cultural settlement through such developments as irrigation, drainage, and 
clearing. 

The Bureau of Agricultural Economics, in cooperation with the National 
Resources Planning Board, is conducting a study in the Northwest,® the objec- 
tives of which are: (1) To inventory all potential opportunities for land de- 
velopment and agricultural settlement as proposed or recommended by any 
qualified agency or group; and (2) to make sufficient analyses to permit an 
apprai.sal of the economic feasibility of the various propo.sals. 

To obtain such an inventory of irrigation, drainage, and clearing oppor- 
tunities, the cooperation of all agencies interested in the field, both State and 
Fe<leral, is being sought. The principal sources of information include the 



' Afiricultui-al Laud Requirements and Resources, National Resources Board, 1935, p. 27. 
sibid., p. 29. . ,^ X .i , 

» The area of study includes AVashington, Oregon, Idaho, and the 19 western counties or 
Montana ; however, the estimates included herein are exclusive of Montana. 



2364 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



investigational reports of tlie Bureau of Plant Industry, Soil Conservation 
Service, Farm Credit Administration, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Bureau 
of Reclamation, United States Engineer Corps, State reclamation and conserva- 
tion departments, and the recommendations of the county land-use planning 
committees. In addition, expert advice, based on personal knowledge and ex- 
perience, is being offered by staff members of the foregoing agencies and 
groups, as well as the Extension Service, the experiment stations, and various 
Ijlanning boards. 

FiGT-RE 3 



Population 

(Millions) 

160 



140 



U. S. POPULATION km CROP ACREAGE 



120 



100 




Acres 

(Millions) 
640 



560 



480 



400 



320 



240 



160 
1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 

' Soils and Men, U. S. D. A. Year Book of Agriculture, 1938, p. 95. 

2 Ibid., present land in cultivation and plowable pasture. 

^ >«RB Land Planning Committee estimate of crop land requirement multiplied by ratio 
total crop land to crops harvested, 192.") and 1930. 

* 192.5—193.5, crop land harvested, failure, idle and fallow. Previous census years, crops 
harvested multiplied by ratio total crop land to crops harvested, 1925 and 1930. 



While in the past some lands have been successfully irrigated by indi- 
vidual farm diversions or small group diversions, it is apparent that opi><>r- 
tunities for future irrigation development, alm()st without exception, will re- 
quire Federal financing under a lenient policy of repayment, and often will 
requii'e an allocation of at least part of the construction costs to various public 
benefits other than irrigation. Likewise, many drainage developments are be- 
yond the ability of farmer groups to finance and repay. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2365 

The outlook for clearing operations is changing. With the recent develop- 
ment and improvement of clearing leehniques, based on the use of heavy 
mechanical equipment, principally the tractor and bulldozer, clearing costs 
per acre are being reduced, and it apix^ars that cleared acreages will be 
greatly expanded. Farmer cooperatives, sponsored, to some extent, by the 
Farm Security Administration, are becoming one means by which to obtain 
the necessary clearing equipment at economic costs. 

A preliminary and necessarily incomplete sununary of ix>tential development 
opix)rtnnities has been prepared, as shown in table 3. About 4% million acres 
of land, it will be noted, are listed as iwtentially suitable for new or addi- 
tional land development. Over 3^2 million acres of this is new land not now 
in cultivation. As the inventory of land development opportunities progresses, 
this figure undoubtedly will increase. However, it is expected that subse- 
quent analyses of economic feasibility will place some of the potential devel- 
opments into a deferred classification. As public policy changes, or as pres- 
sures of ix)pulation and markets shift and increase, the doubtfully feasible 
propt)sals of today might conceivably become able tomorrow to bear the whole 
construction cost, or might become of sufficient importance to society that a 
portion of the development costs may be allocated to indirect benefits to 
society, thus reducing the financial obligation of the individual settlers to a 
iwint where it could be borne. 

Table S.—Preliminary estimates of potential oi)i)Ort unities for agricultural 
settlement in Oreyrm, Washington, and Idaho through irrigation, drainage, 
and clearing. 

Type of development : Acres 

Irrigation of new lands 2, 956, 500 

Clearing of cut-over, burned-over, or timber lands I j 95^' pJ;J; ^ 

Lands in need of drainage 86, 600 

Total, new land 3, 606, 700 

New irrigation of land already in cultivation or supplementary 

water to present irrigated lands 1, 179, 500 

Drainage of lands now mostly in cultivation i (600, 000) 

Total 4, 786, 200 

- The figures in parentheses are for lands that have been included in the acreage to be irrigated but that 
also need clearing or drainage and are therefore shown separately to avoid duplication in the total. 

Note.— These figures are preliminary and tentative, and also incomplete, especially for lands suitable 
for clearing and drainage. See page 11. 

But neither the estimated 4% million acres of land suitable for new or further 
development nor the estimated 3^2 million acres of new land suitable for develop- 
ment and cultivation represents a net increase in land suitable for sustained culti- 
vation. It must be remembered that much land under cultivation at the present 
time is subject to various degrees of erosion and loss of fertility, even under the 
best soil conserving practices, and ultimately should be retired from cultivation. 
The exact amount of such land in the Northwest is not accurately known ; how- 
ever, it is estimated to approach 3.000,000 acres in the three States of Washington, 
Oregon, and Idaho.'" 

Thus the desiraltle ultimate net increase in cultivated land appears quite limited, 
present figures showing a gain of little more than half a million acres with some 
further increase expected as the land development inventory becomes more com- 
plete. In addition, as shown in table 3, there are oa er 1,000,000 acres of laud now 
in cultivation which are suitable for new or further development to increase their 
productivity and. thereby, in effect, to increase the agricultural base and provide 
additional settlement opportunities. 



" E.stimates basnd en uiipulilislied mateiial supplied l)y the Soil Conservation Service. 



2366 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Employment of Migrants as Hiked Laborees in Western Agricultube 

Supplementary statement by Vaeden Fut.t.rr, Associate Agricultural Economist 

structure of opportunities available for employment in agriculture 

Employment as wage workers in the intensive farming areas of the Pacific 
States was one of the foremost of the restricted opportunities open to people 
migrating westward during the decade 1930-39. This was particularly true of 
those who migrated without either accumulated capital or occupational skill. 
During the thirties, the opportunity to obtain cheap land on which to develop 
farms was relatively restricted. At the same time, opportunities in nonagricul- 
tural pursuits were at a minimum ; development and expansion of new industries 
was slow and many older industries suffered retrenchment. In general, but with 
specific exceptions, the Pacific States, like the rest of the Nation, experienced a 
surplus of labor throughout the decade. 

Such opportunity as existed for employment in agriculture was not brought 
about by a shortage of agricultural labor in the absolute sense. Within California, 
demand for agricultural labor evidently remained approximately constant in the 
aggregate throughout the decade, although there was a small amount of shifting 
among the various types of enterprises. (See table 1.) Other intensive areas of 
the West have likewise not experienced any considerable expansion of labor 
demand. With demand constant, and with supply being augmented through 
migration and through unemployment in nonagricultural industries, the agri- 
cultural labor supply of California, even by the most conservative estimates, was 
continuously in excess of demand throughout the decade. In some years, more- 
over, there was an aggravated sui)erabundance of labor (table 2). It can un- 
doubtedly be safely said that problems of agricultural labor shortage would not 
have appeared at any time during the decade 1930-39 even though no workers 
had migrated from other States to the Pacific area. 



Table 1.- 



-Index of estimated demand for agricultural labor in California, 
1920-38, by type of enterprise 



[1909-14=100] 










Year 


Field 
crops 


Truck 
crops 


Fruits 
and nuts 


Live- 
stock 


Total 


1920 ... .. . 


100 
92 
89 
85 
83 
85 
84 
83 
88 
93 
95 
91 
88 
89 
88 
88 
98 
116 
101 


162 
137 
174 
190 
193 
222 
275 
303 
307 
365 
392 
378 
404 
365 
405 
448 
456 
440 
392 


131 
136 
146 
152 
165 
177 
188 
193 
197 
195 
183 
182 
180 
175 
175 
171 
161 
165 
166 


108 
104 
104 
106 
107 
107 
108 
114 
119 
119 
115 
115 
112 
109 
107 
106 
127 
130 
130 


119 


1921 

1922 


117 
123 


1923 . 


126 


1924 


131 


1925... - 


138 


1926 . 


146 


1927 


151 


1928 


156 


1929 . . 


159 


1930 


154 


1931 . 


152 


1932... 


151 


1933 


146 


1934 .. 


147 


1935 


147 


1936 


151 


1937... . .... 


156 


1938 


152 







Fuller, Varden, "Wage Rates and Expenditures for Labor, California Agriculture, 1909-1935." Table 
23 (typewritten manuscript on file at the library of the Oiannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics, 
University of California). Data for 1936-38 compiled by autlior. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2367 



TxBLE 2— Supply and demand situation for agricultural labor in California, 

1920-40, as of Apr. 1 ^ 



Year 



1920.. 
1921- 
1922 . 
1923.. 
1924.. 
1925.. 
1926.. 
1927.. 
1928.. 
1929. 
1930. 
1931.. 
1932.. 
1933. 
1934. 
1935. 
1936. 
1937. 
1938. 
1939. 
1940. 



Supply 

(as a 

percent of 

normal) 



Demand 

(as a 
percent of 
normal) 



Ratio: 
supply to 
demand 



107 
94 
102 
103 
100 
101 
104 
102 
105 
117 
122 
132 
108 
104 
95 
98 
105 
105 
103 



104 
93 

96 
96 
85 
88 
94 
94 
91 
91 
87 
77 
69 
62 



81 
106 
111 

98 
120 
117 
106 

lor 

114 
112 
121 
152 
177 
213 
138 
128 
108 
110 
131 
130 
120 



1 April is not necessarily the best time of year to measure labor supply and demand but it happens to be 
the only month in which continuous data are available. 
U. S. Department of Agriculture. Agricultural Marketing Service Farm Employment Report. 

The fhauce for iiewlv arrived workers to sii't jobs ou farms arose out of 
the nature of the agricultural labor market which was associated with a 
pattern of agriculture in whicli large scale and highly specialized types of 
farm production \\ere of great relative importance.' This labor market and 
the peculiar structure of lal)or demand back of it made it possible for newly 
arrived workers to compete on substantially equal terms wnth longer established 
Avorkers for the limited employment available. This has resulted in spread- 
ing a limited amount of employment over a large number of workers, which, 
in turn, created serious underemployment of those who were able more or less 
effe<^^-tively to compete in the field. 

With respect to labor demand, the requirements on individual farms and 
within specialized areas are intense for relatively short periods. Throughout 
the years prior to l!>oO. demand for seasonal labor on the part of the various 
specialized areas was generally in excess of the resident labor supply. Since 
the iK-ak periods of labor demand in these areas do not all fall at the same 
time, it w^as possible for labor requirements to be met by seasonal migration 
from area to area of part of the agricultural labor supply. The great majority 
of seasonal workers were hired for short periods and in large numbers per 
employer. :Many indeed were not hired directly by farmers at all but by labor 
contractors or association managers. Short-time employment of workers iu 
large groups, witli many lieing nonresident in the community, has tended to- 
ward highly impersonal* relations between employer and worker. Most of the 
seasonal harvest work requires but little skill or experience; thus it was of 
no great interest to farm employers to preserve highly stabilized relations 
with respect to particular workers. 

On the supply side, the seasonal agricultural labor group has always been 
a heterogeneous and ever-changing one. Foreign nationality groups from coun- 
tries of a low level of economic opportunity — the Chinese, Japanese, Hindus, 
Mexicans, and Filipinos — have, together with native Indians, at times con- 
stituted significant proportions of the agricultural labor supply in various 
parts of the West. Only during periotls of general economic stagnation have effi- 
cient occupationally mature native white workers sought employment as seasonal 

» This discussion is based in part on another study. See Fuller, Varden, The Supply of 
Agricultural Labor as a Factor in the Evolution of Farm Organization in California. 
Hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, L nited btates 
Senate, Tfith Cong., 3d sess., pt. 54, pp. 19777-19898. 



2368 INTERSTATE MirJKATIOX 

agricultural workers in any fonsiderable numbers. With the return of prosiierous 
conditions in nonagricultural industries, tliose who could get other jobs have 
left the field of seasonal agricultural labor to the foreign nationality groui>s 
and to those who for one reason or another were unable to secure more favorable 
employment. 

This combination of circumstances with respect to supply of and demand 
for seasonal agricultui'al labor has resulted in a highly disorganized labor 
market. And it has been principally disorganization rather than active demand 
with respect to supply which has enabled workera newly arrived to the Pacific 
•coast to compete for available work ou approximately equal terms with longer 
established laborers. 

To some extent, vacancies have been created through the return since KkSO 
of Mexicans and Filipinos to their native homes ; the actual magnitude of 
opportunities made available through this occurrence cannot, however, be accorded 
any considerable significance. 

in the last two decades, at least one-half and often more than three-fourths 
of all hired agricultural laborers in the principal intensive areas of the Pacific 
I'egion have been temporarily hired for seasonal work. Of those employed at 
seasonal work, the majority prior to 1930 did not maintain any permanent 
domicile ; others maintained a domicile from which they moved about among va- 
rious farms, or crops, or adjacent areas. Those who were migratory with respect 
to both employment and domicile were before 1930 principally single men or 
foreign nationality families. Since white families were not theretofore in- 
volved to any great extent in migratory seasonal work, connnunity-conscious 
observers were not widely concerned over the failure of migratory agricultural 
workers to establish normal social stability. 

CHANGE IN THE AGRICULTURAL LABOR SUPPLY DURING THE PAST DECADE 

With the entry of white family groups into the field of seasonal and casual 
labor in western agriculture, a different pattern has deveUiped. Some of the 
new white family groups have remained continuously migratory ; some of the 
old migratory workers still remain. P>ut the great majority of the families 
who have migrated westward during the past decade and entered seasonal 
agricultural employment have established fairly permanent domiciles. With 
this domicile as a base, the workers of the family have pursued seasonal 
employment in immediately adjacent areas. 

This tendency towards stability of domicile on the part of the white family 
groups who have migrated from other States to the Pacific coast and entered 
agricultural employment has brought an apparently ample supply of resident 
labor to most all major farming areas. Since nonresident workers no longer 
are absolutely necessary to most areas, and since resident workers have been 
able recently to establish some claim to local jobs, the volume of regularly 
patterned seasonal migration appears during the latter half of the past decade 
to have been materially reduced. Nevertheless, there is evidence that some of 
this seasonal migration still exists ; one outstanding instance is that of laborers 
moving with large-scale operators and employment contractors whose activities 
are both interregional and interstate. In addition, there is the irregular move- 
ment back and forth of a group, made up largely of newly arrived people, who 
have not yet achieved permanent establishment in any community. 

The doniiciles of the newly established farm laborer families referred to above 
are not pei-manent homes in the usual sense. Relocating families employed at 
seasonal agricultural jobs have had to improvise the best shelters they could 
out of the very small means available to them. Many have purchased tiny 
cheap lots and constructed houses at a cost of $200 to $500. Such arrangements 
are to be found in the numerous new shacktowns located in tlie Sacramento, 
San Joaquin, and Salinas Valleys of California, and in the Yakima Valley of 
Washington. In general, the housing units of these new communities can be 
said to be inadequate, and to be creating new rural slums. Nevertheless, they 
represent endeavors to establish permanency by people who are trying to escape 
the hardships and the undesirability of a migratory and homeless existence. 

Not all of the relocated migrants living in these shack towns are at present 
engaged as agricultural laborers. On the other hand, not all the migrant people 
who are engaged as seasonal agricultural laborers live in the shack towns. Some 
of them live in more acceptable housing units in longer established communities, 
some are living in housing provided by employers, and others live in the housing 
facilities made available through the Farm Security Administration. In addi- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2369 



tloii, as iiidicatod above, some small proportion are still moving about without 
any permanent domicile. These include families who have chosen to follow the 
crops rather than to endeavor to make a living in one place, and others who are 
still searching for an opportunity to settle down. 



EMPLOYMEXT A>'D INCOME SITUATION OF MIGRANTS ENGAGED AS AGRICUI.TURAL 

LABORERS 

The situation of migrants to Pacific areas who have become agricultural 
laborers was investigated in the spring of 1939 by the Bureau of Agricultural 
Economics. This organization conducted sample field studies in the Sacra- 
mento, San Joaquin, and Salinas Valleys of California and (cooperatively with 
Washington State College) in the Yakima Valley of Washington. Selection of 
families to be studied was made within the newly developing shack towns and 
was limited to only those families who had an agricultural background and who 
had migrated to the particular State since the first of 1930. 

Although the great majority of the shack town residents had formerly been 
engaged in agriculture, they were at the time of the survey by no means exclu- 
sively occupied at agricultural labor. Of the 1,004 families studied in California, 
only 38 percent reported that during 1938 agricultural labor was their principal 
source of income. Nevertheless, the great majority of the shack town residents 
had received part of their income from agricultural labor. However, 299 of 
the 1,004 families reported that during 1938 they had been dependent on public 
assistance for the principal portion of their income, and for the majority of this 
group, agricultural labor was the only important source of income other than 
public assistance. When these families for whom agricultural labor was the 
principal source of income other than public assistance ai'e grouped with the 
above 300 families, the total becomes 522, or over half of the entire group of 
families studied. 

The ca.sh income situation of the several groups of relocated migrant families 
engaged with varying degrees of success as agricultural laborers is summarized in 
table 3. It will be noted that 117 families received no public assistance whatevei-, 
and made an average income of $940 during 1938. Those families who were 
able to earn most of their income from agricultural labor, but who were dependent 
to some extent on public assistance, received an average income of $671, of 
which one-fifth was received from public assistance sources. It is evident from 
the remainder of the table that not only are earnings and public assistance 
inversely related but that as depeiulence upon public assistence increases, average 
total income declines. Finally, among all families for whom agricultural labor 
was the principal source of private income, the average cash income received 
during 19.38 was $711. 

Table 3. — Composition of average family incomes for 1938: Three groups of 
recently settled migrant fa)nUies engaged in varying degrees as agricultural 
laborers in California'^ 



So!irce or income 



Employment: 

Agriculture 

Canning, packing, and processing 

agricultural iirnducts 

Nonagricult ural industries 

Total industrial earnings- 

Total public assistance 

Other income 

Average income 



Non- 
public 
assist- 
ance, 117 
families 



Group I 



Public 
assist- 
ance, 243 
families 



Percent 
84.9 



6.5 
8.0 
99.4 



.6 
.$940. 65 



Percent 
68.8 

4.1 

5.5 

78.4 

21.0 

.6 

$670. 80 





Group 




Both 


IV-A,3 94 


groups, 


families 


360 fami- 




lies 




Percent 


Percent 


75.2 


30.2 


.5.1 


1.5 


6.5 


2.0 


86.8 


33.7 


12.6 


66.0 


.6 


.3 


.$758. 51 


.$646. 26 



Group 
IV-B,< 68 
families 



Percent 
8.6 

.2 
.3 

9.1 

90.4 

.5 

$547. 57 



All 
groups, 
522 fami- 
lies 



Percent 
61.2 

4.0 

5.2 

70.4 

29.1 

.5 

$710. 81 



1 For 273 families the income year was 1938; for 249 families the income vear was April 1938 through March 
1939. 

' Families with agricultural labor as principal source of all income. 

' Families principally dependent on public assistance but with at least $100 in earnings from agricul- 
tural labor as principal nonpublic assistance source. 

* Same as group IV-A but with less than $100 from agricultural labor. 



2370 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



For the remainder of this discussion, consideration will be limited to the 360 
families of table 3 who earned the major part of their income from agricultural 
labor. This will enable an examination of the employment and income situation 
of that group which can be more strictly defined as being dependent on agri- 
cultural labor and which at the same time was able to realize significant 
earnings from that source. 

As indicated in table 3, the average income of this group of 360 agricultural 
laborer families was $758. Three-fourths of this average was gained directly 
from agricultural employment; 5 pei'cent came from employment in industries 
related to agriculture — canning, packing, and processing — while 6.5 percent was 
received from employment in nonagricultural industries. Approximately one- 
eighth of the average income came from public assistance sources. 

Several significant points are indicated by the foregoing data. It appears 
that among workers occupied principally as agricultural laborers the amount 
of complementary employment in nonagricultural industries and in industries 
related to agriculture is not great. This group gained approximately the same 
proportion of their income from these other sources of employment as they did 
from public assistance. Another significant finding is that, although 12.6 iiercent 
of all incomes came from public assistance, a total of 67.5 of all the group 
participated in this assistance. This would mean that although the majority 
needed help at some time during the year, the amount of help required in each 
case was not large. 

Although the average income for the group was $758, the most typical income 
was about $625. Twenty-one percent actually received less than $450, and only 
24 percent received over $900. Variation in individual incomes is set forth in 
greater detail in figure 1. 

Annual family incomes for 1938—360 migrant families relocated in California 
and engaged as agricultural laborers 



Amount of 

income 
(dollars) 
Under 3OO 

300 to UU9 

U50 to 599 
600 to Iks 
750 to 999 
900 to 10U9 
1050 to 1199 
1200 to I3U9 

1350 to 1U99 
1500 to 16U9 
1650 & over 



V/////////////////////.7\ 



y////\ 



VV///////////////////////7777A 



TZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZA 



"zzzzzzzzzzzzzzm 



////////A 



VTTTTX 



7ZZZZZA 



izzn 



23 



7zm 



10 15 

Percent of 36O families 



20 



Figure 1. 



The foregoing figures do not accurately portray amounts available for family 
living. There are both additions and deductions. As additions, there are serv- 
ices and commodities received free of charge from employers and from public 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2371 



agencies; these will be discussed at a later point. The principal deduction from 
cash income is the cost of maintaining an automobile. In working out at tem- 
I)orary seasonal jobs from an established headquarters, these workers have 
found an automobile almost mandatory. Nearly all families have them, and they 
are used for seeking work and traveling to and from jobs. The cost of operating 
such a conveyance is not known, but it evidently is not an inconsiderable sum 
and obviously cuts quite deeply into earnings. 






o ^ 







Another aspect of the income situation is that of seasonality. Figure 2 indi- 
cates that earnings from agricultural employment were suliject to extreme 
seasonal variation. During the months of December, January, February, and 
March, agricultural earnings were only about one-third of the level of May 
through October. Agricultural laborer families received moderate amounts of 
income from employment in industries allied to agricvdture and in nonagricnl- 
tural industries. Unfortunately, however, this outside employment occurs mainly 

260370— 41— pt. 6 12 



in 



2372 INTEUSTATH MKIRATIOX 

(luring till' iH-ridd of peak agrifultui-;il employment ; lience. there is no dove 
tailing of earnings from agricultural and nonagrieultuial sonrees. This is in 
escapable because of the fact that a large proportion of the employment re 
ceived outside of agriculture was in canning, packing, and processing of .agi'i 
cultural commodities, and activity in these lines is closely geared to activity ii 
the fields. The only dovetailing taking place was in the receipt of public assist 
ance, which was adjusted contra-seasonally with earnings and to a limited degree 
does compensate for the extreme seasonalit.v of earnings from employment. 
This seasonal adjustment, however, is principally in cash relief (which com- 
prises the major portion of the category labeled "other jtublic assistance"). In- 
come received by this group of families from the Work Projects Administration 
employment was relatively less flexible over the season than was cash relief. 

TYPES OF AGRICIH^TrrKAL KMPI.OYME.NT 

Approximately four-fifths of the man-days employment in agriculture were 
<tn temporary seasonal jobs; only one-fifth of the man-days were in regular 
long-term employment. Of the seasonal work, the majority of the days were in 
the harvest; there was, however, considerable temporary employment in general 
and i)reharvest work. 

Percent 
Type of work : ' of mnn-dai/s 

Preharvest 8. 7 

Harvest 52.0 

General (short-term) 16. G 

Total temporary 77. 3 

Long-term (general) 20.5 

Unknown 2. 2 

Total 100. 

Long-term employment was concentrated principally on livestock farms, 
which employed about one-eighth of all man-days. The small amount of pre- 
harvest seasonal work was mainly in deciduous fruits and in field crops. Decid- 
uous fruits and field crops (principally cotton) provided the bulk of the sea- 
sonal work during luirvest. Harvest work in citrus fruits and vegetables also 
absorbed a considei-able number of man-days. 

The significance of the foregoing proportions of types of work is the indica- 
tion that employment of this group of ivcent migrants to California has been 
mainly in the more elementary processes of agriculture. That is to say, it has 
l-.een mainly in those ta.sks requiring i-elatively little skill, experience, or train- 
ing. The bulk of the employment has been in hand tasks where each worker 
is only part of a group or gang. There is ))ut little opportunity to handle 
machinery or livestock. Since the jobs are specialized and routinized, there is 
but little opportunity for workers in such tasks as these to become familiar with 
all the processes of the crop or enterprise. Moreover, these types of enter- 
prises, when conducted on a specialized basis, as most of them are, employ 
relativel.T few persons on a permanent basis. Thei-e is. therefore, but little 
hope for most of these workers eitlier to learn and to .save enough to begin an 
enterprise on their own or to advance to a higher level as hired workers within 
the foi'ins of enterprise out of which they ai-e presently earning their livelihood. 

NFMBKRS OF WORKEKS AND MAX-DAYS OF EMPLOYMENT 

Table 4 sets forth in detail the number working and the amount of emplo.v- 
ineiit month by month. Perliaps the most significant findings indicated by this 
table is that during the 4 slack months of December through March one-third 
to one-half of the agricultural laborer families had no member working. Even 
during the period of peak labor demand — June through September — approxi- 
mately one-tenth of the families in this group had no member working within 
each of the particular months. During the busy season, many families have 
two to five employed nieml)ers per family. The average miniber of workers 
per famil.Y rose from a low point of 0.7 person in February and March to a high 
point of 1.7 per.soiis in Septemlier. At the siime time the average man-days of 
employment per employed worker tended also to i-ise. This conibination of 



INTERSTATE .AI Id RATION 



2373 



iiu-reasinji' number of workers and inci'ea.sins employment per worker resulted 
in rapidly increasing man-days of employment per family during the summer 
months. 

Table 4. — Average number of icorkers and mau-dai/s emvJoyuient^ per famili/ 
during 1938^: 304 rccenUy settled agrieultural laborer funiilies.'' 



Month 



January. .- 
Feb^ua^y- 

March 

April 

May 

June 

July 

August 

September 
October-.- 
November 
December. 

Average... 



Percent families having designated number of workers 



None 
work- 
ing 



44.4 
49.6 
48.6 
23.7 
13.5 
11.2 
11.8 
11.8 
9.6 
13.5 
22.0 
36.8 



24. 



One 
work- 
ing 



39.5 
37.5 
39.5 
55.9 
60.2 
57.6 
56.6 
52.7 
49.6 
46.7 
43.7 
40.1 



48.3 



Two 
work- 
ing 



9.6 
8.2 
8.2 
14.1 
17.8 
20.6 
19.7 
22.0 
22.7 
25.0 
21.1 
14.8 



17.0 



Three 
work- 
ing 



3.9 
1.7 
.7 
4.3 
3.6 
0.6 
6.6 
6.6 
6.9 
6.9 
7.9 
5.6 



Four 
work- 
ing 



1.3 
1.7 
2.0 
1.3 
1.3 
3.3 
3.0 
3.6 
5.9 
4.3 
3.0 
2.0 



Five 
work- 
ing 



1.3 
1.3 
1.0 

.7 
1.3 
1.7 
2.3 
3.3 
5.3 
3.6 
2.3 

.7 



Total 



100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 



100 



Aver- 
age 

num- 
ber 

work- 
ing 



.7 
1. 1 
1.3 
1.4 
1.4 
1.5 
1.7 
1.5 
1.3 
1.0 



1.2 



Aver- 
age 
man- 
days 
employ- 
ment 
per 
family 



10.4 
8.8 
9.4 
18.6 
23.4 
25.4 
26.1 
27.3 
29.5 
26.8 
22.5 
14.4 



20.2 



Aver- 
age 
day.-; 
;>mploy- 
ment 
per 
worker 



13.0 
12.6 
13.4 
16.9 
18.0 
18.1 
18.6 
18.2 
17.4 
17.9 
17.3 
14.4 



16.3 



; E.xeluding Work Projects Administration and including all gainful employment whether in agricultur 
or nonagricultural industries. 

s For 158 families the income year was 1938; for 146 families the income vear was April 1938 through March 
1939. 

3 Families whose principal source of annual income was from wage labor in agriculture. 



It is .significant to note that the variation in average man-days per employed 
worker is mucli less than is that in the average number employed per family. 
Thus, while the influences of both underemployment and unemploment are much 
in evidence, the latter is the rehitively greater contributor to extreme seasonal 
variation in total man-days of employment. 

As an average throughout the year, each agricultural laborer family had 1.2 
employed persons who received an average of 16.3 days of employment per month, 
making a monthly average of -!0.2 man-days of employment per family. INIan- 
days employment per family during December through March was approximately 
one-third the number of the period June through October. Even with an annual 
average of 1.2 persons employed and a seasonal maximum average of 1.7 persons, 
this group of families received only an average total of 242 man-days of employ- 
ment, which is considerably less than that whi<-h normally would be received by 
<ine fully employed worker. 

The findings of the California survey indicate that additional workers per 
family do not contribute substantially to family earnings. The maximum employ- 
ment per worker was received when there was only one worker per family. It 
was found that earnings tend to increase slightly in two- and three-worker 
families, respectively, but fail to increase after three workers. Four- worker 
families earned the same as three-worker families, and when five or more workers 
were employed, earnings fell below the three- and four-worker level. Average 
family earnings corresponding to specified numl)er of workers were as follows : 

Average annual 
]\umber of workers per family : family earnings 

1 $566 

2 COS 

3 756 

4 756 

5 and over 656 

In the foregoing discussion a '"worker" is any person who is employed at any 
time during the year. Thus, most instances of multiple workers per family are 
cases where the wife and children are employed for temporary work. The 



2374 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

employment of minor cliiklien. especially those under 12 years of age, was found 
to be particularly marked among tlie agricultural laborer families. Moreover, it 
has been found tliat as family income becomes smaller, employment of younger 
children not only increases but begins to extend into the period of the normal 

school year. , , ^ • ^■ 

Taken in their entirety, the findings of this survey would seem clearly to indi- 
cate that additional family workers contribute but little to family incomes and 
actually are usually brought into the employment field only when the inadequate 
earnings of the principal breadwinner make it mandatory. 

INCOME OTHER THAN CASH 

Tdtal income available for family living exceeded the cash income as heretofore 
summarized. Many families received free medical service: a still larger number 
receivetl free commodities through the surplus-commodity program. Even more 
important sources of income enhancement were through home production and 
T)ernuisites received from employers. Detailed information regarding values and 
quantities of items of income received from all of the aforementioned sources 
was very difficult to secure. Moreover, treatment in value terms would have 
involved much arbitrary value assignment. For these reasons, no value analysis 
has been undertaken. However, an endeavor is made below to summarize the 
contribution of items of noncash income to the level of family living. 

Thirty percent of the families reported that they received some free medical 
service The majority of those receiving such service reported that they had 
received it during 3 months or less of the year 1938. One-half of the families 
reported the receipt of some free commodities, the maJDrity of whom, likewise, 
received such commodities only during a period of 3 months or less during the 
year. The quantities of free commodities received is unknown, but it can be pre- 
sumed that limitations in choice and quantity allotted per family would prevent 
significant augmentation of income. 

Perquisites received from employers consisted almost exclusively of fruit and 
wood. In a few instances familieshad been provided with housing by employers, 
but the method of selecting the sample precludes an occurrence of this which 
would be representative of all farm workers. I'ruit was received more fre- 
quently in the interior valley communities of California than any other per- 
quisite. The majority of families had received from 2.1 to 300 quarts of fruit, 
some of which had been consumed fresh and some con.served. 

Such home production as was reported consisted principally of vegetables. 
In the Olivehurst-Linda communities of the Sacramento Valley area approxi- 
mately one-third of the families had gardens from which they had realized prod- 
uce ill 1938. The maj(n-ity indicated that it was their intention to have gardens 
within the immediate future. Approximately one-third to one-f< urth of the 
families had cows or chickens — most frequently chickens, in numbers from 4 to 
30. Occasionally families reported goats and rabbits. In a few instances the lots 
had fruit or nut trees already growing when the families acquired them. Most 
other communities of the interior valley contoniK'd approximately to the situii- 
tion described above for the (^livehurst-Linda communities. 

The foregoing description of noncash income may perhaps give a misleading 
impression of the relative significance of noncash to cash income. Even though 
the typical categories of income in kind were quite widely experienced, the extent 
to which each was experienced was generally quite small. That is to say that 
only small quantities were received by the majority who received any at all. 
It is quite improbable that, if the noncash items were evaluated, they would be 
found to have contributed more than 5 percent to the aggregate income of the 
families in this study. 

FINANCIAL PROGRESS SINCE ARRIVAL IN CALIFORNIA 

The net worth at the time of arrival of the typical migrant family included 
in this study was only slightly above $100: approximately two-thirds had less 
than $200. Of average net worth. 38 percent was in cash, 34 i3ercent in the value 
of the car. and the remainder in clothing, household goods, and incidentals. 

At the time of the survey in the spring of 1939 these families had lived an 
average of approximately 3.5 years in California. In that time no financial 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2375 

progress whatever had been made as regards the total value of automobile, cash 
on hand, and honseliold goods. Such small financial progress as was made was 
tied up exclusively in equities in small building lots and properties. Approxi- 
mately one-half of the settlers bought cheap residence properties, the average 
price being $r»63. Since the time of purchase additional improvements have been 
made, bringing total average value to approximately $875. D.^ductiug the average 
unpaid balances, leaves an average equity of $468. When this equity is spread 
over all families, the average growth in financial status, taking account of a nega- 
tive change in other assets, becomes less than $200 per family. This is an average 
of approximately $50 per year per family. 

Even this extremely modest financial improvement must be considered with 
reservations. As stated above, all financial progress is tied up in small real-estate 
equities. Maintenance or appreciation of these equities is dependent upon con- 
tinuance of the shack towns in which they are located. And most of the shack 
towns will continue to exist only in the event that the low level of economic oppor- 
tunity of the past few years is maintained or in the absence of social action to 
remove them. 

Although the average experience of this group of migrants has l)een one of very 
modest financial progress, there have been marked individual gains. Certain 
families have done relatively well. Others, coming with a few thousand dollars 
of savings, now have almost nothing. 

HOUSING CONDITIONS 

The typical shack-house dwelling is improvised out of tar paper, secondhand 
lumber, crating, or other cheap material. It contains two or three small rooms — 
the average size being 2.8 rooms. Since the average size of family is 4.6 persons, 
the average number of persons per room is 1.6. Actually the space situation is 
even worse because the foregoing determination excludes instances of tents and 
trailers, which are mainly one-room units. 

Most of the housing units were equipped with pit privies, which in many cases 
were shared with neighbor families. Only one-tenth were equipped for sewage 
disposal or with a septic tank. In only one-fourth of the cases was garbage col- 
lected — otherwise the principal means of disposal were dumping into a pit or 
hauling awav. Approximately one-half of the families had an individual water 
supplv from the city mains: is percent had their own wells; the remainder ob- 
tained water from neighbors, from a common well or faucet, and by miscellaneous 
other means. 

Eighty percent of the families had the use of electricity; 40 percent were 
equipped with gas. Furniture was very sparse and largely improvised out of 
makeshift material. The one modern appliance possessed by almost all families 
was a radio, which, incidentally, provided one of the principal sources of 
recreation. 

COMPARATIVE SITUATION IN YAKIMA VALLEY 

A comparable study of migrants resettled as agricultural lal)orers in Yakima 
Talley indicates a similar situation. Employment was principally in casual and 
seasonal .iobs. Seasonal variation in employment was. in fact, even more extreme 
than in California. 

The agricultural laborer families in Yakima had more family members em- 
ployed during the rush season and experienced more severe unemployment during 
the slack season. For the entire season the average number of workers per family 
and the average man-days of employment per family were about the same as in 
California. Yakima Valley agricultural laborers, however, earned substantially 
less per dav of employment— the average earning being $1.75, as compared with 
$2.30 in California. This lower rate of earning has resulted in a smaller average 
annual income of $640. as compared with $758 for the California families. 

The foregoing data for Yakima Valley represent migrant families who have 
resettled and are earning the major portion of their income from agricultural 
labor. Migrant families who have resettled in the valley and who receive inci- 
dental agricultural employment but who are primarily dependent upon some 
other industry or upon public assistance are not included in these figures. 
Yakima agricultural laborers were slightly more dependent upon public assist- 
ance — approximately three-fourths received aid at some time during the year 
and the group in the aggregate drew about 14 percent of their annual income 
from this source. 



2376 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Yakima families received larger amounts of noncash income and have made 
slightly more rapid financial progress than have the California families. Such 
modest financial progress as has been experienced in both cases has been 
exclusively in the equities built up in cheap residence properties. Housing i* 
approximately the same except that the Yakima shack houses are somewhat more 
substantially built. 

PERMANENCY OF SETTLEMENT AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE 

Despite the rather unfavorable experience as regards income and financial 
progress of these migrant families resettling as agricultural laborers, the major- 
ity regard themselves as permanently located. In contrast with apparent op- 
portunities elsewhere, they appear to think of themselves as favorably situated. 
The structure of employment opportunities nevertheless leaves countless man- 
days of labor unutilized and hence wasted. While the loss of unutilized labor 
is not an insignificant matter to society, it obviously devolves most heavily upon 
the individuals experiencing the days lost from earning. 

The structure of employment opportunities in most of the intensive agricultural 
areas of the West is such that any worker who depends principally upon seasonal 
agricultural employment cannot hope for much more than 200 days of work per 
year in agriculture. Moreover, the evidence would seem to indicate that workers 
have found it difficult substantially to supplement this with other types of 
employment during the slack agricultural seasons. Under present conditions of 
farm organization and as long as agricultural workers': remain ineligible for 
social security benefits, public assistance performs a very great function in the 
economic stability of farm workers. It must be emphasized, also, that public 
assistance as it is received, is equally a .subsidy to farm operators who employ 
seasonal labor. Assistance received by workers operates as a subsidy paid bj 
the public in general to farm employers inasmuch as a pool of labor is kept con- 
stantly available to work at modest wage rates. 

So long as agricultural labor remains the residual category of the national 
occupational structure, the lot of the farm laborer will never be a favorable one. 
Provided that new supplies of labor are not imiiorted from foreign sources, the 
status of the farm laborer can best be improved through the indirect infiuenee 
of a high level of economic opportunity in other industries. All present indi- 
cations — changes in population and in markets on the one hand and changes 
in technique of production on the other — point in the long run toward a con- 
tracting rather than an expanding demand for agricultural labor. 

A high level of employment opportunity in nouagricultural industry which 
drew away some of the agricultural labor surplus would benefit those remain- 
ing in several ways : Reduced competition for jobs would enable those remaining 
to realize a greater amount of annual employment than is presently being 
realized. It is conceivable, also, that a reduced labor supply would discourage 
some of the extreme specialization in production which at present appears 
to be based as much upon a plentiful and mobile labor supply as upon other 
productive advantages.^ A tendency toward substitution of diversified for 
specialized ijroduction could be expected to reduce the seasonal variability of 
labor demand but not necessarily to increase the aggregate labor demand. 

In addition, reduction in competition would possibly bring an increase in wage 
rates. However, as the situation is at present, underemployment rather than 
relatively low earnings per day of employment is the principal contributor to 
small annual incomes.^ Hence, of the two, it can be said that increa.se in 
annual total days of work is of more immediate importance than increase in 
wage rates. 

A high level of industrial activity, centering around national defense, may 
possibly bring considerable relief to agricultural laborers during the next 8 
or 4 years. Optimism in this regard is not greatly supported by contemporary 
experience in Great Britain, however. After more than a year of defense prep- 



2 Fuller. Varden, The Supply of Agricultural Labor as a Factor in the Evolution of Faiin 
Organization in California. Ilearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Educa- 
tion and Labor, U. S. Senate, Tfith Cong.. .3d sess.. pt. 54, pp. 10777-19808. 

3 This is to sav that compared with other types of unskilled labor, average earnings |»r 
day of agricultural workers are not extremely unfavorable. But, as compared with full 
eniployment. the amount of employment per year received by agricultural workers is clearlv 
unfavoral^le. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2377 

arations aiul active combat, unemployment remains one of tlie most pressing of 
Britain's domestic problems. 

In the long run, the economic situation of agricultural laborers will be 
determined for the most part by the condition of the national economy, bo 
long as any considerable amount of miemploymeut exists in the economy, 
there is little question but that agricultural laborers will remain one of the 
least privileged groups in the Nation. This is the result of the unusual vulnera- 
bility of agricultural workers to the competition of all persons who have no 
other employment alternative. 

TESTIMONY OF VARDEN FULLER— Resumed 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, I Avill say for myself and in behalf of the 
committee that we have enjoyed your statements very much. I feel 
that they have given us a new light on some of the things that have 
been brought out. We appreciate very much your presentation here 
today. 

Mi-. Fuller. Thank you. 

The Chairman. ^Mr. 'Fuller, as to whether migration will increase 
or decrease depends upon a good many diiferent elements ; isn't that 
true^ 

Mr, Fuller. Yes. 

The Chairman. It depends upon the weather, the rainfall. It 
depends upon the increase in mechanization. It depends upon how 
fast the soil will wear itself out, and it is almost impossible to tell 
about whether it will increase or decrease; is it not? 

Mr. Fuller. That's right. With respect to those people who would 
be coming from agricultural areas, that is. However, I think we can 
safely say that for the other people, it depends on just how prosper- 
ous the nonagricultural industries are. 

The Chairman. Now, I noticed joii said there that they are sujv 
posed to be citizens of all the States. In other words, you are a 
citizen of California and also a citizen of the 48 States under the 
Constitution. But the way the States are raising barriers, such as a 
year's residence and making it a crime to transport a destitute citizen 
across the State line, is a violent way to work it out, isn't it? 

Mr. Fuller. I think it is. 

The Chairman. jSIr. Fuller, I think you have presented a very 
interesting statement, and if there is anything additional you have, 
Ave will hold the record open for you. 

Mr. Fuller. Thank you. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. The committee will recess until 2 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 30 p. m.. an adjournment was taken to 2 o'clock 
p. m. of the same day.) 

afternoon session 

(After the taking of a recess, the hearing was resumed at 2 p. m.) 
The Chairman. The committee will please come to order. 
Dr. Hopkins is the first witness. 



2378 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

TESTIMONY OF DR. WILLIAM S. HOPKINS, DEPARTMENT OF ECO- 
NOMICS, STANFORD UNIVERSITY, PALO ALTO, CALIF. 

The Chairman. Doctor, you will give your full name and addresSj 
please. 

Dr. Hopkins. William S. Hopkins, department of economics, Stan- 
ford University. 

The Chairman. Congressman Sparkman will interrogate you, 
Doctor. 

Mr. Sparkman. Dr. Hopkins, you are with Leland Stanford Uni- 
versity ? 

Dr. Hopkins. Associate professor of economics. 

Mr. Sparkman. You have submitted a paper that I have looked 
over rather briefly. 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes, sir. 

(The statement submitted by Dr. Hopkins is as follows:) 

STATEMENT OF WILLIAM S. HOPKINS, ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR, 
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS, STANFORD UNIVERSITY, CALIF. 

Migratory Labor in the Economic Scheme 

The staff of the committee requested me to outline my views with regard 
to the general setting of the problem of migratory labor as it fits into the 
economic scene, with particular reference to California. It is not my tavsli here 
to review all of the statistical data or the factual details of specific circum- 
stances. Much of that information was brought out in the hearings of the 
La Follette committee, much more has been gathered by the staff of this 
committee. Rather I shall deal with ideas. I shall attempt to put the migrant 
problem in a proi>er perspective — to view it as a part of our economy rather 
than as a isolated problem. 

The Nation has witnessed an intensive publicizing of the welfare aspects of 
the problem, which has been followed by an extreme amount of emotionalism. 
At the same time there has been an unfortunate neglect, on the part of all but 
the most careful students, of the harder economic aspects. In an effort to focus 
attention upon the latter, I shall try to organize the highlights of existing 
Information around an economic idea in the hoi>e of making possible a clearer 
view of the whole picture. 

Summary 

migratory labor problem one of disorganized labor market 

The migratory labor problem is primarily a problem of a disorganized 
labor market. The publicizing of the welfare aspects has been accompanied 
by a comparative neglect of the economic aspects. The migrants came to 
California chiefly because attracted by a disorganized labor market, which they, 
in turn, have helped to disorganize further. California agriculture is dependent 
upon a migratory grouii — we have hitherto left them to their own devices. 
Increasing complexity and increased workers have thrown this anarchic lack 
of system into chaos. The chief evils lie in recruiting methods, in the pub- 
licizing of false information about the State and its opportunities, including 
wage rates and relief allowances, in the growing breach between large and 
small farmers, in the cumbersomeness of attempted representative organizations, 
and in the decreasing market for agricultural produce. The solution is to be 
found in steps which will lead to a better organization of the agricultural labor 
market. The most urgent of these are: (1) Enlargement of the Federal 
Secui'ity Administration program, (2) revival of the Voorhis bill, (3) wage 
boards and arbitration boards for agricultural labor, (4) improvement of the 
United States Employment Service, and (5) extension of old-age security to 
agriculture. 

The economic idea is that this problem is primarily a labor-market problem. The 
concept of the labor market is not a new one, nor does it imply any particular .school 



IXTIOKSTATE MKiHATION 2379 

of economic thought. It simply snggest.s the reality that the ability to perform 
M'ork, and the performance of that work, are bought and sold in a market com- 
parable to the markets for connuodities. Potential employers are potential pur- 
chasers of labor ; potential employees are potential sellers of labor. In a com- 
modity market, the condition of both buyers and sellers depends in large measure 
upon the nature of the market, upon the rules under which transactions are carried 
on, upon the state of organization or disorganization within the market. If we 
carry over into the labor market the analogy of the better-known commodity 
market, we may be able to shed real light upon the former. 

The labor market in California, taking the State as a whole, has never been 
steady. The comparative recency of the industrialization of our economy and the 
rapid growth in the population of the State have kept this market in a very real 
state of disorganization. The recent heavy influx of migrants has served to throw 
into extraordinary turmoil, therefore, a labor market which at its best has been 
highly unstable. If this turmoil can be understood on economic grounds, it is pos- 
sible that it may be resolved on econouiic grounds, and the unfortunate necessities 
of physical altercation may be minimized. 

For the migrants were attracted here in the first place largely because our labor- 
market was disorganized, and their presence, in turn, has served to disorganize it 
further. This can be made more clear by an enumeration of some of the major fac- 
tors in the California labor market which have contributed to its state of disorgan- 
ization. 

It is well known that California agriculture has for years required a migratory 
laboring group. Chinese, Japanese, Hindus, Filipinos, Mexicans, and the native- 
born fiiiit tramps and bindlestiffs have harvested our crops, on a migratory basis, 
for generations. They developed their own routes of travel, they worked when 
and where they were wanted ; they usually disappeared when they were not needed. 
In the comparatively simple economy of an earlier California, a complete lack of 
system seemed to the uncritical to work with suflicient smoothness. Such explo- 
sions as the Wheatlandsi riot of 1913 seemed to most observers to be isolated and 
unfortunate episodes, but few saw, as Carleton Parker did, that this riot was a 
symptom of maladjustment with the body economic. Our present troubles w^ere 
brewing even then — their maturity hay only been hastened by the wave of migra- 
tion from the Dust Bowl. 

But the lack of any system for providing the supply of labor in our agricultural 
labor market seemed, on the surface, to be quite satisfactory. And thus we built 
up, through the yeai-s, the tradition that a disorganized labor market was somehow 
desirable, Californian, and American. In those days before the turn of the cen- 
tury when we were bitterly denouncing the anarchists, we were insisting that 
anarchy must reign within our agricultural labor market. We are now reaping 
the harvest of that insistence — our disorganized labor market is so badly disor- 
ganized that it doesn't even seem to work well any more. 

BECBUITING LABOR 

It is perhaps unnecessary to inform this committee of the evils which have 
frequently resided in the practice and devices for recruiting agricultural labor. 
It is said that California farmers and growers have long since abolished the 
device of advertising for too many workers, a device designed to provide an 
abundance of labor and to prevent the exaction of a scarcity wage. More 
recently, reform is said to have taken place in Arizona. Texas boasts of the 
efficiency of her farm placement system. Although I am skeptical of any asser- 
tion that all is now perfect with the farm recruiting methods, there is no doubt 
that there has been much improvement. But the clearing out of vicious practices 
does not automatically produce good and eflScient practices. It simply leaves a 
disorganized labor mai'ket. And that market is hedged in with spite and 
prejudices and traditional hatreds. Only the substitution of an active and 
effective market organization can eliminate these. 

REASONS FOR MIGRATION TO CALIFORNIA 

But the fact remains that one of the reasons why migrants have come to 
California is their belief that they can get jobs here. No matter where the 
responsibility for this belief may lie, the fact remains. Much has been said of 
the fine long-staple cotton grown in California and Arizona. This has attracted 
the dispossessed families of the Southwestern cotton areas. They were certain 



2380 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



that their condition couldn't he worse, and it might be better. They have also 
been susceptible to the publicizing of our climate. I know of no method by which 
our booster bni-eaus can portray our climate attractively to industrialists and 
retired millionaires without making it sound attractive also to poor white share- 
croppers and homeless harvest hands. 

So also with wage rates. Our industrialists, in attempting to defend themselves 
against demands for wage increases made by their employees, have loudly and 
persistently announced that wages in California are considerably higher than 
elsewhere, ('arefnl analysis will show that this is not always strictly correct. 
Wage data are highly complicated : wage statistics are often misleading. But 
the fact remains that the proposition is widely accepted in Oklahoma as well as 
in San Francisco. Thus this weapon which some of our employers have sought 
to use has proved to be a two-edged sword. As it has assisted various concerns 
in forestalling wage increases, so also it has increased the tax burden brought 
about by the necessity of caring for the indigent. 

And so also with the differentials in tlie standards of public assistance. 
Whether or not California is unusually generous in its welfare program is imme- 
diately of less importance than the fact that so many people believe it to be true. 
For tins also has been loudly proclaimed. When all of the restrictions upon 
relief in California are taken into consideration, and when the amount of benefits 
is cast into terms of purchasing power by correlating it with the price level, it 
is probable that California is not being as prodigally generous as is often assumed. 
But the carefully stated facts have not been broadcast to the world, rather we 
have advertised our generosity, and we must now bear the burden of it. 

These are all factors in determining our labor supply; they have assisted in 
attracting migrants. But basically, the most important reason has been the 
search for work. One can easily tind individual cases to prove that migrants 
came here for climate, generous relief, or for imaginary wages. But these will 
be i.solated cases. .Janow and McEntire. in an article in the Land Policy Review 
(July-August 1940, pp. 28-30) are certainly correct when they state that "the 
evidence is clear that, for the majority of families migration was a direct and 
purposeful move to places in California selected on the basis of former occupa- 
tional experience as relatively promising in opportunities for employment." 
Overwhelmingly the evidence supports this conclusion. The migrants come here 
for job opportunities — a perfectly laudable purpose — even though those opportu- 
nities may not exist. The reason why the migrants come, and the reasons why 
the jobs don't exist, are found in this disorganized labor market which I have 
been attempting to describe so briefly. 

CONFLICT BKTWEEN LARGE- AND SMALL-SCALE FARMING 

One of the major factors in the disorganization of the labor market lies 
obscured by the current confusion as lo the changes in the size of farming opera- 
tions. It is charged and denied that large-scale farming is coming to dominate 
the scene. Truth can be found on both sides of the current debate. The United 
States census figures, for the entire Nation, reveal that the number of farms • 
comprising less than 50 acres increased by 19.6 percent from 1910 to 1935. But 
the number of farms of over .~)00 acres increased, during the same period, by 
46 percent. The middle-sized faruLS — those between .50 and 500 acres, decreased 
by 6.8 percent. Thus it is apparently true that large-scale farming has increased, 
and also that very small-scale farming has increased by a le.sser percentage, but 
that the medium-sized farms are fewer than they were in 1910. And yet it is 
these middle farmers who, in the American tradition, are typical. The figures 
just cited indicate a decreasing homogeneity of the farm population — a growing 
division between large farmers and small farmers. 

This results in a growing divei'gence of interests as between the large and the 
small farmers. The reasons are complex and not simply stated, but may be 
discerned in a number of ways. For example, the increasing mechanization of 
agriculture is a potent factor. Large-scale machinery and the efficiency of busi- 
ness methods are most available to the large-scale farm. Evidence given before 
the La FoUette committee and before the Temporary Nntional Economic Com- 
mittee make this clear. However, the very small farmer is also becoming able 
to avail himself of farm machinery. Light and inexpensive equipment is avail- 
able, and the Department of Agriculture is encouraging the cooperative purchase 
■of such equipment by groups. The tenancy program of the Farm Security Ad- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2381 

ministration is also bolstering up tlie position of the very small farmer. I liave 
discussed the significance of this in an article entitled "Our Agricultural Revolu- 
tion,'" which, at the request of the conunittee staff, I am submitting for incor- 
]!( nation in the record. Since I presume that this will be printed as an exhibit, 
I shall not discuss the question further at this point. (See p. 2390.) 

I do want to add, however, tliat the large and the small farmers approach the 
market for capital and the market for their produce in an entirely different 
way. The last market in particular is badly disorganized, a fact which greatly 
injures the economic stability of all agriculture, but whieli impinges with especial 
severity upon the small operator. It is one of the major factors which renders 
it difficult if not impossible for him to pay higher wages. 

The small farmer is hampered also in Ids approach to the capital market. 
Jn California especially, capital is necessary to successful farming. In the 
I-;ast, a farmer could break virgin soil and raise a crop with very little in- 
vestment. In California, however, he requires funds with which to provide 
inigation and drainage. Water is life here, and the soil requires elal)orate 
preparation before farming operations can begin. This fact increases the rela- 
tive advantage of large-scale operations. 

Resulting from this increasing divergence of interests between the two groups 
(if farmers is a gi'owing divergence in their attitude toward the labor mai'ket 
and to the crop market. The contemporary disputes about the prorate system 
nie evidence of this fact. 

farmers' organizations 

For many years in California there have been organizations of farmers 
and of those financially interested in farming oi>erations. Under American 
law and tradition, no one can dispute the right of those farmer groups to 
organize. But by the same token, no one can rightfully question the right of 
farm workers to organize. In fact, experience has shown that a solid and 
substantial organization among industrial emplo.vees tends toward a stable 
labor market. There is no valid reason why this same principle should not 
apply to agrlcultiu-al employees. It must l>e borne in mind that there is some 
dovetailing of employment between city and country, that agricultural work- 
ers are never completely out of contact with industrial workers. This whole 
question of the relations between the two is badly in need of investigation. 
It becomes especially crucial as the farmer is increasingly faced with the loss 
of foreign mai'kets, and with the indeflniteness of his position as a consequence 
of war conditions abroad. 

RECOM MENDATION S 

The demand inevitably arises that some solution be found for the migratory 
labor problem. Obviously there is no panacea, no device which will solve the 
l>roblem at one fell stroke. However, it is becoming increasingly clear that 
certain first steps are urgently required. These phases of the long-run program 
resolve chiefly about the problem of organizing a rational labor market. In 
my judgment, a number of courses of action are indicated. 

First, the current program of the Farm Security Administration, and of other 
units within the Department of Agriculture, should not only be continued but 
should be enlarged. 

Second, the so-called Voorhis bill should receive reconsideration by the Congress. 

Tliird, the States should be encouraged to set up wage boards and arbitration 
boards for agricultural labor. In other words, agricultural labor is "labor" just 
as fully as industrial labor is "labor," and this fact must eventually be recognized. 

Fourth, a greatly more efficient employment service must be provided for agri- 
cultural labor. An honest and competent effort should be made to bring the 
workers and the jobs together. The lack of such a service has been one of the 
major causes of disorganization in the market. The present efforts of the 
Bureau of Employment Security in this regard are laudable, and most of the 
ofticials of this service are deserving of high commendation. But they are 
pitifully lacking in adequate funds. It is my considered belief that the Congres.s 
should provide sufficient money for the proper development of the employment 
service, esijecially in rural areas. 

Fifth, I believe that the old-age and survivor's benefit provisions of the Social 
Security Act should be immediately extended to agriculture, and that plans should 



2382 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

be made for the eventual extension of unemployment coniiiensation to the same 
group. At the present state of knowledge, it may not be feasible to extend the 
latter at the present time. But I am confident that the old-age benefits can 
properly be extended right now. On this subject I have just completed a research 
report for the Committee on Social Security of the Social Science Research 
Ck)uncil, in Washington, D. C. ; and if the committee so desires, I shall arrange to 
have a copy sent to it for its files. 

I do not want to imply that the above list of five programs Is exhaustive. But 
I do believe that those five courses of action are the ones of most immediate 
and pressing importance. Others are undoubtedly essential, but nuist follow 
later. I strongly urge that immediate attention be given to those fivn programs. 

TESTIMONY OF DR. WILLIAM S. HOPKINS— Resumed 

EFFECTS OF DISORGANIZED LABOR JUARKET 

Mr. Sparkman. I notice the statement in the paper that the migra- 
tory labor problem is primarily a problem of a disorganized labor 
market. I believe that is a correct statement of your thesis; is it not? 
How do workers suffer from a disorganized labor market ? 

Dr. Hopkins. I think the answer to your question can best be put 
in terms of the casualness of the labor which is obtainable in a 
disorganized labor market. In other words, I am referring in that 
portion of my statement, not so much to the level of wages as to the 
casual nature of the employment. 

Mr. Sparkman. You mean disruption of employment ? 

Dr. Hopkins. The intermittent nature of the employment; yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. How does a disorganized labor market affect 
the opportunities of a migrant worker as compared to those of a 
resident worker? 

Dr. Hopkins. Well, the problem, of course, of the worker in any 
labor market is to find a job, just as it is the problem of the em- 
ployer to find the worker. The migrant normally, being less well 
acquainted not only with people in the neighborhood but with cir- 
cumstances in the neighborhood, is at a particularly great disad- 
vantage as compared with the resident who is better aware of the 
job opportunities. And, of course, as was suggested in the testimony 
this morning, the migrant who is deprived of the ability to secure 
relief is further handicapped because of his inability to obtain some 
way of tiding over during the periods of unemployment, as compared 
with the resident worker who may be cared for on the relief rolls 
until he secures employment again. So there are several points to 
my answer. 

Mr. Sparkman. In other words, he simply does not have a fair 
chance to compete? 

Dr. Hopkins. When he is not working he is faced Avith starvation. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do employers benefit from disorganized labor? 

Dr. Hopkins. In many cases they do. There are some ways, I 
think, in which they do not. It is, I think, an acce])ted axiom by 
American industry, if I may transfer from agriculture to industry 
for a moment, chiefly because our experience in the industrial field 
is more precise. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2383 

Let US take as an illustration a case where labor has traditionally 
"been on the casual basis, and that is on the waterfront. Long- 
shoring has been a very casual occupation, and even now in spite of 
many efforts to decasualize it, it still has many of those characteris- 
tics. The employer frankly admits, I believe, the necessity of what 
he calls a "labor reserve," that is a surplus above the average volume 
of labor needed. Obviously the operations cannot always continue if 
the average demand for labor is all which can be fulfilled. In other 
words, he needs available enough workers to handle the peak loads. 
This reserve of labor is faced with unemployment a good deal of the 
year, being usable only during the time of the peak operations, and 
yet the employers can't get along with only the number required for 
the average load available. The same is true in agriculture. So the 
employer requires available enough labor to handle the peak load. 
It usually comes in August, which is the harvesting time. He there- 
fore requires that element of disorganization, that is, a considerable 
surplus of labor. He may also benefit, of course, through a dis- 
organized labor market on the wage question, due to the fact that 
excessive competition on the part of unemployed workers may enable 
him to secure a competitive wage which is considerably lower than 
it would be otherwise. 

Mr. Sparkman. I gather from your statement that it is wholly de- 
sirable to have a surplus of labor in order to take care of the peak 
loads, but there is such a thing as that surplus becoming entirely too 
large and unwieldy, and that is when the worker begins to suffer? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes. Although he may suffer and it may become 
unwieldy even before it is too large, if there are no means whereby 
the workers may find jobs. In other words, a state of disorganiza- 
tion in the market is so great that you may not have an actual sur- 
plus of workers if the surplus is only sufficient to take care of the 
peak loads. But in a state of disorganization with no adequate em- 
ployment-service system, it is quite possible that the workers suffer 
just as badly, even though they are not present in greatly excessive 
numbers. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

1. MORE EFFFX-nVE FARM PLACEMENT SERVICE 

Mr. Sparkman. How could you have a labor market organized so 
that the essential elements would be taken care of? 

Dr. Hopkins. Well, as I stated in my prepared statement, I think 
perhaps one of the more important factors, one of the more im- 
portant courses of action which would lead to a stabilization of this 
labor market, would be a more effective farm placement service in 
the United States Employment Service. It has, I believe it is safe 
to say, been notoriously understaffed, and in some isolated instances 
it has been notorious for other reasons; that is, for incompetence. I 
don't mean to imply that that is the condition in the whole United 
States Employment Service or the whole Farm Placement Service be- 
cause there are competent men in it. It certainly has been handicapped 
by lack of funds. It has been difficult to secure coopei'ation of em- 
ployers, until it sometimes became virtually a tool of the employers. It 
seems in many cases to have faced the alternative, to play with the em- 
ployers or to remain ineffective. 



2384 INTERSTATE MICKATION 

Mr. Sparkman. If agricultural labor Avere unionized, what effect 
would that have on regular employment? 

Dr. Hopkins. That is a little difficult to answer because there are 
unions and unions. 

Mr. Sparkman. I wonder if I might change that question '. Were 
you here this morning wlien Governor Olson testified? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes. 

2. INCLUDE AGRK ri-TURAL T.ABOR IN SOtlAI. LKOISLATION 

Mr. Sparkman. Did you hear as one of his recommendations thut 
certain social legislation, among which he included the National 
Labor Eelations Act, Social Security benefits, and the wage and hour 
law be extended to cover agricultural labor? What do you thiiilc 
as to the feasibility of that ? 

Dr. Hopkins. I agree with that thoroughly. And that is the 
way in which I would answer your original question regarding unicm- 
ization. I believe that it must be clear and generally accepted 
throughout the country that the agricultural employer, just like 
industrial employers, have the legal i-ights to organize and so als') 
have the employees, agricultural as well as industrial — in other words, 
that agricultural labor is labor just as thoroughly as industrial labor 
is labor. And the current exclusion of agriculture from the benefits 
of most of our social legislation, I think, is extremely unfortunate. 
I am thinking now^ largely in terms of Federal legislation. I am 
thinking in terms of the Wage and Hour Act, of the old-age pro- 
visions of the Sociil Security Act. Possibly in time the unemploy- 
ment compensation provisions .should be extended. At the present 
time I believe the old-age provisions could easily be extended to 
cover agriculture. 

Mr. Curtis. You raise an interesting point there. AVhen these 
various benefits are extended to laborers in industry, the cost is 
passed on in the price of the finished article ; is that not right, gen- 
erally speaking? High labor costs and social security taxes, and 
those things, do, generally speaking, increase the cost of the finished 
article? 

Dr. HopiaNs. There is a good deal of controversy among econo- 
mists on just that question at the present time as to the ultimate 
incidence of social-security taxes. Among the more recent studies, 
however, the conclusion has been reached that in a few industries the 
ultimate incidence of the social-security tax goes upon the consumer, 
but that in the majority of cases it eventually moves back upon the 
wage earner. 

Mr. Curtis. When you deal with agriculture, the producer of raw 
products cannot demand and receive more for his products because 
he has raised wages or has taken part in social programs for the 
benefit of his employees? He must sell on a competitive market, and 
the margin of the actual farm operator is so small, what is going to 
become of him when you extend certain of these things, these social 
l>enefits, to his laborers and at the same time organize them and 
increase their wages? 

By asking that question I am not suggesting at all that the workers 
are not entitled to it, but under our system of marketing raw prod- 
ucts what would happen to the farmer? 



INTERSTATE MIORATION 2385 

EFFECT OF COMPETITIVE PRACTICES ON EXTENSION OF SOCIAL LEGISLATION TO 

LABOR 

Dr Hopkins. Of course, voii are suggesting something which I 
think is very i)ertinent, and that is the fact that not only is the agn- 
cuhural hibor market disorganized but so also is the agricultural 
commodities market disorganized. I believe that there are several 
forces at work in there now which must be considered m answer- 
intr that or in commenting on that point, One, of com'se, is the 
encouragement now being given by the Department of Agriculture 
toward not only the cooperative marketing of crops but the cooper- 
ative financing and the cooperative purchase of machinery which 
will have a tendency to stabilize. I think, the marketing of agricul- 
tural products. I ain not certain in your own State, but I know that 
it is true in neighboring States, in Kansas and ]Missouri, there has 
been considerable development of the cooperative purchase by small 
farmers of farm machinery and also of marketing devices. 

Now. of course, what they are doing, by the cooperative device, in 
the market is approaching something of the semi monopolistic mar- 
keting in industry. I think that in industry where complete compe- 
tition prevails, in those industrial occupations where competition 
prevails, that the same criticism follows as would be applied to 
agriculture. . 

Mr. Curtis. Well, now, if labor receives an increase m wages, tak- 
ing tiie automobile manufacturing industry for example, it would 
perhaps follow that the price of automobiles would go up if it were 
a substantial increased 
Dr. Hopkins. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. But under our system of economy, if all laborers em- 
ployed by the raisers of wheat had their wages increased, it would 
not' follow that the price of wheat would go up? 
Dr. Hopkins. I think you are right. 

Mr. Curtis. And our agriculture economy is in that pinch there? 
Dr. Hopkins. I believe that the agriculture economy — I think that 
situation, as you describe, is essentially correct. But I believe it also 
applies to a number of industries. Let me suggest the textile indus- 
try for illustration, in which the same situation prevails, and yet 
upon which the taxes were levied and the industry is supposed to 
adjust itself. That is, I think these things are true of agriculture, 
but I don't think they are any more true of agriculture than of a 
number of industries which have been included in these laws. I 
think it is true of a number of industries, the same situation. But 
insofar as it is possible, you see, I don't believe there are very many 
cases. In the automobile case probably the reason the price of the 
finished product would go up to the consumer is because the automo- 
bile manufacturers could get it, if they got together, out of the con- 
sumers where the competitive industries cooperate. For that reason 
since the competitive industries cannot, it would eventually come, I 
believe, out of wages. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, take the building trades. Doesn t that increase 
the cost of building? . . -r i t 

Dr. Hopkins. You have a pretty monopolistic situation, 1 believe, 
there. AVhere a tendency toward monopoly is clear, I believe the price 



2386 INTERSTATE MICKATION 

will ^o II]) to the consumer. Where competition is prevalent, the 
price to the consumer cannot go up. The employer eventually shifts 
as much of it as possible back upon wages. It may come about, not 
by deduction, or reduction, in the level of wages, but by a failure to 
raise wages when he might otherwise be able to do so. That is the way 
in which it goes back on wages normallj^ 

So that as far as the social-security tax is concerned, that would 
fall upon labor in the form of com])ulsory savings which, in many 
cases, perliaps they couldn't aiford. 

Remember, however, that this relates to social-security taxes. I 
have only suggested the possibility of extending the old-age insurance. 
I think most of the social legislation to which we were referring doe^s 
not involve taxes. The wage and hour law and the National Labor 
Relations Act do not involve any taxation or direct burden upon 
either the employer or the emploj^ee directly. 

Mr. Curtis. They involve an increase in wages, though ; do they 
not? 

Dr. Hopkins. Oh, I see what you mean. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. With the producer of agricultural products the increase 
in wages is really a greater item than the social-security tax^ 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Tliat is all. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you think that the extension of those various 
benefits, or this social legislation, would tend to give a more regular 
employment ? 

Dr. Hopkins. I think it would. I think it wrmld tend toward 

Mr. Sparkman (interposing). A stabilization? 

Dr. Hopkins. Are you referring now to the social legislation ? 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. I said: Application of this social legislation 
to the agricultural workers. 

Dr. Hopkins. I think it would. One of them, the collective- 
bargaining angle, would probably bring about some development of 
unionism, although that is obviously in a turmoil at the present time. 
It is possibly a hundred years, historically speaking, behind the simi- 
lar developments of organization in industrial labor. And I think 
that the record is very clear, that stability of a market has been 
brought about through industrial unionization. 

Mr. Sparkman. Doctor Hopkins, are wages for agricultural work- 
ers higher in California than elsewhere in the United States? 

Dr. Hopkins. That question is a very difficult question to answer 
because the figures involved are themselves extremely difficult to inter- 
pret. The continuing series of figures maintained by the Department 
of Agriculture — I am quite certain of this — include only figures on 
wages by the hour, by the day, and by the week and do not include 
figures on piece-rate wages. 

Mr. Sparkman. Which is the prevailing method of paying in 
California? 

Dr. Hopkins. The piece-rate wages and the Department of Agri- 
culture figures relate to the hourly wages; and since in large-scale 
agriculture in this State the piece-rate wages prevail, the Department's 
figures, although accurate insofar as they go. do not convey any very 
real information as to what the scale of wages in California really is. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2387 

I might add that the Department of Agriculture is aware of this 
and so is the Department of Labor, I believe that they now have a 
joint committee of those two Departments investigating the possibility 
of building up a statistical service which would be more revealing, 
but the figures now in existence are quite inadequate to convey any 
accurate answer as to just what the comparative wages are as between 
different States in the Union. 

INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CALIFORNIA AGRICULTURE 

Mr. Sparkman. Agriculture in California is not the same as it is 
back in Mr. Curtis' section, or my section. It is more industrialized; 
is it not ? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes, sir. It requires a much heavier capital invest- 
ment on the ])art of the employer. 

]Mr. Sparkman. Is very much of the agriculture here done by the 
individual family unit '! I mean, operating a farm as an economic 
family unit ? 

Dr. Hopkins. Compared to other parts of the country; no. Of 
course, taking the absolute figures, there are a great many. But 
although there are a very large number of such family farms, as com- 
pared to other portions of the country, the percentage is small. 

Mr. Sparkman. Has this industrialization of labor in California 
affected the stability of the labor market? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes, it has. There has been in California — I think 
more than in other parts of the country — an increasing divergence 
between the large farmers and the small farmers. There are more 
large farmers. There are more small farmers and fewer middle-size 
farmers. And as the extreme positions change this way, more large 
ones and more small ones and fewer middle ones, the peculiar homo- 
geniety of the groups disappears. So there is comparatively little in 
connnon between the large farmer and the small farmer, and of course 
the further this tendency proceeds the greater does that divergence 
become. 

Mr. Sparkman. By the way, in that connection, going back to 
your reference, a few minutes ago, to extending social legislation, 
social security coverage, for instance, what class farmer would you 
say that should be extended to, how many employees; or would you 
extend it to all alike? 

Dr. Hopkins. I am a little reluctant to answer simply because I am 
not sure. I have been connected during the past year with a research 
committee and have devoted most of the year to that question, and I 
have Vv'orked on it so much that I don't know what I think about it. 

So far as the Social Security Board is concerned, I believe that it 
could administer such old age coverage in all cases of employers of 
even one or more. For purposes, however, of progressing more 
slowly without making mistakes, it might be better to start with the 
same figures that are applied to industry. That is, they differ in 
States anywhere from one to eight. Of course, those standards, 
ultimately, are up to the States to determine. 



260370— 41— pt. 1: 



2388 IXTEKSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr, Sparkman. Well now, if I get that correctly, you advocate this : 
That Avhere agriculture has been industrialized it should be treated 
as industry? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. Where it is still conducted by the family as a unit 
to support that family, then you would treat it still as agriculture and 
probably entitle it to the exceptions that now exist? 

Dr. HoPKiKS. I think the distinction is a very clear one, and I 
think the distinction could be drawn rather easily in the law, too. 

i\fr. Sparkman. The one is where it is made a business and the 
other is where a person gets his living from it ? 

Dr. Hopkins. That's right. 

Mr. Sparkman. What total number of the wage hands in agricul- 
ture in California do you estimate work in industrialized agriculture? 

Dr. Hopkins. My estimate would have to be based upon material 
which was given here last spring before the La Follette committee, 
and I believe the figures were that two-thirds of the workers in 
California are employed on one-tenth of the farms and that that 
one-tenth of the farms is the larger one-tenth; that is, the larger 
farms employ at least two-thirds or more of the wage earners. That 
is not merely the migratory workers. That is the total figure of 
wage earners. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do these big employers who use a great number 
of workers use the State and Federal employment service in recruit- 
ing their help ; do you know ? 

Dr. Hopkins. I think only occasionally. I can't, of course, speak 
as authentically as a representative of the State or Federal employ- 
ment service could on that question, because I haven't the figures at 
hand. But I believe that they have nsed them very slightly. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do they have a recruiting service of their own ? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes, sir; they do. There is an organization in the 
San Joaquin Valley with its offices in Fresno in the Chamber of 
Commerce Building. Mr. Palomares is the director. 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you consider a private employer recruiting 
organization necessary' or desirable from the public point of view? 

Dr. Hopkins. No, sir; I do not. 

Mr. Sparkman. As a matter of fact, has it been that which has 
tended to create a surplus of migration ? 

Dr. Hopkins. I think it has been, and I think that it has suffered 
from the same defects from which private employment agencies in 
industry have snifered and that public service is eventually necessary, 
and the sooner the better. 

Mr. Sparkman. Doesn't that bring us right back to the point where 
we started, that the anxiety that these people have for a reserve labor 
supply makes them try to build that reserve ever larger, and then 
when they build it up, that disorganizes the labor market ? 

Dr. Hopkins. That's right. 

Mr. Sparkman. I believe that is all, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr, OsMERS. Dr. Hopkins, you pointed out that the farms in Cali- 
fornia were going in two directions, that is, they were becoming 
larger and larger or smaller and smaller. Do you not feel that that 
is representative of a Nation-wide trend ? 



INTERSTATE MKiKATION 2389 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes, sir. In fact, the figures which I quote in my 
prepared statement are figures not for California but for the Nation 
at large. 

Mr. OsMERS. For the Nation. Because we noticed in areas like 
the Delta area in Mississippi that there, too, the units were becoming 
larger, particularly as mechanization came in and required a larger 
amount of capital. 

Dr. Hopkins. Curiously, mechanization is also coming to the rescue 
of the very small farmer, I believe. That is, mechanization helps 
the larger and the very small, but not the middle class. The very 
small farmers are takmg advantage of mechanization through the 
pooling of their purchasing of machiner3^ That is, one machine 
will be sufficient for a half dozen or more farms. And also, of 
course, the development of light and inexpensive farm machinery is 
a factor in that. 

Mr. OsMERS. Of course, if you have small farmers joining to- 
gether in using the same machinery, you then have an industrialized 
structure, whether or not they still remain as individual entities. 
So you would not say that that is aiding to keep the small farmer 
a small farmer; mechanization is industrializing the operations of 
the small farmer? 

Dr. Hopkins. That's true. 

Mr. OsMERs. That is all I have. 

The Chairman. Doctor, in other words, the picture has changed 
from the early days of this country when 85 percent of the people 
in America lived on farms and raised their own food, when there 
was the family unit. Now^ they are down to about 25 percent ; that 
is, in ownership. The whole thing has changed, and you are up 
against a proposition, then, of food. In other words, if everyone in 
the United States today had plenty of food to eat, there w^ould not 
be much complaint. 

Dr. Hopkins. That's right. 

The Chairman. And you can take large ranches today. Why. 
you don't even find a vegetable patch, and that is the problem and 
it is an acute one. And, as you say, the larger units are on the 
increase. That is true; is it not? 

Dr. Hopkins. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I think your distinction there on farms where 
they are industrialized is very valuable to this committee. 

Dr. Hopkins. I believe that we are undergoing an agricultural 
revolution which is comparable in magnitude to what the historians 
call the industrial revolution of 150 years ago, in the industrializa- 
tion of our agriculture. 

I did prepare some months ago an article on that subject which 
your committee staff asked me to submit as an extension of my 
remarks, and I, with your permission, will submit that for the 
record. 

The Chairman. Yes. We will be glad to have it. [Addressing 
the reporter.] Insert this statement here in the record. 

(The article follows:) 



2390 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

OuK Agricultural Re:volution 

By William S. Hopkins 

The distress of the farmer, in one form or anotlier, has become a chronic 
ailment in American life. Dnring the past few years the reading public 
lias learned a great deal about tlie problems of agriculture and of agricul- 
tural labor. The focus of attention, in the early years of the depression, 
was upon the small farm owner of the Middle West. It then shifted to the 
tenant farmer and sharecropper of the old South. More recently, and due 
largely to the popularity of Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath, the migratory 
agricultural workers on the Pacific coast have been in the spotlight. Each 
of these groups has had a measure of competent study, and each has been 
faithfully described in print. 

FACTUAL SITUATION OF AMERICAN FARMING 

I. A considerable body of basic fact is either well-known or easily available. 
Therefore it is necessary here to recall only a few of the high lights of the 
factual situation before proceeding to an interpretation of them. 

American farming is poverty-ridden, and has been so since the early 1920's. 
One-lialf of our farmers receive a gross annual income of less than $1,000, 
which includes all goods sold, traded, or consumed by the farm family. About 
3,0110,000 of our farmers are farm laborers, employed on a wage basis, and 
owning neither land nor tools. They are precluded from raising anything for 
themselves, and with few exceptions are earning less than $800 a year. In 
California alone, in 1930, of all persons gainfully employed in agriculture, 57 
percent were farm laborers. 

Another 3,000,000 are tenants or sharecroppers, living a precarious existence 
and urged toward continuous exploitation of the soil. Few readers are sur- 
l>rised to learn that in Mississippi 70 percent of all farmers are tenants. But 
it is startling to know that in Iowa, the State which we think of as the heart 
of American agriculture, 50 iiercent of all farmers are tenants. And in half 
of the counties of fertile southern Iowa nearly 20 percent of all farms are 
yielding a gross annual income of less than $600. 

Even of the farm land whicli is owned it should more properly be said 
that the farmer owns not the land, but an equity in the land. For, of all farm 
land in the Nation, over 11 percent is wholly covered by mortgai'e delit. 

At times during the depression, the number of farm families on rural relief 
has risen to as high as 1,000.000. And each winter tens of thousands of agri- 
cultural laborers have received urban relief in the cities. The term "rural 
slums" has crept into our vocabulary. 

Thousands of farmers of the southern Great Plain.s were dusted out during 
the drought years. Other thousands were tractored out ; that is, their small 
farms were foreclosed, consolidated into large farms, and operated as highly 
mechanized units. 

For some years agricultural economists have idealized a process which is 
described as the agricultural ladder. This ladder has a number of rungs: 
farm laborer, sharecropper, tenant, part owner, owner. Presumably the young 
farmer starts at the bottom of the laUler, and by diligence and industry climbs 
to the top rung. If there is any validity to the analogy, it must be observed 
that, while many individuals are slowly and painfully ascending the ladder, there 
are many others even more painfully descending. Even for those ascending, 
the rungs are now more widely spaced than ever before, so that ascent is 
slower where possible at all. 

For the problems arising from these facts, a variety of solutions has been 
offered. Programs in line with these suggested solutions are now being con- 
ducted by various agencies, chiefly those of the Federal Government. In general, 
these programs all fit into the category of rehabilitation. That is to say, they 
propose to restore the small farmer to his former independ^^nce. Devices for 
liberalizing agricultural credit, for more economical marketing through coopea- 
tives, for the resettlement of submarginal farmers on better land are all designed 
to restore the economic strength of those who are tottering on the upper rungs 
of the agricultural ladder. Housing and health programs and vocational train- 
ing are in progress to aid those at the bottom. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2391 

The work being done in these programs is excellent. It has restored the self- 
respect of many of those whose morale has been broken. It has preserved the 
lives and health of thousands. But in the final analysis it is a temporary 
palliative. For it is now becoming clear, to many of those most actively at 
work in this field, that such a program is as vain as any other program which 
seeks to restore a dead past. The immediacy of our rural problem has focused 
attention upon rehabilitation. It is possible, however, that in seeking to restore 
a past status we are fighting an uphill battle which we must inevitably lose. 

5IYTHOI.OGICAL CONCEPT OF AMERICAN FARMER 

II. Our determination to return agriculture to the .'-mall farmer is the product 
of a point of view which is conventional with us. America has always accepted 
the tradition that the small farmer is the backbone of our democracy. It is true 
that he has been ridiculed as a "rube" and a ' hay.'jeed," but it is a loving sort 
of ridicule, and the "hick jokes" have not prevented the acceptance of the small 
farmer as the mainstay of our national strength. We have even dressed him 
in his Sunday clothes, labeled him "Uncle Sam," and held him up as a national 
symbol. 

This is true, in part, because the farmer's children have so largely populated 
our cities. It is true because our farmers dominate so many counties and States. 
Our politicians listen intently to the cracker-barrel philo.sophy in the country 
store ; in time of stress they return to the "grass roots." Therefore, in the speeches 
of our politicians, the statements of our editors, the writings of our novelists — in 
fact, in the whole national consciousness — we have created a mythological creature 
whom we call the American farmer. This imaginary person has taken quite 
definite form, as will easily be recognized from a description of him. 

He is a sturdy, rugged individualist. Independent in his thinking, honest, 
and sincere, and filled with homely wisdom. His wife, large in body and in 
heart, is noted for her "country cooking." His rather numerous children are 
the embodiment of health and normality. The head of this happy family tills 
the acres which are his by virtue of the patient and sweaty toil of several 
generations on the old farmstead. His place will some day be taken by his 
son, and his wife's place will some day be taken by her prototype, the daughter 
of a neighboring farmer. 

The farm, according to our mythology, operates largely on a ca.sh-and-carry 
basis. A great part of the family food is produced on the premises. Most 
of the farm work is done by the members of the family ; the remainder is 
ordinarily done by a "hired man." This significant individual is more or less 
of a permanent fixture; usually he eats and lives with the family. Occasionally 
he marries the farmer's daughter and inherits the farm. During the harvest 
season, extra help is often needed. This is usually drawn from the near-by 
villages, or from a mysterious class of itinerant workers, generally believed 
to be incapable of being anything else. 

All of this is simple and idyllic, and it fits in with our preconceptions of 
American history and American democracy. Our faith in this solid and sub- 
stantial backbone to our body politic is comforting in its assurance of good 
common sense and of our ultimate security. When we pause to give it thought, 
we realize that the picture is inaccurate. A few such farm families may 
actually exist, but very few. We have described a myth, and we all know it. 
But we like our myth ; it fits into our scheme of things and represents our ideal 
of agriculture in a democracy. Accordingly, we are bending our efforts to 
remake our farmers in accordance with this image. Our New Dealers are 
extending agricultural assistance in order to restore the farmer's economic 
independence. Our anti-New Dealers object that the program will destroy the 
farmer's self-reliance. All of our planning and all of our programs are geared 
to one or another notion as to how the real farmer may be made more like 
our mythological farmer. 

The ultimate short-sightedness of these programs is revealed by a consider- 
ation of some further facts. 

SMALL FARM OWNERSHIP DECREASING 

III. In spite of all of our efforts to increase the extent of small farm owner- 
ship, it is constantly and steadily decreasing in comparison with tenancy. Be- 



2392 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

tween 1880 and 1935 the number of farms operated by owners increased by 
32 percent, and the number of farms operated by tenants increased 180 percent. 
There seems to be no way of preventing a further acceleration of the move- 
ment to eliminate the small farm owner. Although exact figures do not exist, 
it is known that a great many farms are now subject to foreclosure. The only 
reason why they have not been taken over by the mortgage holder is that they 
are not worth owning. Low prices for farm produce in the future will cou- 
tinue the degradation of the farmer. High prices will render the farm attrac- 
tive to the mortgage holder and will dispossess the farmer. Either way the 
price level goes, thousands of small farmers are doomed. Even those who can 
retain their farms will be forced to compete with highly mechanized large- 
scale farming, and in too many cases they cannot successfully compete. 

There are at work in American agriculture two forces which, by the logic 
inherent in them, press continually toward the reduction of the importance of 
the small farmer. These are, first, the efficiency of intensive mechanization ; 
and second, the efficiency of large-scale operation. 

Developments in farm mechanization have come about, historically, at times 
when farm wages and farm prices were high. Machinery becomes clieap when 
labor becomes reatively dear, and vice versa. A practicable mechanical cotton 
picker is now available ; it is not extensively used because labor is cheap ; it 
will be introduced rapidly if and when labor costs go up. Mechanical con- 
trivances have already come to dominate the harvesting of wheat, corn, and 
other grains. It is only a matter of time until they dominate the harvesting 
of cotton, sugar beets, potatoes, and many other crops. 

Complicated machinery is expensive, and its cost must be distributed over 
the total units of its product. The more it is used, the cheaper it becomes 
in terms of its production. Therefore, it is seldom available to the small 
farmer, whose limited capital and limited productivity restrict his techniques 
to the relatively primitive. 

It is true that many crops, as, for example, fancy-pack berries and fruits, 
do not lend themselves to mechanical harvesting devices. But, although the 
small producers of these crops do not suffer the same di.sadvantage as the 
small producers of extensive cro]is, the influence of mechanization is every- 
where felt. The high-wheeled, rubber-tired tractor, for example, may be used 
in the cultivation of fancy garden products. It is efficient, but is seldom 
available to the small farmer. 

In summary, the irresistible march of invention and machinery must foretell 
the doom of the small farmer just as it destroyed the small craftsman. 

So also with the superior eflSciency of large-scale operation. The size of 
optimum efficiency in farming varies with the nature of the crop and the 
geographical conditions. It is being discovered, however, that very few farms 
are large enough to be at their most efficient size. And with the progress of 
mechanization, the size of optimum efficiency increases. Only the larger 
farms can carry the overhead of expensive but efficient machinery. Ergo, 
create larger farms. 

Tlie most efficient managerial device for operating the larger farms is the 
corporation. Since the progressively increasing number of failures on the part 
of small farmers is throwing more and more farm land into the hands of 
financial concerns, these are free to establish corporations for the manage- 
ment and operation of the amalgamated farms. This tendency has already 
reached an advanced stage in California, and evidences of similar developments 
are visible in varying degrees throughout the Nation. Thus even the tenant 
farmer and the sharecropper will eventually become unnecessary. Their 
problem will be solved by their extinction. 

We move, therefore, toward the elimination of a number of rungs in the 
agricultural ladder, and the eventual day when American agriculture will be 
characterized by only two great classes : large-scale, incorporated owners, and 
landless farni laborers, who, unlike the traditional "hired men," are laid off 
immediately upon the completion of their specific job. Thus agriculture will 
be mechainzed as industry was mechanized. We may well expect to derive 
our food from great outdoor food factories, managed on efficient business prin- 
ciples, and worked by a mobile class of wage labor. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2393 

INDUSTRIAL I!E\-OLUTION, 1 Tr.O-l Sr.d 

IV. "The Industrial Revolution"' is a name given by historians to certain 
events during the period roughly bounded by the years 1750 and 1830. The 
events were sufficiently important to recondition the whole mode of economic 
life of the civilized world. They probably outw^eighed in importance the whole 
career of Napoleon. These events may be summarized briefly. 

The inventions of the spinning .ienny, power loom, and a practicable steam 
engine gave a great impetus to textile manufacturing. They necessitated, how- 
ever, that the work be done in factories rather than in farmhouses. Previously, 
spinning, weaving, cutting, and sewing had been apportioned out to the farm- 
houses for manufacture. The development of the factory meant that the work 
could no longer go to the workers — the workers must now go to the work. It 
meant further that the tools no longer belonged to the workers, but to the 
factory. 

The growth of textile manufacturing increased the demand for wool. This 
led to an "enclosure" movement. The ancient Tory landholders were induced 
to put the peasants off the lands, to fence their lands and put them to sheep. 
Thus the picturesque hedgerows and stone walls of rural England are the 
manifestation and symbol of England's industrialization. They represent the 
displacement of men by sheep. These displaced tenants found support only 
by accepting employment in the rapidly growing factories. And the process was 
repeated over and over again, and in industry after industry. In England the 
final victory of industry was signalized by the repeal of the Corn laws. 

Several elements in this historical process are of the greatest significance. 
First is the resultant growth of the industrial corporation, following the need 
for greater and greater capital concentration. Second is the creation of a new 
wage-earning, working class, almost entirely without land and without tools, 
and dependent upon jobs for a living. 

The analogy must be obvious. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that we 
are now in the midst of an agricultural revolution as vast and epoch-making 
as the great industrial revolution. Agriculture is following the pattern of 
industry. The forces which determine this course are so deep and powerful 
that even world wars and European dictators may effect only temporary 
deflections. 

A revolution is now in progress. There are no bewiskered, bomb-throwing 
revolutionists sitting in dark cellars plotting its course. Its dynamics are 
greater, more cosmic, than revolutionists. It cannot be stopped or driven under- 
ground by congressional investigations. It seems to be with us whether we like 
it or not. It is destined to change our whole way of life, our traditions, and our 
concept of tlie farmer as the backbone of American democrac.v. 

The implications of this agricultural revolution are enormous. If we revert 
to the analogy of the industrial revolution, we can forecast certain probable 
developments. The factory acts, regulating industrial life and labor, may well 
have their modern counterpart in similar restrictions upon the "independence" 
of agricultural employers. The organization of unions by industrial workers 
became inevitable in the course of events, and an equally inevitable unionization 
of field workers may reasonably be anticipated. An insistent tendency toward 
monopoly required constant public scrutiny ; the same may well he true in 
agriculture. The insecurity of the wage earner produced the insistent demand 
for social security ; this will undoubtedly extend to our now-excluded rural 
population. 

Our civilization is faced with two choices, as it was 150 years ago. It can 
follow the earlier course of "muddling through" with a maximum of human 
suffering and of social and economic waste, or it can meet the problem intel- 
ligently, step by step. Our present rehabilitation program may ser\e as a first 
step, provided it is recognized as such. But with such recognition, we must 
plan the second step. As yet we know too little of our problem, and cannot 
fully understand our revolution. But if we recognize its existence, perhaps we 
can learn how to live with it. 



2394 ixtp:rstate migration 

TESTIMONY OF DR. WILLIAM S. HOPKINS— Resumed 

Dr. Hopkins: That statement is a discussion of the point about 
which you were spealcing. 

The Chairman : That was the trouble this committee has run into, 
in this migration problem. 

Of course, you will agree with me, Doctor, that they are many and 
varied, the causes of this mass migration from State to State, and 
there is no single solution therefor. There would be several 
approaches to it, as many as causes; is that not true? 

Dr. Hopkins : Yes, sir, I think so. In fact, they seem to be infinite 
in number. 

The Chairman : I was interested in the statement you made when 
you said you had conducted this research for the last year and you 
studied so hard on it that you don't know what you think about it. 
This committee is in the same position. 

Dr. Hopkins. I might say that that study will be published by 
the Social Science Research Council, and if the connnittee so desires, 
I can have a copy of that sent to the committee. 

The Chairman : I will be very pleased to have you send it to 
Washington. 

Doctor, I think you have made a very fine contribution. 

T^nless there is something else 

Mr. Curtis (interposing). I have one or two questions. 

Doctor, in arriving at any answer for possible recommendation, 
we have to keep in mind that we do not know what nature has in store 
for us in the next score of years. 

Dr. Hopkins. That's right. 

Mr. Curtis. And we do not know but what we may well be using 
in the years to come something we are throwing away now — we hope 
not — but there might be a tragic entrance into a war economy that 
would upset every recommendation that we might make here. Isn't 
that right ? 

Dr. Hopkins. That's right. 

^Nlr. OsMERS. Your studies have been very helpful. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Doctor. 

(Witness excused.) 

TESTIMONY OF GUY F. GULDEN, OF WATSONVILLE, CALIF. 

The Chairman. Mr. Gulden, Congressman Curtis from your own 
State will interrogate you. 

Mr. Curtis. How old are you, Mr. Gulden? 

Mr. Gulden. I will be 49 next month. 

Mr. Curtis. How much of a family do you have ? 

Mr. Gulden. Just my wife now. I had two children ; they are 
dead. 

Mr. Curtis. No children li^^ng? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

Mr. Curtis. Where were you born? 

]\Ir. Gulden. I was born in Gosper County, Nebr. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2395 

Mr. Curtis. And Gosper County is more or less in the southwest 
part of Nebraska, about 200 miles straight west of Omaha, 240 
miles ? 

Mr. Gulden. It is 200 miles straight west of Lincoln. 

Mr. Curtis. Is your father living? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Where does he live? 

Mr. Gulden. He lives in Smithfield. 

Mr, Curtis. Smithfield is in Gosper County? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. How much education have you had, Mr. Gulden? 

Mr. Gulden. Just the eighth grade. 

Mr. Curtis. When did you start farming for yourself? 

Mr. Gulden. I started 

Mr. Curtis (interposing). About how old were you? 

Mr. Gulden. I was 19 when I started. 

Mr. Curtis. How big a farm? 

Mr. Gulden. 320 acres. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you rent that ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes; my father's. 

Mr. Curtis. You rented that of your father? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. And you continued to farm for yourself? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Continuously from the time you were 19? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you ever acquire a farm for yourself in Gosper 
County ? 

Mr. Gulden. I never owned one. 

Mr. Curtis. How much of a farm were you operating when you 
left Gosper County? 

Mr. Gulden. Two hundred and forty acres. 

Mr. Curtis. What did you raise? 

Mr. Gulden. Well, I didn't raise nothing. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, the farmer often goes forth to sow and no one 
reaps, but what did you plant? 

Mr. Gulden. I had 160 acres of corn, and some cane, and feed, 
and I sold the whole damned business for $7.50 in 1934. 

Mr. Curtis. Now, Mr. Gulden, did you have any cows on the 
place ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. How many did you keep? 

Mr. Gulden. I had eight I milked, and then I had four stock 
cows. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you sell some cream now and then? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. About how much did your cream checks rim a week? 

Mr. Gulden. Well, around $1.75. 

Mr. Curtis. What direction from the village of Smithfield was 
your farm? 

Mr. Gulden. The one I was on? 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. 



2396 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. GuLDEx. Southwest. 

Mr. Curtis. How far? 

Mr. Gulden. Eight miles. 

Mr, Curtis. That is in the canyon country; is it not? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes, 

Mr. Curtis. And it is somewhat lemoved from the Tri-County 
Irrigation District which touches the northern part of that county 
now; is it not? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes, 

Mr, Curtis. Was your land quite rough? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. How much of it was level for farming purposes? 

]Mr. Gulden. About 90 acres. That was leveled. The rest of it 
should have been level, but it was all broken up ; rough, 

Mr. Curtis. Did your pastures hold out? 

Mr. Gulden. Xo. 

Mr. Curtis. Now, during the 1920''s what did you consider a pretty 
fair corn yield ? 

Mr, Gulden. About 40 bushels, 

JNIr, Curtis, Do you remember what you raised in 1930, what kind 
of a crop you had, just generally speaking? 

Mr. Gulden. I raised about between eight and ten bushels to the 
acre. 

iNIr. Curtis. "When was your worst crop failure; what year? 

JNIr. Gulden. '34. 

Mr. Curtis. "34. And '33, was that very good ? 

Mr, Gulden. No. I did get a little in '33, but not much. 

Mr. Curtis. What was the situation in '32 ? 

Mr. Gulden. I didn't farm. I was working on a farm, 

Mr, Curtis, But in '34 there was a devastating drought that took 
the feed and everything? 

Mr. Gulden, Yes, 

Mr, Curtis. Just killed it ? 

]\lr. Gulden. Never had anything left. 

]Mr, Curtis. Did you hold a farm sale there ? 

IMr. Gulden. No. 

Mr. Curtis. You moved your 

Mr. Gulden (interposing). No. I just sold, you know, to the 
neighbors and traded around. 

Mr. Curtis. Where did you go then ? 

Mr. Gulden, I went to Idaho. 

Mr. Cn?Tis. Did you have any money when you left Nebraska ? 

Mr. Gulden. I had a little. 

Mr. Curtis. Approximately how much? 

Mr. Gulden. About a hundred dollars. 

i\Ir. Curtis. Did you sell your cows ? 

Mr. Gulden. Sold them to the Government, Sold a hundred cows 
for $18, 

Mr. Curtis, For how much ? 

Mr, Gulden. Eighteen dollars. 

Mr. Curtis. That was in what year ? 

Mr. Gulden. "34, 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2397 

Mr. Curtis. During that time of widespread drought the herds 
were depleted ratlier than to have to bring feed into the area? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. How long did you stay in Idaho? 

Mr. Gulden. Two and a half years. 

Mr. Curtis. What kind of work did you do up there? 

Mr. Gulden. I was on a dairy. 

Mr. Curtis. Working as a farmhand? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you have work quite continuously up there ? 

]Mr. Gulden. I worked until — the fellow I was working for traded 
and went to Oregon, and I went with him. 

Mr. Curtis. What did they pay a farmhand ? 

Mr. Gulden. I got $45 is all. 

Mv. Curtis. Did you get a place for you and your wife to live ? 

]\Ir, Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you get any provisions besides the $45? They 
didn't supply you with any milk from the farm ? 

Mr. Gulden. Oh, yes ; got a quart of milk a day. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you get anything else? Were you permitted to 
keep any chickens there ? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

Mr. Curtis. You didn't have opportunity for a garden plot? 

Mr. Gulden. Just a little patch; raised a few beans. 

]\Ir. Curtis. And vou went to Oregon and worked for the same 



man 



Mr. Gulden. Worked for the same man. 

Mr. Curtis. How long did you remain in Oregon? 

Mr. Gulden. I got there in March and I left in October. 

Mr. Curtis. And you got the same wages up there? 

Mr. GuiJ)EN. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. "VYliere did you go in October, then? 

Mr. Gulden. I came to California. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you ever farmed any in Colorado? 

Mr. Gulden. No. I just lived there. But I never did farm there. 

Mr. CuTtTTS. What years were you liA'ing in Colorado? 

Mr. Gulden. I lived in Colorado from 1920 to '26. 

Mr. Curtis. In other words, you left your father's farm in Gosper 
County, went to Colorado, and then did you return to the same farm 
in '26.' 

Mr. Gulden. I came back: yes. 

Mr. Curtis. To the same farm in '26? 

Mr. Gulden. '29. 

Mr. Curtis. In '29. Wliat did you do in Colorado during that 
time ? 

Mr. Gulden. Plasterer. 

Mr. Curtis. Are you a plasterer now? 

Mr. Gulden. I am, but I haven't been able to get a job. 

^Ir. CuTtTis. Can you qualify for the union ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes, sir; but they say I am too old. 

Mr. Curtis. You didn't try to farm in Colorado at all ? 

jNIr. Gulden. No. 



2398 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Curtis. Well, then, it was in October 1939 that you came to 
California? 

Mr. Gulden. '37. 

Mv. Curtis. Oh, you have been in California since '37? J 

INIr. Gulden. Yes. " 

Mr. Curtis. What part of California did you locate at ? 

Mr. Gulden. I located at Las Lomas down here by Watsonville. 

]Mr. Curtis. Did you find any work down there? 

INIr. Gulden. Yes. 

]\Ir. Curtis. Did you have any money with you when you came 
from Oregon? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes; I had. 

Mr. Curtis. You had saved a little bit? 

Mr. Gulden. I had a couple of hundred dollars. 

Mr. Curtis. What did you do at Las Lomas? 

]\Ir. Gulden. I worked at everything I could. 

]\Ir. Curtis. Did you get work most of the time ? 

Mr. Gulden. I didn't the first winter, but after that I have been 
busy most of the time. 

Mr. Curtis. Since the first winter you have been busy most of 
the time, since the spring of 1938? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. What line of work have you been doing? 

Mr. Gulden. I have been doing everything. 

Mr. Curtis. Has it been farm work or city work? 

Mr. Gulden. Well, mostly farm, yes, sir; farm and — I built three 
or four houses and picked cotton. I worked for a trucker for a 
while. 

Mr. Curtis. What has been your average income in California? 

Mr. Gulden. About $400 a year. They don't pay much. 

Mr. Curtis. Does ISIrs. Gulden work? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

IVIr. Curtis. What has she been working at? 

]Mr. Gulden. Housework. 

Mr, Curtis. Where are you living now? 

Mi: Gulden. I am living at Watsonville, or out from Watsonville. 
We have a little home there. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you own that home? 

INIr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. That is, you are buying it? 

]Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. From whom did you buy it ; through the Farm Secu- 
rity or the Federal Housing? 

Mr. Gulden. Well, we bought the land from a man by the name 
of Porter and got a Federal Housing to buy the lumber; a FHA 
loan on the house. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. How large a house do you have? 

ISIr. Gulden. 22 x 26. 

Mr. Curtis. Is your wife still employed? 

Mr. Gulden. Well, she isn't right now, but she goes to work the 1st. 

Mr. Curtis. She has been employed most of the time? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2399 

Mv. Curtis. Has she had more work than you have ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. She has been working steady. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you been able to get along, the two of you, or 
have you had to seek relief? 

Mr. Gulden. We made it, but sometimes it was kind of tough. 
We have to make a payment on our place, you know, evei-y month. 

Mr. OsMERS. How big are those payments? 

Mr. Gulden. $14. 5G a month. 

Mr. OsMERS. Did you erect the house yourself ? 

Mr. Gulden. I built it, 

Mr. OsMERS. You supplied the labor? 

]\Ir. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS. I didn't understand your previous testimony. jNIr. 
Gulden. Did you ever own a farm in Nebraska? 

Mr. Gulden. No, not in Nebraska. 

Mr. OsMERS. You didn't own a farm? 

Mr. Gulden. No. I just faimed it for my Dad, rented it. 

Mr. Curtis. How much land have you in connection with this 
house you own out here? 

Mr. Gulden. Two and three-quarter acres. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you have a job in sight when you left Oregon and 
came to California? 

Mr. Gulden. No. We came down here to visit. 

Mr. Curtis. I see. You have just been visiting ever since? 

Mr. Gulden. I wanted to go to the East, New York State, and my 
wife's folks was out here and she talked me into coming out here. 
I thought this was the darnedest desert I ever saw when I came 
out here. [Laughter.] 

The Chairman. You are a pretty good man, to make a go on the 
desert. 

JNIr. Gulden. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, you d(m't think you would want to go back to 
Nebraska or any place in the Middle West and farm ? 

Mr. Gulden. Not unless it changes. Although I believe a man 
can make a living better there if it wasn't for that wind. In normal 
years you could make it easier than you can here. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you feel that your place in life is on a farm? Do 
you feel more contented there? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. If you were going to confine your answer to one or 
two things, what was the principal cause of your failure to make a 
go of a fann in Nebraska? 

Mr. Gulden. Well, it just blowed me out. 

Mr. Curtis. The drought, in other words? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. You are familiar with all of that canyon country 
around Gosper County? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. What is the situation in regard to the pastures? Are 
they pretty far gone, or will they come back if it rains? 



2400 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Gulden. Well, they have got them plowed up mostly. They 
broke up the bottoms of the canyons, you know, the big flats. You 
have probably been there ; the big flat bottoms. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. 

Mr. Gulden. And when it rained, why, it made big ditches down 
through the center, and I don't know whether it will ever come back 
again or not. 

Mr. Curtis. The soil there 

Mr. Gulden (interposing). Is practically gone. 

Mr. Curtis (continuing). Has been hurt by both wind and water 
erosion ; has it not ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes, sir. 

Mr. OsMERs. Would you say, Mr. Gulden, if the State had been fol- 
lowing a careful conservation program for a number of years pre- 
vious to the drought that the situation would have been avoided? 

Mr. Gulden. I think so. They plowed everything they could in 
that part there. 

Mr. Curtis. When was that land broken up; in the World War 
time? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. When there was a great urge to produce all the food- 
stuffs we could? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. And to plant every acre in every corner ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. And the prices were high? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. The territory that you come from, that immediate 
locality, will never be reached by irrigation unless it is pump irriga- 
tion, will it, over in south of Smithfield? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

Mr. Curtis. But there are places in your own county farther 
north 

Mr. Gulden (interposing). The north part of that county will 
probably be irrigated. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes; and that is true of a distance for possibly 40, 
50, or 60 miles east of you ? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. When you get more in the level country? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. CuBTis : That is all. 

Mr. OsMERS : Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask a question. 

The Chairman. Go right ahead, Congressman Osmers. 

Mr. Osmers, I was interested in your decision to come west rather 
than to go east. Why were you interested in going to New York 
State? 

Mr. Gulden. Well. I think— you see, I got some literature on some 
farms. 

Mr. Osmers. Yes? 

Mr. Guijjen. And they were run-down farms, see. And I figured 
that they get more rain there and I could build them up. I don't 
know. It might have been worked out. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2401 

Mr. OsMERS. The reason I asked that, Mr. Gulden, is that nearly 
everyone in the Middle AVest who has been put off their farms be- 
cause of weather conditions has come to the west coast, and I have 
been very curious to know why some of them have not gone east. 
You are the first witness that we have had who has mentioned going 
east. 

Mr. Gulden. Well, my wife and me argued for 3 years. 

Mr. OsMERs. I have a "farm in New York State myself, and I can't 
get anybody to run it, no one to farm it. There is lots of rain, fertile 
land and everything. 

Mr. Gulden. I will go back and run it for you. 

Mr. OsMERS. All right. 

]\Ir. Curtis. I think the Congressman from New York has been 
lacking in diligence. 

The Chairman. Mr. Gulden, you mean you argued for 3 years? 

Mr. GiT.DEx. ISIe and the Missus. 

The Chairman. It is quite natural she would win. Mr. Gulden, 
right now if you had a farm — owned a farm in Nebraska — you 
would never leave there if you could make it go; would you? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

The Chairman. The testimony adduced before this committee in- 
dicates that there are thousands like you. A million left the Great 
Plains States in the last 10 years. They did not want to get out. 
They did not want to leave their homes, but there comes a time with 
soil erosion where you just can't make it go and j^ou have to go be- 
cause you are not going to starve sitting down; isn't that the truth? 

Mr.^ Gulden. That's right. 

The Chairman. American people will not do that? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

The Chairman. So then they start out and come into this State 
and other Stjites. What this committee is interested in is what are 
we going to do about them. Are we going to treat them as outcasts? 
They talk about the refugees in Europe. We have hundreds of 
thousands of them in this country. They have lived along the high- 
ways, had their babies wrapped up in newspapers, and they are doing 
the best they can. 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. I understand that you are a plasterer? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. I believe in answer to Mr. Curtis' question you 
said that you were efficient enough to be a union member? 

Mr. Gulden. I was a union member in Denver, Colo. 

Mr. Sparkman. I believe you said you have tried to get work and 
they said you were too old? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. Have you tried in connection with this national- 
defense program ? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

Mr. Sparkman. I notice the Civil Service Commission is asking 
for all kinds of proficient workers, and I am certain that in all of 
the construction work around our Army posts there is considerable 



2402 INTEIISTATE MIGRATION 

plastering, and I am just wondering if you had that in mind. I 
don't believe 49 is too old in the civil service. 

Mr. Gulden. I tried to get in down at Camp Ord, or Fort Ord. 

Mr. Sparkman. Camp Ord. 

Mr. Gulden. And I can't get in there. Of course, I have got 
an application in there. I may get called, see, but I don't know. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, I am wondering if you have ever taken it 
up with the United States Civil Service Commission? 

Mr. Gulden. No. 

Mr. Sparkman. I would suggest to you that you do so, because I 
think that you can get a place. 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. At that point, how long ago was it that the union 
denied you entrance because you were too old? 

Mr. Gulden. About a year and a half ago. 

Mr. Curtis. You were only 47 then ? 

Mr. Gulden. Forty-seven. But, you see, I had a card when I 
came here and they wouldn't transfer me from Colorado here, see, 
on account they had too many men, as they told me before. They 
said they could transfer me and take my money but they couldn't 
guarantee me a job. So that way I — they told me if I would go 
out and get a job, they would take me in the union. 

Mr. Ci'RTis. I have heard the charge that employers are eliminat- 
ing men past 45. but the unions are rejecting these people? 

Mr. Gulden. They want them around from 25 up to 35. 

Mr. Curtis. Do they have a reason for it, that it lessens the effi- 
ciency of them as craftsmen, or is it because they have too many 
plasterers already? 

Mr. Gulden. Too many plasterers. That's the main thing. 

Mr. Curtis. In other words, they are operating a "closed com- 
pany" plan? 

]Nir. Gulden. Yes, 

Mr. Curtis. And they didn't want you in on it? 

Mr. Gulden. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. I understood you to say that they did not object 
to your membership; they simply could not guarantee you a job? 

Mr. Gulden. iWell, they told me fii'st that I couldn't get in, 
because I was too old, see. I went out and got myself a job, and 
they came out and told me then that they would take me in, but I 
would have to ^et my own job, see. 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, ^Nlr. Gulden. 

(Witness excused.) 

TESTIMONY OF MRS. HELEN GAHAGAN DOUGLAS 

The Chairman. ]Mrs. Helen Gal^agan Douglas, Hollywood, Calif. 
I will let that good Democratic Congressman from Alabama interro- 
gate you. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mrs. Douglas, you have not submitted any state- 
ment to this committee, but it is my understanding that ^-ou are 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2403 

froino; to discuss for us tlie family life of the migrants and tell us 
somethino- about your experiences. 

INIrs. Douglas. Just what I have seen. You have plenty of 
statistics. 

iNIr. Sparkman. Well, you just proceed in your own way. 

Mrs. DoroLAS. I think a person who has led the kind of life that 
I have, of necessity, has lived a rather dour existence. You sit at 
the piano for many hours a day and you rehearse and the doors of 
the theater are closed. 

GROWTH OF MIGRANT SITUATION. 193 0-4 

AVhen we first came to the coast, one nio;ht in "32, we went out 
toward Arizona, and we ran into the migration that was taking place 
as a result of the depression, as a result of "29 and the thing that 
happened in '32. We were deeply moved by the sight of this migra- 
tion. We were disturbed by its implications. We followed along the, 
trail over which it had come and was coming. We found that they 
were coming out to the West in boxcars, crowded in. We found that 
the citizens of the communities throug'h which they passed were 
closing their eyes to the whole situation. We talked to the railroad 
station men and learned that they were leaving tlie stations open at 
night so that these wandering people, if they got off the trains or 
changed trains, would have some place to sleep. We talked to the 
hotel people in Las Vegas and found that they were leaving the 
first floors of all hotels, restaurants, and gambling houses open at 
niglit so that the people in this migration, who were in Las Vegas, 
would have some place to sleep. They left them open just as the sta- 
tion men had left the stations open because they were frightened. 
They left the first stories open because they felt these desperate 
people would climb to the second story if they did not. We talked 
to the people in this migration, to fathers who had left their families 
because they could not endure to look at the faces of dear ones wdiom 
they could no longer support, to boj's who did not want to be a drag 
on fathers and mothers who were desperately hunting for work. 

Well, that was a pretty shocking thing. We went back home and 
told people what we had seen but people weren't overly concerned 
about it. A very dear friend of ours Avrote a play that was put 
on in New York called Children of the Koad, that told about a lot 
of young people who had come out here, the kind we had run into. 
The play depicted the jungles in which these children lived and 
from which they would sally forth in search of some way to obtain 
food. When the play was in-oduced in New York, one of the critics 
said, ''I don't believe this exists, and if it does, it doesn't interest me." 

We were so sliocked we felt that if, in the world today, democracy 
was to survive at all, we had to take a more responsible part in it, 
just as citizens. 

I tell you this as a preliminary. 

From '37 on — I had just come back from Europe — I again began 
hearing people talk about the "migrants*' and about the "migrant 
problem." Then again, on the other hand, I would hear people say, 



260370 — 41— pt. 6- 



2404 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

"There is no such thing as a migrant problem." Noav, I was brought 
up in a family ^Yhere if you were asked a question, you were expected 
to answer a 'definite "yes" or "no." I suppose that in a way this 
has helped to condition my mind. It seemed utterly incredible that 
there could be peo])le in California who knew full well that there 
was a migrant problem and yet would deny it. There is or there 
isn't a migrant problem. So, I went out to see. I was not surprised 
to find that the worst that I had heard was all too true. As I say, 
I was not surprised because I had already met with migi-ants m 
regard to that other migration that I had seen, and not very 
many people seemed to know about that. Yes; we had migrants 
in the State of California, and we havo them now. So I began hunt- 
ing for the causes and later for the remedies, if possible. Tliere was 
no question about it. There were migrants. 

The State was not prepared for this influx of people. At hrst, 
the State could not absorb them. There wasn't enough work and at 
the beginning there were very few techniques worked out to give 
aid of any kind to these families who were desperately in need of it. 
For instance, there were many cases of tyjihoid. A study was made, 
and it was found that the root of many illnesses was malnutrition. 
In 1938 the F. S. A. set up their Agricultural Health and Medical 
Association as a result of the study that had been made. This asso- 
ciation has been a godsend to the migrant people. It has helped 
greatly to check the spread of disease. The grant program of the 
Farm Security Administration was set up at the same time to help 
fight the battle against malnutrition. 

I began to go out into different parts of the State, into the F. S. A. 
camps and to really sit down and know these people. They are of 
the same kind of American stock as the people who helped build up 
the Middle and Far West regions of this great country. It was 
their forefathers who went out and helped open the West. They 
have the same courage as their forefathers had before them — their 
courage is unbelievable. I have always felt that the public should 
be made to know these people. The public can be proud of them. 

When the migrants suddenly overran a community, it was difficult 
for all concerned, difficult for the schools, the hospitals, the churches, 
the welfare agencies, difficult for all societies that help make up a 
community. There were usually too many workers to pick a certain 
crop. The local peo])le would become hysterical and frightened of 
them. It was difficult for all concerned. Yes; it was difficult for 
the migrants too * * * not to be wanted, to be pushed from county 
to county, to feel that you were disliked, and yet to meet all of this 
with fortitude, to be able to live on ditch banks, to keep up their 
self-respect, and to try to keep themselves and their children clean in 
every possible way they knew. 

I "think water sVinbolizes these people. You see them on a ditch 
bank or you see them in a muddy place trying to sweep the floor 
of their tents, trying to wash. I have gone into tent after tent and 
there would be nothing but mud floors, not a bed or anything, some 
kind of a mattress perhaps or no mattress at all. But if there was 
a mattress, there would be snowy white sheets on the bed, or whatever 
they had to sleep on. That takes an enormous amount of fortitude 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2405 

and resiliency, to go on with life in that way. They come from small 
villages or small country places, and they want desperately again 
to connect themselves with community life. They are very religious. 
You feel that when you go amongst them. They are extraordniarily 
religious, and my feeling has sometimes been that if that religious 
feeling were to be lost and there was nothing to take its place, we 
might find a rather difficult situation. It is something to think about 
pretty seriously. 

One's reaction in going around and talking to them as a class is 
that they are well-educated people. One is struck with how young 
the group is as a whole. These people did not come to California to 
get relief checks. They were driven through desperation to do some- 
thing for themselves. 

I have always felt, from my experience with them, that they made 
this treck because they didn't want to sit down and take defeat. 
They said, "Now, here this thing has gone bad. Let's get up and go. 
Weil make a go of it some place else." They did the thing all of 
our forefathers did before us. 

You know you don't willingly take your children and sleep on the 
side of the road. You don't willingly take children out on the road 
in the winter with the rate of pneumonia high, just to get a hand-out 
some place. 

I have talked to men who have been with the Farm Security Admin- 
istration camps from the beginning. One of the things that has been 
the most difficult to cope with has been the pride of the migrants, a 
pride which prevents them in many, many cases from admitting that 
they are literally starving to death because they do not want relief. 
Xo; they didn't come to California for relief. They came because 
there was nothing for them back there. 

The chamber of commerce gives figures of a million, two hundred 
thousand of these migrants that have come into the State from 1930 
to 1940, and the whole load of relief in California as of July 1910, 
was 409.000. That is not cases. Those are people, 409,000. 

PARTIAL ABSORPTION OF MIGRANTS 

Well, now, where are those other people ? You see, gradually large 
numbers of the migrants have been absorbed. They have found places 
for themselves. I would like to give an example to prove my point. 
One case is a college down south. Occidental College. One of the boys 
tliat has the highest standing in the college is an Oklahoman. His 
mother was able to obtain work, and the rest of the family found work 
elsewhere. Then, you can go around the gas stations throughout the 
State, not the big stations, but the little ones, and the garages, and 
you will find they have Oklahoma accents and thick Arkansas accents. 
So there are a certain number that have been absorbed, that have been 
able to make this transition. 

The feeling that we give everything to them and they don't con- 
tribute anything, I feel, also, is erroneous. Just from a purely mone- 
tary point of view, the F. S. A. made a study and they discovered in 
the labor homes that these families spend about $5 a month for gas. 
Those are the people in the labor homes, that are more permanent 



2406 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

tlian a great many more of the families that move more rapidly than 
those in labor homes. If you multiply that by 12 and multiply it by 
40.000 families, Avhich is a'^low estimate of farm families in the State, 
you ffet $2,400,000. Well, the entire program of the F. S. A. from 
'March 1938 to July 1940 spent only $2,182,292, and of that $1,778,318 
v>'as for medical care and the rest was for lunches, nurses, and the 
nursery schools. So there's something;. 

If you fifrure there are 40.000 families and they make as low as 
$200 'A year, only taking; a very low average, every cent of that money 
is spent in the community. Aside from the fact that you need a cer- 
tain proportion of them in your agriculture, there is something that 
they have to give. 

MIGRATORY LA FOR IN DEFENSE PROGRAM 

There is something that I would like to read, if there is a moment 
here, that Mr. Gross, who is president of Lockheed Aircraft, said in a 
speech before Town Hall on July 26, 1940. When we think of these 
people in the State and say. ''We'll, we need so many for agriculture, 
but the rest of them are a burden and we should get rid of them."' it 
is a very great mistake. There is only a small portion of them on 
relief rolls. The State has not finished growing. There are certain 
elements in this thing where the national picture comes in, and there 
are certain responsibilities. I feel that the picture should be con- 
sidered by the National Government. There are certain places in the 
State where these migrants will be helpful, and this report, I think, 
of Mr. Gross" is very interesting. 

He says (reading) : 

Can we get skilled men to operate the national-defense Indnstries? 

In my opinion the answer is nnqnestionably "Yes." It is all very well to 
talk abont big appropriations and big orders for machinery and bricks and 
mortar, but after the national-defense industries have lapped up the apparent 
supply of topnotch skilled labor and. in my opinion, they already have, we then 
have to go out and manufacture the men to manufacture the material. The 
point I want to make is that we can manufacture the men. We already have 
the tools to manufacture these men. These tools are groups like the nuclei 
of some 7.3,000 men we already have under employment in the airplane tield. 
I happen to feel that there has been a great deal of defeatism practiced and 
expressed by industry all over the country on this question of getting men. 
In my own case, I have had some practical experience with this one and I 
know it can be done. Of course, it can't be done over night, and you have ta 
make a business of training. You have to make just as much of a business 
of training as you make of building the cannon, the tank, the airplane, or the 
automobile. Tlie company I work for at the present time has 10,000 people on its 
pay roll and over 8. .500 of these people are engaged in some form or other of 
tniining to better their minds, their jobs, and their futures. Not only that, but 
some 2 or 3 years ago. there was an industrial company in this area that had 
1,500 men. Overnight, it secured work that nmltiplied its back'og fivefold 
and required an additional 5.000 men. The skeptics and public generally said 
it couldn't be done, buf 8 months after the order was accepted the company 
had the 5,000 men and went on to do the work on time. 

Training was the answer — training was the only answer. Training can make 
a first-class aviation metal worker out of good green material in 4 months. 
Training can make a first-class riveter and metal assembler out of good ma- 
terial in 4 weeks. Training can make a template maker out of a good metal 
worker in 4 months. Training can make a tool maker out of a good machinist 
in G months. Yes : and I'll go further — training can make something out of 
everybody. The press has been full of rumors and reports that factories were 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2407 

going to have to move to the Middle West, not just because it woull be 
liarder to drop a bomb on one in St. Louis than it would in Los Angeles, but 
because we can't get personnel here in our present locations. This oue isn't 
so either. What is important is not where you find the men but the training 
you give them wherever you find them. 

And then he goes on a little further to say that he feels that no 
matter what defense council we set up, or anything else, we must go 
along with a training program for men. I think we should use the 
migrants in such a training program. I would like to point out to 
you that there is already talk of the possibility of bringing needed 
men into the State for the defense program. What is the sense of 
that when you already have the men of the migrant group who are 
available. They are as clever as can be. Their ingenuity in housing 
themselves with nothing but tin cans, with pieces of paper, is simply 
unbelievable. 

EFFECT or MIGRATION ON FAMILY UNIT 

But to get back to migration and some more of the bad effects it 
has on the people who are a part of it. These people as a group 
have a very close family life. Their family life is more strongly 
marked than in any other group I have come in contact with. Sli- 
gration has a tendency to break up this family life in their search 
for work. Also, to be a migrant is to be set apart, which is terrible. 
It is terrible for them. It is terrible for the communities into which 
they go. 

r have heard complaints from mother after mother that their 
children are not being educated as well as they had been. This they 
deplore. The education of the children is interrupted because of 
constant traveling. In some cases there is no schooling at all. 
Sometimes it is because the children haven't the proper clothing to 
wear, and sometimes it is because there isn't any way to get them to 
school. Sometimes because they are just too frightened to go. 

Then in moving around from place to place, you will realize in 
talking with them, that they have to live in the most expensive way 
possible. Everything is done in the most expensive way. The first 
tiling the Agriculture Department does is to set a minimum, to teach 
the migrants to can, to save things. But a woman working in the 
fields can't do this. Every moment of her time is taken and when 
the time comes for them to move, they have to jump up, throw their 
belongings together and go. Everything is done at the last minute, 
therefore, they do live in an expensive manner. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

The implications of whole families living in one tent are very grave 
and very bad, especially over a long period of time. I think tliat in 
trying to cope with the situation, the first thing that should be done 
with migration, as a citizen watching it, is to see that there is no 
migration — any more than is normal, and more than would normally 
take place in the growth of a country. If we hadn't had this migra- 
tion and we started our defense work here and we needed more people 
and had this migration, that would be natural. But this is unnatural 
migration, and evervthing should be done to check migration of this 



2408 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

sort. The only way we can do that, it seems to me, is by a wider 
understanding: in the public mind, of citizens in the cities, of the 
laboring man, of manufacturers, merchants, and everybody, as to 
what the problems of the farmer are. I think the programs that 
have already been undertaken by the Agricultural, Department are 
wonderful, but they should be enlarged. 

The income of the farmer should be brought up to the income of 
the city man, so that he isn't on the ragged edge and doesn't "go 
over" with the first misfortune that comes along. Soil conservation 
and all of those things which have been done at the source, seem to 
me imperative if you are going to stop this migration. 

There should have been a study made long ago to study the sudden 
stopping of industry and to soften the shock of unemployment. 

I went back to Oklahoma City to see where some of these people 
came from and the things that sent them out on this long trek. I was 
shocked at what I saw. I don't know if you went to see the camp 
outside of the city that was under a bridge. Well, I just gagged 
until I could get out of the place. 

Well, it seems to me that planning ahead, as far as we can, would 
prevent some of these things ; that is where the effort should be made, 
Of course, we should assimilate them when they come, insofar as we 
can, so that the children of these people can grow to be useful citi- 
zens, as they have every indication of being. They are rare people. 
If we incorporate them into the life of California, we have a fine 
addition to the growth of California. But the great step to be 
made is to stop these things at their source — to think a little ahead 
and stop them, if we can, before they hit us on our heads and we are 
out like a light. 

I think that uniform residence laws throughout the States would 
do something miraculous. For instance, in Oklahoma and in some 
of the other States you hear tales all the time, from the relief people, 
that people have been put on the train to Alabama and some of the 
other States and shipped back to their own States, but, alas, when 
they arrive they have ceased to be residents of their States. They 
tell me of the case of some children that weren't eligible for relief 
here. The mother and father had died. The children were sent 
back to Oklahoma. One child was 6 and the other 8. They had to 
be fed cream for 10 days for fear that they might not live because 
they were suffering so terribly from malnutrition. 

With the best will in the world operating the relief agencies that 
we have, they fall between these walls of widely varying relief laws. 
It would greatly simplify things if we had uniform relief laws and 
if we had grants from the States so there would be some kind of 
regulation in the amount of relief and vocational guidance. 

I think the health of these people is absolutely essential; if we 
don't take care of them now. we will have to care for them after they 
are broken down. It is just a question of when you are going to do 
it. Are you going to do it before or wait until the plague breaks out ? 

I think the Agriculture Department's health and medical program 
is wonderful and should be enlarged wherever it is needed. These 
people, in their desire to be part of the community, I think, ought to 
be aided. They want to settle down. I have been on plots of land 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2409 

in 1940, just a few months ajro, up arovnid Bakersfield, where they 
pay from $3 to $8 a month for rental ground, just jrround to stick 
a tent or a house on — a home that they have patched to^^ether. You 
have a toilet here and a pump right next to it. 

Well, you know anything can happen as a result of that. And 
there are little plots of ground so small you can just get the house 
and the car on it and the next house and car, and so on. But you 
can't grow anything on it ! I can't help but feel that a housing pro- 
gram in the rural districts is something desperately needed. It would 
make business good, from every point of view. If you encourage 
these slums to grow it is as though you allowed a disease to spread. 
It is going to be more costly to treat at the end than it is to stop 
at the beginning. It would also tend to eliminate segregation — 
"Okies" on the other side of town. I'll tell you what segi'egation 
means. It is a very serious thing psychologically. ^Vlien these chil- 
dren go to school— maybe the father, through one of the programs 
here, has gotten a piece of land and settled down — they will not 
admit that they are "Okies." They feel that it is a stigma. These 
are serious things when they grow up in a country, things that you 
are going to have to cope with later on. A housing progi^am would 
tend, automatically, to do away with a lot of that feeling. 

We have a program here for loaning the farmers money, to settle 
down on the land, those that want to, and I think that ought to be 
enlarged. I heard a discussi<m a little while ago of the employment 
service and the greater responsibility the United States Employment 
Service could take. It would certainly ease matters if it functioned 
better, and the migrants didn't pile up in districts where they weren't 
wanted. It would be better for the growers, and it would be better 
for the citizens in the community because the migrants wouldn't come 
in and overflow the schof)ls. Often there are no provisions for them, 
and it frightens the life out of the citizens, and it certainly is not 
good for the migrants. If the unemployment service functioned 
better, they would not go through the thing that they now do. 

The migrants are not able to believe, especially, in any group 
because when they are told there is work "over there," and they go 
where they have been told to go, they find there is no work. There 
are cases when the migrants have gone to a suggested place for work, 
have been stranded and haven't been able to return. 

But over the whole thing is their amazing good nature, politeness, 
and resistance to hardship and their belief that the next morning 
they are going to make it; that they are going to find a piece of 
ground; that they are going to settle down and be part of the com- 
munity. As this man suggested here, they are willing to do 
anything. 

I have felt, since I have gone out and tried to understand the 
whole thing, that maybe this is a great opportunity, this migration; 
that otherwise we couldn't have gone into the States from which 
these people have come. Now we are able to help them, to throw 
some light on what has happened to the farmer. Industry has gone 
far ahead, and the farmer often was left behind. It is a chance 
for us to help them pull themselves up by their bootstraps. I feel 
the whole agricultural program, in its educational policies, has done 



2410 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

ji wonderful job along such lines and should be continued and en- 
larged. It is a program that is very sound, very sound. 

And then in the camps, if you refer to the F. S. A. camps, every- 
thing has been done to make a community relation possible. As one 
example, they have baseball games for the children, and they play 
against the children in the city. The effort is being made to bridge 
that gap in many ways. 

Mr. Sparkman. We haven't visited any of the F. S. A. camps. We 
are going to this week. But Congressman Curtis and I did go out 
and visit a couple of those camps at Oklahoma City that you referred 
to. To me it seems rather hopeless to try to work out any community 
or civic consciousness among people living under such conditions as 
we saw there. 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes; well, that's something special — tlie condition 
of those camps in Oklahoma. I would like to point out, however, 
that although the migrants coming into California have gone through 
some pretty hard times, because the State wasn't prepared to take 
care of them, because there wasn't enough work for them, neverthe- 
less, I really have never seen anything in California to equal the degra- 
dation of the camps outside of Oklahoma City. 

Mr. Sparkman. You and I probably would agree that that ought 
to be discouraged and broken up as soon as possible. 

Mrs. Douglas. I certainly do. But I want to make it clear. You 
say you can't absorb a whole camp. May I point out that as you travel 
through California you see mushroom groups. The migrants are 
settling down even if it is only on a rented piece of land where they 
pay a dollar to $5 a month, trying to get by with only a piece of board 
here and there with which to build their homes. We are getting all 
over California these mushroom rural slum communities. In other 
words, a kind of absorption is taking place, but it is not a good one. 

Mr. Sparkman. By the way 

Mrs. Douglas (interposing). So it isn't altogether a question of the 
camps. A large proportion is gradually settling down because they 
desire to settle down. Why not have a program so that this move- 
ment can be given some kind of long-range planning? 

Mr. Sparkman. My understanding is, then, that you would advo- 
cate camps as a transitional — ■ — 

Mrs. Douglas (interposing). Definitely, 

Mr. Sparkman (continuing). And purely temporary arrangement? 

Mrs. Douglas. That's right. 

Mr. Sparkman. Hoping for the time when they will be absorbed? 

Mrs. Douglas. Absolutely. 

ESTIMATED NUMBER OF MIGRANTS IN CALIFORNIA 

Mr. Sparkman. By the way, awhile ago I was interested in your 
statement that the figures showed that during the last 10 years there 
had been 1,200,000 

Mrs. Douglas (interposing). Those are the chamber of commerce 

figures. ^ , ^ 

Mr. Sparkman. They are the Bureau of Agricultural Economics 

figures, too, and so I believe they are probably reliable. 
Mrs. Douglas. Yes. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2411 

IMr. Spakkman. I wonder if yon knew also that their studies showed 
that 80 percent of those people had lived in the same county ever since 
they came into the State? In other words, you haven't got more than 
20 percent of that number who have even moved one time during 
the time that they have been here, and I presume that this migration 
problem has been more definitely a problem during the last, oh, 4 or 5 
years from the time 

Mrs. Douglas (interposing). From 1935. 

Mr. Sparkman (continuing). When the great drought started in 
the Middle Western States. 

Mrs. Douglas. Of course, you didn't have families before the drought 
started. You didn't have families. You had bindlestiifs, fruit tramps, 
Mexicans, and Filipinos. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, you have always had that. 

Mrs. Douglas. That varies. They were single. You didn't have 
this family migration. 

Mr. Sparkman. You stated. I believe, that 3^ou regard a certain 
amount of migration as normal and desirable? 

Mrs. Douglas. Absolutely. 

]\Ir. Sparkman. Well, I think so, soo. 

Mrs. Douglas. I am a migrant. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, I suppose we all are. 

]\Irs. Douglas. My father's family started in Ohio, and then we 
went to Xew York, and later I went to Europe and then came out here. 

The Chairman. Lincoln was a migrant, too. 

^Irs. Douglas. And that kind of thing is normal and healthy. What 
we don't want is to have the applecart turn over every so often and 
have the whole thing start moving. 

Mr. Sparkman. I was very much impressed with the statements that 
you made, and let me see if I understand you correctly. 

emphasis on stabilization at home 

You think that the major emphasis should be placed upon curing 
so far as possible those evils back home 

Mrs. Douglas (interposing). That cause migration. 

Mr. Sparkman (continuing). At the place of origin which set them 
out on the migratory trek ? 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, I fully agree with you. And then you would 
use the remedies at this end of the line, in order to relieve the situation 
temporarily ? 

Mrs. Douglas. And to assimilate them. And I think we should not 
have 48 different kinds of residence laws and ways of giving out 
relief. I think it is just insane. 

Mr. Sparkman. It is because of those variations and because of the 
fact that these j)eople have shifted from one State to another, that 
we all recognize it as a Federal problem and it is because of that that 
you would have the Federal Government go into it, recognize it and 
do something about it. 

Mrs. Douglas. I think it would help stabilize it, too. If there 
were Government help and the same help given in each community 



2412 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

and if you were at the same time trying to alleviate the original 
causes of migration, it ayouIcI have a tendency to stabilize the situ- 
ation. If a man didn't want to go, he would have stayed there if 
if there had been a possibility of any help from any source, back in 
his home community. 

Mr. Sparkman. Down in my part of the country we have an excess 
birth rate. Our people have to move out. We can't support them. 

Mrs. Douglas. That's another thing. 

Mr. Spakkman. They have to move out. Nevertheless, that in- 
come level could be raised there, and we could better take care of 
our people. And over in Congressman Curtis' section, if they could 
get irrigation and some relief from the dust storms or whatever pests 
they may have over there, there would be no problem. So your first 
argument would be to extend the services such as the Farm Security 
Administration, the W. P. A., the — I believe you mentioned Soil Con- 
servation, Social Security, and all of those things ; would that be your 
idea? 

Mrs. Douglas. That, everything that has been done to make the 
income of the farmer more nearly equal to the average city person's 
income. 

Mr. Sparkman. And of course, you mentioned the idea of grants- 
in-aid to the States. 

Mrs. Douglas. The tenant-purchase farm program. 

Mr. Sparkman. I am glad to hear you say that. 

Mrs. Douglas. It should be enlarged. 

Mr. Sparkman. What about your grants-in-aid to States? You 
know most of these grants-in-aid that we make now are made upon 
the basis of required matching by the States. You certainly would 
not follow that same procedure with reference to this, would you — 
require the States to match dollar for dollar? 

Mrs. Douglas. In j^our State 

Mr. Sparkman (interposing). Where the need is greatest, we get 
the least benefit. 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes; I think it should probably be the same through- 
out the country. Let the Federal Government make up the differ- 
ence. 

Mr. Sparkman. To be on the basis of need rather than ability to 
match ? 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes. • 

Mr. Sparkman. I feel you have made a very definite contribution 
to our hearings. 

I have no mere questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Curtis. Throughout the history of our Republic the march 
has been westward, of people wanting a new chance; isn't that right? 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you think it was a continuation of that trend that 
has been partly responsible for the focusing of the result of this prob- 
lem on the Pacific coast here? 

Mrs. Douglas. I think that is probably so; and then California, 
whether you like it or not, has become a glamorous concept in the 
minds of persons in the East. It is kind of like going to paradise. 
The idea of a wonderful, beautiful, golden place has kind of perme- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2413 

uted the minds of people all over the country. They are told that 
here in California you pick the fruit off the trees and don t have to 

slave all the time. , , , . i i ^ ^i 

Mr. Curtis. AVell, I think you have a lovely place out here, but the 

point- 



Mrs. Douglas (interposing). I am not selling it. I am ]ust trying 
to find the psychological approach on the part of the people. 

]Mr. Curtis.' I am not a psychologist. I am just a poor politician. 
But the fact is that when formerly people met up with the vicissi- 
tudes of life they went to a new frontier and got a new start, and 
now our frontier is facing the ocean. Formerly, rather than face 
and solve some of the problems of years gone by. we were able to 
run away from them bv settling people on a new frontier. 

I was very much impressed with your thought that insofar as 
possible the remedy lies at the beginning of the exodus. And in that 
connection, is it not true that the migration of destitute persons who 
perhaps just start to wander is the result of a problem rather than 
the problem iself ? It shows something is wrong. 

Mrs. Douglas. Oh. sure. 

Mr. Curtis. And every time one family moves out of a territory 
that is losing 25 percent of its people, that same condition that caused 
one family to move is still prevailing against those that remain? 

Mrs. Douglas. Unless something is being done. I feel that a great 
deal has been done these last few years to check this thing, but it 
was started pretty late. 

It's all along the right lines, but we need more of it. That's been 
the part I thought the citizen could play. We need more under- 
standing on the part of everyone — even by people such as you, sitting 
behind a desk, you who can' get it through Washington. There isn't 
much real understanding now, and the program can't be put through 
because of this lack of understanding on the part of the public. 
Whereas, if the public were aware of the problems, they would de- 
mand that Congress do something about putting through much- 
needed programs. 

Mr. OsMERs. Mrs. Douglas, in all of the discussion that we have 
had about California no one seems to have given the Midwest the 
credit for the great flow of capital that came here before the migrant 
farmer came. 

Now, I believe that that was a great contribution in building up 
the State of California into the attractive place that it is, but it 
was also a contributing factor toward tearing down the economy of 
our Midwestern States when people, elderly and retired, prosperous 
peo])le, pulled up stakes, sold everything, and brought their wealth 
to California. 

Now, a previous witness, I believe while you were here, has pointed 
out that agriculture is becoming more industrialized in California. 
Do you subscribe to that, that it is becoming more industrialized 
and is being conducted on the basis of big business? 

(No response.) 

Mr. OsMERS. This is factual. Is it or isn't it? I don't mean 
whether it should or should not, but is it or isn't it ? 



2414 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes. Certainly; you see in California a kind of 
farming that you don't see when you go through the Middle West. 
We have small farms, too. But I mean there are great companies 
and we have great packing houses. It is a different kind of farming 
here. 

Mr. OsMERS. The reason I have brought that element into our dis- 
cussion here is because the remedies that you have suggested, or a 
great majority of them that you have suggested, are anesthetics 
rather than cures, in my own opinion. You have suggested giving 
them relief, keeping them in clean tents and camps, and caring for 
their health, and so on, and to help them purchase small farms 
wherever it is possible. 

Now, that prolongs the agony, in a sense. I mean, we must do 
those things. I am for doing those things. But we will not ap- 
proach, in my opinion, a solution for the basic problem of the migra- 
tion of agricultural labor to California by doing so because we are 
getting them to set up small farms, which in the testimony of the 
witnesses here today, are not economic units. 

Mrs. Douglas. You mean they can't support themselves? 

Mr. OsMERS. That's right. 

Mrs. Douglas. On these farms? 

Mr. OsMERS. They would be competing with great industrialized 
agricultural organizations. 

Mrs. Douglas. Well, I know of a few farms where they have been 
set up by F. S. A., where they have been able to make a living. 

I have come before you not as a farmer or a professor or an 
industrialist, but as a plain citizen, and I have tried to picture to 
you what will happen to these migrants if we allow them to be 
segregated and put into a class by themselves. I would also like to 
say that I feel something ugly will happen to us, the citizenry, unless 
our mental processes are right toward these people. Do you see? 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes. 

]Mrs. Douglas. As to the solutions, there have been many advocated. 
I just don't know enough about them. 

Mr. OsMERS. I think that 

Mrs. Douglas (interposing). But I do know that the farm program 
as it has been worked out in the States of origin from which these 
people come, from evervthing that I have been able to see first hand 
and everything I have been able to read and to gather, has helped to 
stop migration. Now what is to be done with these people as they 
arrive? First, I feel that uniform residence laws are a necessity. 

]\Ir. OsMERS. That is good business, good procedure. 

Mrs. Douglas. Absolutely. And then I feel that housing is a 
fundamental thing. I tried to show that some of them are settling 
down, and what I tried to show is a concrete thing, that they are 
not all on relief; that they are able to be assimilated, a certain number 
of them. Where are they? They are not on relief. Where are 
they ? 

Mr. OsMERS. If I could interrupt you right there — I was very nuich 
interested in the figures you brought up showing the comparison 
between the number now on relief and the total number that migrated 
here in 1930. I tried to get that information from the Governor, 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2415 

who testified here this morning, but he didn't have it avaihible then. 
It shows me that because of the great weakh of California they 
are able to absorb a great many of these migrants and, of course, 
they will continue to get a great many more of them. 

]\Irs. Douglas. But we are growing all the time. When we first 
came here in '31, Hollywood was one thing, and today it is another. 
It was no problem getting around in traffic then, and today you think 
you are in the heart of New York City. 

You know we need these migrants for certain services in the agri- 
cultural fields; and because we need these kinds of services that only 
tlie migrants can give, we should do the best that we can for them. 

Now. if they are going to settle down, I think the United States 
Housing Authority or the State housing authority might greatly 
help the whole situation. I also feel that they have a contribution to 
make outside of agriculture, as suggested by Mr. Gross. We may 
find ourselves forced to import men for the defense program. It is 
just possible that the migrants may turn out to be a godsend. That 
has been my feeling all the time. 

These people are an extraordinarily fine type. 
Mr. OsMERS. I found that to be true myself. 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes; I think it would be wonderful, if it were pos- 
sible to be worked out, to have the Social Security Act enlarged so 
th.at these people get old-age compensation, aid under the child- 
welfare progl-am and aid to the blind. I think anybody would 
ap]irove of that. 

Mr. OsMERS. The thing that I am trying to get at, or get your 
opinion on, is this : Let us mentally skip the next 5 years — let's just 
jump right over it — and these people have become residents of the 
State of California, legal residents, have established homesteads of 
some kind. 

]\Irs. Douglas. Yes? 

Mr. OsMERS. I want to know what, in your opinion, their basic 
place in the economy of California will be? AVill they be individual 
farmers? Will they be workers on large industrial farms? Or 
what is their future? 

Mrs. Douglas. Well, take, for instance, the camp at Mineral King 
which they have set up. That has, I believe, 17 families or 19 fami- 

liePi where they raise cotton and they raise some kind of 

Mr. OsMERS. Vegetables? 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes; vegetables. They all have vegetable gardens, 
and they have cows. They have been able to pay back the loan to 
the Government, and they get along very well working as a group. 
Farmers selling in groups is one solution. But I think that you can't 
make a blanket statement at this time. It migilit be possible to 
group some of them and thus work out some of the problems, but 
we are not sure that is the solution to all of the evils. The F. S. A, 
and the Department of Agriculture have been going very slowly. 
We know that when we get 42 percent tenancy in the country and 
you have only 25 percent of the people living on the land, something 
inust be done. I think that there is danger in going too fast, how- 
ever, by saying dogmatically that this is the solution for that. We 
don't really know yet. 



2416 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. OsMEES. Here is the point that always has impressed me — it 
probably has you, too : That the profitable employment of one indi- 
vidual, any individual, oenerallv represents an investment of capital 
of from $2,000 to, I think, $9,000 in industry. In other words, in 
your airplane plants at Los Antjeles, each employee that is working 
there for $25 to $35 a week must have seven or eight thousand dollars 
invested in plant and tools and material before he goes to work. 

Now, should California encourage the migration of some capital 
to this State so that the capital will set up attractive employment 
opportunities for these people who have come here? 

I might say, speaking as one who knows nothing about California, 
that the outside impression of the State is that it is not a good place 
for capital. 

The Chairman. Is that because you are on the Atlantic coast ? 
[Laughter.] 

Mrs. Douglas. I don't know. I'm not equipped to answer that 

question. I feel that, watching these people, if they are given a plot 

of land and just a little something to do, they can make ends meet. 

Mr. OsMEES. They can make the two ends meet, but is that their 

future in the economy of California? 

Mrs. Douglas. It's a darned sight better than living in a teiit 
under a bridge. 

Mr. OsMERS. It is a temporary basis, but are they forever and ever 
to live on a — we will call it a one-horse farm to distinguish it from 
anything else ? 

I think that subsistence would be a marvelous improvement ; for 
all of them to have a farm of their own and to raise as much of their 
own food as they can and have the Government add the difference. 
But is that their future in the economy of California, or should we 
encourage them to form groups and set up cooperative farm units? 

Mrs. Douglas. Well, that's what they are doing in this State. They 
are being encouraged as far as it seems feasible. There are, now, 
farmers who market coo]:)eratively. 

Mr. OsMERs. I mean, really all working together. I don't mean the 
present coo])erative farm system, but I mean all under one business 
or corporation, or whatever you want to call it. I am trying to dis- 
tinguish between the individual farmers working as a group and a 
group of them working as one entity. 

Mr. Sparkman. You are thinking of industrialized farming? 
Mr. OsMERs. Quite right. 

Mr. Sparkman. Whereas I assume that Mrs. Douglas had in mind 
a unit such as she mentioned under the tenant program, and the law 
specifies that they do be economic units. So. it seems to me, that the 
family living as a family on a small, as you described it, one-horse 
farm, if that farm is sufficient to give them a living, is much better 
off than they are out on the roads looking for jobs. 

Mr. OsMERS. I was just making the comparison between cooperative 
farming, as represented by the F. S. A. and industrialized farming, 
as represented by your large packing industries in the State of 
California. 

Mrs. Douglas. The tenants that are able to get land have made a 
wonderful showing for themselves evervwhere, a wonderful showing. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2417 

ISIr. OsMERs. Oh, yes. I have seen some of the results. 

Mrs. Douglas. And a great many of those people wouldn't want to 
farm with other farmers as a group. Now, I think you can't lay out 
a rule and say "you are going to have to farm this way." It is the 
same as men who go into business in groups and others who set up a 
business by themselves. I don't believe a rule should be laid down at 
this time. ^Ye must approach the farm problem with good will, and 
we must develop and enlarge upon the solutions that we know are 
already now helinng to solve the problem. 

Mr. OsMERS. Of course, no one knows the solution, and, if they did, 
v.'e would not have this committee. 

Referring to a statement you made previously in which j^ou said 
rhat the Government should ])lan ahead, to plan ahead we have to have 
some idea what we are planning for. Now, if we plan ahead, we have 
to know whether we are planning ahead for industrialized farming, 
sub-istence farming, or cooperative farming. 

Mrs. Douglas. You never can turn the clock of time back, can you? 

Mr. OsMERS. Never. 

MECHANIZATION 

Mrs. Douglas. So you are going to have industrialized farming. 

Mr. OsMERS. I am quite sure of that. 

Mrs. Douglas. Absolutely. So the thing to decide, I suppose, is how 
large these units should be. A man is able to run his acreage without 
tenants, or maybe with 2 tenants, where before he had 10 tenants, or 
12 tenants or sharecroppers, as the case may have been. Now he can 
put on a tractor and some other machinery and work it without these 
people, and then maybe his income grows. 

Mr. OsMEKS. If I may interruj^t again, that has not be?n the result 
of mechanized farming in the Delta area. The number of people 
involved in agricultural pursuits remains the same, even though it was 
mechanized. 

]\Irs. Douglas. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERs. It did not mean that they put a tractor on the farm 
and thrcAv out five farm hands. It didn't work out that way. 

Mrs. Douglas. Yes. I think a lot of those things depend on the will 
of the people. I mean, what do the farmers want to do? Do they 
as individuals want to farm individually, competing with this kind 
of industrialized farming? Or do they want to get together and 
have machinery that will enable them really to compete ? 

Mr. OsMERS. You mean it is not, then, a question of planning; it 
is a question of what the farmer wants to do? 

Mrs. Douglas. I am not trying to contradict what I said at all. I 
think, for instance, soil conservation and the w^ater that needs to be 
brought to the land, all such things, certainly need planning. It needs 
planning to enable farmers to have the help. 

]Mr. OsMERS. Well, I think that most of them are ]nimarily inter- 
ested in living as decently as they can. I think that is the interest of 
all of us probably. And that is what they vote for, the best living 
possible. 

The Chairman. Mrs. Douglas, I am only going to take a minute or 
two of your time. I think you have contributed a very splendid 
presentation. 



2418 INTERSTATK MICIJATU^N 

Mr. OsMERS. Tt has Iuhmi a vcrv liiu' (.•oiilrilmtidii to the (.'onunittoo, 
Mr. Chairman. 

The CiiAimiAN. 1 have liveil this thin^- for so many inonths, that 
probably I do not know mnch about it. Hut 1 liave tried to think 
this tlni'iii- ont anil see jnst what the issues are in this ease. 

The issue in the tirst phiee is that for 150 years we spent billions j 
of dollars throujih the 0()iu-ts anil throiiiih the Conirress to fully ' 
protect the free How of iron aiul steel and other commtnliiies throiioh 
the States; have we not? 

Mrs. Douglas, Yes. ^j 

The Chairman. All riiiht. Now, in tryino- to take sjmilar eare of 
the miirrants, Ave find that our problem has jjjrown. Your tirst sur- 
liest ion' there about keepiiiir them at home in the States of orio'in 
is a splendid idea, but it is not the full answer. In other words, Ir 
the causes of migration in the 48 States are many and varied, and 
the solutions will be many and varied. There is no sinole answer, 
lint there is one thina- we' can do. Mrs. Doniilas. We can do better 
than we are doino- uow because they are already on the roads by the 
hmulreds, and 4,000.000 of them in" the different States are homeless 
ami Stateless. It is strikino- at the morale of the people. We cer- , 
taiidy can improve that condition a little bit: can we not? | 

Mrs. DoroLAs. Absolutely. 

The CiiAiHMAX. Now, this is the otdy thiim 1 want to say to you. 
nnd 1 think you will auree with me: There are two approaches to 
this proposition. One. a short term, which means that when they 
leave, whether it is drouizht in Nebraska or the Oust Bowl in Okla- 
homa, when they leave there shouldn't be barriers, from a nusile- 
meanor in some' States to a felony in North Dakota, to transport 
them across the line. They should be treated as our people, not 
just "people," and that means the short-term approach will be 
arants-in-aid to States, or soniethiuii" like the social security; the 
louii' term will probably be many other things, the chief of which 
I think is resettlement, advocatcil by Mrs. Roosevelt and Mr. Hoover 
as probably one of the lona-rauiie iilans. But, I think you are to be 
complimented on interestinii yourself in this oivat human ]n-oblem. 
It is true that one-third of these people are children, and a<iain 1 
repeat it strikes riirht at the morale of our country. 

jSIrs. DouGL^vs. And beautiful children. I think as a class they are 
the most beautifid children of any «ironp in the country. Of course. 
I am ju-ejudiced. I think they are maiiuificent people. I have set 
down with them with water up to my knees, and I have watched 
them sittinjr up all nioht IxH'ause they were afraid their chiklien 
would have pneumonia, and evei\ then they were oood-humored. 
Their fortitude is the quality that has helj^ed make America. It has 
been a difficult problem for California. It is a hard thino- to have 
these people dumped here, but there are psycholoiiical elements to 
be considered. No nuitter Avhat you do for them, these psycholojiiral 
elemeius are ooino- to play a biir. biff role. 

The CiiAiRMAX. Thank you very nuich. !Mrs. Douglas. 

Mrs. Douglas. We are happy that this connnittee has i-ome into 
existence. AVe have been prayini: for its existence for a louff. lonu: 
time. 



IXTKUS'lATI-: .MICKA'I'IOX 2419 

(Witness excused.) 

I think that is about all, except — I wish to stress the fact that it is 
unfortunate to live on ditch baid<s. 

Mr. Spahkman. Mrs. Dou<,das, we were all very nuich interested 
in youi- narrative and theic aie a few thin<^s I wcjuid like to ({uestion 
you about, and probably other members of the committee would want 
to ask you some questions, too. 

Now, one statement that you made that impresses me very much — 
in fact, I think it is a serious matter, with reference to these 
migrants — was that about setting them up more or less in a class 
to themselves, coiitrary to their desire to become a part of the 
connnunity ? 

The thought strikes me that if you have a family migi'ating as an 
individual family unit and tiiey find a place iji a connnuiiity, still as 
a family unit, they will b(; absorbed by that comnumity. But how 
are you going to absorb a whole camp, maybe with a thousand or 
fifteen hundred i)eople living in it? In other words, how are y(m 
ever going to avoid this setting them aside as a class? 

Mrs. Douglas. Well, as I say, I think that where those migrants 
want desperately to settle down on land, and there is land still to be 
had, that they should be aided, that that program should l>e enlarged 
here in the State. If there were a rui'al housing program, they could 
settle down in houses and move from those houses for the crops. I 
mean, that is possible; isn't it? 

TESTIMONY OF HORACE E. FRYE, SANGER, CALIF. 

Mr. Curtis. Give you full luime to the reporter, if you will, please. 

Mr. Frye. Horace Elza Frye. 

Mr. Curtis. What is your address at the present time? 

Mr. Frte. It's 932 K Sti'eet, Sanger, Calif. 

Mr. Curtis. Where were you born? 

Mr. Frye. I was born in Missouri. 

Mr. Curtis. Wluit is your age? 

Mr. Fkye. Foity-two. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you have a family? 

Mr. Frye. I have six children; yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. How old is the eldest? 

Mr. Frye. Eighteen. 

Mr. Curtis. And tlie youngest? 

INIr. Frye. Three. 

Ml'. Curtis. How many of them are in school? 

Mr. Frye. Three. 

Mr. Curtis. Is your wife living? 

IVIr. Frye. Yes. 

Mr. Curtis. What was your business in Missouri? 

Mr. Frye. Well. I did a little bit of everything in Missouri; 
farmed. 

Mr. Curtis. Where was that ? 

Mi-. Frye. At Douglas and Ava, Mo. 

Mr. Curtis. Was farming your principal occupation for a number 
of years, then? 

200370— 41— pt. (■> 1.5 



2420 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Frte. I farmed off and on all my life up nntil the last 3 or 4 
years. 

Mr. Curtis. Are you skilled in any other Tvork? 

]\Ir. Frye. I am a stone mason, concrete finisher, stucco ; work like 
that. 

Mr. Curtis. When did you come to California ? 

Mr. Frye. I came here in 1937, November the 5th. 

Mr. Curtis. Why did you happen to come ? 

Mr. Frye. Well, I didn't intend to come to California when I left 
Missouri. I was burned out the last few years there in the failure 
of the crops, and I got down, my wife and I, sick with malarial fever, 
both of us, and I lost my job on the W. P. A., and I couldn't make 
a living. 

Mr. Curtis. And you started out? 

Mr. Frye. And I started out. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you know where you were going? 

Mr. Frye. I was going to Yakima, Wash. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you go to work there? 

Mr. Frye. The next day after I landed there. 

Mr. Curtis. How long did you stay? 

Mr. Frye. I stayed until the hops and apple seasons were over, and 
then I came to California. 

Mr. Curtis. When you arrived in California did you have any job 
in sight? 

Mr. Frye. No, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Had you been able to save any money up in Wash- 
ington ? 

Mr. Frye. Well, I saved a little, but at the time the season was over, 
I thought I had better move to where I could pick up some other work. 

Mr. Curtis. You were a tenant farmer in Missouri ? 

Mr. Frye. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. You never owned your own farm ? 

Mr. Frye. No, sir. 

Mr. Curtis. Did you sell out your equipment when you left there ? 

Mr. Frye. I didn't have any equipment. The equipment was 
furnished. I sold all of my household goods, what little I had left, and 
started. 

Mr. Curtis. "What is the present condition of j^our health ? 

Mr. Frye. Well, as to my present condition of health, the doctors pro- 
nounce it tuberculosis. 

Mr. Curtis. What has brought this on, if you have an idea ? 

Mr. Frye. I have no idea. Although, when I worked last winter for 
the Consolidated Ditch Co. of Fresno County, I worked in the fog and 
rain and I had a cold all winter and I worked up until June 6 of this 
year. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you worked any since June ? 

Mr. Frye. Not since June 6. 

INIr. Curtis. Do 3^ou receive any relief ? 

Mr. Frye. Not iiow. I did until I got — I went to my doctor. I 
figured there was something wrong because I was getting weak and 
couldn't do a day's work, and I went to him and told him the situation, 
and he says, "Well, if you haven't got the money, I had better comrnit 
you to the county hospital and let them take an X-ray." They commit- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2421 

ted me to the county liospital to have an X-ray taken, and after that, 
why, I went back for the dia^jnosis. They found I had tuberculosis. 
And the State of California S. K. A. Relief found it out. They cut 
me off. I got my last check on the 20th of August, 1940. 

Mr. Curtis. They did not 

Mr. Frye (interposing). You have got to be an able-bodied man to 
work for State aid. 

Mr. Curtis. I see. And you hadn't been here long enough to qualify 
for aid as a tubercular patient? 
Mr. Frye. No. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you been able to get any assistance from the Farm 
Security Administration ? 

Mr. Frye. I got some aid from them the first year, but after that I 
wasn't eligible. 
Mr. Curtis. Are you getting any medical assistance now ? 
Mr. Frye. None whatsoever. 
Mr. Curtis. Are your children in school ? 
Mr. Frye. They will be as long as the funds hold up. 
Mr. Curtis. Have any of them got tuberculosis ? 
Mr. Frye. I don't know. 
Mr. Curtis. Have they been examined ? 
Mr. Frye. No. 

Mr. Curtis. You haven't been able to pay for an examination your- 
self? 
Mr. Frye. No. 

Mr. Curtis. What kind of place are you living in now ? 
Mr. Frye. I am living in a little three-room house. 
Mr. Curtis. Is it in a camp ? 
. Mr. Frye. No. It's not a camp. 
Mr. Curtis. How do you get your provisions ? 

Mr. Frye. At the meantime I run a bill, a grocery account when I 
was working on W. P. A., and then I would pay it. I did this until I 
got off the j ob. I owe about a hundred-dollar grocery bill now. 
Mr. Curtis. And they tell you you are not a resident of California ? 
Mr. Frye. That's right. 

Mr. Curtis. Do you have any plans for the future ? 
Mr. Frye. No ; I haven't. 

Mr. Curtis. And you have been gone from Missouri now how 
long ? 

Mr. Frye. I left Missouri on the 23d day of August 1937. 
Mr. Curtis. And you have nothing to prove a residence back 
there eitiier? 
Mr. Frye. Oh, no. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, Mr. Frye, this committee is primarily gathering 
facts about these people going from one State to another. It is not 
within our jurisdiction to advise in your case or to administer any- 
thing, but we are glad to have these facts as an example of how a 
number of people in your circumstances are now being dealt with, 
and we appreciate very much your coming here. 
The Chairman. Thank you very much, 
Mr. Curtis. That will be all. 
(Witness excused.) 
The Chairman. Is Mr. Arpke here ? 
Mr. Frederick Arpke. Yes. 



2422 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

TESTIMONY OF FREDERICK ARPKE, DEPARTMENT OF AGRICUL- 
TURE, BERKELEY, CALIF. 

Mr. Curtis. Give your full name to the reporter, please. 

Mr. Arpke. Frederick Arpke. 

Mr. Curtis. What is your business or profession ? 

Mr. Arpke. I am with the Bureau of Agricultural Economics. 

Mr. Curtis. Wliere are you located? 

Mr. Arpke. Berkeley. 

Mr. Curtis. How long have you been in Berkeley ? 

Mr. Arpke. A little over a year. 

Mr. Curtis. How long have you been with the Department of 
Agriculture ? 

Mr. Arpke. Just a year. 

Mr. Curtis. You are an economist? 

Mr. Arpke. That's right. 

Mr. Curtis, Where did you take your training? 

Mr. Arpke. Stanford University. 

Mr. Curtis. What degrees do you have? 

Mr. Arpicb. I have a B. A. and have nearly completed requirements 
for Ph. D. 

Mr. Curtis. You have a paper that you are submitting, have you 
not, for our record? 

Mr. Arpke. Yes. Copies have been submitted already. 

(The paper submitted by Mr. Arpke is as follows:) 

STATEMENT OF FREDERICK ARPKE. ASSOCIATE AGRICULTURAL 
ECONOMIST, BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, BERKELEY 
CALIF. 

Recent Distressed Migration to California 
AND THE Trend of Public Expendituees 

One of the first points that I should like to call to your attention is the 
highly questionable value of any attempt to demonstrate a unique relationship 
between the rate of in-migration and an increase in public expenditures. 

It is undoubtedly true that over a long period of time an increase in popu- 
lation, whether due to migration or natural increase, will be reflected in higher 
public costs; in fact, past experience has shown that we must expect higher 
and higher per capita costs as population increases. But if we are concerned 
with a shorter period, say somewhat less than the normal length of a business 
cycle, then the causal factors which rise to primary importance as far as 
public expenditures are concerned are such things as "(1) the changing income 
status in the political subdivision under consideration, (2) urgent need for 
capital outlays due to unwise postponements in the past, (3) need for unusual 
expenditures due to severe unemployment or other emergency, (4) shifts in the 
inter-governmental responsibility for certain accepted public services such as 
education or highways. (5) the acceptance by government of completely new 
responsibilities which may or may not have any relationship with changed 
economic or social conditions, or population growtii. 

Every one of these factors, and many more, have been operating in Cali- 
fornia during the past decade to produce a different situation with respect 
to the size of public expenditures in almost every community that one might 
care to investigate. The fact that during the same period California has ex- 
perienced a rather distinctive type of immigration should simply serve to intro- 
duce one more element into the total situation but should certainly not lead to 
the conclusion that in this factor of migration we have the major explanation 
for the trend of public expenditures. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2423 

COUNTY DISBURSEMENTS IN CALIFORNIA, 19 33-4 

There are several very important recent developments in the field of taxation 
and public expenditures" in California which need to be understood in order to 
place the problem under consideration in its proper setting. In the first place, 
while public expenditures of all kinds and by all levels of Government have 
risen considerably during the past decade, particularly during the last 5 years, 
their importance" is diminished when viewed in relation to previous trends 
and the unusual circumstances of the time. 

Perhaps the best index of expenditures in California is that of county dis- 
bursements, since this figure includes the expenditures for those functions of 
local government that have grown in importance and which are also very 
sensitive to economic conditions and political pressure. 

From 1930 to 1939 total disbursements for all counties in the State rose 27 
percent during the same period that population was increasing 18 percent, 
resulting in a per capita increase of only 7 percent (from $63.31 per person in 
1930 to $67.85 per person in 1939). 

It is interesting to compare these changes with those of the preceding decade, 
the Twenties, during which period population increased by 65 percent and 
county disbursements bv 198 percent, or a per capita increase of 80 percent 
(froni $35.20 per capita in 1920 to $63.31 per capita in 1930). Nothing approach- 
ing such a rise in either population or public expenditures has taken place 
during the last decade. 

In some resiiects the trends of expenditures in the various counties during the 
last decade were nmch alike. In almost every case they dropped substantially 
during the early years of the depression and rose again from 1934 on, so that 
much of the increase in expenditures during the period of heavy immigration 
was simply a return to normal. This is particularly true of such an important 
item as education. 

FOR EDUCATION 

Education is also an excellent, perhaps the best, example of an expenditure 
which is always particularly responsive to the factor of migration or population 
growth. 

But, surprisingly enough, total expenditures in California for elementary and 
secondary education in 1938-39 were only 11 percent greater than they were in 
1929-30. " During this same period the i>er-pupil costs for elementary education 
rose onlv about $1— from $106.90 to $107.97— and the per-pupil costs for secondary 
education decreased from $328 to $274.44, reaching a low in 1933-34 of $217.60. 
One cannot avoid the conclusion that the increase in expenditures for education 
during recent years has not been excessive. 

FOK CHARITIES AND CORRECTTONS 

The most phenomenal increase in county disbursements occurs in the items of 
charities and corrections, which includes the three most rapidly increasing ex- 
penditures : Old-age pensions, aid to needy children, and the county hospital and 
physician. The annual expenditure for this classification rose from $25,080,0<X) 
in 1929-30 to $91,374,528 in 1938-39, where it is second only to education as a 
major item of expense and in all probability will continue to grow at a more 
rapid rate than education. 

CHANGES IX METHODS OF FINANCING PUBLIC EXPENDITUEES 

Much more significant than the moderate rise in public expenditures are the 
various changes that have taken place in financing these expenditures. The 
most important changes here are: (1) A very significant change in the method 
of financing public schools whereby a State-collected sales tax has been intro- 
duced, resulting in a substantial reduction of the tax burden on local property 
for education, and (2) the rapid growth of State and Federal subventions under 
the social-security program. 

During the period from 1930 to 1939, while total county disbursements rose 
27 percent. State and Federal subventions, disbursed through the counties, rose 
240 percent— from $42,000,000 in 1929-30 to $143,000,000 in 1938-39. In Kern 



2424 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

County, for example, where county disbursements rose 77.6 iiercent — from 
$6,700,000 in 1929-30 to $11,900,000 in 1939-40— tlae increase in the amount of 
local taxes collected was only $2,625,874, an increase of 50.8 percent. 

In Yuba County during the same period, the amount raised by local taxation 
actually decreased 9.6 percent, while total expenditures were increasing 16 
percent. (Report on Yuba County held in committee files.) 

The difficulty of establishing any definite relationship between in-migration 
and a rise in public costs should not imply that distressed migration has not 
had its effect upon certain specific costs. If a distressed migrant is defined as 
a migrant in need of and securing public assistance of some kind, then obviously 
there is a direct relationship between the number of these distressed migrants 
in any one locality and public costs. Some of the costs so affected may be 
made up largely of State or Federal subventions, but there are bound to be other 
substantial increases on the part of the county government. 

The costs most directly' affected by new arrivals in an area are definitely 
those for "education" and the classification of "charities and corrections." For- 
tunately, as far as education is concerned, a large share of the operation and 
maintenance costs are met by means of State subventions. The local district, 
however, is still responsible for capital outlay and there are many instances 
where the influx of distressed migrants has necessitated very substantial build- 
ing programs. 

It should be pointed out in this connection, however, that much of the in- 
creased expenditures in recent years for bond payments is not an altogether 
accurate reflection of recent building construction but represents also a definite 
change in the method of financing these capital outlays. A detailed examination 
of the methods of financing school construction in Kern County over the past 
30 years reveals the following facts: 

(1) There has been a tendency to shorten the payment period from an average 
of 15.2 years during the period 1911-15 to 11.4 years for the years 1935-59. 

(2) There has been a large increase in recent years in the size of the first 
payments thus creating a heavy tax burden immediately and moving forward the 
year of midpayments. 

(3) No construction necessitating bond issues was undertaken during the 
years 1931. 1932, and 1933, which precede the period of so-called distressed 
migration from 1935-39. During this latter period, however, new construction 
under a heavy repayment schedule, as described above, was resumed and it has 
been easy to fall into the error of identifying all of these increased costs with 
distressed migration. 

It seems fair to assume that many other counties may have undergone similar 
experiences. 

CLASSIFICATION OF CHARITIES AND CORRECTIONS 

The classification of charities and corrections, mentioned as being sensitive to 
the influx of distressed migrants, includes such items as old-age pensions, aid 
to needy children, the county hospital, aid to blind, burial of indigents, indigent 
relief, and probation and detention. 

No important expenditure in the State is I'ising as rapidly as that of old-age 
pensions. However, the 5-year residence requirement has, so far, precluded the 
possibility of recent distressed migration having any effect on the growth of 
this item of expenditure. 

Aid to needy children is another activity that has developed rapidly under 
the encouragement of the Social Security Act. A study of the 1940 case records 
reveals that 29 percent of the needy children receiving aid in Yuba County were 
born outside the State of California. However, whether they arrived in Cali- 
fornia during the last 5 years could not be determined. It is probably fair to 
assume that not more than 25 percent can be identified with recent distressed 
migration. 

FUNCTIONS OF COUNTY HOSPITAL 

The function of county government, which in my opinion merits the most 
careful attention, is that "of the county hospital. If our investigations in Yuba 
County are at all typical, few institutions in the State have undergone such 
a complete change of function in the last 20 years and are more in need of State 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2425 

or Federal assistance in order to perform more adequately the obligation thrust 
upon them. Before 1931 the county hospital was principally an old people's 
home; to be more exact, an old man's home, as well as a place for single male 
residents and transients to obtain medical care. In 1919-20, 95 percent of the 
cases were men and the average age was 53 years. In 1939-40, 40 percent of the 
cases were men, 40 percent were women, and 20 percent were children; also 
the average age dropped to 35 years. 

In 1940, 56 percent of the women or 23 percent of all cases admitted to the 
hospital were obstetric cases while in 1920 there were no such cases. 

The proportion of patients who had been in the State 5 years or less did not 
change appreciably between 1920 and 1930 but rose from 15 percent in the latter 
year to 26 percent in 1935, and to 45 percent in 1940. 

The county hospital in California is supported entirely by local taxation and 
it is a sizable and growing item in nearly every county budget. In 1939 Kern 
County spent $685,000 or $5.13 per capita in operating the county hospital and 
there Would seem to be no question that the size of operations at this institution 
has some relationship with recent distressed migration. In the same year, Fresno 
County spent $533,000 or $3 per capita and Madera County $61,000 or 2.47 
per capita. By way of comparison, Marin and Napa Counties, ranking low in 
the amount of in-migration, spent 85 cents and 32 cents per capita, respectively, 
in 1939. 

In the nature of a conclusion it might be repeated that our studies reveal no 
direct relationship between distressed migration to California and public costs in 
general. This is to say that ordinary population increase and the normal demands 
for increased public services, ignoring all questions of the destitute condition of 
immigrants, could readily account for the major portion of the increase in public 
expenditures. Only when one examines the specific services of a welfare nature 
does the impact of destitute migrants on public costs become evident. WhUe 
the cost of this type of service is not the largest item in county budgets, it is 
sizable and has grown rapidly. 

TESTIMONY OF FREDERICK ARPKE— Resumed 

Mr. Curtis. Well, now, Mr. Arpke, this is a Nation-wide investiga- 
tion, and we are holding hearings in many places, and in the final 
analysis we will be drawing on these written papers very much. But 
there are a few questions that I will ask you that might emphasize some 
of the things that you have said in your paper. 

Your paper deals with the public expenditures relative to migrants 
in California; does it not? 

Mr, Arpke. That's right. 

Mr. Curtis. "V^'liat specific items in county public expenditures 
would you say are directly related to the migrant problem? 

Mr. Arpke. Well, I would like to qualify my answer on that by 
saying that with regard to any expenditure that we might pick out that 
we would designate as being distinctly related to the migrant problem, 
it is more accurate to say that it is related to a general problem 
of unemployment, and the migrant problem, inasmuch as it enters as 
part of the unemployment problem, will amount to a significant 
influence. I am speaking now of county costs, local costs which don't 
include relief costs, which in California are handled by the State. 
Those county costs are principally education and charities and correc- 
tions, which includes several minor items such as old-age pensions, aid 
to indigents, aid to needy cliildren, aid to the blind, and the county 
hospital which is financed by the county alone, 

Mr. CuETis. Now, in reference to education, what figures in your 
paper do you wish to call our attention to or emphasize ? What is the 
general picture in regard to increased cost in education? 



2426 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Arpke. Well, if you want to take the time, it is illustrated on 
the chart here [indicating] . (See figure 1, opposite, referring to Yuba 
County.) As far as education is concerned in the State as a whole, the 
increase in the cost of education has not been phenomenal. I have 
indicated in this paper that the increase on a per-pupil basis, for ex- 
ample, rather than on an average daily attendance basis, has for ele- 
mentary schools been only $1 per elementary pupil.^ _ As far as high 
schools, there has been a substantial decrease per pupil. 

Mr. Curtis. There have been other things that have caused the 
increase in tax costs for education, besides, of course, the addition 
of students, due to the coming of the migrants? 

Mr. Arpke. That is quite true. And I tried to point out in the 
pa]5er that it is very dangerous to overemphasize simply the migrant 
influence itself, because there are so many other things that have been 
taking place at the same time. The condition of general unemploy- 
ment, for example, the changes in the income status of a county or the 
whole State, changes in the type of responsibility that the State shares 
for education or that the county shares in education. We have had 
some great changes in those things in California. 

Mr. Curtis. Building programs, and the length of time that you 
spread out the cost? 

Mr. Arpke. And the postponement of building programs during 
the depression and the catching up during the last 4 or 5 years. In 
addition to that, the assumption of completely new responsibilities on 
the part of Government which may or may not have any direct rela- 
tionship to migration. In most cases they do not have a direct rela- 
tionship, but of course the existence of migrants amongst unemployed 
and destitute people has brought them into prominence. 

Mr. Curtis. Have you had to enlarge your building prograin for 
schools to any great extent in this State because of the migration of 
destitute persons, or would you have to enlarge about the same amount 
in planning for the future, anyway ? 

Mr. Arpke. As far as the total costs throughout a large area, I thmk 
that the influence of migration of destitute people, if that is what you 



mean- 



Mr. Curtis. Yes. 

Mr. Arpke. Has been very minor. Now, you can find easily, certain 
school districts where there has been substantial capital outlay due to 
the migrant influx, and due to that alone. 

There are several very fine instances of that in a few of those counties 
that have enjoyed a large increase. , 

Mr. Curtis. Now, has the old-age benefit costs been affected, if m 
any way, by your inward migration of destitute people ? 

effect of MIGRAnOX ox OLD-AGE BENEFITS 

Mr. Arpke. Well, now, there again if you are thinking about the 
migration of people during the last 4 or 5 or 6 years who have come in 
as a result of the drought, there has been very little effect due to the 
fact that we have a 5-year residence requirement in this State. We 
made an investigation of the case records of the old-age-pension re- 
cipients in Yuba County, which is a county that has had quite a large 
migration in ratio to the population, and found what one would expect 

1 See statement of Frederick Arpke, pp. 2442-244.". 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2427 




009 



00^ 



002 



2428 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

to find, namely, that there are no people receiving pensions who 
entered the State in the last 5 years. That would be quite obvious, of 
course. Now, as time goes on and they are able to establish a 5-year 
residence, you will probably find something quite different, 

Mr. Curtis. For your old-age pension do you require a 5-year 
self-sustaining residence, or any residence for 5 years ? 

Mr. Arpke. I believe the law reads 5 years, "5 years out of the last 9." 

Mr. Curtis. It is your best recollection that they do not have to prove 
that they were self-sustaining during those past 5 years? 

Mr. Arpke. Well. I wouldn't want to be quoted authoritatively on 
that, but it is my recollection that it is simply the last 5 years. 

COUNTY HOSPITALS 

Mr. Curtis. Here in California, are your public charity hospitals 
operated by the State or by the counties or by the cities? 

Mr. ARPiiE. They are operated by the counties. 

Mr. Curtis. Has the burden of this inward migration fallen on some 
particular county rather heavily in regard to this ? 

Mr. Arpke. Well, before answering that question, I would like to 
make one other qualification, and that is that the relationship between 
migration and what a county spends on the county hospital is one 
thing. On the other hand, the relationship between migration and 
what, perhaps, they ought to spend is something completely different. 
Some counties have recognized the problem and have met it and have 
spent increased funds. Others have not. So if you worked out a 
relationship between migration and county expenditures for county 
hospitals, I am not so sure that it would mean a great deal. There 
are some counties that have had a high migration and have spent sub- 
stantially of their funds. Kern County has spent a hundred thousand 
dollars a year down there to maintain a county hospital, and they 
have on the whole a fine institution. There are other counties which 
have had very large increases but perhaps haven't had the high as- 
sessed valuations as Kern County and haven't been able to put out 
the funds for such expenditures. 

INIr, Curtis. Have you any State-wide figures showing the per- 
centage of people who have been here only a short time admitted to 
your county hospitals? 

Mr. Arpice. We have no State-wide figures on that question. There 
are no St ate -wide figures gathered on that question. We have figures 
for Yuba County, where we made an intensive study.^ 

Mr. Curtis. Where is Yuba County ? 

Mr. Arpke. Yuba County is in the northern part of the State, the 
north-central part. 

Mr. Curtis. What is the county seat ? 

Mr. Arpke. The county seat is Marysville. 

Mr. Curtis. What type of industry or agriculture do they have 
around there? 

Mr. Arpke. Largely fruits — apples, and peaches. 

Mr. Curtis. Is there any industrial activity there at all ? _ 

Mr. Arpke. No ; there "is practically no industrial activity there ; a 
little mining. 



■• Report on Yuba County held in committee files and not printed. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2429 

Mr. Curtis. Now, what are the figures that you have in reference to 
Yuba County ? Just generalize them a little bit. 

Mr. Arpke. If I recall, I have them stated specifically in the body 
of the report I submitted, but it ran something like this: The per- 
centage of people who had been in the county 5 years or less and who 
were admitted to the county hospital ran from 14 percent in 1920 and 
around 14 percent in 1930, to about 26 percent in "35 and 44 percent 
in -39 and '40. 

Now, I wouldn't want to generalize on that for the rest of the 
State, but those are the figures that we found there. 

Mr. Curtis. What provision, if you know, does California make 
when a person dies who is entirely destitute? How is the burial 
handled ? 

]Mr. Arpke. There is a provision for that. The county takes care of 
that under a burial-of -indigents program which is in this charities 
and corrections item that I spoke about. 

]Mr. Curtis. Do you know whether you have had a great many such 
items among migrants ? 

Mr. Arpke. I don't have figures on it, but I know from working 
with the figures that there have been a substantial number of mi- 
grants buried by the county. 

Mr. CuBTis. Do you know what the cost is per burial here ? 

Mr. Arpke. No; I wouldn't want to venture a guess on that. 

Mr. Curtis. I see. Well, now, you have submitted some figures in 
your paper and you have mentioned Yuba County. 

Is that sort of an extreme case in reference to their hospital, or do 
vou think that that might be somewhat of an index for the entire 
State? 

Mr. Arpke. Well, on this whole question of the migrants, Mr. Con- 
gressman, it is pretty hard to get a typical county. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes? 

Mr. Arpke. It is very difficult, and I wouldn't want to use Yuba 
County as typical at all. I think it is pretty fair to say that in Yuba 
County the expenditures for the county hospital are low. Those costs 
have not risen nearly as rapidly a,s they have in some other counties, 
and yet it has been a substantial item of cost. 

Mr. Curtis. Now, the entire paper will be admitted for the record, 
Mr. Reporter. 

(See pp. 2269.) 

I think I have covered the items that I had in mind, but if there 
is any reference you wish to make to that chart or any other chart, we 
will be glad to give you a few minutes' time. 

Mr. Arpke. No. 1 chart ^ — I may take time for that one alone. This 
chart is an illustration of the trend of public expenditures, county 
disbursements, in the State as a whole. 

Now, this includes all counties in the State; not just this Yuba 
County we were speaking of. 

Mr. Osmers. Is this expenditures by counties and districts? 

Mr. Arpke. By counties and districts; that is correct, counties and 
the school districts. I think it is of some interest primarily because 



^ In this testimony "green" means Federal, "orange" means State, and "blue' means 
county. 



2430 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



It indicates the general trend of all expenditures that you always have 
during a depression period. But the trend here from 1933 and '34 
and on — it is this rise from here on that the taxpayers are particularly 
concerned about [indicating]. 

I should explain first that the reason for using county and district 
disbursements here is that the county and district disbursements in- 
clude all the subventions of the State and Federal Government. So 



w en 




you see they not only include the expenditures as such but the most 
important items you would expect to gain as a result of migration. I 
think you can regard it pretty largely as a return to normal spending 



INTERSTATE MIGRx^TION 2431 

up to this point [indicating] and this addition here you might at- 
tribute to the rise in popuhition [indicating]. 

Now, when these two items above here | indicating] are separated 
from the rest of the items — that is, education and charities and cor- 
rections — then tlie curve down liere of normal expenditures — that is 
to say, of ordinary expenditures — rises simply back to where it was 
previously in 1930 [indicating]. 

It is this addition, of course, of education and charities and cor- 
lections including the social-security functions, which raises the 
figure higher than it was in 1930. 

Mr. OsMERs. Your education is not very much higher? 

Mr. Arpke. I mentioned before you came into the room that I 
didn't consider that excessively high. The per-pupil costs have risen 
in the elementary schools $1 per pupil, and in the case of high schools 
they have decreased. I had better check on that. There has been a 
substantial increase in average daily attendance. 

Now, you might be interested in this other chart, which is a repre- 
sentation of those same costs by sources of funds. This presents the 
expenditure of State funds which are disbursed through the counties 
[indicating]. The green represents the increase in Federal expendi- 
tures, and the blue represents the funds that are raised in the county, 
Avhich is, of course, pretty largely the property tax. 

Mr. Curtis. For all county purposes? 

Mr. Arpke. For all county purposes. 

]Mr. Curtis. Then your counties are paying a lesser amount now 
than they were 10 years ago? 

]Mr. Arpke. That's right. 

Mr. Osmers. But they are paying the bigger portion of it? 

Mr. Arpke. They are paying a lesser amount in the form of a prop- 
erty tax. Of course, the sales tax is raised in the county, too. 

Mr. Osmers. But the sales tax is in your chart? 

]Mr. Arpke. Yes. 

]\Ir. Curtis. And it is fair to say when the State undertook to intro- 
duce new forms of taxation, such as various sales taxes and the like, 
one of the purposes was to relieve and prevent the increase of property 
tax ; is that not right ? 

Mr. Arpke. Yes. That is usually the purpose of the sales tax. 

Mr. Os^iers. ]May I ask whether the green shown on this chart as 
"Federal" — does that include W. P. A. and 

Mr. Arpke (interposing). No. You see, W. P. A. and relief are 
neither included in these expenditures, because they are administered 
directly by the State. These are county disbursements, local govern- 
ment disbursements. 

Mr. Curtis. What item is included under "Federal" on this chart ? 

Mr. Arpke. It includes the assistance that the Federal Government 
gives to vocational education, for example ; the assistance that the}' give 
also in the form of Social Security payments, wliich are admin- 
istered through the counties. It doesn't include W. P. A. or State 
relief, because that has a separate administration by the State alone. 

Mr. Curtis. Now. this chart shows a marked increase in State taxes. 



2432 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Has that been in the form of new taxes, or lias your levy on general 
property tax increased ? 

Mr. Arpke. We have no State tax levy. We haven't had since 1911. 
It is entirely new taxes, primarily sales tax and the use tax together 
along with it, of course, and an income tax. 

Mr. Curtis. Now, this chart shows an increased Federal expendi- 
ture for county purposes back in 1932 and 1933, and then it drops for 
the next 2 years or so, and then it increases. What explains that ? 

Mr. Arpke. You mean the drop right here [indicating] ? 

jNIr. Curtis. Right here, your Federal expenditures [indicating]. 

Mr. Arpke. Oh. The expenditure right here represents an unusual 
situation, becausethis is the point at which the Federal Government, 
through the F. E. R. A., gave direct aid to the counties at the beginning 
of the depression. They later switched over and operated through 
the State, so from here on those would occur in the State [indicating]. 

Mr. Curtis. Well, your paper is going to be one of the papers that 
will have a definite future value, and we will want to refer to it in 
connection with conclusions that the committee might draw. 

The Chairman. Do you have any other questions? 

Mr. OsMERS. Nothing further. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. Your full statement 

Mr. Arpke (interposing). Well, the statement you have there was 
regarded more or less as an oral statement for these hearings. We 
intend to prepare a written statement in addition to that. 

JNlr. Curtis. You have a written statement? 

j\Ir. Arpke. The written statement is not completed yet. 

Mr. Curtis. You will submit it ? 

INIr. Arpke. Yes. 

The Chairman. We will want that. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. We want you to send it in. 

(The statement was received and appears on p. 2269.) 

(Witness excused.) 

TESTIMONY OF MES. WALTER A. KNAPP, CALIFORNIA CONGRESS 
OF PARENTS AND TEACHERS, MERCED, CALIF. 

Mr. OsMERS. Mrs. Knapp, will you give your full name and official 
position to the reporter, please ? 

Mrs. Knapp. Mrs. Walter A. Knapp. I am representing the Cali- 
fornia Congress of Parents and Teachers. 

Mr. OsiNiERS. Now, you have submitted a statement, Mrs. Knapp? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

(The statement referred to follows:) 

STATEMENT OF MRS. WALTER A. KNAPP. OF THE CALIFORNIA 
CONGRESS OF PARENTS AND TEACHERS 

Migrant Children and the Effect of Migration on Caxifoknia's Educational 

System 

Following the White House conference on child health and protection, the 
California Congress of Parents and Teachers pledged itself to the support of the 
Children's Charter. Expressed briefly, a few of the provisions were; (1) For 
every child a dwelling place safe, sanitary, and wholesome ; (2) for every child 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2433 

a community which recoguizes and plans for his needs, protects him against 
physical danger, moral hazards, and disease; (3) for every child the right to 
grow up in a family with an adequate standard of living; (4) for every rural 
child, as satisfactory schooling and health service as the city child; (5) for 
every child these rights, regardless of race or color or situation, wherever he may 
live under the protection of the American flag. 

When California became the receiving line for people from the Dust Bowl and 
the Old South, our ability to approximate these standards was greatly reduced. 
Especially so since the migrations seemed to have centered, in many instances, 
in rural areas least able to provide for this great influx. That our organization 
might better understand and appreciate the enormity of this problem, a chair- 
manship, that of migratory childen, was added to the health department of the 
California Congress. The aim of the committee has been to understand the 
problem and to assist school authorities, the State and county welfare depart- 
ments, health departments, and other agencies interested in the migrant families 
and to meet their needs as they arise. 

The fall of 1938, 110 units made surveys of the conditions of migrants in 
their communities. Incomplete reports showed that over $416,000 had been 
spent assisting children in school, mainly in the form of hot lunches. We had 
no way of distinguishing between what was used for migrant children and other 
needy, except that the previous year the reports showed that only about $162,000 
had been spent by local Parent Teacher Associations on their relief program. 

The State chairman conducted a general survey. Twelve counties responded 
to the over 300 questionnaires sent out, but no county returned a complete report. 
The following is a compilation of some of the items on these reports representing 
approximately 400 camps. 

Seven thousand one hundred and sixty families were reported with 22,2.'57 
children, 18,879 of whom are in school ; 1,602 of these chaildren worked in the 
fields after school hours. 

Two thousand nine hundred and fifty-five families lived in tents, 1,026 in 
1-room cabins, 789 in 2-room cabins, and 259 families lived in 3 or more rooms. 

Twenty-six were reported as having electricity, 30 having running water. All 
Federal camps and most growers' camps have some showers. 

Only five camps were reported to have Sunday school, church, and library 
services available. Only three had adult education classes. 

iMotion pictures were taken of two Federal camps, three grower's camps, two 
squatter's camps, five shanty towns, and one emergency school. 

Fi-om July 1936 to June 1937 Dr. Anita Laverman of the State Department of 
Health made a study of 1,000 children of migratory agricultural laborers in 
California. A comparable survey was made on 1,000 resident children in rural 
centers. The following are a few conclusions briefly stated : 

Migratory American children, 85 percent of whom have been in the State less 
than 3 years, were found to have medical and hygienic defects in 23 percent more 
cases than resident American children examined in the rural areas of California 
during the same year. Furthermore, facilities for the correction of medical defects 
in these children through private medical care or county hospitals is limited to a 
very small number of them. 

Over 27 percent of the children have nutritional defects, many of which cannot 
be corrected because of the low-family income. In the school-age group only 
1014 percent of the children were getting 1% to 2 pints of milk daily, the amount 
considered optimum for growth and development, while 15.8 percent were getting 
no milk. The suggestion has been made elsewhere that "a quart of milk or a bowl 
of vegetable soup given in school may be a more necessary part of our educational 
equipment than gymnasiums or libraries." Certainly this need must be seriously 
considered with these children who, in addition to other educational handicaps, 
face the mental dulling which occurs with constant inadequacy of food and 
frequent lack of it. 

Nurseries to care for preschool children and infants, whose mothers are work- 
ing, have been in use for many years in industrial areas of large cities and were 
found in one or two of the large camps in the fruit area. Tliese should be extended 
to other areas v.-here the small-family income depends on both parents working. 

One of the major problems confronting the public schools in California today is 
that of the education of children of seasonal workers. The compulsory school 
law forces these children into our schools but it does not provide the rneans to 
keep them housed, clothed, and fed so that they might with safety to themselves 
and to the more fortunate children, attend our schools. 



2434 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

In order to have definite iuformatiou as to varying local conditions regarding 
the education of migratory children, letters were written to county and city 
superintendents whose school districts are affected by this problem. In response 
to certain pertinent questions, excerpts from their replies are submitted. 

Theo. R. Nickel, superintendent of schools of Tulare County, says : "In general, 
the tests show that the rating, or rather the standard of the children's work is very 
nearly the same as that of other children but they are much older for the same 
grade. In other words, in general a sixth-grade child in a migratory camp will 
rate almost as well as a regular sixth grader but on the average is about 1 year 
older. 

"I have very definite suggestions to make especially where we have these large 
Federal migratory camps. In our county, both camps were and are being built 
in small rural districts. This means that the superintendent's office must come to 
the assistance of the disti"ict. Since there is no A. D. A. to assist in this matter, 
it becomes the expense of the local county. The teaching costs plus supplies, 
and in some cases the building costs are too heavy for the county to carry. 

"I would definitely suggest that wherever the Federal Government puts up 
a camp and concentrates the children, they should put up the building and pay 
for the cost of the operation of the school for the first year. After the first year 
the attendance of the previous year will help lighten the load. This helps but 
does not entirely solve the problem because a school district cannot operate on 
the State income alone. Therefore, it becomes necessary that the local district 
must pay a continuous extra tax in order to care for the migratory children." 

Mr. Leo. B. Hart, superintendent of schools for Kern County says : "As you 
know, we conduct an emergency school in the Arvin Federal Camp, which is 
located in the Vineland School District. Children are housed in temporary school 
buildings on land leased from the United States Government. We have good 
equipment for the children, excellently trained teachers, and what I think will 
prove to be an outstanding educational program designed for their specific needs. 
We are attempting to give them the very best educational opportunities possible. 

"Since there is no Federal aid at the present time, we feel that the fairest 
method of meeting this expenditure is through the luiapportioned elementary 
school fund. 

"I think in all fairness that the Federal Government should provide for the 
capital outlay necessary for the maintenance of these migratory camp schools. 
I believe that this school should be operated by the county superintendent of 
schools and the cost of instructional material and other operating expenses of 
the school should be borne by the unapportioned elementary school fund, thus 
spreading tlie cost of operation over the entire county and not shouldering the 
burden on some local district. 

"Personally, I think we owe it to these youngsters to give thoni the very best 
possible education advantages. Their handicaps are great enough without shoul- 
dering them with an additional handicap of an inferior educational program. 
As superintendent of schools of Kern County, I have and shall continue to exert 
the influence of this ofiice to the fullest to give these children tlie advantages to 
which they are entitled. 

"I hope that the Tolan committee will find it within their power to advocate 
legislation making possible aid to counties through the ofiice of the county super- 
intendent of schools for the education of the migratory child. To that end this 
office stands ready at all times to assist." 

Blanche Schmidt, principal of the Dos Palos schools, says : "About 4 years ago 
I made a survey with our county suiierintendent to determine as nearly as pos- 
sible the number of children living in camps in our own area. This was done 
with the idea of placing migratory schools. We estimated, rather accurately, 
that there were 2,500 people living in our school district who were definitely 
migrant. 

"What is true of this community is true, with variations, in the State. Seen 
from a local angle it Is easy to see that a community cannot care for an addi- 
tional community at least half its own size. This is equally true in the State. 

"To my mind Federal aid is the only equitable solution to a gigantic problem. 
I realize that the farther removed the source of administration is from the 
problem, the easier it is for the funds to be badly administered. I realize, too, 
that the human touch is not present ; but it seems as if there should be some 
way to handle the problem so that the actual decision might be made by people 
who do know the families applying for aid. 



intp:rstate migration 2435 

"If Federal aid were offered, the trek to States which are more generous in 
giving relief might be stopped. 

"With all its limitations I feel Federal aid to be the best solution. It is prob- 
ably better that some people on relief be penalized than that the stable people of 
a State and a connnunity should bo. The tax burden for relief is becoming very 
heavy and bids fair to become unbearable." 

Enimett Berrv, district superintendent of schools, Potterville, gives the follow- 
ing information in his "Report on the Education of Children of Migrant Families, 
Porterville Elementary School System, February 19, 1940 : 

STATISTICAL DATA 

"On February 19, 1940, all teachers of the Porterville elementary school system 
compiled data secured from a questionnaire relating to the number of children of 
migrant families at that time enrolled in our schools. The following interesting 
facts were secured : 

Total enrollment 1. S^^O 

Children of parents coming to California since Jan. 1, 1931 718 

Percentage of children of migrant families 36. 6 

"In a study of the transfer problem it was foimd that many of the children 
of the migrant families are late enrolling for the term. This means that they 
miss several days out of the school term. 

"It was also found that children of migrant families often leave the system 
before the end of the term. Apparently these children fail to enroll in another 
school and additional days are lost. 

"Some rooms in the school system have as many transfers into the system and 
out of the system as they have total enrollment. 

"During the last 3i-> years the Porterville system has had an increase of 33% 
percent of its total enrollment. This increase has largely consisted of children 
of migrant families. 

"Migrant families come into the Porterville schools from all sides. They do 
not settle down in any one well-defined area although there are sections where 
great numbers have established camps. 

"The administration of the schools has made no attempt to segregate children 
of migrant families from children of the district who are permanent residents. 
Every facility of the school system made available to the students is available to 
all alike. The only segregation allowed is segregations for educational purposes. 

"Children of migrant families, mental tests have proven, do not lack mental 
ability. Generally speaking, they have mental ability comparable to the children 
of permanent residents of California. 

"Migrant children are often not adjusted to the grades of the classrooms in 
which they are placed. ]Many of the students are over-age chronologically and 
are found weak in fundamental subjects. These out of adjustment problems are 
attributed to environment and not to a lack of mental ability. Among the 
environmental causes contributing to the maladjustment of the migrant children 
are : 

"1. Insecurity caused by economic conditions of the parents. 

"2. Loss of school time because of transferring from place to place or because 
the parents neglect to keep the children in school. 

"3. Physical conditions impairing the health of the students. 

"4. Lack of environmental experiences in the homes that lead to educational 
improvements, such as lack of magazines, newspapers, and books. 

"The school system has attempted to absorb the children of migrant families in 
a democratic way. Failing to segregate them leads to enrolling them in class- 
rooms with all other types of children. When educational adjustments are neces- 
sary, the migrant child receives exactly the same individual study as do othei^ 
children in the school system. 

"The school system has made certain that every child in the system has the 
proper amount of books, supplies, and educational equipment. All classrooms; 
have regulation furniture, and the administration has been able to insure adequate 
supplies and equipment to date. 

"The Porterville School District is not a rich one. The school board has found 
it impossible to keep a building program going that would properly house the 

260370— 41— pt. 6 16 



2436 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



rapidly increasing enrollments. On that account classroom enrollments have 
increased excessively and in many cases are much too high. When a classroom 
enrolls 50 or more some adjustment is made. Emergency teachers have been 
employed, and for the past 2 years this system has been forced to employ three 
more teachers than for which we had planned and for which we had budgeted. 

"Heavy enrollments have lowered standard achievements of all students in 
fundamental subjects. The only possible correction for this would be additional 
classrooms and more teachers. How this will be done remains an unsolved 
problem of the school board. The district is faced with a building problem that 
promises to be a load much too great for the taxpaying property owner to carry. 

W Max Smith, district superintendent of the Merced City elementary schools, 
says : "During the past 5 years there has been an increase in the enrollment of 
the Merced union elementary schools of approximately 20 percent, of which 
about 10 percent can be classed as migrants from the Dust Bowl area. During 
this time it has been necessary to construct seven new classrooms. 

"Most of these newcomers have located on the outskirts of the community in 
small settlements, thus creating a transportation problem as an added expense. 

"Due to the smallness of the house which they can afford to occupy and the size 
o^' the family, there is a definite health problem involved, thus our nurse and 
attendance officer of necessitv devotes a great deal of her time to these people. 

"Tests and teachers' reports reveal that the children of these migrants are 
retarded from 2 to 4 years, a fact which makes their education difficult becau.se 
their academic has not kept pace with their physiological development. 

"Investigation shows that a great number of these people are on relief and have 
worked on Work Projects Administration projects since they arrived, and my ex- 
perience with them leads me to believe that they are gradually accepting relief as 

a career. , ^, , ^ 

"Many of tliem demand the best of services and m return show the least appre- 
ciation and fail to cooperate by neglecting to send their children to school 

regularly. , , -, ^ ^, 

"Many of the peculiar attitudes shown by these people may be due to the 
fanatical type of religion which seems to flourish in these little nearby com- 
munities. , .„ , 

"No doubt manv of the children of these less fortunate people wdl become good 
citizens in our community, but it will be necessary to spend more money for 
housing, health, and educational services before this can be accomplished." 

DeVere A. Stephens, B. S., M. S., says : "I wrote my master's thesis to Univer- 
sity of Southern California last spring on the subject of An Analj'sis of the 
School and Home Problems of the Migratory Children of the San Joaquin Valley. 

"From a questionnaire answered by 1,425 migratory boys and girls between the 
ages of 9 and 16 vears of age, I found that approximately one-half of the boys 
and girls help support the family. The boys who help support the family stay out 
of school an average of 14% days for this purpose, while the girls stay out on 
an average of 11^4 days per school year. With the help of all members of the 
family, the income'is not always sufficient to insure a satisfactory living. 

"The social, financial, health, educational, and moral problems of migratory 
children are aggravated by the contempt of the public in general for migratory 
families; proper respect for tliem and their work would lessen the friction be- 
tween migrants and the general public. The harvesting of crops is necessary foi- 
the general welfare of all. The San Joaquin Valley needs the help of the 
migrants to help in the cotton and fruit crops at certain times of the year, but 
the burdens accompanying the presence of the migratory families are almost 
more than some localities can carry. If the migratory children are given proper 
advantages and respected as regular children, they will grow up into useful 
citizens." 

Respectfully submitted. 

Bessie M. (Mrs. Walter A.) Knapp. 
Chairman of Migratory Committee, 
California Congress of Parents and Teachers. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2437 

TESTIMONY OF MES. WALTER A. KNAPP— Resumed 

DISEASE AMONG MIGRANT CHILDREN 

Mr. OsMERS. I have just gone over that statement hurriedly. I 
wonder if you would tell the committee what kinds of medical and hy- 
<2:ienic etfects seem most prevalent among migrant children. 

Mrs. Knapp. Well, there is a scurvy-like disease that is manifested 
by sore mouth, and. of course, the skin disease of impetigo, and per- 
haps we might call them nutritional defects resulting from 

Mr. OsMERs (interposing). Dietary defects? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes; bad teeth, and then, of course, running noses, 
colds. 

Mr. OsMERs. Would you say that most of these ailments stem from 
poor diet and substandard living conditions? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

Mr. OsMEKS. Tell me, not to be too particular, about this scurvy- 
like disease. 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERS. Well, is it scurvy, or isn't it scurvy ? 

Mrs. Knapp. It is a sore mouth, but it comes from the same reasons 
that scurvy does. These things are all lessening. 

INIr. OsMERS. As time goes on ? 

Mrs. Knapp. For instance, the surplus commodities is helping so 
much that the nutritional diseases are lessening amongst the school 
children. 

Mr. OsMERs. I suppose that as you get to know more about the prob- 
lem, that it adjusts itself? 

Mrs. Knapp. There are nutrition workers that have been sent out 
and are working amongst the mothers, and conditions are getting 
better. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, are the schools in the communities where these 
migrant children attend equipped to handle adequately their health 
and medical care ? 

Mrs. Knapp. No; they are not. It varies, of course, in various com- 
munities. In Merced County there is no health nurse at all. There is 
a school supervisor of health who gives instructions to teachers and 
the cliildren in the school. And the Council of Missions have had a 
nurse in some of the growers' camps. Then in other counties they do 
more. For instance, the city of Porterville, whose migratory school 
population has increased — I believe my figures are 331/3 percent. They 
have no school nurse. The school nurse in Merced City gives most of 
her time to these children that are living in the shanty town outside the 
outskirts of the city of Merced. 

Mr. OsMERS. Have epidemics of diseases common to children been 
more frequent since you have the migrants in California ? 

Mrs. Knapp. At first, but not any more. That is because of the vigi- 
lance of the county health department and State health department. 
It's surprising that there have not been more. 

Mr. OsMERS. Are vou back to normal, pretty much, with your school 
health? ^ .1 J , J 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 



2438 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

CALIFORNIA CXDNGRESS OF PARENTS AND TEACHERS 

Mr. OsMERS. Tell me about the attitude of your own organization of 
parents and teachers. Do you look down upon the migrants ? Are you 
interested in stopping them from coming to California ? 

Mrs. Knapp. No. 

Mr. OsMERS. What is your attitude? 

Mrs. Knapp. Our work has been to help others to understand the 
problem; that they are our children and that we must take care of 
them. We have brought that message to our own groups and then to 
other groups, such as the Kiwanis Club, Rotarians, League of Women 
Voters. We have worked Avith them. We have talked with others. 

Mr. OsMERS. In other words, your organization does not subscribe 
to the theory that these people are here temporarily and are going to 
move out? 

Mrs. Knapp. No, They are our children, and we must take care of 
them. They are our future citizens. 

Mr. OsMERs. Would you say that the late enrollment and early with- 
drawal of migrant children from school tends to hold back their pro- 
motion in school? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes; very much so. Some surveys show that the chil- 
dren are possibly 2 years retarded. I have that in my report. 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes. I know reference is made to it. 

Mrs. Knapp. And, in addition to that. I might say that Kern County 
has made a study— I didn't include it. I included in my report the 
study made by Porterville. 

Mr. OsMERS. Yes? 

Mrs. Knapp. But not the one made in Kern County. Would you 
care to have me enlarge on that ? 

Mr. OsMERS. If you would like to file it with the committee. I am 
sure we would like to have that in our record. 

Mrs. Knapp. They made a survey in January of 1940 of 17 schools 
in the southern jDart of Kern County, where 

Mr. OsMERs (interposing). You have that in written form? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

Mr. OsMERs. Well, I wonder if you would submit it to the commit- 
tee? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

(The statement submitted by Mrs. Knapp is as follows :) 

Exhibit 1 

A Study of Pupil AcE-GB.'iDE-PROGr.Ess in the Schools of the Southern District 

OF Keijn County 

This study of pupil conditions and school policies affecting the pupils was made 
under the direction of the Kern County superintendent of schools. Leo B. Hart 

By Clarence E. Spencer, January 1940 

FOREWORD 

This study has been quite exhaustive and it is hoped that the teachers and 
administrators of Kern County will carefully analyze its contents in an endeavor 
to develop better learning conditions and to make the schools more efficient in 
contributing to the welfare of the youth of the eonntv. This study was made ia 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2439 

order to cansider conditions existing in the schools of the southern district, and 
to focus the attention of teachers upon the needs of the pupils ; therefore it is 
hoped that teachers will take the time necessary to study thoroughly the infor- 
mation here presented. 

The purpose of this piece of research will have heen fulfilled if greater unity 
can be developed among the educational personnel for efficient development of a 
curricula which develops better American citizens. 

The county superintendent and his staff wishes to cooperate and coordinate in 
the progress of a modern educational program designed to meet the needs and 
al)ilities of the pupils enrolled in the county schools. To this end your close 
attention and analysis of this study will be appreciated. Also, the county super- 
intendent's office is grateful to those teachers who contributed both time and 
effort to make this survey possible. 

Clabencb E. Spencer, 
Superinsor. SouthcDi District, Kern County Schools. 

Chaptek I. The Problem 

Purpose of the stud;/. — This study was undertaken to determine to what extent 
the elementary pupils of the schools of the southern part of Kern County were 
placed in grades corresponding to the normal placement for their chronological 
ages, and if they had made normal progress since they started school. This 
study was made to draw attention to conditions affecting the grade placements, 
to develop teacher consideration of individual differences, and to question the 
emphasis of nonpromotion. 

This study was important because it caused teachers to consider factors and 
conditions affecting pupil grade placement beside mere ability to do or to achieve 
in academic school work. The study was made to secure collective informa- 
tion regarding age conditions existing with the grades, and to indicate environ- 
mental factors influencing present conditions. 

Development of grouping. — Proper grouping of pupils has presented a con- 
troversial problem since the beginning of mass education. The first graded 
school appeared about 1848, and from about 1850 until 1870 the graded school 
spread rapidly, but during the seventies reaction appeared against them.^ With 
the growth of large cities and the necessity of constructing large buildings for 
schools, the graded school continued to spread in spite of any reactionary feeling. 
During the latter part of the nineteenth century, the schools were primarily 
concerned with formal discipline and regimentation. At that time, the com- 
monly accepted philosophy of education was based upon transfer of learning 
and the acceptance of subject matter discipline of the mind. The set-up of the 
graded system was based upon levels of difficulty in subject matter which 
provided an educational ladder. 

Such a graduated educational plan demanded that children meet certain 
attainment standards in order to pass from one grade to another. Teachers, 
under this system, were concerned only with the mastery of prescribed subject 
matter. They required pupils to remain in each grade until the definite point 
of mastery was reached. Such an organization meant an exceedingly high 
percentage of failure. 

The effectiveness of failure as a method of pupil adjustment went unchallenged 
until about 1909 when Ayres^ made his survey. This study aroused the interest 
of a few educators and more pedagogical attention began to be focused upon the 
topic. Somewhat simultaneously with this educational introspection was the de- 
,Telopment of compulsoi*y education laws which required all children to attend 
school between certain age limits. This new requirement meant a change in the 
scholastic ability of the general school population. Also, as time progressed, 
pupils who formerly had left school to enter employment because of a lack of 
ability to master school subjects, began to find occupational employment dis- 
appearing. The enactment of both compulsory school attendance laws and child- 
labor laws changed the aspect of the educational population. 

With the development of modern psychology, a minute inspection of the harm- 
ful maladjustments created by the traditional .school organization with its 
predominance of pupil failure, has been made possible, llie scientific experi- 



^ Warren W. Coxe, Is the Graded School Outmoded? Nation's Schools, 15:19-22, May 
19S5. 

• L. P. Ayers, Laggards in Our Schools. Russell Sage Foundation, Charities Publications 
Committee, 1909. 



2440 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

ments of outstanding leaders in educational psychology have done much to give 
us valid laws of learning and of child development. These experiments of the 
twentieth century have aroused much concern among thinking educators and 
administrators to the extent that during the last 20 years various plans of 
grouping have been tried, advocated, or abandoned. At present, although the 
traditional grade grouping is almost universally used in this country, such bases 
for classification as chronological age, ability, mental maturity, pedagogical age, 
and social age are used. Closely allied to those bases for grouping, such devices 
as semester and quarter promotions, tripartite grouping, parallel course plans 
of grading, individual instruction units, special promotions, subject promotion in 
elementary schools, summer school for accelerated and retarded pupils, and de- 
partmental organizations, have been inaugurated in attempts to remedy the 
evils of the old grading system.' 

Fred Englehardt, professor of educational administration at the University 
of Minnesota, sums up the general aspects of the question of grouping in stating 
that— 

"A review of literature on pupil classification from the time of Boykin's* 
study to the present time reveals: (1) a wide breach between the expressed 
need for reform and the actual conditions, (2) a great persistence of traditional 
practices, and (3) a strong tendency for old practices, with their recognized 
limitations, to carry on side by side with new and progressive practices." ^ 

This same educator summarizes the attempts for successful classification 
as follows : 

"The most desirable grouping plan for elementary and secondary schools has 
yet to be devised. Many paradoxical situations and many inconsistencies now 
exist in the ways in which children are grouped for instructional purposes." ° 

The scope of the proMem. — This investigation was a survey of information on 
pupil conditions which might have influenced grade placement. This study was 
important to cause teachers to consider the prevalence of variation of chrono- 
logical ages of pupils in 17 schools in southern Kern County, and to consider 
certain environmental and school conditions which might have contributed to 
abnormal age-grade placement. This study was based upon information secured 
for 2,319 pupils of the southern district of Kern County elementary schools. 
Those schools included grades from 1 through 8, and ranged from 1 to 20 teacher 
schools. None of the schools had regular kindergartens, although 1 school of 
10 Indian pupils allowed children 5 years of age to attend as prefirst graders. 
Many of the children had attended kindergarten in other schools before moving 
into the southern part of Kern County. 

The southern district includes schools in agricultural, oil, and mountain areas. 
Many of the pupils were children of seasonal agricultural workers who move 
often in following their occupation. 

Organization, of the study. — To analyze conditions concerning the age-grade- 
progress of the elementary pupils in the southern district of Kern Count J. 
chapter 2 presents the procedure of the survey, the source of information about 
the pupils, the definition of terms used, and basis of the conditions studied. 

Chapter 3 is a tabulation of pupil conditions existing in the southern district 
of Kern Covmty. The age of pupils in each grade is studied in regard to grade 
placement, the grade placement is compared to the number of years the pupils 
have attended school, the number of pupils who have failed in each grade is 
considered, and the teacher estimation of the termination of each pupil's educa- 
tion is noted. In these tabulations, the American pupils are divided into those 
born in California and those who have migrated from other States. The pupils 
of foreign parentage and in whose homes a foreign language is spoken, are 
placed in a third group in order to note the effect of the language handicap. 

Chapter 4 is a consideration of the prevalence of nonpromotion among the 
pupils studied, and an analysis of the effects of pupil failure as presented by 
eminent educators and psychologists from numerous studies and experiments. 



3 William C. Reavis, Paul R. Pierce, and Edward H. Stullken. Tlie Elementary School, 
The TTniversity of Chicago Press, 1931. Ch. 7, The Classification and Promotion of Pupils, 
pp. 126-^0. 

■• J C. Bovkin, Class Intervals in City Public Schools, Report of the Commis.siuiier of 
Education. Washinston. D. C. (1890-91, vol. 2, p. 962). 

s Fred Enslehardt. ch. 2, Thirty-fifth Yearbook, National Society for the Study of 
Education, vol. 35, pt. 1. 

• Ibid. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2441 

Chapter 5 summarizes the findings of this investigation, presents conclusions 
reached as a result of the accumulated information, and makes recommendations 
for the improvement of pupil learning conditions in these schools. 

CHAPTER II. PROCEDUEE OF THE STUDY 

In order to give a valid indication of pupil conditions existing in the schools of 
southern Kern County, information was secured from the schools of one super- 
visory district. This information was compiled and analyzed in order to indicate 
trends of pupil and school conditions. 

The scope of the study. — This investigation was carried on in 17 of the 20 
schools comprising the southern part of the county. Five of the schools report- 
ing were located in the mountains, 3 were located in neighborhoods where oil 
is produced although the. main industry of these school districts was still agricul- 
ture. The rest of the schools were situated in regions carrying on extensive 
agricultural production. One school was within the established Federal Farm 
Security Migratory Camp for agricultural laborers. 

Since Kern County is recognized as an agricultural producing county, the study 
within this section of the county, for over 2,300 pupils, should indicate common 
conditions and educational needs for the majority of the county schools outside 
the large cities of Bakersfield and Taft. 

The enrollments of the majority of the schools have increased greatly during 
recent years, therefore an anlysis of existing conditions is very appropriate 
in determining what alteration can or should be made in the covmty educational 
program. 

Source of information. — Mimeographed blanks were furnished the teachers 
upon which they recorded the information concerning each pupil enrolled in 
their classes. The information requested by these blanks, in most cases, could 
be taken from teacher records, and if not, the facts were secured by request- 
ing information from the parents. In all cases, the personal information se- 
cured was such that it should be most valuable to the teachers in understanding 
the children under their direction for the rest of the term. 

The information blanks were distributed by the county general rural school 
supervisor during the forepart of the month of November 1939, and were col- 
lected before the 1939 Christmas vacation. 

Basis for information requested. — The information requested upon the blanks 
was personal in matter to give a compilation of facts concerning the birth- 
place of the children, the chronoligical age of the pupils, the age of entering 
the first grade, the number of years of school attendance, the grades repeated 
or skipped, the language spoken in the home, the teacher's estimation of the 
grade of the pupil would complete before quitting school, and any handicaps the 
students might have. 

In formation concerning the mental ability and the academic achievement 
of the individual was purposely left out of this study, because it was the wish 
of the county superintendent's supervisory staff that emphasis be minimized 
upon teacher instruction toward high test scores instead of toward pupil 
development. While tests had been given, it was felt that such tests should 
be used by the individual teachers as an aid for understanding their pupils 
and not for comparison with other classes and schools. The current statf of 
supervisors has discontinued all teacher rating by the persons who are aiding 
with classroom instruction, although the practice has been carried on prior to 
the present school term. 

This study has not concerned itself with the individual pupil handicaps al- 
though the information has been compiled and will be used in cooperation with 
the county health department in attempting to correct these individual situ- 
ations so that the pupils affected might more profitably attend school. 

Definition of terms. — The age-grade status of pupils was determined by the 
ntimber of pupils according to chronological age in a given grade. Tliis age 
information was compared to the age of children who started school at the 
normal age of 6 years and progressed at the normal rate of one grade per 
year. The limit of the normal age for each gi-ade was determined by the 
usual method of taking the entering age for the first grade as 5 years 9 months 
to 7 years 3 months, and increasing 1 year in age for each grade. Since this 
study was made approximately 3 months from the beginning of the ordinary 
school term, the limits were based upon the first grade age of 6 years to 7 years 
5 months. 



2442 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



The progress study of pupils supplies significant information about pupil 
personnel in relationship to the school program. Normal progress was deter- 
minted by a pupil's progressing at one grade per year of school attendance, 
therefore progress was studied by comparing the grade placement in relation 
to the number of years spent in school regardless of age of school entrance. 

StiDimari/. — ^In main, the information desired on the blanks was that which 
would indicate faults of the present school organization and curriculum in 
hopes that teachers and administrators might remedy school conditions and 
procedures in order that the educational program might better fit the needs and 
abilities of the pupils. 



CHAPTER HI. PUPIL CONDITIONS EXISTING IN SOUTHERN KERN COUNTT 

The compilation of pupil conditions existing in the schools involved in this study 
was such as to ;?ive an introspection into the background of the child's school 
experience in order that those responsible for his education might more intelli- 
gently provide for his proper development both academically and socially. The 
information used was broad enough in scope to give an understanding of what 
has happened in the school life of the pupil and what his prospective education 
might be. Also, the facts secured provided an opportunity for hypothetical con- 
clusions regarding conditions found. 

The age of pupils. — The chronological ages of the children in each grade was 
important in studying grouping as it was practiced by the schools. Table I re- 
veals the birthplace of the pupils in oi-der to give an indication as to the 
experiences the pupils might have had outside California. This table shows that 
only about one-third of the pupils enrolled in the 17 schools were born in Cali- 
fornia. Also, this table shows readily that the majority of the pupils were 
children of agricultural workers who had migrated to the agricultural regions 
of the county in seeking employment as a result of conditions existing in the 
Dust Bowl section of the United States. Naturally the experience of these 
parents would influence the actions, attitudes, and ambitions of the children. 



Table 1 


.—Bir 


thplace of pupils in 


southern district 






State or country 


First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


Sixth 


Seventh 


Eighth 


Total 




168 
131 
35 
21 
12 
4 
3 
2 
2 
5 
2 
1 
1 
1 

1 






1 
1 
1 






1 









1 




114 
87 
25 
14 
5 
2 
1 
3 
3 

2 
1 
1 

2 

2 
2 
2 





1 
1 
1 
1 












113 
97 
36 
13 
5 
5 
4 
3 
3 
3 
2 


1 
2 
1 







1 




1 







1 
1 








135 
111 
29 
19 
5 
4 
2 
2 
3 
2 
3 

3 


1 





1 



1 



1 
















108 
80 
38 
15 
6 
5 
3 
3 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 

1 
1 
2 
3 


1 







1 








1 
1 



1 


128 
76 
22 
9 
8 

6 

2 

3 

1 
2 





1 



2 


1 


1 






1 







108 
79 
21 
19 
2 
5 
2 
1 

2 
3 
3 
1 
1 


1 


2 
1 
1 









1 






3 



108 
62 
18 
14 
3 
3 
4 
3 
2 
2 

2 
1 
1 
1 
1 


2 
1 
1 
1 








1 







5 



982 




723 


Texas 


224 




124 




46 




30 


Kansas 


25 
17 




16 




16 




16 




9 




9 


Ohio 


6 


Alabama . . 


6 




5 




5 




5 




4 


Indiana -- - 


4 




4 




3 




3 




3 




2 




2 




2 




2 




2 






Nevada - 




Florida . 




Utah -. 


















9 




1 






Total -- -- 


394 


270 


292 


322 


277 


265 


256 


236 


2,312 







INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2443 



Table II through table IX gives the chronological ages of the pupils found in 
each of the eight grades composing the elementary educational system of the Kern 
County schools. Throughout these tables the fact is established that the ages of 
the native California pupils were spread less than those born in other States or 
those who had the handicap of having a foreign language spoken in their homes. 

Table II.— Ages of first-grade pupils, according to hirthplace 





American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Total 


5.6 to 5.8 

5.9 to 5.11 

6.0 to 0.2 

0.3 to 6.5 

6.6 to 6.8 

6.9 to 6.11 


3 
14 
15 
21 
12 
7 
8 
5 


3 
41 
39 
41 
43 
30 
20 
12 


5' 

7 
7 
3 

I 
6 


6 
60 
61 
69 
58 
38 
31 
23 


7.6 to 7.8 

7.9 to 7.11 

8.0 to 8.2 

8.3 to 8.5 


3 
1 
1 


11 
9 
2 
5 
2 
3 


7 
2 

2' 


21 
12 
3 
5 


8.6 to 8.8 




4 


8 9 to 8.11 




3 


Total 








7.0 to 7.2 

7.3 to 7.5 


90 


261 


43 394 



Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes a for- 
eign language is spoken. 



Table III.— 


-Ages of second-grade pupils, according to Hrthplace 






American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Total 


6.0 to 6.2 




1 




1 

4 
19 
37 
37 
40 
34 
22 
16 
20 


8.9 to 8.11 

9.0 to 9.2 


1 


9 
4 
3 
4 
8 
1 


2 
1 

i' 


12 


6 3 to 6 5 




5 


6 6 to 6 8 




4 
10 
21 
21 
27 
25 
16 

9 
12 


3 
5 
3 
3 
2 
4 


9.3 to 9.5 




3 


6 9 to 6 11 


9 
13 
13 
8 
6 
3 
5 
4 


9.6 to 9.8 




5 


7 to 7 2 


9.9 to 9.11 




8 


7 3 to 7 5 


10.0 to 10.2 




2 


7.6 to 7.8 


10 3 to 10.5 







10 6 to 10.8 




1 
1 


1 


2 


8 to 8 2 


10.9 to 10.11 --. 




1 




Total 








8.3 to 8.5 

8.6to8.8_. 


62 


177 


29 


268 



Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes for- 
eign language is spoken. 



Table IV.- 


-Ages 


Of third-grade pupils, accord 


ing to hirthplace 






American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Total 


7.0 to 7.2 

7.3 to 7.5 


1 


1 

1 

1 

3 

13 

22 

24 

21 

22 

20 

19 

15 

9 


4 

3" 
7 
4 
1 
2 
5 
2 
2 
2 


2 
1 
5 
6 
25 
46 
38 
31 
31 
25 
22 
17 
13 


10.3 to 10.5 

10.6 to 10.8 

10.9 to 10.11 


1 
1 


5 

7 
5 
1 
1 


4" 


6 
12 


7.6 to 7.8 




5 


7.9 to 7.11 

8 to 8 2 


3 

9 

17 
10 
9 

7 


11.0 to 11.2 

11.3 to 11.5 


1 


3 

1 


8 3 to 8 5 


11 6 to 11 8 




1 




11.9 to 11.11 









8 9 to 8 11 


12.0 to 12.2 




1 


1 


2 


9 to 9 2 


12 3 to 12.5 







9.3 to 9 5 


12.6 to 12.8 




1 
1 




1 


9 6 to 9 8 


1 


12.9 to 12.11 .-- 




1 


9.9 to 9.11 


Total 






62 


193 


39 




10.0 to 10.2 


2 


294 



Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes afor- 
eign language is spoken 



2444 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Table V. — Ages of fourtJi-grade pupils, according to birthplace 



Age 



8.3 to 8.5.... 

8.6 to 8.8 

8.9 to 8.11... 
9.0 to 9.2.... 
9.3 to 9.5.... 

9.6 to 9.8 

9.9 to 9.11... 
10.0 to 10.2.. 
10.3 to 10.5- . 
10.6 to 10.8_. 
10.9 to 10.11. 
11.0 to 11.2.. 
11.3 to 11.5.. 
11.6 to 11.8.. 



American 



Cali- 
fornia 



Other 



Foi- 
eign 



Total 



Age 



11.9 to 11.11. 
12.0 to 12.2. . 
12.3 to 12.5.. 
12.6 to 12.8- - 
12.9 to 12.11. 
13.0 to 13.2.. 
13.3 to 13.5.. 
13.6 to 13.8- . 
13.9 to 13.11. 

14.2 to 14.2- . 

14.3 to 14.5.. 



Totals. 



American 



Cali- 
fornia 



Other 



209 



For- 
eign 



Total 



320 



Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes a for- 
eign language is spol^en. 



Table VI.- 


—Ages 


of fifth-grade pupils according to 


birthplace 






American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


other 


Cali- 
fornia 


other 


Total 


8.9 to 8.11 




1 




1 


8 
12 
17 
22 
24 
23 
27 
23 
23 
20 
17 
14 
15 
8 


13.0 to 13.2 - 




5 
2 
3 
3 
2 


2 
1 


7 


9.0 to 9.2 




13.3 to 13.5 




3 


9.3 to 9.5 








13.6 to 13.8 




3 


9.6 to 9 8 


1 
7 
7 
9 
9 
5 
5 
3 
4 
1 
3 
2 


5 
4 
7 
11 
14 
16 
20 
18 
16 
16 
11 
8 
13 
6 


2 
1 
3 
2 
1 
2 
2 
2 
3 
3 
3 
4 
2 
2 


13.9 to 13.11 




3 


9 9 to 9 11 


14.0 to 14.2 




2 


10 to 10.2 


14.3 to 14.5 







10 3 to 10 5 


14 6 to 14.8 




3 

1 
1 


_- 


3 


10 6 to 10 8 


14.9 to 14.11 




2 


10.9 to 10.11 


15.0 to 15.2 




1 


11 to 11 2 


15.3 to 15.5 







11 3 to 11 5 


15.6 to 15.8 




3 


1 


3 


11 6 to 11 8 


15 9 to 15.11 




1 


11 9 to 11 11 


16.0 to 16.2 . -- 






1 


12 to 12 2 


16 3 to 16.5 









12.3 to 12.5 


16.6 to 16.8 




1 




1 




Totals 






12.9 to 12.11 




56 


190 


38 


284 









Note. — Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes a for- 
eign language is spoken. 

Table VII. — Ages of sixth-gade pupils, according to birthplace 





American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


other 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Total 


10.6 to 10.8 




4 

4 

15 

23 

16 

11 

18 

16 

13 

13 

11 

4 

8 

5 


1 

"i 

1 
.. 

3 
3 
4 
2 
1 
2 
1 
2 


5 

10 

22 

34 

24 

23 

26 

21 

18 

18 

12 

8 

9 

7 


14.0 to 14.2 

14.3 to 13.5 


1 


7 
5 


.. 


8 


10 9 to 10 11 


6 
3 

10 
8 
9 
5 
2 
1 
3 


6 


11 to 11 2 


14.6 to 1'<.8 - 






11 3 to 11 5 


14 9 to 14.11 






11 6 to 11 8 


15.0 to 15.2 






11 9 to 11 11 


15.3 to 15.5 






12 to 12 2 


15.6 to 15.8 






12 3 to 12 5 


15.9 to 15.11 






12 6 to 12 8 


16 to 16.2 






12 9 to 12 11 


16 3 to 16 5 










13 to 13.2 


16.6 to 16.8 










13 3 to 13 5 


2 


16 9 to 16.11 








Total 






13.9 to 13.11 




50 


187 


28 


265 









Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are chUdren born mostly in California, but in whose homes a for- 
eign language is spoken. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2445 

Table VIII. — Ages of seventh-grade pupils, according to birthplace 





American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


Otlier 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Total 


11 3 to 11 5 


1 
2 
6 
7 
13 
2 
8 
4 
3 
2 


3 

1 

4 
10 
12- 
14 
13 
17 
14 
19 

11 
13 


i 

2 
3 

1 
3 

2" 

1 
7 
1 
2 
3 


4 
4 

12 
20 
26 
19 
21 
23 
18 
28 
8 
13 
19 


14 6 to 14.8 




12 
6 
6 


3 
1 
1 


15 




14.9 to 14.11 




7 


11 9 to 11 11 


15.0 to 15.2 - 




7 


12.0 to 12.2 

12.3 to 12.5 - 

12 6 to 12 8 


15 3 to 15.5 







15.6 to 15.8 

15.9 to 15.11 


1 


2 
2 
2 

1 
2 


-. 


3 
2 


12 9 to 12 11 


16 to 16.2 




2 


13 to 13 2 


16.3 to 16.5 




1 




16.6 to 16.8 




3 


13 6 to 13 8 


16 9 to 16 11 







13 9 to 13 11 


17.0 to 17.2 




1 




1 






Total 








52 


172 


3? 




14,3 to 14.5 - 


3 


256 



Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes a for- 
eign language is spoken. 

Table IX. — Ages of eighth-grade pupils, according to Mrthplace 





American 


For- 
eign 


Total 


Age 


American 


For- 
eign 




Age 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Cali- 
fornia 


Other 


Total 


11 9 to 11.11 




1 
2 
1 
3 
6 
9 
6 
10 
11 
16 
16 
9 
8 
15 


2' 

"l 

6 
6 
3 
2 
1 


1 
2 
1 
4 
9 
16 
13 
15 
18 
24 
26 
14 
10 
17 


15.3 to 15.5 




12 
6 

14 
4 
6 
4 
4 


1 
2 
3 
-- 

1 


13 


12.0 to 12.2 




15.6 to 15.8 

15.9 to 15.11 

16.0 to 16.2 

16.3 to 16.5 - 


2 

2 
1 


10 


12.3 to 12.5 




19 


12.6 to 12.8 

12 9 to 12 11 


1 
1 

7 
7 
5 
6 
2 
4 
2 


5 
7 


13 to 13 2 


16 6 to 16.8 




5 


13 3 to 13 5 


16.9 to 16.11 




4 


13 6 to 13 8 


17.0 to 17.2 







13 9 to 13 11 


17 3 to 17.5 











14 to 14 2 


17 6 to 17.8 




1 




1 




17.9 to 17.11 







14 6 to 14 8 


18.0 to 18.2 . .- 




2 




2 




Totals 








41 


166 


29 




15.0 to .15.2 


1 


236 



Note.— Those listed under "foreign" are children born mostly in California, but in whose homes a foreign 
language is spol^en. 

Table X. — Range of ages of 



Grade 


Limits of range 


Range 


First 


5 years 6 months to 8 years 11 months 


3 years 5 months. 




6 years 2 months to 10 years 11 months... 


4 years 9 months. 


Third 


7 years 1 month to 12 years 10 months 


5 years 9 months. 


Fourth 


8 years 3 months to 14 years 4 months 


6 years 1 month. 


Fifth 


8 years 9 months to 16 years 7 months ._ 


7 years 3 months. 


Sixth 




6 years 5 months. 






5 years 10 months. 


Eighth 


11 years 10 months to 18 years 2 months 


6 years 4 months. 









2446 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



The range of ages for each grade presented in table X reveals that the spread 
was greater in the upper grades, with a peak in the fifth grade. This fifth-grade 
condition indicates probably that nonpromotion had its greatest effect upon the 
youngsters who had been in school several years but who had not reached the age 
when they could discontinue attending school. 

The range of the fifth-grade pupils in southern Kern County was very com- 
parable to a survey of the fifth graders in the rural schools of Tulare County made 
during April 1938. In this study the fifth grade ranged from 8 year 9 months to 
16 years 7 months for a difference of 7 years 3 months, while the Tulare County 
study showed a range from 9 years months to 17 years 2 months with a spread 
of 8 years 2 months.' 

Also, it is interesting to note tliat in the Tulare Comity study of the fifth graders 
that there was a spread in the mental age of the pupils from 7 years 1 month to 
14 years 3 months, or a difference between the lowest and the highest recorded 
mental age of 7 years 2 months. When these mental ages of the Tulare County 
fifth graders were converted into intelligence quotients, they ranged from 43 to 
134, with an average of 93.97. These same fifth graders, studied in Tulare County, 
showed a range in educational age from 7 years G months to 16 years 2 months, 
or a difference of 8 years months, while their educational quotients ranged from 
52 to 149, with an average of 93.58.^ 

Table XI shows the medians for the chronological ages of each grade in the 
schools surveyed and the limits of the middle 50 percent of the pupils, as well as 
the spread of that 50 percent. 



Table XI. — Spread of ages of pupils 



Grade 


Qi 


Median 


Q3 


Q 


First - 

Second 


6 years 1.49 months.. 

7 years 3.48 months. _ 

8 years 5.25 months.- 

9 years 5.15 months __ 

10 years 7.37 months _ 

11 years 5.58 months 

12 years 5.77 months 

13 years 8.60 months. 


6 years 6.05 months. 

7 years 8.70 months. . 

8 years 11.32 months- 

9 years 11.92 months 

11 years 4.04 months. 

12 years 1.67 months. 

13 years 2.87 months. 

14 years 4.73 months. 


6 years 9.34 months.. 

8 years 7.45 months.. 

9 years 7.43 months.. 
lO'years 8.89 months 
12 years 2.30 months 
12 years 11.63 months. 

14 years 2.08 months 

15 years 4.61 months 


7.85 months. 

1 vear 3.97 months. 


Third 

Fourth 

Fifth 

Sixth 

Seventh 

Eighth 


1 year 2.18 months. 
1 year 3.74 months. 
1 year 6.93 months. 
1 year 6.05 months. 
1 year 8.31 months. 
1 year 10.01 months. 



Age-gi-ade status. — Table XII indicates the age-grade status of the 2,319 pupils 
involved, and shows those who were proi)erly placed according to commonly ac- 
cepted ages for each grade. This classification shows the number under-age and 
the number over-age for each grade ; in the case of the first grade, 66 were under- 
age because the California law allows children to enter the first grade at the age 
of 5 years 6 months while the common acceptance of first graders at the beginning 
of the school term is 5 years 9 months. Since the information was collected ai> 
proximately 3 months after school opened, the basis for determining the normal 
age of the first grade was taken as 6 years and advanced 1 year for each 
grade. 



■^ Clarence E. Spencer, A Comparative Study of an Age Group With a Grade Group of 
Pupils!, Master's Thesis, TTniversitv of Southern California, 1939, ch. YII, pp. 82-83. 
' Ibid., ch. IV, pp. 31-45. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 
Table XII. — Age-grade status 



2447 





Orade 






Age 


First Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


Sixth 


Seventh 


Eighth 




bVi 




66 1 
















66 


6 




130 


1 
23 


131 


ei4 


90 
54 








119 


7 




74 




3 

11 


131 


7J^ 




33 




71 
38 






118 


8 


8 

7 




71 




2 
22 


119 


8}4 




32 




69 
56 




1 


131 


9 


8 
13 
2 

3 




62 




20 


126 


<)i^ 




39 




52 






147 


10 


19 
17 
4 
1 
2 
2 




39 






112 


101^ 




37 




47 

50 


15 




119 


11 _ 


23 

15 
12 
12 
4 
2 
2 


56 
47 
47 




4 

IS 


137 


UH 




43 






1 


125 


12 


31 
23 
10 
6 
2 
5 
1 
4 
1 
1 




4fi 




3 141 


12H 




36 




40 
41 


13 


120 


13 


20 
16 
U 
6 
4 
2 

2 




29 




104 


13H 




36 




33 

50 


93 


14 


32 
22 
7 
5 
3 
3 
1 


100 


u}4 . 




24 




57 


15 


30 
29 
12 
9 

1 
2 


42 


15H - - 


40 


16 


16 


WA • 


15 


17 


1 


17H._.. 


1 


18 


2 








394 


268 


294 


320 


284 


265 


256 


236 


2.319 









































Grade-progress status.- — In table XIII, the grade-progress status is sbown. 
This table reveals the grade placement of the pupils in relation to the number 
of years the pupil had attended school. Tliis type of a comparison indicates 
the efficiency or lack of efficiency in promotional practices, or the adequacy or 
inadequacy of the teaching in preparing pupils to meet promotional standards. 

Table XIII. — Grade-progress status 





Years in school 


Grade 


Total 




First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


Sixth 


Seventh 


Eighth 


1— 




|296| 




9 


7 


4 


2 

7 


17 


3 

16 


296 


2 


94 
4 


|180| 


276 


3 


72 
10 


|176| 


261 


4 




104 
10 


11831 


303 


5... 


110 
17 
3 


|l5l| 


278 


6... 


:o; 

IS 
8 


|l4l| 


282 




83 

12 

1 


|144| 


264 


8 


82 
10 
2 


|122| 

80 
9 
3 


224 


9 


91 


10 


11 


11 


3 




Total 






394 


262 


292 


320 


287 


246 


255 


233 


2,289 









2448 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



Anioimt of failure. — The next table, table XIV, shows the prevalence of 
failure as experienced by the pupils enrolled in the schools studied. Close 
observation of conditions in this table reveals the fact that two-fifths of the 
entire number of pupils had experienced the disappointment of noniiromotion 
at some time during their school life. The information presented here, shows 
that failure in the first grade was greater than in any other grade. This 
should cause a consideration of possible reasons for such a condition. Since 
reading is practically universally required of first graders, some analysis of 
reading readiness and pupil maturation should be made. Pupils should not be 
taught to read until they have developed a readiness or a desire to read. 
Several reliable reading readiness tests have been developed which can aid a 
well-trained primary teacher in determining when a child should start to 
learn to read. A program which delays reading does not mean that a pupil 
should wait longer to start school, but that he should have experiences which 
increase and develop his use of a vocabulary, and which forms foT him a 
habit in the mechanisms of reading. Also, experiments prove that not all 
children's eyes develop so that they can focus upon a printed word at the 
time they begin the first grade, therefore the pressure exerted by a teacher 
who attempts to force all beginning first graders to read may not only create 
emotional maladjustments and defense mechanisms in personality develop- 
ment, but may cause serious physical injury to the eyes of the little tot who is 
unable to realize and state his physical inability to do what the teacher desires. 
At the present time, eye specialists find it hard to determine accurately when 
a child's eyes have matured to the point where they can react properly to 
the print of readers. When the scientific instruments are developed to deter- 
mine such eye development, and when these instruments are perfected to the 
stage where they can measure the damage done to pupils by teachers and 
parents who demand that all first-grade pupils learn to read, the conscience 
of many administrators, supervisors, and teachers should hurt from having 
been barbaric in their demands and procedures. 

Table XIV. — Grades repeated iy cliildren tvlio have been retarded 



Grades repeated 


Grade 


Total 


First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


SLxth 


Seventh 


Eighth 


First 


98 


61 
21 


61 
42 
19 


66 
47 
32 
11 


42 
37 
41 
22 
12 


25 
25 
18 
26 
9 
6 


20 

21 

26 

26 

4 

7 

2 


24 
10 
16 
20 
16 
10 
2 
3 


397 




203 


Third 




152- 


Fourth - 






105 


Firth - 








41 


Sixth 










23 














4 


Eighth 














3 




















Total 


98 


82 


122 


156 


154 


109 


106 


101 


92» 







Table XV. — Percentages for age-grade status 





Grade 


Total 




First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


Sixth 


Seventh 


Eighth 




66 

16.7 

280 

71.1 

48 
12.2 


24 

9.0 

186 

69.1 

58 

21.9 


14 

4.8 

196 

66.6 

84 
28.6 


24 
7.5 
189 

59.1 
107 

33.4 


21 
7.4 
136 

47.9 
127 

44.7 


15 
5.7 
150 

56.6 
100 

37.7 


22 
8.5 
127 

49.2 
109 

42.3 


17 
7.2 

112 
47.5 

107 
45.3 


203; 




8.8 




1.37& 




59.3 




740 


Percentage . 


31.9- 







I 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 
Table XVI. — Percentages for grade-progress status 



2449 



Accelerated 
Percentage- 
Normal 

Percentage- 
Retarded.. 
Percentage. 



Grade 



First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Eighth 







296 

75.1 

98 

24.8 






180 

68.7 

82 

31.3 



2 

.7 

176 

60.3 

114 

39.0 



7 
2.2 
183 

57.2 
130 

40.6 



6 
2.1 
151 

52.6 
130 

45.3 



9 

3.7 

141 

57.3 

96 

39.0 



17 

6.7 

144 

56.4 

94 

36.9 



19 

8.1 

122 

52.4 

92 

39.5 



Total 



60 

2.6 

1,399 

61.1 

830 

36.2 



Table XVII. — Percentage of pupils in each grade tcho have failed 





Grade 


Total 




First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


Sixth 


Seventh 


Eighth 




98 
24.8 


82 
30.6 


122 
41.5 


156 

48.7 


154 
54.2 


109 
41.1 


106 
41.0 


101 

42.8 


928 


Percentage -. . 


40 







Teacher estimation of pupil termination of schooling. — A school curriculum 
should meet the needs of the pupils, and certainly one important factor in deter- 
mining what should be included in the elementary school would be the termination 
point of a pupil's schooling. Table XVIII gives the teachers' estimation of the 
grade each pupil will complete before he quits school. Since this was the estima- 
tion of the persons who were directing the instruction of the pupils, it should have 
a tremendous influence upon what the teachers were teaching. From the figures 
in table XVIII, the conclusion was reached that about one-third of the pupils would 
not attend school beyond tlie eighth grade, therefore one-third of the experiences 
within the schools would be expected to conform to the teacher estimation. In 
addition, it can be noted from the table that less than one-tenth of the pupils are 
expected to attend junior college or university, therefore it appears logical that 
only a small part of the elementary school program can justifiably be denoted to 
the development of college preparatory endeavors. Surely, such an estimation 
on the part of the teachers themselves should affect their philosophy of education, 
what they demand of the pupils in the way of academic standards, what they insist 
upon in activities, and the type of school control exerted. 

Table XVIII. — Teacher estimation of school grade to le completed ly pupils 



Grade to be completed 


Grade 


First 


Second 


Third 


Fourth 


Fifth 


Sixth 


Seventh 


Eighth 


Total 


Fifth 


2 
10 
9 
104 
8 
16 


1 
5 
9 

66 
8 

20 
2 

68 
7 
8 


3 

8 
20 
65 
25 
26 

5 
68 
10 

7 


1 
7 
9 

71 
6 

42 
3 

78 
6 
8 


3 

6 

6 

68 

13 

33 

1 

64 

6 

4 








10 


Sixth 


2 
1 

55 
17 
38 
6 
85 
11 
15 






38 


Seventh 

Eighth 

Ninth 


3 
37 

5 
39 

1 
85 
12 
13 


--- 

10 
42 
4 
100 
17 
16 


57 
507 

92 
256 

22 
647 

83 

86 


Tenth 

Eleventh 


Twelfth 

Junior college.. 

University . 


99 
14 
15 




Total 


277 


194 


237 


231 


204 


230 


195 


230 


1,798 





2450 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Summary. — The information collected in this study tends to show that a 
large proportion of the school population was born out of the State of Cali- 
fornia, that this group born in other states were largely the children of sea- 
sonal agricultural workers, that there was a wide range of chronological ages 
for each grade, and that the range was greater for those pupils bom in 
other states or in whose homes a foreign language was spoken, than for the 
group raised within the state of American parentage. Also, facts accumulated 
show far more over-ageness than under-ageness in the grades, and more 
retardation than acceleration in the pupils' progress. 

The collected information revealed a tremendously high percentage of failure 
among the pupils— two-fifths of the pupils having failed at one time or another, 
with the peak in the fifth grade where over one-half had experienced non- 
promotion within their school life. Also, the compilation indicated that the 
teachers thought approximately one-third of their pupils would not attend 
school beyond the elementary grades, and that less than one-tenth of their 
charges would have any experience of college instruction. 

CHAPTER IV. THE EFFECTS OF NON-PROMOTION 

The indications of the tables on the ages of the pupils within each grade, 
the grade-progress status, and the percentage of failure as well as the estima- 
tion of an early termination of the schooling of a large proportion of the pupils 
emphasizes the use of nonpromotion based upon a traditional school program. 
Since this is true, use of pupil failure or nonpromotion must be surveyed and 
considered as an educational factor. .. ^ . , 

The number of pupils enrolled in the schools of southern Kern County who 
have been failed for promotion was so great that the problem must be faced 
bv those engaged in educational work, therefore this chapter deals wifh the 
prevalence of failure among the pupils, the effects of failure, and proposals 
of remedying ineflScient practices of nonpromotion. . ,„ 

imouut of fuilure.— This study of 2,319 elementary pupils enrolled in Ir 
schools in the southern district of Kern County, showed that failure has been 
experienced bv two-fifths of all the pupils. Table XIV shows the amomit ot 
failure for each grade, and table XVII shows the percentage of failure by 
pupils in each grade. In comparison to the local figures, C. A. Pugsley gives 
the following general trends and conclusions in regard to the extent of failure 

in schools : ^ nr. i. • 

"1 The rate of failure in the elementary grades ranges from 20 peicent m 

grade 1 to 4 percent in grade 8. The mean trend is 9 percent. 
"2. The rate of failure decreases as the grade advances. 
"3 From one-third to one-sixth of first-grade children fail. 
"4 Ninetv-nine percent of first-grade failures are failures m reading. 
"5 A child who has attended kindergarten has 33 percent more of a chance 
to complete his first grade in 1 year than has the child who has not 
attended kindergarten. 
"6 A study made bv the Research Division of the National Education Associa- 
tion shows that children from small rural schools do not have as good a 
chance to make their grade as do the children of larger rural schools. 
"7 Children who are over-age for their grade show the largest amount of failure. 
"8 Boys are more liable to fail than girls. Along with this must be included the 

fact that boys do not differ from girls in mental ability. 
"9 Children of lower mentality represent about 37 percent of all school failures. 
"10 Arithmetic accounts for 85.3 percent of the subject failures in grade four. 
"11 Arithmetic accounts for 72.4 percent of the subject failures in grade eight. 

The facts presented by the table on failure, and substantiated by the tables for 
age grade and grade progress, show that the schools studied had a higher amount 
of failure than the trend stated by the foregoing quotation. The schools sur- 
veyed cannot be blamed entirely for the fact that failure was high among the 
pupils because manv had migrated into these schools from other school systems- 
many from out of State. Nevertheless, since two-fifths of the children have had 

9C \ Pucsley Reducins and Handling Studont Failures, American School Board 
Journal, 86 : 18-20, March 1933. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2451 

the exi)erience of failing in some gi"ade, a study of the value and the effect of 
failure should be included in this research study. 

Value. — The extensive use of failure must be based upon some conception of 
value. H. J. Otto lists four values of failure, but he does not defend them : '" 

"1. Result of tradition. 

"2. Need of threat of failure for work. 

"3. Punishment, or to bring a change in attitude. 

"4. Provision for maturity." 

Modern educators do not worry much over traditions of the schools except as 
these traditions are held dear by the public. Probably the tradition of failure 
has a favorable place in the thoughts of many persons unless they or their 
children have been involved. No doubt the fact that failure is a historic device 
prevents the more timid administrator from "junking" it for a "new model." 

The use of failure as a threat to make pupils work is vividly denounced by Otto 
in this statement : 

"The threat of failure is an acknowledgment of inefficient teaching and inade- 
quate understanding of children." " 

An experiment to determine the value of the threat of failure as a factor in 
achievement was carried on in four northern Illinois schools during the school 
term 1933-34. The studies were carried on with 352 pupils in tlie second and 
fifth grades. The experiments were conducted under normal conditions in 
typical grades. At the close of the term, the groups showed very little difference 
in achievement. The experiment was summarized thus : 

"In general the effect of the elimination of the threat of failure did not affect 
materially either favorably or unfavorably, the quality of work, the attitudes, 
or the application of the pupils. The teachers' opinions of these items were 
supported by the test results." " 

It is natural for a person to do the things that he likes, and those things are 
usually done better than tasks done under pressure. This being true, a teacher 
should work with the idea of interesting a pupil in his work, and to motivate 
the work so that a pupil will not acquire a negative attitude toward it. Of 
course, not all school tasks can be made pleasant, but if the teacher has the 
proper aim for her work, she will develop attitudes toward these difficult tasks 
so that a pupil will gain satisfaction in completing such jobs. Such procedure 
means skillful adjustment by the teacher, while the threat of failure may be an 
attempt to bring about an adjustment, it surely lacks skill. The following quo- 
tation augments this point : 

"Not only is failure a device for adjusting the pupil instead of the sichool. It 
is also a means of teaching the child to fail in life. Failure of a child is a 
means of teaching more failure than it is a means of teaching success."''' 

The use of failure as punishment likewise is an admission of poor teaching and 
an indictment against the teacher herself. The fundamental purpose for the 
existence of public schools is to secure the maximum educational development 
of children, and failing of a pupil because of malbehavior does not adhere to this 
purpose. The use of failure as punishment is the result of teacher vengeance and 
shows a lack of teacher self-control and consideration — the two main attitudes 
which the teacher should be attempting to develop within the very pupil she is 
failing. The following two statements point out some of the fallacies of using 
failure as punishment : 

"Making a child repeat a grade as a means of punishment shows failure on the 
part of the teacher to meet his real difficulty. Failure as punishment (1) does 
not .solve behavior difficulties, (2) increases emotional maladjustment. (3) is an 
injustice to the capacity of the child, (4) increases habits of carelessness, inatten- 
tion, and indifference." 

"Nonpromotion should never be used as a punishment for malbehavior in a 
social situation. Effort should be made to discover the actual causes for warped 



^° Otto reference was omitted by author. Editor's note. 

" Ibid. 

1== H. J. Otto and Ernest O. Melby, An Attempt to Evaluate the Threat of Failure as a 
Factor in Achievement. Elementary School Journal. ."5 : 588-396, April 19^.'*. 

^C. A. Pugsley, Reducing and Handling Student Failures, American School Board 
Journal. 86 : 18-20, March 1933. 

" Children Who Fail, Wisconsin Journal of Education, 64 : 65, October 1931. 



260370— 41— pt. 



2452 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

personalities and definite remedial work planned along the lines of character 
education. Demoting pupils because of misbehavior merely aggravates the 
case." " 

Repetition of work. — It is a common practice of teachers to ask pupils to repeat 
an entire year's work because a pupil did not show evidence of completing enough 
work in some subject to satisfy some unnatural materialistic standard. The 
teacher justifies her action on the contention that if the child is "exposed'' to the 
facts again that he will acquire enough of them to meet a subject-matter require- 
ment. It appears that if a pupil failed in the first attempt that his chances for 
failure the second time are great. There is no question but what a child will 
acquire a few more facts during the second year (he would acquire some facts 
just from the experience of living a year in spite of the school), but probably 
the margin of educational gain would be small. 

A study in the Long Beach schools during the term 1027-28 revealed that out 
of a group who were considered failures that those who were allowed to take 
the next grade showed a higher index of growth by the Stanford Achievement 
Test than did the group forced to repeat the grade.^® A study by J. C. Nicholas 
conducted in Rockford, 111., during the term 1932-33 revealed similar results" 
These two studies show that educational growth in a repeated grade is less than 
in an advanced grade. 

Making a child rei)eat the work in a given grade does not acknowledge any 
development during the previous term. H. N. Massey expresses the point 
very vividly : 

"In failure, no credit Is given for the amount of work done, but one must 
start over. The person who has completed work, but who is not given credit, 
has been robbed." " 

Paul R. Mort contends that it is difficult to justify causing children to repeat 
a gi'ade when all facts are known. He states that a teacher should take the 
pupils where they are and develop them from there on, and that failures 
cannot be prevented just merely by a change in the amount of work given.^" 

Maladjustments. — Noupromotion involves far more than just mere repetition 
of work. A child cannot be treated as a factory product, to be returned, melted, 
and recast. Every decision of a teacher affects a human mind which has 
capacity for development, and whose development is influenced by experiences. 
The teacher is important in providing experiences for a growing child, and 
since the proper development of attitudes is a prerequisite for a good social 
being, the teacher must thoroughly understand her work. In carrying out her 
task, the teacher must consider the proper emotional and social adjustment of 
children. 

The practice of failure bears directly upon both emotional and social adjust- 
ment. Failure cannot help but upset the emotional status quo of a youngster. 
Failure thwarts ambitions, ideals, confidence, and happiness, and develops 
negative qualities of personality. Reschke says: 

"While a pupil may acquire certain fundamental skills and powers by 
repeating a grade, he may also accpiire certain emotional maladjustments due 
to inability to make friends of his own age and suitable interests." ™ 

Closely connected and inseparable from emotional maladjustment is social 
maladjuvstment. A child's mental ability does not necessarily correlate with his 
physical and social development, therefore retarded pupils are denied the 
proper environment in which to develop to be socially desirable citizens. Of 
course many persons have made such desirable development in spite of tra- 
ditional school practices. Otto has two pertinent statements upon this fact, and 
other writers have stressed it too. 

"Failure causes ridicule by other children, and opinions and attitudes of a 
child's i)eers are very potent ; this ridicule and hostility easily runs to an inferi- 



^L. K. Reschke, Pupils Own Failure Diagnosis, Wisconsin Journal of Education, 
65 : 407-9, May 1933. 

18 H. J. Otto, Pupil Failure as an Administrative Device in Elementary Education, 
Elementary School Journal, 34 : 576-89, April 1934. 

" Ibid. 

"H. N. Massev, Fallacy of Failure, California Quarterly of Secondary Education, 
5 : 263-6, April 1930. 

i» Paul R. Mort, The Individual Pupil, American Book Co., 1928, chap. 5, p. 181. 

20 L. K. Reschke, Pupils Own Failure Diagnosis, Wisconsin Journal of Education, 
65 : 407-9, May 1933. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2453 

ority complex and a repulsion of urges and impulses. The victim may feel criti- 
cism from both the pupils with whom he is placed and those who have advanced. 
The social maladjustment may cause developments of many types of defense 
mechanisms and undesirable or antisocial attitudes and maimerisms." 

"Studies have shown a positive causative relationship between undesirable 
behavior and retardation. Haggerty shows that in 800 elementary school children 
that a much larger amount of undesirable behavior appeared." ^" 

"Keeping a child back arbitrarily do-es not solve the problem of his adjustment — 
it aggravates it. To the dull child, it is useless, it disregards opportunity for 
adjustment, and it increases inferiority and discouragement."* 

" The modern theory for dealing with children is to investigate and correct or 
adjust, instead of to condemn and punish. Confidence is necessary for achieve- 
ment, and failure shows a lack of teacher confidence in pupils."-^ 

At its best, failure has many bad elt'ects upon the child. The scar of failure 
uiK)n the disposition of a child may fade as the years pass by, but it can never be 
removed. Promotion wins all round approvement, but failure makes a child 
conspicuous. 

Flexible program. — Any program to diminish failure must be flexible so as to 
meet the needs of the individual pupils. The existence of rigid grade standards 
means a fixed subject matter approach, while within the grades exist wide ranges 
of abilities and interests. Grade grouping may mean a too advanced curricula 
for the below-average pupil, while the social atmosphere may be too immature 
for the happiness of over-age retarded pupils. An elimination of the emphasis 
upon grade grouping would no doubt aid greatly in obliterating failure from the 
elementary school program. 

Activity and units of ioork. — The development of units of work in the curriculum 
helps to adjust the school program so as to provide for the difference in abilities 
of pupils. The unit program develops an interest in one problem and a youngster 
can contribute to the central topic to the best of his ability. Such a plan gives an 
opportunity for the development of social group attitudes, such as cooperation, 
leadership, individual and group resi>onsibility, analytical reasoning, critical 
evaluation, and consideration for others. 

Activity work has a very definite place in such a program because of its 
ability to develop interests and attitudes. In planning for such work, a 
committee should formulate a course of study flexible enough to meet the 
needs of the pupils as they change. There should be a few objectives given, 
and then the teachers should be allowed freedom to develop their own plan 
of procedure, with the counsel of the supervisor. Graves emphasizes this 
point of free planning. 

"A teacher in an ordinary class can aid in eliminating failure by carefully 
supervised study ; and in very ditflcult cases by special assignments — those 
given to pupils to suit their natural capacity, probable progress, and present 
state of mind. No method will take the place of the teacher's personal inter- 
est, sympathetic understanding, and actual personal planning and personal 
activity." ^ 

St7-ess on social development. — Activity work carried on under a democratic 
teacher atmosphere will tend to bring out many desirable civic projects in a 
group of like ages. Yoiingsters could have an opportunity to develop favorable 
social traits by cooperative enterprises ; children with definite problems, if 
aroused have an enormous amount of energy to expand in seeking their 
solutions, and such work under intelligent guidance can build self-reliance. 
Synchronized with this aim is an interesting discussion of the aim of public 
education given in the following quotation : 

"The chief purpose of the State in maintaining schools at public expense 
is found, first of all, in the development of good citizens, intelligent, self- 
supporting men and women who have higher standards of living and conduct. 
The State does not care so much about the amount and kind of facts one 
possesses as it does about the attitudes entertained regarding them."* 



21 H. J. otto, Pupil Failure As An Administrative Device in Elementary Education, 
Elementary Scliool .Journal, 34 : 576-89, April 1934. 

22 Ibid. 

23 Children Who Fail, Wisconsin Journal of Education, 64 : 65. October 1931. 

^ R. Pullman, Treating the Child Who Is Failing in School. Education, 49 : 465-72, 
April 1929 

2^ S. M. Graves, Are Failures Necessary? Journal of Education, 116: 322, June 19, 1933. 
2« Change — The Test of Teaching, School and Society, 40 : 13.3-6, July 28, 1934. 



2454 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Trained teachers. — Any proposal foi- the elimination of failure demands 
the best kind of teacliers, as any educational program should. A system 
which eliminates non-promotion must have teachers who have confidence 
in youth, who believe in the possibilities of children, and who are sympathetic 
toward their activities. Sucli teachers must have a sound l>elief in modern 
philosophy of education ; they must be well trained in the art of teaching, and 
must have a broad cultural education to draw uix»n in carrying out their 
work. These teachers must have the personality and vitality to inspire 
children, to instill pupil ambitions and ideals. A teacher to gain the goodwill 
of children must be humanly sympathetic. 

"Teacher kindness is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary it shows 
strength and understanding." "' 

A teacher must develop a personal relationship between herself and her pupils ; 
she must let eacli pupil feel that she is vitally interested in him personally and 
separate from the group. All in all, though — 

"The teacher's work cannot be described in detail by an administrator. 

"Teachers may study the latest theories, methods, and testing procedure, but 
the way she applies what she knows will depend upon her ability as an artist 
teacher." "' 

Summary. — The amount of failure revealed in the study of the pupils in 
southern Kern County was more than the average for the Nation's schools. 

The value of failure appears to be based upon false i>renuses, while nonpro- 
motion creates a lack of teacher confidence by causing pupils to repeat work 
without credit for previous development, and causes emotional and social mal- 
adjustments. In an attempt to diminish pupil failures, a tlexible program must 
be established with activities and units of work which allows jjupil success and 
development of wholesome attitudes in relation to abilities and interests. Such 
a program stresses the social development of pupils into desirable citizens, and 
demands well-trained teachers who are sympathetic toward pupils, who take a 
personal interest in the pupils problems, and who have the ability to inspire 
pupils to greater achievements. 

CHAPTE.1 V. SUMM.\RY AND CONCLUSIOXS 

The facts congregated through this survey indicated certain conditions within 
the schools which should provoke serious thought among those persons employed 
in the schools. A summary of the conditions bring definite conclusions regard- 
ing reconnnended procedures for making classroom instruction more efficient 
for the youngsters now enrolled. 

Sinumarics of ihc .'^tudi/. — From the compilation of the information gathered 
from the 17 elementary schools of southern Kern County, the following conclu- 
sions were eminent : Two-thirds of the pupils enrolled were born in other States 
which have suffered from drought and dust storms; there was a large range 
in the chronological ages of the pupils in each grade ; there was a larger spread 
of ages for the group born in other States than for those born in California; 
there was a greater range in ages for the California-born group of foreign 
parentage than for the native California children of English-sijeaking parents ; 
there were more overage pupils than imderage pupils in the grades ; the out- 
of-State-born group showed greater over-ageness than the California group; more 
retardation was revealed than acceleration ; there was 40 percent nonpromotion 
among the pupils as compared to a mean average of 9 percent in the Nation ; and 
the teachers expect about one-third of the children to go no farther in school 
than the eighth grade, and tliat less than one-tenth will reach college. 

From the facts presented in this study, close analysis should be made to 
determine where present practices are not meeting the needs of the pupils en- 
rolled, and careful study should be made of any proposed changes in classroom 
activities. Changes in instruction and procedure*? should be based upon a 
sound philosophy of education and the results of valid scientific experimentation. 

Recommendations suggested. — The results of pupil conditions and school prac- 
tices as indicated in this investigation, and supported by the results of several 



=' L. K. Reschke. Pupils Own Failure Diagnosis. Wisconsin Journal of Education, 
65 : 407-9, May 19.33. 

28 W. A. Kincaid, Teaching Is More Than a Job, Journal of Education, 114: 227-8. 
October 19. 1931. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2455 

authoritative studies, lay the foundation for the suggested recommendations for 
improving learning conditions for the pupils of Kern County. In recognition 
of that goal, the following recommendations are suggested: (1) A curriculum 
committee of teachers should work upon the development of units of work 
which would meet the needs and abilities of the pupils. Such units should recog- 
nize the experiences of the children and should make definite contacts with life 
situations of the pupils. (2) Greater latitude in carrying out courses of study 
should be allowed the teachers, because no small group can set up grade or school 
subject matter to cover the variations within a county school system. (3) Drill 
in the fundamental processes should be developed to meet demands set up by 
real experiences instead of diminished. All drills should be made purposeful 
to the pupils. (4) Less emphasis should be placed upon grade divisions and 
rigid subject matter standards. Active steps should be taken to eliminate 
failure in the elementary schools without interfering with the teaching efficiency. 
(5) More attention should be given to the consideration of pupil maturation in 
teaching. (6) First grade reading should be started and developed according to 
reading readiness instead of by mass group instruction. Definite vocabulary and 
social experiences should precede as a background for first grade, or rather begin- 
ning reading. (7) Definite methods should be developed for teaching pupils 
coming from homes where a foreign language is used. (8) Teachers in planning 
and prescribing work for pupils, should consider what will be the probable limit 
of each pupil's education. The time at which a pupil will terminate his schooling 
should be an important factor for the type of work and experiences planned by 
the teacher. (9) Teachers should use as many books as possible which meet the 
reading level of the pupils regardless of grade placement. All textbooks and 
supplementary materials should be identified according to reading and vocabulary 
difficulty instead of by designated grades. To this end, book companies should be 
encouraged to produce books with varied reading difficulty over a wide range 
of reading interests, while libraries should be encouraged to set up books in 
units around common interests instead of in sets of identical books. (10) Curric- 
ulum files should be developed in each school in order to have sufficient curriculum 
material at hand for use in classrooms at the time when it would contribute the 
most to the learning situation. (11) The teaching personnel should become 
familiar with the home conditions of the pupils in order to understand pupil 
attitudes and conditions. (12) Special consideration should be given children 
having handicaps, and systematic cooperation with the health department or 
otheri agencies should aid the eradication of physical handicaps which hinder 
proper educational opportunities. (13) Special work should be inaugurated to 
overcome nervous and speech disorders. (14) Supervision should be democratic 
and recognized as a help to the classroom situation. The supervisor should not 
be primarily concerned with the fact of how good a teacher is, but should be ready 
to help both the good and the poor teacher alike. (15) Teacher rating by the 
supervisory stafi' should not be revived, and previous ratings should be dis- 
regarded. ' (16) Extension education courses should be continued in Kern County, 
and teacher attendance should be encouraged. (17) Summer school work by 
teachers should be recognized by school officials. (18) And teacher guidance of 
pupils should be encouraged, and a better understanding of the others' work 
should be developed between the elementary teachers and the high school 
instructors. 

Cmwlusions. — This study revealed that teachers truly must belong to a profes- 
sional group willing to study each pupil just as a doctor studies his patients. 
The teacher, in order to meet the varied pupil conditions as shown in the tabula- 
tions of this study, to say nothing of the personal and emotional factors which 
must be reckoned with as well, must be a well-trained individual who diagnoses 
with professional accuracy the needs of each pupil in his class, and who con- 
scientiously and scientifically uses a technique of instruction to meet the require- 
ments of each pupil. 

Progress can be made in the educational program of the Kern County schools 
by the teachers maintaining a high professional attitude, and by establishing a 
cooperative unity for curriculum development and for advancement in reliable 
modern educational practices. To this end. all persons drawing public money 
for educational purposes should dedicate themselves. 



2456 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

TESTIMONY OF MRS. WALTER A. KNAPP— Resumed 

Mr. OsMERS. I think Mrs. Knapp has made a very fine contribution, 
Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Yes. Mrs. Knapp, there are quite a few migrant 
camps in Kern County and Tulare ; are there not ? 
Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

The Chairman. Has that increased the school attendance? 
Mrs. Knapp. Yes ; very much so. 
The Chairman. Very perceptibly? 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. In Porterville each year they have had in the 
last 3 years to put on three more teachei*s than they had planned. 
The gentleman previous to me said that the school enrollment, I be- 
lieve, for the State had not. That is because in such cities as Berkeley 
there is a decrease, while our attendance in the San Joaquin Valley is 
greatly increased. For instance, in Merced City there we have added 
seven new classrooms. We have no camp. That is from what we 
call the "shanty town." And of course that makes a transportation 
problem, in such cities as Porterville and Dos Palos where the migrant 
people from the growers' camps come to their schools. We have some 
emergency schools in the growers' camps, and those are only held as 
long as the children are there. I have in my report the increase in 
the various schools. 

The Chairman. A lot of these children of migrants do not attend 
school, do they ? Do they all attend school ? 

Mrs. Knapp. They have to attend school. Some of them may try 
to slip out of it for a while, say, the first week or two, and after they 
have moved, possibly a week or two. But our attendance officers are 
insistent that they enter our schools. 

The Chairman. Well, don't some of them work in the fields, some 
of these children work with their parents ? 

Mrs. Knapp. Oh, yes. But not during school hours. 

The Chairman. Not during school hours? 

Mrs. Knapp. They are not supi)osed to. They possibly do, but 
they are not supposed to work during school hours. 

The Chairman. Well, at any rate, you have the whole picture 
pretty well portrayed in your report. 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

The Chairman. And the additional one that you will furnish us 
you can send to Washington to our committee. 

Mrs. Knapp. All right. 

The Chairman. And we have certainly been very pleased to have 
you, Mrs. Knapp, because this is very important in this investigation, 
what effect it has on the health and education of the children. 

Mrs. Knapp. Would you care for this right now [indicating docu- 
ment] ? 

The Chairman. What is it? 

Mrs. Knapp. This is a study made by Kern County. 

Tlie Chairman. Do you have an extra copy ? 

Mrs. Knapp. No. But I can send for another copy of this report. 
There is one page of conclusions in there. 

The Chairman. May we have this? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2457 

Mrs. Knapp. Yes. 

The Chaibman. Mark it as an exhibit. 

(The document referred to was marked as an exhibit and made a 
part of this record and appears on pp. 72-86 RW.) 

Mrs. Knapp. I have inchided some of those things m my report, 
but that is just a little more in detail. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mrs. Knapp. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. Doctor Shepard. 

TESTIMONY OF DR. WILLIAM P. SHEPARD, PRESIDENT, WESTERN 
BRANCH, AMERICAN PUBLIC HEALTH ASSOCIATION 

The Chairman. Doctor Shepard, Congressman Sparkman will in- 
terrogate you. TUT ^ 

Mr. Sparkman. Dr. William P. Shepard, president. Western 
Branch, American Public Health Association; is that right. Doctor? 

Dr. Shepard. That's right. 

Mr. Sparkman. Doctor, you have filed a complete statement that 
I have looked over rather hurriedly, but one that was very interest- 
ing, relating particularly to the health conditions among these various 
migrants. 

(The statement referred to follows:) 

STATEMENT OF WILLIAM P. SHEPARD, M. D., PRESIDENT, WESTERN 
BRANCH, AMERICAN PUBLIC HEALTH ASSOCIATION 

Health Conditions Among Migratory Destitute Citizens in the Western 
States Other Than Cai.ifornia 

At the request of your chief field investigator, a study was undertaken of the 
health conditions among migratory destitute citizens in the Western States other 
than California. It was understood that others would present material for Cali- 
fornia. This study includes the 10 Western States, excepting California, com- 
prising the area in the United States covered by the western branch, American 
Public Health Association; namely, Washington, Oregon, Arizona, New Mexico, 
Nevada, Wyoming, Idaho, Montana, Colorado, and Utah. To arrive at the gen- 
eral conclusions contained herein, study was made of the mortality statistics 
prepared by the United States Census Bureau ; morbidity reports issued weekly 
by the United States Public Health Service ; weekly, monthly, or annual reports 
issued by the various State health departments. These were examined for 
evidence of undue illness rates or death rates by locality and by cause. Corre- 
spondence was had with the State health officers of each of the Western States 
except California. The material presented by them is submitted herewith as 
exhibits A to K. Migratory labor camps have been visited in Idaho, Colorado, 
Arizona, and California.^ 

HEALTH CONDITIONS AS A WHOLE 

Birth rates are considerably higher among migratory workers than among 
the general population. Families registering in the Farm Security Adminis- 
tration camp at Twin Falls, Idaho, average between 6 and 7 members. The 
average family registered in the labor camps of Maricopa County, Arizona, con- 
sists of 7 to 9 members. Photograph No. 2, exhibit K, shows 15 children in 2 
families.' Familiesi of 8 and 10 children are common, and from 12 up to 18 are 
seen. This has an important bearing on mortality and morbidity, accounting 



1 These exhibits are held in the committee's files. 



2458 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

to some extent for the liigh infant and maternal death rates referred to 
below. 

Death rates as a whole, that is, total deaths from all causes, are not 
elevated in the Western States as a result of immigration. In fact, since 
1930, there have been no excessive total death rates in Western States, and 
in 1937, 1938, and 1939, total deaths from all causes have been slightly lower 
than usual. It would appear that western health protective facilities, such 
as health departments,! schools, and voluntary health agencies, have not 
broken down. 

Death rates from special causes. — There is definite evidence, however, that 
where migrants congregate in considerable numbers, certain causes of death 
show an increase. This reflects the serious health conditions encountered 
among the migrants themselves, even though these conditions have not as 
yet greatly affected health conditions in the resident population. It is im- 
possible to obtain specific death rates for migi-ants as compared with residents. 
Nevertheless, counties and portions of counties where migrants congregate in 
excessive numbers do show an increase in the following causes of death : 

Infants under 1 year. 

Mothers in childbirth. 

Diarrhea and enteritis under 2 years of age (summer complaint). 

Tuberculosis. 

Pneumonia. 

Typhoid fever. 

Dysentery. 

These are causes usually considered largely preventable. Their prevalence 
in a population group usually indicates poverty, malnutrition, lack of sanita- 
tion, overcrowding, and lack of health education. 

Sickness rates in migrant areas. — Except for the contagious diseases which 
are reportable by law to the local health officer, there are no published figures 
on the amount and type of illness most prevalent among migrants. Testimony 
from health officers and local physicians, however, is unanimous in sliowing 
that migrants as a whole are far from a healthy group. Children suffer 
trom malnutrition more commonly and to a greater degi-ee than in other 
groups. Their physical defects are more severe and more numerous. Tuber- 
culosis is a common finding, especially among the young adults. Syphilis, 
likewise, appears frequently in the contagious stage and is rarely treated 
adequately enough to shorten the contagious period or to protect the victim 
from later disabling complications. Typhoid fever is often prevalent as might 
be expected from drinking unsafe water and eating unsafeguarded foods. 
Smallpox outbreaks have been reported several times but have usually been 
controlled by prompt vaccination offered by local health officers. Dysentery of 
various forms, much of it contagious, is probably the commonest cause of 
disability. This is attributable to poor water and food supplies and to dietary 
unbalance, often a result of poverty. 

In addition to these major causes of illness, there are a number of minor 
causes, less serious from the standpoint of disability, but adding further evi- 
dence of the low health status of migratory destitute citizens in general. 
They are very frequently infested with head and body lice. Camp managers 
find it necessary to wage unremitting war on bedbugs. Impetigo, a pus infec- 
tion of the skin, most common and more serious in the absence of skin clean- 
liness, is prevalent, especially among the children. Scabies (itch) is common. 

Facilities for medical care until recently have been almost totally lacking. 
So, likewise, has been public health protection. Counties already burdened 
by the relief needs of their own residents, with taxes mounting to luipre- 
cedented heights to meet these needs, with health departments already inade- 
quately financed and undei-staffed, with county hospitals overflowing, and 
with local physicians already doing over 50 percent charity work, found it 
impossible to anticipate or meet the needs of the hordes of destitute non- 
residents. Since 1937, however, many counties have made some provision 
for public health protection, aided by social security funds awarded through the 
United States Public Health Service and the Children's Bureau. Likewise, 
some counties have opened their free hospitals for emergency medical needs 
to nonresidents. Nevertheless, desperate need for adequate public health pro- 
tection and for at least minimum medical, hospital, and nursing care still 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2459 

exists iu many sections, notably portions of Colorado, Idaho, and Arizona. In 
fact, the only areas where such needs are not well-nigh desperate, are those 
sections served by Federal camps operated by the Farm Security Administration. 
Camps for migratory families operated by the Farm Security Administra- 
tion present a health picture in sharp contrast to the remainder of the migrant 
population. There, sanitation, public health protection, and medical care are 
all provided in more or less adequate degree. Water supplies and sewage 
disposal are properly safeguarded. A dispensary with nurses in constant, 
and physicians in regular, attendance offers prompt attention to minor dis- 
orders. Serious illnesses, including obstetrics and surgery, are referred iu 
rotation to local physicians who have agreed to render services at a slightly 
reduced rate. The expense of this program is shared by the workers them- 
selves who pay a fixed amount into the camp fund. In these camps, facilities 
are available for routine diagnosis and care, as well as for isolation of known 
or suspected contagious cases. There are filso facilities for recreation and 
for assisting clients with family sewing. Teachers are provided for regular 
school work for the children. Many health officers feel that if it had not 
been for the excellent health program of the Farm Security Administration 
in these camps, the migrants in their sections would have presented a much 
more serious menace to the health of the resident population. 

SANITATION 

Sanitation in the unsupervised camps of migrants is generally so bad as to con- 
stitute a serious danger not only to tliemselves but the nearby resident popula- 
tion. Privies are either entirely lacking or so filthy they cannot be used. The 
ground in and around the camp soon become thickly scattered with excreta which 
is tracked into the fioorless tents where it contaminates bedding, clothing, and 
even food. Flies appear in swarms as well as mosquitoes and other insects. 
Water is often carried some distance from wells or irrigation ditches. The wells 
soon become polluted and the irrigation ditch, used alike for bathing, washing, 
and drinking, becomes little better than a cesspool. Food is often scanty and of 
a nondescript character, determined largely by what is locally available at lowest 
prices. Wlien such conditions obtain, the morale of the group reaches a low ebb 
and efforts by health officers and land operators to improve conditions are of no 
avail. Sanitary plumbing is neglected, damaged, or stolen, wooden privy covers 
are used for firewood, and garbage is dumped in front of the shelter instead of 
being carried to the incinerator or can. Soiled clothing is worn without washing 
until it is worn out and can be exchanged for new at some local relief station. 
Under these circumstances, which still exist in many parts of the West, it is little 
wonder that death rates from the more preventable causes are excessive ; that 
many women die unnecessarily in childbirth ; that many infants fail to survive 
their first year ; that children suffer from serious and numerous physical defects, 
including malnutrition (see exhibit K, Report on Farm Labor Camps in Maricopa 
County, Ariz.)"; That such deplorable conditions can be remedied is proved by 
the excellent sanitation in the F. S. A. camps where discipline is exerted by a 
camp council woi-king with the camp manager. 

HEALTH ME3NACE TO LOCAL RESIDENTS 

The health menace to local residents presented by destitute migratory workers 
is difficult to determine at the present time. Instances are on record where 
malaria has been introduced into a locality formerly free, due to the fact that 
anonpheles mosquitoes capable of transmitting the infection are frequently present 
in a locality but lack the opportunity to feed on the human malaria sufferer and 
hence do not transmit the infection. Once the infected human is supplied in 
these areas the disease may become prevalent. It is too early to tell whether 
this will be the case in the instances mentioned. Diphtheria has been recorded 
in epidemic form in the camps of migratory workei-s in localities where this 
disease had been practically stamped out by means of widespread voluntary 
immunization of residents. Outbreaks of smallpox and typhoid fever in migra- 
tory camps have been mentioned above. Most cities, counties, and States pride 
themselves on their low infant mortality and freedom from diphtheria, smallpox, 



- Held in committee files. 



2460 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

and typhoid fever. These illnesses, formerly taking thousands of lives each year, 
are now considered largely preventable. The otherwise good health record of 
many western communities has been upset during the past few years by the poor 
health record of camps of migrants. 

STATES MOST AFFECTED 

The extent to which these health problems exist in the Western States outside 
California is indicated in the attached letters from State health officers, exhibits 
A to J.* Wliere health problems do exist they are much the Siime regardless of 
locality. Outside California, health problems are most severe in Arizona, then 
Idaho and Colorado. According to the respective State health officers, migrants 
have presented no serious health problems in Montana, Oregon, Utah, New Mexico, 
Washington, Wyoming, and Nevada. 

In Arizona, there are approximately 70,000 migratory people entering the 
State for seasonal employment between September and June each year. They 
invariably create a serious health problem from the standpoint of sanitation and 
contagious diseases, particularly typhoid fever, dysentery, and smallpox. Ap- 
proximately 60 percent of the migratory labor is employed in Maricopa County 
(county seat, Phoenix). Farm Security Administration camps are operating in 
this county, in the Casa Grande area of Pinal County, in Graham County, and 
Yuma County. Two areas where the Farm Security Administration does not 
operate are near Tucson where about 1,800 migrants work. Without the 
Farm Security Administration, conditions would revert to a serious state which 
would affect the local resident population, as well as the migrants. 

In Idaho, during the past 5 years large numbers of migrants have arrived in 
destitute condition. The Farm Security Administration operates excellent camps 
at Caldwell and Twin Falls, but many workers and their families continue to 
live in tents and rude shelters, presenting a health hazard both to themselves 
and the community. Kootenai County, in northern Idaho, has the highest per- 
cent of direct relief of any county in the State, largely due to immigration of 
the destitute. Smallpox, dysentery, and tuberculosis are the major illnesses pro- 
ducing a public-health problem. Suitable care for expectant mothers and new- 
borns is hard to provide. Children suffer from undernourishment and excessive 
physical defects, many such defects being remediable, but no facilities exist for 
their correction. 

In Colorado, there is a considerable influx of destitute tuberculous who be- 
lieve the Colorado climate will cui'e their disease without the necessity of hos- 
pital or medical care. Between two and three thousand migratory laborers 
come into the State each year for poach picking, many of them xinable to find 
work. Adequate living facilities are not available, and they live in trailers, 
auto camps, and tent colonies without provision for sanitation, pure water, or 
51'^y type of medical care. Many laborers and their families came into the State 
seeking work on the Caddoa Dam and Green Mountain water diversion projects. 
Several hundred could not be employed, and they became destitute, living in 
dangerously unsanitary camps. The State health officer feels that these migra- 
tory destitute, though fewer in numbers than in some States, present a serious 
health problem. 

SUMMARY 

Destitute migrants in California, Arizona, Idaho, and Colorado present the 
most urgent health problems in the West. These problems are serious, not only 
to the migrants themselves but to the communities in which they settle. Con- 
tagious diseases are no respecters of social class or geographic boundary. Except 
where the Farm Security Administration has made an excellent start in caring 
for the health and sickness needs of these people, the health problems are much 
the same regardless of present location of migrants or source from which they 
emigrated. They are: Poverty and its usual companions — malnourishment, tuber- 
culosis, excessive infanr and maternal deaths ; excessive physical defects among 
children due to lack of medical care; intestinal diseases, such as typhoid and 
dysentery due to lack of sanitation and unsafeguarded water and food ; pneu- 
monia, smallpox, diphtheria, and the usual contagious childhood diseases due to 
lack of immunization and failure to detect and isolate the early contagious case. 
Lack of proper medical care, nursing and hospital care for the sick and defective 



3 Held in committee files. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2461 

is probably tho outstanding health problem of the entire group. It Is evident 
that many western cities and counties have been unable to cope with the over- 
whelming problems presented by the sudden influx of destitute migrants. Many 
have done their best, but their efforts were pitifully small due to lack of funds. 
It is also evident that Federal funds provided through the Farm Security Admin- 
istration, the United States Public Health Service, and the Children's Bureau 
have been used to good advantage to control these health hazards in many 
localities. Their use should be extended to cover all migratory destitute citizens 
in the United States. 

W. P. Shkpard, M. D. 

TESTIMONY OF DR. WILLIAM P. SHEPARD— Resumed 

Mr. Sparkman. Do you believe that health conditions among the 
migrants are such that they threaten the group with decline in employ- 
ability through gradual physical deterioration? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes ; on the whole that certainly is true. That doesn't 
apply in the F. S. A. camps. 

Mr. Sparkman. I was just going to ask you if that applied to those 
camps. 

Dr. Shepard. I should say the reverse is the picture there. They 
are being rapidly rehabilitated. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, to what group particularly does it apply, 
Doctor? 

Dr. Shepard. All those that are outside the F. S. A. camps. 

Mr. Sparkman. In other words, those who may be camped indi- 
vidually along the road, or those in the shack camps ? 

Dr. Shepard. Camp colonies, trailer camps, and so on. 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. Doctor, can those conditions be controlled by 
the State or county health boards ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes; I should say almost entirely. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, would it be a very heavy burden for them 
to do it ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes. It would cost a good deal more than the appro- 
priation that they have now. Our county health departments are 
pretty generally understaffed and underfinanced. 

Mr. Sparkman. When I asked you if it could be controlled, I really 
meant could it be handled efficiently by them without Federal aid, or 
do you think that it is a thing calling for Federal aid ? 

Dr. Shepard. Well, I think it is calling for Federal aid, because the 
local county has had this burden thrust upon it through no fault of 
its own. They have frequently been pretty hard pressed to take care 
of their own citizens who are in need of relief, and in some counties 
we have seen enormous numbers come in who needed more care than 
the county could afford. 

recommends expansion of federal public health SHtVICES 

Mr. Sparkman. You suggest an extension of certain Federal activi- 
ties. Do you have a recommendation as to expansion or reorganization 
of types of health activities in which Federal agencies are engaged ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes. The public-health work now done by the Chil- 
dren's Bureau and the public work now done by the United States 
Public Health Service certainly should be expanded. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, the first activity that you mention, that is a 
State activity with Federal participation ? 



2462 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Dr. Shepard. That's it; yes. The funds are all allocated through 
the State health department. 

Mr. Sparkman. Of course, as long as these conditions exist as de- 
scribed in your paper, they constitute a real threat, do they, not only 
to those colonies but to the surrounding communities? 

Dr. Shepard. Surrounding residents; yes. There is no question 
about that. 

Mr. Sparkman, And you think that certainly it ought to be cleaned 
up? 

Dr. Shepard. Oh, yes. It's a serious thing. 

Mr. Sparkman. And that it can be done? 

Dr. Shepard. No question about it. It is being done in the F. S. A, 
camps, 

Mr. Sparkman. Do they set a model that you would recommend ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes; very highly. Yes, indeed. 

Mr, Sparkman, How are you going to clean up these places where 
the people are camping more or less individually, not where there is 
a well-established camp, but they just pull off by the side of the road, 
camp in the ditches and under the culverts, and so forth ? How are 
you going to work that out? 

Dr, Shepard. Well, if they constitute a health menace or even com- 
mit a nuisance, that comes under the authority of the local health 
officer. He has authority to act. 

Mr. Sparkman. And you think he ought to act? 

Dr. Shepard. He would act if he had the money and the personnel, 
but he hasn't the facilities. 

Mr. Sparkman. Is there anything further you care to add? The 
statement that you have filed is made a part of our record. 

Dr. Shepard. Yes; I think that is quite complete, unless there are 
any further questions about it. 

The Chairman. It is a very good statement. 

Mr. OsMERS. I have something further, Mr. Chairman. 

abnormal death rate among migrants 

Mr, Curtis. In reference to the unsettled migrants here in Cali- 
fornia that have been unable to get a job or had no relatives to take 
them in, has there been an abnormal death rate among them? 

Dr. Shepard. You refer to the areas in which they settled, or among 
the group itself ? 

Mr. Curtis. Among those individuals themselves. 

Dr. Shepard. Yes. Among the group itself they have an excessive 
death rate from these causes that I have listed here, namely, deaths 
among infants under 1 year, deaths among mothers in childbirth, 
deaths from diarrhea and enteritis under 2 years of age — that is what 
we call "summer complaint" — deaths from tuberculosis, pneumonia, 
typhoid fever, and dysentery. 

emergency hospitalization of migrants in CALIFORNIA 

Mr. Curtis. What does California do in case a migrant family has 
just arrived, a matter of a few days, no connections whatever, no 
money, and, say, the mother is to deliver a child immediately; what do 
you give them ? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2463 

Dr. Shepabd. Well, my testimony was to be confined to the States 
outside of California. 

Mr. Curtis. I want to know something about what you are faced 
with here. 

Dr. Shepard. From what I have seen done here in the case of child- 
birth or serious injury or innnediate emergency, need of surgery, the 
families are admitted to the nearest local county hospital. 

Mr. Curtis. When it is a grave matter of life and death, the questions 
of settlement are not raised, are they? 

Dr. Shepard. Xo. 

Mr. Curtis. But the 

Dr. Shepard (interposing). Not any more. They were. 

Mr. Curtis. Yes. It does have its telling effect upon those things 
that are destroying the health and the life, more or less continuously, 
of these people ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes. And we don't know how many emergency health 
conditions have arisen in the past that have been totally neglected 
because the people felt they couldn't get into the local county hos- 
pital and therefore didn't apply. 

INIr. Curtis. Yes. 

Dr. Shepard. You see, that's an unknown chapter. All we know is 
that the death rates are excessive. Many of these could have been 
saved probably in the past had we had better facilities for medical 
care. 

Mr. Curtis. How does 3'our death rate in California compare to that 
of the other States ? Do you know offhand ? 

Dr. Shepard. It's a trifle higher than other States, but that is almost 
entirely accounted for by the larger percentage of older people in this 
State. 

Mr. Curtis. And perhaps some self-sustaining people who have been 
forced to retire and whose health is bad come here for a period of time ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes. Our tuberculosis death rate in this State is con- 
siderably higher than the countiy as a whole. People with tuberculosis 
come out here, you see. 

Mr. Curtis. And the real problem that should have attention in this 
State, then, is the long-time health condition of these people rather than 
some provision for emergency in case of extreme grave danger ? 

Dr. Shepard. Yes. I think in most areas in this State where there 
are any considerable number of migTants, they do get access to the 
county hospital for extreme emergency. Of course, there are many 
other things they need help for that they don't get. 

Mr. Curtis. Has there been a lot of accidents, too, among these 
people ? 

Dr. Shepard. A good many injuries. It is a hazardous occupation. 

Mr. Curtis. That is all. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. Doctor. You have certainly 
filed a very adequate statement. We appreciate it very much. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. The committee will stand adjourned until 9 : 30 
tomorrow morning. 

(Whereupon, at 5 : 05 p. m. an adjournment was taken to 9 : 30 a. m., 
Wednesday, September 25, 1940.) 



The pictures on the following pages were accepted for the record, 
being furnished by the Reclamation Service, the Forest Service, and 
the Farm Security Administration, of the Department of Agi'iculture. 

They portray certain aspects of the problems of interstate migra- 
tion and certain testimony of witnesses before the committee, as 
indicated in the references given under some of the pictures. 

2464-A 




2464-B 






24C4-C 




-I s> 




2464- E 




2464-F 




Lands cut over and abandoned since 1920. in Columbia County, Oreg. Dctober I93G. 




Abandoned village in cut-over part of Wallowa National Forest, Oreg. October 193fi. 



2464-G 








2464-H 




Towers of the Bonneville transmission system— and a deserted home- in the Columbia Basin area. 

March 22, 1940. 




aliinriiia. Ndii' ;4uitar on tree at right. See testi- 



Scene in a squatters' camp in the ^ha>ta 1 >aiii arra in Cahlnniia. Nnf :-|UUar on tree i 
monv or Walker K. Vounsj, p. 2622 etseq. September 22. 1938. 



2464-1 




2464-J 




Children in squatters' camp, Shasta Dam area. September 2, 1938. 




24r)4-L 




2464-M 




■I I 



1 




2464-0 




2464-P 




2464-Q 



INTERSTATE MKiRATION 



wednesday, september 25, 1940 

House of Representatives, 
Select Committee to Investigate 
Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, 

Washington^ D. C . 

The committee met at 10 a. m.. September 25, 1940, in room 276 in 
the Post Office Building, San Francisco, Calif., Hon. John H. Tolau 
(chairman) presiding. 

Present were Representatives John H. Tolan (chairman), of Cali- 
fornia ; John J. Sparkman, of Alabama : and Frank C. Osmers, Jr., of 
New Jersey. 

Also present were Dr. Robert K. Lamb, chief investigator; Dr. 
Edward J. Rowell, chief field investigator ; Ed Bates, field investiga- 
tor ; and Alice M. Tuohy, field secretary. 

The Chairman. The committee will please come to order. 

Is Mr. Myderick here? 

TESTIMONY OF PERRY MYDERICK, YAKIMA, WASH. 

The Chairman. Your name is Perry Myderick ? 

Mr. Myderick. Myderick ; yes. 

The Chairman. Where do yoii reside? 

Mr. Myderick. At Yakima* at the farm-labor camp up there. 

The Chairman. Yakima. Wash.? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

The Chairman. Well, Congressman Osmers, of New Jersey, will 
ask you a few questions at this time. 

Mr. Osmers. Mr. Myderick. do you have a family ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Osmers. How many are in your family ? 

Mr. Myderick. Seven. 

Mr. Osmers. Wliat are their ages ? 

Mr. Myderick. The oldest one is 8 and the second one is 7 and the 
third one is 6 and the next one is 4 and the smallest one is 1 year and 
4 months. 

Mr. Osmers. I see. Are you living with your wife? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. How did you happen to get to Yakima ? 

Mr. Myderick. I wen't to San Diego first from western North 
Dakota to San Diego. Calif. 

Mr. Osmers. When did you leave Nortli Dakota? 

Mr. Myderick. Last fall in October — the 13th. 

Ml'. Osmers. Why did vou leave there? 

2465 

2G0S70— 41— pt. •; 18 



2466 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. Myderick. Well, there has been no crops out there for 11 years, 
and I seen an ad in the paper out there of some land for sale down there 
at San Diego as low as a dollar an acre, and when I got down there, 
why, there was nothing that I could buy for less than $2,000 an acre. 

Mr. OsMERS. $2,000 an acre? . . 

Mr. Myderick. That is, not that a man could make a livmg on. 

Mr. Osmers. Tell me a little bit about your experience in the Middle 
West before you came out here. I mean, were you a farmer there ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Did you have a farm of your own ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes ; I bought a farm there and farmed there for 2 
years there; before that I had rented, and then in '26 I bought a farm. 

Mr. Osmers. Where was the farm that you bought ? 

Mr. Myderick. At Sanish, X. Dak. 

Mr. Osmers. And tell me about your experience on this farm in 

Sanish. ^ • i ^ ^ /^o/^ 

Mr. Myderick. Well, I bought this farm m 1926 and paid $1,000 
down on it, and I bought it on crop payments, and I had it half paid 
for 3 years after I bought it. 

Mr. Osmers. Yes ? 

Mr. Myderick. And then in '28. why, the crops started to getting 
dry. After that, in '28, there was a half a crop, and in '29 there was 
less, and in '30 there was nothing at all, and in '31 there was nothing at 
all. And it has been that way ever since. 

Mr. Osmers. Just no crop at all ? 

Mr. Myderick. No crop at all. 

Mr. Osmers. Now, I noticed in the statement that you have made 
that you leased a thousand acres on the Fort Peck Reservation ? 

Mr. Myderick. Well, that was 600. 

Mr. Osmers. Six hundred acres? 

Mr. Myderick. Six hundred acres; that is, farm land. 

Mr. Osmers. And when was that? Six hundred acres was the farm 
and 400 acres were in pasture ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. That was after— in 1909 I took up a home- 
stead there at Plenty wood, Mont. I homesteaded a half -section there. 

Mr. Osmers. Yes? 

Mr. Myderick. And I bought a breaking outfit, and after that it 
went just the same way there as it did in North Dakota. There was no 
crops and I lost that. ' I lost the place, you know. I mortgaged to the 
Avery Co., and they finally made a deal that if I was to turn the land 
over to them they would give me a clear title to the tractor, and I sold 
this tractor and went farming at Fort Peck Reservation at Froid, 
Mont. I farmed there for 2 years. 

Mr. Osmers. Tell us about what you have done since you have been 
out on the Pacific coast. 

:Mr. Myderick. Well. I didn't do much of anything so far. 

Mr. Osmers. Have you ever worked in the shipyards here? 

Mr. Myderick. Well, I tried to get a job, but— at the shipyards here 
last fall, three of them, two here and one in south San Francisco, and 
I couldn't get no work. So I went down to this Friaut Camp and 
couldn't get on there, and I went up to Chico and tried to get a job 
picking oranges : couldn't get nothing there. And I came back and 



INTEKSTATE MIGRATION 2467 

tried to get a job in the shipyards at Oakland; couldn't get nothing 
there. And I went to Grants Pass and up to Beavercreek. I saw 
an ad in the paper for a chicken ranch that was for rent up there. 

Mr. OsMERS. In Oregon? 

]Mr. ^NIydekick. At Beavercreek, and I left Grants Pass and went up 
there and was on that chicken ranch there for about 4 months, and 
then I heard about these — I lost there what little money I had left, and 
I heard about these camps, you know, over the radio, and I went over 
to Portland to the office there and found out about it, and they told 
me there that that would be the best place to go to, that I would be able 
to get work there quicker than any place else. So I went up there. 

The Chairman. By "camps" you mean migrant camps? 

Mr. ^Myderick. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Where was this cam]) you went to? 

Mr. Myderick. Three milee from Yakima. 

Mr. Osmers. Is that where you are now ? 

]\Ir. Myderick. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. Now. have you had to receive public relief since you 
have been on the Pacific coast ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. I got one grant up there. The first one was 
$40 and the second one was $38. 

Mr. Osmers. That was at Yakima ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. And then I had to sell my car up there. Tliey 
stopped the grants there for about a month, and — that is while they 
was making a new proposition. 

Mr. Osmers. Yes. 

Mr. ^SIy'derick. And I had to sell my car to live on. 

]Mr. Osmers. Do you have a car now ^ 

]\Ir. Myderick. No; I haven't. 

Mr. Osmers. Have you been doing any fruit picking u]) there? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

Mr. Osmers. How much do they pay you? 

Mr. Myderick. Well, the place where I am working, this man didn't 
know just what they was going to pay. but they said they was going 
to pay what the rest of them did. That was ]n-omised. 

Mr. Osmers. So you don't know what 

Mr. Myderick (interposing). Don't know for sure. 

Mr. Osmers (continuing). What it will be? 

Mr. Myderick. It will be ^i/o cents, according to what I heard, and 
maybe 4 cents. 

Mr. OSMERS. And 4 cents for what ? 

Mr. Myderick. For ])icking a box. 

Mr. Osmers. I see. Do you have any desire to go back to the ]\Iid- 
dle West, back to the Dakotas or Iowa ? 

Mr. Myderick. Not unless I want to starve altogether. 

Mr. Osmers. I see. That is all. 

The Chairman. Tlie reason you left Dakota was that you simply 
could not make a living there ; is that right ? 

Mr. Myderick. That's right. 

The Chairman. What was it; dry weather, drought? 

Mr. Myderick. Drought, yes; and grasshoppers. 



2468 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

The Chairman. In other words, you would still be there, would you 
not, if you could make it go there ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. Well, I would be there yet if I could have got 
one of those resettlement loans, but I didn't have no well on this place. 
I figured on getting some cattle, you know, some milk cows. When I 
went to get one of those loans I figured I could get money to dig a well, 
and they told me right out I couldn't get a loan because I didn't have 
no water on the place. 

The Chairman. What paper did you get that ad out of that caused 
you to go to San Diego ? 

Mr. Myderick. That ad was in The Successful Farmer that is pub- 
lished in Des Moines, Iowa. 

The Chairman. What did the ad say ? 

Mr, Myderick. They claimed they had small farm homes down 
there, just small farms for sale. Then I wrote down there and I got 
some literature from this chamber of commerce, and they claimed 
that they had land for sale there for as low as a dollar an acre. 

The Chairman. You haven't that with you ; have you ? 

Mr. Myderick. No. 

The Chairman. Are you married. 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

The Chairman. Have you a family ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is your wife living? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. How many children? 

Mr. Myderick. Five. 

The Chairman. You are living now in a migrant camp in Wash- 
ington ? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

The Chairman. How many people in the camp? 

Mr. Myderick. Well, it is just about full now. It's got a capacity, 
they claim, for 300 families there. 

The Chairman. Three hundred families? 

Mr. Myderick. Yes. 

Tlie Chairman. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Myderick. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. We will now hear from the representatives of the 
State Chamber of Commerce of California. Mr. Lundberg, Dr. 
Hutchison, Mr. Robinson, and Dr. Benedict. Dr. Hutchison and 
Dr. Benedict are on the faculty of the College of Agriculture of the 
University of California. 

PANEL TESTIMONY OF HARRISON S. ROBINSON, OF OAKLAND, 
CALIF.; C. B. HUTCHISON. OF BERKELEY. CALIF.; ALFRED J. 
LUNDBERG, OF OAKLAND, CALIF.; AND M. R. BENEDICT, OF 
BERKELEY, CALIF. 

The Chairman. Now, gentlemen, the committee welcomes your ap- 
pearance here this morning, and we wish to say to you that your State 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2469 

chamber of commerce report is already on file in Washington, and we 
are all quite familiar with it. and it is a very valuable report.^ 

While we do not want to curtail your examination in any way, I 
think that if you will hit the high spots for us, Mr. Lundberg, you can 
then proceed in any way you see fit. But I am giving you that idea, 
that there is no use of going over this entire report because we are 
quite familiar with it. 

TESTIMONY OF ALFRED A. LUNDBERG, PRESIDENT OF CALIFORNIA 
STATE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 

Mr. Lundberg. Thank you. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the 
committe, my name is Alfred J. Lundberg, residing at Oakland, 
Calif., and I appear here as president of the California State Cham- 
ber of Commerce. To us here in California it is very heartening 
and reassuring that you gentlemen, upon whom rests today so heavy 
a responsibility for the future course of world affairs, should take 
the time to cross the continent and acquaint yourself at first hand 
with California's No. 1 domestic problem. In coming here, you 
have acknowledged what we, too, have been insisting; that the mi- 
grant problem is a national problem, with a particular impact upon 
California. 

If some of you who have come from other States should wonder 
why an organization called a chamber of commerce should interest 
itself in a problem which appears, on the surface, to be largely cen- 
tered in rural areas, may I say, first, that the full name of our or- 
ganization is California State Chamber of Commerce, Agriculture, 
and Industry. It is somewhat unique in that it combines into one 
organization both urban and rural areas, and combines the agricul- 
tural, industrial, and commercial elements of the entire State of 
California. This unity is made effective through a regional council 
organization which covers every county and every community of the 
State, with a complete structure of working committees on agricul- 
ture, highway problems, natural resources, taxation, and related 
problems. These regional committees, and the corresponding State- 
wide committees to which they ultimately report, are fact-gathering 
bodies whose fimction it is, with the aid of a trained research staff, 
to get all of the facts, and to obtain the viewpoints of all interested 
parties, in every problem which the State chamber may consider. 

The State chamber does not act on matters of State-wide im- 
portance until the principal interests concerned in the matter have 
been given an opportunity to present their facts and views, and imtil 
an appropriate committee has reviewed this information, and made 
recommendations to the board of directors. 

It was about a year ago that the directors of the State chamber 
realized that the migrant problem had reached such proportions as 
to threaten not only the economic stability of the State, but the 
social stability, and even the maintenance of civil liberties as well. 
It was clearly not the problem of agriculture alone, nor was it the 
problem of any one region of the State; its effects upon health, social 

1 See p. 2755, this volume. 



2470 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

welfare, taxation, and other phases of California life were so far- 
reaching that our organization felt a responsibility to try, with every 
resource at its command, to find some solution for it. 

So it was, in line with the organization's established procedurt^ 
that a broadly representative Committee of 31 was appointed in 
the fall of 1939, representing agriculture, industr}*, civic gi'oups, 
women's organizations, health, and educational leaders. Mr. Harri- 
son S. Eobinson, of Oakland, was appointed chairman and has served 
in that capacity throughout the work of the committee. 

The committee was given no instnictions except to get all of the 
facts, and, if ix)ssible, to recommend such steps as would, in their 
judgment, lead to the solution, or the remedying, of the problem. 
In getting the facts, the committee has had the assistance of a fact- 
finding subcommittee, headed by Mr. Paul Eliel, of Stanford Uni- 
versity. The subcommittee not only held meetings week after week, 
calling in local. State, and Federal officials to advise and testify, 
but the members of the subcommittee made a field trip into the area 
of greatest migrant concentration, to study on the gi^ound all of the 
visible evidences of the problem. 

After some 8 months of study and conference, the fact-finding sub- 
committee under Mr. Eliel, and the main State-wide committee under 
Mr. Robinson, made their report and recommendations to the board of 
directors. The findings of those committees, as approved by the board 
of directors of the California State Chamber of Commerce, will be sum- 
marized by Mr. Harrison S. Robinson, as chairman of the State-wide 
committee. Thank you. 

TESTIMONY OF HARRISON S. ROBINSON. CHAIRMAN OF STATE- 
WIDE COMMITTEE ON THE MIGRANT PROBLEM, CALIFORNIA 
STATE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 

Mr. Robinson. I would like to put this in as a statement summariz- 
ing the report. 

(Statement mentioned is as follows:) 

Summary of the Report and Recommendations, State-wide Committee on the 
Migrant Problem, California State Chamber of Commerce, by Harrison S. 
Robinson, Chairman 

factual r\ckground 

Studies of the committee revealed that during the past 5-year i)eriod, interstate 
migration has increased the population of California by 850,000. A substantial 
portion of this new population has been destitute farm families from the Great 
Plains and Southern States, particularly Oklahoma, Texas. Arkansas, and Missouri. 

During the first part of this period, from 1935 to the middle of 1937, there was 
rapid expansion in agricultural and industrial activity in California, followed by 
a sharp recession which lasted until the middle of 1939. Over the past 12 months 
there has been a substantial increase in industrial employment, and at the present 
time intense activity in the national-defense industries, such as aircraft manufac- 
ture, shipbuilding, iron and steel, and machinery has brought industrial employ- 
ment materially above 1937 levels. Those increases in employment, however, 
have been principally for skilled labor. 

Consequently, although the influx of destitute farm families from the Southern 
States has been somewhat smaller in 1938 and 1939 than in 1936 and 1937. as 
shown by the accompanying chart, the effects have been to add a continually 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



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2474 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

increasing surplu-s of unskilled workers. Since the middle of 1935, over 390.0(X) 
members of mii;rant families whose breadwinners were in search of manual 
employment, have entered the State by autos through the border checking sta- 
tions. In 1939 the number was G3.291. During the first 8 months of 1940 the 
number has been 40,160 or slightly more than the influx during the same months 
of 1939. 

The resulting disproportionate increases in relief as provided by State agen- 
cies in the San Joaquin Valley agricultural counties as compared to the remainder 
of California are graphic evidence of this serious situation. The figures as to case 
loads and outlays are shown on the accompanying charts in the form of index 
numbers, in order that the trends in several regions of the State may be compared. 

Conceutration of these refugee families in the cotton-growing counties of 
the San Joaquin Valley and certain other destination localities has intensified 
the seriousness of the problem, bringing aboiit vastly disproportionate in- 
creases in welfare and relief burdens, school costs, and shortage of housing. 
This element of concentration, as to origin, destination, and timing is an 
important phase of the problem as it affects California. 

The increase in resident population in the five soiithern San Joaquin Valley 
counties, between 1935 and I&IO. was 37 percent. In some of these counties it 
was over 50 percent, as compared with an average increase over the State as 
a whole of 14 percent. 

During this same period, in these five counties, local tax levies increased 
IfM) ijercent, as compared to a 37-percent increase in areas not affected. Since 
1937. there has been an increase of 405 percent in the unemployment relief 
load in these counties, compared to a 60-percent increase in those areas of the 
State to which migration has not been heavy. In February 1939, 45 to 55 
percent of the heads of families on the relief rolls in these San Joapuin Valley 
counties had arrived in this State since 1935, compared wltli an average of 
16 percent for the remainder of the State. 

A recent study of 1,000 migrant families reveals that only a little more 
than a third of them have obtained the major part of their income from 
agricultural labor. About 31 percent of them have obtained their principal 
income from industrial employment, and another 31 percent have been depend- 
ent ])riucipally upon public as.'jistance. 

The committee found that the principal causes of the migrant movement to 
California and other Pacific Coast States were economic conditions prevailing 
in the Great Plains and southern regions of the United States. The pressure 
of an increasing surplus of rui'al population on land of dimini.-^hing fertility, 
plus the immediate dislocations caused by such factors as drought and dust 
storms, drastic curtailment of cotton acreage, and rapid mechanization and 
consolidation of farms formerly oiierated by tenant renters and sharecroppers, 
are forcing out migration, and the normal flow of surplus rural population 
from these problem regions into industrial centers has been cut off by prolonged 
industrial depression. 

Among the factors attracting these migrant farm families to California in 
particular, the committee listed and analyzed the following : 

(1) Seasonal employment in agriculture and industry at relatively high 
wage and piece rates (85 cents per 100 pounds for cotton picking as compared 
with 55 cents in Texas). 

(2) Rapid development of the cotton industry (San Joaquin Valley pro- 
duction rose from 124,000 bales in 1932 to 718,000 bales in 1937— and dropped 
back to about 400,000 bales in 1938 and 1939). 

(3) Continued labor recruiting by growers in adjacent States after the 
peak of labor requirements had been reached in 1937. 

(4) More liberal public welfare aids than in other States (average of $31.35 
per month per case for general relief payments, as compared with $4.86 in 
Arkansas and $4.96 in Oklahoma). 

(5) Health, climate, publicity, and news stories. 

Difference of opinion will be found as to the relative emphasis to be placed 
on these factors, but our committee concluded that they have all played some 
part. 

Our committee found ample evidence to support the conclusion that Cali- 
fornia now has a serious oversupply of unskilled workers, particularly in 
relation to agricultural employment needs and farming opportunities. Wage 
scales, living standards, and social-welfare programs are jeopardized. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2475 

The continuing influx of destitute farm families from the Great Plains and 
southern cotton States in the face of this situation is a factor which is 
primarily responsihle for the attitudes of local residents in communities most 
severely affected. Their natural instinct of self-preservation has led them to 
oppose certain types of projects for the welfare of migrants which appear 
socially desirable to persons far removed from the scene, but which according 
to the local viewpoint will result in attracting more distressed people from 
localities where similar aid is not available. This dilemma indicates why 
piecemeal attempts of single communities or States to deal with the social- 
welfare asjiects of interstate migration may do more harm than good, and 
why it must be dealt with on a national basis. 

This also indicates whv the first steps in any program for dealing with this 
prol)lem should be emergency steps to retard and control out-migration from the 
States of origin and to check the inflow of more unemployed migrants to Cali- 
fornia, or other areas where they cannot be assimilated. 

This committee, like every other group which has studied the migrant problem, 
quickly agreed on the conclusion that it is national in scope, and that it is a 
phase of the national unemployment problem. 

While there can be no solution of the problem other than general economic 
recovery and expansion of employment, a great deal can be done to alleviate 
hardships and suffei'ing, both to migratory people and to the communities in- 
volved, if the responsibilities and the cost burdens can be clearly determined and 
equitably distribute<l, and there can be better guidance furnished those who mi- 
grate in search of employment. 

The committee's first recommendations were for emergency steps to be taken 
which would tend to retard out-migration in the States of origin. 

RECOMMENDED ACTIONS TO RETARD OUT-MIGRATION 

1. Extend Federal relief programs in States of origin. — (a) That Federal pro- 
grams of relief and rehabilitation in the principal States of out-migration be 
maintained and further increased, so far as ix)ssible, by the greater concentration 
of available funds in such areas. 

(&) That consideration be given by Congress to a grant-in-aid or such other 
emergency program as might be developed to supplement local general relief 
aids in the States of out-migration, and to remove the most glaring discrepancies 
in these and other public-welfare aids available to needy iieople. That in the 
development of such a program consideration also be given to the desirability of 
matching grants on a basis of per capita wealth or other measure of relative 
ability to pay. 

2. Issue icarnivf) as to lack of jobs. — Recommended extension of efforts by the 
United States Farm Placement Service and other agencies to warn residents of 
the Southern Plains States regarding the oversuply of farm labor in California. 

3. Seek Arizona cooperation in use of farm-placement serrnce. — The committee 
recommended that steps be taken for conferences between official and unofficial 
agencies in Arizona and California, to the end that private labor recruiting in 
States of origin be discontinued, and the public employment services be utilized 
exclusively. Such conferences of unofficial groups have been held, and we have 
assurances that these recommendations will be followed. 

NATIONAL STUDY AS BASIS FOR RELOCATING FARM FAMILIES 

The committee's conclusion was that the possibilities of assimilating surplus 
migrant families already in California by settling them on land were very limited 
in scope, due to the large capital investments required for successful conmiercial 
farming in this State. It questioned the advisability of further extension of 
cooperative farming experiments in California and suggested that available public 
funds lie devoted to relocation of families on lands in their home States. 

Its formal recommendations were as follows : 

(rt) "That the Tolan resolution, H. R. 23, creating a joint congressional com- 
mittee to investigate and recommend action on emergency phases of the problem 
of interstate migration be given support of all interested groups in this and other 
States." 

(&) "That the National Resources Planning Board, as part of its studies, 
investigate the possibilities of the relocation of migrants in general in the areas 



2476 INTEESTATE MIGRATION 

from which they have migrated, with a view toward reestablishing the roots of 
such migrants in the land and removing as many of them as possible from the 
category of agricultural laborers who cannot hope to eke out an adequate living 
in California under existing conditions." 

(c) "That the National Resources Planning Board and any congressional 
committee wliich may be appointed have placed before them the extreme seri- 
ousness of the existing situation and the necessity for the speediest possible 
action in connection with the necessary investigations and the development of 
a constructive program." 

EEOKGANIZATION OF FARM PLACEMENT SERVICE 

The committee's conclusion was that the farm placement services of the 
State department of employment have been ineffective, and that the develop- 
ment of a better service must be a key project, if any degree of planning and 
control in the handling of farm labor supply is to be achieved. Its recom- 
mendations were : 

(a) "That necessary steps be taken to provide for effective reorganization 
of the California State Employment Service, designed to provide a farm place- 
ment service which will more adequately service the needs of farmers and 
workers. 

(&) "That necessary steps be taken to develop more adequate information 
on current crop developments and farm labor requirements, needed both for the 
better guidance of seasonal workers to available jobs and for the proper loca- 
tion of crops and housing." 

RECOMMENDATIONS ON RURAL HOUSING 

With regard to rural housing for agricultural workers, the committee recog- 
nized that one of the primary long-time approaches to this subject should be one 
of stimulating and assisting farmers to provide adequate housing on farms for 
workers actually required in agriculture. The committee recognized also that 
a substantial and perhaps a major part of the housing problem in certain 
rural areas is in relation to people who are principally or wholly dependent 
upon nonagricultural employment or public assistance for their income and 
for whom the provision of shelter is no more the responsibility of farmers 
than of any other segment of the general public. With regard to the experi- 
mental and demonstrational migratory labor camps operated by the Farm 
Security Administration, the committee took the position that these should be 
continued on a modified basis as an emergency means of meeting a portion 
of the most pressing immediate problem. Its recommendations were as follows : 

1. Further improvement of housing on farms. — (a) "That adequate inspections 
of farm labor camp housing and sanitary facilities be made and that enforcement 
of the requirements set forth in the State law continue unabated. 

(b) "That efforts be made to facilitate new construction on farms, by long-term 
loans to growers at low interest rates." 

2. Modified extension of Farm Security Administration migratory labor camps. — 
(a) "That the Farm Security Administration migratory labor camp program be 
continued as a necessary emergency method of meeting a portion of the most 
pressing needs for temporary housing of migrant families. 

(&) "That since the emergency need is for more units of shelter, the policy of 
spreading available funds so as to provide the largest possible number of such 
units and adequate sanitary facilities to serve the largest possible number of fami- 
lies be urged, in preference to more elaborate, permanent facilities of high unit 
cost, serving a smaller number of families. 

(c) "That in any extension of this camp program, consideration be given to the 
desirability of constructing camps of a much smaller size than those now in oper- 
ation, and scattering these more widely, both with the view of bringing seasonal 
workers closer to the available jobs and also facilitating the eventual absorption 
of such units into the normal social and economic life of the communities where 
they may be located. 

(d) "That further study be given to the possibilities of enlarging the mobile 
camp program as a means of providing adequate temporary shelter in localities 
where large numbers of workers are required for relatively short periods. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2477 

(c) "That in derennining the location and character of future camys, the 
Farm Security Administration he urged to consult with responsible local public 
officials, farmers, farm organizations, and community leaders, to the end that 
their information and views may be given adequate consideration." 

INTEKPRETATION OF COMMITTEE SECOMMENDATIONS 

To sum up, and to interpret these recommendations of our committee in terms 
of suggestions for consideration by your House Committee on Interstate Migra- 
tion, I would say that they call for recognition by the Congress and the country 
as a whole that there are certain phases of the problem which require national 
action in the foiun of Federal legislation and activities by administrative agencies 
of the Federal Covernmeut. These might be summed up as follows : 

1. Greater concentration of available relief funds in the problem areas of out- 
migration. 

2. Development of grant-in-aid type of general-relief program, aimed to remove 
glaring discrepancies in relief aids available as between States. 

3. Strengthening and extension of the work of the public employment services 
and the United States Farm Placement Service, to the end that there shall be 
more intelligent guidance of those seeking employment opportunities, and less 
wasteful movements of people to places of fancied opportunity, based upon chance 
publicity or rumor. 

4. Support of long-time research and planning activities which will furnish an 
Intelligent basis for the guidance of the migration of population, or the relocation 
of surplus farm population. 

5. Modified extension of Federal migratory labor camps and other Federal 
assistance in providing facilities for the housing, health, education, and welfare 
of migratory workers. 

ENDORSEMENTS AND SUPPORT OF THE COMMITTEE'S RECOMMENDATIONS 

Findings and recommendations of this committee on the migrant problem have 
been submitted to a large nimiber of representative bodies, such as city councils, 
county boards of supervisors, civic organizations, and organizations representing 
labor, agriculture, industry, and commerce, and many expressions of approval or 
endorsement have been received. We are submitting for your records at at- 
tached resolutions, statements, and editorial comments, as evidence that these 
recommendations express the views of many groups, in addition to those who 
were directly represented on the committee 

TESTIMONY OF HARRISON S. ROBINSON— Resumed 

Mr. Robinson. I ^Yill take up from there, if j'ou wish. 

The Chairman. All ri^rht. That is Avhat I want you to do. 

^Ir. Robinson. You have already mentioned the fact that this com- 
mittee has had our report on migrants? 

The Chairman. Yes, Mr. Robinson. I used it before the Committee 
on Rules and in the House, too. at the time that my resolution was 
considered. 

Mr. Robinson. In view of that fact, I am sure the committee will 
be assisted by having tangible evidence as to how that report is re- 
garded by the people of California, and I will introduce here for pur- 
poses of the record, without reading it, of course, first a compilation of 
resolutions, statements, and editorial comments on the report and its 
recommendations. These resolutions or endorsements are classified 
first as to State, city, and county governments, and in this file which 
I will leave with you are endorsements from the boards of supervisors 
of the following counties : Glenn, Alameda, San Francisco, San Luis 
Obispo, San Mateo, Fresno, Tulare, Merced, Marin, Lake, Tuo- 



2478 INTERSTATE MKJRATION 

lumne, Monterey, Inyo, Madera, and Imperial; from the mayor of 
the city of Los Angeles and the commissioners of the city of Fresno 
and the city councils of Visalia, Paso Robles, Porterville. Merced, ami 
Chowchilla. 

Next in order you will find the endorsements of 32 chambers of 
commerce in California, and finally, so far as the endorsements go, 
a list of letters and resolutions, including in it the makers of them, 
the California Congress of Parents and Teachers, the California Real 
Estate Exchange, Fresno Labor Council, Poultrymen's Cooperative 
Association, and the chief administrative officer of Los Angeles 
County, which should have gone in the other file, I should think. 

But anyway, without further detail, they are here. 

The Chairman. Just in one book^ 

Mr. Robinson. Yes. Then a series of articles published in papers 
in California, and editorial comments in California newspapers. 

This collection of documents I would like to offer as an exhibit. 

The Chairman, That will be an exhibit.^ 

Mr. Robinson. The other compilation is a file of clippings and 
papers which I ask be made a part of this record, and which may be 
described as general news items appearing in California newspapers 
based on the report and its recommendations, and they constitute 
altogether a file of 201 pages. I ask that that be made a part of 
the record. 

The Chairman, In other words, you feel that those two exhibits 
give a fairly good picture, at least, of how certain organizations in 
California regard your work. 

Mr. Robinson. As far as we are able to obtain it in black and 
white. It is for your service and information. 

The Chairman, Thank you. They will be accepted for the record, 

Mr. Robinson. I am sure that as you have gone about in the hear- 
ings of this committee you have encountered the fact that almost 
anything can be said about the migrant problem and there would 
be a grain of truth in it. Hence there is, as we have found in our 
work, an opportunity for a great deal of confusion, because obviously 
many of the things which are asserted to be true appear to be in 
conflict with other things that are earnestly asserted to be true, 

I suggest that on© of the reasons for this condition of affairs is 
that the ^yhole migrant problem still travels in a sort of fog belt. 
It is marginal. It has marginal characteristics, both as to the people 

1 The above exhibits are held in committee files. They consist of a series of endorse- 
ments and are all in practically the same form. The following paragraphs appear in 
most of the endorsements mentioned : 

••Whereas the tremendous influx of migrants into the State of California during recent 
years has produced an acute situation with regard to unemployment relief, health and 
sanitation, and education ; and 

"Whereas this influx of migrants has been stimulated in part by reason of the generous 
relief payments in California as contrasted to the principal States of out-migration ; and 

"Whereas the State chamber of commerce has appointed a State-wide committee on the 
migrant problem, whose report and recommendations have been adopted by the board of 
directors of the California State Chamber of Commerce : Xow, therefore, be it 

'•Kcs'jlvpiJ, that we, do hereby endorse the principles 

contained in the Migrant Report of the California State Chamber of Commerce." 

In addition the California State Chamber of Commerce furnished to the newspapers 
of the State a series of articles printed by many newspapers over the State on the sulijeft 
of migiation. During the month of May 1940, several papers printed an identical editorial 
"Get Truth About Migration Problem, " and another identical editorial •'Migrants Win 
Action." which appear in the exhibit mentioned. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2479 

involved, as to the jobs they perform, as to the places where they 
work, the farms that they try to till or have tried to till, and yet with 
all that initial confusion which we encountered in far greater degree, 
more than a year ago when we started into this work, we have found 
that today there is a far greater unanimity among students of the 
problem and among those who have to deal with it in a practical way 
as a home problem or a neighborhood problem or a local government 
problem, far more unanimity in their appreciation of what the facts 
are and Avhat may be done about the conditions than there was a 
couple of years ago. 

When my own realization of the seriousness of this problem first 
was borne in on me, I found in California that you could pick a 
quarrel, almost, by mentioning the migrant problem. At once 
people came with different points of view, and the fellow who had 
a different point of view from the one who was speaking was all 
wrong. 

A lot has happened in the last year and a half in California in 
that regard. I think it has come to be realized by the people in 
the south San Joaquin Valley, where there have been these enor- 
mous increases m numbers of dependent people, where the tax 
rates have doubled, where the relief expenditures have so greatly 
increased, that it is their misfortune that the impact has hit them 
in concentrated force, and yet they realize that it is not the fault 
of the migrants. And so I think pretty generally over California 
It IS recognized that something of a national origin has plumped 
down upon them, and while they must do their local part to the 
limit of their ability and in a decent and kindly fashion, it is also a 
burden which is partly national in character, and only help from 
a national program can bring migrant needs and migrant assistance 
int(^ approximate balance and make it possible to assimilate these 
newcomers m a wholesome manner and get them on their way to 
earning their living. 

Now, in a brief way we can say that the report which you men- 
tioned calls tor, first, a great concentration of available relief funds 
m the problem areas of out-migration. I think that it is true that 
people want to stay where their original homes were. That is gen- 
erally true. And this movement, as I see it, is not so much an at- 
tempt to go where the grass is greener over- the fence, but to o-et 
away from utter inability to make a living where they were fi?st 
and hence the recommendation that the available relief funds be 
concentrated to a greater degree in the areas where people are in 

for them "^^"^ '^-^ ^^""^^ ^"^ ^^^ """^ '"'^^'^ something is done 

The Chairman. Mr. Robinson, I don't want to interru])t. I am not 
going to any more, but there is a striking problem. In other words 
you have got this matching proposition between the Federal Govern- 
ment and the State. The Federal Government matches the StVte 
appropriation. '^juue 

How would you remedy that, in the case of States unable to make 
such appropriations ^ iiuuve 

Mr Robinson. Our thought is that the ability of a region which 
IS in distress to take care of itself is a factor of proper consideration! 



2480 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

GRANTS-IN-AID TO STATES ON BASIS OF PER CAPITA WEALTH 

To speak more specifically, that consideration be given by Congress 
to grants-in-aid, or such other emergency program as may be de- 
veloped, to supplement local general relief aid in States of ont- 
migration and to remove the more glaring discrepancies in these and 
other public welfare aids available to needy people. 

Instead of simply saying, "In Oklahoma you give $4 and some 
cents," for example, "and therefore we will give that amount," I think 
we have got, sooner or later, to come to this realization : That if there 
is an area in which the ability to pay is very low, in which the wealth 
per capita is very low and yet the application of the funds that they 
can raise is still below the decent level of subsistence, then we have got 
to draw from another reservoir to supplement their maximum capacity. 

Obviously that is a tough job to tackle, and it is a hard thing to 
apply any formula to. 

Tlie Chairman (addressing Mr. Sparkman). What are yours, the 
figure in vour State? 

Mr. Sparkman. A little better than $10. That is both. 

The Chairman. That is both State and Federal ? 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. I am speaking of aid to the aged. 

The Chairman (addressing Mr. Osmers). What is yours? 

Mr. Osmers. We are up between $18 and $36 per montli in the State 
of New Jersey. 

The Chairman (addressing Mr. Sparkman). But you are $10 to 
both, the State and Federal ? 

Mr. Sparkman. Just a few cents over $10. 

The Chairman. Go ahead. Mr. Robinson. 

Mr. Robinson. Of course, when we speak of equalizing relief figures, 
you have got to recognize the fact that California has been generous ; 
that they have set up a comparatively high standard, not high from 
the point of view of the person who is getting it, but high from the 
point of view of what the practice is in the whole country and what 
the standards over the whole country are, and it is inevitable that a 
certain amount of attraction is created where one area has compara- 
tively high standards. But the great discrepancy between the low 
standards and the high standards is one factor which makes it difficult 
to keep people in their original areas. 

The Chairman. How does California compare with the other States? 

Mr. Robinson. Referring to the summary which I filed with you 
here, we are speaking of the public relief aids and the average in 
California is $31.35 per month for general relief payments per case, 
as compared with $4.86 in Arkansas and $4.96 in Oklahoma, and 
then on page 43 of the printed report ^ which was referred to, you 
will find a whole tabulation of — at least the third colunm on page 43 — 
the average amount per case. If you will turn to page 43 and look at 
table 9, in the third column from the left in that table, California, 
$31.35; Oregon, $16.08; Washington, $14.37; Arizona. $14.30; Arkan- 
sas, $4.86; Kansas, $14.56; Missouri, 12.82; Oklahoma, $4.96, which is 
an estimated figure; in Texas, $7.08, which is also an estimated figure. 

That is illustrative of the point that I made. 

^ The printed report mentioned is held in committee files and not printed. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2481 

The Chairman. But it is all in the report anj'way? 

Mr. Robinson. Yes; it is all in the report. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

Mr. Sparkman. In order that we may get a comparative state- 
ment, tlie question the chairman asked us a few minutes ago related 
i:)articularly to old-age assistance. 

Mr. Robinson. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, in order that we may get the true comparison, 
I wonder where in this report those benefits are shown ? 

Mr. Robinson. Just below it. If you will look in the lower portion 
of table 9, you will see a bracket there which says '"Old-age assist- 
ance." 

Mr. Sparkman. Oh, yes. I see it. 

Mr. Robinson. And then California is $38, and the minimum is 
Texas with $8.91, and the other figures there are in betvreen. 

Mr. Osmers. I should like to state, for the sake of the record, Mr. 
Chairman, that the figure that I gave to the reporter a few minutes 
ago v\^as for old-age assistarce in the State of New Jersey. I believe 
that general relief, that is State and local relief payments in the 
State of New Jersey, just stating for the sake of the record, average 
about $20 per month. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

Mr. Robinson. I missed the fact that the lowest payment for old- 
age relief is that of Arkansas, with $6, not Texas. 

Mr. Sparkman. Mr. Robinson, in that connection, if you remem- 
ber, last year we adopted amendments to the Social Security Act 
providing for a maximum payment of $20 per month by the Federal 
Government, required, of course, to be matched by the various States. 
And, as I recall the record, the only State that benefited by that was 
California. No other State in the Union could come above the $15, 
as ])reviously set. 

Mr. Robinson. I am sure that as you gentlemen go about you will 
find that there are some real, practical penalties to humanitarian 
leadership. California has felt those penalties very acutely. 

Another point that I do want to bring out is that in this matter 
of specific localities having a greater influx than any others in pro- 
portion to their population and in proportion to tlieir resources, it 
brings about a condition where it is the natural instinct of self- 
preservation that leads them to oppose certain types of projects for 
the welfare of migrants which are, of course, desirable in many cases 
in the minds of people far removed from the scene, but which accord- 
ing to the local viewpoint will result in attracting more distressed 
people from localities where similar aid is not available. This di- 
lennna, I suggest, is why piecemeal attempts of single communities 
or even single States to deal with social-welfare aspex^ts of interstate 
migration do more harm than good, and wliy it must be dealt with 
on a national basis. 

Also, I want again to higlilight the fact tliat one of our real 
disndvanta.q-es in dealing with unemployment of migrants, as well 
as others, is the fact that public employment services and farm place- 
ment services just don't measure up to the needs of the situation. I 



260370 — 41— pt. 6 19 



2482 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

say tliat, not with the spirit of finding fault, but from factual 
observation. 

The Chaikmax. Our record is replete with that. 

Mr. Robinson. Yes. It is particularly true here. And there is so 
much waste as a result of the lack of efficiency in that regard. 

In our report you will remember that we make concrete recom- 
mendations regarding the Federal migratory camps and other Fed- 
eral assistance in providing for housing and health and education and 
welfare which we believe are of a constructive nature. 

I have here a supplement as to social-security welfare and relief 
programs m California wdiich is completely up-to-date, coverino- old- 
age insurance, unemployment insurance, aid to the needy ao-ecT aid 
to needy blind, and aid to needy children. I would like to file 'that 
as. an exhibit. It is a brief summary of our present California 
procedures and laws and regulations on the subject. 

The Chairman. That will be made an exhibit. 

(The document referred to was accepted as an exhibit and appears 
on following pages:) 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



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INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2485 

Mr. Robinson. I would like to conclude my statement to the 
committee, which has been made so far as chairman of the State-wide 
migrant committee by a brief personal statement of thoughts on 
this subject which are derived from my own personal experience 
and observation and study and for which nobody else is responsible, 
but \vhich I make with the hope that it may be of some aid to you 
in your work. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF SEASONAL WORK 

The committee knows that migrant workers and seasonal work 
are generally found together. In most cases it is nature which deter- 
mines whether the work shall be seasonal or not; but wlio engages in 
seasonal work is a very personal matter. Some competent people 
are migratory and engage in seasonal work because they are strongly 
individualistic, and possess a type of strength that will not be tied 
down to a routine job or to one locality. These persons are not a 
cause of public concern. Most seasonal workers, however, are such 
because they cannot get steady jobs on the basis of superior compe- 
tency or because they cannot connect with an opportunity for steady 
work. 

Seasonal work has an economic characteristic which is a whole 
problem in itself. Generallj' speaking, no one type of seasonal work 
gives a worker enough income in the season which it covers to sup- 
port him and his family during the entire year. Man}' competent 
seasonal workers, by moving from crop to crop, or from job to job, 
in a planned and systematic way, are able to make in toto a living 
income for the year. Many other seasonal workers are not in need 
of living the whole year on what they get for seasonal labor. 

But a very great number of persons and families are dependent 
on seasonal work for the whole year's support, and yet never get 
enough of such work to support them for a year. Between jobs 
they are often public charges. 

Knowledge of these facts has sometimes caused demands that 
seasonal workers be paid much higher wages than now prevail. 
Without f>assing on the correctness of any particular wage, the 
application of the principle of compelling higher pay for seasonal 
work merely because it is seasonal work would materially reduce 
the amount of that kind of work when all possible work is needed. 

The last-described group of seasonal workers includes a great 
number of "marginal" people, as there are marginal farms and busi- 
nesses. The latter can be abandoned, but society is not able to dis- 
card the marginal human being. In a crude w\ay, the employers of 
the less efficient seasonal workers and the public treasuries (local. 
State, or national) apportion between them the support of these 
workers. The case is one in which a sound determination of what 
is theoretically fair and just is extremely difficult and is likely to 
be clouded by emotional factors and by human selfishness. 

CAUSES OF MIGRA.TION 

Great numberi of people in this country, particularly among its 
youth, people who are able and willing to work, have become mi- 



2486 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

grants because they do not find employment in or near their placea 
of origin. 

The fact that they are out of work appears to Ije due to six major 
causes : 

Diminished markets for various agricultural products ; 

Failure of large rural areas as crop producers; 

Application of labor-saving machinery and of labor-saving methods 
to manufacturing, agriculture, construction, mining, lumbering, 
transportation, ancl distribution; 

Failure to develop sufficient new work for the workers tlius de- 
j)rived of work and for those added by increases in population; 

Absence of adequate agencies to bring together available workers 
and available jobs promptly and effectiA'ely; 

Unsettled state of employer-employee relations and of relations 
between labor union and labor union. ' 

No study of the migrant problem in the United States would be 
complete if it did not underscore the fact that general unemploy- 
ment swells the movement of jobless people fr(»m State to State and 
from place to place. 

During the next 2 or 3 years the manufacture of vast quantities 
of war equipment and materials, accompanied by large additions to 
the Nation's armed forces, will partly conceal the fact that the 
amount of normal employment available in the United States is 
far less tlian the number of persons who should be engaged in such 
employment. 

If, in the meantime, attention is not given to the basic problems 
of increasing the amount of normal work-opportunities, the distress 
following the ending of war production will be tragic and the 
migrant problem greater than ever. 

One of the major obstacles in reducing unemployment is the pres- 
ence in this country, both among migrants and elsewhere, of large 
numbers of people whose minds and bodies are adequate but who 
do not measure up to the demands of the jobs that are to be done. 
They lack either any desire really to work; or the willingness, even 
the ability, to stick to a task for 8 hours a day ; or general training 
to perform average tasks; or adequate training for special tasks. 
There are great numbers, probably several million, of y^ung and 
adult Am.ericans who, because they never were really disciplined or 
trained, are miable or unwilling to meet the demands of application, 
acciu'acy, and endurance that are presented by an average job. 

That there are now so many of such people in the United States 
is chargeable to both parents and schools of the last two generations 
and to a widespread habit of irresponsibility, softness, and self- 
indulgence that started even farther back than that. The cure is 
more severe standards in American life, a greater acceptance by 
each person of his own responsibilities, a complete making over of 
school objectives and practices, and a system of compulsory com- 
munity work for persons habitually out of a job and dependent upon 
the community for support. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Right there,, Mr. Robinson, what you say in that 
statement, and what the chamber of commerce report indicates, 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2487 

bears out what this committee ran up against throughout the country. 

The causes of his interstate migration are many and varied, and 
there is no single sohition for those varied causes. But the trouble 
that we ran up against in getting this resolution through Congi-ess, 
immediately Ave mentioned the migrant problem the reply was, 
"Wh}^ it's California's alone." To offset that we went into New York 
and New Jersey, Congi-essman Osmers' district, to call the Nation's 
attention to the fact that it was a national problem. And so we 
found in New York that they spent $3,000,000 for the care of desti- 
tute migrant citizens. We found there had been 5.000 deportations. 
One of the appellate courts rendered a decision on June 29 and 
deported an Ohio family. We found in Alabama, Congressman 
Sparkman's State and the State of the late Speaker Bankhead — 
Congressman Spai-kman coiddji't find out how he figured into the 
picture, and when he checked the record he found out that there were 
about a thousand of his own people here in California. And in 
Chicago it is the same way, and in Nebraska and Oklahoma. If we 
don't do anything else, we will demonstrate that it is a national 
problem. That is why I like to hear you say what you have been 
saying. 

Doctor Hutchison. 

TESTIMONY OF BR. C. B. HUTCHISON 

Dr. Hutchison. Mr. Chairman, my name is C. B. Hutchison. I 
am dean of the College of Agriculture of the University of California, 
and I represent nobody. 

The Chairman. You ought to represent the migrants, then. 

Dr. Hutchison. I have before me a statement I have prepared, ]SIr. 
Chairman, having to do with tlie need of seasonal labor in relation to 
size of farms in California, Avhich has been compiled from studies 
made b}' tlie college of agriculture and which I thought might be help- 
ful to the committee, and I should like to read it to you, if I may. 

The Chairman. How lengthy is it. Doctor? 

Dr. Hutchison. It is about seven pages. 

The Chairman. You can't hit the high spots? You would rather 
read it ? I won't curtail you in any way. 

Dr. Hutchison. I am perfectly willing to file it with the committee. 

Tlie Chairman. Well, read it in full, because there must be things in 
there that you want to get over to us. 

Dr. Hutchison. Just one point. 

The Chairman. All right. 

LABOR NEEDS OF CALIFORNIA AGRICULTURE 

Dr. Hutchison. I think I can do this in about 15 minutes (read- 
ing) : The total annual requirements for seasonal labor for the plant- 
ing, growing, and harvesting of the various field, fruit, truck, and mis- 
cellaneous crops of California amounted in 1935-36 to 22,467,800 man- 
days. The requirements by months ranged from a minimum of a 



2488 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

little more than 1.000.000 man-days in December and February to a 
maximum of over 3,000,000 man-days in September. 

The proposition ^Yhich I should like to present for your considera- 
tion is that the need for seasonal hired labor on farms in California 
arises much more from the kind of crops which are gi'own than from 
the size of farms upon which they are grown. A corollary to this 
proposition is that the breaking up of all really large-scale farming 
operations in the State into size of units which would provide the 
operator and his family with a reasonable income of say $1,500 to 
$2,500 a year would not in itself reduce materially the total volume 
of labor hired. 

The kinds of crops which are grown in California are determined 
to a very large extent by physical factors of soil, climate, topography, 
and water and by the economic factors of price and cost. California 
agriculture is characterized both by great diversity and by high spe- 
cialization of enterprises. Many different kinds of crops and live- 
stock products are produced in this State — over 200 in all — but many 
farms have only a single enterprise. 

Most of the evidence v»hich I shall present is based upon records of 
operations on many hundi'eds of farms compiled by the extension 
specialists in farm management in the College of Agriculture. 

First, however, I call your attention to table 1 (see p. 2492), vrhich 
is based on data given in the census monograph entitled "Large- 
Scale Farming in the United States, 1929." This table shows for 
each of several different types of farms the relative acreage of land 
in the farms classified as large-scale farms and the relative ex- 
penditures for hired labor on them. By subtracting each of these 
percentages from 100 we obtain the relative acreage of land and the 
relative expenditures for hired labor for all farms other than the 
large-scale farms. Finally we have computed the ratios of rela- 
tive expenditures for hired labor by small-scale farms to the rela- 
tive acreage of land in such fanns. These ratios provide some indi- 
cation of the relative amounts of hired labor that would be recjuired 
if all large-scale farms were broken up into small-scale farms. 

In the case of fruit farms, for example, those which were classified 
as large-scale farms contained 23 percent of the total farm land in 
fruit farms and paid out 32.7 percent of the total expenditures by 
all fruit farms for hired labor. The small-scale fruit fanns, there- 
fore, must have contained 77 percent of the total farm land in fruit 
farms and must have paid out 67.3 percent of the total expenditures 
by all fruit farms for hired labor. For these small-scale fruit farms 
the ratio of the relative expenditures for hired labor to relative 
acreage is 87.4 percent. If the large-scale fruit farms were broken 
up into small ones, there is no reason to believe that the expenditures 
for hired labor per acre would be significantlj^ different from that on 
the existing small-scale farms. Thus after making big fruit farms 
into little ones, we would still need about 87 percent as much hired 
labor as before. 

The situation with respect to fruit farms is almost identical with 
that for all farms. On all types of small-scale farms the ratio of 
relative expenditures for hired labor to relative acreage of land in 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2489 

farms in 87.7 percent. For the different types of farms the ratios 
ranoe from a low of 60 percent in the case of general farms to a high 
of 96 percent, in the case of cotton farms. 

Some of our most difficult farm-labor problems are m the cotton 
area, and I do not in anv way minimize their importance. But I do 
wish to call your attention to the fact that the amount of hired labor 
required for cotton production Avould, on the basis of these census 
fio-ures, be reduced by only 4: percent if all of the cotton produced in 
California in 1929 had been grovvu on small farms. 

The conclusion that relatively little could be accomplished in re- 
ducing the need for hired labor on California farms by breaking up 
those "farms which were classified in the census monograph as large- 
scale farms is not, I think, weakened by the fact that the scale of 
operations on many of them could more correctly be characterized 
as moderate than as large. In this connection may I cite just one 
illustration. According to the census monograph, there were 116 
large-scale chicken farms in California in 1929. Of these, however. 
68 percent were of a size which can be operated with the help of from 
1 to 3 hired men. None of us, I suppose, would consider that a 
o-rocery store run by the owner with the aid of from 1 to 3 hired 
clerks 'was a really large-scale enterprise. If moderate size opera- 
tions of the sort just mentioned were excluded from the category of 
laro-e-scale farms^ the breaking up of the remaining ones would have 
an "even smaller effect upon total hired-labor requirements than that 
indicated above. 

I should like to turn now to evidence derived from studies conducted 
by the college of agriculture. 

1. example: pel\ch pEODrcrioN 

Table 2 ^ shows the hours of labor required on a 20-acre cling-peach 
orchard segregated according to the type of work which must be done 
to produce a crop of peachesr The figures in the first column indicate 
the maximum amount of work which the operator is able to do him- 
self; the figures in the second column indicate the minimum amount of 
work which must be hired. I do not mean to imply that every peach 
grower on a 20-acre orchard actually does as much of the required work 
himself as these figures indicate. I merely imply that he could do that 
mucii if he had the physical stamina and the inclination. 

Let us review these operations item by item. The first is pruning. 
A total of 900 hours is normally required to prune 20 acres of peach 
trees. This work must be done when the trees are dormant, but peach 
trees do not ordinarily stay dormant for a long enough period to permit 
oup. man to prune 20 acres." Because of inclement weather the maximum 
number of days available for pruning does not as a rule exceed 80. 
Since the dormant period is during the winter months when the days 
are short, only about 8 hours per day can be worked. The total number 
of hours which the operator of a 20-acre peach orchard can put in at 
pruning is about 700. He must, therefore, hire about 200 hours of work 
in addition. 

For such cultural operations as brush disposal, seeding cover crops, 
and fertilization, all of the necessary labor can be done by the operator. 

But with spraying he must have assistance, for the simple reason 

1 See p. 2492. 



2490 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

that it requires three men to operate an efficient spray rig — one man to 
drive the tractor and two men to handle the spray nozzles. 

On cultivation, irrigation, and miscellaneous items the operator can 
do virtually all of the ^york. 

On any orchard that produces 10 tons of merchantable peaches per 
acre, which is the yield upon which this table is based, it is necessary to 
thin heavily in order to secure adequate-sized fruit. The time during 
which thinning can be done properly is distinctly limited. For any 
given variety only about 25 days are available. Furthermore, thinning 
comes at the time when the orchard must be cultivated and irrigated. 
These conditions make it impossible for the operator to do a large 
amount of the necessary thinning labor. He must ordinarily hire 
about 1,600 hours out of the total of 1,800 hours required. 

The small amount of work needed for bracing and propping can be 
done by the operator himself. 

Picking and hauling require a large number of man-hours during 
a relatively short period of time. As a rule, a cling-stone peach or- 
chard consisting of only one variet}^ must be picked within a ])eriod of 
from 10 to 15 days. Most 20-acre peach orchards, however, have two 
varieties, which permit picking to be spread over a period of about 1 
month. A good worker can pick about 1 ton of peaches in a 10-hour 
day. Hence, on a 20-acre orchard with a 10-ton yield about 2,000 man- 
hours of labor are needed. The operator can do only a small proportion 
of this work himself. Over 85 percent of it must be hired. 

Out of a total of 5.860 man-liours required to operate a 20-acre peach 
orchard with a 10-ton yieJcl. 3,810 hours, or 65 percent, must be hired. 

Now, a 20-acre peach orchard is not a large-size operation. With 
prices equal to the average of the past 5 years and a yield per acre of 
10 tons, which is considerable above the State average, it would require 
about 25 acres of cling peaclies to produce a net farm income of $1,500 
a year when the operator does all of the manual labor which it is 
possible for him to do and has his land, improvements, and equipment 
free of delit. If he has a mortgage of $200 an acre at 4i'o ]3ercent 
interest, which is by no means an unusual situation, he and his family 
must live on less than $1,300 a year. 

Tlie example of a 20-acre peach orchard has been chosen because 
that is the minimum-size unit which will provide maximum employ- 
ment to the operator at manual labor. He could not perform any 
more hours of manual work during the year on a 25, 30, or e^en a 
100-acre peach orchard. On all orcliards above 20 acres in size the 
'operator has to hire a larger pro]3ortion of the work done. On a 25- 
acre orchard, for example, 72 percent of the work must be hired. 

Even though a 20-acre cling-peach orchard is not large enough to 
provide an adequate living for the operator and his family, let us 
see how much hired labor would be needed on one-half that size. 
Except for spraj'ing, one man can do all of the cultural labor required 
on a 10-acre peach orchard-, but he must have help in thinning and 
in picking and in hauling. In total he can perform 51 percent of the 
manual labor required, but he must hirfe 49 percent. Thus, even on 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2491 

a cling-peach orchard much too small in size to support him the oper- 
ator must depend upon hired labor for one-half of the required manual 
work. 

2. COTTON FAEM 

Now. let us see what the situation is in the cas-e of a 40-acre cotton 
farm. The detailed figures are shown in table 3.^ The operator caji 
do all of the work himself up to and including planting, but he must 
have help in chopping, irrigating, and picking. In the aggregate he 
can do 2.0(X) hours of productive manual work but must hire 4,160 
hours of work, or 67 percent of the total. On a 20-acre cotton farm 
the operator can do about one-half of the required work and must 
hire the other half. 

It is not to be supposed that even a 40-acre cotton farm is large 
enough to provide the operator and his family with an adequate liv- 
ing. With yields per acre considerably above the State average and 
])rices equal to the average of the past 5 years, 64 acres of cotton would 
be necessary in order to produce a net farm income of $1,500 a year 
even though the operator did all of the work which he could and was 
free of debt. On a cotton farm of 64 acres 80 percent of the work 
must be hired. 

Certain summary figures relating to labor requirements and size of 
farms for walnuts, oranges, apricots, raisin grapes, prunes, barley, 
and sugar beets, as well as for clingstone peaches and cotton are 
given in tables 4 ^ and 5,- which I present for your consideration. In 
general these figures reveal the same situation as that discussed in 
connection vrith clingstone peaches and cotton. On a scale of opera- 
tion sufficient in size to provide the operator and his family with a 
net farm income of even $1,500 a year, a large proportion of the manual 
labor must be hired. AVith crops having high seasonal labor require- 
ments, a decrease in the size of the farm reduces the ])roportion <jf 
labor that must be hired only slightly. 

DIVERSIFICATION OF CROPS TO STAGGER PEAK SEASONAL JOBS 

Diversification has sometimes been advanced as a means of elini- 
inating the need for seasonal hired labor on California farms. This 
subject is entirely too complex to discuss here. I merely want to 
calf your attention to the illustration given in the bottom row of 
table"^5. In our cotton area one of the most satisfactory types of crop 
diversification is one-half alfalfa, one-fourth cotton, and one-fourth 
sugar beets. It permits the staggering of peak seasonal jobs and 
serves to maintain soil fertility and prevent soil erosion. Also it 
furnishes work to the operator during most of the year. He can 
put in about 2.500 hours a year, which is equivalent to 250 10-hour 
days or 312 8-hour days. '^ However, on a 68-acre alfalfa-cotton- 
sugar beet farm, which is the minimum size necessary to provide a 
net farm income of $1,500 a year, 35 percent of the total labor 
must be hired. 

I conclude, therefore, that so long as we continue to grow the 
crops we now grow in California, just so long will California farms 
require more labor than can be furnished by the operators them- 



1 See p. 2493. 

2 See p. 2494. 



2492 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



selves. The elimination of seasonal hired labor on Calitornia farms 
can only be brought about by either the elimination of most of our 
present specialty crops or by such a reduction in the size of farm 
units that the farmers of the State would be reduced virtually to a 
peonage level. Some reduction in the volume of seasonal hired labor 
required can be secured by a decrease in the size of farms, but such 
reduction will be relatively small unless the sizes of farms are reduced 
materially below those necessary to produce net farm incomes of 
even as little as $1,500 a year. 

The Chairman: Thank you very much. 

(Tables referred to are as follows:) 

Table 1. — Comparison of large-scale and smaU-><cale farms in California in 
1929 with respect to acreage of land in farms and expenditures for hired 
laior 



Type of farm 



Truck 

Fruit 

Cash-grain 

Cotton 

General 

Crop specialty... 

Dairy 

Stock rancii 

Poultry 

Animal specialty 
All types 



Large-scale 



Acres of 
land in 
farms 

(1) 



Percent 
39.0 
23.0 
20.2 
38.0 
8.8 
12.2 
11.1 
35.8 
4.3 
9.2 
25.4 



Expend- 
iture for 
hired 
labor 

(2) 



Percent 
53.4 
32.7 
31.1 
40.5 
4.5.4 
31.4 
31.3 
44.5 
23.0 
29.7 
34.6 



Small-scale 



Acres of 
land in 
farms 

(3) 



Percent 
61.0 
77.0 
79.8 
62.0 
91.2 



64.2 
95.7 



74.6 



Expend- 
iture for 
hired 
labor 

(4) 



Percent 
46.6 
67.3 
68.9 
59.5 
54.6 
68.6 
68.7 
55.5 
77.0 
70.3 
65.4 



Ratio of 
column 
4 to col- 
umn 3 

(5) 



Percent 
76.4 
87.4 
86.3 
96.0 
59.9 
78.1 
77.3 
86.4 
80.5 
77.4 
87.7 



Sources of data: Columns 1 and 2: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, and U. S. 
Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics. Census of Agricullure, 1930, Large-Scale 
Farming in the United States, 1929, table 4, p. 25. 

Column 3: 100 minus column 1. 

Column 4: 100 minus column 2. 

Column 5: Column 4 divided by column 3. 

Table 2. — Man-lalyor operations required to grow 20 acres cling peaches in Cali- 
fornia, showing quantity of labor fruit grower could do and amount he must 
hire 



i 



Cultural labor: 

Pruniu?. November to March 

Brush disposal 

Seed cover crop 

Fertilize 

Spray, 3 times 

Cultivate 

Irrigate 

Miscellaneous 

Subtotal cultural 

Thinning, propping, and harvest: 

Thinning, May to July 

Brace and prop 

Pick and haul 

Total 



Hours 

operator 

labor 



Hours 
hired 
labor 



700 
80 
20 
40 
60 
140 
400 



1,520 

200 
60 
270 



2.050 



120 



320 
1,600 



1,890 



3,810 



Total 



900 
80 
20 
40 
180 
140 
400 
80 



1,800 

60 

2, 160 



5,860 



Source of data: Based upon records secured by the Agricultural Extension Service, College of Agricul- 
ture, University of California. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



2493 



Table S.—Man-lahor operations required to groic 40 acres of cotton in California 
yielding ^00 pounds lint and 1,300 pounds seed, shoicing quantity of lalor 
operator could do and amount that must be hired 



Operation 



Cultural operations: 

Plow and disk 

Check and irrigate before planting. 

Harrow before planting (twice) 

Plant 

Chop 

Hoe twice 

Cultivate 

Irrigate 



Subtotal cultural- 
Picking 

"Weighing 

Hauling 



Total. 



Hours, 

operator 

labor 



120 

240 

40 

40 



240 
200 
400 



1,280 
480 
160 

80 



2,000 



Hours, 
hired 
labor 



240 



640 
3,520 



4,160 



Total 



120 
240 
40 
40 
240 
240 
200 
800 



1,920 

4.000 

160 

80 



6,160 



Source of data: Based upon records secured by the Agricultural Extension Service, College of Agriculture, 
University of California. 



TABLE 4. — Acreage required to provide maximum emploiiment particaUe for the 
farm operator and effect of size reduction on hired-labor requirement 



Enterprise 



Walnuts (irrigated) 

Oranges (Southern Cal- 
ifornia). 

Apricots 



Clingstone peaches. 
Raisin grapes 



Prunes 

Barley on summer fal- 
low. 
Cotton 



Sugar beets 

One-half alfalfa, one- 
quarter cotton, one- 
quarter sugar beets. 



Assumed good 
yield per acre 



1,500 pounds 

240 packaged 
boxes. 



6 tons (fresh) _ 
10 tons 



2 tons (dried) . 
do 



1,600 pounds aver- 
age harvest. 

700 pounds lint, 
2,000 pounds 
seed. 

15 tons 

6 tons alfalfa 



Total 
hours 
labor 
per 
acre 



147 

417 
293 
154 

166 

4 

154 

87 
87 



Number of 
acres 



r 40 

f'lo" 

f' '26' 
r'26' 
f""30" 

flo 

(2400 
("40 

f ioo 



20 

"is 
"io' 
'""io 
"'15' 
"is 
'2' 206 



Operator's 

labor, 

hours 

per acre 



38 

50 

70 

75 

120 

160 

102 

1.50 

75 

97 

66 

83 

2 

2 

.50 

75 
20 
24 
40 
67 



Total hours 
labor 



Oper- Hired 
a tor 



1,509 
1,000 
2,100 
1,125 
2,400 
1,600 
2,050 
1,500 
2,250 
1, 450 
2,000 
1,250 
800 
400 
2,000 

1,500 
2,000 
1,200 
2,430 
2,000 



2,400 

960 

2,310 

1.080 

5,940 

2.570 

3,810 

1,430 

2, 370 

860 

2,980 

1,240 

800 

400 

4,160 

1,580 
6,700 
3,150 
2,805 
618 



Percent 
labor 
hired 



6i 
48 
52 
49 
71 
62 
65 
49 
51 
37 
60 
50 
50 
50 
67 

51 
77 
72 
54 
23 



' The figures in column 3 represent the minimum acreage which will provide ihe maximum number of 
hours of work for the operator. 

-' Harvested. 

Sources of data: The above calculations are based upon a considerable number cf records from enterprise 
management studies conducted bv the Agricultural Extension Service, College of Agriculture, University 
of California in recent vears. The" vields assumed are above average for the State but approximate those of 
the better producers. The total hours of labor per acre are for the yields shown and include both operator's 
and hired labor. The minimum acreage to provide reasonable full employment for the operator is based 
upon a studv of the various oi^erations and varies with the distribution of work throughout the year. 



2494 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



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INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2495 

TESTIMONY OF DR. M. R. BENEDICT— Resumed 

The Chairman. Dr. Benedict, do you litive unything to present? 

Dr. Benedict. I am not representing anyone. I came by request, 
and I didn't prepare a statement because I wasn't expecting to be 
called on. 

There are just one or two things that I would like to emphasize, 
and these are more fully developed in my statement before what is 
known as the La FoUette committee and I think need not be repeated 
bsre. . 

One of those is the fact that from 1930 to 1940 our use of hired 
agricultural labor in California has not been increasing. There 
has been practically a flat trend. 

During that same period we have had a good many thousands of 
new families coming into the State, a large number of which are 
seeking work in agriculture. That, of course, is resulting in the 
same conditions that occur in any oversupplied labor market where 
there is not an organized labor group. It means a spreading of the 
work, shorter periods of employment for each worker. 

RECOMMENDATIONS 

1. DEVELOP INDtrSTRIAL ACTIVITY IN AREAS OF SURPLUS LABOR 

That leads me to this conclusion: That one of the things that 
might well be explored, either by such a committee as this, or by 
the other agencies of the Government, is the possibility of develop- 
ing certain kinds of industrial activity in areas of especially large 
accumulations of labor through some type of special assistance in 
getting them started. 

I described very briefly in the other statement I mentioned a 
practice that has been used in the British Isles for some years in 
that connection and which has apparently been fairly successful. 
The advantage to that seems to me to be that the capital investment 
per worker employed has been considerably less than in trying to 
set them up in agriculture and that it has been possible to absorb 
workers much more rapidly and in larger numbers than through 
efforts at establishment in agricuhure. I do not mean that as a 
suggestion that there be no attempt to establish some of these 
people in agriculture. My feeling is that not enough of these people 
can be taken care of there, in a short period, to solve the problem. 

2. CHECK SPEED OF DISPLACEMENT BY MECHANIZATION 

Along with that another aspect that seems to me worth exploring 
is that of possible checks on the speed of displacement in par- 
ticularly the southern Plains States. The introduction of the tractor 
has gone on at a very rapid rate there, and various studies show 
very significant reductions in the numbers of farmers in those States. 
Many of those displaced people are tending to come this way. 

I can't go into the merits or demerits of the introduction of me- 
chanical processes on farms in the brief time here, but there is a 
very marked problem presented by the rate at which that occurs. 



2496 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

just as there was a marked problem in the older countries during 
the time of the industrial revolution. The speed with which the 
change occurred created tremendous hardship, and it may be that 
some means could be found for slowing up that process. 

I think I will not prolong this, Mr. Chairman, except to say that 
if there are any specific questions that I can answer I will be glad 
to do that. But most of what I would say is covered in published 
material of one kind or another and is available to the committee if 
they should wish it. 

The Chairman. We have had extensive testimony on the mechani- 
zation proposition. 

Dr. Hutchison. Yes. 

The Chairman. I think your report showed — any one of you gen- 
tlemen can answer that — that since 1935 there were 850,000 migrants 
who came into this State. Of that number, what proportion could 
be classed as "destitute migrant citizens" ? 

Mr. Robinson. "Well, not using the word "destitute," but using the 
words "families in which the breadwinners were in need of manual 
employment" 

The Chairman (interrupting). That's right; yes. 

Mr. Robinson (continuing). As I remember it, 390,000 have been 
recorded in one way or another as members of families in which the 
bread-winners were in actual need of manual employment. 

The Chairman. Of course, as we have said heretofore, the causes 
of this migration are varied and there is no single solution. And 
speaking for myself personally. I cannot get it into my head that 
you can stop migration. 

Xow, you can't put fertility in some of that soil back there that I 
looked at. In Nebraska, for instance, Congressman Curtis' district, 
half of his congi-essional district has left there, and they try their 
level best and they want to stay home, but they are not going to die 
starving sitting down, don't you see. 

So I hope you gentlemen will agi-ee with me. Some people have 
arrived at the solution 100 percent, "have them stay home." 

Well, now. with this worn-out soil and this excessive mechaniza- 
tion, Doctor, as you have mentioned, and the windstorms and the 
droughts there comes a time when they can't stay home: that's all. 
And for 150 years through Congress and through the courts — Mr. 
Robinson knows — we spent millions to protect the free flow of com- 
modities between different States. But v\-e have been prett}^ lax 
with the human interstate commerce, and we are really on the initial 
step of any solution. But I want to say to you that the State Cham- 
ber of Commerce's report was extremely helpful to us in Washing- 
ton, and I know that it will be extremely helpful to us in this final 
report and I want to compliment you on it. You have set out the 
facts, and you did it in a temperate way that was verj^ very appeal- 
ing to the people who read it back there. And I say to you further- 
more that this committee hasn't any preconceived notions as to just 
what the solutions are or what the recommendations are to be. But 
we think that tlirough vou and other witnesses we have attracted 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2497 

the Nation's attention to this problem and we certainly will do the 
very best we can. You have been very helpful to us. 

if there is nothing else that you want to present, why, we thank 
you for your appearance here, gentlemen. 

Mr. Spaukmax. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask just one or two 
questions, if I may. 

The Chaieman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Sparkmax. I want to ask a question of Doctor Hutchison. 
I have been very much interested in following your statement and 
also in following these tables that you have given. I think they 
are quite illuminating and set up this question of big and little 
farming in a light in which I, at least, had not seen it before. 

But in considering the labor of the operator, I wonder what you 
have done about the labor of other members of the family ? Is that 
included as his own labor, or have you regarded them as hired labor? 

Dr. HuTCHisox. Well, these are calculated on the basis of the 
(operator. 

Mr. Sparkman. That is, the one individual? 

Dr. HtrxcHisox. The one individual. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, if he has children who can cooperate with 
him, the effect of it would be to reduce that acreage, wouldn't it, 
in order to get the family income, if you still adhere to $1,500 as 
the economic income? 

Dr. HuTCHisox. Yes. and he could handle more acreage. 

Mr. Sparkmax. Well, it would require less acreage to get the 
$1,500. 

Dr. HuTCHisox. Yes. He would sell himself more of his labor 
on the farm. 

Mr. Sparkmax'. Yes. 

Dr. Hutchison. Let's take cling peaches again, I hope I am not 
emphasizing cling peaches, but it happens that in no other place 
in the world that I know anything about have they been able to 
grow cling peaches as well as we grow them in California. 

Mr. Sparkman. Not even excepting Georgia? 

Dr. HuTCHisox^ I am not excepting Georgia. I say "cling 
peaches," sir. 

Mr. EoBixsoN. You have the freestone. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, the Georgia peach is a cling; is it not? 

Dr. HcTCHisox". It takes a man — a man can pick, can harvest an 
acre of peaches in about 10 days. Now, they have all got to be 
harvested in that time or else they have spoiled. If the man's wife 
is as good a peach picker as he is and they are depending on their 
own labor exclusively, they can grow 2 acres of peaches and that 
is all. If they try to grow 3 acres of peaches, they have got to have 
help from the outside. If he has got a good husky boy, again as 
good a laborer as he is or his wife is, the family could grow 3 acres 
of peaches. 

Mv. Eobinsox". And do all the picking. 

Dr. Hutchison. And do all the picking themselves. 

Mr. Sparkmax*. Yes. I surely would not advocate the complete 
exclusion of hired labor. But I was 

260370 — 41— pt. 6 20 



2498 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Dr. Hutchison (interrupting). The point I wanted to make is 
that as lono- as we orow the specialty crops in California, just so 
long must we depend upon outside help. We talk a lot about family- 
size farms, and I want to make it clear that we cannot have the 
family-size farm in California and continue to grow the kind of 
crops that we now grow. That is the point I wanted to make. 

Mr. Sparkman. By the way, I don't know that this is of any 
importance, but I notice under "prunes" you say it is impossible to 
have a sufficient number of acres to get the required income ? 

Dr. Hutchison. I mean it is impossible to do all the labor in the 
family and get it. In other words, no farm family could do all 
the labor in producing a crop of prunes and still make enough dur- 
ing the year to live on. That is true. 

GRANTS-IN-AID 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, I would like to ask Mr. Robinson just one 
question, I was very much interested in one of your recommenda- 
tions in here. 

Mr. Robinson. On what page? 

Mr. Sparkman. Page 26 of the report. I believe. Yes. [Reading ;] 

Tiaat consideration be given by Congress to a grant-in-aid or sneli other 
emergency program as might be developed to supplement local general relief 
aids is the States of out-migration, and to remove tlie most glaring discrepancies 
in these and other public welfare aids available to needy people. That in 
the" development of such a program, consideration also be given to the desira- 
bility of matching grants on a basis of per capita wealth or other measure 
of relative ability to pay. 

I am very glad to see that recommendation because I think that 
undoubtedly we must change our method of making grants-in-aid 
if we are to accomplish the thing that we have started out to do. 
Of course, you recognize it — we all do — as a joint problem. It is 
a local problem, but somewhere along the way the Federal Govern- 
ment must come into it. 

Yon say there : 

* * * the desirability of matching grants on a basis of per capita wealth 
or other measure of relative ability to pay. 

Have you given consideration to legislation, I mean the proposition 
of actually drawing the legislation that would bring about such a 
thing as you recommend ? 

Mr. Robinson. No ; we have not gone that far, but would be very- 
glad, if the committee is interested, to dig into it. 

Mr. Sparkman. I don't know about the committee, but I personally 
am, and I might say that at the beginning of this last session of 
Congress I introduced an amendment to the Social Sectirity Act 
to make the grants for old-age assistance, I believe I limited it to 
that, upon just such a basis, and I had a terrible time. 

Mr. Robinson. Yes. Can you give us a reference to that bill so our 
staff can study it ? 

Mr. Sparkman. I would have to look it up. I enlisted all of the 
legislative counsel, and we had a terrible time drawing the bill. 



INTERSTATE M HI RATION 2499 

I'll tell you. I discussed it with the Social Security Board first, 
and they^ recommended it. you know, sometime after I had discussed 
it with "them. They recognized the difficulty of amending the law. 

Finally I hit upon this scheme, and I would be glad to haye your 
reaction to it: Of making it discretionary with the Social Security 
Board to determine when a State had paid what it was able to pay. 
Then after that time they might excuse the State from matching 
the balance of it. 

The only precedent that I could find in Federal legislation ^yas 
a similar proyision in the Hayden-Cartwright Act of 1936, carried 
forward in 1938. That is the Federal Highway Aid Act. There 
was a provision carried in that that when a State had done all that 
it felt it could do and was not able to match all of it, then the Federal 
Bureau of Roads, on such a finding, miglit pay the balance of 
the Federal funds over to the State without the need of their 
matching it. 

I just wonder what your reaction is? 

^Ir. RoBiNsox. Dr.' Benedict has a thought here. Would you 
express it first. Doctor, on this very question i 

Dr. Benedict. Last year I spent a little time in the British Isles 
rather looking for types of procedure that might fit this kind of sit- 
uation we are dealing with, and one of those that might be of 
interest in connection with your problem is the arrangement they 
have for full I'elief for the so-called depressed areas and those taxing 
districts that have been going down in prosperity. What they have 
had there is a declining industrial and tax base with an increasing 
load for relief, and it was getting, in many of the areas, to a place 
Avliere the local support simply couldn't carry it. And that is not 
so different from the thing we have had in some of drought areas 
and other areas that have been declining for some tinie in prosperity. 

Now. they have a system of more or less arbitrarily determining 
block grants which they make to these areas. Xow, that, I think, 
wouldn't fit into our governmental scheme, but it would seem to me it 
might be possible to establish a criterion in terms of the relation 
of the relief load to the income of the commimity and get away 
from the arbitrary feature of it and still carry on very much the 
same sort of program, and that, if I understand correctly, is what 
you had in mind. 

Tiiey are able to do certain things with their form of government 
on a basis more of personal decision than we are able to do in ours. 
Their procedure is not quite so formal. 

Mr. Sparkmax. Oi course, we must more or less lay down a rule in 
the legislation by which to go. 

Dr. Benedict. Yes. 

]Mr. RoBixsox. Picking up the answer to your question. I think 
it is perfectly plain. We have increasing in the country a condition 
where certain areas are, in truth, distressed and may be for a long 
time. And the alternatives are that the people will either flee from 
those places to other places where they may be little better oft', or 
we will, out of our whole national economic pot, dig in and give 



2500 INTEKSTATK MK^KATIOX 

succor and support and sustenance to people in those especially dis- 
tressed areas. I see in it a parallel Avitli an enierorency which is 
acute. When we had the lire and earthquake in San Francisco 
and evervthino- was ]-)aralyzed for a short time, the whole country 
poured in its aid. San Francisco ]ncked itself up. 

AVe have situations coniina- in the United States where the enier- 
oeucy is not the short shock of an eartlupiake or the quick wreck 
of tire, but months and sometimes years of tribulation. And we are 
bound, while we are economically competent as a nation, to give our aid 
to areas of that type. 

Now. I would say in answer specifically to your question: Yes; 
provided there are some standaixls set for the conduct of the admin- 
istrative officer. Otherwise he is put on an awful si)ot, and the com- 
munity may be, too, if there were no rules, general regulations and 
standards of measurement for his guidance. 

The Chahoiax. In other words, Mr. Kobinson, I think you have 
a point there. If on account of an earthquake or any other disaster 
395.0(X) people were compelled to move from the State of Pennsyl- 
vania to the State of Ohio — not over 5 years but over 24 hours — 
the Congress of the United States would probably convene in special 
session to take care of it. 

i\[r. RoBixsox. You have done it in tlood situations. 

;Mr. OsMERS. I should like to question Mr. Robinson and Dr. Hutch- 
ison for a minute. 

We have devoted a great deal of time since you have completed yoiu- 
prepared statements on the questions as to innnediate relief, the crisis 
and emergency })hase of the problem. Frankly, I am more interested 
in the future of the problem than I am in whether it is the W. P. A., 
Farm Security, Social Security or some other immediate relieving 
agency. Sooner or later these people that have migrated to California 
and elsewhere will have to assume their place in the economic picture 
of our country. That is why I was particidarly interested in what 
Dr. Hutchison had to say with respect to farm units and income 
and future possibilities. 

SMALL-SCALE FARMING INCREASING 

Xow, Avould you say. Dr. Hutchison, that from your studies, which 
have been as complete as any I have heard, that in California large- 
scale farmiui: or small-scale farming is indicated for the futiu'e of 
this State? 

Dr. Hutchison. The number of farms in California has been in- 
creasing for decades. The amount of land in farms has not increased. 
Therefore, one must draw the conclusion that the average size of farms 
has been decreasing in California ever since the days of the Spanish 
Dons. 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you consider that a sound economic evolution, the 
reduction in the size of the farm in California? 

Dr. Hutchison. It has gone too far. 

Mr. OsMERS. It has gone too far? 

Dr. Hutchison. In many cases. We have today in many areas in 
California farms of too small a size to permit making a decent living 
on them for the operator. 



INTERSTATE MKiKATION 2501 

TOTAL FAHM EMPLOYMENT AVAILABLE 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, leaving this Harm owner for a minute and 
iToin<r' to the worker, taking into consideration distance, the type ot 
farnnno- and the type of worker, what is the maxnnum employment m 
a year ''that a migrant farm worker could expect in the State ot 

California? , .„ , ^ 

If conditions were ideal all around, if he went from crop to crop 
Avithin reasonable distances, how much total employment out ot a 
year could he expect to have? . 

Dr HuTGHLSON. Well, it varies. And my openmg statement is 
attempting to point out that the total amount of farm work available 
Is about a million man-da vs in December and February. 

Mr. Sparkmax. Up to 3,000,000 in September? 

Dr. Hutchison. Up to 3,000,000 in September. 

Mr. Sparkman. I recall your statement very thoroughly. What 1 
wanted to get at is the individual worker now. I want to find out 
whether he can work 6 months a year or 8 months a year or 3 months 

a year ? 

Dr. Htjtchison. In some industries, of course, he can work 12 

months a year. 

Mr. Sparkman. In agricultural pursuits? 

Dr. Hutchison. In agricultural pursuits. 

Mr. Sparkman. By moving around? 

Dr. Hutchison. No. In some cases he can stay right on the same 
farm and do it: the dairy farm, for example. • , o 

iSIr. Sparkman. I was thinking of the migrant within the State ot 
California, the man that might pick cotton and pick fruit. 

Dr. Hutchison. You are speaking of people who are picking 
cotton and fruit? 

Mr. Sparkman. That's right. 

Dr. Hutchison. Well, I doubt if one could find continuous em- 
ployment in those industries more than 6 months. 

Mr. Sparkman. That's the point that I wanted to make because 
all the witnesses have said that while working, these migrant farm 
workers are not grossly underpaid, but if they are only working 6 
months a year, they are going to be a public responsibility for the 
other half of the year. 

Dr. Hutchison. That's right. It seems, Mr. Congressman, to me 
rather important that one thing that might be done would be to aid 
the people whose labor we need in the peak seasons, and enable them 
to get located on small holdings where they can make the major 
portion of their table requirements out of their own labor, and that 
of their own families, when they are not working for some other 
farmer and thus be available to the other man in the peak seasons. 

Mr. Sparkman. Now, of course, I don't know whether the east coast 
is better off because it is longer established, or whether it has a 
longer range of seasons, but it has not the same problem that is here. 
It is possible for them to work nearly 12 months a year, starting from 
there and coming up to New Jersey for potatoes and cranberries, and 
on back. And we have had another situation there that has helped. 



2502 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

We have had Larg:e cities like Philadelphia and New York and New 
Orleans where certain nationalities or gronps would come out in the 
summer almost as a vacation, or, opportunity to get in the country, 
and tliey would work for 6 or 8 weeks and go back to their city homes 
and city occupations, and it would relieve that strain. 

Dr. Hutchison. "We have long done that in California. 

Mr. Sparkman. You have done that, too? 

Dr. Hutchison, Yes. A large portion of the seasonal labor in the 
past has come from local towns and local communities. 

Mr. Robinson. Wouldn't you say that that has been changed in the 
last few years to a considerable degree, Dr. Hutchison, by reason of 
the influx of migrants who want every bit of work there is? 

Dr. Hutchison. That's the point I am getting to. 

Mr. Sparkman. Well, of course, it upsets normal labor rotation if 
you have a great new pool of workers. 

Dr. Hutchison. My proposal is that in our attempts to absorb tlie 
migrants into our economy and into our society, that we enable them 
to take their place in the con.imunities in exactly the same way as the 
other people of those communities. 

Mr. Sparkman. Yes. 

Dr. Hutchison. I feel it is rather unfortunate that you isolate 
them, to build islands of them. I would rather see them — take the 
city of Fresno as an illustration, or the city of Stockton. I would 
like to see more of these people located on small holdings in the 
periphery of those cities, where, as I say, they could make a major 
portion of their table requirements themselves and be available for 
work on the ranches or in the towns, any place they can get to. 

Mr. Sparkman. I think that is very sound. Doctor. 

I want to ask Mr. Robinson just one or two questions. Do you 
feel that the situation, as indicated by all of the testimony here. Mr. 
Robinson, indicates the need for the extension of the Wage and Hour 
Act, Social Security or Unemployment Compensation into the field 
of agricultural work? 

Mr. Robinson. You ask a very difficult question. In the abstract 
by any process of reasoniiig, any test of what you might call abstract 
justice, there is no reason that I can see why the man who works in 
agriculture hasn't just the same human rights and social rights to 
unemployment insurance, to old-age pensions, to the other aids, to 
organization, collective bargaining, and the like, that any other 
worker has, in industry or elsewhere. As an abstraction I think there 
is no gainsaying that, and I believe that to be sound philosophy. But 
when you come to the practical application of these things, you run 
into extraordinary difficulties. It happens that I have to do, among 
other things, with an industry in which there are a great many sea- 
sonal workers, a manufacturing industry: Canning in California. 
And to that industry all of these benefits apply, and nearly all of our 
industry operates on the basis of collective bargaining and is union- 
ized. The normal employment throughout the year will be about 
12,000 and the seasonal employment will jump to 60.000. So you see 
there are pretty close to 50,000 seasonal workers there. 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2503 

The practical operation of collective baro;aining and the practical 
operation of nrieniplo3'ment insurance, and all of the other social 
]e<rislation to those seasonal workers, after 4 years of sincere effort 
on both sides and with the policy makers in the industry absolutely 
sympathetic toward and supporting- all of these things, it's very un- 
satisfactory yet. It is a hard thing to keep track of when you have, 
in an industry, 60,000 seasonal workers. The administration of the 
unemployment benefits — I will express it very mildly when I say tliat 
it is highly unsatisfactory and that it is not particuhirly the fault of 
anybody in government position. It is the nature of the task. 

The agriculture migrant is much harder to keep track of than the 
seasonal worker in a factory who normally comes back year after 
year to the same place. The very keeping of the records, the having 
any knowledge of whether a man or a woman is entitled to this or that 
right or benefit is going to be extremely difficult until we have gone 
much further in organizing and ordering our life than we have yet 
in this countr}^ 

Mr. OsMEEs. Mr. Robinson, or, in fact, Dr. Hutchison, I would 
just like to ask a general question. Has the State of California 
done anything to adapt its primary and secondart- educational systems 
to the needs of the day? 

Mr. Robinson. I defer to my ]5rofe^sorial friend, but I in ni}^ turn 
would like to give an answer to that question. 

Dr. Hutchinson. I think you had better hear from Mr. Robinson. 

Mr. Robinson. My answer is "No"' with three or four black lines 
under it ! 

]Mr. Os-AiERS. That makes it unanimous with my own findings all 
over the United States. 

Mr. Robinson. That's the reason why I included that in the state- 
ment which I personally presented. 

Mr. OsMERS. I want to high light something you said, Mr. Robinson, 
and I think it is something we are going to have to consider in a great 
many of our deliberations, and that is the war boom which is now 
being imposed upon a depressed economy is going to lead America to 
the greatest depression that we have ever seen before. I want to high 
light that in your testimony. 

Mr. Robinson. I would be very glad to have you make that state- 
ment, sir, because no more practical and no more profound observation 
could he made in this hearing than what you have just made. 

The Chairmax, I may say for the record that this committee was 
not appointed to be great prophets into the future. 

Mr. OsMERs. I would say that the committee was appointed, Mr. 
Chairman — to have my first disagi^eement with you — to be prophets 
into the future, because everybody knows what has happened in the 
past. 

The Chairman. You are not disagreeing with me. 

Islv. OsMERS. "We have been appointed as prophets into the future. 
We fire probably poor ones, being but human clay. That is all. 

The Chairman. "Well, gentlemen, if you will excuse us at this time, 
we have certainly given moi'e time than we have contemplated, but 
it has been very interesting, and I know it will be a very valuable 
contribution to the findings of this committee. 



2504 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

Mr. LuNDBERG. Mr. Chairman, gentlemen of the committee, I want 
to thank yon and say to you that we will be glad to cooperate in any 
way in the future we can. 

The Chairman. Thank you. 

(Witnesses excused.) 

The Chairman. The committee will be in recess for 5 minutes. 

(Whereupon, a brief recess was taken after which proceedings were 
resumed as follows:) 

The Chairman. The Committee will be m order, please. 

Mr. Pomeroy. 

TESTIMONY OF HAROLD POMEEOY, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOE, HOUS- 
ING AUTHORITIES OE THE CITY AND COUNTY OF SACRAMENTO, 
SACRAMENTO, CALIF. 

Mr. OsMERS. Do you mind stating your full name and background 
to the reporter? 

Mr. P031EROY. Harold Pomerov. I am at present the executive 
director for the housing authority of the city of Sacramento and the 
housing authority of the county of Sacramento. 

I have a background of having been State relief administrator 
for California for 21/2 years, having been in relief work prior to that 
time for a year and a half; had municipal experience back of that 
in State work with the League of California Cities and experience 
of approximately a year and a quarter as executive secretary of the 
Associated Farmers of California. 

Mr OsMERS. That makes a rather unusual background and one that 
I think would be helpful to the committee. Mr. Pomeroy, have you a 
prepared statement that you would like to submit to the committee? 

Mr. Pomeroy. I will give the reporter a copy of a report, made in 
connection with my work, on a survey of substandard dwellings, in- 
cluding trailer camps and shack towns in a part of Sacramento 

County. . 1 1 \ 

(The report was marked as an exhibit and appears below:) 

Report of Suevey of Substandaed Dwelijngs in a Portion of the County of 
Sacramento Made to the Commissioners of the Housing Authority or the 
County of Sacramento by the Executi\-e Director, September 5, lti40 

Onlv those dwelling places which appeared to be substandard in one or more 
respects, as judsed from street observation, were reported upon by the survey 
workers. This restriction was the result of the desire of the authority to cover 
certain known areas of poor housing in a small portion of the county, where there 
is a concentration of several spots of various types of severely substandard 
housing. 

The area covered extended, roughly, in a strip about IV2 miles wide north from 
tlie north city limits of the city of Sacramento, between the Sacramento River 
and Sixteentii Street, for a distance of approximately 5 miles to North Avenue. 
The principal types of substandard housing spotted in this area are as follows: 

1. Trailer camps. 

2. Shack towns, where tents and scrap-lumber shelters are erected on rented 
land (the outstanding shack-town development is known as Louie's Camp). 

8. Auto courts. 

4. SubdiA'isions catering to very low-income families, where lots are purchased 
for small initial and monthly payments, and the families live in makeshift home- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2505 

made accommodations, aiul then attempt to build bomes piecemeal with tlieir 

5. Scattered owned and rented dwellings in normal residential subdivisions and 
a few isolated dwellings on roads and highways. . n-, -c- , . 

The survey commenced on August 19 and was terminated on August 61. Urighc 
survey workers were employed at the rate of $130 a month. Five were former 
State' relief administration employees, experienced in family interviewmg and 
with extensive knowledge of the conditions which would be encountered rn this 
survey. One was a recent graduate of the University of California, who studied 
housing and understands thoroughly the aims and purposes of public housing; 
one was a former banker, whose appraisal experience was valuable in connection 
vvith reporting upon the condition of dwelling structures and in interviewing fami- 
lies- one was a former route man for a commercial establishment, whose expe- 
rience in calling upon families and his knowledge of the territory were valuable. 

The total cost of the survey, including travel at the rate of 5 cents a mile, was 
$467.23. This excludes office work, mimeographing the forms used, tallying the 
!^urvey schedules, summarizing the information, and preparing this report. 

Because of the widelv varying conditions under which families in the area 
surveyed are known to live, because of the several distinct types of housing, and 
because of the importance of learning considerable about the residence of fami- 
lies sources of income, steadiness of employment, and the desires and attitudes 
of families, a special survey form was designed and used. A copy of one of the 
completed forms is in the appendix. ^ , , . 

The survey workers were expected to learn something oi the desires and 
attitudes of "low-income families living in substandard dwelling places and to 
make comments concerning conditions and the need and market for low-rent 
public housing projects. Each w^orker was requested to prepare a summary at 
the close of the survey. The workers were not directed as to what they should 
say or emphasize in their summaries because of a desire to secure their own 
free impressions, reactions, and conclusions. The unchanged summary of each 
worker is in the appendix. , , .. -, . ■, f 

A study of the survey reports, an analysis of the tabulation, and a study of 
the summaries prepared by the survey workers disclose the following : 

1 :Most of the families occupying substandard dwellings are permanent resi- 
dents of the county rather than transients or migrants; 79 percent have lived 
here more than 3 vears ; 62 percent have lived here from 5 years to life. 

2. A majority of the families interviewed have incomes from private earn- 
ings which are large enough to permit them to pay for decent dwelling accommo- 
dations provided in a Housing Authority project. Very few have sufficient 
incomes to permit them to pay for decent dwelling accommodations by their 
own efforts. Sixty-eight percent of the families surveyed have incomes of 
more than $600 a year from private earnings. 

3. A desire for better living conditions on the part of most of the families 
occupying substandard and inadequate dwellings. 

4. A tendencv among the older people to accept bad living conditions as in- 
evitable and to" believe that there is probably nothing they can do now to better 
their situations. 

5. One of the principal reasons the majority of the families are living in 
outlying areas is because of inability to get decent dwelling accommodations 
in the city of Sacramento of adequate size for growing families. 

G. Efforts of the lowest income families to achieve home ownership, however 
inadequate, seems to result principally from a pressing desire for the security 
this will afford against uncertainty as to where to live, excessive rents, and 
evictions. 

7. In a considerable number of cases, families attempting to buy laud for home 
sites and build home-made shacks piecemeal are found to be doing so because 
they are unable to solve their housing problems in any other manner. Many 
families now attempting to buy, stated they would prefer to rent or buy decent, 
well-planned, low-cost houses but that none are available within their means. 
It appears that for all practical purposes, these families are outside any satis- 
factory existing market. It is apparently impossible for private owners to 
serve the vast majority of the families covered in the survey, with any sort of 
decent housing opportunities. 

8. Low-income families who are renting are in most instances paying exces- 
sively for the accommodations they secure. 






2506 INTERSTATE MIGRATION 

9. Many of those owning property are making payments wbicli are excessive 
in relation to their incomes. 

10. Some of the families living in house trailers and in other inadequate 
accommodations could pay more than their present accommodations cost, but 
there is nothing available in Sacramento within their means. 

11. Nearly all of the homemade dwellings are inadequate as to size, founda- 
tions, kind, and manner of construction and utilities, and as a result are sub- 
standard from the outset. 

12. Most of the families attempting to construct home-made houses are unsuc- 
cessful due to economic inability to finance the cost of necessary materials and 
equipment and because of lack of skill and capacity and the absence of guidance 
in executing their plans to achieve home ownership. 

13. While (inly a few families are raising gardens, chickens, and rabbits, 
many would do so if space, water, facilities, and tools were available. 

14. Many of the famHies are improperly located iu relation to employment 
and community facilities. 

15. In the subdivisions, where families are buying land and constructing 
home-made hou.ses, streets, drainage, sanitation, and utilities are either inade- 
quate or completely lacking. These conditions constitute a severe handicap. 

16. Comparatively few of the families surveyed receive their incomes solely 
from agricultural employment. Some are seasonally employed in agriculture, 
and many are seasonally employed in canneries near Sacramento, and are in- 
termittently employed in various other types of work. A considerable number 
are steadily employed. Some of the families with incomes from seasonal em- 
ployment are likely to be on relief from time to time during off-seasons. 

The 1299 survey forms were reported and tabulated. It was not possible 
to secure complete information for each dwelling and family. In some in- 
stances families refused to answer all of the questions a.sked. or were so vague 
on certain points that the information secured was not reliable enough to 
record. A few families were away temporarily for seasonal employment, but 
were retaining their dwelling places. There were 78 vacancies, including some 
of the places from which families were absent temporarily. 

Percentages are used in siunmarizing the tabulation of survey reports. These 
percentages can probably be considered quite accurate if applied to the total 
number of survey reix)rts, as they were derived from the exact tabulation and 
the breakdown of the total of each item recorded. 

In classifying dwelling structures, the designations "condition good," "in need 
of minor repairs," "in need of major repairs." and "unfit for use" were inade- 
quate because even though a house trailer or a one-, two-, or three-room home- 
made house might be in good condition for what it was, a combination of con.- 
ditious such as type of construction, very small rooms, or no foundation, might 
contribute to such a dwelling place being totally inadequate. This situation 
was found to exist in many instances upon studying the entire content of the 
survey reports. The count of the number of overcrowded dwellings gives a 
partial indication of the inadequacy in this respect, but size of rooms and 
type of coristruction contributed extensively, in addition, to total inadequacy. 

A summary of the tabulation of the survey reports follows : 

1. 82 percent or 919 are white. 

2 percent or 24 are Negro. 

13 percent or 143 are Mexican. 

3 percent or 39 are "other." 

7 percent or 84 are noncitizens. 

2. 16 percent or 186 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are single 

persons. 
24 percent or 279 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are in 2-person 

families. 
18 percent or 196 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are in 3-person 

families, 
l.'t percent or 177 of the occupants of the dewellings covered are in 4-person 

families. 
10 percent or 120 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are in 5-person 

families. 
10 percent or 121 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are in 6-per3on 

families. 



INTERSTATE MIC4RATI0X 2507 

2 pi>roent or 25 of the uccuijaiits of the dwellings covered are in 7-per.sou 
families. 

2 percent or 23 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are in 8-person 
families. 

3 percent or 32 of the occupants of the dwellings covered are in above 
S-person families. 

3. 10 percent or 99 families have resided in Sacramento Countj- less than 1 

vear. 
11 percent or 114 families have resided in Sacramento County from 1 year 

to 3 years. 
79 percent or 836 families have resided in Sacramento County from 3 years 

to life. 

4. l.j i>erceut or 131 fjiniilies have incomes of less than $400 a year 

63 percent or 535 families have incomes between $400 and $1,200 a year. 
22 percent or 182 families have incomes of over $1,200 a year. 

5. 103 persons are receiving aged aid. 

105 are employed by Work Propects Administration "indefinitely." 
23 are receiving State Relief Administration aid "indefinitely." 
17 are permanent recipients of county welfare department aid. A very 
few are receiving some type of public assistance temporarily. Financial 
support from a public agency whether Work Projects Administration 
wages or some form of relief grant, was not counted in the income 
tabulation. 

6. 39 percent or 484 of the occupants are attempting to buy, or own outright 

the land on which they are dwelling, and also, ovrn outright, or are buying 
completed houses or are buying materials for, and constructing dwellings 
piecemeal. 

15 percent or 191 of the occupants rent land only and live in house 
trailers or homemade scrap-lumber and metal shacks. 

40 percent or 492 families rent. 

7. 52 percent or 647 of the dwelling places have no inside running water. 
73 percent or 914 have no bath. 

SO percent or 991 have no inside toilet. 

79 percent or 979 have no normal heating equipment. 

16 percent or 196 have no electricity. 

14 percent or 178 have hand pumps as the only water supply. 

24 percent or 301 families use community baths. 

31 percent or 389 families use community toilets. 

55 percent or 689 families cook and heat with wood stoves. 

13 ijercent or 162 families use kerosene, gasoline, or candles for light. 

8. 69 percent or 868 of the dwellings are in need of major repairs or unfit for 

use. 
37 percent or 465 are unfit for use. 
54 percent or 672 are overcrowded. 
34 percent or 423 are "severely" overcrowded. 

9. 19 percent or 243 of the dwellings are 1 room. 
29 percent or 378 of the dwellings are 2 rooms. 

17 percent or 218 of the dwellings are 3 rooms. 
16 percent or 201 of the dwellings are 4 rooms. 

10. 37 percent or 391 of the occupants pay less than SIO a month rent, includ- 

ing utilities. 
(t3 percent or 6S1 pay $10 a month and over, including utilities. 

11. 134 families expressed a particular desire to be able to have space and 

water for vegetable gardens. 

12. 364 families expressed a particularly strong desire to occupy a dwelling 

in a public housing project. 
232 families expressly stated they are not intere.sted in the Public Housing 
Program because they are buying. 

GENB3JAL COMMENTS AND CONCLUSIONS 

The conditions disclosed by the survey are known to exist quite extensively 
in other areas of the coimty surrounding the city of Sacramento, and also in 
outlying areas. The facts not known are the exact number of substandard 



2508 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



and totally inadequate dwelling units in any given location, or the exact 
income ranges of the low-income families occupying such dwelling places. 

It is obvious from the present survey that there is an adequate basis for a 
project of the maximum number of units which can be built with the money 
now earmarked ($500,000). ^ ^ ^ ^ ,.^. 

If the Authority should be able in the future to secure funds for additional 
projects, a further survey should then be made of other areas of the county. 
Under the present conditions, it did not seem justifiable to spend more money 
and time to survey additional sections of the county. 

A study should be made of the problem of squatter developments such as 
Louie's Camp, and the vicinity north of the city limits of Sacramento, and 
also the completely unregulated development of homemade shacks on low- 
priced land offered for sale without streets, other facilities, or public utilities 
of any kind. If possible, county ordinances should be devised to minimize 
the squatter and shack developments which are building problems of health, 
sanitation, safety, morals, and welfare, not only for the future, but day by 
day. 

It should be remembered that most of the families living under conditions 
encountered in the survey do not do so from choice, and that they would 
better their living conditions if economically able to do so. "Cleaning vip" 
conditions cannot be accomplished by enacting ordinances alone, as low-income 
families must live somewhere. Housing Authority projects will provide decent 
housing and living conditions for some of the families with growing children 
who were covered in the survey. This will not meet the entire problem, but 
it may point the way toward further efforts, community and private, to pro- 
vide decent and stable living conditions for low-income families now living 
under unhealthy, unwholesome, thoroughly unsatisfactory conditions. 

REASONS FOR HEAVY MIGRATION TO CALIFORNIA 

Mr. PoMEROT. I would say that is largely bunk. California relief 
standards are a minor factor in attracting- families from other 
States. I believe that the principal reason the families come is because 
of economic factors of expulsion in their places of origin and economic 
need to seek opportunities elsewhere, and they go searching employ- 
ment. 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, would you just tell the committee, Mr. Pomeroy, 
why these people select California ? We will say a Nebraska family 
or an Oklahoma family comes to California. Why don't they go 
to Pennsylvania or Alabama or Michigan? 

Mr. Pomeroy. First I would point out that several of the most 
frequently given reasons for the trek to California are largely erro- 
neous ; that of relief is largely erroneous. The charge that the Farm 
Security Administration program in California encourages them to 
come here is largely erroneous. The charge that farmers undertake 
organized advertising in otlier States is largel}' erroneous. 

The principal reasons seem to me to be these two : First, the highly 
seasonal character of California agriculture gives an erroneous con- 
ception of the agricultural employment opportunities in this State, 
and there is a great deal of advertising done unwittingly on the part 
of families who have just arrived here at the peak of the season 
and have gotten emplo^-ment and on the part of even the employmejit 
service and newspapers in this State advertising concerning peak 
needs from season to season and place to place in the State, and the 
transfer of that information by various means to other States en- 
couraging people to come here who believe that if they can just get by 
for a little while and get hold of some employment, that then every- 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2509 

thiiif^ will be all rioht. They work for the peak season, and then 
are helpless at the end, in many instances, and are bitterly dis- 
appointed. 

That is an observation coming directly ont of my relief experience. 
The other reason is a belief, and probably cannot be supported by 
anything more than just personal opinion. It seems to me that the 
generation of advertising of the advantages of California has an 
inevitable effect upon the direction these people turn, even though 
they have never traveled before and are coming seeking opportuni- 
ties to work and not coming for pleasure or investment purposes. 

We know to a degree from our contact with many of these families 
that some, at least, have come for that reason. They have heard 
that California has opportunities and the climate is excellent, and they 
seem to feel that there are a combination of circumstances tliat will 
give them a better opportunity here than if they went elsewhere. 

Mr. OsMERS. Would j'ou say that the migrants are used as a lever 
to lower relief standards in California? 

Mr. PoMEROY. I think not. Tlie migrants here in larger numbers 
than can be absorbed in employment have not actually lowered relief 
standards in California. California standards have been maintained 
in tlie unemploj'ment relief operation at about the highest level in 
the Nation. I perhaps had better qualify the ansvrer by saying that 
it is often charged that California relief standards are the cause of 
these families' coming here, and, therefore, they should be lovrered. 
That charge is often made. The reason for wanting relief standards 
lowered, as is stated, at least, by those who make this charge, is so 
that people would not be encouraged to come here. 

But there has been comparatively little demand that relief stand- 
ards generally be depressed. The most oft repeated demand is that 
relief levels for the families who come here from other States be 
kept as low as in the States that they have come from until they 
have been here for 5 years, or some given period of time. 

]Mr. OsMERs. That's the point that I wanted to rtiake. 

Mr. PoMEROY. I would say that that is a ridiculous thing. I say 
it is ridiculous because of economic factors of expulsion. These fami- 
lies are going to move to new places, and as they move to new places 
they are destitute wdien they come here, some of them are going to 
be in need of care, and they must be given some care. And you can't 
lower the aid out of keeping with general living standards and living 
costs in California. 

Mr. OsMERS. Well, relief standards in the State of Oregon would 
have very little or no economic bearing on their needs in California? 

Mr. PoMEUOY. That's correct, sir, 

METHOD OF AVAGE-SETTIXG 

Mr. OsMERS. Now, you have had some experience with the 
Associated Farmers? 

Mr. PoMEROY. That is correct. 

Mr. OsMERS. That is a group of employers of farm labor; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. PoMEROY. Yes. 



2510 INTERSTATE MIGRATTOX 

Mi\ OsMERS. Now. do operators in general or employers give con- 
sideration when they set wages — do they give consideration to the 
possible increase in the relief load ? To put it in another way, would 
they set wages higher so that they might thereby lower the relief 
bnrden indirectly ? 

Mr. PoMEROY.* I think not. It seems to me that no consideration 
is given to the effect of the employment conditions in agriculture, 
either as to the amount of it at any given time or the duration of 
it or the wages, to the effect that it will have on relief. 

Mr. OsMERs. HoAV do they go about setting tlie wages in these agri- 
cultural pursuits? Let's take cotton picking, for example. How do 
they set the pay in that labor? 

Mr. PoMEROY. "Well, so far as my observation has gone — and I 
have observed the methods employed — a group of growers repre- 
senting the principal cotton counties gather in Fresno each year 
in advance of the season. It can be said to be a sort of spontaneous 
coming together in the sense that neither the Associated Farmers, 
nor the Farm Bureau nor the Grange, nor any other State-wide 
agricultural organization undertakes the responsibility of setting- 
wages. These men come and discuss the crop conditions, economic 
conditions generally, and I believe usually in a one-day sevSsion come 
to a conclusion as to the rate that will be paid that season. 

I would comment that it seems to me to be almost entirely a matter 
of guess work, because it does not follow any careful economic deter- 
minations. It is a matter of the judgment of men in the business 
as they sit in a room, two or three hundred together, and fix the 
wages. 

Mr. OsMERS. I would just like to change the theme for a n.ioment. 
Has consideration been given, or have you given any thought, to 
the possibility that California farmers might concentrate on em- 
ploying Californians onl_y ? 

Mr. PoMEROY I believe that would be desirable because the Califor- 
nia farmers, by and large, employ those who come to their front 
gates seeking employment. By doing so, they do give employment 
to a good many people who have just arrived. That simply accents 
that condition of encouragement to persons who come here from 
elsewhere, and when they are finished with their very short periods 
of employment, then they are left helpless and disappointed. 

There are instances, and many of them, of workers coming here 
from a number of States, taking jobs for which State residents are 
available, and then going on back to where they came from. And 
that situation of employers here offering employment to anyone, 
w^ithout attemptmg to take care of State residents first, without at- 
tempting to help reduce the relief rolls, without attempting to work 
with the employment service in an organized fashion, is many times 
more important in my judgment, in encouraging people to come 
here from other places than our relief standards and the F. S. A. 
assistance and all the other governmental aids. 

STATE EMPLOYMENT SERVICE INADEQUATE 

Mr. OsMERS. Would you say that the employment service — thf^ 
United States Employment Service or its California branches, are 
doing a good job? 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2511 

Mr. PoMEROT. I think tlie California State Employment Service 
is not doing a good job. I believe one reason for this is that concen- 
tration of attention has had to be given in developing and per- 
fecting the nnemplovmen.t insnrance phase of the work, and that 
has overshadowed at various times the employment service work 
directly, and then I believe there has been an alisence of a directed 
effort to work out with employers, agricultural and otherwise, meth- 
ods of concentrating uDon the employment of California workers 
first. 

i\Ir. OsMERS. ]My own observation, Mr. Pomeroy, has been in other 
States that the State employment services could do a gTeat deal more 
than they ai-e doing now with employers. 

Mr. PoMEROY. May I give you an ■ 

Mr. OsMERs (interposing). If they adopted a more aggressive 
attitude. 

Mr. PoMHRoY. Well, I agree with you completely and I would give 
you an illustration. During the early spring of 1937 we were con- 
cerned about the size of the relief load, particularly in agricultural 
areas where the load was high, due to the severe v^-inter and almost 
total lack of winter employment. We knew that we had on the relief 
rolls thousands of families whose workers had harvested the crops the 
fall before. 

I was relief administrator at that time, and I went to the Califor- 
nia State Chamber of Commerce, to Mr. Robert Wilson, the head of 
the agricultural department, described the situation to him, and that 
orgiinization was responsible for bringing out 13 regional meetings 
throughout the State where, representing the State relief administra- 
tion, I could meet with agricultural leaders representing all of 
the principal agricultural areas of the State. The employment serv- 
ice vras brought into it, and the statement that I made on behalf of 
the Relief Administration at that time was that, "Here are the people 
on the relief rolls who harvested your crops last year. You can make 
up your minds as to whether or not you want to make a conscientious 
effort to reemploy these people now as you need them in the spring 
and summer and fall Avork this year, or whether you want to employ 
a new group and then pay the bill in relief through taxes." Excellent 
cooperation was had ! 

In some instances there was complaint that, "Well, we can't get the 
people off the relief rolls and the employment service won't cooperate 
and the relief officers won't cooperate." And we brushed those aside, 
and there was a willingness to cooperate and the farm leaders said, 
"Yes; surely. We can tell you two weeks in advance when we are 
going to need workers." And by that aggressive effort we were able 
to accomplish considerable, and I believe much more can be done and 
that the employment service should be much more aggressive and 
take a much greater directional leadership than it ever has in this 
State. 

Mr. OsMERS. Under the line of reasoning that you have advanced 
where Calif ornians would be given preference in "^employment, what 
would happen to the new arrivals? 

Now, I want you to answer that, keeping in mind your original 
statement that the people that come here do not come here for Cal- 



2512 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 



if ornia reasons ; tliey come here for reasons that originate outside of 
California, so thjft they would continue to come here. 

Mr. PoMEROY. The overall 

Mr. OsMERS (interposing). What would happen to these new 

arrivals . 

Mr. PoMEROY. Well, assuming only a given amount of employment 
available, the overall result would not be to better the situation. It 
would shift emphasis a little bit. There would be our own agri- 
cultural workers in California employed a greater number of months 
each year, and the new arrivals coming here would be definitely out- 
side the labor market and you would have a need to deal with them 
still there, and concentrated. And the only effect for good over a 
period of time would be to lessen the tendency to come to California 
bv reason of lessening employment opportunities. 
'Mr OsMEES. Of course, now in addition to these people being 
ouHide the labor market, these people that would come here, they 
would also be outside of the relief picture in the State of Califonua; 
under the settlement laws they would have to be here for 5 years 
beforethey were eligible for State relief? ^ -,. . m 

Mr. PoMEROY. Well, thev v>'Ould be outside ot relief; yes. Ine 
Farm Security Administration undertakes to aid those who have 
iust arrived and continues to carry those families, I thmk, now, for 
almost an indefinite period of time, although I don't know that that 

is true right now. ^ . . , . j. 

Mr. OsMERs. I don't believe that the Farm Security is taking care ot 

all of them. 

Mr. PoiMEROY. No. . . 

Mr. OsMERS. I don't think the nature of their appropriation would 

permit them to. .-,..•• i • 

Mv. PoMEROY. No. The Farm Security Administration is taking 
care of a comparatively small part of them. But because of the ex- 
tremitv of that condition, those families here not being able to 
secure' employment, the Farm Security Aclministration did adopt a 
direct cash grant relief program in the spring of 1938. 

Mr. OsMERS. Thev did? ^ . ,. , 

Mr. PoMEROY. Yes. And that has continued, I believe, up to and 
including the present time. . • 

Mr. OsMERS. I think that is all I have, :Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much for your very valuable 
contribution. 

(Witness excused.) 

The Chairman. Dr. Schaupp. 

TESTIMONY OF DE. KAEL L. SCHAUPP, SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF. 

llie Chairman. Doctor, vchat is your pi-esent address? 

Dr. Schaupp. 490 Post Street, San Francisco. 

The Chairman. I believe you have submitted a paper to the com- 
mittee. Doctor. J! 1 1^1 

Dr. Schaupp. Yes ; it is a paper on the development ot health serv- 
ices for migi-ants. . 

(The paper submitted by Dr. Schaupp is as follows:) 



INTERSTATE MIGRATION 2513 

STATEMENT OF KARL L. SCHAUPP, M. D., FORMER CHAIRMAN OF 
THE COUNCIL OF THE CALIFORNIA MEDICAL ASSOCIATION, PRAC- 
TITIONER OF MEDICINE IN SAN FRANCISCO AND CALIFORNIA, AND 
MEMBER OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS, A. W. H. AND M. A. 

Development of Health Sessvices to the Migrant Population in Caufornia 

AND Arizona 

The movement of migrants has deep seated social and economic roots which 
include the increased mechanization of farm processes and the resultant growth 
of large farms ; the pressure of population increases in rural areas and inade- 
quate health facilities in areas of migrant embarkation. The economic back- 
ground will undoubtedly be covered by other witnesses and sources. The 
health of these people has been my particular concern. For many years I have 
been interested in medical problems of the indigent population in both rural 
and metropolitan areas. Most of my activities in various offices which I have 
held in both county and State medical associations have been primarily con- 
cerned with this phase of medical cai'e. California as a whole has developed 
its medical programs on the county level — naturally there has been a con- 
siderable variation in the extent and quality of services rendered. This is also 
true if a comparison should be made of the medical facilities of States. One 
feature in common of all States and counties is that medical care has been 
essentially geared to care for only its resident population. We have been 
watching an ever-increasing number of migrants appearing in many States. 
The number in California and Arizona has been particularly great. From the 
health point of view tremendous problems have resulted. Under almost pro- 
hibitive conditions many children were being born and nursed. The many 
diseases of humanity often necessitated care in shacks, tents, rear seats of 
automobiles, ot ditch banks. A great majority had not had benefit of modern 
application of preventive medicine. The rigors of travel and lack of adequate 
and proper food created a background of increased susceptibility to all diseases. 
The general situation could best be described by the word primitive. No amount 
of description in writing has completely described the circumstances. It is 
necessary to have seen it through the eyes of a physician during its early stages 
to gather the full import of such neglect. This I have seen personally. I have 
also been privileged to help and watch an attempt to solve some of the many 
great health problems which had previously been untouched. 

DISEASE AMONG MIGRANTS 

This whole problem had been slowly developing over a number of years 
and reached its peak approximately in 1938. The first signs of the need for 
such a service was in the sporadic outbreaks of communicable diseases in 
various parts of the States of California and Arizona. Small epidemics of 
smallpox, typhoid fever, scarlet fever, and some of the less virulent com- 
municable diseases such as whooping cough, measles, were making their appear- 
ance amongst groups of migrants. There was also being reported to the Farm 
Security Administration a general state of malnutrition among the children 
who were in schools. The already existing medical facilities to which these 
people would normally apply were gradually becoming overburdened taking 
care of their own indigent problem. While the individual physicians in com- 
munities were giving the best of their service and the county facilities were 
taking